A General History of Chinese Art. Volume 5 A General History of Chinese Art: Ming Dynasty 9783110790917, 9783110789300

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A GENERAL HISTORY OF CHINESE ART

////// Volume 5

VOLUME 1–6 From the Prehistoric Era to the Zhou Dynasty From the Qin Dynasty to the Northern and Southern Dynasties Sui and Tang Dynasties From the Five Dynasties to the Yuan Dynasty Ming Dynasty Qing Dynasty

A GENERAL HISTORY OF CHINESE ART Edited by Xifan Li

////// Volume 5

MING DYNASTY Hejun Feng, Nai’en Feng, Yingkun Lu, Guoqiang Shan, Guorong Su, Tingxin Wang, Wenke Wu, Mo Xiao, and He Yuan

The Chinese edition is published by Beijing Normal University Press (Group) Co., LTD., 2013. No reproduction and distribution without permission. ALL rights reserved.

Overview–Chapter VII Authors: Yingkun Lu, Guorong Su, Tingxin Wang, Wenke Wu, and He Yuan Abbreviated by: Yingkun Lu Translators: Jiayi Chen, Lisa Xiangming Chen, Ana Padilla Fornieles, and Maya Lindenforest Chapter VIII–XIII Authors: Hejun Feng, Nai’en Feng, Guoqiang Shan, and Mo Xiao Abbreviated by: Guoqiang Shan Translators: Maya Lindenforest

ISBN 978-3-11-078930-0 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-079091-7

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress. Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available on the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. © 2022 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston Book production: Kerstin Protz, De Gruyter Cover design: Thomas Bauer, deblik Berlin Cover image: Blue and white flat vase with ocean waves, Palace Museum, Beijing Copyediting: Matt Turner, New York Typesetting: Dörlemann Satz GmbH & Co. KG, Lemförde Printing and binding: Beltz Grafische Betriebe GmbH, Bad Langensalza www.degruyter.com

CONTENTS

Overview

1

Section 1 The Silence of the Arts in the Early Ming

1

Section 2 The Revival of the Arts in the Middle Ming

4

Section 3 Prosperity of the Arts in the Late Ming

7

Chapter I Ming Opera (Part I)

13

Section 1 The Artistic Form of Chuanqi 1. Structure and Musical Styles 2. Performing Arts

13 13 18

Section 2 Playwrights and Works of Chuanqi 1. Playwrights and Works of Early Ming and Middle Ming 2. Playwrights and Works of the Late Ming 3. The »Four Dreams« of Tang Xianzu

25 25 31 37

Chapter II Ming Opera (Part II)

44

Section 1 Zaju 1. Zaju of the Early Ming 2. Zaju of Middle and Late Ming 3. Xu Wei’s Four Cries of a Gibbon

44 44 46 49

VI

Contents

Section 2 Mulian Opera and Operas Performed at Sacrifices and Rituals 1. Mulian Opera 2. Nuo Opera 3. Operas Performed at Folk Rituals

51 51 55 60

Chapter III Ming Dynasty Singing-Storytelling

65

Section 1 Pinghua, Commentary-Storytelling 1. Popular among Upper and Lower Classes 2. The Great Storyteller Liu Jingting 3. Compilation and Publication of Storytelling Scripts and the Creation of Novels

65 65 68 71

Section 2 Cihua, Lyric Storytelling

75

Section 3 Scroll Recitation, Daoist Singing-Storytelling and Other Forms of Singing-Storytelling

83

Chapter IV Music of the Ming Dynasty (Part I)

88

Section 1 Vocal Styles of Nanqu and Shuimo Melodies 1. The Divergence of Vocal Styles 2. Shuimo Kun-style Opera

88 88 90

Section 2 Beiqu and Xiansuodiao 1. Beiqu 2. Plucked and Sung »Xiansuodiao«

92 93 96

Section 3 Xiaoqu

99

VII

Contents

Chapter V Music of the Ming Dynasty (Part II)

103

Section 1 Instrumental Music 1. The Qin Zither 2. Xiansuo and Pipa 3. Wind and Percussion Instruments

103 103 109 113

Section 2 Religious and Court Music 1. Religious Music 2. Court Music

115 115 120

Section 3 Music of Ethnic Minorities

123

Chapter VI Dance of the Ming Dynasty

130

Section 1 Folk Dance

130

Section 2 Dance in Opera and Other Types of Dance 1. »Pure Dance« and Palace Dance 2. Dance in Opera

138 138 142

Chapter VII Theories of the Performing Arts in the Ming Dynasty

148

Section 1 Opera Theory

148

Section 2 Music Theory 1. Scores and Studies of the Qin Zither 2. Zhu Zaiyu and His Achievements in Musical Temperament

157 157 162

Section 3 Dance Theory

165

VIII

Contents

Chapter VIII »Academic Style« of the Court and the »Zhe School« of Painting

173

Section 1 Overview of Fine Arts of the Ming Dynasty 1. The »Trilogy« Development of the Fine Arts in the Ming Dynasty 2. Literati Painting Becoming the Mainstream in the Painting Scene 3. Literati’s Influence on Crafts 4. Penetration of Interests in Everyday Life in Fine Arts

175 177 178

Section 2 »Academic Style« Painting of the Ming Court 1. Special Painting Institutions of the Ming Dynasty 2. Achievements and Characteristics of Court Painting 3. Diverse an Splendid Bird-amd-Flower Paintings in the Court

179 179 181 186

Section 3 Dai Jin, Wu Wei, and »Zhe School« 1. Dai Jin’s Life and Achievements in Painting 2. Wu Wei’s Life and Achievements in Painting

189 189 192

Chapter IX The Wu School of Painting

197

Section 1 Shen Zhou 1. Life of Shen Zhou 2. The Transformation of Shen Zhou’s Landscape Painting 3. Features of Shen Zhou’s Landscape Painting

197 197 199 199

Section 2 Wen Zhengming 1. Life of Wen Zhengming 2. Artistic Achievements of Wen Zhengming

202 202 203

Section 3 Tang Yin 1. Tang Yin’s Rough Journey 2. The Complicated Heart of a Talented Man 3. Artistic Characteristics of Tang Yin’s Paintings

205 205 207 210

173 174

IX

Contents

Section 4 Qiu Ying 1. Qiu Ying’s Painting Career 2. Qiu Ying’s Fine Workmanship Section 5 Various Masters of the Wu School 1. Descendants of the Wen Family 2. Various Wu School Artists Known for Landscape Painting 3. Famous Wu Artists Specializing in Bird-and-Flower Painting 4. Famous Wu School Artists Excelling at both Landscapes and Bird-and-Flower Paintings

Chapter X Various Schools of Painting in the Late Ming

212 212 213

216 216 217 218 219

221

Section 1 The Founding of Literati Freehand Flower Painting Schools 1. Chen Chun and the Freehand Bird-and-flower Method of the Wu School 2. Xu Wei’s School of Large Freehand Flower Paintings

222 225

Section 2 Dong Qichang and the Landscape Painting of the Late Ming 1. Dong Qichang and the Songjiang School 2. Lan Ying and the Wulin School 3. Xiang Shengmo and the Jiaxing School

231 231 236 239

221

Section 3 »Chen of the South, Cui of the North« and Late-Ming Figure Painting 1. Buddhist and Daoist Figures by Ding Yunpeng and Wu Bin 2. The Distorted Painting Styles of Chen Hongshou and Cui Zizhong 3. Portraiture of Zeng Jing and the »Bochen School«

246 250

Chapter XI Woodblock Printing, Calligraphy, and Seal Carving

253

Section 1 Ming Dynasty Woodblock Printing 1. Developments in Ming Dynasty Woodblock Printing 2. Regional Woodblock Print Schools

254 254 256

242 243

X

Contents

3. The Woodblock Print Artistry of Chen Hongshou 4. Printed Manuals and Color Woodblock Printing Section 2 Ming Dynasty Calligraphy 1. Periods in the Development of Ming Dynasty Calligraphy 2. »Cabinet Style« as Mainstream in Early Ming Calligraphy 3. The »Three Masters of Wu« in the Middle Ming 4. The Rise of Multiple Schools of the Late Ming

262 267

270 270 271 274 281

Section 3 Seal Carving of the Ming Dynasty 1. The Ebb and Flow of Seal Carving in the Early Ming Dynasty 2. Wen Peng, Founder of a School of Seal Carving in the Middle Ming 3. Seal Carving Schools of the Late Ming

290 291

Chapter XII Architecture, Murals, and Sculpture

293

Section 1 Architecture of the Ming Dynasty 1. Cities and Palaces 2. Ritual and Ceremonial Buildings 3. Buddhist and Daoist Temples

293 293 302 313

289 289

Section 2 Richly Integrated Mural Art 319 1. Fantastic Temple Murals of the Central Plain 319 2. Distinctive Temple Murals of the Southwest and the Northwest 327 Section 3 The Gradually Declining Art of Sculpture 1. Religious Sculpture 2. Stone Sculpture Accompanying Tombs 3. Tomb Figures in Pottery, Wood, and Stone 4. Master Carvers

334 334 340 343 344

XI

Contents

Chapter XIII Crafts of Extraordinary Splendor Section 1 Jingdezhen, the Porcelain Capital 1. The Dominance of Blue and White Porcelain 2. Achievements in Colored Glazes 3. Doucai and Painted Porcelain 4. Yongle Sweet-white Porcelain 5. Forms and Decorative Arts of Porcelains Produced by the Official Kiln Section 2 The Local Flavor of Private Kilns 1. Differences Between Private and Official Kilns 2. Porcelain Produced by Private Kilns in Jingdezhen 3. The White and Smooth Dehua Wares 4. The Rise of Yixing Ware Section 3 Lacquer, Jade, and Enamel Work 1. Imperial Lacquerware and Folk Carved Lacquer 2. Achievements in Ming Jade and the Master Jade Carver Lu Zigang 3. Enamel Work Section 4 The Four Treasures of the Study, and Ming Furniture 1. The Development of the »Four Treasures of the Study« 2. Features of Ming Furniture 3. Desktop Sculptures and their Masters

348 349 349 354 356 359 361

363 363 365 366 367

369 369 374 381

385 385 391 397

OVERVIEW

The Ming Dynasty (1368–1644) was an important period in Chinese history, known for its economic prosperity and cultural flourishing, as well as unprecedented achievements in the arts. In the two major fields of performing arts and plastic arts, the two disciplines with the most prominent status were opera and painting. Among these two disciplines, literati chuanqi and literati painting had the highest attainments, respectively: literati chuanqi, which combined fine literature with elegant singing and dancing, was a great achievement in the field of the performing arts; literati painting, which focused on the charm of brush and ink, formal beauty, and individual expression, brought ancient Chinese painting to a new height. Other kinds of art also developed significantly, especially popular arts and culture, which blossomed everywhere and were in full bloom: popular opera, singing-storytelling, ditties, instrumental music, and dance were all widely popular, reaching from the court to the countryside; popular image-making represented by printmaking and a wide variety of arts and crafts flourished, adding luster to the lives of people from all walks of life. Overall, the popular arts of the Ming Dynasty were unprecedented in the history of Chinese arts in terms of variety, creativity, and social reach. While Han art continued to develop and evolve, the music, dance, and arts and crafts of ethnic minorities also had their own characteristics and advanced significantly. However, the development of Ming art in different periods was uneven. It can be roughly divided into three stages: the early Ming Period (Hongwu to Chenghua), when the art world tended to be silent, and was suppressed; the middle Ming Pe-

riod (Chenghua to Longqing), when there was an arts revival; and the late Ming Period (Wanli and after), when art reached full prosperity. The differences between the three stages are related to the political and social situations of different periods; the changes in ideological and cultural trends, and literary trends, in different periods also had an important impact on the direction of the arts.

Section 1  The Silence of the Arts in the Early Ming In the early Ming Dynasty, art was generally suppressed, which had much to do with the autocratic rule of the emperors. After Zhu Yuanzhang established the Ming Dynasty, he adopted a policy of tax reduction and recuperation, so that the economy, which had been severely damaged during the war at the end of the Yuan Dynasty, could recover more quickly. Zhu Yuanzhang also took a series of measures to strengthen centralization in the fields of politics and culture, to consolidate his newly established regime. In the 9th year of Hongwu (1376), he changed the Mobile Palace Secretariat (Xing zhongshusheng 行中书省) of the provinces to the Provincial Administration Commission (Chengxuan buzheng shisi 承宣布政使司) in order to weaken the power of the provinces; in the 14th year of Hongwu (1381), after the execution of Prime Minister Hu Weiyong, he abolished the Palace Secretariat and the prime ministerial system, and the power of the dynasty was concentrated in the hands of the emperor alone; in the 15th year of Hongwu (1382), he set up the Brocade Guards

2

(Jinyiwei 锦衣卫) to closely monitor officials. Yet the increasing literary inquisition and brutal prosecution of literati were also rare practices among the previous emperors. A more important measure of Zhu Yuanzhang to control ideology was to vigorously promote Cheng-Zhu Neo-Confucianism and strengthen the imperial examination system. To the same end, in the Yongle period, Zhu Di also issued an edict to compile collections of Neo-Confucian works, including Great Compendia of the Five Classics (Wujing daquan 五经大全), Great Compendia of the Four Books (Sihu daquan 四书大 全), and Great Compendia on Human Nature and Reason (Xingli daquan 性理大全), utilizing them as compulsory reading for both scholars and the imperial examinations. Cheng-Zhu Neo-Confucianism both inherited from and transformed the original Confucianism of the pre-Qin period. One of its characteristics was that it raised Confucian ethics to an ontological level and held the hierarchical order as an unshakable »heavenly principle.« This claim coincided with the ruler’s aim of maintaining dominance, so that in the Ming Dynasty, Neo-Confucianism became the official philosophy and achieved the only orthodox status. It had a great influence over society, and not only did the supreme ruler use the »Three Fundamental Bonds and Five Constant Virtues« (Sangang Wuchang 三纲五常) to control his subjects, but many literati also preached the doctrine in various ways, including in their literary works. Cheng-Zhu Neo-Confucianism emphasized the opposition between »human desires« and »heavenly principles,« and this held sway over Ming literature. A brutally authoritarian cultural policy made feudal orthodoxy occupy a prominent place in the literary field in the early Ming. For example, in the literary world from Yongle to Tianshun, »Secretariat Style« poetry represented by the »Three Yangs« of Yang Shiqi, Yang Rong, and Yang Pu was highly dominant. The Three Yangs were important ministers of the time, occupying high positions—such

Overview

as Grand Academician of the Hall of Literary Profundity—and most of their poetry consisted of praise and glorification, elegant in form, but rigid and lacking in vitality. Another example was the »Secretariat Style« calligraphy from Yongle to Chenghua, with a group of calligraphers serving the court as its backbone. It was dignified and elegant, and became the standard for imperial edicts and examinations—but its uniformity stifled the individuality and innovation at the heart of the art of calligraphy. There were also works full of Neo-Confucian ideas in the field of chuanqi. Stories of Wu Lun’s Full Embodiment of Loyalty and Filial Piety (Wu Lun quanbei zhongxiao ji 伍伦全备 忠孝记), penned by Qiu Jun, Grand Academician of the Hall of Literary Profundity during the Chenghua reign, explicitly illustrates Confucian ethics and is a typical example. The rulers of the early Ming Dynasty also placed restrictions on folk art activities. For example, the early Ming Dynasty decreed that opera artists were not allowed to play the role of emperors or royal consorts, loyal subjects or martyrs, and saints or sages, and that violators would be punished; officials and people who allowed artists to play against the ban would also be punished. Another example is Zhu Yuanzhang, in order to prohibit lasting winds from the Yuan Dynasty that »many had ongoing song and dance parties, not engaged in production,« had a high building erected in Nanjing’s Middle Street, where surveillance soldiers were stationed. If anyone engaged in music and dance activities was found, they would be tied up and hung upside down from the building, »given [only] water to drink for three days and left to die.« Zhu Di followed his father’s footsteps and also strictly forbade the playing of the role of sages and emperors, as well as the collection, publishing, and selling of forbidden scripts—strictly ordering that »if anyone dares to collect [the forbidden items], their whole family will be killed.« But the ruler also needed to make use of the arts, which also left some room for the arts to survive.

3

SECTION 1 THE SILENCE OF THE ARTS IN THE EARLY MING

8.0.1 Ming Emperor Xianzong Enjoying the Lantern Festival (section), National Museum

For example, Zhu Yuanzhang much admired the chaungqi play Tale of the Pipa, and the palace also created a special »string-based official tune,« which greatly enhanced the status of Tale of the Pipa. The play in turn had a very important influence on the creation of later chuanqi. In the Yongle Encyclopedia (Yongle dadian 永乐大典), which Zhu Di compiled by imperial decree, there are 48 pieces of chuanqi and zaju, and 26 pieces of pinghua 平话—some surviving copies of which still exist. There was also a group of official writers around Zhu Di who were keen on composing zaju and Northern Opera, such as Jia Zhongming, Yang Ne, and Liu Dui. In terms of painting, painters had been recruited to work for the court since the Hongwu reign, and an Imperial Painting Academy in imitation of the institution of the Song Dynasty was established during the Yongle reign. By the Xuande reign, the palace was full of talented painters and they together formed

an »academic style« which strove for ornate beauty in form, with content that either glorified the emperor’s achievements or depicted the life of the harem, which typical of imperial art. The unsigned grand scroll Ming Emperor Xianzong Enjoying the Lantern Festival (Fig. 8.0.1) is a good example. In addition, while feudal lords all over the country were enjoying music performances and entertaining parties, some were also keen on artistic creation. For example, Zhu Quan, Prince Xian of Ning (the 17th son of Zhu Yuanzhang) and Zhu Youdun, Prince Xian of Zhou (the grandson of Zhu Yuanzhang) were both accomplished in the creation of zaju and Northern Opera, Zhu Youdun often performing his works in the royal mansion. Zhu Quan also wrote works for the qin, composed qin music, and compiled qin scores. His Miraculous Secret Scores for the Zither (Shenqi mipu 神奇秘谱) is the earliest surviving score for the qin zither.

4

Religion was also a place of support for the arts. The rulers of the pre-Ming Period valued the use of religion, which provided the conditions for the growth of Buddhist music and Daoist music, Daoist music also being used as ritual music by the court. The use of architecture, sculpture, murals, prints, and other plastic arts also contributed significantly to the continuation and development of these various types of arts. In the famous temples surviving from the Ming Dynasty, such as Fahai Temple in Beijing, Bao’en Temple in Nanjing, Chongshan Temple in Taiyuan, and Qutan Monastery in Ledu, Qinghai, the artistic quality of their architecture, sculpture, and murals were all very high. Religious prints also flourished in the Ming Dynasty. For example, in Buddhist texts published in the early Ming Dynasty, such as Hongwu Southern Cannon (Hongwu Nanzang 洪武南藏), Northern Cannon (Beizang 北藏), Marici Boddhisatva Sutra, and Life and Activities of Shakyamuni (Shishi yuanliu 释氏源流), there were a large number of exquisite printed images. The development of religious prints continued until the end of Ming Dynasty. The courtly and aristocratic arts were removed from society and from life, and were difficult to sustain in the long term. Secretariat Style poetry and calligraphy as well as academic style painting were all in decline by the middle of the Ming Dynasty. Most of Zhu Quan’s and Zhu Youdun’s zaju preached Daoist morality tales and praised righteous husbands and chaste women, and their performances were lavish and aristocratic—which later became unsustainable. The rulers’ suppression of and intervention into folk arts could also not continue indefinitely. As time passed, the constraints of some decrees were gradually loosened. For example, from the 7th to 14th year of the Chenghua period (1471–1478), Beijing’s Yongshun Hall published a series of singing-storytelling lyrics (still extant today, known as Chenghua Singing-Storytelling Lyrics), indicating that this type of art was still alive among the people. In popular

Overview

society, from housing and clothing to daily utensils, they were inseparable from the decoration of practical arts. From public rituals and festivals to private weddings and funerals, none of the events were not accompanied by music and dance, and it was not possible to prevent people from expressing their joys and sorrows through artistic media. The roots of the arts are deeply planted in the soil of civil society, and although severe conditions can temporarily suppress growth, they cannot be completely killed.

Section 2  The Revival of the Arts in the Middle Ming During the Zhengtong reign of Emperor Yingzong, the Ming Dynasty was in political chaos. In the Chenghua reign, the Xianzong Emperor, Zhu Jianshen, blindly followed Buddhist monks and Daoist priests, eunuchs held dictatorial power, and the dynasty was in disarray. In the reign of Zhengde, the Wu Emperor, Zhu Houzhao, acted willfully, treating politics as child’s play. Later, the Shizong Emperor, Zhu Houcong, was obsessed with Daoist mysticism, ignoring the state affairs for such a long time that powerful ministers took advantage of the opportunity to commit fraud. Amid political corruption and intense internal strife among the rulers, the control over ideology was gradually loosened and the arts were given more and more room to grow. The darkness of the imperial government caused many scholars to become politically disillusioned and discouraged, so an indulgent lifestyle began to spread among the literati, many of whom became devoted to artistic creation and pleasure-seeking entertainment, while others raised the banner of spiritual rebellion. In this situation, there was a new climate of literary and artistic creation. During the Hongzhi reign, Li Mengyang, He Jingming, Xu Zhenqing, Bian Gong, Kang Hai, Wang

5

Jiusi, and Wang Tingxiang, known as the »Former Seven Masters,« put forward that »prose must [be in the style of] Qin and Han, and poetry must [be in the style of] the High Tang,« to protest against the flamboyance and rigidity of the Secretariat Style. By the middle of the Jiajing reign, the »Later Seven Masters« of Li Panlong, Wang Shizhen, Xie Zhen, Zong Chen, Liang Youyu, Xu Zhongxing, and Wu Guolun continued to promote classical styles. This literary movement lasted for 100 years, from Hongzhi to Wanli, and had a great impact on the elimination of the rigid Secretariat Style of literature. However, the literary style of the Former and Later Seven Masters, which was based on the classical styles of the past, also brought the disadvantage of a lack of innovation. The impact of the Former and Later Seven Masters on the Secretariat Style also had direct impact on the field of the arts. However, in terms of artistic creation, the main tendency of this period was not antiquarian, but to strive for freedom. For example, in painting and calligraphy, Shen Zhou (1427–1509), Wen Zhengming (1470–1559), Tang Yin (1470–1523) and other literati painters of the Wu School shared their disdain for »eight-legged essays« and their love for ancient writing styles with the Former and Later Seven Masters. Their works seldom presented a false picture of peace and prosperity, but they did not strictly follow the Seven Masters either. This group of literati was known for their »wild simplicity,« and their writings and paintings focused more on self-expression, expressing true emotions, and striving for innovation in form. Tang Yin was especially known for his »frivolous and decadent literary talent,« and for not being confined by rules. He often painted portraits for women of pleasure quarters and inscribed them with erotic poems, and was said to be skilled at erotic painting. Zhu Yunming (1460–1526), famous for his calligraphy, was also unrestrained, and had the audacity to criticize the Confucian sages. After his middle age, Zhu Yongming’s calligraphic style changed from regular

SECTION 2 THE REVIVAL OF THE ARTS IN THE MIDDLE MING

script to running script and cursive script, eventually forming an unconstrained and unconventional wild-cursive style with a very prominent personality. The wild behavior of these literati not only reflected their pursuit of individuality and spiritual freedom, but also expressed their dissatisfaction with corrupt politics in an indirect way. In terms of opera, the literati’s creation of zaju works was very quiet around the Zhengtong reign, but became active again from the beginning of the Zhengde reign, with famous authors such as Chen Duo from Nanjing, Zhu Yunming and Xu Wei from Jiangsu and Zhejiang, Kang Hai and Wang Jiusi from Guanzhong, and Yang Shen from Yunnan and Sichuan. The ideas in opera composition during this period were relatively diverse, among which the attack on political darkness was most prominent. Kang Hai (1475–1540) and Wang Jiusi (1468–1551) were among the Former Seven Masters, and they were both dismissed from their posts because of the eunuch Liu Jin. They each later wrote a zaju opera with the same title, Wolf of Zhongshan, which expressed the loathing of treacherous and evil officials. At this time, the »southernization« of zaju had gradually become the trend, i.  e., the use of southern tunes instead of northern tunes, while the form tended to become freer—which was later called »southern zaju.« The most accomplished of these was Xu Wei’s Four Cries of a Gibbon (four short plays), which poured out the author’s aggrieved sentiments through passionate praise of the »Mad Gentleman« Mi Heng and heroines like Hua Mulan. There were also important achievements in the creation of chuanqi during the Jiajing reign. Among them, the most important works are The Singing Phoenix (Mingfeng ji 鸣凤记), by an anonymous author, Li Kaixian’s (1502–1568) The Precious Sword (Baojian ji 宝剑记), and Liang Chenyu’s (1519–1591) Tale of Rinsing Yarn (Huansha ji 浣纱记  ), all of which reflect struggles within the ruling group. In particular, The Singing Phoenix is directly based on the struggle against the

6

treacherous official Yan Song and his son, and is particularly relevant to social reality. Tale of Rinsing Yarn, which intertwines a romance with the rise and fall of the state, and a writing style which is opulent, occupies a prominent place in the history of chuanqi development. The release of these three works marked the beginning of a renaissance in the creation of chuanqi. With more and more literati devoting themselves to the creation of chuanqi, the form of chuanqi became increasingly neat and exquisite, and the quality was significantly improved. In the Jiajing period, the Southern Opera »music book« began to appear, which had a great significance on the reinforcement of the poetic meter of the lyrics of chuanqi. During the Jiajing and Longqing periods, Wei Liangfu, an opera music master from Wuzhong, created the »water-milled« singing method of southern music, the famous kunqiang 昆腔. The singing method was elegant, soft, and delicate, and was soon used in the singing of the literati chuanqi works. The combination of literati lyrics and the elegant »water-milled« melody elevated the singing of chuanqi to a very high level, and kunqiang became the authentic singing method for the literati songs from thereafter. At the same time, the distinction between elegance and vulgarity between literati chuanqi and folk opera became clearer and clearer. All thismeant that chuanqi began to enter its golden age. Folk art also developed significantly in the middle of Ming Dynasty. Chen Duo, who lived during the years of Hongzhi and Zhengde (his birth and death dates are not known, but he may have died in 1507), wrote works of sanqu such as The Beat Talk (Datan 打谈), Mocking Southern Opera, and Mocking Sichuan Opera, describing lower-class artists who sang drum-accompanied storytelling lyrics and performed Southern Opera and Sichuan Opera in Nanjing and other places. Although the level of folk singing-storytelling and opera was not high (and was mocked by Chen Duo), its vital-

Overview

ity was strong. What is even more striking is the spread of opera vocal tunes. Although the Yiyang, Yuyao, and Qingyang melodies were despised by the literati, they spread to many regions across the country with growing momentum, and diversified more and more. As a popular form of singing, ditties (xiaoqu 小曲) were also been widely sung. For example, Shen Defu’s Unofficial Matters (Yehuo bian 野获编) notes the following: During the Xuande and Chenghua reigns, Locking the Southern Branch (Suo nanzhi 锁南枝), Reverie by the Dressing Table (Bang zhuangtai 傍妆台), and Sheep on the Hill (Shanpo yang 山坡羊), among others, had been popular in the Central Plains. When it came to the Jiajing and Longqing reigns, Parasitic Grass (Jisheng cao 寄生草), Lament on the Luo River ­(Luojiang yuan 罗江怨), Pink Lotus (Fenhong lian 粉红莲), Silver Twisted Wire (Yin niusi 银纽丝), and others, emerged in the regions around the Yangtze and Huai. In addition, the literati also used popular forms of literature and art for their creations. For example, Yang Shen wrote Ballad-Narrative on History through the Ages in Ten Sections of Brocade (Lidai shilüe Shiduan jin cihua 历代史略十段锦词话), which was renamed The Prosimetric-Narrative of the Twenty-one Histories (Nianyi shi tanci 廿一史弹词) after it was introduced to the Jiangnan Region, and later Liang Chenyu adapted it to create The Prosimetric-Narrative of the Twenty-one Histories from the East of the Yangtze River (Jiangdong nianyi shi tanci 江东 廿一史弹词). The creation of ballad-narratives by literati reflected the popularity of the genre among the people. Another example is Vernacular Stories from Qingping Mountain Studio (Qingping shantang huaben清平山堂话本, also known as Novellas from Sixty Masters [Liushi jia xiaoshuo 六十家小说]) published by Hong Pian (courtesy name Zimei) during the Jiajing reign, which includes both literary novellas and scripts for storytelling, which also shows that there was a market for storytelling performances among both the general public and the literati.

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Religion, deeply rooted in popular society, provided important support for plastic arts such as architecture, sculpture, mural painting, and printmaking—while becoming increasingly important for performing arts such as opera, singing-storytelling, music, dance, and acrobatics. In particular, folk activities centered around the temple (commonly known as temple fairs) held welcomes and offered sacrifices to the gods, and these were prevalent in urban and rural areas alike. During these temple fairs, all performing groups were gathered to offer their skills in order to »thank the gods,« forming a grand occasion where hundreds of arts were on display and hundreds of performances were in competition with each other. In the middle of the Ming Dynasty, these temple fairs were far more prosperous than in the early Ming Dynasty, and many local gazetteers compiled at that time recorded the singing and dancing and drama performances held in such activities, many of which were on a large scale, with many artists participating—attracting people from everywhere and lasting for days. This kind of folk activity provided an important opportunity for various performing arts to show and exchange, and had an important role in promoting the development of the arts. The Mulian Opera, which emerged in the Song Dynasty, also developed greatly in the Ming Dynasty, with the folklore activities of offering sacrifices to ghosts and driving away evil spirits during the Zhongyuan Festival. In the late Ming Dynasty, Zheng Zhizhen, a Huizhou literati, wrote Play Scripts about Mulian Rescuing His Mother (Mulian jiumu quanshan xiwen 目连救母劝善戏 文) by adapting Mulian operas widely performed at the time. This became the classic text of Mulian Opera performance, and has had a profound influence.

SECTION 3 PROSPERITY OF THE ARTS IN THE LATE MING

Section 3  Prosperity of the Arts in the Late Ming After the middle of the Ming Dynasty, the commodity economy developed significantly, and in particular the private handicraft industry continued to improve its business methods and productivity increased rapidly. In southeastern coastal areas, in silk weaving, cotton processing, mining, porcelain-making, and other industries, there were already a large number of wage laborers, so that the sprouts of capitalist production relations emerged. At the same time, foreign trade among the private sector also grew rapidly. During the Longqing reign, private individuals were allowed to do business along the East and West Oceans, and Zhangzhou and Quanzhou in Fujian and Taicang in Jiangsu were important foreign trade ports. However, at the same time as economic development, the ruler increased the exploitation of the people, especially the taxation of industry, mining, and trade. During the Wanli reign, the court sent a large number of mine supervisors and tax ambassadors on raids all over the country in the name of collecting mining and commercial taxes. The ruler’s arbitrary collection of taxes provoked widespread public resistance, with tax riots occurring in Fujian, Suzhou, Jiangxi, and Yunnan. This continuous and powerful citizens’ movements showed that the industrialists and businessmen had entered the political arena as a new force. While the commodity economy was active and the industrial and commercial class was growing, important changes also occurred in intellectual and cultural spheres. Wang Shouren’s Neo-Confucianist »School of Mind« (also known as the Yangming School), which was formed in the mid-Ming Period, advanced Neo-Confucianism to a new stage. Wang Shouren (1472–1529) inherited and developed the philosophical ideas of Lu Jiuyuan of the

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Song Dynasty and established a system of the School of Mind based on the framework of »extending innate moral knowledge« (zhi liangzhi 致 良知). The Yangming School of Mind shared with Cheng-Zhu Neo-Confucianism their promotion of »preserving the heavenly principle and extinguishing human desires,« but unlike Cheng-Zhu Neo-Confucianism which took a transcendental »reason« as its essence, the Yangming School was centered around the »mind,« conecting the philosophy to sensibilities. It also preached that moral perfection could be achieved not by sages but by each person’s own »innate moral knowledge.« The subsequent emergence of the Leftist Wang School developed these ideas of Wang Shouren’s. Wang Ji (1498–1583) and Wang Gen (1483–1541), representatives of the Leftist Wang School (or the Taizhou School), attached importance to the sensual desires of human beings and directed the original »heavenly principles,« which were detached from earthly life, towards the »daily use of the people.« They even declared that »the heavenly principles are natural principles; what one desires to arrange [with the natural principles] is human desire.« In a certain sense, the ideas of the Leftist Wang School already had a humanistic color, which brought about a trend of intellectual liberation. This ideological trend was also closely related to the growth of the industrial and commercial sector, and the proposition that »heavenly principles are human desire« was actually a reflection of the industrial and commercial sector’s value of »highly regarding the rich and despising the poor.« In this trend of thought, Li Zhi was an important flag bearer. Li Zhi (1527–1602), art name Zhuowu, also known as Wenling Jushi and Baiquan Jushi, attacked Cheng-Zhu Neo-Confucianism, despised the Confucian sages, and was regarded as a »heretic« for his radical ideas. His ideas were directly derived from the Leftist Wang School and reflected the values and political ideals of the industrialists

Overview

and businessmen in the new historical period. In his essay Further Discussion on Confucian Officials of Virtue and Achievement (Deye ruchen houlun 德 业儒臣后论), he also openly defended »selfishness,« arguing that »selfishness is also the heart of man« and »if there were no selfishness, there would be no heart,« which was very different from the traditional Confucian concept of putting righteousness before profit. In terms of literary creation, Li Zhi opposed the use of »reason« to regulate emotions, and changed the principle of »emerging at [the point of] emotion and ending at [the point of] ritual and righteousness« to »emerging at [the point of] emotion and disposition, following nature.« He also promoted the opera Romance of the Western Chamber and the novel Water Margin as »the best texts of the past and the present.« Of course, the ideas of Li Zhi and others could not fundamentally negate the feudal system, and the duration of this ideological trend was only a few decades—but it had a significant impact on artistic creation. In the literary world of the Wanli period, the Gong’an School represented by the »Three Yuan« brothers of Yuan Zongdao (1560–1600), Yuan Hongdao (1568–1610) and Yuan Zhongdao (1570–1623), who firmly opposed the idea of returning to the classics as had the Former and Later Seven Masters, rose to prominence. They fiercely attacked the bad effects of imitating the classics on the literary world as »abandoning the scenery in front of the eyes and collecting rotten and overused words« and »plagiarism has become the wind, and ten thousand mouths are saying the same thing.« The literary Gong’an School advocated »expressing one’s natural disposition without any restriction« and »following one’s own nature.« They highly valued folk artworks that expressed their emotions. For example, Yuan Hongdao said that »there are no words [worthy of attention] in our times, but there are true poems in the alleys,« for the ditties popular in the marketplace at the time. These progressive intellectual figures, to-

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gether with those in the field of literature and arts, broke down the more-than-a-hundred-year domination of the Former and Later Seven Masters in the literary world, and the literary and artistic creation of the late Ming Dynasty entered a period of full prosperity. The late Ming Dynasty was an era of great prosperity for the creation of chuanqi, which was described as »seas of music and mountains of lyrics,« and there was no shortage of masterpieces among them. The most accomplished was Tang Xianzu (1550–1616), known for his »Four Dreams,« of which The Peony Pavilion is one of the most outstanding works in the history of opera. Tang Xianzu was a great friend of Li Zhi and the Three Yuans, and once likened Li Zhi’s A Book to Keep and A Book to Burn to a »beautiful sword.« In The Peony Pavilion, Tang Xianzu opposed the idea of »regulating with reason« and called out that »the human is the most precious thing between the heaven and the earth,« enthusiastically eulogizing the love between men and women, which was so strong that it could »[make] those who are alive die and those who area dead alive.« Most of the chuanqi of this period were written about talented men and beautiful women, celebrating the love between men and women that broke through the »great boundary of the ethical codes,« such as Gao Lian’s The Jade Hairpin, Zhang Fengyi’s The Story of Hong Fu, Zhou Chaojun’s The Story of the Red Plum, Wu Bing’s The Green Peony, and Meng Chengshun’s The Story of Jiaohong. There were also some chuanqi that carried on the tradition of The Singing Phoenix, with the theme of »the struggle between the loyal and the treacherous,« using opera as a weapon to crush powerful evil officials and eunuchs. For example, The Tale of An Iceberg brought to the stage the riot of Suzhou citizens against the powerful faction of the eunuch Wei Zhongxian, provoking strong reactions from the audience. Artistically, chuanqi of the late Ming Dynasty was generally sung in the »water-milled« melody of kunqiang, and scholars often had their

SECTION 3 PROSPERITY OF THE ARTS IN THE LATE MING

own household musicians and instructed them personally. With the joint efforts of the literati and the artists, the performance of chuanqi was refined and polished to a very high standard. Another phenomenon in the field of literature and art in the late Ming Dynasty was the popularity of ditties. According to Shen Defu’s Unofficial Matters, ditties, which were already popular in the middle Ming Period, were »practiced by everyone and listened to by everyone, regardless of the north or the south, male or female, old or young, good or cheap.« Ditties were mainly composed of »sensual lyrics of the marketplace,« with their content being mostly about love affairs. After Yuan Hongdao praised ditties as »true poetry,« Feng Menglong (1574–1646) also appreciated them as »the sound of the folk temperament,« which could »[through] borrowing the true feelings of men and women, reveal the fraudulent medicine of the Confucian ethical code.« He also compiled and published collections of ditties such as Hanging Branches (Gua zhi er 挂枝儿) and Mountain Songs (Shange 山歌) to popularize them. Feng Menglong’s attitude toward folk songs was rare among literati. The fact that ditties were so widely received reflects the popularity and prosperity of popular literature and art during the period. In the field of painting, there were many schools competing with each other. For example, in landscape painting, there were the Huating School of Dong Qichang (1555–1636), the Su-Song School of Zhao Zuo, the Yunjian School of Shen Shichong, the Nine Friends of Painting of Cheng Jiasui and others, and the Wulin School of Lan Ying. In terms of bird-and-flower painting, there were Xu Wei and Chen Chun, also known together as »Qingteng Baiyang,« who painted flowers and birds with the expressive use of ink wash. As for figure painting, there were the distorted painting styles of Chen Hongshou, Cui Zizhong, Ding Yunpeng, and Wu Bin, and the »ink-bone style« portraits of Zeng Jing. More importantly, in the new atmosphere of the times, many literati painters showed stronger

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individuality. Xu Wei (1521–1593) was a strong advocate of personal freedom and a strong »rebellious« spirit. During his »integration of the three religions [of Buddhism, Daoism, and Confucianism],« Xu Wei came to the understanding that »the golden mean [of Confucianism] is the emotion of man,« and his painting and calligraphy were based on the concept of »expressing emotions with forthrightness and sincerity.« He created the very expressive style of ink-splashed paintings of flowers, with free use of ink wash, and sometimes even pouring out ink—which naturally became images through smudging and smearing. His calligraphy was also based on »emotions,« especially his cursive calligraphy, which is free, spontaneous, and unbroken, with peculiar shapes, vigorous and intense emotions, and a kind of »drunken« madness. This free and unrestrained style of painting and calligraphy was a direct expression of his unrestrained and wild personality, showing his supercilious pride and his painful feelings of not being able to use his talent. Chen Hongshou (1598–1652) was also a famous wild man, who created a unique style of painting with exaggerated deformation in his figures, reflecting the painter’s unique character and emotion. The prosperity of industry and commerce was also reflected in painting, especially the increase in the number of genre paintings depicting secular life. For example, the anonymously painted The Prosperous Southern Capital (Fig. 8.0.2) reflects the prosperous scene of Nanjing during the Wanli period, and a considerable part of the painting depicts the performance of opera, variety shows, and acrobatics in the marketplace. The Suzhou area also saw the emergence of such figure painters as Li Shida, Yuan Shangtong, and Zhang Hong, who excelled at genre painting, and whose works embodied social critique. After a lull of more than 300 years following the Song Dynasty, genre painting finally became popular again in the late Ming, as a result of the development of commerce and industry and the growth of the citizenry.

Overview

The fiction of the Ming Dynasty was also very successful, with the novels Water Margin, The Romance of the Three Kingdoms, Journey to the West, and The Plum in the Golden Vase being the first-class masterpieces in the history of Chinese fiction. Li Zhi praised Water Margin, and even the Shenzong Emperor Zhu Yijun »was fond of reading Water Margin,« which shows this type of novel was widely popular at the time. It is worth mentioning that, after the Wanli period, the image of the citizen class occupied an important place in fiction. For example, in Feng Menglong’s collections of short stories known as the »Three Words« (Words to Instruct the World, Words to Caution the World, and Words to Awaken the World), works such as »The Oil Seller Wins the Flower Queen« and »Jiang Xingge Reunites with the Peal Shirt« reflect the lives of people involved in industry and commerce. Some of the works in »Three Words« also show the free love of men and women, reflecting the important influence of economic changes on people’s moral values. The achievements of fiction were also closely related to singing-storytelling and opera. Novels such as The Romance of the Three Kingdoms, Water Margin, and Journey to the West were adapted and recreated based on works with similar themes in singing-storytelling and opera. The high development of novels in the Ming Dynasty also had a great influence on opera and singing-storytelling, providing rich deposits for them to mine. Many works about the stories in the Three Kingdoms, Water Margin, and Journey to the West in Ming Dynasty chuanqi and zaju were taken directly from the three novels. The two chuanqi masterpieces, namely The Precious Sword written by Li Kaixian during the middle Ming and Water Margin written by Xu Zichang during the late Ming, had a close connection with the novel Water Margin. The chuanqi work The Jade Hairpin by Gao Lian is based on the Ming novel Zhang Yuhu Lodging in the Daoist Nunnery, and Li Yu’s chuanqi works, Winning the Flower Queen and The Gate Separating Human

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SECTION 3 PROSPERITY OF THE ARTS IN THE LATE MING

8.0.2 The Prosperous Southern Capital (section), National Museum

and Beast, are based on two stories from »Three Words« respectively, namely, »The Oil Seller Wins the Flower Queen« and »Landlord Gui’s Confession at His Last Gasp.« Liu Jingting, a storyteller in the late Ming Dynasty, was known for excelling at telling and performing the stories of Water Margin and the Three Kingdoms, thanks to his own outstanding creativity, but also with the foundation provided. The prevalence of fiction also gave important impetus to the art of painting. The relationship between prints and fiction was particularly close. Woodblock illustration for fiction was one of the most flourishing styles of painting at the time,

with a variety of styles and a high level of artistic quality, and there were different schools of printmaking in Jian’an, Jinling, Hangzhou, and Suzhou. Water Margin and Romance of the Three Kingdoms had a large number of illustrations. For example, Capital Edition of the Loyal and Righteous Water Margin, with Additions, Corrections, Complete Illustrations, and Commentaries (Jingben zengbu jiaozheng quanxiang zhongyi shuihu zhuan pinglin 京本增补校正全像忠义水浒志传 评林), published by Shuangfeng Hall in Jianyang, Fujian Province, has an image on each page, and thus has the most illustrations among Ming Dynasty novels. Another example is The Loyal and

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Righteous Water Margin with Critiques by Mr. Li Zhuowu (Li Zhuowu xiansheng piping zhongyi shuihu zhuan李卓吾先生批评忠义水浒传), published by Rongyu Hall in Hangzhou, which has two illustrations per chapter, and the book has a total of more than 200 illustrations, with outstanding portrayal of the characters. There were other forms of prints of Water Margin, such as the »Water Margin Leaves,« used as playing cards for drinking games, and there are several kinds of such woodcut prints still seen today. Chen Hongshou’s »Water Margin Leaves« are especially famous for quality, and there are still four editions of them in existence. After the middle of the Ming Dynasty, with the popularity of Northern and Southern Opera and the prosperity of chuanqi, various collections of opera tunes and scripts were compiled and published. During the Wanli period, the publishing industry was very prosperous in Jian’an, Jinling, Huizhou, Hangzhou, Wuxing, Suzhou, and other places, and many bookshops were set up to publish a large number of literature and art books, including collections of songs and plays. These kinds of books also had many illustrations. Almost no book was not illustrated, and many illustrations were quite exquisite. The number of opera illustrations in Jinling was the highest among all places; Huizhou, on the other hand, was known for its exquisite beauty, and the artistic level of both the painted manuscripts and the carved blocks was very high. It is no coincidence that the late Ming Dynasty became the golden age of opera and the golden age of printmaking at the same time, as the place where a large number of collections of opera works were compiled and published was naturally an active place for opera performance. The illustrations of opera were not only for the interpretation of the plot, but also in a certain sense for the visual design of the performance (including characters, costumes, and movements), reflecting the close relationship between these sister arts.

Overview

While the arts gained tremendous development in many aspects, the Ming Dynasty also made considerable gains in art theory. Overall, the writings on art not only far exceeded those of previous generations in quantity, but also took a variety of forms, including notes, monographs, historical biographies, collections of images, records of writers and their works, commentaries, and compilations of technical regulations. The fields covered were also quite extensive, such as artistic activities, historical sources, types of forms, creative techniques, aesthetic concepts, connotations of works, and artistic evaluations. It was also characteristic of all kinds of art discourse to be active in thought, and unconventional in expressing individual opinion. As a result, art theories in the Ming were greatly explored, with notable achievements in the fields of drama, opera music, qin, musical temperament, dance, painting, calligraphy, seal carving, and so on. In the field of musical temperament, Zhu Zaiyu’s invention of twelve-tone equal temperament was particularly groundbreaking and a major contribution to world culture in the 16th century. Overall, the Ming Dynasty was a period of significant development for the Chinese arts. In particular, the remarkable changes in art forms, the unprecedented flourishing of creativity, and the high degree of creative talent of many artists after the middle Ming Period indicate that the arts of this period had clearly surpassed its predecessors in many respects. Of course, there were also some undesirable tendencies during this period, such as works that were didactic, from the standpoint of feudal orthodoxy, as well as vulgar works with an indulgent attitude toward human desire (e.  g., obscene novels, lascivious ditties, and erotic paintings). But in the mainstream, the strong spirit of seeking truth, beauty, and newness, coupled with a highly active mind and free and unrestrained creativity, opened up an unprecedented expanse, and had great and far-reaching impact on the arts of later generations in China.

CHAPTER I MING OPERA (PART I) Northern zaju (杂剧, miscellanious drama), and nanxi (南戏, southern drama, also known as xiwen 戏文, »play-text«), both of which were popular in the Yuan Dynasty, continued to develop during the Ming. Zaju was still of significance at the advent of the Ming Dynasty, but declined soon afterward with a divergent form. Nanxi developed into chuanqi (传奇, »marvel tales«), which dominated in the theater world after the mid Ming—the late Ming witnessing the zenith of its production. Chuanqi playwrights made great achievements in writing plays of high literary quality, and the genre’s musical attainments were also unprecedented. Chuanqi not only became the most representative performing art in the Ming, but pushed the Chinese theater arts to new heights as well. Beside chuanqi and zaju, there were forms of folk drama mainly performed in sacrificial rituals. This chapter focuses on chuanqi, and the next one will discuss zaju and other types of drama.

Section 1  The Artistic Form of Chuanqi Chuanqi can be traced back to Song and Yuan nanxi (xiwen), but it largely remodeled nanxi’s form. Known as »talented scholars of the writing societies,« playwrights of Song and Yuan nanxi were mostly from the lower class. Their works were vulgar yet authentic. Playwrights of Ming chuanqi, on the other hand, were literati of relatively high social status. As the playwrights were widely read, chuanqi reached a much higher literary level. After the mid Ming, shuimo diao (水 磨调, »water-polished music«) was dominantly

used for singing in chuanqi performances. Meanwhile, family troupes supervised by the literati established a paradigm for performing chuanqi. These aspects of development guaranteed the elegant quality of chuanqi as a type of theater art, and from then on its aesthetics were elevated to a new level. By and large, chuanqi, from its content to its form, represents the artistic principles and pursuits of the literati: it seeks delicacy and beauty in terms of format, while its content concentrates on critique of reality and expressions of personal aspiration. Such artistic pursuit reached its peak in the »romantic« trend during the late Ming.

1. Structure and Musical Styles Normally, each chuanqi play includes more than twenty scenes. This is the same as Song and Yuan nanxi. However, chuanqi has transformed and improved nanxi in terms of structure, becoming more delicate and standardized. For instance, as for a Song and Yuan nanxi, its acts were naturally delimited according to the entering and exiting of the characters. The play text was usually a coherent whole, without labeling each act in numerical order or a title. With regard to chuanqi, in contrast, each scene has a number and title. In this way, the play appears more elegant, organized, and literary. Moreover, when the performance of a chuanqi play would consist of two parts, its play text would be composed in two volumes: while the end of the first volume was called a »minor ending,« that of the second volume (that is, the end of the entire play) was known as the grand finale. These changes in format demonstrate the standardized structure of chuanqi.

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In terms of music, both chuanqi and nanxi belong to the qupai »tune title« system, with their arias mostly in the form of nanqu (南曲), »southern music.« The nanqu in nanxi is not restricted to any one format. Various formats could be flexibly applied to meet different needs: in nanxi, there were one single aria per tune title, two arias per the same tune title, a suite of arias per multiple tune titles, or suites of arias per multiple tune titles. These ways to organize arias were inherited by chuanqi. There was no mode (gongdiao 宫调) for nanqu in nanxi, and the music in chuanqi was not confined to any mode. In the scene »Writing a Memorial« of the play The Singing Phoenix (Mingfeng ji 鸣凤记), the protagonist Yang Jisheng enters the stage, singing an aria to the tune »Moon over Mount Gou« (Goushan yue 缑山月). He sings two arias to the tune »Awakened from Being Drunken Three Times« (Jie sancheng 解三酲) while writing the memorial in the light. He then sings two arias to the tune »Introduction to the Imperial Master« (Taishi yin 太师 引), when he suddenly sees a ghost. These three tune titles are not in the same mode; rather, they respectively belong to three different modes, the zhenggong mode, the xianlü mode, and the nanlü mode. In nanxi, there were rarely beiqu (北曲, northern music), while chuanqi has adopted quite a few elements from the Yuan beiqu. The particular form of song suites has been passed down to chuanqi, and some chuanqi scenes contain a complete suite of beiqu. In the scene »Rush at Night« of the play The Previous Sword (Baojian ji 宝剑记), a suite to the »New Water Tune« (Xinshui ling 新水令) is employed to express the protagonist Lin Chong’s resentment at his difficulties in dedicating himself to his country and in returning home. In chuanqi, nanqu are frequently organized in suites. Compared to the well-regulated suites of beiqu, the tune title organization in a nanqu suite is relatively flexible. A song suite is generally composed of several arias to different tune titles, along with

Chapter I Ming Opera (Part I)

a coda. The form of »a suite combined with nanqu and beiqu,« seldom used in nanxi, is also quite common in chuanqi. There is a major difference in terms of tune titles, between chuanqi and nanqu, and the beiqu of the Song and Yuan dynasties. That is, there is growing attention to the prosody of aria lyrics to each tune title. Normally, there were set rules to follow for the tune titles of Song and Yuan nanqu and beiqu. However, they were not rigid; in particular, there was no need to conform to the level and oblique tonal patterns (pinze 平仄) word by word, and there was a relatively wide range of rhymes. The employment of tune titles is more restricted in Ming chuanqi, and this is mainly reflected by the compilation of a series of song manuals. The purpose of compiling song manuals is to provide standard examples for songwriters of how to write lyrics to diverse tune titles. In these manuals, there are specific rules for each tune title in terms of their syntax, sentence count, word count, tonal patterns, and rhymes. Meanwhile, these manuals categorize the assorted tune titles into different modes so that songwriters can select various combinations of tune titles in accordance with their needs. In the early Ming, Zhu Quan compiled a beiqu manual, Song Manual of Great Harmony and Accurate Tunes. This manual did not target chuanqi playwriting, yet it had a significant impact on the compilation of nanqu song manuals. During the reign of Emperor Jiajing, Jiang Xiao compiled the earliest known nanqu song manual, Manual of Nanqu in Nine Modes (later usually called the old edition of the Manual of Nanqu in Nine Modes). In this manual, Jiang Xiao collected 478 tune titles in all; each accompanies a song example, which represents the word and sentence format of that particular tune title. At the same time, all these tune titles are classified into nine modes including the xianlü mode, the huangzhong mode, the shangdiao mode, the zhenggong mode, the dashi mode, the zhonglü mode, the nanlü mode, the yuediao mode, and the shuangdiao mode.

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In the late Ming, when chuanqi playwriting flourished, Shen Jing (1553–1610) finished Song Manual of Nanqu in Nine Music Modes and Thirteen Keys (also called the Complete Manual of Nanqu) which collected altogether 719 nanqu tune titles. This manual is crucial to the rationalization of nanqu, commended by a number of musicians then as »the south-pointing chariot for the lyric circle.« Shen Jing was later regarded as a representative musician of the School of Regulated Songs. Literati chuanqi playwrights used song manuals as their sources of reference when writing aria lyrics to different tune titles. This growing attention to prosody also reflected the distinct development in the standardization of chuanqi. Another important phenomenon of chuanqi is the division of qiang (腔, music style, referring to music tones, singing styles, and later also to vocal tones). The nanqu and beiqu sung in the SongYuan nanxi and zaju originally had their qiang. The qiang of Ming chuanqi succeeded yet also partially transformed that of nanxi and zaju. Most saliently, in the process of chuanqi being popularized, troupes and performers from different regions accommodated the qiang that they specialized in to sing songs in chuanqi. This resulted in the division of the qiang in chuanqi, forming a series of local music styles. During the first half of the Ming Dynasty, there were formulated Haiyan qiang, Yuyao qiang, Yiyang qiang, Kunshan qiang, and so forth, in the areas around Jiangsu, Zhejiang, and Jiangxi provinces. After the mid Ming, more musical styles were developed in several regions, such as Qingyang qiang, Taiping qiang, and Siping qiang. These qiang were mostly vulgar music styles popular among the commoners, but there were also »elegant styles.« Let us take a look at some major qiang. Haiyan qiang was mainly prevalent in the areas of Jiaxing, Huzhou, Wenzhou, and Taizhou, Zhejiang Province. It markedly developed during the reign of Emperor Jiajing, and it came into vogue among the literati. It is recorded that people sang

SECTION 1 THE ARTISTIC FORM OF CHUANQI

Haiyan qiang in places like Nanjing, and its audience was mostly officials and gentry. Also, in the novel Plum in the Golden Vase (Jin ping mei 金瓶梅), there are some specific episodes where »young people from Haiyan« sing in households of officials and wealthy merchants. Based on these representations in Plum in the Golden Vase as well as other records, music in Haiyan qiang was not accompanied by any stringed or bamboo instruments. Rather, only percussion instruments like gongs, drums, and clappers were played in the background, forming a »peaceful and harmonious« atmosphere. However, Haiyan qiang experienced decline in the late Ming. During the reign of Emperor Wanli, people »would fall asleep in the day« when listening to this style of music. Haiyan qiang was still performed in the early Qing, but later gradually disappeared in the theater world. Kunshan qiang was said to have already taken shape in the Kunshan area by the end of the Yuan Dynasty. The renowned scholar Gu Jian, who lived near Kunshan, was talented at singing nanqu. He frequently sang together with his friends Yang Weizhen (style name: Tiedi, »Iron Flute«), Gu Aying, and Ni Yuanzhen. It is said that Kunshan qiang developed from these activities. Nonetheless, it is unknown what the Kunshan qiang sung by Gu Jian was like. It is also uncertain whether it was associated with the Kunshan qiang performed in early Ming chuanqi. That Kunshan qiang of the early Ming, according to A Record of Southern Drama, by Xu Wei, was accompanied by instruments such as flutes, guan pipes, sheng pipes, and pipa. The music was »fluent, beautiful, floating, and lingering.« Compared to other contemporaneous qiang, Kunshan qiang was more pleasant, embodying the power to »move people the most when they listened to it.« Yet it was not widespread, and only performed in the Suzhou area. Between the reigns of Emperor Jiajing and Emperor Longqing, the Kunshan music master Wei Liangfu devised a new musical style called

16

Shuimo diao, or »water-polished music.« It is usually called Kun qiang, or Kunshan qiang. Shuimo diao is characteristic for its delicacy. Pursuing an elegant and refined quality, it required singers to clearly articulate the pronunciation of each word. This sharply contrasted with the Kunshan qiang of the early Ming, and whether Shuimo diao succeeded it is still unclear (Chapter  IV will introduce in detail Shuimo qiang from the musical perspective; here, we merely cover the relationship between this qiang and chuanqi). Initially used for pure singing, the Shuimo diao created by Wei Liangfu departed from the original music style of chuanqi arias. Nevertheless, the elegance and refinement of Shuimo diao made it suitable to be used for singing nanqu and beiqu composed by literati. Hence, it was applied to sing arias of literati chuanqi. Right after Shuimo diao was created, the famous scholar Liang Chenyu wrote a chuanqi titled Washing Silk (Huanshan ji 浣纱记) to suit the musical style. The success of the play resulted in the fact that many other literati followed Liang, widely using Kun qiang to perform chuanqi. Kun qiang quickly gained its popularity in Hangzhou, Nanjing, Guangdong, as well as northern China, and soon spread throughout the country. Ever since then, Shuimo diao has become the orthodox music style for all the chuanqi plays appreciated by the upper classes. As »elegant music« over any other popular qiang, Kun qiang continued to dominate the music world until the mid Qing. Yuyao qiang arose in Yuyao, Shaoxing Prefecture, Zhejiang Province. It is unclear when it first appeared, yet it was performed in Jiangsu Province and southern Anhui Province in the mid Ming. There are very few writings about Yuyao qiang. From those sporadic records, the style of Yuyao qiang was unadorned. No orchestral instruments but gongs, drums, and clappers were played as an accompaniment. When singing, arias were frequently mixed with speech. That is, certain colloquial lines of speech were added into some arias.

Chapter I Ming Opera (Part I)

All these characteristics were shared with Yiyang qiang. Yiyang qiang originated in Yiyang, Jiangxi Province. Its features included »singing with choral backing,« and »the stifling din of golden drums.« That is to say, the music was not accompanied by stringed or bamboo instruments, but bianqiang, a »helping« chorus, as well as gongs and drums. It was unpolished and boisterous. In performances in Yiyang qiang, actors or actresses would usually »sing by adjusting the modes« to sing arias of literati chuanqi, oftentimes adding gun »rolling tunes« to the original songs. Such a way of jiagun (加滚), »adding a roll,« refers to the addition of a large quantity of vulgar verses and speeches in between songs (this is similar to the »mixture of songs and speeches« of Yuyao qiang). Songs were performed with gun at a rapid pace, satisfying the needs of the audience from the lower classes. Yiyang qiang was so widespread that during the reign of Emperor Jiajing, it was performed as far as Beijing, Nanjing, and several regions in the south. By means of »singing by adjusting the tunes,« Yiyang qiang branched off with new local musical styles to meet commoners’ demands. Many local styles in the late Ming developed from Yiyang qiang, including Leping qiang, Huizhou qiang, Qingyang qiang, Taiping qiang, and Siping qiang. Yiyang qiang and Kun qiang respectively represent the vulgar and the elegant musical styles in the Ming Dynasty. While Yiyang qiang was for commoners, Kunqiang was mainly appreciated by literati (Fig. 8.1.1). Leping qiang emerged in the Leping County, Raozhou Prefecture, Jiangxi Province. Because the Leping County was close to Yiyang County of Guangxin Prefecture, Leping qiang probably evolved out of Yiyang qiang. The musical style took shape around the reign of Emperor Jiajing, and was still being performed into the late Ming. Huizhou qiang originated in Huizhou. Developing from Yiyang qiang, it came into being during the reign of Emperor Jiajing. Its contemporaneous

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musical style, Qingyang qiang (also known as Chizhou qiang), which arose in Qingyang County, Chizhou Prefecture, also evolved from Yiyang qiang. The two styles were closely interrelated, with Qingyang qiang renowned for the application of »rolling tunes.« One person described performances in Qingyang qiang as follows: »What is the most entertaining yet vulgar? It is the noisy Qingyang qiang accompanied by gongs and drums.« In these lines, it is seen that Qingyang qiang performances characteristically used percussive instruments. Taiping qiang and Siping qiang similarly arose during the reign of Emperor Jiajing. Taiping qiang originated in Taiping Prefecture (Dangtu, Anhui Province), and the origin of Siping qiang is unclear. Both musical styles developed from Yiyang qiang, and were widespread in the late Ming. Likewise, »rolling tunes« were broadly employed in performances in Taiping qiang and Siping qiang, and the latter also included choral backing. In areas of southern Fujian Province and eastern Guangdong Province, there were Quanqiang and Chaoqiang (Quan and Chao respectively refer to Quanzhou and Chaozhou). Here is an example: the complete title of the 1566 (45th year of Emperor Jiajing’s reign) reprinted edition of the play Tale of Lychee and Mirror (Lijing ji 荔镜记) is The Complete Reprint of the Brilliant Theatrical Tale of Lychee and Mirror in Quanqiang and Chaoqiang, with Comic Dialogues, Additional Poems and Lyrics, and Beiqu (Fig. 8.1.2). At the end, it mentions that it »is reprinted after collating songs in Quanqiang and Chaoqiang.« Within the play text, there are some tune titles or sections of arias specifically marked as Chaoqiang, and others as Quanqiang. For these arias, there are very limited restrictions for tune titles, with some to tunes other than nanqu and beiqu (these arias would have been local popular songs). The play by nature is a work of local subjects, telling stories about indigenous customs mostly in Chaozhou dialect. Later, plays similar to Tale of Lychee and Mirror were printed in these

SECTION 1 THE ARTISTIC FORM OF CHUANQI

8.1.1 A theatrical performance in Yiyang qiang. ­Illustration of the scene »Righteous Dog Rescuing its Master« in A Collection of the Zaju of the Great Ming. Ming Chongzhen Edition. National Library of China

areas, such as the New Print of Locally Told Story of Lychee, with Additional Complete Illustrations (reprinted in the ninth year of the Wanli reign), Reprint of the Complete Tale of Golden Flower Girls, in Plucked Brocades of Chaodiao (printed during the Wanli reign), and the New Print of the Complete Tale of Lychee, with Chen Boqing as the Male Protagonist, in Current Elegant Musialc Styles of Quanzhou and Chaozhou (printed in the

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Chapter I Ming Opera (Part I)

All the musical styles introduced above were used for singing local popular songs. They were also performed in chuanqi, but in contrast to the chuanqi written and appreciated by literati (those chuanqi plays were performed in Shuimo diao after the mid Ming) which were elegant and rational. Specifically, literati chuanqi enjoyed beautiful lyrics and speeches; their arias were prosodically refined, and the manner of singing in Shuimo diao was delicate and tactful. All these characteristics reveal the aesthetics of scholar-officials. Local musical styles, on the other hand, showcased the tastes of commoners, with their unadorned nature, colloquial languages, lucid and lively ways of expression, and unconfined forms of music. Plays performed in these local musical styles, while adapting works from the previous dynasty or being newly produced, were sometimes appropriated from literati’s works (namely, »singing by adjusting the tunes«). During the process of appropriation, jiagun, »adding rolling tunes,« would be applied to vernacularize the plays. Even though songs and plays in local musical styles could never achieve the delicacy of literati c­ huanqi, they were able to evolve into diverse categories in different regions, demonstrating their impressive influence.

2. Performing Arts

8.1.2 Page from the play Tale of Lychee and Mirror. Ming Jiajing Edition. Tenri Central Library, Japan

eighth year of the Shunzhi reign, Qing Dynasty). As reflected by the inclusion of terms like »Locally Told,« »Chaodiao,« and »Elegant Musical Styles of Quanzhou and Chaozhou« in their titles, the musical styles of these plays followed the Quanqiang and Chaoqiang that developed during the reign of Emperor Jiajing.

Compared to Yuan zaju and Song-Yuan nanxi, the performance of Ming chuanqi developed greatly. In particular, the role type system was improved, formulas for acting gradually took shape, characterization was more refined, singing and dancing were theatricalized, and, finally, performance styles were diversified. Normally, there were seven types of roles in Song and Yuan nanxi, including sheng (生), dan (旦), jing (净), chou (丑), mo (末), wai (外), and tie (贴). Sheng and dan were respectively male and female protagonists in the play. Ming chuanqi followed this role type from nanxi, but its division of roles was more precise and specific. As is shown in the

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drama miscellany Brocade Bag of Breezes and Moonlight, printed during the Jiajing reign, there had already been role types such as dasheng (main sheng), xiaosheng (little sheng), and xiaowai (little wai). Until the Wanli reign, there was a system of »twelve role types.« According to The Principles of Lyric Dramas written by Wang Jide, there were altogether 11 or 12 role types in chuanqi at that time, including zhengsheng (main sheng), tiesheng (or xiaosheng, little sheng), zhengdan (main dan), tiedan (assistant dan), laodan (old dan), xiaodan (little dan), wai, mo, jing, chou (or zhongjing, middle jing), and xiaochou (little jing). This addition of role types mainly resulted from the fact that there were more social lives and people in Ming chuanqi. Dividing role types into more categories provided the possibility to stage characters of varied backgrounds, social status, ages, knowledge, and personality. Within the two role types of sheng and dan, there were also divisions. For example, in terms of sheng in the play Washing Silk, there were sheng (playing the character Fan Li), xiaosheng (playing the character Goujian), and wai (playing the character Wu Yuan). For dan in the play Previous Sword (Baojian ji 宝剑记), there were zhengdan (playing wife of Lin Chong), xiaodan (playing daughter of Lin Chong), tiedan (playing mother of Lin Chong), old tiedan (playing wife of Gao Qiu), and jingdan (playing Dame Wang). The jing type also experienced overt changes. In Song and Yuan nanxi, both jing and chou were buffoons making comic gestures and remarks. However, in Ming chuanqi, jing mainly played aristocrats, military leaders, and uncivilized commoners, sharply contrasting the chou type. In the play The Singing Phoenix, the villainous prime minister Yan Song was played by a jing, while the disloyal minister Zhao Wenhua was performed by a chou. In Washing Silk, a jing played King Fuchai of Wu, and a chou performed the prime minister Bopi. These two characters have very different personalities. Additionally, within the role type

SECTION 1 THE ARTISTIC FORM OF CHUANQI

of jing, there is a divergence between dajing and erjing (or zhongjing). The differentiation in the chou type became more specific. From the aforementioned eleven role types enumerated in Principles of Lyric Dramas by Wang Jide, the role type division is manifested by the fact that chou became zhongjing (erjing), and xiaochou became xiaojing. The chou could employ multiple acting techniques. In some plays, the chou spoke in dialects(that is, the actor addressed his dialogues or monologues in dialect), thus adding a sense of daily life to the stage. For instance, in the play Fifteen Strings of Cash (Shiwu guan 十 五贯), Lou the Rat played by a chou who spoke in the Wuxi dialect, whereas the chou in Tale of Red Plum Blossoms (Hongmei ji 红梅记) used the Hangzhou dialect. Not all the chou in chuanqi played cunning or wicked roles. When acting as commoners, chou actors, with their »straightforward emotions and soft words,« won much favor from the audience. There were a number of highly talented actors and actresses of Ming chuanqi who played their roles in a delicate and moving manner. A couple of actresses who made exceptional achievements were renowned for their performances of the play Peony Pavilion (Mudan ting 牡丹亭) written by Tang Xianzu. It is recorded that during the reign of Emperor Chongzhen, an actress named Shang Xiaoling of Hanzhou enjoyed great beauty and talent. Once, acting as the female protagonist of Peony Pavilion, Du Liniang, she died on the spot because she so identified with the sorrowful heroine. This is a typical example of an actress taking the character’s interiority seriously during a performance. Meanwhile, in Biography of Actor Ma (Maling zhuan 马伶传) by Hou Fangyu, Actor Ma served as a doorman for three years in the household of an official surnamed Gu, a colleague of Yan Song, just for the reason that he could not compare with actor Li when playing the villainous prime minister. Ma had been observing Gu’s words and

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actions every day. Subsequently, when he was on stage again, he could vividly impersonate Yan Song in the play. His performance was so impressive that even actor Li candidly admitted defeat. This example shows that the actor enhanced his acting by paying much attention to experience in real life. Zhang Dai, moreover, in his memoir Dream Recollection of Tao’an (Tao’an mengyi 陶庵梦忆), mentions a literati named Peng Tianxi who was fond of acting. »Tianxi mostly played chou or jing. When he acted as historical master of political intrigue or flattering courtier, these characters became all the more cruel through Tianxi’s emotions, more arrogant through his facial expressions, and more treacherous through his words and songs. He put himself in these characters’ positions, such that the evilness of King Zhou of the Shang Dynasty was incomparable to that acted. Sometimes wrinkling up, sometimes staring out, he portrayed dastardly characters; with a wicked heart and a smile of treachery, they all looked menacing and frightening.« Peng Tianxi lived in a very rich household, but in order to study acting he spent all his family fortune. What is more important is that Peng was highly cultivated and unprecedentedly emotional: »Tianxi had a bellyful of literary and historical knowledge, a bellyful of mountains and waters, a bellyful of cunning, and a bellyful of anger not yet appeased—all of which could only be expressed in no other way than theatrical performance.« It was because Peng Tianxi regarded the theater stage as his life stage that his performances attained such perfection. The theatricalization of dancing in chuanqi is also worth mentioning. In terms of Yuan drama, it was rather awkward to see dancing within a play. This situation was markedly improved in Ming chuanqi. For example, in the play The Chain Scheme (Lianhuan ji 连环记), the newly created »Spy Flag Dance« was tightly integrated into the plot. Later in plays like The Golden Pellet (Jinwan ji 金丸记) and Tale of West Garden (Xiyuan ji 西园

Chapter I Ming Opera (Part I)

记), following this spy flag dance there developed a series spectacular dances known as dances of »five reporters,« »five spies,« »five umbrellas,« and »five flags.« These various dances with flags as props not only matched the plot of their particular scenes, but created a more engaging atmosphere for the audience, fostering particular settings on the stage. In Washing Silk another new form of theatrical dance was developed: there was a solo dance for the female protagonist Xishi, integrated with a group dance in the back to set the scene. Such a combination of two types of dance revealed Xishi’s appealing posture, while well representing the beauty-studded palace of the Wu state. The theatricalization of dancing in Ming chuanqi indicates that dances were formally incorporated into the plays. It also showcases the maturity of theatrical dance. The illustration from the Chongzhen edition of the play Silk Ribbons of Mandarin Ducks (Yuanyang tao 鸳鸯绦) shows what dance in chuanqi might have looked like (Fig. 8.1.3). That literati instructed family theatrical troupes had great significance in improving the chuanqi performance. There were a number of literati with family troupes in the Ming Dynasty. As troupe masters, they frequently played the role of director, guiding their actors and actresses. Scholar-officials such as He Liangjun, Wang Daokun, Li Kaixian, Liang Chenyu, Shen Shixing, Shen Jing, Tang Xianzu, Tu Long, Yuan Hongdao, Zou Diguang, Qi Biaojia, Zhang Dai, and Ruan Dacheng all had troupes, conducting training and rehearsals in person. For example, well-renowned for his »Four Drams of Linchuan,« playwright Tang Xianzu once wrote the following lines: »I pinched the sandalwood plaques to instruct young performers on my own,« and »I treaded according to my new arias to teach singing and dancing.« These lines demonstrate how Tang Xianzu guided his actors and actresses by himself, once completing his new plays. Likewise, Ruan Dacheng, playwright of plays like The Swallow Letter (Yanzi jiang 燕子

21

笺), was also an expert in his training. The performances of his troupe were highly praised to the extent that »every play they presented was remarkable, and so was every role, every scene, every line, and every word.« Of course, not all literati chose to undertake training activities. When the family troupe of Wu Yueshi from Huizhou was rehearsing the play Peony Pavilion, Wu »first invited famous scholars to teach [troupe members] the meaning of the play text, lyric experts to match the tunes, and performance experts to refine the postures.« In other words, Wu first invited »famous scholars« to explain to the troupe members the connotations of the play text. He then invited »lyric experts« (those who were knowledgeable of tune titles and music) to teach them to sing arias. Finally, the »performance experts« (those who were proficient in theatrical arts) would polish ways of staging and forms of acting. Wu himself, during this entire process, was like the »chief director.« Such training and rehearsals would be suitable for family troupes that performed literati chuanqi. To put it differently, only with the direction of the literati could the performances of family troupes be elegant and delicate, and could the troupe members always seek better performances. Costumes of Ming chuanqi tended to match different role types, suit dancing performance, and become more embellished—deeply impacting subsequent costume designs. There was an obvious tendency that costumes, coordinating with the role type system, represented characters’ identities and personalities. Jing who played high officials usually wore python robes. For instance, in the fourth scene of the play Tale of Red Plum Blossoms when Jia Sidao entered the stage, the stage direction wrote that »jing, acting as Jia Pingzhang, wears a python robe and enters with a group of servants.« After his entrance, Jia sang that »despite numerous royal families, it is only me, Jia Pingzhang, who has such a high position. My python robe and jade belt add to the splendor of my

SECTION 1 THE ARTISTIC FORM OF CHUANQI

8.1.3 Dancing performance in the chuanqi play Silk Ribbons of Mandarin Ducks. Ming Chongzhen Edition. Institute of Theater Arts, Chinese National Academy of Arts

black gauze hat. Unhurriedly, I step down from the golden stairs.« Emperors and other ministers on stage also wore python robes, but emperors wore yellow, and ministers wore other colors. The python on the robe had four claws, instead of five. All these differences marked their distinct ranks. Moreover, in terms of scholars’ costumes, as Li Yu recalls in Leisure Notes (Xianqing youji 闲情偶记), his childhood experience of watching theatrical performances, scholars in plays all wore »simple blue round-collar« robes. This record indicates that, in the late Ming, there were formulated standards for the costumes of scholars. Additionally,

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Chapter I Ming Opera (Part I)

8.1.4  Performance on the boat. Illustration of the chuanqi play The Lotus Mash. The Ming Nuanhongshi Edition. Institute of Theater Arts, Chinese National Academy of Arts

the costumes and accessories for certain specific characters were gradually fixed. In the illustration representing a »play-within-play« from the late Ming edition of the play The Lotus Mash (Hehua dang 荷花荡) (Fig. 8.1.4), the character Wang Yun on stage wears a gauze hat with square wings. In theatrical performances, later on, Wang Yun always dressed up that way. Also, in the thirteenth scene, »Returning the Seal,« of the play Tale of Old Town (Gucheng ji 古城记), the character Guan

Yu is mentioned as wearing »a green robe with a gold belt«—which has generally been adopted in stage productions. There was another pronounced trend concerning costumes of Ming chuanqi; namely, they were designed to suit dancing performances. For example, silk, because of its lightness and softness, was often used to make costumes. In the thirteenth scene, »Secret Meeting« in Tale of Red Plum Blossoms, the ghost of Li Huiniang »wails and sorrow-

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SECTION 1 THE ARTISTIC FORM OF CHUANQI

8.1.5 Stage at the Temple of Emperor Guan, affiliated to the Jin Temple, Shanxi Province. Ming Dynasty architecture

fully enters the stage with a red gauze covering her face.« The red gauze, as if itself a wandering vengeful ghost, resonates with scenery whereby »light rosy clouds complain about the setting sun.« In the seventeenth scene, »Ghostly Debate,« the angry Li Huiniang »dances in swirls,« with her red gauze resembling firey tongues, and flying towards Jia Sidao. Afterwards, when a female ghost character enters the stage, she would usually cover her face with gauze. But rather than red, she used a black piece. In addition, in order to enhance the sense of movement of the theatrical dances, water sleeves were attached to certain costumes in the Ming Dynasty. Du Liniang and Chunxiang, in the Wanli edition of Peony Pavilion, for instance, wore costumes with water sleeves. Finally, the costumes of Ming chuanqi were color-

ful and embellished. According to Pan Zhiheng’s description of the child troupe of Hao Kecheng in his Phoenix Cry Essays (Luanxiao xiaopin 鸾啸小 品), »[the actors’] voices were soft, and appearances were charming, while their costumes and accessories were bright and gorgeous.« In the Ming Dynasty, there were various venues for theatrical performances. The types of stages known to modern scholars include the temple stage (Fig. 8.1.5), the ancestral hall stage, plaza stage, guildhall stage, hotel stage, hall stage, boat stage, and the raft stage (stages built on water). Generally speaking, theatrical performances for commoners usually took place on open-air stages, whereas literati appreciated plays inside their houses. As is represented in the Ming Dynasty painting The Metropolis of the Southern

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Capital (Fig. 8.1.6), the stage was temporary or semi-temporary, built with wooden poles and planks. Zhang Dai, in his Dream Recollection of Tao’an, recalled a theatrical performance at the water town of Yue: »Several rafts were piled together into a stage.« A large audience traveled from different parts of the county by boat to watch the performance on the »water stage.« The scale was so grand that there were even »more than one thousand boats, large or small.« In the aforementioned illustration of the »play-within-play« in The Lotus Mash, there depicts a theatrical performance within a residential hall. In the novel Plum in the Golden Vase, there are a series of representations of theatrical performances inside the households of officials and wealthy merchants. Chuanqi performances were subjective and expressive (xieyi 写意). They seldom required real-

Chapter I Ming Opera (Part I)

istic mise-en-scène; hence, they could be staged anywhere. For example, during the seventh year of the Chongzhen reign (1634), when Zhang Dai went on an outing with his friends, in the heat of the moment he asked his family troupe to »stage more than ten scenes at the mountain pavilion.« »These performers skillfully portrayed feelings and emotions; nearly a thousand people watched the performance.« A traditional stage was left open on three sides, which imitated the structure of a mountain pavilion. For performances inside the halls, the mise-enscène was mostly expressive, at times supplemented by some realistic props. There were usually no stage settings except for some essential props. Rather, scenery in plays was presented to the audience by actors and actresses through singing and acting. The exterior world was fre-

8.1.6 The Metropolis of the Southern Capital (detail). Anonymous. Ming Dynasty. National Museum of China

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SECTION 2 PLAYWRIGHTS AND WORKS OF CHUANQI

quently integrated with the character’s interiority; the scenery was embraced with emotion, and feelings were surrounded by scenery. Despite the predominance of such expressive settings, some literati experimented to create realistic mise-enscène. According to Zhang Dai in his Dream Recollection of Tao’an, Liu Huiji took pains to design the stage settings for his family troupe to perform »Emperor Minghuang of the Tang Traveling to the Moon Palace,« one scene from the play Colored Brush (Caihao ji 彩毫记). He employed distinctive lighting techniques, sound effects, as well as a thin gauze curtain and »pieces of goat horns tingeing with five colors to mimic clouds and mists.« In this way, he succeeded in vividly depicting the illusory scenery of the moon palace. The mise-en-scène was so realistic that the audience forgot for a moment that this was merely a theatrical performance. At the same time, when a literati chuanqi occupied an influential position in the theater world, the development of drama in local musical styles did not go on hiatus. Rather, they evolved along their own track: in contrast to the process of refinement and standardization of chuanqi, these popular plays in local musical styles, like Yiyang qiang and Qingyang qiang, became even more vernacular, attaining form with less restraint. Beyond the freedom in music, in some plays (for example, Mulian Rescuing his Mother and Tale of Old Town), there were additional scenes of martial arts and acrobatics. Such performances with an exciting atmosphere were welcomed by commoners. All in all, while literati chuanqi represented the highest level of Ming drama, local plays in popular musical styles were the foundation. Although the latter were considered vulgar, these plays were not confined to any set rules, and thus were prevalent among more people and abounded with liveliness.

Section 2  Playwrights and Works of Chuanqi There is a sizable number of Ming chuanqi works. In A Complete Index of Ming Chuanqi Plays, complied in the 1950s, Fu Xihua included 950. Among them, there are 618 plays whose playwrights are known, while another 332 plays written anonymously. Of course, there must be a considerable amount of works other than these indexed that are underexplored. As this section will introduce, the history of Ming chuanqi composition can be divided into three stages: the early Ming, the mid Ming, and the late Ming.

1. Playwrights and Works of Early Ming and Middle Ming For over the one hundred years between the reigns of Emperor Hongwu and Emperor Chenghua (1368–1487), »the number of playwrights gradually decreased, and singers were scarce« in the field of opera. This is because rulers arbitrarily controlled cultural productions while rigidly endorsing Neo-Confucianism, with literati widely despising compositions of songs and lyrics. At that time, the new chuanqi system had not been completely established. In theater, the majority of performances were adaptations of the nanxi of the previous dynasties, such as The Lute (Pipa ji 琵 琶记), The Thorn Hairpin (Jingchai ji 荆钗记), The White Hare (Baitu ji 白兔记), The Moon-Prayer Pavilion (Baiyue ji 拜月记), and Killing a Dog (Shagou ji 杀狗记). A manuscript entitled The Golden Hairpin of Liu Xibi (Liu Xibi jinchai ji 刘希必金钗记), dated to the reign of Emperor Xuande, was excavated from a Ming tomb in Chao’an, Guangdong Province, in the 1970s. This manuscript showcases that there were still a couple of Song and Yuan nanxi works circulating and staged among the people in the early Ming. However, until the Chenghua reign, there was a trend in writing chuanqi plays that »nanqu follows eight-legged essays.« Qiu Rui (1421–1495), the then

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Grand Secretary of the Wenyuan Pavilion, completed the Tale of Loyalty and Filial Piety of Wu Lunquan and Wu Lunbei (Wulun quanbei Zhongxiao ji 伍伦全备忠孝记, also named Gangchang ji 纲常记 [Tale of Moral Relationships]), with an aim to stage Confucian moral relationships and ethics. The play tells the story of the family of Wu Lunquan, strictly following the virtues of »loyalty, filial piety, chastity, and fidelity.« They conform to the proper Confucian relationships between ruler and subject, mother and son, elder and younger brothers, mother-in-law and daughter-in-law, and husband and wife. As reward for their virtues, they live resplendent and wealthy lives, and become immortals after death. Later, aged scholar Shao Can from Yixing finished The Tale of a Fragrant Bag (Xiangnang ji 香囊记), which stages the parting and reunion of Zhang Jiucheng of the Song Dynasty and his wife, mother, and younger brother. Likewise, it centers on how the family members abide by Confucian moral relationships. While its plot largely imitates plays like The Lute, the arias adopt lines from The Book of Songs and poems written by Du Fu, and the speeches are mostly in classical Chinese. The Tale of a Fragrant Bag, in this sense, is representative of the works of nanqu written after eight-legged essays. The play was widely printed and circulated. Upon publication, it was regarded as an »elegant« work that could »correct people’s morals and change their customs.« After the Hongzhi reign (1488–1505), the rulers loosened their controls on ideology. Within a lenient cultural environment, theater flourished; more chuanqi plays were produced, and quality was remarkably improved. During the Jiajing reign, the production of three plays—The Singing Phoenix by an anonymous playwright, The Precious Sword by Li Kaixian, and Washing Silk by Liang Chenyu (hereafter, the three plays of Jiajing)—marked the end of the gloomy period of chuanqi playwriting. The three plays all represent the political conflicts of the ruling class.

Chapter I Ming Opera (Part I)

Bearing on significant subject matter, they reflect profoundly on social reality. In the Ming Dynasty, eunuchs played politics, the official system was corrupt, and the struggles within the ruling class were intense. Particularly, there were avaricious and tyrannical villains who held more power than the emperor—such as Liu Jin, serving during the Zhengtong Reign, Yan Song and his son during the Jiajing reign, and Wei Zhongxian during the Tianqi reign. In the meantime, upright officials and commoners fought to the death with these villains. The three plays produced in the mid Ming reflect on their contemporary political reality in different ways. The Precious Sword, by Li Kaixian, is a distinguished adaptation of the Ming novel Water Margin. Li Kaixian, whose style name was Bohua, came from Zhangqiu, Shandong Province. He passed the national examination in the eighth year of the Jiajing reign (1529), and held posts at the Ministry of Revenues and the Ministry of Personnel. In 1541, he retired from officialdom and returned to his hometown, indulging himself in writing poems, lyrics, and plays. Li Kaixian wrote several chuanqi plays, including The Previous Sward, the lost Tale of Ascending the Altar (Dengtan ji 登坛记), and Tale of Cutting Hair (Duanfa ji 断发记), along with an anthology of yuanben plays, Dispelled with a Laugh (Yixiao san 一笑散, thogh only two plays, A Midday Dream in the Garden and Mute Zen Meditation, survive). The Precious Sword (Fig. 8.1.7) was completed in the summer during the 26th year of the Jiajing reign (1547). The adaptation of Water Margin notwithstanding, it strongly criticizes reality: in the novel, it is because the son of Gao Qiu attempted to take Lin Chong’s wife that Lin was forced to join the rebels. Yet in the play, Lin Chong’s rebellion resulted from him being politically persecuted by eunuchs Gao Qiu and Tong Guan. Through a change like this, the social reality that the protagonist was facing was integrated within the specific characteristics of the Ming Dynasty. As a supervising

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SECTION 2 PLAYWRIGHTS AND WORKS OF CHUANQI

8.1.7 The Precious Sword. Ming Jiajing Edition. National Library of China

instructor of an army of eight million soldiers in the capital, Li Chong would have been regarded as the backbone of the ruling class. Even so, he was unable to avoid being mistreated. It is thus clear how dark the state of government was. Lin Chong embodied the spirit of a series of upright Ming officials, including Zeng Xian, Yang Jisheng, Yang Lian, and Zhou Shunchang, who fought to death with villainous eunuchs. The protagonist, too, shares the common tragic fate of many loyal officials and righteous scholars. At the same time that The Precious Sword represents cruel political conflicts, the play realistically portrays the interiority of the protagonist. In scene 37, »Fleeing by Night,« for instance, Lin Chong escapes to Mount Liang. Its music and

lyrics are powerful and vehement while earnest and sorrowful. The protagonist’s lofty aspiration to borrow soldiers from Mount Liang and sweep away the court villains is thus represented. Furthermore, the scene well depicts his paradoxical mentality—that he resents his difficulty of dedication to his country and in returning home, yet is unwilling to leave. This scene continues to be performed on stage in the present, developing into a fine work after repeatedly being revised and polished. Scene 46, »Escaping Outbounds,« represents the emotions of Lin Chong’s wife as she escapes. It integrates scenery with the character’s feelings. The scene powerfully portrays her difficult situation and fearful emotions through the lines: »she turns around after taking each step,

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moving forward each li as if she is climbing a natural barrier.« People spoke highly of the artistic achievements of The Precious Sword in terms of characterization. Its playwright was praised as »the Flying General in the circle of lyrics, the outstanding talent in the section of melody.« The Singing Phoenix is normally attributed to Wang Shizhen, but sometimes it is also attributed to other people, such as the disciple of Wang, Tang Yifeng, or an anonymous playwright. The play is supposed to have been completed during the final years of the Jiajing reign, and some scholars opine that it was written no earlier than the first year of the Wanli reign (1573). The Singing Phoenix is based on real people and incidents during the reign of Jiajing. It unveils governmental darkness and political corruption, reflecting the intense struggles within the hierarchy. Emperor Jiajing, Zhu Houcong, aspired to cultivate the Daoist way and achieve immortality. As he had long left government unattended, the two villains Yan Song and his son Yan Shifan monopolized political power for over twenty years. Taking bribes, ignoring the law, forming cliques for personal interests, they committed all manner of crimes. The play uncovers and attacks the evil conduct of Yan Song, Yan Shifan, and their underlings. Meanwhile, it portrays a series of loyal officials, like Yang Jisheng and Zou Yinglong, who refused to submit to and who kept fighting against these villains. As loyal officials could only fight by writing memorials to the emperor to impeach the treacherous ministers, many of them were killed by Yan Song—who falsified their memorials. Yet the play fully demonstrates their righteousness and fighting spirit. In the end, Yan Song and Yan Shifan were impeached by Zou Yinglong. The loyal officials ultimately destroy the powerful villains and uphold justice. In addition to representing loyal officials and treacherous ministers, it is worth contemplating the playwright’s attitude to Emperor Jiajing. Of course, the destruction of Yan Song’s party de-

Chapter I Ming Opera (Part I)

pended on the order of the emperor, and in the play, there is a line about the »dragon rising, Emperor Jiajing the extraordinary ruler.« Nonetheless, the playwright spoke critically of this do-nothing emperor. Take scene six, »The Two Prime Ministers Competing at the Court,« as an example. When the two prime ministers Xia Yan and Yan Song were arguing whether to send armies to the Hetao Region, Xia scolded at Yan: »It is said that the crime of encouraging the evil conduct of a ruler is minor, whereas that of pandering to this evil conduct is serious. There must be small men inducing the emperor to hold Daoist sacrifices and cultivate immortality.« It can thus be implied that the playwright was dissatisfied with the behavior of Emperor Jiajing, who was absorbed in cultivating immortality while neglecting to rule his country. Apart from political struggles at court, the play also touches upon the commoners by widely representing their social lives. In scene 23, »Paying Respects to the Loyal Spirits,« for instance, the Hanlin academician Guo Xiyan encounters a blind beggar who sings for a living, and a beggar who performs the Lianhua lao songs (literally meaning Songs of the Lotus Flowers). Their personal statements in regard to their tragic experiences reveal the harm done to commoners by treacherous officials. Once The Singing Phoenix was staged, the play exerted intense influence over the people. It is very rare to see works based on contemporary social reality in the history of Chinese drama, and henceforth, this play has particular significance for the Ming chuanqi, leaving a profound influence on playwriting practice. There are traces of The Singing Phoenix in many later plays, that unveil political corruption and represent conflicts between the loyal and the villainous. Washing Silk was written by Liang Chenyu. Liang Chenyu (1520–1591), style name Bolong, was from Kunshan. Born in a scholar-official family, Liang had political aspirations at an early age. He was fond of the military while being unwilling to take

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SECTION 2 PLAYWRIGHTS AND WORKS OF CHUANQI

8.1.8  Illustration of »Xi Shi Picking Up the Lotus Flowers« in Washing Silk. Ming Wanli Edition. National Library of China

the civil examination. At that time, Altan Khan from the north, and Japanese pirates from the southeast, constantly invaded the nation, yet Yan Song’s party did not take any defensive action. Unable to find an opportunity to serve the nation, Liang Chenyu could merely express his sadness and anger through poetry. He wrote two chuanqi plays, Washing Silk and Tale of Mandarin Ducks (Yuanyang ji 鸳鸯记), as well as two zaju plays, Hongxian Girl (Hongxian nü 红线女) and Tale of Hongxiao (Hongxiao ji 红绡记). Washing Silk is the most famous among these plays. The play (Fig. 8.1.8) was completed around the middle of the Jiajing Period. It tells the story of the war between Wu 吴 and Yue 越 during the Spring and Autumn Period, intending to demonstrate historical lessons about how the state of Wu was destroyed while the state of Yue developed. Living during the reign of Jiajing, Liang Chenyu was worried about the evil political conduct of

Yan Song’s party and the constant invasions of Japanese pirates and Mongolian tribes. He wrote Washing Silk in order to warn people through the lens of the past, alerting the highest ruler to the dangerous situation. In the play, after defeating the Yue state, Fuchai, King of Wu, crowed over his success, indulging in wine and beauty, relying heavily on crafty ministers, and rejecting virtuous officials. Meanwhile, seduced by money and beauties, the prime minister Bo Pi persecuted loyal officials and betrayed his state. The play also highly commends the patriotism of Wu Zixu from the Wu state, as well as Fan Li and Wen Zhong from the Yue state. In particular it portrays the character Xi Shi in a new way. Xi Shi, athe well-known beauty, has been the protagonist of many artworks at different times. Most of these works, however, bear the cliched opinion that women were like floods, always causing trouble to the state. Liang Chenyu relinquished

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the negative elements of the previous stories of Xi Shi, instead underlining her inner beauty, especially her patriotism. First portraying how Xi Shi and Fan Li fell in love with each other at first sight, the play then the rise and fall of the Yue state over their love affair. Going according to Fan Li’s plan, Xi Shi enters the Palace of Wu, ultimately making grand contributions to the defeat of the Wu state and the development of the Yue state. The playwright integrates his patriotic ideal of »setting aside one’s family for the people« with his characterization of Xi Shi and Fan Li. On the other hand, the couple reunite after the Wu state is destroyed. This is characteristic of the Ming Dynasty: playwrights had new perceptions of romantic relationship and chastity which were largely different from tradition. Liang Chenyu portrayed the characters in Washing Silk with comparison and contrast. Whereas Fu Chai lost all his bearings in a moment of pride and satisfaction, indulging himself in a luxurious and dissipated life, Gou Jian, King of Yue, took great effort to make a stronger state. While Bo Pi was avaricious, betraying his state to seek glory, Wu Zixu was upright, wholeheartedly serving his state. These striking contrasts, as a result, strengthen the dramatic conflicts. The technique of comparing and contrasting is also applied to the overall artistic arrangement of the play. The romance near the Silk-Washing Stream conflicts yet coordinates the political undertaking between the two states. As the court is paralleled with the countryside, state affairs are intermingled with private emotions, and great aspirations are entangled with tender feelings. Normally, a romance between a scholar and a beauty is confined within a small space, but this play embraces a much wider world, creating profound and lasting emotion. The artistic achievement of Washing Silk is not limited to the content itself. It is previously mentioned that Shuimo diao was originally developed by Wei Liangfu for pure singing. It was Liang Chenyu who first applied this music style

Chapter I Ming Opera (Part I)

to the performance of arias in Washing Silk. The cultivated writing style of the play was perfectly paired with the elegant Shuimo diao music, thus elevating the arts of chuanqi to a new level. After Washing Silk, literati chuanqi was widely performed in Shuimo diao music, and the production of chuanqi plays entered a golden era. That being said, it was Washing Silk that largely inspired and promoted the writing of chuanqi plays during the late Ming. In addition to »The Three Plays of Jiajing,« there were other plays making remarkable artistic accomplishments during the mid Ming. For example, in the play The Chain Scheme, Wang Yun, at the end of the Eastern Han Dynasty, alienates Lü Bu from Dongzhuo and kills the latter by deceiving them. The play represents tangled intra-ruling class political conflict. In the story, each main character, including Diao Chan, Dong Zhuo, Lü Bu, and Wang Yun, is vividly portrayed. There are a couple of scenes that continue being performed, even at present. The Tale of the East Window of Yue Fei (Yue Fei dongchuang ji 岳飞东窗记), moreover, tells the story of Qin Hui killing Yue Fei and his son in the Southern Song. The play is a »rewriting« based on the Song-Yuan nanxi play The Disclosure of Qin Hui’s Conspiracy by the East Window; it set the basis for the famous chuanqi play, Flag of Perfect Loyalty (Jingzhong qi 精忠旗), in the late Ming. Both these works are about political and military struggles. Even though they do not center on contemporary affairs, they pertain to the social reality of the Ming Dynasty either explicitly or implicitly. There are also some important scholar-beauty romances written during the mid Ming. For example, The Embroidered Robe (Xiuru ji 绣襦记) by Xu Lin tells the famous love story between Li Yaxian and Zheng Yuanhe in the Tang Dynasty: Li Yaxian, who became a prostitute, assists Zheng Yuanhe to study for the civil examination. Experiencing various twists and turns, as Zheng wins top score on the examination, the couple officially gets mar-

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ried. There had already been stories and plays about the Li-Zheng romance, but this chuanqi is the one with the most full-blown and complete plot, and that many later works adapted. Tale of Jade Jue (Yujue ji 玉玦记), by Zheng Ruoyong, is about the parting and reunion of Wang Shang and his wife Qin Qingniang during wartime chaos. The play is also known for its beautiful writing style and rich literary allusions. In general, chuanqi play composition in the mid Ming was a resurgance from the depression of the early Ming. It was a period of the return and deepening of realism. In the meantime, for works concerning love and marriage, »romanticism« had already become a distinctive trend.

2. Playwrights and Works of the Late Ming Chuanqi playwriting reached its peak going from the Wanli reign to the Chongzhen reign (1573– 1644). Over those years, playwrights came forth one after another, while numerous excellent works appeared. It was a rare golden era in the history of Chinese drama. Among the numerous works, »The Four Dreams« (four plays including The Peony Pavilion) by Tang Xianzu were of the highest accomplishment. This section will introduce some other important playwrights and their works, and the next section will focus on The Four Dreams of Tang Xianzu. There are two extant chuanqi plays, The Jade Hairpin (Yuzan ji 玉簪记) and Tale of Faith and Filiality (Jiexiao ji 节孝记), written by Gao Lian (1527?–1603?). The Jade Hairpin is well-renowned and widely staged. Gao Lian, whose style name was Shenfu, came from Qiantang (present-day Hangzhou, Zhejiang Province), served at the Court of the State Ceremonial (honglu si 鸿胪 寺). The Jade Hairpin was completed before the 27th year of the Wanli reign (1599). The play tells of a romance between the nun Chen Miaochang and the scholar Pan Bizheng. Being forced to take tonsure, Chen, when encountering the romantic, noble scholar Pan Bizheng, suddenly falls in love

SECTION 2 PLAYWRIGHTS AND WORKS OF CHUANQI

with him. However, she faces enormous pressure from monastic rules and religious doctrines. After experiencing a series of twists and turns, the couple finally break through all barriers and happily marries. The play made significant achievements in character; in particular, it vividly portrays Chen Miaochang’s complex mind, that is sentimental while restrained and timid. Meanwhile, the play enjoys a well-structured plot that smoothly flows; unlike other chuanqi plays, it is neither lengthy nor disordered. That the couple secretly fall in love and bond with each other takes place inside the »temple of solemnity« is a comic rendering satirizing religious asceticism. Red Whisk by Zhang Fengyi (1527–1613) is also a famous chuanqi play. The play combines two stories together: one is based on the Tang Dynasty chuanqi tale, »Story of the Curly-Bearded Guest« (Qiuranke zhuan 虬髯客传) about Red Whisk eloping with the general Li Jing; the other is adapted from a tale in The Storied Poems (Benshi shi 本事诗) about Princess Lechang reuniting with Xu Deyan. Red Whisk was once a concubine of Yang Su, General of the West Capital at the end of Sui. She elopes with his beloved Li Jing. Under the assistance of a curly-bearded guest named Zhang Zhongjian, Li is able to go and seek shelter at the place of the Tang prince and later emperor Li Shimin. Princess Lechang was also a concubine of Yang Su. She leaves Yang and reunites with her previous husband Xu Deyan. Later, Xu joins the Tang army, led by Li Jing to fight with Korea, and returns after a great victory. The play, which integrates these two stories, is wonderfully conceived and carefully structured. It was popular upon production: »those who performed it were all over the country,« let alone the multiple adaptions of the play. Zhang Fengyi came from Changzhou (present-day Suzhou, Jiangsu Province). He passed the provincial civil examination during the 43rd year of the Jiajing reign (1564). However, he continued to fail in the national examins, and made a living by selling calligraphy as well as his poems and es-

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says into his old age. Zhang was talented at composing music and acting. He would perform The Lute together with his second son, with himself playing Cai Bojie and his son Zhao Wuniang; the performance attracted large audiences. His six chuanqi plays as a whole are called »The Six Works of Yangchun.« In addition to Red Whisk, there are Binding of the Hair (Zhufa ji 祝发记), Watering the Garden (Guanyuan ji 灌园记), Stealing the Tally (Qiefu ji 窃符记), Tale of Tiger Tally (Hufu ji 虎符 记), and Tale of a Door Latch (Yanyi ji 扊扅记). Shen Jing (1553–1610) was one of the most important musicologists of the Ming. His chuanqi plays were more or less influential as well. His style name was Boying, and he took the sobriquet Master Lyric Hermit. He came from Wujiang, Jiangsu Province. He passed the national civil examination when he was 22, serving successively as Secretary of the Ministry of Military Affairs, Vice Directors of the Ministry of Revenue and the Ministry of Personnel, and Chief Minister of the Court of Imperial Entertainments. Later, after he retired, he dedicated himself to composing and studying lyrics and music, becoming the founder of the »Wujiang School« in music circles. There are seventeen chuanqi plays written by Shen Jing, altogether called The Seventeen Plays of the Shuyu Hall: Tale of Red Lotus (Hongqu ji 红渠记), Burying the Sword (Maijian ji 埋剑记), Ten Filial Pieties (Shixiao ji 十孝记), Double Fish (Shuangyu ji 双鱼记), Tale of the Loyal Knight-Errant (Yixia ji 义侠记), Peachwood Amulet (Taofu ji 桃符记), Four Abnormalities (Siyi ji 四异记), Pearl String (Zhuchuan ji 珠串记), Tale of Binding Hair (Jiefa ji 结发记), Tale of a Falling Hairpin (Duochai ji 堕钗 记), A World of Jokes (Boxiao ji 博笑记), Dividing Money (Fenqian ji 分钱记), Paired Robes (Heshan ji 合衫记), Quilt of Mandarin Ducks (Yuanqin ji 鸳衾记), Dividing Tangerines (Fengan ji 分柑记), Digging a Well (Zaojing ji 凿井记), and Fantastic Fidelity (Qijie ji 奇节记). Shen Jing also compiled a song manual entitled Song Manual of Nanqu in Nine Music Modes and Thirteen Keys which pro-

Chapter I Ming Opera (Part I)

foundly influenced the standardization of tune titles and rhymes in chuanqi playwriting after the Wanli reign. Tale of the Loyal Knight-Errant is representative of Shen Jing’s works. The play tells of Wu Song being forced to escape to Mount Liang and join the rebels. Important scenes, such as »The Jingyang Hill,« »The Delightful Forest,« »The Cross Slope,« »The Flying Cloud Riverside,« and »The Mandarin-Duck Manson« reveal the heroic spirit of Wu Song. Ximen Qing and Jiang Menshen, who belong to societal forces of evil, conspire with officials, connecting a huge network to bully and oppress the people. Living in such a hostile environment, Wu Song deeply feels that »heroes will normally experience much hardship.« He insists on destroying this network. Through scenes of intense fighting, one after another, the heroic personality of Wu Song, to the extent that he abhors evil and behaveds courageously, is fully demonstrated. Nevertheless, Shen Jing wrote this play intending to »persuade the people,« hence confining his works to the tradition of »beginning with emotions and stopping at propriety.« As his works largely focuses on moral didacticism, the characters are flat and the language straightforward—both lacking liveliness. Tale of Phoenix Hairpin (Luanpi ji 鸾鎞记) by Ye Xianzu (1566–1641) tells of the romance between the Tang poet Wen Tingyun and the Daoist Priestess Yu Xuanji. Ye Xianzu came from Yuyao, Zhejiang Province, with style names Meidu and Xiangyou, and sobriquets Liutong and Tongbai. Ye wrote six chuanqi plays, and two are preserved, Tale of Phoenix Hairpin and Tale of Gold Lock (Jinsuo ji 金锁记). Yu Xuanji, a moving character in Tale of Phoenix Hairpin, is not just versatile, but also chivalrous to the extent that she risks her own life to save others. The play also gives vent to criticize how dark the system of the civil examination was: even though Wen Tingyun was extremely talented, he fails because he is unwilling to take the examination for the son of the powerful prime

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minister Linghu Tao; Hu Tan, a rogue, pretends to be a relative of Linghu Tao, ironically succeeding in the examination along with Linghu’s son. Tale of Gold Lock was an adaptation of the Yuan Dynasty zaju play The Injustice of Dou E (Dou E yuan 窦娥冤). However, the play made many changes of the original version, and the finale was turned into a reunion. Dou E, saved by an envoy of the Jade Emperor, does not die. Wang Tingne (1569?–1628 or afterward) wrote more than ten chuanqi plays, among which seven have been preserved: Lion’s Roar (Shihou ji 狮吼 记), Planting Jade (Zhongyu ji 种玉记), Tossing Peaches (Toutao ji 投桃记), The Three Vows (Sanzhu ji 三祝记), Colored Boat (Caizhou ji 彩舟记), Loyal Martyrs (Yilie ji 义烈记), and Revised Heavenly Booklet (Chongding tianshu ji 重订天书记). In Lion’s Roar, the Northern Song scholar Chen Zao intends to obtain a concubine, but his wife Madame Liu does not allow it. Madame Liu journeys to the underworld in a dream, but is convicted as a »jealous wife« by the King of Hell. Awakened from her dream, she yields to Chen Zao’s choice. Despite its trite theme, the play carries a comic atmosphere. The showing Chen Zao cowering because of his wife has been on stage many times. Wang Tingne came from Xiuning (Anhui Province), and served as a salt transport commissioner. Wang Yufeng adapted a nanxi, about the story of Wang Kui and Jiao Guiying in the Song Dynasty, into an influential chuanqi play, Burning Incense (Fenxiang ji 焚香记). The play was widely staged. Little is known about Wang Yufeng’s life, except that he came from Songjiang (Shanghai). In Burning Incense, Wang Kui travels to Laiyang, and falls in love with the courtesan Jiao Guiying. Before Wang goes to the capital to take the civil examination, the couple swears to stay together at the Temple of the Sea God. As Wang Kui wins top place in the examination, Prime Minister Han Qi intendsto marry his daughter to him. Wang rejects Han Qi’s request on the grounds that he is already married. Prior to setting off for Xuzhou,

SECTION 2 PLAYWRIGHTS AND WORKS OF CHUANQI

Wang Kui has someone send a letter to Laiyang to ask Guiying to reunite with him. Jin Lei from Laiyang, however, has coveted Jiao Guiying—and changes Wang Kui’s message into a divorce letter. Reading the letter, Guiying goes to the Temple of the Sea God, and complains of Wang’s betrayal. She hangs herself, and her ghost reports her grievance to the underworld. The Sea God takes Wang Kui to the underworld, only finding out the truth—that Wang Kui would not discard his wife even if he had an honorable position. The Sea God sends Jiao and Wang back to the world of the living, and they are then able to reunite. In previous versions of the play, Wang Kui was criticized for being ungrateful, as well as being tired of the old, and fascinated by a new lover. However, in Wang Yufeng’s version, Wang Kui is a loyal husband who rejects Han Qi’s request to marry his daughter. The play ends with a reunion, thus largely diminishing its tragic tone. Tale of Red Plum Blossoms by Zhou Chaojun has also been an influential play. Zhou Chaojun, with style names Yiyu and Gongmei, came from the Yin County (Ningbo, Zhejiang Province). His dates of birth and death were unknown, but it can be speculated that he was active during the reign of Wanli. He wrote more than ten chuanqi plays, including Tale of Red Plum Blossoms, Tale of Painted Boat (Huafang ji 画舫记), Pills under the Plum Tree (Lidan ji 李丹记), and Fragrant Jade Person (Xiangyu ren 香玉人). Except for Tale of Red Plum Blossoms, all other plays have been lost. The play was completed before the thirty-seventh year of the Wanli reign (1609). It tells of the romance between Pei Shunqing and Lu Zhaorong in the Southern Song, along with a subplot where Pei encounters Li Huiniang at West Lake. The story of Li Huniang is mainly based on the Yuan Dynasty unofficial history Biography of the Green Robed Person (Lüyi ren zhuan 绿衣人传), with the plot is invented by Zhou Chaojun. Li Huiniang is a concubine of the treacherous minister Jia Sidao. She is killed by Jia because she inad-

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vertently betrays her love for Pei Shunqin. As Jia intends to take Lu Zhaorong as his concubine; it is not until Jia is executed that Pei and Lu are finally able to reunite and marry. The Singing Phoenix unveils the evil of Jia Sidao and criticizes governmental corruption. As Jia Sidao disregarded fighting against enemies at the critical moments in the Song-Jin wars, indulging himself in splendid halls and spring landscapes, gold cups and fine wines all day long, he was a typical villain who in his cruelty would frequently kill people. The play commends the »utmost emotions,« especially that of Li Huiniang, who courageously pursues freedom and love, and fights against tyranny. Tale of Red Plum Blossoms not only vividly portrays a series of characters, but its story is well plotted. That said, the play, arranged in a balance between tight and loose, emotional and neutral, also made salient achievements in structure, being full of twists and turns. Literatus Feng Menglong (1574–1646) was famous for editing and publishing fiction and drama. He would »edit« (adapt) dozens of chuanqi plays that are now collectively called The Selected Chuanqi of Mohan Studio (Mohan zhai dingben chuanqi 墨 憨斋定本传奇). There are thirteen plays still preserved, including The New Gardner (i.  e., Watering Garden) originally by Zhang Fengyi, Servant in a Wine Shop (Jiujia yong 酒家佣) originally by Lu Cai et al, The Heroine (i.  e., Red Whisk) originally by Zhang Fengyi et al, Measuring River (Liangjiang ji 量江记) originally by She Qiao, Flag of Perfect Loyalty originally by Li Meishi, Dream of Rocks (Menglei ji 梦磊记) originally by Shi Pan, Hall of Spraying Snow (Saxue ji 洒雪记) originally by Mei Xiaoji, Romance at the Chu River (i.  e., Romance of the West Tower) originally by Yuan Yuling, The Romantic Dream (i.  e., Peony Pavilion) and Tale of Handan, originally by Tang Xianzu, Pass of Human and Beast and Eternal Reunion originally by Li Yu, and the late Yuan nanxi Killing a Dog (Shagou ji 杀 狗记). In his »adaptations,« Feng Menglong emphasizes the authenticity and reasonability of the

Chapter I Ming Opera (Part I)

plot, highlighting the central themes and pruning the unnecessary parts. In terms of historical plays, Feng pays attention to prevent them from being »vulgar and digressing from the historical facts.« His adaptation of Flag of Perfect Loyalty is produced with »little polish«; it is mainly based on »biographies in official histories,« with reference to other historical records. The play is threaded by »the flag of perfect loyalty.« It demonstrates the loyal spirits of Yue Fei and his »high aspirations at heart.« It also represents the admiration for Yue Fei of the armies and the people. Except that in the end, when Qin Hui encounters his ghost and is killed by him, the main plot obeys historical facts. Feng Menglong’s adaptations strictly follow rules of tune titles. He would revise arias according to »song manuals« when the original ones »did not conform to the tunes or rhymes.« There are only two extant chuanqi plays written by Feng Menglong himself, namely, Tale of Two Heroes (Shuangxiong ji 双雄记) and Perfect Satisfaction (Wanshi zu 万事足). Tale of Two Heroes is an early work of Feng’s. In the play, Dan Xin is framed by his uncle Dan Sanmu, and imprisoned. His wife, Wei Erniang, and sworn younger brother, Liu Shuang, are also involved in this affair. Under the assistance of Liu Shuang’s uncle, Liu Fangzheng, Dan Xin conducts a deed of honor by expelling Japanese pirates, and the family members are finally reunited. Perfect Satisfaction was completed around the tenth year of the Chongzhen reign (1637), which tells the story of scholars Chen Xun and Gao Gu taking concubines and having sons. The play showcases the idea that »one feels relieved by leaving an official post, and can be perfectly satisfied by having sons.« Notorious though he was, Ruan Dacheng (1587?– 1646) was fond of writing chuanqi. Ruan Dacheng, whose style name was Jizhi, and whose sobriquet was Yuanhai, came from Huaining (present-day Anqing, Anhui Province). He passed the national civil examination in the 44th year of the Wanli

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reign (1616). Ruan depended on the treacherous eunuch Wei Zhongxian; during the Honghuang reign, he served as Director of the Ministry of War, Right Censor-in-Chief. He surrendered to the Qing after Nanjing fell into the enemy’s hands. He altogether wrote nine chuanqi plays, with four preserved until the present, that is, The Spring Lantern Riddles (Chun dengmi 春灯谜), The Swallow Letter (Yanzi jian 燕子笺), The Double Golden Registers (Shuang jinbang 双金榜), and The Sakyamuni Pearls (Mouni he 牟尼合). The Swallow Letter is representative of his plays, which tells about the romance between Huo Duliang, Hua Xingyun, and Li Feiyun. Scenes such as »Painting Portraits,« »Picking Up the Letter,« »The Crafty Escape,« and »Reuniting by Imperial Order,« are staged constantly. Although these works by Ruan Dacheng are relatively shallow, he is skilled at integrating »misunderstandings,« henceforth making the plot attractive. This is saliently reflected in The Swallow Letter. Besides, Ruan Dacheng’s delicate writing style also showcases his brilliant literary talent. Ruan was competent in stage direction; as is mentioned in the previous section, he was good at directing his young actors and actresses. Wu Bing (1595?–1647) was an important late Ming playwright. His style names were Kexian and Shiqu, with a sobriquet Master of Smiling Flowers. Coming from Yixing, Jiangsu Province, he was born into a scholar-official family. He completed the chuanqi play, A Type of Emotion (Yizhong qing 一种情) when he was an adolescent. He passed the national civil examination in the 47th year of the Wanli reign (1619), serving as Secretary in the Ministry of Justice, Magistrate of the Fuzhou Prefecture, and a salt transport commissioner of the Liangzhe Circuit. He was captured in Hangzhou when the Qing armies attacked the south and starved himself to death. Wu Bing has written five chuanqi plays, altogether called the Five Plays of the Smiling Flowers Studio. These plays are The Green Peony (Lü mudan 绿牡丹), Romance of the

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West Garden (Xiyuan ji 西园记), Beauty in Painting (Huazhong ren 画中人), The Jealousy-Curing Soup (Liaodu geng 疗妒羹), and Romance at a PostHouse (Qingyou ji 情邮记). The Green Peony is one of the best romantic comedies of the Ming Dynasty. In the play, Shen Zhong holds an assembly to compose poems when the green peonies are blossoming. Neither Che Shanggong nor Liu Wuliu are literate; hence Che asks his younger sister Che Jingfang to write a poem on his behalf, while Liu requests the poor scholar Xie Ying to compose a poem for him. Coincidentally, this catalyzes a romantic relationship between Che Jingfang and Xie Ying. The two illiterate men, on the other hand, are very embarrassed when the truth is revealed. Wu Bing surely had thoughts about the darkness of the civil examination system of his time, and therefore wrote this play. In scene 25, »Strict Test,« Wu Bing, in a character’s voice, sharply criticizes the reality of the civil examination, where truths are distorted and confused with deception. The playwright was skilled at using comic comparison and contrast, setting a strong and humorous disparity between the intelligence of Che Jingfang and Xieying visà-vis the ignorance of Che and Liu. Romance of the West Garden tells of the romance between the scholar Zhang Jihua and the two beauties Wang Yuzhen abd Zhao Yuying. Zhang repetitively »misrecognizes« Wang and Zhao, and later the ghost of Zhao—resulting in a series of comic incidents. The play is craftily structured while written in a lucid and lively style. The plays in the Five Plays of the Studio of Smiling Flowers have often been compared to Tang Xianzu’s »Four Dreams.« Particularly The Jealousy-Curing Soup, with the main plot of Qiao Xiaoqing dying of a broken heart after reading The Peony Pavilion. The plot was based on an anecdote of Feng Xiaoqing. It was said that upon publication, people were fond of reading The Peony Pavilion. After reading the play, Feng Xiaoqing from Guangling identified with the character Du

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Liniang, and died from a broken heart. At her deathbed, Xiaoqing composes a quatrain which reads: »Cold rain outside the dark window—such a mournful sound! I trim the lamp and leisurely read the Peony Pavilion. In this world there are people even more foolish than I: Xiaoqing is clearly not the only one with a broken heart.« Many places in the play imitate The Peony Pavilion, and it mentions over and over again works by Tang Xianzu. In scene nine, »Commenting on the Arias,« the playwright highly praises Tang Xianzu’s works in Qiao Xiaoqing’s voice. This scene has been frequently performed on the stage in Kun opera. Even though Wu Bing made fewer accomplishments than Tang Xianzu in terms of his chuanqi plays, he paid great attention to stage effects. Thus, for his plays, the settings are exquisite, and the plots are moving, while the structures are well-knit, and the language is always lucid. Mistress and Maid (Jiaohong ji 娇红记) by Meng Chengshun is a famous tragedy that has been quite influential in the history of Chinese drama. Meng Chengshun came from Kuaiji, Zhejiang Province, with style names Ziruo, Zishi, and Zisai. He wrote five chuanqi plays, and three of them have been preserved: Mistress and Maid, The Two Xu Heroes (Erxu ji 二胥记), and The Chaste Compendium (Zhenwen ji 贞文记). Mistress and Maid is representative of his works. The play was completed around the 11th year of the Chongzhen reign (1638). It is an adaptation of a previous works, but with many innovations. The play is a romantic tragedy: scholar Shen Chun and his cousin Wang Jiaoniang pledge to marry without the permission of their parents. Opposed to their marriage, Wang’s father only allows them to do so when Shen Chun can pass the civil examination. However, Master Shuai relies on the power of his father and forces Wang to marry him; as a result, Wang’s father betroths his daughter to the Shuai family. In the end, Jiaoniang and Shen Chun commit suicide for love, and the play ends

Chapter I Ming Opera (Part I)

with the two being buried together. This tragic ending suggests that powerful officials and feudal ethical codes were like two heavy rocks, weighing down those who yearned for freedom. This historical implication has been conveyed through the destruction of the romantic ideals of the young couple. That Meng entitled the play Tomb of Loyal Mandarin Ducks, Tale of Jiaoniang and Feihong in fact suggests an entanglement of the Confucian virtues of loyalty and chastity with common human emotions. This is closely connected with the humanistic ideas popular in the late Ming. As Li Zhi argues in his »A Simple Discussion on Reading Regulated Verse,« »nature grows out of emotion, yet is confined to ethics and virtues. There is no such nature that grows outside emotion but is still constrained by ethics and virtue.« Chinese classical tragedies embody »neutralized« aesthetics that intertwine happiness and sorrow, hardship and joy. Mistress and Maid also complies with this characteristic. In Chinese drama, jing and chou were usually the buffoons, but in Mistress and Maid, sheng and dan also give several comic remarks and performances. For example, the playwright assigns humorous gestures to the male protagonist Shen Chun, capturing his fastidious personality and his infatuations. Mournful yet not distressing, such neutralized aesthetics that integrate sorrow with joy are also reflected in the last scene of the couple being buried together: flowers and plants blossom on top of their grave, the cherry-apple tree and the pear tree above it are illuminated by moonlight, and a pair of mandarin ducks fly upwards. Yuan Yuling (1592–1672?) lived during the MingQing transition. He was the playwright of several chuanqi plays, including Romance of the West Tower, Robe of the Turquoise Kingfisher (Sushuang qiu 鹔鹴裘), and The Joy of Eternal Life (Changsheng yue 长生乐). Yuan Yuling, whose original name was Jin, and whose style name was Yunyu, came from the Wu County (Suzhou, Jiangsu Prov-

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ince). In Romance of the West Tower, scholar Yu Juan and courtesan Mu Suhui fall in love when composing lyrics and songs together. Mu sings for Yu the song »Feelings by River Chu« at the West Tower, promising to marry him. Their love affair is exposed to Yu’s father, Imperial Censor Yu Lu, who drives Mu away from Hangzhou. Mu is sold to the son of the prime minister Chi Tong. Reluctant, Mu is severely abused. Later, Yu Juan wins the top place in the civil examination. Under the assistance of the chivalrous scholar Xu Biao, Yu finally reunites with and marries Mu. The play was related to Yuan Yuling’s personal love affair with a courtesan. It highly commends faithful love and chivalry. With the twists and turns of its plot, the play is a great achievement.

3. The »Four Dreams« of Tang Xianzu Tang Xianzu made the highest accomplishments in chuanqi playwriting during the Ming Dynasty. His Peony Pavilion, like the most appealing blossom, is not only a masterpiece of Ming chuanqi, it is the peak of artistic perfection throughout the history of Chinese drama. Tang Xianzu (1550–1616) came from Linchuan (Fuzhou, Jiangxi Province), with the style name Yiren, and sobriquets Hairuo and Ruoshi. He was born into a scholar-official family, and was enrolled in the county school at the age of fourteen, becoming a candidate for the provincial civil examination at 21, and passing it at 34. He served in Nanjing subsequently as Erudite in the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, Secretary in the Supervisorate of Imperial Instruction, and Chief Staff of the Bureau of Ceremonies at the Ministry of Rites. In the 19th year of the Wanli reign (1591), Tang Xianzu submitted his »Memorial to Impeach the Ministers and Supervisors« in criticism of the two prime ministers Zhang Juzheng and Shen Shixing. This memorial enraged Emperor Shenzong, and as a result he was demoted to a clerk in Xuwen, Guangdong Province. In the 21st year of the Wanli reign (1593), Tang became Magistrate of Suichang

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in Zhejiang Province. In Suichang, Tang Xianzu began reform, and weeded out corruption, earning great respect from his people. Nevertheless, he felt that »the way of the world is full of hardship, and the way of the official is especially full of suffering.« He resigned his position in the 25th year of the Wanli reign (1597) and returned to his hometown of Linchuan. After the completion of the Yuming Hall and the Qingyuan Tower, he began living as a writer: »Reciting songs at leisure, he was contented and happy wherever he was.« Tang Xianzu produced numerous works. His ­chuanqi plays include The Purple Flute (Zixiao ji 紫箫记, completed 1577–1579), The Purple Hairpin (completed 1595), The Peony Pavilion (alternative name The Soul’s Return, completed 1598), Tale of the Southern Branch (Nanke ji 南柯记, completed in 1600), and Tale of Handan (completed 1601). The Purple Hairpin was an adaptation of the incomplete work The Purple Flute; henceforth, Tang Xianzu only finished four chuanqi plays. Since in each of these four plays the protagonist has a dream, altogether they are called »The Four Dreams of Linchuan« or »The Four Dreams of the Yuming Hall.« At an early age, Tang Xianzu was influenced by the pioneering Taizhou School. Later, he befriended Li Zhi and Master Daguan (Zibo), who were renowned for their objections to Neo-Confucianism. Standing on the intellectual frontlines, Tang Xianzu defended individual values and personality. His major ideas can be categorized into three aspects, »valuing life,« »promoting emotion,« and »revealing ›Return.‹« The first aspect is »valuing life.« When serving as a clerk in Xuwen, Tang Xianzu witnessed the hardships in people’s lives, and, even more so, many belittled living. Under thess circumstances, he wrote »Essay on the School of Valuing Life.« In this famous essay, he argues that »the nature of heaven and earth is that humanity is the most valued.« Belonging to one of the »Three Realms,« heaven, earth, and humanity, people were the core

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of the universe, and the spirit of heaven and earth. According to Tang Xianzu, humanity is the elite of the universe, master of the world, and therefore people should value life. Valuing life is equal to valuing humanity; »those who understand life will know the importance of themselves, and they will realize that the lives of people throughout the world should be valued.« Bearing such humanist ideas as valuing life and esteeming humanity, Tang Xianzu was able to be an incorruptible official, positioning his people as the basis of his governance. The second aspect is »promoting emotion.« This is not just the soul of Tang Xianzu’s art, but is also a significant component to his philosophy. Tang Xianzu opines that »one’s personality does not embody good or evil, but emotions do.« He maintains that one’s emotions can be benign or evil, and should be divided into »genuine emotions,« »benign emotions,« »utmost emotions,« »inhuman emotions,« and »evil emotions.« Tang’s understanding of emotion diverges from the conventional idea that »one’s personality is good yet emotions are evil,« as well as from the Buddhist conception that »the seven emotions and six sensory pleasures« are the origins of all evil conduct. Tang also held the opinion that emotions »cannot be investigated as to whether they are in accord with reason.« This contrasts with the orthodox Confucian idea of »beginning with emotions and stopping at propriety.« All these thoughts of his would bear progressive significance. The third aspect is »revealing ›Return.‹« In addition to emotion, Tang Xianzu also touched upon »human nature.« His »Essay on Clarifying Return« specifically discusses this notion of human nature. In the beginning, it states that »what is God-given becomes human nature, it is good for those who follow nature.« Tang claims that human nature develops from God’s will (that is, it is natural), and is manifested as pure good for those who follow this human nature. Such natural good should be well protected from pollution

Chapter I Ming Opera (Part I)

by the earthy world. Once »teachings of vulgar instructors« and »standards set up by superficial scholars« are instilled into those with a »childlike heart,« they will become too dogmatic to understand the principle of right and wrong. Clearly, this idea was influenced by Li Zhi’s essay on the childlike heart. All these thoughts were artistically presented in his »Four Dreams.« Generally speaking, there are two outstanding aspects in terms of the connotations of Tang’s thoughts in the Four Dreams. First, as is implied in The Peony Pavilion and The Purple Hairpin, Tang Xianzu advocates acting on one’s instinct and freedom to marry, while criticizing Song-Ming Neo-Confucianism. Second, demonstrated by the Tale of Handan and Tale of the Southern Branch, he yearns for an honest and moral government, making accusations of political corruption. In The Peony Pavilion, Du Liniang was an adolescent girl pursuing the ideal of the freedom to love. She is different from Cui Yinging, in the Yuan Dynasty play Romance of the West Wing, or Wang Ruilan in Tale of Praying to the Moon, who obtain the freedon to marry by breaking through the boundaries of social status. Du smashes the authority of the Confucian ethical codes with her deep and steadfast passions. The sixteenyear-old Du Liniang has never walked out of her bedroom or study, where her father Du Bao and family teacher Chen Zuiliang ask her to read Confucian classics mechanically. Pedant Chen Zuiliang interprets the first song, »The Song of Crying Ospreys« (Guanju 关雎), of the Book of Songs, as »morality for concubines.« This interpretation typically belongs to the »teachings of vulgar instructors.« Yet Du Liniang only feels that it is a song of love. Entering into the garden for the first time, facing the passing spring scenery, she can not help but exclaim that »Bright the morn, lovely the scene, listless and lost the heart—where is the garden ›gay with joyous cries‹?« She complains about her parents »treasuring little the glories of

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spring.« As a result, stirred by her passions, Du Liniang breaks the barrier of Confucian ethics, and has intercourse with her lover Liu Mengmei in a dream (Fig. 8.1.9). Because she can not obtain the freedom to love in this world, she dies of love, realizing her aspiration in the otherworld; she is then resurrected because of love, and continues to pursue her romantic ideals as a human being. Upon her return to the world, her father does not identify Du Liniang as his daughter. Even the emperor criticizes that »Du did not wait upon the command of father

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and mother and the ministrations of the matchmakers. As a result, [she] would be disdained by parents throughout the country.« In the end, the emperor still approves the marriage between Du Liniang and Liu Mengmei. Du Liniang, who was independent and conscious of pursuing the freedom to love, is superior to any other female character in the history of Chinese drama. The characterization of Du Liniang also embodied distinct features of the time: The Peony Pavilion is not only a product of the trend of enlightenment between the reigns of Jiajing and Wanli, it is also a work

8.1.9 Illustration of »The Interrupted Dream« in The Peony Pavilion. Ming Wanli Edition printed by the Wenlin Pavilion in Jinling. National Library of China.

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by Tang Xianzu of »utmost emotion« that were »deep and steadfast« and were »unable to be investigated according to reason.« The Purple Hairpin is a romance championing freedom to marry. It is based on the Tang Dynasty chuanqi tale Biography of Huo Xiaoyu by Jiang Fang. Originally a courtesan in the chuanqi tale, Huo Xiaoyu was rewritten in the play as a girl born into a respectable family. This change makes her even more innocent and lovely. Huo Xiaoyu was also a character of the »utmost emotions« who would die of love. Her love for Li Yi is deep and steadfast; even though Li Yi changes his mind and does not love her anymore, she remains infatuated with him. However, compared to Du Liniang, Huo Xiaoyu is inferior, for she becomes the sacrifice of a political marriage. The second half of the play concentrates on the conflict between the love fate of Huo Xiaoyu and the power of Defender-in-Chief Lu. It also reveals government corruption. Another important connotation in the Four Dreams is scepticism about politics. In the Four Dreams, it is rare to see an uncorrupt official. Defender-in Chief Lu in The Purple Hairpin is arbitrary; Du Bao in The Peony Pavilion is pedantic; Chunyu Fen in Tale of Southern Branch indulges in fame; Scholar Lu in the Tale of Handan is extravagant. The representations of the officials in the Four Dreams are like a portrait of one hundred clowns. Obviously, Tang Xianzu had lost confidence in the corrupt state during the Wanli reign. Despite his aspirations when serving as a magistrate in Suichang, Tang Xianzu ended up resigning his post and returning to his hometown. It is known that it was hard for an uncorrupt official to survive. There was another kind of fate, that is, like Chunyu Fen in Tale of Southern Branch, one who turns into a corrupt official. Chunyu pursued political integrity for 20 years when serving as Magistrate of the Southern Branch in the ant kingdom located in an acacia tree. His people praised him as »an upright and incorruptible official of the prefecture.« Nev-

Chapter I Ming Opera (Part I)

ertheless, he indulged himself in beauty and wine once promoted to Prime Minister of the Left. The more politically powerful he became, the more corrupt. He was ultimately deteriorated. The experience of Chunyu Fen suggests that the Ming government was too corrupt to recover. Scholar Lu in Tale of Handan was even worse than Chunyu Fen, who was at least ambitious when he began his official career. Rather, Scholar Lu became an official only because he was fond of fame and wealth. He won the first place in the civil examination by means of bribery, and then made his career. A mediocre official though he was, he was opportunistic, gaining favor from his masters through flattery. Living a luxurious and indulgent life, he served as prime Minister for twenty years, and was even conferred the Duke of Zhao. Tale of Handan depicts the Tang Dynasty as a beautiful embroidery. Yet the play represents a deteriorating state: Emperor Minghuang is a corrupt ruler lost in the world of wine and women; Gao Lishi is an avaricious eunuch; Yuwen Rong is a crafty and venomous prime minister, let alone officials like Pei Guangting and Xiao Song who are full of doublespeak and duplicity. The political career of Scholar Lu is also not untroubled. He is framed by his political enemies, and as a result banished to Hainan Province, in danger of death; even his wife and daughter are punished and become state slaves (Fig. 8.1.10). Such typical circumstances portrayed in Tale of Handan reveal the governmental corruption, denoting the upcoming collapse of the Ming Dynasty. In general, in terms of the condemnation of the government’s darkness, both Tale of Southern Branch and Tale of Handan are much more powerful than many other similar works before and after. Both endings of Tale of Southern Branch and Tale of Handan are colored with Buddhist and Daoist connotations: while Chunyu Fen »seeks enlightenment« and »feels remorseful« under the guidance of the Chan master Qixuan, Scholar Lu is »enlightened« and »disillusioned« after being

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SECTION 2 PLAYWRIGHTS AND WORKS OF CHUANQI

8.1.10 Illustration in Tale of Handan. Ming Tianqi Edition published by Min Guangyu with bicolor printing in black and red. Facsimile from Catalogue of Chinese Woodblock Prints (Zhongguo banhua tulu). Institute of Theater Arts, Chinese National Academy of Arts

awakened by Lü Dongbin. The endings are not necessarily negative. All the wealth and fame of these protagonists was merely illusion. That they awoke from the corrupt official world and their extravagant lives showcases Tang Xianzu’s ideas of »understanding abstinence« in his »Essay on Revealing ›Return‹,« and the return of human nature. It is because Chunyu Fen and Scholar Lu acted against human nature that they lost their gentleness. Therefore, according to the playwright’s original aim, they must clear their »inhuman emotions,« and »transform dreams back into awakenings, and emotions back into human nature.« It has been said that Tang’s pur-

pose in writing these two plays was to »awaken the people and enlighten the world«—an explanation that would correspond to Tang’s original intentions. Thus, although at surface level, Tale of Southern Branch and Tale of Handan demonstrate negative ideas like life being an illusion and everything being empty, in effect, what they negate are deception and the desire for material wealth through officialdom. The Four Dreams was a great artistic achievement, in particular contributing to the ways to write romantic plays. Romantic plays emphasize expressing emotions and portraying aspirations. Their plot does not strictly comply with the logic

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of daily life, but is driven by the »logic of emotions.« Propelled by such logic of emotions, the Four Dreams can be regarded as artistic works of »utmost emotion,« and have made their fame in the broad art world. The Peony Pavilion is the most representative of the four plays. People can die of love, but they can never be reborn because of it. That said, the play’s artistic conception that »the living can die, while the dead can be reborn« departs from our common sense. Nonetheless, Tang Xianzu questioned that »as people only see the inexistence of reason, how do they know that there must be emotions?« The word »qing« (emotions) unveils the core of romantic playwriting practice. In Tale of Southern Branch and Tale of Handan, the logic of emotions also plays a significant role. The emotions of Chunyu Fen and Scholar Lu belong to »inhuman emotions« (which are different from the »genuine emotions« of Du Liniang). Bearing »inhuman emotions,« however, enabled Chunyu Fen and Scholar Lu to enjoy wealth and fame in their illusions, realizing their extreme desires that they could never satisfy in normal life. Additionally, with the logic of emotions the playwright was capable of revealing governmental corruption in his plays. As a result, the romantic imagination was integrated with realistic representation. The storylines of the »Four Dreams« are extraordinary. Like the ways the »Flying General« Li Guang commanded his troops, Tang Xianzu designed the plots with unexpected twists and ingenious incidents. For instance, The Peony Pavilion is not just a romance between a scholar and a beauty, it is like an absurd comedy: »beside the willow or beneath the plum tree,« the couple can rendezvous in dreams, humans can get married with ghosts who in turn can be reborn, Du Bao, a magistrate who only shows his inferior mind, relies on exploiting the connection with Li Quan’s wife to pacify Li’s rebellion, and finally, pedant though he was, Chen Zuiliang is unexpectedly promoted to court official who announces imperial decree.

Chapter I Ming Opera (Part I)

Tale of Handan, on the other hand, also presents the preposterous process of Scholar Lu receiving rapidly promotion in his political career: he manages to travel for over three hundred li in a mountainous region full of rocks by means of »steaming the rocks with salt and boiling them in vinegar,« he defeats Turfan enemies only with a strategy of »using worms to damage thousands of leaves,« he is able to be promoted to Prime Minister by mere contributions. The characterization of Scholar Lu as an abnormal and bizarre protagonist is filled with devices of assorted reverses and misplacements—characteristics of romanticism –which in turn reflect the paradoxical and absurd nature of social reality. However, the dreamworlds of Tang Xianzu’s plays are not monotonously fictitious. As he states in his »Inscription to The Peony Pavilion,« »Must the love that comes in a dream necessarily be unreal? For there is no lack of dream lovers in this world.« It can be implied that the ultimate goal of depicting dreamworlds is to reveal the truth of life, in other words to obtain a »mimesis« of reality. An entanglement of fiction and reality, fakeness and authenticity suggest what we today call the »expressive« rather than »realistic.« Chinese drama is famous for its expressiveness, of which Tang Xianzu’s Four Dreams are unique and wonderful models. In the process of »representing dreamworlds as reality« and »rendering genuine emotions through illusions,« authenticity and fakeness, fiction and reality are intermingled with each other. It is during this process that the plays become more poetic, leading the audience to an endless aftertaste of artistic beauty. Tang Xianzu made the famous claim that »writing should be dominated by its intention, its interest, spirit, and color.« These four words (yi, qu, shen, se 意, 趣, 神, 色) are well manifested in his Four Dreams. An expert in the literature of the Han and the Six Dynasties, Tang Xianzu integrated the extraordinariness and freedom of Han rhapsodies into his chuanqi writing practice, thus accom-

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plishing remarkable artistic effect. Especially in The Peony Pavilion, there are a series of elegant, beautiful arias, and speeches which are not only poetic but also correspond to the identities and feelings of varied characters. In his representations of the dream realm that are realistic yet illusory, close yet distant, Tang Xianzu frequently performs in a less-restrained writing style. Despite that he underlines »intentions, interest, spirit, and color,« Tang opines that it is unnecessary to be strictly confined to the rules of tune titles. Some literati who only emphasized the set rules of tune titles once criticized Tang Xianzu’s plays for being deficient: they contained »disorderly rhymes« and »abrupt native accents.« Here it is essential to specifically explain of this issue. Tang Xianzu was a romantic and an untrammeled poet. He would not let the rules of tune titles restrict his emotions or hinder the expression of his intentions. Tang Xianzu also bore in mind that when composing lyrics to a particular tune title, there were other ways to resolve the contradiction between words and music than accommodating the lyric to the melody (i.  e., »meeting the rhymes« helü 合律). He stated that »arias are only the changing tones of sentences and words.«

SECTION 2 PLAYWRIGHTS AND WORKS OF CHUANQI

This statement reveals one of the keys to dealing with tunes: since the tunes are flexible, they can be adjusted according to the lyric tones (in the present, this is referred to as »chanting the tunes according to the tonal nature of the syllables« yizi xingqiang 依字行腔). That said, there will not be problems like one aria not being chanted when its lyrics do not meet the rhythm. Clearly, Tang Xianzu’s perception was much more perceptive than the literati who only emphasized the rules for tune titles. This is justified by the fact that his Four Dreams (especially The Peony Pavilion) have been performed without changing one single character, even in the present. Tang Xianzu’s plays significantly influenced the chuanqi playwriting of the late Ming. His styles were imitated by chuanqi playwrights, and in particular his Four Dreams had a profound influence over later Chinese drama. The early Qing masterpiece, Palace of Eternal Life (Changsheng dian 长 生殿), by Hong Sheng, was praised as »a boisterous Peony Pavilion.« Even more so, the wellknown Peach Blossom Fan by Kong Shangren, as well as the novel paragon, Dream of the Red Chamber, by Cao Xueqing, were both been influenced by The Peony Pavilion.

CHAPTER II  MING OPERA (PART II) Although the achievements of Ming zaju are incomparable to chuanqi or Yuan zaju, Ming zaju has its own path of development, winning a place in the Ming theater world. Other than chuanqi and zaju, there were other operatic forms performed at the sacrificial rituals, including Mulian operas and nuo operas. Low art notwithstanding, these operas incorporated the popular customs of sacrificing to deities and spirits. Because of their characteristic cultural value, they enjoyed a place in theater as well.

Section 1  Zaju Zaju was the main operatic form of the Yuan dynasty, and was still very popular in the early Ming. With the prevalence of chuanqi after the mid Ming, zaju declined, and its form began to vary. There were a considerable number of works of Ming zaju. In A Complete Index of Ming Zaju Plays, Fu Xihua has included 523. Among them, there are 349 plays whose playwrights are recognized, whereas the other 174 belong to anonymous writers; currently, there are altogether 187 works preserved. To be sure, there must be a sizeable number of works that were not indexed. Excellent zaju works, like Xu Wei’s Four Cries of a Gibbon (Sisheng yuan 四声猿), occupy a significant position in the history of Chinese theater.

1. Zaju of the Early Ming Early Ming zaju developed directly from Yuan zaju. Its performances took place both at court and in the marketplace. Zhu Youdun’s zaju Perfume Sa-

chet Grief (Xiangnang yuan 香囊怨), for instance, portrays a courtesan from Bianliang (Kaifeng, Henan Province) named Liu Panchun. Panchun could perform more than fifty zaju plays, most of which were Yuan zaju. This indicates that zaju plays were frequently staged in theaters, brothels, and private households. More importantly, some emperors and princes in the early Ming were fond of beiqu and zaju. Henceforth, the principal places to write and stage zaju were courts and palaces. Promoted by rulers, zaju seems to have enjoyed a privileged position and was revived to a degree. Amongst the zaju playwrights of the early Ming, it is worth mentioning two princes, Zhu Quan and Zhu Youdun. Their works carry weight in the history of Chinese theater. Zhu Quan (1378–1448) is the seventeenth son of Emperor Zhu Yuanzhang. In the twenty-fourth year of the Hongwu reign (1391), Zhu Quan went to his fief, Daning, outside the Xifengkou Great Wall. After Zhu Di ascended the throne, Zhu Quan moved to Nanchang. He then immersed himself in the Daoist quest for immorality, and became obsessed both with playing the qin zither and reading books. He dedicated himself to writing, and dozens of his works have been preserved. Zhu Quan passed away in the thirteenth year of the Zhengtong reign (1448) of Emperor Yingzong. He was bestowed the posthumous name Prince Xian, and was commonly called Prince Xian of Ning. He wrote twelve zaju plays, among which Chong Mozi Ascends to the Grand Veil Heaven (Chong Mozi dubu daluotian 冲漠子独步大罗天) and Zhuo Wenjun Elopes with Sima Xiangru (Zhuo Wenjun siben Xiangru 卓文君私奔相如) have survived.

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Chong Mozi tells the story of Chong Mozi being enlightened by the two immortals Lü Dongbin and Zhang Ziyang. He was able to restrain his »monkey-like heart and horse-like thoughts,« overcome his addictions to wine and beauty, cleanse the desires inside his body, and ultimately become an immortal. Not only does the play demonstrate Zhu Quan’s promotion of Daoist beliefs and the philosophy of Laozi and Zhuangzi, it also reflects Zhu’s regrets about his life. In fact, the playwright compared himself to the protagonist. In the struggles over imperial power, Zhu Quan was repetitively deceived and squeezed out by Zhu Di, and as a result he rejected fame and power. Chong Mozi, in this sense, showcases his dismissal of secular life and his desire to withdraw from the world. In Zhuo Wenjun, the widow Zhuo Wenjun falls in love with the talented scholar Sima Xiangru, from Chengdu. The two convey their affection by playing the qin zither and finally eloping together. The play, to some extent, objects to Confucian rules and traditions. And it is progressive that Zhu Quan, despite being a royal aristocrat, advocated the remarriage of a widow. Zhu Youdun was also born into the royal family, but many of his zaju plays reflect his awareness of the greater populace. For example, his Black Whirlwind Spurns Riches out of Righteousness (Hei xuanfeng zhangyi shucai 黑旋风仗义疏财) discloses the social factors for why the oppressive government drove people to rebellion: Sheriff Zhao squeezed farmers for money and harmed them when he went to collect the grain tax. His behavior enraged Li Kui and Yan Qing, two heroes from Mount Liang, who defended the commoners against injustice and took revenge for the victims. Meanwhile, in Liu Awaiting Spring Remains Loyal: Perfume Sachet Grief (Liu Panchun shouzhi xiangnang yuan 刘盼春守志香囊怨), protagonist Courtesan Liu Panchun rebuffs the seduction and coercion of a wealthy merchant. Yearning for marriage, she falls in love with a scholar and is faithful to him until death.

