A General History of Chinese Art. Volume 2 A General History of Chinese Art: From the Qin Dynasty to the Northern and Southern Dynasties 9783110790887, 9783110789287

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A GENERAL HISTORY OF CHINESE ART

////// Volume 2

VOLUME 1–6 From the Prehistoric Era to the Zhou Dynasty From the Qin Dynasty to the Northern and Southern Dynasties Sui and Tang Dynasties From the Five Dynasties to the Yuan Dynasty Ming Dynasty Qing Dynasty

A GENERAL HISTORY OF CHINESE ART Edited by Xifan Li

////// Volume 2

QIN AND HAN DYNASTIES Jing Cao, Qinghui Cao, Yonglin Li, Junxiang Liu, Xingzhen Liu, Xu Qin, Quanli Zhao, and Yuchun Zhao

THREE KINGDOMS, EASTERN AND WESTERN JIN, AND THE NORTHERN AND SOUTHERN DYNASTIES Shouxiang Chen, Yonglin Li, Song Peng, Qing Tian, Hongxun Yang, Mo Zhai, and Zong Zhang

The Chinese edition is published by Beijing Normal University Press (Group) Co., LTD., 2013. No reproduction and distribution without permission. ALL rights reserved.

Part One Qin and Han Dynasties Authors: Jing Cao, Qinghui Cao, Yonglin Li, Junxiang Liu, Xingzhen Liu, Xu Qin, Yuchun Zhao, and Quanli Zhao Abbreviated by: Yonglin Li Translators: Lisa Xiangming Chen, Ye Li, and Yifan Ruan Part Two Three Kingdoms, Eastern and Western Jin, and the Northern and Southern Dynasties Authors: Shouxiang Chen, Yonglin Li, Song Peng, Qing Tian, Hongxun Yang, Mo Zhai, and Zong Zhang Abbreviated by: Qing Tian Translators: Lisa Xiangming Chen, Tzu-Yin Chi, Yifan Ruan, and Meng Tong

ISBN 978-3-11-078928-7 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-079088-7

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress. Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available on the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. © 2022 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston Book production: Kerstin Protz, De Gruyter Cover design: Thomas Bauer, deblik Berlin Cover image: Hunting scene, mural at a Goguryeo tomb in Ji’an, Jilin Copyediting: Matt Turner, New York Typesetting: Dörlemann Satz, Lemförde Printing and binding: Beltz Grafische Betriebe GmbH, Bad Langensalza www.degruyter.com

CONTENTS

Part One Qin and Han Dynasties Overview

1. The Establishment of a Centralized Empire with Cultural Unification and Ethnic Integration 2. Social Prosperity and Technological Progress 3. The Widespread Influence of Confucian Ethics and the Ideas of Divine Magic 4. The Majestic and Magnificent Artistic Style of the Qin and Han Dynasties

Chapter I Music of Qin and Han Dynasties

3 3 5 6 7

11

Section 1  The Establishment of Musical Institutes and the Music of the Music Bureau 1. Musical Institutes of the Qin and Han Dynasties 2. The Music Bureau under Emperor Wu of Han and its Transformations 3. Poetry of the Music Bureau 4. Social Customs and Folk Music of the Han Dynasty

13 15 17

Section 2  Drum and Pipe Music 1. The Origins of Different Types of Drum and Pipe Music 2. Drum and Pipe Music as Reward from the Court

19 19 23

Section 3  Xianghe Songs and Xianghe Grand Suites 1. From Qingshang Music to Xianghe Songs 2. Xianghe Preludes, Songs, and Grand Suites

23 23 25

11 11

VI

Contents

Section 4  Instrumental Music and Musical Instruments 1. New Combinations of Musical Instruments 2. Qin Zither Music 3. New Musical Instruments

28 28 31 36

Section 5  Musical Exchanges with Frontier Regions and the Outside World 1. Exchanges with the Western Regions 2. Exchanges with the Southwest 3. Exchanges with Korea and Japan

38 38 39 43

Chapter II Acrobatics and Dance in the Qin and Han Dynasties

46

Section 1  The Flourishing of Acrobatics in the Qin and Han 1. Early Acrobatics and Types of Acrobatics in the Qin and Han 2. Formats and Characteristics of Acrobatics Performances

46 46 52

Section 2  Qin and Han Dance 1. Suyue Dance and Yayue Dance 2. Types of Qin and Han Dance 3. Dancers and the Achievements of Qin and Han Dance

54 56 59 66

Chapter III Sculpture and Pictorial Bricks and Stones of the Qin and Han Dynasties

72

Section 1  Qin and Han Sculpture 1. Sculptural Forms of the Qin and Han 2. Tomb Figures of the Qin and Han 3. Stone Carvings of Qin and Han

72 72 75 86

Section 2  Pictorial Bricks and Stones 1. Han Pictorial Carvings 2. Pictorial Bricks 3. Pictorial Stones

90 91 93 96

VII

Contents

Chapter IV Paintings, Calligraphy and Seals of the Qin and Han Dynasties 106 Section 1  Paintings of the Qin and Han Dynasties 1. The Art of Painting in the Qin and Han Dynasties 2. Murals of the Qin and Han Dynasties 3. Remnants of Silk Painting and Other Paintings

106 106 110 118

Section 2  Calligraphy of the Qin and Han Dynasties 1. Standardization of the Writing System 2. Small Seal Script, Qin Clerical Script, Han Clerical Script on Bamboo Slips and Silk, and Clerical Cursive Script 3. Han Clerical Script in Stele Inscriptions

121 130

Section 3  Seals of the Qin and Han Dynasties 1. Forms of Qin and Han Seals 2. The Art of Qin and Han Seals

136 136 142

Chapter V Crafts and Architecture of the Qin and Han Dynasties

145

Section 1  Crafts of the Qin and Han Dynasties 1. Function and Pattern 2. Bronze Works 3. Jade 4. Lacquerware 5. Celadon 6. Textiles 7. Clothing and Accessories

145 145 146 152 155 159 161 167

Section 2  Architecture of the Qin and Han Dynasties 1. From High-platform Buildings to Wooden Architecture 2. Capitals 3. Palaces 4. The Emergence of Imperial and Private Gardens

170 171 176 179 183

120 120

VIII

Contents

5. Temples 6. Mausoleums and Remains of Han Ceremonial Gate Towers

186 188

Chapter VI Qin and Han Theories of Art

193

Section 1  Music Theory in the Han Dynasty 1. Theories on the Technique of Musical Tones 2. Theories of the Qin Zither 3. Ideas About Music in the Huainanzi 4. The Record of Music and its Musical Ideas

193 193 194 195 196

Section 2  Calligraphy and Painting 1. Calligraphy 2. Painting

197 197 199

Part Two Three Kingdoms, Eastern and Western Jin, and the Northern and Southern Dynasties Overview

203

Section 1  The Historical Reality of Chaos and Division and the Formation of its Cultural Style

204

Section 2  Thought and Ideas

207

Chapter I New Developments in Music

210

Section 1  New Developments of Traditional Music 1. Xianghe Song and Qingshang Music 2. New Developments in the Music Bureau and the Prevalence of Drum and Pipe Music 3. The Popularity and Integration of Ethnic Music

210 210 213 218

IX

Contents

Section 2  The Beginning of Literati Music and the Development of Musical Aesthetics 1. The Musical Life of the Literati 2. Qin Zither Music: Exemplar of Literati Music Section 3  The Rise of Religious Music 1. Buddhism and the Introduction and Dissemination of Buddhist Music 2. Cao Zhi and the Buddhist Chant 3. Emperor Wu of Liang and the Establishment of Buddhist Ritual Music in China 4. The Refinement of Buddhist Ritual Music 5. The Establishment of Daoism and the Content and Form of Daoist Music

Chapter II The Art of Dance Section 1  Qingshang Music Dance 1. The Origin and Development of Qingshang Music Dance 2. Wu Songs and Western Tunes Grow in the South 3. The Miscellaneous Dance: From the Countryside to the Court and Palace Section 2  Exchanges in Music and Dance Culture and the Song-Dance Drama 1. The Music of Kucha, Valued by All 2. The Music of Western Liang, Known as the »National Performing Arts« 3. Tayao Niang and »All-Inclusive« Theatre 4. The King of Lanling: The »Big Face« Mask Dance 5. The Cold-Splashing Barbarian Plays from the West

224 224 226

229 229 230 233 236 238

243 243 243 244 249

253 253 257 262 262 263

X

Contents

Chapter III Scroll Painting and Murals

265

Section 1  The Development of Painting from the Three Kingdoms to the Western Jin 1. From Rough to Refined: The Upper-Class Painters 2. Cao Buxing and Wei Xie

265 265 266

Section 2  Gu Kaizhi 1. Biography and Extant Works of Gu Kaizhi 2. The Greatest Line of a Thousand Years 3. Development in Composition

267 267 269 273

Section 3  Painting from the Eastern Jin to the Northern and Southern Dynasties 1. The Emergence of Landscape Painting 2. Lu Tanwei and Zhang Sengyou

275 275 278

Section 4  The Development of Mural Painting 1. A Rich Heritage 2. The Subjects and Forms of Mural Paintings

281 281 287

Chapter IV The Emerging Art of Sculpture

299

Section 1  Varieties of Buddhist Sculpture and Their Basic Characteristics

299

Section 2  Remains of Sculpture in Caves, Cliffs, and Temple Sites 1. Painted Sculpture in the Middle and Upper Reaches of the Yellow River 2. The Art of Stone Carving in the Middle and Lower Reaches of the Yellow River 3. Sculpture in Large Niches and Caves in the Yangtze River Basin

303 303 312 318

XI

Contents

Section 3  Rich Varieties of Other Forms of Sculpture 1. Large Sculptures in Front of the Mausoleum 2. Tomb Figures

320 320 326

Chapter V The Maturation of the Art of Calligraphy

333

Section 1  Calligraphy of the Wei and Jin Dynasties 1. Stele Inscriptions and Remains of Calligraphic Works of the Wei and Jin Dynasties 2. Zhong Yao

334 337

Section 2  Wang Xizhi and Wang Xianzhi 1. Life of the Two Wangs 2. Calligraphic Works of the Two Wangs

338 338 340

Section 3  Calligraphy of the Southern and Northern Dynasties 1. Calligraphy of the Southern Dynasties 2. Calligraphy of the Northern Dynasties

349 349 357

Chapter VI  New Developments in Theories of the Arts

364

Section 1  The Awakening and Establishment of Literary Criticism 1. »All Poems Come from Nature«: The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons by Liu Xie 2. »Appreciating a Poem is Like Tasting a Dish«: Classification of Poetry by Zhong Rong Section 2  New Developments in Music Theory 1. Ji Kang and Music is Irrelevant to Grief or Joy 2. Ruan Ji and Theory of Music 3. Shen Yue and His »Treatise on Music« in the Book of Song

333

364 364 369

371 371 373 375

XII

Contents

Section 3  The Establishment of Painting Theory 1. The Establishment of the Theory of Conveying the Spirit and the Emergence of Landscape Painting Theories 2. The Six Principles and the Classification of Paintings

378 378 384

PART ONE QIN AND HAN DYNASTIES

OVERVIEW

1. The Establishment of a Centralized Empire with Cultural Unification and Ethnic Integration In 221 BCE, Yingzhen, the King of Qin, annexed the six states of Han, Zhao, Wei, Chu, Yan, and Qi, and established a centralized and unified Qin Empire. Yingzhen named himself First Emperor (Qin Shi Huang), and set the capital of the Qin Dynasty in Xianyang. This year was the 26th year of the First Emperor. In the 37th year of the First Emperor (210 BCE), Qin Shi Huang died and his son Er Shi was established. In 207 BCE, Qin Er Shi was forced to commit suicide and the Qin Dynasty collapsed. In 206 BCE, Liu Bang entered Xianyang and received the surrender of Ziying, the last ruler of Qin, which was followed by several years of rivalry between Chu (led by Xiang Yu) and Han (led by Liu Bang). In 202 BCE, Xiang Yu was defeated and committed suicide, so Liu Bang became the emperor and established the unified Han Dynasty. The Han Dynasty is divided into the Former Han (206 BCE–25 CE), established by Liu Bang, Emperor Gaozu of Han, and the Later Han (25–220CE), established by Liu Xiu, the Guangwu Emperor. The Former Han had its capital in Chang’an, and became known in history as the Western Han Dynasty. The Later Han, known in history as the Eastern Han, had its capital in Luoyang. Between the Eastern Han and the Western Han, the Xin Dynasty (9–23 CE), led by Wang Mang, usurped Han and lasted for more than ten years. The above historical period (221 BCE–220 CE) is collectively called Qin and Han. Although the Qin Dynasty lasted only 15 years, its political goals and the establishment of a centralized system of power were significant for the

subsequent history of China. The Han Dynasty inherited the Qin system, expanded and consolidated its territory in the northwest and southwest, and established a unified multi-ethnic state with the Han people as the main group. This was followed by approximately 400 years of relatively steady political and cultural institution building, which was important in setting the tone and the direction of development for ancient Chinese culture and arts. The many institutions of the Qin and Han dynasties, including standardization of the writing system, the local administrative system consisting of prefectures and counties, and the official recruitment system based on recommendations, all had far-reaching impact. The papermaking technique of the Han Dynasty was an important invention in the history of the world. The standardization of the writing system took place at the beginning of the Qin Dynasty, when the small seal script was established as the standard form of writing upon imperial order, and all other scripts were abolished. Later, because of the complexity of the small seal script, it was simplified to »Qin Clerical Script.« The unification of the script symbolized the unification of the culture. After the Han Dynasty, Chinese characters were consolidated and standardized based on Han Clerical Script, the process of which is called »the finalization of the clerical script« (liding 隶定). The standardization of the writing system provided a solid foundation for many cultural phenomena, including the establishment of »Elementary Learning« (xiaoxue 小学, referring to classical philological studies) as marked by Xu Shen’s Shuowen Jiezi, the flourishing of the Classics Studies, the prosperity of Confucianism, the

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great fusion of thought and culture between the north and the south, the development of historiography as represented by Sima Qian’s Record of the Grand Historian, the elaboration of the Han poetic genre known as fu 赋, the popularity of yuefu poetry, and more. The standardization of the writing system also laid the foundation for the genesis of the art of calligraphy. Only after Chinese characters became written in a standard form, with the strokes, radicals, and structures all fixed, was it possible to refine their calligraphic forms and brush strokes. The initial artistic vocabularies of Chinese calligraphy came into being with the transformation from Qin Clerical Script to Han Clerical Script and cursive script, which contributed to the rapid development of the art of calligraphy in the transition between Han and Jin dynasties. Calligraphy is an important part of Chinese cultural and artistic cultivation. As a unique art, calligraphy holds a high position in the history of ancient Chinese cultural education as well artistic development. The rulers of the Han Dynasty took the strategy of using both civil and military power for long term peace. After the establishment of the empire, the regime was consolidated, the cultures of the north and the south gradually merged, and after the »Rule of Wen and Jing« in the early years of the Western Han Dynasty, the state was able to recuperate. By the time Emperor Wu (156–87 BCE) took the throne in 140 BCE, the Han Dynasty had recovered its vitality. Emperor Wu adopted the recommendations of Dong Zhongshu (179–104 BCE) to »dismiss the hundred schools and to revere only Confucianism.« The scholars of the »Five Classics« were selected and the Imperial Academy was established, solidifying the academic status of the Confucian classics and their leading role in education at all levels of schooling. The selection of talents by recommendations based on filial piety paved the social foundation for the civil service system and imperial examinations in later times. Following that, Confucianism became the domi-

Overview

nant ideology in ancient Chinese dynasties, and had a profound impact on the development of Chinese culture and arts. Emperor Wu of Han sent Zhang Qian to the Western Regions in the second year of Jianyuan (139 BCE). Subsequently, he began to adopt an aggressive strategy against the Xiongnu, sending his generals Wei Qing and Huo Qubing to attack them several times, which effectively contained the Xiongnu’s encroachment. During the Yuanshou Period, Zhang Qian made another mission to the west. After that, northwestern countries such as Dayuan, Kangju, Da Yuezhi, and Daxia (corresponding roughly to Bactria and Transoxiana) began to be connected to the Han. The opening up of this traffic, that is, the formation of the Silk Road, created closer connections between the Han Dynasty and the Western Regions and fostered a broad range of economic and cultural exchanges. Envoys and merchants from the Western Regions came to the Central Plains in droves. The music, dance, and acrobatics of the Western Regions were also introduced to the Central Plains, which greatly enriched Chinese music, dance, and acrobatics. Even artists from the distant Mediterranean coast also came to China, which is recorded in the »Historical Records of Dayuan,« in Record of the Grand Historian, and other documents. The opening of the routes to the Western Regions enabled the transmission of religions and religious arts from Central and Western Asia and India. Starting from the Eastern Han Dynasty, Indian Buddhism and Buddhist art were introduced to the Central Plains, opening up new space for the development of Chinese arts during and after the Han Dynasty. Subsequently, during the Wei, Jin, and the Northern and Southern Dynasties, Buddhist statues and murals developed rapidly and became an important part of medieval Chinese art history. In the southwest, the Han Dynasty pacified the Qiang peoples and intimidated the king of Dian with its power, and sent troops to Lingnan to suppress the secessionist regime of Zhao Tuo, the

5

king of Nanyue. The Han Dynasty had an unprecedentedly large territory and became a powerful multi-ethnic state with a population of 50–60 million people.

2. Social Prosperity and Technological Progress After the establishment of the Han Dynasty, agriculture was prioritized over commerce, so there was a stable population of farmers and the arable land was managed. During the reign of Emperor Wu, water reservoirs were built, farming techniques were improved, production was actively encouraged, and money casting as well as salt and iron trading rights were nationalized. These measures led to economic prosperity in the middle of the Western Han Dynasty and the accumulation of strong national capital and wealth. From then on to the end of the Eastern Han Dynasty the development of economic production remained stable overall. As a result, the Han Dynasty had a social environment in which people lived and worked in peace and contentment for about 400 years. The establishment of the Qin and Han dynasties opened up a new history and produced a large number of new wealthy people who owned land and property. Unlike the hereditary aristocracy, they were less bound by the constraints of yayue. Instead, they liked to have music and dance after feasting and drinking—to entertain and amuse themselves. This kind of folk music and dance often had an improvised nature, which could be combined and played easily, and interspersed with singing-storytelling, variety acts, and comedic performances, which enriched the artistic vocabulary of music, song, and dance. Some princes and nobles and wealthy families also kept their own private performers, the number of which was as high as dozens. These situations are shown in Han Dynasty picture bricks, picture stones, and tomb murals. During the Han Dynasty, there were many folk music performed with string and wind instruments, such as the se zither, the zheng zither,

Overview

the horizontal hongkou harp, pipa, the sheng reed, the yu reed, and the paixiao pan flute, as well as various types of drums and gongs. This popular music was very different from the elegant music of the court and the temple, which was mainly produced by bells and chimes. During the Han Dynasty, industry and commerce made great progress. Handicraft technology was improved and expanded, and the industries of iron smelting, textiles, salt making, construction, boat and carriage making, wine making, pottery making, and lacquer making all developed faster. These directly contributed to the progress of craftsmanship in the Han Dynasty. The more representative arts and crafts achievements of the Han Dynasty, such as brocade and lacquer ware, as well as important inventions like paper making, were closely related to the flourishing of handicraft industries. Seeing from the scope of thousands of years of China’s civilization, there were two major events in the Qin and Han dynasties, one being the standardization of the writing system and the other being the invention of paper making. The invention and application of paper reflects the creative progress of handicraft technology, yet it was not just a technical issue, but had profound cultural connotations, reflecting the need accompanying the advancement of culture and education as well as the rapid development of cultural dissemination. Regarding paper making, as early as the Western Han Dynasty, paper made of plant fiber had already appeared in China. By the Eastern Han Dynasty, paper making had been greatly improved. The Book of Later Han mentions in the biography of Cai Lun that since ancient times books had been mostly written on bamboo, while precious books were on fine silk. The silk was expensive and the bamboo heavy, both having their limitations. In the first year of the Yuanxing (105), Cai Lun invented a beautiful and inexpensive paper using bark, hemp, cloth, fish nets, and other materials,

6

which received the emperor’s approval and became known as »paper of Lord Cai.« According to historical records and archaeological findings, it is clear that the private paper making before Cai Lun employed a variety of methods and produced only a small quantity, and the sizes of the papers were relatively small. From the first year of the Zhanghe reign of the Eastern Han Dynasty (87), Cai Lun served as the Director of the Imperial Manufactories, during which he absorbed the experiences of private papermaking and made improvements, fostering the mass production of paper. In choosing the raw material, Cai Lun also made more comprehensive and economic decisions, and thus paper became a writing material parallel to the bamboo, wood, and silk. With the continuous improvement of papermaking, the advantages of paper became more and more obvious, as it is light, cheap, and excellently compatible with ink and brush. Therefore paper, the new writing medium, became widely popular, and gradually replaced bamboo and silk during the Han and Wei dynasties to become the basic writing material, which continues to be used to this day.

3. The Widespread Influence of Confucian Ethics and the Ideas of Divine Magic During the Han Dynasty, Confucianism was the state ideology, and Confucian ethics were deeply rooted in all social strata. Under the domination of this trend of thinking, Han Dynasty arts had a strong didactic dimension, promoting Confucian ethics through the depiction of legends and historical stories. Loyalty, benevolence and righteousness, filial piety, fraternal duty, and integrity became themes that were mostly expressed in arts of the Han Dynasty. This can be seen in the literature and on many unearthed Han Dynasty picture bricks, picture stones and murals. For example, the Wu Family Shrines in Jiaxiang, Shandong Province are decorated with a large number of carved pictures of these themes. These include portraits of

Overview

ancient rulers such as Fuxi, Nüwa, Shennong, Xia Yu, and Xia Jie; the famous assassinations which fulfilled Confucian codes of conduct, such as Jing Ke’s attempted assassination of the King of Qin, Zhuan Zhu’s assassination of King Liao of Wu, Yu Rang’s assassination of the viscount Zhao Xiangzi, Yao Li’s killing of the nobleman Qing Ji, and Gao Jianli’s attempt to kill the King of Qin after Jing Ke’s failure under the cover of playing the zhu zither; the sages such as Confucius and his 72 disciples and Confucius meeting Laozi; the exemplary filial sons such as Lao Laizi who acted like a child at his old age to keep his parents entertained, Min Ziqian who drove the chariot for his father and did not give away any signs of being mistreated by his stepmother (who made him wear thin winter clothes), and Boyu weeping for his aging mother even as the latter tried to beat him with her staff; pictures of historical stories that illustrate Confucian ideals of loyalty and righteousness, such as Lin Xiangru carrying out his diplomatic mission with success and bringing back the jade to Zhao, the »ugly« woman Zhongli Chun offering her governing advice to the king, Wang Ling’s mother committing suicide while being kept hostage in order to free Wang Ling from concerns to join the camp of Liu Bang of Han, as well as famous chaste women such as the Chaste Jiang of King Zhao of Chu, Wife of Qiuhu of Lu, the Righteous Aunt of Lu, the Noble Widow of Liang, the Indomitable Woman of the Capital, the Indomitable Aunt of Liang, and the Righteous Stepmother of Qi. Han Confucians studied the classics with great emphasis on interpreting Confucian ethics through close reading of the texts. At the same time, however, they were very interested in theories of ying and yang and the Five Elements, combining mystical Confucian philosophy with divination. The theory of the Five Elements is that the world consists of the five elements of metal, wood, water, fire, and earth, through whose generating and overcoming interactions the world continues in different cycles. Everything in the

7

world can find its place in the system of the Five Elements. On this basis, Dong Zhongshu further put forward the idea that yang is superior and yin is inferior. Yang is associated with a kind of masculine energy, such as heaven, the ruler, the male, the husband, and virtue; Yin, on the other hand, is considered as a feminine energy, associated with the earth, the subject, the woman, the wife, and punishment. The former is superior, the latter is inferior. The subject’s service to the ruler is called the subject’s principle, the son’s service to the father is called the son’s principle, and the wife’s service to the husband is called the wife’s principle, thus all three are naturally included in the scope of ethics and morality. In this way, the Five Elements and yin-yang theories established a new set of order for the relationship between people and things in a large feudal dynasty that was initially unified. Confucianism in the Han Dynasty, represented by Dong Zhongshu, drew on the ideas of the Book of Changes and used the theories of the interactions between heaven and mankind, the unity of heaven and man, and the Five Elements and yin-yang as the basis for Confucian ethics and morality. This framework was quite compatible with the academic thought of Chu as represented by Zhuangzi and Qu Yuan. This was also part of the convergence of academic thought between the north and the south during the Han Dynasty, which is coined as »incorporating Daoism into Confucianism.« In this way, the dominance of Confucianism as the sole state ideology was maintained, and at the same time it could be promoted in the Han social environment, where spirituality and divinity were generally admired. This led to a system of academic thought that was both thematically distinct and comprehensive, but also rather open, with room for negotiation. The First Emperor of the Qin Dynasty, who ruled over the country, three times sent a group of Daoist priests to the East China Sea to visit immortals and seek the elixir of immortality. Emperor Wu of the Han Dynasty also favored Daoist priests, who

Overview

made immortality pills and went to the sea to seek the immortals of Penglai. He also listened to the words of the Qi people and made official sacrifices at the Mount Tai in order to become an immortal and ascend to heaven like the Yellow Emperor. He also built the palaces of Feilian, Guiguan, and Ganquan, and made huge tray-like structures to collect rain and dew that were believed to have divine power—in order to receive immortals. In the Jianzhang Palace, he ordered a pond called Taiye Chi to be created, inside which the islands of Penglai, Fangzhuang, Yingzhou were built, all waiting for the visit of immortals. The idea of seeking gods and worshipping immortals was widely spread through Han society, attracting followers ranging from the emperor to the common people. The Confucian concepts of loyalty and filial piety, together with the Daoist idea of praying for immortality, created an atmosphere in which people generally pursued luxurious burials and made great efforts to decorate tombs during the Qin and Han. A large quantity of Qin and Han relics are adorned with emperors and sages, filial sons and chaste women, terracotta warriors and horses, artistic performances, food-related themes, auspicious clouds, mountain gods and sea spirits, and more.

4. The Majestic and Magnificent Artistic Style of the Qin and Han Dynasties Qin and Han were great powers known for their majestic rulers. The initial part of the archaeological results of the Mausoleum of the First Emperor of Qin has made it clear that the Emperor’s pursuit in grandiose deeds was unprecedented and quite unmatched throughout history. The spirit of the 400 years of rule of the Han Dynasty is best captured by Liu Bang’s »Song of the Great Wind« (Dafeng ge 大风歌): »Great wind rising and the clouds flying, [I] project [my] majesty within the Four Seas [throughout the country] and return to the homeland, and where can I find fierce men

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to guard the four directions!« At the beginning of the state, the Han minister Xiao He was in charge of building the Weiyang Palace and he reported to the Emeperor Gaozu, saying that »the Son of Heaven takes the Four Seas [the entire country] as his home, and only through magnificence can he demonstrate his authority, and further, [it is important] to make sure there is nothing to add in future generations.« This political consciousness created the majestic and magnificent air of arts of the Qin and Han dynasties. As having been said in the »Grand Reunion« chapter of Huainanzi: »[Simply through] seeing the sun and the moon, [one already becomes] open and joyful, not to say [when one] climbs Mount Tai and sets foot on the stone temple, in order to look at the Eight Wildernesses [the entire known territory], seeing the sky as a cover and rivers as a belt, and let alone everything in between! Is it not a great pleasure?« In the Han Dynasty, music, dance, and banquets were enjoyed both inside and outside the court. At the famous Hongmen Banquet, Xiang Zhuang’s sword dance was said to be very gallant. In the palace and the grand mansions, the scarf dance was popular. For commoners, the flat-drum dance and long-sleeve dance were much enjoyed. These dances were performed either by holding a long scarf or a piece of silk, or by wearing a waist skirt with tied belt and a narrow jacket with long sleeves. The basic language of these dances is expressed through the long silk ribbons or sleeves, swinging and moving with the vigorous movement of the dancer and the rhythm of the performance. Many lively and dynamic scenes of dancing and variety performances can be found in a large number of Han Dynasty picture bricks, picture stones, and murals. These works capture the characteristics of the performing arts of the period, and they also reflect a distinctive feature of Han Dynasty plastic arts, which is to depict movements and express a sense of dynamics. Building on the experiences of previous generations, people of the Han Dynasty created a unique artistic vocabulary to express a

Overview

sense of dynamics in the plastic arts. Compared with the ornamentation of dense patterns on preQin bronzes, Qin and Han decorative images are more concise and refined, free from mystical airs and foregrounding a clean and majestic aesthetics. Direct observations of some objects best illustrate this point. The smaller-sized examples include roof tiles with the decorative motifs of the four mythical beasts, the bronze sculpture Galloping Horse Treading on a Flying Swallow unearthed from Leitai, Gansu Province, the openwork jade ornamentation piece with the dragon design from the tomb of the Kingof Nanyue, etc. The larger objects include the unearthed stone beast sculptures of the Western Han, the murals with dragon-and-cloud patterns in the Western-Han tomb of Bu Qianqiu in Luoyang, the stone sculptures portraying galloping horses found at the tomb of Huo Qubing, etc. Although each of them uses different stylistic techniques and showcases distinctive ingenuity, all of them share the common aesthetics of being strong, vigorous, and natural. This commonality shared by arts of this period is not only the artistic language in the technical sense. Instead, behind them lies the deep ideological and cultural connotations of an era. The theories of the connection between heaven and man, and between the spirit and the object, are the embodiment of the ancient culture of the pre-Qin era in the Han Dynasty. During the Han Dynasty, the pre-Qin artistic methods of borrowing from nature in dance, music, poetry, and painting were naturally incorporated into the Han Confucian cosmic system through the theories of the relationship between heaven and man, and intersected and fused with the spiritual and mystical southern cultures of Jing and Chu, resulting in the unique artistic style of the Han Dynasty. The natural world, perceived as full of spirits and closely connected with the human world, is depicted as such in arts of the period, with popular motifs such as the god of thunder and the goddess of lightning, the golden

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crow representing the sun and the jade rabbit representing the moon. Looking at the arts of the Han Dynasty, we can see that the vividness of the engravings on picture bricks and stones, the charm of the flowing long-sleeve dance, and the beauty of the string and wind music and singing, can be all attributed to this connection between form, spirit, and nature. As Yang Xiong rightfully put it, »Therefore, speech is the sound of the heart; Writing, the picture of the heart. Once the sound and the picture take form, [whether one is] a gentleman or is despicable is shown.« When evaluating the writings of the Qin and Han dynasties, people in the past took two people of the Western Han, both named Sima, as role models. Sima Qian’s Record of the Grand Historian and Sima Xiangru’s fu verses represented the highest level of historiography and poetry writing, respectively. The art of narrative and storytelling in Record of the Grand Historian and the extravagant rhetorical style of the fu verses also shed light on the main features of the arts of the Han Dynasty. Record of the Grand Historian, written by Sima Qian, the historian of Emperor Wu of the Han Dynasty, is the first history in China that comprehensively covered the changes of the past and the present. Starting with the legendary Yellow Emperor and ending with Emperor Wu, it was a pioneering example of biographical history. In it are hundreds of pieces of writings under the chapters of »Hereditary Houses« and »Ranked Biographies,« which describe many legendary historical figures and stories. The figures featured range from sages, kings and emperors, officials and generals, and exemplary women, to go-betweens, wanderers, priests, and entertainers. The events recorded range from wars and coups to musical performances and banquets. No matter how big or small the people or the events, all of them are well crafted, with a neat narrative structure and vivid descriptions. The book provided many classic materials for literary and artistic creations in later times. This is abundantly reflected in the

Overview

performing arts, poetry, and pictorial arts of the Han Dynasty. The ci poems of Chu and the fu poems of Han, whether stylistically daunting and archaic, majestic and elegant, or delicate and exquisite, are always piled with elaborate lines and flamboyant vocabulary. As one of the lines in Sima Xiangru’s Zixu Fu 子虚赋 goes, »All colors dazzle and shine through the scales of the dragon.« The rhetorical decorativeness and richness in Han fu reached their peak. This extravagance was also reflected in Han dance, Han music, Han painting, and Han brocade, forming a distinctive artistic style of the Han Dynasty. The cultural relics unearthed from the Western Han tomb at Mawangdui, Changsha, best illustrate this extravagance. The silk painting of Mawangdui is densely covered with patterns and motifs which are depicted with smooth lines and a rich array of pigments including cinnabar, azurite, gamboge, silver powder, etc. The lacquer coffin unearthed from the same tomb is completely covered with painted patterns of auspicious clouds, mythological beasts, immortals, birds, and mountains and rivers, among others. The intense cinnabar red was mainly used to paint on the black background of the coffin, and gold and silver were also generously used. The Han brocade unearthed at Mawangdui used a technique where the threads for the pattern and the background were interwoven in a way to form a perfectly hidden-pattern effect, and the typical patterns are geometric motifs, flowers and leaves, cornelians, peacocks, leopards, etc. The weaving is exquisite, and the flow is beautiful. In addition, the Han brocade excavated from the ancient city of Loulan in Xinjiang is decorated with characters such as »Longevity« and »Long Happiness and Brightness,« supplemented by various patterns such as mythological animals, auspicious clouds, water waves, swastikas, and square dots. The fabrics either feature a brown ground with yellow and blue patterns, or a blue ground with yellow, green, and brown patterns. Inside the

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Western Han tomb of Bu Qianqiu unearthed in Luoyang, the ceiling of the tomb chamber is fully painted with nicely delineated motifs of the sun, the moon, stars, and clouds, Nüwa, Fuxi, the four mythical beasts, heavenly maidens, etc. Rich colors such as cinnabar red, reddish brown, light purple, and malachite green were further applied to the paintings. Picture bricks found in Yinan, Feicheng, and the Wu Family Shrines in Shandong Province, although carved instead of painted in color, are so intricate and elaborate, with a rich range of subject matter full of fantasy and beauty, that they also represent the extravagant style of the arts of the Han Dynasty. With the political and cultural background of a unified state, arts of the Qin and Han dynasties

Overview

used the standardization of the writing system as a powerful tool to put an end to the classical form of pre-Qin culture where the political and religious systems were inseparable and picture and text were integrated. In addition, the comprehensive and cosmological philosophy of Han Confucianism was established through the means of »incorporating Daoism into Confucianism« and »using the Six Classics to illustrate our ideas,« which in those times of cultural integration fostered the initial divergence of the categories, forms, techniques, and vocabularies of arts in the Qin and Han, and opened up a new era in the history of ancient Chinese arts.

CHAPTER I MUSIC OF QIN AND HAN DYNASTIES Section 1  The Establishment of Musical Institutes and the Music of the Music Bureau Petition Against the Expulsion of Guest Officers (Jianzhuke shu 谏逐客书) by Li Si mentions that King Zheng of Qin had an obsessive passion for foreign secular music already before the unification of China. After the annexation of six enemy states, King Zheng brought female performers and musical instruments from these states to the capital city Xianyang, so the palace was full of music and dance. In the Han Dynasty, secular music continued to prosper. It spread from the court to the palaces of the nobles, to the manors of the rich, and to ordinary people and the army. In this regard, secularization was the main theme of the music history of this period. The Music Bureau played an important role in this process. It was set up in the Qin Dynasty and was well established under Emperor Wu of Han. It mainly collected and arranged folk songs, coordinated music officials and musicians to compose music and lyrics, and organized music and dance performances for suburban sacrifices and banquets.

1. Musical Institutes of the Qin and Han Dynasties Since ancient times, music and education have complemented each other in enhancing political stability. Thus, in order to centralize the government over vast territories, Qin Shi Huang established a set of state institutions for unification,

including in charge of music and dance. He took this measure to promote cultural integration and consolidate political unity. According to »Table of Occupants of High State Offices« in Book of Han (Hanshu 汉书), the Qin government established the Grand Music Office and the Music Bureau respectively under the Minister of Rituals and the Minister Steward. While the Grand Music Office was mainly responsible for the sacrificial music of the ancestral temple, a kind of ceremonial music, the Music Bureau was in charge of teaching and performing secular music. An exquisitely decorated bell inlaid with gold and silver, unearthed from the architectural ruins of the Mausoleum of Qin Shi Huang in Lintong, Shaanxi, is inscribed with the term »Music Bureau« (Yuefu 乐府) in small seal script (Fig. 3.1.1). »Annals of Qin Shi Huang« in Records of the Grand Historian (Shiji 史记) has a record about ceremonial music in the Qin Dynasty: Wherever Qin Shi Huang visited in the empire, he »ordered musicians to sing and play the sacred song on string instruments.« However, »Monograph on Music« in The Book of Song (Songshu 宋书) points out that most ceremonial music of the Qin originated in the Zhou Dynasty. For example, Great King Wu (Dawu 大武) of Zhou continued to be performed in the Qin Dynasty, but was renamed to Five Elements (Wuxing 五行). Also, secular music saw a conspicuous development at the Qin court. Petition against the Expulsion of Guest Officers by Li Si mentions Ying Zheng’s indulgence in foreign secular music. It is recorded that every time when Qin defeated a state, it rebuilt its palace in Xianyang to resettle female musicians and musical instruments. As

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3.1.1 Bell inscribed with the term »Music Bureau,« excavated in the area of the Qin Shi Huang Mausoleum in Lintong, Shaanxi

a result, performances of secular music reached an unprecedented scale at court, given that tens of millions of female musicians and performing artists were living in the harem. Besides Qin Shi Huang, Qin Er Shi also loved secular music. He was fond of a kind of musical comedy, and especially music from Zheng. Most extant folk songs of Qin treat the subject of large-scale labor service. For instance, Song of Building the City (Zhucheng qu 筑城曲) is related to the historical event whereby the Qin government recruited around half a million workers to build the Great Wall. Song of Ganquan (Ganquan qu 甘泉曲) deals with a similar subject: »After workers transported stones to Ganquankou, the Wei

Chapter I Music of Qin and Han Dynasties

River dared not flow. Thousands of workers sang and celebrated.« Furthermore, as a children’s song goes: »Epang Palace, Epang Palace, you will put an end to Qin Shi Huang’s reign,« which places a curse on the tyranny of Qin Shi Huang. In the early Han Dynasty, the Grand Music Office, affiliated with the Minister of Rituals, continued to take charge of the ancestral temple ceremonies—as in the Qin Dynasty. Zhi, a hereditary music officer, managed and taught the ceremonial music played in the ancestral temple. According to »Monograph on Arts and Literature« in Book of Han, Zhi »was very competent in writing about the sound of music, as well as drumming and dancing, but could not explicate its meaning.« Later, more than 30 Confucian scholars from Lu were asked to collaborate on the ceremonial music and ceremonies of the morning assembly. The ceremonial music of the early Han Dynasty not only adopted music forms of the previous dynasties, but also, in an innovative manner, integrated elements from contemporary folk music and foreign music. It is documented that when Emperor Gaozu of Han, Liu Bang, returned to his hometown of Pei after ascending the throne, he held a banquet with the local people, played the zhu (筑) zither and sang Song of the Mighty Wind (Dafeng ge 大风歌) from Chu, asking about 120 children from Pei to sing it. After the death of Emperor Gaozu, Emperor Hui, Liu Ying, renamed the Pei Palace of Emperor Gaozu to Temple of Origin, and again asked about 120 children to sing the same song—but this time as a sacrificial piece for Emperor Gaozu. Also based on folk songs of Chu, Lady Tangshan of Emperor Gaozu composed not only music for sacrifices, but also music of the inner chambers. The new trend of ceremonial music continued in Emperor Wu’s time. Liu De, King Xian of Hejian, who was interested in antiquity, offered his collection of old ceremonial music to Emperor Wu. Since both Gongsun Hong and Dong Zhongshu agreed on the good taste of the collection, the

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emperor commanded the musicians to preserve and practice it, and they »only heard the sound of music, but did not understand its meaning.« Also, Emperor Wu personally hosted meetings to plan the suburban sacrifices, and held them in places such as Ganquan, Fenyin. He adopted secular music from Zheng both in the suburban sacrifices and in daily ceremonies, although the music for the former was traditionally part of ceremonial music. In summary, secular music became increasingly important in the court music of the early Han period, and even replaced ceremonial music in many cases. This situation had not changed before Emperor Ai took measures to limit the Music Bureau and revive ceremonial music at the end of the Western Han. As in the Qin Dynasty, the Music Bureau of the early Han Dynasty was established under the Minister Steward, with posts such as director and the minister. »Monograph on Arts and Literature« in Book of Han records that Xiahou Kuan, who served as Director of the Music Bureau, composed Music to Pacify the World (Anshi yue 安世乐) in the second year of Xiaohui (193 BCE). »Chapter on the Xiongnu« in New Writings (Xinshu 新书) by Jia Yi touches on the issue of the Music Bureau during Emperor Wen’s reign. The author suggests Emperor Wen use acrobatics, music and dance of the Music Bureau to subdue the Xiongnu, in so far as they show off the merits of the Han empire. He thought that if the Xiongnu would send emissaries, the court would be well-prepared. Here, acrobatics is mentioned besides music and dance, because the Music Bureau not only created music works and trained musicians and dancers at that time, but also trained performers of acrobatics and variety shows. In fact, Emperor Wen even appointed the acrobat Wei Wan to the rank of Leader of Court Gentleman, based on his competence in a kind of acrobatics that was performed on the wagon, and put him in charge of other acrobats. Despite the introduction of acrobatics, the Music Bureau of the early Han Dynasty mainly followed

SECTION 1 THE ESTABLISHMENT OF MUSICAL INSTITUTES AND THE MUSIC OF THE MUSIC BUREAU

the conventions of previous dynasties. As »Monograph on Music« in Records of the Grand Historian points out, it did not create many new works, but mostly adopted old music pieces and dances.

2. The Music Bureau under Emperor Wu of Han and its Transformations Emperor Wu of Han revered only Confucianism, and valued ritual, music, and education. Accordingly, important changes took place in the Music Bureau under his reign. According to »Annals of Emperor Xiaowu« in Records of the Grand Historian, Emperor Wu was puzzled about the lack of music in the suburban sacrifices, since even folk rituals included music performances, which is how he decided to reform the suburban sacrifices. »Monograph on Rituals and Music« and »Monograph on Arts and Literature« in Book of Han, as well as Preface to Rhapsody on Two Capitals (Liang­dufu xu 两都赋序), mentions the reform of the Music Bureau under Emperor Wu, and specifically change in function and scale. For one thing, the Music Bureau collected folk songs that originated from the Zhao, Dai, Qin, Chu and others at the time. For another, it appointed Li Yannian as Chief Commandant of Harmony to set the poems of literati such as Sima Xiangru to music and rehearse them for the suburban sacrifices. In the ceremonies held in Ganquan and Fenyin, musicians recited poems and sang songs all night long. In summary, the Music Bureau went through following changes under Emperor Wu’s reign: First, its functions were expanded. In addition to daily performances of secular music at court, it was also involved in the music of the suburban sacrifices, traditionally part of ceremonial music, and also in drum and pipe music, an ancient martial music. Second, its establishment was expanded. It was led by only one director and one minister in the early Han, whereas in Emperor Wu’s time it had one director and three ministers. Also, it recruited much more musicians. Their number increased

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from around 120 to more than 800. In Emperor Cheng’s period, more than 1000 musicians worked there. Even shortly before Emperor Ai abolished the Music Bureau, there were still 829 musicians. Third, it set poems of literati such as Sima Xiangru to music for ceremonies of the suburban sacrifices. For instance, Nineteen Chapters (Shijiu zhang 十九章): Some of the poems were written by dozens of literati, such as Sima Xiangru, Yuqiu Shouwang, Dongfang Shuo, Mei Gao, Wang Bao, Liu Xiang, when they »developed their arguments and thoughts from dawn to dusk, and offered political advice to the emperor to accept every day and every month.« Others were written by high-ranking officials such as Ni Kuan, Kong Zang, Dong Zhongshu, Liu De, Xiao Wangzhi. These works are listed in »Twenty-Eight Masters of Songs and Poems« in »Monograph on Arts and Literature« in Book of Han, for a total of 96 poems by 13 masters. Fourth, Li Yannian, who excelled at creating new musical forms, was appointed as Chief Commandant of Harmony. As a native of Zhongshan, he was born into a musical family. Also being a good dancer, his sister was loved by Emperor Wu, and was sent to the royal palace later with the title Lady Li. Li Yannian was good at music theory, as well as singing and dancing. Since »every time he played new music and altered forms, no listener did not feel touched,« he was appreciated by Emperor Wu. Soon after the establishment of suburban sacrifices in 111 BCE, he was appointed as Chief Commandant of Harmony to deal with the issues of composing poetry and songs in the Music Bureau. Fifth, it was one of its main functions of the Music Bureau to collect folk songs extensively. Since the poems of literati such as Sima Xiangru were written in a difficult and archaic style, the collected folk songs and the songs composed by literati in the folk style were much more influential and widely circulated. These works are generally

Chapter I Music of Qin and Han Dynasties

called »Poems of the Music Bureau,« to be distinguished from »Poems to Recite,« or »Bare Poems« that are recited without music. The new Music Bureau of Han, followesr of the Classic of Poetry (Shijing 诗经) and Verses of Chu (Chuci 楚辞), was continuously inherited and developed through Wei, Jin, Northern and Southern dynasties to the Sui and Tang dynasties, and occupies an important place in the history of Chinese literature and art. The Music Bureau generally followed the establishment under Emperor Wu of Han for about a hundred years thereafter through Emperor Zhao, Xuan, Yuan, Cheng, until the end of the Western Han. According to »Monograph on Rituals and Music« in Book of Han, as the relatives of Emperor Cheng indulged in music, and they competed with the emperor for female performers, so that musicians were flooded not only the court, but also outside the court. During Emperor Ai’s reign, he handed down an imperial edict in 7 CE to limit the Music Bureau. At that time, its 829 staff comprised of drummers, players of other musical instruments, dancers, actors and actress, singers, manufactures and tuners of the instruments. In accordance with the edict, 451 musicians of secular music and regional music would be dismissed from office, as well as half of the 142 trainees. Another half of those were sent to serve the high-ranking officials and the nobles. In the Eastern Han, names and functions of the musical institutions were slightly changed. The Music Bureau of the Western Han, affiliated with the Minister Steward, was responsible for the music of suburban sacrifices as well as the secular music such as drum and pipe music, and music of variety shows. However, in the Eastern Han Dynasty, the two branches were taken over by two different institutions respectively. In 60 CE, Emperor Ming of the Eastern Han established the Grand Bureau of Music under the Minister of Rituals. Directed by the Grand Director of Music, it specialized in the ceremonial music of the subur-

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ban sacrifices and banquets. Also, the institution Drum and Pipe Musicians Within the Yellow Gates (»Yellow Gates« from hereafter) was newly established under the Minister Steward at this time. Under the directorship of the Director of Palace Entertainment, it was not responsible for the suburban sacrifices, but primarily for banquets. The Yellow Gates was the main institution that the emperor relied on to provide ministers with feasts and music. In addition, it also prepared the coronation ceremony of the empress, music of the morning assembly, rituals for the Nuo (傩) god, funerals, royal processions, ceremonies for granting generals, and ceremonies in the frontier regions. It is reported that »at that time, famous performers all gathered within the Yellow Gates.« According to Observances of the Han Bureaucracy (Han guanyi 汉官仪), the Yellow Gates had 145 drum and pipe musicians. However, that might be a conservative calculation, as even average officials and the rich were able to keep dozens of singers. In fact, some documents have described large banquets full of music and dance at court. In addition to drum and pipe music, various kinds of songs and dances such as Xianghe (相和) and miscellaneous dance music, as well as theatrical and miscellaneous drama were performed. Although in »Rhapsody on the Western Metropolis« (Xijing fu 西京赋), Zhang Heng depicts the court music and variety shows of Emperor Wu’s time, it might actually reflect the contemporary situation of the Eastern Han.

3. Poetry of the Music Bureau From the time of Emperor Wu of Han, it was one of the most important functions of the Music Bureau to collect folk songs. As a result, a large number of songs from Zhao, Dai, Qin, and Chu flooded in. At the same time, poems of literati and folk songs complemented each other. As a result, »all musicians carried out performances at court with music from Zheng.« This situation had a direct impact on the lyric poetry of the Han Dynasty,

SECTION 1 THE ESTABLISHMENT OF MUSICAL INSTITUTES AND THE MUSIC OF THE MUSIC BUREAU

encouraged innovation, and eventually led to the birth of the new style Music Bureau. The lyrics collected, organized, and preserved by the Music Bureau in the period of Emperor Wu are listed in »Monograph on Arts and Literature« in Book of Han: 15 lyrics in »Songs from Wu, Chu and Runan«; four lyrics in »Songs from Luoyang«; nine lyrics in »Songs from Yan, Dai, Yanmen, Yunzhong and Longxi«; nine lyrics in »Lyrics of Zhou Songs from Henan«; four lyrics in »Songs from Handan and Hejian«; seven lyrics in »Scores of Zhou Songs from Henan«; four lyrics in »Songs from Qi and Zheng«; 75 lyrics in »Lyrics of Zhou Songs«; four lyrics in »Songs from Huainan«; 75 lyrics in »Scores of Zhou Songs«; three lyrics in »Qin Songs from Zuopingyi«; two lyrics in »Zhou Songs«; five lyrics in »Qin Songs from Jingzhaoying«; five lyrics in »Songs from Nanjun«; and one lyric in »Song from Pufan of Hedong.« These include a total of 314 lyrics with a wide geographic coverage, also Zhou songs of the previous dynasties. According to Book of the Later Han (Hou Hanshu 后汉书), during the Eastern Han, the Chief Secretary of Collection was responsible for offering political advice based on the collected folk lyrics. To be specific, it »sent officials separately, all of whom dressed up as ordinary people and set off alone respectively to different states and counties in order to research and collect folk lyrics.« Then »three councilors listened to commentaries by the Chief Secretary of Collection, and reported sufferings of people to the emperor promptly, one after another.« In fact, the system was designed for observing ordinary people’s daily lives and supervising officials, but it literally helped collect folk songs. Most of the existing folk songs of the Music Bureau of Han, which were considered »folk songs circulated in the streets of the Han period« in »Monograph on Music« in The Book of Song, date back to the Eastern Han period. Among them, Cocks Crow (Ji ming 鸡鸣), Encounter Song (Xiangfeng xing 相逢行), East of Pingling (Pingling

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dong 平陵东), Aged Fifteen I Went to War (Shiwu congjun zheng 十五从军征), The East Gate Song (Dongmen xing 东门行) and Sick Wife Song (Fubing xing 妇病行) supply some of the best poetry in the history of literature. The Music of the Music Bureau was mainly transcribed from folk songs. First, the Music Bureau collected folk songs from different regions. Then, literati wrote poems in a form and style that matched those songs. In the early Han Dynasty, for instance, Lady Tangshan composed music of inner chambers based on folk songs from Chu, and wrote 17 Lyrics of Inner Chambers for Pacifying the World (Anshi fangzhongge 安世房中歌) to match folk songs from Chu. In this practice, poems were created after music. By the time of Emperor Wu of Han, the approach was used extensively in the creation of Music Bureau poems and songs. The poems and music were combined by professional musicians in the Music Bureau. For the 19 chapters of Songs of Suburban Sacrifices (Jiaosige 郊祀歌) of Emperor Wu’s period, as »Monograph on Rituals and Music« in Book of Han mentions, literati wrote verses based on folk songs of Zhao, Dai, Qin and Chu at first, and then Li Yannian set them to music. Due to the different lengths of the verses, musicians might also need to add or omit some content when setting them to music. According to »Chapter of the Music Bureau« in The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons, Cao Zhi once claimed that Li Yannian was good at adding and omitting lines of the ancient verses. Folk music was a source of inspirations for the music of Music Bureau. »Monograph on Arts and Literature« in Book of Han claims that »since Emperor Xiaowu’s establishment of the Music Bureau, it collected folk songs, so there were songs of Dai and Zhao, chants of Qin and Chu, all composed out of joy and sorrow, inspired by feelings about concrete events.« The repertoire of the Music Bureau includes not only those works that combine literati verses and folk music, but also original folk songs. Most of the extant Music

Chapter I Music of Qin and Han Dynasties

Bureau Poems of Han still retain the authenticity, simplicity and cleanness of folk songs, although they have been embellished. At the same time, a new verse form composed of five-word lines gradually took shape through its interaction with music. This form was originally derived from the folk songs of Han, and later was used extensively in Music Bureau Poems. Poets of the Han period also liked to imitate the form in their poems and music, so that it gradually replaced four-word poems and dominated poetic forms for a considerable period of time afterwards. The Nineteen Old Poems are one of the earliest masterpieces of five-word poems. From the Wei and Jin dynasties on, the Music Bureau continued to exist. Thus the tradition of collecting and preserving folk music was also passed down from generation to generation. Many folk songs of the Music Bureau have been preserved intact to today. Extant folk songs of the Music Bureau of Han are mainly collected in »Lyrics of Xianghe Songs« (»Xianghe geci« 相合歌辞), »Lyrics of Miscellaneous Songs« (»Zaqu geci« 杂曲歌辞), and »Lyrics of Drum and Pipe Music« (»Guchui quci« 鼓吹曲辞) of the Poetry Collection of the Music Bureau. These categories did not exist in the Han period, and only later were these poems classified into such groups. »Lyrics of Xianghe Songs« and »Lyrics of Miscellaneous Songs« are stylistically similar, since they both contain a large number of folk songs and express the main spirit of Music Bureau Poems. Only because the melodies of some of these songs have been lost, are they categorized as »Miscellaneous Songs.« There are various types of them, including court songs, folk songs, songs of frontier areas, children’s songs, ancient lyrics, lyrics of the emperors of the Qin and Han dynasties, as well as long narrative songs. Jiao Zhongqing’s Wife, also known as The Peacock Flies Southeast, is a famous long narrative song with over 350 lines. Four pieces of Bare Songs (Dange 但歌) of the Han period are also collected in »Lyrics of Miscellaneous Songs.«

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They are sung by a leading singer and three accompanying singers. It is reported that Emperor Wu of Caowei especially loved these songs, and that the contemporary singer Song Ronghua sang them masterfully. But they have been lost to history.

