A General History of Chinese Art. Volume 3 A General History of Chinese Art: Sui and Tang Dynasties 9783110790955, 9783110789294

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A GENERAL HISTORY OF CHINESE ART

////// Volume 3

VOLUME 1–6 From the Prehistoric Era to the Zhou Dynasty From the Qin Dynasty to the Northern and Southern Dynasties Sui and Tang Dynasties From the Five Dynasties to the Yuan Dynasty Ming Dynasty Qing Dynasty

A GENERAL HISTORY OF CHINESE ART Edited by Xifan Li

////// Volume 3

SUI AND TANG DYNASTIES Shouxiang Chen, Yi Li, Junxiang Liu, Kaiyi Qi, Xu Qin, Kefen Wang, and Xuhuan Xing

The Chinese edition is published by Beijing Normal University Press (Group) Co., LTD., 2013. No reproduction and distribution without permission. ALL rights reserved.

Overview–Chapter VI Authors: Junxiang Liu, Xu Qin, Kefen Wang, and Xuhuan Xing Abbreviated by: Shouxiang Chen, and Fan Yang Translators: Lisa Xiangming Chen, and Joshua Rawson Chapter VII–XII Authors: Shouxiang Chen, Yi Li, Kaiyi Qi, and Xuhuan Xing Abbreviated by: Xuhuan Xing Translators: Joshua Rawson, and Meng Tong

ISBN 978-3-11-078929-4 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-079095-5 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress. Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available on the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. © 2022 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston Book production: Kerstin Protz, De Gruyter Cover design: Thomas Bauer, deblik Berlin Cover image: Dancing figurines, collection of the Nanjing Museum Copyediting: Matt Turner, New York Typesetting: Dörlemann Satz GmbH & Co. KG, Lemförde Printing and binding: Beltz Grafische Betriebe GmbH, Bad Langensalza www.degruyter.com

CONTENTS

Overview

1

Section 1  The Flourishing of the Arts in the Sui and Tang Dynasties 1. Performing Arts 2. Plastic Arts 3. Internal and External Factors for the Prosperity of Arts in the Sui and Tang Dynasties

8

Section 2  Basic Aesthetic Features of the Arts of the Sui and Tang Dynasties 1. Inclusion and Innovation 2. Magnificence and Elegance 3. Nationality and Universality

11 11 12 13

Section 3  The Profound Influence and Historical Significance of the Arts of the Sui and Tang Dynasties 1. Far-Reaching Influence 2. Transcending Importance 3. A Peak in Ancient Culture

14 14 16 17

Chapter I  Spectacular Court Music and Dance of the Sui and Tang Dynasties

19

Section 1  The Basic Structure and Direction of the Development of Music and Dance Culture in the Societies of the Sui and Tang 1. Multi-Level Structure and Fusion of Styles of Music and Dance in the Sui and Tang Dynasties 2. Shifts in the Center of Gravity of Performing Arts and the Categorization of Court Music and Dance

1 1 3

19 19 23

VI

Contents

Section 2  Main Types and Scales of Performance for Court Music and Dance in the Sui and Tang Dynasties 1. The Unprecedented Scale of Court Music, Dance and Variety Shows 2. Seated and Standing Performing Divisions in the Ceremonies of Tang Dynasty Court Assemblies and Banquets 3. The Multiple Music Divisions Which Performed in Order at the Sui and Tang Courts 4. Drum and Pipe Music and Variety Entertainment at Court 5. Other Entertainment Enjoyed by the Court and Nobles Section 3  Sui and Tang Dynasty Music and Dance Institutions, Vast in Scale and the Cream of the Crop 1. Establishment and Relative Separation of Music and Dance Institutions of the Inner and Outer Court 2. The Court of Imperial Sacrifices and the Royal Academy 3. The Pear Garden and its Youth Ensemble, and the Music of Private Mansions and Private Performers 4. Status and Duties of Court Dancers and Musicians in the Sui and Tang Dynasties

Chapter II  Music and Dance of the Prefectures, Counties, Defense Commands and the Literati; Rich Diversity in Folk Music, Dance and Variety Shows Section 1  Music and Dance Entertainment in Local Government Offices and Military Garrisons; the Musical Life of Literati 1. Music and Dance Activities in Local Government Offices and Military Garrisons 2. The Musical Life of the Literati and Scholar-Officials 3. The Relationship Between Qin Zither Music and Literati Section 2  Rich Diversity in Folk Music, Dance and Variety Shows 1. Folk Music and Dance 2. Other Urban Music and Dance Scenes 3. The Influential Buddhist and Daoist Music and Dance of the Sui and Tang Dynasties

28 28 40 41 45 47

50 51 52 60 63

69

69 70 76 83

86 87 95 102

VII

Contents

Chapter III  The Glory of the Art of Dance Section 1  Rich and Refined Dances 1. Artistic Achievements of Court Dances Accompanying Assemblies and Banquets 2. The Technical Characteristics of the »Energetic Dance« and the »Soft Dance« 3. The Famous Grand Suite: Rainbow Skirt Feathered Dress Dance

110 110 110 114 122

Section 2  Splendid and Colorful Sui and Tang Dance-related Cultural Relics 1. Dance Images in Tang Dynasty Dunhuang Mural Paintings 2. Dance Images in Tang Dynasty Longmen Caves 3. Dance Images Unearthed from Tang Tombs

124 124 129 131

Section 3  Tang Dynasty Dance Scores 1. Overview of Dance Scores 3. Dunhuang Dance Scores

134 135 136

Chapter IV  Brilliant Achievements in the Musical Arts

145

Section 1  Sui and Tang Songs and the Art of Singing 1. Unaccompanied Songs and Folk Melodies 2. Influence of Music on the Development of Poetry in the Tang 3. Development of Vocal Technique

145 145 148 154

Section 2  Artistic Achievement in Song-and-Dance Music 1. Rich Variety and Large Scale of Song-and-Dance Music 2. The Grand Suite and Faqu

155 155 160

VIII

Contents

Section 3  Achievements in the Instrumental Music of the Sui and Tang 1. Great Developments in Musical Instruments and Instrumental Ensembles 2. Development of Solo Instrumental Music 3. Full Prosperity of Qin Zither Music in Sui and Tang Dynasties

163 169 176

Chapter V  The Achievements and Development of Other Important Variety Arts

180

163

Section 1  180 A New Peak in the Development of Variety Shows 1. The Popularity of Variety Shows in the Sui and Tang Dynasties 180 2. Characteristics of Variety Shows in the Sui and Tang Dynasties 186 Section 2  The Flourishing of the Art of Storytelling 1. Popular Sermons, Transformation Performances, and Other Forms of Buddhist Storytelling 2. Storytelling Shows, Song-stories, Text-commentaries, and Other Popular Forms of Storytelling

189 190 193

Section 3  The Emergence and Formation of the Art of Opera 1. Prototypes of Opera in Development 2. The Popularity of Opera in the Sui and Tang Dynasties

197 197 204

Chapter VI  Theories of the Performing Art in the Sui and Tang Dynasties and Exchanges in Music, Dance, and Variety Shows

208

Section 1  Theories of the Performing Arts in the Sui and Tang Dynasties 1. Theory of Musical Tones 2. Music Scores and Treatises on Music of Tang Dynasty 3. Ideas on Music and Dance in the Sui and Tang Dynasties

208 208 211 216

IX

Contents

Section 2  Internal and External Exchanges in Music, Dance, and Variety Shows 1. Exchanges and Integration of Northern and Southern Music and Dance under a United Empire 2. Exchanges in the Arts of Music and Dance between the Central Plains and the Western Regions 3. Exchanges in Music and Dance between Tibet, Nanzhao, and Inland China 4. Exchanges in Music and Dance with Other East Asian Countries in the Sui and Tang Dynasties 5. Exchanges in Music and Dance with Southeast Asian Countries in the Sui and Tang Dynasties

222 223 227 232 235 242

Chapter VII  The Art of Calligraphy in the Sui and the Early Tang 244 Section 1  Calligraphy of the Sui Dynasty 1. Integrating the Styles of the Northern Inscriptions and Southern Handwriting 2. Zhiyong, a Famous Sui Calligrapher Connecting the Past to the Future 3. Masterpiece Sui Stele Inscriptions Reflecting the Changes of History Section 2  The Art of Calligraphy in the Early Tang 1. Incentives and Conditions for the Development of Calligraphy in the Early Tang 2. Specialized Study of Calligraphy and the Establishment of the »Tang Style« 3. The Four Masters of the Early Tang 4. Other Important Calligraphers of the Early Tang

244 244 246 248

251 251 253 255 265

X

Contents

Chapter VIII  The Art of Calligraphy in the High, Middle, and Late Tang Section 1  The Full Prosperity of the Art of Calligraphy in the High and Middle Tang 1. The »Thriving Atmosphere of the High Tang« and the Art of Calligraphy 2. Full Transformation with the Regular Script Becoming Dominant 3. A Galaxy of Talents and Generations of Masters 4. Maturity of the Art Embraces All Scripts Section 2  Outstanding Representatives of High and Middle Tang Calligraphy 1. The Innovative Yan Zhenqing and His »Yan Style« Calligraphy 2. The Two Stars of the Wild Cursive Style: Zhang Xu and Huaisu Section 3  The Transformation of the Art of Calligraphy in the Late Tang 1. The Superstar of Late Tang Calligraphy: Liu Gongquan 2. Other Famous Late Tang Calligraphers

273

273 273 275 276 280

283 283 292

299 299 303

Chapter IX  Paintings and Murals of the Sui and Tang Dynasties 306 Section 1  The Art of Painting in the Sui and Tang Dynasties 1. A Historical Turning Point and the Development of Painting 2. New Explorations in Brush and Ink 3. Classification of Painting Genres and the Emergence of Models Section 2  The Maturation of Figure Painting 1. Achievements of the Father and Sons of the Yan Family 2. Explorations and Creations of the Sage of Painting, Wu Daozi 3. Contributions of Zhang Xuan and Zhou Fang

306 306 307 309

310 310 313 316

XI

Contents

Section 3  Development and Transformation in Landscape Painting 1. Zhan Ziqian and Spring Excursion 2. The Blue and Green Landscape of the Li Family 3. The Emergence of Landscape Painting in Ink

319 319 321 324

Section 4  The Emergence of Flower and Bird Painting 1. The Emergence of Flower and Bird as Subject Matter and the Achievements of Early Flower and Bird Painters 2. Paintings Featuring Horses and Farm Animals

325 327

Section 5  Mural Paintings of the Sui and Tang Dynasties 1. The Rich Remains of Mural Paintings 2. Subjects and Styles 3. Techniques and Skills Employed in Mural Painting

331 331 337 343

Chapter X  Sculptural Art of the Sui and Tang Dynasties

348

Section 1  Glorious Buddhist Sculpture 1. The Longmen Grottoes 2. Dunhuang Mogao Grottoes 3. Bingling Temple Grottoes 4. Tianlongshan Grottoes 5. Grottoes in Sichuan 6. Other Sculptures

348 349 353 359 360 362 363

325

Section 2  Spectacular Stone Sculptures in Front of Imperial Mausoleums 1. Sculpture Groups at Zhaoling and the Six Steeds of Zhaoling 2. Sculpture Groups at Qianling 3. Sculpture Groups at Shunling

364 366 367

Section 3  Groups of Tomb Figures Representing Everyday Life 1. Sui Tomb Figures 2. Tang Tomb Figures

368 368 370

363

XII

Contents

Section 4  Sui and Tang Sculptors and the Artistic Achievements of Tang Dynasty Sculpture 1. Sui Dynasty Sculptors: Tanmo Zhuoyi and Li Chun 2. Tang Dynasty Sculptors: Wu Daozi and Yang Huizhi 3. Artistic Achievements of Tang Dynasty Sculpture

373 375 375 378

Chapter XI  Architecture and Craft Arts of the Sui and Tang Dynasties

380

Section 1  Great Achievements in Sui and Tang Architecture 1. Grand and Open Cityscapes 2. Splendid and Glorious Palaces 3. Magnificent and Solemn Temples and Pagodas 4. Mausoleums of Royal Dignity 5. Gardens, Residences, Bridges

380 380 384 388 393 396

Section 2  Multifaceted Developments in Craft Arts 1. New Achievements in Ceramics 2. Developments of Dyeing and Weaving Techniques 3. Improvements in Metalwork 4. New Innovations in Wood-Based Lacquer Work

400 401 409 416 419

Chapter XII  Maturation and Achievements of Sui and Tang Theories of Calligraphy and Painting

421

Section 1  Maturation of Theories of Calligraphy and Painting 1. The Diversification of Theories 2. Expansion of Theoretical Horizons 3. Strengthening of Historiographical Awareness

421 421 424 426

Section 2  Achievement of Theories of Calligraphy and Painting 1. Exploring and Establishing the Laws of Calligraphy 2. Achievements and Contributions of Painting Theories

428 428 436

OVERVIEW

Section 1  The Flourishing of the Arts in the Sui and Tang Dynasties The arts of the Sui and Tang dynasties, including music, dance, variety arts, calligraphy, painting, sculpture, architecture, crafts, and many other disciplines, all entered a flourishing stage of unprecedented prosperity and development, and made brilliant artistic achievements, representing in many ways the peak of classical Chinese arts. The various disciplines of plastic and performing arts will be introduced in detail later in different chapters; the following text offers a brief overview.

1. Performing Arts The performing arts of the Sui and Tang are mainly represented by grand and splendid court music and dance. At the beginning of the Sui Dynasty, the music of the Northern Dynasties was used. After the unification of the north and the south, the qingshang music of the Han and Wei dynasties retained in the south was established as the »correct sound« of China, and the Qingshang Bureau was set up as the designated management body for the music, which realized the concentration and convergence of music from both the north and the south. Court music in the Sui and Tang dynasties can be divided into three major categories: yayue 雅乐 (lit. »elegant music,« formal music and dance performed at the court), suyue 俗乐 (lit. »folk music,« popular, informal music and dance performed in and outside of the court), and hu music 胡乐, or music of the »barbarians.« Since the Northern Dynasties, hu music

was prevalent, and the Sui and Tang courts set up a multi-division music system and held grand performances in the way of »leading the barbarians with the Chinese« (yihua lingyi 以华领夷). The Sui Dynasty first established the Seven Divisions of Music, and then Emperor Yang expanded it to the Nine Divisions. Emperor Gaozu of Tang continued to use the Nine Divisions of Music as banquet music, and Emperor Taizong eventually expanded it to the Ten Divisions, namely banquet music (yanyue 燕乐/䜩乐), qingshang, xiliang, tianzhu, Goryeo, Kucha, Anguo, Shule, Kangguo, and Gaochang. Among them, yanyue was newly created in the Tang Dynasty, qingshang was the »legacy of the nine dynasties« and derived from the Southern Dynasties, xiliang used bells and chimes to retain older components of Chinese music, whereas the rest was all foreign music and dance. They were performed in turn, with different musical instruments, music and dances, with actors and musicians of the foreign divisions from abroad, with distinct national characteristics. The performance also included piping and drumming, variety acts, and other programs, such as taming an elephant, a rhinoceros dance, a horse dance, etc. The horse dance could include more than a hundred horses, performing complex movements such as stepping to the beat, spinning, and standing on their hind feet, and also very difficult movements such as »climbing to bed,« where the horse would leap up several layers to a high couch to propose a toast with a cup carried in the mouth. Sometimes the female musicians in the palace also came out to participate in the performance, with hundreds of palace girls beating drums, performing the Music of Breaking the Battle Forma-

2

tion, the Shangyuan Music, the Taiping Music, and so on. Around the time of Emperor Gaozong and Empress Wu, there were also the newly-established Seated Divisions and Standing Divisions. The standing performance was held in the lower level of the hall, mainly consisting of drums and flutes; the seated performance was held in the upper level of the hall, mainly consisting of string and pipe music. The music and dances performed by the Seated and Standing Divisions included 14 pieces, mostly made by the emperors of the Tang Dynasty to praise their heroic deeds and virtues. These were a kind of elegant music played for banquets. The scale of the Standing Divisions is huge, and starting from the Anyue安乐 Division, the music was mixed with Kucha music, with large drums whose »sound shocks for a hundred miles and shakes the valley,« with a performance that was magnificent and grand. Some of the music and dances had a large number of performers, such as the Taiping Music, that is, the Five Lion Dances. In addition to the lion teaser, and the dancers dressed up as the lions, there were 140 people singing and dancing to the Taiping Music. During the performance of Breaking the Battle Formation, there were as many as 128 performers wearing armor and holding halberds on stage. In the early Tang Dynasty, there were three famous grand dances, Seven Virtues Dance, Nine Deeds Dance, and Shangyuan Dance. The Seven Virtues Dance was also known as Prince Qin Breaking the Battle Formation (Qinwang pozhen yue 秦王破阵 乐), which originated from Emperor Taizong’s military campaign and was later adapted to the Martial Dance (Wuwu 武舞) as part of the yayue used in the court, as well as part of the »Temple Music« (Miaoyue 庙乐) commemorating the achievements of Emperor Taizong. The »awe-inspiring« energy of its performance added majestic and vigorous color to early Tang music. The High Tang was the peak of prosperity of music and dance in the Chinese Middle Ages. Emperor

Overview

Xuanzong loved music, establishing many music academies to host suyue, performers, as well as variety acts, and setting up institutions such as the Pear Garden to teach his favorite faqu 法曲 (lit. »Dharma Tunes,« formal music with a Buddhist origin). The huge palace music and dance institutions hosted generations of designated performers known as »music and sound people« (yinsheng ren 音声人), with their numbers reaching as many as 30,000 to 40,000. Xuanzong encouraged the cooperation and exchange of Chinese and foreign music. During the Kaiyuan reign, new music of the Hu Division was largely introduced, and Emperor Xuanzong elevated its place to be performed on the upper level of the audience hall. In the 13th year of Tianbao (754), he also ordered »the cooperation of Daoist and Buddhist tunes and new hu sounds.« This initiative broke the old rule that hu and Han music could not be played together and marked the full integration of hu music and suyue. The songs, dances, instrumental pieces, and variety performances by the Imperial Music Academy and other institutions were huge in number and richly varied. The large-scale comprehensive performances incorporating song, dance, and music, known as the Grand Suite (Daqu 大曲) originated from the grand suites of qingshang music, hu music, and Buddhist music during the Wei and Jin dynasties. They are large in scale, rich in content, and represent the highest artistic achievements of the court music and dance. Among them, faqu is what is considered as »clear and close to elegance,« with the flair of the Daoist idea of immortality and otherworldliness. Famous faqu grand suites such as Rainbow Skirts and Feathered Robes (Nichang yuyi qu 霓裳羽衣曲) and Red Peach, White Plum Blossoms (Chibai taoli hua 赤白桃李花) incorporated the essence of both Han music and hu music. There were many poems and articles in the Tang Dynasty that praised Rainbow Skirts and Feathered Robes, especially Bai Juyi’s »Song of Rainbow Skirts and Feathered Robes,« which is widely re-

3

cited. The poem describes the performance starting from a sanxu (with music but without beat and dance), going to a zhongxu (with a beat, and the elegant dance begins), and finally the qupo with »varied tones at a rapid beat,« »making pearls bounce and jade shake«—and a special ending with a long sound, like a crane closing its wings. These descriptions provided examples for later generations to explore the structure of the Tang Dynasty faqu. There were two main types of dance in the Tang Dynasty, the »energetic dance« and the »soft dance.« The energetic dance would be vigorous, with famous pieces such as Sword Dance, Hu Spin, Hu Leap, Mulberry Branch, etc.; the »soft dance« was soft and charming, with famous pieces such as The Sound of the Spring Warbler, Green Waist, Music of Revolving Ripples, and others. Many dances came from the Western Regions. Sword Dance, performed by the famous dancer Lady Gongsun and her disciples, not only inspired Zhang Xu’s cursive calligraphy, but also gave the great poet Du Fu great enjoyment. The dance was popular for a long time, and was enjoyed by all nobles in the palace, such as Yang Guifei and An Lushan, as well as folk artists. It was known for continuous swirls, like the hard wind. The Tang Dynasty also saw the great development of sanyue and variety acts. Acrobatics and circus acts reached new artistic heights, with many new performance techniques and exciting programs. With the growth of the economy of cities and towns and the shift of the center of performing arts, performing arts popular among the commoners, such as different singing-storytelling performances, as well as song-dance drama, military drama, and puppet shows, also developed greatly, creating favorable conditions for the peak of opera and drama during the Song and Yuan dynasties.

SECTION 1 THE FLOURISHING OF THE ARTS IN THE SUI AND TANG DYNASTIES

2. Plastic Arts The prominent representatives of the Sui and Tang dynasties’ plastic arts include calligraphy, painting, and sculpture. Commentators have argued that calligraphy was a remarkable achievement during the Tang Dynasty and, along with poetry, were both the most popular arts of the period and the most mature, reaching a peak of completeness in system and methods. During the Northern and Southern Dynasties, the art of calligraphy saw the emergence of a new style represented by the »Two Wangs« (Wang Xizhi and Wang Xianzhi), which was light, dynamic, and graceful. At the beginning of the Tang Dynasty, Emperor Taizong loved Wang Xizhi’s calligraphy so much that he »copied it in his heart and traced it with his own hands,« and personally wrote the »Biography of Wang Xizhi« in the Book of Jin, praising Wang’s calligraphy as first in the ancient and modern world, and »perfect in all its beauty.« He searched out Wang Xizhi’s works, and is said to have sent someone to obtain The Lanting Preface, which was treasured by the Buddhist Priest Shi Biancai, through deception—and had the work buried in his mausoleum upon his death. The famous calligraphers of the early Tang, such as Ouyang Xun, Yu Shinan, Chu Suiliang, and Xue Ji, are all successors of the Two Wangs. That said, calligraphy in the early Tang Dynasty was still integrated with the characteristics of the new era, just as poetry of the early Tang gradually ridded itself of the palace styles of Qi and Liang, showing its own thriving and vibrant presence. Yan Zhenqing, who was an expert in seal script and clerical script, incorporated the methods of these two scripts into his running script and regular script, creating a new style of calligraphy featuring large, square-shaped characters that are solemn and powerful. The calligraphic style of the Tang Dynasty reflects abundance in life and the aesthetic tendency of magnificence and grandness. Zhang Xu’s cursive script was done with a

4

Overview

5.0.1  Huaisu’s calligraphy

brush moving so fast, »at a horrifying speed,« that it is just like Li Bai’s poems, which are unrestrained yet quite to the point. It is no coincidence that Zhang Xu, the »sage of cursive,« and Li Bai, the »immortal poet,« are known as counterparts. The artistic style of calligraphy in the middle and late Tang Dynasty was even more colorful. The wild cursive of Huaisu, which »succeeds the Mad [Zhang Xu] with the wild« (Fig. 5.0.1), and the calligraphy of Liu Gongquan, who also inherited the legacy of Yan Zhenqing, still retain their strength and vigor. Many calligraphers took a different approach, such as Li Yangbing, whose seal script »wins by being strong and slender,« and Shi Weize’s clerical script, which was »increasingly voluptuous,« and Han Zemu’s clerical script, which is »dignified and disciplined.« Sculpture was also a main form of art in the Sui and Tang. The main surviving Sui and Tang sculptures are cave temple statues, stone sculptures in front of mausoleums, as well as figurines buried in tombs, and reliefs on stone steles and dhvaja pillars. The art of cave sculpture mainly served religious purposes, the most representative of which are the Longmen Grottoes in Luoyang, the Mogao Grottoes in Dunhuang, Tianlong Mountain in Taiyuan, and Beishan Mountain in Dazu, Sichuan (Fig. 5.0.2). Sculpture in the Sui Dynasty was a great success. Among the existing 500 caves at Dunhuang there are 95 Sui caves, 213 Tang caves, and 53 Five Dynasties caves. The number of caves alone indi-

cates that the Sui and Tang dynasties were the apex of Dunhuang art. The Sui Dynasty, despite of being short-lived, had a remarkable number of caves made with the distinctive styles of the era. The Tang caves are magnificent in scale and particularly brilliant. Tang Dynasty statuary, stone carvings, and clay sculpture all developed at an equal rate. At the time, with the progress of painting, skills of depicting forms in sculptural art also improved. In Buddhist figure painting, there were »Master Cao’s style« and »Master Wu’s style.« Cao refers to Cao Zhongda of the Northern Qi, and his figure painting features thick and compact lines as well as body-hugging clothing; Wu was Wu Daozi, whose figure painting features round and cursive lines, showing clothes as if floating in air. The characteristics of the two styles are captured in the famous phrase: »Cao’s clothing [hugging the body as if it is] emerging from the water, and Wu’s belt [loosely flowing as if it is] against the wind.« Master Wu’s styl« was successfully applied to sculptural works by sculptors and carvers in the Tang Dynasty. Yang Huizhi was originally a fellow painter, with Wu Daozi, during the High Tang, but he was shamed to come second to Wu—so he changed his specialization to sculpture and became the most outstanding sculptor at that time, gaining the name »sage of sculpture.« It is said that »Daozi painted and Huizhi sculpted, [both] capturing the method of the divine brush of [Zhang] Sengyao.«

5

5.0.2 Sculptures in Cave no. 50 of the Mogao Grottoes

But neither Yang’s sculptures nor his writing Guide to Sculpture have survived. Although most of the surviving sculptures of the Tang Dynasty are by the hands of unknown artists, they still reflect an amazingly high level of artistic achievement. More than 60 percent of the grottoes and niches at Longmen in Luoyang were carved in the Tang Dynasty, with the most being made during the reign of Wu Zetian. The sculptures at the Fengxian Temple cave shrine were made during the reign of Emperor Gaozong and include the largest and most famous stone statue of the Buddha in the Tang Dynasty. Originally there were nine large statues, six of which are still in existence. The central statue of the Vairocana Buddha, 12.66 m in height, is flanked by standing statues of bhikkhus, bodhisattvas, heavenly kings, and warriors. This group of statues is magnificent and shows clear hierarchical composition. The main figure,

SECTION 1 THE FLOURISHING OF THE ARTS IN THE SUI AND TANG DYNASTIES

the Vairocana Buddha, resembles an emperor, the two bodhisattvas resemble his concubines, the two disciples of the Buddha, Mahā Kāśyapa and Ānanda, resemble officials, and the heavenly kings and warriors resemble generals. This type of hierarchical arrangement was a common pattern in Tang Dynasty sculpture. The bodhisattva statues on the two walls of Cave no. 14 at Tianlong Mountain are known for their beautiful flesh and skin, with a glowing demeanor, and they are one of the most exquisite statues of the Tang Dynasty. There was a saying during the Tang Dynasty: »Palace maidens look like bodhisattvas.« In fact, it was because the sculptor, in creating artistic images, never ceased to consult real life in order to complete his work. The relief sculpture the Six Stallions of the Zhaoling Mausoleum, which shows the war achievements of Emperor Taizong of Tang, are depicted concisely and powerfully, showing the majestic posture of each stallion, and there is no religious or emblematic connotation. The Sui and Tang pottery figurines are the most exquisite, with the famous Tang sancai (lit. »tri-color«) figurines appearing in forms of both single and group portraits. The Sui Dynasty was a turning point in the history of Chinese painting. The famous painter Zhan Ziqi made a great contribution to Chinese landscape painting, and although Spring Outing is his only work that has survived, he made a valuable exploration of how landscape painting can truly reflect nature. There were also glorious achievements in painting in the Tang Dynasty, and the painting world was full of stars and diversity. According to the Xuanhe Catalog of Painting and other sources, there were around 400 painters in the Tang Dynasty that could be identified. In the field of figure painting, the brothers Yan Lide and Liben were the most famous during the early Tang Dynasty, with known works such as The Eighteen Scholars at the Mansion of the Prince of Qin, The Twenty-four Ministers of Merit of the Lingyan Pa-

6

vilion, Emperor Taizong Receiving the Tibetan Envoy, Princess Wencheng’s Marriage to Tibet, Painting of Emperors of Past Dynasties, and others, which were mostly based on real people and real events. Wu Daozi’s figure painting was the most successful during the High Tang. He used ink wash skillfully, and his figures were »lively and moving.« He learned calligraphy from Zhang Xu, and was said to have learned how to capture the spirit of figures from watching General Pei’s sword dance, because »watching his magnificent strength could help with wielding one’s brush.« Wu Daozi once painted the gods at Xingshan Temple in Chang’an, »holding the brush straight and sweeping with it, with momentum like the whirling wind,« and the audience was crowded together as tight as a stone wall, exclaiming in admiration. The anecdote shows that Wu paid much attention to momentum when painting. In the middle-Tang Dynasty, Zhang Xuan and Zhou Fang were known as adept painters of female figures, portraying noble women going on spring outings, enjoying the snow, celebrating Qixi Festival, making tea, playing the xiao flute and listening to the qin zither. This creativity broadened subject matter on the painting of women. The most famous figure painter of the mid-Tang was Han Huang, who specialized in painting scenes of rural life, and was considered by the people of the Tang to be superior to Zhang and Zhou in figure painting. After the Wei and Jin dynasties, water, mountains, rocks, and trees became mere supplementary elements in figure painting; during the Tang Dynasty, landscape painting developed into an independent painting genre. It was only after the emergence of great masters such as Wu Daozi, Li Sixun, Li Zhaodao, and Wang Wei in the High Tang that landscape painting as an independent genre became firmly established. Wu Daozi painted the landscape in Roads to Shu, »establishing the models of landscape painting, making it its own category.« The father and son Li Sixun

Overview

and Li Zhaodao, known as Senior General Li and Junior General Li during their lifetimes, inherited Zhan Ziqian’s style of landscape painting, and with their meticulous brushwork and brilliant coloring created a »rich and noble« atmosphere. They applied blue-and-green pigment to a golden background, creating the golden blue-and-green landscape painting which was revered by later generations. The great poet Wang Wei was also a famous painter, and Su Shi of the Song Dynasty accurately summarized his skill and style with the famous comment that he had »painting in poetry and poetry in painting.« He was the first renowned painter in creating monochrome ink landscape painting, striving for elegance and simplicity, diverting from the painting style of the »Two Lis« (Li Sixun and Zhaodao) with their rich and heavy use of color, and having a huge impact on later generations. In addition to landscape, he was also good at painting figures. Wang Wei’s poetic paintings had a great influence on the »literati painting« of latter times. Paintings of flowers, birds, and animals also developed into an independent genre during the Tang Dynasty. The painters working in this genre were famous for their respective specialties. For example, Cao Ba, Chen Hong, and Han Gan were known for their horse paintings, Han Huang and Dai Song were famous for their oxen, Xue Ji painted cranes, and Jiang Jiao painted eagles. Han Gan and Dai Song had equal reputations and were known together as »Han Horse and Dai Ox.« Han had a creative spirit. There were up to 400,000 horses at Emperor Xuanzong’s imperial stables, and the emperor was particularly fond of big horses. The subject matters of Han’s paintings were indeed these big horses with »majestic wings.« A poem by Du Fu states that »[Han] Gan only paints flesh but not bones.« Han embodies the style of the High Tang (Fig. 5.0.3). In general, after the popularity of religious painting, women, cattle, and horses became favored

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SECTION 1 THE FLOURISHING OF THE ARTS IN THE SUI AND TANG DYNASTIES

5.0.3  Han Gan, Two Horses and a Groom, National Palace Museum

subject matter in painting during the middle Tang Dynasty, while the maturity and peaks of landscape painting and bird-and-flower painting were not yet to come until after the Song Dynasty. The Sui and Tang dynasties were the heyday of China’s feudal society, and a mature stage in the development of ancient architectural art. The Sui Dynasty reunified the north and the south, and in just 30 years planned and built Daxing City and Luoyang City, both with a large number of palaces and gardens. Non-imperial construction projects were also remarkable. For example, Anji Bridge, a remarkable stone arch bridge, stood tall through more than 1,300 years of wind and rain, embodying a combination of high-level science and perfect artistry, becoming an exemplary work in the history of Chinese architectural art. The Tang Dynasty built on the architectural achievements of the Sui Dynasty to create the capital cities of Chang’an and Luoyang, making them the most magnificent, harmonious, and well-managed metropolises in the world at the time. Chang’an covered an area of 84 km2, equivalent to ten of today’s city of Xi’an in area. The overall layout of the city was a square, symmetri-

cal, and enclosed chessboard structure—a unique Chinese invention—with the palace compound in the center, reflecting the order of centralized power and its hierarchy following the concepts of yin and yang. The layout and planning of Daxing-Chang’an represent one of the greatest achievements in ancient Chinese architecture. Religious architecture such as Buddhist temples and pagodas, mausoleum architecture, and palaces, as well as the imperial gardens of the Sui and Tang dynasties, also achieved great splendor. Foguang Temple at Wutai Mountain, the Big and Small Wild Goose Pagodas in Xi’an, Qianxun Pagoda in Dali, and the architectural complexes of Zhaoling and Qianling Mausoleums still stand strong and demonstrate the endless charm of Sui and Tang architectural art. The handicraft industry in the Sui and Tang dynasties made great progress, with meticulous divisions of labor, and improved technology. Not only did the court organize a large team of craftsmen, but, with the prosperity of commerce, handicraft workshops sprang up in large cities, providing favorable conditions for the general development of arts and crafts. Many new achievements were

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made in ceramic art in the Tang Dynasty, with the rapid development of white porcelain and celadon, and the emergence of Tang sancai, which is the most prominent representative of ceramic art in the Tang Dynasty. Xing ware products were the most famous white porcelain, whereas Yue ware as representative of celadon. Tang sancai uses yellow, green, and white, or yellow, green, blue, and ochre glaze colors at the same time, or one after another, which creates its signature dappled and dripping effects. The sancai figurines in the shape of figures and animals are also distinctive sculptural works of art. Tang sancai is famous in China and abroad, and has had influence in Korea and Japan. Dyeing and embroidery were particularly developed in the Tang Dynasty, and society needed much silk fabric to satisfy the luxurious lifestyle of the ruling class. Weft brocade (weijin 纬锦) was created in the Tang Dynasty, and the patterns were woven with multiple multi-color weft threads, which were richer and more complex than warp brocade (jingjin 经锦). Tang Dynasty brocades emphasized decorative patterns, and some of the works were very ingenious. Embroidery was widely used to embroider Buddha statues and Buddhist sutras, which developed by leaps and bounds. Bronze mirrors and lac-

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querware were beautifully crafted, with a wide variety of styles and rich ornaments. The representative ornaments on bronze mirrors included flowers and plants, exotic animals, mythological and historical stories, and other subjects reflecting real life. During the Tang Dynasty, lacquer carving techniques were innovative, and the richgreen coloring method (lüchen 绿沉) and the textile-mold technique (jiazhu 夹纻) also developed. The jiazhu technique was introduced to Japan by Jianzhen, and a statue of him made with this technique by his disciples is still preserved in Japan. Fine gold and silver craftsmanship of the Tang Dynasty was also well developed, with exquisite production and extremely complex techniques, which shows the high development of arts and crafts in the Tang Dynasty (Fig. 5.0.4).

3. Internal and External Factors for the Prosperity of Arts in the Sui and Tang Dynasties The prosperous development of literature and art resulted from a combination of many factors, such as timing, location, and people. In other words, the growth of literature and art cannot be separated from the fertile soil of its times, from an external environment jointly created by conditions that are social, economic, political, ideological, cultural,

5.0.4  Agate cup with a beast head, unearthed at the Tang Dynasty hoard site in Hejiacun, southern suburb of Xi’an

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etc., as much as it cannot be separated from the many internal conditions for the development of literature and art. These factors are complex and interrelated. For example, if the economy is the basis for social superstructure, and productivity ultimately determines the total development of society, then economic reasons may play a role both indirectly and directly in the flourishing of certain artistic disciplines. For example, without Emperor Wen of Sui’s policy of reducing warfare to let the people and the economy recuperate, or even without his efforts of striving for frugality and accumulation, Emperor Yang of Sui would not have been able to hold the vast and extremely extravagant performances of song and dance and variety shows. If it were not for the extremely prosperous economy of the Zhenguan, Kaiyuan, and Tianbao reigns, it would be impossible to imagine the tens of thousands of professional »music and sound people« employed at institutions such as the Court of Imperial Sacrifices and the Imperial Music Academies, and it would also be impossible to imagine the long-term provision of grand and magnificent music performances, as well as the large number of music and dance personnel at the palace, including the Pear Garden and Yichun Garden. We can also see that if there were no personal preferences for music by Emperor Yang of Sui and Emperor Tianzong of Tang, surely the ruling class would still have pursued luxurious enjoyment, but perhaps in other ways. There would probably have been no music institutions, and the influence of Daoist music and hu music might also have been greatly reduced. Here, the economic base ultimately played a huge influence, but the prosperity of literature and arts was eventually achieved through many indirect or contingent factors. Social and political thought, as well as religious culture, although both inclusive of social superstructure and ideology, influenced the development of literature and arts in multi-modal,

SECTION 1 THE FLOURISHING OF THE ARTS IN THE SUI AND TANG DYNASTIES

multi-level, intricate, and complex ways. There were both direct and indirect influences, as well as separate, parallel or integrated, and intertwined influences. For example, although religion can be included as superstructure, its own influence on the arts was very diverse. Buddhism and Daoism both have their own religious art and religious music and dance, and they also know how to make full use of various artistic forms and means to propagate their teachings and expand their influence. In addition to ritual music such as chanting the virtues of the Buddha and singing Buddhist stories, Buddhism also has popular art forms such as lectures and songs. Various kinds of Buddhist music were adopted from the folk music and dances of different regions, making it appeal to an audience. The popular lectures, on the other hand, transformed from »explaining the karma« to singing stories developed from the sutras, and then went from the monastery to the community—with historical stories and contemporary news supplying the content, becoming a type of folk singing-storytelling performance, which was yet another extension of religious art. Buddhist temples and Daoist temples gradually evolved into centers of social activity where »theaters,« »singing stages,« and »storytelling stages« were concentrated, becoming regular places for visiting, for entertainment, and for performance. The prosperity of literature and art cannot be separated from their own traditions and cannot go against the internal logic of their own developments. The most prominent performing arts of the Tang Dynasty were song and dance, but the emergence of the climax of song and dance in the Sui and Tang dynasties was the result of the accumulative development of thousands of years of artistic traditions. In the history of the performing arts before the Tang Dynasty, song and dance were representative art forms. The origin of Tang Dynasty song and dance can be traced back to primitive music and dance, followed by the music of metal and stone instruments during the pre-Qin

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Period, and then the development of qingshang music in the Wei and Jin dynasties, which itself had grown out of an extremely rich heritage including the wide variety of foreign music, songs, and dances that had flooded the Central Plains since the Han Dynasty. On the historical stage of the unified Sui Dynasty and the early Tang, the music and dance of China and foreign countries converged and integrated, accumulating huge potential energy, and, after vital finishing touches, they finally released all their brilliance. Rainbow Skirts and Feathered Robes and other large-scale and exquisite faqu grand suite music not only inherited and carried forward the long tradition of xianghe and qingshang grand suites, but also incorporated the great elements of grand suites of the Western Regions, Buddhist traditions, and the borderland, thus forming the new popular music, which represented the greatest achievements in music and dance of all ethnic groups. The prosperity of literature and art was also inseparable from the mutual collaboration and interaction of various literary and artistic disciplines and was related to the continuous emergence of multi-talented literary and artistic giants. The genre, content, stylistic characteristics, and achievements of specific works were closely related to the authors’ unique experiences, talents, and struggles. For example, literature and music in the Tang Dynasty were closely integrated, and inspired each other, giving full play to their respective strengths. The maturity and perfection of Tang poetry meter meant the development and perfection of the musicality of poetry. Following existing music and dance, literati composed lyrics which mainly consisted of verses of different lengths, giving birth to the new literary genre of ci poetry. Many poets in the Tang Dynasty were good at music, song, and dance. For example, Li Bai, Bai Juyi, Dugu Ji, Wang Wei, and Jia Dao, among many others, were all talented at and fond of the qin zither. Wang Wei’s »poetry in painting and painting in poetry« and Du Fu’s transcendental

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poems, as well as Zhang Xu’s cursive calligraphy, inspired by Lady Gongsun’s Sword Dance, are all good examples of how different arts inspired each other. The various categories of literature and art in the Sui and Tang shared sources of inspiration, and developed together. However, each poet and artist was a unique individual with his or her own personality and journey, and their literary and artistic creations were distinctive in their own way, with different themes, content, forms, and styles. Even among the same group of artists from the same era, whose works share commonalities in style and genre, each of their respective works would still be very different. This richness, diversity, and distinctness are also the charm of literature and art. Economic base and superstructure factors, internal and external factors, often have an impact on the development of literature and art as part of a synthetic system. The magnificent and grand atmosphere of the High Tang embodied in the poetry and arts of the Tang Dynasty, and the bold and open-minded cultural spirit of the Tang people, cannot be explained by one or two simple reasons. The magnificence of the High Tang embodied in famous poems, such as the lines »the waters of the Yellow River come from the sky, run to the sea and never return« and »to exhaust a thousand miles of sight, go further up, to another level,« are the result of the combined effect of many social, economic, political, and ideological conditions, as well as the result of the resonance between the subjective spirit of the poet and objective factors. This came from the development of social productivity, from the wealth and strength of the nation and state, from broad horizons brought by vast territory, and from political relaxation, and personal ambition: a large number of middle- and lower-class scholars had the opportunity to contribute their talents through the imperial examinations or become ambassadors and advisors, which gave them confidence in the future, and inspired a torrent of enthusiasm. This was both

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a manifestation of the collective unconsciousness and an externalization of the individual’s uplifting spirituality. This demonstrates a kind of qi 气 (lit. »spirit«), a kind of »momentum.« As one scholar has well said, an abundance and magnitude of qi is a characteristic of High Tang culture, and an important reason for the special charm of Li Bai’s poetry. Qi has long been used to describe the inherent spirit of Chinese culture and art. The ancients believed that it was the root of the universe, and that qi’s movement and prevalence gave rise to all things. From the pre-Qin Period to the Wei and Jin dynasties, the philosophical theory of qi was passed on, into the artistic theory of qi—which is why Cao Pi emphasized that »qi is the main focus of literature,« and Xie He’s Six Principles emphasized »spirit resonance and vitality« (qiyun shengdong 气韵生动). Qi has since become a fundamental of Chinese art. The qi of the High Tang was bright, high-spirited, enthusiastic, and exuberant, and was full of momentum. This abundant qi and its compelling momentum came from all sides and was embedded in all aspects. Because the milk of the economy, politics, thought, culture, and religion of the times had long been combined into the flesh and blood, bones, soul and spirit of scholars and artists, they became one with them. Through their talents they naturally and vividly revealed this qi to the fullest, without any mechanical traces or deliberate signs of manifestation.

Section 2  Basic Aesthetic Features of the Arts of the Sui and Tang Dynasties 1. Inclusion and Innovation The arts of the Sui and Tang dynasties were remarkably inclusive. The powerful Sui and Tang empires, reuniting China after a long period of division, adopted a series of liberal and open cul-

SECTION 2 BASIC AESTHETIC FEATURES OF THE ARTS OF THE SUI AND TANG DYNASTIES

tural and artistic policies, treating literature and arts with broad-mindedness and a tolerant and inclusive attitude. They accepted and absorbed from a wide variety of domestic, foreign, and ethnic literature and art from different regions, in different forms and styles, and featuring different creative methods, as long as they could add to society and the prosperous development of literature and the arts. Under the historical conditions at that time, the great exchange and integration of the various literatures and arts took place at the largest extent, leading to their unprecedented development. In the arts of music and dance, with the Qingshang Bureau set up during the Sui Dynasty, and more designated institutions such as the Imperial Music Academies and the Pear Garden being established during the Tang Dynasty, which vigorously mined and organized the music and dance heritage of previous dynasties and states, not only could the ancient yayue, »music of the historical kings,« as well as qingshang music and dance traditions established since the Han and Wei Dynasties, be preserved and developed, but the music of the Western Regions that had become popular during the Northern Dynasties, including that of the Western Liang, Kucha, and Tianzhu, as well as popular sanyue and variety acts of the people also could find their place in court life and further develop. This made the art of music and dance of the Sui and Tang form a vast system that embraced all kinds of genres and traditions. In plastic arts, architectural arts, and calligraphy, there were also many first-class masters and masterpieces that drew from different schools. In terms of their artistic styles, techniques, skills, and concepts, they either integrated the north and the south, indigenous and foreign, or Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism. As for the art of poetry, especially Tang poetry, the level of inclusiveness was unprecedented. As Hu Yinglin of the Ming Dynasty pointed out:

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How great, the flourishing of poetry in the Tang! As for its form, there are three-, four-, five-words, six-, seven-words, and mixed-length, singing-verses of the yuefu style, modern-form [regulated verses] and cut-off lines [quatrains], and nothing is missing; As for its style, there are high and low, far and near, thick and light, shallow and deep, large and small, fine and coarse, ingenious and unadorned, strong and weak, and nothing is incomplete. As for its tone, there are elegant, majestic, deep, profound, beautiful, tranquil, novel, obscene, and nothing is are unattained. As for its people, there are emperors, generals, courtiers, commoners, children, women, Buddhists, and Daoists, and no one is spared.

It was indeed all-encompassing and accommodating! This inclusiveness of Sui and Tang art was not simply a matter of accumulation and aggregation, but of building a deep foundation for artistic innovation. Based on its inclusiveness, arts of the Sui and Tang dynasties made tremendous pioneering advances, displaying very prominent innovation. For example, many famous formal and popular works of music and dance were created during the Sui and Tang dynasties, drawing from a large number of traditional and foreign music and dances, such as the famous Prince Qin Breaking the Battle Formation, composed and choreographed by Emperor Taizong himself, Music of Celebrating the Good and Successful Deeds (Gongcheng qingshan yue 功成庆善乐), composed by Lü Cai according to Emperor Taizong’s poems, and Rainbow Skirts and Feathered Robes, adapted and embellished by Emperor Xuanzong according to the Indian dance-music Brahmin, all of which brought the arts of music and dance to a new pinnacle during the Sui and Tang. Another example was the art of painting. In the Sui and Tang dynasties, with the integration of painting styles of the north and the south, painting methods of the Chinese and foreign, not only did figure painting reach its peak and landscape painting become fully developed, but bird-andflower painting also began to become an inde-

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pendent genre. The technique of depicting »Wu’s belt against the wind« created by Wu Daozi, the use of the green-and-blue pigment signature of Li Sixun and his son, and the charm of ink wash rendered by Zhang Qiong, and Wang Wei’s »water-smudged ink compositions,« all mark the new realm and achievements of Sui and Tang painting. As for the artistic achievements of Tang poetry, its boldness to surpass its predecessors and to innovate was even more prominent. Not only did the people of the Tang greatly develop poetic themes, enrich the variety of poetry, develop poetic style, and perfect poetic meter, but they also created many new poetic techniques, multiplied an unprecedented number of poetic schools, and nurtured countless poets. Li Bai, Du Fu, Wang Wei, Gao Shi, Cen Shen, Wang Changling, Bai Juyi, Li He, Du Mu, Li Shangyin, and many other great masters of innovative poetry finally brought the art of classical Chinese poetry to the pinnacle of the ancient and modern world. The great inclusiveness of the arts of the Sui and Tang dynasties was guided by its innovation. The pioneering nature of the arts of the Sui and Tang dynasties was accentuated by its broad inclusiveness.

2. Magnificence and Elegance The literature and arts of the Sui and Tang dynasties created a great variety of aesthetic modes, which included not only magnificence, but also elegance and many other different modes in between. This is obviously inseparable from the historical transition from the early to the middle and the latter stages of the Chinese feudal society during the Sui and Tang. With the high degree of political, economic, and cultural prosperity and development, the arts of the Sui and Tang also marked the first period of consolidation and the peak of the development of Chinese classical arts, fully prosperous and richly diverse. This era was extremely rich in aesthetic phenomena and aesthetic forms, including the remnants of

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the feminine and soft beauty of the Six Dynasties and the »view of the New Sui« which was a transition from elegance to magnificence; the »music of High Tang,« which reflected the magnificent style of the Tang Dynasty, and the »sound of the mid-Tang,« which reflected the colorful realities of society. There was also the »rhythm of the late Tang,« which subtly echoed the psychology of decaying late Tang society. The artistic aesthetics of the Sui and Tang dynasties encompassed splendid beauty in all colors. On the whole, among the symphony of aesthetic forms, the literature and arts of the Sui and Tang dynasties, especially those of the High Tang, played a loud and distinctive main melody, which was the grand and powerful main tone of the music of the times. The spectacular society and the exuberant spirit of the times were reflected in the magnificent forms and ideals of literature and arts. Listen to the magnificent sound, the passionate call from the border city: »The white sun is at the end of the mountains, the Yellow River flows into the sea. To exhaust a thousand miles of sight, go further up to another level.« The view is vast, the mood is immense, and the spirit is high! Listen also: »The beautiful wine of grapes in a luminous glass, and the pipa played on the horseback urges me to drink. Mock me not if I laid down drunk on the battleground, for how many people have returned from wars in the past?« What a bold poem, what a bold man, and what a bold era! This magnificent sound also comes from the deep thought of the idealistic literati, and the poems of Li Bai are some of the best examples. One finds the wild passion in »The waters of the Yellow River come from the sky, run to the sea and never return«; the cry of freedom in »How can I lower my brows and bend my waist to serve the powerful and noble, making my own happy face unattainable?«; the grand vision in »The bright moon comes out of the Mountains of Heaven amidst the vast sea of clouds. The long wind is tens of thousands of miles, blowing through the Jade Gate Pass«; and

SECTION 2 BASIC AESTHETIC FEATURES OF THE ARTS OF THE SUI AND TANG DYNASTIES

even in the lines he wrote for the traditionally feminine Midnight Wu Songs, »A sliver of moon shines over Chang’an, and the sound of beating clothes come from ten thousand households […] when will the hu bandits be pacified, so that my good man can stop his expedition.« Li Bai did not confine himself to the whispered words of the inner chamber, but spread his imagination out into boundless realms. The magnificent sound also comes from the various arts that were in full bloom. The colorful Sui and Tang music and dance were full of charming and delicate pieces, but the most unforgettable is Prince Qin Breaking the Battle Formation, which »shocked for a hundred miles and shook the valley,« welcoming the arrival of the magnificent era with the military might of the battlefield. Although the art of calligraphy of the Sui and Tang dynasties has beauty, it is best represented by Zhang Xu’s cursive script and Yan Zhenqing’s regular script, which embodies the magnificent ideals of the Tang Dynasty. Although the art of painting of the Sui and Tang dynasties is rich and diverse, Wu Daozi, »the sage of painting in a hundred dynasties,« set the highest standard with his magnificent and bold style. Although the remnants of the soft and delicate style of palace poetry of the Six Dynasties stretched into the early Tang Dynasty, the poetic style nonetheless went through a transformation from graceful to magnificent. Although a wide array of different styles had become available in the middle and late Tang Dynasty, with a turn towards gracefulness beginning to take place, the pursuit and appreciation of magnificent beauty continued.

3. Nationality and Universality The arts of the Sui and Tang dynasties can be said to be a kind of »universal art« both because it drew from large amounts of sources and because of the level of mastery and the depth of humanity achieved. At the very core, literature and arts are essentially humanities, and they are created

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through the society’s human activities. The arts of the Sui and Tang not only show the emotions and creations of individual artists, but also reflect the cries of the people of the times, and map out the most precious emotional commonalities of the nation as well as of all mankind, reflecting the noble values of the human spirit and soul. The eternal value of Sui and Tang literature and art was thus established. The Sui and Tang dynasties are well known for their extensive absorption of foreign music and dance. What could be described as the Sinification and nationalization of Buddhist music and dance is, from another perspective, the process of making Sui and Tang music and dance more cosmopolitan. Chinese cave art developed rapidly with the introduction of Buddhism into China. The Buddhist statues of the Wei and Jin dynasties were still based on the Gandharan statues and had a strong Indian flavor. Entering the Sui and Tang dynasties, Buddhist statues became fully Sinicized and distinctively Chinese. Tang poetry, on the other hand, can be said to be an indigenous form of Chinese art—but the artistic depth and height it achieved, the refinement and profoundness of its expression of the common feelings and common humanity of mankind, has won worldwide recognition and praise. Although the arts of the Sui and Tang dynasties drew on a large number of foreign cultural elements and was broadly cosmopolitan and universally human, it did not lose its Chinese subjectivity. The art of the Sui and Tang dynasties was the result of the creation of new arts based on the roots of traditional arts, while extensively but selectively absorbing the essence of world arts. The Chinese people exercised a great capacity for tolerance as well as for integration. Foreign cultures and arts, once introduced into China, could be combined and blended with Chinese arts to become organic components of the Chinese arts. The massive absorption of foreign music and dance in the Sui and Tang dynasties was accompanied by the process of their Sinification and nationalization.

Overview

The famous Rainbow Skirts and Feathered Robes, whose predecessor was the music and dance from the Western Regions, Brahmin, was transformed and processed to become a representative work of »Daoist-tuned faqu.« Among the music of the Western Regions, Kucha music was the most outstanding, was cheerful and enthusiastic, and often used the drum. The whole set of Kucha music was kept in the palace, for example, in the Seated and Standing Divisions, whose music was originally made by the Chinese emperors, with the exception of The Dragon Pond (Longchi yue 龙池乐), which uses yayue instruments such as metal bells and stone chimes, the rest of the pieces »mostly use Kucha music.« After Kucha Buddhist music was introduced to China, it had to change its »Tianzhu style« and went through the process of Sinification and nationalization to finally become the popular Buddhist music of the Northern Dynasties and the Sui and Tang dynasties. After Buddhist statuary was introduced into China, it likewise went through the same process—and by the time of the Sui and Tang, the originally strong Indian characteristics were cleared away and the statues’ physical features became mimetic of the Chinese people of the Tang Dynasty.

Section 3  The Profound Influence and Historical Significance of the Arts of the Sui and Tang Dynasties 1. Far-Reaching Influence The Sui and Tang dynasties were the most glorious period of China’s opening to the outside world in ancient times, and not only did they establish friendly relations with all the countries in the East, but also with the countries of Central Asia, Arabia, India, and even many countries in Europe, maintaining varying degrees of economic and cultural exchange.

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The Sui and Tang cultures were the strongest and most powerful cultures in the world at the time, forming not only a Sino-cultural sphere encompassing China, Japan, Korea, and Vietnam, but also projecting influences in Southeast Asia, India, Central Asia, Arabia, Byzantium, and even some parts of Europe. Sui and Tang art was one of the most powerful sources in the Sino-cultural sphere, and its influence not only had a wide reach geographically, but also temporally, establishing magnificent monuments of culture and arts. At the time, Japan and the three kingdoms of the Korean peninsula often sent envoys to the Sui and Tang, and large numbers of students and monks from these places came to China to work and study. The arts of the Sui and Tang dynasties, along with Chinese politics, culture, customs and rituals, and handicrafts, had a great influence in Japan and Korea. Japanese students and monks searched extensively for masterpieces of Chinese calligraphy to bring back to Japan, and two of the three most famous Heian-Period calligraphers, known as the »Three Brushes« (Sanpitsu 三筆) of Japanese history, Kukai and Tachibana no Hayanari, came to China to study calligraphy. Kukai studied under the calligrapher Han Fangming and mastered the five brush strokes enlisted in Han’s Essentials of Imparting Brushwork (Shoubi yaoshuo 授笔要说) and became known as the »Five-Strokes Monk«; Tachibana no Hayanari learned calligraphy from Liu Zongyuan and became very successful in all styles of calligraphy. Chinese people also took Chinese calligraphic works to Japan. For example, Monk Jianzhen (Ganjin), when he sailed east to Japan, brought with him a scroll of The Authentic Running Script of the General Wang of the Right Army of Jin (Jin Wang Youjun zhen xingshu 晋王 右军真行书) and three copies of The Authentic Running Scripts of Little Wang (Xiao Wang zhenji xingshu 小王真迹行书). Various calligraphies of the Tang Dynasty were very popular in Japan, and even Emperor Saga was skilled in calligraphy, especially the cursive and the clerical scripts. It is

SECTION 3 THE PROFOUND INFLUENCE AND HISTORICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF THE ARTS OF THE SUI AND TANG DYNASTIES

said that his calligraphy was deeply influenced by the style of Ouyang Xun. The highly developed art of calligraphy in the Sui and Tang dynasties gave a great impetus to the development of calligraphy in Japan. The music of the Sui and Tang dynasties also had a great influence on Japan and Korea. In the 8th century, Japan set up a special music institution, the Gagakuryō雅楽寮 (lit. »Department of Elegant Music«), directly modeled after the Tang Dynasty, importing many Chinese music books and instruments and adopting more than 100 pieces of Sui and Tang music. During the reign of Emperor Shōmu, the Naikyōbō 内教坊 (lit. »Inner Music Academy«) was set up, where performers were ordered to imitate Tang music and dance. Emperor Saga also issued an edict: »All ceremonies and clothing for men and women in the world shall be in accordance with the Tang system, and the fifth ranks or above shall be changed to follow the Han style. All the palaces and halls are given new lists, and the music and dances of all the officials are to be studied.« To this day, many pieces of Tang musical instruments, such as pipa, ruanxian, and qin are still kept at Shōsō-in in Nara, which are respected in Japan as »national treasures.« The connections in arts between the Sui and Tang and Korea was also very close. According to historical records, »Silla sent people to Xiongjin [Ungjin 熊津] to learn Tang music. At that time, the Tang army was stationed in Xiongjin, and many Chinese sounds and artifacts came with them, and the Chinese style has been propagated in the East since then.« According to »Biography of Bai Juyi« in The Old Book of Tang, Chinese literary masterpieces were very sought after among the Silla merchants: »The merchants of Jilin [Gyerim 鸡林, an autonomous administrative region established in the Silla territory by the Tang Dynasty] were so eager to purchase [Chinese literary works], saying that ministers of their country would exchange a piece of gold for a piece of work.« Mo Xiufu of the Tang Dynasty, in his Record of Localities and

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Customs in Guilin, also said that Japan and Silla »sent envoys to pay tribute, oftentimes seeking Wencheng’s [Zhang Zhuo’s courtesy name] literary collection to take back to their own countries.« Today, in front of Bai Juyi’s tomb in Longmen, Luoyang, there is still an inscribed stele erected by a Japanese delegation, praising Bai Juyi as a great »benefactor« of Japanese culture. The Tang Dynasty also had close cultural and artistic exchanges with Vietnam, Burma, Nepal, and Cambodia. Several famous poets of the Tang Dynasty visited Vietnam, and Vietnam was also very fond of Tang poetry. Tang painting, architecture, and Buddhist art had a significant impact on the development of arts in Nepal and Cambodia. There are also historical records attesting to the influence of Sui and Tang art on Central Asia, India, Arabia, Byzantium, and even Europe. For example, the architecture and painting of Chang’an of the Tang Dynasty were widely known in Central Asia, and a new city built in Suyab in 679, with twelve gates on four sides, was exactly modeled after the new city of Chang’an. The images of the ancient Chinese emperors painted on the great Tang building in Kusanija, the capital of the State of He 何国 (close to present-day Samarkand), are based on The Thirteen Emperors by the early Tang painter Yan Liben. Chinese paintings were also introduced to Arabia in the Sui and Tang dynasties, which greatly promoted the development of design patterns used on local gold and silverware, ceramic products, and other crafts. There were also profound artistic exchanges between China and India during the Sui and Tang dynasties. On the one hand, much music and dance from India was imported and absorbed, and Tianzhu music and dance were administered under the Imperial Music Bureau; on the other hand, the music and dances of the Tang Dynasty also had some influence on India. Emperor Harsha of India said to Xuanzang, »I have heard of the song and dance Prince Qin Breaking the Battle Formation, but who is Prince Qin?

Overview

What are his merits and virtues that warrant such praise?« This shows the influence of Tang music and dance on India. In addition, Chinese porcelain was also introduced to India in the Sui and Tang dynasties and became a treasured collectible for its fineness. Chinese ceramics, with their exquisiteness, opened up a glorious »Porcelain Road,« connecting China through Southeast Asia and the Indian Ocean to Persia, Syria, and Egypt, and reaching Africa, Europe, and many other places. The American Sinologist Derk Bodde wholeheartedly praised, in his China’s Gifts to the West: »Earthenware bowls, plates, and vases have been baked from clay by almost all people since time immemorial, but porcelain is justly acclaimed as a product of Chinese genius alone.« Rightfully, the arts of the Sui and Tang have been memorized with established terms such as »Tang people,« »Tang character,« »Tang words,« »Tang sounds,« »Tang dance,« »Tang painting,« and so on, and has spread to and has been praised by the world. They will be forever recorded in the glorious history of culture and art.

2. Transcending Importance In the history of the Chinese arts, the art of the Sui and Tang dynasties is both a glorious summary of the art of predecessors and a harbinger of future generations. Its influence on the arts of future generations was both comprehensive and profound. It is »comprehensive« in the sense that all categories of arts had a direct or indirect influence on future generations. For example, the emergence and development of Tang Dynasty storytelling scripts and zaju dramas had an important influence on the arts of singing-storytelling and opera from the Five Dynasties to the Song and Yuan dynasties. The storytelling-script novella of the Song and Yuan dynasties is the continuation of the development of the Tang-Dynasty storytelling-scripts. Tang Dynasty Buddhist storytelling formats, such as transformed sutras and popular sermons, also

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had close connections with other forms of singing-storytelling in later generations, such as later spoken art such as zhugongdiao, baojuan (»precious scroll«), and tanci. Zaju of the Song and Yuan dynasties developed on the basis of Tang Dynasty canjunxi (»adjunct plays«), song-anddance dramas, and zaju, and it was also the precursor to the later emergence of Southern Opera, Ming chuanqi, yabu (lit. »Elegant Division,« kunqu of the Qing Dynasty) and huabu (lit. »Flower Division,« operas other than kunqu). The variety acts of the Sui and Tang were developed on the basis of those of the Han Dynasty, and had a direct influence on the acrobatic arts of Song, Yuan, Ming and Qing dynasties. As for the poetry, painting, calligraphy, sculpture, architecture and gardens, and crafts of the Tang Dynasty, their influence on the related arts of the Five Dynasties, Song, Yuan, Ming, and Qing dynasties is well known. The term »profound« refers to the fact that the influence of Sui and Tang art was not limited to artistic forms, genres, techniques, and skills, but went deep into artistic content, subject matter, themes, and aesthetics. For example, the traditional Chinese form of combining poetry and painting, inscribing poetry on a painting, or using painting to illustrate poetry, was first developed in the Tang Dynasty, with Du Fu and Wang Wei as prominent representatives. This form was inherited and developed in the Song Dynasty, with Su Shi summarizing it clearly as »poetry and painting share the same principle, [that is] natural and fresh.« In the Yuan, Ming and Qing dynasties, this tradition was further developed, and Zheng Banqiao almost achieved the full integration of poetry and painting. In fact, this artistic pursuit of the integration and combination of poetry and painting reflects the process of the deepening of aesthetics. Another example is calligraphy. Although there seems to be no direct connection between the regulated and methodological Sui and Tang calligraphies and the expressive calligraphies of the

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Song, Yuan, Ming, and Qing, it was a dialectical development. In other words, without the calligraphy of the Tang that »foregrounds the method,« there could not have been the calligraphy of the Song that »foregrounds the spirit«—nor could there have been the calligraphy of the Yuan that »foregrounds the form,« the calligraphy of the Ming that »foregrounds the charm,« or the calligraphy of the Qing that »foregrounds simplicity.« Art went through a dialectical development where »the negation is constantly further negated.« The former form was always the premise and starting point of the latter, an irreplaceable link in the chain of artistic development; the latter form was always the inheritance and development of the former. This relationship is obviously a deeply intrinsic process.

3. A Peak in Ancient Culture The Chinese historian Fan Wenlan once pointed out that »the Tang Dynasty was a powerful and prosperous country, unprecedented in the feudal era of China and unique in the world at that time. On this basis, the Tang culture, which inherited from the Six Dynasties and broke through them, was so vast and fresh and brilliant that it was not only the peak of Chinese feudal culture but also the peak of world culture at that time.« This passage is also very appropriate to summarize the historical status and great influence of Sui and Tang art. The grand and magnificent arts of music and dance, the splendid and fully developed art of painting, the masterpieces of calligraphy showing the beauties of diverse scripts, the gorgeous and brilliant art of Buddhist grottoes, the majestic architectural marvels, and the exquisite art of craftsmanship  … Even today, it still shines with unparalleled brilliance, representing the immortal charm of the art of the East.

CHAPTER I  SPECTACULAR COURT MUSIC AND DANCE OF THE SUI AND TANG DYNASTIES Section 1  The Basic Structure and Direction of the Development of Music and Dance Culture in the Societies of the Sui and Tang Performing arts flourished across the board during the Sui and Tang dynasties, like a hundred flowers blooming. In particular, music and performances combining singing and dancing manifested in concentrated form the highest achievements of Chinese music and dance since ancient times. The class structure of the Sui and Tang dynasties can roughly be divided into the court and imperial family, bureaucratic officials and literati, and the common people. The music and dance of Sui and Tang society was adapted to this situation, with three adjacent levels: court and imperial music and dance, the music and dance of prefectural officials and literati, and folk music and dance. The scale and characteristics of the three levels were different, but there was also exchange and fusion among them. Court music and court performances combining song and dance were grand in scale, plentiful in variety and formed a distinguished collection of the essence of music and dance at the time. They represented the magnificent achievements of performing arts during the Sui and Tang dynasties, which not only shone their light in China and abroad, but also profoundly affected the development of the Chinese performing arts.

1. Multi-Level Structure and Fusion of Styles of Music and Dance in the Sui and Tang Dynasties Just as social classes were clearly and strictly differentiated during the Sui and Tang dynasties, there were also clear differences within music and dance, which could generally be divided into three basic levels. The highest level was court music and dance. For this, the court established complex systems and rules, set up vast and varied agencies for the management and teaching of music and dance, and concentrated the essence of all music and dance from society. Court music and dance activities were rich in variety, grand in scale, and were the extremes of earthly luxury. They represented the highest level of performing arts in the Sui and Tang periods, while also leading the trend of the performing arts at the time. (Fig. 5.1.1a and Fig. 5.1.1b) The middle level of music and dance was enjoyed by bureaucrats, military officers, and the wealthy in various parts of the country, as well as the music and dance created and enjoyed by the vast group of literati and officials. As the middle level of society, they were very active in society, politics, philosophy, culture and the arts. Cultural transmission, the addition of value to culture and the creation of culture were the main tasks given by the social division of labor to the educated classes, as they served society with their cultural skills. Because of this, they were one of the main forces in the creation of culture and art, and they made active contributions to the flourishing and development of music and dance during the Sui and Tang dynasties.

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CHAPTER I SPECTACULAR COURT MUSIC AND DANCE OF THE SUI AND TANG DYNASTIES

5.1.1a. Mounted flute-playing figures: tri-colored pottery tomb figures playing di flutes on horseback, unearthed from the tomb of Crown Prince Yide, Li Chongrun, the eldest son of Emperor Zhongzong, at the Qianling Mausoleum

5.1.1b. Mounted flute-playing figures: tri-colored pottery tomb figures playing bili flutes, unearthed from the tomb of Crown Prince Yide, Li Chongrun, the eldest son of Emperor Zhongzong, at the Qianling Mausoleum

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The lowest level of music and dance was the folk music and dance of the common people. The numerous farmers, urban commoners, and the »jianmin« (贱民, similar to untouchables) whose social status was still lower, formed the lowest level and foundation of Sui and Tang societies. In the flourishing of music and dance during the Sui and Tang dynasties, they were actual creators who must not be neglected, and they made outstanding contributions that should not be underestimated. Professional artists in the Sui and Tang dynasties, musicians and dancers vast in number, mainly came from this social stratum. Especially among the numerous court musicians (yinshengren 音声人) and professional musicians, singers and dancers of the lowest social class (yuehu 乐 户) were professional entertainers whose skills had been passed down for generations. They were the main force that created and performed the »hundred entertainments« variety shows, but the exquisite performances that they created were largely appropriated by the court and imperial family, bureaucrats, gentry, and the wealthy, and the performers were forced to offer their artistic talents to these people. The multi-level performing arts of the Sui and Tang dynasties centered on music and performances combining singing and dancing, and were constantly evolving. There was a lengthy period of exchange among the arts of the north and south and the arts of various ethnic groups inside and outside China, finally resulting in a high degree of fusion. In particular, the formal music and dance performed at court (yayue 雅乐), the music of other ethnic groups (huyue 胡乐), and popular music (suyue 俗乐), moved from three-way equilibrium to combination—to a fusion resulting in a new popular music. This was then made splendid in the grand performances at court, leading the music and dance of the high Tang Dynasty to rise to a radiant peak. Before the Qin Dynasty, court music and dance were primarily divided into yayue and suyue,

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with the music of the common people considered suyue. Starting from the Han and Jin dynasties, »hundred entertainments« variety acts from ethnic minorities and from abroad, which were called »huyue« or »yiyue« (夷乐), were brought in regularly. During the Northern and Southern Dynasties Period, a large number of ethnic minorities entered the Central Plains and set up numerous dynasties in succession, and there was an unprecedented fusion of various peoples in the Yellow River Basin. The music and dance of peoples from the north and west (huyue and huwu 胡 舞) flourished on the Central Plains. At the end of the Sui Dynasty and beginning of the Tang Dynasty, court music and dance consisted mostly of an equilibrium between yayue, huyue and suyue. Essentially, huyue and yiyue were folk music that emphasized artistry and entertainment, but they were each unique, and were very different in style from the original courtly and folk music and dance of China. Moreover, they had a huge influence. Thus, the writings on music of Xu Jing’an, at the end of the Tang Dynasty, and Yueshu (乐书, Book of Music) by the Northern Song music scholar Chen Yang, both clearly differentiate Tang Dynasty music into the three major types, yayue, huyue and suyue, which are separately discussed. At the start of the Tang Dynasty, the boundaries between yayue, huyue and suyue at court were fairly clear. The court’s grand assemblies and banquets strictly followed a pattern of »the Chinese leading the barbarians.« Yayue (two performing divisions) came first, and after that, numerous other divisions would perform in order. The first was the Banquet Music (yanyue 乐) Division, then the Qingshang (清商) Division, and then the Xiliang (西凉, i.  e. Liangzhou) Division. The music of these three divisions was all Chinese music, and was also yayue in the broad sense. After that was the »music of the Four Barbarians« (»music of the four directions«); huyue divisions such as the Indian Division, the Goryeo Division,

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the Kuchean Division, the Bukhara Division, the Shule Division, the Gaochang Division and the Samarkand Division performed in order. At the end were variety acts such as the »hundred entertainments,« i.  e., acrobatics and horsemanship. These ethnic or foreign music divisions had distinctive features and unique styles. Their dances, songs, pieces of music, instruments, props, costumes and accessories retained their original styles and appearances for a long time afterwards. The performers and musicians also came from their own countries or regions. If more or new performers were needed, there was generally no way to replace them; people would have to be sent from the original country or region to fill in. The high Tang Dynasty was stable politically and prosperous economically. Emperor Xuanzong liked music, singing and dancing very much, and court music and dance flourished to a high level under his vigorous promotion. In 714, under the rationale that »the Court of Imperial Sacrifices is the office in charge of rites and music, and should not be in charge of song-and-dance or variety shows,« Xuanzong also established the Left and Right Royal Academies, where he installed the administration of suyue, which had originally been under the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. Actually, the emperor appointed a eunuch to directly control the Royal Academy, so that he could more easily arrange performances of huyue and suyue for the emperor. Xuanzong also liked huyue very much. His favorite was the jiegu (羯鼓), an hourglass-shaped drum, which he called »the leader of the instruments.« He spent a great deal of time practicing diligently, and also composed pieces for the jiegu such as »Enjoying Spring Scenery« (chunguang hao 春光 好). All of the border towns catered to his tastes, one after the other offering music and dance as tribute. For instance, the military commissioner of Xiliang (Liangzhou) offered grand suites such as »The Brahmin« and »Liangzhou« one after the other. The piece »The Brahmin,« which clearly has the flavor of huyue and which was later renamed

CHAPTER I SPECTACULAR COURT MUSIC AND DANCE OF THE SUI AND TANG DYNASTIES

the »Rainbow Skirt Feathered Dress Dance,« is one of the best known among Tang Dynasty grand suites and faqu (法曲, refined ancient music associated with Buddhist assemblies). During the Kaiyuan era, a large number of »new sounds from foreign lands« came from the west and were popular in Chang’an for a time. Under Xuanzong’s care, the status of huyue gradually rose. In 736, he issued a decree raising »foreigners into the palace,« breaking the past custom that huyue could only be performed outside the palace. In 754, Xuanzong issued a decree and on multiple occasions pushed for the titles of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices’ musical pieces for making offerings to be changed, changing the titles of dozens of foreign pieces with Buddhist titles and other titles in foreign languages to Chinese titles with a strong Daoist flavor. At the same time, he also decreed that the »new sounds from foreign lands« and his most treasured »faqu pieces in Daoist mode« should »work together«; that is, »Chinese and foreign will be performed together.« This was a major and unprecedented initiative, and the fusion of huyue and suyue reached its peak. The music formed by the fusion of huyue and suyue is called »new suyue« by scholars, and is the form of music and dance most representative of the Royal Academy and the Pear Garden. Through this process, the previous coexistence of yayue, huyue and suyue side by side gradually became the coexistence of yayue and suyue (new suyue). The con­ clusion of the 5th volume of the Song Dynasty work Dream Pool Essays by Shen Kuo states: Previously, the sounds of foreign countries were kept separate as the music of the Four Barbarians. In 754, the emperor first ordered faqu and foreign music to be played together. From then on, the old ways of musical performance were completely lost. The music of former emperors became ›yayue,‹ the new sounds of previous generations became ›Qingyue (清乐),‹ and music that incorporated foreign music became ›banquet music (yanyue 宴乐).‹

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The statement that »the old ways of musical performance were completely lost« shows the magnitude of the force and influence of this major reform of the music system, and reflects from another angle the epoch-making significance of this combination of Chinese and foreign in the history of music.

2. Shifts in the Center of Gravity of Performing Arts and the Categorization of Court Music and Dance The history of the development of ancient Chinese performing arts after the pre-Qin Period can roughly be divided into two major periods, based on the formation and change of their representative art forms. The first is the period when music and performances combining song and dance were the representative type of performance, with music and song-and-dance performances of the court and the imperial family as a concentrated representation. The second is the period when theatre was the representative type of performance, with theatre the synthesis of all types of performing arts and that arose suddenly in the marketplaces among the people as a concentrated representation. The period of music and song-and-dance performances is generally considered to have begun in the Xia Dynasty. The Xia Dynasty was the beginning of Chinese civilization; prior to that was a long period of primitive music and dance. The period from the Xia Dynasty to the Sui and Tang dynasties, almost three thousand years of music and song-and-dance from beginning to end, can be further divided into the pre-Qin phase of court and noble music and dance symbolized by music played on metal and stone instruments; the phase of Qin, Han, Three Kingdoms and Jin Dynasty jiyue (伎乐), outdoor performances of music and dance symbolized by Qingshang music; and the final climax of the songand-dance era: Sui and Tang song-and-dance performances.

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The music and song-and-dance performances of the Sui and Tang dynasties occupy a very important position in history. On the one hand, they collect the great achievements of the development of Chinese music and dance since before the Qin Dynasty, constituting the peak of the splendor and development of ancient music and song-anddance performances. On the other hand, this period was also a major turning point in the history of the performing arts. Song-and-dance performances, which had occupied a representative position since ancient times, would gradually transform and give way to theatre. That is to say, the Sui and Tang dynasties occurred at a major turning point in the history of the Chinese performing arts, such as occurs only once every several thousand years. The important historical task that these dynasties shouldered, linking the eras that preceded and followed them, was extraordinary. Specifically, the major turning point in the representative art form in the history of Chinese performing arts, from song-and-dance to theatre, occurred through two shifts in the center of gravity of the performing arts. One of the shifts occurred after song-and-dance reached its peak. As song-and-dance began to decline and lose its representative status, new forms such as the »hundred entertainments,« singing with comic storytelling (shuochang 说唱), and theatre gradually or suddenly arose and became independent—and they gradually moved toward center stage. During the Sui and Tang dynasties, music and song-and-dance performances were beloved by every social class, from the imperial court to the common people. There were tens of thousands of »yinshengren,« musicians who served only the court and who mainly performed music and song-and-dance routines. Song-and-dance had a huge influence on daily life, even taking on highly unique tasks. For example, in the Old Book of Tang: Chronicles of Chai Shao, it is recorded that when Chai Shao was leading an army on cam-

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paign, they met the enemy and were surrounded under heavy fire. The situation being dire, Chai Shao ordered two women who were with the army to dance accompanied by the playing of lutes (pipa 琵琶). The enemy officers and soldiers were amazed, stopped shooting, and gathered to watch. Chai Shao took advantage of the opportunity, secretly sending a column to attack the enemy’s rear. He won a complete victory and beheaded hundreds. It is amazing that music and dance could produce such huge enchantment and play such a role. But once the highest climax of song-and-dance performance in history was reached, many new challenges soon appeared. On the one hand, the power of the imperial court waned after the An Lushan Rebellion, and it was difficult to continue with grand song-and-dance performances. On the other hand, the genres and types of performing arts were constantly being improved, and becoming more plentiful. New art forms were constantly being produced, each with a unique charm. New forms of shuochang, such as lectures mixing Buddhist scripture with storytelling (sujiang 俗讲), the singing of Buddhist texts (zhuanbian 转变), storytelling shows (shuohua 说话), and song-stories (changci 唱词) appeared among the common people, and these gradually separated from song-and-dance and formed their own sphere. Forms of theatre, meanwhile, such as song-and-dance drama, comic skits called »adjutant plays« (canjun xi 参军戏) and puppet shows also quickly matured and were well received. These laid a solid foundation for the flourishing of folk musical theatre, shuochang and drama during the Five Dynasties and the Song and Yuan dynasties. The other shift in center of gravity on the performing arts stage was the gradual shift from the imperial family and the court, from the two capitals at Chang’an and Luoyang, to outlying areas governed by military commanderies and numerous big cities, and then gradually to marketplaces among the common people.

CHAPTER I SPECTACULAR COURT MUSIC AND DANCE OF THE SUI AND TANG DYNASTIES

Court bodies for the administration of music, such as the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, the Royal Academy and the Pear Garden, which were set up at the two capitals in Luoyang and Chang’an, once gathered a large number of yinshengren, court musicians, to collect the cream of the entire country’s performing arts. But in the second half of the Tang Dynasty, central authority declined and independent regimes were set up in military commanderies. The court’s administrative bodies for music and dance also waned, unable to regain their former glory, which shook the court’s position as the center of performing arts. Moreover, independent local regimes formed: Jiangnan gradually became the court’s center of grain collection and taxation, and many local towns and cities such as Yangzhou and Yizhou sprang up. Mass entertainment was clustered in places such as local temple courtyards, restaurants, and brothels, which gradually became hotspots for folk performing arts, with a strong trend that would allow them to later rival the court in the two capitals. In Chang’an, in the late Tang Dynasty, folk performing arts were mainly concentrated in »theaters« in the courtyards of temples such as Ci’en Temple, Qinglong Temple, Jianfu Temple and Yongshou Temple. Even Princess Wanshou neglected an ill family member to go watch a performance, for which she was criticized by Xuanzong. This shows that the attractiveness of folk performing arts greatly exceeded the power of the court, showing that the center of gravity of the performing arts stage was already shifting from the depths of the palace and the big mansions of the court and the imperial family in the two capitals to the local and folk level. This historic transformation foreshadowed the sudden rise of the arts of urban commoners, represented by fenced-off rings (goulan 勾栏) and urban marketplaces (washe 瓦舍) where entertainment was held during the Five Dynasties and the Northern and Southern Song. It was also an omen that the era of theater was imminent.

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The performing arts of the court during the Sui and Tang dynasties were rich in variety, grand in scale and exciting in atmosphere. According to writings from the Tang Dynasty, the types of court music and dance included yayue, the seated and standing performing divisions, Qingshang music, the music of Xiliang, Banquet Music (乐), the music of the Four Barbarians, hundred entertainments variety shows, drums and pipes, and variety acts. Moreover, the imperial family and major government officials had a wide variety of daily music and dance activities. Banquet Music (yanyue 燕乐, a more generic term than 乐, the title of the first performing division) is the name given to the type of music and dance most often seen in works on Sui and Tang culture and arts. Many works more or less divide Sui and Tang court music into the two major categories of »yayue« and »Banquet Music,« while some researchers follow the ancient custom of dividing into it into the two major categories of »yayue« and »suyue.« In addition, there are also distinctions such as the three major categories of »yayue,« »huyue« and »suyue« and the three major categories of »yayue,« »Banquet Music« and »variety acts« (sanyue 散乐). In terms of historical application, the meaning of the term »Banquet Music« is continually expanding, and the widely used concept of Banquet Music is actually very fuzzy. Yayue and suyue cannot be accurately differentiated, and the basic types of Sui and Tang palace and folk music cannot be effectively divided. This volume will not use Banquet Music as a category to indicate various court music, other than yayue, or folk music and dance. We will set out from historical fact when it comes to the categories of Sui and Tang music and dance, and use the original terminology as much as possible. Of course, the fact that this volume does not use »Banquet Music« as a basic category of Sui and Tang music and dance does not negate the fact that Banquet Music was popular at the time, and it does not negate the fact that written sources

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from that time also used this concept as an appellation for some music and dance at banquets. Then how should court music from the Sui and Tang dynasties be categorized? From the lost work, Wall Inscription for the Director of the Imperial Music Bureau (Taiyueling biji 太乐令壁记, hereafter abbreviated Biji) by Tang Dynasty historian Liu Kuang, a clear record remains of categories of court music and dance during the high Tang Period, which is well worth noting. Liu Kuang was born into a renowned family of historians. His father was the great historian Liu Zhiji, the author of the Shitong (史通). His older brother Liu Zhi’s works included the Zhengdian (政典), which was very influential on the compilation of Du You’s Tongdian (通典). Liu Kuang was an expert in the tone system, and at the beginning of the Kaiyuan era of Xuanzong’s reign, he became Director of the Imperial Music Bureau, that is the highest official in charge of music and dance under the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. He resigned for unknown reason in 721. The Biji divides court music and dance into two major categories, »correct music« (zhengyue 正 乐) and »the music of the Four Barbarians,« which is very important. The »correct music« described in the middle volume is none other than »elegant and correct music (yazheng zhi yue 雅正 之乐),« which includes yayue, but also includes the seated and standing performing divisions, and falls under Qingyue and the music of Xiliang in the ten divisions of music. From this we know that the »yayue« in the text is yayue in the narrow sense, music for ceremonies of sacrifice, while »correct music« is yayue in the broad sense, including yayue for ceremonies of sacrifice as well as for court assemblies and banquets. Later people have generally neglected the fact that there is a distinction between broad and narrow in elegant and correct music itself. Seeing as the seated and standing performing divisions, Qingyue and the music of Xiliang, were mainly used at court

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assemblies and banquets, it was thought that they were Banquet Music, which is to say suyue. In fact, during the Tang Dynasty, they clearly fell under »correct music,« that is, under the scope of yayue and elegant and correct music. The concept of the categories of »correct music,« »correct sounds« and so on continued to be used for a long time period. Faithful Records for Transmission in the Periods of Kaiyuan and Tianbao (Kaitian chuanxinji 开天传信记), by the late Tang official Zheng Qi, states that the jade chime (yuqing 玉磬) played by Yang Guifei was especially fine. After the An Lushan Rebellion, when most of the musical instruments in the palace were lost, Yang Guifei’s jade chime was all that remained. Xuanzong became upset when he saw it, and ordered it to be immediately sent to the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, »and to this day it is still stored in the Correct Music Storehouse at the Court of Imperial Sacrifices.« Zheng Qi was a government minister during the reign of Emperor Zhaozong. We can certainly believe what he says, as many materials would have passed under his eye. According to him, there was still a dedicated storehouse for instruments and tools for »correct music« at the Court of Imperial Sacrifices during the late Tang Dynasty, which demonstrates that the category of »correct music« still existed. Under the main heading of »Music of the Four Barbarians,« vol. 3 of the Biji includes not only the music and dance of the four cardinal directions (i.  e., music from the peoples outside of China), but also variety acts (sanyue). There is also categorization according to the genre of music (song, dance, poetry, etc.) and descriptions of the tone system, history, theory and other topics. The record of categories of Tang Dynasty music and dance in Liu Kuang’s Biji clearly shows how these types of music and dance were differentiated during the high Tang Dynasty, and how the natures and characteristics of these types of music and dance were treated. For this reason, this record should be one of the most important refer-

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ences for studying the categories of Tang Dynasty music and dance. By applying the above categories and labels that were used by people in the Tang Dynasty, we can solve our problem and avoid misunderstandings caused by inaccurate labels such as »Banquet Music.« With this foundation, we can apply even simpler categories. We can roughly differentiate the two major categories of »yayue« and »suyue« based on the nature of the music as has been made since ancient times, where yayue is the »correct music« of the Biji and suyue is the abovementioned music of the Four Barbarians. Written sources from the late Tang and early Song dynasties also feature the three major categories of yayue, huyue and suyue, where huyue is the music of ethnic minorities and foreign countries, and suyue thus means variety acts and hundred entertainments that are not huyue—that is, the folk music of the Han people. Respecting the categories of music and dance of the people of the Tang Dynasty does not mean that these categories are without problems. The concepts of categories at that time differed in scope from broad to narrow, and there were various changes over time. There were also intersections and overlap between these categories. For example, Banquet Music (乐) was the first division of the nine or ten musical divisions, but it was also the first piece played by the seated division, one of the two performing divisions for ceremonial occasions. In addition, the same piece could be yayue, or it could be the Banquet Music or suyue of different eras, based on differences in the form of performance and the occasion. This phenomenon was very common. For instance, the dance »Smashing Through the Battle Formation« (Pozhen yue 破阵乐) originated as a »military song« and was originally a piece of folk music. After Taizong ascended to the throne, he had it performed at court, so it became yayue as well as Banquet Music. Moreover, it was not only one of

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the eight pieces of the standing performing division, but was also one of the four tunes of the seated performing division’s Banquet Music ( 乐). After it was compressed and »revised into yayue,« it became ceremonial temple music in the narrow sense. Various works with »Smashing Through the Battle Formation« as the theme not only were disseminated far away in the Western Regions and Japan, but also spread widely among the common people, even being performed as a tightrope act in variety shows and becoming part of the hundred entertainments variety acts. Therefore, we should note that there may be intersections, overlap and blurred lines between the categories of Tang Dynasty music, as well as between the categories and their subjects. This example also shows that the categories made by the people of the Tang Dynasty were not divided based on the works themselves. In terms of development, the predecessor of Qingshang music was the Han Dynasty’s Xianghe Songs (xianghe ge 相和歌), which were the »songs of the streets and alleys« of the time, that is, the music of the urban marketplaces and country villages. The Kingdom of Wei, the Jin Dynasty and the Southern Dynasty protected and passed them down as important cultural heritage, during which time they also fused with the popular folk music and dance of the south, such as »western tunes« and »Wu songs« and became the representative music and dance of the south. It is clear to see that the main body of Qingshang music is folk suyue, that is, it contains a large amount of traditional folk music. There are also pieces of southern folk suyue such as the »Song of Zi Ye« (Ziye ge 子夜歌) and »Don’t Worry« (Mochou yue 莫愁乐). The Sui and Tang dynasties venerated Qingshang music as »the correct sounds of China,« primarily based on political considerations, and not as a scientific artistic classification. Strictly speaking, there was a difference in broad and narrow senses of the categorization of various types of music and dance by the people of the Tang

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Dynasty, and in the periods that followed there were changes upon changes. For example, suyue in the narrow sense as described above meant various types of music and dance within court music other than »elegant and correct music.« But when it was being distinguished from huyue, it changed to mean the traditional folk music of the Central Plains region that was not yayue. Suyue in the broad sense, meanwhile, included all foreign and folk music and dance (huyue and suyue) other than yayue. Later, huyue and suyue fused further and the connotations of suyue naturally expanded to combine with huyue. These were collectively called »new suyue« by commentators. Huren (胡人) originally meant the ethnic minorities in the northwestern region and the ethnic groups further west outside China. Their music and dance were collectively called huyue. However, huyue also referred generally to »music of the Four Barbarians« within the court, i.  e., the musical performances offered as tribute by various peoples and nations to the north, south, east and west, as well as the music and dance of all ethnic minorities and foreign countries. Huyue (including musical instruments) was used in the regular Banquet Music of the court and of local officials. For example, the Royal Academy’s repertoire included a large number of huyue pieces, and it was also used as yayue, for instance in »correct music« such as that of the seated and standing performing divisions. During the time of Xuanzong, the standing performing division »played ›Music of Peace‹ (Anyue 安乐), and then all [of the rest of the pieces] thundered on big drums, mixing in Kuchean music; the sound resounded for a hundred li.« This shows that the so-called »correct music« included huyue components such as Kuchean music. Paying attention to the complexities described above and the relative nature, overlap and changes over time of the categories made by people of the Tang Dynasty can prevent mechanical or one-sided errors.

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Section 2  Main Types and Scales of Performance for Court Music and Dance in the Sui and Tang Dynasties In the history of Chinese arts, the Sui and Tang dynasties were the peak of innovation and development in music and dance, assuming the great achievements that had accumulated since ancient times. This time was also a key turning point in the development of performing arts from the era of song-and-dance as the representative form to the era of theatre as the representative form. Not only were the types of music and dance many and varied, and the scale of performance immense, but they were also rich in expression and adept at changing. The performing arts of the Sui and Tang dynasties initially presented a situation where collision and exchange existed side by side. Large amounts of music and dance from different peoples and different countries came in, greatly enriching the cultural life of the Central Plains. During the High Tang Period, the peak of the flourishing and splendor of song-and-dance performance appeared through the fusion of northern and southern styles and the combination of huyue and suyue. During the middle and late Tang Period, a series of shifts and transmutations of the center of gravity of performing arts occurred, from the court to the common people, from Chang’an and Luoyang to bustling cities, from song and dance to variety acts and the »hundred entertainments.« The arts of the Sui and Tang dynasties also established the direction of progress and laid a solid foundation for the sudden growth of the arts of urban commoners and of theatre during the Song and Yuan dynasties.

1. The Unprecedented Scale of Court Music, Dance and Variety Shows The yayue and »correct music« of the Sui and Tang dynasties—i.e., »elegant and correct« (yazheng 雅

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正) music—usually referred to the system of music and dance accompanying systems of rites and used for activities such as the court’s ceremonies of sacrifice at suburban temples, and ceremonies for court assemblies. Confucian theory and the rulers of successive dynasties all valued the political and indoctrinating role of rites and music. While the ruling classes of successive dynasties emphasized establishing rules for ceremonies and composing appropriate music for different occasions, they also made the utmost effort to highly praise yayue and denounced »lowbrow music« (lit. the music of the states of Zheng and Wei, zheng wei zhi yin 郑卫之音). Actually, the »yayue« that they so highly praised was partially made up of variations of traditional yayue as well as specious fakes, with most of it being folk suyue that they had secretly allowed in. A large portion of the yayue of the early Han court was made up of folk »sounds of Chu« and »dances of Chu« that people such as Liu Bang liked, and that came from his place of origin. Therefore, the »lowbrow music« or »music of the states of Zheng and Wei« fervently denounced by the defenders of traditional values of successive dynasties was not really the music of Zheng and Wei; in reality it only referred generally to various types of folk music and dance that they did not like or could not openly like. Yayue primarily played a psychological and symbolic role, strengthening the emperor’s rule and stabilizing the political situation. Even though it consisted of folk music and dance, as soon as it became the court’s yayue, its function in the system of rites and its ritual role were continually strengthened as needed for the feudal system of rule, while its artistic and aesthetic functions were continually reduced. Ultimately it became a shell lacking in vitality or infectiousness, becoming subservient to and a decoration for politics, and it was impossible to avoid the loss of its artistic vitality. The Sui and Tang were both unified empires with vast border areas. They both strove to establish

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and configure various systems, they both highly valued the formulation of the court’s yayue, and also established various institutions to manage performances, establishing a system of yayue from compiling, composing and performance to instruments and tone systems. During the Kaihuang era (581–600), Emperor Wen of Sui convened his chief ministers on multiple occasions to discuss the revision of yayue, what are the historically renowned »Kaihuang music discussions.« Rituals and the formulation of music to accompany them were also very valued during the Tang Dynasty. During the Zhenguan era (627–649), Taizong ordered the compilation of a document about every kind of rite in the hundred volumes Book of Rites, called »Rites of the Zhenguan Era« (Zhenguan li 贞观礼). During the Xianqing era (656–660), Gaozong revised it to 130 volumes, calling it »Rites of the Xianqing Era« (Xianqing li 显庆礼). In 741, Xuanzong revised it again and issued the Rites of the Kaiyuan Era of the Great Tang (Datang kaiyuan li 大唐开元礼), totaling 150 volumes. Rites of the Kaiyuan Era was very influential during the Tang Dynasty. Although it was later revised, the changes were minor, and most of the systems and rules were respected and maintained. In terms of the form of the rites, the court rites formulated during the Tang Dynasty consisted of the »Five Rites,« that is, the five major types of rites: »auspicious rites, congratulatory rites, hosting rites, military rites and inauspicious rites.« Each type of rite was accompanied by music. According to what is recorded in the table of contents in vol. 106 of the Tongdian, there were more than 150 ceremonies for the »Five Rites« during the Kaiyuan era. In the broad sense, the rite-accompanying yayue of the Sui and Tang court included the ritual music and dance for ceremonies of sacrifice at suburban temples and for the grand suites at various court assemblies and banquets. In the narrow sense it was primarily the music and dance of ceremonies of sacrifice at suburban temples.

The names and objects of devotion at the Tang court’s ceremonies of sacrifice primarily fell into four categories: sacrifices to heaven, sacrifices to earth spirits, offerings to human spirits and the offering of libations to Confucius. They can be considered as two categories, sacrifices to gods and sacrifices to people. Sacrifices at the circular altar and the square altar surrounded by a pool were the most important sacrifices, and were also the main body of the auspicious rites. The yayue that accompanied suburban sacrifices to heaven and earth was called »music for suburban sacrifice« (jiaosiyue 郊祀乐). The sacrifice at the circular altar on the winter solstice was the largest in scale, with the highest specifications. It was the first of the court’s twenty-two annual regular sacrifices. The winter solstice was one of the most important solar terms in China in ancient times; it was thought to be an important moment when yin and yang, sun and moon, and all other things changed. Therefore, the emperor chose the date of the winter solstice to sacrifice to heaven at the circular altar in the southern suburbs with rites and music. He would issue an edict and pardon the whole country, hold a grand ceremony convening the imperial court, and receive the ritual obeisance of congratulations from hundreds of officials, while decreeing, »Let there be three days of festive drinking everywhere.« The sacrificial temple music for sacrifices to people (the ancestors, Confucius) included the traditional music and dance for sacrifices praising wise ancient rulers such as Shao (韶) and Wu (武). There were also various kinds of »temple music« (miaoyue 庙乐) extoling the virtues of the generations of ancestors of the current dynasty. Yayue performances were solemn and stately. The dancers used the form of »eight rows of dancers,« and bells and chimes were arrayed on all four sides. The dances were subdivided into civil dances and military dances based on the achievements of the person being praised, and the dancers would dance holding props made of pheasant

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feathers, shields and axes, or other props. The music used for sacrifices was differentiated into great sacrifices, mid-level sacrifices and small sacrifices based on the differing scales and levels of sacrificial and ceremonial activities. The higher the level of the sacrifice or ceremony, the greater the scale of the music and dance. For example, sacrifices to the supreme God of Heaven, the Five Deities, the great earth spirit, the »sacred territory« (shenzhou 神州, an old name for China) and sacrifices at temples were great sacrifices. All of them used the »twelve harmonies« of yayue as their music, as well as both civil and military dance. Some mid-level and small sacrifices, meanwhile, used less or no music or dance. Aside from the civil and military dances, which were performed by individually selected young commoners, the musical performance and dance of yayue were usually undertaken by the musicians of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. Some sacrifices within the palace or where the empress participated, such as offerings to the First Sericulturist, the ceremony of »weaving with her own hands,« and receiving ritual congratulations from noblewomen and outsiders, were carried out by the palace’s (i.  e., the Private Academy’s) female musicians. Some ceremonies having to do with military activities, meanwhile, such as when the emperor gave military speeches or performances to celebrate victory, were carried out by the musicians of the Drums and Pipes Bureau or military musicians. Both the Sui and Tang dynasties were very active in terms of philosophy. They were inclusive and open-minded. Whether court yayue in the broad or the narrow sense, both absorbed and fused with a large amount of folk music, which caused a lively and vigorous new atmosphere to appear in yayue, which had been dull and rigid for a long time. Yang Jian, Emperor Wen of Sui (541–604), was originally from a major noble family of the Northern Zhou; his daughter was the empress, married to Emperor Xuan of Northern Zhou. In 581,

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Yang Jian, who was acting as regent, dethroned the nine-year-old Emperor Jing of Northern Zhou and seized power through a so-called »abdication,« whereupon he established the Sui Dynasty, becoming Emperor Wen of Sui and changing his reign title to »Kaihuang.« As soon as Yang Jian ascended the throne, he issued an order confirming the gongxuan (宫悬), the system for formal use of bells and chimes at court, and the systems of civil and military dance, and confirming the drum and pipes corps for each level of official. He is renowned in history as a frugal emperor, but he did not stint on rites and music. In spite of this, because the discussion on music was so complex, in actuality, yayue was played using only the first pitch, called the »yellow bell« (huangzhong 黄钟) during the Sui Dynasty. By the time of Emperor Yang of Sui, the court did not value yayue. Although there were moves to add instruments and musicians and compose sacrificial temple songs for the dynasty’s founder, these were mostly not successful, and even the composers themselves were unable to avoid being criticized for »not distinguishing elegant and lowbrow music.« After Li Yuan, Emperor Gaozu of Tang, accepted the abdication of his predecessor, he appointed Zu Xiaosun as the vice minister of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. At that time, »the system for making music was especially simple.« They did not have time to make new music, so the old rites of the Sui Dynasty were still used in some capacity. Yayue was still an important and indispensable symbol and display in the establishment of a new dynasty, however. The Tang Dynasty established the Court of Imperial Sacrifices to be in charge of grand national suites and music and dance for ceremonies of sacrifice, with eight subordinate bureaus in charge of suburban temples, the imperial ancestral temple, tombs, imperial music, and drums and pipes, among others. Those that performed yayue songs and dances

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were the Imperial Music Bureau and the Drums and Pipes Bureau. They not only performed yayue for ceremonies of sacrifice, but also yayue and suyue music and dance used for activities such as court assemblies and banquets, and even comedy and variety acts. Yayue was revised multiple times during the early Tang Dynasty. In 626, Zu Xiaosun, vice minister of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, revised yayue in response to an order from Li Yuan, who thought that the old music of Liang and Chen was »mixed with the sounds of Wu and Chu,« and the old music of Zhou and Qi »involved too many foreign military performers,« and they thus were not pure enough. He therefore mulled over northern and southern music, and considered ancient sounds and music to formulate the »yayue of the great Tang.« The major work was Music of Twelve Harmonies, based on the philosophy that »great music is in harmony with heaven and earth,« from the Book of Rites. There were twelve sections, the »Yu Harmony« (Yuhe 豫和), the »Shun Harmony« (Shunhe 顺和), the »Yong [Third Tone] Harmony« (Yonghe 永和), the »Su Harmony« (Suhe 肃和), the »Yong [First Tone] Harmony« (Yonghe 雍和), the »Shou Harmony (Shouhe 寿和), the »Tai Harmony« (Taihe 太和), the »Shu Harmony« (Shuhe 舒和), the »Zhao Harmony« (Zhaohe 昭和), the »Xiu Harmony« (Xiuhe 休和), the »Zheng Harmony« (Zhenghe 正和), and the »Cheng Harmony« (Chenghe 承和), with 31 pieces in total. The »Twelve Harmonies« were distributed across 84 modes. Musicians used different tonal systems, depending on the month. The Sui Dynasty method of only using seven bells with one pitch, the »yellow bell,« while the other five bells hung idle and were not struck, was changed, and the ancient ideal of rotating modes was realized. The lyrics were mostly stereotypically elegant works made by officials such as Wei Zheng and Chu Liang, but because they were influenced by northern and southern music and songs, there were also some new transformations in their style. Officials such as Zu Xiaosun also preliminarily

confirmed the civil dance (Zhikang 治康) and the military dance (Kai’an 凯安) as yayue for ceremonies of sacrifice. The new yayue was officially performed in 628 during the reign of Emperor Taizong, but it was not valued by Li Shimin. Li Shimin was well aware that »although [he] took control of ›all under heaven‹ using martial skills, ultimately [he] must pacify the land within the borders through culture and virtue,« and that he had to display »music made for the ruler’s achievements.« Thus, he agreed to allow Zu Xiaosun to formulate yayue. After Zu Xiaosun passed away, his successors, such as Zhang Wenshou considered rectifying the gamut of pitches and harmonizing their sounds, and they improved yayue based on the Rites of Zhou. After Gaozong, the title was changed slightly, and it finally became the foundation for the Rites of the Kaiyuan Era of the Great Tang. In 640, on Taizong’s suggestion, the court agreed upon the titles for sacrificial temple music and dance for the Li and Tang ancestors and Empress Wende. In 649, the »Chongde dance« (崇德) dance was confirmed as Taizong’s »temple music,« and the titles of six pieces of temple music and dance were confirmed. The emperors of later generations followed this pattern, continually adding to the canon. Pieces such as the »Dance of the Nine Achievements« (Jiugong wu 九功舞) and »Dance of Superior Heaven« (Shangyuan wu 上元舞) were also revised to become yayue for ceremonies of sacrifice, gradually forming the massive system of temple music for all Tang emperors. The »Dance of Superior Heaven,« the last of the three great dances, was created by Gaozong. There were 180 dancers, symbolizing »vital energy« with their five-colored clothing painted with designs of clouds. The piece had twenty-nine movements and remained unchanged after it was revised into yayue. This dance, together with Taizong’s »Dance of the Seven Virtues (qide wu 七德舞)« and »Dance of the Nine Achievements,« were called the three great dances of the early Tang.

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They were representative of the newly composed yayue of the early Tang, and they were also the main music and dance of court assemblies and banquets. For example, »Smashing Through the Battle Formation« was created within the military, the music of course originating from folk songs, while the dance vividly depicted the process of a military campaign. The artistic result, »making full use of the arms and legs, with vigorous stamping« and »awe-inspiring and jolting,« had a huge, shocking impact on the court music and dance of the early Tang. This work was very influential in China and abroad, and was used as military drum and pipe music—and was also disseminated to various countries in the Western Regions. When Xuanzang traveled to India during the Tang Dynasty, he found that when people in the various Indian states either heard the tune or its name, they all became very interested and asked him for more details. A remnant of the piece has also been passed down in Japan, where it has been preserved and is still performed to this day. Emperor Gaozong thought that people in ancient times all sang songs to elegant tunes for the qin (琴), but that they were lacking at present. In 657, he ordered Lü Cai, deputy vice minister of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, to create such a song using the old qin tune »White Snow« (Baixue 白 雪) to determine the notes, studying it and turning it into a song with the poem »Snow« (xue 雪), composed by Gaozong, as the lyrics. In addition to the Music Bureau performing »correct pieces« since ancient times, there was also the practice of »setting new words to old tunes.« Ministers such as Xu Jingzong wrote eighteen poems in the same rhythm as »White Snow,« which were then set to the same tune and were performed by the musicians of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. We can see that in the palace, qin music was also part of the yayue system. During the reforms of Wu Zetian, there were many changes to the lyrics of yayue. At the start of the Kaiyuan era of Emperor Xuanzong, the system of

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using a mix of the old lyrics of the Zhenguan era was reinstituted by the chancellor of the Imperial Secretariat, Zhang Yue. As the empire prospered politically and economically during the Kaiyuan era, the system of rites and music also entered a new period of flourishing during Xuanzong’s reign. Xuanzong’s reinstitution of the system of rites, as well as the Rites of the Kaiyuan Era of the Great Tang and the Music of the Great Tang (datang yue 大唐乐), represented the main achievements of court rites and music in this period, and they were used as guiding principles by successive dynasties. Music of the Great Tang covers pieces of music for ceremonies of sacrifice to heaven and earth, and offerings in the nine shrines of the Imperial Ancestral Temple. It revived and developed Zu Xiaosun’s »Twelve Harmonies« into fifteen, and was confirmed as the yayue of the Tang Dynasty in 741. Xuanzong highly esteemed Daoism, and he put together the format of ceremonies of sacrifice that would influence the middle and late Tang Dynasty, including Daoist sacrifices, which were mainly offerings at Taiqing Palace, along with offerings at the Imperial Ancestral Temple and joint sacrifices to heaven and earth in the southern suburbs. However, Xuanzong liked suyue and huyue, and did not highly value yayue—to such an extent that »passing down of knowledge among singers and music masters at the suburban temples was greatly lacking, whether of Banquet Music used for sacrifices, or lyrics used in the suburban temples.« In 756, the An Lushan Rebellion erupted, and Xuanzong fled west in a panic while the rebel army occupied Chang’an. An Lushan dispatched people to »load up the instruments and performers in the capital and take them all to Luoyang«; the court’s institutions that administered rites and music were severely damaged. Later, Emperor Suzong recovered the two capitals and wanted to hold a great ceremony, but »the ritual items were all missing.« The »musicians and two dances« of yayue were only gradually brought back into

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being through the diligent work of ministers such as Xiu Lie. At the end of the Tang Dynasty, the army of the agrarian uprising led by Huang Chao once again invaded Chang’an. Musicians scattered, and yayue died out. When Emperor Zhaozong ascended to the throne, he also wanted to hold ceremonies of sacrifice at the suburban temples, but even the departments in charge of the functions didn’t know the system of music for bells and chimes. Only after Yin Yingsun, an erudite of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, figured out how to recast a set of bells based on Zhou Dynasty methods and asked commoners who were experts in music to make stone chimes could they barely scrape together a performance. »The Treatise on Rites and Music,« vol. 11 of the New Book of Tang points out that »the making of music for the state during the Tang Dynasty was especially simple.« The Tang Dynasty was also hardly like the Sui Dynasty, when people from various fields gathered repeatedly over many years to discuss and debate the issue of rites and music. There are also very few extant written commentaries from the Tang Dynasty about yayue. However, pieces such as the three great dances from the early Tang blossomed with exciting splendor, not only at court assemblies and banquets, but also in the court’s stately yayue for ceremonies of sacrifice. These gave the court’s ceremonial music and dance a new atmosphere, rich with vitality. The music and dance for court assemblies and banquets during the Sui and Tang dynasties not only included various forms of court suyue and mixed music, such as various pieces of huyue and suyue music and song-and-dance, and variety acts, horsemanship, hundred entertainments and so on, but also included almost all court yayue other than the yayue intended for ceremonies of sacrifice. The court’s music and dance for court assemblies and banquets was grand in scale, rich in variety, and numerous in form. It fully manifested the dignity and grandeur, the vast magnifi-

cence, of the ceremonies, while also being highly artistic and entertaining. Moreover, the court boasted a collection of the best artistic talents, each displaying their skills. A large number of outstanding works coming from all directions and full of vigor were constantly appearing. Thus the court music and dance of the Sui and Tang dynasties collected the essence of the most infectious of the performing arts of the time. The Sui and Tang both ruled over large, unified empires whose economies and culture had fully recovered and were developing. The exchange of music and dance culture between north and south and between China and other regions was unprecedentedly smooth. The rulers valued rites and music, liked music and song-and-dance performances, organized and established vast court institutions for performing arts, and concentrated musicians with rich talents from various areas and times. They also trained and rotated a large number of musicians and singers through the strict yueji (乐籍) system, whereby criminals, prisoners of war, and their descendants were turned into a debased caste of performers, forming a vast body of professional artists who passed down their status and skill through the generations. These measures laid a solid foundation for the development and flourishing of the court’s performing arts. Emperor Wen of Sui valued the creation of rites and music, and he made major adjustments to the ceremonies for court assemblies and the music and dance performed at banquets. Around 589, Yang Jian established a complete performance system of »multiple music divisions« for court assemblies and banquets to display the united nature and the strength of the dynasty and to manifest the grand occasion of people from all directions coming to the imperial court with virtuous music covering far and wide. Therefore, during the court’s grand ceremonies and banquets, following the principles of »having both Chinese and foreign« and »the Chinese leading the barbarians,« the traditional music and dance of the

34

Central Plains and the music and dance of ethnic minorities and foreign countries were performed in order in the form of different music divisions. The system of multiple music divisions set up by Yang Jian had seven core divisions: the »National Division« (Guoji 国伎, also called the »Xiliang Division«), the »Qingshang Division,« the »Goryeo Division,« the »Indian Division,« the »Bukhara Division,« the »Kuchean Division,« and the »Wenkang (文康) Division.« They were also called the seven performing divisions, and they performed in the above fixed order. In addition, the court was also equipped with other performing divisions representing Shule, Funan, Samarkand, Baekje, Turkic peoples, Silla and Wa (Japan), as well as four dances—»Pi« (鼙),« »Duo« (铎), »Jin« (巾), and »Fu« (拂) —which had been popular through the Han Dynasty and the Three Kingdoms Period and were performed from time to time, »presented alongside the new performing divisions.« The music and dance that had been developing to the east, west, north and south for the past three hundred years underwent a major integration for the first time by way of the Sui court, with unprecedented exchange and fusion whose effects were profound and far-reaching. This series of systems formulated by Yang Jian not only established the pattern for performance of yayue, suyue and huyue in the ceremonies of the Sui court, but these continued to be followed in the Tang Dynasty. After Yang Guang, Emperor Yang of Sui, succeeded to the throne, music, dance and the hundred entertainments rapidly flourished under his vigorous promotion. Yang Jian had practiced strict economy, but Yang Guang was extremely extravagant and wasteful; he was also promiscuous, and was quite vain. He boasted of the dynasty’s prosperity and power to countries near and far, organizing unprecedentedly festive and grand cruises with performances of music, dance and hundred entertainments over and over again. Although his time on the throne was very short, the scale of court music, dance and hundred entertainments

CHAPTER I SPECTACULAR COURT MUSIC AND DANCE OF THE SUI AND TANG DYNASTIES

swelled rapidly, rising to a series of many and varied lively climaxes. In terms of court ceremonies for assemblies and banquets, Yang Guang adjusted and enriched the system of multiple music divisions. First of all, he adjusted the order of the seven music divisions, changing the name of the »National Division« to the »Xiliang Division« and making the »Qingshang Division« the first division, which further established the majestic status of southern music. Secondly, he expanded the seven music divisions into nine music divisions, making the »Samarkand« and »Shule« performing divisions part of the official roster of music divisions, which increased the proportion of music and dance from the western regions in the »music of the four directions.« He also changed the name of the »Wenkang Division,« which was the last of the multiple music divisions, to »Libi« (礼毕). The order of performance of the Sui dynasty nine performing divisions established by Yang Guang was: first, »Qingshang«; second, »Xiliang« (the »National Division«); third, »Kuchean«; fourth, »Indian«; fifth, »Samarkand«; sixth, »Shule«; seventh, »Bukhara«; eighth, »Goryeo«; and ninth, »Libi« (originally the »Wenkang Division«). In 606, Emperor Yang »gathered all the children of performing families of Zhou, Qi, Liang and Chen as yuehu [a social class of performers],« concentrating the various performing arts of the »four directions« in the eastern capital, Luoyang. This was the first time that the children of artists and musicians from north and south were concentrated in the capital city, and this greatly advanced exchange between and collection of the talents of northern and southern music and dance. The following year, Emperor Yang ordered more than thirty families of performers from the various commanderies of Henan to come to Luoyang, where he set up twelve academies south of the Luo River. In 610, he again gathered the performing families of Wei, Qi and Chen on a large scale and assigned them all to the Court of Impe-

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5.1.2 Mural of music and dance of the Sui Dynasty, Mogao Caves near Dunhuang, Cave no. 390 (copy)

rial Sacrifices; he installed them in an academy in Guanzhong (in Daxing, which later became Chang’an) and ordered the children of scholars to teach there and pass down their knowledge. The number of musicians gathered together was more than thirty thousand, and from that an unprecedented enormous training and performance system for court music, dance and hundred entertainments was established, the beginning of the precursor of the academy system of the Tang Dynasty. (Fig. 5.1.2) Having gone through the chaos of war at the end of the Sui Dynasty, court dance and music at the start of the Tang Dynasty was in a phase of gradual recovery and construction. In terms of court ceremonies for assemblies and banquets, at the start of Emperor Gaozu’s reign, »because of the Sui Dynasty’s old system, music in nine divisions was used.« Soon, continual improvements were made on the foundation of the old music of the Sui Dynasty, and new works came out frequently. Especially after Taizong succeeded to

the throne, »Prince Wang Smashes Through the Battle Formation« (Qinwang pozhen yue 秦王破阵 乐), which originated as a military song, was officially edited for performance at grand court assemblies, adding dance representing scenes from military campaigns to the court repertoire. Big drums thundered, and Kuchean music was mixed into the accompaniment; the scene was magnificent and stunning. The yayue dances performed during court ceremonies unexpectedly were of a style that »made full use of the arms and legs, with vigorous stamping« and »shook mountains and valleys,« fully manifesting the new, thriving and robust atmosphere of the Tang Dynasty. (Fig. 5.1.3) Soon Emperor Taizong began to adjust the multiple music divisions. In 637, Taizong decided to remove the last piece of the nine music divisions, »Libi.« Three years later, Taizong ordered the chief musician Zhang Wenshou to compose the »Song of Auspicious Clouds and Clear Rivers« (Jingyun heqing ge 景云河清歌), which was named as Ban-

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formance of the ten musical performing divisions of the Tang Dynasty was: first, Banquet Music (乐); second, Qingshang Music; third, Music of Xiliang; fourth, Kuchean Music; fifth, Bukharan Music; sixth, Music of Samarkand; seventh, Music of Goryeo; eighth, Music of Shule; ninth, Indian Music; and tenth, Music of Gaochang. The grand performances of these nine or ten music divisions, carried out in order following the principle of »the Chinese leading the barbarians,« continued until the late Tang Dynasty, although with temporary interruptions, and remnants can still be seen from the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms. For major festivals and court banquets, the court held grand banquets, which had »a great mixture of music,« with music, dance and hundred entertainments variety acts. Grand performances were most numerous during the reign of Xuanzong. As recorded in vol. 146 of the Tongdian, the procedure for the performances of »ordinary entertainment gatherings« of that time was as follows:

5.1.3 Dancing woman mural from the early Tang tomb of Zhishi Fengjie, Guoshe Town, Chang’an, Shaanxi

The day before, the musicians of the seated and standing music divisions would come to the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. The Court of Imperial Sacrifices would present them and ask them to perform, and the emperor would make notes. At the gathering, the seated performing division would perform first, then the standing performing division, then dancing horses, then variety acts [note by original author: The performers were only brought together to perform in this manner this time; it was not a fixed procedure].

quet Music (乐), and the ensemble that played it was ranked first among the music divisions for court assemblies. It was also the first division in the new nine music divisions of the early Tang Dynasty. In 640, General Hou Junji pacified Gaochang and collected their music; the music of Gaochang was thus brought into the various music divisions of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. No later than 642, the music of Gaochang was officially being performed as one of the ten music divisions. Once they had been fully customized, the order of per-

Numerous music divisions and types of music participated in the performances at »ordinary entertainment gatherings,« but the performances for major festivals were even more marvelous and their scale even grander. Large-scale performances in Chang’an were often held in the square in the southwest corner of the Xingqing Palace, under the Qinzheng Wuben Building (Qinzhengwu benlou 勤政务本楼) and the Hua’e Xianghui Building (Hua’e xianghui lou 花萼相辉楼). These were the two buildings to the north and south. They

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were built against the high, thick wall of the palace complex; from the tops of these buildings, one could gaze far over the nearby bustling city streets. Close to the square overlooked by these buildings were the princely mansions and gardens constructed by Xuanzong for his brothers, the princes of Ning, Jia, Qi and Xue. Every year on the fifteenth day of the first lunar month, ­Xuanzong held a big banquet for his officials at the Qinzheng Building. Lanterns burned through the night, and attendees viewed the lanterns and enjoyed music for three days in a row; it was an extraordinarily festive occasion. The art forms at these grand performances were varied: there was yayue, music from the multiple music divisions, from the seated and standing performing divisions, and also hundred entertainments variety acts, acrobatics, magic shows, dancing horses, performing elephants and so on. The performances also went on for a long time, often from morning till evening, and sometimes even late into the night. It was primarily the yinshengren and other musicians of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices that participated in these performances. During the High Tang, the number of yinshengren in the Court of Imperial Sacrifices reached thirty to forty thousand, and the ones who participated in the performances described above were definitely not in the minority. We can get an idea of the immensity of the scale of the entire performance from the number of performers in one individual act from among all the performances. For example, just for the piece »Great Peace Music« (Taiping yue 太平乐), performed by the standing performing division, in addition to the many people playing the »Lions of the Five Directions« and teasing them with whisks, there were 140 people singing »Great Peace Music,« and »the dance followed along [to the tune].« For the piece »Smashing Through the Battle Formation,« meanwhile, the dancers, who wore armor and carried halberds, alone numbered 128, and there was also the drum accompaniment, whose »sound re-

sounded for a hundred li,« played by numerous musicians. In addition, there were also the three great dances described above, which were performed by hundreds of female palace musicians. According to what is recorded in sources such as Miscellaneous Records of Ming Huang (Minghuang zalu 明皇杂录), sometimes the performers of various prefectures and counties near and far, for hundreds of li around, also came to participate, putting on great displays of chariots and »dry boats,« pole-climbing and tightrope-walking, sword tricks and wrestling, horse stunts and cockfighting, and other »hundred entertainments« and acts of acrobatics. At the eastern capital of Luoyang, there were no organizations such as academies for music and dance, but the court there also often held grand performances of music, dance and hundred entertainments. Large drinking festivities in Luoyang had the air of a great parade of the »hundred entertainments.« Miscellaneous Records of Ming Huang states: Xuanzong held a large drinking party under the Five Phoenixes Building in the eastern capital of Luoyang, and he ordered the county magistrates and prefectural governors within three hundred li to gather their musicians to fill in his gaps, also asking an official to check their performance to decide how to reward or punish them.

Local officials sent outstanding acrobatics and hundred entertainments acts from their local areas to display their own political achievements and their respect for the imperial family. The governor of the commandery of Henei sent several hundred musicians »on a cart, all wearing brocade.« Even the oxen pulling the cart were covered in tiger skins and made to look like rhinoceroses and elephants, astonishing onlookers. Luoyang was thus also a center of the court’s performing arts at the time. The emperor and his concubines and officials watched the grand performances of music, dance, and variety acts described above from the upper

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floors of a building, but they were also open to the commoners: the common people of Chang’an were allowed to come and watch from a distance. Because commoners came from all over to watch, reportedly crowds thronged to watch a grand competition of hundred entertainments acts, and although the Jinwu guards’ baton blows fell like rain, they could not get the crowd under control. Therefore, Gao Lishi recommended that the female court entertainer Xu Yongxin should go out and sing a song, saying that surely she could stop the ruckus. Yongxin was from Yongxin County in Jizhou, and came to be known by that name after she entered the imperial Yichun Music Academy. She was beautiful and intelligent, good at singing in the new style, and was thought to be the best singer since Han E from before the Qin Dynasty— the sort encountered once every thousand years. As soon as the crowd saw Yongxin, on the upper floor of the building, »smooth her hair and raise her sleeve, and let out a long note,« sure enough, a miracle happened. The noisy »square fell silent, as if not a single person were present.« »When they heard her, those who were happy felt brave, and those who were worried felt heartbroken.« Her singing represented the highest standard of court vocal music at that time. There was also communication and collaboration between the music, dance and hundred entertainments of the court and the common people. For example, each year, the fifteenth day of the first lunar month—that is, the Lantern Festival—as well as the day before and after, were all national holidays, and this was also an important time for exchange of music and dance performances between the court and the common people. As was their custom, the common people held a great lantern festival, and cities such as Chang’an and Luoyang relaxed curfews, allowing city-dwellers to go out and look at the lanterns. It was also the custom for the ruler to »enjoy music with the people,« to show that he was close to the people. The people would often dance in the round (tage 踏

CHAPTER I SPECTACULAR COURT MUSIC AND DANCE OF THE SUI AND TANG DYNASTIES

歌) while they were out admiring the lanterns, and sometimes the court would specially organize common people to come to the court to dance as a group. In 713, after Ruizong abdicated, he organized a Lantern Festival gathering and organized the women of the palace as well as the young women and wives of Chang’an, more than a thousand each, to dance as a group. The luxuriousness of the occasion is surprising. The emergence of the climax of court music and dance is inseparably linked to the court’s advocacy of the arts, and also to the support of an effective system. Although the status of the vast number of musicians and singers at the time was very low, all of them belonging to the lowest social class, jianmin, which was subject to discrimination from the rest of society, Xuanzong, with the respect of his imperial position, personally taught and practiced with them, considered them his direct descendants, and embarked on creative endeavors together with them, swapping pointers with them. Xuanzong was himself an outstanding musician, who was good at composing songs and was able to play multiple instruments. He led the »children of the Pear Garden« in practicing faqu, and if one note in the ensemble was off, he realized it immediately and corrected it. The high value he placed on art and his concern for the multitudes of artists were such as rarely seen in the rulers of all the dynasties, of this we should be certain. It is no coincidence that Xuanzong was later revered as a god of art by the »Pear Garden« (the world of theatre). Under his direct nurturing and promotion, many outstanding court performers emerged in the court of the high Tang Dynasty, and the music and dance of the High Tang saw unprecedented development. The performance of music, dance and hundred entertainments at court not only developed and exercised the forms and functions of the ceremonies of rites and music, it also provided rich and colorful artistic enjoyment and entertainment. In addition, it also served to advance various func-

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tions such as foreign relations, and thus had an impact in many areas. Bodies such as the Court of Imperial Sacrifices and the Royal Academy each concentrated a large number of pieces of yayue, huyue and suyue. Not only did the seated and standing performing divisions and the multiple music divisions each have pieces of music and dance, but there were also a large number of pieces of music of various types. According to the Cefu Yuangui (册府元龟), in 754 Xuanzong ordered the Imperial Music Bureau of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices to reorganize »the titles of pieces for making offerings,« more than 220 pieces. Of these, the titles of almost sixty pieces with titles in foreign languages or titles with a heavy Buddhist flavor were all changed to Chinese titles with a strong Daoist flavor. The most well-known Tang Dynasty faqu grand suite, »Rainbow Skirt Feathered Dress Dance« developed from one of these renamed pieces, »The Brahmin.« The Record of the Royal Academy (Jiaofang ji 教坊记), compiled during the high Tang Period, records the titles of more than 343 pieces that were popular at the Royal Academy, of which forty-six are grand suites and 278 are regular song-and-dance pieces. The above lists of pieces of music are only a very small part of the music and dance pieces mastered by music and dance organizations of the time, such as the Imperial Music Bureau and the Royal Academy. According to statistics, newly created pieces of music from the Sui and Tang dynasties and the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms Period reliably numbered over a thousand. From this it is not hard to infer the richness and variety of music and dance pieces of the time. After the An Lushan Rebellion, the court’s institutions for music and dance were severely damaged, musicians were dispersed, and the Tang Dynasty’s power over the country declined. Many of the emperors in the second half of the Tang Dynasty valued the formulation of rites and music and continued to advance the splendor and devel-

opment of court music and dance and the »hundred entertainments,« and even made some new achievements. In 870, Emperor Yizong’s beloved daughter, Princess Tongchang, died of illness. Yizong had Han Zongshao and others who had been attending her killed for the crime of »ineffective medicine,« and also imprisoned more than one hundred of their relatives. Yizong and the princess’s mother, Consort Guo, grieved endlessly. Court musician Li Keji composed the piece »Lamentation for a Hundred Years« (Tan bainian wuqu 叹百年舞曲), and several hundred (according to one work, several thousand) dancers richly decorated with pearls and jade took part in the performance. A piece of silk painted with fish and dragons was spread upon the ground, so that when the performers danced on it in formation it looked like the dance was going in and out of water. At the end of the piece, »the ground was covered in pearls and jade.« The lyrics, meanwhile, were quite sorrowful and moving. The court musician Li Keji was skilled in the tone system, and was especially able to »warble in the new style.« His words were winding, making the listener forget fatigue. Young people in lowly professions imitated him and called this »paitan« (拍 弹), which became a popular type of song. Yizong also had Li Keji compose a large-scale »processional dance,« »Bodhisattva Barbarian« (Pusa man 菩萨蛮), which was performed at the Anguo Temple constructed on the emperor’s orders. The processional dance »Bodhisattva Barbarian Procession« (pusa man dui 菩萨蛮队), performed by women in the Song Dynasty court, no doubt was carrying on the remnants of this Tang Dynasty work. The arrangement and performance of such a large-scale dance shows that even though the scale and grandeur of performances during the late Tang Dynasty were not like those of the high Tang Dynasty, court music and dance still continued to maintain a very high artistic standard.

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2. Seated and Standing Performing Divisions in the Ceremonies of Tang Dynasty Court Assemblies and Banquets Seated and standing performing divisions were an important and unique system of music and dance that was gradually constructed by the Imperial Music Bureau from the early Tang to the high Tang Dynasty. When the seated performing division performed, the ensemble played seated in a hall. When the standing performing division performed, the dances were performed outside, where the ensembles played, and »musicians and singers all performed standing up.« These were important components of the ceremonies of court assemblies and banquets. During the music and dance performances for court assemblies, the two performing divisions were generally displayed first, and the atmosphere was grand and stately. Most of the pieces that the seated and standing performing divisions were responsible for performing were works through which the emperors of the Tang Dynasty demonstrated their military exploits as well as culture and virtue. After an emperor passed away, these generally turned into »temple music« for offering sacrifices to him. During the performance of some of these pieces, the emperor and the assembled officials would rise from their seats and stand solemnly watching. We can see that the performances of these two divisions had a special significance and were very dignified. As a result, the music and dance of these two performing divisions had classic yayue features. Their separation into two divisions, seated and standing, also imitated the ancient format of yayue being performed seated inside a hall and performed standing when outside. The two performing divisions both included dance, but their scale and repertoire were very different. The standing performing division had eight pieces, and the seated performing division had six pieces. According to records in books such as vol. 146 of the Tongdian and the »Trea-

CHAPTER I SPECTACULAR COURT MUSIC AND DANCE OF THE SUI AND TANG DYNASTIES

tise on Music« of the Old Book of Tang, the standing performing division was grand and magnificent in scale, and its eight pieces were »Music of Peace,« »Great Peace Music,« »Smashing Through the Battle Formation,« »Music of Celebrating the Good« (Qingshan yue 庆善乐), »Music of Great Tranquility« (Dading yue 大定乐), »Music of Superior Heaven« (Shuangyuan yue 上元乐), »Music of Imperial Longevity« (Shengshou yue 圣寿乐) and »Music of the Glorious Emperor« (Guangsheng yue 光圣乐). The music and dance of the standing performing division were grand in scale, with multitudes of performers, and the music was very atmospheric. Starting from »Smashing Through the Battle Formation,« »all [of the pieces] thundered on big drums, mixing in Kuchean music. The sound resounded for a hundred li, shaking mountains and valleys.« »Music of Great Tranquility« also used a jinzheng (金钲), a military gong. Only »Music of Celebrating the Good« solely used the music of Xiliang; it was »the most elegant.« The six pieces of the seated performing division, meanwhile, were »Banquet Music« (乐), »Music of Longevity« (Changshou yue 长寿乐), »Tianshou Music« (Tianshou yue 天授乐), »Birds Chirp Long Live the Emperor« (Niaoge wansui yue 鸟歌万岁 乐), »Music of the Dragon Pool« (Longchi yue 龙 池乐) and »Smashing Through the Battle Formation.« From »Music of Longevity« onward, all of the pieces used Kuchean music. They also all had a morale-boosting atmosphere, and the dancers all wore boots. Only the style of »Music of the Dragon Pool« was very different from the others. The music it used was yayue, but without bells or chimes, and the dancers wore shoes. Documentary records are vague about when the two performing divisions appeared. The evidence we have consists of images that may depict the seated and standing performing divisions, found in a carved line drawing of female musicians in the Tang Dynasty tomb of Li Shou, excavated in 1978, in Sanyuan, Shaanxi.

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As for the earliest mention in written sources of the two performing divisions, in terms of what is currently known about the various pieces performed by the seated and standing divisions, works from the periods of Gaozong and Empress Wu make up a large proportion: four out of the standing performing division’s eight pieces, and three of the seated performing division’s six pieces. This shows that the two performing divisions developed greatly during the periods of Gaozong and Empress Wu. Many records fold the establishment of the two performing divisions into Xuanzong’s reform of the music system at the start of the Kaiyuan era. He probably significantly reorganized the system of the two performing divisions, establishing and perfecting them. Moreover, the latest of the two performing divisions’ pieces to appear, such as »Music of the Dragon Pool,« were works from Xuanzong’s time. Therefore, we can infer that the birth of the music of the two performing divisions was probably during the periods of Gaozong and Empress Wu, while the performing divisions themselves were established during the early Kaiyuan era of Xuanzong. Whether in terms of scale, number of people, dress and accessories, the appearance of dances, musical instruments and so on, the painted murals and carved line drawings of musicians in the tomb of Li Shou from the early Zhenguan era do not actually match the historical written records of the seated and standing performing divisions, and thus cannot be considered a reliable basis for determining when the two performing divisions were established (Fig. 5.1.4). The artistic characteristics of the music and dance of the two performing divisions were also clearly different from those of the multiple music divisions. Although the piece »Banquet Music« is seen not only in the two performing divisions, but also as the first of the multiple music divisions, most of the music of the multiple music divisions was »music of the four directions« (»music of the

Four Barbarians«). It came from various countries or regions, and its instruments, musical pieces, dances, performers and so on maintained their original, distinct regional or ethnic personalities; they were as far as possible from the basic nature and style of the two performing divisions. Although the two performing divisions also adopted some components of Kuchean music or music from Xiliang, such as the way that in the music of the standing performing division, for all pieces after »Music of Peace,« they only used some Kuchean music or instruments, such as drums. Overall, the works kept the traditional characteristics of the Central Plains, and had the magnificence and solemnity that was characteristic of yayue. Therefore, the two performing divisions are not the result of synthesis and change in the multiple music divisions, which had a totally different style and nature, and it is also not possible that they »separated« from among the multiple music divisions. Pieces like »Music of the Dragon Pool« which »used yayue« had nothing to do with the multiple music divisions. Moreover, it is not difficult to infer that since the multiple music divisions, with their varied flavors and origins, and which the court set up with great difficulty, continued to exist for a long time, it is not possible that they were set aside and not used for a long time. The multiple music divisions and the two performing divisions coexisted for a long period, which should suffice to show that the two performing divisions did not replace the multiple music divisions, and they also did not appear as the result of differentiation of or evolution from various divisions among the multiple music divisions.

3. The Multiple Music Divisions Which Performed in Order at the Sui and Tang Courts In addition to the two performing divisions, another major part of the music and dance performances for ceremonies at court assemblies and

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CHAPTER I SPECTACULAR COURT MUSIC AND DANCE OF THE SUI AND TANG DYNASTIES

5.1.4 Performing music: a colored painted mural in the tomb of Li Shou, Jiao Village, Sanyuan, Shaanxi

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banquets in the Sui and Tang dynasties consisted of multiple music divisions, which »performed in order« where»the Chinese lead the barbarians.« During the Sui Dynasty, the multiple performing divisions meant the seven or nine music divisions, while during the Tang Dynasty it was nine or ten music divisions. After the two performing divisions (seated and standing) were established, during grand court assemblies and banquets, the nine or ten music divisions usually performed in order after the two performing divisions, and then other performing divisions would be selected to perform. The nature of the multiple music divisions was rather complicated. As the music of court assemblies and banquets, they have often been collectively called »Banquet Music« or classified as suyue. Actually, as discussed previously, the Chinese music divisions which took the lead—Qingyue, music of Xiliang, and the »Banquet Music« (乐) which was created in the early Tang Dynasty—were all »correct music,« that is, yayue in the broad sense. The various other music divisions, meanwhile, were mostly »music of the four directions« or »music of the Four Barbarians,« falling under huyue in the broad sense. According to the »Treatise on Music,« vol. 15 of the Book of Sui, the origins, repertoires of music and dance, costumes and accessories and so on of each music division consisted of »Qingyue,« »Music of Xiliang,« »Kuchean Music,« »Indian Music,« »Music of Samarkand,« »Music of Shule,« »Bukharan Music« and »Music of Goryeo.« Among the nine music divisions, although they had some components of huyue mixed in, »Qingyue« and »Music of Xiliang« overall still consisted of traditional Chinese music and dance. At the beginning of the Tang Dynasty, there was no time to revise or come up with new rites and music, so at every banquet, »because of the Sui Dynasty’s old system, music in nine divisions was used.« In 637, »Libi« was removed. In 640, the lucky omen described as »auspicious clouds

sighted, and river water clear« appeared. Chief musician Zhang Wenshou then composed the »Song of Auspicious Clouds and Clear River,« imitating the precedent of Emperor Wu of Han composing »Red Geese« (Zhuyan 朱雁) and »Heavenly Horse« (Tianma 天马). Zhang Wenshou’s song became called »Banquet Music« (乐), and the ensemble that played it was placed at head of the court’s multiple music divisions. In this way the new nine music divisions of the early Tang Dynasty were formed. The official establishment of the Tang Dynasty’s ten performing divisions, meanwhile, occurred sometime after Gaochang was conquered in 640 and before the first time that »Music of Gaochang« was performed in the eleventh month of 642. After they were customized, the order of performance of the ten performing divisions of the Tang Dynasty was: first, »Banquet Music«; second, »Qingyue«; third, »Music of Xiliang«; fourth, »Kuchean Music«; fifth, »Bukharan Music«; sixth, »Music of Samarkand«; seventh, »Music of Goryeo«; eighth, »Music of Shule«; ninth, »Indian Music«; and tenth, »Music of Gaochang.« The performances of the multiple music divisions of the Tang Dynasty still kept the pattern of »having both Chinese and foreign« and »the Chinese lead the barbarians« in order to display the brilliant exploits of the Tang Dynasty and the grand occasions for receiving congratulations from all sides. The various music divisions performed in order, as though they were a single whole—although the record in the Wall Inscription for the Director of the Imperial Music Bureau shows that »Banquet Music,« »Qingyue« and »Music of Xiliang« fell in the category of »correct music,« i.  e., yayue, while the other music divisions fell under »music of the Four Barbarians.« Chinese and foreign music were thus entirely separate. According to recent research, from the early Tang to the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms Period, there were a total of forty-eight extant records of

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performance of the nine or ten music divisions. Of these, forty-six are from the Tang Dynasty and two from the Five Dynasties. The earliest record is from 618 during the reign of Emperor Gaozu. In the eleventh month, Turkic emissaries came to court, and Gaozu held a banquet for them at Taiji Palace, with performances by the nine music divisions. The latest is during the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms, in the Record of Gaozu (Gaozu ji 高祖记), vol. 18 of the Old History of the Five Dynasties (Jiu wudai shi 旧五代史), in the twelfth month of 939, in the fifty-ninth year (renxu 壬戌) of the sixty-year cycle, during the Later Jin. Of the forty-six records of performances during the Tang Dynasty, thirty-five were concentrated in the reigns of Gaozu, Taizong and Gaozong. Records of performances by the nine or ten music divisions are also not rare in the middle and late Tang Dynasty, showing that the nine or ten music divisions of the Tang Dynasty continued to exist. We should explain that the surviving records of performances of the nine or ten music divisions are fragmentary and one-sided; they are very incomplete. Setting up the nine or ten music divisions and the music divisions from other countries and allocating all their musicians, dancers, costumes and accessories, instruments, and props would have been rather difficult. Taking Qingyue as an example, if they were short on singers who could sing in the Wu dialect, then the Imperial Music Bureau’s Qingyue songs would be absent. The musicians and pieces of the music divisions of foreign origin all came from outside China’s borders, and each had a unique style. During the reign of Zhongzong, Li Fan, Prince of Qi, was vice minister of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. Because the performers of music from Baekje had died or dispersed, he specially presented a request to the emperor to have Baekje send more performers to replace them. Therefore, as soon as the multiple music divisions, which were quite large in scale, were established, and over the long period that they were maintained,

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the court had to constantly support an enormous expense. Since they had been set up, they had to be used; the court could not set up the multiple music divisions for nothing, perhaps using them every now and then, never mind skipping a few years or even dozens of years between performances. Therefore, we can believe that for the roughly three hundred years from the Tang Dynasty to the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms, performances of the nine or ten music divisions and other music divisions following the established pattern were certainly not limited to merely the forty-odd times mentioned above. The music that was listed as part of the performing divisions was constantly changing. There were also some ensembles and pieces that gradually became rarer, or that singers and musicians were unable to perform. For example, the abovementioned »Music of Goryeo« was officially listed as one of the ten music divisions during the Tang Dynasty. During the period of Empress Wu, this division still had twenty-five pieces, but later on, only one remained. The costumes and accessories of the performers also gradually faded away, losing their original style. This shows that the multiple pieces of music within the same music division were not closely integrated. A music division had a large number of pieces and were each independent. These pieces generally had differing origins and emotional content. Some of them were rather lengthy and rich in content, being grand suites in and of themselves. Because of this, for each performance, only a portion of the pieces could be selected from the repertoire of each performing division, flexibly changing and forming temporary or relatively fixed composite performances, sometimes separating song and dance, and sometimes combining them. Within most of the music divisions, the entirety of their pieces were combined into one complete grand suite, but not necessarily according to any fixed order or strict artistic logic. What they performed largely did not consist of one work; they were not suites with a fully devel-

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oped logic and organizational structure, but scattered pieces that did not go together. There were a total of fourteen divisions performing the music of foreign countries at the Tang Dynasty court. In addition to the eight music divisions that were listed as one of the nine or ten music divisions, there were also six music divisions for the music of the »eastern barbarians« of Baekje; the »northern barbarians,« the Xianbei; Tuyuhun; the Ji tribe; the »southern barbarians« of Funan and Nanzhao; and the Pyu city-states. These divisions also performed on specified occasions. Most of these music divisions also remained in the Court of Imperial Sacrifices for a long time during the Sui and Tang dynasties, always maintaining the characteristics of these other regions and ethnic groups. In addition, there were various »new sounds« organized and offered as tribute by the border areas, which resulted in an unending stream of court performances. For example, during the Kaiyuan era, the various »new sounds« that were brought into the Central Plains from Hexi, which were called »barbarian sounds,« were important at the time and were widely popular, along with Kuchean music, variety acts, Daoist music and faqu, causing other music to »decrease so that it was performed very little or stopped altogether« (Tongdian, vol. 146). As another example, during the reign of Emperor Dezong of Tang, the Pyu city-states (in modern-day Myanmar) offered »Music of Pyu« and Nanzhao offered »Nanzhao’s Offering to the Emperor« (Nanzhao fengsheng yue 南诏奉圣乐). The dances, costumes and accessories, songs, instruments and so on of these pieces had strong regional and ethnic characteristics. »Nanzhao’s Offering to the Emperor« was refined by Wei Gao, the military commissioner of Xichuan (西川), and successfully performed at the court in Chang’an, even becoming a part of the court’s »music of the four directions.« The new works of music and dance coming in constantly were like an endless stream of spring water, full

of freshness and vitality, promoting continual innovation in the Tang Dynasty court’s music and dance.

4. Drum and Pipe Music and Variety Entertainment at Court Every dynasty since the Han had a system of drum and pipe music, used for the court and for officials and military officers of various levels. There was a distinction between palace drums and pipes and processional drums and pipes, based on the occasion of the performance. In terms of categorization based on musical characteristics, there were different types, such as playing of transverse wind instruments and playing wind instruments on horseback. The »twelve platforms of drums and pipes« was the representative form of palace drum and pipe music during the Sui and Tang dynasties. This was the drum and pipe music that accompanied the palace bells and chimes, and was a component of the »elegant and correct music« of ceremonies for court assemblies and banquets. The »twelve platforms of drums and pipes« used at court assemblies and banquets during the Sui Dynasty were called the »twelve fierce platforms« because under the platforms, »fierce leopards and other wild beasts were installed, prancing and holding up the platforms, representing a dance of a hundred wild animals.« The palace drums and pipes of the Tang Dynasty were also called the »fierce division.« They were primarily used for the court’s hosting, congratulatory and military rites. According to the Treatise on Rites and Music, vol. 21 of the New Book of Tang, each of the twelve platforms of the Tang Dynasty was equipped with »one ›feather canopy‹ drum (yubao gu 羽葆鼓), one large drum (dagu 大鼓, similar to the Japanese taiko),« one jinchun (金錞, copper drum shaped like an upside down bell, played hanging from a frame), and two each of singers, xiao (箫) mouth organs, and hujia (胡笳, vertical flute originating from northwestern nomadic tribes).«

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»Processional drums and pipes« were a type of marching drum and pipe music—that is, the music of the honor guard that accompanied the carriages of the emperor, nobles, and officials of various levels when they traveled. It was also a type of military music (military processional music) used within military garrisons. The numbers of people used, types of instruments, pieces of music, clothing and accessories, and so on were strictly regulated. It was an important mark of status. When the Tang emperor went on a journey, he was preceded and followed by drummers and pipe players in two sections, totaling 1,838 musicians, divided into twenty-four groups, arrayed in 214 lines, and making up twenty phalanxes, with the emperor’s »jade chariot« in the center. Such grand processional drum and pipe music fully displayed the dignity and impressiveness of the emperor as he traveled in his imperial coach. The honor guard for a mid-level coach was smaller, but still consisted of 1,500 people. There were various grades of scale for the empress, crown prince, imperial family, and those below them, but the honor guard for the Eastern Palace (the crown prince) still consisted of 642 people. We can see that that there were multitudes of drummers and pipe players serving the imperial family; it was a massive group of professional musicians. The musicians who played drum and pipe music were part of the musicians of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. They wore different garments and accessories based on the instruments they played. Because it was included in yayue, the dress and accessories of musicians playing palace drum and pipe music were the same as those of the musicians who played bells and chimes and the dancers of the military dances, with whom they performed. The garments and accessories of the drummers and pipe players in the honor guard of the »son of heaven« were largely the same as those of the musicians for palace drum and pipe music. The clothes and accessories of drummers and

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pipe players in the honor guards of those ranked prince and below, meanwhile, were clearly different from those of the honor guard. Drum and pipe music was often bestowed as a reward upon meritorious officials or friendly visiting foreigners, and was also used for the marriage and funeral services of nobility and officials of a certain rank. During the Tang Dynasty, drum and pipe music was even used for women who had performed military exploits. The »Treatise on Music« of the Old Book of Tang says that variety acts »were present in every generation, and they did not sound like an ensemble; the artists performed song and dance together.« The variety acts and hundred entertainments of the Sui and Tang Dynasty courts included a wide range of performances, including acrobatics, magic shows, performing horses, comedy, shuochang, and song-and-dance dramas, foretelling the eventual independence of various types of theatre and the arrival of the peak period of acrobatics. It also became a key phase where, after a long period of sprouting and fermentation, Chinese theatre rapidly began to boom. With the expansion of economic and cultural exchange between China and other countries, many new magic tricks and other variety acts came to the Tang Dynasty from the Western Regions. When Brahmins offered music as tribute during the reign of Emperor Ruizong, there was a dancer who walked upside down and danced on the edge of a sharp sword. Then they planted the sword upside down and lowered their eyes to the blade. After that the dancer lay on their back on the blade and allowed the bili player to stand on their stomach, but when the dancer would get up at the end of the song, their back unharmed. This person also lay on their stomach and allowed people to grasp their arms and spin their body more than a hundred times, and was still uninjured. Animal performances also developed greatly during the Tang Dynasty. Cockfighting, performing horses and elephants, bowing and dancing

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rhinoceroses, each had their own characteristics. Dancing horses were a highlight of the music and dance at court assemblies and banquets. Folk variety acts and hundred entertainments developed rapidly during the Tang Dynasty; many excellent acts were created by folk artists. The court also continually reproduced and absorbed folk hundred entertainments and acrobatics, either having common performers serve the court directly, or enriching the variety act performances of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices and the Royal Academy. Among the variety acts of the Tang Dynasty, a new format also appeared: »song-and-dance dramas,« where the stories of characters were told through song and dance. The treatise on »variety acts« in vol. 146 of the Tongdian states, »There are songand-dance dramas such as ›Mask‹ (Damian 大面), ›Brushing Aside the Hair‹ (Botou 拨头), ›The Singing Dancing Woman‹ (Tayao niang 踏摇娘) and ›Puppet‹ (Kuleizi 窟儡子).« Tang Dynasty songand-dance dramas, which added storyline and plot to the thriving foundation of song-and-dance music, were a more-full form of theatre. They would become the direct origin of the theatre of the Song and Yuan dynasties; they fully prepared for the approach of the great development of theatre. During the late Tang, military and local variety acts and hundred entertainments developed very quickly, and gradually took over the leading position previously held by court variety acts. Among those serving in the Left and Right Shence Troops in the capital garrison in the middle and late Tang Dynasty, song-and-dance, variety acts and acrobatics all had very high status. In 820, Emperor Muzong »watched comedy acts and hundred entertainments at the Mufeng Building, and then he watched the wrestling of the Left Shence Troops.« Then, six months later, »every three days, as soon as the emperor visited the Left and Right Troops, they performed ›The Radiant Emperor‹ and ›The Nine Immortals‹ for the emperor, and he watched

their wrestling and variety acts.« A performance was thus organized for the emperor every three days. We can see that wrestling and variety acts within the military were on a fairly large scale and the soldiers possessed outstanding skills. During the Xiantong era of Yizong’s reign (860–873), every year when the cherries ripened, the two troops »splendidly displayed songs, song-anddance and variety acts, and hundred entertainments, both on water and on land.« Not only were regular performances held in the military, but they were »both on water and on land,« which meant that acts performed on water had appeared. The innovation and development of the acts caused the military to gradually become a new center for hundred entertainments and acrobatics. Puppet shows also developed rapidly during the Tang Dynasty; they were already being performed at court during the High Tang. After the An Lushan Rebellion, Xuanzong was »honored« as the retired emperor, and he wrote »Song of the Puppet,« saying, »Pulling carved wood with strings to make an old man, chicken skin and crane feather hair are like the real thing. Played with and then put away after a moment, alone with nothing to do—it seems like the dream of life.« (刻木牵丝作老翁， 鸡皮鹤发与真同。须臾弄罢寂无事，还似人生 一梦中。) Xuanzong’s borrowing of this image to express his own feeling of loss also shows that puppet shows were familiar at court.

5. Other Entertainment Enjoyed by the Court and Nobles Every year, the emperor and those of high rank at court participated in many sacrifices and ceremonies. Aside from large ceremonies in the suburbs and at other temples, there were also the spring and autumn kuifu (蒉桴, ritual drum made of grass and clay) ceremonies, exorcism of demons at the new year, marriages, funerals and so on, and they all had their corresponding ceremonial music and dance. Some of the music and dance were long-standing customs, such as the winter

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exorcism, which had existed since before the Qin Dynasty. When the day arrived, 240 children of musicians between the ages of ten and twelve would be selected to play the role of exorcists, called zhenzi (侲子). Some held rattle-drums, some held horns; some would be dressed up as exorcist priests with four golden eyes, bearskins covering their heads, and black upper garments and red lower garments; and some were dressed up as twelve beasts, such as the mythical qiongqi (穷奇) and zuming (祖明). Late at night in the palace, »the exorcist priests and the twelve beasts would dance, with loud shouting all around, and the noise of drums before and after,« while the emperor and the princes, dukes and ministers would watch. This ancient ceremonial custom contained many performance elements of song-and-dance and theatre, and in later generations developed into various ritual exorcism operas (Nuo operas, Nuoxi 傩戏). The emperor’s everyday meals were accompanied by »eating and drinking music« of a certain scale. Based on the large number of pieces prepared by the Royal Academy to offer to the emperor, this type of music and dance was undoubtedly artistic music, falling under the suyue system. The small-scale banquets and daily parties and entertainment activities held by the imperial family and important ministers at court also generally had corresponding music and dance. The emperor as well as the imperial family and high-ranking officials also enjoyed watching music and dance for entertainment, even personally participating in various music, dance and variety show activities for their own amusement. These music and dance activities were generally informal, and were not closely related to the court’s ceremonies and banquets. The everyday lives of the emperor and the imperial family deep in the imperial palace were not as deadly serious as the court assemblies, celebrations and other such activities; they were more relaxed—even indulgent. When Zhongzong was on

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the throne, he ordered banquet attendees to perform music in imitation of professional performers. Zhang Yixue, head of the Ministry of Works, performed »The Singing, Dancing Woman« (Tanrong niang wu 谈容娘舞); Zong Jinqing, the Chamberlain for Palace Construction, danced »Fur Hat« (Huntuo 浑脱); and General Zhang Qia of the Left Guard danced »Yellow Water Deer« (Huangzhang 黄獐). In addition, General Du Yuanyan of the Left Jinwu Guards recited »Brahmin Incantation« (Piluomen zhou 婆罗门咒) and imperial attendant Li Xingyan sang »Driving to Xihe« (Jiache xihe 驾车 西河), while Lu Zangyong, a drafting official in the Imperial Secretariat, imitated a Daoist priest performing the ritual of presenting a petition. Guo Shanhui alone not only did not participate, but loudly recited ancient poetry, taking advantage of the opportunity to be sarcastic. Xuanzong valued brotherly affection. He not only erected five mansions for the princes in the eastern capital of Luoyang, but also built the Hua’e Xianghui Building at the Xingqing Palace in Chang’an, facing the princes’ mansions. Xuanzong and his brothers would often gather at this building to drink together, and each would perform music. No matter whether singing and dancing, acrobatics and variety acts, music on metal and stone instruments, or even performing horses, these small, informal banquets were private affairs, away from the public eye. Moreover, they were unknown to the rest of society; therefore, the attendees generally indulged themselves and did as they pleased—whether slightly dirty, or extoling wine and women, or outright obscene, nothing was off limits. These expressions of talent generally came from true feeling, and were probably more natural compared to the stiff ceremonial music; perhaps they had more artistic value. The emperors and nobility of the Sui and Tang dynasties loved music and dance. Quite a few of them had some artistic talent, or even were skilled at or mastered these hobbies. They often participated personally in various activities relating to

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the creation and performance of music and dance for entertainment purposes, and they vigorously promoted the development of music and dance. Yang Jian, Emperor Wen of Sui, »was rather fond of music. He often played the pipa, and he composed two songs, titled ›Earth is Deep‹ (Dihou 地厚) and ›Heaven is High‹ (Tiangao 天高). These described the relationship between husband and wife, so they were used as songs for inside the palace.« Emperor Yang of Sui was also very talented, and was quite proud of himself. He revised and added to the yayue of the Sui Dynasty, but what he cared about most was suyue, song-and-dance and the hundred entertainments. Many of the pieces compiled and created during the reign of Emperor Yang were widely popular, such as »Rowing a Dragon Boat« (Fan longzhou 泛龙舟), »Flower Pageant« (Dou baicao 斗百草) and »The Twelfth Hour« (Shi’er shi 十二时). Lyrics were set to these tunes even during the Tang Dynasty and the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms Period; these are recorded in the writings discovered at Dunhuang in the early twentieth century. During the Sui and Tang dynasties, dance was very popular both at court and among the common people, and many of the emperors and nobility knew how to dance. The »Linked Dance« (Shuwu 属舞), which had been popular since the Han Dynasty, was a social dance danced at feasts. It was very popular at festivities among the common people during the Sui and Tang dynasties, and it was also sometimes danced at court banquets. Among the many emperors who liked music and dance, Li Longji, Emperor Xuanzong of Tang, stands out in particular. Xuanzong was especially good at composing music: »He was successful just like that, not setting up movements or measures. He selected the appropriate length and suitably directed the various sounds, so that they all hit the beat. As for the rotation of clear and muddy, the calling of the notes, and the pentatonic scale,

repeated examination of the work showed that even Kui and Shi Kuang of ancient times could not outdo him.« Emperors and the imperial family also often played together with the musicians of the Pear Garden. Xuanzong and the various princes playing together with the musicians would have been something that happened frequently. People such as Ma Xianqi and Li Guinian were renowned musicians of the Pear Garden; Li Guinian was even »famous as the best singer of the time.« The Unofficial Biography of Yang Taizhen says that when the peony blossoms bloomed in the palace, Xuanzong ordered the best of the »children of the Pear Garden« to bring sixteen types of music, led by Li Guinian carrying clappers. Xuanzong thought that »appreciating the famous blossoms and facing my concubine, what use have I for old music or classical poetry?« He urgently called on Li Bai, a member of the Hanlin Imperial Academy, to write a new poem. Li Bai, who was still drunk from the previous night and not quite awake, picked up a brush and set down the three famous ci poems to the »Pure and Peaceful Music« (Qingping yue 清 平乐). The »children of the Pear Garden« approximated the words and the melody, strumming their instruments while Li Guinian sang. Xuanzong also »played along with the melody on a jade flute, and each time the melody repeated, he slowed down his playing to make it more charming.« The legend is not entirely to be trusted, but Emperor Xuanzong and other court members who loved music joining in musical performances is not completely fictional either. During the reign of Emperor Yizong in the late Tang Dynasty, the various princes who lived in ten princely mansions still »practiced music, singing and dancing, and variety acts.« When the emperor visited their courtyards, they welcomed his imperial highness by performing music. We can see that the magnificence of earlier years had not declined when it came to song-and-dance and making music at the princes’ mansions.

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New lyrics for the court’s songs were mostly written on order by literary chamberlains. Ci poems such as Li Bai’s »Pure and Peaceful Music« were thus newly created for the court. When Bai Juyi was a member of the Hanlin Imperial Academy, he also accepted imperial orders to write lyrics such as »Resentment of the Lady’s Chamber« (guiyuan ci 闺怨词) and »New Lyrics to a Small Tune« (xiaoqu xinci 小曲新词) for singing within the palace. Wang Jian also wrote one hundred poems for the court. Sometimes emperors also wrote lyrics and had the musicians and singers perform them. In the late Tang Dynasty, when Emperor Zhaozong fled to Huazhou to evade Li Maozhen’s advancing army, he climbed to the top floor of the Qiyun Building with his scholars and princes, where they gazed west toward Chang’an, and Zhaozong ordered his musicians to sing lyrics that he himself had written, to the tune of »Bodhisattva Barbarian.« When the song ended, »the fronts of the gowns of all present were moist with tears.« The love of emperors and the imperial family for music and song-and-dance and their active participation in performing undoubtedly vigorously advanced the flourishing and development of court music, dance and hundred entertainments, and it would also become a model that led the way for the music and dance customs and artistic preferences of all of society, and attracted many supporters.

Section 3  Sui and Tang Dynasty Music and Dance Institutions, Vast in Scale and the Cream of the Crop The flourishing of court music and dance is inseparably linked to the establishment and operation of the corresponding administrative bodies for rites and music, as well as the support of various regulations and systems. The institutions for rites and music established one after the other during the

CHAPTER I SPECTACULAR COURT MUSIC AND DANCE OF THE SUI AND TANG DYNASTIES

Sui and Tang dynasties were enormous and effective. The Court of Imperial Sacrifices, commonly called the Music Bureau, was the state’s highest body for rites and music. Its subordinate bodies that directly administered the music, dance and hundred entertainments performances of court assemblies, ceremonies of sacrifice, banquets, honor guards for imperial journeys, and other occasions included the Imperial Music Bureau, the Qingshang Bureau, the Drums and Pipes Bureau and so on. In addition, during the Tang Dynasty, the Royal Academy and the Pear Garden, which were directly managed by the court, were set up, as well as music and dance organizations like the Private Academy and the Yichun Music Academy. During the more than three hundred years of the Sui and Tang dynasties, these bodies for music and dance established in the two capitals, Chang’an and Luoyang, collected a large number of musicians and singers, from which emerged many outstanding artists and countless beautiful works. These institutions became centers of the performing arts of their societies and excellent representations of the music and dance of the time. A complete yueji system (hereditary caste of performers) and related regulations were developed during the Sui and Tang dynasties, on the foundations laid during earlier dynasties. The masses of yinshengren (court musicians) and yuehu (performers of the lowest social class) were a distinct social class. Although their social status was low, they fully developed and exercised their own talents through their own unrelenting hard work. The magnificent and splendid edifice of Sui and Tang performing arts, with music and dance as the representative form, was built on their bitterly paid blood and tears. With the shift in the social and cultural center of gravity in the late Tang Dynasty and the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms Period, the scale of court music and dance institutions declined, and various folk performing arts rose rapidly. The bustling cities governed by military commander-

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ies gradually became the new stages where the cream of music, dance and hundred entertainments were collected, but the Sui and Tang music and dance institutions and many related systems were imitated and carried on by various nearby countries and later dynasties.