SECTION 1 ZAJU

There are many distinctive characters in Zhu Youdun’s zaju plays. In A Leopard Monk Returns to Laity of His Own (Baozi heshang zi huansu 豹 子和尚自还俗), Lu Zhishen leaves home and becomes a monk two times, out of rage. Later, moved by his mother, wife, and children, and encouraged by the head of the Mount Liang rebels, he finally returns to laity and goes to Mount Liang for revenge. The changes in his mind make sense, while his psychological portrait is rich and his behavior trustworthy. As for Guan Yu Refuses Gold (Guan Yunchang yiyong cijin 关云长义勇辞 金), Zhu Youdun, by depicting the interactions between Guan Yu, Cao Cao, and Lady Gan, incisively and vividly revealed the personalities of Guan Yu and Cao Cao. Whereas the former was »faithful, preserving his loyalty,« the latter was »considerate and intelligent, good at recognizing talent.« In fluid language and harmonious rhymes, Zhu Youdun’s zaju plays inherit the style of Jin and Yuan zaju. He paid close attention to speech, and many of his play titles are clearly noted to have »speech fully scripted.« This indicates that, unlike Yuan zaju, the speech in these plays could not have been improvised by performers on stage. In The Virtuous Stepmother in Qinghe County (Qinghe xian jimu daxian 清河县继母大贤), there is a dialogue between mother and son in which the mother exhorts her son repeatedly before a journey, yet he merely replies in an offhand manner. The plainspoken dialogue notwithstanding, its language foregrounds a contrast in characterization between the loving mother and the spoiled son. Compared to Yuan zaju, Zhu Youdun’s zaju plays made breakthroughs in music and singing. In many of his works, he combined nanqu and beiqu together into a suite (nanbei hetao 南北合 套). For example, from the first to the third acts in Flowers and Moon in Lü Dongbin’s Congregation of Immortals (Lü Dongbin huayue shenxian hui 吕洞 宾花月神仙会), while Lü Dongbin (performed by a mo) sings beiqu, Zhang Zhennu (performed by a

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dan) sings nanqu. Meanwhile, Zhu Youdun developed the traditional format of Yuan zaju, where singing was restricted to one character per act. In the fourth act of Lü Dongbin, Zhang Zhennu and the »eight immortals« all sing. The dan and jing sing in the first act of Li Yaxian Amid Flowers and Wine at the Winding Stream (Li Yaxian huajiu qujiangchi 李亚仙花酒曲江池), as well as mo and wai in its second act; in Black Whirlwind, Li Kui and Yan Qing sometimes sing separately, and sometimes together. In the early Ming, some literati active during the Yuan-Ming transition were also fond of writing zaju plays, including Wang Ziyi, Liu Dongsheng, Wang Wenchang, Gu Zijing, Lan Chufang, Chen Keming, Li Tangbin, Mu Zhongyi, Tang Shunmin, Jia Zhongming, Yang Jingyan (with a sobriquet Jingxian), and Su Fuzhi. Many of them wrote for the court. Among their zaju plays, Golden Boy and Jade Girl from the Story of Mistress and Maid (Jintong yunü jiaohong ji金童玉女娇红记) by Liu Dongsheng, and Journey to the West (Xiyou ji 西游记) by Yang Jingyan, stand out. Mistress and Maid is an adaptation by Liu Dongsheng of a Yuan zaju. In the eight-act play, Shen Chun and Wang Jiaoniang fall in love with each other. However, Governor Yang seeks a marriage alliance with the Wang family. Hoping to attach himself to the powerful Governor Yang, Wang Jiaoniang’s father agrees to the request. This brings the couple extreme grief. Later, Governor Yang realizes that Shen and Wang are Golden Boy and Jade Girl, who have descended to this world, and calls off his engagement. The couple finally reunite. The play praises the young couple for their spirit in pursuing the freedom to love. It also explores their complex interiority once they encounter setbacks. There are altogether twenty-four acts in the six volumes of Yang Jingyan’s Journey to the West. It is adapted from The Poems and Lines of the Great Tang Tripitaka Searching for Sutras (Datang Sanzang qujing shihua 大唐三藏取经诗话) of the

Chapter II Ming Opera (Part II)

Song Dynasty, and the Yuan zaju Tripitaka Journeys to the West to Seek Sutras (Tang Sanzang xitian qujing 唐三藏西天取经). Its plot is much richer, integrating the experiences of Monk Tripitaka’s journey to the west to search for the sutras with the story of the monkey Sun Wukong, who vanquishes demons and monsters. The play begins with a series of major episodes, including Buddha and the immortals subduing Sun Wukong and reciting an incantation to restrain the monkey, defeating the pig Bajie, climbing the Fiery Flaming Mountain, passing through the Kingdom of Women, and travelling to the west to search for Sutras. The play lays a foundation for the production of the Ming novel Journey to the West, while widely influencing the later development of »Xiyou drama.«

2. Zaju of Middle and Late Ming After the mid Ming, beiqu zaju still had a place at court. During the reign of Emperor Wanli, Zhao Qimei (1563–1624), Archivist of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, copied a series of scripts for Yuan and Ming zaju plays and archived them in the palace. Many of the plays were appended with »lists of costumes and accessories,« which recorded the costumes, headdresses, and artificial whiskers worn by characters, along with other props. Together, there are over two hundred entries for headdresses and costumes that can be combined into more than three hundred dress sets. It can also be implied from these lists that, after the mid Ming, zaju was continuously staged in the palace. With chuanqi flourishing, zaju generally declined during the mid Ming. In the south, nevertheless, some literati still paid attention to beiqu. In Nanjing, for example, the old singing master Dunren taught He Liangjun’s family troupe to sing beiqu. Until the late Ming, zaju in beiqu was still being staged. Yet it is worth attending to the southernization of zaju after the mid Ming. This trend manifested itself in the following ways.

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The first way was form. Unlike the Yuan zaju plays, each of which consisted of four acts, the zaju plays written after the mid Ming were composed of a different number of acts ranging from one to eight—a trend that had already arisen in the early Ming. As mentioned before, there are altogether eight acts in the Golden Boy and Jade Girl from the Story of Mistress and Maid, while a total of twenty-four acts in the six volumes of Journey to the West. The form became more and more widespread after the mid Ming. In addition, some plays were combined with plots from separate stories. For instance, Songs of Great Peace (Taihe ji 泰和记) attributed to Xu Chao (or Yang Shen) is a collection of thirteen playlets, including Stopping the Disputes (Xi fenzheng 息忿争), Displaying the Talents (Xian caiyi 显才艺), Writing the Romance (Xie fengqing 写风情), Gifting My Little Wife (Yi xijun 遗细君), Recalling the Hometown (Yi guxiang 忆故乡), Traveling to the Red Cliff (You chibi 游赤壁), Climbing the South Tower (Deng nanlou 登南楼), Making Friends (Zhi jiaoyou 致交游), Meeting Colleagues (Hui liaoyou 会僚友), Testing Sons and Daughters (Shi ernü 试儿女), Spring at Wuling (Wuling chun 武陵春), Singing at Noon (Wuri yin 午日吟), and Meeting with People of the Same Age (Tongjia hui 同甲会). Each playlet is an independent story, threaded together according to the seasons when the stories took place. This lengthy form, in effect, resulted from the fact that zaju had drawn closer to chuanqi. Even so, shorter plays still dominated Ming zaju, and this is the major distinction between Ming zaju and Ming chuanqi. The second way was singing. Zaju after the mid Ming transcended the Yuan paradigm that »one actor or actress served as lead singer.« In many plays, assorted role types such as sheng, dan, jing, mo, chou could sing. There were varied formats as well, including solo, alternate, rounds and chorus. This singing format of zaju was also influenced by chuanqi. The third way was the application of tune titles. Beiqu was widely applied in Yuan zaju, and this

SECTION 1 ZAJU

was also the case in the zaju of the early Ming. After the mid Ming, however, rather than being an entire set of beiqu music, a zaju play usually consisted of a mixture of nanqu and beiqu. When it came to the Wanli reign, nanqu usually dominated zaju plays. There are sixty zaju plays in Shen Tai’s compilation, A Collection of Zaju of the Glorious Ming. Arias in these plays enjoyed much freedom, some of which were in beiju, while some others were in nanqu or a mixture of nanqu and beiqu. Arias in many of the plays were entirely in nanqu. This type of zaju was called »southern zaju.« One of the early examples of the southernization of zaju is the Four Zaju Plays of the Great Elegant Hall (Daya tang zaju 大雅堂杂剧), written by Wang Daokun (1525–1593) during the reign of Emperor Jiajing. Among the four plays, except for Traveling on the Five Lakes (Wuhu you 五湖游, which combined nanqu and beiqu in suites), the arias of Dream of Gaotang (Gaotang meng 高唐梦), Drama of Distant Mountains (Yuanshan xi 远山戏), and Sorrow Along the Luo River (Luoshui bei 洛水悲) were all in nanqu, sung by varied role types. This southernization of zaju demonstrates that the artistic features originally embodied in northern zaju had largely disappeared. There were some influential zaju playwrights after the mid Ming. We will discuss the works by Kang Hai, Wang Jiusi, Feng Weimin, Lü Tiancheng, and Xu Fuzuo first, and in the next section will focus on Xu Wei. Both from Shaanxi Province, Kang Hai (1475–1540) and Wang Jiusi (1468–1551) were friends with similar life experiences. Kang Hai passed the civil service examination in the fifteenth year of the Hongzhi reign (1502), and was appointed Senior Compiler of the Hanlin Academy. Wang Jiusi passed the examination in the ninth year of the Hongzhi reign (1496), and was appointed Junior Compiler of the Hanlin Academy. Involved in the Liu Jin affair, the two were deprived of their posts. In their later years, they respectively wrote the zaju play The Wolf of Mount Zhongshan. While there are four

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acts in Kang Hai’s Mr. Dongguo Mistakenly Saves the Wolf of Mount Zhongshan (Dongguo xiansheng wujiu Zhongshan lang 东郭先生误救中山狼), Wang Jiu’s Court Play of the Wolf of Mount Zhongshan (Zhongshan lang yuanben 中山狼院本) is a one act zaju (this play was a pioneer of the short zaju playlets in the Ming Dynasty). Their difference in length notwithstanding, the two plays shared the same plot and characters. Both plays tell the story of a wolf hit by an arrow, seeking help from Mr. Dongguo. Thanks to Mr. Dongguo, who hides the wolf inside his book chest, the wolf is able to evade the hunter. However, the wolf, after being saved, unexpectedly tries to devour Mr. Dongguo. Fortunately, with the assistance of a spirit, Mr. Dongguo survives. The plays allegorically criticize the »universal love« promoted by Mozi. In effect, they also express the playwrights’ views on the Ming government, showing that some high officials were brutal beneath their human masks. Feng Weimin (c.  1511–1580), from Linqu, Shandong Province, was Magistrate of Laishui County and Prefect of Baoding Prefecture. He wrote a play entitled A Monk and a Nun Commit a Sin Together (Sengni gongfan 僧尼共犯). The play tells the story of Monk Mingjin and Nun Huilang, who carry on an illicit love affair and are sent to court by their neighbors. After several twists and turns, the couple is able to resume secular life and get married. The play substantiates people’s desire for a normal life. Monk Mingjin once reflected on his life as a monk: »Is it possible that I am not human? But thinking carefully, I was also brought up by my parents. […] It is not that I do not perceive human emotions.« Monk Mingjin’s self-reflection was, to a certain degree, related to the trend of humanist thinking after the mid Ming. In the play, when the official hears the couple’s case, the playwright offers criticism in the voice of Sheriff Shouchang, calling the behavior of the governors like »foxes in the city walls and rats on the altars.« The language is pungent. Any laughter or anger are interwoven by the playwright into this great piece.

Chapter II Ming Opera (Part II)

Lü Tiancheng (1580–1618), a famous theater critic in the late Ming, wrote dozens of chuanqi and zaju plays. However, only his A Village Joke (Qidong juedao 齐东绝倒) has been preserved. A Village Joke, also named Joy in Haibin (Haibin le 海滨乐), tells the story of King Shun of Yu and his father, Gusou (瞽瞍)—which literally means a blind old man. Gusou has killed his eldest son, and Judge Gaotao sentences him to death. King Shun confronts a dilemma whereby »[he] doesn’t want his father to die« on the one hand, and »he can’t bear to break the laws« on the other. Shun thereupon flees to Haibin without informing his father. Others laugh at him, for »so stupid is our king of Yu who discards his state to save a blind man.« The playwright, in the style of a village joke, ridiculed the so-called »sages.« Meanwhile, he expressed his longing for genuine »rule of law« (whereby law should be superior to any political power). Xu Fuzuo (c. 1560–1630), from Changshu, Jiangsu Province, wrote chuanqi plays including The Luminous Sword (Xiaoguang jian 霄光剑), Story of the Red Pear (Hongli ji 红梨记), and Throwing the Shuttle (Tousuo ji 投梭记), as well as the zaju play One Coin (Yiwen qian 一文钱, also taking the name »The Daoist of the Stinginess« 破悭道 人). In this six-act zaju play, the rich landlord Lu Zhi is too stingy to accomodate human feelings. Even when his wife, consorts, and servants do not have enough money, he frequently goes out to get money for himself. He once happily picks a coin up from the road, but only buys some sesame, eating one grain after another. This play makes a piquant critique of Landlord Lu, who was extremely obsessed with money. But in the end, it is a divine monk who »first dispatches Lu’s fortunes, exterminates the root of his obsession, and ultimately guides [him] to the Great Way«—that is, reveals the path to immortality. None of the zaju plays above are comedies. In the following section we will introduce Xu Wei’s Heroine Mulan (Ci Mulan 雌木兰), Female Top Graduate (Nü zhuangyuan 女状元), and A Song for a

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Laugh (Ge daixiao 歌代啸), which are comedies. The zaju plays written after the mid Ming tended to have more comic features.

3. Xu Wei’s Four Cries of a Gibbon Xu Wei made the greatest achievements among the zaju playwrights of the Ming Dynasty. Wang Jide, in The Principles of Lyric Dramas, praised that The Four Cries of a Gibbon by Xu Wei as »an extraordinary text between Heaven and Earth.« Wang also nominated Tang Xianzu and Xu Wei as »the champions of present playwrights.« These were fair appraisals. Xu Wei (1521–1593), also known by his style name Wenchang and sobriquets the Recluse of Heaven’s Lake (tianchi shanren 天池山人) and the Daoist Priest of the Green Vines (qingteng daoshi 青藤 道士), came from Shanyin District, Shaoxing Prefecture (Shaoxing, Zhejiang Province). During the 19th year of the Jiajing reign (1540), Xu Wei became a student of the district school, but failed the civil service examinations time and time again. He served as a private secretary to Governor General of Zhejiang Province Hu Zongxian, partaking in resisting pirates and subjugating bandits. Plagued by madness in the 44th year of the Jiajing reign (1565), Xu Wei attempted suicide. The following year he was sentenced to prison for killing his wife, to be released six years later. Afterwards, he wandered the countryside, dedicating himself to calligraphy, painting, poetry and literature. He was penniless and frustrated in his old age. Regardless of his life experiences, Xu Wei made great achievements in various fields including calligraphy, painting, poetry, literature, and drama. He was famous for his zaju, The Four Cries of a Gibbon, along with the comedy A Song for a Laugh (Ge dai xiao 歌代啸, attributed to him). The Four Cries of a Gibbon is the title of a play collection. It consists of the four zaju plays The Mad Drummer Plays the Yuyang Triple Rolls (Kuang gushi yuyang sannong 狂鼓史渔阳三弄), Zen Master Yu Has a Voluptuous Dream (Yu chanshi

SECTION 1 ZAJU

cui xiang yi meng 玉禅师翠乡一梦), The Female Mulan Goes to War in Place of Her Father (Ci Mulan tifu congjun 雌木兰替父从军), The Girl Top Graduate Rejects the Female Phoenix and Gains the Male Phoenix (Nü zhuangyuan cihuang defeng 女状元辞 凰得凤). The Mad Drummer tells a story set during the Three Kingdoms Period. After the deaths of Mi Heng and Cao Cao, Mi Heng plays drum while accusing Cao Cao of crimes in the underworld. Zen Master Yu was adapted from a tale in A Record of Travel to West Lake (Xihu youlan zhi 西湖游览志). The play is about Yu Tong, a prestigious monk in Ling’an, who transgresses sexual restraint due to courtesan Red Lotus’s seduction. After committing suicide, Yu Tong is reborn into a courtesan named Liu Cui. Thanks to Monk Moonlight’s enlightenment, Liu Cui recognizes her karma and reconverts her to Buddhism. The Female Mulan (Fig.8.2.1) was developed from the yuefu poem »The Ballad of Mulan.« It tells the story of the girl Hua Mulan, who dresses as a male and joins the army in place of her father, winning glory for her country in the borderlands. The Girl Top Graduate is set in the Five Dynasties period. In the play, the girl Huang Chonggu dresses as a male scholar and wins top place in the civil service examination. She makes many achievements in her political career, and is finally received as the daughter-inlaw of Prime Minister Zhou. Among the four zaju plays, The Mad Drummer (Fig.8.2.2) and The Female Mulan are the most renowned. Each protagonist in The Four Cries of a Gibbon strong character. Hua Mulan, in The Female Mulan, and Huang Chonggu, in The Girl Top Graduate, are both females who dress as males, bringing their talents to full play and making great contributions to the military or the government. Mi Heng, in the Mad Drummer, is well-known for his »madness.« In fact, the madness refers to a personality that abhors evil even in the underworld—he scolds villains and expresses his righteousness. It is because the playwright detested how the centralized government strangled individuality that he produced

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Chapter II Ming Opera (Part II)

8.2.1 Illustration from The Female Mulan. In A Collection of Zaju of the Glorious Ming. Ming Chonzhen Edition. National Library of China

8.2.2 Illustration of »The Yuyang Roll« from The Mad Drummer. In A Collection of Zaju of the Glorious Ming, vol.1, juan 5. Ming Chongzhen Edition. National Library of China

a play which manifested subjectivity and extolled personality. In addition, the plot in Zen Master Yu, where a monk who transgresses can still be enlightened, also indicates the playwright criticizes asceticism for destroying one’s instincts. It is commendable that The Female Mulan and The Girl Top Graduate demonstrated a sense of equality between men and women. Both Hua Mulan and Huang Chonggu were heroines: while the former swept away the enemy troops on the battlefield, the latter defeated scholars in the examination hall. Their military or political talents were superior to men. In addition, that the playwright

highly praised women for their talents and contributions, in The Girl Top Graduate, there is even the line, »Who is responsible for good deeds in this world? It is not men but women.« In the cultural environment of the Ming Dynasty, one that largely promoted Neo-Confucianism, The Four Cries of a Gibbon reflected self-consciousnesses and gender equality. This, in effect, demonstrates the rebellious spirit of the playwright and his unprecedented progressive thinking. The Four Cries of a Gibbon is tinged with playfulness, embodying the comic features typical of East Asian cultures. Although the plays have tragedy

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embedded in them, the playwright was talented enough to deal with serious topics in a playful tone. He ridiculed villainous power, while revealing his open-mindedness and sense of humor. The talents of Hua Mulan in The Female Mulan and Huang Chonggu in The Girl Top Graduate were superior to millions of men, yet it was only when they dressed as men that they could bring their skills into active play. Hua Mulan, in the second act of The Female Mulan, sang of her inner conflict that »it is said that between men and women, even their mats should not touch, but when there is no other option, one must use expedient means.« Once they took off their male costumes, they could do nothing but return to the path paved for women, according to social expectation. This is reflected in act five of The Girl Top Graduate, when Huang Chonggu »changed anew from man to [my] sister-in-law, entering the kitchen, sending [me] off to taste the soup vegetables for her mother-in-law.« (Kwa, Strange Eventful Histories, 234) Nevertheless, such a tragic plot is manifested playfully—amazing comic conflicts, sudden comic twists and turns, and clever comic characters are all integrated seamlessly with the plays’ serious themes. The comic features are also represented through jokes and cursing, as well as by the sarcastic criticism of inauthentic Neo-Confucianism. That said, The Four Cries of a Gibbon is a vivid presentation of the destruction of values through laughter.

Section 2  Mulian Opera and Operas Performed at Sacrifices and Rituals Operas were often performed in popular events to celebrate festivals, make sacrifices to gods and demons, exorcise disaster, make or redeem pledges, offer congratulation on happy occasions, and consolations at funerals. These performances were entertainment by nature (with names like »enter-

SECTION 2 MULIAN OPERA AND OPERAS PERFORMED AT SACRIFICES AND RITUALS

taining the deities«), and they were common operas that were frequently staged. However, some performances were closely related to sacrifices and rituals, with content and form concerned with sacrificial activities. Bearing strong religious and folk characteristics, these performances were distinguished from common operas. The Mulian operas and the nuo operas of the Ming Dynasty were among those performed at sacrifices and rituals, yet their forms varied.

1. Mulian Opera The Mulian operas were usually performed during the Feast of All Souls or at funerals. Their performances were tightly integrated into sacrificial rituals, while also combined with acrobatic elements. In terms of plot, the Mulian operas followed that of the Ming chuanqi. In general, however, the Mulian opera was a complex largely divergent from chuanqi. The Mulian story originated with a Buddhist sutra. Mulian, whose religious name was Maudgalyayana, was a disciple of the historical Buddha, Sakyamuni. Along with Sariputra (Sheli fu 舍利弗) and Mahakasyapa (Da Jiashe 大迦叶), Mulian was among the »Ten Great Disciples of the Buddha.« The Buddha Speaks the Yulanpen Sutra (Foshuo Yulanpen jing 佛说盂兰盆经) translated by Dharmaraksa (Zhu Fahu 竺法护) of the Eastern Jin is the earliest extant sutra that records the story of Mulian rescuing his mother, and its notions of karma and filial piety promoted in the sutra became enduring themes for Mulian operas. Buddhism at first did not emphasize kinship and blood relations, but after being introduced into China, Buddhism made several compromises with the Chinese cultures for which Confucianism was at the very center. The story of Mulian rescuing his mother demonstrates the significance of filial piety, which also indicates the yield of Buddhism to Confucianism. The Mulian story took shape as early as in the Tang transformation texts. There are preserved

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three transformation texts: The Miraculous Origin of Mulian (Mulian yuanqi 目连缘起), Maudgalyayana Rescuing His Mother from the Hell (Damu qianlian minjian jiumu bianwen 大目乾连冥间救 母变文), and The Transformation Text of Mulian (Mulian bianwen 目连变文). During the Northern Song, the story of Mulian was performed in the zaju format. In Dongjing (Kaifeng, Henan Province), every year in the seventh lunar month there were popular events celebrating the Feast of All Souls. After the seventh day of the seventh lunar month, people performed the zaju play Mulian Rescuing His Mother until the fifteenth day of the same month, the Ghost Festival. There were a large number of people viewing the performance. A similar story was staged in Jin yuanben and Yuan zaju. However, no play text has been preserved, and hence it is impossible to know how the play was performed. In terms of Ming Mulian operas, the earliest account available today is a manuscript entitled Protocol for Transmitting the Ritual of Welcoming the Spirits in Forty Musical Modes (Yingshen saishe lijie chuanbu sishi qu gongdiao 迎神赛社礼节传簿 四十曲宫调). The manuscript, dated to the second year of the Wanli reign (1574), was discovered in the Nanshe Village, Zhaidian County Lucheng City, Shanxi Province. It records the ritual protocol for sacrificing the Twenty-Eight Mansions. In the section, »Water Earthworm Chariot« (»Zhenshui yin« 轸水蚓), there is an entry for Mulian Rescuing his Mother belonging to the fifth offering of offering team operas. In the list of role type arrangements of silent team operas there is another entry, Mrs. Liu Named Qingtie Journeying to the Hell (Qingtie [ti] Liushi you diyu 青铁[提]刘氏游 地狱). The offering team operas varied, mainly taking the form of playing musical instruments and singing, or sometimes of performing playlets. Mulian Rescuing his Mother belonged to the latter, which was probably fragments of the entire Mulian story. Silent team operas, as a type of procession performance, were part of the ritual events wel-

Chapter II Ming Opera (Part II)

coming spirits in the Luzhou region. While wandering the streets, performers in their costumes performed simple acts—but neither speaking nor singing. The manuscript edition of the silent team opera, Mrs. Liu Named Qingtie Journeying to the Hell, mentions two plots: »Mrs. Liu journeying to the eighteenth hell« and »Monk Mulian rescuing his mother.« It also lists characters such as Thousand-Mile-Eye, Fair-Wind-Ear, Ox-head, HorseFace, Judge, Recorders of Good and Evil, GreenRobed Youths (two), White-Devil Commanders (four), Golden-Bridge Grand Envoys, Ten Kings of the Hell, Pratimoksha, Water-Fire Youth, and the Bodhisattva Guanyin. Obviously, they were also members of the procession. From this Protocol for Transmitting the Ritual manuscript, we know that the Mulian operas played an important role in the activities for welcoming and sacrificing to spirits in the Luzhou region. Additionally, the manuscript was copied in the second year of the Wanli reign (1574) by Cao Guozai, after an edition owned by his grandfather. Therefore the original manuscript should be even earlier than this one. It is worth noting that literati paid great attention to the Mulian operas as well. Wang Shouren, the famous Ming Neo-Confucian, once commented on the operas that »although their lyrics were less resplendent than The West Chamber, they attached more significance to filial piety.« Wang’s comment indicates that although literati admitted that the lyrics of the Mulian operas were less beautiful than plays like Romance of the West Chamber, they recognized that the lyrics strongly demonstrated the value of filial piety. One of the most important examples of how Ming literati attended to Mulian operas is that Zheng Zhizhen adapted popular Mulian operas into his renowned Southern Opera Exhorting Goodness Through the Story of Mulian Rescuing His Mother (Mulian jiumu quanshan xiwen 目连救母劝善戏文, hereafter Southern Opera Exhorting Goodness) (Fig. 8.2.3). Zhen Zhizhen, with the style name Ruxi and sobriquet Hermit of High Rock, was born in Qingxi

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8.2.3 Illustrations of the Southern Opera Exhorting Goodness Through the Story of Mulian Rescuing His Mother. Ming Wanli Edition printed by the Gaoshi Shanfang Publishing House. Institute of Theater Arts, Chinese National Academy of Arts

Village, Qimen County, Anhui Province. He studied Confucian classics from childhood but kept failing in the civil service examinations for thirty years. In middle age, he relinquished his official career, and wandered around—dedicating himself to literature. Zheng’s aim in writing this Mulian opera adaptation was to promote goodness and warn against evil through the notion of Buddhist karma. Zheng was dissatisfied with the vulgar, popular Mulian operas. He opined that they were

not tightly composed, and sought after too many fantastic spectacles. In his adaptation, he first set the main storyline as Mulian rescuing his mother and fulfilling requirements of filial piety. Following this, he streamlined the entire structure, cutting out irrelevant plot. As a result, there are in all 102 scenes starting from Mulian praying his parents’ long lives on New Year’s Day, and ending with the Feast of All Souls to rescue his mother. Whereas people had previously spent nearly half

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a month to stage the entire popular Mulian opera, it would only take three days to perform the Southern Opera Exhorting Goodness. In addition, Zheng Zhizhen revised the lyrics of the play by combining elegant and vulgar language. The play, in so doing, was not unintelligible like many other literati chuanqi, and it was more well-structured and concise than popular operas. In the play, the central figures of Mulian and his mother Mrs. Liu are carefully portrayed. Mulian, as the embodiment of filial piety, renounces all kinds of temptations—including promotions, money, and beauty. He is even willing to sacrifice his life to rescue his mother. He is magnanimous and benign, sparing no money to give relief to the poor. He is strongminded, unafraid of any difficulty on the journey to save his mother. He treats his parents with respect, demonstrating the human affection for family to the extreme. Mulian as a character had been easy to flatten in the play, yet in Zheng Zhizhen’s portrayal he is fully rounded, and his actions could arouse the audience’s emotions. Mrs. Liu is also a lively character. She had previously followed her husband’s belief in Buddhism and Daoism, but later she expels Buddhist monks and Daoist priests—indiscriminately taking life and eating meat. She embodies multiple human weaknesses: she is feeble-minded, lacking in her own judgment, is stingy and greedy, and oftentimes deceives others. Nevertheless, she has a strong bond with her son, Mulian. Especially after she becomes a ghost in hell, she reveals her sorrow when she meets with her son. This revelation of her true feelings reflects her genuine compassion as a mother. The playwright Zheng Zhizhen successfully conveys a moral message through the contrast of the fall of Mrs. Liu and the filial behavior of Mulian, who rescues his mother. Even so, there were still limits in terms of Zheng’s understanding, as he hoped to solve various social contradictions through the Buddhist belief in karma alone.

Chapter II Ming Opera (Part II)

Southern Opera Exhorting Goodness was based on the major operatic form in the Ming Dynasty, chuanqi. Its plot and role type systems were the same as those of chuanqi, and its literary quality was no lower than literati chuanqi plays. In terms of music, Southern Opera Exhorting Goodness was still based on the system of nanqu and beiqu widely applied in chuanqi, yet it integrated quite a few popular and folk songs (especially those religious songs such as Lotus Flower Songs, Buddhist Songs, and Daoist Melodies) to accommodate certain plot—in turn diversifying the music in the play. In general, Southern Opera Exhorting Goodness largely enhances the literary quality of the Mulian operas, and greatly influenced their development. Later, in different times and regions, there developed various forms of Mulian operas whose plots were mostly based on Zheng Zhizhen’s play. The Mulian operas, from the popular ones to Zheng Zhizhen’s adaptation, follow the plot of Mulian rescuing his mother. The operas embody complex cultural values by combining the Buddhist belief in karma with Confucian filial piety. From a Buddhist sutra to transformation texts, and then to operas, the changing format of the Mulian story has been highly consistent with the localization of Buddhism in China. The Mulian operas also integrate some aspects of Daoist thinking. The fifteenth day of the seventh lunar month was the Ghost Festival, in Daoist tradition. On that day, when people sacrificed to their ancestors and pacified wandering spirits, Mulian operas were also performed. Meanwhile, there were plots in the play related to huisha (回煞, referring to ghosts of the deceased returned home from hell) and soul-saving. Other than an integration of the thoughts of the »Three Religions« of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism, the performances of the Mulian operas were inspired by many religious rituals. In the Southern Opera Exhorting Goodness by Zheng Zhizhen, for instance, there are scenes of »Conducting Fasts and Taking

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Alms,« »Celebrating the Birthday of the Bodhisattva Guanyin,« »Fasting to Sacrifice to the Father,« »Mulian Sitting in Meditation,« and »Hosting the Feast of All Souls«—together immersing the audience in a religious atmosphere. The Mulian operas also incorporated a large number of folk customs, such that their performances were like a long genre painting scroll. The audience for Zheng’s Southern Opera Exhorting Goodness would have seen the customs of celebrating birthdays, monks saving the souls of deceased family members, welcoming ghosts home on the seventh day of the seventh lunar month (huisha, Fig. 8.2.4), as well as hosting the Feast of All Souls during the Ghost Festival. In addition, the Mulian operas were performed not just during the Ghost Festival, but also at various festivals and temple fairs, along with funerary and sacrificial events. For example, both the aforementioned offering team opera Mulian Rescuing his Mother, and silent team opera Mrs. Liu Named Qingtie Journeying to the Hell, could be performed at local temples together with other events of welcoming and sacrificing to the spirits. The specific time for performing Mulian operas accorded to these specific festivals and customs, and the performances not only added an atmosphere of festivity, but also attracted more audience members thanks to the festive celebrations. Thus, enjoyed by thousands of villagers, the performances of the Mulian operas frequently became a sensational spectacle to caused stir in village communities. The performances of the Mulian operas also intermingled with many acrobatic elements, that were largely applied to the hell scenes. These elements added a sense of fantasy to the performances. In Zhang Dai’s Dream Recollection of Tao’an, he records in detail a performance of the Mulian opera in Shanyin (Shaoxing, Zhejiang Province) during the late Ming. According to Zhang Dai, the performance was very distinguished from normal theatrical performances. A large stage was constructed at the military drill ground. Around 30 to

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40 performers skillful in martial arts came from Jingyang, Huizhou Provenance, and performed the opera for three days and three nights. In their performance, there was thrilling acting that included rope dancing, jumping on tables and ladders, somersaults, kicking a jar, leaping through circles, skipping fire and swords. There were also many supernatural characters, such as the heavenly and earthly deities, Ox-head and Horse-face, Ghost Mother and the Messenger of Death, and yakshas and demons. The cruel scenes of torture in hell, such as sawing ghosts, boiling them in a cauldron, and making them walk on mountains of knives and forests of swords, were attractive yet appalling. The scenes became even more horrible when they were performed at night, as the performers’ faces looked just like ghosts’ faces. When scenes of »Calling Back the Spirits of the Dead from the Five Directions« and »Mrs. Liu Escaping the Shed« were staged, performers who acted as ghosts and demons ran through the audience—which was so scared that they screamed and shouted. The magistrate even thought that it might be pirates attacking, and dispatched officials to inquire into the situation. A grand and sensational performance like that can be regarded not merely as a religious or folk cultural celebration, but also as public spectacle.

2. Nuo Opera Nuo opera (nuoxi 傩戏) had a very early origin, possibly related to primitive magic—nuo performances were usually part of a primitive nuo magic ritual. However, each nuo opera had a narrative, and as a performance they can be categorized together as a type of drama. The nuo operas were mainly stories relevant to demons and deities, reflecting spirit worship, the exorcism of evil, and welcoming auspices. Although certain later nuo operas were distinct from nuo ritual, there remained quite a few religious elements in terms of form (such as masks, costumes, and props). During the Ming Dynasty, nuo rituals were con-

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Chapter II Ming Opera (Part II)

8.2.4 Scene of »Mrs. Liu’s Ghost Returning Home« in the Southern Opera Exhorting Goodness. Ming Wanli Edition printed by Gaoshi Shanfang Publishing House. Institute of Theater Arts, Chinese National Academy of Arts

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ducted both in the palace and among the people, with nuo operas staged accordingly. In primitive times, varied magic rituals provided a way for human beings to »dialogue« with supernatural powers. This was the basis for nuo ritual. Meanwhile, the deification of assorted alien forces and objects of worship gave rise to the birth of primitive religion. At a nuo ritual, in order to exorcise a ghost, expel a demon, or bless someone, a shaman would dress up to make a spirit »manifest« through acting. »Dressing up as deities and acting as demons« (zhuangshen nonggui 装神弄鬼) as such had already enjoyed a certain connection with theater. In the section of »The Exorcist« (Fangxiang 方相) in »The Officers of Xia« (Xiaguan 夏官), in The Rites of Zhou (Zhouli 周礼), nuo rituals to expel demons and plagues are been included among official rites of the Zhou Dynasty. In the Han Dynasty, there was a team to perform the nuo rituals, consisting of 120 zhen children (zhenzi 侲子) and the characters of 12 mythical creatures. In the Song Dynasty, royal guards and entertainers from the Imperial Music Bureau took charge of nuo rituals in the palace. The scale of the rituals was grand, and they were more spectacular as new divine characters emerged, including the Divine General, Judge, Zhong Kui, Earth Spirit and the Kitchen God. At the Ming court, the qunuo rituals (驱傩) to exorcise demons and plagues were held at the end of each year. These rituals were in the charge of the Office of Drums and Bells, which was responsible for all imperial music and dance performances. During the Ming Dynasty, nuo rituals were popular in many regions throughout the country, but with diverse names and activities. Qunuo was still commonly held at the end of each year. Moreover, anyone could set up an altar to welcome the spirits or exorcise demons, at any time. The nuo performance was also a ritual for removing ill fortunes from villages. For instance, in a Ming mural painting entitled »Capturing the Locust,« at Dongyue Jiyi Temple, Xinjiang County, Shanxi

Chapter II Ming Opera (Part II)

Province (Fig. 8.2.5), a shaman tries to capture a huge locust with the assistance of an insect god. The shaman is depicted in the act of expelling, which was to »qunuo.« Additionally, other sacrificial activities would also integrate such demon-expelling nuo rituals. There were a diversity of nuo spirits with assorted origins in the nuo rituals of the Ming Dynasty. According to the Collected Works of the Hall of White Grass (Baimao tang ji 白茅堂集) by Gu Jingxing, historical figures like Emperor Minghuang of the Tang Dynasty, Zhang Xun, and Lei Wanchun, all became nuo spirits at the popular nuo rituals of the Jinzhou region during the late Ming. These nuo spirits watched over people’s weaving and agricultural activities, as well as their births and deaths. In the region, the rituals included lively performances of singing and dancing. According to Miscellaneous Notes of Surplus Pain (Tongyu zalu 痛余杂录) by Shi Dun, the nuo spirits around Hunan and Guizhou Provinces were a brother and sister who later married each other. Origin unknown, the elder brother was called the Sacred Father of the Eastern Mountain, and his younger sister was called the Sacred Mother of the Southern Mountain. Later they were called the nuo father and the nuo mother. It was easy for »dressing up as deities and acting as demons« to develop into theatrical performance, namely the nuo operas. Compiled by Chen Lianzuan in the first year of the Jingtai reign (1450), the Gazetteer of Guilin County includes a section on »customs and traditions.« In it is recorded that when people in the Guilin region were ill, they frequently invited shamans to »dance while expelling demons«: there would be more than ten shamans »dressed up as assorted deities in masks,« singing and dancing with the accompaniment of drums and flutes, while performing as deities and exorcising demons. The performance was already quite theatrical. In addition, according to the Gazetteer of the Jiangyin County, compiled during the Jiajing reign, in the twelfth month of the lunar cal-

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8.2.5 »Capturing the Locust.« Mural at Jiyi Temple, Xinjiang County, Shanxi Province

endar, there were two beggars »with painted faces in filthy costumes« dressing up as the nuo father and the nuo mother to perform nuo in the marketplace. The two beggars were not shamans, for their aim was still to beg, but their performance was close to a drama. Xu Fuzuo, in the nuo section of his Collected Writings from the Corolla Pavilion (Huangdang ge bitan 花当阁笔谈), wrote about the »Dance Through the Night« (»tiaoxiao« 跳宵) of the Changshu region. Part of the performance in the »Dance Through the Night« (belonging to nuo ritual) can be categorized as nuo opera. »Dance Through the Night« took place every year from the first day to the fifteenth day of the first lunar month: beggars in crowds wore masks and dressed in red, expelling evil spirits and begging for wine and food from door to door throughout the night. There was a section in which one performed the Kitchen God being married the Kitchen Goddess. In the performance, the beggars »took liberties in

different manners« and joked around; such a performance can definitely be classified as a drama. There was another section, in which one performing the Daoist Master Zhang caught ghosts: as ghosts fiercely attacked, Daoist Master Zhang would ascend to the altar to practice magic. He would pace the back and forth and chant incantations, hoping to control the ghosts. However, the ghosts would trick the master—so that he would exhaust his wit and power, and lose consciousness. After which Zhong Kui would arrive, and the ghosts would scamper off in different directions. As Zhong Kui subdued all the ghosts, the master would regain consciousness. Apparently, this was a theatrical performance with assorted characters and a plot full of twists and turns. It was not simply a qunuo ritual. The beggars, in fact, belonged to a group of professional entertainers. That said, performed by these professional entertainers, »Dance Through the Night« to a certain degree was a dramatic spectacle for appreciation.

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Sometimes, nuo operas were excised from nuo rituals and performed at other occasions. For instance, in the manuscript Protocol for Transmitting the Ritual from Lucheng, Shanxi Province, under the section of »The Night Mansion« (»Biyue wu« 毕月乌), there was an offering team opera entitled Whipping the Malady Ghosts (Bianda huanglao gui 鞭打黄痨鬼). This was a nuo opera. In the Protocol, unfortunately, only the title was preserved, and until the first half of the twentieth century, Whipping the Malady Ghosts was still performed at the sacrificial activities of the region. Such a nuo opera had obtained independence from nuo ritual and become a standalone play, performed in the team operas to welcome and sacrifice to the spirits. Due to a lack of historical records, it is hard to further describe in detail the actual performances and specific forms of the nuo operas of the Ming Dynasty. Yet from the discussion above, it is known that they had already existed in the Ming Dynasty, and were actively performed among the people. Their plain forms notwithstanding, they gradually developed by incorporating elements from various performing arts, including full-fledged operas, storytelling, and song and dance.

3. Operas Performed at Folk Rituals In addition to the Mulian operas and the nuo operas, there were other kinds of operas performed at sacrifice rituals and folk activities. Here, they are together referred to as operas performed at sacrifice rituals. Sacrifice rituals, or saishe (赛社), originally referred to sacrifice offerings to earthly spirits (shesheng 社神). Later, it became an umbrella term that denotes a diversity of large-scale folk events in sacrifice to deities and in prayer for blessings. Saishe was held during the important festivals or sacrifice periods of each year. Since it was common to welcome the spirits in saishe activities, saishe was also referred to as a sacrifice ritual to welcome the spirits. There were several spirits sacrificed to by the Chinese people, includ-

Chapter II Ming Opera (Part II)

ing legendary human ancestors like the Heavenly Emperor, the Daoist Lord, the Buddha, the bodhisattvas, the city gods, the mountain spirits, the water spirits, the Fire God, the God of Fortune, the Kitchen God, Guan Yu, the Five Devils—as well as the ancestors of different professions, former sages, and famous officials and generals. The festivals were often regarded as the birthdays of the spirits, and as a result there were different names for the saishe in different regions. These saishe activities became some of the most important folk events during the year. In the name of »entertaining the gods,« saishe was also turned into the most splendid gathering for people to sing and dance, and to perform operas and assorted acrobatics. The operas performed in the saishe activities were usually called saixi (赛戏) or shexi (社戏). In the Ming Dynasty, saishe activities were widely held among the people, especially in such regions as Henan, Hebei, Shanxi, and Shaanxi provinces, along the Yellow River, and Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Hunan, and Hubei provinces along the Yangzi River. Take the saishe activity held in Weishi County, Henan Province, as an example. According to the Gazetteer of Weishi County (Weishi Xianzhi 尉氏县志) compiled during the Jiajing reign, each village in the county had its temples. Every year in the saishe activities for »spring blessing or autumn reciprocation,« entertainers were invited to sing, dance, and perform opera. Specifically, one day prior to the beginning of spring, a ceremony to welcome spring would take place on the outskirts of the county; in the ceremony, people from all over the county would come to see the music and theatrical performances. From the sixteenth to the eighteenth days of the third lunar month, people would celebrate the City God; from the 26th to the 28th days of the same month, they would offer sacrifices to the God of the East Peak; on the thirteenth day of the fifth lunar month, they would sacrifice to Guan Yu. In all these saishe activities, there would be grand ceremonies and performances held in every temple. Such celebra-

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tions were widely conducted all over the country, but there were differences in terms of the spirits to be sacrificed to, the specific times and places of activities, and the ways the operas were performed. As large-scale folk activities, saishe were often sensational events for a region. For example, as Fan Lian described in his A Record Witnessed Among the Mists (Yunjian jumu chao 云间据目钞), in the Songjiang region after the mid Ming, the saishe gathering would be held in-between the second and the third months each year. The gathering was particularly sensational in the eighteenth year of the Wanli reign (1590). In that year, teams from different towns to welcome the spirits were in formidable arrays. Actors and actresses rode on two-to-three hundred horses, wearing python robes and leather boots, with gauze caps decorated with gold and pearl flowers. There were tens of actresses dressed up in gorgeous costumes, as courtesans from the operas. Their banners, weapons, and props were delicate and splendid. The saishe of each town lasted for four or five days, and people crowded in to view the performances; they were so excited that their boats blocked the entire course of the river. The saishe activities also integrated the customs of different regions., and were thus full of regional characteristics. In Yunnan Province, there were a large number of immigrants, especially Han Chinese, as the Ming government established both military colonies (juntun 军屯) and civilian colonies (minyun 民屯), and solicited merchants. As a result, the region was popular with the saishe customs of the Han people originating in the Central Plains and the Jiangnan area, which gradually merged with the local minority traditions for religious sacrifices. For instance, the custom of sacrificing to the earth spirit of the Yi people was influenced by the saishe activity of the Han people. At Tuguan Village, Yiliang County, Yunnan Province, there is a Ming stele that was erected when the temple of the earth spirit was built. The

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inscription records a three-day celebration where the villagers from every local she society—men and women, old and young—beat drums, played music, and sang and dance to welcome the spring. Such celebratory activities not only inherited the Yi custom of sacrificing to the earth spirit, but also incorporated Han saishe traditions. In saishe activities, there were assorted performing arts. The format of theatrical performances varied as well. Some performances, in effect, belonged to the category of nuo operas, where performers »dressed up as deities and acted as demons« in sacrificial ceremonies. These performances, with a very simple narrative, were part of the sacrifice rituals, whose performers were usually priests. There were some performances grouped into the operas of temple fairs, where professional tropes held commercial performances as part of the saishe activities. Normally, these troupes performed on the temple stage or a temporary stage built outside the temple, and their performances lasted for several days. Most of them were had complete plots, and their contents were not necessarily relevant to sacrifice. In addition, there were other theatrical forms directly related to sacrifice rituals, yet they were different from simply dressing up as deities and acting as demons. Let us take as an example the section of saishe operas in the aforementioned manuscript, Protocol for Transmitting the Ritual of Welcoming the Spirits in Forty Musical Modes (found in Lucheng, Shanxi Province, and dated to the second year of the Wanli reign), to examine some specific performances in saishe activities. Protocol for Transmitting the Ritual of Welcoming the Spirits in Forty Musical Modes (also called Diagrams of the Musical Asterism of the Zhou in Forty Musical Modes, or Diagrams of the Musical Asterism of the Zhou, hereafter Protocol for Transmitting the Ritual, Fig. 8.2.6) was an account of the folk ritual protocol in the Luzhou region during the Ming Dynasty (Changzhi, Jincheng, Shanxi Province), where people sacrificed to the Twenty-Eight Man-

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Chapter II Ming Opera (Part II)

8.2.6 Protocol for Transmitting the Ritual of Welcoming the Spirits in Forty Musical Modes. Collection of the Shangdang Theater, Shanxi Province

sions. It also records the dancing and theatrical performances at these rituals. The entire saishe activities to welcome the spirits lasted three days. One day prior to the official sacrifice, people welcomed the spirits, that is, people welcomed all the spirits from all the local temples to the main temple in procession. The order to sacrifice to the Twenty-Eight Mansions depended on the current year, month, day, and hour of the spirits. During the official sacrifice ritual, people provided offerings to the spirits—offering music, dance, and operas in the Hall of Sacrifice and on stage. The ritual was usually hosted by geomancers, while local entertainers were responsible for performances. The brothers Cao Zhan’ao and Cao Zhanbiao, the orig-

inal collectors of the Protocol for Transmitting the Ritual, came from a geomancer family in Nanshe Village, Zhaidian Town, Lucheng County. Their ancestor, Cao Zhenxing, was a geomancer in the mid Ming. In the second year of the Wanli reign, Cao Zhenxing’s grandson Cao Guozai copied the manuscript, and the copy became a reference for the Cao family to host the sacrifice rituals. In the Protocol for Transmitting the Ritual, there are accounts concerning the program offerings and performances during the sacrifice ritual. The duty day list of the Twenty-Eight Mansions in the Protocol for Transmitting the Ritual is the core of the entire sacrifice ritual program. For each Mansion, the list includes that the team operas

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performed in between, from the first to the seventh, offerings at the ritual. Here, »team operas« is an umbrella term which could refer to singing, dancing, or theatrical performances. Between the first three offerings, there were mainly singing and dancing performances; from the fourth to the sixth offerings, there were mostly theatrical performances with specific narratives, such as Beheading Hua Xiong (Zhan Hua Xiong 斩华雄), Guan Yu Killing the Demons (Guan Gong zhan yao 关公斩妖), and Fighting against Lü Bu (Zhan Lü Bu 战吕布). These team operas, with the aim of cheering up the atmosphere during the sacrificial offerings, were featured with performance sets, diverse forms, and flexibility. Among the team operas, there was a particular type of silent team opera in which the performers neither spoke any words nor sang any arias. They merely acted as different characters and danced with the music. That type of performance probably developed from the team dances in the Tang and Song dynasties, yet considering their narratives, they are regarded as a transitional form from dance to theater. After the seven offerings at the sacrifice ritual, there would begin the formal team operas, and yuanben and zaju performances on the stage in front of the temple. Compared to the team operas between offerings, the formal team operas were mostly historical dramas. With rich plots, they could be performed independently on stage. There are 24 formal team operas listed in the Protocol for Transmitting the Ritual. There are eight yuanben plays. According to their titles, such as The Wrong Career (Cuo lishen 错立身), Zhang Duan Borrowing Shoes (Zhang Duan jiexie 张端借鞋), Revising the Marriage Register (Gai hunyin bu 改婚姻簿), and Hall of the Earth Spirit (Tudi tang 土地堂), these yuanben plays were divergent from formal team operas, for they were based on daily life. There are 26 zaju plays listed in the Protocol. In fact, a majority of the plays were historical, such as The Changban Hillside (Changban po 长坂坡), Catching Yanzhang (Qin Yanzhang 擒彦章), and

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Mistakenly Arriving in Chang’an (Wuru Chang’an 误入长安). They were appropriated from common operas for the ritual occasions of welcoming and sacrificing to the spirits. There are altogether 200 plays in the Protocol for Transmitting the Ritual, which can be divided into three categories according to their themes and subject matters. The first is a group of 38 plays for blessings, such as The Eight Immortals Celebrating a Birthday (Baxian qingshou 八仙庆寿), The Heavenly Immortal Bestowing a Son (Tianxian songzi 天 仙送子), Heavenly Master Xu Revealing the Truth (Xu Zhenjun dianhua 许真君点化), and Zhong Kui Showing his Supernatural Powers (Zhong Kui xiansheng 钟馗显圣). Filled with religious implications, these plays were the closest to the theme of welcoming the spirits. The second has the largest number of plays. Categorized as historical dramas, they mostly tell the stories of war and slaughter, including 24 plays about the Three Kingdoms, 13 about the Northern and Southern Song, and 13 about the Yang family troops. There are another 78 plays about the Warring States, the Chu and Han campaigns, and Sui and Tang dynastic histories. These plays, such as Fighting against Lü Bu, Beheading Hua Xiong, Rushing through the Outer Gate (Chuang Yuanmen 闯辕门) and Hills of the Two Wolves (Liang Langshan 两狼山), mainly represent the loyalty and bravery of generals. The plays were frequently performed in saishe activities throughout history. The frequency of their performances indicates that people largely esteemed loyalty, praised goodness, and criticized evil. The third is a group of approximately 30 plays about romance, familial ethics, and life events. In this group, there are not just popular single-act operas like The Amazing Encounter in Wildness (Kuangye qifeng 旷野奇逢), Madam Hindering the Rendezvous (Guzu jiaqi 姑阻佳期), and Visiting a Friend (Fangyou 访友), but also are playlets representing people’s actual lives. Each performance type listed in the Protocol for Transmitting the Ritual—team operas, formal

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team operas, silent team operas, yuanben, and zaju—has its historical origin. There are some plays sharing titles with those performed in previous dynasties, for example, seven plays have the same titles as Song zaju, ten as those of Jin yuanben, eight as those of nanxi, and 31 as those of Yuan zaju. Typical of the history of Chinese theater, the phenomenon that the same types

Chapter II Ming Opera (Part II)

of performance and play titles appeared in the saishe activities of southwestern Shanxi Province in the Ming Dynasty is a result of cultural growth through history. These folk activities of welcoming and sacrificing to the spirits integrated various elements from the theater. This fact, in turn, demonstrates the great vitality of theater for the Chinese people.

CHAPTER III  MING DYNASTY SINGING-STORYTELLING Shuochang, also known currently as quyi (曲艺), thrived and spread to all levels of society during the Ming Dynasty. It was well loved by all, from the emperor and high-ranking officials to the masses. Vernacular storytelling arts enjoyed significant development during the Ming Dynasty, not only in terms of variety but also with regard to the richness of form and duplicity of theme and content. In the Ming Dynasty, numerous master copies or records of vernacular storytelling works were printed, published and circulated, implying that an art form that had been consistently spoken in the past underwent significant changes in terms of transmission. These changes gave, in turn, a remarkable impetus to its development. In addition to Han vernacular storytelling, shuochang from minority ethnic groups also developed to a certain extent during the Ming Dynasty. Vernacular storytelling during this period can be roughly divided into two categories. One of such was based on »speaking« (prose, no verse), and had collections of short stories (pinghua 平话) as its most representative art form. The second category relied mostly on »singing« (rhymed performances), where storytelling was interspersed with songs and ballads (cihua 词话) and small melodies that were all sung with a plucked string instrument as the most representative genre. Both categories are described separately and in detail below.

Section 1  Pinghua, Commentary-Storytelling Collections of short stories were mainly used for narrating prose (usually without any musical or

vocal accompaniment), with the performer either standing or sitting down, similar to the classical vernacular literary art that originated in the 17th century after the Qing Dynasty (pingshu 评书). Pinghua was first referred to as such in the Yuan Dynasty, having developed from the vernacular storytelling of the Tang and Song dynasties. In fact, although it gained independence as a genre in the Yuan Dynasty, initially it expanded from one of the four forms of vernacular storytelling art of the Song Dynasty: historical storytelling. The speech of these collections of short stories would also be known later as modes of storytelling. Pinghua often mingled appraisal and commentary amidst storytelling that incorporated affairs past and present. In the Ming Dynasty, pinghua was also sometimes written using the characters 评话. To a certain degree, this change of characters was likely related to a shift in the connotation carried by pinghua and reflected its development during this period.

1. Popular among Upper and Lower Classes According to the records, Zhu Yuanzhang (personal name of Hongwu, 1st Ming Emperor) and later emperors all loved pinghua, and the imperial court had its own performers of this art form. The Yongle Encyclopedia (Yongle Dadian 永乐大 典), commissioned by Zhu Di (personal name of Yongle, third Ming Emperor), devoted over 26 entries to pinghua, from 17,636 to 17,661. This goes to show the great deal of importance that the imperial court in that period attached to pinghua. Likewise, records state that Ming Wuzong (temple name of the 11th Ming Emperor Zhengde,

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whose personal name was Zhu Houzhao) enjoyed the novel Romance of the End of the Tang Dynasty, while Ming Shenzong (temple name of the 13th Ming Emperor Wanli, whose personal name was Zhu Yijun) was partial to the novel Water Margin. Novels like these were mainly adapted from pinghua. Numerous high-ranking officials and scholar-officials alike enjoyed pinghua. According to Xu Fuzuo’s Collected Talks from a Pavillion Covered in Flowers, Wang Shizhen (1526–1590), a leading figure in the literary arena of the Wanli reign period, had a domestic servant named Hu Zhong who was adept in pinghua. Whenever Wang Shizhen feasted and caroused with friends, he commanded Hu Zhong to entertain his guests by performing pinghua. In the late Ming Dynasty, renowned storyteller Liu Jingting was often called to perform in Nanjing by the famous official Juqing, and also served as a raconteur at the headquarters of General Zuo Liangyu in Wuchang—which proves that high-ranking officials favored pinghua. Folk performances of pinghua flourished greatly as well. Du Mu’s The Collection of Talks of Gentlemen in the Capital gives an account of Zhen Liu, a visually impaired artist in Beijing who was expert in pinghua and once performed in Henan for half a month, receiving fifty bolts of cloth in compensation. According to the anonymous early Qing Dynasty Record of a Seeming Dream, Kaifeng Xiangguo Temple during the Ming Dynasty housed storytelling performances daily, an indicator that storytelling was a widespread form of entertainment at the time. Record of a Seeming Dream also states that, after the Lunar New Year’s Day, Xiaoqiang Street of Xiangguo Temple also had activities concerned with »hearing past affairs and discussing cause and effect.« This socalled »hearing from past affairs« likely referred to pinghua narration of historical events, while »discussing cause and effect« probably implied that the content of these stories touched upon themes of karma, or else they might have also be-

Chapter III Ming Dynasty Singing-Storytelling

longed to the tradition of »singing based on the precious scrolls« (xuanjuan 宣卷), which shall be discussed below. Chapter ten, »Hearing Pinghua at Daxiangguo Temple,« of the novel General Yue Fei, written between the late Ming and early Qing Period, includes a plot where Niu Gao, Yue Fei’s sworn brother, listens to raconteurs in Daxiangguo Temple. From the portrayal in the novel, it can be inferred that the street along Xiangguo Temple was lined with bookstores, in an impressive sight where business was thriving and prosperous, and the audience thronged the avenue. In addition, there were also nonprofessional storytelling activities among the people. For instance, Qian Qianyi’s Commentaries on the Collections of Poetry of the Past Dynasties stated that Wang Zhou, a Changzhou native, sold medicine with his father in Suzhou as a teenager during the daytime, while at night he »recited by the dozens« what was known as »the storytelling ballads of the petty officers.« These likely referred to pinghua concerned with historical stories; and here was a youth who enjoyed reciting pinghua nonprofessionally by the dozens. This is yet another instance of the popularity of this art form at the time. There are two additional records stating the penchant of peasant upheaval leaders for storytelling in the late Ming Dynasty. Liu Luan’s Five Stone Gourd points out that Zhang Xianzhong often listened to the raconteurs performing The Romance of the Three Kingdoms and Water Margin, learning therefrom the battle method of »ambush raids.« Chen Kangqi’s Miscellaneous Notes of a Retired Official states that among the ranks of military general Li Dingguo there was a Sichuan native and storyteller named Jin Gongzhi who often stimulated Li’s loyal and righteous heart by reciting The Romance of the Three Kingdoms, in hopes that Li would model himself on Zhuge Liang, the military leader. Afterwards, Li Dingguo pledged his devotion to the Prince of Gui (Yongli Emperor, personal name Zhu Youlang) and kept fighting

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in spite of all setbacks—eventually earning the honor of entering the »Hall of Loyal Officials in the Three Hundred Years of Ming,« a title that was closely related to the encouragement that storytelling had provided him. There aren’t many extant records from the Ming Dynasty concerning pinghua performances, but the examples referred to above are sufficient to explain that, in this period, pinghua was an art form that garnered great popularity—from the emperor, generals and ministers of state to scholars and the common people—integrating society and enjoying a prominent position in the sphere of vernacular storytelling. Pinghua in the Ming Dynasty inherited the Song tradition of historical storytelling, and kept historical events as the main source of content for its performances, as illustrated by the examples above. However, while it was good at showcasing historical events, the pinghua of the Ming Dynasty saw its range of themes expand significantly. This was particularly true for those works that were channeled into a performance category by means of contemporaneous events. For instance, Zheng He’s voyages to the Western Seas, a major event in the Yongle reign, were once compiled into a work of pianhua by performing artists. In the Wanli Period, Luo Maodeng adapted a condensed narration of the pinghua on Zheng He’s voyages into the novel known as Romance of Eunuch Sanbao’s Journey to the West by Ship. Below are a few more examples where contemporaneous events and folk tales became source materials for pinghua. The first instance is recorded in Shen Defu’s Unofficial Matters from the Wanli Reign: Guo Xun took the opportunity that »discussing the grand ceremony« afforded him to ingratiate himself with Wanli Emperor. Having suddenly earned special favor from the Emperor, and harboring hopes of being promoted to the nobility, he compiled the exploits of his own ancestor, Guo Ying, who had fatally shot Chen Youliang during the Great Battle of Poyang Lake, into the pinghua work known as

SECTION 1 PINGHUA, COMMENTARY-STORYTELLING

Legend of a Heroic Martyr. He embellished Guo Ying’s battle achievements and made the eunuchs of the imperial residence bring them up often in performances in front of the Emperor, all the while falsely claiming them to hail from »an heirloom volume.« In fact, there was no factual evidence of Chen Youliang’s death at the hands of Guo Ying. However, Wanli believed these »achievements« of the Guo clan, and was inclined to promote Guo Xun. The second instance is recorded in Yu Yue’s Record of Escaping the Mid-Summer Heat: in the Wanli reign, the Miao chieftain and official pacification commissioner of the Bozhou Tusi Region, Yang Yinglong, led a full-scale rebellion. Inspector-General of Guizhou Province, Guo Zizhang, and Sichuan Governor Li Hualong, joined forces to quell the rebellion. The latter subsequently wrote The Comprehensive Book of Pingbo, where he took all the credit for the events that had happened, and commanded others to compile it into a work of pinghua. Guo Zizhang was resentful, and subsequently authored the miscellaneous record A Complete Account of Pingbo, to argue rights and wrongs. Much like the previous instance, this example is a case where rulers at the upper layers of society used pinghua for purposes other than art. The third instance is narrated in Yi Ming’s Common Copies of the Facts Concerning Dong Huan: the »incidents of Dong Qichang« that took place at Songjiang around the 45th year of the Wanli reign (1617) had direct relation to a folk promptbook named The Black and White Annals. Dong Qichang was renowned for his painting and calligraphy and reached the official position of Minister of Rites in Nanjing. He resided in Songjiang, where he was a local feudal chief. When he was 62, he took a fancy to Lu Ying, a maidservant at the house of Lu Zhaofang, and commanded others to forcefully take her away to become his concubine. Soon afterwards, someone took to writing The Black and White Annals with satirical pur-

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pose in mind: Lu Zhaofang’s face was dark, while Dong’s alternative name, Hao Sibai, included the Chinese character for »white.« Storyteller Qian Er would also perform this work regularly. Through him, the Dong family was made aware of the fact that Fan Chang had authored The Black and White Annals, and seized and beat him. Fan passed away in indignation, and his mother sent her daughter-in-law to the Dong family house to voice grievance on his passing, only to have her be humiliated by the father and son. Villagers were angered by the atrocities committed by the Dong family, who hired others to spur the townsmen. However, eventually, the masses set fire to the Dong family house, and they all had to flee. There is a very specific meaning to this case: not only was pinghua based on contemporaneous events, it was also in direct relation to the struggles of the common people. The three examples above all prove that pinghua followed the events of the times very closely, breaking away with the old range of themes for historical storytelling and aligning more closely with real life events instead. In terms of the volume, pinghua tend to be long pieces of writing that narrate a complete story. Many of the works mentioned above are evidently rather lengthy. However, long-form pinghua could not be narrated at one time. Instead, they were divided in several performances, usually one daily. Therefore, those works that Liu Jingting was skilled at performing, such as Wu Song Fights the Tiger on Jingyang Ridge and Qin Shubao Meets a Maiden, as stated in Zhang Dai’s Dream Reminiscence of Tao’an, were all excerpts within long-form pinghua that could be performed independently. As a form of vernacular art, pinghua had remarkable spoken features involved in its creation, and performers had plenty of leeway to elaborate as they saw fit. Zhang Dai’s Dream Reminiscence of Tao’an described a scene where Liu Jingting is performing Wu Song Fights the Tiger on Jingyang Ridge while stressing that Liu’s speech was

Chapter III Ming Dynasty Singing-Storytelling

»largely different from the original script,« that is to say, the performance differed greatly from the original text of the novel. It can be seen that artists often brought outstanding personal creations to the performance. Therefore, the actual level of pinghua as an art form relied enormously on the performer’s ability.

2. The Great Storyteller Liu Jingting The status of pinghua as a popular form meant that very few performers would get to see their names and deeds compiled in the works of the literati. However, there was a special case among the late Ming performers of pinghua: the great storytelling master Liu Jingting. His art was celebrated for a period of time, and many men of letters held him in great regard. Therefore, renowned authors Wu Weiye and Huang Zongxi wrote his biography, while the poetry and literature of writers such as Yu Huai, Zhang Dai, Qian Qianyi, Gong Dingzi and Yang Ermei also included accounts of his life and art. This enabled later generations to have a much better understanding of this extraordinary storytelling artist. Liu Jingting (1587–c.  1676), original name Cao Fengchun, hailed from Caojiazhuang (Tangwan, Taizhou). He had been a young ruffian who fled his hometown because of an offence he had committed, and eventually ended up in Xuyi. Without any means of livelihood, he turned to the books of popular legends he had taken along to perform in the streets. His performances unexpectedly moved the townsmen, and so he became a raconteur. Later he would arrive in Jiangnan, where once, in his drunkenness, he lay at the feet of Jingting mountain, with weeping willows stroking his body. He took the »liu« from the Chinese word for weeping willow as his surname, and changed his name to Jingting. In Yunjian (present-day Songjiang, suburban district of Shanghai), Liu received guidance from Mo Houguang, a Confucian scholar who happened to excel at, and enjoy, storytelling. Li Yan’s Record of

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Old Notes from Southern Wu has a scene where a performance by Mo Houguang was described as follows: in the dog days of summer, hundreds of people gathered in the temple to hear him narrate Journey to the West and Water Margin and »despite the heat making stones steam, everyone forgot their weariness and nobody sweated.« Although Mo Houguang was a man of letters himself, he never underestimated storytelling and had a deep understanding of this art. He believed that »although performing arts represent but a minor skill, they align well with Confucianism because they possess a distinct quality and require knowledge and understanding of folk customs, as well as becoming conversant with all living things.« Mo Houguang took Liu Jingting upon his guidance immediately upon meeting him, thus becoming his mentor. Under his inspiration and teachings, Liu Jingting’s storytelling skills improved dramatically within a few months. Having witnessed Liu Jingting’s progress, Mo exclaimed in astonishment: »This is most certainly an achievement! You rely on what your eyes see and what your hands and feet touch and step on to convey joy and sorrow vividly even before uttering a single word. This is the quintessence of storytelling!« Mo believed that, when Liu performed, he could convey the emotions of a piece to the audience with his eyes and bearing before even uttering a single word, and that this was a rather remarkable artistic achievement. The advice of this Confucian scholar laid a solid foundation for Liu Jingting to later become a renowned storytelling master. Later, Liu Jingting wandered around Yangzhou, Hangzhou and Suzhou, subsequently winding up in Nanjing—at the time the political and cultural center in the south. There he was a regular guest of high-ranking officials in the imperial court, and enjoyed a great reputation. As a storyteller, he also enjoyed a rather high social status: he could earn one or two pieces of silver for a single performance in a day—which needed to be booked ten days in advance and was usually fully booked.

SECTION 1 PINGHUA, COMMENTARY-STORYTELLING

Towards the end of the Chongzhen reign, Zuo Liangyu was rewarded by the emperor with the fief of Ningnan and garrisoned his troops in Wuchang. Once again, Liu Jingting performed his storytelling for the commanding general in his office. By then he was nearly 60 years old already, and was known as Pockmarked Liu by the troops. Soon afterwards, Zuo Liangyu succumbed to illness in Jiujiang, and the small imperial court of Southern Ming was soon scattered far and wide. With the change in Dynasty, Liu Jingting saw himself back in the streets, resumed old occupations of his and eked out a livelihood from storytelling, based both in his hometown and Yangzhou. In the 1st year of the Kangxi reign of the Qing Dynasty (1662), Liu Jingting was called to Beijing by Gong Dingyu. In the capital, Gong invited distinguished poets to hold a feast of poetry and wine where Liu’s storytelling immediately caused a stir. One by one, the literati responded with poems. A few years later, Liu returned to the south, relying on his art as he had in the past. However, he led a miserable and dreary life in old age, and was still performing well into his 80s in Yangzhou, Suzhou and Nanjing. His age and place of death are both unknown. Liu Jingting’s career as a raconteur lasted for over six decades and his performances covered a great range of works, including mostly historical novels and heroic stories, such as The Romance of the Western Han Dynasty, The Romance of the Three Kingdoms, romances from the Sui and Tang dynasties, and stories such as Water Margin and Romance of Dedication and Loyalty: The Storytelling Script of the Complete Biography of King Yue. Liu lived in a unique period of social turmoil and dynasty change. His own personal experiences were extremely wide, and his personal encounters were a roller coaster of ups and downs. His works naturally incorporated his profound worldly experience, and invested the heroes of his stories with a unique brilliance. This was an important factor weighing in his ability to deeply impress his

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audience, including scholars, with his storytelling skills. In a piece of writing titled Liu Jingting, Zhou Rong described his feelings on listening to the raconteur’s storytelling for several days. Heroic characters such as Guan Yu, Li Guangbi, Guo Ziyi, Yue Fei and Han Shizhong were seemingly all in front of his eyes; »there were halberds, knives and spears, and the undulating sound of troop gongs and drums; my mind was blurred with excitement as I jumped on my seat, and a cold wind revolved incessantly within the four walls.« Zhou’s hair stood on end, and he was about to kneel and bow to these heroes: but it was his silhouettes that he was looking at, not the figure of Liu Jingting the storyteller! In terms of artistic expression, Liu Jingting paid great attention to the details in descriptions and was an expert at embellishing the circumstances of any given plot and making use of contrast techniques such as adding depth or lightness, tension and relaxation, to craft a bold and unconstrained narration with enchanting artistic effects. For example, Zhang Dai’s Dream Reminiscence of Tao’an records an instance of Liu Jingting performing Wu Song Fights the Tiger and the way he handled details: »Wu Song went to the tavern to partake of wine, finding nobody there to serve him. Such was his roar that every empty wine vat, every hollow brick, each and every earthen jar hummed.« Zhang Dai praised Liu for »adding color everywhere in his narration with such subtle details!« Poet Yan Ermei once wrote »Song-Poem on Pockmarked Liu and His Narrations,« where 12 metaphors using »suddenly, as if« were used, describing the embellishing that Liu himself used in different circumstances. Instances of these would be: Suddenly, I envisioned a series of countryside scenes: busy villagers growing mulberry and hemp, and on the day consecrated to the local god, chickens and suckling pigs in the yards and wine shop signs fluttering in the wind«; »suddenly it was as though the river rushed through the Twelve Peaks in the Three Gorges, sometimes visible,

Chapter III Ming Dynasty Singing-Storytelling

sometimes shrouded in the haze of the chaotic waves… suddenly, it was as though a widow in a foreign land wept over a pine tree grave; suddenly, it was as though hungry children were begging for steamed rice cakes. Suddenly, it was as though the Heavenly Dog was howling to the vast sky in an autumn night; suddenly, it was as though the blade of the Tai’e sword was polished with Huayin soil…

Liu Jingting’ extraordinary attainments in terms of narrative depictions shine through these examples. Liu Jingting’s life was tortuous and full of ups and downs. Therefore, his figure is striking not only in terms of his artistic accomplishments, but also because of his temperament. Regardless of the circumstances, he remained free-spirited, broadminded and self-confident, manly in his ability to submit or assert himself as the occasion required. He was also ready to assist others, warm and friendly to his literati friends. There was the case of Du Jun, an unflinchingly righteous scholar in the late Ming Period who, once the Qing Dynasty started, resigned his status as an official and retired to Nanjing, where he fell down on his luck. Liu Jingting did not stop at interceding for him, but often helped out Du and his family himself despite his own limited possibilities. Shen Longxiang provides another example in his Biography of Liu Jingting: once, when the raconteur returned to his birthplace, he made a special trip to Taixing to pay a visit to the master who had once hired him. To his surprise, the elderly couple had passed away, and there was no money for a funeral. Liu bowed twice in front of the bier and wept bitterly, returning to Yangzhou at once, where he covered the city in signs announcing: »Pockmarked Liu the raconteur is back in town.« In less than a month, he earned more than three hundred taels of silver, which he promptly took to Taixing in order to mourn his master and buy property to help his children settle down. In his volume, Shen Longxiang sighed: »How hard it is

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to find the deeds of this ancient hero in this indecent generation!« Although he was but a storyteller, Liu Jingting behaved like the heroes of the olden days, and was therefore leagues apart this »indecent generation.«

3. Compilation and Publication of Storytelling Scripts and the Creation of Novels The Chinese term prompt-book (huaben 话本) mainly refers to the master copy used by storytelling artists themselves, or the compiled notes on storytelling used by others. In a broader sense, they can also include vernacular short stories rewritten on the basis of old prompt-books, i.  e., »prompt-book novels« (in addition, there were also instances of short stories that were created in imitation of prompt-books, the so-called »simulated prompt-books.« Strictly speaking, these should not be mixed up with prompt-books, however it is often difficult to distinguish them clearly.) Prior to the Ming Dynasty, prompt-books were compiled and published to a certain extent. For instance, many prompt-books from the Song Dynasty were printed and published during the Yuan Period, such as New Edition of Tales from the Five Dynasties, Neglected Events of the Proclaiming Harmony Regnal Period of the Great Song: A New Edition and Five Completely Illustrated Popular Stories. The lengthy zhanghuiti-style novels Romance of the Three Kingdoms and Water Margin, traditional Chinese serialized stories in which each chapter is headed by a couplet, were also published during the Yuan and Ming dynasties. However, in the early Ming Period, prompt-books were no longer edited and published, and there were very few novels and vernacular short stories. After the middle Ming, factors such as socioeconomic development and the rise of humanistic trends of thought and so-called citizen literature drove men of letters to actively engage in the compilation and polishing of prompt-books, with

SECTION 1 PINGHUA, COMMENTARY-STORYTELLING

some creating »simulated prompt-books« and other vernacular novels as well. At the same time, reading prompt-books gradually became popular. By the late Ming Period, compiling, polishing and publishing prompt-books enjoyed unprecedented prosperity. The volume of publications contributed significantly to improving performers’ levels of accomplishment and the literary standard of popular stories, thus effectively promoting the development of the popular story art form. The inheritance of popular stories relied entirely on the spoken teaching of artists inspiring true understanding, the increase in works abiding to the genre and the improvement in quality. It was when prompt-books printed in batches became popular in the market that artists demanded them as well. Therefore, the compiling, polishing and publishing of prompt-books on a large scale testifies, in fact, to the high level of development reached by popular stories during the Ming Dynasty. The fostering of novels was undoubtedly a great contribution of popular stories and prompt-books to the history of Chinese literature and art. The earliest known collection of Ming Dynasty novels is Sixty Stories (Liu shi jia xiaoshuo 六十家 小说), published by Qiantang native Hong Ying (styled Zimei) in the Jiajing reign period. It was originally divided into six volumes, each with ten chapters, equaling a total of 60 chapters. Now, there are only extant fragments with uncertain titles. In 1929, when these fragments were reproduced by the Ancient and Modern Short Literary Works Publishing House, they were titled PromptBooks from the Hall of the Peaceful Mountain, after the engravers cited on the fore-edge margin. There are 29 chapters extant. According to textual research, there are 12 works dating from the Song Dynasty: »The Three Pagodas in the West Lake,« »Story of a Contract,« »Romance at the Pavilion of Auspicious Immortal,« »Story of the Blue Bridge,« »The Three Demons of Luoyang,« »Inspector Chen Loses His Wife at Plum Mountain,« »The Dhyana Buddhist Monk Wu Jie Meets Lady Hong Lian,«

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»Jiang Shuzhen Dies in Fulfilment of a Lovebird Prophecy,« »Yang Wen Blocking the Tiger’s Path,« »Liannü Attains Buddhahood on the Way to Her Wedding,« »The Legend of Dong Yong and the Seventh Fairy« and »Contention of Plum and Apricot for Spring« (fragmented); six works from the Yuan Dynasty: »Story of Liu Qiqing’s Poetry Compositions and Drinking Parties at the Tower of Playing by the River,« »The Calling Card Monk,« »The Record of the Loquacious Li Cuilian,« »The Mistaken Accusation of Theft against Cao Boming,« »The Misidentified Corpse« and »Accumulating Merit through Hidden Good Deeds«; 11 works from the Ming Dynasty: »The Lovers’ Reverie,« »The Tale of the Ring« (fragmented), »Yang Jiao’ai Fights Jing Ke to the Death« (fragmented), »Fan and Zhang’s Sacrifice« (fragmented), »Zhang Zifang Pursues Taoism,« »Old Feng Tang Admonishes Emperor Wu« (fragmented), »Li Kuang of the Han Dynasty Has for Generations Been Called the Flying General,« »In Kuiguan, Yao Bian Honours the Memory of Zhuge Liang,« »In Zhachuan, Xiao Chen Demotes the Hegemon,« »Li Yuan Saves the Snake in Wujiang« (fragmented) and »The Kingfisher Pavilion« (fragmented). Among these 29 works, »Story of the Blue Bridge« and »The Lovers’ Reverie« are written in classical Chinese—however in terms of style both follow the pattern of storytelling prompt-books, which was in fact an adaptation of classical Chinese novels. In other sections and chapters there are a great number of simplified Chinese characters and variant forms, the structure is rather uncomplicated and the language is simple and straightforward; they are archetypes of the transcripts used by storytellers. The prompt-books published during the Ming Wanli reign were what are known as the Four Vernacular Stories Published by Xiong Longfeng, which included »The Story of Zhang Sheng and the Painted Phoenix Lanterns,« »The Story of Su Changgong and Zhang Tailiu,« »Feng Boyu and the Lovers’ Reverie« and »The Story of Kong Shufang’s Double Fish Fan Pendants.« It has been

Chapter III Ming Dynasty Singing-Storytelling

concluded that the first two trace back to the Song Dynasty, while the last two are works from the Ming Period. The most successful and influential among the works published in the late Ming Period is the trilogy of collected stories known as Three Words (San yan 三言), compiled by Feng Menglong. Feng Menglong (1574–1646, styled Youlong and Ziyou, sobriquets Long Ziyou and Master of the Crazy Ink Studio, among others) was born in Changzhou County, currently part of Suzhou, in Jiangsu Province. An enthusiast of novels, small tunes, storytelling and traditional opera, he edited and published the trilogy Three Words, comprised by the volumes Stories to Enlighten the World, Stories to Caution the World and Stories to Awaken the World. Among his other works are the compilations of small tunes The Hanging Branch and Mountain Song, the sanqu anthology known as A Celestial Air Played Anew, the novels Chronicles of the Eastern Zhou Kingdoms and Quashing the Demons’ Revolt and dramas such as A Tale of Two Heroes and All Things Are Well. He also adapted many kinds of dramas, that came to be commonly known as The Definitive Edition of the Dramas of the Master of the Crazy Ink Studio. Feng Menglong was a most unusual character in that, despite his reputation as a renowned scholar in the late Ming Dynasty, he devoted a great deal of energy to compiling, editing and publishing folk and popular literature and art. Among the Three Words trilogy, Stories Old and New was first published between the Ming Taichang and Tianqi reigns, eventually being renamed as Stories to Enlighten the World and reprinted approximately seven years before the Ming Tianqi Period. The second volume, Stories to Caution the World, was published approximately in the fourth year of the Tianqi reign (1624), while the third and last volume, Stories to Awaken the World, was published approximately in the seventh year of the Tianqi Period (1627). The works compiled in Three Words fall into three categories: revised adaptations of prompt-books

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from the Song and Yuan dynasties, accounting for approximately one third of the total length of the trilogy; arranged Ming Dynasty prompt-books, making up for roughly one third of the volume, and simulated prompt-books of short stories drafted by Feng Menglong himself and his contemporaries. The processing and adaptation of the old prompt-books from the Song and Yuan dynasties included reformulating the chapter titles, deleting the jargon used by artists in their performances, editing and polishing the texts and enriching or even rewriting the plots and details. Due to the large-scaled process of editing, improvement and even rewriting involved in the compiling of Three Words, it has become a reference literary work than cannot possibly be compared to the performers’ master copies upon which it was based. Many of the stories compiled in Three Words are highly ideological and artistic in terms of content. From a perspective of themes and ideological subjects, portrayals of love and marriage account for the largest and most distinctive part of the trilogy. For instance, stories such as »Du Shiniang Sinks her Jewel Box in Anger,« »The Oil Vendor and the Courtesan« and »Jin Yunu Beats the Heartless Man« eulogize the beautiful inner world of lower class characters such as Du Shiniang, Shen Yaoqin, Qin Zhong and Jin Yunu, simultaneously lashing out at characters such as Li Jia for their fickle and flawed justice. These characters are thus vividly depicted and appealing. Stories such as »Governor Qiao ties marriage bonds at his will« and »Scholar Qian Wrongly Takes the Phoenix Companion« rely on their extremely comical plots to deliver a pungent satire of the absurdity of marriage under the Confucian ethical system. Some stories address the internal conflicts of rulers and the struggles between loyal and treacherous characters, such as »Shen Xiaoxia Encounters the Expedition Memorials,« which deals with the opposition of Shen Lian against the powerful and wicked Grand Secretary Yan Song and his son, conveying a thirst for social justice. »Zheng

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Huchen Seeks Revenge in Mumian Temple« culminates in the leading character’s ultimate revenge, simultaneously incarnating the common people’s loath of powerful traitors. Meanwhile, stories concerned with ethics carried even deeper ideological connotations. The rapid development of a commodity economy and the expansion of an industrial and commercial social stratum in the Ming Dynasty highlighted issues of morality and honor in society. Whether they sing the praises of ethics and friendship, such as »Shi Fu Encounters a Friend at Tanque« or Lu Yu Returns the Silver and Brings about Family Reunion,« or reprimand perfidy and castigate ingratitude to benefactors, such as »Li, Duke of Ch’ien and the Poor Scholar Who Met a Chivalrous Man« and »Squire Gui Repents at the Last Moment,« the stories compiled in Three Words all express a call to good sentiment and moral character. The exquisite and vivid psychological portrayals, and the authentic, vivid character descriptions, are also outstanding features. In terms of structure, Three Words retains some features of vernacular popular stories, such as the use of preludes, poems and even »initial segments.« With regard to the arrangements of the plot and details, Three Words also inherited numerous traditional characteristics of vernacular popular stories. It adhered to the storytellers’ maxim of »fleshing out what needs to be detailed, preserving that which is simple,« balancing details and omissions as needed, maintaining a distinct overall context and drawing clear, finite conclusions to stories that were thoroughly explained. However, Three Words did abandon other features of vernacular popular stories, such as arbitrary digressions and improper pruning. In terms of language refinement and thematic development, Three Words also raised the literary level of vernacular popular stories and widened the genre’s field of expression. Later, many artists often relied on the trilogy as a textual foundation for their performances. It is therefore obvious that

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this compilation was actually a great contribution to the genre of vernacular folk stories. Prompt-books were also remarkably linked to vernacular zhanghuiti-style novels. Vernacular novels in the Ming Dynasty, whether short or long, were all mainly developed on the foundations of prompt-books. In other words, the Ming Dynasty was also an important period for prompt-books to inspire and foster zhanghuiti-style novels. The novels The Romance of the Three Kingdoms and Water Margin which came out in the late Yuan and early Ming dynasties, are both products of Song and Yuan prompt-books. After the middle Ming Period, the prosperity of vernacular folk stories and the numerous editions of prompt-books further promoted the development of vernacular novels. The supernatural novel Journey to the West, written by Wu Cheng’en in the late Ming Dynasty, even had a prompt-book serve as a »prelude.« In the entry for »Dream« (梦mèng) in the Yongle Encyclopedia, there is a story of over 1,000 characters titled »Beheading the Dragon of the Jing River in Dream.« The story is marked as from Journey to the West, and its content is largely similar to chapter nine (»Yuan Shoucheng Subtly Tells a Fortune without Personal Bias; with a Foolish Plan the Old Dragon King Breaks the Laws of Heaven«) of the Shidetang version of the 100-chapter version of the novel. It can therefore be inferred that the vernacular folk story Journey to the West dates back to the early Ming Period. Another example is the novel The Investiture of the Gods, written by Ming author Xu Zhonglin (according to some, Lu Xixing), which is a product of the development and evolution of the Yuan Period text King Wu of Zhou Overthrows Tyrant Zhou of Shang. The Plum in the Golden Vase, signed by the »Laughing Scholar of Lanling,« is regarded as the first vernacular novel written by a man of letters in the history of China. It can therefore be said that its advent opened a new path for the novel genre. However, judging by the early version of the novel, which comprised poetry following the

Chapter III Ming Dynasty Singing-Storytelling

cihua style, in terms of characteristics such as content, collected materials, structure and language, it is also possible that the novel was still based on folk storytelling. Aspects such as the use of the character hui (回) to separate chapters, resorting to »listen to the next chapter for an explanation« to set up suspense, describing characters through poetry and the use of set phrases such as »it is said that« and »gentle readers« all show that the apparition and performance of this type of novel is intrinsically related to prompt-books. Zhang Dai’s Dream-Reminiscence of Tao’an narrates an instance where Yang Yumin »took out a small red sandalwood straightedge and, according to Xiao Wu, sang a scene from the popular vernacular novel The Plum in the Golden Vase to a northern tune, making the audience roar with laughter.« This is an example of The Plum in the Golden Vase being known in the northern style to performers in the late Ming Dynasty. It goes without saying that the close link between prompt-books, novels and vernacular folk storytelling cannot obliterate the outstanding accomplishments of the literati in editing and writing prompt-books and novels. As a matter of fact, the specific relation between prompt-books, novels and vernacular folk stories is very diverse. There are cases where scholars’ adaptations and creations were based on the performances of vernacular folk storytellers. Meanwhile, there were also artists who embellished and developed stories at performing venues following the publication of a novel. The previously mentioned case of Liu Jingting’s speech in Wu Song Fights the Tiger on Jingyang Ridge being »largely different from the original script« shows that, rather than adhering rigidly to the script, artists had great leeway when performing on the spot. Therefore, no matter whether prior to or after the publication of the novel Water Margin, it can be concluded that the appearance of the story itself in vernacular folk storytelling and its performances were able to become popular, and evolve in their own ways.

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Section 2  Cihua, Lyric Storytelling The main feature of the literary form known as cihua is the alternation of spoken and singing parts, i.  e., a combination of prose and rhyme. Singing enjoyed a higher status, as shown by the predominance of sung parts, to such an extent that some works were strictly sung rather than having and spoken sections. This is the main difference between cihua-style novels and vernacular folk stories. For instance, Beijing Yongshuntang published 13 works of prosimetrical cihua between the seventh and 14th year of the Ming Chenghua reign (1471–1478). Most of their headings include the word »storytelling« (shuochang说唱), such as the New Edition of the Fully Illustrated Vernacular Version of the Story of Hua Guan Suo, the New Illustrated Edition of the Tang Story Xue Rengui Crossing the Sea and Pacifying Liao and The New Vernacular Edition of the Story of Official Shi, the Emperor’s Son-in-Law. Therefore, at present they are generally known as »Chenghua vernacular cihua style works.« The proportion of spoken parts in these works is less that a tenth, with some chapters either being exclusively musically narrated or having very simple spoken elements. This highlights the predominant nature of the singing. Cihua style works were often accompanied by plucked instruments such as the Chinese lute and the sanxian, a three-stringed fretless plucked musical instrument. Artists often played and sung themselves, so this form is often alternatively known as »plucking and singing.« »Vernacular cihua« and »plucked and sung cihua« are usually the same, both being different only in terms of the narrator’s point of view. The former focused on having both spoken and singing parts, while the latter placed emphasis on aspects of vocal accompaniment. In other words, when vernacular cihua were accompanied by plucked instruments, which most of them were, they were considered

SECTION 2 CIHUA, LYRIC STORYTELLING

to belong to the »plucked and sung« category. In addition, many cihua performers were visually impaired, as stated in works such as Jiang Nan’s Chats on Poetry from Rongtang: »Males and females who are visually impaired earn their living learning to pluck the Chinese lute to perform ancient and modern novels. This form is predominant from the north to the south, particularly in Beijing, but also in Nanjing and Hangzhou.« The style of this form was generally defined by the alternation between rhyme and prose, with the exception of a few works that had no spoken elements). Cihua lyrics are usually made up by pairs of seven-character lines, each line broken into words or phrases on the pattern 2-2-3. In addition, some are also composed of pairs of ten-characters lines, generally on a pattern of 3-3-4, often known as »accumulations of tens of characters« (zan shi zi 攒十字). From the perspective of the singing style, the origin of cihua can be traced back to »lyric texts« and »transformation texts« of the Tang Dynasty. Cihua works could also include some chanted elements. For example, »Chenghua vernacular cihua style works« often included descriptions of scenery, inner thoughts, character traits and clothing. We find another instance in middle Ming works, such as Yang Shen’s Poetic Remarks of the Abbreviated History of Previous Dynasties in Ten Lengths of Brocade and Legends of Prince Qin of the Tang Dynasty, compiled in the Wanli reign by Zhu Shenglin, who went by the pseudonym »Master of the Serene and Balmy Garden,« all of which alternated between prose and rhyme. Poetic Remarks of the Abbreviated History of Previous Dynasties in Ten Lengths of Brocade was written in the style of cihua authors and is divided in ten sections, each of them all beginning and ending with poetry and ci. Its lyrics were all ten-character lines, broken into words or phrases on the pattern 3-3-4. Legends of Prince Qin of the Tang Dynasty was either polished or revised by scholars, with lyrics composed of seven and ten-characters lines. Many

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8.3.1 Printed pages with type information and content summary from The Prosimetric-Narrative of the Twenty-One ­Histories, block-printed edition dating from the Daoguang reign period of the Qing Dynasty

Ming novels also featured similar cihua excerpts. For example, chapter  48 of the 100 chapter The Story of Water Margin, Loyalty and Righteousness has a rhymed section describing the topographical features of the Zhu Family Manor where lyrics are written ain pairs of seven-character lines (e.  g., »Dulong Hill is in front of Dulong Ridge, and the Zhu Family Manor is there«), likely representing a relic of vernacular cihua. »Plucked and sung cihua« can also be abbreviated as »plucked ci« (tanci 弹词). For instance, Yang Shen’s Poetic Remarks of the Abbreviated History of Previous Dynasties in Ten Lengths of Brocade was known in the areas south of the lower reaches of the Yangtze River as The Prosimetric-Narrative of the Twenty-one Histories (Fig. 8.3.1). The playwright Liang Chenyu based himself on this piece to create his work Twenty-One Dynasties in Ballad

Form of the Jiangdong Region. Many sequels followed afterwards, such as Chen Chen’s Continued Tanci of the Twenty-One Dynasties, Gu Cai’s Tanci of the Eleventh Length of Brocade and Jin Nuo’s Tanci of the Ming Dynasty. However, both »plucked and sung cihua« and tanci are general terms. In reality, the varieties they encompassed were likely much more diverse. Judging from the relevant records, ballad tunes during the middle and late Ming were mainly active in the Jiangnan Region. They were performed on the occasion of folk festivals such as temple fairs or roving workshops (Fig. 8.3.2). There were also specialised visually impaired female entertainers who were supported by the people and performed at the banquets of the well-to-do officials where they also served as drinking partners. Ballad tunes were accompanied either by a three-

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SECTION 2 CIHUA, LYRIC STORYTELLING

stringed plucked instrument, the Chinese lute, snare drums or clappers. In chapter twelve, »Female Entertainers Plucking the Chinese Lute,« of the novel Notes to Journey to the West by the late Ming author Dong Yue (Ruo Yu), the Little Moon King commands three visually impaired women to perform an excerpt of a ballad tune for Buddhist monk Xuanzang. This can be used as a reference for understanding Ming Dynasty ballad tunes. These performers cited, among others, three instances of ballad tune works: Genial Words from the Jade Hall, Book of Grievances against Celestial Punishment and Tale of the Western Journey. Judging from performed excerpts of Tale of the Western Journey, theform was interspersed with spoken and sung elements, with singing as the main body and a libretto made up by pairs of seven-character lines (following a pattern of 2-2-3 in which words can be inserted for balance or euphony), while vocal music also presented alterations such as those of Twenty-Seven Sounds to the Wretched Tune of the Chinese Lute and The Weeping Moon

8.3.2 Scroll from Scenes of the Imperial Capital (partial) depicting a street storytelling performance

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Chapter III Ming Dynasty Singing-Storytelling

8.3.3 Block-printed edition of Ballad-Stories from the Ming Chenghua Period, unearthed in Shanghai in 1967, from the collection of the Shanghai Museum.

to the Tune of the Chinese Lute. In addition, when the Little Moon King and Xuanzang listened to the performance of ballad tunes, they also heard a rendition of the folk song Crescent Moon Shining on Jiuzhou that featured instances of Wu dialect, such as »Why don’t you stay when Lang departs?« From this point of view, the kind of ballad tune described in novels might have been the precursor of the genre in Suzhou and other places during the Qing Dynasty. Equally closely related to ballad tunes was the chantefable or »singspeak« known as taozhen (陶真 or 淘真). Taozhen first appeared in the Southern Song Dynasty, but the records are not well known, and it is therefore impossible to find out more on the specific form of the genre. Ming

Dynasty author Tian Rucheng’s Supplementary Travelogue of the West Lake gave an account of the taozhen that were popular at the time in Hangzhou: performers were visually impaired men and women who plucked the Chinese lute as an accompaniment. They sung »ancient and modern novels and popular historical stories with commentaries« and their works included Red Lotus, Liu Cui, Ji Dian, The Leifeng Pagoda and A Pair of Fish Fan Pendants. Based on the relevant records, taozhen was usually a general term to refer to storytelling, and the form of the vocal performance was similar to the ballad tunes discussed above. The abovementioned 13 types of Ballad-Stories of Chenghua Period represent the characteristic style of Ming Dynasty novels with parts in verse

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(Fig. 8.3.3). According to their different contents, these 13 types of works can be divided into three categories: historical tales, court stories and stories of the outlandish and the spiritual. There are three titles within the category of historical tales, namely The Story of Hua Guan Suo, Xue Rengui Crossing the Sea and Pacifying Liao and The Story of Official Shi, the Emperor’s Son-inLaw. The Story of Hua Guan Suo narrates the story of the Three Kingdoms, however its plot differs greatly from that of Romance of the Three Kingdoms. Guan Yu, Liu Bei and Zhang Fei become sworn brothers, upon which Guan Yu and Zhang Fei kill each other’s relatives without any qualms. Guan Yu’s wife, Hu Jinding, escapes by sheer luck thanks to her residing in her parents’ home, and

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eventually gives birth to Guan Suo. Upon reaching adulthood, Guan Suo travels thousands of miles together with his mother, reuniting with Guan Yu in Xichuan and garrisoning Jingzhou by his father’s side. Guan Suo’s figure is absent from history books. The block-printed edition of Romance of the Three Kingdoms dating from the Wanli reign period mentions that »Guan Suo was a native of Jingzhou.« However, any reference to his name was subsequently absent from the prevailing edition of Romance of the Three Kingdoms, and it is believed that the excerpt of the story’s plot that involved him was edited out. In this sense, The Story of Hua Guan Suo represents a document in the file of the writing process of Romance of the Three Kingdoms, manifesting to a certain degree its gradual evolution from storytelling into a zhanghui-style novel. Xue Rengui Crossing the Sea and Pacifying Liao narrates the story of Xue Rengui’s faraway travels and deeds back during the period of Emperor Taizong of Tang, for the purpose of lauding the achievements of civilian court officials and generals. The Story of Official Shi, the Emperor’s Son-inLaw is a story written in the Five Dynasties Period about the establishment of the foundation of the Later Jin Dynasty by Shi Jingtang, personal name of Emperor Gaozu. The plot narrates the events following the self-proclamation of Lu Congke (also known as Prince of Lu) as emperor and the appointment of Shi Jingtang as his son in law by Princess Muxi. Shi Jingtang was hence known as Official Shi, the emperor’s son-in-law. Upon hearing of the quarrel with Empress Zhang that had the princess banished to the »cold palace,« Shi Jingtang staged an armed rebellion and forced entrance into Bianjing (Kaifeng), killing Empress Zhang and founding the Later Jin. Much like The Story of Hua Guan Suo, these two ballad-stories were not constrained by historical facts, but rather were imbued with the characteristic flavour of legend. For instance, Princess Muxi in The Story of

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Official Shi, the Emperor’s Son in Law, is portrayed as a female who is extremely skilled in martial arts. On her way to exile through the Three Mountain Passes, she inflicts a crushing defeat on the high-ranking officers sent to chase and kill her. As for court stories, there are eight types of works: The Tale of the Early Career of Rescriptor Bao, Judge Bao Selling Rice in Chenzhou, The Tale of the Human Ancestor Recognising his Mother, The Tale of the Case of Dragon-Design Bao Sentencing the Emperor’s Brothers-in-law Cao, Rescriptor Bao Decides the Case of the Weird Black Pot, Judge Bao Solves the Case of Nobleman Zhao and Sun Wenyi, Dragon Design Bao Sentences the White Weretiger and Story of Zhang Wenhui. All of these works narrate the court stories of Judge Bao, with a common theme of punishing evil-doers, encouraging people to do good and upholding justice—with plots fairly similar to the story of Judge Bao that circulated in later generations. For instance, The Tale of the Case of Dragon-Design Bao Sentencing the Emperor’s Brothers-in-law Cao narrates the story of Yuan Wenzheng, a Chaozhou native who went to the Eastern Capital to sit the court examination, only to be murdered by second imperial brotherin-law Cao, who then forcibly took Yuan’s widow as his wife and lady. Later, Yuan Wenzheng’s wronged ghost appeared to Judge Bao to complain of the injustice he had suffered. Once rescued, his widow went to Kaifeng to lodge her complaint against Cao. Upon thoroughly investigating the details of the case, and acting against Emperor Renzong’s intercession, Judge Bao kills second imperial brother-in-law Cao. As for Cao Guojiu, the eldest imperial brother-in-law who had sheltered the criminal, he realised his error, showed repentance and left for the mountains to practice religion—eventually taking third position among the Eight Immortals. There are two types of works within the category of stories of the outlandish and the spiritual: Tale of the Wealthy and Virtuous Kai Zongyi and Tale of the Filial Parrot. Tale of the Wealthy and Virtu-

Chapter III Ming Dynasty Singing-Storytelling

ous Kai Zongyi narrates the story of Kai Zongyi, his well-off family and his filial children. Kai Zongyi’s household has two doors that were priceless treasures coveted by the emperor, who tries to extort them from him. Eventually, Kai Zongyi transcends to Buddhist heaven. In Tale of the Filial Parrot, a small parrot ventures out to find the lychees that are its mother’s favourite food, but is then captured by a hunter and locked in a cage. The small parrot longs for its mother and manages to escape and return home, only to discover that its mother has died. The small parrot, consumed with grief, provides her with a proper funeral. Moved by the parrot’s filial love, Guanyin relieves the bird from its suffering, and the parrot becomes Guanyin’s disciple. Both these works either promoted the notion of karma or encouraged people to do good deeds, and aimed at awakening the world. Both had strong religious overtones, that were likely transplanted from sutras. In terms of their plot, storytelling ballad works dating from the Chenghua reign of the Ming Dynasty were not limited to historical fact. There was a focus on unrestrained creativity, and plots were also rather tortuous. Stories at certain intersections and chapters were exaggerated and bizarre, bearing the traits of folk creations. Some of these works had intricate psychological portrayals and showed deep understanding of language, which indicates that the ballad genre was already highly developed. The following are particularly noteworthy in terms of their historical value: First, these works can roughly mirror the traits of the artists’ playscripts. Their tables of contents were coarse in terms of content, script and even typeset and print and some parts included performance prompts, indicating that these were not literary works composed and edited for desk reading. Some single pieces of »rhapsody speech«, such as »Mo Lizhi Wearing a Suit of Armour« and »Xue Rengui Wearing a Suit of Armour« in Xue Rengui Crossing the Sea and Pacifying Liao, are

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also typical instances of the description of characters’ looks in ballads. Second, this group of ballads also show the richness of Ming ballads in terms of subject matter content and the way speaking and singing parts were interspersed and combined in performance, albeit with a predominance of the latter. Third, the fact that block-printed editions were marked as »new editions,« »new prints« or »republished« serves as a proof that these were precede by former prints and »first editions.« Such is the case of New Edition of the Fully Illustrated Vernacular Unabridged Version of the Story of Hua Guan Suo, which had the following ink stamp: »Reprinted in the second month of spring of thirty-fifth year [1478] of the Chenghua reign of Ming at the Yongshun Library.« This in an indicator that all sorts of ballad works were composed and circulating prior to the Ming Chenghua Period. The aforementioned Poetic Remarks of the Abbreviated History of Previous Dynasties in Ten Lengths of Brocade and Legends of Prince Qin of Tang Dynasty were ballad works printed and published after mid Ming. Below is a brief introduction to Legends of Prince Qin of the Tang Dynasty. Legends of Prince Qin of the Tang Dynasty, also known as The Biography of Prince Qin of the Tang Dynasty and Romance of the Prince of Qin, was published either in or after the 35th year of the Ming Wanli reign (1607). The author under the pseudonym of »Master of the Serene and Balmy Garden« is, in fact, Zhu Shenglin, a man of letters rather than a poet. On the page displaying the table of contents were the words »a revised edition of Legends of Prince Qin of the Tang Dynasty,« and the main subject of each volume also indicated »rectified according to history.« It can therefore be inferred that Legends of Prince Qin of the Tang Dynasty was adapted from an old text that was likely authored by a performer. The book is divided into eight volumes, each with eight chapters and amounting to a total of 64 chapters, narrating the story of how Tang emperor Taizong

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(personal name Li Shimin) swept away rival warlords and solidified Tang rule over China. The leading character from chapter  21 to chapter  64 is General Yuchi Gong (courtesy name Jingde), founding hero of the Tang Dynasty. Most of the book is taken up by the story of this character, whose image is shrouded in the thick veil of legend. Together with the long vernacular novel History of the Sui Dynasty, revised by Yuan Yuling in late Ming from stories about General Qin Qiong, this literary work laid the foundations for the novel Legends of the Sui and Tang Dynasties, compiled by Chu Renhuo in the early Qing Dynasty. The style of Legends of Prince Qin of the Tang Dynasty is identical to that of an artist’s playscript. Each volume starts with a few poems and ci, while poems may or may not introduce each chapter, following a more flexible pattern. In the case of those chapters that do start with poetry, once the recitation is complete, a two or four line ci is used to roll the story in. For those chapter subtitles that do not start with poetry, story-telling begins directly with a monologue. Spoken and singing ci parts alternate in narrating the story for the most part, and each chapter ends with a four line poem. Sometimes an excerpt describing and praising a famous character is wedged between the poetry and the spoken parts. The literary form of sung ci parts includes upper and lower sentences of both seven and predominantly ten syllables, unlike the storytelling ballads from the Chenghua Period, dominated by the seven-syllable form. For instance, in chapter four Li Shimin sings a few lines when walking into an ancient temple: The Tang crown prince made a hurried offer of incense at the temple and said his prayers in a low voice, while Li Shimin kept himself busy kowtowing and respectfully participating in the worship. I am the second son of Emperor Gaozu of Tang, the great-great-grandson of Li Hu, Li Yuan’s grand­ father.

Another feature of this cihua is that it had numerous spoken parts, accounting for almost half of

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its length. At some chapter titles, there were more of these parts and praises than there were actual lyrics. Therefore, in a certain sense, this cihua was closer to novels and their prose style. In addition, both the spoken parts and the libretto were rather primitive and crude. It seems that they were a foundation for the artists’ old works, and that not many of its elements were polished by men of letters. Some large sections of praise were actually elaborated and complex, full of flavour and magnificent; these were likely edited by literati. However, the work as a whole still retains the spoken style of performers, reflecting the distinctive traits of folk art. Other notable works of cihua include Drum-Ballad by the Wood Clapper Hermit, written by the author known by the literary name of Jia Fuxi in the period between the late Ming and early Qing dynasties. Jia Fuxi (1590–1674), also known as Yingchong (original name), Situi (courtesy name), and who also signed as the Wood Clapper Hermit, the Wood Clapper Gentleman and the Wood Clapper Master, was a native of Qufu, Shandong. He was appointed as the Gu’an (Hebei) County magistrate before subsequently serving on the lower level of imperial civil service as a supervisorial official in the Ministry of Justice, until he retired and returned to his native place in the late Ming. At the beginning of the Qing Dynasty, he was forced to fulfil the responsibilities of his former post. However, his abandonment and neglect of governmental affairs in favour of the lyrics of vernacular storytelling meant that he was promptly impeached and dismissed. In his later years, he moved his residence to Xiaqiu (now Yanzhou, Shandong). He had a good friendship with the father of Kong Shangren, the author of the play Peach Blossom Fan. In The Biography of the Gentleman of Wood Clapper, Kong Shangren wrote: As a wood clapper player, he used the drum clapper as a tool of irony and invective to unleash his ire in a playful way. He spoke in the local government school as an imperial scholar, the Hall of

Chapter III Ming Dynasty Singing-Storytelling

County Magistrates, and in the government office of the supervisorial officers. He always carried wood clappers on him, and occasionally joined in the fun. In dire poverty and illustriousness, his wood clapper remained unaltered.

It is obvious that Jia Fuxi was a very peculiar character. Only two of his pieces of drum-lyrics are extant nowadays. One of them is Brief History of Drum Songs Across the Ages, which is also known as Drum-Ballad by the Wood Clapper Hermit, The Ballad of the Wood Clapper Master or The Ballad of the Wood Clapper. The other one is Grand Music Master Zhi Goes to Qi, which Kong Shangren has Liu Jingting enact in »Listening to the Storyteller,« the first act of Peach Blossom Fan. Brief History of Drum Songs Across the Ages was obviously influenced by Yang Shen’s Poetic Remarks of the Abbreviated History of Previous Dynasties in Ten Lengths of Brocade, and used vocal narration to appraise the emperors of various dynasties in order to serve as a vehicle for the author’s unique views of history, society and life. However, the ideas expressed by the author were daring and sharp, and reflected Jia’s rebellious spirit. For instance, with regard to the saying »virtue has its rewards,« the author cited Confucius as an example: The Confucian classics state: »He who accumulates merit by doing good deeds will certainly have more than enough occasions for celebration.« Could it be that »he who accumulates merit by doing good deeds« was no other than that Confucius in the Spring and Autumn Period? In his life, he gave birth to Boyu, otherwise growing old and childless. They all say that he is the ancestor to ancient and modern literary works, a model for emperors of all dynasties, but where is this aspect discussed! I am of the opinion that having sent Boyu with his grandparents, he was neither a precursor of ancient and modern works, nor a role model for emperors.

With regard to the »Three August Ones and Five Lords,« the author was even more adamant that they were hypocrites. For instance, the »abdica-

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tions« of emperors Yao and Shun were motivated only by a sinister weighing of gains and losses, and were therefore not noble at all. Jia Fuxi’s critique of a series of traditional beliefs and historical phenomena permeated The Wood Clapper Drum Ballad with suspicions, and challenges to traditional ideas, presenting a shocking and cutting-edge line of thought. The libretto of Brief History of Drum Songs Across the Ages followed a structure of upper and lower sentences as well, however they were uneven in terms of length, and there were numerous spoken elements. This type of literary form had obvious differences from storytelling to the accompaniment of stringed instruments that was then popular in the south. By adding »drum songs« to its title, this work was actually presenting an important case in point on Ming Dynasty cihua carrying the torch for the subsequent northern drum ­ballads.

Section 3  Scroll Recitation, Daoist SingingStorytelling and Other Forms of Singing-Storytelling Xuanjuan (宣卷), i.  e., scroll recitation, is the abbreviation for »preaching scripts for storytelling and singing« (xuanjiang baojuan 宣讲宝卷). In terms of its origin, some scholars believe that it was a form of spoken and sung religious scripture from the Tang and Song dynasties, while others believe it incorporated folk elements and was not exclusively Buddhist in nature. The oldest extant script is the transcript of Precious Scrolls for the Relief of True Void, dating from the Song or Yuan Period. Two additional texts printed in the Yuan Dynasty, The Precious Scroll on the Red Silk Curtain and The Precious Scroll of Mulian, have also been preserved. Furthermore, Luo Zu’s Five Sections in Six Fascicles, namely Scroll on Awakening to the Dao after Bitter Practices, Scroll on Lament-

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ing the Age and Practicing Non-Action, Scroll on Smashing the Heterodox and Making Manifest the Key, Precious Scroll on Rectifying Faith and Removing Doubts, Unvarnished and Self-Contained, and Precious Scroll on the Fruits of the Profound Foundation of Lofty Immovable Mount Tai, are also believed to be early instances of preaching-scrolls, dating from the Zhengde years of the Ming Dynasty. After the middle Ming, preaching-scrolls became considerably popular among the masses, and preaching scripts for storytelling and singing, that is, the act of preaching itself, was recreational while simultaneously propagating Buddhist teachings. This Ming Dynasty trend of preaching scripts for both religious and recreational purposes can be seen in the novel Jin Ping Mei. For example, chapter 74, »Wu Yueniang Listens to the Precious Scroll on Woman Huang,« features a scene where a trio including Xue Guzi is preaching the Precious Scroll on Woman Huang to the married women at Ximen Qing’s house. The procedure involved delivering an introductory song in tanci style, reciting Buddhist hymns, chanting Buddhist songs, and then starting to »preach« Lady Huang’s story. It is therefore clear that there was an obvious performance quality to preaching. Chapter 39, »Wu Yueniang Listens to Buddhist Nuns Reciting Their Sacred Texts,« includes this passage: »If he’s not coming home, so be it. That leaves us free this evening to listen to the abbess and Nun Wang recite tales of karmic cause and effect, and sing Buddhist songs.« These words show that preaching had an element of entertainment, and that »reciting tales of karmic cause and effect« was likely the popular name by which preaching was known at that time. In chapter 82, Wu Yueniang pulls Chen Jingji aside to listen to the preaching of works such as The Precious Scroll On the Red Silk Curtain. Such a high occurrence of preaching performances throughout the text of a novel indicates that it was a common form of entertainment in society at that time. Jin Ping Mei also included

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allusions to the accompaniment to preaching. For instance, chapter 39 states that »[…] the two nuns struck up their hand chimes and proceeded with the recitation in a loud voice.« It is apparent that hand chimes were the bare accompaniment to beat time. Many of the narrative Ming preaching scrolls that are still extant today represent the middle part of the aforementioned procedure. They were divided into chapters and sections (pin 品 or fen 分), with a verse that opened the main body of the scripture (kaijing ji开经偈), an opening hymn (juxiang zan 举香赞) and other ritual and formulaic lyric poetry suites. These were followed by content such as »miscellaneous tunes« (zaju 杂曲), »prelude monologues« (huabai 话白), »Chan poems« (shiji 诗偈), »sung poems« (changci 唱词) and »verse compositions« (shipian 诗篇). Among these, »miscellaneous tunes« assimilated the popular southern and northern tunes that belonged to the genre of mixed rhymes and versified poetry, was either placed at the beginning or at the coda, and sometimes had a narrative function. However, preaching-scrolls were mostly made up of »sung poems,« with a poetic literary form that consisted of lines of approximately ten syllables. »Prelude monologues« had a transitional role, connecting miscellaneous and sung poems. »Spoken Buddhist hymns« were either inserted between prelude monologues and sung poems, or preceded these as a poetic form mostly made up by four lines of seven syllables, although there were also two and eight line-long formats. »Verse compositions« were used as concluding remarks and were poetic forms consisting for the most part of four lines of five syllables, often serving as a prelude between sung poems. In terms of themes, the content of preaching rolls was rather extensive. Some were meant to propagate folk religious teachings while others took over Buddhist or Daoist religious scriptures to narrate stories of encouragement to do good deeds. Some tapped into a miscellanea of folk tales, and there

Chapter III Ming Dynasty Singing-Storytelling

were even some adaptations from traditional opera plots. The content of preaching-scrolls was still mostly of a religious nature, but after the middle Ming, their recreational function became increasingly prominent, and the preaching was seemingly played down. The broad variety of Chinese musical genres with more or less tangible Daoist connotations known as daoqing (道情) was also very popular in the Ming Dynasty. Traced back to the Song Dynasty at the latest, there was a leisurely side to this »singing of playful songs,« despite being performed mainly by Daoist adepts. Daoist musical genres in the Yuan Dynasty were already divided in the »labelled tunes style« of uneven lines and the »poetic style« of uniform lines. An instance of the former would be the fourth act of the poetic drama Chen Jiqing Mistakenly Goes Aboard a Bamboo Boat, sung in the northern style. Representative of the latter is the third act of the poetic drama Yueyang Tower, sung following a poetic form of approximately ten syllable lines. Daoist musical genres in the Ming Dynasty were also classified into two literary forms that were not mutually exclusive. For instance, there were many versions of the Daoist piece Master Zhuang Sighs Over the Skeleton, all of which deal with the anecdote of Zhuangzi’s encounter with a skull and how, when he presents the skull with the possibility of employing magic to bring it back to life, the skull praises the pleasures of death over the toil of living. Each version, however, has different changes in the style of the writing. For instance, the libretto of Master Zhuang Sighs over the Skeleton in Northern and Southern Lyrics and Songs, dating from the late Ming Dynasty and allegedly »composed by the Shunyi Mountain Recluse Du Hui of Kunling and printed by Chen Kui (also known as Yangwen) of the same city,« in volume two, is mainly composed of lines of approximately seven syllables. In the late Ming and early Qing Period, Ding Yaokang’s novel A Sequel to the Plum in the Golden Vase, chapter 46, contains the entirety of

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the vernacular storytelling piece Master Zhuang Sighs over the Skeleton, as by Daoist priests, which also serves as a link for the uneven lines styled the labelled tune »Playing with Kids.« Ming Dynasty literati created numerous Daoist works that mostly served to sigh with feeling at the ways of the world and express thoughts on withdrawing from worldly affairs. These kind of Daoist works were largely composed to the tunes of southern and northern lyrics and were generally short in length. However, there were also some long-format Daoist narrative genres, some of which incorporated spoken parts, which stood already as characteristic of the storytelling genre. The Plum in the Golden Vase, chapter  64, includes the story of »Han Yu Blocked by Snow at Languan,« in which Han Xiangzi preaches to his uncle Han Yu to renounce his family and become a Buddhist monk. In addition, the first act of Zhu You’ poetic drama A Meeting of Immortals mentions that »at the end, the musicians played the fisherman’s drum to lead the performers playing the Eight Immortals onstage,« featuring the plot of the suite »Xianlü: Painting Red Lips.« Yang Shen’ poetic drama Arcane Records of Paradise features a nameless Daoist devotee singing a divertimento while densely preaching about Buddhism, »the gentle and frequent tapping of the drum,« and the reciting of poetic eulogies with seven characters to a line. These all reflect the popularity of Daoism in the Ming Dynasty. Songs of the lotus (lianhualao 莲花落) were also popular in the Ming Dynasty. They were already featured in Song Dynasty records, and were originally sung by Buddhist monks collecting alms. In the Ming Dynasty, songs of the lotus were also performed by beggars. For instance, in the third act of Zhu You’ poetic drama Li Yaxian Amid Flowers and Wine at the Winding Stream, one such beggar sings the plot of »The Song of the Lotus of the Four Seasons,« where the entire song was composed of four sections, one for each seasonal sight: spring, summer, autumn and winter. This song reappears

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in chapter 31 of Xu Lin’s romance The Embroidered Short Jacket, sung by Zheng Yuanhe and a crowd of beggars. In both these cases, the song of the lotus is sung following the shangxiaju system, but the sentences are uneven in terms of length and appear to follow an unrestrained style. It is also worth noting that short songs (xiaoqu 小曲) also flourished among the masses following the middle Ming. Xiaoqu were also known at that time as single-song poems (xiaoling小令), contemporary songs (shiqu 时曲), and fashionable miscellaneous songs (shixing zaqu 时兴杂 曲), among other names (nowadays they are also known as popular ditties, suqu 俗曲). Not only they were popular, they were also a rather distinctive art form in the Ming Dynasty. Ming author Zhuo Renyue wrote in The Unified Prelude to Ancient and Modern Ci Poems: Our Ming [writers of] poetry yield pride of place to [authors of the] Tang Dynasty; in [writing] song lyrics they defer to Song Dynasty [authors], and for operatic and non-operatic songs defer to the Yuan. Probably the Songs from Wu and Hanging Branch, Luo River Lament, Date Beating Pole and Silver-Spun Thread are the unique accomplishment of our Ming [Dynasty].

Hanging Branch, Luo River Lament and Date Beating Pole are all fairly common operatic and non-operatic tunes. Shen Defu’ Miscellaneous Notes of Wanli also gives an account of the prosperity of small tunes after the Ming Xuande reign: »In the north and south, among men and women, old and young, the privileged and common folk all know them and delight to hear them, to such an extent that volumes of them are printed and passed around for singing over and over!« The volume also mentions small tunes common to the Ming Dynasty, such as Locking up Southern Branch, By the Side of the Dressing Table, Sheep on the Hillside, Clay Figurine, Divination by Shoes, Holding out Hair in a Coil, Playing with Kids, Stop the Scudding Clouds, Intoxication in Peace, Making a Scene at Dawn, Mistletoe, Crying to Imperial

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Heaven, Dried Lotus Leaves, Pink Lotus, Song of Tongcheng and Loops of Silver String. A large number of these small tunes portrayed love stories between men and women, often fairly honest in terms of feeling, not written in an ornate style and therefore rather appealing. Zhuo Renyue believed that Ming small tunes could rival Tang poetry, Song ci and Yuan tunes—mainly on the grounds of their straightforward character. The musical traits of small tunes shall be explained in chapter four of this volume; this section shall only address some of the practices of small tunes in terms of their content. The structure of small tunes was very flexible, unlike the names of the tunes to which southern and northern tunes are composed—which were often restrained by rules and forms of classical poetic composition. For instance, the name of a ballad tune could be used repeatedly, or freely expand a section inside. In this way, any given work could be larger in length, regardless of whether it was lyrical or narrative in nature. In addition, a certain number of ballad tune names could be connected in a series, making it easier to recite the plots of lengthy works. In those small tunes with prominent narrative elements, these were usually presented either by means of the leading character recounting what was weighing on their minds, or through the voice of a »narrator.« For example, in works belonging to the ballad tune Making a Scene at Dawn, the plot usually presents a woman for whom the longing for her lover makes it hard to fall asleep at night. Lyrics were often written in the first person, and the singer would be the »leading character.« Another instance would be that of the numerous works that narrate the story of Romance of the West Chamber, with lyrics written in the third person and the singer also serving the role of »narrator.« There is also the suite of songs under the name Plucked Brocades of Extraordinary Melodies, where there is a mother and daughter duet and the performer alternates between both roles. Closely questioned

Chapter III Ming Dynasty Singing-Storytelling

by her mother about the blush on her cheeks and her tousled hair, the daughter lies first and eventually makes a confession. Although it is not a lengthy piece, the mien and expressions of the duo are thoroughly conveyed through their dialogue in a very vivid fashion. There is a long-standing history of storytelling belonging to non-Han ethnicities in China, of which there are many types. However, due to the lack of written records, it is very difficult to assess the history of those styles that have been passed down to our present time. It can be inferred that those varieties of storytelling that had become set by the Ming Dynasty were restrained by the Mongolian traditional narrative singing forms known as taoli (陶力, 涛力) and haolaibao (好来宝). Taoli (also known as tuwulei 图兀勒) is a Mongolian transliteration meaning »heroic epic.« Tradition has it that this form of epic storytelling dates back to the 7th century. In the late Ming Dynasty, there were three varieties of this heroic epic. One of them is the heroic epic Story of the Suppression of the Demons, narrating the transformation of the Mongolian nation from a primitive society into a slave society. Another is The Epic of Jangar, which narrates the unification war of the Western Oirat tribe. The third one is The Epic of King Gesar, an epic cycle of Tibet and greater Central Asia that was polished by Mongolian storytellers into their own variant, also known as The Epic of Gesar Khan. The Mongolian taoli is a chanted or recited oral tradition. A full taoli performance is composed of a cluster of numerous formulas and formulaic set phrases. With regard to format, apart from accounting for time and place, it mainly consists of three parts: words of praise, cursing, and narrative lyric. Content is arranged as it follows time, place, praise to the hero, praise to the horse, praise to the imperial palace, praise to the wife, praise to the place of birth, the wicked misdeeds and plundering, heroes that go into battle, denunciation of the wicked, fights, and closing words. Lan-

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guage usage is structured following the traits of the Mongolian language, and includes resources such as alliteration, leonine rhymes, end rhymes and even running rhymes and alternate rhymes. Taoli is accompanied by either the chao’er, a type of Mongolian bowed stringed instrument similar to the morin khuur, or the huqin, a general term for certain two-stringed bowed instruments. Taoli performances usually take place in a warm atmosphere and are rhythmic and sonorous, tranquil and imposing. Due to the influence that Shamanism, the primitive Mongolian religion, exerted on heroic epics during their period of expansion, performances have retained the shaman dances known as bo (博), as well as the Buddhist chanting of the sutras. Haolaibao, also known as haolibao (好力宝), means »singing together« in Mongolian, and is usually accompanied by the sihu or khuurchir, a four-stringed bowed instrument, and interpreted by one or several sitting performers. Published in the 13th century, the book The Secret History of

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the Mongols already included many of these narrative poems. Therefore, the expansion of haolaibao in Mongolia is believed to date back from at least the late Yuan and early Ming Period. The Mongolian oral narration Uliger, shaped during the Qing Dynasty, was often directly preluded by haolaibao. This has led to the hypothesis that this style of singing performance was one of the original sources of the Uliger. The lyrics of haolaibao are composed of four lines per section, presenting alliteration according to the characteristics of the Mongolian language. They usually follow a pattern of four lines and one alliteration, or two lines and one alliteration—although there are also instances of a single alliteration per dozens of lines. Haolaibao works can be either short or lengthy, with performers often relying on improvisation. They can be either lyrical or narrative, with language, content and performance being humorous and lively—and therefore extremely appealing to an audience.

CHAPTER IV  MUSIC OF THE MING DYNASTY (PART I) During the Ming Dynasty, nanqu and beiqu (lit. »southern songs« and »northern songs«), known collectively as nanbeiqu, formed the main corpus of sung music. While nanbeiqu had already becoming popular during the Song Dynasty, during the Ming Dynasty nanbeiqu (especially nanqu), not only flourished in both the north and the south, but saw considerable development. One of the most notable changes was the division between ya (雅, elegant or refined) and su (俗, rustic or vernacular) styles. The ya style was mainly supported by the educated and official classes with qupai (曲牌, »fixed melodies«) seeking standardized, refined music, exemplified by the mid- to late-Ming shuimo (水磨, »water milled«) branch of the Kunshan vocal style. Meanwhile, the su style spread throughout the general population with a more rustic flavor and more diverse forms, that resulted in su forms of song in all regions. Closely related to nanbeiqu, both xiansuodiao (弦索调, »bowed and plucked melodies«) and xiaoqu (小 曲, tunes or small songs) also saw some progress and made a place in the musical world of the time. The different branches of nanbeiqu not only had their own developmental trends, they also had very different periods of popularity and decline.

nanqu while also gradually forming a new image, especially in terms of vocal styles and singing techniques. Nanqu from the Song and Yuan periods mainly survived in popular music—unlike beiqu during the Yuan Dynasty, the creation of which was driven by literati. However, from the Ming Dynasty onward, more and more literati and officials were involved in the creation of nanqu, which greatly improved the quality of the writing and created a trend that placed more emphasis on the poetic forms in qupai. (The strengthening of poetic forms in nanqu was already been mentioned in chapter one). In another sense, the continuation of nanqu among the general population created a trend toward a more vernacular and freer style, which created many different vocal styles or qiang (腔), referring to individually unique vocal tonalities and techniques of singing. The formation of these various vernacular vocal styles rose and fell, creating a magnificent musical environment. During the middle of the Ming Dynasty, vocal styles in nanqu also saw major changes. The exquisite, refined shuimo or »water milled« singing technique developed by Wei Liangfu in the Jiangnan region is usually synonymous the Kunshan style, and brought nanqu to its highest musical level.

Section 1  Vocal Styles of Nanqu and Shuimo Melodies

1. The Divergence of Vocal Styles

During the Ming Dynasty, nanqu mainly utilized legends while also incorporating sanqu (散曲, »literary songs«). In one sense, Ming-era nanqu incorporated many of the elements of Song-era

Nanqu in the early Ming Dynasty continued traditions of the past, remaining solidly among the general public and retaining a simple, rough style. But the vocal styling of nanqu (both voice and singing techniques) went through rapid change. Ming Emperor Taizu favored nanqu, but he wasn’t happy with the lack of bowed and plucked in-

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strumental accompaniment in the Tale of the Pipa (Pipa ji 琵琶记), and commanded the palace Music Office to create a new style accompanied by the zheng and the pipa, which was called the »official xiansuo style« and was used to perform the Tale of the Pipa. This is one of the earliest recorded examples of changes to nanqu styles during the Ming Dynasty. Using this new »transplanted« style to perform the Tale of the Pipa and old songs (this drama originally contained both qupai and libretto) was later called »performing in an altered tone.« Among the general population, changes in the style of nanqu were freer and more flexible. To »perform in an altered tone« was very common, allowing artists of different areas to »transplant« existing dramas using the vocal techniques in which they were most practiced. The result of this change in vocal technique resulted in the gradual formation of different branches of nanqu in different regions. This was especially true after the middle of the Ming Dynasty, when the divergence in styles became increasingly intense. Records from the middle Ming to the early Qing show that styles included Haiyan, Geyang, Yuyao, Kunshan, Hangzhou, Leping, Huizhou, Qingyang, Siping, Beijing, Tianjin, Chaozhou, Quanzhou, Chu, Yue and others. Most of these styles were named for the region in which they originated, and were contained in the name of the style itself. This is most likely due to the fact that artists in different regions would sing in the style of their locale, including an element of local language. This type of vocal styling common among the general population was simple and raw. The educated classes generally referred to them as »peasant« singing or songs. However, it was this simple and raw form that allowed the »peasant« style to be so inventive and flexible, changing as it spread. Clearly, »performing in an altered tone« was very convenient, because the drama and libretto were already fixed and all that was necessary was to change the vocal style. The way

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in which the vocal style changed did not have a specific method, and artists could express themselves freely as long as their audiences enjoyed listening to their performances. The vocal styles of nanqu were constantly changing during the Ming Dynasty and formed a series of branches that were generally full of vitality—and the key to this was undoubtedly the practice of »performing in an altered tone.« The spread of the various vocal styles of nanqu was already explained in chapter one. However, that was then and this is now and it is difficult to precisely recreate musical forms of vocal styles of that period. Here, we can only provide some general descriptions. In general, nanqu vocal styles originated from the general population and most were in the su style of singing, incorporating many elements of local dialects. Performance styles in the early Ming Dynasty were generally unaccompanied, with one person singing the lead voice and others supporting. There were no instruments used to accompany the singers. By the middle of the Ming Dynasty, the Kunshan style had already incorporated the di (笛, horizontal flute), guan (管, a double-reed bamboo instrument), the sheng (笙, a reed instrument with vertical pipes) and the pipa (琵琶, a Chinese lute) for accompaniment, along with each of the voices. The style was clearly more melodious and beautiful, but styles like Geyang and Qingyang retained the tradition of performing unaccompanied. All of the su vocal styles of nanqu qupai had linguistic forms that tended to be freer, and saw frequent changes or additions to existing forms of qupai. This was especially common when a slightly su text was included in qupai in order to expand the context of the qupai and create stronger emotional embellishments. It also made the libretto easier to understand. This method was known as »adding a roll,« and the singing would be called »rolling singing.« This type of text was also known as a »roll,« or a »rolling tone.« The reason it was called »rolling singing« was because

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it mostly used a »flowing beat« performance style with tight rhythms and complex words, but simple vocal styles. This kind of »rolling singing« often represented heated emotions, and had a force that seemed to roll off the stage. Qupai were originally characterized mainly by zayan (杂言, a mix of long and short lines), while the added »rolling« text was mainly qiyan (齐言, even lines of seven or five characters), which meant that the addition of »rolling« drove changes in the text of qupai. After the middle of the Ming Dynasty, the addition of »rolling« elements became increasingly common in all vocal styles among the common people, which meant that the degree of freedom in the text of qupai also increased. At the time, there were some printed collections of songs that specifically noted in the name of the book that they were in »fashionable rolling tones.« This shows the outstanding artistic impact of rolling singing, even causing book merchants to highlight it. The way that each of the su vocal styles dealt with vocal tones was also very flexible. People of the period noted that »the length of the lines and the tone of the voice was at the discretion of the singer,« which gave great freedom to the performer. When »rolls« were freely added to the text, the tone of the voice also had to be especially flexible and adaptive in order to match the lively nature of the »rolling« text. In a larger context, the practice of »performing in an altered tone« caused the creation of many su vocal styles, which was also the reason why vocal tonality was used to express this high degree of freedom. One of the results of the liberal changes in the forms of qupai and vocal tonality was confusion in the relationship between the names of qupai and their actual contents. When the form and vocal style of one qupai changed to greatly, the structure of the song no longer existed, which meant that the qupai had lost its formula. This made the original name of the qupai »empty« from any real points of reference. Naturally, the name of a qupai without any real context could easily be lost,

Chapter IV Music of the Ming Dynasty (Part I)

which meant that more and more qupai sung in su vocal styles lost their names. Artists that were more flexible with their vocal styling would simply use new names to replace the original names of qupai. There were also different methods used by artists of different regions and different periods. These factors made the relationship between the name of the qupai and its true nature even more confusing. The high degree of freedom in singing style could also have resulted in phenomena that went beyond the context of nanbeiqu, or rather that vocal styles originally belonging to nanbeiqu gradually spread beyond it—or incorporated vocal styles that did not belong to nanbeiqu into it. In act 63 of a copy of the Tale of Liu Xibi and the Golden Hairpin (Liu Xibi jincha ji 刘希必金叉记) unearthed in the 1970s in Chao’an, there is a long aria titled »Twelve Beats« that contains 61 lines, which are nearly all balanced seven character lines with four lines to a group (only one group has five lines), resulting in as many as 15 groups. This »unending« grand aria appears at the climax of the play when Liu Wenlong and his wife are reunited after a long separation, and is meant to express the emotion that they feel. However, the name »Twelve Beats« is by no means a qupai name from nanbeiqu and most likely refers to the fact that each group (of four lines) has twelve beats. Therefore, it can be assumed that this »Twelve Beats« portion can no longer fall within the realm of nanbeiqu.

2. Shuimo Kun-style Opera Most of the vocal styles in nanqu were developed among the general population, which is why many artists did not put much importance in maintaining standard qupai and its treatment of vocal tonality. However, nanqu vocal styles did include »ya tonalities.« Prior to the middle of the Ming Dynasty, the Haiyan style was considered »quiet and pleasing,« and began to show a near-ya quality. This style was mostly enjoyed by the upper

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classes. During the reigns of emperors Jiajing and Longqing, Kunshan Opera, known for its shuimo style, was already on the rise, and replaced the Haiyan style as having the quality of »white snow on a sunny spring day.« In the early Ming Dynasty, this school of opera was already popular in Kunshan (a part of Suzhou Prefecture), but it was mostly comprised of simple melodies, and was limited geographically to Zhejiang Province (as mentioned in chapter one). During the transition from Emperor Jiajing to Emperor Longqing, a famous performer of unaccompanied opera, Wei Liangfu, invented a new style of singing known as the »shuimo,« or the »water milled« style, which later became synonymous with the Kun style. There were some that also called the Shuimo Kun-style that Wei Liangfu created »Kunshan style,« but the fact is that we can’t be sure that the Shuimo Kun-style did in indeed emerge from the Kunshan vocal style. Wei Liangfu (birth and death unknown), was a native of the city of Taicang (some say Kunshan; Taicang was also a part of Suzhou Prefecture) and was active mainly during the reigns of Jiajing and Longqing. He was a master of songs in the unaccompanied style, and an excellent performer. He originally began by studying beiqu and later transitioned to nanqu, but he was unsatisfied with the singing techniques used in nanqu at the time. He was determined to blaze a different path and ultimately developed the Shuimo Kun-style, which was more »refined and formal,« and eventually became recognized as »the proper form of songs.« The unique elements of technique of shuimo singing and methods of learning it are contained the Rules of Singing Qu (Qu lü 曲律; another edition is titled A Correction of Southern Lyrics), which contains descriptions and explanations. His so-called theory of the »three ultimates« encompasses the most important aspects of the shuimo style of singing—namely »clarity of the words,« »purity of the voice« and »evenness of the beat.«

SECTION 1 VOCAL STYLES OF NANQU AND SHUIMO MELODIES

»Clarity of the words« required a distinction of pronunciation that was standardized in terms of its sound and tone. It forbade any altered readings based on regional dialects. In A Correction of Southern Lyrics, it specifically mentions »vulgar sounds« in the region in Suzhou (as the birthplace of the Kun style) that should be corrected. In actual performance, vocal technique should clearly express the rising, falling, high and low elements of the four tones of Chinese. The shape of the mouth while singing should also treat the »head, belly and tail« of each sound with great care. For instance, the sound »you« should be sung as »ee – o – oo«, while the sound »shui« should be sung as »sh – oo – ey.« »Purity of the voice« requires that there be no addition of »other« elements outside of what is stipulated in the qupai in order to ensure the unity and purity of the song and voice, and avoid it becoming unrecognizable. The »evenness of the beat« demands that beat of the music follow a certain standard when supporting the libretto and words in songs in order to accurately express the »rhythm of the language.« Speaking and singing during performances must also be rhythmically accurate, with a »distinct meter« of strong and weak beats. In order to clearly express the sounds of the characters and the vocal presentation as finely as if it were »water milled,« the beat must be kept relaxed—which is why the shuimo style calls these »cold beat songs.« In shuimo, those with the »coldest« beats and the finest vocal styling were »gifted beat songs,« which expanded the one-strong, three-weak mode to a one-strong, seven-weak mode. The vocal technique also stretched the end of words for a relaxed and unhurried feeling. However, the element that the shuimo technique emphasized most was pronunciation. Wei Liangfu states that »As long as the word is complete, the voice can be lacking; as long as the beat is even, the voice can be less full.« This socalled »evenness of beat« places each character in

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their proper position, which coordinates the relationship between the rhythm of the language and language of the lyrics. By saying the word should be »complete,« he is saying that the performer is required to pronounce each character clearly. To ensure this, the end of each character is lengthened and sung in an »empty« way (with the voice »lacking« or »less full«), which is of little consequence. In addition to the »three ultimates,« Wei Liangfu also emphasized the difference between the unaccompanied shuimo vocal style and the technique used on stage. When accompanied by gongs and drums, the signing can be »rougher,« but singing unaccompanied is an under-appreciated skill— which requires the singer to be relaxed and elegant, yet formal and severe as well as clear and warm. Problems like becoming red in the face, straining in the throat, moving the head and feet or standing unusually should all be avoided. This also put great demands on the singer in terms of their personal character and cultivation. In Requirements of Balancing Songs (Duqu xuzhi 度曲须知), the late Ming song writer Shen Chongsui described the treatment of pronunciation in the shuimo style as the »subtle coordination of the four tones and complete balance of the three parts of characters,« while also saying that »skill should be deep, energy should be without fire, the start should be light and rounded, and the end should be pure and slight.« He also emphasized that the shuimo vocal technique should go beyond the vulgar to reach a truly »elegant and proper« state. After the creation of the shuimo style of singing, it quickly became popular during the reign of Emperor Longqing and the early period of Emperor Wanli, rapidly resulting in »songs of all places following the Zhejiang school.« This emphasis on the delicate treatment of lyrics (pronunciation) and the work to achieve a clear, elegant style resulted in a clear contrast between the shuimo style and the simple, rough style of the different vocal

Chapter IV Music of the Ming Dynasty (Part I)

techniques used by the general public. It was very palatable to the artistic sensibilities of the literati, which caused it to quickly gain a following among officials, becoming the »orthodox« way of singing songs of the literati (including legends and literary songs). The use of the Shuimo Kun-style in the performance of legends is purported to have begun with the Washing Silk Tale (Huan sha ji 浣 纱记), after which most legendary content began to use the shuimo style. Legendary tales of the literati and the Shuimo Kun-style were a match made in heaven, and contributed greatly to the spread of legendary operas in the latter part of the Ming Dynasty. The Shuimo Kun-style was originally a singing technique used in nanqu, but later it also influenced beiqu. The nanbeiqu that used this type of singing technique (mainly nanqu) were later called »Kun-style songs.« Wei Liangfu himself was also later canonized as the »Sage of Songs« and the »Founder of the Kun Style,« to become one of the most famous individuals in China’s musical history. After Wei Liangfu, there were many outstanding singers that continued to perfect and improve upon this singing technique. The Kun style thus became a highly aesthetic and highly influential artistic form of singing. It represented the highest achievement in the artistry of nanbeiqu and marked a new era in China’s musical history.

Section 2  Beiqu and Xiansuodiao During the Ming Dynasty, the beiqu were mostly conservative, with little innovation. This prevented it from forming the same flourishing environment with various vocal styles as occurred with nanqu. Nor was it raised to an ethereal level of elegance, as was the case with Shuimo Kunstyle opera. This resulted in a trend toward decline and the shrinking of beiqu during the Ming

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8.4.1 Images of the Supreme Harmony of Correct Sounds (»Northern Elegance«), Research Institute of Drama and Music, Chinese National Academy of Arts

Dynasty. However, at the same time, in some areas, beiqu was able to change vocal styles and melody to derive a new style of literary song called xiansuodiao, or »bowed and plucked melodies.«

1. Beiqu Beiqu had reached its height during the Yuan Dynasty, and by the early Ming Dynasty still held an important position. Primarily it was a source of entertainment for the royal court and the nobility, while also enjoying considerable appreciation among the educated classes. Most court music used during banquets was beiqu. The Supreme Harmony of Correct Sounds (Taihe zhengyin pu 太

SECTION 2 BEIQU AND XIANSUODIAO

和正音谱; also known as the Northern Elegance or Beiya 北雅), written by the seventeenth son of Zhu Yuanzhang, Prince Ningxian Zhu Quan (1378–1448) (Fig. 8.4.1), proclaimed that beiqu represented the »correct sounds.« The work included eleven works that formed the Middle Harmony Compendium of Music (Zhonghe yuezhang 中和乐 章) that were designated as »court music.« This is similar to the Great Name Imperial Compendium of Daoist Music (Daming yuzhi xuanjiao yuezhang 大名御制玄教乐章), compiled for the Daoist religion by the Yongle Emperor Zhuli (reigned 1403– 1424) as well as the Imperial Collection of Buddhist Songs (Zhufo shizun rulai pusa zunzhe mingcheng gequ 诸佛世尊如来菩萨尊者名称歌曲), which both mainly used beiqu. The state of palace music during the middle of the Ming Dynasty was as described by Hu Shi in The Pearl Ship (Zhenzhu chuan 真珠船): »The tones of beiqu are mostly unrefined and bold, truly capable of making people wave their hands and dance; with each line inspiring three gasps… This is why from the royal court to rural temples, performers use beiqu instead of nanqu.« The role of beiqu in defining proper pronunciation in the court continued through the latter part of the Ming Dynasty. In addition to the royal court, princely palaces in foreign lands were also a fertile ground for beiqu. Of the vassal princes during the early Ming Dynasty, Prince Ningxian Zhu Quan and Prince Zhouxian Zhu Youdun (1379–1439) were two of the most famous individuals in ardent support of beiqu. They both created a large number of beiqu works (chapter one has already mentioned their zaju creations). The Supreme Harmony of Correct Sounds, compiled by Zhu Quan (as mentioned previously), was the first collection of qupai rules for beiqu. Zhu Youdun was known widely for his zaju, used in palace music. Beiqu played an important role in both sung and instrumental music of princely palaces in all regions, with influence that reached to the latter portion of the Ming Dynasty.