4. Social Customs and Folk Music of the Han Dynasty At the beginning of the Han Dynasty, since many emperors, ministers and generals were from Chu, the music and dance of Chu was very popular. When Xiang Yu was surrounded by the Han army in Gaixia, they sang the Chu songs from all sides to make his troops lose heart. Other examples of the Chu songs include Song of the Mighty Wind, sung by Emperor Gaozu of Han Liu Bang after he ascended the throne, and music of inner chambers by Lady Tangshan. One story tells that Liu Bang wanted to make Lady Qi’s son the crown prince, but he failed as his ministers were against it. Therefore, he suggested Lady Qi should perform a Chu dance for him, and that he should sing a Chu song for her. The lyrics of the song are: »The swan soars high. Once it flies, it reaches the place thousands of miles away. Feathers having matured, it can fly to every corner of the world. Although it can fly all over the world, we can do nothing for it!« Later in the Han Dynasty, Emperor Wen sang a song while his concubine Lady Shen played the se (瑟) zither, which created »an atmosphere full of mourning and sorrow.« In addition, Emperor Wu was good at singing and dancing. So, whenever he had a banquet, he would always dance. When he missed Lady Li, he composed Song of Lady Li (Lifuren ge 李夫人歌). When he had a banquet with his ministers during his visit in Hedong, he wrote Song of the Autumn Wind (Qiufeng ci 秋风辞). Emperor Yuan of Han also loved music very much. He »played the qin zither, the se zither and the dongxiao flute, composed music by himself, as well as interpreted it with his own singing voice.« In the Eastern Han Dynasty,

SECTION 1 THE ESTABLISHMENT OF MUSICAL INSTITUTES AND THE MUSIC OF THE MUSIC BUREAU

Emperor Huan was good at playing the qin zither and the sheng pipe, whereas Emperor Ling liked all kinds of foreign instruments. During the Han Dynasty, it was very popular for the middle and upper classes to sing and dance at banquets. For example, in the early Han Dynasty, when Liu Zhang, Marquis of Zhuxu, once served Empress Lü at a banquet, he used the chance of drinking, singing and dancing to offer her political advice. Also, in a farewell banquet, Li Ling sang Farewell Song (Biege 别歌) and danced to it to see Su Wu off. This improvised dance at banquets was called the »Dance of Connection« in the Han period. It refers to the situation in a banquet where the host danced first and the guests danced in return. As social etiquette, one should not neglect it. According to Records of the Grand Historian, in the beginning of Emperor Wu’s reign, Guan Fu once danced as the host for a banquet, but the guest Tian Fen did not dance in return. He insulted Tian Fen right away out of feelings of disdain. Book of the Later Han records that when Cai Yong was pardoned during his exile to Wuyuan in the Eastern Han Dynasty, Wang Zhi, the governor of Wuyuan, hosted a banquet to see him off. During drinking, Wang Zhi »started to dance to connect Cai Yong, but Cai Yong did not dance in return.« So Wang Zhi shouted angrily, »How dare you take me lightly!« There was also a tendency for royalty and state ministers to keep musicians and dancers in their mansions. The main wife of Emperor Wu, Wei Zifu, and the main wife of Emperor Cheng, Zhao Feiyan, both learned singing and dancing when serving the upper class as children, and were loved by the emperor later on. In the times of Emperor Yuan and Emperor Cheng of the Western Han, the upper class lived an extravagant life. State ministers and the nobles »had up to several hundred wives and concubines.« The Wang brothers, maternal relatives of the Emperor, »kept hundreds and thousands of servants,« »prepared bell and stone chimes for musical performances,

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asked female dancers from Zheng to dance, let actors and actress play dramas, ran with dogs, and rode horses chasing each other« every day. When Liang Ji, a maternal relative of the emperor, »took tours and saw sights in his mansion, he mostly followed the performers, let them play the chime bells and the pipes, and sang happily with them all the way.« The sons of Ma Yuan of the Eastern Han were all very rich. All of them »had more than a thousand female servants and great wealth. and held many music performances, whose tones and rhythms were comparable to those in the suburban sacrifices.« Ma Rong, the grandson of Ma Yuan’s brother, »was good at playing the qin zither, fond of playing the di flute, and had a capricious character for all his life, which was unrestrained by Confucian disciplines.« He had thousands of disciples. During teaching, »he often sat in the high hall, where a dark-red gauze curtain was hung. The disciples, sitting before the curtain, were taught by him, and female musicians were placed behind the curtain.« As for officials and the rich, it was quite common for them to »keep up to dozens of singers.« It was mainly the secular music and dance that circulated in different social classes. »Monograph on Rituals and Music« in Book of Han records that »music from Zheng was extremely popular.« Female musicians at court, and the Music Bureau in the Shanglin Garden, »all carried out performances at court with music from Zheng.« The foreign music and dance were also extremely popular. Emperor Ling of the Eastern Han »was fond of the foreign clothing, foreign tents, foreign beds, foreign way of sitting, foreign rice, foreign harp, foreign flute, foreign dance, and the noble in the capital city all strove to follow his taste,« so that it became a trend. In such a climate, ceremonial music at court lost appeal. Folk music and dance were closely connected with folk customs in the Han period. Folk music and dances were performed in many traditional festivals that had already developed then, such as

Chapter I Music of Qin and Han Dynasties

the Lantern Festival, Tomb-Sweeping Day, Double Third Festival, Double Seventh Festival, Double Ninth Festival, Day of the Earth God in the spring and autumn, and Day of La (腊) for winter sacrifices. For example, in sacrifices to the earth god, which had been popular since ancient times, people »stroke jars and bottles, sang together in harmony, and considered themselves happy,« as Book of the Master of Huainan describes. »Biography of Huo Guang« in the Book of Han also mentions that »people played the drums and wind instruments, sang songs, as well as performed made-up musical comedies.« According to archaeological artifacts such as ceramic figures of a drumming story-teller, excavated in Yangzishan, Chengdu, and in Ziyang, Sichuan Province, storytelling with musical accompaniment might have been popular. Also, dirges with puppets, originally used as funeral music, served to entertain the audience at the banquets such as weddings at the end of the Eastern Han. This can be seen as a precursor to the puppet shows of the Sui and Tang dynasties. Historical documents also mention singing and dancing in armies. For instance, Dong Zhuo’s soldiers »returned, singing and cheering,« and in Wang Mang’s army, »the soldiers in the front cheered, while those behind sang.« According to »Biography of Wang Ba« in Book of the Later Han, in the early Eastern Han Dynasty, when Wang Ba and Zhou Jian had a battle, Zhou’s army came for a quick battle, but Wang insisted on not going out to fight, while listening to the music made by Fang Xiangshi. The enemy’s arrows fell like rain and hit the wine jar in front of Wang’s seat, but he was undisturbed. Finally, the enemy went in full retreat without any confrontation. According to »Biographies of Liu Xuan and Liu Penzi« in Book of the Later Han, magicians from Qi often played the drums and danced in the armies to seek blessings and help.

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Section 2  Drum and Pipe Music Drum and Pipe Music was originally related to the military music played on horses and the music of the northwestern frontier regions. Through the collection and arrangement under the Music Bureau after Emperor Wu’s reforms, it reached a considerable scale, with multiple players of percussion instruments, mostly drums, and wind instruments, mostly the yu 竽 and lai 籁 pipes. Later, it was applied to ceremonies, and had further interaction with folk songs. In this way, it became one of the major musical genres of the Han Dynasty.

1. The Origins of Different Types of Drum and Pipe Music Broadly speaking, Drum and Pipe Music was the most dominant genre in the Music Bureau of Han, including music forms such as drum and pipe music and Xianghe. However, in a narrower sense, it only refers to a kind of ensemble music that is characteristic of drum and pipe instruments and includes also a vocal part. Some authors believe that it was developed from the music of northern minorities between the Qin and the Han period. According to »Biography of the Author« in Book of Han and other documents, when Ban Yi marched to Loufan in the northwest to avoid the inland wars at the end of the Qin Dynasty, drum and pipe music was played in his troops. There, wind instruments of frontier minorities, »the jia [笳] flutes, were played to accompany sound of the xiao [箫] flutes.« Before the Qin and Han dynasties, the major instruments of a drum and pipe music ensemble, as well as precursors of the genre such as percussion music, wind music, and Music of Triumph, already existed in the Central Plains. According to »Royal Drummer« (»Guren« 鼓人) in »Terrestrial Offices« (»Diguan« 地官) in Rites of Zhou (Zhouli 周礼), the Royal Drummer was in charge of the music of six drums and four metal percussion

SECTION 2 DRUM AND PIPE MUSIC

instruments. These instruments had a rhythmic function in the vocal music as well as in military marches and hunts. »Proceedings of Government in the Different Months« in Book of Rites requests that the Minister of Music attend the school in the last month of the autumn to play the instruments such as the yu pipe and the sheng pipe. According to Records of the Grand Historian, in the early Han period Emperor Hui ordered the 120 children that Emperor Gaozu had taught before to play wind music. In fact, percussion music and wind Music were still in the early phase of their development, but they laid the foundation for the birth of drum and pipe music. When Emperor Wu reformed the Music Bureau, he integrated percussion ensembles, drum and pipe ensembles, as well as singers from different regions into a large ensemble. They were sent to the Music Bureau, so that they could play music together. Gradually, the music they played was institutionalized as drum and pipe music, a genre that had was performed by percussion instruments, mostly drums, and wind instruments, mostly the yu and lai pipes, as well as singers. The pieces they played together were some of the earliest pieces of the genre. In the Eastern Han Dynasty, establishment of the institution Drum and Pipe Musicians within the Yellow Gates indicates that the originally separate categories, percussion music and wind music, were already merged into one genre. Drum and pipe music constantly underwent changes. It was not only influenced by foreign music and music of frontier minorities, but also modified by musicians such as Li Yannian. »Treatise Eight« in Book of Sui mentions that in the Chen Dynasty, a drum and pipe music ensemble consisted of 16 musicians, including 13 players of the xiao flute, two players of the jia flute, and one drummer. It is noticeable that the inclusion of foreign instruments such as the jia flute was new for this period. But of course, musical instruments of the Central Plains remained the most dominant.

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In the course of its development, drum and pipe music was gradually distinguished into various combinations depending on the instruments included in the ensemble and the context of the performance. For example, based on the instruments used, they were further divided into guchui 鼓吹 and hengchui 横吹. According to Poetry Collection of the Music Bureau, vol. 21, hengchui was originally not differentiated from guchui. It was played on horses as military music. Later, it was developed into two types, guchui and hengchui. The former was played with instruments such as the xiao and jia flutes in ceremonies such as the morning assembly or travelling processions (Fig. 3.1.2). The latter was played with drums and horns on horses in military situations. In summary, guchui, mainly performed during ceremonies and traveling, had the xiao and the jia as its most characteristic instruments, whereas hengchui, featuring drums and horns, was played on horses as military music. Both of them had their own repertoire. Based on the situation of its performance, the drum and pipe music of the Eastern Han can be divided into four smaller groups. The first, Drum and Pipe Music of the Yellow Gates, was played in banquets and official journeys of the emperor. The second group, Horse-Riding Wind Music, was a kind of ritual music played during the journeys of nobles. Since it was played by drums, the tao 鼗 drums, the xiao, the jia and the horns on horses, it was called Horse-Riding Wind Music (Fig. 3.1.3). The third group, Duanxiao (短箫) Nao (铙) Songs or Nao Songs, were used as military music in sacrifices of the earth god temple and the ancestral temple, as well as during hunting or celebrating a military triumph. The last one, hengchui, was usually played in the armies. The court often rewarded frontier armies with this type of music. Based on written documents and archaeological materials, the categories of guchui and hengchui should be further explicated. Regarding guchui, Commentaries on the Ancient and the Modern by Cui Bao of the Western Jin

Chapter I Music of Qin and Han Dynasties

Dynasty claims that there was guchui, or Drum and Pipe Music of the Yellow Gates, in the Han Dynasty, and that »Duanxiao Nao Songs were a chapter of guchui.« »Monograph on Music« in The Book of Song even holds the opinion that Duanxiao Nao Songs were identical to guchui. Actually, Duanxiao Nao Songs were organized by the Music Bureau in the Western Han period. As mentioned previously, Music Bureau of that time was responsible for music of the suburban sacrifices and ancient martial music. In fact, Duanxiao Nao Songs belonged to ancient martial music, which was renamed to Martial Music of the Yellow Gates in the Eastern Han Dynasty as a chapter of Drum and Pipe Music of the Yellow Gates. In spite of that, Martial Music of the Yellow Gates differed from the rest of the genre Yellow Gates as it was military music. As a result, Duanxiao Nao Songs were separated from Drum and Pipe Music of the Yellow Gates at the end of the Eastern Han Dynasty, both included as parallel categories in the Four Types of Music. According to Catalogue of Ancient and Modern Music (Gujin yuelu 古今乐录), there were 22 lyrics of Nao Songs from the Han Dynasty, but only 18 of them have been preserved. Their titles were directly taken from first sentences. However, neither the language nor the content of these pieces is easy to understand. The first reason is that, as Catalogue of Ancient and Modern Music comments, »complementing words, lyrics and introductory words are mixed and not possible to be differentiated anymore.« To be specific, complementing words do not have specific meanings, but only complement the melody. They were originally written in smaller characters as the lyric words, but during circulation they were not differentiated any more. Second, since the lyrics have been passed down through Wei, Jin and many other dynasties, a lot of mistakes have been made in the extant versions. Third, in order to set the lyrics to music, musicians had to revise them so that they could fit into the music. They might have added

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SECTION 2 DRUM AND PIPE MUSIC

3.1.2 Scene of drumming, dancing and playing the Jia Flute, Dahuting Tomb no. 2 in Xinmi, Henan

or omitted some content, added complementary words or ending words. It is extremely difficult to punctuate and understand the meaning while reading. Finally, the music and music scores have been lost, which adds to the difficulty in understanding their meaning. In many cases, a song was used. For example, Shangling Garden (Shangling 上陵) and Far as Expected (Yuan ruqi 远如期) were originally lyrics for banquet music of the Shangling Garden and the Grand Music Office, but later also used in Nao Songs. Also, as the music scores were lost, it is even more difficult to decipher the original situa-

tion and the meaning associated with the works. In spite of that, a great number of poems have been passed down, including those that celebrate personal merits, feasts, and hunting, as well as many excellent folk songs such as Heaven, Alas! (Shangye 上邪), The One I’m Thinking of (You suosi 有所思), Ziliu Horse (Ziliu ma 紫骝马), and Battle in City South (Zhan chengnan 战城南). Originally, Nao Songs were probably purely instrumental music used for creating a majestic atmosphere. However, during their performances on different occasions, songs were gradually included either before or between the instrumen-

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Chapter I Music of Qin and Han Dynasties

3.1.3  Portrait brick with the scene of drum and pipe music performance (Horse-Riding Wind Music), Xindu, Sichuan

tal parts. Over time, the song titles replaced the names of the original instrumental piece. It is also possible that when musicians passed down the music orally, they either integrated new pieces into it, or borrowed some of their lyrics, so some of these pieces were not concerned with military themes any more. In this sense, it is possible that many of the extant 18 Nao Songs were composed by later generations. With regard to hengchui, the name has not been found in the historical sources of the Han Dynasty, but only in those afterwards. Some authors wrote about its origin in the music of Western Regions. For instance, Cui Bao of the Western Jin Dynasty claimed in »Music,« in his Commentaries on the Ancient and the Modern, that hengchui was a kind of foreign music: When Zhang Qian, the Bowang Marquis visited the Western Regions, he introduced his political ideas, only to get two foreign pieces, Mohe (摩诃) and Doule (兜勒). Also, based on foreign music, Li Yannian created 28 sections of new music, which the emperor took as martial music. Others believed that this genre

originated from the music of the northern minorities. For example, Guo Maoqian of the Northern Song Dynasty wrote in his Poetry Collection of the Music Bureau, vol. 21, that hengchui, originally undifferentiated from guchui, was composed by the northern minorities on horses for its use in armies. Later, the music played with the xiao and jia flute formed a separate category, guchui. It is evident that hengchui was influenced by foreign music. The main musical instruments of the hengchui ensemble included not only drums and horns, but also foreign horns and double horns. According to »Monograph on Music« in Book of Jin, »The foreign horn was originally used to respond to the sound of the foreign jia flute, but later it was gradually used in the performance of hengchui, together with double horns. The music was called Foreign Music.« Xu Guang of the Jin Dynasty wrote in his Rituals and Regulations of Carriages and Robes (Chefu yizhi 车服仪制): »The horn has not been documented in the books of the previous times. Some say that it originally comes from the Qianghu minorities, where it is blown to

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frighten the horses from the center of the empire. Others say that it originally comes from the Wu and Yue regions.« Although a variety of horns made of pottery, copper, wood and other materials of the Neolithic period have been excavated, this instrument is hardly mentioned in the pre-Qin documents. Anyway, the use of the foreign horn in hengchui indicates that it had a foreign influence. The genre of drum and pipe music was almost unceasingly performed from the Han to the Sui and Tang dynasties. But regarding the works, the 28 sections of hengchui of the Han period were lost in the Wei and Jin dynasties. Only ten pieces, including Yellow Crane (Huanghu 黄鹄) and Mount Long (Longtou 陇头), were still circulated in this period, but their lyrics were lost. The hengchui pieces were created by the Music Bureau of the Han Dynasty on the basis of the frontier minorities’ music and the foreign music. They were played by the Drum and Pipe Musicians of the Music Bureau as well as those of the Yellow Gates as part of the Drum and Pipe Music of the Yellow Gates. Therefore, Poetry Collection of the Music Bureau claims that »hengchui was also called guchui, or drum and pipe music, in the beginning.«

2. Drum and Pipe Music as Reward from the Court Since drum and pipe music was easy to play during ceremonial parades, the Han court often rewarded frontier generals with its performances, sometimes even with musicians. For example, in »Biography of the Eastern Yi Barbarians« in Book of the Later Han, it is recorded that Emperor Wu of Han exterminated Gojoseon, »set Goguryeo as a county that belonged to Xuantu Commandery, and rewarded it with performers of drum and pipe music.« This was also the case when Emperor Wu conquered Jiaozhi, Rinan, Hepu, Nanhai, Yulin, Cangwu and established the Regional Inspector of Jiaozhou Province to unify them. Excerpts of

SECTION 3 XIANGHE SONGS AND XIANGHE GRAND SUITES

Books in the Northern Hall (Beitang shuchao 北堂 书钞) cites the Book on the Mid-Dynastic Restoration of the Jin (Jinzhongxing shu 晋中兴书) that »the province was so remote that it was better to enhance the dignity and majesty of the central government there, so all seven commanderies of the province relied on drum and pipe music.« In addition, drum and pipe music was not only used for rituals and other events, but was also provided by the court to accompany the marriages and funerals of the noble and the important ministers. »Biography of Yangzhen« in Book of the Later Han wrote: »When the day of burial was coming, the attendant censor was sent to attend the funeral, carrying the proof of delegation issued by the emperor, and the ten directors of the Royal Archives sent light carriages and soldiers with armors from the Yulin Cavalry, with drum and pipe musicians both in front of and behind them.« The size of the drum and pipe ensemble positioned by officials corresponded to their rank.

Section 3  Xianghe Songs and Xianghe Grand Suites The song form of the Han Dynasty gradually developed from solo singing into unaccompanied choir singing with a lead singer and three accompanying singers, and then into the Xianghe Song accompanied by silk and bamboo musical instruments, and finally into the Xianghe Grand Suite, written in the ternary form with introduction, main section, and coda. Thus it laid the foundation for the prosperity of the Grand Suite of the Sui and Tang dynasties.

1. From Qingshang Music to Xianghe Songs The name qingshang 清商 commonly appears in documents from Spring and Autumn period on. In the Han Dynasty, Qingshang Music referred to all traditional secular music and folk music, in-

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cluding Xianghe Songs and Qingshang Music in Three Keys, namely in ping 平, qing 清, and se 瑟 keys, and other song forms. The Cao Wei Dynasty after the Han established the Office for Qingshang Music, in which songs such as Xianghe Songs and songs written by the literati were performed. When the Jin Dynasty moved to the south, Qingshang Music was also brought to the east of the Yangtze, where it was developed into Songs of Wu and Western Tunes. Later, Emperor Xiaowen of Wei collected the old tunes of the Central Plains, Songs of Wu, and Western Tunes, and named all of these Qingshang Music. This tradition continued in the Sui and Tang dynasties. In fact, the Office for Qingshang Music of the Sui Dynasty was responsible for Xianghe Songs as well as Songs of Wu and Western Tunes. In this sense, the Xianghe Song was always a subcategory of Qingshang Music from the Han to the Tang Dynasty. However, in later times, people mostly used »Xianghe Songs« instead of »Qingshang Music« as a general category for the folk songs of the Han period, so »Qingshang Music« unambiguously refers to the Qingshang Music of the Six Dynasties. But from another perspective, this change also reflects the significant role of Xianghe Songs in history. The term xianghe, which appeared in pre-Qin documents, refers to a method of »singing in harmony,« or vocal accompaniment. For example, Chu songs are said to be sung by a lead singer and many accompanying singers that »sing in harmony.« According to »Monograph on Rituals and Music« in Book of Han, Emperor Gaozu of Han composed Song of the Mighty Wind when residing in Pei. In Emperor Xiaohui’s time, the Pei Palace was taken as the Temple of Origin to celebrate Emperor Gaozu. Both emperors asked children to sing the piece that Emperor Gaozu had composed and play the instruments »in harmony.« The word »harmony« here refers to the accompaniment of a wind instrument in a song. It also refers to a form of performance and not yet a genre of secular music.

Chapter I Music of Qin and Han Dynasties

The term xianghe, or »in harmony,« found in later documents, refers to a specific type of song, the Xianghe Song. »Monograph on Music« in The Book of Song is the earliest to treat Xianghe as a special genre under the Music Bureau. It is said to have originated in the north as an unaccompanied singing form, called a solo song, or a ballad. This was further developed into a singing form led by the main vocalist and accompanied by three singers, i.  e., only vocal accompaniment, called the Bare Song. Later in its development, the singers beat drums for rhythm, and sang in harmony with accompanying silk and bamboo instruments. The common accompanying instruments, according to records from the Northern and Southern Dynasties, included the xiao and di flutes, the sheng and yu pipes, the qin, se, zheng 筝 and zhu zither, the konghou 箜篌 harp and so on. At thiat time, the Xianghe Song was no longer a folk song, but an art song mainly for morning meetings, banquets and entertainment activities in the court and the mansions of important officials and business ­people. »The old lyrics« of the Xianghe Songs, mentioned in Poetry Collection of the Music Bureau, actually refers to the creations of common people, which »Monograph on Music« in The Book of Song refers to as »folk songs circulated in the streets of the Han period.« The narrowly defined Xianghe Songs include three types, the first being preludes, for example, the six preludes from ancient times, including Prelude of Konghou, Prelude in Gong Mode, Prelude in Shang Mode, Prelude in Jue Mode (Jue yin 角引), Prelude in Zhi Mode, and Prelude in Yu Mode. They were generally instrumental pieces played with the di flute and string instruments. The second type is the Xianghe Song, a medium-sized vocal piece that comes after the prelude with several different sections. The third is the Grand Suite, the highest form of Xianghe Song. It usually has a combination of singing and dancing, but can also have a combination of singing and instrumental accompaniment in parts.

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2. Xianghe Preludes, Songs, and Grand Suites The prelude is a music genre that has an introductory function. Although Poetry Collection of the Music Bureau has listed the six preludes since ancient times, including Prelude of Konghou, Prelude in Gong Mode, Prelude in Shang Mode, Prelude in Jue Mode, Prelude in Zhi Mode, and Prelude in Yu Mode, it is generally considered to be the five preludes in gong, shang, jue, zhi, and yu mode. Any one of these five scale degrees, gong, shang, jue, zhi, and yu, can function as the tonic of a mode, so that the pitch structure of a mode can be built up. The ancients mostly took these five preludes as the Xianghe Preludes. Catalogue of Ancient and Modern Music wrote that »in the Liang Dynasty, there were five preludes.« It is also said that Shen Yue and Xiao Ziyun composed the five Xianghe Preludes of Liang, which refer to the same pieces. The repertoire of the qin zither also includes nine preludes. However, they are not a part of the Xianghe Preludes, but an independent genre. Prelude of Konghou, named after the main instrument, is a song accompanied by the konghou harp. According to Commentaries on the Ancient and the Modern by Cui Bao, this song is said to have been composed by Li Yu, the wife of the Gojoseon fort guard Huoli Zigao. When Zi Gao woke up in the morning, he saw a carefree old man with disheveled hair and a jug in his hand crossing the river, who fell into the river and died. His wife could not stop the misfortune, so she played the konghou harp and sang, »I told you not to cross the river, but you did it anyway and then fell into the river and died. What could I do for you!« After the sorrowful song, she also jumped into the river and died. Zi Gao went home to tell his wife Li Yu about the incident. »Li Yu felt mournful, so she played the konghou harp and wrote down the music, which made everyone weep and cry; Li Yu passed on the song to her neighbor Li Rong, named Prelude of Konghou.«

SECTION 3 XIANGHE SONGS AND XIANGHE GRAND SUITES

The Xianghe Song comes after the prelude. According to Catalogue of Ancient and Modern Music, »in every Xianghe Song, there are seven instruments, namely the sheng pipe, the di flute, the jie drum, the qin, se, zheng zither, the pipa lute.« Xianghe originally refers to a singing form led by a main vocalist and accompanied by other singers, or a form of several groups singing »in harmony.« In some pieces, the main voice has instrumental accompaniment, whereas it has vocal accompaniment in other pieces. In the pre-Qin times, when Confucius sang songs together with other people, they actually adopted this singing form, just as in the Chu song in Yingdu. Cited from Catalogue of the Musical Arts: The Correct Music of the Yuanjia Era (Yuanjia zhengsheng jilu 元嘉正声技录), Catalogue of Ancient and Modern Music records the Seventeen Old Xianghe Songs, including Song on Vital Breath Exhaled (Qichu chang 气出唱), Dissolution of the Essence (Jinglie 精列), South of the Yangtze River (Jiangnan 江南), Traversing Fortified Pass (Du guanshan 度关山), Light of East (Dongguang 东光), Fifteen (Shiwu 十五), Dew on the Scallion (Xielu 薤露), Haoli (蒿里), Song of Meaning (Jingge 觐歌), Facing the Wine (Duijiu 对酒), Cocks Crow (Jiming 鸡鸣), Lives of Crows (Wusheng 乌生), East of Pingling (Pingling dong 平陵东), East Gate (Dongmen 东门), Mulberries by the Path (Moshang sang 陌上桑), Wuling (武陵), Phoenix (kunji 鹍鸡). They include works of the Han Dynasty, as well as those after the Wei and Jin dynasties. They differ considerably in the content and the context in which they are played. For example, Dew on the Scallion and Haoli were mourning songs for funerals. According to Commentaries on the Ancient and the Modern, both pieces were originally two movements of one piece. Li Yannian divided this single piece into two, and stipulated that the former should be used for the funeral of the royals and the nobles, called Mourning Songs, and that the latter for the funeral of the scholar officers and the common people, called Burial Songs.

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Xianghe Songs in Five Keys refer to songs in the ping, qing, se, chu 楚, and ce 侧 keys, which are mentioned in Poetry Collection of the Music Bureau. The first three were called Qingshang Music in Three Keys in the Han period, and later, together with songs in the chu and ce key, were called Proper Music of Qingshang Tunes. Most of these songs are named »xing« (行), which means »song.« Seeking the Hidden (Suoyin 索隐) by Sima Zhen states, »as for Long Song, Short Song of the Music Bureau, xing in their titles refers to the song.« This quote has clarified the meaning of xing. In the Music Bureau Songs of Han, there are Song of Fierce Tiger, Lamenting Song, Mange Song, Song of Watering the Horse with the Spring Water under the Great Wall, and Song of Shangliutian. These songs probably have refined musical taste and mature composition techniques. They are often »sung with developed and expanded themes« over multiple movements. Although several movements are named »chant,« overall they have relatively standardized titles. This may indicate that Xianghe Songs in Five Keys have something in common. »Monograph on Music« in Book of Wei writes: »Furthermore, they adjusted their instruments with the five-key tuning method of the qin zither. The se key gives primacy to gong, the qing key to shang, and the ping key to jue. As for the five keys, each gives priority to one tone, and mixes various tones to embellish it.« Here, »five keys« and »three keys« are determined after the pitch height of tones. Usually, scholars consider them to be several changing modes in songs. But in fact they refer to different keys with different pitch heights of the tonic. They are achieved through combination of a given reference tone and the five-key tuning method of the qin zither, through which the pitch sequence of each key can be determined. This combination is used to tune other instruments. In this sense, se, qing, and ping should be three different keys with specific pitch sequences. However, later, they not only refer to keys, but also

Chapter I Music of Qin and Han Dynasties

stand for songs of a particular region or style, and thus become a criteria for classifying songs. In any case, the distinction between the five keys of the Music Bureau was formed historically, driven by multiple factors. According to the documents that Poetry Collection of the Music Bureau cites, the songs in each key have different instruments and repertoire. Songs in the ping key are played with seven instruments, namely the sheng pipe, the di flute, the zhu, se, qin, and zheng zither, the pipa lute. They include seven songs, Long Song, Short Song, Song of Fierce Tiger, Song of Gentleman, Song of Yan, Song of Joining the Army, Song of Ju. Only the lyrics of the first three pieces are collected in Poetry Collection of the Music Bureau. Songs in the qing key, according to Catalogue of Ancient and Modern Music, are played with the sheng pipe, the di flute (in lower range, in higher range, between the low and the high range), the chi (篪) flute, the jie drum, the qin, se, and zheng zither, the pipa lute. They include six songs, namely Song of Enduring the Cold, Song of Yuzhang, Song of Dongtao, Song of Meeting on a Narrow Path, Song of Pond, Song of Qiuhu. The lyrics of Song of Yuzhang, Song of Dongtao, Song of Meeting on a Narrow Path and others are included in the Poetry Collection. Cited from Catalogue of the Musical Arts: The Correct Music of the Yuanjia Era, Catalogue of Ancient and Modern Music records that songs in the se key are played by the sheng pipe, the di flute, the jie drum, the qin, se, zheng zither and the pipa lute, and include 38 pieces such as Song of Solar Corona (Richongguang xing 日重光行), Do Not Cross the River (Gong wu duhe 公无渡河). Some of these works were created in the Han Dynasty, for instance, Song of Solar Corona was composed by the ministers for Emperor Ming. Do Not Cross the River, also named Prelude of Konghou, is the shortest lyric of the Music Bureau Poems of Han, which is said to have been imported from Gojoseon.

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According to Catalogue of Ancient and Modern Music, songs in the chu key are played with the sheng pipe, the di flute, the jie drum, the qin, zheng, and se zither, the pipa lute, and include Song of White Hair, Song of Mountain Tai, Song of Mount Liangfu, Song of Pipa Lute from Dongwu, Song of Resentment. As for songs in the ce key, Poetry Collection of the Music Bureau mentions in the explanatory notes on the titles of the Xianghe Songs, »Songs in the ce key grow out of those in the chu key.« Actually, they should be in independent categories, but as there is only one extant piece, Song of Sorrow, and it is listed in the miscellaneous songs. The highest form of the Xianghe Songs is the Grand Suite with singing and dancing. According to the explanatory notes on titles of the Xianghe Songs in Poetry Collection of the Music Bureau, vol. 26, Grand Suites of Han include not only lyrics and complementary words, but also introduction, shuffle, and coda. Introduction comes before the main section, and shuffle and coda come after it. »Monograph on Music« in The Book of Song includes fifteen »Lyrics of Grand Suites« such as Song of East Gate, Song of Broken Willow Wattle, The Love Song to be Sung. Some of these titles refer to the same song, for example, The Western Mountain and Silently (Momo 默默) are identical to Song of Broken Willow Wattle. In this sense, there are actually only 12 songs under this category. Also, »Ancient Lyrics« consists of ten songs in twelve titles, mostly narrative lyrics with very magnificent music of Grand Suites. According to the extant lyrics, the most complete structure of the Grand Suite comprises three parts, the introduction, main section, and shuffle/coda. Introduction comes mostly before the main section, but sometimes also within the main section. This part features lyricism, often in the style of Chu, and also includes some elegant dances. The middle section is the main section with several songs, each followed by an interlude. The songs are relaxing, whereas the interlude is fast and

SECTION 3 XIANGHE SONGS AND XIANGHE GRAND SUITES

enthusiastic. The two take turns, resulting in repeated drastic tempo changes. Presumably, the character of dance corresponds to that of music. The last part can be shuffle or coda expressing intensified, passionate, or complicated emotions. The music and dance have a rather fast tempo. Grand Suites are mostly complex in structure and varied in character. The variety of form sections such as introduction, shuffle, and coda is precise in its varied characters, regardless of a few pieces without these sections, such as Song of Broken Willow Wattle, Song of West Gate, and Song of East Gate. The lyrics of Grand Suites are mostly long narrative poems that are rich in content. In the usual notation of the main section, words such as »First Interlude« and »Second Interlude« are written to indicate the boundaries of different sections. Actually, the interlude section implies a different musical character from the songs. Tai Ping Imperial Encyclopedia, vol. 568, writes, »in every piece of music, the section with slower tempo is called main section, that with faster tempo is called interlude.« In the main section, the same melody is sung repeatedly with different lyrics. Interludes of various tempi, dynamics and characters can be added between these melodies. Grand Suites are also a kind of dance music. Catalogue of Ancient and Modern Music writes, »when any Grand Suite ends, The Piece of Huang-Lao follows with solo dancing, without lyrics.« The Piece of Huang-Lao (Huanglao tan 黄老弹) is an instrumental piece played with instruments such as the qin, zheng, and zhu zither, the sheng pipe. This quote exemplifies that both dance and purely instrumental pieces can be included in Grand Suites. However, some pieces may have a combination of dancing and singing. For example, Towering Rock (Jieshi 碣石), a lyric of the Grand Suite, was later used in another piece, Cloth Dance (Fuwu 拂舞), which may indicate that the original song was later used in the dance. Xianghe Grand Suites are also called Grand Suites of the Han Dynasty, Grand Suites of the Liu Song

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Dynasty, or Grand Suites of Qingshang Music in Three Keys. The question is still unsolved, of whether it was formed in the Han Dynasty, in the Wei and Jin dynasties, or between the Eastern Jin and the Liu Song dynasties. According to historical sources, the conditions were ripe for their emergence in the Han. First, as shown in the Chuci, the ritual music and dance of Chu in the pre-Qin Period has a distinctive form of singing and dancing, which is similar to Grand Suites. It is rather impossible that this kind of music suddenly vanished in the Han Dynasty and reappeared after the Wei and Jin dynasties as a continuation of this Chu tradition. Secondly, music of Chu was valued in the Han, and so was the Chu ritual music, and the Music Bureau collected folk music all over the empire, including those of Chu. Also, there were an increasing number of musical instruments, songs. The musical instruments at court and the cooperation between singers and instrumentalists created a favorable environment for the production and development of Grand Suites. Moreover, in Admonition to Women (Nüxun 女训) by Cai Yong of the Eastern Han, the term »Grand Suite« appeared: »Every time when playing the little suite, one ends after five times through; as for the Grand Suite, one ends after three times through.« Although the »Grand Suite« actually indicates the large-scale qin zither piece, it is possible that the Xianghe Songs of a larger scale and diversity have the same name. In summary, Xianghe Grand Suites of the Han Dynasty undoubtedly bridged the gap between the musical tradition of Chuci and the Grand Suites of the Wei and Jin dynasties. Some of the extant 15 early compositions are relatively simple in style and have no introduction, shuffle, or coda. Others, those with the three parts, are structured in the ternary form. They are rich and mature pieces that combine instrumental music, vocal music and dance. This probably reflects different levels of development within Xianghe Grand Suites of the Han Dynasty. Accord-

Chapter I Music of Qin and Han Dynasties

ing to the basic structural principle of this form, the rhythmically, melodically different sections contrast and complement each other, adding to the grandeur and the expressive power in the music. This principle has also exerted influence on the even more colorful Grand Suites of the Sui and Tang dynasties.

Section 4  Instrumental Music and Musical Instruments During the Qin and Han dynasties, music of metal and stone instruments gradually declined. Firstly, it was replaced by drum and pipe music, which combined mostly the folk music of Chu and the nomadic peoples of the northwest frontier. Also, foreign instruments such as the pipa lute, the konghou harp, the hujia 胡笳 flute, and the qiangdi 羌笛 flute were introduced. Secondly, the music of the Confucian literati prospered, especially the music of the qin zither. The development of qin music in the Han Dynasty was significant seeing that some famous qin artists such as Sima Xiangru and Cai Yong created a number of qin works and theoretical writings such as Way of the Qin Zither (Qindao 琴道). They reflect the Confucian ideology of the qin zither and have had a profound influence on music history.

1. New Combinations of Musical Instruments The tradition of pre-Qin meremonial music continued in the Qin and Han dynasties. For example, in total 150 musical instruments in three sets have been excavated from the musical instrument pit in the sacrificial pits of the Luozhuang Western Han Tomb in Zhangqiu, Jinan. In the south of the pit, 19 chime bells, 107 chime stones, and eight sleigh bells were discovered; and in the middle, a chunyu 錞于 drum, a zheng 钲 bell, and a small bronze bell; in the south, seven se zithers, two hanging

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drums, four small flat drums, as well as sheng pipes and jian 建 drums, and more. The chime bells were originally hung on the bell frame in two layers. The well preserved 13 niu 钮 bells can produce two different tones if the player strikes the frontal and the lateral side respectively. All these tones form the complete xiazhi 下徵 scale within two octaves with the following scale steps: gong, shang, jue, he 和, zhi, yu, biangong 变宫, gong. The tuning marks near the bell mouth and the wedge-shaped tone beam on the inner wall guarantee the accuracy of the two tones of each bell. As for the chime stones, they are not only the largest group and best preserved of the same kind, but also have the best tone quality. They had six sets when excavated. One of them, consisting of 20 chime stones, cover the xiazhi scale within two octaves like the niu bells. Another set of 20 instruments constitutes a complete zhengsheng 正 声 scale in two octaves, in which he is replaced by bianzhi 变徵. These archaeological finds reflect the high level of the music of metal and stone instruments of the Western Han period. Nevertheless, as a general trend, the music of metal and stone instruments was in the late stages of its decline process during the Qin and Han dynasties. This process began in the middle to late Warring States period, when the bronze culture declined, causing the music of the bronze and stone instruments to go downhill. According to archaeological findings, the number and quality of the musical instruments such as chime bells and chime stones from the late Warring States to the Qin and Han dynasties cannot compete with those of previous dynasties. However, with introduction of music from six states in Xianyang, as well as rise of new social classes, the general musical tastes changed gradually. New music, such as that of the silk and bamboo instruments, was becoming increasingly popular with all segments of society, also including with rulers. As a result, when the early Han Dynasty tried to restore ceremonial music after the political turbulence of the

SECTION 4 INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC AND MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS

late Qin period, even the Zhi family, who had been music officials for generations, almost knew nothing about it. The pre-Qin bell construction method with two tones in each bell was gradually lost after the Han Dynasty, as well as those brilliant theories of the tonal system. In this rupture of the Chinese music history, the music of gold and stone instruments, representative of the glorious achievements of the pre-Qin music, was forgotten. The phenomenon of two tones produced in a single chime bell that had not been known until the late 1970s, when the chime bells of Marquis Yi of Zeng was unearthed. At the same time, folk music, especially that of Chu, and the music of the literati, especially that of the qin zither, were developed in the Han Dynasty. Secular music and dance such as those of Chu were loved and promoted by the court and the noble in the early Han period. This contributed to the development of the Music Bureau and the formation of the Music Bureau poetry and marked the beginning of the era of the medieval secular music. Also, drum and pipe music was played in extensive situations as a kind of light and delicate music and also played a significant role in the Music Bureau. Furthermore, in the Han Dynasty, the qin zither music was valued by the Confucian literati. Under the trend of »dismissing the hundred schools and revering only Confucianism,« it became the »proper music« of the Confucians. It was considered more important than other music and eventually »ranked first of the eight kinds of instruments.« In this period, it made significant progress in construction of the instrument, creation of works, performance techniques, and music theory. The ancestors of the Chinese, who inhabited the Yellow River Region, mainly lived a sedentary agricultural life. This way of life has had an impact on the form and historical development of the ancient music and dance art. For example, the chime bells, chime stones, jian drums, and zu 足 drums were hung on a stable stand. Instruments

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3.1.4. Jian-Drum Dance, Dongguan, Fangcheng, Henan

such as the qin, se, zheng, zhu zither were placed in front of the player who sits on the knees. These were in accordance with agricultural life. After the Qin and Han dynasties, with the opening of the Silk Road, music from Western Regions, such as the »music on the horse« of the nomadic peoples, was introduced to the Central Plains. Many new musical pieces and instruments, rarely seen by the people of the Central Plains, were quickly accepted and assimilated, opening up a new era in the history of the ancient Chinese musical instruments. In the Han Dynasty, the ancient tradition of combining instrumental music, singing and dancing

Chapter I Music of Qin and Han Dynasties

in a single performance continued. Even new music, such as drum and pipe music, which was mainly instrumental music, included singing and dancing. In the dance scenes on the Han portrait stones, instrumentalists are often depicted either accompanying or giving rhythm to the dance. For example, according to the scene of the Jian-Drum Dance on portrait stones, the jian drum is built with a pillar that penetrates the drum frame and stands on a pedestal on the ground. The top of the pillar is decorated with an ornate canopy that is topped with carvings of flying birds. Often, two men dance around it and beat it, facing each other. But in some illustrations, drummers can also be female dancers. In the picture of the Jian-Drum Dance on a portrait stone from Dongguan, Fangcheng, Henan (Fig. 3.1.4), the drum stand is divided into two layers, each of which is hung with small bells and zheng bells. The lower area of the picture also depicts the tao drums. It can be inferred that the jian drum has rich variations in rhythm and timbre when played. The drumming gestures in many scenes are choreographed. For example, in the picture of four persons beating the jian drum on a Han portrait stone from Zoucheng, Shandong, four drummers in short robes and stretched pants are dancing with beautiful gestures. Two of them walk in opposite directions and act as if they are beating the drum, whereas another two run towards the drum, as if preparing to beat the drum. In addition, the jian drums also appear in the ensembles that accompany dances such as the Long-Sleeve Dance. Each ensemble includes different instruments, but the most common include the pi 鼙 drums, the paixiao 排箫 pipes, the xun 埙 ocarinas, the chi flutes, the qin and se zithers, the sheng and yu pipes, etc. Musical instruments depicted in the scenes such as the Duo-Bell Dance, the Tao-Drum Dance, the Pi-Drum Dance, the Stone Chime Dance are also used as dance instruments. The duo bell is a large bell, originally a military instrument. The Duo-Bell Dance was performed in the Music Bu-

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reau after the Wei and Jin dynasties. However, Poetry Collection of the Music Bureau, vol. 54, citing »Monograph on Music« in The Book of Tang, claims that Duo-Bell Dance is originally a piece from the Han Dynasty. Also, portrait stones of the Han period provide evidence that it already existed. The tao drum is a small drum with handle and small ears on each side. When shaken, the ears strike the drum surface and make it sound, which is similar to the rattle drums of later times. The pi drum was identical to the qi 骑 drum of the Han Dynasty, probably a kind of flat drum originally from the armies. Emperor Zhang of Han created five Songs of the Pi-Drum Dance, which indicates that songs were integrated into the dance performance. Music and dance of the Han Dynasty were also closely related to the variety shows that flourished at the time. The figures of music, dance, and acrobatics, unearthed from Wuyingshan in Jinan, show the close relationship between these art forms in the Han Dynasty. One group of them depict seven acrobats and dancers who perform handstand, inverted bows, etc., followed by an ensemble of six musicians with musical instruments such as the jian drums, chime bells, small drums, se zithers, yu pipes, and more. Also, scenes of acrobatics commonly with ensemble accompaniment are often depicted on the Han portrait stones. For example, a portrait stone from Yinan, Shandong depicts the scene that three ensembles are playing music for different acrobatic programs. A group of 17 musicians are playing music for acrobatics such as the Seven Tray Dance, the xuntong 寻橦 show, juggling balls, juggling swords. Three rows of musicians, in total 14, are depicted below them. Five of them are beating the small drum, four playing the paixiao flute, one probably beating the duo bell, four playing the yu pipe, the se zither, the xun ocarina and singing respectively. At the top of the picture, three people are respectively playing the jian drum, bell chimes and stone chimes from left to right.

SECTION 4 INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC AND MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS

With the decline of the music of the metal and stone instruments, new combinations of musical instruments emerged in the Han Dynasty. Written documents, excavated musical instruments, and Han portrait stones all indicate that the combination of musical instruments in the Han Dynasty was significantly different from that in the pre-Qin Period. The metal and stone instruments, primarily the chime bells and chime stones, were replaced by a variety of combinations of instruments. Although the chime bells and chime stones still existed, their number and size declined dramatically. A majestic construction of this period like the chime bells of Marquis Yi of Zeng has not yet been discovered. Normally, they only include a few instruments in a set, so are clearly not up to the task of playing complex melodies. The musical instruments excavated from Mawangdui Han tombs no.  1 and no.  3 in Changsha are mainly wind and string instruments such as the qin, se, zhu zithers and yu pipes. Bell chimes and stone chimes are merely small wooden models made specifically for funerary purpose. This may indicate that the more delicate, flexible wind and string music was gradually replacing the chime music, which was »beautiful in its grandeur.« New musical genres such as drum and pipe music were mainly played by pipes and drums. These instruments were light and portable, so they could be played in a procession or on horseback. The music was highly adaptable. It could not only be played at court ceremonies and banquets, with songs and dances in sets, but also in traveling parades, in the army or frontier regions as military music. Also, foreign and newly refined instruments added new colors and vitality to the Han ensembles and enabled new combinations of instruments.

2. Qin Zither Music In the Han Dynasty, qin zither music was very developed. There were many famous qin zither players, such as Sima Xiangru, Cai Yong, and

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others. In addition, the court established the post Qin Zither Players in Attendance, which Shi Zhong, Zhao Ding, Long De and others held. Futhermore, many works, including qin zither pieces and songs, were created and documented in this period. Their creation was largely based on folk music. Theoretical works such as Way of the Qin Zither also appeared. Confucianism’s reverence for qin zither music reached an unprecedented height and degree of systematization, and had a profound impact on music history. Sima Xiangru, a distinguished rhapsody master of the early Han Dynasty, was also a famous qin zither player. In his Rhapsody on the Tall Gate (Changmen fu 长门赋), the paragraph of »playing the elegant qin zither and altering the tunes« deals with the specifics of playing this instrument, depicts the string pressing technique of the left hand and the quezhuan 却转 technique of the right hand to play »a light and delicate sound, but with gradual intensification,« that is, a growing dynamic and emotional development from melancholy to generosity. Sima Xiangru was the earliest-known person to have a significant influence on the development of qin zither music in the Han Dynasty. He had not only great talent in poetry, but also masterful skill in playing the qin zither. According to »Biography of Sima Xiangru« in Records of the Grand Historian, the wealthy businessman Zhuo Wangsun invited the Magistrate of Linqiong and Sima Xiangru to a banquet. When they drank happily, and the Magistrate of Linqiong asked Sima Xiangru to play the qin zither. At that time, Zhuo Wangsun had a daughter Zhuo Wenjun, who stayed at home after having lost her husband not long before. So Sima Xiangru took the opportunity, and »played the qin zither to express his heart and touch her.« Finally, he succeeded, and she decided to elope with him. This has turned out to be a famous historical legend. There are many records of the theory, history, and repertoire of the qin zither in the Han Dynasty. In the middle of the Western Han period, famous Qin

Chapter I Music of Qin and Han Dynasties

Zither Players in Attendance such as Shi Zhong, Zhao Ding, Long De were working at the court. They were common people, but highly skilled in playing the qin zither. It is said that when Zhao Ding played the qin zither, the audience »wept copiously.« »Monograph on Arts and Literature« in Book of Han records seven chapters in »The Elegant Qin Zither: The Zhao Clan,« eight chapters in »The Elegant Qin Zither: The Shi Clan,« 99 chapters in »The Elegant Qin Zither: The Long Clan«— which are all supposed to be specialized writings by these masters about the theory and practice of the qin zither. Among them, Long De wrote the most. Liu Xiang once said that »issues of the elegant qin zither all come from Miscellaneous Affairs of the Qin Zither by Long De.« Unfortunately, none of these writings has been passed down. The scholar Huan Tan (c.  23–56 BCE), who was good at the qin zither, wrote New Treatise (Xinlun 新论), which includes Way of the Qin Zither (Qindao 琴道), an important theoretical treatise on theory of the qin zither between the Western and Eastern Han dynasties. Cai Yong, a famous figure in the Eastern Han Dynasty, was not only famous for his poetry and calligraphy, but was also a master of the qin zither. He was famous for his qin zither skills at a young age. In his later years, he »travelled across the world, going to places as far as Wukuai« within 12 years, during which time he composed the important piece Five Melodies of the Cai Clan (Caishi wunong 蔡氏五弄). According to explanatory notes on the titles in Miraculous Secret Scores (Shenqi mipu 神奇秘谱) of the Ming Dynasty, he also wrote The Autumn Moon Shines on Thatched Pavilion (Qiuyue zhao maoting 秋月照茅亭) and Thinking of a Friend in the Mountains (Shanzhong si youren 山中思友人). His Rhapsody on the Qin Zither (Qin fu 琴赋), despite being a literary work, also has great historical value. His Qin Zither Tunes (Qin cao 琴操) is the richest monograph to introduce the early qin zither works. It is said to have been written by him, but the original version

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was lost. Only the versions later generations compiled have passed down. In addition, it is also well known that Cai Yong had a good knowledge of the materials used to make the instrument, so he made a qin zither himself, named Scorched Tail. Cai Yong’s daughter, Cai Wenji, named Yan, was good at writing poems, studying music theory, as well as playing the qin zither. It is recorded that both the main wife of the Yuan Emperor of Han, Wang Zhengjun, and the main wife of the Cheng Emperor of Han, Zhao Feiyan, were able to play the qin zither. Zhao Feiyan was said to be good at playing Tunes of Farewell in Returning Wind (Guifeng songyuan zhi cao 归风送远 之操). In terms of repertoire, the qin zither pieces documented in the Han Dynasty obviously outnumbered those of the pre-Qin Period. In the early Han Dynasty, Rhapsody on Beauty by Sima Xiangru already mentions pieces such as Solitary Orchid and White Snow. Huan Tan introduced seven works in his Way of the Qin Zither, namely Prose of Yao, Tunes of Shun, Tunes of Yu, Tunes of Wenwang, Tunes of Weizi, Tunes of Jizi, and Tunes of Boyi. He outlines the thematic ideas of each piece, notes their musical characters respectively. For example, Tunes of Yu praises Yu’s curbing floods, with »its sound clear and resembling the flowing water, murmuring, and aspiring to flow into the deeper river.« Tunes of Wenwang depicts the tyrannical image of King Zhou of Shang through the »disorderly and disrupting tunes, which threaten the jue and shock the shang.« Tunes of Weizi expresses Weizi’s concern for his country. When he »saw the swans soaring high,« he left King Zhou of Shang. In this piece, »the tunes resemble the cry of wild geese.« Many qin zither works of the later times can often be traced back to these works in terms of the lyrical technique of expressing emotions through natural scenery. Cai Yong composed the work Five Melodies of the Cai Clan, including Spring Travel, Clear Water, Life in Solitude, Sit in Sadness, and Autumn Thoughts.

SECTION 4 INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC AND MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS

They were popular pieces from that time until the Tang Dynasty. Ji Kang of the Jin Dynasty listed them under »popular music« in his Rhapsody on the Qin Zither, which indicates that they had long been popular. Poets of the Tang Dynasty such as Wang Wei, Li Bai, and Li He wrote poems with these titles and sung them also as qin zither songs. Rhapsody on the Qin Zither by Cai Yong has the following paragraph: »Confucius is Longing to Return; Deer Cry in three chapters. A Sad Song of Master Liang; King of Zhou Grants Yueshang. Green Birds fly west; Parting Cranes fly east. Watering the Horse under the Great Wall; Bright Sunlight of Chu. Sigh of the Chu Lady; Cock Crows under the tall mulberry tree.« Each line here contains the title of a qin zither song, in total ten titles. Most of them were popular songs among the common people in the Han Dynasty, but there were also several well-known Xianghe Songs. The Qin Zither Tunes, which is said to be written by Cai Yong, introduces nine preludes, 12 melodies, five poems and more than 20 miscellaneous songs of Hejian. Rhapsody on the Qin Zither by Ji Kang also mentions many popular qin zither pieces of the Han and Wei dynasties. The Wei and Han qin zither songs were closely related to the folk songs of the Han Dynasty. Seen from the extant repertoire, the pieces mentioned in Cai Yong’s Rhapsody are all Xianghe Songs, including Mount Tai, also named Song of Mount Liangfu under Mount Tai, in Chu Lady, also named Sigh of the Chu Lady, in Watering the Horse under the Great Wall, also named Song of Watering the Horse with the Spring Water under the Great Wall, as well as Cock Crows. Some are not mentioned in the Rhapsody, but also belong to this category, such as Song of White Hair and Prelude of Konghou. These works reflect thoughts and feelings of the common people. For example, Watering the Horse under the Great Wall, which was originally a Xianghe Song in se key, expresses condemnation of the hard labor in building the Great Wall. Most of these pieces are rich in content, often based

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on specific characters and plots, with historical themes make up a significant portion. They are performed in a relatively flexible form, but most of them have lyrics, so the combination of singing and playing the qin zither would have been the dominant form. Cai Yong wrote in his Rhapsody on the Qin Zither, »I feel touched and stimulated by these songs, some of which are more reserved, some of which are more intensive.« Ji Kang also wrote in his Rhapsody on the Qin Zither, »to pluck the strings and sing,« »singing and playing the instruments alternate.« These quotations exactly exemplify that some qin zither pieces included songs. Also, a verbal explanation can be included before or during the performance perhaps due to the complexity of the plot. Way of the Qin Zither by Huan Tan records that when Yongmen Zhou from the Qi state played the qin zither for Lord Mengchang, he recited a passage first to introduce Lord Mengchang into the atmosphere before starting to play. The Qingying Qin Zither (Qin qingying 琴清英) by Yang Xiong also mentions that when Sun Xi played the qin zither for King of Jin, he did the same thing. In fact, this form was even inherited by performing arts of the later times, such as the storytelling with music (Fig. 3.1.5). In terms of the construction and playing techniques, the qin zither of the Han Dynasty has its own characteristics. The early Western Han qin zither, excavated from Mawangdui Tomb no.  3 in Changsha, has seven strings, but no hui 徽 harmonic markers. The top board has a long tail, which sticks out from the main body. Stacked on the bottom board, it can be moved freely. The construction is similar to tenstringed qin zither of the early Warring States period, excavated from Tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng in Suixian, Hubei. The top board, both covering the tail and main body, and the free bottom board are respectively made of Chinese paulownia and catalpa wood with different hardnesses. It is in line with the saying in »Necessity of Training« in Book of the Master of Huainan that »the qin zither

Chapter I Music of Qin and Han Dynasties

made of Chinese paulownia wood includes a belly made of catalpa wood.« In fact, this became the model for making a qin zither in the later times. As for the tuning, this instrument should be tuned to zhi mode of the Chinese pentatonic mode. To summarize, these early instruments are a kind of unbound qin zither without hui. When exactly did hui appear? When did the unbound instrument evolve into the integrated one? Due to insufficient information, there is no consensus. However, yue 约 made of pearl or jade ornament, probably equivalent to hui, is already mentioned in Seven Strategies (Qifa 七发) by Mei Sheng of the Western Han. In this case, hui could have appeared in the early Western Han period. Thereafter, although some writings of the Eastern Han were quite specific about the size, the number of strings and the tuning, they did not mention hui. The first document to mention this explicitly is Rhapsody on the Qin Zither, written by Ji Kang in the middle of the 3rd century. It says, »hui are made of the jade from Mount Zhong,« but does not point out their number. Making the Qin Zither, which was a copy from the Song period, but reportedly painted by Gu Kaizhi of the Eastern Jin, is collected in the Palace Museum. It depicts the qin zither in the integrated form with forehead, neck, shoulder, and waist. The outer side is marked with more than ten hui in a line to guide the player to play correct harmonics. So it is possible that around the time of the Eastern Jin, the unbound qin zither without hui has developed into the integrated one with hui. From the molded-brick reliefs of Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove and Rong Qiqi excavated from tombs of the Southern Dynasties such as that in Xishanqiao of Nanjing, it is clear that the construction of the qin zither played by Ji Kang and Rong Qiqi is similar to that from the Tang and Song dynasties to the present day. It has a mature form inlaid with hui. In any case, the basic structure of the qin zither with thirteen hui could have been established already in the Wei and Jin dynasties.