When the Sui and Tang dynasties reconstructed the large, unified feudal empire that was lost in the previous period, they established various complex and complete systems for rites and music, including unprecedentedly enormous institutions for ceremonial music and dance to manage and train music and dance personnel and to be responsible for providing music, dance and hundred entertainments to serve the court. Therefore, the relevant organizations for management of rites and music were also correspondingly differentiated into two sections, »palace« and »government«—that is, »inner« and »outer« organizations—which provided the various music, dance and hundred entertainments required for the court’s various activities. The music and dance institutions of the two major systems, inner and outer, existed side by side. They were not in the same chain of management, but there was contact, exchange and collaboration between them. These organizations were constantly adjusted and changed during the Sui and Tang dynasties; their scale and nature also repeatedly increased or decreased. During the various dynasties before the Sui dynasty, in addition to the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, institutions such as the Imperial Secretariat and the Secretariat of the Crown Prince also oversaw music. During the Sui Dynasty, the musicians were all gathered together and were all placed under the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, which was responsible for overseeing affairs of rites and music such as state ceremonies of sacrifice. Under the leadership of its minister and vice minister, the Court of Imperial Sacrifices was divided into bureaus in charge of suburban temples, imperial music, drums and pipes, imperial physicians, divination, provision of animals and grain for sacrifices, tombs, imperial ancestral temples, ceremonial clothing, and clothing and caps, and was staffed by erudites (four people), chief musicians (two people), court gentlemen for ceremonials (sixteen people) and other officials. The bu-

1. Establishment and Relative Separation of Music and Dance Institutions of the Inner and Outer Court During the feudal dynasties, the emperor’s view was »I am the state.« The emperor held absolute power. The forbidden interior of the palace, where he lived his daily life and handled affairs of state, and various departments such as the Six Ministries and the six ministers that were responsible for the administrative affairs of the state, as well as local government military units and offices, were all administrative mechanisms and tools of government serving the rule of the dynasty. The two major parts, the »inner court« and »outer court« (that is, the »palace« and the »government«) were generally kept relatively separate in terms of form. Ancient written sources habitually refer to them as »inner« and »outer.« Similarly, the »palace« and »government« facilities for rites and music were also differentiated into »inner« and »outer.« For example, the institutions that oversaw music and dance, the Imperial Music Bureau and the Music Bureau, which were created by the Qin Dynasty and carried on through the Han Dynasty, were divided and affiliated with two departments with different functions, the Chamberlain for Ceremonials (Fengchang 奉常, an early name for the Court of Imperial Sacrifices) and Chamberlain for Palace Revenues. In terms of organization, the Chamberlain for Ceremonials was in charge of temple ceremonies and was a government department. The Chamberlain for Palace Revenues, meanwhile, was in charge of agricultural, fishery and forestry taxes, and was directly responsible for provisioning the palace; it was a palace organization.

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reaus that directly managed music and dance, on the one hand, and drums and pipes on the other were the Imperial Music Bureau and the Drums and Pipes Bureau. In 589, the Qingshang Bureau was added to the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, Niu Hong was appointed minister of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, and Zu Xiaosun was made chief musician, specifically managing the bureaus of drums and pipes, Qingshang and imperial music. At that time, the Qingshang Bureau had only two music masters, and the Drums and Pipes Bureau had two music masters and two »roarers« (music performers); there also were not very many musicians under them. After Yang Guang succeeded Yang Jian to the throne, he did away with the bureaus for ceremonial clothing, clothing and caps, and Qingshang one after the other and changed the titles of the »music masters« to »rectifiers of music.« The renowned musician Bai Mingda, much beloved by Yang Guang, was added as a rectifier of music. By the Tang Dynasty, there was an inevitable trend leading to the establishment and expansion of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, the institution for state rites and music, and the Royal Academy, the institution for suyue.

2. The Court of Imperial Sacrifices and the Royal Academy The institution that became the Court of Imperial Sacrifices was called the Chamberlain for Ceremonials (Fengchang 奉常) during the Qin Dynasty. During the early Han Dynasty, it was called Ttaichang (太常), and then later the name was changed to Fengchang andZzhizong (秩宗). During the Eastern Han, the Three Kingdoms, the Jin Dynasty and the Southern Dynasty, it was mostly called the Taichang or the Taichang si (太常寺) (thus becoming the Court of Imperial Sacrifices), while the Northern Zhou called it the Chamberlain for the Department of Rites (Da zongbo 大宗伯). The early Tang Dynasty inherited the Sui system and

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called this administrative body the Taichang. For a period during the time of Emperor Gaozong and Empress Wu, the name was changed to Fengchang and Sili (司礼), but from Zhongzong on it was still called Taichang. During the An Lushan Rebellion, the musicians of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices fled and dispersed. After the rebellion was quelled, the institution was re-established, and the old name Taichang si (Court of Imperial Sacrifices) was still commonly used. During the Tang Dynasty, the Court of Imperial Sacrifices was in charge of state rites, music and sacrifices, and it had eight subordinate bureaus: suburban sacrifices, imperial ancestral temples, imperial music, drums and pipes, imperial physicians, divination, provision of animals and grain for sacrifices, and offerings of wine and sweeping of tombs. It had close ties to performances of music, dance and hundred entertainments, primarily through the Imperial Music Bureau and the Drums and Pipes Bureau. The Qingshang Bureau which was established at the start of the Sui Dynasty was dissolved during the reign of Emperor Yang of Sui, and was not re-established during the Tang Dynasty. The Imperial Music Bureau was responsible for the court’s yayue, suyue, variety shows and so on. The Drums and Pipes Bureau was responsible for percussion and wind music, which was used for military matters and the honor guards of the emperor and the various officials. During the Tang Dynasty, the Court of Imperial Sacrifices was located in the Xuanping Building in Chang’an, within the Vermilion Bird Gate just north of the imperial palace, to the east of Chengtianmen Street, which was the central axis of the imperial palace complex. The Imperial Music Bureau and the Drums and Pipes Bureau, meanwhile, were set up in the eastern and western areas of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, respectively. The officials responsible for the Court of Imperial Sacrifices were the minister and vice minister of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, with the chief musician as overall supervisor. Those who held

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high-level posts such as minister of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices and chief musician, however, were generally officials who understood music, such as Li Fan, Prince of Qi, who held the post of minister of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices during the Kaiyuan era (713–741). He was the full brother of Xuanzong and loved music greatly; he was good at playing the jiegu drum. Many people who held official posts at the Court of Imperial Sacrifices were originally musicians, such as Zu Xiaosun, who formulated the »twelve harmonies« of the yayue of the Tang and held the post of vice minister of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices; and Zhang Wenshou, who formulated the tone system and composed »Banquet Music« (乐), and held the post of chief musician. The chief musician in particular needed to be proficient in music or literature; some famous poets and scholars also held this post, such as Shen Quanqi, Zheng Qian, Han Yu and Li He. The chief musician also held up a flag to direct performances during court assemblies and banquets; he was also responsible for composing melodies and lyrics, adapting lyrics, and management duties. In the second half of the Tang Dynasty, there were also some people who held the post in name but did not actually perform the duties of the chief musician—for example, famous literary scholars such as Cui Yuanliang, Meng Jiao and Li Ao held the post in name only. The Imperial Music Bureau had a director and a deputy director. The director (rank seven-b-two) was a senior official, and the deputy director (rank eight-b-two) was a vice senior official. Both positions were usually held by people who understood music. For example, Taizong nominated Lü Cai for the post of deputy minister of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. Lü Cai was a talented musician; he composed works such as the qin piece »White Snow.« Liu Kuang, who took the post of director of the Imperial Music Bureau at the start of the Kaiyuan era, was »quite conversant in the classics and history, and he understood the arts of astronomy, the tonal and calendar systems,

music, medicine and mathematics.« In 721, meanwhile, the renowned poet and painter Wang Wei took the post of deputy director of the Imperial Music Bureau. Wang Wei bore talent and fame at a young age. He was skilled at the tonal system and was good at playing the pipa and guqin. In 721, the twenty-one-year-old Wang Wei attained the highest degree in the imperial civil service examination. Because he also possessed musical talent, he was named the deputy director of the Imperial Music Bureau. Song Hang, who held the post of director of the Imperial Music Bureau during the Changqing era of Emperor Muzong of Tang (821–824), is praised in the third volume of Supplement to the State History of the Tang (Tangguo shi: bu 唐国史 补) with the words, »none in recent generations compare to his knowledge of music.« From related sources, we see that the director of the Imperial Music Bureau would also sometimes hold a flag to directly direct the performances of various music divisions during court assemblies and banquets; for this reason, people who understood music were able to be successful in the position. In addition, the director of the Imperial Music Bureau also had other duties such as leading the set-up of bells and chimes, carrying out the performance of programs such as the nine or ten music divisions, managing and checking musical instruments, organizing song lyrics, and being responsible for managing the musicians. There were a total of eight ranks of officials within the Imperial Music Bureau. Under the director and deputy director, there were eight rectifiers of music (rank nine-b-two), who were responsible for specific teaching of musicians and were called music masters during the Sui Period; there were also repositors, scribes, managers, and clerks, who were officials designated to certain tasks; in addition there were 140 officials for the civil and military dances. In the whole bureau, there were a total of more than 170 music officials. According to the Treatise on State Officials in the New Book of Tang, the total number of musicians

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in the Imperial Music Bureau was about twelve thousand, among which were 2,800 variety act performers, one thousand performers who did variety acts within the palace, and 10,027 yinshengren. Erudites of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, teaching assistant erudites, music erudites and so on were responsible for teaching the musicians. Musicians who displayed outstanding results in their studies could be promoted to teaching assistants or even to erudites. In addition, there were sixty-four performers each specializing in the civil and military dances, yayue dances with eight rows of dancers. Their status was different from that of the ordinary musicians; in principle they had to be »children of good families« selected for a relevant reason. The scale of Tang Dynasty music institutions changed a great deal over the course of the dynasty. The abovementioned records of the number of people at the Imperial Music Bureau show that it had decreased by almost two hundred thousand people compared to the more than three hundred thousand people at that body during the reign of Emperor Yang of Sui. This may be a statistic from the early Tang Dynasty. During the High Tang, the number of musicians in the Court of Imperial Sacrifices may have been as high as twenty or thirty thousand or even more. During the heyday of the Tang Dynasty, there were more than ten thousand musicians in the Court of Imperial Sacrifices; thus, the total number of people in this organization must have been in the tens of thousands. Moreover, considering that in 714, a large group of musicians and singers was transferred out of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices and organized into the Left and Right Royal Academies in the two capitals, Chang’an and Luoyang, to specialize in suyue song-and-dance, the total number of musicians that the Court of Imperial Sacrifices had before this may have rivaled that of the Sui Dynasty at its height. According to the records in books such as Miscellaneous Notes on Songs from the Music Bureau

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(Yuefu zalu 乐府杂录), by the end of the Tang Dynasty, the number of musicians in the Court of Imperial Sacrifices had decreased to around five thousand. It is worth noting that, although this count was made at the time when the number of yinshengren was at its highest during the High Tang, it did not include musicians and dancers within the palace, such as palace women who performed music and dance inside the palace and musicians of the Private Academy. Such performers would have been quite numerous. Court drum and pipe performances during the Sui and Tang dynasties were all managed the by the Drums and Pipes Bureau of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. The structure of the Drums and Pipes Bureau was similar to the that of the Imperial Music Bureau, although the Drums and Pipes Bureau did not have a director or deputy director responsible for leadership duties. According to the »Treatise on Music,« the pieces for drums and pipes in the Sui and Tang dynasties consisted of pieces for large transverse flutes, including twenty-nine for the emperor, nine for the crown prince, and seven for princes and dukes; pieces for small transverse flutes, including twelve pieces for the emperor, and twelve pieces for the night watchmen. In total, there were fifty-four pieces for large transverse flutes and twenty-four pieces for small transverse flutes. The Tang Drum and Pipes Bureau inherited the system of the Sui Dynasty. It was fairly large in scale. We can infer that the total number of musicians was approximately five thousand. It was smaller in scale than the Imperial Music Bureau, and its work was also simpler. In addition, large numbers of percussion and wind instrument players were also assigned to military commanderies and garrisons to serve officials and military officers of various levels. The nature of the drum and pipe music in local garrisons was similar to that of the Drums and Pipes Bureau, but they were not in a direct hierarchy with the Drums and Pipes Bureau.

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The Tang Dynasty’s drums and pipes were divided into five divisions: drums and pipes, »feather canopy« (i.  e., funerary music), gongs and pipes, large transverse flutes, and small transverse flutes. According to the »Treatise on Ceremonies,« vol. 23 of the New Book of Tang, the repertoire of the five divisions totaled eighty-five pieces. Drum and pipe music also included victory music (kaiyue 凯乐). Throughout the dynasties, whenever a military campaign was successful and victory presented itself, victory music was played. After Emperor Taizong of Tang pacified Luoyang and conquered Goryeo, the troops entered the capital in full military regalia accompanied by victory music. The victory music that was defined by later generations used two divisions of gongs and pipes, with wind instruments such as di, bili and hujia flutes, xiao mouth organs, gongs, and drums, with two musicians on each, as well as twenty-four singers. They played their instruments on horseback, arrayed like an imperial processional honor guard. Accompanying the ceremony of presenting prisoners, they played four pieces: »Smashing Through the Battle Formation,« »Answering the Promise of Victory« (Yingsheng qi 应胜期), »Celebrating the Triumph of the Royal Court« (He chaoyin 贺朝欢), and »Emperor and Subjects Celebrate Together« (Junchen tongqing yue 君臣同庆乐). The organization of the institution was roughly the same as that of the Imperial Music Bureau: a director (rank seven-b) and a deputy director (rank eight-b-two) served as the head and deputy head of the bureau. These officials also needed a certain level of musical accomplishment. The work that the Drums and Pipes Bureau was in charge of was military music and imperial processional music, which was used in various ceremonies. When the emperor traveled, there were distinctions such as the »grand coach,« »ceremonial coach« and »small coach,« and the size and scale of the accompanying honor guard and the number of drummers and pipe players were also

differentiated. According to the Six Classics of the Great Tang (Dating liudian 大唐六典), the accompanying honor guard for an imperial procession with a grand coach numbered 1,838 people, for an imperial procession with a small coach it was 1,500 people, and for the crown prince’s procession, 624 people. In accordance with custom dating back to the Han Dynasty, the Drums and Pipes Bureau was also in charge of the »music of the northern barbarians.« Because that had been percussion and wind music since the Han Dynasty, it was also military music that was played on horseback. During the Zhenguan era, there was a general from Bingzhou named Hou Guichang whose family had passed down and practiced »northern songs.« The emperor ordered the songs to be collected by the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, but because no one was able to translate these northern songs, after many years had passed, they could no longer be distinguished. Drum and pipe music was not the bulk of court music and dance at the time. The work of the Drums and Pipes Bureau mainly revolved around ensemble performances on wind instruments such as xiao mouth organs and hujia flutes, and percussion instruments such as drums. There was also singing, performed by singers, but it seems there was no dancing; the performances were relatively simple. According to written records from the Tang Dynasty, at the time it was stipulated that if a musician in the Court of Imperial Sacrifices did not meet standards after multiple examinations, then he would end up being transferred to the Drums and Pipes Bureau to study percussion and wind instruments. Thus, we can see that the quality and requirements for performance artistry of the drum and pipe players were lower than for the Court of Imperial Sacrifices and the Royal Academy. The Royal Academy, meanwhile, should be counted as the largest suyue institution of the Tang Dynasty.

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The Royal Academy (Jiaofang 教坊) was a place for teaching music, was one of the most important of the Music Bureau organizations of the Tang Dynasty. During the Sui Dynasty, musicians were gathered in Luoyang; later, a large group of musicians was gathered in Chang’an to establish a workshop and to teach and practice there; this was the embryonic form of the Royal Academy. In the early Tang Dynasty, the meaning of »jiaofang« was fairly broad, and was used in a general sense to refer to various locations for the teaching and practice of performing arts. At the time, the »Private Academy« inside the palace had already appeared; it was a place for practicing performing arts located within the palace, established by Emperor Gaozu of Tang in the Wude era (618–626). What the so-called Private Academy actually carried out was the »women’s education« that had been practiced since ancient times. The other mentions of a »jiaofang« that are sometimes seen in written sources from this time are probably shorthand for the Private Academy. At the time there was also a Hanlin Private Academy. It originally began as a »literary school.« Empress Wu then changed it to a »school of arts« and then to the Wanlin Private Academy. Finally, it was changed to the Hanlin Private Academy. Its task was to »select a palace woman who had Confucian learning as an academician.« It had eighteen erudites of the Private Academy to »teach the palace women.« The subjects studied were classics, history, ancient sages, calligraphy, poetry, law, chess, mathematics and so on. They did not include music or the hundred entertainments. The Hanlin Private Academy was different in nature and function from the Private Academy, which continued to exist for the duration of the dynasty, beginning and ending with the Tang. In 714, not long after Emperor Xuanzong ascended to the throne, he carried out an important reform of the court music system, vigorously pushing forward the development of music, dance and

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hundred entertainments during the high Tang Dynasty, having a significant impact on Chinese art history. In order to distinguish yayue and suyue, Xuanzong changed the illogical situation that had existed since the beginning of the Tang Dynasty, where yayue and suyue were both under the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. Instead, he set up Left and Right Royal Academies to specialize in the teaching and practice of song-and-dance, variety arts and other »suyue.« The first person to hold the post of commissioner of the Royal Academy was Fan Anji, a eunuch. The reason why Xuanzong implemented this major measure of reforming the music system was because, at the time, the suyue of the court (including huyue, hundred entertainments variety shows, and so on) was developing rapidly, its scale becoming grander by the day. Under the existing management structure, the Court of Imperial Sacrifices was an institution for government rites and music, so it was not well-adapted to the rapid and dynamic development of suyue, and it was not easy for it to meet the ever-expanding demands of the emperor and the nobles’ daily hedonistic enjoyment of music and dance. Separating suyue (including hundred entertainments variety shows) from the Court of Imperial Music and setting up the Left and Right Royal Academies, and having them managed by a mid-level commissioner, formally seemed to portend to better protect the purity and sublime nature of the institution for state rites and music. In fact, it actually brought suyue performances closer to the inner areas of the palace, making them more convenient for the emperor and the imperial family to enjoy. They were also thus able to screen themselves from the eyes of others, avoiding criticism from people for their activities. In addition to setting up the Left and Right Royal Academies in Chang’an, Xuanzong also set up Left and Right Academies in the eastern capital of Luoyang.

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The Guangzhai Academy was south of the Jianfu Gate of the Daming Palace, close to the Eastern Palace (the crown prince’s palace) to the west. The Right Royal Academy could thus easily serve the imperial family. The location of the Yanzheng Academy is unclear, but we can infer it would also have been close to the imperial city and the palace complex. The same year that he established the Left and Right Royal Academies, Xuanzong also adjusted the Private Academy inside the palace. Although the Left and Right Royal Academies were in charge of variety and comedy acts, they were located outside the forbidden palace; the place of study for both song-and-dance and comedy inside the forbidden palace was the Private Academy. The performances of the Private Academy did not only serve inside the palace; Xuanzong also often sent palace women to participate in the grand performances of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices and the musicians of the Royal Academy and allowed the officials and common people from the capital city to come »have a comprehensive view« of his performers. It was also sometimes used as a reward bestowed upon the court, having the musicians of the Private Academy perform music for deserving officials. At that time, »variety acts« (sanyue) meant hundred entertainments, acrobatics, magic tricks and so on—which had been performed since the Han Dynasty. »Singing performers« (倡优 changyou) primarily meant performers of song-and-dance. »New sounds,« meanwhile, meant the new suyue based on the music of northwestern tribes (hu 胡), which was just starting to be popular at that time. Therefore, the musical content studied and performed by the Private Academy during the time of Xuanzong was largely the same as that of the Left and Right Royal Academies outside the palace. During the time of Xuanzong, the meaning of the name »Private Academy« (Nei jiaofang 内教坊) also was different from the meaning at the start of the Tang Dynasty. At the time, the character »nei«

(内, inside, inner) was primarily in contrast to the character »wai« (外, outside, outer) in the name of the Left and Right Royal Academies (zuo, you wai jiaofang 左、右外教坊); it no longer emphasized the meaning of »private education« as »women’s education.« In contrast to the musicians of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, who usually lived at home and came to the capital at an appointed time to take on rotating duties, the lives of the musicians of the academies were very limited in scope. Particularly for the palace performers of the Private Academy and the Yichun Music Academy, which were located deep in the forbidden part of the palace—their lives were very closed off to the outside world, like the other palace women. The An Lushan Rebellion occurred at the end of the Tianbao era (742–755). After the rebellion, »not one in ten remained« of the musicians and musical instruments of the academies and the Pear Garden. When Emperor Suzong re-established court rites and music, he issued an order that the musicians of the academies should not be gathered and used except for great sacrifices and banquets with foreign guests. The institutions that recovered were the Court of Imperial Sacrifices and the Royal and Private Academies. Because the Pear Garden was abandoned and fell apart, much of the music that it had been in charge of was given over to the academies. Court music and dance performances »gradually began to have many mistakes.« After the reign of Daizong, especially during the time of Emperor Dezong of Tang, the academies recovered. Dezong issued an order to entirely provide for these people and placed them all under the management of the academies. The Pear Garden was also re-instituted during the time of Dezong, and even continued until the late Tang, but it was no longer as influential as the academies. The academies were the most important institution for suyue throughout the middle and late Tang Dynasty. The court often rewarded meritorious officials with the music of the academies.

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Although frequently affected by the chaos of war, the academies still provided music and dance to the court. After recovering and operating through the reigns of Emperors Dezong, Xianzong and Muzong, the Tang academies flourished for a brief period during the time of Emperor Jingzong of Tang. When Emperor Wenzong ascended to the throne, he reduced the number of music performers among the palace women, but there was a gradual recovery during the Kaicheng era (836–840). Wenzong also bestowed broad favors upon the children of musicians. During the time of Emperor Wuzong of Tang, the music of the academies became even closer to the suyue of the common people. The third volume of the Collection of Stories about the Tang (Tang yulin 唐语林) states: Wuzong visited the academy many times to make music, and performances proceeded as a mixture of different arts. Drunk on wine, and making music, bantering as if at a commoners’ feast, the emperor was very pleased. Remonstrating officials petitioned the emperor, after which he did not come out [to the academy] again. Then he summoned the performers into the palace and commanded the palace women to study with them. The eunuchs requested the governor of Yangzhou to select female entertainers, and the emperor ordered the military inspector of Yangzhou to bring ten female entertainers who were good at drinking games into the palace.

The cultural significance of this event is worth noting: the emperor was not making music in the palace, but rather went to the academy, where he actively took part in an atmosphere close to the bantering at »commoners’ feasts.« Moreover, he commanded the palace women to learn the skills performed at feasts among the common people, and he also issued a demand to the military inspector of Yangzhou for female entertainers who were conversant in the song-and-dance and drinking games of commoners’ feasts to enter the palace. This shows that the center of gravity

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of music and dance at the time had clearly descended. Song-and-dance acts were continually appearing among the common people, and the arts of drinking games and song-and-dance were continually developing. Their influence expanded more and more, eventually leading to a fad of song-and-dance banquets. In welcoming this quietly encroaching new trend in the development of performing arts, the academies were ahead of the various court institutions for music and dance. (Fig. 5.1.5) Female entertainers who led drinking games were also called »jiuji« (酒妓) and »yinji« (饮妓). This was new ground in the music performance work of the academies. Since the middle of the Tang Dynasty, people had indulged in song-and-dance performances at feasts. Song-and-dance performers serving at banquets gradually developed, and specialized female entertainers who led drinking games appeared. The jiuji under the academies, the content of their service (leading drinking games at banquets) and their scope (various government departments, new graduates of the highest civil service examination) all expanded, compared to before. The Private Academy also changed from being solely for the forbidden palace, to being shared with the court ministers. The Private Academy’s female musicians sometimes also acted in place of yinji, or served as escorts for drinking parties as their main profession. During the Sui and Tang dynasties, the word »jinü« (妓女) primarily meant female performers of song-anddance, rather different from its common meaning in later generations (i.  e., a prostitute). The words »changji« (倡伎) and »jiyueren« (伎乐人) also originally meant song-and-dance performers, including males; chang and ji later changed to being written as »娼伎« and »娼妓« (with the female radical 女), and their meaning also gradually changed to specifically mean female performers. At the end of the Tang Dynasty, due to economic factors, female entertainers ended up having to switch from selling music to selling their bodies,

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and thus there was a great change in the nature of the words jinü and changji. The academies declined after Xuanzong’s reign. Perhaps funds for the academies were lacking in the late Tang Dynasty, because the musicians of the academies would often go to various government offices, particularly to newly appointed officials, to congratulate them and »ask for alms.« This was a relatively elegant and honorable form of begging. During Xuanzong’s time, there was an edict prohibiting »the court musicians of the academies« from »asking for alms« at the offices of newly minted officials, military commissioners and so on. In 881, fleeing rebellion, Emperor Xizong of Tang took the government to Shu, and the disintegration of court music accelerated. During the reign

of Emperor Zhaozong, society was in upheaval and the state was on the verge of collapse. The academies were uprooted; the Imperial Library and Archives were once used as a home for the academies as well as army officers and soldiers. In 896, Zhaozong fled to Huazhou, and the various performers of the academies all dispersed. Some of them went to the Liangzhe Circuit, where they were warmly welcomed by the warlord Qian Liu, King Wusu. Ten years later, the Tang empire died. From the stone carvings of musicians on the casket pedestal in the tomb of Wang Jian, of the Former Shu kingdom of the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms, in Chengdu, we can understand some about the spread and transfer of the court musical performance culture of the Central Plains to outside areas.

5.1.5 Picture of performers playing music

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The establishment of the Private and Royal Academies during the time of Xuanzong was a result and a requirement of the development of music, dance and the hundred entertainments during the high Tang Dynasty. It conformed to the artistic development trends of the time, and was also a major creation in the art history of the Sui and Tang dynasties. The academies, which concentrated a vast number of female musicians, comic actors, and musicians, possessed a large group of professional musicians and dancers with outstanding performing abilities. They picked and absorbed nutrients from a wide range of huyue and suyue music and dance, and built on them with further innovation and development. Together, the musicians of the academies and the large group of excellent artists in institutions such as the Pear Garden collectively advanced the continual innovation of music and dance of the high Tang Dynasty, enabling song-and-dance and hundred entertainments variety shows to flourish at a high level. Based just on the repertoires performed by the academies, such as the repertoires recorded in the Record of the Royal Academy and the Record of the Jiegu (Jiegu lu 羯鼓录), a large number of the most popular music and dance tunes of the Tang Dynasty, including various grand suites and songs, all came from the academies or were collected at the academies. Two thirds of the reliable Tang Dynasty famous banquet song lyrics known today, around forty songs, also originated in the academies. The musicians of the academies contributed a number of the best song and dance pieces to Tang Dynasty society. The flourishing state of suyue formed by the exchange and fusion of the cultures and arts of various ethnic groups, with interaction between China and the Western Regions being the most significant, was enriched and heightened by the innovation and refinement of the musicians and singers of the academies. The musicians and singers of the Tang Dynasty were not just the musical pets or toys or tools of entertainment of the court and nobility; they

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mounted the magnificent stage of history as outstanding artists, and their talents radiated with dazzling brilliance. Although there were many differences in specific content and artistic form, the academy system was still carried on and used in successive dynasties, from the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms to the Ming and Qing dynasties. It became an extremely important form of organization in the history of Chinese performing arts and an institution for passing down knowledge, and continued to have a significant and profound influence, like a spring that never runs dry.

3. The Pear Garden and its Youth Ensemble, and the Music of Private Mansions and Private Performers The Pear Garden and related organizations were also created during the Kaiyuan era of Xuanzong’s reign. The Treatise on Music of the Old Book of Tang states: Also, during breaks from holding court and listening to petitions, Xuanzong taught three hundred children of musicians of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices to perform with string and wind instruments. Although there were many sounds at once, if one note was wrong, Xuanzong was sure to detect and correct it. The group was called »children of the emperor.«

They were also called »children of the Pear Garden,« because the institution was set up near the pear garden of the forbidden palace. Some written sources specify that the Pear Garden was established in 714. When he established the Private and Royal Academies, Xuanzong also selected three hundred children of especially outstanding musicians of the seated performing division of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices and gathered them in the pear garden of the forbidden palace. They formed an enormous ensemble for passing on knowledge and practicing on »silk and bamboo,« that is, string and wind instruments—which Xuanzong used for performing the faqu that he

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loved so much. The nature of the Pear Garden ensemble was straightforward: it did not include shuochang, acrobatics, comedy or other art forms, and it also did not have suspended instruments such as bells and chimes. It performed purely instrumental faqu, and some song-and-dance. Moreover, as its objective was striving to raise the artistic standards of the performers, they were able to devote themselves utterly to »every tiny detail« during performances. It could be said to be a purely musical organization of »art for art’s sake.« The artists received special care and affection from the emperor, and had a special status, very close to the emperor. The highest leader of the Pear Garden was the »Commissioner of the Pear Garden Academy,« a position held by a eunuch. In addition to this, there were other high-level positions such as »Commissioner of the Pear Garden« and »Pear Garden Assistant,« which were also held by eunuchs. The musicians, meanwhile, were called »disciples of the Pear Garden« or »disciples of the emperor’s Pear Garden.« »Pear Garden« may actually have been the official name of this organization. In the late Tang Dynasty, the name was changed to the Xianshao Academy, with highlevel leadership by a »Commissioner of the Xianshao Academy« and »Deputy Commissioner of the Xianshao Academy«; low-level music officials seen in written sources include »managers« and »inner managers.« In addition to the Pear Garden string and wind ensemble that was personally taught by the emperor, there were several other artistic institutions with close ties to the Pear Garden. The first was the section for »Other Academies« established by the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. The second was a similar artistic group formed by palace women later on, during the Tianbao era (742–755). The third was the »Youth Music Ensemble« of the Pear Garden. Moreover, in addition to the several Pear Gardens in Chang’an, Duan Anjie’s Miscellaneous Notes on Songs from the Music Bureau says that

there were also five thousand musicians in Luoyang, of which 1,500 belonged to the »new campus of the Pear Garden,« which performed suyue. The musicians of these institutions were also generally called disciples of the Pear Garden or musicians of the Pear Garden. The group of musicians that made up the Pear Garden played an extremely important role in the music and dance activities of the court of the high Tang Dynasty. They often provided the imperial family with high-level artistic enjoyment. Tang Dynasty poets often mention activities such as composing poetry and singing, such as the second of Wang Changliang’s three »Songs in Front of the Palace,« which reads: »Hu music and songs start west of the palace, then the disciples of the Pear Garden and ›Liangzhou.‹ For a while, new sounds reach above the tall buildings to the moon, and the emperor’s joy does not cease for a thousand years. (胡部笙歌西殿头，梨园弟子和《凉州》 。 新声一段高楼月，圣主千秋乐未休。 )« The Pear Garden collected the most outstanding artists, such as the abovementioned Ma Xianqi, Li Guinian, Zhang Yehu and He Huaizhi; there were also Sun Yuanzhong and Xu Yongxin, who excelled at singing; Xie Aman, who excelled at dancing; and Huang Fanchuo and Li Xianhe, who excelled at putting on adjutant plays. During the An Lushan Rebellion, institutions such as the academies and the Pear Garden were severely damaged; with regard to the disciples of the Pear Garden, »half of them perished.« Many of the disciples of the Pear Garden fled the capital to roam about. In this way they also spread the music of the court to various places and to the common people. For instance, vol. 6 of Yunxi’s Discussions with Friends (Yunxi youyi 云溪友议) by Tang Dynasty writer Fan Shu says that the renowned Pear Garden music master Li Guinian wandered in Jiangnan. Du Fu once came across him and wrote »Meeting Li Guinian in Jiangnan«: »I often saw you at the home of the Prince of Qi, and heard you sing several times before the hall of

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Cui Jiu. Now in the scenic land of Jiangnan, I meet you again in the season of falling blossoms. (岐王 宅里寻常见，崔九堂前几度闻。正是江南好风 景，落花时节又逢君。 )« The Pear Garden also had a »youth ensemble« featuring young musicians. There were more than thirty performers, all 15-years-old or younger. The Youth Music Ensemble was still maintained after the middle Tang Dynasty and continued to perform. Mentions of a youth ensemble in the forbidden palace are a common occurrence in written sources from the late Tang, perhaps showing the existence of an organization like the Youth Ensemble of the Pear Garden. Those who followed Emperor Zhaozong of Tang east in 904 »consisted only of ten or so princes and eunuchs, and more than two hundred youths from inside the palace who were polo players and palace performers.« The palace youths’ exit was extremely tragic. When Zhu Wen entered the capital, »he killed all of the Left and Right eunuchs and palace youths, more than two hundred people [some works say more than five hundred].« These youths became the last sacrificial grave of the Tang. After the An Lushan Rebellion was suppressed, the Pear Garden still existed as an organization. After Xuanzong, who had retired as emperor, returned to the capital, he made a great effort to locate the old members of the Pear Garden to attend him, divided between Left and Right, as before. In 838, Emperor Wenzong of Tang changed the name of the faqu style to Xianshao (仙韶) music and »still had the place for music instruction as at the Xianshao Academy.« This shows that before the Dahe era of Wenzong (827–835), the home of the disciples of faqu was the Pear Garden, which at this point was changed to the Xianshao Academy. There was still something of the Pear Garden system left by the late Tang Dynasty. Artists of later generations keenly yearned for the splendor and exalted position of the Tang Dynas-

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ty’s Pear Garden. For this reason, ever since the Ming and Qing dynasties, theatrical troupes liked to borrow the name of »Pear Garden.« »Pear Garden« and »the Pear Garden profession« became very popular names, and actors were called »children of the Pear Garden.« The collection of scripts of theatrical performances edited by Li Shizhong (Liangchen) at the end of the Qing Dynasty was also called Collected Achievements of the Pear Garden (Liyuan jicheng 梨园集成). And today, there are still local types of traditional Chinese opera called Liyuan opera (Liyuan xi 梨园戏, i.  e. ›Pear Garden‹ opera, which is divided into great Liyuan and small Liyuan) in Jinjiang, Longxi and Xiamen in Fujian Province and in the Minnan dialect-area of Taiwan. The extension over this long period, and the wide borrowing of the name »Pear Garden,« demonstrates the enormous influence and appeal of the Tang Dynasty institution of the Pear Garden. While discussing the music and dance institutions of the Tang Dynasty, we cannot neglect the music of the private mansions of the imperial family and high-ranked officials, nor private performers. The vassal princes, imperial family and highranked officials of the Sui and Tang dynasties led extremely extravagant lives, and music, dance and hundred entertainments were an important part of the entertainment that they enjoyed. The state supplied music performers, called fandi yue (‌藩邸乐), to the private mansions of vassal princes and the imperial family according to certain rules; these performers provided daily entertainment as part of the pattern of daily life. The number of private performers given by the court to officials was always regulated based on rank. But these limits and regulations were not earnestly implemented. Many princes, dukes and ministers had vast numbers of performers in their private mansions, such as Emperor Gaozong of Tang’s daughter Princess Taiping, who had hundreds of male servants and thousands of female servants. The format of music enjoyed by the imperial family and officials

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was comparable to that of the court. (Fig. 5.1.6a and Fig. 5.1.6b) Princes, dukes and ministers strove to their utmost to expand their stable of song-and-dance performers. The Tang Dynasty chuanqi (传奇) short story, »The Kunlun Slave,« tells of a »firstrank minister whose merit was enough to fill the sky,« who had enough female performers in his home to fill more than ten courtyards. Based on the available sources, Guo Ziyi, a famous general of the Zhongxing era who was later granted the title of Prince of Fenyang, had multitudes of performers and concubines at his home, providing luxuriant music and dance. In the pursuit of musical enjoyment, powerful and highly placed officials even employed unscrupulous methods to snatch performers from one another. According to the »Sentiments« section of Meng Qi’s Stories in Verse (Benshi shi – qinggan 本事诗 情感), although Li Fengji »already had more than forty« performers, if he took a fancy to a private performer of a lower official, he would use any means necessary to secure the performer for himself. Vol. 34 of the Tang Huiyao (唐会要) records that although the Tang empire was at war at the time, in 810m during the reign of Emperor Xianzong, officials petitioned the emperor »not to prohibit public and private music,« and met with the emperor’s approval. Officials at all levels as well as private individuals could continue to enjoy music and dance.

generations, making them members of the systematically regulated »yuehu« caste. Yuehu were seen as jianmin, the lowest level of the social class system, »despised by gentlemen and commoners alike.« They existed for a long period of history, and only after the reign of Emperor Yongzheng during the Qing Dynasty was the system outlawed and dismantled in legal terms. Even though the yuehu musicians of successive generations made the greatest contributions to the development of the arts in China, this punitive treatment made the social status of musicians and performers very low, causing discrimination and prejudice toward professional musicians and performers and toward song-and-dance and theatrical performances to exist in society for a long period. This situation did not completely change until the twentieth century. Emperor Yang first installed musicians in a neighborhood in Luoyang. Later he changed it to an area in Guanzhong. He gathered and housed a large number of musicians, assigned disciples of erudites to teach them, and put on grand performances. At the start of the Tang Dynasty, state institutions for rites and music carried on the Sui system; the Court of Imperial Sacrifices had overall leadership of all musicians. The status of the musicians was still very low, but they usually returned home for most of the year to work as farmers and returned to the capital several times a year at set intervals to take up »rotating duties« at the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, where they taught and performed music and dance. In this way, the court could have an enormous group of musicians serving the court and the officials, while not disturbing the agricultural production of yuehu families, thereby lessening the economic burden on the state. During the early Tang Dynasty, the court once issued an edict lifting the jianmin status of some old yuehu musicians; at one point, the jianmin status of the old musicians of the Imperial Music Bureau and Drums and Pipes Bureau was removed,

4. Status and Duties of Court Dancers and Musicians in the Sui and Tang Dynasties The Sui and Tang dynasties carried on the shameful practice of the Han Dynasty and Three Kingdoms Period, whereby the wives and daughters of disgraced officials would be sent to the academies of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices to serve as performers. The relatives of those who committed crimes would be implicated and punished as well, and would be entered into the yueji system. Moreover, this status would be inherited through the

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and they were raised up to ordinary people as a group. But considering that performing music is a specialized skill which takes many years to learn, and people were needed to teach and pass on their skills, the court still ordered them to stay in their positions at their original institutions, and those who had become officials retained their rank. However, after 618, during the reign of Emperor Wude, those who were turned into yuehu as punishment for a crime were no longer included in this category and remained jianmin. As a result, at the start of the Tang Dynasty, the musicians of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices included quite a few people whose rank was »covered by hundreds«; quite a few gentlemen were mixed in with the musicians as well. Individual musicians, such as Bai Mingda, even rose to become high-ranking officials. Therefore, there would have been a clear change and increase in the status of musicians in the early years of the Tang Dynasty. The regular musicians of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices mostly fell into the category of »government-owned jianmin.« During the Tang Dynasty, government-owned jianmin were divided into five grades: yinshengren of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices; zahu (杂户), jianmin of miscellaneous professions; gongyue (工乐), craftsmen and musicians; and guanhu (官户) and guannu (官奴, or guan nubi 官奴婢), servants and slaves of the government and officials. Therefore, although they were all jianmin, there were actually still some distinctions of the grade among musician: the status of the yinshengren of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices was relatively higher, while yuehu (i.  e., gongyue) was lower. Zahu, the miscellaneous class, were second only to the yinshengren. They were part of the household registration system and had duties such as working the land, serving in the military, paying taxes and providing corvée labor. They were similar to the yinshengren of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, but they were required to »marry the same type«; they could only marry other zahu and couldn’t marry ordinary people or people of

CHAPTER I SPECTACULAR COURT MUSIC AND DANCE OF THE SUI AND TANG DYNASTIES

5.1.6a Male xiao mouth organ player: Mural in the tomb of Li Shuang from 724, Kaiyuan era of the Tang Dynasty; Yangtou Town, Xi’an, Shaanxi

other classes. The gongyue and guanhu and guan nubi, meanwhile, were not part of the household registration system, »and were not attached to any prefecture or county,« which is to say that their hukou (户口) or household registration was not in any prefecture or county; they were slaves, pure and simple. The craftsmen and musicians were each assigned to various offices—craftsmen

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5.1.6b Di flute players: Mural in the tomb of Li Shuang from 724, Kaiyuan era of the Tang Dynasty; Yangtou Town, Xi’an, Shaanxi

to the Directorate for Imperial Manufactories, and musicians to the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. They were only allowed to marry within the same class. Musicians, craftsmen and guanhu came to the capital three times per year for rotating duty. Guan nubi, meanwhile, served year round. They did not have any special skills, and were the lowest level among government-owned jianmin.

We can see that although the musicians who performed music and dance were of the government-owned jianmin class and were at the lowest level of the social class system, even within the government-owned jianmin class, their status was a little higher compared to jianmin of other professions. Moreover, musicians and dancers possibly had slightly more opportunity for promotion.

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Marriages in traditional Chinese society were based on family background, family status, power and wealth; they emphasized »families matching in wealth and status.« It was difficult for marriages to cross the huge chasm between different social classes. Under the rules of the discriminatory social class system, there were often close familial relationships among musicians in the many music and dance organizations of different functional natures. In addition, people of several generations performed the same type of professional music, dance and hundred entertainments. For these reasons, relations between ordinary musicians and performers and the outside world, particularly with the upper levels of society, were cut off and they were kept separated based on bloodline and family relationship. The overwhelmingly large majority of musicians and other performers were permanently confined to the lowest level of society, with the whole family involved in performing, and generations protecting each other. In terms of criminal law, the laws of the Tang Dynasty also had special provisions for the musicians of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. There were special clauses for dealing with their crimes in areas such as marriage, punishment of family members, robbery and flight, and beating or scolding subordinates or senior officials. The punishments were more severe than those for the illegal behavior of ordinary people. The status of musicians of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices was not only lifelong and hard to change, but it passed from parents to children. When more musicians were needed, in principle these came from disgraced officials, traitorous generals, officers and soldiers of defeated armies—and their families. If there still were not enough, they would also be collected from among the common people. According to the provisions for imperial pardons in Tang Dynasty law, musicians could be pardoned and rise in status, or they could be directly raised to the status of an ordinary person. Only those who were sixty or older

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(seventy years or older for guanhu and zahu) or disabled could be changed to ordinary people. Craftsmen and musicians as well as yinshengren of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices who had outstanding artistic skills were generally promoted as an exception on the basis of their special skill. Individual yinshengren of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices also escaped from the yueji system on the basis of military feats, receiving merit-based ranks of the fifth rank and above. Besides being pardoned, jianmin could also escape from the system based on their teaching and service achievements, and advancing as musical and technical officials without rank (i.  e., erudites). Then, by accumulating merit, they could become ranked officials, and after accumulating even more merit, they could be promoted to an official post outside the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. In actuality, this kind of transferring and promotion in accordance with regulations was rare. On the other hand, there were quite a few people who received high positions purely through the ruler’s generosity and favoritism, rather than in accordance with the law and regulations. The late Tang Dynasty trend of an emperor doting on musical performers extended into the Five Dynasties. During the reign of Emperor Zhuangzong of the later Tang, the status of music officials saw an epoch-making rise: jesters who had originally been »ministers of harmony and officials of joking« became the emperor’s trusted aides in a single leap. Zhuangzong allowed performers to do the work of governing, freely and without restrictions. Moreover, the people around him controlled public and private life, undermining moral standards. He conferred great authority over military and government affairs directly to performers such as Shi Yanqiong and Guo Mengao, leading to disaster. When the yinshengren of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices and the musicians of the academies came to the capital for rotating duty, their performances were in service of the emperor, imperial

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family, important senior officials and other highlevel ruling figures. There was the possibility that, because of their outstanding performance, they would receive the emperor’s affection and become exalted. This special status even made some local officials and powerful figures apprehensive, so they didn’t dare bully the performers. In addition, the performers were able to avoid various forms of forced labor. When they went abroad, the court would provide them with clothing and food; and there was the possibility of receiving rewards. For these reasons, in economic terms, the incomes of many musicians of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices were no lower than those of ordinary people, and they may even have been prosperous. Since the early Tang Dynasty, the musicians of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices fell into two categories of status, yinshengren and yuehu. According to the third volume of the Penal Law Code of the Tang Dynasty with Commentaries (Tanglü shuyi 唐律疏义), the yinshengren of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices were part of the household registration system of the prefectures and counties, while the yuehu were not. Both of them, however, served in the Court of Imperial Sacrifices on the basis of rotating duty, coming and going from their homes. The teaching of professional musical and performers during the Tang Dynasty was extremely rigorous. Each organization under the Music Bureau had specific and detailed requirements and courses of study. Teachers and musicians each had tasks, and there were also corresponding state laws and regulations. Within the Court of Imperial Sacrifices there was an erudite of Imperial Music to teach the musicians. Although yinsheng erudites and private teaching erudites did not hold rank, they also taught classes on a rotating basis. Teaching assistant erudites were musicians who were selected for promotion based on their rigor and honesty, after their work was completed. They were musicians who had risen from the jianmin class to ordi-

nary people and held official posts; this was also an intermediate stage for musicians to rise to the post of erudite. There were also clear stipulations for musicians’ lessons. According to written sources, such as the »Treatise on State Officials,« vol. 48 of the New Book of Tang, the following requirements applied to the studies of »long-serving performers (those who frequently came for duty rotation)«: 1. Difficult type, grand performing division, study period three years; less difficult type, middle performing division, two years; easy type, small performing division, one year. 2. During the study period, performers studying the difficult type for the grand performing division and the less difficult type for the middle performing division need be examined by two erudites; the number of exams may have been four. 3. A performer had to study at least fifty »difficult pieces« before being able to participate in a court performance. The students were only considered to have completed their course of study after they had completed the three stages above, including all three types for a total of six years of study. Those whose behavior was prudent and honest and whose words and actions were proper could rise, in order, to the position of teaching assistant erudite. No matter whether they were »long-serving« or served »Other Academies,« if the musicians of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices could not complete their studies on time or could not meet the standards for performers, they would have their salaries reduced as punishment—or might even be demoted to a lower music division. In more serious cases, an extremely incompetent performer might have their status lowered to guanhu or guan nubi. Which specific pieces were meant by »difficult type« and »difficult pieces« is not known today. As the name implies, they must have been technically

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complex and difficult pieces. According to vol. 188 of the Yueshu, by Song Dynasty scholar Chen Yang, during the Song Dynasty, because the musicians of the academies could not learn all of the court’s music, »in terms of grand suites, they were limited to forty.« That is, the musicians selected forty pieces from the faqu division and the Kuchean music division as their course of study. During the Tang Dynasty, fifty difficult pieces made the curriculum, and it seems that the length of the difficult pieces and their technical difficulty were not that far from the grand suites; the techniques, ability and time spent to learn fifty difficult pieces or forty grand suites were possibly about the same. Tang Dynasty court music was extremely abundant; in 754, the Imperial Music Bureau revised the repertoire of pieces to be performed for the emperor, and this repertoire alone totaled 220 pieces, including grand suites and individual pieces. Therefore, only some of those pieces could be selected when training musicians. The academy institutions split off from the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, so in the beginning, the musicians of the academies naturally were also transferred from the among the musicians of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. Thus, their status was the same as the yinshengren and yuehu at the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. Tang Dynasty musicians could roughly be divided into musicians kept by private wealthy households and musicians serving the court and officials. Tang Dynasty singers were also divided into court singers, singers serving officials, singers kept by private households and common sing-

CHAPTER I SPECTACULAR COURT MUSIC AND DANCE OF THE SUI AND TANG DYNASTIES

ers. Court performers fell under the Royal and Private Academies, the Yichun Music Academy and the Pear Garden. The musicians and singers of officials, meanwhile, were set up in the local government offices of the prefectures and military commanderies to perform at the public and private banquets of senior local officials such as prefectural governors and military commissioners. Household or private performers were kept by vassal princes, officials and wealthy private individuals to provide merriment by playing instruments and singing and reciting poetry when the household was entertaining guests. Common performers, meanwhile, were performers in commercial, private operating houses of entertainment with regular people as their audience. In addition, there were also »garrison performers.« Originally these female performers were government performers kept by the military to perform for officers at banquets; they lived in the »music barracks.« Because, in the military’s organizational structure, twenty-five people made up a liang (两, with the long form being liangtou, 两头), the garrison performers were also called liangtou women (liangtou niangzi 两头娘子). Garrison performers were essentially different from other local government performers, such as performers at prefectural offices or residences. During the middle and late Tang Dynasty, however, military commissioners often concurrently held the post of the highest local administrative official—so garrison performers were easily combined with regular government performers and became difficult to distinguish.

CHAPTER II  MUSIC AND DANCE OF THE PREFECTURES, COUNTIES, DEFENSE COMMANDS AND THE LITERATI; RICH DIVERSITY IN FOLK MUSIC, DANCE AND VARIETY SHOWS Section 1  Music and Dance Entertainment in Local Government Offices and Military Garrisons; the Musical Life of Literati During the Sui and Tang dynasties, each prefectural and county government office, each military garrison and border station, was abundantly equipped with organizations such as prefectural and county academies, music garrisons (the music department of a military commissioner’s office) and drum and pipe music. »The magnificent pavilion opens on a view of flowing green jade, and official performers swarm around local princes« was one portrayal of how local government officials enjoyed music and dance. In addition, high-ranking officials and wealthy locals generally also had private performers, or servants who doubled as music and dance performers. Bureaucratic scholar-officials not only had the opportunity to be in contact with and enjoy court music and dance, but they were also intimately connected to music and dance at the level of the common people. Because many literati and scholar-officials came from the middle and lower levels of society, most of them had lived for long periods among the common people, enjoyed song and dance performances together with the masses, and were profoundly affected by the long-term influence of popular performing arts. There was close collaboration and exchange between music

and dance at the level of bureaucratic scholar-officials and the vast music and dance of the common people. In addition, various kinds of folk huyue and suyue music and dance were transmitted to the court through this level. In their connections with those above and below them, the scholar class fully exercised their own creativity, absorbing various kinds of music and dance from the court and the common people and making them more refined and elegant. Whether their social status was low or high, the members of the scholar class all had their own forms of literary artistic creation that they loved and took part in, such as poems that could be sung to ancient tunes (geshi 歌诗 or shengshi 声诗), popular folk songs (quzi曲子), qin music and so on; and this formed a unique type of music and dance. The flourishing during the Tang Dynasty of musical literature such as poems set to ancient tunes and lyrics set to folk songs was the results of collaborative creation between literati and scholar-officials on the one hand, and singers and dancers on the other. The method of creating by »composing poetry to fit a tune,« which was closely tied to the song and dance of drinking parties, vigorously induced the birth of a new literary form, ci (词) poetry. As the typical representation of the music of Sui and Tang literati, qin music saw rapid progress and major innovation in many aspects, such as composition of works, performance, manufacture of instruments and improvement of scores for the qin, adding countless gems to China’s treasury of intangible cultural heritage.

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1. Music and Dance Activities in Local Government Offices and Military Garrisons The grand ceremonial music and dance of the Sui and Tang court, and the music and dance enjoyed by the emperor and the imperial family, were the extreme of earthly luxury, and they profoundly influenced the practices of society as a whole. As above, so below; every military commandery and prefectural government, all the literati, scholar-officials and wealthy commoners also enjoyed music, and dance and variety shows, to their hearts’ content. This further promoted the vigorous development and overall flourishing of performing arts during the Sui and Tang dynasties. In accordance with hierarchy, each garrison or border station and each prefectural or local government office had musicians and dancers or drum and pipe players assigned by the state to serve the officials at each level. These included military music of a processional nature, i.  e., drum and pipe music, and also suyue song-and-dance like that of the academies, as well as various types of variety acts. Compared to the large number of written sources recording and describing court music and dance, records regarding this level of music and dance are few and fragmentary, but from those that exist, it is easy to see the thriving and developed nature of this level. Particularly in the middle to late Tang Dynasty, when the music, dance and variety shows of the court were declining, the music, dance, and variety shows of local and border garrisons and prefectural offices suddenly rose to magnificence. They combined the rising of the arts of city and town literati and scholar-officials, merchants, the wealthy, and the vast numbers of city folk, gradually taking center stage. If the emperor wanted to implement »sharing music everywhere under the sun,« he would lead from the top. It is not hard to imagine that as soon as the vigorous urging of such an imperial order was passed down, the »subordinates had to pursue with even more fervor [whatever their supe-

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riors were interested in],« and what manner of lively and sumptuous feasting and enjoyment was aroused among the officials of the capital and everywhere else. During the unprecedentedly grand and flourishing High Tang, the scale and extent of luxury and corruption were also unprecedented. In the latter part of the Tianbao era, the An Lushan Rebellion erupted, inflicting severe damage on society, and the Tang Dynasty declined rapidly from its previous wealth and power. Court music and dance also lost its earlier vastness and magnificence. As long as the power of the court and the military commanderies could be kept relatively stable, however, during the mid-Tang period the music and dance entertainments of officials, wealthy individuals and scholars at all levels remained as luxurious as before. It is worth noting that in the middle to late Tang Dynasty, the music, dance and variety shows of local areas and military garrisons were continually thriving and constantly rising, while the court gradually lost its position representing the highest achievements of music, dance and variety shows. The prospering and development of music, dance and variety shows gradually formed into new centers of urban culture and new centers of music, dance and variety shows that were a match for the two capitals. The appearance of this situation not only was a result of the long-term development of music and dance in local areas and military garrisons, but was also related to the greater trend of the weakening of the court’s power and the strengthening of independent regimes in the military commanderies during the middle to late Tang Dynasty (Fig. 5.2.1). In terms of system, the primary way that the military commissioners and senior prefectural and regional officials of each local government office and military garrison were provided with longterm enjoyment of music and dance was through organizations such the academies in each prefectural office and the music garrisons in each major garrison, set up by the state, as well as

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the »official performers« and »garrison performers« assigned by the state and administered by these organizations. In addition, there were also the »household performers,« »dancing women,« »child musicians« and so on kept by officials and wealthy private individuals. It should be explained that the »yueji« (乐伎) performers of the Tang Dynasty were primarily female artists who provided service in the form of their singing and dancing talents. Yueji was often also written as » 乐妓,« with »妓« and »伎« interchanged; where »乐伎« also includes male musicians, while »乐 妓« refers specifically to female artists. These performers were very different from the »jinü« (妓女) of later generations, who primarily provided sexual services. Official performers and garrison performers were essentially the same as palace performers and the performers of the academies of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. In legal terms, they were all slaves specializing in music and dance, and owned by the state. They were all performers for government officials, whose status was listed in the official record books of each local government office.

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That is, they were professional singers, dancers and musicians who both belonged to a government office and were owned by the state; they were thus different from the household performers and private performers kept privately by high officials, nobles, the wealthy and successful merchants. However, palace performers only served the imperial family. Performers of the academies of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices also primarily served the court and the state bureaucratic institutions in the capital. Official performers and garrison performers, meanwhile, served the government offices and military garrisons of various levels. The origins of official performers and garrison performers were largely the same as those of the yinshengren of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices: they were jianmin who, as the family members of criminals or traitors, had their property »registered and confiscated,« and they were forced to become musicians and dancers for government officials. In addition, there were those who came from poor families but had a certain level of skill in music or dance, and were bought into government office through human trafficking.

5.2.1 Painting of women of the state of Song going out, from the Mogao Caves near Dunhuang, mural from Cave no. 156

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There were also a minority of artists who, for a variety of reasons, had been hired into the yueji system. Through a registration process, their entries in the record of names were edited. An official »record book« was added to their names, and they thus became official performers. Broadly speaking, garrison performers were also official performers, because they were gathered in »garrison bureaus« (prefectural and county academies) and »music garrisons« set up by local governments and military garrisons. These were managed by a music garrison commissioner (commonly called a music garrison general). Therefore, these performers were also called »garrison performers« or »children of the music garrison.« Official performers and garrison performers were called »regional performers,« »superior prefectural performers,« »prefectural performers« and so on based on the level and nature of the government office that they belonged to. Records of music garrison performers below the level of prefecture are unknown. Moreover, there were also appellations such as singers, dancers, and drinking party performers based on the performers’ skills and the services they provided. Among the urban women of the Tang Dynasty, they were a group of musicians and dancers, who primarily relied on providing song-and-dance and variety shows performances for their livelihood, and they were not few in number. Narrowly speaking, garrison performers, or performers controlled by the army or by military institutions, specifically serving military leaders and soldiers, were also called »military performers.« In the military’s organizational structure at the time, twenty-five people made up a liang, with the long form being liangtou, so the garrison performers were also called liangtou women. The female musical performers of the various local government offices also sometimes participated in banquet performance activities of the court in response to imperial summons, or those organized by the order of superiors, for example, in the »great festive drinking« ordered by the em-

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peror. Not only did palace musicians and the musicians of the academies of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices take part in the festivities, but also the performers and common people of all the nearby prefectures and counties. Within one region, the number of musicians that could be summoned numbered in the hundreds, and the types of acts that were performed were many and varied. From this we can get a rough idea of the performances of musicians and dancers administered by and belonging to the various counties of the superior prefecture near Chang’an at that time. Among the music and dance artists belonging to these prefectures and commanderies, the most important and also the most active would have been the local performers, the »official performers« (Fig. 5.2.2). The armies of the Sui and Tang dynasties were usually equipped with military musical instruments such as drums and horns, which doubled as tools for relaying marching and formation orders. In addition, there was also military music such as drums and pipes (or transverse flutes) that matched the ranking of military officers, in order to boost their prestige. Many Tang poems describe this with extremely evocative imagery, such as in Cen Shen’s Song of Luntai: Presented When Sending Off General Feng on a Western Expedition: »Horns blow in the night atop Luntai’s city walls; north of Luntai, the star Maotou falls« and »Holding a yak tail, the general leads troops to the west; flutes blow at dawn as the army moves on. War drums roll on all sides like the waves of the Snowy Sea, the whole army shouting so that Yin Mountain echoes.« From the High Tang to the middle of the Tang Dynasty, scholars who failed the civil service examination and were looking for a new path to success liked to join the military as a route to the commissioner’s office. Many vivid depictions of performers and song and dance in the military were left behind in the frontier poems written by Tang Dynasty literati. Wang Han, Gao Shi, Cen Shen,

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5.2.2 Dancing figurines, collection of the Nanjing Museum

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Wang Changling, Li Yi and Li Qi all wrote frontier poems having to do with music and dance. At that time, music and dance were widely established in the military in commanderies and border stations. When General Geshu Han was appointed protector-general of Anxi, he defeated the Tibetan empire, and fairly thoroughly resolved the border incursions that had been troublesome for many years in the Jiuqu area (the area around east Hequ in modern Guide County, Qinghai). After the war, »there was nothing to do in the army,« so the military indulged in »eating, drinking, feasting and music«; performers and song and dance expanded greatly. An Lushan was himself originally from Central Asia, of mixed Sogdian and Turkic blood, but he held important posts such as military commissioner of Pinglu and Fanyang (Youzhou). He was tall and sturdy and unusually plump, but whenever Xuanzong ordered him to perform the whirling hu dance, he was able to turn as swiftly as the wind. For this reason, he was especially beloved of Xuanzong, and Yang Guifei adopted him as her foster son and often gave him rich rewards. Multiple times, he was granted »music« as a reward, including the division of Kuchean music, which had instruments such as jiqi (鸡栖, or jilou 鸡娄) drums including waist drums, and di, xiao and bili flutes. Xuanzong and Yang Guifei also made Chief Minister Yang Guozhong and others »select superior yanyue.« Not only were they »compelled to bestow the music of the Pear Garden and the academies,« but even Yang Guifei’s sisters took part many times. An Lushan would also loudly sing Tilt the Cup to present wine. At his military commissioner post in Fanyang, the yinsheng performers bestowed upon him by Xuanzong included variety and acrobatics performers. Twenty-four people performed supporting poles on their heads, with the poles being more than one hundred Chinese feet in length, and a performer »moved about like an ape, appearing like a flying bird« at the tips of the poles; it was very unusual.

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These performers taught others, training more than five hundred local variety act performers. Whenever a Central Asian merchant came by, An Lushan laid out a magnificent animal sacrifice and ordered all the magicians to beat drums and sing and dance. This indicates that there were a large number of professional musicians in his official residence. We have no way to estimate the total number of performers in local government and the military, but clearly the number far exceeded the number that could be surmised based on the rules for different ranks. Because officials at all levels pursued enjoyment and competed in excess of the regulations, the scope of possession of music and dance expanded. As the situation of independent regimes in the military commanderies became more severe by the day during the late Tang, the installation of performers in each garrison and prefecture became more widespread. The more diverse the of song-and-dance and variety shows became in various local government offices and military garrisons during the late Tang, the more conspicuously excellent the arts became. According to the »Record of Muzong« in the New Book of Tang, in the second month of the fifteenth year of the Yuanhe era (820), Emperor Muzong of Tang »watched comedy acts and variety shows at the Mufeng Building, and then he watched the wrestling and variety acts of the Left Shence Troops. They stopped when the sun was in the west.« Then, six months later, »every third day, as soon as the emperor visited the Left and Right Troops, they performed ›The Radiant Emperor‹ and ›The Nine Immortals‹ for the emperor, and he watched their wrestling and variety acts.« There was thus a performance by the military for the emperor’s enjoyment every three days. We can therefore see the flourishing of wrestling and variety acts among the Left and Right Shence Troops of the capital during the late Tang, as well as the large scale of the two troops’ variety

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act performances and the high level of their skill, perhaps even surpassing the performances of the court academies. The thriving variety show performances of the two troops continued for several decades, beginning to end, without declining. According to Stories from Amidst the Court (Zhongchao gushi 中朝故事) by Tang Dynasty writer Yuchi Wo, all the way up to the Xiantong era of Yizong’s reign (860–874), every year when the cherries ripened, the two troops still »splendidly displayed songs, song-and-dance and variety acts, and variety shows, both on water and on land« for the emperor to come and watch as much as he liked, and the content of their performances was also even more plentiful. The court repeatedly bestowed performers upon the imperial family and high officials as well as the many circuits and defense commands; it also demanded offerings of music and dance from below. Each defense command, garrison and prefecture also repeatedly put together music and dance to present to the court, to solicit affection and trust. Therefore, while the music, dance and variety shows of the Tang Dynasty border stations and defense commands, of each prefecture and superior prefecture, and of the court each had their own special characteristics, there was also exchange and absorption among them. During the Sui and Tang Period, drinking and enjoying entertainment was a commonplace activity among local officials, flourishing especially during the latter part of the Tianbao era of the Tang Dynasty. Researchers have pointed out that the sublime importance of the highest level of the civil service examination system, the independence of military commissioners, and the flourishing of the custom of feasting that was produced on this foundation all formed during the generation of Xuanzong, and they formed a background that greatly prepared for the song and dance artistry of drinking games. Starting from the last years of the Tianbao era of Xuanzong, with the change in status of female performers, this at-

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5.2.3 Pottery figurines of musicians and dancer, ­excavated from Sui tomb in Chang’an County, Xi’an

mosphere gradually swept through all levels of society. Song-and-dance art with banquets as its medium developed vigorously, and it gradually became a major characteristic of middle and late Tang Dynasty culture. During the middle and late Tang periods, the custom of drinking parties with entertainment among the officials, military officers, government aides and literati of various areas flourished. Song-anddance at banquets and the arts of leading drinking games became more developed by the day. As a result, appellations such as wine performers and drinking performers formed for performers specializing in song and dance to accompany drinking. Officials and literati were in close contact with singers and dancers at banquets, and left behind many enthusiastic accounts for later generations (Fig. 5.2.3). Performers were registered in the yueji system, and were not free to do as they wished. Sometimes they were given as gifts, and sometimes they met with abuse and persecution. Vol. 1 of Stories in Verse by Meng Qi records that during the Huichang era of the reign of Emperor Wuzong of Tang (841–846), Li Shen was defending Huainan,

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and had a drinking party with Zhang Youxin. In the past, Zhang had gone to Guangling to take care of some business and developed feelings for a wine performer; this had been twenty years ago. At the banquet with Li Shen, Zhang composed a ballad, and secretly instructed this performer to sing it while presenting wine. When Li Shen heard the song, he knew of their love and ordered the performer be put to death.

2. The Musical Life of the Literati and Scholar-Officials When Emperor Wen of Sui rebuilt a unified state with centralized power, the nine-rank system of classifying officials that had been closely tied to the system of powerful land-owning families since the Three Kingdoms period could not adapt to new needs. Not long after Emperor Wen ascended to the throne, he issued orders multiple times seeking talented ministers. During the time of Emperor Yang of Sui, the highest section of the imperial civil service examination was established, and tests for this highest degree began to be held, officially forming the civil service examination system which had such a profound influence on Chinese history. China during the Tang Dynasty was an advanced, civilized and wealthy power in the world at the time. Its strength and stability, unprecedented scale, and broad, tolerant and open-minded mentality created fertile artistic ground that was full of vitality, rich and strongly flavored, and flourishing scenes appeared in literature and the arts. This was a period when poetic inspiration was swirling among the entire people. Poetry was the leader of Tang Dynasty literature; the achievements of Tang poetry mark a glorious peak of Chinese poetry. The book Quan Tangshi, which was compiled later, collected close to fifty thousand poems by more than 2,300 poets. The well-known among them, such as Li Bai, Du Fu, Bai Juyi and Wang Wei, are great, world-renowned poets. With the outstanding creations of many poets, ancient

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Chinese poetry was perfect in every way; its content, style, form and techniques all reached the apex of perfection. In prose writing, the classical writing movement, represented by Han Yu and Liu Zongyuan, which revolutionized the form and style of writing, had an active and profound effect on the development of literature. Bianwen (变文) stories that were performed aloud, chuanqi stories of the marvelous, and literati poems set to folk songs were also innovative new genres of writing. Music and song-and-dance were among the most important vehicles of media at the time. Poems could be widely disseminated by being sung as songs. Poets could thus earn widespread recognition, and poems could even be transmitted as songs into the court and become known to the emperor and imperial family. An example is Li Yi’s well-known quatrain: »The sand below the border-mountain lies like snow, and the moon like frost beyond the city-wall. And someone somewhere, playing a flute, has made the soldiers homesick all night long« (translated by Witter Bynner). This poem »was used as song lyrics everywhere under heaven«; that is, it was widely transmitted through song. The »Biography of Li Yi« in the Old Book of Tang says that each time he wrote a poem, »musicians of the academies sought to obtain it via bribery, and sang it as an offering to the emperor. Enthusiasts also painted screens depicting his poems Song of Soldiers on Campaign and Morning.« Therefore, propelled by song, Li Yi’s fame as a poet grew quite large. Yuan Zhen also enjoyed a high level of fame as a poet; his poems were widely sung at court. The »Biography of Yuan Zhen« in the Old Book of Tang records that when the prince of the Eastern Palace became the crown prince, Emperor Muzong of Tang »had imperial concubines on either side try reciting Zhen’s poems to musical tunes. Those who knew what Yuan Zhen did often praised him, and in the palace he was called ›Yuan the Talented.‹« Yuan Zhen also composed hundreds of poems,

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such as »Changqing Era Palace Poem,« which »people in the capital vied to sing.« Soon he was summoned to the Hanlin Academy, where he was appointed posts such as sheren (舍人), an official handling documents and announcements, for the Imperial Secretariat and recipient of edicts, a senior academician post. Although he was scorned by many ministers and members of the court, he was still promoted to chief minister in 822. His poems being sung as songs and transmitted into the palace apartments clearly played a huge role in his promotions in his career as an official. Poetry being combined with music was important as a quick path to fame for poets. For this reason, people of the time valued the combination of poetry and music extremely highly. Whether a poem could be set to music was an important condition determining whether or not a poem would be a success. Collection of Fine Talents of the State (Guoxiu ji 国秀集) is a collection of poems compiled during the Tianbao era of the Tang Dynasty. The editor writes: »From the Kaiyuan era, covering the third year of the Tianbao era (744), [in this book] we dispel and banish the weeds and record and bring in the elite, those that can be performed with pipes and strings, all in one collection.« We can see that one of the conditions for including works in the collection was that they »can be performed with pipes and strings.« That is, they could be sung along to music. During the Tang Dynasty, poetry and poetic essays were added to the highest level of the civil service examination, emphasizing literary talent. Differing greatly from the old generation that advocated study of the classics as orthodoxy, the literati who passed the highest level of the civil service exam were wanton and unrestrained. They hoped their own works would make new advances in literature, and they were more artistic. They also hoped their works would become good songs, achieving a perfect combination of literature, music, song, and dance. The imperial civil service examination also promoted the formation of close relation-

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ships between the literature of the literati and of music performers. The meter and style of poems continually adopted and absorbed new elements from music and song-and-dance, striving for development and renewal and adapting to the requirements of singing. On the other hand, music and song-and-dance, which prospered for a time, also imposed enormous demands on the musical literature of the Sui and Tang dynasties. From the palace to the common people, everyone hungered for more and better new song lyrics, just as described by Bai Juyi: »Literary circles present fine verses, and the Music Bureau awaits new poems. The will of heaven must be understood; here on earth, we need good poems.« This was why the musicians of the academies »sought to obtain via bribery« the poems of poets. The primary forms of new ci poems set to yuefu tunes were quatrains with five or seven syllables in each line; anyone who could write brilliant new five- or seven-syllable quatrains would be welcomed and loved by musicians and singers. Because of this, renowned poets received love and respect in no small measure from people of every level of society, from top to bottom. The literati also sought creative inspiration directly from music, especially from folk music. The poems of Yuan Zhen and Bai Juyi were purposely close to songs that were widely popular among the common people; they used the subject matter of folk songs or tunes sung by the urban masses to create new poems. The »corpus of poetry of the Yuanhe era« written by Yuan Zhen and Bai Juyi spread like wildfire and was popular with all for twenty years: »The imperial palace, monasteries and temples, the walls of inns and post horse stations, there was no place where they were not written; princes and dukes, concubines, cowherds, grooms, there was no one who was not reciting them. As for copying and imitation, showing off in the marketplace, or patronizing of poets by those who present wine, [these poems] were everywhere.« During the entire Tang Dynasty,

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there was almost no other type of poetry that could compare with the »Yuan and Bai corpus« of love songs and melancholy poems of people like Yuan and Bai in terms of influence on society at that time. At the time, foreigners also paid huge sums of money to purchase Bai Juyi’s poems. To this day, there is still a tablet erected by a knowledgeable person from Japan next to the tomb of Bai Juyi at Longmen near Luoyang, praising Bai Juyi as a benefactor of Japanese culture. There were many different topics covered in Sui and Tang musical literature. Yuan Zhen’s Preface to Yuefu Poetry on Old Topics (Yuefu guti xu 乐府 古题序) summarized seventeen topics of Tang Dynasty poetry and how these poems matched with songs. It is worth noting: Cao (操), yin (引), yao (谣), ou (讴), ge (歌), qu (曲), diao (调) […] all originated from suburban sacrifices and the army, from times of good luck and bad luck, pain and happiness. For those that are sung, the lyrics are set based on the sounds, and singing is decided by examining the tune. The length of the phrases, the differences in tones, there are none that are not properly set in this way. These topics are also divided into those that are played on the qin and pipa, which are cao and yin; those that are performed by common people and farmers, which are ou and yao; and those that have a set melody are generally called ge, qu, ci and diao. For all of these, the words are determined based on the music; one does not choose words and then accompany them with music. The nine names after shi (诗) (i.  e. shi [诗], xing [行], yong [咏], ling [呤], ti [题], yuan [怨], tan [叹], zhang [章] and pian [篇]) are all composed by poets. Although the names of the topics are different, these can all be called poems (shi 诗). For these latter topics, when music is considered, one usually takes the words first and makes them into a song, so lyrics are selected first and then music is added as accompaniment; the words are not determined by the music.

Vol. 1 of Biji Casual Notes (Biji manzhi 碧鸡漫志) by the Song Dynasty writer Wang Zhuo points out that these seventeen types of songs are all

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poems (shi 诗): »poems can be sung and can be played on pipes and strings.« However, although there were old yuefu poems (gutishi 古体诗, »old style poetry«) during the mid-Tang Dynasty, »they were scattered in terms of tone regulation and thus fresh. The scholar-officials who composed poems were no longer just famous for one form of poetry.« Therefore, the main actors in Tang and Sui musical literature were regulated verse poems (eight-line poems and quatrains) and poems set to popular folk songs. At the time, the easiest to set to music were quatrains. Quatrains originated from yuefu short pieces (duanzhang 短章). Each poem had four lines, and each line had five or seven characters (during the Tang Dynasty, there also began to be six-syllable quatrains, but these are exceedingly rare). After the tonal system was improved during the Qi and Liang dynasties (during the Northern and Southern Dynasties), their form was established in the Tang Dynasty as an important form of regulated verse. The quatrains were orderly in line structure, short in length and standardized in tone; they were very easy to remember and could easily be used to accompany new musical tunes. The vast numbers of musicians and singers loved to perform quatrains, which were short, simple and easy to remember. This naturally advanced the popularity and flourishing of quatrains, and also advanced the development of Tang Dynasty literature. Of course, yuefu poems, which were longer, could also be set to music and sung. Zhang Ji and Wang Jian wrote quite a number of poems in the yuefu style. Besides a small number of works that used the old topics of yuefu poetry, most of these were new yuefu poems on modern song topics. That is, they were so-called »writing famous works based on one’s actual experiences.« Why were they called new yuefu poems? On the one hand, they used popular new musical tunes that had been produced during the Sui and Tang periods; on the other hand, they did not keep to old topics

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but rather created their own new topics for songs. These song topics also often originated from folk ballads, or often used the names of folk ballads. This method might have helped these poems become sung as songs. The combination of music and literature also aroused and brought about the birth of new forms of musical literature. The births of bianwen and ci poetry are both inextricably linked to the effects of music. Bianwen developed as a way of using the method of common shuochang to attract an audience in order to disseminate Buddhist principles. Ci (also called changduanju 长短句, lines of irregular lengths), meanwhile, were at first poems set to folk songs (quzi ci 曲子辞), where literati came up with words to existing songs. It could be said that originally they were subordinate to music, and only later did they gradually become an independent literary form, primarily in the form of changduanju. Originating from poems set to folk songs, they were a type of musical literature right from the beginning, and thus they had an especially close connection to music. Quzi folk songs were a new type of song that developed during the Sui and Tang periods. Among the songs of Sui and Tang drinking parties, they saw the most activity, and they also developed the fastest, such that they later became the main type of song from the late Tang to the Song Dynasty. The name »quzi« only began to be popular during the Sui and Tang Period. In terms of music, quzi were an artistic type of song formed from folk songs that had been selected, recommended and refined. They had relatively fixed melodies, often having been refined and revised by musicians or sung by professional singers. They were an artistic rendition of folk ballads; they were small-scale vocal and musical compositions that became popular accompanied by strings and wind instruments. A fact worth noting is that although the poets and lyricists of the Tang Dynasty were quite good, they did not just write poetry at their desks. They ac-

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tively participated in the creation of music and dance and in harmonizing and composing music and song-and-dance for musicians and singers. For them, music and song-and-dance were like air, an indispensable element of their lives that surrounded them all the time. On a larger level, they were performers, they were entertainers, they were communicators, they were people who were crazy about song and dance »in front of the drinking vessel« and »among the flowers.« They were completely steeped in and melded into the ocean of music and dance of the time. The music and dance of the court banquets that were often held by the Sui and Tang courts were grand in scale and the epitome of luxury. Officials of literati origin often created poems for singing and musical performance to suit these occasions and to liven things up, praising these grand occasions. Quite a few of these poems were taken in by the Music Bureau and transmitted, down to the present. The literati also actively participated in the composition of songs for court banquets. For example, the great poet Li Bai entered the Hanlin Academy at the end of the Kaiyuan period and offered exceptional poetry to the academy. Xuanzong was at first also extremely formal, ordering him to draft imperial edicts and grants. When Xuanzong took a group of concubines and officials to the palace of hot springs at Li Mountain, Li Bai was also among his retainers. In response to imperial command, he wrote poems such as »Preface to Pond of Floating White Lotus Flowers« (Fan bailian chi xu 泛白莲池序), »Playing Music in the Palace« (Gongzhong xingyue ci 宫中行乐词) and »Pure and Peaceful Tune,« describing the song-anddance entertainment of the palace. Sometimes literati and scholar-officials also performed music and song-and-dance at court banquets. There were many among them who were good at music and were able to play various instruments. Moreover, they also were in a situation where they had the opportunity to observe and

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emulate the music and song and dance of the court, which they would then imitate and transplant, thereby becoming channels and bridges transmitting court music to the common people of various places. New sounds from within the palace could thus be transmitted very quickly to other places through such channels. At the same time, there was also a flow in the opposite direction, which is to say that some new sounds from among the common people were also transmitted by the literati and scholar-officials and sung in the palace and academies. For example, a large number of poems in the previously mentioned »corpus of poetry of the Yuanhe era« created by Yuan Zhen and Bai Juyi used folk love songs and melancholy tunes, and they were widely sung and popular in the palace. As a channel and bridge, song also transmitted popular music and song-and-dance of the common people to the court with the aid of the literary creations of the literati and scholar-official class. Literati and scholar-officials also organized and participated in song and dance activities at feasts at various prefectural offices. During the Tang Dynasty, drinking games involving song and dance were an important form of music and dance of the time; these developed fully in the thriving feasting scene. Moreover, the full development of drinking games with song and dance was related to the prevalence of the custom of feasting and entertainment in society, and it was also inseparable from the participation and creative work of the literati. The need to add poetry and poetic essays to the highest level of the imperial civil service examination was formally suggested in the second year of the Yongling era of Gaozong (681), and became established toward the end of the Tianbao era (742–756) of Xuanzong’s reign. All kinds of feasts were popular for the imperial graduates who passed the highest level of the civil service examination. For example, the highest level of the examination was usually held in the first month of the year, and the

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list of successful candidates was published in the second month, so there was a feast of gathering together to pay respects to ministers and a feast for the Lunar New Year. After the list of successful candidates was published, the court would bestow a banquet upon the new imperial graduates and those who passed some level of the examination; this was called the »Feast of Hearing Good News.« The new imperial graduates would gather at Qujiang Pavilion and have a party, the »Qujiang Meeting« or the »Feast of Visiting Flowers.« Two or three pretty youths would be named »commissioners of visiting flowers« or »gentlemen of visiting flowers« and they would roam famous gardens and pick famous flowers. After the feasts, the successful candidates would inscribe their names before the pagoda of the Ci’en Temple, which was called the »Meeting of Inscribing Names.« The songs and dance at feasts of literati who joined the army and in the offices of military commissioners were also an important part of the music and dance activities of the literati. On the one hand, these literati enjoyed the music and dance in defense commands and military garrisons along with the military commissioners, while also writing frontier poems of their own which enriched and developed the frontier military art of the Tang Dynasty. The vast numbers of poets naturally had a fairly deep understanding, not to mention personal experience, of the feelings and problems of the common people. There were many poets who even consciously made expressing the suffering of the people into their topic, rolling out from their brushes in great waves. If Du Fu had not been breathing the same air as the common people and going through trials and tribulations together with them during a time of unrest and deprivation, if he had not personally felt the innumerable pains and difficulties of the people’s lives, he could not have profoundly reflected the times and depicted society through his own experiences, and certainly could not have voiced sharp accusations such as

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»Behind vermilion doors, the reek of aged wine and rotting meat, while the frozen bones of the starved lie in the street.« And thus he would not have earned the glorious praise of the history of poetry for reflecting the incomparable depth and breadth of reality, nor would he have become an »immortal« and world-renowned poet. Li Yong (Li Beihai), Wang Changling, Zhang Ruoxu, Meng Haoran, Chang Jian, Li Bai, Du Fu, Zheng Qian, Yuan Dexiu, Xiao Yingshi, Zhang Xu, Du Guji, Wei Yingwu, Zhang Ji, Meng Jiao, Jia Dao: although these renowned literary talents were famed for their literary works, they all wandered, alone and destitute. Whether their experiences were of poverty, or of meeting with suspicion, or arrogant bullying, or humiliation and torture, or premature death, literati who were subjected to exile were too many to count. Therefore, they had deep observations and a more objective experience of the lives of the common people. Literati and scholar-officials maintained close relationships with the common people, which gave them the opportunity to develop more understanding of and fondness for folk music and dance. This not only enriched the content of the poetry of the literati, but also, the combination with folk music and dance enriched and developed the forms of poetry. Some literati purposely studied folk songs and wrote words for folk tunes. The poet Liu Yuxi was most active in studying folk songs. He not only learned how to sing the local »pensive and mellow« versions of the song »Bamboo Branch« (Zhuzhi 竹枝) himself (here, he surpassed Bai Juyi, who had come in contact with the song »Bamboo Branch« earlier), but also used this tune in his writing. His topics also came from among the common people. Therefore, his multiple poems titled »Bamboo Branch Song« (竹枝词) (vol. 365 of Quantangshi) were all consistent with folk versions of the »Bamboo Branch Song,« from content to form, while also having a high level of artistry. For example:

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Red blossoms of mountain peach crowd the uplands, spring waters of Shu rivers buffet the mountains as they flow. Crimson blossoms so quickly fading, like my lover’s ardor; flowing waters so endless, like the sorrow I feel. (Second of Nine Bamboo Branch Songs, transl. by Burton Watson) Green are the willows and peaceful the river water, And on the river I hear my lover singing. In the east, the sun rises while to the west there is rain; One might say there is no sun, yet there I see the sun. (Second of Two Bamboo Branch Songs)

What is even more interesting is that the »Bamboo Branch Songs« that he wrote were accepted by the masses and were widely sung as »those that were good at singing spread them,« later becoming local »folk songs« and circulating for a long period of time. This shows that the »Bamboo Branch« lyrics created by poets received the people’s approval and were widely transmitted through singing. From this we can also see that the rise of ci (changduanju) in literary history was inextricably linked to the active participation of numerous literati. They were widely in contact with folk tunes and folk song and dance through the music and dance activities of various feasts. In close collaboration with folk singers and musicians, they used verses with regular or irregular numbers of syllables to come up with new words for songs. These song lyrics gradually developed and took form, becoming ci, a new literary form primarily with lines of irregular lengths. The booming economy and prosperous society created the conditions for the extravagant lives of the literati and scholar-officials. They were not only able to watch and enjoy music and dance performances while serving the court, the imperial family and various prefectural officials, they

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also generally kept private performers to fulfil their needs whenever they wished; because of this, private performances of music and dance developed greatly. In general, middle and lower-level officials and the wealthier literati, not to mention powerful ministers and high officials, also kept musical performers which they could enjoy to their heart’s content. Those with high official rank had flocks of performers in their homes. Bai Juyi wrote that Zhou Hao, who was also holding the post of chamberlain of royal food service, »had tens of performers in his home,« while Chancellor Li Fengji had »more than forty« performers at home. Yet he was still not satisfied; when he saw the private performer of some lower-level official, he very rudely took the performer for himself. As for the outstanding minister of the Zhongxing era, Guo Ziyi, the »first-rank minister whose merit was enough to fill the sky,« it was said that he had enough singers and dancers in his home to fill more than ten courtyards! Regular scholar-officials usually had one or two singers in their household. In addition, the households of literati and scholar-officials generally also included children who performed music, or slaves and servants who doubled as musicians, who would accompany the singers and dancers, forming highly skilled home music ensembles with their own special characteristics. When Bai Juyi served as prefectural governor of Hangzhou and Suzhou, musical performers were provided for use in the prefectural government office in both cases. After he returned to the capital, he served as president of the Directorate of the Palace Library and vice president of the Board of Justice, one after the other, in the court at Chang’an. In 829, he resigned because of illness, after which he was assigned to the eastern capital (i.  e., given a nominal post in his retirement) as visiting guest of the crown prince (a nominal advisor to the crown prince) and finally returned to Luoyang. In his later years, Bai Juyi mainly enjoyed watching his mu-

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sicians and other performers at home. These included Fan Su, who excelled at singing, and Xiao Man, who excelled at dancing. He once wrote a poem praising »Fan Su’s cherry mouth and Xiao Man’s willow waist.« In addition, he also had other female household performers with names such as »Ling« (菱), »Gu« (谷), »Zi« (紫) and »Hong« (红). The keeping of singers and musicians by literati and scholar-officials was due to the influence of the public climate of the pursuit of riches and enjoyment on the one hand; on the other hand, private performers rapidly transmitted the poems written by poets through song, providing an important channel for this. The existence of private performers was advantageous for the combination of literature with music, song and dance, and it helped the literati and scholar-officials become familiar with and understand the characteristics of music and dance, which made their poetic compositions more suited to musical performance. This had an effect on the mutual exchange and development of Tang Dynasty music and literature that cannot be underestimated. There were two different types of status among performers in private households. One was concubines, who for the most part practiced sexual skills, and whose status was a little higher; the other was common slaves. Unlike with official performers, the master had to be involved in all matters of his household performers one after the other, from organizing the group to training in skills. He had to put in a lot of effort, and sometimes even had to engage a dedicated teacher to come pass on singing and dancing skills. The literati and scholar-officials meticulously trained and molded their dancers and musicians based on their own aesthetic ideals and style of appreciation. They combined their own works with the performances of their dancers and musicians, creating a large number of excellent works of literature and performing art. At the same time, the artistic creations of the dancers and musicians

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also continually raised the artistic cultivation of the literati and scholar-officials, nourishing and advancing the creation and development of literature. In a certain sense, the literati and scholar-officials on one hand and the vast numbers of musicians and singers on the other were partners in creating the literature and performing arts of the Sui and Tang dynasties. The close collaboration between them was an important condition facilitating the flourishing and development of musical literature and the arts of music and dance. This close collaboration was nothing less than a manifestation of the inseparable link between literature on one hand and music, song and dance on the other, this pair of »twin sisters.« The social and cultural class of the literati and scholar-officials was the liveliest component of social life in the Tang Dynasty. They not only strove hard in pursuit of scholarly achievements, with the aspiration of achieving success and then bettering society, »making the ruler better than Yao or Shun [legendary sage-emperors], and then creating a custom of honesty and simplicity«; they also followed a philosophy of looking after their own hides: »when poor, cultivate oneself.« Under the leadership of the imperial family, with a luxurious and extravagant atmosphere prevalent in society, literati and scholar-officials also had many opportunities to enjoy leisurely amusements, banquets, composing poetry, writing verses on walls, appreciating music, watching dance, getting drunk, bringing performers on outings, sleeping with prostitutes, playing Go … their unrestrained nature and decadence blended together. This social class was in itself extremely rich in literary and artistic creativity, creating many new literary and artistic topics and forms and greatly enriching the forms and content of Sui and Tang music and dance. At the same time, they actively participated in the creation of court and folk art by helping, collaborating and interacting. They enabled more exchange between court and folk art and allowed the two to comple-

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ment each other, thereby continually improving and developing court and folk art. Therefore, as a channel and a bridge between these two major social and cultural levels, the palace and the common people, they did not just simply and rigidly transmit the arts in their original forms; they were not a passive mechanical medium. It was the common effort of these three different levels of music and dance culture that achieved a full flourishing culture and performing arts during the Tang Dynasty.

3. The Relationship Between Qin Zither Music and Literati Music for the qin (the seven-stringed Chinese zither) is one of a small minority of musical genres that, from ancient times all the way up to the present, has passed through many social upheavals and progressive changes and successions in cultural form without ever being cut off. It is an extremely valuable example of intangible cultural heritage in the treasury of Chinese art. In the atmosphere of the Sui and Tang, when song-anddance and variety shows were undergoing great development, and huyue and suyue were fusing in the artistic practice of pursuing lively and bustling celebrations, qin music was described as »an old sound, weak and tasteless, which do not express the feelings of people today,« and that »although old tunes were loved in the past, most people today do not play them.« However, qin music not only stubbornly survived and continued, maintaining its own little niche in the forest of Sui and Tang arts, but it also underwent major development in many aspects, and attained splendid achievements that served as a bridge between the past and the future (Fig. 5.2.4). In the music culture of the Sui, Tang and Five Dynasties, qin music mostly inherited and maintained ancient traditions. During the Sui and Tang dynasties, qin music was widely mastered by people across social classes, but the main body of qin afficionados was extremely clear: the literati and

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5.2.4  Painting, Checking the Books in the ­Northern Qi Dynasty

scholar-official class. The so-called »hermits,« as well as monks and Daoists, who could play the qin (who are often called lianshi 炼师 in poems) were mostly educated people who also belonged to the scholar class. As for qin players such as concubines who had close ties to literati and scholar-officials, they were an extension of the scholar class. In summary, it was mainly this social group that inherited and developed qin music, with its longstanding traditions, during the Sui and Tang Period. Sui Dynasty qin players were fairly outstanding in terms of composition of pieces for the qin, while Tang Dynasty players saw more development in the area of performance. Qin players would have possessed a high level of cultural cultivation, so they were generally able to exercise their talents in many aspects, such as performance, composition and theory. Xue Yijian was summoned as a qin player during the Tianbao era; over the course of his career, he played more than 340 pieces for the qin and wrote the work Secrets of the Qin (Qinjue 琴诀). He had original views on music, aesthetics and philosophy. Chen Kangshi, a qin player during the time of Xizong, was very thoughtful and developed the structure of pieces for the qin; he also compiled works of

qin music such as Correct Sounds of Shandong Narrative Form (Qinshu zhengsheng 琴书正声, in ten vol.), Qin Tunes (Qindiao 琴调, in seventeen vols.), Record of Qin Scores (Qinpu ji 琴谱记, one vol.), and Score for the Warring States Poem (Lisao pu 离骚谱, in one vol.) and »Treatise on Music« in the History of Song. Among the familiar Tang Dynasty poets and literati, there were many who loved and could play the qin—one could say it was a dominant fashion of the time. Of the poems about music in the Quantangshi, poems about the qin are the most numerous. A dozen literati who played the qin are mentioned in the Tang cai zi zhuan (唐才子 传), including Li Jilan, Zheng Qian, Kang Qia, Jia Dao, Yin Yaofan, Li Yue, Ren Fan, Fang Gan, Li Ying, Yu Wuling, Nie Yizhong and Wang Ji. But actually, the Tang Dynasty literati who liked and were able to play the qin were far and away not limited to these. The great poet Wang Wei, who once held a high official post, loved dearly to play the qin and was a renowned player. He obtained the Wangchuan Villa built by Song Zhiwen in Lantian near Chang’an, where the landscape of mountains and rivers was absolutely stunning. He and his traveling companion Pei Di »floated about on a boat, playing the qin and compos-

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ing poetry, whistling and singing all day long.« His famous poem House in the Bamboo Grove (竹里馆): Sitting alone in my hidden-away bamboo grove, I pluck my zither and sing, over and over, all day long. Deep in the forest where no one knows, The bright moon comes to look at me; we gaze at each other.

The poem has a profoundly Zen feel, painting a picture of his easy and contented circumstances while playing the qin and expressing an artistic conception of serene and hidden quiet. Other lines by Wang Wei also depict himself playing the qin: »Despondence at our separation of more than a thousand li; facing the hall, the zither calls, unaccompanied« (»Bidding Farewell to the Second Quan« 送权二); »The wind blows in the pines, and I loosen my belt; the moon shines in the mountains, and I play the zither« (»Recompensing Minister Zhang« 酬张少府); and »Pouring wine as we meet before spring waters, holding my zither and leaning at ease on a pine« (»Seven Poems of Enjoyment in the Countryside« 田园乐七首). The great poet Li Bai was also a fan of the qin. His poetry collections include quite a few poems about listening to qin music, such as: Carrying his beautiful green silk*, the monk of Shu Came from the west, down from the peak of Emei Mountain. As soon as he moved his hand over the strings for me, It was as if I heard the pines of ten thousand valleys. My heart was cleansed by »Flowing Water«; Lost sounds rang in the frosted bell. Before I knew it, dusk had descended on the jade green mountains, the autumn clouds piled up darkly. (»On Hearing Monk Jun of Shu Play the Zither« 听蜀僧濬弹琴)

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As I sit under the bright moon on a carefree night, Someone unseen plays a lone zither. Suddenly I hear the »Melody of Sorrowful Wind,« Just like the »Song of Cold Winter Wind.« »White Snow«, a flurry of fingers on the strings; »Green Water,« a clear and empty heart— Their time is already gone; No one today understands these sounds. (»Listening to Lu Zishun Play the Zither on a Moonlit Night« 月夜听卢子顺弹琴) * Translator’s note: In ancient times, many famous guqin had names. Beautiful Green Silk (Lüqi 绿绮) was one of these, and the word eventually came to mean guqin in general. Frosted Bell (Shuangzhong 霜钟) was also the name of a famous guqin.

Poets not only expressed their heartfelt experiences of qin music, but were especially familiar with the qin piece played by the monk of Shu— knowing it like the backs of their hands. What was the reason for this? It turns out that Li Bai himself not only loved qin music dearly, but also was good at playing, and could even be said to be a master. His poems reflect his especially close relationship with the qin again and again. For example, the lines »The moon above, my hands dance on stone chimes; across my knees, my lyrical zither« (»Drinking Alone« 独酌) and »Leaning on a tall pine with my zither across my knees, I lift my wine and gaze at distant mountains« (second of »Two Poems on Drinking Alone on a Spring Day« 春日独酌二首) both describe him playing the qin. He also happily played for his friends, as it says in »Answering Du Fu, When Granted a Title at Wusong Mountain« (答杜秀才五松山见赠 ): »When we meet, the music is endless; our sleeves brush the clouds as we play the zither, playing ›Flowing Spring of the Three Gorges‹.« His poem »Hidden Mountain Spring« (幽涧泉), meanwhile, is a »qin song« for singing while playing, which was later included in the chapter on »Qin Tunes and Song Lyrics« in Collection of Yuefu Lyric Poems (Yuefu shiji 乐府诗集) by Guo Maoqian of the Song Dynasty.

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Tang Dynasty literati often gave one another qin or qin accessories, such as stands, strings, cushions, stones for polishing and so on to show their friendship. In their minds, the qin was not just a common musical instrument, but was a noble, beautiful and precious symbol. Li Bai wrote the piece »In Praise of the Zither« (琴赞) for his dearly beloved qin: The parasol trees on the southern slope of Yi Mountain Tower like rocks, like the bones of heaven; Their roots are old and the streams icy, Their leaves are bitter and frosted with moonlight. Carved into beautiful green silk, Which sends forth bright and beautiful harmonics, The autumn Wind in the Pines, Forever exquisite and divine. (Vol. 28 of the Complete Collection of Li Taibai [Li Taibai quanji 李太白全集])

He praises the parasol trees (Firmiana simplex) growing on the southern slope of Yi Mountain, the raw material used for making qin, as »tower[ing] like rocks, like the bones of heaven; their roots are old and the streams icy,« and praises the sound of the qin as like the autumn wind in the pines (also a reference to the title of a piece of music), as »forever exquisite and divine.« The great poet Bai Juyi also had affection for the qin. He especially liked to play and listen to the qin and had a rather good understanding of qin music. Like Ji Kang and Tao Yuanming, the qin was his companion for life. In his poems, he wrote, »Seven strings make a good friend; my two ears know the sound« (Boating at Night with the Aid of My Zither 船夜援琴, vol. 24), and he called the qin »My longstanding companion through poverty, wherever I go« (Qin and Tea 琴茶, vol. 25) and wrote, »Together with my zither, my old companion« (Facing My Zither, Waiting for the Moon [对琴待月], vol. 26). Over and over, he expressed, »It’s my nature to enjoy silk and wood; earthly opportunities and reputation are nothing« (Enjoying Listening to the Qin [好听琴], vol. 23). After hear-

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ing the qin pieces »Stone Spring Prelude« (Shiquan yin 石泉引) and »Wind in the Pines« (Feng ru song 风入松), he wrote the lines, »The heart of the gentleman will forsake all [other] silk and bamboo [i.  e., musical instruments]« (With Shun’s Zither Player 和顺之琴者, vol. 22). His enthusiasm for the qin and for music, and song and dance, did not wane as he aged.

Section 2  Rich Diversity in Folk Music, Dance and Variety Shows The music, dance, and variety shows of the court were scintillating and splendid, and the court’s institutions for music and dance were numerous and their scale grand. They represented the highest achievements of Sui and Tang performing arts. The true mainstay of creation and performance of music and dance, however, came from the lower levels of society, from the vast numbers of common artists: the yinshengren, the yuehu, the disciples of the Pear Garden, the palace women, the musicians and so on. Their remarkable creations and performances were rooted in the deep soil of folk arts; they concentrated the richest collection of the best of the traditions of folk art and culture and the outstanding achievements of the time. Sui and Tang court music, dance and variety shows, which represent the peak of the development of Chinese music and dance, would lose their vitality as soon as they separated from folk music, which was so extensive and profound. The flourishing of the Sui and Tang court’s performing arts was inextricably linked to the solid foundation of the vital and thriving folk music, and the dance and variety shows of the time, and thus was also inextricably linked to the artistic creations of the masses. Due to the limitations of written sources, the radiance at the level of the court seems to have covered the level of folk music, dance and variety shows, but through fragmentary bits and pieces

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of records, we can still see the richly colorful nature of Sui and Tang folk music, dance and variety acts, and see the enormous artistic creativity of the common people.

1. Folk Music and Dance The ethnic and folk festivals that the masses of the Sui and Tang dynasties actively participated in were a custom and a traditional form of gathering and education that had formed in Chinese civilization over a long period. They occurred regularly, they were memorial and ethnic in nature, they were mass activities, and they were regional. These were their basic characteristics, but they also had different topics and forms. Each festival had special ceremonial activities which had differing symbolic significance, but they were all intended, through the celebration of the holiday, to ensure that each phase of the year would pass smoothly. There were festivals of sacrifice to heaven, earth, gods and other spirits and to ancestors; agricultural festivals with the customs of agricultural production as the main part; celebratory festivals to celebrate the harvest or military victories; temple festivals and other entertaining festivals which had a shamanic or religious flavor; and social entertainment festivals with songand-dance and theatre as the main event. These festivals were an important piece of traditional cultural heritage, and were an important stage for maintaining and displaying folk art and culture. They had an enormous influence and played an important role in the formation of the psychological identification and social style of the masses of a certain ethnic group or region, as well as in social interaction, exchange of feelings and fulfilling the spiritual and material needs of the masses. The common people of the Sui and Tang dynasties »loved and valued the sequence of festivals.« The celebratory activities of various Chinese traditional festivals were thoroughly passed down. From the court down to the common people, from the major cities to the countryside, participants

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were widespread and enthusiastic, and the manner was bold, unrestrained and fervent. Folk festivals, which were periodically repeated, widely absorbed various new elements; they were continually innovating even as they carried on the artistic traditions of folk song-and-dance and variety shows. On the one hand, the seasonal festivals of the Tang Dynasty maintained a large number of their traditional ceremonies and the original significance of their prayers, sacrifices, beliefs, taboos and so on; on the other hand, the entertainment quality of the festival performances became ever stronger, even leading to the formation of new celebratory activities such as the emperor’s birthday. During the Sui and Tang Period, among the seasonal festivals of the year, the last day of the first month, the third day of the third month (Double Third or Shangsi 上巳) and the ninth day of the ninth month (Double Ninth or Chongyang 重阳) were the grandest. The festival of the last day of the first month was once changed to the first day of the second month for a time, but then was later changed back to the last day of the first month. It was called the Zhonghe Festival, and it along with the Shangsi Festival and Chongyang Festival were called the three great festivals. Every Zhonghe and Shangsi Festival, whether in the palace or among the people, was a time when the most enthusiastic music and dance activities were concentrated. The Shangyuan Festival on the fifteenth day of the first month, also called »Yuanxiao Festival« or »Lantern Festival,« began during the Western Han Dynasty. On the fifteenth day of the first month in 180 BCE, important ministers such as Zhou Bo and Chen Ping accepted the mission passed down from Emperor Gaozu of Han to exterminate the Lü clan, which had seized power, and Emperor Wen of Han was thus restored to the throne. In order to celebrate, every year on the evening of the fifteenth day of the first month, Emperor Wen would leave the palace to go sightseeing. In ancient Chinese, night was called »xiao« (宵), so Emperor Wen es-

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tablished this day as the Yuanxiao Festival. It was one of the major holidays of the Han Dynasty. The Shangyuan Festival should be counted as the liveliest and most jubilant of the Sui and Tang seasonal festivals. In the third year of the Kaihuang era of the reign of Emperor Wen of Sui (583), the im­ perial censor Liu Yu presented a petition requesting that the entertainments and lantern gatherings of the common people on the night of the Shangyuan Festival be prohibited, because of the excessive cost and the mixing of men and women, old and young. He criticized how from the capital city to the outer prefectures, every year on the fifteenth of the first month, carousing and entertainment would be held, and the people would »fill the streets and clog the lanes, gather for shows and amuse themselves with friends, play drums and fill the sky with noise, light torches and illuminate the earth. People wear animal masks, men dress as women, performers sing and dance and perform acrobatics, it’s all very bizarre.« He was very dissatisfied that on the holiday, bright lanterns were everywhere, people wore odd makeup and came out in flocks to go to places like performance venues and watch music, dance and acrobatics. He also criticized people for vying to enjoy themselves, and that in their merriment they broke various boundaries with vulgar and sumptuous celebrations: [T]aking filth and rudeness as amusement, using vulgarity for laughter; people from inside [i.  e., women who needed to remain secluded] and outside watch together, not keeping their distance. High canopies straddle the road, wide curtains approach the clouds, people wear garish clothes and make-up, the ways are choked with carts and horses. Meats and spirits are on riotous display, silk and bamboo [musical instruments] gather in great numbers, everyone exhausts their funds and becomes impoverished as they compete over these things for a time. Whole families with children [come out]; there is no distinction of hierarchy, and men and women are mixed together, like not distinguishing black from white. Because of this, filthy behavior arises and thieves spring up.

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He suggested that the emperor issue an edict to »prohibit and end« these celebrations. From this, we can get a glance at the vastness of scale and the fervor of the atmosphere of the folk song-anddance and variety shows during the Shangyuan Festival. During the Tang Dynasty, on the evening of the Shangyuan Festival, every place would have carnival-like lantern gatherings and entertainment. The lantern parties in the capital city of Chang’an around the fifteenth of the first month were the liveliest and busiest. The curfew was lifted for the evening, and everyone went out to amuse themselves at night—from the imperial family and bureaucrats, to urban workers and merchants. Carts and horses rumbled everywhere, packed together, not to mention people filling the streets. The homes of princes, dukes and nobles, officials of various levels, wealthy people and rich merchants also lit lanterns in profusion, and they cavorted on horseback, competing and boasting. Those with literary abilities wrote poems and essays one after the other, recording the magnificence of the festivities. At one point, more than one hundred authors wrote such a work. Poets such as Lu Zhaolin, Cui Zhixian, Han Zhongxuan, Gao Jin, Zhang Xiaoyuan, Yuan Buyue and Wang Yin all wrote poems lauding the magnificent occasion of viewing lanterns during the Yuanxiao Festival. The poem »The Night of the Shangyuan Festival, after the Form of Xiao Yu: (上元夜效小庾体) by Cui Zhixian goes: Tonight the city gates are opened, And going with friends to shows, spring is in the air. The sound of drums sets us moving about; There are new sights everywhere we go. Many sport on horseback under the moon, And throngs of people stand before the lanterns. We have no lack of joy and music! The singing and dancing last till dawn.

This describes the music, dance and entertainment of the Yuanxiao Festival lantern parties from the point of view of a regular person. At this time, the court often organized the musicians of the

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academies of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices and the palace women to hold grand performances of music, dance and variety shows, or to »dance in the round« together with common women, to display the grandeur of the emperor and the common people sharing music and that all was right in the world. On the evening of the Shangyuan Festival in 710, Emperor Zhongzong of Tang and the empress went out to amuse themselves disguised as commoners. The palace women, several thousand of them, were also allowed to go out and view the lanterns; many palace women took advantage of the opportunity to run away. The next day, Zhongzong and the empress again went out in disguise to look at lanterns. In 713, the retired emperor Ruizong went three days in a row to view lanterns at the Anfu Gate, where a wheel of lanterns twenty zhang (丈, about 66 m) tall had been set up, decorated with brocade and silk, gold and jade. On the wheel burned fifty-thousand cup-shaped lamps; it looked like a tree of flowers in gorgeous colors. More than a thousand palace women with tops of gauze and silk, dresses of brocade and embroidery, brilliant pearls and jade, their faces powdered, along with women selected from the counties of Chang’an and Wannian danced together in the round for the officials to watch. The headdresses and shawls of the palace women alone were worth ten thousand pieces of cash each. Dressing one performer cost three hundred strings of cash. Truly one could say, »it was not necessarily the height of merriment.« Each fifteenth of the first month, Xuanzong would also go to the Qinzheng Building to »watch music performances,« and stands were also set up for the imperial family and important ministers to watch. Late in the night, he sent the palace women to sing and dance in front of the building (Miscellaneous Records of Emperor Ming, vol. 1). Regular people were allowed to watch these activities, especially the grand performances of song-and-dance and variety shows held by Xuan-

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zong in the square under the Qinzheng Building, southwest of the Xingqing Palace. Watching court performances of music, dance and variety shows became an important part of festival days for the people of Chang’an. The capital was the leading metropolitan area in the land, so naturally the grandeur of Chang’an’s lantern parties surpassed those of other areas. They were the most radiant and spectacular, yearned for by the masses everywhere. At that time, every place, even rural villages and small towns, also had lively Yuanxiao celebrations. We know from many Tang poems and various jottings that there were grand lantern-viewing occasions on the night of the Yuanxiao Festival in the eastern capital of Luoyang as well as in big, bustling cities like the strategic town of Yangzhou in Huainan. The Shangsi Festival on the third day of the third monthly is a traditional Chinese holiday dating back to ancient times. It was also called »xi« (禊) or »fuxi« (祓禊, a ceremony of purification or exorcism). In the third month of the lunar calendar, the weather would be nice, and people would go offer sacrifices by the water. They would cleanse themselves by bathing in water steeped with herbs, cleansing away sickness and bad luck. This was originally the main part of the Shangsi purification ceremony; it had a primitive sacrificial nature. During the Tang Dynasty, the court and officials still preserved the »fuxi« ceremony of the Shangsi Festival, but it was a different case among the common people. With the natural world full of vitality in springtime, evoking happy emotions, and it being a good time for outings, this holiday had already turned into an occasion for entertainment, with drinking parties, strolling outdoors and enjoying the pleasures of life as much as possible as the main activities. Within the city of Chang’an, the first and foremost place for the officials, gentry and common people to feast and amuse themselves during the Shangsi Festival and the other major festivals was

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Qujiang Pond. Qujiang Pond was located in what was originally Gaizhou during the Qin Dynasty. It was enlarged and dredged during the Kaiyuan era; then during the Kaicheng and Dahe eras it was again dredged and excavated, and became a famous scenic spot southeast of Chang’an. South of the pool were the Building of Purple Clouds and Hibiscus Park; to the west were the Apricot Garden and the Ci’en Temple. Bright and beautiful mist ringed the pool, colorful boats went back and forth on the water, and willows growing close on the banks shaded all sides; in the summer, the view was full of red lotus. Whenever the three major festivals of spring and fall came around, the feasts and amusement of the officials were mainly held there. Moreover, the festivities were largely planned and funded by the government offices of the counties of Chang’an and Wannian, and sometimes the court directly bestowed money to support the festivities. On the day of the Shangsi Festival, officials and wealthy people selected performers to bring with them; tents on the edges of the pool joined the clouds; there was a throng of people in beautiful silks, with carts and horses rumbling close together; and the roads were full of floating fragrance and fallen jade ornaments. Court ministers and poets composed poems about the scene, which were circulated around the capital the next day. The amount of feasting and merrymaking and the splendor of the poetry at Qujiang Pool at the time could be said to be unprecedented. Therefore, the feasting and strolling at Qujiang Pool during the Shangsi Festival was also a magnificent gathering of the brilliant private performers of the imperial family and high officials. It gave urban commoners a rare opportunity to observe the luxurious lives of the nobility, as well as high-level music and dance. Every year after the list of successful candidates on the imperial civil service exam was published, the new imperial graduates would hold celebratory activities at Qujiang Pool. These activities also brought the masses of Chang’an out to watch,

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such that Qujiang Pool became the best scenic spot for officials and people of Chang’an liked to come to enjoy the sights. The I Ching says that »Yang lines are [represented by] nine« (以阳爻为九); therefore the ninth day of the ninth month on the lunar calendar is called »Chongyang« (»double yang«). During the Warring States Period, this was thought to be a lucky day. After the Han Dynasty, customs of the Chongyang Festival, such as appreciating chrysanthemums, wearing sprigs of the herb zhuyu (茱萸, Cornus officinalis) in their hair or wearing pouches filled with the herb, and climbing to high places and drinking, gradually formed. The people of the Tang Dynasty liked to go on outings with friends during the clear and refreshing autumn weather of the Double Ninth. They believed that wearing pouches of zhuyu while climbing to high places could avert disaster; therefore, large numbers of people went to high places to gaze into the distance and to recite and compose poetry. Even the emperor personally led numerous officials in ascending the Giant Wild Goose Pagoda at the Ci’en Temple to survey the landscape of Chang’an, near and far, and then held a grand banquet. During the time of Xuanzong, the Chongyang Festival was an important holiday. A grand court banquet would be held, and magnificent performances of music, dance and variety shows would be held in the square under the Qinzheng Building. Wang Wei’s poem »Thinking of My Brothers in Shandong on the Ninth Day of the Ninth Month« (九月九日忆山东兄弟) is the best known: Alone as a stranger in a strange town, Missing dear ones twice as much when a joyous festival comes around. Far off, I know my brothers are climbing high; Missing one of their number as they tuck sprigs of herbs in their hair in turn.

The poet, alone away from home, makes use of the occasion to express how he misses his brothers as they gather together and climb the heights

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during the Chongyang Festival. He also reveals an important reason why people of the Tang Dynasty »loved and valued the sequence of festivals«: because of »missing dear ones twice as much when a joyous festival comes around.« That is, each holiday strengthened people’s tender feelings for family and home. In addition to important festivals such as Shangsi and Chongyang, widely popular festivals included the Cold Food Festival, the Qingming Festival, the Dragon Boat Festival and the Qixi Festival; these were also days of concentrated displays of folk activities. During the Tang Dynasty, these festivals each had their own special activities, such as the taboo against fire and the offering of new fire during the Cold Food Festival, and tomb-sweeping during the Qingming Festival. However, most of them were also accompanied by outings and entertaining song and dance activities. Specific festival activities were often combined with springtime walks, swinging, tug-of-war, games of cuju (蹴鞠, an ancient Chinese form of soccer), cockfighting, flying kites, climbing to high places and other enjoyable activities. At the same time, from the palace to the common people, it was common to take advantage of the holiday to hold various gatherings and feasts. In addition to the major and minor seasonal celebrations that were practiced throughout the country, each area also had some of their own unique festivals. Every year on the fifth day of the fifth month, traditional dragon boat races were held in the Jingchu and Jiangnan areas. In writings from the Tang Dynasty, this was generally also a grand occasion with song and dance, and wind and string music. Among the common people of Jiangnan, there was also the custom of festivals where the statue of a deity was carried in a procession. The people of the Liangzhou area, meanwhile, had a special festival for sacrificing to the god Yueqi. Whether praying for rain, or making sacrifices for silk, it was by no means an isolated practice.

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The traditional folk songs and dances associated with worshipping and sacrificing to deities in various areas were mostly related to agricultural production. They had fairly prominent regional characteristics and characteristics unique to the line of work, and reflected primitive folk religious beliefs and ancient folk customs. These songs and dances used for worshipping deities originally mainly served to »make the god happy,« but as they were passed down over a long period among the people, to a large extent they also doubled as »making people happy« or even became mainly entertainment. They generally also included song, dance and music competitions. These type of folk singing gatherings can still be seen today in the northwestern and southwestern regions among both the Han and ethnic minorities. Shamanistic and sacrificial music and dance, which was related to primitive folk beliefs and shamanistic worship, was also very prevalent during the Sui and Tang Period. Female shamans would dance and sing to carry out ceremonies of welcoming gods or sending household gods to heaven to report to the Jade Emperor, with the accompaniment of instruments such as drums and xiao flutes. Some of these female shamans who practiced song and dance also walked through villages and towns, playing a xiao flute or beating a drum, which had a definite effect on the dissemination of folk music and dance. In addition to this, the music and dance associated with everyday customs, with the music and dance of wedding and funeral ceremonies as a representative form, as well as other folk songs and dances, were also an important part of folk music and dance. Also, as cities developed during the late Tang Dynasty, activities such as music, dance, variety shows, acrobatics and the theatre of urban commoners also became more abundant. Each age has its own popular culture and arts. During the Tang Dynasty, there were many popular songs, pieces of music, and dances; different periods had different representative works

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that were popular. Vol. 1 of Notes from the Court and the Country (Chaoye qianzai 朝野佥载) says: »After the Yonghui era of Emperor Gaozong of Tang, everyone was singing »Song of Charming Lady Wu« (Wu meiniang ge 武媚娘歌) and in the Longshuo era of Emperor Gaozong, people sang a song called »Turkic Salt« (Tujue yan 突厥盐). The »Biographies of Imperial Wives and Concubines« from the Old Book of Tang records that in the spring of the second year of the Jinglong era, Jiaye Zhizhong presented a petition to the emperor saying: »Before Zhongzong received the mandate of heaven, everyone sang ›Prince Ying of Shizhou‹« (Yingwang shizhou 英王石州). The An Lushan Affair (An lushan shiji 安禄山事迹) by the Tang Dynasty writer Yao Runeng, meanwhile, says that during the Kaiyuan and Tianbao eras of Emperor Xuanzong of Tang, »of court tunes, ›The Turkic God‹ [Tujue shen 突厥神] was much played among the people.« Just about every era had many such popular ballads, although they are not listed one by one. Folk songs also saw a great deal of development during the Sui and Tang Period. By the Tang Dynasty, the word »shan ge« (山歌, lit. mountain songs) had appeared, referring to folk songs in general. »Mountain songs« were mainly work songs. During the Sui and Tang Period, the court and Imperial Music Bureau did not organize a dedicated section for collecting and recording mountain songs, but through the fragmentary writings of literati and scholar-officials, we can understand the breadth of their distribution. In addition to mountain songs, there were also many other types of folk song, such as the so-called field songs, fishing songs, woodcutter’s songs, rowing songs, lotus-picking songs, water-chestnut-gathering songs and planting songs. An example of a rowing song, or boat song, is the previously mentioned »Fisherman’s Song« (Ainai qu 欸乃曲). The »Lotus-picking Song« (Cailian ge 采莲歌) was usually sung by women while they were working; the songs sung by women pick-

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ing lotuses while they were working were called lotus-picking songs. Field songs included the »Planting Song« (Chatian ge 插田歌). Liu Yuxi was demoted and sent to Lianzhou (administering Lian County, Lianshan, Yangshan etc. in modern Guangdong), where he heard farmers singing while transplanting rice seedlings and then wrote »Planting Song.« The local planting songs were sung in the local dialect and were humorous and interesting. The lyrics would have included improvisational elements and parts where the farmers joked with or teased each other. The folk songs of the Guangxi region still, to this day, retain this characteristic of singers mocking each other. Some of the literati studied and imitated folk songs in their creative works, enriching and developing the subject matter and form of literature. For example, Ba Juyi’s »Twenty Rhymes to Poplar and Willow Branch« (杨柳枝二十韵), »Remembering Jiangnan« (忆江南) and »Waves Dredging Sand« (浪淘沙), and Liu Yuxi’s »Boat Race Song« (竞渡曲), »Waves Dredging Sand« and »Song of the Pounding Tide« (踏潮歌), all obtained their subject matter and form from folk songs. In addition, by their own creation and refinement, the literati raised the literary and artistic level of the folk songs they worked on, directly serving the art of folk songs. Some of these works were welcomed and accepted by the masses; they were widely transmitted through song, ultimately becoming an organic component of folk song themselves. The nine poems called Bamboo Branch that Liu Yuxi composed in Sichuan were precisely song lyrics that he actively composed for the folk song »Bamboo Branch.« He »caused good singers to spread them« so that his work directedly served the art of the folk song and entered into the repertoire of folk songs. His lyrics had very high literary and artistic value; they were welcomed and accepted by the masses and ultimately melded into the repertoire of folk songs, and they circulated in the area for a long time. During the late Tang, the renowned folk artist Liu Caichun was good

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at singing the »Luogong Tune« (Luogong qu 啰唝 曲). He once selected and sang 120 poems written by talents of time to this tune. These examples strongly show that a positive interactive relationship existed between literati composition and folk singing, where the two complemented each other and mutually advanced one another. From the Tang Dynasty, the venues where variety shows and song-and-dance were performed began to be called xichang (戏场, lit. place of performance). Grand xichang were organized and erected by the court. Later these may have been relatively fixed, but they may not have had any special architecture or facilities such as a stage or railing; these performance venues were open areas where some sort of performance space was temporarily put up. Later, xichang proliferated even among the common people, and they also gradually formed into relatively concentrated and fixed performance venues. The types of music, dance and variety shows performed also subdivided further and became more pronounced. In addition to xichang, names such as »gechang« ( 歌场, lit. place of singing), »wuchang« (舞场, lit. place of dancing) and »bianchang« (变场, place for performing bianwen) also were used, perhaps emphasizing the performance of singing, dancing and bianwen. The locations and forms of early folk performance venues for theatre, singing, dancing and so on also may not have been that fixed. From the mid to late Tang Dynasty, the theatrical venues and songand-dance venues in big cities gradually became fixed or at least relatively fixed. For example, they came to be in wide open public spaces such as Buddhist and Daoist temples, or clamorous spots in city marketplaces. The forms and content of the performances also became more attractive. Many artists also formed traveling troupes, wandering the countryside and towns and cities, and performing on the spot in various places. In 767, the poet Du Fu saw twelve women who were disciples of Lady Gongsun performing the Sword

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Dance (Jianqi wu 剑器舞) in Kuifu (modern-day Fengjie, near Chongqing), whereupon he wrote the famous poem »Watching the Disciples of Lady Gongsun Perform the Sword Dance« (观公孙大娘 弟子舞剑器行). In the poem, he recalled seeing Lady Gongsun performing the Sword Dance in Yancheng in Henan (today Yancheng County in Henan) in 717, when he was young. Reportedly the Tang Dynasty calligrapher Zhang Xu, who was famous for his grass script, often saw Lady Gongsun perform the dance Western River Sword (Xihe jianqi 西河剑器) in Yecheng (modern-day Anyang County in Henan); he was inspired by the »fluid and floating cadence« of her dance, and his calligraphy advanced greatly. The early performances of Lady Gongsun and later the performances of her disciples would have been as folk performers, roaming the towns and countryside, going from place to place and performing on the spot. These roaming folk performers also went into wine shops and restaurants to perform music and dance for customers, accompanying their meals and urging them to drink (Fig. 5.2.5). The »music garrison« facilities set up in the defense commands and military garrisons of the Sui and Tang dynasties attracted much attention, and were among the important sources of song, dance and music in the military. During the Tang Dynasty, processional singing was prevalent in the military. For example, in the early Tang Dynasty, the basic training of the garrison militia consisted of shooting and song. Officers and soldiers both had to learn flags and drums, in order to be able to distinguish commands conveyed thereby, and also had to learn songs, in order to drum up morale. One famous and popular tune of the Tang period was »Echo« (Huibo yue 回波乐), also called »Troops Arriving« (Xiabing ci 下兵词). A lyric handed down from the early Tang period, it goes, »The sons of soldiers have a duty to exhort and to warn,« and this remains as a vestige of the songs of the soldiers and officers of the military garrisons. Frontier soldiers loudly singing vic-

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5.2.5 Blue and white porcelain brush pot depicting Lady Gongsun performing a sword dance, collection of the Palace Museum

tory songs in procession was an existing custom in the military since ancient times; in addition, it also showed that the army’s processional songs were closely related to folk songs and often used the turns of phrase of the populace. At the same time, ballads from the army delivered an endless wellspring of subject matter and source material for Tang Dynasty songs. Besides »Prince Qin Smashes Through the Battle Formation,« pieces such as »Destroying the Southern Barbarians« (Po nanman 破南蛮), »Bringing Order to the Western Border« (Ding xifan 定西蕃), »Pacifying the Border Area« (Pingfan 平蕃), »Putting Down the Disturbance« (Ding fengbo 定风波) and »Bringing Peace to the Frontier« (Tai bianchui 泰边陲), recorded in Record of the Royal Academy as part of the repertoire of the Royal Academy were largely also produced through a similar route, as their names imply. In addition to the abovementioned

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processional songs that were sung in unison by a group, satirical songs that criticized and made fun of the mediocrity and incompetence of commanding generals were also produced in the military of the Tang Dynasty. But even more, the songs of officers and soldiers lamented the desolate environment beyond the Great Wall, the hardships of life in the army, and the forlornness of soldiers on campaign missing their wives, expressing their dissatisfaction with many successive years of military service in the garrisons. Songs such as »Lamenting the Battlefield« (Tan jiangchang 叹疆场), »Lying in Heaps of Sand« (Wo shadui 卧沙堆), »Complaining of Yellow Sand« (Yuan huangsha 怨黄沙), »Complaint of Distant Lands« (Xiafang yuan 遐方怨), »Complaining of Days in the Northwest« (Yuan hutian 怨胡天) and »Broken Bowstring« (Duan gongxian 断弓弦), recorded in Record of the Royal Academy, would be representative examples of such songs. After artistic refinement by the performers and musicians of the Academy, the ballads of soldiers and officers from the lower levels of society might be performed in the palace. The complaints and laments of soldiers in remote areas and people of lower status thus flowed abundantly into the ears of the higher levels and rulers of the High Tang. This was a very interesting phenomenon. Some well-known poems by Tang Dynasty poets depict pieces of instrumental music that spread among the officers and soldiers while also being widely popular among the common people. For example, Wang Zhihuan’s renowned »Liangzhou Poem« (凉州词) goes: »Why must the Qiang flute plaintively play Poplar and Willow? The spring wind does not come through the Yumen Pass.« The Poplar and Willow mentioned in the poem is a piece for the Qiang flute. Li Bai also wrote about the popularity of this piece of music in the army in »At the Border« (塞下曲): »In May, the Tianshan Mountains are snowy; no flowers here, only bitter cold. I hear a flute playing Broken Willow, but have not yet seen the spring.« Poplar and Willow

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and Broken Willow both refer to Broken Poplar and Willow (Zhe yangliu 折杨柳), originally a Han Dynasty piece for the transverse flute. From the Liang to the Tang Dynasty, words to Broken Poplar and Willow composed by poets were mostly songs about emotions at parting. It was not only taken up in the army to express homesickness and melancholy, but was also widely popular inside China and was familiar among the masses. In »Hearing a Flute on a Spring Night in Luoyang« (春夜洛城 闻笛), Li Bai writes: »Someone plays a jade flute, the sound flits through the dark; the spring wind scatters it through the city. This night, hearing the tune of Broken Willow, who can’t but feel thoughts of home arise?« We can see that this tune had also spread widely in the eastern city of Luoyang. It is mentioned in the famous lines from many Tang poets; it was one of the major subjects of Tang Dynasty »frontier poetry.« Army officers used instruments such as the Qiang flute, reed pipe, pipa lute and transverse flute to express the homesick feelings caused by being stationed in a garrison for a long time, unable to return home. The pipa was extremely common during the Tang Dynasty. It was another musical instrument that was often seen and heard in the military. »The pipa plays tunes of the border; the transverse flute breaks men’s hearts.« This is a very concise summary of these two popular instruments in the army and their representative tunes. In the military garrisons, there was also a form of music, dance and theatre that is worth noting: besides the music garrisons formed of musicians and song-and-dance performers, there were also acrobatics and variety shows strung together and performed by the soldiers themselves, who were called »military performers« (junling 军伶) or »performing soldiers« (changzu 倡卒). During the time of Emperor Yizong of Tang, there were soldiers who performed puppet shows among the troops of the rebel Pang Xun. The reason why variety acts and acrobatics were so prevalent in the army during the late Tang and why they often

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attracted the emperor to come watch had a lot to do with these soldiers also being good at music, dance and theatrical performance. In this way, the existence and liveliness of the military performers and performing soldiers, with their abundant performing talents, enriched the cultural life of military garrisons.

2. Other Urban Music and Dance Scenes One of the main characteristics of urban music and dance in the Sui and Tang dynasties was the popularity of hu styles and music, which originated from peoples outside China, especially from the northwest. Chang’an at the time was a world metropolis, gathering together a large number of visitors from all directions, setting off periods of »hu style« in the Central Plains. At the time, there were a large number of huren, or ethnic minorities, from the northwestern border areas of China as well as people from various states in Central Asia, South Asia, East Asia, Southeast Asia and even Western Asia, all living in Chang’an. In 631 alone, when the Tang regime defeated the eastern Turks, at least ten thousand families of Turkic nobility—a hundred thousand people—were installed in Chang’an. There were also a large number of Sogdians from the Western Regions, and students from various countries. At the time, there were close to ten thousand students from abroad admitted into the Directorate of Education and the Grand Academy. More than seventy diplomatic missions also came to offer tribute and improve relations, including ones with a huge array of people, such as Japan’s envoys to the Sui and Tang. These diplomatic missions formed a grand scene of »officials of ten thousand countries bowing to the emperor.« Buddhist monks from the Western Regions and from India built temples and monasteries in Chang’an and various places across the Central Plains, and other foreign religions, such as Manicheanism, Nestorian Christianity, Zoroastrianism and Islam, also each established places of worship and transmitted their teachings. From

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5.2.6  Figurine of a foreign female entertainer riding a horse

the Northern Dynasty onward, the situation on the Silk Road was one where »foreign merchants peddling their wares hurry through the border every day«; during the Tang Dynasty, wine shops, jewelry shops, medicine shops and other shops set up by foreign merchants and physicians were spread throughout the cities of Chang’an and Luoyang (Fig. 5.2.6). There were also large numbers of people of ethnic minorities and from foreign countries living in cities such as Luoyang, Yangzhou and Guangzhou. They brought with them arts and customs such as music, dance, acrobatics, Buddhist doctrine, medicine, calendric systems, languages, architecture, horsemanship and so on—which were full of their own ethnic and regional characteristics. After long periods of integration and mixing, many of these people ultimately melded into Sui and Tang society, where they made active contributions in politics, the economy, the military, science, culture, art and other areas. Sui and Tang society tolerated and absorbed various arts from outside with a broad and open mindset. The cultures of ethnic minorities and foreign lands had a huge influence in Chang’an. People fancied foreign food, foreign wine, foreign dishes, foreign fruits, foreign clothing, foreign hats, foreign shoes, foreign makeup and foreign accessories. The customs of foreign lands were also transmitted into the Central Plains, such as the custom of group music and dance called

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Pohan huxi (泼寒胡戏, lit. »the hu game of splashing in the cold«) which was popular in places like Chang’an. It was held in the cold of the twelfth lunar month, and came from the Western Regions. At the appointed time, the people of big cities would wear brocaded and embroidered »hu clothing,« form into so-called »huntuo squadrons« (huntuo dui 浑脱队), assume military-like formations on horseback, and chase each other around to the sound of drums and music. Many people bared their bodies, jumped around enthusiastically, and splashed water for fun; it was very lively. »Huntuo« was a word originating from the northwestern tribes, which meant a pouch filled with air. It came to mean the air-filled pouches of hats and clothing from the northwestern region, and musicians and dancers wearing such clothes also came to be called huntuo. Splashing water in the winter, »begging for cold,« is also a mixture of the customs of several holidays of places like Samarkand, Kucha and Gaochang. The song and dance of this game is also called Sumozhe (苏莫遮), probably originating from a song sung during the games of Pohan huxi. There were also a large number of nameless foreign musicians and dancers who were active among the common people, such as foreign female performers from Central Asia, Western Asia and the eastern Roman Empire. As singers, dancers and maids, they were primarily active in the wine shops and inns in the area of Chang’an— from the eastern Chunming Gate to the Qujiang Pool. They were heartily welcomed by the people of Chang’an. Hu music and dance held an overwhelming position from the High Tang until the late Tang Dynasty. Among the »innumerable songs and ten thousand dances« of the Tang Dynasty, dances from abroad such as Whirling Barbarian, Barbarian Leap and Mulberry Branch were the most widely known; they were widely popular both at court and among the common people.

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The Barbarian Leap Dance came from Chach (modern Tashkent, Uzbekistan). The dancers were mostly foreign performers with »skin like jade and noses like awls.« They wore pointed Central Asian-style caps with pearls sewn on and »hu jackets« with narrow sleeves. The steps of the dance mainly consisted of leaping with hurried and varied kicks and stamps. There were also movements such as placing the hands behind the back or on the hips, bending forward or doing bridges, and the music was quick and lively. A mural of music and dance in the Tang Dynasty tomb of Su Sixu in Xi’an shows nine musicians performing and one Central Asian dancer with deep-set eyes, a high-profile nose, and full beard, dancing. Very likely what it depicts are the movements and postures of the Barbarian Leap Dance. A yellow-glazed porcelain flask bottle excavated from the Tang Dynasty tomb of Fan Cui in Anyang, Henan also shows similar dancing postures, and similarly has certain characteristics of the Barbarian Leap Dance. The Mulberry Branch Dance was a paired dance performed by two young women accompanied by drums and singing. A large number of pieces of music and dance were transmitted from the Western Regions to the Central Plains. Among the multiple performing divisions of the Sui and Tang courts, there was music from India, Kucha, Samarkand, Bukhara, ­Gaochang and so on, which all came from the Western Regions. Instruments from the Western Regions such as the pipa and Qiang flute were brought into the interior of China one after another. Of the various types of drums, five-stringed lutes (pipa), ancient harps (konghou 箜篌) and cymbals, some gradually became the most popular and the most representative musical instruments. For example, the pipa had already become one of the most expressive solo instruments of the Sui and Tang dynasties. During the early Tang Dynasty, Pei Shenfu (also known as Pei Luo’er) first did away with using a plectrum and changed

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to playing by hand, which had important significance on the development of playing technique for the pipa. It is worth noting that Sui and Tang Culture did not simply pursue music and dance from abroad, such as huyue; the open-minded people of the Tang Dynasty strove to draw from the outstanding achievements of music and dance from abroad, while also skillfully mixing and combining it with their traditional culture—manifesting the enormous power of choice and of the assimilation of Chinese culture. The traditional performing arts of China were not obliterated by huyue; and not long after, the artistic vitality of ancient traditions would be manifested through the comprehensive art form of theatre during the Five Dynasties and the Song and Yuan dynasties. Using the pipa as an example, while many outstanding performers from the Western Regions fully developed their own talents, the musicians of the interior hardly took this lying down; they also attained splendid achievements. In »Song of the Pipa« (琵琶引), Bai Juyi strives to describe a female pipa player who was an outstanding performer and who previously »was a famous member of the first division of the Royal Academy,« and the pipa-playing monk Duan Shanben who defeated the best in the land, Kang Kunlun, in a »music battle« in the East and West Markets of Chang’an. They were all musicians from the interior of China, and they fully manifested the incomparable ability of Tang Dynasty culture to absorb influences, as well as its innovations. As China and other countries and regions learned and borrowed from each other, and through outward cultural exchange, the splendid culture and arts of the Sui and Tang dynasties also radiated and spread widely in all directions, advancing the collective cultural development of the surrounding areas and countries. One of the main forms of performance of urban music and dance was the music, song and dance of wine shops and restaurants.

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The custom of drinking was lively and vigorous during the Sui and Tang dynasties. Among surviving Tang poems, a large number of poems about drinking strongly reflect this prominent feature of society and life at that time. Drinking made people excited, incited the feelings of poets, and promoted the composition of poetry. Li Bai had »one hundred poems about drinking competitions,« and as for Bai Juyi, »of his 2,800 poems, nine hundred are about drinking wine.« Wine shops and restaurants were widely distributed in Chang’an and in cities and towns around the country, especially in the East and West Markets of Chang’an, where the wine shops were most concentrated and also the most famous. Wine shops not only provided various food and drink, but they also often had music, song and dance to liven things up; and they also allowed people to write poetry on the walls, which provided a convenient way to expand the dissemination of one’s poetry. For these reasons, they were another important venue for literary composition and music and dance activity, as well as for inducing the combination of literature with music and dance. Wine shops, especially those established by foreign business owners, usually organized their own music, dance and singing performances and kept their own performers. At the time, trade and commerce between the interior of China and the Western Regions, Central Asia, India and other places was quite frequent. In addition to trading in precious stones and miscellaneous goods, wine shops were one of the main lines of business that foreigners practiced in China. The wine shops run by foreign business owners often had foreign female performers performing song and dance to draw customers, and they attracted numerous literati and youth from wealthy families to patronize these businesses. There are many depictions of this in Tang poetry, and Li Bai’s poems mention it over and over. For example:

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East of the Golden City, a youth from the great houses passes through the spring wind in a silvered saddle, on a white horse. Where to go when all the fallen blossoms have been treaded? Laughing, he enters a wine shop, where a woman from beyond the Great Wall sings. (second of »Two Poems About a Youth« [少年行二首], vol. 6 of Complete Collection of Li Taibai)

These lines mention a wine shop in Luoyang. Lines from another poem, »Where could we part? The Green Silk Gate of Chang’an. A singer from the west beckons, hands empty, inviting us to get drunk from golden bottles« (first of »Two Poems Bidding Farewell to Pei Tunan, Ranked Eighteenth, on his Return to Mount Song« 送裴十八图 南归嵩山二首) mention a wine shop in Chang’an, but the poem also describes the song and dance of a foreign female performer. These descriptions also show that these techniques for soliciting customers, »hu performers selling wine« and »hu performers urging customers to drink,« were a part of the commercial and cultural landscape which epitomized the times in bustling cities like Chang’an and Luoyang. It was also an important force driving the flourishing of the »hu style« in Chang’an and other cities. These wine shops did not just have singing and dancing, but also highly skilled small ensembles, which performed huyue and »hu dance« with strong ethnic and regional characteristics: A singer from the west at a wine shop in spring; Strings and reeds tinkle in the night. Red serge spread under the new moon, Her sable coat is lightly frosted. First a jade dish with chopped carp, And in the golden cauldron, mutton is cooking. The customers, freed from toil, at leisure Listen to the girl sing Generations of Music. (He Chao, »To a Western Singer at a Wine Shop« [赠酒店胡姬], Quantangshi vol. 117)

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This wine shop has spread out a beautiful carpet, there are dishes of precious materials containing fine foods, and performers put on song and dance during the feast. The song being sung, Generations of Music, is the same as the famous dance from the Western Regions, Green Waist (Lüyao 绿腰). From the high Tang Dynasty on, song and dance performances were commonly used in the feasts of the scholar class. Starting in the late Tang Dynasty, there were changes in the style of music and dance at feasts: dance gradually gave way to song, the frantic and hurried music style gradually gave way to a mellow and relaxed style, and the old huyue tunes gradually gave way to new popular tunes from the south. This was the result of trends such as the southward shift of the cultural center and the rise of the arts of the literati at the time. It was also inextricably linked to the new flourishing of the southern economy and culture, especially in Jiangnan. Another important manifestation of urban music and dance was the music and dance provided at brothels. Commercial pleasure houses already existed in ancient times. In the Sui and Tang capitals, Chang’an and Luoyang, as well as big cities such as Yangzhou, Yizhou, Hangzhou and Guangzhou, pleasure houses became more developed as the economies of the cities flourished. They were public places of enjoyment for regular officials and urban commoners, and became an important aspect of a luxurious life at the time. In the pleasure houses of the Tang Dynasty, the arts of music, song, dance, and drinking games were an important part of the entertainment provided. They had a sizeable impact on the experience of music and dance of the urban commoners, and they also played an important role in the development of the arts of music and dance during that time period as well as the transmutation of the mainstream of performing arts from the late Tang to the Song Dynasty. During the Sui and Tang Period, the two characters »伎« and »妓« (both pronounced »ji« and

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meaning »performer« or »performance«) were connected, but their meanings were not entirely the same. »伎« could mean the same thing as » 技« (»ji,« skill), so writing »伎艺« or »伎能« was the same as writing »技艺« or »技能« (»jiyi« and »jineng,« both meaning »skill, ability«). »伎« could also refer to a music division, such as the court’s seven performing divisions (qi buji 七部伎), nine performing divisions (jiu buji 九部伎), seated and standing performing divisions (zuoli buji 坐立部 伎) and so on. In these cases, »伎« could not be replaced with »妓.« Moreover, »伎« could include men and women, so male and female performers would collectively be called »changji« (倡伎). The musicians of the Royal Academy of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices were also called yueren (乐人) or yinshengren. The character »妓,« meanwhile, referred specifically to women. During the Sui and Tang dynasties, »妓« mostly referred to female performers of song and dance, including the female performers of the palace, officials, and private residences. It basically meant a female music performer. The »女妓« (nüji), »妓« and »妓女« (jinü)—all meaning »female performer«—of that time were also called changnü (倡女) and changji (倡妓). They primarily provided performances for the palace, government offices and society as a whole using their expert artistic skills, very different from the later meaning of these words (i.  e., prostitute). Of course, it was hard for female performers in the palace and in private residences to avoid being made the playthings of the imperial family and officials. During the late Tang Dynasty, even the female performers of the Royal Academy and of local government offices might also take part in the sex trade. Moreover, commercial prostitutes offering a good time had always existed in society. In later generations, appellations such as »jinü,« »changji« (娼妓) and »changfu« (娼妇) came to carry clearly negative connotations, meaning women who make their living with their bodies, prostituting themselves. However, all the way up to the Ming and Qing dynasties, singing

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and theatrical performance skills remained important skills that courtesans had to possess and had to study, starting when they were young. The ability and knowledge of music performers primarily meant their familiarity with drinking games, their ability to come up with catchy phrases and other forms of poetry and prose, and their talent at singing and dancing. Because of their rigorous training, and also the fact that talented performers often interacted with first-rate literati and scholars, such as imperial graduates or provincial-level graduates of the civil service examination, the abilities of performers in the north were more prominent compared to the performers in government offices in other areas. There were also entertainment houses or independent performers in the other wards of Chang’an, such as Huo Xiaoyu, who lived in the Shengye Ward. Although they were changji (performers/courtesans), the performers of entertainment houses mostly came from good families but had sold themselves because their families were impoverished, or were abducted by unscrupulous individuals and sold into the performing profession. However, their status was not so low; they were different from slaves and servants of the jianmin class, and also from the musicians of the academies, who had been born into the jianmin class or had been debased because they were the wives or children of criminals or traitors. Performers had few ways out of their situation: aside from a minority who became foster mothers, most were reduced to becoming performers in private homes, with a small number escaping by marrying and becoming someone’s wife or concubine. In other areas and cities, the performers in government offices were quite active, while privately operated entertainment houses were not as developed as those of Chang’an. But there were still many renowned brothels of which records can be seen, such as Sanhua Lou in Chengdu Prefecture, Xunfeng Lou and Lüsha Ting in Hezhong Prefec-

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ture, Shangxin Ting in Yangzhou, Xiyang Lou in Zhenzhou, Qianyan Lou in Runzhou and so on. The scholar class of the Tang Dynasty glorified being free and easy, accomplished but unconventional, and this attitude greatly pushed forward the development of the music and dance culture of female performers. Brothels and entertainment houses developed a great deal during the late Tang; toward the end of the Tang Dynasty, the word »qinglou« (青楼), previously a word for fine houses painted blue or green, also gradually came to refer to entertainment houses or brothels specifically. In his poem »Dispelling Sorrow« (遣怀), Du Mu recalls: »Sick and tired of my life in Jiangnan, cup of wine in hand; the dancer’s waist so slim, she could dance on the palm of my hand. Asleep for ten years, dreaming of Yangzhou, where among the blue houses, I was the fickle one.« This suffices to show the extremely close relationship between literati and the singers and dancers of entertainment houses during the late Tang. In addition to entertainment houses and wine shops, the private entertainers kept by common wealthy merchants were also an indispensable force in worldly music and dance. During the Sui and Tang dynasties, there was frequent economic exchange between China and the outside world; the commercial economies and the merchant class in the cities and towns were continually growing. During the Tang Dynasty, commerce included more than two hundred lines of business, and there were leading merchants in each line; they amassed large amounts of wealth and propelled forward the luxury and liveliness of social life. The merchants who were as rich as princes had private entertainers, and these were not rare examples, nor were they limited to large cities such as Chang’an. Before the high Tang Dynasty, scholars were called qingliu (清流, lit. pure flow), and if they became officials, they were called qingzi guan (清资官, officials with pure income). They were not allowed to also run commercial businesses.

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Craftsmen and merchants were considered lowly professionals, and only a very small number of people from among them achieved low-ranking official titles. Starting from the mid-Tang, however, wealthy merchants were able to embark on official careers with the help of the eunuchs; and officials also began to run businesses. After this, the convergence of officials and merchants became more prevalent, and the music and dance entertainment of wealthy merchants also gradually began to emulate those of bureaucratic officials (Fig. 5.2.7). At the time there was also a saying, »Yangzhou, the first; Yizhou, the second,« which meant that outside the two capitals, Yangzhou and Chengdu (Chengdu was the seat of the province of Yizhou) were the first and second most marvelous cities. The large numbers of rich merchants in these two areas were so fervent in their pursuit of music and dance that they made no distinction between good or bad. The traveling troupe formed by renowned artist Liu Caichun and others in the late Tang Dynasty was good at performing adjutant plays, and Liu Caichun was good at singing songs such as the Luogong Tune and Watching for My Husband (Wangfu ge 望夫歌). One of Liu Caichun’s specialties was singing Watching for My Husband; and listeners were moved to tears. The lyrics went: »I like not the Qinhuai River, and hate the boats on the river even more. They carried my son and husband away; it has been years and years.« And also: »Do not become a merchant’s wife, flipping gold hairpins to divine his return. Every dawn, I gaze at the mouth of the river, mistaking other boats for his.« The content of the lyrics reflected the lives of merchants and fit the tastes of traveling merchants, which was why they were able to move so many city-dwellers. It was not accidental that Liu Caichun was good at singing such songs, because the troupe itself came from »the sides of the Huai River,« that is, from the Yangzhou area. The third volume of Li Zhao’s Supplement to the State History of the Tang says that there wasn’t a

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5.2.7 The amusements of women of the wealthy class during the Tang Dynasty

county or city in the southeast that didn’t have a waterway, and all of the goods and profit under heaven relied on boats. Although there was the saying among the people that »the water can’t carry ten thousand,« which is to say that big ships couldn’t pass over the »eight or nine thousand stones,« people still built huge ships in order to guard against storms and large waves. The largest ships belonged to the female ship owner, Yu Da-

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niang. The sailors lived, died and had their families with them on the ships. Yu Daniang employed several hundred sailors to operate her ships, as far south as Jiangxi and north to Huainan, with abundant profit. The Supplement to the State History of the Tang also points out: »All large boats were necessarily owned by rich merchants. Servants and slaves who presented song and music to the merchants lived in the lower aft section of the ship, underneath the stern; evidently it was a great secret among them.« We can see that many of the large private boats of the wealthy were equipped with performers of music, song, and dance to satisfy their desires for entertainment at any moment.

3. The Influential Buddhist and Daoist Music and Dance of the Sui and Tang Dynasties The prime example of Sui and Tang suyue which saw great achievements and had a major influence was Buddhist music. Buddhist temples in the Sui and Tang dynasties highly valued the role of religious music. As Buddhism flourished during the Tang Dynasty, Buddhist music saw great development, and gradually a Buddhist music system adapted to the Central Plains was established. Under the influence of the thriving Buddhist activities of the Sui and Tang dynasties, Buddhist music that took on features of the Central Plains also spawned many new forms of shuochang storytelling, driving forward the overall flourishing of Sui and Tang music culture. The system of Chinese Buddhist music that formed during the Tang Dynasty was largely made up of three components: hymns used in the recitation of sutras in temples, and public sermons on scripture; proselytizing music using in teaching and preaching (sujiang); and popular Buddhist tunes used in Buddhist celebrations and the performance activities of Buddhist temples. They had different scopes of application. While they all originated from the Western Regions, and Buddhist practitioners continually strove to incorporate el-

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ements of the folk music of the Central Plains, the extent to which the three types of Buddhist music were adapted to the Central Plains differed due to the differences in venues and audience. Buddhist hymns originated in India. These consisted of songs praising the achievements and virtues of the various Buddhas and were performed during Buddhist ceremonies accompanied by wind and string instruments. In China, these ensemble sung chants were divided into two types, zhuandu (转读, the recitation of sutras) and fanbai (梵呗, Buddhist chants). The reason was that Buddhist sutras had been translated and their texts had become even more disorganized, while the Buddhist verses used for chants had taken forms of five or six syllables. The first Buddhist hymns appeared in the Central Plains in the Three Kingdoms Period. When Zhi Qian, a translator of Buddhist scripture of Yuezhi ancestry, arrived in the interior of China and disseminated Sung Chants for Śakra Accompanied by Qin Music (Dishi yuerenban zheqin gebai 帝释乐人般遮琴歌呗), he was the first to advocate Buddhist music in China. After that, the music of Buddhist chants actively absorbed elements from the music of various places and ethnic groups in China. The music of the Central Plains was totally different from the Sanskrit music of India and the Western Regions. There were also clear differences in the environment, customs and music of various parts of the Central Plains, and each area had its own dialect and local music, which necessarily influenced the singing of Buddhist texts and teachings. The Buddhist chants primarily consisted of ensemble performances of verses from the Buddhist sutras; the lyrics were adopted based on local conditions and had distinct local characteristics. Of course, the local differences in the style of the music and lyrics of Buddhist hymns would only have formed gradually after a long period of collision and fusion with hymns from abroad. During the Sui and Tang periods, the application of Buddhist chants was very broad. In addition

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to being sung during various ceremonies in Buddhist assemblies, Buddhist chants are also seen in other genres, such as lectures on Buddhist scripture, proselytizing and bianwen (popular storytelling of Buddhist teachings). Buddhist hymns from the late Jin to early Song dynasties still made up the core of this type of music during the Sui and Tang Period. They were used for reciting and studying Buddhist scriptures, and were ceremonial in nature and fairly solemn. In the chants used in the ceremonies of Buddhist assemblies, usually the deacon was in the main role, singing alone or leading the singing. The other monks would sing in unison or take turns singing; there was no instrumental accompaniment. Although Buddhist hymns »changed and had old sections removed, with many magnificent new trends,« and were adapted to the Central Plains and underwent many changes, still, on the whole, the Buddhist hymns of the Tang Dynasty were made using the intonation of the Western Regions, and came from the same origins as those of the Six Dynasties (the Three Kingdoms, Jin Dynasty, and Southern and Northern Dynasties). Buddhist singing also included »proselytizing« (changdao 唱导), also called xuanchang (宣唱) or changshuo (唱说). The chapter on proselytizing in Biographies of Eminent Monks by Liang Dynasty writer Hui Jiao says that the purpose of proselytizing lay in »preaching Buddhist doctrine and opening and guiding the hearts of the people.« It included four basic skills, »a good voice, debating skills, natural gift, and extensive learning.« It was a technique that included reciting sutras and debating, and was one of the methods by which Buddhism was made accessible to the common people. Proselytizing also originated in India. The preaching of proselytizers was mainly done through singing, but it could also be used with dance or theatre; it was a classic combination of vocal and instrumental music. Proselytizing was already formally used in various Buddhist assemblies in the Central Plains as early as the Eastern

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Jin. It was gradually standardized and perfected by people such as Dao An and Hui Yuan. Hui Yuan made important reforms to the practice, making proselytizing formulaic and established the system of chief proselytizer—which became rules followed by later generations. The venues for proselytizing were activities facing masses of converts, such as vegetarian feasts. Music played an extremely important role in proselytizing. Because of this, proselytizing music had to pluck source material from various types of music of the Central Plains and cater to the masses without sticking to a set pattern. By the Sui and Tang Period, proselytizing was more and more consciously adopting musical source material from various areas and from among the people. It gradually mixed and merged with folk music until they became one, forming multiple local styles. In terms of the overall trend, when the Sui Dynasty unified north and south, the »delicate and graceful« southern proselytizing became more and more influential in Buddhist music, eventually occupying a dominant role. Southern lecturers were summoned one after the other to the two capitals at Chang’an and Luoyang for their talent and skills. This resulted in the north being known for hymns and the south for proselytizing. For this reason, Chapter Ten, »Miscellaneous Professionals Singing Virtue« (Zake shengde 杂科声德) of the Continued Biographies of Eminent Monks (Xu gaosengzhuan 续高僧传) by Dao Xuan includes the commentary, »Inside the seas (i.  e., in China), none surpass Jiangnan in being the best at speaking and debating.« This reflects the trend of the Sinicization of Buddhist music in the Sui Dynasty, with the southernization of and the increased role of proselytizing in Buddhist preaching in particular as representative examples. During the Tang Dynasty, proselytizing music became closer still to folk music and popular music. Many folk songs as well as lyrics and tunes used at drinking parties were assimilated into it.

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Proselytizing and bianwen were close in some ways, but they were not interchangeable. Bianwen developed rapidly during the Tang Dynasty and were widely popular, but proselytizing continued to exist, and flourished without interruption until the Song Dynasty. The many proselytizing texts preserved among the Dunhuang manuscripts are strong proof of this. Foqu (佛曲, Buddhist tunes) originally meant Buddhist tunes, songs and dances used to worship the Buddha, amuse the Buddha and spread Buddhist doctrine; these were another important part of »Buddhist music.« The name »foqu« is first seen in the »Treatise on Music« of the Book of Sui. In describing the »Music of Xiliang,« this book states: The songs of the hu and the Xirong [a people who lived around the edges of China in the Zhou Dynasty] are not the tunes passed down from Han and Wei; therefore, their tones and melodies are in all cases different from those of the classics and histories. The song [used in the »Music of Xiliang«]

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is Music of Eternity (Yongshi yue 永世乐), the closing piece is Abundance in All Ages (Wanshifeng 万世丰), and the dance is Buddhist Tune of Khotan (Yutian foqu 于阗佛曲).

There are many descriptions of Indian Buddhist tunes in Buddhist sutras translated before the Tang Dynasty. They mention that musicians considered as Buddhists were »performing on pipes and strings,« »compiling songs« and »liked to perform dances,« and they also mention tens of thousands of types of music performance for various deities. In the Abhiniṣkramaṇa Sūtra it is recorded that there were all kinds of variety acts in the city of Prince Siddhartha, such as juggling, pole-climbing, leaping, dancing with blades, illusions, theatre, casual talks, and joking and jesting. This shows that foqu consists of folk song and dances collected in the name of Buddhist activity, and that these were pieces of music and dance associated with musicians and other performers, and not with monks (Fig. 5.2.8).

5.2.8 Kizil Caves near Kuqa, Xinjiang: Dancer in a painting of meditation; mural in Cave no. 77

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The path by which these popular Buddhist tunes entered was different from that of Buddhist hymns. They were primarily brought in by the migration of large numbers of musicians and performers from the Western Regions into China during the Northern Dynasties, along with other Buddhist customs. Buddhist Tune of Khotan thus entered the Central Plains and was brought into the interior of China through the »Music of Xiliang.« A total of more than seventy Sui and Tang popular Buddhist tunes are recorded in the Record of the Jiegu, the Tang Huiyao and Chen Yang’s Yueshu. Most of their names have the two characters of foqu (»Buddhist tunes«) added to the end, and most of the translated names use transliterations of foreign words, such as Maitreya Buddhist Tune (Mile foqu 弥勒佛曲), Sūryaprabha Buddhist Tune (Riguang ming foqu 日光明佛曲), Tathagata Buddhist Tune (Rulai foqu 如来佛曲), Yamantaka Buddhist Tune (Daweide foqu 大威德佛曲), Caotang Fuluo (草堂富罗) and Samantaprabhā Buddhist Tune (Puguang foqu 普光佛曲). They were named after Buddhas, bodhisattvas and Buddhist assemblies. We can see that the content of these Buddhist tunes was primarily praising the virtues of Buddhist doctrine. Instrumental music was often added, and they were also accompanied by dance. Their functions could roughly be divided into two types, music for praising and worshipping the Buddha, and music for large celebrations. In connection with the customs of »Scattering Flowers« and »Great Lantern-lighting« that were prevalent in the cities of the Tang Dynasty, Buddhist tunes such as The Great Lantern-lighting (Da randeng 大燃灯) and Scattering Flowers (Sanhua 散花) also originated from the customs of Buddhist festivals of the Western Regions. In addition, the pieces of huyue music and dance or drama that were popular during the Tang Dynasty, such as Brushing Aside the Hair, Sumozhe, Fur Hat (Huntuo), Śāriputra (Shelifu 舍利弗) and Lion (Shizi 师子 or 狮子), were also once Buddhist tunes in the Western Regions.

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The popular Buddhist tunes of the Sui and Tang dynasties all show their countries of origin: they all came from Kucha or Khotan, in the Western Regions. These Buddhist tunes all later became pieces of the court’s yanyue, or banquet music. Their style was clearly different from the hymns and proselytizing music that Buddhist monks mastered. The popular Buddhist tunes rose up in conjunction with temple ceremonies, and then gradually became a part of traditional folk music as their performances became more entertainment-oriented. The xichang (theatrical venues) and gechang (singing venues) of the Sui and Tang dynasties, which were based in Buddhist temples, could be said to be reproductions of the song and dance of Buddhist festivals of the Western Regions, and they were also an important venue for the performance of what were called Buddhist tunes. Another important change in the development of Buddhist tunes during the Sui and Tang Period was that a large number of Buddhist tunes separated from religious activities and became more secular and entertainment-oriented. A major event in the history of music of the Tang Dynasty was that in 754, Emperor Xuanzong issued an edict changing the names of the songs for offerings of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. Among these were more than fifty tunes with Buddhist names or names in foreign languages, which were changed to Chinese names with a strong Daoist flavor. The original identities of these pieces were mostly Buddhist tunes and hu tunes from the Western Regions. They had long been performed at the palace and were not directly connected to the ceremonial activities of temple assemblies; they primarily consisted of music and dance for providing entertainment at the court’s assemblies and banquets (yanyue). In addition, popular Buddhist tunes also influenced the birth of zaqu (杂曲, lit. miscellaneous songs) during the Tang Dynasty. They were an important source for Tang Dynasty zaqu (Fig. 5.2.9).