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There were also close links between beiqu and the literati. Zaju mainly used beiqu (with the exception of »southern zaju« in the latter half of the Ming Dynasty, which used nanqu). This is why the literati mentioned in chapter one dedicated to the writing of zaju mainly tended to use beiqu (with the exception of those that used nanqu). Furthermore, literati that preferred using beiqu, with the exception of those that composed zaju using beiqu, also wrote sanqu using beiqu. Here, we should also mention a group of beiqu composers that were also members of the literati during the middle of the Ming Dynasty. During the reigns of emperors Zhengde and Jiajing, Chen Duo of Nanjing, Zhu Yunming and Tang Yin from the Jiangnan region, Yang Shen from the Yunnan/Sichuan region, Kang Hai and Wang Jiusi from the central regions as well as Li Kaixian and Feng Weimin of Shandong, were outstanding literati composers of beiqu. For the most part, their creation of beiqu included both lyrical and musical composition. One example is Chen Duo, also known by the courtesy name Dasheng and the pseudonym Qiubi. He lived during the Zhengde-era of Emperor Hongzhi (his birth is unknown and may have died in 1507). He resided in Nanjing and was originally a military officer, but had a talent for music and had the reputation of being the »orthodox master of nanqu.« He was also skilled at beiqu. Chen Duo’s musical creations (including played and sung) were some of the best-produced by literati composers of the Ming Dynasty. He was given the title »king of music« by musicians of the Music Office at Nanjing. His sanqu works were not only numerous, but easy to sing, making them very popular on the stage. Kang Hai and Wang Jiusi (already mentioned in chapter one as each having a beiqu zaju ­titled Zhongshan Wolf (Zhongshan lang 中山狼), who were been known as »leaders of the Guanxi style.« They were both lovers of beiqu and made considerable efforts in music. In order to make his beiqu

Chapter IV Music of the Ming Dynasty (Part I)

works more »authentic,« Wang Jiusi first invited singers skilled in beiqu to his home where he studied singing for three years, after which he began composing lyrics. He also studied instruments used to accompany beiqu such as the pipa and sanxian (三弦, a three stringed plucked lute). Kang Hai was skilled at both singing and playing and each time Wang Jiusi composed a new work, he would perform it. Even experienced performers marveled at his artistic skill. For a time, beiqu was also poplar with the lower classes in society, especially during the middle of the Ming Dynasty, with many lovers of beiqu in the general population. In A Record of Discussions on Nanqu (Nanci xu lu 南词叙录), it states that beiqu had become »a daily part of life for the general population«; those in the south also enjoyed it, being »fashionable among all classes.« Li Kaixian’s Banter on Lyrics (Cixue 词谑), the chapter on lyrics and music also records the names and events surrounding a group of famous singers and xiansuo masters. They originate from a wide range of places—including Shandong, Hebei, Henan, Huaibei, Shaanxi and the Jiangnan region. Beiqu during the very beginning of the Ming Dynasty was a direct continuation of beiqu as it existed under the Yuan. The music generally retained the form and style of the beiqu of the Yuan Dynasty. However, starting in the first part of the Ming Dynasty, beiqu exhibited two different trends—strict adherence to existing standards, and more liberal interpretations. The beiqu of the royal court, princely mansions and households of refined individuals generally preferred the standard form. This is exhibited in the Supreme Harmony of Correct Sounds by Zhu Quan, which completely followed the beiqu system of »twelve modes and three hundred thirty-five chapters« outlined in the Yuan Dynasty work Rhymes of the Central Plain (Zhongyuan yinyun 中原音韵), which used these 12 »modes« to produce 335 qupai. The Supreme Harmony of Correct Sounds further codified this content, while the Rhymes of the Central Plains only provided a list of

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the »twelve modes and three hundred thirty five chapters« and only the »fixed form« of lyrics for 40 qupai without noting their tonal patterns, the Supreme Harmony of Correct Sounds listed all three hundred and thirty five qupai along with the tonal patterns for each of them. Clearly, the Supreme Harmony of Correct Sounds was a classic »collection of rules,« while Rhymes of the Central Plains could not be counted in the same context. From the beiqu compositions by literati, we can see that the control these rules exerted over beiqu qupai were very commonplace. Some of the new zaju works by literati made structural breakthroughs on zaju of the Yuan Dynasty, including single act dramas, two modes in one act and multiple leads. There was even the appearance of »southern zaju« (as mentioned in chapter two), but these changes were not made to the qupai themselves. Another example of how beiqu in the royal palace followed strict standards can be seen in the case of the Master of Songs for the Southern Music Office, Dun Ren, when he accompanied Emperor Wuzong to the capital to study many of the beiqu used in the palace. Later, he was employed in the home of He Liangjun (1506–1573) of Nanjing as a music teacher. In his Collection of Conversations from the Studio of the Four Friends (Siyou zhai cong shuo 四友斋丛说), He records some of Dun Ren’s insights into songs and music, which attests to the emphasis on standard forms for beiqu in the palace Music Office. For example, Dun Ren was extremely particular about pronunciation in singing, with books like Rhymes of the Central Plains and Elegant Rhymes of the Jade White Forest (Qionglin yayun 琼林雅韵) »never left his hand until the end of his years,« clearly reflecting the importance of the standard pronunciation of beiqu in the Music Office. Beiqu popular among the lower classes, however, was driven by the market for entertainment of the masses and would not be bogged down by old rules. In the first half of the Ming Dynasty, beiqu faced ever-increasing pressure and chal-

SECTION 2 BEIQU AND XIANSUODIAO

lenges from nanqu. The trend toward continued emergence of new vocal styles in nanqu (the divergence in vocal styles discussed in the previous section) couldn’t help but greatly affect beiqu. However, the stronger influence of »tradition« in beiqu meant that changes in singing techniques in beiqu generally couldn’t catch up to the newly found speed of innovation in nanqu. However, it was the awkward state of being neither new nor old that greatly threatened the former position of beiqu as the standard for Chinese opera. By the reigns of Jiajing and Longqing, the innovative shuimo nanqu created by Wei Liangfu had spread through the upper echelons of society, dealing a decisive blow to beiqu, finally throwing it off of its operatic pedestal. Later, after searching for a number of solutions to its predicament, the music of beiqu also saw many changes. After the middle of the Ming Dynasty, one of the most notable changes in the musical treatment of beiqu was that with fewer and fewer traditional works being performed, traditional styles of singing were also gradually lost, and the music of beiqu became »simplified.« A collection of songs compiled during the reign of Emperor Wanli titled A Categorized Selection of Various Tunes (Qunyin leixuan 群音类选) collected tunes that were popular at the time, but in the 46 volumes of the work, beiqu made up only slightly more than six of them. The remainder were all nanqu, which showed how small the extent of beiqu performances had become at that time. Of the legendary tales that flourished after the middle Ming, the majority were sung in nanqu, while beiqu was only used in particular performances. This use of beiqu was clearly only to create a musical contrasts or variations. Generally, though, it was unvaried and only conveyed indignant and unstable emotions. It was for this reason beiqu was only used in a few of the most common song-suites, like Proper and Fine (Duanzheng hao 端正好), the New Water Song (Xin shui ling 新水令), Rouged Lips (Dianjiang chun 点绛唇), Pink Butterflies (Fen die’er 粉蝶儿)

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and A Single Flower (Yi zhi hua 一枝花), as well as a small number of individual tunes that used similar vocal techniques. The use of »simplified« forms inevitably meant that the previous richness of beiqu was gradually lost and that its vocal technique and overall style became less varied. The »simplification« of singing techniques in beiqu also produced another outcome, which was the relationship between the »song« (the qupai in terms of the text) and the »vocal technique« became more flexible. Different qupai or »songsuites« could be sung using the same vocal technique. Similarly, the same qupai or lyrics could be sung using different vocal styles. The kind of flexibility in the relationship between the song and the vocal style in beiqu already existed to some extent during the Yuan Dynasty, but after the middle Ming the degree of flexibility noticeably increased. This flexible relationship between songs and vocal style also produced another result, which was a crossing over between nanqu and beiqu. An example of this would have been using the vocal technique of nanqu to sing a beiqu qupai. While musical borders could be crossed between beiqu and nanqu, it goes without saying that beiqu was »performed in an altered tone« to a much greater extent. In his Preface to the Continuation of the Yuefu of the Emerald Mountain (Bishan xugao xu 碧山续稿序), Wang Jiusi noted a curious event in which a visiting friend used the »Qin-style« to sing one of his beiqu works. Full of wine and noticing the familiar sound, Wang also began to »follow along« to his absolute delight! The »Qin style« is a richly unique vocal style native to the Shaanxi region and is not a part of the singing techniques of nanqu or beiqu. If the singing techniques of beiqu also took on a comprehensive change in tone, then it would have also diverged into new musical categories as happened with »performing in an altered tone« in nanqu. For a time, xiansuodiao, or bowed and plucked melodies, was also popular in the

Chapter IV Music of the Ming Dynasty (Part I)

J­ iangnan region, the central plains and northern China, and was an independent offshoot rooted in the traditional singing techniques of beiqu.

2. Plucked and Sung »Xiansuodiao« The term »xiansuo« originally referred to instruments including the sanxian, pipa and zheng, that were either plucked or bowed. During the Yuan Dynasty, beiqu were generally accompanied by these kinds of instruments, which meant that »xiansuo« was often used as another name for beiqu. One of the ways that the music used for beiqu changed during the Ming Dynasty was that while experiencing a change in tonality, it also emphasized the use of bowed and plucked instruments like the sanxian and pipa. This resulted in the formation of a type of music that was known as »xiansuo,« »xiansuodiao« or »xiansuoqu«— and when performed was often called »plucking and singing.« Later, the meaning of xiansuodiao expanded, and was no longer limited to beiqu. As long as it emphasized the use of plucked and bowed instruments, and the vocal styling developed its own approach, it did not matter whether it was beiqu, nanqu or xiaoqu—they were all incorporated into the category of xiansuodiao. However, generally speaking, the majority of xiansuodiao were still based on beiqu. The initial form of xiansuodiao is difficult to verify with any accuracy. In his A Correction of Southern Lyrics, Wei Liangfu noted that beiqu included a number of offshoots such as Zhongzhou-diao, Jizhou-diao, Old Huangzhou-diao, mo-diao and xiansuo-diao. The first three of these were distinguished by their »use of different dialects,« while modiao was due to its similarity in singing technique to the »water milled« style of nanqu. It is likely that xiansuodiao was due to its notable use of plucked and bowed instruments. The period described by Wei Liangfu was from the Yuan Dynasty to the middle of the Ming Dynasty. In A Survey of an Age (Yue shi bian 阅世编), Ye Mengzhu states that during the early Ming Dynasty the

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princes of Zhongzhou created the xiansuo form, which had a style that was »complex, rushed and tight; and listening to it makes one melancholy.« It was greatly favored by the educated classes. Later, a soldier named Zhang Yetang, who had been sent to Taicangwei in Suzhou, who was very good at signing xiansuo style pieces, was greatly admired by Wei Liangfu of Kunshan, and later married his daughter. With the help of Wei Liangfu, Zhang Yetang made changes to xiansuo music that brought it closer to the nanqu style, and he also improved the design of the sanxian. Later, there were others who created the tiqin (提琴, a bowed string instrument) that was paired with the sanxian, making xiansuo music softer and more melodic. This became one of the famous musical forms in the Jiangnan region. This new type of xiansuodiao was popular in the Jiangnan region during the latter half of the Ming Dynasty, creating a flourishing environment in which »southern people everywhere playing northern tunes and thousands of homes playing xiansuo music.« By the end of the Ming Dynasty, xiansuodiao diverged into different branches in the regions around Taicang, Suzhou and Jiading, with all types of musical changes. In the Requirements of Balancing Songs, Shen Chongsui recorded the characteristics and changes in the singing techniques used in xiansuodiao around Taicang. The xiansuo style there had a »unique voice that is slender and graceful and playing that is full and practiced,« while at the same time having the drawback of being »deft in playing, but neglectful of lyrics«—meaning that performers were unable to accurately express the tonal patterns of the lyrics. At the end of the Ming Dynasty, singers changed their methods yet again, no longer craving increasingly flowery vocal styles, and instead studying the pronunciation of the shuimo style, and striving to accurately express the tonal contours of the lyrics. From this, we can see that the music of xiansuodiao was in a constant state of development.

SECTION 2 BEIQU AND XIANSUODIAO

Another important characteristic of xiansuodiao was the integration of playing and singing. The name »xiansuo« (a method of accompanied singing) already demonstrated the unique status of the instruments. This was one of the important differences between xiansuodiao and nanqu. The emphasis on the instruments naturally strengthened the overall »instrumentality« of xiansuodiao, which made its vocal element even more pleasing to the ear. However, this also resulted in a trend of emphasizing on playing over singing, which meant that as long the playing was elaborate and the voice was pleasing, pronunciation was not as well executed. Xiansuo singers in Taicang during the end of the Ming Dynasty felt that they were leaning more towards the nanqu shuimo style with an increased emphasis on pronunciation, which resulted in yet another situation, which was summed up in Shen Chongsui’s Requirements of Balancing Songs, which states that »as [the style in] Zhejiang moved toward the shuimo style, it gradually lost its northern air.« Even though what was sung was beiqu, the »power and passion« of beiqu had become »a weak and wasted echo« of its former self. As xiansuodiao became popular throughout the Jiangnan region, there were some that created song books for it, recording the standard versions of works, which helped them to spread even further. One of these was the grandson of Zhang Yetang, Zhang Pinfu, who wrote the Corrected Scores of the Northern and Western Chambers (Jiaozheng beixixiang pu 较正北西厢谱), which was published in 1639 (12th year of Chongzhen). They lyrics were those of the Romance of the Western Chamber (Xixiang ji 西厢记) by Wang Shifu, both arranging them in terms of qupai and standard pronunciation as well as providing beat markings for all of the qupai. Early Qing Dynasty publications like Xiansuo Scores of the Northern and Western Chambers (Beixixiang xiansuo pu 北 西厢弦索谱) and Inherited Works of Ancient Music (Taigu chuanzong 太古传宗) were also scores for

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xiansuo music, which used gongche notation and specifically recorded xiansuodiao music of the late Ming Dynasty. The Xiansuo Scores of the Northern and Western Chambers was compiled by Shen Yuan in 1657 (14th year of Shunzhi, Qing Dynasty) with the full title Newly Engraved Annotated Version of the Ancient Xiansuo Scores of the Northern and Western Chambers (Xinjuan zengding guben beixixiang xiansuo pu 新镌增定古本北西厢弦索谱), and contained the full xiansuo score in gongche notation for Wang Shifu’s Romance of the West-

8.4.2 Image of a Qianlong-era engraved printing of the Inherited Works of Ancient Music, Drama and Music Research Institute, Chinese National Academy of Arts

Chapter IV Music of the Ming Dynasty (Part I)

ern Chamber. This was a song book for the performance of the Romance of the Western Chamber with the sanxian used throughout the Hangzhou region in the late Ming Dynasty. The gongche notation in the score was spaced according to the time values of the rhythm of the music and while it noted only strong beats (ban) and weak beats (yan), the spaces between each of the characters used for notation clearly expressed the time value of each note. Its vocal styling was subtle yet varied, which was already a clearly departure from the singing techniques of beiqu from the Yuan ­Dynasty. The Inherited Works of Ancient Music (Fig. 8.4.2) was compiled by Tang Binhe and Gu Junde during the reign of Qing Dynasty Emperor Kangxi, containing scores of xiansuo tunes from the area around Suzhou during the late Ming Dynasty. In included two sections, the first titled Pipa Scores for the Romance of the Western Chamber from the Inherited Works of Ancient Music, which contained all 20 of the beiqu song-suites from Wang Shifu’s Romance of the Western Chamber, and the second is titled Scores of Lyric Songs for the Royal Palace for Pipa from the Inherited Works of Ancient Music, which contains 46 song-suites that were popular at the time, mainly in the beiqu style with some nanqu, most in the sanqu form with some operatic songs from legendary tales. Copies of the Inherited Works of Ancient Music available today are based on a newly compiled version from the Qianlong-era of the Qing Dynasty, which includes an additional section titled New Scores for Xiansuodiao from Contemporary Operas—which contains xiansuo music from the early Qing Dynasty, which was most likely an adaptation from xiansuodiao of the Ming Dynasty. According to the opening volume of Discussions on Pipa Music from the Inherited Works of Ancient Music, these scores were originally gongche notated scores for pipa, which were later given lyrics by »those familiar with the tunes.« This practice of developing instrumentation before singing also showed

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the exceptional status of plucked instruments in this form of vocal performance. An important characteristic of scores in the Inherited Works of Ancient Music was the detail with which the timing values for pipa (and the accompanying vocals) was treated. Each vertical line is separated into 32 small squares, which represent the »thirty-two points« used in playing the pipa. This was in fact a detailed way of expressing time value, which in modern musical terminology would be as detailed as sixteenth notes. This style of notation gives the impression that instrumentation comes first and singing comes second. In the way it is named, »pipa music« or pipadiao is on the same level as xiansuodiao, reflecting the unique position of instrumental music in this form of vocal performance. Some of the works in the Inherited Works of Ancient Music still have vocal styles that are closely linked to the traditional singing techniques of beiqu. However, in most cases the singing techniques of xiansuodiao depart considerably from traditional nanbeiqu styles. The Xiansuo Scores of the Northern and Western Chambers as well as the Pipa Scores for the Romance of the Western Chamber from the Inherited Works of Ancient Music contain full scores of the Romance of the Western Chamber, identical to the qupai and text of Wang Shifu. However, there is no trace of traditional beiqu flavor in the vocal styling. What’s more, the vocal styles of the two works are completely different. In the same edition of the Inherited Works of Ancient Music, there are myriad vocal stylings for the different pieces, creating a colorful diversity. While these all fall under the term »pipa music,« there is no single core vocal key that is suitable for all the pieces under this category. During the latter part of the Ming Dynasty, when xiansuodiao was at its height, especially in Suzhou and Zhejiang where xiansuodiao was most vibrant because of their long traditions of musical culture and wealth of contemporary musical performances, this atmosphere integrated many other elements

SECTION 3 XIAOQU

with different creations by various musical masters, coming together quite naturally. The classic form of xiansuodiao was the song-suite (particularly beiqu song-suites), but also included xiaoqu and zadiao, which included Lament at the Silk River, Mountain Goats and Playing with Children. There were also name like »xiansuo light singing«. In terms of their status, the major works of beiqu were higher than xiaoqu or light singing, because the song-suites required a higher level of technique to perform. In terms of their regional distribution, the most typical of the traditional beiqu song-suites were the xiansuo of the Jiangnan region, while xiaoqu and light songs were popular from the central plains into both northern and southern China. The fact is that terms like »nanbeiqu,« »xiansuodiao« and »xiaoqu« or »light singing« do not have equal status in terms of musical categorization. They each have distinct differences as well as areas that overlap and cannot be entirely distinguished. In an attempt to centralize these concepts, we have mainly focused on the xiansuo style, which uses traditional beiqu songsuites, while categories like »xiansuo light singing,« popular both in the north and south, will be further discussed in the next section along with xiaoqu.

Section 3  Xiaoqu Beginning in the middle of the Ming Dynasty, a new phenomenon in the music world was the widely popular xiaoqu. The previous chapter already touched on some of the uses of xiaoqu, and this section will further explore some of the musical forms of xiaoqu. Xiaoqu were known by a number of names, including »popular lyrics,« »popular tunes,« »popular songs,« »random songs of the times,« »fashionable tunes,« »city lyrics« and »rustic songs.« Most were about the private affairs of men and women,

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with a performance style that tended to be soft and slight. However, xiaoqu were very inclusive, with forms that were very »random.« In terms of their origins, xiaoqu can generally be divided into two categories. The first is from nanbeiqu, which were basically the product of the transition to a more »common« of some nanbeiqu qupai in the musical culture of cities. The other category was unrelated to nanbeiqu and originated purely from rustic songs that came from either the cities or the country. These were similar in nature to the xiaodiao (小调, simple tunes) that were popular during the Qing Dynasty. The first category of xiaoqu is slightly different than nanbeiqu and requires further explanation. From the names of songs, it seems that the majority of xiaoqu during the Ming Dynasty appear to come from nanbeiqu. These include Locking up the Southern Branch, By the Side of the Dressing Table, Flying in the Clouds, Black Silk Robe, Lament of the Silk River and The Letter, which were all originally nanqu, while Mistletoe, Six Girls from Hexi, Dried Lotus Leaves and Crying to Heaven were beiqu. However, Mountain Goats, Playing with Children and Intoxication in Peace existed in both nanqu and beiqu. While later many of the xiaoqu that were derived from nanbeiqu experienced a number of changes, the format of the text for the most part retained its relationship with the original nanbeiqu song. One example of this is Playing with Children. This was original a beiqu qupai with nine lines, but a change to the initial format shortened the first four lines to three (this song also exists in nanqu, but the lines are different). By the time this beiqu song was adapted for xiaoqu, the lyrics had already changed. One version was seven lines with the number of characters in each line as follows: 7, 7; 7, 7.3; 3, 7. One other version was eight lines, separated into three sections: lines 1–3 in the first, lines 4–6 in the second and lines 7 and 8 in the last. The latter version was very popular during the Qing Dynasty and there were also some regional variations to the structure of the lines.

Chapter IV Music of the Ming Dynasty (Part I)

In fact, nanbeiqu already included many »xiaoqu.« Literati of the Ming Dynasty referred to some qupai that were short and had multiple sections in beiqu (rarely used in conjunction with other qupai) as »xiaoqu.« Some literati and officials also liked to use some of the keys in nanbeiqu to write slightly rougher xiaoqu. This included Yellow Oriole (included in both beiqu and nanqu) and there were already »slightly vulgar« works by Zhu Quan and Wang Yue during the early Ming Dynasty. After the middle of the Ming Dynasty, the number of literati writing of affairs and romances were innumerable. Famous individuals like Tang Yin, Yang Shen (and his wife Huang E), as well as Xu Wei, all wrote many »hit singles.« In fact, qupai in nanbeiqu that discussed relationships between men and women in a style that is light and unrefined, and were generally performed for the lower classes of society, were not entirely unlike xiaoqu. Most of the xiaoqu tunes of the Ming Dynasty were a derivation of nanbeiqu, and can be generally interpreted as offshoots of nanbeiqu. Their light and flexible form and content, that directly expressed emotion, meant that xiaoqu actually enriched the content of traditional nanbeiqu. However, as songs that were popular and »howled in the city streets,« xiaoqu were most popular as »songs for brothels« and cannot be mentioned in the same breath as the nanbeiqu that were written by the literati. Therefore, while the main portion of xiaoqu came from nanbeiqu and maintained countless ties with nanbeiqu, they continued to diverge from nanbeiqu, ultimately becoming a unique musical genre. The word »xiao« or »small« in »xiaoqu« refers mainly to the short length of the song, but also to the light and joyful nature of its content and mood. There are usually only no more than a few lines in a xiaoqu, and when there is more content, it is usually in the form of a single song in several acts. This allows the same song to be used several times, but with each application takes on a clear

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individuality. Another form is the use of multiple songs linked together (as with a song-suite), but the mood of this form still lacks variety. Musically, xiaoqu were not generally used in large works and were mostly used in »light singing.« Because they were often accompanied by bowed and plucked instruments, xiaoqu were also called »xiansuo light singing.« Generally speaking, xiaoqu that are not closely associated with nanbeiqu and xiaoqu that have a deep relationship with nanbeiqu are treated very differently musically. Xiaoqu that have little connection to nanbeiqu are very different in terms of form. Text was generally in the qiyan form, with even lines that were usually seven characters long. The number of lines in each song was also mostly fixed and their musical treatment would have been about the same as xiaodiao that had been passed down through the Qing Dynasty. This means that each song would have had its own vocal style with a fixed number of lines and vocal form for each of those lines. All one would have to do would be apply these vocal styles to different texts. Expansion of this type of xiaoqu was mainly accomplished through overlapping by using the same vocal style multiple times. From materials still available today, the lyrics of xiaoqu, in examples like Mountain Song, Song of Tongcheng, Song of Suzhou and Loops of Silver were generally fixed in terms of their text and should have had relatively fixed vocal styles. Multiple lines of text in the same xiaoqu would most likely use the same vocal style. However, this type of xiaoqu usually appears alone and is very rarely used with other xiaoqu in a suite style. This tells us that they each had a unique musical personality and were strongly independent. Xiaoqu that had a close relationship with nanbeiqu used a large number of keys and seem complex by comparison. However, generally speaking, the way in which the vocal technique of xiaoqu works with the text is the same as its parent form—nanbeiqu. In nanbeiqu, regardless of whether the form of the text of the qupai is fixed or not, the

SECTION 3 XIAOQU

organization of vocal styles is very flexible, which means that for xiaoqu with close connections to nanbeiqu, the treatment of vocal styles for the most part follow the methods typical to nanbeiqu regardless of whether the texts are fixed or not. Here, we will use the example of Hanging on the Twigs. There are different works that remain to the present day titled Hanging on the Twigs, with considerable differences in the text. This shows us that the arrangement of vocal techniques for this xiaoqu must also be very flexible, which speaks to the ability of music to adapt to different texts. New Scores of Current Xiansuodiao Dramas from Inherited Works of Ancient Music contains two songs titled Hanging on the Twigs/Truth that differ in both their arrangement of the text and the vocal styles used. This is clearly not a case of using different vocal styles to simply sing the same song. Therefore, in the case of Hanging on the Twigs, completely different vocal techniques could be used for the same song in different contexts. In this sense, musical treatment was very similar to that of nanbeiqu. We will also consider the piece Mountain Goats, which is a text used in beiqu, nanqu, xiansuodiao and xiaoqu, and speaks to the ability of the piece to change and adapt. This also explains the common thread that flows through nanbeiqu, xiansuodiao and xiaoqu. Mountain Goats has two forms that can be traced back to the Song Dynasty. One is the »fixed form« as recorded in Rhymes of the Central Plains, which has eleven lines and is performed in the beiqu style. The other appears in the librettos of dramas like Praying to the Moon with twelve lines and would be performed in the nanqu style. However, there is a great deal of variation in the form of the song Mountain Goats when performed in the »rustic singing« style. In related records, we see similar titles like Reproving Sheep on the Hillside, No Response Mountain Goats, Slow Mountain Goats and Crying Mountain Goats, which clearly simply added lines to existing works. This is especially true of Reproving Sheep on the Hillside,

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which can include the name of a specific event (i.  e., fruit, money, dominoes, medicine, an official, etc.) or convey the emotions or experience of a »protagonist.« This is all content arranged for longer pieces. One example is the song Mountain Goats in an Accent from the Clear Gentleman (Zhao jun 昭君), as recorded in the collection The Brocade Bag of Romances (Fengyue jinnang 风月锦囊), which has about 60 lines. Another example is the minor drama The Nun Leaving the Mountains (Nigu xiashan 尼姑下山) from A Categorized Selection of Various Tunes, which contains a version of Mountain Goats that describes the emotions of the nun, which contains 50 continuous lines. Mountain Goats is also included in the popular work Little Sister (Xiao meizi 小妹子), which expresses the longing of a girl. The work titled Hanging on the Twigs, edited by Feng Menglong, includes another version of Reproving Sheep on the Hillside that is over 50 lines long. In summary, Mountain Goats is a piece that traverses beiqu, nanqu, xiansuodiao and xiaoqu, in one sense experiencing a wide range of changes in terms of its form, while also resulting in a myriad of necessary changes in terms of vocal treatment (as there would naturally be not only one way of adapting vocal techniques to different texts). From the changes observed in

Chapter IV Music of the Ming Dynasty (Part I)

Mountain Goats, we can see that xiansuodiao and xiaoqu are both derivations of nanbiequ, but at the same time there is no clear distinction between xiaoqu and xiansuodiao, the lines between these forms and nanbeiqu is also blurred. In addition to xiaoqu, there are many different types of songs that appear among the general population. One example is recorded in Eternal History (Gen shi 亘史) by Pan Zhiheng, which states that in the 23rd year of Wanli, Pan Zhiheng traveled to Suzhou where he met seven or eight servants that were singing »Songs of Wu.« He gave them wine and they continued singing five or six hundred songs for him in one sitting. The songs spoke of the experiences of man and the wonders of nature, of landscapes and stories, of allegories and human emotion; they spoke of ­everything. Pan Zhiheng marveled at how scholars had searched their souls for this kind of inspiration, yet still were unable to compose anything remotely similar to what came so naturally to these common farmers, seemingly without any effort at all. There is no doubt the origins of these simple, rustic songs from the countryside had a distant and complex pedigree and were incredibly valuable cultural treasures, but they were rarely recorded by scholars of the past, leaving us with little to understand or learn about them.

CHAPTER V  MUSIC OF THE MING DYNASTY (PART II) The previous chapter introduced the main categories of music in the Ming Dynasty. This chapter will continue to introduce various types of instruments, and other types of music. Notable advances were made in instrumental music during the Ming Dynasty, and many varieties made their way into cultural life at all levels of society. Buddhist and Daoist music also experienced a certain amount of change, and were important in palace life as well as in the general population. However music used in court ceremonies during the Ming Dynasty was full of pomp, artistically it was not very notable. The musical flair of China’s ethnic minorities, meanwhile, was brilliant, each with their own unique environment for growth and evolutionary direction.

Section 1  Instrumental Music Advances in instrumental music during the Ming Dynasty were considerable. Generally speaking, commonplace instruments already had a fixed design, but the techniques used in performing and works for key instruments saw considerable development. In the appreciation of music, there were two clear categories—ya and su. The ya style was represented by the qin zither and was generally enjoyed by the literati and upper classes. Su style music included the xiansuo (»bowed and plucked«), sizhu (»silk and bamboo«) and chuida (»wind and percussion«) styles that were popular among the general population. Instrumental music was closely related to social life and different types of instrumental music expe-

rienced their own evolution and artistic achievements.

1. The Qin Zither People of the Ming Dynasty were obsessed with the art of the qin zither, especially the literati. Those who enjoyed the music of the qin zither included vassal princes, members of the royal family, court eunuchs and even the emperor himself. An »Imperial Qin« that Emperor Hongzhi Zhu Youcheng commissioned has been passed down to the present day. (Fig. 8.5.1) Prince Ningxian Zhu Quan also wrote essays on the qin zither, composed melodies, and even wrote scores for it. The fact that it was so popular among the upper classes of society meant that the qin zither naturally became associated with »ya culture,« with a strong scholarly air. In this circle, music for the qin zither was often created for the artistic expression and emotional introspection of the performer or the composer, which was fundamentally different from performances among the common people in which performers gained satisfaction by entertaining others and »selling their art.« (Fig. 8.5.2) Another important characteristic that was directly linked to the refined nature of this music was its respect for tradition. Music for the qin zither during the Ming Dynasty was fixed, not only in terms of the shape of the instrument itself, but also in terms of its compositions, which focused on the practice and interpretation of works of the past, choosing »discussion over creation.« However, while maintaining and promoting tradition, music for the qin zither also saw considerable development. One notable benchmark was the large-scale compilation and printing of

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Chapter V Music of the Ming Dynasty (Part II)

8.5.1 Running Thunder Qin, Ming Dynasty, the Palace Museum, Beijing

scores, which indicated an improvement in technique and a broadening of the scope of those who appreciated the qin zither. There is much more to discuss on the achievements and insights of qin artists in their examination of traditions as well as their innovations. Another important fact to note is that the number of famous qin players during the Ming Dynasty was far greater than any period in the past. There were also important developments in the formation of qin schools, the first sign of the development of this art form. In the early Ming Dynasty, the major qin schools were the Zhejiang School and the Jiangsu School. The Zhejiang School was formed at the end of the

Southern Song. An important figure of the school at that time was Xu Yu (courtesy name Tianmin). His decedents continued the traditions of the Zhejiang School, and by the early Ming, the great grandson of Xu Yu, Xu Shen (courtesy name Hezhong), was the leader of the Zhejiang School. Xu Shen lived in the city of Siming (present-day Ningbo) and was a teacher. He excelled at the qin zither and people from far and wide came to learn from him. The Ming Emperor Chengzu once summoned qin masters, including Liu Hong of Songjiang and Zhang Shou of Suzhou, as well as Xu Shen himself into the emperor’s presence, showing just how influential Zhejiang School had become.

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SECTION 1 INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC

8.5.2  Playing the Qin in the Shadow of a Banana Tree, Chen Honghuan, Ming Dynasty, Nanjing Museum

By the middle of the Ming Dynasty, the Zhejiang School had become even more famous, producing artists like Zhang Zhu, famous during the reign of Hongzhi, and Xiao Luan, during the reign of Jiajing. Zhang Zhu was an artist living in Suzhou at the time, and was summoned to the palace by Emperor Xiaozong (Hongzhi) to teach qin technique to the eunuch Dai Yi, who later passed his skill on to another eunuch, Huang Xian. In 1546 (year of bingwu, Jiajing Period), Huang Xian, who was also known by the courtesy name Zhongxian and the pseudonym Wugang, compiled and printed qin songs of the Zhejiang School that had been passed down from Zhang Zhu in the two-volume

The Wugang Scores (Wugang qin pu 梧冈琴谱), the earliest example of formal records of the Zhejiang School. Xiao Luan, who was also known by the courtesy name Xingzhuang, was born to an influential family in Nanjing and had a special affinity for the qin zither. He brought together people of similar interests and spent four years (1554–1557) during the Jiajing Period collecting songs from the Zhejiang School into a score for the qin zither titled Addenda for Great Songs of the Apricot Manor (Xingzhuang taiyin buyi 杏庄太音补遗). Two years later, again he discovered two songs from the period of the Wu and Yue kingdoms that »could not

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be attributed to the Zhejiang School,« repeatedly editing his previous work to produce the Extended Scores for Great Songs of the Apricot Manor (Xingzhuang taiyin xu pu 杏庄太音续谱). The printing of scores for the qin zither for the Zhejiang School further expanded its influence, and the school ultimately became the largest of the qin schools. Liu Hong and Zhang Shou, who had also been called to the capital by Zhu Li, belonged to a branch known as the Jiangsu Melodies of the Liu School. In addition, there were also some qin players during the Ming Dynasty that called for the integration of singing with the playing of the qin zither. Because many of their activities were located to the west of the Yangtze River and around Nanjing, these became known as the Jiangsu School and became quite influential. The main delineation between this school and the Zhejiang School was that those of the Xu line felt that the qin zither should be played alone, while the Jiangsu School put more emphasis of the combination of playing and singing. Representative figures of this school in the middle and later Ming Dynasty include Gong Jing, Xie Line, Huang Shida, Huang Longshan, Yang Biaozheng and Yang Lun. Together, they compiled more than 20 scores including a great number of sung pieces for the qin zither. There was a great deal of criticism by various members of the Zhejiang School of the accompanied singing of the Jiangsu School, but those of the latter stayed their own path. Generally, the practice of singing accompanied by the qin zither did not by any means become mainstream, and because of the considerable advantage the Zhejiang School had, the Jiangsu School was never able to make considerable advances artistically. In Fujian Province there was another style, known as Min Melodies, which combined playing and singing, but the singing was done in the local dialect. These »Min Melodies« had a very strong local flavor and they were not very influential.

Chapter V Music of the Ming Dynasty (Part II)

They couldn’t compare with the Jiangsu School, but they do serve to represent some the more »su« styles in qin music. In the city of Changshu in Jiangsu Province, there was an important qin school known as the Yushan School, which originated from the classical name for Changshu. It was also known as the Shu School. The school’s founder, Yan Cheng (1547–1625), was also known by the courtesy name Daoche and the pseudonym Heavenly Pool. He was a native of Changshu and once served as the Governor of Shaowu. After he left his post and returned to his hometown, Yan Cheng and Lou Dong joined together to form the Qinchuan Qin Society (named for the Qin River in Yushan) to explore the art of the qin zither. When Yan Cheng traveled to Beijing, he became acquainted with Shen Yin (courtesy name Taishao, also a native of Zhejiang), who had moved to Beijing and where he was known as the »king of qin performers.« Members of the Qinchuan Society would compare notes with Shen, and they learned from each other and during an especially tumultuous time—thus the Yushan School was born. In terms of performance, the Yushan School emphasized relaxed and quiet playing that sought to create a feeling that was »clear and distant.« This style especially resonated with a group of cultured gentlemen who were enthralled by mountains and rivers, which represented the typical artistic ideal of literati aficionados of the qin zither at the time. The Yushan School quickly became one of the most influential qin schools of the late Ming Dynasty. Under Yan Cheng’s leadership, members of the Qinchuan Society compiled Scores for Qin from the Hall of the Pine Bow (Songxian guan qin pu 松 弦馆琴谱). (Fig. 8.5.3) This book of scores for the qin zither was perhaps the most representative example of the Yushan School, and later became the only Ming era collection of scores for the qin incorporated into the Qing Dynasty Complete Library in Four Sections (Siku quanshu 四库全书).

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SECTION 1 INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC

8.5.3  Reprinting of Scores for Qin from the Hall of the Pine Bow, ­Complete Library in Four Sections

From the reign of Wanli onward, the most famous qin master of the Yushan School was Xu Shangying. Xu was also known by the pseudonym Green Mountain. The dates of his birth and death are unknown, but he was mainly active during the reigns of Emperors Wanli and Chongzhen, until his death in the early years of the reign of Qing Dynasty Emperor Kangxi. He became known as a student of Lou Dong and unintentionally made a name for himself from an early age. He was completely immersed in his playing and became a member of the Qinchuan Society early on. With the fall of the Ming, he changed his name to Xu Hong and took the pseudonym Man of Shifan Mountain, retreating to the Qionglong Mountains in Zhejiang to play the qin until the end of his days. The artistry of Xu Shangying’s playing was outstanding, and his reputation was immortalized in the poetic lines »all lands within the seas praise the Wu Melodies and Master Xu of the Green Mountain is their champion.« In his seminal

study on the qin zither, entitled State of the Qin in Xishan (Xishan qin kuang 谿山琴况), finished before the 16th year of Chongzhen, he summarized 24 »guidelines for the qin.« He expanded considerably on the »clear and distant« style advocated by Yan Cheng, and reached a new level in expressing the aesthetics of the art of qin music that eclipsed all that had come before him. (For a detailed description see chapter VII.) In terms of technique, he built upon the foundations that had been set down by Yan Cheng. Later, one of Xu Shangying’s disciples, Xia Pu, compiled his Scores for Qin at the Pavilion of the Great Return (Dahuan ge qin pu 大还阁琴谱), published in the 2nd year of Kangxi, which incorporated songs that had not been included in the Scores for Qin from the Hall of the Pine Bow, like Pheasants Fly In The Morning, Evening Call Of The Raven and Waters and Clouds of Xiaoxiang. Scores for Qin from the Hall of the Pine Bow and Scores for Qin at the Pavilion of the Great Return are both representative works of the

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Yushan School, but the latter includes important additions. During the late Ming Dynasty, the Shaoxing School also appeared in Zhejiang to great acclaim. Reminiscences in Dreams of Tao An by Zhang Dai contains a firsthand account of the activities of this qin school. Zhang Dai, who is also known by the courtesy name Zongzi and the pseudonym Tao’an, was well versed in literature and the arts. In 1616 (14th year of Wanli), he began his studies of the qin zither with the current master of the Wang Mingquan School in Shaoxing, Wang Lü’e, and two years later also began studies with Wang Benwu. Zhang Dai also formed what became known as the Silk Society with a group of gentlemen that were similarly dedicated to the art of the qin, meeting with them to explore the qin arts. A fellow student of Zhang Dai, who also studied with Wang Benwu, Yin Ertao (~1600–1678), known by his proper name Yin Ye and the courtesy name Zizhi, had been recommended to Emperor Chongzhen to write music to lyrics of five songs the emperor had written. Chongzhen later praised him: »He is an immortal! An immortal! This man has the air of the immortals about him!« After that, he became known by the pseudonym »Zhixian« and was ordered to organize the ancient scores in the collection of the Imperial Household. Later, Yin also completed numerous works including the Methods for Attaining the Five Tones (Wuyin qufa 五音取法), Confirmation of the Five Tones (Wuyin quelun 五音确论), Impartial Remarks on the Origin of the Qin (Yuan qin zhengyi 原琴正议) and Petition for the Review of Tones (Shenyin zouyi 审音奏议). He also composed music for songs written by Emperor Chongzhen, including Kongdong Mountain Prelude, Song of Qiaoyao, Leaning against the Parasol Tree, Journey of the Broken Branch and Kinship of the Three. After the fall of the Ming, Yin retreated into obscurity, but still wrote a number of songs in Suzhou including Long Cry of Sumen and Song of Returning. Here, we will explore a few more well-known songs for the qin zither from the Ming Dynasty. An

Chapter V Music of the Ming Dynasty (Part II)

important tradition in qin music was to both preserve ancient works while also incorporating personal experiences and innovation into »punching out scores« and performing. This resulted in creative interpretations and even »alterations« to ancient works time and again. Qin musicians of the Ming Dynasty were no exception in this sense. The majority of songs that appeared in Ming Dynasty woodblock prints of scores for qin zither were »ancient songs« like Luxuriant Orchid, Lofty Mountains, Flowing Water, Spring, White Snow, Pheasants Flying in the Morning, Melody of King Wen, Long and Clear, Short and Clear, Wine Frenzy, Plum Blossom Melodies, Evening Call of the Raven, Tartar Reed Flute, Lament of Zhaojun, Cranes Crying in the Marsh, Waters and Clouds of Xiaoxiang, Fisherman’s Song, Lumberjack’s Song, The Butterfly Dream and Liezi Riding the Wind. When works of the same name appeared in different scores, there would be discrepancies here and there, which were clearly the result of alterations by different authors or individuals. There are approximately 60 works in scores from the Ming and Qing dynasties still in existence today that can be confirmed or speculated to be Ming Dynasty works. These include beloved songs like Autumn Geese, Geese Landing on the Sand, Call and Response of the Fisherman and the Lumberjack, Prelude of a Lovely Evening, Siddham Stanzas and Forgetting Intentions, that have spread far and wide over the centuries. Here we will look at a few examples. Autumn Geese was a large-scale work for the qin zither. The composer did not sign his work, but it is to believed to be the creation of Prince Ningxian Zhuquan. One of the earliest examples of woodblock printing by Zhu Quan still in existence is the Miraculous Secret Scores for the Zither (Shenqi mi pu 神奇秘谱), which is one of the greatest contributions to the study of the qin zither. Autumn Geese was the last song to be included in this work. The song contains 36 stanzas, a length that is rarely seen in songs for the qin zither. The purpose of the

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song is to express the desire of the composer to have his »will in the sky« and »let his heart roam the universe,« but from the title of each stanza we can how the composer strove to create detailed and moving »images.« There are many changes in the fingering throughout the piece, making it very difficult to perform, but the artistry of the piece is impressive and later qin masters have praised it as »a treasure for all scholars.« After the Ming, this piece was included in nearly 30 different scores, clearly showing how much aficionados of the qin zither appreciated the work. The content of Geese Landing on the Sand and later versions was similar to Autumn Geese, but it was a work of only medium length. The earliest published score for the qin zither from the late Ming Dynasty was the Orthodox Forms of Ancient Tones (Guyin zhengzong 古音正宗). There are many rumors as to who the author may have been, but these are difficult to confirm. During the reign of Wanli, Zhang Dai studied this song with Wang Benwu of the Shaoxing School, showing just how popular the work was at the time. This song, like Autumn Geese, uses the goose as its theme and parts of it are structurally similar to it. The content is concentrated and well treated. The tune is smooth and melodious, while at the same time deftly blending vibrant imagery and emotional expression. Of the more than 100 scores for the qin zither in existence today, more than 50 of them contain this song, showing just how well loved it was by aficionados of the qin zither. This song differs greatly across the numerous scores in which it appears. The interpretation of the connotations of the song differ according to different qin masters. The Siddham Stanzas was also known as the Mantra of Pu’an, and first appeared in the Scores for the Qin from Three Religions in the Same Voice (San jiao tong sheng qin pu 三教同声琴谱). Great Music Beyond Sound (Taiyin xisheng 太音希声) was written by a recluse in Hangzhou named Li Shuinan.

SECTION 1 INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC

Pu’an was a famous monk of the Song Dynasty, and some scores also include Sanskrit transliterated into Chinese characters. Buddhist music also includes this song, which indicates that it may have been adapted from Buddhist music. The song is quite long and is divided into many stanzas, but some of the same melodies are used repeatedly in each stanza. This created repeating themes throughout that gave the music a relatively concentrated sense of imagery. There are also quite a few examples of thick, heavy double-stop note combinations in these songs, that filled the ancient temples where it was performed with a somber yet clear atmosphere. One of the more popular short songs for the qin zither was Prelude of a Lovely Evening. This song was commonly used by beginners just learning how to play the qin zither. It describes the joy of enjoying a beautiful evening and gives the listener a peaceful, relaxed feeling. The song is not long, and musical elements are relatively simple and limited. However, there are a number of different fingering techniques good for practicing including the yin (吟, small vibrato), nao (猱, large vibrato), chuo (绰, right glide) and zhu (注, left glide) that also allow the player to convey a great deal of meaning. This song was first seen in the Scores for Qin from the Hall of the Pine Bow by the Yushan School and is divided into two sections (there are also expanded versions in other scores that are divided into three sections).

2. Xiansuo and Pipa Instrumental music in the xiansuo style flourished during the Ming Dynasty and included instruments like the sanxian and the pipa, while also using instruments like the zheng (筝, a Chinese zither), yazheng (轧筝, a long, bowed zither), ruan (阮, a four-stringed plucked lute), konghou (箜篌, an ancient Chinese harp), the komuz (a Central Asian lute) and the huqin (胡琴, a family of bowed fiddles). These were mostly passed down from previous generations, but the shapes

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of some of the instruments changed during the Ming Dynasty and there was considerable improvement in terms of artistic level. Xiansuo instruments were often used as accompaniment for nanbeiqu, xiansuodiao or xiaoqu, which also led to the flourishing of these types of music and helped spur the growth of xiansuo instrumental music. However, xiansuo music also began to develop and grow in its own right. In a chapter titled »Lyrical Music,« Li Kaixian’s Banter about Lyrics (Ci xue 词谑) records the names and achievements of many masters of the xiansuo style during the Ming Dynasty, placing them into three categories based on the emphasis they placed on playing and singing. The first category focused on musicians that had beautiful voices, but whose »playing was not worth mentioning.« Another category was made up of those that excelled at playing in the xiansuo style, but could not sing. The last category was made up of musicians that excelled at both playing and singing. The fact that this type of classification existed tells us that the status of xiansuo music had clearly been elevated to a point where both playing and singing were equally appreciated. In the following we will look at the individual situations of the pipa, zheng, yazheng and tiqin (提琴, a bowed string instrument). The shape of the pipa was fixed before the founding of the Ming Dynasty, with the only difference being in the number of posts and differences in vertical or horizontal playing styles. An illustra-

Chapter V Music of the Ming Dynasty (Part II)

tion from a woodblock printing of the Mahamayuri Vidyarajni Sutra (Fomu dakongque mingwang jing 佛母大孔雀明王经) shows the pipa held vertically, while in paintings on the dougong of Kaiyuan Temple in Quanzhou depict musicians holding pipas horizontally. In the Ming Dynasty, the pipa was not only widely used, but playing techniques also advanced considerably. Many famous musicians appeared during this period and with solo pieces that have been passed down for generations. (See below for introductions.) The sanxian, also known as the xianzi or xiansuo, was mainly used for musical accompaniment of beiqu during the early Ming Dynasty. During the Jiajing and Longqing periods, the musician Zhang Yetang, who was living in the Jiangnan Region at the time, focused on improving his nanqu singing technique, and reformed singing techniques of xiansuodiao, but he also made changes to the look of the sanxian—»making its body more slender and the drum more round with the entire piece made out of the patterned wood.« Later, this type of sanxian became popular in many areas, including the Jiangnan Region. It also was an important instrument used in the accompaniment of nanqu in the shuimo style as well as xiansuodiao. Later, it also became known as the »quxian.« Myriad Scrolls of the Treasures of Wenlin (Wenlin jubao wanjuan xingluo (文林聚宝万卷星罗), compiled by Xu Huiying during the Wanli Period, contains »scores for the sanxian« (Fig. 8.5.4), in-

8.5.4 Sanxian Scores from Myriad Scrolls of the Treasures of Wenlin

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8.5.5  An Autumn Banquet at the Hall of the Stag (section), You Ziqiu (Ming), National Museum of China

cluding seven songs: Goose on the Waves, Locking up the Southern Branch, Carrying the Order of Victory, Matching Jade Rings, Welcoming the Immortals, Clear River Prelude and Selling Wine. The zheng was also a very commonly used instrument during this period. Most either had fourteen or fifteen strings. Zheng performances often included singing, but solo techniques were also very well developed. He Liangjun, a famous composer from Nanjing, once heard a musician from the Southern Music Office by the name of Li Jie play and sing a »zheng song« and was stunned, describing him as the best he had heard. He also wrote a poem on the performance, which contains the lines »gurgling water from the cold spring runs across the jade zheng; his cool character is reflected in clear iciness.« These two lines show that Li Jie’s skill with the zheng was no less impressive than his singing. The yazheng was also known as a zhen (蓁), and according to the chapter on »Music for Rites« in the History of the Yuan, it had »seven strings made of bamboo and was bowed with bamboo.« The

Book of Dew by Yao Lü notes a difference between the yazheng and the zhen, stating that »the zhen is similar in appearance to the zheng, but the zheng has fourteen strings while the zhen has nine; the zheng is five chi by today’s measure and the zhen is three chi and five cun.« It also states that the zhen »is sawed with a branch of the walnut tree rubbed with pine resin, in a slightly percussive way.« Bowed instruments in the huqin family included the erxian or »two strings.« Yao Lü’s Book of Dew also states that »today the huqin is called the ›two string‹. Its body is like that of a tao drum with a long handle of bamboo fixed with two strings at the pegs, which are also tied with bamboo. It is in the shape of a bow and is held horizontally in the hand rubbing the two strings back and forth to produce sound.« In paintings on the dougong of the main hall after the reconstruction of Kaiyuan Temple in Quanzhou, there are also »feitian musicians« (celestial musicians) holding erxian. An Autumn Banquet at the Hall of the Stag (Lintang qiuyan tu juan 麟堂秋宴图卷) by the Ming painter You Ziqiu (Fig. 8.5.5) includes three people play-

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ing music with a huqin similar to the present-day erhu. This is the earliest example of a huqin in a painting. There is also another bowed instrument, called the tiqin. Records show that there were tiqin in the palace of Prince Zhou of Zhongzhou in the early Ming Dynasty, which later made their way to the Jiangnan Region. A consummate musician in the city of Taicang named Yang Zhongxiu made important changes to the instrument, which eventually became one of the most important instruments for accompanied song. Other regions also began to copy the style of the tiqin from Taicang. The growth of xiansuo music was not only expressed in the changes made to musical instruments and the accompaniment it provided for nanbeiqu. There were also notable improvements in performance technique, and the superb artistry of the performances themselves increasingly became something that audiences grew to appreciate. Similarly, works of »pure instrumental music,« which were not simply to accompany singing, began to appear with the names of many performers being recorded in a number of publications. This was especially true of the pipa, which showed great advances in terms of performance technique, making it one of the most important instruments for solo performance. The lives of famous performers like Zhang Xiong, Li Jinlou and Tang Yingceng were recorded. In his Banter about Lyrics, Li Kaixian records a performance by Zhang Xiong: »A guest requested a pipa player. [Zhang] first attached a new set of strings, his hands working with natural skill. From the moment he started playing, everyone was stunned. When he played Hunting the Swan, despite the large size of the hall, which measured five columns long, it was suddenly filled with swan song.« Hunting the Swan was a song for pipa that had actually already been popular during the Yuan Dynasty, called The Vulture Hunting the Swan.

Chapter V Music of the Ming Dynasty (Part II)

Another example is in the Miscellaneous Records of the Offices of Wanping (Wanshu zaji 宛署杂记), which includes the life of Li Jinlou. He was born into a military family and later lost his sight, originally learning the pipa to entertain himself. He was known as a superb pipa player and was the best pipa player in Beijing during the late-Ming Dynasty: He is able to [produce sounds of] a general on the training grounds, with the drums, music, cannons and shouting, from the strings of his instrument. When talking with people, [he] answers with his string, [producing] clear words and sentences, as if someone was [actually] speaking, and sometimes [as if] two or three people speaking at the same time. Also, there were the qin, the zheng, or the di [produced from his string, all exactly as they should sound].

Yet another example is Master Tang of the Pipa (Tang pipa zhuan 汤琵琶传), which records the artistry of Tang Yingceng. He can play more than one hundred ancient tunes. With the sounds of great winds and rain, thunder and lightning; the voices of a woman crying for her husband, the chirp of countless insects, the brush of grasses and trees, these were all contained in the songs he played. This was especially true of his playing of Chu Han. When these two great armies battled, their sounds shook the heavens and the earth and roof tiles flew through the air. Listening closely to the tune, one can hear the clash of metal, drums, swords, bows and the sounds of men in retreat. Suddenly, there is no sound, and after a long while comes the king’s lamentation as he bids farewell to his concubine. They are trapped in the swamp as horses giving chase. On arriving at the Wu River, the king ends his life and all that remains is the sound of hoofs trampling his body. The listener is moved from anger to terror and finally to tears that cannot be held back. Oh! How he moves people so!

The song Chu Han, mentioned here, is likely the song Ambush from Ten Sides, which has been passed down to the present day.

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3. Wind and Percussion Instruments In addition to xiansuo instruments, there were also wind instruments like the bili (觱篥, a double reed instrument), sheng (笙, a reed instrument with vertical pipes), di (笛, horizontal flute) and xiao (箫, vertical flute) as well as instruments of the chuida style that incorporated both wind and percussion instruments, which was very popular during the Ming Dynasty. Chuida and percussion instruments used during the Ming Dynasty were essentially the same as those of the past, but as they became more widely used, their shapes changed considerably and performance techniques also saw marked improvement. The bili was commonly called a guan (管) or »pipe,« but was also known commonly as a guanzi (管子) or diguan (笛管). It was often used in ensemble playing and more often than not led or controlled the melody, which is why it was also known as the »first horn.« The Collected Statutes of the Ming Dynasty (Ming hui dian 明会典) states that in the palace these instruments were made of ebony and measured six cun and eight fen (~25 cm) with nine holes (seven in front and two behind) with a reed that produced the sound. There was an ancient form of guan that had two pipes next to each other (eight or six holes) that was said to have been lost according to the Book of the Song (Song shu 宋书), but was actually still in use during the Ming Dynasty. The sheng (笙, a reed instrument with vertical pipes) was an essential member of any chuida ensemble because of its stable high tone. Because of this it was usually the instrument that set the melody. During the Ming Dynasty, the sheng generally had seventeen pipe sets. Zhihua Temple in Beijing has preserved a 17-pipe sheng from the Ming Dynasty with all of its reeds that can still play in four keys: zheng (F major), bei (B minor), jiezhi (E minor) and yue (C major). The sheng is also an extremely common and important instrument in the music of the Miao, Yao, Yi, Dai and

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Dong ethnic groups, coming in many different shapes. The di (笛, horizontal flute) and xiao (箫, vertical flute) were also very commonly used wind instruments. Historically, the flute in China has always been divided into horizontal and vertical versions. During the Ming Dynasty, the di was played horizontally and the xiao was played vertically. The xiao also came in many different shapes. »Great Music« in the Ming palace used a xiao that was one chi and nine fen long (~7 cm) with six holes (five in front and one in back). Wind instruments were often combined with xiansuo instruments, resulting in the sizhu or »silk and bamboo« style, which was often used celebratory events during festivals. The painting Emperor Xianzong Enjoying the Lantern Festival depicts a celebration of the Lantern Festival in the 21st year of Chenghua with singers, dancers and acrobats. It also includes a procession of sizhu musicians playing instruments like the sheng, guan, yazheng, pipa and clappers. (Fig. 8.5.6) Wind instruments and sizhu instruments were also often used to accompany nanbeiqu. The di played an especially important role in nanbeiqu accompaniment. This was especially true when the shuimo style of nanqu, which became the most popular form during the latter half of the Ming Dynasty, strengthened the status of the di even further. These wind instruments were often combined with xiansuo or percussion instruments, which were organized into in chuida (also known as guchui (鼓吹) or »drum-and-wind«) ensembles. In chuida music, the suona (唢呐, a double-reeded flute) was an important instrument in the »chui« or »wind« element of the chuida style. There were already records of the suona in the Ming Dynasty that confirmed its widespread use. There were many variations on the shape of the suona, resulting in different sizes as well as differences in range and tone. There were also many different types of percussion instruments used during the Ming Dynasty.

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Chapter V Music of the Ming Dynasty (Part II)

8.5.6 Emperor Xianzong Enjoying the Lantern Festival (section), procession scene, artist unknown, Ming Dynasty, National Museum of China

These included general groups like luo (锣, gong), bo (钹, cymbal), drums (gu 鼓) and clappers (ban 板), which were divided into more detailed categories. On the various types of drums, the Diary of Liuqing (Liuqing ri zha 留青日札) by Tian Yiheng includes varieties of drums, like the horse riding drum, the pointed-base drum, the waist drum, dancing drum and pole drum. In the Book of Dew by Yao Lü, there were also waist drums, lamb skin drums, and the chalaji (which Yao Lü believed was the same as the dala drum). In addition to official ceremonies and military music, chuida was also used by the general public for rites and celebrations like weddings or funerals. There are many examples of this that remain from the Ming Dynasty. As society continued to change in the latter part of the Ming Dynasty, the widespread use of chuida music made it an even greater fixture in all social strata.

Of all the chuida songs, perhaps the most representative was the shifan or »ten variations.« However, this »shifan« style was often divided into music for gong and drum (shifan luo gu), or simply for drum alone (shifan gu). Shifan luo gu was also known by names like »Ten Pieces of Brocade« or »Ten Busy Men,« and was often played at events celebrating folk customs like festivals, weddings or funerals. They were also sometimes used by Buddhist and Daoist monks for religious ceremonies. These were most common in Wuxi, Suzhou, Yixing and surrounding areas. By the late Ming Dynasty, shifan performances also began to appear in Beijing. These shifan performances were said to have originated during the Southern Tour of Emperor Wuzong, Zhu Houzhao, and were officially titled Music for Pacifying the Borderlands (Jing bian yue 靖边乐)—and could still be performed by the Nanjing Music Office at

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the end of the Ming Dynasty. Instruments used in shifan luo gu mainly included drums, di, wooden fish, clappers, cymbals, small nao (铙, a hand bell), large nao, large gongs and dangluo (铛锣, miniature gongs), which produced a very exciting performance. Works that have been passed down include Western Wind, Emerald Phoenix Feathers, Flower Lantern, Big Red Robe, Farewell Tomorrow, Marquis of Shou Ting, Fragrant Pouch, Eighteen Beats, Prosperity of the Three Yangs, The General’s Order, Ten Eight Six Four Two, Capturing the Gong and Clear Percussion. In the late Ming Dynasty there were new styles of shifan, and these were mostly known as »shifan gu« or »shifan xiao gu,« or even »shifan di« depending on the instruments used. These were most popular in the areas around Suzhou, Wuxi and Changzhou. A shifan ensemble usually numbered between five to ten people who played instruments including the di, xiao, sheng, small suona, erhu (二胡, two stringed fiddle with snakeskin sound box), banhu (板胡, two stringed fiddle with a board sound box), small sanxian, pipa, clappers, diangu (点鼓, a flat drum played with a rod), bangu (板鼓, a frame drum struck with bamboo sticks), tonggu (同鼓, a large ceremonial drum), yunluo (云锣, a set of gongs mounted on a frame) and wooden fish. The drums and the di would lead the performance and the style was generally considered not as rough as shifan luo gu. From the names of the songs performed, the qupai of this style mainly originated from nanbeiqu of the Yuan and Ming periods. Songs of this style were divided into two categories. The first was made up of short chuida songs that did not divide stanzas by drum. These include songs like Drunken Immortals, Mountain Goats, Collecting Lucky Grass, Pilgrimage to the Emperor, Cracking the Door and Song of the Blue Skies. The other category was made up of chuida song-suites that followed drum stanzas, which was typified in songs like Halls Full of Fragrance, Geese Landing,

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Playing with Fish by Lantern Light and the Song of Ganzhou. These song-suites could be further divided three independent drum stanza styles by speed—slow, medium and fast. It was also possible to combine several of these styles together.

Section 2  Religious and Court Music Buddhist and Daoist music of the Ming Dynasty continued following traditions of the past, but music for specific religious ceremonies also had their own unique characteristics, never departing from mainstream Chinese musical culture. The expansive growth of secular music during the Ming Dynasty also had a considerable influence on the development of Buddhist and Daoist music. Music from outside the temples and secular music all had their place, but widespread exchange meant that they were also interwoven. Court music during the Ming Dynasty emphasized scale and pomp, but the restrictions within the court meant that music was unable to develop artistically on its own terms. Generally speaking, the mixing of both ya and su styles that existed in the court music of the Ming Dynasty meant that it made very little if any positive impact on Chinese musical history.

1. Religious Music The emperors of the Ming Dynasty put great emphasis on religion, and some even became personally involved in aspects of Buddhist and Daoist music. Both Zhu Yuanzhang and Zhu Li created »imperial compositions« of Buddhist and Daoist music, issuing them to temples throughout the land. In 1420 (8th year of Yongle), a set of »imperial compositions« in 50 volumes by Zhu Li titled An Imperial Collection of Buddhist Songs (Zhufo shizun rulai pusa zunzhe mingcheng gequ 诸佛如 来菩萨尊者名称歌曲), mainly paired text with nanbeiqu, which was comprised entirely of the

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names of Buddhist deities. Those who practiced these songs included monks and imperial scholars in the course of their education. This was one of the classic examples of how Buddhist music was »raised up« by the Ming Dynasty emperors. The Ming Dynasty court also placed great emphasis on Tibetan Buddhism, or »lamaism.« From the early Ming Dynasty, lamas of all sects in Tibet would come to Beijing to pay tribute to the Ming court. By the middle of the Ming Dynasty, there were over one hundred newly constructed lamaist temples in Beijing with several thousand lamas in residence. They brought with them both the ceremonies and music of Tibetan Buddhism. In addition to Beijing, the growth of Tibetan Buddhism in many other regions was also related to its music. For example, Tibetan Buddhism had already made its way to Wutai Mountain during the Yuan Dynasty, but during the Ming Dynasty a type of »gelugpa« Buddhist music unique to Wutai Mountain had appeared. This so-called »gelugpa« music had its origins in Lamaism, but was also greatly influenced by temple music of the Han tradition. Later, the music used by Tibetan Buddhist temples in areas around Qinghai and Gansu also came to recognize the music of the Wutai Mountain temples as the orthodox form. In one sense, Buddhist music generally continued using previous standards and maintaining its own key elements, but at the same time it also experienced a range of interaction with secular music. The music used for religious ceremonies within temples had its origins and standards, but in ceremonies that involved the secular faithful, they often used many commonly used instruments like the guan, di, sheng, suona and xiao. Songs also tended to be based on popular tunes. The aforementioned »imperial composition« An Imperial Collection of Buddhist Songs by Zhu Li was an example of the use of secular music as a vehicle for religious content. According to records contained in the »Yongle compendium of Buddhist music« kept at the Great Buddha Temple in

Chapter V Music of the Ming Dynasty (Part II)

Zhangye, An Imperial Collection of Buddhist Songs contained 2,600 sanqu, which mainly used over 300 nanbeiqu qupai (mostly beiqu), but also included some borrowed from the music of minority ethnic groups. Of the many songs of praise passed down through the temples of the Ming Dynasty, most came from nanbeiqu. One temple that amassed a considerable amount of secular music was Zhihua Temple in Beijing. The temple was originally constructed in 1446 (11th year of Zhengtong) and immediately established a musical ensemble made up of monks. Later, these »artist monks« dedicated their lives to music and ensured that the temple passed down this music to future generations and spreading it to other temples in Beijing, which is why this music is also commonly known as »Jing Music,« or »music of the capital.« Some scores copied by monks during the Qing Dynasty have been preserved to the present day. The earliest of these is a copy of A Score of Music (Yinyue qiang pu 音乐腔谱) from 1694 (33rd year of Kangxi), copied by a monk named Yongqian. It includes 48 songs for wind instruments and from the names of the songs, we can see that most of them are poems of the Tang and Song set to Yuan- and Ming-era nanbeiqu, while some may come from instrumental music common among the general population. Very few of them were directly related to the Buddhist religion. Musical ensembles often contained two guan, two sheng, two yunluo as well as percussion instruments like drums, dangzi (铛子, a small gong with a handle), nao, bo (钹, two hand cymbals played together) and xianzi (铦子, a small gong). Performance methods that had been passed down over time were also very close to secular music. The melody was generally led by the guan, which could be accented by the sheng and di with great flexibility. The yunluo also provided additional rhythmic elements. Naturally, the interaction between the religious and the secular did not just move one direction. Temples would regularly in-

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corporate elements of ancient and contemporary secular music, but Buddhist music would also make its way into common use, serving the needs of the common people. The music of the temples of Wutai Mountain, for example, greatly influenced the wind music of the surrounding areas and became a direct source for the development of the Badatao (八大套, »Eight great suites«) folk music in Shanxi Province. There were also many examples of »scroll recitations« or xuanjuan, mentioned in chapter III, that became a part of Buddhist spoken singing in secular activities. Now we will take a look at Daoist music. One of the most unique things about Daoist music of the Ming Dynasty was its close relationship to court ceremonial music. In 1382 (15th year of Hongwu), Zhu Yuanzhang issued an imperial decree to create the Ritual Protocols of the Great Ming for Daoist Retreats and Offerings (Da Ming xuanjiao licheng zhaijiao yifan 大明玄教立成斋醮仪范) to promote standards for ceremonies like retreats and offerings in the Daoist religion. It also established the most basic standards for music related to these ceremonies, continuing to use traditional practices. In addition, from the very beginning of the dynasty, sacrifices at temples to the heavens and the earth within the palace directly used Daoist ritual music for fasting and offerings, establishing a very special relationship between Daoist music and the court. From the time Zhu Yuanzhang proclaimed himself »King of Wu,« he worked to establish a system of imperial ceremonial music, which included a series of sacrificial rites that used Daoist rituals for fasting and offerings, giving Daoist ritual music a very important position in these sacrifices. In addition to music for sacrifices and rituals, court music also included music for court gatherings and banquets. The responsibility for the latter was placed in the hands of the musicians of the Music Office, while the former was mainly executed by musicians and dancers that were Dao-

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ist youth adherents. In 1377 (10th year of Hongwu), Zhu Yuanzhang ordered that a Temple of Sacred Music be constructed to the west of the Altar to Heaven and Earth in Nanjing, which was directly administered by the Court of Imperial Sacrifices and placed a young Daoist monk in charge of court sacrificial rites. This made Daoist music for »imperial use« and ceremonial court music for rites and sacrifices was under Daoist »administration,« which had never before been the case. Zhu Li boasted that he was the reincarnation of the »Great Emperor and Perfect Warrior of Mysterious Heaven,« which led him to place even greater attention on Daoism. After he ascended to the throne, he made important gestures. One was to issue an imperial order to carve the Daoist Canon (Daozang 道藏) in stone and the other was to build the Mountain Palace Temple at Wudang Mountain. In 1406 (4th year of Yongle), Zhu Li ordered the 43rd Daoist Heavenly Master Zhang Yuchu to compile a copy of the Daoist Canon that included the Imperial Collection of Daoist Music of the Great Ming (Da Ming yuzhi xuanjiao yuezhang 大明御制玄教乐章) for Daoist sacrificial music with the heading »by Imperial Decree of Yongle.« Zhu Li showed special care for Wudang Mountain, and in 1417 (15th year of Yongle), he transferred levies from the five southern provinces to Wudang for the construction of temples with a total of 290 bays, spanning fourteen years from start to finish. In the second month of the 17th year of Yongle (1419), there was an imperial decree that the four hundred Daoist monks residing in the various temples at Wudang would not only »be granted food,« they would also »be granted bolts of cloth as allocated for musicians and dancers of the Temple of Sacred Music,« giving them the same treatment as Daoist monks in the capital. The grand scale and solemn style of Daoist music at Wudang Mountain must have served as a model for Daoist music. The use of Daoist music in the imperial court was also a kind of »raising up« of

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Chapter V Music of the Ming Dynasty (Part II)

8.5.7 Imperial Collection of Daoist Music of the Great Ming, scores contained in the Daoist Canon

Daoist music, which by virtue of making its way into grand temples was required to uphold certain standards and forms, which also helped to set the standards and forms of Daoist music during the rest of the Ming Dynasty. To an even greater extent, texts composed personally by the Ming emperors were also treated as scripture. The Imperial Collection of Daoist Music of the Great Ming that had been included in the Daoist Canon had songs that were mainly taken from nanbeiqu. Of these, 14

songs used gongche notation and became one of the rare examples of true »music« that appeared in the Daoist Canon. (Fig. 8.5.7) At the center of these was the Score of the Supreme Emperor of Mysterious Heaven, which told of the life of the Perfect Warrior Emperor, expressing the ideology of the sacred origin of imperial power. Not a single word or note in the score was marked with a beat, following the tradition of stability and heaviness in imperial sacrificial music.

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As a native religion of China, Daoism inherently tended to combine various types of music without being beholden to a single style. This was no different in the Daoist music of the Ming Dynasty. Starting in the Yuan Dynasty, Daoism was gradually divided into two major schools of thought— Quanzhen and Zhengyi—resulting in differences in their use of music. The Quanzhen School emphasized conservative adherence to rules, which resulted in a form that was stable and unified. This form was common among all of the temples under the Quanzhen School and varied very little. The Zhengyi School, on the other hand, valued the artistic nature of music used in rituals and ceremonies, allowing for many changes that made it lively and colorful with abundant use of local styles. The use of Daoist music in secular contexts was also very widespread, which was one way in which the Ming Dynasty surpassed previous dynasties. Folk customs dedicated to gods and spirits or events like marriages and funerals would often invite Daoist priests to provide music. The spread of daoqing as a folk art, which was mentioned in chapter III, was also an example of Daoist music making its way into secular life. Daoist music permeated secular life in a number of ways, which facilitated the mutual exchanges between Daoist and secular music. A special branch of Daoist music also appeared in Yunnan, used by dongjing associations during religious ceremonies and later became known as dongjing music. These associations made offerings to Wenchang—Imperial Sovereign of Zitong— and took their name from the Wenchang Immortal Scripture of the Great Grotto (Wenchang dadong xian jing 文昌大洞仙经), the full name of which is the Wenchang Immortal Scripture of Jade Clarity, Endless Transformations and Complete Perfection (Yuqing wuji, zongzhen wenchang dadong xian jing 玉清无极总真文昌大洞仙经), It was said that Wenchang controlled the incomes of Confucian scholars, and that scholars and gentlemen hoping

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to gain position and fame brought him offerings. This meant that members of dongjing associations (those who sang and played dongjing music) were naturally members of the educated elite. However, the associations were not strictly religious organizations and were mainly supported by offerings to Wenchang and musical events. The dongjing associations most likely arrived in Yunnan from Sichuan during the early Ming Dynasty, gradually making their way into the areas around Lijiang, Yeyu (Dali), Heqing, Kunming and Yuanjiang. In addition to being popular with the Han people, the music was also adopted by the Bai and Naxi ethnic groups. Some of these dongjing associations kept histories and lists of members that have been preserved to the present day. The Society of the Three Origins (Association of the Three Origins) was a dongjing association located in Xiaguan, which kept the Book of Intentions (Yizhi bu 意旨簿), recording the name of its first president, a Hanlin scholar named Zhao Xuepin, and its Master of Scripture, Zhenren Wu, in 1530 (9th year of Jiajing). Records in the association book of the dongjing association in Yeyu near Dali, titled Accounts of the Association of Great Benevolence (Hongren hui ji lue 洪仁会记略), state that it was founded by a notable member of the Bai ethnic group, Li Yuanyang (1497–1580), during the Jiajing Period. Dongjing associations would periodically hold sacrificial ceremonies at the Wenchang Temple, Temple of the Warrior Emperor or at home altars. These would mainly fall the 3rd day of the 2nd lunar month (birth of Wenchang), the 23rd day of the 5th lunar month (Meeting of the Single Sword) and the 3rd day of the 8th lunar month (Wenchang achieving the Dao). Each of these events would last three or five days and would be lavishly decorated; naturally, music was required throughout the entire ceremony. Scripture would be chanted to music, but this would also be interspersed with instrumental music. Music became an important way to create a lively atmosphere and increase the impact and infectiousness of the scriptures.

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Singers and players were divided into scripture readers and musicians. There were around five scripture readers that would chant scripture and generally around a dozen musicians would play instruments. The number and type of instruments used varied from place to place. More instruments were used in areas dominated by Han people with »literary« instruments including the qin zither, the se zither, sheng, huqin, zheng, xiao, sanxian and yunluo, while »martial« instruments included the suona, gongs, bo cymbals, dang bells, qing stone chimes, large drums, small drums and small cha cymbals. The most commonly chanted scripture was the Wenchang Immortal Scripture of the Great Grotto, which included rhymed and dispersed texts. Generally, rhymed texts were generally sung (also called »spoken recitation«), while dispersed texts were spoken or chanted according to a certain rhythm. Music was inextricably linked to these incredibly elaborate rituals and in fact these events were essentially comprised of many different components of chanting and instrumental music. Several hundred different set tunes from dongjing music from around Yunnan are known today. From the names of these tunes and their musical styles, we know that they came from many different sources. Some were passed down from traditional Daoism, while others were adapted from popular lyrical tunes, xiaodiao and instrumental music.

2. Court Music Court music can be essentially divided into two categories, the first being music used for sacrifices and court ceremonies and the second music for large and small banquets in the palace. The function of the first category was meant to create a solemn atmosphere and provide a sense of ceremony, which only required the use of stilted, ceremonial ya music. The second is slightly more complex, because while it did require a certain degree of pomp to convey the authority of the emperor, it also needed to be entertaining enough to

Chapter V Music of the Ming Dynasty (Part II)

make it pleasurable. However, officials in charge of music in the palace were never true musicians themselves, and the production of court music was often awkward and conflicted. Zhu Yuanzhang would be the one to set tone for rules regarding court music during the Ming Dynasty. In 1356, after Zhu Yuanzhang took Nanjing, he immediately appointed a director of music and in the following year codified the type court music to be used in sacrificial ceremonies. In 1364, after he proclaimed himself »King of Wu,« he ordered that court celebrations no longer use female musicians and that dancers and musicians would be chosen from Daoist youth adherents (shortly thereafter these were chosen from the general public). He also established the Office of Imperial Sacrifices (Taichang si 太常司) and named Leng Qian, a Daoist master from Mount Wu, as Chief Musician to organize musical and vocal scores and set the rules for court music and dance. In addition, he also established the Music Office, which administered musicians and was charged with organizing music for court gatherings and banquets. 1368 (1st year of Hongwu) officially marked the beginning of a series of court sacrifices including sacrifices to the Great God of the Earth, Great God of Grains, Heavenly Emperor, Earth God, God of Agriculture, the Sun and Moon, Taisui, Wind and Thunder, Mountains and Rivers, the Constellations and previous emperors as well as Confucius. Music and dance played an important role in these ceremonies, which were strictly organized and full of pomp. In the 3rd year of Hongwu, rules for court gatherings and banquets were also established. By the 4th year of Hongwu, further changes were made to rules regarding large court gatherings and banquets, with even more luxurious music and dance performances. The Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms (Sancai tuhui 三才图 会) records some of the musical pieces that were performed during sacrifices held by the court at the Temple of Confucius, providing a glimpse into

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SECTION 2 RELIGIOUS AND COURT MUSIC

8.5.8 Score of Ya Music for the Hall of Great Achievement from Scroll Nine, »People and Events,« of the Collected ­Illustrations of the Three Realms

the state of ceremonial court music at the time. (Fig. 8.5.8) After Emperor Yongle moved the capital to Beijing, ritual music for sacrifices continued to use existing rules, but changes were made to those regarding banquets. Later, Emperor Jiajing also made some changes to court music. However, these changes basically only affected some rules regarding the use of songs and the text (or in some cases music as well) of some pieces. It was not an overall change to ceremonial court music. The songs used in court music included some that had been used in previous dynasties, while others were adapted from Daoism and yet others were new compositions. The text of these songs mostly came from court officials, while some were »impe-

rial compositions« by Zhu Yuanzhang and other emperors. Different instruments would be used depending on the ceremony and practices also changed at different periods during the dynasty. For instance, in the 3rd year of Hongwu, rules for Great Music of the Scarlet Steps used at grand court gatherings required four xiao, four sheng, four konghou, four fangxiang (方响, a suspended metallophone), four lead horns, four longdi (龙笛, dragon flute), four pipa, six zhen, 24 zhanggu (仗 鼓, an hourglass shaped waist drum), and two great drums and two clappers, played by a total of over sixty people. By the 26th year of Hongwu, the composition of instruments for the Great Music of the Scarlet Steps

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had been changed to two batons, 12 xiao, 12 sheng, 12 di, 12 lead horns, eight zhen, eight pipa, eight 20-string zheng, two fangxiang, two drums, eight clappers and 12 zhanggu, played by nearly 100 musicians. Music and dance in the royal palace put great emphasis on pomp, with the huge numbers of performers. Records show that in the 1st year of Yingzong, a single performance saw the Music Office assign over 3,800 people from the palace. In 1539 (18th year of Jiajing), the number of performers for sacrifices held at the Imperial Ancestral Temple numbered more than 2,000 people. This shows that the number of musicians under the auspices of the Music Office reached into the thousands. As an integral part of imperial ceremonies, the function of ceremonial court music was to create a grand spectacle and impart a sense of solemn reverence. This usually meant that they did not reach a very high artistic level. While the founder of the Ming Dynasty, Zhu Yuanzhang, had resolved to create a system of magnificent, stately court music, the lifeblood of Chinese court music had run dry long ago, and »the desire to return to those ancient tones was left without recourse to follow.« After Zhu Yuanzhang, Zhu Li tried to »explore the modes of the Yellow Bell, but none of his ministers could meet the challenge,« and he was forced to leave such duties with the Music Office and Daoist masters. During this period, some changes were made to banquet music, but the result was »playing that was only skin deep and dance that was all too common.« The state of music under successive emperors was even more disappointing. This was especially true of banquet music in regular use in the palace, which should have place high demands on the entertainment and artistry of the music, but performers rarely met the demands of their sovereigns. Zhu Yuanzhang once issued the following decree: »the poetic stanzas of ancient music were harmonious and balanced; the stanzas of later generations can only be called licentious, there-

Chapter V Music of the Ming Dynasty (Part II)

fore all flattering lyrics and colorful tunes shall be abandoned.« However, the most common forms followed in banquet music after the reign of Zhu Yuanzhang were to »use yuefu, xiaoling and zaju for entertainment, which was common and raucous, bawdy and loud without restraint,« with su style music maintaining the most influence. The History of the Ming (Ming shi 明史) said of court music that it »on the whole collected old practices of the Han, Tang, Song and Yuan, slightly changing their names. The quality of the voices and the abundance of instruments were resplendent without exception; ya and su styles were mixed and this cannot be corrected.« The Ming court also had musical exchanges with foreign visitors. During the early Ming Dynasty, both Zhu Yuanzhang and Zhu Li gifted musical instruments to the Koryo Kingdom, which also sent scholars to the Ming court for study. Later, the Korean scholar Seong Hyeon (birth and death unknown) wrote the Musical Canon (Yuexue guifan 乐学轨范), which was published in 1493 (6th year of Hongzhi) and collected a great deal of information on traditional Chinese music and musical instruments. Zhu Yuanzhang also sent the members of 36 clans from Fujian to the Kingdom of Ryukyu to live and live among the people there. Ryukyu also sent scholars to the Ming court, which resulted in the introduction of Chinese musical instruments and compositions to Ryukyu. It is also possible that Chinese musical culture was introduced to Japan through the Ryukyu Kingdom. A Master of Music from the late Ming Dynasty named Wei Zhiyan (?–1689), known by the courtesy name Shuanghou, left China because of unrest during the Chongzhen Period, ultimately settling in Nagasaki in Japan, taking with him Chinese musical instruments and songs that had been collected by the Ming court. Later, his fourth great-grandson Wei Hao (?– 1774), also known by the courtesy name Ziming, performed and taught the music that had been passed down by his ancestors in the city of Kyoto.

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He was very influential and was known locally as the »Ming Musician,« or »Musician of Wei.« Later, Wei Hao, along together with his Japanese pupil Taira Nobuyoshi (Shiko), compiled these songs into the Musical Notations of the Gi Family (Weishi yuepu 魏氏乐谱), which was printed in 1768 and contains a total of fifty songs. Musical Notations of the Gi Family was written using a »grid score« common during the Ming Dynasty, which placed gongche symbols in long columns that represent timing. One square represented a single beat (in modern notation this would represent a bar) and the position of the symbol in the square indicated its position at the front or back of the beat. The instruments mentioned in the book include the sheng, di, transverse xiao, bili, small se, pipa, yueqin (月琴, a lute with a round sound box), large drums, small drums, sandalwood clappers and yunluo. These were all instruments that the Wei Zhiyan would have brought from China. The lyrics of the songs contained in this book were mostly from ancient poems that had been passed down from the Han and Tang, which most likely also included a large amount of ancient music. During the late Ming Dynasty, with the arrival of Christian missionaries from Europe, also came Western music. In 1582 (10th year of Wanli), the Italian missionary Matteo Ricci (1552–1610) arrived in China. In the 18th year of Wanli (1590), Ricci presented Emperor Shenzong with a fortepiano, which was called a »Western qin zither« in Chinese. Ricci also wrote eight songs with Chinese lyrics for Masters of Music in the Ming court studying the fortepiano, which he called Songs for the Western Keyboard (Xi qin quyi 西琴曲意). This is the earliest example of the spread of the Western keyboard in China. In 1639 (12th year of Chongzhen), another Italian missionary named Francesco Sambiaso (1582– 1649) presented the Ming court with a fortepiano and an organ, the latter of which was originally known as a »bamboo grove wind organ« in Chinese. However, Chinese society and culture at the

SECTION 3 MUSIC OF ETHNIC MINORITIES

time were not very receptive to these new instruments, which meant that Western music could not truly take root and expand in this traditional Asian kingdom.

Section 3  Music of Ethnic Minorities Most of China’s ethnic minorities are very adept at music and dance and their music is often imbued with a great deal of cultural meaning, playing a prominent role in social life. Differences in history, culture and lifestyle have resulted in great differences in the music of the Han people of the central plains and even between individual ethnic minorities. In the more than two centuries that the Ming Dynasty existed, exchange and integration between the different ethnic groups entered a new era. The extent to which the music of different ethnic groups was exchanged grew considerably, and the music of groups in certain regions saw noticeable development. The influence of Han culture gradually grew among other ethnic groups, but their own musical traditions were still retained. The Mongolian people are particularly known for their skill in song and dance. Music in particular was an essential part of daily life. During the 16th century, the »long song« (changdiao 长调 in Chinese or »urtiin duu« in Mongolian), which best represents the essence of the steppe culture of the Mongolian people, gradually matured and reached its current form. The steppe region around Xilin Gol was a center of the creation and sharing of these songs. The length of the pieces, wide leaps in tone, unique vocal styles and the broad, heavy style of the »long songs« represent the bold nature of the Mongolian people and has become one of the greatest achievements of Mongolian musical culture. The fixing of the musical style of the long song greatly influenced other types of Mongolian songs, leading Mongolian music into new period

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that was characterized completely by the artistic style of the long song. The most classic example of Mongolian shuochang is the epic poem, the most representative of which is the Epic of Jangar (Jiangge’er 江格尔), a traditional work that was improved on and took its present form in the 15th century. It spread across the Mongolian world performed by folk singers called »Jangarchi« and in the many copies that were circulated. The number of chapters in different copies varies with some numbering just over 40, while others number more than 70. Each chapter begins and ends with a banquet, using the shuochang style to tell a complete story. Between each of these stanzas are the stories of the main characters Jangar and Hongor. In the 16th century, the epic poem the Epic of King Gesar (Gesa’er wang zhuan 格萨尔 王传) was brought in from Tibet and Qinghai by Mongolian shuochang artists, and became one of the most popular epic poems in Mongolia. (Mongolian texts use the title Epic of Geser). The largest ethnic group in northeastern China during the Ming Dynasty, the Jurchen people (later called the Manchus) also had a long tradition of song and dance. The book Brief Accounts from Ningguta (Ningguta ji lue 宁古塔记略) by the early Qing writer Wu Zhenchen states that on the New Year or celebration days, Manchu families would hold »mak« dances that were performed by two dancers while the audience would clap and sing, with one leading the singing and the rest responding with the words »kong qi.« The Hezhou Region was the center of northwestern China during the Ming Dynasty, which included parts Gansu, Ningxia and Qinghai, and was populated mainly by the Hui people. Other ethnic groups living in this mainly Hui Region included the Salar, the Dongxiang, the Bonan and the Tu. The musical life of the Hui people is particularly important in their »banquet songs.« Banquet songs mainly refer to sung music performed during celebratory banquets like wed-

Chapter V Music of the Ming Dynasty (Part II)

dings. These included songs of congratulations for the hosts, songs of praise to compliment the bride and thank the matchmaker, storytelling songs that told tales of historical events and of love, songs of jest that ridiculed current events or stories of life, as well as short, fun songs taken from drinking games. The mountain songs and rural ballads of these regions are even more unique. The most well-known of this mountain music is a type called »hua’er« or »flower« songs (also known as »youth« songs), especially among the Hui, Dongxiang, Bonan and Salar people. Hua’er songs are usually sung by young people in remote areas during courtship. With a generally high pitch, broad range and large interval jumps, they are filled with the spirit of mountains and wild countryside. There are a number of variations on the hua’er style in different regions and among different ethnic groups, creating branches with unique regional or ethnic elements. While the language used in hua’er songs (and banquet songs) include a number of elements from Arabic or Persian, the base is still Chinese and the dialect resulting from this mixing has come to be known as the Hezhou dialect. The Hui people of the Ming era generally followed Islam and religious ceremonies or folk customs that had a religious element would often use religious music. Songs that have been passed down include chants from the Qur’an, the call to prayer, songs in praise of Allah, prayer songs, songs of fasting and jingtang-style »songs of conversion.« These songs are linked to music from Central Asia that came along with the arrival of Islam, but also integrated elements of regional Chinese folk music. In the process of developing Islamic jingtang-style education in China, the Muslim scholar Hu Dengzhou (1522–1597) also wrote many songs of conversion. In the more than two centuries the Ming Dynasty was existence, the Uyghur people were under the rule of either the Eastern Chagatai Khanate or the Yarkent Khanate. During the Eastern

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Chagatai Khanate (late 14th to early 16th century), there were famous Uyghur poets like Lutfi, Atayi, Saikak and Ali-Shir Nava’i. Large-scale suite-songs like the »muqam« also saw growth. Ali-Shir Nava’i (1441–1501), one of the greatest poets in Uyghur history and also a musician, compiled the Twelve Muqams (Nawa mukamu 纳瓦姆卡姆). A type of shuochang style of music called the »dastan« also saw considerable growth (dastan were also often an integral part of muqam) with the popular epic poem Gherip-Senem (Ailifu yu sainaimu 艾里甫与 赛乃姆), dating from the 14th century. The Yarkent dynasty was established in 1513 in the city of Yarkent (present-day Shache) and later unified the entire Uyghur world. The earliest rulers of this kingdom, father and son Said Khan and Abdurashid Khan, were both poets and musicians. Abdurashid Khan’s wife, Amannisa Khan (1533–1567) was also known by the nom de plume Naifisi, and was herself a famous poet and musician. Under Abdurashid Khan and Amannisa Khan, there was an unprecedented flourishing of poetry, music and dance, which resulted in one of the brightest periods in Uyghur history. Amannisa Khan also led the collection and organization of muqam. On her recommendation, the renowned musician and poet Yusuf Kadir Han (?–1572) was appointed chief court musician and led a group of musicians that had been gathered from many different regions. He systematically organized and improved on popular muqam, ultimately completing a work in 16 parts, which standardized and completed the muqam. A single muqam usually included three sections— the »naghma«, »dastan« and »mashrap«. The »naghma« means »great song« and includes a prelude followed by a series of sung pieces, instrumental music and dances that increase in tempo. The »dastan« tells a story and includes several sung and instrumental songs, gradually moving from a relaxed feel to a more joyful, excited tone. The »mashrap« originally referred to group dance, but here denotes a series of running

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sung dance pieces. The muqam is a work of considerable scale and is rich in the traditions of literature, music and dance. This is without doubt the best example of Uyghur musical culture and the greatest achievement of Uyghur artistry. The 15th and 17th centuries were an important period of development for Tibetan culture and art. One important development was the creation of Tibetan opera. Between 1407 and 1414 (5th–12th year of Yongle), the Ming court worked with the Chanhuawang to construct a road between Ü-Tsang and Yazhou (present-day Ya’an in Sichuan Province), and the construction of this road required the building of an iron suspension bridge across the Yarlung Tsangpo River. In order to gather the funds to build the bridge, the lama in charge of the project, Thang Tong Gyalpo (1385–?), composed operas based on Buddhist legends and folk tales. Donations were made wherever these operas were performed and were among the first Tibetan operas, called Ache Lhamo in Tibetan. At the time there was also another type of opera known as »square opera,« which used no sets, and where performers simply wore masks that represented different characters, performing a series of songs and dances. The vocal techniques used in Tibetan opera are categorized based on the type of character and the scene in the opera. The main voices are generally lofty and bright with other voices accompanying them. Musical accompaniment is generally rough with just drums and cymbals. These operas are usually very long, and can sometimes last for days. In the middle of the 17th century, the Fifth Dalai Lama, Ngawang Lobsang Gyatso (1617–1682) declared that every year a »shiton« or »yogurt banquet« festival should be held from late-June to early-July in Lhasa. He had opera troupes from around Tibet come to Lhasa to perform, and it ultimately became a custom. In addition to Tibetan opera, Thang Tong Gyalpo also used the shuochang style to spread Buddhism, creating the »lama mani« tradition. Paintings depicting

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religious stories or folk legends would be hung up where the performance was to be given and the performer would point to the paintings as he performed. Also during this time, the Tibetan epic poem Epic of King Gesar was still very commonly sung throughout Tibet, and in the 16th century made its way into the Mongolian heartland. Tibetan folk music is divided into two categories: »lu« and »gzhas«. Lu is an ancient form of song with an unfixed number of lines in each piece, but the syllables in each line are the same (between six and eleven). Gzhas came about no later than the 17th century and each song usually had four or six lines, each of which had six syllables. The integration of gzhas and dance (i.  e., cham) produced new art forms that combined song and dance. In the upper reaches of the Yarlung Tsangpo River, near Ngamring, Tingri, Lhatse and Saga, there was known as »stod« a traditional dance for the celebration of bountiful harvests, that was brought to Lhasa for the annual celebration of the Shoton Festival. Later, this became a kind of stylized performance called »stod gzhas,« commonly known in Chinese as »tap dance.« Another form of song and dance performance was »sgor gzhas« (also known as »sgor cham« and in some areas colloquially as »gordro«), which was popular in areas around Lhasa, Shannan, Shigatse and Chamdo. It was a kind of »circle dance« in which both men and women would dance around a bonfire with their arms linked, kneeling on the ground after every section and taking turns singing. The music would start slow early on and grow increasingly fast, finally ending in a wild frenzy. In the middle of the 17th century, there was also a version of »gzha« performed by traveling artists in the Batang Region of Sichuan Province. The lead dancer would also play a bowed instrument with a sound box made of buffalo horn, which was known by the Chinese name »xianzi« or the »Batang xianzi.« Later, this gradually became a dance people performed during celebration days for their own amusement. It was another circle

Chapter V Music of the Ming Dynasty (Part II)

dance and the music for it originated from the »sgor gzha« (gordro) tradition. The Yi, Hani, Achang, Naxi, Bai and Qiang peoples are all descendants of ancient Qiang tribes. During the Ming Dynasty, the Yi people were generally known as the Lolo, living throughout an expansive region that includes parts of present-day Sichuan, Guizhou and Sichuan. The other ethnic groups mentioned here are mostly in Yunnan. Among these ethnic groups, sung music was the most common form of music and came in a number of forms including mountain songs, working songs, storytelling songs, songs of marriage, drinking songs, songs for funerals, songs for sacrifices and children’s songs. The Bai people have preserved some records of these songs. In Annual Customs of Yunnan (Dian zaiji 滇载记), Yang Shen records a song sung by a sorcerer during the ascension of Duan Bao to the throne in the 1st year of Hongwu: »Do not say the sovereign is the master of the mountains and seas, for they will laugh and chide him. The flowers in the garden wilt by the thousands, for the master of the Ming has come in his stead.« This type of 7-5-7-5 pattern, with four lines forming a single unit, the first three containing seven characters and the last five (three lines of seven characters, four lines of five characters), was very similar to the later »mountain flower style« popular among the Bai people. Both song and dance enjoyed a very special status in the cultural life of these ethnic groups. The most famous Yi song and dance performance is called Dancing to the Sanxian, or Axi Dancing Under the Moon. On the evenings of festivals, men and women would dress in their finest and gather in a meadow. They would form separate lines and dance facing each other, the men playing sanxian of different sizes or di, while the women clapped along. The music of these ethnic groups was also influenced by the music of Han. In the early Ming Dynasty, Han operas came to Yunnan and Guizhou. The »chuichuiqiang« of the Bai people may very

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well have deep connections with Chinese operatic singing styles. »Dongjing music,« mentioned previously, is another example of Han music being adopted in Yunnan, in this case by the Bai and Naxi peoples. During the Ming Dynasty, the Dai people were generally known as the »Baiyi«or »Boyi.« They lived in two main areas, the first at Cheli (present-day Xishuangbanna) in southern Yunnan and the other at Jinchi (present-day Dehong), in western Yunnan. One of the most unique Dai musical instruments is the »elephant foot drum« (known at the time as the »long drum«), of which there are records from the Ming Dynasty. The dance that this drum usually accompanied would later become known as the Gaguang Dance or »Drum Dance.« This dance was enjoyed by everyone—men, women, young and old—and mainly performed during celebrations. Many of the Dai songs and dances were mainly accompanied by percussion instruments and in addition to large and small elephant-foot drums, there were large drums and mang (铓, small sets of hanging gongs), gongs, nao bells and bo cymbals. There were many different types Dai songs and most of them were linked with social life. These included a »song for welcoming guests« sung during banquets, a »song of crying for the bride« when a daughter would leave home to be married, a »song of happiness« sung to a newly married couple as well as drinking songs, funeral songs and begging songs. Storytelling songs held a special place in this singing tradition and developed their own »shuochang« style. Storytelling songs that used the shuochang style were known as »zanha« (also referring to the singers who performed them) that were spread through printed song books. The local tusi administrative offices had dedicated departments to manage these »zanha,« which would be divided into classes based on their singing ability. To the Miao people of southeastern and northeastern Guizhou, western Hunan and eastern Yunnan, the two most important instruments are the dou-

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ble-headed long drum and the lusheng (芦笙, a wind instrument with bamboo pipes each fitted with a reed). These instruments serve as ceremonial vessels and musical instruments during sacrificial ceremonies to the ancestors. The lusheng used by the Miao had six pipes and came in large, medium and small sizes. The largest of these had pipes that could extend as long as one or two zhang (3–6  m), but there were considerable differences in the construction and key of these instruments depending on the region. The lusheng was used as accompaniment for »short songs« and »long ballads.« The latter of these was known as the lusheng »baigu,« which included the history of the Miao people and their combined life experiences. The Miao tradition of »dancing to the moon« was very well-known and was usually held in an open place near a village where young ladies from the village and young men from neighboring villages would sing and dance together. They traditionally used these musical celebrations as a context for courtship. The Gelao people of Guizhou and neighboring provinces also gave young people the opportunity to mix freely before marriage, where men and women sing to each other on a mountainside were known as »slopes of flowery sounds.« Many Han soldiers that were stationed or relocated to areas where the Gelao people lived also took with them Han musical culture. Situated between Yunnan and Guizhou, the city of Anshun was an important center of singing. It was the political and economic center of Guizhou during the Ming Dynasty, and was surrounded by many »tunbao« villages where the majority of residents were originally from Jiangnan Region. The »nuo« tradition, which is known for »using drums to sing sacred songs« has been passed down in this region for generations. It has also incorporated operatic performances (later known as dixi 地戏 or »ground operas,« as they were performed in flat areas of bare ground) and may have been also initially been introduced by immigrants.

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The musical style of the Dong people, who lived in Guizhou, Hunan and Guangxi, was characterized by the Song of Stomping the Hall (»Dos yeeh«) and the Lusheng Dance (»Qeej«). In the first month of each year, after each village performed ceremonies to their goddess, Sa Sui, the people would form a circle around the altar and begin singing and dancing, led by a single cantor while the rest served as a choir, singing the Song of Stomping the Hall. The Lusheng Dance was another group dance in which dancers would also play the lusheng. The dance was performed in a circular procession without singing. This dance was often performed before the »Dos yeeh.« Later, the famous »Grand Song« of the Dong was derived from this group style of folk dance and song. In the Dong language, the name for the »Grand Song« was »Gal laox,« and it is thought to have been a kind of polyphonic singing (multiple voices and melodies). There was usually no accompaniment used and the number of singers could range from just a few individuals to ten performers. Singers were generally divided into two voice parts with two people singing the high voices, while the rest sang the lower voices. The higher voices were further divided into two parts, in essence forming three voice parts, which was commonly known as »many people many voices.« In addition to the sheng, the main instruments used by the Dong people included the pipa and the erxian. In the Dong language, the word for pipa is »yan,« which came in different sizes depending on the region. The large version had four or five strings, while the small version had three. The pipa was only used for accompanying singing or shuochang performances. The erxian was a bowed instrument, which the Dong called a »guoji.« The bow was played on the outside of the strings, and players used many double-stop notes. With the arrival of the pipa and the guoji, the Dong began to create songs specifically for these instruments. The Zhuang people, who lived throughout the Lingnan Region, had a rich variety of songs and

Chapter V Music of the Ming Dynasty (Part II)

dances. These included songs of bitterness, songs of love, folk songs, call and response songs, festival songs and songs for religious ceremonies. Of these, call and response songs (i.  e., duets) were often sung during the courtship of young people and marriages. The lyrics were often very improvisational and performed done in a very lively and fun style. The Zhuang people developed the hawfwen, or gexu, style of singing very early on, and it continued to flourish through the Ming Dynasty. This style was also mainly comprised of duets sung between young men and women. Zhuang singing also included a style of lyric composition where the end of the previous line (the »foot«) must rhyme with the middle of the following line (the »waist«). This style was a very unique style known as the »plinth style.« It was usually made up of two couplets (four lines in two matching sets) that formed a single stanza. The »waist« of the second line in each couplet (the last character of the first half of the line) had to rhyme with the »foot« (the last character) of the first line. The »foot« of the first line of the next couplet also had to rhyme with the »foot« of the second line of the previous couplet. This guaranteed that the rhymes had a call and response style and formed a continuous cycle throughout the lyrics. These types of songs were called »plinth songs.« Among the Zhuang people in Tianyang, Tiandong and Baise in western Guangxi, there was another form of seated singing called »dangzvengz,« which appeared during the late Ming Dynasty. It became famous for its telling of the stories of Li Shimin, Wu Zetian and Xue Jiajiang. The Yao people, who are scattered throughout Guangxi, Hunan, Yunnan, Guangdong, Guizhou and Jiangxi, also have a brilliant musical tradition. Yao families in different regions all have different musical traditions with a rich variety of styles and content. During each of their traditional festivals, they would sing are all kinds of duets. Folk customs ranging courtship to weddings and funerals, even welcoming guests, all contained singing.

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Even daily life was filled with singing with ancient songs, storytelling songs, as well as songs for activities like hunting, embroidering, planting crops, felling trees and even floating wood down a stream. These songs told the story of their people’s history, and passed on social customs and life experience. During sacrificial rites, masters of ceremony and Daoist priests sung all types of songs, interspersing the ceremonies with music and dancing for pure entertainment. The Yao people worshipped their ancestor Pan Hu (King Pan) and in the ceremony honoring him they sung the Song of King Pan. The She and Yao people that lived in the mountains of Fujian and Zhejiang had common ancestors and their musical traditions were very similar. Singing flourished among the She people and in addition to celebrations and festivals, they would also sing duets with each other. The best of these forms is thought to have been Biducai. Older generations also used song to pass on valuable knowledge and teach social customs. The She people worshiped Pan Hu as the ancestor of their people and passed on the storytelling song, Song of Pan Hu (also known as the Song of the High Emperor), which tells the history of the She people. Having lived among Han for a long period of time, the She also adopted elements of Han music, including elements of chuida music and instruments like the suona and di. The Tujia people, who live mainly in western Hunan and Hubei, eastern Sichuan and the south-

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eastern portion of Guizhou, also had a rich folk music tradition. Traditional songs included love songs, drinking songs, ancient music, songs of crying for a married daughter and funeral songs. Since the Tang and Song dynasties, the »baishou« or »hand waving« dance, also known as the »drum stomp,« had been passed down and was very unique. During sacrifices to the Tu King in either the first or fourth lunar month of the year, men and women of the village would gather at the »Baishou Hall« (Temple to the Tu King), playing gongs and drums, singing and dancing to expel evil and disease and to pray for bountiful harvest. The Gaoshan peoples of Taiwan (known as the Dongfanyi during the Ming Dynasty) also loved music and dance. They had a large range of songs for activities including sacrifices, hunting, planting, good harvests, drinking, love and marriages, just to name a few. They also had a special affinity for a mouth harp called the kouxian (also known as a kouhuang or kouqin), which was made using a bamboo slat and metal reed that produced sound by blowing air through the lips and flicking the fingers. This instrument was often used by young men and women during courtship. Another unique instrument was a type of xiao (or di) played with the nose. It was made using a section of bamboo and played by blowing through the nose. During the late Ming Dynasty, many Han people moved from the mainland to Taiwan and its surrounding islands, bringing with them Han musical styles and operas.

CHAPTER VI  DANCE OF THE MING DYNASTY Many types of dance flourished during the Ming Dynast. This was especially true of folk dances, which were not only rich and colorful, but existed nearly everywhere, exhibiting a powerful vivacity. Operatic dance was a new type of dance, using the unique context of operas to greatly expand the range of the art of dancing. This took ancient Chinese dance to a new level and made the Ming Dynasty a pivotal period for Chinese dance. Types of dance during the Ming Dynasty also included »pure« dance and forms reserved for the imperial palace, but the influence of those forms was limited, and they were not especially notable.

Section 1  Folk Dance Folk dance generally refers to dances performed in conjunction with various types of folk customs, like celebration of the new year, worshiping deities, weddings, and funerals. China’s plethora of folk customs has always provided an important environment for the development of dance (sometimes accompanied by song) among the general population, and the Ming Dynasty was no exception. Folk dance was popular both in the cities and in the country, and crossed ethnic boundaries. Folk dances were rooted in the fabric of society and conveyed the naturalness and purity of agricultural communities, which were rooted in the common people. The forms of these dances were completely unconstrained, and varied widely— with a passion that came from life itself, serving as an important channel for entertainment and the expression of human emotion.

Chinese people worshipped many different deities through large-scale events, like sacrifices to the gods, and these generally served as platforms for performances of song, dance, opera and other skills. (Part two of chapter two discusses similar topics.) The rise of many folk activities provided fertile ground for the growth of folk dances, and was an important condition for its spread. The Lantern Festival, or Yuanxiao (the 15th day of the 1st lunar month), is one of the most important festivals of the year, and a series of folk activities to bid farewell to the old and welcome the new are held starting from the last day of the previous year. In the past this included a rich and colorful array of song, dance and other performance arts, which culminated in the Lantern Festival. Performances of these various talents were usually held in squares. The content was richly varied with many performers, which were only outnumbered by the waves of onlookers, changing the square into a flourishing center of performance and entertainment. The Ming Dynasty painting Emperor Xianzong Enjoying the Lantern Festival (Xianzong Yuanxiao xingle tujuan 宪宗院校行乐图卷) depicts performances of music, dance and opera in the palace during Lantern Festival celebration. There were also characters from operas that are lively and realistic, creating quite a scene. (Fig. 8.6.1) Activities during the Lantern Festival among the general public were even larger in scale, with an even richer array of performing arts. The late Ming Scenes and Monuments of the Imperial Capital (Dijing jingwu lüe 帝京景物略), written by Liu Tong and Yu Yizheng, describes a lantern market during the Lantern Festival in Beijing: From the 8th day

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to the 17th day of the first lunar month, a lantern market was held in the area around the East Flowery Gate in the evening with lanterns hung high and fireworks set off everywhere. There were all types of drumming, singing, opera, variety shows and dancing with performers displaying their talents; it was a bustling scene. Performances during the Lantern Festival depicted in the book include two dances—the Taipinggu (太平鼓) or »Drums of Great Peace« and the »Big-Headed Monk« dance— both of which have remained popular to the present day. The Big-Headed Monk dance initially gained popularity during the Song and Yuan dynasties and remained popular during the Ming Dynasty, often performed in squares or during processions. The dancers would wear large masks with the face of a monk during the performance, making exaggerated and comical movements. Later, a two-person

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performance known as »The Big-Headed Monk Joking with Liu Cui« appeared, with one performer dressed as the big-headed monk carrying a grass fan or a horsetail whisk in his hand, while the other wore the mask of a woman and played the part of Liu Cui, holding a piece of silk or a fan. The two would chase and horse around with each other, pinching, shaking, running, or pulling one another. The fun was contagious, and attracted large crowds. This dance could also be performed by three or more people, with two playing monks, creating an even more playful interaction with Liu Cui. The taipinggu drum is a single faced drum with a handle, which is decorated with several hanging metal rings. The drum whip is made from either strips of bamboo or vine and, because the drum is shaped like a reed fan (or an octagonal shape), it is also called a »fan drum.«

8.6.1 Emperor Xianzong Enjoying the Lantern Festival (section), procession scene by unknown Ming Dynasty painter, National Museum of China

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While dancing, Taipinggu performers hold the handle of the drum in their left hand and the drum whip in the right, hitting the drum while they shake it, and dancing to the rhythm of the drums. Taipinggu is often danced by young people and it has a light, happy rhythm. The drumming is sharp and the movements are powerful, creating a youthful, energetic feel. Performances can be done by an individual, two people, or an entire group, and sometimes include singing. These »performance offerings« during festivals or sacrifices that include singing, dancing, operas, acrobatics and martial arts exhibitions are also generally known as shehuo or »earth and fire« performances. To take on these performances, cities and towns would create organizations or associations. Those charged with dancing would have included the Lion Association, the Stilt Association, the Dragon Lantern Association, and many others, each of them with their own shehuo performances. In folk performances throughout the year, these different associations would compete to see who was the best. But we will now look at several other dances that were popular during the Ming Dynasty. The »Spring Cow Dance« was also popular in many parts of southern China, and was an important part of New Year celebrations where sacrificial ceremonies were usually performed personally by local officials. During the ceremony, with one hand on a plow and a whip in the other, an official would sing »spring cow« songs that asked for plentiful rains, healthy livestock and bountiful crops. Later, this ceremony developed into »Spring Cow Dance« performances, with one or two performers dressed up as a cow pretending to pull a plow. Another person would play the farmer who would dance and sing, meanwhile acting out the planting of crops and singing lyrics that asked for abundant harvest. This could also be performed at the entrance to villages or in specific venues with cows made out of bamboo, paper or cloth, and surrounded by crowds singing and dancing.

Chapter VI Dance of the Ming Dynasty

Sacrificial ceremonies that prayed for good fortune, the prevention of calamities or the elimination of disease often included dance performances based on animals, like the Dragon Dance or the Lion Dance. These dances were performed by many people, and created an exciting spectacle that people loved to watch, but they were also very symbolic. The Lion Dance was very common during the Ming Dynasty. Many places organized their own Lion Associations, each with their own unique style. Two lion associations in Beijing that still exist today were established during the Ming Dynasty. One was founded during the reign of the Zhengtong Emperor (1436–1450) and the other in the 3rd year of Zhengde (1508). There are two types of lions in lion dances in Beijing today—»master lions« and »young lions«—with the »master lions« played by two individuals working together, one at the head and one at the tail, while the »young lions« are performed by a single individual. Lion Dances are also divided into »literary« and »martial« styles. The »literary« style focuses on performance with the lions acting out entertaining activities like playing with balls, rolling on the ground, licking their mane or scratching an itch, while the »martial« style emphasizes impressing audiences through martial arts and other skills with performers climbing to great heights, balancing on balls, crossing stilts or balancing on »plum blossom« piles. Some areas would integrate lion dances with stilt walking, which were known as »stilt lions.« One example of this is found in the village of Zhangqipai, on the outskirts of Wuhan, in Hubei Province. The village’s lion dances were created by the Ming Dynasty figure Zhang Bingzu. Zhang Bingzu’s grandfather, Zhang Desheng, had followed Zhu Yuanzhang in his conquest of China, and his family later settled in the Cangbu region. He noticed that the local people performed both lion dances and stilt performances during the new year, so he combined the two and integrated martial arts techniques, which were performed by the men of the Zhang family and later developed

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into the »stilt lion« style of lion dances. The »stilt lion« tradition has been handed down unbroken in Zhangqipai Village. and now has a history of almost 600 years. Many lion dances use props, ranging from small items like scarves and fans, to larger objects like sedan chairs, carts or boats with many variations. These props can completely change the appearance of a dance and make it more interesting to watch. This is why many of the performances performed by the people use many props, resulting in some variations becoming known by the props they use. One example of this is the »flower drum« style. There are records of »flower drum« performances as far back as the Song Dynasty, and by the Ming Dynasty the »flower drum« style had become an important part of folk dance performances during Spring Festival and Lantern Festival celebrations. »Flower Drum« performances can vary greatly from region to region, with some performers wearing a small oval drum on their back, while others hold the drum in their left hand along with another prop like a fan in their right, dancing with other performers dressed as different characters. Still other styles others have no drum at all, instead using hand-held fans, clappers, bamboo slats, lanterns or a »lotus staff,« and dressed up as different characters singing and dancing. These are also considered »flower drum« performances. The original tradition of group flower drum performances were large-scale group dances that were very impressive, as described by the Song Dynasty poet Su Shi, who said »the sound of a hundred waist drums was like a the thunder of spring.« Later, flower drum styles that became popular throughout the country each had their own appearance and unique characteristics. For example, the »Fengyang Flower Drum« performance, well known during the Ming Dynasty, was often performed by a man and a woman together. The man would hold a small gong in his left hand, hitting it with an object in his left hand. The woman wore a flower drum on her back, hold-

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ing drumsticks in both hands, hitting the drum while she danced. The »Fengyang Flower Drum Song« that has been pased down to the present day tells of the unfortunate life of an itinerant performer: »Talk of Fengyang, speak of Fengyang. Fengyang was a wonderful place. Since the coming of the Emperor Zhu blight has greeted years nine out of ten. Now rich families sell their mules and horses, poor families sell their sons; I have no sons so I carry my flower drumswandering the four lands.« The flower drum was also combined with elements of a story line to form what became known as »Flower Drum Opera.« The Ming Dynasty legendary tale The Story of Red Plum (Hongmei ji 红梅 记), tells of a husband and wife who are traveling performers, and perform »Fengyang Flower Drum« for the son of a wealthy family. The painting Burgeoning Life in a Resplendent Age (Shengshi zisheng tu 盛世滋生图), by the Qing Dynasty artist Xu Yang (Fig. 8.6.2), depicts a performance of this opera in Suzhou. The props that are highlighted in the painting include »Full Body Clappers« and the »Three-stick Drum.« »Full Body Clappers« are named for the three long slats of sandalwood that the dancer holds in his hands and uses to hit different parts of his or her body. These are also called »Flower Clappers.« According to the Book of Dew (Lu shu 露书) by the Ming Dynasty writer Yao Lü, there was a »Flower Clapper Dance« that originated in the county of Hongdong in Shanxi Province, in which dancers waved sandalwood slats that »flew in flowery movements across the body.« This dance has carried on to the present day in the city of Yicheng, in Shanxi Province, usually performed by 20 people with four main dancers using sandalwood clappers, four holding parasols, and the remaining 12 using different percussive instruments like hand-held gongs, small cymbals, flat drums and bangzi clappers. Whether in processions or in town squares, the performers with the clappers would hit the en-

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Chapter VI Dance of the Ming Dynasty

8.6.2  Xu Yang (Qing), Burgeoning Life in a Resplendent Age (section), showing a performance of The Story of Red Plum in Suzhou

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tire surface of their bodies with sharp, powerful movements that were accented by colored ribbons waving to and fro. The »Three-Stick Drum« dance, is as its name suggests, uses three drumsticks to beat a drum. Records of this dance can be found as early as the Tang Dynasty, and it remained popular through to the Ming. There were as many as 30 different kinds of Three-Stick Drum dances that had been passed down, usually characterized by a drum that was hung in front of the player, using three drumsticks decorated with copper coins to play the drum, and usually also accompanied by a sung tune. As the drumsticks were waving up and down, the coins would also knock each other and ring out, which along with the beat of the drum itself created a very unique sound. The poor often used the Three-Stick Drum dance as a way to beg for money, and it became a popular skill among beggars in all corners of the country. The Ming Dynasty also had dances that were known for their use of two different kinds of weapon, popular in the areas around Jiangsu and Zhejiang. These were the »Spear Dance« and the »Reed Shield Dance.« During the middle and late Ming Dynasty, coastal regions in the southeast were constantly harassed by Japanese pirates, and local residents used the stems of bamboo with blades on the ends as spears, helping the armies of Qi Jiguang defend against the pirates. After a battle ended, the people would pour into the streets with their spears, celebrating their victory with dance and song. Later, during sacrifices in the third and fourth months of the lunar year at the Temple of the City God in the city of Taicang in Jiangsu Province, performances held would include around ten men performing the Spear Dance to dispel evil and commemorate Qi Jiguang’s defeat of the Japanese. The »Reed Shield Dance,« or simply »Shield Dance,« originated from training exercises Qi Jiguang conducted with his soldiers that used shields made of reeds. Later generations turned these exercises into the »Reed

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Shield Dance« and performed it. The »Reed Shield Dance« was popular among the people of Rui’an in Zhejiang Province, and dancers were divided into two groups, one with dancers holding a reed shield in their left hand and a weapon in their right, while dancers in the other group used a long weapon like a forked spear, a lance or a pole. One side attacked while the other defended, creating many different formations and performing moves that were rough and powerful. Alternating between standoffs and close quarter fighting, with dancers creating formations, facing off, attacking and then breaking through ranks other side, they were able to showcase their skills in martial arts and bravery in the face of the enemy. Many of the moves used in the dance were similar to the reed shield training exercises recorded in Qi Jiguang’s book A New Treatise on Military Efficiency (Jixiao xin shu 纪效新书). Nuo dances were an important part of Nuo ritual (introduced in chapter two), which were used to dispel evil and illness. The shaman leading a ceremony would always dance and sing, while other participants would wear masks, playing all manner of gods and demons through a variety of dance-inspired performances. The Ming-era painting Qiaobu Nuo Dances (Qiaobu Nuo wu tu 桥步傩舞图), which has been preserved in Xuan’en County in western Hubei Province, includes over 140 different characters, including shamans, the Barbarian King of the Nine Streams and Eighteen Caves, all manner of heavenly soldiers, the Four Gods of Time, and the immortal Xiangu. Each of these characters has a unique mask (or headdress), props and costume. The Dance of the Five Furies (Tiao Wuchang 跳五猖) is another classic Nuo dance and has always been an important part of Nuo rituals. The »Five Furies« usually referred to the gods of the five directions and the Dance of the Five Furies, which has remained popular to the present day and is danced by performers in masks with the dress based on the five elements: the green-faced

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God of the East, the red-faced God of the South, the white-faced God of the West and the blackfaced God of the North, as well as the yellow-faced God of the Center. Others include a judge, the God of the Earth, a monk and a Daoist master, each of which have their own mask; also eight warriors. This dance was often performed on the square in front of the Cishan Temple. An altar would be set in the center of the square, with the memorial tablet of the Great Emperor of Cishan, surrounded by other altars dedicated to minor deities. The performance began with the warriors dancing with forked spears, followed by the God of the Earth, the monk, the Daoist master and the judge performing one after the other. The Five Furies were the last to perform. The performance included a number of sections, like »Greeting the Gods,« »Arrival of the Gods,« »Forming Ranks,« »Celebrating Victory« and »Bidding Farewell to the Gods« with individual, paired and group dances. Nuo dances were generally unrestrained and ferocious, giving audiences a feeling of mysteriousness and the ancient primitive. Performances had fixed patterns and routines, but there was also room for improvisation. Ethnic minorities in China are generally known for their skills in dancing and singing as a form of entertainment and personal expression. Dance and song are also the main tools they use to pass on their cultures. Important festivals throughout the year are times when the music and dance of these ethnic minorities are most visible. These include the Sam Nyied Sam Festival celebrated by the Zhuang people, the Torch Festival of the Yi people, the Chasing Autumn Festival of the Miao, the Danu Festival of the Yao, the Diaonian Meeting of the Tujia, the Third Month Song Festival of the Dong people and the Duan Festival of the Shui people, all of which include performances of song and dance in which everyone participates. Below are some of the most typical dances of China’s ethnic minorities.

Chapter VI Dance of the Ming Dynasty

The most representative of the Miao dances is the »Lusheng Dance,« named for the lusheng (芦笙), an wind instrument made of multiple bamboo pipes, each with a reed. An Unofficial History of Nanzhao (Nanzhao ye shi 南诏野史), written by the Ming scholar Ni Lu, states that early every spring during the time of »leaping the moon,« young men and women of the Miao people would perform the Lusheng Dance until late in the day, as the dance is mainly an opportunity for unmarried men and women to interact. Men played the lusheng and lead the dance, while the women (or men and women not playing) formed a circle and danced together. If a woman saw a man that she liked, she would tie a colorful ribbon on his lusheng. In addition to celebrations, the Lusheng Dance was also performed in some areas during funerals, when souls passed on to the next life. The Lusheng Dance is also popular among the Dong, Zhuang, Yao, Shui, Buyi and Gelo ethnic groups that are live in Guizhou, Guangxi, Hunan, Yunnan and Sichuan. Among the Zhuang people, there was a dance called »Jumping the Mountain,« or Tiaolingtou, that was performed every year during the largest of the festivals of the Zhuang people—the Lingtou Festival. According to the Gazetteer of Qinzhou (Qinzhou zhi 钦州志) from the Jiajing period, on the eighth month of the lunar year, when the Zhuang people of Guangxi Province held harvest festivals and honored their gods, they would dress up as gods and demons and perform songs and dances in the mountains, which they called Tiaolingtou. Celebrations would also include calland-response singing. The Tiaolingtou dances that have survived to the present day include the »Three Masters,« »Four Masters,« »Three Sources,« »Four Generals« and »Five Thunders« as well as some character-based stories, which usually end in General Zhao killing an evil spirit. The purpose of these dances is to drive away disease and ensure peace, and they are typified by dancers in masks dancing in a primitive and ferocious style.

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The Zhuang people also perform a dance called »Leaving Home,« which was performed during weddings. Performances integrated acrobatics and dancing together, and included jousting on horses and wrestling, creating a very enjoyable spectacle. The Dong people are famous for the Great Song of the Dong, and also perform the »Lusheng Dance.« While observing the song and dance of the Miao and Dong, the Ming Dynasty figure Hou Dacuo wrote »dancing and singing on the mountain tops with wind coming in all directions, and the king of the phoenixes flies through the clouds,« and »homes in the deepest reaches of the jade peak with voices so graceful they shame celestial ladies,« comparing the beautiful singing and dancing of these people to that of the immortals, which moved the mountains and soared among the clouds. In Elegance in Red (Chi ya 赤雅), the author Kuang Lu once described a scene of music and dance of the Dong people, saying they »played bowed instruments and wind instruments, closing their eyes as they sang, nodding their heads and shaking their feet in a ›dance of chaos‹.« This description provides a clear image of the revelry the Dong people felt while singing and dancing. The favorite dance of the Yao people was the »Long Drum Dance.« The Long Drum Dance was performed by the Yao people mainly in honor of their ancestor, King Pan (Pan Hu), in a ceremony that asked him to bestow good fortune on the people—which the Yao in turn called »fulfilling their vow to King Pan.« The ceremony was held during the tenth lunar month and lasted three days and three nights, but could go as long as seven days and nights. Every three years marked the fulfillment of a »small vow,« and every five and 12 years they would fulfill a »great vow.« The long drums they used were four chi in length (~1.2 m), and were played by dancers as they performed. During this, elements of everyday life were also included—like the building of houses

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and the creation of the long drum itself, with most of the movements also coming from the lives of the people. Part of »fulfilling vows to King Pan,« other than the »Long Drum Dance,« also included other ceremonial dances like the »Incense Dance,« the »Bell Dance,« the »Dance of Sacrificed Soldiers,« »Catching the Tortoise Dance« and the »Dance for Building an Altar.« Together, these dances were known as the »Dances of King Pan.« Activities during the commemoration of King Pan were also a time for the people to gather and celebrate, providing young people with a good opportunity to find a suitable partner. Kuang Lu’s Elegance in Red states that after offerings had been made, the men and women would be tied together to dance, which they called »stomping and swaying.« If a man and woman made a match, the man would carry the woman away on his back that night. The dances of the Yi people included »duhuo,« which is a term for dances of the Torch Festival (in the Yi language, »du« means »fire« or »torch« and »huo« means to sing; »duhuo« literally means »songs of the Torch Festival«). The Torch Festival is one of the main traditional festivals of the Yi people, beginning on the 24th day of the sixth month of the Chinese lunar year (the sixth day of the sixth month for the Yi of western Guizhou) and continues for many days, in some cases lasting for two weeks. The festival comes from the ancient practice of making sacrifices to fire and praying for good harvests. The Yi people believe that fire has the ability to dispel evil, protect people and livestock, and ensure bountiful harvests. On each night of the festival, every family lights a torch made of a pine log that reaches more than one zhang high (~3.5 m). Carrying the torch around the courtyard of their home and through the fields, they sprinkle pine incense into the flame as they walk, while others play percussive instruments to drive away evil spirits. During the festival, people gather dressed in their finest clothes, and in the town of Changba there are bull fights, goat fights, horse races and wrestling matches. Activities also

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include the »duhuo« dance performed by dozens or hundreds of girls. One person leads the singing and dancing with everyone else following their lead, circling counter-clockwise. There is no accompaniment, and the lyrics are made-up on the spot—but this by no means takes away from the passion and joy of these performances. As evening draws near, the torches are lit, and people continue drinking and singing joyfully around bonfires late into the night.

Section 2  Dance in Opera and Other Types of Dance The popularity of folk dance was widespread, but the forms of most of these dances were simple. Dance in opera, on the other hand, was driven by legendary tales and was raised to a new level of artistic expression—and drove the overall development of dance during the Ming Dynasty. The artistry of »pure dance« was also well-practiced, and was mostly only enjoyed by the upper classes. Palace dance was an art reserved for the imperial house, and had a special status in society—but it focused more on the order of ceremonies, and was relatively unremarkable artistically.

1. »Pure Dance« and Palace Dance »Pure dance« was unable to express specific story-like elements and was comprised solely of dance moves (group dances also included changes in the arrangement of the dancers), creating dance that was beautiful in its imagery and emotionally comforting. Dances during the Six Dynasties like the »White Linen Dance« and the »Dance of the Robin and the Dove,« as well as the »Sword Dance,« the »Sogdian Whirl« and the »Green Waist« of the Tang Dynasty, all belong to the category of »pure dance.« During the Ming Dynasty, pure dance was mainly performed during the banquets held by the upper

Chapter VI Dance of the Ming Dynasty

classes. The performers may have also been singers and dancers raised in the homes of noble families. Others may have been professional female dancers or hired musicians. Illustrations in some of the printed novels from the Ming Dynasty provide an image of these types of dances. In the novel The Brilliance of Tea and Wine, the »Sleeve Dance« is one example of this. (Fig. 8.6.3) In Phoenix Cry Essays (Luan xiao xiaopin 鸾啸小品) and Eternal History (Gen shi 亘史) by Pan Zhiheng there were also examples of prostitutes performing pure dance. One example is in Eternal History, which tells of Yang Qiu performing song and dance for guests, »Each song was accompanied by a dance. The beauty turned all gazes as she flitted like a startled goose.« While these records are by no means detailed, if we read between the lines, we can see the skill of these dancers was very high. The literati enjoyed dance that was also a form of pure dance. During the reign of Emperor Jiajing, there was a member of the Imperial Academy named Zhang Mi (originally named Xianyi, he also took the courtesy name Youyu; birth and death unknown). He excelled at dance and wrote a book titled A Treatise on Dance (Wu zhi 舞志), with chapters titled »Appearance in Dance,« »Positions in Dance,« »Tools of Dance,« »Dance Costumes,« »Dancers,« »Order of Dance,« »Names of Dances,« »Dance Music,« »Miscellany of Dance,« »Descriptions of Dance,« »Discussions on Dance« and »Examples of Dance.« It is not only clear how much he loved dance, but also how much he thought about dance. Unfortunately, this book no longer exists. According to Pan Zhiheng’s Phoenix Cry Essays, a friend of Zhang Mi named Wang Yunchi also greatly appreciated pure dance and well into his old age was still able to »entertain himself through song and dance.« In the »Lost Garden« where he lived, he kept a spirit tablet of the »Ancient Master of Dance,« Huang Fanchuo (a musician of the Tang Dynasty). There were two dances

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8.6.3  Illustration of a solo dancer from The Brilliance of Tea and Wine, Mingera Printing, Institute of Drama, China National Academy of Arts

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of the Ming Dynasty that are recorded multiple times. These are the »Xishi Dance« and »Guanyin Dance.« According to a piece of palace lyric poetry from the end of the Ming Dynasty, Emperor Chongzhen ordered the Music Office to arrange a performance of the »Xishi Dance« during an imperial birthday banquet. The poem contains the line »words cannot describe the effortless beauty of her long sleeves,« which highlights the use of long-sleeved costumes in dance. The Guanyin Dance was often performed at the banquets of officials and nobles in Beijing and Nanjing. Yao Lü’s Book of Dew records the performances of this dance: the person in the role of Guanyin balanced a bowl on her head and held two more in her hands, marking beats as she danced. Clearly this was a very technical dance. In Pan Zhiheng’s Eternal History, a prostitute named Xu Jinghong is mentioned who wore countless brocade headbands as she performed the »Guanyin Dance,« pointing to the aesthetic beauty of the dance. Palace dances were essentially also pure dances, but performed exclusively in the imperial palace. Palace music and dance during the Ming Dynasty were divided into »ya« music and banquet music. The first of these was used for sacrifices and other rituals, while the latter was used at court banquets. The dances associate with these two types of music also differed. Imperial dynasties throughout history placed great emphasis on sacrificial offerings, first to demonstrate that »sovereign power was granted by the gods« and to pray that the same gods would protect his reign. Therefore, these ceremonies were naturally very solemn occasions, and great attention was given to the music used. As with previous dynasties, the Ming Dynasty had myriad sacrificial rituals to many gods, including the Great God of the Earth, Great God of Grains, the Supreme Thearch of Boundless Heaven, the God of Agriculture, the Sun, the Moon, Taisui, the Wind, Thunder, Mountains and Rivers, the Constellations and Emperors of the

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Past. These ceremonies invariably used »ya« or »refined« music. Dances performed to »ya« music in the palaces of the Ming were also further divided into literary dances and martial dances. The literary dances symbolized »supreme peace through learning and virtue,« while martial dances symbolized »subduing calamity and chaos through martial valor.« In the course of the ceremony, both the music and dancing followed strict formulas. Generally, each of these sacrificial ceremonies included nine steps, which were, in order, the Greeting the God, the Laying of Silk, Placing of the Sacrificial Table, First Offering, Second Offering, Final Offering, Removal of Offerings, Bidding Farewell to the God and the Viewing of Fire. Music pervaded these ceremonies, but dance was mainly used during the three offerings. The first offering used martial dances, while the second and final offerings used literary dances. Both the literary and martial dances used the bayi (八佾) form, which used 64 dancers. The literary dancers wore red robes and held a long feather and a bamboo flute in their hands, while the martial dancers wore purple robes and held a shield and large ax. According to a description in A Clear Explanation Concerning Equal Temperament (Lülü jing yi 律吕精义) by Zhu Zaiyu, martial dances »are like reliable defenders, displaying the power of the steps,« while literary dances »are like adjourning and relaxed officers, expressing humility and nobility.« There were many different types of sacrificial rituals and the same ritual may have had different elements at different times. Here, we will use an example one sacrifice recorded in Sequel to a Comprehensive Examination of Literature (Xu wenxian tongkao 续文献通考). In the third lunar month of 1532 (the 11th year of Jiajing), a Sacrifice for Rain was performed at the Temple of Sacred Music (Shen yue guan 神乐观). In order to »prepare for a grand musical presentation« and »express the power of yin and yang,«

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music and dance was prepared according to ceremonies for sacrifices to heaven at the Circular Mound in the Temple of Heaven, with costumes for dancers made in the colors of the four directions that were extremely brilliant. The Temple of Sacred Music added several drum troupes and trained one hundred young dancers dressed in green robes holding long feathers that circled the altar. The sacrificial ceremony followed the nine forms, but they added music and placed music and dance between each stage. After the sacrifice had ended, the young performers once performed the song Cloud Gate as they danced. There were also ceremonies held in the palace that made sacrifices to Confucius. In 1476 (12th year of Chenghua), the bayi form was established as the form to be used for music and dance in these ceremonies. In 1530 (9th year of Jiajing), the Grand Secretary Zhang Cong petitioned to change this to the liuyi (六佾) form in order to avoid »transgressing the ceremonies in honor of heaven«—and from that point the liuyi form was used. The court also performed ceremonies honoring the Buddha and petitions for departed souls at temples. In the first lunar month of 1372 (5th year of Hongwu), Zhu Yuanzhang held three days of religious ceremonies at the Temple of Supreme Peace and Strengthening the Nation (Taiping xingguo si 太平兴国寺) at Jiangshan to petition for the departed souls of his generals and soldiers. During the ceremony, Zhu Yuanzhang led his officials in the ceremony of the three offerings while ten dancers with incense, lanterns, jeweled treasures and flowers in their hands offered up the »Dance of Pleasing Buddha.« After the ceremony, he ordered that this ceremony be the set as the form for performances of music and dance for this type of ceremony. At the end of each year, the palace would hold a ceremony for »expelling the Nuo« to eliminate demons and illness from the palace. This ceremony was prepared by the Palace Entertainments Office, which was in charge of music and dance in

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the palace, which included performances of Nuo dance. During the reign of Wanli, the »sacred festival of longevity« in celebration of the emperor’s birthday in the middle the eighth month of the lunar calendar, the palace would hold performances of Cham dance, known commonly as »beating demons,« which was part of a ceremony for expelling evil that comes from Tibetan Buddhism and used masks depicting gods and demons. Music and dance used at palace banquets were required to follow all manner of protocol. One form used at a banquet in 1370 (3rd year of Hongwu) was a performance of »Great Music« for banquets organized by the Music Office. Great Music for banquets was divided into music for major court celebrations and grand banquets. For all major court celebrations, the Music Office would arrange Imperial Court Music at the east and west of the great hall and dances at the east and west of the scarlet steps. For grand banquets, the Music Office would arrange Imperial Court Music inside the great hall and Great Music outside with dancers below the hall. At the second offerings of wine with ceremonial jue cups, the »Dance for Pacifying all Lands Under Heaven« was performed. At the third offering of wine, they performed the »Dance for Bringing Peace to the Four Barbarian Peoples,« and at the fourth offering, the »Dance for the Unification of Chariots and Letters.« When the ninth offering of wine came, both the food and music ended with a final performance of the »Processional Dance of One Hundred Flowers.« For different festivals, different »group dances« were used. For instance, in 1382 (15th year of Hongwu), it was proclaimed that processional dances »Tribute of the Myriad Kingdoms« and the »Victory of the Tasseled Staff« would be used for the Grand Banquet of Great Achievement; »Nine Barbarians Offering of Treasures« and the »Star of Longevity for the Grand Banquet« for the Imperial Birthday; »Praise of Sacred Joy« and »Pilgrimage of One Hundred Flowers« for the Winter Solstice; and

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»One Hundred Plays of the Lotus Flower Basin« and »Picking Lotus Flowers among Victorious Drums« for the New Year. In the ninth month of the 3rd year of Hongwu the rules for instruments and costumes used during court banquets were established. The martial dances included a total of 32 people with dancers holding a shield in their left hands and large axes in their right hands, led by two dance masters directing them with banner poles decorated with feathers. The literary dances also used a total of 32 people, with dancers holding a flute in their left hands and the feather of a pheasant in their right hand. They were led by two dance masters directing them with flags decorated with feathers. The »Dance of the Four Barbarians« used a total of 16 people, including four each representing the Yi of the East, the Rong of the West, the Man of the South and Di of the North. They all wore leather boots and were led by two dance masters, who directed them with pennants. However, at different periods, changes were made to the specific rules for banquet music. In 1420 (18th year of Yongle), changes were made to banquet music and dance on the basis of rules established during the reign of Hongwu. In addition to the three dances that accompanied the »Dance for Pacifying all Lands Under Heaven« for the first three offerings of wine, two dances—»Displaying Correctness to the Myriad Lands« and »Virtue is the Will of Heaven«—were added. At the same time, the original »Dance for Bringing Peace to the Four Barbarian Peoples« was replaced by three individual dances—the »Dance of Koryo,« »Dance of Beifan,« and the »Dance of Hui«—each of which originated from an ethnic minority and was performed by four people dressed in faithful costumes from those ethnic groups. In 1508 (3rd year of Zhengde), Emperor Wuzong believed that the music and dance used for banquets at the time was not sufficiently grand and could not meet the needs for his enjoyment, therefore he commanded the Ministry of Rites to issue letters to each prov-

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ince to send artists skilled in all of the performance arts to the capital to present before the court. For a time, acrobatics and all types of dramas flourished in the palace, but this kind of talent was not truly counted among courtly music and dance. Overall, the music and dance in the palaces of the Ming Dynasty remained grand in terms of scale, and was extravagant—but perhaps most notable was the emphasis on ceremony and not necessarily artistic creation. The unique environment in which it grew, and its function in political culture, meant that music and dance performed at court could not achieve real artistic development. Compared with the dynasties that came before the Ming, music and dance of the imperial courts of the Western Zhou, Han, Tang, Song and Yuan all saw greater artistic development, but the music and dance of the Ming Dynasty remained an embellishment for various kinds of ceremonies, and was artistically unimpressive. The music and dance of the imperial court was not allowed outside the imperial palace and gardens. The »pure dance« enjoyed by the official classes and nobility was not widespread, and its influence could not compare with that of folk dance, or dance in opera.

2. Dance in Opera The greatest difference between dance used in opera and »pure dance« was that the latter did not incorporate specific story elements, which distanced it from daily life. It was also expressively general and broad, making it difficult for the dance to be »specific and subtle.« Dance used on the stage, however, functions in conjunction with other artistic styles to describe an event or portray a certain character. It often incorporates movements from everyday life and its expression of content and emotions have specific and clear motivations. It is for this reason that dance used in opera as more intuitive and easier to understand than »pure dance.« This also made it more capable of moving the hearts of its viewers.

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Because its primary function is to display the actions of the characters in the play, dance in opera tended to take movements from everyday life and adapt them for dance. This gave a certain beauty to the characters’ movements both in form and motion. It also clearly conveyed the emotions and personalities of the characters. In his Phoenix Cry Essays, Pan Zhiheng describes how an artist named Yang Mei walked in one of her plays: »She entered like a soaring goose, turned like a swooping swallow, stopped and stood like a swan, without a single movement that was improper or not in rhythm.« Such light and graceful steps could naturally be described as »dance steps.« There are many »mimicked« movements in stage performances, such as the opening of a door, feeding chickens, riding a horse or rowing a boat without the physical presence of a door, chickens, horse or a boat. These movements must be »mimicked,« and often incorporate more elements of dance. After being practiced and standardized, many of these movements developed into specific »forms« that were fixed in both movement and language and could be used across different operas. One example is in an act titled »Rise of the Tyrant« in the opera Thousand Pieces of Gold (Qianjin ji 千金记), where the Lord of Chu, Xiang Yu, enters the stage and performs a series of movements that show him donning his armor, stretching, and preparing for battle. Later, this series of movements became a set form that was used in other operas for the entrance of great generals. Performers would use the same set of movements to show that they were preparing for battle and to demonstrate their bravery. In the scores of legendary tales or zaju, many of these forms are denoted by the words »ke« (科) or »jie« (介) paired with an action as with the laugh-ke, fight-ke, worship-ke, battle formation-ke, joy-jie, sorrow-jie, writing-jie, calling-jie, reading-jie, viewing clothes-jie, picking flowers-jie, etc. These forms of performance were based in real life, but had been adapted for dance, which en-

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abled them to express a specific meaning while preserving the beauty of cadence inherent to dance. In another sense, despite becoming one of the core artistic tools in opera, dance still retained a great degree of freedom, and its function was not limited to simply making everyday movements more beautiful. In these works, many performances were far from everyday life and were in essence simply dancing. One example of this is in the act titled »Night Run« in the play Tale of the Sword (Baojian ji 宝剑记), which has followed the same form to the present day. From the performance of Lin Chong, we can see that there is a huge array of dance positions that can be used to fully express the passionate emotions felt by the character, while at the same time being very aesthetically pleasing. These forms, which incorporate both song and dance, have many movements that cannot be attributed to the simple adaptation of everyday movements into dance, just as vocal technique cannot be said to be the »musical adaptation« of language. (Fig. 8.6.4) Sometimes, operas also contain independent dance scenes, which give free play to dance itself. In act four of the zaju The Master of Boundless Mystery Ascends Alone to the Heaven of Daluo (Chongmozi dubu daluotian 冲漠子独步大罗天) by Zhu Quan, there are two dances, one titled »Rainbow Skirt« that is performed by Chang E and four lady immortals, and the other called »Three Exchanges at Liangzhou,« danced by Chang E alone. These are examples of dances directly inserted into an opera. Another example is in the Reminiscences in Dreams of Tao An (Tao’an meng yi 陶庵梦忆) by Zhang Dai, which describes a scene of a dance by Xishi for the King of Wu in the legendary tale Washing Silk Gauze. Xishi is dancing and singing with several other dancers, their »long sleeves flowing slowly, encircling their bodies like rings,« charming and graceful and as supple as autumn peonies. There are over 20 ladies of the palace standing on the sides, hold-

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8.6.4  Illustration of the »Butterfly Dream« dance in Tale of a Dream from a reprinting of the Ming Dynasty woodblock print Collection of Ancient Editions of Operas and Dramas Vol. 1 from the Jizhi Studio, Institute of Drama, China National Academy of Arts

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ing golden lotus flowers, bejeweled torches, fine silk fans and lanterns, shimmering in resplendent beauty and leaving the viewer stunned. (Zhang Dai was one of the viewers.) In the 25th act of this legendary tale, titled »On Performing Dance,« the wife of Gou Jian teaches Xishi the finer points of dance. When describing the »path to studying dance,« she describes dance as »soaring like the phoenix,« »fritting like the frightened swallow and flowing like the dragon,« »whirling with lightness and speed,« »like wind circling in waves,« »moving to and fro, up and down, without disturbing the dust.« After she finishes, Xishi flies into a dance and sings, »climbing upwards into the wind under the changing moon«; »with a twist of my waist, I dance lightly on someone’s palm«; »a fragrant breeze blows my embroidered dress and the flower decorations in my hair«; »the dancer is bewilderingly soft like a sea of clouds from a balcony.« When this was actually performed, this beautifully light song and graceful dance would have surely pleased audiences. In this sense, dance can be seen as both an integral part of the opera as well as an additional accent to compliment the performance. Dance in opera also took a great deal from folk dance, and often inserted elements of folk dance into performances. Zhu Youdun’s zaju play Matching Beautiful Faces includes a performance of the folk dance »Picking Tea in December.« Zhang Dai’s Reminiscences in Dreams of Tao An also tells of the performances of legendary tales at the home of Ruan Dacheng: »Dragon Lantern« and »Purple Auntie« in Riddles of the Spring Lantern; »Riding Contests« and »Monkey Circus« in The Mani Pearl; »Flying Swallows,« »Dancing Elephants« and »Jeweled Tributes from Persia« in The Swallow Messenger. Dances like »Dragon Lantern,« »Purple Auntie« and »Flying Swallows« were all references to folk dances that were popular at the time. In dances within opera performances, the costumes of the performers, which included water

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sleeves, pleated robes, armor, pheasant plumes, cap wings, water hair and false beards, or props carried in the hand like fans, horse whips, weapons or banners, were all meant as »extensions« of the movements of the performers, and played an important role in complimenting the aesthetics and expressiveness of their performance. The use of water sleeves was especially common. In the previous example in Washing Silk Gauze where there are »long sleeves flowing slowly, encircling their bodies like rings« is one example. Illustrations in Ming Dynasty woodblock prints of novels and operas contain many examples of characters dancing in costumes with long sleeves. (Fig. 8.6.5) While dancing in these costumes with props in their hands, performers also often had to complete difficult movements. Operas often included fighting and all kinds of contortions, with movements like flips, leaps, pouncing and tumbling. These movements incorporated many elements of both martial arts and dance during fight scenes, which were extremely technical, but greatly loved by audiences. During group dance scenes, the arrangement and changes of position of the dancers was an important source of expression and very aesthetically pleasing. Pan Zhiheng’s Phoenix Cry Essays contains a description of a dance performance from an opera in the home of Zou Diguang of six or eight dan characters (where all the dancers enter together), describing them as »standing like mountains row after row, advancing and retreating, opening and closing, moving among each other with great variety, it was the most beautiful scene.« In fight scenes, group dances of soldiers would also include variations like »advancing, retreating, opening and closing,« which not only conveyed the reality of the battlefield, but also a strong aesthetic element. In operas and other stage performances, dance served the function of both telling the story and expressing emotion. It needed to show the actions of the characters, but

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8.6.5  Illustration of a dance scene from the act »Private Banquet« in Measuring the River from a reprinting of the Ming Dynasty woodblock print Collection of Ancient Editions of Operas and Dramas Vol. 2 from the Jizhi Studio, Institute of Drama, China National Academy of Arts

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also what they were feeling in their hearts, which made it a very powerful expressive tool. At the same time, dance also had its own unique form, movement and cadence that enriched the artistic context of operas and clearly increased the aesthetic level of the performances. In the world of opera, dance works intimately with literature and music—with each one complimenting the other to achieve amazing results in developing the personalities of each of the characters and creating a certain feel on the stage. The dance found in opera and stage performance is markedly different from dance styles of the Han and Tang dynasties. They maintain the traditional spirit of the dance, while also incorporating new

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styles of dance with elements strongly influenced by contemporary culture. In one sense, dance in opera was greatly influenced by folk dance and »pure dance,« but it also borrowed considerably from new forms of artistic expression—like opera, which provided dance, as an independent art form, with a new path for development. During the Ming Dynasty, the concept of dance changed from »pure dance« to dance for the stage, allowing it to grow from simple emotional expression to a combination of emotional expression and storytelling. This was an important transition in the history of Chinese dance, and it is for this reason that dance for the stage is considered the epitome of classical Chinese dance.