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3.1.5 Figure playing musical instrument, Ziyang, Sichuan

The technique of making the instrument was also constantly improving. The choice of the material is very important to the qin zither masters. It is reported that once in Wu, when someone burned Chinese paulownia wood for cooking, Cai Yong could tell from the crackling sound of the burning wood that it was a good material to make the qin zither. So he asked him to give it to him. When the construction was completed, it sounded good. Since the wood of the tail still had the scorch

marks, it was called »the scorched tail qin zither.« Later, it also became a model of the qin zither. The unbound qin zither without hui has a small sound chamber, so it would not be ideal in terms of volume and resonance. Also, the top board is not smooth enough to accomplish techniques such as glissando—sliding tones. So, the most important techniques are probably the open note and harmonic playing, mainly focused on the right hand. As its construction continued to be

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improved upon, so did the playing technique. It is written in »Necessity of Training« in Book of the Master of Huainan that although blind musicians cannot distinguish between day and night or black and white, they play the qin zither with their flexible, almost flying hands, »without missing a string« or making a mistake. The text mentions the four right-hand fingering techniques of jue 攫, yuan 援, biao 摽, and fu 拂. Other documents of the Han period also mention techniques such as quezhuan, lou 搂, pi 批, li 擽, and luo 捋. This shows that there were a great variety of qin zither fingerings in the Han Dynasty.

3. New Musical Instruments With the frequent interaction of the Han Dynasty with the Western Regions and other neighboring cultures, a number of exotic musical instruments were introduced to the inland, most notably the pipa lute, konghou harp, hujia flute and qiangdi flute. These instruments were gradually integrated into the Han culture. Some of them have even developed into the most important representatives of the traditional Chinese instruments and continued to flourish. One of them, the pipa lute, has been recorded since the Han Dynasty.The pipa 琵琶 is also written as pipa 枇杷 or piba 批把. According to some researches, »pipa« is the transliteration of the foreign word »barbat,« which refers to an ancient Persian musical instrument. Archaeological materials in Central and Western Asia, as well as in Xinjiang, have proved that pipa-like lutes have been present in these places since early times. The pipa was originally a kind of »music on the horse« of the nomadic peoples in the northwest, and was later introduced to the Central Plains through the Silk Road and other routes of cultural exchange opened in the early Han Dynasty. »Explaining Musical Instruments« in Explaining Terms (Shi ming 释名) by Liu Xi of Eastern Han writes that »pipa, originally from foreign countries, is played on the horse.« »Piba,« in Explanations of Social

Chapter I Music of Qin and Han Dynasties

Customs (Fengsu tong 风俗通, v. 6) by Ying Shao of the Eastern Han, writes that »it is three Chinese feet and five Chinese inches long, follows the model of heaven, earth, and human. Its four strings resemble four seasons or four times of a day.« Later, Fu Xuan of the Western Jin described the pipa in the preface to Rhapsody on Pipa (Pipa fu 琵琶赋) as an instrument that has a long neck with twelve frets and a round sound board, similar to the ruan (阮) or yue (月) lute of today. The image of this instrument has been repeatedly found in archaeological materials since Wei and Jin dynasties and can also be corroborated by written sources. Since Ruan Xian in the Western Jin Dynasty was good at playing this instrument, it was called the ruanxian 阮咸 pipa after the Tang Dynasty, from which its present name ruan is derived. Actually, it was the first pipa that became popular in the Central Plains during the Han and Wei dynasties. Afterwards, in the Northern and Southern Dynasties, new types of pipa were introduced one after another, for example, the bentneck pipa and the five-stringed pipa. The former has a pear-shaped sound chamber, and the part with tuning pegs is bent 90 degrees to the back side, so it is named the bent-neck pipa. The latter has a narrower sound chamber, a straight neck, and five strings, so it is called the five-stringed pipa, also Quci 屈次 pipa, Kucha pipa, or foreign pipa. To fit in with the settled farming life of the Chinese people, who have lived in the Central Plains for a long time, the traditional plucked string instruments, such as the qin, se, zheng, zhu zither, are laid flat in front of the player who sits on the knees. Both in terms of the instrument construction and the way of playing, the pipa differs so much from these instruments that it clearly does not belong to the same system. Archaeological materials and written documents indicate that it was played with a plectrum, which was unprecedented for a traditional plucked string instrument at that time. It also had straight frets under mul-

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tiple strings, whereas instruments such as the se and zheng zither had bridges under every string. With its unique tone and expressive power, the pipa quickly became a popular instrument, and a number of excellent pipa players emerged. By the time of the Northern and Southern Dynasties, the pipa was fully integrated into Chinese culture and was considered one of the traditional musical instruments of the Central Plains, known as the »Qin pipa« and »Qin Hanzi« (秦汉子). This kind of pipa (ruan) is still widely played today as a typical Chinese instrument. The Peacock Flies Southeast states that Liu Lanzhi, the wife of Jiao Zhongqing, »played the konghou harp at the age of 15 and recited the Confucian odes.« The konghou harp includes different types, namely the standing konghou, the lying konghou, and the phoenix-headed konghou, among others. The lying konghou was called konghou se 箜篌瑟 at the beginning of the Han Dynasty. »Monograph on Sacrificial Ceremonies« (»Jiaosi zhi« 郊祀志) in Book of Han records that after Emperor Wu of Han conquered Nanyue in 111 BCE, he ordered musicians to »play the 25-stringed se zither and the konghou se.« The konghou se is a kind of konghou that is similar to the se zither. It is mentioned as the lying konghou in later documents. The term »konghou,« unlike the single-syllable names of indigenous Chinese instruments, may have been created by the ancient Vietnamese, according to some research. A musician figure, a late relic of the Three Kingdoms excavated in Qilijie, Ezhou, Hubei, depicts a musician playing the lying konghou. The instrument has a rectangular sound chamber with six straight frets on the top board. Its head end and tail end are indented with traces of strings. However, the lying konghou was later lost in China and passed down in Gojoseon. There it developed over the years and finally became the xuan 玄 zither of today. The standing konghou is identical to the harp, which appeared very early in Western Asia and North Africa. It was an important musical instru-

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ment in ancient Egypt. In fact, images of harps in the bow form, triangular form or boat form are found in ancient Egyptian stone carvings from the 16th to the 14th centuries BCE. Later, in Assyria, a kind of triangular harp appeared, which has a horizontal wood stick to fix the strings. The Chinese standing konghou belong to the Assyrian triangular harps with horizontal wooden sticks, for example, the konghou from the 3rd to 4th centuries BCE, excavated from Zaghunluq Tomb no. 1 in Tuogela Keleke township in Qiemo, Xinjiang, the konghou depicted in murals of Qizil and Dunhuang caves, as well as the konghou of the Tang Dynasty preserved in the Shōsō-in, Japan. Around the beginning of the Han Dynasty, the standing konghou was introduced from the Western Regions to the Central Plains with the opening of the Silk Road, also known as the foreign konghou. Emperor Ling of Han was especially fond of it. The jia flute, probably written as »gu« (箛) in the Han Dynasty, also known as hujia or chuibian 吹 鞭, was introduced to China from the northwest. It was widely played during carriage rides as »music played on the horse.« Little is known about its form. Presumably, at first it was just a rolled-up reed leaf that could be blown, and later a mouthpiece made of reed was attached to a pipe with no finger holes. The jia in the Drum and Pipe Music ensemble of Han probably had a better construction and tone quality than its original form. The bili 觱篥 pipe, perhaps a closely related musical instrument, replaced the jia later for its better performance. The qiangdi flute was originally a wind instrument of the Qiang peoples in the frontier regions and was introduced to the inland in the Han Dynasty. Rhapsody on Long Flute (Changdi fu 长笛 赋) by Ma Rong of Eastern Han cites Qiu Zhong’s words that »the double flutes in contemporary times originated in Qiang« and claims that the qiangdi flute has four finger holes. However, Explaining and Analyzing Characters (Shuowen jiezi 说文解字) points out that the qiangdi has only

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three finger holes. The remain of the bamboo flute of Han, excavated from the Jiaqu company fort in Juyan, Gansu, has three finger holes, but it is unclear if this is a qiangdi. It is thought that the di flute appeared in the Central Plains only after the introduction of the qiangdi. However, this should not be the case. The Neolithic bone flute unearthed in Jiahu, Wuyang, Henan, is considered to be the origin of the di. In pre-Qin times, the term zhu 篴 actually referred to the di flute. Also, bamboo flutes of the early Han Dynasty have been excavated, such as the two di excavated from Mawangdui Han Tomb no.  1 in Changsha, each with six finger holes, and the di excavated from the Luobowan Han tomb in Guixian, Guangxi. It is no accident that they are all dated back to the early Han Dynasty, since the Central Plains already had a long history of this instrument before introduction of the qiangdi.

Section 5  Musical Exchanges with Frontier Regions and the Outside World The Han Dynasty had many cultural exchanges of music with the frontier regions and the foreign world, mainly in the Western Regions, in the southwest and the northeast. As for historical sources, only a limited number of written records concern this subject, so studies of archaeological materials from these areas shed light on the musical exchanges during this time.

1. Exchanges with the Western Regions The hinterlands of Asia to the west of the Qin and Han empires were home to many nomadic peoples. This region is generally referred to as the »Western Regions« in ancient Chinese texts. According to Miscellaneous records of the Western Capital (Xijing zaji 西京杂记), the music of Yutian was one of the earliest to reach the Central Plains from the Western Regions. At that time, Jia Peilan,

Chapter I Music of Qin and Han Dynasties

the maid of Lady Qi of Emperor Gaozu who later married Duan Ru from Fufeng, said of the palace, »On the 7th July on the Chinese lunar calendar, when I came to Baizi Pool, they were playing the Yutian music. After the music finished, couples used the five-colored threads to bound them together, which was called ›connecting each other for love.‹« Seen from this material, the music of Yutian had been introduced in the early Han Dynasty and was well received. After Zhang Qian was dispatched to the Western Regions in 139 BCE, the cultural exchange with the Western Regions deepened. It was recorded that Zhang Qian sent a deputy envoy to the Parthian Empire in the regions of the Iranian plateau, Euphrates, and Tigris. In return, the Parthian King also sent emissaries »to follow the emissaries of Han to see the vast territory of the Han Empire and send huge bird eggs and magic masters from Lixuan.« Emperor Wu was glad, so he invited them to a feast with music, dance, and variety shows—and actually, »magic masters from Lixuan« refers to magicians from ancient Rome. This new performance, the magic with great unpredictability and variety, was popular among people from all social classes in China. At that time, the capital city Chang’an became a melting pot of Chinese and foreign cultures, with a variety of things arriving from all areas. Foreign guests »with thick eyebrows and large noses, messy hair and curly beards« brought in specialties such as pomegranates and walnuts, as well as acrobatics, magic, musical, dances, and musical instruments such as konghou, pipa, bili, and huqin with special characteristics of the Western Regions. In the Han Dynasty, »Twenty-Eight Sections of New Music« of drum and pipe music was »recomposed according to foreign pieces.« Every time when Li Yannian »played new music and altered forms, no listener did not feel touched.« Emperor Ling of the Eastern Han »was fond of the foreign clothing, foreign tents, foreign beds, foreign ways of sitting, foreign rice, foreign harps,

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foreign flutes, foreign dance, and the nobles in the capital city all strove to follow his tastes.« Exotic artifacts, social customs, and the arts had a positive impact on the culture of the Han Chinese. Through infusion of foreign cultural elements, the culture of the Central Plains was revitalized. At the same time, the culture of the Han people spread to the Western Regions. For example, it influenced the Wusun state in the area of the Ili River, which straddles present-day Xinjiang and Kazakhstan. In 105 BCE, Princess Xijun, daughter of the Jiangdu King, Liu Jian, married the Wusun King, and became known as Princess Wusun. It is said that the pipa was actually created by the musicians she brought to Wusun with her. After her death, the Han court sent Liu Wunü, Princess Jieyou of the Chu King, to marry the Wusun King. Later, she had a daughter named Dishi with King Wengguimi. In the Emperor Xuan’s time, Dishi went to Chang’an to learn to play the musical instruments. On her way back, the King of Kucha Jiangbin asked her to stay and then went with her to meet Emperor Xuan in Chang’an. They were granted with a  seal  and a cord, with »carriages, horses, banners, drums, dozens of singers and wind instrument players, as well as beautiful embroidery, various silk fabrics, and precious jewelry, in total tens of millions of pieces.« Later, they went to Chang’an to pay tribute to the Han court many times. Jiangbin »enjoyed the system and regulations of clothing in the Han empire.« After returning to Kucha, he »renovated the palace, built strictly guarded roads, asked servants to announce people’s coming or leaving, strokes the chime bells and beat the drum, in the same way as the rituals of the Han court.« The close relationship between Kucha and Han lasted a long time. It is recorded in Shijing, Zhouli, Shiji, Erya 尔雅 that the Kucha musical ensemble includes instruments such as the sheng pipe, xiao flute, zheng zither, and tao drum, which indicates the deep cultural influence from the Central Plains. Great Tang Records on the Western Regions (Datang xiyu

SECTION 5 MUSICAL EXCHANGES WITH FRONTIER REGIONS AND THE OUTSIDE WORLD

ji 大唐西域记) by Xuanzang of the Tang Dynasty comments that Kucha was good at absorbing the arts of other peoples, and that their ensemble music was the best among the states of the Western Regions.

2. Exchanges with the Southwest From the Warring States to the Qin and Han dynasties, Lingnan, or Liangguang, was home to the Baiyue ethnic group. The Qin and Han government unified Lingnan, establishedcommanderies and counties there, and migrated people from the Central Plains to the region, which promoted its economic and cultural development. Although Zhao Tuo set up the independent regime of the Nanyue Kindom in this period, it was soon conquered by Emperor Wu of Han. After unification, the connection between Lingnan and the inland promoted the development of the bronze culture of the Baiyue, which is manifest in excavated bronze drums. After the Qin and Han dynasties, Guangxi gradually became one of the main areas in ancient China where bronze drums were cast and played. The largest of these is 165 cm in diameter and weighs 300 kg. From the Qin and Han dynasties to the Jin Dynasty, the peoples living in present-day Yunnan and Guizhou, as well as in the connecting zones of Yunnan, Sichuan, Guizhou and Guangxi, were known as the »Southwestern Barbarians.« The tribes in regions such as Yelang (the western part of Guizhou), Dian (the area around Jinning, Yunnan), and Qiongdu (the area around Xichang, Sichuan) originated from the Diqiang, Baiyue, and Baipu ethnic groups. As early as in the pre-Qin Period, these peoples began to absorb the culture of the Central Plains and create their own distinctive bronze culture. From the end of the Warring States to the Qin and Han dynasties, their bronze culture reached its peak, with the region of Lake Dian as the center. Many bronze artifacts from the period have pictorial representations or physical objects related to music and dance. Many bronze

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Chapter I Music of Qin and Han Dynasties

3.1.6  Bronze drum, excavated in Shizhaishan, Jinning, Yunnan

wares depict music and dance, such as those excavated from the ancient tomb groups in Lijiashan and in Shizhaishan, in Jinning of Yunnan, in Luobowan Han Tomb no.1 in Guixian, Guangxi, and the Mausoleum of the Nanyue King. A specific example is the music and dance depicted on the bronze shell container excavated in Shizhaishan. It is also the case with the bronze buckle of Shizhaishan, which shows eight musicians and dancers in two rows. In the lower row stands a person who shakes a bell with hands in accompaniment. Another bronze ornament of Shizhaishan has a scene of four dancers in pointed hats. All of them hold a bronze bell in their hand and dance in line. A drum-shaped bronze shell container from Shizhaishan has a cover that depicts a dance scene. The bronze gong attached on the shell container also has a scene of passionate dancing. A bronze ornament with a scene of two men performing the Tray Dance shows that two men sing and dance while stepping on a long snake, hands outstretched, each holding a tray. Some scholars believe the tray is actually the Chinese cymbal. In this case, it is the earliest known depiction of a

Chinese cymbal in archaeological material. The music and dance scenes on the bronze artifacts of Shizhaishan have not only characteristics of the local culture, but also cultural elements of the Central Plains. Musical instruments such as bronze drums, chime bells, bronze gourd sheng pipes, gongs, and bells have been excavated in the southern and southwestern regions. There are more than two thousand extant bronze drums, including those excavated and those handed down. The bronze drums that were popular in the southwestern region during the Qin and Han dynasties can be divided into the early Shizhaishan and Lengshuichong types. The former (Fig.  3.1.6) include those excavated in Shizhaishan of Jinning, in Yunnan, those in Lijiashan of Jiangchuan, and in Luobowan of Guixian, Guangxi. They are dated from the end of the Warring States period to the beginning of the Eastern Han Dynasty. The most typical case of the latter is the bronze drum excavated in Lengshuichong of Hengcun, Guangxi, dated from approximately the mid to late Western Han to Eastern Han. Some

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unearthed artifacts also depict a scene of playing a bronze drum. For example, a bronze shell container of Shizhaishan is modeled with a sacrificial scene on its cover, in which a person, sitting on his knees with a drumstick in each hand, is simultaneously striking a bronze drum and a chunyu drum in front of him. Also, the drum-shaped shell container of Shizhaishan depicts a dance scene on its cover, in which a bronze drum is laid flat on the ground, next to two people seemingly singing and beating the drum with their hands. As for chime bells, many chime bells of the Warring States period have been excavated in Yunnan, Guangxi, and Guangdong, mostly niu bells and pan 鋬 bells. Among the niu bells, a single niu bell has been excavated both from the Dabona tomb with wooden outer coffin and bronze inner coffin in Xiangyun, Yunnan, and in Changning, Yunnan. A chime of three niu bells has been excavated in Jiancun, Xiangyun. In Futulong, Mouding, Yunnan, some large chime bells have been excavated, the largest of which is 53 cm in height. The chime consists of six bells. Similar to those of the Central Plains, these bells have an almond-shaped cross-section, but their shape and ornaments have local characteristics. In fact, more chime bells of the Qin and Han types have been found in this area. Among them, a chime of six niu bells of the Han Dynasty was excavated from the Shizhaishan Tomb no. 6. They have a semi-ring-shaped handle and an elliptic cylindrical body, whose upper part is wider than the lower, with the cross-section in the almond shape. The largest of them is 40.3 cm in height and the smallest is 29 cm in height. In addition, a bell hanger was also found in the tomb, which has wooden beams and bronze feet. However, the beams have decayed. In addition, two niu bells have been found in Luobowan Han Tomb in Guixian, Guangxi. They have a cylindrical body, whose front is inscribed with the words »weighing eight catties and four taels, made in Bu« and »weighing seven catties, made in Bu,« as well as the serial number of each bell. As for the

SECTION 5 MUSICAL EXCHANGES WITH FRONTIER REGIONS AND THE OUTSIDE WORLD

pan bells, most of them have a V-Shaped handle, also named sheep-horn-shaped handle, and a few of them have a T-shaped handle. They were popular from the Warring States Period to the Han Period. The cases from a relatively early date include a chime of six bells excavated from the Wanjiaba Early Warring States Tomb in Chuxiong, Yunan. They have a relatively small vault-shaped top, and both sides of their body protrude to the outside. The bell mouth is slightly inwardly curved, and a pair of rectangular perforations can be seen on the both sides of the top. Also, a pan bell has been excavated from the Putuo Bronze Drum Tomb in Xilin, Guangxi, which has a similar shape to the Wanjiaba bells. Another example is the pan bell excavated from the Luobowan Western Han Tomb in Guixian, Guangxi. The form is close to the previous one, but with a shorter and wider body. The front of the body is cast with a human face ornament. According to the similar type of the pan bells with sheep-horn-shaped handle of the Han Dynasty, this type may have originated in central Yunnan and spread gradually to eastern and southern Yunnan, as well as to northern Vietnam, Guizhou, Guangxi, and Guangdong. A chime of eight gaodiao (勾鑃) bells of different sizes has been excavated from the tomb of Nanyue King Zhao Mo in Xianggang, Guangzhou, along with chime bells and chime stones. The goudiao bells have a flat cuboid handle and have no ornament on their body, but are engraved with the words »Made by Artisans of the Music Bureau in the Ninth Year of Emperor Wen« and the serial number of each bell. The ninth year of Emperor Wen of Nanyue was actually the sixth year of Yuanguan in the reign of Emperor Wu of Han. The inscription not only suggests that the Nanyue Kingdom imitated the Western Han court in establishing their Music Bureau, but also indicates that they were produced locally. In the Dabona Tomb in Xiangyun, Yunnan, a kind of musical instrument named gourd sheng pipes has been excavated, dated from the Warring

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States Period. Only the bronze gourd-shaped base has remained, since the bamboo pipes have perished, leaving a large round hole that was used to insert the pipes. Also, two bronze bases of the gourd sheng pipes was excavated in Lijiashan, Jiangchuan. They resemble the gourd with a bent shank. Their mouthpiece is located near the end of the shank. Each of them is cast with a standing ox for decoration. The pipe holes are divided into two rows, one row of five holes and one row of seven holes, but the pipes have perished. Another two bronze bases of the gourd sheng pipes have been excavated from the ancient tomb groups in Shizhaishan, Jinning. Their pipe holes, also divided into two rows with five and seven holes, respectively, reach all the way to the bottom of the base. This instrument is still played by the ethnic groups such as Yi, Lahu, Wa, and Nu today. Usually, it has five to seven pipes, but they are mostly arranged in clusters. The sheng pipes of the Spring and Autumn and the Warring States Period, excavated in Chu, all use the gourd as base and have only two rows of pipe holes, even if some have more than 10 holes. Examples are the 16-pipe sheng pipes of the late Spring and Autumn Period, excavated from Caojiagang, Dangyang, Hubei, and the 12- to 18-pipe sheng pipes excavated from the early Warring States tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng in Suixian. Also, the yu pipes excavated from the Mawangdui Han Tomb no. 1, used as funerary ware, have a wooden base with two rows of pipe holes. Therefore, the gourd sheng pipes of the ancient southwestern peoples and the sheng pipes of Chu may be closely related to each other. Besides the real instruments, images show the performance of this instrument, for example, the drum surface of the Kaihua bronze drum, as well as the figure of a gourd sheng pipe player, etc. A bronze ornament of four people dancing and making music, excavated in Shizhaishan, shows the scene of four people dancing side by side in pointed hats with ball decoration. Their garment is knee-length, with a rounded buckle on the

Chapter I Music of Qin and Han Dynasties

belly. Each person holds a bell in the right hand and shakes it to match the rhythm of the steps. Here, the bell is not only an accompaniment instrument but also a dance instrument. The gong is mentioned in the records after the Northern and Southern Dynasties, but the earliest of the excavated ones is dated to the Han Dynasty. Among them, a bronze gong of the Han Dynasty was excavated from the Luobowan Han Tomb no. 1. It has a flat surface that is engraved with the character »Bu« (布), and also a protruding rope pattern at the edge, as well as three ring ears. It is 33.5 cm in diameter. Another example is a bronze gong of the Han Period from Shizhaishan, Jinning, probably a primitive a mang 铓 gong. When excavated, it covered a shell container. Its surface is in a conical shape with an ear on the side and measures 52.5  cm in diameter. The surface is decorated with patterns of a feathered man’s dance and a triangular sawtooth pattern, similar to the Shizhaishan bronze drum. It is important to note that in some Dong Son cultural heritage sites in Vietnam, bronze drums and bronze gongs are found together. According to the present-day customs of the Wa and Kumu peoples in Yunnan, bronze drums and mang gongs are sometimes played together. A chunyu drum is modeled in the carvings on the cover of a bronze shell container from Shizhaishan. In the depicted scene, the chunyu drum is played together with a bronze drum. This carving indicates that the Dian people also played the chunyu drums. China also has a long history of cultural exchanges with Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia, Myanmar, Thailand, the Malay Peninsula and the South Seas Islands. The bronze drum culture, which originated in the central region of the Yungui Plateau, spread to the above-mentioned countries at a very early stage. The drums in Wanjiaba type, popular from the Warring States to the Eastern Han, have been found in these areas frequently. The Red River Delta in northern Vietnam and the area of Dong

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Son in Thanh Hoa in central Vietnam are among the areas where bronze drums from pre-Qin to Han have been most frequently excavated. During the pre-Qin Period, with the exchange of merchants, Chinese iron farming tools, ox-farming techniques and cultural classics were introduced into Vietnam. Items such as ivory and pearls were also imported from Vietnam to China. By the 2nd century BCE, the land route from Sichuan to Burma via Yunnan had been opened, through which goods were transported to countries such as Sindhu and Bactria. It was later called the Southern Silk Road. Actually, when Zhang Qian was dispatched to the Western Regions, he saw Chinese products such as Shu cloth and Qiong bamboo sticks in Bactria, which were probably transported via this route. At the same time, a sea route from Hepu Commandery (present-day Xuwen, Guangdong) in Jiaozhou to Myanmar was also opened. In the first year of Yongning of the Eastern Han (120 CE), Yongyoutiao, King of the Shan State (in the east of present-day Burma), sent emissaries for the second time to pay tribute to the Han court. They »offered music performances and magicians, who were able to breathe fire in various ways, tear their bodies apart, switch between ox and horse heads, as well as juggle balls for up to a thousand times.« The program was also performed in the New Year’s meeting of the following year. Emperor An of Han watched it together with his courtiers and was amazed by the performance. So he granted the performers seals and cords, and gold and silver, as well as colorful silk. They said that they came from Haixi, which, also known as Daqin or Lixuan, was the Chinese name for the Roman Empire at the time. During the performance in Luoyang, the Grandee Remonstrant and Consultant Chen Shan said that it was inappropriate for the court to show barbarian techniques, according to Confucius’ words »the music from Zheng is immoderate.« However, Chen Zhong from the Department of State Affairs argued that people from the Shan State had gone

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through quicksand, crossed rivers only with a rope, and traveled a long distance to contribute, so the music from Zheng and Wei was not comparable to their performances. At the end of the Eastern Han Dynasty, since the Central Plains were afflicted by war, many literati traveled south to Jiaozhi (present-day Vietnam) to avoid the disaster. According to Record of the Three Kingdoms, literati such as Huan Hua, Xue Zong, Xu Jing, Cheng Bing wrote books and taught in Jiaozhi. Since they brought all kinds of culture from the Central Plains, they were popular with local residents.

3. Exchanges with Korea and Japan During the Western Han Period, Wuhuan, Xianbei, Yilou, Fuyu and Goguryeo were the main ethnic groups in the northeast. Both Wuhuan and Xianbei belonged to the Donghu tribes, which ranched for a living and migrated to find water and meadows. The Yilou people were the descendants of the ancient Sushen people. They lived in the caves of the mountains, planted grains and also hunted for a living. The Fuyu people both farmed and ranched. »Biography of the Eastern Yi Barbarians« in Book of the Later Han records that when Fuyu people sacrificed to Heaven in December of the Chinese lunar calendar, they held the ceremonies for days with many feasts, music and dances, which were called yinggu 迎鼓. People sung all day and night. In the third year of Yuanfeng (108 BCE), Emperor Wu of Han set up Xuantu Commandery to rule Fuyu and Goguryeo and »granted them drum and pipe music performers.« Since then, the peoples in the northeast and the Han were more closely related. In 37 BCE, Zhu Meng founded Goguryeo, which had a territory in the area around the present-day Yalu River and its tributary, the Hun River. The Goguryeo and Fuyu peoples had similar languages and social customs. Both were good at singing and dancing, according to the description in Book of the Later Han, and »every evening men and women gathered in groups to perform music

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and variety shows.« A number of music and dance frescoes have been found in Goguryeo tombs in Ji’an, Jilin. During the Eastern Han Period, the Fuyu, Yilou, and Goguryeo people had closer political, economic, and cultural ties with the inland than in the Western Han Period. In the 8th year of Jianwu (32 CE), Goguryeo sent emissaries to the Han court. In the 25th year of Jianwu (49 CE), the Fuyu King also sent emissaries to pay tribute, and Emperor Guangwu granted him with generous gifts. In the 1st year of Yonghe in Emperor Shun’s reign (136 CE), when the Fuyu King personally came to Luoyang to pay tribute to Emperor Shun, the Emperor gave him a high-profile reception and specially asked performers »to play the Drum and Pipe Music of the Yellow Gates as well as variety shows to entertain him.« China and Gojoseon had close relations as far back as ancient times. When King Wu of Zhou exterminated Shang, he is said to have conferred a title on Jizi in Gojoseon. Jizi taught the local people farming, silkworm raising, rituals, and spread Chinese culture on the Korean Peninsula. During the Warring States and the Qin and Han dynasties, the people of Yan, Qi and Zhao also took refuge in Gojoseon, bringing with them Chinese writing, vessels, coins and more. In the early Western Han Dynasty, Wiman (or Wei Man) entered Gojoseon from Yan and established himself as the King of Gojeseon in the capital city Wanggeom-seong (south of present-day Pyongyang), ruling the northwestern part of the Korean Peninsula. In the third year of Yuanfeng (108 BCE), Emperor Wu of Han conquered Gojoseon and established the commanderies of Zhenfan, Lintun, and Lelang in the region ruled by Wiman. During the Eastern Han Dynasty, »Three Hans« were established in the southern Korean Peninsula, including Byeonhan, Jinhan, and Mahan. Among them, the Mahan people often sacrificed to ghosts and gods in May after the harvest, and to the heavens in October. During the sacrifices they drank, sang, and danced days and nights, often with dozens of peo-

Chapter I Music of Qin and Han Dynasties

ple treading on the ground for rhythm. The ruler of Jinhan claimed to be a descendant of Qin who fled to Korea to avoid hard labor, and then ruled the area east to Mahan. Because its political system and customs were similar to those of the Qin Dynasty, it was also called Qin Han. It is said that the Jinhan people liked to sing, dance, and play the se zither. In fact, the se zither was one of the main string instruments of the pre-Qin China. In the Classic of Poetry it is often mentioned together with the qin zither. However, the se zither in Jinhan could also be the konghou se, or the lying konghou, since it was quite popular in Gojoseon and could be the predecessor to the xuan zither of today. A scene of playing the lying konghou is also depicted in the frescoes of the Goguryeo tombs in Ji’an, Jilin. The Byeonhan people were intermingled with the Jinhan people and mainly resided in the area which was closest to Japan on the Korean Peninsula. Tattooing was one of their distinctive customs. At the end of the Eastern Han Period, the Baekje state, established by the Fuyu people, and the Silla state, established by the Han 韩 people, maintained economic and cultural exchanges with China. On the Korean Peninsula, many artifacts imported from the Han Dynasty have been unearthed. The local artifacts of Gojoseon also bear obvious traces of Han cultural influence. In Anak, southwest of Pyongyang, Goguryeo tomb frescoes from the 4th century have been discovered. The scene of a great procession, painted on the east wall of the corridor of the largest tomb, no. 3, shows the playing of drum and pipe music on horses. The painted instruments include the yubao 羽葆 drums, xiao flutes, horns, nao bells, etc., which exhibit the influence of the drum and pipe music of the Han Dynasty on Goguryeo. The Han empire had increasingly frequent exchanges with Wa (present-day Japan). In the Han Period, there were more than a hundred states in Wa. In the time of Emperor Wu of Han, more than thirty states had connections with China through

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the Korean Peninsula. In the second year of Jianwuzhongyuan (57 CE) in the reign of Emperor Guangwu of the Eastern Han, the Na state in the most southern part of Wa paid tribute to the Han court. The emissary called himself a grandee and was granted with a seal and a cord by the emperor. A gold seal of the »King of the Na state of the Wa of Han,« unearthed in Kanaezaki, Shikanoshima, in Fokuoka, Japan, in 1784, has confirmed this account. In addition, many bronze mirrors and swords of the Han Dynasty have been found in this area are also good evidence of the early SinoJapanese cultural exchange. The Book of the Later Han writes of the funerary custom of Wa that »the family of the dead wept and did not eat or drink,« but they also »sang and danced for fun.« The specifics of the singing and dancing activities are unknown. The bronze duo

SECTION 5 MUSICAL EXCHANGES WITH FRONTIER REGIONS AND THE OUTSIDE WORLD

bells excavated in Japan have a unique shape and a large size that could reach a height of 1 m, for example, those excavated in the 7th year of Emperor Tenji’s reign (668 CE) in Ōmi (near present-day Kyoto), found in Nagaokano in the 6th year of Wadō (713 CE), and later in the Kansai area (from present-day Tokyo to Osaka and Kobe). Used both in ceremonies and for decorative purposes, they were a product of the transition from the Jōmon culture to the Yayoi culture, dating from the 3rd to the 2nd century BCE, equivalent to the period of the late Warring States to the Qin and Han dynasties. Among the bronze wares of the same period from Kitakyushu, bronze mirrors and swords imported from China have been found. However, due to a lack of evidence, it is not known whether the Japanese bronze duo bells were influenced by Chinese ritual musical instruments such as chime bells.

CHAPTER II ACROBATICS AND DANCE IN THE QIN AND HAN DYNASTIES Section 1  The Flourishing of Acrobatics in the Qin and Han During the Qin and Han dynasties, there were many exchanges between the arts of different regions and ethnic groups. Among the arts, acrobatics flourished. They were popular among all social strata and enjoyed a great diversity. Traces of acrobatic performances can be found on pictorial materials excavated from different sites, not only those of the royals and nobles, but also the common people. These performances had diverse formats; although they were still in the early stages of their development, they were executed in a relatively large scale, with almost consistent performing methods.

1. Early Acrobatics and Types of Acrobatics in the Qin and Han Generally speaking, the emergence of Qin and Han acrobatics, along with Qin and Han suyue 俗 乐 dance, resulted from the collapse of ritual after the Spring and Autumn and the Warring States periods. Pre-Qin acrobatics had already developed many complex forms, laying the ground for the prospering of Qin and Han acrobatics. Some written records give a glimpse into the history of early acrobatics in the Xia, Shang, and Zhou dynasties. »Xia Jie’s concubine Mo Xi«, in »Depraved Favorites« (»Niebi« 孽嬖) in Biographies of Exemplary Women, by Liu Xiang of Western Han, records jester performances in the Xia court and relates them to the extravagance of the fatuous ruler, Xia Jie. It says that Jie »gathered jesters, dwarfs, and fun-providers who could do

strange tricks around him and play extravagant music,« and that »he drank with Mo Xi and his maids day and night, without stopping.« The »jesters« here provided entertainment for people to laugh at. Their emergence is not only an early phenomenon of theatre but also of acrobatics, since the so-called »strange tricks« probably refers to acrobatics, magic, or animal fighting. Shamanism was valued in the Shang Dynasty, as can be seen in the text, »the divination on the day of Gengying predicts that if people were ordered to perform the pin dance, there would be hard slanting rain.« The character pin looks like two feet playing with a ball. It probably refers to a kind of shamanic performance of prayer for rain through envisioning and pleasing the gods. It could also be a precursor of acrobatics, such as juggling with the feet. »Great Declaration III« in Book of Documents (Shangshu 尚书) records that King Zhou of Shang »played strange tricks to please women.« According to »Annals of Yin« in Records of the Grand Historian, King Zhou was said to be strong, and capable of fighting with beasts barehanded. He gave command to build the Shaqiu Garden, in which wild animals, flying birds, dogs and horses were settled. He was arrogant towards spirits and gods, but organized large-scale musical and theatrical performances in the Shaqiu Garden. Such courtly entertainment was similar to acrobatics, magic, and animal shows. As for dance, Great King Wu of the Zhou Dynasty is a martial dance. Another type of dance, the whisk dance, features playing with a long strip of silk on the tip of a pole, similar to the acrobatics of later times, juggling banners for thousands of feet. As for the Tens-of-Thousands Dance, it was

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danced by many people together to boost morale. »Jianxi« (简兮) in the »Odes of Bei« in Book of Songs has a vivid description of its techniques, including strength training, carriage driving, and horse riding. In response to political demands, feudal lords tried to keep talents as retainers, and the retainers actively participated in political struggles. Under such social conditions, various acrobatics began to take shape. It laid the foundation for the initial maturation of Qin and Han acrobatics. During the Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods, ritual collapsed and novel tricks flourished. At the same time, because the feudal lords contended for hegemony and the ministers struggled for power, it was a growing trend for the lords and ministers to recruit all kinds of talent. The princes of the Warring States, Lord Xinling and Mengchang, as well as the Qin minister Lü Buwei, all had more than 1,000 retainers. Some of them were good at rhetoric, giving political advice, and were devoted to the geographical vertical (north-south axis) and horizontal (east-west axis) alliances. Some were warriors who were good at fighting in the battle. Others were peculiar people who were endowed with special abilities, or occult practitioners who were good at changing things miraculously. Although they only exhibited trivial skills to attract lords and ministers, their skills could also be very useful. Some of them have been passed down as historical legends. As recorded in the The Zuo Tradition (Zuozhuan 左传), when the ministers of the Qi state were engaged in an infighting, one party asked horse trainers to give a horse show to attract the attention of the warriors of the other party, and then took the opportunity to kill them. According to Records of the Grand Historian, among the retainers of Lord Mengchang, the Prince of Qi, some were good at body shrinking, and others were good at imitating the cry of a rooster. Other examples include Gongye Chang, who was good at interpreting birds’ language; Bo

SECTION 1 THE FLOURISHING OF ACROBATICS IN THE QIN AND HAN

Le, who was good at judging the quality of horses; and Zhu Hai, who was able to beat a tiger—and more. Some of these special abilities could be trained and improved as a kind of martial arts. For example, there was an archery skill to shoot arrows into the shape of words. Also, some people could throw swords and daggers between their hands, which was developed into the acrobatics of sword juggling later. It is said that Yang Youji of the Chu state could »shoot poplar and willow leaves at a distance of one hundred steps« with his bow and arrow. The arrows he shot »had the power to penetrate seven armors.« Some occult practitioners claimed to their lords and ministers that they could go to the heavens, or dive into the sea, and seek medicine for immortality from the immortals. Their tricks were based on some rarely known scientific knowledge and magic techniques. King Zhao of Yan, King Cheng of Qi, and others, all fell into these traps many times and did never find them suspicious. Books such as Zhuangzi 庄子 and Liezi 列子 also tell many miraculous legends. For example, »Xu Wugui« (徐无鬼) in Zhuangzi records that Xiong Yiliao, a hermit of Chu, had excellent skill in juggling balls. »King Mu of Zhou« in Liezi has a record about magicians from foreign regions: In the time of King Mu of Zhou, some magicians came from the kingdoms in the extreme west. They went into water and fire, penetrated metals and stones, exchanged the positions of mountains and rivers, and moved cities. When they stayed in the air, they did not fall down. When they faced a solid surface, they went through without being hindered by it. They showed thousands of inexhaustible changes.

It also tells the story of Lao Chengzi learning magic from Yin Wen. He learned a very miraculous magic of producing thunder in winter and ice in summer. »Explaining Conjunctions« (»Shuofu« 说符) in Liezi has records of the acrobats who performed tricks for lords and ministers with their own props for rewards, known as lanzi 兰子. They

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performed walking on stilts, juggling swords, and »swallow« acrobatics. It is said that »they juggled seven swords while running or riding a horse very fast, and threw them one after another high up into the air, so that five of them were always in the air.« Biographies of Exemplary Women by Liu Xiang of the Western Jin describes Zhongli Chun’s performance of a disappearing act in front of King Xuan of Qi: »He suddenly disappeared before finishing his words. King Xuan was greatly astonished.« After Qin Shi Huang stopped promoting martial arts and advocated juedi 角抵, or wrestling, this acrobatic art began to enter the palace on a large scale. The back of a wooden comb, unearthed from the Fenghuangshan Qin tomb in Jiangling, Hubei, is actually painted with an image of two people wrestling. According to historical documents, juedi had been introduced to the court around the Qin Dynasty. For example, »Biography of Li Si« in Records of the Grand Historian records that Qin Er Shi asked performers »to perform the juedi and musical comedies.« It is known that at that time, juedi, which belonged to acrobatics, was performed together with singing, dancing, and comedy. Juedi literally means wearing a horn on the head to fight with others, but actually refers to a kind of strength competition. At times, the term was synonymous with all variety shows, including acrobatics. According to historical legend, in the brutal battle between Huangdi and Chiyou, Chiyou, who was good at fighting, had a horn on his head. That’s why juedi was also named chiyou acrobatics. Tales of Strange Matters by Ren Fang of the Southern dynasties records: »In Jizhou, there was a kind of music performance that was named chiyou acrobatics. The participators formed groups of two or three and wore cow horns to fight with each other. The juedi acrobatics created in the Han Dynasty probably originated from this.« On Han portrait stones, the scenes of juedi are often depicted,

CHAPTER II ACROBATICS AND DANCE IN THE QIN AND HAN DYNASTIES

such as those seen on the portrait stones from the Jinqueshan Han tomb in Linyi, Shandong, and those from the Jiaxiang Han tomb in Shandong. On portrait stones, a chiyou is often depicted as a human under the disguise of a beast, similar to the animal costume shows that commonly appear in Han acrobatics. After the Han Dynasty, juedi was combined with the suyue dance, or secular dance, with its techniques improved, programs renewed, and content enriched, also known as »grand juedi.« In the time of Emperor Wu of Han, the magnificent grand juedi performances impressed the public with their astonishing skills. They were performed regularly for Emperor Wu to welcome foreign ambassadors and guests and to show the prosperity of the Han Empire. It is recorded that in the third year of Yuanfeng (108 BCE), Emperor Wu »prepared a lake of wine and a forest of meat to treat the guests from four barbarian tribes on the borders,« and that »music and dance such as the bayu, haizhong, dangji, as well as acrobatics such as pole acrobatics, dragon and fish dances, and juedi were performed for people to watch.« When the magnificent grand juedi was performed, »residents within 300 li all came to watch it.« »Biographies of Dayuan« in Records of the Grand Historian has a detailed description of this unprecedentedly grand performance. Such an event was good for acrobatics to absorb new techniques, unique formats, and new programs. It also provided a stage for acrobats to interact and communicate with each other. In this event, magicians from Lixuan, who came along with the king and ambassadors of the Parthian Empire, performed their extraordinary magic arts. This yearly renewed acrobatic performance lasted for decades until the fifth year of Chuyuan (44 BCE), in the reign of Emperor Yuan of Han. After that, the tradition of juedi continued both among the noble families and the common people. The acrobatic arts continued to develop in diverse forms, with various programs. In the Eastern Han Period, a new concept of baixi 百戏, or the variety show,

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SECTION 1 THE FLOURISHING OF ACROBATICS IN THE QIN AND HAN

3.2.1  Portrait stone with an acrobatic scene, excavated from the Wu Family Shrine in Jiaxiang, Shandong

came into being, which refers to the entertainment programs that had acrobatics as their basis and other performing arts as components. That became representative of the general performing arts in the Han Dynasty. Citing Rites of Han by Cai Zhi, Book of the Later Han (Houhanshu 后汉书) claims that according to Han customs, on the 1st of January of the Chinese lunar calendar, programs such as the dragon and fish dance, tightrope walking, and Tibetan magic must be performed to celebrate the new year. Rhapsody on the Western Metropolis by Zhang Heng of Eastern Han, has a vivid description of the acrobatics, including programs such as ding 鼎 lifting, pole acrobatics, passing a narrow passage and jumping on water plates like a swallow, lying of sharp knives on the breast, juggling balls and swords, tightrope walking, playing with leopards and brown bears, playing with snakes, knife swallowing and fire breathing. To sum up, the acrobatics of the Han Dynasty can be mainly divided into following categories: body skills, strength skills, aerial acrobatics, animal shows including horse shows, and magic. Besides those, there

were also pelting skills, animal costume shows, comedies, and clown shows. Body skills include handstands, backbends, kicking, somersaults, etc. Handstands were also called daozhi 倒植 in the Han Dynasty. The poses of handstands are depicted in various ways on excavated materials such as Han portrait stones of Nanyang, Henan and from Wu Family Shrines in Jiaxiang, Shandong (Fig. 3.2.1), either as onearmed handstands on a wine jar, or one-armed handstand with bowls on the head, or handstands on pan 盘 drums. The backbend, a kind of contortion skill of bending backward, is depicted in the scene of a backbend with a jar in the mouth on a portrait stone from Cangshan, Shandong, and also in the murals of the Bangzitai Han Tomb of Liaoyang. Rhapsody On the Western Metropolis also mentions two programs, »passing a narrow passage and jumping on water plates like a swallow (chongxia yanzhuo 冲狭燕濯), and lying with sharp knives on the breast (xiongtu xianfeng 胸突 铦锋).« They include techniques mainly involving the waist and legs, such as flipping the body and crossing obstacles. Chongxia means going

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through very narrow rings, as is depicted on the Han portrait stones of Nanyang. Some rings are inserted with sharp knives, which made the performances even more breathtaking. Yanzhuo refers to walking on trays filled with water without moistening the clothes, in the same way as the swallow touches the water’s surface during flight. The martial art technique »touching the water surface three times like a swallow« of later times probably originated from this acrobatic technique. These amazing acrobatic programs show people’s desire to transcend their natural limits. In Han acrobatic arts, strength skills include programs such as wrestling, named jueli 角力, zhengjiao 争交, and xiangpu 相扑 in the Han Dynasty, as well as ding lifting. »Basic Annals of Qin« in Records of the Grand Historian records: »The Crown Prince of Wei came to meet King Wu of Qin. King Wu had great strength and liked variety shows, so people with great strength skills such as Ren Bi, Wu Huo, and Meng Yue were all elevated to top posts. When King Wu and Meng Yue competed to lift a ding, King Wu broke his patella.« The Han acrobatic program »Wu Huo Lifts the Ding« actually originated from this. In a Han tomb in Nanyang, Henan, more than 20 portrait stones with scenes of xiangren (animal tamers,象人) fighting bulls, tigers, rhinoceroses and other animals were excavated. The portrait stones from the Wu Family Shrine and from the Honglou Han Tomb in Tongshan, Xuzhou, have scenes of strength acrobatics such as fighting tigers, uprooting trees, dragging beasts, and lifting large mortars. Aerial acrobatics took many forms in the Han Dynasty, including tightrope walking, pole acrobatics, wagon acrobatics, etc. Tightrope walking is called »tightrope walking high above the ground« in Rhapsody on Pingle Lodge (Pingleguan fu 平乐 观赋) by Li You of Eastern Han. The Han Official System (Hanguan dianzhi 汉官典职) by Cai Zhi writes about the details of this performance: Two silk ropes were tied between two pillars which stood a few feet apart. Two actresses walked on

CHAPTER II ACROBATICS AND DANCE IN THE QIN AND HAN DYNASTIES

the ropes and danced towards each other. When they passed each other, their shoulders touched each other and they did not bend their bodies. This is what Rhapsody on the Western Metropolis mentions as »walking on the tightrope and meeting each other.« On the Yinan Han portrait stone, scenes of variety shows are depicted. Among them, there is scene of three persons walking on a tightrope. The person in the middle is doing a handstand, while the other two beside him are dancing with a feathered canopy and a halberd. On the Zoucheng Han portrait stone from Shandong, eight persons and two monkeys are shown performing on two slanting ropes. In pole acrobatic programs, performances are done on the tops of poles, as shown in a scene of seven people performing on the tops of poles, at the Gounan Han tomb in Weishan, Shandong. Wagon acrobatics have more complex combinations of programs, as shown in a scene of wagon acrobatics and tightrope walking depicted on a portrait stone from Xinye, Henan (Fig. 3.2.2). In the Han Dynasty, magic was often performed by many people with large props. Rhapsody On the Western Metropolis describes: »It is full of fantasies and sudden changes. The shape is often changed and the body is often divided.« It also mentions »a giant beast is hundreds of xun 寻 long, called manyan 漫衍.« The descriptions above show the rapid changes and large scale of a performance. A Han portrait stone with the scene of a fish and dragon dance, excavated in Tongshan, Jiangsu, depicts the carriage of immortals with fish and dragons, surrounded by clouds. Giants, bears, magicians, etc., are in the carriage. Accompanied programs include fire breathing, turtle shows, moving heavy stones, and elephant shows. In any case, rich elements of magic performances are included in the picture. The magic performances of the Han often included elements from the Western Regions, such as swallowing swords, breathing fire, dismembering the body, planting melons, and rope escapology. However,

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SECTION 1 THE FLOURISHING OF ACROBATICS IN THE QIN AND HAN

3.2.2 Portrait stone with the scene of wagon acrobatics, excavated in Xinye, Henan

some people used magic as a means to cheat and receive favor from the emperor. For example, in Collection of Supernatural Tales (Soushen ji 搜神 记), vol. 2, it is recorded that after the death of Lady Li, the favorite of Emperor Wu of Han, Emperor Wu couldn’t stop thinking about her. Then, Li Shaoweng, an occult practitioner from Qi, built a curtain for the Emperor so that he could see the illusion of Lady Li at night behind the curtain. Li Shaoweng was instantly favored and was made General Wencheng. Later, he was killed by Emperor Wu of Han when he was exposed for faking the »heavenly book inside a bull’s belly.« Also, because Li’s fellow student, the occult practitioner Luan Da, exhibited some tricks based on magnetic force, Emperor Wu treated him like a god. Therefore, he was appointed as General Wuli and granted with the credentials of General Wuli, General Tianshi, General Dishang, General Da-

tong, Marquis Letong, and General Tiandao. He became famous in the empire at that time. However, because his tricks were exhausted later, he was killed. Also, »Biographies of Occult Practitioners« in Book of Later Han records the magic performance of Zuo Ci, a man from Lujiang. He once visited Cao Cao and asked for a copper plate filled with water. He fished in the plate with a bamboo pole and suddenly pulled a striped bass out of water. Cao Cao applauded and laughed. All people there were surprised. The description of this fish trick in the book is extremely vivid. Romance of the Three Kingdoms (Sanguo yanyi 三国 演义) tells the story of »Zuo Ci throwing a cup to entertain Cao Cao.« According to the account, Zuo Ci threw a cup in the air, and turned it into a white dove that flew around the hall. It attracted people’s attention, so he could take the opportunity to escape. Magic performances such as the dragon

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3.2.3 Scene of a horse show, depicted on a portrait stone from Yinan, Shandong

and fish dance were also created by occult practitioners and based on magic tricks. »Affluence and Scarcity« (»Sanbuzu« 散不足) in Discussions on Salt and Iron mentions that »shows of hundreds of beasts including horse shows and fighting tigers,« making it the earliest to mention the term »horse show.« Rhapsody On the Western Metropolis also mentions animal shows such as »water acrobats playing with snakes.« The great variety of acrobatics is also evident from unearthed Han portrait stones. On the Han Dynasty portrait stone at the Confucian Temple in Linzi, Shandong, several acrobats are depicted jumping in the air between running horses and carriages. The scenes of variety shows on Han portrait stones from Yinan includes three impressive images of a single acro-

CHAPTER II ACROBATICS AND DANCE IN THE QIN AND HAN DYNASTIES

bat performing the horse show (Fig. 3.2.3). In the Huchang Western Han Tomb in Yangzhou, a lacquer cosmetic box with a silver button and picture of three children has been excavated, where a scene of a handstand on horseback is depicted. The stone gate on Mount Song in Dengfeng also has pictures of horse shows. In addition, there are vivid carvings of some other animal shows on Han portrait stones, such as elephant taming, snake taming, tiger taming, deer taming, monkey taming, bear taming, etc. For example, in the animal taming scene on an Eastern Han portrait stone from Jining, Shandong, the upper part includes a bird taming scene and the lower part an elephant taming scene. A Han portrait from Xindian, Henan, depicts the scene of a bear dance in the center and also shows of tigers, deer, bulls, and dogs—which is a vivid depiction of the animal taming performances in the Han Dynasty. In these scenes, it is amazing to see how the fierce beasts become obedient actors through taming. The animal costume show is another characteristic variety show in the Han Dynasty. In this performance, acrobats dress up as animals sometimes, but animals could also dress up as divine beasts, like horses dressed as dragons. On a Han portrait stone with the scene of »performing celestial beings in a gathering,« excavated in Honglou, Tongshan, Jiangsu, it can be seen that all giant fish and rare beasts are actually dressed up performers.