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5.2.9  Painting of music and dance, part of a storytelling picture from the Diamond Sutra, from the Mogao Caves near ­Dunhuang; Cave no. 112

Hymns, proselytizing and popular Buddhist tunes collectively made up the system of Buddhist music during the Sui and Tang dynasties. They widely absorbed folk and popular music, pushed forward the penetration of Buddhist culture into Tang Dynasty society, and had an important impact on many aspects of the music culture of the Tang Dynasty—playing an important role in the cultural and artistic lives of the common people. The development and thriving of Buddhist music in the Sui and Tang Dynasties also gave birth to many new topics in and forms of performing arts. Sujiang (popular sermonizing) was a prosimetric method that arose out of Buddhist lectures on the sutras. The listeners were not monks but the masses of common people, which was why the form was called sujiang (su 俗 means ›common‹ and jiang 讲 means ›lecture‹). Buddhist doctrines are disseminated through methods such as »lecturing on the sutras« and »proclaiming the Dharma.« The propagation of Buddhism can be divided into sengjiang (僧讲) and sujiang based on the audience. Lectures on the sutras given to monks would be sengjiang (seng 僧 means ›monk‹). Because the lofty yet dry scriptures would be very hard for a regular audience to digest, when facing the vast secular masses (including people from the upper classes of society),

the content of lectures had to be changed from simply explaining Buddhist scripture. Therefore, sermons gradually developed in the direction of explaining Buddhist stories in everyday language, which produced sujiang. There were two types of sujiang. The one corresponding to lectures on the sutras, which consisted of lecturing on and chanting Buddhist texts, was carried out by a dharmabhanaka (Buddhist preacher) and an assistant. The one corresponding to proclaiming the Dharma, meanwhile, consisted of »explaining the law of causality« and was a lecture given by one person. The law of causality is a Buddhist term, also called Pratītyasamutpāda or dependent arising. In lectures on the sutras, it refers to the process of development of the reasons behind the story that is being told. For »explaining the law of causality,« a story might be selected and elaboration woven in, or a biography might be taken directly and read word-forword; the purpose was to proclaim the Dharma in order to do good works and seek happiness. Sermons »explaining the law of causality« gradually turned into a form of prosimetric performance of Buddhist stories. Sermons explaining the law of causality were interwoven with stories from the Buddhist scriptures and fully utilized the expressiveness and

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attractiveness of music and singing. The performances were accompanied by pictures illustrating the stories in question, which were called bianxiang (变相, transformative images). For this reason, this type of prosimetric performance was also called zhuanbian (转变) or bian (变) (both meaning ›transform‹) and the written texts of the performances were called bianwen (变文, transformative texts). Sujiang was very popular with audiences and brought large audiences to temples. Sujiang also gradually absorbed new content, such as stories from history, folk tales and stories from current events. In the performance aspect, performers also strove to absorb popular tunes that the people liked to hear. This caused the art form to gradually separate from religious ceremonies and become an independent singing and storytelling art form among the people. Venues called bianchang also appeared among the people especially for the performance of bianwen. From this we know that sujiang and zhuanbian had already become popular art forms that were widely appreciated by the people. In order to better disseminate Buddhism, color was added with »all kinds of music, as much as possible coming to make offerings.« Also, in order to attract the masses to come worship, quite a few temples formed and kept their own groups of official musicians (yinsheng), dedicated troupes for the performance of Buddhist music and dance. The Tang Dynasty attitude toward the music and dance activities of monks in temples and toward folk music and dance were fairly relaxed and open-minded. Buddhist temples thus fully utilized all forms of music, song and dance to spread their own teaching. Within the broader environment of social reverence for Buddhism, temples held major festivals or ceremonial activities, and also had many celebrations with participation from secular music and dance; the atmosphere was very colorful. These even included participants from the Court

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of Imperial Sacrifices and the academies, sent by the court. For example, when Xuanzang returned from India during the Tang Dynasty, Emperor Taizong organized a grand welcoming ceremony, which included »more than ten carts of musicians.« When Xuanzang passed away, the emperor ordered the nine performing divisions of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices and the court musicians (yinsheng) of the two counties of Chang’an and Wannian to come participate in the funeral procession; the carts of musicians numbered more than a hundred (in one work, more than a thousand). These activities expanded the influence of Buddhism in society, and also accelerated the process whereby Buddhist temples were becoming major venues for music and dance. Daoist music was also an important component of suyue during the Sui and Tang dynasties. During the period from the Three Kingdoms to the Southern and Northern Dynasties, Daoism arose among the people and gradually evolved and developed into a mature form which was acknowledged by the upper classes and rulers as an »orthodox« religion. The emperors of the Northern Wei admired and practiced Daoism. The Daoist Kou Qianzhi (365–448) created the Northern Way of the Celestial Masters, summarizing and consolidating the primitive Daoism that had been practiced since the Later Han and reforming Daoist teaching. Kou Qianzhi also formulated »new rituals of chanting precepts with pieces of music,« which is the earliest known writing describing Daoist music. His Precepts of a New Ritual to be Chanted to the Melody »Within the Clouds« (Yunzhong yinsong xinke zhi jie 云中音诵新科之诫), meanwhile, changed chanting without musical accompaniment to chanting with music; this was the first »rhyming musical piece from the Daoist classics.« During the Liu Song Dynasty, the first of the four Southern Dynasties, there was a Daoist from Mount Lu, Lu Xiujing (406–477), who organized the classics into the Three Grottoes and compiled fasting rituals, forming the Southern

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Way of the Celestial Masters. After a series of reforms and changes, the rituals and ceremonies of Daoism gradually became standardized. Kou Qianzhi’s »new rituals of chanting precepts with pieces of music« was implemented as Daoist ritual, and it laid the foundation for the later development of Daoist ritual music. Daoism was revered during the Tang Dynasty. Gaozong ordered musicians to create Daoist tunes. He also handed down an edict for the construction of the Songtang Temple and Fengtian Palace at Mount Song, with Pan Shizheng as abbot. On the day that the temple and palace were completed, the Court of Imperial Sacrifices presented some new pieces, titled Praying to the Immortals (Qixian 祈仙), Yearning for Immortality (Wangxian 望仙) and Soaring to Immortality (Qiaoxian 翘仙). The young novices in the temple were ordered to sing them as music for sacrificing to the deities. As the imperial family advocated Daoism, it entered a glorious and flourishing period of comprehensive development. Under these background conditions, Daoist music was also highly valued and saw great development. Daoism reached its most splendid point during the period of Xuanzong, and during that time Daoist music was also in its most flourishing period. Xuanzong was especially fond of Daoist music and dance; he poured the power of the state into advancing the composition of Daoist music. In 721, Xuanzong ordered the Daoist Sima Chengzhen to compose the Mystery and Perfection Daoist Tune (Xuanzhen daoqu 玄真道曲); Li Huiyuan, a Daoist from Mount Mao, to compose Song of Great Overarching Heaven (Daluotian qu 大罗天 曲); and He Zhizhang, an attendant gentleman in the Board of Works, to compose the Purple Clarity Daoist Tune (Ziqing daoqu 紫清道曲) and Supreme Original Daoist Tune (Shangyuan daoqu 上元道曲). When the construction of the Taiqing Palace was completed, Wei Taozhi, Chamberlain for Imperial Sacrifices, composed six tunes: Jing (景), Nine Perfects (Jiuzhen 九真), Purple Culmen

CHAPTER II MUSIC AND DANCE OF THE PREFECTURES, COUNTIES, DEFENSE COMMANDS AND THE LITERATI

(Ziji 紫极), Lesser Longevity (Xiao changshou 小 长寿), Obeying Heaven (Chengtian 承天) and In Accord With Heaven (Shuntian yue 顺天乐). Xuanzong not only formulated Daoist music, but reportedly also personally taught Daoists how to perform Daoist pieces. According to vol. 54 of the Cefu Yuangui, in 751, Xuanzong once personally taught the tune Pacing the Void (Buxu sheng 步虚声) to Daoists at the ritual site within the palace. Pacing the Void later became one of the most widely circulated pieces of music in Daoist temples. The drawing Legend of Eighty-seven Gods and Immortals (Bashiqi shenxian chuan 八十七神 仙传) drawn by Wu Daozi during the Tang Dynasty, is actually a study copy of the Song Dynasty drawing Procession of Immortals Before the Origin (Chaoyuan xianzhang tu 朝元仙仗图). The layout, figures and instruments in the two drawings are completely the same. After Procession of Immortals Before the Origin became a topic for »Kuchean faqu,« the drawing was used as a mural for Daoist temples built during the Song Dynasty. It reflects the music activities of Daoism during the Tang Dynasty (Fig. 5.2.10). The faqu that Emperor Xuanzong of Tang was so fond of actually had a rather strong Daoist flavor. They were »the tunes of Daoist rituals« (daofa zhi qu 道法之曲), and in later writings they were called »Daoist melodies and ritual tunes« (daodiao faqu 道调法曲), which clearly shows the Daoist nature of Tang Dynasty faqu. The faqu of the Tang period were »too numerous to be listed,« although famous examples include Rainbow Skirt Feathered Dress Dance, Red and White Peach and Plum Blossoms (Chibai taoli hua 赤白桃李花), Yearning for Paradise (Wangying 望瀛), Offering to the Immortals (Xianxian yin 献仙音), Listening to Dragon Chants (Ting longyin 听龙吟), Offering Heavenly Flowers (Xian tianhua 献天花), Jade Green Heavenly Goose (Bitianyan 碧天雁), Music of the Enlightened Sage (Shengming yue 圣明乐), and Flower Pageant and Birds Chirp Long Live the Emperor (Music of Longevity).

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5.2.10  Legend of Eighty-Seven Gods and Immortals, Wu Daozi

Some of the Tang Dynasty Daoist faqu were grand suites, though not all. The well-known Rainbow Skirt Feathered Dress Dance was a faqu and also a grand suite. After a large-scale expansion, the Daoist music of the Tang Dynasty consisted of Daoist music in the narrow sense, which included ritual and ceremonial music, and the broader category of »Daoist melodies and ritual tunes,« which included huyue and suyue. This formed a system of Daoist music that could contend with and be a match for Buddhist music. Daoism was not willing to left behind when it came to Buddhist sujiang. The form in which followers of Daoism explained the Dao was also very common, and, like the Buddhists, they borrowed to actively expand their influence on the masses, also performing sujiang. Contending and competing against the influence of Buddhism and Buddhist music was a huge driving force behind Daoism’s vigorous undertaking of sujiang.

Most Daoists came from among the people, so they had been in contact with folk music for a long time and were very familiar with it. For this reason, Daoist ritual and ceremony, and the everyday music and dance entertainment of Daoists, were closely tied to folk music. In terms of the qin, meanwhile, we see depiction after depiction of Daoist masters who are able to play the qin in poetry from the Tang Dynasty. For example, Chang Jian’s »Listening to the Zither on an Autumn Night, Presented to Revered Master Kou« (听琴秋 夜赠寇尊师) praises the abilities of Revered Master Kou on the qin: »On an autumn night, I hear the sound of a zither; a master of the Three Grottoes, it turns out. Every fingering is as it should be; every sound clear and mysterious.« Wang Changling’s »Visiting Master Jiao« (谒焦炼师) says that in Master Jiao’s stone room there was: »Nothing but the fragrance of incense and a zither on a stand, shadows of pines resting on the stone courtyard.« Revered Master Kou and Master Jiao were both Daoists who were able to play the qin.

CHAPTER III  THE GLORY OF THE ART OF DANCE Section 1  Rich and Refined Dances The numerous types of dance in the flourishing scene of the Sui and Tang dynasties include the »seven performing divisions« and »nine performing divisions« of Sui Dynasty court yanyue, and the renowned Tang Dynasty »nine performing divisions« and »ten performing divisions«—which were created by adding and deleting from Sui music. In addition, there were the newly created »seated performing division« and »standing performing division.« These were all part of court music and dance for assemblies and banquets. During the Tang Dynasty, dances were categorized based on their characteristics into »energetic dances« and »soft dances.« In addition, there were also »shamanic dances« and »exorcism dances« that were closed linked to folk activities and religious sacrifice, as well as temple dances for Buddhist rituals. These dances also gradually developed in the direction of becoming more artistic and entertaining under the influence of major trends during the Sui and Tang dynasties. The dance activities of the Sui and Tang Period permeated every level of social life. It would have been a truly magnificent sight, with a diversity of forms and colors. The various court and folk dances of the Sui and Tang dynasties can roughly be summarized as »Han style« dances, »hu style« dances and »Tang style« dances, based on factors such as their historical antecedents, their style and characteristics, and their differing aesthetic inclinations. Dances of these three types often were disseminated into and influenced each other, underwent exchange and permeated each

other, and absorbed from and fused with one another. There were often inextricably intertwined with each other, to such an extent that they might be hard to distinguish. Using these categories to comb through historical documents recording Tang Dynasty dances, and images of dance preserved in cultural relics, we may be able to dig out the subtle and profound from the vast and complicated picture of Sui and Tang dance, and organize it into a few clear threads to better understand the development and appearance of Tang Dynasty dance.

1. Artistic Achievements of Court Dances Accompanying Assemblies and Banquets The most representative forms of the music and dance of Tang Dynasty court assemblies and banquets, commonly known as yanyue, were the multiple music divisions, such as the »nine music divisions« and »ten music divisions,« and the »seated performing division« and »standing performing division.« They were used in the major ceremonies of court assemblies, and combined ritual, enjoyment and entertainment in one body. These musical divisions were primarily established to fulfill the court’s political requirements, but due to the hard work and creativity of the vast numbers of court artists, they also reached a high artistic level and attained splendid artistic achievements. Qingyue, or »Qingshang Music,« which was also called the first division, fell under the Han style. During the dynasty of Wu Zetian, when part of the repertoire of the court’s Qingshang Music had already been lost, more than sixty pieces actually still remained, including instrumental, vocal and

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dance pieces. Well-known dances included the White Ramie Dance (Baizhu wu 白纻舞), which had endured for five or six hundred years, from the Jin to the Tang Dynasty. The dancers were graceful and light on their feet. Their beautiful poses, with their sleeves lifted like soaring white swans, their light and graceful motions »seeming to push and pull [one another with their sleeves], stopping and going,« their elegant steps and the constantly changing dance of their sleeves meant that audiences never tired, even after seeing the dance a hundred times, and it was passed on from generation to generation. Other dances, such as the renowned Bayu Dance (Bayu wu 巴渝舞) and Duo Dance (Duo wu 铎舞) from the Han Dynasty; the Mingjun Dance (Mingjun wu 明君舞), created during the Jin Dynasty and which tells the story of Wang Zhaojun; and Jade Tree Flowers in the Rear Courtyard (Yushu houtinghua 玉树后庭花) and Moonlit Night on the River in Spring (Chunjiang hua yueye 春江花月夜), which were created during the Southern Dynasties, were also included in Qingshang Music.« The »Treatise on Music II«, vol. 29 of the Old Book of Tang, says that the characteristic style of qingyue music and dance were that »the dances appear leisurely and graceful, and the tunes have beautiful forms«; they were »elegant, easy and unhurried, as if in the old style of ancient ministers and nobles«; and »There was no other music that could compare.« This is fairly similar to the style and aesthetic inclinations of modern-day traditional music of the Han people. The Indian Music, Kuchean Music, Bukharan Music, Music of Shule, Music of Samarkand and Music of Gaochang music divisions were purely »hu style« music and dance. They all had the names of places and countries in the Western Regions as the names of the music divisions, and they had strong folk styles and local characteristics. Their costumes, accessories and makeup all had clear regional or ethnic characteristics, the names used for the pieces of music and dance were

Section 1 Rich and Refined Dances

all transliterations of words from the languages of the Western Regions, and most of the instruments used were unique to certain ethnic groups. These dances had distinct rhythm, beautiful and elegant poses, and lively and invigorating feeling. Of a completely different style from the abovementioned divisions of hu music and dance was the Music of Xiliang, which was a mixture of Han style and hu style. Xiliang, meaning Liangzhou (modern Wuwei in Gansu), was located along an important road leading from the Western Regions to the Central Plains, and was historically an important town on the Silk Road. During the Tang Dynasty, many ethnicities mixed together there, exchanging with and fusing with one another, and the music of the area also shared this characteristic. The prominent feature of the style of music and dance of the Music of Xiliang was its extreme »ease and elegance.« In it, »one person danced the White Ramie Dance, and four people danced in a square. The White Ramie Dance is currently in short supply, so four people dance in a square, with fake topknots, jade hairpins, dresses of purple silk, white wide-leg pants, five-colored set-in sleeves, and black leather boots.« Some historians believe that in the painting Women of the State of Song Going Out in Cave no. 156 of the Mogao Caves at Dunhuang, which depicts the wife of Zhang Yichao going out, the music and dance of the procession is the Music of Xiliang. In the painting, the dancers are in a square formation, with four dancers, one in each corner of the square, wearing short jackets and long skirts, with silk ribbons draped over their shoulders and square-toed shoes on their feet. They do not have five-colored set-in sleeves and are not wearing boots; they are wearing typical Han clothing. Although the outfits of the dancers in the painting are somewhat different from the Music of Xiliang recorded in the historical text, they may still provide important reference material for the study of the dance of Music of Xiliang, given that Dunhuang and Xiliang were near one another.

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Music of Goryeo was the music and dance of the ancestors of modern Koreans, who lived along the banks of the Yalu River and on the Korean peninsula. It was brought to China, to the state of Northern Yan, as early as the 5th century, during the Sixteen Kingdoms Period. The Music of Goryeo was established as part of the court’s »music of the Four Barbarians« during both the Sui and Tang dynasties. The dance was in the form of a paired dance where »two pairs danced side by side.« The hairstyle, costume and accessories consisted of »a tall, narrow bun at the back, purplish red smeared on the forehead, clinking with golden accessories. The two people wore yellow skirts and jackets, red and yellow pants, extremely long sleeves and black leather boots.« Their costumes had large, wide sleeves. The wide-sleeved garments of the early Tang may have been designed under the influence of this style of sleeve. Overall, the dances of the various music divisions in the »nine music divisions« or »ten music divisions« were basically folk dances among the peoples they originally came from, slightly refined or cleaned up and then brought to be performed at the courts of the Central Plains. They reflected the dances of the various peoples within and outside the domain of the court during the early Tang period. They were collected in the Central Plains in their original form, and also displayed the development trend of dance at the time, still being in the stage where the dances of various peoples and foreign countries were »brought in and performed in their original form.« The »seated performing division« and »standing performing division« were repertoires accumulated by the Tang court over a long period. The content of the pieces consisted entirely of praise for emperors of the current dynasty. Analyzing the various dances of the »standing performing division« and the »seated performing division,« seeing how they were based on traditions, and how they extensively adopted material, developed and innovated can serve as active refer-

Chapter III The Glory of the Art of Dance

ence material and something to learn from for the creation of modern dance. According to the »Treatise on Music II«, in vol. 29 of the Old Book of Tang, the Music of Peace performed by the »standing performing division« was originally a work praising the military exploits of Northern Zhou wiping out Northern Qi. The dancers wore wooden beast masks, »dog snouts and beast ears, decorated with gold, hanging threads for hair, and leather caps painted with ya (猰), evil human-eating beasts from mythology. The system of postures of the dance was like the Qiang or hu in appearance.« The style and costumes of the dance obviously carried the characteristics of a pastoral nomadic people. This was closely linked to events of the time: ethnic minorities from the north surging into the Central Plains and setting up regimes, bringing their own dance cultures with them. Tang culture did not stick to one pattern, so they also adopted the old music of previous dynasties as the first piece of the »standing performing division.« Great Peace Music, or the Lion Dance of the Five Directions, was also put together on the basis of folk lion dances and used to praise the prosperity of the Tang Dynasty and pray for good fortune. The lion dance was formed during the Southern and Northern Dynasties Period at the latest. According to the first chapter of the Record of the Monasteries of Luoyang (Luoyang qielan ji 洛阳伽 蓝记), by Yang Xuanzhi of Northern Wei, when the Changqiu Temple paraded a statue of the Buddha on Shakyamuni’s birthday, there were already »bixie [辟邪, a mythical animal that warded off evil] and lions leading the way in front.« Before this, the »Second Treatise on Rites and Music,« in vol. 22 of the Book of Han says that the Han Dynasty Music Bureau had »four people who often acted as xiangren [象人].« Meng Kang’s commentary from the Three Kingdoms Period says: »Xiangren were like today’s shrimp, fish and lion dancers.« Although it is impossible to be certain that the Han Dynasty Music Bureau had dancers

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who dressed as lions, there were performers who dressed and acted as lions at the latest during the period of Cao Wei during the Three Kingdoms, which followed closely on the Han Dynasty. These dancers who performed dances imitating animals were also called xiangren. When the Tang Dynasty court made this dance part of the »standing performing division,« not only were there lions for the five directions with »fur stitched together to make garments,« and »each in the color of their direction,« but also two people holding whisks, acting out »the appearance of teasing [the lions].« There were also 140 people singing Great Peace Music, »the steps of the dance following along.« Such a grand scale and atmosphere would have been amazing. Lion dances full of vitality are still passed down in various parts of China today and have become an indispensable performance for celebrating holidays. The lion dance is also one of the most representative Chinese music and dance programs abroad, where there are large concentrations of Chinese people. There were also other distinctive pieces of music and dance. One example is Smashing Through the Battle Formation, which was created on the basis of traditional martial arts and the military life of Li Shimin. The scene was spectacular, the atmosphere impressive, with drums and music sounding simultaneously; it would have been thrilling. One hundred twenty-eight performers wearing armor and holding halberds simulated a military campaign, fully displaying the spirit and appearance of the Tang military with their vigorous movements and fervent marching, singing in unison the praises of the impressive military feats of Emperor Taizong of Tang. Music of Imperial Longevity had exquisite design, with gorgeous and flowing dance. The performers »turned around and changed costumes, and made characters like paintings.« The dance troupe would take the shape of characters praising Wu Zetian. There was also Birds Chirp Long Live the Emperor, which involved a dance in the form of birds, and Music of

Section 1 Rich and Refined Dances

the Dragon Pool, which praised the enlightenment of Emperor Ming of Tang and was based on dance in the form of flowers; the two were performed simultaneously. The dancers held golden lotus blossoms, and the female dancers wore crowns of lotus blossoms, so that as they danced they were like lotus blossoms floating on the surface of water. It was graceful and elegant; nothing more beautiful can be imagined. The music of the various pieces of the »seated performing division« and »standing performing division« also developed and formed by absorbing nutrients from many different soils. In performances of the standing division, »from Smashing Through the Battle Formation, all [of the pieces] thundered on big drums, mixing in Kuchean music. The sound resounded for a hundred li, shaking mountains and valleys. Only Dance of Celebrating the Good solely used the Music of Xiliang; it was the most elegant.« The adoption of pieces of music and musical instruments was entirely subject to the requirements of the content of the music. Thundering on big drums and mixing in Kuchean music would of course increase the jubilation and intensity of the atmosphere and the elevation and broadness of the manner of performance. This was precisely the spirit and style of Tang culture during the high Tang. The Dance of Celebrating the Good, meanwhile, which praised the enlightenment of Emperor Taizong of Tang, used the Music of Xiliang. It was a new work formed from the exchange and fusion of the music of the Han people of the Central Plains and the music of ethnic minorities, and its style was more »elegant« and expressive. Celebrating the Good and Xiliang formed a clear contrast; it could even be said that this showed great creativity on the part of the performance organizer. Overall, aside from Music of Peace and Great Peace Music, which mostly used traditional music and dance or revisions thereof, the compilers and creators of the other various pieces of the »seated performing division« and »standing performing

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division« during the Tang took the initiative into their own hands. On the foundation of extensively adopting material, they created new and unique pieces of music and dance, which is to say music and dance of the aforementioned »Tang style.« This development trend reflects the fact that during the latter part of the early Tang and during the High Tang, the method of bringing in and performing the music and dance of other peoples inside and outside the empire in their original form was no longer satisfactory. Rather, on the foundation of these pieces, various elements of music and dance were pulled apart and examined closely, recast and recombined, creating music and dance with the special characteristics of the Tang itself. This shows that Tang Dynasty dance was approaching maturity and had already entered a new and higher stage of development.

2. The Technical Characteristics of the »Energetic Dance« and the »Soft Dance« The people of the Tang Dynasty divided the major performative dances into two major categories, »soft dances« and »energetic dances.« Record of the Royal Academy by Cui Lingqian says: Music of Drooping Hands [Chuishou yue 垂手乐], Revolving Ripples, Prince of Lanling, The Sound of the Spring Warbler [Chunyingzhuan 春莺啭], The Banshe Canal [Banshe qu 半社渠], ­Borrowing the Mat [Jiexi 借席] and Singing in the Dark Night [Wuye ti 乌夜啼] were called »soft dances«; A Liao [阿辽], Mulberry Branch, Yellow River Deer [Huangzhang 黄獐], Fu Lin [拂林], Great Weizhou [Da weizhou 大渭州] and Dharma [Damo 达摩] were called »energetic dances.«

In Miscellaneous Notes on Songs from the Music Bureau, soft dances included Liangzhou, Green Waist, Suhe Fragrance (Suhe xiang 苏合香), Bent Mulberry (Quzhe 屈柘), Whirling Round in a Group (Tuanyuan xuan 团圆旋), Ganzhou (甘州), and others; »energetic dances« include Leng Da (棱大, or Great and Vast, Da qi 大祁), A Lian (阿连), Mulberry Branch, Sword Dance, Barbarian

Chapter III The Glory of the Art of Dance

Whirling and Barbarian Leap. Between the two books, there are differences in the names of soft and energetic dances. Soft dances and energetic dances were differentiated based on the style and artistic characteristics of the dances themselves. In general, energetic dances had powerful poses, athletic movements, and clear and fast-paced rhythm; soft dances«had graceful poses, gentle movements, and leisurely rhythms. This was not absolute, however. Dances categorized as energetic also had sections with slower rhythm, and times when dancers stopped to strike poses; and dances in the soft category also had sections with faster rhythm and the »hurried plucking of strings and a multitude of notes on the pipes,« including quicker dance steps. The many poems depicting the dances of the Tang Dynasty allow us to understand this fine and unique handling of works of dance. Among dances in the energetic category, music and dance in the Han style would have included Sword Dance and Yellow River Deer. Sword Dance was an extremely well-known energetic dance of the Tang Dynasty. It was developed by the renowned Tang Dynasty folk dancer Lady Gongsun based on the sword dances and sword art of traditional martial arts. During the Sui and Tang, swords were gorgeous and exquisite in design, and were popular among generals, nobles and literati. The Tang Dynasty general Pei Min was good at the sword dance, being honored as one of the »Three Greats of the Tang Dynasty.« Lady Gongsun carried on the sword arts of previous generations, absorbed current techniques of the sword dance, broadly picked up other source material from ethnic music and dance, and thus created multiple versions of the sword dance. For example, General Pei’s Grand Performance (Pei ­jiangjun mantang shi 裴将军满堂势) absorbed the fierce and imposing manner and advanced and difficult techniques of General Pei Min’s sword dance. Sword Huntuo must have absorbed music and dance elements from the Huntuo Dance of the folk activity pohan

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huxi (»hu game of splashing in the cold«), from the Western Regions. Also, vol. 164 of the Yueshu, by Song Dynasty writer Cheng Yang, states: »When the sword dance was added to Huntuo, there began to be mistakes in the tone.« It is evident that Sword Huntuo was created by mixing two pieces in different modes, the sword dance and Huntuo. At the time, this was a daring innovation. Western River Sword may be a sword dance with local characteristics. As the sword dance was a type of dance with strong folk traditions, in the process of refinement and organization by the folk dancers of the Tang Dynasty, it broadly absorbed nourishment from all directions, which made it more artistic, more of a dance, and more enjoyable—and only then did it gradually become a famous energetic dance of the Tang Dynasty. Lady Gongsun’s costume for performing the sword dance was an artistically refined version of military clothing, both pretty and martial. Du Fu said that she had »a face of jade and clothes of brocade.« At the time, many women loved this type of military clothing. Sikong Tu’s poem, »Lady Gongsun once showed her skills before this building, teaching women a vain love of military clothing,« describes just this. From this we can see the magnitude of influence of Lady Gongsun. Legend has it that the renowned Tang Dynasty grass script calligrapher Zhang Xu was greatly inspired after seeing the »fluid and floating cadence« of Lady Gongsun performing the sword dance, and his grass script technique advanced greatly as a result. In addition to solo dance, the sword dance was also performed by men as a group dance. Tang Dynasty poet Yao He’s three poems all entitled »Sword Dance« (Quan Tangshi, vol. 502) describe performances with a large number of people and which intensely simulate military life. They closely resemble military dances such as the Marching Dance (Jinjun wu 进军舞), which celebrate victory. These three poems titled Sword Dance are very likely a collection of the lyrics of the »Sword Dance.«

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The poems include the line »Great Peace Music of Yuanhe,« which shows that the poems were written during the Yuanhe era of Emperor Xianzong of Tang (806–820). These large-scale sword dances performed by warriors (or performers dressed as warriors) were separated by almost a hundred years from the solo sword dance performed by Lady Gongsun during the high Tang Dynasty. After almost a hundred years of development, the sword dance had changed from a solo dance performed by women with strong dance characteristics to a group dance performed by men that was vast in scale and had a strong air of actual combat. The Japanese encyclopedia, Koji Ruien (古事類 苑), also says that »there were hundreds of dancers« in Sword Huntuo, which must be referring to the latter form of performance. Besides weapons such as swords, the dancers also carried flags and torches to set the mood. The accompanying music consisted of military drums, horns and vocals. The formation of the dance was changing, like a winding dragon or serpent (it may have been the »dragon wriggling its tail« formation, a changing formation that wound its way forward). The hard and bitter nature of the battlefield and the invincible heroic spirit of the soldiers expressed by the dance and lyrics were deeply moving—and something rarely seen since ancient times. There are different views among scholars on exactly what type of props performers of the sword dance held. Some believe that the dancers held two knotted pieces of silk (such as the »shooting star«), while others think that they »danced empty-handed in impressive costumes.« Based on the above analysis of many different historical sources, the dancers must have held sword-type weapons, otherwise the dance could not have had such a strong air of combat, and such a majestic and imposing manner. The song-and-dance Yellow River Deer was created to celebrate the brave warrior Wang Xiaojie heroically resisting the enemy and sacrificing himself. It may be related to traditional martial arts and

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war dances. Therefore, it should also be considered music and dance in the Han style. The Barbarian Whirling Dance, Barbarian Leap Dance and Mulberry Branch Dance, which were counted as energetic dances during the Tang Dynasty, were also hu style music and dance. Some of them had already come into China during the Southern and Northern Dynasties, where they were warmly welcomed. The reason was that these dances had an athletic, bright and fastpaced, lively, and charming style, which clearly manifested the free and unconstrained, healthy and fit lives of the nomads of the Western Regions. This fit the tastes and aesthetic requirements of the time, and meshed well with the open-minded and progressive spirit of Tang culture. The Barbarian Whirling Dance mainly consisted of fast, light and graceful whirling movements. The poems »Whirling Hu Girl« by both Bai Juyi and Yuan Zhen contain very vivid descriptions of this. Yuan Zhen’s Whirling Hu Girl goes: I can tell you what the appearance of the Iranian Whirl is like: A tumbleweed nipped from its root by the frost and blown wildly by a twister, A red platter balanced at the top of a pole and dazzling as a wheel of fire. Black-dragon pearl earrings fly out like shooting stars, Rainbow halo of a light scarf fast as lightning.

The dancer spun so fast that »Among those seated around her in the audience, who can discern back from front?« This dancer from Samarkand had such a supple body that »Her trailing garments wrap around her hands like bracelets.« Bai Juyi’s poem goes: Whirling hu girl, whirling hu girl, Your heart follows the strings, and your hands follow the drums. At the first sound of the strings and drums, you raise both sleeves, Swirling snow floating about, daisies spinning in the wind.

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Left and right you whirl without tiring, A thousand circles, ten thousand revolutions without end. Nothing on earth can compare: Racing cartwheels are sluggish, and whirlwinds slow.

The poem evocatively and vividly describes the form of the Barbarian Whirling Dance. People of every social class performed the Barbarian Whirling Dance: there were whirling hu girls who came from the Western Regions to the Central Plains, who were the true creators of the Barbarian Whirling Dance, and there were also members of the imperial family, such as Wu Yanxiu, as well as Emperor Ming’s beloved concubine Yang Yuhuan and military commissioner An Lushan, who were experts at dancing the Barbarian Whirling Dance. People danced it both to amuse themselves and for performance, and both men and women liked to dance it, which was why it spread so extensively. In the mural Bianxiang of the Eastern Pure Land of the Medicine Buddha from Cave no. 220 of the Mogao Caves at Dunhuang, there are two heavenly dancers on small round carpets, whirling with arms outspread, their headbands and ornaments floating and spiraling in a whirlwind; there is a strong sense of motion. To a certain extent, what they are performing is similar to the dynamics of the Barbarian Leap Dance, whirling like the wind. The Barbarian Leap Dance was brought in from Chach (modern Tashkent, Uzbekistan), in the Western Regions. The poems »Barbarian Leap,« by Li Duan, and »Watching the Barbarian Leap Dance on an Evening at Wang Zhongcheng’s Home,« by Liu Yanshi, describe the dance postures, movements, and costumes of the Barbarian Leap Dance. In their writings, the dance performers are huren from Liangzhou or Chach, with »skin like jade and noses like awls.« They danced on carpets, wearing pointed foreign caps sewn with pearls and »hu

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jackets« with narrow sleeves, with the fronts and backs of the jackets rolled up to make it easier to dance. The dancers had long belts with decorative designs of grapes tied around their waists, and the ends of the belts hung down on side of the body. On their feet were gorgeous soft brocade boots. To start, the dancers would usually drink a cup of wine, then fling down the cup and begin dancing. The Barbarian Leap Dance mainly consisted of lively, hurried and varied leaping and stamping. Lines of poetry describing the dance include: »Jumping, turning like a wheel, jeweled belts tinkle; feet play in soft boots, richly and intricately brocaded,« and »Drunk, leaning to the east, falling to west, boots move delicately before the throng of lamps; Circling with rapid steps, all in time to the rhythm, hands behind the back or on hips, making a half moon.« These describe the whirling and jumping into the air of the dance. Because of the magnitude of the leaping and spinning movements and the speed of the rhythm, the ornaments hanging from the dancers’ waists made tinkling sounds. In time to the hurried pace of the music, the steps were complex and varied, with leaping and stamping, and the dancers also put their hands behind their backs or on their hips and performed back bends—like a half moon. The dance was very intense, making the performer »red-faced, dripping with sweat, pearl-decorated hat askew.« The dancer then »raised his eyebrows and moved his eyes, stamping the flowery carpet«; his expression was lively and unconstrained. Those performing the accompaniment also concentrated just to play these fastpaced pieces, which is why the poem describes, »Not a word in the room as all stared, the flutes and lutes hurrying, every one.« The audience was rapt, holding their breath, unable to take their eyes off the marvelous performance. There is a famous mural of music and dance in the Tang Dynasty tomb of Su Sixu in the eastern suburbs of Xi’an. The dancer standing on the carpet in the center is a huren with deep-set eyes,

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a high-profile nose and a full beard. His head is wrapped in white cloth, and he is wearing a longsleeved jacket, a black belt around his waist, and yellow boots. The dancer’s right leg is raised high and his left arm is raised over his head; it looks like he has just landed after jumping, like the Barbarian Leap Dance described in Tang poems. On either side are nine musicians and two ­singers. The Gansu Provincial Museum has a Tang Dynasty copper tomb figure of a dancing huren. He is wearing a pointed hollow cap and boots, lifting his leg and waving his sleeves with the appearance of leaping. Historians believe that this is a huren from the western regions performing the Barbarian Leap Dance. His costume and pose all match the descriptions in Tang poetry. Mulberry Branch Dance is a very famous dance of the Tang Dynasty. It is also a dance that changed a good deal as it became popular during the Tang Dynasty. Its changes and development are characterized by a gradual transformation from hu style to Han style. Mulberry Branch Dance is said to be a folk dance from the Western Regions. The Mulberry Branch Dance that first entered the Tang empire was a women’s solo dance, and the costumes, dance and music all retained strong characteristics of the ethnic dances of the Western Regions. Later, Double Mulberry Branch Dance (Shuang zhezhi wu 双柘枝 舞), performed by two people, and Bent Mulberry Branch (Qu zhezhi 屈柘枝), performed by two girls, also appeared. Due to differences in the style of the dances and the dance vocabulary, Mulberry Branch was categorized as an energetic dance and Bent Mulberry Branch as a soft dance. Some scholars also believe that Mulberry Branch came from Nanzhao. The »barbarian alligator-skin drum« and »peacock gauze jacket« used in the Mulberry Branch Dance, as well as the colors of the costume, the poses of the dance and so on, all possess characteristics of the peoples of the south. The main accompaniment for the Mulberry Branch Dance was drum, with a clear and strong rhythm.

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This drum would have been a special drum for this dance; ancient poets call it the »Mulberry Branch barbarian drum.« It is worth noting that the drum used in the Mulberry Branch Dance had a round frame, which shows that it very likely had shared characteristics with the ethnic dap (hand drum) of the Xinjiang area, which has a round frame around the edge. Based on some poems that describe the movements of the dance, the Mulberry Branch Dance also had similarities with today’s Hand Drum Dance. The dancers wore beautiful ethnic costumes, with embroidered caps covered in precious stones, garments with narrow sleeves and brocade boots. There were many posture changes in the Mulberry Branch Dance, with both quick and energetic postures, and also many elegant postures. The dancers’ long sleeves sometimes pointed upwards in response to the sound of the drum, and sometimes hung low and lightly brushed the beautiful dancing carpet. Feet in brocade boots tap-danced in time to the fast and complex rhythms, and the golden bells decorating the dancers’ caps made a silvery tinkling sound along with the dance. Some parts of the dance also featured crouching or kneeling movements, very similar to today’s »waist rotation« (shuanyao 涮腰, a martial arts move involving swinging the arms from one side to the other while bending backwards at the waist) or xiabanyao (下板腰, an extreme back bend where the head touches the back of the thighs). There were also beautiful, thought-provoking postures where the dancers’ backs were to the audience. When the dance was almost over, the dancers performed a deep back bend. The movements of the dance were so intense that the dancers’ clothing was soaked through. Their extremely soft waists and light and graceful dance postures made the audience gasp in surprise and admiration. When the dance was over, the dancers turned their heads to gaze at the audience as they exited, which was very moving.

Chapter III The Glory of the Art of Dance

The Mulberry Branch Dance circulated in the Central Plains for a long time. Gradually it changed, from a solo women’s dance retaining its original ethnic style to the Double Mulberry Branch performed by two people. Descriptions of the Double Mulberry Branch Dance in Tang poems mostly emphasize the orderly symmetry, harmony and close matching of the postures and movements of the two dancers. Bent Mulberry Branch, which was categorized as a soft dance, was an extremely graceful children’s dance. The notes on Mulberry Branch Song in vol. 56 of Collection of Yuefu Lyric Poems cite Music Garden (Yueyuan 乐苑), stating: In the Yu mode, there is the Mulberry Branch Tune, and in the Shang mode, there is Bent Mulberry Branch. The dance takes its name from the tune. Two girls perform, their caps decorated with golden bells, which make a sound as the girls dance and turn. For the performance, they are hidden in two lotus blossoms. After the flowers split open, we see them. The dancing pair climbs out of the flowers, and their dance is elegant and wonderful.

The soft dance Bent Mulberry Branch thus fused with the traditional dance of the Han people. The dance was performed by two girls. First they were hidden in lotus blossoms; then as the petals slowly opened, the girls burrowed out of the flowers and began to dance. This dance was not characterized by quick and athletic movements, or many elegant postures, but rather as being »elegant and wonderful.« From the dance to the set design, a great deal of artistic refinement was put in to conform to the aesthetic requirements of the people of the Central Plains. In the collection of the Xi’an Museum, there is a carved stone stele from the ninth year of the Kaiyuan era of the Tang Dynasty (721) which was originally erected in the Xingfu Temple in Chang’an. When it was found during the Ming Dynasty, only the bottom half remained, so it was called the »Tang Xingfu Temple Broken Stele.« Both

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sides of the stele are decoratively carved with a continuous arc of vines, lions and human figures. In the center of the picture are two child dancers wearing long-sleeved dance costumes and caps with streamers. The poses of the two people are symmetrical: one leg is straight, standing on a lotus blossom; the other leg is laid horizontally across the knee. They are leaning slightly and are in the midst of brushing opposite sleeves across their faces as they dance. What especially catches the eye is that the decorations on either side are completely the same, and the poses of the dancers are completely the same as well, just that there is a big difference in the shapes of the dancers’ faces. On one side is a Han girl with delicate and pretty eyes and eyebrows; on the other side is the image of a person from the Western Regions, with curly hair, a high-profile nose, and deep-set eyes. A clever ancient carver used this method of expression to tell us that during the Tang Dynasty, people from the Western Regions and Han people from the Central Plains danced the same dances. Many song-and-dance performers performed the Mulberry Branch Dance during the Tang Dynasty. There were artists called »mulberry branch performers« who specialized in the Mulberry Branch Dance, and there was also a special garment for the dance. We can see that performing this dance required the mastery of certain special advanced and difficult techniques and the corresponding performance ability. The dissemination and development of the Mulberry Branch Dance in the Central Plain and the course of its evolution thoroughly proves that the Tang Dynasty was a time when the dance arts of various peoples and countries underwent exchange, influenced one another and experienced collective development and innovation. There was yet another famous dance in the category of energetic dances: Poplar and Willow Branch. This dance was formed through the absorption of many musical and dance elements

Section 1 Rich and Refined Dances

and should be considered a Tang style dance. Poplar and Willow Branch originally developed and evolved from the ancient Broken Poplar and Willow. Broken Poplar and Willow was originally a folk song from northern nomadic peoples with lyrics about the freedom and lack of inhibitions of warriors. Very likely the bold style of northern music influenced the temperament of the dance. Poplar and Willow Branch thus falls under the category of energetic dances. There may have been a special costume for dancing Poplar and Willow Branch, and Bai Juyi once wrote a poem to thank a friend who presented him with a garment for dancing Poplar and Willow Branch. The poem includes lines like »I slowly step Willow Branch, trying out the sleeves« and »The silver-painted jacket fits better than clothes cut for a beautiful woman.« Bai Juyi’s Twenty Rhymes to Poplar and Willow Branch (Bai Juyi Collection, Bai juyu ji 白居易集, vol. 32) are beautiful poems that he wrote down after watching the moving performances of young song-and-dance performers in Luoyang. The poems exquisitely and vividly describe the music and dance of Poplar and Willow Branch. The dancers wore thin and transparent gauze garments and embroidered shoes. The light and graceful postures were like swirling snowflakes, the dancers sometimes bowing their heads, sometimes performing back bends, with gentle and beautiful gestures. During the fast-paced and intense dance moves, dancing sleeves would suddenly be drawn back, and hairpins and ornaments would drop to the ground. There was singing as well as dancing to the time of the music, and the clear and bright, round and full singing voices were like spitting out a string of pearls. This dance created using folk songs was both graceful and energetic and left a deep impression on the viewer. Green Waist and The Sound of the Spring Warbler were very influential newly created dances in the categories of soft dance and Tang style. The dance for Green Waist was created based on a tune. The

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original piece was called Important Excerpts (Luyao 录要), Generations of Music, or Liuyao (六幺). When musicians presented a piece of music to Emperor Dezong, he ordered them to excerpt the most important or the finest parts of the piece, which was why the tune was called Important Excerpts; it was also called Liuyao or Green Waist (both similar in pronunciation) or Generations of Music. This tune was very popular among the people and had a deep foundation in folk music. The tune that the musicians presented to Dezong was very likely created by revising and refining some folk tune. The soft dance Green Waist was a women’s solo dance created using this piece of music. The dance changed from slow to fast, with flowing dance steps like a dragon swimming, graceful and continuous dance postures that changed endlessly, low circling parts like a wave breaking and lotus flowers emerging from water, and fast parts which seemed like snowflakes dancing in the wind. Long and slender garments floated on the wind, as if they were about take to the air, pursuing geese startled into flight. The Five Dynasties, Ten Kingdoms, and Southern and Northern Dynasties all partially carried on the system of dance left behind by the Tang Dynasty. The renowned painting The Night Revels of Han

5.3.1 The Night Revels of Han Xizai, Gu Hongzhong

Chapter III The Glory of the Art of Dance

Xizai includes a scene of Wang Wushan dancing Green Waist. Wang Wushan has a long, sky-blue dance costume with long, narrow sleeves. Her back is to the audience, with half of her face visible in profile over her right shoulder. Her slightly raised right foot is about to step down, and her hands are behind her back, from where she is about to spread them downward and send her long sleeves into a floating dance. A painting such as The Night Revels of Han Xizai which clearly indicates the time, environment, dancer and name of the dance is extremely rare among ancient images of dance. The instrumental accompaniment for this dance consisted solely of a large drum and a set of clappers; it was extremely simple. Han Xizai himself plays the drum, while a music master plays the clappers. There are also several audience members off to the side, applauding. This may depict only an impromptu performance (Fig. 5.3.1). The Sound of the Spring Warbler is another famous soft dance that was newly created during the Tang Dynasty. It was created by absorbing folk dances in the form of birds. There are many poems describing the dance The Sound of the Spring Warbler. For example, Zhang Gu’s The Sound of the Spring Warbler (Quan Tangshi, vol. 511) describes it thus:

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South of the pool at Xingqing Palace, the willows have not opened; Taizhen holds a branch of plum instead. The palace women are already singing Sound of the Spring Warbler As they dance softly, wobbling, under the flowers.

At the beginning of spring, The Sound of the Spring Warbler was performed in the palace garden. It was performed to the accompaniment of female voices, and the dancers danced it repeatedly without stopping. The beginning and end of the graceful tune were joined together and it was sung over and over, and the dances were combined and joined together into a flowing cycle without end. The Sound of the Spring Warbler was transmitted to Korea and Japan. The Jinchan Uigwe (Royal Protocols of the Grand Banquet, Hanja: 進饌儀軌) printed by the Uigwe (Royal Protocols) Administrative Office of the Joseon Dynasty of Korea includes a picture of a dance posture from The Sound of the Spring Warbler. There is one female performer in the picture with flowers pinned in her hair, wearing an upper garment with capacious sleeves, a long skirt and fluttering silk ribbons. She dances with arms outspread on a flowery rectangular carpet. The book records a song lyric, which shows that like the Tang Dynasty soft dances, the Sound of the Spring Warbler of the Joseon court included song as well as dance: A beautiful woman steps under the moon, Gauze sleeves dance as light as the wind. Loving the pose in front of the flowers best of all, The king gives free rein to his passion.

This was a version of The Sound of the Spring Warbler that had taken on Korean characteristics. To this day, the classical dance of Korea still ­includes the dance The Sound of the Spring Warbler, which is categorized as »dangak« (Korean court music adapted from the Tang Dynasty; Hanja: 唐樂). The dancers who preserve this dance are respected as »intangible cultural riches« (national

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treasures), showing how highly valued they are. The Sound of the Spring Warbler was also transmitted to Japan. According to the first volume of Bugakuzu (舞樂圖), The Sound of the Spring Warbler was a grand suite of the Tang Dynasty. It was danced by four or six men with hats shaped like birds and wearing gowns with large sleeves. A long cloth with a round decoration was attached at the waist in the back, like the back of the gown dragging on the ground. The dancers »squatted as though on horseback« with both arms extended straight out in front of them, their bodies slightly bowed and eyes lowered; the posture had a sense of peace and quiet. After the Tang Dynasty soft dance The Sound of the Spring Warbler was brought to Japan, it was classified as gagaku (雅楽, Japanese imperial court music and dance) and is still passed down to this day. The style, form and costume of the dance have all taken on Japanese characteristics, however. The fact that The Sound of the Spring Warbler was categorized as tōgaku (唐樂) in Japan or dangak in Korea (both meaning ›Tang Dynasty music‹) shows that in both cases it was brought over from the Tang Dynasty in China. From images of the two versions of The Sound of the Spring Warbler that are extant today, their elegant postures, costumes, makeup and so on are very different, with clear Japanese or Korean characteristics. This shows that any foreign art form must necessarily change according to the local tastes and customs after it is brought in. The dances Liangzhou and Ganzhou in the soft dance category have place names as the names of the dances. Ancient Liangzhou was located on the site of modern Wuwei, Gansu, and ancient Ganzhou was located at modern Zhangye, Gansu. These two dances would likely have been folk dances from those areas.

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3. The Famous Grand Suite: Rainbow Skirt Feathered Dress Dance The renowned song-and-dance »grand suites« of the Tang Dynasty were large-scale ensemble suites of music and dance formed from a combination of instrumental music, singing and dancing. There were many grand suites during the Tang Dynasty. The 46 grand suites listed in Cui Lingqian’s Record of the Royal Academy have a rich diversity of content. In terms of dance, the most famous and most refined would have been Rainbow Skirt, or Rainbow Skirt Feathered Dress Dance. This piece was considered a grand suite and was also considered faqu. The main characteristic of faqu is that the melodies and the instruments used are closer to Qingshang music, the traditional music of the Han people, and the tone and mood are more serene and elegant. Rainbow Skirt Feathered Dress Dance (hereinafter abbreviated Rainbow Skirt) is the most well-known among Tang Dynasty faqu, and is also the most representative. A legend says that the piece Rainbow Skirt came out of Emperor Ming of Tang traveling to the moon with the Daoist Ye Fashan; another legend says it was created when Xuanzong gazed on Mount Nuji (a mountain of the immortals) from the Sanxiang relay station. It is also said that Xuanzong composed it based on the twelve movements of the piece Brahmin presented as tribute by Xiliang (the »tune«), also adding a free prelude. The dance was then arranged based on the music. Reportedly Yang Guifei was good at dancing the Rainbow Skirt Feathered Dress Dance, and was the most widely known at time. The Rainbow Skirt dancers would be dressed up to seem as beautiful and elegant as Daoist immortals. The dancers wore simple and elegant pale blue skirts, while the »feathered garment,« a peacock-green-and-blue garment, was probably a special piece of clothing for this dance. During the time of Xuanzong II in the late Tang Dynasty,

Chapter III The Glory of the Art of Dance

a large group of palace women danced Rainbow Skirt wearing »feathered clothing.« The feathered clothing also had a Daoist flavor, implying the meaning of »ascending to heaven, light as a feather, and becoming immortal.« One could say that the Rainbow Skirt Feathered Dress Dance became famous because of its costume. The characteristic that all the dancers’ clothing shared was that they changed the dancer into a Daoist immortal not of the everyday world. The start of the music for the dance was a melodious and pleasant-sounding free prelude with free rhythm, played on various different instruments in an intertwining of uneven phrases. Next was a slow-tempo middle prelude, which brought out the dancers, dancing light and gracefully. Bai Juyi’s Song of Rainbow Skirt Feathered Dress (with Weizhi) vividly describes this graceful section of the dance: whirling swiftly yet lightly and gracefully, the ingenious combination of fluidly advancing dance steps and sudden turning movements, the soft and graceful dance postures with »small drooping hands,« the light and rapid movements, garments floating like clouds, the dancers like immortals moving among the clouds. After the start of the »break,« fast and intense dance moves made the dancers’ girdle ornaments and necklaces skip and flash continuously and make tinkling sounds. After a fast-paced section, the dance would suddenly halt, the dancers resembling phoenixes folding their wings and coming to a stop. Unlike other dance pieces, the entire dance of Rainbow Skirt ended on »one drawn-out sound,« an extended sound in slow rhythm. The great poet and music-and-dance connoisseur Bai Juyi praised it, saying, »Of the innumerable thousand songs and ten thousand dances, I love the Rainbow Skirt dance the most.« The format of the performance of Rainbow Skirt was not actually fixed, and the Rainbow Skirt dances performed in the palace during various eras of the Tang Dynasty were different. When Emperor Ming of Tang was on the throne, there

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was both a solo dance form and a group dance form of Rainbow Skirt. Rainbow Skirt was a work with strong artistry and a high level of technique. It absorbed elements from the folk music and dance of China and from abroad, but the creation and revision of this work was completed in the palace. Because of this, at first, Rainbow Skirt was mainly popular in the palace and among a few powerful officials. Bai Juyi’s »Song of Rainbow Skirt« not only vividly and colorfully described the music and dance of Rainbow Skirt, but also hinted at the popularity of Rainbow Skirt. He watched Rainbow Skirt at the palace during the Yuanhe era of Emperor Xianzong, and it left an extremely beautiful, profound impression. After he left the capital, he passed through many places as he was transferred to Hangzhou to serve as commandery governor. He organized a small troupe of performers in Hangzhou, with Linglong playing the konghou harp, Xie Hao playing the zheng zither and Chen Long playing the bili flute. »Clear strings, strident pipes, slender hands; I taught them the tune of Rainbow Skirt.« In 825, Bai Juyi was transferred to the post of commandery governor of Suzhou. In his spare time from managing government affairs, he again thought of his beloved Rainbow Skirt. This time it seems he was not satisfied with just practicing the music, but also wanted performers to practice the dance. He wrote a letter asking his good friend Yuan Zhen, »Among the many performers in your department, do you have any Rainbow Skirt dancers?« But Yuan Zhen »replied that in the hundred thousand households of the seven counties, no one knew the Rainbow Skirt dance.« From this we can see that Rainbow Skirt Feathered Dress Dance did not circulate very widely during the Tang Dynasty, perhaps because performance requirements of the dance were so high. The extremely beautiful appearance of the dancers, the excellent technique of the dance, the high level of expression, the requirement of an elegant demeanor and manner like that of an

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immortal and the most gorgeous attire and accessories caused the dissemination of this dance to be somewhat limited. Rainbow Skirt Feathered Dress was one of the representative works of Tang Dynasty dance. It successfully created the beautiful image of an immortal and the artistic concept of the realm of the immortals, giving people an artistic appreciation of beauty. The dance not only adopted extremely graceful traditional dance postures such as »small drooping hands,« but also mixed in wonderful whirling movements from dances from the Western Regions, while changing their original athletic and unconstrained manner and instead giving them a graceful manner of drifting without a resting place, whirling and wandering. The music was composed and edited by the outstanding musician emperor of the Tang Dynasty, Emperor Ming; it was performed by the highest-level musicians, the imperial troupe called Disciples of the Pear Garden; and the dance was performed by the dancer with the highest skills and prerequisites, Yang Guifei, as well as other professional song-and-dance performers. Thus Rainbow Skirt Feathered Dress Dance became a classic work of Tang style dance, and also the brightest and most dazzling pearl in the history of ancient Chinese dance. The historical facts of the development of various dance arts during the Tang Dynasty demonstrates a general rule of the development of performing arts: if they do not widely absorb abundant nutrients suited to their own development, even traditional folk dances will gradually wither; on the other hand, if the artistic forms of other peoples are blindly copied and the roots of their own folk art are cut off, the unique flowers of folk dance will die out, never finding their footing in the forest of world music. Tang Dynasty dance was able to develop and flourish at such a high level precisely because it was rooted in China’s own traditional folk culture, to which was added extensive adoption of other styles and bold innovation.

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Only thus was Tang Dynasty dance able to achieve such splendid achievements.

Section 2  Splendid and Colorful Sui and Tang Dance-related Cultural Relics Music and dance were the main forms of performing art during the Sui and Tang Period. A large number of materials with images of dance have been preserved among the vast number of Sui and Tang historical and cultural relics. Especially important are the Buddhist artworks in the Mogao Caves at Dunhuang and the Tang-era Longmen Grottoes and the murals, dancing figurines and so on excavated from Tang tombs in various places. These are reliable evidence for our research into and exploration of Tang Dynasty dance. These materials with images of dance show multitudes of different postures, and the styles are completely different, displaying the rich and varied appearance of Tang Dynasty dance as well as its development direction—which broadly picked up different influences.

1. Dance Images in Tang Dynasty Dunhuang Mural Paintings Plentiful and precious images of ancient dance have been preserved in the murals in the Mogao Caves at Dunhuang, which have been named a world artistic treasury, and the nearby Yulin Caves in Anxi. The Mogao Caves comprise 492 extant caves, and most of the excavated murals and sculptures include images of music and dance. There are 228 Tang-era caves at Mogao, and their images of dance are especially rich and vivid. There are many large-scale jingbianhua (经变画), pictures explaining Buddhist sutras, in Tang Dynasty cave murals in places such as Dunhuang and Yulin showing scenes of music and dance in the Pure Land of the Buddhas. The positions of these pictures are very prominent, the painting is

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fine and the dance postures richly diverse, making them most attractive to those in the field of dance. The characteristics of Tang Dynasty dance poses, such as the S-shaped »three-bend« pose, is largely based on the images in these murals. The heavenly musicians and dancers playing music and dancing in the murals with the objective of entertaining the Buddha resemble the song-anddance performers of the time performing music and dance for the enjoyment of the emperor, imperial family, and officials. The format of the music and dance performances in front of the Buddha in the murals mostly consists of musicians lined up on either side, with the prominent position in the center given over to the dancers. It is not that different from the performance scene in the mural of music and dance in the tomb of Su Sixu in the eastern suburbs of Xi’an. The shapes and playing styles of the musical instruments used by the heavenly musicians, such as qin, zheng, pan pipes, fangxiang (方响) metallophones, ruan (阮) four-stringed lutes, waist drums, pellet drums, bili flutes, conch shells, konghou harps, and pipa, are basically the same as they were in real life. Therefore, the dance postures of the one, two or four heavenly women in the center could also reproduce images of certain dances that were actually seen. Some traces of the S-shaped posture of the dancers in scenes of music and dance in Tang Dynasty jingbianhua at Dunhuang can still be found in ethnic folk dance today (such as the folk dances of Gansu). In the early 1950s, dance researchers collected a folk dance, Rolling Lamp, from the Wuwei and Yongdeng areas of Gansu Province, where the dance posture presented an S-shape. The dancers of Rolling Lamp had lotus flower lanterns on their heads, with a lotus flower lantern on each palm as well. They would take a step, draw their knees together, sink into a half-crouch and then another half-crouch, and swing their hips once to left and right. The dance movements had a distinct rhythm that was harmonious and pleasing, and it

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was very close to the dance postures in the Dunhuang murals. Another example is the Wax Flower Dance popular in the Tianshui and Qin’an areas of Gansu. The dancers hold a fan in one hand, moving it around in front of their chests, with a lotus flower lantern in the other hand. The basic movements of the dance are small, quick steps while swinging the hips, forming an S-shaped posture. According to local folk legends, this dance originated from the High Tang, when it was the movement pattern used by literati when they were reciting poems. The folk legend is not entirely reliable, but it does reflect some general historical facts. As another example, the elders among the Hui people of the Linfu Region of Gansu have preserved a dance step called yaoyaoyao (摇摇摇, lit. shake shake shake). The music has a three-beat rhythm, and the dancers would move their hips to left and right while advancing, so that the whole body forms the three-bend S-shape. This dance step may be related to the movement represented by the character »摇« in the surviving sections of the Dunhuang dance scores. This issue is still awaiting further research and exploration. With the abovementioned folk dances and the dance postures of heavenly dancers in Tang Dynasty murals at Dunhuang corroborating one another, we can see that this dance posture characterized by an S-shape may have already existed earlier in the traditional dances of the area. The well-known painting Dancer Playing the Pipa Behind Her Back (Fig. 5.3.2) is a very prominent and special image among Dunhuang murals from the Tang Dynasty and Five Dynasties. To date, however, no written record from the Tang Dynasty has been found describing playing the pipa while dancing. The Dunhuang murals, however, clearly depict images of this peculiar type of dance and musical performance. Could this be a form of dance unique to Shazhou (Dunhuang) at the time? Images of dancers with drums hanging in front of their chests also have appeared in pictures of musicians of the heavenly palace in the

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Yungang Grottoes near Datong (the drums are shaped like wax gourds, similar to today’s waist drums). Similar images are rarely seen, however, in other grottoes from the Northern Wei, such as the Longmen and Gong County grottoes. What is interesting is that the well-known folk dance from Shanxi, Flower Drum Dance, just happens to be performed with drums hanging in front of the chest. One hard drumstick (made of wood) and one soft drumstick (made of strips of leather) are used. The drumsticks are called »whips« (bian 鞭), just as drumsticks are sometimes called in ancient texts. The drumbeats and dance postures of the Flower Drum Dance of Shanxi are very richly diverse. Different people beat the drum and dance in different ways. In addition to a chest drum, there are many other forms of dancing while drumming, such as hanging the drum from the shoulder, waist or leg. Although there are heavenly musicians beating the same kind of drum carved in Northern Wei grottoes such as Longmen and Gong County, the drum is not hanging in front of the chest but rather set up in front of a seat. It is evident that the appearance of this special image of a drum hanging in front of the chest in the Yungang Grottoes is related to the fact that this tradition existed among the people of the area; from this we can infer that the history of the Flower Drum Dance of Shanxi goes back a long way. The image of dancing while playing the pipa behind the back in the mural at Dunhuang is thus very likely a form of performance unique to that area. Moreover, related vestiges can be found among the surviving folk dances of the area of Tibet not far from Dunhuang. According to a study by the Tibetan Song and Dance Troupe, a form of dancing while playing a four-stringed zither behind the back has been preserved to this day in the Tingri Region of Tibet. After the An Lushan Rebellion (755) during the Tang Dynasty, the Tibetan Empire ruled the Dunhuang area for close to a hundred years. Before this, there were also Tibetans who went back and forth to Dunhuang

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5.3.2 Mogao Caves at Dunhuang, Dancer Playing the Pipa Behind Her Back, Cave no. 172

or lived in Dunhuang. Thus the music and dance of Tibet naturally could have spread to the Dunhuang area. The Dunhuang image of dancing while playing the pipa behind the back may be a product of the exchange of folk cultures in ancient times (Fig. 5.3.2). On the one hand, traces of the dance postures of the heavenly dancers in the Dunhuang murals can be found in the surviving folk dances of various peoples. On the other hand, we know from relevant written records that these images may be reflections of dances held in temples at that time for Buddhist rituals and to entertain the Buddha. During the Tang Dynasty, dance was performed at Buddhist ceremonies. The Four Directions Bodhisattva Barbarian Dance (Sifang pusa man wu 四方菩萨蛮舞) performed at the Anguo Temple in Chang’an during the late Tang should be counted as the most prominent example. The dance was full of a sense of immortality. When it was performed at the Anguo Temple, its graceful postures were »like a Buddha descended among the living,« resembling a celestial lady come down to earth. This large-scale women’s group dance was also performed in the palace during Buddhist ceremonies, such as on the Buddha’s birthday when »the palace was decorated as a temple« and »hundreds of people performed Four Directions

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Bodhisattva Barbarian.« There are many lyrics to the tunes of Bodhisattva Barbarian and Lamentation for a Hundred Years in the Dunhuang manuscripts, showing that these pieces of music and dance were very likely performed in the temples of Dunhuang. It is recorded in the Dunhuang manuscripts that a Crane Dance (Hewu 鹤舞) and Flower Dance (Huawu 花舞) were performed in temples during religious activities. These are both traditional Chinese dances. The Immortal Crane Dance (Xianhe wu 仙鹤舞), which symbolizes good fortune and longevity, is still in circulation among the people today. On the back of Dunhuang manuscript P.4640, it is written, »on the fourteenth day of the month, a stack of rough paper was given to a military dancer on the team of Wang Jianduo,« which further demonstrates the existence of temple dance troupes. A similar oratorio, which includes the recitation of lyrics while dressed up as different figures, is recorded on the back of S. 2440. »The team speaking« resembles the recitation of an »introduction« (zhiyu 致语) by the »bamboo pole holder« (zhuganzi 竹竿子) in Song Dynasty performances, similar to a master of ceremonies today, explaining the content of the program. The document praises the dancers who were as beautiful as immortals, »one group in blue, one group in yellow, posing and stepping.« Blue and yellow are probably the colors of the clothing of the groups of dancers. »Posing and stepping« (taita 态踏) may have been similar to folk group dances combining song and dance that were performed for fun, such as »dancing in the round« (tage) or zhuanta (转踏, ›repeated stepping‹), a form of drama with poems set to music and accompanied by dance. The manuscript also includes lines chanted by different roles: »The heavenly king chants,« »The lady chants,« »The wife chants,« and »The one who looks old chants.« Lay believers paid to put on such grand Buddhist ceremonies to worship and entertain deities with the goal of asking for sons.

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Therefore, the lyrics for recitation included words such as »Singing, dancing and making music to our utmost for the gods and spirits, the song and dance are not for any other reason, prostrating ourselves hoping and begging the heavenly king for a son.« The Tang Dynasty piece, Lamentation for a Hundred Years, was originally composed to grieve for the deceased. »The words were so sorrowful, no one who heard it remained dry-eyed.« There were several hundred dancers, resplendent in pearls and jade, while a piece of thick silk decorated with fish and dragons was spread on the ground. After the dance was over, pearls and jade littered the ground. The lyrics to Lamentation for a Hundred Years excavated at Dunhuang mostly tell the progress of human life from birth to old age to death, propagating the concept that life is a dream and the world is an illusion. This type of music and dance was popular at temples; it may have been a religious dance performed at Buddhist ceremonies intended to help departed souls find peace. The Dunhuang scrolls include copies of Bai Juyi’s poem, »Mulberry Branch Dancer,« made by the monks at Lingyuan Temple for practicing and performing music and dance at the temple. The existence of the surviving sections of the Dunhuang dance and music scores, meanwhile, further shows that the scale of music and dance practiced and performed at the temples was large and that it was passed down for a long time, thus necessitating the making of dance and music scores to help with teaching. From the preserved temple dance and music scores, we can see that temple music and dance activities of the time were thriving. Many images of dancing and flying apsaras can be seen in the jingbianhua at Dunhuang, and there are also the colorful and varied poses of heavenly dancers worshipping and entertaining the Buddha. A significant number of them have a strongly Indian style. Dunhuang was located along a key road between the interior of China and the Western Regions, and various peoples lived there to-

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gether. As a result, it was influenced by the music and dance of the Western Regions fairly early on, and thoroughly. This important town along the Silk Road was also a center of Buddhism, and the temple music and dance of the time for entertaining the Buddha retained a strongly Indian style, which may have been widespread. The images of dance from the early Tang and High Tang are as lifelike and moving as drawings from life, and there are Indian postures and gestures in the pictures of heavenly dancers. Examples include the dancer swaying and jutting out their hip while tucking in a leg in a mural from the early Tang in Cave no. 331; two heavenly dancers dancing together with symmetrical movements, crouching low, with twisted and tilted torsos, jutting hips and raised elbows, in a mural from the high Tang in Cave no. 148; the posture with jutting hip, arms raised high over the head, ten fingers outspread, and one hip dropped in a slight crouch or the lg raised with bent knee in Cave no. 112 from the mid Tang; the posture with tilted torso, jutting hip, and arms spread but bent in Cave no. 12 from the early Tang; and the elegant gesture with the thumb and forefinger pinched together and the other three fingers slightly raised, which is so often seen in other Buddhist images. These can all be seen in Indian dances that are still circulating today. With the passage of time and the dissemination of Buddhist art in China, it necessarily adapted to the artistic customs of the Chinese people and gradually combined with the cultural and artistic traditions of China, gradually becoming popularized and secularized, and finally becoming Chinese folk art. Although images of dance in Dunhuang murals from after the Sui and Tang Period still have the elegant demeanor of Indian dance, a considerable portion of the images of dance have a Chinese style. For example, in the Tang Dynasty mural in Cave no. 114, a female heavenly dancer dances in the center with long pieces of cloth, accompanied by eight musicians on the side. The female dancer’s body is slightly tilted, crouched

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5.3.3  Mogao Caves at Dunhuang, painting of dancing before the Buddha, Cave no. 220

with her foot flexed, both hands holding long pieces of cloth which she waves with one arm bent and uplifted, the other arm straight; the long cloth whirls in a figure eight. Her dance posture is fluid, her movements orderly. The silk figure-eight pattern is still a common form of dance in the Ribbon Dance (Changchou wu 长绸舞) to this day. The well-known Cave no. 220 at Dunhuang was built in the sixteenth year of the Zhenguan era (642). There are four fairly large female heavenly dancers in the mural Bianxiang of the Eastern Pure Land of the Medicine Buddha in this cave (Fig. 5.3.3), dancing with light steps in front of dazzling lantern-covered buildings and trees. One pair is wearing pointed jeweled helmets, »brocade half-sleeve waistcoats,« and »pomegranate skirts.« The decorations and style of the clothing give it the sense of armor; it rather resembles beautified military attire. The dance postures are vigorous and athletic, marking this as an image of energetic dance. Both dancers have their backs turned, standing on one straight leg, the other lifted behind. One arm is strongly raised with the palm up, with the other arm at the side in the pose of »lifting the gown« (tijin 提襟), a traditional Chinese dance pose with the hand in a fist, the arm forming an arc beside the

body with the fist level with and about a foot away from the hip. This pose has a heroic and imposing martial air. To this day, this »lifting the gown« with the elbow out is still a dance movement often used by the martial roles in traditional Chinese opera. The pair of heavenly dancers in Cave no. 205 at Dunhuang are in side profile with arms upraised, dancing with shawls and with hanging belts. Their elegant, gentle and refined poses seem like a series of slow and winding movements, smooth, round and flowing, continuous and uninterrupted. They express the wonderful artistic concept of a soft dance, that it »cannot be lacking in slow poses.« The creation of this concept conformed to the traditional aesthetic requirements of Chinese culture. Moreover, the Dunhuang murals also include those vivid images of dancers with narrow hanging waist drums, dancing while beating time, and those images similar to the Barbarian Whirling Dance, with flying hair and ribbons, wildly whirling like the wind, feet performing the »grindstone turn« (where the dancer turns on one foot, like a grindstone crushing grain). Traces of these dances can still be found today in the folk dances of nearby peoples such as the Koreans and the Uighurs (Fig. 5.3.3).

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Not only can traces of the dance postures of heavenly dancers worshipping and entertaining the Buddha in the Dunhuang murals be found in today’s folk dances, but it can also be inferred from relevant written records that they may reflect the form of the temple dances of the time. They reflect some characteristics of the temple dances of the Dunhuang area to a certain extent. Among the Dunhuang murals, dance in everyday life at the time is more realistically reflected in scenes of music and dance in the processions of temple donors and paintings of Buddhist stories with real life as the background. These reflect the dance activities of real life fairly realistically from another angle, for example the well-known paintings of Zhang Yichao and of his wife and the women of Song going out, in Cave no. 156 at Dunhuang, realistically depict the music and dance troupes of the processions of nobles at the time. The dance of the procession in the painting of Zhang Yichao going out rather resembles the athletic dances of modern Tibetans, with stamping feet and arms outspread. The painting Marriage in Dunhuang Cave no. 445 has always been valued by scholars. The attire and postures of the dancers in the painting are extremely similar to those in the famous painting The Night Revels of Han Xizai from the Southern Tang, during the Five Dynasties. Many images of ancient dance such as those described above are extant, but only The Night Revels of Han Xizai indicates the time period, location, specific environment and name of the dance while also showing an image of the dance; its realism cannot be doubted. Based on this, the images of dancers in the painting Marriage in Cave no. 445 should be a fairly realistic reflection of customary dancing at the time. In Dunhuang Cave no. 329, there are several cute children painted embedded in lotus decorations with one foot on a lotus blossom and the other raised or kicking, their arms either holding up lotus buds, or raised to stroke lotus flowers, or

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their bodies leaning to touch lotus buds. The poses are varied, both full of a sense of movement and the beauty of dance. They are very similar to the previously mentioned carved images of the Han and hu children with one foot on a lotus flower on the Tang Xingfu Temple broken stele. The difference is that the carved dancers wear long-sleeved dance costumes, but the lotus children in the mural in Cave no. 329 have bare bodies. These images might in some way represent the beautiful concept of the two children emerging from lotus flowers in Double Mulberry Branch. A scene of music and dance while visiting a pagoda in the bianxiang of the Lotus Sutra in Dunhuang Cave no. 23, an »expedient means« for conveying this Buddhist teaching, shows musicians playing accompaniment seated on a square carpet while a man in regular clothes dances with arms raised. The clothing, instruments and performing postures of the musicians and dancer all have a strong sense of realism. The scenes of dancing in a restaurant in the Vimalakirti Bianxiang in Dunhuang Cave no.  360 and the mural in Cave no. 61 both allow us to see the vivid dance postures of Tang Dynasty folk artists in simple and unadorned clothing displaying their skills in wine shops. The dance troupes in pictures of donors going out in the Dunhuang murals are direct reflections of real life; and although the scenes of music and dance in pictures of stories from sutras with a real-life backdrop have a certain religious flavor, they also have a strong air of everyday life.

2. Dance Images in Tang Dynasty Longmen Caves The Longmen Caves were excavated one after another starting from 494, after Emperor Xiaowen of Northern Wei moved the capital to Luoyang. There are a total of 2,100 caves and niches from various dynasties, with Tang Dynasty caves and niches accounting for two thirds of them. The Tang Dynasty caves are generally grand in scale

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with fine carvings; many of them have extremely elegant carved images of dance. The images of dance at Longmen are characterized by »Sinicization and secularization.« The images of Buddhas in the Tang Longmen caves are dignified and sympathetic, and the forms of the heavenly musicians are plump and shapely, like the classical beauties of the Tang Dynasty. The heavenly musicians are carved in not very conspicuous locations, such as the bottom of the cave wall or under the bases of carvings of Buddhas. The arrangement of the scenes of music and dance is basically the same as in the murals at Dunhuang and in tombs. On either side are musicians playing pipa, transverse flutes, konghou harps, qin, bili flutes, ruan lutes, yu (竽) and sheng (笙) reed pipes, waist drums, and xing (星) or pengling (碰 铃) finger cymbals or bells. Their seated postures and the playing positions of their instruments are completely the same as those of musicians in real life. In the center of these groups of musicians is one or a pair of dancers, dancing with light steps, making it hard to believe they are carved of stone. Their attire is basically the same as an in the Dunhuang murals, just that because these are stone sculptures and carvings, they cannot be as fine or elaborate as the murals. The most obvious difference in the form of the dances compared to the Dunhuang murals is that there are fewer of those postures with starkly jutting hips, bent waists and leaning bodies that are similar to the Indian style, and more images have a strongly Chinese dance style. The Wanfo Cave (Ten-Thousand Buddha Cave), grand in scale and with fine carvings, was completed on the thirtieth day of the eleventh month of the first year of the Yonglong era of Emperor Gaozong of Tang (680). The entire cave wall is full of densely packed small Buddhas, over fifteen thousand of them. Under the base of the wall and the layers upon layers of Buddhas, there are two relief sculptures of groups of performers. A dancer is at the western end of the south wall,

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close to and under the large Buddha. Her posture is robust, her hair is done in a tall, narrow, pointed bun, and she is wearing a short upper garment and long pants. Her hands are raised palms up by the top of her head. Her left leg is straight, her right leg bent and tucked in; streamers fly and curl on either side of her, making her look like she is striking a pose just after waving her arms energetically up and down. This kind of movement, with both palms raised and a flex foot tucked in, is a movement commonly used in traditional Chinese opera and folk dances to this day. Another dancer at the western end of the north wall close to the large Buddha has her hair in a pointed bun and is wearing a short upper garment and a long skirt with a narrow waist. She is slightly bending sideways at the waist, sticking out her hip to the left and leaning her upper body to the right; both arms are bent at the elbow and stroking the back of her head. The weight-bearing leg is on the left, and the right leg is extended straight to the right, the tip of the foot touching the ground with a sense of downward motion. Her expression is reserved and profound, her posture graceful. At the bottom of the steps to the grand and imposing Fengxian Temple (Ancestor Worshipping Temple), on the south side, there is a medium-sized cave built during the High Tang. Below the base of the main Buddha, near the ground, is a group of carved performers, including a lifelike image of a dancer. This female dancer’s upper body is exposed; her face and body are plump, soft and smooth; she has a tall hairstyle and a necklace hanging around her neck. A soft silk ribbon winds around her arm from her shoulder, hanging naturally from her wrist and fingers. Her arms are in the pose »flag in the wind« (shunfeng qi 顺风旗), a traditional Chinese dance pose with one arm raised, palm up, and the other arm extended to the side, palm out. Her right leg stands straight while her left knee is slightly bent and tucked behind. Her upper body is leaning forward slightly

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5.3.4 Two dancers at the altar in Bazuosi Cave, Longmen Caves near Luoyang

at the waist, her right hip slightly stuck out, and she is just lightly stepping forward. She seems to be performing a pretty, graceful, fluid and expressive dance. In the Bazuosi Cave (Eight-Division Department Cave) in the southern part of the western mountain at Longmen, there are two people dancing as a pair among the sculptures of musicians and dancers in the western wall of the altar; their dance postures are also very graceful (Fig. 5.3.4). There is an open-air niche containing a bian of the Western Pure Land in the Wanfo Cave on the east bank of the Yi River; legend has it that it was made by the renowned poet Bai Juyi. In this relief carving of the Western Paradise, there are images of the Buddha, palaces, multi-story pagodas, musical instruments and so on. There is also a dancer dancing with light steps under an image of the Buddha. Her body is plump, wrapped in a silk shawl, her head uplifted; her left arm is lifted to the side of her forehead, while her right arm is softly and naturally opened at an angle; her waist is slightly pushed forward, her right leg standing straight, her left leg bent up behind her; she seems to have just lifted her foot to take a step. Seeing this carefree, bright and happy posture full of youthful vigor, one can’t help but think of Bai Juyi’s lines of poetry describing his own household singers and dancers: »Xiao Man’s willow waist« and »Hongxiao easily dancing.« This

dancer who has stood prettily in the cliff for over a thousand years looks so much like a living dancer. Perhaps we can see it as a recreation of the dancing figures of Xiao Man and Hongxiao. There are clear differences between the images of dance in the Tang caves at Longmen and the dance postures of the heavenly dancers in the murals at Dunhuang. Overall, the Indian influence gradually diminished, while the Chinese style became more apparent. The characteristics of these dance postures are widespread, and express a leisurely, relaxed and happy mood. To a certain extent, this reflects the easy and comfortable lives and interests of the upper levels of Tang society. The Tang Dynasty murals at Dunhuang and the Tang cave carvings at Longmen are all Buddhist works of art created during the same period, but because of differences in location, their images of dance have different characteristics.

3. Dance Images Unearthed from Tang Tombs We can capture some images of ancient dance from the Dunhuang murals and Longmen Caves, but these are after all images refracted through the lens of religion. Although they do have a certain historical value and are an extremely precious historical source for us to study the dance of that time and place, they are not entirely portrayals of real life. The murals, carvings, dancing figures

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and so on excavated from tombs, meanwhile, are more realistic; they are a fairly direct reflection of dances from real life. The construction of tombs and the selection and arrangement of tomb goods to a certain extent reflect the interests and hobbies of the person interred there. The images of dance in tombs may be the specific poses of some dance performed by the tomb owner’s favorite dancers. Their level of realism may be close to that of photographs, life drawings or portraits. Therefore, the images of dance in cultural relics excavated from tombs are a more reliable basis for our research on the dance of that time and place. Based on the murals, carvings, dancing figures and so on excavated from some Tang tombs, the attire and postures of Tang Dynasty dance were bright and colorful, with highly varied styles. In the group of carved figures of musicians and dancers excavated from the early Tang tomb of Li Shou in Sanyuan, Shaanxi, there are six dancers facing each other with bent knees and waists, one arm raised, bent, to the side of the forehead, one arm spread at an angle. This may be a pose of salutation when starting or ending a dance. Their attire consists of a long skirt, short upper garment and wide sleeves that end at the wrist with a long, narrow sleeve emerging from inside. This type of sleeve is often seen in Han Dynasty paintings and carvings of dancers. The collection of the Zhaoling Museum in Shaanxi includes a mural of music and dance from the early Tang tomb of Li Ji. There are two dancers in beautiful attire, their hair in two buns, wearing a shirt with long sleeves underneath, with a half-length robe with a turndown collar on the outside, belted at the waist, and a long skirt in two colors on the bottom (Fig. 5.3.5). They are crouching facing each other, leaning, with their heads turned and eyes raised, one arm lifted and one outspread. They closely resemble the pose »crouching fish« (woyu 卧鱼), a traditional Chinese dance pose with the legs folded and the body reclining to the side, a »process« movement of seeming to lie down but

Chapter III The Glory of the Art of Dance

not lying down. They manifest the wonderful artistic concept of »turning, rising and falling, like a lotus breaking through the ripples.« Their dance costumes consist of a robe with a turndown collar on top, which shows a certain influence from the Western Regions, with a long skirt with bicolored stripes on the bottom, which was a fashion from the early Tang. The dance pose, meanwhile, is in true Central Plains style (Fig. 5.3.5). Some female figurines have been excavated at Chayang Village in Xi’an and Dizhangwan in Xianyang, Shaanxi. They are all wearing garments with wide, long sleeves, slightly raising their arms and lightly stepping, lightly singing and dancing handsomely, pleasantly narrating through song, their expressions amiable and natural. A group of figures of musicians and dancers excavated from the tomb of Zheng Rentai in Liquan County, Shaanxi includes a pair of dancers wearing shirts with long sleeves, short jackets and long skirts with narrow waists, standing facing one another, their long sleeves hiding their faces, gently moving about. Images of huren dancing hu dances from the Tang Dynasty are a common occurrence. In a mural of music and dance excavated from the tomb of Su Sixu in the eastern suburbs of Xi’an, a male huren dances to the accompaniment of musicians on either side. The dancer stands in the center on a square carpet with one leg raised and bent at the knee, his left arm raised high, right arm hanging down and brushing his clothing, head turned and looking down at an angle, looking as if he just landed after a leap. It would not be unreasonable to infer that this is the Barbarian Leap Dance, with its jumping, kicking and stamping movements. Brick tiles from the pagoda at Xiuding Temple in Anyang, Henan are molded with two images of dancing huren, one standing with crossed legs, one with a raised knee, both arms raised and palms together, sticking a hip out to the side. Although this is not a relic from a tomb, it does realistically record the popularity of hu

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dance in the Central Plains during the Tang Dynasty. In the Figure of Camel Carrying Female Musicians, excavated in Xi’an, a huren with rolled sleeves waves her arms and sings high up on the camel’s back, to the accompaniment of four seated musicians. The dancer’s expression is very vivid, and the spirited camel seems to be taking a leisurely step, carrying this group of hu musicians and dancers to roam and perform on the streets of Chang’an. This camel figure tells us visually that after the form of Central Asian musicians putting on travelling performances on camelback was transmitted from the Western Regions to the Central Plains, it was absorbed and used by the Han artists of the Central Plains in their own performances. There are many images and records of huren performing hu dances in the surviving cultural relics and writings of the Central Plains. In ancient tombs in Xinjiang in the Western Regions, meanwhile, vivid images of Chinese people of the Tang Dynasty performing Tang-style dance have also been preserved. For instance, in the Zhang Xiong family mausoleum discovered in Astana, near Turpan (ancient Gaochang), where they were a local wealthy family, images were found of dancers with hair in tall buns, faces decorated with a huadian (花钿) forehead markings, silk shawls wrapped around their shoulders, wearing short upper garments, long skirts and high yuntou (云头) cloud-patterned shoes. Their elegant poses and gestures have a strong air of the ancient dance of the Central Plains. They visually prove the historical fact of exchange of music and dance culture between various peoples and places in the Tang Dynasty. Tang Dynasty dance consisted of multitudes of gorgeous postures; its styles were also diverse and varied, each with their own characteristics. The S-shaped three-bend posture was among the characteristic Tang Dynasty dance postures, but it was not the only characteristic feature. The atmosphere of carefree brightness, enthusiastic

SECTION 2 SPLENDID AND COLORFUL SUI AND TANG DANCE-RELATED CULTURAL RELICS

5.3.5 Music and dance: Mural from the tomb of Li Ji, collection of Zhaoling Museum in Shaanxi

boldness, and flowing grace expressed in all the images of Tang Dynasty dance fully manifests the style of the Tang Dynasty, the golden age of China’s feudal society. Some of the images of heavenly dancers in the Dunhuang murals, which were profoundly influenced by the music and dance of the Western Regions, have a fairly strong Indian style. If we look past these half-naked forms of »heavenly women,« however, and closely observe and analyze the postures of these »dancers,« we will find that many of the dance postures have a strongly Chinese style. Similar cadences and postures can still be found today in the ancient dances and folk dances of China. Tomb figures and paintings, dancers in the processions of donors in religious paintings, and folk dances in paintings of stories from Buddhist sutras, which fairly realistically reflect scenes of dance from real life, are reliable sources for us to study issues such as the stylistic characteristics and performance formats of Tang Dynasty dance. Historical materials on dance in such cultural relics from the Tang Dynasty are more abundant than for any other period in history, which is a mark of the high level of development of dance during the Tang Dynasty, as well as a necessary result of the extensive popularity of dance and the widespread welcome it received in society (Fig. 5.3.6).

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The Dunhuang murals, Tang Dynasty caves at Longmen, and tomb figures and paintings, visually show the trend of development of Tang Dynasty dance: widely picking up source material, incorporating diverse elements, absorbing and fusing, using elements of other styles to its own advantage. It was precisely this trend of development, as well as the open-mindedness of Tang society, which led the Tang Dynasty to become the peak of development and the golden age of dance in ancient China.

Chapter III The Glory of the Art of Dance

Section 3  Tang Dynasty Dance Scores The banquet dances of ancient China could roughly be divided into two types. One was those performed by song-and-dance performers (called gewu ji 歌舞伎, gewuzhe 歌舞者 or nüyue 女乐) for the appreciation and enjoyment of the hosts and guests. These usually involved a higher level of professional skill and had greater artistic value. The other type consisted of hosts and guests in-

5.3.6 Mural of heavenly musicians from the high Tang in the Mogao Caves, Dunhuang; copy by Zhang Daqian

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viting each other to dance; these were ancient courtesy »social dances.« The »linked dances« which were very popular from the end of the Han Dynasty to the start of the Cao Wei Dynasty and the drinking games involving dancing which were popular during the Tang Dynasty belonged to this category. With its high level of development of dance, dance diagrams similar to today’s storyboards had already appeared during the Tang Dynasty, and were used to record certain performative dances from song-and-dance banquets.

1. Overview of Dance Scores Based on the relevant historical materials, dance scores recording performative dances from the Tang Dynasty would have included three parts: the dance tune (musical score), illustrations of the dance (illustrated score) and written text (textual score). In addition to terminology for dance movements, the texts would also have included other reminders on how to »integrate« the music and dance. Illustrations of dance, meanwhile, may have been fairly important; like today’s dance storyboards, they would have had significant practical value during rehearsals. According to the Miscellaneous Records of Emperor Ming, Emperor Xuanzong once »first practiced a dance with all the princes in front of the Wansui Building. He ordered drawings made and called these Anwu tu [按舞图, lit. ›pictures for arranging dance‹].« Based on the line »repeatedly teaching and rehearsing dance under the peach blossoms« from Madame Huarui’s Lyrics for the Gong Tone, rehearsing dance was called anwu (按舞). Anwu tu were thus pictures for rehearsing dance, and would have included the timing of dance postures and orientation, changes in formation and so on. In Korea, a country that was profoundly influenced by Chinese culture, choreographers are to this day called anmuga (按舞家). The »Treatise on Music I« in the Old Book of Tang states that in the seventh year of the Zhenguan era (633):

Section 3 Tang Dynasty Dance Scores

Taizong created the Diagrams of the Dance Smashing Through the Battle Formation: round on the left and square on the right, chariots in front and infantry behind, »entrapping fish« and »swans and cranes« spreading wide like wings unfurling, crossing and extending, front and rear turning and exchanging places, in order to resemble a battle. He ordered Lü Cai to teach one hundred twenty performers based on the pictures, and for them to wear armor and carry halberds while rehearsing. There were three movements in total, with four formations in each movement; they appeared to be going back and forth, stabbing fast and slow. They rehearsed for several days in order to match the rhythm of the song before they were successful.

These pictures have not been passed down to us, but these lines were recorded broadly and accurately depicting the appearance of this largescale, 128-person group dance. The fact that they rehearsed based on the pictures »for several days  … before they were successful« shows that the pictures were detailed and precise, and it took some practice before the dance could be smoothly performed. The record cited above proves the fact that during the Tang Dynasty, there were diagrams recording dances, perhaps similar to today’s storyboards, and there may also have been pictures of dance postures. Pictures of dance postures may also have been created based on the sequences of movements. These dance diagrams were created for the purpose of rehearsing, and they were an important component of dance scores. They show that the development of the art of dance had reached a fairly high level during the Tang Dynasty. Another type of dance at banquets consisted of the dances performed by hosts and guests as a courtesy but also for amusement. The ancient form of such »social dance« was the »linked dance« popular from the end of the Han Dynasty to the start of the Cao Wei Dynasty. During the Tang Dynasty, this type of courtesy dance was called daling (打令) and consisted of drinking games involving song and dance, which were also recorded and cir-

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culated via »scores.« The »drinking game« dances of the Tang Dynasty were a continuation and development of the linked dances. The discovery of surviving sections of the Dunhuang dance scores provided precious sources for the study of Tang Dynasty drinking game dances. The banquet song and dance and the drinking games of the Tang Dynasty were rich and varied; the names of more than twenty Tang Dynasty drinking games are known today. They were closely combined with the song and dance of banquets, especially those with rhymed verses sung while presenting wine. These included the »throwing and batting game« (paodaling 抛打令), a drinking game resembling »hot potato,« where an item was thrown or batted in time to a song, and gailing (改令), a drinking game where after one person finished reciting a poem, someone else would recite or compose lines to the same tune. Rhymed verses in drinking games not only strongly advanced the development of quzi ci (poems set to existing songs) and the birth of a new genre of musical literature, quzi ci with an irregular number of syllables, but also directly led to the creation of the Dunhuang dance scores, which we will discuss next.

Chapter III The Glory of the Art of Dance

be used, but actually these texts are only notes on the rhythm and movements of the dances. Words like zhao (招), yao (摇), song (送), ling (令), sui (挼) and tou (头) should represent terminology or patterns for dance movements, rather like today’s »cloud hand,« »mountain arms,« »flag in the wind,« »flower-tapping steps,« and so on. Back then, one only had to say »yao,« »zhao,« »sui« and so on, and people would know which dance movement to do. Even today, teachers of ancient dance still recite dance terminology while teaching, such as »cloud hand,« »mountain arms« and so on, in order to remind students what to do, and the student knows how to perform the dance without looking at the teacher’s example. The Dunhuang scrolls recording dance are primarily made up this type of dance terminology (Fig. 5.3.7).

2. Dunhuang Dance Scores In 1900, Mogao Cave no. 17, the Library Cave, was discovered at Dunhuang, and a large quantity of scrolls of writing and other precious cultural relics were stolen away, leaving nothing behind. Some of the scrolls recording dances were taken abroad by the Frenchman Paul Pelliot and the British archeologist Sir Aurel Stein, and are now in the collections of the Bibliothèque nationale de France and the British Library. In 1925, Liu Fu (Liu Bannong) went to France, where he copied and edited these scrolls and published them as Collected Fragments from Dunhuang (Dunhuang duosuo 敦煌掇琐). The manuscripts that record dances are incomplete remnants, without an overall theme. The name »dance scores,« given by Mr. Liu when they were published, has continued to

5.3.7 Second Dunhuang dance score

After more than half a century of research, by now it has been determined that the dance scores found among the Dunhuang manuscripts are scores used for the dance games played at banquets. More specifically, they are primarily notes used for games in the form of xiaci juling (‌下次据令, lit. »next one performs«) where a person performs a dance and then invites someone

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else to perform along with them. Research has shown that Tang Dynasty drinking games passed through four stages of development, with xiaci juling representing the last stage, the stage where the dance became formalized, governed by rules of the game. This was a form of drinking game characterized by taking turns in order. It was developed in the mid Tang Dynasty but became popular during the late Tang and Five Dynasties. During the late Tang, the dancing of »one song to three rhythms« was added to the game format. Based on various materials, and referring to the symmetrical looping back to the origin in the structure of the dance scores and words like »two of the same meet and greet each other with clasped hands« in the notes in the dance scores, researchers have deemed that this dance consisted of a symmetrical paired dance, which developed from inviting people to dance and the throwing and batting dance game. The sequence of the game is similar to how people invite others to dance in turn in the folk »meshrep« festivals of Xinjiang today. The surviving sections of the Dunhuang music scores list the names of dances and when they were created. Scores have been discovered for nine dances: Sand in the Washing Creek (Huanxi sha 浣溪沙), Distant Lands (Xiafang yuan 遐方远, or Complaint of Distant Lands 遐方怨), Phoenix Returns to the Cloud (Feng gui yun 凤归云), Song of the South (Nan gezi 南歌子), Song of the Southern Country (Nan xiangzi 南乡子), Lotus Leaf Cup (Heye bei 荷叶杯), Pair of Swallows (Shuang yanzi 双燕子), Mountain-Leaping Creek (Moshan xi 蓦山 溪) and Farewell to a Goddess (Bie xianzi 别仙子). The names of the first six dances are listed in the Record of the Royal Academy; they were popular tunes during the high Tang Dynasty. The writing of some of the music scores may have started during the high Tang and continued into the Five Dynasties Period. The contents of the Dunhuang dance scores can be divided into three parts: the »dance name,«

Section 3 Tang Dynasty Dance Scores

the »preface« and the »character block.« Some of the dance scores have an irregular character block, and instead can be made into orderly dance phrases and sections based on the rhythm, organization and arrangement stipulated by the preface. These in particular could be used to combine different dances with the same tune and rhythm. The dance would continually change while the music cycled repeatedly. After the surviving remnants of the Dunhuang dance scores were organized, they showed exactly the same situation as just described, which laid a solid foundation for the study of the Dunhuang dance scores. The second part, the preface, explained the rhythm of the tune and the dance, the changes or junctions between dance postures, when to start and stop dancing, and so on, in the form of brief notes. The third part was the character block, consisting of dance phrases or sections made up of arrangements of terminology for dance moves or patterns. The character blocks are made up characters such as 令 (ling) or 常令 (changling), 送 (song), 舞 (wu), 挼 (sui), 据 (ju), 摇 (yao), 奇 (qi), 头 (tou), 约 (yue), 拽 (ye or zhuai), 请 (qing), 与 (yu), 揖 (ji) and 皇 (huang). Explaining these characters in terms of dance is the key to understanding these dances. What movements do these characters represent? Scholars of previous generations, such as Luo Yong and Ye Yuhua in Examination of Tang Dynasty Drinking Games (Tangren daling kao 唐人打令考) and Ren Erbei in Preliminary Exploration of Dunhuang Tunes (Dunhuang qu chutan 敦煌曲初探), have done some research and offered explanations, presenting valuable research results and reference information. Subsequently, many Dunhuang experts in China and abroad, such as Japan’s Kenzō Hayashi and Ikō Mizuhara and China’s Chai Jianhong, Peng Song, Dong Xijiu, Wang Kunwu and Xi Zhenguan, also began to study the Dunhuang dance scores. The simplest words were used to record the Dunhuang dance scores. Although many surviving sections of dance scores have been found, to this

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day, an associated relatively simple and formulaic courtesy dance that was widely popular at banquets has not been found. The tunes for these dances were also common songs that were sung everywhere at the time. Just like with the various dance songs that are popular today, one only had to name the song and people would know the melody and rhythm. Therefore, there was no need to make a detailed record of the music; the authors of the scores had only to write down the name of the tune, or note any changes to rhythm, and then write the terminology for movements (»song,« »yao,« »sui« etc.). The movements represented by these terms were also widely known. This probably had much to do with the climate where everyone, no matter what social class, liked dance and knew how to dance. As early as the Han Dynasty, there was already dance terminology such as jubu (踽步, lit. ›slow steps,‹ a dance with delicate steps for which Zhao Feiyan was famous). After the Han Dynasty came terms for dance postures such as »drooping hands,« but they were not widely used and not very numerous; they were not formed into series. Making dance terminology into character blocks which recorded a dance as a »complete set« may not have started until the Tang Dynasty, with its distributed and very widespread development of dance. Among the Dunhuang dance score remnants that have been discovered so far, there are two that have especially attracted attention. The first is the Dance Score to Song of the South (Nan gezi wupu 南歌子舞谱) discovered by Mr. Li Zhengyu. This score is written in a blank area under the title »Marriage Agreement« (»Yufu shu« 与夫书)

Chapter III The Glory of the Art of Dance

in the surviving section of an »Etiquette Manual« (»Shuyi« 书仪) in scroll S. 5613. It consists of four lines arranged from right to left. The first line is »Song for presenting wine: Song of the South.« Next are notes about rhythm, such as »slow two, fast three slow two« and terms for dance postures and movements such as »ling, sui, wu, ju, song.« At the end it reads, »Written on the seventh day of the seventh month of the jisi (己巳) year of the Kaiping era. Recorded by De [unknown] Shen.« This shows that the score was written or copied in the third year of the Kaiping era during the Later Liang, that is, 909, two years after the end of the Tang Dynasty (907), and that the name of the person who wrote or copied it was »De [unknown] Shen.« There are also writings such as »The bride makes an obeisance again« and »A woman prostrates herself in response« on the right side of the score. The historical value of this score lies in three aspects. First, there is a precise time period: the start of the Five Dynasties. Second, it has the name of the person who wrote down the score. Third, this dance score was used during a wedding banquet, and it was for a banquet dance of a courtesy and ritual nature, because it has »Song for presenting wine« written at the beginning. Another special dance score is in one of the Dunhuang scrolls restored by the Rare Books Department of the National Library of China. This scroll was discovered by Fang Guangchang and is numbered »no. 820.« Eleven lines are extant. It was originally written vertically, but converted to horizontal format, two of the lines are as follows: (□ indicates a missing character; □／□ indicates an unknown number of missing characters)

...... Left right left Right Right left right Left One da (打) 、、 、、 huang (皇) 、、 、、 da 、、 、、 xiu (朽) 、、 、、 □ □ Right left right Left Right left right Left right left Right left right Two wu (舞) 、、 、、 da 、、 、、 huang 、、 、、 da 、、 、、 da 、、 、、 □ □ ......

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The annotations of »left right left« or »right left right« next to the »character block« of this dance score may indicate foot movements. It would be quite easy and smooth to dance along with the dance score. It completely fits the patterned steps that many folk dances have today. At present, this is the only dance score annotated with notes on orientation such as left and right. In another section worth noting, the words lingzhu (令主, the person in charge of a drinking game) and »two rounds« (liang da 两打) appear in the preface, demonstrating that this score is definitely a drinking game dance score. At the same time, a new character that is not seen in other dance scores appears in the character block: 皇 (huang, emperor). This is an abbreviation for a dance term. Whether it is related to the traditional Chinese dance move »swaying hands« (huangshou 晃 手) because this move is customarily also called »皇手,« remains to be seen. The four dots after characters in a character block may be the custom for ellipses. Thus »Wu 、、 、« would mean »wu wu wu.« This type of threebeat character block is just like those in other dance scores. These two dances provide us with new threads for the further study of the surviving Dunhuang dance scores, as well as inspiring and broadening the thinking of researchers. The characters in the »character blocks« of terminology representing dance moves in the surviving Dunhuang dance scores include more than ten different characters: 令 (ling), 舞 (wu), 挼 (sui), 据 (ju), 摇 (yao), 奇 (qi), 头 (tou), 约 (yue), 拽 (ye or zhuai), 请 (qing), 𤆛 (or 与 yu), 搰 (hu or 揖 yi). Each character represents a specific dance posture. There is also usually another dance posture that corresponds to each of these postures. To elucidate the meanings of these characters (or words), I will summarize the research of previous generations of scholars and try to further analyze and explain the dance moves represented. 令: 令 (ling) means to issue orders. The Song Dynasty work Cai Kuanfu’s Remarks on Poetry (Cai

Section 3 Tang Dynasty Dance Scores

kuanfu shihua 蔡宽夫诗话) says, »When people of the Tang Dynasty drank wine, they necessarily played games to drink together; there were different varieties.« Drinking together accompanied by music and dance at banquets was called lingci (令词, lit. ›order words,‹ i.  e., poetry or lyrics), lingqu (令曲, lit. ›order tune‹) or lingwu (令舞, lit. ›order dance‹ or daling 打令, lit. ›play at ordering‹). Almost all of the surviving sections of Dunhuang dance scores begin with the character 令, indicating that they are dance scores for drinking games. At the start of Dunhuang manuscript p. 785, The Tune Lotus Leaf Cup (Quzi heye bei 曲 子荷叶杯), 令送 (ling song, lit. ›order to present wine‹) is written as 打送 (da song, lit. ›play and present wine‹) —which is absolute proof. The phrases »present wine to the rhythm ›Pagoda,‹« »present wine to a leisurely rhythm« and »present wine to a five-beat rhythm« in the preface of the score for Distant Lands are all stipulations for the rhythm of the orders for playing the game. 头: Explaining and Analyzing Characters (Shuowen jiezi 说文解字) says, »头 (tou) is head.« Processional dances of the Tang and Five Dynasties had a role called wutou (舞头, lit. ›head of the dance‹). Madame Huarui’s Lyrics for the Gong Tone says: »The lead dancers [wutou] all paint pictures with their gauze blouses, singing newly revised lyrics created by the emperor.« And Wang Jian’s Lyrics for the Gong Tone says: »Tidying their clothes, all others withdraw, as the lead dancer [wutou] beats the third sound.« The wutou was the leader of a group dance. Their position was often at the head of the dance team. As the team’s formation changed, their position would also change, but they were the ones in charge of the changes and flow of the dance formation. There were also terms such as »congtou« (从头, lit. ›follow the head‹), »chongtou« (重头, lit. ›repeat the head‹) and »biantou« (遍头, lit. ›head of the section‹) in Tang music and dance; these were probably all related to the structure of pieces of music. Other than the third score of Distant Lands

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in P.3501, all instances of the character 头 in the extant surviving dance scores appear in the last section of the character block. That is to say, the movement »tou« does not appear until the end of each drinking game dance. Could this be related to the movement of bending one’s head to drink? If it is, however, the movement represented by »tou« would definitely not be the same as just bending one’s head to drink in everyday life; it would have been made into a dance move. In a picture of private performers from the Northern Zhou (557–581)in Mogao Cave no.  297 at Dunhuang, a dancer dancing to the accompaniment of musicians is clearly moving her head and neck. Very likely the character 头 in the dance score is to remind the dancers to first perform a dance posture that involves moving the head before lowering their heads to drink. 与: 与 (yu, ›with‹) was originally written »𤆛.« It may represent a dance team in two lines, each pair holding hands, or an arrangement of positions for dancing in pairs and passing through pairs and symmetrical dance moves in pairs. 请: 请 (qing, ›invite‹) may have originated from the movements of courtesy dances. A figurine of a female dancer excavated from the Two Mausoleums of the Southern Tang Dynasty in Nanjing has one hand inverted on her hip, one arm slightly bent with the palm outspread, her hip sticking out slightly and her body slightly twisted. Her posture is graceful and elegant, and has the feeling of inviting a guest to enter a room or have a seat. According to the research of Wang Kunwu, the four characters 令, 头, 与 and 请 are related to the music and dance of a throwing and batting game. The meanings of 令 and 打 (da, ›to hit, to play‹) are similar. »Da« is a term often seen in throwing and batting games, where it means to throw a ball. If we follow the example of Tang Dynasty writers writing 投盘 (toupan, throwing dice, dish for throwing dice) as 头盘 (same pronunciation), the character 头 in the dance scores could be explained as »to throw«; that is, the head

Chapter III The Glory of the Art of Dance

movement when dodging the ball. 请, meanwhile, more clearly refers to receiving the ball. According to records in written sources, such as »qing is to receive« in rhyme 14, second level tone volume of the Guangyun (广韵), qing was read with a level tone during the Tang Dynasty, and its meaning was »to receive.« Therefore, the symmetry of 令 and 头, or of 令 and 请, in the Dunhuang dance scores, actually reflects the corresponding movements of the two dancers throwing and receiving a ball. Whether the two characters 令 and 头 are used in place of the character 打, or are symmetrically opposed to it in the Dunhuang dance scores, these two characters undoubtedly represent dance movements indicating a flying ball and dodging a ball. In the dance scores, 与 is symmetrically opposed to 头 (or 请) and is used in the place of 令. 挼: The basic meaning of 挼 (ruo) is »to push« (see Duan Yucai’s Commentary on Explaining and Analyzing Characters, Shuowen jiezi duanzhu 说文 解字段注 and the Jiyun 集韵). It is also similar to 捼 (ruo), with the meaning »rub both hands together.« In dance scores, the character 挼 probably represents a dance movement involving both hands pushing or rubbing. The Song Dynasty dances called nuo quzi (挼曲子) included movements of the shoulders, hands and feet. Here, 挼 should be read as »nuo.« But the 挼 of Tang Dynasty drinking games does not seem to be completely the same as this. 挼歌 (nuoge, nuo songs) would be a type of song and dance, while the phrase 舞来挼去 (wulai ruoqu, ›dance back and forth‹) clearly shows that 舞 (wu) and 挼 were both movements commonly seen in the drinking game dances of Tang Dynasty banquets. We believe that in the dance scores, the character 挼 should be read »sui,« and taken as an abbreviation of suijiu (挼酒). Suijiu, meanwhile, would indicate »tuijiu« (推酒, to refuse wine), which would correspond with »offering wine« and »presenting wine.« This makes one think: many of the movements in drinking game dances are related to drinking wine (presenting wine, offering wine, urging someone

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to drink, refusing wine, drinking wine and so on). In Zhongshan Poetry Talks (Zhongshan shihua 中山诗话), Song Dynasty writer Liu Ban states: When people of the Tang Dynasty drank wine, penalties were given as part of drinking games … For the most part, they desired to urge others to drink, which was why the first word was »offer« [song 送], but the one who would carry on [the game] refused it. Shaking one’s head and performing the sui [挼] dance were all ways of refusing. After eight times, [the process] was finished, and then he could accept [the wine].

This shows that sui was a movement for pushing away and not accepting wine. 送: 送 (song) is to make a toast or urge others to drink. To offer wine or urge it on others, one must hold up the wine cup; and forms of dance involving holding a drinking vessel such as a cup or bowl are fairly widespread among the various peoples of China. The Mongolians’ Cup and Bowl Dance (Zhongwan wu 盅碗舞), the Li ethnic group’s Cup Dance (Dazhong wu 打盅舞) and the Tea Dance (Jingcha wu 敬茶舞) of Xinjiang are all performed holding a bowl or cup. This form of dance generally originated from banquets. Ancient poems and paintings as well as folk customs show that there has been a custom of dancing when making toasts or offering tea to guests during banquets since ancient times. The word song in the surviving sections of the Dunhuang dance scores very likely represents a set of dance patterns for offering wine or making toasts. It could also be said to be a combination of dance moves with the actions of toasting or offering wine, after these were given rhythm, made dancelike and beautified. 摇 (yao, ›to shake‹): Dance researchers previously collected a traditional dance step with a long history, called yaoyaoyao, from among the Hui people of the Gansu and Ningxia areas. Its main characteristic consists of moving the hips exaggeratedly from side to side in time to the movement of advancing steps. This dance posture is

Section 3 Tang Dynasty Dance Scores

extremely similar to the three-bend style often seen in Dunhuang murals, and is completely different from the dance style of the Han people of the Central Plains. This shows that to this day, the folk dances of some peoples in the Dunhuang Region have retained dance postures sticking out the hips in the three-bend style. Traditional forms of dance from far back in history would tend to be better preserved in these remote places that were difficult to access. For this reason, dance postures sticking out the hip in the three-bend style are still preserved today in the folk dances of the local people. Such relaxed and graceful poses with the hip sticking out to the side as in the Dunhuang murals and carvings are very widespread, perhaps confirming that the Dunhuang Region has had an aesthetic fashion considering the jutting of the hip to be beautiful. Explaining yao in the context of Tang drinking games, Zhu Xi believed it meant »waving the hands and shouting,« while Liu Ban thought it meant »shaking one’s head« to refuse wine. We believe that if yao were a dance posture for refusing wine in banquet dances, it would not be a simple movement of shaking the hands or head; it would have consisted of a segment of dance to express refusal. Yao may have involved shaking of the hands accompanied by swaying of the hips. This kind of coordination and fitting together of movements may have been a fairly popular and also graceful and thought-provoking dance posture for refusing wine. 据: Explaining and Analyzing Characters says, »据 [ju] is to hold in one’s hands [ju 挶 or halberd, ju 𦻝].« It originally meant a movement of the hands, although the explanation in the Han Shi Waizhuan for the line »予手拮据« from »Chi Xiao« in the »Odes of Bin« differs from that in the Maoshi version of the Classic of Poetry. The Han Shi Waizhuan interprets the word jieju (拮据) in this line as »the mouth and feet performing an action.« Later generations generally combined the two explanations into one, saying that it was the

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combined action of mouth and hands. The character 据 in the dance scores may be an abbreviation for 拮据, representing coordinated movement of the hands, mouth and feet. In addition, 据 may have the same meaning as 倨 (ju), meaning »upright and unbending.« This would be in regard to movements of the head and neck. 据 would thus also include striking poses with a straight neck and raised head; it would be a style of dance displaying grandeur and dignity. 掯 (ken): Several researchers of previous generations thought this was another character for 揖 (yi, to greet by raising clasped hands). In terms of drinking games and urging people to drink, performing the yi gesture to invite someone to drink or to express thanks would be logical. However, performing yi to thank someone for wine would be a common gesture, so why, in the character blocks of the more than twenty extant dance scores, does only one instance of the character 揖 appear, in the middle of the seventh section character block of the second score for Distant Lands? It’s fairly puzzling. Therefore, the character 掯 may also be another way of writing the character 搰 (hu) which means ›to throw.‹ In the drinking game dances which centered around urging people to drink, it might be understandable to sometimes throw down a wine cup to liven things up. The poem »Watching the Barbarian Leap Dance on an Evening at Wang Zhongcheng’s Home« by Tang poet Liu Yanshi (Quan Tangshi, vol. 468) says: »Few have seen such a boy from Chach, dancing, crouching, in front of the wine cup, as nervous as a bird … He throws down the grapevine cup in his hand; then gazing westward, suddenly thinks of home, so far away.« He then describes a performance of the Barbarian Leap Dance, with its excited and high-spirited emotions and difficult techniques. The dancer from Chach off-handedly throwing down the cup after drinking some fine wine gives a rugged and bold, free and unconstrained feeling; it could also offset the fervent atmosphere of the banquet. Therefore, we sur-

Chapter III The Glory of the Art of Dance

mise that the character 搰 may be a dance move involving or representing »throwing down a wine cup.« This kind of movement would only be used occasionally and would not be a common dance posture, which is why the character 掯 appears so rarely in the surviving sections of the dance scores. 约: 约 (yue) can be explained as rope, or as tying into a bundle. Yue in the dance scores may have been a dance move resembling tying something into a bundle. A movement of swinging both arms in the waist area, one in front and one behind, so that they wrap around the waist, is common in the ancient dances and folk dances of China. The folk dances of the Uighurs and Koreans and the Hmong Drum Dance (in Chinese, Caigu wu 踩鼓 舞) all have this kind of dance move where both arms swing and seem to be winding something around the waist. It is natural and carefree but also graceful. 舞:舞 (wu) is like in the expression »手舞足蹈« (shouwu zudao, lit. ›waving arms and kicking feet,‹ fig. excited or wild). Wu usually means waving the arms or hands. Hand and arm movements are plentiful in traditional Chinese dance: there are the »cloud hands,« »swaying hands,« »orchid hands« and so on. »Mountain arms« and »flag in the wind« are also dance postures involving the arms. Further research is still needed, however, to determine what exactly was the dance move represented by the character 舞 in the Dunhuang dance scores. In recent years, research on Tang Dynasty drinking games and dance scores has continually deepened; we have now determined that the Dunhuang dance scores were scores for the drinking games of the Tang Dynasty, and that the drinking game they accompanied was xiaci juling. There are very few historical materials regarding xiaci juling. The following three instances are the main ones. Two of them come from Collection of Stories About the Tang:

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During banquets at the end of the Tang Dynasty, drinking was mainly to Presenting the Cup [Shangxing bei 上行杯] and Watching the Traveler Disappear into the Distance [Wang yuan xing 望远行]; xiaci ju was secondary to those. Then, after Emperor Xizong fled to Xichuan, most of the defense commands were held by those of lower rank; this was the result. (Vol. 7) After this, the four characters ping [平], suo [索], kan [看] and jing [精] as well as the rules were all abandoned, and wine was mostly presented with »face-fortunetelling« and xiaci ju; [even] outstanding people rarely made it through [these games]. Xiaci ju consisted of one song to three rhythms, and it came from the military. The drinking games of literary talents were known everywhere. (Vol. 8)

Another instance is seen in Collection of Transformation Texts from Dunhuang (Dunhuang bianwen ji 敦煌变文集), chapter four, »Dependent Origination in the Story of Nanda Becoming a Monk.« The original is scroll P.2324: We downed one or two rounds of drinks, the slow and gentle beat of the pipes and strings urging us on. I put down the cup and wait for you take a turn—but see you draw back and turn around. [饮酒勾巡一两杯，徐徐慢拍管弦催。各盏待君 下次句，见了抽身便却回。 ]

»各盏待君下次句« (ge zhan dai jun xiaci ju) would be the common way of writing »搁盏待君下次据« (same pinyin), naming the game xiaci ju. These materials give us a silhouette of xiaci ju. This game appeared and took shape during the high Tang, but it reached its height during the mid and late Tang. It was a standardized form of gailing (改令), a drinking game where the participants would each play or perform in turn, within the framework of the game. Xiaci ju meant that each participant would be leader of the game in succession, following a certain method. The game was played accompanied by rounds of wine, musical performances and other entertainment programs; tunes such as Presenting the Cup and

Section 3 Tang Dynasty Dance Scores

Watching the Traveler Disappear into the Distance were tunes for drinking games. The games involved inviting others to dance, and there were also rules such as »one song to three rhythms.« This drinking game was created in the military, so the method of xiaci ju (›the next one plays,‹ where xiaci, ›next one,‹ has the connotation of being lower) would have been related to military rank. We can more deeply understand the characteristics of xiaci ju by bringing in the Dunhuang dance scores, and we can find confirmation of »one song in three rhythms« in the Dunhuang dance scores. Under the name of the same tune, such as Sand in the Washing Creek, Phoenix Returns to the Cloud, Song of the South, Pair of Swallows and so on, there are generally three example scores. The structures of the three score sections are basically the same, but the rhythms for playing are different. This can show that »one song in three rhythms« was a special rule for playing drinking games: when someone was invited to dance, the song changed, using three different rhythms to perform the same song and dance. Also, Wang Kunwu first discovered an outline of the basic score structure among the Dunhuang dance scores, which could be called the »sixteencharacter key.« That is, there is a stable series of movements in all the sections of the dance scores; the series of movements represented by the following sixteen characters can be used for all of them: Ling (令) Wu Wu Wu

wu (舞) yao (摇) sui sui

sui (挼) sui qi (奇) ju

ju (据) ju ju tou (头)

This is the basic structure of all the dance scores; it is the foundation for constructing the Dunhuang dance scores. All of the score sections are arranged according to this series of sixteen characters. Upon examination of the dance scores one by one, there are no exceptions; they all match. Researchers believe that this sixteen-character

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key is the main thread for understanding the notes in the dance scores and important collateral evidence for differentiating the natures of the dance scores. However, in all the dance score texts, there is not one word clearly indicating the existence of this series, because it would actually have been a basic rule of the game which the dancers knew by heart. Overall, only when our exploration and research places the surviving sections of the Dunhuang dance scores against the larger background of so-

Chapter III The Glory of the Art of Dance

cial life and dance during the Tang Dynasty and in the long river of the development of ancient dance through history can we achieve greater results. Given that there are no video or audio recordings, it is extremely difficult to accurately explain what kinds of dance moves are represented by the character blocks in the surviving sections of the Dunhuang dance scores from the Tang and the Five Dynasties. The current understanding and various explanations are still just preliminary explorations.

CHAPTER IV  BRILLIANT ACHIEVEMENTS IN THE MUSICAL ARTS Section 1  Sui and Tang Songs and the Art of Singing Singing is one of the most ancient musical art forms, and it was also the foundation of the musical arts during the Sui and Tang dynasties. Singing deeply influenced almost all forms of performing arts, and also directly affected the development of other categories of the arts. Many forms of literature during the Sui and Tang were also closely linked to singing, such as yuefu poetry, daici (eight-line regulated-verse poetry), jueju (quatrain poems) and other »old« and »modern«-style poetry (gutishi and jintishi, poems that were set to music), as well as changduanju, i.  e., ci poetry, which developed from quzi ci (poems set to folk songs). These were all types of poetry that were sung with musical accompaniment. Religious literature and art such as sujiang and bianwen, and the new Tang Dynasty literary form of xiaoshuo, were also forms that combined speaking and singing, and rhyming and free verse. Singing itself experienced great development during the Sui and Tang, with glorious achievements. Not only did numerous famous professional and amateur singers appear, but various forms of songs also appeared. There were folk songs without musical accompaniment (tuge) as well as popular songs with musical accompaniment which were more artistic. In addition, the singing of quzi during grand suites, the rhymed verses composed at banquets and the qin songs of the literati and scholar-officials, all fell under singing with musical accompaniment. These all had an inseparable flesh-and-blood connection to

folk song, being either folk songs themselves or having originated from folk songs.

1. Unaccompanied Songs and Folk Melodies Unaccompanied songs (tuge) were born from the singing of common people in various places, having the main characteristic of being collectively created by the masses. They were distributed throughout the population and were widely used in group folk dances combining singing and dancing. From the fragmentary song lyrics that remain, we can see that these songs directly reflected real life; they reflected the joys and sorrows of the masses and boldly and incisively revealed the dark side of society. They were a powerful weapon and educational tool in the people’s struggle for survival. There were many popular folk songs during the Sui and Tang dynasties. The »Treatise on Music« of the Old Book of Tang states, »Since the Kaiyuan era, the singers have used a mixture of barbarian tunes and tunes from the back streets.« The »singers« were the professional singers of institutions such as the Court of Imperial Sacrifices and the Royal Academy, and »barbarian tunes and tunes from the back streets« were the huyue and suyue songs that were popular with rural and urban commoners. Many of these folk songs were sung unaccompanied; they were folk songs in their initial form. Using the name »mountain songs« to cover the various types of improvisational singing of common people at work or at leisure also began during the Tang Dynasty. Mountain songs refers to a wide variety of songs, including Bamboo Branch from the Bashu region (Chongqing and modern-day Si-

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chuan). Unaccompanied songs that fell under the category of folk mountain songs also included many other forms, such as field songs, fishing songs, woodcutter’s songs, rowing songs, water-chestnut-gathering songs, lotus-picking songs and smith’s songs. They were sung solo, in unison, or in call-and-response style. Besides pure unaccompanied singing (tuge) or singing with simple accompaniment, there were also group performances involving a combination of dancing, walking and singing. Like other types of folk songs, mountain songs were mostly strophic songs, where one tune was sung multiple times with different words. Folk group dances used a limited set of basic tunes,

CHAPTER IV BRILLIANT ACHIEVEMENTS IN THE MUSICAL ARTS

changing the lyrics as they pleased and fully displaying the creative talents of singers. Solo songs were the main type of unaccompanied folk songs, but there were also simple »harmonies« and accompaniment with folk instruments. The preface to Liu Yuxi’s »Nine Bamboo Branch Songs« (Quantangshi, vol. 365) points out, »They sing Bamboo Branch in the back streets while playing short di flutes and beating drums along to the beat. The singers dance with sleeves uplifted, gazing upward; they are very talented at the tune.« It is evident that Bamboo Branch could be accompanied by instruments such as short flutes and drums, and the singers could also dance simultaneously.

Example score 1: Bamboo Branch Song preserved as a qin song in Toukou Kinpu (kanji: 東臯琴譜) Bamboo Branch Song

Toukou Kinpu Lyrics: Liu Yuxi Score: Wang Diding

Green are the willows and peaceful the river water, And on the river I hear my lover singing. In the east, the sun rises while to the west there is rain; One might say there is no sun, yet there I see the sun.

Throughout history, the performance of mountain songs has been in call-and-response form. They mostly use even lines of seven or five syllables, although there are also songs with lines of irregular lengths. Padding words are often added within lines or at the ends of lines, similar to the

songhe sheng (送和声, adding of words at the end of a song) of folk songs of the Southern Dynasties, which at the time was also called hesheng (和声). Huang Fusong’s imitation, »Bamboo Branch (a Bayu Ballad)« (Quantangshi, vol. 891) includes this type of hesheng:

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The wind slants across the river (bamboo branch) driving the waves (daughter), Splitting open the lotuses (bamboo branch)—so many unhappy hearts (daughter); Peach blossoms on the mountains (bamboo branch), apricots on the valley floor (daughter), These sweet and graceful flowers (bamboo branch) shine on each other from afar (daughter).

The padding words »bamboo branch« in the middle of the lines and »daughter« at the ends of the lines are both hesheng. Unaccompanied folk songs were of different styles acros different regions and traditions. From the recorded unaccompanied songs, we can see that there were songs from the north and also Wu songs and Chu songs from the south and Ba songs (such as Bamboo Branch) from Bashu. There were also many folk songs that came from the military. Most of the records of Sui and Tang Dynasty songs in written materials are of quzi. The name »quzi« was born during the Sui Dynasty. A large number of quzi were created during the Sui and Tang; the high-level singing of palace performers and Royal Academy performers and the widespread participation of literati were among the important reasons for the flourishing of quzi ci, lyrics set to folk tunes. Many quzi were created by singers, and those who came after then put these singers’ names on the tunes, such as the tunes Du Weiniang (杜韦娘) and Liu Qingniang (柳青娘) in the Record of the Royal Academy. Therefore, all those that kept tune names with folk characteristics were characterized by performative nature and the involvement of dance and folk customs. Quzi were also widely used in the lives of literati and scholar-officials. The combination of quzi with drinking games involving song and dance led to the appearance and full flourishing of the typical form of zhuci, rhyming verses set to music. Because the tunes for zhuci during the Tang Dynasty largely came from popular quzi tunes, no matter under what circumstances zhuci were created, they would all have been quzi ci, lyrics created for quzi. The game-like and entertainment nature of zhuci lyrics composed at banquets meant that they were not as affected by the restrictions of concepts of

distinctions between yayue and suyue, or between Chinese and foreign. During these occasions, literati and scholar-officials had broad contact with suyue song and dance. Composing zhuci also became the creation of quzi ci by the literati, driving forward this important juncture where literature flourished even more. A large number of folk tunes originating from the »barbarians and back streets« were brought in and sung at the palace and the Royal Academy, and folk tunes also absorbed the refined creations of palace and Royal Academy music and dance (Fig. 5.4.1). As previously explained, the palace grand suite Smashing Through the Battle Formation originated among the common people, but became one of the three great dances of the early Tang after it was compiled and developed by court music and

5.4.1  Singing figurine, ­excavated from Tang Tomb no. 216 at Mount Boyu in Wuchang, Wuhan

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dance institutions. The common people, however, used the palace grand suite and developed it into regular song-and-dance or variety show acts. In terms of music, it was also changed into a tune called Smashing the Battle Formation (Po zhenzi 破阵子), formed by cutting off a piece of the grand suite. Songs from the Cloud Ballad Collection (Yunyao ji zaquzi 云谣集杂曲子) records four sets of lyrics to the tune Smashing the Battle Formation. There was already a fairly fixed pattern for the lyrics, with lines of irregular lengths. Here is the first set of lyrics: Lotus face and willow brows, resting [or bashful] and swooning, She has stopped combing her fine black hair. A breeze on a warm day, flowers show their charms, Swallows’ songs are fresh among painted ­pavilions and carved beams. I roll up the curtain, regretting the one who is gone.

CHAPTER IV BRILLIANT ACHIEVEMENTS IN THE MUSICAL ARTS

were fast tunes and fast sections, and also slow tunes and slow sections. There were also changes to »crowded beats« or »hurried beats« outside common tunes or before and after the same tune. These reflect the rich variety of rhythms of quzi during the Sui and Tang dynasties.

2. Influence of Music on the Development of Poetry in the Tang From ancient times on, music has been an invisible giant hand pushing forward the development and evolution of Chinese musical literature. Poetry (ci) and music (qu, tunes) are often metaphorically referred to as twin sisters. In the mutual relationship between ci and qu, however, music generally plays the active and leading role, leading musical literature to constantly innovate and make forward progress. In broad terms, the musical literature of the Tang Dynasty could all

In loneliness, tears always hanging down like pearls, Burning incense and praying to the utmost for her spirit. The rouged and powdered one of the Xiang River should have gone on, I shouldn’t be missing the grace of her gauze veil as it was then. Springtime thrown away and wasted.

Among the musical instruments that accompanied quzi, clappers were probably obligatory. Although there is no record of clappers in the nine or ten performing divisions, written sources and archeological finds show that clappers were widely used in the musical activities of the time; they were an important rhythm instrument for accompanying singing at the time (Fig. 5.4.2). The word »jiepai« (节拍), which later became a musical term for »rhythm,« also appeared during the Tang Dynasty. Of course, the rhythms of quzi were not dull and dead; they had both a clearly standardized aspect and also a flexibly changing aspect. For instance, beats were divided into slow and fast beats, and there was also a distinction between songs with a beat and without a beat. There

5.4.2 Mogao Caves at Dunhuang, clappers and orchestra, mural in Cave no. 159

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be called song lyrics, or quzi ci. That includes Tang poetry, which represented the highest achievement of Tang Dynasty literature, and also quzi ci, which flourished greatly from the rise of the Sui Dynasty to the late Tang. The flourishing and development of these forms of literature were inextricably linked to music, and they were all

SECTION 1 SUI AND TANG SONGS AND THE ART OF SINGING

greatly influenced by and strongly driven by folk music. Although Li Bai’s famous »Wu Midnight Songs« (子夜吴歌) were influenced by traditional Qingshang music, these poems were also creations of new words for the southern folk song Midnight Song:

Example score 2: Wu Midnight Songs

A slip of the moon hangs over the capital; Ten thousand washing-mallets are pounding; And the autumn wind is blowing my heart For ever and ever toward the Jade Pass … Oh, when will the Tartar troops be conquered, And my husband come back from the long campaign! The courier will depart next day, she’s told. She sews a warrior’s gown all night. Her fingers feel the needle cold. How can she hold the scissors tight? The work is done, she sends it far away. When will it reach the town where warriors stay? (Translations by Witter Bynner)

Toukou Kinpu Lyrics: Li Bai Score: Wang Diding

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5.4.3 Figurines of musicians and dancers, excavated from Xucun, Luoyang

Musicians and singers were among the main media of the time for disseminating poems set to music. An important route and key standard for whether the works that poets poured their hearts into could succeed was whether they could »be performed with pipes and strings« and »sung as a song everywhere under heaven.« As soon as a piece of music was added to a fine piece of writing, it would spread like wildfire, up to the palace gates and down to the village women; it would spread among the populace and earn fame on the vocal (or poetic) stage. Therefore, the splendid and brilliant Tang poems were also poems that could be set to music; to put it bluntly, they were elegant song lyrics. However, the center of the vocal stage during the High Tang was occupied by the modern types of poems which had arisen since the Sui Dynasty, that is, short works in new forms such as eight-line regulated verse and jueju quatrains. They had standard lines of even lengths, and had more distinct musicality. They were easy to learn and remember, and they could also easily be set to music and sung; they were closely connected to music and song-and-dance. Therefore, they became the most widely used poetic genres of the Tang Dynasty (Fig. 5.4.3).

In order to meet the requirements for performance combined with music, musicians and singers mostly added musical accompaniment to existing poems, which were called shengshi (声诗). During the early Tang, ancient poems (yuefu poems) were mostly chosen to have musical accompaniment added. Chen Zi’ang (661–702) consciously planted a flag of rebellion and advocated using the vigorous style of the Han Dynasty and the Kingdom of Wei as a model. For this reason, the labels of old- and modern-form poetry (gutishi and jintishi) began to be used. During the High Tang, yuefu poems that could be set to music and that had both vigorous style and defined meter were created and much used for performance of new Tang Dynasty tunes, for instance, eight-line regulated verse and quatrain poems. Collection of Yuefu Lyric Poems calls these »modern song lyrics« and »new yuefu poems.« »Quatrain poems, particularly quatrains with seven-syllable lines, and always with expressive lyrics, appeared on the poetic and musical stages, becoming the main form of song during the Tang Dynasty.« The enjoyment of songs was also characterized by the following: if the lyrics were new, but the tune was familiar and known, the audience’s at-

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tention would be concentrated on evaluating the new lyrics; while if the lyrics were old but they were accompanied by a new tune, the audience’s attention would be focused on enjoying the new music. Therefore, setting new words to an old tune would not prevent a new poem from being spread around. Poets were willing to put on the »shackles« of various new poetic conventions. Not only were their recitations more sonorous and the modulation of pitch more interesting, but this made it so that musicians and singers could begin performing their poems immediately. Their poems turned into songs right away, being a natural fit with music, and the exquisiteness of the poems also would not be drowned out by beautiful music. Although the modern forms of poetry always occupied a central position in musical literature, song lyrics with irregular line lengths also quietly appeared during the Sui and Tang dynasties, and gradually grew. Strictly speaking, if the appearance of poems with irregular lines during the Sui and Tang was not earlier than that of modern-form poetry, then the two appeared together. By the mid to late Tang, these new forms of poetry that could be combined with music and sung had emerged from the background of the early Tang shengshi, becoming an independent literary genre that received a great deal of attention from literati talents: ci (词) poetry. However, in terms of determining when this new genre of musical literature was established, in addition to the appearance of forms of lyrics with certain patterns of irregular lines, there would also have been many repeated implementations by renowned and nameless authors, and only through testing and elimination through competition on the musical stage would the genre have gradually taken shape. Moreover, the important thing is that from this, a method of combining words and music that was different from that of shengshi had to be established; that is, a method different from setting existing poems to music (geshi 歌诗)

SECTION 1 SUI AND TANG SONGS AND THE ART OF SINGING

had to be established, a transformation from »the words follow the music« to setting words to existing songs. Therefore, although quzi ci with irregular lines appeared during the Sui Dynasty, the musical and singing stages did not yet possess the right conditions to manifest this transformation. The sprouts of this transformation also did not develop rapidly during the early Tang. Setting the time period when this major transformation in the history of Chinese poetry, the appearance and establishment of the ci genre, occurred, as between the early and High Tang or a little later, may be more appropriate. The singing of shengshi reached a peak during the High Tang. At the same time, a large proportion of folk tunes already used song lyrics with irregular lines, which caught the attention of literati talents, who imitated them. For example, the renowned poet Li Bai also tried to write song lyrics with irregular lines for some popular tunes. During the Tianbao era, as a member of the Hanlin Academy and literary chamberlain, he wrote song lyrics for tunes such as Pure and Peaceful Music and Pure and Peaceful Tune for the emperor and his favorite concubine. The reason for the creation of these lyrics was that Xuanzong was dissatisfied with the existing lyrics and ordered Li Bai to write new lyrics to be sung with the old tune, which made it the earliest instance of literati writing lyrics for an existing tune. Pure and Peaceful Music and Pure and Peaceful Tune also began the common practice of the new lyrics being written exclusively about women. In addition, tradition has it he also wrote lyrics for the well-known Bodhisattva Barbarian and Remembering a Beauty of Qin (Yi qin’e 忆秦娥, both recorded in Complete Collection of Li Taibai, vol. 5), which are revered as »the ancestors of ci tunes of a hundred generations.« Mist weaves among the trees of the forested flats, Cold mountains, jade-green, pierce my heart. Twilight enters the building Where someone upstairs is worrying. Long has she stood on the steps gazing vacantly

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While nesting birds hurry through the air. Where are you on your journey home? Rest after rest, long and short. (Bodhisattva Barbarian) The mournful sound of the xiao mouth organ, The beauty awakes from her dream to the moon above the house. The moon above the house Like a willow, year after year, The pain of parting at the ancient tomb. Climbing the heights of the Leyou Garden on the Double Ninth, The rumbling and dust of your cart is no more on the road to Chang’an. No more rumbling and dust of your cart, Only the western wind and brilliant sunset At the Han tombs and palaces. (Remembering a Beauty of Qin)

Although it has long been suspected that these two poems are fakes by later writers, the spirit and skill of the poems themselves reached unprecedented artistic heights, showing the creative talent of literati and scholars for writing new lyrics to existing songs and opening the curtain on a new era of literature. In the second half of the Tang Dynasty, writing new lyrics for existing songs gradually became a common practice among literati talents. »Fisherman’s Song,« by Yuan Jie (719–772), used a song melody that had long been in use among the boatmen of the Xiang River; it was actually a poem with four lines of seven syllables each. The five »Fishing Song« poems by Zhang Zhihe (c.  730– 810) were also poems of four seven-syllable lines, just that the third line was changed to two lines of three syllables each; this form more closely resembled changduanju. The »Fishing Song« poems were typical examples of changduanju created by literati after studying folk quzi ci. These acts were extremely influential on the literary and music stages of the time; the practice of literati and scholars consciously »filling in words based on the sound« gradually developed from this. It is recorded that famous literary figures of the time

CHAPTER IV BRILLIANT ACHIEVEMENTS IN THE MUSICAL ARTS

such as Yan Zhenqing and Lu Hongjian »took turns writing poems in the same rhythm.« Because of this, Zhang Zhihe’s five »Fishing Song« poems also spread widely and were rapidly transmitted to Japan. By the late Tang, with the thriving of the practice of composing rhyming verses at banquets, more and more literati and scholar-officials were participating in writing new lyrics for existing songs. At this time, specialized ci poets such as Wen ­Tingyun (c. 812–870) also appeared, and the position of ci on the vocal stage became even more prominent. »Literary Biographies« in the Old Book of Tang (Jiutangshu – Wenyuan zhuan 旧唐书-文 苑传) states that Wen Tingyun »was involved in many worldly trifles and did not care about his appearance. He could pursue the sounds of strings and pipes to make sorrowful and romantic poems.« It is also recorded that »if it had holes he would blow it, and if it had strings he would play it.« When the status of setting existing poems to music (geshi) declined at the end of the Tang Dynasty, he poured himself into writing poems to existing songs and authored two collections, Plucking the Orchid (Wolan 握兰) and Golden Fishtrap (Jinquan 金筌). During the Five Dynasties, the Huajian Ji (花间集), representing the level of development of Western Shu ci poetry, finally appeared, and it collected a large number of Wen Tingyun’s ci poems. Ouyang Jiang wrote the preface and called the collected writings »ci lyrics for folk tunes [quzi] by poets.« This was the first collection of ci poems by literati, and it indicated that the development of ci was already tending toward maturity. Shengshi and ci were essentially both quzi ci. In terms of literary form and line structure, they were both forms of rhymed verse that emphasized poetic structure, with the main difference being that shi had lines with the same number of syllables, while ci had uneven lines of different lengths (changduanju). Actually, this clear distinction is not visible in many early literati ci; for example,

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the abovementioned »Fisherman’s Song« by Yuan Jie was not very different from quatrains with seven syllables per line. Therefore, upon deeply examining this issue, what can facilitate distinguishing between shi and ci are mainly the music factor and the method of matching words and music. Music, song and dance all developed greatly during the Sui and Tang, and large numbers of »tunes from the barbarians and the back streets« were constantly flowing in, being compiled and becoming popular. This provided countless opportunities for combining words and music, and it also gave singers and dancers, this crowd of brilliant stars, a new arena to showcase their talents. For a fairly long time, the changduanju of the literati seemed to only be a slight variation on quzi ci, geshi tunes with one or two tones different. Actually, a large number of tunes with lines of irregular lengths had already appeared among folk tunes. According to statistics in Ren Bantang’s Tang Dynasty Shengshi (Tang shengshi 唐声诗) and Arranging the Pages of the Record of the Royal Academy (Jiaofang ji jiaoding 教坊记笺订), there were 170 tunes used for quzi ci with lines of irregular lengths from the Sui, the Tang, and the Five Dynasties. Among the tune names in the Record of the Royal Academy, meanwhile, there are only 54 tunes with shengshi words, about one third of the abovementioned number of tunes with lines of irregular lengths. We can see that most of the Royal Academy’s tunes accompanied poems with lines of irregular lengths. Reliable extant quzi ci from the Sui, Tang and the Five Dynasties include more than 1,500 poems with even lines and 2,200 poems with uneven lines; the names of the tunes, based on the words, comprise 154 tunes for even lines and 170 tunes for uneven lines. We can see that tunes with irregular lines triumphed over tunes with regular lines. Tunes with uneven lines were already thriving before the high Tang Dynasty. A vast majority of quzi ci with irregular lines used popular tunes from before the High Tang, and tunes of the

SECTION 1 SUI AND TANG SONGS AND THE ART OF SINGING

Royal Academy make up almost half of the tunes with lines of irregular length. Statistics on tune names also show that quzi ci with irregular lines flourished first and foremost among the common people. There are a total of fifty-one tunes with irregular lines from Dunhuang, of which thirty-one tunes (three-fifths) have lyrics transmitted from the Sui and Tang Period, and thirty-nine tunes (four-fifths) have their names recorded in the Record of the Royal Academy from the High Tang. Of the thirty-three poems in the Songs from the Cloud Ballad Collection, thirty-two are quzi ci with lines of irregular lengths. Of the 1,260 song lyrics from Dunhuang, nine hundred are for tunes with irregular lines. This powerfully shows that »song lyrics with uneven lines occupied an overwhelmingly advantageous position among folk songs,« and this situation »appeared before the high Tang.« As for why different genres of musical literature with regular and irregular line lengths formed, the key is that they formed gradually as two different methods for matching words and music and for composing lyrics; that is, the two different methods, »selecting words and matching music« and »filling in lyrics based on the sound,« for matching music and words. Assuredly, even though the formation and development of ci was always founded on the requirements of matching folk music, the participation of the literati had extremely important significance in the establishment of the style, conventions, tune patterns and other aspects of ci. Folk singing was fairly free, and generally emphasized music—mainly vocal music. After literati talents consciously imitated the style of folk tunes with irregular lines to compose new lyrics in the form of changduanju, the method of composing lyrics based on the music as a method of matching words and music gradually became independent and became a new trend in musical literature. The participation of literati talents in the composition of quzi ci, meanwhile, also drove the spread of songs.

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As the literati began to imitate and write poems in the same rhythm as others, they began to borrow the sound of songs to compose lyrics, and they could do so without paying attention to the original meaning of the tune, filling in new lyrics based on the sound. For instance, the tunes Immortal of Linjiang (Linjiang xian 临江仙) and Tsenpo (Zanpuzi 赞普子) from Dunhuang are featured in Huajian ji, but mostly as romantic and emotive songs that have nothing to do with the original meaning of the song titles; these are »songs made because of their sound.« With the practice of borrowing sounds to compose lyrics, the songs gradually became distant from their original topics, as Ji Yun said: »topic and tune are unrelated.« Therefore, the practice of pursuing a new topic appeared, but the original title still had to be retained and the form and structure of the original song had to be respected so that musicians and singers could perform the new lyrics with the original tune. Ci and music saw even greater development through the cooperation of the literati and musicians and singers during the Song Dynasty: their forms grew more plentiful, the tunes (tune patterns for poems) became more numerous and the literary boundaries of ci were also greatly expanded. This new form of musical literature finally reached its glory.

3. Development of Vocal Technique After a long period of performing songs, professional singers and musicians had accumulated abundant experience. Overall, many outstanding singers emerged during the Sui and Tang Period, and vocal technique saw great improvement. Written sources from the Sui and Tang have high requirements for appreciation of singing, and there are numerous new summaries of experience in the vocal field. For example, in Miscellaneous Notes on Songs from the Music Bureau, Duan Anjie points out that good singers must be good at using and controlling their breath, issuing enough breath from the abdomen and match-

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ing it to pronunciation and sound production, as well as flexibly using their breath for high and low sounds; only then will their voices be loud, clear and beautiful. In another example, during the time of Xuanzong, Royal Academy musician Ren Zhifang had four daughters who were good at singing, and contemporaries judged each of their characteristics as follows: »Of them, the second girl’s breathing is melancholy, restrained and messy; the third girl’s looks and demeanor are idle, and she gazes to the side as if her mind is not on the song; the fourth girl’s sound is bold and full, while she is so still and quiet, the sound seems to come from the air.« She demonstrated superlative vocal technique. The improvement of singing and musical technique during the Tang Dynasty was also reflected in the use of »key changes« and the performance of »songs with key changes.« Yuan Zhen’s poem »In the Fifth Year of the Yuanhe Era, No Longer an Official, Forfeited My Salary and Returned West, Arriving at the Shaanzhou Government Office on the Sixth Day of the Third Month« says: »I was able to sing songs with key changes, straying exquisitely from the notes of the scales.« Vol. 184 of Song Dynasty writer Chen Yang’s Yueshu: At the end of Tang Tianhou’s (Wu Zetian’s) reign, when huntuo was added to the sword dance, key changes began to be used. The musician Sun Chuxiu was good at playing the di flute and liked to make key changes. People of the time found it a new idea and imitated it; for that reason there were tunes with key changes.

The sword dance was in the key of gong, and adding huntuo, which was in the key of jue, was called »fan« (犯) in ancient times. Another example is the shengshi Muhu sha (穆护砂), which is a tune that changes to the key of jue, also another key change. The preface to »Desolation  – Key Change« (Qiliang fan – xu 凄凉犯-序) in Songs of the Whitestone Daoist (Baishi daoren gequ 白石道 人歌曲) compiled by Song Dynasty writer Jiang Kui points out:

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The Tang Dynasty music books say: »The types of key changes are zheng [正, principal or correct], pang [旁, side], pian [偏, oblique] and ce [侧, side]. Gong changing to gong is zheng; gong changing to shang is pang; gong changing to jue is pian; and gong changing to yu is ce.« This is wrong. Each of the twelve scales stops in a different spot, and it is not possible to change from one to another. The twelve scales can only change to shang, jue or yu.

Renowned singers emerged in large numbers during the Sui and Tang. Li Guinian was one of the most popular palace musicians. Li Duan’s »Presented to Li Guinian« (Quantangshi, vol. 285) praises him: »Emperor of Han in his youth, when white-haired he entered Chang’an. His talent and name are everywhere known, as he knows many old songs.« The most famous female singer at the time, meanwhile, was one of the palace women, Xu Hezi. Events of the Kaiyuan and Tianbao Eras (Kaiyuan tianbao yishi 开元天宝遗事) says she was most beloved of Emperor Ming. »Whenever she sang for the emperor, the sounds of silk and bamboo could not be held back. The emperor once said to those around him: ›This woman’s singing is worth a thousand pieces of gold.‹« Nian Nu was another singer of the Tianbao era. Her technique was once praised as »first among the palace performers.« Xuanzong praised her: »every time she holds the clappers at a banquet, the sound rises above the red clouds of morning.« Yuan Zhen’s »Poem of Lianchang Palace« (Lianchang gong ci 连昌宫词) praised her, saying: »The sound of song flies above the nine heavens, twenty-five gentlemen follow along on the pipes.« Tradition holds it that the ci tune pattern Charming Nian Nu (Nian nu jiao 念奴娇), which was popular later, was a song that originated during the Tianbao era of the Tang Dynasty. The original lyrics would probably have been praising Nian Nu. Li Gun, Tian Shunlang, Li Zhenxin, Mi Jiarong, He Kan, Chen Yinu and Chen Youji were renowned singers after the Zhenyuan era of Emperor Dezong of Tang.

SECTION 2 ARTISTIC ACHIEVEMENT IN SONG-ANDDANCE MUSIC

Section 2  Artistic Achievement in Song-and-Dance Music 1. Rich Variety and Large Scale of Song-and-Dance Music The Sui and Tang Period was the highest peak of development of the ancient art of song-anddance. Not only did the art of song-and-dance deeply permeate every aspect and corner of social life, the types and repertoire themselves of songand-dance were also extremely plentiful (Fig. 5.4.4a and 5.4.4b). There could be many ways of categorizing the types of song-and-dance of the Sui and Tang dynasties. Mr. Ren Bantang believes that there were no less than six forms of song-and-dance performed during Tang Dynasty court assemblies and banquets: (1) Ritual grand suite song-and-dance, which was not inferior to yayue dance. It was appropriate for rites for esteemed guests, was divided into civil and military dances, and was performed by the standing performing division. The dancers were in groups. Dance of Celebrating the Good, Nine Merits Dance, Smashing Through the Battle Formation and Seven Merits Dance were of this type. (2) Regular grand suite song-and-dance, which had already become removed from ritual. It was divided into soft and energetic dances, and was used at the banquets of scholars and officials, either as solo or paired dance. Rainbow Skirt Dance, Mulberry Branch Dance, Barbarian Leap Dance and Barbarian Whirling Dance were of this type. (3) Regular song-and-dance of zaqu (miscellaneous songs). They were also divided into the two types, soft and energetic, and were used at the banquets of scholars and officials. Aside from the orchestra, the song-and-dance was performed by one or two people. Poplar and Willow Branch, Sand in the Washing Creek, Complaint of Distant

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5.4.4a  Mogao Caves at Dunhuang, painting of music and dance (orchestra), mural in Cave no. 112

5.4.4b  Mogao Caves at Dunhuang, painting of music and dance (detail) (playing the pipa behind the back), mural in Cave no. 112

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Lands and Phoenix Returns to the Cloud are some examples. We have the Dunhuang dance scores as a basis for these. (4) Small dances of zaqu with zhuci (rhymed verses), which were exclusively used for drinking games. The songs and the appearance of the dances were fairly straightforward, and they were performed by one person. They were meant for urging others to drink and that was all. Santai (三台), Diaoxiao (调笑), Zhuanta (转踏), Presenting the Cup and Xiaci Ju were some examples of this type. (5) Group singing and dancing of zaqu. This could take place indoors or outdoors and was suited for collective masses. Group Dance Poem (Tage ci 踏 歌词), Winding Group Dance (Liao tage 缭踏歌), Team Dance (Dui tazi 队踏子) and West of the Pamir (Congling xi 葱岭西) are some examples of this type. (6) Variety song-and-dance, such as Lion Dance of the Five Directions combined with Great Peace Music. They resembled dances of exorcism, and dancers wearing masks could be seen. To classify song-and-dance based on time and culture, there was the music of previous g ­ enerations (for example, miscellaneous Qingshang dances such as the Pi Dance, Duo Dance, Scarf Dance and Whisk Dance; Lion Dance of the Five ­Directions, and so on) and also the new music that was ­constantly being created and compiled during the Sui and Tang Period. There was the traditional music and dance of the Central Plains, which was being carried on and developed, as well as the new music of the hu division and music and dance from foreign lands, ethnic minorities and the common people. There were a huge number of pieces of songand-dance during the Sui and Tang Period; they could be said to be limitless, countless as grains of sand in the Ganges. Based on descriptions in relevant written sources and pieces that have survived to the present, we can get a rough idea of their flourishing. Of the 324 names of pieces of the High Tang recorded in the Record of the Royal

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Academy, 278 were zaqu and forty-six were grand suites. Du You’s Key Points of the Way of Principle (Lidao ­yaojue 理道要诀, cited in Tang Huiyao and Cefu Yuangui) records that in 754, the Court of Imperial Sacrifices changed and presented the names of 244 pieces; these include fifteen pieces, such as The Sound of the Spring Warbler, that are repeated in the Record of the Royal Academy. Nan Zhuo’s Record of the Jiegu records the names of 130 pieces, of which only ten pieces, such as Enjoying Spring Scenery, Music of the Great Treasure (Dabao yue 大宝乐) and Smashing Through the Battle Formation, are repeated in Record of the Royal Academy, evidencing the abundance of music pieces in the Tang Dynasty. On the Sounds of the Tang Poems (Tangyin guiqian 唐音癸签) by the Ming Dynasty writer Hu Zhenheng counts a total of 523 pieces of music that were in vogue during the Tang and the Five Dynasties. In addition, there were also dances, variety acts, music of the Four Barbarians and music for qin, jiegu drum, pipa, zheng, di flute, bili flute and so on, which were not counted. There would of course have been many omissions from such statistics; there is no way to verify or know the actual number. Wang Zhuo, in Random Jottings from the Rooster Quarter, believed that of Tang Dynasty ci songs, »the ones that are played today, or that we can see lyrics for today, are three or four tenths of the total.« Ren Erbei deduces that the pieces collected by the Imperial Music Bureau and the Left and Right Royal Academies during the Kaiyuan and Tianbao eras of the Tang Dynasty amounted to at least one to two thousand. This ocean of poems and songs would still have been only a partial outline of the flourishing of song, dance and music at the time. The most renowned dance of the Tang Dynasty, Rainbow Skirt Feathered Dress, was much loved. Its predecessor was the twelve movements of the tune Brahmin from Xiliang. Xiliang was a hub on the Silk Road and was a place of cultural and artistic exchange between the East and the West.

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The name Brahmin shows that this piece of music and dance had strong foreign elements; it was a crystallization of the cultural exchange between China and other countries. It was offered as tribute by Yang Jingshu, the military commissioner of Xiliang, at the start of the Kaiyuan era. It was welcomed by the court and was later further refined. In the thirteenth year of the Tianbao era (754), the name of the piece was officially changed to Rainbow Skirt Feathered Dress Tune (Nishang yuyi qu 霓裳羽衣曲). The refined Rainbow Skirt was changed from a hu tune to a faqu grand suite, and it was an important part of the Pear Garden faqu division’s repertoire. After the An Lushan Rebellion, when palace music and dance was scattered, Rainbow Skirt did not disappear but was still performed at court. After this, Li Ang, Emperor Wenzong of Tang (reigned 826–840) ordered Feng Ding to undertake another major revision of Rainbow Skirt. Its music and dance both changed greatly in appearance. The music that Feng Ding based it on was »Kaiyuan yayue.« The dance, meanwhile, was performed by three hundred youths under nine-

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teen years of age. This clearly was a large-scale processional dance. During the time of Emperor Xuanzong II of Tang (847–859), the Rainbow Skirt Feathered Dress Dance was ­performed in the palace by a large group composed of several hundred palace women. The dancers held banners, wore feathered upper garments adorned with pearls and jade, and appeared to be floating like cranes soaring among clouds (Collection of Stories About the Tang, vol. 7). The score of the Rainbow Skirt Tune survived through the Five Dynasties and Northern Song all the way to the Southern Song. The renowned poet and musician Jiang Kui (Jiang Baishi) once »found eighteen sections of Rainbow Skirt Tune, a tune in the key of shang, in an old book, all of it an empty score without words.« He didn’t have time to write lyrics for the whole thing, but only »composed the first song of the middle prelude to pass on to later generations.« Below is the ancient tune »Middle Prelude« of Rainbow Skirt, recorded in Songs of the Whitestone Daoist next to the score. Mr. Yang Yinliu transcribed it as a modern score.

Example score 3: First Song of Middle Prelude of Rainbow Skirt Lyrics by Jiang Kui (Song) to an old score, 1186

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Atop the pavilion on the riverbank, gazing afar, Unable to return, as the lotuses fallen and scattered on the river. So ill and dispirited, Time to put away the silk fans, To seek out the gauze clothing. Time slips away As I sigh at the apricot branches And paired swallows, just visiting. Where is she? The window full of pale moonlight Seems to illuminate her face. Hidden away in silent solitude, Crickets chirping by the wall, I am moved like Yu Xin, Hemmed in by worries. I think back to my youthful wandering, Mountains and Passes to the sound of the flute, The entertainment house under the willows. Red lotuses dropping, and still no news, Only the murky water, unfettered, Sluggishly …

From the way that Rainbow Skirt, as well as wellknown pieces of music such as Smashing Through the Battle Formation, changed over time, it is not hard to see that the court music and dance of the Tang Dynasty was in the midst of a process of continual development and innovation.

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2. The Grand Suite and Faqu Song-and-dance grand suites condensed the cream of the art of Sui and Tang song-and-dance and music. They were large-scale, multi-part song-and-dance suites that combined instrumental music, vocal music and dance in a collective performance. The grand suites of the Sui and Tang Period were also large-scale composite suites of music that included song-and-dance as well as music, but their form and content were more plentiful. Sui and Tang grand suites included both traditional grand suites of Wei and Jin that fully manifested the characteristics of Han culture, and also grand suites originating from the western and border regions and possessing the flavors of different peoples. There were also various new grand suites compiled with the support of the court, the Royal Academy and other institutions. These grand suites concentrated the cream of Sui and Tang song-and-dance and music. Grand in scale, gorgeous, rich and diverse in character, and superlative and enchanting in performance, they rose to a peak of the art of song-and-dance, unprecedented in Chinese arts since ancient times, on the foundation of the thriving and development of performing arts during the Sui and Tang. They represented the highest achievement in music and song-anddance of the era. Their influence extended to all subsequent dynasties: the Song, Yuan, Ming and Qing, where they affected many aspects such as song and dance, instrumental music, ci poetry and qu tunes, shuochang, and drama. One of the main bases for identifying Tang Dynasty song-and-dance grand suites is that »those with a large number of movements are grand suites.« For example, Mulberry Branch is one of the well-known Tang Dynasty song-and-dance grand suites, and it was still renowned for having many movements during the Song Dynasty. For this reason, grand suites were also called »big movements« (dabian 大遍). Vol. 5 of Dream Pool Essays states:

CHAPTER IV BRILLIANT ACHIEVEMENTS IN THE MUSICAL ARTS

The so-called big movements have preludes [xu 序], yin [引], songs [ge 歌], sa [㽂], sui [嗺], shao [哨], cui [催], dian [攧], gun [衮], breaks [po 破], xing [行], middle tunes [zhong qiang 中腔], group dances [tage 踏歌] and so on, dozens of sections in all, and each section has multiple repeats. Cutting out a section to perform by itself is called »plucking a movement.«

Vol. 3 of Random Jottings from the Rooster Quarter by the Southern Song author Wang Zhuo points out: »All grand suites have a free prelude, sa [靸], paibian [排遍], dian, zhengdian [正攧], break [rupo 入破], false cui [xucui 虚催], true cui [shicui 实催], gunbian [衮遍], xiezhi [歇指], shagun [杀衮, another edition including gunpai 滚拍, bianxie 遍歇, shagun after cui]. These are turned into one piece, and this is called a big movement.« The terms they listed are not all the same and may mainly reflect the grand suites of the Song Dynasty. There is still a great deal of doubt about the specific meaning of the terms. The format and structure of grand suites mentioned in Tang Dynasty written sources are fairly simple; there are only a few names such as free prelude, middle prelude, clapping prelude (paixu 拍序) and break, but the idea that grand suites are largescale music and dance pieces composed of many musical sections is consistent. Based on the system of organization for performance, Tang Dynasty grand suites could be divided into two major categories, palace grand suites and academy grand suites (which included folk grand suites). Palace grand suites included yayue grand suites, grand suites for banquets and other grand suites composed for the palace. Academy grand suites could be subdivided into Qingyue grand suites, grand suites of the western regions, frontier grand suites and new suyue grand suites, based on the origin of the music. Both the yayue and suyue of the Tang Dynasty court included grand suites. The Royal Academy primarily performed suyue, including variety shows. The grand suites per-

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formed by the Royal Academy were suyue grand suites other than the palace grand suites. The names of academy grand suites preserved in the Record of the Royal Academy by Tang Dynasty writer Cui Lingqian alone number forty-six. Academy grand suites could be divided into four types, Qingyue grand suites, ethnic music grand suites, frontier grand suites and new suyue grand suites—all based on the origin of their music. Qingyue grand suites came from carrying on the grand suites of Qingshang music; they were grand suites developed on the foundation of old music from the Six Dynasties (later part of the Three Kingdoms, the Jin Dynasty and the Southern and Northern Dynasties) and Qingshang music. Ethnic music grand suites originated from the music groups of ethnic minorities or music groups from abroad, which were primarily offered as tribute by the kingdoms of the Western Regions or brought to the Sui and Tang courts as the plunder of war; some of them were brought into the nine or ten music divisions, and some of them fell under the Royal Academy. Frontier grand suites were primarily song-and-dance grand suites offered as tribute by military commanderies of the border regions. New suyue grand suites, meanwhile, were grand suites composed based on new folk songs of the Han people since the Northern Dynasties, or blending Chinese and ethnic music or northern and southern music. This type was the most numerous among Tang Dynasty grand suites and made up the main body of academy grand suites. The grand suite structure reflected in Tang Dynasty written sources only includes a small number of section names, such as free prelude, middle prelude, clapping prelude and break; the components are simpler than in Song Dynasty sources. In studying the systems of organization and structure of Tang Dynasty grand suites, however, we should refer to and incorporate Song Dynasty grand suites. It is generally thought that the basic structure of Tang Dynasty grand suites was a com-

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bination of a free prelude, middle prelude and break, or, for more complex suites, it might have been a combination of a free prelude, sa, paibian, dian, zhengdian, break, false cui, gunbian, true cui, gunbian, xiepai and shagun. In actuality, each type of grand suite had a unique structure. For instance, during the time of Emperor Xianzong of Tang, the entirety of the suite Rainbow Skirt consisted of a free prelude with six sections and the dance itself, which had twelve sections, for a total of eighteen sections, and not a total of as many as »thirty-six sections« as some researchers have calculated. Information about other Tang Dynasty grand suites (including Tang Dynasty grand suites preserved in Japan) shows that the basic structure of Tang Dynasty grand suites was tripartite: (1) sanban (散板), a section with slow tempo and free rhythm, consisting of instrumental music and songs; (2) huanpai (缓拍), a downtempo section, songs and dances; and (3) cupai (促拍), an up-tempo section, dances. Within the structural sequence of »from slow to fast« of Tang Dynasty grand suites, the combination of song, dance and music was fairly flexible. Dance was not only used during the break and the fast pieces, but also often permeated the grand suite from beginning to end. A conservative estimate is that there were fifty or sixty or more well-known grand suites and faqu pieces during the Tang Dynasty. These included both the works of well-known composers such as Bai Mingda’s The Sound of the Spring Warbler and Pei Shenfu’s Phoenix (Huofeng 火凤) and Tilt the Cup, as well as grand suites like the sword dance, Prince of Qin Smashes Through the Battle Formation, Liangzhou and Yizhou which came from the common people or were revised and refined versions of folk pieces. Grand suites not only included songs and dances, with lyrics that have been passed down to the present, but also included acrobatics and variety acts. This also demonstrates the fact that Tang Dynasty grand

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suites originated from folk song-and-dance and variety shows. The grand suites had a profound influence on song-and-dance grand suites, shuochang, drama and so on even after the Song Dynasty. They played a major role in gestating and giving birth to Song Dynasty zaju. The form of the suites of arias (qupai liantao 曲牌联套) in Yuan Dynasty zaju is also permeated with the influence of the grand suites. The free-slow-fast structural form of Tang Dynasty grand suites can also vaguely be seen in many folk music pieces. Some researchers have pointed out that the large-scale muqam suites making up the folk songs, song-and-dance and instrumental music of the Uighur people of Xinjiang also share structural characteristics with Tang Dynasty grand suites. Faqu was the type of music most beloved of Emperor Xuanzong of Tang. However, during the Tang Dynasty, faqu had multiple meanings. Faqu«was music that originated from the common people and was closely related to traditionally »correct Chinese sounds«; it was fairly elegant in style. This was one fairly influential way of speaking. Another way of speaking was using faqu to refer to yanyue since the Zhenguan era of the Tang Dynasty. The five songs of the piece Yanyue (乐), long passed down by the Court of Imperial Sacrifices and re-organized at the end of the Kaiyuan era, were also called faqu by musicians. Faqu thrived during Xuanzong’s reign. Emperor Xuanzong of Tang loved faqu with a passion. He once gathered three hundred children of the seated performing division in the Pear Garden to personally teach them how to play it. This shows that this type of »faqu« had a large instrumental component. It also had a strong Daoist flavor; it was faqu of a Daoist nature, and was often named together with daodiao (道调, lit. »Daoist tunes«) or included as a part of daodiao. However, daodiao in Tang Dynasty writings had another meaning, similar to daoqu (道曲), meaning music specially for worshipping Laozi. Daodiao and daoqu may

CHAPTER IV BRILLIANT ACHIEVEMENTS IN THE MUSICAL ARTS

have sometimes meant a specific piece of music, or even a specific musical key, but more often they meant a piece of music relating to Daoism or were even general names for Daoist music. The character »法« (fa) in the »fayue« (法乐) of the Eastern Jin and the Liang Dynasty meant the dharma (fofa 佛法), the Buddhist teaching; therefore, at the time, fayue specifically meant Buddhist music. The Li family’s Tang Dynasty, especially Xuanzong, highly esteemed Laozi. Thus, palace faqu meant daodiao faqu, or Daoist tunes; it was completely different from Buddhist fayue. Just as »hu division of new music« (hubu xinsheng 胡部新声) was the formal name, but it was sometimes shortened to »hu division« (hubu 胡部), »hu musicians« (hu yinsheng 胡音声) or »new music« (xinsheng 新声), during the High Tang, faqu fell under daodiao, and »daodiao faqu« would have been the formal name, with »faqu« as an abbreviation. The Pear Garden was a wind and string ensemble personally led by Xuanzong, which gathered and created many excellent musical talents. The Pear Garden musicians exclusively practiced the faqu that Xuanzong so passionately loved. They often collaborated with palace performers, representing the highest achievements of palace music and song-and-dance. In addition, institutions such as the female disciples of the Yichun Music Academy (a female music and dance troupe), the Pear Garden Youth Music Ensemble, and other academies of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices and the Pear Garden also taught and practiced faqu. Wang Jian’s poem »Rainbow Skirt Poem« says: »[Xuanzong] called the faqu division [fabu 法部] to play Rainbow Skirt.« What is called the »faqu division« is a collective term for the abovementioned organizations that practiced and performed faqu. Mr. Qiu Qiongsun examined and found the names of twenty-five Tang Dynasty faqu pieces, from which we know that the content of faqu was abundant, covering a wide range. New music collected and revised from folk songs and frontier songs

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from the early to the High Tang predominated; the finest parts of pieces of music made since the Chen Dynasty (the last of the Southern Dynasties) and the Sui Dynasty were also picked up. Wellknown faqu included Smashing Through the Battle Formation, Great Pacification with One Army (Yirong dading yue 一戎大定乐), Music of Eternal Youth (Changsheng yue 长生乐), Red and White Peach and Plum Blossoms, Grandeur (Tangtang 堂堂), Rainbow Skirt Feathered Dress, Offering to Immortals, Fragrance of Lychee (Lizhi xiang 荔枝 香), Rain Bells (Yulin ling 雨霖铃), Yearning for Paradise, Offering Heavenly Flowers, Phoenix, The Sound of the Spring Warbler, Tilt the Cup, Changing of the Night Watches (Wugeng zhuan 五更转), Harmony of Clouds (Yunshao yue 云韶乐) and Wang Zhaojun (王昭君). These included old songs from the Han, the Wei and the Six Dynasties. There was also new music from the Sui and Tang dynasties. There were Xianghe songs, songs of Wu and Western Tunes, and there was also sacrificial music and dance from the suburban temples; there were civil dances and also military dances. Many of the pieces were grand suites, but there were also dances and various other tunes that were not grand suites. There were soft dances, drum dances, and also dances for urging people to drink wine, horse dances, pieces for the pipa and so on. Whether old or modern, Chinese or foreign, nothing was excluded; yayue and suyue were both included. The small number of pieces that survived are enough to make one feel these are many and varied wonderful things that are exceedingly rich. After »Daoist tunes and the hu division of new music came together« in the thirteenth year of the Tianbao era, the scope of faqu in the pieces performed for the emperor expanded greatly, and many foreign and ethnic tunes were also revised and incorporated into faqu.