CHAPTER VII  THEORIES OF THE PERFORMING ARTS IN THE MING DYNASTY Theories of the performing arts saw considerable advancement during the Ming Dynasty, including on opera, music and dance. In the area of opera, there were already a number of topics being researched, but the achievements in establishing concrete theories were especially notable. In music, temperament and studies of the qin zither were the most notable contributions, especially in the case of Zhu Zaiyu, who invented a method for calculating the twelve modes of equal temperament—an important contribution the 16th century China made to the world. In dance, Zhu Zaiyu also developed a system for the study of dance based on his research into ancient yayue dances, which greatly advanced theory of dance.

Section 1  Opera Theory There was very little research into opera during the Yuan Dynasty. The Ming Dynasty, however, was a period of important development for theories of opera. This was especially true during the middle and latter parts of the Ming Dynasty, which resulted in a string of theoretical works, and deeper understanding in a number of areas. Discussions surrounding opera can generally be divided into two areas—stage performance and song. The former focuses mainly on the structure, plot, repertoire and performance of operas, while the latter examines the history, qupai, composition and performance of sung pieces. Most of the works introduced here focus on either studies in opera or song.

During the early Ming Dynasty, the most notable contributor to research into opera was Prince Ningxian Zhu Quan. Zhu Quan composed zaju (discussed in chapter XII), but also wrote literary works including the Supreme Harmony of Correct Sounds, An Inspired Collection of Rhymes (Wutou jiyun 务头集韵) and the Elegant Rhymes of the Jade Forest (Qionglin yayun 琼林雅韵), the most important of which was the Supreme Harmony of Correct Sounds. The majority of Supreme Harmony of Correct Sounds was composed of »scores« for 335 beiqu qupai. These qupai were all arranged based on a chapter in the Yuan Dynasty scholar Zhou Deqing’s book Rhymes of the Central Plain, titled »335 Tunes in Twelve Modes,« including sample pieces for each qupai along with the tonal patterns for each character, though he did not include musical notation. This is the earliest example of versed scores for qupai, and its purpose was to provide a template for putting lyrics to qupai— which made it different from »musical scores« for the purpose of singing. During the Yuan Dynasty, there was a certain amount of freedom in the forms used for beiqu qupai, and verse forms were not strictly adhered to. The Supreme Harmony of Correct Sounds, however, provided each qupai with a »set form« which strengthened the lyrical confines to which beiqu were held. In addition to providing »scores« for beiqu, the Supreme Harmony of Correct Sounds also listed beiqu composers and compositions (including zaju and sanqu) from the Yuan and early Ming dynasties, analyzing their creative styles and their schools. The book divided beiqu styles into »Fifteen Schools,« each of which has their own brief description: »Zongjiang School:

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lyrics by classical lyricists«; »Shengyuan School: light in the style of Yongzheng and Kangxi without lyrical restraint«; »Jiangdong School: formal and strict«: »Xijiang School: innovative language with scholarly elegance.« Zhu Quan also recorded the individual styles of over 200 individual composers, not least of which were the Yuan Dynasty composers Ma Zhiyuan and Bai Pu. He praised Ma Zhiyuan, saying his works were »as the call of the phoenix at dawn« and »like call of the sacred phoenix flying among the highest clouds.« Of Bai Pu, he said that he was »like the garuda taking on the highest heavens« and »like the rise of tGreat Peng in the North Sea, beating his wings into the highest clouds with a spirit that can span ten thousand li in a single move.« His opinion of Guan Hanqing, however, was not as high: »The lyrics of Guan Hanqing are like those of a drunken guest at a banquet« with a »skill that waxes and wanes.« Prior to Zhu Quan, no one had created versed scores for beiqu qupai or recorded the schools of beiqu and the personal styles of composers. This gives the Supreme Harmony of Correct Sounds a very important position in the history of operatic theory. Xu Wei, who lived during the middle of the Ming Dynasty, was a composer of zaju (Ape of Four Cries 四声猿), but also composed a theoretical work titled An Account of Southern Drama (Nanci xulu 南 词叙录). From 1558 (37th year of Jiajing), Xu Wei served under the Director General of Zhejiang, Hu Zongxian, for five years. His travels through Zhejiang and Fujian allowed him to learn a great deal about Southern Drama (also known as »operatic texts« and later as »heroic legends«), which had been popular in the southeast since the Song and the Yuan. This was the impetus for him to write An Account of Southern Drama, providing a concise yet relatively complete record of that art form. The content of this work includes a historical account of the first appearance of Southern Drama in the court of Emperor Guangzong of the Southern Song, the historical contribution of Tale of

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the Pipa to the development of Southern Drama, the evolution of nanqu and beiqu as well as their differences in form, the unique aspects and regional distribution of the singing styles of nanqu (Geyang, Haiyan, Kunshan, Yuyao, etc.), roles in Southern Drama, technical terms used in Southern Drama, the meanings of regional dialects in some works as well as a list of Southern Drama works from the Song, Yuan and early Ming dynasties. An Account of Southern Drama is the earliest introduction to Southern Drama in the history of Chinese opera, which is why its contents are so important and it holds such an important position in the history of operatic theory. Xu Wei also provided commentary on the creative process of opera, offering a great deal of deep insight. For example, he believed that, in the composition of lyrics, »they should neither be literary nor vulgar, but have a special balance.« He also pointed out that the most precious part of the Tale of the Pipa was that it »came from the human heart,« deftly using common language as if »turning iron into gold.« Clearly, his commentary was extremely insightful. During the reign of Jiajing, the song writer Wei Liangfu, famous for his songs in the shuimo style (mentioned in chapter IV), also wrote his treatise on singing methods titled Rules of Singing Qu. An early Qing Dynasty copy of the Daily Records of True Events (Zhenji ri lu 真迹日录) contains a version of A Correction of Southern Lyrics, which has the same content as Rules of Singing Qu and may be another version of the same work. There are only slightly more than one thousand characters in the Rules of Singing Qu, but it describes the methods and essential details for singing in a clear and concise way. The author expresses the fundamental principles of singing in the shuimo style as the »Three Ultimates«—»the first being clarity of the words, the second purity of the voice and the third evenness of the beat.« Clearly, he placed the greatest importance in the treatment of the relationship between music and

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lyrics. (This has been explained in chapter IV). He also outlined three steps in learning how to sing, the first being to train one’s voice, the second mastering pronunciation and the third having good vocal technique. At the same time, he emphasized that time should be spent on mastering the »ancestor of songs«—the Tale of the Pipa—requiring that every word and every line from beginning to end be »sung skillfully through and through.« He also specifically discusses the importance of singers cultivating personal character, especially in unaccompanied singing, which requires »relaxed elegance and ordered reverence.« Problems like »redness in the face, tightness in the throat, movement in the head and feed or abnormal stances« should be avoided. The Rules of Singing Qu is an explanation of technique by the founder of the shuimo style himself, referencing his own practical experiences, which makes it especially valuable and gives it important place in theories of ancient Chinese vocal techniques. The »heretical« thinker Li Zhi (mentioned in the foreword), who was active during the reign of Jiajing, also theorized on and critiqued the arts. His works included On Miscellaneous Matters (Zashuo 杂说), Preface on Loyalty and Righteousness in the Water Margin (Zhongyi shuihuzhuan xu 忠义水浒传序) and Superficial Discussions on Reading Rhymes (Dulü fushuo 读律肤说). He wrote critiques of various operas including the Tale of the Pipa, Romance of the Western Chamber, Praying to the Moon (Baiyue ji 拜月记) and Tale of the Red Horsetail Whisk (Hongfu ji 红拂记), and they were also very influential. His interpretations were sharp and penetrating, a classic example being his »Theory of the Natural Craft« as described in On Miscellaneous Matters. The text describes Praying to the Moon and Romance of the Western Chamber as being »a natural craft,« while the Tale of the Pipa is described as »a painter’s craft.« The beauty of the »natural craft« is the beauty of nature, produced naturally without any

CHAPTER VII THEORIES OF THE PERFORMING ARTS IN THE MING DYNASTY

traces of human effort. It could even be said that »nature has no craft,« which is why he states that »while the painter’s craft is ingenious, it is secondary.« Clearly, Li Zhi believed that »the natural craft« was the highest expression of artistry. In his Superficial Discussions on Reading Rhymes, he also emphasized that »nature is beauty.« He states that beauty must »come from the emotion, and go along with nature.« As for the principle that »[one ought] cease [at the point of] propriety and righteousness,« he believed that »naturally it came from emotions so naturally it will stop at the point of propriety and righteousness; it is not like there is some other sort of propriety and righteousness outside of emotion.« Looking at Romance of the Western Chamber and Praying to the Moon through this lens, Li Zhi believed that the feelings between Zhang Sheng and Cui Yingying, or Jiang Shilong and Wang Ruilan, were »led by emotion and purely natural.« He felt that portraying characters in this manner was »as a thing that is naturally crafted, and its ingenuity is quite unimaginable.« In expression, Li Zhi promoted the idea of natural enjoyment, of »words like wind upon the water.« For example, he praised the libretto of Romance of the Western Chamber as »being like a home cooked meal, without intention, unmindful, made spontaneously without any ado.« Li Zhi’s Theory of the Magically Natural has philosophical origins as well. Neo-Confucian scholars emphasized the use of a »heavenly order« to guide human emotion, but Li Zhi clearly opposed using a »heavenly order« to suppress human nature. The idea of purely following nature is a pillar of his Theory of the Magically Natural, which calls for normal human characteristics to be freed from the shackles of neo-Confucianism. His ideas have rich social context and are unique to that era. The aesthetic concepts that Li Zhi proposed had important impact on the literature of his time and later generations. After reading Li Zhi’s works, Tang Xianzu exclaimed that it was »like finding a beautiful

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sword.« Tang Xianzu’s »Four Dreams,« which include the Peony Pavillion (Mudanting 牡丹亭), have important connections with the idea that »naturalness is expressed through emotion.« While creating his »Four Dreams«, Tang Xianzu also produced many essays, critiques, jottings and letters on the topic of opera, making important contributions to opera theory. In the creation of heroic legends, Tang Xianzu greatly emphasized the importance of »emotion« and »spirit.« In Preface to Erbo’s Travel Poetry of Magu (Erbo magu youshi xu 耳伯麻姑游诗序), he writes »the world has always come from emotion; poetry is born through emotion and moves on to spirit. The voices, visages, ages, life and death in the world all come from this.« Therefore, good works of literature must have »a combination of spirit and emotion, or at least one of them.« If »there is not even one,« the work will not be passed down to future generations. He explained that »poetry is used to express one’s will,« as poetry expresses emotions: »what we call will is actually emotion.« He also went one step further, using »true emotion« instead of »true form« to explain the spirit and expressiveness of opera. In his Dedication to the Peony Pavilion (Mudanting tici 牡丹亭题词), he wrote: Liniang can be said to be in love. It is not known from whence love comes, but once entered into, it is deep. The living can die and the dead can live. Those who live and cannot die, or those who die and cannot be reborn have not fully experienced love. As for love in a dream, why should it not be real?

He believed that as long as the feeling was authentic, Du Liniang could die and be reborn. This may be something that could not logically happen in life, but in the logic of emotion it can be expressed through these works. The creative concept of »true emotion« over »true form« is one of the important differences between Chinese opera and the realism of Western opera. Tian Xianzu used his own creations and theories to provide a clear account-

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ing of the aesthetic principles of Chinese opera. Because of the fact that they did not have the rigid formality of »true to form« pieces, the creations of Tang Xianzu enjoyed an huge amount of freedom on stage, reaching a magical state that allowed people to »suddenly see characters from a thousand years hence and events that were only in dreams.« Tang Xianzu also promoted a concept of »beauty that both does and does not exist.« For example, for a performer, »regardless of movement or language, there must be both truth and fantasy for it to be truly exquisite.« He believed that »the mystery of writing was not in the similarity of movements,« but that »natural inspiration comes dimly, without even realizing it«—and that is when one experiences true »entry of the spirit«. Both Tang Xianzu’s theory of »emotion and spirit« as well as his masterpieces, the »Four Dreams,« are some of the most precious remnants of China’s opera history. There were also literati that engaged in discussions of opera, perhaps the most notable of which was Pan Zhiheng. Pan Zhiheng (1556–1622) was also known by the courtesy name Jingsheng and the pseudonyms Luanxiaosheng and Ranweng. He was a native of Yixian (in present-day Anhui Province). He was an aficionado of both poetry and opera, with a unique appreciation of the arts. He also enjoyed collecting songs and following skilled artists, keeping very close ties to the artistic community. His Eternal History and Phoenix Cry Essays recorded the activities of many artists while also providing a unique reviews and insights into the performing arts. One example is his five critiques of the artist Yang Mei. The first of these was »measure«: a good performer must have »skill,« »intelligence« and »style« in equal measure, as »skill without intelligence is uninspired; intelligence without style is not clever.« Yang Mei possessed all three of these, and a very high level of »measure« (a state and height of style, spirit and bearing), which inspired him to praise Yang Mei

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as having the »measure of the immortals.« The second of these was »longing«: when Yang Mei played Xishi in Washing Silk Gauze, the movement of »raising her heart« not only expressed the ache that Xishi felt in her heart, it also expressed the reason for her pain, which was her »longing« for Fan Li. Each of her words was filled with longing, which gave greater depth to her portrayal of the character. The third was her »steps«: on stage, Yang Mei »entered like a soaring goose, turned like a swooping swallow, stopped and stood like a swan, without a single movement that was not proper or in rhythm«; it was extremely pleasing to watch. The fourth was »call«: the call that characters make before starting to sing (later called »calling beats«) may not be part of singing technique, but the »call should come from longing.« In Yang Mei’s portrayal of Zhao Wuniang, when she calls to Cai Bo as well as the call to Fan Li when performing Xishi, both originate from deep within her heart and have a »sorrowful sound« that is very infectious. The fifth was her »sigh«: the sigh at the end of Yang Mei’s spoken lines were »unhurried in rhythm, as in complaint or grievance.« Her »naturalness« was able to »shock the room« and grasp the hearts of her audience. These five critiques touch on a range of key challenges in the performance of opera. He not only observed them very closely, he also discovered what others failed to, commenting on Yang Mei’s artistic creativeness, but also providing farther reaching exploration of opera as a performance art. An important work that combines both opera and song, forming a natural system, is the Rules for Singing Qu, by Wang Jide. Wang Jide (~1559–1623), also known by the courtesy name Boliang and the pseudonym Fangzhusheng, was a native of Kuaiji (present-day Shaoxing in Zhejiang Province) and a student of Xu Wei, who was also a native of Kuaiji. His works include the heroic legend Tale of the Red Inscription (Tihongji 题红记) and the zaju The Male Queen (Nan wanghou 男王后), but his greatest achievement was the operatic treatise

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Rules for Singing Qu, the content of which crossed the boundary of singing and opera, which we will describe in detail. The section of the work on singing mainly focused on discussions of singing technique and librettos in nanbeiqu, after a simple opening introduction on its origins. Topics discussed regarding singing technique include tone, beats, modes, climaxes, ways of singing, the relationship between qupai content and their names, as well as the differences between nanqu and beiqu. In the chapter »On the Names of Modes,« he discusses the origins of qupai and the relationship between their names and their current inception. Starting with the transitional relationship between nanbeiqu of the Yuan and Ming dynasties as well as the modes of songs from earlier periods, he analyzes different situations—those resulting from changes in music while using the same modes and lyrics, changes in lyrics while using the same modal name as well as changes in both music and lyrics while using the same modal names. In the chapter »On Vocal Styles,« he introduces traditional theories on singing technique, focusing on the changes in the vocal techniques of nanqu as well as regional schools of the Kunshan style. Topics related to librettos include suite-songs, xiaoling, song collections, padding lyrics, tonal patterns, yin and yang, the rhyme of songs and »closed mouth« pronunciation—as well as techniques that were being developed, like »inserting words to create lines« or »acts based on allegory.« In the chapter »On Song-Suites,« he writes that good librettos must not only have »innovative ideas expressed in handsome language« and »both color and sound,« but that »the most subtle element lies not within the control of sound, but outside the realm of words and lines,« adding that »becoming without knowing how it became is the true nature of a masterpiece and the essence of true artistry,« doubtless a very demanding task. The portion of the work that deals with the study of opera mainly discusses problems in script-writ-

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ing related to plots, structure, genre, libretto, spoken lines, comic movements and language, styles, schools and performance. In the chapter »On Opera,« he presents the requirements for structure, composition, music and text in the creation of a script, while also establishing standards like »exquisiteness in both lyrics and character« and »the ability to be performed and passed on.« In the development of the plot, he believed that a combination of fantasy and reality was required in order to ensure a highly creative artistic space while not entirely departing from reality. He summarized the three types of creative processes that had been used since the Song and Yuan dynasties. The first of these was a style that was highly flexible in terms of »events« and »credibility,« but did not entirely depart from historical fact. The second tended toward realism, adding only slightly to historical events without any embellishment. The third was about fictional »fabrication« that was »the pursuit of both the master and the lowest person of the streets.« He believed that the third process was the most inappropriate. He held that »the path of opera and performance proceeds from noble reality and should be applied to noble creativity.« Works including Romance of the Bright Pearl (Mingzhu ji 明珠记), Washing Silk Gauze and Tale of the Red Horsetail Whisk are all »real events presented realistically,« but lack a sense of artistic imagination and achieve only a moderate levels of achievement. Meanwhile, works like the Peony Pavilion (Mudanting 牡丹亭), the Tale of Handan (Handan ji 邯郸记) and the Tale of Nanke (Nanke ji 南柯记) were all »real events presented through fantasy,« which requires a more difficult creative process, but produces works of higher artistic value. He also believed that there was nothing improper with the practice in Yuan Dynasty zaju of »not distinguishing between time periods« for characters or events. Similar to the Tang Dynasty painter Wang Wei, who incorporated flowers like the

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peony, hibiscus and lotus, all of which bloom in different seasons, into the same painting, or incorporated both snow and banana trees into his painting Yuan An Resting on High (Yuan An gao wo tu 袁安高卧图). This kind of creative freedom results in unexpected charm that is »not easy to be explained to other people.« He also greatly appreciated the Buddhist concept of »neither reaching nor departing; both seeming and not seeming to be.« He believed that only something like »shadows cast from a lamp’s mirror, clear to the eye, yet intangible« can be said to be »miraculously wrought.« Clearly, Wang Jide had a very deep understanding of the emphasis that Chinese opera places on conveying a vivid image and its aesthetic doctrine of not being limited to certain forms. The Rules for Singing Qu is one of the most important theoretical works in the history of Chinese opera. The work is voluminous, and organized into specific categories that discuss many topics in considerable detail—which is why it has been praised as being »both broad in scale and refined in thought.« It must also be mentioned that Wang Jide believed opera should hold to a certain standard (this is expressed in the »rules« of the book’s title), but he also realized that with the passage of time opera could not remain unchanged forever. In the chapter »On Vocal Styles,« he writes that »the singing styles in existence have changed every thirty years; who knows how many times they have changed since the Yuan!« In studies of singing technique, works by Shen Chongsui (?–1645), including Discussions of Errors in Xiansuo (Xiansuo bian e 弦索辨讹) and the Requirements of Balancing Songs, are also of great importance. Discussions of Errors in Xiansuo was written specifically for the purpose of standardizing pronunciation in the performance of xiansuodiao. To address the mispronunciation of many words in the performance of xiansuodiao, this work provides detailed pronunciation guidelines (without rhythm markings or gongche no-

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tation) for the full libretto of the Romance of the North and West Chambers (Bei xi xiang 北西厢), as well as ten beiqu song-suites »currently in common use« and the Minor Ambush from Ten Sides (Xiao shimian 小十面), noting commonly mispronounced words and providing clarification. The purpose of this book was to provide the performer of xiansuodiao with clarification on pronunciation and how to shape the mouth, which is why this book is often referred to as a reference book. The Requirements of Balancing Songs is a piece of research into the phonetic rendering of words in nanbeiqu. The work explains the basic techniques of how to form the sounds of different words for different vocal styles, pointing out that many performers have problems in »organizing words,« while also providing specific technical points in rendering pronunciations. One of the most important concepts he presents is »pronunciation in three sounds,« which is to divide the pronunciation of each phonetic element into three parts. For example, »xi-ao-wu« for the sound »xiao« or »ji-ai-yi« for the sound »jie.« These three sounds each represent one element in the pronunciation of a single character in order to represent the initial, middle and final sounds of the character being pronounced. In modern phonetic terms, this means that the initial consonant of the first sound represents the first consonant of the character being pronounced (initial), while medial of the second sound represents the medial of the character being pronounced (middle), and the final of the third sound represents the final of the character being pronounced (final). Furthermore, on the lack of consensus on whether performers of nanbeiqu should follow the Rhymes of the Central Plains or the Corrected Rhymes of Hongwu (Hongwu zhengyun 洪武正韵), he proposed a »compromise to the discussion,« which was that, for both nanqu and beiqu, the rhyme at the end of a line should follow the Rhymes of the Central Plains, while for rhymes in the middle of a line, nanqu should follow the Corrected Rhymes

CHAPTER VII THEORIES OF THE PERFORMING ARTS IN THE MING DYNASTY

of Hongwu, while beiqu should follow the Rhymes of the Central Plains. Pronunciation in the performance of nanqu and beiqu should not be entirely the same, but neither should they differ too greatly, which is why Shen Chongsui chose to not commit to just one method. Previously, we mentioned the Rules of Singing Qu by Wei Liangfu, also focused on singing methods, but his work was relatively simple and should be considered as more of an outline. The Requirements of Balancing Songs by Shen Chongsui is a more detailed inspection of the methods of singing, and pays closer attention to specific singing techniques. The composition of »scores« was also an important area of development in the study of songs during the Ming Dynasty. We previously introduced Zhu Quan’s work The Supreme Harmony of Correct Sounds, which was a beiqu score compiled during the early Ming Dynasty. After the middle of the Ming Dynasty, a number of nanqu scores also gradually appeared. The earliest of these nanqu scores was compiled by Jiang Xiao during the reign of Jiajing and titled A Nanqu Score in Nine Keys and Thirteen Modes (Nan jiugong shisandiao cipu 南九宫十三调词 谱), and was later commonly known as the Old Nanqu Scores in Nine Keys (jiubian nan jiugong pu 旧编南九宫谱). This work included 478 qupai, which were divided into nine »keys« including the xianlü, huangzhong, shangdiao, zhenggong, dashi, zhonglü, nanlü, yuediao and shuangdiao. One song was listed under each qupai, but librettos did not note the readings of lines, tonal patterns or beat rhythms. This was one of the simplest types of scores for nanqu created during the Ming Dynasty, but became the impetus for more compilations, and formed a template for future scores to be created. During the reign of Wanli, Shen Jing wrote his Complete Scores for Nanqu (Nanqu quan pu 南曲 全谱). Already mentioned in chapter I, Shen Jing conducted extensive research into metric verse for

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qupai and emphasized strict adherence to metric in the creation of heroic legends and sanqu. The importance he placed on metric verse was also expressed in the Complete Scores for Nanqu. The entire work contains a total of 652 qupai, each with a sample piece. However, the important difference with this work as compared with previous works was that each Chinese character was given individual tone markings with special explanations for characters that were easily mispronounced. There were also beat markings in the sample pieces that were written where the beat would fall. The score also had a large amount of text that provided analysis of metric verse in qupai, with discussions on changes in the forms of songs, line structure, tones and rhymes, padding lyrics and beats. The importance that the author attached to the concept of metrical verse can be seen throughout the work. The Complete Scores for Nanqu had a considerable impact and many people considered it »the guide for lyricists.« It provided an important push for the strengthening of metrical verse in nanqu. Shen Zijin, the nephew of Shen Jing, later added more than 270 qupai to the Complete Scores for Nanqu, compiling his own work, A New Score for Nanqu Lyrics (Nan ci xin pu 南词新谱), which was published during the early Qing Dynasty and quickly spread far and wide. Scores for xiansuodiao had also begun to appear by the end of the Ming Dynasty. This included the Corrected Scores of the Northern and Western Chambers (printed in the 12th year of Chongzhen) compiled by Zhang Pinfu, which was mentioned in section two of chapter IV, and which also include other xiansuodiao scores, namely Xiansuo Scores of the North and West Chambers and Inherited Works of Ancient Music, which were printed in the early Qing Dynasty—but the majority of their compilation was most likely completed during the Ming Dynasty. The compilation of this string of scores during the Ming Dynasty was completely in step with the gradual strengthening of metrical verse in nan-

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beiqu lyrics. Nearly all of the scores mentioned above were scores focusing on metrical verse in nanbeiqu lyrics, the goal of which was to provide standard lyrical forms that lyricists could adapt to various qupai (only Xiansuo Scores of the North and West Chambers and Inherited Works of Ancient Music contained gongche notation for xiansuo and were true »musical scores,« not metrical verse scores used for putting lyrics to qupai). The compilers of these lyrical scores for metrical verse naturally focused on metrical verse and they believed qupai that did not conform to metrical verse could not be sung. Their most representative advocate was Shen Jing. However, at the same time there were also some literati that composed lyrics for nanbeiqu that were unwilling to be restricted by metrical verse. Tang Xianzu, for example, disapproved of adhering too strictly, because he understood that librettos composed not entirely according to the rules of metrical verse could indeed be sung. The »Four Dreams« by Tang Xianzu were harshly criticized by Shen Jing and his supporters for not adhering to metrical verse, but the »Four Dreams« have been passed down to the present day, which disproves the idea that lyrics composed outside of metrical verse could not be sung. There were two other researchers of opera during the late Ming Dynasty whose writings and critiques made important contributions—Lü Tiancheng and Qi Biaojia. Lü Tiancheng (1580–1618) was also known by the courtesy name Qinzhi and the pseudonym Yulansheng, and was a native of Yuyao (present-day Zhejiang Province). In addition to his zaju work Fallen in Eastern Qi (Qidong juedao 齐 东绝倒) mentioned in chapter II, he also wrote a work titled Appreciation of Qu (Qupin 曲品) that commented on writers of heroic legends and their works. It was first printed in 1602 (30th year of Wanli) and was later printed two more times. The work recorded 212 works by 95 heroic legend writers as well as an additional collection of the

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works of two southern zaju composers and 25 sanqu composers. The book divides heroic legends from the Yuan Dynasty through the Jiajing Period of the Ming (»old legends«) into four categories: gods, miracles, abilities and tools. Heroic legends written after the Jiajing Period (»new legends«) were divided into nine categories: upper top, middle top, lower top, upper middle, middle, lower middle, upper lower, middle lower and lower. Of the works it contained, only 20 had be previously recorded, while the remaining 192 had been written down for the first time in this work, an important contribution that preserved the titles of these heroic legends. The commentary on these works is also full of penetrating insight. For example, the author does not believe that heroic legends are »faithful histories,« and that people and events can be fabricated in the »style of legends.« »It is unnecessary to follow facts« as long as the story does not go against the spirit of the legend. He also paid close attention to the need for costume, believing that if the plot was too complex or there were too many librettos in a script, that costumes could be simplified. Lü Tiancheng listed the heroic legends of both Tang Xianzu and Shen Jing, who held different opinions on the issue of metrical verse in qupai, as »upper top« works. His hope was that the »charm and expressiveness« of Tang Xianzu could be combined with the metric verse of Shen Jing, complimenting each other and producing »perfection.« Lü Tiancheng’s Appreciation of Qu recorded a massive number of operatic works, but was also a collection of commentary, giving it an important place in the historical development of opera theory. Qi Biaojia (1602–1645), also known by the courtesy name Huzi and the pseudonym Shipei, was a native of Shanyin (present-day Shaoxing in Zhejiang Province). His works included the heroic legends, A Story of Morality and Courage (Quan jie ji 全节

CHAPTER VII THEORIES OF THE PERFORMING ARTS IN THE MING DYNASTY

记) and A Story of Pure Morality (Yu jie ji 玉节记), original works no longer in existence, as well as heroic legends and zaju works Appreciating Songs in the Hall of the Distant Mountains (Yuanshantang qu pin 远山堂曲品) and Appreciating Opera in the Hall of the Distant Mountains (Yuanshantang ju pin 远山堂剧品). These two works were inspired by Lü Tiancheng’s Appreciation of Qu, but included a total of 709 heroic legends and zaju, a number that far surpassed Lü Tiancheng’s. It also included 295 works of similar styles from both the Ming and Qing dynasties that had not previously been recorded, giving the work considerable historic value. Both Appreciating Songs in the Hall of the Distant Mountains and Appreciating Opera in the Hall of the Distant Mountains divided lists of works into six levels—exquisite, elegant, outstanding, brilliant, capable and functional. Appreciating Songs in the Hall of the Distant Mountains (incomplete) recorded a total of 467 heroic legends, which included 30 elegant works (incomplete), 26 outstanding works, 20 brilliant works, 217 capable works and 127 functional works with an additional 46 »miscellaneous tunes.« It was the only work during the Ming Dynasty to record zaju works by people of that era. It contained a total of 242 zaju with 24 exquisite works, 90 elegant works, 28 outstanding works, 9 brilliant works, 52 capable works and 39 functional works. In addition to recording the names of individual works, these two books also provided short commentaries on each work. Qi Biaojia’s evaluation of these works was more forgiving than that of Lü Tiancheng, which allowed him to not only include a greater range of works, but also to provide unique insights. Especially notable are the 46 »miscellaneous tunes« included as an appendix in Appreciating Songs in the Hall of the Distant Mountains, which are mostly operas sung in local styles. These include Tale of the Three Scholars (San yuan ji 三元记), Tale of the Pearl (Zhenzhu ji 珍珠记), Tale of the Ancient City (Gucheng ji 古城

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记), Tale of the Liao Campaign (Zhengliao ji 征辽 记, selected from Tale of the White Robe, Baipao ji 白袍记), On Advising Goodness (Quanshan ji 劝 善记, also known as Mulian Rescues His Mother, Mulian jiu mu 目连救母), Donning Armor in Peace (He rong ji 和戎记), Butterfly Lovers (Zhuyingtai 祝英台), Tale of the Leaping Carp (Yueli ji 跃鲤 记) and Brocade (Zhi jin ji 织锦记), some of which note the names of composers like Gu Jueyu, Zhu Shaozhai, Ye Bichuan and others, providing us with priceless records of their work. Qi Biaojia did not believe that common operas could not be listed as »works« and that they should be categorized as »miscellaneous tunes,« which is also revealed in his commentary on them, which is generally negative. However, he did recognize that »pure melodies are few, while there are many common blends,« which shows that he did recognize the existence of a large body of popular operas. On the artistic expression of these works, Qi Biaojia placed great importance on the realism of the portrayal as well as the uniqueness of the composer’s personal style. He also emphasized the deeper meaning behind works, giving special praise to works that reflected social realities and lauded the deeds of loyal servants or righteous patriots. This meant that he included a large number of works that reflected the political conflicts during the reigns of Emperors Tianqi and Chongzhen. Examples if this include Wang Yinglin’s Cool Fan (Qingliangshan 清凉扇), The Book of Great Love (Guang ai shu 广爱书) by Sanwu Jushi, Chen Kaitai’s Tale of the Ice Mountain (Bingshan ji 冰山 记) and Gao Rushi’s Less than a Man (Bu zhangfu 不丈夫). He also praises the character Ni Heng’s »cursing of Cao« in Xu Wei’s Ape of Four Cries as »a jibe for the ages« and »a booming sound of drums and bells.« Overall, Appreciating Songs in the Hall of the Distant Mountains and Appreciating Opera in the Hall of the Distant Mountains, along with Lü Tiancheng’s Appreciation of Qu, are important Ming Dynasty works in the study of opera.

SECTION 2 MUSIC THEORY

Generally, work on opera theory during the Ming Dynasty covered a wide range of topics. Whether in the study of songs, which included the origins of nanbeiqu, metrical verse in qupai, the composition of librettos or performance and singing styles; or the history of operatic works, script development, plot design, performance aesthetics or the recording of various works, they all represent an important contribution. The Ming Dynasty can be said to be a period of comprehensive development in the area of opera theory, and that it established the direction and structure for research in to traditional opera.

Section 2  Music Theory Music research during the Ming Dynasty also saw development in a number of areas. While there was an imbalance in the progress made in various fields, there were considerable contributions made in a number of areas. The study of the qin zither was an area of rich development and included the creation of a number of important score collections. In the study of temperament, the principle of calculating the 12 modes of Chinese music, as invented by Zhu Zaiyu, was a great achievement in musical studies on a global level.

1. Scores and Studies of the Qin Zither Studies of the qin zither saw new advancements during the Ming Dynasty, while the large quantity of printed scores produced for the qin zither also drove research. During the Tang and Song dynasties, there were scores of music for the qin zither using text notation or abbreviated character notation, but only a very small number of these scores were distributed during the time. After the arrival of the Ming, the writing of scores for the qin zither gradually came into fashion. By the latter half of the Ming, the publishing of scores for the qin had

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reached an apex. Many regional nobles and common people began to compile works for the qin zither and print them for distribution. Today, there are still 30 or 40 Ming-era scores still in existence that contain a considerable number of songs. The songs included in these scores are mostly traditional works and were sourced from folk performers, which indicates that a large number of these scores were of pre-Song origins. Scores compiled during the Ming Dynasty also greatly contributed to the preservation of qin arts that had been passed down since ancient times. The idea of compiling score collections for the qin zither began in the early Ming Dynasty with Prince Ningxian Zhu Quan, whose greatest achievement was the Miraculous Secret Scores for the Zither (Shenqi mipu 神奇秘谱), which can still be seen today.

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The first volume of this work contains a foreword by Zhu Quan himself, dated 1425 (1st year of Hongxi), and the earliest printing of this score still in existence. (Fig. 8.7.1) The book is divided into three volumes and includes a total of 62 pieces for the qin zither. The first volume contains »Miraculous Works from Supreme Antiquity,« and includes 16 ancient melodies, including Guangling Melody, Lofty Mountains, Flowing Water, Sunny Spring, Wine Frenzy, and the Small Reed Flute. The second and third volumes contain »Miraculous Works from Beyond the Setting Sun,« and includes songs that Zhu Quan »personally collected« and played. These 34 songs for the qin zither include songs with long histories, like Plum Blossom Melody in Three Movements, Long Clar-

8.7.1 Notation style of Miraculous Secret Scores for the Qin Zither, early Ming woodblock print. Reprinted from the 5th volume of Ancient Qin Scores of the Miraculous Secret Scores for the Qin Zither

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ity, Short Clarity, White Snow, Pheasants’ Morning Flight, Evening Call of the Raven, Lament of Zhaojun, and Large Reed Flute, as well as songs made famous by the Zhejiang School during the late Song Dynasty, like Clouds over the Xiao and Xiang Rivers and the Woodcutter’s Song. Most of the songs have detailed descriptions that explain the origin of the song and its unique qualities. After Zhu Quan, there were also a number of scores for the qin zither compiled and printed by vassal princes throughout the country. One of the most influential of these was Profound Works Spread on the Wind (Fengxuan xuanpin 风宣玄品), which was compiled and printed by Vassal Prince of Hui, Zhu Houjue in 1539 (18th year of Jiajing), containing 101 songs, 32 of which were for the qin zither. Printed in 1549 (28th year of Jiajing), the Qin Anthology of the Hall in the Western Foothills (Xilutang qin tong 西麓堂琴统) by Wang Zhi contained the richest collection of scores for the qin zither. Wang Zhi, known by his courtesy name Shirui and pseudonym »Man of Lanshan,« was a native of Shexian. He spent a total of 30 years working to compile this collection of scores, which contained a total of 170 songs. By the middle of the Ming Dynasty, there were score collections of sung songs for the qin zither. One of the earliest compilations published, as well as one of the most representative collection of sung songs for qin from the Jiangsu School, was the Music Bequeathed from Antiquity (Taigu yiyin 太古遗音), published in 1511 (6th year of Zhengde) and compiled by Xie Lin, a native of Xin’an. Music Bequeathed from Antiquity was a work in three volumes that contained 40 songs, each of which contained sung lyrics. There were two score collections for sung songs of the qin zither in the style of the Jiangsu School during the Wanli Period. The first was Yang Biaozheng’s Complete Collection of Qin Scores from the Revised Edition of the True Treatise on Correctly Worded Paired Sounds (Chongxiu zhengwen

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duiyin jieyao zhenzhuan qinpu daquan 重修正文 对音捷要真传琴谱大全) and the other was an edition of Music Bequeathed from Antiquity as edited by Yang Lun. The Complete Collection of Qin Scores from the Revised Edition of the True Treatise on Correctly Worded Paired Sounds was also known as Qin Scores of the Western Peak (Xifeng qinpu 西峰琴谱) and was made up of a total of ten volumes, the first two containing theoretical writings on the qin zither, while the remaining volumes were all qin scores, containing a total of 105 songs, each of which included song lyrics. Music Bequeathed from Antiquity contained a total of 34 songs, which also included lyrics. Qin performers of from the Zhejiang School (mostly students of Xu School during the Ming era) did not believe text should be included in music for the qin zither. Works that have already been mentioned in chapter V—Wugang Scores compiled by Huang Xian (containing 42 songs) as well as Addenda for Great Songs of the Apricot Manor (containing 73 songs) and Extended Scores for Great Songs of the Apricot Manor (containing 38 songs) compiled by Xiao Luan—were completely devoid of sung songs for the qin zither. There were two other works included under »Zhejiang melodies of the Xu School.« These were Transmission of the Great Sounds (Taiyin chuanxi 太音传习), compiled by Li Ren in 1552 (31st year of Jiajing), that contained a total of 80 songs for the qin zither, and Qin Scores from the Hall of Literary Collections (Wenhuitang qinpu 文会堂琴谱), compiled during the Wanli Period by Hu Wenhuan from the city of Qiantang, which contained 69 songs for the qin zither. A set of scores from the late-Ming that represent the style of the Yushan School titled Scores for Qin from the Hall of the Pine Bow was compiled by one of the early masters of that school, Yan Cheng, initially printed in 1614 (24th year of Wanli), with additional later printings; it contained a total of 29 songs.

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8.7.2 Image of Holding a Qin Zither from the Great Collection of Superlative Sound, Ming Dynasty woodblock print from the Zhengde Era

In Preface to the Qinchuan Score Collection (Qinchuan hui pu xu 琴川汇谱序), an appendix to the Scores for Qin from the Hall of the Pine Bow, Yan Cheng criticizes the excessive addition of texts to qin songs. He believed that »the way of sounds is subtle and flexible, originating in language, but not limited to it, which certainly makes it more refined than language.« Prior to the Ming Dynasty, the majority of treatises on the qin zither were independently created and printed works that were not published together with qin scores. However, some score collections compiled during the Ming Dynasty began to include discourses on the qin zither as opening chapters. Many of the scores mentioned above were arranged in this way. The opposite practice was

also relatively common, with collections of writings on the qin zither including some of the more famous songs at the end. Many of the theoretical works mentioned below follow this practice. The practice of combining scores and treatises in the same work created a closer relationship between the creative process (including performance) and theory, which had important repercussions in the history of studies of the qin zither. Of books dedicated to studies of the qin zither during the Ming Dynasty, the work most valuable for research purposes is the Great Collection of Superlative Sound (Taiyin daquanji 太音大全 集), which is also the earliest example of a dedicated work on the qin zither. (Fig. 8.7.2) There are different editions of this work, with one titled

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the Newly Printed Great Collection of Superlative Sound (Xinkan taiyin daquanji 新刊太音大全集), in six volumes, compiled by Zhu Quan and first published in 1413 (11th year of Yongle), while the version that has survived to the present day is a copy from the Jiajing Period. Another edition was a Zhengde-era printing of the Great Collection of Superlative Sound, in five volumes and compiled by Yuan Junzhe. The preface of Zhu Quan’s Newly Printed Great Collection of Superlative Sound states that the work had originally been compiled by the Song era scholar Tian Zhiweng, and was previously known as Music Bequeathed from Antiquity. The content of the book includes methods of manufacturing the qin zither, ways of holding it, hand gestures, miscellaneous topics, fingering, and introductions to songs. It also preserves a great number of writings from the Tang and Song periods that had been previously uncollected, and unknown. One of the works that collected the most material on the study of the qin zither is Great Collection of Qin Writings (Qinshu daquan 琴书大全), compiled into a complete book by Jiang Keqian in 1590 (18th year of Wanli) and containing a total of 22 volumes. The first 20 of these volumes were treatises on the qin zither, most of which were collections of historical materials on the history of the qin. The last two volumes contain 62 scores of songs for the qin zither. The book was carefully compiled with most of the quoted material referencing sources and preserving a large amount of text on qin theory that had not been seen in other publications, including books on the qin from the Tang and Song dynasties that had long been thought lost. Discussions on the qin zither in the Ming Dynasty primarily inherited the musical thinking of ancient Confucian scholars, emphasizing the principle of »centered harmony« in qin music, and requiring the greatest effort be placed on »correctly orienting one’s mind.« However, on the other hand, the Daoist concept that »drums and zithers are sufficient to entertain oneself,« and their

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search for a pure, empty and expansive state, also had considerable influence on qin performers. Perhaps the discourse on the qin zither that deserves the most attention is Qin Matters from the Hills and Streams (Xishan qinkuang 谿山琴况), by Xu Shangying, which exhibits the deep influence of Daoist thinking. Xu Shangying was the next master of the Yushan School after Yan Cheng (as mentioned in part one of chapter V), and in writing Qin Matters from the Hills and Streams, he carries out a comprehensive summary discussion on discourses on the qin zither by previous scholars. Qin Matters has a total of 24 sections, each of which discusses a specific »matter« (i.  e., a mood or state of mind). The titles of these sections are named with a single descriptor, and are listed as: »harmonious,« »silent,« »clear,« »distant,« »ancient,« »placid,« »tranquil,« »leisurely,« »elegant,« »beautiful,« »bright,« »colorful,« »clean,« »sleek,« »whole,« »resolute,« »magnificent,« »slender,« »slippery,« »healthy,« »light,« »heavy,« »slow,« and »fast.« The first eight of these mainly deal with overall taste and style in the qin arts. The next 12 mainly focus on questions of fingering and tuning in performance. The last four specifically address musicality. Each of these »matters« refer to an important element of the artistry of the qin zither, and each of them are inextricably linked. Especially notable is that Qin Matters of the Hills and Streams, which makes special note of the importance of personal cultivation in the qin arts, stating that the quality of the art is rooted in the quality of an individual’s character. Similarly, it also states that the spiritual state of the person is the ultimate deciding factor in the level of artistry attained. This is shown in the first of these concepts, being »harmonious,« which states that the goal of the sages of old in creating the qin zither was to »correct the temperament of one’s own body in order to correct the temperament of all people,« but that »with the passage of time this idea has been grad-

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ually lost and skill itself has replaced the [goal of] meeting a harmonious temperament.« Similarly, the section on being »slow« discusses the concept of the »rare sound,« stating that »ancient people used the qin to cultivate their temperament because of its air of Supreme Harmony, which is why its sound is called the ›rare sound‹.« In this sense, Qin Matters clearly designates the style and aspirations that truly elegant music should emulate, providing an accurate benchmark for refined music in ancient China. (Note: the refined or elegant music described here does not include the yayue used in the royal court.) Xu Shanghing believed that the su style was »gaudy but enjoyable« with »most of the sounds fighting each other to the point of shouting,« adding that »listening to this bustling excitement is simple entertainment.« The elegance of the qin zither puts it in opposition to this style and he states that »the qin values harmony and refinement,« »abandoning gaudiness and meeting in tranquility.« It does not »enter halls of song and dance« or »succumb to popular tunes.« It »cultivates clarity, peace, virtue and correctness, using the qin to enlighten the mind and uncover one’s temperament.« On the other hand, if one »only considered the desire for money by eliminating the old and seeking the new, then the sound of its strings would begin to resemble that of the pipa,« resulting in »elegant melodies being converted into common tunes.« Clearly, truly refined arts will seek out creative minds that are »enlightened and tempered,« setting their sights on higher ideals and avoiding »frivolous vulgarities.« Generally, Qin Matters of the Hills and Streams can be said to be one of the best treaties on the qin zither in Chinese history, and essentially »defines« qin music. However, it is also a theoretical guide for more refined traditional Chinese music. It not only marks the apex of Ming Dynasty studies on the qin zither, but is also a seminal work on the history of ancient musical aesthetics, guiding later generations of scholars.

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2. Zhu Zaiyu and His Achievements in Musical Temperament There were many works on the studies of music and temperament, but most of these followed patterns set down by »ceremonial music« and »metrical counting techniques,« placing greater emphasis on the use of music in official ceremonies or how music related to yin and yang, the five elements, time or the constellations. Most of them did not seek a greater understanding of music itself. However, during the reign of Emperor Wanli, Zhu Zaiyu, a great scholar of mathematics, astrology, singing, the manufacturing of musical instruments, and even dance, would usher in a new era in the study of music and temperament. Zhu Zaiyu (1536–1611) was also known by his courtesy name Boqin and pseudonym Juqu Shanren, and in his early years he used the name »Wild Youth.« He was the sixth grandson of Emperor Renzong Zhu Gaochi and the eldest son of Prince Zhenggong Zhu Houwan, whose fiefdom was located in Huaiqing Prefecture near present-day Xinyang in Henan Province. This gave him the title of prince, but he had little interest in rank and wealth. After his father’s death, he relinquished his claim on his princely title and completely immersed himself in his studies, ultimately becoming one of the few true »renaissance men« in Chinese history. The Complete Work on Music and Temperament (Yuelü quanshu 乐律全书) included most of his works, including his works on music and temperament, namely New Theories on the Study of Temperament (Lüxue xin shuo 律学新说), New Theories on the Study of Music (Yuexue xinshuo 乐学新说) and Essential Concepts of Temperament and Mode (Lülü jingyi 律吕精义). His musical score collections include Scores of Ancient Melodies and Silken Tunes (Caoman guyue pu 操缦古乐谱), Scores of Melodic Keys and Harmonious Music (Xuangong heyue pu 旋宫合乐谱) and Songs and Music of Country Drinking (Xiangyin shi

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8.7.3 Images of some of Zhu Zaiyu’s works printed in the Wanli Period, Ming Dynasty, collection of the Institute of Music, Chinese National Academy of Arts

yue pu 乡饮诗乐谱). His studies on dance include Short Dances of the Six Dynasties (Liudai xiaowu pu 六代小舞谱), Short Dances of the Spirit Star (Lingxing xiaowu pu 灵星小舞谱) and A Pictorial Collection of Two-Line Dances (Eryi zhuizhao tu 二 佾缀兆图). (Fig. 8.7.3) Zhu Zaiyu separated traditional musical studies into separate studies of music and temperament. His most outstanding contribution was his invention of principles for the calculation of twelvetone equal temperament, and theories and practical application of equal temperament. Zhu Zaiyu established his concept of equal temperament, which he called »a new method of secret ratios« no later than 1581 (9th year of Wanli). His theories regarding twelve-tone equal temperament and its method of calculation was completed in the 14 year period between 1567 (1st year of Longqing) and February 4, 1581 (9th year of Wanli), when he wrote the preface to Fusion

of Music and Calendar (Lüli rongtong 律历融通). However, while Fusion of Music and Calendar explained the core methods for calculating twelvetone equal temperament, New Theories on the Study of Temperament and Essential Concepts of Temperament and Mode provided more specific descriptions of these methods. Essentially, Zhu Zaiyu set the length of the huangzhong tone as one side of a square equating one chi, then, squaring that number to get the length of the squared tone (huangzhong squared = 12+12 = 2 chi) and using the Pythagorean theorem (»Gougu theorem« in Chinese) to obtain the results: The two perpendicular sides of a right triangle a and b is at the length of 10 cun each, then adding their squares together »is the squared value of the hypotenuse at 200 cun«; Next, he took the square root of that figure, resulting in the value for ruibin squared, or () = 1.4142135…chi. The square root of this number gives us nanlü squared

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or () = 1.1892071…chi; When the cubed root of this is taken, it results in yingzhong squared, or () = 1.0594630…chi. This process is the at the core of calculating this »secret ratio,« using the value of huangzhong squared (2), then continuing to divide by (the value of yingzhong squared) 12 times to obtain twelve-tone equal temperament for all the individual tones’ values in a single octave. This means that twelve-tone equal temperament is in fact a geometric sequence with a common ratio of . Zhu Zaiyu’s success in the calculation of twelve-tone equal temperament was an accomplishment that had yet to be achieved anywhere else in the world. One of the most important goals for Zhu Zaiyu in calculating twelve-tone equal temperament was to resolve the problem of tonal variation between the 12 tones. For this reason, his research into a »new secret ratio« did not end in simple calculation, but also used a number of different score formats including pitch scores, key scores, qin scores as well as gongche notation to write a series of songs that modulated among the 12 tones. For example, in Essential Concepts of Temperament and Mode, Zhu Zaiyu wrote modulated scores in over 60 keys using the text of the poem Song of the South Wind (Nanfeng ge 南风歌), using the notes gong, shang, jue, zheng and yu as base notes, then creating different keys for each of the 12 tones. The creation of these modulated songs, also proved that the theory of twelve-tone equal temperament could be applied in practice. Zhu Zaiyu’s new method of calculating this »secret ratio« was an important contribution made by 16th century China to the world in the area of music studies. While twelve-tone equal temperament was unable to be fully applied in China due to the culture of the time, this doesn’t diminish the fact that Zhu Zaiyu made groundbreaking achievements in twelve-tone equal temperament, and attempted to put them into practice. Another one of Zhu Zaiyu’s important achievements was the use of his »secret ratio« in the

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pitching of pipes, using »pitch pipes of different diameters« to correct pitch. »Pipe pitch« here refers to the use of pipes to fix pitch, but each of the pitch pipes must calculate the length of the air column that comes out from the end of the pipe as well as the length of the air column within the pipe in order to accurately calculate the pitch. This is what Zhu Zaiyu called »pipe mouth correction.« The method of pipe mouth correction used by Xun Xu during the Wei and Jin periods was based on the idea that »pitch pipes must have the same diameter.« The pitch correction method proposed by Zhu Zaiyu used »pitch pipes of different diameters,« which meant that the air column of each pipe no longer needed to be augmented and that the desired pitch could be achieved by changing the inner diameter of each of the pitch pipes. Simply put, this meant that since each of the pitch pipes was based on twelve-tone equal temperament and increased from lower to higher tones, the length of each of the pitch pipes would gradually decrease based on a factor of 12 2 , while the internal diameter of each pitch pipe would decrease by a factor of 24 2 . This meant that the ratio of each pitch pipe to the previous one was 1:24 2 , which ensured accurate pitch. Zhu Zaiyu’s research in music also incorporated practical application, and covered a broad range of topics including pitch, keys, instruments, composition and score notation. In his research on musical instruments, he produced a number of works on the eight categories of traditional Chinese instruments (silk, bamboo, wood, stone, metal, clay, gourd, and hide)—including their history, form, and manufacturing, as well as tuning and performance methods, providing many important insights. He made detailed descriptions of the production methods of many musical instruments, which could not be found in older works, speaking to the emphasis he placed on the scientific method, and experimentation. Zhu Zaiyu also made a number of practical contributions in the area of music education. Classical

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8.7.4 A score to As Bean Leaves Yellow (Douye huang) from a Wanli Period woodblock printing of Short Dances of the Spirit Star in Complete Work on Music and Temperament

musical training had always emphasized »teaching by the mouth and mind,« which meant that notation was often overly simplified, leading people to believe that ancient music followed a rule of »one note per word,« and lacked melodic variation. Zhu Zaiyu criticized the misconception that ancient music was rigid and simple, producing a number of discourses on questions of rhythm and beats in ancient music. He also created a number of scores in Short Dances of the Spirit Star that used mensural notation for the »teaching of singers«. The detail and accuracy with which these scores recorded pitch and time values reached levels never seen before. (Fig. 8.7.4)

Section 3  Dance Theory There was very little research conducted on the topic of dance prior to the Ming Dynasty, and systematic theories on dance had yet to form. How research on dance was performed changed greatly during the Ming Dynasty, and some notable advancements were made. During the Jiajing Period, the works of Han Bangqi contained specific chapters dedicated to dance, and later on, Zhu Zaiyu carried out systematic research into nearly 3,000 years of yayue dance in China, making groundbreaking contributions to the creation of a theoretical structure for Chinese dance. We will begin with a look at research done by Han Bangqi. Han Bangqi (1479–1555) was also known by the courtesy name Rujie and the pseudonym Yuanluo. He was a native of Chaoyi (present-day

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Dali in Shaanxi Province). During the reign of Emperor Jiajing, he retired from his position as Minister of War in Nanjing. He had many interests, and produced a large number of writings. One of these, titled Master Yuanluo’s Treatise on Music (Yuanluo zhi yue 苑洛志乐), had a total of 20 volumes, of which volumes five through eight and volume 20 dealt with the history of courtly yayue, including dance-related content. Volumes 11 through 14 were filled with images of dance positions. Han Bangqi placed a great deal of emphasis on the relationship between yayue dance, yin and yang, and the Five Elements. Master Yuanluo’s Treatise on Music continued the theme of previous scholars, which stated that »the sounds of music are derived from heaven, while the forms of dance are derived from sounds.« In this way, the »gong, shang, jue, zheng and yu« of dance had reciprocal relationships with the elements of »metal, wood, water, fire and earth.« Dances in the key of »jue« were related to wood and the lines and shapes therein, while dances in the key of »gong« were associated with earth and its broadness. Dances in the key of »zheng« were associated with fire and its heat and ferocity, and dances in the key of »shang« were related to metal and its brilliance. Different dance moves also were expressed in terms of corresponding natures of yin and yang or the Five Elements. In dances in the key of »zheng,« the position known as »hands and feet stretched to the sky« were meant to evoke the image of flames reaching toward the heavens. The move »respect for the palace,« used in dances in the key of »gong,« included hands placed in front of the chest with five upward movements representing the »yang,« and five downward movements representing the »yin.« Han Bangqi also matched dance moves and their transitions with the order of movements of the sun and moon, which were used as a basis for the design and model for each move, while also giving the dance a special meaning. Generally, Han Bingqi did not consider yayue dance an art form as such, but as a way to commu-

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nicate with heaven and earth, and to balance yin and yang. This concept of dance originated from the classical view of the universe as a »blending of man and nature« rooted in a search for a »harmony between heaven and earth,« which required that a harmonious unity be maintained between man and nature. He also believed that the explanations of »images of dance« (visual images and connotations) by both ancient and current Confucian scholars were »either aloof and absurd or superficial and base,« which is why he included nearly 500 images of yayue dance in Master Yuanluo’s Treatise on Music, all of which were unique and extremely lifelike. Han also explained the symbolism and meaning behind each dance position. For example, he said that raising the right food in dance symbolized that the character was »going into battle,« while raising the left foot indicated that he »desired literary pursuits.« He also stated that the advances and retreats in martial dance showed restraint in battle and also measured use of military might, which would ensure victory. Meanwhile, the same advances and retreats in civil dances showed a blending of yin and yang as well as a mixing of the literary and the material, which would help to avoid the damage of bias. The images that Han Bangqi drew were perhaps the earliest example of a pictorial collection of dance in China’s history, which makes them especially valuable. His descriptions and depictions of dance also very possibly inspired Zhu Zaiyu’s later dance-related research and collections. Naturally, Han Bangqi’s explanations of the relationship between dance and nature as well as his interpretations of the »images of dance« were somewhat forced, but this was a result of the use of courtly yayue dance almost exclusively in sacrificial ceremonies. Next, we will look at Zhu Zaiyu’s theory of dance. Volumes nine and ten of Zhu Zaiyu’s Essential Concepts of Temperament and Mode focus on the topic

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of »discussing the essential nature of the study of dance,« treating dance as a subject of research. Of these, »ten discussions on the study of dance« touched on ten different topics, including »the study of dance,« »dancers,« »names of dances,« »dance props,« »dance lines,« »forms of dance,« »the sound of dance,« »the appearance of dance,« »dance costumes« and »dance scores,« which combined to form a systematic theory of dance. His other works, including Short Dances of the Six Dynasties and Short Dances and Scores for Pastoral Music (Xiaowu xiangyue pu 小舞乡乐谱) also include pictures of dance moves and scores for dance music, providing commentary. He also researched music and dance used for sacrificial ceremonies at court, but his thoughts on this topic were much broader and deeper than those of Han Bangqi and his conclusions had farther reaching impact. Zhu Zaiyu saw body movement as the »origin« of dance, and believed that »dance with hands empty, without staff or plume, is the true essence of dance.« Movement also had certain connotations, and he explained four movements: »sending off, invitation, calling and waving.« Invitation should be made »facing forward as if inviting a guest«; sending off should be made »facing backward as if sending of a guest«; calling should be made »toward oneself as if meeting someone«; and waving should be done »away from oneself as if bidding farewell to someone.« Zhu Zaiyu also discussed the use of props in dance, focusing on the different meanings that they expressed, and how they could be used as indications of different categories of dance. On the use of props in both martial and civil dances, he noted that the presence of shields and axes »surely symbolizes achievement in battle,« while the use of pheasant plumes and flutes »surely represent the spreading of civil virtues.« Zhu Zaiyu also paid special attention to »dance lines« (group dances) and »forms of dance« ­( positions and shapes). He used square roots of

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calculations to explain the number of dancers and their order in group dances such bayi, liuyi, siyi and eryi (»the Son of Heaven shall use 8, 8, 6, 10, 4; the nobles shall use 6, 6, 3, 10, 6; officials shall use 4, 4, 1, 10, 6; scholars shall use 2, 2 and 4«). During sacrificial ceremonies, »a square shape [i.  e., the gods of the four directions] shall be used in religious sites,« which shows the importance of space and positioning in group dances. On »forms of dance,« he discusses in detail the many variations used in both martial and civil dances. Zhu Zaiyu also emphasized the importance of music. »Having music without dance is like a blind man knowing a note, but not being able to see; having dance without music is like a mute man knowing a meaning, but not being able speak.« In discussing the meaning of rhythm, he invoked the words of Confucius, who said »music is limitation,« requiring the dancer to have »music in their speech and beats in their steps« to ensure that their movements are coordinated. Zhu Zaiyu also examined the unique qualities of dance from a philosophical level. In Short Dances of the Six Dynasties, he wrote, »in the study of dance, the single word ›turn‹ is the gate to all mysteries.« The word »turn« describes both the unique forms of movement in dance, but also sums up the aesthetic elements of Chinese dance. The Daodejing uses the line »where the mystery is the deepest is the gate of all that is subtle and wonderful« to describe the all-encompassing »Way« of »heaven, earth and the myriad things. Here, Zhu Zaiyu borrows the language of Laozi to encompass the »Way« of dance in a single word— »turn.« The word »turn« has a wealth of connotation both in terms of the physical movements of the dancer and their movement throughout the performance space, but also in the formations of group dances, none of which can be divorced from the concept of »turning.« Turning causes changes of position in space as well as changes in rhythm when a movement is slow, fast, continuous or broken. The »activeness« of the »turn« is also juxta-

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posed to its »stillness.« »Turning« is also closely related to the expression of emotion. Ancient Chinese culture tended to »worship completeness,« and the most notable characteristic of Chinese dance was »drawing a circle,« which symbolized that completeness. This »circle« was expressed in movement, in composition and in expression. Furthermore, the »circle« was formed by the lines and traces of the »turns« in the dance. By boiling down the »gate to all the mysteries« (or »Way«) of dance down to a single word—»turn«—Zhu Zaiyu very pointedly touched on the essence of Chinese dance and how it exemplified the deeper meaning of Chinese culture. This was one of the most important contributions of Zhu Zaiyu. Zhu Zaiyu also further divided »turns« into more detailed categories, like »upward turns,« »downward turns,« »outside turns,« »inside turns,« »beginning of the turn,« »middle of the turn,« »complete turn,« »over turn,« »turn in place,« »looking down,« »looking up« and »looking back.« He also imbued each of these turns with Confucian ideals like the Four Essentials (benevolence, righteousness, propriety and knowledge), as well as the Three Bonds and Five Virtues. (Fig. 8.7.5) He writes that »the upward turn represents the empathy of benevolence,« »the downward turn represents the shame of evil deeds in righteousness,« »the outside turn represents the concepts of right and wrong in knowledge,« »the inside turn represents the deference of propriety,« »looking down expresses respect for the sovereign,« »looking up shows the love towards one’s father« and »looking back represents obedience to one’s husband.« Here, the use of the word »represent« is meant to emphasize embodiment in dance and ensure that movements were always imbued with symbolic meaning. In many instances, Zhu Zaiyu drew direct parallels between dance as the »embodiment of ceremony.« He also promoted ideas contained in the Record of Music (Yueji 乐记), which states that »Great

CHAPTER VII THEORIES OF THE PERFORMING ARTS IN THE MING DYNASTY

Music should be in harmony with Heaven and the Earth,« emphasizing the importance of music as a tool in communication between heaven, earth and man. One example of this can be found in Short Dances and Scores for Pastoral Music in which he describes the concept of studying and choreographing dance. He says »it is better to be simple than complex, easy instead of difficult, slow rather than fast, comfortable instead of forced,« followed by explanations. In reference to »simplicity,« he cites a passage from the Book of Changes (Yijing 易经), which states: It is by the ease with which it proceeds that Qian directs, and by its unhesitating response that Kun exhibits such ability. [He who attains to this] ease [of Qian] will be easily understood, and [he who attains to this] freedom from laborious effort [of Kun] will be easily followed. With the attainment of such ease and such freedom from laborious effort, the mastery is got of all principles under Heaven.

On the concept of being »comfortable,« he uses another passage from the Record of Music, which states: »In the fine and distinct notes we have an image of heaven; in the ample and grand, an image of earth; in their beginning and ending, an image of the four seasons; in the wheelings and revolutions, an image of the wind and rain.« This passage is meant to explain that dance must be solemn and grand, with clean movement, in order to reflect the ease and order of heaven and earth. This search for »harmony with heaven and earth« is also a result of the function and goals of music and dance in sacrificial ceremonies. Zhu Zaiyu also made notable contributions to the creation of dance manuals. The earliest example of a dance manual in China was a written description in the Dunhuang Dance Manual from the late-Tang and Five Dynasties Period. During the Ming Dynasty, dance manuals that contained illustrations of dance positions appeared, including those contained in Master Yuanluo’s Treatise on Music, by Han Bangqi. Dance compilations by

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8.7.5 Illustrations from »Compendium of Figure Dances« from the Complete Work on Music and Temperament

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Zhu Zaiyu contained the largest number of illustrations, which were included in the Complete Work on Music and Temperament with equal space dedicated to text and images. Here we will look at a few examples: Short Dances of the Six Dynasties was a dance collection written in the style of Six Short Dances (Liu xiaowu 六小舞) from the Zhou Dynasty. Six Short Dances included the Fu Dance, Solo Dance, Pan Flute Dance, Feather Dance, Mao Dance and Pole Dance. (Fig. 8.7.6) These were considered branches of the »Six Great Dances,« which included Cloud Gate, Broad Pond, Harmonious Flute, Great Xia, Great Hu and Great Wu, essentially simplifying them so that they could be danced individually instead of in a large group. Short Dances of the Six Dynasties contains a total of 202 illustrations of dancers holding props. Short Dances of the Spirit Star was a dance collection written in the style of dance of the Han Dynasty. Dances performed during the Han Dynasty at the Temple of the Spirit Star to the spirits of agriculture and grains were called »spirit star dances,« and because »all dances taught to children are called short dances,« he named these »short dances of the spirit star.« In the manual Short Dances of the Spirit Star, there are 248 illustrations of dancers holding eight different types of farm tools. This collection also recorded the Character Dance for Supreme Peace Under Heaven, as performed during sacrifices at the Spirit Star Temple (the full name of the illustration is Formations of the Yayue Character Dance for Supreme Peace Under Heaven at the Spirit Star Temple). Here, the »character« refers to a specific Chinese character that was formed by the dancers during the performance, while the formations refer to the position and location of dancers. This

CHAPTER VII THEORIES OF THE PERFORMING ARTS IN THE MING DYNASTY

dance alone included 20 illustrations, recording the process by which the dancers would form the characters for heaven (tian 天), under (xia 下), supreme (tai 太) and peace (ping 平). (Fig. 8.7.7) Eryi Formations included the steps for both the Rabbit Net Dance and Lamb Dance, which included a total of 68 illustrations, some of which have been lost. This dance was included at the end of Short Dances and Scores for Pastoral Music, and »pastoral music« here referred to the »Odes of Zhou and the South« and »Odes of Shao and the South« in the Book of Poetry, which both included music as well as dance and was used for new students. The Rabbit Net Dance and Lamb Dance were respectively from the »Odes to Zhou and the South« and the »Odes to Shao and the South,« both of which were danced by four dancers (i.  e., in the eryi form). As can be seen from the examples given here, Zhu Zaiyu was one of the most prolific and greatest contributors to the compilation and recording of dances in the history of Chinese classical dance. On the whole, Zhu Zaiyu’s studies of dance were a milestone in the history of the theory of Chinese dance. As a pioneer into the research of Chinese dance, Zhu Zaiyu both explored dance in the spirit of traditional scholars—from a philosophical perspective—and also took the time to analyze each position in dance and to create illustrations for each of them, building a temple to the study of dance, brick by brick. This, combined with his achievements in the study of music and temperament, make this »plainclothes prince« without doubt one of the most outstanding scholars of classical Chinese history. The scientific spirit that he represented made him a man that was ahead of his time.

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8.5.6a  Illustration of the Flag Dance in Short Dances of the Six Dynasties

8.5.6b  Illustration of the Figure Dance in Short Dances of the Six Dynasties

8.5.6c  Illustration of the Emperor’s Dance in Short Dances of the Six Dynasties

8.5.6d  Illustration of the Feather Dance in Short Dances of the Six Dynasties

8.5.6e  Illustration of the Yak’s Tail Banner Dance in Short Dances of the Six Dynasties

8.5.6f  Illustration of the Shield Dance in Short Dances of the Six Dynasties

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8.7.7  Character Dance for Supreme Peace Under Heaven

CHAPTER VIII  »ACADEMIC STYLE« OF THE COURT AND THE »ZHE SCHOOL« OF PAINTING The court paintings of the Ming Dynasty flourished during the early to mid-Ming Dynasty (from the Hongwu to the Hongzhi era) and became mainstream paintings. The Ming Dynasty followed the example of the Song Dynasty in establishing a similar institution of painting academies, but in terms of institutional settings, assessment and award, the reward and punishment system was very special, far less formal and complete than the Hanlin Academy of Painting in the Song Dynasty. The harsh cultural restraint policy also made the achievement of painting far less successful than in the Song dynasty, where figure painting had a strong political and religious function. Landscape painting showed the trend of fusion of the Northern and Southern Song styles, bird-and-flower painting was more colorful with diverse features and clear border scenery, such as Bian Jingzhao’s meticulous brushwork, Sun Long’s coloring with »boneless«, Lin Liang’s freehand ink wash painting, and Lü Ji’s combination of painting techniques, all of which are of great significance. Some innovations have been made and has had a certain influence on future generations. The common artistic characteristics of the Academic Style paintings in the Ming Dynasty are mainly embodied in two aspects: the distinctive nature of imperial fine art and the taste of aristocratic people. The Zhe School was an important painting school formed in the early Ming Dynasty, and stood side by side with the »Yuanti« School in the painting world. The two are of the same origin and different currents. The Zhe School is based on the main ancestor of the Southern Song Dynasty Academic style, and in accordance with the creative pur-

poses of professional painters, it has found a new way and formed its own school. As a founding member of the school, Dai Jin’s difficult experiences have led to the development of painting styles in the early, middle and late stages, and the creation of a new painting style that is simple, vigorous and free. His successor, Wu Wei, further developed and formed a more vigorous and elegant painting method, which strengthened the dynamic and momentum of the painting, and the content became more secular. Among the late Zhe School painters, the outstanding ones include Zhang Lu, Wang Zhao, Guo Xu and others, but most followers blindly imitated them. Being simple and unrestrained, it became a trend of decline.

Section 1  Overview of Fine Arts of Ming Dynasty The plastic arts (i.  e. fine arts) of the Ming Dynasty include painting, calligraphy, seal carving, printmaking, mural painting, sculpture, gardening, architecture, as well as ceramics, jade, lacquer, enamel, bamboo, wood and ivory carvings, the four treasures of study, weaving and embroidery, furniture and other categories of arts and crafts. Compared with the performing arts, plastic arts shows a strong convergence, because they are in the same social environment and cultural background. They are mainly reflected in the development trend of trilogy or three stages, namely, the twilight of the early Ming Dynasty, the revival of the middle period and the prosperity in the late

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period, and they show the common characteristics of the awakening of the main consciousness, the divergence and integration of art and culture. At the same time, the artistic qualities of the fine arts themselves make them unique in a way that is different from the performing arts: first, painting occupies a dominant position in the plastic arts, and literati painting has gradually become the main trend based on changes in its subject and object. Secondly, under the influence of the dominant art (painting), the arts and crafts tended to become stylized; thirdly, with the rise of the folk culture in the late Ming Dynasty, the field of fine arts was also steeped in secular interests. This development trend of Ming Dynasty fine arts continued into the Qing Dynasty, which brought Ming and Qing fine arts into another historical stage

1. The »Trilogy« of the Development of Fine Arts in Ming Dynasty The »Trilogy« of early, middle, and late art development in the Ming Dynasty is basically consistent with the historical stages of the rise and fall of the Ming Dynasty, and at the same time, there is a certain overlap in each stage, that is, one after another within the same period of time. The early Ming dynasty lasted from Hongwu to Tianshun (1368–1464). Within the last hundred years, with the consolidation of political power and the strengthening of centralization, imperial art in the service of the imperial family was promoted and fostered. The court painting academy went through a series of initial and formal stages, and gradually flourished during the Xuande era, resulting in the Academic style of the Ming dynasty. The calligraphers who were dedicated to the inner court also created the Ministerial style, which pursued the beauty of the temple and was popular in the imperial court. The Beijing capital and the Forbidden City palace rebuilt during the reign of emperor Cheng zu of the Ming Dynasty fully embodies the image of an imperial capital and the concept of the supremacy of imperial

CHAPTER VIII »ACADEMIC STYLE« OF THE COURT AND THE »ZHE SCHOOL« OF PAINTING

power, especially the magnificent, majestic and splendid Forbidden City, which reached the peak of Chinese classical architecture. In the field of arts and crafts, the court and government production also dominated, with imperial porcelain in official kilns, imperial lacquer from the orchard factory, enamel from the imperial supervisors and jade in the palace ceremonies, all far superior to folk handicrafts in terms of scale and skill. The mid-Ming dynasty lasted from about Chenghua to Longqing (1465–1572). Within more than a hundred years, social stability, economic prosperity, especially in commerce and handicrafts developed rapidly, a number of new commercial cities emerged, as well as the seed of capitalist production relations. The field of fine arts also changed the position of the imperial art world as the main art world, with the literati, professional artists and folk craftsmen gradually moving to the foreground and taking the leading role. In the field of painting, the Zhe School, headed by Dai Jin and Wu Wei, emerged among the professional painters. In the prosperous city of Suzhou in the south of the Yangtze River, a group of literati painters represented by the »Four Wumen Schools«, emerged, and a powerful Wu School was formed. In terms of calligraphy, the calligraphic style of the literati in Songjiang and Suzhou replaced the Ministerial style for a while, with the Three Schools of Wuzhong (Zhu Yunming, Wen Zhengming, and Wang Fang) being the most famous. In terms of architecture, private gardens flourished, especially the gardens in Jiangnan created by government officials and gentlemen, which became the model for posterity. Along with the prosperity of the commercial economy, folk handicrafts also began to compete with court handicrafts, folk kiln porcelain, pottery of purple sand, jade, carved lacquer, stationery and other handicrafts, all marking the great development of the folk handicraft. The late Ming dynasty lasted from about Wanli to Chongzhen (1573–1644). During this period

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of more than 70 years, there were rapid political changes and social upheavals, which eventually led to major changes in the dynasties. The ideological and cultural sphere also showed a complex and mutable situation, reflected in the fine arts, which were a mixture of elegant and vulgar art, preserving orthodoxy and promoting individuality, with a vibrant secular interest, while commercialization tendencies and a profit-seeking spirit coexisted. Specifically, in painting, there was the orthodox literati landscape school led by Dong Qichang, as well as Xu Wei, the master of freehand ink wash and floral painting with a clear personality and exaggerated style, and Chen Hongshou, the representative of exaggerated figure painting; in calligraphy, there were the representatives of four schools of the late Ming Dynasty (Dong Qichang, Mi Wanzhong, Xing Dong and Zhang Ruitu), who inherited the tradition. Printmaking entered a glorious golden age, especially with the folk operas, popular novels of operas and novels with illustrations of the most exquisite; arts and crafts are also popular in the small handicrafts of playfulness, more secular interest.

interacted with the literati and painters as well as rewarded and supported them, providing them with a wealth of reference materials and superior creative conditions. Under such a living environment, literati painters improved their social status and artistic prestige. They not only held frequent poetry, calligraphy and painting gatherings to improve their painting skills through exchanges, but also attracted the participation of people from other classes, such as professional painters, folk painters, government officials and even tycoons, thus expanding their social influence. The creative ideas, styles, and aesthetic concepts they advocated were not only universally recognized and responded to by the painting world, but also increasingly permeated into such fine arts as garden architecture and practical crafts, thus forming a powerful trend in literati art. The obvious manifestation of the popularity of literati painting is the formation of a huge contingent of literati painters. The first was the formation of a large team of literati painters, for example, the Wu School, which was composed of more than 300 scholars who followed Wen Zhengming; the second is the emergence of numerous literati painting schools, for example, the »Songjiang School«, »Su Song School«, »Yunjian« School, »Wulin School«, »Jiaxing School«, »Jiangxi School«, »Wujin School« and other landscape painting schools, as well as Xu Wei’s »Qingteng School« for bird-and flower painting; the third is the trend of literati painting by professional painters, which also show the flourishing power of literati painting, such as Qiu Ying, Ding Yunpeng, Lan Ying and others. The establishment of the mainstream status of literati painting was mainly reflected in the full development of its various characteristics and the increasing completeness of the literati painting system. This was manifested in the following three areas: The first was the rise and flow of subject matters, namely the prevalence of landscape paintings and bird-and-flower paintings, and the decline of

2. Literati Painting Becoming the Mainstream in the Painting Scene After the mid-Ming dynasty, with the imperial court losing control of the ideological field, in the prosperous commercial cities of Jiangnan province, such as Suzhou and Songjiang, a group of painters who had inherited the tradition of literati painting encountered favorable conditions to display their talents, and thus emerged as a generation of masters. For example the Suzhou literati in the mid-Ming Dynasty, relying on the economic income of the wealthy, lived a rich material life even though they hadn’t earned official positions, and they could enjoy themselves by painting and entertaining themselves. At the same time, the rich and powerful merchants and government officials and gentry also acted as collectors, patrons, or fellow painters and calligraphers, and

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figure paintings. This phenomenon not only reflects the transformation of the object in artistic creation, but also indicates the transformation of the painter’s value of life and aesthetic concept, which in essence is the strengthening of the literati’s consciousness. The decline of figure painting indicated the indifference of literati to the realities of social life and their disdain for the political and educational role of painting, while the prevalence of landscape and bird-and-flower painting reflected the literati’s desire to return to nature and their pursuit of a smooth and pleasant mind. The second was to emphasize the individualization of the subject, i.e, the depiction of external objects gave way to the expression of the artist’s subjective emotions, and highlighted the author’s own character, cultivation, thought, and personality, so that the work had distinct individual characteristics. In their creations, literati paintings that emphasize subjectivity and highlight individuality can be seen everywhere, and formed many typical or types, such as the noble spirit of Wang Fu’s Ink-bamboo painting, Wen Zheng Ming’s landscape calligraphy, Xu Wei’s bird-andflower anger, Dong Qichang’s plain spirit, etc. Thirdly, the relative independence of the forms of expression, i.e, art shifted from emphasizing content to emphasizing form, highlighting the »self-discipline« of art itself, which was manifested in the emphasis on the interest of brushwork, the pursuit of formal beauty, and the perfection of the triple combination of poetry, calligraphy and painting. The emphasis on the brushwork of Ming Dynasty literati painters was far better than that of Song and Yuan dynasties. As Dong Qichang famously said, »If we take the strange and bizarre theory of the grotesque path, then painting is inferior to the landscape; if we take the subtle theory of the brush and ink, then the landscape is never as good as painting«. They devoted themselves to the study of brushwork methods, esteeming the elegance of literati painting and the raw and clumsy brushstrokes,

CHAPTER VIII »ACADEMIC STYLE« OF THE COURT AND THE »ZHE SCHOOL« OF PAINTING

despising the lineage and sweet familiarity of the brushstrokes of painting, and pursuing elegance through the raw and clumsy brushstrokes. In terms of beauty of art forms, the Ming dynasty also summed up many regular patterns, such as the eighteen strokes of the clothing pattern in figure painting, the chafing method in landscape painting, and the seventy-two colors in color settings. While studying traditions, the Ming Dynasty calligraphers and painters commented on the characteristics and pros and cons of the former masters in terms of form and style, and advocated to draw on the strengths of all families and gather their great achievements in order to establish the perfect style of literati painting. Just as Dong Qichang in the Painting Zen Chamber Essay (Hua Chan Shi Suibi 画禅室随笔) said: »The painting of Pingyuan is based on Zhao Danian, with mountains and rivers. The texturing method is Dong Yuan’s hemp wrinkle method and Xiaoxiang’s drawing ideas and the tree’s texturing method is Bei Jiuyuan’s and Zi Ang’s methods. Shi’s painting uses General Dali’s Waiting to Cross a River in Autumn and Guo Zhongshu’s Snow Scene. Li Cheng’s painting method has a small piece of ink wash and blue-green color, which are suitable to be followed. It’s the best way to do it.« These summaries and syntheses reveals the unique formal beauty of Chinese painting in terms of brushwork, color, composition and form, and points out the relatively independent aesthetic value of art forms, undoubtedly promoting the development of painting’s self-discipline. The combination of poetry, calligraphy and painting was originally a distinctive feature of literati painting, which was further perfected in the Ming Dynasty and became an integral part of formal beauty. While emphasizing the idea of poetry in the picture, they attached more importance to the form of inscribing poetry on the painting, using the poem to explain the painting, and deriving the meaning outside the painting, so that the poem and the painting complemented each other. Since the middle of the

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Ming Dynasty, poetry inscriptions in literati paintings were particularly popular, and almost all paintings were inscribed. Many poems also gave rise to abstract ideas that could not be expressed by artistic images, making the works symbolic, allegorical and suggestive. For example, Shen Zhou’s Sitting alone at Night scroll, in his Record of a Night of Quiet Sitting (Ye Zuo Ji 夜坐记) is an essay rich in the philosophy of life and aesthetic experience, which makes the night sitting scene have symbolic and associative meanings. In the aspect of combination of calligraphy and painting, most of the literati painters in Ming Dynasty were good at calligraphy. They applied the calligraphic brush method to their paintings, which made their works very interesting and formal. Many famous painters, such as Shen Zhou, Wen Zhengming, Chen Chun, Xu Wei, Dong Qichang, etc. created successful styles. At the same time, the beauty of calligraphy added to the beauty of their painting, and vice versa. In short, the gradual emergence, strengthening and perfection of the various elements of literati painting in the Ming dynasty was an important manifestation of literati painting becoming the mainstream of the art world.

sils, purple sand pottery pots and bamboo carving techniques. The four treasures of the study, namely brush, ink, paper and ink stone, have always been the necessities of a scholar’s study, but at first they were mainly practical. In the Ming Dynasty, they paid attention to practicality, and at the same time greatly enhanced their artistry and appreciation, and even became pure works of art. Taking ink as an example, in the Ming Dynasty, in addition to paying attention to the texture of ink, more and more attention was paid to its fragrance, shape, color, grain and firmness. The shapes of ink were also varied, including round rules, square rectangles, rectangular, polygonal shape and miscellaneous ornaments made by images. The production of ink was also very delicate, or Tung oil was added into the lacquer liquid, called lacquer. Another method, the smoke method made the ink look firm and lustrous, or wax and paint was added on the surface to make it glossy. Sometimes the ink was engraved with the words »cannot grind«, »not ink« and »never existed«, which had become a non-practical enjoyment. During the Wanli era, there was a fierce competition between Cheng Junfang and Fang Yulu. They printed exquisite Inkwell to dazzle the world. In the Ming dynasty, the appreciation of antiques was so strong that it was believed that »the difference between elegance and vulgarity lies in the presence or absence of antiques« (Notes on Calligraphy and Painting, Shu Hua Ji 书画记by Wu Qizhen, Ming Dynasty). In the case of few genuine antiques, antique products and new wares were also favored, but the taste of literati’s elegant play was required. Many new handicrafts made in the Ming Dynasty were permeated with literati’s sense of aesthetic appreciation. Some of them are small and delicate in shape and smooth in surface, which can be rubbed on the palm, such as Yongle and Xuande lacquer-ware; some have light fragrance, which can be refreshing and pleasing to the mind, such as the deep and fragrant rhinoceros horn cup; some are decorated with sim-

3. Literati’s Influence on Crafts Under the influence of the mainstream literati art, many practical and ornamental arts and crafts have different degrees of literati tendency, the study of arts and crafts, especially, was closely related to the life of literati, which was more permeated with the strong literati consciousness. The main categories of study recreation include cultural utensils such as brush, ink, paper and ink stone for writing, daily utensils such as tea sets, wine utensils, food utensils, furniture and other daily utensils for banquets and daily life; and crafts and furnishings such as curios, odd utensils and desk pieces for appreciation and collection. Among them, the most literati-minded are the four treasures of the study, antique and new uten-

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ple and pure colors and patterns to show the tranquility and ancient sentiment such as, pure monochromatic glazed porcelain, jades with rust and bronzes; some designs tend to be pictorial, but they are still timeless. In addition, inscriptions and seals were added to make the paintings show the charm of literati paintings, such as ink ingots, lacquer box patterns and decorations in the late Ming Dynasty. Purple sand pottery appeared in the Song and Yuan dynasties, and they were not widely used until the middle of the Ming dynasty. This is closely related to the literati’s habit of drinking tea. Wen Zhenheng pointed out in his book Treatises on Superfluous Things (Changwu Zhi 长物志): »The pot is made of sand, and the lid is neither fragrant nor hot« This type of pot could also be carved with an inscription, so it was very popular among scholars. Bamboo carving became a unique handicraft after the appearance of The Three Zhu of Jiading since Zhengde of the Ming Dynasty. The improvement of bamboo carving skills has a certain relationship with the prosperity of scholars in Ming Dynasty. This kind of craft selected the common and simple bamboo to make bamboo tube, arm rest, fan bone, and other cultural games. It used the techniques of deep and shallow relief and Yin carving to carve pictures and cases of landscapes, figures, trees, stones, pavilions, etc., which made the bamboo carving crafts very similar to the layout, conception, brushwork of literati paintings, and also had a literary and human temperament.

4. Penetration of Interests in Everyday Life in Fine Arts Since the middle of the Ming Dynasty, with the development of the commodity economy, the rise of the citizen class and the prosperity of citizen culture, the secularization of fine arts had become increasingly obvious. The most prominent among them was the art of printmaking, the most brilliantly accomplished woodcut illustrations of

CHAPTER VIII »ACADEMIC STYLE« OF THE COURT AND THE »ZHE SCHOOL« OF PAINTING

operas and novels, which were the products of the popularity of folk operas and social trends. Other categories were also permeated with citizen consciousness and secular taste to varying degrees. The tendency towards secularism in painting was first seen in the work of professional painters. Based on the artistic career and unrestrained personality of professional painters, Wu Wei, the main leader of the Zhe School, and his successors Zhang Lu and Jiang Song paid more attention to the life of the lower classes, often including peasants, fishermen, village women, peddlers and other laborers, and even openly depicted prostitutes. For example, in Wu Wei’s Song and Dance and Sketch of Wuling Chun Scrolls, there is a sympathetic focus on the women in the carnival, but there is also the hedonistic thought of pursuing entertainment and sensual pleasure, which was at odds with the traditional view of life. The images of ordinary people and the rough and unrestrained brushwork used in their works are also completely different from the elegant and refined temperament, light and subtle forms advocated by literati painting. As a result, the literati dismissed these works as »vain and insolent« and »overbearing«, but the Zhe School painters’ desire to convey worldly sentiments and majesty, is a reflection of the citizens’ pursuit of worldly conditions and their emphasis on the spirit of progress. Among the scholarly class, with the rise of the commodity economy, there was also a tendency towards harmony and vulgarity. Many scholars and painters did not just paint for their own amusement, but deliberately or unintentionally drifted towards the commodity market. For example, Shen Zhou and Wen Zhengming, leaders of the Wu School, produced many social entertainment works and writings, some of which were also in circulation. They also signed autographs and inscriptions on imitations and forgeries. There is an inherent secular element in the arts and crafts, based on their dual nature as both practical and artistic. From the mid-Ming Period

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onwards, this factor grew even more, especially in the context of the secular pursuit of an extravagant lifestyle, the psychological state of flaunting one’s wealth and status, and the aesthetic preference for the gorgeous, sophisticated, novel and ingenious. Such as kernel carving, where walnuts, olive seeds and even cherry kernels were carved into large round objects and made into ornaments such as beads and pendants. The craftsmanship was extremely fine; in particular, small nuclear boats with a trip to Red Cliff by the Eastern slope were popular, and the carvings were so subtle that they were known as »ghost-work«. Other examples are the »Zhou-made« Artifacts, in which gold, silver, jewelry, jade, coral and other exotic treasures were carved into landscapes, birds-andflowers, figures and other designs and set into screens, tables and chairs, bookshelves, tea sets, bookcases and other objects of precious material and color. Other wares, such as colorful porcelain, elaborate enameled wares and fine embroidery, also showed the splendor, complexity and beauty of the art. They are a sign of the secular nature of craftsmanship. These handicraft articles were exquisitely crafted and exotic in form, and marked the development and innovation of the arts and crafts, but the expensive materials, high prices, gorgeous decoration and gorgeous style also gave off a strong sense of luxury and worldliness.

Section 2  »Academic Style« Painting of Ming Court 1. Special Painting Institutions of Ming Dynasty At the beginning of the Ming Dynasty, the new Zhu Ming Dynasty inherited the Song system in many of its institutions, and in terms of painting, it also modeled itself on the Song Academy, recruiting painters from all over the world to serve at the

SECTION 2 »ACADEMIC STYLE« PAINTING OF MING COURT

inner court. However, due to the difference in political background, the so-called ›painting academies‹ of the Ming dynasty were very different from the Hanlin Academy of Painting and Calligraphy of the Song dynasty in terms of institutional settings, staffing, official promotions, rewards and punishments, etc. Their establishment and development went through the initial creation of the Yongle dynasty, Xuande, Chenghua and Hongzhi dynasties, and the decline of Zhengde afterwards. 1. Institutions Where Court Painters Engaged in Creative Work Most of the calligraphers and painters dedicated to the inner court in the Ming dynasty were active in the three halls of Literary Glory, Martial Valor and Benevolence and Wisdom, which may be regarded as institutions for court painters to engage in creative work. The Hall of Literary Glory was a place where the emperor and the crown prince could read and taught. In addition, it was also the Emperor’s bedroom for fasting in the palace before rituals. It had a central study, in which there were officials in charge of the study and there was another study in the aisle, preparing the emperor to write door couplets, New Year notes and books. Those who were good in calligraphy mainly served as scholars, and painters were few. You Jizhen and Liu Jie were the commanders of the Hall of Literary Glory. The Hall of Martial Valor was a place where the monarch and his ministers discussed political affairs. It was also where the court stored paintings and calligraphy, and was responsible for making and providing imperial ceremonial objects. Most of those who served the Hall were painters, and most of the paintings and drawings that decorated the walls of the palace were imperial objects, including birds-and-flowers, landscapes and figures. It was also arranged for a small number of more efficient scholars to arrange and write books, albums, etc. together with scholars from the Hall of Literary Glory, and they were collectively called »the scholars of the two

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halls«. The Hall of Benevolence and Wisdom was located in the north of the Hall of Martial Valor. It was the place where the empress of the Ming Dynasty received court ceremonies, and where the coffins of the Emperors of the Ming Dynasty stopped before their burial. It was also a place where painters and craftsmen engaged in creative activities. Palace painters such as Shangguan Boda and Bian Jingzhao of the Yongle reign, Xie Huan, Shi Rui and Zhou Wenjing of the Xuande reign, Wang Chen and An Zhengwen of the Zhengtong and Jingtai reigns, and Huang Ji, Zhan Linning and Xu Bo Ming of the Chenghua reign, all served in the Hall of Benevolence and Wisdom. 2. The Administrative Organization of Court Painters The three halls where the court painters in the Ming Dynasty were mainly engaged in were under the management of the ritual supervisor and the imperial supervisor, who were both part of the twelve Eunuchs in the inner court. The Hall of Literary Glory was under the management of the ritual supervisor, who was the head of the twelve eunuchs and was the chief office of eunuchs, and the main institution for the management of paintings and calligraphy in the court. The Hall of Martial Valor and the Hall of Benevolence and Wisdom were under the management of the imperial supervisor, who was in charge of the Department responsible for the emperor’s utensils and also the court painters on duty in the two halls. It can be said that the court painters of the Ming Dynasty served the emperor under the management of eunuchs, which was very different from the Hanlin Academy of Painting in the Song Dynasty, which was managed by the civil institution. 3. Official Positions Occupied by the Court Painters The court painters of the Ming Dynasty entered the three halls to create works. They were given monthly salaries and rations.

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After the Xuande era, they were mainly assigned to military positions in the Imperial Guard, but only received salaries and were not assigned to their posts. The Imperial Guard was the Emperor’s guard. There were two types of officers in the guard: hereditary officers (of hereditary origin) and non-hereditary officers. The official positions were divided into nine ranks, namely, the commander of the guard (the third grade), the sub-commander (from the third grade), commander of important affairs (the fourth grade), lieutenant (fifth grade), sub-lieutenant (from the fifth grade), guard official (from the fifth grade), company commander (sixth grade), sub-company (from the sixth grade), and battalion officer (from the sixth grade). The titles of court painters basically belong to the official ranks. Since the Royal Guard was »an impermanent member of grace«, the emperor could grant court painters the military position of the Imperial Guard at any time. If grandparents, fathers and sons, and brothers were good at calligraphy and painting, they could also be hereditary officers. Due to its high level, many famous painters held this position during the peak of the painting academy, for example the Xuanzong Emperor who promoted Xie Huanqian as officer of the Guard and Shang Xi as commander. Lü Ji, Lin Liang, Lin Jiao were awarded commanders and Wu Wei as company officer, during Xianzong and Xiaozong eras. Some court painters, under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Works, were also given positions in administrative agencies such as the Camp and Wenshiyuan and so on. The Ministry of Works was one of the six ministries, in charge of hundred workers under government decree. There were five factories, including Yingshansuo Institute for carpentry, Wenshiyuan for silk workers. Official positions included Deputy of Yingshansuo Institute (ninth grade), Wenshiyuan Ambassador (ninth grade), and Wenshiyuan Deputy Ambassador (from ninth grade). Because of the lower grade, these positions were generally held by craftsmen.

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Most painters who first entered the court were also awarded this post. For example, Guo Chun Yongle who was appointed as the official of the Ministry of Works in the early imperial edict, was promoted to be the official of the imperial court in Renzong’s reign (the sixth grade), and Lin Liang was first awarded the battalion station of the Ministry of Works in Hongzhi, and was later promoted to the command of the Imperial Guard. In the Ming Dynasty, the institutions set up by the Academy of Painting were responsible for creative activities, management of painters, and the awarding of official titles. Their operating mechanisms were far less rational, complete, and standardized than those of the Hanlin Academy of Painting in the Song Dynasty. Most of the painters served the three halls of the court, together with a hundred workers, managed by the eunuchs of the inner government and were at their service. There were few opportunities to meet the emperor directly, the titles they were awarded did not match their names and were of different levels. Their status, treatment, authority and prestige were far inferior to that of the Song court painters. This institutional system, which defied the laws of objectivity, was one of the main reasons why the Ming Dynasty’s academies were far inferior to those of the Song Dynasty and rapidly declined.

2. Achievements and Characteristics of Court Painting As a kind of »Royal Art«, court painting in the past dynasties had obvious political and religious functions and adapted to the emperor’s fashion. The court painting of Ming Dynasty was no exception. Restricted by the specific political, economic, ideological and cultural background of the Ming Dynasty, the theme and content of the subject matter and the style of Academic style also showed the characteristics of the times different from those of the previous dynasties. Generally speaking, the subject matter was relatively broad, the painting style was mainly based

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on the two Song Academic styles, which were integrated or diversified, and the aesthetic interest was royal with a touch of worldly style, with strong storytelling, interest and decoration. To be specific, figure painting emphasizes the function of propaganda and education, enriches the plot, and has a variety of painting styles but few innovations; landscape painting takes both Ma and Xia in Southern Song Dynasty and Li and Guo in Northern Song Dynasty, showing the tendency of fusion between Southern and Northern Song Dynasty; bird-and-flower paintings inherits the different schools such as bamboo fisherman, Xu Chongsi, Cui Bai and Song and Yuan ink painting, and has some innovative changes on the painting methods such as heavy painting, coloring, freehand brushwork. 1. Court Figure Paintings with Strong Political and Religious Functions The court figure paintings of the Ming Dynasty served politics, mainly relying on ancient historical stories to promote martial arts and cultural virtues, to use the achievements of the ancients to praise the dynasty, or to send warnings. The most popular themes were the former wise men, the masters of Gao Fengliang, and Brave and loyal generals. In addition, portraits of emperors serving the royal family and the music pictures were also quite popular. With the construction of a large number of palace temples, Taoist and Buddhist fairy paintings were also quite common. Others were based on traditional themes, such as legends, literati anecdotes, and customs. Paintings of Historical Stories That Celebrate and Comment on the Present  Representative figure paintings that praise the good work of the previous dynasty’s intellectuals include Liu Jun’s Visiting Pu on a Snowy Night (Fig.  8.8.1) and Ni Duan’s Employment of Pang Tu (both in the collection of the Palace Museum). Liu Jun, the author of Visiting Pu on a Snowy Night, was a court painter

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8.8.1  Visiting Pu on a Snowy Night by Liu Jun in the Palace Museum

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at the time of Xuande, an official in command of the Imperial Guard, and was good at painting figures and landscapes. This painting is based on the historical fact that the founding emperor of the Northern Song Dynasty, Zhao Kuangyin, visited Zhao Pu in the snowy night to discuss the unification of the country. There are detailed records in History of Song. Biography of Zhaopu. Ni Duan, the author of Employment of Pang Tu, was admitted to the Academy of Painting in Xuande. He was good at painting figures, landscapes, flowers of all kinds and was favored by the emperor. This picture is based on the story of Pang Degong, a hermit hired by Liu Biao, the governor of Jingzhou during the Three Kingdoms period. This kind of subject matter is undoubtedly borrowing from the past to refer to the present, aiming at commending the virtuous government of the current dynasty. (Fig. 8.8.1) Works praising high moral integrity and virtues, mainly depicted the talented and virtuous people of previous generations. The seclusion of scholars was a way to reveal the emperor’s desire for talents. There were so many creations of this kind that even the emperor participated in it. In the Hongwu Dynasty, there is a painting by Wang Zhongyu entitled Portrait of Tao Yuanming (in the collection of the Palace Museum), which depicts Tao Yuanming, with a line-drawing technique, as a hermit brushing his sleeves and returning to his secluded life in a dashing manner. Zhou Wei of the same dynasty also had a free-drawn page of Yuanming’s release (Collected by the National Palace Museum in Taipei), depicting Tao Yuanming’s mood when he was drunk and was helped by a waiter. In the Xuande era, Ma Shi, Li Zai and Xia Zhi jointly painted the volume Returning Home (Liaoning Provincial Museum collection), which depicts Tao Yuanming’s resignation and his return home, in several sections, according to the order of the poem Returning Home Speech. These works from different sides express the hermit Tao Yuanming’s aspiration to enjoy the natural

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mountains and rivers, his aspiration to a pastoral life, and his noble and unconventional character, which was not »bent for five pecks of rice«. The Xuande Emperor Zhu Zhanji also painted a scroll called Reclining Figure of Marquis, which shows Zhuge Liang reclining in Wolonggang, lying prostrate and holding his knees in a long whistle, highlighting his high scholarly demeanor when outside indulging in the mountains and forests. The praise of these works to hermits does not aim at publicizing the return to seclusion, and its true meaning is actually implicit. Works that praise the courage and loyalty of generals, encourage their subjects to follow the example of the ancients and build up their achievements. The surviving masterpiece is Shang Xi’s Guan Yu Captures General Pang De scroll (Palace Museum). This painting depicts Guan Yu, the general of the Three Kingdoms, drowning seven armies, capturing Pang De alive and being interrogated by Gao Fu. The plot is full of dramatic conflicts and the characters are distinctive, especially the brave and majestic posture of Guan Yu, who has established a typical heroic image in the world. Portraits of Emperors and Empresses and Paintings Documenting Court life and Pleasures in the Palace. The portraits of Emperors and Empresses were mainly used for keeping pictures as a memento, commemorating, and for rituals. The pictures of palace music reflected the life of the palace. Both of them directly served the needs of the royal family. Among them, the portraits of Emperors and Empresses showed more beautification, conceptualization, and stylization. Although realistic, they were not vivid. Images of the Emperor indulging in amusement, on the other hand, were more realistic and plotty, and the image of the emperor was more active and vivid, with a higher historical value for its refraction of reality. Portrait of Emperor Xuanzong’s amusement by Shang xi of Xuande Dynasty can be

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regarded as a masterpiece of huge structure. The picture depicts the scene of Xuanzong’s parade in the suburbs of spring. Xuanzong’s appearance looks the same as that of the court costumes. The depiction of other objects is also specific and detailed. For example, the attendants to the Emperor’s hunting and entertainment are all eunuchs who do not need to clean their faces. The natural environment displayed is like the Nanyuan described in the literature. The works reproduce the original historical appearance from the figures and costumes to the utensils, environments and scenes, leaving a very precious image of the information. Similar to the image mentioned above, there is still an unknown volume of Portrait of Xuanzong’s Palace amusement (collected by the Palace Museum), which depicts Xuanzong watching various sports performances in the imperial garden, including archery, kick, polo, beating pills, and potting. It is detailed and has important historical value. 2. Court Landscape Painting Inheriting the Academic Style of the Song Dynasty The early Ming court landscapes were inspired by Yu Xu, a Yuan dynasty painter. Since most of the painters who were recruited into the court were from the Yuan Dynasty, the literati painting that was prevalent in the Yuan Dynasty had a great influence on them and was brought into the early Ming dynasty painting academies. For example, Zhao Yuan, Sheng Zuo, Guo Chun, Zhu Fu, Zhuo Di, and others, many of them followed the four schools of Yuan and Sheng Mao, and followed Dong Yuan and Juran in the Fifth Dynasty. In the Northern Song Dynasty, the Li and Guo landscape schools occupied a place in the Yuan Dynasty, so there were also followers in the early Ming Dynasty, such as Ru Hong and Guo Chun. In the early Ming Dynasty, the Yuan Dynasty and Southern Song horses disappeared, summer landscapes were also rejected. Cheng zu »readily rebuked them, saying: they are a remnant of

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the secluded things of the Song Dynasty, why take it?« From Xuande to the heyday of the Hongzhi Academy, a large number of painters from Jiangsu and Zhejiang who were good at Southern Song horse and summer paintings entered the academy, such as Dai Jin, Ni Duan, and Wang Ji, who were very skillful, so that the academic style of Southern Song painting was soon spread and popular. At the same time, the Li and Guo schools of the Northern Song Dynasty were further expanded, such as Ma Shi, Zhu Duan, etc., which resulted in the Academic landscape painting style of the Ming Dynasty that integrated the Northern and Southern Song Dynasty, represented by Li Zai. Wang E was a painter during the Hongzhi and Zhengde era, and his style was so similar to that of Ma Yuan, that Emperor Xiaozong praised him saying: »Wang E, the present Ma Yuan«. It is represented as the scroll of Overlooking the River Pavilion. Zhu Duan was a painter during the Zhengde period, and his style was close to that of Guo Xi in the Northern Song Dynasty, such as the scroll of Overlooking the Yanjiang River (in the collection of the Palace Museum). Li Zaize was a master of both Southern and Northern Song landscapes, the more subtle of which was Guo Xi’s, while the more liberal were Zong Xiagui and Ma Yuan. The scroll of the painting Mountain Hamlet (Fig. 8.8.2) was very similar to Guo Xi’s, until the original mark was removed and added to the painting, and it was passed off as a Song painting. The page of Giving Books to the Emperor (collected by the Palace Museum, Taipei), is similar to Ma Yuan’s. The scroll of Landscape (collected by the Palace Museum) blends the northern and southern Song dynasties. The landscape, with its lofty scenery, abrupt hills and crab claws on the branches, has the appearance of Guo Xi’s painting. The thick brush and the vigorous texturing techniques are also taken from Ma Yuan. This fusion of trends can be seen in the landscapes of the court painters.

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8.8.2 Mountain Hamlet by Li Zai in the Palace Museum

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3. Diverse and Splendid Bird-andFlower Paintings in the Court The artistic achievements of court bird-and-flower paintings were the most notable in the Ming Dynasty. They not only formed a variety of styles, but also had a great influence on future generations, represented by painters such as Bian Jingzhao, Sun Long, Lin Liang, and Lü Ji. 1. Bian Jingzhao’s Meticulously Painted and Richly Colored Flowers and Birds Bian Jingzhao was a painter in Yongle and Xuande period. He was appointed to wait for the imperial edict in the Hall of Martial Valor and worked on flowers and birds. He mainly inherited the Academic Style tradition of the Song Dynasty, followed Huang Zhen’s meticulous sketching method, and made some innovations. His birds-and-flowers are delicate but not overly artifice, graceful but not too soft. They convey the graceful and simple temperament in the exquisite and beautiful work, and are known as »contemporary border phoenix«. His representative works include the scroll of the painting of Three Friends and a Hundred Birds (collected by the Palace Museum in Taipei) which is a painting with pine, bamboo and plum as the background, arranged with various types of birds, implying that a hundred officials are paying homage to the Son of Heaven. The depiction of the birds in the picture is meticulous, the categories can be distinguished one by one, and the mood is lively. The bamboo, plum are more refined, thanks to a vigorous brush and the ink is mainly used to make the whole picture both gorgeous and elegant (Fig.8.8.3). The flower-and-bird painting style created by Bian Jing Zhao has become a genre at the time, and he had many followers. His sons Bian Chushan and Bian Chofang, his son-in-law Zhang Zhixin, his nephew Yu Cunsheng, as well as Deng Wenming, Luo Ji, Liu Qi, and Lu Chaoyang. Emperor Xuanzong Zhu Zhanji also imitated Bian’s style in many of his imperial bird-and-flowers,

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such as Leopard Cats and Flowers, Playful Apes, Three Sheep, Wishing Him a Long and Healthy Life, Hen and Chicks (all in the collection of the Palace Museum in Taipei) etc. 2. Sun Long’s »Boneless«-Style Birds-andFlowers in Color In the Xuande era, Sun Long was consecrated to the court and worked as the imperial servant of the Golden Gate. Sun Long’s style of coloring with »boneless« originated from Xu Chongsi and Zhao Chang. It also absorbed the ink wash freehand method of Liang Kai and Fa Chang in Southern Song Dynasty, and the coloring with »boneless« and freehand method of Wang Yuan and Zhang Zhong in Yuan Dynasty, thus forming a new style of painting with both ink and color, which became a school of its own in court bird-and-flower painting. Sun Long’s use of this method also has many variations, either focusing on the use of ink, or mainly applying color. Either the painting is purely freehand, or with sketches, but both have a wild interest. Such as Swimming Goose by Flowers and Rocks (Palace Museum collection). The flowers, rocks and lake were drawn using the broadbrush freehand brushwork. The swimming goose is slightly outlined. The combination of realism and freehand is very interesting. The Snow, Birds, Plum and Bamboo painting (collected by the Palace Museum) is mainly drawn with ink and light colors. The sky is smudged with blue flowers, leaving the space white as snow. The plum branches are covered with thick strokes. The ink splashing method is used in the mountain stone slope. The white goose is outlined by the dark background. This kind of freehand brushwork is different from the general freehand brushwork and has its own characteristics. The volume Flowers, Birds, Grasses, and Insects uses a variety of painting methods, including melon and rat, purple eggplant, lap-tail, wagtail, autumn lotus, frog, and water lily, all of which are painted with brush and ink according to the form, texture, and tempera-

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8.8.3 Bamboo and Cranes by Bian Jingzhao, in the Palace Museum

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8.8.4 Birds and Bushes by Lin Liang, in the Palace Museum

ment of the object, either by work or writing, or by hooking or dyeing, showing different rhymes of refinement, simplicity, beauty, and elegance. Sun Long’s method of bird-and-flower painting, which had been popular for hundreds of years after its creation by Xu Chongsi, was improved and developed by him, and soon became popular in the Academy. It also influenced the literati paintings of later generations. Some of Emperor Xuanzong Zhu Zhanji’s bird-and-flower paintings are also similar to it, such as Bitter Gourd and Rat volume, Lotus volume (all in the Palace Museum collection). 3. Lin Liang’s Freehand Ink Washes and Bird-and-Flower Lin Liang was a court painter during the periods of Chenghua and Hongzhi, and he served under the command of the Imperial Guard. There were two kinds of bird-and-flower painted by Lin Liang, which were meticulous color setting and freehand ink wash Brushwork. His painting style originated from the Academic Style of the Song Dynasty, but absorbed more of the indulgent and simple style of the Southern Song Dynasty. He was also influenced by the vigorous and unrestrained Zhe School which was also compatible with cursive script. Most of his paintings are made of natural objects of majestic or natural interest, such as eagles, wild geese, crows, sparrows, pheasants, magpies and other birds, as well as wild plants and trees, such as pines, ancient trees, reeds, and bushes. He used vigorous, majestic and broad

strokes to represent creatures of courage and wildness, and the combination of the two is perfect and vivid. The shapes of the objects are still accurate, and the species can be identified one by one, and in the broad strokes, he often added a finer outline to present the structure. As a result, his freehand ink wash birds-and-flowers are swift and unhurried. It was popular in the academy because it was wild and elegant without being vulgar. Lin Liang’s surviving works are mostly freehand ink wash paintings, represented by Eagles, Pine and Crane (both in Guangdong Museum), Ducks and Reed, and Birds and Bushes (Fig. 8.8.4) (both in the collection of the Palace Museum), etc. In these paintings, the birds are generally outlined with strong strokes and heavy ink, and are rendered with light ink, making them appear solid, full-feathered, realistic and vivid. The background of the trees and rocks is embellished with ink, free flying, simple and spicy. The style of his painting, which is rough and fine, broad and moderate, strong in style and might, reflects his typical features. Lin Liang’s birds-and-flowers formed a school of their own at that time, with his son Lin Jiao, hi students Shao Jie, Qu Gao, Liu Chaoyun and others. 4. Lü Ji’s Meticulous and Expressive Bird-and-Flower Lü Ji was a court painter during the Hongzhi era, and his official rank was Imperial Commander. His birds-and-flowers combined with relevant

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records.Before he joined the court, he imitated master Bian Jingzhao’s meticulous and colorful birds-and-flowers, Lin Liang’s freehand ink wash brushwork at the beginning of the painting academy, and later copied famous paintings of the Tang and Song dynasties, forming his own style. His works have two aspects of thickness and fineness, and they are famous for their fine brushwork and color. The paintings are mostly of colorful rare birds such as phoenixes, cranes, peacocks, and mandarin ducks, with detailed outlines and brilliant colors. The backgrounds are lined with magnificent sceneries such as cliffs, ancient trees, boulders on the slope, beach, river, springs, and other majestic sceneries, covered by vivid ink, with a beautiful brushwork. The splendor and elegance, luxury and wildness are organically integrated into one, and the harmonious combination of brushwork and freehand ink wash, color and ink makes the work unique and majestic in its beauty, creating a new style and a unique contemporary reputation. Lü Ji’s masterpieces of meticulous and color-painted bird-and-flower paintings include the Birds in Osmanthus and Chrysanthemum (collected by the Palace Museum). The outlines of the birds-and-flowers are fine, the shape is accurate, the colors are bright, the trunks, lakes and rocks are strong, and the dye is rough. The ink is dense and there is a combination of thickness and thin, the brushwork is fine and the color is elegant, reflecting his typical style. Autumn Egrets and Hibiscus and Autumn Shoals and Waterfowl (both in the collection of the Palace Museum in Taipei) are also types of neat bird-and-flower paintings. Lü Ji’s other freehand ink wash paintings are simple and unrestrained, but also with a meticulous delineation and rigorous modeling, free and easy without deviating from the law, combining form and spirit, texture and potential. For example, the scroll of Eagle Egret and Lotus (collected by the Palace Museum). Lü Ji’s bird-and-flower painting style had many followers, such as his nephews Lu Gao, Lu Tang, Lu Yuanqi, Shuangshi, and his stu-

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dents Xiao Zeng, Liu Jun, and Lu Yi and Hu Zhen all studied under him. Zheng Shi, Yin Shan, Yin Kai, and Yin Hong also followed his style. The trend of the fusion of fine brushwork and freehand brushwork presented by Zhou Zhimian also had a certain enlightenment for later generations. Zhou Zhimian’s »Hook flowers and dotted leaf« style is the combination of realism and freehand in literati painting.

Section 3  Dai Jin, Wu Wei, and »Zhe School« When the Ming dynasty painting academy was at its peak, the Zhe School founded by Dai Jin and the »Jiangxia School« established by Wu Wei rose up outside of the academy, confronting the painting world alongside the Academic Style. From the analysis of the relationship between teachers, brushwork style and painting ideas, Dai Jin and Wu Wei belonged to one painting school, and the Jiangxia School could be called a branch of the Zhe School.

1. Dai Jin’s Life and Achievements in Painting Dai Jin was a highly regarded painter of the early Ming Dynasty and the founder of the first officially named school of painting in the history of painting, the Zhe School. He lived during the revitalization period of the Ming Dynasty, known as »The Rule of Ren Xuan,« but was unexpectedly struck by setbacks, resulting in a rough life. However, it was this experience that made his artistic career quite different from others and created an extraordinary painting style and aesthetic taste. 1. Dai Jin’s Biography Dai Jin (1388–1462), also named Wenjin, Jingan, and Yuquan shanren, was a native of Qiantang, Zhejiang (present day Hangzhou State) province. His father, Dai Jingxiang, was a painter. He was

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engaged in the craftsmanship of forging gold and silver jewelry when he was young, but later he learned painting. In the early years of Yongle, when Dai Jin was 16 or 17 years old, he accompanied his father to Nanjing, which was the capital at that time. In the fifth year of Yongle (1407), when he was 20 years old, he was in Nanjing at the request of an imperial official and made a painting entitled Returning to the Field and Wishing Longevity for the 60th birthday of Duanmu Zhizhi, an official of the Ministry of Military Affairs, who had returned to his hometown. He then returned to his hometown to further his studies, and by the end of Yongle, at the age of 36 or 37, he was already famous throughout the world. Around the fifth or sixth year of Xuande era (1430– 1431), Dai Jin was summoned to the palace and entered the painting academy, waiting for the edict of the Hall of Benevolence and Wisdom. Among his colleagues Xie Huan, Li Zai, Ni Duan, Shi Rui, his painting skills were second to none, which caused jealousy. According to the records, one day when painting was presented in the Hall of Benevolence and Wisdom, Dai Jin presented the painting Fishing in the Autumn River with his best brushstroke, but Xie Huan defamed him because of his jealousy, and Dai Jin was rejected. After he left the academy, he remained in Beijing for a long time, living in solitude, purifying himself in poverty and ignoring fame and fortune. He was dedicated to cultivating his temperament with poetry, calligraphy, and finding his soul mate with his broad-mindedness and elegance, and socializing with painters and celebrities with his exquisite painting skills. Among the painters, he was most closely associated with Xia Chang, the famous ink-bamboo painter, who was also the official to Taichang, Shaoqing. Some of the famous ministers who visited were Yang Shiqi, Yang Rong, Wang Zhi, Zhang Yi, Xu Youzhen, and others, and they often exchanged poems with each other. Wang Zhi and Dai Jin, in particular, were close friends, often inscribing

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poems for Dai’s works and praising his portraits, and after Wang Zhi and Dai Jin separated in the eighth year of the Zhengtong era (1443), he also wrote poems to Dai Jin to request his paintings, and wrote the preface on the paintings himself. Around the seventh year of the Zhengtong era (1442), when Dai Jin was about 55 years old, he left Beijing and returned to Hangzhou, where he settled down and taught painting to his students. He made many friends and created many works. He had a close relationship with local celebrities through his art. For example, at the request of Mo Ju, he drew the Elegant Gathering at South Screen Hill Collection in the seventh year of Tianshun, on which there were poems by Sun Shi, Zuo ying, and Xia Shizheng, all of whom were high scholars in Zhejiang and Hangzhou; At the back of the scroll Spring Clouds in the Spiritual Valley, there was a letter from Nie Danian, a famous scholar who was trained by Renhe during the Jingtai era, to Dai Jin. He died in the autumn of the sixth year of Tianshun (1462) at the age of 75, and was buried in Hengchun Bridge at West Lake. Dai Jin’s style of painting was followed by many people at that time. His son Quan, his daughter Dai shi and his son in law Wang Shixiang were all passed down through their families, and his disciples included Fang, Xia Zhi, Xia Kui and Zhong Ang. His private disciples included Chen Jingchu, Chen Ji, Wu, Song Chen, Wang Xian, Xie Binju, He yun, Shi Puzhong and so on. Dai Jin’s unique experience and personality also had some influence on his art. His negative personality made him »unconstrained« in his painting, not subject to any servitude or formalities, but able to create his own new ideas. He was influenced by the Southern Song Academic Style at an early age, and when he entered Beijing, he no longer followed the same pattern. Years later, he finally created a new style that was quite different from the Southern Song style. His outlook on life, with its emphasis on overall physical and mental cultivation, was reflected in

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his art, which was broad-ranging and inclusive of all schools of thought, with a variety of styles and disciplines. His happy and cheerful attitude towards life and his willingness to be a part of the world, made his art both original and unbiased, both rigorous and subtle. For example, Li Kaixian’s Zhonglu Paintings (Zhonglu Huapin 中麓画品) commented: »Dai Wenjin’s paintings are like jade battles, finely crafted, and restored to jade.« Compared with his successor Wu Wei, his paintings are less »screaming.« 2. Dai Jin’s Achievements in Painting Dai Jin’s creations not only draw from a wide range of materials and comprehensive subjects, but also show a strong sense of the times and sincere personal feelings. In figure painting, Dai Jin’s works expressing folk customs and secular life account for a large proportion, such as Peaceful Delight, Shengping Village Delight, Fishing Boats in the Mountain,Travelers Through Mountain Passes, Treading Song, Herding Cows, Pleasures of Fishing, Coolness and other images. In the surviving Pleasures of Fishing, the fishermen’s image is very simple, and the working scene is very simple. It is a true picture of the life and customs of a fishing village. These references are closely related to Dai Jin’s experience of living in contact with the lower class. Another type of pictures showing the life of literati, such as the elegant gathering, farewell, wishing birthday, and dwelling in seclusion, also incorporate the sincere feelings among friends, such as Nanshan in Returning to the Field and Wishing Longevity. The poignant farewell atmosphere in Returning to the Boat is the most famous of his landscape paintings. Among the subjects of landscape painting, the most praised are the local scenic spots he witnessed, such as Zhejiang scenic spots, the four scenes of West Lake, the evening bell of Nanping, the spring clouds of Linggu, etc., which permeate his attachment to his hometown. The magnificent scenes of the mountains and rivers in the north and south and

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the endless changes of the seasons and climate are also often taken into his pictures to express his love for nature and to convey the aesthetic sentiment of truth, goodness and beauty. The paintings include Rivers and Mountains, Endless Rivers and Mountains, Miles of the Yangtze River, Tall Pine Trees and Five Deer, Dense Green Covering the Spring Mountains, Summer Water in the Shade, Autumn Forest Study House, Snow Clearing up in the River Village, The Mainstay of the River, and Water, Stone and Pine in Snow. Although the landscape paintings of living in seclusion and enjoying themselves are subject to traditional influences and demands, there is no lack of personal interest in them. Dai Jin’s paintings include works such as Fishermen on an Autumn River and Autumn Thoughts on the Eastern Hedge. Dai Jin’s bird-and-flower paintings mostly showed the favorite subjects of literati painters, such as pine, bamboo, chrysanthemum, and crane, in recognition of their high quality. In addition, there are day lilies, cats and butterflies, reed geese etc., which also have symbolic meanings. The few bird-and-flower paintings of this kind concentrated on Dai Jin’s literati sentiments. In terms of artistic expression, Dai Jin not only used a variety of painting techniques to present a variety of styles, reflecting a comprehensive mastery of tradition and techniques, but also attached importance to the combination of form and content, thus creating a new look that is quite different from that of his predecessors and establishing a new style. The achievement of the momentarily acclaimed Zhe School is concentrated in the mature works of his later years such as the volume of Elegant Gathering at South Screen Hill Collection, Travelers Through Mountain Passes volume (Fig. 8.8.5) (both in the collection of the Palace Museum). He has both the subtlety and skill of using various kinds of ink and brushes to express the truth of an object, and the literati conception of developing a theme or mood through allegorical symbolism or the interest of ink and emotion,

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which makes him worthy of the title of the First Painter of the Early Ming Dynasty. (Fig 8.8.5) Several years later, he took his inspiration from the Southern Song dynasty’s Academic Style landscapes, incorporating the literati’s freehand method of painting, which enhanced the sense of simplicity, verticality and movement, creating a powerful, bold, impassioned, and hardened momentum and realm. This new type of landscape is different from the vigorous ink wash paintings of the Southern Song Dynasty. It is also different from the lightness and reluctance of the Yuan dynasty, which was further developed by the successor, Wu Wei, and became the unique format of Zhe School landscape painting, which undoubtedly added a new type to Chinese landscape painting. His representative works include Visiting Friends with a Lute. (Collection of Berlin Museum, Germany), Dense Green Covering the Spring Mountains (Shanghai Museum Collection).

2. Wu Wei’s Life and Achievements in Painting 1. Wu Wei’s Biography Wu Wei (1459–1508) also called Shiying, Ciweng or Xiaoxian was a native of Jiangxia, (present day Wuhan in Hubei province), and his life can be divided into three stages: he traveled to Jiangnan as a teenager, entered Beijing for the first time as a young man, and traveled again to Beijing twice in his middle age. Wu Wei’s grandfather, Wu Yonglian, served as the prefect of Yuzhou, in Nanyang Prefecture, Henan Province, and Kaizhou in Daming Prefecture, Hebei Province. His father, Gang Wengzhong, was a successful scholar, good at painting and calligraphy, and had a generous personality, but his addiction to alchemy caused his family to fall into poverty. When Wu Wei was a few years old, his father died and he was adopted by Qian Xin, the governor of Huguang Province. As a child, he was very intelligent and loved painting, and was

8.8.5 Travelers Through Mountain Passes by Dai Jin, in the Palace Museum Collection

greatly admired by Qian Xin. At the age of 17, Wu Wei lived in Jinling and paid a courtesy visit to the Empress Dowager Zhu Yi, whose unrestrained elegance and extraordinary talent impressed Zhu Yi so much that she called him »Little Immortal« and took him under her wing. Afterwards, he befriended Chen Rui, the Pingjiang Emperor, Wang

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Ao, the Minister of Military Affairs, and Tan You, the Prince’s General Counselor, and so on. When Wu Wei was in his late twenties, he went north to Beijing and was greeted by the rich and noble, including the Imperial Counselor, Duke Zhang Mao, the Imperial Master, Duke Zhu Yong, and the Imperial Lieutenant, Duke Zhou who were all invited to the court for entertainment. Shortly afterwards, he was summoned to the palace by the Emperor Xianzong, pending edict at the Hall of Benevolence and Wisdom, and was awarded the title of Official of the Imperial Guard. However, as a result of his impetuous personality and anger toward the rich and powerful people, he was soon released and he returned to Nanjing for a leisurely tour, where he interacted with men living in the mountains. He became even more impetuous, and indulged in drinking and merry-making with prostitutes. When Wu Wei was more than 30 years old, Emperor Xiaozong again summoned him to the palace, gave him a higher position in the Imperial Guard, gave him the seal of »Scholar of Painting«, and granted him permission to return to Wuchang to visit his ancestral grave. However, two years later, he said he was sick and resigned, then he lived in the east end of Qinhuai, continuing his wandering career and making a living by painting. In the third year of Emperor Wuzong’s reign (1508), he was summoned to the palace for the third time, but he died suddenly of excessive drinking before he could go on his way. He died at the age of 50. Wu Wei’s early years had already shaped his stubborn and self-respecting personality, and his experience of being in and out of the court twice in his youth made him realize the pain of his talent and personality being suppressed, as well as the lowly nature of officials and the corruption of officialdom. The harsh reality of not being able to display his talents and ambitions collided with his unrestrained and arrogant personality, which led to the deformed development of his character

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and behavior. This gave way to his unrestrained and cynical behavior and the development of many peculiar habits, such as drinking heavily with prostitutes and indiscipline. He kept an unshaven, unkempt and untamed look, and he lacked harmony with the common people. However, Wu Wei left the palace to become a professional painter and earned his living by giving painting lessons. He was not wealthy. He had to face the reality and succumb to the world in order to survive. Therefore, there was also a calm and cautious side in his personality. For example, he despised the dignitaries, but had to go to the house of the ministers and public servants to paint; He refused to paint, especially for the wealthy, but the high-profile guests, who took advantage of him, bribed him with alcohol and prostitutes, and he gladly waved his brush; he was wild and unrestrained, but his words were very cautious, making it impossible for people to grasp his real thoughts. Wu Wei’s strong personality is closely related to the formation of his unique painting style. His wild and bizarre thoughts and actions were also used in the creation of paintings, often drinking and waving, as recorded in Zhou Hui’s Trivia about Nanjing (Jinling Suoshi 金陵琐事): »Kneeling down to turn over the ink and smearing it with his bare hands,« or »Painting with ink like splashing clouds, the onlookers were horrified. The size and details of his painting are twists and turns, each has it’s own order, as long as the structure is stable.« This kind of arbitrariness, the straight dragging and horizontal smearing, the swift and rapid power and dynamics, and the restless and exposed passion and boldness formed a unique art form and style. As Li Xiuyi commented in Penglai Pavilion Painting Guide (Xiao Penglai Ge Hua Jian 小蓬莱阁画鉴): »If Wu Xiaoxian were to be cynical, he would not be able to avoid the cynicism of the world, and he would be so secretive and strange that his paintings would have the air of clamor.« This »clamor« is the most distinctive

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feature of his personalized art, and what distinguishes him from his Zhe predecessor Dai Jin. 2. Wu Wei’s Achievements in Painting Wu Wei not only created a large number of figure paintings, but also a wide range of materials, historical figures, legends and stories, Taoist immortals, literary anecdotes, customs, women, scholar, fishermen and woodcutters, almost anything. These subjects are all infused with the painter’s own unique feelings, creating artistic images that are quite different from those of his predecessors, in order to convey the aesthetic requirements and spirit of the times. The art form is also closely related to the content, using a variety of techniques and painting methods appropriately expressing the postures, moods, and temperaments of the different characters. There are two main styles: fine strokes, inherited from the tradition of Gu Kaishi and Li Gonglin’s meticulous brushwork, and coarse strokes, which are derived from the simple and vigorous freehand painting style of Wu Daozi and Liang Kai. His earliest representative work is Iron Flute (Shanghai Museum collection), signed in the year Chenghua Jiachen (1484), at the age of 26, which is the earliest known work of Wu Wei. The subject is the story of Yang Weizhen, the iron flute master of the Yuan Dynasty, depicting Yang Weizhen and his maid playing the iron flute in the garden, painted in the style of Li Gonglin’s white drawing. Song and Dance was painted in 1503, when Wu Wei was 45 years old, and it shows the maturity of the artist. The lines are thin and smooth with staccato, square and hard strokes, and the ink color varies with shades. The painting depicts a ten-year-old kabuki Li Nunu, a young girl from a Qinhuai brothel, performing for an intimate audience. Li Nunu is so delicate and adorable that she seems to be a plaything to be toyed with. The different attitudes of the clients as they play with their heads, shrug their shoulders, squint their eyes, and listen attentively are portrayed in detail.

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The works reflect Wu Wei’s life style of indulgence and entertainment, and the teasing brush also reveals his cynicism. The Sketch of Wuling Chun volume also depicts a woman in a brothel, but the protagonist Qi Huizhen’s lonely and worried mood in the garden is completely different from the above picture. The focus is on her longing and loyal love to Fu Sheng, who had been living in Guangxi for five years, revealing the painter’s deep sympathy. Wu Wei’s course brush paintings of figures are represented by Reading in the Willow Shade (in the collection of the Palace Museum), The Fairy (in the collection of the Shanghai Museum), and Tai Chi (in the collection of the Palace Museum). Reading in the Willow Shade are taken from Ma and Xia’s paintings, which are more coarse and simple, and are the most common appearance. The figure of the Fairy is graceful and elegant, derived from Wu Daozi, and the lines of the clothes are »folded reed«, which is a combination of Liang Kai’s minus strokes, presenting another style. The Tai chi figure is purely derived from Liang Kai’s subtractive strokes and is the most freehand style of painting. Wu Wei’s landscapes originated from Dai Jin, whose ancestors were Ma and Xia’s painting of the Southern Song Dynasty, and were more simple and relaxed. In addition, he also had the style of gathering all the great achievements, especially the Yuan people’s brush and ink techniques, forming a free and complex landscape painting. The landscape paintings of Zong Ma and Xia are simple, with texturing, ink wash as the main means of expression. The scenery is simple, the strokes are strong, the ink is vivid, and the painting has a vigorous and strong momentum. Reading in Linliu (Shanghai Museum Collection) is a more complicated and detailed work; Snow Landscape (Palace Museum Collection) is simpler and elegant, more vigorous and austere, less precise, sloppy and exposed. This mature and habitual painting method had a negative impact on the Zhe School posterity. Rong Yuan’s brush strokes

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8.8.6 Boating in the Mountain by Wu Wei (Palace Museum Collection)

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tend to be freehand landscape paintings, painting more realistic scenes, with varied compositions, emphasizing the relationship between distance and virtual reality, and seeking both momentum and interest in realism; he also pays attention to the flexible use of brush strokes in combination with the object, such as lying strokes at the side edge, round strokes at the center edge, broken ink and thirsty ink, and broad strokes. The painting is vigorous, graceful, relaxed, and subtle, maintaining the sense of movement of the brush and ink, but at the same time having a certain sense of fun in the ink. This reflects Wu Wei’s pursuit of a higher level of landscape in his mature years, as well as the inevitable impact and influence of the rise of literati landscape painting at that time. Boating in the Mountain (Fig 8.8.6) is a complex scene that shows a realistic sense of space in the natural mountains and rivers, and the flexibility

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in the use of ink and brushstrokes shows his skill. Ten Thousand Miles of the Yangtze River (collected by the Palace Museum) shows the vastness of the Yangtze River in a freehand way. Although it does not faithfully reproduce the scenery along the Yangtze River, it conveys the grandeur of China’s first river. The painting style is similar to Dai Jin’s Pleasures of Fishing. The later Zhe School artists listed in the painting history, such as Zhang Lu, Jiang Song, Zheng Wenlin, Zhong Qinli, Wang Zhao, Shi Wen, and Li Zuo, mainly inherited Wu Wei’s painting style. They created an important momentum that made the Zhe School stand on a par with the Academy School in the art world and became an artistic trend that could not be ignored. However, due to the tendency to imitate and play with form, the art went into a dead end causing the Zhe School to decline day by day.

CHAPTER IX  THE WU SCHOOL OF PAINTING In the middle of the Ming Dynasty, the rise of the Wu School of Painting in Suzhou supplanted the academic style and the Zhe School in painting circles. The rise and prosperity of Wu painting was closely related to the local political, economic, ideological and cultural context. At the same time, a group of local painters in the early Ming Dynasty, such as Xu Ben, Xie Jin, Wang Fu, Du Qiong, Liu Jue, and Yao Shou inherited the literati painting tradition of the four schools of the Yuan Dynasty, and also played a pioneering role in the formation of the Wu School. Shen Zhou, Wen Zhengming, Tang Yin, and Qiu Ying, also known as the Four Wu Schools, are the most representative. Among them, Shen Zhou and Wen Zhengming inherited the tradition of literati painting and co-founded the Wu School, but their styles were very different. Shen Zhou was known for his thick strokes, and vigorous, simple and mellow style; Wen Zhengming was known for his thin strokes, and he was fine, elegant, and clumsy in his work. Tang Yin turned from literatus to a professional painter, with comprehensive skill in landscape, figures, bird-and-flower paintings and various disciplines, including brushwork, freehand, heavy color, white drawing, ink, and light color. Qiu Ying was a professional painter who earned his living by painting, and was also influenced by the Wu School of literati painting, specializing in various disciplines and techniques, especially exquisite blue-green landscapes and heavy-colored figures. His works are highly appreciated by all. The Wu School was passed down from generation to generation. Post-school students and those among them who made outstanding achieve-

ments include Wen Jia, Wen Bo Ren, Qian Gu, Lu Shidao, Juzhi, Xie Shichen, Wang Guxiang, Zhou Tianqiu, Zhou Zhimian, Sun Kehong, Lu Zhi, and Chen Chun, each of whom was accomplished in landscape or bird-and-flower painting. At the end of the period, the Wu School declined considerably due to imitation.

Section 1  Shen Zhou 1. Life of Shen Zhou Shen Zhou (1427–1508), also known as Qinan and Shi Tian, was a native of Changzhou (Present day Suzhou in Jiangsu Province) and was from a respected family of scholars. In the late Yuan Dynasty, military rebellion led to the collapse of the family fortune and the decline of the family. Liang Chen, the great-grandfather of the family, moved to Xiangcheng and restored the family’s land. He was good at painting and calligraphy, and had a close friendship with Wang Meng, a painter at the end of the Yuan Dynasty, who once donated a painting to the family. His grandfather, Shen Cheng, also known as Meng Yuan, was an expert in poetry and literature. He valued propriety and righteousness, and had no intention of pursuing an official career. He and Chen Ruyin were good friends. Chen Ruyin was close friends with Yuan Dynasty painters Wang Meng and Ni Zan, and his painting style was close to Wang Meng’s. Shen Cheng was influenced by it, and he was also good at painting and calligraphy. Cheng had two sons, the eldest son Shen Zhen (Zhenji), was

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Shen Zhou’s uncle; the second son, Shen Heng (Hengji), was the father of Shen Zhou. Both were poetic and good at painting. They both inherited their father’s instruction and led lives without being at anyone’s beck and call. In a way, »no seeking of official advancement« had become the Shen family’s motto. As a child, Shen Zhou was extremely intelligent and clever. Under the influence of his family environment and the teachings of his grandfather, uncle, and father, he also loved literature and art, poetry, calligraphy, and painting. At the age of seven, he studied under Chen Kuan, son of Chen Ji, who was also very knowledgeable and good at painting, but Shen Zhou was so bright that his essays surpassed his teacher’s. He started his family at the age of 18, and his poetry was already famous when he was 20-years-old. When he was 28, Wang Hu, the Prefect of Suzhou, wanted to promote Shen Zhou as a virtuous and upright person. He had no desire for fame or glory, and he ended his life as a scholar. Shen Zhou’s early painting teachers were Du Qiong and Liu Jue. Du Qiong had studied under Chen Jizhi, who was also Shen’s painting teacher, alongside Shen’s father Heng. When he was 33-years-old, he received a gift of a picture of Reading on a Mountain from Du Qiong, and it is inferred that he was about 30-years-old when he learned painting. Shen Zhou’s sister was married to Liu Jue’s eldest son, so Liu Jue belonged to his father’s generation, but the two men became friends. In his old age, Liu Jue lived in seclusion, and sent poetry and paintings to Shen Zhou, who had close contact with him and often exchanged paintings and poems with him. When Liu Jue died, in the eighth year of Chenghua (1472), Shen Zhou wrote Mourning Liu Wan An to mourn the loss of a close friend. According to records, Shen Zhou also studied under Zhao Tonglu, learning much from his landscapes. Although Shen Zhou lived in seclusion, he made many friends, and his friends were famous people

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from all walks of life. He often invited friends to the »Bamboo House« where he lived and held literary gatherings, poetry recitals, painting sessions, and to view antiques. There were literati officials and people from the outside world at these gatherings. Wu Kuan, Du Mu, Wen Lin, and Wen Zhengming were all his close friends, having the deepest friendship of all with Wu Kuan. Wu Kuan was a famous scholar in Wuzhong who was good at poetry and calligraphy, having studied Su Shi’s style. Shen Zhou and he often exchanged paintings and calligraphy. In March of the 15th year of Chenghua (1479), when Wu Kuan returned to Beijing, Shen Zhou gave him the volume Farewell to Wu Wending, which was completed in three years, showing the deep friendship between the two men. Shen Zhou was a generous man, devoted to friendship and full of filial love for his parents. When he was a teenager, he would often get drunk with his father when he was entertaining guests, even though he was not a drinker. When his mother went out, he would always accompany her. After his father’s death, he was advised to become a government official, but he refused on the grounds that he needed to take care of his mother. Years later, the governors Wang Shuo and Peng Li both wanted to keep him on staff, but he declined because his mother was old. When his brother Shen Zhao fell ill as a teenager, he lived with him for more than a year. His filial piety and fraternal conduct were highly praised by the people of his time. He was not ashamed to decorate the Imperial Guard’s residence in order to do his duty of serving the people; he bought stolen books and returned them free of charge, but he did not tell the buyer’s name; he did not hesitate to respond to all requests from peddlers for paintings; he did not even investigate forgeries that had been circulated, and he even made inscriptions on forgeries in order to save others from poverty. Shen Zhou’s generous, easy-going, and benevolent character, as well as his filial piety, fraternal

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duty, and friendliness made him a respected elder in Wuzhong, and his art was also full of simplicity, openness, open-mindedness, and elegance. At the age of 80, Shen Zhou was full of energy and painting. In the year of his death at the age of 83, he was invited by his friend Wu Lun to visit Shanjuan Cave in Yixing, where he made a poem about his trip and a picture, Small Water Cave. He died on August 2nd of that year and was buried near Xiangcheng. His student, Wen Zhengming, wrote the memorial and his old friend, Wang Hua, wrote the epitaph.

2. The Transformation of Shen Zhou’s Landscape Painting Shen Zhou was a versatile painter, specializing in landscapes, bird-and-flower paintings, figures, and was an all-around genius. Shen Zhou is most famous for his landscape paintings, which had the greatest influence on posterity. The origins and style of his landscape painting can be roughly divided into three periods: before the age of 40, or the early stage, which was the foundation; from his mid-40s to 50s, the mature stage; and after the age of 60—the late mature stage. Judging from his early years, Shen Zhou was influenced by his family and instructed by Du Qiong, Liu Jue and other teachers. He initially learned the tradition of literati painting which was mainly based on the four Yuan schools. Before the age of 40, he mainly studied the techniques of Wang Meng, Dong and Ju, which consisted of complex scenery, precise structure, fine and sharp brushwork, and meticulous style. Not many of his works have survived, and representative works include Dwelling in the Fuchun Mountains and Cai Ling. After the age of 40, there was a great change in his painting style, and by the age of 60, he gradually formed his own unique style, which is known as the »coarse Shen style« in the history of painting. From the time when he first inherited the family school, his masters were Dong Yuan, Ju Ran, and Wang Meng. Until the time when he gave up fol-

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lowing family traditions and studied extensively, his master was Huang Gongwang; from a small, finely crafted yet full scene, to a large painting with thick branches and large leaves, this major change occurred in his middle age. After more than ten years of exploration, by the time he was over 50-years-old he had formed a unique style. At the age of 58, Shen Zhou took the title of »White Stone Weng,« and began to mark his paintings with this seal. This was in his late mature period. In this period, Shen Zhou was devoted to Wu Zhen, and his brushwork was coarser and simpler. He often made heavy strokes, sometimes with a side-line, to show the richness in his vigor, and his ink tended to be hearty and smooth, with much wet brush rendering and changes in intensity, to show vastness in simplicity. The outline of the slope bank and the bridge is straight, refined and simple; the light ink and light colors are rendered with thick ink and moss, and deep and shallow leaves are interspersed, making the ink rich in layers. The painting style is simple, elegant, and thick, which is the representative style of his late mature period. At age 67, he painted Night Journey to Thousand Man Rock, at age 70, the scroll Hiding in Yun Gang, at age 71, Making Farewells at Jingkou, at age 82, Overlapping Peaks of Yanjiang River and Cangzhou Interesting Pictures, all in a similar style.

3. Features of Shen Zhou’s Landscape Painting Shen Zhou excelled at landscapes, bird-and-flower paintings, and figures – but his landscape paintings were the most refined, reflecting his artistic characteristics most clearly. In summary, they can be analyzed in terms of both content and form. 1. Content: Subject Matter, Concept, Philosophy, Emotion The subjects of Shen Zhou’s landscape paintings can be divided into three categories: realistic, lyrical, and antique. Realistic landscapes are

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the most distinctive and meaningful, and can be divided into several types according to their contents, such as visiting victorious sites, dwelling in manor houses, elegant sets, farewell visits, etc. Most of the pictures depict the scenic spots in the mountains and forests that he visited in person, with the real scenery as the object, reproducing natural interest and subjective feelings. Some of them mainly show the objective features of the scenery, such as Wuzhong Mountains and Waters, which collects scenic spots around Suzhou, each with its own interesting features. Others emphasize more subjective interest, with different moods and conceptions of the same scene, such as Journey to the Western Mountains. The painting depicts the beautiful scenery of West Mountain in Suzhou’s Cave Garden, and expresses the interest of the artist in a relaxed and pleasant manner. According to his own title, it is known that he painted it when he was depressed and sleepless after burying his wife at the West Mountain, so he poured his depression into the picture. In the East Village of Suzhou, there were many pictures of literati living in secluded huts and thatched chambers, or depicting exquisite and elegant mountain gardens, both humble and grand, emphasizing tranquil environments and leisurely moods, and supporting the literati’s ideals and hobbies, sometimes with symbolic meaning, sometimes full of feeling, sometimes metaphors. The Dongzhuang Atlas depicts the estate of his friend Wu Kuan, with 21 scenes of gorgeous and colorful scenes, which truly reproduce the beautiful environment where the teacher lived and traveled; the volume Blessing from South Mountain depicts the »Hall of Clouds« where the good doctor Han Shiguang lived. In the painting, the main character’s identity and residence are indicated, and the noble virtue of Han’s single-mindedness in practicing medicine to help the world is also exemplified; the volume Zhi Tian further adopts a personified expression technique to express the theme of the main character, Dong Jun, who was

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a benevolent person, with scenes of fields everywhere. These symbolic techniques were widely used by later Wu painters. Shen Zhou’s elegant collection of essays is different from the general essays, with detailed descriptions of scenes and episodes. The meeting scenes occupy very small parts, and most of the guests are also figures in the scenes, mainly relying on allegorical natural scenery to express friendship and elegance. For example, A Graceful Gathering at Wei’s Garden records the elegant gathering of Liu Jue, Shen Zhou, Zhu Hao, Zhou Ding and others at Wei Chang’s house to drink and sing. The landscapes mainly highlight inaccessible mountains, deep valleys and quiet environments, expressing the seclusion and self-entertainment of »quiet people.« The farewell pictures of Shen Zhou also focus on the rendering of the environment and the expression of sentiment, rather than plot. For example, in Parting at the Jing River, although the central part shows the farewell scenes of relatives and friends on the shore, and the main character Wu Yu leaving by boat, the characters, young and old, are without facial features. The depiction is very simple. The scenery is infused with symbolic meaning. The peaches blossoming nearby and the vast Yangtze River show the beautiful scenery of his hometown. The mountains and hills in the distance, and the water and the sky, seem to imply the hardships of the journey. The two mirroring each other implicitly convey the author’s sentimental love and retention. The above-mentioned realistic landscape led to a variety of types and expressions, which played an extremely important role in inspiring literati painting to express the soul, convey emotions, and integrate scenes. Shen Zhou’s lyrical landscapes were designed to express subjective interest, and the natural scenes were often conceptualized, either to support ideals or to express emotions for self-entertainment, comfort, or enjoyment. For example, the book Dreaming of Traveling While in Bed (Wo You Tu

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8.9.1  Dreaming of ­Traveling While in Bed ­(selection), Palace Museum

卧游图) (Fig 8.9.1) is mostly an imaginary chat for self-entertainment. It reads: »Zong Shaowen reveals the landscape pictures on the four walls, and he claims to be lying in the middle of the tour. This book can be used as a measure, and you can sleep on your back on the kuang bed. Hold it with one hand and read it slowly with the other. It’s not easy to hide.« Some lyrical landscapes also contain profound life philosophies and aesthetic experiences, which are more conceptual and abstract. For example, Sitting Alone at Night shows Shen Zhou sitting and reading. However, according to the self-titled Record of a Night of Quiet Sitting, he knew that he used paintings to express his thoughts about sitting alone in the night, and developed a philosophy of meditation and enlightenment. Shen Zhou’s imitations of ancient landscapes reflect his pedigree and his creative attitude of seeking nuance and change. Many of his imitations of antiquity, such as Imitation of Huang Gongwang’s Dwelling in the Fuchun Mountains, is a back-lit

work, but the layout, composition, physical form, and brushwork are close to the original, so it can be said that Huang Gongwang’s method was already in his mind. 2. Form: Composition, Brushwork, Use of Ink Based on the four schools of his master, Dong, Ju and Yuan, Shen Zhou also developed his own unique art form. Although the scenes in Shen Zhou’s landscapes are complex, spare and simple, they all focus on highlighting the theme, handling the subject-benefactor relationship appropriately, and emphasizing the creation of the virtual and the real in a staggered manner. For example, in Lofty Mount Lu (Fig. 8.9.2), the scenery is quite complex, but through the virtual and real interspersion of mountains and clouds, rocks and springs, it is easy to see that the landscape is real. The heaviness and dignity of the mountain peaks and the static and dynamic contrast of the twists and turns of these mountains show no constraint.