2. Formats and Characteristics of Acrobatics Performances The formats of the acrobatics in the Han Dynasty differed according to the size and rank of the venue.In the Han Dynasty, the grand juedi was usually performed in the square. »Biography of the Western Regions« in Book of Han records the grand juedi of the third year of Yuanfeng: »Emperor Wu of Han built Shanglin Garden in a large area with Kunming Lake, as well as palaces with thousands of doors, set up sacrificial platforms to connect with the heavens, and made Jia and

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Yi curtains.« Rhapsody on Pingle Lodge also has a rich description of the variety show performances. According to its account, the spectators stayed in a tented hall on a high platform while the actors performed in the open square in front of the hall: »There are acrobatic wagons with tall poles, and hundreds of horses gallop. Acrobats jump dozens of feet up and down unceasingly, sometimes on the support, sometimes away from the support. Sometimes during the drive, the whole carriage is turned upside down.« Some pictures of the Han Dynasty show scenes of large-scale variety shows. For example, the scene of variety shows on portrait stones from the Zhucheng Han Tomb in Shandong includes images of handstands, five-table acrobatics, juggling swords, juggling balls, the seven tray dance, and the long silk dance, with 24 musicians playing the musical instruments. The scene of variety shows in the mural of the Han tomb in Beizhai, Yinan, Shandong, includes images of juggling balls, juggling swords, carrying the acrobatic pole (Fig. 3.2.4), a horse show, drum wagon, »crossing knife mountain and walking on the tight rope,« as well as the dragon and fish dance, all accompanied by 27 musicians who play the chime bells and chime stones, jian drums, qin zithers, xun ocarinas, and xiao flutes. The three portrait stones with scenes of variety shows, unearthed in Tongshan, Jiangsu, each depict dozens of characters in scenes such as elephant taming, standing on horses, giant beast shows, the fish and dragon dance, swallowing knives and breathing fire, handstand on the tall pole, turning the stone to create the thunder, and more. In the Zhou Dynasty, there was a program named »Acrobatic Pot« 技壶 in the banquet music performances, which was a game to entertain guests. The banquet music, also called yanyue 燕乐, flourished in the rich houses of the Han Dynasty. There were more acrobatic programs at this time. For example, the tomb murals of Wuhuan Xiaowei in Horinger, Inner Mongolia have a banquet scene

SECTION 1 THE FLOURISHING OF ACROBATICS IN THE QIN AND HAN

3.2.4  Portrait stone with the scene of carrying the acrobatic pole, excavated in the portrait stone tomb in Yinan, Shandong

of a large scale. It depicts a courtyard, in which jian drums are set up, and various programs are performed, including carrying the acrobatic pole, five-table acrobatics, juggling balls, backbends, wheel dance, and wrestling. The portrait brick of the Yangzishan Han tomb in Chengdu also has vivid depictions of such scenes. Since ancient times, acrobats have led wandering lives. After the opening of the Western Regions in the Han Dynasty, acrobatics from there continued to spread eastward, many of which were brought by wandering acrobats. In the variety shows of the Han Dynasty, »Parthian five-table acrobatics« obviously came from Persia, and »pole acrobatics« was probably from Myanmar. Also, many magic programs were from foreign regions. According to sources such as the »Biographies of Dayuan« in Records of the Grand Historian and »Biography of Zhangqian« in Book of Han, magic programs such as swallowing knives, breathing fire, planting melons, planting trees, killing people, and

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stopping running horses were introduced from the Western Regions. According to »Biographies of the Southern and Southwestern Barbarians« in Book of the Later Han, and Weilüe (魏略), dismembering the body, exchanging heads of the cow and the horse, and rope escapology were also foreign programs. Among them, breathing fire was widely circulated in the Han Dynasty, and its images are often found on the portrait stones and bricks. For example, the magician breathing fire depicted on the portrait stone from Xinye, Henan obviously comes from the west, because he wears a pointed hat, a long skirt and has a large nose and long beard. In the time of Emperor An of Han, acrobats from Tianzhu (India) once performed cutting off their own hands and feet, taking out their intestines and stomachs. In the Han Dynasty, different acrobatics were often mixed and interspersed in a show. Music and dance were often performed together with acrobatics. For example, the scenes of variety shows on the Han portrait brick from Deyang, Sichuan, show the simultaneous performance of carrying a high platform barehandedly, the wheel dance, and juggling swords. The scene of music, dance, and acrobatics on the portrait stone from the Han tomb in Old Kangfu City, Jining, Shandong, is divided into two columns with ten people each. In the upper column, musicians with wide robes and sleeves and hats all take the sitting posture. They are the singer, the xun ocarina player, the clapper player, the tao drum player, the xiao flute player, the sheng pipe player, and the player of another aerophone respectively. They play qingshang music together. In the lower column, acrobats and dancers perform handstands, tiger jumps, stick play, the wheel dance, juggling balls, juggling swords etc. The performers are naked, have large noses, and beautiful postures. In the Han Dynasty, some of the acrobatics reached a high level of technical difficulty. For example, in the scene of variety shows on the Han portrait stone from Anqiu, Shandong, one person per-

CHAPTER II ACROBATICS AND DANCE IN THE QIN AND HAN DYNASTIES

forms juggling swords and balls at the same time, which is extremely difficult. In the scene of pole acrobatics on the portrait stone from Gounan Han Tomb in Weishan, Shandong, three acrobats perform on the top of a pole with ease, one carrying things on the head, one standing single-leg and rotating, and the other with an oblique posture resembling the swallow. Another example are the acrobatics performed on the tables laid on one another, from one table, two or three tables, to seven or eight tables. The more tables there are, the more difficult and dangerous the performance is. In Han acrobatics, various tools and weapons were often used as props. The acrobats played with the props freely, such as the bowl, plate, jar, bottle, rope, whip, fork, pole, table, chair, umbrella, hat, etc. Some Han portraits depicts scenes of playing the plate, the bottle, and the whip, as well as shows with knives, shields, spears, swords, halberds, sticks, wheels and other weapons. These, in turn, had a profound impact on dance and drama. Many suyue dance techniques of the Han Period were developed from acrobatics. Actually, the development from »no dance, no prop use« in ancient dance to performance with various tools and weapons in operas was the natural result of the mutual nourishing of different kinds of variety shows and acrobatics. The term »martial arts« also appeared in the late Han Dynasty. It reflected the close relationship between martial arts and acrobatics during this period.

Section 2  Qin and Han Dance During the Qin and Han dynasties, suyue dance flourished and was introduced into the court. Both in the court and among the common people, music and dance were beloved, and especially performances by women. At banquets, people often danced when drinking, known as dances in pairs and dances of connection. There are quite

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a few exquisite descriptions of dance in the Han rhapsodies, as well as on Han portrait bricks, portrait stones, and in murals, dance figurines, and lacquer paintings (Fig. 3.2.5). Some of the depicted dances appear soft and delicate, some lively and passionate. Dances included solo, duet, and group dances. Dancers wore long skirts and loose robes, or tight trousers and narrow-waist dresses in different colors. Some wore hats, and others hair buns. In terms of formats and technical features, they could be broadly divided into the following categories: the first category was the long sleeve dance and scarf dance, which used arms and sleeves as their

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artistic language and made full use of the flowing characteristics of clothing. The second was a variety of martial art dances with swords and halberds as props. The third was a dance accompanied by musical instruments such as the jian drums and pan drums. The rhythm of the drums and the varied intensity of the music would help dancers in their moves. The fourth was a costumed animal dance full of symbolic meaning, and a simple plot. The last included singing and dancing in groups, such as the xianghe grand suite and social dance at banquets. Many of these types were performed by specialized dancers, including dancers of the palace, as well as professional dancers in

3.2.5 Scene of music, dance and acrobatics. Sarcophagus from Pixian, Sichuan

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the Music Bureau. Dancers such as Lady Qi, who was favored by Liu Bang, and Zhao Feiyan, the empress of Liu Ao, Emperor Cheng of Han, represented the highest level of dance artistry in the Han Dynasty.

1. Suyue Dance and Yayue Dance The major part of suyue dance, also known as miscellaneous dance, included performances of songs and dances. It was mostly performed in banquets among common people.The flourishing of suyue dance was the main theme in the dance history of the Qin and Han dynasties. It was the inevitable consequence of the decay of law and order as well as the decline of sacrificial music after the Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods. In The Analects (Lunyu 论语) it is said: »The head of the Ji family had eight rows of dancers in his area. If he can bear to do this, what may he not bear to do?« The quotation reflects the situation of »ritual collapse« at the time. After Qin Shi Huang annexed the six states, dancers who resided in the palace of these states were sent to Qin. Therefore, music and dance from anywhere could be played in Xianyang by »tens of thousands of female performers.« The yayue 雅乐 dance of the Zhou Dynasty, or ceremonial dance, was abandoned by Qin Shi Huang, while suyue dance and variety shows were in full bloom. Often, song, dance, acrobatics and martial arts were performed together in variety shows. Suyue dance of the common people, also known as manyue 缦乐, sanyue 散乐, or miscellaneous dance, was gradually introduced into the court and was greatly developed in the Han Dynasty. Although the Qin Dynasty was short-lived, the Qin palace brought together musicians and dancers from all states, laying a good foundation for the prosperity of dance in the Han Dynasty. The Music Bureau, established by Qin Shi Huang, had a greater scale and played a more significant role in the Han Dynasty. In the reign of Emperor Wu of Han, the Music Bureau was expanded. It collected

CHAPTER II ACROBATICS AND DANCE IN THE QIN AND HAN DYNASTIES

a wide range of folk music and dance from all over the empire, for observing folk customs and for entertaining nobles in the palace. This is where Qin and Han suyue dance culture culminated. The Qin and Han suyue dance had very diverse contents and comprehensive formats. At that time, dances were often performed together with acrobatics and martial arts in variety shows, which resulted in mutual interactions between these arts. Many acrobatic techniques in the Han Dynasty, such as jumping, rotation, rolling, tumbling, flopping and falling, were absorbed by the dance arts as the artistic language of dance. As a result, Han dance reached a high level of artistic skill and expressive power. Also, the sword play, originating pre-Qin as a martial art of the literati, developed into various formats in the Qin and Han Period, for example, »juggling swords« in acrobatics and the »sword dance.« Chinese martial arts were passed down from generation to generation with a unique set of exercises and performative characteristics. Later, they were directly absorbed by opera, resulting in the brilliant martial arts of opera. This can be considered the legacy of the suyue dance of the Han Dynasty. The Qin and Han Period is a critical stage in the history of Chinese dance, where the folk dance of the Chinese people, mainly the Han people, developed its stylistic characteristics and matured in format. The performance of female dancers was quite popular in the Spring and Autumn and the Warring States periods. It is recorded that feudatories sent each other female musicians and dancers. In the Qin and Han dynasties, both the palace and the common people loved female performers and music. New Treatise (Xinlun 新论) by Huan Tan records that more than a thousand female performers worked in the Music Bureau in the reign of Emperor Cheng of Han (32–7 BCE). According to »Annals of Emperor Cheng,« »Biography of Empress Yuan,« and »Monograph on Rituals and Music« in Book of Han, ministers, marquises,

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and their relative officials vied for luxury. They searched for female musicians, asked dancers from Zheng to dance and actresses to perform variety shows. In the time of Emperor Cheng, Zhang Fang, a relative of the Emperor, heard that Li Youjun wanted to introduce his daughter, who had excellent singing and dancing talent, to the court. So Zhang Fang asked Wu Qiang, the music director of the Music Bureau, to send her into his own mansion before Li Youjun sent her to court. It can be seen that the nobles led a so lavish life that they even competed with the emperor for female musicians. After Emperor Cheng’s death, Quyang Marquis Wang Gen openly hired court female musicians such as Yin Yan and Wang Feijun to sing and dance at banquets, even during the mourning period of the emperor. These all reflect the trends of the times, when the wealthy families and the nobles were indulging in suyue dance performed by female dancers. It is recorded that many dances of this time were improvised to the express feelings and aspirations of the dancer. For example, at the end of Qin and beginning of Han, Xiang Zhuang danced the sword dance. Emperor Gaozu, Liu Bang, sang a Chu song, and danced a Chu dance together with his beloved Lady Qi. Also, when Emperor Gaozu taught the children in Song of the Mighty Wind and accompanied it with the zhu zither, he »began to dance, felt sorrowful and sobbed with many tears flowing down.« Marquis Zhuxu, Liu Zhang, used the opportunity for drinking, singing and dancing to offer advice to Empress Lü. Liu Fa, King Ding of Changsha, stretched his sleeves and waved his hands to dance in order to expand his fiefdoms. When Li Ling said farewell to Su Wu, he started to sing Farewell Song and danced at the same time. At the end of the Han, Cao Cao danced the sanba (三巴) dance and bian (忭) dance on the horse. All these records about improvised dance show people’s skill. In the Han Dynasty, it was very popular to have a banquet with music and dance, especially with

SECTION 2 QIN AND HAN DANCE

music performed by female musicians and suyue dance. There was also the custom of »connecting each other with dance,« between the host and guests. According to this custom, they often danced when they drank, known as the »dance of connection.« This dance required that the first person invite the next one to dance after finishing dancing, so that the dance would continue. Usually, the host danced first and the guests responded. In addition, the participants paid some attention to the body movements of the dance. According to »Biography of Tao Qian« in »Book of Wei« in Record of the Three Kingdoms, Zhang Pan invited Tao Qian to dance during a banquet, which was exactly »connecting« Tao Qian with dance. Because Tao Qian didn’t like Zhang Pan’s character, he only started dancing reluctantly. He danced to the point where he should turn around, but he didn’t. Zhang asked why he didn’t. He responded: »I shouldn’t turn around. If I did, then I would win.« It can be seen that this social dance contained rich symbolic meaning. Actually, in the Han Dynasty and between the Han and Wei dynasties, literati showed if they had a close relationship and a common standpoint through »connecting each other with dance.« For example, in »Biographies of the Marquis of Weiqi and the Marquis of Wu’an« in Book of Songs, it is recorded that at the beginning of Emperor Wu’s reign, Guan Fu once danced to connect with the minister Tian Fen. Tian Fen deliberately did not get up to respond. Guan Fu felt slighted, so he insulted Tian Fen. Also, according to »Biographies of Cai Yong« in The Book of Later Han, the Wuyuan governor, Wang Zhi, once set up a farewell banquet for Cai Yong. When they drank happily, Wang Zhi danced to connect with Cai Yong, but Cai Yong didn’t respond. Wang insulted him angrily, and Cai left the banquet immediately. During the Han Dynasty, society was stable, and life was prosperous, so suyue dance became more and more popular (Fig. 3.2.6). For example, Rhapsody On the Southern Metropolis (Nandu fu 南都

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3.2.6 Scene of music and dance, Chengdu Museum, Sichuan

赋) by Zhang Heng depicts a prosperous singing and dancing scene, where people in linen and silk clothes rode horses or drove carriages along the fields with abundant water and grass, built up tents like colorful clouds, and sang and danced to welcome the spring. It says that »boys from Qi sang and girls from Zhao lined up, and they sang songs of the south and danced the Zheng dance.« But how were the preferences of the royals, nobles, and the common people shaped? How did they contribute to the lasciviousness of the social atmosphere? As early as the sixth year of Shiyuan (81 BCE) in Emperor Zhao’s time, this issue was addressed and recorded in Discussions on Salt and Iron, by Huan Kuan. In it, one side argues that the yayue tradition of the Zhou Dynasty should be continued, while the other believes that since even the common people can receive guests with »peculiar music in great variety played by performers,« why can’t the imperial court also receive state guests with suyue dance performances in a grandiose manner? Many literati, from Dongfang Shuo, Sima Qian, and Sima Xiangru of the early Han to Cai Yong of the later Han, were good at fencing, singing, and dancing. They did not always stick to Con-

CHAPTER II ACROBATICS AND DANCE IN THE QIN AND HAN DYNASTIES

fucian classics. Ma Rong, a Confucian scholar of the Eastern Han, led a casual life without the constraints of Confucian principles. For example, it was said that »disciples who sat in front of him received lessons from him, and female musicians lined up behind him.« This exemplifies the spread of music and dance in all areas of society during the Han Dynasty. Generally, whether in the court or among the common people, whether among scholars or among wealthy merchants, suyue dance was widely appreciated in the Han Dynasty. It blurred the boundary of the elegant and the vulgar. It was often improvised to express the heart of the dancer in a vivid and sincere manner. Huan Tan, a former court music official, believed that music »should also take the corresponding sound respectively as the background,« that is, it should be based on direct expression that is simple yet diverse, and be suitable for specific situations. He once bluntly said, »I’m not so into the elegant music, but more into new compositions.« His preference for »new compositions,« that is, suyue, was also shared the contemporary celebrity Yang Xiong: »If the subject is easy to understand, it is good; a deeper subject is always difficult to understand. You are not into ya 雅 and song 颂, but into the music of Zheng. This is good.« The text appears in »Lishi« (离事) in New Treatise by Huan Tan. Preface to Rhapsody on Dance by Fu Yi of the Eastern Han also expresses a similar point of view. It argues that both yayue and suyue had their own distinct functions. Suyue served to »entertain the closely seated and connect each other with joy« when people are free or banqueting. Because it is not played to cultivate or educate people, its harm is not really a problem. In addition, the Han Dynasty opened up transportation with the frontier areas, especially the Western Regions, which also created conditions for the Han Dynasty to harvest exotic music and dance. Multi-ethnic cultural and artistic exchanges, especially with distinct foreign dance and foreign

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music, infused enthusiasm and vitality into suyue dance and made the Han dance artistically more attractive. This dimension should not be overlooked during an examination of Han suyue dance. Although suyue dance flourished in the Qin and Han dynasties, yayue dance did not completely disappear. After all, the Confucian doctrines on ritual and music had a far-reaching influence. Proposals to revive traditional yayue dance were repeatedly made in the ruling class of the Han Dynasty. Although most did not reach their desired goal, elements of yayue dance still remained in the court music culture of this period, even if only as a symbol of royal power or orthodox culture. For example, the Han government set up the »Taiyueshu« (太乐署), also known as »Taiyuyueshu« (太予乐署) in the Eastern Han Dynasty, which was responsible for yayue dance in ceremonies such as temple rituals. The yayue dance of this period retained some of its own traditions, mainly in the form of civil and martial dances. In the time of Emperor Gaozu of Han, the civil dance Civil Beginning (Wenshi 文始) and the martial dance Martial Virtue (Wude 武德) were played in ceremonies. »Lyrics for Dance Songs« in Poetry Collection of the Music Bureau, mentions: »Music of the Six Dynasties was still extant in the Zhou Dynasty. But in the Qin Dynasty, only Shao 韶 and Wu 武 remained. After the Han and Wei dynasties, even though everything was reformed, the dance repertoire was always limited to the two kinds of dances, civil dances and martial dances. Although their names were changed, the dances were not.« At the same time, temples of the Han Dynasty also appropriated and adapted folk music and dance in yayue performances, such as the Lingxing Dance and the Bayu Dance, which also included some contemporary innovations. For example, »Sacrifices, Part Three« in The Book of Later Han records that in the eighth year of Emperor Gaozu’s reign (199 BCE), he delivered an edict to establish a Lingxing Temple in each prefecture of the empire

SECTION 2 QIN AND HAN DANCE

to worship the god of agriculture, Houji. The newly created Lingxing Dance was the central element of the yearly sacrifice. The dance was performed by 16 boys who simulated farm work throughout the year, in order to pay tribute to the god of agriculture. Another example is the Bayu Dance, a martial dance adapted from the folk dances of the southwestern frontier to represent King Wu’s overthrowing of tyrant Zhou of Shang. According to »Biographies of Southern and Southwestern Barbarians« in The Book of Later Han, when Liu Bang, Emperor Gaozu of Han, was still King of Han, he recruited »Bandun Barbarians« who lived in Ba Commandery between the Yu 渝 rivers as his vanguard. They were naturally strong and courageous, and liked to sing and dance. Emperor Gaozu noticed this and said, »This should be the song for King Wu’s overthrowing of tyrant Zhou of Shang.« So the musicians were instructed to learn it, the so-called Bayu Dance, and then they followed this tradition from generation to generation. In this way, an originally rarely known folk dance was imbued with merit by Emperor Gaozu out of political necessity. Also, musicians developed it into a martial dance to celebrate the power of unification. In the Music Bureau of Han, there were 36 Bayu drummers. The dance songs include Maoyuben songs, Nuyuben songs, Antaiben songs, and Xingciben songs. The Bayu drummers in the Music Bureau would have been the professional musicians and dancers who performed the Bayu Dance. Together with folk dancers, they turned the Bayu Dance into a well-known program in the variety shows of the Han Dynasty through many performances. Later it was also followed by the Wei and Jin dynasties and finally became part of the yayue dance of the court.

2. Types of Qin and Han Dance There are many Qin and Han dances, such as the long sleeve dance, the scarf dance, the sword dance, the pan drum dance, and the costumed animal dance.

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CHAPTER II ACROBATICS AND DANCE IN THE QIN AND HAN DYNASTIES

3.2.7  Scene of dancing in pairs, Peixian, Jiangsu

The long sleeve dance had already existed for a long time before the Qin and Han. Jade dancers excavated from Western Zhou tombs show a dancer waving her sleeves up and down to form a ring shape. The sleeves are so long that they move around her body and even touch the ground. During the Warring States Period, there was a proverb that »if a person has long sleeves, he or she must be good at dancing; if a person has much money, he or she must be good at doing business.« A pair of dancers are depicted on the brocade with patterns of dancers and animals excavated from the Mashan Chu Tomb no. 1 in Jingzhou, Hubei. Both figures wear long robes and a hat, from which tassels are draped down their backs. The dance gestures looks elegant, with long sleeves waving in the air. After the unification of China by Qin Shi Huang, the long sleeve dance was probably brought from the Chu state to Xianyang. Many dance figurines of the Qin Dynasty also show similar images of dancing with long sleeves. In the Han Dynasty, the textile industry was largely developed, and the robe was the most expensive among clothing at the time. The long sleeves look very dynamic and correspond to the movement of skirts and girdles, which makes the dance more vivid and diverse. Also, there are many depictions of the long sleeve dance in the rhapsodies of Han. For example, in Seven Foundations (Qiyi 七依) by Cui Yin, »she waves the flying silk gauze and stretches her dancing sleeves.«

In Rhapsody on the Southern Metropolis, Zhang Heng writes, »thin and long sleeves move around the body.« In Rhapsody on Dance, Fu Yi writes that »long sleeves are interlaced.« InRhapsody on the Clay Platform of Zhanghua (Zhanghuatai fu 章华台赋), Bian Rang writes that »when long sleeves are waved, the wind comes.« These depictions can also be seen in Han portraiture, such as a scene of solo dance on a late Western Han hollow brick excavated in Xintongqiao, Zhengzhou, a dance scene on a Han portrait stone from Shiqiao, Nanyang, a music and dance scene in a Han portrait from Shagangdian, Nanyang, a scene of dancers in pairs lifting sleeves and bending their waists on a portrait stone from Xindian Han Tomb in Huyang, Tanghe, Henan, a scene of dancing in pair swith long sleeves (Fig. 3.2.7), a scene of dancing in pairs with long sleeves on a Han portrait stone from Weishan, Shandong, a scene of dancing in pair with long sleeves on a Han portrait stone from Baizhuang Han Tomb in Linyi, Shandong, a scene of group dance on a Han portrait stone from Lianggonglin, Shandong, and a scene of dancing in pair in the murals of Horinger Eastern Han Tomb in Inner Mongolia. These images all communicate the dynamic quality of the various kinds of long sleeve dances. The scarf dance, that is, holding a scarf while dancing, belongs to the miscellaneous dances of the Han Dynasty, and is also known as gongmo 公莫 dance. It is open in scarf dance performances

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whether there should be single or double scarves, long scarves or short scarves—which contribute to the variety of artistic expression. For example, in a dance scene depicted on a Han portrait stone excavated in Wangfeng Village, Hanjia, Anqiu, Shandong Province, the dancers wave a long scarf and dance on a drum. The scarf is more than two feet long and floats in the air like a rainbow. In a dance scene depicted on a Han portrait stone from Tengzhou, Shandong, dancers stand on a single foot on a jian drum, hold a short scarf that hangs on their side, and dance with intense emotions and well-knit rhythm. It can be considered one of the typical Han portraits of the scarf dance. Other depictions of scarf dance in the Han portraits include a dance scene from Licheng, Shandong, a scene of music, dance, and variety shows from Zhucheng, Shandong, a banquet scene with dance, and ball and sword juggling, from Yangzishan, Sichuan, and a dancer portrait with high hair bun from Nanyang, Henan. The sword dance is the most representative of Qin and Han martial dances, and is also the most well documented dance of the period. The sword was the king of weapons from the Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods on. When Chu and Han were at war, Xiang Yu arrived in Xianyang and asked Yu Ji to do the sword dance at a night banquet to liven things up. In addition, at the Hongmen Banquet, Xiang Zhuang danced the sword dance, but his mind was set on Liu Bang. This is described brilliantly in »Annals of Xiangyu« in Records of the Grand Historian, which has become a classic for depicting the sword dance. To a certain extent, it also shows the great popularity of the sword dance. Also, the subject of the Hongmen banquet is vividly depicted in many tomb murals and Han portraits. In fact, the scholars of the Han and Wei dynasties practiced both civil skill and martial arts, including swordplay. It is recorded that Sima Xiangru »liked reading books and learned to fence when he was young,« and that Dongfang Shuo »learned

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to fence at the age of fifteen.« Cao Pi, who lived in the Three Kingdoms Period, also learned fencing. The preface to the Discourse on Literature (Dianlun 典论) by Cao Pi tells the story of his sword competition with the general Deng Zhan. Fencing and the sword dance do not have clear boundaries. They are complementary to each other, the former being hard, the latter being gentle, and both of them are loaded with rich meaning. From the Han portraits excavated from Pengxian in Sichuan, Nanyang in Henan, Zoucheng in Shandong, Suide in Shaanxi and other places, it can be seen that the sword dance can have very rich and diverse forms of performance, either in solo, or in double, or together with dancers holding halberds and shields. Besides the sword dance, martial dances of Han also include halberd dance, the shield and hatchet dance, the knife dance, the stick dance, and others. The halberd, or the long halberd, was used for chariots. On the Han portrait stones excavated in Shilipu in Xuzhou, and in Nanyang in Henan, there are images of the halberd dance. In the halberd dance scene on a Han portrait stone from Nanyang, the dancer lifts up both hands and rotates the halberd in front of his body, which is similar to the acrobatic show of later times, trident juggling. After the Han Dynasty, the halberd gradually evolved into a weapon that was used when the imperial procession left and returned to the palace. As recorded in historical documents, generals would hold a halberd to accompany the emperor in the Han Dynasty. According to »Biography of Dongfang Shuo« in Book of Han, Dongfang Shuo held a halberd to accompany Emperor Wu, who sat in the front hall of the Weiyang palace. Although Dongfang Shuo was a civil minister, he held a halberd anyway, which indicates that it was a purely ceremonial instrument by that time. This kind of ceremonial halberd, usually granted by the emperor himself, was covered with red and black silk cloth, and called a qi 棨 halberd. It was under

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such conditions that the halberd dance came into being. At the end of the Han Dynasty, the shorter »hand halberd« was mostly used in the dance. For example, »Annals of Emperor Wu« in »Book of Wei« in Record of the Three Kingdoms records that Cao Cao wanted to assassinate the powerful eunuch Zhang Rang but failed, so he »plied the halberd dance in the court, jumped over the wall and went out.« In a pair dance scene with sword and shield against two halberds depicted on a Han portrait stone from Mizhi, Shaanxi, one performer proceeds in a bow stance, lifting up two halberds, while another person recedes with a sword and a shield in hand. He holds a hand halberd. The shield and hatchet dance was a long-established martial dance. Book of Rites (Liji 礼记) says, »hold gan, qi, feathers, and yak tails in such a musical performance.« Zheng Xuan commented, »gan means the shield, and qi means the hatchet, and both are held in martial dances.« The »six small dances« in the yayue dance of the Western Zhou include the »gan dance,« that is, the dance with a shield in hand. The »qi dance« is the dance of the hatchet. In the Han Dynasty, the shield and hatchet dance evolved into a common folk dance. It can be seen from some Han portraits that the gan dance of the Han had some new forms of performance. For example, in the scene of martial dance in double on a portrait stone excavated at the Tongshan Han Tomb in Jiangsu, one person holds a shield and stabs with a sword, while another uses a long halberd to fight back. As performance, the action is dangerous but breathtaking. Also, musical instruments such as the qin zither and the yu pipe are depicted accompanying the performance. In the martial dance scene on a Han portrait stone from Jiaxiang, Shandong, one performer fights with two swords, while another fights back with a single knife and a shield. This scene is depicted with a distinctive rhythm. The top layer of this picture shows a scene of welcoming guests, while the bottom layer shows a scene of saying farewell to guests, which can be seen as

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an entertainment rather than a fight scene. The qi dance is also represented on the Han portrait stones. Qi refers to an axe—or a battle axe. The axe and the battle axe are often mentioned together in ancient books. In the scene of the battle axe on a Han portrait stone from Nanyang, Henan, the dancer strides forward and dances with a sharp battle axe in hand. His facial expression is full of dignity and ferocity, and he has a strong body. A historical record from the end of the Eastern Han mentions the knife dance. According to it, Lü Meng, a great general of Eastern Wu, held a family banquet. Among the guests, Gan Ning had killed Ling Tong’s father, so they were enemies. When Ling Tong was drunk, he »danced with his knife.« Gan Ning wanted to dance with double halberds in response. Seeing this, the host Lü Meng hastily separated the two. Apparently, this story is similar to the Hongmen banquet, except that the props are changed from swords to knives. The original text of this anecdote can be found in »Book of Wu,« cited in Record of the Three Kindoms commentary by Pei Songzhi. There are also many knife dance images in Han portraits, such as the martial dance scene with two swords, a knife and a shield on a Han portrait stone from Jiaxiang, Shandong, and a knife dance scene on a Han portrait stone from Dong’anhanli, Qufu, Shandong. In the suyue dance of Han, the sword, the halberd, the axe, the battle axe, the spear, the shield, the knife, and the stick could all be props. This convention was inherited and developed from ancient martial dance. At the same time, it was also inspired by the varietys shows of the Han Dynasty. Later, folk dances and operas all made good use of weapons for rich artistic expression, which is related to Han martial dance. The pan drum dance was well known in the Han Dynasty. Dancers with long sleeves and a thin waists danced gracefully on trays or drums placed on the ground. The pan 盘 drum is also known as ban 般 drum. »Rhapsody on Dance« by Fu Yi in Zhaoming’s selection of literary writings provides

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a rather accurate introduction to the artistic characteristics of this dance. It can be seen that, first, usually seven pan drums are used in the pan drum dance—hence it is also known as the »seven-tray dance.« However, according to Han portraits with a scene of pan drum dance from Nanyang, Yinan, Suide and other places, the number of pan drums varies and may not necessarily be seven. Second, the pan drum dance is a group dance, where dancers are arranged into a line, singing and dancing. They step on seven drums, back and forth in accordance with the rhythm. Third, the pan drum dance features powerful rhythms as well as smooth and graceful steps. The dancers look sidelong, lift up their sleeves, and sing in high spirits. The dance postures hold a proper tension between relaxation and intensification. If the dance is quiet, they stand bolt upright with both feet together. If the dance becomes lively, they suddenly bend forward and move swiftly. When dancers step on the drums, they show a great variety of foot movements. According to the descriptions in Rhapsody on Dance by Fu Yi, a famous Eastern Han rhapsody writer, and Rhapsody on Dance by Zhang Heng, the pan drum dance seems to have been performed by female dancers. More specifically, it may have

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originally been danced by female dancers from Zheng. Both rhapsodies, which are important documents on the Han dance, treat the pan drum dance as an important subject. In addition, Rhapsody on the Clay Platform of has a wonderful depiction of the pan drum dance, although it mainly deals with the topic that King Ling of Chu built the clay platform of Zhanghua for dance banquets. In addition, according to Seven Explanations (Qishi 七释) by Wang Can of the late Han Dynasty, the pan drum dance was interspersed with other popular dances in the performances, where various dance schools mixed together. There are many depictions of the pan drum dance in the Han portraits. For example, in the scene of the pan drum dance on a portrait stone from Yinan, Shandong (Fig. 3.2.8), seven pan drums are laid on the ground. The dancer wears a hat and a long-sleeved robe and dances with long scarves in both hands. In addition, portrait stones with similar themes have been found in Sishilipu, Suide, Shaanxi, in Zhucheng, Shandong, in Nanyang, Henan, and in Pengxian, Sichuan. Also, a figurine of a pan drum dancer has been excavated from the Qilihe Eastern Han Tomb in Jianxi, Luoyang, Henan. These archaeological finds visualize the description of »dancing like the shifting clouds

3.2.8 Scene of a seven-tray dance, ancient portrait stone in Yinan, Shandong

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that are moving swiftly« from the Han rhapsody. However, the number, combination and placement of the pan drums often varies from image to image. Dancers dance in solo or in a group. As Rhapsody on the Clay Platform of Zhanghua says, »there is no constant in the dance, and no fixed rhythm in the drum playing.« At the same time, the pan drum dance combines graceful dance postures and ingenious skill. It was often performed together with acrobatics. For example, on a portrait stone from Pengxian, Sichuan, it is depicted as performed together with ball juggling and five-table acrobatics. In the pan drum dance scene on a portrait stone from Suide, Shaanxi, the dancer dresses in long-sleeved robes and steps on drums to dance. A dwarf in a pointed hat stands next to her, making a gag. A painted clay building excavated from the Han tomb in Hewang, Yingyang, Henan is painted with a music and dance scene on the front. Five pan drums are placed in the atrium. A red-suited dancer spins in a long skirt, raises her arms and sleeves, and rushes towards the drum in front of her in graceful postures, followed by a bare-chested dwarf in red trousers. The pan drum dance of Han combines the swift movement of the long sleeve dance with energetic acrobatic skills. The dance shows the flying long sleeves, the gracefully moving waist and legs, as well as the body movement up and down between the pan drums, and precise control of all movement. It represents the essence of Han dance, which combines power and delicacy, the folk and the elegant. It is an artistic model of the typical Han and Wei dances, where dance and acrobatics complement each other. It fully demonstrates the characteristics of the suyue dance of Han. The dancers jump high and low, and move swiftly between the pan drums, which highlights the movement of the legs, feet, waist, arms and even the eyes. The jumping legs, stepping feet, bent waist, rotating arms, the moving eyes react to the pacing of the »sudden stop and sudden continuing« in music

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and dance. It is a rich chapter in the history of the Qin and Han dance. In the pan drum dance, pan drums are laid on the ground, on which the dancer leaps and lands. However, in the jian drum dance of the Han Dynasty, the dancer dances around a jian drum that stands on a wooden pillar. The jian drum is a very old musical instrument. »Queries of Duke Huan« in Master Guan says that »Yu the Great set up jian drums in the court.« According to Han portraits, a wooden pillar penetrating the middle of the drum helps erect the drum. The pillar usually stands on a cross-shaped foot. A canopy is applied to the top of the pillar, which has a gleaming plume tassel and bird ornament on the top. Sometimes, the dancer performs a top the canopy. The performers beat the jian drums while dancing beside them. Acrobatics or other dances are performed around them, in response. In a scene of music, dance and variety shows on a Han portrait stone from Jiaxiang, Shandong, for example, two men are beating jian drums with sticks while dancing in generous movements flanked by handstand acrobats and ball jugglers, as well as three musicians playing musical accompaniment. In a scene of music, dance and variety shows on the portrait stone from Zoucheng, Shandong, the dancers beat the jian drum, while two musicians sit on the drum to play music. On the two sloping ropes of the drum, eight people and two monkeys perform various acrobatics. On the left side of the scene, two people are dancing with their sleeves up, and another two are dancing with their swords. In addition, the performance of riding an animal to beat the drum is a kind of unique program of the jian drum dance of Han. In the Han portraits with jian drum dance scenes, the tassels of the jian drum are sometimes painted with immortals, strong men and other miraculous images that are regarded as prayers for »connecting with gods through drumming and dancing.« These Han portraits with the jian drum dance scene provide a basis for future generations to

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understand the custom of mixing dance and acrobatics during the Han Dynasty. There are also performances of dancing while striking chime stones. For example, in the music and dance scene on a Han portrait stone from Sunjia Village, Wenshang County, Shandong Province, the chime stones are hung on a rack, and the dancers are dancing in elegant postures while striking the chime stones. The musicians are playing the se zither, sheng pipe, tao drum, and clapping respectively to accompany the dancers. In the Han Dynasty, dancing while striking chime stones has developed into a specific dance form, similar to the jian and pan drum dances. Since ancient times, dancing while holding a musical instrument in hands has been common, such as the yue 龠 pipe dance mentioned in »Xiaoya« (小雅) in Classic of Poetry. The yue pipe has a similar shape to the di flute, but it is blown vertically. In the pre-Qin Period it was used in the civil dance of the yayue. Later, similar performances, including the duo bell dance, tao drum dance, and pi drum dance, were all miscellaneous dances with martial characteristics. They were performed in a popular format that combined dance and instrumental music. These dances were transformed from the vulgar into the elegant in the Han Dynasty, and were even codified as yayue dance in the temple. The tao drum in the dance of tao drums was commonly known as the »rattle drum« in later times. There are vivid depictions of the dance of the tao drum, such as a scene of variety shows on a Han portrait stone from Yinan, Shandong, and a scene of music, dance and variety shows with the jian drum on a portrait stone from Tengzhou, Shandong. The costumed animal dance, an ancient dance, with a scene of »hundreds of beasts« coming to dance with a phoenix, was given space for full development under the flourishing of music, dance, and variety shows in the Qin and Han dynasties. At the same time, it also included many contemporary elements. The dance of a feathered man

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3.2.9 Scene of a fish dance, from Yinan, Shandong Province

with a dragon-winged horse body, for example, reflected the custom of the pursuit of immortality. In the fish dance (Fig. 3.2.9), which was a common form of the costumed animal dance of Han, the dancers either grabbed a fish with their hands, or the two of them dressed up as giant fish. It was often combined with the dance of the tao drums, but could also be included in the magical fish and dragon dance. The phoenix dance also featured imitating an animal by a human. In it, the leader led a giant phoenix in mask, which danced with waving feathers. The costumed variety show was a popular format in the Han Dynasty. It combined music, dance, and acrobatic performances in large scale. The gods, immortals, and exotic beasts such as the dancing bear and leopard, the dragon playing the chi flute, and the white tiger playing the se zither, were all played by performers. Master Huang of the Eastern Sea (Donghai huanggong 东海黄公) is an acrobatic show with a simple plot and animal dress. This program is mentioned in Miscellaneous Records of the Western Capital, vol. 3, where one performer was said

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to have dressed up as a white tiger and another is said to have played the aging Master Huang. Master Huang fights the tiger with a red sword. As his movement is clumsy, he is injured by the tiger, which is extremely humorous.

3. Dancers and the Achievements of Qin and Han Dance As for the dancers of Qin and Han, there were professional dancers from the Music Bureau, as well as from the palace and the nobles’ mansions. Among them, several of the emperor’s favored concubines excelled in dance and are recorded in documents, most notably Lady Qi, Liu Bang’s favorite concubine, and Zhao Feiyan, main wife of Emperor Cheng of Han, Liu Ao. Their achievements in dance are comparable to later generations of dancers, and their dances represent the highest level of Han dance and had a profound impact on later generations. Lady Qi (?–194 BCE), also known as Qi Ji, who was the favorite of Emperor Gaozu, Liu Bang, had an outstanding talent for playing the drums and the zhu zither. She was also good at singing songs, such as Over the Border (Chusai 出塞) and dancing the »dance with uplifted sleeves and bent waist.« But later she was killed by Empress Lü. According to the »The Hereditary House of the Marquis of Liu« (»Liuhou shijia« 留侯世家) in Records of the Grand Historian, Emperor Gaozu wanted to depose the crown prince and replace him with King Zhao, who was born of Lady Qi, but was opposed by his ministers. As he felt helpless, Lady Qi and he sang and danced to comfort each other. He said, »dance a Chu dance for me, and I will sing a Chu song for you.« It can be seen from this material that Lady Qi was good at Chu dance. Miscellaneous Records of the Western Capital, vol. 1, records more detail. It says that Lady Qi »was good at the dance with uplifted sleeves and bent waist.« During the Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods, with the expansion of the Chu state, female dance from the Zheng state in the Central

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Plains, or »the Zheng dance,« was popular. Up to the Han Dynasty, although various dance traditions such as the Zheng Dance, Hejian Dance, and Hu Dance were popular in Chu, the Zheng Dance was obviously the best-known, or, rather, the Zheng dance could be considered the representative dance of Chu. Its basic characteristics were waving long sleeves and bending slender waists. Seven Foundations by Cui Yin of Eastern Han says that »the dancer waves the flying silk gauze and stretches her dancing sleeves; her thin waist becomes even more slender in the dance, with changes in the intensity of movement,« which describes the basic characteristics of this dance properly. The quote that »the King of Chu is fond of the slender waist,« along with the previous quote, reflects that the slender waist, and the aesthetics of lightness, delicacy, and swift movement in good rhythm were the main artistic characteristics of the dance of Chu. Lifting up sleeves and bending the waist are complementary to each other, and they both contributed to the expressive power of the dance posture and the dance language of »sleeves surrounding the body like rings« and »shifting the body appearance and spinning,« which became the main means of expression in Han dances (Fig.  3.2.10). Obviously, the »dance with lifted up sleeves and bent waist,« which Lady Qi was particularly good at, was a kind of dance performance featuring waving the sleeves and bending the waist. It was certainly a Chu dance, but it may also have had its own distinctive features. In the Han dances, Lady Qi can be said to have built an exemplary feat in the pursuit of a richer artistic language of the dances in Chu. Miscellaneous Records of the Western Capital, vol.  3, records that Lady Qi always enjoyed all kinds of folk customs, music, and dance. She could sing, dance, and play the qin and se zither by improvising. Whenever it was time, she played the flute and the zhu zither, sang songs such as »Shangling« (上灵) and »Red Phoenix Comes« (»Chi fenghuang lai« 赤凤凰来), and held sacri-

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fices with song and dance. She also danced with the palace maidens. They held each other’s arms and tread the ground to produce the rhythm. They also played the Yutian Music from the Western Regions. Lady Qi’s preference for music and dance had a positive impact on the prosperity of the suyue dance of the Han Dynasty, andthe study and promotion of various folk songs and dances including the Stepping Song (Tage 踏歌) and their introduction into the court, as well as the introduction of music and dance of different ethnic groups in the frontier regions and outside the frontier into the Central Plains. Another famous dancer, Zhao Feiyan, was good at dancing on other people’s palms. Zhao Feiyan, formerly known as Yizhu, was born into a musical family. Shortly after her father’s death and family decline, she went into exile with her younger sister, He De, in Chang’an. She was later taken

3.2.10 Combinations of long sleeves and bent waist, from places such as Zhengzhou, Henan

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in by Princess Yang’a as a house singer, and was known as Feiyan. She learned singing and dancing there. When Liu Ao, Emperor Cheng of Han, once watched music and dance performances in the residence of Princess Yang’a during his tour of the empire, he saw Zhao Feiyan and fell in love with her, so she was called into the palace and was first given the title of Jieyu. In the first year of Yongshi (16 BCE), she was crowned empress. Shortly after she entered the palace, her sister He De was also called into the palace, and entitled Zhaoyi. The emperor loved both sisters for more than ten years, but they were childless. After the death of Emperor Cheng, Emperor Ai reigned and revered Empress Zhao as Empress Dowager. After Emperor Ai’s death, she was relegated to the status of a common person and then died. Her biography can be found in »Biographies of the Emperor’s Maternal Relatives« in Book of Han. It was an ideal of dance art to dance with lightness. It can be traced back to the legendary dances Lingering Dust (Yingchen 萦尘) and Gathering Feathers (Jiyu 集羽), in which the dancers danced as lightly as feathers and left no trace. To dance as lightly as a swallow was exactly the outstanding feature of Zhao Feiyan’s dance. The story of the »flying swallow of the Han palace« has been widely circulated in China for 2,000 years, and is a common topic both in literary writings and in the streets. However, Zhao Feiyan’s dancing skill was only briefly mentioned in official historical accounts. Many poems after the Six Dynasties treat the story of Feiyan, such as the line by Emperor Yuan of Liang »What do people mean by saying that Feiyan was favored? Just look at the moss on the steps of her palace,« or the line by Li Bai, »I want to ask who else in the Han palace can resemble Feiyan? The lovely Feiyan always wore new makeup,« and others. »Relief Thought« (Qianhuai 遣怀), by Du Mu, states: »I travel around with wine as accompaniment in dire straits. I’m attracted to the slender-waisted woman from Chu who can dance on the palms of people.« Chen Wanjun added: »The

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Unofficial Biography of Feiyan says, ›Zhao Feiyang has a light weight, so he can dance on the palms of people.‹« Novellas in the brush-note style after the Six Dynasties also dealt with this topic very often. For example, Miscellaneous Records of the Western Capital says, »Empress Zhao has a light weight and a fragile waist, and she is good at walking backwards and forwards.« Unofficial Biography of Zhao Feiyan by Ling Xuan says: »She was smart as a child, had the medicine books of Peng Zu in her family. She was good at qigong. She was tall and slender, light and thin, and had a graceful demeanor so that people called her Feiyan, or the Flying Swallow.« »Good at qigong« roughly refers to a kind of Daoist art of breath. With that, one is said to be able to cultivate slender waist and limbs that are so soft as if they are boneless, as well as a graceful manner that made her tremble like a flower branch. It is also said in the Unofficial Biography of Zhao Feiyan that she once stood outside in a snowy night and tried to stop her breath and keep her body temperature normal, as if she were an immortal. According to legend, she once performed songs and dances Returning Wind (Guifeng 归风) and Fairwell (Songyuan 送远) on the high pavilion of the Taiye Pond in the Han palace. They were dedicated to Emperor Cheng of Han. The wind came with the joy of singing, which raised up her sleeves as well as the singing tones. The performance was so intense that she was about to fly off with the wind. Luckily, Feng Wufang, who was accompanying her, hastily held her skirt and shoes so that she could not fly away. The skirt became wrinkled because of his grasp, which was imitated later by the court maidens, and called »skirt of keeping the immortal.« In addition, there were various legends about Zhao Feiyan among the common people. For example, Emperor Cheng was afraid that she would really fly away with the wind during her dance, so he built her the »Qibao Wind Shelter« for her to practice dancing and qigong. It is also mentioned that Zhao Feiyan had such exquisite dance

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skill that she could even »dance on the palms of other people,« as lightly as a swallow. So the emperor made her a crystal jade plate and asked the servants to hold it, so that she could dance freely on it. The Picture of Zhao Feiyang Dancing on a Palm, a woodblock print by Yan Yansheng of the Ming Dynasty, depicts a scene of Zhao Feiyan dancing on palms on the high pavilion of the Taiye Pond. On the one hand, these legends reflect the trend of the Han Dynasty to practice occult techniques of good health and to strive for immortality. On the other hand, the lightness of Zhao Feiyan’s dance posture, her superb dancing skills, and her boundless beauty, also reflect the excellent quality of the Han dances which highlight flowing and light beauty. It also reflects that the Han Dynasty dance art included some elements from qigong and acrobatics. This contributed to its vitality. Zhao Feiyan, a singer and dancer, was called into the palace for her outstanding beauty and dance skill, and was finally elevated to the empress. Despite being childless, she and her sibling were still exclusively favored by the emperor for more than a decade. Yet she could not escape the tragedy of palace struggle, and was relegated to a common person and died in the end. However, compared to the other two performers who had the emperor’s sons, she was not so unlucky. These two mothers are Zhao Ji and Lady Wang, respectively the mother of Qin Shi Huang, Ying Zheng, and the mother of Liu Xun, Emperor Xuan of Han. Zhao Ji was originally a dancer of Lü Buwei, later gifted by Lü to King of Qin, Sun Yiren, or Zichu (later King Zhuangxiang of Qin), and gave birth to Ying Zheng. After the reign of King of Qin, Qing Zheng, she was crowned Empress Dowager. In the 19th year of Shihuang (228 BCE), she died, posthumously called Empress Dowager of the Emperor. The other was Lady Wang, the mother of Liu Xun, Emperor Xuan of Han. According to »Biographies of the Emperor’s Maternal Relatives« in Book of Han, Lady Wang was named Wengxu, and came from Guangwang in Zhuo Commandery (today in

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the area of Zhuozhou in Hebei). She learned singing and dancing in the house of Liu Zhongqing at the age of eight or nine. At the age of 13 or 14, a seller of singers and dancers from Handan wanted to buy Wengxu because of her beauty and talent. To escape from this, Wengxu and her mother fled to Pingxiang, but later were found by Liu’s family. After some struggle, Wengxu was sent to the crown prince’s residence in Chang’an in the end, along with other five excellent singers and dancers. Wengxu and the son of the Crown Prince Wei, Shihuang Sun, had a son, who was Liu Xun, later Emperor Xuan of Han. Several months after Liu Xun was born, all the family of Crown Prince Wei were killed by Emperor Wu. Shihuang Sun and Wengxu’s friends and family could not escape punishment, with the exception of their son, Liu Xun. After Liu Xun succeeded the throne, he sent staff to investigate the case. After learning the truth, he created a biography for his mother and granted her a posthumous title, Daohou. From the experience of Lady Wang, Wengxu, who learned to dance when she was a child, it is possible to see how a dancer was brought up in the Han Dynasty. It is estimated that most of the dancers were common people. They began to learn dancing at the age of about eight or nine, and finished their training in five or six years. There were quite a few private home-based classes for singing and dancing, such as that of Liu Zhongqing, as well as the profession guzhang’er 贾长儿, which bought and sold singers and dancers. Wang Wengxu was sent to the crown prince’s residence in Chang’an along with the other five, which shows the large demand for singers and dancers by the noble families at the time. There was also Lady Li, the wife of Emperor Wu. She was the sister of Li Yannian, the Chief Commandant of Harmony, and was also born into a family of musicians. Li’s beauty and talent in singing and dancing attracted Emperor Wu deeply. Unfortunately, she died early, and her story is not well documented.

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During the Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods, ritual collapsed, and folk dance flourished. It gradually developed into a mature performing art lasting more than 400 years, to the Han Dynasty. The northern folk dances of the Central Plains were integrated into the Chu dances of the south. On that basis, some techniques were also borrowed from acrobatics and martial arts, so the level of art and technique were greatly improved. Han dance had the grace and delicacy of Chu dance and the archaic quality and strength of northern dance, while at the same time it absorbed some elements from the peoples of the frontier, and foreign dance. The suyue dance culture of the Han Dynasty included all kinds of highly skilled dance performances. During that period, classical Chinese dance developed a system that featured the use of hands and sleeves, the technical foundation of the waist and legs, as well as the proper use of props. It has opened a magnificent chapter in Chinese dance history, and also had a positive impact on the dances of the ethnic groups in surrounding areas, as well as later generations. Han dances had a wide range of subjects and diverse styles with their own distinctive characteristics. There seemed to be no strict limit of artistic language of the yayue dance of the sacrificial temple, in the professional performances by house musicians and dancers of the nobles, or in the improvised songs and dances among banquet guests. In such an atmosphere, there were more possibilities for artistic experimentation. The performances of various kinds of stunts and the use of various kinds of props were deeply rooted in the artistry of the Warring States. The old elements became part of the suyue dance, but the pursuit of such stunts was brought to an astonishing new level at the time. It is mentioned in legends that in the dances by Xuan Juan and Ti Mo, Lingering Dust and Gathering Feathers respectively, the dancers moved as lightly as feathers and left no trace. It is the earliest description of the artistic ideal of lightness and floating. Rhapsody on Dance by Fu

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Yi depicts the pan drum dance, which demonstrates a great skill of description. The reader is able to see the main dancer suddenly jumping in the air, kneeling on the two drums with her left and right feet, stomping on her heels, then tilting her upper body back until her back and heels move together to form a closed shape. Also, Rhapsody on the Xuchang Palace by Bian Lan describes a highly skilled pan drum dance performance. Furthermore, the proper and ingenious use of dance props became an important feature for Chinese dance art after the Han Dynasty. Dance props ranged from models of the dragon, tiger and phoenix, weapons such as swords, halberds, shields, spears and sticks, musical instruments such as drums, the duo bells, chime stones and pi drums, to the scarves and sleeves of costumes, which flew in rhythm and extended the expressive power of the body. In present Chinese folk dance, what remains classic is to swirl the long sleeves and scarves like wind, snow and waves swirling back and forth. The rational and mystical aspects were deeply interwoven into the rich Han dance culture. For example, the Lingxing (灵星) Dance of the early Han was not only about farming, but also astrological divination. Dance performances often took place in front of the background images of the moon palace, clouds, dragons, auspicious trees, and auspicious beasts. The seven-tray dance might have symbolized the seven stars of the North Dipper. In this sense, it corresponded to the idea of »the unity of heaven and man« through the agile movements and the distinctive rhythm of the pan drums. The repertoire and artistic achievements of Qin and Han dance, Han dance in particular, also had a profound impact. First of all, the basic qualities of Chinese dance were gradually formed and perfected during the Han Dynasty, especially in the rich suyue dance. Many present folk dances have their origins in the Han dances, such as the scarf dance, handkerchief dance, umbrella dance, fan dance, dragon dance,

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lion dance, and the dance of the twelve animals of the Chinese zodiac. The »dance with uplifted sleeves and bent waist,« which Lady Qi was good at in the early Han Dynasty, directly influenced the long silk dance, and the water sleeve dance in opera. Popular dances of Han, such as the pan drum dance and the tao drum dance, can be regarded as the precursors of various drum dances of later generations. The Bayu Dance, compiled in the early Han Dynasty, reflects the intermingling of martial arts and dance. Furthermore, the mutual nourishing of the Han dances and related arts, such as acrobatics, martial arts, and storytelling, was an important theme of Han dance culture. The xianghe grand suite also absorbed dance elements, developing and flourishing through the Tang and Song dynasties. In Chinese martial arts, the arrangement of movements in sets and their performative characteristics also show influences from Han dance. It is almost a general feature of the Chinese martial arts, dance, and even opera that martial arts and dance are combined. Second, Han dance and the musical dance of various ethnic groups in remote areas and abroad interacted with each other. Since the opening of the Silk Road in the Han Dynasty, a large number of western musical dances and musical instruments were introduced to the inland. They enriched the music and dance of the Han, and Han dances also spread overseas. Rhapsody on the Eastern Capital by Ban Gu records the performance of foreign folk dances that reached Luoyang. »Chapter of Rituals and Music« in Discourse on General Virtues at White Tiger Hall (Baihu tong 白虎通) by Ban Gu records the postures of these dances. It mentions that in the musical performance of the Eastern Yi, the dancers danced with a spear, in that of the Southwestern Yi with feathers, in that of the Western Yi with a halberd, in that of the Northern Yi with a shield. Among them, the Eastern Yi included ethnic groups in northeastern China, the Three Hans (Korea), and the Wa (Japan). For example, the Huimo people, who lived to the east

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3.2.11  Bronze ornamental plate with a scene of dancing in double, ­excavated from Jinning, Yunnan

of the Lelang Commandery, had a custom called »Dance to Heaven,« which was a sacrifice to heaven in October, a tradition from ancient times. The Huimo people used spears and were good at marching, which can serve as evidence that »in the music performances of the Eastern Yi, they held spears to dance.« The ethnic groups in the southwestern frontier created a unique dance art and also had a longterm close relationship with the Central Plains during the Han Dynasty. For example, many bronze artifacts excavated from the ancient tomb of Kings of Dian in Shizhaishan, Jinning, Yunnan, have dance ornaments and the image of the tray dance on bronze ornamental plates, which are depicted vividly. They reflect the dance culture of the southwestern frontier peoples in the Western Han Dynasty as a wonderful branch of Han dance. The scene of the »feather dance« depicted on the cover of a shell container, excavated from Shizhaishan, Jinning, portrays that »in musical performances of the Southwestern Yi, dancers held feathers to dance.« On a bronze drum excavated from Shizhaishan, several dancers are depicted who hold shields in one hand, and a hatchet or a knife

in the other. The shield is as large as the body. Long feathers are attached to the head. In general, the dance posture looks heroic. This scene is a vivid depiction of the ancient »shield and hatchet dance.« On a bronze drum excavated from Kaihua, Yunnan, a figure is seen wearing a horned mask and dancing with a bow and arrow. A bronze ornamental plate with the scene of dancing in double, excavated from Jinning, Yunnan (Fig. 3.2.11), depicts a vigorous scene of the pan drum dance, which is distinctive from the pan drum dance depicted on the Han portrait stones and bricks from the Central Plains. A group of four bronze dance figurines in »gourd sheng pipe dance« was also unearthed from Shizhaishan, Jinning, which is vivid and appealing. In addition, the Han bronzeware unearthed from Yunnan also has images of the drum dance, yu 盂 dance, and the lusheng 芦 笙 pipe dance, which reflects many aspects of the dance of the region during the Han eriod. It is through such profound interactions that Han dance gained its unique position in the history of Chinese dance. With flowing beauty and ingenious skill, it was accessible to different social strata with different tastes.