Section 3  Achievements in the Instrumental Music of the Sui and Tang The Sui and Tang dynasties made up a period of great development for Chinese musical instruments and instrumental music. Through the Silk Road, various instruments such as the konghou harp, bent-neck pipa and five-stringed pipa were brought into China from the Western Regions and from Central Asia, South Asia and Western Asia. New instruments such as clappers and the fangxiang suspended metallophone also appeared in the Chinese interior. From the palace to the common people, many new combinations of musical instruments appeared, and a large number of excellent works of instrumental music emerged. Whether in instruments or performance, unprecedented improvements and creations appeared. There were also new developments in the performance and making of guqin. As a result of all this, like other genres, the instrumental music of the Sui and Tang climbed to a historical peak.

1. Great Developments in Musical Instruments and Instrumental Ensembles Palace instrumental music ensembles were grand and highly varied. The multiple music divisions in particular were rich in variety, with a diversity of styles. See the table below for the instruments used by each division of the nine or ten music divisions of the Sui and Tang dynasties:

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Qin

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Hammered ­dulcimer

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Se zither

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Zhu zither

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Zheng

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Plucked zheng Pinched zheng

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Konghou harp Horizontal konghou

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●

○

● ○

Upright konghou

●

○

●

○

●

●

○

●

○

○ ●

○

○

●

○

●

○

●

○

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Pipa Large pipa

○ ○

Phoenix-head konghou Small konghou

Goryeo

Indian

●

○ ○

Bukharan

Samarkand

Shule

Kuchean

Gao­chang

Xiliang

Libi

Yanyue

Music division Instrument

Qingyue

Table of Musical Instruments of the Sui Dynasty’s Nine Music Divisions and the Tang Dynasty’s Ten Music Divisions

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●

●

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○

●

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●

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●

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●

●

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●

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Ruan lute

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Five-string pipa Large five-string pipa

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Small five-string pipa

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Sheng pipes Large sheng

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Small sheng

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Xiao flute Large xiao

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Small xiao

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●

●

○

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○

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●

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○

●

○

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○

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○

●

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Di flute

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Long di

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Short di

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○

●

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●

●

●

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Goryeo

Indian

Bukharan

Shule

Kuchean

Samarkand

SECTION 3 ACHIEVEMENTS IN THE INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC OF THE SUI AND TANG

Gao­chang

Xiliang

Libi

Yanyue

Music division Instrument

Qingyue

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●

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Transverse di

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Di flute with mouthpiece Chi flute

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Bili flute Large bili

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Small bili

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●

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●

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●

○ ○

●

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●

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●

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Vertical small bili Peach-skin bili Double bili

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Shell

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Bronze horn

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●

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Xun ocarina

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Leaf

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Bell chimes Stone chimes

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Large fangxiang metallophone

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Cymbals Cymbals as main instrument

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Cymbals as ­secondary ­instrument

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Bronze drum

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●

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●

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●

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Beat-drum (jiegu 节鼓)

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Waist drum

Goryeo

Indian

Bukharan

Shule

Samarkand

CHAPTER IV BRILLIANT ACHIEVEMENTS IN THE MUSICAL ARTS

Kuchean

Gao­chang

Xiliang

Libi

Yanyue

Music division Instrument

Qingyue

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○ ●

●

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○

●

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Frontal drum

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Jiagu (加鼓) drum

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Hand-held drum (hegu 和鼓)

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Qigu drum

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Dangu (担鼓) drum

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Jiegu (羯鼓) drum

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Duxuan drum

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○

●

○

●

○

●

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●

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Maoyuan waist drum

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●

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Dalagu (答腊鼓) drum

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●

○

●

○

○

●

○

●

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Kaigu (揩鼓) drum

○

○

Jilou gu drum Liangu (连鼓) drums

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Pellet drum

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Drum with drumsticks

○

Bells

●

Pi drum

●

In the table, ● represents instruments of the Sui Dynasty’s nine music divisions, and ○ represents instruments of the Tang ­Dynasty’s ten music divisions.

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The court’s abovementioned nine or ten music divisions and the other performing divisions of the multiple music divisions each maintained their own strong local style and ethnic characteristics, in terms of repertoire, dances, costumes, musical instruments and so on. For instance, Qingyue songs had to be sung in the Wu dialect and so were often performed by people from the region where Wu was spoken (modern Shanghai, Zhejiang and Jiangsu Provinces). During the time of Xuanzong, after the Wu-language singer Li Langzi died, »how Qingyue songs were lacking!« in the court’s music divisions. In another example, after performers of music from Goryeo dwindled, it had to be reported to the court so that Goryeo could be made to send more performers. We can see that the styles and characteristics of each music division were unique and were maintained for a long time; they could not be switched out. Because the multiple music divisions followed the pattern of »Chinese leading the barbarians,« symbolizing the cultural diversity of the unified empire and the immense cultural influence of the Tang on their surrounding world, it was necessary to maintain the styles and characteristics of each music division over a long period. The seated and standing performing divisions, meanwhile, displayed the exchange and fusion of various peoples and countries that took place at court. At least the music ensembles had absorbed the best parts of the music and instruments of various peoples, on the foundation of the traditional music of the Central Plains. Many of the standing performing division’s pieces »mixed in Kuchean music«; they mixed together the music and instruments of various peoples and countries, recombining and remaking the pieces. The large number of images of music, dance and musical instruments handed down from antiquity as well as discovered by archeologists vividly show the diversity of the combinations of Sui and Tang musical ensembles. The music ensembles shown in images of music and dance before the Buddha

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in cave murals such as at Dunhuang and Yulin are rich in diversity, fully manifesting the fusion and combination of Chinese and foreign music, and to a certain extent reflecting the real-life ensemble combinations of the Sui and Tang dynasties. They include large-scale and super-large-scale ensembles (Fig. 5.4.5) and also micro-scale ensembles. The accompanying ensembles of music and dance figurines excavated in Shaanxi and Henan are also vivid reflections of the forms of musical instruments in real-life music and dance (Fig. 5.4.5). Further combination of foreign and Chinese music and yayue and suyue flourished during the Kaiyuan and Tianbao eras. The appearance and the period of popularity of the hu division of new music in the capital marks the climax of the offering of frontier grand suites as tribute and the influx of huyue. From the latter part of the Kaiyuan era, when »the hu division was raised up into the hall« to the thirteenth year of the Tianbao era, when »Daoist tunes and the hu division of new music were ordered to work together,« the court used its administrative authority to remove barriers and obstacles from the exchange of Chinese and foreign music and dance. Foreign and Chinese music were »performed mixed together,« and the court’s fusion of Chinese and foreign music and dance reached unprecedented heights. The faqu division of the Pear Garden and other organizations and institutions dedicated to the performance of faqu were created. Ensemble performances of faqu of a purely instrumental nature became one of the most beloved and favored forms of performing arts of the emperor, who held the most power while also being a trendsetter. In the Pear Garden, the emperor’s »children of the Pear Garden« numbered more than three hundred, forming a string and wind ensemble of grand scale. There were renowned players of each instrument. Along with the emergence of a large number of faqu pieces and grand suites, this brought about a high degree of fusion of Chinese and foreign, huyue and suyue music and dance.

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5.4.5 Painting of music and dance from the Yulin Caves, Anxi, Gansu Province; Cave no. 25

The ensemble reached unprecedented heights, collectively performing the music of the High Tang, as fine and intricate as brocade. This trend also manifested among the common people. In the second half of the Tang Dynasty, grand suites and faqu gradually expanded to local and prefectural government offices and generals’ headquarters, and even the private homes of literati and scholar-officials had performances of excerpts. The variety shows and instrumental music performances of military garrisons, meanwhile, could exceed the level of the court’s performances. This strongly indicates that the center of gravity of the artistic stage in the mid to late Tang Dynasty was already gradually tending away from the palaces of the court and imperial family to local areas and the common people.

The drum played an important role in various musical ensembles, especially in instrumental combinations that came from the Western Regions, and there were an especially large number of different types of drums. Jiegu waist drums and jilou gu were all extremely active. Actual bodies of waist drums have survived to this day (Fig. 5.4.6). Various forms of instrumental ensembles such as drums and pipes or drums and flutes were also popular in various places, either accompanying singing or dancing, or for purely instrumental performance. Music genres existing today, such as the temple and folk sheng-guan music (a genre of wind music with sheng pipes as the main instrument) and drum and pipe music in places like Hebei and Shanxi, and Xi’an drum music, not only preserve some of the forms of the Sui and Tang

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5.4.6  Waist drum with black glaze and blue spots, collection of the Palace Museum

Period but also preserve a good deal of the musical content of the Sui and Tang dynasties. Among the various »tunes for wind instruments« at Qing Temple at Mount Wutai, there is a traditional instrumental ensemble piece, Everlasting Flowers (Wannian hua 万年花), which, according to the research of Mr. Huang Xiangpeng, originated from the folk instrumental ensemble performance of a famous Tang Dynasty piece, Everlasting Joy (Wannian huan 万年欢), which was preserved at that temple. The piece is solemn and magnificent, displaying the energetic and vigorous atmosphere of Sui and Tang music (Fig. 5.4.6).

2. Development of Solo Instrumental Music The pipa lute, a foreign instrument which began to be brought into the Central Plains during the Han Dynasty, had already been fully integrated into the culture of the interior by the Sui and Tang Period, and had seen a great deal of improvement and development. Not only did its role within various ensembles become ever more important, such as song-and-dance grand suites often starting with the pipa, but it also became the most common solo instrument. The technique of playing directly with the fingers was developed, and

famous pipa players emerged in large numbers, like a cluster of brilliant stars, to widespread welcome from the court and the common people. There were three major structural types of pipa: ruanxian (阮咸), bent-neck and five-stringed. The pipa »originated from the hu,« the people to the north and west of China, and the pipa that was first brought into the interior of China was »four-stringed,« with a »round body and straight neck« and »twelve frets.« During the early Tang, this type of pipa was called ruanxian. Reportedly, during the time of Wu Zetian, Kuai Lang of Shu found a bronze »pipa« in an old tomb, which had a longer neck than the pipa of the early Tang Dynasty, and had thirteen frets. Because the renowned literary figure Ruan Xian, who lived during the late Three Kingdoms and early Jin Dynasty, »was good at playing the pipa,« Yuan Xingchong, Vice Minister of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, decided that »this was made by Ruan Xian« and »because of this, it will be called ruanxian.« He had a craftsman make one out of wood instead, and »the sound was very elegant.« From then on, this type of pipa with a »round body and straight neck,« which had a long history, was also called a ruanxian or the ruanxian pipa. In a carving of the Seven Worthies of the Bamboo Grove in

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5.4.7 Ruan Xian playing the pipa, rubbing of carving Seven Worthies of the Bamboo Grove, Xishan Bridge, Nanjing

a large tomb from the Southern Dynasties in the vicinity of Xishan Bridge in Nanjing, Ruan Xian is playing just this kind of »pipa« (Fig. 5.4.7). This type of »round-bodied« deformation of the pipa also appears in Dunhuang murals. Today, the ruanxian (or ruan for short) is still a major plucked instrument in ethnic music ensembles, and it still has the same basic structure of round body and straight neck as since the Han Dynasty (Fig. 5.4.7). However, before the Tang Dynasty and in Tang Dynasty writings, the ruanxian is usually still called the pipa, or »Qin Han zi« (秦汉子, referring to the pipa’s being brought into China during the Qin and Han Dynasties). In images handed down from antiquity and discovered by archeologists, the bent-neck pipa has four strings. It got its name because its pegbox is nearly at a ninety-degree angle with the body of the lute. Its sound box, meanwhile, swells to ei-

CHAPTER IV BRILLIANT ACHIEVEMENTS IN THE MUSICAL ARTS

ther side to form a half pear shape. The name bentneck pipa came later, after the instrument was placed under the category of pipa. That is, after the name »pipa« was expanded to a category of instruments, the categorization of the bent-neck lute was indicated by adding on the name »pipa.« Archeological finds also show that the bent-neck pipa appeared in the interior later than the pipa (ruanxian), during the Southern and Northern Dynasties. It was first introduced into the northern regions, and then brought to the south. The five-string pipa has a sound box closer to a thin, stick-like shape; a straight neck; and because there are five strings, it has five tuning pegs. Compared to the bent-neck lute and the ruanxian, it is »a little smaller, and probably came from northern lands.« The five-string lute is also called the »Kuchean pipa« or »hu pipa.« It came to the Central Plains even later. The earliest known instance of the name »five-string« is in Sui Dynasty Buddhist texts. The three types of pipa and their various changing forms appeared quite early in murals in caves in Central Asia and the Kizil Caves in Xinjiang, as well as in Buddhist temples such as at the Mogao Caves in Dunhuang. Pipa playing technique saw great improvement during the Sui and Tang dynasties, and a large number of renowned pipa players emerged, such as Cao Miaoda, Pei Luo’er, He Huaizhi, Lei Haiqing, Duan Shanben, Li Guan’er, Kang Kunlun, Wang Fen, Cao Bao, Cao Shancai, Cao Gang, Pei Xingnu, Lian Jiao, Zheng Zhongcheng, Mi He and Li Shiliang. There are many moving descriptions of their exquisite playing in Tang poems, reflecting the enjoyment of the pipa by people at every level of society at the time. Wang Han’s bold and unconstrained »Song of Liangzhou« (凉州词): »With wine of grapes the cups of jade would glow at night; Drinking to pipa songs, we are summoned to fight. Don’t laugh if we lay drunken on the battleground; How many warriors ever came back safe and sound?« Appealing to everyone,

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from the palace to the distant frontier, the music of the pipa was performed everywhere. Pei Luo’er (Shen Fu) lived during the Zhenguan era. He was the first to try jettisoning the plectrum and playing the pipa directly with the hand, which was called »plucking the pipa« (chou pipa 搊琵琶) and had epoch-making significance in the history of the pipa. Although the plucking method spread very slowly, later on this method became the one used for pipa throughout China, and it greatly increased the artistic expressiveness of the pipa. In addition, the number of frets on the bent-neck pipa was also increased during the Tang Dynasty, expanding its range and laying a good foundation for the further development of the art of the pipa. He Huaizhi was active during the Kaiyuan era and often played before Xuanzong and Yang Guifei. Miscellaneous Notes on Songs from the Music ­Bureau says: »His instrument had a body made of stone, kunji [鹍鸡, a mythical or crane-like bird] tendons as strings, and he used an iron plectrum to play.« It seems his playing was vigorous, bold and unrestrained. He was also good at keeping time, often playing the role of leader in ensembles; from this it is also evident that his status among the musicians of the Pear Garden was fairly high.

5.4.8  Pipa from the Five Dynasties, excavated from Astana, ­Xinjiang and Caizhuang, ­Hanjiang District, Yangzhou, Jiangsu

SECTION 3 ACHIEVEMENTS IN THE INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC OF THE SUI AND TANG

Duan Shanben used strings made of hide, a new development compared to He Huaizhi using kunji tendons as strings; the legend also reflects the reality of how much the pipa was valued in the customs of the time. Other sources show that Duan Shanben and Kang Kunlun were among the most excellent pipa players of the time. The middle volume of the Supplement to the State History of the Tang says that when Wei Yingwu was serving as prefectural governor of Suzhou, a subordinate official got hold of the state musician Kang Kunlun’s pipa as a result of the chaos of war. He sent it to the office, and Wei Yingwu hurried to present it to the emperor with a memorial. One can see the level of widespread respect given to renowned pipa players by society (Fig. 5.4.8). Cao Gang and Pei Xingnu were contemporaries of Kang Kunlun, or perhaps lived slightly later. Cao Gang came from a family with a tradition of playing pipa; his grandfather was Cao Bao and his father was Cao Shancai. They were an artistic family from Khebud in the Western Regions. Cao Gang was »good at moving the plectrum like wind and rain, while not striking the strings.« Pei Xingnu, meanwhile, was »good at combing with and twirling the fingers, using the plectrum rarely and softly.« Because of this, people at the time commented, »Cao Gang has the right hand,

172

Xingnu has the left hand.« Some poets, moreover, praised this as the music of the heavens. Duan Shanben had dozens of pipa students, of which Li Guan’er was the most prominent. He did not enter the palace to play for the emperor, but was willing to make his living independently with his art. Li Guan’er was able to play many pipa tunes. Yuan Zhen’s Song of the Pipa (Quantangshi, vol. 421) praised his ability, saying »All day I listened to him play limitless songs, endless song names fresh in his mind.« Yuan Zhen also praised his playing of Rain Bells, saying it reached the realm of »desolate wind and rain, the sobbing of gods and spirits.« It was precisely on the foundation of the high level of development of the art of the pipa and its widespread popularity during the Tang Dynasty that the renowned poems on the subject of the pipa would be created by many poets such as Li Jiao, Li Qi, Zhang Hu and Yuan Zhen. Only on this foundation could Bai Juyi’s »Song of the Pipa,« this eternally renowned work so exquisitely and peerlessly describing the art of the pipa, be produced. »Song of the Pipa« touches on tunes for the pipa such as Rainbow Skirt Feathered Dress Tune and Liuyao (Green Waist). It contains vivid portrayal of the progress and changes of pipa melodies and recounts specific pipa techniques, such as »lightly combing, slowly twirling and wiping, intricately picking« and »collecting the plectrum at the end of the song for a final sweep across the strings,« touching on various skillful movements of the performer’s left and right hand. In particular, a string of vivid metaphors, such as »pounding rain,« »talking to oneself,« »pearls, big and small, rattling in a jade dish« and »a silver bottle suddenly bursting, liquid streaming forth« describe the diverse impressions given by a melody with many changes. There were also famous players of the five-string lute. The third volume of the Supplement to the State History of the Tang states: »Zhao Bi played the five-stringed lute, and someone asked about

CHAPTER IV BRILLIANT ACHIEVEMENTS IN THE MUSICAL ARTS

his art. He replied, ›When I play the five-string, first the heart drives it, then the spirit meets it, and finally heaven follows it. I am just without restraint, eyes like ears, pupils like my nose, not knowing whether the five-string moves me, or I move the five-string.‹« Only when the instrument and performer are combined into one, reaching a high degree of unity, can perfect artistry be attained. Popular Tang Dynasty pipa songs came from a wide variety of origins. There were tunes brought in from the border areas and combined with tunes of the interior, such as Rainbow Skirt, Liangzhou and Ganzhou; there were native Han tunes such as Rain Bells, Liuyao, Xiangfu Lian (想夫怜), Song of the Golden Valley (Jingu yin 金谷引), Yellow-Bell Jade (Huangzhong yu 黄钟玉), Moonlight of Chu (Chu yueguang 楚月光), Faint Charms (Bomei 薄 媚), Yulunpao (郁轮袍), White-haired Old Man (Baitou weng 白头翁), He Manzi (何满子), Jade Tree Flowers in the Rear Courtyard, Xiang Fei (湘 妃) and Paired Mandarin Ducks (Yuanyang 鸳鸯); while tunes such as On the Border (Chusai出赛) and Returning from the Border (Rusai 入塞) may have originated from the qin tunes of the Six Dynasties, showing that development of the art of the pipa during the Tang Dynasty was the result of the combination of Chinese and foreign musical culture. The pipa (ruanxian), bent-neck lute and five-string lute had different origins, but they had many similarities. They were all plucked string instruments played with a plectrum, belonging to the lute type, in musicological terms, so it made a certain sense that people of the Tang Dynasty grouped them together under the name »pipa.« Tang sources, however, still used the names bent-neck and fivestring for the latter two types of pipa, differentiating them from the older, regular pipa. The komuz, a plucked string instrument belonging to the lute type along with the pipa, also appeared early on in the Gaochang area. The jiegu drum was an instrument that came from the Jie people. The jiegu was shaped »like a lac-

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quered barrel, with an ivory frame on the bottom supporting it; two sticks were used to beat it.« Record of the Jiegu also states: »Its sound is a sharp cry. It is especially fitting for fast tunes and sections, with the sound of battling sticks breaking one after another. It is also fitting for viewing evening scenery from atop high buildings, with the bright moon and clear wind; [the sound] breaks the air and carries far. It is very different from the numerous other instruments.« This shows that its sound had prominent characteristics; it was high-spirited and resounding, with very strong carrying capability, and was quite popular. Emperor Xuanzong of Tang often said that the jiegu and the jade di flute were »the leaders of all the musical instruments; none of the other instruments can compare.« He once came up with the tune Enjoying Spring Scenery while looking at the scenery on a spring day. Xuanzong spent a lot of time practicing the jiegu. He once asked Li Guinian, the music master of the Pear Garden, who »excelled at the jiegu,« how many drum sticks he had broken. Guinian answered, »Your servant has broken fifty sticks.« Xuanzong then said he himself had »broken three upright cabinets [of drum sticks].« Several years later, Xuanzong had again broken another cabinet’s worth of drum sticks. Chancellor Song Jing, and Prime Minister Du Hongjian during the time of Emperor Daizong of Tang, were also good at playing the jiegu. Record of the Jiegu lists pieces for the jiegu in various ancient modes. There were twenty-three tunes in the key of taicu-gong (太簇宫), fifty tunes in the key of taicu-shang (太簇商) and forty tunes in the key of taicu-jue (太簇角). In addition, there were also ten popular Buddhist tunes and thirty-two shiqu (食曲, a type of music used in Buddhist and Daoist ceremonies); these were all pieces used by the Kuchean, Gaochang, Shule and Indian music divisions. As an ethnic percussion instrument, the fact that highly difficult and diverse performing techniques and a large number of pieces just for the jiegu could be developed, and that the jiegu

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was beloved at all levels of society, fully shows that it not only played a special and important role in song, dance and music and in ensembles of various instruments, but also that a large number of works just for the jiegu were created and it developed into a type of independent instrumental performance. During the Sui and Tang periods, »di« was widely used specifically to refer to the transverse di flute. By the Tang Dynasty, the di flute had already developed into an extremely popular solo instrument. Famous di players emerged in large numbers, playing technique reached a fairly high level, and renowned pieces for the di such as Broken Poplar and Willow and Falling Plum Blossoms (Luo meihua 落梅花) were also familiar to and loved by the masses. Many famous lines from Tang poems described the wide circulation of these di songs. At the time, there were many di designs, such as the Qiang flute, the long di and the short di. They were also made of different materials, such as bamboo and jade. Jade di flutes alone were subdivided into many types, such as white jade flutes and purple jade flutes. Purple jade di flutes were especially precious. Legend has it that Yang Guifei once disobeyed an order in order to »steal the purple jade flute of the Prince of Ning and play it,« and was chased out of the palace because of it. Zhang Hu’s poem sings, »The Pear Garden is quiet, no one watching; idly she picks up the jade flute of the Prince of Ning, and plays,« about this event. The section on the di in Miscellaneous Notes on Songs from the Music Bureau says that Li Mo was a renowned di player of the Kaiyuan era, »unrivalled at the time.« There are many strange legends about him. One legend says that once Xuanzong composed a new song in the palace. The next day was the Lantern Festival, so he went out of the palace in disguise to have fun. To his surprise, he heard someone in a restaurant playing, on a di flute, the new song he himself had composed. He

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was shocked. The day after that, he sent people to secretly capture the flute player and interrogate him. It turned out he was Li Mo of Chang’an, who was good at playing the di. He had been on the Tianjin Bridge enjoying the moon and heard the song from inside the palace; he then wrote it down and stuck the notation in a bridge pillar. Xuanzong appreciated his talent and released him. The di flute was also often used as accompaniment for singing. The first volume of Unofficial Biography of Yang Taizhen says that after Li Bai composed the Pure and Peaceful Tune, Emperor Ming (Xuanzong) personally played along with the melody on a jade flute, and each time the melody repeated, he »slowed down his playing to make it more charming.« Xuanzong intentionally drew out the sound of the di, creating a very expressive and charming feeling. During the chanting of Buddhist tunes, their sounds were also often drawn out; this was called the »long sound tune method.« Xuanzong’s unique way of playing the di was probably also a kind of drawing out of the sound. The predecessor of today’s guanzi (管子) double-reed pipe was the ancient bili (觱篥) flute (at first also written 筚篥, 必栗 and 悲篥). It was originally an ancient Persian instrument, but later became popular in Kucha and other parts of the Western Regions, which is why Tang Dynasty sources often say it »originated from Kuchean music.« The bili was one of the most widely used instruments in the multiple music divisions of the Sui and Tang Dynasties. Many renowned bili players are seen in written records, such as Li Guinian, Zhang Yehu, Wang Manu, Yuchi Qing, An Wanshan and Xue Taoyang. Zhang Yehu »was number one« among those good at playing the bili among the children of the Pear Garden. He followed Xuanzong when he fled to Shu. Xuanzong was on an elevated walkway and heard bells in the rain; grieving for Yang Guifei, he composed Rain Bells, then handed it to Zhang Yehu to play. After returning to Chang’an, one time when Xuanzong went

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again to enjoy the Huaqing Palace, he ordered Zhang Yehu to play Rain Bells. Before the song was half over, Xuanzong began to cry, unawares, as he looked around at the desolate place, and the people around him were also moved to sobbing. The bili was also active among the common people. Poets such as Li Qi, Cen Shen, Du Fu, Yuan Zhen, Bai Juyi, Zhang Hu, Zheng Gu, Xue Tao, Liu Yuxi, Wen Tingyun and Luo Yin all described bili performances in their own poems. The bili player Xue Yangtao, who was only twelve years old, was praised by many poets. Various music ensembles included the outline of the bili, the suona (唢呐) horn, meanwhile, was a common folk wind instrument. The pronunciation of the word was originally close to bili, and some people think that the suona originated from the bili. The name »suona« appeared later in Chinese written sources, and currently we can only trace it back to just before the Ming Dynasty. Based on fairly reliable archeological evidence, the suona may have been used in the interior of China during or before the Tang Dynasty. The collection of the Palace Museum in Beijing includes a photograph of a Tang Dynasty figurine of a musician on horseback. The musician wears a fengmao (风帽, ancient Chinese winter hat covering the back of the neck) and a long gown with short sleeves and no collar. The pipe he is blowing is rather short, but clearly flared like a suona—it may be a type of suona. Because mentions of the suona are lacking in Tang and Song sources, and the number of reliable archeological materials is also limited, it seems that although the suona did appear in the Chinese interior in the Tang and Song period, its use was not widespread. There were three major types of konghou harp: the upright konghou, phoenix-head konghou and horizontal konghou. The upright konghou and phoenix-head konghou both originated from the Western Regions; the horizontal konghou, meanwhile, was a new instrument created during the Han Dynasty. The konghou was widely used and

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very popular during the Sui and Tang Period. There are quite a few famous Tang poems describing ­konghou performances, by poets including Li He, Gu Kuang, Cen Shen, Lu Tong, Yuan Zhen, Zhang Hu and Li Shangyin. Advanced konghou players of the Tang Dynasty included Zhang Hui (Zhang Yehu), Zhang Xiaozi and Ji Qigao; in the Royal Academy, the technique of the players in the hu division was especially advanced. Carvings and murals in Sui and Tang caves, such as those at Kizil in Xinjiang, Dunhuang in Gansu, Yungang near Datong and Longmen near Luoyang, contain a large number of images of the konghou, reflecting the great influence of the various types of konghou in real life. After the Song and Yuan dynasties, however, the konghou gradually declined and eventually its tradition was lost. The history of development of world music shows that string instruments usually appear later than percussion and wind instruments. Among string instruments, plucked instruments such as the qin and se zithers appeared first in ancient China; they were active quite early, during the Western Zhou Dynasty and the Spring and Autumn Period. Bowed string instruments were rarer. The zhu (‌筑) zither, which became fairly common after the Warring States Period, is a known bowed string instrument that appeared fairly early. There are quite a few records of the yazheng (轧筝) bowed zither, from the Tang Dynasty. The »Treatise on Music« of the Old Book of Tang says: »The yazheng is bowed using strips of bamboo with the ends lubricated,« which shows that the yazheng was a kind of bowed string instrument, and implies that bowing with strips of bamboo was a tradition with a long history in the Central Plains. In addition to the above record, Yueshu, by Song Dynasty writer Chen Yang, also describes an image of the yazheng. The question of when the huqin (胡琴) fiddle-type instruments appeared—such as the erhu (二胡), gaohu (高胡), banhu (板胡) and jinghu (京胡)— which are bowed with a horsehair bow and are

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so popular today, has always received attention. It is generally thought that the predecessor of the huqin-type bowed string instruments came from the xiqin (奚琴) of the northern ethnic minority the Xi (奚) people. The Xi people were originally part of the Donghu confederacy. During the Yuan Wei Dynasty, they called themselves the Kumo Xi and lived on the old territory of the Xianbei. At the start of the Sui Dynasty, they were called the Xi and lived in the area of modern Chengde, Fengning and Pingquan. Overall, there was a close relationship between the Xi and the Tang. The Tang Dynasty established the Raole military governorship in the Xi territory, and the leader of the Xi was granted the title of king and given the family name Guo (国). Xuanzong also married his niece, Princess Gu’an (固安, lit. »solidifying peace«) to the king of Raole in order to establish closer ties. Mr. Kenzō Hayashi of Japan has pointed out that the Shūgaishō (拾芥抄), a medieval Japanese encyclopedia, cites the Gakki Meibutsu (樂器名 物), stating: »Two xiqin (one without strings, one with two strings), fourth month of the ninth year of the Tengyō era.« The ninth year of the Tengyō era in Japan (946) corresponds to the end of the Five Dynasties. Obviously, the xiqin would have been brought to Japan before this; for this reason, he believes that the name »xiqin« already existed during the Tang Dynasty. Considering the close connections between the Xi and the Sui and Tang dynasties, we can infer that the xiqin was already brought into the interior of China during the Sui and Tang Period. It would first have been ­popular among the common people on a small scale, and only after continuous improvements would it have become the eye-catching instrument beloved by the court and the masses during the Song Dynasty.

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3. Full Prosperity of Qin Zither Music in Sui and Tang Dynasties With the establishment and development of the imperial civil service examination system and the sudden rise of scholars from among the common people, qin zither music was further liberated from the world of the aristocracy during the Sui and Tang dynasties, becoming beloved and performed by a broader range of people from all levels of society. In particular, the liking and reverence of the scholar class of the Sui and Tang dynasties for the qin pushed forward the comprehensive development of qin music during the time. Many renowned qin masters with profound influence emerged, with glorious achievements. The qin music of the Sui and Tang dynasties carried on a large number of the excellent traditions formed from the Qin Dynasty to the Southern and Northern Dynasties. Sui and Tang qin players organized and refined traditional qin tunes and composed many new works for it. They made the qin repertoire richer than ever before and widely expanded its subject matter and content. Many forms and genres coexisted, and styles such as xiaodiao (小调, lit. »small tunes«), caonong (操 弄, large-scale traditional qin tunes), zaqu (miscellaneous tunes) and qin songs appeared. The notation of qin music also saw major innovation and reform. The textual scores which had been popular from the Southern Dynasties to the Sui Dynasty developed into early jianzipu (减字 谱, qin scores with »reduced notation«) under the efforts of Tang composers. This epoch-marking leap forward gave new possibilities for the survival and transmission of qin tunes; many popular tunes were compiled in score collections and transmitted to later generations. During the Sui and Tang Dynasties, qin design and manufacturing techniques also rose to a new level. The basic qin designs that are common today were established during the two Jin dynasties and the Southern and Northern Dynasties. Even after

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qin-making was established, it continued to be improved; many qin designs such as the Fuxi style and Zhongni (Confucian) style were developed during the Tang Dynasty. The Zhongni-style qin, the most common style from the Song and Yuan dynasties to today, was widely popular during the High Tang. In particular, the carving techniques for making qin saw major improvement. During the Sui and Tang Period, when even high ­officials at court were dedicated to making the qin, the renowned Lei family of qin carvers appeared in Sichuan. The famous qin they made have been treasured by generations of qin afficionados and are even preserved like valuables to this day. The Tang Dynasty qin was an exquisite work of art in itself, with very high value. Renowned qin players of the Sui Dynasty included Li Yi, Heruo Bi and the brothers Wang Tong and Wang Ji. Li Yi reportedly was called »Mr. String of Pearls« (Lianzhu xiansheng 连珠先生) because the waist of his qin was decorated with a colorful string of pearls. He composed Insects in the Grass (Cao chongzi 草虫子) and Mount Gui (Guishan yue 规山乐), and also Thirty-six Small Tunes Stitched Together (Zhui Sanshiliu xiaodiao 缀三十六小调), which may have been a piece made by combining many small common tunes. Continued Record of Mountains and Fields of the Xiang River (Xu xiang shanye lu 续湘山野录) says that Heruo Bi composed ten xiaodiao in the key of gong, including Shibojin (石博金), Not Exchanging Jade (Buhuan yu 不换玉), Song of Floating Along the Gorge (Fanxia yin 泛峡吟), Song of Crossing the Creek (Yuexi yin 越溪吟) and Song of a Clear Night (Qingye yin 清夜吟). All these tunes were passed on to later generations. Song of a Clear Night was also seen in the Ming Dynasty collection Xilu Tang Qintong (西麓堂琴统). Wang Tong was called »Master Wenzhong.« He lived in seclusion at a bend of the Fen River and composed Song of Fen River Pavilion (Fenting cao 汾亭操). Song of Gujiao (Gujiao xing 古交行), which has survived to this day, is also said to have been composed by Wang Tong.

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His younger brother, Wang Ji (585–644), was also good at playing the qin. In his later years, he returned to his hometown to live in seclusion and work the land. He once »added and took away old tunes to compose Song of Mountains and Rivers [Shanshui cao 山水操], which was appreciated by music afficionados.« There were vast numbers of qin players during the Tang Dynasty. Sui Dynasty qin afficionados were mostly good at composing, while those of the Tang Dynasty were more developed in the areas of performance and collecting, organizing and refining traditional tunes. Zhao Yeli (563–639) was a famous qin player of the early Tang. He made contributions in organizing the inheritance from previous generations: »More than fifty tunes, right, wrong and ridiculous; he cut out the common and brought them back to ­elegance, and passed on a record of their tablatures.« A surviving scroll copied by hand during the Tang Dynasty, Stone Tablet Tune – Secluded Orchid (Jieshi diao – Youlan 碣石调 幽兰), includes the names of more than fifty qin tunes. These ­include Five Tunes for Hujia Flute (Hujia wunong 胡笳五弄), which was revised by Zhao Yeli, so these tunes may very well be the qin tunes that he organized. He also compiled Narrative Qin Score (Qin xupu 琴叙谱), nine vols.; Hand Gesture Score for Playing Qin (Tanqin shoushi pu 弹琴手势谱), one volume (Book of Tang, »Treatise on Religious Texts«); and Right Hand Method for Playing Qin (Tanqin youshou fa 弹琴右手法), one volume (History of Song, »Treatise on Art and Literature«). Dong Tinglan (c. 695–c. 765) was the most famous qin master of the Kaiyuan and Tianbao eras. He once studied the »Shen family sound« and »Zhu family sound,« which had flourished on the qin stage since the early Tang, with Adjutant Chen Huaigu of Fengzhou, and he organized Hujia as a qin tablature. Li Qi’s Listening to Dong Grandly Play the Song of Hujia, Also for Sending to Minister Fang (听董大弹〈胡笳弄〉兼寄语房给事) praises how Dong smoothly and easily changes

SECTION 3 ACHIEVEMENTS IN THE INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC OF THE SUI AND TANG

from slow to fast, how his music is full of changes, and how the melody comes and goes with great emotion. It calls to mind many thoughts, one after another, and washes away distracting thoughts of fame and profit. The Ming Dynasty qin tablature collection The Mysterious and Marvelous Tablature (Shenqi mipu 神奇秘谱) includes the tune Cultivating One’s True Nature (Yizhen 颐真), composed by Dong. Xue Yijian began studying the qin at nine years old. When he was very young, he could already play thirty miscellaneous tunes in the key of huangzhong. He especially worked on the three tunes Flowing Spring of Three Gorges (Sanxia liuquan 三峡流泉), Southern Wind (Nanfeng 南风) and Wandering Strings (Youxian 游弦). When he was seventeen years old, he could play eighteen traditional qin tunes such as the grand and small Hujia, Departing Crane (Biehe 别鹤) and White Snow (Baixue 白雪). Later, he traveled about, studying widely and playing a total of three hundred miscellaneous tunes and forty grand tunes. During the Tianbao era, he waited for an order to join the Hanlin Academy for playing the qin. He wrote Secrets of the Qin. He made outstanding contributions in qin music and aesthetics, and was very influential for later generations. Chen Kangshi, a qin player during the time of Xizong, had original views on the traditions of qin music. He criticized previous generations who either »did not understand melodies and rhyme« or »were injured by circulating customs« or adhered too rigidly to established forms and thus »suffered from only doing it one way«—saying they »all stopped transmitting the teachings of masters and did not follow their learning.« He himself composed a hundred tunes, and »each tune had a short rhyming prelude, like the short prelude of a poem.« This form of accompanying a large-scale qin piece, with a »short work« as a »rhyming prelude,« was continued all the way up to the Ming Dynasty. He also compiled Correct Sounds of Qin Writing (Qinshu Zhengsheng 琴书正声), ten vols.,

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which collected more than eighty traditional qin pieces, such as Five Melodies of the Cai Clan (Caishi wunong 蔡氏五弄); Qin Melodies (Qindiao 琴调), seventeen vols.; A Record of Qin Tablature (Qinpu ji 琴谱记), one volume; and Tablature for Li Sao, one volume. The piece Li Sao, for which a record exists in the Ming Dynasty collection The Mysterious and Marvelous Tablature, was one of his major works. Chen Zhuo was roughly a contemporary of Chen Kangshi. Chen Zhuo wrote New Hui Qin Tablature of Correct Sounds of the Great Tang (Datang zhengsheng xinhui qinpu 大唐正声新徵琴谱), ten vols.; Book of the Qin (Qinji 琴籍), nine vols.; and Tablature of Several Pickings of the Qin Method (Qinfa shu gouti pu 琴法数钩剔谱). Unfortunately, Tang Dynasty writings on qin music have mostly been lost; there are only a few occasional excerpts in later books. There were many works of qin music during the Sui and Tang Period. The »Treatise on Religious Texts« of the Book of Sui mentions Main Calendar Register of the Qin (Qinli toubu 琴历头簿), which collected the titles of more than forty pieces. The titles of more than fifty pieces of qin music are also preserved at the end of the hand-copied Tang Dynasty tablature, Stone Tablet Tune – Secluded Orchid. After the High Tang, an even larger number of works for the qin emerged. On the one hand, »those who only play the qin still pass on the old music of Chu and Han.« Qin players carried on a large number of famous qin tunes from the Han Dynasty and the Three Kingdoms period, such as White Snow, Secluded Orchid, Five Melodies of the Cai Clan and Four Melodies of the Ji Clan (Jishi sinong 嵇氏四弄), as well as works of Xianghe songs and Qingshang music that came from the common people, such as Guangling Zhixi (广陵止 息), Singing in the Dark Night, Lament of the Chu Concubines (Chufei tan 楚妃叹) and Hujia Song of Mingjun (胡笳明君). There were also traditional pieces not previously recorded, such as Flowing Spring of Three Gorges and Lament of Qu Yuan (Qu

CHAPTER IV BRILLIANT ACHIEVEMENTS IN THE MUSICAL ARTS

Yuan tan 屈原叹). On the other hand, works characteristic of the time emerged in large numbers onto the Sui and Tang qin stage, such as Grand Hujia (Da hujia 大胡笳), Small Hujia (Xiao hujia 小胡笳) and Thunderbolt Prelude (Pili yin 霹雳 引), as well as new works such as Dong Tinglan’s Cultivating One’s True Nature and Chen Kangshi’s Li Sao. A large number of qin songs combined with the Tang poems that flourished like blooming flowers also appeared. Excellent pieces that were universally appreciated appeared, such as Yangguan with Three Repeated Refrains (Yangguan sandie 阳关三叠) and Fishing Song (Yuge diao 渔歌调). The four volumes of »qin tune lyrics« collected in Guo Maoqian’s Collection of Yuefu Lyric Poems include almost one hundred qin songs from the Sui and Tang Period, and they were compiled based on about fifty qin tablatures and books from the Sui, the Tang and the Five Dynasties. The origins of these qin songs reached up to the court and the Music Bureau and down to the common people and literati, showing that singing while playing the qin was an extremely popular form of art at the time. During the Tang Dynasty, many famous poems were scored as qin songs, such as Li Bai’s »Song of Xiangyang« (襄阳歌), Du Fu’s »Ballad of the Army Carts« (兵车行), Zhang Xu’s »Night Mooring at Maple Bridge« (枫桥夜泊), the monk Jiaoran’s »Wind in the Pines« and Liu Yuxi’s »Inscription in a Humble Room« (陋室铭). The qin songs composed based on Wang Wei’s »Sending Off the Second Yuan on a Mission to Anxi« (送元二使安西) and Liu Zongyuan’s »Old Fisherman« (渔翁) circulated most widely. There were glorious achievements in the making of qin during the Sui and Tang dynasties, with unprecedented development in both quantity and quality. Many skilled craftsmen who made qin appeared both at court and among the common people. The most admired qin-makers came from the Lei family of Sichuan. An early qin-maker in

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this family was Lei Yan, who was summoned to the court during the time of Xuanzong. After him were Lei Xiao, Lei Wei, Lei Yu, Lei Wen, Lei Hui and Lei Chi—with Lei Wei being the most famous. Legend has it that Lei Wei received instructions from a deity. Another legend says that he often went deep into an old mountain forest on snowy, windy days and listened to the sounds of the wind blowing through the trees to distinguish and choose good wood for making qin. Su Shi’s Miscellaneous Notes on the Qin (Zashu qinshi 杂 书琴事) says that the qin made by the Lei family were »Duke Lei’s qin,« and »The bridges are less than a finger’s width high, but the strings do not buzz … The sound comes from between the two pools [sound holes]. The back is slightly concave, like a scallion leaf. The sound wants to emerge but is confined; it wafts around and lingers so pleasantly. This is its most secret and most inexpressible beauty.« During the Zhenyuan era (785–804), the qin made by the Lei family in Chengdu were widespread, and »those who played them were multitudinous.« During the Song Dynasty, some people made fake Tang Dynasty Lei qin to make a profit, and this trend of making fakes continued through the Yuan, Ming and Qing dynasties to the modern era. Even after the modern construction of the qin was established, there was still development. A round head and wide shoulders, slight narrowing at the center, and drawing in toward the tail below the phoenix wings (the section from the shoulder to the waist): this model would have been beneficial for improving the sound of the qin. Qin-making was continuously improved upon during the Tang Dynasty, being perfected day after day. Research by qin experts has shown that a small number of Tang Dynasty qin have been passed down and are still extant today. Of these, the earliest should be »Jade Pendant from Highest Heaven« (Jiujiao huanpei 九霄环佩), made by the Lei family during the High Tang, which is currently in the collection of the Palace Museum in Beijing;

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it is an outstanding example of Tang Dynasty qin (Fig. 5.4.9). Qin experts have different understandings of the number of currently extant Tang Dynasty qin. After appraisal, experts such as Zheng Minzhong believe that there are a total of sixteen fairly reliable Tang Dynasty qin. Given that their basic forms are consistent, they can still be divided into multiple styles according to different characteristics of their outer forms, such as undulation and contraction, based on the categorization of qin styles in later books on the qin. They include six »Fuxi style« qin, one in »Shennong style,« three in »Phoenix Pose style,« two in »String of Pearls style,« two in »Shi Kuang style,« one in »Liezi style« and one in »Zhongni style.« They are all tangible evidence of the music of this era, as well as priceless treasures.

5.4.9 Back and front of the qin »Jade Pendant from Highest Heaven,« collection of the Palace Museum

CHAPTER V  THE ACHIEVEMENTS AND DEVELOPMENT OF OTHER IMPORTANT VARIETY ARTS Section 1  A New Peak in the Development of Variety Shows The sanyue of the Sui and Tang Period did not mean just one type of music and dance. It consisted of various forms of performing arts, comedy and variety shows that used yayue, huyue and suyue music and dance elements, including variety acts, circus acts and stage magic, and also many forms of performing arts, such as shuochang storytelling, huaji (滑稽) comedy shows, youxi (‌优戏) comedy acts, song-and-dance dramas and puppet theatre. Among these, variety acts (zaji 杂 技, often physical feats such as acrobatics and balancing acts), stage magic and circus acts (maxi 马 戏, lit. ›horse shows‹) would later be collectively called variety art (zaji yishu 杂技艺术). Huaji, youxi, shuochang and song-and-dance drama, meanwhile, developed into the various storytelling arts and forms of traditional Chinese opera that exist today, while ancient puppet theatre was the origin of today’s puppet theatre. From the perspective of the history of variety art, there were vast numbers of different types of acts, talents emerged in large numbers, and performances were grand and magnificent in scale, reaching unprecedented heights. We can say without exaggeration that every one of the types and forms of variety acts, storytelling and drama that made the long journey through the Song, Yuan, Ming and Qing dynasties full of vitality is inextricably and profoundly linked to an origin in the music, song-and-dance and variety acts of the Sui and Tang periods.

1. The Popularity of Variety Shows in the Sui and Tang Dynasties Chinese variety acts go back to the dim and distant past, and they saw astonishing progress during the Han Dynasty. From the Three Kingdoms to the Southern and Northern Dynasties, there was much exchange between various peoples, a large number of non-Han ethnic groups came in from the north and the Western Regions, and Buddhism and Daoism flourished—promoting the further development and improvement of the bizarre and amazing abilities of Chinese variety arts, and stage magic and circus acts, which reached a new climax during the Sui and Tang periods. During the long period when the Southern and Northern Dynasties faced off, variety arts saw great development in the north and south. There were already more than seventy types of variety acts, such as stunts high in the air, feats of physical skill, masked performances, comedy routines, costumery, stage magic and animal taming during the Southern and Northern Dynasties. It was only because it inherited the impressive artistic achievements of variety acts of the Southern and Northern Dynasties that the short-lived Sui Dynasty was able to repeatedly stage various magnificent and varied performances of songand-dance, variety acts and magic. Emperor Yang of Sui moved and concentrated the existing music performers of the Southern and Northern Dynasties in Luoyang. At the same time, as long as someone excelled at music, including officials below sixth rank and commoners, they were summoned to serve at the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. Emperor Yang frequently staged grand

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performances, and the number of participating artists was as many as thirty thousand. In the second year of the Daye era (606), Yami Qaghan of the Eastern Turkic Khaganate came to court, and Emperor Yang organized a grand variety show performance for him in the palace at Luoyang. The performance included acts such as tightrope walking, lifting cauldrons, »playing with a large jar« (balancing tricks with a large urn), pole tricks, »Cosmic Turtle Carries a Mountain« (Shen’ao fushan 神鳌负山) and sword-swallowing and fire-breathing. The histories say of this spectacular scene, »since the dawn of time, none could compare.« From this, a usual practice formed; every year in Luoyang, a grand »theater« was set up in the first month, stretching in an unbroken chain for eight li. Performances went on from dawn to dusk, lasting for a half the month. In the sixth year of the Daye era, on Tianjin Street in Luoyang, Yang Guang (Emperor Yang) … held a grand display of hundred entertainments. From all the places within the seas, none that have amazing abilities were not brought together … The cost of operating it was huge, millions and millions … The sounds of metal, stone, gourds and hide could be heard for dozens of li. Those playing strings and pressing on pipes numbered eighteen thousand. The light of a great line of burning torches illuminated heaven and earth. Nothing in ancient times could compare to the splendor of the hundred entertainments. Of course, this was a common annual occurrence.

Not only were the variety shows of Emperor Yang vast in scale and luxuriously outfitted, there was also a clear improvement in skill. »Dancing Fish and Dragon« (Yulong manyan 鱼龙曼延) developed into a great spectacle of »thoroughfares full of rushing water« and »water and people and fish and critters overflowing on the ground.« There was also a huge whale that sprayed mist, and turned into a seven- or eight-zhang yellow dragons leaping in manmade pools, called the »Yellow Dragon Transformation« (Huanglong bian 黄

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龙变). Variety acts used hydraulically operated motorized puppets called shuishi (水饰). There were seventy-two types of acts, including a cosmic turtle emerging from the river bearing the eight trigrams to teach Fu Xi and the Yellow Dragon bearing the Yellow River Chart (a cosmological diagram). The Sui Dynasty did not last more than thirty years. That the court was still able to organize such magnificent and varied performances of music, dance and variety shows on such a vast scale reflected, on the one hand, that the performing arts, especially variety shows, of the nearly three hundred years of independent dynasties set up by various peoples during the Southern and Northern Dynasties had finally blossomed after a long period of accumulation and development. On the other hand, it was also the result of Emperor Yang of Sui, as the emperor of a united realm, vigorously conscripting talents from north and south and shaping the entire country’s situation to support and promote them. Therefore, another peak of development in variety arts, following that of the Han Dynasty, appeared rapidly, before the peak of the arts of song and dance, its vast scale and spectacular sights forging a glorious chapter in Chinese variety art. At first, when the Tang Dynasty was founded, Emperors Taizong and Gaozong both limited and reduced the court’s variety shows. Court variety shows were suppressed to a certain extent. However, because many people in the palace and imperial family still liked them, variety shows continued to be popular without interruption. The chapter on »Variety Shows« (Sanyue) in vol. 146 of Du You’s Tongdian briefly narrates the historical development of Tang Dynasty variety shows, explaining major variety acts such as »tip of the tree« (pole-climbing), »cup and plate dance,« »long bridge,« »tossing cartwheels,« »tightrope tricks,« »leaping from ladders« (trapeze-like stunts), »pole-climbing,« »pole-climbing macaques« and »spinning precious bowls,« as

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well as song-and-dance dramas such as Big Face and Brushing Aside the Hair. In the second year of the Kaiyuan era (714), Emperor Xuanzong established the Left and Right Royal Academies, where he installed variety and comedy performers, separating variety acts from the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, allowing them greater creative space and strongly promoting the development and flourishing of Tang Dynasty suyue, which included variety and circus acts. In addition, the foreign music and dance absorbed by the ten music divisions and the standing performing division in the early Tang also included quite a few variety show elements. For example, each piece of the standing performing division centered around a grand group dance, rough and powerful, but they also included »dancing with two swords, juggling seven balls, delicately stepping on a thick tightrope, swinging long poles.« Yuan Zhen’s poem, »Standing Performing Division« also contains the description: »Before us, a hundred entertainments compete to dazzle; balls and swords bounce, tossed, floating like frost and snow,« from which we can see that a good number of variety acts were mixed into the standing performing division’s performance. The standing performing division’s Great Peace Music was also called Lion Dance of the Five Directions. The performers were dressed up as lions of five different colors, falling under the variety act category of dressing up as animals in costumes made of colored paper. Besides the nine or ten performing divisions and the seated and standing performing divisions, the music and dance performances of the grand banquets of the Tang court also had circus and variety acts perform in succession. There are many fine descriptions of these in Tang poems. Tightrope walking was also a common variety act during the Tang Dynasty. Tang writer Zhang Chujin’s »Rhapsody on Watching Tightrope Walkers from Below« (Louxia guan shengji fu 楼下观绳技赋) vividly describes the superlative performances of court tightrope artists.

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Another of his poems, »Rhapsody on a Pole-Leaping Child« (Toutong tong’er fu 透橦童儿赋) describes the surpassing performance of a child on a »pole to the clouds of a hundred chi,« such that »demons wouldn’t dare approach its shadow, doves and phoenixes wouldn’t dare soar to its summit.« The technique and performance format of Tang Dynasty tightrope walking and pole climbing described in these two poems were more outstanding than in previous dynasties. Other sources also reflect this point, such as the sixth chapter, »Tightrope Performer« (Shengji 绳伎), in Tang Dynasty writer Feng Yan’s Master Feng’s Records of Hearsay and Personal Experience (Fengshi wenjian ji 封氏闻见记): The performers went onto the end of the rope on tiptoe, and went suddenly back and forth; they looked like immortals. Sometimes they met in the middle and passed each other sideways; sometimes their shoes moved up and down with easy steps. They placed their legs on painted poles, five or six chi high, or stepped on each other’s shoulders and heads, three or four people high. Then they flipped over and threw themselves headfirst toward the rope, and went back to what they were doing without a miss or a fall.

Just imagine standing on stilts five or six chi high (roughly 6 or 7 feet) on top of a tightrope, or forming a three- or four-story human pyramid, and still being able to easily and smoothly go back and forth. Even today this is an astonishing and difficult skill. During the Tang Dynasty, folk variety shows vied with the court’s in splendor and beauty. Tang Dynasty Circulating Anecdotes (Duyi zhi 独异志) records a female artist from Sanyuan during the time of Emperor Dezong of Tang. She was also called Wang Daniang, and could balance a long pole on her head and carry eighteen people while walking back and forth. Her strength could be called astonishing. Figurines of variety acts, including a wooden figurine of a handstand on a pole balanced on a person’s head and a clay fig­

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urine of a lion dancer, were unearthed from Tomb no.  336 of the Tang Dynasty Astana Tombs at Turpan, Xinjiang (approximate time period early Tang, the time of Empress Wu). The wooden figurine of the handstand on the pole is made up of the person with the pole on his head and a child supporting himself on his left hand, upside down on the tip of the pole. This shows that this variety act was also very popular in Gaochang and other parts of the Western Regions (Fig. 5.5.1), Pole-balancing skills in the Sui, Tang and the Five Dynasties were extremely advanced, and also widespread. One example is the brave general Shen Guang, who was »brave and quick when he was young, good at performing on horseback, the best under heaven.« When the Chanding Temple in Chang’an was first built, a rope broke on a pole holding a banner, more than ten zhang tall (more than 140 feet). Shen Nong climbed the pole, holding the rope in his mouth, all the way to the top. After affixing the rope, he was seen to »let go both hands and feet, throw himself into the air and descend. His palms met the ground, and he walked on his hands for several dozen paces.« Those who saw were shocked, and not a one could help sighing. People at that time called this the »flying immortal in the flesh.« From this we can get a glimpse of the high level of folk variety acts. Professional variety show performances developed various acts such as pole-climbing, balancing a pole on the head, stunts with poles on carts and balancing poles on the palms of the hands. The processions of high officials and nobility in ancient murals are generally led by pole-balancing performers. Among the murals from the Five Dynasties in the Mogao Caves at Dunhuang, there is a famous painting, Lady Song on a Journey. Lady Song was the wife of Zhang Yichao, military commissioner controlling eleven prefectures west of the Yellow River, including Guazhou, Shazhou, Yizhou and Xizhou, at the end of the Tang and during the Five Dynasties. At the head of Lady Song’s procession is a pole-balancing variety act.

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5.5.1 Figurine of handstand on pole on person’s head, unearthed from Tomb no. 336, Tang Dynasty Astana Tombs, Turpan, Xinjiang

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The strong woman forming the base is in a horse stance, arms extended to either side, and appears to be trying to keep her balance. Four people are performing on the pole: on the left side, a person holds onto a frame with one hand, his body dangling in the air; at the top, a person supports himself on his hands while holding his body horizontal. It looks thrilling indeed. Mixing variety act performances into the procession both displayed a luxurious and imposing style, and also signified common enjoyment with the people. It manifested the common enjoyment of variety acts, yayue and suyue and common enjoyment of the same music between the court and the people, which began in the Sui and Tang Period. Large-scale performances in Chang’an were arranged outside the Qinzheng Wuben Building and the Hua’e Xianghui Building in the southwest corner of the Xingqing Palace. There were variety acts and performing elephants and rhinoceroses. On the emperor’s birthday, a platform for horses to perform on was built. The twelfth section of the »Treatise on Rites and Music,« vol. 22 of the New Book of Tang states: Xuanzong once took a hundred horses, decorated them magnificently and arrayed them on both sides. He had a three-layer wooden couch made, where the horses danced to Tilt the Cup dozens of times. Strong men lifted the couch, and the horses didn’t move (i.  e., didn’t get off the couch). A dozen or so handsome young musicians in yellow jackets and jade belts stood on either side. This dance was performed every year on the emperor’s birthday outside the Qinzheng Building.

The final act was often trained elephants and rhinoceroses which leapt and bowed; this sort of performance was also, later, prominent in the circus. The court’s circuses and variety shows were grand and imposing, with superlative skill. The development of the court’s circus and variety acts also drove forward the improvement of various abilities among the people. The folk circuses scattered about the land also saw quite a few fresh

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new tricks, such as supreme feats like »striking coins from horseback« and »writing on horseback« performed by folk artists, recorded in Miscellaneous Morsels from Youyang (Youyang zazu 酉阳杂俎). Another example would be General Pei Min’s sword tricks. He could throw his sword up to the clouds, as high as several dozen zhang (hundreds of feet); when the sword fell through the air, it shot down like lightning, straight into its scabbard. This gives us an image of the highlevel skills of folk variety acts involving throwing and catching. During the Tang Dynasty, stage magic was primarily popular among the common people. For example, zhonggua (种瓜, lit. »sowing melons«), which was brought over from India during the Han Dynasty, and was performed in the halls of the common people. Ma Xiang (courtesy name Ziran) of the Tang Dynasty was an expert at performing zhonggua magic tricks. Vol. 33 of Taiping Guangji (太平广记, Extensive Records of the Taiping Era) quotes Continued Biographies of Immortals (Xuxianzhuan 续仙传) to say that at a banquet, Ma Ziran used a porcelain container to hold dirt and grow melons. In a flash, vines extended, flowered and bore fruit, and the melons »were taken and eaten by all the guests, who all said they were fragrant and pleasing, and unlike regular melons. Then he felt for coins all over his body, down to the tips of his stockings. It’s unknown how many coins he pulled out, but when he threw them, they were all bronze coins.« Ma Ziran was able to cleverly hold soil and »grow melons« in a pottery container, and was also able to perform the pure sleight of hand magic trick »feeling for coins.« The skill of growing melons has sadly been lost, but magic tricks similar to feeling for coins are still performed onstage today. Famous Daoists and eccentrics such as Ye Fashan, Zhang Guo, and Luo Gongyuan used magic or special abilities, like transporting objects and concealing themselves, to publicize the immortals, Buddhism and Daoist ways; there are quite a

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few legends about this. It was said that Han Yu’s grandnephew Han Xiang, the »Han Xiangzi« who was later listed as one of the Eight Immortals, once »poured wine for all the guests to drink from a gourd an inch in diameter; then he grew a lotus in a fire-cupping pot, and it instantly flowered.« Regardless of whether these magic tricks were transformed by Han Xiang, folk magic tricks such as »wine from a gourd« and »lotuses growing in a tea bowl« did actually exist. The late Tang Daoist Lü Dongbin, also one of the Eight Immortals, is revered by Chinese magicians as the founder of their craft. This is related to taking the shape of the »sword, elixir, bean and ring« series of magic tricks during the Tang Dynasty. During the Tang Dynasty, there appeared quite a few artists with diverse skills who wandered the countryside and performed among the people. They were often seen as beggars, but left behind records treasured like fragments of an ancient ­cultural relic in Chinese art history. For example, the first surviving volume of Tang Dynasty Circulating Anecdotes records that during the Zhenyuan era of Emperor Dezong of Tang (785–805), there was a beggar, Jie Ruhai: His hands dropped off his arms, his feet separated from his legs [as a magic trick]; he was good at hitting balls and at chupu [樗蒲, an ancient chess game], and he was also good at dancing with swords and at making several medicine pellets. He brought two wives, and had several children. He was still around at the end of the Yuanhe era [806–820], and thousands of people gathered in Chang’an’s performance venues to watch him.

Among folk animal-taming acts, monkey shows were the most developed. Han Dynasty portraits include images of tame monkeys climbing ropes, and monkey shows from the Three Kingdoms to the Southern and Northern Dynasties already included costumes and other activities. Tang Dynasty Dance Drawings (Tang wuhui 唐舞绘 / Tōbu’e 唐儛画, i.  e. Shinzei Kogakuzu) also includes the drawing Monkey Show (Houxi tu 猴戏图). After

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developing during the Tang Dynasty, the level of performance of monkey shows became even more excellent. But the real center of variety art during the mid and late Tang was in the army. During the mid and late Tang Dynasty, the court declined, and quite a few of the warlords of military commanderies harbored aspirations for the throne. The development of variety acts in the army became a prominent characteristic of the variety art of the mid to late Tang periods. The music and dance organization within the Left and Right Shence Troops, the defensive garrison of the capital, gradually overtook the Royal Academy in status when it came to variety art. The Shence Troops were originally a division under Geshu Han, later becoming the main defensive force for the capital. Variety show performances within the military had already developed into regular annual occasions, and they were »both on water and on land.« There were acts specifically performed on the water, showing that there really was new development in the variety acts of the military commanderies, which had become the center of official variety art in the mid and late Tang. Vol. 6 of Zhao Lin’s Tang Dynasty Notes Stories (Yinhua lu 因话录) tells the story of »a horse leaping into a gate of swords,« a performance of the later stunt »horses jumping through hoops.« The book tells how a young general of the Xuanwu troops rode at a full gallop toward a forest of sword blades. Because the horse spooked and made a mistake, the result was a tragedy where both the general and the horse lost their lives among the sword blades. The dangerous nature of the stunt is clearly evident. The flourishing of variety art in the military commanderies is a major characteristic of variety art of the mid and late Tang. It was the precursor of and laid the foundation for the arising of variety art in the various defense commands and the flourishing of the arts of urban commoners, such as in the wazi (marketplace performance venues). Court and folk

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variety acts developed in concert during the Tang Dynasty. The common people both had small performances on the street and also presented their skills in fixed performance venues. Jie Ruhai, with his thousands of spectators, performed in relatively fixed »theaters.« As explained before, Chang’an’s performance venues were »mostly concentrated at Ci’en Temple. Smaller ones were at Qinglong Temple, and after that were Jianfu and Baoshou Temples.« This was the result of the custom of using music, song-and-dance and sujiang popular sermons to gather the masses, practiced at various temples since the Southern and Northern Dynasties, in order to spread the dharma— gradually evolving and becoming fixed.

2. Characteristics of Variety Shows in the Sui and Tang Dynasties Sui and Tang Dynasty variety show performers both fully displayed their capabilities at court performances that were vast in scale, and also dazzled with sight and sound during folk festival activities. They had already formed their own prominent artistic characteristics, achieving glory in the history of Chinese variety art. The Tang Dynasty was the period when horse shows and animal shows were at their most developed and flourished the most. The so-called »dancing horses« consisted of a performance with a dance rhythm put on with a large group of trained horses. Performances often included more than a hundred horses, performing complex movements such as stepping to a drumbeat, whirling, and rearing on their hind legs; their steps were orderly and uniformly swift and easy. There were also amusing scenes of horses holding cups in their mouths to urge guests to drink. The apex of dancing horses was »dancing horses on a bed.« There were two forms: in the first, three painted wooden couches were stacked on top of each other, a rider urged a colt to leap onto the highest level, and they performed feats of horsemanship on this small and narrow high place. The

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other was even more bizarre. After the rider made the horse step onto the painted bed, a crowd of strongmen at the bottom would lift the bed with the horse and rider on it, cheering and shouting congratulations. The horsemanship skills of Tang Dynasty circuses were superlative; they had both a solid foundation in technique and had also undergone perfecting artistic refinement. As recorded in Tang Dynasty writer Zhang Zhuo’s Draft Notes from the Court and the Country: »General Xin Chengsi of the [Tang] Zhongwu defense command … once was galloping along with his commander, when he grasped the swell at the front of the saddle with one hand and raised both legs straight up in ›vertical dragonfly‹ [a handstand], and rode thus for twenty li.« A handstand on horseback is already a difficult feat, but the patience to maintain a handstand while »riding for twenty li« is rare. Nowadays it is rare for average performers to be able to hold a handstand on horseback for even more than ten minutes. Circuses in the general sense included performances by animals and by people dressed as animals. There were numerous animal-taming acts during the Tang Dynasty, large ones including the court’s tame elephants, tame rhinoceroses and dancing horses, and small ones including tame monkeys, birds and insects. This truly was the start of a new custom of the era and laid a foundation for the development of various later folk arts. The representative example of performances with people dressed as animals, meanwhile, would be various forms and styles of the lion dance, which was the precursor of »playing the lion« later on in variety art, and the »lion dance« in folk dance. »Tame elephants« and »tame rhinoceroses« were both rare and precious acts at the court during the High Tang, gradually disappearing by the late Tang. In the thirteenth year of the Zhenyuan era of Emperor Dezong of Tang, a tame rhinoceros froze to death in the garden. Thirty-two tame elephants presented by Land Chenla during the reign of Da-

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izong were freed by Dezong after he ascended the throne; he »ordered them all released south of Mount Jingshan.« There are images of tame elephants in the Tang murals at Samye Monastery in Tibet: strongmen wrestle with an elephant, making it pretend to fall down; another elephant supports itself on its forelegs and trunk, with its hind legs high up in the air in a handstand. As for the taming of small animals during the Tang Dynasty, besides the aforementioned monkey shows, the custom of cockfighting extended to both the court and the common people, and there were many new acts such as »dogs that understand language« (Draft Notes from the Court and the Country), »hedgehogs playing drinking games« (Fine Stories from the Sui and Tang Dynasties, Suitang jiahua 隋唐嘉话) and Birds Chirp Long Live the Emperor (Random Jottings from the Rooster Quarter). Just as Zheng Xi’s Rhapsody on Watching a Hundred Animals Dance at the Hanguang Palace Hall on the First Day of the First Month (正月一日 含光殿观百兽率舞赋), from the time of Emperor Xiaozong of Tang, says: »their disciples were truly many, not all the same appearance« and »not bears, but acting as apes and gibbons«—it was a feast for the eyes. A new fashion of raising insects appeared during the Tang Dynasty. Some were hobbies of the imperial family, such as the custom of raising crickets. Some people trained insects (and arachnids) to perform, among which Han Zhihe’s trained spiders dancing Liangzhou was the most peculiar. Han used small jumping spiders called yinghu (蝇虎 or 蝇狐), which were usually gray and white in color. The one or two hundred spiders kept by Han Zhihe, however, were scarlet. Obviously they were specially bred, and the fact that they moved to the music was even more exceptional. The lion dance was a common Tang Dynasty show involving people dressed as animals. The court’s Great Peace Music, i.  e., Lion Dance of the Five ­Directions, was the most representative work, full of power and grandeur, exceptionally magnifi-

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cent. Lion Dance of the Five Directions was both a dance and an acrobatic performance; the expressions and skills of both types of art were used, reflecting the characteristic interweaving of dance and variety art during the Tang Dynasty. Besides Lion Dance of the Five Directions, there were also Byzantine Lion (Fulin shizi 茀林狮子), Leopard of Silla (Xinluo mo 新罗貊), Su Fangfei (苏芳菲), The Whirl-Around (Luantuan xuan 乱团旋) and Liangzhou Lion (Liangzhou shizi 凉州狮子)—all different in form. A clay figurine of a lion dancer was excavated from Tomb no. 336 of the Tang Dynasty Astana Tombs at Turpan, Xinjiang (burial time period roughly the time of Empress Wu). It is 12 cm high and 10 cm wide (Fig. 5.5.2). Shows with people dressed as animals also included Birds Chirp Long Live the Emperor, which had people dressed as birds and imitating birdsong. »Bear Division« from Miscellaneous Notes on Songs from the Music Bureau states: »there were twelve that were bears, all carved out of wood, all more than a zhang high.« These were probably also props for a show with people dressed as animals. The appearance of hybrid acts was among the characteristics that made Tang Dynasty variety art different from the art of previous eras, and it

5.5.2 Clay figurine of a black man, Tomb no. 336 of Tang Dynasty Astana Tombs, Turpan

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indicated that variety art was developing toward a higher realm. So-called hybrid acts consisted of performances where two different skills were combined. For example, during the Han Dynasty, »tightrope walking« mostly consisted of paired dancers »rubbing shoulders without falling« on a rope, but, during the Tang Dynasty, separate acts such as walking on stilts and dancing with swords were moved onto the tightrope. Even more difficult were performances where famous dances were moved to the top of a high pole, causing the thrilling to be combined with the graceful and clever. Shi Huohu was a female artist who came to court to perform when Li Zhan, Emperor Jingzong of Tang (825–887), held a court audience. From her name we can infer that she may have come from a minority ethnic group. From the fact that she brought along her adopted daughter, we know that she was an expert itinerant performer, summoned by the court to present her skills. She moved the five-person collective dance on a »high wire« to the tip of a high pole, making it even more dangerous, and they danced on a bowstring, making it even trickier and more difficult. This could be counted as a highly difficult act in Tang Dynasty variety art. She was also able to perform a feat where six people piled up shoulder-to-shoulder on a small table only one chi (Chinese foot) wide and ten levels high and then danced the huntuo dance with orderly movements. It was a highly difficult combination of strength, dance and skill. There were quite a few acts performed by the ten music divisions and the standing performing division that combined variety art with music and dance, or that cleverly used variety act skills in their dances, such as Smashing Through the Battle Formation, Great Peace Music and Lion Dance of the Five Directions. This was another prominent characteristic of Tang Dynasty variety art. Acts involving balancing a pole on the head were extremely outstanding during the Tang Dynasty. They were unknown in previous eras and rarely

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seen later on. The female artists who acted as the base in these pole-balancing acts were especially eye-catching. The first volume of Miscellaneous Records of Emperor Ming records that during the Tianbao era, Wang Daniang, an artist of the Royal Academy, performed a pole-balancing act at the Hua’e Building in Chang’an on Emperor Xuanzong’s birthday, and it was extremely marvelous. At the top of her pole were carved wooden mountains, shaped to resemble the fabled islands Yingzhou and Fangzhang, and there was a small child who »went in and out between them holding a red immortal’s staff, singing and dancing without cease.« We can imagine the height and size of the carved wooden isles of the immortals at the top of the pole as well as the female artist’s exceptional strength and balancing skills. The variety artists that Xuanzong bestowed upon An Lushan included twenty-four pole-balancers. Their poles were more than one hundred chi long, and the artists at the tips of the poles »leapt and threw themselves like apes and gibbons, in the manner of flying birds, competing to be unusual, without fear day after day, while the spectators sweated and became dizzy.« Thirty years after Wang Daniang performed during the reign of Xuanzong, another Wang Daniang who was expert at pole-balancing appeared. According to Tang Dynasty Circulating Anecdotes, »During the reign of Dezong, there was a woman from Sanyuan, Wang Daniang, who balanced a pole on her head, and walked while carrying eighteen people on her head.« The strength of her power and abilities is apparent. During the Tang Dynasty, many outstanding skills appeared for the human pyramid, »die zhiji« (叠置伎 , ›stacked performers‹), today’s »die ­luohan« (叠罗汉, ›stacked arhats‹), is known as »weight work« (mahuo 码活) within the profession of variety art. For example, there are descriptions such as »standing on top of one another with shoulders together in three or four layers« in Tang Dynasty poems about watching tightrope walkers. These were also hybrid acts. There are

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images of »three children standing on top of each other« and »four people standing on top of each other« in the Tang Dynasty ink drawings on the back of a catapult in the Shōsō-in repository in Nara, Japan and in the paintings of variety acts in Shinzei Kogakuzu. Among the Tang Dynasty stone carvings at Kongwang Mountain in Lianyungang, Jiangsu, there is a picture of a human pyramid made up of nine people, divided into five levels: the bottom level has three people, bearing the weight in bow stances; the middle level has two people, one of whom is standing on one foot on the hand of a person in the base level; the third level has three people; and the fourth and fifth levels each have one person. The people in the third, fourth and fifth levels are doing stunts such as splits and contortion; the atmosphere is enthusiastic and moving. »Stacked performers« was a new variety act that arose during the Tang Dynasty, and it had a profound influence. Another major characteristic of Sui and Tang variety art was that the fusion of the variety art of various ethnic groups formed a climax of exchange in variety art between China and abroad. Various ethnic groups contributed to the abundance and development of Chinese variety art during the Tang Dynasty. The tightrope walking high in the air of the Uighurs and the Tibetan pole-balancing acts and illusion of lying on swords, called »person suspended on two swords,« were all outstanding contributions from minority ethnic groups. The Tang Dynasty mural Person Suspended on Two Swords (Shuangjian xuanren 双剑悬人) in the Samye Monastery in Tibet shows a thrilling act created using the lever principle, which is extremely clever. After this skill appeared during the Tang Dynasty, it was passed down to the present, and is now called »horizontally suspended human body.« Many other people of minority ethnic groups also contributed new skills to Chinese variety art. The exceptional huren Cao Zan, recorded in vol. 6 of Zhao Lin’s Tang Dynasty Notes Stories, was well

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read and very wise, »always joking, and singing to the best of his ability.« He was especially good at »water games«: »on a wall a hundred chi tall, he threw himself down without removing his clothes, and just sat on the surface of the water, as if on a mat.« He has also had people put him in a sack, tie up the opening and float it on a river, where he was able to undo the ties himself, »turning around and coming and going, changing into a thousand different forms; the spectators were astonished and horrified,« suspecting he had some strange Daoist ability.

Section 2  The Flourishing of the Art of Storytelling For the storytelling art of China, »its sources can be traced back far, but the history that can be followed is short.« The art of storytelling saw great development during the Sui and Tang Period. After a long period of fermentation, and having been catalyzed by external conditions such as politics, economy, culture and religion, the storytelling elements present in various forms of performing arts since ancient times gradually coalesced and matured. Especially after the High Tang, as the influence of Buddhism deepened by the day and temple courtyards became places where the masses gathered for amusement, variety acts came together and a new flourishing of storytelling appeared, producing many new forms of storytelling. After organization and research, the documents discovered in the Library Cave at Dunhuang in the early twentieth century yielded a large quantity of important information about the art of storytelling during the Sui, Tang and the Five Dynasties. Of the major discoveries, the first was named storytelling base texts such as ciwen (词文, lyric texts), rhapsodies (fu 赋), hua (话, speech), bian (变, transformation, short for bianwen), depen-

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dent origination (yuanqi 缘起), jiang jingwen (讲 经文, explanation of sutras) and prelude texts (yazuowen 押座文). The second major discovery was lyrics for the performance of Buddhist or non-Buddhist songs. These discoveries gave us a completely new understanding of the storytelling of the Sui, Tang and Five Dynasties. By the Tang Dynasty, the various fragmented and fleeting forms of storytelling were gathered and turned into artistic categories with clear characteristics, and were constantly being perfected and solidified. Scholars believe that storytelling with Chinese characteristics was born and matured during the Tang Dynasty. Chinese storytelling could be said to have officially taken shape during the Sui and Tang Period. The word »quyi« (曲艺) was only later used to mean the art of storytelling. Therefore, even though the meaning of quyi is broader than that of shuochang and can include types of storytelling with relatively few sung elements (such as xiangsheng 相声 comedic dialogues), this section still uses the term shuochang. On the one hand, this appellation is closer to actual history: it is common in documents from the Song Dynasty on. On the other hand, the main characteristic of Sui, Tang and Five Dynasties storytelling was that it involved both speaking and singing (shuochang literally means ›speaking and singing‹), so using this name is undoubtedly more descriptive and accurate.

1. Popular Sermons, Transformation Performances, and Other Forms of Buddhist Storytelling Sujiang (popular sermons) was a prosimetric method created within Buddhist preaching of scripture from the Six Dynasties onward. Because the audience for prosimetric sermons mainly consisted of lay masses and not monks, the preachers used common language, accompanied by stirring music, and they used texts rich in changes between rhymed verse and prose to tell the original

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meanings of Buddhist sutras or stories from the sutras. For this reason, the performances were called sujiang (lit., common lectures). At first, sujiang was a purely religious activity. After the High Tang, temple courtyards became gathering places for the masses, and sujiang gradually took on an entertaining nature, also telling historical stories, folk legends and contemporary events, finally turning into a new form of storytelling. The name sujiang is first seen in Duan Chengshi’s Miscellaneous Morsels from Youyang, but sujiang was already popular before the mid Tang. According to Ennin’s The Record of a Pilgrimage to China in Search of the Law (published in English as Ennin’s Diary, Japanese: Nittō guhō junreikōki 入唐求法巡禮行記) and Dunhuang manuscript P.3849, the content of sujiang ceremonies included chanting Buddhist chants, singing and explaining the sutra’s title, discussing the sutra, speaking a preface, singing the text of the sutra, explaining the sutra, debating or explaining via a question-and-answer format and so on. During a sujiang performance, first a section of a sutra was usually quoted, then the text would be explained, and finally praises were sung, i.  e., »chanting Buddhist chants« or »chanting Buddhist hymns,« also called gezan (歌赞, sung chants, according to »Overall Discussion of Masters of Scripture,« Biographies of Eminent Monks; Yiqiejing yinyi 一切经音义 [Pronunciation and Meaning in the Complete Buddhist Canon], 54). The singing of scripture portion usually consisted of seven-syllable lines, where the ends of the lines rhymed. Before the lecture and when it was finished, a prelude text would be sung. Its function was to »calm the audience,« and it was similar to the Buddhist chants used since the Six Dynasties when monks sat down and got up (for meditation, sermons etc.). The entire process was carried out by the temple lecturer’s assistants, preachers, the deacon, and monks responsible for burning incense and chanting. Usually, a lecturer’s assistant was responsible for chanting the sutra, while

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the preacher was the brains behind the sujiang, explaining the meaning of the sutra using lecture and song. Around twenty different intonation marks appear in the texts for prosimetric performance found at Dunhuang, including: even (ping 平), inclined (ce  侧), emotional (duan 断), even chant (pingyin 平吟), inclined chant (ceyin 侧吟), chant emotionally (yinduan 吟断), ancient chant (guyin 古 吟), ancient chant up and down (guyin shangxia 古吟上下) and even inclined (pingce 平侧). They are mainly seen in the jiang jingwen (explanation of sutras) and the prelude texts, and also in bianwen and ciwen. Based on textual research, they are tonal markings or tune markings in the musical system of Buddhist chants. Texts with such markings make up close to thirty scrolls from among the Dunhuang manuscripts, showing that Buddhist chant occupied an important position in Tang Dynasty prosimetric performances. The music used in Tang Dynasty sujiang consisted of Buddhist suyue from the Western Regions, such as foqu (popular Buddhist tunes); suyue from within the temple; and, also, popular folk tunes. Folk literary source material such as folk songs were also inserted into many of the jiang jingwen, further vulgarizing sujiang. Zhuanbian (transformation performances) was a performing art consisting of storytelling accompanied by pictures (bianxiang). The subject matter could be Buddhist or non-Buddhist. The ten or so works among the Dunhuang manuscripts with »bian« or »bianwen« in their original titles are base texts for zhuanbian storytelling; for this reason, researchers also call zhuanbian »bianwen.« These base texts for bianwen include many signs of performance accompanied by pictures: some have the original text and pictures in parallel, so that bianxiang and bianwen complement one another; some have explanations about accompanying pictures in the title or the text; and some have marks such as shi (时, time), chu (处, place) or er wei zhuan shuo (而为转说, ›make the

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5.5.3 Scroll of Bianwen of Wang Zhaojun, Library Cave at Dunhuang

transformation while speaking‹), which are actually clues for performing based on the pictures. These all show that the pictures and storytelling were closely combined and complemented one another (Fig. 5.5.3). The earliest use of the word »bianwen« in ancient Buddhist books would probably be in the early Eastern Jin. Changing or transforming, that is, vulgarizing, Buddhist sutras is »transforming the text« or bianwen. By comparing records in Tang Dynasty sources, we know that in Buddhist art, bian is different from xiang (像, image). »Xiang« means depiction of the form of the Buddha, while »bian« means depiction of stories from the sutras. That is, bianxiang (变相) are scenes that have been transformed to fit the present, and the pictures depicting these bianxiang are called bian. The texts accompanying bianxiang, meanwhile, are texts that have been changed and made current, so naturally they are called bianwen. On the one hand, the formation of zhuanbian storytelling was related to sujiang; on the other hand, it was also related to the flourishing of music, song and dance during the Tang Dynasty. In addition,

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it was also related to the burgeoning of various religious proselytizing activities; it was a product of the development and combination of these two. Based on extant materials, zhuanbian arose sometime after the High Tang (713) and continued until the Zhenming era of the Liang Dynasty of the Five Dynasties (921). It finally vanished without a trace sometime after the Southern Song. It could be said that zhuanbian was a form of storytelling particular to the Tang and Five Dynasties. Later forms of storytelling, such as explaining sutras, chican qing (持参请), zhugongdiao (诸宫调) dramas, treasure scroll stories and tanci (弹词) ballads, were all influenced by it. Unlike sujiang, the main content of bianwen consisted of historical and Buddhist stories, and did not include the texts of sutras or their explanation. Extant bianwen include many works on worldly subject matter: stories about historical figures such as Wang Ling, Emperor Shun, Li Ling and Wang Zhaojun, and the contemporary deeds of real people such as Zhang Yichao and Zhang Huaishen. For this reason, zhuanbian were easily welcomed and widely popular among the people, eventually fusing with folk storytelling arts. Zhuanbian performers could be monks or folk artists. The people were extremely eager to watch zhuanbian performances during the Tang Dynasty; from the mid Tang on, in addition to folk entertainment venues for shows and singing, venues called »bianchang« (变场) also appeared, dedicated to the performance of zhuanbian. Based on surviving bianwen, zhuanbian performances were full of enchantment. Even though they were adaptations of Buddhist stories, they took just the right amount of liberties and were creatively developed. For example, the bianwen Mulian Saves His Mother (Mulian jiumu bianwen 目连救母变文) describes Mulian going to heaven and the underworld searching for and trying to save his mother, and a story from Buddhist texts— but it expresses Mulian’s sincere devotion and feeling of urgency using flowing everyday words

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accompanied by beautiful images. The story was both an allegory for reincarnation and transformation, and also proclaimed filial ideas, reflecting the phenomenon of the convergence between Buddhism and Confucianism. The performance method included narration and singing, with verse and prose mixed together randomly, and the piece was rich in artistic imagery. Its influence far outstripped the original Buddhist text, such that after the Tang Dynasty, The Story of Mulian (Mulian gushi 目连故事) became a mainstay in drama and storytelling that was performed for a long time. Actually, storytelling and drama were naturally connected; shuochang included many dramatic elements, and traditional Chinese opera also includes a large number of elements from shuochang. During the Sui and Tang Period, Buddhism and Daoism coexisted and competed with one another. The two traditions often had competing performances in the same venue, and zhuanbian sometimes told Daoist stories. Bianwen were texts for storytelling. In terms of organization of the text, the spoken parts were prose and the parts that could be sung were rhymed verse. Bianwen also mark of the maturity of the art of storytelling. Their influence on later storytelling (especially arts involving singing) was both comprehensive and specific. In terms of method of expression, bianwen founded a third-person narrative style with the performer as the center. The performer did not act in a role but rather conveyed emotions directly to the audience as the performer themselves. The characters in the performance were portrayed through light and dark, real and abstract, either simulated by the performer, or told as a narrative, forming multiple layers and multiple angles of artistic expression. This created an irregular arrangement with a charming effect, flexible and changing, achieving an artistic result with a singular thread, focused perspective and appropriate distance. In terms of artistic style, bianwen founded the pattern for narrative

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poems suggesting, rather than explicitly describing, emotion. This caused narrative and emotionality, suspense and poetry, characters and action, and internal and external environment to attain a wonderful and harmonious unity. As for specific structure and methods, the transitions of performers from speaking to singing, as well as various set phrases, all originated from Tang Dynasty bianwen. The seven-syllable form of the »poetic style« (shizanti 诗赞体) of later southern and northern opera was also carried on from bianwen.

2. Storytelling Shows, Song-stories, Text-commentaries, and Other Popular Forms of Storytelling Shuohua (storytelling shows) was a prosimetric art form with narration of a story as the main part. Its base texts were called »huaben« (话本). Shuohua was an independent performing art performed in »theaters« side-by-side with song-and-dance, comedy performances involving mockery and teasing (xiangchao 相嘲 and xuexi 谑戏), and discourses (yantan 言谈). Although the name shuohua was first seen in translated Buddhist sutras, these were using a ready-made name whose content and form would be familiar to the people of the Sui and Tang dynasties to explain a corresponding art form in Indian Buddhist culture. An example of a non-Buddhist Sui Dynasty shuohua would be the story quoted from Qiyan Lu (启颜录, Record of Bright Smiles) in the chapter »Hou Bai« in vol. 248 of Taiping Guangji (太平 广记, Extensive Records of the Taiping Era). Hou Bai was first detained by his superior, Yang Su, to tell shuohua: »from morning to night, if he started, he had to return.« We can see that shuohua could go on for a long time. In the evening, he finally extricated himself to go home, but on the way he was again detained by Yang Su’s son Yang Xuangan. Hou Bai couldn’t escape and had to come up with a story on the spot. He said there was a tiger whose nose was pinched by a hedgehog; when the tiger later saw an acorn that resem-

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bled the hedgehog, he begged: »I already met your esteemed father this morning; I hope you will now let me go home!« Hou Bai was mocking himself by way of the exhausted tiger whose nose was pinched by a hedgehog, while also using double meaning to surreptitiously satirize Yang Su and his son. We can see that shuohua mostly consisted of short joking poems. »Biography of Lu Shuang« in vol. 58 of the Book of Sui says that Hou Bai was »studious and had the talent for being quick-witted, was comical by nature, and was especially eloquent. He passed the county-level imperial examination, and held the office of Gentleman Confucian. He enjoyed playing the fool and spouting various opinions. Many people loved to be close to him; wherever he was, a city-full of spectators gathered.« Chapter titles from Qiyan Lu quoted in Taiping Guangji, such as »You Zhan« (a song-and-dance performer of the state of Qin who was good at telling jokes), »Yan Ying« (a famous statesman of Qi of the Warring States), »Yang Xiu« (an official and advisor under Cao Cao during the Eastern Han), »Lu Ji« (writer and literary critic of the late Three Kingdoms/Jin Dynasty), »The Person from Shandong,« »Young Zhao« and »Eye and Nose Problems,« demonstrating that Hou Bai’s characteristic style in compiling this book was »taking old texts from histories and miscellaneous works from before, and recording all my words and actions in the present.« The events recounted in this book reflect the fact that shuohua was already extremely popular during the Sui Dynasty; it could be believed that shuohua was already a widely enjoyed art form. After the mid Tang, shuohua gradually developed and became a professional skill performed by artists. It permeated every level of society and was even imitated by high-level officials; its influence reached the upper levels of the court. Street artists who were professionals at shuohua mostly performed in bustling markets, so they were called shiren (市人, lit. people of the marketplace). Venues for shuohua included Buddhist

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ceremonies, venues for »miscellaneous shows,« and also private homes and official residences. Collection of Transformation Texts from Dunhuang includes more than ten huaben, the base texts for shuohua, such as »Poem of Ye Jingneng« (Ye jingneng shi 叶净能诗), »The Story of Reverend Huiyan from Mount Lu« (Lushan yuangong hua 庐山 远公话), »Emperor Taizong of Tang Enters the Underworld« (Tang taizong ruming ji 唐太宗入冥记), »Wu Zixu« (伍子胥) and »The Story of Qiu Hu« (Qiu hu huaben 秋胡话本). All of them are narrative works in very direct language. It worth noting that fairly many huaben, such as »The Story of Reverend Huiyan from Mount Lu« and »Emperor Taizong of Tang Enters the Underworld,« use Buddhist subject matter. The seven copies of Biography of Huang Shiqiang (Huang shiqiang zhuan 黄仕强传) were all copied before The Sutra of the Realization of Understanding Preached by the Bodhisattva Samantabhadra (Puxian pusa shuo zhengming jing 普贤菩萨说证明经), and the text includes the detail of copying The Sutra of Realization of Understanding to seek immortality. This means that some Tang Dynasty shuohua were used as sujiang acts. They were closely related to Buddhist activities, for which reason they absorbed related performance subject matter and methods of expression. There are those who think that the nature of performance of huaben was »purely loose talk« and that it was characterized by »no rhyme« and »loose phrases.« Huaben such as »The Story of Reverend Huiyan from Mount Lu« and »Poem of Ye Jingneng,« however, either have chanting of Buddhist hymns mixed in with plain speaking, or have long sections of rhymed verse. The dialogues in »Wu Zixu« often use the form of a song, and there are also quite a few sections of rhymed verse marked »song« or »lament with a sad melody.« These all show that the nature of shuohua involved both speaking and singing. Changci (唱词, song-stories) was a purely storytelling prosimetric art form that separated from

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Buddhist sutras and bianxiang. Because its texts (ciwen) separated from explanations of Buddhist sutras and explanations of pictures (bianxiang), its lyrics no longer rehashed sutras or other prose explanations; as a result, singing of rhymed verse formed the main part of changci. The name »changci« was first seen in Huayanjing Tanxuan ji (华严经探玄记, Investigating the Mysteries of the Avatamsaka Sutra); however, the changci in the Dunhuang manuscripts are also called »ciwen.« The names »ciren« (词人, writer of ci) and »ciwen« are used together, showing that changci already had a relatively independent character. However, some other pieces have been considered changci without understanding the nature of being labeled either changci or ciwen, such as »Bianwen of Dong Yong« (Dong yong bianwen 董永变文, the assigned title), the first »Bianwen with Unknown Title« (Buzhiming bianwen 不 知名变文, assigned title), »The Names of the Hundred Birds« (Bainiao ming 百鸟名), »Song of Autumn« (Qiuyin 秋吟) and »Song of Ji Bu« (Ji bu shiyong 季布诗咏), which are recorded in Collection of Transformation Texts from Dunhuang. Scholars lumped them all in as changci solely based on the characteristic of mainly being rhymed verse (»Dong Yong« and »Ciwen of Ji Bu Scolding the Formation« Ji bu mazhen ciwen 季布骂阵词文 are even entirely rhymed verse) with some vernacular inserted in between. These pieces are mostly storytelling pieces with rich plots; only »Song of Autumn,« »The Names of the Hundred Birds« and »Bianwen with Unknown Title« are relatively weak in terms of narrative. There were similarities between shuohua and changci, and there were also clear differences. Shuohua was a form of prosimetric storytelling that was mainly prose. The exposition of the plot was in prose, with rhyming song lyrics inserted into it; some huaben even omitted rhymed verse. Changci, meanwhile, consisted of sung performances with plain speaking inserted into them; they were mainly rhymed verse and used rhymed

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verse for exposition of the plot. Their spoken parts were only supplements to or transitions between the rhyming content, and some changci even omitted speaking parts (Fig. 5.5.4). The discovery of ciwen revealed an important link for the art of storytelling carrying on the past and inspiring later generations, from ancient narrative folk songs to the cihua (词话) novels and guci and tanci ballads after the Song and Yuan dynasties. Lunshu (论书, text-commentaries) was a rather unique storytelling genre. It carried on the language of the ancient folk fu (rhymed prose) style and consisted of debate or discussion in the form of storytelling. It was a form of storytelling that lay between bianwen and huaben. Some works on the history of storytelling call it »sufu« (俗赋, vernacular rhapsody). A few sufu were found in the Library Cave at Dunhuang along with the bianwen and huaben. We can get a rough idea of Tang Dynasty lunshu through one of these works, Chajiu Lun (茶酒论, A Debate Between Tea and Wine). Here, »tea« represents the comfortable and leisurely social classes, while »wine« represents the rich and powerful wealthy social elements. The work adopts anthropomorphic forms and the tone of a fable to satirize the one-sided and boastful phenomena seen in the society through the self-satisfied boasting of tea and wine and their mocking and disparaging of one another: Tea then came forth saying: »Don’t fight, everyone; listen to what I have to say. I am the first of the hundred grasses and the flower of the ten thousand trees. From my pistils comes something precious, and from my buds, something important is chosen. I am called Mingcao, but I have taken the name Tea. I am sent as tribute to the households of the five noble ranks, and offered to the families of the emperor and princes. It is fashionable to gift me, for a lifetime of honor and glory. Naturally, I am respected. What use in debate and boasting!«  Wine then came forth: »What silly words! From antiquity till now, tea has been scorned while wine has been respected. Cast a single cask of wine and

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5.5.4  Pottery figurines of storytellers, unearthed from Tang Dynasty tomb of Han Senzhai, Xi’an

dregs in the river, and the whole army reports in drunk. When lords and rulers drink wine, everyone toasts the ruler’s health. When the ministers drink wine, they are without fear. I comfort the dead and calm the living, and even the divine are pleased by my fragrance. When wine and food are shared, this always means there is no evil intent. When there is wine, there is order: benevolence, righteousness, propriety, and wisdom. Naturally, I’m called superior, so why bother comparing!«  Tea said to Wine: »Ah, you haven’t heard: ten thousand states come seeking the tea of Fuliang and Shezhou. They climb the mountains and cross the ranges of Mengding in Shu. In Shucheng and Taihu, tea can buy maids and slaves. In Yuejun and Yuhang, tea is kept in pouches made of gold and silk. The tea Pale Purple Emperor is rare in the world. When tea merchants come bidding, the ways are blocked by their boats and carriages. According to this reasoning, who is inferior now?«  Wine said to Tea: »Ah, you haven’t heard: Jijiu and Qianhe wines are traded for brocade and gauze. Grape and Jiuyun wines are good for the body. Jade and Qiongjiang wines fill the goblets of immortals. The wines Chrysanthemum Flower and Bamboo Leaf are passed among lords and princes. The Zhaomu wines of Zhongshan are sweet and pleasantly bitter. One cup inebriates a person for three years, so says a legend passed from antiquity till today. Wine inspires courtesy and consideration in the countryside and harmony in the military and government. So there’s no need to worry your head.«  Tea said to Wine: »As Mingcao, I am the heart of the ten thousand plants. I am as white as jade or like yellow gold. Famous monks of great virtue and hermits of Chan monasteries all drink me

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during discourse, for I drive away confusion. Tea is offered to Maitreya and dedicated to Avalokiteśvara. Across a thousand kalpas, or ten thousand kalpas, the Buddhas all venerate me. Wine can ruin families and scatter households and spread depravity and evil. Drinking three cups of wine only makes a man’s sin deeper.«  Wine said to Tea: »At three coins a jar, when will tea ever make for wealth? Wine reaches the nobility and is admired by court officials. It once inspired the King of Zhao to pluck the zither and the King of Qin to strike musical ceramics. You cannot lift your tea to call for a song, or dance for the sake of tea. Drinking tea only causes pains in the waist, and drinking too much causes stomach pains. If ten cups a day are downed, one’s belly swells like the drums of the yamen. And taking tea for three years would be enough to cause dropsy in a toad.«

In this debate format, as each party holds up one end, gaps in reasoning are easily revealed, becoming the butt of witty jokes. The later xiangsheng form of comedic dialogue, with its bilateral flattery and teasing, also has a form of dispute between the performers, called »zimugen« (子母哏) or »two sides of the snap,« which is very similar to the conflict between tea and wine in this piece. Chajiu Lun is known for being »composed by xianggong jinshi [乡贡进士, prefectural nominee who did not pass the highest-level civil service examination] Wang Fu« and is probably a work from the mid to late Tang Dynasty. Surprisingly, six copies of it were found at the same time among the Dunhuang manuscripts, showing that artists vied to copy it and pass it on and that it was a script for artists to perform from. The base texts for lunshu, or sufu, preserved in the Dunhuang manuscripts also include some rhapsodies that tell stories, such as Song of Han Peng (Han peng fu 韩朋赋) and Song of Yanzi (Yanzi fu 晏子赋). As for how lunshu were performed, one view is that they were recitations of rhymed verse that were »recited and not sung.« In the »Treatise on Literature« of the Book of Han, Han Dynasty writer Ban Gu says, »fu that are recited and not sung,« so researchers believe that the manner of

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speaking throughout the entire piece of Chajiu Lun should be as recitation of rhymed verse that is »recited and not sung.« The content and format of such sufu influenced later storytelling. There is even a piece called Tobacco, Alcohol, Tea and Vinegar (Yanjiuchacu 烟酒茶醋) in the spoken parts of errenzhuan (二人转, duets of song, dance and comic dialogues and sketches), which arose during the Qing Dynasty; this piece is extremely similar to Chajiu Lun. Song of Han Peng describes how Han Peng and his wife were harmed by the king of the state of Song, and finally the two of them died together in the name of love. Its form is also rhymed prose. There are also researchers who believe that the foregoing dispute between tea and wine should be changci. The words at the end where tea refutes wine and water mediates between tea and wine would be between singing and speaking. For example, in the last section of Chajiu Lun, tea and wine are arguing hotly and don’t notice that water is nearby; then water comes forth to speak: Water said to Tea and Wine: »Oh, you two, what’s the use in being so angry? Who made you the judges of merit? Your words are full of slander and nonsense. In life, there are four essential elements: earth, water, fire and wind. What would tea look like without water? What would wine look like without water? Rice and wheat eaten dry injure the intestines and stomach. Caked tea swallowed dry hurts the throat. The ten thousand things need water, the source of the five crops. I respond to celestial signs from above, and I act according to auspicious and pernicious signs down below. By me, the rivers Yangtze, Yellow, Huai, and Ji all flow. I can inundate heaven and earth. I can dry up and kill the fish and dragons. In the age of Yao, the nine years of floods were caused by me. I am worshipped by all under heaven, and the ten thousand clans obey me. While I am no saint, why do you two argue your merits? From now on, be in harmony, so that wineshops prosper and teahouses are not impoverished. Be brothers always, from beginning to end. If people read this text, generations for eternity will never suffer madness from wine nor insanity from tea.«

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It is vivid and comical, revealing a profound meaning and giving one endless topics to ponder. This storytelling act from more than a thousand years ago is not just crude and meaningless joking, but has reached a praiseworthy height of philosophy and art.

Section 3  The Emergence and Formation of the Art of Opera Traditional Chinese opera is one of the most widespread and most characteristic forms of traditional Chinese performing arts; along with ancient Greek drama and the Sanskrit drama of ancient India, it is one of the three great types of drama of the ancient world. The basic characteristic of traditional Chinese opera is »performing a story through song and dance,« but it synthesizes many artistic means such as literature (poetry), song, dance, acting, storytelling and acrobatics, fusing singing, recitation, acting and fighting as well as dance and martial arts into one and achieving an almost complete unity of literature, music, dance and drama. It is a crystallization and synthesis of the various ancient Chinese performing arts. Mature ancient Chinese opera appeared at the latest during the Southern Song, represented by Yongjia zaju (杂剧, variety drama, also called Wenzhou zaju, Southern opera [nanxi 南戏] or xiwen 戏文). However, the various arts integrated by and included in Chinese opera had all already undergone a lengthy course of development. The various relevant art forms had also begun to permeate each other and meld together earlier on, finally forming into the shape of opera—which was all-embracing and highly unified. As explained in the sections on the Xia, Shang and Zhou periods, the sprouts of traditional Chinese opera can be traced back to ancient times, even back to the distantly remote primitive era.

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1. Prototypes of Opera in Development Song-and-dance drama, which mainly consisted of song and dance, was an important embryonic form of drama. The fully developed art of songand-dance pushed this important component of traditional Chinese opera to new heights.During the Sui and Tang Period, song-and-dance and variety art developed comprehensively, and the birth and development of Chinese opera also a entered an important new phase. The emergence and formation of »song-and-dance drama« was an extremely important sign of the early establishment of Chinese opera. As far as is currently known, the earliest appearance of the name »song-and-dance drama« was in the Tang Dynasty work Tongdian by Du You. The chapter »Sanyue« (散乐, ›scattered music,‹ i.  e., variety shows) in vol. 146 states: Sanyue is not the sound of an organized troupe; comedy and song-and-dance are performed mixed together … Under song-and-dance drama, there are dramas such as Big Face, Brushing Aside the Hair, The Singing Dancing Woman and Puppet. Because they are not correct music, Xuanzong set up an academy within the palace to put them there … Other miscellaneous performances besides these are bizarre and manifold; I cannot name them all here.

From this we know that by the time of Xuanzong at the latest, there was already the specific appellation »song-and-dance drama« under »sanyue,« and many representative pieces (dramas) such as Big Face, Brushing Aside the Hair, The Singing Dancing Woman and Puppet had already been accumulated. Big Face came from Northern Qi. [Gao] Changgong, Prince of Lanling, of Northern Qi, was talented in martial skills but had a beautiful face, so he often wore a mask in battle. He once attacked the forces of Zhou outside the city walls of Jinyong, being the bravest in the whole army. He strengthened the people of Qi; for this reason they danced in imi-

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tation of his appearance when commanding and fighting with his sword, and called this the Song of the Prince of Lanling Penetrating the Formation [Lanling wang ruzhen qu 兰陵王入阵曲].

In this piece, music and dance transitioned to a set scenario. The performers wore fierce masks; there was song and dance; and Miscellaneous Notes on Songs from the Music Bureau states: »the performers had purple gowns with a golden seal at the waist, and held whips.« Record of the Royal Academy calls the piece a »play« (xi 戏) and says it »also included songs,« while Tongdian and the »Treatise on Music« of the Old Book of Tang say it was a »dance« and call it Song of the Prince of Lanling Penetrating the Formation. This shows that this piece was different from »song«; it was a hybrid of music, dance and drama. Its nature was that of transition from music and dance to a form of performance depicting a specific person and specific situations and plot. This dance was also brought to Japan, where it was passed down to this day and is a commonly performed piece in kabuki. Brushing Aside the Hair was a song-and-dance drama that reflected the life of the ethnic groups of the northwest. It included song and dance, and finally ended with a fight scene. The music consisted of eight repetitions; we know that by the late Tang it was of fairly large scale. The plot of the drama was also fairly complete. At the least, it included a northwestern tribesman going into the mountains and being devoured by a tiger, and his son undergoing a great many hardships as he went into the mountains to search for the body, fighting with and eventually killing the tiger. The drama included the roles of the father and the son, and because the fight between the son and the tiger had to be performed, it may also have required a person to dress up as a ferocious tiger. The performer wore plain clothes with his hair draped over his shoulders, but the costume would have had ethnic characteristics. The Singing Dancing Woman was a small songand-dance drama showing a real person and real

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events. It originated during the Northern Qi (or the end of the Sui Dynasty) and was first performed among the people in the area north of the Yellow River. It underwent continual refinement at the hands of the artists of Bingzhou and Daizhou, who »changed its organization a good deal.« This drama was performed in the Tang palace quite early on. It was very popular among the people and was widely influential. Two clay statuettes were unearthed from Tomb no.  336 of the Tang Dynasty Astana Tombs at Turfan, Xinjiang, which match the characteristics of The Singing Dancing Woman described by Cui Lingqian in Record of the Royal Academy: »a man wore women’s clothing,« »and the husband came, and made the appearance of beating [the other performer].« In particular, the image of the singing, dancing woman dressed in women’s clothing has a patch on the clothing on the buttock, matching the identity of the character. The expressions and movements are clear-cut, with a very lifelike air (Fig. 5.5.5). Because The Singing Dancing Woman circulated among the people for a long time, the method of performance and the names of the roles changed a great deal. In the beginning, there were only the two roles, dan (旦, female role) and mo (末, middle-aged male role). That is, a male performer in women’s clothing and wearing a mask acted as the wife. The dan enters and walks slowly, sniffling all the while; shortly thereafter, she begins to dance, both singing and speaking, with others singing together on the side. Another person dressed as her husband enters, and together they act out the appearance of a beating. In the process from song-and-dance to song-and-dance drama, this piece was the most fully developed, and it was also quite influential. The emergence and formation of song-and-dance dramas such as The Singing Dancing Woman and Big Face during the Sui and Tang Period had great significance in the history of Chinese opera. In A Study of the Opera of the Song and Yuan Dynasties (Songyuan xiqu kao 宋元戏曲考), Wang Guowei

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5.5.5  Figurines of the song-and-dance drama The Singing Dancing Woman, unearthed from the tomb of Zhang Xiong, Astana Tombs, Turfan

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gives a definition of Chinese opera: »It must combine speech, action and song to perform a story; only then does it fulfill the meaning of drama.« Of The Singing Dancing Woman and Big Face, he believed »these two both include song and dance, and use it perform one thing. Before this, even though there was song and dance, it was not used to perform a story; although stories were performed, these were not combined with song and dance. It cannot be said that comedy variety shows set an example.« On this basis, he concluded, »the origin of later drama actually began there.« To put it another way, although the origin of drama can be traced back to ancient times, it wasn’t until The Singing Dancing Woman and Big Face that the most direct source and the most powerful impetus for Chinese drama (traditional Chinese opera) appeared. Ren Erbei and other theatrical historians believe that The Singing Dancing Woman and Big Face as performed during the Tang Dynasty already possessed all the elements of drama: 1. There are characters: Su Zhonglang (the husband) and the singing, dancing woman, which made up the so-called »erxiaoxi« (二小戏, lit. »play of two youthful roles,« i.  e., xiaosheng 小生,the young man, and xiaodan 小旦, the young woman). 2. There is a story: a fight between husband and wife. This type of conflict is a key point in how a complete dramatic story is distinct from other stories. 3. There is song, and also vocal accompaniment: »songs had to be sung in chorus.« 4. There is speech: »the plot was told in a chatty voice.« 5. There is dance, and not just dance simply expressing individual thoughts and feelings, but the most dramatic type of action: a fight. 6. There is make-up: the face completely red, and a marking on the nose. 7. There are costumes: they wore dark red gowns and woven hats, and if a male actor

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played the wife, then he would wear women’s clothing. Based on the statement, »when the tune was performed north of the Yellow River, winds and strings covered it« from the »Treatise on Music,« in vol. 29 of the Old Book of Tang, the performance of this drama developed to include accompaniment by an instrumental ensemble. Because there were fixed roles, the singing and speaking of the roles naturally fell into the category of daiyanti (代言 体, first-person speaking style). The fairly developed song-and-dance drama of the Tang Dynasty not only possessed many elements of drama, but also already possessed many of the basic characteristics of Chinese opera. If one emphasizes and insists on the differences between the song-anddance drama The Singing Dancing Woman and the so-called completely mature »real drama,« then at least we can say that the highly developed Tang Dynasty song-and-dance drama was a type of opera that was almost fully formed. It represented the highest stage of development of the early form of Chinese opera. The Tang Dynasty also had its own newly created drama. How Fan Kuai Saved His Lord from Danger (Fan kuai pai jun nan 樊哙排君难) was a drama created during the Tang Dynasty. It was a historical drama honoring a »self-sacrificing meritorious minister who averted disaster.« Liu Jishu deposed Emperor Zhaozong of Tang and secluded him in the Eastern Palace. Sun Dezhao participated in Zhaozong’s reclaiming of the throne, and performed a great service. He was conferred the family name Li (the emperor’s family name) and was appointed military commissioner and policy advisor equal to the leaders of the Secretariat. His image was also depicted in the Lingyan Pavilion (where meritorious officials were honored). The emperor further created How Fan Kuai Saved His Lord from Danger as a commendation for Sun Dezhao and had it performed in order to praise him. As a drama, How Fan Kuai Saved His Lord

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from Danger may have had quite a few characters, such as Emperor Gaozu of Han and Zhou Bo and Guan Ying (generals and ministers of the Western Han). Its scenes, conflict and psychological activity would also have been more complicated than those of dramas like Brushing Aside the Hair. Because this was a drama created by people of the Tang Dynasty themselves, it has always received significant attention from drama historians. Adjutant plays, which had action and spoken parts as their main means of expression, were also an embryonic form of drama. Song, dance and music were highly developed by the Sui Dynasty, creating advantageous conditions for the development of Chinese opera. Comedy variety shows, which fell under the category of variety shows (sanyue and baixi) also »gradually became of the common people«; the court also had large-scale performances assembling many artists. Excellent professional comic performers would tell stories, and their content was necessarily rich and the performances quite colorful; they had a high degree of skill. This further formed and created the necessary conditions for Chinese opera during the Sui and Tang Period from another direction. By the Tang Dynasty, various variety arts and songand-dance drama were also called »xinong« (戏弄, lit. teasing). These performances were diverse and constantly changing, and large numbers of artists emerged, each with their own specialties. The acts in Tang Dynasty comedy and variety art that were called »play« (xi 戏) included »teasing the adjutant,« »teasing the fake woman« and »teasing the brahmin.« »Playing the adjutant« evidently referred to adjutant plays characterized by comic mockery, with stable plots and format. »Playing the adjutant« was already a type of »play« during the Later Zhao. Afterward it was constantly imitated as a form of entertainment. By the Tang Dynasty it had gradually become a specialized performance piece with a set format and roles. One person played the official, who was

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the object of jokes and was called the »adjutant,« because the original performer Zhou Yan’s official rank was adjutant. The other role, which was the one that did the joking, was called »Gray Falcon.« This type of performance was called »playing the adjutant« or »adjutant play.« During the Later Zhao, Zhou Yan or Shi Dan (another early performer) were forced to play the role in their real identities as officials and to perform together with comedy performers, while people such as Huang Fanchao and Zhang Yehu of the Tang Dynasty were purely dramatic performers. During the Tang Dynasty, adjutant plays were also not just »onetime« performances on specific occasions, but could be put on anytime. There was also a clear separation between performers and audience in Tang Dynasty adjutant plays. This was a new form of drama characterized by comic mockery, with action and spoken parts as the main means and with a stable plot and format. It had a preset subject matter and plot, a fairly complete structure, and also established distinction of dramatic roles. »Playing the adjutant« was already a type of comic play with fairly clear characteristics; its basic style was comic mockery, with occasional tactful remonstration to punish evil and turn toward good. Two figurines of performers have been unearthed from the Tang Dynasty tomb of Zhang Xiong in the Astana Tombs, Turfan, Xinjiang, which appear extremely similar to the adjutant and Gray Falcon of adjutant plays; these can heighten our perception of Tang Dynasty adjutant plays. Adjutant plays carried on the tradition of the Three Kingdoms and the two Jins of performers making fun of bad officials. It was a relatively fixed form of performance. When the two roles were playing different specific figures, they would have different costumes. The plots were also more complicated. The performances were extremely specific and rich, with a many ups and downs, because only by fully laying the groundwork could they strengthen and magnify the comic effect of the satirical words.

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During the time of Emperor Yizong of Tang, the famous comic performer Li Keji once performed an adjutant play in front of the emperor, unexpectedly mocking Confucius. At that time, there was first a discussion of Buddhism and Daoism in the palace, and then there were comedy performances. The audience unexpectedly saw Li Keji stroll onto the stage »wearing Confucian dress and a tall hat, a loose gown with a wide belt,« holding up the edge of his gown. He said he was going to hold a »discussion and weighing of the Three Doctrines,« a through discussion of Confucianism, Daoism and Buddhism. The other performers sitting off to side asked, »Since you thoroughly understand the Three Doctrines, please tell us, what kind of person was the founder of Buddhism, Shakyamuni Tathāgata?« Li Keji replied, »A woman.« The questioners asked in surprise, »How so?« Li answered, »In the Diamond Sutra, it says, ›[He] arranged his seat and sat down‹ (fu zuo er zuo 敷 座而坐). If Shakyamuni was not a woman, how would ›the husband sit‹ (fu zuo 夫坐) and then ›the son sit‹ (er zuo 儿坐)?« He even made the emperor laugh. The performers on the side then asked, »What kind of person was Taishang Laojun (Laozi) of the Daoists?« Li Keji replied, »Also a woman.« The questioners were even more confused. Li Keji explained, »In the Tao Te Ching [Daodejing], it says, ›What makes me liable to great calamity is my having the body (which I call myself); if I had not the body, what great calamity could come to me?‹ [吾有大患，是吾有身；及吾无身，吾 复何患。] If Laozi was not a woman, why would the calamity be called ›being pregnant‹ [shen 娠, pronounced the same as shen 身, body]?« The emperor laughed uproariously. The performers then asked, »What kind of person was the Exalted King of Culture, Confucius, then?« Li Keji still answered, »Also a woman!« The questioners followed up: »How do you know Confucius was a woman?«

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Li Keji replied, »In the Analects, it says, ›Sell it! Sell it! But I would wait for one to offer the price.‹ [沽之哉！沽之哉！吾待贾也。 ] If Confucius was not a woman, why would Confucius want to ›wait to be married‹ [dai jia 待嫁, jia meaning for a woman to get married; 贾 gu, to buy, can also be read as the surname Jia]?« This was so funny, the emperor was extremely pleased, and heaped praise upon Li Keji and the others. Li Keji cleverly used homophones (敷 and 夫, 身 and 娠) or intentionally misread characters (reading 贾 gu as 嫁 jia) for the purpose of comedic mockery. This act actually centered around the role of the adjutant, while the other performers took on the role of Gray Falcon; it was basically performed according to the format of the adjutant and Gray Falcon, and should be considered an adjutant play and part of the »critical situation that actually started the zaju of the two Songs.« When this drama was actually performed, it most likely was not confined to the above content but had much more elaboration and development. Written sources, however, only recorded an extract or synopsis, just emphasizing the great lines that made people laugh. Adjutant plays were constantly enriched and improved during the Sui and Tang Period, and many famous artists emerged over the course of the period. As told in sources such as Miscellaneous Notes on Songs from the Music Bureau, during the Kaiyuan era, comedians who were good at »teasing the adjutant« included Huang Fanchao, Zhang Yehu and Li Xianhe. During the time of Emperor Wuzong of Tang, there were Cao Shudu and Liu Quanshui. During the time of Emperor Xizong of Tang, there were Fan Chuankang, Shangguan Tangqing and Lü Jingqian. We can see that adjutant plays were an important type of drama for Tang Dynasty comic performers to make use of their talents. In adaptation to adjutant plays becoming the new type of drama for Tang Dynasty comic performers to make use of their talents, large numbers

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of literati writers writing and compiling comedy acts also appeared during that time. Lu Yu, later revered as the »Sage of Tea,« was also a famous writer of adjutant plays. Reportedly, Lu Yu drifted about from the time he was young, and did not know who his parents were. Some people said that he was found on a riverbank as a baby by a monk from a monastery and grew up in the monastery. »Biography of Lu Yu,« in the New Book of Tang, says that he couldn’t bear the abuse and torments of his master, so he »fled and concealed himself as a comic performer; he composed a few thousand humorous sayings. During the Tianbao era, at provincial banquets, local officials made Lu Yu the master performer.« Another Tang Dynasty poet, Gu Kuang, also created such pieces. Literati such as Lu Yu and Gu Kuang who wrote comedic works created many prose and verse »dramatic texts.« They provided a never-ending wellspring of new scripts for adjutant plays and other performing arts, and they made a major contribution to pushing adjutant plays to become a specialized form of performance. The flourishing and highly developed condition of song and dance during the Tang Dynasty created exceptionally favorable conditions for the further development of adjutant plays into a synthesized art form. Comic performers such as Huang Fanchao and Zhang Yehu were of themselves actually famous for their knowledge of music (see Record of the Jiegu by Tang Dynasty writer Nan Zhuo); for this reason, the combination of song and dance with comedy and drama was inevitable. Adjutant plays after the mid Tang not only included comic dialogue between the adjutant and Gray Falcon, but generally also incorporated singing and even dance. Adjutant plays were coming to have more and more characteristics of a synthesized art form, and they were becoming more and more obvious. The female musicians within the palace were already good at playing instruments and song and

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dance; therefore, it was quite natural for them to use winds, strings and drums for accompaniment of adjutant plays, greatly increasing the artistic charm of adjutant plays. There were also some dramas that are difficult to categorize for now; some of them fell under the category of shows involving acting and speaking, others could be called comedy shows. Puppet shows were also an important form of Chinese opera. Puppet shows developed from religious statues. Puppet shows centered around a comedic role were popular during the Northern Dynasties. Because the puppets were mainly in the form of cuckoos, puppets also came to be called »cuckoos« (guogong 郭公, also called guotu 郭秃 or guolang 郭郎). An Exposition on Yuefu (Yuefu guangti 乐府广题) also states: »Gao Wei, Houzhu of Northern Qi, took an elegant interest in puppets. He called them cuckoos, and people of the time performed cuckoo songs with them« (Fig. 5.5.6). Puppets were used in Tang Dynasty funerals. They were not just buried in tombs to provide for the continued enjoyment of the dead, but were used for performance during funerals, mainly as »music for the mourners,« to make the funeral more of a sight. During the High Tang, puppet shows were also performed in the palace, and drew the attention of Emperor Xuanzong. Tangshi Jishi (唐诗纪事, Collection of Tang Dynasty Poems) records the poem composed by Xuanzong, Song of the Puppet, which goes: »Pulling carved wood with strings to make an old man, chicken skin and crane feather hair are like the real thing. Played with and then put away after a moment, alone with nothing to do—it seems like a dream of life.« The puppet he is talking about would be a marionette. Puppet shows after the mid Tang were even more mature and could depict many different stories. For example, during the Dali era (766–779), at the funeral of Xin Jingyun, military commissioner of Taiyuan, the roadside sacrificial altar sent by the

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5.5.6 A joking comic performer, unearthed from the tomb of Li Sheng of Southern Tang

military commissioner of Fanyang not only was the largest, but also, »carved wooden [puppets] performed a show of a fight between Yuchi Gong, Duke of E, and a Turkic general, and the mechanical [puppets’] movements were no different from those of living people.« In addition, there was also a performance of »the image of Xiang Yu and Gaozu meeting at Hongmen, and it wasn’t finished for a good long while.« After the mid Tang in Yangzhou, where commerce prospered, puppet shows became an important, heartwarming and delightful activity for urban commoners. Wei Xuan’s Record of Auspicious Words of My Guest Liu Yuxi (Liu binke jiahua lu 刘 宾客嘉话录) records that Du You, then serving as chancellor, expressed to the visiting official aide (Liu Yuxi) in Yangzhou that his greatest wish after

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he retired was that he »must buy a small team of four horses, [worth] eight or nine thousand, eat till full and go over, wearing a ragged garment of coarse cloth, and go into the marketplace to watch panling puppetry [puppet show accompanied by panling 盘铃, a tambourine with bells attached], and that would be enough.« After he retired, as expected, he wanted to carry out his wishes; because of this, a remonstrating official was summoned to advise him against it, presenting a memorial stating, »it is not fitting for the Three Dukes to go into the marketplace.« This »panling puppetry,« performed publicly in the marketplace, was a type of folk art. That Chancellor Du You, with his high status as one of the Three Dukes, was unexpectedly drawn to it, wanting to go watch without a care for etiquette or status, suffices to show that puppet shows already had extremely prominent powers of artistic expression and had a massive influence on ­society. Puppet shows both included song and dance, and also could depict characters and stories. Although the roles were not directly played by actors, it was a synthesized art form with an extremely prominent dramatic nature (Fig. 5.5.7).

2. The Popularity of Opera in the Sui and Tang Dynasties Song-and-dance dramas, adjutant plays and puppet shows were the main embryonic forms of traditional Chinese opera during the Tang Dynasty, when they quickly matured; they permeated, borrowed from, and fused with one another. At the same time, they also absorbed and fused with the useful artistic components of other forms of performing arts. For example, the storytelling arts that flourished during the Tang Dynasty, especially sujiang and bianwen: their narrative storytelling included parts depicting dialogues between characters; they were actually already episodic dramatic performances. During some specific phases of development of Chinese opera

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5.5.7  Figurines of actors with rich and varied ­expressions, unearthed from the tomb of Zhang Xiong, Astana Tombs

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culture, there existed close connections and a direct relationship between Chinese opera and ­storytelling. Cultural relics related to drama unearthed in Xinjiang show that before Chinese opera became popular in the Central Plains, drama was already popular in the Western Regions. At the end of the Qing Dynasty, a German scientific expedition found three fragments of Sanskrit drama, written on pattra palm tree leaves, in Xinjiang. Of these, one drama consisted of nine acts and had an endnote describing it as »Śāriputraprakaraṇa (Drama of Śāriputra, Chinese Sheli fo shisu ju 舍 利佛世俗剧) by Aśvaghoṣa,« showing that it was a work of the second-century famous Buddhist monk Aśvaghoṣa. In another fragmentary drama, the characters do not have names, but are only identified as the role types »sheng, dan, chou [丑, clown] and dai [歹, evil].« The Germans also found fragments of Maitreyasamitināṭaka (Encounter with Maitreya, Chinese Mile huijian ji 弥 勒会见记), written in Tocharian A (Agnean), in Xinjiang. This was a copy from the 6th to 8th centuries. Later, scripts for Maitreyasamitināṭaka were found one after the other in Xinjiang. In 1959, a Uyghur translation, Maitrisimit nom bitig, was found in Hami, totaling 293 leaves or 586 pages. A surviving fragment in Tocharian A (Agnean) unearthed from the large temple north of the Thousand-Buddha Caves at Shiksin Temple in Yanqi County in 1975, with forty-four leaves copied on both sides for a total of eighty-eight pages, was also a script of Maitreyasamitināṭaka. There were many performances of the embryonic forms of drama among the common people during the Tang Dynasty, and the performance venues were called »xichang.« »Xichang« may have been mostly in open-air public squares, but their location was already relatively fixed, and there were activities there every day; they began to have the scale of the Song Dynasty folk entertainment centers called »washe« or »wazi.« Besides xichang, locales for performing arts activities such as

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gechang (for singing) and bianchang (for bianwen) also gradually formed. Forms of performance were more concentrated, and artistic characteristics were more prominent, providing more choice and convenience in watching performing arts for the vast masses. After the mid Tang, permanent stages had already been built in temple courtyards. Performance venues for song-and-dance and drama had already been raised up from the regular public squares, where various arts were displayed mixed together and the nature of the performance was constantly changing. They now had fixed raised stages, so that more of the audience could watch. The Music and Dance Building of the City God Temple in Changcheng County, Shaanxi, dating to the Tang Dynasty, was first built in the thirteenth year of the Zhenyuan era of the Tang Dynasty (797). It is the only known Tang Dynasty music and dance building to survive to the present. It was repaired and rebuilt in the tenth year of the Wanli era of the Ming Dynasty (1582), so only part of the structure, such as the stone foundation and stone pillars, are original from the Tang Dynasty; the rest is in the architectural style of the Ming Dynasty. The song-and-dance dramas, adjutant plays and puppet shows of the Sui-Tang Period are all ­categorized under collective names such as sanyue baixi and zaxi. The name »zaju« (variety drama) appeared by the end of the Tang Dynasty at the latest. After the Song Dynasty, zaju became the collective name for the type of synthetic drama that carried on the traditions of Tang Dynasty adjutant plays and widely absorbed many types of performing and singing arts. Zaju became the most influential new form of the performing arts. If the operatic arts of the Tang Dynasty were not »mature« Chinese opera, they had at least entered the highest stage of development of mature pre-opera. The difference between Tang Dynasty opera and the »true Chinese opera« of the Song

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Dynasty was not a difference in kind, of course. Even if one wants to uphold later measurement standards, calling the Tang Dynasty operatic arts not-yet-mature opera, pre-opera or embryonic forms of opera is all fine—and is unimportant in any case. In terms of kind, these art forms already had all they needed. Just like later opera, they possessed the most basic and most import-

SECTION 3 THE EMERGENCE AND FORMATION OF THE ART OF OPERA

ant features of Chinese opera: performance of stories through music and dance, dramatic conflict, character roles and first-person speech. In terms of actual function, as operatic art forms they were also widely loved, also had massive impact on art history, and are considered dazzling cultural heritage in the treasury of the art of traditional Chinese opera.

CHAPTER VI  THEORIES OF THE PERFORMING ART IN THE SUI AND TANG DYNASTIES AND EXCHANGES IN MUSIC, DANCE, AND VARIETY SHOWS Section 1  Theories of the Performing Arts in the Sui and Tang Dynasties The exchange and fusion of music and dance of different regions and peoples, and the richly diverse musical practices of the court and the common people, gave fresh impetus to the development of music theory during the Sui and Tang dynasties—driving deeper exploration of the nature, characteristics and patterns of the art of music. In terms of theories of the tone system, the most eye-catching were the seven modes of the pipa brought in by Kuchean musician Sujiva, the theory of the twenty-eight modes of Tang Dynasty suyue (and yanyue), and the appearance of many methods for notating scores and many works on music. These achievements both served the actual practice of song, dance and music, and also provided precious materials for later generations seeking the intrinsic characteristics of Sui and Tang music. The arts of music and dance during the Sui and Tang dynasties were like a hundred flowers blooming, competing in novelty and beauty, lively and free, uplifting and progressive; they manifested the broadly confident and actively forging ahead spirit of the times. The opinions and discussions of many influential political figures as well as literati and scholars on the art of music had a certain influence on history, and these works have become precious sources for ancient Chinese theories of art.

1. Theory of Musical Tones There were several »music discussions« organized by the court during the Kaihuang era of the Sui Dynasty, which were concerned with the theory of xuangong zhuandiao (旋宫转调, rotating the first tone of the scale and shifting the melody to another mode) within court music. In order to resolve this issue in yayue, the musicologists Wan Baochang and Zheng Yi proposed the theory of eighty-four modes. By setting each of the twelve pitches as gong (the first note of the scale) and each of the seven tones (of a heptatonic scale) as the first tone of a mode, there could in theory be eighty-four modes. Wan Baochang was a court musician of the Sui Dynasty. History of the Northern Dynasties praises him: »In the wonders of tones and pitches, he is good enough to follow Bo Ya and Shi Kuang, a wonder of our time.« Although the ministers Zheng Yi, He Tuo, Su Kui and Xiao Ji, who participated in the discussions on musical tone theory at the time, and musicians such as An Maju, Cao Miaoda and Wang Changtong, who were good at performing and composing, did not support Wan Baochang publicly during the discussions, they »were all convinced, and thought of him as a god.« Baochang’s father followed the famous Southern Liang general Wang Lin when he fled to Northern Qi and was later was put to death. Because of this, Baochang was »allocated as a yuehu« and turned into a musician of the lowest social caste. He had as a teacher the famous Northern Qi musician Zu Xiaozhi, and was »clever at the musical tone system, and able to play all the instruments.« During

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the Kaihuang era, when senior officials such as Zheng Yi were discussing music, he was invited to participate even though he was a servant of the jianmin class. However, he did not try to curry favor, so most of his suggestions were not adopted. He guided the manufacture of many kinds of musical instruments and made bold reforms. Vol. 78 of the Book of Sui includes the »Biography of Wan Baochang.« With regard to the musical instruments he made, »their tones consisted of two fewer pitches than the modes of Zheng Yi.« He also wrote sixty-four volumes of musical scores. Unlike the Sui Dynasty, when only one gong tone was used, Zu Xiaosun and Zhang Wenshou of the Tang Dynasty actually implemented that the stipulations of »Proceedings of Government in the Different Months« from the Book of Rites, on which pitch should be used for which month in yayue. In the ninth year of the Wude era of Emperor Gaozu of Tang (626), Vice Minister of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices Zu Xiaosun and others were ordered to establish a system for yayue, »rotating the pitches of the twelve-pitch gamut as the gong tone, following the sequence of the months.« That is, they were to use twelve different pitches as gong depending on the month. From each gong tone, seven different modes could be used. However, this system of rotating gong tones with eighty-four different modes for yayue depended on having multiple sets of musical instruments in different keys. That is to say, twelve sets of metal and stone instruments (bells, stone chimes) in different keys had to be made based on the twelve starting pitches. Each month a different set of instruments in a different key had to be used to realize what were the seven modes from one gong tone, and eighty-four modes from seven gong tones, as the gong tone rotated through twelve pitches. This was the ancient method of rotating gong according to the section »Minister of Music,« under »Offices of Spring,« in the Rites of Zhou, and was part of the system for »making modes.«

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The Kuchean musician Sujiva came to the Central Plains when the Turkic empress (Empress Ashina) married Emperor Wu of Northern Zhou. Zheng Yi, Duke of Pei, introduced the theory of modes passed on by Sujiva during the Kaihuang music discussions. Sujiva was »good at playing the Central Asian pipa.« »When listening to his performance, one tuning had seven modes.« Sujiva explained this, by saying: »In the Western Regions, my father was considered knowledgeable about modes. This was passed down through the generations: there are seven modes.« Kucha was located at a major crossroads of the Silk Road and became a cultural center of the Western Regions quite early on. Great Tang Records on the Western Regions, by the renowned senior monk Xuanzang, who traveled and studied in more than 140 places in Xinjiang, Central Asia and India, points out that Kucha »is especially good among all countries in the music of pipes and strings.« Zheng Yi proposed the theory of the rotating gong tone with »eighty-four modes« based on the »five notes and seven modes« of Sujiva’s mode theory of Kuchean music, using the pipa (Central Asian pipa) to play it. This reflects the mutual exchange and borrowing between Kuchean music and the gong mode theory of the traditional music of the Central Plains. Quite a few scholars believe that China had its own mode theory very early on. Zhang Wenshou’s pitches at the start of the Tang Dynasty included four modes in wuyi (无射) tuning: xianlü (immortal’s pitch pipe)-gong, linzhong (forest bell)-shang, linzhong-jue and xianlü-diao. These are absolutely not Indian modes; they are all Chinese modes. Therefore, it is not possible that the nature of ancient Chinese modes was borrowed from India or that the ancient Chinese would have had to borrow modes from India because of an extreme deficiency of modes. The Chinese theory of eightyfour modes also does not come from India. Moreover, the Kudumiyamalai inscription in India, which mentions seven modes in music, was

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erected in the seventh century, roughly between the first year of the Renshou era of Emperor Wen of Sui and the first year of the Jiushi era of Empress Wu (601–700), while Sujiva came to China in 568. Furthermore, Sujiva’s pipa skills had been passed down for generations in his family, which shows that Kucha used the five-note, seven-mode theory earlier than southern India. According to the »Treatise on Music« in the Book of Sui, Zheng Yi also said: Examining and searching for a tuning [to match the Kuchean system] using the Music Bureau’s bells and stone chimes, in all there are the names gong, shang, jue, zhi, yu, biangong [变宫, altered gong] and bianzhi [变徵, altered zhi]. Among these seven tones, three of the tones are not harmonious. No matter how long I sought a solution, I could not make it work.

Regarding the fact that »three of the tones are not harmonious,« Zheng Yi and Sujiva said: According to the current Music Bureau [idea of] huangzhong, using linzhong as the start of a mode would be losing the sense of the ruler and the ministers;* in the Qingyue mode using huangzhong as gong, xiaolü [小吕, another name for zhonglü 中吕, the sixth of the twelve ancient Chinese pitches] is used as bianzhi, and this is the reason why disharmony is produced. Now I ask that for the yayue mode with huangzhong as the gong tone, with huangzhong as the start of the mode, that xiaolü be removed from Qingyue, and ruibin [蕤宾, the seventh of the twelve pitches] be used as bianzhi. *Translator’s note: Huangzhong, the first of the twelve pitches, was thought to symbolize the ruler, and the second pitch linzhong the ministers; therefore, starting a mode with linzhong rather than huangzhong would be upending the social order.

Some scholars have pointed out that the reason for this was that although the traditional Chinese tone names can be used to correspond to the seven tones of Kuchean music, the musical structure of the Kuchean tones is not the same as that of the

CHAPTER VI THEORIES OF THE PERFORMING ART IN THE SUI AND TANG DYNASTIES AND EXCHANGES IN MUSIC, DANCE, AND VARIETY SHOWS

gong mode of yayue. This is because the three Kuchean tones of sadja, sadja-grama and risabha are actually half a step lower than the yayue tones jue, bianzhi and biangong. For this reason Zheng Yi said that, »Among these seven tones, three of the tones are not harmonious.« In order to suit this complex and diverse study, performance and transmission activities of Sui and Tang court music and dance, and the musicians of various ethnicities studied together and collaborated to collectively create a set of notation methods and a fairly complete mode system. The earliest of these notation methods created during the Sui and Tang Period was banzipu (半字谱, lit. half-character notation, also called yanyue banzipu 燕乐半字谱). This later developed into the fairly complete suzipu (俗字谱, lit. popular notation). The pronunciation of the later gongche notation (gongchepu 工尺谱, where 尺 is pronounced »che« rather than the usual »chi«) came from this notation method. The corresponding mode system, meanwhile, was the well-known »twenty-eight modes of suyue,« usually called the »twenty-eight modes of yanyue« system. The theory of the twenty-eight modes of suyue included the names of the modes, the correspondence relationships between modes and pitches, and the three intermodal relationships: same mode, same pitch range and same tonic (first note of the scale). The notation methods and the twenty-eight-mode system of Sui and Tang suyue were interdependent; the former was a tool for performance, and the latter manifested the corresponding theoretical concepts. There are a small number of mode names within the twenty-eight-mode system that are the same as Sujiva’s seven modes of the pipa recorded in the »Treatise on Music« of the Book of Sui. There are some scholars, ancient and modern, Chinese and non-Chinese, who think that Sujiva’s seven modes of the pipa originated from India, and therefore the twenty-eight modes of suyue also originated from India. However, only three of the twenty-eight modes are the same as Sujiva’s

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seven modes (shatuo 沙陁 i.  e., sadharita, dashi 大石 or 大食, i.  e., kaisika and banshe 般涉, i.  e., pancama). There are ten other modes that can be firmly identified as modes of foreign origin. However, these thirteen modes also include four modes where the same mode has both a Chinese and a foreign name, which is to say that China and other places both had these modes, and they are not exclusively modes of foreign origin. China had its own theory and practice of rotating the tonic and changing keys (xuangong zhuandiao) since pre-Qin times. Moreover, Sujiva’s seven modes of the pipa consisted of five notes and seven modes, while the twenty-eight modes of suyue had four notes and four modes. Thus, Sujiva’s seven modes of the pipa are not the same as the Sui and Tang suyue (or yanyue) modes, and not all of the Sui and Tang yanyue modes were Indian modes. Of the names of the twenty-eight modes, some of them are traditional ancient mode names, such as huangzhong-gong and linzhong-jue. Some of them come from different peoples, regions or countries: dashi mode and banshe mode are Arabic or Kuchean mode names. Chen Yang’s Yueshu says, »all these different names for suyue are actually what the hu division call them.« There is also daodiao (‌道调), which might have come from Daoist tunes, and yuediao (越调), which might have come from the south. The above modes were used for a long period in court suyue (yanyue) and the suyue of the common people, and they had a profound influence on various types of the suyue of the Song and Ming dynasties and thereafter, such as in ci and qu poetry, traditional Chinese opera, shuochang and instrumental music. During the Tang Dynasty, the pipa was the primary performance instrument of court suyue; therefore, the pitch range of the twenty-eight modes of suyue was determined by the range of the pipa played at the time. The records of ancient musical documents are fairly brief, with many errors and omissions, and

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lacking systematic and scientific organization. As a result, it is naturally easy for many differences of opinion to emerge when it comes to interpretation. In order to fully explain all the issues related to the twenty-eight modes, we need to incorporate historical practice, deeply analyze the related materials and continue exploration.

2. Music Scores and Treatises on Music of Tang Dynasty In Chinese, the word »yuepu« (乐谱, modern meaning »musical score«) originally meant the principles or putting in order (li 理) of music (yue 乐); now, it means recording a piece of music in writing. Here, we use the modern meaning. Records of musical scores from before the Sui and Tang Period are fairly rare, and currently very little is known about the exact situation of musical scores before the Sui Dynasty. By the Tang Dynasty, many kinds of musical scores had appeared, and they were also fairly widely used. They played an active role in the written recording, preservation, transmission and exchange of music. Tang Dynasty poetry and literature repeatedly mention transmission of yuepu, reading yuepu, searching for old yuepu and so on. These yuepu most likely are scores recording pieces of music. At the time, in addition to lülü zipu (律吕字谱, notation using pitch names) and gongshang zipu (宫商字谱, notation using the names of notes of the scale), which had existed since ancient times, different methods of writing scores were generally used for different instruments, for instance, the abovementioned jiegu scores, bili scores, guqin scores and so on, as well as pipa scores, zheng scores, di scores, chiba (尺八) flute scores, fangxiang scores, sheng scores and so on. Sui, Tang and Five Dynasties scores still extant today mainly consist of the following: Pacing the Void differentiated into a yanyue banzi guqin score by monk Feng Zhi, Sui Dynasty (date uncertain)

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Buddhist tune Banka-sō (番假崇, Fanjia chong in Chinese) transmitted to Japan during the Tang Dynasty, preserved in the Tempyō Biwa Fu (天平琵琶 譜, Tianping Pipa Pu in Chinese) (747) Wuxian (Five-String) Pipa Scores (Wuxian pu 五 弦谱) transmitted by Shi Daniang, Tang Dynasty (773) Kaicheng Pipa Score (Kaicheng pipa pu 开成琵琶 谱), transmitted by Lian Chengwu to Fujiwara no Sadatoshi, Tang Dynasty (838) Nangū Biwa-fu (南宮琵琶譜, Nangong Pipa Pu in Chinese), re-transmitted by Fujiwara no Sadatoshi to Sadayasu shinnō (921) Table of twenty pipa notation symbols, Dunhuang manuscript P. 3539 (before 923) Dunhuang Pipa Scores, Dunhuang manuscript P. 3808 (before 923) Most of the above scores are pipa scores. In terms of the notation symbols used in the scores, the most widely used at the time would have been guqin notation and yanyue banzipu (half-character notation). Guqin scores appeared first as textual scores and then as jianzipu (reduced notation), while yanyue banzipu were used for wind and string instruments. The latter later developed into suzipu. The Dunhuang pipa scores were a type of yanyue banzipu. During the Sui and Tang Period, qin scores leapt forward from textual scores to jianzipu. Textual scores probably appeared before the Tang Dynasty, during the Southern and Northern Dynasties. Towering Rock Tune—Secluded Orchid (Jieshi diao—Youlan), preserved in Japan, is the earliest score for guqin, and it is also one of the earliest extant ancient music scores from China and the rest of the world. The original of Towering Rock Tune—Secluded Orchid was preserved at Jinkō-in Temple, Nishigamo, Kyoto, and is a hand-copied Tang Dynasty scroll. This score is a textual score, and it is also a tablature for performance. That is, it uses all-purpose written language (including some specialized terminology) to narrate in specific detail the movements of the left and right

CHAPTER VI THEORIES OF THE PERFORMING ART IN THE SUI AND TANG DYNASTIES AND EXCHANGES IN MUSIC, DANCE, AND VARIETY SHOWS

hands while playing the qin, including fingerings and movements on sequences of different strings and at different harmonic positions, thereby indirectly recording in writing the pitches of the melody of the piece and also some elements of rhythm. This type of tablature can only record the playing method and pitch positions; it doesn’t directly record pitch names. Obviously, this is a very primitive type of score, because using regular language to narrate complex performing movements makes it hard to describe specialized actions; therefore, the score is convoluted and complex, just as a later criticism said: »The text is extremely complex. One motion exceeds two lines [of text]; it cannot be done in one line.« In total, for a qin score with four sections, more than four thousand Chinese characters would be needed to indicate the notes. For example, the first line of this score is: »Lay straight the (left) middle finger about half a cun above the 10th position on the second string, then the (right) index and middle finger do a ›paired pull‹ on the (open) first and (stopped) second strings.« (Transl. by guqin scholar John Thompson.) This is just for one sound. Therefore, although the appearance of textual scores was a major unprecedented breakthrough, their spread and use were highly limited. The »explanation« that precedes the score explains that the piece came from Qiu Ming (494– 590) of the Liang Dynasty (of the Southern Dynasties). Qiu Ming died in the tenth year of the Kaihuang era of the Sui Dynasty; therefore, this type of score was probably produced before the Sui and Tang Period yet continued to be used during the Sui and Tang. According to the Qin Jing (琴经, Classical Book of the Qin) by Ming Dynasty writer Zhang Yougun, Cao Rou of the Tang Dynasty »constructed the simplified method in which the text is simple but comprehensive, succinct but inclusive of sounds. The accomplishment of Cao is thus quite great.« (Transl. by guqin scholar John Thompson.) Cao Rou used reduced characters to form marks that

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indicated the fingerings of the left and right hand for playing qin. For instance, if converted to the later jianzipu (reduced notation), the first line of Secluded Orchid quoted above could be expressed through one symbol of combined notation. The jianzipu method greatly simplified the writing of fingerings for performance of qin pieces. This was a great advance in qin notation, greatly pushing forward the recording and transmission of qin pieces, and was truly an unrivalled contribution. As of now, no other information has been found about Cao Rou and the invention of jianzipu. The fact that Chen Kangshi and Chen Zhuo, of the late Tang, were able to organize a large number of qin scores and transmit them to later generations was first and foremost thanks to the invention of jianzipu. Today, close to two hundred ancient collections of qin scores have been preserved, and nearly three thousand different scores recording more than six hundred pieces for the qin, maintaining the precious heritage of China’s guqin culture. Without the appearance of jianzipu, ­ it would not have been possible to pass on this precious intangible cultural heritage for humankind’s ­benefit. After jianzipu appeared, its advantages were extremely obvious, and it quickly replaced textual scores to become the most popular type of qin score. It continued to be used for more than a thousand years and continues to have a role today. Banzipu (half-character notation) later developed into two types of notation, guansepu (管色谱, scores for wind instruments) and xiansuopu (弦索 谱, scores for string instruments). The xiansuopu system primarily consisted of scores for pipa and five-stringed pipa. The guansepu system, meanwhile, was the direct predecessor of the suzipu (popular notation) of the Song Dynasty, and also the predecessor of gongche notation. The pipa scores found in the Dunhuang Library Cave are also a type of »banzipu.« They include both scrolls of pipa scores and a »Table of twenty

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pipa notation symbols.« These are currently housed at the Bibliothèque nationale de France in Paris, numbered P. 3808 and P. 3539 respectively. In the past they were called the »Dunhuang music scores« and the »Dunhuang Tang grand suite scores.« Based on the textual research of Japanese and Chinese musicologists, they are music scores used for bent-neck pipa; for this reason, they are also called the Dunhuang pipa scores. The key aspects of explaining the Dunhuang pipa scores mainly consist of how the pipa was tuned and how rhythm was inferred. Researchers have been arduously exploring these two difficult questions. Explaining the five-string pipa scores also involves issues such as tuning of the instrument and interpretation of rhythm markings, and many of the musical notation marks and usage patterns therein are basically the same as in the Dunhuang pipa scores. The Sui and Tang Period was an era when the creation of Chinese art and culture flourished: »In the greatness of library collections, none was greater than the Kaiyuan era.« The writings of previous periods totaled 53,915 volumes, while the books written by Tang Dynasty scholars came to 28,469 volumes. Sui and Tang writings on music theory also attained important achievements in keeping with the achievements of the performing arts, represented by song and dance. Although the Sui Dynasty was short, the large-scale music discussions of the Kaihuang era still produced books on music such as Yueyao (乐要, Key Points of Music), Yuefu Shengdiao (乐府声调, Music Bureau Tones and Modes) and Yuepu Ji (乐谱集, Collection of Music Scores), written by people such as He Tuo, Zheng Yi, Xiao Ji and Su Kui, which were »used by that generation« and also transmitted to the Tang Dynasty. The renowned Sui Dynasty musician Wan Baochang wrote sixty-four volumes of music scores, but he burned them just before he died, and only a few volumes appeared in circulation during later generations. Books on music written

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during the Tang Dynasty were even more numerous. Even though, following many social upheavals—such as the An Lushan Rebellion and the Huangchao Uprising—»no writings were in kept in the collection« and »those that existed were new,« and ancient cultural writings were largely destroyed, there were still twenty-five works and 111 volumes when Ouyang Xiu of Northern Song and others gathered together musical treatises while compiling the New Book of Tang. Books on music or other relevant records that have survived to this day are thus extremely limited, with severe deficiencies, errors and omissions. Below is a brief introduction of some key selections. Important Records About Writings on Music (Yueshu yaolu 乐书要录). Wu Zetian of the Tang Dynasty ordered its compilation. It was originally ten volumes. The book was completed in the first year of the Jiushi era of Empress Wu (700) and was compiled by Editorial Director Yuan Wanqing. This book was lost long ago in China, but the Japanese scholar Kibi no Makibi, who was studying in Tang China, took a copy back to Japan with him in the fourth year of the Kaiyuan era (716). Today the fifth, sixth and seventh volumes are extant. The fifth volume discusses the tonal system, with eleven chapters such as »How the Seven Tones Engender One Another« and »On the Alteration of Two Tones.« Vol. 6 has four chapters: »Chronicle of the Pitch Pipes,« »Harmonious Chant,« »Observing the Right Weight« and »Considering the Changing Seasons.« Vol. 7 discusses modes, with three chapters, »Method of Rotating the First Tone of the Pitch Pipes,« »Method of Knowledge of the Tones« and »On the Seven Mode Keys of Each Pitch« as well as the »Diagram of How the Twelve Pitches Engender One Another.« This book is unique for its emphasis on alteration of tones and its exposition of the two methods of rotating the tonic to the left and the right. The author focuses on actual practice and breaks away from some of the old ideas of previous eras.

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Record of the Royal Academy, one volume written by Cui Lingqian of the Tang Dynasty. This book provides an account of the organizational system of the Royal Academy during the Kaiyuan era as well as anecdotes about the Royal Academy. The author held the post of head of the Left Jinwu Storehouse Department during the Kaiyuan era; he had many subordinate officials and was near the Royal Academy, thus he often heard stories about the Royal Academy. After the An Lushan Rebellion, the author drifted about in Jiangnan and wrote the book as a recollection of anecdotes about the Royal Academy. Although the author’s information was indirectly obtained, the book still counts as a contemporary recounting events and has very high historical value. It includes a great deal of information that vividly reflects the real side of life at the Royal Academy. At the end of the volume is a list of 325 pieces of the Royal Academy’s repertoire, including forty-six grand suites. The entire book is one of the basic reference materials for the study of Tang Dynasty music, dance, drama, acrobatics and other arts. The modern work Arranging the Pages of the Record of the Royal Academy by Ren Bantang (published in 1962 by the Zhonghua Book Company) is rich in content, complete and accurate, with abundant reference information—and also especially easy to read. Miscellaneous Notes on Songs from the Music Bureau, one volume compiled by Duan Anjie of the Tang Dynasty. His father Duan Chengshi »excelled at the system of musical tones« and once held the post of Vice Minister of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. Since he was a child, Anjie was »interested in the tonal system« and was able to »compose his own melodies.« This book was intended to fill in the deficits in Cui Lingqian’s Record of the Royal Academy. According to the compiler, it was written based on »what my ears and eyes received.« Based on the content, the book would have been completed toward the end of Tang Dynasty. The whole book consists of a total of forty chapters, and it

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lists the nine music divisions. Based on lists since the Song Dynasty, this book was also called the Record of the Pipa (Pipa lu 琵琶录) and Stories of the Pipa (Pipa gushi 琵琶故事). Of currently extant versions, the one in Collectanea of the Shoushan Studio (Shoushange congshu 守山阁丛书) verified by the Qing Dynasty scholar Qian Xizuo is the best. Collection of Works on Ancient Chinese Drama (Zhongguo gudian xiqu lunzhu jicheng 中国古典戏 曲论著集成: China Theatre Press, 1959) included a collated version of this version. Information on music and dance in leishu (类书, lit. »category books,« encyclopedic anthologies of written works arranged by category) and encyclopedias of administrative history. Leishu began to be written during the Three Kingdoms and the Jin Dynasties, but the earliest extant ones are Tang Dynasty leishu, such as the one hundred volumes of the Yiwen Leiju (艺文类聚, Collection of Literature Arranged by Categories) compiled by Ouyang Xun and others, and the thirty volumes of Notes to First Learning (Chuxue ji 初学记) compiled by Xu Jian and others—as well as Bai Juyi’s Master Bai’s Collection of Categorized Matters in Six Tablets (Baishi liutie shileiji 白氏六帖事类集). These all include sections dedicated to information about music and dance. They also made the contribution of gathering together distinguished works of writing from before the Tang Dynasty and thus can be used for verification. In addition, many previous works have been lost, but some of the information is preserved in these leishu, which is also extremely precious. Additionally, books on administrative history, such as Six Classics of the Tang compiled by Emperor Xuanzong and the section on music in Du You’s Tongdian, also preserved a great deal of important historical information about Sui and Tang music and dance. The two-hundred-volume Tongdian was completed in the seventeenth year of the Zhenyuan era of the Tang Dynasty (801). It is a comprehensive historical work dedicated to narrating the development over time of the institutional systems of successive generations. It

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includes a seven-volume section on music and dance, the »Yuedian« (乐典), which includes two volumes describing »Development Over Successive Generations« and one volume each on »The Twelve Pitches,« »Weighting,« »Song and Dance,« »Qingyue« and »The System of Bells and Chimes for Dances and Rites at the Suburban Temples.« The content is broad and the narration meticulous. The main sources for its information on music and dance of the time are reliable works, such as Liu Kuang’s Wall Inscription for the Director of the Imperial Music Bureau. Other Tang Dynasty works, such as »On Rites and Music« from Wu Jing’s Important Principles of Government from the Zhenguan Period (Zhenguan zhengyao 贞观政要) and the huge compendia Quantangshi, with its nine hundred volumes, and Quantangwen (全唐文), with one thousand volumes, all contain a large quantity of writing about music, dance, shuochang and drama. A large amount of information related to Sui and Tang performing arts is also recorded in the many historical writings of the Five Dynasties and the two Song Dynasties. Massive Song Dynasty works such as the 100 volumes of Tang Huiyao, compiled by Wang Pu and others; the one thousand volumes of Cefu Yuangui, compiled by Wang Qinruo and others; the one thousand volumes of Taiping Yulan (太平御览, Imperial Reader of the Taiping Era) compiled by Li Fang and others; the 204 vols. of Yuhai (玉海, Sea of Jade), compiled by Wang Yinglin; the 294 vols. of Sima Guang’s Zizhi Tongjian (资治通鉴, Comprehensive Mirror in Aid of Governance); the two hundred volumes of Chen Yang’s Yueshu; and Guo Maoqian’s Collection of Yuefu Lyric Poems all quote a large quantity of precious Sui, Tang and Five Dynasties writings about music and dance. Many of these older works have been lost, but the information is partially preserved with the aid of the later works; they form a major storehouse of information for the study and understanding of Sui and Tang Dynasty music, dance and variety shows.

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The Book of Sui, Old Book of Tang and New Book of Tang are important histories of the Sui and Tang from among the Twenty-Four Histories (the official histories from 3,000 BCE to the Ming Dynasty). They all have sections dedicated to describing music, dance, variety shows and acrobatics, mainly the »Treatise on Music« of the Book of Sui, the »Treatise on Music« of the Old Book of Tang and the »Treatise on Rites and Music« of the New Book of Tang. They are all foundational sources for studying and understanding the music and dance culture of the Sui and Tang dynasties. Aside from the fact that the New Book of Tang was written during the Song Dynasty based on related historical materials from the Tang Dynasty, the other two histories were both written during the Tang Dynasty or made up of collections of Tang Dynasty writings. They include large amounts of firsthand information and reflect many Tang viewpoints on music and dance.

3. Ideas on Music and Dance in the Sui and Tang Dynasties In terms of music and dance, Emperor Wen of Sui advocated correct sounds and opposed the thinking of suyue—over and over—yet he objectively drove forward the development of traditional Chinese music and suyue. This was because the correct sounds of Qingshang music that he so admired were actually the »music of the states of Zheng and Wei« of generations of common people, while the suyue that he vilified was unfamiliar music from abroad. In addition to advocating these ideas, his frugality in setting up the country and his changing of customs and habits also just happened to be beneficial for the development and fusion of music and dance. Yang Jian (Emperor Wen) passed away in 604. Little did he think that after Yang Guang (Emperor Yang of Sui) took the throne, he would immediately diverge from how his father did things. His forte was the utmost of tyrannical greed and hedonistic enjoyment. In terms of music and dance,

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he couldn’t get enough of the suyue and variety shows that Yang Jian had so vehemently opposed and prohibited; he lost himself in truly decadent music. Yang Jian’s views on music and dance were not able to effectively restrain his imperial successor. Unlike Emperor Wen of Sui, the views of Li Shimin (second emperor of the Tang Dynasty) on music and dance were fairly moderate and relaxed. They were built on the foundation of the confident spirit of the vigorously ascending ruling class at the start of the Tang Dynasty. Li Shimin did not discuss music and dance much, however. Some fairly important remarks can be seen recorded in the section on »Rites and Music« in vol. 7 of the Tang Dynasty work Important Principles of Government from the Zhenguan Period, by Wu Jing. At the time, Zu Xiaosun, Vice Minister of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, presented a memorial to the emperor requesting the formulation of new music. Taizong (Li Shimin) did not think it important, saying: »The creation of rites and music consists of sages using things to bring enlightenment, in order to economize. How could the good or bad of ruling and government [»Treatise on Music« of the Old Book of Tang has »the rise or replacement of rulers«] be due to this?« Censor-General Du Yan disagreed and pointed out: The flourishing or demise of previous regimes was actually due to music. When Chen was about to fall, they performed Jade Tree Flowers in the Rear Courtyard; when Qi was about to fall, meanwhile, they performed Companion Tune [Banlü qu 伴侣曲]. Among those who hear them on the street, there are none who do not weep with grief; this is the so-called music that brought down a state. From this, it seems it really was because of music.

Taizong said: Not so. How can the sounds of music move people? When those who are happy hear it, they

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are joyous; when those who are sad hear it, they grieve. Sorrow and joy are in the hearts of people, and do not come from music. When a government is about to fall, its people’s hearts are pained, and then suffering hearts move one another; therefore, when people hear these songs, they are sad. How could the sorrowful sound of music make someone who is joyous sad? The tunes Jade Tree and Companion exist today; we could play them for your excellency, and we know that your excellency certainly will not be sad.