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ings, and used the side striker for chopped-up short strokes, while retaining the rounded and subtle strokes of Dong, Ju and the Yuan painters. His brushwork is rigid and soft, which turned away from the excessive introversion of the Yuan, strengthening the brushwork, avoiding the overbearing strong strokes of the Zhe school, and ignoring subtlety. Shen Zhou’s landscape paintings are mainly in moist, dense ink, and at the same time, the ink shows a change in intensity and lightness, is rich in layering, with clarity in concentration, and a light reddish-red coloring, which adds to the elegance of the ink, presenting a pale and moist appearance. Shen Zhou’s landscape paintings collect the great achievements of all schools of painting, and harmoniously blend opposing elements into one, opening the way to synthesis and expanding the world for the new development of literati painting. 8.9.2  Lofty Mount Lu, National Palace Museum

Far Away from the Jing River is extremely spare, but all the scenes are endowed with certain meaning, and there are cohesive and internal connections, making the virtual scenery very substantial. Shen Zhou’s landscapes emphasize the magnificent potential and simple quality of mountains and rivers. Both the mountains and rivers and the small, distant scenes, had a majestic and magnificent momentum, and the plain, natural and unpretentious scenery implied vigorous and elegant interest, which was different from the Yuan’s emptiness, and also different from the vulgarity of the Zhe School. Shen Zhou’s brushwork draws on the hardness and power of Li and Guo of the Northern Song Dynasty and the Zhe School of the Ming Dynasty. He often used straight lines to outline rocks and build-

Section 2  Wen Zhengming 1. Life of Wen Zhengming Wen Zhengming (1470–1559), formerly known as Bi, was a native of Changzhou (present-day Suzhou, Jiangsu Province), where he learned calligraphy from Li Yingzhen at the age of 19, and from Wu Kuan at the age of 20. His father, Wen Lin, was the prefect of Yongjia, Wenzhou, so he went to Wenzhou with his family when he was three. He learned ancient literature from Wu Kuan when he was nine, lived in Wu at 19-years-old, learned calligraphy from Li Yingzhen, and learned painting from Shen Zhou at 20. From the ages of 26 to 53, he was unsuccessful in ten examinations for the imperial examination, and during this time his calligraphy and painting became famous. He had already crossed the Wuzhong area, and was good friends with Tang Yin, Zhang Ling, Xu Zhen-

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qing, Zhu Yunming, Wang Fang, Cai Yu and other painters and scholars, and often repaid them with poetry and paintings. In the second year of Jiajing (1523), Wen Zhengming was recommended by Li Chongsi, the governor of Jiangsu Province, to enter the capital as a tribute student and participate in the revision of the Records of the Emperor Wu Zong. He experienced the hardships of court duty, the tediousness of preparing documents, the cruelty of the court cane, and the dangers of officialdom. He begged several times, and was finally allowed to resign in his 4th year in Beijing (1527), at the age of 58. When Wen Zhengming returned to Suzhou, he built a room in the eastern part of his house, named the Yu Qing Mountain Room, and spent his days working there. From that time, calligraphy was his companion, and he responded to all kinds of requests without cease. He only stipulated that he would not paint for the feudal lords, eunuchs, or foreigners. Wen Zhengming was simple and quiet, did not like to receive favors from others, and was happy to live in poverty  – but he was anxious to meet people’s demands. He was a man of clean words and clean lines, he abided by filial piety, loyalty and faithfulness, and grew old with his wife; he treated his brother with love and friendship, and tried his best to protect him in times of distress; he was gentle to others, and never reproached anyone; he worked studiously, and never tired of answering people’s questions. Therefore, his works of calligraphy and painting became more sophisticated as he aged. His character and morals, poetry, calligraphy and painting were all highly valued, and no one of the literati and scholars came to Wu without following him. Wen Zhengming died at the age of 90 on February 20, 1559, the 38th year of the Jiajing era. He created a style of painting that had many followers, including more than 30 members of the Wen family whose works were recorded, as well as more than 30 famous students and private tutors.

SECTION 2 WEN ZHENGMING

2. Artistic Achievements of Wen Zhengming Wen Zhengming was outstanding in poetry, literature, calligraphy and painting, and was good at landscapes, figures, orchids and bamboos, flowers, etc. He was especially known for his landscapes. Wen Zhengming’s works have both inheritance in Shen Zhou and originality in the treatment of subject matter. Taking landscape painting as an example, the subject matter is divided into three categories: scenery, lyricism and antiquity. Scenic landscapes were more realistic and encompassed a wider range of contents, with more elegant thoughts and emotions. Whether depicting the natural scenery of the south of the Yangtze River, or the living environment and activities of the literati, the scenes are beautiful and serene, and the characters are gentle and elegant, expressing in detail the ideological sentiments and life pursuits of the literati. For example, Huishan Tea Party (Fig 8.9.3) depicts Wen Zhengming, Cai Yu, Wang Shou, Wang Chong and seven other guests visiting the scenic spots of Huishan in Wuxi on February 19 of the 13th year of Emperor Zhengde’s reign, making some tea and enjoying it. Green pines and cypresses surround the spring pavilion, and people sit in rows around the well, or the tripods to make tea, watch shows and chant poems, or take a leisurely walk on the mountain road. This truly reproduces the beautiful scenery and the elegance of the literati gathering. The plot narrative and environmental depiction is much more specific and detailed than Shen Zhou’s plot narration and environment depiction. Another example is Cangxi, which depicts the living room of Wu Jun, the county magistrate of Wucheng. This room is located at Jingxi, north of Jingnan Mountain in Yixing, Jiangsu Province, with Wuhu Lake at the top and Taihu Lake at the bottom. It is contrasted with the mountains of Liemo and Tongguan, with clear water and luxuriant forests. The front of the living room, surrounded by pines and

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8.9.3 Huishan Tea Party, Palace Museum

cypresses, with clear mountains and clear water, concentrates the beauty of the Jingxi Region. At the same time, the clean and spotless environment symbolizes Wu Jun’s high moral character and selflessness. Wen Zhengming’s lyrical landscapes mainly express the secluded environment and noble sentiments, and are more elegant and interesting than Shen Zhou’s. For example, the scenery in Pure Conversation in Green Shade, Garden of Pleasure in Solitude, and Returning Boat in Winding Harbor are all more beautiful and serene. The scenery is beautiful and secluded, and the characters are quiet and elegant, which can be said to be a self-portrait of the painter’s temperament, character, thought, and personality. Wen Zhengming’s imitation of antiquity has a wide range of subjects, including literati painting and courtyard painting, ink and green, thick and thin strokes. The Landscape Album is a more comprehensive reflection of his pedigree. According to the inscription on the last page by Zhang Fengyi: »This text was made by Tai Shi for his high disciple Zhu Zilang in small format, each effect of the ancient mantle also. In the middle, there were two Dong Ju, one Li Cheng, one Fan Kuan, one Xiaomi, one Zijiu, one Shuming, one Yuanzhen, one Zhonggui, and three Zhao Wenmin.« When we look at the picture, we can see that the imi-

tators did not stick to the physical resemblance, but paid attention to the rhythm of the brush and ink, and picked up the advantages. Other paintings, such as the Imitation of Mo Yun Mountain by Er mi and Gao Kegong, Spring Rain in Jiangnan by Ni Zan, and Green Landscapes by Zhao Boju and Zhao Meng, are also deep imitations. He was most influenced by Zhao Meng, Wang Meng, and Wu Zhen, and thus formed the two main painting styles, of coarse and fine strokes. The »coarse« landscape was influenced by Shen Zhou, and incorporated Ma and Xia’s strong and robust brushwork, Zhao Meng’s calligraphic darting of wood, bamboo, and stone, and Wu Zhen’s vivid and hearty ink, presenting a bold and simple style. The Staff of the Stream Bridge, The Rainy and Clear Chronicle, Withered and Sparse Wood, and Frost Bamboo and Stone all reflect the typical appearance of coarse landscapes. The xi wen landscape belongs to natural color painting, which is divided into two categories: ink wash and blue-green. The ink landscapes take the meticulousness of Wang Meng, the emptiness of Huang Gongwang, and the elegance of Zhao Meng to form a handsome and elegant style. For example, the dense scenery and fine branches in the scroll of Pure Conversation in Green Shade are from Wang Meng; the sparse layout and pine spirits in Farewell at the Bridge of the Hanging Rain-

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bow are modeled on Huang Gongwang; the neat and delicate tree postures in Enjoying the Scenery at a River and the elegant and graceful brushwork in Return to Stone Lake are similar to Zhao Meng. These works, while showing the strengths of all schools of painting, have their own characteristics, such as spare and balanced layout, less chapped rocks and mountains, neat and slightly decorative forms, sharp and clumsy strokes, clear and light ink colors, quiet and elegant realm, calm and peaceful feelings, etc. The overall style has a distinctively »literati« air. Wen Zhengming was best at blue-green landscapes, based on his admiration for ancient methods. As he said in his postscript to the Tang Dynasty Yan Youxiang’s Autumn Ridge Returning to the Clouds (Qiu Ling Gui Yun Tu 秋岭归云图): »I heard that in ancient paintings, all the colors were still set, and the ink method was second, so I used more green. In the medieval period it became light purple-red, with mixed ink and water. Therefore, the ancient paintings were all about God, and the medieval paintings were all about ease. Each of them had its own rationale and was not judged on its own merits.« Zhao Meng, the master of the painting style, has also adopted the style of Zhao Boju and Zhao Bohua combined with the four schools of the Yuan Dynasty and Er Mi’s brush, thus forming a small green landscape that is colorful and profitable. Among the surviving works, Huishan Tea Party and A Graceful Gathering at the Orchid Pavilion were mostly influenced by Zhao Meng, with fine craftsmanship, but the color is more vibrant; Dong yuan and Green Landscape are the masterpieces of the two Zhaos. The brushwork is neat and rigorous, rendering fine and bright, but without losing the taste of elegance. There are subtle points in the outline, and the color is mixed with ochre and cyan in the blue and green, which is vigorous in the workmanship, and elegant in freshness, with distinctive advantages and characteristics.

SECTION 3 TANG YIN

Section 3  Tang Yin 1. Tang Yin’s Rough Journey 1. An Underestimated Talent Tang Yin was born in Suzhou, a beautiful and prosperous city in Jiangnan, on March 4, 1470. It was the year of Geng Yin, so he was named Yin. His zodiac sign was the tiger, so he used the word Bohu and the compound word Ziwei. Tang Yin’s father, Tang Guangde, was a merchant who opened a small store, probably a butcher’s store and tavern, in Wu Shifang, in the city. Therefore, in his Letter to Wen Zhengming, Tang Yin describes himself as a young man who worked as a servant, living and dealing in liquors, washing blood from knives. From his childhood, Tang Yin was so smart and clever that his father specially hired teachers to help him prosper in the future, but he was naughty by nature, and unruly. He often played with other children and enjoyed hanging out with lower class people such as palanquin bearers, handymen, butchers, and peddlers. As a teenager, Tang Yin became friends with Wen Zhengming, Zhang Ling, Du Mu, and Xu Zhenqing. However, his behavior was very loose, so he had the most affinity with Zhang Ling, who was a broad-minded fellow. They both used to fight naked in water fights, visited Tiger Hill together, and recited poems in Kezhong’s pavilion to compete for wine. He and the romantic talent Zhu Yunming were also very close. Tang, Zhang, and Zhu once disguised themselves as beggars in the snow and rain, and sang »Lotus Falls« at the drum festival and drank wildly in the Temple of Wine after getting money. However, Wen Zhengming, who was the same age as Tang, was a prudent and humorless person who always advised Tang Yin. Tang Yin began painting at the age of 17, and made Portrait of Zhen Shou Tang for Zhou Yi’s mother. There is a Shen Zhou inscription on

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the back page, and he should have met Shen Zhou at that time. When he was 18 years old, he also wrote a poem for Wang Huayi Zhou as painted by Shen Zhou. During this period, he mainly learned painting from Shen Zhou, so his painting style was quite influenced by Shen in his early years. Tang Yin married the second daughter of Xu Tingrui at the age of 19, and lived a comfortable life depending on his parents’ support. However, at the age of 24 or 25, Tang’s family suffered a series of misfortunes. Within two years, his parents and wife died, and his younger sister died unexpectedly, leaving the family in a declining state. Tang Yin, who was not good at financial management, fell into poverty within a year. However, his unrestrained and cynical nature still made him take pleasure in the bitterness. Losing the control of his parents, Tang Yin still partied with his friends, drank all night, gambled, and stopped at a brothel to relieve his inner emptiness and worries. 2. Dismissal from the Imperial Examination When Tang Yin was 26-years-old, his best friend Zhu Yunming advised him to stop his playfulness, so they both decided to stop seeing each other for a year and he devoted himself to studying scripture. At the age of 27, he went to the Nine Immortals Temple in Fujian Province to pray for a dream and ask for guidance. In the end, Tang Yin built the Dream Ink Pavilion and Zhu Yunming wrote Records of the Dream Ink Pavilion (Meng Mo Ting Ji 梦墨 亭记). In the 11th year of Hongzhi era (1498), when he was 29, he went to Yingtian House (present day Nanjing) to take the provincial examinations  – and he came first. Immediately, he engraved the seal Nanjing Jieyuan (»First in the whole of Nanjing«). At the end of the year, he went to Beijing with Xu Jing, a scholar in Jiangyin, to take the national imperial examination for the next year. However, on February 27, after the second examination, Hua Chang impeached Cheng Minzheng, the chief examiner, for leaking questions in advance, and Xu Jing and Tang Yin

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were suspected of bribery and fraud. The three men were arrested for questioning, imprisoned, and tortured. On the first day of June, Xu and Tang were both sentenced to redeeming themselves for the crime of seeking advancement through craft, and were both deposed and dismissed from official service, with no possibility of taking the examinations ever again. Tang Yin returned to Suzhou, disgraced. 3. Making a Living by Painting After Tang Yin returned to his hometown, his situation was distressing. He was ridiculed by outsiders, and his wife turned against him, and left with all his money. He was depressed, his behavior became more decadent, and he often drank away his sorrows and entertained prostitutes. He was also addicted to the words of the Buddha, and studied fortune telling, astrology, and divination. When he was 40-years-old, he built the Peach Blossom Cottage and the Dream Ink Pavilion, and often invited friends to have fun, drink wine and compose poems. He called himself »Master of the Peach Blossom Cottage.« In a short while, he learned the academic style of painting from Zhou Chen, and his masters, Li Tang, Ma, and Xia of the Southern Song Dynasty. In order to maintain his livelihood, he began to sell paintings and calligraphy, and once had a poem called »Yan Zhi« which says: »I don’t refine the golden elixir, I don’t sit in meditation, I don’t cultivate the fields for merchants. I write the green hills and sell them freely, and I don’t make money for evil deeds on earth.« As he was good at poetry, calligraphy and painting, and also at painting landscapes, figures, and birds-and-flowers, his works were both elegant and popular, and his reputation spread far and wide. However, his family was not wealthy, and he was often in trouble. At the age of 36, he was in disagreement with Wen Zhengming over the money he borrowed for his paintings.

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4. Journey to Jiangxi In the autumn of 1514, in the 9th year of the Zhengde era, King Zhu Chenhao of Jiangxi Province built the Yangchun Academy, and, as he admired the names of Tang Yin and Wen Zhengming, he sent someone to Suzhou to offer them jobs with a large sum of money. Wen Zhengming politely declined the offer, but Tang Yin accepted because of his poor living conditions. So, he traveled to visit Kuanglu, crossed Peng Li, and went to Nanchang. Half a year later, he noticed the ing’s ambitions, and, pretending to be mad, returned to his hometown in September of the following year. In 1519, King Ning was executed for plotting a rebellion, and Tang Yin was lucky enough to have escaped a calamity. In his later years, Tang Yin lived in his hometown and devoted himself to poetry, calligraphy, and painting for a living and for his own amusement, but after the age of 50 he became ill and couldn’t paint as much as he wanted to. He died on December 2, 1523, at the age of 54. He left behind a daughter who married Zi Yang, son of Wang Chong. His friend raised funds for his burial. He was buried in Hengtang, outside Suzhou.

2. The Complicated Heart of a Talented Man Tang Yin was one of the most famous Chinese painters of ancient China, and was a household name. However, he often appears as a romantic genius. There have developed many legends and stories into novels, operas, reviews, comic strips and paintings, which are widely circulated. Among them, Three Smiles (San Xiao Yinyuan 三笑 姻) is a love affair known to women and children. But the life of Tang Yin is far from romantic. In fact, according to the historical facts of Tang Yin’s life, he was far from being such a romantic and amorous person. He certainly indulged in much debauchery and drinking, but his heart was filled with complex feelings and emotions such as misery, bitterness, frustration, emptiness, cynicism,

SECTION 3 TANG YIN

jealousy, chivalry, tenderness, and happiness in poverty. Through his wild and unrestrained outward expressions, we can explore his deeper views of life, and more accurately grasp his creative purposes and thoughts in poetry, calligraphy, painting, and other artistic fields, as well as his lines of thought and social values. 1. The Nature of Debauchery and Lasciviousness It is undeniable that Tang Yin’s nature was wild and lascivious. He was very clever as a child, but very naughty. In adulthood, some time before his father’s death, he led a wayward life of drinking and promiscuity. When he was 24 or 25, his family suffered a series of misfortunes. He was griefstricken, but he did not regain his spirit to rebuild the family business, and still indulged in alcohol and debauchery to relieve his emptiness and seek solace. Many of his love poems were written on behalf of prostitutes, such as the poem »Meeting with a Courtesan,« which reads: »The moss and hatred outside the door has increased, and private letters are hard to send; how many tears do we know when we leave? Please look my old shirt.« The poem »The Old Man Seeing the Negative as Blame« says: »The fine folded red paper pays, the wutong moon hesitates together; the negative man says it goes out with the lamp, and at night blows the lamp and tries to see the canal.« In the course of gambling day and night, Tang Yin owed 3000 in gambling debts to Xu Jing, a wealthy gentleman and scholar in Jiangyin, and had to repay them with a Ni Zan painting. At the age of 30, he was in Beijing for a trial, and was humiliated and deposed. On his return home, he was blamed and his wife fell out with him. Life dealt yet another heavy blow, and fame, future prospects, and even family relationships were shattered like glass. His life and thoughts were in a state of chaos and disorder. In addition to earning a living through painting and calligraphy, he had no choice but to stay in temples and

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brothels. As the poem »Writing Wistful Thoughts on a Spring Day« says, »The trails of the New Year turn around, mostly in the Oriflower Temple; Yesterday’s drunkenness is today’s drunkenness, the light wind is connected to light wind. Inviting a monk to reconcile in a bitter discussion, warm clusters of the smoked cages of brothels.« He began to be a good Buddhist, calling himself »Layman Six,« which means »like a dream, like a bubble like a shadow, like dew, like lightning« in the Diamond Sutra. In fact, he did not really believe in Buddhism, but rather used it to escape from the troubles of the world and seek a sense of purity. His evening name, »the Zen Buddhist mandarin,« indicates that although he called himself a good Buddhist, he did not abide by the precepts of Buddhism. He often went to temples to drink and play chess with Zen monks and Daoist priests to relieve the loneliness in his heart. In his old age, he wrote a poem called »Feelings«, in which he frankly said: »I don’t meditate without refining the Golden Elixir, I eat when I’m hungry and sleep when I’m tired; my career is both painting and poetry, and my tracks are lace and willow. In the mirror, we grow old together in spring, and in front of the lantern, the moon is full with the couple; thousands of happy scenes are drunk, and the world is full of idle people.« It shows that he iwa not a religious person, but still aspiresd to a life of drunkenness and pleasure. After a period of frustration and self-reproach, he returned to the pleasures of his youth, and deliberately carved two seals: »The most elegant genius in Jiangnan,« and »First in Dragon and Tiger Ranking, Drunk in the Fireworks.« However, he needed money to get drunk in a brothel, so he and his friends often did something extraordinary. Two anecdotes are recorded in the Complete Works of Tang Bohu: Once, Tang Yin and a few friends were in the mood to drink, but they had no money. In desperation, they all took off their clothes and pawned them, then indulged in booze, forgetting to return at night. In the midst of his drunken-

Chapter IX The Wu School of Painting

ness, he redeemed the clothes of his friends with his impromptu paintings. When they returned to Suzhou, they received silver coins and summoned all the courtesans and travelers to drink for several days. The gold disappeared. In the end, it was not until an emissary inspected Xuanmiao Temple, and saw that it was as dilapidated as before, that he found out it was done by Tang and Zhu. Tang Yin’s reputation as a womanizer spread as a result of his indulgence in drinking and debauchery. The story in Three Smiles was handed down among the people, and Tang Yin naturally did not have such a happy marriage, but it is not groundless that this kind of affair was settled under his name. The pity, sympathy, and admiration that he expressed in his contact with women and young girls from brothels was reflected in many poems, which formed the image of his affair. For example, he has a seven-verse poem entitled »Mourning Courtesan Xu Su,« which tells of his unforgettable love. »The clear waves are silent, the love is long and resentful; the residual powder is yellow and the silver puffs on the face, the fragrance of the old clothes sends jade to the breast. When the moon is bright and the flowers fall in front of the lanterns, spring will end and people will meet in their dreams; and then we will be reborn before you are old, so that we can meet in your dreams.« In a poem called »Thanksgiving Banquet,« by Shen Dezheng, a drunken joke is made: »In the title of the poem, I wanted to record of my deed of begging for a beauty.« During the Chenghua era, the famous courtesan Lin Qiuxiang in Nanjing quit her job, and Tang Yin wrote a poem in praise of her: »In the past, she danced on the Zhangtai Terrace with a thin waist, and let the gentleman climb and break the tender branches; now she writes in the blue and white, and does not allow the east wind to falter again.« He still has lyrics and music describing the erotic events of the brothel, which linger even more. Chen Jiru’s Pure Words from a World of Peace and Tranquility (Taiping Qing Hua 太平清话) describe: »Tang Bohu has

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thousands of words in The Merry Escape, all of which are the language of the brothel.« In painting, courtesans and beautiful women were also the themes he often described. Therefore, from Tang Yin’s life, when it came to poetry and painting, he highlighted his wild and lascivious side. 2. The Paradox of Being Underappreciated and Comfortable in One’s Surroundings Tang Yin was both suave and talented. His illfated destiny made him bohemian, but he was not a mediocre drunkard. In his heart, he still did not forget to display his talents and help the world; in the face of setbacks, he often vented his frustrations about his lack of talent, but at the same time he was open-minded enough to face reality. His mind was tangled with various complexes, which rose and fell, thus revealing multiple views of life. Tang Yin was not interested in fame and fortune, but was very ambitious. After his family’s fall, he was still full of ambitions. At the age of 26, he wrote a letter of recommendation to Wu Kuan, minister of ritual, telling his inner ambition. At the age of 27, he listened to Zhu Yunming’s advice and closed his home to study for the exams, and resolutely expressed his stance. The next year, he went to Yingtian House to take the provincial examinations, and indeed won the first place. At the age of 30, he was very depressed and frustrated after the Beijing trial. In a letter to Wen Zhengming, he confessed his misfortune and his state of mind in tears and blood. There was a deep sense of self-reproach (»Even though the servant is deaf and blind, he knows that he has sinned«), as well as a cry of resistance, (»a soldier can be killed, but not humiliated. He is a mere piece of material to used for the benefit of the world«). There are also incentives for a future career: Taking a glimpse at the ancients, Mo Zhai was imprisoned, but he wrote Mourning the Poor; Sun Tzu lost his footing, but he wrote the Art of War; Ma Qian was accused of corruption, later he wrote

SECTION 3 TANG YIN

a hundred essays in the Records of History; Jia Sheng was exiled, and his writings regressed…The servant is a lost hero, who is always idle, incapable of morality, and wants to inspire… If I can’t see this for myself, what will I accomplish? He is like a mayfly, clothed in cheap dress, his body shortlived and he is pitied by others. One day, after the servant take the lead, he will meet the gentleman under the cypress, so that future generations would also know that there were students of Tang.

The letter was heartfelt, thoughtful, and truly revealed the complexity of his heart at the time. Afterwards, in his long years of making a living with painting, Tang Yin was sometimes excited, hoping to make a difference, but sometimes frustrated, contented with having no worries about food and clothing. There is a poem called »Night Reading« which says: »Looking at the night, thinking carefully, lying alone, the rlamp leaks, I wonder if my belt will turn yellow, when I will grow old as the world; It is said that after death there are three jumps, and I want to do one before I die; The heart is immortal when the name is not known, and then I pick up the essay and read by the lamp.« He still strives to be famous for his essays. Another poem, »Wandering,« says: »Ten years of leading a dream, and I have poured my heart out to the waves; The inner garden dances and sings with gold, and the southern country drifts with long white hair. The sorrows of my flesh are great, and the crimson peach cannot give release.« In his poem »The Recluse of Chrysanthemum,« written for his friend Zhu Jing, he made a grand statement saying that no matter whether one is an official or a retired person, one should always be productive and useful to the world. However, his poem »Words of Remembrance,« written in his late years, looking back on his life, is timely, enjoyable, and at ease: »Fifty years of laughing, singing and dancing wildly, sleeping in the moonlight and having fun in the flowers; I’ve been working hard to spread my name around the

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8.9.4  Scholar Tasting Tea, Palace Museum

world, who cares about the lack of wine or money in my pocket. I am not ashamed to call myself an author of poetry, but people say that I am an immortal.« Tang Yin’s ambiguous behavior and contradictory thoughts and emotions caused by his tortuous experiences had a direct or indirect influence on his paintings, and are one of the important factors that shaped the richness of his subjects and the variety of his styles.

3. Artistic Characteristics of Tang Yin’s Paintings The artistic characteristics of Tang Yin’s paintings share common features with Shen, Wen and Qiu, such as synthesizing the strengths of the two schools, emphasizing the combination of poetry, calligraphy and painting, attaching importance to the interest of strokes and ink, and pursuing the compatibility of line and profit. Tang Yin’s subject matter was not a major break from tradition, but he attached great importance to ideology in his treatment of subject matter. The fluctuations of thoughts, attitudes, and philosophies of life formed by his ups and downs were reflected to varying degrees in his creations, with a strong subjective element. The thoughts, feelings, and aesthetic tastes disclosed in his works, though not outside the category of feudal literati, are more about the grief, dissatisfaction, indignation, and disappointment of a frustrated literary scholar. This feature is most vividly reflected in figure

paintings, such as Dreaming in the Shade of the Tong Tree, where a high-ranking scholar sits and rests under a sycamore tree. It can be seen that the picture is from a portrayal of the situation, revealing the mood of despairing fame. Judging by the similarity of Du Jin’s painting style and the rounded Zhao Ti calligraphy, it is regarded as a true reflection of the situation at the time when he was frustrated, at the age of 30. Another one is Bamboo in Wind, made at the age of 33. It depicts the filial son Huang Zhichun mourning the death of his parents. In fact, it also entrusts the painter’s own grief, because not long before, Tang Yin also suffered consecutive misfortunes. Scholar Tasting Tea (Fig 8.9.4) was painted in his 30s, and it also shows his leisurely tea drinking. Even in figure paintings based on historical stories, Tang Yin often embodied deep meaning, corruption in the government, or satirized the state of the world. For example, Court Ladies in the Shu Palace (Fig. 8.9.5) depicts the image of four musical performers in the main palace before and after Shu. They are graceful and radiant. Tao Gu Presenting a Lyric (, from the Northern Song Dynasty, shows the ruinous and corrupt life of a ruler. In the early years of the story, the minister of the Northern Song Dynasty, Tao Gu, went on a mission to Jiangnan. Once there he boasted himself as an emissary of the kingdom, and was overbearing. Han Xizai ordered the court courtesan Qin Ruolan to dress up as the daughter of a station officer. When she was sweeping the floor,

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8.9.5 Court Ladies in the Shu Palace, Palace Museum

Tao Gu saw her beauty, and he wrote a poem to her. The next day, The Southern Tang ruler Li Houzhu hosted a banquet to entertain Tao Gu in the Southern Tang Dynasty. He still pretended to be an upright gentleman. Li Houzhu ordered Qin Ruolan to perform a song. The lyrics were the words that Tao Gu had given her, making Tao Gu flushed and embarrassed. The picture depicts the

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scene of Tao Gu’s private meeting with Qin Ruo Lan. Tang Yin inscribed a poem, exposing Tao Gu’s face, the thrust of which is to use the past as an allegory for the present, attacking the hypocrisy of eminent eunuchs and officials. The other two paintings of ladies, Lady Ban Holding a Round Fan and Autumn Breeze and Fine Silk Fan, are similar in subject matter. The »Fan Poem« expresses the feelings of women in the palace who are afraid of being abandoned because of their old age and fading color, as the poem inscribed by the artist says: »I am always afraid that when autumn comes, the heat and coolness will take away the heat. Abandoned and left in a box, in the midst of grace.« It focuses on expressing concern about women’s destiny; the picture depicts the beauty of the fall in the autumn, and satirizes the heat of the world, as the poem points: »Autumn comes with a fan and a collection, and a beautiful woman is very sentimental. Please take a closer look at the situation of the world, for most people do not chase the cold.« At the same time, it pities people and expresses their frustration. As Xiang Yuan Bian pointed out when commenting on this picture, »Mr. Tang Zi Fei, a talented scholar, was slandered and rejected, and was depressed, though he was still playing with the world to pardon himself, he was often ridiculed by those who did not know him. This picture and poem are self-inflicted and self-explanatory. Another characteristic of Tang Yin’s works is the cleverness of the conception, the equal emphasis on people and scenery, and the fact that the scenes are closely related to the subject matter with few redundant or superfluous objects. This is mainly reflected in the landscape paintings centered on human activities, such as Contemplating on a Donkey Ride Home. According to the poem inscribed on the painting, »Begging for nothing, but still riding a donkey to Cui Wei. Covered with frost and dust, the mountain wife has relatives clothes.« The picture depicts a lone donkey rider

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walking in the steep mountains and wild paths. The meaning of the painting is not simply a landscape picture of traveling, but a portrayal of frustration, pathos, and anxious return. Another example is Tong Mountain, a painting of Lake Taihu in Tong Mountain, where half of the lake is clear and boundless, and half is as steep as the screen of the cliff. Vividly highlighting the vastness of Lake Taihu and the precipice of Tong Mountain, the layout is unconventional. Another example is Wang gong xiang, which uses the rugged mountain roads to show that Wang Ao had a long way to go. The concept was very clever.

Section 4  Qiu Ying 1. Qiu Ying’s Painting Career 1. Divergent Birth and Death Dates Qiu Ying, also known as Shifu and Shizhou, immigrated from Taicang to Suzhou. There are several opinions about his dates of birth and death. According to research, the year of his death can be determined based on Peng Nian’s postscript of Qiu Ying’s Tribute Bearers, with the inscription: »Shifu, named Ying, from Wu. His mentor, Dong Cun Zhou Junchen, was a master at his style, especially good at copying. After his death, he was the only one in Jiangnan for 20 years, but he is no longer available.« The year inscribed was the first lunar month of the year of Jiajing. However on the ninth day of the ninth lunar month of the same year, Wen Zhengming’s postscript did not mention that Qiu Ying had passed away, so Qiu Ying probably died between September 16 and December 16 in the 31st year of Jiajing (1552). As for Qiu Ying’s date of birth, because the history of his painting shows that he did not live for long, his death being when he was about 50 years old, according to his age we can deduce that he

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was born in the 15th year of Hongzhi (1502), the 13th year of Hongzhi (1500), or the 11th year of Hongzhi (1498). It is said that he was 51, 53, or 55 years old during the Hongnian era, and although the verdict is inconclusive, there is not much difference. 2. Experiences and Friendships Qiu Ying came from a poor background and worked as a lacquer painter at an early age. In his youth, he learned painting from Zhou Chen, who died in 1535, so Qiu Ying was around 30-yearsold when he began his studies. In the eleventh year of Jiajing (1532), when he was about 35 years old, he painted the scroll Garden Dwelling, which has already been submitted to Li Tang and Liu Songnian’s painting methods, which proves his time as a teacher. In the 12th year of Zhengde (1517), when Wen Zhengming was 48-years-old, he asked Qiu Ying, who was in his 20s, to paint the scroll Portrait of the Goddess and the Lady of the Xiang, which shows that the two had an early relationship. Qiu Ying had close ties with his contemporaries, including poets, painters, and calligraphers from Wuzhong such as Wang Shou, Wang Chong, Wen Peng, Wen Jia, Wen Bo Ren, Peng Nian, Chen Chun, Lu Zhi, Lu Shidao, Zhou Tianqiu, Xu Chu, and Zhang Fengyi, all of whom wrote poems and postscripts on Qiu Ying’s paintings. Qiu Ying’s artistic friendships with these scholars not only spread his reputation, but also was deeply influenced by the Wu School, which gradually transformed his style from the academic style of the Southern Song Dynasty, which originated with Zhou Chen, to a style that tended to be more elegant and refined, rather than rigid and strict. Qiu Ying sold paintings for a living, and his exquisite painting skills were greatly appreciated by collectors who have contacted him, or invited him to their homes to paint, or ordered pieces to fund his creations, as well as providing him with numerous masterpieces from their families’ collections. Viewing and copying them enabled

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Qiu Ying to learn extensively from the Song and Yuan masters and improve his skills rapidly. The most important and enthusiastic collector was Xiang Yuanbian, who had invited Qiu Ying to stay at the museum for more than ten years, around 20 years after the Jiajing Festival, when Qiu was over 40-years-old. In the 26th year of the Jiajing era (1547), Qiu Ying produced works for Xiang Yuanbian, such as Narcissi and Plum Blossoms, Six Scenes from the Song and Yuan Dynasties, as well as the undated scrolls Songxi Flute, Caoyin Jiexia Tongyin Qinghua and others, and the scroll Thatched Houses in the Peach Blossom Village for his younger brother Xiang Yuanqi. According to a self-titled version of this picture, it is dated from Dingyou (1537) to Renyin (1542), when he was around 40-years-old. Another important order was from Chen Guan of Changzhou, for whom Qiu Ying made Tribute Bearers, the scroll Peach Blossoms Fairyland, and the scroll Hiding in the Mountains, among others, in his last years. The other orders were from Xu Zongcheng, Wang Xianchen, Zhou Fenglai, and Hua Yun. Qiu Ying was not good at poetry or prose, but specialized in painting. Dong Qichang, in his Zen Painting Room Essays (Hua Chan Shi Suibi 画禅室 随笔) wrote of Qiu Ying: »When I was painting, my ears did not hear the sound of drums, rumbling and parallels, just like the sound of the hairpin next door.« However, it was this hard work that enabled him to continuously improve his art, and create many masterpieces that were unattainable by others, and his art was widely recognized and praised by the society, and he was able to become one of the Four Schools of Wu.

2. Qiu Ying’s Fine Workmanship Qiu Ying is known for his landscape and figure paintings, occasionally with flowers, which can be roughly divided into three categories: copying ancient works, traditional themes, and realistic content. The works are faithful to the original,s mostly for training basic skills and extensive

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study of tradition, such as the Zhongxing Ruiying scroll, which faithfully preserves the original appearance of the six sections of Xiao Zhao’s Southern Song. The traditional themes can be inventive, original, fresh and lively, and appreciated by all, such as the book Story of People (Renwu Gushi 人物故事), including content of the imperial concubine Xiao Zhuang, the flute and the phoenix, Concubine Ming going out of the blockade, the Song of the Pipa at Xunyang, etc., that had long been drawn by the ancients – but Qiu Ying through the careful arrangement of the plot and the vivid portrayal of images, still makes the work fascinating. The landscape and figure paintings expressing real life have a wide range of choices, including scenic spots, mountains and rivers, gardens in Jiangnan, commonplace folk sentiments, literati, and the secluded dwellings of hermits, which not only accurately convey their characteristics and interests, but also have a joyful, cheerful, unrestrained, and exalted mood. For example, Fishermen in Reclusion Among the Lotus Stream (Fig. 8.9.6), Thatched Houses in the Peach Blossom Village, and Pavilions in the Mountains of the Immortals, which are all set in a beautiful mountainous landscape, are also included. Therefore, his paintings can be appreciated by both the refined and the common people, and are pleasing to the mind. Qiu Ying’s painting style emerged from the Southern Song Dynasty’s academic style, and draws on the strengths of literati painting and Song and Yuan masters, which had formed its own characteristics, but also shows a variety of outlooks. His landscapes are divided into two painting styles: ink wash and blue-green. The ink wash landscapes are based on the Southern Song Dynasty’s academic style, which is compatible with the methods of literati painting and has an elegant touch. The composition is symmetrical and balanced, with fine lines and subtlety, have few traces of dew, have chafing with short chopping, free movement, light ink,

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8.9.6 Fishermen in Reclusion Among the Lotus Stream, Palace Museum

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color and harmony. The tone is bright and crisp, and the overall look of these paintings is a style of its own. The beauty of the river expresses the ideal sentiment. Resting under Willow Trees with a Zither and Songxi Flute portray the image of a noble scholar with high spirit and unrestrained demeanor, noble but not isolated, which makes people feel close to him. The natural color of the landscape is green, with the two Southern Song Dynasties masters Zhao Meng and Wen Zhengming as its sources, resulting in a unique neat and clear outlook. Among them, Jade Cave Fairyland and Thatched Houses in the Peach Blossom Village are relatively fine. The mountains and rocks are mainly outlined, with heavy blue-green colors, and paved with ochre. You can see the elegance in the fresh and beautiful Fishermen in Reclusion Among the Lotus Stream. Influenced by Zhao and Wen, the scenery is spare and clear, the lines are thin and concise, the brushwork is neat, the hills and stones are outlined in the middle, the color is mainly light, with a little emphasis on the color, the overall style is clear and bright. The blue-green landscapes of the two roads are both workmanlike but not frivolous, and elegant but not sweet, setting a new model. Dong Qichang was also deeply impressed and commented in Rongtai Collection: »Zhao Boju and Bo, from Li Zhaodao’s school of painting, were extremely skillful and moralistic, and their work was imitated by later generations, such as Ding Yefu and Qian Shunju of Yuan, but their elegance could never be achieved. Five hundred years, the father of Qiu Shi greatly admired Taishi who painted for his family. Tai Shi’s paintings are not inferior to those of Qiu’s.« Qiu Ying’s character paintings are also divided into two methods: fine coloring and rough ink. The meticulous figure, especially the female figure, is most famous for its unrestrained and handsome posture, fine brushwork, and elegant and gentle mood. It was a new style of the Qiu School for representing women. His representative works

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8.9.7 Xiuzhu Maidens, Shanghai Museum

include the Story of People and the Shuzhu Maidens scrolls (Fig. 8.9.7). The thick-brush ink figures, modeled on Ma Yuan and Du Jin, are elegant and refined, with simple depictions of objects and abbreviated lines, either with strong, staccato, or rounded and smooth orchid leaf depictions. The character’s temperament is also unrestrained and elegant, which is different from the academic style and Zhe School.

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Section 5  Various Masters of the Wu School The Wu School of Painting was created through the efforts of Shen Zhou and Wen Zhengming, and formed a strong camp at that time, with successors from generation to generation. The founder Shen Zhou already had many followers, and his descendants included Shen Bin, Shen Zhao, Shen Xin, Shen Si, Shen Luzhou, Shen Hao, Shen Mei, and so on. Students and successors included Wen Zhengming, Zhang Fu, Xiang Chengen, Sheng Shitai, Wu Lin, Zhou Yong, Lei Li, Chen Duo, Chen Huan, Lu Wen, Yu Xilian, Sun Ai, Zong Zhou, Xie Shichen, Chen Tianding, Du Yilong, Zhu Nanyong, Li Zhe, Xu Hongze, etc. Among them, only Wen Zhengming was the best, while the other painters were mostly limited to accomplished methods and had little creativity. During this time, Xie Shichen made certain achievements and enjoyed a fashionable reputation. After Shen Zhou, the Wu School actually became the world of the Wen family. The Wen family stretched to the Qing Dynasty, with more than 30 people in the records, and was the largest family of calligraphy and painting in the history of China, including Wen Peng, Wen Jia, Wen BoRen, Wen CongJian, and others. Prominent disciples included Chen Chun, Lu Zhi, Wang Gu Xiang, Qian Gu, Zhou Tian Qiu, and Lu Shidao, Zhu lang, Ju Jie and so on. There were many more scholars, some of the more famous ones were Sun Zhi, Chen Huan, Chen Ni, and Cheng Dalun. Many of these painters had remarkable achievements and formed their own styles, such as Qian Gu, Lu Shidao, and Ju Jie, who were famous for their expertise in landscapes. Lu Zhi and Chen Chun were good at landscapes and bird-and-flower paintings, and Wang Guxiang and Zhou Tianqiu were especially good at bird-and-flower paintings. Some painters, though not members of the Wu School, were influenced by the school to a certain extent and achieved notable successes, such as

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Sun Kehong, who excelled in heavy-colored birdand-flower paintings, and Zhou Zhimian, who created the »hook flower dotted leaf method« method of birds-and-flowers. Tang and Qiu of the Wu School also had direct descendants, but their achievements and influence were far less important than those of Shen and Wen. Tang Yin had disciples, such as Qian Gong, Zhu Sheng, and Xiao Chen, and the patriarchs included Shen Shuo and Zhu Zhu. Qiu Ying’s descendants included his daughter Qiu Zhu, his grandson Qiu Shixiang, his students You Qiu, Shen Wan, and Cheng Huan. Shen Shuo and Zhu Zhu also built their own methods.

1. Descendants of the Wen Family Wen Jia (1501–1583), also called Xiu Cheng, Wen Shui, second son of Wen Zhengming, was an official of Hezhou Xuezheng. He was good at poetry, calligraphy and painting, inherited his family’s knowledge, and was proficient in the appreciation and authentication of ancient calligraphy and painting. He was the author of Records of Calligraphy and Painting in the Hall of Qianshan (Qian Shan Tang Shuhua Ji 人物故事). Wen Jia’s painting style was similar to his father’s, and he inherited his father’s mantle of calligraphy, so he tried to write for his father in his early years. Since he had seen so many famous works of the ancients, he was able to deviate from customs and pursue his own style and brushwork. Inheriting the fine brushwork of Wen Zhengming, Wen Jia’s landscape paintings are more lateral, spare and simple, and the style tends to be more elegant and distant. His surviving works include the Half Ji An, which depicts the scenery of the place where his friend Wang Baigu lived. The nunnery in the front house is dedicated to viewing, while the master sits alone in the living room in the back house. The garden is decorated with lakes, bamboo-and-stone, trees, and the scene is simple and serene, which appropriately conveys Wang Baigu’s thoughts of Zen meditation, and the painting style is neat and clumsy, close

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to his father’s, while the sharp and spare strokes show their own characteristics. Wen Boren (1502–1575), also known as Du Cheng and Wu Feng, was the nephew of Wen Zhengming. He was good at landscapes and figures, inherited the mantle of Wen Zhengming, and used the methods of Wang Meng. The composition in his paintings tend to be more luxuriant than plain, and the brushwork is delicate, and the style is more subtle. His surviving works include the Nanxi Thatched Cottage, which painted the Nanxi Thatched Cottage where the calligrapher Gu Ying lived. The screen is centered on the cottage where the owner lives, showing natural scenery such as the woods, the river and the reed beds, as farmland, village houses, water pavilions and board bridges, and other pastoral scenery, as well as casting nets, water mills, boat rides, and sightseeing, form beautiful and peaceful images full of life. This is not only reflected in set themes such as »dwelling in the city,« but also in the »garden,« »journey,« »visiting friends« and so on. Another example is Floating on Lake Tai, which should belong to a »trip picture« after sightseeing. While intentionally depicting the spectacular natural scenery of Lake Tai, with its vast surface and undulating islands, the picture highlights the thousands of sails, or fishing boats, that rippled the surface of the lake, and the social life connotation of Lake Tai as »the land of fish and rice« was suddenly revealed, which also reflected a harmonious trend. The layout of this picture is relatively empty and sparse, but the brush and ink of the trees and stones are still very dense. The method of mountain stones and the dot-dyeing of trees are all taken from Wang Meng, and its overall style is the same as the above-mentioned picture.

2. Various Wu School Artists Known for Landscape Painting Qian Gu (1508–?), also known as Shubao and Qishi, from Wu County (present day Suzhou, Jiangsu), was a disciple of Wen Zhengming, and special-

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ized in landscapes, orchids, and bamboo paintings. His style of landscape painting was close to that of his teacher, with reference to Shen Zhou’s rough strokes, which were slightly heavier. He did not have many new ideas in his painting style, but tried to substitute for Wen Zhengming because of their similar styles. In terms of conceptualization of materials, there were some new developments, such as the »journey,« which turns the earlier single scenes of Shen and Wen into a collection of multiple scenes. Not only is the scenery more realistic, but it also presents the tourist attractions more comprehensively in the order of the tour. It has gradually evolved from a literary person’s self-expressive travel map to a guided tour for the audience. This indicates that the creative purpose of the Wu School painters at this time had shifted from amusement to control, i.  e., obedience to certain social needs, and that Qian Gu and the others were already figures between literati painters and professional painters. Tiger Hill Mountain Front (Fig. 8.9.8) is a single picture of the trip. According to Wang Shi Zhen’s Four Manuscripts of the People of Zhou Mountain (Zhou shan ren si bu gao 州山人 四部稿), Qian Gu and his students painted a set of 82 drawings for Wang’s book, The Book of Discipline (Ji xing tu 纪行图). According to the records, Qian Gu also drew Eight Scenes of the Stone Lake, as well as Journey of Baiyue and others., which all belong to a realistic guide map. Lu Shidao (1517–1580), also known as Zizhuan, Yuanzhou, and renamed Wuhu, was born in Changzhou (preset day Suzhou, Jiangsu). He was a scholar in the 17th year of Jiajing (1538). He was a disciple of Wen Zhengming. He was good at painting landscapes, poetry, ancient literature and calligraphy, and his painting style is close to Wen Zhengming’s. Mountain Streams, is painted in a long and narrow frame depicting overlapping mountains, spare layout, fine brushwork, rubbing with light ink, thick ink and moss, and the style is simple, strong and beautiful, reflecting his typical appearance.

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rubbed and stained with light ink, the brush is vigorous, the ink color is heavy, the charm is ancient and vigorous, quite the method of Shen Zhou, and the scenery is very detailed and full of realism. Mountain Scenic View, painted in 1517, at the age of 31, has a complex scene, superb layout, dense and vigorous brushwork, and the inscription »imitates the brushwork of Huang Shuming« –  indicating that he had studied Wang Meng’s fine brushwork in his early years.

3. Famous Wu Artists Specializing in Bird-and-Flower Painting

8.9.8  Tiger Hill Mountain Front, Palace Museum

Xie Shichen (1487–1559), also known as Sizhong or Xixian, was born in Wu County. He was an adept of painting landscapes, and changed slightly after learning from Shen Zhou. He was good at making large hanging scrolls and depicting majestic mountains and rivers, with vertical and horizontal strokes, and light coloring, which is quite like Shen Zhou’s strength and majestic potential. However, it appeared too exposed and had the disadvantage of being »Zhe School.« There are many surviving works by Xie. For example, Searching for S ­ eclusion, made in the 25th year of Jiajing (1546) when he was 60-years-old, reflects his typical style. The whole picture is thick and rough,

Wang Guxiang (1501–1568), also named Lu Zhi, was born in Changzhou. He was a scholar in the 8th year of the Jiajing era (1529), and was an official in the Ministry of Civil Service, but he abandoned his post and returned home. Wang Guxiang was a calligrapher, painter and seal engraver, good at bird-and-flower paintings, with a painting style between freehand and brushwork, that was simple and rigid. Flowers of Four Seasons is a painting of bamboo, yellow chrysanthemum, and stone slope, with simple outlining and a sprinkling of leaves, in a pure and elegant literati style. Zhou Tianqiu (1514–1595), known as Gongfa, Youhai, was a native of Changzhou. He studied calligraphy from Wen Zhengming, and was good at painting orchids in various styles, including real, running, cursive, official, and seal script. He was also good at painting orchids, in a style similar to that of Wen Zhengming, with an airy style. A few strokes of the orchid leaves on the Mo Lan scroll are very calligraphic, conveying the elegant and grace of the orchid. This shows it was directly inherited from Wen Lan. Zhou Zhimian (16th century), called Fuqing and Shaogu, was born in Changzhou and died around the end of the Wanli era. He specialized in flowers and birds, and was good at both ink washes and coloring, using the methods of Youchang and Gongzui, i.  e., flowers are outlined with fine brushwork, leaves are sketched in freehand, com-

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bining ink and color, and the alternation of realism and freehand technique, known as the »hook flowers and dotted leaves« style. Although he did not belong to the Wu School, he took the strengths of both Lu Zhi and Chen Chun’s bird-and-flower paintings to form his own style, and the method of painting with flowers and leaves was developed from Shen Zhou’s flowers and birds. Therefore, his artistic origins were still with the Wu School. His surviving masterpiece is Hundred Flowers, which is a painting of flowers during the four seasons. It is a pure ink wash alternated with »hook flowers and dotted leaves.« The rendering is simple and dynamic. The flowers and leaves are interspersed with a poem, which makes the picture rich and poetic. Bamboo and Ring-Necked Pheasant, is a simple and elegant pure ink painting, reflecting the style of ink painting of birds-and-flowers. The scrolls of Plum Sparrow and Laurel Tree and Mandarin Ducks and Hibiscus, with neat flowers and birds, resemble Lu Zhi’s, and the fine trees and stones look like Wen Zhengming’s. Sun Kehong (1533–1611), also called Yun Zhi, and Xueju, was a native of Songjiang (now Shanghai), and served as a government official in Hanyang. He was good at painting landscapes, and figures, especially bird-and-flower paintings. He studied under Lu Zhi and Shen Zhou, and was known for his heavy-colored brushwork. The Hundred Flowers scroll is his masterpiece of brush painting, depicting a hundred flowers in four seasons, each with a poem inscribed in front of it, with neatly outlined lines, rich with withering strokes, changes in coarseness, and dusky coloring. The subtle depiction makes the flowers and leaves not only show the color difference in the front and back, but also have different shades on the same surface; at the same time, the color matching is very harmonious, gorgeous and luxurious without losing elegance. The work reflects his typical style and uniqueness. Flowers of the Four Seasons, on the other hand, uses the ink wash method, and the simple

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freehand brushwork is similar to Chen Chun, but slightly more neat and tidy.

4. Famous Wu School Artists Excelling at both Landscapes and Bird-and-Flower Paintings Lu Zhi (1496–1576), also known as Shuping, Bao Shanzi, and a native of Wuxian County, was a painter, a poet and a calligrapher. He studied under Wen Zhengming, whose landscape works were of the academic style. He used slightly sharp and straight strokes, and his flowers and birds were the legacy of Xu and Huang. His achievement is outstanding among the Wu School. Lu Zhi’s landscape paintings are quite innovative in terms of subject matter. He once copied Wang Lu’s Landscapes of Mount Hua, made up of 40 pictures in total. The layout of the hills and valleys is the same as the original, but the brushwork is beautiful and close to the literati style. Lu Zhi learned the essence of creation from copying Wang Shu’s Landscapes of Mount Hua, and carried forward these kinds of graphics in specific and realistic scenery depiction, and later created many journey pictures, such as Travelling in Dongting album, Journey to Baiyue, and others. These pictures of journeys were often done by literati who were good at making poems or journals about journeys, and the painter paired them with the poems. The painter’s drawings are specific and realistic, in the nature of a guide map, which is undoubtedly the development and change of the early Wu School’s journey landscape paintings. Lu Zhi’s journey paintings include Journey to Baiyue. Made in the 33rd year of Jiajing (1554), the work is a total of 16 pages, and the scenery is specific and realistic. This phenomenon reflecting the frequent creation of journey paintings by the later Wu School painters, not only set a new pattern in terms of form, but also changed the purpose of creation to a certain extent, i.  e., they were made for the needs of others or society. Lu Zhi’s attainment in bird-and-flower paintings was

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also very high, and he was good at both brushwork and freehand painting, especially at freehand coloring, with a beautiful and clear style. Mandarin Ducks and Cotton Rose Hibiscus used a colorful freehand method to depict the slope of the village, the waves, hibiscus, and the mandarin ducks were done in the basic »boneless« method, and the clusters are smudged with color. Only the outlines of the mandarin ducks, hibiscus stalks, grass, waterline have outline line marks. The brushwork is neat and fine, the coloring is elegant and clear, the objects are realistic and sentimental, and the overall style is both bright and elegant. The painting Apricot Blossoms with Rain is a combination of realistic and freehand, with birds and flower petals perched on thin, branches and bamboos zigzagging, reflecting his talent for both realism and freehand. Chen Chun (1483–1544) was a native of Wu County, and was known as Daofu, and later as Fufu. He was a disciple of Wen Zhengming. However, he did not follow Wen Zhengming’s steps, but created his own style in landscape and bird-andflower paintings. The relationship between Chen and Wen was one of mentorship and friendship. After the death of his father in his middle age, he lived an indulgent life, engaging in drinking and prostitutes, and was not interested in fame and fortune. This attitude is reflected in his creation of calligraphy and painting, which inevitably no longer adhered to the neat and rigorous style of »fine writing« but became a free and indulgent style, very different from that of Wen. Chen Chun’s landscape paintings range from »coarse« to »coarse and heavy,« and finally traced the ink play of Er Mi to form a unique ink wash landscape painting with a large brushstroke. His imitation of rice landscape, compared to

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Er Mi and Gao Kegong, made changes. First, he used ink which was light, transparent and full of water. In the pouring and splashing of ink, the focus was on the contrast between shades of ink to enhance the light perception, so the painting would be rich in layers of ink, but also in ups and downs, and rich in music and melody. Second, he used the brush, alternating front and side, chafing, rubbing, dotting and accumulating a variety of changes. In addition to taking from Er Mi and Gao’s brushwork, it was used to make a big mixed point with eggplant chafing, but also often used to show brush marks of long draped hemp and large brush strokes make the object appear virtual and real, while emphasizing on the speed and power, the brush strokes flow quickly, creating rich longitudinal and downward momentum. Third, in the shape of the mountains and rivers, they were not as hazy as Mi’s, and the real places were also different from Gao’s, but a little bit of coloring shows the rough shape, reflecting the mature freehand charm. Chen Chun’s imitations of rice landscapes incorporate the techniques of ink wash freehand flower paintings, thus forming a distinctive feature of the times, and can be said to be the first of the Ming generation of imitation rice landscape painters. Chen Chun’s masterpiece of landscape painting is Yanhua Mountain, which depicts the landscape around Jingxi in Yixing, Jiangsu Province, especially the famous scenic spot of Yanhuaxi. The scenery is beautiful and elegant, the strokes are longitudinal, the ink is splashed vividly, and the changes are diverse and rich in layers. It is inspired from Mi’s method, which reflects his typical appearance. Other scrolls include Imitation of Mount Mi Yun, the scroll Landscape, and other that also demonstrate his multifaceted power of freehand ink wash painting.

CHAPTER X  VARIOUS SCHOOLS OF PAINTING IN LATE MING Social upheaval, vibrant schools of thought and a diverse culture during the late-Ming Dynasty resulted in the rise of a number of schools of painting with very different styles. Two master painters in the bird-and-flower style, Chen Chun and Xu Wei, became known together as the »Green Vine and White Sun«. Chen Chun carried on the ink wash freehand bird-and-flower traditions of the literati, promoting the »Wu School« of freehand bird-and-flower painting, which emphasized a multi-layered ink wash style that balanced dry and wet with heavy and light tones as well as a natural seeping of ink into the paper. He also incorporated nimble images and an unrestrained brush technique to create a new style of freehand ink wash flower paintings. Xu Wei further developed the ink wash method with a brush style that was bold and unrestrained, ink that was sprayed and sprinkled on the paper, forms that favored spirit over shape and content that was directly expressive. He created images that used only a few strokes, but were full of meaning with a soul that moved the viewer. He helped to mature the splatter-freehand style and take it to a higher level, forming the »Green Vine School« and impacting generations to come. In landscape painting, the Songjiang School, led by Dong Qichang, was the most famous. In order to solidify the orthodox position of literati landscape painting, Dong Qichang worked to promote the literati painting tradition He emphasized learning from ancient masters and collecting their masterpieces, as well as the artistic principles and creative methods of sifting through the modern and ancient to gather the best examples of artistry, then spreading them far and wide. This resulted

in a new style of literati panting that culminated in the famously influential »Songjiang School«, whose members included the likes of Gu Zhengyi, Mo Shilong, Cheng Jiru, Song Xu, Zhao Zuo and Shen Shichong. There were also many other regional contemporary schools of landscape painting, including the »Wulin School« of Lan Ying and the »Jiaxing School« of Xiang Shengmo. Figure painting of the late-Ming also produced many different styles. The genre painting of Li Shida, Yuan Shangtong and Zhang Hong of Suzhou also successfully captured the rhythm of life in those regions. The strange and bizarre painting styles of Ding Yunpeng, Wu Bin, Chen Hongshou and Cui Zizhong were even more innovative. The most representative of these styles were exaggerated forms and elegant antiquity of Chen Hongshou’s creations, which earned him the reputation of being a »transformation« artist. Famous for his portraiture, Zeng Jing used his »boneless« method to establish the »Bochen School«, which became a new style of portraiture. Almost overnight, the creations of these figure painters halted the decline of Chinese figure painting during the Ming Dynasty.

Section 1  The Founding of Literati Freehand Flower Painting Schools After the middle of the Ming Dynasty, literati freehand bird-and-flower paintings were a magnificent sight. Not only did many literati excel at this style of painting, there were also some, like Chen Chun and Xu Wei, that founded their own schools.

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After this, ink wash freehand bird-and-flower painting became one of the major forms or styles of literati painting and continued to produce one master after the other.

1. Chen Chun and the Freehand Birdand-flower Method of the Wu School Chen Chun was a disciple of Wen Zhengming, but the look of his landscape and bird-and-flower paintings, for which he was best known, were all his own, with a style that was dramatically different in method and feel to those of Wen. 1. The Evolution of Chen’s Painting Style Early bird-and-flower paintings by Chen Chun retained much of Wen Zhengming’s influence and tended to be technical and delicate. A fan painting titled Flowers and Lake Stones (Hushi huahui 湖石 花卉) in the collection of the National Palace Museum in Taipei is labeled as from the »early spring of Jiaxu«, which would have been when the artist was 32 years old, an example of his early works. The main image in the painting is a pockmarked, yet elegant Taihu stone, which is rendered with slow brush strokes to skillfully outline its contours. He then uses diluted ink to precisely highlight the face of the rock, sprinkling flowers all around the stone as well as grasses and scattered leaves in a faint light green. He uses a short, small brush dipped in cinnabar to paint delicately beautiful six-petaled flowers. On the right side is a signature line in standard small-regular script. The overall style is skillful, delicate, elegant and reserved, all similar to the style of Wen Zhengming. After the death of his father when he was middle-aged, his personality changed dramatically. His life became irregular, drinking and visiting brothels, he became engrossed in Daoist metaphysics and increasingly withdrawn. His world view departed farther and farther from that of Wen Zhengming. He also spent time in the north at the Imperial Academy and after returning home, he once again returned to the capital at the behest of

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Wen Zhengming to act as an academician awaiting orders at the Hanlin Academy. Once again, the two were separated for seven or eight years. The objective influences of these experiences caused Chen Chun’s painting style to naturally depart from the style of Wen Zhengming with the passage of time, ultimately resulting in his own style. When he was about forty years-old, his bird-andflower paintings had clearly changed and actively followed the methods of Shen Zhou in his ink wash bird-and-flower works. A work titled A Pair of Sunflowers (Hehuan kui 合欢葵), in the collection of the Palace Museum, is not dated, but has a later note dated 1528 (7th year of Jiajing) when he was 46 years old. A paper on the reverse also has a postscript by Wang Shou dated 1524 (3rd year of Jiajing) when Chen Chun was 42 years old, which tells us that this painting was not completed later than his 42nd birthday. When compared with Shen Zhou’s Daylilies and Autumn Sunflowers (Xuanhua qiukui tu 萱花秋葵图) in the collection of the National Art Museum of China, the similarities are striking, whether in terms of the horizontal format, the autumn sunflowers, or the diluted ink wash painting technique, they are clearly from the same source. The only difference is that Chen Chun’s flowers are slightly simpler and his painting technique is more practiced. After he was fifty years old, while still retaining the foundations of Shen Zhou’s ink wash freehand method, Chen Chun began to explore techniques like the direct use of color without an ink foundation, the hooking of flowers and dotting of leaves. He also incorporated a large-stroke technique, which gradually formed his unrestrained, simplified look and eventually transitioned him from small freehand to large freehand works. One example of this is his Flowers in Ink with a Fishing Boat (Mohua diaoting tu 墨花钓艇图), painted in 1534 (13th year of Jiajing) when he was 52 years old. (Fig. 8.10.1) The ink wash painting includes plum trees, bamboo, orchids, chrysanthemums, okra, narcissus, small birds among trees and grasses as

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8.10.1 Flowers in Ink with a Fishing Boat by Chen Chun, Palace Museum

well as a fishing boat on the cold Songhe Stream. From general the format, to the individual images to the brush technique and feeling, the entire work exudes Chen Chun’s individuality. The painting is in the format of a long scroll, which shows flowers of the different seasons with a theme for each of the flowers. The images in the work include »broken« flowers, which highlight the irregular elegance of a flower by depicting them with only half a leaf, a technique that is nimble and full of variation. His use of brush and ink, whether in the overall outline of the painting, the highlighting of details, shading, symmetry of strokes or the flowing links between his strokes that resemble cursive script, there is a balance between light and dark in a simple style that fully conveys the overall meaning of the scene. The charm of the painting is in the connection between the poem and the images, expressing emotions through the flowers and actually giving many of the flowers human qualities. In his later years, Chen Chun produced many similar flower paintings, which became increasingly unrestrained as time passed. This can be seen in his Ink Wash Still Life (Shuimo xiesheng tu 水墨写生图), which was completed in 1538 (17th year of Jiajing) when he was 56 years old and is currently in the collection of the National Palace Museum in Taipei. This ink wash work depicts eight types of flowers, including peonies, orchids, bamboo, chrysanthemums, gardenias, lotus flowers, narcissus and camellia. While this work is not limited to one theme for each flower, different per-

spectives, offsetting, difference in height and the relationships between the flowers makes it more richly varied than previous works with an intense call and answer element. His use of brush and ink even more clearly showcases his development and evolution of the ink wash methods of Shen Zhou and Wen Zhengming. For example, in the »orchid and bamboo« section, the bamboo is rendered with quick and carefree strokes that do not show distinct sections of the trunks and allow leaves to float free of their branches. There are many linked strokes and the tips of leaves often have drops of ink on the edge of them that make them look as if he hasn’t yet completed the work to his satisfaction. This is starkly different from the slow, measured brush use of Wen Zhengming, who always painted each section of the trunks and ensured leaves rested on their branches, while any trace of ink at the ends of the leaves would have hinted at a light breeze, as well as his unique decorative style of overlapping of leaves in a slanted grid pattern were all stark differences. Meanwhile, his orchids used an unconstrained brush style, especially in his twisting of the brush to convey leaves that had turned to showing their undersides. This was a dramatic departure from Wen Zhengming, whose ink paintings of bamboo used a flowing brush style and elegantly slender bearing of the flowers. The »chrysanthemum« section of the work is another example of this difference with thick strokes outlining the flowers and ink wash colors filling in the leaves, which was similar to

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Shen Zhou, but with simpler flowers and leaves that were only cursorily filled with color and the veins of the leaves sketched in. Small buds were created using a single circular stroke, which falls far short of Shen Zhou in his dedication to realism, but surpasses him in terms of the free, unconstrained use of brush and ink. 2. Major Artistic Achievements Chen Chun’s ink wash freehand flower paintings saw certain breakthroughs and developments using the styles of Shen Zhou and Wen Zhengming as a foundation in areas such as selecting subjects, arrangement, brush and ink use and even style, and ultimately established a relatively comprehensive format and system of literati ink wash freehand painting, which indicated the development of a mature school of painting. In his choice of subjects, Chen Chun further expanded the content of ink wash flower painting and even combined flowers from different seasons into a single work, displaying all of the colors and styles of his favorite flowers as if he were suddenly inspired. In the selection of the content, he was able to express the pleasure of the content to his heart’s desire, using mostly the »one-flower and half-leaf« style of the cut-branch format, eliminating all unnecessary and frivolous content and highlighting the main subject for a work that was clear and bright. Meanwhile, he also provided rich variation with different perspectives from high to low, left and right, that gave a sense of call and response in a seemingly disorderly environment. In terms of arrangement, the most outstanding example was the long-scroll format that used one theme for each image and essentially integrated poetry, calligraphy and painting into a single work. The poem served to explain and strengthen the meaning of the painting, while the calligraphy itself became an important part of the canvas and mirrored the content. In Flowers in Ink with a Fishing Boat, the strokes used to complete the flowers are relatively simple and unrestrained, while the

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poem inscribed on the work is written in cursive script. In another work titled Ink Wash Flowers (Shuimo huahui tu 水墨花卉图) in the collection of the National Palace Museum in Taipei, which was completed when he was 59 years-old, the strokes used in the flowers, leaves and branches are all nimble and genuine with only a few turns or transitions. The calligraphy inscribed on the work is also exquisitely executed in the small regular script with clear, strong brush strokes that are in complete harmony with the simple and unadorned style of the painting. In his use of brush and ink, Chen Chun’s ink wash freehand technique were far ahead of his predecessors. His brush use was mainly influenced by the cursive script, which made his strokes bolder and more nimble than those of Shen Zhou. While they were not completely arbitrary, his transitions were less restrained and he used more natural linked strokes, which gave the impression that his brush was free to flow along the page. While his ink wash works were not splattered with ink, they were often completed with a single brush stroke and showed a balance between light and dark, producing rich, layered variations. He also improved the technique of allowing ink to seep naturally into fresh paper, which greatly improved the »freehand« element of his works. In A Stone and Sunflowers (Kui shi tu 葵石图) in the collection of the Palace Museum, the outlines of the lake-stone and sunflowers rendered with simple and quick strokes with movements like lying the bristles on their side, turning the tip or the ›flying-white‹ technique, which very much resemble a wild cursive style of calligraphy. The orchids, bamboo and other flowers at the base of the stone are mostly composed of linked strokes and transitional strokes, giving them a strong calligraphic flair. The leaves of the sunflowers are rendered by the spreading of ink wash, providing light and dark, heavy and light in the same stroke. The outer edges also show traces of natural seepage that speak to his skill in the use of ink.

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Chen Chun’s flower paintings are famous for their ink wash freehand style, but he was also skilled at other types of painting, into which he incorporated the ink wash method for a wider range of variation. Of his works still in existence, both his technique of outlining flowers and touching leaves as well as his »boneless« freehand style were often used together with his use of both ink wash and color. A good example of this is his Blossoms in Color (Shese huahui tu 设色花卉图) in the collection of the National Palace Museum in Taipei, which uses both the flower-outline, leaf-touch and boneless coloring techniques as well as ink wash freehand styles. His Red Pears with a Poem (Hongli shi hua tu 红梨诗画图) in the collection of the Palace Museum is also a combination of the color-fill, boneless and ink wash techniques with a clear beauty that resides in simple lines, reflecting the typical look of ink wash with light color-fill used in freehand flower paintings.

2. Xu Wei’s School of Large Freehand Flower Paintings Xu Wei was a slightly later figure than Chen Chun and took ink wash large freehand flower painting to a new level, creating a generation of great artists and becoming known together with Chen Chun as the »Green Vine and White Sun«. 1. A Rough Life and Unique Personality Xu Wei’s life was difficult and tragic, giving him a unique and complex personality, which became one of the most important elements in the development of his style of painting. Xu Wei (1521–1599), also known by his courtesy name Wen Chang and pseudonym Dachi or the later pseudonym the Daoist of the Green Vine, was a native of Shanyin in Zhejiang Province (present-day Shaoxing). His life can be divided into four periods: his youth, middle age, official career and prison, and his later years. Xu Wei was born into an official family and was the offspring of a concubine. His father died when

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he was only one hundred days old and he was taken in by his father’s wife, Madam Miao, who raised him to adulthood. He was brilliant from a young age and could write in official prose by the time he was eight. At the age of sixteen, he wrote a work inspired by Yang Xiong’s Justification Against Ridicule (Jiechao 解嘲) titled The Destruction of Words (Cihui 辞毁). At the age of twenty he passed the county-level imperial examinations and at twenty-one he went to live with his wife’s parents, the Pan family. In addition to his studies and examinations, he also studied poetry, calligraphy and practiced the zither. His youth was the happiest time of Xu Wei’s life and laid the foundation for his wide range of talents. He entered middle-age at the age of 25 and it was at this time that his family experienced many changes. First was the death of his elder brother Xu Huai, followed by the unexpected death of his wife when he was 26, which was the result of arguments over how to divide the property inherited from his father’s family. At the age of 28 he left the Pan family home and turned to teaching to survive, living a very poor life. This lasted until he was 37 when he had already failed to pass the imperial examinations four times, but at the same time had developed friendships with a large number of famous individuals including Xie Shichen, Chen He and Liu Shiru. He began studying painting and began to lay the foundations for his future painting styles. When he was 37 years-old, he entered into the offices of Hu Zongxian where he served as a secretary coordinating defenses against attacks by Japan. He once personally participated in campaigns to quash Japanese attacks and carried out surveillance, which helped him build a considerable career. In 1562 (41st year of Jiajing), the traitorous minister Yan Song was relieved of his post and Hu Zongxian was arrested as part of his clique, causing Xu Wei to lose his benefactor. In 1565 (44th year of Jiajing), Hu Zongxian was arrested once again in a case against Yan Shifan for collaborating

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with the Japanese. Hu committed suicide while in prison and Xu Wei feared he would be implicated as well. He was extremely nervous and his feigned madness became real. His self-written Epitaph (Muzhiming 墓志铭) described »nine deaths and nine rebirths« including being struck by an ax, impaled by nails and his kidneys being shredded. His personality became »suspicious and envious« and in the next year he lost control, killing his second wife, Madam Zhang. He was jailed for seven years and was only later released thanks to intervention by his friends. In the 15 years between the ages of 37 and 52, Xu Wei’s life was upturned, taking him from a position as a respected official to prison. His thinking also changed drastically and left a deep impression on him. This was strongly reflected in his calligraphy and painting, and was one of the most important elements in the formation of his personal style. When he was released form prison, Xu Wei was already 53. His later years were relatively normal and he spent the first decade wandering throughout the country, sharing poetry, prose, calligraphy and painting with friends. The last ten years of his life was spent in a home in the hills where he spent his days selling his artworks and teaching students. However, his mind remained very complex and conflicted. This was mainly expressed in his »irreverent« attitude. He was angry at the world, overly proud of his ability, solitary and stubborn, unceremonious, loved to drink and hated the rich and entitled. Xu Wei’s difficult life and unique personality influenced his art. This was expressed in strongly subjective emotions, whether in sarcastic criticism that was meant as a warning to the world or as a sentimental diatribe of his emotions that ranged between anger and passion. In terms of form, he did not limit himself to a single style and established new and unique styles. His brush and ink spread across the page in a style that was wild and sometimes bizarre, giving his artistry a uniqueness and a distinct personality.

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2. Major Artistic Characteristics The unique artistic characteristics of Xu Wei’s flower paintings were mainly expressed in their content, which had the qualities of literati painting, and their style, mainly using the ink wash freehand technique. The qualities of literati painting that they contained were especially notable, giving his works an overall theme and a personality. Xu Wei’s painting fully reflected his way of thinking and personal qualities. He painted a broad range of flowers, but he still had a special affinity for those that were favored by the literati, including the »four gentlemen«, lotus flowers and banana trees. He used the natural characteristics of objects to represent the emotions and feelings of the subject. He especially enjoyed painting flowers, grasses and trees in cold winds and biting rains, which mirrored his own hardships in life. The painting Bamboo in Snow (Xuezhu tu 雪竹图) is a self representation, with a poem that reads, »painting bamboo in snow is so dreary and depressing; it covers the joints, burying its purity and breaking its good branches. There is only one way it is similar to me; it could grow to a thousand feet and its hate would not diminish.« He often incorporated flowers from the four seasons into a single painting, which was based on his sense of »life as a game«. This can be seen in his painting Flowers of the Four Seasons (Siji huahui tu 四季 花卉图) in the collection of the Palace Museum, which reads »the old man plays, spreading ink; flowers and grasses are scattered across the four seasons. Do not blame the painting for lacking a couple of strokes; of late the heavens have been missing their mark.« Many of his flowers do not strictly adhere to their natural attributes, but instead take on a subjective identity. Peonies symbolize wealth and nobility with their brilliant colors, but he often paints them in ink wash grays, purposely changing their inherent qualities. Even more of his flower paintings are a pretext for expressing his own emotions or his own frustra-

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tion at his lack of achievement. This can be seen in his painting Pomegranate (Liushi tu 榴实图) in the collection of the National Palace Museum in Taipei. The poem inscribed reads »the deep mountains ripen the pomegranate, which smiles at the sun; the depths of the mountains take not men, who are lost like one shining pearl after another«. Grapes in Ink (Mo putao tu 墨葡萄图) in the collection of the Palace Museum also contains a poem that reads, »despondent at the mid point of my life, I am an old man, alone in my studio that howls with the evening wind; I cannot sell the pearls that drip from my brush, tossing them, nay, throwing them into the wild vines«. Others express the distress and gloom he feels, as in Ear Cleaning (Taoer tu 掏耳图) with a poem that reads, »I could no more feel hardship were I deaf and dumb, it itches and hurts for me to care; what need do the immortals have for cleaning their ears, they have no patience for the matters of men«. Yet others satirize and ravage the rich and powerful, as in A poem in Painting Crabs (Huaxie tu 画蟹图), which reads »the rice is ripe and crabs in the river by the village are fat, with their halberd-like claws pushing at the black mud; if we were to turn them over from the page, we would see large bellies like Dong Zhuo’s«. The literati characteristics of Xu Wei’s works are also expressed in other areas. These include his ever-present and bold talent, his unpredictable creativity, his broad and refined interests, as well as his integration of poetry, calligraphy and painting into a single art form. His use of the ink wash large freehand technique as a form is also an important element unique of his style of literati painting. The ink wash freehand method, however, is by no means unique to the literati with many palace painters and professional artists like Lin Liang and Mu Xi using and excelling at it. However, in the hands of Xu Wei, the ink wash freehand method was not only elevated to a new level, it strengthened the unique elements of literati painting. The images he created strove to »cast off shapes and

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delight in the shadows« and »to not seek forms, but rather seem to be seeking the rhythm of life«. With just a few simple unrestrained strokes, as if he was almost sprinkling ink and water on the paper, he was able completely and naturally express the spirit of the subject. He helped to turn simple freehand into a large freehand style, truly creating »masterworks« in the spirit so revered in literati painting, which believed that »each stroke is free, independent from the form«. His unrestrained freehand painting style was in large part a product of his calligraphy, especially his cursive script technique. He clearly recognized the »common origin of calligraphy and painting« and how they could be combined. In Volume 12 of The Collected Writings of Xu Wenchang (Xu Wenchang wenji 徐文长文集), he wrote of himself, »during the Jin there were the exquisite, balanced and clean strokes of Gu and Lu, following the style of the ancient glyphs of the seal script; later there was Zhang Sengyao and Yan Liben and finally Wu Daozi. There was slight change during the time of Li Boshi [Li Gonglin], who still more or less followed them. It was not until the rise of cursive script that freehand painting style came into being, which was yet another change.« The ink wash method used by Xu Wei were an important part of his paintings reaching a »godlike«, »transcendent« and large-freehand status. Not only was his technique refined to near perfection, he created a form of beauty through his use of the ›ink halo‹ that had an individual aesthetic value. In order to achieve the effect of »saturated ink« and »ink like freshly fallen rain«, he had to pay extremely careful attention to the interaction ­between the water, ink and paper, as well as the relationship between the ink and the brush to c­ reate a method of splashed ink that was both natural and controlled. He tended to use more water when mixing his ink, which increased the ability of the ink to seep into the paper. In selecting paper, he preferred using raw paper that did not add gelatin or alum, which allowed the ink to naturally seep

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of glue to the ink, which created a »barrier« between the ink and the paper. He used this barrier to ensure that the ink he dripped on the paper would seep naturally, relying on the surface tension of the water and the absorptive properties of the paper. The stickiness of the glue would force the edges of the ink to solidify quickly so that they did not spread out of control. This ensured that objects were simple, but lifelike, staying true to their form while allowing the ink to flow at will to just the right point. Compared with artists of the past, Xu Wei’s splashed ink method was far more mature and precise, resulting in an aesthetic form that was independent and unique. Extant representative works include The Yellow Shield (Huangjia tu 黄甲 图) (Fig. 8.10.2) and Grapes in Ink, both of which are in the collection of the Palace ­Museum. Xu Wei’s use of ink was also closely related to his brush use, making them essentially one in the same. This enabled his ink wash large freehand technique to bring his subjects to life. Xu Wei’s brush use varied greatly, whether in the thickness of his lines, the speed of his strokes, the pressure of his pen, the amount of ink in the bristles or in the depth of color in the ink. Each of these areas also saw rich variation and were used together with his splashed ink method. The brush followed the ink, which was in turn born of the brush. While an image may seem to be mainly the product of the brush, it also had a varied rhythmic quality.

8.10.2  The Yellow Shield by Xu Wei, Palace Museum

into the paper. This produced rich layers, hazy outlines and ink halos that seemed to be formed naturally. Sometimes, in order to ensure that the ink did not spread too much or that the images were not overly abstract, he would add a small amount

3. Extant Representative Works There are many extant examples of Xu Wei’s works of nearly every subject including flowers, grasses, trees, fruit, fish, insects, animals, landscapes and figures, but the majority of this content remained flowers. As many of his works did not include a date, it is difficult to put his different painting techniques in order. However, there are many examples of his more mature works and we can gain insight into his main artistic characteristics through these works.

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Of the »four gentlemen« in his flower paintings— plum blossoms, orchids, bamboo and chrysanthemums—plum blossoms and bamboo are the most numerous and are often placed together with other types of flowers. His Flowers and Bamboo (Huazhu tu 花竹图) in the collection of the National Palace Museum in Taipei depicts bamboo along with sixteen types of flowers including plum blossoms, lotus flowers, peonies and banana. The canvas is densely packed and uses a large amount of gelatin, but his brush use remains unrestrained and sprinkled ink is used throughout the work. There is also a great deal of variation, with contrasts between groves of bamboo using the double-hook technique and banana trees rendered using the splashed ink technique. Venation is almost cursorily added to the lotus leaves, which also use the splashed ink technique, while the petals of the lotus ­flowers are drawn using »nail head-rat tail« strokes. The leaves of other flowers like the peonies have a natural ink halo, which uses gelatin to control the spread of the ink, making the objects seem clear as crystal, clean and adorable. The familiarity with techniques of freehand brush and ink use as well as the use of gelatin indicate that this painting is from his later years. Xu Wei’s plum and bamboo paintings also appear together with bananas, which take their inspiration from Wang Wei’s works. In a work titled Plum Blossoms and Banana Leaves (Meihua jiaoye tu 梅花蕉叶图) in the collection of the Palace Museum, there is an inscription that reads, »banana trees with plum blossoms is a Wang Wei painting«. Wang Wei’s paintings emphasized subjective interpretation and the psychology of time and space. He sought »spontaneous inspiration« without caring whether he followed objective concepts of time or the fundamental rules of life and growth, which is why he often painted »bananas in snow«. Xu Wei identified with Wang Wei’s philosophy and from time to time also painted plum blossoms, banana trees, peonies and lotus flowers in the snow

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in order to highlight subjectivity in his paintings. By placing these two plants together, Plum Blossoms and Banana Leaves expresses this same idea and can be seen as a variation on the »banana in snow« theme. The works that best represent the spirit of Wang Wei are still Xu Wei’s paintings of multiple flowers that appear in all four seasons, because many of Wang Wei’s paintings also seemed to »pay little heed to the four seasons«. It is in these works that the ink wash freehand style is given its greatest opportunity for expression. A scroll titled Still Life (Xiesheng tu 写生图) in the collection of the National Palace Museum in Taipei paints various flowers in eleven sections, including peonies, lotus flowers, chrysanthemums, stones with orchids and bamboo, hydrangea, camellia, hosta, pomegranates, narcissus, bamboo and plum blossoms. Each section includes a poem and incorporates random flowers from all seasons. The arrangement of this work is similar to the multi-flower paintings of Chen Chun. There are also objects that tend toward realism, such as his hosta and narcissus. His bamboo and plum blossoms also use both mid-brush and side-brush strokes as well as thick and think lines. He also uses gelatin in his ink and carefully controls the contrast between light and dark. This work is an example of Xu Wei’s transition from realism to freehand and is thought to be from his middle period. Various Flowers (Zahua tu 杂花图) was also a painting that included flowers and fruits from the four seasons. These included peonies, pomegranate, lotus flowers, parasol trees, chrysanthemums, pumpkin, broad beans, crepe-myrtle, grapes, banana trees, plum blossoms, narcissus and bamboo. However, this painting was not arranged in a format that gave one theme to each plant, but instead intermingled them with compositions that were even more creative. His brush and ink use was even more natural, reaching a state of near perfection. The entire work is made up of brush movement that seems to flow like the wind and ink that resembles clouds. It was completed in a sin-

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gle sitting and has an overwhelming power, while all the time maintaining precise use of brush and ink with a rich variety of heaviness, density, dryness and tone. He uses his brush to deftly execute hooks, color washes, touches or cracked strokes. His movements are both fast and slow with a clear balance between restraint and abandon. His use of ink is characterized by ink halos that seem to spread just far enough with a precise control of tone. In his peonies, the petals are shaded with slow strokes with distinct layers, while the leaves of the plant are rendered using the splashed ink style and are outlined by strong brush strokes, resulting in an unexpected exquisiteness. The fruit, leaves, trunk and branches of his pomegranates incorporate cursive script brush strokes that are fast and agile, while the use of brush and ink in his banana trees comes in like gusts of wind and sudden pouring rain. The leaves on his grape vines resemble a writhing dragon, both wild and powerful. The plum blossoms and narcissus at the end of the scroll are even more unrestrained without even attempting to resemble their original shapes. Xu Wei himself called this painting »playing with smears«, but despite his freehand style, he still manages to convey the different characteristics and energies of the plants and flowers he paints— the grace and poise of the peony, the handsomely slender pomegranate, the pure beauty of the chrysanthemum and the broad girth of the banana tree, operating in a mysterious realm that is »between appearances«. This painting is considered an exquisite master composition from Xu Wei’s later years. Similar works include Flowers in Ink (Mohua tu 墨花图) in the Palace Museum, Various Paintings of Flowers (Huahui zahua tu 花卉杂画 图) in the collection of Kanichi Sumitomo in Japan and another Flowers in Ink in the collection of the Freer Gallery in the United States. There are several of Xu Wei’s works that clearly express the essence of artistic technique, whether in terms of their concept, form, painting technique or style, and are renowned for their representative

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quality. The first is Pomegranate in the collection of the National Palace Museum in Taipei. The concept of this work was to use the content to express his personal emotions. The five-syllable poem it contains reveals his regret for not living up to his own abilities and is also written in a wildly flowing cursive script. It was clearly written in a single sitting and could not be controlled, which match both the meaning of the poem and style of the painting. His use of brush and ink is carefree and richly varied. The ink wash coloring of the pomegranate fruit with its husk broken open to reveal the seeds was achieved a simple dab of his brush. There is a rich combination of wet and dry, and light and dark. The opening in the fruit is turned upward for an image that is simple, but expressive. The branches are all rendered using the center-tip of the brush, moving from top to bottom with the line becoming progressively thinner. There are signs of breaks in the brush in the thinnest portions, but despite these breaks, the momentum of the line remains unbroken and seems it could go on forever. The leaves are drawn with almost cursory pie- and na-strokes that are quick, lively and seem to almost float on the page. The painting technique is rough and unconstrained throughout the entire work, characterized by simple strokes that convey intense meaning. The images are near perfection and have deep connotations. The second painting is Grapes in Ink in the collection of the Palace Museum, which is considered a sister work to Pomegranate, but with an even more unrestrained style. From the poem, we learn that the purpose of this painting is to relieve his emotional burden, using the wandering of the wild vines of the grapes to symbolize the frustration he feels at his current predicament and the anger that has resulted from it. The calligraphy is unrestrained and leaning, mixing strokes from regular, clerical, cursive and running scripts. The structure of the individual characters as well as their positions seem to lean unsteadily with a clear tendency toward the bizarre style. His painting technique is also care-

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free, with strokes that are slapped and smeared on the paper like his emotions. The brush and ink seem to dance over the paper as if the brush were flying and the ink splashing almost with a tinge of disdain. The branches and leaves vary between dense and sparse, while some are left in piles. Water and ink mix somewhere between light and dark, while edges can be discerned by natural spreading at some intersections or on the outer contour of the work, showing a uniquely rich use of ink. The grapes are colored by varying shades of ink wash, so simple and clean that they make your mouth water. The vines are rendered using strokes from the cursive script of calligraphy with quick, leaping, writhing and leading strokes for a richly varied rhythm. The emotions in this piece are passion-filled with an energy that is limitless. Everything shown in this painting emphasizes personal emotion, spontaneous use of ink, the incorporation cursive calligraphy in painting, the close integration of calligraphy, poetry and painting as well as the clever use of ink through a brush bursting with emotion. Through this, he creates a wild and strange world that has a chaotic and rugged beauty. All of this serves to reflect the artistic qualities of Xu Wei’s flower paintings and these paintings represent the most exquisite masterpieces of his later years.

Section 2  Dong Qichang and Landscape Painting of the Late Ming 1. Dong Qichang and the Songjiang School By the late-Ming (after the reign of Jiajing), the Wu School, which had been the leading school in literati painting, had started to decline. In the Songjiang region in the southeast, which believed »the self can still exist within the richness of cultural relics«, a group of literati painters began to take hold beginning with individuals like

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Gu Zhengyi, Sun Kehong and Mo Shilong. They were all from high-ranking wealthy families of the Songjiang region and were well educated in literature and the arts. Through their influence, a group of painters began to form around them, the most prominent of which were Dong Qichang and Chen Jiru. This was especially true of Dong Qichang. His illustrious official position as Minister of Rites and his outstanding achievements in calligraphy, painting and artistic appreciation made a core individual in art circles in the Songjiang region. Meanwhile, his artistic principles and creative experiences enabled him to explore both the modern and ancient, learn from various schools and promote their best elements, which gave him a very broad understanding. He also further standardized literati painting and created an »orthodox« style, which became the classic form of the Songjiang School of painting. Later, most of the Songjian painters remained loyal to Dong Qichang’s discourses on painting and his style with some selecting specific elements and forming their on unique branches. This included Zhao Zuo’s »Susong School«, Shen Shichong’s »Yunjian School«, which were in fact simply extensions of the Songjiang School. While the Songjiang School, led by Dong Qichang, raised high the banner of orthodox literati painting, it was not loved and adored by all. Landscape painting of the late-Ming was characterized by competition between many master painters and various schools of painting. There were many regional schools of landscape painting, the more famous of which included Lan Ying’s »Wulin School«and Xiang Shengmo’s »Jiaxing School« and had considerable influence during this ­period. 1. Dong Qichang’s Life and Studies in Painting Dong Qichang (1555–1636) was also known by the courtesy name Xuanzai and the pseudonyms Sibai and Xiangguang. He was a native of Bianliang (present-day Kaifeng in Henan Province)

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and later moved to Huating (present-day Songjiang in Shanghai). He was born into a family that was not wealthy by any means and according to the Record of Old Stories from Nanhu (Nanhu jiuhua lu 南湖旧话录), »Dong Sibai [Dong Qichang] only owned 20 mu of fields and was manipulated by corrupt local officials to do heavy corvee, for which he had to flee.« Poverty forced him to serve for a time as a teacher in the house of the Feng family of Pinghu, teaching their children to make ends meet. It was during his time there that he befriended a group of poets and they formed a society that met frequently. He was also tutored by the great Zen masters Daguan and Hanshan on topics such as meditation and religious topics. This experience contributed greatly to his later works in literati painting and theories on Zen painting. In 1589 (17th year of Wanli), when he was 35 years-old, he participated in the general imperial examinations in Beijing. He placed first in the second rank of palace graduates and was made a bachelor at the Hanlin Academy. With this, he entered into official life and served the Ming over the reigns of four emperors—Wanli, Taichang, Tianqi and Chongzhen—rising to become the Minister of Rites in Nanjing and by the time he retired was the Grand Guardian of the Heir Apparent. After his death, he was granted the posthumous title Wenmin. More than twenty years of his decades-long official career was spent at home either because of temporary relief from duty, ill health or early retirement. While his official life had its high and low points, he generally rose in the ranks and he became a high-ranking official with a very wealthy household. This afforded him the ability to become a connoisseur of art with a very large collection, a deeply knowledgeable scholar, an accomplished painter and a widely influential leader in painting circles. Dong Qichang’s studies of painting, according to his own words, were the following: »I have started in my youth with the landscapes of Zijiu [Huang Gongwang], then moving to the Song Masters in

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my middle years; today whenever I imitate a Zijiu, [the skill] nearly approaches that of the master.« This description mainly covers the period from before he was fifty through to the point at which he gradually established his own school of painting. He began studying panting at the age of 23, beginning with the Four Masters of the Yuan. However, when attempting to capture natural landscapes, he always felt that his ability was insufficient to capture his ideas and he could not free himself from the limitations of fixed forms. In 1589, when he was 35 years old, after he had been to the capital for the imperial examinations, he met with collectors including Han Shineng and Wang Xijue, through whom he was able to view many original Tang and Song masterpieces. He came to a sudden realization that he described as »gazing through the doors of the ancients«. For more than a decade afterward, he collected the works of many Tang and Song masters, including Wang Wei, Yang Sheng, Wang Qia, Dong Yuan, Juran, Huichong, the two Mi’s, Fan Kuan, Guo Xi and Li Tang, which he called a »bloody war of the masters prior to the Northern/Southern Song and the Five Dynasties«. He regularly carried the famous paintings he had collected with him, including Xiao and Xiang Rivers (Xiaoxiang tu 潇湘图) and Townspeople of Longsu (Longsu jiaomin tu 龙宿郊 民图) by Dong Yuan of the Five Dynasties, works by the Song painters including Jiang Shen’s Thousand Li of Rivers and Mountains (Qianli jiangshan tu 千里江山图), Guo Xi’s 溪山秋霁图), Zhao Lingrang’s Clear Summer in River Country (Jiangxiang qingxia tu 江乡清夏图) and Zhao Boju’s Reading in the Spring Hills (Chunshan dushu tu 春山读书 图) as well as Autumn Colors on the Qiao and Hua Mountains by Zhao Mengfu of the Yuan. He would often copy them, an activity that nourished his own growth and greatly enriched his artistic expression. First, he paid close attention to learning the classic compositional structures of ancient masters, specifically how they painted trees and rocks, to master the rules of arrangement and

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formation. His Draft Collection of Ancient Trees and Rocks (Ji gushushi huagao 集古树石画稿) in the collection of the Palace Museum, is literally filled with copies of various rocks and trees that appear in ancient masterpieces. Next, he focused on understanding the use of brush and ink in ancient paintings, which he used to master the key elements of literati painting. His study and understanding of ink and brush use allowed him to gradually recognize them as the main building blocks of establishing an artistic style as well as clear characteristics of literati painting. This ultimately resulted in his conclusion that »the exquisite discourse on brush and ink is that landscapes are not like painting«. Furthermore, he delved into the relationship between the works of ancient masters and the natural landscapes they depicted, which he used to seek the evolutionary path of ancient painting. He traveled numerous times between the north and south, always carefully observing natural scenery, which he matched to the landscape images of ancient painters. After he obtained Dong Yuan’s Xiao and Xiang Rivers in 1597, he made the connection between it and Dongting Lake, which he had visited the previous year. The inscription on the painting reads, »I recall my official journey to Changsha in the year of Bingshen; travelling in on the roads between the Xiao and the Xiang, seeing the reed fishing nets, the trees on river islands, thatch huts and woodland lanes, the clear mountains and distant dikes; each detail is as in the painting, which takes one back to the Xiang River without taking a single step.« After continual examples of proof and experience, he finally came to the conclusion that »artists should learn from the ancient masters just as they worship the masters of heaven and earth«. The nurturing and experiences that he gained by studying these masters during his thirties and forties played an important role in the later formation of his artistic style and the establishment of his thinking regarding painting. When he passed the age of forty, he once again returned to his studies

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of the Four Yuan Masters and traced the origins of Dong Yuan and Juran, whom he incorporated into the halls of literati painting. After he passed the age of fifty, Dong Qichang entered the second phase of his studies on painting. When he was fifty, he realized that the concept of »perfection of exquisite works« was not worth practicing and instead recognized the thinking of the three masters—Dong Yuan, Juran and Mi Fei— who were masters of the »Southern Orthodoxy« that he emulated in his »Theory on Southern and Northern Orthodoxies«. Both Dong and Ju were hailed as the founders of the »Southern Orthodoxy« school, while Mi produced the highest quality »masterworks« of literati painting. He sought to achieve an unrestrained freehand method of painting that »practiced discarding the following of lines«, had a scholarly air with »an overarching energy independent of the history of painting«, a »free and easy« feel, »and a style of »masterworks« that are »ordinary and innocent«. He collected the techniques achieved by all the great masters with the goal of establishing a painting style that integrated the best of literati painting into one style in order to achieve perfection of the form of literati painting. In his later years, he developed a very mature style that clearly exhibited the main characteristics of literati painting, taking it to a new level. His creative philosophy of »imbuing a painting with joy« resulted in paintings that often came from sudden inspiration. He worked as he was moved and was reluctant to take commissions. He also hired people to paint for him and did not worry about the flagrant production of copies and fakes. He sought to express emotion through his brush and joy in ink, painting in a calligraphic style. In A Simple Sketch of a Zen Hall (Hua chanshi suibi 画禅室随笔), an inscription reads, »scholars paint in the method of odd scripts like cursive or clerical with trees like twisted iron and mountains of sand, eliminating the sweet commonness of the path; this is the scholarly air.« He also sought a flavor that

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required »becoming mature in order to appear raw« with a pure maturity hidden in seemingly childish and clumsy strokes. He emphasized the relative independence of artistic forms, whether in terms of the arrangement of the picture, the appearance of mountains and trees or the types of strokes used. They all had to have a certain beauty of form that had to gradually distance themselves from the object or content and become symbols with their own artistic value. He favored plainness and innocence with scenes that were ordinary, shapes that were simple and rough, and a light and subdued use of brush and ink that produced a state of tranquil elegance. While he lacked attractive scenes or surges of emotion, he was able to express the ideals and mood of the literati and scholars with a rich zen-like tone. He highlighted the integration of poetry, calligraphy and painting, which gave his works their characteristic literati style. Dong Qichang’s emphasis and deepening of the key elements of literati painting saved it from decline and won it a position of leadership and orthodoxy in Chinese painting, which lasted to influence a generation of Qing painters. 2. The Paintings of Dong Qichang Works of Dong Qichang that still exist are numerous, but very few of these are from the first period of his life before the age of fifty. Even fewer of these are from his thirties and forties with the only known examples being several works like the Eight Scenes from Yan and Wu (Yan Wu bajing tu 燕吴八景图) from 1596 in the collection of the Shanghai Museum and the 1597 Thatched Hall of Grace and Beauty (Wan luan caotang tu 婉娈草堂 图), which is in a private collection in Taiwan. Examples from the second stage of his life after the age of fifty both showcased his overall style while as well as forming the diverse ways in which he used brush and ink. This can be divided into three general areas. The first is expressed in a focus on brush use as in works like Picture of a Learned Man (Gao yi tu 高逸图) (Fig. 8.10.3) and Guanshan

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in Snow (Guanshan xueji tu 关山雪霁图), both in the collection of the Palace Museum, which were mostly in the brush style of Huang Gongwang and Ni Zan with slight accents using wrinkle and dot patterns after outlining the mountains. The style is dry and light with clear layers. After painting the trunks and branches of the trees, he uses dark ink to add the leaves with horizontal strokes, keeping the branches and leaves distinct from each other. While his brush use is clear, it is not straightforward or flat and instead is rich with variation and depth with »contours that begin to form form at the fall of the brush«. And while his use of ink is dry and light, it still retains the fortitude of Dong Yuan and Huang Gongwang with a moisture in the lightness and less of a feeling of dry dullness. The second type of work focuses on the use of ink with inspiration from Dong Yuan, Juran, the two Mi’s and Wu Zhen. This can be seen in his folio Landscapes (Shanshui 山水), completed in 1621. The trees and rocks are rendered with rough and heavy strokes with ink that is moist. However, unlike his predecessors, he does not excessively use water and does not rely on the creation of natural halos. Instead, he absorbs the ink with his brush, creating multiple washes of ink that create multiple layers and transition from light to dark. The ink from each stroke can still be distinguished clearly and appears fresh and clean with very little fuzziness. At the same time, he uses a number of different ink tones that are dark, charred, wet, moist, dry and light to contrast between each layer of ink, all of which are rich and distinct, achieving a so-called »five-tone ink« style that gives the ink its own unique aesthetic value. The third type is made up of color-fill works. One method of painting uses equal parts ink and colored paint, first outlining the shapes with black ink then applying colors like pale-ocher or blue-green that created a subtle, clean beauty. This is used in works like the 1607 painting Blue-Green Landscape (Qinglü shanshui 青绿山水), the 1620 work Painting on a Poem by Lin Hejing (Lin Hejing shiyi tu 林和靖诗意图),

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8.10.3  The Learned Man by Dong Qichang, Palace Museum

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both in the collection of the Palace Museum, as well as Layered Mountains in Warm Emerald (Cengluan nuancui tu 层峦暖翠图) from 1622 in the collection of the Shanghai Museum. Regardless of the depth of the colors, they always maintain a harmonious relationship with the ink. Another style was the boneless color-fill style, which was also known as a method used by Zhang Sengxi or Yang Sheng. This style mainly used bright reds and greens to directly outline the shapes and contours of landscapes with some trees and rocks outlined using lighter lines that were not very clear in the heavy colors. While this method used very bright colors, it still had its roots in the classical boneless landscapes and brush use; the structure also structure remained rough and simple, which conveyed a natural, rustic feel. This can be seen in the famous boneless color-fill painting Hall of Brilliant Day (Zhoujintang tu 昼锦堂图) in the collection of the Jilin Provincial Museum, which he once inscribed personally »I wish to create great beauty with directness«.

2. Lan Ying and the Wulin School Because Lan Ying was born and mainly active in the Hangzhou area of Zhejiang Province, many art historians include him as part of the »Zhe School«. The earliest example of this reference is in Zhang Geng’s Essential Knowledge of Painting (Tuhua jing yishi 图画精意识) from the reign of the Emperor Yongzheng of the Qing, which states, »by the Ming Dynasty, Ji Fang included a category for the Zhe School, a school of art, which began with Dai Jin and gained recognition under Lan Ying.« Later, A Treat for the Eyes (Yanfu bian 眼福编) by Tang Enshou and A Record of Calligraphy and Painting from the Hall of the Red Bean Tree (Hongdoushu guan shuhua ji 红豆树 馆书画记) by Tao Liang both use the same reference, even calling Lan Ying the »Second Master of the Zhe School«. In fact, Lan Ying was never part of the direct lineage of the Zhe School and his painting style entirely dissimilar. The Zhe

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School mainly followed the palace-style of the Southern Song, while Lan Ying based his style on the painting styles of Yuan-era artists and even earlier works of the Northern Song and Five Dynasties. The painting methods and look of these two were different and, while were from the same region, they were not of the same school. Therefore, some art historians place Lan Ying under the »Wulin School«. 1. The Evolution Lan Ying’s Life and Painting Style Lan Ying (1585–1664) was also known by the courtesy name Tianshu and pseudonym Diesou, which he later changed to Shitoutuo. His other assignations included Historian of West Lake and Farmer of Wushan. He was a native of Qiantang in Zhejiang Province (present-day Hangzhou) and came from a lowly household, and, forced to give up his studies at a young age, he dedicated himself to painting. He initially began with intricate boundary paintings and portraits of ladies, following the painting styles of the palace-style of the Song Dynasty. When he was around twenty years old, he traveled to the west and met with master artists where he came in contact with the tradition of literati painting. Just after his twentieth birthday, he came to Huating to visit the painter Sun Kehong, where he came to know the master calligraphers and painters Dong Qichang and Chen Jiru as well as the collector Zhou Minzhong. He was able to view and copy ancient works and inquire about various painting methods. He also had exchanges with many local scholars and painters, founding a society of poetry and painting, often holding gatherings and gradually entering into the world of literati painting. After he reached middle age, his interactions became increasingly broad and by his fiftieth birthday, his painting style had started to mature. He had developed his own system and his reputation became increasingly well-known. This was especially true after he began corre-

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sponding with Yang Wencong and got to know Ma Shiying, which increased his fame even further. After the fall of the Ming Dynasty, Lan Ying returned to his hometown of Qiantang where he taught pupils and sold paintings. His later years were unremarkable, but he produced a large number of works and his style became increasingly confident. Lan Ying was famous for his landscape paintings with a style that evolved in step with the events of his life, which can be divided into three periods—early, middle and late. His early period was influenced by the Southern Song »palace-style« that was popular with the Li Tang School of Qiantang. The look of his paintings was similar to Tang Yin’s interpretation of Li Tang. This can be seen in his works produced in his thirties and forties, including Xishan in the Snow (Xishan xueji tu 溪山雪霁图) in the collection of the National Palace Museum in Taipei, completed in 1623 (3rd year of Tianqi) when he was 39 years old. The canvas depicts a rich and complex landscape with a very full composition. His brush use employs a full and rich mid-tip technique for a result that is even and meticulous. His use of color is beautiful with a subtle elegance with a rich sense of decoration. The entire work exhibits a strong sense of the restrained beauty of the palace-style. His middle period covered his fifties and sixties when he traveled to the west and developed new relationships and studied other traditions. He came to master the techniques of masters from the Northern and Southern Orthodoxies, which enriched and diversified his painting method. His works from this period include copies of works by Li Tang, Zhao Lingrang and Zhao Mengfu as well as works that follow the styles of Huang Gongwang, Wang Meng, Wu Zhen and Mi Fei. The general character of his paintings is characterized by free variation, a rich contrast of color, a flowing boldness and a deep rooted strength. During his late period, after he was sixty, he mainly copied the works of Mi Fei and the Four Yuan Masters. His painting style

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went from stable to bold and both his composition and use of brush and ink became increasingly refined. His scenes were broad and open with more empty space. His use of ink was efficient and ruthless with a brightness and a beauty that was rough, simple and left empty space where »for the soul to reside«. From several works completed at different ages, including the catalog Copies of Song and Yuan Landscapes (Fang Song Yuan shanshui 仿宋元山水), completed when he was 58, and another catalog entitled Landscapes (Shanshui 山水), completed at the age of 61, both in the collection of the National Palace Museum in Taipei, as well as another Landscapes catalog completed at the age of 71 and A Scene of White Clouds and Red Trees (Baiyu hongshu tu 白云红 树图), completed when he was 74, which are both in the collection of the Palace Museum, we can see the transition of his style to a rougher, simpler and bolder look. 2. Artistic Characteristics and Influences Lan Ying’s distinctive artistic character is mainly expressed in the mature landscape paintings of his later period. His format of choice was copies of ancient landscape works, showing the strong influence of Dong Qichang’s theory of reverence for ancient works and the trend at the time of copying ancient works. However, as a professional artist the opportunity to view original works by ancient artists were very few and what he learned was simply a contemporary style that had been passed down by some school of painting. This is why Lan Ying’s copies of works by Song and Yuan masters are actually copies of copies by contemporary artists. For example, those who copied the works of Li Tang were closer to the style of Tang Yin, while those who copied Huang Gongwang were closer to Shen Zhou and those who copied Mi Fei used the style of Chen Chun. This can be seen in the catalog Copies of Ancient Landscapes (Fang gu shanshui 仿古山水) (Fig. 8.10.4).

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8.10.4 Copies of Ancient Landscapes (section) ­»Imitating Huang Gongwang« by Lan Ying, National Palace Museum in Taipei

As a professional artist, Lan Ying greatly emphasized proficiency in the technique and changes in form of the ancient masters, while ignoring elements like flavor, spirit, emotion of the brush and playfulness in ink. He exuded the habitual style of a expert artist and the »Palace-style School«. This resulted in a technique that was exquisite and deeply practiced. However, he was also exposed, exaggerated and added unique variations to the structure of certain shapes. The visual effect of his works was intense, but lacked elements that were thought-provoking. Lan Ying held literati painting in great esteem and took great pride in being include among literati painters, which resulted in his painting being influenced by the literati paintings of the Yuan and

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Ming. Some of his works are very similar to the Wumen and Songjiang schools as can be seen in his copy of Dong Yuan’s Landscape of Mountains in Autumn (Qiushan tu 秋山图) completed when he was sixty. The scene is clear and fresh with an elegantly clean use of color. His use of brush and ink is elegant yet bold and is similar to the style of the Songjiang School. Mangroves in Autumnal Mountains (Qiushan hongshu tu 秋山红树图) uses small »axe-cut« strokes that are soft and carefree. The pale-ocher and reddish yellow are fresh and subdued, hinting at the influence of Tang Yin. At the same time Lan Ying also adopted some elements unique to Ming-era literati painting. This included transferring real natural scenery to »landscapes on paper«. The mountains, trees, figures and objects in various series or genre of landscape painting became simplified and set modules that could be arranged at will, which ultimately abandoned realism for a more abstract style. He was also skilled at scenes that looked down from above or from several different angles. He encapsulated the mountains and rivers of the world to create a universe of landscapes that gave a feeling of oneness between man and nature. His works always had multiple layers with a complex sense of space. He used unique forms and emphasized a beauty of form and artistic state of abstract metamorphosis, which resulted in a category of landscape painting that represented the characteristics of late-Ming era. Lan Ying’s unique style of painting had many followers during his time and gradually formed what would be known as the Wulin School. The descendant included his son, Lan Meng, and grandsons, Lan Shen and Lan Tao. His students included Liu Du, Chen Xuan, Wang Huan, Feng Shi, Gu Xing, Hong Du and Wu Ne, but not many of his works are well known. Of those who followed his method, only Chen Hongshou and Yu Zhiding were relatively notable, but they did not promote his style of painting and instead are known for their figure paintings.

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3. Xiang Shengmo and the Jiaxing School 1. Xiang Shengmo’s Life and Thinking Xiang Shengmo (1597–1658) was also known by the courtesy name Kongpeng and the pseudonyms Yi’an, the Woodcutter of Xushan and Layman of the Lotus Pond. He was a native of Jiaxing in Zhejiang Province and the grandson of noted collector of paintings and calligraphy Xiang Yuanbian. He was cultivated in the traditions of his family from a very young age and greatly enjoyed calligraphy and painting. While he had been recommended to the Imperial Academy by a local scholar and studied there for a time, his greater interest remained with poetry, literature, calligraphy and painting. After the death of his father, he had even less of a desire for rank and status and between 1625 and 1626 (6th–7th years of Tianqi), he created the long scroll The Call of the Recluse (Zhaoyin tu 招隐图) to commemorate his decision to retreat from society. He wandered the great mountains and rivers to expand his world view and emotional scope. In 1628 (1st year of Chongzhen) when he was 32 years old, he »passed through Qi and Lu, went beyond the Great Wall, traversed the Yan Mountains, floated along the Wei River and entered Chang’an, experiencing all that life had to offer«. After returning to his hometown of Jiaxing, he »retreated into the field of his inkstone«. The corrupt politics of the late-Ming, social upheaval and serious threats from abroad caused Xiang Shengmo to frequently incorporate his concern for his country and his people into his poetry, writings and paintings. His Summer Waters in the Year of Jiazi (Jiazi xiashui tu 甲子夏水图) painted in 1624 (4th year of Tianqi) and Autumn Drought in the Year of Yichou (Yichou qiuhan tu 乙丑秋旱图) painted in 1625 (5th year of Tianqi), both expressed his concern for natural disasters that affected the people as well as his displeasure with the policies of the court. At the same time he was painting The Call of the Recluse, he also wrote twenty poems in the same theme, explaining his intention to retreat

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from the world. The first poem reads, »entering the mountains is not escaping from the world, but in order to distance myself from superficial glory«, stating that he was not escaping, but refusing his obligation to rule. The eleventh poem reads, »let others don the official cap, kneeling and serving kings and nobles«, expressing his desire to not be the one to subject himself to officialdom. The fourth poem reads, »if one’s heart has not died, would one find solace in fishing in a straw cape«, which speaks to his inability to change the world and being forced to retreat from society. In the first month of 1644 (17th year of Chongzhen), just before the fall of the Ming Dynasty, he created the Latter Call of the Recluse (Hou zhaoyin tu 后招隐 图) and Third Call of the Recluse (San zhaoyin tu 三招隐图), which along with the original The Call of the Recluse were known as the »three paintings« and became the masterpiece of Xiang Shengmo’s career. In 1647 (4th year of Shunzhi), he wrote a postscript to the Third Call of the Recluse and in the following year added thirty poems, which revealed a transition from disapproval of Ming Dynasty rule to his longing for the majesty of his former country. In the postscript, he describes the sorrow and tragedy he personally experienced as the Ming Dynasty fell and Qing troops moved south. His anger and desire to restore the fallen kingdom poured out uncontrollably. After the Qing Dynasty was established, Xiang Shengmo retained his moral integrity and used poetry and painting to express his love for his fallen country and resistance to the new dynasty in the tradition of the loyalist painters. After the Ming Dynasty fell, he painted a Self-Portrait in Red (Zhuse zihua xiang 朱色自画像), now in the private collection of a Taiwanese collector. He uses brush and ink to sketch out his own image, then uses red tones to render mountains and trees. The color red, a homonym of the surname of the Ming royal family, expresses his eternal loyalty to the Ming Dynasty. There was also a poem inscribed on the work that reads, »the mountains

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and rivers that remain are still red, as darkness and shadow move over heaven and earth«, »while the traces of the cries have been wiped away, it is as if they are still here and my longing for peace drives me mad«. The signature of the piece reads, »your itinerant subject in Jiangnan, Xiang Shengmo«. This painting expresses the deep pain that Xiang Shengmo felt at the fall of his country and his undying love for the Ming Dynasty. After the fall of the Ming, he did not use Qing Dynasty era names on his paintings, using heavenly stems and earthly branch year notation. At the top of his paintings, he also included phrases like »A Man of Jiahe in a Noble House of the Imperial Ming« and »A Man of Liaoxi County since the Southern Exodus of the Great Song« to show his loyalist sentiment. The poems and paintings he produced in his later years also had an intense nationalistic streak. In 1658 (15th year of Shunzhi), he died of an illness. He was 62 years old. 2. Xiang Shengmo’s Artistic Characteristics The artistic character of Xiang Shengmo’s paintings can be summarized in three phrases, »the Dong Hu of painting«, »technique of the Song, rhythm of the Yuan« and »both a scholar and an author«. A reference to the phrase calling him the »Dong Hu of painting« can be found in a postscript by Xu Shuming on Xiang Shengmo’s 1646 (3rd year of Shunzhi) catalog titled Landscape Poem Paintings (Shanshui shihua 山水诗画), which reads »the tip of his brush does not lean to the side and positions are all carefully measured; he is the Dong Hu of painting. The plate ›Snow in June‹ has a sense of the changing times, while the plate ›Gazing at Fusang‹ shows his longing for his former kingdom; he is the Dong Hu of poetry.« Comparing the paintings and poetry of Xiang Shengmo to the histories of Dong Hu shows the close connection their works had to society and times in which they were created, alluding to deep rooted ideology and clear concept of right and wrong.

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All of the works Xiang Shengmo created throughout his life were intrinsically linked to the social changes happening at the time. Before the fall of the Ming, they mainly reflected the hardships that the people faced, attacking the corrupt rule of the government and showing his concern for the fate of the nation and its people. This can be seen in Summer Waters in the Year of Jiazi and Autumn Drought in the Year of Yichou, completed in 1624 and 1625 respectively, which faithfully depict the state of the Jiangnan region when it was hit with floods and droughts. His Flocks of Sparrows and Crabs in Rice Fields (Qunque daoxie tu 群雀稻蟹 图) in the collection of the Nanjing Museum was completed in 1631 (4th year of Chongzhen) and depicts sparrow and crabs fighting over rice to reflect the rampant extortion of the people by officials at the time. After the fall of the Ming, Xiang Shengmo’s works changed to mainly reflect his longing for the lost lands of his former country and his defiance of the conquest of his homeland by foreign powers, taking on an intense nationalistic sentiment and loyalist righteousness. His Great Tree in the Wind (Dashu ­fenghao tu 大树风 号图), completed around 1649 (6th year of Shunzhi) (Fig.  8.10.5) is a representative work of this period. In the center of the painting is a great tree, solitary and reaching to the sky. The trunk is massive and straight, strong and immovable. Its branches are numerous and reach everywhere, winding and tangling, but bear not a single leaf, symbolizing a stalwart sorrow. An old man stands under the tree with his back to the viewer, gazing toward the distant mountains and setting sun, pacing back and forth, mumbling to himself, exuding a feeling of sadness and longing. In the upper right corner of the painting is a seven-character poem that reads, »the great tree stands in the roaring wind and reaches to the center of the sky; the sun is slight and a loneliness covers the Western Mountains and Four Seas. His short staff sways with the changing days, but he does not dare to turn his head and gaze upon the [with-

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ering] water plants.« This combination of poetry and painting expresses and intense loneliness, sorrowful anger, melancholy and ­desolation. The phrase saying he has »technique of the Song and rhythm of the Yuan« refers to the source of his artistry. In A Record of Paintings of the Nation (Guochao hua zheng lu 国朝画征录), Zhang Geng states that Xiang Shengmo »was skilled at painting, first studying Wen Hengshan and later expanding to the Song masters and adopting the rhythm of the Yuan«, showing how Xiang Shengmo’s studies of tradition and his painting style changed. His Reading the Yijing at the Pine Studio (Songzhai duyi tu 松斋读易图) in the collection of the Capital Museum was completed when he was 24 and is his earliest work still in existence. The structure of the scene is complex and his brush use is meticulous and dense with especially detailed sections reminiscent of Wen Zhengming and the meticulous parts equal to the Song masters. This work mainly uses the methods of realism and rigor with a brush technique that is careful and technically cautious. He seeks to accurately portray the objects with a goal of »stopping when a resemblance has been achieved«. He is uncompromising in his painting with a serious and earnest attitude. An inscription by Wu Shantao on his Autumn Sounds (Qiusheng tu 秋声图) in the collection of the Capital Museum reads, »in creating this painting for us old friends, Master Kongzhang [Xiang Shengmo] requires the utmost concentration and with not a single stroke out of place. I often laugh at him for his excess of effort. He replies, if my brush and ink is to last for centuries, how can I be careless? As he says, so it is!« Of his extant works, Views of a River in Autumn (Jianyue jiangqiu tu 剪越江秋图) in the collection of the Palace Museum depict a tour of famous mountains and sights along the Fuchun River in 1634 (7th year of Chongzhen). It faithfully recreates the many different vistas from views along the river and their many different expressions in rain, under clear skies, at night and during the day.It also expresses the passionate sense of beauty felt

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8.10.5 Great Tree in the Wind by Xiang Shengmo, Palace Museum

by its creator. It is a powerful realist work of his early period. The work A Tour of Fujian (Minyou tu 闽游图) In the collection of Xuanhuitang in Tokyo, Japan, was painted in 1654 (11th year of Shunzhi) and records the scenery and folk customs of central Fujian Province during his travels there. This is a work from his later years when he was already 59 years old, but his creative dedication is still strong and remains uncompromising. He depicts river crossings at villages and towns, ancient banyan

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trees, rocky outcroppings and dangerous sandbars, streams, rivers and countless mountains. He also includes many figures like punters, pullers, fishermen, porters, customers and people at rest for a scene that is complex yet orderly, giving each figure a spirit with equally meticulous and careful attention. Xiang Shengmo’s »rhythm of the Yuan« is mainly expressed in the playfulness in his use of brush and ink as well as his thoughts and emotions. While his brush and ink remains loyal to the masters of the Song, which ensures that it is meticulous and steady, he also often incorporates the techniques of Wang Meng, Huang Gongwang and Ni Zan of the Yuan, revealing a brush style with an elegant ease, space for the soul and cold distance. Meanwhile, the strong sense of reclusive emotion and intense subjective mood are doubtless even closer to the sentiments of Yuan Dynasty literati paintings. This can be seen in his 1647 (4th year of Shunzhi) work Lo! Listen to the Echo of the Cold (Qie ting hanxiang tu 且听寒响图) in the collection of the Tianjin Art Museum that he gifted to Sun Xiangwang. He depicts the bank of a river in winter with biting winds and naked branches under which two gentlemen scholars meet and share their innermost thoughts. The painting alludes to the utter devotion and mutual aim that the painter and Sun Xiangwang shared in the harsh political environment of the early-Qing. This unspoken yet profound theme and meaning exemplifies the charm of literati painting. The painting techniques used in this painting also contain much of the flavor of the Yuan masters. This can be seen in the middle section with its spaced arrangement and sharp ›turned-strap‹ wrinkle strokes and short, thick hemp wrinkle strokes in the huts, trees, mountains and rocks as well as in the end of the scroll with its scenery that stretches on with small clumps of trees and bushes. This borrowed from the techniques of Huang Gongwang, Ni Zan and even Shen Zhou, encompassing the emotion and playfulness of brush and ink typical to literati painting.

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The phrase »both a scholar and an author« comes from a line inscribed by Dong Qichang on Xiang Shengmo’s Sage of Painting (Huasheng 画圣), which reads, »This album of Xiang Kongzhang [Shengmo] is a culmination of all the beautiful things—trees, rocks, huts and halls and is a bloody battle with the Song masters. In his landscapes he incorporates the energy of the Yuan masters. While he has a natural gift, he must also have a depth of technique, which is why I say he is both a scholar and an author.« Xiang Shengmo was the product of a renowned school and had a broad range of knowledge, excelling in both poetry and painting. His painting borrowed from the rhythm of the Yuan masters, which was elegant and elevated, and naturally gave him the »scholarly air« of literati painters. At the same time he also employed the methods of the Song masters with realistic forms and meticulous brush work, which gave him the profound creative skill of an »author«. There were very few artists of the lateMing that could be said to be both a »scholar and author«and this speaks to the outstanding reputation and unique style of Xiang Shengmo, whose style came to represent the »Jiaxing School«.

Section 3  »Chen of the South, Cui of the North« and the Late-Ming Figure Painting Figure painting of the Ming Dynasty was not nearly as prolific as landscape or bird-and-flower painting. Prior to the middle of the Ming Dynasty there were very few artists who truly excelled at figure painting and those who achieved notoriety in ­figure painting were also skilled at landscapes. These included artists like Dai Jin, Wu Wei, Tang Yin and Chou Ying. By the late-Ming, figure painting saw improvement and a group of artists with their own unique styles began to appear. The new style that began to form would influence their con-

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temporaries as well as future generations. The most famous of these included the Daoist and Buddhist paintings of Ding Yunpeng and Wu Bin, the »deformed« style of Chen Hongshou and Cui Zizhong, the portrait paintings of the »Bochen School« based on Zeng Jingyun’s »Boneless Method« as well as folk custom paintings by the Suzhou-based artists Li Shida, Yuan Shangtong and Zhang Hong, all of whom exemplified the essence of the life and times of the era. Of these, Chen Hongshou was by far the most outstanding.

1. Painting of Buddhist and Daoist Figures by Ding Yunpeng and Wu Bin With the decline of religion during the Ming Dynasty, Daoist and Buddhist figure paintings were no longer favored and murals painting for temples were generally the work of local artisans. However, by the late-Ming and a renewed interest in figure painting, some artists began to dedicate themselves to Daoist and Buddhist themed works. The most famous of these were Ding Yunpeng and Wu Bin. 1. Ding Yunpeng Ding Yunpeng (1547–1628) was also known by the courtesy name Nanyu and the pseudonym Layman of Shenghua. He was a native of Xiuning in Anhui Province. He was trained in poetry and excelled in painting and worked for the famed collector Gu Congyi for a time where he also painted. He excelled in the »plain sketch« method in his depictions of Daoist and Buddhist figures, especially when painting arhats. He also spent his formative years in Huizhou, where woodblock carving and ink making was highly developed. He was skilled in wood carving and created many illustrations for printers there. Many of his works appear in the Ink Garden (Moyuan 墨苑) edited by Fang Yulu. From his extant works, we can see that Ding Yunpeng mainly used the plain sketch method and carried on the traditions of Wu Daozi and Li Gonglin, but some of his shapes were exaggerated

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and even distorted to the point of being bizarre. His delicately powerful flowing brush technique also included strokes that were balanced and orderly, with a decorative flair influenced by wood carvings that produced a style all his own. More specific styles can be seen in the changes during his early, middle and later years. His early years were marked by a relatively meticulous style as in his Five Manifestations of Guanyin (Wuxiang guanyin tu 五相观音图) in the collection of the Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art. It was completed when he was around thirty years old and depicts five different types of images of Guanyin. Her visage and posture are dignified, elegant, balanced and beautiful. The brush strokes are extremely fine, but relaxed and graceful. The coloring uses a base of light blue, which offsets Guanyin’s white robes, while crimson and ocher accent her face, giving a noble elegance to the subdued scene. This work retains may of the methods used by Li Gonglin and the »true image« tradition of Song Dynasty painters. The works from his middle years tend to be simpler and more relaxed. In Awaiting Court (Daichao tu 待朝图) in the collection of the Palace Museum, which he completed in 1592 (20th year of Wanli) at the age of 46, he paints a lone scholar in his courtly robes seated on a stone. Beside him is a child standing at attendance holding a ceremonial tablet showing a scene of officials attending court. At the top of the painting is a poem by Master Daguanke, which reads »The world was free with troubles, [but] the incompetent presumptuously assumed the red and purple [official robes]; Now that you already hold the dragon-slaying talent, the only hope for peace rests upon you.« From this poem, we can interpret that the meaning of this passage is to express the hope that enlightened officials will assist in the ruling of the country, which expresses the hopeful sentiment of the artist. The lines that form the figures are simple yet well practiced. The posture is slightly exaggerated and the trees and rocks are added for

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decoration, which hint at the artists personal aspirations. However, the brush work is still meticulous and detailed with clear influences from Chou Ying and Wen Zhengming. The look of works form his later years became increasingly wild and rough with heavy and vigorous brush use. The rhythm of this works is similar to wood carvings with forms that are rough and almost odd with exaggerated distortions. This can be seen in his Brewing Tea beside the Jade River (Yuchuan zhucha tu 玉川煮茶图) in the collection of the Palace Museum, which he completed in 1612 (40th year of Wanli) at the age of 66. The picture shows the story of the Tang-era hermit Lu Tong brewing tea. The brush use in this painting is still very carefully wrought, but there is rich variation in the individual lines with some as thin and soft as fine silk while others are strong and even like steel wire and yet others stop and turn like broken reeds, which serve to show the various textures of the fabrics. Meanwhile, there are also many parallel lines that have a strong decorative purpose. The shapes of the rock hills and banana trees are orderly and even and almost seem like patterns and mainly express his tendency to use woodblock styles. The Three Teachings (Sanjiao tu 三教图) in the collection of the Palace Museum is also a work from his later years and depicts figures from Confucianism, Daoism and Buddhism. They are exaggerated, but at the same time typical with a lofty ancient feel that is awkward and simple, showcasing his mature ›deformed‹ look. The careful lines and tight strokes of the trees as well as the ink halos with their distinct black and white layers are solemn and unadorned, yet also have their own exaggerated characteristics. This painting is a typical example of Ding Yunpeng’s own personal style. 2. Wu Bin Wu Bin, also known by the courtesy name Wenzhong, was a native of Putian in Fujian Province and later lived in Nanjing. The dates of his birth

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and death are unknown. During his youth, he remained in Putian, later moving to Nanjing. During the reign of Emperor Wanli (1573–1620) he was recommended as a secretariat drafter and during the reign of Tianqi (1621–1627) after he privately criticized the official Wei Zhongxian for his abuse of power, he was discovered by Wei’s lackeys who arrested him and stripped him of his position. Later, he dedicated himself to poetry and painting, becoming a pious Buddhist. He was no longer a professional painter and instead became a »layman painter«, blending his religious beliefs with his artistic creations. He not only created many Buddhist and Daoist paintings, he also gave these works deeply Buddhist connotations in a form that was uniquely his own. Wu Bin was skilled in both landscape and figure painting. His landscapes were mystical scenes with complex brush use that created countless peaks and gullies in ink that produced mysterious landscapes that were perilous and strange with imperceptible changes with a richly personal style. This can be seen in A World of Mountains (Daiyu tu 岱舆图) in the collection of the Zhejiang Provincial Museum and Myriad Peaks and Gullies (Qianyan wanhe tu 千岩万壑图) in the collection of the Palace Museum. He also was famous for his figure paintings of the Buddha and arhats, which were very unique. Wu Bin’s Buddhist figure paintings can be divided into three categories. The first category is closely linked to Buddhist ceremonies and is comprised mainly of images of the Buddha used for offerings or worship in temples. Many of these are objects of worship in and of themselves. His Image of the Buddha (Foxiang tu 佛像图) in the collection of the National Palace Museum in Taipei depicts the Buddha seated in a dignified position on a stone throne, which is massive and supported by columns. The Buddha’s outer robes are heavy and thick, curving around in an arc that further accent the effect of the round columns. There are two attendants on either side of the stone throne,

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which are intentionally smaller in stature to highlight the size and grandeur of the Buddha. The exaggerated round columns, curved heavy lines and the difference in size of the characters all highlight the majesty and mystical nature of the Buddha, thereby effectively creating an object worthy of worship. Many of his images of single arhats are also objects of worship. One example of this is his Image of an Arhat (Luohan tu 罗汉图) in the collection of the National Palace Museum in Taipei. (Fig. 8.10.6) The second category is made up mainly of paintings used by laypeople for worship at home. While exuding a pious spirit, they also incorporate elements of secular life and have a purely artistic appeal. This can be seen in his Five Hundred Arhats (Wubai luohan tu 五百罗汉图) in the collection of the Cleveland Museum of Art. This work depicts the five hundred arhats on their journey to pay homage to Guanyin of the South Seas. The form of these arhats is unique. They not only have high eyebrows, straight noses, wrinkles that seem to form triangular chunks and facial features that seem pressed together, but incorporate an odd playfulness with lively and exaggerated expressions for a very humorous scene. In terms of forming a narrative, religious ceremonies often borrow images from real life with ceremonies of Buddhist teachings resembling a gathering of learned scholars. Hosts of worshipers also resemble a tributary offering and scenes of copying scripture are like elegant literary meetings. Some even directly use details from everyday secular life like the wearing of monk’s robes, shaving heads, shaving beards and cleaning ears. These works reflect the most typical examples of Wu Bin’s secularization of Buddhist images. The third category is made up of explanatory images to help explain classical stories, which mainly interpret the teachings of the Buddha while maintaining a relatively free style. This can be seen in the work Twenty-Five Enlightened Ones (Ershiwu yuantong 二十五圆通) in the collection of the National Palace Museum in Taipei. This work is a depiction of cultivation tech-

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niques in the second half of the Śūraṅgama Sūtra. Wu Bin’s concept of how to depict the enlightenment of these twenty-five saints was not simple based on the description in the sutra itself, but in showing the methods and manner in which enlightenment was attained while at the same time overcoming the limitations of explanatory images and adding more artistic elements. A page titled The Five Bhikku and Kaundinya (Qiaochen wubiqiu 峤陈五比丘) shows the five bhikku monks seated in a circle of stones around a circular space. A child attendant is holding a chime stone facing one of the bhikku, symbolizing sound produced

8.10.6 An Image of an Arhat by Wu Bin, National Palace Museum Taipei

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by an instrument and demonstrating one of the paths to enlightenment, which is »becoming an arhat through sound«. These three categories not only reflect the characteristics of detail, exaggeration and transcendence in Wu Bin’s works, they also demonstrate the unique qualities of »layperson artistry« that closely links Buddhist beliefs with everyday life, taking into consideration both the Buddhist classics and artistic tradition. This is also a common characteristic of Buddhist and Daoist painting of the late-Ming, which was typical of the Buddhist figure paintings of both Ding Yunpeng and Chen Hongshou.

2. The Distorted Painting Styles of Chen Hongshou and Cui Zizhong 1. The Life and Art of Chen Hongshou Chen Hongshou (1598–1652), was also known by the courtesy name Zhanghou and the pseudonym Old Lotus. After the fall of the Ming he also took the pseudonyms Laochi and Huichi. When he became a monk late in life, he also took the pseudonyms Penetant Monk and Monk of the Cloud Gate. He was a native of Zhuji in Zhejiang Province. Born into an official household, he received a very good education when he was young and was well versed in the classics, skilled in poetry and literature, and truly loved painting. By the age of ten he could already paint very well and became friends with Lan Ying while in Hangzhou. His natural ability surprised Lan Ying, and caused him to recognize his own inferiority. In fact, Lan Ying greatly inspired Chen Hongshou and his bold, vigorous brush technique was a great inspiration to Chen in his youth. Chen Hongshou enjoyed a peaceful and happy childhood and young adulthood. When he was eighteen, his mother died of an illness and he left home to live alone, beginning a period of over twenty years of making a name for himself. He moved to Shaoxing and began studies in Jishan under the acclaimed scholar Liu Zongzhou, who

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taught the study of the natural order. His teacher’s honest character and intense sense of righteousness deeply affected Chen Hongshou and inspired him to pay greater attention to the future of his country and the dangers of the Qing court. It was also at that time that he came to know many champions of justice outside of his master’s school, like Huang Daozhou, Qi Biaojia and others. A set of paintings titled Nine Songs (Jiuge tu 九歌图) and another titled The Poet Qu Yuan (Quzi xingyin tu 屈子行吟图) were expressions of his concern for national affairs. In 1618 (46th year of Wanli) when he was twenty, he passed the county-level imperial examinations and his reputation as an artist became even more well known. He enjoyed this fame for a while, but not much later he was faced with a series of unfortunate events. When he was 26, his beloved wife Madam Lai died suddenly. During a trip to the capital to attend examinations, he fell seriously ill and returned home without success. He moved to Hangzhou and took a new wife, Madam Han. He continued trying to make a name for himself, but at the age of 33 after attempting the examinations once again, was unable to pass them. He was despondent and disappointed, but his will was not yet crushed and he faced a great internal dilemma. This led to a period of excessive drinking and unruly behavior that gradually made his personality increasingly unpredictable and irreverent. In 1640 (13th year of Chongzhen), Chen Hongshou was already passed middle age and in order to ease his sense of political responsibility, he was forced to take another path of service and entered the Imperial Academy. However, his three years in the capital utterly destroyed his ideals of »service to the emperor as to one’s father« and »dedication to the emperor and nourishing the people«. It was at this time that Huang Daozhou was demoted for his directness and the Grand Coordinator for Jiangxi, Xie Xuelong, who had recommended Huang Daozhou, were brought to the capital, imprisoned and given eighty lashes. An

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even more serious incident was in 1642 (15th year of Chongzhen) when his first teacher Liu Zongzhou was stripped of his position and disciplined for his position on saving Jiang Cai and Xiong Kaiyuan. These events caused Chen Hongshou to completely lose faith in the Ming court and come to the realization that his »sovereign had become a coward«. While no one could identify with his political burden, his artistic talents had been noticed by the emperor and Emperor Chongzhen ordered him to come to the palace and copy the portraits of previous emperors and even asked him to serve as imperial court painter for the imperial family, but he unceremoniously refused the offer. In 1643 (16th year of Chongzhen), not long after Liu Zongzhou left the capital, he also quickly departed from Beijing with a heavy heart in the cold rains of the Tomb Sweeping festival. Within a year of his return to the Jiangnan region, the Ming Dynasty had fallen. In his later years, Chen Hongshou faced the social upheaval that came with a change of dynasties, but faced also a new internal conflict—one of life or death. After Chongzhen hung himself, the Prince of Fu, Zhu Yousong, established the Southern Ming in Nanjing and Chen Hongshou took up residence in the Shaoxing at the former home of Xu Wei, the »Library of the Green Vine«. He often corresponded with patriotic loyalists and followed the changes that were occurring. He lamented the fall of the Ming and in the summer of 1646 when the Qing armies took control of Shaoxing, Chen Hongshou was captured. Even when they forced him to paint, he still refused to show his staunch nationalistic feeling. As soon as an opportunity presented itself, he fled to the Cloud Gate Temple, shaved his head and became a monk. However, this was by no means a sign of regret for wrongs of the past and true dedication to Buddhist learning, but a passive form of protest. He one said of himself, »who would become a monk, my life as a monk is an excuse to live another day.«

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After the chaos of war subsided, Chen Hongshou divided his time between Hangzhou and Shaoxing, supporting himself by selling his paintings. He created a large number of works and in 1652 (9th year of Shunzhi) his life of conflict and bitterness ended, he was 55 years old. The formation of Chen Hongshou’s artistic style was primarily a result of the broad range of his studies in painting. He both borrowed from the masters of the past. In figure painting, he highly respected Li Gonglin of the Song Dynasty as well as Zhou Fang of the Tang and Gu Kaizhi of the Eastern Jin. As for more contemporary artists, his bird-and-flower and landscape paintings were the later period of Lan Ying. He also took nourishment from folk woodblock prints and New Year paintings, creating a large number of woodblock prints himself. He also possessed a talent that was ahead of its time, an all-embracing mindset, a wild personality and lived a turbulent life. He was skilled in nearly all genre of painting, capable of rendering the styles of different masters and different looks with a overall character that was »transcendent, ancient and unlike any other«. He was best known for his figure paintings and in Zhang Geng’s A Record of Paintings of the Nation, he was described as »in painting figures, bodies were imposing and draped in robes that were clear, flowing, fine yet strong with the talent of Gonglin and Zi’ang; his use of color is similar to method of the Wu School with a powerful energy that is elevated and grand, surpassing both Chou and Tang; his use of brush and ink is unequaled in the three hundred years of the Ming.« The inspiration for his figure paintings originates both in realism and a deep seated philosophical state. When he was nineteen, he completed the woodblock prints Nine Songs and The Poet Qu Yuan, which were expressions of regret at political events. The Water Margin Cards, drinking cards, which he completed when he was a little more than twenty years old, both praised brave outlaws, while also harshly criticizing the cor-

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8.10.7 Sheng’an with a Flower in his Hair by Chen Hongshou, Palace Museum

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ruption of officials. When he was 53, he painted a long handscroll titled The Return (Guiqulai tu 归去来图), now in the collection of the Honolulu Museum of Art, which was originally given to his good friend Zhou Lianggong, who had surrendered to the Qing. His petition to his friend is clear and at the end of the work, a postscript by Yao Jixun reads, »his intention is subtle, it is the style of Zhanghou [Chen Hongshou]«. His Sixteen Views from the Hermitage (Yinju shiliu guan tu 隐 居十六观图), painted for Xian Hao when he was sixty and now in the collection of the National Palace Museum in Taipei, depicts a story of ancient learned men that retreated into seclusion and has been called a continuation of The Return. It is essentially a snapshot of his retreat from life and avoidance of the world. Chen Hongshou’s depiction of figures is both bursting with life and typically classical. His figures are exaggerated to the point of becoming distorted, nearly always with large heads and short torsos, their bodies are imposing with a heft and tension that give them a quality that is uncommonly bold and transcendent. At the same time, he also uses this exaggeration and distortion to express the personality and spirit of his figures, making them just as real and believable. His painting Sheng’an with a Flower in his Hair (Sheng’an zanhua tu 升庵簪花图) (Fig. 8.10.7) depicts the scholar Yang Shen after being demoted and sent to Yunnan, abandoning all restraint and decorating his hair with flowers as he walks through the center of town. The main character wears a great robe with large sleeves; his body is short, thick and nearly square like a solid piece of stone. The overall impression is quite exaggerated. However, his slightly raised head and scant gaze along with his high chest and relaxed arms swaying in a slow gait fully express Yang Shen’s prideful condemnation of the world around him. The two female attendants beside him are slightly elongated to appear more elegant, further accentuating the grandness of the main figure, but the

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expressions on their faces are similar to that of Yang Shen, prideful and unyielding. This image is conveys an artistic style that is lifelike while also retaining a classical sentiment. Chen Hongshou’s figure paintings also use expressive techniques that are uniquely his own. He paid unique attention to the use of lines, which were mainly round in his early years with some angular elements at transition points with a careful and meticulous style. His middle years were characterized by an angular strength that could be chopped off at any time with powerful transitions with an air full of exuberance. In his later years, his lines became light, round and fine like the strains of silkworms in spring that resembled flowing clouds and water. His overall style became increasingly genuine and unadorned with a look that was clean, clear, classical and powerful, full of movement and rhythm. His use of color was generally evenly applied and used bright primary colors with a balance in contrast that made them brilliant but not vulgar and thoroughly decorative. Chen Hongshou’s unique style of painting had already had considerable influence during his lifetime and »produced several thousand students of his style throughout the land«. His concubine Hu Jingman, daughter Chen Daoyun, son Chen Zi and his students Yan Zhan, Lu Xin, Wei Xiang and Ding Shu all carried on his style. During the late-Qing, he once again had a considerable impact on the art world through the »Three Rens«—Ren Xiong, Ren Xun and Ren Yi—who were the most successful artists to promote the style of Chen Hongshou. 2. The Life and Art of Cui Zizhong Cui Zizhong (?–1644) was also known by the courtesy names Qingyin and Daomu as well as the pseudonym Beihai. He was a native of Laiyang in Shandong Province. He had been an imperial scholar when he was young and was known for his poetry. However, after failing several attempts at the imperial examinations, he moved to Beijing and became famous for his paintings. In 1633

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(6th year of Chongzhen), Dong Qichang was summoned to the capital to administer affairs of the Household Administration of the Heir Apparent. As Cui Zizhong was one of his entourage, he was also highly regarded. Making a living on poetry and painting meant that he was poor his entire life. He was also a solitary person who seldom interacted with other people. He only gave paintings to his closest friends and he had a strong personality. If others were to offer great sums for his works, he would pay them no attention. When he was young, he studied under his teacher Song Jideng and became close confidants with his sons and pupils and even Song Mei and his elder brother Song Yingheng. He generally stayed at home writing poems and painting. When he was feeling inspired, he would remove his clothes and wander about. His wife and two daughters were also skilled painters and would sit beside him dappling color onto his works softly pointing things out and enjoying their time together. After Li Zicheng captured Beijing and the Ming Dynasty feel, it is said that he »fled into a mud hut, refused to eat and died«. Cui Zizhong’s paintings also sought to incorporate classical methods and styles. Xu Qin’s A Record of Famous Paintings (Minghua lu 名画录) states that he »painted in a classical style with his figures copying the styles of Gu, Lu, Yan and Wu«. In A Further Compilation of Treasured Paintings (Tuhui baojian xu zuan 图绘宝鉴续纂) also states that he »was skilled at figures with visages that were oddly classical and lines in garments that were like steel wires; his style was neither of the Tang nor the Song and was uniquely his own«. While Cui Zizhong did not necessarily have the chance to copy original works by Tang and Jin artists personally, but his search for the odd and classical was similar to that of Chen Hongshou. It is for this reason that many art historians talk about their painting styles in the same context. However, Cui Zizhong’s arrogance and isolation made his painting style more similar to that of

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the literati. His strangely classical style also had a clear air, while his poetry was slightly heavier with a transcendent and exuberant feel. Not many of Cui Zizhong’s works have survived to the present day and most are of stories pertaining to ancient figures and Buddhist or Daoist deities. His paintings also have a composition and arrangement that are unique to his style. He also borrowed from the methods of the Tang and Song with his brush, ink and color-fill techniques all tending to have a classical feel. The lines in the clothing of his figures are fine and have a movement. His brush use is flowing and soft without sacrificing strength. When painting mountains and rocks, his brush technique is angular as with the strap technique, while his wrinkle strokes are filled with variation. His composition is also creative, resulting in mysterious scenes with forms that are finely wrought and contain just enough exaggeration. His tone is transcendent and refined. His representative works include Collecting Clouds (Cangyun tu 藏云图) in the collection of the Palace Museum, which he completed in 1626 (6th year of Tianqi) and depicts the story of the Tang Dynasty poet Li Bai. It was said that when Li Bai was living in the Fei Mountains, he took a carriage into the hills where he put clouds into a small jar and brought them back, releasing them into his room so that he could enjoy the pleasure of »drinking daily from the clear spring while resting on white clouds«. The scene in the painting shows Li Bai riding his carriage crossing into the clouds with thick billowing clouds rolling between the hills covering a great mountain forest. The scene is just as he describes in his inscription, which reads, »grasses and trees cannot be distinguished in the peaks of spring; stepping forward is like living within one’s sleeve, the traveler cannot see behind nor in front«. The scene is full of illusion, mystery and fascination. The mountains and rocks are outlined in fine lines with densely packed wrinkle strokes in deep ink, similar in form to cobble stones in a rugged, ancient style.