CHAPTER III SCULPTURE AND PICTORIAL BRICKS AND STONES OF THE QIN AND HAN DYNASTIES Section 1  Qin and Han Sculpture The Qin and Han empires’ extensive construction of capitals, palaces, and tombs directly promoted the production of sculptures above and below ground, including above-ground stone sculpture, underground terracotta figurines, etc. Based on the concept that »it is not possible to be solemn and display power without the magnificent«, large-scale Qin and Han architectural forms, in terms of spatial volume and configuration, demanded corresponding sculptural art, contributing to the development of the independence of sculpture from the category of arts and crafts, and completing its own classification process, as well as a scale-up in terms of volume and quantity. The majestic and magnificent sculptures of the Qin and Han dynasties inaugurated a new era in the history of sculpture. Among them, aboveground funerary figurines, which originated in the Spring and Autumn Period, developed greatly during this period as a culture of heavy burials became more popular in the Qin and Han dynasties. The terracotta figurines of the Qin and Han dynasties, as represented by the famous Terracotta Warriors and Horses from the mausoleum of Qin Shi Huang in Lintong, Shaanxi Province, also include solemn and simple Western Han terracotta figurines, and terracotta figurines of the Eastern Han which emphasize dynamic postures and facial expressions. These figurines constitute the most important part of Qin and Han sculpture, and thus become one of the most important aspects of Chinese ancient sculpture—and has developed its own independent system in terms of form and

modeling language. In the Qin and Han dynasties, large sculptures were created in the palaces, tombs and temples, and set in sequence among the architectural groupings—requiring both individual characteristics of the sculptural artistic language, and as an important part of the spatial arrangement and visual rhythm of the building complexes as a whole. They were either cast in bronze or sculpted in stone, and showed preliminary scale in form. Surviving objects are all stone carvings mostly set in imperial cemeteries and noble tombs, known as »Shi xiang sheng« carvings. Among them, there are the simple and seemingly random group of sculptures at Huo Qubing’s tomb from the Western Han Dynasty, and vigorous and robust stone sculptures of tianlu and bixie from the Eastern Han Dynasty. They reached a high level of achievement and outstandingly represent the language of sculptural art.

1. Sculptural Forms of the Qin and Han The art of sculpture in the Qin and Han dynasties as a whole presented a new era, completing the process of categorization and scale, and opening a new historical period of sculptural art under the requirements of new cultural concepts and social customs. Prior to that, the art of sculpture in the pre-Qin Period had certain limitations in terms of form, with sculptural forms often attached to ritual and everyday objects—not as independent sculptural works, the language of sculpture was mainly presented as a decorative medium. Even the occasional sculptural artwork, which had its own independent form, was generally small in scale and often nothing more than a bauble in the

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palm of the hand, or a table decoration. With the development of the art of sculpture, during the peak of the pre-Qin bronze culture, the artistic languages of engraving, carving, sculpting, and casting were sufficiently tempered in a rich and varied bronze-making process. By the end of the Warring States Period, the artistic language of sculpture had gradually matured, and many works began to shed their status of being subordinate to arts and crafts. By the Qin and Han dynasties, sculpture had begun to take on a completely different appearance from that of the preQin Period. Not only that artworks independent of the category of arts and crafts started to appear in large numbers, completing the evolution of the independent category of sculptural art, but also numbers of large sculptures appeared, as represented by underground terracotta figurines and overground bronze castings, and stone sculptural forms. These constituted the main body of sculptural art of the Qin and Han dynasties, completing the process of scaling up in volume and quantity of sculpture. The emergence of large sculptures reflects the emphasis on visual form and the spatial occupation of the Qin and Han dynasties after the independence of this artistic category, which perfected an important element of the basic form of sculpture and reflected the development of this artistic language. At the same time, it also reflected new demands placed on the production of sculpture by the social culture of the Qin and Han dynasties. To summarize, the social culture of the Qin and Han dynasties contributed to the creation of largescale sculpture in two ways: firstly, as a result of the revitalization of long-standing policy based on the imperial ideal of expanding into surroundings and conquering the Xiongnu, as well as the rituals of rich burial and prayer to the gods, led to the production of huge terracotta sculptures of buried figures. The most representative works among them are the Terracotta Warriors and Horses of the Mausoleum of the First Emperor of Qin. Sec-

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ondly, the Qin and Han emperors initiated massive construction projects, built magnificent capitals, palaces and tombs, and promoted setting sculptures between large architectural groupings. This type of sculpture in bronze or stone required a considerable amount of space, and the modeling strove to be a majestic match tfor he magnificent buildings, in order to achieve the functions of deterrence and protection, discipline and the virtue of ritual and education. Therefore, the understanding of the history of the development of the terracotta burial and mausoleum system, and the understanding of the scale and structure of large overground architecture of the Qin and Han is an important requirement for the understanding of the history of sculpture in the Qin and Han dynasties. During the Qin and Han dynasties, large overground sculptures developed along with the promotion of massive construction projects, and were placed in sequence among palace, tomb and temple building complexes. The works both demanded the individual sculptural language and were an important part of the spatial arrangement and visual rhythm of the building complexes. Therefore, they could not fail to be governed by the overall artistic spirit of the buildings as a whole. According to historical records, the Qin and Han large bronze cast sculptures had very large body sizes, and were often placed on the sides near palace gates, halls, platforms and other buildings. For example, in the Records of the Grand Historian and The Book of Han, and other historical records, it is recorded that Qin Shi Huang destroyed weapons, cast twelve giant bronze men, and placed them in the palace. The Commentary on the Water Classic states that there is a giant named Ruan Wengzhong, who has a height of almost three m. He was dispatched by the Emperor to guard Lintao. His reputation shocked the Xiongnu, and after his death, a statue was cast to stand outside the Sima Gate of the Xianyang Palace. For this

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reason, later generations then referred to largescale guard statues of bronze and stone as »Wengzhong.« Also according to the The Book of Han, the Geography Book of Three Counties and other records, Emperor Wu of Han had cast a bronze statue of a Dayuan blood-sweat horse that was placed inside the entrance of the Weiyang Palace. In addition, there was a bronze phoenix statue in the eastern Phoenix Quarter of the front hall of Jianzhang Palace, a bronze human statue in the Tongtiantai of Ganquan Palace, a bronze statue of Feilian in the Feilian Gui Pavilion, and bronze statues of human figures in front of Blue Dragon and Black Tortoise Quarters of the South Palace, and so on. These large sculptures are found in ancient records, and no longer exist today. In terms of physical remains that survive today, the Qin and Han large-scale overground sculptures are all stone carvings, mostly placed in the emperor’s mausoleum and noble tombs as »Shi xiang sheng« carvings. Although such works are not seen in pre-Qin remains, according to pre-Qin historical records, this type of stone sculpture in front of the tomb originated around the Spring and Autumn—Warring States Period to the Qin, with shapes mostly of animals, and were used to repel evil spirits and guard tombs. The third volume of the Miscellaneous records of the Western Capital records that in the Han Dynasty, there were two stone sculptures of black war horses in the Wuzha Palace (site in present-day Zhouzhi, Shaanxi Province), which were relics from the tomb of Qin Shi Huang on Mount Li, with »head height of almost three m.« It can be seen that it was already on a fairly massive scale. By the Western Han Dynasty, along with the gradual perfection of the burial system, stone sculpture in front of tombs had formed basic modeling specifications and installation forms, formed basic artistic styles and characteristics, and established a group of sculptural expressions with Que, Pillars, Stele, Stone Men, Stone Horses, Celestial Beasts and other Auspicious Beasts as the main content. In terms

CHAPTER III SCULPTURE AND PICTORIAL BRICKS AND STONES OF THE QIN AND HAN DYNASTIES

of arrangement, the symmetrical setting and central axis arrangement were emphasized, and the shape and scale began to take form. During the Eastern Han Dynasty, sculpture in front of tombs followed the specifications of the Western Han Dynasty to be further enriched, and the names of the stone carvings were basically defined, such as Tianlu, Bixie, lions, etc. The arrangement sequence was also more specific than in the Western Han Dynasty, and the specifications of the stone sculptures were restricted according to the status and rank of the tomb owner. There remain hundreds of stone sculptures in front of the tombs of the Eastern Han Dynasty that survive today. They are important material evidence of the art of tomb sculpture for the Han Dynasty. Terracotta figurines is the general name for the sculptural funerary objects in tombs made in imitation of human figures. Today, we also use it to refer to the sculptural funerary objects that imitate the shapes of livestock, such as »horse figurines« and »animal figurines.« During the Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods, Confucianism emphasized benevolence, and opposed human sacrifice, and using terracotta figurines in place of human sacrifice became an advanceme for civilization. This transformation, during the Qin and Han dynasties, was very prominent. With the prevalence of funeral figurines and the advancement of figurine-making techniques, figurines of people tended to be more vivid and concrete, instead of simple and crude, and peaked in the Qin and Han dynasties. Physical remains of early figurines have already been found in late Spring and Autumn burials. During the Warring States Period, funerary figurines made of pottery, wood and even metal were found in the tombs of nobles, and were widely spread geographically. From the tomb burials of Qi, Han, Qin and Chu in Shandong, Shanxi, Shaanxi, Henan, Hubei and Hunan provinces, we can see that the tombs of Chu in the south are mostly filled with wooden figurines, while the

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tombs of Qi, Han and Qin in the north are mostly filled with pottery figurines. With the popularity of generous burials, figurines saw a massive development in the Qin and Han dynasties. The Terracotta Warriors and Horses of the Mausoleum of the First Emperor of Qin Shi Huang have significant artistic value, deep ritual connotation, and a political will that is fully expressed through array, scale, and volume. As far as art-historical resources are concerned, the Qin terracotta figurines constituted a major part of the sculptural art of the Qin Dynasty and even became representative of the art of the Qin and Han dynasties. In the Han Dynasty, especially in the Eastern Han Dynasty, after hundreds of years of pottery-making experience, the diversity and vividness of terracotta figurines were fully displayed, and the modeling language of figurine art was perfected. This figurine-making originated in the Spring and Autumn Period, and by the Qin and Han it had developed into an independent category in Chinese ancient sculptural art with a coherent system, from form to modeling language. The Qin and Han figurines are massive, numerous and widely spread. And according to the chronological sequence of time and difference of regions, in terms of form and style they presented different and distinctive characteristics, fully reflecting the varied and colorful social landscape and the heroic, bright spirit of the Qin and Han dynasties. They stand out as prominent representatives in the history of Qin and Han sculpture.

2. Tomb Figures of the Qin and Han According to the excavation findings of modern archaeology, Qin figurines are mainly the tall and large Terracotta Warriors and Horses of Qin Shi Huang Mausoleum unearthed in Lintong, Shaanxi Province, as well as a number of sitting figures and performer figures which were discovered in the area of the Qin Shi Huang Mausoleum. Han figurines are reduced in size, but are extremely numerous. Among them, Western Han figurines are

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divided into the three major categories of Guanzhong, Xuzhou and Jingchu by region. Eastern Han figurines are vividly modeled, represented by Sichuan terracotta figurines. The Gansu Eastern Han figurines also stand on their own. They are described below, respectively. The Terracotta Warriors and Horses of the Qin Shi Huang Mausoleum were first excavated in the 1970s on the east side of the Qin Shi Huang Mausoleum in Lintong, Shaanxi Province, and unearthed gradually. The figurine pits 1, 2 and 3 unearthed more than 2,000 pieces of terracotta figures and horses and more than 30 chariots. Of course, these are only a small portion of the three figurine pit burials. The Qin Shi Huang Mausoleum and Terracotta Warriors pits were built around 221 BCE after the establishment of the Qin Dynasty. By the time Qin Shi Huang died and was buried at Mount Li in 210 BCE, the main structure had been completed. The project was ended by the outbreak of war in 209 BCE. In 206 BCE, when Xiang Yu marched into the region, he may have ordered the Chu army to burn the figurine pits and smash the terracotta figurines and horses, taking many of the weapons in their hands. From that time, the Terracotta Warriors and Horses of Qin, a buried wonder of human civilization, disappeared from the sight of people. The largest of the excavated pits is Pit 1, which extends 230 m from east to west, 62 m from north to south, and is as deep as 6.5 m, demonstrating its massive size. The Terracotta Warriors and Horses in the three pits consist of multiple military units such as carriages, infantry and cavalry, which are well-organized and symbolic of the emperor’s bodyguard, fully reflecting the grand historical achievement of Qin Shi Huang, who led the Qin army to wipe out the surrounding areas and sweep the Xiongnu to the north, pacify Bai Yue to the south and establish the first unified empire in Chinese history. The Terracotta Warriors and Horses of the Qin Shi Huang Mausoleum not only simulate a complete

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3.3.1  General Figurine. Collection of the Terracotta Warrior Museum at the Mausoleum of Qin Shi Huang

military organization in their formation, but also the shape, costumes and equipment of the Terracotta Warriors strictly comply with the posts and ranks of the Qin army. From the type of troops, the chariot troops are divided into the figurines of driver and charioteers who carry spears, the infantry includes warriors who carry spears and halberds, and crossbow soldiers with bows and arrows. In terms of rank, there are general figurines, officer figurines and various warrior figurines. One of the general figurines is 196 cm tall, wearing a long crown with a double scrolled tail. He is dressed in double-robe, armor, leggings, and tilt square-toed shoes, either with a sword in one hand or with his hands folded in front of his abdomen, waiting by the sword (Fig. 3.3.1). The offi-

CHAPTER III SCULPTURE AND PICTORIAL BRICKS AND STONES OF THE QIN AND HAN DYNASTIES

cer figurine has a variety of faces, usually wearing a single roll-tailed long crown, dressed in a war gown and armor, some wearing only chest corset and belly armor with breastplate, shoes with a tilt square head, some holding a sword in one hand, some holding a long weapon in one hand, some having left hand spread forward as if making a command. The warrior figurines are particularly diverse in their costumes, equipment and appearance due to the large number and different types of soldiers. Some are dressed in robes and armor, some are only wearing cross-collar right overlapping short gowns, no armor, but all have bundle hair in a bun, right or left sided, some wearing a round soft hat. The legs are covered with pads, or tied in a wrap, the feet are in flat square-toed shoes, with the right hand holding a long-handled weapon. The Terracotta Warriors, from soldiers to generals, although there is a hierarchy of rank, all are helmet-free with bundled hair, no shields, and are equipped with bronze weapons for real combat. The production of the Terracotta Warriors and Horses at the Mausoleum of Qin Shi Huang was not only a massive project, but also meticulous in its attention to detail. The craftsmen who made the terracotta figurines used specific techniques such as molding, piling, pinching, pasting, carving and painting to express the body, volume, shape and quality of the figurines. The production used both modeling and molding, and combined painting and modeling. According to research, the manufacturing sequence of Qin terracotta figurines was bottom-up, first piling the rough shape of the legs and feet of the terracotta figurines with coarse clay containing sand, the surface scraped to represent the muscles and bones. After the water evaporated and the mud hardened, the hollow torso was shaped by piling mud strips, and then by pasting, pinching, carving and other methods, representing the fluttering of garments at the corners, the rotation of the folds of the grain, and the firmness of the armor. The head, hands and arms

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were molded and mounted on the torso as rough molds, and then molded and carved with fine clay for refined processing. As with the molding of the hand, those who are stretching out the palm mainly by means of molding shaping. For those who hold a fist were made mainly by pinching and scraping and carving to portray the thickness of hand muscles, the length of knuckles, nails and other details. Sculpting the head was more complex. Approximately based on the rough modeling of the head, the back of the head was piled up, the ears were pasted on, and the molded hair bun was either pinched or attached to the side of the head. After the general outline of the head had been revealed, the details of the eyebrows, eyes, mouth, and mustache were then delicately engraved. When the terracotta figurine molding process was complete, they were sent for kiln baking, whitewashing and painting. The making of terracotta horses was generally similar to that of terracotta figurines, except that it was more complicated and arduous. The head, neck, torso and limbs of the horse were assembled and adhered after being pressed and shaped by double molds, and the ears, jaw and tail were hand-molded and adhered, and then fine clay was laid on top of the coarse molds for carving details. After being polished and dried, they were burnt in a kiln and colored. In addition, although due to fire and natural damage it is difficult to see the glorious colors of the terracotta figurines complete today, from the color remnants of most of the terracotta figurines and horses, as well as some individual painted parts which remain intact, we can still see the color variety of its painting as fairly rich, with bright tones and strong contrasts. For example, the general figurines wear a vermilion tunic, a short dark purple coat, and multicolored fishscale armor. The armor band is white based with geometric patterns of red, green, yellow, and purple, and there is a flower made of the armor bands tied at the shoulders, the chest, and the back. The flowers are of apricot-yellow ground, painted with

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vermilion, pink and green flower patterns, often with black or white outlining the boundaries of the pattern between red and green. The painting of the Terracotta Warriors and Horses not only complements the sculptures, but also the technique of applying the colors pioneered traditional Chinese large scale painted sculptures, especially for the later religious sculptures. The Terracotta Warriors and Horses of the Mausoleum of the Qin Shi Huang is based on the artistic language of a simulated realism, which marks the maturity of the terracotta figurines as a special type of sculptural art in ancient China. The figurines are strong and robust, with a calm demeanor, and the gestures and expressions of »here and now«—as well as conveying character and state of mind. The slightly larger-than-life Terracotta Warriors and Horses, and the rigorous organization of their array, suggest a fairly sophisticated understanding of spatial volume was quite mature at that time. In front of thousands of Terracotta Warriors in the Mausoleum of Qin Shi Huang, one can strongly feel the rigorous and unified image of the entire line up of Terracotta Warriors, and the presentation of each piece of work always follows the requirements of the overall atmosphere of the military line up and the mausoleum. At the same time, in terms of detail, the types of soldiers, their identities, dynamics, and faces, are very diverse. Especially the facial details of the Terracotta Warriors, such as eyebrows, ears, nose, eyes, whiskers—these components were modified one by one after they were adhered, so that the modeling design and temperament were not only unified and coordinated, but also rich and diverse, avoiding the drawback of unified models, fully and successfully embodying unity, authenticity and richness. When we stand in front of more than thousands of pieces of Terracotta Warriors who are standing fully armed, the solemn and grim atmosphere of war emerges. The physical and mental traits of a ready-to-go posture are captured and successfully represented. The war

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horses are alert and steadfast, lifting their hooves to move. The drivers hold the bridles tightly, the cavalrymen hold the reins and raise their bows, waiting for the order to gallop the horses into battle. Chariot soldiers have their sleeves coiled up to elbows, holding weapons in one hand, with heads slightly tilted, as if listening to military commands. The moment of the assembly before marching endowed the Terracotta Warriors and Horses of the Mausoleum of Qin Shi Huang with an epic artistry of great magnificence at the intersection of time and space that seems to move like lightning and thunder. The Terracotta Warriors and Horses at the Mausoleum of Qin Shi Huang is a milestone, marking the development of ancient sculpture throughout the Warring States Period to become a completely independent and significant art category by the time of Qin Shi Huang. Its artistic expressiveness established its high status in the history of ancient Chinese sculpture. Figurines of the Qin Dynasty, in addition to the famous Terracotta Warriors and Horses of the Qin Shi Huang Mausoleum, were also unearthed in the burial pit. There were horse-trainer figurines, and in the southeastern side of the Mausoleum burial pit were unearthed a batch of semi-nude painted performer figurines, so we can have a more comprehensive understanding of the Qin figurines. The horse-trainer figurines were excavated in many stable pits in East Shang Jiao Village and burial pits on the western side of the Mausoleum. They consist of two types of figurine: standing figurines and sitting figurines, both of which are made of terracotta. A horse trainer was a minor official in the royal court who is responsible for keeping horses. Among them, the standing figure is 186 cm tall, wearing a long crown, some with short beard with serious demeanor, wearing kneelength tunics with belts around waist and hands in sleeves. He wears long trousers and square-toed, tilt pointed shoes. The sitting figure is 73 cm tall, with a handsome and serene face. There is a mus-

CHAPTER III SCULPTURE AND PICTORIAL BRICKS AND STONES OF THE QIN AND HAN DYNASTIES

tache on his lips, and the hair is combed back and coiled into a round bun at the back of the head, with a clearly defined hairline. He is dressed in a right-overlapping robe with a belt at the waist. The hands are mostly fisted or sleeved and placed on knees. Some of the figurines still have color remaining and can be identified with black hair, white eyes and black pupils, skin color, and light green, blue, or red robes. Analysis shows that the terracotta figurines were first painted with a layer of raw lacquer on the base, and then finished with painting. The process of making terracotta figurines is probably to make the head, hand and body in parts, then to assemble them after burning, and finally to paint them in colors. The production method is a combination of molding and sculpture—such as the head was molded and shaped first, followed by clay sculpture to decorate the face, hair style and other details, each having their own characteristics. Some of the sitting figures were found with utensils such as terracotta lamps, pots, iron scythes and iron shovels placed in front of them. In the southeastern part of the Mausoleum, between the inner and outer walls, there is an underground tunnel structure burial pit, which was excavated and found 12 terracotta figurines of the Qin Dynasty with unique style and novel content. The painted terracotta figures are half-naked, with their heads broken and their faces and skin painted light pink. The lower part of the body wears a painted skirt with various patterns, including a lozenge pattern. There is a layer of black raw lacquer painted on the base underneath the painting; most of the painting had fallen off when unearthed. The figurines are roughly the same height as a real person, with robust or thin figures, in different postures, sitting or standing, or half-kneeling, or with one leg bows in front and the other stretches behind, representing a high level in the language of sculpture art. These painted terracotta figures, in terms of form, costume and body language, present a connotation

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and sense quite different from that of the Terracotta Warriors and Horses of the Mausoleum of Qin Shi Huang. It is thought that these terracotta figures may have been performers of the various types of plays of the Qin Dynasty, hence they are named the Hundred Plays Figurines. According to historical records, Qin Shi Huang was fond of martial arts and performances. At the ruins of the third palace of Qin in Xianyang, there are murals of acrobatic performances of »Yuan Gan« (also called »Yuan Chuang,« meaning pole climbing). Therefore, it is very likely that the Mausoleum of Qin Shi Huang would be accompanied with Hundred Play terracotta figurines. Han figurines include rigid and simple Western Han figurines and vivid and lively Eastern Han figurines.Western Han figurines for funerals are considerably different in scale, with forms also changed when compared to the Qin Dynasty. In the early years of the Western Han, society and economy were both impoverished as a result of the warfare in the late Qin and the struggle between Chu and Han. Rulers needed to face reality, and recuperate while they promoted austerity. It was not until Emperor Wu of the Han Dynasty, when the state became more powerful, that this situation changed. This was reflected in the burial figurines. From that time, whenever the tombs of bureaucrats were excavated, figurines have been found—reflecting the fact that figurine burials were a popular custom in Western Han society. Under the court’s industrial division of the Shaofu, there was a specialized agency that worked primarily on mausoleum artifacts, named the »East Garden Craftsman,« which manufactured burial artifacts, not only for the emperor’s mausoleum, but also awarded to courtiers. County lords, prime ministers, and other bureaucrats had figurines and other funerary objects placed with them for their afterlives, which were all manufactured locally. Pottery figurines, as well as a variety of pottery burial vessels, replaced ancient ritual objects as the mainstays of funerary objects. It can be said

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that the full flourishing of figurines from central to local constituted a more complete stage in the Western Han Period. From the current excavations of Western Han emperors’ mausoleums, as well as tombs of princes, lords and general bureaucrats, and the burial pits, the development of Western Han figurines can be seen to have similar characteristics. In terms of body size, the figurines unearthed from various Western Han Dynasty tombs are obviously smaller. For example, the Yang Ling pottery figurines are generally around 60 cm high, the Duling pottery figurines 56 cm high, and Ba Ling pottery figurines 53–57 cm high, about 1/3 the height of a real person. Whereas the Qin Terracotta Warriors and Horses were of the same height as a human figure, no such feature was found with Western Han Dynasty figurines. In terms of modeling and artistic style, compared to the realistic, heroic and robust Terracotta Warriors and Horses of the Qin Shi Huang Mausoleum, Western Han figurines are obviously different; at the same time, they are also quite different from the lively and dynamic Eastern Han figurines of later generations, characterized by rigid and refined simpleness. In terms of an ethos, they have more or less inherited the sitting figurines and horse-trainer figurines of the burial pit of the Qin Shi Huang Mausoleum. The figurines in the area of Guanzhong, from the early Western Han Dynasty, for example, are rigid and refined, and the wooden figurines in the area of Jing and Chu, from the early Western Han Dynasty, are simple and naïve. Both of which are representative. The pottery figurines of the Western Han Dynasty were molded in four segments: head, torso, legs and feet. They were molded to adhere to each other, and the nose, ears and penis were molded separately and attached. The face was pinched and adjusted. The form also shows some changes when compared to the Qin terracotta figurines, with the feet standing directly on the ground as compared to the footplates glued to the feet of the

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3.3.2  Sitting figurines. Bai Lu Yuan Tomb of Han Dynasty, Xi’an, Shaanxi

Qin figurines in order to stabilize them. This may relate to the smaller size of the figurines. From a regional perspective, the terracotta figurines unearthed in the area of Guanzhong during the early Western Han Dynasty were to scale. The more important examples are the Ba Ling figurines, the Yang Jia Wan Terracotta Warriors and Horses, and the Yang Ling figurines.The female figurines of the Ba Ling Mausoleum were excavated from the Ba Ling burial pit in the eastern suburb of Xi’an, Shaanxi Province, the joint burial mausoleum of Emperor Wen and Empress Dou. According to records, a total of 42 pieces of pottery female figurines were produced by the official craftsmen of the Shaofu East Garden Department. The modeling is relatively primitive, and the posture is divided into two types: standing and sitting. The standing figures range in height from 53–57  cm, wear long coats and square-headed shoes. The sitting figures are 33–35 cm tall, mostly sitting with sleeved-hands (Fig.  3.3.2). They are mainly molded, with similar shapes for faces, which were then partially modified and refined,

slightly differing in appearance and facial expressions. The overall image is quiet and gentle, respectful and modest, which is considered a vivid portrayal of the inner court maidens of the time. Terracotta Warriors and Horses were excavated from a Western Han Dynasty tomb of Yang Jia Wan, Xianyang, Shaanxi Province, which is nearby to the Chang Ling Mausoleum of Liu Bang, founder of the Han Dynasty. It is presumed to be the accompanying tomb of Chang Ling—the tomb of father and son Zhou Bo and Zhou Yafu, famous generals of the early Han Dynasty, and dating from the Emperor Wen and Emperor Jing periods of the Western Han (179–141 BCE). From the 11 burial pits excavated, there are six cavalry figurine pits, four infantry figurine pits and one chariot pit. A total of 2375 pieces of cavalry figurines, infantry figurines, civilian figurines, music and dance figurines, and miscellaneous service figurines were unearthed. In terms of configuration, there is a battle array layout, as well as ceremonial function. The cavalry figurines are 50–68 cm in heigh, and straddle horseback, holding reins and weapons. The

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figurines are as brightly painted as new, in red, white, green and purple colors, sometimes in black armor. The war horses are black, red, purple and white, with painted saddles and bridles. The height of the standing figurines is 44.5–48.5 cm, and most of them are infantry figurines dressed as warriors, and wearing various types of black armor. There are also some figurines in different postures, such as directing, dancing or playing music. The method of production is still a combination of molding and sculpting, and sculpting and painting—which was inherited from the traditional technique of the Qin terracotta figurines. Compared to the Qin terracotta figurines, the Yang Jia Wan terracotta figurines are smaller in size, but the basic posture still retains most of the upright style of the Qin terracotta figurines. The difference is that the Yang Jia Wan terracotta figurines have no footplate on the bottom of their feet, but stand directly on the ground. In addition, the cavalry figurines are mounted on horseback, unlike the Qin terracotta figurines that are standing beside their horses. The Terracotta Warriors and Horses of Yang Jia Wan are simple and clean, slightly more dynamic than the meticulous Terracotta Warriors of Qin. The war horses, with long legs, tall bodies, angular faces, and slightly raised heads that are neighing, are vivid and vigorous. The figurines of the Yang Ling Mausoleum were unearthed in 1990 from the burial pits of the Yang Ling Mausoleum of Emperor Jing of Han at Xianyang, Shaanxi Province. In Yang Ling were discovered two groups of large-scale accompanying burial pits for a total of 48. According to a conservative estimation, the total number of burial figurines at Yang Ling is expected to be in the tens of thousands. At the same time, archaeologists northwest of the Han city of Chang’an unearthed a group of kilns that were used to burn pottery figurines, with exactly the type of nude figurines that were unearthed at Yang Ling. The Yang Ling figurines are mostly male figurines, and are considered to be warriors or ceremonial guards, all of which

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are standing nude and painted in orange-red, with the head also painted. There are no arms, the torsos are slender, all parts are well-proportioned and fit together, and the penises are carefully sculpted. The details of the head, such as the eyebrows, eyes, nose, lips, ears and hair style are exquisitely crafted. The silk fragments accompanying the figurines show that they all wore robes and armor—unlike the Qin figurines, whose dress was entirely painted terracotta sculpture. This was seemingly inherited from the Chu figurines of the Warring States Period, but the representation of the body is far more specific and realistic. It is possible that this form, inherited from Chu style, is related to the early Han’s appreciation of Chu Culture. In addition, there were female figurines unearthed from Yang Ling, including those wearing vermillion leaf armor and riding horses with swords. Among unearthed objects, in addition to spears, halberds, swords, crossbows, arrowheads and other weapons, there are chisels, saws, adzes and other tools, and a large number of »half-liang« copper coins. There are also painted pottery animal models, such as cows, sheep, pigs, dogs and chickens. From the perspective of modeling representations, the level of the head production of Yang Ling figurines is more prominent, as it is reflected through the carefully molded pottery sculpting techniques that makes the head appear to be exquisitely crafted, with delicate, soft lines and an introspective expression. And due to the difference in pottery sculpting techniques used, the figurine heads present varying face shapes and expressions. Some have oval faces, with clear eyebrows and elegant eyes. Some have plump cheeks and wide foreheads. Some are stern and some are childish. It reflects the rich expressiveness of early Western Han sculpture. In 1981, a batch of bronze artifacts was unearthed in the vicinity of Mao Ling, Xingping, Shaanxi Province. Among them, there was a gilt bronze standing horse that is brilliant. The horse is 62 cm high and 76 cm long, and its body retains

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some characteristics of Qin terracotta horses, with moderate proportion and healthy appearance, full body gilding in even thickness, and a very smooth surface—representing a high level of craftsmanship and art of modeling. Many of the artifacts unearthed from the same time bear the inscription »House of Yangxin,« identifying this gilded bronze horse as the burial object of Princess Yangxin, wife of General Wei Qing, sister of Emperor Wu of Han. According to history, Wei Qing was buried together with Princess Yangxin on the eastern side of Mao Ling after his death in the fifth year of Yuan Feng (106 BCE). This rare artifact of the imperial family of the Han Dynasty is now preserved in the Mao Ling Museum in Shaanxi Province. The pottery figurines of the Xuzhou Region during the early Western Han Dynasty were mainly Terracotta Warriors and Horses from Shizi Mountain and accompanying burial figurines of the tomb of the King of Chu in Beidong Mountain.The Western Han Tomb at Shizi Mountain in Xuzhou, Jiangsu Province, has been excavated and more than 2,000 pieces of painted pottery Terracotta Warriors and Horses have been uncovered. The owner of the tomb is presumed to be one of the first eight ancestors of the King of Chu in the Western Han Dynasty, and the dating is relatively close to that of the Terracotta Warriors in Yang Jia Wan. The layout of the Terracotta Warriors and Horses is intact, and the military array, cap and uniform equipment is similar to that of the Terracotta Warriors in Yang Jia Wan. The Terracotta Warriors can be divided into official figurines, standing figurines wearing helmets, figurines with braids, figurines with buns, figurines in robes, figurines in armor, figurines sitting on their knees and many other types. They have no facial hair, and clean and elegant appearances, which is distinct from the image of Terracotta Warriors of the Guanzhong Region. There are also driving horses, the modeling characteristics similar to the Qin terracotta horse, as they inherited the upright model. The pottery quality is

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fine, but not as neat and rigorous as the Yang Jia Wan Terracotta Warriors and Horses in molding technique. Painting is relatively simple, mainly in white, red, black colors, with severe erosion. The group of accompanying buried figurines excavated from the tomb of the King of Chu in Beidong Mountain, Xuzhou, provides another type of figurine art from the early Western Han Dynasty. This tomb was built by cutting into the mountain. It is a large-scale stone tomb imitating the architecture of the palace and has a complex structure with 19 tomb chambers and 7 small niches. A total of 422 pieces of painted pottery figurines were unearthed. Among them, 222 pieces of male ceremonial guard figurines with long swords on their waists were unearthed in small niches in the tomb passage, 61 pieces of male service figurines, 136 pieces of female service figurines, and 3 pieces of drum music performer figurines were unearthed in the burial chambers. The composition of the figurine group can be observed as mainly armed soldiers, attendants and performers. The male ceremonial guard figurines are well preserved, with colors in red, white, black, light green, blue, purple, light yellow, etc., among which the light green, purple, and light yellow are as brilliant as newly painted. The dynamics of male and female servant figurines are relatively homogenous, while the hair style of female servant figurines is more varied and very graceful. The three figurines of drum music performers vividly express their dynamic performance. The pottery figurines of the early Western Han Dynasty unearthed in the Jing and Chu Region follow the customs of the State of Chu during the Warring States Period. Among them, Han Tomb no. 1 at Mawangdui, Changsha, Hunan Province, and Han tombs no. 167 and 168 at Fenghuang Mountain, Jiangling, Hubei Province, are the most representative. From Han Tomb no.  1, from around 166 BCE, were unearthed 162 pieces of painted and carved wooden figurines with silk garments. There are male figurines wearing hats, clothed fe-

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male servant figurines, clothed singing and dancing figurines, painted standing figurines, painted music performer figurines, wooden figurines for warding off evil spirits, and others. Among them, the number of painted standing figurines is the largest, totaling 101 pieces. The two kinds of small wooden figurines classified as objects for warding off evil spirits number 36 pieces. The production is very crude, with only small chopped pieces of wood for eyebrows, and eyes painted with ink or vermilion; one type has small clothes of silk and linen, another type knotted with hemp rope; all belong to objects for warding off evil spirits. The no. 1 male figurine with hat, 84.5 cm high, is the largest figure in the group. The torso is depicted only in profile, without hands. The head and facial features are carved exquisitely realistically. The painted male and female standing figurines have postures more rigid and straight, while the facial features are roughly carved and outlined. Tomb no. 168 of Fenghuang Mountain, Jiangling, was buried in 167 BCE. The owner of the tomb was Sui Shaoyan, a court official. A total of 71 pieces of painted wooden figurines and horses were unearthed. Tomb no.  167 was buried between 179 BCE and 141 BCE, and more than 30 pieces of painted wooden figurines and horses were unearthed. These painted wooden figurines are relatively rough in their production methods and homogeneous in design. Despite being wooden figurines, they are similar to pottery figurines in terms of style. This can be regarded as a product of the fusion of Chu wooden figurines and Qin terracotta figurines. After the mid-Western Han Dynasty, and up to the Eastern Han Dynasty, the figurines of warriors and horses that symbolized military array were almost extinct, replaced by figurines of carriages and horses used for ceremonial rites. In the mid and late Western Han Dynasty, the figurine works had new developments in both form and technique. The tomb of Liu Sheng, Lord of Jing, in Zhongshan, Ling Mountain in Mancheng, Hebei Province, and

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the tomb of his wife, Dou Wan, contain more than 30 pieces of bronze, stone and pottery figurines, the largest being 47  cm high and the smallest only a few centimeters. Many of the bronze figurines, which seem to be performing artists, are especially outstanding. There is also a group of dance, music, and acrobatic figurines unearthed from a tomb of Han in west Wuying Mountain, in the northern suburb of Jinan, Shandong Province, which were sculpted on a rectangular pottery slab and are very unique. They are the representatives of figurine sculptures of the middle to late Western Han Dynasty. This group of figurines is currently preserved in the Jinan City Museum. On a pottery plate 67.5 cm long and 47.5 cm wide, 22 figurines were sculpted representing characters performing handstands, jujitsu, dance, pipe-blowing, drumming, bell-ringing, etc., creating a lively and harmonious scene. Although they were produced in the Western Han Dynasty, the dynamics of the figures slightly resemble the style of the later Eastern Han figurines. On the whole, compared to the Qin terracotta figurines, the Han figurines have developed in terms of their dynamic styling. Especially for Eastern Han figurines, in this regard, the achievement is more remarkable. Generally speaking, Western Han human figurines are slightly taller in size than those of Eastern Han, with antique style, less dynamic range, and more homogeneous form. This can be represented by the Guanzhong figurines, for example. Eastern Han human figurines are relatively thick and short, with rich dynamics, and more complex character identities, reflecting a very wide range of social life. This characteristic of the Eastern Han Dynasty is most vividly represented by the Sichuan figurines, which reflect the social life of the affluent and the pleasant ethos of the common people. The Eastern Han funeral offering system specifies that the imperial mausoleum should not contain human figurines. Therefore, even if there were still the practice of burial with figurines in the

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capital area of Luoyang, the scale was inevitably limited. In contrast, the art of figurine works in the period was greatly developed in the Sichuan Region and formed a distinctive style. During the Eastern Han Dynasty, the social environment in central Sichuan was relatively stable, and the agriculture, salt and iron industries and commerce were well developed, enabling the economy and culture to develop steadily. Archaeological excavations show that there were a widespread and a large number of Han Dynasty tombs in Sichuan, most of which belonged to the Eastern Han. A large number of pottery figurines were unearthed from these tombs of the Eastern Han Dynasty. In terms of production, most of the Eastern Han figurines in Sichuan were double-molded, while a few were sculpted. The paint was applied with vermilion and ink on top of white plastering, after burning in kiln. A wide range of modeling types have been discovered, such as male servants, female servants, dancers, music performers, singers, kitchen staff, young paiges, peasants, private mercenaries and so on, as well as carriages and horses, poultry, livestock, houses, pavilions and pottery objects for warding off evil spirits in tombs. These pottery figurines and burialware, in terms of variety, shape and quantity, have no pattern, and seem to have been purchased from different workshops according to their respective needs. Only in terms of artistic expression are they all fresh and lively, with distinctive characteristics of the feudal economy and culture. Many of the animal figurines, such as pottery pigs, dogs and chickens, are very sensible in the way they are made, with a simple and cute appearance. As can be seen, the figurines, originally rich in the connotations of funeral culture as a special category of sculpture, developed sufficient artistic resources to represent all aspects of social life, showing more and more movement towards secular aspects of the Eastern Han Dynasty. During the Eastern Han Dynasty, the artistic expressions of figurine making were more diversi-

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3.3.3 Drum-beating and singing figurine. Tianjiong Mountain in Chengdu, Sichuan Province

fied, and the artistic language was very rich. For example, the drum-beating and singing figurines (Fig. 3.3.3), which were excavated from Tianjiong Mountain in Chengdu, Sichuan Province and are now preserved at the National Museum of China, and the ear-rubbing figurine in the collection of Sichuan University, are very successful in their acute grasping of emotions, and the casual portrayal of expressions. In addition, the talking-singing figurines unearthed in Song Jia Lin of Pixian County, Sichuan Province, the Sheng-blowing figurines of Feng Jia Nian, Chengdu, the female dancing figurines of Cui Ping Mountain, Yibin, Sichuan Province, the music band figurines of the Xin Jin Bao Zi Mountain, the female standing figurines of Ma Jia Mountain, Xin Du, Sichuan Province, the kitchen sitting figurines of Wang Tian Bao, Chongqing, and the nursing sitting figurines

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3.3.4  Bronze galloping horse. Leitai Tomb of Han Dynasty, Wuwei, Gansu Province

of Peng Mountain, Sichuan Province—are all rich in artistic appeal. The common feature of these excellent works is the refined grasp of the grand effect of body dynamics and the subtle depiction of expressions and gestures. Most of the East Han pottery figurines in Sichuan are small in scale. Some of the larger ones have a good grasp of shape. For example, the musician figurine from Bao Zi Mountain in Xin Jin, Sichuan, with a height of 99 cm, has natural transitions between head, torso, hips and lower limbs. The large pottery horse from Pengshan Mountain, Sichuan, is 90 cm long and 108 cm tall, and is in good shape. In terms of material, the Eastern Han Dynasty figurines are still mainly made of pottery. Although bronze and wood figurines are not typical, there are some regional characteristics, such as a group of bronze carriages and ceremonial guards and a group of wooden figurines from the Wuwei Han Tomb in Gansu. A batch of complete bronze ceremonial carriage and horse troops figurines unearthed in the Leitai Tomb of the Eastern Han Dynasty in Wuwei,

Gansu Province, including 17 pieces of warrior figurines holding weapons such as spears, halberds, battle-axes, etc., 28 pieces of servant figurines (engraved »Zhang’s slave« or »Zhang’s maidservant« on the backs of the figurines), 38 pieces of bronze horses, one bronze galloping horse, and many pieces of bronze carriages and ox carts. The figurines vividly represent the majesty of senior court officials whose rank and salaries were above 2,000 dan, as recorded in the Book of the Later Han. The figurines are well-crafted, refined in shape, and the group of figurines is majestic— showing the high level reached by the sculptural art of figurines of carriages and horses in the late Eastern Han Dynasty. The famous Bronze Galloping Horse is an outstanding example of this group of bronze carriages and horses. This Bronze Galloping Horse is now preserved in the Gansu Provincial Museum (Fig.  3.3.4), is 45  cm long and 34.5  cm high, and is commonly known as the »The Horse Stepping on the Flying Swallow« or »The Horse Overtaking the Sparrow.« It has its tail raised, and three feet lifted into the

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air, but its right hind hoof has landed on the back of a bird flying, just like the image of a legendary horse that soars into the sky and is vigorous and powerful. As the poem goes, »Raising the whip to compete with the birds.« This shows the speed of the legendary horse, like the wind blowing in the sky. This flying-in-the-air momentum is a reflection of a fantastic concept as well as mastery of technique.

3. Stone Carvings of Qin and Han Existing examples of stone sculpture of the Qin and Han dynasties include the water-calming stone man, stone beasts and animals placed inside and outside of the pool, such as the stone whale, as well as ceremonial columns, stone pillars, stone tablets placed in front of the gate and tomb. These beasts and animals include Tianlu, Bixie (warding off evil spirits), Qilin (unicorn), lion, tiger, horse, goat, elephant and camel, etc. »When Li Bing, the governor of Shu County, was constructing a water conservancy, he once had five stone rhinoceroses carved to calm the river.« This is a verse from Du Fu’s Ballad of the Stone Rhino. As with stone sculpture of the Qin Dynasty, the Miscellaneous records of the Western Capital recorded the stone Qilin in the mausoleum garden of Qin Shi Huang, in Chronicles of Huayang, Chang Qu of the Eastern Jin Dynasty recorded that Li Bing, the governor of Shu County, made water-calming stone sculptures. In the Western Han Dynasty, many records prove that stone carvings were placed in front of tombs. It is recorded in the Miscellaneous Records of the Western Capital that there were stone horses in front of Zhang Liang’s tomb, and the Commentary on the Water Classic records that there were two stone men at the gate of the temple of Li Shiji in Guangye County, and stone beasts and stone men at the tomb of Zhang Boya, the governor of Hong Nong. The existing stone sculptures in front of the tombs of the Western Han Dynasty include the stone tiger in front of Zhang Qian’s tomb in Chenggu County,

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Shaanxi Province, the stone tiger in Shiqiao Town, Xianyang, Shanxi Province, the stone tiger in Anyi County, Shanxi Province, and the renowned stone sculpture group in Huo Qubing’s tomb. Among them, the pair of stone tigers in front of Zhang Qian’s tomb, made around the Yuanding Period of the Western Han Dynasty (116–111 BCE), are heavily weathered, but their simple and majestic charm remains. A stone crouching tiger was also found in Shiqiao Town, Xianyang. The stone tiger, from Anyi County, with a height of 71  cm and a fierce image that seems to be soaring into the air, is ancient and vibrant. The stone sculptures of Huo Qubing’s tomb, with a variety of animals as the object of expression, feature a very distinctive artistic language and are of great importance in the history of Chinese sculpture. Huo’s tomb is located about one kilometer northeast of the Mausoleum of Emperor Wu of Han in Xingping County, Shaanxi Province, and is one of the accompanying tombs of the Mao Ling Mausoleum. Huo Qubing (140–117 BCE) was 18 years old when he was serving as an assistant general. He fought against the Xiongnu with Wei Qing and was very meritorious in battle, so Emperor Wu of the Han Dynasty gave him the title of Captain Biao Yao, Lord of Champions, and Grand General of Cavalry. According to Yan Shigu’s note in the Han Shu Wei Qing and also in Huo Qubing’s biography, Huo Qubing’s tomb is »next to the Mao Ling Mausoleum, where there is a vertical stone on the mound, and there are stone men and horses in front of the mound.« These stone men and horses still exist in 16 pieces today. Two of them are engraved with the inscription of »Zuo Si Kong,« thus it is known that the stone sculptures were made under the supervision of Shaofu Zuo Si Kong. The 16 stone sculptures include standing horse, reclining horse, leaping horse, crouching tiger, reclining bull, stone pig, stone elephant, stone toad, stone frog, stone fish, barbarian, monster eater, human and bear, etc. Among them, the stone standing horse (also known as »Horse Trampling on the

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Xiongnu«) is the thematic representative work in the stone sculpture group of Huo Qubing’s tomb (Fig.  3.3.5). This stone sculpture, 168  cm high, depicts a solemn and dignified stallion standing proudly on a defeated Xiongnu general, allegorically summarizing the achievements of Huo’s life. In addition, the dynamics of the leaping horse, the alert look of the reclining horse, the smooth and concise engraving of the crouching tiger, the clear and distinct outline of the reclining bull, the fierce expression of the stone pig, the gentle and naive look of the stone elephant, the simplicity of the stone toad, the stone frog, the stone fish, and the barbarians, the monster-eating beast, and the fierce battle of the human and bear, all reflect richness and precision in every aspect. The stone sculptures of Huo Qubing’s tomb basically adopted the technique of modeling based on the stone, making full use of the natural form of granite material, and seizing the most characteristic expressions of the objects—making the image according to the potential of the stone, and carving along with the shape. This technique places high demand on a keen and perceptive eye, and on imagination. There is also a high demand for the use and mastery of the artistic means of the carving of tenacious stones. The art of stone sculpture of Huo Qubing’s tomb is an example, and a model. During the Western Han Dynasty, large stone sculptures survived, including the statue of the Cowherd (Niu Lang) and Weaving Maiden (Zhi Nü) in Kunming Chi Pond, and the stone fish in Taiye Chi Pond. According to historical records, in the third year of Yuan Shou (120 BCE), Emperor Wu of Han dug the Kunming Chi Pond in Shanglingyuan Garden and made stone sculptures such as the statue of the Cowherd and Weaving Maiden, and a stone whale. The site of Kunming Chi Pond of the Han Dynasty is located in the southeast of Doumen Town, Chang’an, Shaanxi Province, where the existing stone statue of the Cowherd is 258 cm high—with a simple and resolute look,

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3.3.5 Standing horse. Huo Qubing’s Tomb at Mao Mausoleum, Shaanxi Province

the stone quite weathered. The Weaving Maiden’s statue is 228  cm high, with worried eyes and a melancholy look. The stone statues are sculpted in a childish and simple style, which is representative of early garden sculpture. There is also the stone fish in Taiye Chi Pond, which was excavated in the northern side of the Taiye Chi Pond site in Gao Bao Zi Village, Xi’an, Shaanxi Province. It is a spindle-shaped boulder, 490 cm long, and the surface is heavily corroded. Stone sculptures survived of the Eastern Han Dynasty are more numerous than those of the Western Han Dynasty, and most of them are stone beasts placed in front of the mausoleum. Among them, the Tianlu and the Bixie are particularly representative. In the Eastern Han Dynasty, there was a strong tradition of rich burial, especially in the mid to late Eastern Han Dynasty. The restrictions of the old ritual and order were weakened, and stone sculptures in front of tombs became

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the trend—and the forms were very diverse. There are some relevant records in the »Shui Jing Zhu« (Notes for the Book of Water), such as the exquisite stone elephants and horses at the tomb of Liu Xiu, Guangwu Emperor of the Eastern Han Dynasty; the stone horse in front of the tomb of Cao Song, father of Cao Cao; the stone goats, tigers, camels and horses in front of the tomb of Qiaoxuan, the stone goats erected in the fourth year of the Zhongping Period (187) in front of the tomb of Yin Jian, governor of Anyi County, Han Dynasty; the nine-foot-tall stone Tianlu in front of the tomb of Cai Mao, captain of Changshui County, Han Dynasty; the lion and Tianlu in front of the anonymous tomb in Xiangyang County; the stone tiger in the tomb of Liu Yan, lord of Jian, Zhongshan County; and the stone beast engraved with the words »to ward off evil spirits« on the left shoulder in front of the tomb of governor of Ji Cheng, Hou County, Han Dynasty, etc. Tianlu and Bixie are stone beasts sculpted in pairs and placed in front of tombs and temples during the Han Dynasty into the Six Dynasties. The single horned beast is Tianlu, and the double horned beast is Bixie, and their names contain the meaning of destiny, glory and fortune as well as expelling evil spirits and avoiding harm, respectively, and they are both commonly referred to as stone lions. The lion comes from Central Asia, and it is rich in supernatural symbolism. The stone sculptures of the beasts of the Eastern Han Dynasty have survived better, forming a certain scale, and their sturdy style is quite distinctive, showing outstanding artistic traits of the era. According to preliminary statistics, in Sichuan, Shanxi, Shaanxi, Shandong, Henan, Hebei and other places, more than 70 stone sculptures and stone gates have been found in front of tombs from the Eastern Han Dynasty, totaling more than a hundred pieces, among which stone sculptures of mythical beasts occupy a large proportion, such as the Tianlu and Bixie from the tomb of Zongzi in Nanyang, Henan; the Tianlu and Bixie from Sunqi Tun of Luoyang;

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3.3.6 Tianlu, Zongzi Tomb, Nanyang, Henan Province

the Tianlu and Bixie from Shenjia Cun Village of Xianyang, Shaanxi; the stone beasts from Gao Yi Que in Ya’an, Sichuan; the stone beasts from Fan Min Que in Lushan, Sichuan; and the stone lions in front of the Wu Family Shrine in Jiaxiang, Shandong. Among them, the Tianlu and Bixie of Zongzi’s tomb are now preserved in the Han Painting Museum in Nanyang, Henan Province. The owner of the tomb, Zongzi, was a native of Anzhong (Deng County), Nanyang, and served as a senior minister in the imperial court and as a magistrate in Runan during the reign of Emperor Huan of the Eastern Han Dynasty (158–167). The Tianlu in front of his tomb is 165  cm high and 220  cm long (Fig.  3.3.6), while the Bixie is 165  cm high and 225 cm long. These two stone sculptures have been recorded since the Tang and Song dynasties, such as in Li Xian’s »Hou Han Shu Xiao Ling Di Ji« (»The Book of Late Han: Records of Xiao Ling Emperor«) of the Tang Dynasty: »Now in the north of Nanyang County, Dengzhou, there are two stone

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3.3.7  Stone sculpture, made by Chengnu of Haoju of Goushi, Sunqi Tun, Luoyang, Henan Province

beasts next to the Zongzi Tablet, engraved on their shoulders one is ›Tianlu,‹ one is ›Bixie‹.« This was also recorded in volume three of Ouyang Xiu’s Liu Yi Ti Ba (Six One Inscriptions). Although weathered and corroded over the years, traces of the characters »Tianlu« and »Bixie« are still vaguely recognizable today. The stone sculpture’s body is long and slender, covered with the rolling cloud pattern, striding with head held high, with vigorous momentum, as if to ride the cloud away. It has a strong artistic appeal, and is the most primitive and classical stone beast of the Eastern Han Dynasty. The Tianlu and Bixie of Sun Qi Tun, Luoyang, was excavated in 1955, and is now preserved in the National Museum of China and the Luoyang Stone Sculpture Art Museum. Among them the Bixie is 109 cm high, 166 cm long, with seven characters engraved on the back of the neck in the Lishu script, »Made by Chengnu of Haoju of Goushi« (Fig. 3.3.7). The two shoulders have wings, its shape is strong and vigorous, with an alert expression. A pair of

stone Tianlu and Bixie from Chenjia Cun Village in Xianyang, Shaanxi Province, are similar in shape, but without wings on their shoulders. There are many stone beasts remaining in Sichuan in front of the stone gates in the tombs of the Eastern Han Dynasty. The famous examples include a pair of stone beasts from the tomb of Gao Yi, the governor of Yizhou, Ya’an, Sichuan Province. These stone beasts are both 156 m high, with wings on their shoulders, heavily weathered, and in a thick and austere style. The tomb was built in the tenth year of Jian’an (205), and a pair of stone gates remain in front of the tomb—the Gao Yi Gate, which is particularly well-known. Another example are the stone beasts at Fan Min’s tomb in Lushan, ­Sichuan, containing four pieces. The two intact pieces are 145 cm tall and have wings, similar in shape to the stone beasts of Gao Yi’s tomb. The other two pieces are unfinished. The owner of the tomb, Fan Min (119–203), was a governor of Ba Jun County. There is another stone gate remaining, known as the Fan Min Gate. Another pair of stone

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beasts in Yangjun’s tomb of Lushan,are now kept in the Eastern Han Stone Sculpture Museum in Lushan, Sichuan. Similar works in the Shandong Region are represented by the stone lion of the Wu Family Shrine in Jiaxiang, Shandong Province. According to the inscription of the ceremonial gate of Wu Family Shrine, the stone lion (inscribed as »Shi«) was built in the first year of Jianhe of the Eastern Han Dynasty (147), and the name of the mason is Sun Zong. The stone sculpture is of exquisite craftsmanship and majestic shape. In addition, the Asian Art Museum in San Francisco, USA, the Musée Guimet in Paris, France, and the Stockholm Museum in Sweden have also collected a number of similar stone beasts from the Eastern Han Dynasty. There is also the stone lion of Tong Que Tai (Copper Sparrow Terrace) in Henan Province, taking a sitting posture, squatting on the base. The forelimbs are short and thick, erect, the chest is plump, the head is slightly raised as if to roar, the shape is round and thick, and the sculpting technique is coarse and minimal. According to Book of Wei from The Records of Three Kingdoms, the Tong Que Tai was built in the fifteenth year of Jian’an of the Eastern Han Dynasty (210). This piece has made its way to Japan. The stone mythical beasts of the Eastern Han Dynasty are handsome or majestic, and their classic forms are full of rhythm, reflecting artistic qualities of the Qin and Han dynasties, and they had a direct influence on the art of stone tomb beasts of the Southern Kingdoms.There are also some individual examples of stone human figures from the Han Dynasty. Today, the stone figures of the Confucius Temple in Qufu, Shandong Province, were originally found in front of the tomb of King Lu in the village of Zhangqu, Qufu. The stone figures are inscribed with Zhuan script on their chests, one has a height of 254 cm, wearing a tall crown and a sword, and the other is known as a »gate guard,« with a height of 230 cm, holding a Shu (a long weapon). Its shape is stout and expression is solemn. It was made in the first year (146) of the

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Emperor Zhi of Han Dynasty, when he first established the memorial column of Le’an County. Another example is the stone Wengzhong of Zhong Yue Temple in Dengfeng, Henan Province. It is severely damaged, and if sculpted at the same time with the stone gate of the Tai Shi Room it can be estimated to have been made in the fifth year (118) of Emperor An of Eastern Han Dynasty. Another example is the stone men unearthed in recent years in the Taierzhuang Region, Shandong Province, with a height of 60–120  cm, a simple and rugged shaped, and short and strong body. Some of them wear helmets and armor, have angry eyes and sharp fangs: they are warriors. Some have a bun on top of head and big pendulous ears, are dressed in a cross-brimmed tunic, with one hand stretched out, palm facing inwards, seemingly resembling a Buddhist statue (pending further investigation). Another example is a 290 cm-high statue of Li Bing sculpted in Dujiangyan, Guanxian County, Sichuan Province, which was made in the first year of Jianning of Eastern Han Dynasty (168), with script engraved on the front chest and two sleeves that reads, »the late Li Fujun of Shu County, whose name was Bing.« It is a water-calming god.