He powerfully refuted Du Yan’s viewpoint. Wei Zhi put in a word to express his approval, saying: »The ancient sage said, ›Propriety, propriety, is it just jade and silk? Music, music, is it just bells and drums?‹ (Translator’s note: This is a quotation from the Analects of Confucius.) Music lies in the harmony between people, and does not come from the tunes themselves.« Taizong was in accord. Another important comment made by Li Shimin can be seen in the »Biography of Zhang Wenshou« in the Old Book of Tang. In the eleventh year of the Zhenguan era, Zhang Wenshou requested to rectify the music of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. The emperor said to his chief ministers: Music originates from people. If the people are harmonious, then music is harmonious. For example, in the later years of Emperor Yang of Sui, there was disturbance and bloodshed everywhere under heaven, as he indulged in changing the musical tones; we know this ends in disharmony. If there is nothing wrong in the four seas, the common people will be peaceful and happy, and the musical tones will naturally be harmonious; nothing needs to be changed.

Surprisingly, he did not grant Zhang’s request. From the above lines, we can see Li Shimin’s main views regarding music, dance and rites. Of course, discussing Li Shimin’s overall view on music and dance based solely on the above scattered words is insufficient. In terms of historical facts, Li Shimin actually did not neglect the formulation of rites and music; he still paid close attention to their progress. For example, Zu Xiaosun revised

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yayue according to the orders of Emperor Gaozu of Tang, and he reported back and gave a performance in the sixth month of the second year of the­ Zhenguan era (628). After he started the conversation with Taizong and Du Yan, Xiaosun still continued to »mull over southern and northern [music] and consider ancient music in order to create the yayue of the Great Tang.« The histories say, »A dynasty repeats the old; from this they begin.« In another example, at the time, Zhang Wenshou was good at the musical tone system; Li Shimin thus »ordered Wenshou to the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, and ordered him to participate in formulating yayue with Vice Minister Zu Xiaosun.« After Xiaosun died, Zhang Wenshou thought that »the music used for suburban sacrifices was not thoroughly prepared,« and Taizong again ordered Wenshou and others to rectify it. After they were finished, Taizong praised and rewarded them. In yet another example, in the fourteenth year of the Zhenguan era (640), Taizong ordered the minister in charge to use »comprehensive information from ancient sources« to formulate temple music for the generations of ancestors. There are quite a few such measures that can be seen in historical records. In summary, the creation, addition and revision of yayue during the reign of Taizong was not necessarily relaxed. Although Li Shimin also paid close attention to the creation of rites and music, unlike Yang Jian he never valued or organized »music discussions,« holding convoluted and tedious discussions on the formulation of rites and music and on the system of musical tones. He was also unlike previous generations of creators of rites and music, who revered »elegant and correct« music while strongly denouncing so-called »lowbrow« music or emphasizing »strict distinction between Chinese and other ethnicities.« By contrast, he once said, »Since ancient times, all have esteemed China; when it comes to the lowly northern and eastern tribes, we alone love them as one« (»Twenty-first Year of the Zhenguan Era,« Zizhi Tongjian, vol.

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198). Although these words were not said specifically about literary arts, this thinking profoundly influenced his views on music and dance. Like his comment that »The feelings of sorrow and joy are in the hearts of people, and do not come from music,« this represented the way that the people of the Tang Dynasty boldly broke class boundaries between Chinese and other groups, between yayue and suyue, as well their enormous, all-embracing open-mindedness when it came to culture. Li Shimin’s views on music and dance actually profoundly influenced the entire Tang Dynasty; they were also followed by his successors, to a degree. There were quite a few literati, scholars and famous political figures during the Sui and Tang dynasties who had complete and systematic views on music and dance. These are seen periodically in their writings. One of the more influential of their number was Bai Juyi, regarded one of the foremost poets. Bai Juyi (772–846) was a great poet who had always loved music. His courtesy name was Letian. His family was originally from Taiyuan, but he was born in Xinzheng County, Zhengzhou (modern Xinzheng County in Henan) to a family of »generations of Confucian scholars,« the son of a minor official. He was a bright child, but his family was poor. He wandered about the »states of Wu and Chu« (the middle and lower Yangtze Valley), which led him to have many experiences. After he succeeded at the highest level of the imperial civil service examination, he served as county defender of Zhouzhi, assistant prefect of Jiangzhou (seat at modern Jiujiang, Jiangxi), governor of Zhongzhou, gentleman gate guard of the Department of State Affairs, Grand Master for Closing Court, drafting official in the Imperial Secretariat, and governor of Hangzhou and Suzhou. He returned to the capital and later went to Luoyang, serving as junior mentor of the crown prince, Minister of Justice, administrator of Luoyang and again junior mentor of the

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crown prince. In the second year of the Huichang era of Wuzong (842), he resigned from the post of Minister of Justice. In his later years he led a quiet and peaceful life in retirement in Luoyang and called himself Master of Drunken Singing and the Hermit of Xiangshan. He died in the sixth year of the Huichang era (846) and was buried at Longmenshan in Luoyang. Bai Juyi worked hard at writing. Collection of Master Bai’s Works from the Changqing Era (Baishi changqing ji 白氏长庆集), which he compiled himself, has survived to this day, containing 3,700 pieces (close to three thousand of them poems). He is second to none among Tang Dynasty poets in the number of remaining poems, which are an extremely valuable part of China’s cultural heritage. Bai Juyi was passionate about music, with an inseparable affinity for music all his life. His innumerable writings describe many aspects of Tang Dynasty social life and music and dance. They also describe his experiences of and feelings about the arts of music and dance in everyday life, displaying his keen passion for and profound appreciation of the subtleties of music. His writings have significant value in the history of Chinese music and aesthetics. Bai Juyi’s thinking was dominated by Confucianism, but he was also influenced by Buddhism and Daoism. »When poor, cultivate oneself; after success, strive to better society« —this was the basic thinking guiding conduct and interaction with society for Bai and many literati and scholar-officials of the times. Bai Juyi’s thinking on music, dance and aesthetics was multi-layered, and also changed with his experience. As his status increased, the aspects that he emphasized also quietly changed. His thinking on music, dance and aesthetics could roughly be divided into two sequential phases corresponding to his life experiences. In the earlier phase, he basically emphasized an orthodox Confucian viewpoint on rites and music. His writing contained

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some rigid platitudes, but there were also parts with no lack of clear understanding. His starting point was always »striving to better society.« In his later phase, in addition to a large quantity of traditional ancient qin music, the objects of his favor and enjoyment were more often suyue and folk music. His later writings also rarely reiterated orthodox Confucian theories on music and dance, and more often spoke of enjoyment and appreciation of the subtleties of art. He was firmly entrenched in »cultivating himself.« In addition, during the first phase when he emphasized orthodox Confucian viewpoints on rites and music, he also displayed his sincere love for true works of art full of vitality through his vivid and exquisite depictions of many pieces of music. Collected Policy Essays (Celin 策林) and Draft Answers to Policy Questions on the Imperial Civil Service Examination (Shi cewen zhigao 试策问制诰), collected in vol. 612 of the Bai Collection, contain a fairly concentrated and systematic statement of Bai Juyi’s thinking on music, dance and aesthetics in the earlier phase. These also had a significant impact on the literati and scholar-officials of the time. Bai Juyi’s satirical poems, such as New Yuefu (Xin yuefu 新乐府, vols. 3 and 4) and Songs from Qin (Qinzhong yin 秦中吟, vol. 2), were his only major way for showing his thinking on music, dance and aesthetics during the early phase. Bai Juyi’s satirical poems total more than 170 poems, with ten in Songs from Qin and fifty in New Yuefu. He wrote them intentionally with the hope of »saving people from illness and making up for the faults of the time.« He himself presumed that »not a piece has empty words, and every character must be as planned.« Actually, they are the finest of his works. His poems touch on many issues in music and dance. Bai Juyi very clearly expressed his opinions and viewpoints. For example, Bai pointed out the subject of the Seven Virtues Dance (Smashing Through the Battle Formation) in »Beauty Pushing

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Aside Disorder, Showing the Prince’s Work« (美拨 乱陈王业). This poem reads: Singing the Seven Virtues, dancing the Seven Virtues— The works of the sages are handed down ­everlastingly. How do their disciples put on brilliant martial displays? How do their disciples praise the writing of the sages? Taizong’s intent is to show the work of princes; The work of princes is hard to show to sons and grandsons.

He emphasized the political content of music and dance and its educational significance for the imperial heirs, showing that he thought that the political and educational significance of a work of music and dance were more important than its artistic form and aesthetic value. Bai’s views on music and dance as manifested in his satirical poems are in some places consistent with abovementioned writings such as Collected Policy Essays, for instance esteeming yayue and disparaging lowbrow music. There are also parts that conflict with or contradict his other writings, and some of the satirical poems contradict one another. Of course, not only is the expression of thoughts on music and dance in such poems different from theoretical essays, but also the methods, material and target audience are different, and even the specific emphasis of each poem is different. Poems such as those in New Yuefu are similarly used as a pretext for satire. Orthodox Confucian thinking and the philosophy of esteeming yayue were actually deeply rooted in Bai Juyi. On the other hand, he was a real person. After he and Yuan Zhen scored top marks in the imperial examinations, they were like the poem: »Full of satisfaction, swiftly galloping in the spring wind, I saw all the sights of Chang’an in one day.« Having accomplished their ambitions as youths, they became wild and licentious

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was concealed in his thinking about and experiences of music and dance back in the earlier phase. With the ups and downs of his official career, »cultivating oneself« gradually became the guiding standard for his life in the later phase. In this phase, Bai Juyi rarely wrote pieces such as Collected Policy Essays and New Yuefu which positively stated orthodox Confucian ideas about music and dance. Mostly he expressed and described his own appreciation and understanding of works of music and dance that he liked, incorporating what he knew about art and aesthetics and giving a close, amiable and pleasantly captivating impression. His thinking also absorbed more and more Daoist and Buddhist elements, melding them with Confucian thinking. Bai Juyi greatly enjoyed the art of qin zither music (Fig.  5.6.1). Throughout his life and especially in the later period, he wrote poems about playing the qin, which are too numerous to mention (Fig. 5.6.1).

5.6.1 Painting of the playing the qin, Mogao Caves at Dunhuang

and lost themselves in enjoyment of music and dance. Needless to say, the music and dance they enjoyed on this occasion, completely drunk, was certainly not elegant or the correct music harking back to bygone eras. Their lofty theories and their personal behavior could not always be consistent. Most ancient Chinese scholar-officials experienced two conflicting tendencies: »striving to better society« and »cultivating oneself«—and they pursued one or the other based on objective conditions. Although Bai Juyi’s life can roughly be divided into two sequential phases based on these tendencies, it is not the case that each period was solely affected by one of the tendencies. The poem cited above shows that a relatively hidden layer

The parasol wood of Shu has a true nature, The rhyme and rhythm of the ordered silk strings is clear. Slowly I pluck the melody, A dozen sounds in the deep night. It seems weak and tasteless to the ear, But gladness is hidden in my heart. I play by myself and stop by myself, And no one else may hear. (»Night Zither« (夜琴), vol. 7) All my life I’ve loved silk and wood; On hearing, earthly thoughts and schemes turn to air. One note enters the ear, Ten thousand worries leave the heart. Clearing and smoothing, it can dispel illness; Quiet and gentle, it cultivates goodness. It is especially fitting for listening to the »three joys,« Comforting a white-haired old man. (»Enjoying Listening to the Zither« (好听琴), vol. 23) Birds are roosting, fish are still, The moon shines deep into the night river.

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Nothing going on in the world around me, In the boat only my zither. Seven strings make a good friend, My ears know the tune. My heart is still, the sound is soft, And in between, no past or present. (»Holding My Zither in a Boat at Night« (船夜援琴), vol. 24) Set the zither on the table, Sit quietly though your heart is full. Whatever troubles you, scatter it as you play, And the strings like the wind will sing naturally. (»Zither« (琴), vol. 8)

Mr. Cai Zhongde has pointed out: The artistic concept formed by this clear heart, the open and quiet scenes, and the qin, indifferent to fame or gain, includes Confucianism, Daoism, and also Buddhism; yet it is difficult to sort out what is Confucian, what is Daoist and what is Buddhist. This is Bai Juyi’s aesthetic inclination, and it is different from the aesthetic inclinations of Ji Kang and Tao Qian.

In the later period of Bai Juyi’s life, especially in his later years, qin music gave him a »country within a country«—where the ideas on music, dance and aesthetics of his early years, when he esteemed yayue, could be incorporated. However, his liking for and pursuit of suyue song and dance gradually expanded and occupied a larger and larger position of his life. The description »walking everywhere carrying a goblet and leading a singer« was not hyperbole. In his later years, Bai Juyi retired in Luoyang, where he lived a life of abundance, in which »lights shine down from upper floors, and music and song reach the courtyard.« He also kept some private singers and child musicians for musical and sexual amusement. Sometimes he worried about the suffering of peasant farmers, but his main thought was that »Worrying about the affairs of the world is neither riches nor honor; the real thing in life is joy and amusement« (»Old Man« (老夫), vol. 33), and a

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major part of joy and amusement was music and dance. The specific objectives he pursued in his life were thus: »Fortunately there is wine and music; let’s be joyous and amuse ourselves right away« (»Inscribed on the Western Pavilion« (题 西亭), vol. 21). He not only pursued enjoyment of music and dance himself, but also urged other people to perform music right away. Summarizing his life in the preface to Epitaph of the Master of Drunken Singing (Zuiyin xiansheng muzhiming 醉 吟先生墓志铭, vol. 71), which he wrote himself in his later years, he wrote: »One after the other he served in twenty official posts; he was a civil servant for forty years. On the outside, he cultivated himself with Confucian behavior; on the inside, he ruled his heart with Buddhist teachings, while those around him sought landscapes of mountains and water, wind and moon, songs, poetry and qin, wine and music.« His criticism of others exposes his own faults and provides a rough sketch of his true face. That Bai Juyi lingered in the enjoyment of song, women and wine in his later years was partially due to his rising official position and increase in age, but it was also due to the influence of social customs. Although Bai Juyi called himself detached from the world, he was unable to break away from customs and was snared by women and song. With regard to this, we cannot separate him from the specific historical environment of the time; we cannot place demands on ancient people. On the other hand, there was a clear change in his attitude toward suyue, huyue and other folk music during his later period. He very rarely discussed theories of esteeming yayue and disparaging lowbrow music and no longer denounced suyue and new music; instead, he began to accept and appreciate new folk music. Later, he not only applauded such music, but added fuel to the fire, writing poems as song lyrics for folk tunes. Although he didn’t publish any writings to announce this major change, his specific behavior and a large

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number of his poems fully display it. This transformation, which had active significance for his thinking on music and dance, should be pointed out and given appropriate confirmation. Only by fully understanding every aspect of Bai Juyi’s ideas on music, dance and aesthetics, inside and out, and by noting the chronological development and changes of his basic philosophy and views on music and dance can we truly grasp Bai Juyi’s ideas on music. In the process of appreciating yanyue (suyue) song and dance and other folk music, Bai Juyi also tapped into and incorporated some important categories and subjects of interest from theories of music, dance and aesthetics, which mainly manifested as »the beauty of no sound« and »performance comes from emotion.« In performance, ancient Chinese music had pauses and rests of various lengths. While listening to and appreciating music, Bai Juyi keenly seized on the artistic expressiveness of this soundless sound, this music without music, as well as the subtle relationship of opposition and unity between sound and no sound, music and no music. Then he artistically explicated his own special understanding of this aesthetic category through his poetry. Bai Juyi’s observation and subtle appreciation of the interrelationship between sound and no sound, the nature and role of lack of sound in music, and the connection and alternation between them is truly surpassingly sensitive and unique in places. He also created depictions full of vivid imagery and made artistic generalizations in the form of poetry, such as the exquisite explanation, »those that especially give rise to solitude, worry, gloom and regret—here no sound is better than sound.« Bai Juyi’s conception of the special aesthetic category of the beauty of no sound is just as Cai Zhongde points out: »the non-Dao of his Daoist predecessors, which had important significance in the history of Chinese music and aesthetics.«

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Bai Juyi’s writings discuss many issues related to the performing arts of music and dance. He heard »every string covered and restrained, every sound full of thought; seeming to complain of not having achieved one’s ambition all one’s life« and »lowered brows and a light hand play on and on, speaking the limitless matters that fill a heart.« As soon as there was a pause in the music, this made him feel that it »especially gives rise to solitude, worry, gloom and regret.« After discussion, the performance began again, and the female pipa player »sits and hurries every string into urgency«; »the sound is cold and dismal, no hope of going forward.« Her more intense emotions were shocking, causing »the hall [to be] full of the sound of everyone weeping, on and on« and especially making the poet’s tears fall like rain, moistening the minister’s blue-green jacket. Bai was concerned with whether »emotion« permeated the entire performance of a piece from beginning to end, whether every aspect of »emotion« was manifested through the development and changes of a piece, whether a performer’s »emotion« was sincere, concentrated and intense, whether the »emotion« elicited a sympathetic response in the listener … In summary, »emotion« was in fact the core of Bai Juyi’s thoughts on the appreciation of performing arts. In addition, there are a few other things to say about views on music and dance scattered across Tang Dynasty writings. Among these, Han Yu’s »cry against injustice« and Lü Wen’s »Poetic Essay on Music Coming from Emptiness« were fairly prominent and had a certain influence.

Section 2  Internal and External Exchanges in Music, Dance, and Variety Shows The breadth and depth of Chinese culture is not just because its area is vast and its roots are deep, but also because it constantly absorbs and integrates what it considers the best aspects of the

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cultures of various peoples and regions, forming a basic framework with Han culture at the center but that is a diverse whole, full of vitality and forever new. The thriving of culture and the arts during the Sui and Tang dynasties is inseparable from the empire itself being united, rich and powerful, with vast territory; it is also inseparable from the frequent and easy internal and external economic and cultural exchanges of the time. Economic and cultural exchange is like the breath and blood circulation of the human body, that promotes the renewal of the body and maintain vigor. The unification, power and wealth of the dynasty, meanwhile, made people confident and broad-minded; they could actively expand without misgivings and absorb and incorporate various cultures and arts. In Chinese history, almost every time there was social upheaval and change, this provided the conditions for interaction and coexistence between various regions and various peoples; it also accelerated the melding of the cultures of other ethnicities into Chinese culture. At the same time, cultural transmission is a mutual phenomenon; because of this, the culture of the Central Plains was also more rapidly transmitted in all directions. The Eastern Jin, the An Lushan Rebellion and the Southern Song periods all saw large southward migrations of Chinese people, bringing the economic customs and the culture of the north to the south. This not only accelerated the fusion of southern and northern culture, but also pushed forward the development of southern culture and promoted the unified progress of the culture of the Chinese people. Chinese culture and arts developed in stages until they had gathered all the elements into the brilliant elegance of the Tang Dynasty and become a powerful cultural source that radiated out to all the surrounding countries. A sphere of Chinese culture formed, with the Sui and Tang dynasties at the center, encompassing China, Japan, Korea and Vietnam, among others. The culture and arts

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of the Sui and Tang profoundly influenced the cultural development of every surrounding country, but their brilliance also radiated within China’s borders, carving an indelibly glorious chapter on the face of the cultural history of the world.

1. Exchanges and Integration of Northern and Southern Music and Dance under a United Empire The splitting and upheaval at the end of the Sui Dynasty brought about a higher level of unification to a multi-ethnic country. The Sui and Tang were both large, unified empires with centralized power, developed economies, vast territory, convenient transportation, and reputation and prestige that spread far and wide. This created unprecedented beneficial conditions for the mixing and combining of the economies and cultures of north and south and of various regions and peoples, and for friendly interaction and economic and cultural exchange between China and abroad, between various peoples and countries. Faced with an unprecedented thriving economic and cultural exchange between China and other countries, the Tang Dynasty, with its vast territory, its wealth and power, and its developed culture, had no fear or misgivings, but forged ahead open-mindedly, manifesting the grand and imposing style of a great power embracing all things. Emperor Taizong of Tang did not discriminate in the least against ethnic minorities or the various peoples on China’s borders. He opposed the viewpoint held since ancient times of »honoring the Chinese and despising the barbarians,« instead indicating that he himself loved them as one— for which various peoples and tribes regarded Taizong »like their father and mother.« Emperor Taizong also personally went to Lingzhou, a thousand li distant, to meet with thousands of emissaries from various countries and to be honored by them as »Khan of Heaven.« That is, they recognized that Li Shimin was not only the emperor of the Central Plains, but also the collective leader

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of all these peoples. A multi-ethnic power needs to be more united, and the constant development of contact and fusion between various peoples requires a collective leader to whom all of the peoples owe allegiance; the emergence of a Khan of Heaven thus suited these objective needs. Therefore, when a new leader succeeded to the head of groups such as the Xueyantuo, Turkic Khaganate, Uyghurs, Kyrgyz, Khitans and Kumo Xi, they needed request the Tang court grant them a title. The Uyghurs, Second Turkic Khaganate, Chach, Khebud and so on, all presented petitions to the emperor and called generations of Tang emperors the »Khan of Heaven.« Emperor Taizong also granted the request of Tumidu, provincial governor of the Uyghur Khaganate, to begin construction on the »road for attending the Khan of Heaven« so that envoys, ministers and merchant could travel back and forth uninterrupted. This greatly promoted economic and cultural exchange. By sending princesses and other women of the imperial clan to marry the heads of ethnic groups, the Tang Dynasty established closer friendly relations with various peoples. In the fifteenth year of the Zhenguan era (641), Taizong sent his female relative Princess Wencheng to marry Songtsen Gampo, ruler of the Tibetan Empire, and thus established close relations between the Han and the Tibetans—and became a well-known story in the history of contact between the Han and the Tibetans. Emperor Taizong’s views and policies on the arts were all very relaxed, which greatly promoted cultural exchange with various peoples and countries. Under the court’s policy of openness, the people of the Tang Dynasty adopted an attitude of tolerance and admittance toward Confucian culture, Daoist and Buddhist culture, and the cultures of ethnic minorities and other regions. Widespread influences came in like »winds from eight directions«: Buddhist doctrines, calendric systems, medical knowledge, linguistics, music and fine arts from South Asia, music and dance

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from Central Asia, and Zoroastrianism, Nestorian Christianity, Manicheanism, Islam, architectural arts and the sport of polo from Western Asia and the Western world. They all competed with one another and surged into the open door of the Tang empire. The music and dance of many peoples from remote and faraway areas on and outside the border also appear one after the other in the records of the Sui and Tang dynasties. Writings such as Lingbiao Luyi (岭表录异, Record of the Exotic Ways of Lingnan), the »Treatise on Geography« in the Book of Sui, and »Biographies of Southern Barbarians« in the Old Book of Tang contain records of the bronze drum music and dance of many southern ethnic groups historically known as Li or Liao. For example, the people of Lingnan competed to cast bronze drums: »First it was finished and hung in the hall, and wine was set up for inviting others of the same type«; »when the feast was held, they beat the bronze drum and blew on great horns, singing and dancing to make music.« These writings are all important materials for the study of the music, dance and bronze drum culture of southern ethnic groups. Records of the music and dance of many surrounding peoples, regions and countries also appear in written sources from the Sui and Tang dynasties. These are all evidence of contact between various regions and peoples and the frequency of cultural exchange between them at the time. The cultural exchange and development of the Sui and Tang Period included circulation of music and dance between different levels of society as well as the evolution of the artistic center. The circulation of music and dance between social levels manifested in the close connections and exchange between the court level; the level of local government officials, literati and scholar-officials; and the level of the urban and rural masses. The evolution of the artistic center, meanwhile, primarily manifested in two major trends: a gradual downward shift of the center of the arts

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of music and dance from the court and the noble class to regular people, and a gradual shift from religious arts to the arts of daily life. At the same time as the center of artistic activities was moving from the court to urban marketplaces, it also gradually shifted from large cities, such as Chang’an and Luoyang, where the court was located, to central cities like Yangzhou and Yizhou, in regions like Jianghuai (the plain between the Yangtze and Huai Rivers) and Sichuan, where commerce and the economy were most developed. Chang’an and Luoyang were the eastern and western capitals of the Sui and Tang empires. After meticulous design and long periods of construction, they became the grandest and most magnificent cities in the world at the time. Some scholars have deduced that there were more than two hundred thousand huren, people from areas to the north and west of China, in Chang’an during the Tang Dynasty. Artists from among the Khitans, Mohe, Kumo Xi and from Goryeo in the northeast, from Nanzhao in the southwest, from the Tibetan Empire, Gaochang, Kucha, Shule and Khotan in the northwest, and from various states in Southeast Asia, as well as foreign scholars and monks from Japan, Silla and Baekje, and even dark-skinned »Kunlun« slaves from as far away as Africa all stayed or lived there, living together in friendly contact with the vast masses of the Tang empire’s people. Chang’an was not only a central hub on the Silk Road connecting Europe and Asia, it was also the greatest stage for music, dance and variety shows in the East at the time. The finest of music and dance from various regions and countries was gathered there. From the splendid palaces of the court to the vast mansions of high-ranking officials and the imperial family, from the houses and lanes of the common people to pleasure houses and taverns, everywhere was brimming with the moving sounds of songs and hopping with dances full of youthful vigor. If we say that the stirring songs, dances, poetry and music of the Tang Dy-

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nasty are a true reflection of life boiling over with the passions of this powerful empire, then the music and dance of Chang’an and Luoyang were the centers of a vortex agitated by the passions of life, peaks towering high above the other mountains. Naturally they became the centers of a network of exchange in the arts of music and dance of various countries. After the An Lushan Rebellion, the power of the court was weakened, and the independent governance of military commanderies intensified. The economic center of gravity gradually tilted toward local areas and the southeast. Large and bustling local cities gradually arose and grew into centers of economic and cultural aggregation, dissemination and exchange that could contend with Chang’an and Luoyang, and the original pattern for the exchange of music, dance and variety acts gradually changed. Yangzhou and Yizhou became the busiest cities outside of the capitals. Foreign merchants from the Arab Caliphate and Persia also gathered here. Yangzhou was also the Tang empire’s port for direct sailing to Japan; the monk Jianzhen departed for Japan from there. During the reign of Emperor Ninmyō in Japan, corresponding to the Kaicheng and Huichang eras of the Tang Dynasty (836–846), ocean-going ships carrying Japanese emissaries also moored there. Yangzhou, with its gathering of foreign merchants, was both a place for trading goods and also a place of hedonism and dissolution, where wealthy merchants pursued song and dance. Chang’an had a strict curfew, and those who violated it were severely dealt with. For this reason, the entertainment houses of Chang’an could only operate in closed buildings at night. Only on the fourteenth, fifteenth and sixteenth days of the first month of the year were people permitted to move about at night admiring the lanterns of the Lantern Festival. Comparing the two, the liveliness and openness of regular evenings in Yangzhou and the flourishing and uproar of singing and dancing performers seemed to surpass Chang’an.

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At the time, aside from just Yangzhou and Yizhou, there were many other large, bustling cities in the north and south; they were like a sky full of brilliant stars. Jiangling, Ezhou, Jiangzhou, Hongzhou, Suzhou and Hangzhou were all famous cities of the Yangtze River basin. Guangzhou, by the sea, had been an important city for overseas trade since the Han Dynasty, and large numbers of ships from the Arab Caliphate, Persia, India and »Kunlun«—likely Africa (Translator’s note: During the Tang Dynasty, »Kunlun« referred to dark-skinned people, often from Africa)—came there during the Tang Dynasty. Quanzhou, Mingzhou and Dengzhou were also important commercial ports. In the north, meanwhile, were cities such as Xiangzhou, Youzhou, Bianzhou, Songzhou, Taiyuan and Liangzhou, and their lively quarters were not to be outdone by the south. It was unavoidable that thriving urban life would have many needs for music, dance and song and would be studded with such performances. Every city and town, every place with a developed economy and culture thus became a new central point for gathering the finest of music, dance and variety acts. The appearance of these new economic and cultural centers meant that a new pattern for the exchange of music, dance and variety acts had developed, from a concentration in one or two centers on the Central Plains to many different large and small centers throughout the country. Even remote regions, and regions populated by ethnic minorities—such as Dunhuang, Kucha and Gaochang—had bustling music and dance scenes. The interaction and exchange between levels of music and dance in Sui and Tang society was also a reflection of exchange and fusion. Although music and dance in Sui and Tang society could roughly be divided into three levels—the court and nobility, the local government offices and literati, and the rural and urban masses—the three levels were not closed systems cut off from each other. The open and close connections between them played a powerful and impelling role,

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actively promoting interaction and exchange. There was exchange between the music and dance of each level, and they complemented one another and developed collectively, creating the overall thriving scene of »the springtime of song and dance of the Great Tang.« Local government officials could not only study and recreate performances of the court’s huyue and suyue music and dances pieces, but they also had their own pieces created and performed with a fusion of Chinese and foreign music and dance, such as Liangzhou and Brahmin, which were offered as tribute to the court. Similarly, scholars and officials also loved and appreciated various types of folk huyue and suyue music and dance. Although the »music of the literati« maintained by the scholar-officials, such as qin music, contained unique, elegant elements originating with ancient traditions, like the »old sound of Chu and Han« carried on and protected by qin players, they also absorbed various new tunes and new forms that were popular at court and among the people, constantly innovating. The vast masses of urban and rural people both preserved the essence of traditional performing arts for long periods and also constantly produced large numbers of excellent new works. Popular huyue and suyue song and dance pieces were generally first performed at the lower levels of society in the cities and countryside. After undergoing refinement at the hands of countless numbers of folk artists, these pieces were gradually transmitted to the level of the regular scholars and officials and wealthy households. At the same time, they also entered the court through the natural channels of close contact between palace women, musicians of the Pear Garden and the Royal Academy, and the wellspring of folk arts. Within Chang’an, any new and pleasing works of music or dance that appeared in the palace would quickly be transmitted to vassal princes and the imperial family as well as the houses, markets and back streets of the city.

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On the one hand, the Tang Dynasty’s system of »rotating duty« for court musicians trained music, dance and variety show performers from various places; on the other hand, it concentrated a large quantity of folk music from various places. At the same time, this special hereditary class of musicians not only passed down music and dance skills across generations, but also disseminated the »spark« of court music and dance to various places and social classes. From the mid Tang Dynasty to the Five Dynasties, the center of activity of music, dance and variety shows in society gradually shifted downward, as the leading positions of the court, Pear Garden and Royal Academy were destabilized and damaged, gradually declining. With the intensification of independent regimes in the military commanderies and the sudden rise of local economies, the music of the literati, scholar-officials, local merchants and urban commoners, the folk song and dance of feasts and banquets, as well as variety shows, gradually became new popular art forms and gradually took up center stage. This change necessarily influenced the flow and trends of the artistic exchange among various levels of society.

2. Exchanges in the Arts of Music and Dance between the Central Plains and the Western Regions During the Sui and Tang Period, envoys from other states and peoples frequently came to offer congratulations to the emperor. It was a lively scene when »all under heaven was at peace, the Four Barbarians submitted and went to the ­palace one after the other, head to tail, to see the one who sacrificed to heaven and earth [i.  e., the emperor].« The emissaries of various countries generally brought song and dance from their own countries as precious gifts and tribute to offer to the rulers of the Sui and Tang. Among them, the most eye-catching were first and foremost the music and dance of the various states of the Western Regions.

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The Western Regions during the Sui and Tang ­Period referred to a very wide area. In addition to city-states such as Kucha, Khotan and Gaochang in the multi-ethnic area of the modern Xinjiang Autonomous Region, it also included a broad area of Central Asia west of the Pamirs, Western Asia and South Asia—and even Eastern Europe and North Africa. It included Tianzhu (the Tang name for India), Bukhara, Samarkand, Chach and other states, covering modern India, Afghanistan, Tajikistan and other Central Asian nations, Arab states and even further abroad. Today, when we speak of the »Western Regions,« in the narrow sense it refers to the broad area of modern Xinjiang, east of the Pamirs and within China’s contemporary borders; in the broad sense, it includes Xinjiang and the above-mentioned countries and regions. The Western Regions are located between the two major cultural systems of the East and the West, the necessary path for cultural exchange between them. The renowned Silk Road, cutting across the Central Plains and the Western Regions, was a major artery for exchange between these cultural systems. This section introduces the exchange of music and dance culture between the Central Plains and the various regions and states of the Western Regions. Here we use »Western Regions« in the broad sense, so this exchange can be called exchange between the East and the West—and its influence during the Sui and Tang Period exceeded that of exchange between the north and south. During the Sui and Tang Period, there were numerous states in the Western Regions, and their music and dance were highly developed. The most representative of them, and the ones most highly valued by the Sui and Tang court, were the six states whose performing divisions were officially included in the nine or ten performing divisions: Kucha, Bukhara, Shule, India, Gaochang and Samarkand. Besides the above six performing divisions, there were also many other states and

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peoples whose music and dance were brought into the interior of China. These included the music and dance of Khotan, Agni, Turkic peoples, the Yueban, Maymurgh, Kesh, the Kyrgyz, Khuttal, Persia, central India, and Simhaladvipa (an old name for Sri Lanka). Each was unique and was at one time installed in the Sui or Tang court. Quite a few of the famous musicians and dancers of the Sui and Tang Period came from different states and peoples of the Western Regions; many of them were artists from the »nine clans of Zhaowu.« The »nine clans of Zhaowu« refers to the regime of the nine clans Kang, An, Cao, Shi, Mi, He, Huoxun, Wudi and Shi in the river basin of the Amu Darya and Syr Darya in Central Asia. They were Sogdian, and their language was part of the Iranian branch of the Indo-European language family. Of these, the Kang clan originally lived in the city of Zhaowu, north of the Qilian Mountains in China (northwest of modern Zhangye, Gansu). The »Biographies of the Xirong« in the Old Book of Tang say that the people of the state of Kang (Samarkand) »all have deep-set eyes and tall noses, and most of them have beards« and »many of the people are fond of wine and enjoy singing and dancing,« which roughly reflects the prominent characteristics of their outward appearance. The musicians and dancers from the Western Regions recorded in Sui and Tang written sources often have the names of states as their family names, such as Kang (Samarkand), An (Bukhara), Cao (Khebud), Mi (Maymurgh), Shi (Chach) and He (Kushanika). They were especially good at instruments such as the pipa lute and bili flute. For example, in the Zhenyuan era of Emperor Dezong of Tang (785–805), Kang Kunlun was called a »state musician« and »number one player« of the pipa. According to the »Treatise on Rites and Music,« vol. 12 of the New Book of Tang, when Xiliang presented the Liangzhou Tune as tribute, Kang Kunlun adapted it for the pipa and performed it in the Yuchen palace hall. When he played with the

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ensemble, he changed it again to a more fitting mode. Kang Kunlun was a renowned pipa player who was a household name. Renowned musicians from the An clan from the Northern Wei onward included An Weiruo, An Maju, An Jingui and An Chinu. They may have come from the state of An (Bukhara). An Weiruo and An Maju were loved by the crown prince and the princes, dukes and nobles of the Northern Wei, and were even »conferred the title of prince and given mansions.« The tunes composed by An Maju and Cao Miaoda were all wonders of their time. During the Tang Dynasty, there was the renowned bili player An Wanshan. Li Qi’s famous poem »Listening to An Wanshan Play a Song on the Flute« (听安万善吹觱篥歌) highly praises his outstanding performance. Musicians of the Cao clan from the state of Cao (Khebud) consisted of two famous pipa families one after the other starting from the Northern Wei. The first was made up of the three generations of fathers and sons, Cao Poluomen (Brahmin Cao), Cao Sengnu and Cao Miaoda. Brahmin Cao studied the Kuchean pipa with a merchant. During the Northern Wei, Cao Sengnu was granted the title »prince of south of the sun« for his skill with the pipa. His son Cao Miaoda was also loved and was named a prince the same day as his younger brother. The other pipa family was made up of Cao Bao, Cao Shancai and Cao Gang, also three generations of fathers and sons. Cao Bao lived during the time of Emperor Dezong of Tang. Cao Gang and another famous pipa player, Pei Xingnu, each had their own strengths. Contemporaries praised them: »Cao Gang has the right hand, Xingnu has the left hand,« because Cao Gang »was good at moving the plectrum, like wind and rain,« but perhaps his left-hand techniques for pressing and striking the strings were weaker. Tri-colored figurines of hu musicians excavated from Tang tombs in Gongyi, Henan also demonstrate that musicians from the northwestern areas were active in the interior (Fig. 5.6.2).

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5.6.2 Tri-colored figurines of hu musicians, excavated from Tang Dynasty tomb of Pan Quan in Gongyi, Henan

Music and dance from the Western Regions not only influenced the Central Plains; they also influenced other peoples in the borderlands. The painting Taking a Short Rest After Hunting (Zhuoxie tu 卓歇图), by Five Dynasties painter Hu Gui, shows a group of hunters resting by the roadside on their way home. In the center is a male dancer; on the left are two people standing and playing konghou harps and three people clapping in time. The painting shows the hunting activities of the Khitans of the north (Fig. 5.6.3). The konghou harps they are using originated from the Western Regions. On the other hand, many traditional musical instruments of the Central Plains also appear frequently in various places in the Western Regions. For instance, traditional instruments originating from the Central Plains, such as the paixiao pan pipes, sheng pipes and zheng zither, are often seen in the Buddhist temple murals of the Mogao Caves near Dunhuang. A screen excavated from the Astana Tombs near Turpan, Xinjiang, also has a painted image of a performer holding a zheng (Fig. 5.6.4). Murals of ancient Kucha in the Kumtura Caves near Kucha, Xinjiang and scrolls in Uyghur script unearthed from the Bezeklik Caves near Turpan also contain painted images of people playing sheng pipes (Fig. 5.6.5). Evidently the music and dance culture of the Central Plains had a significant influence on the Western Regions. (Fig. 5.6.3) (Fig. 5.6.4) (Fig. 5.6.5) China and India both tower over the Asia. They were two of the four major ancient cultural sys-

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tems created by humankind, and we can say that together they made up half of the treasury of ancient human culture. The Indus and Ganges rivers gave birth to Indian culture, which influenced the broad area of South Asia and Southeast Asia; while Chinese culture, birthed by the Yellow River and the Yangtze River, influenced East Asia, Southeast Asia and other surrounding regions. The two ancient cultures each formed their own cultural spheres which made active contributions to human culture. The two major cultural spheres also influenced one another, promoting one another’s cultural development. The origins of Sino-Indian cultural exchange can perhaps be traced back to the pre-Qin period. There is a record of contact between China and the »state of Shendu« (i.  e., India) in Sima Qian’s Records of the Grand Historian from the early Eastern Han. From the two Jin dynasties to the Sui and Tang Period was the peak of Sino-Indian cultural exchange. Taking the first ninety or so years of the Tang Dynasty as an example, contact between China and India was extremely frequent; there was contact almost every year, even several times per year. The exchange was not limited to religion; it involved almost every aspect, including politics (diplomacy), economy, philosophy, science and technology, literature, and art. The cultural exchange between the two countries profoundly influenced the development of literature and the arts in both places. The most characteristic literary genre of the Tang Dynasty, chuanqi (tales of the marvelous), was clearly influenced by Indian literature, from content to form. The creation of bianwen (transformation texts) was also related to India—their format combining verse and prose came from India. Indian stage magic was very developed, and had been brought into China at the end of the Han Dynasty. Monks as well as wandering artists came from India to China. In order to frighten the masses into obeying, the monks relied on tricks

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5.6.3 Taking a Short Rest After Hunting, Hu Gui

5.6.4  Zheng zither in painting of music and dance from Astana Tombs

such as stage magic, sleight of hand, acrobatics and martial arts to convey their teachings. The Tang Dynasty music and dance piece Dharma Branch (Damo zhi 达摩支) has these martial characteristics. In the twentieth year of the Zhenguan era of the Tang Dynasty (646), five »brahmins« from states to the west arrived in Chang’an. They were »good at music, incantations, variety acts, cutting off their tongues and re-growing them, pulling out their intestines, tightrope walking, and healing broken bones.« In the fourth year of the Xianqing era of Gaozong’s reign (659), the renowned Tang envoy Wang Cexuan went on a mission to India. He reached the state of Polishe (in the northern part of modern Darbhanga, India), where the ruler put on a performance of five women:

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5.6.5  Sheng pipes in Uyghur music and dance, unearthed from Bezeklik Caves, Turpan Among them, the five women circulated three swords, doing tricks with them; then they added more, up to ten swords. Then they performed on a rope, prancing in the air on top of the rope, throwing themselves about with excellent footwork, doing tricks with three staffs, swords, shields and spears. There were all kinds of related feats, various magic tricks, cutting off tongues, pulling out intestines and so on; they were indescribable.

This shows that this kind of amazing magic show truly was prevalent in Indian city-states. The brahmins’ magic tricks and variety acts were also accompanied by different musical instruments. The brahmins performed amazing feats of illusion and acrobatics, such as »standing on their heads,« »crossing a mountain of swords« and »three-person contortion.« A Tang Dynasty mural in the grand cloister of the Samye Monastery in Tibet shows a person lying horizontally on the tips of two swords, which could be an image of a brahmin performance.

Buddhism and Buddhist art, which came from India, not only had a major influence on the states of the Western Regions, but also were transmitted further via the Silk Road to China, where they had a profound influence. The Buddhist music and dance of India and the Western Regions included chanting, prosimetric sermons and popular Buddhist tunes, which were also brought into China and combined with Chinese music and dance. On the other hand, the foremost of the three great dances of the early Tang, Smashing Through the Battle Formation, caused visiting foreign envoys and leaders to be »shocked and awed« when it was performed at the court in Chang’an, leaving a deep impression. With the spread of the Tang Dynasty’s great imperial power and of Taizong’s military prowess to distant places, Prince of Qin Smashes Through the Battle Formation was not only transmitted to the Tibetan Empire, but also as far as the Western Regions and India. Broad economic, cultural and religious exchange between China and India existed for a long time.

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Against this larger backdrop, there was also a close relationship of exchange and mutual absorption and fusion between the music, dance and variety acts of the countries. As a result, the dramatic arts of the countries were also linked in countless ways, and this connection would have been fairly close, with both sides influencing each other. According to known materials, Nestorian clergy, which were a fairly small sect within Christianity, came to Chang’an and began to preach as early as the early Tang Dynasty. Their proselytizing activities continued for about two hundred years before they began to be cut off. Some of their hymns are partially preserved in the Dunhuang manuscripts. In the ninth year of the Zhenguan era of Emperor Taizong of Tang (635), Nestorian priests and the Syrian monk Alopen came to the Tang empire by way of Persia. They were politely received, and they translated texts and preached in Chang’an. Their religion was called »Jingjiao« (景教). Among the manuscripts found in the Library Cave of the Mogao Caves at Dunhuang in the early twentieth century, there was a hand-copied scroll with lyrics to a hymn from a Tang Dynasty Nestorian prayer service, titled Praise of the Holy Trinity (Daqin jingjiao sanwei mengdu zan 大秦景教三威 蒙度赞). The hymn was translated by the Persian monk Jingjing (also known as Adam) and was written down around the eighth century. Research has shown that the Gloria of the Western Christian church and the Syriac Nestorian translation and the Chinese translation of Praise of the Holy Trinity are connected in terms of origin. Other materials relating to Nestorianism during the Tang Dynasty include the »Incantations for Being Saved from the Turning of the Kalpa by the Ultimate Path« (jiujie zhengdao jingzhou 救劫证 道经咒), passed down by the Lüzu (Lü Yan or Lü Dongbin) sect of Daoism, which have fragments of Nestorian hymn lyrics mixed in. Some scholars have pointed out that, based on records, in 787 there were more than four thousand

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foreigners from Western Asia living in Chang’an. Nestorian priests pursued during the Great Anti-Buddhist Persecution of 845 numbered more than two thousand. From this we can infer the actual social influence of resident foreigners. For this reason, if the original Nestorian Christian hymn Praise of the Holy Trinity had a melody, whether it was from Syria or from Europe, it is likely that it was circulated in China at beginning, which would make it highly significant in terms of musical and cultural exchange. More likely is that, like Buddhism making use of Chinese folk music to spread its teaching once it entered the Central Plains, the music for the Nestorian hymn would have been created by actively selecting a Chinese folk tune to »fill in the words based on the music,« fitting the translated lyrics of the hymn to the tune, in order to aid in the circulation of its teaching.

3. Exchanges in Music and Dance between Tibet, Nanzhao, and Inland China During the Sui and Tang Period, in addition to Tibet, ancient kingdoms of the Qinghai-Tibetan Plateau belonging to the »Xirong« federation also included the Tangut branch of the Qiang, the Duomi, the »kingdom of women« (Sumpa) and the state of Fu. Each had their own unique music and dance. For instance, vol. 813 of the Book of Sui states: »The Tangut Qiang are behind the Three Miao Tribes. They have pipa lutes and transverse flutes, and they beat a pottery instrument to keep time.« The state of Fu, meanwhile, was more than two thousand li northwest of the region of Shu; their customs included »enjoying song and dance, metal reed instruments and playing the long di flute.« These were all federated states established by the Qiang. Later, these states and their cultures mostly became part of the Tibetan Empire and Tibetan culture. Tibet was a kingdom established by the Qiang people. There are few records of the original music and dance of Tibet. Vol. 196 of the Old Book of Tang states that they had »Go, liubo [六博 or

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lubo 陆博, an ancient Chinese board game], playing music by blowing on a gourd, and beating on drums as games.« Drums and conch shells were important musical instruments in Tibet and were often used as ritual implements in the Bön religion and in Buddhist activities. Bön was the original religion of ancient Tibetan society, originating from Zhangzhung (the southern part of modern Ngari Prefecture, Tibet) and revering all things for having spirits. The world was divided into three parts: heaven, above ground, and below ground. There were no temples, only sacrificial altars, where people or livestock were sacrificed. The sacrifices were conducted by a shaman using a drum as a ritual implement. Bön and Buddhism had a high degree of authority over life and politics in ancient Tibet. »Biographies of Tibetans« in the New Book of Tang states that, in Tibet, »their customs emphasize spirits and give precedence to shamans … Monks must participate in decisions on state policies.« Tibetan culture is a combination of Buddhist culture and belief in spirits and demons. Tibet flourished during the Tang period. Its 32nd »tsenpo« (meaning a big and strong man), Thrisong Detsen, also called Songtsen Gampo, was the founder of the powerful Tibetan kingdom. He advocated drawing closer to the Tang through marriage and absorbing Han culture; he sent envoys to the Tang multiple times seeking a bride. In 640, he once again made his request, and Emperor Taizong of Tang granted it, sending Princess Wencheng to Tibet to be married. The Tang empire and Tibet thus came into a »relationship of uncle and nephew,« and the Tibetan king presented a petition to the Tang court calling himself »son-inlaw.« In 641, Princess Wencheng went to Tibet and was married, bringing to Tibet a large amount of advanced Tang culture and making a major contribution to the friendship and cultural exchange between the Tang empire and Tibet. Establishing close relations with the Tang court greatly advanced cultural exchange between the Tang empire and Tibet, and the face of Tibet

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changed a great deal. Princess Wencheng was a devout Buddhist. When she went to Tibet to be married, she brought Buddhist statues and 360 Buddhist sutras. The Princess also personally designed and built Ramoche Temple. Thus, Buddhism was first brought to Tibet from the Tang empire rather than directly from India. Songtsen Gampo built a palace for the princess, and also built temples for the Buddhist statues that she worshipped. Jokhang Temple in the center of modern Lhasa was built by Songtsen Gampo for Princess Wencheng. After Songtsen Gampo died at the age of thirty-five, the higher economy and culture of the Han people still had a great influence on Tibetan society through various channels. During the time of Emperor Zhongzong of Tang, the Tibetan ruler asked repeatedly for a bride. Zhongzong chose the daughter of Li Shouli, Prince of Yong, Princess Jincheng, and gave her in marriage to Tibet. Aware that she was young and going far away to be married, Zhongzong sent a large number of retainers with her and »gave her many thousand brocade and silk fabrics, and various performers and craftsmen all to follow her, to provide Kuchean music.« Various performers and craftsmen were dearly lacking in Tibet; for this reason, after the Tibetan dynasty collapsed, the children and grandchildren of the artisans in Tibet were exempted from corvée labor as before. The Tibetan Dynasty took in Tang civilization in all aspects, including music. According to Comprehensive Record of Kings of Ladakh (Ladake wang tongji 拉达克王统记), during the time of Düsong Mangpoje (Tridu Songtsen) (676–704), they received musical instruments such as the dizi flute and suona horn from the Tang empire. Yunnan established close cultural and economic ties with the Chinese interior very early on. Emperor Gaozu of Tang established Yaozhou (north of Yao’an County, Yunnan), which managed and controlled thirty-two prefectures under the jimi (羁縻) system, where subdued local leaders kept their po-

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sitions and paid tribute to the Tang court. Emperor Taizong of Tang set up the Rongzhou command area (southwest of Xuzhou District, Yibin, Sichuan), which managed and controlled thirty-six prefectures. Political, economic and cultural exchange between Yunnan and the interior of China were thus strengthened. During the Kaiyuan era of Emperor Xuanzong of Tang (713–741), the »six kings« (liuzhao 六诏, zhao meaning great chief or headman) were distributed across the Yunnan region, centered on the Xi’er River. Nanzhao, the southernmost of the six kingdoms, had close relations with the Tang empire, often sending envoys and tribute; whenever a new king ascended to the throne, he was given a title by the Tang court. Emperor Xuanzong once named the king of Nanzhao, Piluoge, as Prince Guiyi of Yunnan. With the support of the Tang court, Piluoge of the Meng Clan of the Black Man and the other five kings, with the assistance of the large clans of the White Man, gathered the various peoples within their borders to form the unified »state of Nanzhao.« The various peoples of the state of Nanzhao each had their own ancient cultural and artistic traditions. Forms of singing and dancing that had been prevalent since ancient times, such as group singing and dancing, the hulusheng (葫芦笙) dance (involving hulusheng gourd mouth organs) and the bronze drum dance, were still carried on in the daily lives of the various peoples. What a pity that ancient Chinese documents only rarely describe them. At the time, the Nanzhao court and military were also equipped with musical performers, who served the function of honor guards and welcoming and seeing off dignitaries. Nanzhao gradually abolished old and vulgar customs, and accepted the more advanced Han Chinese culture, striving to follow the example of Han culture. Piluoge’s son Geluofeng revered Zheng Hui, a Han Chinese, as a true Confucian scholar and had him teach his children to read Chinese. Three generations of Nanzhao kings, Fengjiayi,

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Yimouxun and Xunmengcou, were all students of Zheng Hui. The Tang court also actively helped Nanzhao to study Han culture, »conferring upon them Confucius’s Classic of Poetry and Book of Documents, and the rites and music of the Duke of Zhou.« Returning Dispatches of Yunnan on Behalf of Gao Pian (Dai gao pian hui yunnan die 代高 骈回云南牒) by Tang Dynasty writer Hu Ceng also states, »the rites and music of the Duke of Zhou were transmitted, and they studied Confucius’s Classic of Poetry and Book of Documents.« During the Zhenyuan era (785–805), Wei Gao, military commissioner of the Jiannan Xichuan Circuit, set up a school in Chengdu specifically to »teach calligraphy and mathematics« to the children of Nanzhao’s ministers. The school operated for close to fifty years and trained thousands of children of Nanzhao, strongly disseminating Han culture and promoting the development of Nanzhao’s culture. Piluoge’s grandson Fengjiayi went to the Tang court during the Kaiyuan era, where he was made Vice Chamberlain of the Court for Tributaries and married a woman from the emperor’s line of descent. When he returned to Nanzhao, Xuanzong specially conferred upon him one troupe each of the hu division and Kuchean musicians. Relations between Nanzhao and the Tang Dynasty were not always smooth, however. They worsened for a time, profoundly affecting Tang politics and the course of history. After several decades of breaking away, resistance and bitter warfare, Nanzhao made up its mind to return once again to the Tang empire, which was to the benefit of the people on both sides. After peace was negotiated between Nanzhao and the Tang Dynasty, Yimouxun sent an emissary to Wei Gao, military commissioner of the Jiannan Xichuan Circuit, in the ninth year of the Zhenyuan era (793) to express his wish to present »the songs of the ethnic group,« that is, to present the folk music of Nanzhao. The Nanzhao court put on a music performance for the Tang emissary: an old man played the flute and an old woman sang, both

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of them almost seventy years old. Yimouxun said to the emissary, Yuan Zi: »When my late father returned to Nanzhao from abroad, the Kaiyuan emperor conferred upon him two music troupes, hu and Kuchean musicians. Now they have all died or scattered; only these two are left in the kingdom.« This shows that Nanzhao treasured the music and dance gifted by the Tang court, and the music culture of the Tang Dynasty had a profound effect on Nanzhao. In the sixteenth year of the Zhenyuan era (800), Nanzhao sent a huge local music troupe to Chang’an to present a performance, expressing the return to friendship to the Tang court. When they passed through Chengdu, Wei Gao built them up further, absorbing the music and dance of other peoples and compiling it into a large-scale music and dance program, Nanzhao’s Offering of Music to the Emperor (Nanzhao fengsheng yue 南诏奉圣乐). Emperor Dezong of Tang personally watched the performance in the Linde palace hall at the head of his officials. In this huge performance troupe, musicians alone made up 196 people, and the pieces played totaled thirty tunes (or sections). The ensembles were divided into four divisions: the Kuchean, big drum, hu and military music divisions. After this music and dance performance was held in the Linde hall of the Daming Palace in Chang’an, Emperor Dezong »had it taught to the performers of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, and naturally, it was performed standing at banquets in the hall and performed seated in the palace« (»Treatise on Rites and Music,« New Book of Tang). In this way, the Court of Imperial Sacrifices added on another new and unique large-scale music division. The Royal Academy’s grand suite Mulberry Branch, which circulated widely during the Tang Dynasty, had different names and variants, such as Bent Mulberry, Bent Mulberry Branch and Holding a Mulberry Branch (Wo zhezhi 握柘枝). There are differing opinions on its origin. One opinion

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is that it came from various countries in the Western Regions; in recent times, Wang Guowei and Xiang Da advocated this theory. Another opinion is that it originated in Nanzhao. Guo Maoqian, Northern Song compiler of Collection of Yuefu Lyric Poems, proposed this theory fairly early on; recently, meanwhile, Mr. Yang Xianyi has strongly advocated this idea. Based on the content of the Mulberry Branch Dance and the dancers’ costumes, it should be a dance from the western part of Yunnan. Originally it was probably a folk dance of country women picking mulberry leaves in the springtime. We should point out that the regimes established by other ethnic groups, such as Tibet and Nanzhao, did not only have close contact with the Tang Dynasty; political and economic connections directly between the regimes also developed a great deal. For example, Tibet was connected by marriage to many surrounding regions and states, such as Tuyuhun, Licchavi (Nepal) and Nanzhao. These contacts also forcefully drove forward cultural and artistic exchange between the states and promoted the collective development of the diverse whole of the people of China.

4. Exchanges in Music and Dance with Other East Asian Countries in the Sui and Tang Dynasties There is an extremely long history of exchange in music and dance between China and Korea. As far back as the Classic of Mountains and Seas, there is a clear record of the state of Chaoxian (朝鲜, Korea). The seven and nine performing divisions of the Sui Dynasty and the nine and ten performing divisions of the Tang Dynasty both included music from Goryeo. During the time of Empress Wu Zetian of Tang, there were still twenty-five pieces of music from Goryeo. The decline of music from Goryeo at the Tang court by the seventeenth year of the Zhenyuan era of Emperor Dezong of Tang (801) may have been the result of destruction during the An Lushan Rebellion.

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Korean music was represented by the music of Goryeo. Although the music of Baekje and Silla was not officially included in the Sui and Tang systems of multiple music divisions, an organizational system for their music was still maintained over a long period at the Sui and Tang courts. In the fifth year of the Zhenguan era of Emperor Taizong of Tang (631), an envoy from Silla presented two female performers as tribute. Taizong pitied them for grieving from homesickness, so he ordered them to return home with the envoy. In the fourth year of his reign (664), Kim Beopmin, King Munmu of Silla, sent twenty-eight people, including music masters Seongcheon and Guil, to the Tang court to study Tang music. When they returned, they brought back twelve Chinese musical instruments. When Taejo of Goryeo founded his state, he emulated the Chinse system of imperial sacrifices to heaven and earth at the winter and summer solstices. Some of the ancient music and dance transmitted from China to Goryeo is preserved in the old Korean texts Akhak Gwebeom (Hanja: 樂 學軌範, lit. »musical canon«) and Jinchan Uigwe. Jinchan Uigwe, compiled by the Uigwe Administrative Office of the Joseon Dynasty, has many dance diagrams with the same names as Tang Dynasty dances, such as the sword dance and The Sound of the Spring Warbler. The texts recording the history and composition of each dance also agree with Chinese historical books, showing that these dances really were transmitted from China to Korea. Tang Dynasty song-and-dance dramas, such as Puppet, a puppet drama used in funeral music since the end of the Han Dynasty, also existed in Goryeo during the Tang Dynasty. Baekje also functioned as a bridge and medium in the musical and cultural exchange between China and Japan. For example, Mimaji, a musician from Baekje, traveled in the Wu region (Jiangnan), where he became very familiar with local masked song-and-dance performances. When he later went to Japan, Prince Shōtoku had him teach

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these performances, called gigaku (Kanji: 伎楽) in Japanese, to Japanese youths. Because of this, gigaku was also called kure-gaku (Kanji: 呉楽), after the Wu (吴) region. The instruments used in the music of Goryeo and Baekje in the nine or ten music divisions may have been reorganized; they were not completely the same as those of their countries of origin, especially the folk music and dance of those countries. Researchers believe that the jaeng zither (Chinese zheng), piri oboe (Chinese bili), transverse flute, so flute (Chinese xiao), drum, ungul pipes (Chinese yu 竽) and ji flute (Chinese chi 篪) undoubtedly were all brought into Korea from China. Japanese researchers believe that the representative instruments of the three Korean states, Goryeo, Baekje and Silla, were the geomungo (玄琴) zither (Goryeo), gonghu (konghou) harp (Baekje) and gayageum (伽倻琴) zither (Silla). These were also closely related to Chinese musical instruments. Ancient Korean texts state they originated from the Chinese qin. Researchers have pointed out that the geomungo is actually a development of the Chinese horizontal konghou harp into a different shape. The gonghu harp used in the music of Baekje was brought in from China, and then transmitted to Japan. The music of Silla consisted of eight musical instruments: three stringed instruments, the geomungo zither, gayageum zither and bipa lute (Chinese pipa); three bamboo flutes, the daegeum (Hanja: 大笒), junggeum (Hanja: 中笒) and sogeum (Hanja: 小笒); and clappers and the large drum. The most representative instrument of the Korean people, the gayageum zither, is said to have been created in the time of King Jinheung of Silla (540–575) in the Gaya confederacy of southern Korea. This instrument has many similarities with the Chinese zheng and qin zithers; like the geomungo, it developed on the basis of Chinese instruments. Korean music is divided into three major categories: aak (Hanja: 雅樂, the Korean version

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of yayue), dangak (›Tang music‹) and hyangak (Hanja: 鄕樂, ›country music‹). Dangak consisted of Chinese court suyue brought in from the Tang court. Hyangak consisted mostly of hyangga (Hanja: 鄕歌), poems written in Korean using Chinese characters. In terms of music, it is made up of traditional, purely Korean music and songs; it is the suyue of Korea (called sogak in Korean). During the process of development of hyangak, however, its ideological content and methods of expression were also influenced by China and India. Besides the existing Korean lyrical folk songs and ancient songs about myths and legends, other ancient forms of song included reciting »Chinese poems« and beompae (Hanja: 梵唄), Buddhist chants from India. Frequent contact between ancient Japan and China also flourished during the Sui and Tang dynasties. When the Tang empire was established, its system of government was complete and perfected, its military powerful and its culture and economy highly developed. Japanese rulers respected and admired it a great deal. Japan sent its first group of envoys to the Tang in 630. During the next two to three centuries, Japan sent eighteen missions to the Tang. One of the main purposes of Japanese envoys coming to China was cultural study and exchange. Civil servants selected as envoys were usually those who excelled in literature and the arts and were able to read Chinese classics and histories. The group of emissaries would include physicians, onmyōji (Kanji: 陰陽師, civil servants specializing in magic and divination), painters, and music experts and students, as well as many scholarly monks and other students. They thoroughly absorbed Tang culture, including studying its government, economy, literature, music, fine arts and architecture. The missions could number in the hundreds of people. From the time of Emperor Zhongzong to Emperor Xuanzong, Japan sent four missions that were huge in scale. In the

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twenty-second year of the Kaiyuan era of Xuanzong (734), the tenth mission sent by Japan numbered 594 people and was said to be the greatest. On the Chinese side, everyone from the emperor down treated the envoys, students, monks and so on extremely preferentially and politely, with fervent devotion. Chinese culture profoundly influenced Japan. In 701, the Japanese capital was moved to Nara; the planning and construction of Nara completely imitated the style of the Tang city of Chang’an. During the eighty years of the Nara period, missions to the Tang reached their peak and were at their most massive. Every level of society was also gradually widely influenced by Tang culture. People recited Tang poems, elegantly enjoyed Tang music, developed Chinese-style painting called kara-e (Kanji: 唐絵, lit. ›Tang painting‹), held Tang rituals and wore Tang clothes. Tang style was extremely popular on the Japanese archipelago and powerfully impelled the rapid progress of Japanese civilization. The Shōsō-in imperial treasury of cultural artifacts built during the Tenpyō era (724–781) at the Tōdai-ji temple in Nara is world-renowned for its collection of many rare artifacts. When retired emperor Shōmu passed away in the eighth year of the Tenpyō-shōhō era (756), all of his belongings were preserved in the Shōsō-in at Tōdai-ji. Before contact with foreign musical culture, Japanese musical culture primarily consisted of ancient ballads. Their lyrics can be seen in Kojiki (Kanji: 古事記, Records of Ancient Matters, 711) and Nihon Shoki (Kanji: 日本書紀, The Chronicles of Japan, 720). The main musical instruments were the wagon or yamatogoto (和琴) zither and yamatobue (和笛) flute. The entry of foreign music, especially Tang music, had a great influence on Japan. Before Tang Dynasty music was brought in, music and dance from other states such as Silla, Baekje and Goryeo had already been brought in; the musical culture of mainland China also gradually entered Japan

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through the three Korean kingdoms. Japan’s absorption of Chinese music culture primarily began in the Asuka period and continued through the Nara period until the early Heian period, roughly corresponding to the period of the Sui Dynasty to the end of the Tang Dynasty in China. Both Japanese and Chinese musicians made outstanding contributions to the exchange of music and dance between the Sui and Tang dynasties and Japan. At the time, there were also Chinese musicians who crossed over to Japan, spreading Tang musical culture. For example, the renowned mid Tang musician Kōho Tōchō and his daughter Kōho Shōjo accompanied a returning diplomatic mission back to Japan in the eighth year of Japan’s Tenpyō era (736). Kōho Tōchō was named an official at the Bureau of Music by the Japanese court and performed »Tang music« (tōgaku in Japanese) at Hokke-ji temple. Later, he was blocked from returning to China because of stormy seas, and thus settled down in Japan. The gagaku of the ancient Japanese court was different from the yayue of China. It was made up of three parts: »wagaku« (Kanji: 和楽, traditional Japanese music), »kanraku« (Kanji: 韓楽, Korean music) and »tōgaku.« Tōgaku was of very high status within gagaku and was called »Music of the Left« (Kanji: 左方楽 Sahōgaku). A large amount of Tang Dynasty yanyue (suyue) spread to Japan, more than one hundred pieces, such as The Emperor Smashes Through the Formation (皇帝破陣 樂 Huangdi pozhen yue / Ō-dai hajin-raku), Long Live the Emperor (萬歳樂 / 萬歲樂 Wansui yue / Manzairaku), Ganzhou (泔州樂 Ganzhou yue / Kanshūraku), Five Constant Virtues Music (五 常樂 Wuchang yue / Goshōraku), Luntai (轮台 / Rindai), The Waves of Kokonor (青海波 Qinghai Bo / Seigaiha), Prince of Qin Smashes Through the Battle Formation (秦王破陣樂 Qinwang pozhen yue / Jinnō hajin-raku or Shinnō hajin-raku), Congratulating the Emperor for his Kindness (賀王恩 He wang en / Ka-ō-on), The Sound of the Spring Warbler (春鸎囀 / 春鶯囀Chunying zhuan / Shun-

CHAPTER VI THEORIES OF THE PERFORMING ART IN THE SUI AND TANG DYNASTIES AND EXCHANGES IN MUSIC, DANCE, AND VARIETY SHOWS

nō-den), Tilt the Cup (傾杯樂 Qingbei yue / Keibairaku), Surpassing Heaven (越天樂 Yuetian yue / Etenraku), The Whirl-Around (團乱旋 / 團亂旋 Tuanluanxuan / Toraden), Sogdians Drinking Wine (胡飲酒 Hu yin jiu / Konju) and the sword dance (剑器Jianqi / Kenki). These became an important part of Japanese gagaku. Tōgaku was performed when the emperor ascended to the throne and during court rituals, banquets and Buddhist ceremonies, as well as during folk festivals. Statistics show that there are more than twenty scores for Sui and Tang tunes that have survived to the present, such as Surpassing Heaven in Ping Mode (平 调越天乐Pingdiao yuetian yue / Hyōjō etenraku), Great Peace Music in Dashi Mode (大食調太平樂 Dashi diao taiping yue / Taishiki-chō taiheiraku), Prince of Qin Smashes Through the Battle Formation, Middle of the Night (夜半樂 Yeban yue / Yahanraku), Returning to the City (還城樂 Huancheng yue / Genjōraku) and Prince of Lanling (蘭陵 王 Lanling wang / Ranryō‐ō). Dance diagrams for Smashing Through the Battle Formation, The Sound of the Spring Warbler, Prince of Lanling and The Whirl-Around have also been passed down. The Japanese book Bugakuzu includes three images of the dance of Smashing Through the Battle Formation, all marked with the characters 唐朝 (Tangchao, Tang Dynasty). If we’re not mistaken, these would be artifacts from the eleventh year of the Tenpyō era (752). The so-called »ancient music,« meanwhile, should mean the music and dance of the time of Emperor Taizong of Tang. In the seven types of ancient music score preserved in Japan, the Wuxian Pipa Scores, zheng/ koto zither scores, pipa/biwa lute scores, sheng/ shō pipe scores, bili/hichiriki flute scores and di/ fue flute scores, a total of nine scores for Smashing Through the Battle Formation have been preserved. The most precious musical artifacts in Tōdai-ji are a batch of musical instruments brought over from Tang China. There are seventy-five instruments of eighteen different types. They are precious physi-

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cal artifacts, most of which were brought to Japan from Tang territory at the time when Tōdai-ji was built, a precious repository of musical instruments from the eighth century CE, rarely seen in the world. After a study conducted from 1948 to 1952, Japanese researchers released an official report, Musical Instruments in the Shōsō-in (Shōsōin no gakki 正倉院の楽器: Nihon Keizai Shimbun Sha, 1967). Musical instruments from Tang China stored in the Shōsō-in number fifty-nine, of fifteen different types; the rest are native Japanese instruments brought over from Korea. The eighteen types of musical instruments are the biwa (pipa) lute, gogen (wuxian) five-stringed lute, genkan (ruanxian) lute, kugo (konghou) harp, koto (筝 zheng) zither, yamatogoto zither, shiragikoto (新羅琴, Japanese term for the Korean gayageum zither), koto (琴 qin) zither, ōgoto (se) zither, shichigen (qixian 七弦) seven-stringed zither, ryūteki (龍

5.6.6  Bent-neck biwa (pipa) with mother-of-pearl inlay, collection of the Shōsō-in

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笛, Japanese term for heng di 横笛 flute), shakuhachi (chiba 尺八) flute, fue (萧 xiao) flute, sō (sheng) pipes, fue (竽 yu) flute, waist drum, niko (二鼓) drum and hōkyō (fangxiang) metallophone. (Figs. 5.6.6–5.6.8) There are also many precious images of music, dance and variety shows on the musical instruments and other artifacts in the Shōsō-in. In Japan, even earlier than the Shōsō-in (Tenpyō period) is the Hōryū-ji temple from the Asuka period. The treasures guarded by the temple include a koto (qin) zither, ryūteki (hengdi) flute and keirouko (jilou gu) drum. The time period of the flute and drum are uncertain, but the inside of the body of the zither is marked as made in »Jiulong« in the twelfth year of the Kaiyuan era of the Tang Dynasty (724); it was very likely made earlier than the koto of the Shōsō-in. »Jiulong« might be the name of a mountain in Guangyuan, Sichuan or the name of Pengshan, Sichuan; some also think it is Long

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5.6.7  Genkan (ruanxian) lute, collection of the Shōsō-in

5.6.8 »Gold and Silver Inscribed Zither,« collection of the Shōsō-in

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County, Shaanxi or Longxi County, Gansu. Views on this differ, but there is no doubt that the zither was brought to Japan from Tang China. It is estimated that the number of pieces of music contained in Tang Dynasty scores preserved in Japan, together with the twenty-five pieces in the pipa scores found in the Library Cave at Dunhuang, make for a total of more than two hundred Tang Dynasty pieces (including fragments) passed down to the present. The most significant Tang Dynasty copies or later compilations are Towering Rock Tune—Secluded Orchid, Tempyō Biwa Fu, Kaicheng Pipa Score, Wuxian Pipa Scores, Nangū Biwa-fu and Hakuga Fue-fu (博雅笛譜, Hakuga’s Flute Scores), also known as Chōshukyō Chiku-fu (長秋卿竹譜, Lord Autumn’s Wind Instrument Scores). According to »About the Dance of the Tenpyō Period« (Tenpyō jidai no gakubu ni tsuite 天平時代 の楽舞について) by Japanese musicologist Hisao Tanabe, as early as the eighth year of the Daye era of Emperor Wen of Sui (612), Chinese variety acts and lion dances entered Japan through the Korean peninsula. The musician Mimaji, of Baekje, who became proficient at the masked song-and-dance performance wuyue (music of Wu; kure-gaku in Japanese) from the Jiangnan area of China, returned to Japan in 612. The »music of Wu« that he taught to youths thus came to Japan, where it was also called gigaku. To this day, masks and clothing used in gigaku are still kept at large temples such as Hōryū-ji and Tōdai-ji. A large quantity of Tang Dynasty variety acts were brought to Japan during the Wansui Tongtian era of Wu Zetian’s reign (695–697). Some Japanese works claim that Chinese acrobatics and magic shows were brought over in the seventeenth year of the Kaiyuan era of Xuanzong (729), but in fact, this is just another historical example of the Sino-Japanese exchange of variety acts that had already started earlier. The extant medieval Japanese painting Shinzei Kogakuzu (信西古樂圖, Shinzei’s Illustrated Guide

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to Classical Entertainments) shows more than fifty scenes of Tang Dynasty acrobatics, magic tricks and music and dance, but the costumes and names are Japanese. This shows that these acts had already been absorbed by Japanese artists. After they were brought to Japan, Chinese variety acts, acrobatics and song-and-dance performances were not preserved to the present unchanged in their original form. On the one hand, Japanese artists continually improved and developed these arts, forming Japan’s own style. On the other hand, Chinese acrobatics and songand-dance also promoted the creation of various new art forms in Japan. Variety shows were called sarugaku (猿楽 or 申楽, lit. »monkey music«) in Japan; in Shinsarugakuki (新猿楽記, An Account of the New Monkey Music) by Fujiwara no Akihira, from the late Heian period, quite a few new sarugaku acts that »didn’t exist in ancient times or the present« are mentioned. Objectively speaking, although Japanese missions to the Tang included dedicated personnel such as music masters and students of the music, dance and variety acts of the Tang court, they were only able to learn a portion. Because score notation methods of the time were far from perfect and musicians relied heavily on oral transmission and memorization, Japanese musicians were not able to fully master the large-scale song and dance music of Tang Dynasty court assemblies and banquets. Therefore, the music and dance that were brought to Japan were generally incomplete, with sometimes only the dance or only the music of a piece of music and dance being brought over. Some Tang Dynasty pieces were brought over but soon died out, later to be restored and revised by Japanese musicians. There were even some instances where only the name of a Tang Dynasty piece was used, but the music and dance were ­created in Japan. From the time of Emperor Ninmyō (reigned 833–850) to the middle Heian Period (10th century), Japan again revised and integrated foreign music that had come in. Therefore,

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although Japan’s gagaku is related to the music of Tang Dynasty court assembles and banquets in terms of origin, the Japanized gagaku of the court cannot be seen as a complete preservation of the music of Tang Dynasty court assemblies and banquets.

5. Exchanges in Music and Dance with Southeast Asian Countries in the Sui and Tang Dynasties Funan means »kingdom of mountains,« and was located in modern Cambodia. This loose network of states was founded in the first century CE and had close relations with China. According to Wall Inscription for the Director of the Imperial Music Bureau by Liu Kuang, after Emperor Yang of Sui pacified Lâm Ấp (i.  e., Champa, central and southern part of modern Vietnam), he obtained craftsmen from Funan and a paoqin (匏琴, lit. ›gourd zither‹). The zither was »crude and could not be used, but its music was transmitted and written down using Indian music,« indicating that its music was changed to being performed on Indian instruments. The »Treatise on Music« in the Book of Sui also states that in addition to the seven performing divisions of the Sui Dynasty, »there was a mix of performers of Shule, Funan, Samarkand, Baekje, the Turkic peoples, Silla and Wa (Japan).« We can roughly understand the form of the paoqin from records of the music, dance and instruments later offered as tribute by the Pyu (Myanmar) citystates. Lâm Ấp was in the southern part of modern Vietnam. After the Zhide era of Emperor Xiaozong of Tang (756–758), it was also called Champa. It was influenced by both Chinese and Indian culture, and was a Buddhist kingdom. Emperor Yang of Sui sent an army to occupy Lâm Ấp for a time; after the Sui army returned north, Lâm Ấp sent multiple diplomatic missions to repair relations. The Sui Dynasty received Buddhist sutras and texts in Sanskrit through Lâm Ấp. According to »Historical Biographies of the Southern Man« in the

CHAPTER VI THEORIES OF THE PERFORMING ART IN THE SUI AND TANG DYNASTIES AND EXCHANGES IN MUSIC, DANCE, AND VARIETY SHOWS

Book of Sui, Lâm Ấp’s »music included the zither, flute, lute and five-string lute, rather similar to China. They each beat drums to alert the masses and blow on gourds (or shells) with the approach of arms.« This shows there was long-standing cultural contact with China. According to »Biographies of Lâm Ấp« in the Old Book of Tang, in the first year of the Wude era in the early Tang Dynasty (618), Sambuvarman, the king of Lâm Ấp, sent emissaries to the Tang court, and Emperor Gaozu held a banquet in the Taiji palace hall and put on a performance of the nine music divisions for them. Myanmar borders on the southwestern part of China, and the mountain ranges and rivers form one system; close and long-standing cultural and artistic connections and exchange have existed between the people of the two countries. It is generally thought that »Shan« was the predecessor of the Pyu city-states, which existed at the time of the Tang Dynasty. Actually, »Shan« and »Pyu« were the two main ethnic groups of ancient Myanmar. During the Tang Dynasty, the Pyu citystates extended to eastern India in the west, Nanzhao to the north, Chenla (Kambuja) in the east and the ocean in the south; to the southeast was Dvaravati (in modern Thailand). Pyu was a powerful entity among the »southern barbarians,« formidable to the various states of India. It was made up of eighteen states, including Poluo (婆 罗), Jiepo (诘婆) and Dupo (阇婆). The largest exchange of performing arts between China and Myanmar during the Tang Dynasty happened when the Pyu city-states presented music as tribute during the Zhenyuan era of Emperor Dezong of Tang. On the first day of the first month in the eighteenth year of the Zhenyuan era (802), Dezong personally watched the performance in the Linde hall. The »Biographies of Pyu« in the New Book of Tang detail the pieces of music, instruments, musical tone systems, and dances, and were written based on the explanations given by Wei Gao. This music

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and dance retained a strong flavor of Pyu. The presentation of music by Pyu was a good example of the friendly exchange of performing arts between China and Myanmar. The musicians coming to the capital Chang’an, undaunted by the distance, and performing at the palace were especially eye-catching. Upon analysis, the Bodhisattva Barbarian Dance and the tune Bodhisattva Barbarian, used for composing lyrics, which were popular in the interior from the high Tang Dynasty on, are also related to ethnic groups of the southwestern regions and the states in Myanmar. Some scholars believe that »Bodhisattva Barbarian« (Pusa man) was another way of transliterating »Pyusaw the Barbarian« (Piaoju man 骠苴蛮); Pyusaw (Pyusawhti) was a king of Pyu. Thus, »Pusa man« would be a transliteration, and the tune would have been »music of ancient Myanmar.« During the time of Emperor Yizong of Tang, palace music official Li Keji compiled and directed a large-scale women’s processional dance of the Bodhisattva Barbarian Dance, also called Bodhisattva Barbarian Procession of the Four Directions (Sifang pusa man dui 四 方菩萨蛮队) and performed by several hundred people in the Anguo Temple constructed on the orders of the emperor. This shows that the influence of the music and dance for Bodhisattva Barbarian continued for a long time. Sui and Tang music and dance also saw exchange with the states of South Asia. In 607, Emperor Yang of Sui sent envoys including Chang Jun to visit Chi Tu (Raktamaritika), the »Country of Red Earth,« where they were received ceremoniously. Their envoys returned the visit, and friendly relations were established. At the welcome banquet for the Sui envoys in Chi Tu, »Female musicians performed in alternation, and gifts were generously presented. At the time of departure, [the envoys] were sent off with fresh flowers, music performances and beating of drums.«

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Chi Tu was in the southern part of today’s Malay Peninsula and was an important intermediary for Indian culture to enter China. Srivijaya was located on modern Sumatra, Indonesia. Its capital was known as Foshi (佛逝) in Chinese, at modern Palembang. From the Xianheng era of Emperor Gaozong of Tang (670–674) to the Kaiyuan era of Xuanzong (713–741), Srivijaya sent envoys to the Tang multiple times to express friendship. In the twelfth year of the Kaiyuan era (724), the emissary Jumoluo (perhaps Kumara) of Srivijaya came to Chang’an to present a performance, bringing small people and »sengzhi women« (僧祗, »black« women) who were good at singing and dancing, two of each, and a group of miscellaneous musicians. On a journey back and forth to India, the Tang Dynasty monk Yi Jing stayed in Chi Tu for many years. Envoys, monks and merchants traveled constantly between Chi Tu and Tang China, promoting cultural exchange between the two countries. »Kalingga,« meanwhile, was located on modern Java, Indonesia. It was founded by the Indian Prince Kalinga at the end of the fourth century after he led immigrants there. Envoys from Kalingga arrived in Chang’an in the fourteenth year of the Zhenguan era of the Tang Dynasty (640) and received a friendly reception. Envoys also maintained friendly relations during the reigns of Daizong, Xianzong, Wenzong and Yizong. During the Xiantong era of Emperor Yizong (860–873), envoys again came to Chang’an to present female musicians. It is worth noting that in terms of the transportation route between China and the West, a major transformation occurred during the Sui and Tang Period: by the Tang Dynasty, especially between the journeys of Xuanzang and Yi Jing, that is, from the 730s or 740s to the 770s or 780s, within just a few decades the focus of transport gradually shifted from land to sea.

CHAPTER VII  THE ART OF CALLIGRAPHY IN THE SUI AND THE EARLY TANG The Sui-Tang Period was a phase of history where the art of Chinese calligraphy moved toward full maturity and a high level of flourishing. Not only did calligraphy in this period encompass all styles, which contended with each other for marvelousness and beauty, but great masters emerged in large numbers, like clusters of brilliant stars. In particular, the movement within calligraphic creative activity from the pursuit of »highly measured form and surpassing grace« during the Three Kingdoms, Jin dynasties and Northern and Southern Dynasties, to the Tang Dynasty’s »seeking rules and esteeming laws,« to a large extent comprehensively and organically combined the many aspects of the art of calligraphy: grace, rules, spirit and appearance. Rules came out of grace and elegance; when grace and elegance were incorporated into the rules of the art, a complete and perfect set of rules was thereby formed for calligraphy. Like other arts, calligraphy fully manifested in a concentrated form the elevated and prosperous spirit of the Sui and Tang Period springing from the unification of the country, the thriving of the Han people, and the overall political, economic and cultural boom. There was a historical development to the maturing of the aesthetics of calligraphy during the Sui and Tang. This process can be divided into three stages: the Sui and early Tang, the high and mid Tang, and the late Tang. If we say that the impressive and majestic, extremely beautiful calligraphy of the high and mid Tang was the peak of calligraphy during the Sui and Tang, while the compromising and changing, thin, stiff but still powerful calligraphy of the late Tang was a secondary range compared to this peak, then the youthful and gor-

geous calligraphy of the Sui and early Tang, which carried on the past and inspired later generations, would be the base of this peak.

Section 1  Calligraphy of the Sui Dynasty After the Sui Dynasty unified China, with governmental reform, economic development and cultural and artistic exchange between north and south, calligraphy entered a new period of development, with fusion of northern and southern styles and a carrying on of the past while inspiring the future. The Sui Dynasty only existed for thirty-eight years, and the time of Sui Dynasty calligraphy was relatively short, with few calligraphers or major works. Moreover, the style of calligraphy was basically the same as that of the early Tang. For these reasons, quite a few calligraphers lump the Sui Dynasty together with the early Tang and gloss over it in a few strokes without going into details. Actually, Sui Dynasty calligraphy carried on the grace of the styles of the Three Kingdoms, Jin and Southern and Northern Dynasties and began the new style of the Tang Dynasty, which sought and emphasized the rules of the art form. It was a key period for calligraphy, carrying on the past and inspiring the future. It was an important period in the history of calligraphy, worthy of attention.

1. Integrating the Styles of the Northern Inscriptions and Southern Handwriting Once the development of Chinese calligraphy reached the Southern and Northern Dynasties, an era of »Northern inscriptions and Southern hand-

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writing« formed. This was a product of the different locales of southern and sorthern societies at the time, the opposition of their cultures and the distinct division of their aesthetic tendencies. In terms of calligraphy, the northern inscription calligraphy style formed in the Northern Dynasties of the time; it sought a strong grid layout and surpassing structure, and expressed a bold and masculine feeling. In the Southern Dynasties, meanwhile, the southern handwriting calligraphy style formed, which emphasized a beautiful and flowing writing style and expressed a soft, feminine and serene feeling. Since these two major schools of calligraphy formed, they affected later generations and had a massive influence. The calligraphy of the Sui Dynasty developed on the foundation of synthesizing and absorbing the northern inscription and southern handwriting styles. Of course, this synthesis and absorption was first and foremost inseparable from the unified political, economic and cultural conditions put in place by the Sui Dynasty. Only on this foundation could narrow-minded ideological or cultural concepts be largely discarded and the situation of opposition between southern and northern cultures end. This allowed for real exchange between southern and northern culture and arts, thereby laying a solid social and cultural foundation for the aesthetic synthesis of northern inscription and southern handwriting calligraphy styles. It was also only on this foundation that the Sui Dynasty could avoid falling into narrow-mindedness, that it could accept the bold and forceful inscription style of the Northern Dynasties and also absorb the graceful and elegant handwriting style of the Southern Dynasties, and blend the two to a large extent—forming Sui Dynasty fusion calligraphy that had both a robust aesthetic and outward beauty with an intellectual spirit. Of course, this blending did not consist of blending northern inscriptions and southern handwritings in equal parts; there were imbalances and many unusual changes. For example, Sha

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Menghai summarized the regular script styles of the Sui Dynasty as four different types. The first was a style with a smooth, upright, pure and gentle aesthetic, with »the two Wangs« as the orthodox example and Ding Daohu’s Qifa Temple Stele ­(Qifasi bei 启法寺碑) as a representative work. The second was a style with a solemn, severe, square and orderly aesthetic, which carried on the tradition of Northern Wei statues, cliff inscriptions and tomb tablets, with Memorial Tablet for Dong Meiren (Dong meiren muzhi 董美人墓志) as a classic example. The third was a style with a profound, vigorous, smooth and round aesthetic, which was born of the Northern Qi works Taishan Diamond Sutra (Taishan jingang jing 泰山金刚经) and Manjusri Sutra Stele (Wenshu jingbei 文殊经 碑), with Cao Zhi Temple Stele (Cao zhi miaobei 曹 植庙碑) as a representative work. The fourth was a style with a refined, clear, slender and straight aesthetic, which evolved from the calligraphy style of Northern Qi, with Longzang Temple Stele (Longzangsi bei 龙藏寺碑) as a representative work. This is in fact an extremely meticulous and thoughtful summary of the four basic styles of Sui Dynasty calligraphy, and it also points out the essentials of the main origins of the four styles. But actually, these four styles were only the major styles of Sui Dynasty calligraphy, and we should say there were quite a few other calligraphy styles with many and various changes. Some of them were closer to the severe aesthetic of the northern inscriptions, while some tended toward the refined aesthetic of southern handwriting. Some, meanwhile, resembled both regular and clerical script, with a plain and simple old spirit and exuberant new style. However, although Sui Dynasty calligraphy styles were multifarious in appearance, they had one common characteristic: they all blended the characteristics of the northern inscription and southern handwriting calligraphy styles to some extent while also adding their own new changes and creating their own new style.

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2. Zhiyong, a Famous Sui Calligrapher Connecting the Past to the Future When the development of the art of Chinese calligraphy reached the Three Kingdoms, Jin, and Southern and Northern Dynasties, it had already reached the pinnacle of »highly measured form and surpassing grace.« Continuing down this road of pursuing expressiveness and esteeming grace and elegance, it could not have any new breakthroughs. Therefore, in accordance with the rules of the dialectical development of art itself, calligraphy embarked on a new road, of seeking new life in rules. This was the process of transformation, usually discussed in the history of calligraphy, from the »emphasizing measurement« and »esteeming grace« of the Three Kingdoms, Jin, and Southern and Northern Dynasties to the »seeking rules« and »esteeming laws« of the Sui and Tang. If we say that the full completion of this process had to wait until the calligraphy of the high and mid Tang, then the calligraphy of the Sui and early Tang would fall under the early stages of this process. The calligraphy of the Sui Dynasty occupied a key period in the early stages of this transformation process, where it carried on the past and inspired later generations. Specifically, the calligraphy of the Sui Dynasty was born during the Six Dynasties, and it retained some of the beautiful and charming characteristics of the style and script structure of the Six Dynasties. From the perspective of the distinct division of the process of the evolution of calligraphy, it could even be included under the scope of calligraphy of the Six Dynasties. Based on the overall characteristics of calligraphic style, however, it had already started to break from the appearance of the calligraphy of the Six Dynasties. It did not have the same vigor and boldness as northern inscriptions, and did not resemble the gorgeous appearance of southern handwriting, but rather blended the two into one. A new appearance with both style and sub-

CHAPTER VII THE ART OF CALLIGRAPHY IN THE SUI AND THE EARLY TANG

stance, with hard and soft complementing one another, began to emerge. Its core lay in beginning to break through the aesthetic tendency of headstrong and blind pursuit of charm, grace and spirit in calligraphy by literati calligraphers of the Six Dynasties and in starting to pursue and establish the aesthetic of standardized character construction, brush technique, and overall layout for calligraphy pieces, a set of aesthetic rules where spirit and form were highly unified, an aesthetic standardization and set of rules that spread the art of calligraphy from the scholar-officials to the masses. This change was most clearly expressed in the calligraphic works and theories of the famous Sui Dynasty calligrapher Zhiyong. Zhiyong was a seventh-generation descendant of Wang Xizhi, so his birth name would have been Wang Faji. He was from Shanyin (modern Shaoxing, Zhejiang). The dates of his birth and death are not known. He roughly lived through the Liang, Chen and Sui dynasties –close to a hundred years. He also became a monk when he was young in order to avoid social upheaval. He carefully studied calligraphy all his life, practicing calligraphy through hard work and numerous revisions, nonstop from morning to night. His dedication to progressing in the art of calligraphy was his most important pursuit. Although he lived in a monastery, his name was known because of his calligraphy, being an important calligrapher located at a key juncture linking past and present, and was very influential in the history of calligraphy. Overall, he made two major contributions. First, we can say that he was one of earliest calligraphers who, from the height of calligraphic study, began to fairly consciously borrow the methods of the two Wangs to establish aesthetic rules for the art of calligraphy. If we say that the full maturity of ancient Chinese calligraphy occurred during the Tang Dynasty, and that the calligraphy theories of the Three Kingdoms and Jin dynasties, represented by Wang Xizhi, opened the way for this, then Zhiyong, who lived between the Chen

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and Sui dynasties, was an extremely important medium and link between these. He not only carried on the methods of the two Wangs, but also did his utmost to elucidate the finer points of their work and lifted them to the heights of calligraphic study, establishing a set of aesthetic rules for the art of calligraphy that anyone could follow. For example, Zhiyong not only carried on the »Eight Principles of Yong« (Yongzi bafa 永字八法) that Wang Xizhi believed covered all the brushstrokes and should be written dozens of times in a day to practice brushwork; more importantly, Zhiyong »disseminated his [Wang Xizhi’s] main ideas,« theoretically further expounding his main points and aesthetic spirit. This not only improved the theory of calligraphy, but also broadened its circulation. Secondly, Zhiyong was one of the earliest calligraphers to fairly consciously explore and manifest aesthetic rules of calligraphy through his own works. He created calligraphy constantly throughout his life; his works were extremely abundant, and written sources show that they circulated widely. Sadly, few have survived to this day. But based solely on his representative work, Thousand Character Classic in Regular and Cursive Scripts (Zhencao qianziwen 真草千字文) (Fig. 5.7.1), famous in current histories, on the one hand he carefully followed the example of the Wang school—his writing is well-proportioned in appearance, and its style and spirit are graceful and calm, each brushstroke fitting within a circle (if round) or square grid (if square); on the other hand, he also adopted many clever ideas and came up with new techniques himself. His brushstrokes had their own charm, and overflowed with spirit— with an attitude of seeking novelty and change, already escaping the style of the Chen Dynasty. These two aspects seem to be in conflict, but actually they were mutually inclusive and dialectically united. Zhiyong both used the methods of the two Wangs as a model and also sought new life outside the methods of the two Wangs, pushing away the old methods and seeking new methods.

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5.7.1 Thousand Character Classic in Regular and Cursive Script (detail of the original), Sui Dynasty, Zhiyong, rubbing of inscription, collection of the Palace Museum

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His new techniques still creatively carried on the basic strategy of the methods of the two Wangs of broadly adopting many clever ideas. Although his efforts were still just the beginning, he occupied a key point in the transformation from the Three Kingdoms, Jin and Southern and Northern Dynasties to the Sui and Tang dynasties, and was in the vanguard of Tang Dynasty calligraphy’s seeking rules and emphasizing laws. His significance in linking past and future cannot be underestimated. Only a few popular editions of his Thousand Character Classic survive today. The two most famous are the original in the collection of Ogawa Tamejirō in Japan, listed in the Record of Imperial Bequest to Tōdai-ji Temple (Tōdai-ji kenmotsu chō, kanji: 東大寺献物帳), and the »Shaanxi carving« mentioned by Qigong. This was the »Guanzhong

5.7.2  Longzang Temple Stele, Sui Dynasty, old rubbing in the collection of the Shanghai Library, original stele ­preserved at Longzang Temple, Zhengding, Hebei

CHAPTER VII THE ART OF CALLIGRAPHY IN THE SUI AND THE EARLY TANG

edition« carved in stone in Xi’an, Shaanxi, in the second month of the third year of the Daguan era of the Northern Song (1109) by Xue Sichang in imitation of the genuine work held by the Cui family. The original stone has been lost; what survives today is a carved imitation, a tablet carved on both sides, 2.68 m high and 0.97 m wide. The regular and cursive script are arranged side by side on separate lines. Photocopies are in circulation.

3. Masterpiece Sui Stele Inscriptions Reflecting the Changes of History Sui Dynasty carved steles are too numerous to list them all here; we can only mention the most representative with some brief comments. The first example is the Longzang Temple Stele, whose full name is Stele of the Provincial Governor of Hengzhou and State Duke of E Urging the Construction of Longzang Temple (Hengzhou cishi e guogong wei quan zao longzangsi bei 恒州刺史鄂国公为劝造 龙藏寺碑). It was erected in the sixth year of the Kaihuang era (586) in the front hall of the Longxing Temple in Zhending (modern Zhengding County, Hebei); in ancient times it was called the Longxing Temple Stele of the Zhengding Prefectural Office (Zhengding fu longxingsi bei 正定府龙兴寺 碑). The stele is seven chi one cun (about 7.8 ′) high and three chi 6 cun five fen (about 4 ′) wide. There are thirty rows of characters in total, with a full row being fifty characters, and there is a title in regular script of fifteen characters. There are five names inscribed on the back and sides of the stele, but the name of the calligrapher is not recorded. In Jigu Lu (集古录, Collected Records of Antiquity), Song Dynasty writer Ouyang Xiu thought that it was made by Zhang Gongli. Today, photocopies of Ming Dynasty rubbings (called Song Dynasty rubbings) »not written by Zhang Gongli« are in circulation. The style of the tablet is ancient, plain and simple, neatly laid out according to principles, but also various and beautiful with many different graceful arrangements of characters. It is a classic manifestation of the Sui Dynasty characteristics

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5.7.3  Memorial Tablet for Dong Meiren, Sui Dynasty, original rubbing in the ­collection of the National Library of China

of blending southern and northern calligraphy styles into one and occupying a pivotal position in the transformation (Fig. 5.7.2). Memorial Tablet for Dong Meiren was a Sui Dynasty carved stele in regular script. It was carved in the seventeenth year of the Kaihuang era (597). Yang Xiu, area commander of Yizhou and Prince of Shu, composed the text; the name of the calligrapher is not recorded. There were twenty-one rows of small regular script, with twenty-three characters per full line. It was unearthed in Xi’an, Shaanxi during the late Qing Dynasty and was formerly in the collection of Xu Weiren of Shanghai. Later,

it may have been passed on or destroyed during military conflict. The stele text consists of small regular script, elegant and pretty; every stroke is sleek and powerful, giving an aesthetic perception that is tall, straight and dignified, beautiful, delicate and glossy, with elegant bones that are still slender, and abundant flesh that is not too fat (Fig. 5.7.3). We should say that it both broke away from the plain and simple poverty of the Northern Wei calligraphy style, and also absorbed its purity and profound grace, creating a unique, dignified, bold and yet charming aesthetic. It thus became another stele abundant with the aesthetics of cal-

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ligraphy, blending southern and northern calligraphy styles and connecting »esteeming grace« to »esteeming rules.« A good rubbing of the original stele is extant and kept in the collection of the National Library of China, with photocopies in circulation. The Qifa Temple Stele is a Sui Dynasty carved stele in regular script. It was carved in the second year of the Renshou era (602). Zhou Biao composed the text, and Ding Daohu created the calligraphy. It is one of the very few Sui Dynasty carved steles that include the calligrapher’s name. Ding Daohu was one of the calligraphers of the Sui Dynasty that most represented the style of the two Wangs while also having his own new methods. He was from the state of Qiao (modern Bozhou, Anhui) and held the post of jijiu congshi (祭酒从事, head of a department under a provincial governor). He was good at regular script. Unfortunately, few of his works are extant; Qifa Temple Stele is the only representative work of his calligraphy that we can see preserved at present. The style of the stele is rigorously upright and level, purely gentle with a straightforward grace. The original stele was already lost during the Song Dynasty; only a single edition hidden away by Li Zonghan during the Qing Dynasty is extant today. It once also belonged to Luo Zhenyu and was later taken to Japan. (Fig. 5.7.4) In summary, Sui Dynasty steles carried on the traditions left behind by the Three Kingdoms, Jin, and Southern and Northern Dynasties, and blended southern and northern calligraphy styles into one. They also heralded the later Ouyang, Yu, Chu and Xue of the early Tang. They thus occupied a key position linking past and future during this transition. Although we cannot say that they surpassed Northern Wei or reached the level of the High Tang, one only has to assess, appreciate and investigate a little more in depth, and it is not hard to discover that, whether in brushwork and character construction, or in overall layout and concept, Sui Dynasty calligraphy blended the

CHAPTER VII THE ART OF CALLIGRAPHY IN THE SUI AND THE EARLY TANG

5.7.4 Qifa Temple Stele, Sui Dynasty, Ding Daohu, unearthed in Xiangyang, Hubei

characteristics of southern and northern calligraphy styles to varying extents in all aspects, having both the flavors of Wei calligraphy and Tang Dynasty regular script. These characteristics, being a medium and transmitter that unified southern and northern styles and connected the Chen and Tang dynasties, are precisely where the irreplaceable unique features, value and significance of Sui Dynasty calligraphy, represented by Sui steles, are situated.

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Section 2  The Art of Calligraphy in the Early Tang Soon after the Tang Dynasty was founded there was a period of prosperity, with a developed economy, well-ordered government and relaxed culture, known in history as the »reign of Zhenguan.« It provided a good social and cultural environment and laid a solid physical and mental foundation for early Tang calligraphy, which was beginning to establish new methods. Overall, the calligraphy of the early Tang Dynasty was fairly consistent in style with the calligraphy of the Sui Dynasty. They both occupied a phase in the history of calligraphy of carrying on the past and inspiring the future. Over the years, many works on the history and theory of calligraphy have placed the calligraphy of these two periods on the same stage, collectively calling them »the calligraphy of the Sui and early Tang dynasties.« This book also uses this categorization method. However, under close analysis, although the calligraphy of the early Tang belongs to the phase linking past and future along with Sui Dynasty calligraphy, there is a difference in emphasis. If we say that Sui Dynasty calligraphy was part of a phase linking past and future with more emphasis on »carrying on the past,« then early Tang calligraphy was part of a phase linking past and future with more emphasis on »inspiring the future.« More accurately, early Tang calligraphy would belong to a new period carrying on and starting to establish new methods. It carried on the excellent earlier calligraphic traditions, from the Six Dynasties and the Sui Dynasty, and established new calligraphic standards and rules for the future, with the calligraphers Yu, Ouyang, Chu and Xie, as well as Li Shimin and Sun Guoting, as prime examples. It was directly connected to the calligraphy of the high and mid Tang, and laid a solid foundation for the overall flourishing

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and development of calligraphy in those periods. According to the divisions of historians, the early Tang Period usually refers to the time from the first year of the Wude era of Emperor Gaozu of Tang (618) to the twenty-ninth year of the Kaiyuan era of Emperor Xuanzong (741), a total of 124 years. During this time, the art of calligraphy entered a new period of development where it deeply carried on excellent traditions, continually updated aesthetic concepts and began to establish new standards for calligraphy.

1. Incentives and Conditions for the Development of Calligraphy in the Early Tang Aside from the general economic, political and cultural background and foundation provided by the rich and powerful Tang Dynasty mentioned above, the reasons why the calligraphy of the early Tang was able to begin a new period of development lay in some internal and external motivations and conditions. We will try to describe these from three different aspects. 1. Changes and Renewals of the Spirit of the Times and Aesthetic Concepts After the Tang Dynasty was founded, the rulers implemented a series of social reform measures in the economy, politics, culture and so on, which greatly inhibited the power of wealthy elite landowners and nobility, and provided an opportunity and pathway for the sudden rise in power of new, commoner landowners. A large group of scholars from poor families gathered, representing this new power. They spiritedly climbed onto the stage of political history, while also beginning to step into the role of central figures on the stage of culture and arts. They swept away the dispirited and listless, weak and lingering mental attitude of the noble literati of the Six Dynasties and their aesthetic tendency to blindly pursuing flowing softness and grace simply for the sake of

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approval. They began to form an imposing and majestic, high-spirited and energetic spirit of the times with the ideas and knowledge of the newly powerful commoner landowners as the core, as well as a youthful and magnificent aesthetic concept that reflected this spirit of the times and the atmosphere of the Tang. This transformation from a social psychology that was declining by the day to a high-spirited and advancing spirit of the times, and from a dispirited, gentle and beautiful aesthetic concept to a youthful and magnificent one, could not completely break away from the influence of the old style of the Six Dynasties during the early Tang. However, as the occurrence and establishment of a new spirit of the times and aesthetic concept, these transformations inevitably and powerfully guided and standardized the calligraphy of the early Tang toward new aesthetic heights, presenting a new aesthetic appearance. 2. Carrying On and the Development of the Art of Calligraphy Calligraphers of the early Tang, including Li Shimin (Emperor Taizong of Tang), Yu Shinan, Ouyang Xun, Chu Suiliang, Xue Ji and Sun Guoting, all earnestly studied and carried on the excellent traditions of the calligraphy of earlier eras, especially from the Six Dynasties on. There are vivid legends and stories about most of these calligraphers. However, their carrying on of these traditions was in all cases not complete copying or imitation, but always involved some conscious or unconscious analysis, based on which they selected elements, absorbing the excellent parts of the traditions and discarding the outdated parts. For example, although the calligraphy styles of the »Four Great Calligraphers of the Early Tang« are all different, they all absorbed to varying extents the masculine and severe spirit of northern calligraphy after the Wei-Jin Period, but discarded the parts that were too impoverished; they also absorbed the exceedingly free and easy style and soft and feminine grace of southern calligraphy

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since the Six Dynasties, but discarded its shortcomings of being weak and dispirited. Then, on the basis of their analysis and selection, they blended and synthesized these elements and created new aesthetic forms and concepts of calligraphy characterized by hard and soft complementing one another to different extents. 3. Valued by the Supreme Ruler and Enjoyed and Esteemed by the Court and Common People Many Tang emperors enjoyed calligraphy as a hobby; during the early Tang alone, there were numerous emperors famous for their love of calligraphy, such as Taizong, Gaozong, Ruizong, Wu Zetian and even Xuanzong. Of them, the one with the greatest influence, accomplished in both theory and practice, was Li Shimin, Emperor Taizong of Tang, who could be said to be the foremost of calligraphers and was called »the first and foremost, ruler and calligrapher.« He fought battle after battle for seven or eight years and finally re-unified Han China and founded the Tang Dynasty of the Li family. In order to consolidate his rule over all under heaven and govern the empire, he adopted Wei Zheng’s proposition to »stop fighting and foster culture,« and resolutely carried out the strategy and methods of »using culture to carry on the accomplishments of one’s predecessors«— proposing and implementing a series of systems and policies for ideology and culture. This greatly promoted the flourishing and development of culture and arts. Calligraphy, as an official part of state education, a section of the imperial civil service examination, and an important criterion for selection of talents, was also firmly established and underwent new development. That Li Shimin and other early Tang emperors were able to patronize calligraphy like this was determined first and foremost by the practical need to consolidate the Tang Dynasty’s rule; this was the practical foundation upon which early Tang calligraphy was able to undergo new development.

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5.7.5 Jinci Inscription, Tang Dynasty, Li Shimin, rubbing in the collection of the Palace Museum, original stele preserved at Jinci, Taiyuan, Shanxi

However, we cannot consider the development of calligraphy in the early Tang to be entirely the work of individual hobbyists such as Li Shimin. Of course, as the supreme ruler, Li Shimin’s hobbies, what he valued and what he advocated, undoubtedly played a large role in the development of calligraphy during the early Tang. For example, he adored the calligraphy of Wang Xizhi and personally wrote the commentary to the »Biography of Wang Xizhi« in the Book of Jin. He repeatedly spent huge sums of money to purchase and seek out the Lanting Xu (兰亭序, Preface to Poems Collected from the Orchid Pavilion) and made copies and rubbings to bestow upon court nobles, for which reason, at the time, »the scholar-officials all took Wang Xizhi’s methods as their model.« He

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also ordered the restoration of ancient and contemporary books and the genuine works of Zhong Yao and Wang Xizhi, acquiring 1,510 scrolls. In addition, he personally practiced calligraphy, both deeply acquiring the methods of the two Wangs and working in clerical script and Flying White script, and also writing the calligraphy for the first running script stele in the history of Chinese calligraphy, the Jinci Inscription (Jinci ming 晋祠铭) (Fig. 5.7.5). In this way, he actually practiced what he preached and led the innovation process of Early Tang calligraphy, represented by the »Four Great Calligraphers of the Early Tang.« Moreover, what the people at the top did was imitated by the people below, widely forming a custom of both court officials and common people enjoying and esteeming calligraphy, which played a leading role in the wide spread and profound development of calligraphy. We can see this as including the role of his personal hobby, but seeing as he was an outstanding ancient military leader and politician, in the final analysis, this personal hobby of Li Shimin’s was obviously closely linked to his ideology of »governing through culture« in order to consolidate the Tang Dynasty’s political rule. This was also one of the deep reasons why his calligraphy theory and practice were able to have such a great influence.

2. Specialized Study of Calligraphy and the Establishment of the »Tang Style« China has highly valued the art, teaching and methods of calligraphy since ancient times. During the Zhou Dynasty, calligraphy was clearly listed as one of the six arts; continuing to the Qin and Han Periods, it was considered as important as rites and music. By the period from the Three Kingdoms to the Southern and Northern Dynasties, with the conscious development of the art of calligraphy, the study and valuing of the rules and methods of calligraphy themselves also reached new heights. At the end of the Chen Dynasty and start of the Sui Dynasty, Sui Dynasty calligra-

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phers, represented by Zhiyong, began attempting to carry out high-level explorations in the study of calligraphy and to establish aesthetic principles for calligraphy, to be followed by all. This opened the way for seeking rules and esteeming laws in the art of calligraphy. However, the establishment of the specialized study of calligraphy, of specialized calligraphy schools, and the carrying out of specialized calligraphy education and research, would have formally begun during the Tang Dynasty. The listing of the study of calligraphy as one of the six types of state education (the National Academy, Grand Academy, Four Gates Philological Academy, and the study of law, calligraphy and mathematics), which primarily focused on study of the Confucian classics, and the carrying out of specialized calligraphy education and research, really were pioneering acts of the Tang Dynasty. At that time, the major categories of calligraphy education and research roughly consisted of study of the six categories of characters, calligraphy theory, and calligraphy practice. According to the histories, Li Shimin placed Yu Shinan and Ouyang Xun in charge of teaching and direction of calligraphy at the Institute for the Advancement of Literature, and he announced that all civil and military officials of fifth rank and above who were interested in calligraphy could freely go to the Institute to listen to lectures and study and practice calligraphy. He himself also took the lead and set an example, admiring and imitating the calligraphy of Wang Xizhi, and he studied under Yu Shinan, working on clerical script and emphasizing the study of calligraphy. It was precisely under his practicing what he preached, advocating calligraphy, and his influence that many scholars at court and among the common people worked at calligraphy, forming a custom of investigating and carefully studying the art of calligraphy and finally setting up a clear marker for the specialized study of calligraphy in the history of Chinese calligraphy. This custom even influenced Japan at

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the time; monks and students came to China regularly, especially to study and practice calligraphy, which was very influential on the later development of Japanese calligraphy. The influence on the calligraphy of later generations in China was even more direct and profound. Here we must further point out that seeking laws, esteeming laws and setting up laws for the art of calligraphy were a core part of the process of establishing the specialized study of calligraphy during the early Tang. The »laws« of Chinese calligraphy could be said to have begun with Tang Dynasty calligraphy. This is not to say that calligraphy before the Tang Dynasty was completely without laws and that there was no investigation of the methods and principles of written characters. Wang Xizhi, for example, who was called the Sage of Calligraphy, and particularly the calligrapher monk Zhiyong, who lived during the Chen and Sui Dynasties, had already consciously begun very fruitful explorations into the writing methods and aesthetic rules of the art of calligraphy. Rather, this is to say that it was only in the Tang Dynasty that this exploration of the laws of the art of calligraphy became an aesthetic fashion of the times that all followed; it was only then that it was completely established as an overall period style and basic aesthetic rule for calligraphy different from the Han or Jin dynasties. For this reason, when later generations discuss Tang Dynasty calligraphy, they all say that »people of the Tang Dynasty emphasized laws.« Because of this, also, later generations call the unique aesthetic rules of Tang Dynasty regular script tangfa (唐法), or »Tang Dynasty rules.« A full understanding of the laws of Tang Dynasty calligraphy should include both rules of writing at the technical level, such as character construction, brush technique and overall layout, and also the rationally refined level of aesthetic concepts, with the aesthetic rules and requirements governing these rules of writing. These laws were a unification to a high degree of character construction,

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brush technique and layout with the aesthetic requirements and concepts of calligraphy; they were a unification of the shape and essence of calligraphy, of content and form. They were aesthetic rules with a grand and gorgeous aesthetic, for Tang Dynasty calligraphy that manifested the spirit of the times and the aesthetic concepts of the Tang Dynasty. Early Tang calligraphy was the first sign of the major achievement of Tang calligraphy and the beginning of different everyday harmonies, beginning and establishing these aesthetic rules. For example, the calligraphy of the Four Great Calligraphers of the early Tang was still linked in countless ways with the calligraphic styles of the Six Dynasties. But in terms of possessing, to varying extents, the stylistic characteristic of hard and soft complementing one another, they all manifested the Tang Dynasty characteristic of the times and the aesthetic rules of seeking rules and esteeming laws. The »Eight Principles of Yong« established by Zhiyong, and Ode of the Perfection of the Mind (Xin cheng song 心成颂), written by Zhiguo during the Sui Dynasty, had already manifested a high regard for brushwork and character construction respectively; these heralded »esteeming laws.« However, it was the »eight techniques« of Ouyang Xun in the Early Tang that took the first steps in more fully revealing the rules of writing, brush technique and structure, and raised them to aesthetic rules—as well as the »thirty-six rules« derived from Ouyang’s calligraphy and the works of other calligraphers. Here it must be pointed out that the »laws« of Tang Dynasty calligraphy primarily referred to rules perfecting regular script; the calligraphic achievements of the three hundred years of the Tang Dynasty are mainly achievements in regular script. Particularly the calligraphy of the early Tang and its achievements, represented by the Four Great Calligraphers of the early Tang, were basically all made in regular script. However, it should also be seen that as soon as these calligraphy rules which were primarily manifested through regular script

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were established as commonly used aesthetic rules, they not only served as a guide for regular script, but also widely served as a guide for other scripts. For example, the running-cursive script of Li Shimin and Sun Guoting, and especially the later cursive script of Yan Zhenqing, Zhang Xu and Huaisu of the high and mid Tang, were all different from previous eras or opened new ground. This is obviously inextricably linked to the guidance of the aesthetic rules »esteeming laws« established during the Tang Dynasty.

3. The Four Masters of the Early Tang Laws were at the center of Tang Dynasty calligraphy, and the early Tang opened the way. Tang Dynasty calligraphy encompassed all script styles, but the emphasis of the early Tang was on regular script. During the Cao Wei Period, Zhong Yao established the model for regular script; Notes on Calligraphy from the Xuanhe Era (Xuanhe shupu 宣 和书谱) calls him the »ancestor of regular script.« During the Eastern Jin, »the two Wangs« wrote Essay on Yue Yi (Yue yi lun 乐毅论) and Ode to the Nymph of the Luo River (Luo shen fu 洛神赋), fairly mature examples of small regular script. During the Southern and Northern Dynasties, there further appeared fine specimens of Wei style regular script with robustness as its main point. If we say that these formed the first climax of regular script in the history of Chinese calligraphy, then having passed through the Chen and Sui dynasties, another new and even more glorious climax of Chinese regular script began in the early Tang. On the foundation of absorption and the synthesis of the surviving traditions of the two Wangs and the brushwork of the Six Dynasties, through the creations of great calligraphers Chinese regular script began to enter a new, more improved, finer, and more standardized phase. The Four Great Calligraphers of the early Tang, Ouyang Xun, Yu Shinan, Chu Suiliang and Xue Ji, were the celebrities at the start of this climax. Through their own unique calligraphic creations, they each strove to create new

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compositional rules for calligraphy. They not only created the first batch of famous works of calligraphy marking the peak of calligraphy in the Tang Dynasty, but also left behind immortal rules of regular script for later generations. Ouyang Xun, courtesy name Xinben, was from Linxiang, Tan Prefecture (modern Changsha, Hunan). His ancestral home was originally in Qiancheng, by the Bohai Sea (north of modern Gaocheng, in southeastern Gaoqing County, Shandong). He was born in Guangzhou in the first year of the Yongding era of Emperor Wu of Chen (557). His father Ouyang He was punished for a crime, and the whole family had their property confiscated and were turned into jianmin. Only Ouyang Xun escaped, because he was hiding; at the time he was only 14 years old. He was adopted by his father’s friend, Jiang Zong, president of the Secretariat of the Chen Dynasty, where he was taught to serve as a secretary. He read the classics and histories and was peerless in intellect and understanding. After the Sui Dynasty started, he lived in Chang’an, where he served as an erudite of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, a selected official of seventh rank. At the time, although his fame as a writer was yet to begin, he was already famous in Chang’an for his skill at calligraphy. After the Tang Dynasty began, he was commanded by the emperor to participate in the writing of the Book of Chen. He led the writing of the one hundred scrolls of the massive work Yiwen Leiju, for the sons of the vassal princes to read, which became a work highly valued by later writers and anthologists. Later he also served as Director of the Court of the Watches under the Crown Prince and scholar of the Institute for the Advancement of Literature; he was granted the title of Baron of Bohai County and the third-rank prestige title Silver and Cerulean Glorious Grand Master. He was called »Director of the Watches Ouyang« and »Ouyang of Bohai.« He passed away in the fifteenth year of the Zhenguan era of Emperor Taizong of Tang (641) at the age of 84.

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Ouyang Xun was able to write in all calligraphy styles, but his regular script was especially fine; one could say he was the first calligrapher in the history of Chinese calligraphy to be famous for his regular script. He first studied Wang Xizhi’s regular script and was practically enchanted. Later he blended many styles, studying Northern inscriptions, also using the methods of Qin Dynasty seal script, Han Dynasty clerical script, inscriptions of Wei and Sui Dynasty calligraphy. It was precisely on this foundation that he produced the »rugged and powerful brushwork, bold and full of spirit, rapidly covering a long distance« of the »Ouyang style« of calligraphy, like »a snake startled in the grass, lightning flashing between the clouds.« He was named one of the four great masters of regular script in the history of Chinese calligraphy, along with Yan Zhenqing, Liu Songquan and Su Dongpo, and his work became a model of regular script studied afterward by later generations. Unfortunately, no copies have been passed down of his Flying White and zhangcao (章草, ›draft cursive‹), and his works in seal script are also extremely rare. Only relatively many of his regular and running-script works have been passed down. His extant works in regular script include Huadu Temple Stele (Huadusi bei 化度寺碑), Huangfu Birthday Stele (Huangfu dan bei 皇甫诞碑) and Jiucheng Palace Liquan Inscription (Jiucheng gong liquan ming 九成宫醴泉铭), and his runningscript works include Writings on History (Shishi tie 史事帖), Bushang Letter (Bushang tie 卜商帖) and Zhang Han Longs for Home (Zhang han silu tie 张翰思鲈帖). In all of them, one can see his characteristic severe and forceful use of the brush, the awe-inspiring vigor of his writing style, his rigorous character construction and his solemn rules. At the same time, not only did Ouyang Xun create calligraphy for his entire life without cease, with many extant works handed down, but he also wrote industriously, specializing in theories of calligraphy, and wrote quite a few famous

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works on the theory of calligraphy, such as The Eight Techniques, The Thirty-Six Methods, Discussion of Brush Technique (Yongbi lun 用笔论) and Imparting the Techniques (Chuanshou jue 传授 诀). The widely circulated »Thirty-Six Methods of Ouyang Xun« or »Thirty-Six Methods and Eight Techniques of Director of Watches Ouyang« were a fine study of characters overall. They summarized methods of character construction including distribution and structure of strokes; avoiding extremes and achieving proper balance; writing characters heavier on top; even distribution of intersecting strokes; creating a concave shape; straightening leaning characters; adding a curve at the end of a stroke; adapting the parts of characters to one another; filling in space; correctly writing the »cover« on top of a character; properly writing the last stroke of characters shaped like 令; binding the two sides of split characters together; speed in writing characters such as 风; filling and not leaving empty space inside characters; brushstrokes seeming connected even when disconnected; the top part of a character covering the bottom; »hanging« and »dragging« strokes; switching the parts of difficult characters; adding or subtracting strokes; strokes in characters with few strokes corresponding to and supporting each other; characters with a single vertical line supporting themselves; left and right sides facing and greeting one another; how to save and finish a character after a mistake; keeping parts of characters close together; encircling and wrapping; making the small parts big; powerful form for large and small characters; proper arrangement of large and small characters; problems such as the left side often being written too small and the right side too large; the left side too high and the right side too low; characters often being written too narrow; each character taking shape on its own and together; characters supporting one another in the overall structure of a composition; alignment of dian 点 dots, and finishing properly. Compared to Wang Xizhi’s »Eight Principles of Yong«

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and Song of Samadhi (Sanmei ge 三昧歌) and the Sui Dynasty monk Zhiyong’s Ode of the Perfection of the Mind, Ouyang’s work was clearly more profound, meticulous, systematic and rich. We could say his were the earliest, most systematic theories of character construction for calligraphy in the history of Chinese calligraphy, and they were also the earliest character construction theories among calligraphy theories to manifest the Tang Dynasty characteristics of »esteeming laws and setting up laws.« Below we will comment briefly on one of Ouyang’s representative works. The Jiucheng Palace Liquan Inscription is called Jiucheng Palace or Liquan Inscription for short. Ouyang Xun created it the year after the Huadu Temple Stele. It was carved in the sixth year of the Zhenguan era of the Tang Dynasty (632) and erected at Mount Tiantai, five li west of Linyou County, Shaanxi Province. Legend has it that when Emperor Taizong of Tang was spending the summer at Jiucheng Palace, there was a water shortage, so he hit the ground with a stick, dug, and created a spring; for this reason it was named Liquan (›sweet wine spring‹). Taizong was overjoyed and ordered Wei Zheng to write a composition and Ouyang Xun to write the calligraphy in cinnabar paint for the carving of a stele. The text consists of 24 lines in all, with 53 characters per full line, and is carved in regular script. The stele is 2.5 m tall and 1.2 m wide. Because rubbings have constantly been made from it over the years, it has become badly worn, and the original stele is now distorted and indecipherable. Many Song Dynasty rubbings have been passed down; there are still good Song Dynasty rubbings in Beijing and Shanghai, with the best being a Northern Song rubbing from the collection of Li Qi, imperial son-in-law, of the Ming Dynasty, now in the collection of the Palace Museum in Beijing (Fig. 5.7.6). Jiucheng Palace Liquan Inscription is a regular script stele of Ouyang Xun’s calligraphy with a famous reputation and wider circulation. It was been judged highly over the years, even more than

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5.7.6 Jiucheng Palace Liquan Inscription, Tang Dynasty, Ouyang Xun, rubbing in the collection of the Palace Museum

the Huadu Temple Stele. We should say that the Liquan Inscription is both a work of Ouyang Xun’s later years, when his life experience and calligraphy practice had both arrived at a place of deep and abundant familiarity, when he had perfected his calligraphy after a lifetime of practice, and it is also a work made on imperial order, a work built through painstaking effort and created with utmost care, not daring to slack even a little. It is both a great and outstanding work purposely manifesting the atmosphere of the Great Tang, created »in order to display auspiciousness,« and it is also a work of a lifetime of consciously »establishing laws« for calligraphy and that especially showed his lifetime of meticulous attention, a work that blended a hundred styles and the limits of established standards. This calligraphic stele has both a robust, rigorous, valiant and bold style, and also

a modest, exquisite, smooth and leisurely grace, forming a unique style that is severe and powerful without losing fullness and vigor, or grace. If we say that the Ouyang style is called the first among the regular script styles of the Tang Dynasty, then this stele should be honored as the first of Ouyang style calligraphy. It became one of the finest examples for an introduction to regular script for later generations. Yu Shinan was born in the second year of the Yongding era of Emperor Wu of Chen (558) and died in the twelfth year of the Zhenguan era of Emperor Taizong of Tang (638), at the age of 81. He was one year younger than Ouyang Xun and died three years earlier than him. Like Ouyang Xun, he lived through three different dynasties, the Chen, Sui and Tang. Although the ups and downs of their family lives and official careers

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were not the same, they worked together under the same dynasties for many years, and they were both famous for their calligraphy. They were both listed as among the Four Great Calligraphers of the early Tang, and were both famous for their regular script. Yu served as an official under the Chen and Sui dynasties, but because he was a solemn person, he was humble. While he was an official, he copied extracts from many books and compiled Book Excerpts from the Northern Hall (Beitang shuchao 北堂书钞), and he also compiled more than ten leishu encyclopedias, such as Mirror of Jades from Changzhou (Changzhou yujing 长洲玉镜), together with other literary scholars. These were widely circulated, making him a famous Confucian scholar of the period. When the Tang Dynasty was founded, culture and education grew greatly, and along with other able, virtuous and learned scholars such as Ouyang Xun and Chu Suiliang, Yu Shinan was selected as a scholar of the Institute for the Advancement of Literature, responsible for directing the art of calligraphy. Later he was moved to serve as drafting official and mentoring official for the Crown Prince, then transferred to the Directorate of the Palace Library. He was granted the title Duke of Yongxing and was called »Yu of Yongxing.« Yu Shinan came from the same town as Zhiyong and had studied calligraphy with him; for this reason, it was later widely said that he had obtained the »true tradition of Shanyin« (Shanyin was the location of the temple where Zhiyong was a monk). As explained before, Zhiyong carefully followed the methods of the two Wangs; therefore, Yu Shinan was actually the inheritor of the calligraphy traditions of the two Wangs. At the same time, Yu Shinan also absorbed the good qualities of the northern inscriptions; together, these laid a solid foundation in the basic skills of regular script. Add to this that he was learned and knowledgeable, and worked hard at the practice of calligraphy, and he finally fused southern and northern calligraphy styles into one, creating a new calligraphy style that was

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»soft on the outside and hard on the inside«—becoming a great calligrapher to rival Ouyang Xun among early Tang calligraphers. Many later calligraphers and treatises deemed him better than Ouyang Xun, and this makes a certain amount of sense. Because of this, not only did Emperor Taizong of Tang greatly appreciate and earnestly study Yu Shinan’s calligraphy, many later great regular script calligraphers also used the Yu style of »soft on the outside and hard on the inside,« as a model for their own studies. Chu Suiliang, Lu Jianzhi, Cai Xiang, Zhao Mengfu and Zhu Yunming all took in the characteristics of Yu Shinan’s calligraphy to varying extents. Few of Yu Shinan’s original works have been passed down; there are various copies, made for practice, of his works, such as Confucius Temple Stele (Kongzi miao tang bei 孔子庙堂碑), Epitaph for Princess Ru’nan (Ru’nan gongzhu muzhiming 汝南公主墓志铭), Preface to Discussion on Dispelling Evil (Poxie lun xu 破邪论序), Commentary on the Assembly of a Thousand (Qianrenzhai shu 千人斋疏), Stele for Place of the Way (Daochang bei 道场碑), Thousand Character Classic (Qianwen 千文), Heart Sutra (Xinjing 心经), Yellow Court Classic (Huangting jing 黄庭经) and Lanting Xu. However, his status and influence in the history of calligraphy is still fairly important, and profound. Especially the first three of the works listed above—as representative works of his calligraphy, they are all treasures such as are rarely seen in the history of calligraphy, with extremely high artistic value. In addition, Yu Shinan also wrote works on the theory of calligraphy, such as Discussion of the Essence of the Brush (Bisui lun 笔髓论), Relating the Aims of Calligraphy (Shuzhi shu 书旨述) and On Appreciation (Guanshang pian 观赏篇). Not only did he investigate the origins of Chinese characters and the evolution of their structure from a phylogenetic angle, but he also described, from the height of the study of calligraphy, the objectives, main points and purports of the art of calligraphy and the techniques of

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brushwork, character construction and pursuit of spirit and grace. In particular, he cleverly used the thinking of Laozi and Zhuangzi, »The Dao in its regular course does nothing [for the sake of doing it], and so there is nothing which it does not do,« in his aesthetic ideology of calligraphy. In this way, he both established rules for the aesthetic concepts of early Tang calligraphy, and also produced a concentrated manifestation of the deep dialectical thinking of Tang Dynasty calligraphers of not strictly adhering to rules. It should be said that Yu Shinan’s contributions to the aesthetics of calligraphy were also fairly prominent, worthy of a high level of attention and profound study. Yu Shinan’s representative works of calligraphy include the widely recognized Confucius Temple Stele and Preface to Discussion on Dispelling Evil; we will briefly comment on each of these below. The full name of the Confucius Temple Stele is Stele of the Confucius Temple (Kongzi miaotang zhi bei 孔子庙堂之碑); it is also called Fuzi miaotang bei (夫子庙堂碑, also meaning ›Confucius Temple Stele‹). It was erected in the ninth year of the Wude era of the Tang Dynasty (626); it is a regular script stele composed and written by Yu Shinan when he was sixty-nine years old. It tells of Emperor Gaozu of Tang giving titles to Confucius’s descendants and renovating the Confucius Temple in the ninth year of the Wude era. The original stele was destroyed, and did not survive to the present. Of rubbings of the original stele, only a single Tang Dynasty rubbing that was in the collection of Li Zonghan of the Qing Dynasty is extant. It is now in Japan, in the collection of the Mitsui family. There are two main new carvings of this stele that are extant today. The first is the carving of Wang Yanchao, of the Song Dynasty. Because it was carved in Shaanxi and kept in the Forest of Steles, in Xi’an, it is called the »Shaanxi edition« (Shanben 陕本) or the Western Temple Stele (Xi miaotang bei 西庙堂碑). It has a total of 34 rows of characters, with sixty-five characters per full line. This stele broke into three pieces

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during the earthquake of the thirty-fourth year of the Jiajing Emperor of Ming (1555). The second newly carved stele was carved during the Zhiyuan era (1264–1294) of the Yuan Dynasty in Chengwu, Shandong, and is known as the »Chengwu edition« (Chengwu ben 城武本) or the Eastern Temple Stele (Dong miaotang bei 东庙堂 碑). It has a total of 33 rows of characters. There is also a copy, the »Qufu edition« (Qufu ben 曲 阜本), carved by Weng Fanggang of the Qing Dynasty during the fifty-eighth year of the Qianlong Emperor (1793), as well as the »Jinjiang Academy edition« (Jinjiang shuyuan ben 锦江书院本) and »Haishan Xianguan edition« (Haishan xianguan ben 海山仙馆本). The Confucius Temple Stele is famous as »having the number one regular script of the Tang Dynasty.« According to Du Mu’s Gems of Golden Brushwork (Jinxie linlang 金薤琳琅), from the Ming Dynasty, when Yu Shinan presented this stele with his calligraphy to Emperor Taizong, Taizong specially bestowed upon him as a reward a copper medallion engraved with »General of the Right Army and Administrator of Kuaiji,« worn by Wang Xizhi in the Jin Dynasty. This suffices to show Taizong’s high estimation and praise of this stele. Upon carefully pondering the subtleties of the calligraphy of this stele, the brushwork is smooth and round yet robust, while also not showing any signs of effort. The character construction is upright yet graceful. Overall, this work achieved the pinnacle of the calligraphic aesthetic of hardness within softness, hardness and softness supporting each other, and »upright and peaceful« (Fig. 5.7.7). Preface to Discussion on Dispelling Evil is a work of small regular script from Yu Shinan’s later years; he both composed the text and did the calligraphy himself. The carving has been lost. There were a total of 36 lines of characters in the carving, with twenty characters per full line. The arrangement of brushstrokes and the white space between characters and lines is very unique. Together with the Confucius Temple Stele, these two works, one

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in large script and one in small, could be said to represent in concentrated form the perfection and divine work of Yu Shinan’s calligraphy. Many rubbings of Preface to Discussion on Dispelling Evil were collected over the years, such as the rubbing of the Shi family in Yuezhou, the rubbing of the Wen family in Changzhou, the Xiucan Pavilion edition, Yuyan Hall edition and Yuexue Building edition; of these, the rubbing of the Shi family in Yuezhou is the best. Chu Suiliang’s courtesy name was Dengshan. His ancestral home was in Yangzhai, Henan (modern Yuzhou, Henan), so people of the Tang

5.7.7 Confucius Temple Stele, Tang Dynasty, Yu Shinan, rubbings held by the Palace Museum and the collection of Mitsui Takakata (Sōken) in Japan

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Dynasty often called him »Master Chu of Yangzhai.« Chu Suiliang himself, however, was born in Chang’an in the sixteenth year of the Kaihuang era of Emperor Wen of Sui (596). He was heavily influenced by his father, Chu Liang, when he was a child. At the time, Chu Liang was a Confucian scholar ­famous throughout the empire and an experienced and famous founding statesman. Under the direct influence and teaching of such a learned and talented, experienced and renowned father, Chu Suiliang was extensively involved in literature, history and politics and got to know famous politicians, scholars and calligraphers of the era, such as Li Shimin, Wei Zheng, Ouyang Xun, Yu Shinan and Zhangsun Wuji. He received from them care, attention and guidance, receiving high-quality moral, scholarly and calligraphic training. He thus became a famous official of the early Tang who was upright and dared to give frank criticism, as well as a great calligrapher called »master of enlightenment of an era« by Liu Xizai. During the reign of Emperor Taizong, he served as Grand Master of Remonstrance, court diarist, vice president of the Chancellery, Silver and Cerulean Glorious Grand Master, nominal chamberlain of judicial review, and chancellor, and was highly valued and trusted by Taizong. After Emperor Gaozong succeeded to the throne, he served as president of the Board of Personnel, a head of the executive bureau, and counsellor. He was enfeoffed as Duke of Henan Commandery and was called »Chu of Henan.« Later, because he opposed the removal of Empress Wang and the elevation of Consort Wu (later Wu Zetian) as empress, remonstrating with the emperor at court, Gaozong expelled him from the palace. He was demoted repeatedly and finally died in grief and indignation in the third year of the Xianqing era (658), when he was 63 years old. Chu Suiliang’s calligraphy was influenced by Ouyang Xun, and Ouyang Xun also regarded it as important. In terms of Chu’s works, the upright and powerful aspects are rather similar to

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the Ouyang style. In Chu’s regular script, with its prominent vestiges of clerical script, we can clearly see the influence of carved steles from the Six Dynasties. His works are not as severe and thin and withered as Ouyang’s; his calligraphy is »graceful and gorgeous.« A certain »charm« is revealed with its vigor. This is obviously related to the fact that when he was young, he learned much from another of his father’s old friends, Yu Shinan. Therefore, if we savor his calligraphy, the robust yet elegant aspects are more similar to Yu’s calligraphy. This is because he studied more with Yu Shinan and was more influenced by him. At the time, Chu Suiliang was seen as the successor to Yu Shinan in calligraphy, and it would make a certain amount of sense to see his calligraphy as fine work learned from Yu Shinan, handed down in a direct line from the two Wangs. However, Chu Suiliang truly received the authentic tradition of the two Wangs later on, when he was revising ancient books, especially after he became court diarist in the thirteenth year of the Zhenguan era (639) and was responsible for proofreading, binding and layout of the four book depositories (classics, history, philosophy and belles-lettres) and religious texts. At the time, all were vying to present ancient books to the court. These »ancient books« also contained works by Wang Xizhi which were advocated by the Tang rulers and ministers, purchased and sought with large sums of money, and widely collected. Emperor Taizong ordered Chu Suiliang and others to »collectively proofread« these many and varied ancient books and works of calligraphy and judge whether they were genuine or fake. Chu Suiliang did not fail the mission; he carefully followed the emperor’s orders, working hard and efficiently. He »followed the example of Youjun [Wang Xizhi],« and finally, »when he put out the prepared works, not one was a mistake.« It was precisely during this process that Chu Suiliang truly received the quintessence of the two Wangs, and on that foundation created a new calligraphy

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style that was both different from Ouyang and Yu, and even more different from the carved steles of the Six Dynasties, and that prominently displayed an aesthetic appearance that was »graceful and gorgeous.« More accurately, the new calligraphy style of the Tang Dynasty began precisely from this new calligraphy style that Chu Suiliang so boldly created on his own. Chu Suiliang created many works of calligraphy throughout his lifetime. His widely circulated works include Epitaph for Daoist Priestess Meng (Meng fashi bei 孟法师碑), Stele for Buddhist Shrine at Mount Yique (Yique fokan bei 伊阙佛龛碑), Tomb Inscription for Taizong (Taizong aice 太宗哀册), Stele for Fang Xuanling (Fang xuanling bei 房玄龄碑), Preface to the Holy Teachings at Wild Goose Pagoda (Yanta shengjiao xu 雁塔圣教序), Preface to the Holy Teachings at Tongzhou (Tongzhou shengjiao xu 同州圣教序), Comments on the Biography of Ni Kuan (Ni kuan zan 倪宽赞), Old Tree Ode (Kushu fu 枯树赋), Yinfujing (阴符经, ›Hidden Talisman Classic‹), Classic of Salvation (Duren jing 度人经), Xishengjing (西升经, ›Scripture of Western Ascension‹), Thousand Character Classic (Qianziwen 千字文), Yellow Court Classic and Lanting Xu Copied by Chu Suiliang (Chu suiliang mo lanting xu 褚遂良摹兰亭 序). Epitaph for Daoist Priestess Meng can be said to be a representative work of his early period, and Preface to the Holy Teachings at Wild Goose Pagoda and Yinfujing are representative works of his later period. Preface to the Holy Teachings at Wild Goose Pagoda was so named because it is located outside the Giant Wild Goose Pagoda in Xi’an, Shaanxi. Because the Wild Goose Pagoda is located within the Ci’en Temple, the stele is also called Preface to the Holy Teachings at Ci’en Temple (Ci’ensi shengjiao xu 慈恩寺圣教序). The text tells of the monk Xuanzang of the Tang Dynasty going to India to obtain Buddhist scriptures; for this reason, the stele’s full name is Preface to the Holy Teachings of the Tripiṭaka of the Great Tang Dynasty (Datang

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sanzang shengjiao xu 大唐三藏圣教序). The stele is in two pieces. One piece consists of the Preface to the Holy Teachings of the Tripiṭaka of the Great Tang Dynasty, with the text composed by Emperor Taizong of Tang, erected in the eastern niche by the southern door of the lowest level of the Wild Goose Pagoda. Chu Suiliang wrote it in regular script. The text of the stele is 21 lines in total, with 42 characters per full line. The other piece is the Notes on the Holy Teachings of the Tripiṭaka Told by the Emperor of the Great Tang Dynasty (Datang huangdi shu sanzang shengjiao ji 大唐皇帝述三藏圣教记), whose text was composed by Li Zhi, Emperor Gaozong of Tang, when he was crown prince. It is located in the western niche by the door to the lowest level of the Wild Goose Pagoda. It was also written by Chu Suiliang in regular script, with the text going from left to right. Each full line is 40 characters. Both steles were written when Chu Suiliang was 58 years old, i.  e., in the fourth year of the Yonghui era of the Tang Dynasty (653); they are masterpieces of calligraphy of the kind created after a lifetime of practice, when he had entered his later years and his calligraphy had reached a completely mature stage. Their prominent characteristics are: first, to a large extent, they broke away from the influence of previous eras of calligraphy, changing the square and orderly, plain and old-fashioned style of previous eras to a vigorous yet beautiful and refined style; second, Chu’s brushwork became freer and more natural, plumper and more powerful, achieving a new artistic concept with the appearance of seeming to have no technique, yet technique, in all varieties, is apparent when one looks closer—it is completely different from the »rules and refinement« of Ouyang style and Yu style, becoming »his own method«; third, in this stele, the traces of studying and incorporating various different traditions as in the early years of Chu’s calligraphy were eliminated. He broke away from the lifeless and stiff manner of previous steles and reached a peak where his style

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included both square and round, where hard and soft supported one another—this is precisely the so-called »within the characters is raw gold; between the lines is smooth jade.« In summary, this stele started the new calligraphy style of the Tang Dynasty, different from the Jin and Sui dynasties, marking the maturity and achievement of Tang Dynasty regular script. Compared to Epitaph for Daoist Priestess Meng, this stele much better represents the prominent characteristics of Chu Suiliang’s calligraphy (Fig. 5.7.8). Xue Ji, courtesy name Sitong, was from Fenyin, Puzhou (southwest of modern Wanrong, Shanxi).

5.7.8 Preface to the Holy Teachings at Wild Goose Pagoda, Tang Dynasty, Chu Suiliang, rubbing in the collection of the Palace Museum

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He was born in the twenty-third year of the Zhenguan era of Emperor Taizong of Tang (649) and died in the second year of the Xiantian era of Xuanzong (713). He suffered many ups and down in his official career throughout his life, following basically the same career path as the other three masters. In particular, his life shared surprising similarities with the political fortunes of Chu Suiliang, who also had the most influence on Xue. Like Chu, Xue first had a period where he repeatedly held important offices and his highly-regarded official career went smoothly. Later, because he was implicated in planning a coup, he was ultimately removed from his post and forced to commit suicide in the Wannian County prison. Xue Ji’s becoming an important minister and becoming one of the Four Great Calligraphers of the early Tang along with Ouyang, Yu and Chu, was inextricably linked to the influence and education he received from his maternal grandfather, the famous prime minister of that generation, Zheng Wei, who was virtuous and prestigious and ruled properly. Xue Ji lived with his maternal grandfather Zheng Wei from the time he was a child and would have received education and influences in many areas. He not only worked at calligraphy and was famous for calligraphy throughout China, but also worked at poetry and prose and was famous for his writing; he also worked at painting, including figure painting, painting Buddhist images, paintings of birds and other animals, and of trees and stones. In particular, he was considered the top painter of cranes; as a result, he was also famous for painting. Of course, this being the Tang Dynasty, when calligraphy was especially valued, Xue Ji worked at calligraphy in particular, studying the calligraphy of Yu and Chu. He was a successor of Chu Suiliang in particular, and encouraged himself to determinedly study Chu’s calligraphy, largely obtaining the essence of Chu Suiliang. On this foundation, he then further developed Chu Suiliang’s calligraphy, ultimately creating unique works of calligraphy where the »brushstrokes are as slen-

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der as thread, and character construction is unobstructed« and adding a flower of unique and varied calligraphic art to the garden of Chinese calligraphy. His style presented an aesthetic form that was fresh and unusual, slender but powerful, robust but graceful, cold and severe. It gave a unique aesthetic impression, »like dawn weaving on a cold loom,« and for this reason was favored by some scholar-officials and high-ranking intellectuals. It is widely thought that Xue’s style was the origin of Emperor Huizong of Song’s Slender Gold style. We should say that the aesthetic charm, so unlike ordinary calligraphy styles, that he displayed was Xue Ji’s unique contribution to Chinese calligraphy. Not many of his works are in wide circulation. The most famous example is Stele for Chan Master Xinxing (Xinxing chanshi bei 信行禅师碑). Others include Inscription on the Back of the Stele in Praise of the Prince who Ascended to Heaven as an Immortal (Shengxian taizi bei beiyin timing 升仙 太子碑碑阴题名), Inscription for Lord Yaoming (Yaoming jun ming 杳冥君铭) and Stele for Luoyang County Magistrate Zheng Chang (Luoyang ling zheng chang bei 洛阳令郑敞碑). The steles have already been lost, and printed versions are also very rare. The full name of the Stele for Chan Master Xinxing is Stele for the Great Buddhist Friend Chan Master Xinxing of the Sui Dynasty Starting the Teachings (Sui dashan zhishi xinxing chanshi xingjiao zhi bei 隋大善知识信行禅师兴教之碑). The text of the stele tells of the senior monk, Chan Master Xinxing of the Sui Dynasty, spreading Buddhist teachings. Li Zhen, Prince of Yue, composed the text and Xue Ji did the calligraphy in regular script. The stele was erected in the second year of the Shenlong era of the Tang Dynasty (706), but it was lost long ago. Only a single edition, cut and mounted by He Shaoji of the Qing Dynasty, is in circulation. The end of the book is damaged; more than 1,800 characters remain. This edition includes the seal of the collector Jia Sidao of the Song Dynasty and

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later comments by Wang Duo, He Shaoji and Wu Rongguang of the Qing Dynasty. This single edition has been taken to Japan. In China, a collotype photocopy by the Cathay Art Union (Shenzhou guoguang she 神州国光社) and a collotype photocopy and lithographic edition by the Youzheng Press were published in the third year of the Xuantong era (1911). The calligraphy seems like iron strokes and silver hooks, with firmness visible in its slenderness, and strength contained within its softness and beauty. It manifests the aesthetic characteristics of Xue Ji’s calligraphy in the fullest and most concentrated form. He obviously drew on the vigor and forcefulness of northern inscriptions and the rugged strength of the Ouyang style from the past and blended in the hardness and softness of the Yu style and the grace and magnificence of the Chu style from more recent times, forming an artistic concept of calligraphy that, although not as beautiful and graceful as Yu’s or as refined as Chu’s, was still surpassingly fresh and unusual, slender but strong, displaying divine talent. The line of Du Fu’s poetry, »when fine calligraphy is slender but strong, this is divine talent,« is precisely in praise of this unique artistic concept of calligraphy created by Xue Ji (Fig. 5.7.9). It was precisely because of this that Xue Ji, with his own unique calligraphic creations, is listed as one of the Four Great Calligraphers of the early Tang, along with Ouyang, Yu and Chu. Not only did he make his own contributions to the development of Tang Dynasty regular script, directly influencing the calligraphy styles of later great calligraphers such as Liu Gongquan, but he also paved the way for the famous Slender Gold calligraphy style.

4. Other Important Calligraphers of the Early Tang There were still many other Early Tang calligraphers besides Li Shimin and the four masters Ouyang, Yu, Chu and Xue. The important ministers of the court at the time, such as Wei Zheng, Fang

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5.7.9 Stele for Chan Master Xinxing, Tang Dynasty, Xue Ji, stone lost, transmitted to collection in Japan and the Cathay Art Union in Shanghai

Xuanling, Feng Chengsu, Li Jing, Zhao Mu, Han Zheng and Zhuge Zhen, practically all were able to create calligraphy or worked at copying from models. As for the numerous common calligraphers, it is even harder to list them. Here we will concisely tell of several important calligraphers who also made original achievements or played a unique role in the development of calligraphy during the early Tang. Lu Jianzhi, from the Tang Dynasty Wu Commandery (modern Suzhou, Jiangsu), was the nephew of Yu Shinan. He served as Grand Master for Closing Court, advisor to the Crown Prince, and scholar of the Court Calligrapher in the Institute for Exaltation of Literature. The dates of his birth and death are unknown. During the time of Li Shimin,

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he was already a renowned calligrapher, listed as one of the »four sons« for his own unique calligraphy style that »appreciated the outstanding and adhered to principle.« He worked in regular and running script and was good at copying. Among the forest of calligraphers of the Tang Dynasty, his calligraphic achievements were judged by many as not below those of Ouyang, Yu, Chu and Xue, so he was listed in the grove of the masters. On the one hand, early on, Lu Jianzhi studied with his uncle Yu Shinan and closely followed the »two Wangs,« almost reaching the level where »not one stroke didn’t come from Youjun [Wang Xizhi],« and he made prominent achievements in carrying on the basic techniques of calligraphy from the Wei-Jin Period. On the other hand, on the foundation of studying with his uncle early on and later practicing the style of the two Wangs, he also made original creations that »changed and did not adhere to [the models], the structure coming together of itself,« like blue dye that comes from indigo but is bluer than indigo, »not something that every calligrapher could attain.« His style was simple and came together naturally when he put brush to paper, but also showed extraordinary and outstanding ability, thorough study of the essence of calligraphy, and exceptional spirit. In his afterword, Sun Chengze of the Qing Dynasty said of Lu’s calligraphy, »grace and method are both outstanding,« which is not an exaggeration. This is the basic reason why, even though few of Lu Jianzhi’s works circulated widely, he still occupied an important position on the calligraphy stage of the early Tang. The running-script letter Wen Fu (文赋, ›Essay on Literature‹) is the only genuine work of Lu Jianzhi’s in circulation. It is currently in the collection of the National Palace Museum in Taipei. The letter measures eight cun (about 10.5 ″) vertically and one zhang, one chi, one cun (a little over 12 ′) horizontally, with 144 columns and a total of 1,658 characters. At the start of the scroll are four characters written in seal script by Li Dongyang of the

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Ming Dynasty, »writing of the two Lus,« and four characters written in clerical script by Shen Du of the Ming Dynasty, »Lu Ji’s essay on literature, Lu Jianzhi’s calligraphy.« There are also collectors’ seals such as »Seal of Li Ti of Hedong, [known as] Shihong,« »True Recluse of Yuanjiao,« »Mountain Study Imitating the Jin,« »Qianlong,« »Jiaqing« and »Treasure of the Imperial Reader of the Xuantong Era.« Wen Fu is a famous work in the history of Chinese literary criticism, specifically discussing artistic conception, by Lu Ji, a renowned literary figure and calligrapher of the Western Jin Dynasty. Unfortunately, Lu Ji only left behind a general version of Wen Fu and not one in his own calligraphy. As a calligrapher, Lu Ji left behind a letter in cursive script, A Consoling Letter (Pingfu tie 平复帖), called a »treasure of a generation« by Dong Qichang, but for unknown reasons, his handwritten draft of Wen Fu has not remained. One cannot but say this is a pity for the history of calligraphy. The fortunate thing is that Lu Ji’s distant descendant Lu Jianzhi, full of reverence for his distant ancestor’s work, used running script to carefully write down this calligraphy letter, known to the world as »Essay on Literature of the two Lus.« Not only does this largely make up for the loss, but it also contributed to the history of Chinese calligraphy a treasure of calligraphy where the text and calligraphy are both outstanding. Upon appreciating the subtleties of this piece of calligraphic art, it is obvious that Lu Jianzhi to a great extent blended his veneration for his distant ancestor Lu Ji and his understanding of the profound meaning of Lu Ji’s writing with the rules he learned from his uncle Yu Shinan and the spirit and grace that he obtained from the two Wangs. Thus, his brushwork is gentle yet vigorous, his character construction is square and orderly yet has curving strokes, the arrangement of characters and white space is irregular yet charming, the spirit of the piece is thought-provoking but also exuberant, and the artistic concept is clear and confident but with hidden depths.

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5.7.10 Wen Fu, Tang Dynasty, Lu Jianzhi, in the collection of the National Palace Museum in Taipei

It fully displays the intrinsic marvelous dialectical method of the art of calligraphy, where emotion and reason are blended, form and spirit are united, mind and hand correspond, and method and grace exist together. With this piece, Lu Jianzhi reached the poinbt where mind and hand are both unobstructed and grace and method are both outstanding (Fig. 5.7.10). The slight blemish of this calligraphy is that the entire scroll is not uniform. In the preface at the beginning, Lu seems a bit overcautious. His running script is written very like regular script, revealing that he is copying the work of Wang Xizhi and Yu Shinan a little too obviously. Seeing as Lu Jianzhi was an early Tang calligrapher who was more renowned for carrying

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on traditions than for creating his own works, this is a natural expression of the characteristics and limitations of his calligraphy. Neither the old nor new Book of Tang contains a biography of Sun Guoting, so the details of his life are uncertain. Chen Zi’ang, a renowned poet and aesthetic theorist of the later part of the early Tang, wrote an epitaph for him, Epitaph for Lord Sun, Guard Command Administrator (Shuaifu lushi sun jun muzhiming 率府录事孙君墓志铭), as well as an obituary, Mourning Administrator Sun of the Guard Command (Ji shuaifu sun lushi wen 祭率府孙录事文). A few other works on the history of calligraphy also discuss him briefly. From these, we know something about him. We can approximately infer that he was born toward the end of the Zhenguan era of Emperor Taizong and died during the Chuigong era of Wu Zetian. He was a great calligrapher who lived during the latter part of the early Tang, who, although he had lofty ambitions, had a life of trouble and misfortune. Maybe it was because he was a »person of the Tang Dynasty who was not received [by the emperor]« that information about him is inconsistent, not only about his years of birth and death but also his name and ancestral home and even his representative work, Shu Pu (书谱, ›Treatise on Calligraphy‹). To briefly narrate his life: as a child, he valued filial piety and fraternal duty and did not have a chance to study literature. When he was older, he was able to pursue scholarly studies, but his official career did not go smoothly. Only when he was 37 or 38 did he become a minor official, the administrator of the helmet section of the Right Guard. Later, although he was transferred to supervising administrator of the guard command, this was just at the time of »the disaster of an evil son of a concubine« when »the son of a concubine in the southeast dared to plot and threw society into chaos.« Guo was likely informed on by someone and was soon dismissed from office. After a great deal of difficulty, when he was over

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40, he had a chance to meet the emperor, but he was again slandered by a crafty hanger-on. His moral character was conspicuously loyal and trustworthy, but he was unable to obtain the trust of the ruling dynasty; as a person, he was benevolent, righteous and hard-working, but others did not esteem him. Bad luck was constant, poverty was compounded by ill health; he was miserable throughout his life. He remained calm, however, paying no attention to honor or disgrace, with no interest in rank or wealth, wholeheartedly and meticulously studying calligraphy. He poured his energy into writing a book advancing his ideas and finally completed Shu Pu, this immortal masterpiece in the history of Chinese calligraphy. Regrettably, just as this outstanding calligrapher, whose virtue and skill were both exquisite and whose calligraphy and theories were both outstanding, had completely built his edifice of the study of calligraphy, Shu Pu, he suddenly »met with violence and died quickly at a guesthouse in the Zhiye Ward of Luoyang.« At the time he was in his fifties. Chen Zi’ang, who was not surprisingly the leader of innovation in early Tang poetry, unexpectedly and tearfully wrote both an epitaph and an obituary for him, exclaiming in grief: »Alas, the way of heaven! How can it be so unfair! Having heard of his death already, and not having been together, how could I not grieve his passing!« Sun Guoting worked in regular, running and cursive script; he especially worked at cursive script. His status and contributions in the history of Chinese calligraphy are primarily shown in the Shu Pu that he wrote, which is valuable for both its calligraphic art and its theories on calligraphy. It could be said that the text and calligraphy of Shu Pu are both beautiful; its calligraphy and theories are both outstanding. It is a marvel in the history of Chinese calligraphy. Shu Pu is doubly valuable for its calligraphic art and its theories on calligraphy. It is already widely held that its calligraphy and theories are both outstanding. Shu Pu is a long scroll, into which Sun

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Guoting concentrated more than forty years of meticulous care and energy, writing in »modern cursive.« It measures 0.272  m vertically and almost 9 m horizontally. It has 351 columns with a total of more than 3,600 characters, and is an original work on paper. It is currently in the collection of the National Palace Museum in Taipei (Fig. 5.7.11). Closely observing Guoting’s work, his brushwork drifts gracefully vertically and horizontally while also curving freely; his character construction is tilted and varied while also bending and stretching in a regular and measured way; his composition alternates between sparse and dense, but the underlying pattern is clear; and his style flows beautifully and floats gracefully yet is also steady and robust. The entire scroll of more than 3,600 characters draws one along uninterrupted, flowing smoothly the whole way. Sun Guoting can be called an outstanding talent of cursive calligraphy of the early Tang and the first subtle wrist of the Tang Dynasty. This ingenious piece of calligraphic art clearly takes the Jin Dynasty methods as a model, coming from the two Wangs, while also profoundly taking in the spirit of Lu Ji’s A Consoling Letter; it is a masterpiece that is »a completed piece of writing without changing the methods of the Shanyin school.« Admittedly, Sun was using the two Wangs as his model and carefully following the Jin methods while also deeply taking in the spirit and grace of the two Wangs and the style and structure of the Jin methods, but he was not simply imitating or copying. In actuality, on the foundation of carrying on and absorbing the style and structure, spirit and grace of the two Wangs and the Jin methods, he carried on his own original calligraphic exploration and creations. Indeed, Sun Guoting’s study of the methods of the two Wangs was not completed in one stroke, but rather was a process of continuous study and appreciation of subtleties, constant scooping up and refining. This process actually also included a dialectical course of gradual improvement, from simple imitation

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5.7.11 Shu Pu, Tang Dynasty, Sun Guoting, paper original in the collection of the National Palace Museum in Taipei

to extracting the essence, from having the marks of full-on imitation to not revealing any traces of it, from mainly carrying on traditions to creation on the basis of carrying on traditions. Thus, even with a piece like Shu Pu, a mature work not completed until Sun Guoting was over 40, when we spread out and read this magnificent scroll step by step, we can also deeply perceive and touch the clear trajectory of this dialectical course of gradual improvement. That is to say that Sun Guoting’s Shu Pu itself, from the beginning to the middle to the end, with great charm, consciously or unconsciously, in a concentrated but dynamic way, displays his dialectical course of improvement. From carefully following the rules of the two Wangs and copying and studying, not without some awkwardness, the methods of the two Wangs at the beginning, he moves to a gradual opening of the mind and spirit, changing from having a method to no method, and gradu-

ally entering the enjoyable stage. Finally, he enters the highest state, where mind and hand are both unobstructed, his calligraphy is perfected after a lifetime of study, he makes his own creations, and his style is natural and unaffected. If we read Shu Pu closely, »repeatedly examining its structure and methods,« what appears before our eyes is a complete book of calligraphy where »the cursive calligraphy is like lines, and the forest of art actually carries their effort.« It is a calligraphic creation and psychological book that is »spacious and empty but also complete and dense; its spirit and vigor are surpassing indeed.« Sun dynamically yet comprehensively presented and showed the psychological process of calligraphic creation, from carefully following rules and treading cautiously, to gradually entering the enjoyable stage as the mind and spirit open up, to reaching the highest realm, where mind and hand are both unobstructed. It is a vivid depiction of the psycho-

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logical process of creation, dynamically unfolding before our eyes. It undoubtedly has extremely precious inspiring and guiding significance not only for the creation of calligraphy but for creation in any art form. Then there is the theoretical value of Shu Pu. It could be called a masterpiece of the theory of calligraphy in the history of Chinese calligraphy. Although the entire work only has about 3,600 characters, it still includes important content such as the ontology of calligraphy and theories of its origin and development, creation, calligraphers, calligraphic scripts, calligraphic styles, and appreciation and criticism. It presents a series of viewpoints on the study of calligraphy and aesthetic topics that are both new and original, and also deep and insightful. Sun was the calligraphy theorist who most clearly in the history of Chinese calligraphy asserted that calligraphy should »reach one’s internal feelings, and give form to their sorrow and joy,« that is, express subjective aesthetic feelings. At the same time, he did not deny the significance of objective conditions in the creation of calligraphy. As a result, he proposed the theory of the »five unions and five contradictions,« actually emphasizing the extreme importance of the combination of subjective and objective factors in the creation of calligraphy. In summary, Shu Pu established a relatively complete system of the aesthetics of calligraphy which could be called both broad and deep, from the ontology of calligraphy at the macro level to character construction, brush technique and composition at the micro level, from the basic concepts and psychological process of creation of calligraphy to specific calligraphy techniques. Sun Guoting thus erected a masterful immortal monument of aesthetics in the history of Chinese calligraphy. Li Yong, courtesy name Taihe, was born in the second year of the Shangyuan era of Emperor Gaozong (675), and died in the sixth year of the Tianbao era of Emperor Xuanzong (747). His an-

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cestral home was Jiangxia (modern Wuchang, Hubei), but his ancestors had already moved to Jiangdu, Guangling; for this reason the histories also often say he was from Jiangdu, Guangling (modern Yangzhou, Jiangsu). Because he once served as governor of Beihai, he was called »Li of Beihai.« And because of his outstanding achievements in calligraphy, the contemporary calligrapher Li Yangyong esteemed him as »an immortal artist in calligraphy.« His father Li Shan was a renowned scholar of the time; he annotated the sixty scrolls of Wen Xuan (文选, ›Selections of Refined Literature‹), for which he is still famous today. Li Yong was educated from boyhood by his father, and he became very familiar with the ancient classics of Wen Xuan and studied and practiced essays and brushwork. His talent was also recognized and recommended by famous literary master and leading literary scholar Li Jiao. He thus read extensively, his scholarly knowledge saw great progress, and he embarked on an official career, becoming a great literary figure and calligrapher known throughout the empire and a famous minister who dared to give frank criticism. Li Yong was a person who was not afraid of power, and was upright and plainspoken, with a stubborn personality and heroic spirit, like Gan Jiang and Mo Ye. He dared to strive for the world and was uniformly respected at court and among the commoners. Because of this, he was also hated by powerful treacherous ministers, was frequently persecuted, was demoted multiple times in succession, and was repeatedly accused of crimes, even being sentenced to death. It was also precisely because of the reasons listed above that Li Yong’s essays, brushwork, honesty and righteousness, eloquence, loyalty, and surpassing ability and wisdom were widely recognized by people of the time as his »6 virtues.« He was deeply hated by the evil minister Li Linfu, who long plotted to harm him. In the sixth year of the Tianbao era (747), Li Linfu finally found an excuse to sentence him to death. Li Yong was then beaten to death

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with a stick in prison when he was seventy-three years old. Li Yong’s calligraphy had a powerful and exceptionally elegant air. He was skilled at xingkai (行 楷), a style between regular and running script, slightly more flowing than regular script. He took the two Wangs« as his teachers, but he also broke away from them. His brushstrokes were completely new, forming running-script art with his own unique aesthetic personality. Its imposing and powerful unique aesthetic characteristics, a rushing torrent of newness, were extremely prominent. Actually, at the same time as regular script was changing and becoming new during the early Tang, Li Yong also opened a new chapter of running-script art in the history of Chinese calligraphy, having a profound influence on the development of the running-script art of later generations. It could be said that there were calligraphers in every subsequent generation who fancied, studied and esteemed Li Yong. Moreover, he was tremendously popular throughout later periods. Although his calligraphy was unusual, he had a good reputation with all, affirming the high artistic achievement of Li Yong’s calligraphy from different angles. Li Yong himself once said, »those who are like me are common, those who study me are dead.« In this way, he actually consciously expressed, from a subjective point of view, the unique artistic achievement and unreproducible unique aesthetic personality attained by his calligraphy. Li Yong was extremely productive throughout his life; he not only worked hard at calligraphy, but also made carvings himself. It is said he »wrote eight hundred steles.« However, there are not even twenty authentic works of calligraphy truly handed down and fairly reliably attributable to him. Among those that are extant, Stele for Li Sishun (Li sishun bei 李思训碑) and Lushan Temple Stele (Lushansi bei 麓山寺碑) could be called his representative works. The former is a self-satisfied work from the year when Li Yong turned

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forty-three, with vigorous brushwork and full of energy. He composed the text himself and wrote it in running script. It is a good representation of his early calligraphic style, and is also a famous stele reflecting the new running script style of the early Tang. Lushan Temple Stele is also called Yuelu Temple Stele (Yuelu si bei 岳麓寺碑). On the back are four characters in two lines, the title in seal script: »Lushan Temple Stele.« The title on the front of the stele reads, »Composed and written by Li Yong, former governor of Chenzhou. Eighteenth year of the Kaiyuan era of the Great Tang, the year gengwu [庚午], the first day of the ninth month, Renzi [壬子]. Erected on the eleventh day, the fifty-­ninth day in the sexagonal cycle. Carved by the Crane of Huangshan in Jiangxia.« This shows that this stele was a work of »determined effort,« for which Li Yong himself composed the text, did the calligraphy and carved the stele, in the eighteenth year of the Kaiyuan era (730)—which would have been right in the middle of his repeated demotions, this time from being governor of Chenzhou. At the time, Li Yong was 56 years old. His heroic spirit and manner had not diminished, but an efficiency and strangeness had also been added. His calligraphy had already entered the realm of complete maturity; therefore, this stele can be called a representative work from when Li Yong’s calligraphy had arrived at its pure essence and maturity. Compared to Stele for Li Sishun, in addition to strength and power, a deep wisdom was also added in this stele; within its haughty straightness and towering characters, a flowing and natural spirit is revealed, the so-called stability and density hidden within fluidity, artlessness visible within the wisdom of experience. It should be said that, in this stele, Li Yong’s new calligraphy style, originating from the two Wangs but also completely different from them, which he established in Stele for Li Sishun, has progressed greatly. This stele now remains in Yuelu Park in

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Changsha, Hunan. The stele is one zhang, seven cun, eight fen (almost 12 ′) high and five chi, three cun, eight fen (almost 6 ′) wide. The text consists of 28 lines of xingkai, with 56 characters per full line. Although the calligraphy is long-since damaged, its grandeur remains. Because of his towering characters, generations of calligraphers called them »like elephants,« and because of the soaring

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strokes, some called them »like mighty eagles.« Thus, from the perspective that Li Yong’s »power with the brush was completely new,« he was like a sparrow heralding the arrival of spring, foretelling the full flourishing of calligraphy during the High Tang. Sparrows herald the arrival of spring: the springtime of the full flourishing of calligraphy during the high and mid Tang was coming!