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Figures are rendered with strong, but flowing lines with white garments that are brightly contrasted. While the main figure is small in size, he is very prominent. This work reflects Cui Zizhong’s main artistic characteristics. Jade Maid in the Clouds (Yunzhong yunü tu 云中玉女图), in the collection of the Shanghai Museum, borrows from the them of immortal maidens. It depicts the Jade Maid, servant of the Queen Mother of the West, standing on the edge of a cloud, looking down to the lower realms as the cloud carries her away. The lines of her garments are light and soft, combining the »flowing-silk« and »warring-brush« techniques of outlining. The clouds are outlined with many fine lines similar to the »rolling-clouds/flowing-water« method. Coloring is light and elegant. Overall, the work has a very classical feel. The arrangement of the shapes is simple and clean with generous empty space, which is very unique.

3. Portraiture of Zeng Jing and the »Bochen School« Zeng Jing (1564–1647) was also known by the courtesy name Bochen and was a native of Putian in Fujian Province. After he came of age, he left his home and moved north to Hangzhou, also leaving his mark in Tongxiang, Wuzhen, Ningbo and Yuyao. Later, he traveled further north to Nanjing and took up residence in the Temple of Vulture Peak, making his living through painting. His outstanding technique in portraiture caught the attention of scholars and officials, who invited him to paint portraits for them and eventually began to associate with them. Famous contemporary scholars for whom he painted portraits included Dong Qichang, Chen Jiru, Wang Shimin, Lou Jian, Xiang Yuanbian and Huang Daozhou. In 1641 (14th year of Chongzhen), after taking up residence in the Temple of Vulture Peak in Nanjing, he had a chance meeting with Huang Zongxi, who lived nearby. The two became immediate friends and met everyday at twilight, sipping tea and eating fruit, discussing all manner of topic and admiring

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collections of paintings, calligraphy and antiques. Clearly, Zeng Jing had inserted himself into the ranks of scholars and officials. While he was still a painter-for-hire, his status and position had already begun to change, which contributed to the elevation of his art. The time he was in Nanjing also coincided with the arrival of the Italian Jesuit priest Matteo Ricci, who had brought paintings of saints, Jesus Christ and the Virgin Mary. While they were on display in a church in Nanjing, the three-dimensional quality and lifelike appearance of these Western portraits were quite the sensation. Jiang Shaoshu’s A Voiceless History of Poetry (Wusheng shishi 无声诗史) states that »the Christian images brought from the West by Matteo Ricci are of a woman holding an infant. Their visages and garments are like shadows in a mirror and seem to almost move.« The same book describes the painting style of Zeng Jing, saying that »his portraits seem to be taken from images in a mirror, incredibly capturing both spirit and emotion. His use of color is full and moist with a touch that gives life to the figures. While they are plain, their knitted brows and smiles are almost real.« Zeng Jing’s portraits were clearly influenced by western painting, which explains the similarity between the two in Jiang’s descriptions. Zeng Jing used a variety of methods in his portraits. A Record of Paintings of the Nation by Qing Dynasty author Zhang Geng states that there were two schools of portraiture, one that emphasized the ink bone [outline and structure], applying color once the outline and structure was completed to depict the energy of old or young. The spirit [of the person depicted] had long been passed through the ink bone. This was the technique of Bochen [Zeng Jing’s courtesy name] of Central Fujian; the other school used light ink to outline the features of the figures, then using pastel coloring to add tone. This was the traditional method of the painters of the Jiangnan region; Zeng Jing was also skilled at this method.

SECTION 3 »CHEN OF THE SOUTH, CUI OF THE NORTH« AND THE LATE-MING FIGURE PAINTING

Relatively early works by Zeng Jing mainly use the pastel coloring style of the »Jiangnan Method«. One example is the Portrait of Wang Shimin (Wang Shimin xiang 王时敏像), completed in 1616 (44th year of Wanli) when he was 52. The contours of the face are outlined with thin lines in light ink and the features are filled in with color and then covered with a layer of light color, which is typical of the »Jiangnan Method«. The result is clear and bright, accurately portraying the handsome, quiet and youthful yet mature appearance and character of the 25 year-old Wang Shimin. Portrait of Ge Yilong (Ge Yilong xiang 葛一龙像) in the collection of the Palace Museum is a depiction of a famed scholar of Wuzhong, Ge Yilong. The face in this work also uses color shading, especially in the forehead, cheekbones, eyelids and corners of the nose, with a relatively dark ocher tone. There is a sense of depth and indicates the artist’s attempt at perspective. This painting was completed slightly later than the previous one. The »boneless method« was a fundamental element of Zeng Jing’s works and his paintings put greater emphasis on a realistic appearance with greater use of »relief sfumato«. Volume Four of Jiang Shaoshu’s A Voiceless History of Poetry states that »each image was a portrait and entailed dozens of layers of relief sfumato shading, which certainly required great ingenuity.« This method first used light colored lines to outline the features, then applied light ink or relatively heavy colors layer upon layer on the cheeks and corners of the nose in order to provide a contoured effect and a sense of weight. Finally, a single layer of a light color was applied to provide the sink color. This method was similar to the »relief sfumato west of the seas«, which relied on reduced lighting to created differences in light and dark. Most of his later works used this method. This can be seen in his Portrait of Zhang Qingzi (Zhang Qingzi xiang 张卿子像), currently in the collection of the Zhejiang Provincial Museum, which was finished in 1622 (2nd year of Tianqi) when he was 58. He used

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lines to outline the contours of the face, which already had varying shades of light and dark, then applied ocher coloring over the ink lines and relief sfumato in brown on the sides of the nose and cheeks, finally using a single layer of light ocher, which gave the portrait a depth and three-dimensional quality. Portrait of Zhao Geng (Zhao Geng xiang 赵赓像) completed in 1624 (4th year of Tianqi) and currently in the collection of the Guangdong Provincial Museum even more clearly shows the use of the »relief sfumato« method with multiple layers of ocher used between the eyebrows, on the eyelids, corners of the nose and the chin. The final application of color was not done, which actually enhanced the contours of the features. Portrait of Gu Mengyou (Gu Mengyou xiang 顾梦游像), painted in his later years and in the collection of the Nanjing Museum, is typical of his »boneless method« whereby the contours of the face are outlined mainly using light colored ink with filled and empty spaces highlighted through dark and light shading. Finally, the cover color also included a considerable amount of ink, showing a clear emphasis on techniques like the boneless method and multiple applications of relief sfumato. This type of »boneless method«

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made portraits more realistic and was an unprecedented innovation, which won it high praise from the art world. Zeng Jing’s new style of painting gathered a group of ardent followers during the late-Ming and early-Qing period and became known as the »Bochen School«. Major artists from this school included Xie Bin, Guo Gong, Xu Yi, Shen Shao and Zhang Qi. The most successful of these was Xie Bin. His student Zhang Qi brought his technique to Japan. In 1642 (15th year of Chongzhen), Zhang Qi painted a portrait of the abbot of the Temple of Abundant Joy in Mount Huangbo in Fujian Province, Feiyin Tongrong. In 1654 (11th year of Shunzhi), the abbot’s disciple Yinyuan Longqi took the portrait to Japan and established a temple of the same name in Uji Prefecture, which became the founder of the Obaku Sect of Zen Buddhism in Japan. Later, the portraits of the abbots of this sect were all completed based on the Portrait of Feiyin Tongrong by Zhang Qi, resulting in the Bochen School influencing the style of portraiture for a portion of monks in Japan. His influence in China continued through the middle of the Qing Dynasty and for the period of about two centuries was the most influential school of classical portraiture in China.

CHAPTER XI  WOODBLOCK PRINTING, CALLIGRAPHY, AND SEAL CARVING The Ming Dynasty was a period of rapid development for classical Chinese woodblock printing, and there was a burgeoning of talent that produced a wide variety of brilliant works. This period has been called the golden age of classical woodblock prints, in the clear progression of different periods in woodblock printing of the Ming Dynasty. The period from Hongwu to Zhengde was a time of gradual renewal, reaching a high point, during the reign of Wanli was a flourishing golden age and that was followed by a period of continued development from Taichang through Chongzhen. The main expression of this flourishing of woodblock printing during the Ming Dynasty was in the formation of regional woodblock printings schools. Three major centers appeared during the Wanli Period, each with their own style—the Jian’an School in Fujian was simple and strong, the Jinling School in Jiangsu was formal and refined, while the Xina’an School in Anhui was delicate and graceful. Later, the rise of woodblock printing schools was seen in areas like Hangzhou and Wuxing in Zhejiang Province, as well as Suzhou in Jiangsu, each with their own unique characteristics. Various collections in woodblock prints during the Ming Dynasty were also especially notable, especially the multi-block colored printing technology and watermark printing used in stationary and painting collections, which marked the beginning of a new era in this art form. The most representative works using this technique were A Collection of Stationary from the Studio of Ten Bamboos and A Collection of Calligraphy and Painting from the Studio of Ten Bamboos. Woodblock printing during the Ming Dynasty made remarkable achievements and reached a

very high level, which couldn’t have been achieved without the participation of many famous painters. One representative of this is Chen Hongshou, whose work include Nine Songs (Jiugetu 九歌图), Water Marsh Cards (Shuihu yezi 水浒叶子), three sets of illustrations for the opera Romance of the Western Chamber (Xixiang ji 西厢记) and The Antiquarian Cards (Bogu yezi 博古叶子). These are not only seminal works of the Ming Dynasty, they also show the styles of contemporary artists and later generations. Ming Dynasty calligraphy showed scattered and periodic spurts of progress in three clear periods—early, middle and late. The early period was characterized by the »Cabinet« style of calligraphy, the middle period the Wu School of calligraphy, and during the late period were the »Four Masters of the late Ming« as well as other, bizarre calligraphy. There were many famous calligraphers that appeared during the Ming Dynasty, creating their own styles, schools or groups. The early Ming saw the rise of the »three Songs« (Song Ke, Song Sui and Song Guang) and »two Shens« (Shen Du and Shen Can), who gradually established the »Cabinet« style, whose use was required by the imperial court because of its ceremonial dignity and »harmonious« beauty. The middle of the Ming Dynasty saw the rise of a group of literati calligraphers. The »Three Masters of Wuzhong« in Suzhou made the greatest achievements—Zhu Yunming was known for his free flowing cursive script, Wen Zhengming excelled in creating elegant running regular script and Wang Chong exemplified the unadorned and weighty style of the Jin and Tang. Their achievements were the most notable and influential, forming the Wu School of callig-

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raphy. During the late Ming there were many other schools that appeared. The so-called »Four Masters of the late-Ming« included Dong Qichang, Mi Wanzhong, Xing Tong and Zhang Ruitu, while the creators of the qijue (奇倔or »bizarre/craggy«) and kuangguai (狂怪 or »wild/strange«) styles, which included Huang Daozhou, Ni Yuanlu, Wang Duo and Fu Shan, also enjoyed a period of influence during the late Ming and early Qing dynasties. Seal carving also entered a period of self-awareness, prosperity and openness during the Ming Dynasty. By the middle of the Ming, with literati calligraphy becoming increasingly popular, it became increasingly common for literati to create seals. Wen Peng carved his own seals in soapstone, developing an innovative style and forming the Wu School of seal carving. With the formation of other schools, including the Anhui School founded by He Zhen, and the Sishui School founded by Su Xuan, seals carved by literati became a trend, eventually going mainstream.

Section 1  Ming Dynasty Woodblock Printing 1. Developments in Ming Dynasty Woodblock Printing The development of Ming Dynasty woodblock printing can generally be divided into three periods. The first was during the reigns of Hongwu and Zhengde (1368–1521) and was a phase of restoration and gradual advancement, the reigns of Jiajing and Wanli (1522–1619) signaled a period of flourishing achievement, and the reigns of Taichang and Chongzhen (1620–1644) were a period of sustained development. Each of these periods has unique characteristics, yet also maintained a certain continuity. Most of the Buddhist, Daoist and Lamaist scriptures printed during the early Ming have delicate illustrations on their title pages. In 1398 (31st year

CHAPTER XI WOODBLOCK PRINTING, CALLIGRAPHY, AND SEAL CARVING

of Hongwu), the printing of the Tripitaka (Dazangjing 大藏经), known commonly as the Southern Hongwu Canon (Hongwu nanzang 洪武南藏) was completed in Nanjing with an illustration of the Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch (Liuzu dashi fabao tan jing 六祖大师法宝坛经). In 1421 (19th year of Yongle), the Northern Canon of the Three Canons of the Sacred Religion of the Great Ming (Daming sanzang shengjiao beizang 大明三藏圣 教北藏), commonly known as the Northern Canon of Yongle (Yongle beizang 永乐北藏), was published in Beijing and included a cover page illustration of Buddha Discusses the Buddha-Land of Akshobya (Fo shuo achu foguo jing 佛说阿閦佛国 经), which depicts a scene of the Buddha teaching the Dharma at Jetvana. The vista is grand, powerful and brilliant. »Teaching the Dharma« (Shuofa tu 说法图) spans five full pages with celestial beings, bodhisattvas, vajras and strong beings surrounding the Buddha in four rows. There are flying apsaras and Guardians of the Ten Directions above him, each one different from the other. Their heavenly robes, decorations, and the mists around them are elaborate and exquisite. During the reign of Emperor Yingzong, a woodblock print of Daoist scripture titled The Zhengtong Daoist Canon (Zhengtong daozang 正统道藏) was created and included an illustration of the Three Purities on the cover page, with over one hundred Daoist deities of all types depicted on either side. The layout is exquisite and set on a grand scale. The lines are strong, yet flowing, and the positions of the figures are richly varied. After the reign of Xuande, the themes appearing in woodblock prints became increasingly rich, and changes began to occur in the art world. While religious-themed woodblock prints continued to make up a large number of works, they gradually lost their dominant position. However, this allowed for expansion in terms of content with the appearance of collections of illustrations of Buddhist and Daoist deities. One example of this is the book Images of Heavenly Deities, Spirits

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and Demons, which was printed in 1470 (6th year of Chenghua) and included Buddhist and Daoist gods, and demons. The work was created for the Rite of Land and Water and is the only collection of woodblock print images still in existence. At that time, woodblock print illustrations also began to appear in operas and novels. There were ten different examples of shuochang and poetry published during the reign of Chenghua, including the Story of Hua Guansuo’s Youth (Hua Guansuo chushen zhuan 花关索出身传), the Story of the Emperor’s Son-in-Law Shi Lang (Shi Lang fuma zhuan 石郎驸马传) and the Story of Xue Rengui Crossing the Sea and Pacifying Liao (Xue Rengui kuahai zheng Liao gushi 薛仁贵跨海征辽故事). These are the earliest complete examples of illustrations for operas and novels still in existence. In 1498 (11th year of Hongzhi), the Yue Family from Jintai in Beijing published the New Large Character Large Page Fully Illustrated Romance of the Western Chamber with Fantastic Annotations (Xin kan dazi kuiben quanxiang canding qimiao zhushi xixiang ji 新刊大字魁本全相参订奇妙注释西厢记), which is the earliest known complete illustrated copy of the Romance of the Western Chamber. At the same time, the number of illustrated books on topics like literary collections, personages, local histories, military affairs, technology and lifestyles gradually increased, with a large amount of innovative content. These included the 1444 (9th year of Zhengtong) painting The Sacred Saga (Sheng ji tu 圣迹图), the predecessor of The Sacred Saga of Confucius and Mencius, and Images of Ancient People in History (Lidai guren xiang zan 历 代古人像赞), depicting historical figures ranging from Fuxi, a figure from the earliest reaches of history, to Huang Tingjian of the Song Dynasty, with the earliest collection of woodblock print illustrations by Li Shi. It also included early examples of local histories, with woodblock print images like the Wujiang Gazeteer (Wujiang zhi 吴江志) and Shihu Gazeteer (Shihu zhi 石湖志), which were published during the reign of Hongzhi. The 1439

SECTION 1 MING DYNASTY WOODBLOCK PRINTING

(4th year of Zhengtong) woodblock print edition of the Complete Essentials of the Military Classics (Wujing zongyao 武经总要) was one of the earlier examples of Ming Dynasty re-printings of military treatises from the Song era. Principles of Correct Diet (Yinshan zheng yao 饮膳正要), published in 1456 (7th year of Jingtai) by the Imperial Household was an early example of a book on daily life. These types of illustrated books continued to grow increasingly common after the reign of Jiajing. During the Jiajing and Longqing eras (1522–1572), non-religious woodblock prints became mainstream in the world of art. By the Wanli Period (1573–1619), China had entered a golden era of woodblock printing. Of these, woodblock print illustrations in novels and operas were the most brilliant. Woodblock prints of many other types also produced famous works. At the same time, woodblock printing in various localities began to form their own unique characteristics, producing three large schools of art: the Jian’an School, the Jinling School and the Anhui School. Woodblock prints in places like Wulin, Wuxing and Suzhou also continued to flourish. The achievements in woodblock print illustrations in novels and operas as well as regional woodblock print schools from this time through the end of the Ming Dynasty also have a number of dedicated writings. Here, we will mainly introduce the creation of other outstanding works. In terms of subject matter and forms of expression, religious woodblock prints had already broken away from the traditional structures of the Song and Yuan dynasties. The number of Buddhist-themed landscape and portrait woodblock prints drastically increased. Bindings also transitioned away from mostly scrolls and folded pamphlets toward square books bound with string. This enabled them to incorporate more content and design more diverse formats, allowing for single-page, two-page or multiple extended page designs with illustrations above and text below or even pages with a central circular design known

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as a »moon glow« format. This trend was centered in the north, and Buddhist woodblock prints became a unique art form in Northern China. The already meticulous techniques used earlier in this period became even more refined, and with the participation of artisans and painters of the Anhui School, they became increasingly elaborate, detailed and lifelike. Representative works include the Tripitaka, which was begun in 1589 (17th year of Wanli) and completed in 1677 (16th year of Kangxi), known commonly as the Jiaxing Canon (Jiaxingzang 嘉兴藏) or the Surangama Temple Edition (Lengyansi ben 楞严寺本). This is the only string-bound edition of the Tripitaka. Perhaps the most famous woodblock print illustrations in Confucian books included The Emperor’s Mirror: An Illustrated Discussion (Dijian tushuo 帝鉴图说), which was published in 1573 (1st year of Wanli) and was presented to the ten year-old Wanli Emperor by Senior Grand Secretary Zhang Juzheng, recording 81 examples of benign rulers to exemplify and 36 examples of tyrants to be avoided. Each one of these examples was accompanied by an illustration, with the purpose of instructing the young emperor. Books like Biographies of Exemplary Women (Lie nüzhuan 列女传), which was made up of classical tales that promoted the feudalistic morals of the time to instruct women in the Three Obediences and Four Virtues, were published in the greatest number. The Newly Engraved, More Felicitous, Illustrated and Critiqued Biographies of Exemplary Women Both Ancient and Modern (Xinjuan zengzhi chuxiang pinglin gujin lie’nüzhuan 新镌增祉 出像评林古今列女传) was published in 1587 (15th year of Wanli) by the Jinling Hall of Rich Spring, and was a supplemented edition of original work by the Han Dynasty scholar Liu Xiang, including two-page and extended page illustrations It is the earliest example of an illustrated version of the Biographies of Exemplary Women. The period from Taichang to Chongzhen was a time of sustained development in woodblock

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print illustrations. It only lasted for 25 years, as the Ming Dynasty was experiencing a gradual decline, but woodblock prints continued to flourish. At the time, there was uneven regional development in woodblock printing. The Jian’an School and Jinling School both began to decline, while the Anhui School maintained its vitality. This was mainly because carvers from the Anhui School had spread throughout the country, promoting the Anhui School-style of woodblock printing. The Anhui School also gained wide popularity because of its meticulous and beautiful style. The Wulin School and the Suzhou School, both of which had gained popularity during the reign of Wanli, became even more prosperous. The Wulin Style incorporated a wide range of content, and became popular for novels, operas, pictorials and drinking cards. It had the same attention to detail of the Anhui School, but also incorporated both rough and fine elements, for a new look. The Suzhou School mainly focused on illustrations for novels and operas, with a style that incorporated many elements, developing a uniquely elegant and delicate style. In addition to these, the Zhejiang and Wuxing schools that had appeared during the Taichang and Tianqi periods also became known for their woodblock prints for operas, but they flourished for only a short time. After the reign of Tianqi, these schools were rarely heard from.

2. Regional Woodblock Print Schools 1. The Jian’an School: Fujian’s Simple, Powerful Woodblock Prints Of all the woodblock print schools, the Jian’an School has the longest history. Book printing had already reached a relatively large scale by the Northern Song Dynasty, and the Southern Song works New Printing of the Fully Illustrated Summary of Events in Three Parts (Xinkan quanxiang sanfen shi lüe 新刊全相三分事略) and Fully Illustrated Five Plain Tales (Quanxiang pinghua wu-

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zhong 全相平话五种), published by Yu Jing’an, are the earliest examples of woodblock print illustrations. By the Jiajing and Longqing periods, the number of printing houses had increased to over one hundred, the most famous of which was the Yu Jing’an Publishing House. During the period of Wanli, the Hall of Two Peaks founded by Yu Xiangdou was the most well-known, with novels making up most of their publications and with representative works like the Annotated and Corrected Capital Edition of the Fully Illustrated Water Margin with Commentary (Jingben zengbu jiaozheng quanxiang zhongyi shuihu zhizhuan pinglin 京本增补校正全像忠义水浒志传评林 ) (Fig. 8.11.1) and the Newly Published Capital Edition of the Fully Illustrated Chronicles of the Kingdoms of the Spring and Autumn Periods, Five Tyrants and Seven Heroes (Xinkan jingben chunqiu wuba qixiong quanxiang lieguo zhizhuan 新刊京 本春秋五霸七雄全像列国志传). Other famous Yu family printing houses included Hall of the Three Platforms, Hall of Collected Celebration and Studio of Diligence. The Xiong family was also very influential, opening several publishing houses during the reign of Wanli, including the Hall of Testing Virtue, Hall of Cultivating Virtue and Hall of the Loyal and Worthy. In addition to these there were also Hall of the High Mountain, founded by the Liu family, Hall of Clear White, founded by the Yang family, and Hall of Advancing Virtue, founded by the Zhan family. The Jian’an School not only produced a great number of woodblock prints, it also covered an extensive range of content including, nearly all types of books. The largest works were novels and operas, with novels containing the largest number of illustrations. Most of the artists working in the Jian’an style produced simple folk art. Most of the time, the formatting in these works followed the styles of the Song and Yuan dynasties, with illustrations above and text below, and with an illustration on each page. A full-length novel would frequently

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8.11.1 Master Hong and Lin Chong Compete with Staffs from the Annotated and Corrected Capital Edition of the Fully Illustrated Water Margin with Commentary ­published by the Hall of Two Peaks in Fujian during the reign of Wanli

contain over 1000 illustrations, all of which were linked. They were similar to picture books, forming a continuous story from beginning to end and with a clear arrangement. With their abundance of both text and images, they were very popular, but the images were all relatively rough and simple. There were also single-sided and double-sided illustrations like in an edition of Romance of the Western Chamber published by both Xiong Longfeng’s Hall of Loyalty and Correctness and Liu Longtian’s Hall of the High Mountain. However, while the images were simple and entertaining,

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powerful and clear, the composition of the characters remained simple. The lines were rough, but round and full, typical of traditional folk styles. Following the Wanli Period, the influence of the Anhui School helped to refine styles, though overall style remained rough and classical. 2. The Jinling School: Jiangsu’s Exquisite Woodblock Prints As the capital of the early Ming, Nanjing’s book industry was already very well developed. The Taizu Emperor established the Imperial Academy and Printing House, known commonly as the Nanjing Academy and Publishing House, enabling woodblock prints in religious texts and illustrations in official publications to thrive for a time. After the middle of the Ming Dynasty, private printing houses saw considerable growth. Book makers were mainly concentrated around Sanshan Street and the area in front of the Imperial Academy. More than 50 with their own brands can be confirmed. Of these, a dozen were established by the Tang family, the most famous of which were Hall of Rich Spring and Hall of Worldly Virtue. The Chen family established Hall of Inherited Aspiration, while the Zhou family founded Hall of Great Enterprise and Hall of Ten Thousand Scrolls. Many literati of the time also operated their own book printing shops, like Hall of the Jade Loop by Master Wang, the Studio of Ten Bamboos by Master Hu, the Book Forest of Thorny Mountain by Master Zhou and the Radish Pavilion by Master Wu. The participation of literati added a measure of Confucian elegance to the world of woodblock print illustrations. They also sought refinement in carving, and gradually developed unique regional schools of woodblock printing. Jinling woodblock prints focused mainly on illustrations for operas, followed by novels. Painting Manuals and stationary also held an important position. Woodblock prints were also used to a lesser extent in some books on military matters, medical topics, technology and local gazettes.

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Jinling woodblock prints came in many different forms, and each printing shop had their unique style, and these also saw considerable change. The most famous printing house, Hall of Rich Spring, established by Tang Fuchun, printed over 100 kinds of books, no less than 30 or 40 of which were illustrations for operas. With an illustration for each act, each covered an entire page. Many of these illustrations included inscriptions that were common and easily understood. Characters were they key focus in these works, and a great deal of effort was placed on making the relationships between the characters lifelike—while the backgrounds were kept simply to accent the foreground. Most of these used a black background, with lines that were thick and powerful. Knife strokes were bold and forceful, with clear distinctions between black and white. This straightforward, heavy style sometimes used intaglio and relievo techniques together. The integration between lines and blocks produced a meticulousness within the roughness. Composition also made clear distinctions between the main and background features, with prominent forms and clear messages. Representative works included the Story of the Jade Hairpin (Yuchaiji 玉钗记) and Tale of the White Rabbit (Baituji 白兔记). (Fig.  8.11.2) Novels included an illustration for each chapter, some of which expanded from one page to two pages to make it easier to display scenes with a large number of people and complex content. Representative works include In Search of the Supernatural (Soushenji 搜神记) and The Record of the Eunuch Sanbao’s Journeys in the Western Seas (Sanbao taijian xiyangji 三宝太监西洋记). Most of the woodblock prints produced by Hall of Rich Spring were made by artisans and, while they were rough, they were robust and bright, showing clear influence from Jianyang woodblock prints. Later, opera illustrations by the Literary Forest Pavilion founded by Tang Jinchi and Hall of Inherited Aspiration by Chen Dalai exhibited influence from the Anhui School but worked to

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trations neater, cleaner and even more exquisite for an entirely new look. A representative work of this school is Tale of the Red Lotus (Hongquji 红蕖 记) by Hall of Inherited Aspiration. The illustrations were painted by He Long, a native of Xin’an, and carved by Liu Dade of Xuancheng. The clothing of the characters was flowing, meticulous and well-proportioned, showing none of the normal knife marks, and looking more like a freehand sketch. Calligraphic elements like hooks, wrinkles and dots used to render mountains and trees came very close to those used in landscape paintings on silk, achieving a very high level of precision and detail. The 1604 (32nd year of Wanli) edition of the Newly Engraved Records of Lyric Poetry of the Northern Palace of Great Elegance Both Ancient and Modern (Xinjuan gujin daya beigong ciji 新镌 古今大雅北宫词记) is yet another masterwork, which is detailed and touching while also being pure and refined.

8.11.2 Zhiyuan and his wife admiring flowers in Tale of the White Rabbit, published by Hall of Rich Spring in Nanjing

become more meticulous and refined. There were a large number of formats with single pages and designs that spanned two pages. Carvings mainly used lines created using the relievo method that were fine and flowing, and the intaglio method, with its black background, became increasingly rare. The behavior of the characters also increasingly exhibited elements of real life, and more attention to depiction of background scenery. Headings were also removed in order to get rid of the stage-feel, resulting in a style that was calm and graceful. There were also a large number of painters and artisans from Anhui, as well as literati painters, that participated in the carving and printing of woodblock images, which made illus-

3. The Xin’an School: Anhui’s Exquisite Woodblock Prints The earliest example of illustrations for books published in Huizhou come from the late Yuan and early Ming in the form of the popular painting Recording Merit (Baogongtu 报功图). While they were not particularly artistically complex, by the time of the reign of Wanli they entered a golden age. The most famous of these illustrators was Master Huang of Qiucun. The Huang family had moved to to Qiucun in She County during the early Ming, and after the reign of Emperor Zhengtong began printing books. The family business was passed down over generations and gradually came to dominate the local industry. They were not only skilled at carving printing blocks, with some who were also painters and calligraphers, and were generally very cultured. Huang Shiqing, who carved the book Wang Yuqing’s History of the Plum Blossom (Wang Yuqing mei shi 汪虞卿梅史), was also an acclaimed calligrapher. The illustrations for both Images of Zhuangyuan Scholars of

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the Ming (Ming zhuangyuan tu kao 明状元图考) and The Demeanor of a Lady (Guifan 闺范) were painted by Huang Yingcheng, and the calligraphy was by Huang Yingzuan. Records show that in the 400 years that the Huang family printed books, it produced nearly 300 master printers, nearly 100 of which carved images with nearly 30 who also were skilled wood carvers. They traveled throughout China with their high levels of skill, influencing nearly the entire country and making the Huang family of Qiucun on of the largest book making families in classical China. The carvings of the master craftsmen in the Huang family were mostly created for operas, in which they made their greatest achievements. Representative works include the Illustrated Yuan Edition of the Tale of the Pipa (Yuanben chuxiang pipaji 元本出相琵琶记) (Fig. 8.11.3) by Wang Yunpeng’s Pavilion of Teasing the Tiger in 1597 (25th year of Wanli). The illustrations were double-sided, carved by Huang Yikai and Huang Yifeng, in a style that maintained a balance complexity and

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a tone that was clear, making it one of their most famous publications. Other brilliantly executed illustrations include those carved by Huang Jinyang for the Wanli Period work The Jade Hairstick (Yuzanji 玉簪记) and illustrations for the late Ming work Zaju of the Hall of Great Elegance (Dayatang zaju 大雅堂杂剧), carved by Huang Bofu. Book making families in the Huizhou area included the Wong, Liu, Wang, Cai, Guo, Zheng and Wu families, all of which produced an abundance of talent and skilled craftsmen. The content of book illustrations in Huizhou was extremely varied, with Confucian pictorials making up a great majority of publications. These included works like Illustrations and Explanations on Correct Cultivation (Yangzheng tujie 养正图解), Images of Zhuangyuan Scholars of the Ming, The Demeanor of a Lady and Biographies of Exemplary Women. There were also a large number of Buddhist and Daoist publications, including Biographies of Immortals (Liexian quanzhuan 列仙全传) and Thirty-two Great Sorrows and the Repentance

8.11.3  Bidding farewell at the Nanpu River, from the Illustrated Yuan Edition of the Tale of the Pipa, published by Pavilion of Teasing the Tiger in the 25th year of Wanli

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of Avalokiteshvara (Guanyin sanshier dabei xinchan 观音三十二大悲心忏). Illustrations were also created for a number of other books, including operas, poetry collections, historical accounts, local gazettes, and genealogical records. Even more unique were calligraphy collections, painting manuals, and wine brand images—but the illustrations for opera were still the most wellknown. Most of the woodblock prints by the Anhui School were meticulous and beautiful while at the same time incorporating a wide variety of images. Their common elements included exceptionally beautiful forms, an attention to landscape in carving, and a desire to use background to accent the story. Their composition was full and varied with attention given to decoration of the image. Lines were flowing and elegant with a myriad of elaborate decorations, including textured landscape elements. In Concise History of Images in Classical Chinese Wood Carving (Zhongguo gu mukehua shilüe 中国古木刻画史略) by Zheng Zhenduo, he notes that »[wood carving] transitioned from rough to elegant, ancient to refined and straightforward to subdued.« This variation in appearance includes examples like the clean beauty and precision of the Studio of Moored Desires, the rich elegance of Pavilion of Teasing the Tiger, the intricate complexity of Hall of the Rising Phoenix and the subtle refinement of Hall of the Jade Loop. As a large number of Huizhou artisans moved to other parts of the country to make their way, the influence of their artistry in these areas was considerable. This ensured that the precise and exquisite style of the Anhui School gradually became a trend in the overall development of woodblock prints, and kept them at the height of their art through to the end of the Ming Dynasty. 4. Woodblock Printing in Zhejiang and Suzhou Zhejiang had long been a center of carving and printing from the Five Dynasties through the Song

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and the Yuan, with Hangzhou at its core. The sudden rise of woodblock printing of the Anhui School resulted in a group of carvers from Huizhou establishing themselves in Hangzhou and working with local Zhejiang artisans, which ultimately grew into the Zhejiang School—that had a style very similar to the Anhui School. Noted artisans include Huang Yingguang, Huang Yingqiu, Huang Yikai, Huang Yibin, Wang Zhongxin, Jiang Tiqian, Xie Maoyang and Liu Qixian. The proximity of Hangzhou to the Wulin Mountains gave this school the alternate name of the »Wulin School.« Woodblock prints of the Wulin School generally can be divided into two styles. One is almost exactly the same as the Anhui School in terms of its precision and beauty. The other combines both roughness and detail with an emphasis on the mood and poetic quality of scenes. In terms of content, illustrations for books including operas and novels were the most popular, but there were also a large number of painting manuals and images for drinking cards. They also collected the works of painters, which they carved and incorporated into books. Compilations of famous landscapes were also created. Among these were also works created for woodblock printing by famous artists like Chen Hongshou, which were carefully rendered into woodblock prints and so further improved the artistry of woodblock printing in Hangzhou. Famous bookmakers of the time include Hall of the White Yi, Studio of Pure Painting, Studio of Gathered Elegance, Hall of Tolerance and Hall of the Master’s Review. Representative works by these book makers included A Critique of the Water Margin by Master Li Zhuowu (Li Zhuowu xiansheng piping zhongyi shuihuzhuan 李卓吾先生批评忠义水浒传) from Hall of Tolerance that was carved by Wu Fengtai and Huang Yingguang, a Chongzhen-era publication of the The Plum in the Golden Vase (Jinpingmei 金瓶梅), a 1616 (44th year of Wanli) edition of Rhymes from the Green Bower (Qinglou wuyu 青楼韵语) and the Original Edition of the Tale of the Peony Pa-

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vilion (Yuanben mudantingji 原本牡丹亭记) from 1617 (45th year of Wanli) by the Thatch Hall of the Seven Peaks. The city of Wuxing in Zhejiang was also saw a sudden rise woodblock printing during the late Ming. In just 20 years, from the end of the Wanli Period to the beginning of the reign of Chongzhen, it blazed onto the scene with the brilliance of a shooting star. Wuxing woodblock prints rose with the influence of the Ling and Min families and their printing empires. Ling Mengchu had once been District Vice Magistrate in Shanghai and Assistant Prefect in Xuzhou. He had a passion for collecting and publishing folk novels and operas. The Min family included figures like Min Qiji and Min Zhaoming. The Ling and Min families printed a combined total of 140 different books, a dozen of which had woodblock print illustrations, most of which were illustrations of operas. Wuxing woodblock prints are considered a branch of the Wulin School, but their style is actually closer to that of Suzhou woodblock printing with precise composition. While figures may be small, they are very lifelike, and backgrounds are carved with exquisite beauty. The knife work is sharp and skilled with strict precision. Whether the works are rough or detailed, simple or intricate, they all showcase consummate skill. Representative works include Tale of the Red Horsetail Whisk and Story of the Peony Pavilion (Mudantingji 牡 丹亭记) published in 1620 (1st year of Taichang), the 1621 (1st year of Tianqi) printings of Dream of Handan (Handanmeng 邯郸梦) completed by Min Guangyu, and Examples of the Flamboyant and Elegant in Tang Poetry (Tangshi yanyipin 唐 诗艳逸品) as rendered by Min Yishi, as well as a copy of Romance of the Western Chamber by Ling ­Mengchu. By the middle of the Ming Dynasty, Suzhou had become a major center of industry and commerce. It was also the artistic center of the Jiangnan Region. Book printing also became extremely active during the reigns of Tianqi and Chongzhen. Well-

CHAPTER XI WOODBLOCK PRINTING, CALLIGRAPHY, AND SEAL CARVING

known book makers included nearly 20 houses, including the Residence of Black Grass, Hall of the Precious Tripod, Studio of Heavenly Grace, Hall of Collected Brocade and Hall of Abundant Celebration. In addition to local artisans, there were also skilled artists from Anhui and Fujian that had moved to Hangzhou. This enabled Suzhou to benefit from a wealth of resources and form its own elegant and refined style. At the same time, painters from Suzhou like Qian Gu, Qian Gong, Wang Wenheng, Gu Zhengyi, Gu Yunchen, Gu Shiqi, Wang Zan and Hu Nianji painted illustrations, adding an air of elegance. The most popular format remained the »moon glow« style with its rectangular edges and round center. It was like gazing at a scene through a mirror. The majority of Suzhou woodblock prints appeared in operas and novels, with famous works including the Romance of the Western Chamber with illustrations painted by Qian Gu and carved by Xia Yuanzong, A Critique of Journey to the West by Li Zhuowu (Li Zhuowu pingben xiyouji 李卓吾 评本西游记), carved jointly by Jing Deguo and Liu Junyu, as well as an edition of The Water Margin carved by Liu Juyu and published by the Studio of Three Excesses, Romance of the Western and Eastern Han (Dongxihan yanyi 东西汉演义) published by the Hall of White Jade and A Love Story of Emperor Yang of the Sui (Sui Yangdi yanshi 隋炀帝艳 史) printed by Hall of the Luck of Man.

3. The Woodblock Print Artistry of Chen Hongshou Chen Hongshou was both a famous portrait painter of the late Ming, as well as an outstanding woodblock print artist. He worked closely with woodblock print masters to create many draft paintings for carving, and contributed greatly to an improvement in the level of artistry in woodblock printing. Throughout his life, he created a total of seven types of carving, all of which focused on human figures. From content and theme to form and style, every aspect of his art had a

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personal touch that enabled him to become a representative of artistic achievement in late Ming woodblock printing. 1. Nine Songs and The Poet Qu Yuan This was the earliest draft painting that Chen Hongshou created for carving. He completed it in 1616 (44th year of Wanli) when he was 19-yearsold. At the time, he was studying Songs of Chu (Chuci 楚辞) at the home of his in-laws in Lai Fengji. He was inspired by the characters and unexpectedly rendered them into woodblock prints. 22 years later, in 1638 (11th year of Chongzhen), as Lai Fengji’s Description and Notes on Songs of Chu (Chuci shu zhu 楚辞述注) was about to be published, Chen Hongshou provided his paintings to be used as illustrations in honor of his late relative and friend Lai Fengji. This book included a total of twelve paintings with twelve in total, eleven for each chapter of Nine Songs and one painting entitled The Poet Qu Yuan. The style was that of his early period, with many elements of line sketches of the Tang and Song Period. His brush work was full and even with corners neither too full nor too square. It was unlike the sharp squareness of his middle years or the smooth roundness of his later period. The details of figures were also limited in the woodblock print style of decoration, looking more like a line drawing of the figure with more elements of traditional literati painting and less direct influence from folk art. However, the forms that he created were nonetheless lifelike and unique, each with their own character. This is especially true of The Poet Qu Yuan, in which the main character is full of spirit, with his high topknot and thick ribbon, long sleeves and broad robes, his hand resting on his long sword, sighing as he walks along the edge of a marsh. His appearance is haggard and worn, vividly expressing his desire for greatness and his concern for his country and his people. It is one of the most graceful depictions of Qu Yuan to be preserved to the present day.

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2. Water Margin Cards Woodblock prints of »characters from Water Margin« created by Chen Hongshou did not appear in just one book. There are four types of woodblock printings for drinking cards that we can still see today, all of which come from the same draft, but with differences in the complexity and looseness of the clothes of the characters. The best of these is from a carving by Huang Junqian, in the collection of Li Yimang, which is also slightly earlier. A more popular version was the edition by Huang Zhaochu created in 1641 (14th of Chongzhen). According to Reminiscences in Dreams of Tao An by his good friend Zhang Dai, the inspiration for Chen Hongshou to create the Water Margin Cards, was that Zhou Kongjia and his family of eight had fallen on hard times and asked Zhang to convince Chen to paint something to help them. Chen Hongshou spent four months to complete a set of drafts that he then gifted to them. The Chen family was also poor at the time, but in order to help the Zhou family, Chen Hongshou still used his influence to provide them with the aid they needed. This prompted Zhang Dai to praise his »resolve to help when needed and to not become involved without request.« This set of Water Margin Cards depicted forty of the Heroes of Liangshan, including Song Jiang, Wu Yong, Lin Chong and Li Kui. His lifelike depiction of each of the characters reveals the praise and admiration he had for the heroes of The Water Margin. It also shows his love for his country and concern for the people. The Water Margin Cards (Fig. 8.11.4) is not only an example of Chen Hongshou’s outstanding artistic achievements in woodblock printing, it also shows the characteristics of his carving style as he transitioned from his early to middle years. First, these cards put a great deal of emphasis on the personality and expression of the characters, capturing the movements and dress that would best depict their status, personality, and experiences in order to express the look and personality of the character.

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8.11.4  Song Jiang and Gu Dasao from Water Margin Cards by Chen Hongshou, carved by Huang Zhaochu in the 14th year of Chongzhen

Most of the many illustrations from Water Margin popular at the time put a lot of emphasis on story telling elements, using scenes and plot elements to reflect the personalities of the characters. However, the images from Water Margin Cards put the emphasis on the appearance of the characters instead of events within the story, which ensured that personalities were more clearly expressed. For example, the fact that Wu Yong is wearing Confucian robes and pinching his fingers as he jokes shows a bearing of one in the midst of planning for battle. The graceful posture of Hu Sanniang as she deftly throws a ball with one hand is a living image of grace and beauty. Hua Rong leans his head to the side, carefully inspecting his bow and arrow, highlighting his excellent shooting technique and his meticulous personality. Liu Tang is depicted with his bow bent, ready to shoot and arrow, depicting wild heroism and fearless bravery. Each of the 40 heroes depicted have their own individual spirit. Furthermore, most of his lines were angular and strong, with a tendency to begin organized and only gradually disperse.

Examples of this include the folds of fabric in »The Great Blade Guan Sheng,« which have many curves and turns and are full of power, using both wide and thin lines that begin like the head of a nail and finish like the tail of a mouse. In »The Red Haired Devil Liu Tang,« the lines of his clothing are broken and angular, with an arrangement that is relatively scattered. The patterns on his pants are also randomly placed and loosely concentrated. The only place where the lines are more carefully rendered are at the ends of his sleeves. This angular, strong and dispersed use of lines reflects the Chen Hongshou’s transition from his early years of round lines with angular elements to the purely round style of his middle and later years. It also reflects Chen Hongshou’s youthful vigor and strong personality. Finally, his works also used a relatively large number of decorative patterns found in folk woodblock prints, strengthening them in terms of detail, richness, complexity and decoration. Another example is the full body armor of the »Blue Faced Beast Yang Zhi« with its extremely detailed and complex

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decorative patterns, and the »Female Yaksha Sun Erniang« with her embroidered brocade clothing with elaborate patterns, which were in stark contrast to the simple folds in her clothing—thus making the overall image that much richer. Compared with the simple line drawings of his early years and the Nine Songs of other literati paintings, he clearly incorporated elements of folk art, including its delicateness and decorativeness. This became even more obvious in his later woodblock creations, which is why this set of drinking cards is viewed as a period of transition in his style and representative of his middle years. 3. Illustrations in Three Editions of Romance of the Western Chamber There are three different sets of illustrations that Chen Hongshou created for Romance of the Western Chamber, namely Northern Story of the Western Chamber with Corrections by Zhang Shenzhi (Zhang Shenzhi zheng beixixiang 张深之正北西厢), A Critique of the Romance of the Western Chamber by Li Zhuowu (Li Zhuowu pingben x­ ixiang 李卓吾评

8.11.5  Peering through a screen in Northern Story of the Western Chamber with Corrections by Zhang Shenzhi, painted by Chen Hongshou and carved by Xiang Nanzhou in the 12th year of Chongzhen

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本西厢) and the Li Gaochen Edition of Romance of the Western Chamber (Li Gaochen ben xixiang 李告辰本西厢). The Zhang Shenzhi edition has the date of »Late Winter of Yimao« at the close, which means he must have been 42 years-old, in 1639. While the other two editions do not have dates noted, they were also known to have been completed in the same year and are considered as such. Regarding the style of the illustrations for these three editions of Romance of the Western Chamber, the Zhang Shenzhi edition is the most exquisite and most influential. The Northern Story of the Western Chamber with Corrections by Zhang Shenzhi includes six illustrations, the first of which is »A Portrait of Shuangwen,« which is later followed by two-page continuous images of »Witnessing the Union,« »Ending the Siege,« »Peering through a Screen« (Fig. 8.11.5), »A Shocking Dream« and »A Speedy Report.« Each image shows the creativity of the artist, his ingenuity and meticulousness, but perhaps the most celebrated of these images is »Peering

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through a Screen.« The most amazing aspect of this scene is the portrayal of the psychology of the characters. By showing the scene in the plot where Cui Yingying is secretly reading a love letter from Zhang Sheng while Xiao Hongniang hides and peeks around from the side, is rich with details from the plot. He successfully depicts Cui Yingying as reserved, yet unable to hide her joy, as well as the childishness and curiosity of Xiao Hongniang as she bites her nails and tiptoes nearby, revealing the true emotions of these characters in an expressive and moving way. The other element is the screen, which is also laden with hidden meaning. The screen, which is beautifully and richly decorated with birds and flowers, shows Yingying’s noble family and her high station, but also serves as an outline of the development of the story. The first panel shows an autumn scene with a single bird alone in its nest, alluding to Cui Yingying and Zhang Sheng before they met. The second panel is a winter scene with banana leaves in the snow, symbolizing the bitterness they felt at not being able to see each other after their first meeting. The third panel is early spring, with two birds on the branches of a plum tree, symbolizing the lovers’ rendezvous. The fourth and final panel is a summer scene, which depicts a pair of butterflies flying under lotus leaves, which alludes to Zhang Sheng passing the imperial examination and his marriage to Cui Yingying and their life together. Chen Hongshou successfully uses the language of imagery unique to painting, clever composition and just a dose of dramatic flair to break through the purely graphic formula of illustrations and create a new artistic leap forward. The lines of this series of illustrations also exemplify Chen Hongshou’s transition from the angular, tight style of his youth, to the rough, softer style of his mature years. It also shows a change from relaxed to composed forms. The overall style is characterized by both refined and rich decoration. The clothing, headwear, emotion and movement in »A Portrait of Shuangwen« alone fully express the styles de-

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scribed above, and the entire series is perhaps Chen Hongshou’s most exquisite woodblock print creation. 4. Illustrations in The Golden Boy and Jade Maiden In 1639 (12th year of Chongzhen), when Chen Hongshou was 42-years-old, he also painted four illustrations for a new adaptation of The Golden Boy and Jade Maiden (Jiaohongji 娇红记, also known as The Mandarin Duck Tomb) by the late Ming author Meng Chengshun. All of these were portraits of characters like the matron, the duke and the lady. The third illustration was the most brilliant. A full body illustration of a beautiful lady slowly strolling, her long skirt flowing behind her, dragging behind her at an almost exaggerated length. This, combined with her long, elegant figure and the beautifully elaborate decoration on her clothing, created a moving image that highlighted her graceful physique, seductive movements and hidden sadness. This is a classic image of woodblock prints of court ladies. 5. The Antiquarian Cards A year before he died, at the age of 54, Chen Hongshou created 48 images for the Antiquarian Cards (Bogu yezi 博古叶子). According to the introduction by Chen Hongshou, this set of drinking cards was created based on a collection of ancient figures by Wang Nanming. The goal of this work was to solve the financial problems that his family faced, and after publication, he gave a set to his friend Mao Qi. The ancient characters chosen included both virtuous and comic characters, but all of them »were men of easy character.« Their artistry is enshrined in the words of Tang Jiujing, who said, »in summary, they have an ancient elegance and exquisite simplicity that exemplify his ability even more than the Water Margin Cards.« Looking at the original work, we can see the richness of that ancient elegance. Most of the characters have large heads and smaller bodies. Their

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clothing is loose and free, typical of ancient playfulness and elegance. The exquisite simplicity is more of an awkward playfulness, and there is less of the power that is typical of more meticulous strokes. The lines are free-flowing, round and full, loose and simple with less decoration. There is a stronger sense of natural subtlety, which brings it to a level of exceptional beauty in literati aesthetics. This style also reflects Chen Hongshou’s return to a loose and relaxed artistic feel in his later years. This set of drinking cards was carved by the noted carver from Xin’an, Huang Jianzhong.

4. Printed Manuals and Color Woodblock Printing The golden age of Ming Dynasty woodblock printing was mainly seen in the creation of illustrations for novels, operas and other books. At the same time, the achievements made by woodblock prints in the printing of collections cannot be overlooked. This is especially true in the techniques used for color woodblock prints of stationary and painting manuals, which marked a new era in the history of Chinese woodblock printing. 1. Painting Manuals Education in painting was very developed during the Ming Dynasty, with many professional painters and literati painters using teaching as a way to make a living. The appreciation of paintings also began to increase throughout society, which resulted in the compilation, printing and use of painting manuals. There are over 20 examples of picture collections from the Ming Dynasty that have survived to the present day, with an extremely diverse range of content. They included combinations of painting and art history, painting and education, as well as painting and literature. These can be divided into four main categories: the first includes compilations that gather works by classical master painters or collections of paintings that serve as a history of painting. The most famous of these

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is the Manual of Paintings by Famous Masters of Successive Periods (Lidai minggong huapu 历代名 公画谱) by Gu Bing, also known as Master Gu’s Manual of Paintings (Gushi huapu 顾氏画谱). The second category is characterized by collections of images according to genre or content. Most of these were collections of paints of plum blossoms, orchids, bamboo or chrysanthemums as in the Xuande-Period Bamboo Register (Zhupu 竹谱), Sun Jiguang’s Four Collections of Plum Blossoms, Orchids, Bamboo and Chrysanthemums (Mei lan zhu ju sipu 梅兰竹菊四谱), A Collection of Paintings by Gao Song (Gao Song huapu 高松画谱), which was painted and edited by Gao Song, A Collection of Orchids (Lanpu 兰谱) by Zhou Lüjing, the 1608 (36th year of Wanli) version of Wang Yuqing’s History of the Plum Blossom as well as the 1607 (35th year of Wanli) edition of the Collection from the Forest of Fragrant Snow (Xiangxuelin ji 香雪林集). The third category is comprised of collections of pictures based on the content of ancient poems, or copies of paintings by classical masters—as in the 1612 (40th year of Wanli) edition of A Collection of Paintings from Lyrical Poetry (Shiyu huapu 诗余画谱) as carved by Master Wang of Anhui. The fourth category is made up of general collections of paintings, as in works like A Collection of Paintings from the Studio of Gathered Elegance (Jiyazhai huapu 集雅斋画谱), Extensive Records from the School of Chen Xiyi (Yimen guangdu 夷门广牍), A Thicket of Pictures (Huasou 画薮) and A Collection of Paintings and Calligraphy from the Studio of Ten Bamboos (Shizhuzhai shuhuapu 十竹斋书画谱). 2. Color Woodblock Printing Techniques and A Collection of Paintings and Calligraphy from the Studio of Ten Bamboos A Collection of Paintings and Calligraphy from the Studio of Ten Bamboos not only holds an important position in the history of Chinese woodblock printing for its outstanding artistry, but also for its mature use of color printing techniques, marking

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the beginning of a new era in the history of Chinese carving and printing. The editing and carving for A Collection of Paintings and Calligraphy from the Studio of Ten Bamboos was led by Hu Zhengyan. Also known by the courtesy name Yuecong, Hu Zhengyan was a native of Wenchang Ward in the city of Xiuning, in Anhui Province. By the end of the Ming Dynasty, he had become Secretariat Drafter under the Hall of Military Glory, and after retiring from his position began his life as a gentleman recluse. He lived beside Jilong Mountain in Nanjing, and had a studio where he planted ten deep green bamboo plants, naming it the Studio of Ten Bamboos. He was skilled at both calligraphy and painting, as well as the carving of seals. He also had a wide range of friends including poets and painters including the likes of Wu Bin, Wen Zhenheng, Yang Wencong, Mi Wanzhong and Gao Yang, who were all regular guests at the Studio of Ten Bamboos. He took great care in creating works of calligraphy and stationary paper, dedicating much of his life to wood carvings to produce watermarks, and producing two famous collections of paintings. One of these was A Collection of Paintings and Calligraphy from the Studio of Ten Bamboos, first printed in 1627 (7th year of Tianqi) and the other was A Collection of Stationary from the Studio of Ten Bamboos (Shizhuzhai jianpu 十竹斋笺谱), completed as early as 1645 (2nd year of Shunzhi). A Collection of Paintings and Calligraphy from the Studio of Ten Bamboos is divided into eight sections, including collections of paintings, calligraphy, fruit, feathers, orchids, bamboo, plum blossoms and rocks. Each of these sections contained 40 images, for a total of 160 illustrations. Each of these was accompanied by text and were arranged in facing pages in the shape of a butterfly. The pages between were filled with poems by famous masters and written by Hu Zhengyan himself. These included contemporary artists like Wu Bin, Zhou Zhimian, Wei Zhihuang, Mi Wanzhong and Wen Zhenheng, as well as masters of the past,

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like Zhao Mengfu, Shen Zhou, Wen Zhengming, Tang Yin, Lu Zhi and Chen Chun. A Collection of Stationary from the Studio of Ten Bamboos was a collection of decorated paper for writing poetry and letters that was made into a book in four volumes with 33 categories, and that included 289 images of which 29 were color woodblock prints. Content included studio curiosities like Shang tripods, Zhou vessels, ancient pottery and Han jade as well as landscapes, flowers, stones, birds and beasts from the writings of ancient poets. There were also historical stories and allegories, but no figures, who were represented only by one or two representative objects that alluded to them. Examples of this include »A Cooked Pear,« which simply depicts a pear to tell the story of Kong Rong giving up his pear, or »Lu Tong Battling Tea,« which only depicts a simple tea set. The greatest achievement and contribution of A Collection of Paintings and Calligraphy from the Studio of Ten Bamboos and A Collection of Stationary from the Studio of Ten Bamboos was their innovation in carving and the use of color printing techniques. In terms of the carving of panels, key techniques were douban multi-color overprinting and gonghua embossing, which enabled images to be composed of many smaller carved panels that were based on color or depth, then using each of these smaller panels to make multiple imprints in different locations, ultimately producing a color image that looked the same as the original draft. The technical requirements for this type of printing process were very strict. Each of the printing panels were priced, and the amount of ink needed to be carefully controlled. Subtle colors could be combined with heavy colors or different tones in a single wood block to ensure that naturally integration into the image and top express deep and light, thick and thin, light and dark, front and back, close and distant or empty and full. Final printed works would be very similar to the original works that had been

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completed with brush and ink. Gonghua, or embossing used a relief carving technique to produce panels, which would then be placed on a section of wet paper in the desired position and beaten with a mallet so that the paper would cling to the surface. After the paper dried, it would result in a fixed shape that resulted in a relief design on the paper. The raised designs that formed on the paper were called gonghua, or raised designs. The multi-block color printing technique was an improvement on traditional techniques that made a transition from a single panel with multiple colors to multiple panels to produce multiple colors with each panel using a single color. The same color could also be adjusted based on the amount of ink used to change how dry or how deep the colors would be. Mastery of speed and pressure in the printing process allowed the printer to create a result that had a natural balance. This technique was termed »watermark printing.« The combination of multi-block color printing and watermark printing was »watermark color printing.« Multi-block color printing had appeared prior to the Ming Dynasty, and the earliest examples of this technique can be traced back to 1340 (6th year of Zhiyuan, Yuan Dynasty) and the first illustration in the Zhongxing Circut edition (present-day Jiangling in Hubei Province) of Comments on the Diamond Sutra (Jingangjing zhushi 金刚经 注释) by the monk Wuwen, which only used two colors—red and black. By the Ming Dynasty, it had further expanded, and the 1600 (28th year of Wanli) edition of A History of Flower in Color Imprints (Caiyin ben hua shi 彩印本花史) depicted flowers of the four seasons. It used a single panel with several colors that was then pressed onto a piece of paper. This provided color, but it was not a multi-block process. Master Cheng’s Garden of Calligraphy (Chengshi moyuan 程氏墨苑) by Cheng Dayue, printed by Hall of Nourishing the Orchid in 1604 (32nd year of Wanli), included nearly 50 color images, but the majority of these still used multiple colors on a single panel or, at

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times, two panels. The 1606 (34th year of Wanli) edition of Freedom of Romance (Fengliu juechang 风流绝畅) included 24 images with lines printed in different colors, exhibiting a very mature multiblock printing technique. However, the truly mature and most brilliant examples of this technique were in A Collection of Paintings and Calligraphy from the Studio of Ten Bamboos. Editing and carving for this book began in 1619 (47th year of Wanli) and took eight years to complete. It closely combined draft painting, panel carving and printing together, making full use of overprinting, multiblock color printing and watercolor printing to ensure that the works in this collection of pictures was very close to the originals. The earliest of example of color printing in stationary was not actually A Collection of Stationary from the Studio of Ten Bamboos, but was the A Collection of Ancient Stationary from the Radish Pavilion (Luoxuan biangu jianpu 萝轩变古笺谱), that had been completed 19 years earlier by Wu Faxiang in 1626 (6th year of Tianqi), in Nanjing. It included a total of 182 images in two volumes, with a small number of ink paintings based on poems. The rest of the images all used color overprinting with only four using gonghua embossing (these are from the remnants of the first volume of A Collection of Ancient Stationary from the Radish Pavilion obtained by the Shanghai Museum in the 1970s). However, examples of techniques like overprinting, embossing and multi-block color printing were far more refined in A Collection of Stationary from the Studio of Ten Bamboos. The interaction between painting, carving and printing was very close, and the technique was much higher than that of A Collection of Ancient Stationary from the Radish Pavilion or even A Collection of Paintings and Calligraphy from the Studio of Ten Bamboos. These works made a historical contribution to the development of watermark printing in China.

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Section 2  Ming Dynasty Calligraphy 1. Periods in the Development of Ming Dynasty Calligraphy The early Ming Dynasty was an initial period when new styles were formed from those inherited from the Yuan. The period from Hongwu through Tianshun (1368–1464) was one of these. During the reign of Hongwu, just after the founding of the dynasty, calligraphic styles continued those of the Yuan Dynasty, which were mainly influenced by masters like Zhao Mengfu, Xian Yushu and Kang Likui. This was especially true of Zhao Mengfu’s works and copies of ancient works, which were very popular for a time. Representative artists include the so-called »Three Songs«: Song Ke, Song Sui and Song Guang, as well as Wei Su, Song Lian and Zhan Xiyuan. By the reign of Yongle, with the solidification of political power and the strengthening of imperial culture, calligraphy became a tool of the ruling class. Many skilled calligraphers were summoned to the palace to serve as secretariat drafters to write imperial edicts for the court. Calligraphic styles in the south had a decorativeness and beauty of form that was dignified and ornate. This style of calligraphy, which was favored and promoted by the emperor, quickly became popular within the imperial court and also became a standard for selecting those who took the imperial examinations. This resulted in the so-called »Cabinet« style of calligraphy, which was popular from the Yongle to Xuande periods. Representative calligraphers during this time included the Two Shens—Shen Du and Shen Can—as well as Zhu Kongyi, Chen Deng, Teng Yongheng and Jiang Ligang. During the middle of the Ming Dynasty, from Chenghua to Jiajing (1465–1566), calligraphic styles were dominated by the elegant and refined tone of the Wu School. The emperors who ruled during this period were either bellicose, frequented broth-

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els, or were obsessed with Daoist mysteries. They gradually distanced themselves from court affairs, and the culture of imperial power weakened. While the »Cabinet« script continued to burden students and imperial examinees, it also became a threshold for those entering imperial service. Once anyone passed the imperial examinations or became an official, they saw it as a »bloated, impure and base« thing to be discarded, ultimately seeking out the calligraphic arts and the freedom to express themselves. This was especially true of the areas around Suzhou and Songjiang in the Jiangnan Region, which enjoyed a thriving economy and affluent lifestyle. This area produced a large number of well-educated literati and scholar-officials, who, regardless of whether they were at court or not, were passionate about calligraphy and painting. They used art to express their emotions and aspirations. This was especially true of literati who were highly educated, but unfulfilled—and despised the Cabinet style, which symbolized their dependence on the court. They emphasized their individual expression in art, and worked even harder to develop their own calligraphic styles. Some created shocking and even offensive works that were wild and strange. Representative artists included the Three Masters of Wuzhong—Zhu Yunming, Wen Zhengming and Wang Chong—as well as high officials in Suzhou like Xu Zhen, Li Dongyang, Li Yingzhen and Wu Kuan. There were also the Two Zhangs (Zhang Bi and Zhang Jun), the Two Qians (Qian Pu and Qian Bo) of Songjiang, as well as Chen Xian and others in Guangdong, who were skilled at using the »Maolong Brush.« By the late Ming, styles in calligraphy continued to change. The new and old existed side by side, and those that garnered the greatest attention were the »Four Masters of the Late Ming« with their subtle and calm style, as well as the rise of strange, alternative styles. During this period in the late Ming, from Wanli through Chongzhen (1573–1644) and even through to the reign of Qing Emperor Shunzhi (1644–1661), society was going

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through an interregnum that was extremely unstable. The increasingly corrupt and weak Ming court nearly paralyzed the imperial system, and the Cabinet style of calligraphy had all but disappeared. At the same time, the intensification of social discord and the rise of capitalism also exacerbated class divisions among literati and scholar-officials. Some literati who both made their way into official circles and also loved calligraphy sought a life that was tranquil. They further emphasized the appreciation of calligraphy and the interests of the literati, who wrote of their love of leisure and refinement. They also pushed the desire for refinement among the Ming to an extreme level. Styles in calligraphy revered a subtle feelings, which were expressed in the work of artists like Dong Qichang—who, along with Xing Tong, Mi Wanzhong and Zhang Ruitu, were known as the Four Masters of the Late Ming. Meanwhile, the social instability of the late Ming embroiled more and more literati in the chaotic whirlpool of that turmoil. They witnessed a brutal period in history, which inspired a strong sense that they must save their country, but also feelings of cynicism and moral conservatism. Their calligraphy directly expressed their rage and other candid emotions, which were expressed impetuously or in allusions to their helplessness. Different from the norm of gentility and tranquility in calligraphy, styles suddenly became harsh and bizarre. Artists like this include Xu Wei, Huang Daozhou and Ni Yuanlu, as well as later Qing Dynasty artists like Fu Shan and Wang Duo.

2. »Cabinet Style« as Mainstream in Early Ming Calligraphy 1. Zhao Mengfu and Ancient Masters as Inspiration during the Reign of Hongwu The most famous calligraphers during the reign of Hongwu were Song Ke, Song Sui and Song Guang, who were collectively known as the »Three Songs.« While they were considerably influenced

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by ancient styles, a certain amount of innovation can still be seen in their works, reaching a very high level. Especially notable was the increased emphasis on the beauty of form in calligraphic styles. They also emphasized technical skill and attractive structures, which resulted in the style of the Ming that »worshiped form.« This is why the Three Songs are said to be the most notable calligraphers of the Hongwu Period. Song Ke (1327–1387), who was also known by the courtesy name Zhongwen and the pseudonym Nangongsheng, was a native of Changzhou (present-day Suzhou in Jiangsu Province). In the early-Ming, he was made a court calligrapher and later served as Vice Commissioner of Fengxiang, a position that he held until his death. He was trained in poetry, and capable in painting small bamboo-and-stone scenes, but truly excelled at calligraphy. His regular script was mainly inspired by Zhong Yao, preferring an awkward, simple feel that also contained elements of artists of the late Yuan—as in works like An Epitaph for Seven Ladies (Qiji quancuozhi 七姬权厝志). Some of his smaller regular script work is similar to Zhao Mengfu, but also breaks away from his tendency toward squareness. There is a richness in how he collects and releases, opens and closes, levels and elevates or moves between square and free form, which is actually closer to Wang Xizhi’s Narration of Yue Yi (Yueyilun 乐毅论). His cursive script was inspired by Wang Xizhi, while incorporating some of the structures and brush use of clerical cursive. There is power in his rounded curves and a slight awkwardness to his gentile beauty. An example of this is On Matriculation in Cursive Script (Caoshu jinxuejie 草书进学解). His clerical cursive was especially unique, because while he initially emulated Zhao Mengfu and Deng Wenyuan, he purposely sought out the origins of their styles, examining Quickly Master Sections in Clerical Cursive by Huang Xiang from the Three Kingdoms Period. His brush technique was tall and straight, while the structure of his characters was strong, with a very

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heavy na-stroke. The shape of the characters retains a flat, round shape typical of clerical cursive, but with more refined elements. Of the many editions of Quickly Master Sections attributed to him, the version in the collection of the Palace Museum is the most impressive. In his studies, Song Ke absorbed the finest elements of Kang Likui’s practiced technique and beauty of form. This, in combination with his own bold personality, created a style that had both power and beauty. Song Sui (1344–1380), also known by the courtesy name Zhonghang, was a native of Pujiang in Zhejiang Province and the second son of Song Lian. In 1376 (9th year of Hongwu) he was a secretariat drafter and was sentenced to death because of his involvement in the case of Hu Weiyong. His calligraphy was influenced by his family and was also taught by Wei Su. His regular script was even and pleasing. This can be seen in his postscript to A Portrait of Du Qiu (Duqiutu 杜秋图) by the Yuan Dynasty painter Zhou Lang. His most unique style was his cursive script, which incorporated the mastery of both Zhao Mengfu and Kang Likui, as well as the brush technique of the seal script. The structure of his characters was flowing and beautiful, with a balance between large and small. The flowing fullness of his strokes also reveals a vigorous, syncopated cadence. In Respectful Reply (Jingfutie 敬覆帖) is one of his representative works that have survived to the present day. It is relaxed and flowing, with a soaring spirit. He clearly wrote this quickly, and it was completed in a single sitting, characterized by full strokes that are thick and bold, then grow thin. While his characters are beautiful, they also have a dangerous tilt for a form and feel that are atypical and show good amount of innovation. Song Guang (birth and death unknown) was also known by the courtesy name Changyi, and was a native of Nanyang in Henan Province. He served as a vice commissioner in Gaiyang. He excelled at running cursive script, with a form that combined elements of the Jin and Tang styles, but he was es-

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pecially skilled at cursive script, and followed the soaring, thin styles of Tang Dynasty artists Zhang Xu and Huaisu, while also incorporating the grace and beauty of the »Two Wangs.« His works that have survived to the present day include Wind in the Pines in Cursive Script (Caoshu fengrusong ci 草书风入松词) and The Taibai Drinking Song in Cursive Script (Caoshu taibai jiuge 草书太白酒 歌). The first work is thin yet graceful, with rapid strokes that flow into each other, reflecting his characteristic style. The latter is unrestrained, yet round and full. There are relatively few straight angles in the cadence of his cursive script, with elegant lines that flow between the characters. However, his composition lacks variation in the use of full and empty spaces, which places him below Song Sui in terms of skill. 2. The Rise and Fall of the Cabinet Style The calligraphers that could be called the creators of the »Cabinet« style of calligraphy are most likely the Two Shens—Shen Du and Shen Can. Shen Du (1357–1434), courtesy name Minze, pseudonym Zile, was a native of Huating in Songjiang. He was unsuccessful in the imperial examinations under Hongwu, but during the reign of Yongle he was recognized for his calligraphy and chosen as an archivist at the Hanlin Academy, later becoming a secretariat drafter. He was elevated to the position of academician expositor-in-waiting, which was an honor rarely accorded to court calligraphers. Shen Du’s small regular script was widely acclaimed, and his Admonitions from the Studio of Reverence (Jingzhaizhen 敬斋箴) (Fig. 8.11.6) is one of his extant representative works. The characters are balanced and even, with strokes that are full and powerful, for a beauty that is dignified, graceful, confident and solemn. In looking at the artists who inspired him, we can see the grace of the Two Wangs as well as influence from the regular script of Yu Shinan. Shen Can (birth and death unknown) was also known by the courtesy name Minwang and the

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pseudonym Jian’an. During the Yongle Period, because of his calligraphic skill and his relationship with his elder brother Shen Du, he transitioned from the »waiting list« for the Hanlin Academy to a secretariat drafter, later becoming an academician reader-in-waiting, then a vice minister at the Court of Judicial Review. At the time, he and Shen Du were known as the »old and young academicians.« He was skilled at regular, running, and cursive scripts—but truly excelled at cursive script. He had studied under Song Sui, and absorbed the the strengths of the Song style in terms of its fullness and power—then incorporated strokes from clerical-cursive to develop his own style. In a masterpiece from his later years, from 1447 (12th year of Zhengtong), The Thousand Character Classic (Qianziwen 千字文), we can see rapid brush strokes and a thin but powerful composition that sometimes incorporates the wavy na-stroke of clerical cursive. While the arrangement is slightly irregular, it is not disorganized, and reflects his characteristic style, which sought a »leisurely vigor.« There were a large number of calligraphers that faithfully studied the Cabinet style between the reigns of Yongle and Xuande. Transcribers of the Yongle Encyclopedia (Yongle dadian 永乐大典) into Cabinet script numbered over 2000. This style was not only copied by imperial calligraphers that were serving the imperial household, but also literati currying favor, and officials that were seeking advancement. They all wrote in standard Cabinet script. Literary officials like Hu Yan, Hu Guang and Xie Jin were calligraphers that achieved great acclaim in their own right. However, by the Chenghua and Hongzhi periods, the Cabinet style had already started to fall out of favor, and one of the last proponents of the style was Jiang Ligang, whose style exemplified the withering of the Cabinet style. Jiang Ligang (birth and death unknown), was also known by the courtesy name Tingxian and the pseudonym Dongxi. He was a native of Rui’an in Zhejiang Province,

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and at the age of seven had already passed the county level imperial examinations and entered the Hanlin Academy. He later became a secretariat drafter and then a minister at the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. He had exquisite regular script, and composed texts for many stelae as well as edicts and court records of the imperial palace, which became known as »Jiang-style characters.« He invariably strove for a regular script that was neat and clean, but in this he lost a certain elegance, and his style had a feel of bureaucratic banality. Of his works still in existence, his most representative piece is the Epitaph of the East in Regular Script (Kaishu dongming 楷书东铭), which reflects his typical style of square, regular characters, in which each character is exactly the same size. His

8.11.6 Admonitions from the Studio of Reverence in Regular Script (section) by Shen

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strokes are strong and standard, but stiff and lack variation. The grace and leisure of the Cabinet script that had been created by the Two Shens had already degenerated into a stiff, formulaic script that was dull and square, with a form like an abacus. It had completely lost any trace of artistry or aesthetic appeal. The result was that, after Jiang Ligang, there were very few notable examples of Cabinet script.

3. The »Three Masters of Wu« in the Middle Ming The Chenghua and Hongzhi Period (1465–1505) in the middle of the Ming Dynasty was a transitional period in Chinese calligraphy. A group of literati calligraphers resolved to break the restrictions of the stolid Cabinet script and create a new style that was full of individuality. Representatives of this were the Cloud School and the Maolong script of Chen Xianzhang. Later, in the area around Suzhou, an even greater number of scholar calligraphers emerged, exposing a revolutionary movement that formed the hugely influential Wu School. The most famous members of this school included Zhu Yunming, Wen Zhengming and Wang Chong, who were collectively known as the Three Masters of Wuzhong. While seeking their own individual styles, they each had their own preferred schools of thought, and had their own achievements. They put great effort into promoting the development of the calligraphic arts, and their influence extended into the late Ming and early Qing. 1. Zhu Yunming: Famous for His Unrestrained Cursive Script Zhu Yunming (1460–1526), known by the courtesy name Xizhe and the pseudonym Zhishan, also called himself »Zhizhisheng« (»Six Digits«) because he had six fingers on his right hand. He was a native of Changzhou (present-day Suzhou in ­Jiangsu Province), and was the son of an official. From a young age he showed great intelligence.

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He was also influenced by his family and could read from a very young age. In his youth, he was already well versed in the classics, and he and another Suzhou native, Du Mu, were well-known for their mastery of the classical language. In calligraphy, he was greatly influenced by his father-inlaw and the famous artist Li Yingzhen, focusing mainly on regular script. At the time he also made a great number of friends and masters, apprenticing himself to Wang Ao, who was ten years his senior. He also became good friends with Tang Yin, who was ten years younger, and kept close ties with Wen Zhengming, Du Mu, Zhang Ling, and Zhang Xunji, all of whom were noted scholars of the Wu School. In 1492 (5th year of Hongzhi) when Zhu Yunming was 33-years-old, he passed the prefectural level of the imperial examinations, but after seven attempts was unable to progress any further. In 1514 (9th year of Zhengde), when he was 55, he finally became District Magistrate for Xingning in Guangdong Province’s Huizhou Prefecture. In 1522 (1st year of Jiajing), at the age of 63, he was transferred to Nanjing to serve as the assistant prefect of Yingtian Prefecture in the capital, and many people came to know him as »Master Zhu of the Capital.« Within a year, he requested leave to return to Suzhou due to illness, and built the Hall of Longing for Home, spending the remainder of his days writing poems and calligraphy. He lived until his was 67. He was extremely talented and, in addition to poetry and calligraphy, he was practiced in music and performance and became known, along with Tang Yin, Wen Zhengming and Xu Zhenqing, as one of the »Four Scholars of Wuzhong.« Zhu Yunming’s life was characterized by intense study. He had an intense drive for achievement in his youth, but failed to achieve professional success despite his talent in his middle years. After returning home, he dedicated himself to calligraphy in his later years. This complex series of experiences caused great changes in his thinking and personality, which also affected the

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growth and development of his calligraphy. In his youth, he was dedicated to his studies, and followed the teachings of ancient masters, learning the methods of scholars of the past and focusing completely on personal achievement. In a similar vein, his calligraphy followed the masters of the Jin, Tang, Song and Yuan. He explored the classical methods and was noted for his orderly and steady regular script. When he entered middle age, Zhu Yunming experienced an important period of transition. The first half of this period of his life ranged from when he passed the imperial examination at the age of 33 until he was 50. Despite several setbacks in his attempt to enter official office, he still strove for the Confucian ideal of of statecraft and administration. His calligraphy also continued to reflect the strong, orderly style of the Tang, mainly composing work in neat regular script or running regular script. But examples of his running script are scarce and cursive script even more rare. The second half of this period was between the ages of 50 and 60. His frustration with his career in officialdom, and the dismissal of his long-time friend Tang Yin, caused a massive change in his thinking and personality. His world view changed from one of aspiration and contribution to his country to one of the recluse, that focused on enjoyment and personal cultivation. The teachings of Buddhism and Daoism— that one should withdraw from worldly affairs—as well as the reckless abandon of the philosophies of Laozi and Zhuangzi favored by scholars of the Wei and Jin periods, greatly affected his thinking. His personality became unrestrained, and he was a man out of time, living a life of wine, sex and games. In his expressions of calligraphy, he incorporated the lofty traditions of the Jin and Tang, but also emphasized the subtle meaning promoted by Song artists. He desired to achieve greatness, but also wanted to highlight his own personality. The styles he preferred during this period were dominated by cursive and running script, and tended to be wild, and unrestrained.

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In his later years, Zhu became more reclusive, and was ravaged by poverty and illness. Considering the tragic remnants of his life, he continued to find solace in the philosophies of Laozi and Zhuangzi, seeking a transcendence and humor that expressed itself in actions that were increasingly wanton. His calligraphy also became wildly cursive with a randomness and emotional spontaneity that cared little for structure, and did not shy away from the strange or vulgar. This resulted in the creation of a cursive style that was extremely unique. Zhu Yunming’s calligraphy was inspired by many masters and it could be said that he was a man who drew from all sources and incorporated many schools. Wang Shizhen described the masters he followed in great detail in his book Goblet Words on Art and Literature (Yiyuan zhiyan 艺苑卮言), which states: [T]he regular script of the Young Master of the Capital first followed Yuanchang [Zhong Yao], the Two Wangs [Wang Xizhi, Wang Xianzhi], Mijian [Yu Shinan], and Shuaigeng [Ouyang Xun], Henan [Zhu Suiliang] and Wuxing [Zhao Mengfu]. His running cursive scrip followed that of Daling [Wang Xianzhi], Yongshi [Zhi Yong], Henan, Kuangsu [Huaisu], Dianxu [Zhang Xu], Beihai [Li Yong], Meishan [Su Shi], Yuzhang [Huang Tingjian] and Xiangyang [Mi Fei], whom he copied with unsurpassed skill.

From other historical records and his own postscripts, we also know that other masters he admired included Suo Jing, Zhang Zhi, Huang Xiang, Wei Dan, Yan Zhenqing, Sun Guoting, Li Huailin, Yang Ningshi and Cai Xiang. The masters he followed included nearly all of the great names prior to the Song Dynasty, and their influence can be seen. The extant work, Poems in Six Scripts (Liuti shushi fu 六体书诗赋) is a long scroll in which, from the age of 63, seeks to copy six different scripts, in six styles of Zhang Yao, Zhang Xu, classical clerical cursive, Su Shi, Huang Tingjian and Zhao Mengfu. The scripts include the small regu-

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lar script, clerical cursive, running script and cursive script. This work reflects Zhu Yunming’s characteristic style of »copying the form of all schools, but composing them with individual emotion.« Zhu Yunming was skilled at small regular, regular, running regular, running cursive and cursive scripts, while incorporating his own style into each of them, giving his calligraphy a unique diversity. His small regular script mainly emulated the styles of Zhong Yao from the Three Kingdoms Period and Wang Xizhi of the Eastern Jin. While preserving the broad and short form of classical methods with their wide frames, he also deftly manages the distance between characters as well as relationship between strokes creating a new appearance. This can be seen in his rendering of the Former and Later Memorials on Going to War (Qianhou chushibiao 前后出师表). His regular script copied the styles of the Tang masters Ouyang, Yan, Yu and Zhu in the inherited style of the Tang era. This can be seen in his work On Calligraphy (Lunshu 论书), with strokes that are thin, but strong, and a structure that is tight, yet even. The characters are slightly rectangular and the rows are slightly more dispersed in the style of Ouyang Xun. He also borrows from the regular script styles of Mi Fei and Zhao Mengfu, as seen in the work Ode to Fanling (Fanling fu 饭苓赋). His running regular script was perhaps one of his most outstanding styles. Using the style of Zhao Mengfu as a base, he incorporated other methods, producing strokes that were rich and full and forms that were relaxed and unrestrained, with ample space between the lines. His most extant representative work in this style is the Preface to the Gazetteer of Xingning in the Reign of Zhengde (Zhengde Xingning xianzhi xu 正德兴宁县志序). Running script was the style that was closest to his heart, and best expressed his true personality, while also incorporating influences from Zhao Mengfu and the Two Wangs. In Records of Embracing Writing (Huaishuji 怀书记), we see characters that are clear and elegant, flowing brush movement, and

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a relaxed arrangement. This work contains the elegant beauty of the Wang style as well as the order of Zhao Mengfu, and possibly even more of an ancient air than Zhao. His running-cursive was slightly freer than his running script, and incorporated elements of Wang Xianzhi, Zhiyong, Zhu Suiliang, Huang Tingjian, Mi Fei and Zhao Mengfu with more cursive script elements. Opening to Boren’s Portrait of Yang Jijing (Tiwen Boren hua Yang Jijing xiaoxiang 题文伯仁画杨季静小 像) and A Manuscript in Running Cursive (Xingcao shouzha 行草手札) (Fig. 8.11.7) show a style that is elegant and flowing, with a powerful grace. Cursive script was a style that most expressed Zhu Yunming’s unique personality. He borrowed from the styles of Wang Xianzhi, Zhiyong, Zhang Xu and Huaisu, but even more heavily from that of Huang Tingjian. His use of lines is rich with powerful waves, while the structure of his characters have a horizontal tilt that makes it look as if they are about to open up. His cursive script breaks with traditional styles of flowing brush movement, closely spaced characters and loose spacing between lines. Instead, his lines are narrowly spaced with characters that are connected to each other, so much so that they sometimes form a single intertwined line with each element affecting the other on all sides giving a sense that the entire work is linked. His brush movement is also powerful with a diversity in the individual strokes. Generally, his style is free and unrestrained, with no attachment to convention. He shows both vigorous passion and strong emotion, while also exuding a luxurious lyrical quality that is part of his own personal character. His wild-cursive script is especially unpredictable and imperceptible. His extant representative works in cursive script include Ode to the Nymph of the Luo River, A Self-Written Poem (Zishushi 自书诗) and the Former and Later Ode on the Red Cliffs (Qianhou Chibifu 前后赤壁赋).

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2. Wen Zhengming: A Champion of Elegant Regular and Running Script Of the Ming Dynasty calligraphers that carried on classical traditions, perhaps the most notable is Wen Zhengming, who experienced outstanding success during the middle part of the dynasty. He was an artist on par with the Yuan Dynasty master Zhao Mengfu, and of all the calligraphers of the Wu School had the largest number of apprentices and the greatest influence. Wen Zhengming (1470–1599) was a famous literary scholar, calligrapher and painter in Wuzhong during the middle Ming Dynasty. For his poetry, he was counted as one of the Four Scholars of Wuzhong, along with Zhu Yunming, Tang Yin and Xu Zhenqing. His paintings placed him among the Four Masters of the Wu School, along with Shen Zhou, Tang Yin and Qiu Ying. For his calligraphy, he was counted among the Three Masters of Wuzhong, along with Zhu Yunming and Wang Chong. However, it was his ability to organically blend poetry, calligraphy and painting that made his calligraphy truly refined. Initially, Wen Zhengming studied calligraphy under Li Yingzhen, but before he was 50-years-old, his calligraphy transitioned from style of the Tang, followed by the Jin, and ultimately gained an understanding of the brush work of Song artists. His

8.11.7  A Manuscript in Running Cursive Script by Zhu Yunming, the Palace Museum, Beijing

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regular script was mainly influenced by Zhi­yong and Zhao Mengfu, borrowing elements of Yan Zhenqing and Ni Zan. His small regular script was refined and thin, with many strokes that were flat and tapered, for a result that had natural beauty and grace. His running script was inspired almost entirely by Su Shi and Kang Likui, sometimes thick and heavy and sometimes fiercely wild. His cursive script followed the style of Huaisu. After the age of 50, while he served as an academician awaiting orders at the Hanlin Academy, his style of calligraphy changed to suit his position. Works like the Epitaph for the Right Vice Commissioner the Duke of Wu (Youcanzheng wugong muzhiming 右参政吴公墓志铭) and the Epitaph for Hua Shizhen and Lady Zhang (Hua Shizhen pei Zhang ruren muzhiming 华时祯配张孺人墓志 铭) mostly followed the formalistic style of Ouyang Xun. His structure was more organized and mature that earlier pieces, but at the same time it showed a certain stiffness. In his later years, after returning to his hometown, Wen Zhengming poured himself into his studies of calligraphy and painting, referring to copies of classical works to expand his perspective. During this time, his calligraphy showed great improvement and his style changed, gradually forming an independent school of calligraphy. It was during

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8.11.8  A Poem from the West Garden in Running Cursive Script by Wen Zhengming, Palace Museum, Beijing

this time that Wen Zhengming’s regular script developed beyond the styles of the Song and Yuan, creating a creative space based on the Jin and Tang, but becoming broad, relaxed, warm and elegant. This was very different from the densely packed and stiff, neat styles of his early and middle periods, resulting in a style of writing that was more serious and delicate. His running script during this period, his style was more influenced by Huang Tingjian, adopting his open and unrestrained style with a boundless energy. Wen Zhengming was skilled at many styles, including regular, running, cursive, clerical and seal scripts, but he was especially noted for his small regular script. His style in this script followed the examples of Zhong Yao and Wang Xizhi, as well as Ouyang Xun, Yan Zhenqing and Zhao Mengfu. His characters were broad, but evenly spaced with an exquisite neatness that was both full and strong. His »fly head« small regular script was especially good. It was beautiful and flowing, but did not lack energy and maintained an exquisiteness that was both mild and pure, which were elements that only improved as he aged. From the Biographies of Lofty Scholars (Gaoshizhuan 高士传) of his early years to the Former Ode on the Red Cliffs (Qian chibifu 前赤壁赋) that he wrote at the age of 61m to the Later Ode on the Red Cliffs (Hou Chibifu 后赤壁赋) that he wrote at the age of 81, we can

see that his style grew increasingly vigorous as well as rigorous. His running script was also full of character, and was a combination of both running and cursive styles, rarely adhering to pure running script style or straying too far into wild cursive script. There were two different looks to his works. The first can be seen in the Preface of Holy Doctrine ­(Shengjiaoxu 圣教序), which incorporated the running cursive style of both Zhiyong and Zhao Mengfu. The structure is neat and elegant with evenly executed strokes. His brush use is powerful and flowing with some linked strokes that mostly give a rhythm that is elegant and relaxed as well as an appearance that is peaceful and gentile. Other works like this include A Poem from the West Garden (Xiyuanshi 西苑诗) (Fig. 8.11.8), that he completed at the age of 56, and A Poem in Praise of Flowers (Yonghuashi 咏花诗), written when he was 86. Another was his running script in large characters that followed the style of Huang Tingjian. The structure is dense inside, and expanded outward with strokes in the middle of the characters tightly packed while the outside strokes spread out. This creates broad, stable features that balanced movement and stillness for a feel that is bold but not uncontrolled. Brush work also employed both mid-brush and sidebrush techniques with solid, steady strokes that produced full-bodied lines for a careful, sturdy

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feeling. However, he also avoided a general roundness, with the tip of the brush showing up in the beginning of strokes and wavy na-strokes marking the end of lines. The strength of the side-brush strokes gave a bounciness to the overall severity. This type of calligraphy had a greater amount of expansive power and passionate emotion, which is reflected in the work An Account of the Old Toper’s Pavilion (Zuiwengting ji 醉翁亭记). Wen Zhengming spent his life dedicated to learning and produced a rich variety of calligraphic works. He was also very humble, tolerant of others, had a wide range of friends, and was generous in teaching others his art. This brought him many students and made his calligraphy very influential. The calligraphy of his students like Chen Chun, Peng Nian, Lu Shidao, Qian Gu, Zhou Tianqiu, Ju Jie and Wang Zhideng to a greater or lesser extent all carried on his style. Furthermore, brothers Wang Shizhen and Wang Shimao as well as the Six Handsome Yuans (Yuan Gun, Yuan Qiu, Yuan Biao, Yuan Jiong, Yuan Bao and Yuan Zhi), the Four Huangs (Huang Fuchong, Huang Fuxiao, Huang Fufang and Huang Fulian) and the Three Zhangs (Zhang Fengyi, Zhang Xianyi, Zhang Yanyi) were all influenced by him, which is why he is often thought of as the leader of the Wu School of calligraphy. 3. Wang Chong: Guardian of the Simple Awkwardness of the Jin and Tang Of the Three Masters of Wuzhong, Wang Chong’s calligraphy showed the clearest tendency to be all-embracing. His style held fast to the formalism of the Jin and Tang, but also employed the »feeling« of Song calligraphy. His small regular script had both Wen Zhengming’s air of peaceful elegance as well as the simple, classical rhythms of Zhu Yunming. This is what made his calligraphy famous and influenced the development of his personal style. Wang Chong (1494–1533) was also known by the courtesy name Lüren, which he later changed to

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Lüji, and the courtesy name Yishanren. He was a native of Changzhou. Spending his entire life in the town where he was born, he took the imperial examinations with his brother Wang Shou. His brother passed, but he did not, and he went to study at the Imperial Academy. He failed to pass the next eight examinations, and so threw himself into poetry. He spent the next 20 years studying in Shihu, and then taught in a temple. As his fame increased, so did his followers. In 1531 (10th year of Jiajing) he fell ill during a trip to Nanyong and returned east to recover, but died only two years later. He was only 40 years old. When he was young, Wang Chong studied poetry with Cai Yu, who also taught him calligraphy. Cai Yu was also skilled at calligraphy, with the majority of his knowledge coming from carved tablets. After multiple rubbings, old carvings became increasingly worn and the characters became round, losing much of their fine, strong lines. By using these rubbings of old carvings, Cai Yu’s strokes naturally became rounded and shortened, which unintentionally resulted in a new style, which greatly influenced Wang Chong, who worked tirelessly to refine this style and make it one of his most unique characteristics. Wang Chong also worked at emulating the styles of the Jin and Tang, following the works of both Wang Xianzhi and Yu Shinan. His brush use was full and round with gentile curves, rarely using hard, square strokes at the beginning of lines and in turns. The structure of his characters was open yet upright, rarely using leaning features, which resulted in a style that was open yet elegant. In his later period, he incorporated styles from inscribed stone tablets, clerical cursive and the works of Yan Zhenqing and Liu Gongquan, using more angular strokes and a more varied syncopated cadence. His strokes were generally short and thick, with a structure that had a strange tilt with a greater deal of awkwardness. However, this awkwardness belied a new level of skill that integrated both angular and round strokes for a style all his own.

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Wang Chong was skilled at regular, running and cursive scripts, each of which had their own unique appearance, but also with common elements. His small regular script was his most wellknown, adopting the best of Wen Zhengming and Zhu Yunming as well as the styles of the Jin-era for an awkward, classical elegance. Eulogy for the Sage Sovereign who Obtained Virtuous Ministers (Shengzhu de xianchen song 圣主得贤臣颂) was composed when he was 27 and is an excellent example of his small regular script. He was greatly influenced by the spirit of the Yellow Court Classic (Huangting 黃庭) and Yue Yi (Yueyi 乐毅). These works are positioned within a grid of black lines for a very clear arrangement, giving a sense of variation within order. The structure of the characters is balanced and open with an appropriate use of space and spread for a style that is steady and elegant. The lines are thin, powerful and severe, but individual brush strokes are natural and graceful. The beginning and end of his strokes are subtle and neat with pauses and turns that exude

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strength for an overall style that is rather handsome. This reflects his emphasis on rules and standards, and tendency toward formal beauty during his early years. Three Poems on Chen Ziling’s Departure for the Imperial Examinations (Song Chen Ziling huishi sanshi 送陈子龄会试三 诗) (Fig. 8.11.9) is an example of his mature small regular script with a composition that incorporates variations in size while retaining a standard form as well as a relaxed looseness in the form of the characters and brush strokes that seem awkward and lean to the side. His brush movement also has a certain weight, with an increased roundness in the mid-brush. This work shows his mature style, characterized by skill veiled by an intentional awkwardness and an exuberant ancient air. His running and cursive scripts were also well developed and reflected his characteristic style. The Song of Xunyang in Cursive Script (Caoshu Xunyang geshi 草书浔阳歌诗), completed when he was 24, incorporates both cursive and running styles with

8.11.9 Three Poems on Chen Ziling’s Departure for the Imperial Examinations in Small Regular Script by Wang Chong, Palace Museum, Beijing

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characters that are relaxed and full with a graceful balance. His brush movement is gentle and flowing with elements of nature and a style that is both carefree and refined, incorporating the styles of Wang Xianzhi, Yu Shinan and Wen Zhengming. It is representative of his early running-cursive style. His Ancient Seven-Character Poems in Cursive Script (Caoshu qiyan gushi 草书七言古诗) was written when he was 33 and despite its round, flowing appearance, also hides some angular strokes and variations in thickness at points where the brush is lifted or pressed. Some of the pie- and na-strokes have elements of clerical cursive and within the pure and elegance structure, there are places where the characters lean, purposefully breaking the evenness of the lines for a slightly risky feel. This is another example of skill with traces of awkwardness, reflecting the new variations of Wang Chong’s style in his middle years. Self-Written Five-Character Ancient Poems in Running-Cursive Script (Xingcao zishu wuyan gushi 行草自书五言古诗), completed when he was 36 years-old, shows a greater strength and power within its round, full forms. His brush use is heavy and powerful with more angular shapes at the beginning, end and curves in brush strokes. Some strokes are as sharp as inscriptions on stone tablets, while narrow strokes are thick and powerful, while hook strokes are flowing and steady. The structure of the characters is unrestrained with a great deal of variation including straight, angled, square and rounded shapes as well as forms that are dense and dispersed. Arrangement is also skillfully wrought with an increased number of characters that are leaning, precarious or rough. This style of skill hidden within awkwardness and the combination of hard and soft elements is typical of Wang Chong’s personal style. While the regular, running and cursive styles of Wang Chong each have their own unique styles that vary throughout his life, these changes are not as drastic as can be seen in the styles of Zhu Yun-

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ming and Wen Zhengming, with clear similarities that can be seen in each of them. Generally, his brush strokes are curt and veiled, with the ends of strokes rarely showing. He sought a style that was full and rounded with short lines and rounded dots. However, this did not detract from the lively call-and-response in his works, which was relaxed but not scattered. He rarely linked strokes, but there are examples of lines that seemed connected, but were not. Even rarer was one character leading into another, but despite this, the intention of his brush was continuous and there was a fascinating connection between the lines, despite the breaks between them. The full, subtle nature of his brush work also included elements of clerical cursive and leanings in the characters. This, along with the awkward, simple appearance of works based on worn tablet rubbings resulted in a style that was heavy and thick.

4. The Rise of Multiple Schools of the Late Ming During the late Ming there were many schools that appeared, each with their own style. The most representative schools were known as the »Four Schools of the Late Ming« established under the masters Dong Qichang, Mi Wanzhong, Xing Tong and Zhang Ruitu. Others included those of Huang Daozhou and Ni Yuanlu, famed for their bizarre style and Wang Duo and Fu Shan, whose careers extended into the early Qing. 1. Dong Qichang Dong Qichang was the most famous calligrapher of the late Ming and was more successful and influential than the other three members of the Four Schools of the Late Ming. Dong Qichang began practicing calligraphy from the age of 17, describing himself as first emulating the Pagoda of the Myriad Treasures (Duobaota 多宝塔) of Yan Zhenqing, then following the styles of Yu Shinan. Later, he began to feel that »calligraphy of the Tang was inferior to the Jin and Wei,« and started

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to follow Zhong Yao and Wang Xizhi. Three years later, he proclaimed himself a master of the classics and even came to the realization that »one cannot access reality while following previous ruts.« He wandered through different areas, frequenting the area around Suzhou and returning to the Central Plains in his later life. He copied classical writings »to the point of forgetting to eat or sleep,« and described himself as »succeeding seven out of ten [times].« However, this did not result in real achievement—it was an expression of the intention of the works, but not their reality. In his Postscript to a Transcription of the Preface to the Orchid Pavilion (Lin xitie bahou 临禊帖跋后), he writes that »I wrote the Preface to the Orchid Pavilion entirely in its spirit without trying to match the classical inscriptions.« He also writes that this transcription »need not resemble the original in the same way as ears, eyes, hands, feet and a head, but in terms its actions, laughter, spirit and movement.« This method of studying the classics removed him from the conventions set down by ancient scholars, and allowed him to establish his own philosophy. In examining his Transcription of Poetry in Running and Cursive Styles of Four Tang Master Calligraphers (Lin Tang sijiashu ji xing cao shu su shi hezhuang 临唐四家书及行草书苏诗合 装), he remains loyal to the power and energy of Tang masters like Xu Hao, Zhu Suiliang, Xue Ji and Ouyang Xun, but the form of the work is only an approximation. This work mainly showcases the handsome, flowing style of Wang Xianzhi and his own slender, elegant tone. Dong Qichang not only emulated ancient masters in terms of technique, but even more in terms of their creativity, especially the elegant bearing of artists of the Jin. He loved the idea of being »diluted,« which essentially symbolized purity and refinement. He also held that »intention should lead« and that one should not be restricted by rules, enabling the artist to express a »natural innocence.« He also proposed that »characters must first mature before they become raw,« clearly seek-

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ing a style that was raw and awkward. In fact, his idea of »maturing before becoming raw« first copied, but then diverted from, classical methods— ultimately exploring other paths. The »rawness« here also connotes the inability to follow the innocence that comes with leading with intention. This meant that while Dong Qichang’s calligraphy was characterized by a diluted elegance, naturalness and raw awkwardness, he also remained loyal to the full, smooth and elegant tone of the Two Wangs. The uniqueness of his style can be gleaned from his Transcription of Poems from Various Masters in Running Script (Xingshu lin gejia shihan 行书临各家诗翰). (Fig. 8.11.10) While Dong Qichang was skilled in regular, running and cursive scripts, he was especially well-known for his running regular and running cursive scripts, with most of his best works completed after he reached 40 or 50. While each of these styles had their own look, they had even more common elements, which were mainly expressed in the use of brush, ink and the layout of the works. He placed importance on showing the tip of the brush at the beginning of strokes with a straightforward, sharp strength. His brush movement was fluid, clean and smooth, emphasizing »lifting the brush« and maintaining a sense that it was »floating« even as it was lifted, pressed, squat and bent. This made it easier to keep the pen straight and upright, and reduce situations when the brush would fall or become stuck. His strokes were clear and distinct, with a light, elegant energy that was soft yet strong. He was also skilled in his use of ink, which he preferred to be dry and diluted. His unrestrained richness also contained a soft, subdued elegance and richly expressed the rhythm of the ink. In the arrangement his works, he broke the balance by using complex character structures and large distances between lines, seeking a greater degree of variation. The appearance of his characters resembled those of Mi Wanzhong, and tended to lean over to the right. They were gathered inward and stretched

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8.11.10 Transcription of Poems from Various Masters in Running Script (section) by Dong Qichang, Wuxi Museum

outward with natural variations that did not affect their balance. The distance between individual characters and lines were generously proportioned with more empty space than full space. Each character was independent, neither too close nor too distant, producing an almost elegant disorder. His elegantly powerful strokes, light and diluted use of ink, empty yet rich composition resulted in an »vacuous harmony,« which he developed into a unique calligraphic style that »used energetic litheness to create force and vacuous harmony to define rhythm.« Works in his more mature regular script, like Granting Title for Three Generations (Sanshigaoming 三世诰命), Poems of Cen Can (Cencanshi 岑参诗) in running script, and Controversy over Seating Protocol (Zhengzuowei tie 争座位帖) each showcase the stylistic qualities that are described above. Dong Qichang rose above the Two Wangs, creating an innocent, unaffected, peaceful and subdued style, which clearly expressed the aesthetic preferences of the leisurely and simply elegant scholar official. This resulted in his calligraphic style becoming especially popular among the gentlemen scholars of the late Ming and early Qing, and a leader in the world of calligraphy of the late Ming.

2. Mi, Xing and Zhang of the Four Schools of the Late Ming Mi Wanzhong and Dong Qichang were known as »Dong of the South and Mi of the North,« and Mi was a descendant of the Song Dynasty calligrapher Mi Fei. Mi Wanzhong (?–1628) was also known by the courtesy name Youshi. His ancestors were from the Guanzhong Region and later relocated to the capital. He was a native of Shuntian (present-day Beijing). In 1595 (32nd year of Wanli) he passed the imperial examination and served as a surveillance commissioner in Jiangxi. In 1625 (5th year of Tianqi), he was removed from office because of his involvement with the Wei Faction, and lost his residency in the capital. From the early-Chongzhen Period he served as a vice minister at the Court of the Imperial Study where he served until his death. He had a penchant for stones and was also adept at painting them. His calligraphy followed the style of Mi Fei, and he remained staunchly loyal to his family’s method. He worked in both running and cursive script with a form that had the rugged power of Mi Fei, but with a brush use that produced thick and rich strokes. He rarely used severe strokes or »revealed the tip of his brush.« This made his style melancholy, with little spirit and few variations.

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Poems on Themed Paintings of the Seven Ultimates in Running Script (Xingshu qijue tihua shi 行书七 绝题画诗) and A Flowered Path in Zhanyuan in Running-Cursive (Xingcao zhanyuan huajing shi 行 草湛园花径诗) reflect his most typical style. Xing Tong (1551–1612), courtesy name Ziyuan, was a native of Linyi in Shandong Province. He entered into the imperial service in 1574 (2nd year of Wanli) and was made a minister of the Court of the Imperial Study in Shaanxi Province. He practiced calligraphy from a very young age and was able to write large-character boke calligraphy by the age of seven. Later, he studied under regular script under Wang Chong and continued his studies of the Wei and Jin styles as well as the Tang and Song. He also studied the styles of Zhong, Wang, Zhu, Yu, Huaisu and Mi Fei. He was especially dedicated to the youjun style of calligraphy, which can be seen more prominently in Seventeen Rubbings in Cursive Script (Caoshu shiqi tie 草书 十七帖). From his extant works, like Rubbings in Running Script (Caoshu lintie 草书临帖), A Poem at a Farewell Dinner for Wang Yuanqi in Running Script (Xingshu jian Wang Yuanqi shi 行书饯汪元 启诗) and Missives (Shuzha 书札), we can see that his small regular script was full and elegant with strokes that have a handsome energy. His large characters also had weighty strokes, with brush movement that was vigorous and had a majestic strength. His calligraphy retains many elements of the Two Wangs, lacking only their air of emptiness and variety of form. Mi and Xing were relatively conservative calligraphers, who remained loyal to the ancient methods. Zhang Ruitu (1570–1644) was also known by the courtesy name Changgong and the pseudonym Ershui, as well as Guoting Shanren. He was a native of Jinjiang in Fujian Province. He passed the imperial examinations in 1607 (35th year of Wanli) and was given a position as a junior historiography compiler at the Hanlin Academy. He gradually advanced to become a junior supervisor and a vice minister in the Ministry of Rites, then entered

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into the Grand Secretariat as Minister of Rites and reached the height of his career as Grand Secretary of the Hall of Establishing the Utmost. A confidant of Wang Zhongxian, he once wrote a stèle for his family temple, but after Emperor Chongzhen came to the throne and eliminated the Wei Faction, he feared for his life and retired under the guise of illness, and ultimately was listed as a »counter-actor«—after making reparations he renounced his titles and became a commoner. Zhang Ruitu’s calligraphy was extremely unique. He was skilled at regular, running and cursive script with a brush method that was severe and indulgent. The structure of his characters was rough, primitive, and wild, and his arrangement of characters was very disorganized. His energy raced across the page and had an odd, racing quality. His extant works include the running script Elegant Collection from the West Garden (Xiyuan yaji 西园雅集), Tang Five-Character Poems (Wuyan tangshi 五言 唐诗), White Linen Song (Baizhuge 白纻歌) in cursive script, the Thousand Character Classic and Five-Character Rhyming Poems in Running-Cursive (Xingcao wuyan lüshi 行草五言律诗), which showcase his unique style. Most of his characters tend to lean, with a concentrated center that expands outward for an odd and rugged energy. His brushwork includes many sharp ends and angles, with a jumping wild abandon that gives it a powerful movement. The distance between the characters is close, but with generous space between the lines. Sizes were also well-proportioned and gave room for the spirit of the forms. Because his characters are sometimes »odd« and out of the norm, the strange shapes of his characters often make them difficult to recognize—as his style was a little too »relaxed.« His brush movement was so undisciplined as to resemble mystical Daoist symbols. 3. Huang Daozhou and Ni Yuanlu Huang Daozhou and Ni Yuanlu marked a trend in stark contrast to the soft and elegant styles of the late Ming. They created a hard, bizarre style of

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calligraphy that was marked by steely, righteous styles, and were known together as »Nihuang.« Huang Daozhou (1585–1646) was also known by the courtesy name Youping and the pseudonym Shizhai, and was a native of Zhangpu in Fujian Province. In 1622 (2nd year of Tianqi) he passed the imperial examinations and became a Hanlin bachelor, then a junior historiography compiler and a reader at Imperial Lectures. During the Prince Fu Period of the Southern Ming, he served as the Minister of Rites and, after the fall of Nanjing, he joined Prince Tang in Fujian, serving as Grand Secretary in the Hall of Military Glory. He led an army to Wuyuan where he met Qing troops, lost and was taken prisoner. He died without surrendering and was posthumously granted the titled of martyr. As one of the »Five Greats« of the Donglin Movement, he was greatly admired by the people of the time for his personal character and moral integrity. He was trained in poetry and could paint, but he was especially talented in calligraphy with a style that was very similar to his character. Huang Daozhou’s calligraphy originated from the styles of Zhong and Wang, with elements of the Song masters. However, he did not fall into the rut of soft elegance, and instead was characterized by the beauty of masculine vigor and the rhythm of rough and simple styles. He was skilled at regular, running and cursive script, and could also write clerical script. His regular script had an ancient primitiveness that was similar to Zhong Yao, but also had a refined purity. His works Epitaph to Zhang Pu (Zhang Pu muzhiming 张溥墓志铭) and the Classic of Filial Piety (Xiaojing 孝经) are characterized by square characters that are almost flattened, with brush work that is strong yet full and graceful, exhibiting the essence of both Zhong and Wang. His greatest skill was in running-cursive, which showed the influence of both Su and Huang with a structure that was bizarre and unbalanced. The force of his brush was unrestrained and flew across the page, giving the viewer a feeling that is full of strength and passion.

SECTION 2 MING DYNASTY CALLIGRAPHY

8.11.11  Joyful Rain in Cursive Script by Huang Daozhou, Palace Museum, Beijing

In works like Five Rhyming Poems in Running Cursive (Xingcao wulü shi 行草五律诗) and Joyful Rain in Cursive Script (Caoshu xiyushi 草书喜雨诗) (Fig. 8.11.11) he uses square hooks and characters have a tilt to the side for a form that is awkward and obstinate, but with a boundless energy that reflects his own personality. Ming Dynasty calligraphers that used the clerical script followed Wang Zhideng and had a characteristic that was »pure, sectioned, robust and graceful.« But his style was generally a combination of raw primi-

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tiveness and unrestrained ease. Most of his strokes were square and straight with only a rare few that were rounded and curved. Hooks were strong and sharp with traces of the waviness of clerical cursive in his pie- and na-strokes. They were generally heavy and solid, with very few that were light and airy. The structure of his characters were random and disorganized, with a clear side-lean that was almost precipitous. His tone had an ancient roughness, simplicity, forcefulness and mercilessness that gave it an air of strength and stubbornness. His works also reflected his unique state of mind during this period of upheaval, which formed his character, inspired his emotions, and nurtured his aesthetics. Ni Yuanlu (1593–1644), also known by his courtesy name Yuru and pseudonym Hongbao, was a native of Shangyu in Zhejiang Province. He successfully passed the imperial examinations in 1622 (2nd year of Tianqi), becoming a Hanlin bachelor and granted a position as a junior historiography compiler, later becoming Chancellor at the Directorate of Education. Still later, he served as a vice minister at the Ministry of War, Minister of Revenue and Hanlin Chancellor. When Li Zicheng broke the siege at Beijing, he hanged himself with a silk band. He was an upright individual and tried to defend the Donglin Movement, saying that they »alone held pure arguments and worked to protect what is good«—which were qualities that were important to people at the time. His calligraphy incorporated his sense of loyalty and righteousness with a tone that was strong and bold. Ni Yuanlu excelled in running cursive script, and while he followed the styles of masters of the Wei and Jin as well as Yan Zhenqing and Su Shi, he also developed a form all his own. His strokes strongly contrasted between thick and thin, consecutively writing several thick strokes that came together, with a number of hooks and lead strokes that often had a light and thin appearance. This combination of weighty and light strokes was neither stiff nor flippant, with a flow that was also

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full of energy. On the outside, it glints like a spear, while inside it contains great strength. The form of his characters is mostly angled with the left lower and extended while the right side is higher and restrained. There is an uneasy stability and a propriety that is also sometimes odd. His composition was richly innovative, with differences in size and an unrestrained wave of movement. While the characters are relatively dense, there is a generous distance between the lines with a call-and-response in the arrangement that creates a horizontal power. His brush use, structure and composition are organically linked, and this gradually resulted in a personal style that was rough and intense. It inspired passion, was full of strength, and stirred up the spirits of the people. His Five Rhyming Poems in Running-Cursive, The Golden Mountain in Running Script (Xingcao jinshan shi 行草金山诗), and A Self-Written Poem in Cursive Script (Caoshu zishu shi 草书自书诗) all reflect the above-mentioned qualities. 4. Wang Duo and Fu Shan Wang Duo (1592–1652), also known by the courtesy name Juesi and pseudonym Songqiao, was a native of Mengjin in Henan Province. He passed the imperial examinations in 1622 (2nd year of Tianqi) and eventually rose to become Minister of Rites and during the Prince Fu Period served as Grand Secretary of the East Hall. During the reign of Shunzhi, he also served as Minister of Rites. He was trained in poetry, calligraphy and painting, but was most known for his calligraphy. Along with Huang and Ni, he was known as one of the Three Masters of the Late Ming. Records show that these three masters all passed the imperial examinations in the same year, and met at the Hall of the Garden of the Quill and deeply explored the calligraphic arts together. Ni followed Yan Zhenqing, Huang followed Zhong Yao and Wang Duo followed Wang Xizhi, which marked their entry into the world of calligraphy, persevering in their studies, honing each others’ skills and achieving

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great things together. They also formed similar artistic aspirations and aesthetic interests. Wang Duo was skilled at both running and cursive script, taking his inspiration from the Two Wangs and Mi Fei. He may have had the same training pedigree as Dong Qichang, but his style was completely different. He mastered Mi Fei’s use of mid-brush technique and worked to master the technique of revealing the tip of the brush in each movement. In addition to rounded turns, he also used angular turns, trying to maintain a reserved style. Sometimes he also incorporated angular peaks to add a sense of power. The start and the end of his strokes as well as the movement throughout each stroke showed a rich variation of weight and flexibility. He also had a considerable syncopated cadence with some shaky strokes. The shade of his ink also varies between light and dark and even faded for a layered effected that showed his unique character. The structure of his characters is dense with many connected strokes. They generally have a slight lean that seems precarious. His composition varies between scattered and dense with an unorganized relationship with characters above and below. However, not all of his characters are connected and they are by no means completely askew or randomly sized. His calligraphy is powerfully angular and full of passion in a way that far surpassed Mi Fei, with a character and movement that are especially notable. His Five-Character Poem in Running Script ­(Xingshu wulv shi 行书五律诗), Copy of Xiezhuang’s Model Calligraphy in Cursive Script (Caoshu lin xiezhuang tie 草书临谢庄帖) (Fig. 8.11.12) and Tang Poems in Cursive Script (Caoshu tangshi 草书唐诗) all reflect the main elements of his style. Fu Shan (1607–1684), known by his courtesy name Qingzhu, was a native of Yangqu in Shanxi Province. He was a commoner his entire life. Upright and plainspoken, he had a great sense of righteousness and respect for his people. After the fall of the Ming, he retreated into the mountains, wearing the ocher robes of officials, drinking bit-

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ter wine and living in an earth-walled hut. In 1678 (17th year of Kangxi), he was offered the position of erudite literati, but did not accept it. He was wellversed in medicine as well as poetry and painting, but he was best known for his calligraphy. He was already well-known by his early 30s and had broad exchanges with many masters and all styles that ranged from the Two Wangs of the Eastern Jin, Yan, Liu, Zhang and Huai of the Tang, up to and including contemporaries like Zhang, Huang, Ni and Wang. He adopted elements of many styles, but his regular, cursive, clerical and seal scripts were his most exquisite. In studying various characters, he focused on the quality of his writing. In his youth, he practiced the works of Zhao Mengfu

8.11.12  Copy of Xiezhuang’s Model Calligraphy in Cursive Script by Wang Duo, Palace Museum, Beijing

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and loved his round and flowingly beautiful style, copying it to the point of making it chaotic. Later, he began to despise Zhao’s personal character and resolved to stop using his style, instead turning to the style of Yan Zhenqing. The reason for this was because of Yan’s upstanding morals and his exceptional will. By combining the moral character that he admired with his calligraphy, Fu Shan was able to truly grasp the considerable power of Yan Zhenqing’s script. In terms of his artistic style, he said that he would »rather be awkward than lithe, ugly rather than charming, disorganized rather than floaty, direct rather than arranged,« which crystallized in a unified and coherent view on life, morals, art and aesthetics. This is also the best footnote for his calligraphy. These »four rathers« sought to create innovation in propriety and skill in awkwardness and reject the cleverness favored by men who craft the odd and what others find interesting. He worked to create beauty from ugliness that was simple, unadorned and refused to be a slave to convention. He also opposed flattery guised as subtlety. There was a natural genuineness in this disorganization that kept from being airy and unctuous. The simplicity of his style also revealed an honesty and opposition to any affectation. However, regardless of how bizarre his style is, it did not lose its form, conveying its meaning without losing proportion. There is a subtle curve in the strength of his strokes and a looseness that also retains cohesion. This juxtaposes elements of beauty, reaching a considerable level of harmonious unity that is unique and innovative. Fu Shan was skilled in the running and cursive script that most clearly show his character. His »meandering cursive« style was especially creative. This style is characterized by a brush use that continues unbroken, winding and curving. The strokes in a single character curve around each other and some characters that can be completed in a single stroke coil from top to bottom, left and right, and do not unravel or break but form

CHAPTER XI WOODBLOCK PRINTING, CALLIGRAPHY, AND SEAL CARVING

a complete whole. He also used a rapid, flowing and natural brush tip for a look that is complex without being busy, light and expansive with uninterrupted transitions capable of both indulgence and control. This simplified cursive structure uses dense and complex strokes that are concentrated in the center and spread outward, neither scattered nor crowded. Overall, his style is like an old tree or vine, or a dragon dancing in the sky, rich with an expansive confidence that also contains a richness of emotion and unrestrained simple curiosity that doubtlessly contributed to the appearance of »meandering cursive« in the late Ming. Eighteen Poems by Meng Haoran in Cursive Script (Caoshu Meng Haoran shi shiba shou 草书孟浩然 诗十八首), Five-Character Poems in Cursive Script, and Seven-character Quatrain in Cursive Script (Caoshu qijue shi 草书七绝诗) (Fig. 8.11.13) are all classic examples of the ­»meandering cursive«

8.11.13  Seven-character Quatrain in Cursive Script by Fu Shan, Palace Museum, Beijing

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style. His running and regular scripts mostly exhibited heavy use of brush tips, scattered strokes, tilted structures and irregular composition. Other characteristics included skill hidden in awkwardness, tranquility in motion, and supple strength. This can be seen in works like Nineteen Ancient Poems in Running Script (Xingshu gushi shijiu shou 行书古诗十九首) and The Account of Imperial Censor Li in Regular Script (Kaishu Li Yushi zhuan 楷书李御史传). Beginning with Huang and Ni, followed by the curious and bizarre calligraphy of Wang and Fu, these masters influenced the late Ming and early Qing for a time. Others, like Gong Xian, Cha Jizuo, Fa Ruozhen, Mao Qiling and Ding Yuangong, also departed from the soft and gentle style to explore the most bizarre. The calligraphy of Wang Wugui, Wang Duo’s son, and the running script of Wei Xiangshu were very similar to Wang Duo. The meandering cursive of Song Cao, which combined both strong and soft elements, was also very close to that of Fu Shan.

Section 3  Seal Carving of the Ming Dynasty The Ming Dynasty was period in which the art of seal carving achieved self-awareness, prosperity and a flourishing of different schools. Since the Song Dynasty, with the development of literati calligraphy and painting, the function of seals for these works of art became increasingly important. There was an organic integration of poetry, calligraphy, painting and seal carving, which expressed the unique artistic style of literati painting. Seals themselves also began to have their own artistic value, developing a sense of artistry beyond their function as marks on letters. This resulted in a nascent period of self-awareness in the art of seal carving. By the middle and end of the Ming Dynasty, literati calligraphy and painting experienced a second rise, becoming mainstream in

SECTION 3 SEAL CARVING OF THE MING DYNASTY

the art world. Seal carving not only became completely self-aware, it also became increasingly prolific, with the appearance of a number of master carvers as well as individuals who established their own schools, which made this an important period of development in the history of seal carving as an art form.

1. The Ebb and Flow of Seal Carving in the Early Ming Dynasty During the early Ming Dynasty, literati calligraphy and painting actually faced a considerable level of suppression, which was reflected in their seals. During the Song and Yuan periods, the rise of literati in calligraphy and painting caused seal carving to move toward becoming self-aware, but this trend was not continuous and did not see further development, and only reflected a decline. Official and personal seals in the early Ming emphasized practical use with few artistic or personal elements. They generally continued the traditions for official personal seals of previous periods in terms of material, carving methods, text and calligraphy. Seals were mainly cast or carved in the seal script with the characters in red and with some seals using clerical script with white characters. Materials used to make the seals included metal, jade, ivory and wood—with most using jade-chopstick seal script, which belonged to the orthodox form for seal script established by Li Si of the Qin Dynasty and Li Yangbing of the Tang. This script was carefully wrought, subtle and attractive, creating a style that was very much in line with the artistic tastes of the imperial court. Characters were very similar to the seal script of calligraphers like Chen Deng, Teng Yongxiang, Cheng Nanyun and Li Dongtyang, who were either court calligraphers or literati-officials. Their style doubtlessly influenced the type of seal script used in the carving of seals. Records show that the court calligrapher Zhan Xiyuan served as vice commissioner for the casting of seals, making him clearly responsible for the seal script used on imperial seals. Representative

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works of this type of seal include the early Ming »Imperial Edict Seal« (Chiming zhi bao 敕命之宝). Official seals of the Ming Dynasty also continued using the »layered« seal style popular in imperial seals since the Northern and Southern Song, making them even more luxurious. In 1407 (5th year of Yongle), the Ministry of Rites commissioned an official seal in the nine-layer style that read »Seal of the Commander of the Tudu River Guard« (Tuduhewei zhihui shisi yin 秃都河卫指挥使司印).

2. Wen Peng, Founder of a School of Seal Carving in the Middle Ming Wen Peng, son of the renowned calligrapher of the middle Ming Wen Zhengming, was the first literati seal carver in the history of seal carving to establish a school of his own. He reversed the decline that the art of seal carving had seen since the early Ming, and created a completely new era in stone seal carving—while at the same time contributing to the flourishing of literati seal carving. Wen Peng (1498–1573), also known by the courtesy name Shoucheng and the pseudonym Sanqiao, was a native of Suzhou in Jiangsu Province. The oldest son of Wen Zhengming, he continued his father’s studies and became proficient in both calligraphy and painting, particularly excelling in seal carving. He served as erudite for the Directorate of Education of the Two Capitals, and was commonly known as »Erudite Wen.« His earliest attempts at creating seals were done in ivory, but he simply wrote the script for the seals and did not carve them. This was done by the artist Li Chengfu. By chance, he came to purchase four crates of soapstone (as used in folk carvings), which he used to carve seals. The result was excellent, and he later stopped using ivory in favor of stone, which quickly became popular among other literati. Soapstone was clear, brilliant, and had a clean luster that was similar to jade. The texture was also excellent, with a quality that was fine, but not loose. It was easy to carve, but also elegantly refined, making it the perfect medium for seal carving.

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The main achievements or characteristics of Wen Peng in the art of seal carving can be summed up in several points. First, he reversed the mistakes that had been made in seal carving since the Tang Dynasty, restoring the glory of seal carving as it had been during the Han Dynasty. Wen Peng’s seals maintained the rules established during the Qin and Han that were »based on the six classifications of Chinese characters,« and that called for standard forms and simplicity—but they also incorporated the natural flow that had been fashionable during the Song and Yuan dynasties. His rounded, red characters had their own unique style, with beauty that was both full and powerful, and balanced both text and texture. Every time he finished carving a seal, »he would place it in a box and let his child shake it for an entire day« in order to damage the stone and make it imperfect—affecting a natural, aged beauty. Second, he would often carve poems into the sides of the seals using the double-knife technique, to add an element of literati flair—creating a new method of decoration. Third, he established an artistic style that had an ancient elegance, eliminating luxury in favor of quiet solemnity, angular shapes in favor of round ones, and strictness in favor of a relaxed feel—which exemplified the sentiment of many literati. There are very few original works that can be attributed to Wen Peng, with most proven to be copies. In Postscript to Biographies of Calligraphers and Seal Carvers (Shuyinren zhuan hou 书印人 传后), Wei Xiseng states that »poems and notes with the seal of the Erudite that read ›Seal of Wen Peng‹ and ›Master Shoucheng‹ are the true seals.« However, the fact is that these are not the only two seals that can be confirmed to have been made by Wen Peng. The signature seal reading »Seal of Wen Peng« that appears on works of calligraphy and painting does not come from just one seal. There are sets of different sizes that have basically the same brushwork, composition and carving style—which confirms that they are all originals.

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He generally used small seal script, which ranges somewhere between square and round, similar to the rounded red script of Zhao Mengfu of the Yuan Dynasty. He also paid great attention to variations in the thickness, straightness, weight and speed of the strokes. The way he moved the knife was also very free, with clear knife marks. In the full, strong beauty of his seals, there is also a classical purity along with a knife technique that is carefree and bright. Some of his seals with white lettering, like »Wind Over the River and Moon Over the Hills« (Jiang­feng shanyue 江风山月), »Works of My Master« (Woshi zao wu 我师造物) and »Master Shoucheng« are mainly innovations on themes from the Qin and Han eras with a text style that is somewhere between seal and clerical, and which has a hint of subtle curve in a square structure as well as a thickness and flowing beauty. Another type of seal with white lettering is exemplified by »Painting Recluse« (Huayin 画隐), »There is a Master in Words of Reason« (Yi li suoyan ze zhong you zhu 以理所言则中有主) and »Lay Buddhist of Three Bridges« (Sanqiao jushi 三桥居士), all of which are larger and simpler, wild and unrestrained, and served as inspiration for his protege He Zhen. His red-lettered seals are rarer and, compared to his white-lettered seals, seem »unclothed«. Wen Peng marked the beginning of the founding of seal script schools, and had many followers. The Wumen School, which he started, included followers like Gui Changshi, Li Liufang, Chen Wanyan, Gu Ling, Gu Ting, Qu Zhipu and Xu Xiangmei.

3. Seal Carving Schools of the Late Ming Of the many masters of the Wumen School from the late Ming Dynasty, some blazed their own trails, establishing their own workshops and, later, other schools. Famous schools included the Anhui School founded by He Zhen and the Sishui School founded by Su Xuan.

SECTION 3 SEAL CARVING OF THE MING DYNASTY

1. He Zhen and the Anhui School He Zhen (c. 1530–1605) was known by the courtesy names Zhuchen and Changqing, as well as the pseudonym Xueyu. He was a native of Wuyuan, in Jiangxi Province. Wen Peng was both his master and his friend. and they maintained a deep friendship. His seal carving initially followed the teachings of Wen Peng, but was later broadly influenced by many others, incorporating elements from both the Qin and Han as well as the later Song and the Yuan, which resulted an individual style that incorporated many concepts and forms. In many aspects, the artistry of He Zhen’s seals carried forth and spread the pursuits of Wen Peng. First, he also proposed seal carving that followed the principles of the six classifications of Chinese characters, primarily emphasizing incorporating both precision of seal characters and the written elements of seal script calligraphy in order to increase the artistry of seal carving, which is why his seals »never have a single wrong stroke.« He also emphasized that seal script utilized the flowing elements of engraved characters on metal and stone, which referred to texts from bronze bells, tripods, weapons, belt hooks, scales and musical instruments. These were the origins of the six classifications of Chinese characters. They were unsophisticated and mysterious, and became what is known as seal script, giving them their appeal. This is why they were used in seal carving, giving them both an ancient air and wide range of variation. Second, he called for a knife technique that was joyful and raw, revealing a wildness that enabled him to reach a completely unrestrained state normally only reserved for the realm of the gods. His seals immediately changed the tradition of classical masters to conceal brush tips, and took on a charm that was penetrating and full of character. It was also very innovative. Third, he used a single-knife technique to carve side elements that had a precarious energy that was profound, with a powerful disorganization and an imposing manner, forming a unique style

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that was used by later artists. He used the art of »collecting a variety of techniques,« and reached a level on par with Wen Peng—which is why they were referred to as »Wen and He.« For more than 20 years following his death, Cheng Yuanzheng collected over 5,000 of He Zhen’s seals, urging his son Cheng Pu to select 1000 of the best to compile into the Collection of Seals by Xueyu (Xueyu yin pu 雪鱼印谱). For this reason, more of his seal rubbings have survived than those of Wen Peng. The white-lettered »Seal of the Whale of Wu« (Wu zhi jing yin 吴之鲸印) is a work from his younger years, when he was copying Wen Peng, and shows the playfulness of seals from the Song and Yuan. The seal script is steady and even, with lines that are harmonious. The knife work hides brush tips in the hooks and is clearly refined. Another one of his white-lettered works, »Residence with Bamboo« (Youzhuju 有竹居), follows the styles of Han era seals with an arrangement that is fittingly serene. The knife technique is bright and clean, highlighting the smoothness and fullness of the strokes, showing progress past Wen Peng. Another casual seal with white lettering reads »A Home in the Depths of White Clouds« (Jia zai baiyun shenchu 家在白云深处), which alternately uses bronze text as a basis for the script, with strokes that are curved and clean. Brush tips show their points with the feeling of a hanging needle, with an air that is completely different from Han era seals. His red-lettered seal, »Hall of the Orchid in Snow« (Lan xue tang 兰雪堂), marks a complete departure from Zhao Mengfu and Wu Qiuyan, with decoration within an organization that is nimble and varied. Placed on the same line, these three characters have a beauty of balance and symmetry, but the structure of each character varies with strokes that intersect and echo each other. He Zhen’s style of seal carving also had its followers, including artists like Liang Qianqiu, Hu Zhengyan, Liang Zhi, Cheng Yuan, Cheng Pu, Wu Zhong, Wu Jiong, Zhao Huanguang, Jin Guangxian, Liu Mengxian, Shen Qingyu and Shao Qian—

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also known as the School of He Zhen, or the Anhui School. 2. Su Xuan and the Sishui School Su Xuan (1553–1627), also known by the courtesy names Erxuan and Xiaomin, as well as the pseudonym Sishui, was a native of Shexian in Anhui Province. In his youth, he followed his family’s teachings. He loved reading and was skilled at swordplay. He was also naturally brave and chivalrous. He created a studio at the home of Wen Peng, who also tutored him. Later, he traveled to Songjiang, Jiaxing, and other areas, giving him the opportunity to see imperial seals of the Qin and Han. He took inspiration from a broad range of masters and created his own style. His seal script excells in its serenity, but in this serenity also shows variation, remaining loyal to classical styles while incorporating his own innovations. Some of his seal carvings were muddy and rough, as in »Seal of Su Xuan« (Su Xuan zhi yin 苏宣之印) in white lettering, while others were full with a faded elegance, like »Excess in Writing« (Shu yin 书淫), in white lettering. Some were strong and bold, like »Unrestrained Beyond the Body« (Fanglang xinghai zhi wai 放浪形骸之 外), in red lettering, or even solid and fully mature, as in »Long Wild Ginger« (Chang heng 长蘅), in white lettering. Along with Wen and He, Su Xuan formed one of a triad of seal script masters, but his own level and reputation were inferior to the other two. However, his style did have some influence and was called the Sishui School, with followers including Cheng Yuan, He Tong, Ding Yuangong, Yao Shuyi, Gu Qiyun and Cheng Xiaozhi. In addition to these three major schools of the late-Ming, there were also other smaller schools, like the Putian School represented by Wei Zhi and Wu Jin, as well as other well-known masters that were not associated with a school—like Zhu Jian and Wang Guan. During this period, there were many schools and numerous masters.

CHAPTER XII  ARCHITECTURE, MURALS, AND SCULPTURE Ming and Qing era architecture marked a third golden age after the Qin-Han and Tang-Song periods. Some of the most important architectural works included urban planning, palaces and state temple complexes with most of the styles forming during the Ming Dynasty. Beijing is the most representative of these cities and clearly expresses an artistic concept that emphasizes the power of imperial power. The classic example of palace architecture is the Forbidden City in Beijing with its strict layout, tightly packed structure and imposing grandeur. The Later Jin, which rose in northern China during the late-Ming and built cities like Shenyang and its Imperial Palace reflect local and national styles. Ceremonial architecture like state-level temples and altars were centered in Beijing with the most notable example being the Temple of Heaven. The overall layout, artistic themes and techniques used all express a high level of achievement in traditional Chinese architecture. The Temple of Confucius in Qufu, Shandong Province, was the largest and most important. With the exception of Xiaoling, the tomb of Emperor Taizu, mausoleums of the Ming Dynasty were all centered in Beijing and are known as the »Thirteen Mausoleums of the Ming«. Their layout marked a departure from the traditional cross-axis and started using a vertical axis. They also began to work closely with the natural environment and formed complexes and greatly improved the arrangement of the complex structures. The Buddhist and Daoist temples of the Ming Dynasty continued to follow the traditional overall layout of previous dynasties. Most of them incorporated beautiful natural surroundings and a

flexible arrangement of structures, expressing the unique Chinese affinity for blending with nature. They also had important aesthetic value. Murals and sculpture began to show signs of decline during the Ming Dynasty. Murals were mainly religious in nature with Buddhist themes making up the vast majority of works. Central China continued using traditional themes, while large-scale scenes with brilliant colors were mainstream in the northwest and southwest. This stark contrast shows the strong influence of local ethnic groups. Meanwhile, sculpture mainly focused on Buddhist statuary, tomb carvings and the creation of funerary objects. The trend toward secular and popular themes was especially prominent. Excessive emphasis on elements of realism also caused art works to loose their inherent qualities. Only a small number of artists, like the master potter of the Dehua Kiln, He Chaozong, and the bronze caster Shi Sou were influenced by the aesthetic leanings of scholar officials and focused on the internal spiritual expressiveness of a work, providing a bright spot in sculpture of this period.

Section 1  Architecture of the Ming Dynasty 1. Cities and Palaces 1. Cities The most important city of the Ming Dynasty was the city of Beijing, which spanned two dynasties and had a history of nearly five hundred years. There were more than thirty other relatively famous large cities that had been built on Song

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and Yuan foundations such as Nanjing, Kaifeng, Hangzhou, Suzhou and others. Some of these old cities had been restored after being damaged, while others were newly built like Xi’an, Taiyuan, Shenyang and other medium and smaller sized cities. These cities were usually planned in advance and represented the feudal social values of China at the time. Beijing The layout of Beijing was basically the same as that of Khanbaliq of the Yuan Dynasty with some modifications and a marked improvement in artistic elements. Some of the modifications that were made included: Khanbaliq had been centered on an imperial villa near Taiyechi (present-day Beihai and Zhonghai) that had been in the northeastern sector of the Jin Dynasty capital Zhongdu. In order to avoid the old Jin Dynasty city walls to the southwest, Khanbaliq expanded northward, but even by the end of the Yuan, there was still a great deal of space the north for further expansion. By the Ming, Zhongdu had long been abandoned and was not longer a barrier to Beijing’s development. Therefore, in 1419 (17th year of Yongle), just as the new palace was about to be completed, the southern wall of Khanbaliq was demolished and moved 1,000 m to the south where a new city wall was built with three gates. Ming-era Beijing had nine gates. The central southern gate was the Gate of the Zenith Sun (Zhengyangmen 正阳门), which was flanked by the Gate of Civil Worship (Chongwenmen 崇文门) and the Gate of Martial Declaration (Xuanwumen 宣武门). There were two gates along the eastern wall, namely the Eastern Upright Gate (Dongzhimen 东直门) and Gate Facing the Sun (Chaoyangmen 朝阳门). These were mirrored on the western side of the city by the Western Upright Gate (Xizhimen 西直门) and the Gate of Abundant Success (Fuchengmen 阜成门). The two city gates on the northern wall were the Gate of Virtuous Victory (Deshengmen 德胜门) and the Gate of Peaceful Stability (Andingmen 安定门). The outer layer of

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the city wall had been covered in brick during the late-Yuan and barbicans had been added to each of the city gates. The Ming continued using bricks to encase the walls. The gate towers of each of the nine gates had wooden structures with waisteaves on the lower level with a platform on the upper level, which was covered in a double-eave hip-gable roof. This type of triple eave roof was known as »three drops of water«. The imperial city of the Ming was expanded to the east and south on the foundations of the old imperial city of Khanbaliq. The southern edge of the expanded as much as 500 m. The original borders of Taiyechi were expanded to the south (present-day Nanhai). The imperial city spanned 2,500 m from east to west and 2,750 m from north to south. The royal city of the Ming Dynasty was called the Purple Forbidden City (Zijincheng 紫禁城) and was situated on the central axis of the city with its eastern and western walls following the same borders as the royal city of Khanbaliq. The northern and southern walls of the original royal city were moved to the south 400 and 500 m respectively. The royal city spanned an area of 760  m from east to west and 960 m from north to south, which made it slightly smaller than the original Yuan-era palace. The old earth ramparts of the Yuan royal city were removed and a moat was dug around the Forbidden City, the earth from which was used to create a hill 50 m high to the north of the palace. This hill was known as Longevity Hill, Guardian Hill or Prospect Hill. To the north of Prospect Hill, along the central axis, a drum tower and bell tower were built within view of Prospect Hill. The royal city was the same as the larger city with large, high walls and surrounded by a moat and stone bridges in front of each of the gates. The imperial city was also encased by a wall, but did not have a moat. During the Jiajing period during the middle of the Ming Dynasty, a plan was formed to build an outer city wall to improve the defenses of the city.