Section 2  Pictorial Bricks and Stones Pictorial bricks and stones refer to the remains of masonry and stone components of tomb buildings carved with pictorial images. In addition, the images engraved on stone ceremonial gates, tablets and stone coffins of the Han Dynasty also fall within the scope of the study of pictorial stones. A large number of images survived from the Han Dynasty, against the background of the custom of rich burials, and interwoven with the Confucian concept of filial piety and fraternity and the Daoist concept of immortality. The images represent a wide variety of subjects, respectively, such as

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themes of praying for the ascension of immortality, including auspicious clouds and beasts, the Queen Mother of the West, and feathered people; themes of education and morality through history and classics, such as Fuxi and Nüwa, loyalty and filial piety, female aspirants, etc.; themes of achievements and virtues, such as traveling on carts and horses, pavilions and buildings, kitchen and banquet, music and dance, hunting and farming, etc. In terms of the distribution of remains, pictorial bricks are mainly found in Shaanxi, Henan and the Minjiang River Basin in Sichuan; pictorial stones are mainly found in Shandong, Henan, Sichuan, Jiangsu, Shaanxi and other places, the total number of pictorial stones unearthed today amounts to 6,000 to 7,000 pieces, which is spectacular.

1. Han Pictorial Carvings Han pictorial carvings refer to images on Han Dynasty bricks and stone. Similar cultural relics of the Qin Dynasty, and the subsequent Six Dynasties, are also referred to as pictorial carvings. As cultural relics, the images are »content« and the masonry is »material.« For example, the study of pictorial stones of the Wu Family Shrine in Shandong Province has had a special place in epigraphy studies since the Northern Song Dynasty, when Zhao Mingcheng authored his book, Records of Epigraphy. The development of modern archaeological excavations has expanded the content of pictorial bricks and stones of Han Dynasty tombs. For example, the sarcophagi and stone coffins unearthed in Han tombs are often richly engraved with images, which are also the objects of pictorial stone research. Pictorial bricks are usually carved or molded and kiln burned. While pictorial stones were directly engraved, some bricks and stones were finished with an extra process of coloring. Today, however, it is almost impossible to see the full range of coloring on bricks and stones. The images on the pictorial bricks and stones seen by later gen-

SECTION 2 PICTORIAL BRICKS AND STONES

erations were basically represented by relief and line engraving, which is one of the reasons; more importantly, the study of the pictorial bricks and stones of the Han Dynasty followed the practice of epigraphy, and, over the centuries, they were mostly studied for their rubbing reproduction— which reflects the academic practice of recording the pictorial and textual information of epigraphy. Considering these two reasons, pictorial bricks and stones still bear the name of »painted images,« and have become a special type of plastic art in the study of Han art history, allowing for a more comprehensive understanding. In this sense, the fact that the pictorial bricks and stones are called painted images has little to do with the phenomenon that the original pictorial bricks and stones were once painted. Earlier records of pictorial stones include some records from the Northern Wei Dynasty, such as the stone shrine in front of the tomb of Lu Jun, captain of Si Li in the Han Dynasty, and the engraving of the tomb of Li Gang, governor of Jingzhou in the Han Dynasty, as cited in the book Commentary on the Water Classic by Li Daoyuan, who quoted from the Records of the Expedition to the West, by Dai Yanzhi of Western Jin Dynasty. Zhao Mingcheng’s Records of Epigraphy has collected 2,000 pieces of gold and stone rubbings, including the »five volumes of Wu Family Stone Room images,« known as »ancient sage portraits carved on four walls.« The Chinese term for Han pictorial carvings, huaxiang 画像, literally meaning »portrait,« began with this. After the Song Dynasty, huaxiang at first referred specifically to »pictorial stones,« then with the development of epigraphy and even archaeology, the term »pictorial bricks« was derived. The reason is the similarity in shape and stylistic language between Han Dynasty pictorial bricks and pictorial stones. Approaches to epigraphy texts and graphic rubbings through hammering and rubbing started around the Sui and Tang dynasties. Huang Yi of the Qing Dynasty recorded in the fifth volume of

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3.3.8 Rubbings of the Wu Liang Ci Shrine. Shandong Province

Epigraphy Texts of Little Penglai Pavilion the Tang Dynasty rubbing of the Wu Liang Ci Shrine pictorial stones. The earliest surviving pictorial stone rubbing is from the 51st year of the Qianlong reign (1786), which are several fragments of the Huang Yi’s Wu Family Ci Shrine pictorial stone rubbings. The rubbings are important for the recording, research and cultural inheritance of ancient Chinese pictorial materials, and through long-term accumulation they have formed unique cultural connotations and distinctive aesthetic values, with independent academic and artistic qualities. Even today, when photography is very developed, pictorial stone and pictorial brick rubbings are still an important means for Chinese scholars and collectors to record and appreciate pictorial masonry. Portrait masonry topography, the image in black and white, rustic and refined, it is black and white embossed, well-conveyed the flat sur-

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face features of pictorial bricks and stones, and transferred them to paper form. This has special cultural value. (Fig. 3.3.8) Pictorial bricks and pictorial stones are mainly graphic components of tomb architecture, and their form is first of all directly related to the tomb architecture of the time.During the Warring States Period, there were already examples of building components decorated with bricks, such as the bricks with flower patterns unearthed at the site of the Qi capital of Linzi, Shandong, and the bricks with relief of double beast railings unearthed at the site of the lower capital of Yan in Yi Xian, Hebei. The large hollow bricks unearthed at the site of Xianyang Palace of Qin were engraved with images of dragons and phoenixes, feasting and drinking, hunting, etc., which had begun to show the characteristics of Han Dynasty pictorial bricks. Han Dynasty pictorial bricks are mostly found in mausoleum sites, and mainly used as bricks for walls in tombs and burial chambers, but also as tiles for paving the floor. The picture ornaments were all molded and burned into shape, either as one brick with one picture, or as one brick with many pictures, often combined with flower patterns and images. The form of the Han Dynasty pictorial stone was more complex than that of the pictorial brick. It was recorded at the end of the Western Han Dynasty in the book Debates on Salt and Iron, which described the state of the tomb architecture at that time, that there was a trend of building ceremonial graves or ancestral temples in the graveyards that were above »the middlemen.« The Confucius Family Records recorded that the ancestral temples of the ancient emperors often had pictures on the walls, »each with its own description of good and evil, and its own precepts about rising and falling.« The ancestral temples of Han emperors and the tomb shrines of officials also followed this practice. From the middle of the Western Han Dynasty, with the gradual change of the form of burial from vertical pits to horizontal caves, the

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tomb bed shifted to underground construction, and was often connected with the tomb chamber and even merged into one. At the same time, tomb shrine architecture developed a form of stone architecture, although the specifications were not large, but the structure was compact, with solid materials and exquisite decorations—called a »stone shrine« or »stone room« by later generations. So, the tomb shrine and tomb bedchamber, tomb chambers respectively, formed a scale in the cemetery above and below the ground, its masonry components, the material, decorative subjects, sculpting techniques, often tending to unify, and forming the scaled theme of the main body of the remains of the Han Dynasty pictorial brick and pictorial stone. At the same time, stone tomb ceremonial gates, tombstones, and stone coffins in burial chambers were often decorated with images and were also included in the range of pictorial stones. In terms of periodization, the pictorial stones of the Han Dynasty mainly belong to the late Western Han and Eastern Han periods, especially the Eastern Han, among which the stone shrine relics in Shandong are the most representative. Another characteristic is that the owners of the dozens of Han tombs in which pictorial stones have been unearthed were all officials whose salaries did not exceed 2,000 shi. They were the so-called »middlemen« in the Debates on Salt and Iron. Because of the restrictions of the burial system, their status did not yet allow the construction of a large-scale bedchamber, but their financial power was enough to construct a gorgeous pictorial stone tomb chamber, and even reduce the temple bedchamber for the form of a stone shrine, and through the pictorial stone decorations on themes such as loyalty, filial piety, ritual and music, to create a permanent resort of colorful pictorial stone bedchamber and shrine, which formed a very representative art style of the Han Dynasty.

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2. Pictorial Bricks The unearthed pictorial bricks belong to various periods of the Qin and Han dynasties, and there is a relatively complete and consistent distribution of times. In terms of geographical distribution, they were mainly found in Shaanxi, Henan and the Minjiang River Basin in Sichuan, with a few in Shandong, Anhui and Jiangsu. The portrait bricks unearthed in Shaanxi belong to the Qin Dynasty, are distributed in Lintong, Fengxiang and Xianyang, and are mainly largescale hollow bricks. For example, the hollow brick with dragon patterns unearthed in the eastern suburbs of Xi’an (Fig. 3.3.9) is 118 cm long, 37 cm wide, and 19 cm high; three sides of the brick are decorated with two dragons crossing jade, walking dragons, and phoenixes. Another example is the hollow brick pavement unearthed at the site of the Xianyang Palace, which is decorated with dragon and phoenix patterns. All of them are in majestic and simple shapes. From around the period of Emperor Wu of the Western Han Dynasty, the four gods, namely the dragon, tiger, vermilion bird, and black tortoise, appeared intensively in Guanzhong and other regions of Shaanxi. The pictorial hollow bricks and strip bricks unearthed in Maoling, Xingping and Renjiazui, Xianyang, are all distinctive and representative—such as the tiger-patterned brick unearthed in Maoling, 45 cm long and 13 cm wide, with a bold picture of a running tiger, powerful and strong, cutting forcefully and rigidly. Shaanxi pictorial bricks belong to an earlier era, the image subject matter is more concentrated, the shape and mold printing, firing techniques are mature, and the artistic style is quite unified. The pictorial bricks unearthed in Henan are mainly from Luoyang, Zhengzhou and Nanyang, and are widely distributed and numerous. Among them, most of the pictorial bricks in Luoyang are hollow bricks, ranging from 60–160 cm in length, 16–52  cm in width and 20  cm in thickness, and

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3.3.9 Hollow brick with dragon patterns. Collection of Cultural Relics Management, Xi’an, Shaanxi Province

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belonging to the period of Emperor Wu of the Western Han to the Xin Mang Period. The themes include soldiers with halberds, archers with bows, the heavenly horse, tigers and leopards, chasing the deer, vermillion birds, cranes, eagles, ostriches, hibiscus trees, and so on. The images are confined to one brick at a time, with geometric motifs around the bricks. The composition is spare, with figures and animals mostly depicted in negative lines, and the imagery is rather plain, but the lines are quite smooth. Some of the bricks were first embossed with a mold to create a shape, and then engraved with a negative line, which can still be seen today through knife traces. In addition, the pictorial bricks of the Luoyang Region are mostly painted with brightly colored cinnabar on a brick surface. The pictorial bricks in Zhengzhou Region are of more types, mostly used for tomb caves according to the needs of different parts of the tomb chamber. There are large hollow bricks, there are also hollow vertical strip bricks and small rectangular solid paving bricks, as well as triangular, buckle and tenon shape bricks. Some of the bricks are larger and can be as long as 160 cm. The period concentrated on the late Western Han to early Eastern Han Period. The subject matter of the pictorial tiles unearthed in Zhengzhou began to have a significant breakthrough, as there are historical stories, referring to a dog biting Zhao Dun, and Confucius asking children questions. There are also carriages and horses, music and dance, hunting, cockfighting and architecture of courtyards, gates and pavilions. There are also myths and legends, auspicious fairies such as Fuxi Nüwa, Dong Wang Gong, Xi Wang Mu, Fang Xiang Shi, the Nine-tailed Fox, Three-legged Crow, Hou Yi shooting the sun, Jade Rabbit pounding medicine, dragons, phoenixes, tortoises, cranes, and so on. At the same time, it is often combined with various types of motifs and patterns, such as the continuous patterns of money, persimmons, nails, and the deformation of the »回,« and mountain birds and trees.

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In terms of the techniques used for making the bricks, there are small impression bricks with one mold and one theme, which are simple and vivid. There are also small molds, or several small molds repeated in the same brick, densely overlapping. The articulation between the molds is more random, either from before or after the overlapping of the molds, and there is a special composition effect. For example, the large bricks unearthed at the Xin Tong Qiao contain a variety of images, such as doors, ceremonial gates, warriors, hunting, cockfighting, carriage and horse travel, minor officials holding a ritual tablet, Xi Wang Mu (Queen Mother of the West), Jade rabbits pounding medicine, Nine-tailed foxes, etc. There are no rules for the arrangement of images, some are small impressions of different subjects that are printed in regular rows on the same brick, harmoniously forming a complete and balanced picture. This arrangement of bricks with small impressions adds to the flatness of the image. The production method of Zhengzhou pictorial bricks was mostly to imprint shallow reliefs, some of which were molded lighter, with clean and simple lines. The pictorial bricks unearthed in the Nanyang area belonged to the middle to late Eastern Han Dynasty, among which, the bricks from Xinye were larger and finer in quality, with elaborate production and high artistic level of depicting images, such as »Qin Shi Huang Obtaining the Ding from Si Shui,« »Two Peaches Killing Three Generals,« »Acrobatics Cart« etc., which are striking. A new method of overturning and demolding emerged in the Nanyang area, that is, first making a wooden mold, then pasting clay on the wooden mold, patting solidly, and then overturning and demolding. The images are dense and firm. The pictorial tiles produced in Luoyang, Zhengzhou and Nanyang in Henan had their own distinctive characteristics in terms of production methods, content and style, reflecting the development of Chinese pictorial bricks in the Central Plains.

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Sichuan pictorial bricks are mainly the remains of the Eastern Han Dynasty. Due to its special geographical location, the culture of Shu had a certain degree of independence, affluence and joyfulness, which is fully reflected in the art of pictorial bricks. During the Qin Dynasty, there were two counties in this region, Ba and Shu; in the Han Dynasty there was Yizhou County. The pictorial bricks had a wide distribution range, many tombs had inscriptions and designs on their sides, and the inscriptions include almost all years of the Eastern Han Dynasty. The pictorial bricks were usually inlaid on the halfway and back wall of the tomb chamber or tomb passage, ranging from a few squares to dozens of squares, such as a multi-chambered tomb unearthed in Xinfan County, Sichuan Province, with inlaid pictorial bricks of 54 squares. On the northern outskirts of Chengdu, Tomb no. 1 on Yangzi Mountain and the Han tombs on the western outskirts of Chengdu, the coexistence of pictorial bricks and pictorial stones in one chamber is also of a different type. Pictorial bricks were generally made by embossing a mold carved with a pictorial image on a semi-dry clay block, then burning it in a kiln, and finally applying red, yellow and green colors. Many of the unearthed bricks were made from the same mold, and some of the tombs were even unearthed at the same time bricks of the same content, which shows that there were workshops producing pictorial bricks at that time, and the scale was not small. The pictorial bricks unearthed in Chengdu are mostly square in shape and carved in shallow relief, supplemented by thin lines of engraving. The bricks in Deyang, Guanghan, Xindu and Pengxian are mostly rectangular, one brick for each picture. The bricks have a wide range of subjects, such as ceremonial travel, banquets and dances, farming and silk-making workshops, land and water transportation, and the various auspicious immortals such as Xi Wang Mu and Fuxi and Nüwa. The Four Horsemen Holding Halberds brick excavated in the suburbs of Chengdu, the brick of

CHAPTER III SCULPTURE AND PICTORIAL BRICKS AND STONES OF THE QIN AND HAN DYNASTIES

Carriage and Horse Trips from the Eastern Han Dynasty tomb at Zhaujue Temple in Chengdu, the brick of Hunting with Bow and Arrows from the suburbs of Chengdu, the brick of music and dance and the Hundred Plays, salt wells, and horsemen from Yangzi Mountain in Chengdu (Fig.  3.3.10), the brick of Rice Planting pictures from Xindu, and the brick of Sowing pictures from Deyang are all representative works. The artistic language is relatively simple and bright.

3. Pictorial Stones The earliest documentary record of the carved jade coffin is found in the Records of the Grand Historian, which states: »I requested that I use carved jade as the inner coffin and catalpa as the outer coffin.« The stone slabs carved with chidragon patterns from the tomb of the Zhongshan King of the Warring States in Pingshan, Hebei Province, are the earliest and closest surviving objects to the later pictorial stones. These materials can be considered as the precursors of pictorial stone art. The dragon-shaped negative engraved stones from the Qin palace site are known as the earliest pictorial stone relics. The sarcophagus images from the early Western Han Dynasty found in Zaozhuang, Shandong, the phoenix image carved during the Yuanfeng reign of Emperor Zhao (80– 75 BCE) in Yishui, and the crane image carved in Chengli, Pingyi, in the third year of Heping reign of Emperor Cheng (26 BCE) are still early forms of pictorial stones. It was not until the Xin Mang Period that relics, such as the pictorial stones of the Road Canteen in Wenshang County, Shandong, the pictorial stones of the portrait of gatekeeper in the tomb of Feng Jun, Governor of Yuping in Nanyang, Henan, the pictorial stones of the tomb of Zhao Zhai in Nanyang, and the pictorial stones of the tomb of Tang He, formed a certain scale and gradually developed into a system. In the Eastern Han Dynasty, pictorial stones gradually developed in Shandong, Nanyang in Henan, Xuzhou in Jiangsu, and Sichuan. It can be said that the

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3.3.10  Stone bricks carved with four officers on horses, Yangzi Mountain in Chengdu, Sichuan Province

pictorial stone was a unique art form that mainly reflected the content of tomb rituals during the Eastern Han Dynasty. The total number of pictorial stones surviving from the Han Dynasty is more than 7,000 pieces, distributed over a wide area, with major areas in Shandong, Nanyang, Xuzhou, northern Shaanxi and Sichuan. The Shandong Region has the largest number of portrait stones, with more than 3,000 pieces unearthed, and is the main focus of the study of pictorial stone art. The records and research on pictorial stones in ancient epigraphic studies has also focused on relics from this region. As early as in the Northern Wei Dynasty, the records of the tomb of Lu Jun, a military captain and of Li Gang, governor of Jingzhou, were found in Li Daoyuan’s Commentary on Water Classic, included contents of pictorial stones. In the Song Dynasty, Zhao Mingcheng’s Records of Epigraphy and Hong Shi’s Explanations of Li Calligraphy described the »Pictures of the Stone Chamber of Family Wu«, which was rediscovered by Huang Yi in the 51st year of the Qianlong reign of the Qing

Dynasty (1786) in Shandong’s Jiaxiang. The pictorial stones recorded and studied by Huang Yi of the Qing Dynasty in the Epigraphic Texts of Little Penglai Pavilion, Weng Fanggang’s Epigraphic Records of Han Dynasty, Bi Yuan and Ruan Yuan’s Shanzuo Epigraphic Records, Feng Yunpeng and Feng Yunyuan’s Exploration of Epigraphy, are mainly focused on Shandong pictorial stones. According to the Shanzuo Epigraphic Records, the Shandong Region includes Jiaxiang, Changqing, Jining, Weishan, Jinxiang, Qufu, Xintai, Wenshang, Zoucheng—nine counties have pictorial stone records. And modern archaeological excavations have found that the physical sites with pictorial stones are far more extensive than the above areas, and the distribution is very wide. Among them, there are more than 20 pictorial stones with exact chronology, and their chronology is basically consistent. The earliest is the phoenix pictorial stone in Baozhai Mountain, Yishui County, which is a relic from the Yuanfeng reign of Emperor Zhao of the Western Han Dynasty (80–75 BCE). The latest is the pictorial stone of human

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figures from Linzi District, Zibo City, which is a relic from the sixth year (183) of Guanghe of Emperor Ling of the Eastern Han Dynasty. This provides a reliable source for studying the development lineage of the pictorial stones. These more than twenty pictorial stones are mostly carved on stone shrines and stone gates over the ground. Among the overground stone shrine pictorial stones in Shandong, the Xiaotang Mountain Stone Shrine pictorial stone in Changqing and the Family Wu Shrine pictorial stone in Jiaxiang are the most representative.The Stone Shrine at Xiaotang Mountain, also known as the Hall of Filial Piety, is a hall used for offering sacrifices before graves, and has been recorded in many later documents since the Commentary on Water Classic. It is a small stone building with a single eave with wide hanging roofs over two chambers, located on Xiaotang Mountain in Xiaolipu Village, about 20  km southwest of Changqing County, Jinan City. The east, west and north walls of the shrine and the beams are all decorated with exquisite pictures. From the architectural structure, decorations and image forms, the Xiaotang Mountain Shrine is very similar to the Family Wu Shrine. According to the inscriptions on the stone shrine, the owner of the tomb worshipped at the shrine would have been a government official of a regional state, at the rank of receiving an annual salary of 2,000-dan of grain. In addition to the vehicle and horse picture on the north wall of the shrine, the lower wall is also carved with three double-story single-eave hipped roof buildings and double-gates with human worshipping figures. The east wall is carved with Fuxi and the Duke of the East (Dong Wang Gong), a light carriage, a man riding a camel, three people riding an elephant, the Duke of Zhou assisting King Cheng, the kitchen, a banquet, etc. The west wall is engraved with pictures of Xi Wang Mu, Nüwa, the people of Guan Xiong, traveling on carts, the historical story »Foreign King Offering Pagodas,« and war pictures. The stone beam is engraved

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with the carving of »Qin Shi Huang Obtaining Ding from Si Shui,« »Cart Falling from Bridge,« and sun, moon and stars are at the bottom. The carving technique of the picture is based on negative line carving. The composition is orderly, with high artistic level. The Family Wu Shrine, located 15 km south of Jiaxiang County, Shandong Province, is a collective name for the four stone shrines of the Wu family during the Eastern Han Dynasty: Wuliang, Wukai Ming, Wuban and Wurong. The Wu clan was court officers for generations and was considered a prestigious family; the Wu Shrines were built over a period of twenty years, from the first year of Jianhe (147) of the Eastern Han Dynasty to the tenth year of Yanxi (167). As early as the Northern Song Dynasty, the Wu Shrines were recorded in detail in Zhao Mingcheng’s Epigraphic Records. Today, the Wu Shrines still contain more than 40 pictorial stones. In addition, there are a pair of ceremonial gates and a pair of stone lions. Wu Shrine pictorial stone subjects include massive scenes of carriage and horse travel, attacks and battles, and banquets and music, which are located in prominent positions. Historical themes are the most popular. There are portraits of ancient emperors such as Fuxi, Nüwa, Shennong, Xia Yu, Xia Jie and so on. Examples of assassins include Jing Ke assassinating the Emperor of Qin (Fig. 3.3.11), Zhuan Zhu assassinating Wang Liao, Yu Rang assassinating Zhao Xiangzi, Yao Li assassinating Qing Ji, and Gao Jianli playing Zhu, etc. The images of sages include Confucius and his 72 disciples, and Confucius meeting Laozi. The images of loyalty and martyrdom include Lin Xiangru returning jade intact to Zhao, the ugly girl Zhong Lichun admonishing, and the mother of Wang Ling urging Wang Ling to assist King Liu Bang with her death, etc. The images of filial piety include Lao Laizi amusing his parents, Min Ziqian driving the cart, Bo Yu weeping, and so on. The mythical auspicious figures, such as the Queen Mother of the West, the sacred Ding, and the Lianli Tree are also common.

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3.3.11 Jing Ke assassinating the Emperor of Qin. First rubbings of the Family Wu Shrine. Jiaxiang, Shandong Province

In terms of sculptural language, the lines and surfaces are mutually supporting, clear and bright, and rich in layers. The Wu Shrine pictorial stones are the most complete and content-rich group of pictorial stone carvings preserved to date in China, and have been remarked upon throughout the ages, making them precious material for the study of Han Culture and art. In addition to the pictorial stones of the overground stone shrine, in Shandong Region were also unearthed a large number of pictorial stones in underground burial chambers and tomb bedchambers. Among them, the pictorial stone tomb in Beizhai Village of Yinan in south-central Shandong Province and the pictorial stone tomb in Dongjiazhuang, Anqiu, are the most representative. The tomb of Beizhai Village, Yinan, Shandong, was built around the end of the Eastern Han Dynasty. 73 pictures were carved in the tomb, di-

vided into four groups carved on the tomb door and three chambers: the front, middle and back. There are pictures of battles, Fuxi, Nüwa, the Duke of the East, Queen Mother of the West, the feathered people and exotic beasts, rituals, harvest feast, music and dance, life and habitation, and so on. The tomb adopts the structure of brackets and smoothing angles, with an octagonal column between each chamber and arches in the shape of double dragons, the curvature of the dragon’s body is adapted to the arches. The structure and design are very ingenious. The carving of pictures in-between adopts different techniques, such as the shallow relief mostly used for tomb walls, octagonal columns and tomb doors also use shallow relief, but with deeper carvings. The negative lines are mostly engraved on the octagonal column arches, bases and edges of pictures, with smooth and expansive lines. High undulating reliefs are for caisson carvings. The high reliefs are used for

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CHAPTER III SCULPTURE AND PICTORIAL BRICKS AND STONES OF THE QIN AND HAN DYNASTIES

3.3.12 The pictorial stone tomb, collection of Anqiu County Museum, Shandong Province

the styling of double dragons in the middle and rear chambers. The composition of the tomb pictures is large, incuding scenes of the harvest and feast, battle, sacrifice and ritual, travel, etc. The themes are explicit, and the depiction of human figures and animals is lively. Compared with the Family Wu Shrine, its composition, carving techniques and depiction of figures made great progress, representing a more mature stage of work in the art of pictorial stone. The pictorial stone tomb of Dong Jiazhuang in Anqiu, Shandong (Fig.  3.3.12) is 14  m in length from north to south. Except for the passages inside the tomb, it is all built with stone components and there are 103 pieces of pictorial stones distributed in the four walls of the tomb door, front chamber, middle chamber and back chamber. There are also pictures carved on the roof and pillars of the chamber. Pictures carved include music, dance and acrobatics of the Hundred Plays, carriage and horse travel, hunting, etc. The techniques are

skillful, the models are simple and bright, the cutting is assertive and the sculpting is exquisite. The lintel is engraved with celestial beings riding deer, and Fuxi and Nüwa. Shandong pictorial stone carving techniques are varied. Negative line carving is the most basic technique, but the cutting method is not the same. The front Liangtai of Zhucheng pictorial stone is with slender and smooth cutting, Yinan pictorial stone is with strong cutting, and Dongan Hanli pictorial stone is carved with pockmarks on the contour. There is also a kind of concave line carving, that is, carving the object into a concave surface within the outline, and then carving the details with a negative line. Others have vertical lines chiseled on the stone surface, such as Xiaotang Mountain Stone Shrine, Jiaxiang Wulaowa pictorial stone, and Anqiu Dongjiazhuang pictorial stone. The most typical technique is to shovel the surface beyond the object, so that the object protrudes out of the surface of the stone, while using negative

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lines to depict the details. The rubbings effect is like silhouettes. This technique is represented by the Family Wu Shrine pictorial stone, and others such as Yinan pictorial stone, Anqiu pictorial stone, which also used this technique, but with a different depth. The large and complex compositions of the pictorial stone often use overlapping layering and grid processing, which could be as few as two layers, and as many as five layers. The Tengzhou Xi Hu Kou pictorial stone even reaches up to over eight layers. The overall layout is balanced and ordered in density, with partial filling with plant and animal forms, and the image of various objects is expressed in the form of a flat column, paying attention to the location, and bold and vigorous momentum. Tracing the origins, the carving techniques of Han Dynasty pictorial stones, which involved the carving of negative and positive lines, bear a direct inheritance relationship with the art of pre-Qin sculpture. At the same time, judging from the decorative patterns, the layered carvings on the pictorial stones of the Family Wu Shrine in Jiaxiang, Shandong Province, share the same composition with the bronze mirror with land and water battle scenes excavated from the Warring States Tomb in Shanbiao Town, Ji County, Henan Province; the bronze pots with inlaid images from Baihuatan in Chengdu, Sichuan Province; and the bronze mirror of banquet and hunting motifs excavated from Hui County, Henan Province, especially the content of the battle scenes, which are found in Jiaxiang, Ji County and Chengdu. Another example is the pictorial stone with exotic beast patterns excavated in Nanyang, Henan Province, where the inheritance is also clear when compared with the kui-dragon pattern on the bronze. The pictorial stones in the Nanyang Region can be traced back to the end of the Western Han Dynasty, to the Xin Mang Period, such as the pictorial stones of the Zhaozhai Brick and Tile Factory in Nanyang, the pictorial stone tomb of Yangguan Temple, the pictorial stone tomb of the Tanghe

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Lime Kiln, and the pictorial stone tomb of Feng Jun, the governor of Yuping, built in the fifth year of Tianfeng (CE 18) in Xindian Village. Early Nanyang pictorial stone were mostly carved and painted on the tomb door, pillar and door leaves, subjects including motifs of buildings such as pavilions, ceremonial gates, as well as beast head biting ring handles, with prominent features. Some pictures also can be seen with a variety of painted traces of red, yellow, blue and other colors. Later on, the number of stories about loyalty and filial piety increased, such as »Bole Selecting Horses,« »Dog Bites Zhao Dun,« »Zhao’s Orphans,« »Two Peaches Killing Three Generals,« »Fan Ju Accepting Robe,« »Yanzi Meeting Duke Jing of Qi,« »Jing Ke Assassinating the King of Qin,« and so on. At the end of the Xin Mang Period, Liu Xiu rose from Nanyang and overthrew the Xin Mang regime. In 25 CE, Liu Xiu was crowned emperor and reestablished Han rule, beginning the Eastern Han Dynasty. The main generals of the Eastern Han Dynasty, called the Twenty-Eight Mansions, were mostly from Nanyang. As the saying goes, »The emperor had many close relatives in his hometown of Nanyang.« Therefore, the Nanyang Region has a large number of Eastern Han tombs and burials, and is rich in cultural relics. At the same time, it also constituted the most prosperous phase of pictorial stone art for Nanyang during the early Eastern Han Dynasty. So far, more than 2,000 Han pictorial stones have been found in the Nanyang Region, mainly concentrating in this ­period. Liu Xiu raised an army in Nanyang and revived the Han Dynasty, both matched with prophecies. »Zhang Heng’s Biography« in the Later Book of Han claims that »Guangwu is good with prophecy,« followed by Emperor Xianzong and Emperor Su Zong, and the prophecy doctrine of yin and yang was very prevalent in the early Eastern Han Dynasty. This also became the theme of the Nanyang pictorial stones, where images of the phoenix, dragon, Fuxi, Nüwa, tortoise, big snail, Fang Xiang Shi, feathered man, Feilian, fierce

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3.3.13  A gatekeeper holding ritual tablet, collection of Pictorial Stone Museum of Nanyang, Henan Province

tiger, sun and moon, stars, golden crow, toad, jade rabbit, Qian Niu, Zhi Nü, etc., are numerous. In addition, the figure of a gatekeeper holding a broom, the figure of a gatekeeper holding ritual tablet (Fig.  3.3.13), and scenes of wrestling are also representative of the Han pictorial stones of Nanyang. In terms of artistic techniques, another characteristic of Nanyang Han pictorial stones, is that they are often carved with horizontal, vertical or oblique lines on the base of the images, usually with vertical lines on the horizontal image and horizontal or oblique lines on the vertical image. The region where the portrait stones were unearthed in Jiangsu is mainly concentrated in the north. Since the Qing Dynasty, some pictorial stones have been found in Xuzhou. After the founding of the Republic of China, more than 20 Han tombs were excavated and cleared, and around 500 pieces of pictorial stones were un-

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earthed. These pictorial stones were mostly used in the construction of tomb chambers and were placed in the lintels, pillars and four walls of the front and middle chambers. They are also carved on top of sarcophagi. In terms of the subject matter of the pictorial stones in the north of Suzhou, there are many historical stories, myths and legends, auspicious gods and goddesses, carriage and horse travel, music and dance, banquets, agricultural production, handicraft workshops, etc. The more prominent models are the pavilions, terraces and open halls, ceremonial gates, watchtowers, mansions, courtyards and other buildings in the images. Among them, the courtyard houses with halls as the main body, such as the courtyard scene of the pictorial stone unearthed in Tong Shan Li Guo, which includes an entrance courtyard in the front and a main hall in the back, with symmetrical supporting rooms on the left and right axis, a road in the middle and elevated corridors on both sides, which form a standard courtyard building complex. Another example is the scene of welcoming guests banquet unearthed at Hong Lou in Tongshan Mountain, which includes a set of ceremonial gates in front, two main halls on top, eaves resting on the one-dou two-sheng arches that are attached to the round columns, a pair of long-tailed finches spreading their wings on the roof, and tube tiles mounted on the sloping ridge, the roof modeling is gorgeous and lively. Another example is the group of buildings unearthed in Shuanggou, which pavilions and halls with hip roof and overlapping eaves, columns, arches and railings, which are spectacularly crisscrossed. Others, such as the open garden style architecture of Tongshan Baiji, which includes interconnected and overlapping pavilions and mansions, water terraces with swimming fish, and rockeries with exotic birds, fully demonstrates the magnificent wealth of private residences and gardens. The images of architecture in these pictorial stones are precisely laid out and of complex structure, with the arches, balustrades, pillars, bases and stairs

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clearly visible, making them important sources of art history. The pictorial stones unearthed in Shaanxi province total around 700 pieces, which were distributed in the Suide, Mizhi, and Yulin regions. These regions were the Upper Counties during the Qin Dynasty, and during the Western Han Dynasty, Xihe County was established. In order to defended against the Xiongnu, the Han Dynasty moved a large number of people to reinforce the border garrison, making this region a major military base, and the agriculture and livestock production also developed to a certain extent. In the north of Shaanxi Province, the earliest of the pictorial stone tombs with a chronological dating is the tomb of the governor of Penglai, which was built in the second year of Yongyuan reign (90) at Huang Jia Ta in Suide, and the latest is the tomb of Niu Jiping, general of Shanyang in Henei County, built in the fourth year of Yonghe reign of Emperor Shun (139) in Shangzhuang of Mizhi. Pictorial tombs with chronological dating in-between the two, there are a total of 11 tombs. According to inscriptions of each tomb, such as »Governor of Xihe,« »Supervisory Governor of Xihe« »Guardian Captain of Wuhuan,« and »Governor of Liaodong,« the owners of these tombs were mostly civil and military officials stationed there. The images do not include large travel scenes of horses and carriages, and probably they belong to lower and middle ranked officials of below 2,000 dan. Other pictorial stone tombs that have the name of the owner but no title of official position should be the tombs of local large landowners or large pasture owners and emerging businessmen and merchants. The images are mainly engraved on the tomb doors, passages, lintels, central pillars and side pillars. The distribution of the stone is often divided into grids of different sizes, with different themes carved in each grid, such as people or gods, historical stories, agricultural, pastoral, fishery productions and hunting, combining complicated and simple, static and dynamic, some

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taking a partial breakthrough approach, not limited to the grid, making the scene lively and vivid, and decorated with patterns in the periphery, consisting of plant branches and leaves in a twoway continuous pattern, often occupying a larger proportion of the stone surface, sometimes mixed with different forms of animals, humans and gods with plants. From the perspective of the overall artistic style, the pictorial stone in northern Shaanxi is simple and austere, highly decorative, innovative in design, and depicts the dynamic patterns and character traits of humans and animals in an abstracted way by discarding some details. Its grid composition and the technique of interspersing plants to organize the picture gave it a distinctive effect, making it an outstanding artistic style among the pictorial stones of the Han Dynasty. At the same time, the farming and hunting scenes reflected in the pictorial stones in northern Shaanxi had their own unique style, such as the cattle plowing pictorial stone unearthed in the tomb of Wang Deyuan in Suide (Fig.  3.3.14). Many kinds of animals were depicted, such as cows, sheep, horses, pigs, dogs, rabbits, deer, tigers, fish, turtles, snakes, wild geese, cranes, chickens, peacocks, nine-tailed foxes, etc. They were either interspersed between the people and objects in the pictures, or formed a picture on their own. The hunters are riding their horses and galloping to their prey, the prey are running in fear and exhaustion. There are bleating lambs, old cows silently plowing, and so on. Everything is very real and full of life. The pictorial stones in Sichuan and Chongqing regions are widely distributed, mainly engraved on stone gates, stone coffins (stone boxes), as well as in stone tombs and cliff tombs. These include the Eastern Han tombs in Yangzi Mountain of Chengdu, where pictorial stones are carved with carriage and horse travel scenes, acrobatic and dance scenes, kitchen and banquet drinking scenes, etc. The Eastern Han Tomb of Zeng-

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3.3.14 Cattle Plowing, pictorial stone unearthed at the tomb of Wang Deyuan in Suide, Shaanxi Province

jiabao in a western suburb of Chengdu contains portraits of brewing, stables, farming, herding, cooking, and grain silos. These images are all very exquisite. On the whole, however, the most distinctive pictorial stone remains in Sichuan are the hundreds of pictorial cliff tombs. The cliff tombs in Sichuan appeared in the late Western Han Dynasty and were most prevalent in the late Eastern Han Dynasty, mainly distributed on the banks of the Min River, Fu River, Jialing River and Yangtze River. The most representative cliff tombs are concentrated in Leshan and Pengshan regions. Cliff tombs with definite chronological dating include the tomb of first year of Yongping (58) at Xiaokan in Leshan, and many others made during the years of Jianchu (76–84) and Yanxi (158–167). The structure of the cliff tombs is ever-changing, the simple ones being single rooms, the complex ones being multi-chambered and having tunnels, partition walls, etc. The tomb walls are often carved out with eaves, caissons, Dougong, round tiles and other structures imitating wooden architecture, and also imitating overground archi-

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tecture, even with gardens and courtyards, halls, with sarcophagi and stone niches built into the tomb chambers. Among the cliff tombs in Leshan, Ma Hao no.1 large scale cliff tomb is beautifully carved and well-preserved, and is regarded as the best cliff tomb of the Han Dynasty in Sichuan. This tomb is 29 m long, the door is 12.1 m wide and 3.9 m high, the three back chambers are connected with the vestibule, the structure is the same. It buried a husband and wife, there are 35 pictures in the tomb chambers and carved on the door, the left and right walls of the front chamber and the eaves of the back wall and the 48 round tiles, and on the right wall there is a relief Jing Ke assassinates the Emperor of Qin, on the left wall is the relief of gatekeeper and pulling carriage, welcoming guests, etc., on the back wall is the relief of a magician, a vermilion bird, Liubo (a table game), a draft horse, a sitting Buddha, mythical animals, fishing, a living room, etc. The characters are extremely vividly depicted. The scene of Jing Ke assassinating the Emperor of Qin is 3.8 m wide with magnificent composition, vividly contrasting Jing Ke’s fearlessness with Qin Wuyang’s vanity. Another vivid example is the scene of horse pulling, in which a tug-of-war between horses and men is depicted. Other examples include a fishing scene and many decorative motifs on the round tiles, such as rolling clouds, flower petals, whirlpools, and connecting lines, all of which are exquisitely depicted. There are also the cliff tombs of Shiziwan in Leshan, among which Tomb no.  1 is carved with scenes of »Pulling the Bow With Legs,« »Dong Yong Serving His Father,« »Lao Laizi Entertaining His Parents,« feasting and drinking, and Buddha images; tombs no. 27 and no. 30 have picture of a mouse biting a melon; Tomb no. 52 has a picture of a running tiger and a snake chasing a mouse; Tomb no. 53 has a picture of kneeling worship and acrobatics. All of them are distinctive. Tomb no. 1 of Ma Hao and Tomb no. 1 of Shiziwan are both carved with a seated Buddha with a round halo

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and a robe over the shoulders. The Buddha image has a high flesh bun and the right hand is making the Abhaya-mudra (indicating no fear). These tomb images are extremely valuable sources for the study of early Chinese Buddhist history and Buddhist art. The Pengshan cliff tombs are located in the south of Chengdu, Sichuan Province, the total number is about 4,000 tombs, among which there are inscriptions such as »The sixth year of Yongping reign« (63), »February, the fifth year of Yongyuan

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reign« (93), and »On March 26, the sixth year of Yongyuan (94), made by Wang Xiangjun.« Among them, Tomb no. 2 of Jiangkou Cliff depicts scenes of music and dance, lotus blossoms, dogs barking, auspicious patterns, parrots, mastiffs and so on, often using high-relief or even hollow-out carving techniques. Sichuan cliff tomb stone carving has certain characteristics of the era, representing a special type of the Han Dynasty pictorial stone art. They also served as a preparation for the later development of Buddhist grotto art.

CHAPTER IV PAINTINGS, CALLIGRAPHY AND SEALS OF THE QIN AND HAN DYNASTIES Section 1  Paintings of the Qin and Han Dynasties In the Qin and Han dynasties, as many palaces and mausoleums were built, murals, as well as the silk paintings characteristic to Western Han, developed. The most significant themes of Qin and Han painting history include that the remains of paintings being mainly tomb murals, that paintings have achieved their initial independence from other visual media, and that the profession »painter of the Yellow Gates« was established in the Han Dynasty. In terms of artistic language, Qin and Han paintings show an organic style with overall energetic rhythm and surprising character. The painters made better use of the educational potential of paintings, expanded their subjects, and experimented with new painting techniques. Furthermore, the stereotypical Chinese painting, with the characteristic of color filling clear contours, took its initial shape furing this period. In fact, the special emphasis on the »use of the brush« in later Chinese painting can be traced to the Han murals, since the brushstrokes there often have great variety in weight and speed. This trend was crucial to the development of figure paintings after the Wei and Jin dynasties, as well as basic painting theories, such as »the painter’s energy resonates in movement« and »skeletal patterning in using the brush.«

1. The Art of Painting in the Qin and Han Dynasties During the Qin and Han Period, paint was applied in a broader range and in a larger scale, for

the cultural unification of the empire. Since Emperor Wu of Han valued the six arts, he recruited painters from the Yellow Gates Bureau, known as »painters of the Yellow Gates,« to serve the imperial court. The earliest record of this profession can be found in »Biography of Huo Guang« in Book of Han. From Record of the Famous Painters through the Ages (Lidai minghua ji 历代名画 记), by Zhang Yanyuan of the Tang Dynasty, we know roughly how the Han court coordinated full-time painters. In addition, we know that the Yellow Gates Bureau, established in the Western Han, took charge of both painters and other professionals. However, Emperor Ming of the Eastern Han established the Painting Bureau, which was independent from the Yellow Gates Bureau, to take charge of the painters of the Imperial Manufactories. It was headed by the Painting Officer, with the official title Director of the Painting Bureau. According to »Officials Part Three« in Book of the Later Han, salaries of the Director of the Yellow Gates Bureau and the Painting Bureau were »both four hundred dan,« which indicates a very low status, even lower than the district magistrate. As the painters of the Yellow Gates and the Imperial Manufactories were only just established, they did not always function perfectly. However, they already formed the prototype for the Imperial Painting Academy of later times. They resembled the latter in that they not only provided the royal family and the government with painting services, but also recruited masters to improve painting methodology. From the large scale, longtime existence, and relatively uniform subject matter of the Han murals, it is clear that the Han painters (both

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official and non-official) worked in a large scale and in a well-organized and cooperative way. According to historical sources, the most basic technical requirement for a full-time court painter in the Han Dynasty was being able to imitate physical reality. For example, according to Miscellaneous records of the Western Capital and Record of the Famous Painters through the Ages, when the court painter Mao Yanshou painted figures in the time of Emperor Yuan of Han, »all of them were painted in a true-to-life manner,« no matter whether young or old, beautiful or ugly. Other painters, such as Chen Chang, Liu Bai and Gong Kuan, were good at painting bulls and horses, but not as talented as Mao when it came to figures. At that time, since Emperor Yuan had too many concubines in his harem, he asked painters to create their portraits so that he could select one to visit based on their picture. The concubines bribed the painters to beautify themselves in the pictures. Only Wang Zhaojun refused to do this, so she was never chosen by the emperor. But when the Xiongnu asked for a beauty from the Han court, Emperor Yuan chose her portrait. Before leaving for the Xiongnu, she was summoned to meet the emperor. Surprisingly, she had the best appearance in the harem, was flexible in conversation and elegant in her manners. Although Emperor Yuan regretted his decision, he could not change it without losing trust of the Xiongnu. Afterwards, Mao Yanshou, Chen Chang, Liu Bai, Gong Kuan, Yang Wang, Fan Yu and other painters were all sentenced to death by Emperor Yuan. In any case, it can be seen from this incident that realism was the primary criterion for judging a painter at that time. In ancient Chinese civilization, the markings, symbols, characters, ornaments, paintings and diagrams formed by dots and strokes belonged to »writing« in the broad sense. They were used to represent ideas from the very beginning. After the decree of »same script for writing« by Qin Shi Huang, the forms of Chinese characters matured

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and unified. Also, after »clericization« of Chinese characters in the Western Han Period, they began to function better and exert greater influence. For example, they triggered a series of changes directly or indirectly, such as the development of rhapsodies and lexicography in the Han Dynasty, and even the invention of paper making and the flourishing of calligraphy in the Han and Jin dynasties. At the same time, the conceptual significance of diagrams and paintings was lost, and the interpreted meaning of the hexagrams fell away. In this way, calligraphy and painting went different ways. This separation also prompted the separation of painting from other images with strong conceptual connotations, such as graphic prophecies, amulets, diagrams in books and treatises. »On Intelligence« (»Lunheng« 论衡) in Discursive Weighing (Bietong 别通) by Wang Chong of Eastern Han says: »The texts left by ancient sages were written on bamboo slips and silk in a splendid manner. How could they be represented by paintings on the wall?« In other words, the words and deeds of ancient sages recorded in writing are more persuasive to the world than their portraits, since their words and deeds cannot be seen in pictures. In Wang Chong’s eyes, painting was only worthy of »recording appearance in a detailed manner.« This change shows that painting had become relatively independent, in that the visuality of painting has begun to stand out. This was an important change in Qin and Han painting. Throughout the ages, »promoting education and improving human morality« has remained the political function of painting, and it was no exception in the Qin and Han dynasties. Documents such as Book of Han and Book of the Later Han are full of records of edicts to paint sages, loyal ministers, martyrs and filial children in palace halls and temples. Not only were the ancients painted, but also contemporaries—even more often than the ancients. According to Rhapsody on Lulingguang Palace (Lulingguang dian fu 鲁灵光殿赋),

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by Wang Yanshou of Eastern Han, the murals in Lulingguang Palace depicted ancient sages, loyal officials, filial children, martyrs, virtuous women, as well as morally corrupt kings and concubines. It also mentions that the purpose of painting is to »warn the world of evil and to show good to future generations.« In the unearthed Han tomb murals, the theme of loyalty and filial piety, such as three principles and five virtues, is very common, which is consistent with the written record. For example, on the south, west, and north walls of the Eastern Han tombs in Horinger, Inner Mongolia, more than 80 murals of sages, and loyal and filial characters are painted. They include Shun, Houji’s mother Jiang, Qi’s mother Jiandi, Confucius and his disciples, Wu Zixu, Min Ziqian and his father, Xing Qu and his father, Cao Can and his mother, Lady Xu Mu, Meng Ke’s mother, Tian Ji’s mother, and Cao Xi’s wife. In addition to the above-mentioned painters killed by Emperor Yuan, there were other good painters in the Han Dynasty, such as Zhang Heng, Zhao Qi, Liu Xiu, and Cai Yong. Zhang Heng (78–139 CE) was also one of the most important rhapsody writers of the Eastern Han Dynasty. He was »naturally skilled in various items,« for example, in painting and in creating the celestial globe. Zhao Qi (c. 108–201 CE) reached the rank of Nine Ministers and had a reputation for literature. Before his death, he built a tomb for himself, in which he painted the murals and his own portrait for the main seat. The portrait was surrounded by pictures of the historical figures Jizha, Zi Chan, Yan Ying and Shuxiang, with a eulogy for each picture. Liu Xiu was the grand governor of the Shu Commandery during the reign of Emperor Huan of Han (reigned 147 CE–167 CE). According to some painting histories, he once chose painting subjects from »Milky Way« (»Yunhan« 云汉) and »Northern Wind« (»Beifeng« 北风), both in the Classic of Poetry. Allegedly, one of his paintings, Picture of the Milky Way, made people feel hot, while Picture of the Northern Wind made people

CHAPTER IV PAINTINGS, CALLIGRAPHY AND SEALS OF THE QIN AND HAN DYNASTIES

feel cool. Cai Yong (132–192 CE) was a consulting court officer during the reign of Emperor Ling of Eastern Han. In the first year of Chuping (190 CE), in the reign of Emperor Xian, he ranked left leader of the court officers, and was entitled Township Marquis of Gaoyang. His calligraphy, painting and eulogies »all excelled in their fame for generations, and were sometimes called the three beautiful arts.« In the following section, on Han calligraphy, we will also focus on his achievements in calligraphy. After more than 400 years of development, Qin and Han paintings witnessed important achievements in their artistic language. These had a profound influence on the traditional Chinese painting of later times.First, Qin and Han paintings have characteristic composition. They are characterized by a curved pattern similar to the symbol (∽), as well as flatness in rendering space. The curved pattern was influenced by Warring States paintings. It was originally developed during the Shang and Zhou dynasties, since it fit well into motifs such as panchi (蟠螭) dragon, taotie (饕餮) beast, kui (夔) dragon, phoenix, etc. In this sense, the composition is related to the subject matter of the painting. In the Qin and Western Han dynasties, a similar pattern was adopted for motifs such as the blue dragon, white tiger, vermilion bird, and black tortoise, as well as heavenly clouds. Paintings of this period show more fluidity and expansiveness, more balance in density and looseness, more freedom and energy. They have an organic composition and a prominent rhythm, are mysterious and full of life. For example, the T-shaped silk painting excavated from the Mawangdui Han tomb in Changsha has a recognized and complicated structure dominated by the curved pattern. In most of the early Han tomb murals, a variety of motifs are organized in a curved pattern, so that the pictorial space can be rendered more vividly. For example, murals in the tomb of King Liang of Han in Yongcheng, Henan Province, and murals of the Western Han

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tomb of Bu Qianqiu in Luoyang have a horizontal format. There, motifs of spiritual beasts, birds and auspicious clouds in a curved shape are knitted together in a loose pattern, fully reflecting the unique style of Qin and Han painting. After the Eastern Han Dynasty, decorative and symbolic traces gave way to a more worldly and true-to-life tone. Subjects such as dragons, phoenixes, immortals and auspicious signs gradually receded, whereas figures in history and everyday life, carriages, horses, wild animals, domestic animals, cities, palaces, houses, etc., were more often depicted. However, the emergence of new subjects placed new demands on the spatial organization of painting. The objects depicted are often laid out one by one without creating an illusion of space, whether from a bird’s-eye view or from the side. It does not deal with the depth of the pictorial space, but the two-dimensional relationship between objects. In this kind of spatial relationship, there are infinite possibilities for variation in the layout of objects, such as the relationship between up and down, left and right, empty and full, towards and against, hiding and superimposing, of repetition and so on. It is from these possibilities that Han painting began to explore its artistic language, for example, the mural of a carriage trip in the Eastern Han tomb of Horinger. Qin and Han painting also had distinctive use of color. During the Qin and Han dynasties, technical advances in weaving, dyeing, and lacquer painting helped systematize the use of color. In Qin and Han painting, on the one hand, pigments were used according to ritual and convention. On the other hand, there were a greater variety and more differentiation of color than ever before. Among them, red and black, which were most often seen, formed rich background colors. Although the idiom »one who stays near vermilion gets stained red, and one who stays near ink gets stained black« is used to explain morality in pre-Qin classics, it also reflects how the ancients valued red and black as »correct colors.« In the

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time of ritual, orthodox colors had clear political connotations. Besides red and black, yellow, ochre, white, cyan, green, blue, violet, gold and silver were also the most common colors used. The coloring technique was mainly applying color with clear contours, but also, in some cases, smudging. In areas of special emphasis, pigments such as gold, silver, white, and green were often applied repeatedly or even thickly. These techniques can be detected both in silk paintings and in murals. In addition, color application and ink outlining show more variety in Qin and Han paintings. For example, the banquet scene on the east wall of the Xinmang tomb in Xincun, Yanshi, Henan Province, shows a drunken woman, and is painted with a rough outline. The appearance of this figure is mainly shaped by a large surface of color. But that is not the standard practice of the period. More often, it began with a light ink outline (sometimes a vermilion outline). Then, colors were filled within the outlines. Finally, if necessary, the previously sketched outlines were emphasized by highlighting the ink lines. The rough application of a large surface of color was not particularly common in the period. Finally, the use of the brush played a significant role in Qin and Han painting, to sketch and apply colors with a clear outline in order to paint. However, for over 2,000 years, only Chinese painting has developed this method in a consistent manner—resulting in unique theoretical and practical system. This includes the emphasis on the use of the brush as the most significant point. In fact, earlier Chinese paintings did not necessarily show artistic intention in the use of brush. For example, although the two Warring States figure paintings on silk from Changsha are meticulously drawn with proper outlines, the brushstrokes show little variety in weight and speed. Awareness of variety only emerged after long years and under certain historical conditions. For example, relating to the compositional ideas and writing process of Chinese characters, the use of the brush as a writ-

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ing instrument, the conscious training of using a brush in calligraphy, the use of ink and Chinese pigments, and the invention and spread of paper. To be specific, the first factors were the development of the basic tools for Chinese painting and calligraphy in the Qin and Han dynasties. For example, the types and names of brushes were gradually standardized. Ink pellets were gradually replaced by ink blocks, and a defined set of tools and methods were used to grind the ink. Also, paper was invented. Secondly, in the clerical script and ancient cursive script of Han calligraphy, calligraphic gestures were emphasized. These laid the foundation for the emphasis on the use of the brush in painting. The first traces of this emphasis can be found in the Han murals. The brushstrokes there have rich variety in weight and speed, which contributes to refined and vivid quality. In some places where structure is indicated, such as the fold of clothing and the outline of a belt and skirt, several groups of rhythmic lines are drawn with a continuous gesture. This is an important development for brushwork, which led to the formation of »skeletal patterning in using the brush« later on. On the whole, from the Qin and Han dynasties onwards, the art of painting began to develop relatively independently, expand in scale and continuously experiment with new composition, color and brushwork. It laid the foundation for the development of painting in the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties.