CHAPTER VIII  THE ART OF CALLIGRAPHY IN THE HIGH, MIDDLE, AND LATE TANG We can say that Sui and early Tang calligraphy, in its dialectical process of continuing and developing tradition, in general retrospectively carried on the traditions of the Wei-Jin Period while opening into the new situation of the High Tang. In that case, the calligraphy of the high and mid Tang had already entered a period where updating was the main focus. The methods of calligraphy, centered on regular and cursive script, had already been fully established, and Chinese calligraphy was in the historical phase of full maturity and high flourishing. During this historical phase, not only did a large group of calligraphers emerge that manifested the atmosphere of the High Tang with outstanding artistic achievements, with Zhang Xu, Yan Zhenqing and Huaisu as outstanding examples who created a large number of extensive, magnificent and unusual calligraphic works; but also, regular, cursive, seal, clerical and running-script styles all saw development and creation, presenting a new style of that was different from the Wei-Jin period. These styles displayed the vigorous and magnificent, numerous and also beautiful aesthetic appearance of high and mid Tang calligraphy, marking this a great period in the history of Chinese calligraphy, with charm that would endure. Late Tang calligraphy began to turn in the direction of a confident and easy manner, with eclectic and exquisite appearance. But it also saw some new development and transmutation, and the great calligrapher Liu Gongquan as well as some others with their own special characteristics appeared. According to the divisions made by historians, the high, mid, and late periods roughly cover the seventy-nine years from the first year of the Tianbao era of Emperor Xuanzong (742) to the

fifteenth year of the Yuanhe era of Emperor Xianzong (820) and, in the latter part of the Tang, the 87 years from the first year of the Changqing era of Emperor Muzong (821) to the fourth year of the Tianyou era of Emperor Ai (907).

Section 1  The Full Prosperity of the Art of Calligraphy in the High and Middle Tang 1. The »Thriving Atmosphere of the High Tang« and the Art of Calligraphy After the Sui and Tang dynasties unified China, and especially from the high and mid Tang on, China’s territory was unprecedentedly vast, the country was highly unified, its economy was comprehensively flourishing, its government was extremely honest and enlightened, and thinking and culture were open, to a large extent, seeing development. Particularly through systems and pathways such as the imperial civil service exam, the state employed a large number of new people, which caused those who represented the political power of the new commoner landowners to take the social and political stage in large numbers. They also became central figures in culture and arts. Some commoners even participated in society and government, and culture and arts, on an unprecedented scale. Therefore, the entire society manifested what are historically called the »reign of Zhenguan« and the »prosperity of Kaiyuan.« Whether economically, politically, philosophically, culturally, or in literature and arts, every as-

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pect of society presented the actively advancing, flourishing and thriving, broad and extensive, prospering and developing »thriving atmosphere of the High Tang.« This »thriving atmosphere of the High Tang« is reflected in calligraphic art, and it formed a vigorous and broad, graceful and luxurious calligraphic style specific to the high and mid Tang, and different from the WeiJin calligraphic style, with Yan Zhenqing, Zhang Xu and Huaisu as representative artists. In particular, the main body of calligraphers to a large extent changed from upper-class accomplished aristocratic families of the Wei-Jin period, who esteemed qingtan (清谈, conversations and debates on metaphysics and philosophy) and xuanxue (玄学, a metaphysical philosophy combining Daoism and Confucianism), to commoner landowning literati and politicians who harbored lofty ideals and a feeling of political responsibility. It even came to include masses of commoner calligraphers and folk calligraphers—so the calligraphic style naturally also became unconventional, impressive and extremely beautiful. Among these artists, Yan Zhenqing’s simple, majestic and elegant regular script and Zhang Xu and Huaisu’s bold and free cursive were two extremes, from a static peak as stable as Mount Tai, to the pinnacle of dynamism, rushing like a long river. They expressed the extraordinary atmosphere of high and mid Tang calligraphy with the highest level of skill and also great insight. Meanwhile, the many other calligraphers, works of calligraphy and calligraphic styles of the period which existed between these two extremes obviously also manifested the overall style of high and mid Tang calligraphy from different angles, through their own unique artistic personalities, to varying extents and in varied styles. These included the calligraphy style of Li Bai, said to have »achieved the method of no method«; the calligraphy style of He Zhizhang, famous for being »wanton and unrestrained, unconventional but talented«; the calligraphy style of Xu Hao, whose vigor the »Bi-

ography of Xu Hao« in the New Book of Tang records as »an enraged beast scratching a stone, a thirsty horse rushing to a spring«; and even the calligraphy style of Emperor Xuanzong of Tang, Li Longji, whose style »valued a full figure.« The overall calligraphic style of the high and mid Tang was actually an artistic manifestation of the enthusiastic and energetic spirit of the times. It was a concentrated reflection of the magnificent, grand and unusual aesthetics and orientation of society, and it was also the result of a generation of exceptionally gifted calligraphers of the Tang Dynasty changing methods and innovating, »reaching their internal feelings, and giving form to their sorrow and joy« to create outstanding works of art. In more basic terms, it was inextricably tied to and corresponded to the aesthetic requirements of the masses for art, including calligraphy. Although the famous calligraphers of the period did not come from the commoner social class, nor did they necessarily consciously reflect the aesthetic requirements of commons through their own works, their calligraphic creations were obviously affected by the tide of the times—that had already begun among the common people and the masses of lower-class intellectuals and was affecting the transformation of calligraphy. This tide of transformation in calligraphy targeted the aristocratic, graceful and charming calligraphy that had formed since the Wei-Jin period. Although the change had already begun back when the Sui and Tang were founded, it was after China entered the high and mid Tang that it formed a tide of exploration and transformation with a fairly broad popular base. It is said that the number of folk calligraphers during the Tang Dynasty had never been seen before. Wen Yiduo called the Tang Dynasty the »era of poetry« because of the flourishing of Tang poetry; with the abundance of calligraphy during the Tang, we could also call it the »era of calligraphy.« However, because the requirements and orientation of this transformation in calligraphy

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did not concord with Sui and Tang rulers’ continued support and advocacy of the old style of the two Jins, this new calligraphy was disparaged as »common calligraphy.« But because this transformation fit with the requirements of the times and of the transformation of calligraphy, it naturally became an unstoppable fashion of the time with great vitality and influence, creating new calligraphic art and transforming the old. It was also unavoidable that it would influence the calligraphic creations and artistic atmosphere of all accomplished calligraphers. Actually, the calligraphy and styles of Yan, Zhang and Huaisu consciously or unconsciously absorbed, expressed and improved upon the artistic achievements of folk calligraphers. Precisely because of this, Tang Dynasty calligraphy, especially the calligraphy and styles of some high and mid Tang calligraphers, received criticism from calligraphers with orthodox conceptions of calligraphy. This also shows that Tang Dynasty calligraphers and styles had adapted to the aesthetic requirements of the time and of the masses, and had already created new calligraphic art and styles with a tendency toward the common people, completely different from the old tradition and style of the aristocratic calligraphy of the Wei-Jin period.

2. Full Transformation with the Regular Script Becoming Dominant The process of transformation of Chinese calligraphy from the Three Kingdoms, Jin and Southern and Northern Dynasties to the Sui and Tang Period continued through the thirty-eight years of the Sui Dynasty and the more than 120 years of the early Tang—more than 150 years in all, until it could finally be considered to have come to fruition in the high and mid Tang period in the latter part of the Kaiyuan era of Emperor Xuanzong. The nature of this process was a profound transformation of Chinese calligraphy and of wholly changing its methods. If we say that the early Tang was only the early phase of this process, then it

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would only be in the high and mid Tang that we arrive at the phase of the full realization of this process. Indeed, many great calligraphers of the early Tang performed arduous and outstanding explorations into the transformation of calligraphy and the establishment of methods, especially of regular script, but overall they were unable to fully achieve fundamental change. Only when we reach the high and mid Tang do some great calligraphers—as represented by Yan Zhenqing, Zhang Xu and Huaisu—open up a new situation in the art of calligraphy. Of course, during this process of changing and establishing methods, although all styles changed, it was mainly for regular script. The calligraphic achievements of the three hundred years of the Tang Dynasty were primarily achievements in regular script—which was also the main form of Tang Dynasty calligraphy. It is the foundation of other calligraphic styles, and is also the foundation for changing and establishing the methods of other calligraphy styles. In fact, the new aesthetic rules established through regular script by the calligraphers of the high and mid Tang, as represented by Yan Zhenqing, had widespread guiding significance for the changing and establishing of methods for all the other styles. Yan Zhenqing not only created »Yan style« regular script, marking a new milestone in regular script, but also created Yan style running-cursive script, the second peak of running cursive script after the two Wangs. Zhang Xu’s cursive script had already reached the ultimate realm of transformation. He created the unprecedented, never-before-seen wild cursive style, and this is inextricably tied to the prerequisite of him having a deep foundation in regular script and having previously created fine works of regular script that drew on a wide range of the numerous and beautiful regular script works of the early Tang. Therefore, the changing of methods in the calligraphy of the high and mid Tang can be summarized as: regular script was the main form, and was completely transformed.

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To be specific, the changing and establishment of methods for the art of calligraphy in the high and mid Tang, with Yan Zhenqing as a representative artist, was a comprehensive but also fundamental transformation process. It included changing and establishing methods for writing calligraphy at the technical level, covering brush technique, character construction, overall composition and so on; it also included changing and establishing methods at the level of the aesthetic concepts and principles that rationally refined the aesthetic rules and requirements for the writing methods. It was a process that opened up and established a new situation, where regular script was the main form and could be completely transformed. In terms of brush technique, the role of wrist movement was greatly strengthened, creating a new brush technique different from the calligraphy of the Six Dynasties. In terms of character construction, its beauty in high and mid Tang calligraphy had already reached the height of »method without method« and being varied yet uniform. In terms of overall composition, most high and mid Tang calligraphers broke through the standards that had been in place since the Six Dynasties. In terms of artistic and aesthetic concepts, calligraphers opened up a new area in Chinese calligraphy with their unconventional and majestic atmosphere, and powerful and magnificent concepts. Just as the Qing Dynasty poet and calligrapher Wang Wenzhi praised, in Kuaiyu Hall Preface and Postscript (Kuaiyutang tiba 快雨堂题跋): »Once I heard of a whale flashing past in the jade ocean, its boundless supernatural power moving the great void. The lesser qi [气], then and now, are the three legs of the tripod: Du Fu’s poetry, Han Yu’s essays and Yan Zhenqing’s calligraphy.« This shows that, like Du Fu’s poetry, Han Yu’s essays and Wu Daozi’s paintings, the deep and magnificent atmosphere and concepts of high and mid Tang calligraphy, as represented by Yan Zhenqing’s work, reflected the grand and magnificent spirit of the times and aesthetic ideals of the Tang

Dynasty. They are a visual record of Chinese calligraphy climbing to a new historical height and aesthetic peak.

3. A Galaxy of Talents and Generations of Masters The calligraphers of the high and mid Tang were as numerous as the sparkling stars, impossible to count. If we further consider folk calligraphers, they were vast as the Milky Way, boundless as the ocean. Here we will briefly introduce a few calligraphers other than the superstars, who were nevertheless quite famous. He Zhizhang was a renowned poet and calligrapher of the high and mid Tang. He was born in the fourth year of the Xianqing era of Emperor Gaozong (659) and died in the third year of the Tianbao era of Emperor Xuanzong (744). His courtesy names were Jizhen and Weimo, and he also used the assumed name Stone Window. He was from Yongxing, Yuezhou (modern Xiaoshan, Hangzhou, Zhejiang). Although he held an official position, he did not consider his official career important. He could look on from gle, detached from worldly affairs; he had a broad-minded and individualistic philosophy, an otherworldly attitude toward life and outstanding calligraphic talent. In his later years, he unexpectedly retired and returned home on foot, where he called himself the Libertine of Siming and Outer Supervisor of Secretaries. Rhapsody on Calligraphy (Shushu fu 述 书赋) praises him as »wanton and unrestrained, unconventional but talented,« which truly is a great reflection of his individual philosophy, his attitude toward life and the characteristics of his calligraphy. He mainly worked in cursive script, creating many works. Unfortunately, only one original work of cursive script, the Classic of Filial Piety, has survived to this day. The paper original of Classic of Filial Piety had a total of 32 lines and 417 characters. During the Xuanhe era of the Song Dynasty, the imperial repository still had two rubbings of it; one of these

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was taken to Japan during Japan’s Heian Period and is currently kept at the Tokyo Imperial Palace. In China there are now only photocopies. Just like Sun Guoting’s Shu Pu, the Classic of Filial Piety is both modeled after the rules and style of the two Wangs and is also an outstanding work of cursive script, the first sprouts of a new style of calligraphy. Overall, although some brushwork in the style of zhangcao is visible, the piece is basically in »modern« cursive. However, it also shows hints of the brush style of wild cursive. Especially in the second half, the movement of the brush speeds up, winding like a silk thread, the strokes connected. It is less restrained than Shu Pu and also closer to the style of wild cursive. If we say that the two Wangs were the chief leaders of the development of Chinese cursive calligraphy from zhangcao to modern cursive, then Zhang Xu and Huaisu are the main creators and the ones who tied together the development from modern cursive to wild cursive; Sun Guoting and He Zhizhang occupied the transitional position between the two Wangs and Zhang Xu. To put it a little more precisely, He Zhizhang was a transitional link between Sun Guoting and Zhang Xu, while Classic of Filial Piety could be said to be an intermediary work in Tang cursive calligraphy between modern cursive and wild cursive. Li Bai’s (701–762) courtesy name was Taibai, and he called himself Hermit of Green Lotus. According to the old and new Book of Tang and other historical materials, his ancestral home was Chengji, Longxi (southwest of modern Jingning, Gansu). Information about his birthplace is lacking, so it is difficult to pinpoint; some say he was born in the Western Regions, some say in Shu, some say in Chang’an. In any case, from his ancestral home to exile, from being a guest to roaming around, from having a regular residence to living in seclusion, Li Bai and his family left footprints across a large part of China, from the Central Plains to the Western Regions, from the northwest to the southeast. He deeply and broadly took in the spirit of

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the land, the rivers and mountains. Moreover, he was able to take the best points of Confucianism, Daoism, Buddhism and even the ethos of warrior folk heroes and the philosophy of the School of Diplomacy and meld them into one. He thereby laid a deep individual ideological foundation for tenaciously expressing himself and reflecting the high-spirited and progressive golden age of the Tang. Li Bai was the great romantic poet of the Tang Dynasty, famous at home and abroad, influential in ancient times and today. At the same time, he was also a calligrapher of running-cursive script who studied with Zhang Xu, who was able to depict the atmosphere of the Tang Dynasty and whose skills were quite deep. But because few of his calligraphic works circulated widely, and his fame as a calligrapher was mostly eclipsed by his fame as a poet, later generations rarely discussed his calligraphic achievements and their characteristics. Actually, Li Bai fully carried on early Tang poet Chen Zi’ang’s viewpoint on reforming literature and the arts. He despised the overly beautified style of the Chen and Liang dynasties, advocated poetic traditions, revered nature and opposed ornamentation and formed a bold, unrestrained and graceful artistic style. His poems and calligraphy both fully manifest the characteristics of this style. Ascent to Yangtai Temple (Shang yangtai tie 上阳台帖), in running script, is the only surviving original piece of Li Bai’s calligraphy. In 1958, the great collector Zhang Boju gave it to Mao Zedong, and it was later transferred to the collection of the Palace Museum in Beijing. Although the entire work is only five lines and twenty-five characters, its manner is grand and imposing, and its brushstrokes gracefully float. It displays Li Bai’s typical artistic style and his calligraphic skill, which had entered the realm of ultimate transformation. Appreciating the entire work, it seems to be made on a whim, written freely and naturally, the brushstrokes crisscrossing and made at will, without the slightest sense of following a straight line. Considering it closer, one further feels that the

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whole work, from the arrangement of characters and white space and the character construction to the brush technique and strokes, in every place transcends straight lines while also conforming to straight lines. There is a deep feeling of »method without method«; it could be called a divine work of running script. At the start of the scroll, the Qianlong Emperor of Qing, Hongli, inscribed a header, »Transcendent Brushwork of Green Lotus,« and Emperor Huizong of Song inscribed seven characters in Slender Gold style, »Ascent to Yangtai Temple by Li Taibai of Tang.« At the end of the scroll are afterwords by Zhao Ji (Emperor Huizong) and many others. Photocopies of the original are in circulation (Fig. 5.8.1). Xu Hao (703–782), courtesy name Jihai, was from Yuezhou (the area of modern Shaoxing, Zhejiang). He attained the post of junior preceptor of the Crown Prince. He was a contemporary of Yan Zhenqing, and was a famous calligrapher, such that they were referred to as »Yan and Xu.« It was said of his father, Xu Jiaozhi, »[his] regular script reached a marvelous level, and [his] running script showed ability, bold yet lovely with the methods of regular script.« It was precisely under the direct guidance and teaching of his father, this outstanding calligrapher, that Xu Hao meticulously studied calligraphy and became recognized as an outstanding calligrapher. His surviving works include Certificate for Zhu Juchuan (Zhu juchuan gaoshen 朱巨川告身) and steles Commemorative Stele for the Monk Bukong (Bukong heshang bei 不空和尚碑) and Stele Commemorating Buddhist Zen Master Dazhi (Dazhi chanshi bei 大智禅师碑). Although a little lacking in natural charm, the characters are plump, round and vigorous, and the brushwork is finely honed. His works rather resemble Yan Zhenqing’s style and can still be considered representative calligraphic works of the high and mid Tang. Another calligrapher of the time was Liang Shengqing. Continuation of Reviews of Calligraphy (Xu shuping 续书评) by Tang Dynasty writer Lü

Zong listed him as the foremost of the five Tang calligraphers most accomplished in the bafen (八分) style, saying his calligraphy was like »startled geese flying about, boulders rolling back and forth.« This suffices to show the extraordinarily imposing manner of his calligraphy, displaying the broad-minded atmosphere of high and mid Tang calligraphy. His widely circulated works include Stele for Imperial Audience After the Emperor’s Sacrifices to Heaven and Earth (Dongfeng chaojin bei 东封朝觐碑) and Stele for Monastery Near the Imperial Censorate (Yushitai jingshe bei 御史台精舍碑). Han Zemu, Shi Weize, Li Chao and Cai Youlin were four other calligraphers who lived during the period and were mainly famous for bafen calligraphy. Han Zemu was the uncle of the great Tang literary figure Han Yu. His took Cai Yong as his teacher in calligraphy, and he was praised as a »revival of Bojie [Cai Yong].« From his representative and widely circulated work Reading for Xiyue Temple at Mount Hua (Gao hua yue wen 告华岳文, also called Stele of Reading for Sacrifice to the Deities at Xiyue Temple, Ji xiyue shen gaowen bei 祭西 岳神告文碑), we can faintly feel the dignified and steady atmosphere of the Tang. Shi Weize was the son of the then Grand Master of Remonstrance Shi Bai, also a calligrapher who was good at Flying White style. Shi Weize was a calligrapher who could solemnly carry on his father’s work, relying on Han and pre-Han seal script (zhou 籀), blending ancient and modern and adapting to changes, with a lofty vision and exquisite work. Appreciating his representative work Stele Commemorating Buddhist Zen Master Dazhi (Dazhi chanshi bei 大智禅师碑, full title Inscription and Preface of Great Tang Stele Commemorating Zen Master Dazhi of Old, Datang gu dazhi chanshi bei ming bing xu 大唐故大智禅 师碑铭并序, now kept in the Forest of Steles in Xi’an) it is dignified and lovely, plump and vigorous. It both retains the characteristics of Han Dynasty clerical script in the brushwork and char-

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5.8.1 Ascent to Yangtai Temple, Tang Dynasty, Li Bai, in the collection of the Palace Museum

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acter construction, with a calm but profound air, and also shows a good deal of influence from the standardization of regular script during the Tang Dynasty in its brush technique and structure, with an orderly but sleek appearance. It is one of the representative works of standard Tang clerical script. Li Chao was the nephew of the great poet Du Fu. His works, such as Stele for the Statue of Maitreya at Huiyi Temple (Huiyisi mile xiang 惠义寺弥勒 像) and Epitaph for Peng Yuanyao (Peng yuanyao muzhi 彭元曜墓志), circulated widely and also display the atmosphere of the high and mid Tang. He was famous at the time for working in bafen and small seal script. Cai Youlin also worked in the bafen style. He is listed as one of the four great bafen calligraphers of the Tang Dynasty, but very few of his original works are in circulation. Temple Stele for Yuchi Jiong of Northern Zhou (Zhou yuchi jiong miao bei 周尉迟迥庙碑), erected in Zhangde Prefecture (modern Anyang, Henan Province) in the twenty-sixth year of the Kaiyuan era (738) is the best-preserved. The text of this stele is 24 lines, with 47 characters per line and 1,128 characters in the entire stele; it would be considered a large stele. The inscription was composed by the great calligrapher Yan Zhenqing. Although the calligraphy that Cai Youlin created for this stele cannot be considered his highest achievement, it has a broad and imposing manner, and the brushstrokes are severe and powerful. It displays the atmosphere of the High Tang and should be called an important representative work of Cai Youlin. Li Yangbing was a master calligrapher who worked in small seal script. He brought about new transformations in Qin seal script and was very influential on later generations. His seal script calligraphy was extremely popular in every dynasty and era. Many of his original works survived, with Record of the Three Graves (Sanfen ji 三坟记), Stele for the Temple of the City God (Chenghuangmiao bei 城隍庙碑) and Record of the Terrace of Great Wisdom (Boretai ji 般若台记) being the best.

Quite a few of the Tang emperors also worked at calligraphy and could be considered calligraphers. If we say that Li Shimin and Li Zhi represented this group in the early Tang, then Wu Zetian and Li Longji could be said to be the representatives of the high and hiddle Tang. Li Longji, Emperor Xuanzong of Tang, worked at bafen and zhangcao calligraphy. Observing Li Longji’s calligraphic works that have been handed down, whether the clerical script steles Inscription Commemorating Mount Tai (Ji taishan ming 纪泰山铭) or Stone Platform Classic of Filial Piety (Shitai xiaojing 石 台孝经), or his running script work in ink, Ode on Pied Wagtails (Jiling song juan 鹡鸰颂卷), they are all imposing, graceful and moving, rounded and robust, vigorously elegant. They are concentrated and classic manifestations of the atmosphere of the High Tang. Wu Zetian, meanwhile, worked in running-cursive and Flying White calligraphy. Her running script has a masculine air. In addition to all those already mentioned, high and mid Tang calligraphers also included Su Lingzhi (Dreaming the True Face of Laozi Ordering All the Daoists to Appear, Meng zhenrong zheng chi 梦真容整敕; Ode to the Minzhong Temple Pagoda, Minzhongsi baota song 悯忠寺宝塔颂), Zhang Congshen (Stele for Master Dark Stillness, Xuanjing xiansheng bei 玄静先生碑), Shen Chuanshi (Memorial Stele for Chan Master Chujin, Chujin chanshi bei 楚金禅师碑) and Wei Qiwu (Shancai Temple Stele, Shancaisi bei 善才寺碑). They were all famous artists of the time, but we are unable to discuss them here. From the achievements of all the calligraphers described above, it is easy to see how high and mid Tang calligraphy was in the splendid situation of being »a galaxy of talents and generations of masters.«

4. Maturity of the Art Embraces All Scripts In terms of calligraphy style, the high and mid Tang was also a period when all styles—regular, cursive, clerical, seal and running script—were used, developing and maturing fully. Not only

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were there innovations in every script style, but they all had representative artists creating outstanding representative works. Regular and cursive script in particular climbed to the peak of Chinese calligraphy, becoming models for reverence and study by later generations. Regular script sprouted in the early Han Dynasty, matured during the Three Kingdoms, Jin, and Southern and Northern Dynasties, and flourished during the Tang Dynasty. It reached its peak during the high and mid Tang period. The development of regular script from the »esteeming grace« of the Three Kingdoms, Jin, and Southern and Northern Dynasties toward the »esteeming rules« of the Sui and Tang Period was a concentrated manifestation of a country that had long been split moving toward the spirit of the largescale unification of the Sui and Tang Period. It was also a necessary result of the movement of regular script from diversity and disorder toward standardization and unity. During this process of development and transformation, although Sui Dynasty regular script already had a new appearance, in the final analysis, many old traditions still existed; it began to open up to a new situation but did not turn into a new situation. The true formation of the new situation for regular script was the historical achievement of the four great calligraphers of the early Tang, Ouyang Xun, Yu Shinan, Chu Suiliang and Xue Ji. They carried on the fine traditions of the calligraphy of the two Wangs and also absorbed the severe and austere calligraphy style of northern inscriptions. On the basis of each of their outstanding calligraphic practices, they melded southern and northern calligraphic styles, creating models of regular script with their own styles and a completely new appearance, established new standards for regular script, and also left behind immortal works of regular script for later generations. During the high and mid Tang period, the greatest calligrapher of the Tang Dynasty, Yan Zhenqing, with his superlative thinking, character and

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learning, his outstanding artistic practice and talent, and his prominent social position and influence, did something highly original and sought artistic and aesthetic concepts outside the methods of the two Wangs in order to keep calligraphy alive. He thus pushed the art of Chinese regular script toward wholly new artistic concepts. The Yan style regular script that he created became a peak of Chinese calligraphy, not easily surpassed, eternally displaying the immortal charm of regular script. Regarding cursive, according to the words of Wei Heng and Li Dan quoted in the first volume of Zhang Huaiguan’s Shuduan (书断, Judgments on Calligraphers), »there was a cursive method in the early Han Dynasty,« and »it was called caoshu [草书], referring to writing a draft [caochuang 草创].« During the Eastern Han, Du Du, from Duling near the capital, was renowned throughout the empire for his zhangcao. Zhang Zhi of the Eastern Han changed zhangcao from being divided into individual characters to »writing with a single brushstroke.« During the Eastern Jin, Wang Xizhi and his son completely broke away from the zhangcao brush style. They carried on and further developed Zhang Zhi’s cursive tradition of »writing with a single brushstroke,« creatively combining the brush technique of regular and running script with the technique of »writing with a single stroke.« This made modern cursive more standardized, more beautiful and more mature, marking a new phase in the development of modern cursive. In the Tang Dynasty, the art of cursive saw even further development. On the one hand, some calligraphers, with Sun Guoting and He Zhizhang as representative examples, completely took up the mantle of modern cursive from the two Wangs, causing modern cursive to advance and develop while carrying on tradition »without changing the methods of the Shanyin school.« These calligraphers created outstanding works of cursive, such as Shu Pu, that carefully followed the methods of

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the two Wangs, with strict rules but also beautiful and moving character design. On the other hand, some high and mid Tang calligraphers, as represented by Zhang Xu and Huaisu, developed modern cursive further into wild cursive, pushing the art of cursive to its highest peak. They caused the lines and strokes that form the basis of calligraphy to reach a level of crisscrossing freely, galloping across the page, expressing the calligrapher’s deep, broad and changing thoughts and feelings to the greatest extent. Their representative works, such as Four Ancient Poems (Gushi sitie 古诗四帖) and Autobiography (Zixu tie 自叙帖), are immortal treasures in the history of Chinese calligraphy. Although the development of running script during the Tang Dynasty was not as conspicuous as that of regular and cursive script, there were still unique creations during the high and mid Tang that must not be underestimated. As »a brief version of regular script, written vertically« and »a quick version of regular and clerical script,« running script was born after all the other script styles. It was popular and became mature in the Jin Dynasty, and Wang Xizhi and his son developed running script to its peak. They created masterpieces of running script such as Lanting Xu, which has been called »the number-one work of running script under heaven.« There were some running script works by early Tang calligraphers. They did not surpass the level of the two Wangs, but because Emperor Taizong of Tang adored the calligraphy of the two Wangs, especially treasuring Lanting Xu, regarding it as the pinnacle of calligraphy, he strongly advocated running script. As a result, the lower levels of society imitated the upper levels, and there was a moderate wave of running script. There are a few works of running script, such as Emperor Taizong’s Jinci Inscription, Lu Jianzhi’s Wen Fu, Yu Shinan’s Epitaph for Princess Ru’nan, Ouyang Xun’s Confucius Making an Offering in a Dream (Mengdian tie 梦 奠帖) and Chu Suiliang’s Old Tree Ode, which are fairly famous outstanding works of running script

from the early Tang. In particular, Yan Zhenqing, who was active during the high and mid Tang, pushed Chinese running script toward a new peak. He wrote his calligraphy based on real feelings, and moved the brush according to his nature and emotions; it was where he expressed himself freely. He wrote Draft of a Requiem for My Nephew (Jizhi gao 祭侄稿), which was called »the second work of running script under heaven« after Wang Xizhi’s Lanting Xu. Of the five major script styles, seal script was the earliest to appear, but the extent of its development and spread was far less than other styles. Several hundred years after Li Si created small seal script during the Qin Dynasty, seal script had no one to carry it on, and the tradition almost died out. It was only in the high and mid Tang, when the calligrapher Li Yangbing appeared, when »the study of seal script had already been abandoned,« that the tradition continued. On the foundation of carrying on the small seal script calligraphy created by Li Si, Li Yangbing compelled seal script to new historical heights and left behind for later generations rare treasures of seal script art, such as Account of Relocating My Late Parents’ Grave (Xi xianying ji 栖先茔记), Record of the Three Graves and Record of the Terrace of Great Wisdom. This historical achievement by Li Yangbing will forever remain. Clerical script sprouted during the Warring States Period, was used during the Qin and Han dynasties, and had a revival during the Northern Qi Dynasty. The next revival of development was during the Tang Dynasty, especially the high and mid Tang Period. Although clerical script continued to develop, by the Tang Dynasty it had lost the unsophisticated and natural charm and the diversity and variability of Han Dynasty clerical script. It had become a highly formulaic script style, lacking in vitality, but it was also graceful and sumptuous, glossy, full and beautiful, displaying in concentrated form the Tang Dynasty’s aesthetic interest in esteeming full-bodied forms.

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At the same time, Tang Dynasty clerical script always incorporated regular script brushwork. This was the result of the influence of Tang Dynasty regular script as the main form of Tang calligraphy, and also naturally added some new charm to clerical script. The Tang Dynasty, particularly the high and mid Tang, contributed to the garden of Chinese calligraphy a form of clerical script completely different from Han Dynasty clerical script with its own unique aesthetic style: Tang Dynasty clerical script. There were also numerous calligraphers with outstanding works, such as Emperor Xuanzong of Tang, Liang Shengqing, Zhang Tinggui, and particularly those called the four masters of Tang Dynasty clerical script: Han Zemu, Cai Youlin, Li Chao and Shi Weize. They were all famous clerical script calligraphers of the high and mid Tang period, and they all made their own contributions to the continuation of Chinese clerical script with their unique works.

Section 2  Outstanding Representatives of High and Middle Tang Calligraphy 1. The Innovative Yan Zhenqing and His »Yan Style« Calligraphy Yan Zhenqing’s (708–784) courtesy name was Qingchen. His ancestral home was Xiaotili, Langya (modern Feixian County, Linyi, Shandong), but his family later moved to Wannian, near the capital (modern Xi’an, Shaanxi). His ancestral temple was in Chang’an, and he was also born in Chang’an. Yan Family Temple Stele (Yan jiamiao bei 颜家庙碑), written by him, is kept in the Forest of Steles, in Xi’an. He once served as governor of Pingyuan Commandery, for which later generations called him Yan of Pingyuan. He was later granted the title of Duke of Lu Commandery, so he was also called Yan, Duke of Lu. He was born into an official family, but because

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his family suffered a reversal of fortune when his father died early on, his family fell into poverty. He encouraged himself, and was tempered by a hard life; he had a very strong awareness of the common people. This, along with the influence of the tradition of loyalty and righteousness passed down from his ancestors, and the nurturing and education of his uncle Yan Yuansun, led him to form a loyal, upright and outspoken individualistic philosophy, and great and lofty ambitions and aspirations for performing meritorious deeds for the state, speaking up for the common people, and daring to accomplish what no one else had. He passed the highest level of the imperial civil service examinations in the Kaiyuan era, and then he was promoted from vice-magistrate of Liquan District to Investigating Censor. Because he overturned a number of major unjust verdicts, people of the time called him Censor Rain [Translator’s note: This was because it rained heavily just as he made his decision, which then became associated with his status as a savior of the people]. Because he was upright and outspoken, and because he enforced laws justly and impartially, he enraged the dangerous and powerful treacherous minister Yang Guozhong. The latter found an excuse to expel him from the capital and send him away to serve as governor of Pingyuan. At this time, An Lushan started an armed rebellion, and »all of Heshuo fell.« Emperor Xuanzong lamented this, saying: »Isn’t there a single loyal official in the 24 commanderies north of the [Yellow] river?« When he later heard that Yan Zhenqing alone had held onto the city of Pingyuan, »prepared to defend the city,« standing tall, he was overjoyed at the unexpected good news, and praised Yan Zhenqing sacrificing himself for the empire. Yan Zhenqing fought An Lushan bravely and strategically. He had already discovered signs of the rebellion earlier, when An Lushan was still plotting, so he had secretly actively prepared for war. When the rebellion erupted, he was already prepared to defend the city and was able to hold

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it and counterattack, taking back the initiative from the enemy. He held high the flag of the righteous army putting down the rebellion and was placed in command of the forces of 17 commanderies. He also contacted his brother, Yan Gaoqing, governor of Changshan, and they combined their forces into a force of two hundred thousand. They attacked multiple times in the Yan and Zhao regions, accompanying Li Guangbi in bitter fighting with the rebel army, and finally put down the An Lushan Rebellion. Because of this merit, Yan Zhenqing was recalled to the capital and given a post at court, serving as head of the Ministry of Personnel and grand preceptor of the Crown Prince, and being named Dynasty-Founding Duke of Lu Commandery. During this time, he acted justly and impartially, and spoke forthrightly; as a result, powerful people constantly made efforts to eliminate or entrap him. He was repeatedly demoted, and made governor of Raozhou, chief administrator of Pengzhou, biejia (别驾, ›mounted rider,‹ an honorary post) of Xiazhou, governor of Fuzhou and Huzhou, and so on. Things became especially dangerous when Lu Qi was in power, which was just when Li Xilie, military commissioner of Huaining, started an armed rebellion. In order to send Yan Zhenqing to his death, Lu Qi put in action a plan to have Li Xilie do his dirty work. He purposely recommended the 80 year old Yan Zhenqing to personally go to rebel territory to convince Li Xilie to surrender. This obvious entrapment scheme astonished the court ministers. For the great project of national unity, however, Yan Zhenqing admirably went forth, without concern for his own safety. He went to Caizhou, where his manifest righteousness made the rebel leader retreat. One year later, in the first year of the Xingyuan era of Emperor Dezong (784), Li Xilie sent someone to kill Yan Zhenqing. One can say that under the historical conditions of the time, as a famous official of the Tang Dynasty, Yan Zhenqing’s loyal and righteous, singularly and majestically upright

ideology and character reached the highest realm. Inevitably there was a profound internal connection between this and his grand »Yan style« calligraphic works. Yan Zhenqing came from a family of calligraphers. His ancestor five generations back, Yan Zhitui, was the author of the renowned Yanshi Jiaxun (颜 氏家训, Family Instructions for the Yan Clan). He was a renowned scholar and also a calligrapher. Zhenqing’s great-grandfather Yan Shigu was a scholar of literature and classical texts, and was also good at calligraphy. Zhenqing’s father Yan Weizhen was also known for his cursive and clerical script. As a result, Yan Zhenqing encouraged himself and was also steeped in calligraphy. He adored, studied and began to diligently practice the art of calligraphy. For this, he overcame circumstances that might have proven too difficult for someone else, adopting unusual study methods. For instance, when he was young, poor and alone, with neither paper nor brush, he swept dirt on a wall to practice calligraphy. In his twenties, he passed the highest level of the imperial civil service examinations and received the post of vice magistrate of Liquan County. However, in order to study and improve his calligraphy, he resolutely resigned his official post and went to the capital of Luoyang specifically to pledge himself to the study of calligraphy under Zhang Xu. Although he later went back to serving as an official for the sake of his livelihood, in his thirties he again resigned and pledged himself to study under Zhang Xu. This time, Yan Zhenqing’s sincerity in studying calligraphy was deeper. Zhang Xu was obviously moved by Yan Zhenqing’s sincere attitude and his relentless pursuit of the art. Therefore, he explained the twelve concepts of Zhong Yao’s brush technique to Yan Zhenqing one by one in question-and-answer format. Not only did he profoundly explain many fine and essential points of calligraphy brush technique, but he also presented many original and novel aesthetic viewpoints on calligraphy. Yan Zhenqing later re-

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corded these dialogues, which was the origin of the renowned On the Twelve Concepts of the Brush Techniques of Administrator Zhang (Shu zhang changsi bifa shi’er yi 述张长史笔法十二意). Precisely because Yan Zhenqing underwent this deeper study with Zhang Xu, his calligraphy made a new and flying leap at this point, beginning to enter the peak of his Yan style calligraphy. In addition, Yan Zhenqing not only studied with Zhang Xu, but also studied many others, including contemporary folk calligraphers. His process of studying and diligently practicing calligraphy was actually a process of deeply drawing from a wide variety of sources and working with unflagging perseverance. He first took the two Wangs as his teachers, obtaining the »flesh, bones, heart and lungs« of their style, and studied the clerical script steles of the two Hans, taking in their thickness, heaviness and luxuriant denseness. Then he studied the steles of the Wei-Jin period, absorbing their robustness and vigor; he studied Chu of Henan (Chu Suiliang), imitating his broadness, openness and clarity; he studied Ouyang Xun, using his deep stores of strength; he studied folk calligraphers, borrowing their »commonness« to break down »elegance.« It was precisely in this process of deeply drawing on a wide variety of sources, extensively picking up the best points of many styles, of practicing and pursuing calligraphy constantly throughout his life, that Yan Zhenqing’s calligraphy finally reached a new peak. Yan Zhenqing’s calligraphic creation followed a process of improvement and maturing, from carrying on traditions to innovation, from practice to creation, from strictly following the rules to creating freely. This process can roughly be divided into three phases: early, middle and late. His early period roughly refers to the period before he was fifty years old. During this phase, although Yan Zhenqing’s calligraphy already showed some of his own characteristics, such as upright use of the brush and dignified character construction, in general it was a phase of carrying on tradition

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and extensively adopting the best points of many styles. For example, the representative work of this period, Duobao Pagoda Stele (Duobao ta bei 多宝塔碑), is characterized by this taking from many sources. Yan’s middle period roughly refers to the period when he was fifty to sixty-five years old, when his calligraphy was already moving from the phase of carrying on traditions to the innovation phase. In this period, taken overall, Yan’s calligraphy had already broken through the model of the two Wangs and even those of early Tang calligraphy, forming his own unique aesthetic style and marking the official establishment of the brand-new Yan style calligraphy, the new aesthetic standard in the history of Chinese calligraphy. The major representative works of this phase are Inscription of Visit to Golden King of Heaven Shrine (Ye jin tianwang shenci tiji 谒金天王神祠题记), Record of Lidui for Master Xianyu (Xianyu shi lidui ji 鲜 于氏离堆记), Record of the Altar of the Immortal Magu (Magu xian tan ji 麻姑仙坛记), Ode to the Restoration of the Great Tang (Datang zhongxing song 大唐中兴颂) and Draft of a Requiem for My Nephew. Yan’s late period roughly refers to the period after age sixty-five. During this phase, Yan Zhenqing’s calligraphy entered the ultimate realm of transformation, where, deeply drawing on a wide variety of sources and transformative creation coexisting in dialectical unity, he created freely. This realm was described in »Preface to Yan, Duke of Lu« in Song Dynasty calligrapher Huang Tingjian’s Comments by the Daoist of the Valley (Shangu tiba 山 谷题跋), which says that Yan »confidently went outside the rules, and then finally joined together with them.« The major representative works of this phase are Yan Qinli Stele (Yan qinli bei 颜勤 礼碑), Yan Family Temple Stele, Stele for Song of Guangping (Song guangping bei 宋广平碑) and Stele for Li Yuanjing (Li yuanjing bei 李元靖碑). The establishment of the Yan style can called a profoundly and widely influential revolution in

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the history of Chinese calligraphy. Its influence lay not only in the changing of specific calligraphic styles; actually, there was a brand-new revolution in everything from basic calligraphic concepts, aesthetic standards and aesthetic rules to specific brush techniques, character structures, the arrangement of characters and white space—even ink technique. It had epoch-marking significance, starting an era with a new style. The innovative significance of the emergence of Yan style calligraphy was manifested in concentrated form in the new aesthetic rules that it established. This was primarily expressed in the following ways. In the area of method, Yan style calligraphy completely changed the extraordinarily flowing and beautiful style of the two Wangs that had been around since the Wei-Jin period, and it was also completely unlike the severity and vigor of the Ouyang style and the flowing grace of the Chu style of the early Tang, instead establishing a generous, dignified, grand and thick aesthetic style. In terms of brush technique, the most prominent contribution of the Yan style was using the brush upright. The Yan style completely changed the way most calligraphers had been writing since the Wei-Jin period, with the brush tilted sideways, the tip pointing to the side. In the Yan style, whether starting a stroke, turning, or finishing a stroke, the tip of the brush is concealed inside the stroke, making the beginnings and ends of the strokes look like silkworm heads and goose tails. The brush is used like »drawing in sand with an awl,« »pressing a seal into ink paste,« »bending a hairpin,« and »marks from a leaky roof.« There is strength, power and tenacity in the bones, while the flesh is full and natural. In addition, in the Yan style, horizontal strokes are slender, and vertical strokes are robust—but this slenderness does not seem weak and thin but shows strength and vigor, and this robustness does not look crude but rather is great and erect. It has an exquisite true essence where »the elegant parts are like iron, and the delicate parts like gold« and the calligra-

phy is »striving like planting a lance, binding like horizontal nails.« In terms of character construction, the Yan style also changed the slanted and nimble character construction that had been used since the Wei-Jin period and instead established a square, dignified, tall and straight, simple and thick character construction that faces the viewer directly. Looking at Yan’s characters overall, the characteristics are roughly as follows: first, the characters face the viewer directly, with dignified form; second, they are balanced side-to-side, with magnificently crisscrossing brushstrokes; third, they are grand and broad, magnificent but simple; fourth, the horizontal strokes are like tight bowstrings, and the vertical strokes like a bending bow, containing an internal tension. This forms a tightly enclosed, simple and vigorous overall structure where the characters draw together and enfold one another and that seems three-dimensional. It forms a clear contrast with the slanted, nimble, free and easy, graceful and charming structural forms of characters of the two Wangs and the Chu style. Moreover, the luxuriant denseness and compactness of the overall arrangement and the simplicity, plainness, vigor and smoothness of the ink technique in the Yan style were a reform of the attention to carefree, clear, bright and graceful arrangement and the pursuit of elegant and magnificent, pretty and smooth ink technique harking back to the Wei-Jin period; the Yan style displayed entirely new aesthetic concepts and aesthetic interests. All in all, Yan style calligraphy and the new aesthetic rules that it displayed were a lush reflection of the atmosphere of the high and mid Tang, an artistic expression of Yan Zhenqing’s »singularly and majestically upright« ideology and character, and a specific manifestation of the aesthetic interests of the times, which were tending toward the common people. The Yan style was a one-time flying leap and a new peak in Chinese calligraphy once it had developed to the high and mid Tang period. The emergence of the Yan style had

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epoch-marking significance, as it started an era with a new style. It has been highly respected and warmly loved by the vast majority of calligraphers and the masses through the ages, and has had an outsized influence on later generations. More than a thousand years later, the Yan style«still has the most imitators and enthusiasts. As a treasure of Chinese art, the Yan style will endure forever, displaying its immortal artistic charm. As Yan Zhenqing both had a high moral character and his calligraphy was exquisite, many people collected his works through the dynasties. It is said that the number of his works in circulation was up to 170. During the Tang Dynasty, there were 138; Cai Tao’s Discussions on Mount Tiewei (Tiewei shan congtan 铁围山丛谈) records that there were more than 800 in the palace treasury alone during the Xuanhe era of Emperor Huizong of Song. Steles, rubbings and ink originals that are extant today number more than 70; it would be difficult to list them one by one. Here we will briefly comment on a few major representative works. Record of the Altar of the Immortal on Mount Magu, full title Being a Record of the Altar to the Immortal on Mount Magu in Nancheng County, Fuzhou of the Tang Dynasty (You tang fuzhou nancheng xian magushan xiantan ji 有唐抚州南城 县麻姑山仙坛记), is a stele in regular script of a travelogue that Yan Zhenqing wrote after visiting Mount Magu while he was governor of Fuzhou. It was erected in the sixth year of the Dali era (771) in Linchuan (Nancheng County, Jiangxi, historically Jianchangfu). The stele was destroyed in a fire started by lightning during the Ming Dynasty. Today, the Palace Museum, Shanghai Museum and Bureau of Cultural Heritage of Taiwan only have Song Dynasty rubbings passed down by He Shaoji. Based on the cut and mounted version, the work totals 901 characters. Yan Zhenqing wrote and carved this stele when he was 63, squarely in his prime. The stele not only has an energetic mood and overflowing energy, but his calligraphy

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had already attained maturity and reached its peak. Upon appreciating this stele, we see abundant vigor visible in the simple and natural brushwork, and severity and strictness visible in the broad and relaxed character construction. It has the profound charm of »method without method« and »not working yet working better.« It could be called a fine work of Yan’s middle period. Quite a few calligraphers over the generations have praised this work (Fig. 5.8.2). Ode to the Restoration of the Great Tang is a cliff inscription. The renowned Tang Dynasty poet Yuan Jie composed the text, and in the sixth year of the Dali era of the Tang Dynasty (771), he asked Yan Zhenqing to write the calligraphy and carve it in the cliff on the eastern bank of Wuxi Creek, Qiyang County, Hunan. The text is 21 lines in all, with 20 characters per full line. It is in large characters, a later reflection of the earlier Eulogy for Burying a Crane (Yihe ming 瘗鹤铭) from the Southern Dynasties. The Song Dynasty poet Huang Tingjian’s praise, »In large characters, none surpassed Eulogy for Burying a Crane, until later the cliff was carved with Ode to Restoration,« is precisely about this. The calligraphy has a grand and imposing manner and is square, profound and steady. It holds the ideal of a developed society that the intellectuals and the vast numbers of common people longed for throughout the Tang Dynasty, and displays the aesthetic ideals and fashions of their society, with magnificent beauty as the common thread. It also expresses in a concentrated form the singularly and majestically upright, broad and generous ideology and character of Yan Zhenqing and his artistic personality. It has been highly judged by generations of calligraphers and is considered the foremost of Yan’s large character work. (Fig. 5.8.3). Draft of a Requiem for My Nephew, full title Draft of a Requiem for My Nephew Jiming (Ji zhi jiming wengao 祭侄季明文稿) is an original work in ink and a famous representative work of Yan Zhenqing’s running script. It is famed as »the first of

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5.8.2 Record of the Altar of the Immortal on Mount Magu, Tang Dynasty, Yan Zhenqing, Song Dynasty rubbings held by the Palace Museum and Shanghai Museum

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Master Yan’s running script« and »second in running script calligraphy under heaven.« Regular works of calligraphy cannot compare. It is first and foremost a condensation of Yan Zhenqing’s singularly and majestically upright individual ideology and his tears of extreme heartbreak and indignation. »Indignation gives rise to poets,« and it was in grief and indignation that he made this work. It is a draft of a eulogy for Yan Zhenqing’s older brother Yan Gaoqing’s son Jiming. Jiming was killed in 755 during the An Lushan Rebellion. Yan Zhenqing sent someone to look for his body, but he was only able to obtain Jiming’s skull, and so he was heartbroken and indignant. Full of grief, »affection forcibly cut off, shock and grief in his heart and on his face,« Yan Zhenqing rapidly scribbled this eulogy, a condensation of his fervent tears, while bringing Jiming’s skull back to Chang’an for a lavish funeral. This work developed to a great extent the function of calligraphy as an expressive art to express emotions and aspirations. Created based on emotions, it surged out. The movements of the brush are like violent rain pouring down, a storm of crisscrossing brushstrokes, flying nimbly yet vigorously, with unstoppable force; yet they are also like a stream murmuring deep in the mountains, like an ancient tree, profound and dignified, drifting about and circling around. The forms of the characters are irregular in size, their weight fluctuating, their style including seal and clerical script; they look as though engraved. In the arrangement of characters and white space, sparseness and density alternate, and there are corrections mixed in, but there is a wholeness to the randomness and lack of order. The entire work makes up a spirited symphonic movement, surging with devotion and indignation, one climax following another. In terms of the development of running script itself, Draft of a Requiem for My Nephew created a Yan style running script that both took up the best points of the running script of the »two Wangs« but was also completely different

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5.8.3 Ode to the Restoration of the Great Tang, Tang Dynasty, Yan Zhenqing, Song Dynasty rubbing held by the Palace Museum

from their running script. If we say that Wang Xizhi’s Lanting Xu, which is called »the number one running script under heaven,« is widely known as an exquisitely made work with pretty and smooth ink work, that is robust, charming and graceful, then the strong points of Draft of a Requiem for My Nephew are the free and natural writing, the forceful ink work and its singular and majestic, simple and unsophisticated nature. In terms of when they were created, we can categorize them as first and second, but in terms of the aesthetic style displayed and the emotional content expressed, it is very hard to decide absolutely which is better. We should say that both are eternal and each has fine aspects. They are both treasures of running script in the history of Chinese calligraphy; they are the most brilliant »pair of jade rings« in the art of running script, standing side by side before the world. Draft of a Requiem for My Nephew is a genuine scroll on white hemp paper. The entire text is 25 lines, with a total of 334 characters. At the end of the scroll are seals and postscripts such as »Zhao Zi’ang (Zhao Mengfu),« »Daya,« »Xian

Yushu« and »Zhang Yan.« The work is currently in the collection of the National Palace Museum in Taipei; the Palace Museum in Beijing has photocopies in circulation (Fig. 5.8.4). The Yan Qinli Stele is a memorial tablet erected by Yan Zhenqing in memory of his great grandfather Yan Qinli. Its full name is Memorial Tablet to Lord Yan, Deceased Editorial Director of the Palace Library, Chief Secretary of Kui Prefecture Command Area, and Third-Rank General of the Tang Dynasty (Tang gu mishusheng zhuzuolang kuizhou dudufu changshi shanghujun yan jun shentong bei 唐故秘 书省著作郎夔州都督府长史上护军颜君神道碑). The tablet was erected in the fourteenth year of the Dali era (779), when Yan Zhenqing was seventy-one years old. There is still a record of the stone in Ouyang Xiu’s Jigu Lu from the Northern Song, but it was buried in the ground during the Yuan or Ming era, and for a long time it was known only to a few, until it was excavated from Shehui Road in Xi’an, Shaanxi in 1922, again seeing the light of day. Although the stone was broken, the two pieces were complete and in good condition. Be-

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5.8.4 Draft of a Requiem for My Nephew Jiming, Tang Dynasty, Yan Zhenqing, held by National Palace Museum in Taipei

cause it was buried for so long, it was not affected by erosion and no one gouged it, so the characters were not damaged and were still sharp. Characters were carved on four sides of the stone, but three sides are extant: the front has 19 lines and the back has 20 lines, each line 38 characters; the right side has five lines with 37 characters per line. The inscription and the date when the stele was erected had already been rubbed off the left side in the Song Dynasty. The entire stele has a total of 921 characters. It is currently kept in the Forest of Steles in Xi’an, and photocopies of early rubbings published by Youzheng Press and Shaanxi People’s Publishing House are in circulation.

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The Yan Qinli Stele was a work made when Yan Zhenqing’s calligraphy had been honed after a lifetime of practice; it is a representative work not only of his later years but also of his whole life. It thoroughly and fully manifests the aesthetic characteristics of Yan style«calligraphy and can be called a work of completely perfected Yan style regular script. Its rubbings have always been considered the best models for studying Yan style regular script. From the brush strokes we can see that Yan emphasized holding the brush with the tip centered, and he paid attention to hiding the tip at the ends of the strokes. There is a clear distinction between lifting and pressing, light and heavy. Horizontal strokes are light and vertical strokes are heavy. His writing unfolds magnificently. The vigor of his strokes would show through on the back of the page. Each character is well-structured and fleshed out, smooth and round yet also sturdy. One has the feeling they are three-dimensional or embossed. In terms of character construction, he turned the old into something new. He melded the frontal momentum of the ancient seal script and clerical script into the structure of regular script, creating a structure that presents frontally as symmetrical on either side, square and dignified, broad and full-bodied, with a stable center of gravity. In terms of composition, the line spacing is tight, and spaces between characters are full: »Big characters are made small, and small characters are made big.« That is, characters with many strokes are compactly structured, and characters with few strokes are opened up. The layout of the entire piece is dense and solid, giving a sense of smoothly flowing vitality and unified abundance. The overall style is magnificent, powerful and majestic, fully embodying the typical aesthetic characteristics of Yan style regular script (Fig. 5.8.5).

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5.8.5 Yan Qinli Stele, Tang Dynasty, Yan Zhenqing, kept at the Forest of Steles in Xi’an, Shaanxi

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2. The Two Stars of the Wild Cursive Style: Zhang Xu and Huaisu Zhang Xu’s courtesy names were Bogao and Jiming. Because he was the ninth child in his family, his nickname was Zhang the Ninth, and because his behavior was wild and uninhibited, he also had the playful nickname Zhang the Madman. His first official post was as defender of Changshu. Later he served as Chief Administrator of the Golden Mace of the Right Guard Command, so he was also called Administrator Zhang. He was skilled at cursive script, especially wild cursive, for which he was famous throughout the empire; people in the past honored him as Sage of Cursive Script. Most works set his place of origin as Wu Commandery, Suzhou (modern Suzhou, Jiangsu) based on the New Book of Tang. There are also many divergent ideas about the dates of his birth and death. However, although there are differences, they all have one thing in common: placing Zhang Xu in the high and mid Tang period. He was a contemporary of great literary and artistic figures such as He Zhizhang, Li Bai, Du Fu, Wu Daozi, Pei Min, Lady Gongsun and Yan Zhenqing. The many stories and historical facts passed down about their interactions, friendship and creations, including creating art in response to one another, vividly reflect the romantic and open atmosphere of the time, as well as the aesthetic fashion and elegant artistic manner that was in vogue during the Tang. They also indirectly show the charm of Zhang Xu’s unique and extraordinary individualistic philosophy, and his multifaceted artistic cultivation. As a person, he was casual, but with great ability and insight, standing above the common crowd. Not only was he a calligrapher with an outstanding reputation, but he was also a famous poet of the Kaiyuan and Tianbao eras. The art of cursive calligraphy could be called Zhang Xu’s way of life. It was his basic means of expressing his thoughts, feelings and life experiences, whether happy, sad, angry, amused,

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loving, disgusted or desiring. Truly, it is as Han Yu said in Farewell to the Eminent Monk Gaoxian (Song gaoxian shangren xu 送高闲上人序): Zhang Xu was good at cursive calligraphy; he did not make use of other techniques. Whether happy, angry, poor and in distress, worried and sad, pleased, forsaken, resentful, thinking of someone with respect, dead drunk, bored, upset—if his heart was moved, he had to express it in cursive calligraphy. The things that he saw, seeing mountains, rivers and valleys, birds, beasts, insects and fish, the flowers and fruits of grasses and trees, the sun and moon and the stars in alignment, thunder and lightning, song and dance or war and fighting, the changing of things in heaven and on earth, those that made him happy and those that startled him, are all contained in his calligraphy. Therefore, the fluctuations of Zhang Xu’s calligraphy are like gods and spirits; they cannot be fathomed. In this way he spent his life and was known to later generations.

That is to say that Zhang Xu’s cursive script was first and foremost a pouring out of his true emotions. It was an exceptional crystallization of wholeheartedly pouring himself into creation, a result of the naturalness of the methods he learned and the unique movement of his mind and spirit. Because of this, his work had an extremely strong artistic impact. The realm that Zhang Xu pursued and attained was the highest aesthetic realm, entirely abandoning considerations of worldly status and wealth. Zhang Xu’s unique methods of creating art were closely related to this aesthetic realm. Many poems and legends tell of how Zhang Xu liked to write calligraphy after drinking. In terms of the psychology of artistic creation, »drunk,« »wild« and »mad« were all manifestations of breaking away from restriction of the individual and considerations of worldly wealth and status, emotional manifestations of divulging his inner self, manifestations of returning to his most authentic inner self, and characteristics of reaching the most beautiful realm and the supreme joy of a

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close harmony between himself and nature. In his wild cursive calligraphy, Zhang Xu’s brush moved quickly and nimbly, like dragons and snakes, with the feeling of divine talent. He developed the emotionally expressive quality of the art of calligraphy to a brilliant level, pushing the form of calligraphy toward the realm of perfection and driving Chinese calligraphy to the highest peak of the expressive arts. Although his calligraphy was created on a whim, based on his emotions, it also followed the rules and standards of calligraphy to the utmost, showing extremely profound cultivation and knowledge of fundamentals of the art of calligraphy. Yan Zhenqing once pointed out that although Zhang Xu was unrestrained in appearance and nature, his calligraphy followed the rules to the utmost. Some people have used the philosophical and behavioral characteristics of Laozi and Zhuangzi to sum up the supremely exquisite realm achieved by Zhang Xu’s cursive script: »[The Dao] does nothing, and there is nothing it does not do,« [After a translation by James Legge of this line from the Dao De Jing.] »[Viewers] value how he was eccentric yet unknowingly followed the rules,« and »[People know he was] free-spirited but do not know he followed the rules.« This is indeed quite fitting. Aside from innate individual ability, the reason why Zhang Xu’s calligraphy was able to reach such a wonderful realm was directly related to the fact that he was enthralled with the study of calligraphy since he was small. He meticulously studied calligraphy throughout his life, and wholeheartedly threw himself into unsurpassed artistic practice and creation on the foundation of the best of previous calligraphers, and learning from life, from the common people and from other arts. From childhood, he studied calligraphy with his maternal uncle Lu Yanyuan, with origins traceable back to the calligraphy of the two Wangs; because of this he was deeply influenced by the spirit and grace of the two Wangs. He also carried on the wild cursive tradition of Zhang Zhi,

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pushing »writing with a single brushstroke« to great heights. He truly pushed cursive calligraphy from modern cursive toward wild cursive, driving it to the heights of freedom and agility, vividly and thoroughly expressing thoughts and feelings and forming a strong, powerful, dignified and beautiful style completely different from the refined and beautiful style used since the Eastern Jin. This was Zhang Xu’s unique creation. In addition, Zhang Xu’s calligraphy was also the result of learning from other art forms and understanding gained from real life. He once said that, after watching Lady Gongsun dance the sword dance, he »received its spirit,« and his calligraphy progressed greatly because of this. He not only studied assiduously, but was good at studying. He was able to learn and absorb things that were beneficial to his own calligraphic creation from places that other people had not previously noticed. He once said, »First I saw the princess’s porters taking up the road, then I heard the drums and pipes; from this I got an idea for calligraphy.« He did not miss good opportunities for learning, in order to absorb the exquisiteness of all the unusual calligraphy in existence. It was precisely because of the various reasons above that Zhang Xu’s cursive calligraphy opened up a new era of »wild cursive« art and attained an artistic peak that was unprecedented and continued to shine for later generations, such that he became widely recognized then and now as the Sage of Cursive Script. And not only was his cursive script called one of the »Three Wonders« during the Tang Dynasty, along with Li Bai’s poetry and Pei Min’s swordplay, but it also retains a deeply moving artistic charm all the way to the present, and has become a treasure of Chinese art. Maybe because most of Zhang Xu’s calligraphic works were made on a whim, it was hard to safeguard them and few were handed down; moreover, many of them are disputed. However, the regular script Preface to the Stone Record of the

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Gentleman Official (Langguan shi jixu 郎官石记 序) and the cursive script Four Ancient Poems, Letter about a Stomachache (Dutong tie 肚痛帖), Autobiography, Thousand Character Classic Stele Fragment (Qianziwen duanbei 千字文断碑) and Ode to the Virtue of Wine (Jiu de song 酒德颂) are widely thought to be Zhang Xu’s works. Four Ancient Poems is a representative work of Zhang Xu’s wild cursive. It is an original scroll on multicolored paper. It was hung up as a decoration in the palace treasury during the Xuanhe era of the Song Dynasty. It is 0.288 meters high with a total of 40 lines and 188 characters. It is stamped with collectors’ seals, such as »Xuanhe,« »Zhenghe,« »Seal for Books of the Palace Treasury,« »Zigu,« »China,« »Seal of Xiang Yuanbian,« »examined and approved by Song Luo,« »Qianlong,« »Treasure of the Imperial Reader of the Jiaqing era« and »Appreciated in the Xuantong era.« It is currently held by the Liaoning Provincial Museum, and there are photocopies in circulation. From the early Northern Song to today, people have questioned whether this scroll was written by Zhang Xu. Only Dong Qichang of the Ming Dynasty had the penetrating gaze to see that this piece had the air of rocks falling off a precipice or violent rain and whirling wind, the same brushwork as Zhang Xu’s calligraphy of Smoke Poem (Yan tiao shi 烟条诗) and Poem of Wanxi River (or Poem of Wanling, Wanxi or Wanling shi 宛溪 [陵] 诗)—so it was written by Zhang Xu. This idea has the most followers. The entire scroll consists of four ancient poems, with the first two being »Pacing the Void« (Buxu ci 步虚词) by Northern Zhou poet Yu Xin, and the latter two being »Ode to Prince Jin« (Wangzi jin zan 王子晋赞) and »Old Man and Four or Five Youths under a Cliff« (Yanxia yi laogong siwu shaonian zan 岩下一老公四五少年赞) by Xie Lingyun of the Southern Dynasties. The brushwork is fluent, graceful and vivid, freely circling, like curling clouds or smoke, or meteors rising and falling, without the slightest constraint or impediment.

However, every stroke is made with the tip centered, severe and powerful, bright and efficient, like drawing in sand with an awl, like »bending a hairpin,« tough, durable and supported from within, the power of the strokes showing through on the back of the paper. Throughout the whole piece, hardness and softness support one another, there is movement and stillness as suitable, speed and slowness are mixed together, restraint and release complement one another; moreover, comfortable spacing and density alternate in the arrangement of characters and white space, and there is exchange between black and white, forming a conceptual whole where hidden depths of meaning are visible within the fluidity and clarity, and harmony and unity are contained in the abundant variety and complexity. It presents an artistic concept that is fluent, graceful and vivid while also holding meaning, making one repeatedly appreciate its subtleties, with endless aftertaste. It is like finding out the secrets of life, and it can indeed »cultivate a person’s state of mind« and »awaken the ideas that have been bottled up for a lifetime« (Fig. 5.8.6). The single engraving Letter about a Stomachache is another representative work of Zhang Xu’s wild cursive. Successive generations have judged Huaisu to be most famous for Stele for a Female Deity (Shengmu tie 圣母帖), while Zhang Xu is most famous for Letter about a Stomachache, which suffices to show the extent of its reputation and the height of its status. The entire rubbing is only six lines and thirty characters. It seems to be a medical record of Zhang Xu self-diagnosing a stomachache, and not a work created while drunk, as was his habit. It is a freely written work soberly self-diagnosing himself when he happened to feel a stomachache. As a result, the brushwork is steady and regular, and manifests even more his completely reasonable theories and viewpoints on calligraphy, such as »the techniques transmitted orally and taught manually should not be excessive,« »neither slow nor

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5.8.6 Four Ancient Poems (section), Tang Dynasty, Zhang Xu, Liaoning Provincial Museum

going ahead, but just right« and »releasing, giving in, drawing back and pushing through, all have their standards.« Because of this, some think that this piece is not wild cursive but modern cursive. Looking at the whole piece, however, we see that although the three characters 忽肚痛 (hu dutong, a sudden stomachache) at the beginning are dark and heavy, with the steady form of modern cursive, starting from the three characters 不可 堪 (bu ke kan, unbearable), the brushstrokes are suddenly swift and light, graceful and vivid, and highly variable, with a completely »mad« flavor. Although the piece is only 30 characters, it displays many unusual character forms, with myriad different styles, manifesting the internal dialectical method of line art, heavy and light, rough and fine, thick and thin, fast and slow, hard and soft, dynamic and still, restrained and released, loose and dense, clumsy and skillful, in a concentrated yet mystical way. If we say that Li Bai used poetry and Wu Daozi used brush and ink, then Zhang Xu

used lines to perfectly express his grand ideas of praise for the golden age of the Tang. Zhang Xu can be considered one of the greatest artists in the world to use lines to express emotion (Fig. 5.8.7). Huaisu’s secular surname was Qian and his courtesy name was Zangzhen. Because he became a monk when he was young, he was called Monk Huaisu and Huaisu the Buddhist, and because he was wild and fond of wine, often drunk all day, people of the time also called him Crazy Monk, Drunk Monk and Drunk Su. As his Autobiography says, »Huaisu’s home was in Changsha,« many people say that he was from Changsha—when he was actually born in Lingling. There are also several different ideas about the years of his birth and death, but based on his relationships of seniority with some famous people of the time, such as Yan Zhenqing, Zhang Xu, Li Bai, Du Fu and Qian Qi, along with the signatures and dates on some poems, it can be roughly determined that he lived during the middle and late Kaiyuan era and died

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5.8.7  Letter about a Stomachache, Tang Dynasty, Zhang Xu, kept in the Forest of Steles, Xi’an, Shaanxi

during the Zhenyuan era. Regarding the events of his life, there are accounts that differ in the details in his own Autobiography, Tang writer Lu Yu’s Life of the Monk Huaisu (Seng huaisu zhuan 僧怀素传), the Song Dynasty work Notes on Calligraphy from the Xuanhe Era, and Yan Zhenqing’s preface to a collection of poems presented to Huaisu by 37 people in the Tang Dynasty. Among these, Life of the Monk Huaisu is especially detailed. Basically, Huaisu left home at an early age to become a Buddhist monk, and in his spare time from reciting sutras, meditating and meticulously studying Sanskrit, he was bewitched by and assiduously studied calligraphy. But because his family »was poor and didn’t have paper to write on,« he practiced on banana tree leaves and on a lacquered disc and lacquered board that he made himself. Because of repeated rubbing, the disc and board were both rubbed through. He wore out so many brushes that they formed a large heap, and when he buried them, the mound was

as tall as a burial mound—which he called the Mound of Brushes. At the same time, in search of the essence of calligraphy, he traveled west to the capital, where he visited all the famous officials, drawing deeply on a wide variety of sources, fusing all of the scattered and incomplete ancient writings and the best of the art of calligraphy—finally becoming the master of wild cursive for the era, comparable to Zhang Xu. He and Zhang Xu fit together. Together they pushed Chinese cursive calligraphy from modern cursive to the wild cursive stage, and caused this unique art form expressing feelings in the form of lines to reach the realm of free and unconstrained, superb artistic achievements. Of course, although Huaisu and Zhang Xu shared some surprising similarities, they also had entirely different artistic personalities. This was simply due to the inimitable artistic nature possessed by every artistic genius. In Jiangzhou Inscription of Basic Laws (Ti jiang benfa tie 题绛本法帖), the Song

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Dynasty calligrapher Huang Tingjian used the two words »thick« and »thin« to concisely and comprehensively point out the differing aesthetic personalities of Zhang Xu and Huaisu’s cursive script styles. Zhang Xu’s was thick and structured, without emptiness, powerful, presenting a »thick and strong« aesthetic style where plumpness and strength were united. Huaisu’s style, meanwhile, was thin without revealing its bones, thin but not weak, thin but full-bodied, presenting a »thin and hard« aesthetic style that united slenderness, strength and fullness. The two calligraphic styles each had their own strong points, and were equally matched; they thoroughly and brilliantly gave play to, developed, and manifested the aesthetic characteristics of the art of wild cursive from different angles and in different styles. Huaisu left behind more works in his lifetime than Zhang Xu. Notes on Calligraphy from the Xuanhe Era records that there were more than 101 of his genuine wild cursive works. His wild cursive works on paper handed down to the present include Autobiography, Eating Fish (Shiyu tie 食 鱼帖), Bitter Bamboo Shoots (Kusun tie 苦笋帖), Comments on Calligraphy (Lunshu tie 论书帖) and Small Cursive Thousand Character Classic (Xiaocao qianziwen 小草千字文); carvings include Stele for a Female Deity, Zangzhen Stele (Zangzhen tie 藏真帖), Lü Gong Stele (Lü gong tie 律公帖) and Large Cursive Thousand Character Classic (Dacao qianziwen 大草千字文). Below we will comment on a few of his works. Huaisu’s Autobiography, a massive work of wild cursive, is his most important ­ representative work. It is an original paper scroll, measuring 0.283 m vertically and 0.755 m horizontally, with a total of 162 lines and 698 characters. The six lines at the beginning of the scroll were previously lost and were filled in by Song Dynasty calligrapher Su Shunqin. At the start of the scroll are four large characters in seal script, »Autobiography of Zangzhen,« inscribed by Ming Dynasty calligrapher Li Dongyang. The scroll is stamped with col-

SECTION 2 OUTSTANDING REPRESENTATIVES OF HIGH AND MIDDLE TANG CALLIGRAPHY

lectors’ seals including »Seal of Jianye Library,« »Descendants of the Wearer of the Insignia of the Six States,« »Four Generations of Ministers,« »Descendants of Xu,« »Seal of Wuxiang,« »Book Collection of the Zhao Clan,« »Books of the Autumn Ravine,« »Qianlong« and »Appreciated during the Xuantong Era.« At the end of the scroll are afterwords inscribed by Li Jianzhong, Su Zhe, Zeng Yugong, Su Chi, Wu Kuan, Li Dongyang, Wen Zhengming and Gao Shiqi. The scroll was signed in the twelfth year of the Dali era (777). It is now held by the National Palace Museum in Taipei; the Palace Museum in Beijing has photocopies in circulation. According to textual research by modern scholar Qi Gong, this scroll is an old copy made using »a fine brush for tracing« and »a dry brush for wiping,« and not an original. However, because it was copied with surpassing technique, the brushstrokes are fine and round, and the skill of the dry and wet ink work is extremely enticing, so it is still an important source for studying Huaisu’s calligraphy. In the Autobiography, Huaisu tells in the form of wild cursive of his lifelong study of calligraphy, especially his experience receiving the guidance, instruction and praise of the master calligrapher Yan Zhenqing, and he recounts the praise and comments of contemporary literati celebrities regarding his calligraphy. In making this scroll, the brush moved with his emotions, and his emotions issued with the brush; the abundant and varied emotional content of his life created a wild cursive symphony of lines with crisscrossing strokes, graceful and vivid bearing and constantly changing brushstrokes. The cadence, speed and undulation of its lines are enrapturing. In the first half of the scroll, the author recounts his own life experience and his experiences studying calligraphy. His tone is mild and he writes fluently and vividly; his brushwork also appears leisurely and natural, like drifting clouds and flowing water, naturally graceful and elegant. Starting from the middle, when he discusses the praise of others, his joy

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5.8.8  Autobiography, Tang Dynasty, Huaisu, held by the National Palace Museum in Taipei

begins to show in his writing, and his brushwork also moves toward a wild and vividly graceful air. »Here, vertical and horizontal changes come from the tip of the brush, marvelous and beyond compare, with an indescribable air.« At the end of the scroll, especially the last few lines, when he describes how the works of contemporaries praising him »overflowed the box,« his delight at showing off definitely appears. Thus, he writes freely and naturally, his emotions galloping, his wild attitude fully revealed, with the appearance of a »rushing, racing serpent« or a »rainstorm and whirlwind.« At the end, he does not sign his name. The piece comes to an end, leaving the viewer with endless things to appreciate (Fig. 5.8.8). Stele for a Female Deity is also called Dongling Stele for a Female Deity (Dongling shengmu tie 东陵圣母帖). It is unique among Huaisu’s many works of calligraphy. The brushwork is smoother

and rounder, the character construction is more well-distributed, stable and full-bodied, the arrangement of characters and white space seems neat, bright and clean, and the whole gives off a naturally graceful and harmonious aesthetic. It is as if it were another aesthetic style. If we say that Autobiography is a masterpiece of Huaisu in his prime as a drunk full of excitement, »brushwork crisscrossing and spirit in turmoil,« then Stele for a Female Deity is a treasure of Huaisu at age sixty-eight as a senior Buddhist monk who deeply understood the subtleties of Buddhism and had renounced the world, cool and freely written with a heart still as water. These two works, through different aesthetic styles, manifest in concentrated form the pinnacle of Huaisu’s cursive calligraphy. Stele for a Female Deity was written in the ninth year of the Zhenyuan era (793). The original was not handed down; there is only a stone

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5.8.9  Stele for a Female Deity, Tang Dynasty, Huaisu, kept in the Forest of Steles, Xi’an, Shaanxi

carved in the third year of the Yuanyou era of the Song Dynasty (1088), which is now in the Forest of Steles in Xi’an (Fig. 5.8.9).

Section 3  The Transformation of the Art of Calligraphy in the Late Tang The weak and dispirited trend in calligraphy during the late Tang, from strong to weak in terms of style, from bold innovation to deliberate compromise in concept, was very obvious. The most basic cause for this trend should be sought in the overall decline of economics, politics and culture during the late Tang. Of course, the development of calligraphy during the period was not always entirely the same as economic and political development during the period. As the secondary

range of a cultural peak, late Tang calligraphy still closely carried on the vestiges of high and mid Tang calligraphy, and saw some new development and transmutations. This was a profound reason why the master calligrapher Liu Gongquan and a few other calligraphers still emerged during the late Tang period.

1. The Superstar of Late Tang Calligraphy: Liu Gongquan Liu Gongquan, courtesy name Chengxuan, was from Huayuan near the capital (modern Yaozhou District, Tongchuan, Shaanxi). He was born in the thirteenth year of the Dali era of Emperor Daizong of Tang (778) and died in the sixth year of the Xiantong era of Emperor Yizong (865). He lived through the reigns of ten Tang emperors: Daizong, Dezong, Shunzong, Xianzong, Muzong, Jingzong, Wenzong, Wuzong, Xuanzong II and Yizong—liv-

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ing 88 years. The old and new Book of Tang both contain his biography, with very detailed accounts of his life. Here we will give key points. Liu Gongquan was a scholarly and also a poetic calligrapher. All his life he was indifferent to wealth and status. He had deep and broad cultural and artistic cultivation and aesthetic feeling. He »loved to study as a child, and could compose ci poetry and fu rhapsodies by age twelve.« His knowledge was broad. He was »especially versed in the Zuo Zhuan [左传, The Zuo Tradition], Guoyu [国语, Discourses of the States], the Book of Documents, the Mao Commentary on the Classic of Poetry [Maoshi 毛诗] and the Zhuangzi; every time someone mentioned an idea [from these books], he would recite several pages.« He was also skilled in judging inkstones, and he knew the musical tone system. In addition, he had a quick poetic talent and could compose poetry as he spoke. All of this was extremely significant in laying a foundation for him to become the master calligrapher of a generation, with outstanding achievements. He was an official for many years, and was upright and honest; he was a calligrapher with an »upright heart and upright brush.« According to the old and new Book of Tang, he passed the highest level of the imperial civil service examinations at the start of the Yuanhe era and became an editor at the Palace Library; later he also served as secretary under Li Ting in Xiazhou. He held many positions, and they were quite high, but because »his aspiration was to indulge in the study of calligraphy, and he was unable to manage real life,« his whole life he was also unable to break away from his destiny of serving the emperor in the palace by means of calligraphy. However, because of this, his calligraphy progressed by leaps and bounds, and he became a calligraphy sensation. Not only did the emperor regard him extremely highly and treasure his work, but, also, meritorious members of the imperial family and important ministers of the time were honored to receive his calligraphy.

In spite of this, Liu Gongquan did not become a flattering and fawning lackey of the emperor, but always maintained an honest, upright and outstanding personality. Moreover, although he received massive sums for the steles that he wrote, he very much scorned money and did not establish any property; he only attached importance to the brushes and inkstones of calligraphy and painting. He always maintained a natural and unrestrained state of mind, transcending and considering himself above concerns of status and wealth. It was precisely because he had such an attitude toward life that Liu Gongquan was able to remove the turmoil that came along with wealth and official position from his life and throw himself wholeheartedly into the meticulous study and creation of calligraphy, and become a hugely influential master calligrapher. His calligraphy was formed on the basis of carrying on the tradition of Zhong Yao, first studying the two Wangs, later consulting the work of Tang calligraphers Ouyang Xun, Yu Shinan, Chu Suiliang, Xue Ji and Lu Jianzhi, and especially absorbing the essence of Yan Zhenqing’s calligraphy, with the addition of his own innovative creation. He took in and digested the old, and created his own Liu style. He carried on the tradition of Zhong Yao, studying northern inscriptions, taking up their structure and power but discarding their austerity. He first studied the two Wangs, but also »actively changed the methods of Youjun [Wang Xizhi].« He studied Ouyang Xun, taking in his »strength« but discarding his »ruggedness«; he studied Yu Shinan, taking in his »hardness« but changing his »softness«; he studied Chu Suiliang, incorporating his »strength and refinement« but dialing back his »elegance and charm«; he studied Xue Ji, reinforcing his »robustness and beauty« but weakening his »coldness and severity«; he studied Lu Jianzhi, taking up his »extraordinary spirit and appearance« but discarding his »lack of ornamentation.« In particular, he studied Yan Zhenqing, agreeing with his »severity and thick-

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ness« and »strength and vigor,« emphasizing his spirit and manner, continuing his »use of the brush with the tip centered,« and pursuing his innovative creation and the new aesthetic standards he established; but doing it differently from Yan’s stoutness and thickness, changing the size of his brushstrokes, rectifying his »silkworm heads and swallowtails,« changing his »strong flesh« to »strong bones,« and establishing another new aesthetic manner. It was precisely in this process of deeply drawing on a wide variety of sources and blending things from different places that he established the Liu style, with its severe and crisp structural power and strong and vigorous spirit. This new style shining in the history of calligraphy was different from the Ouyang style, with its »strong bones and ferocious power,« and also different from the Yan style with its »abundant flesh and profound power.« It could be said that the Liu style was the product of dialectical unification and organic blending of the two styles. Liu style calligraphy completely changed the aristocratic »ancient method« of the Jin-Song period that revered spirit and pursued grace, and it further perfected and established the new aesthetic rules for calligraphy that Yan Zhenqing began and pushed toward their peak, and that were more suited to the aesthetic requirements of the masses of commoners. Thus, although the calligraphy of the late Tang was in decline, there was still one sparkling star: Liu Gongquan. Many of Liu’s works have been handed down, the main ones being Diamond Sutra, Xuanmi Pagoda Stele (Xuanmita bei 玄秘塔碑), Shence Troop Stele (Shence jun bei 神策军碑), Stele for Li Ang (Li ang bei 李晟碑), Huiyuan Temple Bell Tower Inscription of the Great Tang (Datang huiyuanguan zhonglou ming 大唐回元观钟楼铭), Fulin Temple Jie Pagoda Inscription (Fulinsi jieta ming 福林寺戒塔 铭), Stele for Feng Su (Feng su bei 冯宿碑), Stele for Fu Lin (Fu lin bei 符磷碑), Stele for Liu Mian (Liu mian bei 刘沔碑), Afterword to Sending Pears (Songli tie tiba 送梨帖题跋), Stele for Gao Yuanyu

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(Gao yuanyu bei 高元裕碑), Classic of Salvation, Yinfujing, Qingjing Jing (清静经, Classic of Purity and Stillness), Heart Sutra, Mengzhao Manuscript (Mengzhao tie 蒙诏帖), Sending Medicine (Jiyao tie 寄药帖), Portrait of a Government Official (Guanxiang tie 官相帖), Jianling Tie (检领帖), Lanting Poetry Scroll (Lanting shi juan 兰亭诗卷) and Epitaph for Madame Su (Su furen muzhi 苏夫人墓志). Below we will comment on a few representative works. The full title of Xuanmi Pagoda Stele is Xuanmi Pagoda Stele for Dharma Teacher Dada of the Tang Dynasty, who Consecrated the Three Doctrines within the Left Street Office of Monasteries, Discussed Drawing Along Great Virtue and Was Granted Purple Robes by the Senior Monks of Anguo Temple (唐故左街僧录内供奉三教谈 论引驾大德安国寺上座赐紫大达法师玄秘塔碑 铭并序). It is also called Xuanmi Pagoda Stele for Dharma Teacher Dada, Xuanmi Pagoda Inscription for Dharma Teacher Dada (Dada fashi xuanmi ta ming 大达法师玄秘塔铭), Stele for Dharma Teacher Dada, Yuanmi Pagoda Stele (Yuanmi ta bei 元秘塔碑) and Yuanmi Pagoda Inscription (Yuanmi ta ming 元秘塔铭). The text was composed by Pei Xiu, and Liu Gongquan wrote it in regular script with a title in seal script. Shao Jianhe and Shao Jianchu engraved the characters. The stele was erected in the first year of the Huichang era of the Tang Dynasty (841), in modern Xi’an, Shaanxi; it is now kept in the Forest of Steles, in Xi’an. The text totals 28 lines with 54 characters per line. However, because two characters have been rubbed off the bottom of each line, we can no longer see the original in its entirety. Liu Gongquan wrote the calligraphy for this stele when he was 64 years old. Closely appreciating the entire stele, we can see that Liu used the brush with the tip centered, but it appears slightly in edges and corners. He used both square and round strokes with rich variety. Horizonal strokes are light while vertical ones are heavy, and it is clear where he started and stopped. Horizontal strokes are ro-

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bust if short and slender if long, and thick and fine are distinct. Vertical strokes are syncopated and powerful, strong and erect, stretching and elongated. Pie (撇, left-slanting downward stroke) strokes are light, strong and sharp, while na (捺, right- and downward concave stroke) strokes are thick, robust and heavy; lightness and heaviness are used as appropriate. The feel of the writing is like tendons pulling and bones standing straight, containing vigor and charm within strength. The character construction retreats inward and expands outward. Characters are balanced side-toside and evenly distributed top to bottom, and they contract in the center. The whole presents a compact but is also dignified and attractive. In summary, whether in terms of brushwork, character construction, line separation and white space, or aesthetic style, this stele can be called a classic work of regular script. It is the representative work that can best manifest Liu style calligraphy; eleven hundred years later it is still used as a model for studying regular script. Currently there are photocopies of a Song Dynasty rubbing held by the Palace Museum in circulation (Fig. 5.8.10). The full title of the Shence Troop Stele is Stele with Preface, Recording the Sage’s Virtue when the Emperor Visited the Left Shence Troops (皇帝巡 幸左神策军纪圣德碑并序). It is also called the Shence Troop Stele Recording the Sage’s Virtue or the Left Shence Troop Stele Recording the Sage’s Virtue. The text was composed by Tang Dynasty official Cui Xuan, and Liu Gongquan accepted the emperor’s order to write the calligraphy in regular script. It was written and carved in the third year of the Huichang era of the Tang Dynasty (843). The original stele is long since lost; only the top half of a rubbing that was in the collection of Song Dynasty chancellor Jia Sidao has been handed down. The rubbing was previously taken to Hong Kong, was later acquired for a huge sum and returned to the mainland, and is now held by the National Library of China. This stele was written by Liu Gongquan when he was 66 years

old, two years later than the Xuanmi Pagoda Stele. The characters are also rather large. It represents further perfecting and standardization of the Liu style calligraphy established in the Xuanmi Pagoda Stele. Compared to that stele, this one seems stronger and more powerful, more orderly, more impregnable. It manifests the »esteeming rules« that characterizes Tang Dynasty regular script in the most perfect form and to the fullest extent. Cultural Relics Publishing House in Beijing has photocopies in circulation (Fig. 5.8.11). Of course, as a secondary range to the peak of the Yan style and as the pinnacle of Tang Dynasty reg-

5.8.10 Xuanmi Pagoda Stele, Tang Dynasty, Liu ­Gongquan, rubbing held by the Palace Museum

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5.8.11 Shence Troop Stele, Tang Dynasty, Liu Gongquan, rubbing held by the National Library of China

ular script, the Liu style admittedly has immortal charm that has shined upon later generations; it is still a model studied and appreciated today. At the same time, however, it does indeed clearly display characteristics that emerged in their final form when Tang Dynasty regular script had developed to its peak. This is precisely why, as the last star of Tang Dynasty calligraphy, Liu Gongquan’s radiance both reflected the past and illuminated the future.

2. Other Famous Late Tang Calligraphers In the constellation of late Tang calligraphy, aside from the shining star of Liu Gongquan, there also sparkled many other extraordinarily splendid,

SECTION 3 THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE ART OF CALLIGRAPHY IN THE LATE TANG

brilliant and varied calligraphy stars of varying sizes. Here we will select a few calligraphers with their own unique styles and certain achievements, and comment on them briefly. Du Mu (803–853), courtesy name Muzhi, lived during the Tang Dynasty and was from Wannian near the capital (modern Xi’an, Shaanxi). He was a famous poet and outstanding political commentator of the late Tang. Although his ambitions lay in statecraft, he served as an official for many years, and was talented in both civil and military matters—so was unable to fully utilize his talents and ambitions and was often unhappy. He became sick, and died when he was only 50 years old. However, Du Mu loved to read, was good at poetry and prose, and was also skilled in calligraphy. He turned his vast political knowledge and deep sorrow into beautiful poems, and he also turned them into fine works of calligraphy that were passed down to later generations, becoming artistic treasures that are esteemed. He was indeed a late Tang calligrapher with his own unique artistic style and who is worth valuing. Du Mu’s representative work is his running script scroll Poem of Zhang Haohao (Zhang haohao shi 张好好诗) (Fig. 5.8.12). It is now in the collection of the Palace Museum in Beijing, and there are photocopies in circulation. It is a work of Du Mu’s bleak experience of life in which he pours out his sorrows. The brushwork is forceful and gracefully vivid, and the manner and style are robust, handsome and free. It can be said that his calligraphy resembled himself; they were both mighty and strong. Following that is he monk Gaoxian, whose years of birth and death are unknown. We only know that while Emperor Xuanzong II of Tang was on the throne (847–859), he summoned Gaoxian, granted him a purple robe and bestowed upon him the title Venerable One. Gaoxian was first a monk at Jian’an Temple and Siming Temple in Chang’an, and later returned to his hometown Wucheng (modern Huzhou, Zhejiang Province) to

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5.8.12 Poem of Zhang Haohao, Tang Dynasty, Du Mu, held by the Palace Museum

spend his last years at Kaiyuan Temple. He primarily studied the calligraphy of Zhang Xu and Huaisu, but he had his own special characteristics. In his representative surviving work, Cursive Thousand Character Classic (Caoshu qianziwen 草 书千字文), the brushwork is strong, bright and clear; his manner is fluent and elegant; and the atmosphere is natural and carefree. It definitely has the air of Zhang Xu. Although Gaoxian, having studied Zhang Xu, was not able to surpass him, he was still able to take the valuable parts of Zhang’s calligraphy and form his own style, which is also remarkable and valuable. This scroll is now held by the Shanghai Museum, and there are photocopies in circulation. Wu Cailuan’s dates of birth and death are also not known, but her life story has a rather legendary flavor. Notes on Calligraphy from the Xuanhe Era

CHAPTER VIII THE ART OF CALLIGRAPHY IN THE HIGH, MIDDLE, AND LATE TANG

records it in detail. She said herself that she was the daughter of Lord Wu of Xishan. Surprisingly, during the Dahe era of the Tang Dynasty, she was able to pass the highest level of the imperial civil service examinations. Liexian Zhuan (列仙传, Biographies of Immortals) says that when she wrote Tang Rhymes (Tang yun 唐韵), her brush seemed to fly, finishing a section in a day. When we appreciate her surviving work Tang Rhymes, although the characters are small and the columns dense, with different sizes mixed together, her handwriting is skilled, slender, clear and beautiful; the force of her brushwork is visible. The density of the characters and white space varies irregularly, yet it all blends together well. The work is special in that it has the decorative aesthetic of a picture, the rhythmic aesthetic of music, and a distinctive aesthetic overall. Cailuan wrote 13 scrolls in all for this piece. These original paper scrolls carry the imperial seal »Xuanhe,« and they are now in the collection of the National Palace Museum in Taipei. In addition, with the flourishing and development of Buddhism during the Tang Dynasty, the calligraphic writing and carving of Buddhist sutras also flourished during the Tang Dynasty, creating quite a few calligraphers among common monks. For example, among the numerous scrolls found in the Library Cave in the Mogao Caves at Dunhuang in the twenty-sixth year of the Guangxu Emperor of Qing (1900) were a good number of sutras written during the Tang Dynasty. Some examples are the Samantapāsādikā Scroll (Shanjianlü jing juan 善见律经卷) written by Guo Quan (Fig. 5.8.13), and the Tang Dynasty carvings of Buddhist scriptures at Yunju Temple in the Fangshan District of Beijing, such as the Lotus Sutra (Miaofa lanhua jing 妙法莲花经), carved in the late Tang Dynasty. These could be called top-quality or fine works of calligraphy, but we will not tiresomely list them here one by one. In conclusion, late Tang calligraphy was a secondary range compared to the peak of Tang Dy-

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5.8.13  Samantapāsādikā Scroll, Tang Dynasty, Guo Quan, held by the Palace Museum

nasty calligraphy, and although the Liu Gongquan shone brightly and vibrantly, as did a series of calligraphers with their own elegant manner, this was the last reverberation of Tang Dynasty

calligraphy, a song that had already ended. Where its sound lingered, the symphony of a new period of calligraphy, Song Dynasty calligraphy, which »esteemed spirit,« would begin to play.

CHAPTER IX  PAINTINGS AND MURALS OF THE SUI AND TANG DYNASTIES The gorgeous long scrolls of Sui and Tang Dynasty paintings (including murals) unfurled as history progressed from the Sui to the flourishing Tang. Overall, Sui and Tang painting (and murals) expressed a unified atmosphere and the valuing of magnificent exteriors and a beautiful inner nature. Internally, they manifested overall improvement and development, which were expressed externally as the seeking of and establishment of techniques and rules, achieving a standardized and rational approach for this period in the history of Chinese fine arts.

Section 1  The Art of Painting in the Sui and Tang Dynasties 1. A Historical Turning Point and the Development of Painting The unified empire of the Sui and Tang Dynasties formed a unified cultural atmosphere, creating the opportunity for art to develop in a unified way. Artists began to perform regimented explorations of art from a deeper and broader understanding and used more comprehensive techniques, thereby forming the main thread of the overall development of the art of painting during the Tang Dynasty. In terms of the overall development of painting, Sui and Tang painters carried on the basic system of Wei-Jin theories of painting while also further studying its basic stylistic spirit and painting methods. They truly had a new understanding of the »clear and empty mind« and »appreciating images.« Sui and Tang Dynasty

painting actually implemented a process for the overall systematic mastery of Chinese painting. This mastery was not manifested in the deepening of theory, but in the standardization of the original basic theories into rules, and it was expressed as a common form with rules integrated. Conclusions, such as »in the Tang Dynasty painting, rules were valued« and »the Tang Dynasty esteemed fine work and the Song Dynasty esteemed technique« have always been accepted precisely because they summarized this point. Specifically, the development of painting during the Sui and Tang dynasties did not mention categories of fundamental philosophical principles as during the Three Kingdoms, Jin, and the Southern and Northern Dynasties. Rather, in the areas of deeper and broader understanding and more comprehensive technique, some principles with more or less philosophical leaning were turned into more specific concepts in categories of painting and combined with the practice or techniques of painting. In addition, the painter’s experiences and studies of paintings were more highly regarded. As a result, painting became part of the development process of culture as a whole. In terms of »spirit,« Sui and Tang painters clearly split it into two aspects, the artist as subject and the requirements of painting. The active role of the painter as subject was often advocated from the angle of »expressing one’s own intention and not being confined by rules,« »understanding in the mind« and »being able to show one’s spirit«—ultimately achieving an understanding of »bringing out one’s own emotional response and comprehension,« which developed and enriched the requirement of »portraying the spirit [of the object or per-

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son being painted].« As for painting, it was often discussed from the angle of »having structure,« »having flesh« and »having spirit,« finally reaching a realm where »structure and flesh suit one another« and »spirit and appearance merge into one.« This further connected theories of »portraying the spirit« and »aesthetic atmosphere« with the design of »painting real objects and people.« In terms of handling of »image,« meanwhile, painters on the one hand emphasized spirit, advocating being purposely original or unconventional through painstaking effort and creating an »image« through the thoughts and understanding of the artist as subject. On the other hand, they also emphasized methods, advocating rules for brushwork and design, limiting »images« through painting vocabulary and rules. These two were unified by an understanding that while the spirit of a painting was complete and all-encompassing, the channels for communicating spirit should be clear, and that rules would be widely used but with new meaning within. In this way, Sui and Tang painters manifested the requirements of the artist as subject and the requirements of painting in a fairly concentrated form in their quest for spirit, rules and brush technique, creating a period of painting with unusual atmosphere but also strict rules. If Wei-Jin painters who were »ahead of their time« proposed »appreciating images with a clear and empty mind,« then Sui and Tang painters gradually turned this concept into the common understanding and basic requirement for painting. They brought it into the lives of painters and the practice of painting, thereby causing Sui and Tang painting, while displaying the culture of a people, to also show where the emotional response and comprehension of this great people were located in the endless growth and multiplication of nature, displaying an extraordinary spirit and summarizing the source of the rational spirit of the art of painting.

SECTION 1 THE ART OF PAINTING IN THE SUI AND TANG DYNASTIES

2. New Explorations in Brush and Ink Painters of the Wei-Jin era held aloft the banner of »drawing technique,« which caused traditional Chinese painting to break through both the fetters of »ornamentation« and the restrictions of »depicting objects,« setting off on a smooth path of exploring artistic vocabulary. Sui and Tang painters, meanwhile, further appreciated and came to understand the connection between objects and painting on the foundation of the understanding of objects, and while processing those objects more consciously basing themselves on exploration and the creation of artistic forms. They carried on »drawing technique« but were not limited by individual drawing techniques, grasping the key concept of »using the brush.« They carried on the exploration and purification of Chinese painting vocabulary with diligence and focus for hundreds of years, resulting in the systematic perfection and development of »brush technique,« and completing the initial exploration of the direction of the expansion of brush technique. In the time of Wu Daozi and Li Sixun, issues of brush movement such as lifting and pressing, speed, redoing strokes, and weight, were further resolved, various basic rules for using the brush were proposed, and different types of brush technique standards were induced. Many famous artists of the Tang Dynasty and even nameless painters all prominently displayed high regard for and active pursuit of brush technique in their practice of brushwork. By changing the movement of the brush, they expanded the basic drawing techniques created by earlier painters, such as »the high ancient wandering silk thread drawing,« into a series of drawing techniques that could manifest more brush techniques. Some examples are tiexian miao« (铁线描, lit. »iron wire drawin«), which was good for expressing strength and turning, and lanye miao (兰叶描, lit.»orchid leaves drawin«), which was good for expressing speed and fluidity. These were immortal contributions to the estab-

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lishment of the »drawing« system of brush technique. At the same time, starting from the early Tang Dynasty, painters further expanded »drawing technique« into the category of the »wrinkle method.« They used lifting, dropping, and redoing brush movements to fill in the inadequacies of drawing technique, displaying a new atmosphere in brush technique, and finding a new path for the development of brush technique. If we say that the category where »drawing techniques« apply is the beginning of Chinese painting’s high regard for »the touch of the brush,« then the emergence of the »wrinkle method« is more related to a recognition of »texture« in painting. The high regard for brush technique within the »wrinkle method« meant that the original painting processes of tu (涂, to spread or apply paint) and hui (绘, to draw or paint an image) gradually entered onto a development path of standardization; they passed from an at-will state into a regulated category directly related to painting vocabulary. As a result, brush techniques such as »application of color« and »rubbing« also appeared one after another as part of the high regard for brush technique during the Tang Dynasty. Although their perfection would take more time, the unprecedented regard that they received in painting shows the initiative and consciousness of Sui and Tang painters regarding the development of brush techniques of Chinese painting. It was precisely because of the comprehensive development of brush technique that the theories of the associated brush techniques were among the pillars of Chinese painting theory, and that all depictions of subjects and renewals of the appearance of paintings could be summed up in terms of the use and creation of brush techniques. Theorists after the middle Tang already discussed brush technique comprehensively and deeply as an important form of vocabulary for painting. That Zhang Yanyuan could list the brush techniques of »Gu, Lu, Zhang and Wu« (Gu Kaizhi, Lu Tanwei, Zhang Sengyou and Wu Daozi) in On Fa-

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mous Paintings through the Ages (Lidai minghua ji 历代名画记), and discuss them as a microcosm, is inextricably linked to the overall expansion of brush techniques by Sui and Tang painters. In addition, one of the important contributions of Sui and Tang painters was that they created »ink technique.« As a result, Chinese painting was able to completely throw off the fetters of »objects« in terms of form and color, and this greatly increased the active role of »modeling.« On the one hand, Sui and Tang painters enriched the »shaping« function of color through fine and profound depictions; on the other hand, they abandoned rich and variable color and chose ink wash painting instead. Due to the influence of the distinctive color concept traditions of the Chinese people, Tang Dynasty painters ultimately found a »color vocabulary« centered around »ink technique.« During the High Tang Period at the latest, the emphasis on ink technique was already fairly widespread, especially among painters of higher cultural levels; they already had a fair grasp and amount of ability, and there was a trend of actively pursuing basic ink techniques such as »ink wash shading« and »breaking the ink.« Wang Wei, Zheng Qian, Zhang Zao and Xiang Rong made huge contributions to the establishment of ink technique. In the hands of Wang Qia (also known as Wang Mo), meanwhile, there even appeared an »ink splashing method.« Although we cannot see the full picture of ink technique from the Tang paintings passed down to the present, their technique of ink wash shading is easy to see. The widespread emergence of using ink to replace color not only created a new kind of clear and rich atmosphere and level of richness, but it also promoted exploration of brush techniques in many areas. Requirements for different shades and wetnesses caused a new improvement in painting techniques. The emergence of ink technique was one of the important achievements of Tang Dynasty painting. It became a category of vocabulary comparable to »brush technique,« with the result that »form«

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and »color« each had their own basis in Chinese painting and thus became the two most basic requirements of later Chinese painting.

eventually became independent: flower-and-bird painting. The earliest genre classifications for painting were probably already widely recognized during the middle Tang. There were six genres: Daoist and Buddhist paintings, figures in beautiful silks, horses, animals, flowers and birds, and landscapes. This seems similar to the Six Principles of Chinese painting, but actually it was more likely influenced by the »Six Harmonies«: the number six, implying all of space-time (including heaven, earth, people and the ten thousand things), also manifests the complete and perfect nature of the genre classifications. Although the categorization of subject matter and the formation of an artistic style are not the same thing, what we should see is that the stylistic schools of Sui and Tang painting were largely related to the strengths of different subjects. During the Sui Dynasty, these individual strengths had a relatively large effect on the formation of different painting genres during the Tang Dynasty. Conversely, the formation of the »Wu (Daozi) style« during the Tang Dynasty was related to the »Cao (Zhongda) style« and the »Zhang (Sengyou) style,« renowned for different styles of Buddhist painting during the Southern and Northern Dynasties. It was precisely because of changes in painting styles and the expansion of subject matter for paintings that exploration of various rules and techniques could be fully carried out during the Sui and Tang dynasties. It was also the reason why later Chinese painting was both unified under the same technical rules and also formed many painting genres that differed in their subject matter, finally forming a fixed system of subjects and techniques that was »constant without losing change and development, simple without losing its richness.« We should see the standardizing and systematizing effects of subject matter and genre classification on painting techniques. Because of the emphasis on technique in the genres, various »models« became the form of expression of classic

3. Classification of Painting Genres and the Emergence of Models It was during the transition from the Sui to the Tang, precisely because of the overall expansion of subject matter and the standardization and filling out technical rules, that various subject matter areas were able to become »genres of painting« with their own special characteristics, forming genre classifications for painting determined by subject matter. In the subject area of people alone, due to the influence of Buddhist art and the initial completion of the Sinicization of Buddhism, as well as global contacts from the Han to the Tang, not only were the figures and stories of traditional historical subject matter enriched, but, also, expressive requirements and methods, each with their own characteristics, formed for gods and spirits, strange phenomena, foreign people, Daoist and Buddhist deities and immortals, and so on. Because of this, in Sui and Tang painting, different genres of figure painting such as equestrian or Daoist or Buddhist figure painting had actually already formed based on different types of subject matter. In landscape painting, which was already independent, although the many subject areas were not completely independent, strengths in various subject areas for various creators and in various works had already become important categories, such as temples, carts and horses, and so on. These not only promoted the development of landscape painting, but they also had a certain impact on the formation of the various schools and styles of landscape painting. More important to mention is the painting of various kinds of animals and plants. Not only did it serve as an impetus for the development of figure painting and landscape painting, but more importantly it foretold the birth and formation of the widest-ranging major category of Chinese painting, which

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techniques. Therefore, the formation of »models« also became an important feature with the development of Tang Dynasty painting. The models of this time had elements of both »examples of modeling« and also elements of »brush and ink techniques.« They could be seen as formulaic modeling units, but also as logical combinations of vocabulary, and also as classic forms of painting styles. The contributions of these »models« to the development of Chinese painting and the formation of stylistic schools cannot be ignored. Especially for later folk painting and artisan painting, these models became their main templates and learning material. The various »catalogues« and »special techniques« that were widely circulated and used by later generations inevitably continued and had a cause-and-effect relationship with the initial formation of »models.« This phenomenon is also the most specific expression of the saying »the Tang Dynasty esteemed fine work.«

Section 2  The Maturation of Figure Painting 1. Achievements of the Father and Sons of the Yan Family Figure painting was the earliest genre to develop in Chinse painting. It actually included various kinds of subject matter, such as stories, Daoist and Buddhist paintings, deities and immortals, ghosts, people from other places, and historical and legendary figures. It had the broadest educational and societal functions, and it reached a peak phase of development during the Sui and Tang Period. The painter Zheng Fashi, who lived from the Northern Zhou into the Sui Dynasty, and his contemporaries Yang Qidan and Tian Sengliang, were figures who were prominent during the Sui Dynasty and influential on later generations. Zheng Fashi was good at painting portraits of the nobility, paintings of Daoist and Buddhist sto-

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ries, and folk subjects. Yang Qidan was good at expressing Buddhist stories and the life of the nobility. Both of them were widely known for painting Buddhist temple murals, and their murals still survived in many places during the Tang Dynasty. However, there were also a small number of painters who, because of their official position or because of their painting subject matter and special achievements, were more esteemed by later generations and left behind more traces we can see today. The family of the Sui Dynasty painter Yan Pi (563–631) was one such example. Yan Pi and his sons Yan Lide (?–656) and Yan Liben (601–673) were key figures on the Chinese painting scene from the Sui to the early Tang. Politically, they held especially important positions. The Yan family’s ancestral home was Shengdong, Yulin (northwestern part of modern Horinger County, Inner Mongolia) and their ancestors were officials in the Northern Zhou. Yan Pi inherited a title of nobility as a child. He was very talented in the arts, with achievements in calligraphy, painting, architecture and handicrafts. After the start of the Sui Dynasty, Emperor Wen of Sui recognized Yan Pi’s talents and ordered him to accompany the crown prince, Yang Guang. Later, when Yang Guang came to power, Yan Pi was given an even more important position. At the time, »the things used by the crown prince were all made by Pi,« such as palace carriages and ceremonial weapons. Later, Yan Pi died suddenly in the army during Emperor Yang of Sui’s campaign to the east, at the age of fifty. The Book of Sui includes his biography. After the Tang Dynasty was established, military accomplishments and civil governance were equally important, and court etiquette bore the brunt of it. The Yan family was blessed; Yan Lide and Yan Liben had followed their father Yan Pi to settle in Wannian, Yongzhou (modern Xi’an, Shaanxi). They followed Li Shimin, and were capable talents in the Prince of Qin’s retinue before he ascended to the throne. After Li Shimin took the throne as Taizong, the Yan brothers further

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carried on their father’s teachings. They made outstanding achievements in architecture, handicrafts and painting and became prominent figures on the early Tang painting scene. Yan Lide, given name Yan Rang, served as Adjutant of the Section of Works under the crown prince during the time of Emperor Gaozu. Later he became Chief Steward of the Clothing Service, in charge of the design and manufacture of the court’s ceremonial attire and ceremonial ­weapons. After Taizong ascended to the throne, Yan Lide took the post of Grand Craftsman for the Royal Buildings in the 21st year of the Zhenguan era (647), leading the design and construction of the emperor’s palace buildings and tombs. In the early Tang, the construction of palace buildings and the Xianling Mausoleum and Zhao Mausoleum came under the direction of Lide. Later, he became Minister of Public Works, and after his death he was given the honorary titles Minister of Appointments and Military Governor of Bingzhou. He was given the posthumous title Yuekang, and interred in Zhao Mausoleum with Emperor Taizong. Lide’s younger brother Yan Liben also served as kuzhi 库直, an official in the imperial bodyguard, under the crown prince during the time of Gaozu. When Taizong ascended to the throne, Yan Liben served as Gentleman of the Center in the Bureau of Noble Titles and Vice President of the Board of Justice. During Taizong’s reign, he succeeded his brother in serving as Grand Craftsman for the Royal Buildings and replaced his brother as Minister of Public Works. In the first year of the Zongzhang era (668), he was promoted to youxiang (右相, ›right counsellor‹), the head of the examination bureau, sharing in governance. In the first year of the Xianheng era (670), the position reverted to its old name, President of the Secretariat. After his death, Yan Liben was named Duke of Boling County. The Old Book of Tang and New Book of Tang both contain a joint biography of the two brothers.

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The father and sons of the Yan family served as officials in several dynasties, managing construction and rites within the palace, and they were also all good at painting. Yan Pi and Yan Lide’s paintings fell into oblivion long ago; the histories record that Lide painted works such as Cockfighting (Douji tu 斗鸡图), Yuhua Palace (Yuhua gong tu 玉华宫图) and Princess Wencheng’s Journey to Tibet (Wencheng gongzhu jiang bo tu 文成公 主降蕃图). As for his painting style, it has been deduced that his style probably tended toward figure and narrative paintings, with the quality of murals. The painting achievements of the father and sons are manifested in concentrated form through Yan Liben. Histories of painting record that »although [Yan Liben] was taught by Zheng Fashi, actually he surpassed him.« He was skilled at portrait painting. Because he served in three dynasties and held the highest official positions, naturally his painting conformed to the political requirements and artistic viewpoints of the Tang Dynasty. Quite a few of his creations are portraits recording real people, and documentary works with major events as their subject, made on command; thus, his works emphasize the formulaic layout and methods of a craftsman’s work and meticulous techniques of depiction. These requirements determined the basic appearance and characteristics of Yan Liben’s works: his depiction of form, vividness and formulaic arrangement all show surpassing technique and skill. This was precisely his most important contribution to the development of figure painting. Among the portraits created by Yan Liben, the ones that historians pay most attention to are Eighteen Scholars of the Prince of Qin’s Residence (Qinfu shiba xueshi tu 秦府十八学士图), painted in the 9th year of the Wude era of Gaozu (626) and Twenty-four Meritorious Officials in Lingyan Pavilion (Lingyan ge ershisi gongchen tu 凌烟阁二 十四功臣图), which he was ordered to paint in the 17th year of the Zhenguan era of Taizong (643). Eighteen Scholars of the Prince of Qin’s Residence

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consists of portraits of 18 advisors and officials who served Li Shimin, all depicting the people as they actually appeared. Each portrait is inscribed with the person’s name and noble title, with a summary written by Chu Liang. This painting was passed from person to person; during the Song Dynasty, it was in the collection of Shen Kuo’s family, and it was still extant at the start of the Qing Dynasty. This work was fairly influential on later literati and scholars, and its subject matter was constantly depicted by painters over the ages. After painting Eighteen Scholars of the Prince of Qin’s Residence for eighteen years, Yan Liben accepted Taizong’s order to paint 24 meritorious officials of the Tang Dynasty in the Lingyan Pavilion, and he completed another major work of portraiture. Taizong personally wrote the summary. The portraits of the meritorious officials in the Lingyan Pavilion have long since been lost. In the 5th year of the Yuanyou era of the Northern Song (1090), You Shixiong made a stone carving based on a sketch that had been passed down, and part of a rubbing that was handed down still exists today. From the rubbing of the carving, we can see that the figures have a certain standard posture. They are all full-body portraits, standing respectfully, holding ritual tablets. Their overall form is similar to the stone wengzhong 翁仲 statues of officials used in front of tombs. The folds of their clothing are depicted in tiexian miao (iron wire drawing), rather resembling the characteristics of the early Tang painting style. Sadly, the faces are blurred and unclear. Overall, however, these sketches also show that Tang Dynasty figure painting and portraits were to a fairly large extent based on the drafting methods of artisans. This was both determined by the use and function of these portraits, and it was also the result of the basic requirements of the development of figure painting during the Tang Dynasty. In addition, it is recorded that Yan Liben also accepted an order to paint a portrait of Taizong.

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The various works recorded over the years as having been painted by Yan Liben are also extremely numerous, but unfortunately most of these works have been lost. Among Tang paintings and copies passed down to the present, those inscribed as Yan Liben’s works include Emperor Taizong Receiving the Tibetan Envoy, Thirteen Emperors Scroll (Lidai diwang tu 历代帝王图), Xiao Yi Acquiring the »Orchid Pavilion Preface« by Deception (Xiao yi zuan lanting tu 萧翼赚兰亭图) and Drunk Daoist (Zui dao tu 醉道图). Researchers generally think that Emperor Taizong Receiving the Tibetan Envoy is a fairly representative work of Yan Liben, while they have differing opinions on the other works. Overall, however, these works basically have the style of early Tang figure painting. Emperor Taizong Receiving the Tibetan Envoy is now in the collection of the Palace Museum. It is painted on silk and is 0.385 m wide and 1.29 m long (Fig. 5.9.1). The subject of the painting is Emperor Taizong of Tang giving Princess Wencheng in marriage to the Tibetan leader Songtsen Gampo in the fifteenth year of the Zhenguan era (641). It shows the scene of Emperor Taizong receiving the Tibetan envoy Gar Tongtsen Yülsung (Tibetan prime minister), who came to establish friendly relations and bring Princess Wencheng back to Tibet. Because Emperor Taizong is sitting on a litter held by palace women, the painting is called the Litter Painting (Bunian tu 步辇图) in Chinese. On the right side of the painting are nine palace women holding Taizong’s litter, with three of them holding an umbrella and fans. The combination of figures is irregular and interwoven, with richly varied postures. On the left side we see an official, the envoy Gar Tongtsen Yülsung and a translator holding a ritual tablet, the three figures standing in order with solemn expressions. The background is not painted; the emphasis is on portraying the bearing, personalities and expressions of the figures, creating images of figures of differing social status with fine use of the brush. The overall layout

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5.9.1 Emperor Taizong Receiving the Tibetan Envoy, Tang Dynasty, Yan Liben, held by the Palace Museum

is skillfully done, and the use of color is steady and harmonious while also being rich and bright. Yan uniquely captured the roles of the figures and the relationships between them and recorded this major historical event. The piece has the highest documentary value and artistic value. It was continuously circulated from the Song Dynasty on. It is recorded in books such as The Xuanhe Catalogue of Paintings, Painting and Calligraphy Barge from Qinghe, Net of Coral, Collection and Examination of Calligraphy and Painting of the Hall of Following the Example of the Ancients and Record of Painting and Calligraphy of Peiwen Studio. At the end of the scroll are an inscription by Zhang Zhi and a date of viewing by Mi Fei, both of the Song Dynasty. The painting also carries collectors’ seals of Wanyan Jing, Emperor Zhangzong of Jin; Guo Qujie and Wu Xinyu of the Ming Dynasty; Liang Qingbiao and Nalan Chengde (Nalan Xingde) of the Qing Dynasty; and Yanyong, Emperor Renzong of Qing (the Jiaqing Emperor).

2. Explorations and Creations of the Sage of Painting, Wu Daozi During the High Tang Period, the artistic achievements of the peak of development of Tang Dynasty painting were manifested in the painting technique of Wu Daozi. Later painters enshrined and worshipped him continuously as their »founder,« and he was also widely recognized as the »Sage of Painting.« Moreover, he was appreciated by people of every social stratum, including literati and

scholar-officials, for his masterful techniques and rules. Wu Daozi was from Yangdi (modern Yuzhou, Henan). He was born around the end of the 7th century. Although he was poor and alone as a youth, he was industrious and eager to learn. He first studied calligraphy with Zhang Xuan and He Zhizhang, but he only loved painting. He then turned to painting, and he had exhausted all the mysteries of painting before he was 20-years-old. He held minor official positions, and he traveled far in Shu, where he absorbed the spirit of the landscape, and which brought forth exceptional talent. Later he moved east to Luoyang, where he became famous for painting, mostly painting in Buddhist and Daoist temples. Before long, his fame for painting shook the world, and he became famous in the two capitals. Emperor Xuanzong esteemed him, and summoned him to the inner court and made him an academician of the Private Academy. From then on he was also known as Daoxuan. At that time, he »did not get to paint without an imperial order.« Most of the murals in the imperial palaces and noble mansions and the Daoist temples built on imperial orders at that time came from Wu Daozi’s hand. At that point, his fame as a painter encompassed all under heaven. However, he was after all just a »craftsman painter« who was extremely lucky to have received the emperor’s favor. Ultimately, he only served as a fifth-rank »friend of the princely residence« in the residence of Xuanzong’s older

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brother Li Xian, Prince of Ning, where he was »in charge of attending [the prince] at home and when he went out, and advising with parables on morality and justice.« Wu Daozi believed devoutly in Buddhism and often carried the Diamond Sutra with him. He probably spent his later years basking in his steady popularity of yesteryear, and he died sometime after the first year of the Qianyuan era of Suzong (758) Wu Daozi threw his whole life into painting. The countless subjects of his creations became an important realm for later Chinese painters selecting their subject matter, and many apocryphal stories and interesting anecdotes about his works and creative process became among most influential Chinese classic stories which were circulated and embellished. Based on histories of painting across the ages, in the painting of Daoist murals, Wu Daozi not only created images of Laozi, the founder of the religion, but also portrayed various other figures in numerous images and scenes of offerings. Because of this it is said that he had a deciding influence of the structure of later Chinese Daoist murals. Secondly, Wu Daozi also enriched the subject matter of Buddhist painting through his creations. He created many images that corresponded to Chinese culture yet were also derived from Buddhist teachings, laying the foundation for the full development of Sinicized Buddhist art. In this area, Wu Daozi’s most important works and those which were most praised by later generations were his »likenesses of hell.« Moreover, Wu Daozi, known for painting ghosts and deities, also created numerous images of ghosts and deities that were taken up by the Chinese people. In addition to the abovementioned Daoist deities and spirits and minor ghosts in hell, he also created images of »hell on earth,« of which the most influential was Zhong Kui the ghost catcher, whom he depicted for the first time. Overall, Wu Daozi’s paintings covered a wider range of subject matter; it can be said that among all the categories of painting of the Tang Dynasty, there weren’t any he

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wasn’t good at or skilled in. After the High Tang, every temple had a work by Wu Daozi. He was revered as the »Sage of Painting« and »Forefather of Painting.« Wu Daozi’s contributions to the development of Chinese painting are mainly manifested in two areas: the first area are his contributions to use of the brush, and the second consists of his creation of numerous images in Chinese painting and his establishment of standardized composition, forming the set patterns and methods of the »Wu style.« Wu Daozi created numerous images for Chinese figure painting, and he applied many layouts and combination methods from Buddhist painting to Chinese figure painting, creating the painting models that were known as »Wu-style models.« On the foundation of paintings depicting a subject, Wu Daozi further blended in the requirement of »transmitting the spirit,« which caused the heavenly maidens he created to be »furtively peeping and about to speak,« the bodhisattvas he painted to »follow people with their eyes,« the temple guardians he painted to have »hair and flesh that were completely natural, and strength and vigor in abundance,« and the various deities and spirits that he created to have »strange forms, no two alike.« As a result, the various figures that he painted »had multiple sides, vitality and lifelike motion,« and this all could be uniform within the requirements of different occasions and atmospheres. In the creation of images, he paid attention to observing in silence and learning by heart; he once said that he »did not make sketches, but recorded things in [his] heart.« He was also deeply versed in various rules and techniques. When painting various large images, »whether he started from the arms, or did the feet first, the overall shape was very unusual, bound together by skin and veins.« He also formed many of his own unique methods for coloring: »within the marks of jiaomo [焦墨, »scorched ink,« a type of very dry and dark ink painting], slightly put a little color; it will naturally stand out against the white silk. The world calls this ›Wu style.‹«

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In terms of handling figures, the »Wu style« had already reached the realm where the hand easily accomplishes what the heart wishes, thereby causing Chinese figure painting to develop and display a high level of maturity. The emergence of the style was of key importance for the formation of formulas for Chinese religious paintings in later generations and the propagation of standardized painting rules among later Chinese painters. Although Wu Daozi made many works in his lifetime, because most of them existed in the form of murals and were circulated in the form of sketches, not only were they hard to preserve, but it was easy to circulate fakes or pass off modern fakes in the same format—so it was hard to distinguish the genuine from the fake. King Suddhodana Escorting Gautama Buddha (Song zi tianwang tu 送子天王图), now in the Osaka City Museum of Fine Arts in Japan, was traditionally passed down as a work by Wu Daozi. It is a plain drawing on paper, without a signature. At the end of the scroll are an inscription by Tang Dynasty imperial attendant Cao Zhongxuan and calligraphy of the Sutra on the Life of the Prince in Accordance with Good Omens (Rui ying ben qi jing 瑞应本起经), by Li Gonglin of the Song Dynasty. The picture is divided into three sections and is most likely a work depicting the birth of Shakyamuni (Gautama Buddha). The images of King Suddhodana and his wife Maya, however, are both in the attire of a Chinese emperor and empress. The deities, meanwhile, mostly retain their original Buddhist appearance and bearing. There are 20 figures in the image, each unique. Based on the brushwork and arrangement of the figures, there is now a good deal of doubt about whether this is a work by Wu Daozi, but it would be credible to say that this painting came from a Tang Dynasty master of the Wu school. In fact, the »Wu style« was extremely popular then, and had a key influence on later murals. A large number of surviving Tang Dynasty murals in the Dunhuang Cave no.s and later stone carvings made using murals as models

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all carry traces of Wu style to some extent. These include the Yuan Dynasty stone carving Uncle Demon (Guibo 鬼伯, also called Flying Demon, Feishen 飞神 or Demon of Quyang, Quyang gui 曲 阳鬼) at Beiyue Temple, Quyang, Hebei, as well as the murals in the temple hall; a carved image of Confucius in Qufu, Shandong; and images of divine guardians painted on a wooden box from the Five Dynasties found in Ruiguang Pagoda in Suzhou. Wu Daozi had many disciples. Most of them were famous craftsmen of the time. For many of the painters, none of their achievements were passed down, or only their names remain, such as Di Yan and Zhang Zang, who assisted Wu Daozi with coloring and inking and whose work could be mistaken for the real thing. Among disciples of Wu Daozi who are now still thought to have surviving works, Lu Lengjia and Liang Lingzan are worth noting. Lu Lengjia was from Chang’an (modern Xi’an, Shaanxi). Wu Daozi taught him his techniques and secrets, and his painting style was similar to Wu Daozi’s, although he was rather skilled in fine painting, and good at both landscapes and figure painting. He went to Shu during the An Lushan Rebellion and became a famous painter there. Six Arhats (Liu zunzhe xiang 六尊者像), now in the collection of the Palace Museum in Beijing, is inscribed as a painted by Lu Lengjia. Liang Lingzan was an academician of the Academy of the Jixian Basilica during the Kaiyuan era; he was both a scholar and a painter. The Five Planets and Twenty-Eight Constellations (Wuxing ershiba sushen xingtu juan 五星二十八宿神形图卷), now held by the Osaka City Museum of Fine Arts, has an inscription at the start of the scroll, reading, »Presented by Liang Lingzan, court gentleman-consultant, biejia of Longzhou, edict attendant of the Academy of Jixian Basilica, and Grand Scribe.« Addendum to Precious Mirror of Paintings (Tuhui baojian buyi 图绘宝鉴补遗) asserts that this scroll was painted by Liang Lingzan.

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3. Contributions of Zhang Xuan and Zhou Fang Besides the achievements of the »Wu style« in depicting Daoist and Buddhist figures, depicting people in beautiful silk clothing also became an important genre of Tang painting during the High Tang. These were works depicting scenes of the life of the nobility and their amusements. They fully reflected one side of Tang Dynasty social life and became a true depiction of Tang Dynasty social life. Their portrayals of figures were very influential on later Chinese figure painting. Beautiful silk paintings were produced and concentrated among the creations of court painters, beginning to thrive fully from the High Tang onward. Chen Hong, Yang Ning, Yang Sheng, Tan Jiao and Li Cou were all painters of the High Tang who could paint figures in beautiful silks, but Zhang Xuan was the most outstanding representative of this genre. Zhang Xuan was from the capital region (modern Xi’an, Shaanxi). The years of his birth and death are unknown; he was a huazhi (画直, court painter whose main task was drawing) of the Academy of the Jixian Basilica during the Kaiyuan era. He was skilled at painting women and children, and good at using scenery to set off the emotions of the figures, as well as at fine handling of the face, making women’s faces appear lovely, because of which he had the most famous reputation for painting nobility during the High Tang Period. Works by Zhang Xuan recorded in later generations mostly have court life and the activities of women as their main subject matter. Zhang Xuan’s Lady of Guo on a Spring Excursion (Guoguo furen youchun tu 虢国夫人游春图) and Court Ladies Preparing Newly Woven Silk (Daolian tu 捣练 图) are extent; legend has it that the copies were made by Emperor Huizong of Song. Both of these are masterpieces of Zhang Xuan’s typical subject matter and have been valued across the ages. Lady of Guo on a Spring Excursion is a color painting on silk, 0.52 m wide and 1.48 m long. It is now

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in the collection of the Liaoning Provincial Museum. The entire painting depicts a scene of Yang Guifei’s three older sisters and their mounted attendants on a spring outing, and displays the daily life of the upper classes during the High Tang Period. The painting shows eight horses and nine people on an excursion, with three people in the attire of officials and five people in fashionable clothing. The background is not painted; the scene of forward motion is only shown through varying density in the arrangement of the riders. There is a picturesque quality to the varying density of the overlapping composition. The figures look at one other, and their manner is easy; the horses progress at a relaxed pace. The clothing and accessories are bright, beautiful and sumptuous, and the ornaments on the people and horses are all extremely luxurious. Through different colors of horses, different saddles, saddle blankets and dust flaps, mane and tail ornaments on the horses, and the postures of the horses, walking and looking back, the painter depicts the formation of riders—which could easily be monotonous—in a way that is orderly yet lively, showing masterly composition methods through this regular arrangement. The handling of the figures, meanwhile, is even finer: holding an infant, spurring the horse forward, glancing back to urge the others on, turning the head to look, pulling the reins to walk slowly, they are all different. In addition, with the variety of styles and colors of the hairstyles, hats and belts, clothes and shoes, there is still a high level of uniformity in the diversity. The contented spring scene is portrayed vividly and in detail, fully displaying the atmosphere of High Tang figure painting. The original painting was once held in the imperial treasury during the Xuanhe era. The extant copy was made by a master of the painting academy and was considered precious among Song Dynasty copies. It was continuously passed down after the Song Dynasty, and is among the treasures that best reflect High Tang painting. (Fig. 5.9.2)

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5.9.2 Lady of Guo on a Spring Excursion (Song Dynasty copy), Tang Dynasty, Zhan Xuan, held by Liaoning Provincial Museum

Court Ladies Preparing Newly Woven Silk is a color painting on silk, 0.37 m wide and 1.47 m long. It is now held by the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston in the United States. The painting depicts a scene of palace women laboring to process white silk. It portrays twelve women of different ages, each in a different posture and with different bearing, divided into three group scenes of work, pounding, mending and straightening. Many different postures such as sewing, pounding, flattening, stroking, fanning and watching are masterfully interwoven. The figure’s psychologies are revealed through the scene, manifesting a sense of joy and fun during work and a harmony between outer happiness and inner peace; it is full of lifelike charm. The brushwork and color are simple but powerful, bright and beautiful, fine and elegant, and sumptuous, revealing the proud and stable atmosphere in the court during that golden age. The painter neglected to portray the scenery, only inserting the tools of their work between the figures. The handling of coloring of the clothes and ornaments of the different figures, the arrangement of the tools, the planning of the modeling and coloring all show the painter’s originality and creativity. The original of this painting is recorded in Xuanhe Huapu; it is the fourth of the

47 works of Zhang Xuan in the Song Dynasty imperial treasury. Although the extant copy has captions, however, they were all made by Emperor Zhangzong of Jin. The painting has no signature; unfortunately, evidence to definitively indicate it was copied by Huizong is insufficient. As an excellent Song Dynasty copy, however, it may not be far from the original, and has important reference value for understanding Zhang Xuan’s works of figure painting as well as the appearance of High Tang figure painting. After Zhang Xuan, the middle Tang painter Zhou Fang would develop Tang Dynasty figure painting, represented by court ladies, to a new level. Zhou Fang, courtesy names Jingxuan and Zhonglang, was also from the capital region. His years of birth and death are unknown. He was mainly active during the middle Tang Dynasty, from the latter half of the 8th century to the early 9th century. Zhou Fang came from a noble official family, and he held official positions, such as chief administrator of Yuezhou (Shaoxing, Zhejiang) and chief administrator and biejia of Xuanzhou (modern Xuancheng, Anhui). However, it was for painting that he was famous among officials, and his fame extended abroad. His works were bought in Jianghuai by merchants from places such as Silla, who

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»bought several dozen scrolls, all at a good price« and brought them to Silla. It is generally not hard to find the influence of Zhou Fang’s painting style in later ancient paintings of court ladies in countries such as Japan and Korea. Zhou Fang concentrated single-mindedly on painting. »At first, he imitated Zhang Xuan; later he was a little different.« He was fairly skilled in painting deities and Buddhist images, court ladies, emotional scenes and portraits, and was also summoned to paint murals for temples. He created the »dignified« image of Water Moon Guanyin, which was esteemed as one of the »models« for Buddhist images during the Tang Dynasty. In figure painting, he emphasized expression of the person’s manner and bearing. Zhou Fang’s achievements in painting are mainly concentrated in paintings of court ladies. In this area, he actually outdid Zhang Xuan; later he was deemed to have »surpassed all others, past and present, in painting court ladies,« and his works had the reputation of the »Zhou style.« Many works by Zhou Fang are recorded across the ages, but only a few works signed by Zhou Fang are extant: Court Lady with Servants, or Court Ladies Wielding Fans (Huishan shinü tu 挥扇仕女图), held by the Palace Museum in Beijing, Court Ladies Adorning Their Hair with Flowers (Zanhua shinü tu 簪花仕女图), held by the Liaoning Provincial Museum, and Court Ladies Tuning the Lute (Diaoqin chuoming tu 调琴啜茗图), which made its way to the United States. Court Ladies Adorning Their Hair with Flowers is a color painting on silk, 0.46 m wide and 1.8 m long. It was originally painted on a single screen, but was later mounted as a handscroll. The painting depicts six figures, two small dogs, a red-crowned crane, and a lily magnolia in full bloom along with peonies on a rock. Through poses such as standing, picking flowers, playing with a dog, observing a crane, and holding a fan, it expresses the typical lifestyle of amusement of noblewomen in the palace. The women in the painting have

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their hair in high buns and are wearing gauze fabrics; they have plump cheeks and bodies; they are prettily made up and at leisure. Zhou’s brushwork is fine and soft, mellow but varying; the coloring is harmonious, bright and beautiful, and the gauze clothes reveal the women’s figures. All this expresses the painter’s high level of mastery of drawing figures and coloring. This painting has even more of the rich and beautiful atmosphere of Tang painting. After it was entered into the imperial treasury in the Shaoxing era of the Southern Song, it was recorded in the various histories of paintings over the ages. It really is a masterpiece of Tang Dynasty painting. (Fig. 5.9.3) Court Lady with Servants is a color painting on silk, 0.337 m wide, 2.048 m long. It is now in the collection of the Palace Museum in Beijing. The entire painting depicts thirteen court ladies in different situations, divided into connected segments based on their activities. The background is not painted. The painting shows situations of everyday life for Tang Dynasty noblewomen or palace women, such as doing their makeup, talking together, holding fans or handkerchiefs, embroidering, resting alone, walking and sitting, and so on. The figures’ physical forms are plump and beautiful, and the overall spirit and appearance is lethargic and idle, with a certain quiet gloom. The brushwork is slightly modified square and powerful brushwork, and there is a sense of monotony in the old-fashioned and unadorned style. The color mainly consists of washes of vermilion and blue-green, increasing the atmosphere of the whole picture. The brushwork for the figures’ faces is rounded, with a lone parasol tree as the environment setting off the figures, displaying the painter’s profound grasp of the spirit and physical form of the figures and the originality and creativity of his concept. Overall, Tang Dynasty figure painting developed along the basic characteristics of »the Tang esteemed new subjects,« »the Tang esteemed rules« and »the Tang esteemed fine work,« forming a

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5.9.3 Court Ladies Adorning Their Hair with Flowers, Tang Dynasty, Zhou Fang, held by Liaoning Provincial Museum

fine, gorgeous and full-bodied Tang painting style. The spare background, clear composition, fine depictions of figures, unique clothing and ornaments, physical forms and facial features, careful application of color, and brushwork with a certain amount of variation became the basic characteristics of figure painting of this period. The achievements of Tang painters in these areas not only influenced the entire Tang Dynasty painting scene and other arts of the time, but also set a bar that was hard for later figure painting to reach.

Section 3  Development and Transformation in Landscape Painting 1. Zhan Ziqian and Spring Excursion There were quite a few painters during the Sui Dynasty; On Famous Paintings through the Ages records historical materials related to 15 Sui Dynasty painters. Among these, Zhan Ziqian and Dong Boren are first and foremost among painters who made important contributions to the devel-

opment of landscape painting. Dong Boren was from Ru’nan (modern Ru’nan, Henan). From the Southern Dynasties into the Sui Dynasty, he held the posts of Glorious Grand Master and General of the Palace. He was very talented in art and quite intelligent; in his hometown, he was called »Zhihai« (智海,lit. »sea of wisdom«). Based on works recorded in the Tang Dynasty, works such as Pavilions and Pagodas (Taige tu 台阁图) and Fields and Farmhouses (Tianjia nongshe tu 田家农舍图) were held up as Dong Boren’s best; unfortunately, none of his work has been handed down. Zhan Ziqian, however, received more attention and esteem from later generations because a work was attributed to him in an inscription by Zhao Ji, Emperor Huizong of Song. This work is Spring Excursion (Youchun tu 游春图), widely thought of as a masterpiece of early Chinese landscape painting. Spring Excursion is a landscape painting, painted in color on a silk handscroll, 0.43  m wide and 0.805  m long. It is now in the collection of the Palace Museum in Beijing. This painting depicts a panoramic view of an expansive landscape scene. Aside from mountains, water, rocks and trees, the painting also depicts white clouds coming

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out among the mountain peaks; it has buildings, courtyards, bridges and rowboats mixed in, and is dotted with figures, carts and horses enjoying the springtime. It shows a scene of a warm and joyous spring day, with apricot and peach blossoms bursting forth, inviting green meadows, clear and crystalline waves and a spring breeze winding through. The work is finely painted, the colors fresh and bright. The scene is mainly landscape; the people and horses are as tiny as beans, yet they are painted with not a hair out of place, and their shapes are fully shown (Fig. 5.9.4). As it was passed down over the dynasties, this painting was included in the imperial treasury of the Xuanhe era of the Song Dynasty; it was in the collection of Sengge Ragi, Princess Supreme of Lu, of the Yuan Dynasty; during the Ming Dynasty, it came into the possession of Yan Song, Grand Secretary during the reign of the Jiajing Emperor; and during the Qing Dynasty, it was in the collections of Liang Qingbiao (collector and writer),

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An Qi (collector), and the imperial treasury of the Qianlong era. Zhan Ziqian was from Bohai (modern Hejian, Hebei). His years of birth and death are unknown; we only know that he lived during the Northern Qi, Northern Zhou and into the Sui Dynasty. He served as Grand Master for Closing Court and Zhangnei dudu (帐内都督, Commander of the Left and Right Imperial Guards), and later generations all considered him a representative painter of the Sui Dynasty. From records about his works that have been passed down, his works spanned a wide range of subject matter. He excelled in landscape, architectural, equestrian and figure painting, although commentaries throughout the ages all asserted that his most outstanding achievements were in landscape painting. Looking at Spring Excursion, its overall style matches the basic appearance of early Chinese landscape painting, and it is also consistent with Zhan Ziqian’s painting style as described in the histories. This work has the

5.9.4 Spring Excursion, Sui Dynasty, Zhan Ziqian (attributed), held by the Palace Museum

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typical style and characteristics of the early period of the formation of Chinese landscape painting. Its important contributions to the development of landscape painting primarily lie in changes in composition and the depiction of images of important objects in the landscape genre. It changed the landscape, which served as the background for the scenes of early figure and narrative painting, from simple and straightforward to irregular and undulating. It changed from showing figures side by side to a more complicated depiction, and developed from the composition method of using position to dictate depth to a composition method with irregular arrangements and sudden shifts and which used placing objects one in front of other and variation in size to indicate depth. These were all extremely important changes in the development of landscape painting. At the same time, when depicting important objects in landscape painting, such as trees, earth, stones and water, the painter selected different shaping methods and correspondingly selected different painting methods. Although these choices were not able to be turned into rules, compared to the more mature methods of figure painting in the Wei-Jin Period, they were a new attempt and reform, and played an important role in the later development of landscape painting.

2. The Blue and Green Landscape of the Li Family The reality of the Tang Dynasty, which manifested a unified and thriving atmosphere of breaking new ground and achieving goals, drove painters to pay more attention to the expression of social subject matter. Therefore, the development of landscape painting within the overall development of painting during the Tang Dynasty was slower and weaker. What cannot be ignored, however, is that the grand and powerful atmosphere of unity of the Tang Dynasty concealed a profound influence on landscape painting, that is, the idea of »reaching a broad and extensive level.« This caused landscape

SECTION 3 DEVELOPMENT AND TRANSFORMATION IN LANDSCAPE PAINTING

painting of the early Tang Dynasty to proceed on a path where vigor and broadness dominated, reflecting a widespread, grand but also fine and gorgeous appearance. Li Sixun and his son were representative figures who played a critical role in the history of landscape painting during this period. According to histories of painting, there were five people in Li Sixun’s family who were all good at painting. In addition to Li Sixun, there were also his younger brother Li Sihui, his nephew Li Linfu, his son Li Zhaodao and his grandson Li Cou. Aside from Li Cou, who was good at painting figures in beautiful silks, the other four were all considered skilled at painting landscapes, especially Li Zhaodao. His achievements in the history of painting are on par with his father’s, and he even »changed his father’s style, his ingenuity even exceeding his [father’s].« Because Li Sixun eventually held the positions of General-in-Chief of the Left Yulin Imperial Guards and General-in-Chief of the Right Wuwei Imperial Guards, he was called »Great General Li.« Although Li Zhaodao did not reach the rank of general, people also called him »Little General Li« because of his father. Father and son together were called the »two Lis« or »Great and Little Generals Li.« Li Sixun, courtesy name Jian, was the son of Li Xiaobin, a member of the imperial Li clan of the Tang Dynasty. During the time of Emperor Gaozong of Tang, he served as Magistrate of Jiangdu. The prime of his life was right when Empress Wu took power, and in order to avoid calamity, he resigned his post and hid. He did not return until Emperor Zhongzong restored the Tang Dynasty (705), when, because of his status as a member of the imperial clan, he was appointed Director of the Imperial Clan. When Xuanzong ascended to the throne (712), Li Sixun became General-in-Chief of the Right Wuwei Imperial Guards and was given the additional title of Duke of Peng, and he was posthumously given the title Governor of Qinzhou. Quite early on, there was an accepted conclusion in the history of painting about his achievements

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in landscape painting: Art historians of the Tang Dynasty consistently esteemed him as »number one in landscape painter in the dynasty.« His landscape painting was characterized by subject matter that had a certain narrative plot or was a scene with figures; his composition was often a panoramic scene, with the sky, mountains, forests and water all depicted in the same painting; and his brushwork began to show some variation, as he paid attention to weight and speed and expressed vigorous outlining and carving (detailing) of mountains and stones. Li Zhaodao carried on his father’s painting style and further developed its fine and delicate characteristics, with new innovations in the painting of water; his achievements were on par with his father’s. Very few works of the father and son Li were passed down. Because they founded a school of blue and green landscape painting, however, their style had a profound influence, especially making an enormous contribution to the development of early landscape painting. As a result, many later landscape painters copied them. Only a few works by Li Sixun and his son are extant. Sailboats and Pavilions (Jiangfan louge tu 江帆楼阁图), now housed in the National Palace Museum in Taipei, has been accepted by researchers throughout history as a surviving work of Li Sixun, and it can reflect in concentrated form the style of early Tang Dynasty landscape painting. It is a large-scale blue-and-green landscape painting; the composition is rigorous, the coloring is gorgeous, and the scene is expansive. The painting’s subject is the scene looking down from a tall building onto a river and the foothills by the river. The top half shows the river and boats with people on the river, and the bottom half shows the foothills with trees, rocks and flowers. On the right side, a curve of the river winds into the painting. The riverbank is dotted with various mounted and walking figures. A mountain range rises abruptly in the center, with tall pines on elegant mountains and porches, houses, and hidden courtyards. Although there

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is some variation in the outlining and detailing brushwork, overall, the painting seems to lack variation. Particularly in the handling of vertical composition in this large-scale work, it reflects a falling short of the desired result in the transition from the ancient horizontal composition to a vertical composition. Emperor Ming’s Journey to Shu (Minghuang xing shu tu 明皇幸蜀图) and Travelers Among Mountains in Spring (Chunshan xingyou tu 春山行旅图), now held in the National Palace Museum in Taipei, are actually two different copies of the same work. The former is a horizontal hanging painting, and the latter a hanging scroll. Upon close examination of the overall composition and the expressions and movement of the figures in the two paintings, they both likely depict the story of Emperor Ming of Tang (Xuanzong) riding into Shu to escape the An Lushan Rebellion, with Emperor Ming’s Journey to Shu being the original version. There are several extant ancient paintings titled Emperor Ming’s Journey to Shu, which belong to Li Sixun’s school of painting. Although there are so many later copies of this painting, similarities in the basic composition and painting style can vaguely be discerned in all of them. Their original would have been a masterpiece from the Tang Dynasty, which may have been painted by Li Zhaodao, because Li Zhaodao once served as a retainer of the Crown Prince and followed the emperor when he traveled. He would have personally gone to Shu and seen and heard the scene of Emperor Ming traveling to Shu. Of these two works in the National Palace Museum in Taipei, the horizontal painting Emperor Ming’s Journey to Shu is more representative, and it would be reasonable to attribute it to Li Zhaodao. Emperor Ming’s Journey to Shu is a color painting on silk, 0.559  m high and 0.81  m wide. It is not signed. It is recorded in works such as Conversations Recorded while Escaping the Heat, by Ye Mengde of the Song Dynasty. In this version, the coloring is fine; it is mostly colored repeatedly with mineral colors and red lead, applied in

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5.9.5 Emperor Ming’s Journey to Shu, Tang Dynasty, Li Zhaodao (attributed), held by the National Palace Museum in Taipei

layers, and the color contrasts are appropriate. The rocks, trees, figures and carts are minutely drawn in full detail. The overall feel and situation of the modeling of the figures, carts and horses is very similar to the modeling in Song Dynasty copies of Tang Dynasty horses and figures. In particular, the attendants and their horses feel very similar to the modeling of figures and horses in the many pictures of outings with honor guards in Tang Dynasty murals. The wrinkle method is not visible anywhere in the painting; everything is finely outlined. However, undulations from lifting and pressing and variations of speed show in the turning, outlining and detailing brushwork at

the feet of the slopes, origins of the watercourses, tops of the mountains and hollows in the rock. The success of the color washes also reinforces such variation in the brushwork. Overall, in terms of composition, this painting largely retains the early characteristics of landscape painting, a panoramic view with narrative figures inserted; it can still be considered a blue-and-green landscape painting with »Tang Dynasty style« (Fig. 5.9.5). We can refer between this painting and the copy of Li Zhaodao’s Ocean Sky, Rising Sun (Haitian luozhao tu 海天落照图), which was studied as a model by Qiu Yin of the Ming Dynasty and is now in the Liaoning Provincial Museum.

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The contribution of the father and son Li to the development of landscape painting lies mainly in that they changed the development of Chinese painting, where landscapes had the status of background to set off the subjects in narrative figure painting, to a painting mode where landscapes were central and figures and narrative were auxiliary. To do so, they brought together a series of composition methods, created a complete model for shaping of subjects such as mountains, water, trees, rocks and buildings with outlining and filling as the basic method, and combined these methods to create landscape paintings of deep and broad scenes with a grand spirit. Thus they created »freeze frames« of landscape painting under the specific social conditions of the High Tang Period. When summarizing this point, writers of the Tang Dynasty had already clearly pointed out, »the change in landscape painting started with Wu [Daozi], and was completed [成 cheng] with the ›two Lis,‹« a conclusion where they deeply understood the three connotations of the character »成.« That the »two Lis« were able to create a Tang Dynasty landscape painting mode on the foundation of traditional brushwork and coloring is their unique contribution to the development of landscape painting.

3. The Emergence of Landscape Painting in Ink Following the alarm bell sounded by the An Lushan Rebellion, the Tang Dynasty began to reveal a sense of bleakness within its maturity. As a type of painting that was more favored by the upper classes, landscape painting seemed to conceal a faint, lingering sense of everything having withered and fallen, just as one falling leaf heralds the coming of autumn. It was a complete change from the atmosphere of the High Tang, with the style of the father and son Li as the example. Landscape paintings of many different appearances emerged, characterized by ­methods such as shading with ink and painting with

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splashed ink, and more purely depicting scenes of mountains and water as their subject matter. Starting from the first half of the 8th century, some figures appeared on the Tang Dynasty landscape painting scene who, although not widely known, had a huge influence on later generations. They played the symphony of the development of landscape painting during this period. The best known of these figures include Wang Wei, Zhang Zao, Zheng Qian, Xiang Rong, Wang Zai and Wang Qia. Wang Wei (701–761), courtesy name Mojie, was a renowned Tang Dynasty poet. His ancestral home was Qi, Taiyuan (modern Qi County, Shanxi), but his family later moved to Puzhou (west of modern Yongji, Shanxi). He came from an official family. When he was young, he was called »juncai« (俊才, meaning a person of outstanding wisdom and ability), and he passed the highest level of the civil service examinations as soon as he came of age. He served as Deputy Director of the Imperial Music Office, but his later official career was repeatedly checked. He became frustrated with politics and led a life half serving as an official, half living as a hermit. In his later years in particular, his heart was not in his official career; he secluded himself at his Wang River villa and amused himself with the qin zither and poetry, and spent his time practicing Chan (Zen) Buddhism. A representative figure of the Wang-Meng (Wang Wei and Meng Haoran) school of poetry, Wang Wei was also good at painting. He bragged »in this life, I am mistaken for a poet; in a past life, I would have been a painter.« He was skilled in various genres of painting, showing originality in figure, Buddhist and landscape painting. In landscape painting in particular, he was able to »plan out the marks of the brush and be part of nature,« and he was able to partake of the best parts of all schools; »his style involved the ancient and current.« The imperial treasury of the Xuanhe era of the Song Dynasty collected 126 works by Wang Wei. Besides Buddhist images,

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they were mostly scenes of manor houses, fishing towns, and villages, and snowy landscapes. A large number of them were not originals by Wang Wei. Starting from the Northern Song, records of Wang Wei’s painting are mostly concentrated in two areas. The first is emphasizing that he did not rigidly adhere to depicting a realistic image. When painting flowers, he often painted peach, apricot, hibiscus and lotus flowers in the same scene, or painted snow and Japanese banana plants in the same painting. He was praised as logical and entrancing, and easily able to achieve his aims. The other aspect was emphasizing that he »seems like a student of Wu [Daozi], but with outstanding charm and style.« His brushstrokes were seen as powerful, and he was thought to be good at creating snowy landscapes using ink wash painting. Su Shi esteemed him to the utmost and thought that he had reached the highest realm, where »in his poems there are paintings, and in his paintings there are poems.« Snowy Stream (Xuexi tu 雪溪图) is a small landscape painting of a snowy scene. Because it is inscribed by Zhao Ji (Emperor Huizong of Song), we know that it was included in the imperial treasury during the Song Dynasty and was attributed to Wang Wei. The painting style is created with wrinkling and rubbing brushwork, very different from the painting style of the father and son Li, but the coloring is rigorous, more like a Northern Song painting. From this we can get a peek at some of the characteristics of Wang Wei’s landscape painting. Zhang Zao, courtesy name Wentong, was from Wu Commandery (modern Suzhou, Jiangsu). He was a contemporary of Wang Wei and had similar life experiences. He was originally known for his literary abilities, and was famous for a time. He was good at painting landscapes with pines and rocks, and especially known for his paintings of pines. The prominent characteristic of his landscape paintings was that »on the inside, skillful ornamentation is omitted; on the outside, it seems to

SECTION 4 THE EMERGENCE OF FLOWER AND BIRD PAINTING

come together naturally,« which is manifested in concentrated form in ink wash paintings. The Five Dynasties painter Jing Hao thought that Zhang Zao »did not prize the five colors, which is rarely seen from ancient times to the present,« which expresses Zhang Zao’s characteristics and achievements in ink wash landscape painting. Unfortunately, none of his works, not even copies, can be seen anymore. However, his famous words, »learn from nature, but also incorporate one’s own feelings and understanding,« became a summarizing principle of Tang Dynasty painting and have been highly regarded by later generations. Overall, after the High Tang, the development of landscape painting reached a new turning point. This turning point was mainly manifested in the freeing up of brush technique, exploration of ink technique, changes in composition, and perfection in the modeling of trees and rocks. This laid the foundation for the full development of Chinese landscape painting, presenting painters with a broader scope and leading to the complete maturity of landscape painting during the Five Dynasties.

Section 4  The Emergence of Flower and Bird Painting 1. The Emergence of Flower and Bird as Subject Matter and the Achievements of Early Flower and Bird Painters Art historians generally agree that flower-and-bird painting emerged during the Tang Dynasty. Compared to the later broader sense of flower-and-bird painting, »flowers and birds« as a separate genre was still in the early stages of formation during the Tang Dynasty. During this period, the subject matter of flowers and birds was just transitioning from the original decorative depiction to »realistic« depiction, and the subject matter was also

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being transformed from a general subject with more conceptual implications to a new, broader subject more often depicting various real-life phenomena. Specialized techniques and styles had not yet formed for depicting flowers and birds, and basic models and rules for composition had also not yet formed; depictions of flowers and birds still retained more of a »setting« or »decorative« function. Early on, flowers and grasses were more often handled as a pattern or design. Fine depictions of many flowers, grasses, vines and other plants were also widely used in various murals and architectural decorations as a basic element for designs and patterns. Not until the middle to late Tang Dynasty did the depiction of various flowers, grasses, trees and other plants develop fully, and only then did the depictions of various flowers and birds start to become exquisite. By then, quite a few palace painters had already mastered various genres and formulas for flowers and birds. Many specialized flower-and-bird subjects became valued as specializations for painters, and written documents also included quite a few painters known for painting flowers and birds. From written records and various extant Tang Dynasty paintings, as well as by referring to murals and the pattern designs on handicrafts that have been handed down, artists that were highly regarded by later generations included Xue Ji, Bian Luan, Jiang Jiao, Feng Shaozheng, Xiao Yue, Teng Changyou and Diao Guangyin. During the Tang Dynasty, Xue Ji’s paintings were thought to have »free and easy brushwork, and an exceedingly elegant manner.« Over the ages, there were quite a few of his paintings of cranes passed down and pieces of poetry and literature praised his paintings of cranes, showing the extent of his influence. Bian Luan is thought to have been the most famous flower-and-bird painter of the Tang Dynasty. He was mainly active right around the transition from the middle Tang to the late Tang, and served as Chief Historian of the Right Guard during the time

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of Emperor Dezong. Based on histories of painting, he was once ordered to paint a dancing peacock presented as tribute by Silla; he might have been a palace painting master. Although none of Bian Luan’s works are extant today, according to the histories of painting, his contributions to the overall formation of flower-and-bird painting cannot be ignored. He was able to paint flowers, birds, plants, bees, butterflies and cicadas, but it was especially in painting single branches with flowers that he »held the number one spot.« The 33 works of his collected in the imperial treasury during the Song Dynasty were all flower-and-bird paintings, and based on the titles alone, the subjects involved numbered in the dozens; he could be called the champion of Tang Dynasty flowerand-bird painting. Jiang Jiao was from Shanggui (modern Nanzheng, Shaanxi). He reached the position of Chamberlain for Ceremonials during the time of Emperor Xuanzong and was titled Duke of Chu. Feng Shaozheng reached the position of Assistant Minister of the Ministry of Revenue during the time of Xuanzong. The two were both painters of the High Tang. Histories of painting assert that they were »especially good at eagles, falcons, chickens and pheasants; all of their forms, their mouths, eyes, feet and claws, their feathers and colors were all wonderful.« Du Fu thought that the eagles painted by Jiang Jiao had an ominously murderous look, and the appearance of drawing back their wings and being about to fly, while the eagles painted by Feng Shaozheng formed a pattern which could be used as a model. Xiao Yue was a painter of the middle Tang Period. He served as Chief Musician during the time of Emperor Muzong. »No one on earth could compare« with his skill in painting bamboo. He »even treasured it himself; there were those who sought a pole or a branch all their lives and never obtained it.« The bamboo that he painted had thin stalks and scanty nodes, with seemingly living branches and moving leaves; it was exceptionally

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realistic. Based on historical materials, he was the first painter in the history of Chinese painting to be famous for painting bamboo. Teng Changyou, courtesy name Shenghua, was from Wu Commandery (modern Suzhou, Jiangsu). During the Zhonghe era of Emperor Xizong of Tang (881–885), he followed the emperor into Shu; he may have been a palace painter. He was skilled in flowers and birds, cicadas and butterflies, and paintings of single branches with flowers. He was especially known for painting geese. He made creative breakthroughs in brush technique: he did not use the brush much when painting plants and insects, yet their physical forms and internal spirit were complete. People called this »dot painting.« He consciously broke from the basic method of outlining and coloring, once again freeing up the brush, and found new ground for brush techniques in lifting and lowering the brush. From this perspective, Teng Changyou held a fairly high status in the history of the development of Chinese painting. Diao Guangyin was from Chang’an (modern Xi’an, Shaanxi). During the Tianfu era (901–904), he went to Shu to avoid the catastrophe at the end of the Tang Dynasty. He was good at painting cats, rabbits and birds, lakes, rocks, flowers and bamboo. His works carried on the style of flower-andbird painting started by Bian Luan. Through his own assiduous effort, he reached a level of artistic achievement such that »previous generations of meritorious flower-and-bird painters’ works suddenly decreased in value.« During the Song Dynasty, there were still 24 of his works which had been collected by the imperial treasury; almost all of them were of various flowers, plants and animals. Although none of his works survive today, it is not too hard to infer Diao Guangyin’s basic style from Birds, Insects and Turtles (Xiesheng zhenqin tu 写生珍禽图) by his favorite student, Huang Quan. Historians throughout the ages have all thought that he had a decisive influence on the development of western Shu flower-and-

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bird painting during the Five Dynasties, which is justified. In general, in the development of flower-and-bird painting, the Tang Dynasty was a phase that went from the earliest attention to the subject matter to initial formation of the genre. This formation process was lengthy and substantial. From opening up and starting to depict real subjects, with the gradual perfection of painting methods and rules and the gradual enrichment of types of subject matter as objectives, it finally achieved creation using new rules and methods and arrived at the freedom to depict various subjects.