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This began with an expansion to the south where many people lived, but the walls were never built on the other three sides. The southern outer city walls incorporated the Temple of Heaven and the Temples of Mountains and Rivers. This was known as the Outer City, while the original city was known as the Inner City. The length of the walls of the Outer City were longer than those of the Inner City and the overall shape of the city looked like an inverted mushroom. The southern wall of the Outer City had three gates. In the center was the Gate of Eternal Stability (Yongdingmen 永定门) with one to the east and west, respectively the Left Gate of Peace (Zuo’anmen 左安门) and Right Gate of Peace (You’anmen 右安门). There were also two minor gates in the northeast and northwest of the Outer City known as the East Minor Gate (Dongbianmen 东便门) and West Minor Gate (Xibianmen 西便门). There were four commercial centers in the city located at the Dongsi Archway, the Xisi Archway and the Drum Tower in the Inner City as well as an area outside the Gate of the Zenith Sun. The Outer City contained the Temple of Heaven (Tiantan 天坛) in the east and the Temple of Mountains and Rivers (Shanchuantan 山川坛) in the east (this was later renamed the Temple of Agriculture (Xiannongtan 先农坛)。 Temples outside the walls of the Inner City included the Temple of the Earth (Ditan 地坛) in the north, Temple of the Morning Sun (Chaoritan 朝日坛) in the east and Temple of the Evening Moon (Xiyuetan 夕月坛) in the west. Along with the Temple of Heaven, these formed four major architectural complexes that embraced the imperial and royal cities. The Imperial Ancestral Temple (Taimiao 太庙) and Altar of Earth and Harvests (Shejitan 社稷坛) of Yuan-era Khanbaliq were respectively located in the eastern and western parts of the city and too far from the royal city. By the Ming Dynasty, these had been moved to the right and left of the Meridian Gate neighboring the royal palace, which made things more concentrated. Government offices were concentrated in the main

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street inside the Gate of the Zenith Sun on either side of a T-shaped square in front of the main gate of the imperial city, the Gate of Sustaining Heaven (Chengtianmen 承天门), which was later renamed the Gate of Heavenly Peace (Tian’anmen 天安门) during the Qing Dynasty. Ming-era Beijing made the best of new opportunities and favored southern expansion, while giving up on the northern part of the city. The distribution of the population throughout the city was relatively even and made the imperial palace more centrally located. It also created a more processional feeling in the space leading up to the palace. Regional Cities Regional cities in Chinese feudal society had clear political and moral connotations. In China, cities were not only places where people lived, they were more importantly a center of political control for the imperial court. In order to strengthen political power and establish a reasonable order that represented an orthodox way of thinking, urban blueprints gradually formed a widely followed model. During the Ming Dynasty, this model, especially in the plains of northern China, was even more typical because they did not face geographic limitations. The generally appearance of these cities was: (1) an outer shape that was square or rectangular with a central north-south axis. (2) generally one gate on each side with a main road between the gates, which formed a cross in the center of the city. The north-south road was known as the »pathway to heaven« and formed the vertical axis of the city, while the east-west road formed a horizontal axis. Some smaller cities only had gates on their eastern, southern and western walls, which formed a T-shaped pattern of major streets, which was a variation on the cross pattern. Still other cities with T-shaped street layouts included another street to to the north that was placed slightly to the west. There were individual cities that had a hash mark street layout as each of the

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walls had two gates. Other roads within these cities were generally laid out in a regular grid pattern. (3) government offices were generally located in key locations near the center of the city, such as at the northern end of a T-intersection. The palaces of vassal princes built within the city that were placed in similarly notable locations. (4) after the Ming Dynasty, drum and bell towers were often located at the intersections of these main streets. In addition, during the late-Ming and into the Qing Dynasty, as cities continued to develop, small »cities« began to spring up outside of the city gates. In addition to the layouts mentioned above, cities in areas with hills, lakes and rivers took on a less regular shape due to geographical features, water-­ based transportation and natural expansion due to commercial development. Most of these were located in southern China. Xi’an has a typical Ming Dynasty layout. Ming-era Xi’an was built on the ruins of the imperial city of Sui and Tang-era Chang’an. In 1370 (3rd year of Hongwu), Zhu Yuanzhang granted his second son Zhu Shuang the title Prince of Qin and renamed Fengyuan Circuit Xi’an. A grand palace was built in the city and was located in the northeastern quadrant of the Yuan-era cross-shaped grid of streets. In order to ensure that the palace was not relegated to a single corner of the city, the eastern and northern walls of the Yuan-era city were moved outward and completed in 1378 (11th year of Hongwu). This placed the main east-west thoroughfare in the cross street pattern of Ming-era Xi’an slightly to the south, but placed the palace of Prince Qin generally in the center of the city and only slightly to the northeast. The walls of Xi’an were rectangular in shape and had a total length of 14 km and were 12 m high. Each of the four sides had a single gate, which were topped with a gate tower. Each of these gates also had an outer barbican with an archer’s tower on top of them, very similar to Beijing. These

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were over 30 m tall and very imposing. There were also corner towers on each of the four corners of the city walls with 98 additional fortified turrets that extended out from the city wall itself. The entire wall was also surrounded by a moat. Xi’an’s bell tower was very important in the layout of the city. The bell tower was square with a brick base and four tunnels that followed the four major streets of the city. On top of the base there was a two-story structure that had waist-eaves and a platform on the lower structure and a four-corner tented double-eave roof on the upper story, which was typical of the »three drops of water« style. The »three drops of water« style was one of the most commonly used roofs in major urban ar­chitecture of the Ming and Qing dynasties such as gate towers, bell towers and drum towers. The style of the bell tower was dignified and stable, matching each gate tower and archer’s towers. This, with the addition of the slightly higher corner towers, created a very rich skyline. The bell tower was generally used to announce the time and sound warnings at night. During times of war it was also used to coordinate between each of the city gates. The population of Ming-era Xi’an continued to grow and with commercial development, many people began to live in the areas outside the city gates, creating more »gate towns«. During the Chongzhen period of the late-Ming, walls were added to the four »gate towns«. The expansion of these gate towns was a common phenomenon in cities of the Ming and Qing dynasties. 2. Palaces in Beijing A total of four palaces were built during the Ming Dynasty including those for the Ming court in Nanjing, Zhongdu and Beijing as well as the palace of the Later Jin in Shenyang. Currently, the only two palaces that have been preserved in their entirety are those in Beijing and Shenyang. The palace in Shenyang is more representative of the Qing Dynasty system, while the palace in Beijing

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better represents the design concepts and artistic characteristics of Ming imperial palace architecture. This is the most representative of Ming-era palaces. The palace in Beijing is also known as the »Purple Forbidden City« and is rectangular in shape on a north-south axis. The walls that surround it are encased in brick on the inside and outside with a single gate opening in each direction. At each of the corners there is a flat corner tower and the entire complex is surrounded by a moat known as the »Tongzi River«. The central axis of the Forbidden City continues south out of the imperial city to the Gate of the Zenith Sun, creating a processional space, while to the north it terminates at the Prospect Hill, which provides a backdrop to the forbidden city. The starting point of the palace complex was the Gate of the Great Ming (Damingmen 大明门), located just north of the Gate of the Zenith Sun. This was later renamed the Gate of the Great Qing (Daqingmen 大清门) during the Qing Dynasty and China Gate (Zhonghuamen 中华门) during the Republican Era. This gate no longer exists today. Continuing north through the imperial city and the royal city, this central axis terminates at Prospect Hill covering a distance of 2,500 m and can be divided into three sections. (Fig. 8.12.1) The first section is the processional space, which is made up of three linked squares in front of the palace from the Gate of the Great Ming to the Meridian Gate covering a distance of 1,250 m, which is exactly half of the entire length. The second section is the Forbidden City itself from the front ceremonial court buildings, the rear residences (also referred to as the inner and outer courts) and the Imperial Gardens, covering a distance of 960 m. The third section wraps up the entire complex and stretches from the north gate of the Forbidden City, the Gate of Divine Might (Shenwumen 神武门) to the Pavilion of Ten Thousand Springs (Wanchunting 万春亭) on the top of Prospect Hill, covering a distance of 300 m. Each section and parts within

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8.12.1 Plan of the Forbidden City

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each section used different artistic methods and effects, but they all followed the theme of imperial power and were interlinked with elements that matched each other, producing an effect that was one complete whole. A Processional Space: Three Squares from the Gate of Accepting Heaven’s Mandate to the Gate of Uprightness and the Meridian Gate The Gate of the Great Ming was built on level land and was not large, nor was it very exceptional. It was a single-eave beamless hall with three passageways made of brick. Inside this gate, the square before the Gate of Accepting Heaven’s Mandate was T-shaped starting with a long vertical line with the low-lying »Corridor of a Thousand Steps« with the Gate of Accepting Heaven’s Mandate (later renamed Gate of Heavenly Peace) in the background. The line of perspective provided by this long straight square and the Corridor of a Thousand Steps provided a very strong attraction to move forward. The low and simple style of the Corridor of a Thousand Steps was meant to make them seem less impressive and provide a contrast to the majestic beauty of the Gate of Accepting Heaven’s Mandate. Upon arriving at the Gate of Accepting Heaven’s Mandate, the square suddenly extends to either side with two more gates similar to the Gate of the Great Ming. The grand gate tower states on top of the platform of the Gate of Accepting Heaven’s Mandate, stretching nine bays wide and topped with a double-eave hip-gable roof. The gate itself has five passageways with the central passage larger than the others, which are matched with five stone arched bridges that cross the Golden Jade River. The stone bridges, ceremonial columns and stone lions made of pure white stone contrast with the red walls and yellow tiles of the building behind them. The scene is glorious with an expansive and imposing feeling, which contrasts sharply with the smaller, low-lying Gate of the Great Ming and is the first climax of this processional experience. This technique of inspiring

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awe to promote one’s objective is one that has been used often the planning of Chinese architecture. The square in front of the Gate of Uprightness was slightly longer than a perfect square with a more restrained atmosphere and a peaceful, measured character. It was a transitional space that told the visitor they were about to experience an even bigger climax. The square in front of the Meridian Gate was the same width as the one before the Gate of Uprightness, but deeper and longer. As the main gate of the royal city, the Meridian Gate was a so-called palace watchtower gate. The footprint of the building followed the traditions of the Sui and Tang, creating an open space enclosed on three sides to the south of its entrance. Upon this massive platform of a gate was a double-eave hall that took a commanding position in the very center. The roof of the hall rose a total of 37.95  m from the floor of the square and was the tallest building in the entire Forbidden City. Two covered corridors extended from either side of the great hall, meeting up with double-eave square towers at the corners and at the ends of the walls that extended south. The overall outline of the structure created an imposing feel that served as the apex of the processional experience that was entering the palace. As the Meridian Gate was comprised of five buildings, it was commonly known as the »five phoenix« building. The square in front of the Meridian Gate was meant to inspire awe and the massive size of the structure in front of it was intended to suppress any force that came before it. It symbolized unchallenged imperial authority and what Karl Marx called the pressure the spirit feels under the weight of materialism, but oppression is the beginning of awe and worship. To achieve this artistic effect, architects used the following methods. First, they created four long, enclosed courtyards that visitors had to follow in order to enter the palace, which took time and gave them the opportunity to fully consider over the emotions they were feeling. Secondly, the distance of

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the buildings at the opposite end of the square did not make them seem as imposing. This is why the Meridian Gate used a semi-enclosed space as the extensions on the left and right made the structure seem closer and expanded the groundlevel perspective of the scene, while enriching the overall design. Meanwhile, the reception rooms on either side were kept as low as possible and the two guard posts were even smaller, purposefully suppressing their size and making the gate seem larger by contrast. Third, the indented layout of the structure also had a powerful expressive element. As people came closer to the structure, the three sides of that surrounded them seemed to come right up to them. The steep, tall red walls gradually filled the visitor’s entire field of vision and feelings of being enclosed, oppressed and nervous became stronger with each step. There were three passageways in the front of the Meridian Gate, which were square in order to make this entrance seem even more solemn and sacred than the arched passageways of other gates. The Ming Dynasty was a highly centralized political power controlled by a feudal monarch and architecture had to reflect social status. The Meridian Gate was one example of this. The Center and Apex of Imperial Power: the Fore Court, Rear Residences, and Imperial ­Gardens Passing through the Meridian Gate marks the beginning of the second stage of the central axis of the city. First, one arrived onto a square in front of the Gate of Heavenly Tribute (Fengtianmen 奉天门), which was later renamed to the Gate of Imperial Supremacy (Huangjimen 皇极门) and even later the Gate of Supreme Harmony (Taihemen 太和门) during the Qing Dynasty. The atmosphere of this square was far warmer than that of the square in front of the Meridian Gate. It was a wide rectangle around twice as wide as the Meridian Gate square and the buildings that surrounded it were not large. The Gate of Heavenly Tribute rose only 23.8  m above the ground. The Golden

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River flowed through the middle of this square from west to east, winding and bowing from north to south with five arched stone bridges crossing it that added to the liveliness of the space. The square in front of the Hall of Heavenly Tribute (Fengtiandian 奉天殿) was the same width as the square in front of the Gate of Heavenly Tribute, but it was deeper and formed a perfect square. This was the core of the enter palace complex as well as the entire city f Beijing. The great hall was placed high on a platform of white stone that was had a total of three levels. This wide, massive platform rose from the center of the square. In order to maintain a proper completeness of this space, the front eaves of the great hall were separated from the rear courtyard and the building itself actually extended into the next space. The Hall of Heavenly Tribute was rebuilt numerous times and the current structure was completed in 1698 (37th year of Kangxi), but retained the size and form of the original structure. The hall is nine bays wide and five bays deep. The structure includes an outer corridor and has a total width of 60 m and an area of 2,380 m². This is the largest hall currently in existence in China. The roof of the hall rises 35.05 m from the floor of the square and is a single story hall with a double-eave roof. Its massive size and layered platform gave the structure a pyramid-like shape that made it unusually dignified, solemn and impenetrable, symbolizing the stability of imperial power. The courtyard was surrounded on all sides by a covered corridor that had two multi-story halls in the middle named the Belvedere of Embodying Benevolence (Tirenge 体仁阁) and the Belvedere of Spreading Righteousness (Hongyige 弘义阁) respectively, creating a horizontal axis across the courtyard. Slightly to the north of these two structures were two gates on the east and west sides called the Left and Right Wing Gates. There were also two small gates to the right and left of the Gate of Heavenly Tribute at the southern end of the courtyard as well as corner towers at the points left and right where the cov-

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ered corridors met, which were known as Towers of Worship (Chonglou 崇楼). The entire square measured 40,000 m². Beginning at the Gate of the Great Ming through to the Hall of Heavenly Tribute and into the rear court, all of the courtyards were paved with large bricks and stones without any green space in order to create a solemn tone. However, the atmosphere of the square in front of the Hall of Heavenly Tribute was there were also slight differences in the overall seriousness compared with the squares of the Meridian Gate and the Gate of Heavenly Tribute. It was less imposing and strict than the square at the Meridian Gate and more solemn and ceremonial than the square at the Gate of Heavenly Tribute. The character of this square was more profound and richer, taking on a peace, tranquility and majesty along with the serious solemnity that it inherently had. Here, it was necessary to maintain the respect that the Son of Heaven deserved, but also needed to express his »benevolence and forgiveness,« while also using majesty and ceremony to display the spirit of this great empire that ruled over by the emperor. There was an Imperial Canopy Hall (Huagaidian 华盖殿) behind the Hall of Heavenly Tribute, which was later renamed the Hall of Central Supremacy (Zhongjidian 中极殿) and Hall of Central Harmony (Zhonghedian 中和殿) under the Qing as well as the Hall of the Cautious Body (Jinshendian 谨身殿), which was later renamed Hall of Establishing Supremacy (Jianjidian 建极殿) and Hall of Preserving Harmony (Baohedian 保和殿) under the Qing. The layout of the Imperial Canopy Hall was square and had a single-eave tented roof, while the Hall of the Cautious Body was a horizontal rectangle with a double-eave hip-gable roof. Both of these halls were much smaller than the Hall of Heavenly Tribute and served as points of contrast with it. These two halls were on the same three-level platform as the Hall of Heavenly Tribute, which was in the shape of the letter »I« and was a tribute to the halls of the same shape

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of the Song, Jin and Yuan dynasties. The front of this I-shaped platform included a large platform that protruded out from it that formed the shape of the inverted Chinese character for »earth«—» 土« (tu). In the traditional Chinese concept of the five elements, which included metal, wood, water, fire and earth, earth was at the center and was the most precious. The courtyard containing these two halls was the same width as the square in front of the Hall of Heavenly Tribute, but not as deep and included covered halls on the east and west sides as well as corner towers on the northeast and northwest corners. There were also two small gate houses on either side of the Hall of the Cautious Body that served as an entrance to the Rear Residences. The Rear Residences were preceded by a square in front of the Gate of Heavenly Purity (Qianqingmen 乾清门) that was also known as the Heavenly Road, which was itself a long courtyard that was comprised of three smaller courtyards, front, middle and rear. The front courtyard was the largest and the main building it contained was the main hall, the Hall of Heavenly Purity (Qianqingdian 乾清殿). The main structures in the middle and rear courtyards were the main halls of the Palace of Earthly Tranquility (Kunninggong 坤宁 宫). Later, the Hall of Union (Jiaotaidian 交泰殿) was built between the Palace of Heavenly Purity and the Palace of Earthly Tranquility. All three of these halls were built on a single-level I-shaped platform as well as a raised stone pathway that linked the Gate of Heavenly Purity with the Palace of Heavenly Purity. The rear courtyard was the smallest and stretched horizontally, serving as a path to the Imperial Gardens. The buildings and courtyards of the Rear Residences were much smaller than those of previous dynasties, making up no more than one-fourth of those of the past. However, the layout of the spaces was the same as previous dynasties, as was the scale and visual effect. The result was like a recreation of a theme from a symphony that echoed previous dynas-

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ative way of resolving this problem. Secondly, the palace required a generally backdrop against which it could rest in order to enrich the outline of the royal city. This helped to put the scale of the palace into context and created a connection between the palace and the greater environment. Emperor Qianlong described this setting as »Prospect Hill serving as a screen for the palace«. The treatment of the five pavilions was also very tasteful. The central Pavilion of Ten Thousand Springs was the largest. It was square with a triple-eave roof that was covered in glazed tiles in yellow with a green border. The two pavilions on either side of it were smaller and octagonal in shape with a double-eave covered in glazed tiles in green with a yellow border. The outermost pavilions were the smallest. These were round with double-eave roofs covered in green glazed tiles. These structures show a rich range of variation in both size, shape and use of color. Square structures and the color yellow were generally for more sober structures and were more easily matched with the rectangular and square shapes as well as the yellow roof tiles that were used on the maThe Culmination of the Series: Prospect Hill  jority of the buildings within the palace, which is why they were used on the larger central pavilion North of the Imperial Gardens, one passes through that could be seen from within the palace. Round a small courtyard to arrive at the massive Gate of structures and the color green were more creative Divine Might. After exiting the gate and crossing and were more easily matched with the gardens the moat, Prospect Hill is directly ahead. There are within the imperial palace, which is why they five pavilions along the ridge of Prospect Hill span were used on the outer, smaller pavilions. The deft a distance of 320 m across the hill itself. The censubtlety used in the connection and transition beter pavilion has a peaked roof and is about 60 m tween the two worlds is a testament to the artistry above the ground below. The creation of Prospect of its creators. Hill serves an important function for the overall setting and was a successful innovation in Ming Structures along Either Side of the Central Dynasty palace architecture. First, for the ForAxis The arrangement of the structures on either bidden City, this powerful symbolism expressed side of the central axis in the Forbidden City was along the central axis required an equally powergenerally symmetrical. Central government offul ending. Its size could not be too small, but nor fices on the eastern and western sides of the Corricould it be an overly grand structure that could dor of a Thousand Steps during the Ming Dynasty potentially detract from the buildings within the included the Imperial Clan Court (Zongrenfu 宗人 palace itself. Creating Prospect Hill and placing a modestly sized pavilion at its peak was a cre府), the Ministry of Personnel (Libu 吏部), Minties. In terms of the system of rites, the Rear Residences were were the emperor and the empress lived, which allowed for the inclusion of some greenery. The Imperial Gardens were at the northern end of the central axis and were similar in width as the Rear Residences, but they were not as deep. While they were called gardens, they also included buildings, small paths and pools as well as flower beds and planters. These were all arranged according to a symmetrical plan, which was very different from the free arrangement that was greatly emphasized in Chinese gardens. However, these gardens contained tall trees, shaded areas and fragrant flowers as well as fish hidden the bottom of secluded ponds, which made it a charming place to enrich the lives of the imperial family. The buildings of the Imperial Gardens included the Hall of Imperial Peace (Qin’andian 钦 安殿), which was dedicated to Daoist worship, and has retained its Ming-era appearance through to the present day with carvings on the platform ad its balustrades.

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istry of Revenue (Hubu 户部) and the Ministry of Rites (Libu 礼部) on the eastern side. Even further to the east were the Ministry of Works (Gongbu 工 部) and the Ministry of of War (Bingbu 兵部). To the west were the Five Chief Military Commissions and beyond those were the Imperial Bodyguard (Jinyiya 锦衣衙), the Court of Imperial Sacrifices (Taichangsi 太常寺), the Office of Transmission (Tongzhengsi 通政司) and even further to the west along today’s Fuxingmen Inner Road was the Ministry of Justice (Xingbu 刑部). This was a general division of »the six ministers to the left and five generals to the right« and the idea that »birth was in the east and death was in the west«. There were also rows of reception rooms to the east and west of the Meridian Gate where officials coming to court would gather before meeting with the emperor. The square outside the Meridian Gate also distinguished between the »ancestral left and natural right«—which alluded to the Imperial Ancestral Temple and the Altar of Earth and Harvests. There was a road that passed from east to west through the square in front of the Gate of Heavenly Tribute. On the north side of the eastern section of this road was the Hall of Literary Glory (Wenhuadian 文华殿), mirrored by the Hall of Military Glory (Wuyingdian 武英殿) to the south of it, both of which belonged to the Fore Court. This road lead to the Eastern and Western Flowery Gates at either end. There were also vertical streets on the eastern and western sides of the Rear Residences (known as Alleys of Eternity) where six minor palaces were located, three on either side, that served as living quarters for imperial consorts and concubines. There were also a large number of other palaces to the north and south of these six minor palaces, which were also generally symmetrical. In addition to these, there were other even more minor palaces, court gardens and buildings for servants and guards that were located within the palace and in open areas. The corners of the walls of the Forbidden City were also decorated with elaborately beautiful corner towers.

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2. Ritual and Ceremonial Buildings The worship of nature and ancestors that originated in primitive societies continued through to feudal systems and had not seen the slightest decline, which is a unique phenomenon in Chinese history. The buildings that were used in the worship of gods, ancestors and ancient learned men were generally known as »altar temples,« but are also known as »ceremonial structures«. This is a type of architecture unique to China and is different from religious architecture as well as those used for everyday life. Those used for the worship of gods of nature can be considered as proper religious structures, but those used for the worship of ancestors and ancient learned men are more like commemorative halls. Of the natural gods, Heaven was placed at the top and was followed by the Earth, then Lands (gods of the lands of the country), Harvests (gods of the five grains), the Sun, the Moon, Mountains, Rivers, Wind, Rain, Thunder and Lightning as well as gods dedicated to farming, silk worms, horses and even locusts. In the worship of ancestors, the ancestors of the current emperor took precedence, followed by the sages and former emperors, including Confucius, Guan Yu, Zhuge Liang and other city goes and clan ancestors worshiped in various localities. The status of these gods and ancestors varied and there were differences in the rules and ceremonies used to worship them. Formal ceremonies to the highest gods such as Heaven, Earth, the Sun and the Moon or those that were important to the state of the nation such as Lands, Harvests and the most important mountains (the Five Peaks), rivers (the Four Great Rivers and Four Seas) could only be conducted by the emperor or his representative. Prefectures and counties could only conduct ceremonies for local harvests, mountains and rivers, while villages could only conduct ceremonies worshiping the land. Only the emperor could conduct ceremonies at the Imperial Ancestral Temple and

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national-level ceremonies commemorating Confucius. Prefectures and counties could also conduct ceremonies to Confucius, other sages and their local city gods. Generally, large families only worshiped the ancestors of their own clan, while smaller families simply placed a memorial tablet in the middle of a hall to »Heaven, Earth, the Emperor and Family«. There were also differences in how natural gods and ancestors were worshiped. Generally speaking, »indoor worship was for ancestors, outdoor worship was for harvests«. The majority of ancestor worship was conducted indoors and these buildings were known as temples (miao 庙) as with the Imperial Ancestral Temple, Confucius Temple, Guandi Temple, Temple to Previous Emperors, city temples and the Erlang Temple in Dujiangyan in Sichuan Province. Some of these were also known as worship halls (ci 祠) as with the Hall of Wuhou, the Hall of Sima Guang and halls of worship dedicated to sages and large clan families. The Songera Hall of Jin in Taiyuan is an example of this type of architecture. The worship of »Lands« represents another natural god that is worshiped outdoors in the open air. These are also known as »open ceremonies« or »gazing ceremonies« conducted on flat platforms that are either square or round, which are known as altars or »tan« (坛). These include the Temple of Heaven, Temple of the Earth, Temple of the Sun, Temple of the Moon, Temple of Mountains and Rivers and the Altar of Earth and Harvests. Many of these natural gods had also been anthropomorphized, such as the Great Emperor or the Eastern Peak (Dongyue dadi 东岳大帝), the Queen of the Earth (Houtu Niangniang 后土娘 娘) and God of the Earth (Tudi gonggong 土地公 公). The worship of these gods was generally conducted indoors in either temples or worship halls, such as Dai Temple (dedicated to Mount Tai), Temple of the Middle Peak (dedicated to Mount Song), the Song/Jin-era Hall of the Queen of the Earth in Fenyang, Shanxi Province, the Yuan-era Temple to the God of Water in Hongdong, Shanxi Province

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and even many of the local temples to gods of the earth and the Dragon King. In the structures associated with temples and altars, altars generally had different architectural elements, while temples and worship halls mainly resembled larger or smaller versions of palaces, government offices or private residences. 1. Temple of Heaven in Beijing Overall Layout The Temple of Heaven in Beijing covers a massive area. It measures 1,700 m from east to west and 1,600  m from north to south, covering a total area of 270 hectares, which is more than three times the size of the Forbidden City. It has two layers of surrounding walls with square corners at the southeast and southwest and rounded corners at th northeast and northwest, which may allude to the concept of heaven being round and the earth being square. This is a remnant of early-Ming planning that blended the worship of heaven and earth. (Fig. 8.12.2) The inner wall situated slightly east of center within the outer wall. The Circular Mound (Huanqiu 圜 丘) and the Hall of Prayer for Good Harvests (Qiniandian 祈年殿) are both oriented to the north and south and create a vertical axis that is slightly east of center of the inner walled complex. These two off-center arrangements shift the central axis of the complex to the east over 200 m. Originally, there were only two gates on the western wall with the northern gate serving as the main gate. The Office of Divine Music (Shenyueshu 神乐署) and the Hall of Sacrificial Animals (Xishengsuo 牺牲 所) were located south of the road that extended form the main gate and after entering the inner walled complex, the south side of the same road contained the Fasting Palace (Zhaigong 斋宫) where the emperor would reside one day prior to the Winter Solstice to cleanse and purify himself. The Fasting Palace had two layers of outer walls and two protective moats providing considerable protection to this sacred space.

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8.12.2  An aerial view of the Temple of Heaven, Beijing

The Circular Mound was at the southern end of the vertical axis and was a circular altar made of three layers of white stone. The bottom layer measured 55 m in diameter and the three layers were around five meters high. There were stairs extending through each level in four directions with balustrades along the border of each later also in white stone. The Circular Mound had two surrounding walls, the inner wall round and the outer wall square, all painted in vermilion and topped with green glazed roof tiles. The inner and outer walls had three lattice star gates on each of the four sides. To the north of the Circular Mound there was a round hall where the memorial tablet of the Supreme Thearch of Boundless Heaven (Haotian dadi 昊天大帝) was placed, known as the Imperial Vault of Heaven (Huangqiongyu 皇穹宇). It was situated at the rear of a round courtyard that was 63  m in diameter and was paired with two side halls to the right and left of it. This round hall was built on a round platform of white stone with a tented roof that was covered in single-eave

blue glazed tiles and topped with a gilded spire. The total height of the building was around 20 m. The hall is exquisite, with appropriate proportions and accents like the golden spire, blue tiles, red columns and white platform give it a dazzling array of colors. The round caisson inside the hall is even more elaborate. The layered dou-gong construction creates a complex design that focuses on the center of the ceiling, providing both an unobstructed few of the structure of the building, but also a masterpiece of architectural decoration. The round courtyard does not have a north gate and visitors must enter through the south gate and circle around to the north side of the courtyard, passing through the Gate of Chastity (Chengzhenmen 成贞门) and crossing a north-south pathway known as the »Bridge of Crimson Stairs« (Danbiqiao 丹陛桥). This pathway is as much as 30 m wide, around 400 m long and rises four meters above the ground below. The entire platform is covered with stone without any vegetation. At the northern end of this pathway is a gate known

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as the Gate of Prayer for Good Harvests (Qinianmen 祈年门). The courtyard inside the gate is surrounded by square walls and the majestic Hall of Prayer for Good Harvests is situated along the central axis with side halls to the left and right on its south side. The Hall of Prayer for Good Harvests sits atop a six-meter tall platform of white stone that has three levels. The lowest level of this platform measures 90  m in diameter and the round structure itself has a diameter of around 24  m. The hall has a triple-eave tented roof and along with the platform rises a total of 80 m. There is an exquisitely beautiful round caisson ceiling within the hall. There is a small, closed courtyard to the north of the larger square courtyard that contains the Hall of Imperial Heaven (Huangqiandian 皇乾 殿), which was usually used for the storage of memorial tablets. Artistic Themes and Techniques in the Temple of Heaven The Temple of Heaven is a precious example of global artistic heritage and its theme is to give praise to »heaven,« which reigns supreme. All of the artistic elements in its structures are infused with the solemn worship of heaven and have resulted in exceptional achievements. The Temple of Heaven covers a total area three times taht of the Forbidden City, but the concentration of structures is far smaller. Most of this area is veiled by emerald green pine trees filling the ears with a rustling wind and a field of green filling the eyes, resulting in a profoundly peaceful environment. Upon entering this space, visitors naturally become solemn and subdued. The reason for moving the central axis of the building complex to the east was to extend the distance from the west gate as much as possible, using space to create time and deepen the emotional experience. Through this process, it seems like the world of man becomes increasingly distant, while the world of the divine seems closer and closer. The Circular Mound is pure white and perfectly flat, representing the clear and clean depths of the

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skies above. The double-walled enclosure is very low, measuring just over one meter tall, which is done intentionally to make the stone platform even higher and afford anyone standing on the platform an unobstructed view in all directions. The view from the top reaches beyond the walls, beyond the trees and through to the horizon, giving the sense that one can reach straight to heaven. The method used on the Bridge of Crimson Stairs is similar to that of the Circular Mound. The view from this pedestrian pathway is one of limitless sky and the tops of trees, giving the feeling that one is walking through the heavens. The square courtyard of the Hall of Prayer for Good Harvests is taller than the surrounding land and the threetiered stone platform is a full 10  m higher than the ground surrounding it, providing another expansive view. The three layers of blue glazed tiles are similar to the color of the sky. The tented round roof seems to become a part of the sky itself. The tented, round roof was meant imply a sense of closeness and intimacy between man and heaven. The builders of the Temple of Heaven also put great effort in to the aesthetics of the structure. The contrast of the closed format of the courtyard of the Imperial Vault of Heaven and the openness of the space of the Circular Mound. A similar contrast can also be seen between the Hall of Imperial Heaven and the Hall of Prayer for Good Harvests. The similarity in form of the Imperial Vault of Heaven and the Hall of Prayer for Good Harvests, which lie at either end of the axis, serve as a beginning and end to this complex. The round platform and courtyard at the southern end and the square courtyard at the northern end is yet another contrast, but one key element is the Bridge of Crimson Stairs that connects all these elements and makes them a complete whole. The Temple of Heaven also uses a wide range of symbolism and associated elements to allude to this overall theme. The three main structures— the Circular Mound, the Imperial Vault of Heaven

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and the Hall of Prayer for Good Harvests—all use a round layout, symbolizing the concept that heaven is round and the earth is square and that man should follow the law of heaven and earth. Numbers are also used to symbolize a number of meanings associated with this theme. For example, »heaven« is considered to be »yang« or masculine. The Circular Mound uses a large number of »yang numbers« (odd numbers), the largest of which is nine. The round stone placed in the center of the platform is also surrounded by a circle of nine paving stones. Each circle is extending outward is also a factor of nine, such as eighteen, twenty-seven, etc. Each of the three stone platforms is lined by four sections of stone balustrades. Each section of the balustrade is also a multiple of nine from top to bottom—nine, eighteen and twenty-seven. This extends to the number of steps as well as the diameter and height of the platform, which are all multiples of nine. The Hall of Prayer for Good Harvests is, as its name suggests, for the prayer of abundant harvests in agriculture, which means that numbers related to agricultural periods. For instance, the use of twelve columns to support the lower eaves represent the twelve hours of a day, while the twelve columns supporting the middle eave represent the twelve months of the year, while the total of these twenty-four columns represent the twenty-four agricultural solar periods in a year. The four central columns are known as the »golden dragon columns« and support the upper eaves, representing the four seasons. Meanwhile, the lack of a northern gate to the courtyard of the Imperial Vault of Heaven, forcing the round space to turn its back to the Gate of Chastity obstructs movement into the space and breaks the flow of energy, but there are reasons for this, which are entirely based on the requirements of rites and ceremony. Chinese people view »heaven« as the highest deity and the emperor as the son of heaven, making his status only second to heaven. Chinese people also believe that the south is the

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most respected of the cardinal directions, which is why people are not allowed to enter the courtyard of the Imperial Vault of Heaven from the north. 2. Temple of Confucius of Qufu In China’s feudal society, Confucius was held in the highest esteem by both the ruling classes and all of society. Temples dedicated to his worship were built by the government and known and Temple of Confuciuss, but were also known as Literary Temples, Temples to Fuzi or Temples of Confucius the Sage. If these Temple of Confuciuss were associate with official education, they were also known as Palaces of Study (Xuegong 学宫). The largest Temple of Confucius was in Confucius’ birthplace, Qufu. The earliest temple to Confucius was built in the second year after Confucius’ death (478 BCE) by Duke Ai of Lu by converting three rooms in Confucius’ home. In 153 (3rd year of Yuanjia, Emperor Huan of the Eastern Han), the imperial court built an official temple to Confucius in Qufu. Later, even when China was under the rule of non-Han ethnic groups as under the Jin, Yuan and Qing, the respect and reverence given to the Temple of Confucius at Qufu never waned. The current Temple of Confucius at Qufu is in fact the former home of Confucius. During the Song Dynasty, it reached a massive scale, which was expanded during the Jin Dynasty. During the Ming Dynasty, the entire city of Qufu was moved 22.5 km in an effort to »move the city to protect the temple,« placing the Temple of Confucius on the central axis of the city. During the Ming and Qing dynasties, the Temple of Confucius was damaged by fire and rebuilt several times. The current structures still retain the Ming-era layout. While a small number of buildings originate from the Jin and Yuan dynasties, the vast majority are Ming or Qing-era constructions. The Temple of Confucius is oriented to the south and is long and narrow. The main gate is directly faces the south gate of the city, the Gate of Admi-

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ration of the Sage (Yangshengmen 仰圣门). The foundation of the temple is around 140  m wide and stretches over 600  m from north to south, nearly the entire length of the city. The eastern and western gates in the center of the temple align with the east-west streets of the city. On the northern side of the eastern street, very close to the Temple of Confucius, is the the massive Offices of the Descendants of the Sage and their ­residences, which is a massive compound granted to the generations of descendants of Confucius. There are total of nine courtyards in the Temple of Confucius from south to north. The first three of these are a processional space for the entire temple, covered with pine and cypress trees. The subsequent five courtyards form the core of the temple itself. There is a ceremonial arch with the inscription »Golden Voice and Jade Resonance« in front of the the main gate, the Lattice Star Gate. The »golden voice« here refers to the sound of bells, while »jade resonance« refers to the sound of stone chimes. Beginning with metal instruments and ending with stone encompasses the entire course of musical performance and here symbolizes the all encompassing nature of the Confucian philosophy. The form of the Lattice Star Gate had appeared as early as the Tang Dynasty and later was decorated with heavenly constellations, which gradually gave it a sacred meaning. The stars on the gate are »celebrated by learned gentlemen« and are closely related to the cultivation of talent in Confucian teachings. The first courtyard upon entering the Lattice Star Gate is very short and contains two stone arches, inscribed with the words »Supreme Harmony and Original Energy« and »Most Sacred of Temples«. There are also arches to the east and west that lead to the vertical streets outside the eastern and western walls of the temple. The line »Supreme Harmony and Original Energy« allude to the concept that the Confucian philosophy is eternal and circular like the heavens and the earth, and can never be replaced. The second courtyard is very

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deep and square in shape, forming the main part of the processional section of the temple. It is richly treated with three small passage doorways on the east and west walls that lead to the vertical streets. At the northern end of this courtyard before entering the third courtyard, there is a small river with three stone bridges that are similar to the Golden River common in front of imperial palace halls. The third courtyard is not as deep as the second and has a Great Central Gate (Dazhongmen 大中门) at its northern end, which is flanked by two smaller gates that link up with the walls of the courtyard, which in turn lead to irregularly shaped corner towers, signaling that one will enter the main temple complex after passing through the Great Central Gate. The main structure of the fourth courtyard is the imposing Great Pavilion of the Constellation of Scholars (Kuiwenge 奎文阁), which is three stories tall and towers 24 m above the floor of the courtyard. This is the only multistory structure in the Temple of Confucius and was used as a library. Rebuilt in 1504 (17th year of Hongzhi), it is one of the most famous multistory structures of the Ming era. The wall that links up with service buildings on the right and left of the Great Pavilion of the Constellation of Scholars curves around to form an inverted U-shaped space, curving around again to the west and east. These two small square courtyards are where the emperor would reside when paying homage to Confucius. There is another small hall between the Great Pavilion of the Constellation of Scholars and the Great Central Gate called the Gate of Cultural Unity (Tongwenmen 同文门), which contains nineteen stelae from various dynasties. There is an east-west path that crosses the fifth courtyard and connects with the Gate of Rearing Pureness (Yucuimen 毓粹门) and the Gate of Observing Virtue (Guandemen 观德门) that lead to the main east and west roads of the city. There are also thirteen stelae from various dynasties starting from the Jin and Yuan to the north and south of this pathway.

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Beginning from the sixth courtyard, the temple is divided into three pathways—left, right and center—with the central pathway serving as the main path through the temple. The central pathway connects two long rectangular courtyards, beginning with the Gate of Great Accomplishment (Dachengmen 大成门) and its left and right side gates. In the center of the courtyard is the Hall of Great Accomplishment (Dachengdian 大成殿), which contains an effigy of Confucius and was the core structure of the Temple of Confucius. The building is seven bays wide, four bays deep and is surrounded by a covered walkway. It is topped by a double-eave hip-gable roof and sits on top of a two-story platform of white stone. There is an additional platform that extends from the main platform where music and dancing is performed during major celebrations. The columns that support the eaves of the Hall of Great Accomplishment are all made of stone and the ten columns at the front of the hall are carved with dragon patterns that circle around the columns. Mencius praised Confucius as »a man that collected great accomplishments« and during the Tang Dynasty he was once again given the title »Most Sacred Master of Great Accomplishments«. In 1104 (3rd year of Chongning, Emperor Huizong of Song), it was proclaimed that »by imperial order, the Hall of the King of Spreading Culture shall be called [the Hall of] Great Accomplishment« and from that point forward, all of the gates and main halls of Temple of Confucius used the words »Great Accomplishment«. In the center of the courtyard between the hall and the gate is the Apricot Altar (Xingtan 杏坛), which is surrounded by apricot trees and represents the place where Confucius originally taught his philosophy. The courtyard containing the Hall of Great Accomplishment is flanked by forty bays of enclosed passages on both the east and west sides, which are dedicated to 156 followers of Confucius and other great Confucian scholars. Living quarters were located behind the Hall of Great Accomplishment and were dedicated to

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the commemoration of Confucius’ wife Madam Qi. Even with the central sixth and seventh courtyards, the eastern side contained a Hall of Ritual Poetry (Shilitang 诗礼堂), the Hall of Worshiping the Sage (Chongshengci 崇圣祠) and the family temple, which were used for the commemoration of five generations of Confucius’ ancestors. The western side contained the Hall of Golden Silk (Jinsitang 金丝堂) and the Hall of Awakening the Sacred (Qishengdian 启圣殿). There were also living quarters behind the Hall of Awakening the Sacred, which were dedicated to Confucius’ parents. The eight central courtyard contained the Hall of the Life of the Sage (Shengjidian 圣迹殿). The gate to this courtyard linked with the previous courtyard and contained several hundred stone inscriptions of the live of Confucius the sage. To the east and west were three courtyards in one space, which served as sacred kitchens. Most of the above mentioned buildings were covered in yellow glazed roof tiles with red columns and walls as well as white stone balustrades. This was typical of the official style of architecture in Beijing and the construction of this space was directed entirely by court. If we compare the format use for the Temple of Confucius to the Forbidden City, the Great Central Gate, the Great Central Gate and the Great Pavilion of the Constellation of Scholars correspond to the Gate of Heavenly Peace, the Gate of Uprightness and the Meridian Gate. the Gate of Great Accomplishment corresponds to the Gate of Supreme Harmony and the horizontal road that links to the city is similar to the road in front of the Gate of Supreme Harmony that links with the East and West Flowery Gates. The group of buildings at the Hall of Great Accomplishment and its eastern and western complexes also correspond to the central axis of the Forbidden City and the auxiliary palaces to the east and west. The planning and construction of the Temple of Confucius used only the best materials and workmanship, which expressed the importance

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that the ­highest rulers of the country placed on Confucian ­philosophy. 3. Imperial Tombs The tombs of Ming Dynasty emperors were constructed in two locations. The first was on the southern side of Zhong Mountain in Nanjing, the location of Xiaoling, the tomb of Emperor Taizu Zhu Yuanzhang. The other was at the foot of Tianshou Mountain in Changping, north of Beijing. Thirteen emperors from Emperor Chengzu Zhu Li were buried here, which is why they are known as the Thirteen Tombs of the Ming. Before the arrival of the Manchu rulers of the Qing, there were three tombs that were built during the late-Ming. The first was Yongling in Xinbin, Liaoning Province, which contained the ancestors of Nurhaci. This tomb was relatively small in scale and was built in 1598 (26th year of Wanli). Another tomb was Fuling in Shenyang, which was also known as Dongling, which contained Emperor Taizu, Nurhaci, and was built in 1629 (3rd year of Tiancong, Later Jin; 2nd year of Chongzhen, Ming). The third was Zhaoling, also located in Shenyang and also known as Beiling, which was the tomb of Emperor Taizong Huangtaiji and built in 1643 (8th year of Chongde, Qing; 16th year of Chongzhen, Ming). Of these three tombs, Zhaoling was the largest. After the Qing rulers arrived in China, two tomb complexes were built in Zunhua and Yixian in Hebei Province. Because of their locations to the east and west of Beijing, these are known as the Eastern Tombs and Western Tombs. The system used for the construction of tombs during the Ming Dynasty differed from the traditional system that had been used from the Qin and Han through to the Northern Song. It more closely resembled the system used during the Southern Song. During the Northern Song and earlier, grave mounds had taken the form of massive inverted-dou, which were surrounded by a square wall and four gates, which created a crossaxis pattern. Tombs were also often divided into

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the so-called »upper palace« and »lower palace«. The area within the aforementioned square enclosure contained a sacrificial hall, which along with the burial mound itself was known as the »upper palace,« while the »lower palace« was often located a distance away from the walled tomb where palace servants would live and the tombs of the deceased would be built. The idea of »serving the dead as if they were alive« meant that daily services of the departed souls could be provided with food and daily necessities. Temporary tombs of the Southern Song were known as »gathering palaces«. The upper and lower palaces were closely linked and were located along the same vertical axis. The previous section served as a processional section with the »upper palace« behind as the main section. If the upper palace did not have a burial mound, the casket would be placed in a »Tortoise Head Hall,« but the upper and lower palaces would still be relatively distant and would not have a horizontal axis. Tombs of the Ming Dynasty began using round earth mounds, which would called »baoding« or »precious crown«, which would be preceded by a series of courtyards, changing the original crossaxis layout to a vertically extended layout on a vertical axis. According to the Record of Daily Study (Rizhilu 日知录), »the system of the Ming did not have chariots or horses, nor palace servants, nor daily activities, nor did it have offerings.« Furthermore, starting with Xiaoling in Nanjing and most of the tombs in Beijing, Ming Dynasty tombs, in addition to the baoding and a series of courtyards, no longer included a »lower palace« similar to that of the Southern Song, which previously made people assume that tombs of the Ming and Qing dynasties only had an »upper palace« and no »lower palace«. The truth is not as simple as this and the examples at Qingling and Xianling in Beijing serve as proof of this. These two tombs differ in format with other Ming-era tombs with a vertical axis and multiple courtyards. These only have a single courtyard in front of the ba-

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oding tomb mound and an independent courtyard in a distant location along the vertical axis, which is clearly a remnant of the upper and lower palace method. However, Xiaoling and other tombs did have a front and rear set of courtyards that were linked together. The front section included the Hall of Severe Benevolence (Leng’endian 稜恩殿), which was still the form of the lower palace. Daily sacrificial offerings entered the rear section through the Gate of Final Rest (Lingqinmen 陵寝门), where the »square city and bright hall« as well as the baoding made up the »upper palace«. The Gate of Final Rest was generally not opened in order to avoid disturbing the tomb’s master and was only opened during major ceremonies held every year. This practice of placing the upper and lower palaces close together strengthened the vertical layering of the tomb’s structure and made it more concise. Tombs of the Ming Dynasty also changed the Southern Song practice of not using a »sacred way« in gathering palace. They restored the Tang and Northern Song system of placing stone sculptures along either side of a sacred way in front of the tomb. The grouping of the thirteen The Thirteen Mausoleums of the Ming in Beijing is also an important innovation and deserves special attention. Prior to this period, each tomb throughout each dynasty was planned and constructed independently with their own sacred ways that were completely unrelated. The The Thirteen Mausoleums of the Ming placed Changling, the tomb of Emperor Chengzu, at the center with the other tombs radiating out in an arc, using the same sacred way. This not only reduced the amount of labor required, it also made the area around the tombs themselves more impressive. Xiaoling Xiaoling was constructed in 1381 (14th year of Hongwu) and according to the original layout was divided into processional and main sections. The processional section made up the vast majority of the tomb and was made up of the

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Great Golden Gate (Dajinmen 大金门), the Stela Hall, Sacred Way and Lattice Star Gate. In order to accommodate the local geography, the processional processional section was not on the same axis as the main part of the tomb and formed a switchback pattern, leading to the Great Golden Gate and the Stela Hall from south to north, then turning to the northwest to the Sacred Way, which was lined on the left and right with animals, columns and figures carved in stone. It then turned to the northeast, curving around Meihua Hill and then ultimately through the gate of the tomb into the main section. According to recreations, the main section of the tomb consisted of three courtyards that on the whole formed an »I« shape, which terminated in a baoding burial mound in a vertical axis in line with the main peak of Zhong Mountain. The horizontal part of the lower part of the I-complex made up the first and second courtyards. The first courtyard was relatively short and included the main gate of the tomb and the Gate of Severe Benevolence (Leng’enmen 稜恩门) situated along the central axis. The second courtyard was relatively large and the foundation of the main building, the Hall of Supreme Harmony can still be seen today. The base was a three-layered stone platform on a scale similar to that of the Hall of Supreme Harmony in Beijing and the Hall of Severe Benevolence at Changling. The vertical line and northern horizontal line of the I-shaped complex was made up of a stone central pathway and square that led to the so-called »Square City and Bright Tower« (Fangchengminglou 方城明楼). The »Square City« was a stone tower that had a passageway similar to that of a normal city gate with a tunnel that led to stairs leading upward and then left and right to the top of the platform. A square tower gate was built on top of the platform and was known as the »Bright Tower.« A massive baoding burial mount was built behind this platform and was round, surrounded by a wall. The burial chamber was located below the baoding burial mound.

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The Thirteen Mausoleums of the Ming Dynasty The Tianshou Mountains are located 45  km to the north of Beijing in today’s Changping District. The top of the mountain is continuous and forms the shape of a horse’s hoof opening to the south. Changling, the tomb of Emperor Chengzu, is located in the center of the hoof at the base of the mountain. The opening to the hoof is located 6,000 m to the south of Changling where there are two independent hills facing each other like two guard towers. The Great Red Gate (Dahongmen 大红门) was built in the middle of these two hills and marks the beginning of the Sacred Way and the entire tomb complex. The space between Beijing and the Great Red Gate is completely made up of plains. This method of utilizing natural land formations speaks to the long tradition of close integration with the surrounding environment in the Chinese construction of cities and other large-scale building complexes. With the exception of Changling, the other twelve tombs are laid out in two wings, facing the Sacred Way. (Fig. 8.12.3) Construction of Changling began in 1409 (7th year of Yongle). At the time, Zhu Li had not been on the throne very long and Beijing was still under the threat of the Mongolian forces of the Yuan. The Yuan palace had been razed and moving the capital was still under discussion with no decision having been reached. Emperor Chengzu decided to build his tomb here to protect the land and show his resolve to move the capital to Beijing. The main section of Changling was generally similar to that of Xiaoling, but more expansive, equivalent to width of the first two courtyards of the »lower palace« and surrounded by a tall wall. The gate to the tomb was a single story structure in brick with three gates and a single-eave hip-­ gable roof. The fact that the building was made of brick meant that the eaves were short and the form was lacking in creativity. The first courtyard was very short with a Stela Hall at the eastern side with a double-eave hip-gable roof. There was also

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a Sacred Kitchen and Sacred Store on the eastern and western sides of the courtyard, each five bays long, but these no longer exist. The second courtyard was a slightly elongated square, which was entered through the Gate of Severe Benevolence, which was five bays wide and two bays deep, topped with a single-eave hip-gable roof and three gateways. The Gate of Severe Benevolence was built atop a single-layer stone platform with balustrades in white stone similar to the Gate of Supreme Harmony and included two side gates. The main structure in the second courtyard was the Hall of Severe Benevolence and the original Yongle-era structure remains to this day. The structure was located at the rear of the courtyard, measuring nine bays wide and five bays deep. It was a single-story structure with a double-eave beamless roof and had a shape similar to that of the Hall of Supreme Harmony. The Hall of Severe Benevolence measured 66.75  m wide and was slightly larger than the Hall of Supreme Harmony, but it was not as deep, measuring only 29.31 m for a smaller overall area, but still making it the second largest great hall currently in existence in China. The hall was built on a three-layer play form that was surrounded by balustrades in white stone. It was as high as that of the platform built for the Hall of Supreme Harmony, but had some incongruities with the hall itself. A total of 32 columns were used within the hall, hewn from the best phoebe zhennan wood. Today, none of the columns are painted and reveal the original color of the wood, which is deep and solemn, but records show that they may have originally been covered in lacquer. There were also a side halls on either side of the front of this hall measuring 15 bays on both sides, but these have since been lost. The gate to the third courtyard is called the Inner Red Gate (Neihongmen 内红门) and is also known as the »Gate of Final Rest« and entrance through his gate marks the beginning of the upper palace. There was a single-bay archway with stone columns and wood eaves just inside

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8.12.3 Overall plan of the The Thirteen Mausoleums of the Ming in Beijing

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this courtyard, which was known as the Double-Column Gate ­(Erzhumen 二柱门). There was also a stone table to the north of this arch that contained five offering vessels including a stone censer. This table was known as the Table of the Five Offerings and was a subdued version of the Hall of Offerings in the »upper palace« of the Tang and Song. Behind this was the Square City with its Bright Tower. The Square City was accessed through stone gateways that led to the top of the platform, similar to the technique used in Xiaoling. However, the layouts of both the Square City and the Bright Tower were square in shape, which was different from the rectangular shape used at Xiaoling. Each side of the Bright Tower measured 18  m wide and the building was constructed in brick with a wooden double-eave, hip-gable roof. There was a cross-shaped passageway inside the tower with a massive stela at its center that read »Tomb of Emperor Wen, Chengzu of the Great Ming,« which in fact meant the Bright Tower also served as a Stela Hall. Behind this tower was the baoding burial mound, which measured around 250 m in diameter. The arrangement of the other tombs were similar to that of Changling, but smaller in scale. Some were much smaller and simplified. The processional section of the entire tomb complex shared a single Sacred Way, which began at the Great Red Gate and was constructed over the next two decades following the completion of Changling. More than a century later, an impressive stone archway was built around 1,300 m beyond the Great Red Gate in a »six-column, fivebay« format, which pushed the beginning of the tomb complex somewhat forward. The Great Red Gate had three passageways with a Stele Hall inside it. While this was a simple pavilion style building, it was built on a massive scale and was similar in form to the Bright Tower of Changling, but much larger, measuring 26 m on each side and 22 m high. A massive stela was set in the very center of this great pavilion and con-

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tained the inscription »Stela of Divine Achievement and Sacred Virtue at Changling of the Great Ming«. A ceremonial column was placed at each of the corners outside the structure, which added to the form of the structure, making it seem even larger and increasing the control it had over this expansive space. The stone paved Sacred Way extended to the north of this hall for 1,200 m, lined with stone columns, animals and figures. The Sacred Way terminated in the north end with three lattice star gates constructed in stone with a short wall between them. 4,000 m remained between this point Changling that was devoid of any additional structures, which acted like a blank canvas and provided an implied meaning, using the emptiness of the space to contrast with what lie ahead. The processional section was not made up of a straight line and curved slightly from the southwest to the northeast, serving as a mirror image of the main peak of Tianshou Mountains, which was directly behind Changling, slightly to the east of the hoof shaped land mass. This was because the peaks on the eastern side of the mountains were slightly lower and placing this farther east served to create a balance of perspective. Of all the burial chambers of the The Thirteen Mausoleums of the Ming, only Dingling of Emperor Wanli Zhu Yijun has been excavated. This is the largest of all the burial chambers and known as the »underground palace«.

3. Buddhist and Daoist Temples Temples of the Ming and Qing dynasties fall in to two major categories. The first includes those that were built in cities, especially large cities, of which many were imperially commissioned. These were generally built on flat land facing south using the typical elongated structure along a central axis and included a series of courtyards, built in a style that was strict and orderly. The second category included temples that were built in exceptional mountain locations. These

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were mainly built using individual contributions and were integrated closely with the surrounding natural environment and geography. They used a flexible orientation and a free, inspired style with a feel that was simple and approachable that was more creative. Temples built in mountains and forests had the following unique cha­ racteristics. 1. Comprehensive Planning of the Entire Mountain and Locations of Temples In ancient China, temples located in exceptional mountainous or forested areas were not thought of as remote and static entities. They took into consideration the entire mountain and considered all of the temples built in a certain area to be an integrated part of a living whole. They interacted with each other and formed a rich »series« of elements that served create an environment that provided a range of experiences from setting the stage, to the climax to the close, which made the entire space seem like a seemingly scattered array of »points« that ultimately came together form an integrated whole. The principles on which this practice was based can be summed up in the following points: (1) an even distribution of temples; (2) a clear distinction of importance in their arrangement, their size and emphasis to ensure one highlight after another and provide those visiting the mountain with constantly fresh experiences and satisfy them with a rich range of changes in tempo and rhythm. (3) the position of each point at an especially attractive position so that visitors would remain for a longer period of time and have a more enjoyable experience. In natural settings, the most important visual experiences are those with outstanding vistas, which are generally evenly distributed, which integrates well with the three points previously mentioned. (4) finally, this arrangement must also ultimately take into account the practical needs of the

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temple itself. Generally, areas where with abundant sunlight and protection from the wind, close to water and out of harm’s way are preferred. Lone peaks are generally avoided and the most preferred locations are in valleys on the sides of mountains with mountains surrounding them as if they were being embraced. The views from the temples are generally wide and expansive with an open feeling, while also taking into consideration how they interact with other elements. The Qingcheng Mountains in Sichuan are the birthplace of Daoism and are famous for being the »most serene in the world«. There are six relatively large temples in these mountains that have survived to the present day and are all distributed evenly along the path to the top of the mountain. Of these six temples, the Ancient Temple of the Constant Path (Gu changdaoguan 古常 道观) and the Palace of Superior Purity (Shangqinggong 上清宫) are the largest. The former is at a slightly higher elevation and in the course of climbing the mountain, this temple would provide rooms and food for visitors as well as wine and tea produced in the Qingshan Mountains. The latter is near the summit and marks the end of the path up the mountain. It also provides food and rest for visitors. The Palace of Perfect Brightness (Yuanminggong 圆明宫) is in the middle of the path leading down the mountain and a medium sized Daoist temple. These six temples are key elements in the overall setting and the three sets of large and medium sized complexes are the high points of these elements. There are also smaller architectural elements that are evenly distributed between these temples and at the end of each stretch of steep stairways visitors can find a pagoda, pavilion, covered pathway or bridge where they can rest and take in the views. There is a pavilion each 500 m along the mountain pathway, a station each 1,500 m and a place where one can find accommodation every 5,000 m.

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Emei Mountain in Sichuan Province is known for its incredible natural beauty and is said to be where the Samantabhadra Bodhisattva passed on Buddhist teachings. The path to the top of the mountain is over 60 km long and there are said to be over 100 temples along the way, a small number of which are Daoist temples. The dozen or so temples still in existence are distributed evenly along this path with a small small station every kilometer and a larger station every ten kilometers, which provide visitors with a place to take in the natural beauty and rest their feet. The location chosen for the buildings that form the Pavilion of Pure Sound (Qingyinge 清音阁) on Emei Mountain are a typical example. Located at the confluence of the White Dragon and Black Dragon Rivers, it is situated with a valley in front and a massive mountain behind it with the rivers flanking it on either side. It is high at the back and lower in the front and structures include the Mahavira Hall (Daxiongbaodian 大雄宝殿), Pavilion of Paired Flight (Shuangfeiting 双飞亭) and the Pavilion of the Bull’s Heart (Niuxinting 牛心亭). The confluence of the two rivers is directly in front of the Pavilion of the Bull’s Heart and the »stone of the bull’s heart« is positioned at the point where their waters meet, creating a loud noise that can be heard from far away. The Pavilion of Paired Flight is positioned at a point where several mountain paths meet. The path leading down the mountain to the west leads to the Temple of Serving the Nation (Baoguosi 报国寺) and the path to the east leads to the Temple of Ten Thousand Years (Wanniansi 万年寺). To path to the north leads past the Mahavira Hall and turns to continue up the mountain and Platform of the Great Tree of Heaven (Hongchunping 洪椿坪). The pavilion is very large with two stories that are both open to the outside. It is an excellent place to rest and gaze into the distance as if telling people that there is a view here worth experiencing and to not hurry past it. The Pavilion of Paired Flight looks down on the Pavilion of the Bull’s Heart below and the

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Mahavira Hall above, which adds to the vertical depth of the complex itself. 2. Flexible Layouts that Take Advantage of Natural Environments The integration of mountain temples with their natural environment is not at all forced and does not demand order and regularity. Most of these structures take advantage of their natural environments and use a varied approach. Generally, the only use of a central axis is in the immediate area of the main hall, but the overall arrangement of the complex is unrestrained and seems slightly ad-hoc with artisans given free license to apply their skills. It is said that Jiuhua Mountain in Anhui Province was where the Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva passed on his teachings and today there are around a dozen relatively complete temple complexes centered around the Jiuhua Street area in the central basin of the mountains. The Hall of Superior Zen (Shangchantang 上禅堂) is a very small Buddhist temple that is oriented to the south with low lying areas to the east and south just outside the temple, making its position seem slightly precarious. The entire temple is made up of a northern hall and southern hall that together form a rectangular courtyard that seems more like a local private residence. The first hall (the southern hall) has windows on the southern wall that brings the view of a mountain peak in the distance opposite the structure into view. The entrance to the Hall of Superior Zen is very unique with the »mountain gate« of the temple positioned on the eastern wall very close to the northern hall. There is a small, irregular courtyard in front of the gate that has a wall painted in pink. The opening in the eastern wall of this small courtyard leads down the mountain toward Jiuhua Street. An opening in the northern wall of the courtyard leads up one step to an even smaller and very simple thatched pavilion and as one turns to the west, they pass along the rear wall of the northern hall and con-

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8.12.4 Hanging Temple in Hunyuan, Shanxi Province

tinue up the mountain. Smaller temples were built completely according to the topography of the and the course of the paths, twisting and natural, achieving a feeling abundant space in narrow areas without being forced. An important example of this is the Hanging Temple (Xuankongsi 悬空寺) in Hunyuan in Shanxi Province, so named because it seems to »hang« on a massive cliff on the eastern side of a valley in the Heng Mountains. (Fig. 8.12.4) Originally built during the Norther Wei Dynasty, it was rebuilt many times and the current structure is from the Ming Dynasty. There are more than thirty individual structures that have been pasted against the cliff and are linked by wooden bridges. Most of these are supported by wooden columns, while

some have foundations of brick. All of the surfaces perpendicular to the cliff face are set into the cliff itself. The temple seems to hang in a precarious position high in the air, hence the name of the temple. At the north end of the temple is a gate with stone steps and on entering the temple it seems to be rather wide, but as one goes further in, it gets narrower and narrower with a wedgelike layout. The various levels of the temple are at varying heights and the layout is completely free. The end of the temple complex is marked with a three-story at the southern end. The Hanging Temple intentionally used reduced measurements, which are extremely small, but the overall outline of the structure is richly varied and is very successful at using its innovative layout to create

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a strong contrast with the cliff itself. If all efforts were put into creating a massive structure, they would fall short in the face of such a massive cliff face that measures over 100 m high. 3. Varied Spaces where Man and Nature are One The geography of mountainous areas is very complex and foundations are generally not very large, which forces most designers to retain the original layout of the terrain without digging or filling spaces or creating large flat areas. This means that structures are built according to the flow of the land, creating low and high areas and varied interior and exterior spaces. Generally speaking, the vertical axes of temples are perpendicular to their contour lines with major halls aligned along the axis, while long lines are parallel to the contour line making them low at the front and high at the back with several stepped courtyards. Minor courtyards are placed at the left and right of this main axis at an elevation that is close to that of the nearest courtyard on the main axis. There are many methods used to alter terrain, but mostly these can be included into two categories, »platforms« and »cantilevered« structures. The »platform« method created a number of different platforms at different elevations, these were not necessarily entirely parallel, which meant that the direction of the axis could change. These were also not entirely along the same line either with the front and rear platforms moving away from the axis. Narrow platforms only contained structures along their rear side with a courtyard in the front, while wider platforms contained structures in the front and rear. Buildings on different platforms were also often linked together, meaning that what would be the first or second floor on a rear platform would be the second or third floor on the platform to the front. These types of buildings often contained indoor stairways that linked to the courtyard behind. »Cantilevered« Struc-

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tures were often used on the periphery of temples that hung out from the main structure, using wood or stone columns to support the structure. These were topped with horizontal square beams that were laid with wooden boards to create the floor of the structure. The lack of area for foundations in mountain temples also meant that structures were very concentrated and employed many different methods to ensure that interior and exterior spaces were not crowded. For example, the courtyard in front of the main hall was generally deeper, while the difference in height was left to more minor halls in the courtyards to the rear. The living quarters for monks and guests of the temple were all relatively small and enclosed, which were on a scale that made them feel like home. This was all to ensure that the main halls and the mountain gate of the temple were open and more expansive. Many halls were also open on the side that faced the courtyard without a solid wall, while still others were open in the front and the back, which allowed for a »flow« between the front and rear courtyards and made them feel more spacious. If there were steps inside the mountain gate, it gave the feeling that one had arrived at the temple from a relatively open space and that reached the end of one space, but on entering the courtyard, this space once again opened up making the courtyard itself not feel so constrained. In addition, the fact that the platforms to the front were relatively low, if one were to look out from the higher platforms or the buildings above, the stepped arrangement of the roofs would ensure that views would not be blocked, bringing the natural vistas into the temple and serving to make the densely packed group of buildings seem on the whole more expansive. In cities and on flat plains, structures are less limited by space, which means that these courtyards can be more open and a spatial balance can be achieved within an enclosed courtyard. However, these also means that there is a weaker connection between the spaces inside and outside the

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courtyard making them independent and self-sufficient. Mountain temples are the complete opposite. They are highly concentrated structures with small courtyards that require increased interaction between indoor and outdoor spaces as well as spaces inside and outside the complex itself. (Fig. 8.12.5) However, the interior layout of these temples is mainly symmetrical with a flexible spirit at the entrances based on the surrounding terrain. Signs of this can already be seen in the Pagoda Temple (Tayuansi 塔院寺) and the Temple of Glorious Realization (Xiantongsi 显通寺) at Wutai Mountain mentioned previously. 4. Private Residences and Regional Styles The artisans that created mountain temples were for the most part also the builders of a range of buildings in an area, including private residences. Limited financial resources also meant that many of these mountain temples also contained many elements of private residences and local flavor.

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This characteristic was not only expressed in the layout of these complexes, but in their measurements, the materials used, their structures, colors and shape of the buildings. The size of these buildings was relatively small and on almost the same scale as private dwellings with the eaves of an average single-story building not reaching more than three meters. The height of the upper floor of two-story buildings was usually only around two meters, while the eaves of a single-story great hall did not extend more than five meters and the total height only reached 7–9 m, smaller than the average size of a temple in a city. In terms of materials, it was common to use irregularly sized wooden columns, beams and dark gray roof tiles, while walls were either made from wooden boards, woven mats covered in mud or composite stone walls. In some occasions, the bark of pine trees was also used for roofing, while the bare wooden trunks of the trees were used as columns. The structures of these buildings also utilized regional techniques with the post-and-tie beam (chuandou

8.12.5  Palace of One Hundred Years ­(Baisuigong) at Jiuhua Mountain

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穿斗) and terraced-beam (tailiang 抬梁) structures commonly seen in main halls in southern China. Coloring on these temples either took advantage of the original color of the wood or used simple painting techniques with some also using tung oil or black paint. These colors, combined with white walls and dark gray roof tiles naturally expressed the simple beauty of these types of structures. It was only on the main halls of relatively large main halls that small areas would be painted in color or use glazed roof tiles. The shapes of these buildings were generally flexible and free with most of them using a gabled roof often with different angles in the front and back as one side could be longer than the other. False eaves were also regularly used at random locations without needing to complete the eave. The roofs of the all of the buildings in a complex were also often linked together to allow for access during rain. The connection of these roofs was very clever and seem unintentional, but at closer examination it is a very reasonable solution. Only main halls used a hip-gable roof, which were paired with a very thin cornice and corners that curved up very high for a delicate and beautiful appearance that was very different from the stable and heavy feel of official architecture. In general, these buildings gave people the feeling of a country manor or retreat with very little to distinguish them from residential homes. They were hidden away in the clouds of distant mountains, filled a sense of poetry and artistry as well as the charm of a subtle transcendence and profound significance. 5. Organic Growth Mountain temples seemed to almost finish their »growth cycle« gradually over several decades or slightly longer. They rarely used a regular wall and almost seemed to have no outer border with most first building a main hall, then adding structures as needed. This kind of growth is also seen quite often in private residences. However, this type of growth is by no means random and the later

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additions are all based on the original structures as well as the surrounding natural environment, maintaining a logical relationship with each of these elements at all times. This is why we call this »organic growth«. Organic growth requires a coordination between man and the ever-changing natural environment. The arrangement of the structures need not follow a fixed method and directions shouldn’t follow a fixed line, which allows for a flexibility and interaction between man an nature. However, it also requires that a method be developed within this environment of change and not absolute freedom. The organic growth of mountain temples is both free and self-aware. This meant that newly added sections had to have a intricate connection with the sections that had already been completed with elements like style, atmosphere, technique, form and color being coordinated to match the existing sections. The process of organic growth is like a drawing that is coming into form, displaying an inextricable harmony at any point in time. Here, all of the rules of composition come into play, from primacy to contrast, offset, minor differences and balance.

Section 2  Richly Integrated Mural Art 1. Fantastic Temple Murals of the Central Plain Of the remaining temple murals in China’s Central Plain originating from the Ming Dynasty, the majority are concentrated in Shanxi, Hebei and Beijing. The restoration and reconstruction of many temples over the years mean that many murals have been painted over, retouched or even repainted. Today, those that can be confirmed as original Ming Dynasty murals are the murals at the Temple of the Dharma Sea (Fahaisi 法海寺) in Beijing, murals at the Pilu Temple (Pilusi 毗卢寺)

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in Shijiazhuang as well as murals and water and land ritual paintings (shuiluhua 水陆画) in some temples in Shanxi Province. 1. Murals of the Temple of the Dharma Sea The Temple of the Dharma Sea is located in the western suburbs of Beijing at the southern edge of the Cuiwei Mountains. Built in 1439 (4th year of Zhengtong) and completed in 1443 (8th year of Zhengtong), it was also restored between 1504 (17th year of Hongzhi) and 1506 (1st year of Zhengde). The builder of this temple was Li Tong, the personal eunuch of Emperor Yingzong of the Ming Zhu Qizhen, and was directed by the Work Project Office under the Ministry of Works. After its completion, Emperor Yingzong composed four characters for the temple in his own hand, reading »Zen Temple of the Dharma Sea«. At the time, the temple included a Mahavira Hall, a Sangharama, two Patriarch Halls, a Hall of the Four Heavenly Kings, a Hall of Vajra the Dharma Protector as well as bell and drum towers. Today, all that remains is the Mahavira Hall. The murals that remain were also painted in this hall. The murals in the Mahavira Hall can be divided into three sections. One section is in the front section of the hall and has six parts. Divided into three levels, the uppermost level of the mural contains auspicious cloud patterns; the middle level contains figures from the realm of the Buddha including the Guardians of the Ten Directions, bodhisattvas and flying apsaras; the lower section contains a variety of floral patterns including peonies, lotus blossoms, roses, bodhi flowers and banana blossoms. The total area of the mural measures 60.72 m². Another part is located behind the three apparitions of the Buddha and is divided into three groups. The first group contains the Guanyin of the Water Moon along with Skanda, Sudhana, golden denglong and parrots, which appear in four corners separated by clear waters, green bamboo and peony blossoms. Another group contains the Manjusri Bodhisattva who is flanked by green

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lions, lion tamers and faithful followers, while a final group contains the Samantabhadra Bodhisattva, who is accompanied by a white elephant with six tusks, an elephant tamer and faithful followers. The Guanyin of the Water Moon is in the center, while the Manjusri and Samantabhadra Bodhisattvas are on her left and right, dividing the entire mural into three parts. It has a total area of 60.75 m². Another part of these murals is located on the eastern and western sides of the northern wall (the rear wall) of the Mahavira Hall. This is the main mural of the Temple of the Dharma Sea and is titled Sakra and Brahma (Dishifantiantu 帝释梵天图). (Fig. 8.12.6) The eastern side of An Explanation of Brahma by the Emperor runs from west to east and includes the Great Brahma along with three heavenly ladies holding coral vases, parasols and plates, Dhrtarastra, Virudhaka, Mahesvara and heavenly ladies, Lakshmi and heavenly ladies, master of curses, Surya, Marici, Prthvi and heavenly ladies, Varuna and Guhyapada Vajra. The western side flows from east to west and includes Sakra along with three heavenly ladies holding flower vases, plates and parasols, the Vaisravana, Virupaksa, the goddess of the Bodhi tree and heavenly ladies, Sarasvati, Candra, Hariti and Pingala, Vayu, Yama and Guhyapada Vajra. The entire mural contains the twenty-four heavens and a total of 36 deities. It is 14 m long and 3.2 m high, covering a total area of 44.8 m². In the Precious Dhvaja of the Surangama (Lengyan baozhuang 楞严宝幢), Li Tong built the Temple of the Dharma Sea to curry favor with his master, the Emperor Yingzong Zhu Qizhen and these murals were painted by a total of 15 people including official court painters Yuan Fuqing and Wang Shu as well as other painters like Zhang Ping, Wang Yi, Gu Xing, Li Yuan, Pan Fu and Xu Fulin. This defined the style and purpose of the murals and gave them a strong sense of court painting styles. In the depiction of the figures, the artists used clothing that was not dissimilar from that of everyday people despite the figures being

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8.12.6 Hariti in An Explanation of Brahma by the Emperor, a mural in the Temple of the Dharma Sea, Beijing

gods of the Buddhist realm. Figures like Sakra and Brahma were depicted as emperor and empress, while the heavenly ladies were depicted as ladies of the court and Candra, who is depicted here as Mahasthamaprapta, has been turned into a young, beautiful courtesan. Clearly, the murals of the Temple of the Dharma Sea were heavenly influenced by the content of court paintings, which was used to depict figures of the realm of the Buddha. The technique used is also far above what average painters could achieve. For example,

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the Guanyin of the Water Moon at the Temple of the Dharma Sea is stately and dignified, cloaked in white muslin that is made up of countless sixsided flowers, which are individually made up of 48 golden strands. These little flowers are exquisitely painted without a stroke out of place. Without careful observation, the patterns in the white muslin cloth are almost impossible to make out. The light, flowing white muslin seems to have no weight at all and the technique used to create it was surely outstanding and can be seen throughout the rest of the work. The murals mainly used mineral-based pigments like cinnabar, azure blue and realgar, while objects like prayer beads, arm bands, armor, weapons and clothing also used techniques like gilt decoration and gold leaf, resulting in a work that was condensed and dazzlingly beautiful, and has been preserved for centuries until the present day. The brush technique used in the murals at the Temple of the Dharma Sea is also well practiced and flowing with a composition that is on a massive scale, yet complete and whole, carrying on the best elements of mural painting from the Tang, Song and Yuan Dynasties. This includes the faces of the women, which are either full and round like a full moon or oval like a goose egg with long eyebrows and small mouths, and eyes that curve upward toward their temples. These are all influences of the style used to depict court ladies of the Tang Dynasty. The brush use in the murals is bold and free with figures as tall as 1.6 m and clothing as much as a meter long, there are no traces of stopping or even the slightest hesitation, showing that this work was completed in a single sitting, which is similar to the style of the murals in the Yuan Dynasty Palace of Eternal Joy. 2. Murals and Water and Land Ritual Paintings in Shanxi Shanxi is one of the regions where a relatively large number of Ming-era murals have been preserved and the most famous of these are the water

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and land ritual murals at the Temple of the Green Dragon (Qinglongsi 青龙寺) near Jishan and at the Temple of Precious Tranquility (Baoningsi 宝 宁寺) near Youyu as well as the murals of Temple of the Sacred Mother (Shengmumiao 圣母庙) in Fenyang and the Temple of Bountiful Harvests (Jiyimiao 稷益庙) in Xinjiang. Murals of the Temple of the Green Dragon The Temple of the Green Dragon is located in Ma Village four kilometers west of the town of Jishan. Construction was begun during the Tang Dynasty and the temple was rebuilt several times during the Yuan Dynasty. The portions of the temple that remain today include the mountain gate, great hall and side halls. The murals of the main hall are from the Yuan Dynasty, while those of the side halls are mainly from the Ming Dynasty. The murals on the western side of the south wall of the side halls are of the wisdom kings, rakshasi, the masters of the nine schools and myriad masters, filial sons and grandsons, dutiful and sacrificial women, the gods of the constellations and the messengers of the year and the moon. The eastern side of the southern wall includes the Vajrasattva, wisdom kings, soldiers who died for their country, civil and martial officials and the ladies of the palace. The western side of the north wall depicts Ananda, Ulkamukha Pretaraja, the underworld and those who make contributions to Buddha, while the eastern side depicts various arhats, the six paths of reincarnation, the eight frigid realms of hell and the six kings of the underworld. The eastern wall depicts a range of deities including those of the wind, thunder, rain, fire, mountains and forests, the five great peaks and the Zhenwu Emperor. The upper portion of the western wall depicts the three incarnations of Buddha in the center with the Maitreya and Ksitigarbha on either side, while the lower portion shows the six lords of Nandou, the immortals of the five paths, the five emperors of the five directions, Sakra and Brahma, the twelve original gods, the immortal

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Brahmin and the dragon kings of the four seas. From the appearance of the deities in the murals of the side halls at the Temple of the Green Dragon, it is likely that these are water and land ritual paintings. There are a total of four inscriptions on the northern wall, which read, »painted water-andland paintings of a grand temple, [sponsored by] Jiehui’an and Tiziran, and inscribed by the Daoist master Yuanlang Guyue to give blessings to Zhao Puning, a man of Wanquan County,« »Patron Jiehui’an [Abbey of Witt and Intelligence],« »Patron Tiziran [Experiencing the Nature]« and »The painter Liu Shitong of the Jiangshi Village has painted a water-and-land painting of a grand temple, completed on the date of Yiyou in the month of summer as the heat dissipated [the fourth month] in the year of Bingxu by his eldest son Liu Cunde, second son Liu Renrang, and his disciple Yang Daming.« The Temple of the Green Dragon is located in southern Shanxi Province, which had already become a center of mural painting during the Yuan Dynasty. Typical examples of murals from this period include the murals of the Palace of Eternal Joy, Seven Buddhas Teaching Dharma (Qifo shuofa tu 七佛说法图) from the Temple of Glorious Transformation (Xinghuasi 兴化寺) at Jishan in the collection of the Palace Museum, Maitreya Teaching Dharma (Mile shuofa tu 弥勒说法图) in the collection of the Royal Ontario Museum in Toronto and the Paradise of the Healing Buddha (Yaoshi jingtu tu 药师净土图) and Tejaprabha Buddha and Sacred Hosts (Chishengguangfo shengzhong tu 炽盛光佛圣众图) from the lower temple of the Temple of Broad Victory (Guangshengsi 广胜寺) in the collection of the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York. Both the Seven Buddhas Teaching Dharma and Maitreya Teaching Dharma from the Temple of Glorious Transformation were painted in 1320 (7th year of Yanyou, Yuan) by Zhu Haogu, a famous artist from Xiangling, and his apprentice Zhang Boyuan. Zhu Haogu is included in historical records as one of the most famous mural

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maining paintings measure around 120 cm high by 60  cm wide. According to markings on the bindings of these water and land paintings, they most likely originate from the Ming Dynasty. The water and land ritual paintings of the Temple of Precious Tranquility (Fig. 8.12.7) include a range of content including Buddhist, Daoist, Confucian and secular themes. Buddhist content mainly focuses on the Buddha, bodhisattvas, wisdom kings, Sakra, Brahma and the Eight Spritual Beings. Daosit content includes the sun, moon and the constellations, the cardinal directions and five peaks, the great rivers, the Three Great Emperor-Officials, the Heavenly Queen and Sacred Mother, wind, rain, thunder and lightning and the gods of cities and earth. Secular content mainly includes emperors, royalty, officials, generals, filial sons, chaste daughters, bhikku and bhikkuni, upasaka and upasika as well as elements of social life like servants and slaves, abandoned wives, starving refugees, those plagued by disease, executions, reliance on others, natural disasters, medical treatment, abuse and corruption, wrongful accusations, individuals on their way to execution, people dying in prison, war and thievery, the burning of homes, battles and injury, revenge and hatred, attacks by animals and insects, abortion and lost children, frigid winters and hot summers, wrongful deaths by doctors, poisonings, people freezing to death along the road, travelers dying in distant lands and destruction by water. Murals of the Temple of Precious Tranquility  The water and land ritual paintings at the Temple of Precious Tranquility were not painted by The Temple of Precious Tranquility is located on imperial artists, but their use of brush and ink East Gulou Street in the of Youyu in Shanxi Provis very similar, demonstrating their high level of ince. It was built in 1460 (4th year of Tianshun) and skill, which was not common to the average artwas later rebuilt during both the Ming and Qing ist. This is expressed in two areas. The first is the dynasties. Today, there is a five-bay main hall level of practiced skill. This can be seen in the and seven-bay rear hall that remain. The temple first 19 paintings of the Buddha, bodhisattvas as originally contained a room with water and land well as the Divyagarbhah Bodhisattva and the ritual paintings (these are all scroll paintings and host of Heavenly Queens and Sacred Mothers of currently in the collection of the Shanxi Museum). the Nine Heavens, which use a number of differThere are 139 paintings in total and with the exent drawing methods that produce vibrant lines ception of a few larger Buddhist images, the re-

painters in southern Shanxi Province. The Temple of the Green Dragon is located only ten kilometers from the Temple of Glorious Transformation and its main hall was rebuilt in 1351 (11th year of Zhizheng, Yuan) with the structures and murals completed simultaneously. Its Transformation of the Maitreya Buddha (Milebian 弥勒变) and the Maitreya Teaching Dharma at the Temple of Glorious Transformation are similar in both the composition of the figures and painting techniques. They most likely came from the same template and were painted either by Zhu Haogu or one of his students. We can use the murals in the main hall of the Temple of the Green Dragon to estimate that they are of a similar period as those in the side halls. The date of »bingxu« in previously mentioned inscriptions most likely refers to the year 1406 (4th year of Yongle), which makes it the earliest known example of Ming Dynasty mural paintings. It contains both the content of Jin Dynasty water and land ritual painting styles from the Temple of Abundant Rocks (Fanyansi 繁岩 寺) and the painting techniques of Yuan Dynasty artists from southern Shanxi and marked the beginning of water and land ritual painting during the Ming Dynasty. Later mural paintings such as those in the Temple of the Sacred Mother in Fenyang, the Temple of Bountiful Harvests in Xinjiang and the Pilu Temple in Shijiazhuang were all influenced by this work.

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8.12.7 Water and land ritual paintings from the Temple of Precious Tranquility, Shanxi Museum

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and natural, flowing images that are meticulously executed. Coloring is generally chosen based on the different attributes of the deities and the relationship between them with some using light, elegant colors, while others are bold and strong. The second area is in how the emotions of the figures are expressed. Traditional Chinese religious painting had already become very mature by the Ming Dynasty and formed a number of set models with different standards set for different deities. Each of these deities would be rendered based on these standards, which would express their own sacred attributes. However, this lacked innovation and resulted in type-casting and formulaic painting. This meant that many secular scenes and figures were more realistic and vibrant in terms of their appearance and context when compared to the paintings of deities. This is true in the case of scenes of servants and slave girls which depicts three young servants in tattered clothing, starving and alone with their hands bound and ropes attached to their necks. The buyer is in the process of reviewing the sales agreement and has a pleased expression on his face, which contrasts sharply with the fearful face of the servant girl. Scenes of starvation, sickness and hangings depict the hardships that the people faced because of drought and other factors. Starving masses of nothing but skin and bones, children that have been ravaged by disease to the point of becoming misshapen and waiting for death paint a miserable picture. The artists use the great-ax textured stroke method to create a backdrop of mountains and rivers, while employing a battle-brush water pattern to paint the clothes of starving people, which serves to further express their desperate situation. The water and land ritual paintings of the Temple of Precious Tranquility are the most completely preserved example of scroll paintings in this genre. Not only are there a large number of them, but they all include locations and headings, which provides invaluable first-hand materials for the research of

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the passing on of water and land scroll paintings, the order in which they were hung, their location and major topics, as well as the relationship between the rites and paintings of water and land themes. At the same time, the skilled use of brush and ink in these water and land ritual paintings realistically depict the many deities of the realm of the Buddha as well as figures from secular life, giving it an irreplaceable position among religious paintings of the Ming Dynasty. Murals at the Temple of the Sacred Mother and the Temple of Bountiful Harvests The murals at the Temple of the Sacred Mother and the Temple of Bountiful Harvests have similar styles, but different content from the previous Ming-era murals. The Temple of the Sacred Mother is located in Tian Village approximately two kilometers to the northwest of the city of Fenyang in Shanxi Province. It is named for the deity it is dedicated to, the Sacred Mother, Queen of the Earth. The Queen of the Earth is a deity of the tribe of the Yellow Emperor that can be traced back to China’s ancient Central Plain. She is a mythical figure in ancient Chinese legends. From the Western Han through to the Northern and Southern Dynasties, sacrifices to the Queen of the Earth were presided over by the empress, which verifies that even at that time, the Queen of the Earth was believed to be a woman. During the reign of Wu Zetian, a Worship Hall of the Queen of the Earth was built in Fenyang with a sculpture of the Sacred Mother herself. This was rebuilt as the Temple of the Sacred Mother in 1549 (28th year of Jiajing, Ming). The murals at the Temple of the Sacred Mother were painted on the eastern, western and northern walls of the main hall. The eastern wall depicted Welcoming the Arrival (Yingjia tu 迎驾图), the western wall the Imperial Outing (Xunxing tu 巡幸图) and the northern wall the Swallow’s Song (Yanyue tu 燕乐图). Welcoming the Arrival depicts a scene in which servants and guards welcome the royal presence

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as the Sacred Mother leaves the palace. Outside the palace gates, there are messengers awaiting orders, banner bearers and all manner of civil and martial officials waiting. Honor guards are standing in a circle on either side of the imperial carriage while the City God, the God of the Earth, Judges and Demon Soldiers pay their respects to her. A donkey cart is filled with infants with several women holding them, alluding to the ability of the Sacred Mother to grant childbirth. The Imperial Outing depicts the journey of the Sacred Mother and her acceptance of treasures offered by the Dragon King. In the hall of the Sacred Mother, there are two guards standing ready at the left and right at the bottom of the stairs. There is coral, lingzhi and a Golden Star Censer on the altar, while a noble woman inspects the objects from behind the altar. The Swallow’s Song depicts the daily life of the Sacred Mother in her palace with its pavilions and towers. They are lofty with clouds pouring over them and decorated with flowers, trees, bamboo and stones. Female musicians play qin zithers, se zithers, sheng and di flutes while a servant girl holds a tea cup and box of food, which she offers to the Sacred Mother. There are also other servant girls skilled in music, chess, calligraphy and painting that are attending to the Sacred Mother. Children, cats and cranes also appear in the mix, accenting the scene. The Temple of Bountiful Harvests is located in the town of Yangwang, 15 km to the southwest of Xinjiang in Shanxi Province and is a sacrificial temple dedicated to folk religions, making offerings to mythical and historical figures like Yu the Great, Hou Ji, Boyi and other herioc figures that improved the lives of the people. The murals here are located on the eastern, western and southern walls of the main hall and cover a total area of over 130 m², depicting a total of over 400 figures. The creators of these murals was a master painter from Yicheng in Shanxi named Chang Ru, his son and apprentices as well as another master painter from Jiangzhou named Chen Yuan along with his

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son and apprentices. It was completed on September 15, 1507 (2nd year of Zhengde). The Pilgrimage (Chaoshengtu 朝圣图) on the eastern wall depicts the three sages Yu the Great, Hou Ji and Boyi, dressed in formal robes and crowns, seated imposingly and stately. On either side of them are servant girls in adjoining rooms that have prepared food, waiting to serve them. Those that have come to pay homage to the sages include those carrying game they have captured, grains or locusts that they have captured to eliminate the scourge. There are a series of paintings in the upper right hand corner of the wall that tell the story of Hou Ji’s birth, including »Prayers to Heaven and Earth,« »Birth of Hou Ji,« »In the Pen,« »Feeding Fowl,« »Discovery by the Woodsman,« »Mother’s Rescue« and »Curious Onlookers«. While the content of The Pilgrimage on the western wall is different, the composition and presentation of the content is nearly the same. It reflects the accomplishments of both Hou Ji and Boyi in a series of scenes including »Burning of the Wastelands,« »Sowing and Reaping,« »Cutting Wood« and »Hunting,« which correspond to the life events of Hou Ji on the eastern wall. The southern wall contains The Courts of Hell ­(Yincao difu tu 阴曹地府图) and Emperor of the East Attending a Meeting (Dongdi fuhui tu 东帝 赴会图). The first is derived from elements of the Buddhist »Depiction of Hell,« which describes how the transgressors are judged at the »Gates of Fengdu« and in the »Courts of Hell,« while the second describes the scene of the heavenly general Zhang Daling leading his men on an expedition. The murals of both the Temple of the Sacred Mother and the Temple of Bountiful Harvests broke traditional barriers in terms of their content and presented the deities of Chinese mythology and legend. In terms of the creative artistic techniques used, the overall appearance is the same as Buddhist murals with some small variations

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in certain areas. These differences include an increase in the number of buildings as a portion of the painting, which is more similar to boundary painting, while another area is in the way in which landscapes and figures are composed and presented, which is closer to general painting rather than the technique used in temple murals. 3. The Water and Land Murals of Pilu Temple Pilu Temple is located in the village of Shangjing in the northwestern suburbs of Shijiazhuang in Hebei Province and still contains two of its original halls. Murals in the front hall contain stories of the Buddha and mythological tales. It covers a total of 83 m² and is badly damaged. The murals in the rear hall cover all four walls and contain a total of 500 figures that cover a total area of 130 m² and represent one of the masterpiece of Ming Dynasty mural painting. The northern wall of the rear hall of Pilu Temple is divided into left and right sections, each measuring 2.8  m high and 5.35  m wide. They depict Sakra, Brahma, Marici, the Eight Spiritual Beings, the Four Heavenly Kings, the Sixteen High Monks and the Jade Emperor. The western wall depicts over 140 figures including the Polestar Emperor, Jubanna, the Dragon Gods of the Five Lakes, Great Generals of the Wilderness, the Dragon Gods of the Four Rivers and the Protector of the Realm and True Sovereign Chongning. The eastern wall depicts over 130 figures including Emperor of Long Life, Great Emperor Fusang, Supreme Emperor of Profound Heaven, the heavenly concubine and sacred mother, the True Sovereign of the Clear Source and Mysterious Dao, the Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva, Samantabhadra Bodhisattva, Hariti, the Three Judges of the Courts of Hell and ten generations of renowned doctors. The eastern side of the southern wall contains more than 80  figures including the Bodhisattva Guider of Souls, emperors and officials, loyal soldiers that served their country, street scenes from everyday life and scenes of enmity and retribution. The west-

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ern side includes more than 60 figures including Ulkamukha Pretaraja, gods of cities and of the earth, faithful women, empresses and courtesans, court ladies and the »Nine Harsh Deaths«. In terms of content, the murals at Pilu Temple do not differ greatly from the water and land ritual paintings of other temples from the Ming Dynasty. They adopt content from the Buddhist paintings Sakra and Brahma and the Eight Great Wisdom Kings (Bada mingwang 八大明王) and the Daoist works Pilgrimage of Celestials, Tianpeng, the Black Killer, the Dark Warrior and the Fire Bell (Tianpeng heisha xuanwu huoling 天篷黑煞玄武火铃), Procession of Gods and Demons (Youbian shengui 游 变神鬼) and Duguan God of the Earth (Duguan tudi 都官土地) as well as secular paintings like Portraits of Previous Emperors (Lidai diwang tu 历 代帝王图) and other images of worldly life. This resulted in a system of religious painting that integrated Confucian, Buddhist, Daoist and secular elements as well as a number of folk deities. Such a massive, complex system of religious painting required a clever mind in order to ensure that order was maintained in such a complex and chaotic environment. In this sense, the creator of the murals at Pilu Temple displayed a talent that enabled him to depict so many figures. First, he organized the figures in terms of their status. In the murals on the four walls of the rear hall, the northern wall was given the highest status, followed by the eastern and western walls, then by the southern wall. From the content of each of these walls, we can see that the northern wall was reserved for Buddhist deities, the eastern and western walls contained mostly Daoist gods and spirits, while the southern wall mainly contained secular figures with the exception of the Bodhisattva Guider of Souls and Ulkamukha Pretaraja. Second, there was a symmetry from left to right. The presence of a door in the northern wall natural divided the mural into two sections with Sakra and Brahma as the main focus of the painting, while the Four Heavenly Kings, the Eight Spiritual

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Beings and Sixteen High Monks were divided into symmetrical lines on either side of them. This way of placing figures can also be seen in other settings like the Temple of the Dharma Sea in Beijing and was most likely a relatively popular format during the Ming Dynasty. The northern and southern walls contain the Great Emperors or the North and South Poles, the Protector of the Realm and True Sovereign Chongning and the True Sovereign of the Clear Source and Mysterious Dao, which generally correspond to each other. Third, the work simplifies a complex scene. The work establishes an overall set of rules and keeps to them. For example, painting itself is divided into three layers that are symmetrical left to right, which makes it an integrated whole and forms an overall rhyme and rhythm. There are sections that vary somewhat and different paintings use swirling cloud patterns in light colors like purple, malachite and light ocher to form natural boundaries. The swirling auspicious cloud patterns not only strengthen the variation between the three layers, but also help to focus the different content being displayed. This work is a harmonious whole, completed in one breath with both a unified and varied feel in terms of both content and form.

2. Distinctive Temple Murals of the Southwest and the Northwest Murals in southwestern China during the Ming Dynasty were mainly concentrated in Sichuan and Yunnan. Those in Sichuan were scattered between many different temples, while those of Yuannan were relatively concentrated in the area around Lijiang. The former mainly used Han-style mural painting techniques, while those in Yunnan integrated stronger elelements of local ethnic groups. 1. Ming-era Temple Murals throughout Sichuan There are still a considerable number of Mingera temples that still survive throughout Sichuan

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Province. Many of their murals have survived as a result and the most representative of these are in the Temple of the Garden of Awareness (Jueyuansi 觉苑寺), the Temple of the Dragon Store (Longzangsi 龙藏寺), the Temple of Repaying Kindness (Bao’ensi 报恩寺), the Temple of the Precious Brahma (Baofansi 宝梵寺), the Temple of Guanyin (Guanyinsi 观音寺) and the Temple of the Dragon Residence (Longjusi 龙居寺). The Temple of the Garden of Awareness is located to the southwest of Jiange County in Sichuan Province. It is south-facing and contains a Sutra Library at the front, a Mahavira Hall in the center and a Hall of Guanyin the rear with side-halls on either side. The temple is 80 m long, 40 m wide and has a total area of 3,200 m². The murals at this temple are housed within the Mahavira Hall. The murals are mounted on a wood and bamboo frame covered in clay and is divided into three layers. The lower layer is made of sticky clay, rice reeds and barley husks. The middle layer is made of sticky clay, barley husks and rough hemp fabric. The outer layer is made of yellow clay, fine sand and cotton tufts, then painted over in white wash. The mural is divided into fourteen sections that tell 209 stories. The total area of the work is 139.79 m². With the exception of the second and fourteenth sections, which are slightly out of order, all of the other sections flow from right to left and bottom to top, following the life of Sakyamuni, following the legendary stories of the life of the founder of Buddhism and expressing them in images. These murals were most unique in terms of their composition. The murals of the Temple of the Garden of Awareness emphasized the overall design of the entire story and incorporated many stories and figures into the entire canvas of the mural. Stones, mountains, trees, buildings and even clouds served as content within the mural, but also as borders between each of the different stories. In looking at the entire work, it comes across as a single, complete painting, but upon closer examination, one can also distinguish be-

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tween the individual story scenes. The creators of this mural did not use the traditional compositional style that employed a series of images, but used the entire canvas, giving a larger space to more important content and smaller areas to less important content. For example, the story of »Escaping the City in the Middle of the Night« tells the story of Sakyamuni leaving the palace to go into the world, leaving behind his gilded future and life of nobility and wealth for one of arduous personal cultivation. This was one of the most important moments in the life of Sakyamuni, which is why it was given a larger area. Meanwhile, other stories like »Shearing Hair with the Golden Knife« and »Returning to the Palace Hidden in a Cart« were not as considered as important and were smaller. The Temple of the Dragon Store is located four kilometers to the west of the town of Xinfan. Construction began during the Tang Dynasty and by the Song it took its current name. Its murals are in the Mahavira Hall, which was rebuilt in 1465 (1st year of Chenghua, Yuan) and depict the Eight Spiritual Beings, Sakyamuni, the Three Sages of the Avatamsaka Sutra. Perhaps the most attractive of the images is the scene of Sudhana seeking the teachings of the Buddha. Buddhist scripture states that when Sudhana was born, a great deal of treasure also came forth, which is why he is also known as the Child of Wealth. In order to seek correct retribution, Sudhana payed homage to masters everywhere and after fifty-three attempts, he finally achieved it. This is the theme of the mural and depicts the process by which Sudhana seeks teachers. The teachers depicted in the painting include bodhisattvas, immortals, worthies, bhikku, bhikkuni, upasaka and upasika with fifty-three scenes in total, which are as near to real life as possible. The child paying homage to these teachers is depicted full of youthful innocence and curiosity. Each of these individual images is labeled, showing the name of the faithful follower who donated money to have the murals painted.

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2. Temple Paintings in Lijiang, Yunnan Province The murals of Lijiang in Yunnan Province are mainly concentrated in temples built by tusi of the Naxi people who live in the area around Lijiang. The are mostly from the Ming Dynasty with some extending into the early-Qing. The are mainly concentrated in the Great Palace of Massed Treasures (Da baoji gong 大宝积宫), the Glass Hall (Bolidian 玻璃殿), the Pavilion of Great Stability (Dadingge 大定阁), the Temple of the Fortunate Nation (Fuguosi 福国寺), the Temple of Enlightenment Manifested (Juexiansi 觉显寺) and the Hall of Protecting Dharma (Hufatang 护法堂) in Baisha Village near Lijiang, however those in the Great Palace of Massed Treasures are the most valuable. The Meeting of the Tathagata Buddha (Rulaifohui tu 如来佛会图) behind the altar in the Great Palace of Massed Treasures depicts Sakyamuni at the center with other buddhas, bodhisattva, heavenly worthies and Tibetan Buddhist varja in three layers. The mural of Patriarch Padmasambhava (Lianhuasheng zushi tu 莲华生祖师图) depicts Padmasambhava wearing a crown of seven treasures and seated with his hands folded. Below the lotus throne there are two heavenly ladies and a myriad of deities surrounding them, all carrying out different activities, from weaving to chopping wood, fishing, metal working, serving or dancing. The Chapter of the Universal Gate of Guanyin (Guanyin pumenpin tu 观音普门品图) on the northern wall covers an area of almost nine m² and depicts Guanyin seated serenely on a lotus throne with other worldly figures facing challenges like floods, fire, theft and tigers. They are all praying to the Guanyin Bodhisattva for deliverance. The mural on the southern wall is the Namo Sacred Mother of the Five Colors (Nanwu wuse haoguang shengmu tu 南无五色豪光圣母图), which contains the Three Purities above and the four gods of wind, rain, thunder and lightning below. The two sides contain the Peacock Wisdom King Meeting on the Sea, and the Namo Guanyin with Mercy

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as Great as the Sea. Surrounding them are the 28 constellations and an array of other deities. The murals in the Lijiang area can be generally divided into early period and late period works. The early period mainly focuses on exoteric Buddhism. During this period, the Naxi tusi leaders were loyal to the Ming, had been granted the surname »Mu,« and became the hereditary governors of the region. However, their influence only extended to areas south of Tieqiao and as a result of this limited geography, the influence of Tibetan painting was not as strong. If we compare the 1417 (15th year of Yongle) murals in the Glass Hall, we can see that they are simple and elegant, more closely resembling the artistic influences of Han-style painting. The later period was mainly influenced by Tibetan esoteric Buddhism, which was also blended with Han-style religious art and the art of local ethnic groups in the Lijiang area. Due to the gradual northward expansion of the influence of the Mu-clan and their increased exchanges with Tibetan culture, Tibetan painting techniques began to influence temple murals in Lijiang and became the mainstream style. However, at the same time, the creators of these murals did not completely abandon their original style and in terms of content the love of the local people for the Guanyin Bodhisattva meant that she took an even more prominent role in these paintings. The Guanyin of the Water Moon at the Pavilion of Great Stability and the »Chapter of the Universal Gate of Guanyin« at the Great Palace of Massed Treasures as well as The Great One of the Southern Sea all reflect this trend. The creators of the murals in Lijiang included individuals like the Han painter Ma Xiaoshan, the Tibetan artist Jichang and the Naxi painter Master He as well as a number of painters from other ethnic groups like the Bai people. These artists retained elements of their own traditions, but also adopted and influenced each other to create unique murals that added to the brilliance of Ming-era mural painting.

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3. Tibetan Buddhist Mural Painting in Northwestern China Examples of Tibetan Buddhist temple murals that best represent the style and level of painting during the Ming Dynasty are in the Palcho Monastery (Baijusi 白居寺) in Gyantse County and the Qutan Monastery (Qutansi 瞿昙寺) in Ledu, Qinghai Province. Murals of the Palcho Monastery The Palcho Monastery was built between 1418 and 1436 and can be divided into two periods of construction. The first period (1418–1425) included the construction of the great hall, which was directed by the first Panchen Lama, Khedrup Gelek Pelzang and the Prince of Gyantse. The great hall was in the form of an altar city with three levels and was comprised of a number of structures including the main hall, eastern and western side halls, a circular corridor, the Hall of Enlightenment, the Arhat Hall and Hall of the Immeasurable Palace. The second period (1427–1436) focused on the construction of the Tashigomang, which was directed by the Prince of Gyantse. The Tashigomang had a total of thirteen levels and rose 42.5 m high. It was comprised of a base of steps, a foundation, body and spire, which was topped by the Thirteen Heavens, a jeweled canopy and a gilt parasol. The murals of the Palcho Monastery are typical of Tibetan Buddhist mural paintings and are made up of historical figures, esoteric Buddhist and exoteric Buddhist content. Murals that contain historical figures mainly include important kings and religious figures that were influential in Tibetan Buddhism. These are concentrated in the Atisha Hall, the Hall of Princes and the Hall of the Supreme Master. Murals in the Atisha Hall include four main parts—the passing on of the theoretical system of Rinchen-sel Potowa of the Kadam School, the phonological system of Chennga Tsultrim Bar of the Kadam School, generations of gurus of the Kadam School and the passing on of the teachings of Atisha. The murals

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in the Hall of the Dharma King are of the Tibetan prince Nyatri Tsenpo, the kings of Guge and other tsenpo princes. Murals in the Hall of the Supreme Master include high ranking monks like Dorjee Gyantsan, Gongchin Pawo and Gongyang Duje. These murals are mostly closely related to the statues at their centers. For instance, in the Hall of the Dharma King there are statues of Songtsen Gampo, Trisong Detsen, Princess Wencheng and Bhrikuti, which all have corresponding murals creating an organic pair of flat and carved imagery that form a complete, independent space. The most successful of the murals of historical figures at Palcho Monastery is of Drogön Chögyal Phagpa meeting with Kublai Khan, located in the Hall of Enlightenment. The compositional style of this mural places these two main figures at the center with symmetrical images at either side. Both Phagpa and Kublai Khan are at the center facing each other, seated at equal positions. There are saga monks at either side of Phagpa, while Kublai Khan is surrounded by palace servants and officials. The main figures are massive in the space and especially obvious. The large number of servants are their small size strike a clear contrast between the two. There are flying apsaras above the heads of Phagpa and Kublai Khan, which allude to their worship of the way of the Buddha and its supreme position. At the base of the mural are endless prairies with horses galloping, reflecting the social customs of the Yuan Dynasty. These three levels depict the heavenly realm of the Buddha, the most revered of the earthly realm and the myriad living things of the world. This imagery both objectively depicts a historical reality while also serving as a symbol of status and position. The mural itself is massive and very eye catching. The meeting between Phagpa and Kublai Khan is one of the most important historical events in ­Tibetan Buddhism. It not only elevated Phagpa to a Master of the State, it also made Tibetan Buddhism the state religion. From this point forward, Tibetan Buddhism not only became the sole reli-

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gion in Mongolian and Tibetan regions, but also spread throughout much of China and influenced the entire country. This painting serves to recreate this historical scene for future generations. Exoteric Buddhist murals are concentrated in the first floor of the sutra hall, the second floor of the circular corridor as well as the Pure Land Hall and the Tusita Palace within the Tashigomang. These include sutra stories, Buddhist legends or accounts of the life of the Buddha with most coming from the Damamuka-nidana Sutra (Xianyu yinyuan jing 贤愚因缘经) and the Story of Sakyamuni (Ruyiteng 如意藤). The most typical of these murals are located in the second floor of the circular corridor. There are over fifty different individual paintings including the Elephant Protector, King Shuye, Sumagadha Pleading to the Buddha, the Pearl Vine Girl, King Youtian, Cutting Meat to Feed Doves, The Six Fallen Masters and the Maitreya Buddha Taking Notes. The seem to form a pictorial novel of Buddhist history with a rich range of content and many different stories that are richly infectious. Esoteric Buddhist murals make up the vast majority of the murals in the Palcho Monastery and cover a broad range of content with their own clear characteristics. These are the main theme and core of murals at the Palcho Monastery. They are based on the four tantras of Tibetan esoteric Buddhism, namely the kirya-tantra, charya-tantra, yoga-tantra and anuttarayoga-tantra and painted according to the four classics the Sadhanasagara (Chengjiu fahai 成就法海), Bodhicaryavatara (Ruxinglun 入行论), the Garland of Lotus Blossoms (Lianhua wangman 莲花网鬘) and the Arya-amoghapasaj (Bukong jisuo yigui 不空羂 索仪轨). These murals are distributed throughout the main Hall of the Dharma King, the Hall of the Realm of the Vajra, the Hall of the Immeasurable Palace and the halls of the Tashigomang, but most of them are concentrated in the Tashigomang. According to the Biography of the Prince of Gyantse (Jiangzi fawang zhuan 江孜法王传), the first floor

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of the Tashigomang has 2,423 figures, the second floor 1,542 figures, the third 3,400 figures, the fourth 1,278 figures and the fifth 18,886 figures, while the cross beams contain 32 figures, the thirteen dharma wheels 677 and the pagoda canopy 127. Most of content is of buddhas, bodhisattvas, drolma, vajra or wisdom kings. On the surface, there doesn’t seem to be any difference between this paintings and Han-style esoteric Buddhism, but this is not the case. Each of the deities have different duties and their names and appearances are different. For example, in the mandala in the Hall of the Realm of the Vajra within the main hall, there are four vajra beside each of the five buddhas except for the Mahavairocana. In addition to this, there are also four offering bodhisattvas and catvari samgraha bodhisattvas (all of which are transformations of the vajra), which is rarely seen in Han-style esoteric Buddhism. Furthermore, Tibetan esoteric Buddhism also often depicts high ranking monks achieving enlightenment as in the Hall of Holding Wisdom, which contains the image of the legend of Padmasambhava spreading Buddhist teachings, which also includes other deities like wisdom kings. A difference from the murals of historical religious figures mentioned before is that the former tends to entirely or mostly focus on a single figure of Tibetan Buddhism, while the latter includes both historical religious figures as well as other deities. In terms of composition, the murals of Palcho Monastery can be divided into those with a central figure and individual paintings that are part of a series. Compositions with a central figure have two different forms. The first is divided into left, middle and right with the main figure of worship in the center and servants, family members or related individuals to the left and right. The figure in the center is relatively large, while the figures to the sides are smaller. If the figures related to the central figure are too numerous, the mural will also often be divided into different layers, arranging the figures in order of the importance

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of their relationship to the central figure. These central figures are mainly buddhas, bodhisattva, wisdom kings and deva of offerings, while the upper and lower layers outline the passing down of the philosophies of the various schools of Tibetan Buddhism. The other form is divided into north, south, east, west and center positions with each of the four surrounding positions supporting the center like stars around the moon. This form is especially suited to mandalas used in Tibetan Buddhism. For example, the Mandala of the Vajra Realm places the Mahavairocana Buddha at the center with Ratnasambhava in the south, Amoghasiddhi in the north, Akshobhya in the east and Amitabha in the west. These five part mandala are operated according to their position, creating an independent center, while the four mandalas around in the north, south, east and west, which surround the central Mahavairocana create a larger central image. Compositions using linked individual images, on the other hand, are more suited to Buddhist legends or accounts of the life of the Buddha. The circular corridors and central interior wall of the second floor of the main hall of the Palcho Monastery use a checkerboard form that separate individual stories using straight lines. Murals on the outer wall of the central corridor is divided into upper and lower sections, which use lines to separate individual stories and themes. This breaks the limitations of the checkerboard pattern used in these murals and provides the creator with a greater freedom. The creator can use his own judgment to portray different stories from Buddhist legends or the life of the Buddha. The creators of the murals of the Palcho Monastery were skilled at using scenes from the stories themselves to create natural breaks. For example, in the Story of the Elephant Protector (Xianghu gushi 象护故事), a Z-shaped structure is used, using the mountains, trees and buildings in each small scene to create natural breaks. The Dream of Queen Maya (Moye ganmeng 摩耶感梦) uses

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the banisters of the palace, flowers and trees and even rain on the horizon from the various scenes in the story to create borders. This kind of image generally creates a continuity of content that is smooth, but on closer observation, each individual element is clear and independent. Tibetan Buddhist murals have very strict requirements in terms of proportions. The length of the mural and the individual proportions of the bodies of the figures are measured in spans and digits. A single span is the distance from the thumb to the middle finger and is equivalent to twelve digits. The differences in status of each of the Buddhist deities means that they also had different measurements. Ten spans were reserved for Buddhas and bodhisattvas, while nine spans were used for worldly saints and transmundane saints, which mainly include the great Brahma, Mahesvara, Katyayana, the Mara King, Sakra and Hariti. Eight spans were used for the Four Great Heavenly Kings, Guhya-samaja-tantra, while six spans were used for the auspicious king bodhisattvas and the deva of evil attractions. These rules basically reflected the early influences of Indian sculpture, but relatively speaking, the previously mentioned murals at the Palcho Monastery featured bodies that gradually changed from large and slender to shorter and stouter. The ratios of faces from earlier periods was 1:10, while current ratios were 1:7. This change in proportion was a sign of localization of styles from India and Nepal. The murals of the Palcho Monastery emphasized the use of lines in many elements of the creative process including drafting, coloring, shading, outlining and gilding. Iron-line and flowing-silk line techniques were most common in the murals of the Palcho Monastery. The iron-line technique emphasized the outline of figures and control of the overall image, while the flowing-silk technique was used in detailed features and decorative elements. This created a style that was both bold and simple, while at the same time meticulous

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and careful, combining both the xieyi and gongbi styles of painting, giving these Buddhist figures a unique appearance and spirit. Shading was carried out in two ways. The first was on the basis of the contours of the figures, adding gradual layers of shading to all parts of the mural, gradually transitioning from a flat space to a semi-three dimensional space. Another way was to apply color to directly express the theme and connotation of the mural. Unlike common paintings, religious murals put greater emphasis on the religious connotation of colors and this was especially true of Tibetan Buddhist murals. Different deities were distinguished using different symbols. For example, the Five Tathagatas each use different colors that symbolize each of their unique positions. Some deities also differ because of the different functions they serve. The Buddha and bodhisattvas symbols of mercy and represent the most lofty and pure ideals, which means that colors used are mostly tranquil and peaceful. Colors used in depicting vajra and wisdom kings, however, have a more threatening appearance and the colors they use are stronger. It is worth noting that the unique natural geography and environment in Tibet has influenced aesthetics there are people have a unique affection for blue skies, clouds and white snow, which is reflected in the colors they use in painting. They use more pure colors and often use two or more contrasting colors together in the same painting to give the viewer a strong visual impression, which in turn inspires awe, respect and fear of Tibetan Buddhism. These techniques also integrated elements of Han/Tibetan painting styles to form a unique regional style. Murals of the Gautama Monastery The Gautama Monastery is located near Ledu in Qinghai Province, 21  km north of the city center. It was originally called »Seje Samro« and was later changed when Zhu Yuanzhang bestowed the name Gautama Monastery upon it. At the beginning of the Yongle period, the emperor at the time,

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Zhu Di, gave the abbot of the monastery, Baldan Tsangpo the title »the Great Master of State who has an Anointed Head, Tranquil Awareness and Great Compassion«. He carried out a massive building project at Gautama Monastery to house Buddhist ritual items. This made the monastery one of the most important temples in northwestern China. The monastery is divided into three courtyards and its central axis contains a mountain gate entrance, the Vajra Hall (Jingangdian 金 刚殿), the Gautama Hall (Qutansidian 瞿昙寺殿), the Hall of Precious Light (Baoguangdian 宝光殿) and the Hall of the Flourishing Nation (Longguodian 隆国殿). On either side there are stela pavilions, drum and bell towers, a circular corridor and side halls. The Hall of Protecting Dharma to the right of the Gautama Hall was built in 1392 (25th year of Hongwu) and contains images of human skulls and skin that were typical of Tibetan Buddhist murals. The circular corridor, built in 1427 (2nd year of Xuande) contains murals that cover around 400 m², telling the Buddhist legend of the life of the Buddha in one hall, from Sakyamuni’s birth, martial competitions, leaving home, descending into evil, finding the correct path, spreading his teaching and achieving nirvana. The most important characteristic of the murals at the Gautama Monastery are that they also heavily incorporated elements of Han-style murals. The murals in the circular corridor telling the life of the Buddha were taken directly from templates used in central China. The fact that the story presented here was the life of the Buddha from birth through achieving nirvana, it reflects a wide range of elements from everyday life. Images include sellers, servants, monks and military officers, each with their own unique appearance and expressions. This is especially true of the peasants and passers by that are featured throughout the work. They travel randomly as they would have and to a certain extent represent the actual state of society at the time. A great deal of real-life customs were

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also included in the painting and inspired a biographical element in Tibetan painting, enabling the work to better convey stories and events. This gave Tibetan painting, which had traditionally emphasized fear and divine awe to inspire worship, an element of joy and happiness that came from the real world. There are very few thangka that remain from the Ming era and the most exquisite examples are preserved in the collection of famous Tibetan temples like the Potala Palace. The most famous of these include the Joyful Vajra (Jingang xixiang 金刚喜像) in the Sakya Monastery (Sajiasi 萨迦 寺), Portrait of an Arhat (Luohanxiang 罗汉像) in the Tashilhunpo Monastery (Zhashilunbusi 扎什 伦布寺) as well as the Portrait of Buton Rinchen Drub (Budun renqinzhu xiang 布顿仁钦主像) and the Vajra of Majesty and Horror (Daweide buwei jingang xiang 大威德怖畏金刚像). These are all Tibetan objects of veneration and use an embroidery-style technique, which is characterized by meticulous workmanship, colors that range from cold to warm, powerful contrasts and full composition. These murals, which vary in terms of both style and technique from many different areas formed the vibrant, dazzling style that was typical of Ming Dynasty mural painting.

Section 3  The Gradually Declining Art of Sculpture Sculpture during the Ming Dynasty showed a steady downward trend in terms of artistic level. Grotto sculpture gradually faded into oblivion. Tomb sculpture was exquisite, but lacked context and spirit. Clay figures buried in tombs were more ceremonial symbols and rarely showed any sign of innovation. Temple sculptures followed the techniques of previous dynasties, but there was change in terms of the subject matter. One of these changes was that within traditional content, stat-

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ues of the Buddha were gradually relegated to a secondary role, while bodhisattvas and arhats became the main focus of worship. These deities, unlike the Buddha, were not aloof and unreachable, but more human. Another change was the influx of secular themes with non-Buddhist deities like the Eight Immortals becoming more popular and providing a breath of fresh air. The greatest achievement in sculpture during the Ming Dynasty was in small sculptures for pure enjoyment. These works used a variety of materials and were delicate and fun. They had an artistic life force, encapsulating the life ideals and aesthetic preferences of average citizens, scholars and officials alike. These works also formed schools with different styles based on the material they used and where they were located, producing great variety and competition. These small sculptures became the most important artistic genre in Ming Dynasty craft arts.

1. Religious Sculpture 1. Temple Sculpture A large number of Buddhist and Daoist temples were built throughout the Ming Dynasty. According to records in the Biography of Wang Shu in the History of Ming (Mingshi Wang Shu zhuan 明史王 恕传), Beijing had »a thousand Buddhist temples« during the reign of Chenghua. The construction of temples drove considerable production of sculpture the be used in them. Generally, statues of deities were divided into different categories based on the different materials including clay, wood, bronze, hollow dry-lacquer and porcelain, but the most representative of these were clay sculptures. Clay sculptures could be further divided into two categories based on the way in which they were made. The first were hanging sculptures, which were also known as »shadow sculptures« in some areas. The second were sculptures in the round, which were made from a single piece of sculpted clay.

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Hanging sculptures refer to painted sculptures that are attached to the walls of shrines, the tops of columns or the beams above shrines. They can be sculpted in-the-round or in relief or bas-relief, but are mostly viewed only from the front. These objects appear to hang in mid-air and create a religious atmosphere that serves to offset the main sculpture. Hanging sculpture flourished during the Ming Dynasty. Examples of hanging sculpture from the Ming Dynasty that have survived to the present day are mostly found in Shanxi Province in the Guanyin Hall (Guanyintang 观音堂) at Changzhi and the Small Western Paradise (Xiaoxitian 小西 天) in Xixian, the Abbey of Water and Land (Shuilu’an 水陆庵) in Lantian in Shaanxi Province and the Temple of Repaying Kindness (Bao’ensi 报恩 寺) in Pingwu in Sichuan Province. Guanyin Hall is located in the southern outskirts of the city of Changzhi in the village of Liangjiazhuang. It was built in 1582 (10th year of Wanli) with statues of Guanyin, Manjusri and Samantabhadra in center of its main hall. These are surrounded by a total of 460 hanging sculptures of varying sizes including the twelve bodhisattvas of complete enlightenment, eighteen arhats and the twenty-four devas. The Small Western Paradise in Xixian, Shanxi Province, is located on Phoenix Mountain to the west of the town. It was built in 1634 (7th year of Chongzhen) and the hanging sculptures there are located in its Mahavira Hall. The standing buddha measures three meters tall, while the smallest of the bodhisattvas measure only a dozen centimeters tall. (Fig. 8.12.8) The Abbey of Water and Land in Lantian, Shaanxi Province is ten kilomterst west of the city center in the village of Puhua at the foot of Wangshun Mountain. It was originally the Hall of Water and Land within the True Temple of Ancient Awareness, but was later converted into the Hall of the Buddha within the Qin and Wang Ancestral Hall. It has preserved over 3,700 sculptures. These in-

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clude Buddhist legends, folk legends, Laozi, Confucius, the Medicine King and ten great healers throughout history as well as those who made offerings. The first major characteristic of hanging sculptures is their unique sense of space. The wall of the main hall generally serves as a backdrop for these hanging sculptures. Those that reach into the center or are near the wall are relatively large, while those in front are relatively small. This is based on structural principles of mechanics, while also providing a more comfortable visual experience for the viewer. In terms of their arrangement, hanging sculptures have the advantages of murals and individual sculptures, combining elements of both to create a three-dimensional effect. Especially in Buddhist halls of worship, they create a strong decorative effect, which is precisely what cannot be achieved by stand-alone sculptures or flat murals. This three-dimensional effect reduces the distance between the deities and the faithful. The second unique element of hanging sculptures is the incredible diversity of their content and the number of figures portrayed, which have a strong story telling component. From a mechanical perspective, these effigies of deities hanging in mid-air should generally not be too large as they could easily be overweight. There should also be a relationship between each of the sculptures in order to increase their stability. These two factors mean that hanging sculptures are often grouped together. This, combined with the large number of characters and the strong story-telling links between them make this an inevitable choice in creating hanging sculptures. The Buddhist legends and the story of the five hundred arhats crossing the sea at the Abbey of Water and Land at Lantian in Shaanxi Province is a massive setting with mountains, lakes and seas, buildings and forests, making the viewer feel that they are in the story. The third aspect of hanging sculptures is that they have clear regional differences. These regional differences are generally the result of the

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8.12.8 Hanging sculptures at the Abbey of Water and Land, Xixian, Shanxi Province

fact that the artisans are from the same artistic group and have had the same or similar apprenticeships. This artistic collective can be traced to Shanxi Province. Shanxi Province had been one of China’s provinces with the most remaining temple complexes and skilled artisans, who whether they were mural painters, architects or decorative artists, all had systematic master-apprentice lineages. Not only do the hanging sculptures from this region come from this group of artisans, the hanging sculptures at the Abbey of Water and Land in Lantian are also a masterwork of this creative tradition. The belt of the the statue of Shakyamuni at the Abbey of Water and Land contains an inscription that reads, »Buddhist Statuary by

Shanxi Artisan Qiao Zhongchao«. The Qiao family of Shanxi had been architects for generations and were known far and wide. The hanging sculptures Guanyin Hall, Small Western Paradise and Abbey of Water and Land all have similar characteristics and originate from this group of artists. Using painted sculptures in-the-round to create statuary for worship wasthe main technique used for three-dimensional statuary in temples and left an important legacy in classical Chinese sculpture. Statuary from the Ming Dynasty that demonstrates a relatively high level of artistic ability include sculptures at the Temple of the Two Forests (Shuanglinsi 双林寺) at Pingyao in Shanxi Prov-

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ince, the Hall of Great Sorrow (Dabeidian 大悲殿) in the Temple of Worshiping Goodness (Chongshansi 崇善寺) in Taiyuan, the Mahavira Hall in the Upper Flower Garland Temple (Huayansi 华严 寺) in Datong, the Hall of Treasures (Zangdian 藏 殿) and Vairocana Hall (Rulaidian 如来殿) in the Temple of Wisdom Attained (Zhihuasi 智化寺) as well as the Precious Hall of Great Sorrow (Dabeibaodian 大悲宝殿) at the Temple of Great Wisdom (Dahuisi 大慧寺) in Beijing. The Temple of the Two Forests near Pingyao in Shanxi Province is located seven kilometers to the southwest of the city center in the village of Qiaotou. The temple is oriented to the south and in addition to its mountain gate, the central axis also contains the Hall of Heavenly Kings (Tianwangdian 天王殿), the Shakyamuni Hall (Shijiadian 释迦殿), the Mahavira Hall and the Hall of the Buddha Mother (Fomudian 佛母殿). Side halls on either side include the Arhat Hall (Luohandian 罗汉殿), the Ksitigarbha Hall (Dizangdian 地藏 殿), Hall of One Thousand Buddhas (Qianfodian 千佛殿) and Bodhisattva Hall (Pusadian 菩萨 殿). The temple has a total of three courtyards and 2,052 painted statues. There are 1,566 statues that are complete, of which the arhats, reverents, bodhisattvas, heavenly kings and heroes. Statuary in Ming Dynasty temples shows traces of Tibetan sculpture that had been introduced during the Yuan Dynasty and was still very clear. For example, the statues of the Guanyin of One Thousand Hands and Eyes as well as the Manjusri and Samantabhadra Buddhas in the Hall of Great Sorrow in the Temple of Worshiping Goodness stand 850 cm tall and show clear »brahmic« characteristics. The statue was created by Zhu Yuanzhang’s son, Zhu Gang, to memorialize his mother. It is dated no later than 1391 (24th year of Hongwu) and is in the style of the imperial court, representative of the »brahmic« style of the early-Ming. There were also considerable differences with previous dynasties in the statuary of the Ming Dynasty used in folk religion. Perhaps the most notable ex-

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ample is in the statues of Guan Yu, the Medicine King and the Queen of Heaven as well as those of Zhang Sanfeng. Generally sculptures of Guan Yu made for worship were imposing figures with prominent brows, piercing eyes, covered in armor with a green robe and a belt. Statues of the Medicine King from the Northern Zhou through the Sui and Tang dynasties had been of Sun Simiao, who had been granted the title of Medicine King by the Tang Emperor Taizong, later bestowing the title of True Man. During his later years, he lived as a hermit in the Wutai Mountains (present-day Yaoshi Mountain near Xiyao County in Shaanxi Province). In folk religion, he was worshiped as one of the four Daoist Medicine King gods. Later, the »Hall of the True Man with Miraculous Effect« and »Temple of the Medicine King« were built and held statues of the Medicine King and ten great healers of ancient times, which all originated from the Ming Dynasty. The statue of the Medicine King was seated in a leaning position with a full and long beard wearing a yellow robe with broad sleeves and a futou cap of black muslin. He also had square pieces of decorative jade and a court garter, embodying the solemn dignity of an wise elder. The Queen of Heaven was a female deity that was worshiped widely in the coastal areas of southern China. It was said that she was the daughter of Lin Yuan, a horse master in the army of the King of Min during the Five Dynasties period. She was born in the town of Meizhou near Putian in Fujian Province, known for her kindness and magic, especially her ability to foresee both fortune and danger. She died when she was only 28 and her spirit was often seen on the sea, inspiring people to build worship halls and make sacrifices to her. During the Yuan Dynasty she was made a heavenly consort of the God of the Sea and during the Yongle Period of the Ming Dynasty she was bestowed the title of »Illuminating Princess of Heaven of Magnanimous Kindness and Universal Salvation who Protects the Nation and the Clan,« known generally today as Mazu or

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»Maternal Ancestor«. Her images are generally gentile and kind with decorative ornaments in her hair and robes with broad sleeves that have »ruyi« cloud patterns, similar to noble ladies in the imperial palace. What is worth noting is the two servant gods that stand before her. One is the »Eyes of a Thousand Li« and the other the »Ears that Follow the Wind« that represent vision and hearing and were said to have been pacified by the Queen of Heaven on the seas. This image is extremely influential in folk religion. Generally, this type of sculpture from the Ming Dynasty demonstrates the high level of technique and the clear secular characteristics of folk sculpture. 2. Metal, Wood and Stone Statuary With the exception of statuary with the same themes and forms as those found in temple statuary, statuary of the Ming Dynasty in metal, wood and stone was mostly in the form of small statues used for offerings in the home. Pieces were also relatively small and more delicately crafted. The unique ways in which religious offerings were made during the Ming Dynasty meant that most Buddhist statuary looked very much the same. Relatively unique examples were those that were influenced by the Lamaist statuary of Tibetan Buddhism as well as other religious statuary or commemorative sculptures. The bronze statues of the Yongle and Xuande periods were relatively unique examples of metal sculpture from the Ming Dynasty, but most of them that have survived do not have specific dates. Written records show that in the first few years of the Yongle period, no statues made specifically for the Tibetan region. The presentation of Buddhist statuary to Tibet began in 1408 (6th year of Yongle). It was in this year that Deshin Shekpa, who had been granted the title Master of the State, returned to Tibet. Emperor Chengzu gifted a statue of the Thousand Hand Thousand Eye Guanyin and other Buddhist statues in white sandalwood, marking the earliest record of the

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court presenting Buddhist statuary to Tibet. Later, Deshin Shekpa received additional statues as gifts from Emperor Chengzu. In 1414 (12th year of Yongle) and 1417 (15th year of Yongle), Mahayana Dharma King Kunze Siba of the Sakya School received Buddhist statues and sutras and by 1419 (17th year of Yongle), the Ming court had sent gifts of Buddhist statuary to Tibet six times. The presentation of Buddhist statuary by Tibet to the Ming court began slightly earlier. Before Deshin Shekpa arrived in Nanjing in 1406 (4th year of Yongle), he first sent ambassadors to Nanjing to present several Buddhist statues. In 1408, in a letter written by Je Tsongkhapa that declined an invitation from Emperor Yongle to visit China, he presented the emperor with »a statue of the Avalokiteshvara Bodhisattva of Khotan, a gilded painting of Shakyamuni Worshiped by the World, a gilded painting of the Manjusri Vairocana Buddha, three relics of the Vairocana Buddha naturally linked and of natural birth and death, a relic of the Vairocana Buddha, a relic of the body of the Hindu Siddhartha and a relic of the Great Worthy Atisha, who spread the teachings of Buddha far and wide in India and Tibet.« Between the years 1406 and 1417, Tibet presented Buddhist statues to the imperial court seven times. During the reign of Xuande (1426–1435), the tradition under Yongle of casting Buddhist statues in the palace continued to meet the need for imperial gifts. On the whole, bronze statuary of the Yongle and Xuande periods (Fig. 8.12.9) demonstrated a high level of integration of both Han and Tibetan styles, absorbing the unique attributes of each of these traditions and deftly combining them into a new style. Han-style statuary of the Yongle and Xuande periods were mainly of buddhas, bodhisattvas and drolma. They mostly had compassionate appearances, while the »counter-custom,« frightening images of the Joyful Vajra and the Vajrabhairava were relatively rare. While their clothing does not cover the upper body, combinations of prayer beads, necklaces and scarves ensure that not too

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8.12.9 Gilded Bronze Statue of Manjusri, the Palace Museum

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much is revealed. However, the treatment of the folds in the robes and skirts give the viewer a light and airy feeling. Tibetan sculpture of the Yongle and Xuande periods on the other hand maintain the »brahmic« traditions of form with twisted bodies, exposed breasts and scant clothing. A few sculptures, such as Mahakala and the Auspicious Heavenly Mother, have very little differences from statues cast in Tibet, with the exception of some technical elements. This piece once again reflects the influence of Yongle and Xuande style bronze Buddhist statuary on Tibetan sculpture. In addition to Buddhist statuary, bronze sculpture of the Ming Dynasty also had considerable success in the casting of statues of other deities, most of which were Daoist. The rulers of the Ming Dynasty adopted a policy of support for religion. This was especially true during the early-Ming when Emperor Yongle declared himself a reincarnation of the »Zhenwu Emperor« after the »Jingnan Rebellion.« He also created mythical stories about the Zhenwu Emperor revealing himself to help in the battle. This is why after he came to the throne, he commissioned a 160 cm tall 5,000 kg gilt statue in the Bronze Hall at the summit of Heavenly Column Peak, near the Palace of Great Excitement (Daxinggong 大兴宫) where the Zhenwu Emperor is said to have gained enlightenment at Wudang Mountain. This statue carried on the traditions of the Song Dynasty, depicting the figure in imperial robes and armor with a jade belt and flowing sleeves, a sword at his waist and barefoot with a halo above his head. The Zhenwu Emperor wore robes over his armor and was seated on a chair with an elegant demeanor and dignified expression. The spirit of the figure as well as the flow of the clothing and decorations were all very natural and this statue almost became a model that influenced other statues of the Zhenwu Emperor produced during the Ming Dynasty. Worship of the Zhenwu Emperor was not only limited to Wudangshan. There were over ten temples in and around the capital that were dedicated to him.

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The Hall of Imperial Peace in the Forbidden City was also converted to pay homage to the Golden Body of Zhenwu, which was also worshiped in the Rear Hall of the Ancestral Temple in Foshan in Guangdong Province, showing how the production of bronze statues of the Zhenwu Emperor had spread throughout both northern and southern China. The fact that the individuals represented in these bronze sculptures were not average citizens and they were generally placed at important locations, meant that these statues were generally not only large, but also exquisitely crafted and rich in artistic style. Under this similar influence, statues of the Daoist monk Zhang Sanfeng also became worshiped in many places during the early-Ming. The statue of Zhang Sanfeng at Wudang Mountain is clothed in a Daoist robe and seated on a chair. His expression is relaxed and natural with a lofty air and is considered to be a representative example of statues of Zhang Sanfeng.

2. Stone Sculpture Accompanying Tombs Tomb carvings of the Ming Dynasty can be divided mainly into those for imperial tombs and the tombs of nobles and high-ranking officials. Imperial tombs include Zuling (the Ancestors Mausoleum), Huangling (the Imperial Mausoleum), Xiaoling (the Filial Mausoleum), The Thirteen Mausoleums of the MingShisanling (the Thirteen Mausoleums), and Xianling. The tombs of nobles and high ranking officials include examples like the tomb of Prince Lujian in Xinxiang in Henan Provaince, the tomb of Prince Ning in Xinjian in Jiangxi Province. The tomb of Prince Jing in Guilin in Guangxi Province and the tombs of Xu Da and Li Wenzhong in Nanjing. The tomb of the King of Beini in Nanjing and the tomb of the King of Sulu in Dezhou in Shandong Province also contain some stone carvings. These stone carvings have become representative of the carvings found in Ming Dynasty tombs. The most representative of Ming Dynasty imperial tomb carvings are found in the The Thirteen Mau-

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8.12.10  Statue of a Civil Official at the The Thirteen Mausoleums of the Ming, Changping District, Beijing

soleums of the Ming in Beijing’s Changping District. These thirteen imperial tombs share a common Sacred Way with stone carvings of two pairs of animals on either side of it proceeding in order with lions, xiezhi, elephants, kirin and horses. After the animal carvings, there are two pairs each of military officials, civil officials (Fig.  8.12.10) and officials with special honors. In front of the main gate of the The Thirteen Mausoleums of the Ming complex there is also a stone archway, which was built in 1540 (19th year of Jiajing) and measures 14 m high by 29 m wide. It is in a fivebay, six-column and eleven-level style with stone columns that sit on bases with cloud-dragon designs. There are also reliefs of crouching creatures

on the upper portion of the archway. The entire structure is carved in white marble. The tombs of nobles and officials were given a lower rank than imperial tombs. According to the rules in the Collected Statutes of the Ming Dynasty (Minghuidian 明会典), the tombs of dukes and marquis or officials of the second rank or above were allowed one pair each of ceremonial columns, tigers, goats, horses and human figures, while officials of the third rank were allows one pair each of ceremonial columns, tigers and horses, while the fourth rank was allows ceremonial columns, tigers and horses and the fifth rank was allowed ceremonial columns, goats and horses. Officials of the sixth rank and below were not permitted to use

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stone sculpture. However, there were examples of transgression of these rules. The tomb of Prince Lujian is one example and the arrangement of his tomb was nearly identical to that of imperial tombs. Prince Lujian’s tomb is located fifteen kilometers north of Xinxiang in Henan Province at the southern base of the Phoenix Mountains. Prince Lujian, Zhu Yuliu, was the son of Emperor Muzong, Zhu Zaihou, and the only biological brother of Emperor Shenzong, Zhu Yujun. The tomb is divided into eastern and western sections. The eastern section contained the tomb of Prince Lujian, while the western section contained the tomb of his consort Madam Zhao. A stone archway with two dragons playing with a pearl stands in front of the tomb and just behind the archway are ceremonial columns decorated with dragon-cloud patterns. After this there is a Sacred Way with fourteen pairs of lions, suanni, xiezhi, luduan, kirin, camels, elephants, goats and horses. Beyond the animal carvings there are also two pairs of human figures. From the stone carvings along the Sacred Way, it is clear that this tomb has gone beyond the scale for a common official and is on the same level as the emperor. The content of Ming Dynasty tomb sculptures tends to be more historical. A large number of carvings of elephants, kirin and camels were used during the Han and Wei periods. By the Tang Dynasty, civil and military officials were more commonly used and placed on either side of sacred ways. Only the statues of foreign leaders and ambassadors have been lost without a trace. Stone carvings tigers and goats were not used in imperial tombs after the completion of Xiaoling as they had been assigned to the tombs of officials. These fierce and auspicious sacred beasts were not only placed symmetrically to the left and right, they were also sculpted in seated and standing positions, which showed the development of a formalized system after the construction of Xiaoling. This was clearly related to the restoration of Han culture of the Tang and Song after the founding

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of the Ming Dynasty. It is worth taking note of the use of stone archways. In tombs of the early-Ming, archways were not used and the earliest stone archway is the great archway of the The Thirteen Mausoleums of the Ming taht was built in 1540 (19th year of Jiajing). Later, the tomb of Prince Lujian used a total of three stone archways, one at the main entrance, one at the north of the tomb gate and one north of the offering hall. These stone archways contained exquisitely beautiful sculptures that were richly decorated and became symbolic of Ming Dynasty tomb sculpture, which later also influenced the Qing Dynasty. Overall, the tombs of Ming Dynasty emperors were generally more spread out compared with previous dynasties and different based on the surrounding geography. For example the statues of civil officials used in imperial tombs are depicted with a »seven-ridge crown« and have square faces with full cheeks. They also have three tufts of facial hair at either side of the mouth and the chin, which falls naturally. They hold ceremonial tablets in their hands and their right lapels extend all the way to the ground. Only the tips of their shoes are exposed and their sleeves are wide, extending to their knees. The base on which they stand is flat and simple. The sculptures of civil and military officials at the ancestral tomb at Xuyi in Jiangsu Province also have square faces. The features of the civil officials are clear and elegant with long beards, which seem to blow in the wind and float to the side with strands of hair that are like silk and exquisitely carved. The statues of the military officials are capped with a helmet and clad in armor, every part of which is covered in vivid, intricate carvings. Their legs curve outward and create a three-dimensional effect, but while these figures may be imposing, they loose nothing in terms of refinement. They are set on two layer platforms, a square lower level and an upper level in the shape of a sumeru throne. The differences between the imperial tombs and ancestral tombs are clearly visible here.

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In terms of style and technique, the carvings of Ming Dynasty tombs strove to copy the grand traditions of tomb carving of the Tang and Song, paying special attention to the details. The carvings of Song Dynasty tombs had a large number of purely natural elements, while Ming-era tombs had more idealized content that was refined and elegant. The tigers, camels, goats and elephants mentioned previously were simple and flowing, while the lions, kirin and xiezhi were exquisitely intricate without a detail left out. This was echoed in the differences between civil and military officials. Civil officials were clean, elegant and refined with simple clothing and decoration, while military officials were imposing and had beautifully intricate armor. Stone carving in Ming Dynasty tombs also emphasized the three-dimensional nature of carvings, while the clothing statues used in Song-era tombs clung to the bodies of the figures and lacked a sense of layering. Carvings in Ming Dynasty tombs not only used multiple layers in clothing, they also used curved edges on the helmets and shoulder armor of military officials, which created a number of different layers that extended the three-dimensional effect of the carving and made the statue fuller. The carvings of Ming Dynasty tombs were also influenced by the weakening of China’s feudal society, which meant that they could not compare with the power and spirit of Tang and Song Dynasty tombs. The exquisite and elaborate nature of only portions of the tombs was another sign of the decline that was occurring.

3. Tomb Figures in Pottery, Wood, and Stone There were a great number of funerary figures created during the Ming Dynasty, but most of them were ceremonial in nature, which reflected the style of the period. Funerary figure of the Ming Dynasty can be divided into three major categories based on the material used, which mainly included pottery, wood and stone. Many tombs of

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the Ming Dynasty have produced large numbers of these funerary figures. Major tombs that have produced pottery figures include the tomb of Zhu Yuelian near Phoenix Mountain in Chengdu, Sichuan Province, at which over 500 figures were unearthed, while over 120 figures were unearthed from the tomb of Wu Jing and 110 from the tomb of Zhu Youbin in Nancheng, Jiangxi Province. The tomb of Prince Qinjian of the Ming located in Jianwang Village near Chang’an in Shaanxi Province produced over 300 pottery figures. Major tombs in which wooden figures have been discovered include the tomb of Zhu Tan near Zoucheng in Shandong Province, which produced 432 painted wooden figures and the tomb of Pan Yunzheng in Shanghai’s Luwan District, which produced 45 such figures. Stone funerary figures of the Ming Dynasty were mainly concentrated in the Tongliang region and based on incomplete records, the number of stone figures unearthed in that area is over 600. The tomb of Zhang Wenjin and his wife also produced 88 stone figures, most of which were ceremonial funerary figures including sedan chair attendants, horse guides, carriers, gong players, drum players and musicians. A common characteristic of Ming-era funerary figures was the return to traditions of the Tang and Song, which meant most of these figures were ceremonial in nature. The Ming Dynasty carried the banner of restoration of the old ways of the Tang and the Song, with a special emphasis on hierarchical relationships, creating a set of specific and complex ceremonial systems that »strictly prevented movement into and out of [different classes] and strictly separated high classes from the base ones«. This was not only applicable in life, but also in death and became an indication of the status of the buried individual. To date, most of the The Thirteen Mausoleums of the Ming discovered belong to nobles or high officials, which means that there are an especially large number of

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ceremonial funerary figures. Some of these tombs contain only a single style of funerary figure without any other types of figures, which became a unique feature of burial practices. Meanwhile, the tombs of nobles such as princes and dukes were characterized by a large number of funerary figures that were very well made. This can be seen in the tomb of Liao Ji located in Fucheng in Hebei Province, which received special permission from the emperor to be built by the Ministry of Works. The pottery and wooden funerary figures of these tombs represent the highest level of craftsmanship during the Ming Dynasty. However, the fact that the Ming Dynasty used strict centralized power structure with a rigid class system meant that while the funerary figures in the tombs of the nobility were very well made, they lacked a deeper meaning and exuded a kind of depressed lethargy compared with other contemporary art forms. In the southwestern regions of China, where restrictions were not as tightly enforced, some very interesting funerary figures were created. Funerary figures in southwestern China are mainly found in two areas—Sichuan and Yunnan. In Sichuan, the tombs of the Prince of Shu’s adopted son, Zhu Yuelian, Zhang Wenjin and his wife, who were buried according to rites of an official of the fourth to sixth rank, as well as the tomb of the eunuch Ning Judong. Zhu Yuelian’s tomb contained a massive number of funerary figure that followed an orderly layout that was completely based on the system for imperial princes. The tomb of Ning Judong contained glazed funerary figures that had peaceful countenances and among the servant figures that were discovered, some seemed to have expressions of surprise as they conversed while others cast joking looks at each other. Pottery funerary figures from Dali were unearthed from the tomb of an individual from a relatively low social class and while these were not numerous, the workmanship was outstanding. Burials of common people most often included figures of the twelve signs of the zodiac, which may be be-

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cause these were not subject to restrictions. Most officials were buried with ceremonial figures or figures of servants. The tomb of Madam Zhao, who was buried in 1529 (8th year of Jiajing) at the base of Yuju Mountain, contained nearly all male or female servant figures with the exception of a single soldier figure leading a horse. The servant figures had solemn expressions and a deferential air. Their robes seemed to blow softly in the wind with lines that were flowing and bold. They had two buns in their hair, which was unique to this region. The stone figures of Tongliang have a strong regional flavor, which is mostly expressed in the carving techniques used and clothing styles. The carving technique used in the stone figures of Tongliang is characterized by short, thick strokes and lacked the fine detailing in detailed areas. The proportions of the bodies was also unbalanced with long heads, hats and upper bodies, while the lower bodies were short and bloated, which indicates that the artist was most likely local and lacked a high level of technique. However, some of the figures were very successful with natural and suitable clothing and decoration. They also had a wide variety of facial expressions with some that were serious and cautious, while others can be seen laughing or quiet with their heads bowed. The clothing and decoration used in stone figures from Tongliang were mostly based on the everyday clothing of the common people with hats that were cone-shaped, folded over and flat on top, or »melon skin« in style. Clothing included robes, jackets, long-shirts, half-shirts and skirts, while footwear included boots, cloth shoes, straw shoes or even some figures that were barefoot. This technique realistically recreated the dress of the people of that time and place. This unique regional folk style is very refreshing.

4. Master Carvers Many masters in various craft arts appeared during the Ming Dynasty. This was especially true

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during the middle and later periods, which enjoyed social stability and economic development. A group of outstanding masters in the craft arts appeared in the areas around Suzhou and Hangzhou as well as the southern coastal regions and were truly master carvers, which are best represented by He Chaozong and Shi Sou. He Chaozong was mainly active during the reigns of Jiajing and Wanli, and is representative of the porcelain figures of the Dehua kilns in Fujian. He put great emphasis on his own personal artistic style and not mature pieces. He was also very careful in the firing process, which meant that very few of his pieces remain. Most of his works include those of Bodhidarma, Guanyin or arhats. He Chaozong’s works particularly emphasized the portrayl of the spirit of the figures. He was skilled at placing figures in specific settings to express a creative theme. This can be seen in the Statue of Bodhidarma (Damoxiang 达摩像) (Fig. 8.12.11), which stood on the top of rolling waves. The eyes of Bodhidarma are bright and profound and he is depicted with curly hair. His hands are clasped in front of his chest as he gazes into the distance. His staunch resolve and his burden of carrying the message of the Buddha to the east may be the boldness and brilliance that is expressed perfectly in this special setting, inspiring introspection in the viewer. His statues of Guanyin are similar. His Guanyin Crossing the Sea (Duhai guanyin 渡海观 音) in the collection of the Wenguan Club in the city of Quanzhou in Fujian Province has a long slender body with a clear and gentile face. She is quiet and elegant, standing on lotus blossoms as she floats across the waves. Buddhist scripture describes the power of Guanyin as boundless. The abstract concepts of her being able to eliminate the seven disasters and help mankind find enlightenment as well as he legend of her studies in the purple bamboo forests of the south seas are all expressed here in detailed, physical form. The Buddhist figures of He Chaozong took on the best traditions in Buddhist statuary of the Wei,

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8.12.11 Statue of Bodhidarma by He Chaozong, the Palace Museum

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Jin and Northern and Southern Dynasties, which helped them transcend the common and base, giving their viewers a sense of unspeakable brilliance that made the average person look upon them in awe. At the same time, he made bold innovations by using elements of practical life according to the different characteristics of different deities, adding elements that represented the aesthetic preferences of the common person, which made his works approachable but not common, inspire respect, but not invoke fear. He incorporated the qualities of the divine, the charisma of man and elements of both a great nation and common folk customs into the artistry of his carved porcelain, which is dignified in appearance and warm to the touch. Porcelain sculptors contemporary with He Chaozong included Zhang Shoushan, Chen Weizhi, Lin Chaozong and Chen Zhongmei. Three of these men, including Zhang Shoushan, were natives of Dehua, while Chen Zhongmei was a native of Jingdezhen in Jiangxi Province. The content of their works and the techniques they used were similar to He Chaozong and resulted in a large number of exquisite creations. The efforts of this group of renowned craftsmen made the carved porcelain works from the Dehua and Jingdezhen Kilns popular throughout Yangtze River, providing figures for the altars of the faithful as well as for the court, becoming favorites of emperors and empresses. It also influenced sculpted porcelain of later generations with Qing-era kilns in the south like those at Dehua and Jingdezhen still producing works from the school of He Chaozong with the ability to copy his works considered a great skill. Shi Sou was a master of cast metal Buddhist figures that appeared in the late-Ming Dynasty. Shi Sou’s bronze works were mainly of Buddhist figures with many of Guanyin. His Guanyin bodhisattvas (Fig. 8.12.12) either wore a hooded cloak standing on rolling waves or appeared unaffected and relaxed, leaning against a book case. While each of them was different, their appearance was

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8.12.12 Standing Guanyin in bronze with silver inlay by Shi Sou, the Palace Museum

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never poor in quality. Regardless of the form, they always had a character that was composed and peaceful, relaxed and approachable. Their flowing garments, natural and relaxed posture, as well as inlaid silver lines that were as fine as a human hair and the classic, heavy bronze texture further strengthened the spiritual call and beauty of form of the Guanyin bodhisattva. The success of Shi Sou’s works come from the unique cultural context of the age. This period was a golden age of Chinese craft arts and a group of master craftsmen achieved successes in their respective fields that surpassed all past masters, providing Shi Sou with the environment for his creations. Shi Sou was not only inspired by masters bronze makers from Nanjing and Suzhou like Gan Wentang, Zhou Wenfu and Hu Wenming, he also absorbed nourishment from other schools of art. For example, the for of his Guanyin crossing the sea was very similar to works of He Chaozong of the Dehua Kiln. Shi Sou’s achievements in sculpture also inextricably linked to the highly developed techniques reached in the Ming Dynasty. Prior to this, the furnaces used for casting during the Xuande period went through multiple melting and purification processes to eliminate impurities before smelting began. The bronze was exquisite with a coloring

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that was soft and varied. Its surface was brilliant and glossy with gilt gold and silver often used as decoration. The copper alloy used by Shi Sou was different from the bronze and pure copper generally used for Buddhist statues. He generally used red copper with a fine texture and glossy finish, which clearly went through multiple smelting processes before which impurities were eliminated. People differentiated between the bronze statues of Shi Sou and common Buddhist sculptures, mainly because of it was a different cultural context. Most works were used for offerings and as such his dedication was to worship and the artistry of the statues played a secondary role. However, Shi Sou’s works were not like this. His rigorous demands toward the artistry went beyond practical requirements for worship. At that time and even in later periods, people bought Shi Sou’s works at very high prices, which was clearly due to the exquisite artistry of the pieces and their rich cultural context. This trend was not only reflected within the circles of literati and officials, but also in the Qing court. Of the works by Shi Sou in the collection of the Palace Museum, a portion are from the original collection of the Qing palace. Later, people copied Shi Sou’s works on a very large scale, which from another perspective proved the outstanding artistic value of his works.