2. Murals of the Qin and Han Dynasties Murals are paintings that are painted on the walls of an architectural structure. Since there is a distinction between above-ground and underground architecture (mainly the underground part of tombs), ancient murals can be divided into general architectural frescoes (including frescoes in palaces, halls, temples, and caves) and tomb frescoes. Most of these forms already existed by the Han Dynasty, except for cave frescoes, which were

CHAPTER IV PAINTINGS, CALLIGRAPHY AND SEALS OF THE QIN AND HAN DYNASTIES

popular only after the rise of Buddhism in the Wei, Jin, and Southern and Northern Dynasties. Architectural frescoes of the Qin and Han dynasties recorded in historical sources are mainly palace frescoes. For example, Emperor Wen of Han painted the propitious quyi (屈秩) herb, the banner for good advice, the wood tablet for criticism, and the drum for those who dare to give advice, in the Chengming Hall of the Weiyang Palace. They were painted as signs of enlightenment in the emperor’s rule. After Emperor Wu, more murals were created. Many of them focused on the theme of immortality. For example, in the second year of Yuan Feng (109 BCE), the gods of heaven and earth, and Taiyi, were painted in the Ganquan Palace for sacrifices to heaven. However, even more paintings treated the themes of loyalty and filial piety, such as the portrait of Jinri’s mother in Ganquan Palace, and portraits of renowned ancients with eulogies in the Mingguang Hall of the Gui Palace. After that time, Emperor Xuan asked painters to portray outstanding ministers in Qilin Pavilion, including Huo Guang, Su Wu, Zhao Chongguo, etc. Also, Emperor Cheng asked painters to paint Zhao Chongguo’s portrait. The Hongdu Gate School, during the time of Emperor Ming, painted the portraits of Confucius and his 72 disciples as well as 32 Hongdu writers, and wrote eulogies for them all. By edict, they also painted the portraits of 28 outstanding ministers at Nangong Yuntai. Emperor Ling asked Cai Yong to paint the five generations of the Chiquan Marquis, and asked other painters to paint portraits of Hu Guang and Huang Qiong, the defender-in-chief. In the Han Dynasty, kings also followed the imperial court by building palaces and painting murals. For example, Emperor Jing’s son Liu Yu, King Gong of Lu, built Lingguang Palace in the first year of Zhongyuan (149 BCE). Rhapsody on Lulingguang Palace by Wang Yanshou says, »paint all beings in heaven and earth, and comment on all kinds of people.« After the Eastern Han Dynasty, por-

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SECTION 1 PAINTINGS OF THE QIN AND HAN DYNASTIES

3.4.1  Scene with horses, carriage, and figure, preserved in the Xianyang Museum in Shaanxi

traits of loyal and filial people with eulogies were popular in commanderies such as Yizhou. Many palaces, ancestral temples, government offices, mansions, and post stations had such pictures. However, except for several fragments of palace murals, basically only tomb murals survived after 2,000years. The earliest excavated murals were found at Palace no. 1 of the Qin capital in Xianyang, Shaanxi. According to the archaeological excavation brief, more than 440 pieces of mural fragments have been found, the largest of which is 37  cm high and 25 cm wide. They are mainly decorated with cloud motifs and continuous flower motifs in the rhombus pattern. They are painted in black, ochre, yellow, scarlet, vermilion, azurite blue, malachite green and so on. On the west road in Palace no.3 of the Xianyang Ancient City, remnants of the east and west wall are full of mural decorations. On the east wall, six groups of carriage and horse pictures as well as a ceremonial picture have survived; On the west wall, a group of carriage and horse pictures as well as an architectural picture have survived. The other two walls are also painted with decorative motifs such as wheat ears. These surviving frescoes mostly

have a white ground and colored figures in side silhouette, which look realistic, concise and vivid. The main colors are black, red and yellow. Green, blue and other colors can also be found, but most often white. The colors have been preserved as if they were newly applied. Among the above-mentioned murals, the carriage and horse painting in the north group of the east wall (Fig. 3.4.1) has a precise and vigorous quality. In that picture, four horses are driven side by side, followed by a carriage. The heads and necks of the horses have subtle changes in height and tension. The murals in the Qin palace were probably painted by the best artists of the previous seven warring states, and represented the high standards of the time. More recently, at the site of the Changle Palace of the Han city of Chang’an, in Xi’an, during the excavation of a semi-underground structure, many fragments of Han murals were found. These fragments range in size from a few square cm to tens of square cm. In addition to these mural fragments from the Qin and Han palaces, the Han tomb murals which have been excavated in the last hundred years are the best-preserved. In the first half of the 20th century, Han tomb murals began to attract attention—for example, the

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CHAPTER IV PAINTINGS, CALLIGRAPHY AND SEALS OF THE QIN AND HAN DYNASTIES

3.4.2 Scene of a visit, preserved at the Boston Museum of Fine Arts

hollow brick murals from the looted Han tomb of Bailitai in the west of the Luoyang old city, in Henan Province. The tomb dates back to the late Western Han Dynasty. The rectangular bricks for tomb doors and triangular bricks for door arches were lost abroad in the 1920s. They were painted with delicate murals both on their fronts and backs. See the mural preserved at the Boston Museum of Fine Arts (Fig. 3.4.2), where the act of figures looking is impressively portrayed, and the brushstrokes are vivid and well-structured. Afterwards, in 1918, the Yingshui Temple Han Mural Tomb in Taizihe, Liaoyang, Liaoning Province was found. In 1931, the Yingchengzi Han Mural Tomb in Jinxian, Liaoning Province, was excavated by Naito Kan and Mori Shyu and other Japanese scholars. In 1942, the Nanlinzi Han Mural Tomb in Liaoyang was excavated by Harada Yoshito and other archaeologists. In 1943, the Beiyuan Han Mural Tomb no. 1 in Liaoyang was investigated by Komai Kazuchika and others. From the 1950s onwards, organized cultural relic surveys and archaeological excavations led to the discovery of a number of Han mural tombs

in northern China. Most of them were found in Luoyang, Henan Province and Liaoyang, Liaoning Province. Others were found in Gansu, Inner Mongolia, Shaanxi, Hebei and other provinces. To the south of Yangtze River, murals have only been found in the Western Han Tomb of Nanyue King in Guangzhou so far, which are badly preserved. Below is a list of important Han mural tombs. From the table above, it is clear that Han tomb murals have unique characteristics in terms of region, period, and theme. In addition, it should be noted that, first, the brick masonry chamber tombs, in which murals were painted, gradually became popular in the Central Plains during the early Han Dynasty. According to the images of Han architecture, many parts of the brick masonry chamber tombs, such as interior spaces and architectural components, were imitations of aboveground architecture. Therefore, it is also possible that murals were also imitated from those in the above-ground architecture. Secondly, early cases such as the Tomb of King Liang of Han in Yong­ cheng, Henan, and the Western Han Tomb of Bu

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List of important mural tombs in the Han Dynasty Mural Tombs

Date/Period

Themes of Mural

Tomb of Nanyue King in Xianggang, Guangzhou, Guangdong

Emperor Wu of Han

Various motifs

Tomb of King Liang of Han in Yongcheng, Henan

137 BCE

Immortals and the spiritual world

Shaogou Han Tomb no. 21 in Luoyang, Henan

Late Western Han

Figures from classics and histories

Han Tomb of Bu Qianqiu in Luoyang, Henan

Late Western Han

Immortals and the spiritual world

Han Tomb at Xi’an Jiaotong University in Shaanxi

Late Western Han

Celestial phenomena

Han Tomb in Otog, Inner Mongolia

Late Western Han

Production in a manor

Zaoyuan Han Tomb in Pinglu, Shanxi

Xin Dynasty

Celestial phenomena, manor

Qianyang Han Tomb in Shaanxi

Xin Dynasty

Celestial phenomena

Jinguyuan Han Tomb in Luoyang, Henan

Xin Dynasty

Immortals and the spiritual world

Xincun Han Tomb in Yanshi, Henan

Xin Dynasty

The board game »six sticks,« and banquets

Gongjiawan Han Tomb in Xianyang, Shaanxi

Xin Dynasty

Immortals and spirits

Houyinshan Han Tomb in Liangshan, Shandong

Early Eastern Han

Immortals and spirits

Yingchengzi Han Tomb in Dalian, Liaoning

Eastern Han

Immortals and spirits

Xingyuan Han Tomb in Yanshi, Henan

Mid-Late Eastern Han

Travel with carriages and horses

Horinger Han Tomb in Inner Mongolia

Mid-Late Eastern Han

Life of an official

Tomb of Min in Togtoh, Inner Mongolia

Mid-Late Eastern Han

Manor

Yulin Han Tomb in Shaanxi

Mid-Late Eastern Han

Carriages, horses, figures

Huoluochaideng Han Tomb in Inner Mongolia

Mid-Late Eastern Han

Production in a manor

Wuwei Han Tomb in Gansu

Mid-Late Eastern Han

Various motifs

Jiuquan Han Tomb in Gansu

Mid-Late Eastern Han

Figures, various motifs

Minle Han Tomb in Zangye, Gansu

132 CE

Four auspicious beasts

Wangdu Han Tomb in Hebei

176 CE

Subordinate officials

Lujiazhuang Han Tomb in Anping, Hebei

Late Eastern Han

Travel with carriages and horses

Dahuting Han Tomb no. 2 in Xinmi, Henan

Late Eastern Han

Banquets and variety shows

Beiyuan Han Tomb in Liaoyang, Liaoning

Late Eastern Han

Carriages, horses, and variety shows

Bangtaizi Han Tomb in Liaoyang, Liaoning

Late Eastern Han

Banquets, carriages, horses, and variety shows

Sandaohao Han Tomb in Liaoyang, Liaoning

Late Eastern Han

Carriages and horses

Bangtaizi Tomb no. 2 in Liaoyang, Liaoning

Han and Wei dynasties

Banquets, carriages, horses, and variety shows

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3.4.3 Scene of Bu Qianqiu and His Wife Rising to Heaven, preserved at the Museum of Ancient Tombs in Luoyang, Henan

Qianqiu in Luoyang, Henan (Fig. 3.4.3), inherited the painting tradition of the Central Plains in the Warring States Period. Thirdly, tomb murals with themes of celestial phenomena, immortals and the spiritual world appeared mostly in the Western Han, Xin and early Eastern Han dynasties. Fourthly, tomb murals of the middle and late Eastern Han Dynasty generally have a larger format and a more complex structure. The tomb owner plays a more important role in the murals, especially in themes such as travel with carriages and horses, banquets and variety shows, and farming in the manor—all are imbued with a secular atmosphere. The production methods of the Qin and Han murals also have their own characteristics. The tomb chambers of the Han Dynasty were mostly built of brick. After building the tomb chamber, white powder was applied over bricks as the background. After that, outlines were drawn with

CHAPTER IV PAINTINGS, CALLIGRAPHY AND SEALS OF THE QIN AND HAN DYNASTIES

brush and ink, and then colors were filled in. The more commonly used pigments for painting were vermilion, green, yellow, orange, purple, cyan and white. Since these mineral pigments are stable in nature, some murals showed very bright colors when they were excavated. Most Han tomb murals were finished by using this method, but there were also individual practices. For example, the Late Western Han Tomb of Bu Qianqiu and Shaogou Tomb no. 61, both in Luoyang, were built of larger hollow bricks. The white foundation was applied to individual bricks instead of on the wall. Then, each brick was painted and numbered. Finally, the wall was built according to the brick numbers and the construction plan. Another example is the Tomb of King Liang of Han in Yongcheng, Henan, which was built on the basis of a cave dug into a mountain. The murals were painted onto the white foundation, which was applied on the rock face prior to the painting of the murals. In other tombs, such as the Liaoyang Han Tomb, large and flat stone slabs were used to construct tomb chambers. Some murals were even painted directly on slabs without white foundation. The earlier Han tomb murals in the Central Plains are more exquisite, with mostly supernatural themes such as four auspicious beasts. They show Warring States influences in subject matters and style, and overall shape and details, as well as the use of brush and coloring techniques. The panchi dragon, taotie beast, kui dragon and phoenix, all common in the pre-Qin era, were replaced by the blue dragon, white tiger, vermilion bird and black turtle in the Han Dynasty. These animal motifs were decorated with exquisite ornaments of clouds and waves, which were magnificently colorful. In terms of shape and composition, they inherited the structure of Warring States paintings, such as the vortex and wave pattern extending in all directions. These compositions look unrestrained, but actually have thoroughly considered structures. Also, there is a mysterious rhythm and

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3.4.4  Travel with carriages and horses, mural in the Lujiazhuang Han Tomb in Anping, Hebei

3.4.5  Eight Guards for the Carriage, mural in the Wangdu Han Tomb in Hebei

SECTION 1 PAINTINGS OF THE QIN AND HAN DYNASTIES

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CHAPTER IV PAINTINGS, CALLIGRAPHY AND SEALS OF THE QIN AND HAN DYNASTIES

3.4.6 Scene with carriages and horses, mural in the Horinger Han Tomb in Inner Mongolia

a vivid and organic spatial arrangement. Good examples are the Tomb of King Liang of Han in Yongcheng, Henan, and the Tomb of Bu Qianqiu in Luoyang. Although the murals in the latter are not as exquisite as those in the former, they all have whirling clouds and auspicious beasts across the horizontally extended surface. There is much movement in the picture, revealing another characteristic of Qin and Han art. In general, tomb murals after the middle and late Eastern Han Dynasty have a larger format, a more complex picture structure, and more secular themes. New subjects for paintings, as well as the corresponding new compositions and spatial arrangements, promoted the development of murals. In some murals, human emotions are more carefully portrayed. Also, the brushstrokes of figures, carriages and horses follow some distinct patterns. These are all signs of the growing maturity of painting, as seen in the Lujiazhuang Han Tomb in Anping, Hebei (Fig.  3.4.4), in the

3.4.7 Scene of Ascending to Heaven, excavated from the Mawangdui Han Tomb no. 1 in Changsha, Hunan

Wangdu Han Tomb in Hebei, and in the Horinger Han Tomb in Inner Mongolia. For example, in the murals of the Wangdu Han Tomb, 25 officials of different rank are portrayed, with a list of their duties written beside them. The figures differ in shape and painting style. For example, civil and military officials differ in height, body shape, costumes, props—as well as in their movements and eye expressions. Lower officials such as the »recorder« are painted with a calm demeanor. The »soldier at the temple gate« looks bright-eyed. The »low-status official at the gate« looks timid and

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SECTION 1 PAINTINGS OF THE QIN AND HAN DYNASTIES

List of important silk paintings of the Han Dynasty Tomb

Period

Themes

Mawangdui Tomb no. 1 in Changsha, Hunan

Emperor Wen of Han

Sun, moon, miraculous phenomena and figures

Mawangdui Tomb no. 3 in Changsha, Hunan

Emperor Wen of Han

Sun, moon, miraculous phenomena and figures

Mawangdui Tomb no. 3 in Changsha, Hunan

Emperor Wen of Han

Carriages, horses and ceremonial weaponry

Mawangdui Tomb no. 3 in Changsha, Hunan

Emperor Wen of Han

Carriages, horses and entertainments (fragments)

Mawangdui Tomb no. 3 in Changsha, Hunan

Emperor Wen of Han

Boat for calling back the soul of the dead (fragments)

Mawangdui Tomb no. 3 in Changsha, Hunan

Emperor Wen of Han

God of Great Unity

Mawangdui Tomb no. 3 in Changsha, Hunan

Emperor Wen of Han

Funerary practices

Mawangdui Tomb no. 3 in Changsha, Hunan

Emperor Wen of Han

Gymnastics

Mawangdui Tomb no. 3 in Changsha, Hunan

Emperor Wen of Han

City, garden

Mawangdui Tomb no. 3 in Changsha, Hunan

Emperor Wen of Han

Celestial phenomena and divination

Jinqueshan Tomb no. 9 in Linyi, Shandong

Emperor Wen of Han

Sun, moon, miraculous phenomena and figures

Tomb of Nanyue King in Xianggang, Guangzhou, Guangdong

Emperor Wen of Han

Travel with carriages and horses ­(fragments)

Mojuzi Tomb no. 23 in Wuwei, Gansu

Eastern Han

Sun, moon and miraculous phenomena

Mojuzi Tomb no. 54 in Wuwei, Gansu

Eastern Han

Sun, moon and miraculous phenomena

cautious, while the »guards for the carriage« look bold and rugged (Fig. 3.4.5). These figures are concisely sketched with confident brushstrokes, and have considerable variety in weight and speed. Also, colors are applied by smearing. All in all, these painting techniques lead to a concise and vivid representation of the figures. Another example is the mural of the Horinger Tomb in Inner Mongolia, which occupies the four walls of the

tomb chamber. The spectacular scene, crowded with carriages and horses (Fig. 3.4.6), is rendered from a bird’s-eye view. The background, with city walls, buildings, as well as the scattered cattle and sheep, regulates the rhythm of the picture. It is an early example in Chinese painting of the representation of a large scene.

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3. Remnants of Silk Painting and Other Paintings Silk paintings are paintings that are painted on silk. The term »silk painting« generally refers to those from the Warring States Period to the Han Dynasty (those after the Jin and Tang dynasties are called »paintings on silk,« not »silk paintings«). Among the archaeological discoveries of silk paintings, the earliest date back to the middle Warring States Period, such as the silk painting with dragon, phoenix and figure, and the silk painting with a figure riding a dragon. Both paintings were excavated in Changsha, the latest of them dating back to the Eastern Han Dynasty. No silk painting from the Qin Dynasty has been discovered. A total of over 20 silk paintings from the Han Period have been found. A selected list is as follows. As can be seen from the table, the Han silk paintings found so far are extremely unevenly distributed in terms of region and period. First, they were mainly found in Changsha, Hunan, which was the Chu Region during the Warring States Period. From the Mawangdui Han Tomb no. 3, twelve pieces of silk paintings were unearthed, which mostly date back to the time of Emperor Wen in the early Western Han Dynasty. They include the silk painting of a dragon, phoenix and figure, and a silk painting of a figure riding a dragon, and are associated with the Warring States Period, since all these paintings were excavated in Changsha. Therefore, it is clear that silk paintings belong mainly to the Chu Culture and exhibit strong regional characteristics. Second, besides Changsha, silk paintings of the early Western Han were also found in Linyi, Shandong, and Guangzhou, Guangdong, which are distant from each other. But they cannot match those from Changsha both in quantity and quality. Third, only a few pieces were found in the Mojuzi Eastern Han Tomb in Wuwei, Gansu, from around 300 years after Emperor Wu and throughout the Eastern Han Period, and they were drawn very

CHAPTER IV PAINTINGS, CALLIGRAPHY AND SEALS OF THE QIN AND HAN DYNASTIES

roughly. Therefore, in the history of Qin and Han painting, the silk paintings of the Han Dynasty are mainly individual cases. Among the silk paintings of the Han Dynasty, the T-shaped funerary banner silk painting from Mawangdui Tomb no. 1 in Changsha is the most famous (Fig. 3.4.7). According to the Tomb Inventory (Qiance 遣策) unearthed from the same tomb, this T-shaped silk painting is called »non-clothing.« It was covering the lid of an inner coffin at the time of excavation, and should be considered a funeral ritual object used to call back and calm the soul of the dead. This painting is divided into three sections from top to bottom: heaven, earth, and the underworld. The portion with heaven depicts the sun, the moon, fusang (扶桑) tree, toad, the jade hare, etc. In the middle, a »torch dragon« is depicted, that is, a god with a snake body and a human head that rules heaven. Auspicious clouds, dragons, immortals and spirit beasts surround the god. The portion with earth is painted with two interlacing dragons with scales in blue and red. They are passing through a large grain-patterned jade bi (璧) disc in the middle of the picture, on which there is a raised platform. The tomb master is standing in the middle of the platform, accompanied by several servants, in front and behind. In addition, there is a canopy, hanging curtains, an owl, spotted leopard, a tent, a giant semicircular jade ornament, a bird human, etc. In the portin with the underworld, the giant Yujiang is lifting his arms to support the earth. At the same time, he is stepping on two fish, together with a red snake and an auspicious turtle. The painting has a careful symmetrical composition around the middle axis. At the same time, there is considerable variety in the depicted objects, especially in the hierarchies, directions, dynamics, shape of lines, dialogic relations, color temperature, emptiness and fullness, weight and types of brushstrokes. Despite such variety, it is well structured. The techniques for painting this are already very mature. For example, colors are

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applied before the sketching of outlines. In some local areas, small dots of pigment are repeatedly applied, so that many layers of pigment can make richer colors. On the whole, the picture uses deep warm colors for the background, interspersed with vermilion red and white. Cyan and green are added to the white. In this way, a mysterious artistic effect with magnificent color is created for calling back the soul of the dead and helping it ascend to heaven. A T-shaped »non-clothing« painting was also unearthed at Mawangdui Tomb no. 3 in Changsha. It has an almost identical shape, size, composition and theme to the silk painting from Tomb no. 1. Although many parts of the picture are unrecognizable, it also shows many beautifully depicted details. In addition, dozens of other Han silk paintings, rectangular or square in shape, were excavated. The subjects painted are either the sun and moon, auspicious clouds, gods and spirits, or carriages, horses, ceremonies, the city and the garden, etc. All these pictures are full of life and wonder. Compared with both the Warring States silk paintings unearthed in Changsha—the painting of dragon, phoenix and figure, and the painting with a figure riding a dragon—»non-clothing« silk paintings from the Mawangdui Han Tomb have a different style. They have a larger format, more complex motifs, more focus on coloring, and more coherent composition. Their colors are especially gorgeous. According to the identity of the tomb owner and the burial specifications of the Mawangdui Han Tomb in Changsha, it can be inferred that the two »non-clothing« silk paintings unearthed from Tombs no. 1 and no. 3 should belong to the most refined paintings of the early Han Dynasty. In the Qin and Han tombs in the middle and lower reaches of the Yangtze River and to the west of the Yellow River, it is common to find small paintings on woodblock or wooden slips of a few feet or inches in length. They have relatively independent painting forms.A large number of small

SECTION 2 CALLIGRAPHY OF THE QIN AND HAN DYNASTIES

paintings on woodblock or wooden slips from Qin and Han were excavated, mainly in Tianshui, Wuwei and Juyan of Gansu Province and in Jiangling of Hubei Province. For example, the wooden comb unearthed from the Fenghuangshan Qin Tomb in Jiangling is lacquered on its upper part, with a scene of a female dancer dancing in long sleeves, a female singer singing, and a male musician playing a musical instrument. Although the picture is small, it has an ingenious composition with a clear hierarchical structure as well as vividly represented figures. The organic and dynamic depiction of the long sleeves shows the ingenious painting skills of the painter. Most of the tombs where these paintings were excavated belonged to officials of a lower rank of scholar-official, or to the members of the middle and lower social classes, since they have relatively small tomb chambers and a small number of burial objects. The unearthed paintings on woodblock or wooden slips are rough in quality. The brush and ink are used sloppily, and colors are simplistically applied or not applied at all. In addition, on many Han bronzewares, lacquerwares and pottery, some relatively independent small paintings can be found. Examples are as follows: carriages, horses and figures painted in color on a Western Han bronze mirror excavated in Xi’an, Shaanxi Province, hundreds of figures painted in color on a lacquered basket excavated from the Han tomb in Lelang Commandery in present Pyongyang, North Korea, immortals painted in color on a pottery pot excavated in the Hunyuan Han Tomb in Shanxi Province, a scene of two crows perching on the tree painted on a pottery building model preserved in the Nelson Museum of Art in the United States, a music and dance scene painted in color on a pottery building model excavated in the Eastern Han tomb in Xingyang, Henan Province, and a scene of rent collection and horse feeding painted in color on a pottery building model excavated from the Xinmi Eastern Han Tomb in Henan Province.

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Section 2  Calligraphy of the Qin and Han Dynasties The art of Chinese calligraphy began to develop during the Qin and Han dynasties under the background of the policy »same script for writing.« This historical context is very crucial to the history of ancient Chinese calligraphy. In this period, the Qin seal script evolved into the Qin clerical, Han clerical, and ancient cursive scripts. This was not only the process of the »clericization« of the Chinese characters, but also the initial formation of the spirit of brushwork and calligraphic gestures. As a result of increased writing speed, the clerical script has undulating strokes with much variety in weight and speed—very different from the small seal script of Qin known as the »jade chopsticks script.« The clerical script is characteristic of brushstrokes with a »silkworm’s head and swallow’s tail.« In addition, the ancient cursive script also shows clear calligraphic gestures. This process was nearly completed by the early Eastern Han Dynasty. From the early Eastern Han Dynasty on, however, some new themes grew in importance: the active exploration of the cursive script by Zhang Zhi and other calligraphers, the flourishing of inscriptions in clerical script, and the influence of cliff inscriptions on the calligraphic style of clerical script.

1. Standardization of the Writing System Chinese calligraphy is the art of writing Chinese characters. Writing had been practiced for a long time before the Qin and Han dynasties, and as early as the Shang Dynasty, the oracle bone script was already mature. After more than 800 years of refinement during the Western Zhou, Spring and Autumn, and Warring States periods, the basic composition of Chinese characters became increasingly systematic—but the writing style differed considerably by region, heritage, writing

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tools and materials. For instance, the same word might be written differently in the Qi state from the Chu state. However, after Qin Shi Huang’s annexation of the six warring states, different writing systems were standardized with the small seal script of Qin, as suggested by the Grand Chancellor Li Si. The policy, known as »same script for writing,« marks a significant moment in Chinese cultural history. The achievement of calligraphy in the Qin Dynasty is closely related to this policy, or, in other words, »same script for writing« laid the foundation of the art of calligraphy in the Qin Dynasty. As a result of this policy, the way to write a Chinese character was standardized. At the same time, single characters began to follow certain established structural patterns, and the relative positions of different parts and strokes in a character were also fixed. At that point, the relationship between strokes—such as those of bowing to, looking at, supporting, facing or facing away from one another—gradually took shape in the process of using the brush. Then, through experience with refined brushwork and calligraphic gestures, different shapes and expressions were established as calligraphic vocabulary. In the Qin and Han dynasties, the rapid evolution of the small seal script and the Qin clerical script into the ancient cursive script and the Han clerical script took place precisely because of »same script for writing,« and this is where the art of Chinese calligraphy began to develop. Afterwards, from the Han Dynasty to the Wei and Jin dynasties, all the clerical, cursive, running and regular scripts gradually began to mature. Also, calligraphy criticism was in full bloom, and calligraphy became a representative art form in Chinese culture with brilliant achievements and far-reaching influence, associated with the cultivation of moral virtues. All this had its origin in the emphasis on the use of brushes in the Qin clerical script and in the ancient cursive script between the Qin and Han dynasties.

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The policy »same script for writing« of Qin Shi Huang was compulsory throughout the empire. The small seal script, which was adopted as the standard script, was created by simplifying the large seal script. As a result, the pictographic aspect of Chinese characters was weakened, while the ideographic aspect was strengthened. Also, the different sizes and complexity of the characters were unified for purposes of standardization. This is clearly revealed in the inscriptions in small seal script from the Qin Dynasty, such as Inscriptions at the Langya Platform, Inscriptions on the Top of Mount Tai, Inscriptions on the Clay Measuring Device of Qin, and Tiger Symbol of the Yang Mausoleum. Later, through further simplification, the Qin clerical script was developed into the Han clerical script, which was the final and the most crucial stage in the evolution of writing between the ancient and modern systems. The clerical script was first introduced in the Qin state. According to the »Postface« (»Xu« 叙) of Explaining and Analyzing Characters by Xu Shen, »Qin calligraphy has eight forms of script,« the last of which was the clerical script. Both the »Postface« of Explaining and Analyzing Characters and the »Monograph on Arts and Literature« in Book of Han have mentioned the origin of the clerical script in the Qin state. The clerical script of Qin, also known as »the Qin clerical script« or »ancient clerical script,« is a reduced form of the small seal script for a rapid writing process. The most representative works include the Qingchuan Wooden Tablet, Qin-Period Bamboo Slips of Shuihudi, Yunmeng, Qin-Dynasty Bamboo and Wooden Slips of Liye. From these texts, it is obvious that the pictographic symbols common in the oracle bone script and bronze inscriptions had almost disappeared. On the whole, the Qin clerical script differed from the script of the Shang and Zhou dynasties, and other warring states, but had a similar structure to the script after the Qin and Han dynasties, marking the transition from ancient to modern script. Therefore, it was very

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difficult for common people after the Qin and Han dynasties to interpret the pre-Qin script, hence it was called the ancient script. However, they should have had no problem recognizing many characters in the Qin clerical script. Furthermore, the Han clerical form, which evolved from the Qin clerical form, had strokes with many angles and obvious undulations—which are almost identical to the Chinese characters used today. This also means that the Han clerical script more than 2,000 years ago was already a thoroughly perfected script. This process of defining the basic form of Chinese characters with the clerical script is called »clericization.«

2. Small Seal Script, Qin Clerical Script, Han Clerical Script on Bamboo Slips and Silk, and Clerical Cursive Script As implied by the word »calligraphy,« the most important thing is the refined use of the brush and the calligraphic gestures created by moving the brush. Therefore, it has fundamental differences from the oracle bone inscriptions and bronze inscriptions of the Shang and Zhou that are engraved or cast on metal or bones. Among the excavated materials of the Shang Dynasty, ink traces written with a brush are sometimes found on bones, jade, and pottery tablets. For example, on a pottery tablet unearthed in the seventh excavation of the Yin Ruins in 1932, the character for »sacrifice« (»si« 祀) is written in ink with thick strokes. Another example is the Alliance Tablets of Houma (Houma mengshu 侯马盟书) from the Spring and Autumn Period. They are mostly written in cinnabar, and known as the cinnabar writing, but some of them are also written in ink. Their script belongs to the category of ancient script—to be specific, the bronze inscriptions. Despite clear and jumpy brushstrokes, they are written passively, if not sketched, onto jade tablets, in contrast to the more active writing style of later times, in which the brush was moved so that »characters are born out of movement« and have clear cal-

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ligraphic gestures. In summary, the former represents the method of sketching characters, while the latter the method of writing characters. This differentiation plays a key role in understanding how the calligraphic art was born. This differentiation happened as a result of the development of script forms, namely, from the small seal script to the Qin clerical script, and then to the Han clerical script written on bamboo and wooden slips, and finally to the ancient cursive script. The small seal script was the official script of the Qin Dynasty and the standard script for the »same script for writing« policy, hence known as the Qin seal script. Qin Culture had its origins in Zhou Culture. At the end of the Western Zhou Dynasty, Duke Xiang of Qin occupied territories of the former Zhou Dynasty, Qi and Feng. By modifying the large seal script from Western Zhou, the small seal script was created. While the large seal script looks archaic and imposing, its modified form looks exquisite and elegant. The representative works of the latter include Inscriptions on the Top of Mount Tai and Inscriptions at the Langya Platform by Li Si, the Grand Chancellor of Qin. According to the »Annals of Qin Shi Huang« in Records of the Grand Historian, after Qin Shi Huang unified the empire, he went on a number of inspection tours. Wherever he went, he would engrave inscriptions on stones in order to praise the virtues of Qin. In the first year of Qin Er Shi’s reign (209 BCE), an imperial edict was ordered to be inscribed beside the inscriptions of Qin Shi Huang, known as the Edict of Qin Er Shi. Both in the Inscriptions on the Top of Mount Tai and the Inscriptions at the Langya Platform, only the Edict of Qin Er Shi is extant today. Inscriptions on the Top of Mount Tai is also named Stele of the Mount Tai Rites. In their ink rubbings of the Northern Song Dynasty, collected by An Guo of the Ming Dynasty, 165 characters have survived. By the late Qing Dynasty, only nine characters remained on the stele. The original stele is now preserved at Temple Dai in Tai’an. The sur-

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viving rubbings are listed as follows: rubbings of Northern Song collected by An Guo of the Ming Dynasty, the 29-character rubbings of the Ming Dynasty collected by Sun Xingyan and He Shaoji, and the 29-character full-page rubbings in the collection of Shanghai Bookstore. The creator of the inscriptions, Li Si, ranks first among the five calligraphers in the Sequel to Criticism of Calligraphy (Houshupin 后书品) by Li Sizhen of the Tang Dynasty. It judges Li Si’s calligraphy as »the one that catches the essence of the small seal script and is unparalleled in ancient and modern times.« The other work by Li Si is Inscriptions at the Langya Platform, whose original stele is now preserved in the National Museum of China. A book of rubbings made by the scribe of Ruan Yuan in the Qing Dynasty, which consists of 13 lines and 86 characters, is the best among the extant versions. In terms of style, this work seems to be more elegant and flowing than the former. As Sequel to Criticism of Calligraphy says, »the inscriptions by the Qin Grand Chancellor are as beautiful as smooth brocades.« The small seal script in both inscriptions features simplicity, stability and solemnity in the structure of each individual character. The strokes look vigorous and flowing, and they are shaped like jade chopsticks with little variation in weight and thickness. The well-proportioned characters are arranged in a strict and neat composition. The gestures consistent in the whole work reflect the solemnity and majesty of the imperial edicts, as well as the cultural orthodoxy of Qin as the successor of the Zhou Dynasty. Small seal script can also be found on engraved symbols of the Qin Dynasty, only a small number of which are extant today. The most famous ones include Tiger Symbol of Xinqi and Tiger Symbol of the Yang Mausoleum. As tiger symbols, they gave credence to the emperor’s order to mobilize the army. Both of them were made exquisitely and were inscribed with small seal script that follows a square structure and rigid pattern. The turning points of the strokes, either angular or rounded,

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blend seamlessly, which is quite rare to find. However, the two works also differ from each other. Tiger Symbol of the Yang Mausoleum was the emperor’s symbol with a strictly designed script form, whereas Tiger Symbol of Xinqi was the king’s symbol, with a slightly curved, forceful horizontal stroke. Other remnants of the Qin small seal script include edict tablet inscriptions for weight and volume measuring devices, and scripts stamped on clay measuring devices. They were used to standardize measurement in the 26th year of Qin Shi Huang (221 BCE) after the annexation of the six states. These edicts share the same inscription: In the 26th year, after the emperor finished the annexation of the six warring states, the ordinary people all over the empire lived in peace. So the emperor was crowned. Then he issued an edict of standardizing measurement to the Grand Chancellors Zhuang and Wan, in order to standardize all nonuniform measurement and clear all doubts.

The edict tablet inscriptions were inscribed on copper plates. They were inscribed in a relatively simple manner, with more angular and less rounded strokes. The characters of different sizes are distributed unevenly on the plate. In terms of writing gestures, it is particularly close to the Inscriptions on the Gui (簋) Vessel of Duke Jing of Qin from the Spring and Autumn Period. The second type of small seal inscription, script stamped on clay measuring devices, was mostly found in Zoucheng, Shandong Province. The edicts consist of a few stamped four-character squares of small seal characters, which were stamped on the outer surface of the devices. Each character follows a square and regular pattern, with rounded and thick strokes. The first type, edict tablets for weight and volume measuring devices, should have been released in a large number and in a wide range at that time. Therefore, the quality of calligraphy, engraving and casting inevitably varied between good and bad. What remained unchanged was the small seal script. Except for a few characters with

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slight variations, such as »fa (法)« and »yi (壹),« almost all characters were written in a uniform way. Standardization of script and standardization of measurement were carried out at the same time. Actually, the official edict inscriptions for standardizing measurement also played a role in standardizing script, since in the former process, small seal script, the standard script in the policy »same script for writing,« was adopted. The small seal script evolved into the Qin clerical script in the process of accelerated writing. Because of the increased writing speed, strokes started to have rich gestural variations. In this way, brushstrokes and calligraphic gestures were becoming more refined. From this perspective, calligraphic art started with Qin clerical script.Qin clerical script, a quickly written form of the small seal script, was an early form of the clerical script which appeared at the end of the Warring States Period to the time after Qin Shi Huang’s unification of China. The emergence of the Qin clerical script also marked the beginning of the clerical script. According to the preface to Explaining and Analyzing Characters by Xu Shen of Eastern Han, the Qin government burned books and organized large-scale forced labor. Subsequently, the labor managers and prison officers needed to write many more official documents than before. In this process, »the clerical script emerged, which tended to be easy to write, and the ancient script was lost from that point on.« Xu Shen explained that the clerical script was born out of practical requirement. At that time, a more convenient writing system was needed, distinct from ancient scripts such as the seal script. In excavated materials, the early clerical script, or Qin clerical script, can be found in the Qingchuan Wooden Tablet, Qin-Period Bamboo Slips of Shuihudi, Yunmeng, and the Qin-Dynasty Bamboo and Wooden Slips of Liye unearthed recently. The Qingchuan Wooden Tablet, with only one piece, was excavated from the Warring States Tomb in Haojiaping, Qingchuan, Sichuan Province. It dates back to the time of

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3.4.8 Bamboo slips of the Qin Dynasty (part), preserved in the Hubei Provincial Museum.

King Wu of Qin, during the Warring States Period. On both sides, more than one hundred characters about the laws and regulations of fields are written. The script, written in ink, retains vestiges of the small seal script, which slightly resembles the script written on bamboo slips and silk from Chu in the Warring States Period. However, it doesn’t share many other characteristics of the clerical script. So, it is considered to be an early form of the Qin clerical script. Another important Qin script can be found in the Qin-Period Bamboo Slips of Shuihudi, unearthed from Shuihudi Tomb no.  11 in Yunmeng, Hubei Province (Fig.  3.4.8). It is a collection of over 1,000 Qin bamboo slips with many texts written, such as the Eighteen Qin Statutes (Qinlü shibazhong 秦律十八种) and Daybook (Rishu 日书). They were written between the end of the Warring States Period and the 30th year of Qin Shi Huang’s

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reign (217 BCE). Many characters retain elements of the seal script. However, they have distinctive undulating strokes, and thus, a pronounced style of the clerical script. So, they are representative of Qin clerical script. In recent years, more than 37,000 Qin bamboo and wooden slips have been excavated in Liye, Hunan Province. They contain documents from Qin local government offices. Among them, more than ten »wooden pegs« are written in small seal script, while the rest are written in Qin clerical script. They date back to the period from the 25th year of Qin Shi Huang’s reign (222 BCE) to the first year of Qin Er Shi’s reign (209 BCE). Interestingly, such a large number of official documents are written in Qin clerical script instead of the seal script. In fact, the latter is only found on a few wooden pegs used as markers. In this case, the actual execution of Qin Shi Huang’s policy »same script for writing« needs reexamination. According to historical documents, Qin Shi Huang adopted Li Si’s suggestion to standardize the scripts of the six states with the small seal script. The excavated imperial edict tablets of Qin also support the authenticity of this record. However, within the vast territory of the Qin Empire, it is inconceivable that everyone could learn to write such a noble and complex script in a short time. As Classification of Calligraphy (Shupin 书品), by Yu Jianwu of the Southern dynasties, says, »since too many issues should be raised, it is difficult to write them in seal script.« In fact, it is more likely that the small seal script, as the official standard of »same script for writing,« had more of a symbolic meaning. Since most writers of the documents were low-ranking officials, it would be easier for them to master the Qin clerical script as a simplified form of small seal script. As Wang Guowei said in A Study of the Formats of Bamboo and Wooden Manuscripts (Jiandu jianshukao 简牍 检署考), »the more important issues were written on bamboo and wooden slips in seal script, while the less important ones were written on wooden

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tablets in clerical script.« The excavation of Qin Dynasty Bamboo and Wooden Slips of Liye has provided a credible basis for the above inference. The extant materials with Qin clerical script indicate that the clerical script emerged in the Qin Dynasty as a reduced and quickly written form of the small seal script. The hasty writing resulted in undulating strokes with much variety in weight and speed. This is distinguished from the less varied strokes of the small seal script, the so-called »jade chopsticks script.« Both the reduction of strokes and the quick writing were originally motivated by practical needs, but they also provided the first opportunity for the calligraphic art to occur. The Qin clerical script, as well as the clerical script written on bamboo, wooden slips and silk from the early Western Han Dynasty, are all called the ancient clerical script. Despite being clerical script, they all retain some elements of seal script.The ancient clerical script of the early Western Han Dynasty has been found in excavated manuscripts such as Mawangdui Silk Texts, Han Bamboo Manuscripts of Fuyang, Fenghuangshan Wooden Manuscripts of Jiangling, Han Bamboo Manuscripts of Yinqueshan.Mawangdui Silk Texts are written on fine-knit raw silk in ink. They were excavated from the Mawangdui Han Tomb no. 3 in Changsha, Hunan Province. As their date is not very far from the Qin Dynasty, the script is also relatively close to that of the Qin Bamboo Slips of Shuihudi, Yunmeng, especially Laozi (老子) B. The script of »Laozi A« in Mawangdui Silk Texts shows a well-recognized structure in each character, which is extended horizontally. The strokes are written delicately with much variety in weight. Most prominent are the right-falling and upward horizontal strokes which are often written heavily. Actually, this work opened up a new way of using heavy strokes to build up calligraphic rhythm in clerical script. In this sense, it is clearly distinguished from the Qin clerical script. In terms of content, Mawangdui Silk Texts reflects that pre-Qin classics were valued in the

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early Western Han Dynasty. According to historical sources, the Book of Documents transmitted by Fu Sheng was written in clerical script, known as the Book of Documents in modern script. Actually, Mawangdui Silk Texts has provided clues for its script form. The so-called »modern script« of the early Han Dynasty was actually the ancient clerical script, that is, a transitional form between seal and clerical script. Another work, Han Bamboo Manuscripts of Fuyang, is written on bamboo slips in ink. The bamboo slips were excavated from the Shuanggudui Han Tomb no. 1, in Fuyang, Anhui Province. The owner of the tomb was Xiahou Zao, son of Xiahou Ying, who was a founding father of the Western Han Dynasty. He died in the 15th year of Emperor Wen’s reign (165 BCE). These manuscripts include classicals such as Book of Cangjie, Classic of Poetry, Changes of the Zhou, as well as calendar books and miscellaneous books such as Daybook (Rishu 日书), Administration by the Penal Law and Government by Virtue (Xingde 刑德) and Physiognomy of Dogs (Xianggou jing 相 狗经). They are written in a relatively moderate style with an archaic-looking structure of characters. Fenghuangshan Wooden Manuscripts of Jiangling, dating from the Western Han Dynasty (179–157 BCE), were excavated from the Fenghuangshan Han tombs in Ji’nancheng, Jiangling, Hubei Province. The manuscripts contain lists of burial goods, account books, contracts, etc., and reflect the ordinary life and society of that time. Compared with Mawangdui Silk Texts and Han Bamboo Manuscripts of Fuyang, they are written in a less archaic style. They have slightly jumpy strokes with much variety in weight and speed. Sometimes right-falling, left-falling and vertical strokes are highlighted with extra weight. These indicate that the ancient clerical script was in its late years. The Han Bamboo Manuscripts of Yinqueshan, written on bamboo slips in ink, were excavated from the Yinqueshan Western Han Tomb in Linyi, Shandong Province, with a total of nearly 5,000 pieces. Among them, manuscripts such as

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The Art of War by Master Sun and The Art of War by Sun Bin were excavated from Tomb no. 1, and Calendar Reckoning of the First Year of Yuanguang in the Reign of Emperor Wu of Han from Tomb no. 2. They show very little characteristics of seal script. The strokes have undulations, and the calligraphic style tends to be simple. The ancient clerical script of Western Han was mainly written during the reign of emperors Wen and Jing. After Emperor Wu and the following decades, the mature Han clerical script was gradually born out of the ancient clerical script. In this process known as »clericization,« the clerical script was standardized. The circular forms of the seal script completely disappeared and were replaced by basic compositional elements such as dotted, horizontal, vertical, left-falling and right-falling strokes. The structure of each character was extended horizontally. The turns in the strokes were angular rather than rounded, and the undulating strokes unique to clerical script had the fixed form of »silkworm’s head and swallow’s tail.« The left-falling and right-falling strokes were extended in opposite directions, so that a wide opening on the bottom, as in the character »eight« (»ba« 八), was created. Therefore, this script is also known as »bafen (八分) script.« For example, the Han Bamboo Manuscripts of Dingzhou, which was unearthed from the tomb no. 40 in Dingzhou, Hebei Province, and the Han Bamboo Manuscripts of Datong, which was unearthed from the Han tomb no.  115 in Datong, Qinghai Province, both date to Emperor Xuan’s time in the Western Han Dynasty (73–49 BCE). The script of these manuscripts are very different from the ancient clerical script. After the completion of clericization, the ink calligraphy of Han clerical script presented many faces, from the late Western Han Dynasty to the late Eastern Han Dynasty. In the Han clerical script, written on bamboo and wooden slips, wooden tablets, pottery and walls, countless possibilities of the calligraphic art were explored. The most important materials include Han Bamboo

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3.4.9 Bamboo Manuscript of »Etiquette and Rites« from Wuwei, preserved in the Gansu Provincial Museum

Manuscripts of Wuwei, Han Bamboo Manuscripts of Juyan, Manuscripts on Wooden Slips of Dunhuang, Medical Manuscripts on Wooden Tablets of Wuwei, etc. It deserves attention in these materials that the ancient cursive script (cursive clerical script) was derived from the mature clerical script. Such traces can be detected in Han Bamboo Manuscripts of Juyan. Han Bamboo Manuscripts of Wuwei were excavated from the Mojuzi Han Tomb in Wuwei, Gansu Province. It includes two parts, Bamboo Manuscript of Imperial Edicts Inscribed on a Cane Given by Emperor (Wangzhang zhaoling cejian 王 杖诏令册简) and Bamboo Manuscript of »Etiquette and Rites« (Yili jian 仪礼简). In addition, Medical Manuscripts on Wooden Tablets were excavated in another Han tomb in Wuwei. Among them, Bamboo Manuscript of Imperial Edicts In-

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3.4.10 Han Bamboo Manuscripts of Juyan, preserved in the Gansu Provincial Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology

scribed on a Cane Given by Emperor has relatively free brushstrokes, a regular structure and a grand calligraphic style. It shows a prominent use of the slant tip of the brush, yet without loss of roundness in strokes. Bamboo Manuscript of »Etiquette and Rites« (Fig.  3.4.9) is neatly and beautifully written in a uniform gesture. It is one of the most perfect works of Han calligraphy in clerical script. Through graceful turning, sweeping, pressing and flicking of the brush, it already contains elements of ancient cursive script. The bamboo, wooden and silk manuscripts of the Han Dynasty are written in relatively small characters. However, in some Eastern Han tomb murals, larger characters in clerical script have also been found, such as the mural notes of the Wangdu Han Tomb in Hebei, roof notes of the Han tomb of the 5th year of Xiping (176 CE), in the reign of

Emperor Ling of Eastern Han, and the mural notes of the Horinger Han Tomb in Inner Mongolia. These mural notes have significantly larger characters than the usual Han clerical script written on bamboo, wooden slips and wooden tablets, and therefore, appear more majestic. However, there is no major difference between the two, in terms of the structure of individual characters, overall calligraphic gestures and variations in brush­ strokes. The above-mentioned manuscripts have their own distinctive features, but, in general, follow similar stylistic conventions. In addition to the standard clerical script, another very important branch of the Han calligraphy, the cursive clerical script, is a reduced and quickly written form of the clerical script. This earliest form of cursive script is also known as the ancient cursive script. In tens of

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thousands of Han Bamboo Manuscripts of Juyan, dating from the period from middle Western Han to early Eastern Han, this transitional process of the script can be traced. Han Bamboo Manuscripts of Juyan has been excavated several times at the site of ancient Juyan. In 1930, a joint Chinese-Swedish scientific expedition to Northwest China discovered more than 10,000 of them at various Han sites in the Ejinna River Basin of Inner Mongolia. These are known as Han Bamboo Manuscripts of Juyan. After 1972, archaeologists excavated more than 20,000 pieces of bamboo, wooden manuscripts and wooden tablets from the Han Dynasty again. In 1980, Zhonghua Book Store published the Han Bamboo Manuscripts of Juyan A and B, edited by the Institute of Archaeology of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. These manuscripts cover a wide range of themes, including edicts, judicial reports, dispatches, records, official documents, account books, etc. More than 1,000 dated pieces shed light upon the original handwriting of ordinary officials from the middle Western Han Dynasty to early Eastern Han Dynasty. In terms of calligraphic style, they are rough and unrestrained. The end of a stroke, such as the end of the vertical or left curve with a hook, and the vertical and right-falling, is often highlighted with heavy and long strokes, or with deliberately displaced strokes. The most typical examples (Fig.  3.4.10) are the characters »guang (光)« and »bo (薄)« in the bamboo slips »The Fourth Year of Yongguang,« »jing (竟)« and »yuan (元)« in the bamboo slips »The First Year of Jingning,« and »jian (建)« and »nian (年)« in the bamboo slips »The 2nd Year of Jianzhao.« The size of the characters varies considerably even within the same batch of bamboo slips. Their handwriting has somewhat spontaneous characteristics, but does not go beyond the conventions of the clerical script. They are written in a fluent manner, but not necessarily in haste. In contrast, the bamboo slips of »Report of the Accusation of Su Jun Against Guan En in Marquis Jiaqu

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Office in the Third Year of Jianwu« are written quickly in reduced forms. Some of the characters already show characteristics of the cursive clerical script. As for the »Book of Wrongful Deaths of Horses in the 3rd Year of Jianwu,« it is written in the completely mature ancient cursive script with extremely rich variations. The cursive clerical script is the cursive form of the clerical script. If it follows certain stylistic conventions, then it is called the ancient cursive script. In the Eastern Han Dynasty, Xu Shen said, »there was cursive script from the Han Dynasty onwards,« which refers to the ancient cursive script. In standard Han clerical script, the strokes at the right shoulder of a character have angular rather than rounded turns. This is especially evident in the inscriptions on the steles of the Han Dynasty. However, in the Western Han bamboo manuscripts unearthed in Wuwei, especially the Bamboo Manuscript of »Etiquette and Rites,« the right shoulder of a character has rounded turns due to a more fluent use of the brush. Actually, this is considered to be an important feature of the ancient cursive script. In the aforementioned Han Bamboo Manuscripts of Juyan, many characters have a rounded form at their right shoulder due to a fluent use of the slant tip of the brush. Zhang Huaiguan of the Tang Dynasty considered this kind of stroke »as graceful as the revolving phoenix.« Examples are »shang (商),« »zhou (周),« »yu (育),« »chang (常),« »wei (为),« etc., in »Report of the Accusation of Su Jun Against Guan En in Marquis Jiaqu Office in the Third Year of Jianwu,« and »zhang (鄣),« »ting (亭),« »ma (马),« »ba (罢),« »yue (曰),« etc. in »Book of the Wrongful Deaths of Horses in the third Year of Jianwu.« Therefore, they are all regarded as typical examples of the newly formed ancient cursive script. As a result of rounded turns of strokes, different characters show the illusion of connection, although there is no connected stroke visible between the characters. As the saying goes, »the strokes look discrete, but the overall gesture connects them to-

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3.4.11 Manuscripts on Wooden Slips of Dunhuang, ­preserved in Gansu Provincial Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology

gether.« In the meantime, the horizontal strokes are flatly extended or slightly retracted at the right end, and the right-falling are emphasized by heavy and undulating strokes, typical for the clerical script. Anyway, the above-mentioned features are characteristic for the brushstrokes of ancient cursive script. In Manuscripts on Wooden Slips of Dunhuang from the Xin Dynasty (Fig.  3.4.11), Medical Manuscripts on Wooden Tablets of Wuwei from the Eastern Han Dynasty, and Bamboo Manuscript of Dunhuang on »Being Able to Eliminate the Rebellious States« (Dunhuang keyi tianmie zhufanguo jian 敦煌可以殄灭诸反国简), a wide variety of ancient cursive script can be found, but

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their general characteristics do not go beyond the aforementioned points. The ancient cursive script was popular from the Han Dynasty onwards, while the modern cursive script was popular from the Eastern Jin Dynasty onwards. The two are different, in that the former has separately written characters while the latter have characters with connected strokes. In the use of the brush, the ancient cursive script features a formal correspondence between the left and right part of a character. The structure of the character is extended horizontally, sometimes with undulating strokes, which is inherited from the clerical script. Though the characters are separately written, they show a very archaic, elegant and simple style in flowing and beautiful brushstrokes, which is considered as elegant as the revolving phoenix with power of motion and pureness. The ancient cursive script is the earliest style of calligraphy that integrates the shape of brushstrokes, calligraphic gestures, and energy flowing between structures. It appeared in the Han Dynasty, flourished and developed further in the Wei and Jin dynasties, especially after the interpretation by Wang Xizhi. It is very significant for the development of Chinese calligraphy and the origin of paper and silk calligraphy. Denouncing Cursive (Fei caoshu 非草书), by Zhao Yi of the Eastern Han, vividly describes the popularity of ancient cursive script in the late Eastern Han Dynasty. Famous calligraphers of cursive script at that time included Du Du, Cui Yuan, Zhang Zhi, etc. Du Du, with a courtesy name Bodu, was a native of Duling, Jingzhao (present-day Xi’an, Shaanxi), and the prime minister of Qi in the reign of Emperor Zhang of Eastern Han. He was the first calligrapher to become famous for writing cursive script. Configurations of the Four Forms of Calligraphy (Siti shushi 四体书势) by Wei Heng comments that »the characters he wrote are slightly thin.« Judgments on Calligraphy (Shuduan 书断) by Zhang Huaiguan comments: »The ancient cursive script has an archaic and

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extremely profound style. Actually, Bodu ranks first in this script.« Cui Yuan (77–142 CE), with the courtesy name Ziyu, was a native of Anping, Zhuo Commandery (present-day Anping, Hebei). He learned from Du Du’s calligraphic style. However, Judgments on Calligraphy by Zhang Huaiguan judges that his ancient cursive script is more interesting than that of his master. Also, he wrote an article titled »Configurations of Cursive Script.« Zhang Zhi, with a courtesy name Boying, was a native of Jiuquan, Dunhuang (present-day Jiuquan, Gansu). He was the son of Zhang Huan, a famous minister of the Eastern Han Dynasty, and lived around the time of the late Eastern Han Dynasty. He was especially good at the ancient cursive script, and known as the »Sage of Cursive Script.« He exerted great influence on the calligraphers of the Three Kingdoms and the Western Jin Dynasty, such as Huang Xiang, Suo Jing and Wei Guan. These three calligraphers—Du Du, Cui Yuan, and Zhang Zhi—have no credible work that has been passed down. Fortunately, a large number of Han bamboo and wooden slips have been unearthed in recent times, which have provided a wealth of Han calligraphic materials and have recorded the evolution of script form and calligraphy. If we compare the Han bamboo and wooden manuscripts in the ancient cursive script with the Wei and Jin calligraphic works in ancient cursive script, we might have a better understanding on the achievements and influence of the Han ancient cursive script at its peak—for example, works of the Han Dynasty such as Medical Manuscripts of Wuwei, Bamboo Manuscript of Dunhuang on »Being Able to Eliminate the Rebellious States,« etc., and works of the Wei and Jin dynasties such as Quickly Master Chapters (Jijiuzhang 急就章) by Huang Xiang, Appraisal of the Military Expedition (Chushisong 出师颂) by Suo Jing, Respectful Letter to Residents of the Province (Dunshou zhoumin tie 顿首州民帖), Pacification Letter (Pingfu tie 平复帖) by Lu Ji, etc.