2. Paintings Featuring Horses and Farm Animals In the classification of Tang Dynasty painting genres, horses, farm animals, and flower-and-bird paintings each constituted an independent genre. With the development of painting, later flowerand-bird painting gradually came to incorporate the subject matter of horses and farm animals. Actually, painting of horses and farm animals had fairly large significance for the development of subject matter. The traditional Chinese theory of painting always had the saying, »dogs and horses are hard to draw.« It was on the foundation of the full formation of the theoretical system of Chinese painting and the basic establishment of the main brush techniques that painters of animals succeeded at what was »hard to draw.« Within the painting of animals, the subject of horses was more ancient, and was also handled in a more developed way; it became a major subject for artistic creation. By the Tang Dynasty, when the country was prosperous and flourishing, horses were valued as an important means of transportation or part of the empire’s defense force. Moreover, quite a few Tang emperors had famous horses as a hobby, and it became fashionable for princes, dukes and aristocrats to also take an interest in horses. This caused the subject of »saddle horses« to become an independent genre. Actually, for the

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Tang Dynasty, the term »saddle horses« (anma 鞍 马) primarily means works of figure painting with figures riding horses, and does not specifically mean paintings of horses. For the ease of discussion, however, many written works have already listed horses on their own as a category. Based on paintings and writings that are extant today, painters who were known as being fairly accomplished or influential in painting horses or farm animals during the Sui and Tang Period included Cao Ba, Han Gan, Chen Hong, Wei Wutian, Wei Yan, Han Huang and Dai Song. Almost all of them lived during the time of Emperor Xuanzong, and their works added luster to the High Tang painting scene. Cao Ba was from Qiao Commandery (modern Bozhou, Anhui). Legend has it he was a descendant of Cao Mao, a ruler of the state of Cao Wei during the Three Kingdoms. Cao Ba was already famous during the Kaiyuan era. He reached the position of General-in-Chief of the Left Wuwei Imperial Guards. He was once summoned to repair the images of meritorious officials in Lingyan Pavilion painted by Yan Liben during the Zhenguan era; he was a painter with talents in many areas. There were 14 of his works in the palace during the Song Dynasty, mostly paintings of horses, such as Old Fine Horse (Laoji tu 老骥图), Nine Horses (Jiuma tu 九马图), Jade Flower (Yuhuacong tu 玉 花骢图; this was the name of one of Xuanzong’s horses) and Horse Training in the Inner Stable (Neijiu tiaoma tu 内厩调马图). None of his originals have survived, however. Han Gan was from Chang’an (modern Xi’an, Shaanxi). His years of birth and death are unknown, but he was mainly active during the time of Emperor Xuanzong of Tang. During the Tianbao era, he was summoned to present himself in the inner court and became a palace painter. Han Gan was good at drawing figures and portraits, but he was especially good at horses. His painting emphasized portraying the real thing, which became a characteristic of his work. The images of horses

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painted by him are mostly sturdy, rounded and plump, manifesting the aesthetic fashions of the High Tang. As of the Northern Song Period, there were 52 works of horses painted by Han Gan in the palace collection, most of them images of famous imperial horses or mounted excursions and hunting. Works of his that are extant today include Night-Shining White (Zhaoyebai tu 照夜白图), Pasturing Horses (Muma tu 牧马图) and Divine Horse (Shenjun tu 神骏图). Night-Shining White is a color painting on paper, 0.308 m high and 0.335 m wide. It is now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art in the United States. This work is Han Gan’s masterpiece, and was named after one of Emperor Xuanzong’s saddle horses. Han Gan depicts this famous horse tied to a pole, neighing, lifting its head and charging forward. His brushwork is succinct, fine and powerful, and only a tiny amount of color is added. The particularly emphatic coloring around the horse’s mouth, nostril, eye, neck, chest, legs and mane and the fine depiction of its movement fully express the horse’s personality as a fiery divine steed. In the upper right corner are the six characters »Night-Shining White painted by Han Gan,« written by Li Yu, last ruler of the Southern Tang; on the left side are the two characters »Yanyuan,« which seems to be an inscription by the Tang Dynasty art historian Zhang Yanyuan; there are also the inscriptions and marks of many other connoisseurs and collectors, such as Mi Fu (Song Dynasty painter). The painting is also recorded in various art histories across the dynasties; it is a credible and precious Tang Dynasty work. (Fig. 5.9.6) Pasturing Horses is a color painting on silk, 0.275  m high and 0.341  m wide. It is now in the National Palace Museum in Taipei. The painting shows two horses, one black and one white, and a menial official with a curly beard, wearing a black headwrap, holding the reins and slowly walking them. The horses are large and sturdy, the official is formidable, and the saddles and saddle blankets are luxurious. The outlining and coloring are

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exquisite, and the composition and coloring have an orderly variation of density. This painting was originally a leaf in Collected Treasures of Famous Paintings (Minghui jizhen 名绘集珍). On the left is an inscription by Zhao Ji, Emperor Huizong of Song: »An original by Han Gan, written by the emperor in the Dinghai era.« There are also many different collectors’ seals, starting from the imperial treasury of the Southern Tang. This is another majorly important famous work that can reflect the appearance of Han Gan’s work. Wei Yan was a Tang Dynasty painter of horses, copies of whose work have been handed down to the present. The works are richly varied, and he was able to depict horses moving in various ways with brief but comprehensive brushwork. The famous Northern Song painter Li Gonglin copied Wei Yan’s Imperial Horses at Pasture (Mufang tu

5.9.6  Night-Shining White, Tang Dynasty, Han Gan, held by Metropolitan Museum of Art, United States

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牧放图), and the copy has survived to the present; its influence on later generations is apparent. This copy, now in the Palace Museum, is a color painting on silk, 0.462 m wide and 4.298 m long. The painting depicts an enormously broad scene of pasturing horses among flatland and hills, sand and grass. It shows a vast and mighty herd of horses among hills, grass, trees and rocks. There are more than 1,280 horses and more than 140 menial officials and grooms, in a multitude of different poses; it has an incomparably grand air. Although the brushwork is in the style of Li Gonglin, much of Wei Yan’s style is preserved in the overall composition and modeling of the figures and horses. In addition, there are also some representative anonymous works that demonstrate the level of horse painting during the Tang Dynasty. Among

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the more famous is A Hundred Horses (Baima tu 百马图), held by the Palace Museum. It is a color painting on silk, 0.267 m wide and 3.021 m long. The painting depicts 95 horses in different poses and situations, from different angles, and 41 menial officials and grooms carrying out various horse care tasks. There are sets within the disorder, and an arrangement to the herd. Items such as brooks and hitching posts are mixed in. It almost seems like a catalogue of famous horses. Some think that the painting is a Song Dynasty copy, but we can still get a peek at the outstanding achievements of Tang Dynasty horse painting from it. The most famous painters of farm animals would be Han Huang and Dai Song. Han Huang (723–787), courtesy name Taichong, was from Chang’an (modern Xi’an, Shaanxi). He was the son of Prime Minister Han Xiu, and he held official posts such as Gold and Purple Glorious Grand Master. The Book of Tang includes his biography. He had political aspirations, served the public and detested evil, thoroughly understood the tonal system of music, and was especially skilled at painting. In calligraphy, he adopted the brush techniques of Zhang Xuan; in painting, he was known for painting farm scenery and objects, and oxen. Dai Song’s years of birth and death are unknown, but he was mainly active during the latter half of the 8th century. He once served in Han Huang’s household; histories of painting usually say that he studied painting with Han Huang and »received his methods.« As for the oxen he painted, their »quality was marvelous.« The extant Bulls Fighting (Douniu tu 斗牛图) is attributed to Dai Song, but this is uncertain. Meanwhile, the Tang Dynasty treasure of oxen painting, Five Oxen (Wuniu tu 五牛图), attributed to Han Huang, seems more reflective of the appearance and achievements of Tang Dynasty painting of farm animals. Five Oxen is a color painting on paper, 0.208  m wide and 1.398 m long. It is now in the Palace Museum. The painting shows five oxen in a row, with

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different colors and patterns and also different physical forms. One of them is shown frontally, and the rest are all in profile. The leftmost ox has red reins on its head, and a small tree is added next to the head of the rightmost ox as scenery. The brushwork is thick and powerful; the drawing technique has variations in thickness and various shifts and turns. The depictions of the oxen’s folds of skin, joints and bone structure, and horns and hooves, are all just right. The shading is extremely carefully done, in mutual support with the drawing technique, and the variations of shade are appropriate. The depictions of the eyes, horns, mouths, tongues, nostrils and tails are finely detailed, even manifesting the expressions, personalities and ages of the oxen. No wonder some researchers think the painting contains some metaphorical meaning. Although the oxen are painted in a row, they are not too tight or loose; the overall feeling is relaxed and mellow. The histories record that as an official, Han Huang emphasized agriculture. Most of his works that are extant or recorded in histories have to do with farm life and agricultural production, such as Farm Customs (Tianjia fengsu 田家风俗), Village Assembly (Cunshe tu 村社图), Farmers Working Contentedly (Yaomin jirang tu 尧民击壤图) and Ripe Grain (Fengren tu 丰稔图), and oxen make up the majority of the subjects. Five Oxen reflects the Tang Dynasty fashion of making paintings using real-life subjects and the feel of Tang Dynasty life and society. It shows the typical appearance and extremely high level of Tang Dynasty painting of farm animals. It is not only a masterpiece in Chinese art history of painting with oxen as the subject, but is also a rare famous original representing the artistic style of Tang Dynasty painting. The independent genre classification of painting of horses and farm animals increased in-depth observation and painting of animals and the natural environment. Although much of it was realistic painting, having been influenced by the concepts and methods of images such as the »White Tiger

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of the West« and »warhorses« in traditional paintings, it is already not hard to find many sections whose level is already quite high and which can be called independent flower-and-bird painting. The depictions in Five Oxen thus completely qualify it to be independently called by the later term »flower-and-bird painting.«

Section 5  Mural Paintings of the Sui and Tang Dynasties 1. The Rich Remains of Mural Paintings Records of murals in places such as palaces, government offices and temples can be seen almost everywhere in written sources from the Sui and Tang dynasties. There are also quite a few records of these palace and temple murals written in later dynasties, and these are all important materials for research into Sui and Tang murals. These materials along with extant murals can serve as references and corroborate one another, enabling us to have a rough understanding of the development of Sui and Tang murals as well as Sui and Tang painting. The famous painters of the Sui Dynasty, such as Zhan Ziqian, Zheng Fashi, Dong Boren, Tian Sengliang and Yang Qidan, were all good at painting murals. Tang Dynasty records indicate that they painted temple murals, either alone or in cooperation, in dozens of places, including Dong’an Temple in Jiangdu; Lingbao Temple, Guangming Temple, Dingshui Temple, Chongsheng Temple, Haijue Temple, Baocha Temple and Dayun Temple in Chang’an; and Tiannü Temple and Yunhua Temple in Luoyang. Some written works even list the content of the paintings. Aside from the usual Buddhist temple paintings, there were also a few unusual murals that made later viewers gasp in surprise and admiration. One example is Eight Kings Dividing the Relics of

SECTION 5 MURAL PAINTINGS OF THE SUI AND TANG DYNASTIES

the Buddha (Baguowang fen sheli tu 八国王分舍 利图), painted by Zhan Ziqian at Longxing Temple, which was a mural with numerous figures, a rich plot and grand composition. Demons Playing Tug-of-War (Gui bahe tu 鬼拔河图), which Zhan painted in an ancient temple in Hezhong (modern Yongji, Shanxi), showed a scene of eight demons playing tug-of-war while a crowd of demons and yakshas watch; it was strange and vivid. Among Sui Dynasty painters, the Khotanese (modern Hotan, Xinjiang) father and son Yuchi Bazhina (Khotanese spelling unknown) and Viśa Īrasangä (Yuchi Yiseng) were also famous for painting temple murals. They were introduced into the Central Plains as »clever at painting,« and brought with them a Khotanese painting style with distinct characteristics. Bazhina was made Duke of a Canton during the Sui Dynasty. Īrasangä was mainly active during the Tang Dynasty and was an official of the imperial guards. His painting was especially fine: »such an exquisite form, how could it not be famous?« His fame reached that of Yan Liben. The Freer Gallery of Art in the United States still has a piece, Vaisravana, Guardian King of the North (Tianwang xiang 天王像), attributed to him. Whether it is genuine is uncertain, but it is certainly a model of Buddhist painting. Although extant works of this type were mostly in the form of scroll paintings later on, at the outset they all circulated as sketches of murals, and thus from these it is not hard to infer the superlative skill and modeling style of palace and temple murals of that time. Using extant historical relics, we can still find records and descriptions of the murals that Īrasangä painted in places such as Ci’en T ­ emple, Guang’an Temple, Xingtang Temple, Anguo Temple, Feng’en Temple and Guangzhai Temple in Chang’an and Dayun Temple in Luoyang. Tang Dynasty painters participated in the creation of murals more deeply and broadly. They not only established standard »models« for Tang Dynasty murals, causing the subject matter and

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technique of mural to reach unprecedented levels, but they also created murals in palaces and government offices with the broadest subject matter and highest skill level. From the extant records in historical sources, we can see that many famous painters were known for their murals in palaces and government offices. For example, Yan Liben was summoned to paint pictures of meritorious officials in Lingyan Pavilion and later continually added to them; Xuanzong once ordered Li Sixun and then Wu Daozi to paint landscapes of Shu on the wall of the Datong Palace Hall; Xue Ji painted cranes and Lang Yuling painted scenery in the Department of the Palace Library; Liang Qia painted landscapes in the Court of Imperial Sacrifices; the records are endless, and the broadness of subject matter of murals in palaces and government offices is evident. Moreover, images of worthies of previous eras for people to admire were often painted in regular schools and the halls of regional government offices. For instance, Wei Ji, the governor of Hangzhou, ordered images of the 72 worthy disciples of Confucius, and famous Confucian scholars, from the Han to the Jin dynasties to be painted in a school; Li Qiyun, governor of Changzhou, had stories from Accounts of the Filial and the Friendly (Xiaoyou zhuan 孝友传) painted in the hall of a school; and Li Deyu, deputy military commissioner of Jiannan Xichuan, had images of previous chief administrators painted in the hall of the regional government office. These records reflect the widespread prevalence of murals at the time as well as the broadness of their functions. In certain temples or places, due to the Sui and Tang rulers’ advocating of Buddhism and the specific atmosphere of the religion, the scale of the temples even »surpassed palaces, luxurious and greedy to the utmost.« Temple murals were thus more able to display the flourishing and artistic achievements of Tang Dynasty murals. Based on historical records, from the Sui to the High Tang, a large number of temple murals were created by hugely famous craftsmen,

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as well as important painters such as Yan Liben, Wu Daozi, Wang Wei, Han Gan and Zhou Fang. At the time, the so-called »Wu style« and »Zhou style« were actually directly related to the »models« for creating murals. The Sui and Tang temple murals recorded in historical sources are largely concentrated in the Central Plains and Sichuan. The Central Plains had a deep cultural foundation, and Chang’an and Luoyang were the political, economic and cultural centers of the Tang Dynasty; for these reasons, temple murals flourished highly. It could be said that »nowhere were temples not to be found, and no temple was without painted walls,« and that the level of the murals could be called »the best under heaven.« Those who participated in making murals were also mostly famous masters. The scale and content of the murals were grand, and beneath the surface, they contained an artistic comparison and competition. Their influence reached both the court and the commoners; they were an important reflection of Tang Dynasty culture. A good deal of information on this subject is recorded in ancient histories of painting. In On Famous Paintings through the Ages, Tang Dynasty art historian Zhang Yanyuan lists the work Record of Temple Murals Outside the Two Capitals (Ji liangjing wai siguan bihua 记两京外寺观壁画), which records 65 temple murals around the capitals, with an exhaustive record of the content, painter, condition and so on for each mural. In Record of Monasteries and Stupas (Sita ji 寺塔记), Tang poet Duan Chengshi records 18 temples and their murals in the eastern part of Chang’an. In addition, works such as Tangchao Minghua Lu (唐朝名画录, On Famous Paintings of the Tang Period) by Tang Dynasty academician Zhu Jingxuan and Yizhou Minghua Lu (益州名画录, Famous Paintings from Sichuan) by the Song Dynasty scholar Huang Xiufu contain relevant descriptions. In particular, Yizhou Minghua Lu focuses on recording the temple murals of the Sichuan Region after Emperor Xuanzong and is a valuable written source for un-

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derstanding painting from the Middle Tang to the Five Dynasties. After the An Lushan Rebellion, the economy and culture of the Central Plains were ruined by war, and the creation of murals correspondingly quieted down. In the province of Sichuan, however, it was a different matter. Because it was relatively peaceful, and because the imperial family fled to Shu (Sichuan) twice in the early 9th century, with many court painters following and numerous other painters also coming to Shu, the creation of temple murals in the Sichuan Region reached a peak. Sichuan region’s murals in Daoist temples were concentrated in the Chengdu area. Records remain of many famous painters creating murals in Chengdu during the middle and late Tang. Among these painters, in addition to the previously mentioned Lu Lengjia and Teng Changyou, some other famous ones were Zhao Gongyou, Fan Qiong and Chang Can. Many Sichuanese painters were also happy to take up models of mural painting from the capital and became widely famous painting masters. Zuo Quan, Li Sheng, Zhang Nanben and Zhang Suqing were the best known. The flourishing of mural painting in Sichuan at the end of the Tang Dynasty was also manifested in the widespread creation of murals in temples, their grand scale and their exquisite and ornate construction. Based on Tang Dynasty written sources alone, there were many extremely famous temples in Chengdu, such as Dashengci Temple, Shengshou Temple, Jingzhong Temple, Shengxing Temple, Yingtian Temple and Zhaojue Temple. Dashengci Temple was the largest in scale; as of the Five Dynasties, it still had 96 courtyards and more than 8,500 pavilions, halls and pagodas, with innumerable statues and murals, and it had collected the work of a large number of famous masters. In addition, there were records of people such as Du Fu, Zhen Yanqing and Li Shangyin writing calligraphic inscriptions next to the temple murals. As a result, these temples became places of culture and education with an

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extremely high artistic level, and had a sizeable influence on the later development of painting in the Sichuan Region. Compared to temple murals, extant cave murals are much more plentiful. According to historical materials, Sui and Tang caves were distributed throughout the empire. In addition to enlarging the scale of the caves dug at various Buddhist centers during the Wei, Jin, and Southern and Northern Dynasties, temples were widely built in Lingnan (South China) and Southeast, Southwest and Northwest China, and wherever possible, caves were dug and filled with statues and paintings. Extant caves such as the various cave complexes of Xishan near Guilin, Guangxi; the Shizhong Mountain Grottoes in Jianchuan, Yunnan; and the temples in the Qianshan area near Anshan,­ Liaoning, were all started during the Sui and Tang Period. Among the many famous caves in Xin­jiang, Gansu, Shaanxi and Shanxi, the most important, the finest and the most numerous caves were also largely cut during the Sui and Tang ­Period. At the time, it could be said of these famous cave temples that »there was no wall without pictures« and »no pictures were not exquisite.« Having been through many changes over more than a thousand years, many of the artworks in these caves, especially the murals, were destroyed or were changed by later generations, so it is hard to see how fine they must have looked back then. Extant Tang Dynasty cave murals that can still be seen today are mainly ­concentrated in the caves of the Xinjiang and Gansu regions. Of these, the Kizil Caves, Kumtura Caves, Bezeklik Caves, Mogao Caves and Yulin Caves are the most important. The dates when the various caves in Xinjiang and Gansu were cut vary. The earliest are even earlier than Dunhuang, but the period when their ­murals flourished was undoubtedly during the Sui and Tang Period. Based on current discoveries and research results, extant Sui and Tang murals in caves in Xinjiang are extremely widely

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distributed; they are mainly concentrated in the remnants of caves along the ancient Silk Road. Important surviving works are mostly concentrated in east-to-west areas in Baicheng County and near Kuqa and Turfan. In ancient times, they were under the administration of Kucha, Gao­ chang and other federated states of the Western Regions. These cave murals are characterized by having regional characteristics while also having the overall style of Buddhist painting of the Western Regions. It is easy to see in them the marks of the transition as Indian and Western Asian art spread and evolved, eventually to meet the Chinese art of the Central Plains. The Kizil Caves are located in Baicheng County, Xinjiang, in a cliff on the northern bank of the Muzat River, 7  km southeast of Kizil Township. Following the natural landscape, they extend east to west along the valley and extend to the back of the mountain, stretching for more than 3  km in total. Currently, 236 caves have been numbered, and they are divided into four areas: the western valley, inner valley, eastern valley and back of the mountain. Kizil is the earliest and the westernmost large-scale cave complex in China, and it is also the largest in scale and best-preserved of cave complex remains in the Xinjiang Region. The architecture of the Kizil Cave remains has been badly damaged, with practically no surviving statues; the major artifacts are murals. Of the more than 200 caves, almost 80 have murals. It is the most important site for ancient murals in the style of the Western Regions in China, and is also one of the most important relics of Sui and Tang cave murals. The Sui and Tang murals in the Kizil Caves come from a time period that went from flourishing to decline. They had already become typical artistic models most representative of the Kuchean mural style. These models were an important factor influencing the mural style of the Central Plain,s and also one of the representative forms of Sui and Tang murals with the most regional characteristics. There are roughly more

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than 60 caves in the Kizil Caves with surviving murals from this period, more than 80 % of the close to 80 caves with surviving murals, and murals from the thriving period in particular make up almost 60 % of all the murals. While the Kizil Caves were in decline, other caves near Kucha, such as Kumtura and Simsim, flourished one after the other. They carried on or developed the typical models of the Kizil Cave murals, forming the Buddhist mural style with the most regional characteristics in the Sui and Tang Period, what modern researchers usually called the »Kuchean mural« style. There are also quite a few surviving murals in caves near the Turpan Depression in Xinjiang. Among these murals, some fairly representative and fairly fine or complete ones are in Ya’erhu Cave no.  4. These come from Gaochang Commandery and the Gaochang Kingdom during the Sui and Tang Period and the Xizhou Period under the Tang Dynasty. They include a picture of proclaiming the Dharma, a picture of the dragon king worshipping the Buddha, and figures from Chinese myths and legends, yet another set of artifacts showing that ancient Chinese Buddhist murals had regional styles and ethnic characteristics. They are important materials for studying the formation and development of Chinese painting. (Fig. 5.9.7) Moreover, the most important and most concentrated extant cave murals of the Sui and Tang ­Period are in the world-famous Dunhuang caves. Based on research results from contemporary Dunhuang studies, there are more than 100 caves at Dunhuang with Sui Dynasty artifacts, of which 80 have well-preserved murals; there are more than ten that are especially fine or typical, such as caves no. 204, 244 and 276. There are currently 228 known extant Tang Dynasty caves, making up almost half of the total 492 caves at Dunhuang with surviving murals or statues. From the perspective of art history research, many important

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5.9.7 Bianxiang of the Abhiniṣkramaṇa Sutra, »Making an Offering with Pious Intent,« early Kingdom of Qocho, Cave no. 20, Bezeklik Caves, Xinjiang

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types of subject matter and techniques are fully manifested in these caves, and some of the caves have become incomparably fine artistic treasures. There are nearly 100 caves with important surviving Tang Dynasty murals, of which 44 are from the early Tang. The conceptions, modeling, coloring and design of the murals all have their own characteristics, being from different periods and made by different painters, but their basic trend is still united under a larger atmosphere of the time; they thus show the characteristics of early Tang temple murals. During the High Tang, mural painting in the Mogao Caves at Dunhuang reached a golden period. Murals from this period are preserved in 81 caves of different sizes, with close to 400 murals, making up approximately one sixth of the total number of murals in the Mogao Caves, and making it the period that was longest and had the most murals painted of the four periods of the Tang Dynasty. During the middle Tang, the Dunhuang Caves were under the rule of the Tibetan Empire. The murals continued to develop on the foundation of High Tang mural painting, but their scale was not quite as large as before; this was a turning point on the way to the late Tang. More than 40 caves from the middle Tang survive; caves no. 112, 158 and 159, as well as Cave no.  25 of the Yulin Caves, are fairly representative. Among these, Cave no.  112 has a bianxiang of the Amitāyurdhyāna Sūtra (Guan wuliang shou jing 观无量寿经) painted on the eastern side of the southern wall, and the image of playing the pipa lute behind the back in the music section can be called the finest of such images in the Mogao Caves. The late Tang murals in the Dunhuang Caves can be said to be a continuation of the Tibetan Period in terms of content and form, just that the image of the Tibetan ruler has been removed from the transformation paintings of sutras (jingbian 经变). Also, after being cut off for more than 140 years, the content of Raudraksa’s Battle with Sariputra (Laoducha dou sheng jingbian 劳度叉斗圣经变) reappeared. The paintings of the processions of Gen-

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eral Zhang Yichao and Lady Song, meanwhile, in Cave no. 156, were painted to commemorate Zhang Yichao’s recovery of 11 prefectures in Hexi (from the Tibetans); the subject matter is rather special. There are a total of 56 caves with surviving murals from the late Tang, with more than ten caves with particularly representative murals, such as caves no. 9, 12 and 14. Among these, the more excellent works are Raudraksa’s Battle with Sariputra on the southern wall of Cave no.  9 and the images of a crowd of female donors on the southern side of the eastern wall; the images of a group of female donors under the niche on the western wall of Cave no.  12 and the images of the protectors of the Dharma, the Four Heavenly Kings, in the anteroom; the Cintāmaṇicakra (a manifestation of Avalokiteśvara/Guanyin) and the painting of a female lay follower and a Buddhist nun on the northern wall of Cave no. 14; the bianxiang of the Brahmaviśeṣacintīparipṛcchā (Siyi fantian suowen jing 思益梵天所问经) on the northern wall of Cave no. 85 and the bianxiang of Shakyamuni Repays His Parents’ Kindness (Bao’en jingbian 报恩 经变) on the eastern wall and of the Lotus Sutra on the ceiling of the cave; and Raudraksa’s Battle with Sariputra on the western wall of Cave no. 196 and various images of bodhisattvas on the southern wall. In addition, many of the late Tang murals at Dunhuang also show real-life subject matter, such as marriage, war, slaughterhouses, farming, music and dance, and acrobatics, in an extremely lively fashion, rich with the flavor of life. Quite a few ancient cave mural remnants are also scattered along the Hexi Corridor toward the east. Aside from the large-scale cave complexes like Bingling Temple and Maijishan, some of these caves have been completely destroyed or repeatedly renovated by later generations. Among the caves of the Hexi Corridor, the main ones with surviving Sui Dynasty cave murals are Cave no. 8 at Bingling Temple and Cave no. 5 at Maijishan; the ones with extant Tang Dynasty murals are caves no.  11, 29 and 134 at Bingling Temple and Cave

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no.  5 at Maijishan. In addition, the Yulin Caves near Anxi also contain some surviving Tang Dynasty murals. Although all of these cave murals without exception fall in the category of decorations for Buddhist religious sites, meaning they have specific requirements for form and subject matter, they actually abundantly preserved the actual style of Sui and Tang painting, showing us a corner of painting from that time. This is something that no written source can replace. Tomb murals are also an important component of Sui and Tang murals. However, because they were not often seen or paid much attention to, there are the fewest written descriptions of them in ancient sources; there is practically a void. These mural artifacts only saw the light of day due to contemporary archeological excavations, and drew the attention of art historians. Since the middle of the 20th century, a number of tombs from the Sui and Tang Dynasties, or from the Balhae and Gaochang Kingdom eras corresponding to the Sui and Tang Period, have been excavated and cleaned up in Shandong, Shanxi, Shaanxi, Ningxia, Xinjiang, Guangdong, Hubei, and Jilin. As a result, many fine tomb murals from this period have been discovered as well. Among the excavated Tang tomb murals, the murals in the attendant tombs of Crown Prince Yide, Crown Prince Zhanghuai and Princess Yongtai in the Qianling Mausoleum in Qian County, Shaanxi, as well as murals in the tombs of Princess Changle, Su Sixu and Li Shuang and in the Tang Dynasty Astana Tombs in Xinjiang, are the most typical and most excellent tomb mural masterpieces from the Sui and Tang Period.

2. Subjects and Styles The Sui and Tang constituted a period when the subject matter of murals was full and rich, and styles and models gradually took shape. Among Sui and Tang murals that are extant today, the most numerous, the ones with the highest achievement

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and that can best represent the level and development process of Sui and Tang painting, are the cave murals, which originally belonged to the category of temple murals. The caves were originally sites used for religious ­practice, so their murals have more concentrated and typical religious subject matter. The Sui and Tang Period was a time when the development of Chinese Buddhist murals reached a peak; the models formed during this time became models for Chinese Buddhist murals and Chinese Buddhist art in general. They also established the basic rules for the later methods of artistic expression of other religions in China. Cave murals show the process of formation of models for Chinese Buddhist painting. Moreover, the Dunhuang Caves manifest in concentrated form the course of Buddhist contact between the Central Plains and the Western Regions. The changes that resulted would later become models for Chinese painting. A similar situation exists in the various cave remains in the Xinjiang Region, but what they manifest even more is the regional style that eventually formed. This style nourished the all-embracing style of Chinese Buddhist art, which drew on a wide variety of sources; it added rich content to the formation of models of Chinese-style Buddhist mural painting. The subject matter of Sui and Tang cave murals can specifically be divided into five major types: images of Buddhas, narrative paintings, transformation paintings (bian), images of donors, and pictorial decoration. Although the content of various types of subject matter had different emphases and certain changes in different time periods, overall, these five types of subject matter were relatively stable and unified. Within these five types, images of Buddhas were relatively stable; pictorial decoration was most easily adapted to the requirements of the time and changes in architectural form; images of donors were most capable of using specific markings, while also reflecting the requirements for depicting real people

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in different time periods; and narrative paintings and transformation paintings could be called the richest and most vivid of the types of subject matter for Buddhist murals. Their selection of content and images and their changes in form can more clearly show the characteristics of aesthetic charm and artistic methods of the time period. For example, in the various cave mural remains of the Xinjiang Region, we can see that murals in a Han-style Buddhist style gradually emerged, and they formed a form of expression with strong regional cultural characteristics. In terms of overall development, the most important characteristic was that the subject matter of various Buddhist legends and stories from sutras became richer and more colorful. Some types of subject matter became prominent subjects for artistic expression: in particular, stories about the law of causality gradually increased, and the subject matter of subduing demons and tirthika (heretics) also gradually became emphasized. This is visible in the Kizil Caves, the Simsim Caves and the Kumtura Caves. Among the surviving murals in the Dunhuang Caves, the expression of various types of subject matter formed a perfected system. In handling the image of the Buddha, the influence of Indian images of the Buddha were basically discarded and the gentle and serene Buddha of the Tang Dynasty type was created. Based on various requirements, numerous images of bodhisattvas, deities, disciples and demons were also created. For most of the images of the Buddha, although his clothing leaves his breast and shoulder bare, the floating lines of his clothing and the gentle and solemn expression of his face have obviously departed from the model of the Western Regions, instead displaying the characteristics of the Han people. Images of bodhisattvas are more varied. Their faces are amiable, with delicate and pretty facial features and gentle expressions, their clothes are wide and loose, free and leisurely. They already possess the typical characteristics of Han-style images of bodhisattvas.

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Other figures, such as the many heavenly kings and temple guardians, have robust physiques, fierce expressions and an imposing appearance. The images of disciples, meanwhile, are bright and intelligent but also deferential. They are all unique creations of the Han people of the Tang Dynasty within Buddhist imagery. In addition, Tang Dynasty images of apsaras are new images formed from the Han people revising images of apsaras previously in the style of the Western Regions to fit their own culture and modeling concepts. Their prominent characteristic is that their clothing, belts and ribbons are lengthened and fluttering in a variety of poses, making the images of apsaras look more lithe and graceful and increasing the atmosphere of auspiciousness and fantasy within Buddhism. Among these images, especially in the many images of deities, demons, Buddhas and disciples, more of them have the expressions and postures of real people. They provided a variety of reference material for the later development of Chinese religious murals. As for portrayals of donors, the trend during the Tang Dynasty was also toward more realism and life-like depiction, while also paying attention to the depiction of status and expression of spirit. Especially at the cusp of the middle and late Tang, some painted images of donors were even larger than life. Their clothing was mostly the attire of the time. The techniques and the methods for conveying spirit in many of the works closely follow the works of famous painters. There were also more scenes showing worship or processions, painted on lintels and the lower sections of side walls. Although these were not modeled on donors, they are scenes of real people. The renowned Procession of General Zhang Yichao (Zhang Yichao tongjun chuxing tu 张议潮统军出 行图) and Procession of Lady Song of Henei Commandery (Songguo heneijun furen songshi chuxing tu 宋国河内郡夫人宋氏出行图) in Cave no.  156 and Imperial Procession (Diwang chuxing tu 帝王 出行图) in Cave no. 220 are all fine works of this

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5.9.8 Procession of General Zhang Yichao (section), Late Tang, Cave no. 156, Mogao Caves, Dunhuang, Gansu

kind. Procession of General Zhang Yichao and Procession of Lady Song of Henei Commandery were commissioned by Zhang Yichao’s nephew Zhang Huaishen to commemorate Zhang Yichao leading troops to recover eleven prefectures in Hexi. Each of the paintings is 1.3 m high and 8.3 m wide. Procession of Zhang Yichao shows a scene of an army of more than a hundred men in a grandiose procession led by Zhang Yichao. The advance guard is depicted with drums, horns, military and civil officials on horseback, music and dance, flagbearers, and envoys of local government offices. After them is Zhang Yichao wearing a traditional black headwrap, a great red robe and a leather belt, holding a whip and riding a white horse. In front of him, three people lead horses over a bridge; after him follows an army of common soldiers on horseback. Finally, at the end are a supply train of camels and packhorses, and hunters on horseback. In the painting, the riders are in different types of clothing, showing the joy of different

peoples of the frontier who had worked together and achieved victory. Although the scene is grand in size and scale and the forms of the people and horses are all different, the organization and distribution are orderly. manifesting the might and grandeur of the Tang Dynasty (Fig. 5.9.8). Procession of Lady Song of Henei Commandery shows a scene of Zhang Yichao’s wife leading a procession, and Imperial Procession in Cave no. 220 is also a masterpiece among such large-scale works. Among the many murals, the most representative works are mostly narrative paintings and transformation paintings. The achievements of Tang Dynasty masters are the greatest in these areas. Aside from interpreting Buddhist scripture for educational purposes, the content of the bianxiang (transformation pictures) of Buddhist sutras also included depiction of some narrative plots. Their structure became richer and richer, and they also became larger and larger in size; a new form of Chinese-style Buddhist painting began to be

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made. Afterward, many kinds of narrative subject matter taken from Buddhist scriptures emerged. Even historical narrative subject matter such as »Zhang Qian’s journey to the Western Regions« was painted in cave murals. Tang Dynasty bianxiang paintings were a main type of subject matter for Tang Dynasty cave murals. Master painters carried on the form of bianxiang painting that emerged during the Sui Dynasty, »each one developing fantastic ideas« on the basis of Buddhist sutras. They created huge works that took up whole walls, incorporating various plots and stories from Buddhist sutras, with various Buddhist images, figures and scenes. As a result, this type of transformation painting became a new creation of Chinese Buddhist art. During the creation process, the style of transformation paintings was formed, which was very influential on later Chinese painting and the Buddhist art of neighboring countries. During the early Tang, the main Buddhist texts and topics that were popular for bianxiang were the Amitabha Sutra (Amituo jing 阿弥陀经), depictions of the Maitreya Buddha, the Amitāyurdhyāna Sūtra (Guan wuliang shou fo jing 观无量寿佛经), Vimalakirti Sutra (Weimojie jing 维摩诘经), Lotus Sutra, Mahāparinirvāṇa Sūtra (Nirvana Sutra, Niepan jing 涅槃经), Ratnamegha Sutra (Cloud of Jewels Sutra, Baoyu jing 宝雨经) and depictions of hell. By the High Tang, there were more than 17 types of transformation paintings; the most numerous were the Amitāyurdhyāna Sūtra (i.  e., the Amitabha Sutra or depictions of the »Western Pure Land«), Lotus Sutra, and depictions of the Maitreya Buddha. During the middle Tang, the most common bianxiang were still those mentioned above, although the number of depictions of »the Eastern Pure Land of the Medicine Buddha« increased abruptly, and seven new types appeared: the Diamond Sutra, Avataṃsaka Sūtra (Flower Garland Sutra, Huayan jing 华严经), Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra (Lengqie jing 楞伽经), »Shakyamuni repaying the kindness of his parents,« the Golden Light

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Sutra (Jin guangming jing 金光明经), Devatāsūtra (Tian qing wen jing 天请问经) and Brahmaviśeṣacintīparipṛcchā. In the late Tang, not only did the subject matter of transformation paintings grow richer by the day, but they also increased in quantity. Aside from the various existing subjects for transformation painting, five new subjects were added: Scripture on Repaying Parents’ Kindness (Bao fumu enzhong jing 报父母恩重经), »Raudraksa’s Battle with Sariputra,« »subduing demons,« the Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra and Gaṇḍavyūha Sutra (Excellent Manifestation Sutra, Mi yan jing 密严经). Although transformation paintings had fairly fixed subject matter and methods, these were formed through the repeated creation and revision of numerous craftsmen. Many works among the transformation paintings of the Sui and Tang could be called influential masterpieces. Not only were they huge in size, but the forms are vivid, the composition careful, and the coloring beautiful. They are treasures among Chinese murals. The »Pure Land« is the most common and most numerous subject in Sui and Tang murals. The most common subjects with the highest artistic achievement are basically the Vimalakirti Sutra, Nirvana Sutra, hell, the Amitāyurdhyāna Sūtra, Repaying Parents’ Kindness and »Raudraksa’s Battle with Sariputra.« The Vimalakirti Sutra tells the story of Manjusri and the great sage Vimalakirti debating and discussing the Dharma on an open field outside Vaiśālī; it is one of the earliest sutras to be depicted in Chinese bianxiang. The Dunhuang murals of the Vimalakirti Sutra, in Cave no. 220 from the early Tang and Cave no. 130 from the High Tang, both depict a multitude of figures and a grand scene. They are representative works of these two types of bianxiang of the Vimalakirti Sutra and could even be called masterpieces of Tang Dynasty figure painting. The Nirvana Sutra tells the story of Shakyamuni passing away and his disciples wailing in mourning. In the paintings, there are quite

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a few people wailing in mourning. Their forms are lifelike and their expressions realistic; the artistic level is extremely high. The bianxiang of the Nirvana Sutra on the door in the eastern wall of Cave no.  120 of the Mogao Caves and the statue in Cave no. 33 of the Bezeklik Caves can both be called masterpieces. The Amitāyurdhyāna Sūtra and »the sutra of Guanyin« (i.  e. Chapter 25 of the Lotus Sutra) are both the most numerous as subject matter in the Dunhuang murals. These transformation paintings include a large number of depictions of real-life subject matter and people, and allowed the artists to express their creativity to the greatest extent. These paintings thus display the artists’ superlative technique and are the murals most worth appreciating. For example, the Bianxiang of the Sutra of Guanyin on the southern wall of Cave no.  45 depicts many scenes from secular life in order to demonstrate the boundless beneficence of the bodhisattva; it has religious, historical and artistic significance. Repaying Parents’ Kindness was an important type of subject matter that appeared in the middle Tang and was widely circulated in later generations. Its theme was proclaiming ideas of loyalty and filial piety that could be traced back to Confucianism. It was rich in content, and the forms in the paintings were bright and fresh. The mural paintings of this type were treasures among paintings of Repaying Parents’ Kindness from the later part of the High Tang. »Raudraksa’s Battle with Sariputra« was the most representative type of transformation painting to emerge during the late Tang Period. These paintings depict the story of Sariputra engaging in magical contests with and defeating Raudraksa, the leader of the Six Heretical Teachers, causing the non-believers to convert to Buddhism. Usually, magic contests are chosen to be portrayed as huge scenes, where the figures are numerous, the atmosphere is varied, and there is strong contrast between motion and stillness, making them quite enchanting. For example, the

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bianxiang of Raudraksa’s Battle with Sariputra in Cave no. 196 and Cave no. 9, from the late Tang Period, are the finest and most complete (Fig. 5.9.9). Other types of transformation paintings were also not lacking fine works, and it was just such fine works that constituted an important component of fine Chinese cave art. Obviously, the subject matter and stylistic models of Sui and Tang cave murals underwent many changes, reflecting the gradual movement of Sui and Tang murals toward a combination of realism and decorativeness and the course of development of forming their own fixed patterns. Artistically, they also displayed the course of the creation of Chinese Buddhist art. At the same time, in these paintings we can also see the high level of skill and creative spirit of Sui and Tang master painters. The subject matter of tomb murals can roughly be divided into two major types: deities in heaven and scenes from life on earth. The subject matter of scenes from life on earth was augmented in Sui and Tang tomb murals, constituting the vast majority of Sui and Tang tomb murals. Almost all of the tomb mural masterpieces from this period are concentrated in this subject matter category, and they reflect the tomb occupant’s status and daily life as well as the pursuits of the entirety of Tang Dynasty society from different angles. There are many representative works, such as Hunting Expedition (Shoulie chuxing tu 狩猎出行图), Playing Polo (Maqiu tu 马球图), Courtiers and Foreign Envoys (Binke tu 宾客图) and Watching Birds and Catching Cicadas (Guanniao buchan tu 观鸟捕蝉图) in the tomb of Crown Prince Zhanghuai; Watchtowers (Quelou tu 阙楼图), Honor Guard (Yizhang tu 仪仗图) and paintings of female attendants holding fans in the tomb of Crown Prince Yide; also images of female attendants in the tomb of Princess Yongtai. In these tomb murals, the painters’ depictions of real life are vivid and exquisite. Although set methods had formed since the Han Dynasty for depicting scenes from the real lives of tomb occupants in tomb murals,

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5.9.9 Raudraksa’s Battle with Sariputra (section), Late Tang, Cave no. 196, Mogao Caves, Dunhuang, Gansu

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in Sui and Tang tomb murals, these depictions no longer narrate certain scenes from life, but rather show the various people in the tomb occupant’s life and reveal their thoughts and feelings. For example, Hunting Expedition in the tomb of Li Xian, Crown Prince Zhanghuai, depicts more than 50 mounted figures as well as camels, falcons, dogs and cheetahs, and they are contrasted with distant mountains and nearby trees; the scene is grand. The painting is more than 12 m long. The composition is skillful, the figures fit together well, and of the horses, some are scattered, some tightly grouped; some are moving fast, some slow. The painting both emphasizes the central figures, and also sums up the whole scene. It portrays the hunting activities of the elite meticulously but also in an exciting fashion. This huge painting depicting real life in the Tang Dynasty is one of the finest tomb murals. (Fig. 5.9.10)

5.9.10  Hunting Expedition (one of several), Tang Dynasty, eastern wall of tomb passage, tomb of Li Xian, Qian County, Shaanxi

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3. Techniques and Skills Employed in Mural Painting Once Chinese mural painting had developed up to the Tang Dynasty, its basic techniques had already reached the highest peak since the advent of mural painting, forming a complete system and becoming the foundation for all later basic techniques. By the Tang Dynasty, the Chinese architectural system was already highly perfected, particularly the architecture of those structures directly related to murals, palaces and tombs. Whether in terms of design and scale or construction method and materials, fixed patterns and methods had already formed. This established the basic directions of development for Chinese mural painting: they were mainly painted on flat, vertical surfaces, and secondly, the canvas extended

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horizontally. At the same time, the overall development of Chinese painting during this period also propelled mural painting toward maturity. During the Tang Dynasty, many painters designed and built palaces and tombs, becoming the top leaders and managers in the organization of craftsmen. Their own paintings thus added new content to murals and even became fixed styles and patterns that were then spread, thus presenting the broadest requirements for subject matter and broader functional requirements for the painting of murals. With the development of landscape and flower-and-bird painting, just about all types of subject matter became subjects that could be depicted in murals. As social life grew richer, the functions of murals increased in areas such as depicting objects, uplifting mood, and decoration. Therefore, murals became more and more perfect during the Sui and Tang Period as they pursued many different methods for expression. Based on the surviving remains of murals, almost all methods used in mural painting can be found in Tang Dynasty murals. In addition to various drawing methods, such as outlining, filling in and coloring, common methods, including the »dripping powder« (lifen 沥粉) method created using mineral colors and powdered colors, »reliefs« created using the methods of sculpture, »inlays« created by embedding other materials, and »texture« created using processing with different surfaces—they were all used in Tang Dynasty mural painting. From the Tang Dynasty onward, works appeared in the areas of Chinese architecture, painting and sculpture, recording official standards and requirements, such as Yingzao Fashi (营造法式, Construction Methods) and the section on »Official Work« (»Gongdian« 工典) of the Jingshi Dadian (经世大典, Great Statutes of Statecraft). These standards and requirements were summarized from the techniques and rules of craftsmen over the ages, which all came from the same origins,

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and they were also the result of comprehensive standardization and perfecting of techniques and rules by Tang Dynasty artists. The composition of Chinese murals had always, since ancient times, set out from the orientation of observing the painting, but Chinese artists constantly absorbed compositional models from foreign paintings, and diverse compositional methods eventually formed based on different painting requirements. These compositional methods primarily comprised side-by-side, scattered, inserted and panoramic modes of expansion. They all saw more use, enrichment and development in the creation of murals during the Sui and Tang dynasties. Of course, in the arrangement of Tang Dynasty murals, these different compositional methods were mixed and used together, especially in large-scale paintings from Buddhist sutras (jingbian). In order to emphasize the overall effect, master painters focused not only on the methods of expression for various subject matter, but also, and even more, on the creation of overall atmosphere. Leading from two side walls or a tomb passage with side-by-side composition for the most part to a huge, panoramic composition right in the center not only emphasized the political and educational function of murals, but also caused their aesthetic function to be fully mobilized, sequentially and step by step. Around the main mural, meanwhile, scattered and insertion composition methods were used, making it possible to depict more content, while also increasing the readability of the mural, and additionally modulating the monotony of the main mural. All these composition methods, as well as checkerboard and flower border decorations painted in pictorial fashion, all displayed rich variation, but were also combined in a stable way. This was key for the maturity and perfection of Chinese murals. In addition to the existence of a system of rules where there was unity and also variation in overall composition and the compositional arrange-

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ment of individual paintings, Sui and Tang craftsmen also created modeling styles and methods for specific depictions which were diverse but also unified. Thus, the whole mural formed a complete modeling system with comprehensive rules of depiction. First of all, master painters paid more attention to real-life subjects and presented a unified method of the times for the creation of images with special requirements. As a result, not only was there a rich abundance of different modeling types used in painting, but there was also a unified basic style matching the aesthetic requirements of the time. In terms of modeling, Tang Dynasty craftsmen fully realized the creation of a Chinese style of modeling of Buddhist images. They created the images of Chinese Buddhist art, complete in all aspects: depictions of the face, hands, physique and religious paraphernalia. These images included not only »Chinese bodhisattvas,« but also numerous and various Chinese-style images of the Buddha and of disciples. Among these, those which best represent the style of the Tang Dynasty are naturally the images of apsaras. The apsaras of this time had not only already assumed the aesthetic style pursed by Tang society in terms of their figures, faces, postures, expressions and hand gestures, but also, their depictions had completely abandoned the methods of expression of Indian Buddhist paintings in terms of techniques of the flavor of the depictions and the brushwork—turning into the gorgeous, light and graceful classical images of human figures created by the Chinese people. The most obvious changes in Tang Dynasty images of apsaras were that their faces were rounder and plumper, their forms were elegant, their figures were light and graceful with varied postures, and in particular, their clothes and belts were lengthened and seemed to be dancing in the air. Adapting to the needs of the creation of such images, the drawing methods used were more flowing, with lines that were slender yet strong, like moving clouds and

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flowing water. The phrase »Wu’s belts became the fashion,« used by historians across the ages, fully expressed three meanings: it both referred to the fluttering gowns and belts that seemed to be floating (which were inspired by Wu Daozi’s paintings) and also to the motion of such brushwork, lifting and lowering the brush and varying speed. The apsaras on the upper portion of the bianxiang of the Nirvana Sutra in Cave no. 158, the upper portion of the bianxiang of the Amitabha Sutra in Cave no. 320 and on the ceiling of the niche in the western wall in Cave no. 321 of the Mogao Caves are all fine and classic Tang Dynasty images of apsaras. They manifest the free and easy spirit and temperament of the Chinese people at the time. (Fig. 5.9.11) In the same way, with regard to the fixed subject matter of Buddhist figures, craftsmen also connected the creation of their images with Tang Dynasty social life and aesthetic fashions. For example, the image of the bodhisattva Guanshiyin (Guanyin) was actually created based on the classic female image in Tang Dynasty painting. We only have to compare images of the bodhisattva in Tang Dynasty murals with women depicted in the »Zhou style« in Tang Dynasty paintings, and we can easily find similarities. Examples are the bodhisattvas Guanyin and Mahāsthāmaprāpta (Dashizhi) in the painting of »proclaiming the Dharma« in Cave no. 322 at Dunhuang, the bodhisattvas accompanying the Buddha in the bianxiang of the Amitabha Sutra on the southern wall of Cave no. 220, the bodhisattvas beside the niche in the western wall of Cave no. 199, and many other bodhisattvas accompanying the Buddha in paintings from sutras or on the wall beside the shrine. In their figures and faces, we can find a rounded and plump, soft and beautiful, and warm and gentle character. A classic style for the image of temple guardians was also created by summing up prominent common characteristics. The guardians are imposing in appearance, mighty and full of power and grandeur. As for the images of the

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5.9.11 Apsaras, Early Tang, Cave no. 321, Mogao Caves, Dunhuang, Gansu

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numerous figures and disciples from Buddhist legends and the many Buddhist followers and donors, craftsmen turned even more to real-life people for reference. They observed and grasped people’s postures, physiques, faces, expressions and personalities from various angles, while also observing the overall restrictions of the aesthetic concepts of the time on these images. They tried as much as possible to turn these images into the classic style, thereby giving them more of the characteristics of secular figures. Through such outstanding creative work, we can determine the classic styles for different figures among many different murals, and the basic characteristics of these images, such as their faces and poses, were all taken as »models« for the same type of figures and carried on by later generations. As for the depiction of scenery, this was explored in many different ways, such as through landscape, flowers and birds, architecture, and objects. In fact, the earliest forms of flower-and-bird painting and landscape painting mostly developed and matured as a result of the need to depict scenery in murals. In addition, when depicting different images, craftsmen paid close attention to the standardization and uniformity of techniques. In terms of brushwork, they not only fully carried on and mastered the brush techniques and methods of the ages, but they were also able to develop and use various brush techniques more freely and at will. Add to this that »practice makes perfect,« and they were often able to extract the most superlative yet brief rules from the numerous and complicated brush techniques, and they were also able to comprehend more meaning from simple mnemonic devices and develop rich techniques out of them. China’s earliest painting system of the Six Principles was basically drawn from the creation of murals, and many later systems of

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brush techniques also matured and were perfected in the creation of murals. In their selection and use of colors, Sui and Tang master craftsmen throughout the dynasties also valued the unity and harmoniousness of the whole and the refined, careful and rich use of color in specific areas. In the depiction of specific objects, especially faces, expressions and hand gestures, master painters made multiple fine applications of a rich variety of secondary and tertiary colors, bringing out a lifelike and realistic tactile quality. Similar methods were used for mountaintops, the bases of trees, roof ridges and head ornaments. For depictions of large areas of clothing, fields, mountain slopes and sky, meanwhile, an even application of a pure and steady color was used, most often a single mineral color. Sui and Tang painters valued the contrast and harmony of color, which created a style that was unified overall. The master craftsmen of the Tang Dynasty paid close attention to the impressions created by changes in color and luster, and they also highly valued the decorative charm and aesthetic effects created by the relationships between colors. The various uses of color also sometimes worked in concert with various sculptural modeling methods, creating rules for the use of color in murals specific to China, which became models for the murals of later generations. Overall, through the hard work of Sui and Tang master painters in all areas, and with the special social status of murals in this time period, Chinese mural painting reached a peak overall. Tang and Sui painters laid down numerous patterns for later Chinese mural painting in terms of the broadness of subject matter, richness of methods and diversity of functions of murals. With the cultural division of different types of painting, these patterns would become the most basic guidelines for later painters.

CHAPTER X  SCULPTURAL ART OF THE SUI AND TANG DYNASTIES The sculptural art of China reached a climax in the Tang and Sui periods. Not only did the emperors value and patronize religious statuary, but other social classes also engaged in sculptural commissions. The abundant manpower and material and monetary resources enabled the making of images very widely, and substantial sculptural projects persisted without decline. The most respectable were Tang-period sculptors who only sometime left behind their names. Year after year and generation after generation, they devoted themselves to building grottoes, temples, and mausoleums. With superb wisdom and diligent hands, they created world-famous bodhisattva, apsaras (flying beings), heavenly kings, and lions in the distinctive »Chinese style.« Showcasing the vitality, bravery, and artistic talent of the Chinese people, they created the Leshan Colossal Buddha (Fig. 5.10.1), which later people put it, »The mountain is a Buddha, and the Buddha is a mountain.« With perseverance and passionate, confident hearts, they also established a discourse in Chinese Buddhist sculptural art, created the glory of Chinese sculpture, and pushed it to new heights in the history.

Section 1  Glorious Buddhist Sculpture Sui sculptural works are mostly found at the Mogao Grottoes in Dunhuang, the Maijishan Grottoes in Tianshui, Gansu; the South and North Xiangtangshan Grottoes in Hebei; the Yuhanshan Grottoes in Jinan, and the Tuoshan and Yunmenshan Grottoes in Qingzhou, Shandong. The main

quality of Sui Cave sculpture is that it inherited characteristics from the late Northern Dynasty, namely in the Northern Qi and the Northern Zhou styles, and developed in a lavish and robust direction. Grotto and cliff carvings represent the bulk of Buddhist images from the Tang Dynasty that we can see today. Most are original works without retouching, and they exemplify the charm of Tang sculpture. Cave images made in the 1st half of the Tang Dynasty are primarily located in the vast northern area, specifically in Gansu, Xinjiang, Henan, Hebei, Shandong, and Shanxi. Statues in the southern area, dating mainly to the mid and late Tang Dynasty, are distributed in such regions as Sichuan, Guangxi, and Yunnan. Of all the Tang Cave-temples across China, the most famous sites include the Kizil Caves in Baicheng, the Kumtura Caves in Kucha, the Jingshengkou, Bezeklik, and the Toyuk Caves in Turfan, Xinjiang (Buddhist caves in Xinjiang were damaged severely due to the acculturation of Islamism in the 14th and 15th centuries. There are only a few caves that survive, and most are in dilapidated condition). They also include the Mogao Grottoes in Dunhuang; the Wenshushan Grottoes in Jiuquan; the Tiantishan Grottoes in Wuwei; the Matisi Grottoes in Minle; the Bingling Temple Grottoes in Yongjing; the Maijishan Grottoes in Tianshui, Gansu; the Dafosi Grottoes in Binxian, Shaanxi; the Tianlongshan Grottoes in Taiyuan, Shanxi; the Longmen Grottoes in Luoyang; the Gongxian Grottoes in Gongxian, Henan; the Tuoshan and Yunmenshan Grottoes in Qingzhou; the Liufu Thousand-Buddha Cliff in Licheng, Shandong; the Thousand-Buddha Cliffs in Guangyuan, Huangzesi and Anyue;

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5.10.1 Leshan Colossal Buddha, Tang Dynasty, Leshan, Sichuan

the cliff carvings in Bazhong and Leshan, Sichuan; the Jianchuan Grottoes in Yunnan; and the Xishan grottoes in Guilin, Guanxi. What displays the glamor and achievement of Tang Buddhist sculptures in panoramic view are the Mogao Grottoes, Longmen Grottoes, Tianlongshan Grottoes,

and the Tang-period caves and statues at the Bingling Temple Grottoes.

1. The Longmen Grottoes In the second year of the Daye reign of the Sui Dynasty (606), the construction of Luoyang, the

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new eastern capital, was completed; in the same year, Emperor Yang established a translation hall at Luoyang Shanglin Garden to translate Buddhist sutras. With the resurgence of Buddhist practice, Luoyang became the national center of Buddhism again. Luoyang remained as the eastern capital of the Tang Dynasty, where Buddhist practice continued to thrive—especially during the reigns of Emperor Gaozong and Empress Wu Zetian (650– 705). Cave construction and image making continued at Longmen and reached its historical peak. Of the over 2100 caves and niches at Longmen, more than 2/3 belong to the Tang period, for a total number of 1760. Of the 35 large and medium caves, 21 were excavated during the reigns of Gaozong and Wu. Most iconic images were made during this time period, too. Buddha and bodhisattva figures in the early Tang Dynasty featured squarish faces and upright bodies with little variation. During Gaozong and Wu’s eras, Buddhist sculpture reached a phase of maturity: their faces became fuller and plump, their figures proportional, their movements naturalistic and casual, their bodies showing graceful curves and variations, their folds fluid and their facial expressions elegant. After the mid-Tang era, images retained a sense of elegance but the eyes became lifeless and the folds rigid, losing the fluidity they used to have. In regard to Cave plans, the grottoes at Longmen show little alteration over time. Most are in a simple, horseshoe plan, such as the Qianxi-Temple Grotto, the Huijian Grotto, or the Jinan Grotto. The subject of the Tang sculptures at Longmen reflect the ups and downs of the Buddhist sects. For example, images of Buddha Amitabha and Bodhisattva Avalokiteshvara predominate in the Tang caves. This phenomenon manifests the two deities’ ascendance in Buddhist devotions and the popularity of the Pure Land faith. The images of bodhisattvas and disciples on the south wall of North Binyang Cave are somewhat rounded, and their proportion reasonable; they reflect the sculptural level achieved at Longmen

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in the early Tang era. Statues at Qianxi Temple Grotto also date from the early Tang period. Qianxi Temple Grotto, also known as »Zhaiba Hall« 斋祓 堂, is 9.2 m high, 9.5 m wide, and 6.6 m deep. It preserves an early-Tang assemblage of seven statues. The main icon, Buddha Amitabha, sits on a Sumeru pedestal in the full-lotus pose. His body is proportional, his face, plump, and his chest protruding. The Buddha looks amiable and serene. The folds of his robe are simplistic, and the nimbi behind him are in a plain style. The bodhisattvas on either side, especially the Mahasthamaprapta on the south, has a fleshy and proportional body, a rounded and plump face, and a naturalistic expression. Voluptuous curves are shown from Mahasthamaprapta’s head to his waist and hips and demonstrate the style of bodhisattva images at the turn of the high Tang period; thus, it is a statue of high artistry. The Heavenly Kings guarding the Cave entrance show mighty and forceful physiques; even the yaksha demons under their feet are vivid. Overall, the statuary at the Qianxi Temple Grotto adopted a round-cutting technique that was popular in the Tang Dynasty. The carving looks smooth at the edges, the modeling, lifelike, and the drapery naturalistic. These images display the early Tang artisans’ improvement in realistic depiction. From the sixth year of Gaozong’s Yonghui era to the fourth year of Empress Wu’s Chang’an era (655—704), sculptural art at Longmen reached new heights of sophistication. What represents its foremost achievement is the Vairocana Buddha at Fengxian Temple, sanctioned and sponsored by Gaozong and Empress Wu (Fig. 5.10.2). In obedience to Gaozong’s edict, the project was taken charge by Pure Land Master Shandao of Shiji Monastery and Dharma Master Huijian, abbot of Fahai Monastery, of Chang’an; Wei Ji, Chief Minister of the Court of the National Granaries, as the commissioner in charge; Fan Yuanze, Supreme Pillar of State and Director of the East Parks, as the vice commissioner; Li Junzan, Cheng Renwei, Yao

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5.10.2 Distant view of Longmen Fengxian Temple, Tang Dynasty, Luoyang, Henan

Shiji, and others as artisans. According to an inscription on the side of the statue, in the third year of the Xianheng (672) reign, Empress Wu »aided [the project] with twenty thousand strings of her rouge and money. […] This project continued for about twenty years and was completed by the thirtieth day of the twelfth month of the second year of the Shangyuan reign (675).« Located in the south section of the Longmen West Hills, the Vairocana Buddha at Fengxian Temple is an unsheltered colossal image carved into the cliff. South to north, the shrine measures about 30 meters long, 35 meters deep, and 40 meters high. The major statues comprise nine figures. Flanking Vairocana, disciples, bodhisattvas, heavenly kings, and vajra warriors are present at either

side in pairs, suggesting an organized and hierarchical order. The main icon, Vairocana, measures 17.14 meters high; his head goes to 4 meters high. Seated solemnly against the back cliff, the colossal Vairocana exhibits extraordinary magnificence and beauty. According to Buddhist sutras, Vairocana represents the reward body of the Buddha. In Sanskrit, the term means universally illuminating light, manifesting the wisdom of the Buddha. At Fengxian Temple, Vairocana Buddha occupies the center like a monarch in the secular world. Draped in a simple, monastic robe, the Buddha is seated on an octagonal pedestal in a full-lotus posture. His hands, which originally made a preaching gesture, are missing. The Buddha has a pro-

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nounced ushnisha, or cranial protuberance over its head, and wavy hair. His face is rounded, like a full moon, and his chin, fleshy. He looks noble and dignified. Beneath his crescent-moon brows are his eyes. Below the straight and fleshy nose are his tight lips, showing a delicate and reserved smile. The sculptor made his head lean somewhat forward. This treatment drew the Buddha closer to the viewer and brought the heavenly domain closer to the earthly world. When the Buddha’s eyes meet with that of the worshipper in below, his warm gaze conveys his compassion and the worshipper will be consoled in silence. Historical records suggest that Empress Wu had »a square forehead and broad cheeks.« These features correspond to the physical characteristics of Vairocana, indicating that the statue possibly a representation or embodiment of Wu Zetian herself. In this case, the intention beneath the image was to glorify Wu’s immeasurable wisdom as the universal light illuminating the four directions. Besides the political motive, the perfect modeling evidenced the skillfulness achieved by the Tang sculptors as well as a reduced religious tone, a nod to mundanity and materiality. The right arm of the Vairocana image was plundered and sold abroad before the People’s Republic of China was founded in 1949; his left arm and the portion below the abdomen have also be severely destroyed; however, that damage seem not to have affected his charm. Viewers can always supply those missing parts by using their imaginations, so to enhance their aesthetic experiences. Other figures at Fengxian Temple also display high-level artistry. For instance, the disciple Ananda, on the right, measures 10.65 meters in height. He is a handsome youth with fine features. His face looks innocent and kind. The Bodhisattvas Manjushri and Samantabhadra at sides are about 13.3 meters high. Dressed in floral headdresses, they have rounded faces and plump bodies, and they look noble and dignified. The bodhisattvas’ bare upper torsos are luxuriously embellished with jewels around their

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necks, chests, and waists. They are garbed in dhoti-styled pants; streamers and folds cling to their legs and delineate their flesh in the manner of cao yi chu shui, as if they have just emerged from water. The Heavenly King on the right appears to be an armored, young warrior. About 10.3 meters high, he shows a stocky body and an expression of perseverance. Holding up a small stupa in his right palm, he tramples over a demon. He looks like a loyal protector of the Buddhist law as well as a formidable commander who maintains the order of our world. On the other hand, the demon on the ground is not ugly at all. Facing the guardian’s ferocity, he shows no timidity, representing a positive image for those oppressed. Exquisitely carved and well-organized, the statuary at Fengxian Temple exhibits a harmonious, diverse, and meaningful Buddhist grouping. Various auxiliary figures with their halos and layers of drapery surround the principal image; they amplify and complement the magnificence of the Vairocana in the center. On the other hand, Tang Buddhist art has a strong worldly flavor. The images at Fengxian Temple serve as such examples, and their monumental scale and exquisite execution represent an outstanding historical achievement. Nevertheless, the images also show a few imperfections. For instance, except for the principal image, the heads of the other figures are overly large, and their torsos narrow sharply at the lower portions. Therefore, their bodies look out of proportion to their heads, and their poses somewhat stiff. This same issue can be seen in other contemporaneous grottoes and niches at Longmen as well. A few more Cave-temples and niches on the West Hill show the same high-level artistry, such as the Wanfo Grottoes (Cave of the Ten Thousand Buddhas) situated in the central section of the West Hill. The grotto was completed in the first year of the Yonglong era of Gaozong. The inscription carved on the lotus-shaped caisson states: »Eunuch Yao Shenbiao and Meditation Master Zhiyun of the Palace Chapel, Chang’an, in offering

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to the Celestial Emperor, the Celestial Empress, the heir apparent, and all the princes, reverently make one shrine of fifteen thousand honorable images.« While the antechamber shows a flat ceiling, the grotto’s main chamber has a square plan and domed ceiling. Its side walls were carved into a configuration displaying miniature Buddha images. Guardians stand at the entrance of the main chamber. All these represent new elements seen in regard of Cave layout. What is unusual about this grotto is that over the nimbus of the principal image and his attendants are carved 54 lotuses joined by stems, on each of which is seated an offering bodhisattva in various poses and with various expressions. The apsaras, or flying beings, on the ceiling, and the lions at the gate, were also finely carved, and are currently housed at the Museum of Fine Art, Boston. Other sculptures are distributed among the grottos and niches, such as the Cliff-Carved Buddha Triad Shrine, the »Cleft Grotto,« the Pure Land Hall Grotto, the Jinan Grotto, the Kanjing Temple Grotto, the Dawanwufo Grottos (also known as the Leigutai Grottoes), the Prince Gaoping Cave, and the many nameless niches on the East Hill. Whereas some measure only a few centimeters high and are as delicate as ivory carvings, others are dozens of meters high, like soring peaks. They represent the spectacle of China’s ancient sculpture.

2. Dunhuang Mogao Grottoes From the late 6th to early 10th centuries, the Sui and Tang dynasties represented the middle stage of Dunhuang art and its culmination. This time period is usually divided into the Sui and Tang phases: while the former was a transitional era, the latter marks the age of Dunhuang sculpture’s full sophistication, splendor, and climax. After the Sui’s unification of China, the regime encouraged trade and cultural interaction with Xiyu, or states in the Western Regions. This boosted cultural and economic development in the Hexi and Dunhuang areas and elevated Dunhuang’s

SECTION 1 GLORIOUS BUDDHIST SCULPTURE

strategic position as a »gateway to the Western Regions,« and as a key-point on the travel routes. Consequently, Cave construction and image making became prosperous at the Mogao Grottoes. In the first year of the Renshou reign (601), Emperor Wendi ordered a nationwide distribution of Buddhist relics, and each prefecture erected a stupa to seal the Buddha’s corporal remains. Monk Zhiyi was dispatched to Guazhou, set up a stupa at Chongjiao Monastery (Mogao Grottoes), and enshrined the relic there. From then on and throughout the rest of Sui Dynasty, Cave construction and image making continued at Mogao. Over 100 caves were excavated within the 38 years of the Sui regime, which doubled the total number of caves made in the 2 preceding centuries. 70 Sui-period caves with more than 350 polychrome statues are still extant today. Many of these caves are grand projects with spacious interiors and enormous sculptures. In the art history of the Mogao Grottoes, the Sui caves were transitional as Buddhist cave-temples evolved from their beginnings to maturity. The most significant imagery that emerged in the Sui caves is the »Three Buddhas« (san fo), or the three bodies of the Buddha, due to the rise of the Tiantai School. The Tiantai doctrine proclaims that each Buddha features a three-fold body, namely, the »Dharma-body Tathagata (rulai, thus-come),« the »Reward-body Tathagata,« and the »Response-body Tathagata.« Similarly, there are also images of »The Buddhas of the Three Periods« (san shi fo), or the Buddhas of past, present, and future eons. The iconographies of The Three-fold Buddha and The Buddhas of the Three Periods were the invention of the Sui caves. Meanwhile, the arrangement of beneath a gabled roof,one giant Buddha standing against the frontal side (facing east) of a central pillar and flanked by a bodhisattva on the side wall (one Buddha and two attendant bodhisattvas) became the most distinctive feature of the Sui sculptures at Mogao. Finally, the earliest independent image of Bodhisattva Avalokiteshvara also appeared in

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the Sui caves. The emergence of innovative iconography and assemblage demonstrates the ongoing transformations in Buddhist worship. Mogao Cave no. 427 is the largest grotto excavated from the Sui Dynasty. It houses as many as 28 statues and preserves the largest Three-fold Buddha group at Mogao in terms of three assemblies of one Buddha and two bodhisattvas. These images exhibit formal features that are standard to Sui statues. The three Buddha triad is present in a main chamber that features a central post and gabled roof. Each Buddha is attended by a bodhisattva at both sides. The Buddha of the Dharma-body stands in the middle against the east wall of the central post, whereas the Buddhas of the reward-body and the response-body, facing each other, stand at the south and north side walls. Separated from the Cave walls, all the figures are sculptures in the round, and each of them stands on a circular lotus pedestal. The Buddhas measure 4.25 m in height, and the bodhisattvas 3.62 m in height. On the side walls of the ante­ chamber present the Vajira warriors and the Four Heavenly Kings where each Heavenly King has a demon beneath their feet. The bodhisattvas in caves no. 419 and no. 420 are great works among all Sui bodhisattva images. They show rounded faces, slim and long brows, eyes with tenderness, straight noses, fleshy lips, and robust bodies. They look kind, serene, and with the vigor of youth. The Sui images at the Mogao Grottoes demonstrate a strong transitional nature as new subjects and stylistic features came into being. Statues made at the end of the Sui Dynasty began to show some characteristics of the Tang style, as the sculptors began to pay attention to the images’ body proportions, realistic expressions, and to explore their character and inner worlds. They paved the way for the full blooming of Cave sculptures at Mogao, in the Tang Dynasty. Buddhist practice became more intensive during the Tang Dynasty. Buddhist temples were springing up, and those mentioned in the extant inscrip-

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tions at Mogao are Longxing Monastery, Grand Cloud Monastery, Puguang Monastery, Jinguangming Monastery, and others. The sixteen principal monasteries known in the second half of the Tang Dynasty were largely constructed during the period of the first half. Many eminent monks travelled from the Capital, Chang’an, and other places, to Dunhuang to promulgate Buddhist law. One of the representative figures, Tankuang, who sojourned in Dunhuang for 19 years, composed several discourses expounding Mahayana Buddhist doctrines. From the Zhenguan era to the 14th year of the Tianbao era of the Tang Dynasty (755), Dunhuang, »the pearl of the Silk Route,« displayed a spectacle where »messengers traverse [the routes] continually, the incenses and candles burn endlessly, [the donors] erect pagodas and make images, and [the preachers] promulgate [the Dharma] fervently.« It was said that »of Lantern Festival Celebrations, Chang’an ranks the first, Dunhuang, second, and Yangzhou, third.« Image-making at Mogao consequently reached its peak. Between the founding of the Tang Dynasty and the 1st year of the Shenglong era (705) represents the early Tang Period of Mogao grotto art. The sculptures retain some characteristics of the Sui period, such as, Maitreya, or the future Buddha, still serving as a main cultic figure. However, new Buddhist ideas and aesthetic norms required the images of the Buddha to be more vigorous and solemn looking, whereas bodhisattvas be more approachable to the beholder. Apart from the Buddha’s broad forehead, artisans continued their explorations, making the bodies of the Buddha and bodhisattva figures more lifelike. For instance, the statues in caves no. 244 and no. 57 have oval heads, slender and tall figures, and sincere and dignified expressions, suggesting the arriving of a new style. Constructed in the 16th year of the Zhenguan era (642), the statuary in Cave no. 220, because of the new cosmopolitan fashion from Chang’an and the ­Central-Plain areas, displayed a great improve-

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ment in realistic depiction. Moreover, the delineation of clothing creases had also changed. Wavy folds replaced the previously terrace-like folds; the pleats became more fluid, smooth, and expressive than ever before. Mogao Cave no. 322, constructed in the 1st year of the Shengli era (698), exemplifies such innovations of the early Tang period; the images also manifested a shift from the early Tang simplicity to a more luxurious style, characteristic of the High Tang period. Emperor Zhongzong’s 1st year of the Shenlong era to Emperor Dezong’s 2nd year of the Jianzhong era (705–781) delineates the High Tang period of Mogao sculptures, the pinnacle of its history. The most obvious change was that the artists, not satisfied with fine, detailed, but emotionless religious icons anymore, pursued a harmony of perfect form and rich feeling. They emphasized the figures’ various dispositions and personalities and »presented spirit through appearance« (yi xing xie shen). New formal features reflected in the images include voluptuous bodies, accurate ­muscles and bones, dignified expressions, and extravagant appearances. The statues became much finer, more lifelike, and with brilliant colors, suggesting the artists’ full mastery of sculpting techniques. All of these demonstrated the changing aesthetics, interests, and requests of the Tang people. Many of the High Tang images at Mogao are exceptional artworks, such as the handsome Buddha standing in Cave no. 322, the benevolent Buddha standing in Cave no. 332, and the ­serene and solemn Buddha seated in Cave no. 328. Bodhisattvas became more sensuous and diverse. For instance, the bodhisattva present on the north side of the main niche in Cave no. 445 has a sensuous body, tranquil and casual facial expression, and noble and charming appearance. Missing both arms, though, this bodhisattva is acclaimed as the »Venus of the East,« a perfect artwork in the audience’s eyes. The bodhisattva figures at the Mogao Grottoes manifest the secularization of Buddhist images during the Tang Dy-

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nasty. Although bodhisattvas are gender-neutral in Buddhist theology, their images became more feminine to please eyes and cater to the favor of commoners. »Since the Tang Dynasty, the style of Buddhist images has become feminine and weak. [Bodhisattvas] are as beautiful as courtesans. Thus, people nowadays praise court ladies for being as pretty as bodhisattvas.« The mid to late Tang period of the Mogao grotto art lasted from the 2nd year of the Jianzhong era of Emperor Dezong (781) to the end of the Tang Dynasty (907), which comprised two successive phases, namely, the Tibetan Occupation and the regime of the local Guiyi Army (Return to Allegiance Amy). Many caves were excavated during this time period, leaving a series of works that display their own characteristics. For instance, the bodhisattvas in caves no. 159, 194 (mid-Tang), and 196 (late Tang), do not wear strings of jewels as their High Tang counterparts do. There is little jewel worn by the bodhisattva in Cave no. 194, but the artisan strived to delineate her blouse, skirt, and shawl, projecting the ethnic clothing style of the Chinese. Represented by the bodhisattvas in caves no.  159 and no.  194, Buddhist statues in the mid-Tang period became overly plump, to the extent of ponderance. Although most the late Tang images are bloated and coarsely modeled, there are still a few excellent works. For example, the reclining Buddha in Cave no. 158 was exceptionally executed. Nearly 16 meters in length, the reclining Buddha is in a noble and plain style. He looks calm and peaceful, in contrast to the grieving mural scenes that surround him. The artist reinforced the Buddha’s feminine attributes through his voluptuous body and graceful curves under the transparent, gauze-like robe. To some, the Buddha looks like a sleeping beauty. His kindness, calmness, and benevolence can disperse the fear to death, make Buddhist paradise more attractive, and strengthen the didactic meaning beneath Buddhist images. The Buddha manifests an idealized unification of spirit and form.

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The image of Monk Hongbian preserved in Mogao Cave no. 16 is an intact, original Tang sculpture, exhibiting the late Tang artists’ exceptional skill for portraits. Hong Bian was an eminent monk who lived in mid-8th century Dunhuang; he contributed in supporting Zhang Yichao’s recovery of the Hexi area from the Tibetans. Commissioned by his disciples, Hong Bian’s portrait is one meter high. He is draped in a grid-patterned kaṣāya (jiasha), or ceremonial monastic vestment, and seated in a meditation posture. His forehead is broad, and his expression determined but kind. He has thick lips, a sturdy body, and noble and dignified appearance. His folds are concise. Overall, his portrait shows a plain and conservative style, manifesting the sitter’s observance and majesty as a Buddhist patriarch and prestigious monk. This portrait represents China’s oldest Tang monk image that survives in complete form; it exemplifies the realism and vividness that portrait art achieved during the Tang Dynasty. The statues in Mogao Cave no. 45 are representative of High Tang works, an assembly that comprises a Buddha, two bodhisattvas, and two heavenly kings. From the lotus-stamped bricks, the sutra paintings on the side walls and the ceiling, to the sculptures in the west niche, this Cave mirrors an idealized Buddhist world, a heavenly Buddha land. This Buddha land is not inaccessible nor a place only for worship; it is a world of humanity. Nearly all the figures are amiable, benevolent, and lifelike. The Buddha is enthroned like a monarch on an octagonal lotus pedestal in the full-lotus position. Rendered with broad shoulders, a protruding chest, plump and flat face, straight nose, long eyes, and elongated earlobes, the Buddha looks like a middle-age layman with wisdom, generosity, and dignity—a benevolent elder. Disciples Kashyapa and Ananda show distinct appearance and personality. Compared to Sui renderings, the Kashyapa in Cave no. 45 looks more introspective. He has a bony face, knitted brows, eyes with a determined look, and a closed mouth. These facial

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features correspond to his status as an experienced, eloquent, and capable senior monk. Consequently, this polychrome statue represents one of the most successful works of Maogao sculptural art. In contrast to Kashyapa’s prudence, the image of Ananda articulates the disciple’s youth, handsome face, intelligence, and tenderness. His head is bent slightly, with a smiling face. If he had not been tonsured nor garbed in monastic robes, he could be mistaken for a vigorous, playful young aristocrat of the Kaiyuan era. Using techniques for realistic depiction, the artist enlivened this »most-learned« young disciple. The two bodhisattvas are almost feminine. They represent the most marvelous works among all the bodhisattva figures. They share many formal similarities to each other, such as high topknots, naked upper torsos, shawls draped across their left shoulders, dhoti pants fastened at their waists, and the socalled thrown-hip pose. Their bodies twist in an S shape; one leg bears the weight, and the other relaxes; one arm raises up, and the other hangs down. On the other hand, they differ from one another. Rather than merciful and respectable deities, they look like two gorgeous beauties. The one on the north seems to be even more charming. Facing out of the niche, her head and hip are bent slightly to the right, whereas her shoulders, to the left. Her left foot moves forward a bit, and her right feet bear the weight of her body. Her pose is graceful, casual, and harmonious. Anyone who sees her face will be struck by her beauty: a plump face, arched and slim brows, straight and high nose bridge with a rounded end, and fleshy, red lips showing the hint of a smile. Through her half-closed eyes, one sees infinite tenderness. Her chest is plump and firm, and her legs long and slim. Overall, she is a tall, charming creature. Rather than a Buddhist deity, this statue should have been modeled after an idealized Tang beauty (Figs. 5.10.3 and 5.10.4). Unlike the benevolent Buddha, the individualized disciples, and the appealing bodhisattvas, the heavenly kings appear

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5.10.3 Bodhisattva, High Tang Dynasty, Mogao Cave no. 45, Dunhuang, Gansu

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5.10.4 Ananda, High Tang Dynasty, Mogao Cave no. 45, Dunhuang, Gansu

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majestic, ferocious, and daring. They suggest a faithful depiction of Tang warriors and exhibit the aesthetic of masculinity. The statuary in Mogao Cave no.  328 serves as ­another example of High Tang polychrome sculpture. Showing some nuance, though, the modellings look as exquisite as those seen in Cave no. 45. The principal Buddha in Cave no.  328 is seated in the center on an octagonal lotus pedestal. His inner robe is green and single-sleeved, known as saṃkakṣikā (sengqizhi), the rim of which is painted with fine floral scrolls. His kaṣāya drapes down from the top of the pedestal, which is lifted by the lotus petals extending from the pedestal. Not only did the artist execute the detail of the lotus seat accurately, but he suggested the softness of the silk drapery. Naturalistic, concise, and with variations, the artist’s treatment of folds and creases is exceptional; his skill seems to have surpassed the one in charge of Cave no. 45. Compared to the disciple in Cave no.  45, Ananda in Cave no.  328 is garbed in robes that feature more luxurious paints; thus, he looks nobler and older. The other disciple, Kashyapa, compared to his counterpart in Cave no.  45, shows more features associated with asceticism, so his face looks kinder and more devout. The eye-catching bodhisattvas show nuances as well as similarities. They have oval, jadelike faces, as clear and radiant as crystals, long brows, slim eyes, high nose bridges, elongated earlobes, and tiny mouths. They look handsome and enchanting. All the chief bodhisattvas were painted with green mustaches, suggesting more of a religious sense. The minor bodhisattvas, however, appear animated and vivid. To compare the statuary in Cave no. 328 and that in Cave no. 45, it is obvious that although the themes of polychrome sculptures at Mogao in the Hgh Tang period remained the same as in the preceding periods, the artists attempted to create various images through nuanced expressions, movements, and clothing styles.

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3. Bingling Temple Grottoes The Bingling Temple Grottoes are located among the rocky hills on the north bank of the Yellow River, some 35 kilometers northwest of the present-day Yongjing County, Gansu Province. It consists of three sections: the Upper Monastery, the Lower Monastery, and a canyon that connects the two monasteries in between. Cave-temples and niches are concentrated at the Lower Monastery, exhibiting the essence of the Bingling Temple grotto art. According to the 1963 investigation conducted by the Gansu Cultural Bureau, there are a total of 195 surviving caves and niches at Bingling Temple, which house more than 700 stone and clay statues. Sculptures and wall paintings in caves no. 6, 8, 82, and 134 are works dating to the Sui Dynasty. Although not a large number, these images are finely and variously executed. Most of the Sui statues are made of clay; this is uncommon for Cave images from other periods. Tang sculpture is the largest group at Bingling Temple. They represent the best works there, too. Around 134 caves and niches opened in the Tang still exist today, which make up more than two thirds of the total grottoes. Although Cave construction continued throughout the Tang Dynasty, the practice seemed to reach a peak during the High Tang Period: 14 caves and 104 niches were excavated. The artistic style also shifted over time, as figures went through a change from slimness to plumpness. The early Tang statues display slender bodies and normal faces, in a manner reminiscent of the preceding style of xiu gu qing xiang, literally, »refined bones and clarity of form.« Figures became plumper, and their poses and expressions more graceful and lifelike during the High Tang period. In the mid and late Tang, statues became excessively fleshy with broad jaws, their expressions dull, and their movements rigid. These changes correspond to the transformation of Tang sculptural art in general.

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The Tang grottoes at Bingling Temple usually have a hemisphere plan or a rectangular, shallow niche carved into living rock. Popular assemblies show a Buddha flanked by a disciple, a bodhisattva, and sometimes, a heavenly king. There are also assemblies of one Buddha with two attendant bodhisattvas and statues of independent bodhisattvas. The principal deities include Amitabha Buddha, Bhaiṣajyaguru (the Medicine Buddha), Maitreya, and Bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara. Most of the Tang statues are stone carved, whereas a few others are clay covering a stone core. Many of the statues were originally colored, which enhanced their expressiveness and liveliness. Statues now in caves and niches no. 4, 35–64, 91–93 are plump, handsome, and animated. The two bodhisattvas in niche 45 are specifically elegant and lifelike. One bodhisattva sits on a narrow-waist plinth with his feet on lotus blossoms, while the other stands beside him. Their hair is piled up high; their faces are as round as the full moon. They have arched brows and fine eyes, tender and enchanting. The artist depicted them as benevolent, graceful, and noble beings. The quintet in niche 64 were probably made in the High Tang Dynasty. An attendant bodhisattva flanking the central Buddha on either side stands in the thrown hip posture. Draped in plain robes, they seem deep in contemplation; they look like living mortals rather than deities. The local artists also mingled indigenous cultural element into their work. Breaking away from established norms, they explored the figures’ inner worlds and personalities and endowed a new vitality to the statues. The sculptures at Bingling Temple also demonstrate the localization of Buddhist images during the Tang Dynasty. For example, the attendant bodhisattvas in niche 64 wear only a few jewels and banners, but they are all garbed in fitting vests, which are not seen elsewhere. This phenomenon also evidenced the diversity of Buddhist images of the time.

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Cave no. 171 with its giant Maitreya is an enormous grotto at Bingling Temple, a rare work in the Tang Dynasty. Documents say it was commissioned by Bo Chengzuo, Commissioner of Liang Zhou in the 19th year of the Zhenyuang era in the mid-Tang Dynasty (803). The Maitreya is 28 meters high, who sits against the back cliff and with two legs pendant. This colossal Maitreya demonstrates that besides graceful and delicate figures, spectacular and awe-inspiring images were also commissioned at the site. This places Bingling Temple in an important position for the grotto art of China.

4. Tianlongshan Grottoes The Tianlongshan Grottoes are situated on Mt. Tianlong (Heavenly Dragon Mountain), some 40  km southwest of Taiyuan, Shanxi. Caves are distributed along the waist of the east and west peaks (about 1500 meters above the sea level). Surrounded by mountains and pine trees, the site is ideal for Buddhist image carvings. There are 21 main caves at the site, eight in the east section and 13 in the west. caves no. 9 and no. 13 are cliff carvings. Cave construction began at Tianlongshan during the Northern Qi Dynasty, continued in the Sui, and reached its peak during the Tang Dynasty. Of the 21 caves at Tianlongshan, caves no. 8 and no.  16 were excavated in the Sui Dynasty. caves no. 4–7, 11–15, and no. 17–20 date to the Tang Dynasty; the excavations probably took place in the years of the Gaozong and Wu reigns (673–705). The Sui and Tang caves are relatively small and of square plans with inverted dipper roofs. In most of the Tang caves, the ceiling and side walls were left plain or with very simple low reliefs. Nimbi were rendered as low reliefs and in a plain style. The statues of Buddha and bodhisattvas were carved using the round-cutting technique that was popular in the Tang Dynasty. The images look proportional and elegant, and their pleats smooth and natural, suggesting an opulent style. A peculiar flower blooming in China after the absorption of

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Buddhist grotto art, the sculptural works at Tianlongshan are acknowledged as the »Tianlongshan mode.« The standard sculptural assemblies at Tianlongshan show two heavenly kings standing outside the entrance of the Cave-temple, one principal Buddha seated in the full-lotus pose against the back wall, and two bodhisattvas seated in the half-lotus pose on the side walls. Occasionally, an attendant bodhisattva is also present flanking the central Buddha on either side. With auxiliary figures surrounding and addressing the central Buddha, the arrangement mirrors the hierarchical order of the Buddhist pantheon. Meanwhile, many seated bodhisattvas and the grouping of the Three Esoteric Deities emerged at Tianlongshan in the Tang Dynasty; they account for the new characteristics of Buddhist sculpture in the local Cave-temples. The Buddhas from the Tang caves at Tianlongshan usually have high ushnisha with wave-andwhorl hair. Their undergarment leaves the right arm bare and their outer double-collared kaṣāya drapes down from both shoulders. A few others wear round collared long robes with the hems hanging from the pedestal. Soft fabrics enclose their robust bodies tightly, delineating the torsos’ nice curves beneath the folds. The Maitreya statue originally seated against the east wall of Cave no. 6 features a fleshy face, long, fine eyes and brows, broad shoulders, and a narrow waist. Exhibiting idealized proportions and the beauty of youth, vitality, and sacredness, it is a rare piece in Buddhist sculptural art. The images of bodhisattvas at Tianlongshan are equally exquisite. Besides proportional bodies, they have ethereal faces: crescent moon eyebrows, slim and fine eyes, straight noses, and fleshy lips. Their hair is piled up over the head, their necklaces wreathlike, and their streamers with fishtail ends trail down from the shoulders. They feature broad shoulders, narrow waists, delineated breasts, and tall, slim figures in the thrown hip pose. The bodhisattva statues in Cave no. 14 are considered the most successful

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works of the Tang Dynasty. Currently preserved at the Tokyo National Museum, Tokyo, the bodhisattva originally sitting against the west wall in Cave no. 14 remains in fairly good shape and shows the charms of a young lady. She is seated on a circular pedestal with one leg bent and the other pendant. Her torso leans to the left slightly, and her fingers pinch the streamers that trail down from the pedestal. A hit of a smile on her face, eyes filled with tenderness, slim, long eyebrows, and petal-like tips, she is a perfect embodiment of inner and outer beauty. The most spectacular images at Tianlongshan are present in Cave no. 9. Excavated in the Sui or the early Tang dynastes, Cave no. 9 is a grand, two-tier Cave-temple. The grotto’s upper tier, cut deep into the cliff, shelters a colossal seated Maitreya in the center, whereas the lower tier houses a bodhisattva pentad. The deity standing in the middle is an eleven-headed Avalokiteshvara, who is flanked by Manjushri riding a lion on the right and Samantabhadra riding an elephant on the left. Intertwined lotus stems are carved on the rear wall, and beings reborn in lotus blossoms as small Buddhas can still be seen today. Compared to the most less-than-life-sized images at Tianlongshan, these colossal statues look extraordinarily spectacular and breathtaking. The Tianlongshan Tang statues perfectly display the style of cao yi chu shui, a wet-drapery technique representing figures which was popular in the Buddhist images of the Tang Dynasty. Buddhas and bodhisattvas wore transparent, gauzelike robes, and the fabrics cling to their bodies as if they were soaked. Through the »wet drapery,« the viewer sees the figure’s curves and flesh; one feels like one can almost hear the beating pulse beneath the skin. Besides the clinging drapery, each bodhisattva in Tianlongshan Cave no. 15 also wears a long, floating streamer circling around their chests, shoulders, and arms, which delineates the bodhisattva’s voluptuous torso. Unfortunately, the Tianlongshan Grottoes were devastated severely in the early 20th century. More

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than 150 pieces of sculpture were plundered and sent abroad, and they are scattered across Japan, the United States, and European countries. The original principal Buddha statue on the back wall in Cave no.  21, for example, is preserved at the Fogg Art Museum at Harvard University. Extraordinarily proportional and graceful, this Buddha statue is a rare masterpiece. A bodhisattva head that belonged to an attendant bodhisattva on the same back wall is now at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in the US. A prime example of Tang realistic stone sculpture, it successfully delineates the bodhisattva’s smooth skin and subtle facial expressions. The Maitreya torso housed at the Tokyo National Museum also represents a great work of the Tianlongshan Grottoes.

5. Grottoes in Sichuan Since Emperor Wuzong’s Buddhist persecution, starting in the fourth year of the Huichang era (844), Cave construction mostly halted and declined in the Central Plains of north China, except at Dunhuang and a few other sites. Meanwhile, Buddhist caves sprang up in the Sichuan area and the latter rose into a new center of Cave construction and image carving. For a long time, people did not know the grottoes and sculptures in Sichuan very well. A lack of systematic investigation and study made the grotto art in Sichuan a weak point in the field. It was not accidental that Cave construction rose in Sichuan after the High Tang Dynasty. First, the Central Plains waned after the An Lushan Rebellion, but the Sichuan area remained mostly intact. This provided Cave construction with stability and material resources. Next, after the rebellion, Emperors Xuanzong and Xizong both fled to Sichuan for temporary shelter, and were followed by entourages that included many painters and craftsmen. These artists improved their techniques for Cave construction in Sichuan. Lastly, the introduction and penetration of Esoteric Buddhism forms boosted Cave image making as well.

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Sichuan has a long history in devotional image making. The source of the earliest known Buddhist and Daoist images in China are both related to Sichuan. This is particularly the case of early Buddhist images. The »spirit objects,« or mortuary items, excavated from the cliff graves of places such as Leshan carry images of the Buddha. They represent some of the early Buddhist works that can be ascertained as having been made during the Eastern Han Dynasty. Although not many preTang images have been found in Sichuan, many of the grottos were excavated after the High Tang Dynasty and through the mid and late Tang, the Five Dynasties, and the Song Dynasty—a time span of over 400 years. According to archaeological investigations, nearly 50 cities and counties in Sichuan have grotto complexes, and over 120 sites have more than ten Cave-temples. Dazu in southern Sichuan (in present-day Chongqing), for example, has over 40 grotto complexes and 50,000 statues. In this light, Sichuan is at the top of grotto art in China both in number and scale. Indeed, it is a significant art repository. Cave-temples and niches at Dazu and Anyue are intensely excavated, showing distinctive regional features such as the assorted esoteric figures, many colossal Buddha images, Daoist deities, and images reflecting the unification of the Three Religions of Buddhism, Daoism, and Confucianism. They represent the highlight of grotto art in the Sichuan area with strong indigenous cultural flavor. The rock carvings along the Buddha Bay on Mt. Beishan, Dazu, preserve important works from the Tang Dynasty. In a recent investigation, statues bearing dates during the Yonghui and Qianfeng reigns of Emperor Gaozong were found at Buddha Bay, which confirm the inauguration date of the Dazu grottoes as no later than the 650s. The Tang sculptures on Mt. Beishan are »radiant, majestic, idealized, and genuine.« For instance, Cave no. 245, that illustrates the Sutra of the Meditation on the Buddha of Immeasurable Life, is a rarely exquisite carving. Within a space of 2.64 m

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(height) by 2.24  m (width), the artists sculpted over 380 figures in various sizes and more than ten monastic halls and pagodas in a backdrop of radiant clouds, flowering trees, railings and jade ponds. They represented such a complex scene in a series of high and low reliefs that is uniquely intricate and rarely seen. Moreover, the artists also carved out the narrative panels of the »Sixteen Visual Contemplations« along the edge, and the dozens of donor images at both sides of the niche. Grand and complicated scenes with many figurations and intricate settings, this formal feature is shared by many of the grottos in Sichuan but is uncommonly seen elsewhere. What can compete with the sutra illustration in niche 245 on Mt. Beishan is the paradise relief in niche 69 at the Jiajing Thousand Buddha Cliff. The latter illustrates the Pure Land of Amitabha. Scriptural manifestations at Jiajiang, such as the ones on Amitabha’s Pure Land and Vimalakīrti, are superb works in terms of fine carving and vibrant layout. Some of the niches are adorned with groups of dancers and orchestral players. These miniature entertainers suggest a strong sense of daily life, which accounts for another indigenous feature of the rock carvings at Jiajiang.

6. Other Sculptures Apart from statues preserved in Cave-temples, there were many devotional images housed in freestanding monasteries during the Sui and Tang dynasties, too. Only a few of them survive today, though some of the most impressive are: the two Tang Buddhist images with later repairs preserved at the Great Buddha Hall of Nanchan Monastery and the Great Hall of Foguang Monastery in Wutai County, Shanxi, respectively; the two threeheaded, eight-armed esoteric deities, the luminous kings (mingwang), and a seated Buddha in the dressing style of a bodhisattva excavated from the situ of An’guo Monastery of Chang’an (present-day Xi’an); and the fragmented, white-marble bodhisattva torso excavated from the ruin of Dam-

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ing Palace of the Tang court. What’s more, because Daoism was also popular in the Sui and Tang periods, Daoist images were also made—although they could not compete with their Buddhist counterparts, neither in quantity nor scale. There are nevertheless a few important images, for instance, the Laojun (deified Laozi) statue made of white marble and preserved in the Shaanxi Historical Museum is a rare work. Featuring broad cheeks and a tall figure, he looks noble and dignified; the carving is extremely fine, too. Another example are the rock carvings at Ziyun Pavilion and Jade Goddess Spring on Mt. Xishan (the West Hills), west of Mianyang, Sichuan. The site preserves the two largest complexes of Daoist cliff carvings in China, where half of the original 70 or so niches are extant today. Not only do the images survive in great numbers, but their grouping appears distinctive, suggesting Mt. Xishan’s important role in the history of Daoist sculptural art. Finally, with the development of cultural and artistic life during the Sui and Tang dynasties, decorative sculptural arts also emerged. The representative works include the 42 stone railings with reliefs on Anji (Safe Passage) Bridge in Zhao County, Hebei, engravings on stone sarcophagi and coffins, tomb figurines, and other carving patterns. They are all worthy of further investigation.

Section 2  Spectacular Stone Sculptures in Front of Imperial Mausoleums Monumental stone images standing in front of imperial mausoleums, known as ling 陵 in Chinese, represent a type of non-religious sculpture; they were the products of emperors who pursued eternal sovereignty. Funerary statues enjoyed a longer and more brilliant history in China than the religious images, and much of such great work made during the Tang Dynasty became models for later generations. Due to long-lasting social stability

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and cultural prosperity, emperors’ interests in grandiose projects, and the enormous wealth created by the masses, sculptures at Tang imperial mausoleums reached an unprecedent high level of artistry and scale, leaving us a series of splendid and magnificent masterpieces.

1. Sculpture Groups at Zhaoling and the Six Steeds of Zhaoling Emperor Taizong of the Tang Dynasty initiated a tradition of building mausoleums in the mountains. Zhaoling, the tomb of Taizong, is located beneath Mt. Jiuzong (1188 meters high) in Liquan County, Shaanxi. The funerary complex is about 60 kilometers in perimeter, covering an area of 30,000 mu (one mu equal to 1/6 acre). Taizong himself selected the site and supervised the construction. Yan Lide, a famous early Tang architect designed and directed the project; Yan Liben, Lide’s younger brother and a court painter, also participated in the design. Aboveground buildings used to stand in the grave precinct. In front of the tumulus stood Sacrificial Hall, Ji Gate, Zhuque (Vermillion Bird) Gate, and the Subterranean Palace; the Resting Hall, que towers, and the Xuanwu (Black Tortoise and Snake) Gate were in the back and flanked by the Qinglong (Azure Dragon) and Baihu (White Tiger) gates in the cardinal directions of east and west, respectively. To date, 167 auxiliary tombs that belonged to members of the imperial house, meritorious officials, and favorite concubines have been discovered within the mausoleum. The number is the largest among all excavated imperial tombs. Based on Yan Liben’s drawing of Portraits of Zhaoling, images of 14 regional governors were carved in the round and lining along the shendao, or spirit path, that leads to the mausoleum. They represent regional leaders in the Western Regions who either were captured or submitted to the Tang Dynasty during the Zhenguan reign. Historical documents describe that each statue is oversized, about 8–9 chi (one chi equal to approximately 1/3 meter) in height. Some

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of them wear armor and helmets, whereas others wear velvet garments and crowns. These foreign chiefs feature tall figures, prominent noses, and sunken eyes; they carry bows, knives, and wear other ornaments. Overall, these images glorify the political achievements of Emperor Taizong in wen, or literature and arts, and wu, or military forces, and were the pride of the Tang Empire. Among the sculptures at Taizong’s tomb, the »Six Steeds« are the best-known. To commemorate the six chargers that the emperor rode through battle from the Taiyuan Uprising on, and to boast of his outstanding military feats, Taizong ordered carvings of his beloved horses in the 11th month of the 10th year of the Zhenguan reign (636). A fine set of six high-reliefs, each limestone panel measures 1.71–1.76 meters high and 2.04–2.07 meters wide. Named Saluzi, Quanmiaogua, Baitiwu, Telebiao, Qingzhui, and Shifachi, three of the horses appear in still stances, and the others in motion. Regardless of their varying poses, all the steeds show sturdy bodies and appear vigorous. The panel of Saluzi is the most charming and best-preserved relief. It narrates a critical moment in Taizong’s battle against Wang Shichong when Saluzi was hit by an arrow and General Qiu Xinggong came to the rescue. General Qiu’s left foot stands on tiptoe, and his eyes suggest a determined expression. He concentrates on pulling out the arrow with both his hands. Saluzi’s front legs stand upright and its body leans back slightly, as if it were enduring great pain for the arrow to be pulled out. The artist captured the drama and depicted the scene vividly, making it quite a moving work (Fig. 5.10.5). The other five steeds have their own characteristics, too. Quanmaogua was rode into battle against Liu Heita, Qingzhui against Dou Jiande, Telebiao against Song Jingang, Shifachi against Wang Shichong, and Baitiw, against Xue Rengao (Fig. 5.10.6). They are shown roaming, standing, trotting, or dashing. Masterfully rendered, they look as marvelous as »the dragon horse« described in Tang poetry. »Upon their descension from the

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5.10.5  »Saluzi and Qiuxinggong,« 1st panel of the Six Steeds of ­Zhaoling, Tang Dynasty, Penn Museum, the University of ­Pennsylvania, US

5.10.6  »Telebiao,« 4th panel of the Six Steeds of Zhaoling, Tang Dynasty, Shaanxi History Museum, Xi’an

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top level of the heavens, all the horses on the earth will pale in comparison.« The Six Steeds of Zhaoling is a spectacular sculptural work that depicts battle horses, and was the pinnacle of horse carvings after the Han Dynasty. The reliefs exhibit voluminous forms, fluid linear delineations, and organized composition. Unfortunately, the panels of Saluzi and Quanmaogua were plundered and smuggled abroad in 1914; they are housed at the Penn Museum at the University of Pennsylvania in the U.S. The other four panels were also broken into pieces by looters in 1918, who intended to smuggle them abroad. However, local people soon discovered and rescued them. At present, these reliefs are preserved at the Shaanxi History Museum in Xi’an.

2. Sculpture Groups at Qianling Qianling is the joint burial of Emperor Gaozong and his consort, Empress Wu Zetian, located on Mt. Liang in Qian County, Shaanxi. The original aboveground buildings and walls have disappeared over time. However, the magnificent stone sculptures erected along the spirit path have endured erosion and remain in situ after a millennium. Qianling preserves most of its funerary sculptures, which surpass those of other Tang imperial tombs both in quantity and quality (Fig. 5.10.7). According to their function, the sculptures were grouped and presented in different areas of the funerary precinct. The southern section has most of the images that include a single pair of pillars, winged horses, and ostriches; five pairs of horses and grooms as guard of honor; ten pairs of warriors; one pair of stela, one inscribed and the other blank; 61 statues of foreign envoys (53 of which survive today); and one pair of lions and figures. Outside the northern Xuanwu Gate stand one pair of lions and three pairs of horses; outside the eastern and western gates stand one pair of lions, respectively. In total, 125 sculptures exist at the mausoleum. Of them, the pair of winged horses

5.10.7 Stone pillar and the »spirit path« to Qianling, present view, Tang Dynasty, Qian County, Shaanxi Province

are exceptional. Also called »horses of heaven,« or »auspicious beasts,« the images of winged horses were first seen at Qianling, but a prototype may trace back to the mythical creatures Bixie made in the Han Dynasty. Each of them measures approximately 3.5 meters high, and the plinth beneath them around three meters long. The carving is realistic, with ornamental detail. The winged horses have small heads, and huge and solid bodies; their wings are highly decorative and covered with rolling-cloud patterns. The images suggest an ideal that combines force and beauty, since winged horses were recognized as one of the symbols of supremacy in imperial China. To ensure the sculptures’ stability, the artist exaggerated their necks, bodies, and the four limbs; therefore, they look

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somewhat clumsy rather than animated. The 61 statues of envoys erected in front of the mausoleum evidenced the friendship between the Tang Empire and many neighboring states and areas. According to historical record, after the death of Emperor Gaozong, delegates from 61 foreign states and areas participated in his funeral. Immediately after entombment, Empress Wu ordered stone images of these envoys to be erected at the mausoleum to commemorate the event—in a boastful manner, though. Dressed in narrow-sleeved garments, the envoys wear high boots and wide belts around their waists. With their hands crossed before their chests, they are mourning in reverence. Although the figures look identical, names and their affiliated states were once inscribed on their backs. Inscriptions such as »Great Head of Persia, Nanmei« and the »Tocharian Yehu (leader) Dujia« are still identifiable. Unfortunately, these images are all headless. The viewer cannot fathom their expressions, now. Ostriches (tuoniao) were called zhuque, and the pair of ostriches in high relief at Qianling are the earliest bird images that emerged in the Tang imperial tombs. Rendered in a plain and bold style, they have long necks, short wings, large bodies, and long, thick legs. Quite different from the images of vermillion birds and phoenixes in the Chinese mythology, they resemble ostriches in real life. The juxtaposition of ostriches and winged horses probably visualized the idea of »rare fowls and beasts« (zhen qin yi shou), since ostriches are a species from tropical areas, and winged horses imaginative creatures. The Tang Empire interacted with many foreign countries like Persia and Arabia, and ostriches were imported from those areas, among other goods. In the first year of the Yonghui reign of Emperor Gaozong (650), the Tocharian Kingdom made a tribute of great birds. »The bird is black and around seven chi in height. Its feet resemble that of a camel. The bird can fly 300 li (one li equal to 0.5 kilometers) per day, and people call it tuoniao.« To incorporate ostriches in the guard of

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honor in front of the imperial tomb manifests the openness of the empire and the Tang people’s interests in exotic wonders. To represent ostriches in relief, the artist relieved the bird’s neck and legs from bearing too much of the weight and made the images more durable and linear appearing. This treatment was probably inspired by the reliefs of the Six Steeds of Zhaoling originally erected at Emperor Taizong’s tomb. Lions are the most dominant and awe-inspiring images at Qianling. Not only they exist in the largest number, but the carvings are the best among all the sculptures. In particular, the pair of seated lions in front of the Zhuque Gate exhibit the Tang Dynasty’s magnificence at its peak. Arout 3.4 meters high, each of the lions surmounts a plinth that is 0.55 meters above the ground. They look mighty and formidable, showing various effects when seen from different angles. The modeling abandoned the scalene triangle form that was conventionally used in pre-Sui stone lions. In a realistic style, the lions also show exaggerated details that projects their supreme status as the king of beasts. They legitimized the sovereignty of the Tang emperors and glorified the power and magnificence of the Tang Empire. To sum up, the sculptures at Qianling inherited and developed the tradition of funerary stone carvings in imperial China in terms of planning, subject, and style. They particularly reinvented the norms of the early Tang royal tombs and established a new order of funerary sculptures for later imperial mausoleums.

3. Sculpture Groups at Shunling Shunling is the tomb of Lady Yang, the mother of Empress Wu Zetian. Her mausoleum is located on the north bank of the Wei River, 20 kilometers northeast of Xianyang, Shaanxi. According to records, Lady Yang passed away in the first year of the Xianheng era (670). She was entombed as a prince and her burial was known as the Tomb of Lady Yang. After Empress Wu usurped the throne,

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she granted her parents as »Taishang Emperor and Empress,« honorific titles for parents of the reigning emperor, and upgraded her mother’s tomb to the rank of an imperial mausoleum. To show off the grandiosity of her funerary complex, a new set of sculptures were erected by skillful artisans and with fine stones. Therefore, the mausoleum preserves two distinct groups of stone carvings. The old group, also made in the early Tang period, are smaller in size and coarsely carved. The latter, much grander than the images at other Tang royal tombs, represent masterpieces of Tang funerary sculpture. Among all, the seated lions in front of each gate, and the roaming lions and the auspicious creatures in front of the southern gate are the most fabulous works. Carved out of a single block of limestone, each of the roaming lions is 3.5 meters high with the plinth. The artisans probably modeled the statues after real lions, but exaggerated their mighty bodies, bulging muscles, and chunky front legs. Their heads turn slightly aside, and their postures suggest that they are moving. Looking down upon the viewer with pride, they appear extremely animated, confident, and vigorous (Fig. 5.10.8). The seated lions outside the four gates are 3.1 meters high and 1.1 meters wide. Larger than the lions in motion, the seated ones look even more formidable. Their bodies look as solid as mountains atop the plinths. Their protruding chests and muscular front legs are overly exaggerated, as if they have immeasurable strength. Their claws are sharp, powerful, and scary. Anyone who approaches them will feel their overwhelming force. In short, these mighty lions amplify the grandiosity and dignity of Lady Yang’s funerary complex. Outside the southern gate stand a pair of auspicious beasts that are of high artistry, too. Over four meters in height, they are imaginative creatures and may have derived from the Han-period immortal animals Tianlu and Bixie. They look peculiar, having deer’ heads and bulls’ bodies.

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Horns raise from the top of their heads, and wings extend from their shoulders. Their feet resemble those of horses and their tails are huge. As mythic creatures, auspicious omens, and ceremonial guardians, they were present in front of the mausoleum to ward off evil spirits. The funerary sculptures at Shunling are exceptionally majestic and spectacular. More than a standard guard of honor at the imperial tomb, they exemplified the magnificence, confidence, and optimism of the Tang Dynasty.

Section 3  Groups of Tomb Figures Representing Everyday Life In the Sui and Tang Dynasties, the ruling classes represented by the imperial houses and aristocratic groups continued the custom of lavish burials begun in Qin and Han times. They »honored the dead as the living.« Especially before the High Tang period, not only did nobles compete with one another in building luxury tombs, but well-to-do and ordinary families also followed suit. Large groups of tomb figures were one of the outcomes of lavish burials. Earthenware figures were interred to serve the dead only; they were now displayed publicly in the market. Within this social context, the production of earthenware figures was greatly improved in terms of manufacture scale and artistic level. These figures cover a variety of subjects, and their absorbing representations and vivid expressions manifest a vibrant cultural life and spirit of their society. Tomb figures constitute an important section of the marvelous Sui and Tang sculptural art.

1. Sui Tomb Figures Quite a few earthenware figures have been excavated from Sui Dynasty tombs, suggesting that the custom of lavish burials was popular, and the production scale of grave objects was not small.

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5.10.8 Roaming lion, Tang Dynasty, Shunling of Lady Yang, Chenjiacun, Xianyang, Shaanxi

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In 1954, the tomb of the Zhang Sheng couple buried in the 14th year of the reign of Kaihuang (594) was unearthed. More than 150 figures and objects were discovered, including 35 ceremonial guards and attendants, 27 servants, assorted furnishing pieces and utensils, such as house models, stoves, and vessels. They were concisely shaped and finely crafted. Standing female figures wear short upper garments and long skirts, with ribbons fastened at their chests; some seem engaged in their tasks, which suggests a strong sense of daily life. Funeral figures found in the tomb of Li Jingxun, buried in the 4th year of the reign of Daye (608), and that of Ji Wei in the 6th (610), are also remarkable. Besides human figures, there are also images of various domestic animals, such as horses, oxen, sheep, pigs, dogs, and chicken, implying the wealthy status of the tomb masters. In the tomb of Dunhuang Governor Ji Wei, for instance, there is a crouching female dog breastfeeding her puppy; they look quite lifelike. A pottery ox found in the tomb of Li Jingxun was also vividly sculpted. Its head raises up and its body bends over, suggesting the creature’s stubborn nature. Pigs are shown nursing their piglets, which are lovely, too. All these images manifested a revitalized life and society after the reunification of the Sui Dynasty. Data from Sui tombs in different areas indicate that the subjects of tomb figures contrasted markedly to those of the Southern and Northern Dynasties. Images of working scenes, livestock, groups of musicians and dancers, and female attendants became frequent, suggesting people’s increasing awareness in pursuing life’s pleasures. Stylistically speaking, the bodies of human figures in Sui tombs are slim, their cheeks fuller, and their expressions and movements show more variations. Female figures usually wear gowns that are narrowed at waist, looking quite elegant. Some of them are dressed in open-collar garments like court ladies; their hair is piled up into high buns and shawls cover their shoulders. They walk and

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pose in an extremely graceful manner. In short, Sui tomb figures began to depart from stiffness that was characteristic of sculptural work since the Southern and Northern Dynasties. Since the approach of seeking inspirations from everyday life emerged, Sui sculptural art moved one step closer towards realistic depiction (Fig. 5.10.9).

2. Tang Tomb Figures The culture and the economy both developed unprecedently in the Tang Dynasty, which expanded people’s desire for extravagant materials and stimulated a hedonistic lifestyle. As the ideas of vying for wealth and chasing after pleasures both in this life and the afterlife became prevalent, the production of tomb figures also reached a peak. Despite that the Tang ranking system had regulated the use of grave objects in accordance to one’s status, the government’s observance did not prohibit lavish burials. Grave goods buried with a non-high-ranking official could be surprisingly large. As the ritual of burying tomb figures became systematized in the Tang time, and according to their function and position within the tomb chambers, we can divide Tang funerary sculpture into four categories: tomb guardians, males, females, and animal figures. While each category can be separated into several sub-categories, most of the tomb figures are made of clay, with a few wooden, stone, and bamboo works. Stone figures are not common in the history of tomb sculpture because they are difficult to carve. There are two finely crafted marble figures excavated from the Tomb of Su Sixu, in Xi’an. Their surface is polished without trace of color and their formal features conform to the style of Tang tomb figures. Two cavalrymen on horseback found in Jinan, Shandong Province, are also rare funerary stone figures. Sancai (lit. tricolor) figures, a type of earthenware adorned with polychrome lead glaze that emerged in the reign of Empress Wu Zetian, are of high artistic value. Molds remained to be fully implemented

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5.10.9 Female attendant holding a jar, Sui Dynasty, Shanghai Museum, Shanghai

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when making tomb figures in the Tang Dynasty, although the figures were shaped by a two-piece mold first and then adjusted by hand. Certain parts, like the figure’s hands, hair buns, and carried objects, were handmade, whereas details of their clothes were carved out. Although most of the figures were made by using similar molds, they would be revised in different ways by skilled artisans who were able to observe and represent life around them; thus, all these figures look individualized in terms of facial expression and posture. Human figures in Tang tombs suggest some general stylistic changes and an ­increased scale, and their bodies transformed from slimness to plumpness and then to overweight. Besides human figures, tomb guardians also went through marked transformations. Two types of tomb guardians predominated. One shows a human face with an animal body, and the other, an animal face with an animal body. Tomb guardians in the form the heavenly kings were fully realized in the years of Kaiyuan (713–741) and Tianbao (742–756), in the High Tang period. They appear simultaneously exaggerated and natural. From their facial expressions, movements, and details like clothing pleats, cuffs, waist bands, hair, headgear, and shoulder accoutrements, nothing looks like it doesn’t fit. All these factors exhibit the tomb guardians’ explosive wrath. Guardian figures excavated in the tomb Shi Sili, buried in the 3rd year of the reign of Tianbao (744) in Xi’an, and that of Madam Song, Lei Jun’s wife, in the 4th (745) in Hansenzhai, are such representative works. The major achievement of Tang tomb figures is that they displayed a multi-faceted view of Tang social life and the penetrating expressions of humans. In all aspects, they represent the colorful lives of the time. Female figures buried in the tomb of Zheng Rentai are polychrome glazed. They wear various hairstyles, such as the double snail-shell bun, the half-roll bun, and the single rounded bun. Clad in all sorts of attire, the female figures feature pretty faces and sensuous

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bodies. Some women wear caps in a men’s style, suggesting a liberal dressing code for women and the cloth fashion of the time. Female figures on horseback dated to Empress Wu’s Zhou Dynasty also reflect the open, romantic spirit of their society (Fig. 5.10.10). Since the reign of Empress Wu, women riding horses were in vogue, demonstrated by the abundant unearthed female equestrian figures in tombs. There are a pair of female polo players preserved at the Shanghai Museum. The young women bounce on horseback, and the horses dash like gusts of wind. Looking extremely energetic and lifelike, spectators may feel like

5.10.10 Female rider wearing a hat with gauze, Tang Dynasty, Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region Museum, Urumqi

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they are watching a live game and can hear the sound of beating hooves. Another pair of female riders are found in Jinan, Shandong Province. The artisan captured the moment the riders are reining in their horses before letting them go. Lowering heads and lifting feet, the horses appear as if they are ready to dart, and the artisan expressed their restlessness successfully. Finally, there are many figures buried in Tang tombs representing foreigners from the Western Regions. These sculptures evidenced the cultural interaction and ethnic fusion between China and the West and the impact of the Tang Empire. Traders and their caravans coming from areas like Western Asia, Europe, and Africa, exchanged goods with the Chinese. These people are represented as having deep eyes, high-bridged noses, full beards, wavy hair, and sturdy bodies. They should also take the credit for the prosperity of the Tang Empire. Many Tang tomb figures are superb, lifelike masterpieces; the artisans rendered their shapes and spirit in a compelling manner. The female figures excavated in a tomb in suburban Wuhan, Hubei Province, are expressive and graceful. They feature naturalistic movement and varied facial expressions. For instance, a standing female figure is stroking a child resting on her breast. With her other hand raised, she seems to be talking to her loved one. Another woman, whose hair is piled into double buns, joins her hands before her chest. Her head turns to the side slightly; she seems to be lost in thought. There are other standing female figures unearthed at the sites of Zhongbaozi and Dashimen in Xi’an. Some women look into the distance with knitted eyebrows, expressing a solitary feeling with some sort of expectation; others cross their arms before their chests with their mouths open as if they were gossiping about something; and others turn sideways, showing a concentrated look, as if they were engaged listeners. Varying in expressions and poses, though, every figure looks elegant, dignified, and natural. The artisans attempted to represent women’s inner

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and outer beauty, meanwhile, they distinguished ladies-in-waiting from low-ranking servants and slaves with proper detail. Tang male figures are also expressive. The civil official unearthed in the tomb of Dou Lujian in Xianyang is one of such fine examples. The artisan renders the magistrate as a submissive, low-ranking officer. Similar figures of civil officials have also been excavated from a Tang tomb at Wangjiafen in Xi’an, and the tomb of the Zhang Xiong couple in Turfan, Xinjiang. They all share poses of prostration, as if they were receiving admonitions from their supervisors. Figures like singers, dancers, and performers are also frequently found in Tang tombs, which provide us with clues to the empire’s glorious achievements in music and dance. Among the orchestra figures excavated at a Tang tomb in Xi’an, a performer is simultaneously singing and dancing, with a facial expression and posture that are exceptionally vivid and absorbing. Of all the Tang animal figures, horses and camels represent the most excellent works. The Chinese favorite of horses has a long history, and the Tang people’s passion and their breeding of horses surpassed any of previous times. The Six Steeds of Zhaoling, commissioned by Li Shimin, Emperor Taizong of Tang, demonstrated this great monarch’s attachment to his battle horses. Xuanzong was another Tang emperor who loved horses. It is said that there were up to ten thousand eminent horses fed in his imperial stables. Household horse breeding was also popular. All these social factors made horses predominant and exquisite motifs in Tang artworks. In tomb sculpture, horses were mostly present in aristocrats’ ceremonial parades to show off their privileged status. On the other hand, these horses exhibited the contemporaries’ aesthetic tastes and artistic interests; they all feature robust bodies, fluid outlines, and majesty. The horse figures excavated in the tombs in Xi’an look gentle and dignified, while those in Luoyang are animated and vigorous. There are two horses unearthed in

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the tomb of Princess Yongtai. One raises its head up and looks to the sky, and the other bows its head down to the ground. They leave the viewer a sense of ease and intimacy. The crafting of camel figures reached the same high level as that of the horses, especially those with groups of musicians on their backs and those in the act of leaping or moving. Viewers can imagine hearing camel bells coming from the Gobi Desert on the ancient Silk Road as they look back to the past (Fig. 5.10.11). Besides horses and camels, there are other expressive works representing domestic animals, such as pigs, dogs, sheep, and chickens. Moreover, the sculptural sets of the twelve Zodiac animals found in Tang tombs are amazingly spectacular. One such group currently preserved at the Jining Municipal Museum, Shandong Province, for instance, exemplifies the artisans’ superior craftsmanship of the various expressions of the animal deities. It is obvious that to create these charming and distinctive pottery figures, the Tang artisans did not passively duplicate images from their surrounding world. Instead, they combined xieyi (lit. write-meaning), or flexible, spontaneous idealism, and xieshi, (lit. write-object), or formal realism—the two fundamental methods of expression in traditional Chinese art. They explored and created characteristic images and objects that were imbued with wisdom and passion, leaving us many gems of Chinese sculptural art.

Section 4  Sui and Tang Sculptors and the Artistic Achievements of Tang Dynasty Sculpture In the over three hundred years of the Sui and Tang periods, the accomplishments made in sculptural art were amazingly spectacular. However, due to notions of social hierarchy long

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5.10.11 Camel carrying musicians, Tang Dynasty, National Museum of China, Beijing

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rooted in traditional China, even if sculptors and artisans had created many works of high artistry and aesthetic value, they did not receive the social recognition nor the status that they deserved. Moreover, sculpture possessed a lower position than painting in the order of traditional Chinese art genres, although in the modern era we admire both as intelligent. The value of painting varied according to an artist’s birth, family, and social rank. Those who were recorded in historical accounts were mostly born in elite families or were scholarly officials. In comparison, sculptors were treated more like artisans or manual laborers. In spite of the fact that they had incredible skill and talent, and some of them had even participated in imperially sponsored projects, very few sculptors were documented—In contrast to the many esteemed sculptural remains that still can be seen today. Of those who left their names to history, some were simultaneously eminent painters, others were occasionally mentioned in Buddhist texts or regional gazettes, and the accounts are usually brief and obscure. In short, despite the abundant sculptural works descended from the Sui and Tang periods, only a few dozen of the contemporary sculptors’ names are known to us. This unbalanced fact brings difficulty to the study of Chinese sculptural history.

1. Sui Dynasty Sculptors: Tanmo Zhuoyi and Li Chun Very few words remain regarding sculptors of the Sui Dynasty. Among those who left their names, the accounts of Tanmo Zhuoyi and Li Chun are relatively detailed. Tanmo Zhuoyi was a foreign monk and sculptor. According to the record in the 8th volume of Famous Paintings through the Dynasties (Lidai minghua ji 歷代名畫記), the Indian monk Tanmo Zhuoyi was good at painting. He paid a homage to all the Ashoka Pagodas in China during the reign of Emperor Wen of Sui. He made sketches for each of the twelve deities seen at Dashi T ­ emple (Great

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Rock Temple) in Luoxian, Chengdu, with which he made a set of wooden carvings and placed them at the foot of the pagoda there. Li Chun was an eminent architect and sculptor during the Sui Dynasty. In the years of the Daiye reign (605–618), he directed the construction of the Zhaozhou Bridge (or Anji Bridge), the earliest arch bridge in the world that still exists today. An inscription made in the 13th year of the Tang Kaiyuan reign (725) says, »The stone bridge across the Jiao River in Zhao County is a legacy left by the master Li Chun of Sui.« Because of its distinct design, graceful shape, and durable quality, the Zhaozhou Bridge has stood in the place for more than a millennium. Meanwhile, the surface area of its structural components, such as the railings and posts, are covered with engravings of animals and dragons, which are animated and clearly delineated. To date, most people know that it was Li Chun who constructed the Zhaozhou Bridge; however, they have no idea that the large group of decorative patterns on the bridge are also his exceptional carvings.

2. Tang Dynasty Sculptors: Wu Daozi and Yang Huizhi Tang-dynasty sculptors who left their names include Han Botong, Song Fazhi, Wu Zhimin, Dou Hongguo, Mao Poluo, Sun Rengui, Zhang Shou, An Sheng, Zhang Zhizang, Chen Yongcheng, Liu Shuang, Zhao Yunzhi, Song Chao, Hou Wenyan, Wang Yuandu, Liao Yuanli, Xue Huaiyi, Shi Fangbian, Yang Huizhi, Wu Daozi, Yuan Qie’er, Wang Wen, Wang Nai’er, Zhang Ai’er, Liu Jiulang, Yuan Ming, Cheng Jin, Li You, Zhang Hongdu, Shi Xiaojing, Zhang Aqian, Li Zheng, Wang Jianliang, and Guo Jianzi. Besides these artists, an inscription found under the neck of a stone tiger in front of the mausoleum of Emperor Gaozu of Tang, Li Yuan, says, »On the eleventh day of the ninth month of the tenth year of the reign of Wude (627), the mason Xiao Tang’er records [this].« If this inscription is not a later forgery, it serves as the rare case

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of a Tang sculptor signing works. Moreover, on the walls of the stone tunnel leading to Qianling, there have also been found names possibly left by masons, like Jiao Cai and Chang Gui. Some historical archives and regional gazetteers preserve a few records about Tang sculptors, such as the 3rd volume of Famous Paintings through the Dynasties, »Statues« (»Suzuo« 塑作), in the 6th chapter of Additions to Famous Paintings of the Five Dynasties (Wudai minghua buyi 五代名畫補 遺) by the Song period scholar Liu Daochun, and The Comprehensive Provincial Gazette of Shanxi (Shanxi tong zhi 山西通志). They serve as valuable references for studying the history of Tang sculpture. For example, Zhang Aqian was famous for making bronze images using a lost wax casting technique. Several disciples of the eminent painter Wu Daozi were engaged in sculptural works, such as Zhang Ai’er and Wang Nai’er. Of the few Tang sculpture masters whose names are known, Han Botong, Song Fazhi, Dou Hongguo, Wu Zhimin, Shi Fangbian, Wu Daozi, and Yang Huizhi are the most celebrated ones. Quite a few extant sculptural works have connections with them. Han Botong was an early Tang sculptor who was renowned for having made statues of the eminent monk Daoxuan. People called him the »master of statues.« Famous Paintings through the Dynasties claims Han »excelled at both painting and sculpture,« suggesting that he had become famous in the Sui Dynasty. Reportedly, during the reign of Emperor Gaozong of Tang, he took an order from the emperor to make an image of Daoxuan with gold embellishment. Song Fazhi and Wu Zhimin were also esteemed Tang sculptors. Reportedly, in the first year of the Lingde reign of Gaozong (664), the priest Xuanzang organized to make a giant Buddha statue, and he invited Song Fazhi to »erect the framework of the Buddha in the style of the Mahabodhi image (Puti xiang菩提像).« Gaozong, on the other hand, ordered Wu Zhimin to make portraites for the eminent monks, including Xuanzang. Dou Hongguo was active in the reign of

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Empress Wu Zetian. Both a sculptor and painter, he worked at the Jing’ai Monastery in the Eastern Capital, Luoyang. He made a great number of statues for the monastery that were all highly esteemed. Shi Fangbian was a celebrated monk sculptor. In the first year of the Xiantian reign of Emperor Xuanzaong (712), Huineng, the Sixth Patriarch of the Chan school, invited him to sculpt portraits. Accordingly, Fangbian made a 7-cun (one cun measures approximately 3.33 cm) statue of Huineng, exemplifying his incredible capability. Huineng, however, criticized him, »You are good at sculpting [the form] rather than the Buddha-nature.« This suggests that Fangbian ­ could represent his sitters faithfully and vividly. The so-called »True Body of the Sixth Patriarch« currently preserved at the Nanhua Monastery in Qujiang, Guangdong Province, was perhaps made by Fangbian in the second year of the reign of Xiantian (713), after the departure of Huineng. This dry-lacquer statue shows Huineng seated in meditation with crossed legs. His eyes are closed, and his face looks calm and solemn. Exhibiting a strong realistic effect, this image is usually mistaken for the patriarch’s »real body,« or his mummy. The sculptors mentioned above were mostly active in the early Tang period (618–712). During the High Tang (712–763), sculpture as ­represented by Wu Daozi and Yang Huizhi had made outstanding, influential achievements. More than two great artists during the Tang, they were brilliant masters for the entire history of Chinese art. As one of the epoch-making artists during the High Tang, Wu Daozi is mainly known for his contributions to painting, although his achievement in sculpture was also exceptional. In Chinese art history, the so-called »Wu family style,« characteristic of Wu Daozi’s original painting style, exerted profound impact over Tang art not only in painting but also in sculpture. Described by his contemporaries as »the sashes of Wu’s figures fluttering against the wind (wu dai dang feng),«

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the term praises Wu Daozi’s descriptive, vibrant brushstrokes. In sculpture, an account said the images of Vimalakirti and Manjushri at the Paiyun Hall, the Great Xiangguo Monastery in Bianliang (modern Kaifeng), were created by Wu Daozi. In the section of »On the Styles and Methods of Cao and Wu« (»Lun Cao Wu tifa« 論曹吳 體法) in Experiences in Painting (Tuhua jianwen zhi 圖畫見聞志), the Northern Song scholar Guo Ruoxu commented, »To carve and mold images, [the later] followed [the order of] Cao and Wu.« While Cao denotes Cao Zhongda in the Northern Qi Dynasty, Wu refers to Wu Daozi. Thus, the »Wu family style« represented a new achievement both in Tang painting and sculpture. Yang Huizhi represented another leading sculptor of the High Tang period, who was mainly active between the reigns of Kaiyuan and Tianbao of Emperor Xuanzong (713–756). According to Liu Daochun’s Additions to Famous Paintings of the Five Dynasties, Yang Huizhi and Dao Daozi were painting colleagues who had studied the painting style of the Southern Dynasty master Zhang Sengyou together. Whereas Wu became increasingly celebrated, Yang remained nameless. Not resigned to be left behind, Yang gave up painting and devoted himself to sculpture. He eventually became a great sculptor master. Contemporaries commented, »Daozi’s painting and Huizhi’s sculpture capture the spirit of Sengyou’s brush,« indicating that both artists were highly esteemed in their own time. Later, people respected Wu Daozi as the »Sage of Painting« and Yang Huizhi as the »Sage of Sculpture.« Yang Huizhi made successful explorations and contributions both in sculptural forms and subjects. He excelled at sketching from life and representing human figures in a realistic manner. Reportedly, Yang made a portrait of Liu Beiting, a celebrated entertainer of the time, and placed his statue at a busy market. The passersby could recognize whom the portrait represented even if they saw it from behind. This anecdote indicates Yang’s capability in realistic depictions.

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He also invented sculpted landscape, a new sculptural genre that was clay natural scenery molded against walls and with painted details. It is recorded that his sculpted landscape and garden scenery had a three-dimensional effect and were more vivid than the murals by Wu Daozi, who was already a renowned figure in the two capitals. Yang Huizhi created many wall sculptures. The Mount Lanka (Lengqie shan) at the Guang’ai Monastery in Luoyang, exceptionally exquisite and widely admired, was one of his representative works. Wall sculpture that displays human figures and narratives in a continuing landscape setting became extremely popular at later temples and monasteries in China; they should have been indebted to Yang Huizhi’s sculpted landscape. Guo Xi was also inspired by Yang’s work and completed a »shadow wall« that combined sculpted and painted details. Another of Yang Huizhi’s contributions was that he expanded the subjects of Buddhist sculptural works. Reportedly, he created the first tantric Avalokiteshvara statue with one thousand arms and one thousand eyes. Another account says that the Five Hundred Arhats standing at the entrance of the Guang’ai Monastery were also made by him. If this statement was true, he would be the earliest recorded artist to create the image of the five hundred arhats. He is also believed to have made the statue of the Jade Emperor at Taihua Daoist Temple in Chang’an, the Buddha statue at the Pure Land Hall, the Anye Monastery (later Xiangguo Monastery) in Bianliang, the immortal figures at Laojun Daoist Temple in Luoyang, the Buddhist statues at the Fuyan Monastery in Lingtong, and those at the Tianzhu Monastery in Fengxiang. It is said that the statue of the Vaishravana Heavenly King and his two consorts at the Huiju Monastery in Kunshan, Jiangsu Province, were also his works. What’s more, Yang Huizhi summarized his practical experience and discussed theories related to sculpture, besides making sculptural works. He wrote a treatise on

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sculpture titled Rhymes of Sculpture (Su jue 塑訣) that was widely circulated in his time. This is the only discourse recorded in the history of Chinese sculpture, even if it is unfortunately lost. In the late Tang period, the peasants’ revolt led by Huang Chao devastated nearly all temples and monasteries in Chang’an and Luoyang. However, they spared those housing the works of Yang Huizhi. An account says, »[The rebels] admired their charm and did not destroy [them].« It seems that Yang and his sculpture were particularly beloved by the ordinary people.

3. Artistic Achievements of Tang Dynasty Sculpture Although sculptural art in the Sui Dynasty made much improvement, because of the regime’s brevity, it did not fully mature. Thus, for the entire history of Chinese sculpture, Sui sculpture only serves as a transition or prelude to the blooming of sculptural art in the Tang Dynasty. Tang sculptural works, especially those made in the High Tang period, inherited past legacies while exploring many bold innovations. They reached new heights. Tang sculpture manifested the vitality and the brilliant cultural life of its time through massive, grand images. The array of colossal Buddhist statues, such as the Vairocana Buddha at the Feng­ xian Hall, the Longmen Grottoes, the Maitreya images housed in caves no. 96 and no. 130 at the Mogao Grottoes, and the Leshan Giant Buddha in Sichuan, bear the connotations of monumentality. They symbolized the magnificence of the Tang Dynasty and glorified its uplifting, positive spirit. On the other hand, the group of small-scaled but finely crafted works exerted equally long-lasting charm. Through the artisans’ individualized depictions, these works look incredibly vivid, and lifelike. They display the sentiments of the Tang people and their rich spiritual lives. Tang Buddhist sculpture demonstrates reduced foreign impact in terms of modeling and style, in-

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dicating a successful transplantation of an alien faith and its iconography onto Chinese soil. This assimilation was a long-term process, and not until the Tang that the Sinicized characteristics crystalized. Tang Buddhist images abandoned the previous archaic style; sculptural images became plumper, more exquisite and sophisticated. This Sinicization exhibited a dynamic and vibrant Chinese civilization that was able to integrate different cultural elements and create new forms from old ones. Tang Buddhist sculpture also shows a keen interest in the secular world. Divine figures emerged in sheer number that look humanlike and show individualized features. Breaking through the restraints of Buddhist precepts and asceticism, their religious nature is lessened. Instead, they suggest an inclination towards secularism and contemporaries’ concern for worldly matters. Many Tang bodhisattva images look graceful, softhearted, and intelligent, extolling the happiness of this world. A blending of idealism and realism, these images betrayed the artisans’ expectations for happy lives. People no longer considered these bodhisattvas as inaccessible gods but as an embodiment of beauty and kindness that could be trusted to fulfill their dreams. As a result, these sculptural works constitute masterpieces in China’s ancient sculptural art. Religious sculpture before the Tang generally paid attention to the deities’ poses and their facial expressions. On the contrary, Tang statuary foregrounded the harmony between characters’ psychological worlds and their postures and expressions. While their facial expressions appear subtler, their movements seem more natural. With more advanced sculptural skill, the artisans were now able to create statues more realistically. They could also enjoy more freedom to express their ideals in sculpture. The molding of human bodies became more proportional and sensuous, suggesting that artisans’ imaginative execution was built upon a correct perception of anatomical structure. A bet-

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ter sense of space also enhanced the sculptors’ handling of different, joined parts, so their works look flawless from various angles. The harmony between portions and the overall also reached an unprecedented high level. In other words, the Tang artisans’ realistic technique and their pursuit of the ideal converged, and formulaic treatment and lifelike expression were unified. Parallel to Buddhist sculpture, outstanding achievements had also been made in sumptuous mausoleum statues and large groups of underground tomb figures. In the same vein of devotional sculpture, mausoleum sculpture and tomb figures of the Tang Dynasty look more realistic than before. Mythical stone creatures that used to stand in front of imperial mausoleums as symbols of divine sovereignty, such as winged lions and winded tigers, disappeared. They were replaced by images of animals from the real world. Although the »horses of heaven« were still seen with their wings, they looked more lifelike, and the color of mysticism was markedly reduced. The sculpting of other species in front of imperial tombs, such as ostriches and rhinoceroses, also manifested concern for worldly affairs. Funerary rituals of erecting stone sculpture in front of aristocratic tombs were systematized during the Tang Dynasty; this represents another contribution of Tang sculptural art. Tomb figures represent another success of Tang sculpture, which reached the peak of realistic depictions of human figures in imperial China. Tang artisans created various characters and dug

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into their spiritual worlds; their works not only suggest a strong sense of daily life but also reveal the nature of their society. In this light, the tomb figures are meaningful and realistic cultural products that expressed the authors’ views of the world they lived in. Tang sculptural art also expanded the subject matter that it presented. To represent landscape scenery as a sculptural object was an invention of the Tang people. New topics were exemplified by Yang Huizhi’s sculpted landscapes and the ostrich reliefs displayed in front of the imperial tombs. Tang sculpture, so to speak, encompassed all the subject matter that other art genres ever had. In addition, Yang Huizhi’s Rhythms of Sculpture served as an exceptional accomplishment. Even if Yang’s original text is missing, the advent of his discourse on sculpture was meaningful. Prior to his time, there was no single theoretical work in existence discussing sculptural work in the entire history of Chinese art. The Tang Dynasty, especially the High Tang, marks one of the most prosperous and powerful eras in the history of imperial China. Together with poetry, painting, and the decorative arts, sculptural work showcased the glory and opulence of the empire. In the history of Chinese sculptural art, Tang sculpture undoubtedly represents a palace of marvels. Even if countless sculptural works from other historical periods stand out, they can hardly rival their Tang counterparts in terms of awe-inspiring spirit and exquisite, sophisticated artistry.

CHAPTER XI  ARCHITECTURE AND CRAFT ARTS OF THE SUI AND TANG DYNASTIES Section 1  Great Achievements in Sui and Tang Architecture There are very few buildings from the Sui and Tang dynasties that still exist today, and many of their famous above-ground constructions have been lost to the ravages of war. However, of the few that still do exist, we can still see the impressive majesty of the Tang. When we read the books on architectural history compiled by Tang Dynasty architects, rising like grand structures built brick by brick with their own two hands, we can truly experience the grandeur of this historical tradition. Broad, expansive cities, glittering golden palaces, temples filled with custom and tradition, solemn tombs that were symbols of imperial power and gardens that exuded elements of Chinese poetry had already become classic elements of traditional Chinese architecture. The grand scale of the buildings, the completeness of the overall design, diversity of individual structures and the meticulous attention to basic structural elements were all hallmarks of the rich and structured system of Chinese architecture during the Sui and Tang eras. Tang Dynasty architects established a lofty benchmark in the course of Chinese architectural history.

1. Grand and Open Cityscapes One of the most outstanding achievements of Sui and Tang architects was their ability to create the largest cities in the world at the time. The western capital of Chang’an and the eastern capital of Luoyang, as well as Shangjing and Dongjing on Bohai Bay, were all representative of Tang Dynasty

urban construction. The broad and expansive nature of urban construction was a direct expression of the spirit of the Tang. The western capital of Chang’an was the national capital of both the Sui and Tang dynasties. It was also an economic and cultural center. Its grand scale and regular plan not only made it the largest city in the world at the time, but also larger than any dynasty that came after it, including the Song, Yuan, Ming and Qing. When Emperor Wen of the Sui ascended to the throne, he established his capital on the original site of the Han Dynasty capital of Chang’an, but the city had long fallen into disrepair and was beyond restoration. In 582 (2nd year of Kaihuang), Emperor Wen selected a location to the east of the old capital »with beautiful rivers and plains filled with plants that could sustain a city« at the southern face of Longshou Mountain to build his new capital, which he called Daxing. During the Tang Dynasty, the name of Daxing was changed to Chang’an and had a wall that stretched 9,721 m from east to west, 8,651.7 m from north to south, and had a total area of 84.1 square km. The royal city was in the exact center of the city and measured 2,820.3 m from east to west, 1,492.1 m from north to south, and had a total area of 4.2 square km. The imperial city was located adjacent to the southern end of the royal city, measuring as long as the royal city from east to west and 1,843.6  m from north to south. The combined area of the imperial city and royal city was approximately 9.41 square km, only slightly smaller than the total area of the present-day walled city of Xi’an. The eastern wall of the city had three evenly spaced city gates. The central gate was called the Gate of Bright Spring (Chun-

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mingmen 春明门). The northern wall had seven gates, including those that entered directly into the forbidden gardens of the royal city as well as those that accessed the Palace of Great Brilliance to the northeast outside the eastern walls of the city. The city of Chang’an learned from the experiences in the planning of the late Han city of Yecheng, Luoyang of the Northern Wei, and Yecheng of the Eastern Wei, which followed a symmetrical east-west plan centered on a central north-south axis. It placed the royal and imperial cities at the most important position in the city and created a grid-like network of roads that resembled a chess board. The rest of the city was divided into 108 wards, producing a space that was wide, broad, straight, and spacious. The road that stretched north from the Gate of Illustrious Virtue (Mingdemen 明德门) was the central axis of the entire city and bisected it. It stretched 9 km to the Gate of Sustaining Heaven (Chengtianmen 承天门), main gate of the royal city, and was the longest central axis of any ancient city in the history of the world. This street was not only long, it was broad, and the section from the Gate of Illustrious Virtue to the Gate of the Vermilion Bird (Zhuquemen 朱雀门), the main gate of the imperial city, was 150 m wide. There were also roads that stretched east and west on either side of the royal and imperial cities that were over 100 m wide. There were also three major horizontal roads that intersected with three major vertical roads, which linked with the three gates of the eastern and western city walls. The central road began at the Gate of Bright Spring in the east and ended at the Gate of Golden Light (Jinguangmen 金光门) in the west. It was more than 100 m wide and was the central east-west axis of the city. The road to the north of it passed between the royal city and imperial city and marked the division between these two compounds. The section between the Gate of Extending Joy (Yanximen 延喜门) to the Gate of Peace and Happiness (Anfumen 安福门), it measured more than 220 m

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wide. In the overall layout of the city, these three horizontal and vertical main avenues formed an urban framework from which smaller streets extended. The enter city had a total of eleven streets stretching north-south and fourteen streets eastwest. (Fig. 5.11.1) Chang’an used a ward system with 108 wards that were named by the emperor. The shape of these wards in Chang’an were generally square with high rammed earth walls surrounding them. Large wards had gates at each side with two streets that crossed in the middle, while smaller wards had only two gates at the eastern and western walls with one horizontal street through the center. Alleys and passageways were also created within the wards onto which the gates of family compounds opened. These 108 wards were like 108 small cities. In order to better manage commerce and trade, two markets were built in the city, one in the east and one in the west. The markets covered an area of about 1.1 square kilometer and were surrounded by a wall with four gates. A municipal office and marketing board were located in the center of the markets and they contained a grid of streets that were 16 m wide with drainage ditches on either side and pedestrian walkways beyond those. The western market was also home to many foreign merchants and all manner of shops, making it a major center of international trade. The eastern market had 120 stores and workshops. The proximity of both the eastern and western markets to the central horizontal axis made transportation very convenient. The royal city, the imperial city, the wards and the eastern and western markets formed the overall structure of the city of Chang’an. The royal and imperial cities formed the center, surrounded by the wards, while the eastern and western markets formed a kind of pyramid with the imperial city at the top and the markets to the left and right. Looking down on the city, the grid of streets was very regular with the vertical and horizontal lanes forming a neat and clean orderly pattern. The

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Gate of Illustrious Virtue was the main gate of the southern wall of the city and directly faced the Gate of the Vermilion Bird, the main gate of the imperial city, to the north as well as the Gate of Sustaining Heaven, which was a very important location. This is why when it was rebuilt during the reign of Yonghui, its construction was presided over by the highest administrative official at the time. The rammed earth base of the Gate of Illustrious Virtue was 55.5 m from east to west and 17.5 m from north to south. The outer surface of the rammed earth structure of the gate was covered in laid brick and remains show that this layer was half a meter thick. The foundation of the gate along with its outer layer of brick measured a total of 56.5 m from east to west and 18.5 m from north to south. Its five passageways were all the same width, at exactly 5 m, while the width of rammed earth between each gate was 2.9 m. Each of these passageways had a stone threshold, each of which was carved with peonies, lions and mandarin ducks, giving passersby a rich and regal feeling. The Gate of Illustrious Virtue is no longer standing, but from the depiction of the gate in Tang-era murals from Grotto no.138 at Dunhuang, we can see that The Gate of Illustrious Virtue was seven bays wide with two side halls that were two bays wide for a total scale of 21 bays. The ruins of the gate have also produced white fragments of wall plaster with patterns on them, proving that the gate itself had murals painted on it. In general, the city of Chang’an was laid out in order from south to north from the city wall to the imperial city and the royal city with buildings ranging from simple small to tall and grand. Colors also ranged from subtle and basic to thick and rich. The tempo of the city could also be slow or fast paced with an environment that ranged from relaxed to solemn. The Palace of the Supreme Ultimate was the center of focus for the entire city. Architects acted like composers creating symphonies, carefully using light and heavy materials, low and high buildings and slow and fast rhythms to create a melody of

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life for a city centered on the royal city. Choosing the appropriate contexts and carefully allocating spaces and setting it all against a contextualized backdrop were the methods used by the designers of Chang’an. Geographically, Chang’an was high in the southeast and low in the northwest. The undulating landscape of Gangyuan in the south produced sources of water and the designers built the Longshou Canal, Huang Canal, Qingming Canal and Yong Canal to feed water into the city from the south to the north, which not only resolved the city’s need for water, but also made the city more beautiful. They also built buildings on six elevated mounds running east to west from the northsouth city walls. They used these tall buildings on top of the mounds to enrich the overall outline of the area and control the surrounding spaces. The residences of the nobility and more than one hundred Daoist and Buddhist temples that were scattered around the various wards added to the attractiveness of the city with their key locations, large scale and richly decorative coloring. The Sui and Tang continued the Han era tradition of having two capitals and they established the eastern capital at Luoyang. Compared to Chang’an, Luoyang was more centrally positioned as it was located in the southeast, which was easier to control both politically and economically. This was especially true after the opening of the canal, which allowed goods from the Jiangnan Region to be shipped north and made it easier to supply Luoyang, which gradually became increasingly prosperous. Many Tang emperors spent most of their time in Luoyang. At the end of the 9th century, the capital of the Tang was moved from Chang’an to Luoyang. The planning of the eastern capital of Luoyang was directed by a team led by Yu Wenkai and completed in 605 (1st year of Daye). Luoyang was set against Mang Mountain to the north and Longmen to the south with the Luo River running through its center. Sui and Tang-era Luoyang stretched 6 km east to west and 7 km north to

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5.11.1  Plan of Tang Chang’an

south. It was basically square in shape and covered about half the area of Chang’an. The imperial and royal cities were located on the high ground in the northwest corner of the city, occupying the most commanding position. The designers aligned the axis of the royal city with the Yique near Longmen Mountain. The Luo River, which flowed from west to east, divided Luoyang in to two sections, north and south. These two districts had a total of 103

wards and three markets in the north, south and west. The layout of the wards were either square or rectangular and covered an area smaller than those of Chang’an. Each ward had two main streets that crossed in the center with four gates. Each of the three markets were positioned at locations with easy access to water shipping routes. The ease of transportation and shipping made this an ideal place for many nobles and officials to build

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5.11.2  Plan of Sui and Tang Luoyang

their homes after the middle of the Tang Dynasty through to the Northern Song. This made Luoyang not only an alternative capital to Chang’an, but also a city famous for its gardens. (Fig. 5.11.2) There were many walls within the imperial city at Luoyang. There was a double wall at the northern end of the royal city and separation walls at the east and west. The imperial city also encircled the royal city on the east, south and west. The imperial city also had a wall around its West Garden and in the east the walled compound of Hanjiacang, while the Luo River provided separation to the south. The geological advantage of being on the high ground also made it better protected than Chang’an. In 667 (2nd year of Qianfeng, Gaozong), the Palace of the Supreme Yang was built within the West Garden of the imperial city. The gates and halls all faced east to form a part of the imperial city itself. Emperor Gaozong and Empress Wu regularly lived in this palace and its function was the similar to that of the Palace of Great Brilliance in Chang’an. While Luoyang may have been an alternative capital and smaller than Chang’an, it had its own unique char-

acteristics. It had a layout that was more flexible. It had more convenient transportation. Its design was more compact. The might and prosperity of the Tang Dynasty was widely known and many other nations in the region build their capital cities based on the design of Chang’an. These included Gaochang in the northwest, Bohai in the northeast and many others. While these were smaller in size than Chang’an, their layouts were very similar, which gave them a similar visual impact and grandeur.

2. Splendid and Glorious Palaces Palaces were the homes of emperors and places that symbolized imperial power, which meant that rulers gave them the most attention and spared no expense in manpower, materials or finances. Palaces were also the most solemn, most revered and grandest buildings in ancient capitals and served as examples of the height of architectural achievements at the time. The Palace of Supreme Being (Taijigong 太极宫) and Palace of Great Brilliance at Chang’an as well as the Palace of the Supreme

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Yang at Luoyang were grand structures with dazzling, brilliant colors, showing the incredible achievements of Sui and Tang architects. The Sui Dynasty was short-lived and the palaces it built at its two capitals of Daxing and Luoyang did not last long after the arrival of the Tang, which altered the buildings considerably making them hard to recognize. Fortunately, remains of the Palace of Benevolence and Longevity (Renshougong 仁寿宫) (renamed the Palace of Nine Achievements (Jiuchenggong 九成宫) during the Tang, a palace retreat designed personally by the great architect Yu Wenkai, still remain. Excavation of this site help us to learn more about both the form and artistic level of palace architecture during the Sui Dynasty. The Palace of Benevolence and Longevity was located approximately 150  km to the northwest of the city of Daxing within today’s Linyou County in Shaanxi Province. The temperature and humidity in this area is very comfortable and perfectly suited for escaping the heat of the capital. The site of the Palace of Benevolence and Longevity was chosen in the base of a long, narrow valley at the confluence of the Du River, the Beimafang River and Yong’an River, which then flowed to the southeast to meet with the Qi River and then the Wei River. The natural landscape of this area was also very beautiful. There was lush vegetation and an abundance of wild animals with deer regularly darting between the buildings of the palace. This was seen as auspicious because it resembled the kirin and is where the name of the present county of Linyou comes from. It was completed in 595 (15th year of Kaihuang). In the autumn of 1978 and summer of 1980, the Institute of Archeology at the China Institute of Sciences carried out protective exploration and excavation of the ruins of the Palace of Benevolence and Longevity. This archaeological work has allowed us to understand the basic structure and appearance of the Palace of Benevolence and Longevity. The palace was located on the northern bank of the Du River and was set against Bicheng Moun-

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tain to the north, Baozi Mountain to the south, Tong Mountain to the west and Ping Mountain to the east. In the Geographic Record of the Book of Tang, the arrangement of the royal Palace of Nine Achievements included a surrounding wall that was 1,800 paces (approximately 2,646  m) in circumference and included a private garden, storehouses and temples, which was typical of the early Sui Dynasty. From the ruins, we can see the remains of two layers of walls. The inner set of walls demarcated the royal city and were located in a relatively flat area in the valley. The outer walls, which records call the »winding wall,« covered a larger area an included surrounding mountains. The inner city included ceremonial spaces, sleeping quarters, storage spaces, temples and administrative buildings, while the space between the royal city and the winding wall was the private garden. The Palace of Benevolence and Longevity was planned according to traditional principles of using and integrating nature, showing an extremely high level of garden design. The palace and its gardens were set in the embrace of the surrounding mountains in a flat plain at the confluence of three rivers. To the north was the »dark blue surrounding walls« of Bicheng Mountain, which resembled the back of an official’s chair and served as a natural screen. To the south was Baozi Shan, which also perfectly served as a reflecting wall to provide protection and privacy, while the Tong and Ping mountains to the east and west provided further protection. The wandering wall followed the surrounding mountains and valleys to encircle the private garden of the palace, which covered an area of about 2.9 million m2. Just east of the center of the royal gardens, the royal city was built on a flat area of the river basin and was designed in a rectangular shape to suit the surrounding landscape. The main hall of the palace, the Hall of Benevolence and Longevity, was built on a small hill to the west called Tiantai Hill. The southern gate of the palace, the Gate of Eternal Brilliance (Yongguangmen 永光门) was located on the southern

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wall of the palace on the central north-south axis not far from the main palace complex on Tiantai Hill. Not far from there on an elevated area were the sleeping chambers, which may have been what records refer to as the Hall of Great Treasure (Dabaodian 大宝殿). There was also a side hall adjoining this building. The sleeping chambers were built on a half-circular area that was formed out of the hill to the north with the northern palace wall following the bend to form an arc in the form of an arched earthen wall to prevent landslides from the hill above. There was a road that stretched east to west in the northwestern corner of the palace that led to the Eastern Palace Gate on the eastern wall. The remains of about a dozen halls were found in the royal city, including pit number four in the southwestern corner of the royal city and was likely the sleeping chambers of Emperor Gaozong, who nearly lost his life during a flood. Two decorative stones from Lake Tai were also discovered near this hall. This was clearly a very secluded courtyard garden. Pit no. 2, just to the east of the main hall at Tiantai Hill has also been excavated and from the column bases decorated with exquisite lotus patterns that this was an extremely exquisite example of Sui Dynasty architecture. Pit no.  7, which is approximately 1,400  m to the east of the Hall of Benevolence and Longevity is a massive hall. It corresponded visually to the single-hall, dual-tower shape of the peaks of Bicheng Mountain to the north and was clearly a very important hall. It is speculated that this was the Hall of Eternal Peace (Yong’andian 永安殿), where the empress lived alone and ultimately died. With the exception of the Hall of Benevolence and Longevity, this hall occupied the most important position and was the grandest of all the halls in the palace. In the private gardens outside the royal city, a pavilion-style structure that was integrated with the surrounding water features for decorative purposes was also discovered and is considered a masterpiece of water landscaping by Yu Wenkai.

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Originally there were no lakes in this area and construction used water from the Beimafang River, Yong’an River and Du River to create an area of water that was located in the river valley to the west of the royal city and was called the Western Sea. Yu Wenkai, the designer of the Palace of Benevolence and Longevity, served an important transitional role in the history of Chinese architecture. His creations at the Palace of Benevolence and Longevity carried on the traditions of the Qin and Han, but also made important innovations. Complexes of individual halls using a mixture of earth and wood structures became even more integrated in his hands. This kind of main, central structure that connected by side corridors and passageways that linked with the main hall were symmetrical to the central axis, which formed a solemn, beautifully classic model that was the legacy of Yu Wenkai. The later construction of the eastern capital of Luoyang also used this model in the construction of the Gate of Heavenly Response (Yingtianmen 应天门). Two brothers, Yan Lide and Yan Liti, who led the construction of imperial projects during the Tang Dynasty continued the legacy of Yu Wenkai, but also achieved new successes in architecture in both of these capital cities. The Hall of Inherent Origin (Hanyuandian 含元殿) and Hall of Fervent Virtue (Lindedian 麟德殿) within the Palace of Great Brilliance in Chang’an were continuations of this style. The Palace of Great Brilliance (Daminggong 大明

宫)

This palace was built in 634 (8th year of Zhenguan, Taizong) and was located at the top of the Longshou plateau in the northeastern section of Chang’an with open terrain and a view of the entire city. Construction of the palace here provided easy access to hunting grounds and better protection. Starting in 663 (3rd year of Longshuo), when Emperor Gaozong and Empress Wu Zetian began holding court at the Palace of Great Brilliance, this became the center of political life.

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5.11.3 Restored image of the Hall of Inherent Origin in the Palace of Great Brilliance

The shape of the Palace of Great Brilliance was an irregular rectangle. The southern end was wide, while the north narrowed. The southern wall was part of the eastern section of the northern city wall of Chang’an and stretched for 1,675  m. The western wall was 2,256 m long and the northern wall was 1,135 m long. The eastern wall stretched diagonally from the northeastern corner of the city to the southeast for 1,260 m, then turned east for 300  m before continuing directly south for another 1,050 m, where it met with the southern wall. From the Gate of the Crimson Phoenix (Danfengmen 丹凤门), the southern gate of the palace, to Taiye Lake and Penglai Mountain, the several kilometer-long central axis passed through all of the main buildings of the palace—the Hall of Inherent Origin, the Hall of Administering Government (Xuanzhengdian 宣政殿) and Hall of the Purple Apartment (Zichendian 紫宸殿)—as well as various other structures symmetrically on either side of this major complexes. Palaces and administrative offices were generally located south of the Hall of Administering Government, while areas to the north of it were part of the »forbidden

interior,« which constituted the living quarters of the emperor, centered around Taiye Lake and surrounded by all manner of buildings. The Hall of Inherent Origin was the main hall of the Palace of Great Brilliance and was where major ceremonies were held. It sat upon the highest point of the Longshou plateau and was 15.6 m higher than the surrounding areas, providing the emperor with a »view to the southern horizon and overview insight into wards and markets.« The hall was eleven bays (67.3 m) wide and four bays (29.2 m) deep with a total area of 1,966 m2. It had only one floor and a had a double-hip beamless roof. There were corridors that stretched from the east and west of the hall that turned at either end to the left and right, then diagonally upward, connecting with two towers known as the Soaring Luan and Perched Phoenix. A drum and bell tower were each positioned at the turns in the corridors. The grand style of this hall was made up of structures that were both powerful and imposing, creating an open, bright space that represented the highly developed culture and arts of the time. (Fig. 5.11.3) Even after an earthquake and

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several major storms, the structure stood the test of time. The Hall of Inherent Origin is not only an outstanding example of Tang Dynasty architecture, it also played an important role in Chinese architectural history and influenced Japanese palace architecture. The »First Daigokuden,« the earliest iteration of the building, was based on the Hall of Inherent Origin. The Hall of Inherent Origin was destroyed during a battle at the end of the Tang Dynasty. Another grand group of palace buildings in the Palace of Great Brilliance was the Hall of Fervent Virtue. The Hall of Fervent Virtue was where the Tang emperors would hold banquets for ministers and view performances of acrobatics, music and dance. It was located on a high area in the northwest of the Palace of Great Brilliance. According to restorations by archaeologists, the structure of the Hall of Fervent Virtue was complicated and was comprised of four individual halls that were built very close to each other. The first hall was a single-story building, while the second and third were two stories—and the last, known as the Pavilion of Blocking the Sun, was also a single story building. The first, second and third buildings were eleven bays (58 m) wide. The first hall was four bays deep and had an eave that stretched out from the building a full bay with another bay of space behind it. The second hall was five bays deep with a relatively large central hall and stairs that led to the second level. The third hall and the Pavilion of Blocking the Sun were both three bays deep. The Pavilion of Blocking the Sun was nine bays wide and open without any walls on the left right and back of the building. The total depth of the four halls was seventeen bays or 85  m. The total area reached 5,000 m2, the largest hall to ever be built in China. The upper stories of the second and third halls were interconnected and the total area of the Hall of Fervent Virtue reached over 7,000 square m. The Hall of Fervent Virtue had the qualities of a grand meeting hall and in 768 (3rd year of Dali),

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the Daizong Emperor held a banquet for a total of 3,500 of his generals in this hall. The exterior of the Hall of Fervent Virtue was by no means lumbering, because it was made up of four different halls of varying heights and the size of each of the halls remained in proportion with the others, which helped to avoid the lumbering appearance of massive structures and the lack of intimacy associated with them. This was also an expression of the cultural refinement of Chinese architecture. Other structures included the Palace of Luoyang (Luoyanggong 洛阳宫), which had been built at the beginning of the Sui, but in the early Tang Dynasty had been torn down for being »too ostentatious« but then rebuilt—as well as the largest building in Chinese history, the Hall of Brilliance (Mingtang 明堂), built within the Palace of Luoyang by Wu Zetian when she was on the throne. These structures not only demonstrated the wealth of the Tang Dynasty, but also the high technical level that artisans and engineers of the time had reached.