CHAPTER XIII  CRAFTS OF EXTRAORDINARY SPLENDOR There were a number of different periods in the crafts of the Ming Dynasty. These included the early Ming, from Taizu to Yingzong (1368–1464), characterized by blue and white porcelain and carved lacquer, which carried on the traditions of the Yuan Dynasty in form and decoration, as well as the techniques used, without a great deal of change. The middle Ming Dynasty, from Xianzong through Shizong (1465–1566), was characterized by changes in the styles of blue and white porcelain and innovation in the doucai technique, creating a new style that was exquisite and elegant. The late Ming, from Muzong to Sizong (1567– 1644), was characterized by commercialization and the use of auspicious designs in a style that was scaled and heavy. Meanwhile, in the course of this development, a dual-track system formed that was characterized by a mutually influential and complimentary relationship between works for the imperial court and folk manufacturing. There were also trends toward literati and secular styles blending, resulting in an environment that was appreciative of both ya and su styles. During the Ming Dynasty, Jingdezhen’s porcelain manufacturing industry unified the country and spread across the land, which caused Jingdezhen to become known as the »capital of porcelain.« Despite producing many different types of porcelain, blue and white porcelain became mainstream. There were many different kinds of colored glaze, but doucai and painted porcelain were the most innovative works. The doucai of the Chenghua era and wucai of the Wanli era were by far the most dazzling. By the middle and late Ming, a rich array of local styles from private kilns began to emerge, which included the white

porcelain of the Dehua Kiln and the zisha pottery of Yixing. The Ming Dynasty was also a golden age of imperial lacquerwear, which was exemplified in work from Guoyuanchang. There were a wide variety of works, which can be divided into five main categories: plain lacquer, carved lacquer, painted lacquer, filled lacquer and embossed lacquer. The change in its style can be divided into a simple, unadorned early period, a fine and delicate middle period and an elaborately beautiful late period. Carving techniques of sculpted jade reached a period of absolute perfection during the Ming Dynasty and formed a new style that was clear, bright and strong. From the early part of the Ming Dynasty, there was a clear difference between jade pieces produced for the palace and those for the common people. Most jade works produced for the imperial palace were ceremonial pieces, decorative accessories and display pieces. Jade pieces for the common population were mainly vessels for everyday use, decorative accessories and some display pieces for simple appreciation. There were many styles in both of these categories, which used a variety of techniques exemplified by the appearance of a group of jade carvers led by Lu Zigang. Enamelware was originally a non-Chinese art form, but after being integrated with traditional Chinese culture, it became a craft with uniquely Chinese characteristics and became more commonly known as »cloisonné.« The main types of enamel during the Ming Dynasty were cloisonné and champlevé, which were both used in grand imperial works.

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The »Four Treasures of the Study« also saw considerable development during the Ming Dynasty, expressed in the variety of styles, diverse and exceptional manufacturing techniques, and a strong aesthetic appeal. Each of them also developed their own manufacturing centers, like »Hu brushes« from Huzhou, ink from Shexian and Xiuning, the »Four Great Inkstones« – Duan, She, Taohe and Chengni—as well as Xuan-style writing paper, from Xuanzhou. There were also many great craftsmen that emerged during this period, the most famous of which were the ink-makers Cheng Junfang and Fang Yulu. Furniture of the Ming Dynasty also carried on traditions of previous eras, but with more variation in terms of form and more care in terms of the materials used. A clear period-style developed during this time, which has been uniquely termed »Ming-style furniture.« This style was exemplified by furniture that was practical and reasonable in its form, and made using well-developed, refined techniques that struck a harmonious chord between practicality and aesthetics. Desktop carvings during the Ming Dynasty not only showed a great variety, but also the emergence of a large number of schools. Most of these were carvings in bamboo manufactured by the Jiading School begun by Zhu He and the Jinling School founded by Pu Cheng. Masters of nut-shell carvings, a new art form, included Xia Baiyan, Qiu Bai, Xing Xianshan and Wang Yi. Masters of rhinoceros horn and elephant tusk carving included Bao Tiancheng and Fang Hong.

Section 1  Jingdezhen, the Porcelain Capital 1. The Dominance of Blue and White Porcelain The official kilns of Jingdezhen mainly manufactured blue and white porcelain (Fig. 8.13.1), lay-

SECTION 1 JINGDEZHEN, THE PORCELAIN CAPITAL

8.13.1 Blue and white flat vase with ocean waves, Palace Museum, Beijing

ing the foundations for the city to become China’s porcelain capital and ultimately becoming mainstream nationwide. While blue and white porcelain had been successfully produced during the late Yuan Dynasty, the preference for red glaze at the time meant that blue and white porcelain did not go mainstream in China, with most of the production being exported and exercising little influence over the domestic market. During the early part of the Ming Dynasty, production of blue and white porcelain was similar to the end of the Yuan Dynasty, without any noticeable advancement. However, in the short period between the last several decades of the 14th century to the early 15th century, during the periods of Yongle and Xuande, blue and white glaze quickly leaped

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forward to become the mainstream in porcelain production. There were many reasons for this. First, the process for crafting blue and white porcelain was simpler than other styles, which made it easy to keep costs down and increase production, but perhaps the most important reason was the unique artistic advantage that blue and white work had over other pottery and porcelain. The body of these pieces was fine and white, and when using blue underglaze paint, it resulted in decorative images that were appreciated by both the upper and lower classes. The fact that it was an underglaze also meant that it did not fade as easily. The development of blue and white porcelain during the Ming Dynasty can be divided into five periods: the Hongwu Period, the Yongle–Xuande Period, the Chenghua-Zhengde Period, the Jiajing Period and the Wanli-Chongzhen Period. These five periods each represent different technologies and styles. 1. The Emergence of Blue and White Porcelain in the Hongwu and Yongle–Xuande Periods As the first stage of blue and white porcelain production, the Hongwu Period marked a time when Jingdezhen was just starting to establish workshops that produced imperial works. While production of blue and white porcelain had already reached a relatively large scale, quality was still rather poor and, in some aspects, still retained elements of Yuan era work. The lack of imported cobalt from the Middle East meant that domestic sources had to be used, which caused blue and white porcelain to become darker. The decorative patterns used in blue and white porcelain saw a departure from the Yuan Dynasty style of using multiple layers and fuller patters, and instead tended to leave more white space, creating a bolder style. Another phenomenon was the appearance of blue and white decoration and imprinted patterns on the same piece. This indicated that techniques used in blue and white porcelain were still imper-

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fect and did not exist independently from other styles, still borrowing from their techniques. For this reason, this period is considered to be a period of inheritance and restoration. During the Yongle–Xuande Period, blue and white porcelain entered a second phase of development. This period was famous for blue and white porcelain that had a refined clay surface, deep and brilliant blues as well as a varied range of forms and decorative patterns. This marked the start of the golden age of Ming Dynasty blue and white porcelain. The finely wrought clay bodies in large part were closely related to the successful development of sweet-white porcelain during the reign of Yongle. The most successful part of sweet-white porcelain was its unique clay body, which not only was pure white without a trace of imperfection, but also tended to retain its shape, which made it perfectly suited for creating fine porcelain. The advanced techniques used in the creation of clay bodies for sweet-white porcelain also influenced blue and white porcelain from this period, providing it with a solid technical foundation for successful production. The deep and brilliant color of glaze during this period was the result of the type of glaze that was used. It was during this period that imports of cobalt from the Middle East, which had been unavailable during the Hongwu Period, were restored. However, the high iron content of this glaze resulted in the appearance of black blotches in the blue and white patterns—but the imperfections from the various elements in the glaze did not negatively affect the beauty of the pieces and instead produced a unique artistic effect similar to the natural holes typical of Duan-inkstones, which became synonymous with the Yongxuan style and could not be replicated by later artists. Of course, there were many pieces produced during this period that did not have these blotches and had a color that was pure, serene and elegant. The blue and white glaze used the during the Yongle–Xuande Period was characterized by thick

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layers that were almost crystalline. This was most noticeable from pieces made during the reign of Yongle, while those from the reign of Xuande had a blue tint in the white areas. In terms of the coverage of glaze decoration, most blue and white pieces from the Yongle court used glaze on the feet of pieces, while rough bottoms were a new innovation made possible by finer clay, which was white and fine, with a consistency like rice dust when it was rubbed. This became a representative element of this period. In terms of the forms of pieces, the finest Yongxuan blue and white pieces were small and delicate, but came in a wide variety of forms. Most representative of this style was the Yongle blue and white handled cup, which was a new invention from this period. Larger pieces were characterized by an even and well-proportioned look. Generally, works from this period were varied with new varieties from the Yongle court, like large-scale globular vases, single-sided flat hu, two-handled flat vases, flat oblong vases, water pitchers, Persian-style handled decanters and high-footed saucers. The appearance of West Asian-style pieces were also an important characteristic of this period. To meet the demand from outside China for pieces with Islamic elements, later gradually being used in porcelain pieces for domestic consumption, forming a new style that became integrated with traditional Chinese elements that continued on through future generations. This period had the widest variety of forms of blue and white porcelain, with dozens of variations. Vessels used for entertainment, like bird feeders, vessels for watering flowers, and cricket feeders, also began to appear. The birth of these clever, fun pieces was a sign of the flourishing of similar pieces, like the »chicken trough cup« of the Chenghua Period. In terms of decoration, the general style of Yongxuan blue and white porcelain was characterized by a clear, fresh and flowingly beautiful look, with

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images that were pleasing and elegant. However, in terms of specific patterns, with the exception of intertwined lotus and pine, bamboo and plum branches, the Yongle and Xuande periods also had certain differences. Blue and white porcelain of the Yongle era mainly used plant patterns like peonies, Japanese roses, camellia, chrysanthemum, lingzhi, Chinese roses, peach trees, persimmons, lychee, loquat, grapes and cherries, that were all very realistic. Animal patterns generally used the dragon and phoenix. Other features like pine trees, bamboo, plum blossoms, mountains, buildings and children playing were also used. The Xuande era, on the other hand, used a greater number of Buddhist treasures and flowers. Depictions of stories scenes were rarely seen during the Yongle era, but here they were all too common, while other images like holy Buddhist images and Sanskrit and Arabic lettering were also very common. There were also scrolling flower patterns, hooked clouds, xiangclouds, waves, angled squares, brocade patterns, dragon medallions, flower medallions and phoenix medallions. However, the major difference was still the emphasis on decoration, which differed greatly from the realism of the Yongle era. After the early years of the Ming Dynasty, increasing social stability and influence from changing painting styles also caused changes in the decoration of porcelain. During the late Yuan and early Ming, techniques used were typified by large brush strokes that were used to slather on glaze and looked relatively crude. Painted patterns on blue and white porcelain of the Yongle era used smaller brushes that carefully filled in designs with color, which created a sense of perspective. This fill-painting technique became a common element in all fine porcelain from the Yongle era through the early Chenghua Period. One other element worth noting was the combination of blue and white patterns with imprinted patterns on the same piece that was used during the Hongwu Period, while still used in the Xuande era, became extremely rare.

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2. Worldly and Delightful Pieces of the Chenghua–Zhengde Period The period from Chenghua through Zhengde is the third phase of development in blue and white porcelain during the Ming Dynasty. This was also a period that used both imported and domestic materials, and can be divided into »early« and »classic« Chenghua categories. Early pieces were similar to those from the Xuande era, while classic Chenghua pieces, despite having thick glazes that felt like jade to the touch, still feel short of pieces from the Yongle era and failed to make any great achievements. Pieces of this period continued the focus on smaller works popular during the Yongle and Xuande eras, which were cleverly crafted and blended form with decoration, creating works that were worldly and fun. Blue and white porcelain during the Chenghua-Zhengde Period did make breakthroughs in terms of the decorative images they used. Works of this period no longer paid great attention to making designs dignified and elegant, and instead used designs that were worldly and fun, taking on a strong folk element. Specifically, this was expressed in the fact that the majority of the images used were traditional—with birds, flowers, people and other animals, but also included an innovative arching branch decoration with flowers that were graceful and charming. Lively scenes of children playing were also unique to this period. There were also changes in how the patterns were executed, which did away with the small brush fill-painting that had been began during the Yongle–Xuande Period and instead returned to the large-brush painting method common during the Hongwu Period. However, there was also change, such as the use of a double-hooked line with a single brush stroke in applying the color. Stores of imported glaze had been used up during this period and kilns began using Pitang Blue from Leping in Raozhou, Jiangxi Province. Pitang Blue was also known as »common blue,« and was known for its soft, diluted and almost transparent

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quality. Of the three reigns of this period—Chenghua, Hongzhi and Zhengde—the skill of the Chenghua era was the highest, and remained unsurpassed by those of either the Hongzhi or Zhengde eras. This was especially true of the Zhengde era, which was known for its thick and rough clay and glazes that were gray and completely devoid of any luster. Quality in manufacturing techniques also suffered with serious problems the mixing of blue pigment into glaze and the use of random pigments—common blue, stone blue and Huistyle blue were all used. However, official wares of the Zhengde era did continue the traditions of Chengde and Hongzhi, and ultimately inspired the Jiajing and Wanli eras. This was a period of transition from the fine and elegant styles of the past to a heavier, rougher style. It is for this reason that it plays a relatively important role in the development of blue and white porcelain in the Ming Dynasty. In terms of the patterns used, decorations in Persian script were popular during the Zhengde era. The text usually explained what the vessel was used for, but more commonly included auspicious sayings like »the owners of this plate will forever by blessed and lucky.« The styles of Chenghua and Hongzhi were similar, with images that were characterized by small scenes of a dragon in a lotus pond that seemed rushed and stiff. 3. Use of Mixed Pigmentation in the Jiajing Period Jiajing-era blue and white porcelain was also another historic moment in the history of this art and includes a period of time in the early part of the Wanli Period. The most notable aspect of this period is the use of Mohammedan-blue glaze. However, Mohammedan-blue was not used in its purest form, but was mixed with mineral-blue from the area around Ruizhou. The ratio of cobalt to iron in this glaze mix was the lowest of all the pigments used, both imported and domestic—however, the ratio of manganese to cobalt was higher

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than that of the Xuande era, but lower than other domestic sources. This resulted in a rich, bright tone that had a tint of purple in the blue glaze. Beginning in the reign of Jiajing, a gradual decline started, and it was during this period that the technique and influence of private kilns became equal to that of official kilns. From actual pieces from the Ming Dynasty, we can see that there was little difference between pieces from »former official kilns« and current official kilns. It was for this reason that some of the imperially commissioned pieces were purposely labeled as being from official kilns, but were in fact fired in private kilns. There were a number of changes in the form of porcelain works during this period. First, some of the unique forms from previous eras were eliminated from production. This included the »embracing the moon« vase, which had been popular during the Yongle–Xuande Period, but was now nowhere to be seen. Secondly, the traditional forms that had been continued were not simply copied, but improved upon. The Yuhuchun Vase not only appeared with an enlarged body, but also included very unique variations like flat bodies, long, thin necks, or elevated feet with handles. Third, it became very popular to copy ancient bronze vessels that were rough and crude. In patterns and decoration, this period saw an excessive use of auspicious images, getting to a point where »each image must have meaning« and that »the meaning must be auspicious.« In addition to traditional images like dragons, phoenix and flowers, patterns also included children playing and fish among grass. Emperor Jiajing’s belief in Daoism also resulted in an increase in the use of Daoist themes, which was rarely seen in the past. This mainly included characters for »happiness« and »longevity« in cursive script that were surrounded or underlined with other characters that were set on a background of flowers or elaborate patterns.

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4. Formation of New Styles in the Wanli– Chongzhen Period The early Wanli era continued to use Mohammedan-blue and had a style similar to that of the Jiajing era, but by the middle of this period, the use of domestic blue pigments like Zhejiang-blue from the province of the same name took Ming Dynasty porcelain into a fifth phase of development, and was a period of transition to and formation of a new style. In terms of time, this phase lasted from the middle of the Wanli era to the Tianqi and Chongzhen eras. It also continued well into the Shunzhi and Kangxi eras of the Qing Dynasty. The achievements of this period mainly occurred during the reign of Wanli, while the Tianqi and Chongzhen periods were a wholesale continuation of the techniques and styles of the Wanli era, and even declined to a certain degree. A characteristic technique of the Wanli era was lightly sketched blue and white designs, which used patterns with double hook images that were completed in a very light color, giving the viewer a serene and elegant feeling. The subtle tones of this period are inextricably linked to the changes in the pigment used. The blue pigment of this period was produced in Zhejiang Province and was known as »Zhejiang blue.« The coloring of Zhejiang blue could not be compared to Samarra-blue and Mohammedan-blue, but it was still able to create a vivid color. The reason for this was improvements in the way that material was selected. There were generally two methods used for selecting the raw materials, hammering and panning. Panning used water, but during this period smelting was used. This changed the basic method for obtaining the material from a water-based to a head-based method, which improved the coloring of Zhejiang blue. This innovation began in the Jiajing era and matured in the Wanli and Chongzhen eras. As a technical innovation, it had a far-reaching impact on how raw materials were sourced for the manufacturing of blue and white porcelain.

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2. Achievements in Colored Glazes Colored glaze refers to high-temperature or low-temperature glazes of any color, including single-color glazes and polychrome glazes. Official kilns of the Ming Dynasty were centers of experimentation in colored glazes, while in private kilns the technique was less common. There were a wide range of colored glazes used during the Ming Dynasty. Starting in the Hongwu era up until the Chongzhen era of the late-Ming, this included red, blue, persimmon, black, Ge-imitation, Longquan-imitation, brown, emerald green, shadow blue, yellow, sacrificial red, powder blue, low-temperature green, peacock green, Ru-imitation, carved and painted, cowpea red, tender yellow, winter blue and Mohammedan-blue. Each period was characterized by its own unique color. The most unique of these were red and yellow glazes. 1. Changes in Red Glaze Red glaze (Fig. 8.13.2) was one of the most varied of the colored glazes used during the Ming Dy-

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nasty. Of all the works employing colored glazes, red glaze played a decisive role and made great achievements in both improving technique and artistic expression. Red glaze during the Hongqu Period was a high-temperature copper-red glaze, which was typified by a brilliant and pure tone. The Yongle–Xuande Period saw the greatest achievements in the use of red glaze. Fine pieces in colored glazes all have a »wick edge,« which is a white line of clear glaze along the edge of the mouth of a piece. It is very even and often contrasts red or blue colors. The effect is softening and is most noticeable in pieces from the Xuande era. The edges of some pieces reveal the white of the body for a stronger effect as in pieces like a ten-edged wash basin or a hu with lotus petal decoration. Red glaze from the Yongle era was known for its brightness. The majority of red glaze during the Yongle era was used in small pieces that had delicate bodies that were coated on both the inside and outside very evenly. A suitable climate also ensured a very brilliant red that was generally referred to as bright red, or because of its resemblance to the precious stone, ruby red.

8.13.2  Yongle high-footed bowl in red glaze with dragon pattern, Palace Museum, Beijing

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8.13.3  Jar in yellow glaze with animal-shaped handles, Palace Museum, Beijing

There were also other names including sacrificial red and intense red. Sacrificial red originated from the fact that this color was exclusively used in sacrificial vessels. Most red glaze pieces had no patterns, but there were a small number that had subtle engraved patterns of dragons in clouds or two dragons playing with a pearl. Red glaze of the Xuande era saw even further improvement as well as an increase in the number of works produced. However, the red glaze of this period was slightly darker and thicker, as were the clay bodies of the works. Xuande works in red glaze can be divided into bright-red and cowpea red. As with pieces from the Yongle era, most were without pattern decoration, but there were some that had engraved patterns of dragons or lotus petals. Red glaze works of the Xuande era also differed in how the glaze was applied. In addition to the application of red glaze both inside and outside

the piece, a new method that applied red glaze to the outside and clear glaze to the inside was used. The red-glaze plate with water caltrop decoration is one of the masterpieces of this period. After the Xuande era, high-temperature red glaze gradually declined. Not only did the number of red glaze pieces begin to decrease, the coloring of the pieces was far inferior to those of the past. From the Jiajing era, low-temperature iron red alum glazes began to replace high-temperature copper red glazes, changing from bright red to brick red. 2. Unique Qualities of Yellow Glaze The yellow glaze of the Hongzhi era (Fig. 8.13.3) was another great advancement in colored glazes during the Ming Dynasty and reached the highest point of development for low-temperature yellow glaze. The earliest appearance of yellow glaze

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works was during the Xuande era, but yellow glaze of this period was an impure brownish yellow and changes in quality did not start to come about until the Chenghua era. This was the birth of tender yellow glaze. Tender yellow glaze is an extremely pure and true yellow with a uniquely subtle yet bright attractiveness. However, the Chenghua era only marked the invention of this type of glaze, while its more mature and glorious period came during the reign of Hongzhi. During this period, tender yellow glaze saw unprecedented development, which can be seen in the transparency of the glaze, which allowed the images on the body of the work show through. The yellow was so tender and beautiful that it made one drool, as clear and brilliant as fresh chicken broth—which is why it was also called »chicken broth glaze.« Most of the tender yellow pieces produced during the Hongzhi era were plates and bowls, and most of these were sacrificial vessels. Perhaps the most amazing achievement is that nearly all of the yellow glaze works from the Hongzhi era are the exact same tone of yellow with very few that are darker, lighter or have imperfections. This speaks to the level of maturity that was achieved in the mixing and firing of yellow glaze pieces during the Hongzhi era. After Hongzhi, yellow glaze works were still produced, but never reached the level during the Hongzhi era. It wasn’t until the last peak of porcelain production during the early- to mid-Qing Dynasty that yellow glaze works reached the same level as during the Hongzhi period.

3. Doucai and Painted Porcelain Colored porcelain was another type of porcelain that progressed considerably during the Ming Dynasty and was driving in large part by development of colored glazes. Prior to the Ming Dynasty, colored porcelain was seen only occasionally, but during the Ming it experienced a great leap ahead. Not only were there numerous varieties, but each

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of these experienced extraordinary achievements. This was especially true of the doucai during the Chenghua era and wucai of the Wanli era, which became the most dazzling stars in the porcelain family. Generally, colored porcelain was made up of two main categories—doucai and painted porcelain. Doucai was interpreted as both »fighting colors« and »teasing colors,« both referring to the exchange between the underglaze and overglaze colors. In a broader sense, painted porcelain includes underglaze decoration like blue and white or underglaze copper red as well as single or multiple color overglaze decoration, including doucai. In a narrower sense, it refers specifically to underglaze copper red and single or multiple color overglaze decoration. 1. Fascinating Interactive Doucai This doucai piece from the Chenghua era (Fig.  8.13.4) is a classic example of the typical doucai style. It is one of the most marvelous types of porcelain produced during the Ming Dynasty. It is characterized by using a subtle blue and white underglaze as a base, then adding various types of colored overglazes for contrast, creating a miraculous image of colors that seem to fight for attention. Chenghua doucai generally use three or four different overglaze colors, but some even use more than six. The considerable development of colored glazes during the Ming Dynasty meant that the fullness and purity of color heretofore unmatched. This ensured a solid foundation for the rich and brilliantly beautiful colors of Chenghua doucai, which made them exceptionally distinct. This can be seen in bright-red that was as red as blood, oil-red that was glossy and bright, tender and transparent light-yellow, apricot-yellow that had specks of red, translucent beeswax-yellow, richly colored and slightly dull ginger-yellow, deep and rich pine-green with flecks of blue, peacock green that was slightly emerald and transparent, peacock blue with its profoundly deep

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8.13.4 Chenghua doucai cup with rooster, Palace Museum, Beijing

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coloring, grape-purple that was transparent in the tone of a perfectly ripe grape and an ocher that was a thick and dull dark purple. The types of pieces produced using Chenghua doucai was also a unique element of this style and it was especially notable that large objects were very rare. The most common objects in this style were covered jars, bowls, cups, stem cups, wash basins, small plates and covered boxes. Of these, the most common were cups and stem cups. The methods used to paint and color Chenghua doucai were also very unique. Glaze was applied evenly with no variation in terms of intensity of the color or thickness of the glaze. The only exception in this was the appearance of layering in accenting the center of a flower to differentiate it from the petals. Images were mostly of flowers, birds, Flower medallions, lotus flowers, butterflies, dragon medallions and kui-dragons. The most notable feature of Chenghua doucai was in its exceptional quality of its clay body. The sweet-white porcelain of the Yongle era had already achieved an extremely fine and white quality and works of the Chenghua era carried on this tradition. This enabled them to perfectly accent the tones of the overglaze colors, using the exceptional quality of the body to ensure the effect of the final doucai product. Doucai continued to be produced after the Chenghua era, which included imitations of Chenghua works during the Jiajing era like a vase with intertwined lotus and gourd branches and a cup with children playing. They are very well executed, but the colors fall short of the original Chenghua works. This is similar to works produced in other periods after the Chenghua era, with no works even coming close to the achievements of that period—which is closely linked to the development wucai works. It would not be until the Yongzheng and Qianlong periods of the Qing Dynasty that doucai pieces would be comparable to those produced during the Chenghua era.

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2. Splendid and Graceful Painted Porcelain Prior to the middle of the Ming Dynasty, painted porcelain was produced exclusively by official kilns and it was not until after the reign of Jiajing, with the decline of the official kilns and rise of private kilns, that painted porcelain finally began to be produced on a considerable scale by private craftsmen. Currently, the earliest example of painted porcelain is a piece in underglaze copper red from the Hongwu Period. However, true polychrome painted porcelain did not appear until the Yongle era and even this was produced in very small quantities. However, there were more colors used than in the past. These included red overglaze, peacock green on white, carved and painted patterns on white, carved and painted patterns with green, green on yellow and brown on green. Underglaze copper red piece remained the mainstream for painted porcelain during the Xuande era, but they were already inferior to pieces from the Hongwu Period and images were rarely sketched using thin lines and instead were painted in broad strokes. The glaze was also not as bright and colorful as that of Hongwu works. Because of the unusually rapid development of doucai, wucai porcelain was overshadowed and painted porcelain in the wucai style was very rare. Most pieces were in red and green or dark purple, but some also used blue and white with yellow, blue and white with red or blue and white with green as well as carved and painted brown on white pieces, green on white and green on peacock blue, but no great achievements were made. Painted porcelain of the Hongzhi era was similar to that of the Chenghua era and did not flourish, mainly producing pieces in green and red. This was the first time that blue and white underglaze was combined with a wucai overglaze. This was very innovative and was inspired by the blue and white underglaze copper red of the Yuan Dynasty. Because copper red was more difficult to use than iron red, they first fired the blue and white base and then applied the images using iron red, which

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they then fired at a low temperature, creating a completely new technique. Bigger breakthroughs in painted porcelain were made during the reign of Zhengde, especially in three-color porcelain, which mainly used yellow, green, blue and purple, but not red. This technique first carved patterns before applying the glaze, firing the raw body at a high temperature, then covering the entire piece in glaze and picking out the patterns, which were then filled in with the desired color and fired for a second time at a low temperature. Overglaze wucai also saw considerable development during this period and provided the foundation for even greater development in painted porcelain during the Wanli era. The main colors used in this style were red, green, yellow and peacock blue, while designs mainly included flowers, birds and fish swimming among grasses. Achievements in painted porcelain during the Jiajing era were unremarkable, but there were a great number of styles, including red overglaze, green, three-color overglaze, wucai, blue and white wucai, multi-color glazes and even gold. However, overglaze red, green and yellow three-color glazes were the most common. Patterns mainly included dragons and phoenix, but also included flowers and birds as well as the rare story with human figures. The Jiajing era was also a period during which new styles began to form, which had a very large impact on the style of painted porcelain during the Wanli era. Blue and white wucai porcelain reached its highest point during the reign of Wanli and, while there was no real innovation, the scale of production and the number of pieces reached an apex. The use of images departed from the dispersed style of Chenghua doucai and began to favor full and dense patterns, which became the precursor to the elaborate style of the mid-Qing. The main colors used during this period were red, light green, dark green, yellow, brown, purple and blue with a blue and white base. The most notable of

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these was red, which had a bright color that was intentionally fancy. The bodies of the pieces were thick and small pieces rarely had thin walls. The feet were also not very detailed and pieces were dull with the white of the glaze sometimes taking on a blue tint. Most of the figures painted on these pieces had large heads and short bodies, which became a typical characteristic of this period. Other images included flying phoenixes, flowers and fish and grass patterns. (Fig. 8.13.5) There were two clear differences between the wucai of the Jiajing and Wanli eras and the doucai of the Chenghua era. First, in the doucai of the Chenghua era, blue and white was the main element and without it there would have been no contrast between the colors. In wucai pieces, the blue and white element is only one part and treated almost as an alternative to the blue, while other colors were given a secondary role. Second is the difference in the open style of the Chenghua era contrasted with the densely packed, rich style of the Jiajing and Wanli eras. In addition to underglaze copper red and wucai, two other individual styles of painted porcelain during the Ming Dynasty were mixed-color and gold pieces. These were both major categories of painted porcelain during the reign of Jiajing. Mixed-color painted porcelain incorporated two or more glazes or glazes and painted elements with images that mostly included dragons, phoenix, peaches, Buddhist treasures, children at play, scrolling lotus patterns, lingzhi and flowers. However, the most popular style of this period was gold glaze with combinations of gold painted elements on alum-red, blue, green, yellow and purple.

4. Yongle Sweet-white Porcelain The Yongle era was an important phase of porcelain production during the Ming Dynasty, but the greatest impact on future generations was the creation of sweet-white porcelain. The successful firing of sweet-white porcelain was not only a great advancement in monochrome glaze porce-

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8.13.5  Large jar with lid in wucai with fish and grass pattern from the Jiajing era, Palace Museum, Beijing

lain, but also drove improvements in the quality of doucai and other Ming-era porcelains. The reason for this was not in the glaze used, but in the unique achievements in the design of the porcelain body used in sweet-white porcelain. Generally, clay and glaze have varying amounts of iron oxide, which produces a greenish color during reduction. In order to avoid this, ancient craftsmen realized that when producing white porcelain, they needed to choose clay with less iron oxide to make the body and not use a white pigment to produce this color. Similarly, glazes with smaller amounts of iron oxide were also chosen to reduce the green tint in them. Sweet-white porcelain from the Yongle era applied a clear layer of

glaze to a pure white porcelain body to achieve a fluid white quality and not a white colored glaze. Another way to increase the whiteness of a piece was to make the clay body thinner, to the point where there was almost no body. This was the second unique characteristic of Yongle sweet-white porcelain. Furthermore, the strict standards used during the Yongle era in selecting the clay used in the body of these pieces meant that most of them were very small. These unique elements are inextricably linked to the richness of manufacturing techniques and the high level of skill that was achieved during the Ming Dynasty. The tricks to manufacturing white porcelain during the Yongle era were first, to grad-

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ually increase the amount of kaolin clay used to prevent deformation; second, to refine the raw materials used, which included both selecting materials with a lower amount of iron oxide and leaps in the techniques used for pulverizing and sifting the material; and third, to increase the temperature at which the clay forms were fired and increase the amount of aluminum oxide in the firing chamber, which increased the mechanical strength, making thinner walls possible. The production volume of sweet-white porcelain during the Yongle era was second only to blue and white porcelain. Their delicate, white porcelain bodies were thin to the point of almost being bodiless and translucent. The glaze, on the other hand, was comparatively thick. It was a bright, clear color with a pleasingly smooth quality that demonstrated the outstanding skill that necessary to produce it. There were two types of pieces that were generally produced in this style—thinwalled small items like bowls, plates and stem cups, and thick-walled items, which were mostly larger pieces. Decorative patterns mainly included scrolling peonies, scrolling lotus plants, melons, cut flowers, lotus thrones and Buddhist symbols as well as double-dragons, five-dragon patterns, phoenix and Tibetan script. Other methods of decoration included hidden patterns and engraved patterns, but the latter was relatively unclear.

5. Forms and Decorative Arts of Porcelains Produced by the Official Kiln There was a great deal in the forms that porcelain took in the Ming Dynasty compared with previous periods. In terms of size, Ming Dynasty works went through a number of phases. The early Ming continued the traditions of the Yuan Dynasty with many larger pieces. By the Yongle era, a transition to smaller pieces had begun and these gradually made up a larger proportion of the works produced. After the reign of Zhengde, larger pieces once again became more common and by the

SECTION 1 JINGDEZHEN, THE PORCELAIN CAPITAL

Jiajing era, the firing of large-scale floor vases, dragon vats and drum stools. There was also a great deal of variation in terms of the shape of works from Ming Dynasty official kilns, especially in small everyday vessels. Innovations in the form of these pieces included handcups and long-stemmed teapots from the Yongle– Xuande Period. What must be pointed out is that many of these objects were a departure from traditional Chinese works like two-handled flat vases and globular vases, and were most likely the result of the influence of vessels brought back by Zheng He from Arab countries during his naval journey to the West, which were then adapted by Chinese craftsmen. In addition to this was the increase in multi-cornered pieces, which were very hard to fire and showed just how advanced Ming Dynasty firing techniques had become. In the latter part of the Ming Dynasty, objects for the study and Daoist and Buddhist sculpture became increasingly common. The number of traditional works produced remained similar to previous periods, but did see some small changes, such as increasing the size of the feet of some works, which solved the problem of instability. From this we can see that official kilns from the middle of the Ming Dynasty departed from the heavy and substantial style of the Yuan Dynasty, transitioning to a lighter, more carefree style with a slight return to a thick, heavy style after the reign of Zhengde. Images were also an important element in the decoration of porcelain. Prior to the Ming Dynasty, images were mainly carved, scored or embossed on works, but after the Ming, painting became the main way that porcelain was decorated. The patterns used not only included plants, but also animals, brocade patterns, cloud patterns and meandering geometric patterns. There were also a great deal innovative patterns, like the »eight treasures« of Buddhism, the eight trigrams of Daoism, the eight immortals as well as coin patterns, Buddhist prayer beads and foreign scripts like Sanskrit and Persian. The preference that

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Emperor Jiajing had for Daoism meant that Daoist content became especially popular during his reign with the most popular elements being calabash gourds, the eight trigrams, the eight immortals and sacred cranes. In addition to images of the eight immortals themselves, there were also examples of decoration using the objects carried by the eight immortals to allude to them. The eight treasures generally used in Buddhist content included the Dharmachakra, the conch, the parasol, the victory banner, the lotus flower, the vase, the golden fish and the endless knot, which had been codified as the eight auspicious symbols of Buddhism during the Ming Dynasty. Each of these eight symbols had their own meaning in Buddhist teachings. However, by the late Ming, the many treasures of the Yuan Dynasty had once again become popular. These were not limited to the »eight treasures« but included many others, such as coin patterns, auspicious clouds, lingzhi, painting or calligraphy scrolls, bronze ding vessels, silver ingots, gold bars, pearls, foot pans, chime stones, interlocked lozenges, fall leaves, mugwort leaves, banana leaves and coral. The meanings they represented no longer came from Buddhism, but auspicious meanings that originated in secular life. Other patterns included early examples of peonies, chrysanthemums, lotus flowers and lingzhi, which were portrayed very realistically and often appeared with banana leaves, ruyi clouds, lotus scrolling, up-turned and down-turned lotus petals as background decoration. The most common method was to use on or a few patterns that would be accented by other patterns to produce a complete image. Furthermore, with the trend toward secularization after the middle of the Ming Dynasty, everyday objects that people were accustomed to seeing also became popular decorative patterns on porcelain with typical examples being fish in ponds and children playing. The fishpond pattern was especially popular during the reign of Jiajing, and generally included four plump fish

Chapter XIII Crafts of Extraordinary Splendor

placed symmetrically and swimming among duckweed, lotus flowers or other water plants. Images of children playing was one of the images that most expressed everyday life. They were able to transfer a scene of lively, adorable children playing on the side of a piece of porcelain, resulting in possibly the clearest representation of secular decoration in porcelain. While this type of porcelain decoration became popular after the reign of Xuande, it became most popular during the reigns of Chenghua, Zhengde and Jiajing. Sanskrit, Persian and Arabic scripts were also unique elements in porcelain decoration during the Ming Dynasty. This method began during the Yuan Dynasty. The mysteriousness of Islam among Chinese people began to gradually fade, and its influence increased during the Ming Dynasty when an imperial edict was issued protecting missionary activities. Porcelain followed suit and social trends with foreign scripts becoming popular as decoration during the Xuande era. These three scripts were popular at different times. Persian and Arabic were popular during the early and middle periods of the Ming Dynasty, especially during the reign of Zhengde as many of the emperor’s trusted advisers and concubines were of the muslim Hui minority. The favor that existed both inside and outside the court resulted in an increased respect for the teachings of Islam and for the Hui people, which caused Persian to become especially popular. By the Jiajing and Wanli eras, Sanskrit surpassed these two scripts and became the mainstream in decorative text. The addition of flowers surrounding the text created a unique framework that seemed to hold the letters. Naturally, these scripts were meant to be used mainly as decoration, and almost always were changed to fit the image with strokes added or eliminated to meet the needs of the overall design. Most of the content of these inscriptions were from religious texts or auspicious sayings.

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Section 2  The Local Flavor of Private Kilns 1. Differences Between Private and Official Kilns Works from private kilns and official kilns of the Ming Dynasty had areas of similarity as well as clear differences. Similarities were mostly in the fact that the craftsmen working an official kilns were from the most skilled private kilns. Furthermore, official kilns were mostly constructed on the foundations of private kilns, using both the same location and equipment. By the middle and latter parts of the Ming Dynasty, there was a phenomenon whereby imperially commissioned porcelain was almost always produced directly by private kilns, known as »former official kilns«— which were merely overseen by a supervisor of pottery to monitor the work. However, there were also clear differences between private and official kilns, which were expressed in four main areas. 1. Different Styles of Kiln Marks The marks of official kilns were often more regular than those of private kilns, usually following a fixed pattern. This was closely linked to the strict requirements that the court set down for tribute pieces, but at the same time also spoke to the formalism of works from official kilns. Generally, the year mark used by official kilns contained six characters, starting with »Da Ming« or »Great Ming,« followed by the name of the current emperor (i.  e., Hongwu, Jiajing, Wanli, etc.), then followed by the characters »nianzao« or »nianzhi« (»made in the year of«). The font or script style used by official kilns varied mainly depending on the period, but also showed certain variatiosn from piece to piece within a single period. However, official kilns generally used either regular script or seal script, which was dignified and earnest, with running script appearing only rarely. Blue and white glaze was the most common type

SECTION 2 THE LOCAL FLAVOR OF PRIVATE KILNS

of glaze used on the marks of official kilns, with colored glaze less common. Some had borders, while others did not. Border styles included double-lined and single-lined borders, but the majority of works used straight-lined single borders. For example, the most common official kiln mark used during the Jiajing era was the six-character line »Made in the Year of Jiajing of the Great Ming« (Da Ming Jiajing nian zhi 大明嘉靖年制), which appeared in regular script with a blue and white glaze. This mark never appeared in seal script, but sometimes the less formal four-character mark »Happiness, Longevity, Health and Tranquility« (Fu shou kang ning 福寿康宁) in alum-red was also used. However, the most classic form of official kiln marks remained »Made in the Year of XX of the Great Ming.« However, the kiln marks of private kilns were comparatively more varied. First, private kiln marks almost never used a six-character format, with most simply using four-character marks that read »Made in the Year of the Great Ming« (Da Ming nian zao/zhi 大明年造制) or »Made in the Year of XX« (moumou nian zhi 某某年制), where XX represented the reign name of the emperor. There were individual cases of private kilns using the six-character format of official kiln marks, but this was mainly in the late Ming, after the decline of official kilns. Second, many private kiln marks had auspicious meanings attached to them, like »Rich and Noble Excellent Work« (Fugui jiaqi 富 贵佳器), »Excellent Work of Superior Quality« (Shangpin jiaqi 上品佳器), or »Myriad Happiness to All« (Wan fu you tong 万福攸同), which exhibited the ideals and desires of the common people. Lastly, the marks of private kilns also used the name-marks of individual craftsmen, as in »Made by the House of Cheng« (Cheng she zizao 程舍自 造) or »Nobly Crafted by Chen Shou« (Chen Shougui zao 陈守贵造). This was not permitted by the official kilns, but this was a way to highlighting one’s own works and reputation.

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2. Differences in Production Techniques First, there was a certain degree of difference between official and private kilns in terms of how pieces of porcelain were formed. For example, starting from the Hongwu era, official kilns had abandoned the practice of using beveled edges on the bases of bowls and plates popular during the Yuan Dynasty, and began creating flat bases. This made the base flat and even. Large plates and bowls were also mostly finished with glaze and even if they were left rough without a layer of glaze, they were washed with a red protective coating. Private kilns used the exact opposite practice, continuing to use the beveled base of the Yuan Dynasty and leaving most of the bases of their works raw, with tips that poked up. Second was the difference in the types of glaze that were used in private and official kilns. In the case of blue and white glaze, the blue glaze was the most important element in blue and white porcelain and whether it was imported Samarra-blue used during the Xuande and Yongle eras, or domestic common-blue that was used during the Chenghua era, the highest quality glazes were reserved exclusively for official kilns. Private kilns were forced to use slightly inferior blue and white glaze. This made the blue and white porcelain produced by official kilns bright and fresh, while pieces produced by private kilns were grayer, affecting the overall quality of blue and white pieces from private kilns. Third was the differences in the quality of clay used by private and official kilns. The porcelain clay used by official kilns was called »official clay.« This was only made available to official kilns and private kilns were not allowed to extract it without permission. High quality clay produced porcelain that was fine and strong, and would not change shape when fired. Famous Yongle sweet-white porcelain is a perfect example of high-quality porcelain bodies, which is what made the pleasing effect of sweet-white glaze possible. Naturally, the quality of the clay avail-

Chapter XIII Crafts of Extraordinary Splendor

able to private kilns could not compare to that of official kilns. 3. Different Periods of Rise and Decline Beginning with the founding of imperial factories during the Hongwu era, official kilns gradually began to increase in size and reached a glorious period during the reign of Jiajing, after which they began to decline. Private kilns, on the other hand, lagged behind official kilns in the early Ming due to their slave-like management of craftsmen and their monopoly on production materials, which meant they could only slowly develop in the shadow of the official kilns. However, from the Jiajing era onward, with the decline of official kilns, private kilns began to emerge as a force to be reckoned with, gradually surpassing official kilns in terms of production scale, number of pieces fired and the quality of their final products. Prior to the Jiajing era, pieces used at court were all produced by official kilns, but after the rise of private kilns, a good portion of the production of imperial porcelain was transferred to private kilns, which fundamentally reversed the disadvantage of private kilns compared to their official counterparts. 4. Differences in Decoration and Color of Glazes In terms of decoration, official kilns had a strong sense of formalism and were somewhat limited in terms of what content they could choose. For example, the animal images they could use were mostly limited to those found on the robes of civil and military officials like the dragon, phoenix, peacock, kirin, egret or lion, while text was mostly reserved to Sanskrit or a form thereof. Stories of individual mainly centered around traditional themes like the eight immortals crossing the sea or Central Asian dance and music. Private kilns, however, were not permitted use the dragon or the phoenix, and used content that was strongly influenced by daily life. Images included children at play, cats playing with butterflies, courtyard

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scenes, chicken fights and all manner of flowers. Their style was also bold, free and, as in blue and white porcelain from private kilns at the end of Ming Dynasty, often included images that were painted freehand. In the use of text in decoration, private kilns mostly chose to use auspicious sayings like »Live as Long as the Mountains and as Happy as the Sea« (Shou shan fu hai 寿山福海), Happiness, Longevity, Health and Tranquility« (Fu shou kang ning 福寿康宁) or individual characters like »Happiness« (Fu 福), »Longevity« (Shou 寿) or »Excellence« (Jia 佳). Stories with figures differed in porcelain produced by official and private kilns. The most common stories in works from private kilns were of immortals, men of honor, beautiful ladies and happy children, which were either depictions of real life scenes or expressed hope for a better life. This type of content was generally not seen on works from official kilns. This difference in the content on works produced by official and private kilns existed mainly prior to the middle of the Ming Dynasty. After the reign of Jiajing, factors like the decline of official kilns and the firing of imperially commissioned works at private kilns as well as the increased commercialization of these products meant that the difference between these two worlds became less pronounced. In terms of the colors of glazes used, while both official and private kilns used all of the colors available, there was a difference in the number of works produced in a color and their quality. Prior to the middle of the Ming Dynasty, private kilns used a relatively small number of colors and mainly focused on blue and white glaze with some painted porcelain. However, the number and quality of pieces of painted porcelain could not compare with the official kilns. Official kilns produced a wide variety of styles, but their popularity also varied by period. The most popular during the Hongwu Period was blue and white and underglaze copper red, while during the Yongle era, blue and white porcelain became mainstream and saw the creation of sweet-white por-

SECTION 2 THE LOCAL FLAVOR OF PRIVATE KILNS

celain. The best colored glazes were dark red and emerald green, while others more unique works form official kilns included doucai from the Chenghua era, tender yellow glaze from the Hongzhi era and the wucai during the Zhengde era. After the reign of Jiajing, the number of colors used by private kilns began to increase, especially in the creation of painted porcelain. Most of the painted porcelain during the Tianqi era fired at private kilns, while underglaze copper red, which had become famous during the Hongzhi Period and declined during the Xuande era, was not produced until the end of the Ming Dynasty by private kilns. While the color of this glaze was not as pure as that used during the Hongwu Period, this was proof that private kilns were now leading official kilns in terms of both scale of production and technique.

2. Porcelain Produced by Private Kilns in Jingdezhen The success of the private kilns of Jingdezhen was due mainly to first blue and white porcelain, followed by painted porcelain. From the early Ming Dynasty up until the Chenghua era, private kilns mainly used domestically produced blue glaze, which was grayer than the variety used by official kilns, and did not have the same dark specks or as rich of a color as the blue and white porcelain of the official kilns. The forms of these pieces mainly included jars, plates and vases with decorative patterns that emphasized scrolling lotus leaves and various kinds of flowers. The few examples of story themed decorations included parts of the Romance of the Three Kingdoms and scenes from sacred mountains or immortal realms made up most of them. Animal patterns mainly included various kinds of mountain dwelling animals and waterfowl. During the middle of the Ming Dynasty, blue and white porcelain produced by private kilns began to change. In one sense, the use of higher quality blue glazes in a small number of private kilns

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helped them gradually approach the quality of official kilns, while the quality of their clay bodies also had started to catch up to the official kilns. This was especially true during the Jiajing era with the policy of private kilns producing official commissions, which greatly improved the techniques being used by private kilns. Pieces from private kilns with marks like »Excellent Work for the House of Hao« (Hao fu jiaqi 郝府佳器), »Excellent Work of the House of Shen« (Shen fu jiaqi 沈府佳器) and »For Use in Qingluo Hall« (Qingluoguan yong 青萝馆用) were especially exquisite, reaching a level on par with the official kilns. In another sense, the use of decoration also broke through official limitations, using a wide range of flowers and other plants, figures, mountains, rivers and animals. This was particularly reflected in the clear increase in landscape scenes and birdand-flower themes favored by the scholarly class. Furthermore, the blue and white porcelain from the private kilns at Jingdezhen were no longer limited to production for their own use or domestic sale, they were also able to break regional boundaries and sell their wares to Europe. Of course, the forms and decorations of these exported wares were usually designed according to the aesthetic preferences of Europeans. Blue and white porcelain continued to develop at Jingdezhen at the end of the Ming Dynasty with some outstanding pieces surpassing even the official kilns. Most of the blue glaze used during this period was Zhejiang-blue with decoration that was free and carefree. In addition to traditional patterns, a large amount of animal and plant patters reflecting the natural world and people’s lives were also used and rendered with a with a light and lively hand. The landscape and birdand-flower patterns that had been mentioned in the previous period were mostly drawn freehand, which blended perfectly with the artistic effect of blue and white glaze. This resulted in a distinctive style of decoration that produced an artistic charm that could be appreciated by all.

Chapter XIII Crafts of Extraordinary Splendor

Painted porcelain from private kilns began to develop after the reign of Zhengde with most pieces using a red or red and green overglaze, but red was the most notable. The forms of these works were similar to the blue and white porcelain of the time with practical items like jars, plates and bowls making up the majority. Patterns used in this works were mainly of flowers, grasses, landscapes, figures or stories from operas. The clay bodies of these works were relatively thick and the application of glaze was inferior to that of the official kilns. Worth noting is that underglaze copper red works popular during the Hongwu Period of the early Ming were once again produced by private kilns in Jingdezhen by the end of the dynasty, but the color of the glaze was not pure enough.

3. The White and Smooth Dehua Wares Located in the city of Quanzhou in Fujian Province, the Dehua Kiln had been producing white porcelain and qingbai works as early as the Song Dynasty, but was not particularly influential. By the Ming Dynasty, Dehua white porcelain became representative of unique local porcelains because of its unique style. The white porcelain of the Dehua Kiln was characterized by the quality of its clay body, the color of its glaze, its form as well as decoration. The clay body it used was very different from traditional white porcelain in that it used a clay that was richer in silicon dioxide, which just happened to be one of the main components in glass. This gave porcelain fired using clay with higher levels of silicon dioxide a glossiness and transparency and a structure that was extremely fine. Traditional white porcelain, on the other hand, used clay that was relatively high in aluminum oxide, which resulted in a clay body that was not as fine as Dehua white porcelain, even in the case of higher quality Yongle sweetwhite porcelain. The glaze used on Dehua white porcelain was a pure white glaze, which had a moistness and

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warmth similar to congealed fat, which inspired names like »pork-fat white«, »goose-down white« and »ivory white.« The glaze of traditional white porcelain was not pure white, but a slightly yellowish or greenish white. The reason for this difference was in the chemical makeup of the glaze itself and the environment in which it was fired. Traditional white porcelain had relatively high concentrations of titanium oxide and aluminum oxide, but especially iron oxide. Meanwhile, firing either used an oxidation or reduction atmosphere, which caused the glaze to become impure. Dehua white porcelain, on the other hand, is exactly the opposite with very low levels of titanium oxide and aluminum oxide and extremely low levels of iron oxide, but with especially high levels of potassium oxide. Because of the clarifying properties of potassium oxide along with the neutral firing atmosphere used in Dehua white porcelain, the purity of the glaze far surpasses traditional white porcelain. Furthermore, when Dehua porcelain is exposed to a light source, the glaze gives off a slight meaty-red or milky white color. Pieces with this red tint are the most prized and a unique property of this porcelain. Dehua porcelain was mainly used in creating statuary, but also included offering vessels in the form of ancient zun or ding vessels as well as everyday items like plum blossom cups, eight immortals cups, crabapple blossom cups, imitation rhinoceros horn cups, saucers, bowls and teapots. Other pieces also included items used in a scholar’s studio like brush holders, brush rests, brush wash basins and water bowls for ink stones. Statuary included mostly Buddhist and Daoist figures like Bodhidharma, bodhisattvas, the Maitreya Buddha, the Star of Old Age and arhats. The appearance of each figure was different with rich and vibrant expressions. They were both serene and harmonious, demonstrating the artistic expressiveness of the master artisans at Dehua, which made Dehua porcelain statuary one of China’s greatest artistic treasures.

SECTION 2 THE LOCAL FLAVOR OF PRIVATE KILNS

Most of the decoration on Dehua white porcelain used relief, ronde-bosse, molding or carved designs with lines that were full and flowing and caved images that were precise and delicate. The patterns used were succinct that were mostly of flowers, string patterns, meandering patterns, leaf venation or all variety of small animals. Perhaps the most important is that any decoration applied to Dehua white porcelain was required to follow the principles of emphasizing the texture, glaze and overall form of the piece. This resulted in decoration that was sparing and exquisite without the use of any color. In addition, Dehua white porcelain often had a mark on the back of the piece, which was most often the name of the artisan.

4. The Rise of Yixing Ware Yixing ware (Fig. 8.13.6) was a type of pottery that was first created in the Song Dynasty and began to flourish after the middle of the Ming Dynasty. It was a family of pottery made from a clay that had a fine texture and high iron content. It did not use any glaze and had a color that ranged from dark purple to light yellow or reddish brown. Perhaps most unique are its clay teapots. Yixing teapots became popular during the Ming Dynasty and was closely linked to the fashion of drinking tea during the Ming. People had very high standards for teapots and other instruments used in making tea. Yixing teapots were unique because for their unique texture and their ability to preserve the taste of the tea and keep it fragrant and unchanged. It could also withstand changes in temperature and only became more beautiful with age and variations in the color of the clay. They were perfect for the demanding tea connoisseurs of the Ming. As Ming porcelain was flourishing, Yixing teapots began to also rise, beginning in the city of Yixing in Jiangsu Province, to become a unique specimen in the world of pottery. The creator of the Yixing teapot was a monk who lived during the reign of Zhengde and resided at

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8.13.6  Yixing teapot by Shi Dabin, Fujian Museum

the Temple of the Golden Sand, twenty kilometers east of the city of Yixing. His name has been lost to history and he is generally known as the Monk of the Golden Sand. In his interactions with the potters who lived near the temple, he learned some of their techniques and improved upon them, ultimately creating the Yixing teapot. Later, he passed on his technique on to Gong Chun, and ultimately it was carried on by later generations. With this, the Yixing teapot began to grow and develop to become one of the most famous types of pottery of the Ming Dynasty. Its development gave birth to many master teapot makers including Shi Peng, Shi Dabin, Li Zhongfang, Shao Wenjin, Shao Wenyin, Xu Shiheng, Yuan Chang, Li Yangxin, Wang Daxin, Shen Shiliang, Shen Junsheng, Chen Zixi, Chen Yongqing, Chen Xinqing, Shao Gai, Ou Zhengchun, Zhou Houxi, Xiang Shengsi, Zhao Liang and Dong Han. Gong Chun was a native of Yixing in Jiangsu Province, who lived during the middle of the Ming Dynasty and became known for his Yixing teapots during the reign of Zhengde.

Records from A Record of Master Potters from Yangxian (Yangxian mingtao lu 阳羡名陶录) by the Qing Dynasty scholar Wu Qian, he was originally the son of an imperial scholar named Wu Yishan. When he traveled to the Temple of the Golden Sand for his studies, he learned the technique for making Yixing teapots from the Monk of the Golden Sand. The teapots he made were round and even without a single pot that was the same. His teapots were maroon and had a classical beauty. They were simply known as »Gong Chun teapots« and were favored by scholars and artists of the time. Gong Chun teapots often had many fingerprints on the surface of the clay that were left when he pressed them into shape. These later became a way for people to distinguish a real Gong Chu pot from a copy. After Gong Chun, the »Four Masters« and »Three Greats« all gained their own fame. The Four Masters were also known as the »Four Masters of the Teapot,« namely Yuan Chang, Dong Han, Zhao Liang and Shi Peng, who were all natives of Yixing and active during the reign of Wanli.

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Dong Han was the first to create a teapot with water caltrop petals and Zhao Liang was skilled at crafting what became known as Liang-style teapots. The »Three Greats« were Shi Dabin, Xu Shicheng and Li Zhongfang, who were all natives of Yixing and active during the Wanli era. Shi Dabin, who was also known by the pseudonym Shaoshan, was the son of Shi Peng and carried on his father’s technique. He was skilled at using rough clay in his teapots and added metallic clay to his sandy clay or reconstituted finely ground roof tiles into clay, which he then formed into teapots and fired. He was very rigorous in creating each piece and if he wasn’t completely satisfied, he would throw it away. He did not seek beauty. Instead, he sought rugged simplicity and, at the time, the value and status of his works were spoken about in the same breath as the great bronze works of the Shang and Zhou. Unique aspects of his piece included the presence of white flecks in the purple clay and the fact that once the lid had been placed on the pot, it could be picked up by the knob and the pot would not fall. These were known as »Shi-style teapots« and no one could match them. Initially, he imitated Gong Chun and enjoyed making large teapots, but later, after visiting Taicang and listening to Chen Jiru and others discuss the appreciation of tea, he started making small teapots. There are many teapots by Shi Dabin that still exist today, but it is difficult to distinguish the real from the fake. There is a teapot by Shi Dabin in the collection of the Palace Museum, categorized as a »Zisha Teapot with Red Engraved Lacquer.« It is square with a rough spout that curves, a circular handle and four short feet at its base. The outside is painted with red lacquer with figures and landscape patterns. In the center of the lid there are three characters in a single line that read »Shi Dabin.« The piece may have been an example of a teapot by Shi Dabin that had been accented with lacquer by official workshops of the Ming palace.

SECTION 3 LACQUER, JADE, AND ENAMEL WORK

Shi Dabin had many apprentices, the most accomplished of which included both Li Zhongfang and Xu Shiheng. Another type of pottery with connections to Yixing ware was Yijun ware. It was a pottery that was decorated with glaze on a body that was made of white or purple clay from Yixing and glazes that were either sky-green, sky-blue, pea green or moon-white. The layers of glaze were thick with densely packed cracks. The works were substantial and classically simple with similarities to Jun Ware of the Song Dynasty and were popular during the middle and late Ming Dynasty.

Section 3  Lacquer, Jade, and Enamel Work 1. Imperial Lacquerware and Folk Carved Lacquer 1. Production of Imperial Lacquerware during the Ming Dynasty The Ming Dynasty was another high point for the manufacturing of lacquerware in China. It not only carried on all of the techniques of making lacquer that were developed since the Song and Yuan dynasties and improved them even further, it also developed institutions for the production and management of lacquerware specifically for use by the imperial family. At the same time, official workshops were also able to broadly adopt the best of private lacquer makers, which resulted in a golden age in the history of Chinese lacquerware. The manufacturing process perfectly resolve both techniques of the past and new developments. During the Yuan Dynasty, Jiaxing in Zhejiang Province was an important center of lacquerware production. During the Ming Dynasty, the descendants of the same Jiaxing artisans continued to use the techniques of their ancestors and carried them even farther afield, establishing the famous Jiaxing School of lacquer arts. For a long period of

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time during the Ming Dynasty, this school dominated the world of lacquerware and grew from a local craft to a nationally recognized art form. During the Yuan Dynasty, the ancient styles of lacquerware works were known today were all being produced. While the Ming Dynasty did not develop any new creative elements, it did drive a leap forward in terms of specific techniques as well as forms and decorative patterns. There four major techniques—lacquer decoration, gilt decoration, oil decoration and lacquer painting—each of which can be further divided into many sub-categories like hidden gilt decoration, gilt decoration over lacquer, painted gold and picked gold. The Ming Dynasty was also famous for its mother-ofpearl inlay technique, which was also carried on and further developed from the Yuan Dynasty. There were also a great number of changes in the forms that lacquerware came in, which included boxes with sugar cane patterns, boxes in the shape of a steamed bun as well as three- and four-layer curio cases. The further development of inherited techniques during the Ming Dynasty can mainly be seen in the integration of techniques with two or more techniques for lacquer ornamentation being combined into one. This enabled them to break free of the restrictions of using just one technique, which resulted in more dazzling and eye-catching lacquerware works. The government of the Ming Dynasty also placed great importance on lacquerware. During the early Ming, an Imperial Lacquer Center was established to the east of Nanjing to promote the production of lacquerware. After the capital was moved to Beijing, during the reign of Yongle, the court established a workshop dedicated to the creation of carved lacquer, and filled lacquer specifically for the use of the imperial family, which was known as Guoyuanchang. The artisans who worked at Guoyuanchang were from every corner of the country, and represented the most accomplished people in the lacquer arts.

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2. Types of Lacquerware and Manufacturing Techniques The various types of lacquerware had basically become complete during the Song and Yuan dynasties, but the Ming Dynasty continued to add to this base. And while there was no innovation in the manufacturing techniques used, the Ming did integrate certain techniques, using several in the same piece, which resulted in the further advancement and use of certain techniques. Categories of Ming Dynasty Lacquerware In his Records of Lacquer Ornamentation, the Ming Dynasty lacquerware master Huang Cheng provides extremely detailed categories of Ming lacquerware, but the contents are too numerous, with over 100 different categories. In another work, Interpretations of the Records of Lacquer Ornamentation (Xiushi lu jieshuo 髹饰录解说), Wang Shixiang reorganizes these into just 14 categories. A summary of these categories allows us to place Ming Dynasty lacquerware into just five categories—plain lacquer, painted lacquer, embossed lacquer, carved lacquer and filled lacquer. Techniques Used for Different Types of Lacquerware Plain lacquer is made in one single color and often appears with decoration in black, red, yellow, green, purple, brown, oil or gold. Generally, these pieces are a single color and smooth without any decoration. Ming-era plain lacquerware was used mostly in small items and objects to decorate one’s desk, sometimes with shallow patterns etched on the surface. Gold decoration was unique to plain lacquerware pieces and was accomplished by applying lines of gold glue to yellow, red or black patterns, then placing gold leaf or powder on the surface. Most objects that used this technique were Buddhist statues. Painted lacquer included four techniques—lacquer decoration, oil decoration, lacquer painting and gilt decoration, all of which used a brush to

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apply thick lacquer or oil to the surface and create patterns. After these had dried, they would leave raised patterns. The difference was that lacquer decoration used various colors of lacquer to create patterns, while oil decoration used oil to paint flowers—which allowed the artist to apply a very wide range of colors. Gilt decoration was also called gold paste lacquer painting. This process used lacquer painting to create the patterns, on which the gold was applied. Two types of gold were used—colored gold and picked gold—the former came in many different colors, while the latter only came in different shades. The Ming Imperial Lacquer Cabinet with Scrolled Lotus Patterns in Gilt Decoration and Colored Gold is one of the finest examples of lacquer decoration from the Ming Dynasty. This work used a base of purple lacquer, which was painted with painted scrolled lotus patterns, meandering patterns and eight treasure images on a plain lacquer surface, then used black lacquer was applied to create raised lines. Next, gold was applied to different patterns with reddish gold being used on the flowers, yellow gold on the branches and leaves and various shades of gold used in other areas. On the inner surface of the lid was a signature mark that reads »Made in the Year of Wanli of the Great Ming« (Da Ming Wanli nianzhi 大明万历年制) in gold paste lettering, fully expressing the gloriously beautiful artistry of gilt decoration on lacquerware. Embossed lacquer used lacquer or lacquer dust to build up patterns. Techniques using lacquer dust to create raised patterns can also be divided into the shiwen (识文) or »high-line« and yinqi (隐起) or »hidden-rise« methods. Embossed lacquer can be divided into open patterns that are not carved and raised lacquer areas that are then carved (aka yinqi). Carved lacquer (Fig. 8.13.7) is the category of most of the works produced for imperial use during the Ming Dynasty. This method carved patterns into a raised, flat lacquer surface and can be divided into categories based on the colors used, such as

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8.13.7 Round box in carved lacquer with pavilions, figures and flowers, Palace Museum, Beijing

red (tihong 剔红), yellow (tihuang 剔黄), black (tihei 剔黑), green (tilü 剔绿), polychrome (ticai 剔彩) and the tixi (剔犀) technique, which placed the colors on the body of the work in layers and after reaching a certain thickness, carved patterns into the lacquer. Among these patterns, the polychrome or ticai technique used multiple colors in layers, each of which had to reach a certain thickness. Depending on the desired pattern, these layers would be carved away until the desired color was reached and revealed. The Xuande-era work in the collection of the Palace Museum, a Round Box in Ticai with Apples

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8.13.8 A filled lacquer box in the shape of interlocked lozenges with a dragon and phoenix from the Jiajing era, Palace Museum, Beijing

and a Pair of Orioles, uses red, yellow, green and black to create a total of thirteen layers of color. Tixi was a unique method of carving multi-colored works, which generally used two colors and sometimes three in multiple layers, then carved patterns into them. In the cross-section of the incision, different layers of colors can be seen, but it is very different from the polychrome ticai method in that it only uses a few set patterns like hooked clouds, meandering patterns and scrolled grasses. The filled lacquer technique (Fig. 8.13.8) first carves or builds patterns, then fills in the spaces with the desired colors or other decorative materials. In addition to filling spaces with lacquer, gold and silver were also used. Two methods were used in filled lacquer. One was to use thick lacquer to build raised patterns on the surface of the lacquer form, while the other carved indentations into the lacquer base that formed patterns. The former is done before polishing and the original lacquer

base is covered by a later layer of lacquer. The latter is done after polishing. The xipi (犀皮) or »rhinoceros skin« style is a unique form of filled lacquer. It uses the thumb to push up small points on the surface of the lacquer, which, after drying, is again filled over with different colored lacquer. It’s finally ground down until scale-like patterns are revealed. Mother-of-pearl inlay, gold and silver inlay as well as gold and silver fill are all considered to be filled lacquer based their manufacturing processes. Gold and silver inlay is different gold and silver fill. It uses thin sheets of gold or silver that are then cut into shapes and after patterns are carved into the lacquer, the sheets are then applied to the surface. After several more coats of lacquer are applied and the surface is even, it is ground down until the gold sheets are revealed. This technique is actually a continuation and re-application of the techniques used in covered works from the Warring States Period and Tang Dynasty gold

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and silver plating. Gold and silver inlay during the Ming Dynasty was used alongside mother-ofpearl inlay, using the richness of gold and silver to further complement the beauty of the motherof-pearl. Gold and silver fill, however, used sharp tools to cut patterns into the lacquer, then hammer gold glue into the incisions to which gold or silver leaf was applied. One example is the early-Ming Red Lacquer Gold Fill Chest with Cloud and Dragon Patterns, unearthed from the Tomb of Zhu Tan. The four sides of the box have goldfilled carved patterns of dragons soaring among the clouds. The lines are precise and strong, making bodies of the dragons dazzle, which shows the high level that the gold fill technique had reached during the early-Ming. The Flat-Topped Chest with Gold Fill from the same tomb is also of the same artistic level. Top-coat lacquer was another extremely important decorative technique that was used on Mingera lacquerware, which is actually an additional decorative method that is used applied to the surface of the piece to make the base lacquer appear brighter or provide contrast. More specifically, it is a layer of clear lacquer that is applied to the various base layers to make the surface glossier and brighter and the patterns more elegant. Lacquerware of the Ming Dynasty always tended to use multiple techniques on a single piece, which generally resulted in the use of one main technique, while several others accented it. The combination of popular decorative techniques like gilt decoration, gold paste, sprinkled gold, mother-of-pearl inlay, gold and silver inlay, and lacquer decoration produce several hundred different kinds of works. 3. Development of Folk Carved Lacquer Prior to the middle of the Ming Dynasty, achievements in the lacquerware arts were mainly seen in imperial lacquerware pieces produced at Guoyuanchang. In the latter half of the dynasty, following the decline of Guoyuanchang, private lacquer-

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ware workshops entered a rapid period of development. The most representative schools of folk lacquerware during this period were in Jiaxing in Zhejiang Province and Yunnan, while more modest achievements were seen in other regions. The Carved Lacquer of Jiaxing Carved lacquer in Jiaxing had already made notable achievements as early as the Yuan Dynasty, the most famous of which was in its tihong-style lacquerware pieces. Jiaxing carved lacquer of the Ming Dynasty carried on the achievements it had made during the Yuan Dynasty and ultimately grew into an art form unique to Jiaxing that influenced carved lacquer far and wide. Jiaxing carved lacquer was characterized by a carving technique that produced deep, clear and heavy patterns. Its polish was full and bright with thick layers of lacquer, which was similar to the early Guoyuanchang works. Because early Guoyuanchang pieces nearly all came from Jiaxing, when Emperor Yongle saw works by Jiaxing lacquerware masters Zhang Cheng and Yang Mao, he wished to summon them immediately, but neither of them were still living. The emperor summoned Zhang Degang, the son of Zhang Cheng, to the palace and granted him a position under the Construction Bureau to direct work at Guoyuanchang. From that point on, Jiaxing lacquerware became the mainstream style for official lacquerware. Other representative artisans from the Jiaxing School still known today are mostly from the early Ming, and include Zhang Degang, Bao Liang and Yang Xun. After the middle of the Ming Dynasty, this school of lacquerware began to decline, and its achievements could not compare to those of the early Ming. The only artisans that there is evidence of are Hong Xiu from the middle Ming and Yang Ming of the late Ming. While other famous individuals imitated the techniques of the Jiaxing school, they were no longer located in Jiaxing and had moved to other locations like Xin’an in Anhui Province.

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Zhang Degang and Bao Liang were famous for their carved lacquer. They were both natives of Xitang in Jiaxing and both served under the Construction Bureau at Guoyuanchang. Yang Xun was born during the reign of Tianshun (1457–1465), and was known by the courtesy name Jinghe. He was skilled at making colored lacquer and combined European and Japanese techniques with pentachrome inlay, which resulted in works that were brilliant and graceful. He also excelled at calligraphy and painting, which he included in his carved lacquerware pieces. He created screens and other works using colored lacquer with inscriptions in gold paste. The result was very similar to a painting and truly exquisite. The artisans of Xin’an in Anhui Province were greatly influenced by the Jiaxing School and Xin’an became an important center for the production of carved lacquer during the late-Ming. Representative artists of Xin’an included Huang Cheng and Fang Xinchuan. Huang Cheng was known by the courtesy name Dacheng and the pseudonym Pingsha. He was skilled in both traditional and modern techniques for lacquer decoration. His tihong pieces were comparable to those produced at Guoyuanchang and he was famous for full and brilliant carvings of flowers, fruits and figures. After the decline of Jiaxing carved lacquer in the middle of the Ming Dynasty, he was the most successful of those who chose to carry on its tradition. Many writers of the time kept records of his life and works, but none of his works have survived to the present day. Huang Cheng was also the author of Records of Lacquer Ornamentation, which provided a comprehensive description of the techniques used for producing lacquerware. To this day, it is the earliest known work on the lacquerware arts. Carved Lacquer of Yunnan There is a very long history of carved lacquer in Yunnan, which became a center of production starting in the Tang Dynasty. Yunnan carved lacquer of the Ming Dy-

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nasty carried on the techniques of the past with decorated lacquerware that was thin with a relatively dark tone. Carvings were deep and sharp, as through they had been dug out with a trowel. They were not sanded after carving, and each of the cuts remains visible, but the carving techniques used were numerous and fine for a look that is very elaborate. Subjects in these works were most commonly insects, flowers, flying birds and other animals, which gave them a very strong sense of country life. The T ­ ihong Box with Pine, Plum, Bamboo and Insects is representative of this style with elaborate and densely packed patterns rendered with a technique that is quick, deep and not sanded. Yunnan carved lacquer had long been a local craft, but starting in the Yuan Dynasty when local craftsmen were captured and brought to the capital, their styles began to influence works manufactured for the imperial palace and ultimately influenced the rest of the country. The Ming continued the traditions of the Yuan, ­selecting craftsmen from Yunnan to serve as supervising eunuchs in the manufacturing of imperial works. However, after Yongle, the Yunnan style was supplanted by the Jiaxing style until the middle and late Ming. When the court began to once again favor the craftsmen of Yunnan, its carved lacquer was given new life and became the mainstream.

2. Achievements in Ming Jade and the Master Jade Carver Lu Zigang After the rise of the Ming Dynasty, jade works quickly replaced the fine, exquisite works of the Song and Yuan with a new style that was bright and strong. There was a great renaissance and development of jade starting from the Ming, which established the Directorate for Imperial Accoutrements that supervised the manufacturing of craft works and was managed by the government. There was also a greater emphasis placed on selecting superior materials, like jade from Hetian,

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in Xinjiang. Jade was also carefully divided into standards of quality. Processing techniques were also very highly developed and combined carving techniques of the past, reaching a point of near perfection. After styles of jade changed starting in the early-Ming, and up until the middle of the Ming Dynasty, the artistic appreciation of jade remained very refined. Essentially, Ming-era jade was a restoration of the strong and bold styles of Han-era jade. However, toward the end of the middle of the Ming Dynasty, carving techniques became increasingly repetitive and patterns were simply piled on each other. The previous bright and bold style gradually began to fade. The addition of gold decoration and inlay began to appear on imperial jade works as well as private pieces. The patterns and techniques used on jade pieces became increasingly similar to other art forms. While this can be seen as an integration of styles, it can also be viewed as a weakening of the personality of jade. This is also the beginning of a transition to Qing-era styles of jade carving. Starting in the early Ming, folk jade and the jade used in the royal court began to form individual camps. Most jade works produced for the imperial palace were ceremonial pieces, decorative accessories and display pieces, while folk jade pieces mainly included practical pieces, decorative accessories and some pieces to be displayed and appreciated. Overall, both of these types of jade included a wide range of forms and their use was very widespread. They also show proficient use of all the manufacturing techniques available at the time. 1. Raw Materials Used and Categories of Ming Jade The different types of jade used during the Ming Dynasty were much more confined than in the past, with high-quality jade from Xinjiang becoming the first choice for official commissions. Xinjiang jade was extracted in spring and fall and is divided into three categories depending on where

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it was excavated—from the mountains, water or sand. At the time, Xinjiang provided the court with large amounts of jade in the form of tribute, sending thousands of kilograms every year. White is considered the best color in Xinjiang jade, followed by jasper, yellow and ink colored jade, but most of the jade pieces of the Ming Dynasty did not use white jade and instead favored green jade and the even rarer yellow and ink colored jades were not even used. At the time, Xinjiang was not directly controlled by the government of the Ming, which meant that the court had to rely on tribute or trade to obtain Xinjiang jade. Ming jade mainly appears in the form of everyday objects or decorative pieces with vessels like bowls, cups, wash basins, boxes and teapots. There are also copies of ancient objects like the horn shaped gong cup, belt hooks, jade disks, jade tablets, censers, zun wine vessels and yi wine vats. There was also a wide array of animal forms including cows, horses, goats, deer, cranes, monkeys, dragons, phoenix, mandarin ducks and fish. There were also items used in a scholar’s studio, like wash basins, ink stones, brush handles, paper holders, ink beds and brush racks. Jade accessories like belts, hairsticks, bracelets, strings of beads, necklaces and ruyi scepters. The strict system that was put in place by the Ming court for the use of jade resulted in a special type of court ceremonial jade. This court ceremonial jade still used traditional forms of ceremonial jade with some additions and losses. There were four type of jade for use in sacrificial ceremonies: the cangbi (苍璧, a deep green jade disk), the huangcong (黄琮, a yellow hollow jade totem), the chizhang (赤璋, a red jade tablet) and the baihu ( 白琥, a white tiger shaped amulet). Decorative accessories for crowns and robes made of jade were also associated with a system of rules. From records kept by the Ming court, we can see that the number and types of jade pieces was substantial, but imperial jade works that have been

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passed down to the present day or unearthed are very few, both in their type and number. The most common are jade belts, jade tablets, jade disks and jade accessories. Jade belts were made of several parts including jade plates, an end cover and a belt hook. Prior to the Xuande era, the number of jade plates was not fixed, but after his reign the number was set at twenty that could be in different shapes and positions. There were plates in the shape of peaches, sunflower petals, lotus petals, rectangles, melons—even spider plants. The belt hook generally maintained the same shape as those from the Warring States and the Han Dynasty with most of them incorporating the head of a dragon. End caps were generally rectangular with one end that was flat and straight on one end that was rounded and curved. There were generally two on each belt. The making of jade belts did not change much throughout the Ming Dynasty, but there were differences in the decorative images used on them during the early, middle and late periods of the dynasty. Vessels for everyday use actually made up the majority of Ming jade pieces. There are only a few that still exist from the early part of the Ming Dynasty,

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with most originating from the middle and late periods including bowls, cups and teapots. Typical examples of vessels for everyday use include the Lingzhi-shaped Green Jade Cup with Handles and Flower Patterns, the Green Jade Cup with Handles in the Shape of a Chi Dragon (Fig. 8.13.9), the Green Jade Cup with Handles Nipple Decor and the Green Jade Decanter in the Shape of a Bamboo Stalk. Of the various types of items meant for everyday use, the number of jade bowls seemed to increase over previous dynasties, most of them round with a spout and circular base. Jade cups were also very common, and had appeared as early as the Warring States Period. Not only were a large number of jade cups produced during the Ming Dynasty, they also took many different shapes such as flowers, peaches, dou wine cups and nuptial wine glasses. Most of these also came with saucers or a pair of handles. The masterpiece of jade cups from the Ming Dynasty has come to be known as the Zigang Cup after the artist who made it, Lu Zigang. Jade cups made up a large portion of the pieces that Lu Zigang produced and include the Green Jade Nuptial Cups in the collection of the Palace Museum. This cup is

8.13.9  Green jade cup with handles in the shape of a Chi Dragon, Palace Museum, Beijing

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made of two connected straight tubes with round openings. The feet at the base are carved in the shape of the heads of beasts, while the body of the cup has a circular rope pattern with knots. The opening in the middle of the knot between the two chi-dragon patterns contains a square stamp with the characters for »Long Life« (Wanshou 万寿) in clerical script. The body of the cup is also inscribed with a poem by Zhu Zhishan that reads: »moist is the unpolished gem of Chu, but after it is cut and carved, the jade liquid and exquisite juice is a pleasure for all,« which is followed by the author’s name—Zhu Yunming. Outside the rope pattern above the poem are the words »nuptial cup« and, on the other side of the text, »Made by Zigang« appears in seal script. The workmanship is simple, yet elegant, and is one of the few of works to have survived to the present day. Jade decanters were a new innovation to come out of the Ming Dynasty. Most of them were made up of two parts, a lid and the body. They had a unique knob on the lid and a spout and handle on opposite sides of the body. The body itself came in a number of shapes like flat round, square, globular and in the shape of a bamboo stalk, but the most common were flat, round bodies that were relatively wide. The Zigang-style Green Jade Decanter with Images of Children Playing is one of the most representative examples of decanters from the middle of the Ming. Curios for display were also some of the more numerous jade works, with items for scholarly studios and replicas of ancient vessels making up the majority. These included jade ink stones, jade brush holders, jade wash basins, jade brush rests, jade ink pots, jade water bowls for ink stones, jade paperweights, jade ink beds and zun wine vessels, gong horn-shaped wine cups, gourd-shaped yi ladles, goblets, gui food vessels and ceremonial ding tripods. The appearance of such a large number of replicas of ancient vessels during the Ming was closely linked to the rapid development of com-

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mercial markets during this period. At the time, folk jade mainly focused on the marketplace with profit being their primary goal. In order to meet the demand from antique collectors, there were a large number of replicas or copies of ancient works that were highly profitable. One of these was replicas of pre-Qin bronze vessels, while another was the creation of replicas of ancient jade works from before the Han Dynasty. The former was mostly imitation of ancient works with slight changes in the form and decoration of the original, which was especially true in the techniques popular during the Ming. The latter, however, was different, and were complete copies of the original ancient work. They strove to be exactly the same, and make it difficult to distinguish the real work from the copy. This included the stains, cracks and techniques used, all of which had to be exactly the same. Decorative curios of the Ming Dynasty also included jade carvings of figures in the round including Guanyin, the Maitreya Buddha, arhats and the Star of Old Age. Accessories mainly included all manner of jade objects including hairsticks, earrings, bracelets, rings and hanging jade trinkets. There was also another type of jade accessory that, while it was decorative, also served as a ceremonial object. Most of them differed from the sets of jade as described in the Rites of Zhou with many of them depicting images from everyday life, which included figures, animals, flowers and grasses. This was in stark contrast to jade objects in the Rites of Zhou, and created a unique style that both emulated the past, but also had a contemporary style. 2. Decorative Patterns on Ming Jade With the exception of some extremely rare examples of polished, clean jade that relied entirely on its form and shaping to achieve success, the vast majority of Ming jade was carved with all kinds of patterns and images, which could generally be divided into five major categories: animals, plants, figures, objects and geometrical patterns.

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Each of these patterns varied in popularity through the early, middle and late Ming Dynasty and were manifested in different ways in each of their respective periods. The early-Ming mainly used mythical animals that symbolized the power of the emperor such as dragons, phoenix, chi-dragons and kirin. These carvings were also influenced by the design and carving techniques of the Song and Yuan with most of the patterns retaining the northern ethnic themes of the Yuan like spring thaws, autumn mountains, and hunt scenes. After the middle of the Ming Dynasty, Emperor Jiajing’s strong belief in Daoism resulted in a clear increase in the number of patterns that drew from the Daoist search for immortality. This was especially true during the late Ming, when the people, faced with an increasingly unstable world, began to turn to gods and the immortals for comfort. These resulted in a much greater occurrence of auspicious symbols as decoration on jade works, which included some set forms, such as Guanyin delivering a son, five children passing the imperial examinations, the eight immortals crossing the sea and the Three Stars—happiness, wealth and longevity. Scholarly themes like historical tales, inscriptions or poems also began to appear in jade starting after the middle of the Ming. Dragons and phoenix patterns were also common patterns on Ming jade. A unique characteristic of Ming-era dragon images was that they had ruyi-clouds coming from their noses. They also had small, thin legs with mostly four or five talons. They coiled inwards in a circular pattern and their tails had tufts of hair like tassels on a spear. Dragons of the Ming Dynasty appeared mostly on imperial objects, and it was forbidden for other classes to use the images. The most unique element in phoenix designs of the Ming Dynasty was that their heads looked like those of mandarin ducks. They were long and slender and sometimes had goat-like beards. They were also heavily decorated and were surrounded by cloud

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patterns. The phoenix was considered the king of birds, and was used to represent the empress. In addition to mythical animals like the dragon and phoenix, there were also a large number of real animals that were part of everyday life. These included cranes, mandarin ducks, cows, horses, goats, dogs, geese, elephants, monkeys, deer, lions, fish, butterflies, crabs, cicadas and toads. The most common of the flying animals were the crane and the bat. The crane represented long life and was often depicted together with pine trees, deer and peaches as well as human figures. A crane together with a pine tree represented »the longevity of a crane and age of a pine,« while a deer with a crane represented »new life to the world« and the bat, because of its pronunciation in Chinese, was similar to happiness or luck—thus a bat flying toward the wearer symbolized the coming of luck. The use of designs based on homonyms originated in the Song Dynasty and became popular during the Ming and Qing. Bat patterns on Mingera jade works generally show them with their wings extended. They do not depict the outline in great detail and sometimes simply use a shape to represent the animal. When they are depicted in a more abstract way, the wings of the bat are long and have sharp tips similar to hooked clouds, while the head and tail are represented with ruyicloud patterns. This allowed the unique elements of the bat to be depicted while avoiding the elements that resemble a rat. It is for this reason that some people have called this bat pattern the »cloud bat.« Designs use the bat pattern also include those with multiple bats and multiple characters for »longevity,« which wishes the bearer greater happiness and greater longevity. The bats are in the center and are also flanked by two copper coins, which symbolizes »happiness before your eyes.« Also popular during the Ming Dynasty were images of bats with the Star of Wealth and the Child of Longevity, or in combination with God of Old Age and a deer, which symbolized wishes of happiness, wealth and long life.

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Plant patterns on Ming jade works included pine trees, bamboo, plum, peach, lingzhi, narcissus, lotus flowers, chrysanthemums, lychee and pomegranates. Plant patterns could be realistic or interpretive, with realistic representations used to convey meaning in an image, while the interpretive patterns were used in decorative images. Plant patterns rarely appeared on their own, with most appearing as part of a larger image to which they contributed symbolic meaning. A common combination was plum, orchid, bamboo and chrysanthemum, which were known as the »Four Gentlemen,« symbolizing the scholarly qualities of uprightness and purity. The combination of pine trees, bamboo and plum trees were known as the »Three Friends of Winter« and represented noble character and integrity and courage in the face of hardship. Other commonly seen plant patterns included lotus flowers, peach branches, lingzhi, orchid blossoms and pomegranates. Lotus flowers could appear along with a number of different images to create meaning. In combination with mandarin ducks, they represented the love between husband and wife; with bamboo they symbolized a prosperous venture; with children, they symbolized care for children because of the similarity of the pronunciation of »lotus« and »to cherish.« Lingzhi, peaches and orchids were usually used to express long life, while pomegranates represented continued progeny. Human figures can be divided into three categories: historical, myth and legend and secular life. Decoration based on historical themes were very rare in jade works and mainly included Wang Xizhi’s Love of Swans, Drunken Li Bai and the Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove. Themes from myths and legends as well as secular life were seen more often and the most common were the eight immortals crossing the sea, five children passing the imperial examinations, children playing, vignettes of life and Guanyin delivering sons. Representative works include Wang Xizhi’s »Love of Swans in Green Jade« at the Palace Museum, »A Child in

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White Jade,« unearthed from the Zhu Tan Tomb in Jiangxi Province, »A White Jade Decoration in the Shape of a Child,« unearthed from the Lu Family Tomb in Shanghai, and the »Green Jade Decanter with Eight Immortals Crossing the Sea,« »Green Jade Decanter with a Scene of Children Playing,« »Bodhisattva in Green Jade« and »A Child Laying on a Horse in Green Jade,« all in the collection of the Palace Museum. Geometric patterns included clouds, swirl patterns, cattail patterns, meander patterns and interlocked lozenges. Cloud patterns are seen in all shapes like hook clouds that curve back at the ends, S-shaped curled clouds, ruyi-clouds with one sharp end, T-shaped clouds in one long line and clouds that look like a flower with a stem. Swirl patterns evolved from the nipple patterns on bronze vessels from the Shang and Zhou eras. These were raised nipple-shaped round dots that were placed on the surface of a piece and began to migrate to jade works during the Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods. They were mainly used on the surface of plate-like works like jade disks, semi-circular jade huang ornaments. Swirl patterns were also almost always paired with a net-like pattern to create a type of decoration that became known as the »cattail« pattern, but this decoration continued to use the swirl pattern as its base pattern. The meander pattern were relatively simple and used straight lights that are similar to the shape of a paper clip or the Chinese character 回 (hui). This pattern was also used as decoration on bronze vessels. The interlocked lozenge is a pattern comprised of two overlapping rhombuses and can include as many as five linked together to form a larger shape. It is said that this was a decoration associated with the Queen Mother of the West and had an auspicious meaning. The geometric patterns mentioned above are often seen on Ming Dynasty imitations of ancient jade works, but they are not as common on non-imitation works. Text on Ming jade can be divided into two categories. The first is the use of a single character with

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an auspicious meaning to serve as decoration, which can be seen in some of the most common characters, like »longevity« (寿, shou), »happiness« (福, fu), »wealth« (禄, lu) and the Buddhist swastika (卍, wan). The second type was the use of inscriptions or poetry on jade works. Decoration using the character for »longevity« and other decoration that used longevity as its central theme all had very clear characteristic. As long as the decorative patterns had to do with longevity, this theme took a central role in the design. For instance, in combinations of the Star of Old Age with deer or bats, the Star of Old Age would be placed in the most important position, while the other patterns would serve to accent him. This was due to great emphasis that people placed on long life during the Ming Dynasty. Engravings and poetry were forms of decoration that only began to appear during the Ming Dynasty. While jade works of from the Han Dynasty did include inscriptions of text, these only contained a few simple characters, like »for the well-being of future generations,« and examples of this type of decoration are extremely rare. It wasn’t until the Ming Dynasty that a large number of works using text as decoration began to appear. The most typical example of this is in the works of Lu Zigang. The content of his text, with the exception of some content describing the contents of a scene, also mostly had to do with longevity. 3. Lu Zigang and Other Master Jade Carvers There are very few records of jade artisans of the Ming Dynasty, and most of them come from the lower strata of society. Lu Zigang was one of the most acclaimed master jade carvers of the Ming Dynasty, and he appears in the writings of many literati as well as local gazetteers. To the present day, there are jade works with the signature of Lu Zigang in major museums around the world and in many private collections. Lu Zigang was a native of Taicang (Jiangsu Province) and later moved to China’s main center for jade production during

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the Ming and Qing dynasties, Suzhou, where he established his workshop. His life was rather uneventful, and there are no historical records of it. According to other research into his background, Lu Zigang is likely to have been born in the first half of the 16th century and was most active in the second half of the century during the reigns of the Ming emperors Jiajing and Wanli. Lu Zigang’s style and achievements in his jade works can be summed up in the following points: 1. He only used Xinjiang jade, and mostly green jade with a small number of works in white jade. The jade he used was not especially fine and was mostly mountain jade. In addition, he also used other precious stones like topaz in to create works of art as in his Topaz Plum Blossom Vase in the collection of the Palace Museum. Clearly, his choice of material was not limited to jade. He also made important achievements in craftsmanship and the inlay of jade stones. 2. The majority of his works were practical everyday items like hairsticks, teapots, cups, water drippers, water bowls for ink stones, wash basins, boxes for name stamps and censers. Imitations of ancient works for display included his zun wine cup (Fig. 8.13.10), zhi-goblet and gong horn-shaped wine cup. The designs of all these works were varied and had a refined ancient elegance. 3. The techniques he used to produce his jade works included carving in the round, openwork carving, flat-base relief carving, bas-relief and intaglio, excelling at all of them. Carving in the round and openwork carving techniques were mostly used for creating animals, while flat-base relief carving and bas-relief carving were mostly used in pieces with landscapes, figures, flowers, fish, insects or text. Intaglio patterns were used for sections or details in a wide range of patterns. 4. He used a wide range of themes that were invariably popular. The most common of his im-

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ages were landscapes, figures (including literati, scholars, fishermen and children), plants like flowers and fruits (narcissus, plum blossoms, lotus blossoms, camellia, lingzhi, bamboo, pomegranate, pine trees and peaches) and imitations of ancient patterns (silk worm, cloud, brocade, meander, nipple, dragon and tiger, other mythical creatures and geometric patterns). His designs were always ingenious and vibrant. 5. Many of the inscriptions and poems used as decoration are descriptions of a scene or figures by the artist himself or sometimes incorporate the works of master poets. Most of these are five-character or four-character works, with no examples of seven-character works. Most of these are lines that describe a natural scene or have some sort of auspicious meaning. Scripts include cursive script and running script with none of his works using regular or seal script.

8.13.10 Zigang-style Zun in green jade with a round handle and a lid, Capital Museum, Beijing

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6. All of his signatures are carved in the style of a personal seal using mostly raised characters, while some in intaglio or used together. The style of these seal signatures is varied, but most use either seal script or clerical script. The content is limited to three formats: Zigang (子冈 or 子刚) or Zigang-zhi (子冈制). The location of Zigang’s signature stamp was carefully considered and was never obvious and never in a fixed position. Most of the time it appeared at the base of the work, on the back, at the base of the handle or under the lid. In addition to Lu Zigang, other famous master jade carvers of the Ming included Chang Zhongfu, Li Wenfu, Wang Xiaoxi, Wang Xinlu, Liu Nian and He Si.

3. Enamel Work 1. The Arrival of Enamelware There are a number of translations of enamel into Chinese, including falang, fulin, folang, fulang and falan. It was first produced in Europe, arrived in China during the Yuan Dynasty, and experienced rapid development after the Ming Dynasty. The raw materials used in enamelware included quartz, feldspar and clay, as well as solvents like soda ash and borax, emulsifiers like titanium oxide, antimony oxide and fluorides and metal oxides for color. After pulverizing, mixing and melting these materials, they were poured into water to quickly cool them into pieces of enamel, which were then again crushed into powder or mixed with clay and made into enamel paste through a wet grinding process. When these materials were applied to the surface of an object and fired, they formed a crystalline enamel glaze. Enamel glazes is a low-temperature glaze that was usually fired at temperatures below 1,000 °C, producing a fine surface that was both airtight and waterproof. With the exception of strong acids and bases, it does not dissolve in water or other common acidic or basic liquids. It was durable and shiny with

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brilliant colors, which makes it suitable for applying colors and decoration. During the Ming Dynasty, enamel was generally used on metal bodies and created a unique enamel-on-metal works. These enamel works established a unique niche of their own, known for their solid shapes and beautiful decoration. They have both the firmness of metal and the crystalline, smooth and decorative qualities of enamel glaze, while at the same time standing up to scratches and decay, resulting in a unique work of art that blended both strength and softness. The methods used to create enamel-on-metal works can be divided into five categories: champlevé, cloisonné, painted, clear and hammered. Champlevé enamelware uses metal engraving techniques to create patterns the surface of the piece using a reduction method, resulting in depressions that are then filled with the enamel glaze. These are then fired, polished and gilt. Lines are rough without connecting points and still have welding marks. In this method, the glaze that is used to fill the depressions is often lower or higher than the engraved surface, giving it the artistic effect of relief sculpture. Cloisonné enamelware is also known commonly as Jingtai Blue and uses thin metal wires that are either glued or welded to the surface of a piece according to a predrawn pattern, which creates a design. After the enamel is then applied to the empty spaces, it is fired, polished and gilt. The lines of these pieces are known for their fine and delicate lines, but they also often experience cracking during the firing or polishing process and also have weld marks that are still visible. Painted enamelware is also known as »Western porcelain,« which first applies white glaze to a copper surface and after an initial firing to produce a smooth surface, is decorated with enamel glaze using a variety of colors. It is put back into the kiln and fired again, creating the feel of a painting, which is why these works are also known as »enamel paintings.« Clear enamelware is another type of champlevé, which begins

Chapter XIII Crafts of Extraordinary Splendor

by using either the champlevé or hammered patterns to produce a bas-relief that is covered with a clear enamel glaze and fired. Hammered enamelware is produced by hammering from the inside of the metal body outward to produce raised patterns, then using the same processes as in the champlevé technique. Of the five categories listed here, champlevé enamelware was the earliest to arrive in China. Records show that this art form appeared in Europe around the 5th century BCE, reaching its height in the 11th–13th centuries CE and centering mainly around the Rhine Valley in Germany and France. It was mainly produced pieces for religious purposes. After Genghis Khan united the Mongolian tribes in the 13th century and began large-scale conquest through a series of campaigns of military expansion, Mongolian warriors journeyed as far as Europe and the Arabian Peninsula. They brought back captured artisans that were skilled in the creation of champlevé enamelware, who produced their works for Mongolian royalty. At the time, champlevé enamelware was called »folang-inlay,« where »folang« referred to Europe. The arrival of cloisonné enamelware was similar to that of champlevé in that it was linked to the military conquests of the Mongolian Yuan Dynasty. However, it was different in that it was not brought back as plunder directly from Europe or Arabia as champlevé pieces had been, but from the Kingdom of Dali during the Southern Song. Enamelware during the Ming Dynasty was produced by the enamel workshop under the Directorate of Imperial Accoutrements, and all of these works were imperial commissions. 2. Champlevé and Cloisonné Enamelware The department responsible for the production of enamelware during the Ming Dynasty was the Directorate of Imperial Accoutrements. During the early Ming, the requirements in terms of raw materials and technique for the production of enamelware were very high and represented a splendor

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and richness that suited the aesthetic needs of a feudal royal house. Therefore, they were important fixtures in decorating the inner chambers of the court and production was completely controlled by the palace. Each of the emperors of the Ming Dynasty established an enamel workshop under the Directorate of Imperial Accoutrements, designing and manufacturing a large number of enamelware works. The earliest extant piece of champlevé enamelware is the Small Round Box with Hooked Lotus Patterns, from the reign of Xuande. It has a round gilt cast copper body with a lid. The body is strong and heavy with engraved hooked lotus patterns adorning the walls and the lid. The patterns are bold and open with full blossoms and strong branches that extend outward. The lines are rough and the hooked-lotus pattern is similar to others from the same period. A light blue enamel glaze is used as a base with a faded tone that is slightly gray. This object is currently the only example of champlevé enamelware that can be confirmed as being from the Ming Dynasty. The development of cloisonné enamelware can be divided into four periods: late-Yuan/Ming, early Ming, middle Ming and late Ming. The late-Yuan/ Ming Period is characterized by fine textured glazes with an unusual luster that almost have a crystalline quality. This is especially true of colors like sapphire blue, ruby red, grape purple and grass green, which are especially dazzling, which clearly indicate their use of imported enamel glazes. Images are mainly of scrolled lotus flowers with single lines marking the edges of the branches and flowers. Among the interconnected branches are several lotus flowers in full bloom. The centers of the flowers are in a peach shape and are given plenty of space. The lines are free and powerful, with lotus petals or hanging clouds used as decoration just below the neck and above the base, giving it a stable feel. One typical example of this period is the Three-layered Zun in Cloisonné Enamel with Animal handles. (Fig. 8.13.11)

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The development of the smelting and casting industries during the Xuande era of the early Ming Dynasty helped enamel to reach an extremely mature state, whether in terms of artistic styles, manufacturing techniques or the content of patterns used. Works from this era are characterized by a thick, heavy body and a simple form that is plain and unadorned. Most use a base of light blue enamel glaze with patterns using ruby red, sap-

8.13.11 Three-layered Zun in Cloisonné Enamel with Animal handles, Palace Museum, Beijng

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phire blue, golden yellow, reddish yellow, purple, green, melon-skin green and white. The colors have a tone that is warm and lustrous, full-bodied and pure. The glaze has a fine texture with very few bubbles. White enamel glaze also began to appear. Representative works from this period include the Large Bowl in Cloisonné Enamel with a Double-Dragon Pattern, the Cloisonné Enamel Saucer and the Zun Vessel in Cloisonné Enamel with Ji-Halbard Decoration. By the latter part of the Xuande era, the tone of the glazes had turned gray, firing did not produce as cohesive of a glaze and works of this era began to lose their luster. The reason for this was a transition to the use of domestic glazes from Yunnan. The middle Ming Period lasted approximately from the reign of Zhengtong to the reign of Zhengde (1436–1521). During this period, enamel glazes were relatively dark and faded, lacking the crystalline transparency of the past, and the number of bubbles in the glaze began to increase. Images also were created using a double-line method, and tended to be more complex. The problem of dripping glaze common during the early Ming was resolved by borrowing from mixtures used for pottery – which was to add aluminum oxide. This increased stability and absorption while making the firing of complex forms like the those of yi bronze vessels. This included vases, plates, censers, flower holders, basins, lamps, candle holders as well as bronze imitation pieces like zun wine vessels, bricks, teapots, or ceremonial ding vessels. The number of works produced clearly increased as did their size. In addition to light blue, base colors like sapphire and white were used more often. Images of scrolled lotus flowers also saw more scattered centers and more slender petals. Increasingly common patterns included chrysanthemum flowers, flames, cranes, lions playing with balls, dragons playing with a pearl and landscapes. Typical examples of this period include the Stem Cup in Cloisonné Enamel, the Censer with Handles in Cloisonné Enamel in a Crown De-

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sign, and the Zun Vessel in Cloisonné Enamel with Lions Playing with a Ball. In the late-Ming Period during and after the Jiajing and Wanli eras, enamelware became thinner and decoration became more elaborate. Double-line outlines became popular, and auspicious images became more popular, with more frequent combinations of text and images. The color of the glazes was full with a wide range of colors available. New colors, like pea-green, turquoise-green and ocher also began to appear. Never-before-seen changes came to enamelware during the reign of Wanli, characterized by the use of white, green or ocher base colors in addition to the traditional light blue or sapphire. There were even examples of using two or three different base colors on a single piece. Background colors were for the most part warm or neutral tones. The types of colors available in enamel glaze included light blue, dark blue, ocher, red, white, yellow, rose, green, purple, tea-brown and new variations like ocher-onwhite or yellow-on-green. Red enamel glaze was the most commonly used, with a fresh, bright tone that with a clean, glossy surface. This followed the same aesthetic changes that were occurring in wucai porcelain of the time, for which red was also a very popular color. One of the drawbacks of cloisonné enamelware from the Wanli era was that the width of the metal wire used for the cloisonné was uneven. Images were elaborate and typical works include the Plate in Cloisonné Enamel with a Cloud-Dragon Pattern and the Candle Holder in Cloisonné Enamel with a Flower Pattern. After the Wanli era, the level of firing techniques began to decline, and the bodies of works became even thinner. Poor gilt techniques also resulted in decreased luster. The number of animal patterns increased and an extremely large number of auspicious images were used.

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Section 4  The Four Treasures of the Study, and Ming Furniture 1. The Development of the »Four Treasures of the Study« Key categories of stationary in China were known as the »Four Treasures of the Study.« These included brush pens, ink, paper, and ink stones— each of them with their own history. Brushes and ink stones can be traced back to the Neolithic Period, while ink can be traced to the Western Zhou and paper to the Han Dynasty. After a long period of improvement and perfection, the manufacturing of brushes, ink, paper and ink stones had, by the Ming Dynasty, entered into a phase that greatly emphasized decoration and taste. There were many other essential items for the study of a scholar, including brush holders, paper weights, and water bowls for ink stones, which themselves hold historical and cultural value that cannot be incorporated into the »Four Treasures.« 1. Key Expressions of the Great Development of the »Four Treasures of the Study« During the Ming Dynasty Varied Styles Brush pens, ink, paper and ink stones can also be further divided into many different sub-categories based on their use, texture and form. For example, based on how they are used, brush pens can be divided into grab brushes, lifted brushes, regular-script brushes, painting brushes, large-character brushes, small-character brushes and other brushes unique to their individual use. They can also be divided according to the brush tip, with categories like rabbit fur, goat fur, rat beard, wolf fur, sable fur, big bristle, chicken fur, deer fur, fox fur or even human beard and fetus hair. There are also many other brushes that use a combination of different hairs, which allows for different functions and a balance be-

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tween strength and suppleness. The materials used to make brush handles are also very diverse. In addition to traditional materials like bamboo or wood, there are also handles made of other precious and exquisite materials like jade, turtle shell, carved lacquer, picked lacquer, ivory, porcelain, enamel and precious metals. Brush handles were also often decorated with carvings or painted decorations, which makes the brushes all the more pleasing to look at, which, without sacrificing their ability to be used, also made them into extremely unique works of art. Naturally, the value of the materials used and the exquisite workmanship already greatly exceeded practical value. In addition to brushes, paper could also be divided into many different categories depending on the raw material and techniques used to manufacture it. This included plain letter paper, gold embossed letter paper, pentachrome letter paper, gold-flower letter paper, curtain paper, cobalt paper, tribute letter paper, announcement paper, cotton and clean parchment. There were also categories that identified paper based on the period or location in which it was produced, the most famous of which were Xuande paper and Jingxian paper. Ink and ink stones were divided into many categories based on the location where they were made, the materials used and different techniques used. As the Four Treasures experienced this period of rapid development, so did other items used in the studio of the scholar, which included many exquisite items that were used together with these for essential items. These included brush holders, brush beds, brush rests, brush screens, wrist rests, water pots, water jars, water bowls for ink stones, trimming knives and paperweights. These additional items for the studio had generally reached a set number by the Ming Dynasty. Similar to the Four Treasures, these additional items could also be divided into many different categories based on their form and the materials used to make them. This greatly enriched the variety of

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items that could displayed and used in the studio of a scholar. Outstanding and Varied Manufacturing Techniques Practically speaking, the manufacturing of the Four Treasures increased dramatically in terms of quality, which was based on increasingly higher manufacturing techniques. From the creation of the open-pillar method during the Han Dynasty through the advent of the core-less ringhair brushes of the Five Dynasties, these basic brush-making techniques continued to be improves upon. This enabled the use of any combination of hair that could produce brushes that had a balance of both firm and soft, stiff and strong brushes as well as soft and supple brushes that met the needs of all types of needs. Techniques for manufacturing ink also continued to improve and in addition to pine-soot ink, oil-soot ink and lacquer-soot ink also started to be mass-produced and were created in a range of colors. The quality of ink far surpassed previous dynasties. Superior quality Tung-oil soot ink made by the famous ink master Luo Xiaohua had been lauded as »hard as stone with lines like rhinoceros horn and black as lacquer.« Another master ink maker, Cheng Junfang, praised his own creations, saying »in a century, my ink will be transformed into gold.« Both paper and ink stone making also reached the same level of quality. Other items for the scholar’s studio also reached an extremely high level. They all excelled at cleverly creating exquisite works, which was represented in all art forms—including jade, lacquer, porcelain and precious metals. There was unprecedented innovation in the carving of brush handles and ink molds as well as paperweights and brush holders of all types of materials. This also laid a comprehensive foundation for further development in items for the studio during the Qing Dynasty. Greater Aesthetic Value Beginning in the Ming Dynasty, the aesthetic value of items for the schol-

Chapter XIII Crafts of Extraordinary Splendor

ar’s studio increased dramatically. Great attention was paid to the use of precious material and carving in the creation of the handles of writing brushes. Meanwhile, a variety of designs in the shape and decoration of molded ink blocks, a rich assortment of techniques and types of paper that could be used as well as the quality of materials and decorative carvings used in the creation of ink stones. 2. Manufacturing the Four Treasures as Art While ensuring the quality, the process of manufacturing the Four Treasures of the Study also took on a high artistic quality, mainly expressed through form and decoration. The forms of these items were based in practicality. The hair used included shapes like the tulip, calabash, orchid, ring-hair, jujube core, core-less jujube pit, ring-hair with a flower heart and bamboo shoot styles. The most traditional of these was the bamboo shoot shape, which used short, thick hair, and had the shape of a bamboo shoot that fell on paper with a heavy, full motion. The orchid shape was also one of the traditional forms and was known for its full, round head and pure white color that was clean and fresh. It resembled an orchid bud that was about to bloom, which gave it a tender beauty and brightness. The form of ink blocks was also extremely varied. There were over 350 examples in the Ink Collection (Mopu 墨谱) by Fang Yulu alone. The most basic shapes were rectangular, square and round, but others included those in the shape of human figures, animals, ancient works like jade tablets and disks or qin zithers and plants. These rich and varied styles were one of the ways that gave objects for the studio the rich variety they achieved. Ink stones were also a source of rich variety with examples in the shape of eight water caltrops, sections of bamboo, lotus leaves, banana leaves, jade tablets, teapots and many others, each different than the last. Styles also changed with each period. The early Ming was dignified and stolid, while after the mid-

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dle of the Ming Dynasty and especially at the end of the Ming, shapes became increasingly varied and styles became more exquisite and complex. Decoration of objects for the studio were also extremely varied. The carving techniques used in the making of brush handles was complex and diverse. In addition to common techniques like shallow carving, openwork carving, relief carving, slow carving, painting and gilt work other decorative techniques were used that were suited to the material that the brush handles were made of. This included lacquer techniques like filled lacquer, mother-of-pearl inlay, hundred-treasures inlay and the »rhinoceros skin« technique. Bamboo used the leaving-green technique, deep carving and flat-base relief carving, while cloisonné was used for enamel pieces and any variety of glazing was used for porcelain. The content of the decoration on brush handles was even more richly varied, with auspicious symbols constituting the majority of the images—like two dragons playing with a pearl, a dragon and phoenix playing with a pearl, the eight immortals, clouds, bats, ancient coins or even landscapes. Despite the narrow, limited space on the surface of the brush handle, artists were still able to create complex designs with a clear composition that distinguished between each of the objects, maintaining a strict composition and harmonious color scheme. Seascapes were filled with crashing waves, while scenes of dragons in the clouds depicted them dancing through the mists with a stunning realism that seemed as though they would break through the handle itself. Pictures of butterflies floating delicately among flowers with a pleasing fragrance that could almost be sensed gave the viewer a sense of serene joy. Scenes with figures showed them seated, reclining, leaning, walking slowly or in deep conversation, each of them full of life. And what’s more, all of these scenes were created with only a few simple strokes of a knife. Despite not including every detail, they were able to show the height of their skill.

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Carvings on ink blocks was another exotic bloom that grew in the garden of the studio. The ink mold was the main tool in creating ink blocks. From an artistic perspective, the carving of the ink mold was in itself a work of art with a great deal of aesthetic value. Ink makers of the Ming Dynasty often spent great deal of money to hire master craftsmen to carve and paint images on their ink blocks to ensure that they were exquisite and would fetch a high price. From Ming ink blocks that have survived to the present, and images on ink molds, carvings paid great attention to nature and everyday life, depicting either breathtaking scenes of mountains and streams, deftly crafted halls and pavilions, the pastoral lives of farmers and weaving maidens, or the reclusive lives of those who lived in mountain forests. Regardless of the content, a natural and simple feel was the highest aspiration of the artist. For example, a Jiangnan vignette would show a world of green lotus leaves, hanging willow branches and tiny bridges to bring the everyday lives of people who »lived among bridges and flowing streams.« This style of decoration made up a very large proportion of the carvings done for ink blocks during the Ming Dynasty. Other types of images included historical themes like myths and legends, stories from operas, and the lives of famous individuals as well as auspicious symbols. As with other types of crafts, the carving of ink molds also saw the participation of the literati, who imbued ink mold carvings with a bookish and poetic spirit that organically blended the lives of the common people and the scholarly class. There was also a notable increase in ink block carvings that incorporated poetry, calligraphy and painting into a single art form, which exemplifies the contributions of the literati. This development had far-reaching impacts on the manufacturing of ink during the Ming Dynasty, requiring craftsmen to be both skilled at carving and have exceptional technique while at the same time adding a natural expressive spirit to their works.

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Ink molds during the Ming Dynasty were almost always first painted by master painters and then carved by master carvers. For example, the ink molds of Cheng Junfang were the result of paintings by Ding Yunpeng and Wu Zuoqian, which were then carved by Huang Yingtai. Ding Yunpeng was a famous painter of the late Ming, who was also an ink maker. It was said that his »Fragrance of Clouds among Pine Trees and Streams« could »grace ten thousand brushes with a single tael weight.« He is known for painting the »Broad Antiquities« for Wu Zuoqian and illustration for Fang Yulu’s Ink Collection. Wu Zuoqian, sometimes written as Wu Zuogan, was a native of Shexian in Anhui Province, who lived during the latter part of the Ming Dynasty. He was skilled at making ink with styles like »Profound Origins« and »Crimson Topknot.« He was also a painter who was especially skilled at painting »broad antiquities,« as for Wang Fu’s Xuanhe Broad Antiquities (Xuanhe bogu tu 宣和博古图), along with Ding Yunpeng. He also painted images for Fang Yulu’s ink molds. Ink molds of the Ming Dynasty were mainly made by using copper, which made them sharp, angular and stiff. After wood started to be used, the images became finer, but were almost too detailed, and lost some of the boldness of the copper molds. In addition to color, decoration on paper during the Ming Dynasty reproduction of Song-era sutra paper from the Temple of Golden Millet also included mica powder that gave the paper shining flecks that dazzled in the light. Perhaps the most exquisite of Ming-era decorated paper was its calender paper, which was very durable high-quality paper, that was produced in varying thicknesses. It used a hidden press to produce images including landscapes, bird-and-flower, fish-and-insect, dragon-phoenix, cloud patterns, ripple patterns, story scenes and text. When held up to the light, hidden patterns would appear. Other decorative methods included techniques like color dyeing,

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waxing, calendering, powder coating, gilt decoration and embossing with gold and silver. The main decoration used on inkstones was carved images. For example, the tablet-shaped Duan-style inkstone often had decorations of clouds and constellations with an image of the sun where the ink was made, while at the top of the stone there were three mountain peaks of different heights carved in relief and, in-between, a natural water-dropper disguised as a cave that fed into the ink pool, while the space below the sun was a carving of the ocean. The content of decoration on inkstones was similar to that of inksticks in their use of landscapes and figures. The majority of Ming inkstones were large, which made their decoration was relatively simple and clean. It wasn’t until the end of the Ming that the began to become busier. Furthermore, the uniqueness of the materials used to make inkstones, which meant that the materials used to make inkstones meant to be admired was more important than those for everyday use. This included the eyeshape of Duan inkstones and the eyebrow patterns in She-inkstones—all of which pointed to an emphasis on the natural beauty inherent to the inkstone. 3. Centers of Production and their Characteristics Prior to the Yuan Dynasty, the center of ink brush manufacturing had been Xuanzhou (present-day Jingxian in Anhui Province), and these were known as »Xuan brushes.« By the Ming Dynasty, however, Xuanzhou had been replaced by Huzhou (present-day town of Shanlian in Wuxing, Zhejiang Province), which had flourished during the Song Dynasty, and which produced the universally recognized Hu-brush. The representative of Hu-brushes during the Yuan Dynasty was Zhang Jinzhong, and during the Ming included masters like Lu Ying, Wang Guyong and Lu Yongzhi. While Huzhou may have been the most prosperous of the brush manufacturing centers during the Ming

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Dynasty, other famous locations included Jishui in Jiangxi Province, Nanjing in Jiangsu and Hangzhou in Zhejiang. The manufacturing of ink during the Ming Dynasty was most prevalent in Anhui, and there were two major schools of ink making in Shezhou and Xiuning. The She School was led by Luo Xiaohua and later by Cheng Junfang, Fang Yulu, Fang Ruisheng and Pan Jiake, while the Xiuning School was led by Wang Zhongshan, Shao Qingqiu, Shao Gezhi, Shao Qionglin, Wang Chunyuan, Wang Hongjian, Wang Junqing and Wu Quchen. Works from the She School were handsome, elegant and bold, made with the finest soot and clear gum. It also used fragrance and cases that were extremely delicate. The Xiuning School was extravagant and exquisite, with many decorated in gold and silver. They always came with a lacquer sleeve and their inkstone sets were especially remarkable, famous for its »Brocade Ink Collection.« Centers of inkstone production were located near the quarries where the stone was mined. During the Ming Dynasty, Duan-inkstones, She-inkstones, Taohe-inkstones and Chengni-inkstones were named as the four great inkstones. Duan-inkstones were the most acclaimed of the four greats. Produced in Zhaoqing in Guangdong Province, the stone they used was of outstanding quality with a fine, moist texture, producing ink that did not damage the hairs on brushes—and it was said that ink could be produced in a single breath. The most prized stones used for Duan-inkstones were the so-called »fish-brain« shoushan stone and the blue and white qinghua stone. Others included banana-leaf white, sky blue, scorched-patch, »pig-liver« shoushan, golden star, gold-and-silver lined, ice pattern and stoneeye varieties. The variations in the stone-eye variety of Duan-inkstones became a source of great appreciation, and the quality of the eye shapes directly influenced the quality of the stone. These included elephant eyes, parrot eyes, high eyes, low eyes, living eyes and blind eyes just to name a

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few. She-inkstones were produced near Longwei Mountain in Wuyuan in Jiangxi Province, which meant they were also called Longwei or Luowen inkstones. This stone was durable and fine with a deep, black color and natural lines, with a dignified and profound look. Taohe-inkstones were produced along the Taohe River near Lintan in Gansu Province. The quality of the stones was fine and almost crystalline, with lines like strains of silk with a quality of pure elegance and beauty. When these stones were carved, the carved patterns were often filled with black pigment and covered a relatively large portion of the stone. Chengni-inkstones were very different from the previous three as they were not made from stone, but from fine, filtered clay that was fired that was hard and durable. These inkstones were mainly produced in Jiangzhou (present-day Xinjiang in Shanxi Province). Xuanzhou remained the traditional center for paper making during the Ming Dynasty, producing renowned Xuan-paper. Other important center of paper production at the time were located in Jiangxi, Zhejiang, Fujian, Sichuan, Hunan and Guangdong. Famous papers of the Ming Dynasty included Xuande-era tribute letter paper, which was divided into pentachrome letter paper, goldflower pentachrome letter paper, pentachrome curtain paper and cobalt paper. These were initially used exclusively by the court, but later were made available to the common people for decoration, and became synonymous with Xuande censers and Xuande porcelain. Another type of paper produced during the reign of Xuande was »goatbrain« letter paper, which used goat brains and premium soot-ink that was applied to cobalt paper and then calendered. It was black as lacquer and was often used to write sutras in gold lettering. Other innovations included calender-pattern letter paper and wax letter paper.

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4. Masters of the Four Treasures of the Study History records many master craftsmen of the Four Treasures of the Study from the Ming Dynasty, including a great many talented ink makers—many of which became renowned masters. From the early to the late Ming, each period produced outstanding representative craftsmen. The early Ming had Fang Zheng, Shao Gezhi and Luo Longwen, but the most famous of the masters of ink making were Cheng Junfang and Fang Yulu of the late Ming. Cheng Junfang was a renowned ink maker from Yanzhen in Shexian, Anhui Province, and lived during the reign of Wanli. He was an usher at the Court of State Ceremony under the Imperial Academy. He used Tung oil mixed with five kinds of stone into lacquer to produce one hundred taels of soot. His ink was imbued with a silent light, had a hard lustrous spirit like looking into the pupils of a child. The Ming scholar Shen Defu called it »mysterious ink.« He wrote the 12-volume work The Garden of Ink (Moyuan 墨苑), which was divided into six categories: Yuan Craftsmen, the Nation, Commoners and Officials, Things of Brilliance, Confucian Treasures, and Black and Yellow—with illustrations by Ding Yunpeng and Wu Zuoqian. His most famous inksticks had names like Heavenly Origin of Spiritual Breath, Double Origin, Mysterious Work, Aromatic Pond, Hundred Seed Pomegranate, Pattra Palm, Fragrance of a Great Nation and Non-Soot. His signature lines included »Junfang Ink,« »In Solemn Praise of the Former Usher of the Court of State Ceremony Cheng Dayue,« »Made for Imperial Use by Junfang,« »Made by Cheng ›Junfang‹ Shiyun,« »Master Cheng ›Junfang‹ Youbo,« »Made by Cheng Junfang,« »Made by Cheng Dayue-Youbowen-Junfang-Shiyun,« »Master Cheng Junfang,« »Junfang« and »Created by Cheng Mingfang«—to name those that are still preserved to the present day. (Fig. 8.13.12) Fang Yulu was a famous ink maker from Shexian in Anhui Province during the reigns of Jiajing and Wanli. He began his career working for Cheng Junfang, but also produced his own ink and later

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8.13.12 Round inkstick with Panchi Dragon pattern by Cheng Junfang, Palace Museum, Beijing

established his own workshop. Most of his inks used bear gall and, instead of thin-paste, he used Tung tree extract to mix his pastes. He also used Cantonese gum instead of lacquer in ink, and lingcao extract to dissolve the gum. He retained the best elements of Cheng Junfang’s method and improved upon it to the praise of literati, the official classes –even the emperor. Fang Yulu’s six-volume Ink Collection was divided into six sections: National Treasures, National Brilliance, Broad

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Antiquity, Broad Curiosities, Buddhist Treasures and Grand Seals. This ranged from superior examples like seals, tablets and disks down to miscellaneous accessories with 385 in all. The most famous of these were Essence of the Green Kirin, Ultimate Work of Auspicious Origin, Nine Mysteries and Three Utmosts, Lonely Heaven of One, Doubled Mystery of Great Majesty, Golden Platform, Wen Xi Gazing Into the Water, Jade Chime, Original Vision of Literary Brilliance, Dragon’s Precious Pearl, Alms Bowl of Flowers, Non-Soot and Copper Sparrow Tile. The book itself is filled with postcripts by many famous scholars, and includes illustrations by Ding Yunpeng and Wu Zuoqian. Fang Yulu was also a skilled poet, and wrote the 12-volume Poems from the Hall of the Good Day (Jiarilou shi 佳日楼诗) with an additional volume of addenda and one of lyrical poetry. Some of the ink he produced has survived to the present day. His son, Fang Zifeng, continued with the family business. Other relatively well-known ink makers of the Ming Dynasty included Pan Fangkai, Pan Yiju, Ye Huaiyuan and Ye Xuanqing. However, there are very few records of famous inkstone or paper makers, while brush makers are even fewer. The only master paper makers of note were Chen Qing and Tan Zhong. Inkstone makers that are mentioned include Kang Gao, Wang Yanbo, Zhang Yin, Zhao San, Wang Hairi and Li Suiqiu. Major brush makers of renown were Lu Yongzhi, Lu Ying and Wang Guyong. Others included Liu Jiewen, Fu Zifeng, Zhang Tianxi, Zhang Wengui, Lu Wenbao, Lu Jiweng, Zheng Boqing, Shi Wenyong, Zhang meng, Gu Xiuyan and Qian Sou.

2. Features of Ming Furniture 1. Types of Ming Furniture and Materials The various categories of Ming Dynasty furniture carried on those of the previous dynasties, with beds and couches, tables and sideboards, chairs and benches as well as wardrobes and cabinets,

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but there was also considerable change in the forms they took. The selection of materials was also far stricter, which gave Ming-era furniture a unique style and an important place in the history of Chinese furniture. Types of Ming Furniture The beds that fell under the category of beds and couches fell mainly into three categories—canopy beds, luohan beds and wedding beds. Canopy beds were mainly constructed of vertical columns, a roof and surrounding railing. There were usually a large number of lintels and hanging decorative edges on the edges of the roof, while the railing was usually constructed of small pieces of wood formed into geometric patterns, and more unique railings were known as gate-railings and referred to the addition of two vertical columns in front of the bed that supported a square, crescent or full moon shaped lattice—but this was purely for decoration. (Fig. 8.13.13) The structure of the bed frame did not differ greatly from the north to the south, but because of the differences in climate the south mainly used reed and palm mats as a mattress, while the north mostly chose soft, thick cushions, which were supported by wooden boards. The choice of these materials was based on the comfort and practicality. Luohan beds came in both large and small sizes and the smaller version was also referred to as a couch, while more unique versions of this bed that appeared in the central section of palace halls were known as thrones. Luohan beds are pieces of furniture that have railings on the left, right and back, but do not have a canopy structure. The form and materials used in the railings vary with some made from smaller pieces of wood jointed together, while others feature whole carved wood patterns, which are the more valuable of the two kinds. Most railings are made with soft, rounded shapes, while a few choose sharper corners. Small and large luohan beds also serve different functions. Generally, larger luohan beds are more flex-

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8.13.13  Rosewood canopy bed with ­balustrades in a swastika design, Palace Museum, Beijing

ible, allowing the user to sit or lay down. Smaller luohan beds, however, in the form of couches or thrones, are only used for sitting. The location and manner in which these beds also placed is also different. Large luohan beds were mainly seen in bed chambers, while smaller versions were in entrance halls or salons. Some also had small tables on them that were used when hosting guests. Special throne-style luohan beds that were found in the main halls of the imperial palace or princely mansions were also often flanked by screens, incense tables, luduan beasts or palace fans. The design of the wedding bed was rather unique, with a basic form that was similar to the canopy bed with some additional features that were much more complex, almost like a canopy bed that had been placed inside of a miniature house. What

made this bed was that it was placed on a wooden platform with columns and railings at each corner to form a small corridor with window to form a space between the corridor and the bed that could be filled with small pieces of furniture like tables and benches. These were mostly seen in the south. Tables and sideboards could also be divided into those placed on the floor and used on a raised platform or kang, and were called either a kang-table or kang-sideboard. Based on their dimensions, tables could be further divided into square, rectangular or long tables. Square tables referred to tables with sides of equal length and were also known as »eight immortal tables.« Rectangular tables were rectangular, but their length could not exceed twice their width. Long tables were also

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rectangular, but their length was usually more than twice their width. In terms of their structures, tables could either be girdled or non-girdled. More detailed categories include those with tyrant jams, hunchback jams, »one-leg and threeteeth,« square-leg and round-leg designs. In addition to acting as ordinary pieces of furniture, tables of the Ming Dynasty also had specific designs according to their use—like zither tables, chess tables, card tables and painting tables. Zither tables of the Ming Dynasty had tops of jade-like stones such as agate and Nanyang-stone. They were also made from other materials, such as thick pieces of wood, hollow bricks or lacquer. Tables with filled lacquer inlaid with gold had thin panels on the top that had patterns in the shape of money or other openwork designs. This would then be set into the center of the table with panels on all sides to sturdy it. The empty space would serve as a sound box that would enable the sound of the zither to resound through it, strengthening the sound, integrating both the practical and the aesthetic. Sideboards and tables were basically the same, with their main difference being that tables had feet at each corner, while sideboards generally had their legs tucked from the ends of the top of the sideboard. The legs of tables connected directly with the top of the table without the top extending beyond that point, while sideboards were the opposite. In addition, large sideboards that could be used to place items for display that curled up at either end were popular during the Ming Dynasty and known as curved-head sideboards. In the same category as tables and sideboards, there was a small piece of furniture that was a platform with either tall or short legs. Shortlegged platforms usually included two forms, one that was used to lean on while seated and another that was used for displaying curios. Long-legged platforms were extremely common and included those used for holding incense, flowers and tea sets, and were often displayed in the entrance

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halls and salons of homes. There were also several special types of platforms like the »Butterfly Platform« by Ge Xian, also known as the »Curiously Crafty Table.« It was comprised of 13 triangular and step-shaped pieces of different sizes that had a certain proportion and could be formed into rectangular, square or even jagged shapes. Another style of miniature platform was used for displaying antiques and placed on bookshelves or wall sideboards. Of the chairs and benches during the Ming Dynasty, chairs were mainly divided into thrones, folding armchairs, horseshoe-back armchairs, »official’s hat armchairs,« side chairs and rose chairs. From the seat down, thrones use the same techniques as beds and couches with most using curved legs that have ends that stick out or inward turning horse hoof designs. There are similarities with the thrones under the bed and couch category, but these examples are smaller and are only used for sitting in the center of main halls. Folding chairs include both those with and without backrests. The former is called a folding armchair, while the latter is a folding stool or »mazha.« Both were characterized by their folding legs. Horseshoe-back armchairs (also known as »grand master chairs«) were an evolution of the folding armchair—which can be seen in the design of the chair above the seat, while below it the intersecting folding legs are replaced with four vertical legs that extend straight into the seat itself. The backrests of all horseshoe-back armchairs have a rounded, curved shape. The »official’s hat armchair« can be divided into the southern version and the four-head version, of which the latter is considered the best. The most outstanding characteristic of the official’s hat armchair is its high backrest, which is curved into an S-shape to accommodate the curves of the human body. There is also a headrest at the top to allow the user to rest their head. The so-called four-head official’s hat armchair is different from the southern version in that it has extended portions at either end

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of the headrest and at the tips of the armrests, creating four extended »heads.« The side chair was another evolution, this time from the official’s hat armchair. It was smaller in size and also known as the »lamp-hanging chair,« and the only difference was that it lacked armrests. The »rose chair« had a very unique design, with a backrest that was usually lower than other chairs and only slightly higher than the armrests. It was usually used to compliment tables and sideboards so that it was not higher than the edge of the table or a window. »Rose chair« was a term mainly used in Beijing, while in the Jiangnan Region, it was known as a »scholar’s chair.« Benches were divided into square and round varieties. Square benches were the most common and can structurally be divided into girdled and non-girdled versions. The vast majority of girdled benches used square materials and either had bent legs or three-curve legs, while non-girdled varieties could either have square or round legs, but they were always straight. The shape of benches can also be divided into rectangular and long varieties. The rectangular variety was also known as a spring-bench and had a wider and longer seat that could sit two or three people or used to place objects. The long variety was also called a long-bench and could only be used for sitting. In addition to these, there were also special benches that were good for one’s health, which were called foot-benches. Another unique form of bench was the round drum stool. This stool was wider in the middle than at either end and looked like a flower-drum, hence its name. There were many different versions of this stool, including gourd-shaped, crabapple-shaped, hexagonal and octagonal shapes—regardless of the shape of the stool, but one common element of all of these stools was that they must have a rope pattern and circle of nail-heads at either end, and the center had to be empty. Wardrobes of the Ming Dynasty were generally very high and could fit large items or many differ-

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ent items. They usually had two doors that opened away from each other, with several shelves inside. There would be a vertical post between the two doors that was decorated with copper. They could also be locked, and were an essential piece of furniture in a Ming Dynasty home. Wardrobe cabinets were pieces of furniture that combined both the function of a cabinet and a wardrobe. They were usually not very large, and approximately the same size as a table or sideboard. The top of the cabinet could be used as a tabletop, while there were drawers below, and below the drawers were two doors similar to a cabinet. Simply put, this was a wardrobe and cabinet in a single piece of furniture, and was the precursor to integrated furniture. Capped wardrobes were also a kind of integrated furniture that added a small cabinet to the top of a standing wardrobe. This kind of wardrobe was usually seen in pairs, and was also known as a four-piece wardrobe. This was an extremely common piece of furniture during the Ming Dynasty. Curio cabinets were common pieces in studies, with a cabinet at the bottom and open shelving above where antiques and curios could be placed. The cabinet was usually used to store books. The round-foot wardrobe was unique in that each side and the legs of the wardrobe were made from one piece of wood, which was rounded. These were also called round-corner wardrobes. They usually had two or four doors and used relatively roughcut material. The most unique type of cabinet door did not use hinges, but a pivot. If these doors were to be removed, the door had to be turned past 90° and lifted up first. This was an ingenious design, because if the door were locked, it would be impossible to remove the door. In addition to these four main categories of furniture, there were also smaller categories of Ming Dynasty furniture. These included screens, clothes racks, wash stands, trunks, tiered boxes, frame screens, hanging screens and mirror stands—each of which had their own unique design.

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Materials Used in Ming Furniture In addition to having a wide variety of designs—and clean, practical designs—Ming Dynasty furniture was also very particular in terms of the materials that were used, preferring precious, high-quality wood, particularly hardwoods. The criteria for selecting wood included, first, a wood that was stable and did not warp; second, a hard wood that was suitable for complicated mortise and tenon structures; and third, clear grain lines with patterns and colors that were unique. The wood used in Ming furniture mainly included zitan wood, huali wood, jichi wood, rosewood and boxwood. Zitan was one of the most expensive woods available, and was produced on the islands of the South China Sea or the Jiaozhi Region of what is today Vietnam. The Chinese provinces of Guangdong and Guangxi also produced this type of wood, but only small amounts. Zitan can be divided into new and old varieties. The older version is more purple, while the newer variety is redder, but both have irregular crab-claw patterns. This wood is characterized by a color similar to rhinoceros horn, with age rings that often form shapes like knotted silk, with tightly packed xylem for a hard, heavy wood. When making furniture, the natural characteristics of the wood are used as much as possible with a polished, plain surface—so as to highlight the myriad patterns and dark colors of the wood itself for a substantial, bold effect. Luohan beds, large sideboards and round drum stools often appear in zitan wood. Huali wood has a bright color with clear grain patterns. It is also produced in the Jiaozhi Region of Vietnam and is divided into new and old varieties. Old huali wood is also called yellow-huali, with a color that varies from light yellow to a purplish red and has a noticeable fragrance. New-huali wood has a reddish yellow color with grain patterns and coloring that is slightly inferior to oldhuali. When used, it is generally left undecorated and polished, rarely adding carved decoration for

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a warm feeling that is soft and tranquil. More important types of Ming furniture tended to use this type of wood, including official’s hat armchairs, rose chairs, and some tables, sideboards and wardrobes. Jichi wood came from Guangdong and Hainan Provinces. This wood was also known as Hainan wood or xiangsi wood. The name »jichi« or »chicken-wing« came from its similarity to the shapes of feathered wings of chickens. This wood was produced in extremely small amounts. The wide range of variety in the grain lines of this wood naturally create images that resemble landscapes, so when using this wood in furniture, carving was avoided if at all possible to fully showcase its natural beauty. This wood was mainly used in rose chairs. A dark purple wood known as tieli wood had gray patterns similar to those in jichi wood, and was mainly used in large pieces of furniture. Rosewood is produced in Guangdong and Yunnan, with a texture that is slightly inferior to zitan wood and a color that is closer to a date-red. Because more of this wood is produced, there is more room for flexibility, which means that this wood is usually used for high-quality pieces, and the final products are anything but common. This wood was used across a wide range of works, including larger works like tables and sideboards and smaller works like round drum stools. Boxwood was also a more commonly used wood, but because of its slow growing cycle, which is said to be only one inch per year, this wood is very hard and does not grow to a very large size. The small size of the raw material, along with a soft tone like yellow egg yolks, means it was mainly used as inlay decoration on furniture, with no Ming Dynasty furniture being made entirely from boxwood. 2. Styles and Decorations They overall style of Ming furniture is one of logical, reasonable structure that shows well-developed proportions and exquisite techniques that

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reach a harmonious unification between practicality and aesthetics. Specifically, hardwood furniture has a dense, hard quality with elegant, solid colors and natural grain patterns that are full of changes. Overall, these pieces have a clean, elegant artistic design, but still one that emphasizes individuality in specific elements of the design. For example, canopy beds are known for their exquisite craftsmanship, elegance and uniqueness. Thrones are stately, solemn, steadfast and bold. Four-head-style official’s hat armchairs sought boldness through simplicity, while rose chairs were meant to be pleasing to the eyes with their vivid colors and uniquely beautiful shape. Hardwood furniture rarely used unnecessary decoration, emphasizing a polished and plain surface that highlighted the natural beauty of the wood. The grain in the wood itself was often used to create enthralling landscapes, bounding seas, floating cloudscapes and endless ripples that gave each person a different feeling—and room for imagination. Examples of decoration generally only appear on armrests, backrests or the feet of tables—and are simple carvings like flower medallions or dragons in clouds that blend movement and stillness with a balance between complexity and simplicity. However, by the late Ming, some hardwood furniture began to use inlaid decoration that had been borrowed from the so-called »hundred treasure inlay« technique, with most of the designs depicting flowers or geometric patterns. While this type of decoration was able to add color and a richness to a piece, it was superfluous in terms of the actual artistry of the furniture, and added inharmonious elements to the pure, simple design of Ming furniture. However, this style and technique did have a considerable impact on the furniture of the Qing Dynasty. The precise forms and structures of Ming furniture are mainly attributed to its mortise and tenon construction. The Ming Dynasty carried on the mortise and tenon techniques that had been developed in the past, but made three notable

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breakthroughs. First, the Ming deftly integrated the mortise and tenon structure into the overall design of the work. For example, the embracing shoulder tenon was used to integrated the legs of girdled furniture into the overall structure. At the same time, they also ingeniously fixed the dowels used in the fixing of the girdle, which ensured that the overall integrity of the piece without leaving traces of the connection points. This was a model for the integration of practicality and artistry. Second, the creation of the loose tenon, as in the elongated bridle joint which created a mortise in the center of the upper part of the leg, created an upright tenon at the tip that was integrated with the mortise and tenon structure of the tabletop—for a simple, clean construction that could be taken apart and put together at any time. By the Qing Dynasty, most massive pieces of furniture used this kind of loose tenon, which could be disassembled and reassembled at will, which both maintained the tight proportions of the piece while making it easier to move. This also resolved the problem of weight in many hardwood pieces of furniture. Third was the bold move to expose the mortise and tenon construction to create exquisite lines, which resulted in another unique artistic effect that augmented the overall beauty. The inserted shoulder joint is one example of this. Artistic elements in the structure of furniture were a combination of three elements—points, lines and surfaces. This had two results—the first in its stability and the second in terms of increased flexibility. The first was decided by the need for the furniture to be practical, which made stability a fundamental requirement. This was resolved in Ming furniture by using solid materials, a tight structure and a combination of lines and surfaces. While emphasizing stability, this combination of lines and surfaces also expressed an artistic element that was steady, bold and pure. However, if this kind of combination and effect was the only expectation, it might also have had the opposite effect and created an overly stable design that

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lacked inspiration. This is why Ming furniture often used subtle variations to make up for these possible drawbacks. For example, in sections that were not part of the main structure, curved lines, uneven surfaces and seemingly irregular crosspieces were added to break up the stiffness of the overall structure, resulting in an optimal artistic effect that blended strength with softness, the heavy with the light. From this, we can see that in addition to a strict structure and precious materials, Ming furniture also deftly used a varied combination of lines, surfaces and points to achieve great things. In addition to using hardwoods, Ming furniture also included a large number of lacquerware pieces, which were made with a base of wood that was softer and did not tend to warp and was then covered in a layer of decorated lacquer. The most common examples are in black and crimson red lacquer, while plain lacquer was also painted or gilt to add to its beauty. There are also carved lacquer pieces of furniture, which are similar in style and decoration to other Ming-era lacquerware. Another unique type of furniture is natural wood furniture, using the naturally occurring shapes in the growth of the tree to create unique pieces of furniture through a simple process that followed the original shapes. The style of this type of furniture was pure and simple, and was generally used in open-air courtyards, with a number of similarities to root carvings. A masterpiece in this style is the completely natural »Wood Raft on Clouds.«

3. Desktop Sculptures and their Masters Wood and bone desktop carvings were mainly carved out of wood or bone, hence the name. They were mainly small carvings and curios for display on the desks of scholars. Examples of this can be seen rather early and were already relatively developed during the Song Dynasty, but saw even greater development during the Ming with a number of schools of carving appearing. There were a very large number of carvers active in creating

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wood-and-bone desktop carvings, with a wide range of backgrounds. There were professionals and amateurs, common people as well as literati. The participation of literati in this art form had a great impact on the development of this form of carving. The majority of these works were used as decoration for scholars’ studios and had designs and patterns that were more interpretive, which caused them to become increasingly suited for the cultured classes. The dominant medium in wood and bone desktop sculpture during the Ming Dynasty was bamboo, and carvings in this medium could be divided into two main schools. The first was the Jinling School and the other was the Jiading School. The founder of the Jiading School was Zhu He, who was a native of Jiading in Shanghai and lived during the middle part of the Ming Dynasty. His courtesy name was Ziming and he was also known by the pseudonym Songlin. His carvings used the same methods as calligraphy and painting, treating his knife like a brush, which made his works particularly expressive. His landscapes, figures, buildings and animal sculptures were all full of form— and exceeded everyone’s expectations. For a time, no one could compare with his skill. His brush holders were treasured possessions, and those who were able to obtain them called his pieces by name, using his pseudonym »Zhu Songlin.« Zhu He was also a skilled calligrapher, painter and seal carver. He was also gifted in writing poetry and lyrical prose. The Palace Museum in Beijing currently contains his Brush Holder in Bamboo Carved with Crabapple Blossoms (Zhu He zhudiao haitanghua bitong 朱鹤竹雕海棠花笔筒), and the Nanjing Museum also contains his Bamboo Brush Holder with Pine Trees and Cranes (Zhudiao song he bitong 竹雕松鹤笔筒). (Fig. 8.13.14) Zhu He passed on his skill to his son Zhu Ying. Zhu Ying was also known by the courtesy name Qingfu and the pseudonym Xiaosong. His most exquisite pieces were carvings of Daoist immortals and Buddhist figures, which he carved in

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Chapter XIII Crafts of Extraordinary Splendor

8.13.14  Brush holder with pine trees and cranes by Zhu He, Nanjing Museum

rhinoceros horn, ivory, fragrant woods and zitan. The skill of his works surpassed all others, and his goal was to create meticulous works. His carving technique was extremely precise and expressive, which resulted in lively and vivid scenes. In his later years, he stopped carving and dedicated himself to the art of bonsai, which he pruned himself—and people competed to purchase them. He was also skilled in the small seal and running cursive styles of calligraphy as well as painting, producing works that had a unique style. Zhu Ying enjoyed drinking, and each time he drank he would not stop until he was completely inebriated. Once sufficiently inspired, he would begin to work and only finish when he felt he had fully expressed himself. These works are extremely rare and greatly prized among collectors. Only Zhu Ying’s third son, Zhu Zhizheng, followed in his father’s footsteps. He was skilled at

bamboo carving, and his achievements surpassed even those of his father, reaching a high point in the Zhu-style of bamboo carving. Zhu Zhizheng was also known by the pseudonym Sansong, and most of his works were objects for the studio and objects for display—such as brush holders and armrests. One example of his work is the Bamboo Brush Holder by Sansong (Sansong zhi zhudiao bitong 三松制竹雕笔筒), from the Qianlong Period, which was praised in a poem by the emperor himself. Sansong’s works are characterized by an unrestrained carving style. He would only work when he was inspired to do so, and when he met with those who truly appreciated his work he would present them with an art work free of charge. He was also a skilled painter, producing works of distant mountains, subdued stones, bamboo forests and withered trees, each with their own exquisite style. However, he was most

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famous for his paintings of donkeys, for which he was most well-known for a time. Another school that was on par with the Jiading School in the art of bamboo carving was the Jinling School, founded by Pu Cheng (also recorded as Puyang Zhongqian). Pu Cheng was a native of Nanjing who lived during the middle Ming, and at the time was well-known for his bamboo carvings. His technique was outstanding, and he adapted to a number of different media. He preferred using bamboo roots, and followed their natural curves and random intersections, simply shaping and polishing the pieces, and resulting in unique works of art. His carving technique was mainly characterized by shallow carving with wet sanding. He was also skilled in other media, such as zitan, carved lacquer, ebony, and ivory. His works include fan ribs, drinking vessels, decanters, brush holders and book cases. Pu Cheng’s works are simply elegant, with a certain boldness, and have captivated people for generations. The Palace Museum in Beijing has his Pine Tree Decanter in Bamboo (Zhudiao songshu zhihu 竹雕松树执壶) in its collection. The body and lid of the decanter are in the shape of an ancient pine tree, while the handle and spout are made of its branches. The body of the vessel is covered in a rich array of pine leaves and is one of the most precious pieces held in Mainland China. Nut shell carvings were also one of the most successful innovations of Ming Dynasty curio carv-

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ing. This genre produced an array of famous artists, including Xia Baiyan, Qiu Shan, Xing Xianzhi, Wang Yi and Yongjia Guifu. Great success was had with carvings in rhinoceros horn and ivory during the Ming Dynasty. Artists who worked in rhinoceros horn did not work exclusively in this medium, but also produced carvings in bamboo, wood and ivory. However, artists especially known for their works in rhinoceros horn included Bao Tiancheng and Fang Hong. Bao Tiancheng was a native of Suzhou and was especially skilled in rhinoceros horn carving, which was known as one of the great skills of Wuzhong. The collection of the Shanghai Museum currently contains his Cup in Rhinoceros Horn with a Floating Raft in Relief (Toudiao fucha xijiao bei 透雕浮 槎犀角杯), and the Palace Museum in Beijing also holds his Rhinoceros Horn Decanter in an Ancient Style (Xijiao diao fanggu hu 犀角雕仿古壶). Bao Tiancheng also worked in ivory, incense and zitan wood. Fang Hong was a monk who resided in Beijing, and his extant works include the Rhinoceros Horn Cup with a Learned Man in the Shade of a Pine Tree (Xijiao diao songyin gaoshi bei 犀角雕 松荫高士杯). He also is known for making bells of agate. In addition to these two individuals, other artists known for their carvings in rhinoceros horn, ivory, zitan, incense, bamboo and rattan include Zhu Longchuan, Fang Gulin, Wang Baihu, Zhu Huya and Yuan Youzhu.