3. Magnificent and Solemn Temples and Pagodas Compared to palace architecture, Buddhist architecture of the Tang Dynasty was similarly filled with dazzling splendor, but different in the degree of luxurious solemnity—making temples more approachable. Most of the temples of the Tang Dynasty have not been preserved, but the scale and number of temples was spectacular. There were over 90 Buddhist temples in the city of Chang’an alone, with even more in the suburbs of the city, with several dozen temples in the city of Luoyang as well, although most of those temples were destroyed in war or in anti-Buddhist movements. There are only a few individual halls that can be seen today and the full scale of these temples can only be imagined based on written records and Tang-era murals. Temple complexes from the Tang Dynasty can be seen in murals at Dunhuang, which are built with a central axis typ-

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ical of traditional architecture with a single main courtyard on the central axis and other courtyards surrounding it. These courtyards are surrounded by a covered corridor with a large gate in the center of the front corridor, called the »Central Three Bay Gate« during the Tang Dynasty. This gate was a single-story gate three bays wide with a peaked roof. Some were two-story tower gates and even more complex examples had a tower in the center with two individual buildings to either side. There were generally corner towers on each of the four corners. Columns were erected at turns in the outer corridor that could support a platform upon which square, rectangular, round or even hexagonal and octagonal towers could be built. Bells and scrolls of scripture were stored in these towers, either in the front or rear of the temple, and were named the Bell Tower and Scripture Hall. There were generally one to three halls on the central vertical axis of the temple that were either single story structures or multi-story pavilions. If there were three halls, the first and third were single story structures while the middle hall would generally be a multistory building. The courtyard in front of the first hall was relatively large and the horizontal axis was in front of this hall with side halls built at the point where the horizontal axis intersected the surrounding corridor. Most of these side halls were multistory buildings, but there were also one-story structures or additional structures to the north and south of the single-story structure. The size of these structures were always smaller than the front hall. The courtyard also contained a pool known as the Pool of Seven Treasures, that served as an essential feature to both delineate and connected spaces. Surrounding corridors were one bay deep with a wall on the exterior side of the corridor and the other side open with supporting columns. However, some were two bays deep with a wall in the center and columns on either side, while others had an open columned walkway on the outside and small rooms on the inside. Some were com-

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pletely open. In addition to the main courtyards, there could also be also additional courtyards behind or to the left and right. From the illustrations of temple complexes in the Illustrated Classic on Ceremonial Altars (Jietan tujing 戒坛图经), we can see that the Tang Dynasty had created very large temple complexes that were structurally complex. We can see that unique characteristics of Tang-era Buddhist halls from the few examples that still exist today. One example is the main hall of the Temple of Buddhist Light (Foguangsi 佛光寺) at Wutai Mountain. Wutai Mountain was an important base for the Huayan Sect during the Tang Dynasty, which built its »Ten Great Temples« there—of which the Temple of Buddhist Light was one. It is located around 5  km northeast of the village of Tainandou, on Foguang Mountain. The great hall was built in 857 (11th year of Dazhong) and is seven bays wide and eight beams deep with a single-eave hip roof. While the building has experienced multiple renovations, it still retains much of the original appearance it had during the Tang Dynasty. The main hall of the Temple of Buddhist Light is an example of the unification of structure and art in the creation of Buddhist architecture, creating a rich space on a relatively plain surface. In order to accommodate the layout of the building, which had an inner well, two layers of columns were used with rows of columns and a corresponding superstructure. This was combined with dougong, exposed beams, and column-top lintels of both layers of columns that were closely integrated, supporting the ceiling of the outer well and forming an inner and outer space of different sizes and yet another weight-bearing structure above the ceiling. In this way, the structural elements below the ceiling plates could be used to organize the space of the building. The front of the outer well was only one bay deep and the dougong only extended one »jump« beyond, but the height of the outer well was 1.7 times its depth, which created a narrow, tall space. The structure of the inner well

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was relatively complex with four-jump dougong supporting exposed beams, which did not connect directly with the ceiling plates and instead created a small space by the dougong above the beams, which made the expanse the beams covered seem larger and visually made the beams seem higher than the actually were. This, in addition to the angled connection between the ceiling and the columns, gave the inner well a sense of additional height. This resulted in the creation of entirely different spaces in the inner and outer wells. In addition to this technique, the left, right and rear sides of the building also integrated the dougong and column-top lintels with the walls, completely separating the spaces of the inner and outer wells and enclosing the inner well, which highlighted its importance. The five bay-wide inner well contained a group of Buddhist statues that were concentrated in the three central bays. In order to highlight and clarify the relationship between the statues and each of the bays, each bay used a four-jump dougong that used the bracket tier technique without any horizontal gong or lintels. Meanwhile, the exposed beams were also somewhat lower than the ceiling, which clearly divided the inner well into five small spaces. The harmonious relationships created by the fourjump dougong and crescent-moon beams in the three central bays strengthened their importance in the space. The actually sense of the height of these five bays created a square space from the floor to the ceiling with the depth of the bay. Buddhist statues of corresponding sizes were placed in the rear of each bay with a backdrop that bent slightly at an angle that was the same as the jump of the dougong and ceiling above it. These details combined the structural space of the building and the Buddhist statue one organic whole. The proportions of the structural elements in both the inner and outer wells also took into consideration their relationship with the statues. For example, the columns and lintels of the outer well made it possible for the statue and its back-

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drop to be seen from the outer well. The statues were taller than the columns, but the bases of the statues were low, which imperceptibly made the statues look bigger. Meanwhile, the proportions of the inner and outer wells, as well as the proportions of the inner well to the statues, also helped to highlight the importance of the latter. The complex designs of the ceiling panels contrasted with the simple and clean crescent-moon beam and dougong, as well as the detailed backdrops of the statues with the overall simplicity of the structural elements created a perfect contrast and further strengthened the artistry of the space. Compared with later Buddhist halls of worship, the structure of the main hall of the Temple of Buddhist Light is simple and clean, but within this simple and clean design there is a majesty and the overall design takes into consideration the statues that were placed inside the building, which shows how the architect took into consideration the best way to combine both aesthetics and practical elements within the limited space provided. The integration of internal structures and spaces show just how mature Tang Dynasty architecture was. Pagodas are architectural features that complete Buddhist architecture and many pagodas were constructed of either wood or brick during the Sui and Tang dynasties. Unlike the Northern and Southern Dynasties, Buddhist ceremonies and the reading of scripture during the Tang Dynasty were carried out indoors, which is why pagodas were no longer placed at the center of the temple, but at the rear or to the sides of it. However, this did not mean that there were fewer pagodas. On the contrary, the large number, grand scale, and widespread building of pagodas during the Sui and Tang dynasties far exceeded the Northern and Southern Dynasties. While many pagodas constructed of wood were destroyed during the antiBuddhist movement and wars during the reign of Emperor Wuzong, and not a single Tang-era pagoda has survived, there are many Tang brick

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pagodas that still stand tall today. Regardless of their function or the materials used to build pagodas during the Sui and Tang dynasties, the vast majority are square with a small number that are round, hexagonal or octagonal. It is worth noting that original Tang-era Buddhist pagodas with an octagonal layout can still be seen. Tang-era brick pagodas that can be seen today can be divided into several categories: tower-style, tight-eaved, and pavilion-style. Tower-style pagodas were developed based on traditional multi-story towers built in China, which can be seen in the Temple of Fostering Teaching (Xingjiaosi 兴教寺). Because the famous monk Xuanzang is buried there, people also call this the Xuanzang Pagoda. This pagoda was built in 669 (2nd year of Zongchang, Gaozong) and is located within the grounds of the Temple of Fostering Teaching, 20 km to the south of Xi’an on a small hill next to Dongshaoling, in Duqu. The pagoda is tall and is mirrored by the distant Southern Mountains and connected to the Green Mountains. It has abundant vegetation and a highland climate. The view from the pagoda is beautiful. The layout of the pagoda is square with sides that are 5.2 m long. It has five levels and is 21 m tall. The pagoda rises directly from the ground and does not have a base. The outer walls of the bottom level of the pagoda are completely undecorated with only an arched doorway on the south side. The second to fifth levels of the pagoda use two-level water caltrop edging and a multi-layer serrated plain brick design that cantilevers out from the structure. The corner of each eave is decorated with a metal bell. The top of each eave uses a reverse serrated plain brick technique to create a slope, which then connects directly with the structure above. The fifth level of the pagoda is a four-tiered roof without a roof beam and a slightly undulating arc where the ridges meet. The pinnacle of the pagoda has been restored and also has a square base that is made up of four upward-facing lotus blossoms that support the inverted prayer bowl, lotus pet-

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als, vase and pearl, which gives the viewer an upward sense of strength. There are two unique aspects to the eaves in this pagoda. The first is that there are as many as eleven layers of serrated bricking that allow the eaves to extend from the structure. The first and third levels use whip-corner edging, which gives the impression that the outline of the eave is concave and gives the visual impact that the eave extends farther than it does. Second, the murals on the pagoda below the eaves reveal facing lintels and dougong that are typical of wooden structures. Each level has four dougong that extend upward to meet with mazha head structures, while the corners only show half of a dougong. This type of brick pagoda has elements on its walls that realistically recreate elements of wooden structures with pilasters, lintels and dougong. This is the earliest example of this technique in brick or stone pagodas in China. (Fig. 5.11.4) The bottom level of this pagoda has a door that leads into a square room that was used to house an effigy of Xuanzang. All of the upper levels are solid and the tower cannot be climbed. The overall proportions of the pagoda are well executed and it has a strong sense of rhythm. Another famous example is the Giant Wild Goose Pagoda (Dayanta 大雁塔) in the Temple of Compassion and Grace (Ci’ensi 慈恩寺). This is also a tower-style pagoda and is located in the present day city of Xi’an, in Shaanxi Province, within the Great Temple of Compassion and Grace. It was built in 652 (3rd year of Yonghui, Gaozong). The pagoda is of the early-Tang style. The tight-eaved pagoda was developed from wooden tower-pagodas and has four main features. The first is a very large first level with very short upper levels and eaves that are very tightly packed together. The second is that there are no architectural features like doors, windows or columns in the upper levels. The third is that these pagodas cannot be climbed to gain a view of the surrounding area. Fourth, the bottom level is mainly decorated with niches, Buddhist statues,

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5.11.4  Pagoda at the Temple of Fostering Teaching, Xi’an, Shaanxi Province

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windows, doors, columns and dougong. The most representative examples of the tight-eaved pagoda are the pagoda at the Temple of Temple of Offering Happiness (Jianfusi 荐福寺) in Xi’an and the Pagoda of a Thousand Xun (Qianxunta 千寻塔) at the Temple of Worshiping the Sacred (Chongshengsi 崇圣寺) in Dali, Yunnan Province. The pagoda at the Temple of Offering Happiness is also known as the Small Wild Goose Pagoda, and was one of Chang’an’s most famous pagodas. Today, it is located in the Temple of Offering Happiness on Youyi Road outside the southern gate of Xi’an. During the Tang Dynasty, the Temple of Offering Happiness had a northern section and a southern section, the pagoda was located in the southern section, across the street from the temple. This temple was first completed in 684 (1st year of Wenming) and was initially called the Temple of Presenting Happiness (Xianfusi 献福寺). In 690 (1st year of Tianshou, Wu Zetian), the name was changed to the Temple of Offering Happiness. The pagoda was built in 707 (1st year of Tianlong). After the founding of the People’s Republic of China, the first grouping of Major Historical and Cultural Sites Protected at the National Level was announced, in 1961. In the 1960s, government agencies began restoration of the pagoda, ensuring that its original appearance was maintained. After this initial restoration, the Small Wild Goose Pagoda has been preserved to the present day. The large base of the present pagoda is square with sides that measure 11.38 m at the base. There are thirteen tight-eaved levels remaining, but the pinnacle and the corners of the eaves have been lost. The remaining height of the pagoda is 43 m. The elegant form of the Small Wild Goose Pagoda makes it a classic example of tight-eaved pagodas from the Tang Dynasty and is a favorite of architectural historians. (Fig. 5.11.5) Pavilion-style pagodas are single story structures that can be square, hexagonal, octagonal or round with a base below them and a pinnacle at the top. Most pavilion-style pagodas are single-story struc-

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tures, but some add a small loft at the top and a decorative pinnacle. Examples of Tang-era pavilion-style pagodas that have survived to the present day are brick or stone structures and typical examples include the Four Gate Pagoda (Simenta 四门塔) at the Temple of Godly Awareness (Shentongsi 神通寺) in Ji’nan, Shandong Province, the Pagoda of Zen Master Jingzang (Jingzang chanshi ta 净藏禅师塔) at the Temple of Gathering Goodness (Huishansi 会善寺) in Dengfeng, Henan Province, the Pagoda of the Great Master Minghui in Pingshun, Shanxi Province, the central pagoda in Grotto no. 3 at the Temple of the Brilliant Soul (Binglingsi 炳灵寺) in Yongjing, Gansu Province, the Small Stone Pagoda (Xiaoshita 小石塔) in the Temple of the Cloud Residence (Yunjusi 云居寺) in Beijing’s Fangshan District, the pagoda of the Zen Temple of the Floating Boat (Fanzhou chansi 泛舟禅寺) in Yuncheng, Shanxi Province, and the Pagoda of the Dragon and Tiger (Longhuta 龙虎 塔) in the Temple of Godly Awareness in Licheng, Shandong Province. Another unique form of pagoda was called the »flower pagoda.« It was unique for decorative carvings like massive lotus blossoms, tightly packed niches and carvings of animals like lions, elephants, or frogs. It gave the visual appearance of a great flower and looked very sumptuous. »Flower pagodas« were mainly built during the Liao and Jin dynasties, but were fewer during the Tang. The earliest example of this type of pagoda is the Nine Roofed Pagoda (Jiudingta 九顶塔) in Ji’nan, Shandong Province.

4. Mausoleums of Royal Dignity Elaborate funerals were popular during the Tang Dynasty with emperors putting a great deal of thought into their final resting places and carefully planning their own tombs in an attempt to extend their prestige beyond death. This is why many tombs were described as »underground palaces.« Each tomb was the result of the blood, sweat, and tears of expert builders. As with pal-

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5.11.5 Small Wild Goose Pagoda in the Temple of Offering Happiness, Xi’an, Shaanxi Province

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aces above ground, these reflect the architectural artistry of the Tang Dynasty. The tombs of the Tang emperors, known as the Eighteen Tombs of Guanzhong, were scattered throughout the hills in Qianxian, Liquan, Jingyang, Sanyuan, Fuping and Pucheng on the northern banks of the Wei River in Shaanxi Province. 18 emperors in total were buried in the hills around this area. The stretch along a hundred kilometer line from east to west and form an arc that is centered on Chang’an. Many of the tombs of nobility and royal family members are also located here. It was customary among the Tang emperors to build their tombs up against hills and avoid using rammed earth to create their burial mounds. Of these 18 tombs, there are only three (Xianling, Zhuangling and Duanling) that are located on flat plains. The rest make use of natural hills. Emperor Gaozong and Empress Wu Zetian are buried together in Qianling, which is located in Northern Liang Mountains in Qianxian. There are three major peaks in the Liang Mountains, of which the northern peak is the largest. The other two peaks to the east and west are similar in shape and size and form a kind of tower gateway. The burial chamber in Qianling was carved out of the mountain itself and the tunnel to access it burrows deep underground. The entrance to the tunnel was sealed with long stone blocks and sealed with metal that had been placed in the cracks and remains undamaged to this day. The burial chamber has never been opened and the state of its contents is unknown. The above-ground structures at Qianling are also very impressive. There are walls that surround the »main peak« (the burial chamber), which are basically square with gates in the center of each wall that are flanked by pairs of stone lions. There are corner towers (watchtowers) at each corner of the wall and there is an offering hall in the gate at the south wall with stone sculptures of elephants, ceremonial columns, flying horses, vermilion birds, horses, people and stelae that stretch from south to north. There are

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watchtowers on the east and west peaks as well as matching watchtowers to the south of these that serve as an entryway to the tomb from the south. (Fig. 5.11.6) A square wall was constructed around the main burial mound, which was called the inner city and had gates in the center of each wall topped with gate towers. There was also a corner tower at the east corner of the wall. The south gate, or Gate of the Vermilion Bird, was the location of the offering hall where major ceremonies would be performed. Outside the Gate of the Vermilion Bird was the »imperial way« that stretched for three or four km. This is what was known in ancient times as the »sacred way.« The imperial way began with two watchtowers at its southern end, which were followed by a gate that led north to the Gate of the Vermilion Bird. After a few hundred meters to one kilometer there was a second set of watchtowers and a second gate, which led to a third set of watchtowers before arriving at the Gate of the Vermilion Bird. In the expansive area between the first and second gates there were a large number of accompanying tombs. Zhaoling, the tomb of Emperor Taizong, had the most accompanying tombs, which numbered 167. All of these tombs were built on a very grand scale. The total circumference of Zhaoling and Zhenling, the tomb of Emperor Xuanzong, reached 60 km2, greater than the length of the city walls of Chang’an. Qianling was slightly smaller, reaching only 40 km, which was similar to Chang’an. Other tombs had walls that stretched for 10 to 30  km. All of the Tang Dynasty tombs included exquisite carvings that were placed along either side of the sacred way. In addition to the stone carvings mentioned previously at Qianling, the »Six Steeds of Zhaoling« were also known far and wide for their outstanding artistry. The Tang tombs became model that influenced the creation of tombs during later dynasties. A large number of pine, cypress, Chinese scholar trees and poplar trees were planted within the area of the tombs that created a

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5.11.6  Qianling, Tang Dynasty, Qian County, Shaanxi Province

backdrop for these sculptures. The sculptures and the trees enriched the setting of the tombs and expanded the area that the tombs covered, which served to enhance the dignity and majesty of the space. In terms of their layout, there are similarities between the planning of these tombs and the city of Chang’an. The total area of the tomb was equivalent to the city walls, while the accompanying tombs were like »wards.« The area north of the second gate was equivalent to the imperial city with the stone people and animals symbolizing the emperor’s honor guard, while the »inner city« emphasized imperial power and the majesty of the emperor. The tombs of nobles and members of the imperial family were also located within the area of the tomb and were generally made in two styles—an inverted-dou style and a round burial mound. The inverted-dou style tombs were reserved for those of higher status, such as Prince Yide, Li Chongrun, Wu Zetian’s mother Madam Yang and Princess Yongtai. Two-level inverted-dou style tombs

were second only to the emperor in status and were surrounded by walls on all sides with corner piers at each corner. There was a single southern gate that had watchtowers at either side. To either side of these towers were stone carvings along the sacred way leading to the tomb that included a pair of ceremonial columns, a pair of figures and a pair of lions in order from south to north. Generally, princes and princesses were entombed in single-level inverted-dou tombs with a surrounding wall, but these were smaller in area and sculptures were of goats as in the tomb of Prince Zhanghuai. These are all examples of high-status inverted-dou tombs of the imperial tombs. Round burial mounds were reserved for lower members of the imperial family and important ministers and were not usually enclosed with a wall or decorated with carved figures.

5. Gardens, Residences, Bridges The gardens of the Sui and Tang dynasties have long been lost, but we can still see the impressive-

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ness of these gardens in Tang poetry and historical records. This is especially true of the Tang Dynasty, which enjoyed stability and a wealth that was conducive to the creation of gardens. These surpassed previous dynasties in both scale and number, and greatly influenced the gardens of the Song, Yuan, Ming and Qing. The gardens of the Sui and Tang can be divided into three categories according to their function—imperial gardens, temple gardens and private gardens. Imperial gardens were centered in the capitals of Chang’an and Luoyang. These used majestic locations, massive areas and solemn settings to embody the authority and majesty of the emperor to ensure that the people knew that the sacredness of the emperor was infallible. Imperial gardens can be further divided into gardens of the imperial city, temporary imperial residences and imperial villas. The Western Garden of Sui-era Luoyang was massive and is a prime example of imperial gardens. The main feature of the garden was a great lake with a circumference of about 5  km, which was surrounded by a few other smaller lakes that were all interconnected. The islands of Penglai, Fangzhang and Yingzhou rose above the lake over one hundred chi and featured a number of buildings. While the Western Garden continued the traditional format of a »single lake with three mountains,« its purpose was not to beseech the immortals, but to create a scenic setting. There were 16 independent compounds that had their own smaller gardens and were all connected by the Dragon Scale Steam that flowed along the periphery. The Dragon Scale Stream along with the main and smaller lakes created a complete system of waterways that allowed for leisure tours along the water and the transportation of supplies. The landscaping in these gardens used a large number of precious flowers and rare trees. They also raised many animals and created a rich tapestry of flora and fauna. Paths wound through peach groves and under weeping willows creating a blending of emerald shadows. Golden monkeys and deer with

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dark pelts roamed through the gardens in flocks. Some of the techniques used in this garden, such as the creation of water features, the organization of routes for leisure cruises and gardens within gardens had never been done before. Another example of this is the Palace of Abundant Clarity (Huaqinggong 华清宫) in Lintong County to the east of Chang’an, which used the natural setting of the Li Mountains and hot springs to create gardens. The northern slopes of the Li Mountains contained the gardens, while court and official buildings were built at the foot of the mountain. The buildings and vegetation within the gardens were all organized according to their unique locations within the mountains—at the base of the mountain, on its slopes, in valleys or at the peak, giving each of them a unique style and expressing the typical features of imperial gardens. Gardens located in temples, which were naturally places of worship where monks would practice and teach religious doctrine, were also places where the faithful would come to worship. There were three types of temple gardens during the Tang Dynasty. The first were individual gardens that were built in the vicinity of the temple and were similar to residential gardens. The second were gardens or greenery located within the temple next to each of the halls. The third were more expansive gardens that surrounded temples located outside the confines of the city. Mountains and scenic areas throughout the country with major temple complexes had become established by the Sui and Tang dynasties. These included large and small mountains dedicated to Buddhism as well as auspicious natural areas and the Five Peaks devoted to Daoism. These were both sacred religious areas as well as places famous for their beautiful natural scenery. The Temple of Compassion and Grace, located within the city of Chang’an, created hills and lakes covered with verdant vegetation and was especially famous for its peonies and lotus blossoms. The Temple of the Prosperous Tang (Tangchangguan 唐昌观) was

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teeming with yurui flowers and when in bloom created a forest of jade-like splendor. The Temple of the Profound Capital (Xuanduguan 玄都观) was known for its peach blossoms and the entire temple seemed filled with a pink mist. The gardens of the Buddhist Temple of Gathered Fragrance (Xiangjisi 香积寺) were celebrated by poets. Unlike the Wei, Jin, and the Northern and Southern Dynasties, private gardens of the Sui and Tang dynasties were no longer limited to the nobility and upper echelon of society, but pervaded all classes—with even the poor creating their own gardens. Private gardens of the past could only be seen in the gentile lands of the south or in the vicinity of the capital, but by the Sui and Tang, they had become more common. Prior to the Sui and Tang, private gardens were not very uniform and had not yet formed a definite style. After the arrival of the Sui and Tang, they had taken on aspects of literati culture, seeking to create gardens that emulated poetry or paintings, resulting in clear artistic advancements. By this time, the unique styles and characteristics of classical Chinese gardens were clearly expressed. The basic theories and techniques of creating gardens had also been touched on by the writings of Tang scholars. In terms of cost and scale, private gardens could also be divided into those belonging to noble families and scholar officials. Noble gardens were built by members of the royal family and were numerous. Their high social status and abundant wealth allowed them to create large spaces and buildings that were both grand and beautiful. They also competed in terms of luxury with some equaling or even surpassing imperial gardens as with Dingkun Pool, which belonged to Princess Anle. The gardens of scholar officials were important landscapes in Tang Dynasty China. Literati and scholar officials had high social standing and were highly educated. They were also the custodians of mainstream culture, which meant that their aesthetic ideals, lifestyles and artistic aspirations were fully

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expressed in the gardens they created. However, the dangers and corruption of politics meant that while offering praise to their king and ensuring to administer to the people, the had to ensure that they were protected and could retreat from public life if necessary. In this sense, the gardens they built were both places where they could gather and interact, but also a safe harbor to which they could retreat. They could nurture their damaged emotions back to health or be used as a fortress in their battle against social ills. It is safe to say that it was not imperial gardens or temple gardens of the Tang that had the greatest impact on the gardens of the Song, Yuan Ming and Qing dynasties, but the gardens of scholar officials. The gardens of scholar officials could compete with the elaborate beauty of those belonging to the nobility as with Wei Sili’s Valley of Insouciance in his Villa of the Eastern Hills. There were over one hundred pavilions and enclosures within the garden with all manner of flowers and plants, precious pine trees and intriguing rock formations that inspired endless fascination. In his later years, the poet Bai Juyi built a residence in Luoyang, Du Fu chose to build his famous thatched hut on the banks of the Huanhua Stream and Wang Wei personally planned and built his Wang River Villa. These all became famous for their poetic settings and unique personalities. No private residences from the Sui and Tang remain, but we can see what they looked like from murals at Dunhuang and from objects that have been unearthed. Some of the main entrances to the homes of Tang nobility used gates in the style of ceremonial arches, while others used a latticework corridor between the two main buildings to create a courtyard. Still other homes were not built in a symmetrical style and used corridors to maintain a unity throughout the structure. Rural residences can be seen in Zhan Ziqian’s painting Traveling in Spring (Youchuntu 游春图), which did not use a surrounding corridor, but the buildings of the home themselves to form a long, narrow

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5.11.7 Anji Bridge, Zhaozhou, Hebei Province

courtyard complex. There were also bamboo and thatch homes that were simple open courtyards that had a relatively tight layout that was markedly different from the residences with corridors and courtyards. It is worth noting that most of the residences depicted in the pictures mentioned above have a clear central axis and left-right symmetry, which makes it very likely that this was the most common layout of residential buildings at the time. Anji Bridge in Zhaoxian, Hebei Province, was built during the Daye Period of the Sui Dynasty (605–618) and is an arched stone bridge. This is the oldest bridge still standing in China as well as the oldest stone bridge, which makes it an important part of China’s architectural history. Historical records show that the Anji Bridge was the work of Sui artisan Li Chun. Anji Bridge is very imposing with a total length of 50.82 m and a width of 9.6 m, narrowing to 9 m at the center. The design of the bridge perfectly suits scientific principles

and the workmanship is second to none. The bridge crosses the Xiao River, which is not navigable, with no boats passing under it, which meant that the bridge did not need to be high, but had to cross a rather large span. (Fig. 5.11.7) The Anji Bridge was on an important north-south route, mainly used by carriages and horses, which required the bridge to be flat and without steps. These unique requirements led the designer to develop a long bow-shaped arch, the first of its type in the world. This span of this arch reached a total of 37.47 m and the rise of the arc is only one fifth of the span. There are also two smaller arches at either end of the large arch. This creative design not only saved materials, it also reduced the weight of the bridge and allowed more water to flow past the bridge during times of high water, reducing the impact on the bridge during floods. This use of multiple arches also made the improved the aesthetic appeal of the bridge. The large arch is made up of 28 individual sections that are of the same

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shape and combine to create this arched bridge. Each section is section supports the weight above it independently and, if one fails, the others are not affected. Each section is also linked by an iron dovetails and five horizontal iron bars on the top. The ends are also fixed with rivets and stone slabs are laid horizontally above. At the same time, it also uses the batter technique usually found in wooden buildings with the two ends of the bridge 0.51–0.74 m wider than the top of the bridge, which forces the sections of the bridge to naturally press inward, which shows the careful consideration given its construction. The overall structure of the bridge is balanced, and blends with the surrounding scenery—with carvings on the banisters that are exquisite. The surface of the bridge is slightly raised in a rounded arc, but at the top of the bridge it is curves inward slightly that gives it a beautiful, comfortable appearance. The radius of this arc is relatively large, while the radius of each section of the arch is small with relaxed on the top and tight below to create a powerful weight bearing relationship. The back of the four small arches and the large arch gradually move from the middle outward and the lines they form follow the same curve. The ratio between the large and small arches show the true measurements of the large arch and each of the arches emphasize unity, while the empty space created by the small arches give the bridge a light feeling. The structure and artistry of the Anji Bridge in some areas surpass levels reached in European architecture. China had been building stone arched bridges as early as the 3rd century. It was around the time of Marco Polo, that the technology for building bow-shaped arched bridges was brought to Europe. Its first application was most likely in 13th century France, but the technology did not spread until the 14th century and it wasn’t until the late 14th century that Europeans mastered the technique of the spandrel arch. The mature artistic style of Sui and Tang architecture is not only demonstrated in the organic

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unity of various parts, but also in the diversity of its refined and decorative elements. The various categories of Chinese wooden architecture, such as layered beams, post-and-tie construction and interlocking timbers, a wide range of buildings including palatial halls, large halls, reception halls, guest houses, elevated buildings, pavilions, pagodas, watchtowers, gates and open corridors, as well as individual features such as foundations, roofs, balustrades, columns, walls and dougong— and even detailed elements like roof tile decoration and coloring—were very mature at this time. These formed a rich, unique national character, which we can only scratch the surface of here.

Section 2  Multifaceted Developments in Craft Arts The Sui and Tang dynasties were important periods in the development of many different types of craft arts. During this period, industries that were a part of the daily lives of all segments of society like porcelain and dyeing grew especially quickly with some notable breakthroughs. Objects that were more closely connected to the lives of the nobility like jewelry and mirrors were also highly developed. The handicrafts industry of the Tang Dynasty could be divided into official and private operations. Official handicraft products were produced exclusively for the imperial court, while private handicrafts were sold to merchants and were common among the general population. The strict management, skilled craftsmen and the meticulous quality of the products meant official handicrafts represented the highest level of craft arts at the time. The Tang established the Directorate for Imperial Manufactories, which was responsible for the management of the many different handicrafts industries. There were five departments under the directorate, with a very precise division of labor.

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Strict management and a training system was a positive driving force in cultivating talented artisans in the craft arts. It also speaks to the careful division of labor and high level of professionalism achieved during the Tang Dynasty. The rise of handicraft workshops in urban areas and the transition of official handicraft workshops from a »labor service« system to »skilled service« system was another important change that occurred during the Tang Dynasty. The system of »skilled service« made artisans more willing to enter into service and enabled them to better express their creativity and skill. All manner of craft arts products were shipped over land and sea via the Silk Road to all parts of the world, while the craft arts of other areas like the Sasanian Empire of Persia, India and many others constantly flowed into Tang China, creating a massive platform for exchange. The Tang Dynasty boldly absorbed, adapted and incorporated foreign cultures and made them part of its own culture, developing new art forms and new styles on traditional foundations. This made the culture of the Tang Dynasty even more dazzling and magnificent.

1. New Achievements in Ceramics While there are no detailed records of the development of pottery and porcelain during the Sui Dynasty, the recent excavation of large numbers of porcelain works from Sui-era tombs show a highly developed production of porcelain during the Sui Dynasty. Excavations have been expansive, which also shows that production was spread over a wide area. Important discoveries of Suiera porcelain excavated from tombs include over 60 pieces from a Sui-era tomb at Zhoujia Dawan near Wuhan in Hubei Province, the tomb of Zhang Sheng dated 595 (15th year of Kaihuang) in Anyang, Henan Province, the tomb of Li Jingxun dated 608 (4th year of Daye), near Xi’an, as well as the tombs of Ji Wei and those at Guojiatan. These all contained a large number of Sui-era porcelain

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works. These works include celadon, white porcelain and painted white glaze, which have provided researchers with a large amount of original material for study and have compensated for the lack of written records, making it easier to study porcelain of the Sui Dynasty. One of the notable achievements in pottery and porcelain during the Sui Dynasty was the maturing of techniques in the firing of white porcelain. White porcelain was developed from celadon, further refining the clay and reducing the amount of iron in it, then firing it under strictly controlled conditions. Research shows that kilns producing white porcelain during the Sui Dynasty included the Gongxian Kiln in Henan and the Qicun Kiln in Lincheng in Hebei Province. Later, the Qicun Kiln became part of the Xing Kiln complex. The large number and rich diversity of white porcelain unearthed from the tombs of Zhang Sheng and Li Jingxun showed a fine, white clay base and glossy, clear glaze with almost no traces of yellow or green in the white glaze, which is proof of the maturity of white porcelain during the Sui Dynasty. Two especially exquisite pieces from these tombs included a white glaze double-bodied dragon-handled vase and a teapot in white glaze with a chicken head and dragon-handle. These examples are very close to what is considered standard white porcelain. The white porcelain vase unearthed from the Sui tomb at Guojiatan and a white porcelain jar with lid unearthed from the tomb of Ji Wei near Xi’an are even more representative of Sui-era white porcelain and demonstrate the great artistic advances made during the Sui Dynasty. However, despite these advances, celadon was still mainstream in porcelain production during the Sui. Celadon was most produced at the Xiangyin Kiln in Hunan, the Qionglai Kiln in Sichuan, but even more at kilns scattered around Zhejiang Province. The long history of celadon production at kilns in Zhejiang was continued during the Sui Dynasty and maintained its advantage over other kilns. The kilns of southern China each had their own

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style of celadon. The Xiangyin Kiln not only produced a wide variety of pieces, but also had its own unique elements. This was especially true of deep plates, tall-neck four-loop jars as well as stem bowls, which were not produced by any other kilns. While the porcelain of the Sui Dynasty did not develop a clear period style, it did have relatively distinct characteristics in terms of the forms of specific pieces. This included long, elegant jars, plate-shaped or shallow-cup shaped openings on vases, zun, teapots and yu. The Heavenly Chicken Teapot was a longer, more slender design with a base that was generally small and flat. The Sui also excelled at adopting traditions of the Northern and Southern Dynasties and created many new forms. This includes the white glaze double-bodied dragon-handle vase from the tomb of Li Jingxun, which was innovative and unique. The dragon-shaped handles were artistic and the body of the vase is richly varied, which strengthens the overall aesthetic value of the piece. There is relatively little decoration on pottery and porcelain of the Sui Dynasty, which makes it seem simple and plain, but there were decorative techniques like carved designs, impressions and etchings that were used depending on the type of object. Geometric patterns, string patterns, leave patterns, lotus blossom patterns, pearl patterns, honeysuckle, flower medallions, animals and people were among the more notable decorative elements. The appearance and use of saggar in the production of Sui porcelain was another huge development in the history of porcelain making in China. After the arrival of the Sui Dynasty there are many records of the Xiangyin Kiln in Hunan Province making plates and bowls that were already using saggar, which provided the technical conditions to make the clay body of these pieces thinner. It also increased the aesthetic quality of porcelain products, ultimately providing a technical foundation for the porcelain of the Tang Dynasty. Porcelain of the Sui Dynasty also saw clear improvements

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in the clarity and brilliance of glazes, which is directly related to the ability of Sui-era artisans to control the amount of iron in the raw materials. During the Tang Dynasty, the volume of pottery and porcelain produced reached unprecedented levels. This was because the government outlawed private use of copper, which reduced the number of copper vessels in circulation, and these were replaced with porcelain. Many factors such as societal advances, changes in lifestyles, the popularity of drinking tea and wine, increased international exchanges and expanded export trade also caused demand for Tang porcelain to rapidly increase. Societal advances during the Tang Dynasty included improvements in the material and cultural lives of people, literature, fine arts and handicrafts. All of this resulted in higher requirements in the production of craft arts and their decoration, which drove the development of porcelain production to a new historical level. The white porcelain of the Xing Kiln and the celadon of the Yue Kiln were representative of the highest achievements of Tang-era porcelain and created a new era in pottery and porcelain characterized by an active forward movement and dazzling, colorful designs. This period was known for its »celadon of the south and white porcelain of the north« as well as for being »not thin or elegant, but preferring richness and beauty.« The firing techniques used during the Tang Dynasty mainly used saggar. The ability of artists of the Tang Dynasty to produce high quality celadon and white porcelain was inextricably linked to the widespread use of saggar. Production of porcelain and pottery during the Tang Dynasty was very widespread and the number of kilns greatly increased. Archaeological excavations have uncovered Tang-era kilns in fourteen of China’s provinces. Kilns in northern China have been found in places like Neiqiu, Lincheng and Quyang in Hebei Province, Yangquan, Pingding and Hunyuan in Shanxi Province, Gongxian, Anyang, Mixian, Dengfeng and Hebi in Henan

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Province as well as Zibo in Shandong and Tongchuan in Shaanxi. Most of these northern kilns produced white porcelain, but also produced some black, celadon, yellow and polychrome porcelain. Southern China contained nearly 80 % of all the kilns in the country and most of these were located in Zhejiang Province. Zhejiang kilns produced mainly celadon and were located in ten prefectures including Shangyu, Ningbo, Yuyao, Linhai, Jinhua, Yongjia, Wenzhou, Zhuji, Yinxian and Shaoxing. The Yue Kiln represented the highest level of celadon porcelain during the Tang Dynasty. Other kilns including the Tongguan Kiln in Changsha, the Chaozhou Kiln in Guangdong, kilns in Chengdu and Qionglai in Sichuan Province and Fengcheng and Jiujiang in Jiangxi Province all mainly produced celadon, but they also produced some yellow and black porcelain. The Yue Kiln was one of China’s earliest kilns to produce porcelain. It was produced in and around Shangyu, Yuyao, Ningbo and Shaoxing in Zhejiang Province, but during this period, this area was known as Yuezhou, hence the name of the kiln. With a long history of porcelain production, the technical prowess of the artisans here was formidable and after having grown and developed through the Han, Jin, and Southern Dynasties, they continued to fire porcelain here. After the middle of the Tang Dynasty, as the quality of products improved, increases in demand caused the kilns to expand into Zhuji, Ningbo, Yinxian, Fenghua and Linhai, forming a massive production network for the wares of the Yue Kiln. However, the most prosperous of these areas were still centered around Yaoqiansi, Zhangzishan and Linghu in Shangyu, as well as Shanglin Lake in Yuyao and Shang’ao Lake and Baiyang Lake in Cixi. The improved quality and increased production volume of Yue Ware meant that it was shipped in large amounts to areas throughout China and was even shipped to many countries throughout the world through the Tang Dynasty’s most important shipping port, Mingzhou (present day Ningbo),-

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making it an important export commodity of the time. During the first part of the Tang Dynasty, Yue Ware maintained the same style as it had during the Sui Dynasty, but by the middle and late Tang Period Yue Ware had been gradually improved upon, resulting in a clear improvement in quality and constant advancements in the types of products and the forms used. The raw materials of the porcelain body were put through a process of meticulous processing and grinding and before the body was formed, the raw clay kneaded to ensure a finely textured body that was light and thin. The emerald green crystalline glaze is like an icy jade with a fine glow. When it is struck, it gives off a pleasing sound similar to an ancient bronze instrument. Patterns and decoration on porcelain pieces from this period mainly featured flowers that were applied mainly either by embossing or printing, while other techniques like carving, engraving or openwork relief were also used with lines that tended to be fine and detailed. The patterns and decoration on Yue Ware from the lateTang was still extremely exquisite, with its most unique feature being a beautiful glaze that was as clear as water and bright like ice. (Fig. 5.11.8) Celadon Porcelain from the Yue Kilns was as pure as jade and was especially popular among literati and scholar officials. The Tea Classic (Chajing 茶经) by the Tang writer Lu Yu compares celadon porcelain to jade and ice, showing the refined, elegant characteristics of Yue Ware. Yue Ware from the late-Tang Period was a favorite among the imperial court and high-level officials because of its outstanding quality. In order to provide the palace with porcelain, the imperial court established a tribute kiln and an official supervisor. These tribute items were called »secret color porcelain.« Excavations from a tomb near Shanglin Lake in Yuyao dated 887 (3rd year of Guangqi) revealed written inscriptions on an epitaph jar, which proved that the tribute kiln was located at Shanglin Lake. The name »secret color« originated

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5.11.8 Celadon teapot with a phoenix head and dragon handle, Palace Museum, Beijing

from a poem by the Tang poet Lu Guimeng, »Yue Wares in Secret Colors« (Mise yueqi 秘色越器). In the early 1980s, 16 pieces of celadon porcelain were unearthed from an underground chamber at the Temple of the Dharma Gate (Famensi 法门寺) in Fufeng in Shaanxi Province, all of which were labeled as »secret color porcelain.« Celadon porcelain was produced over a very large area during the Tang Dynasty. In addition to the Yue Kiln, others included the Ou Kiln and Wu Kiln of Zhejiang, the Xiangyin Kiln and Changsha Kiln of Hunan, the Chengdu, Qingyanggong and Qionglai kilns

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of Sichuan and other celadon kilns in Guangdong and Fujian. The Xing Kiln was one of the most important kilns in northern China producing white porcelain during the Tang Dynasty. It was located in the city of Neiqiu in Hebei Province. Beginning in 622 (5th year of Wude), administration of Neiqiu was transferred from Zhaozhou to Xingzhou and remained there throughout the Tang Dynasty. Many of the kilns of the Tang Dyansty were named for prefectures (zhou) and the Xing Kiln was named for its location within Xingzhou. The large volume of white porcelain products manufactured at the Xing Kiln were widely used and became common throughout China at the time. In 1984, the remains of kilns used for firing white porcelain were discovered in the area around the current city of Neiqiu. These were most concentrated around the city gates and revealed high quality pieces with classic examples of tribute items found with the »Ying« and »Hanlin« stamps. The Xing Kiln complex was spread over a wide area. Located at the eastern foothills of the Taihang Mountains, covered an area of over 300 km2 stretching north of Feng, Tang and Song villages in Neiqiu, south of Qi and Shuangjing villages in Lincheng, east from Xiqiu in Neiqiu County and west from Shuangbei in Longyao County. There were many different types of porcelain produced by the Xing Kiln, but the majority of these were vessels for everyday use, which were known for their regular shapes, careful craftsmanship, hard and fine bodies as well as their clean and smooth glaze. There were very few examples of pieces that were misshapen or had uneven glaze and their masterpieces were extremely thin and exquisite. The clean, pure glaze of these pieces covered the entire body and there were very few instances of »cracking.« The kiln’s most representative pieces were bowls, most of which had large openings and were shallow with a body that opened at a 45-degree angle. The edge of the opening curled over with a disk-

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5.11.9  White-glazed Dingware plate with sun­flower ­decoration, Tang Dynasty, Shaanxi History Museum

like base and a short circular foot. Teapots had short spouts and jars had flat bases with broad shoulders. Saucers had five-petal edges with a relatively deep body and a short circular base. All of these pieces were completely covered in glaze, which was glossy and meticulously applied. Glaze was mostly pure white and sometimes with a green tint, truly reaching a high level of maturity. The beauty and outstanding quality of white porcelain from the Xing Kiln made it a part of everyday life from the emperor to the average citizen, which gave it the reputation of being »used by both the noble and base throughout the land.« The ruins of the Palace of Great Brilliance in Xi’an and the Chang’an-era Temple of Western Enlightenment (Ximingsi 西明寺) have unearthed porcelain bowls with the »Ying« mark and are most likely products of the Xing Kiln of Neiqiu. Xing porcelain is said to be like silver and snow with a hard texture and a ring that resembles metal chimes, making it beautiful beyond compare. After the Tang, it became increasingly popular and won widespread acclaim. In addition to Xing Ware, other famous examples of white porcelain from the Tang Dynasty include those fired in kilns

at Quyang in Hebei Province, Gongxian, Mixian and Dengfeng in Henan Province, Pingding and Hunyuan in Shanxi Province, Xiaoxian in Anhui, and Tongchuan Huangbao in Shaanxi Province, all of which reached a relatively high level of quality. (Fig. 5.11.9) In the artistic garden of the Tang Dynasty, there was an especially brilliant and beautiful blossom that appeared—sancai, or tri-color glazed pottery. The full forms and rich subject matter, the beautiful lines, dazzling colors and elegant spirit of these pieces captivated the world and became a symbol of the style of the Tang. Tang-era sancai is a general term for low-temperature lead-based glazed pottery. The bodies of these pieces were made from sticky clay and use copper, iron, cobalt and magnesium to create the colors of the glazes used. They also used a large amount of refined lead slag and lead dust to act as solvents. They were fired twice at a temperature of about 8,000 degrees Celsius. Because the earliest pieces unearthed used three colors—yellow, green and white—and were found mostly in Tang-era tombs, this style has become known as Tang sancai (tricolor) pottery. However, in addition to the three

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colors mentioned above, other colors are also used, including red, blue and black. The majority of Tang sancai pieces have been unearthed at Luoyang and Xi’an, but many have also been found in Yangzhou and other locations. The development of Tang sancai pottery experienced three phases—a period of creation, a time of prosperity, and then decline. Archaeological records show that no examples of Tang sancai have been unearthed dating earlier than the reign of Emperor Taizong (649). The earliest examples of Tang sancai discovered to date were found in Henan Province in 1972 and included figurines and jars that were dated 664 (first year of Linde, Gaozong). The beginning of the height of the Tang Dynasty began during the Tianbao Period (713–755) and was a time when Tang sancai flourished. Pieces of sancai pottery that have been unearthed from Tang-era tombs show that sancai took many different forms with a rich variety. The shapes of pieces were lifelike with brilliant colors. They were also produced in large numbers and in high-quality with exquisite workmanship, which reached an incredible height. After the Tianbao Period, the number of pieces produced gradually lessened and quality also suffered. Production began to decline. In less than a century, Tang sancai took a leading role with its compelling content, graceful elegance and exquisite form. Tang sancai was a unique art form and was mostly used in the creation of funerary objects and are remnants of the Tang social excesses and their emphasis on lavish burials. During the Tang, a Pottery Office (Zhenguanshu 甄官署) was established under the Chancellery (Menxiasheng 门下省) that was directly responsible for the production of funerary objects in the burial of members of the imperial family. The Six Codes of the Tang (Tang liudian 唐六典) record the number of funerary objects allowed for different official ranks at the time. However, at the time there were a large number of funerary objects produced privately and were not limited to nobles and officials, often including »lower classes like

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scholars and peasants,« which drove large-scale production of Tang sancai pottery. (Fig. 5.11.10) Tang sancai came in many different forms, but mainly included vessels for everyday use, figures and animals, and is probably most famous for its sculptures of figures, horses and camels. The range of human figures was extremely broad and included officials and military officers that represented the ruling classes at the time, but also included merchants, servant girls, martial arts masters, minor officials and musicians of the middle and lower classes. Figures were also not only lim-

5.11.10 Tower-shaped Sancai jar, Tang Dynasty, Shaanxi History Museum

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ited to Han Chinese figures, and included young women with light colored features, Persian merchants with large noses and curly hair, as well as brave and strong African figures that were known as »slaves of Kunlun.« The artistic achievements of Tang sancai were not only limited to the large numbers of sculptures of figures that were produced, but also in the attention to detail in the depiction of their features, which seemed to uncover their innermost feelings. Of the many figurines that have been unearthed over the years, female figures make up the majority. These female figurines highlight the styles of that era. Their full faces, well-rounded bodies and graceful bearing show the aesthetic preference of the Tang Dynasty for full-bodied beauty. Within this overall style of full-bodied beauty and graceful elegance, there are various moods and personalities that are expressed. The sancai female figures unearthed from the Tangera tomb of Xianyu Tinghui near Xi’an have round cheeks and full-bodied bodies and dimples at either end of their lips, which betray naïve, innocent smiles. The have a peaceful and gentile air, which demonstrates the graceful, quiet nature of a noblewoman. The figure of a woman holding an infant dated 744 (3rd year of Tianbao) unearthed from the tomb of Shi Sili in Guojiatan near Xi’an is full of motherly love while still maintaining a dignified appearance. A figure of a woman holding a duck-shaped teapot was also discovered in the same tomb. Her face is full and round with elegant eyebrows and handsome eyes. She has shallow dimples and is wearing a long dress with narrow sleeves. Her lapels are folded and she is holing a long-necked duck-shaped teapot. She is typical of a young woman, innocent and hopeful for the future. A standing female figure also unearthed from the tomb of Xianyu Tinghui has both of her hands stretched out in front of her chest as if she is holding something. Her head is tilted to slightly to the side, and she seems to be serving her master with an air of careful attendance.

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Tang sancai is known for having a magical ability to express the moods and characteristics of individual characters. Sculptures of officials in Tang sancai include a figure of a civil official that was unearthed from the tomb of Xianyu Tinghui and was given a very upstanding personality with a very simple expression and refined bearing that is magnanimous and upstanding. Another civil official dated 744 (3rd year of Tianbao) unearthed from the tomb of Doulu Jian at Dizhangwan near Xianyang is clearly a crafty minister wise in the ways of the world, has a complex mind, unclear intentions, has the ability to read people and takes advantage when he can. A team of musicians on camels unearthed from the tomb of Xianyu Tinghui are on rectangular bases and are supported by strong legs with their heads held high. There are many people riding the camels and each have their own personalities, producing a happy, joyful scene. Several non-Han figures have deep-set eyes, large noses and long beards. Some hold pipas, while others play drums or dance, showing the friendly nature of all peoples during the Tang Dynasty. Sculptures of animals in Tang sancai also achieved a high level of artistry, producing lifelike and expressive figures, the most brilliant of which were horses and camels. Sancai horses are characterized by a full and strong form with small heads, short necks and fat, healthy bodies. While proportions are slightly exaggerated, their eyes have a fiery spirit and fully express the strength and bearing of a great steed, reaching a state of unmatched beauty. The most prized sancai horses are those in white and black sancai. Camels were also depicted very successfully with meticulous attention to detail. These masters of desert caravans that traverse the Silk Road year after year include both the Bactrian camel from Central Asia as well as the Arabian dromedary camel. These camels are often depicted either with their heads raised calling out, loaded heavy with goods or ridden by musician, deftly recreating the prosperity

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and exchange between East and West that characterized the Silk Road at the time. While Tang sancai excelled at human figures and animals, it also entered into every aspect of daily life. From residential structures and »fake mountains« in gardens or water-side rest spots, to vessels like cups, plates and bowls, or larger teapots, jars and vats, these all reflect the rich and colorful life of Tang society. Tang sancai was also a key commodity and was transported by land and sea along the Silk Road to countries throughout Asia and Africa, making it an important part of the exchange between East and West. Examples of Tang sancai have been found in Indonesia, Korea, Japan and even Egypt. In the 9th and 10th centuries, Korea, Japan, and Egypt all produced their own version of colored porcelain inspired by sancai pottery of the Tang Dynasty, including Silla and Nara tri-color pottery. Tang sancai played an extremely positive role in promoting friendly exchanges between China and the countries mentioned above. Underglaze painted porcelain was another unique blossom in the garden of Tang Dynasty pottery arts. These pieces were painted before glaze was applied to a plain piece of porcelain or on an unfired porcelain body, then a cover coat of clear glaze was applied and fired. The color appeared below this glaze, which is why this technique of production is called underglaze painted porcelain. The most famous centers of underglaze painted porcelain during the Tang Dynasty were the Tongguan Kiln in Changsha in Hunan Province and the Qionglai Kiln in Sichuan. The Changsha Tongguan Kiln did not begin producing underglaze painted porcelain until the Yuanhe Period of Emperor Xianzong (806–820). The most outstanding contribution of the kilns at Changsha was to promote the decorative art of underglaze painting of the Six Dynasties. Underglaze painted porcelain produced at the Tongguan Kiln first applied a layer of base clay upon which decorative designs were then painted. Then it was covered

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in glaze and fired. The earliest painted designs were a single brown color, which were produced using iron oxide to bring out the color. Later, this technique gradually developed to include both brown and green. The source of the green color was copper oxide. Using copper to create underglaze coloring on porcelain was one of the greatest successes of the Tongguan Kiln at Changsha and one of the more difficult firing techniques to master. (Fig. 5.11.11) One type of decoration used in underglaze painted porcelain by the Changsha kilns was to use strokes of varying sizes to create geometric patterns. The colored splotch method can be divided into large, round strokes and small strokes. The larger strokes have color distinctions of brown and brown-green, while most of the small strokes are used in creating patterns that are between brown and green. Another large category is made up of underglaze paintings of flowers, birds, insects, fish and other human and animal figures and is the historical contribution of the Changsha kilns. In terms of painting techniques, the underglaze painted porcelain of the Changsha kilns generally used rough lines to outline general shapes, followed by powerful, fine lines to draw the details. This outline method was used interchangeably with the boneless method ultimately benefited both styles. The lines are unrestrained and flowing with a strong maturity for a powerful energy. Poems and calligraphy were also used for decoration on porcelain pieces and were a unique element of pieces from the Changsha kilns. The underglaze painted porcelain of the Changsha kilns during the Tang-era broke with the single-color tradition of celadon porcelain and moved toward a more vibrant, colorful style. The appearance of a large number of painted and pattern decorations on porcelain also greatly enriched the artistry of porcelain making and laid a stable foundation for later developments in underglaze painted porcelain. Marbled or twisted porcelain was also a new art form developed during the Tang Dynasty, and

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5.11.11  Bird-shaped teapot in blue glaze, Tang Dynasty, Private Collection in Guilin, Guangxi Province

was an innovation of the Shouzhou Kiln in Anhui Province, which did not exist prior to the Tang Dynasty. So-called marbled porcelain blends clays of different colors such as white or brown together and then pulls them into shape. The result is patterns on the body of the piece that range between white and brown that resemble wood grain or the stripes of a tiger. After glaze was applied and they were fired, these became marbled porcelain. These pieces have countless variations and the patterns are sources of endless enjoyment. In 1972, an equestrian figure was unearthed from the tomb of Prince Yide in Qianxian in Shaanxi Province. Both the horse and the rider were made from marbled clay, and this is the only example of sculpted porcelain to date. They are very difficult to make, which makes this find an extremely precious work of art.

2. Developments of Dyeing and Weaving Techniques With developments in the economy and trade, the demands from the ruling classes for an increasingly decadent lifestyle drove further development in the dyeing and weaving industries of the Sui Dynasty. The government established dedicated agencies to manage these industries. During the reign of Emperor Yang, a Directorate for Imperial Manufactories (Shaofujian 少府监) was established and included offices in charge of both dyeing and weaving, which were later combined into one office. Dyeing workshops had specific divisions of labor and imperial workshops were designated by color: green, red, yellow, white, black, and purple, among others. The production of woven silk during the Sui Dynasty was centered in the city of Dingzhou in northern China (present-day Dingzhou in Hebei Province).

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The fine damask patterned fabric of Xiangzhou (present-day Anyang in Henan Province) was also relatively famous. Sichuan brocade of the south, with its long history, was also one of the most developed industries. Remnants of silk fabrics from the Sui Dynasty have been unearthed from the Astana tomb near Turpan in Xinjiang. The »brocade of a foreign king« unearthed from the tomb of Tang Shaobo, dated 589 (9th year of Kaihuang), is also an exquisite example of that period. Areas where patterns appear used yellow warp threads on a background of red and green and each pattern is a circulating unit of a figure with a whip driving a camel around the Chinese characters »hu wang« or »foreign king« in a half circle. The images are turned as they rotate, creating an image that is symmetrical from both the top and bottom. Others include small flowery brocades with strings of pearls, which are made from yellow pearl-string patterns on a bright red background, which are decorated with small flowers with eight petals. Checkerboard brocade is made up of a grid of squares in red and white, while colored-stripe brocade uses a leaf-green and light yellow to create alternating colored stripes. There are also silk fabrics with interlocking rings with the Chinese character »gui« or »precious« and pairs of birds. The use of interlocking rings and the character »gui« as decoration is unique to Sui Dynasty silk fabrics. The colors used in these fabrics is bright, bold and very unique. Dyeing and weaving techniques of the Sui Dynasty also included a kind of tie-dye called jiaxie (夹缬). This method used a carved wood block carved into patterns, then silk would be placed between two boards with the same patterns and pressed together. It would then be bound with ropes, and the dye would be fed into the open sections of the carving to dye the fabric. After it was dry, the carved blocks would be removed and the fabric would be imprinted with the patterns. These was a direct printed dyeing technique. Another technique was to fill the mold with a kind of »ash mixture« (usually made from

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bean paste and lime) that prevented dying. Then, after it had dried, the fabric was then placed into a large vat to be dyed. The result was the opposite effect with a colored base and white patterns. During the Song Dynasty, this was called »ash blotch cloth« or »paste pressing.« An example of this jiaxie fabric dating from 586 (6th year of Kaihuang) was unearthed near Turpan in Xinjiang and has white flower medallions on a blue silk tabby base with seven medallions surrounding a central one. Other jiaxie pieces from the Sui Dynasty include those in bright red and eggplant purple. These are all priceless historical examples of printed dyeing from the Sui Dynasty. During the Sui Dynasty, southwestern China was also known for its spotted and peacock fabrics. Peacock fabric contained elaborately beautiful colored patterns like the feathers of a peacock. Clearly, fabrics and dyeing during the Sui Dynasty was rich and flourishing. After the founding of the Tang Dynasty, there was an office of weaving and dyeing created under the Directorate for Imperial Manufactories, which was directly responsible for the production of fabrics and their dyeing. The Directorate for Imperial Manufactories and the Office of Weaving and Dyeing were massive institutions with very specific responsibilities. The Office of Weaving and Dyeing was divided into 25 »workshops,« which included ten dedicated to weaving with names like cloth, silk tabby, muslin, damask, gauze, brocade, openwork silk and coarse hemp, while there were six dyeing workshops designated by color like green, red, yellow, white, black and purple. This doubtlessly drive the development and advancement of the arts of weaving and dyeing. The dyeing of fabric flourished during the Tang Dynasty and the technologies used were very mature. The methods used for dyeing were applied directly to finished silk fabric or on finished clothing. They were also able to very precisely control subtle differences in color. Tang Dynasty fabrics that have been unearthed from tombs in near Turpan in Xinjiang include a

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range of colors. There are five different tones of read including silver-red, water-red, ape-red, purplish red and deep purple; six shades of yellow including goose yellow, chrysanthemum yellow, apricot yellow, golden yellow, earth yellow and tea brown; six shades of blue including egg blue, sky blue, emerald blue, sapphire, deep blue and Tibetan blue; five shades of green including calabash green, pea-green, leaf green, melon green and ink-green; and along with white and black a total of 24 different colors. Furthermore, each of these standard dye colors achieved even coloring on large areas of cloth and after more than a thousand years have retained their brightness as if they were brand new. At the time, dyes consisted of materials like extract of Indian madder and indigo, safflower and possibly also yellow jasmine and flowers of the scholar tree mixed with dye solvents like ferrite or lead salt (alumite). There were many different methods used for dyeing. These mainly were tie-dye, batik and pressed tie-dye, but also included alkali printed dyes or rubbed dyes. Printing dyes were usually applied to thin silks and generally to green or blue backgrounds. During the early Tang it was popular for »married women to wear green-blue printed fabrics with flowers in their hair and grass sandals.« People also became accustomed to using reds during the Tang Dynasty that covered a range of various shades of red from light-red to deep red, which provided a great deal of variety and a rich range of beautiful colors. The main material used for red dyes was safflower. The safflower of Liangzhou had always been famous, but during the Tang Dynasty it was planted in nearly every part of the country. (Fig. 5.11.12) Techniques for silk weaving were very developed by the Tang Dynasty and were produced over a large area. Products were exquisite and had a rich array of patterns that were produced on a large scale. Silk production during the Tang Dynasty was carried out throughout the entire country and was the most common handicraft among the general population. Records from the Six Codes

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of the Tang show that the provinces of Hebei, Henan, Huainan, Jiangnan and Jiannan produced all manner of silk. Before the middle of the Tang Dynasty, Dingzhou had been the center of silk production in northern China and produced fine damask, »rui« damask, single-nest damask, double-sack damask and cooked-thread damask. Others fabrics famous throughout Tang China included Jiangnan muslin, satin from Pengzhou and Yuezhou, silk tabby from Songzhou and Bozhou, light silk from Changzhou, damask from Runzhou, and brocade from Yizhou. After the middle of the Tang Dynasty, the center of silk production in China began to move to the Jiangnan region. There were many different kinds of silk produced during the Tang Dynasty, including brocade, silk tabby, damask, muslin and light silk. Brocade, silk tabby and damask were differentiated based on the way they were woven. Brocade is a very valuable type of silk fabric that is very complex to produce and has dazzling colors and a heavy texture. It has multiple colors and multiple layers of weaving and represents the highest level of silk weaving at the time. During the Tang Dynasty, China entered a period of beautiful, colorful and dazzling brocade silks, whether in terms of colors, decoration or weaving techniques. Tang brocade techniques were divided into warp brocade and weft brocade. Warp brocade appeared earlier and weft brocade was an innovation of the Tang Dynasty, using multiple layers and colors in the weft to create patterns. This technique appeared approximately during the reign of Wu Zetian. The discovery of weft weaving in silk brocade to produce designs meant that a richer of variety in colors and patterns could be achieved. A silk brocade depicting two chickens with jade balls and another of walnuts in the collection of the Palace Museum in Beijing are both made using the weft weaving technique. The transition from warp weaving to weft weaving to create designs was an important advance in silk weaving, and enabled weavers to make more complex designs

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5.11.12  Brown silk tabby Jiaoxie Tie-Dye, Tang Dynasty, Museum of the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region

and wider pieces of fabric. Polychromatic brocade of the Tang Dynasty was extremely ornate and elaborate. Dou Shilun, an early-Tang figure, made great contributions to the brocade arts. Dou Shilun was Consultant to the Palace of Prince Qin, Prime Minister and Military Advisor under Emperor Taizong. He was also granted the title Duke of Lingyang. During the early Tang he was sent to Sichuan to oversee objects made for the imperial household. While in Sichuan, he developed »rui« brocade and palace damask with images of pheasants, flying phoenixes and kirin. The colors of these pieces were exquisite and incredibly beau-

tiful and were known as »fabric of the Duke of Lingyang.« The »rui« brocade and palace damask that were created by Dou Shilun were specially made fabrics and the court assigned a dedicated individual to oversee production. These products were not allowed to be distributed outside the palace and very clear records of production were reported so that the imperial family could maintain their monopoly. Tang brocade can also be divided into several categories based on the patterns they contain. The first is pearl-string brocade, which was the most common of Tang brocade and one of the most

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5.11.13  Brocade with pearl-string and a pair of peacocks, Tang Dynasty, Museum of the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region

unique. During the Sui Dynasty, the use of the pearl-string pattern was very common on woven brocade and the caisson of grottoes at Dunhuang. (Fig. 5.11.13) Nested medallion brocade was a new type of brocade developed during the Tang Dynasty. This pattern used the baoxiang pattern for these medallions with honeysuckle patterns extending out in four directions from four flower medallion patterns, which is why it is also known as the »four honeysuckle pattern.« Baoxiang brocade unearthed from the Astana tomb near Turpan in Xinjiang create baoxiang patterns using weft threads of green, ocher and yellow on a red

background, which creates a blending of these three colors that is dignified and beautiful for a rare masterpiece. Symmetrical brocade mostly uses horizontally symmetrical images of animals and birds and was very popular during the Tang Dynasty. In addition to birds and animals, this brocade also features figures in hunting or riding scenes. The center of these symmetrical patterns often contain tree patterns to fill the empty space. Scattered-flower brocade refers to brocade with a variety of images and no fixed rules. These often feature peonies, flowering grasses, birds and butterflies that are relatively freely placed, giving it a

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lively, fun feel. Geometric brocade often features the Buddhist swastika, double-losenges, checks, crosses and serrated patterns are widely used in this type of brocade. Halo brocade is one of the most elaborate and beautiful types of brocade and uses multiple colors that are placed in order to create complex, multi-colored patterns. Striped-warp plain weave brocade with birds and flowing clouds unearthed from Astana and the 788 (13th year of Dali) tomb of Wen Shutong are made up of silk threads in six colors—green, light red, egg blue, brown, white, and blue. Of these, the blue, green and light red make up the »halo,« resulting in one of the most beautiful examples of halo brocade from the Tang Dynasty discovered so far. The brocade of the Han, Wei, and Six Dynasties used the warp pattern method, while Tang brocade mainly used the weft pattern method of weaving brocade, which has caused many people to call Han-era brocade »warp brocade« and Tang brocade »weft brocade.« The method used in Tang brocade used two or three layers of warp into which the weft was inserted, forming a »warp field« pattern structure. This weaving method not only allowed for more complex patterns, it also displayed a richer blend of color. This is why Han brocade is often thought to be plain and classically elegant, while Tang brocade has a new, lively and extravagant artistic style. A large amount of Tang brocade has been unearthed in the Xinjiang region in recent years and provided a lot of important first-hand research material to help us better understand and research Tang-era fabrics. The Kizil Caves in Baicheng County of the Tarim Basin have produced many types of Tang brocade, including cloud-pattern brocade with its light yellow background with blue and yellow threads that produce a golden color and reveal cloud patterns. They have also produced flower-pattern brocade that uses a yellow background with green patterns as well as wave-pattern brocade with mixed yellow and red threads that reveal double-wave patterns in black

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and green. Even more Tang brocade has been unearthed from the Astana-Karakhoja tombs near Turpan in Xinjiang. The Tang campaign against Kharakhoja in 640 (14th year of Zhen’guan) established Xizhou and the protectorate of Anxi (later moved to Guizi) and was very prosperous for a time. Many different types of Tang brocade have been unearthed here including a pair of lions and a the character »tong« with pearl-string patterns, a pair of birds with the character »ji« and pearl-string patterns, a rider on a horse with pearl-string patterns, a deer surrounded by pearl-string patterns, a bear’s head, a pair of ducks, a hoopoe and mythical luan bird, beasts on a grid pattern, striped patterns and patterns of flowers and birds. Out of these, the bird-and-flower patterned brocade is complex with brilliant colors depicting many different flowers and flying birds. It is a scene of life and expresses a world full of color and variety. From the many examples of Tang brocade that have been unearthed, we can see that the majority of patterns prior to the reign of Emperor Zhongzong were geometric (regular patterns, grids and the oracle bone character for king), flower medallion patterns or pearl-sting patterns with pairs of animals, birds or both. The majority of designs that have been unearthed are pearl-string patterns with pairs of animals, birds or both and are greater in number than all other types combined. Around the time of Emperor Zhongzong (705), the baoxiang flower pattern appeared. The baoxiang flower brocade in red unearthed from the Tomb no. 20 at Astana is representative of this type of pattern. Remains unearthed prove that baoxiang patterned brocade remained popular up until the Dali Period of Emperor Daizong (766–780), but by this time the baoxiang pattern had begun to include more realistic features, like branches and leaves, which was a departure from the previous decorative pattern. The silk brocade with patterns of flowers and birds unearthed from tombs at Astana show that

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brocade of the Tang Dynasty had entered into a new phase. These fabrics used flower medallions, cut flowers and lifelike flying birds to create a scene that was fully of life and harmoniously beautiful. The colors were passionate and joyful, showing the high level of artistry that had been achieved in weaving decorative patterns during the Tang-era. Tang brocade can be divided into warp brocade and weft brocade according to the weaving methods used, but weft brocade was more popular. In addition to this, an entirely new type of fabric appeared during the late 7th and 8th centuries. Striped diagonal weave warp brocade that was unearthed at Yunxian along with Yongdiao linen was dated 721 (9th year of Kaiyuan) and was the earliest example of diagonal weaving in China. Double-sided brocade unearthed from Tomb no. 206 (the tomb of Zhang Xiong and his wife) at Astana also attracted a great deal of attention. This double-sided brocade was made up of two layers in a dark wood color, which offset the white variations on the interlocked lozenges and clover patterns. The structure of this fabric combines interlocking white and dark wood warp and weft, creating a double layered plain weave fabric. It was originally thought that double-sided brocade had been invented during the Ming Dynasty, but the discovery of the above-mentioned double-sided brocade from 688 (4th year of Chuigong) shows that China was able to produce this kind of valuable fabric as far back as the late 7th century. In addition to brocade, there over ten different types of silk including silk tabby, damask, openwork silk, gauze and muslin. Embroidery was widely used during the Tang Dynasty, and reached a very high level of artistic skill. It also saw considerable growth as decoration on silk and clothing. In addition to making clothing more attractive, embroidery during the Tang Dynasty had been widely used in creating religious content, including embroidered scriptures and images, which laid the path for the creation of

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the embroidered calligraphy of the Song Dynasty. Improvements and innovations in needlework as well as the expansion of content also enabled some embroidered piece to partially or completely move away from practical purposes and become pure works of art on their own. In addition to continuing the T-embroidery and lock-embroidery traditions of the Han and the Northern and Southern Dynasties, the Tang Dynasty also developed flat embroidery. Flat embroidery of the Tang Dynasty was similar to today’s free-stitch embroidery that uses a flexible needlework technique with flowing lines and rich coloring. It is known for its strong layered effect and meticulous realism. Embroidery as an industry flourished during the Tang Dynasty. The capital city at Chang’an was not only the start of the Silk Road, it was also a production and distribution center of silk embroidery to the world. The wealthy and powerful residents of the capital hired many artisans to create embroidered silks for them to meet the needs of their lavish lifestyles. The imperial palace also called for skilled artisans from around the country to create workshops. It is said that Yang Guifei alone had nearly seven hundred workshops creating silk fabric and embroidery at her palace at Huaqing Pool. The luxury and ostentatiousness of the palace and powerful nobility objectively drove the development and advancement of the art of silk making, including embroidery. A great deal of Tang embroidery was used on clothing with exquisite workmanship and beautiful colors. The art of Tang embroidery was also widely used in religious contexts such as embroidered sutras and sacred images, which expanded the context in which embroidery could express itself and greatly enhanced its expressiveness. Changes in those who were requesting embroidery to be done also improved needlework technique and enabled some embroidered works to cast off practical considerations and become independent works of art. This was a major change in embroidery during the Tang Dynasty.

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Tang embroidery also used »fading« in its application of colors, which was called »embroidery among the clouds.« This was a technique used in Western painting that had been brought back from India by the early-Tang ambassadors Wang Xuance and Song Fazhi and used in embroidery. »Fading« allowed for richly subtle layered changes and when used in the faces of figures, this created an effect that was fascinating and extremely lifelike. Artists of the Tang Dynasty made invaluable efforts into exploring unique techniques. Improvements in the ability of Tang embroidery to include gold and silver threads and pearls also helped to increase the rich beauty and elaborateness of this art form.

3. Improvements in Metalwork While the Sui Dynasty only existed for a short period of time, the extravagant life of Emperor Yang naturally stimulated advances in the production and artistry of works in gold and silver. The problem is that not many gold and silver works from the Sui Dynasty have been discovered, and it is difficult to have a complete picture of the artistry of the Sui Period. The extravagance of the Tang Dynasty outshone all previous dynasties, and the massive scale of production and widespread use of gold and silver objects was historically unprecedented. Furthermore, works in gold and silver during the Tang Dynasty were often an important part of exchanges between the imperial court and foreign powers or granting favors domestically, which gave them a unique position and function. This also drove their development and made gold and silver objects a very attractive part of Tang-era craft arts, while also leaving behind a large number of pieces with exquisite designs and meticulous workmanship. The imperial court established a gold and silver workshop under the central office of the Directorate for Imperial Manufactories, which was responsible for the production of all manner of gold and silver objects for use by the imperial family.

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The artisans in this workshop were all transferred from other locations, and represented the highest level of design and workmanship in gold and silver. There was also an Office of Metallurgy that was responsible for the excavation and smelting of metals like gold and silver so they could be made into objects. During the late Tang, the Institute of Literary Contemplation was also an official workshop that produced gold and silver works for the imperial family. In addition to the official workshops that produced works of art in gold and silver, there was also considerably private production during the Tang Dynasty. The number of works in gold and silver presented to the imperial court as tribute by officials during the Tang Dynasty was massive. Records show that mining was carried out throughout the country during the Tang with 14 gold mines and 58 silver mines. This shows that the production of gold and silver was widespread throughout China at that time. In recent years, large numbers of Tang-era gold and silver objects have been discovered. These were mostly discovered in excavations around Xi’an in hoards, but also from the remains of residences, tombs, and the bases of pagodas. In addition to Xi’an, another important area where gold and silver objects have been unearthed is Zhenjiang in Jiangsu Province, while minor discoveries have also been made in other areas. Over one hundred objects including gold hair pins and bunpins from the Zhenguan Period were discovered in the tomb of Madam Yang, consort of King Wu in Anlu, Hubei Province, and is the earliest example of objects from the Tang Dynasty known. This group of objects mainly used a filigree inlay technique that reflected the appearance of gold and silver objects produced during the early Tang. In Spring 1963, 15 silver objects were unearthed in the village of Shapo, to the southeast of Xi’an. They were likely produced after the An Lushan Rebellion, and include silver censer balls that have been praised for their delicate structures and openwork shapes of intertwined branches, flow-

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ers and birds. Over 200 pieces of various kinds of gold and silver objects were unearthed from a hoard found at the village of Hejia near Xi’an in 1970, marking an important discovery of gold and silver Tang works. These objects were most likely buried here during the Dezong Period (780– 805) and include an exquisite octagonal gold cup with designs made using filigree enamel and it is thought to be the precursor to Yuan-era cloisonné. Other objects like a silver pot in the shape of a leather sack with an embossed gold horse. The stance of the horse is full of movement and the shape of the work alludes to the styles of the nomadic peoples of the north. (Fig. 5.11.14) A collection of 19 gold and silver objects were discovered in the village of Liulin Beiyin in Xiyao County in Shaanxi Province in 1958, which were produced during the Dazhong Period of Emperor Xuanzong (847–859). These included a silver plate with gold plating and an engraved pattern of a lion with an embroidered ball as well as a three-footed gold plated jar with engravings of figures and the inscriptions »Zilu« and »Shaozhengmao.« This is a unique piece from the late-Tang. In 1987, 121 gold and silver pieces were unearthed from an underground chamber in the base of the pagoda at the Temple of the Dharma Gate in Fufeng, Shaanxi Province. Most of the objects discovered were produced by the Institute of Literary Contemplation in Chang’an and workshops in western Zhejiang Province. Many of these show exquisite workmanship and represent the highest level of artistry in gold and silver from the late-Tang. Over 950 gold and silver objects were unearthed in 1982 from Dingmao Bridge in Dantu, Jiangsu Province that show many similarities with those discovered at the Temple of the Dharma Gate in both form and decoration. Decoration on early objects mainly include patterns like honeysuckle, bent branches, flowers and birds, but also some animals. There are also some objects that have designs influenced heavily by the style of gold and silver works of the Sasanian

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5.11.14 Silver pot with embossed horse, Tang Dynasty, Shaanxi History Museum

Empire in Persia. After the height of the Tang Dynasty, during the reign of Emperor Xuanzong, decoration on gold and silver objects took a new turn. Honeysuckle patterns, which had been popular during the early Tang, became rare—and flower medallions, intertwined branches and flowers, as well as bird-and-flower images were the most popular. Decoration introduced from outside of China had already integrated with traditional Chinese bird-and-flower patterns to produce an artistic form unique to China. Patterns of this period mainly had feathered birds and flower medallions at the center with intertwined branches and flow-

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ers surrounding them. The birds were generally energetic and lively to the point of flying off the surface. The flower medallions curved naturally and while tightly packed, they were properly spaced with lines that flowed and were full of life. A red gold bowl with engravings unearthed from Hejia Village near Xi’an is one of the most representative works of this style. The sides of the bowl are hammered into two layers of lotus petals with the inside of the upper layer of petals engraved with intaglio branches and rare animals like mandarin ducks, parrots, deer and foxes. The lower layer is engraved with a baoxiang flower design and flying birds with clouds at the edges. Close to the base there is also a circle of small five-petaled flowers, while the circular base itself is decorated with water caltrop and pearl-string patterns. All of the decoration mentioned above is set off against a »fish-egg« pattern base. The workmanship of the bowl is meticulous and the decoration is richly beautiful. A gold cup with a filigree floral medallion uses filigree to create a medallion of flowers and cloud patterns with pearls and turquoise set in the center. One can imagine how beautiful it was when it was first made. These objects mainly used filigree, inlay and welded pearls, which very concisely reflects the level of skill and decorative preferences in gold and silver objects around the peak of the Tang Dynasty. The silver censer unearthed at the village of Shapo is also another example of a masterpiece of Tangera metalwork. The main body of the object is a ball that is only 4.8 cm in diameter and is made up of two halves that are held together by an interlocking clasp and a shaft, which makes it sturdy but also easy to open. The lower half of the globe has two interlocking rings and a bowl for burning the incense. This ingenious design allows the half of the globe containing the bowl can move in any direction inside the censer and remain level without tipping over. The censer is covered with openwork designs with all manner of flower and bird. It is exquisite and fully demonstrates the

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level and characteristics of Tang gold and silver works during their most prosperous period. The decoration and artistry of gold and silver objects of the late-Tang lost their previous brilliance and styles went from lively and natural do boring and stifled. Workmanship also went from meticulous and complex to simple and roughshod. However, the silver-plated Analects Jade Candelabra in the shape of a turtle unearthed from the Dingmao Bridge in Dantu, Jiangsu Province, is truly exquisite and clever from the design of its shape to its engraved decoration and brought a bit of life back to gold and silver art as it slowly declined in the latter portion of the Tang Dynasty. Silver and gold objects of the Tang Dynasty generally carried on traditional ethnic styles prevalent in China, either in form or decoration, but also incorporated some of the characteristics of Indian and Arabic designs. Some of the strange fish designs on Tang gold and silver objects had originally be called the »Capricorn,« a strange creature in Indian mythology. Its popularity as a design in objects of the Tang Dynasty and later periods, especially on gold and silver, shows the influence of Indian culture. There were still other patterns that were influenced by Greece and Rome. The exchange between China and the West went both ways and the technology and decoration that China used on gold and metal objects also influenced lands to the west. One example is a silver object from Sogdia (present-day Samarkand) that contains has many elements unique to Tang-era gold and silver works, which clearly shows there was Chinese influence. In terms of the artistic techniques used, Tang-era gold and silver objects still used filigree and inlay as main decorative techniques, while raised embossed patterns were also popular. Many of the exquisite patterns on objects around the peak of the Tang Dynasty were also hammered with some bas-relief and intaglio carving as well. This was similar to traditional engraving techniques used in creating images on stones and bricks or in por-

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celain. Intaglio patterns were densely packed and beautiful with a lively and flowing spirit. Most of them were drawn using gilt paint that made silver objects seem even more dazzling and luxurious. Furthermore, records in the Six Codes of the Tang show that there were as many as 14 different techniques used in gold during the Tang Dynasty. These included plating, beating, gilding, weaving, pressing, overlay, openwork, twisting, fill, banding, gold leaf, inlay and wrapping. These techniques were extremely precise and complex and beyond the imagination of the average person. After smelting, hammering, and plating, many pieces also went through a number of processes and were welded, trimmed, riveted, plated, polished, carved and engraved. Welding left no marks and the rotating carving technique resulted in designs that were even and meticulous with flowing lines and a skilled technique that showed the high level of skill and ingenuity of workers at that time. During the Sui and Tang Dynasties, while other traditional bronze objects saw a decline, bronze mirrors saw increased development and improvement thanks to the introduction of foreign cultures and other artistic techniques, indirectly reflecting the dazzling and brilliant culture and social life of the Tang empire. Many bronze mirrors of the Sui and Tang have been unearthed from tombs and are related to the lavish burial practices of this period. The bronze mirrors used by the imperial family and nobles were unusually extravagant and incomparably intricate. Around the late Sui and early Tang, the traditional round mirror was still mainstream, but from the peak of the Tang Dynasty, bronze mirrors broke with the tradition of round shapes that had been used since the Han and Wei, and became more varied. During this period, a large amount of mirrors with flower petal edging in the shape of caltrop flowers and sunflowers began to appear. This was similar to the shapes that had appeared in porcelain and showed the Tang spirit of experimentation and exploration.

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Mirrors of the late-Tang were mostly in an hourglass-like shape or round and took on religious mysteriousness or longing for the past, lacking the energy and life of those from the height of the Tang Dynasty. Most mirrors from the Tang Dynasty were large and heavy, which demonstrated their considerable economic resources. The largest of these mirrors could reach around 11 m2, while the diameter of some smaller mirrors was only a few cm, like an exquisite copper coin, delicate and fine. Tang Dynasty mirrors were also richly decorated. Early pieces mainly depicted the four gods, twelve animals of the zodiac and auspicious mythical animals. By the peak of the Tang Dynasty, this content had been replaced by flowers, birds and insects. Popular themes also include grapes with sea monsters and auspicious animals and birds. The use of flowers and birds made mirrors more lighthearted and closer to real life. Later patterns reached farther back in the past and had a mysterious, religious feel. Most were decorated with the eight trigrams or the Buddhist swastika, reflecting the conservatism of the time. While mirrors may have been small, they reflected changes in spiritual awareness and aesthetic preferences, and are a microcosm of this period. Incredibly beautiful mirrors decorated with mythical birds and flying dragons as well as unique pieces inlaid with mother-of-pearl and gold and silver flakes or hammered patterns of flowers and birds were all made during the Tianbao Period, and demonstrate the level that the manufacturing of bronze mirrors had reached.

4. New Innovations in WoodBased Lacquer Work There are relatively few written records of lacquerware techniques from the Sui Dynasty and only a few pieces have been unearthed, which makes researching Sui-era lacquerware difficult. However, during the Tang Dynasty, lacquerware, like other types of craft arts, saw incredible development and reached an unprecedented level. The

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Tang Dynasty had included lacquerware as a form of paying tax. According to the Geographic Record of the Book of Tang, areas like Xiangzhou and Lizhou paid tribute in the form of lacquerware. Lacquerware of the Tang Dynasty was mainly used in everyday items like mirrors, vases, plates and bowls, as well as instruments like the qin zither, se zither, and parts of furniture like beds and chests. In addition to decorative elements like motherof-pearl inlay, gilt decoration and extraction, embossed lacquer was also popular, using thick lacquer material to create raised patterns. Tihong (剔 红, carved red lacquer) and surface gilding were also innovations that Tang artists made on traditions of the past. Surface gilding used during the Tang Dynasty was developed from gold, silver and bronze etching and gold leaf techniques used during the Qin and Han. The Tang-era surface gilding method used thin sheets of gold and silver, which were cut into shapes and pasted on the surface of the lacquer. These were then covered with two or three more

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layers of lacquer, ground down to reveal the patterns and buffed. In areas where there were relatively large pieces of gold or silver, fine, light carvings would also be carved into the gold and silver plates, but not through them. After having been ground down, the patterns created would be on the same level as the lacquer itself. This process was called buffing, did not exist prior to the Tang Dynasty, and most likely was an invention of that period. Another type of decorative pattern was created above the surface of the lacquer. Surface gilding lacquerware using gold and silver plates from the Tang Dynasty also featured exquisite openwork carving and finely wrought designs that were incomparably beautiful, which match the meticulous craftsmanship of the lacquerware. This became one of the representative art works of the Tang Dynasty and fully expresses the richly beautiful aesthetics of the time. There are still many examples of Tang-era surface gilding in the collection of the Shoso Repository in Japan. However, we will not discuss those in detail here.

CHAPTER XII  MATURATION AND ACHIEVEMENTS OF SUI AND TANG THEORIES OF CALLIGRAPHY AND PAINTING With great ambition and broad horizons, Tang Dynasty painting and calligraphy theorists earnestly continued the traditional painting and calligraphy theory of the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties, carrying out new integrations on the basis of it. To the many and varied questions raised during these periods, the Tang devised a response brimming with modern flavor. Not only did the Tang Dynasty improve the theoretical assessments of the Wei, Jin, and the Northern and Southern Dynasties, but also created various new formats. The Tang also carried out more extensive research than before, resulting in advanced knowledge. Taking the thought enforced by previous dynasties as its principle, painting and calligraphy theorists of the Tang established models and regulations. Following the emergence of great, comprehensive criticisms such as Notes on Calligraphy (Shupu 书谱), Judgements on Calligraphy (Shuduan 书断), Celebrated Painters of the Tang Dynasty (Tangchao minghua lu 唐朝名画 录), and Famous Paintings Through the Ages (Lidai minghua ji 历代名画记), painting and calligraphy theory entered a period of maturation.

Section 1  Maturation of Theories of Calligraphy and Painting 1. The Diversification of Theories The maturation of Tang Dynasty fine arts theory can first be seen in the diversification of theoretical forms. The Tang Dynasty refined the painting and calligraphy assessment format of Han-Wei and

the Six Dynasties, and initiated or enriched several kinds of literary methods, using »verse,« »mantras,« »collections,« and »records« as theories of painting and calligraphy, as well the »rhapsody« narrative. This fundamentally completed the critical literature of fine arts in the Tang Dynasty. In ancient theoretical literature on Chinese fine arts, although the Six Dynasties had already established fundamentals of assessment style formats such as the classification, critique, rhapsody, appraisal, and collection, they were not yet complete. The Tang Dynasty inherited the Six Dynasties tradition, refining and finalizing the formats of classifications and critique, as well as discussions and rhapsodies. This caused its theoretical format to resemble those used in later generations. As regards calligraphy theory, assessment was propelled forward by inherited works such as Yu Jianwu’s Classifications of Calligraphy (Shupin 书品), Yuan Ang’s Criticism of Ancient and Modern Calligraphy (Gujin shuping 古今书评), Li Sizhen’s Classification of Later Calligraphy (Shuhou pin 书 后品), and Zhang Huai’s Judgements on Calligraphy (Shuduan 书断). In »Classification Three, Rank Nine« of Classification of Calligraphy, in Classification of Later Calligraphy (Shuhou pin 书 后品), the styles were expanded to include the »mediocre classification.« Judgements on Calligraphy, which compiled history and led with theory, was more meticulous and orderly than Ancient and Modern Calligraphy. More »theories« were used in the Tang Dynasty than in the Six Dynasties, and as a result they became longer. The »rhapsody« historical narration was also a successful innovation of the Tang. Dou Ji’s Narrative Rhapsodies (Shushu fu 述书赋),

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which related the historical development of calligraphy in the rhapsody style, could be regarded as an innovation. Use of the »notes« format was another Tang invention. The Tang Dynasty prioritized the systematic arrangement and classification of sources and schools of fine arts, taking it upon itself to establish models—hence its use of the »notes« format. Sun Guoting’s Notes on Calligraphy (Shupu 书谱) was representative of this. The »mantra« was also a logical literary form created during the Tang. As a result of the Tang emphasis on exploration and summarization of techniques, there were Eight Mantras (Bajue 八诀), Imparted Mantras (Chuanshou jue 传授诀), Calligraphy Technique Mantras (Bifa jue 笔法诀), Two-Word Mantra (Erzi kuai 二字诀) and other such theoretical mantra methods, as well as Explanations of Painting Rivers and Mountains (Huashan shuijue 画山水诀), which was written from the viewpoint of painting theory. The »collection« treatise for paintings and calligraphy was another rather prominent form in the Tang Dynasty. As for painting theory, there was Pei Xiaoyuan’s Collection of Public and Private Paintings with a Chaste Outlook (Zhenguan gongsi hualu 贞观公私画录), Yan Song’s Later Collection of Paintings (Houhua lu 后画录), Zhu Jinghua’s Celebrated Painters of the Tang Dynasty (Tangchao minghua lu 唐朝名画录), and Dou Meng’s Collection of Remedied Paintings (Hua shiyi 画拾遗录). However, there was more calligraphy theory in the »collection« format. This was displayed in two respects. The first were the question-and-answer dialogues between writers that were related in chapters, such as in Yan Zhenqing’s Discussion of Zhang Changshi’s Twelve Thoughts on Calligraphy (Shu zhang changshi bifa shier yi 述张长史笔法十二意). The second was compilation of their predecessors’ works and books, such as Zhang Yanyuan’s Important Records on Model Calligraphy (Faqu yaolu 法书要 录), Wei Xu’s Assembly of Calligraphy (Mosou 墨 薮), and Lu Xuanqing’s Records on Model Calligraphy (Fashu lu 法书录). In addition, Tang Dynasty

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painting and calligraphy theory also used the »collection« format for painting theory and the »preface« format for the theory of painting and calligraphy. The »record« was a technique that used a narrative to comment on the merits and drawbacks of existing works of art, as well as relating entire sequences of events. Painting theory such as Famous Paintings Through the Ages (Lidai minghua ji 历代名画记), and calligraphy theory such as Chu Suiliang’s Collection of Rubbings of Musical Resolute Theory (Taben yueyi lunju 拓本 乐毅论记), were compiled as »records.« Records contained theory, and the combination of theory narration methods were directly drawn upon by theorists in later generations. In the Tang Dynasty, use of the preface and in particular the »congratulatory preface« format was also commonly used in discussion of calligraphy. With this format, Han Yu wrote the well-known Preface to Delivery of Highly Idle People (Songgao xianshang renxu 送高闲上人序). Lin Yun’s »Preface« (»Xu« 序) to Pushing Aside the Stirrup (Bo dengxu拨镫), was also written in this format. Even more important was the emergence of verse forms of painting and calligraphy theory, adding limitless vitality and appeal to Tang Dynasty fine arts criticism. If Chinese fine arts criticism constituted esthetical poetic criticism, it could under no circumstances be separated from the contribution of Tang poetry. The omnipresent life experiences and all-encompassing dreaminess of Tang poetry combined to form powerful and resonant language, transforming the multi-colored display of the real world and sometimes-hidden, sometimes-visible spiritual pursuits into an emphatic melody that permeated every form of art, until all art incorporated theoretical formats that brimmed with poetic art. Of course, poetry, calligraphy, and painting all influenced each other. In fact, as well as being art, they originally constituted a means of experiencing life for people during the Tang. At the beginning of the Tang Dynasty, poet Cen Wenben began

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writing a book of poems. During the High Tang, commenting on calligraphy using poetry became a general trend, as seen in Li Bai »Singing Zhang Xu’s Cursive Script Song« (Yong Zhang Xu caoshu ge 咏张旭草书歌), Du Fu’s »Li Chao’s Eight-Part Small Seal Song« (Li Chao fen xiaozhuan ge李潮八 分小篆歌), Li Qi’s »Presented to Zhang Xu« (Zeng Zhang Xu 赠张旭), Gao Shi’s »Presented to Zhang Xu After Drinking« (Zui hou zeng Zhang Xu 醉后赠 张旭), Zhu Yao’s »Monk Huai Su’s Cursive Script Song« (Shangren caoshu ge 怀素上人草书歌), and Xu Yao’s »Book Mentioning Monk Huai Su« (Ti huaisu shangren shu 题怀素上人书). By the middle of the Tang Dynasty, Liu Zongyuan and Liu Yuxi were using poetic theory to present poems to one another. Up until the late Tang, Zen monk writers also produced a great deal of poetry. Use of poetic theory, with its rich content and succinct forms, despite strict versification that was colorful and emotionally intense, circulated widely, and had a substantial impact on later generations. Use of poems about paintings also flourished in the Tang Dynasty. Many poet literati used their most unique styles to express knowledge and emotions in paintings. Qing Dynasty poetry critic Shen Deqian said: »Before the Tang Dynasty, poems about paintings were not seen. This form was begun by Du Fu.« Indeed, use of poems to discuss paintings began in the Tang Dynasty. At the beginning of the Tang, Shangguan Yi wrote »Singing Painting Obstruction« (Yonghuazhang 咏画障), Song Zhiwen wrote »Shouyang King Flower Candle Painting« (Shouyang wang huazhu tu 寿阳王花烛图), and Chen Zi’ang wrote »Singing Host Paints a Crane on the Wall« (Yong zhuren bishang hua he). The use of poems about paintings by Tang poets who thrived at the same time as Du Fu became even more common, as seen in Li Longji’s »Mei Fei True Painting« (Ti Mei Fei hua zhen 题梅妃画真), Zhang Jiuling’s »Painting Mountains and Rivers Obstruction« (Ti hua shanshui zhang 题画山水障), Wang Weide’s »High Mountain Flourish School Writing True

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Singing« (Cui xing zong xie zhen yong 崔兴宗写 真咏), Gao She’s »Painting Horse Chapter« (Hua mapian), Cen Can’s »Singing Crowd Abstains from Picture Cloud« (Yong qun zhi hua pian yun 咏群斋 画片云) Wang Changling’s »Observing the River Huai Scenic Spot Painting« (Guan jianghuai mingsheng tu 观江淮名胜图), and Li Bai’s »All the Clan Brothers and High Ranking Military Officers in the City Illuminate the Mural Scenery Song« (Tongzu di quancheng weishu qng zhuzhao shanshuibihuage同族弟全城尉叔卿烛照山水壁画歌). The scope covered by Tang poems about paintings was extremely expansive, encompassing subject matter such as mountains, rivers, trees and rocks, birds, flowers and animals, and characters from stories. There existed seven ancient renowned pieces of writing of up to 300 characters, including Du Fu’s »A Painting Song for General Cao Ba« (Danqing yin zeng Cao jiangjun Ba 丹青引赠曹 将军霸). There was also the concise yet forceful five-syllabled quatrain format, as seen in Wang Wei’s »High Mountain School True Singing« (Cui xing zong xie zhen yong 崔兴宗写真咏). In this, the general grandeur and artistic mood of landscape painting was described. It also served to praise a painting’s aesthetics. Li Bai’s »Looking for the High Mountain Person Baizheng Precipice Waterfall Painting« (Qiu cui shanren baizhang ya pubu tu求崔山人百丈崖瀑布图) describes the great loftiness and artistic mood of this landscape painting, In »A Song About the Newly Painted Landscape Screen by District Defender Liu of Feng Xian« (Fengxian Liu shaofu Xinhua shanshui zhangge奉先刘少府新画山水障歌), Du Fu also used poetry to expand painting’s boundaries. Although the landscape paintings praised by Li Bai and Du Fu cannot be seen today, through the poets’ emphatic melodies, rich with associations, the written loftiness and artistic mood of Tang Dynasty landscape paintings and the magnificent Tang atmosphere can still be experienced. As for meaning, use of poems about paintings was reinvented for paintings. The intervention of po-

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etry not only increased the unique artistic quality of paintings, as well as the aesthetic attitudes towards them, but also increased their vitality. In poems about paintings, some Tang Dynasty poets described the artistic mood and grandeur of a scene, while others wrote marvelous descriptions of the logic, skills, and method behind them, using segmented rhythmic grace to express their required rules and regulations. Li Bai’s »High and very close, like a thousand miles, a jade screen and a red cliff, as beautiful as silk,« Du Fu’s »Very close and must have had a thousand miles of theory,« and Liu Changqing’s »Could invite your mother as a guest, seeing as much of the Hunan mountains as possible, with thousands of ren of fresh greenery, flying for a square zhang,« all involved the scattered laws and the three distance methods—»high distance,« »level distance,« and »deep distance« —of landscape paintings. Notably, when poets wrote about paintings, they watered down their »high-minded« characteristics, more prominently emphasizing aesthetic amusement. On the other hand, Tang Dynasty painting theory generally emphasized the function of »helping with peoples’ social relationships.« In using poetry to describe paintings of characters, poets thought that painting still resulted in the honoring of loyal and filial achievements. But in much bird-and-flower painting theory, aesthetic joy and purity of spirit became the dominant aspects. Poets such as Li Bai and Du Fu’s set out from an aesthetic point of view, emphasizing paintings’ education of peoples’ moral character, attaining the living state of »painting unknowing … like clouds floating within me.« Although this was like a dream method, at the time it actually expanded the function of painting. With the refined language of the »mantra,« the comprehensiveness of the »record« and »preface,« the luxuriance of the »collection« and the »compilation,« and the emphatic quality of poetry, all formats embodied the maturation of fine arts criticism.

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2. Expansion of Theoretical Horizons A unified and lenient cultural atmosphere contributed to expansion of horizons during the Tang. The Tang people, who had never had their minds expanded so much, were now extensively discussing the vocabulary of painting and calligraphy, as well as the various issues surrounding it. The extant 50 calligraphy treatises and several painting treatises not only raised a great deal of questions about painting and calligraphy criticism in the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties, which they answered rather successfully, but also put forward and solved some new issues according to requirements of actual development. Covering the origin, development, and vicissitudes of painting and calligraphy, as well as the relationship of painting and calligraphy to religion, these broadened the scope of fine arts research. With regard to calligraphic theory during the Wei, Jin, and the Northern and Southern Dynasties, issues such as calligraphic styles and shapes, critique and commentary, and the calligraphic way and brush techniques were raised, and debates about the quality and beauty of old and new calligraphic styles began. While categories of calligraphic criticism such as tendons and bones, shape and spirit, and heart and hand were touched upon, as theoretical development remained in the initial stages, adequate discussions of these issues could not yet be carried out. By the Tang Dynasty, these issues had been further developed and resolved, resulting in the thorough enrichment of their content. In the Tang Dynasty, much deeper investigation of calligraphic forms and evolution took place. On the basis of historical development patterns, emphasis was placed on investigation of the relationships developed between each form, and the calligraphers’ creations were closely combined, such as the distinguished form emphasized by Sun Guoting in Notes on Calligraphy, which raised various applications, char-

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acteristics, and differences of calligraphic styles. Simultaneously with aesthetic requirements, he also proposed the viewpoint of the double benefit of many styles, emphasizing the mutual relationships and effects between all kinds of calligraphic styles, thereby enriching and expanding the content of Six Dynasties calligraphic theory. The evolution of calligraphic styles was also extensively discussed in Tang Dynasty calligraphic theory, with Sun Guoting and Zhang Huaiguan using the broad horizons characteristic of the Tang to summarize the ancient quality and modern beauty of the Southern Dynasties. The opening chapter of Notes on Calligraphy immediately affirmed the historical success of Zhang and the two Wangs, disagreeing with the »new not overtaking the old« point of view, indicating that »quality comes from the dynasty’s prosperity, and beauty stems from the change in customs,« and believing that calligraphic styles changed with the times. Old quality and new beauty were in keeping with the standard pattern of historical development, with no need to revere the past and neglect the present, valuing quality over beauty. There was also no need to make little use of the old and much of the new, valuing beauty over quality. Noble could be »when the old misbehaves, the new will have other faults.« This reasonable approach, rarely seen during the Six Dynasties, was inherited by Zhang Huaiguan. In Judgements on Calligraphy, Zhang Huaiguan pointed out that all kinds of calligraphic styles had a transmutation period, and that the evolution of calligraphic styles was like the changing of the seasons, in that they replaced one another. Although he emphasized the change, he did not abandon the old quality, nor did he use the succession of the periods to determine the merits and drawbacks of calligraphy. With this insight, Zhang Huaiguan’s assessment of the calligraphers’ success was even more understanding, and the comparisons more detailed. Up to this point, the over 200 years of struggle between quality and beauty, the »two

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Wangs« of the old and the new and their merits and drawbacks, had come to an end. The broadening of theoretical horizons led to a broader scope of assessment. This manifested not only in the proposal of the »mediocre classification,« and the establishment of the three theoretical classifications of »divine,« »extraordinary,« and »professional,« but also in the great amount of calligrapher assessments, and their vitality. In Judgements on Calligraphy, Zhang Huaiguan evaluated the divine works of 25 people, the professional works of 107 people, and the extraordinary works of 98 people. The calligraphic style of each work also underwent classification, preceded by the calligrapher’s full name, and was followed by a biographical sketch. It also featured an appendix of 38 people, a detailed written account which had never been seen in previous dynasties. Not only did Zhang Huaiguan take note of calligraphic stylistic attributes, but he also started to investigate the relationship between the spirit and posture of the calligrapher and their calligraphic style. This emphasized the main functions of the key characteristics and aesthetic delights of creations. From this, the »calligraphy road« established during the Six Dynasties was explained in Tang Dynasty calligraphic theory. According to Zhang Huaiguan, calligraphy was by no means an insignificant talent, as had been claimed by the Han Dynasty, but rather an external and internal display of Confucian scriptures, and an avenue for nature and popular feeling to meet. This increased the social standing of calligraphers in an unprecedented manner. Painting theory was similarly situated. Painting critics, taking Zhang Yanyuan as an example, prominently emphasized the cultural characteristics of paintings with extremely broad horizons. They amended the disapproving view of contemptuous paintings of Wang Chong, as well as the »learning not to conduct oneself, only to amuse oneself« view of the emphasis on aesthetic joy in the Wei and Jin dynasties, both emphasiz-

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ing the »education, assisting in social relationships« function of paintings and evaluating their amusement function. Based on the requirements of painting’s comprehensive development, whilst systematically arranging the art of previous dynasties and their theories, Tang Dynasty painting theory pushed painted art into the ranks of Chinese orthodox culture. Zhang Yanyuan thought that painting possessed an equivalent function to the ancient theories of orthodox Confucianism. In Famous Paintings Through the Ages (Lidai minghua ji 历代名画记), he pointed out that: »Master painters, education, assisting in social relationships, transforming destitute souls, measuring subtleties, with six analogous books, the four seasons also move.« Here, it is clear that the function of painting was being placed on a par with those of Yuan Dynasty works such as the Poetry Classic (Shijing 诗经), Classic of Documents (Shujing 书经), Classic of Rites (Shuli 书礼), Classic of Changes (Shuli 书易), and the Spring and Autumn Annuals (Chunqiu 春秋). This was an original idea. In addition, he thought that paintings possessed the longevity of both literature and history: »History and biographies narrate their matters because they cannot record their form, rhapsodies and odes therefore sing their excellent qualities but cannot prepare their form. The system of paintings is therefore doubled.« This reverent attitude toward paintings in Tang society and culture led to painting and calligraphy becoming important forms of fine art and culture as a whole. This cannot be separated from their active promotion by theoreticians.

3. Strengthening of Historiographical Awareness China’s first history of painting, as well as its first periodized history of painting, was publishing in the Tang Dynasty. A section of Judgements on Calligraphy, in over 20,000 flowing words, summarized the calligraphers, and calligraphic forms and styles, of past dynasties. The comprehensive-

CHAPTER XII MATURATION AND ACHIEVEMENTS OF SUI AND TANG THEORIES OF CALLIGRAPHY AND PAINTING

ness of the historiographic format was unprecedented. Emperor Taizong of Tang used his position to personally compose an essay on calligraphers, which was also very rare. In the entirety of the historiography, the arts of the outstandingly developed Tang Dynasty began to be distilled into a separate »historical record« format. The Sui and Tang dynasties were significant in the development of Chinese historiography. Of the 24 so-called »official dynastic histories,« eight were penned by Tang writers. To compile the history of this prosperous age, Emperor Gaozu of Tang, with great boldness, handed down an imperial edict for the compilation of the six dynastic histories of Liang, Che, Wei, Qi, Zhou, and Sui. This led to the completion of the monumental history book the Comprehensive Statutes (Tongdian 通典), which used the statute form. By the Tang Dynasty, above all during the middle to later Tang, the trend of writing narrative histories was revived, with the emergence of those such as Han Tan’s Comprehensive Records (Tongzai 统载), Ma Zong’s Comprehensive History (Tongji 通历), and Yao Kang’s Gathered Annuals (Tongshi 统史). Even more significant was the creation of the summarized book of historiographical writings. The historiographical criticism trend matured, especially with Liu Zhiji’s Generalizing Historiography (Shitong 史通), which systemically outlined theories and methodologies of historiographical criticism. In short, the entire rapid development of historiography and historiographical critical theory began to blossom, providing ideal circumstances for arts to move towards the standalone format of the »historical record.« Prior to the Tang Dynasty, although art theory and arts phenomena were recorded in a few ancient records, most of them did not possess the standalone »history« format. By the Tang Dynasty, following the ever-increasing prosperity of painting and calligraphy, a procession of expansions emerged, especially the growing popularity of collecting, and people urgently required relevant

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historical knowledge of calligraphy and painting. Everyone from the emperors to aristocrats and scholars were inclined to calligraphy, and collecting it became fashionable. Zhang Yanyuan was born into a household that loved to collect art and calligraphy. His great-great-grandfather Zhang Jiazhen, his great-grandfather Zhang Yanshang, his grandfather Zhang Hongjing, his great uncle Zhang Shen, and his father Zhang Wengui were all fond of painting and calligraphy and liked to collect it. One after another, they gathered notable relics, and »outside of giving valuable things, they all bought books and notable relics from ancient times, which they kept in bamboo boxes.« This demonstrates that by Zhang Yangyuan’s time, his family had already acquired many of the notable relics in the country. Only those who had a collection could distinguish between their classifications. They would admire and enjoy, to the point of »narrating what one sees, not lacking the order of arrangement.« This laid a solid foundation for the formation of painting and calligraphy historiography. Against the cultural background of historical document compilation, and the prevalence of common collection and evaluation practices, Tang Dynasty art theorists had a sense of the situation regarding lost and unrecorded painting and calligraphy relics in previous dynasties. Due to extreme dissatisfaction regarding the simple oversights and improper and erroneous judgements of their predecessors, they compiled the history of paintings, using written records of notable relics of past dynasties to be passed down through the ages. As a result, many written records of Tang Dynasty art theory making use of the »history« format emerged. At the beginning of the Tang Dynasty, Pei Xiaoyuan’s Collection of Public and Private Paintings with a Chaste Outlook (Zhenguan gongsi hualu 贞观公 私画录) used the »record« format to compile the history of paintings. Although classified as critical writing, Yan Song’s Later Collection of Paintings

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(Houhua lu 后画录) and Li Sizhen’s Classification of Later Paintings (Huahou pin 画后品) carried out more description of the artists’ works, to the point where they could be said to be use the »evaluation« format to relate the paintings’ history. Zhang Huaiguan’s Judgements on Paintings (Huaduan 画断) related history. Zhu Jingzhao periodized history in Celebrated Painters of the Tang Dynasty (Tangchao minghua lu 唐朝名画录), and Zhang Yanyuan related history in Famous Paintings Through the Ages (Lidai minghua ji历代名 画记). Although Zhang Huaiguan’s Judgements on Paintings (Huaduan 画断) was lost, its style was identical to that of Judgements on Calligraphy (Shuduan书断), which was a literary work on the history of paintings with a rather meticulous structure. Although Zhu Jingxuan’s Celebrated Painters of the Tang Dynasty (Tangchao minghua lu 唐朝名画录) was not, strictly speaking, considered a complete periodized history of paintings, it was ultimately the precedent of divided classifications of the historical biography format to compile periodized histories of paintings, and could be said to be the first periodized history of paintings. Zhang Yangyuan’s Famous Paintings Through the Ages (Lidai minghua ji历代名画记) summarized and arranged the historical development of art its theory. It consisted of historical biographies and essays, as well as an exquisite treatise on all aspects of logic, skills, and methods used in Chinese paintings. Its style formed a criterion for later generations. In their writings, Zhang Yangguan and Zhang Huaiguan displayed strong historical sense and historiographical awareness. For Zhang Yangyuan, the compilation of painting history served to bridge the gap between the past and the future. He hoped that after his Famous Paintings Through the Ages (Lidai minghua ji历代 名画记), »people could write in the future, possibly continuing it,« after inheriting the spread of painted art in Chinese culture. Zhang Huaiguan clearly expressed that he had written Judgements on Calligraphy in »hope that its many beauties will

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be spoken of by the whole family.« He claimed that Judgements on Calligraphy was written based on the Spring and Autumn Annuals (Chunqiu 春秋) and Records of the Grand Historian (Shiji 史记). He examined the limits of his predecessors with a keen eye. In the new era, conducting research and evaluating of the words of his predecessors from the viewpoint of historiography, he strived to base his theory not solely on himself, in order to ensure flexibility. On the other hand, as he possessed reasonable historical insight, when establishing his own theoretical system Zhang Huaiguan also made sure to extensively absorb the nourishment of his predecessors’ theories. As an art historian, he highly valued the »muscle and bone« theories of his predecessors, the struggle between ancient quality and new beauty, the critical categories of »divine« and »extraordinary,« the characteristics of calligraphers, the analysis and evaluation of gains, losses, origins and development, and the »two Wangs.« From the treatises of his predecessors, he collected several pearls of wisdom.

Section 2  Achievement of Theories of Calligraphy and Painting Art theory requires a summary of the unique vocabulary and methods of all art forms. Based on the independent systems established in the Wei, Jin, and the Northern and Southern Dynasties, the Tang Dynasty prioritized exploration of unique vocabulary and methods of different kinds of art, spreading further knowledge of different artistic disciplines. This ensured that each of these had regulations to be complied with and laws to be adhered to. Of course, due to the uneven development of different art forms, relatively few laws for statues, buildings, and industrial arts techniques were recorded in documents. Ancient documents mainly focused on investigations into the laws of calligraphy and painting.

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1. Exploring and Establishing the Laws of Calligraphy As for the completion of writing tool refinement and calligraphic style development through the Han, Wei, and Jin dynasties, its aesthetics returned to implied meaning. From a theoretical point of view, the historical development tasks of how to summarize and arrange it, extract its requirements, understand its logic, and research its particularities were entrusted to the Jin and Tang calligraphic communities. It must be said that due to restricted circumstances, although Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern calligraphic theory touched upon these issues, they were not yet able to satisfactorily solve them. In the cultural atmosphere, the Tang Dynasty theorists of calligraphic laws increased, which was specifically evident in grasping that the meaning of charm should be replaced with analysis of small parts and summarizing of the rules of creation. Compared to the Six Dynasties, the Tang Dynasty was at greater pains to investigate laws, and writing techniques became an important aesthetic element of calligraphic style all throughout the Tang Dynasty, and the object of concern of many theoretical writers. From the »Eight Principles of Yong,« the »Eight Mantras,« the »Two-Character Mantra,« the »Discussion on Ten Methods of Brush Use« to the »Twelve Ideas on Brush Technique,« people such Ouyang Xun, Yi Shinan, Emperor Taizong of Tang, and Sun Guoting at the beginning of the Tang, Zhang Huaiguan and Li Hua during the High Tang, Xu Hao and Han Fangming in the mid-Tang to Lu Xisheng in the late Tang—they all carried out thorough research into calligraphy. During the Wei and Jin Dynasties, calligraphy techniques were secret and not circulated, and exchange of and research into writing techniques were ultimately not widespread social activities. In discussing writing techniques, people in the Six Dynasties always emphasized their mysteriousness. There was a saying that they possessed a

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so-called »mysterious skill, and were it not for officers who understood it, it would not be learned.« By the Tang Dynasty, after calligraphy had become part of the imperial examination, each intellectual who aspired to become an official had to be able to grasp this art form. In this way, calligraphy became public and social. Previously monopolized by aristocratic nobles, calligraphic art gradually began to circulate in society, transforming the previous situation of secrecy and refusal to pass down. Calligraphic research therefore became essential in society. Consequently, treatises on calligraphy dramatically increased, accompanied by deeper research. In Tang Dynasty formal institutions as well as in wider society, the »Eight Principles of Yong« became a paradigm of study. From it, the thorough knowledge Chinese strokes held by people of this time is evident: This one character (永, »Yong«) comprised the eight fundamental character stokes: the »dot,« »horizontal stroke,« »vertical stroke,« »hook,« »rising stroke,« »bend,« »left slant,« and »right slant.« There were different stipulations and requirements for writing each stroke. In practice, Chinese characters did not contain all eight strokes, but each stroke of a character had to adhere to the established rules. Although the »Writing Disposition Diagram« proposed seven strokes, the »Eight Principles of Yong« took one character as the commander of eight strokes, unifying the strokes of the Chinese character and its style, further enforcing the rules of Chinese character strokes, and was consequently referred to by Bao Sichen as a »pivotal point of study.« The eight methods later became synonymous with calligraphy. Calligraphy was produced through holding and controlling the brush, and expression of the calligraphers’ inner feelings relied on the brush’s trajectory. As a result, people in the Tang thoroughly researched uses such as the holding and control, severity, priority, concealing and revealing, and raising and prohibiting of the brush. Zhang Huaiguan also summarized the nine brush

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techniques, including pausing, obstructing, controlling, crouching, bleeding, hooking, pressing, and exposing. Yan Zhenqing’s Discussion of Zhang Changshi’s Twelve Thoughts on Calligraphy (Shu zhang changshi bifa shier yi 述张长史笔法 十二意) can be used for thorough research into representative brush techniques. The 12 ideas on brush techniques were put forward by Zhong Yao in the Three Kingdoms period but had not yet been explained in detail. In the Tang, Zhang Xu and Yan Zhenqing discussed the 12 ideas section by section and character by character: horizontal strokes had to have un unhindered form; vertical strokes had to be straight, without abnormal bends; there had to be adequate distance between each stroke, without the slightest bit of extra space; the strokes and their connections had to be sharply and tightly constructed on the paper; using the brush with its strong stylistic vigor; use of the swift »interesting brush« achieved the naturally imposing and charming »muscle« and »bone«; the bends in the strokes within used breaking brush darkness, making it powerful; the »sweeping brush« had to be light and quick, with no hesitation; the stroke composition of individual characters’ could not yet be written properly, but at the last moment using another stroke to remedy it; short strokes required their meaning to be sufficient, with short brushes but not short meanings; before putting pen to paper, one had to anticipate the character’s composition, striving for an even structure when arranging the strokes; the size of the organized characters had to be appropriate, with the large characters compact, and the small characters spread out, causing them to be compatible with the work as a whole, and organically linking writing techniques to brush ideas. Research into the shape of calligraphy signified deeper knowledge. From the Han and Wei until the Sui and Tang dynasties, in the area of shape research, one important change was that discussion of extensive theory of every »shape of calligraphy« trans-

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formed into discussion of research into norms of the shape of calligraphy. Zhang Huaguan’s Jade Hall Book of Avoidances (Yutang jinjing玉堂禁 经) used the strokes of calligraphers such Wang Xizhi, Ouyang Xun, Yi Shinan and Zhong Yao as examples, analyzing different shapes produced by similar strokes and radicals due to different brush techniques. This penetrated into the most basic strokes and radicals, specifically analyzing different methods used by different calligraphers, as well as the different postures and creative concepts they produced, carrying out in-depth research into the most fundamental elements of calligraphic symbol systems. The writings investigating laws were known as »classics.« This name had never been used prior to the Tang, and was rarely seen after it. This goes to show the importance that Tang people attached to the laws of calligraphy. To speak briefly yet comprehensively, the establishment of research into the laws of calligraphy by calligraphers in the Sui and Tang dynasties experienced the early, High, middle, and later stages, displaying use of established model laws to show the complete process of regulation. Between each stage there was an ebbing and flowing transformation, consisting of an entire body of connected arteries. From the early to the later Tang, the big picture mirrored the period between the laws’ first establishment to their completion, and the period between the change sought by the laws to the development of the meaning. Early Tang period: The first year (618) of the Wude period of Emperor Gaozu of Tang to the second year (713) of the Xiantian period of Emperor Xuanzong of Tang constituted the first stage of Tang Dynasty theoretical development. During this period, spanning almost 100 years, the main compilations written whose legacies still survive include Ouyang Xun’s Eight Explanations (Bajue 八诀), Thirty-Six Methods (Sanshiliu fa 三十六 法), Imparted Explanations (Chuanshou jue 传授 诀), and Discussions Using the Brush (Yongbi lun

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用笔论); Yu Shinan’s Book of Imperial Decrees (Shuzhi shu 书旨述) and Treatise on the Essence of the Brush (Bisui lun 笔髓论); Li Shimin’s Explanation of Brush Techniques (Bifa jue 笔法诀), Theory (Lunshu 论书), Guide to Freehand (Zhiyi 指意), and Theory of Wang Xizhi (Wang Xizhi chuanlun 王羲之传论); Li Sizhen’s Classification of Later Calligraphy (Shuhou pin 书后品); and Sun Guoting’s Notes on Calligraphy (Shupu 书谱). This was calligraphy’s use of legislative limits to make known the initial stages of regulations. It was also the crucial period of the transition from »esteemed Jin rhyme« to »esteemed Tang method.« The so-called esteemed Tang method began as an esteemed theoretical method of this period. How »implicit charm in rhyme« was channeled into »law« became the most crucial issue for theorists. It began with research into laws of structure and brush techniques. A piece of writing by Sui Dynasty monk Zhiguo entitled Ode to the Heart’s Completion (Xinzheng song 心成颂) remained. Although short, it constituted the starting point for early Tang investigations into the laws of calligraphic structure. This piece of writing mainly analyzed the stylistic calligraphic structure of ode documents, and was comprised of an »Odes« and a »Notes« section. Although the original text only had 80 characters, its content was rich. Taking analysis of regular script structure of as a basis, this document summarized the amount of laws in the structure. Zhiguo already knew that the beauty developed in calligraphic structures was an empty kind of beauty required by fixed principles of composition. Following Zhiguo, Ouyang Xun carried out further research into the structural laws of characters. His Thirty-Six Methods (Sanshiliu fa 三十六法) more richly enumerated and more meticulously analyzed structural forms. He also proposed new structural laws such as the »cap badge,« »rising stroke,« and »assisting response.« Among these, the »declining tendency« method was Ouyang Xun’s highest structural requirement. »Declining tendency,«

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meaning »just right,« Ouyang Xun from the character structure emphasized that aesthetics had to adhere to suitable equivalent aesthetic criteria. Research into brush technique laws in the early Tang began with Ouyang Xun. His Brush Techniques, Imparted Explanations, and Eight Explanations all focused mainly on brush techniques. Yu Shinan and Emperor Taizong of Tang also very much valued the importance of summarization of brush techniques. In Treatise on the Essence of the Brush (Bisui lun 笔髓论), Yu Shinan focused on different calligraphic styles, pointing out requirements of different brush techniques; in Explanations of Calligraphy Techniques (Bifa jue 笔 法诀), Emperor Taizong of Tang indicated brush use regulations for specific strokes. Notably, Yu Shinan and Emperor Taizong of Tang did not stop at brush techniques and the theories surrounding them, but went on to further investigate the relationship between brush techniques and artistic charm. In Treatise on the Essence of the Brush (Bisui lun 笔髓论), Yu Shinan asserted that »a borrowed brush stirs the heart, and the heart and hand go together extraordinarily.« In Guide to Freehand (Zhiyi 指意), Emperor Taizong of Tang indicated that »the manner, soaring and harmonious, is extraordinary.« However, by the reign of Wu Hou, Li Sizhen’s Classification of Later Calligraphy (Shuhou pin 书后品) and Sun Guoting’s Notes on Calligraphy (Shupu 书谱) had become summaries of calligraphic evaluation and laws of creation. Taking Liang Dynasty Yu Jianwu’s Classification of Calligraphy as an example, Li Sizhen’s Classification of Later Calligraphy also contained new creations, such as the »mediocre classification« listed in »Classification Three, Rank Nine.« The establishment of the »mediocre classification« not only had a significant impact on the calligraphy of later generations, but also possessed a sense of priority over the general mood of literature and art criticism as a whole. Notes on Calligraphy was the most important theoretical achievement of the early Tang, and the

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theoretical apex of all experience, comprehension, and knowledge of the Tang Dynasty. The wide range and profundity of Notes on Calligraphy attracted the attention of scholars in successive generations. This 3700-word piece of writing composed in the third year (687) of the Chuigong period spoke freely of old and new calligraphy, and could be considered a calligraphical outline that laid out the law of calligraphy. This document systematically investigated a great deal of calligraphical issues, and set out the laws of calligraphic creation. The High period of the Tang Dynasty: The first year (713) of the Kaiyuan period of Emperor Xuanzong to the first year (766) of the Dali period of Emperor Taizong constituted the second stage of Tang Dynasty theoretical development. This half century was the High period of Tang Dynasty culture, with rapid and lively theoretical development. The so-called »High Tang atmosphere« was fully reflected in the theory of this period. Large volumes of theoretical poetry emerged, and theo­ retical writings dramatically increased, from restriction to support, from the first development to the maturation of early Tang laws. The emergence of renowned calligraphic theorist Zhang Huaiguan, and the publication of his calligraphical historical compilation Narrative Rhapsodies (Shushu fu 述书赋), symbolizes the discussion of specific theoretical topics entering the summary of the historical development of calligraphic laws. Amongst Tang Dynasty theorists, Zhang Huaiguan’s theory was not only maximal, but also multifaceted. His Judgements on Cal­ligraphy (Shuduan 书断) was a treatise of the origin, development, and transformation of calligraphic styles that assessed calligraphers from a historical perspective. Comments on Calligraphy (Shuyi 书议) was geared towards evaluation of calligraphers; Discussions on Ten Brush Techniques (Lun yongbi shifa 论用笔十法) was dedicated to investigation into calligraphy techniques; Discussion on Six Calligraphic Styles (Liu tishu lun 六体书论) discussed

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in detail the evolution of c­ alligraphic styles; Record of the Two Wangs (Erwang shulu 二王书录) featured the original writings of the two Wangs; Jade Hall Book of Avoidances (Yutang jinjing玉 堂禁经) summarized model examples of brush techniques; Discussion of the Pingshu Medical Stone (Pingshu yaoshi lun 评书药石论) critiqued problems of the day regarding calligraphic style; Ancient Book (Shugu 书估) was an artistic evaluation of ancient calligraphy; and Discussions on Characters (Wenzi lun 文字论) examined the relationship between writing and characters. With his thousands of vast and flowing words, vast historical experience, features such as protagonists, techniques, records, and philology, large volume, wide coverage and originality, he could be regarded as an encyclopedic character amongst Tang Dynasty art theorists. He proposed the theoretical categories of »integrity of style and spirit« and »expression of laws,« and his »divine,« »extraordinary,« and »professional« principles of classification became the most outstanding contributions to Tang Dynasty calligraphic criticism. In particular, this included the philosophy of »exploring the deep purpose of worthy people, thus knowing the source of variations,« and the educational quality of hoping »that its many beauties will be spoken of by the whole family«—as well as simultaneous analysis and summarization, narration of and distinguishing between proposed methods, which demonstrated his degree of ­theoretical specialization. All of Zhang Huaiguan’s theory, be it of brush techniques, structure, organization or other essential formats or theoretical analysis of spiritual aspects, was summarized relatively systematically. In the process of summarization, he constructed his own theoretical system. Despite a lack of complete unanimity, as well as consistent contradictions in his evaluation of calligraphers, all in all he was one of the most naturally capable theoretical critics of the Tang Dynasty. At least in theoretical form, Zhang Huaiguan’s work was rather

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comprehensive. The structural arrangement of his Judgements on Calligraphy is as follows: calligraphers were assessed in the order of the three classifications. Within each classification, the structural production of calligraphy was also arranged in chronological order, and calligraphers were generally arranged in the same way. The discussions incorporated history, combining it with theory. The entire beginning part of Judgements on Calligraphy is a preface, and the latter part is a discussion, with an evaluation in-between. The »Preface« to Judgements on Calligraphy discussed additional theory and characters, as well the function of calligraphical artistic treatises and their overall artistic characteristics, explaining the purpose and style of these texts. The first part of Judgements on Calligraphy, part one, is »history.« This covers ancient texts, the large seal script, Zhou graphs, the small seal script, the chancery script, the clerical script, the cursive script, the semi-cursive script, flying-white, development, characteristics, and differences between the ten calligraphic styles of the cursive script. The latter part is a »discussion,« investigating the origins of characters, and the relationship between characters and calligraphy. Part two is a continuation of this, ultimately using the »comment« format to evaluate calligraphers such as Du Du, Zhong Yao, and Zhang Zhi, and explaining that he had written this document to invest in his own aspirations. It must be said that the structure of Judgements on Calligraphy is quite faultless, since it inherited the assessment methods of Yu Jianwu and Li Sizhen. Its historiographical feel is also increased through use of rather detailed biographical writings. Narrative Rhapsodies (Shushu fu述书赋) is comprised of essays by Dou Ji, and annotations by his brother Dou Meng. The original text contained 7460 words, in addition to 10,000 words worth of notes. It can be said to be »poor essence requiring a purpose, with secret meaning to be distinguished in the details.« This book followed a historical thread, »raising the distant past, combin-

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ing the times.« It featured 198 calligraphers, carried out commentaries, and recorded items such as certificates of appointment, imprints, requests, and defense items. Everything in the evaluation is closely examined, and its verification and recognition is complete and accurate. In addition to not being superfluous, the work has »no depth and no discussion, no trifles and no fame.« Featuring sketch biographies of each calligrapher, collections of calligraphic works, and business transaction records, it is an extremely precious document. In its chapter on imprints, seals were also drawn underneath the text, for later records of painters and calligraphers and to record seal techniques. This truly started to constitute the first advocated collection of seal stamps. Narrative Rhapsodies was revered for promoting »indifference« and »the natural.« Like the poetry of the High Tang, it reflected the reverence of the natural as opposed to the pretensions of aesthetics. Apart from the brothers of Zhang Huaiguan and Dou Shi, the theory of Zhang Xu, Li Yangbing, Cai Xizong were also important. Zhang Xu’s wild cursive was always taken as an embodiment of the High Tang spirit. Although he did not leave behind a complete standalone theoretical work, from Zhang Xu’s theoretical discourse in documents such as Cai Xizeng’s Discussions of the Law (Fashu lun 法书), Yan Zhengqing’s Discussion of Zhang Changshi’s Twelve Thoughts on Calligraphy (Shu zhang changshi bifa shier yi 述张长史笔法 十二意), and Lu Yu’s Supplementary Biography of Huai Su (Huai Su biezhuan), it is clear that he attached importance to the feeling of holding the brush. Zhu Zhang used the brush with »red ink paste« and »cone drawing granules,« and had great experience with the brush. Zhang Xu’s contemporary Li Yangbing intensively researched seal script during the period in which regular script and cursive script were prevalent. His theoretical work On Interviewing Master Li a Discussion on Old Seal Script highly commended the historical contribution of seal script, and emphasized the

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close relationship between calligraphy, this visual art of which Chinese characters were the subject matter, and natural symbols, believing that Chinese characters were the natural knowledge of man and the result of symbols in nature. Cai Xizeng’s Discussions of Theory (Fashu lun 法书论) advocated and conformed to the theory of Zhang Xu and Li Yangbing, while also emphasizing the importance of natural symbols in calligraphy. Furthermore, in his treatise on Zhang Xu’s calligraphy he put forward the concept of »image,« introducing it for the first time into theory. Hereafter, this term became widely used in theory, and was an important category of calligraphic criticism. Li Bai and Du Fu used verse with the sensitivity and succinctness of poets in some of the theoretical writings that they left behind. Li Bai’s poems boasted »purity« and »naturalness.« His theory was no different, and his praise of Wang Xizhi’s calligraphy lay in its »purity«: »The Right Army’s own purity is a free and easy windblown dust.« In his Cursive Theory Popular Songs (Caoshu gexing 草书歌行) he highly praised the bold and unrestrained spirit of Huai Su’s cursive script. In poems such as »Offering from Dangtu Magistrate Yang Bing« (Xian cong shu Dangtu zai YangBing 献 从叔当涂宰阳冰), Zhu Zhang impulsively let nature take its course. Du Fu’s theory was praised as »lean and stiff.« In Li Chao’s Eight Divided Small Seal Song, (Li Chao fen xiaozhuan ge李潮八分小 篆歌), he put forward the esthetical standard of »lean and stiff noble theory beings to open the spirits.« The middle period the Tang Dynasty: The first year (766) of the Emperor Taizong’s Dali era to the nineth year (835) of Emperor Wenzong’s Dahe period constituted the third period of Tang Dynasty theoretical development. These approximately 70 years were a period in which Tang calligraphic innovation was seeking change. On the one hand, theory emphasized innovation and sought transformation. On the other, laws established in the early and High Tang were gradually

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refined, and specialized research into writing, brush techniques, paper and ink, composition and placement, and brushwork were carried out. The cultural function of calligraphy was also emphasized. In the mid-Tang, theoretical writing focused mainly on critical research of calligraphy emerged. This first came from the in-depth calligraphic research of Xu Sheng and Yan Zhenqing, following on from Ouyang Xun, Yu Shinan, and Emperor Taizong. In Theory (Lunshu 论书), Xu Hao emphasized the combination of the full-bodied and the vigorous, believing that optimal calligraphy resembled a phoenix, embodying both elegance and vigor. In the realm of calligraphy, he emphasized the importance of concealing brushstrokes. Not only were the calligraphic styles of Yan Zhenqing and Xu Hao similar, but they also overlapped in theoretical areas. Their theoretical thought in Zhang Changshi’s Twelve Thoughts on Calligraphy (Shu zhang changshi bifa shier yi 述张长史笔法十二意), »Preface« to A Glossary for Those Seeking Official Emolument (Ganlu zishu 干禄字书), and »Preface« to Monk Huai Su’s Cursive Script Song (Shangren caoshu ge 怀素上人草 书歌), as well as in Discussion of Zhang Changshi’s Twelve Thoughts on Calligraphy (Shu zhang changshi bifa shier yi 述张长史笔法十二意) had a rather significant impact on later generations. These documents narrated the process of asking Zhang Xu for calligraphic guidance, before describing two people’s use of the question-and-answer format to impart calligraphy techniques, and finally carrying out a comparison between ancient and modern calligraphies, and detailed research into the organization of characters. Following on from Xu Hu and Yan Zhenqing, Han Fanming’s On Brush Techniques (Shoubi yaoshuo 授笔要说 ) mainly discussed brush-holding methods, introducing brush techniques such as grasping, »arrowheading,« pinching, clenching, and holding. Through comparison, he believed the »five finger common hold« and the »two finger bud hold« to be the easiest methods. He also

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discussed brush-wielding from the perspective of writing. Regarding the overall visual result, he considered the relationship between calligraphic style and content, paper and pigment, and the amount of characters. Following Zhiyong of Sui’s research into the »Eight Principles of Yong,« he took the »regular script,« of which the stroke transformation was greatest and richest, as the basic rule of calligraphy’s route of exploration. Writer Liu Zongyuan thoroughly researched calligraphy techniques, producing Rhapsody on Brush Essence (Bijing fu 笔精赋), in which he explained in more detail the »Eight Principles of Yong,« enriching the content of these eight components. In a sense, the mid-Tang was a continuation of the High Tang, in that the romantic spirit of the High Tang continued to reverberate in its theory. The main thread of romantic spirit lay between Zhang Xu until Huai Su, called »Apex Zhang and Crazy Su,« with craziness reaching it is apex. The theoretical thought of Huai Su and his fellow enthusiasts can be seen in his own calligraphical Autobiography (Zixu tie 自叙帖). This original calligraphy used in Huai Su’s autobiography compiles multiple poets’ appraisals of his cursive script. This therefore demonstrates another aspect of mid-Tang theory, that is the new tendency to acknowledge and pursue wild and unruly calligraphic styles. The later Tang. The first year (836) of Emperor Wenzong’s Kaicheng era until the fourth year (907) of Emperor Aidi’s Tianyou era constituted the final period of Tang Dynasty theoretical development. On the one hand, the theory of this period continued to research and summarize calligraphy and calligraphic styles, and was concerned with investigating the relationship between calligraphy and painting. On the other hand, it advocated new transformation and comprehension, acting as the harbinger of Song Dynasty »esteemed meaning.« As for research into brush techniques, the later Tang had two outstanding results: One was the stirrup-pushing method, and the other was the

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five-character writing method. The stirrup-pushing method appeared in the »Preface« to Lin Yun’s Stirrup-Pushing (Bodeng 拨镫), which, pulling on rice vessel to devise words, proposed the »push, pull, twirl, drag« four-character mantra. Although he did not provide further explanation of these four characters, he used the analogy of »lighting a lamp,« which in reality referred to the four movements of holding a brush. These were comprised of pushing backwards when holding the brush, pulling when moving the brush, twirling when changing the direction of the brush, and revolving the brush when receiving it. On the basis of Han Fanming’s »Hooking, pressing down, prying, and carrying« and Zhan Xie’s »Pushing, pressing down, holding back, and resisting«, Lu Xisheng proposed the five-character writing method of »pressing down, signing, hooking, squaring, and pressing.« This involved using the thumb to press down, the index finger to sign, the middle finger to hook, the ring finger to square, and the little finger to press when writing, with all five fingers displaying ample use. The five-character writing method, which had long been considered the most suitable, became the standard writing method of later generations. Although all theory from the Wei and Jin dynasties to the early and High Tang touched upon research into calligraphic styles, it was not until the later Tang that specialized treatises on calligraphic style appeared. Tang Dynasty Xuandu’s Discussions of Ten Calligraphic Styles (Shiti shulun 十体书论) and Wei Xu’s Fifty-Six Theories (Wushiliu Zhong shu 五十 六种书) categorically organized the development and evolution of various calligraphic styles. Prior to the later Tang, historical treatises on calligraphy were concentrated in calligraphers’ creations. This was until Zhang Yanyuan began to summarize and organize the history of calligraphical theory. Under the superior circumstances of his household, he systematically compiled theoretical works of various calligraphers from the

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Eastern Han to the Yuanhe period of the Tang, creating Important Records on Model Calligraphy (Faqu yaolu 法书要录), which was comprised of ten chapters and 34 writings, and contained rich and refined knowledge, providing an abundant resource for calligraphers in later dynasties. In the later Tang, Zen Buddhism thrived greatly. »Zen« methodology and spiritual experience permeated many aspects of scholarly life, and several Zen Buddhist calligraphers emerged. Theory was also greatly affected by the study of Zen. Zen Buddhism effectively indicated popular feeling from the point of view of extensive permeation, becoming an external manifestation of laws and regulation ceremonies. Some Zen Buddhists, such as Ya Qi, Lan Guang, Guanxiu, and Wu Rong, who had a close relationship with the Zen Buddhists, made every effort to theorize the roads of Zen logic. Although theory consisted of few words, as far as inner comprehension was concerned, its meaning was profound. Ya Qi’s Theory (Lunshu 论书) emphasized change and innovation, and warned that »if laws do not change, even if calligraphy could somewhat slip between the cracks, it becomes the slave of theory, and ultimately is not an independent structure. These are the main points of calligraphy.« Lan Guang believed that calligraphy was like a »cordial imprint« of the Zen way, which could only »originate in the soul, ending in comprehension.« »Cordial imprint« was a term used by Zen practitioners, which indicated knowledge of popular feeling and enlightenment. Zen Buddhism explained that for telepathy and obtaining of Buddha nature, one must rely on their own enlightenment. He also believed that calligraphy was like this, in that calligraphers had to rely on their own perception to understand the mystery of calligraphy, unearthing their own hidden abilities. In Guangxiu’s Song about Observing Hua Su’s Cursive Script (Guan Huai Su caoshu ge 观怀素草书歌), he asserted that Huai Su’s calligraphy possessed divine powers, which resulted in the expression of his inner feelings, and he

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praised Huai Su’s uninhibited spirit. Wu Rong in Rhapsodies on Huai Supervisor Reading Official Lan Guang’s Cursive Script (Lan Guang shangren caoshu huaihejian fu 览光上人草书怀贺监赋) asserted that Lan Guang’s »unique skill« was his inheritance of He Zhizhang’s »mediocre path.« He also proposed the viewpoint of »but taking good writing as suitable, how to stay idle people’s see and knowledge,« believing that putting brush to paper was in order to express one’s own feelings, and to feeling cozy and cheerful, to the point where the comments of others on their calligraphy did not matter at all. From the perspective of passing on concepts to later generations, this became the source of the Song’s use of theory for musical thought. In brief, as previously stated, the development of Tang Dynasty theory comprised a complete process, which made use of laws and promoted regulations. During this process, Tang Dynasty theory complied with the two standards of historical development and social culture, indicating a series of rules, and establishing the aesthetic standards of calligraphy. Stemming from promotion of artistic rules, these laws and regulations were widely acknowledged in later history, becoming orthodox. As Tang poetry regulations became the standard, compliance, imitation and copying standards used and recreated by later generations, and many calligraphic requirements proposed in Tang Dynasty theory also became paradigms for later generations, leading and guaranteeing the function of calligraphical development.

2. Achievements and Contributions of Painting Theories Among the fine arts theorists of the Tang Dynasty, there were several who were both writers and painters. For example, Li Sizhen compiled both Classification of Later Calligraphy (Shuhou pin 书后品) and Classification of Later Painters (Huahou pin 画后品), as well as compiling Judgements on Calligraphy (Shuduan 书断). Zhang Huaiguan

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compiled Judgements on Paintings (Huaduan 画断), as well as annotated his brother’s Narrative Rhapsodies (Shushu fu 述书赋). Dou Meng also compiled Collection of Remedied Paintings (Hua shiyi 画拾遗录), as well as Theory (Lunshu 论书). Xu Hao’s wrote Classification of Paintings (Huapin 画品). Zhang Yanyuan’s Famous Paintings Through the Ages (Lidai minghua ji 历代名画记), Important Records on Model Calligraphy (Faqu yaolu 法书要录) was also favored by later generations. Consequently, compared with the broadened horizons of the Six Dynasties, Tang Dynasty fine arts critical theorists with wide horizons were able to keep up their discussions of painting and calligraphy. However, for a multitude of reasons, the development of Tang Dynasty painting and calligraphy theory still had subtle discrepancies. To quantify these, there was little painting theory. The few important original treatises in the early and High Tang, such as Yan Song’s Later Collection of Paintings (Houhua lu 后画录), Li Sizhen’s Classification of Later Paintings (Huahou pin 画后 品) and Zhang Huaiguan’s Judgements on Paintings (Huaduan 画断) were lost, making it difficult to distinguish the specifics of early and High Tang painting criticism. If the upheld methods in the Sui and early Tang were to have the final say, by the High Tang, Zhang Huaiguan had already summarized different theoretical aspects of »laws,« so extant early Tang painting theory still could not completely display its nature. In the reflection of the key successes of Tang Dynasty painting theory, the mid-Tang, or more specifically the later Tang, was an outstanding period of theoretical development. The first periodized history of painting, Celebrated Painters of the Tang Dynasty (Tangchao minghua lu 唐朝名画录), and the first comprehensive history of painting, Famous Paintings Through the Ages (Lidai minghua ji 历代名画 记), were produced in the later Tang. Until the Five Dynasties, theory had gained practically no success. However, painting theory produced the important landscape painting the-

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oretical work Records of Calligraphy (Bifa ji 笔法 记). For this reason, painting theory compilations after the mid-Tang recounted the important points of the Tang Dynasty. The Tang Dynasty’s existant theoretical writings are rather scarce, but these few painting theories were extensive in their research into issues, and therefore won a remarkable status in the history of fine arts criticism. From Zhang Huaiguan’s criteria of »spirit, bone, and flesh« and three classifications, to Zhu Jingxuan’s four classifications, as well as Zhang Yanyuan’s five criterion levels, the development trajectory of painting criticism since the »Six Laws« of Xie He was demonstrated. Zhu Zao’s »external learning from nature and internal comprehension« was also further developed by Yao Zui’s theory of »internal learning from nature.« Most notable was Zhang Yanyuan’s renewed explanation of the »Six Laws,« differentiating between different brush techniques, and providing a treatise on the evolution of landscape painting style and analysis of the origin and development of painting masters. Jin Hao centered on »true painting theory,« summarizing the six requirements of »spirit, rhythm, thought, motif, brush, and ink,« the four classifications of »divine, extraordinary, strange, and skillful,« and the four powers of »tendons, bones, flesh, and spirit.« All of these clear and self-developed systems were rather important and influential theoretical successes and contributions of Tang Dynasty painting theory. Below are selected second and third requirements, outlining other narratives. The theory of »external learning from nature and internal comprehension,« according to »Chapter 10: After the Tang Dynasty« (»Juanshi: Tangchao xia« 记卷十-唐朝下) in Famous Paintings Through the Ages (Lidai minghua ji 历代名画记), was put forward by celebrated painter of the High Tang, Zhang Zao, in response to others concerning the reception of his work. Because it concisely and comprehensively provided insight onto the laws of painting creation, it mainly reflects the deep

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knowledge of the Tang people towards the relationship between the fundamental rules of artistic creation and the self. It was therefore not only widely followed and revered by artists in later generations, but also particularly important for the research of later art historians. At the time, he did not comprehensively explain these eight characters. However, the scene created by Zhang Zao at the time can be understood from the simultaneously written Jiangling Continent Serve Imperial Feast Records Observing Landlord Zhang Painting Turquoise Picture (Jiangling lu shi yuyan ji guan Zhang yanwai hua songshi tu 江陵陆侍御䜩集观 张员外画松石图). This is useful in understanding »external learning from nature and internal comprehension.« For Zhang Zao, »learning from nature« and »internal comprehension« were not separate, but an antithetical, unified, and complementary process. Both aspects emphasized the initiative of creating the subject, guided by acknowledging the incessant movements and changes in the world, taking the opposing existence of the bilateral self in the relationship as a reference. The meaning of the two characters zao 造 and hua 化 pertinently indicate the existence of change in the world, the creation of art and the essence of transformation. The character shi 师 emphasized the self-sufficiency of the created subject. If the pre-Qin Period had already formed the complete observation method of »looking up but observing shapes in the sky, looking down but observing laws on the grounds, observing writings about fauna with the appropriateness of the ground,« then Zhang Zao made new progress, as the subject of »learning« was touched upon. »Nature« was no longer external phenomenon, a static »object« or an elapsed »relic,« but a creative process brimming with life. The two characters of xin 心 and yuan 源 more inherently grasped the cultural feature of peoples’ originality in the world, summarizing the knowledge of humankind. From the perspective of the cultural evolution process, external learning from »nature

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and internal comprehension« was inherited from the painting theory of the Six Dynasties, and expanded upon. Zhang Zao’s argument was based upon the »external learning from nature and internal comprehension« of Yao Zui of the Southern Dynasties. Comparatively, Zhang Zao’s theory was more expansive, with a deeper level of knowledge. Yao Zui’s »internal comprehension« touched upon the initiative question of the created subject, and recognized that painted creations had to learn from nature. However, »internally learning nature« still did not acknowledge the issue of »external versus external.« »Internally learning nature,« when creating the soul of a subject, moved towards the object’s »nature« through »learning.« This was still classed as a unidirectional process. However, Zhang Zao’s dual tracks advanced together, mentioning both the internal and the external, expanding the content of theory. Along with »nature« he discussed »inner comprehension,« that is, the emergence of the soul. Through »learning« moving towards nature, and from nature returning to the soul, neither one could exist without the other. If not for nature, the external object could not enter the soul, and as the soul was a blank space, it could not discuss creation. But if the »inner comprehension« was not allowed, it would be difficult to avoid simple description and imitation of the material phenomenon, and all paintings would be superfluous. Zhang Zao’s proposed »external« and »internal,« »inner comprehension« and »nature,« possess dialectical flavor. Assessment criteria: From the Six Laws to the Four Classifications and the Five Ranks. The Tang Dynasty inherited Xie He’s »Six Laws,« and according to the increasingly prosperous creation requirements, established new criteria for assessment of painting. In general, the early and High Tang still relied mainly on the inherited »Six Laws.« In the middle and Later Tang periods, although they still inherited the »Six Laws« criterion, the new assessment criteria established gradually received

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common attention. Specifically, Zhu Jingxuan in Celebrated Painters of the Tang Dynasty (Tangchao minghua lu 唐朝名画录 established the four classifications of »divine, extraordinary, professional, and mediocre.« Before Zhu Jingxuan, Zhang Huaiguan in his Judgements on Paintings (Huaduan 画 断) established the three classifications for commentaries on paintings, divine, extraordinary, and professional. Even before Zhang Huaiguan, Li Sizhen in his Comments on Paintings (Huaping 画评) had classified four artists as mediocre. However, as Zhang Huaiguan’s original Judgements on Paintings (Huaduan 画断) work had already been lost, and Li Sizhen’s Comments on Paintings (Huaping 画评) had also not been preserved, the earliest existing four »divine, extraordinary, professional mediocre« classifications regarding paintings were declared by Zhu Jingxuan in Celebrated Painters of the Tang Dynasty. Zhu Jingxuan was active during the Huichang period (806–846) of Emperor Xianzong and Emperor Wuzong. He displayed deep regret towards Li Shizhen’s Record of Painting Criticisms (Huapin lu 画品录), calling it an »empty record, but regardless of its good and bad, no classification was better or worse.« In view of this, he compiled Celebrated Painters of the Tang Dynasty (Tangchao minghua lu 唐朝名画录). In this work, he successively divided painters into the three classifications of »divine, extraordinary, and professional« according to Zhang Huaisu’s three classification criteria of in Judgements on Paintings. Each of these classifications were also divided into three levels, and not adhering to the »inherent laws of painting« of Wang Mo, Li Linsheng, and Zhang Zhihe, or »having eyes for mediocre classification.« In this way, not only did he produce the earliest mention of the »mediocre classification« in painting criticism, establishing the basis for later generations’ use of the »mediocre« classification, but he also established the painting criticism format that used the four classifications of »divine, extraordinary, professional, and mediocre.«

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Zhu Jingxuan did not explain the three classifications of »divine, extraordinary, and professional« in detail, saying only that the »mediocre classification« did »not adhere to convention.« He himself adhered to the »divine, extraordinary, and professional« categories in Zhang Huaiguan’s Judgements on Paintings. However, this work had already been lost, making it more difficult for later generations to understand his theory. However, the three theoretical classifications of in Zhang Huaiguan’s extant Judgements on Calligraphy helped later generations to understand them. In Zhang Shi’s own Judgements on Paintings and Judgements on Calligraphy he simultaneously used the three classifications in his theory and theoretical principles, and it must be said that his criteria were identical. The »divine« in Zhang Shi’s Judgements on Calligraphy was characterized by vivacity, that is, the significant revelation of peoples’ spiritual feelings, which were connected to all living things in the world. For Zhang Huaiguan, the divine was a boundary between people and heaven. Calligraphy in the divine classification was born of nature, and was the most wonderful form of calligraphic work. Painters by Zhu Jingxuan in the »divine classification« also carried these traits. For example, in Celebrated Painters of the Tang Dynasty, he placed Wu Daozi in the divine classification, saying that Wu Daozi had a »heaven-sent nature. He has not yet come of age, and even his so-so paintings are extraordinary.« As a result, painters could »exert their brush at a moment’s notice, as if they had divine assistance.« Zhou Bei was placed in the divine classification because his portraits were not only similar in shape and appearance but, more importantly, they had »changing expressions« and figures »had the beauty of emotive smiles.« This sufficiently developed the spiritual realm of the figures. Li Sixun was also placed in the divine classification by Zhu Jingxuan, the reason being that Li Sixun created »wonderful patterns and exquisite landscapes.« His landscape paintings

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caused Li Longji to »hear the sound of water in the night.« This »sound of water in the night« was an appraisal of Li Sixun’s extraordinary ability to portray nature in his work, achieving a natural spirit. The »extraordinary« will now be examined. The so-called »extraordinary classification« in Zhang Huaiguan’s Judgements on Calligraphy indicates that through labor and after refinement, and breaking away from the restrictions of techniques, one can produce works that exquisitely portray nature. This was the »applied refinement that could even be called extraordinary,« as explained by Song Dynasty Zhu Changwen in Continued Judgements on Calligraphy. Zhu Jingxuan’s »extraordinary classification« also possessed this characteristic. The painters that he placed in the »extraordinary classification,« mainly those who painted saddled horses or other animals, or were adept at painting landscapes or bamboo trees, and portraits, could not reach the exquisite stage. For example, he asserted that We Wutian’s painting of a lion bore a »striking resemblance,« so much so that »any creature would be terrified upon seeing it«; he also said that Yangyan’s painting of a »turquoise cloud moved so naturally that all observers would say it was magic.« As for the »professional classification« in Zhang Huaiguan’s Judgements on Calligraphy, it mainly indicated skill and observance of rules. It also pointed to expert skill. For example, in »Professional Classification« (»Nengpin« 能品) in Judgements on Calligraphy, it was written that Song Lingwen’s »written ideas were in the cursive script, with extreme desire and careful ability, his brushstrokes simple and elegant, resulting in the charm and interest of his work«. But in »Professional Classification,« Zhu Jingxuan also indicated that »labor is one matter, but skill is more important.« This necessitated refinement of skills for specific subject matter. The three painting theory classifications of »divine, extraordinary, professional« reflected the characteristics of Chinese culture. Although

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»three classification« theory was a new criterion, it had also been established on the basis of the »Six Laws,« which it still embodied. Each of the »divine, extraordinary, and professional« categories may have embodied all or some of the »Six Laws.« The divine classification may have contained all six laws. For instance, Zhu Jingxuan placed Wu Daozi, who he believed embodied »all six laws« in the »divine classification«; it was also possible that not all »Six Laws« were embodied, with artists only abiding by one or two. For instance, Han Gan and Yuchi Yiseng, who had made some outstanding contributions, were placed in the »divine classification.« The three »divine, extraordinary, and professional« classifications of painting theory signified a new era of comprehensive use and innovation of the »Six Laws,« which it incorporated. They were also applied when evaluating the merits of works in all classifications. In this era of comprehensive painting development, painting commentaries, and painting theory, specific technical criticism had been replaced with overall comprehensive assessment. This, combined with the »Six Laws,« signified more practicality in the criticism of the time, which suited the requirements of creative development. The emergence of the »mediocre classification« was significant, as it reflected the maturation period of painting. Various Tang Dynasty painting laws had undergone unprecedented development. »Models« that emerged from the importance attached to laws also attracted much attention. For example, models such as Wu Daozi’s »Wu style« and Zhou Fang’s »Zhou style« not only became the standards of the time, but were also widely revered by later generations. In the Tang, several regulative »conventions« were established. However, during the convention-establishment process, some painters were able to take different approaches. In particular, the middle Tang produced painters such as Wang Mo, Li Lingsheng, and Zhang Zhihe, who »did not adhere to conventions.« They conducted them-

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selves unconventionally, not observing restraints and often deviating from the rules. They roamed around the countryside, neither caring to respect aristocrats, nor seek fame. They would often paint »intoxicated, spilling ink, laughing or crying, legs crossed and hands smearing, waving or sweeping, weak or strong. Following their shape, they handled mountains, rocks, clouds and rivers as they pleased, suddenly as if by nature.« They did »not adhere to classifications, contented with their own interests.« They also »followed the rhapsody form. Portraits, boats, fauna, mist-covered water, and beautiful scenery were all painted in light of their elegance.« As a theorist, Zhu Jingxuan keenly developed the phenomenon of »the former olds being no more.« In Celebrated Painters of the Tang Dynasty, they were placed in the »mediocre classification.« The appearance of »mediocre classifications« that »did not adhere to conventions« in the middle to later Tang was by no means a coincidence. First, it cannot be separated with the influence of Zen Buddhism on peoples’ lives. After the midTang, Zen Buddhism became the main religion in China, receiving the unprecedented recognition and acceptance of literati scholar officials. Because Zen Buddhism returned Buddha nature from the outer world to the human consciousness, the idea of the subject’s external pursuit of the object had disappeared, causing the Buddha, the soul and self within a person to become entirely unified. As a result, the subject pursued a kind of undisturbed and unrestrained state. Zen Buddhism explained the inherent quality of »ten thousand to the greatest extent in one’s soul, how to stop seeking suchness within it.« The wanton and unrestrained thought of the »Buddha cursing the ancestors« had a definite impact on painting circles. Consequently, the emergence of painters who did »not adhere to conventions« was not at all baffling. Second, Zhu Jingxuan’s »mediocre classification,« which pointed to paintings that did »not adhere to conventions,« formed a trend.

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Moreover, theorists who had noticed the randomness of the »mediocre classification« paintings sought to amuse themselves with it. Of course, the affirmation of »mediocre classification« by Zhu Jingxuan, who advocated »directly using painting ability to establish character, disregarding official virtue,« was limited. He was not like the Song and Yuan critics who showed particular interest in the »mediocre classification.« After placing the »mediocre classification« amongst the three »divine, extraordinary, and professional« classifications, he mainly made use of the »divine, extraordinary, and professional« in his painting theory. Although the »mediocre classification« was a contrast, it also privileged »convention.« Despite this, it ultimately established a theoretical basis for the development of the mediocre classification and literati paintings, earning the profound respect of later literati painting theorists. Zhang Yanyuan and Famous Paintings Through the Ages (Lidai minghua ji历代名画记): Following on from Celebrated Painters of the Tang Dynasty, Zhang Yanyuan of the Later Tang wrote Famous Paintings Through the Ages in 847. Zhang Yanyuan (approximately mid-9th century) was a beloved soldier and Hedong (now west Yongji in Shanxi) resident. His grandfather, great-grandfather, and great-great grandfather had all been prime ministers, and his father had held positions such as provincial governor and surveillance commissioner. He himself was the Chief Minister of the Court of Judicial Review, and his home contained a rich collection, which he greatly appreciated. Zhang Yanyuan’s contribution to Chinese arts was concentrated in his epoch-marking monumental work Famous Paintings Through the Ages. This work was comprised of ten chapters. While Chapters 1 to 3 focused on theory, Chapters 4 to 10 concerned historical biographies. He solely compiled the names of 378 painters and past achievement from the time of the Yellow Emperor to the first year (841) of the later Tang Huichang period, also including commentaries. The painters mentioned

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were arranged in order of dynasties, and several theories of pre-Tang painters according to their works and documents that had been passed down were recorded. As for Tang Dynasty painters, many witnessed painting relics and heard rumors of the time that were collected and recorded. As the first comprehensive history of paintings, Famous Paintings Through the Ages inherited and developed the tradition of combined history and theory. Beginning the complete organization of the compilation of painting history, it was a wide-ranging monumental work written on the basis of summarized and absorbed Tang and preTang arts theory accomplishments, representing the highest achievements of the Tang Dynasty. From publication, it was thought to attach most importance to painters and theorists of the past dynasties. From the perspective of historiography, Famous Paintings Through the Ages was extremely successful in summarizing and arranging Tang and pre-Tang paintings and theory. Its format and exquisite treatises, as well as its comprehensive arrangement of predecessors’ theories, confirmed its status as a systematic and comprehensive work of art history. The Special Guide to the Silk Quanshu (Siku quanshu zongmu 四库全书总目) evaluated this work as »an extremely comprehensive account of what has been seen and heard.« In Famous Paintings Through the Ages, Zhang not only recorded rich resources of ancient painters, but also preserved much of the ancient extinct artistic material of his predecessors: chapters 1 to 3 focuse on theory, carrying out precise and suitable discourse on the relationship between the origin and development, rises and falls, painting education relating to ancient Chinese paintings, the development and evolution of landscape paintings and their scenery, as well as the crucial »Six Laws« criteria. From this, one can gain insight into the general appearance of Tang and pre-Tang paintings, as well as the knowledge of the Tang Dynasty towards paintings and their theory. Chapters 4 to 10, which constitute the historical biography section,

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provide even more relatively complete research of later generations into painting history. In this way, Famous Paintings Through the Ages also acts as »an encyclopedia of paintings.« Its major achievements will now be concisely summarized. First, it carries out rather comprehensive and specific treatises on important issues such as theories of Chinese painting history on the origins and similar forms of painting and calligraphy, and carries out an in-depth and meticulous comparative evaluation of the differences and similarities between painting and calligraphy. As it clearly raises the discussion of »Different Names and Forms in Painting and Calligraphy,« it points out the identical origins of painting and calligraphy, their similar brush techniques, and links in their creative processes. It points out the differences between the two, where these differences lay, and clearly explains the differences between their natures and functions, and the different speeds of their creation processes. It must be said that Zhang Yanyuan wrote this book on the basis of the idea that »painting and calligraphy is a unique road, the investigation of which cannot be obscured.« Ascending into history and descending into reality, through origins and brush techniques, he sought the common ground between painting and calligraphy. It can be said to be original. Second, the »Six Laws« were developed. After proposing the »Six Laws« of Xie He, Zhang Yanyuan was the first person in the history of artistic criticism to carry out a theoretical re-evaluation of them. He did not pursue an order of the »Six Laws,« rather viewing it as an organic structure, in which the relationship between each law was laid out. His own theory, which was rather insightful, enriched and developed the six laws, strongly impacting the painting theory of later generations. He not only carried out a re-evaluation of the »Six Laws« regarding their theoretical categories but, more significantly, used the »Six Laws« along with the »divine, extraordinary, and profes-

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sional.« Setting forth new ideas, he enumerated the five categories of »natural, divine, extraordinary, refined, and cautious,« which embodied the »Six Laws.« In brief, Zhang Yangyuan’s used the »Six Laws« as classics, and used the »Five Ranks« as latitudes, cleverly weaving a brand new criteria for painting criticism. Third, Zhang Yangyuan’s theory of the instructor as origin was quite remarkable. He attached extreme importance to the knowledge imparted by painting instructors. In Famous Paintings Through the Ages (Lidai minghua ji 历代名画记), he specifically points out that »without the wisdom of instructors, we could not comment on paintings.« For him, understanding the core relationships of paintings to teachers was a necessary undertaking of critics. He deeply and systematically explains an extremely important principle: that is, while an innate gift is admittedly important, acquired knowledge, especially that passed on for future painters to study, is even more important. Fourth, Zhang Yanguan arranged the development of landscape paintings from a historical perspective, dividing their painting styles into three phases. This fundamentally adhered to history. In very few words, he vividly outlines the transformation of Wei, Jin, and Sui and Tang, landscape painting styles. His description is clear, accurate, and extremely precious. Much of the later generations’ understanding of landscape painting styles of the 3rd to 9th centuries was due to Zhang Yanyuan’s description and preservation of painting relics, which had hitherto been very scarce. Zhang Yanyuan’s contribution was multifaceted. Apart from the aforementioned theoretical achievements, he carried out treatises and records of murals, collections, appraisals, mounted postscripts, painting seals, and pigment use. His Famous Paintings Through the Ages (Lidai minghua ji 历代名画记) can be considered an encyclopedia of pre-Tang paintings.