CHAPTER IV PAINTINGS, CALLIGRAPHY AND SEALS OF THE QIN AND HAN DYNASTIES

3. Han Clerical Script in Stele Inscriptions The calligraphic works of the Han Dynasty are mainly written in clerical script. Its stylistic norms can mainly be observed on Eastern Han stele inscriptions.The stones with inscriptions that glorify a person’s virtues and record their creations were called »engraved stones« in the Qin Dynasty, and »steles« after the Han Dynasty. There are not many steles in clerical script from the Western Han, aside from Stone Inscription of the Wufeng Times, Stone Inscription of Yang Liang’s Buying the Mountain, and Inscription on Stone of the Guangling Middle Hall. Engraved stones of the Xin Dynasty include Stone Inscription for Laizi Marquis. In the Eastern Han Dynasty, steles flourished. As The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons by Liu Xie says: »Since Later Han, many steles and stone tablets have been created.« There are over 300 extant inscriptions (including cliff inscriptions) from the Eastern Han Dynasty. Many of them are classics of stele inscriptions that have widely been remarked upon since the Tang and Song dynasties. In particular, famous steles at the Confucian Temple, such as Stele for Yi Ying, Stele of Sacrificial Vessels, and Stele for Shi Chen have an important place in the history of calligraphy. In the Qin Dynasty, as the stele tradition of calligraphy was advocated, the steles from the Han Dynasty were also valued. In the 20th century, many exquisite Han steles have been excavated, such as Residue Stone for Chaohou Xiaozi, Residue Stone for Zhang Jing, Stele for Xian Yuhuang, and Stele for Wang Sheren.The most important Eastern Han steles date back to the time between Emperor An and Emperor Ling (107–189 CE), with the best inscriptions from Shandong, followed by Shaanxi and Henan. As devotion to Confucianism was the norm in the Han Dynasty, the Confucian Temple in Luxian (present-day Qufu, Shandong Province) began to be rebuilt in the first year of Yongxing, in the reign of Emperor Huan (153 CE). Afterwards, the

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scale of the temple was expanded, many steles were erected, and notes were inscribed. The most famous steles in Han clerical script include Stele for Yi Ying, Stele of Sacrificial Vessels, and Stele for Shi Chen. Stele for Yi Ying has 18 lines with 40 characters each, inscribed in clerical script without forehead inscription. The inscriptions are completely intact. It is a representative work of the mature Han clerical script. The structure of the characters is well-balanced with powerful a skeleton. The strokes are rigorous, refined, dignified and elegant. Stele of Sacrificial Vessels (Fig.  3.4.12) has 16 lines with 36 characters each, inscribed in clerical script on all four sides, but without forehead inscription. It was erected in the second year of Yongshou (156 CE) in the reign of Emperor Huan of Eastern Han at the Confucian Temple in Qufu, Shandong Province. The characters have been preserved in such good condition that the edges of the strokes are as sharp as new. This work was recorded in two Northern Song documents, Collection of Antiques (Jigu lu 集古录), by Ou Yangxiu, and Bronze and Stone Inscriptions (Jinshi lu 金石录), by Zhao Mingcheng. The strokes are characteristic of a powerful skeleton, and the end of curve strokes is often highlighted with extra weight. This inscription has always been rated by various schools as one of the best works of Han clerical script. There are many versions of rubbings. Among them, the most refined is the one from the Ming Dynasty. Stele for Shi Chen has inscriptions in clerical script on both front and back sides, the front side inscribed with the text Report on Sacrifice to Confucius, and the back side inscribed with Stele of Sacrifices in the Confucian Temple. It is located at the Confucian Temple in Qufu, Shandong Province. The front inscription dates back to the second year of Jianning in the reign of Emperor Ling of Eastern Han (169 CE). It has 17 lines with 36 characters per line. The back inscription

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3.4.12  Stele of Sacrificial Vessels, preserved at the ­Confucian Temple in Qufu, Shandong

dates to the first year of Jianning (168 CE). It has 14 lines with 36 characters per line, and the clerical script of the stele follows rigorous rules. It has well-structured characters in the square form, with restrained and sometimes rounded strokes. In general, it has a relatively reserved calligraphic style. Neither inscription has suffered much damage, but the latter in particular is in good condition and is as clear as if it were original. The three above-mentioned steles of the Confucian Temple have a fine stone quality, an excellent engraving technique, and clear strokes. The strokes remain precise, almost without any loss of detail. This is especially evident in the rubbings from the Ming Dynasty, which present the ink traces as if they were original. In general, the calligraphy has a dignified, archaic and elegant style, corresponding to the ritual environment of the Confucian Temple. They belong to the best steles in Han clerical script.

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In addition, other representative Han steles also are especially expressive—for example, the archaic Inscription on Taishi Stone Gate, the concise Stele for Recording the Contributions of Pei Cen, the elegant Stele for Zheng Gu, the free Stele of Fenglong Mountain, the elegant Stele for Kong Zhou, the distinctive rhythm in Stele of Mount Hua Temple at the West Alps, the dignified Stele for Heng Fang, the natural richness in Inscription for Han Ren, the forceful Stele for Ying Zhou, the powerful Stele for Baishi Shenjun, the mild Stele for Cao Quan, the elegant Stele for Kong Biao, the powerful Stele for Zhang Qian, the archaic Stele for Xia Cheng, the elegant Stele for Liu Xiong, and the lightness of Residue Stele for Ziyou. These are all exemplary steles of the Eastern Han Dynasty, which form a rich repertoire of inscriptions in Han clerical script. Among them, the most representative are Inscription on Taishi Stone Gate, Stele of Mount Hua Temple at the West Alps, Stele for Cao Quan, and Stele for Zhang Qian. Inscription on Taishi Stone Gate was created in the fifth year of Yuanchu in the reign of Emperor An of Eastern Han (118 CE). The gate is located in front of the Zhongyue Temple in Mount Taishi at the Song Mountains, Henan Province. The characters are inscribed in clerical script with shallow engraving. They have a sparse, square-shaped and regular structure. Although the strokes are no longer clear due to weathering, they still retain highly archaic character. Stele of Mount Hua Temple at the West Alps was erected in the eighth year of Yanxi in the reign of Emperor Huan of Eastern Han (165 CE). At the end of the inscription is inscribed: »Written by Guo Xiangcha, the scribe from Xinfeng.« It is recorded in Collection of Antiques, by Ou Yangxiu, and Bronze and Stone Inscriptions, by Zhao Mingcheng of the Northern Song. The stele was originally located at Mount Hua, but it was destroyed during the Ming Dynasty. Now, only rubbings have been passed down. Among them, the best versions include the »Rubbings of Changyuan,« »Rubbings

CHAPTER IV PAINTINGS, CALLIGRAPHY AND SEALS OF THE QIN AND HAN DYNASTIES

of Huayin,« »Rubbings of Siming,« and »Rubbings of Linglongshan House.« The clerical script of this work has a similar style to that of Stele of Sacrificial Vessels. Both of them have a restrained structure for individual characters, as well as distinctive undulating strokes with much variety and rhythm. In general, it has an elegant calligraphic style. Stele for Cao Quan was erected in the second year of Zhongping in the reign of Emperor Ling of Eastern Han (185 CE). It was excavated in Heyang, Shaanxi Province at the beginning of Emperor Wanli’s reign in the Ming Dynasty. It is now preserved in the Xi’an Forest of Steles Museum. The clerical inscriptions are intact today. The characters have a flattened structure, a light and graceful shape, gentle strokes, and a free but refined style. The strokes tend to expand outwards, since the right-falling and horizontal strokes are often the main strokes of a character, which are highlighted with silkworm’s head and swallow’s tail. The technique of engraving is excellent, and the subtleties of the brushstrokes in highlighting, hiding, starting and stopping are vivid. Stele for Zhang Qian was erected in the third year of Zhongping in the reign of Emperor Ling of Eastern Han (186 CE). It was excavated in the early Ming Dynasty, and it is now preserved at Dai Temple in Tai’an, Shandong. The clerical script has a rigorously controlled overall shape. The use of square-shaped strokes that are angular in turns is remarkable in this work. In general, it has an archaic and uncomplicated style. Depending on the complexity of the strokes, the characters may be large or small, flat or square, and are full of changes. Among the inscriptions in Han clerical script, it is a model of majestic simplicity, and has been valued since the Ming Dynasty. In addition to aforementioned inscriptions, the famous Xiping Stone Classics (Xiping shijing 熹平 石经) also deserves special attention. According to historical sources such as »Biographies of Cai Yong« in Book of the Later Han, since many mis-

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takes occurred during the copying of the Confucian classics, Cai Yong and other ministers made a request in the fourth year of Xiping in the reign of Emperor Ling of Eastern Han (175 CE). They suggested that a revised version of the »Six Confucian Classics« be engraved and placed outside the gate of the Imperial Academy as a standard for scholars to study. This request was approved by Emperor Ling, and Cai Yong was asked to write the text—which was later engraved by artisans onto steles. The engraved classics include Classic of Poetry, Book of Documents, Book of Changes, Book of Rites, Spring and Autumn Annals, Gongyang Commentary, and The Analects. This magnificent project took eight years before its completion in the sixth year of Guanghe (183 CE). The stone classics were inscribed on 46 steles on both front and back sides, each stele measuring ten feet in height, four feet in width. The steles were joined together in a spectacular way, originally exhibited outside the gate of the Imperial Academy in Luoyang. At that time, the streets were crowded with people who desired to visit and copy the stone classics. However, after more than 300 years of the Wei, Jin, and Southern and Northern Dynasties, the stone classics were still incomplete. During the Sui Dynasty, the extant steles were moved from Luoyang to Chang’an. In the early years of Zhenguan, of the Tang Dynasty, Wei Zheng tried his best to collect the stone classics, but »there was even not a single one left among ten steles.« After the Tang Dynasty, the stone fragments were unearthed one after another. Since the Republic of China, in the south of Luoyang, on the south bank of the Luo River, a number of stone classics have been found—hundreds of pieces in total. They are now preserved in various places both at home and abroad. For example, fragments of Book of Changes, now preserved in the Shanghai Museum, are engraved on both front and back sides of a stele with more than 490 words. Stele Inscribed with a Eulogy to the Imperial Academy (Taixuezan bei 太学赞碑)

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(fragment) is now preserved in the National Museum of China. The calligrapher of the project, Cai Yong, with the courtesy name Bojie, was a native of Chenliuyu (now in Qixian, Henan Province), and was a consulting court officer in the reign of Emperor Ling of Eastern Han. In the first year of Chuping in Emperor Xian’s reign (190 CE), he was titled Left Leader for the court officers and was named Township Marquis of Gaoyang. He was proficient in Confucian classics and history, music theory, astronomy, poetry, and calligraphy. His calligraphic works include Xiping Stone Classics. His theoretical treatises on calligraphy include Rhapsody on the Brush (Bifu 笔赋), Discussion on the Brush (Bilun 笔论), Configuration of Seal Script (Zhuanshi 篆势), and Nine Configurations (Jiushi 九势). Xiping Stone Classics shows a balanced style, between the square and flat shape of characters, the restraint and expansion of the calligraphic gesture, and different weight of the strokes. Specifically, the flat-shaped characters in clerical script are extended vertically, so that they appear square. The strokes are balanced to create more audience-friendly forms. The strokes with silkworm head and swallow tail are well-controlled, in that the left-falling and hook are strengthened to balance the overemphasized horizontal and right-falling strokes. In this way, compared with other Eastern Han steles in clerical script, Xiping Stone Classics is particularly rigorous and standardized. They follow a uniform pattern, and have precision. Very few strokes are carelessly executed. For this reason, many believe that the stylistic rigidity in this work destroys the charm of calligraphy. In developing the seal script into the clerical script, the strokes and overall shape were transformed from the rounded to the square, from the reserved to the open. In the history of ancient Chinese calligraphy, Han clerical script, represented by the clerical inscriptions on Eastern Han steles, is a prominent form. It has a strict and neat shape

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as well as strokes with many turns and undulations, including the characteristic silkworm head and swallow tail. The large number of Eastern Han inscriptions in clerical script see great stylistic variety. However, they follow a rigorous pattern, seen from the square, regular shape and the wide, flat and stable structure of characters. The strokes are configured in a stable manner, such as the horizontal and vertical strokes that are not slanted. This is also in line with the serious tone of Han steles in glorifying the contributions and virtues of a person. As the characters are already neatly distributed, the design of the overall structure and development of form play a less important role. Despite such rigidity, the undulations in strokes can also be seen as the result of striving for variety within the rigorous pattern. These undulations are not only the most prominent decorative devices in this script, but also the only elements that bring obvious changes in weight: upward and downward movement of the brush. In fact, the stylistic differences between different Han steles often come down to different undulation patterns. The relationship between undulations and other strokes is often not complex, since the structure is often rigorously configured. The undulations are basically a static element instead of traces of quick and dynamic movement. Therefore, beginners of Chinese calligraphy in later times often start with the Han clerical script, since it is easier to grasp its form than that of other scripts. Between the Han and Wei dynasties, Zhong You abandoned the clerical script and created the regular script. The most significant change was the weakening of the undulating strokes in clerical script. Since the Qin and Han dynasties, there have always been remnants of cliff inscriptions. In this calligraphic format, the texts are engraved directly onto the stone surfaces of cliffs. In Hanzhong, a city which lies in the Qinling Mountains, a number of cliff inscriptions are engraved in clerical script along steep ancient roads, and date back to the Eastern Han Dynasty. These include Stone In-

CHAPTER IV PAINTINGS, CALLIGRAPHY AND SEALS OF THE QIN AND HAN DYNASTIES

scription About Chujun’s Opening the Baoxie Road, Appraisal of Stone Gate, Tables and Records of Yanghuai, Appraisal of Xixia Road, and Appraisal of Fuge Road. These Eastern Han cliff inscriptions look uniquely archaic after thousands of years of weathering. Stone Inscription About Chujun’s Opening the Baoye Road was engraved from the sixth to the ninth year of Yongping in the reign of Emperor Ming of Eastern Han (63–66 CE). Baoye Road was an ancient trestle road that connected River Bao and River Ye valleys and ran through the Qinling Mountains. The southern entrance of the ancient trestle road, also known as Baogu, is an artificial tunnel dug in the Qin and Han Period, called the »stone gate,« which is dozens of miles north of Hanzhong City, in Shaanxi Province. Many inscriptions have been engraved on the stone gate since the Han and Wei dynasties, and are known as »stone gate inscriptions.« Stone Inscription About Chujun’s Opening the Baoye Road is the earliest among the stone gate inscriptions. It records the history of the opening of Baoye Road by people such as Chunjun, the governor of the Hanzhong Commandery. In 1970, as the Baohe Reservoir was built near the stone gate, and the stone was moved to the Hanzhong Museum, in Shaanxi Province, along with other stone gate inscriptions. The inscription is engraved in clerical script in an archaic and majestic style. Commentaries on Steles (Pingbei ji 平碑记) by Yang Shoujing comments: »There is great variety in length and width of the characters, which ruptures the neatness. They are naturally archaic and elegant, as if they were part of the natural pattern of the stones. For hundreds of generations thereafter, no one will be able to imitate the style. This is called the divine class of calligraphy.« Refined versions of rubbings include the light ink rubbings by Sun Xingyan, of the Qing Dynasty. Appraisal of Stone Gate (Fig.  3.4.13), also one of the stone gate inscriptions, is inscribed in clerical script and contains more than 600 characters. It

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3.4.13  Appraisal of Stone Gate, preserved in the Hanzhong Museum, Shaanxi Province

was originally engraved on the west wall of the stone gate, and is now preserved in the Hanzhong Museum. It was engraved in the second year of Jianhe in the reign of Emperor Huan of Eastern Han (148 CE). The strokes are vigorous and sinuous, with many dynamic undulations. At the turns, the strokes are very distinctive, in that they are not confined to either square or rounded form. The structure of the characters is sparse and broad, which fits best with the strokes. According to Commentaries on Steles, by Yang Shoujing: »Its strokes are just like a wild crane and free gull, floating like immortals. The sparse and elegant calligraphic tradition of the Six Dynasties all originated from this work.« This belongs to the »untrammeled class« of Eastern Han cliff inscriptions, and has been highly praised since the Qing Dynasty. Tables and Records of Yanghuai, one of the stone gate inscriptions, was engraved in clerical script in the second year of Xiping, in the reign of Emperor Ling of Eastern Han (173 CE). It was originally carved on the west wall of the stone gate, and is now preserved in the Hanzhong Museum.

The calligraphic shape and gesture are similar to those of Appraisal of Stone Gate. The strokes look archaic and rugged.Appraisal of Xixia Road, also known as Table of West Hui’an (Hui’an xibiao 惠安 西表), was engraved in clerical script in the fourth year of Jianning in the reign of Emperor Ling of Eastern Han (171 CE). The strokes are relatively square-shaped. In general, it has a light and archaic calligraphic style.Appraisal of Fuge Road, engraved in official script in the fifth year of Jianning, in the reign of Emperor Ling of Eastern Han (172 CE), is now preserved in the Lingya Temple, several miles south of Lueyang County, Shaanxi Province. The characters have a square shape and neat structure. The strokes with clear turns and stops are engraved in a profound manner. Many of the original engravings have been peeled off due to weathering. However, after restoration in the Southern Song and Ming dynasties, more than 200 characters still remain today.

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CHAPTER IV PAINTINGS, CALLIGRAPHY AND SEALS OF THE QIN AND HAN DYNASTIES

Section 3  Seals of the Qin and Han Dynasties Developed on the basis of Warring States seals, seals of the Qin and Han dynasties witnessed great progress, both official and private seals having a more mature form. In addition, the artistic language of seals was further enriched. In particular, the form of Han seals changed. First, characters were engraved on seals in the winding seal script. Second, the form tended to be more well-structured and elegant, which set a standard for later generations. Among the seals of this period, the Han seal inscribed in intaglio (with white characters and red ground) was the most typical. Aside from that, there were also the very unique bird-worm-script seals. Rich materials are available for the study of the Qin and Han seals, including a large number of extant Qin and Han seals, red ink pastes that preserved seal traces of the Han Dynasty, as well as seal stamps on excavated Han bamboo and wooden slips.

1. Forms of Qin and Han Seals Most pre-Qin seals were made during the Warring States Period. In that period, different states were striving for hegemony, and their scripts were not standardized. From written records and physical objects, it is clear that seals were made and used differently by different states, and a standardized form of the seal did not exist. The size of the seal scripts was different, and the shapes of the stamp surfaces varied between square and round. Also, it was not determined if the characters were carved in relief or in intaglio. However, because seals were widely used, people had much experience in producing seals and designing their form. As a result, many different seal forms were developed during the Warring States Period. On that basis, seals developed comprehensively in the Qin and Han dynasties. In order to accommodate the new bureaucratic administrative system of the unified

3.4.14 Official seals of the Qin Dynasty

Qin empire, a more mature official seal system was established. An official seal is a seal issued by a higher official to lower officials of a different rank. The seal script shows the title of their official position.The form of official seals in the Qin and Han dynasties, including the material, seal knob, attached ribbon, seal format, seal script, name of the seal types, etc., all began to follow certain regulations. The most striking feature of the Qin official seal was that the stamp surfaces were divided into a four-square grid in the form of »田« (Fig. 3.4.14), which continued the practice of the Warring States Period. In the early years of the Western Han Dynasty, official seals retained the same format. According to »Annals of Qin Shi Huang« in Records of the Grand Historian, in the Qin state of the Warring States Period, both the king and the empress dowager had their own imperial seals. After the Qin unification, it was stipulated that the seal used by the emperor should be called »the imperial seal,« and should be made of jade, while the seal used by the ministers and ordinary people should be called »seals.« In the annotation of the »Imperial Seal of Emperor Gao« from the third year of Jianwu (27 CE), quoted in the »Annals of Emperor Guangwu« in Book of the Later Han, Collection of Imperial Jade Seals (Yuxi pu 玉 玺谱) is quoted. According to the quotation, after Qin Shi Huang’s initial unification of the empire, the Lantian jade was used to engrave the imperial seal. The seal script was written by the Grand Chancellor Li Si. It read, »Having received the

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Mandate from Heaven, may the emperor lead a long and prosperous life.« After the end of the Qin Dynasty, Ziying, the King of Qin, presented this imperial jade seal to Liu Bang, Emperor Gaozu of Han. Later, Wang Mang usurped the throne and asked Empress Yuan for the seal, but she refused. When he forced her to give it him, she threw it to the ground, and a corner of the chi dragon carving went missing. After Wang Mang’s defeat, the jade seal fell into the hands of Liu Xiu, Emperor Guangwu of Han. In the aforementioned annotation, Definitions in Government and Administration (Duduan 独断) by Cai Yong was also quoted. According to the quotation, the emperor has six imperial seals, all with jade seal knob in the shape of chi dragon and tiger. They were called, respectively, »The Emperor’s Seal for Action,« »The Seal of the Emperor,« »The Seal of the Emperor for Credentials,« »The Seal of Heaven’s Son for Action,« »The Seal of Heaven’s Son,« and »The Seal of Heaven’s Son for Credentials.« These six seals were regarded as the symbols of the Mandate of Heaven, and thus were the ultimate standard for seals. Collection of Lute Seals records a lute seal entitled »The Seal of the Emperor for Credentials.« It is carved with characters in small seal script in intaglio, as well as the four-square grid. It would have been the remains of one of the six jade seals owned by Qin Shi Huang. After the Han Dynasty, the seals used by kings could also be called »imperial seals.« Explaining and Analyzing Characters claims, »The imperial seal is the seal of those who rule.« Today, after the excavation of seals such as »The Seal of the Empress,« »The Seal of King Guangling,« and »The Seal of Shuoning Empress Dowager,« the general shape of the seals of the royal family and kings in the Han Dynasty has been brought to light. The establishment of the official seal system in the Qin and Han dynasties was directly related to the hierarchical system of official rank. »Table of Occupants of High State Offices« in Book of Han

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states: »The Qin annexed other states, established the name of the emperor, as well as hundreds of official positions. The Han inherited it and did not reform it.« According to this quotation, the Han Dynasty inherited the official system from the Qin Dynasty. In ancient times, seals were credentials for the appointment of an official, known as »granting a seal for appointing an official.« As recorded in »Biographies of Marquis Huaiyin,« in Records of the Grand Historian, Xiang Yu sent his envoy to persuade Han Xin to oppose Han and ally with Chu. Han Xin replied, »When the King of Han has granted me the Seal of the Supreme General and given me tens of thousands of people for political advice and strategy, how can I betray him?« This shows that seals had great symbolic significance. The official seals of civil and military officials were all produced by the Seal Department of the government, and size was standardized around a square inch. »Table of Occupants of High State Offices« in Book of Han has precise records of the corresponding seal formats and ribbon for different officials. For example, chancellor of state, grand chancellor, defender-in-chief, grand preceptor, grand mentor, grand guardian, general of the front, rear, left and right division were all granted gold seals with purple ribbons. The censor-in-chief was granted with a silver seal with a blue ribbon. Other officials also followed specific regulations, such as silver seals with blue ribbons for officials with a salary over 2,000 dan, bronze seals with black ribbons for a salary over 600

3.4.15  Seal of the Langya Chancellor

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dan, and bronze seals with yellow ribbons for a salary over 200 dan. From the accessory clerk to the grand chancellor, there were 120,285 officials in the whole empire. They were given a seal once they were appointed. With such a large number of officials, it is clear that in the 400 years of the Han Dynasty, a great many official seals were issued. As for lowly officials of the Han Dynasty, such as village chief, they made a half-size seal by themselves which was rectangular and about half the size of the normal, square seal. This seal format had already been already seen in the Qin Dynasty. However, the Qin half-size seal had a visible grid in the shape of »日,« whereas its Han variant did not. In the early Western Han Dynasty, the normal official seal was still based on the Qin four-square grid format with four characters. Later, it was changed to a five-character format, and hence the four-square grid was abolished. According to »Records of Suburban Sacrifices« in Book of Han, the change was made in the first year of Taichu, in Emperor Wu’s reign (104 BCE). If the official title was less than five characters, it was often complemented with »seal,« such as »Seal of the Supreme General (上将军印章),« in the Palace Museum, and »Seal of Grand Chancellor (丞相之印章),« recorded by Collection of Lute Seals. In the Xin and Eastern Han dynasties, seals often followed a similar format, such as the »Seal of the Chief Commandant of Agriculture of Sheping Commandery (设屏农尉印),« in the Shanghai Museum, and »Seal of the Langya Chancellor (琅邪相印章),« in the Palace Museum (Fig. 3.4.15). Granting official seals was an important ritual in the political and military exchanges between the Han Dynasty and its neighboring states and local powers. According to »Biographies of the Southwestern Barbarians« in Records of the Grand Historian, Emperor Wu of Han launched an army to conquer the southwestern barbarians in the second year of the Yuanshou (121 BCE), established the Yizhou Commandery, and »granted the King of Dian with a seal.« In 1956, a gold seal with

CHAPTER IV PAINTINGS, CALLIGRAPHY AND SEALS OF THE QIN AND HAN DYNASTIES

snake-shaped knob inscribed with »Seal of the King of Dian« was unearthed from the Shizhaishan Han Tomb in Jinning, Yunnan. According to historical records, Emperor Xuan of Han granted the »Imperial Seal of the Ruler of the Xiongnu«. However, Wang Mang changed the inscriptions to »Seal of the Ruler of the Xiongnu.« Many extant Han seals were granted by the Han government to the ruler of the Xiongnu, such as the bronze seal of »The Chief of the Xiongnu of Han Who Submits to and is Friendly to the Han Dynasty,« unearthed in Qinghai, and the bronze seal of »The Chief of the Xiongnu of Han who Beat the Enemy,« preserved in Shanghai Museum. According to »Biographies of the Eastern Barbarians« in Book of the Later Han, in the second year of Jianwu Zhongyuan (57 CE), the Na state in Wa (Japan) came to visit the Han Dynasty, whereupon Emperor Guangwu »granted them with the seal and the ribbon.« In 1784, a gold seal with snake-shaped knob was found in Shika Island in Fukuoka Prefecture, Japan, inscribed with »The King of the Na State of the Wa of the Han Dynasty.« It is preserved at the Fukuoka City Museum. In 1981, a gold seal with a turtle-shaped knob, inscribed with »Imperial Seal of Guangling King,« was found in Hanjiang, Yangzhou, Jiangsu Province. It belonged to Liu Jing, the Guangling King of the Eastern Han Dynasty. It is similar in shape, size and script style to the gold seal »King of Na.« Han official seals were generally very strictly and neatly cast, but some might have been made roughly and hastily. Most of these were »made hastily« in order to appoint frontier generals or appease local leaders in a short period of time, including seals such as »Valiant Marshal« and »Cavalry Attendant.« In terms of private seals, the Qin and the early Western Han Dynasty followed the old standard of a smaller format. Most of them were small squareshaped seals, but there were also rectangular and round seals. The stamp surface was often carved with a frame, in which characters were placed. Only the name of the seal owner, comprising two

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or three characters, was inscribed. In most cases, the name was carved in intaglio. Most round private seals date back to the Qin Dynasty. In this format, the name of the owner was carved within a frame divided into two or three parts on the stamp surface. This seal format was less-used in later times. After Emperor Wu of Han, the stamp surface of the private seal was gradually enlarged. They could be as large as official seals, no longer carved with a frame. On the seal, the name is often followed by the word »seal (印),« »the seal of (之印),« »seal credential (印信),« »credential seal (信印),« »private seal (私印),« etc., so that there is a well-balanced number of characters and a neat format. It is clear that the formal changes of private seals and official seals occurred almost at the same time. Private seals included the two-side seal and the nesting seal—or »mother-and-son seal.« The two-side seal was inscribed with characters on both the upper and lower sides, usually with the name on one side and the characters »Minister (臣某),« »Madam (妾某),« or figurative images on the other. It had no knobs, but only a hole for wearing a ribbon on its body, so it was also called the »ribbon seal.« In fact, it had already appeared in the pre-Qin Period. As for the nesting seal, it comprised a large and a small seal made of copper, which could be nested together. The surface of the mother seal was larger than that of the son seal, and the characters followed the same format as the two-side seal. But it was a not common type of private seal in the late Han Dynasty. In addition, there was the bird-and-worm script seal among Han private seals. A richly decorated frame for characters was carved, with images of the chi dragon, fish, and four auspicious beasts. By the late Eastern Han Dynasty, it was also common to see a seal with inscriptions both in relief and in intaglio, which gives an ingenious appearance. In addition, there were also auspicious phrase seals, prophecy seals, and so on. In the Warring States Period and in the Qin Dynasty, auspicious

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phrase seals usually had a four-character inscription, and were also known as proverb seals, such as the »loyal and benevolent thinkers« seal, and the »good for people and in harmony with the public« seal. Besides four-character seals, there were also two-character and three-character seals, such as »prolong life,« »joy will not cease,« and »good for children and grandchildren.« There were also seals with more than ten characters or even up to 30 words, such as the »great wealth« seal preserved in the Tianjin Museum of Art, with 16 characters. The inscription reads, »May you have great wealth, good luck, be fit for the position of marquis or king, and for thousands of years may joy never cease.« The Tianjin Museum of Art also preserves »Zhao Xu’s thirty-character seal,« whose inscription reads: »A seal credential of Zhao Xu, Zichan: Good fortune came when he flew to Mount Hua on the floating clouds days before; there, he ate beautiful jade, drank from the heavenly spring, took famous medicine, and approached immortals.« All of these seals date from the Han Dynasty. As for the prophecy seal, it was also called the occult practitioner seal. Because the inscriptions usually included»Huang god from heaven and Yuezhang god from the netherworld,« they are also known as »Huang and Yuezhang God Seals.« They were used by the Daoists of the Han Dynasty. According to »Climbing and Wading« (»Dengshe« 登涉), in Master Who Embraces Simplicity, Inner Chapters (Baopuzi neipian 抱朴子内篇) by Ge Hong of the Jin Dynasty, when the ancients went into the mountains, they all took »Huang and Yuezhang God Seals.« They were four inches wide, with 120 characters, and had the magic power of keeping tigers and wolves away. The extant seals include »Seal of the Yellow God,« »Seal of the Yellow God, Yuezhang God,« »Seal of the Yellow God and Yuezhang God, Heavenly Gods,« and others. They were all used as talismans, intended for seeking fortune, avoiding misfortune, suppressing demons and subduing beasts.

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3.4.16  Seals in bird-worm script

The seal stating »May Cai have great wealth worth millions,« with a copper pillar knob, is preserved in the Shanghai Museum, and engraved in relief— which is a rare find from the Han Dynasty. The stamp surface is large, inscribed with characters in deep relief, but without any frame to contain the characters. The knob is very high. When using it, it was first burnt with fire, and then stamped on a horse, or leather or wooden wares, and known as »a seal for branding.« The earliest of this type, produced by mold casting, dates back to the Warring States Period. Usually, no frame is engraved to contain the inscriptions. In the official seal system of the Qin and Han dynasties, the material and texture, the knob format, and the color of the ribbon, are all representative of the status of the seal holder. For example, the emperor and empress wore jade seals. The feudal prince, grand chancellor, minor marquis, general, and the Three Dukes wore gold seals. Silver seals were worn by the Nine Chamberlains, governor of the commandery, commandant and other officials that earned a salary of more than one thousand dan. Bronze seals were worn by those whose salary was below a thousand dan. Most extant Qin and Han seals are made of copper, followed by jade, and, further, gold, silver, iron and agate. Very few are made of glass, pottery, or bone. The jade seals of the Han Dynasty were worn by emperors, empresses and kings. They were carved precisely to a high standard, such as the »Imperial Seal of the Empress« and the »Imperial Seal of King Huaiyang.« It is also common to find pri-

vate jade seals of the Han Dynasty, such as the »Ren Qiang« seal and the »Wei Ba« seal. The jade seals with bird-worm script (Fig.  3.4.16) include the »Shao, Beauty Favored by the Emperor« seal and the »Wuyi« seal, for instance. They have a refined carving technique and are among the most well-known Han seals. The jade used for making Han seals has a rather high density. According to a study of ancient jade carving techniques, the jade seal was probably abraded by the »granules for abrading jade,« which were put into an abrasive tool driven by a wheel. Through the careful abrading process, the seal inscriptions were engraved in a very refined manner. In the Qin and Han dynasties, methods adopted to engrave metal seals included model casting and the chisel. In the former, the seal body, knob and inscriptions were cast together. In the latter, the seal body and knob were cast at first, and then the inscription was chiseled by a sharp instrument, so that concave characters were engraved, also known as inscriptions in intaglio. All official seals were engraved in intaglio, and so were private seals. Inscriptions in relief were rarely found. The reason might be attributed to the need to make the inscriptions more distinct on the seal lute. From the Han Dynasty onward, official letters were usually written on batches of bamboo or wooden slips. They were tied with a string and fixed with seal lute. To prevent an illegal private opening, seal inscription was stamped on the lute as credentials. The use of seal lute dates back to the Warring States Period, and was

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SECTION 3 SEALS OF THE QIN AND HAN DYNASTIES

3.4.17  Imperial Seal of Emperor Wen for Action, preserved in Museum of the Mausoleum of the Nanyue King in Guangzhou, Guangdong Province

first called »seal lute« in the Han Dynasty. The perfection of the seal system, and the wide use of seals during the Qin and Han dynasties was actually related to the establishment of the seal lute system. Interestingly, the seal trace on the lute has an opposite form from engraving. If the engraving on the seal is in intaglio, the characters stamped on the lute will stand out in relief. As far as the engraving technique is concerned, the engraving in intaglio is more convenient than that of relief. In ancient times, seals were not only used to stamp credential markings, but also served as credentials and symbols of identity. During the Qin and Han dynasties, from the emperor to civil and military officials, all attached a ribbon to the seal as a sign of self-esteem. The ancient seals all had a hole in the knob, which was intended for attaching the ribbon. The knobs of Qin seals were mostly ring knobs or half-cylinder knobs based on the old system of the Warring States Period. However, in the Han Dynasty, the format of seal knob became more elaborate. There was even a whole set of knob hierarchy to distinguish between ranks. According to the quotation from Ancient Rules of the Former Han (Han jiuyi 汉旧仪), by »Table of Occupants of High State Offices« and annotated by

Yan Shigu, feudal princes used the gold seal with a camel-shaped knob. The inscription read, »Imperial Seal of the King.« Minor marquis used the silver seal with a turtle-shaped knob, and the inscription read, »Stamp of the Official (某官之章).« Officials with a salary of over 600 dan, over 400 dan, and over 200 dan all used copper seals with a ring knob, not with an animal-shaped knob. The inscription read, »Seal of the Official (某官之印).« If we compare the written records with the actual seals of the Qin and Han dynasties, it is clear that the shape of seal knob followed a hierarchical order from high to low: the knob in the shape of chi dragon or tiger, camel-shaped knob, turtle-shaped knob, ring knob and arched tileshaped knob. Among them, the knob in the shape of chi dragon or tiger was exclusive to the Qin and Han emperors, such as the gold chi dragon knob of the »Imperial Seal of Emperor Wen for Action« (Fig.  3.4.17), excavated at the Tomb of Nanyue King of Western Han, and the jade chi tiger knob of the »Imperial Seal of the Empress,« which was passed down through history. The extant Han seals with camel-shaped knob were awarded to all levels of officials from the Xiongnu, Xianbei and other remote ethnic groups.

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The turtle-shaped knob was common in the Han Dynasty, but its shape differed between earlier and later periods. In the early period, the turtle’s back was slightly flat, the turtle’s feet were short and less vertical, and the head was short and slightly pulled back. In the late period, its back was high and thick, its feet were high and vertical, and its head was more stretched out. In the Xin Dynasty, the turtle’s shell stuck out in the center, and the turtle’s head and tail were in a low position. It is vividly portrayed, with a refined engraving technique. The ring knob was the most common type of knob in this period. It followed the most common knob format of the Warring States seals. In the early Han Dynasty, the ring knobs were low and narrow, but in the later period, they became slightly taller and wider, corresponding to the changed seal body. Since they took the form of an arched tile, they were called »arched tile-shaped knobs.« The jade seals of the Han Dynasty almost all had an arched tile-shaped knob, which was very simple. The exceptions, such as the chi tiger knob of the »Imperial Seal of the Empress,« and the wild goose knob of the seal »Shao, Beauty Favored by the Emperor,« are extremely rare.

2. The Art of Qin and Han Seals Qin and Han seals are considered classic in the history of Chinese seals. This high status is, first of all, related to the achievement of the seal script in the Qin and Han dynasties. In the Han Dynasty, the clerical script replaced the seal script as the standard script, but in some special cases the seal script was preserved as an orthodox and archaic symbol to be revered. The most typical case is the seal script on seals. Today, we still refer to the art of seal-engraving as »seal script engraving.« According to Explaining and Analyzing Characters by Xu Shen, there were eight types of script in the Qin Dynasty, namely, the large seal script, small seal script, inscribed script for passes and certificates, script for imperial seals, worm script for relaying

CHAPTER IV PAINTINGS, CALLIGRAPHY AND SEALS OF THE QIN AND HAN DYNASTIES

government decrees, porch script, weapon script, and clerical script. After the Han Dynasty, there was also the ancient cursive script. Also, it says that there were six types of script in the Xin Dynasty. The fifth type was the »winding seal script used for inscriptions on imperial seals.« In fact, the script inscribed on Qin imperial seals was called »script for imperial seals,« while it was called »winding seal script« in the Xin Dynasty between Western and Eastern Han. The extant materials prove that the major script forms in the Qin and Han dynasties include the big seal script, small seal script, clerical script, and ancient cursive script. Both the »script for imperial seals« of the Qin Dynasty and »winding seal script« of the Xin Dynasty belong to the small seal script. Compared with the large seal script, the small seal script has a more standardized form and a more regular way of writing. Although the Qin seals could often date back to the Qin state, of the Warring States period, the inscriptions became more regular after »the same script for writing« policy. The ancient script of the Warring States Period still retained pictographic elements, but since characters had varying degrees of complexity, it was difficult for the strokes and parts of a character to follow a uniform pattern. Therefore, the inscriptions of the Warring States seals are often distributed unevenly and irregularly across the seal surface, and also arranged in peculiar patterns. This is obviously related to the ancient script of the Warring States Period. In the late Warring States Period,

3.4.18 Han seals »Li Cang,« »Wei Chang,« and »Ren Qiang«

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characters were engraved within a four-square grid. Also, the Qin official seal usually had a grid in the form of »田« or »日.« Both formats served to standardize the inscriptions. Through this process, even after the removal of the grid in the time of Emperor Wu of Han, the seal script remained regular in Han seals. It grew into the systematic script specific for seals known as »winding seal script.« The term »winding« refers to the state of the densely intertwined, curved, richly decorated and precisely executed strokes. In general, Han seals follow the norm of »winding seal script.« Stylistically, the strokes are winding and curved, while structurally, the characters follow a uniform square pattern. Actually, in winding seal script, characters should be arranged in such a pattern, so that they can be neatly inscribed even without frame lines. Regardless of the number of characters, evenness and oddness of their number, complexity and curvature of their strokes, the characters should fit into the clearly defined square pattern. At the same time, it is the rounded strokes that fit into the pattern. On the one hand, the strokes take the form of »jade chopsticks,« which are rounded and gentle. On the other hand, a few distinct rounded strokes contribute to the fluidity and beauty of the script. For example, such strokes are included in characters »nu (奴)« and »zhang (长)« in the Han official seal »The Chief of the Xiongnu of Han who Beat the Enemy.« It is also the case with private seals such as »Private Seal of Zhang Jiu,« »Li Cang,« »Wei Chang,« and »Ren Qiang« (Fig. 3.4.18). In Han seals, not only the form of each character, but also the layout of characters, known as »arrangement of vermilion and white,« plays major roles. The vast majority of Han seals are inscribed in intaglio. The inscription, following the norms of the winding seal script, is evenly distributed on a very large part of the seal surface. Among Han seals, a special type features very thick strokes engraved in intaglio. After being stamped on another surface, it shows a very

SECTION 3 SEALS OF THE QIN AND HAN DYNASTIES

large area of white, hence called »Han full white seals.« Some private seals of the late Han dynasties have both characters in intaglio and in relief. As their seal surface was mostly small, this format is usually followed when the characters differ greatly in complexity. The characters with more complex strokes are inscribed in intaglio, whereas those with simpler strokes are inscribed in relief. As a result, the seal surface is well-balanced, with an appropriate proportion of white and vermilion areas. Although there are many strategies to balance both areas, all of them pursue the ultimate effect of »Han full white.« The frame of this seal is often decorated with four auspicious beasts, including blue dragon, white tiger, vermilion bird, black tortoise, which are characteristic for the times. After all these refinements, despite the space of only a small square, Han seals create a broad spectrum of well-structured patterns with a magnificent quality. Compared with the Han seal inscription, the Qin seal inscription tends to have a slightly reserved style. The reason lies firstly in that the inscription of the latter occupies a smaller proportion of the seal surface. Secondly, the strokes are less stretched out. Lastly, the characters of the Qin seal are restrained within a frame. Compared with the seals with frames, from the early Han Dynasty, those without frames appear broader and emptier. Without a frame, the inscription will be closer to the margin of the seal, so that the majestic effect of »Han full white« can be created. The bird-worm script seals of the Han Dynasty are very distinctive. The bird-worm script was first used in the bronze inscriptions of the Zhou Dynasty. Among the script forms of the Qin and Xin dynasties recorded in the »Postface« to Explaining and Analyzing Characters, by Xu Shen, there is worm script or bird-worm script in addition to »script for imperial seals« and »winding seal script.« It can be inferred that bird-worm script does not belong to the formal script of seal in-

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scriptions. Extant Han seals in bird-worm script mostly date back to the Eastern Han Dynasty. Their calligraphic style is either as graceful as the body of a chi dragon, or a phoenix’ head and tail, which serves to decorate the seal, as well as to pray for good fortune and ward off evil spirits. The bird-worm script seal is extremely splendid and complex, which is quite different from the usual regular square Han seals. However, regarding the script style, it still conforms to the norms of winding seal script. Examples of this type include seals »Shao, Beauty Favored by the Emperor,« »Wuyi,« and »Jiju.« Figurative seals are engraved not with an inscription, but with an image. Quite a number of figurative seals date back to the Warring States Period. Most figurative seals of the Qin and early Han dynasties follow the Warring States tradition. Most of them have bird or beast depictions. The surface of the seal may be round or square. Most depictions are created in intaglio through mold casting. In many cases, the image was cast on the one side of the two-side seals. The images are mostly in intaglio, but occasionally they have decorations in relief. On the figurative seals after around the Eastern Han Dynasty, more subjects can be found, including human affairs, architec-

CHAPTER IV PAINTINGS, CALLIGRAPHY AND SEALS OF THE QIN AND HAN DYNASTIES

ture and animals. Images about human affairs include dances, variety shows, military, carriages with horses, hunting, etc. Images of architecture include pavilions, watchtowers, buildings, cabinets, etc. Animal images include tigers, cranes, dragons, turtles, snakes, fish, deer, horses, frogs, finches, etc. They are vividly portrayed with very refined craftsmanship. Throughout the history of Chinese seals, figurative seals were mostly popular during the Han Dynasty, gradually declining after the Wei and Jin dynasties. After Emperor Qin Shi Huang issued the decree of »same script for writing,« the forms of pre-Qin visual culture were differentiated and reorganized. In the Han Dynasty, they were further differentiated into images, markings, ornaments, paintings, multi-element characters, and single-element characters. The prevalence of figurative seals was also a manifestation of this process. After the Wei and Jin dynasties, with the full differentiation of images, markings, ornaments and paintings, figurative seals gradually subsided. Qin and Han seals had a profound influence over ancient Chinese seals. After the Song and Yuan dynasties, seal studies began to flourish, and their theories were often based on Han seals.

CHAPTER V CRAFTS AND ARCHITECTURE OF THE QIN AND HAN DYNASTIES Section 1  Crafts of the Qin and Han Dynasties The artisans of the Qin and Han dynasties valued both utility and innovation highly in producing artifacts, which were exquisitely conceived, beautifully decorated, and characteristic of the times. Typical artifacts of this period include lamps, bronze jugs, bronze mirrors, hill censers in bronze, cosmetic caskets and boxes in lacquer, pottery pots and jars, brocade and patterned silks. They are unique in various aspects such as the materials, functions, shapes, production and decorative techniques. Most important innovations included the craft modeling of Han bronze lamps and hill censers, the exquisite granulation and filigree techniques in gold ornaments, the improvement of jade hollowing techniques, the introduction of Khotan jade, lacquerware modeling on linen, the maturation of celadon in the Eastern Han Dynasty after a long period of development, and the mature warp jacquard weaving techniques of Han brocade. Cloud patterns, which appeared abundantly in the period, not only frame other images, but also reflects the idea of the five elements and immortal beings. The continuously flowing imagery forms the foundation for auspicious patterns.

1. Function and Pattern The arts and crafts are about the art of making useful things, or artifacts. Their materials, shapes, color and surface decorations reflect the subtle connection between people and artifacts in their daily lives, and the contemporary understanding of the relationship between human and

thing. During the ritual collapse of the Spring and Autumn Period and the Warring States Period, craftsmen overstepped old ritual standards and pursued exquisite craftsmanship. As a result, the arts and crafts showed great diversity. After Qin Shi Huang annihilated the six kingdoms, established a unified empire, standardized the systems of carriages, script and measurement, arts and crafts also entered a new era. The rich experience from the Warring States laid a solid foundation for the arts and crafts of the Qin and Han dynasties. In the Han Dynasty, after the early Han rehabilitation, and the socio-economic development after Emperor Wu, the arts and crafts gained a solid ground for their further development. The idea that »utility is the essence of all arts and crafts« is typical of this time, as mentioned in »Attending to the Basics« in Comments of a Recluse (Qianfu lun 潜夫论), by Wang Fu of Eastern Han. Obviously, the arts and crafts of the Qin and Han, regardless of the material, size, craftsmanship or patterns, mostly had functionally oriented, instead of overly calculated, exaggerated forms. The Qin and Han systems mostly departed from the ancient rites. In the reign of Qin Shi Huang, the ancient system of six official costumes was abolished. It was not until the time of Emperor Ming of Eastern Han that a costume system based on ancient records was established, more than 200 years after the establishment of the Han Dynasty. Although there were some general costume regulations for color, style and material, convenience and daily function were the primary concerns. As for ceremonial jade, the ancient idea was to »use the green jade bi [璧) for sacrifices to heaven, and the yellow jade cong [琮] for sacrifices to earth.«

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Bi and cong were the most important ceremonial jades. However, up to the Qin and Han dynasties, the cong was rare to find, and the bi was very different from the ancient one. The bi at the time was often carved with chi dragons, clouds, phoenixes and other decorations, and the ornamentation often stood out too much from the ring form of a bi. As for bronzeware, Qin and Han bronzeware followed mostly a more practical design than pre-Qin bronze sacrificial vessels in terms of size, craftsmanship and shape. For example, the ding 鼎 pots of the Han were mostly around 20 cm in height. They had extremely thin walls, with three legs and two ears. The three knobs on the lid made it easy to be turned over as a container. The decoration was simple, even plain. Craftsmanship was highly valued for other items that were closely related to daily life. For example, the lamps, hill censers and bronze mirrors of the Han Dynasty were all outstanding innovations. Lamps was used for illumination, censers for incense, and mirrors for judging the appearance. What these objects had in common was that their daily function contained rich cultural meaning. Cosmetic caskets and boxes, brocade, and patterned silks also belonged to this category. The function, craftsmanship, and symbolic connotations of these items were combined into one, which made them classic among Qin and Han arts and crafts. After »the same script for writing« in the reign of Qin Shi Huang, the communicative function of writing was strengthened. As a result, the communicative function of pre-Qin images, symbols and figures was dissolved, while the function of shaping or decoration came to the fore. Compared with the Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods, the decorative patterns of Qin and Han tended to be simple, concise, fresh, and well-organized. They inherited the traditions of pre-Qin ornamentation such as the taotie beast, kui dragon, chi dragon, phoenix, abstract animal patterns, and cloud and thunder patterns. Through abstrac-

CHAPTER V CRAFTS AND ARCHITECTURE OF THE QIN AND HAN DYNASTIES

tion from these patterns, a cloud pattern typical to the Qin and Han was created. On the one hand, it could serve as a compositional frame for decoration, since its form was highly flexible. On the other hand, it reflected the contemporary trend of worshiping the gods and spirits. In the various crafts of the Qin and Han dynasties, the cloud pattern is almost ubiquitous, especially on the hill censer, bronze mirror, lacquer ware, painted pottery, and Han brocade and embroidery. The cloud pattern, which is distinct from pre-Qin decorative systems, is the most representative pattern of the Qin and Han dynasties.

2. Bronze Works The glory of the pre-Qin Period in bronze works was lost in the Qin and Han dynasties. Bronze work of the time was basically daily necessities. With many categories and abundant surviving objects, they are the main objects for research into the history of metal crafts in the Qin and Han dynasties. Qin Shi Huang collected weapons from across the warring states in Xianyang and cast them into twelve giant bronze figures. They were said to be five feet high each, which would have been a miracle at that time. For another example, the bronze carriages and horse models unearthed at the Mausoleum of Qin Shi Huang reflect the high level of Qin bronze craftsmanship with their complex structures. The bronze ding pot with three feet and two ears, 59.5 cm high, excavated from the burial pit, is the largest bronze ding ever unearthed from a Qin site. It is believed to be an important ritual vessel of the Qin Dynasty. In terms of technology, metal smelting technology experienced great improvements after the Warring States Period. Especially after the Qin and Han dynasties, iron smelting technology made great progress, promoting the development of productivity in the handicrafts industry. As a result, crafts of bronze, gold, silver and iron were in full swing during the Qin and Han dynasties. Also, techniques such as gold and silver inlay,

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gold plating, carving, implanting, lost-wax casting, and welding matured. According to »Monograph on Geography« in Book of Han, Shu, Guanghan, Henan, Pingyang, Danyang, Hedong and Anyi were the most famous regions for bronze production. The use of bronze work expanded, not only for official purposes, but also for private purposes. During the Han Dynasty, Imperial Manufactories were established by the government to supervise the production of bronzeware. For example, inscriptions such as »mirror made by Imperial Manufactories« and »mirror by Imperial Manufactories« are often found on Han bronze mirrors. Also, the royal family and nobles often ordered complete sets of bronzewares, such as the exquisite »Zhongshan Palace Treasury« unearthed at the Mancheng Han Tomb in Hebei, and »Mingguang Palace« unearthed at the Xuzhou Han Tomb in Jiangsu. Outside the palaces, there were also workshops for manufacturing bronzeware. Han bronze mirrors, such as »the mirror made by Liu from Western Shu of Han« and »the mirror made by Zhu« were actually produced there. In terms of object types, the bronze pots, jugs, lamps, hill censers and mirrors of the Han Dynasty are the most typical. Besides those, some types from the frontier areas are also very characteristic, such as the bronze drums from the southwest, the bronze sculptures on Dian shell containers unearthed from Shizhaishan, Jinning in Yunnan Province, carved bronze tablets, and large-size bronze wares such as those ingeniously shaped bronze sacrificial tables with cattle and tiger sculptures, animal-head knives and bronze tablets with animal ornaments from the Xiongnu people in the north. The bronze jug was a typical bronze drinking utensil during the Han Dynasty. In general, the jug was both used to contain wine and water—but it was also used as a measuring device. Round jugs were called zhong 钟 and square jugs were called fang 钫. The former was more common than the latter. The classic form of the Han bronze

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jug is represented by the bronze zhong »Zhongshan Palace Treasury« unearthed at Mancheng, Hebei. It has a small open mouth, a relatively thin neck, a bulging belly, a ring foot, and a beast-face ring handle under the shoulder. The shoulder and belly are decorated with several string patterns, and there are several lines of inscriptions under the neck. The complete decoration looks simple and clear. Han bronze jugs are generally characteristic of subtle curves from the mouth to the neck, to the shoulders, to the belly, and to the foot. Two other types of bronze jugs have been excavated from the Mancheng Han Tomb in Hebei. One of them is named »zhong from Changle Palace,« with large gilded rhombus patterns and large round nipples. Inside the rhombus patterns, it is inlaid with light blue glaze. The gold and blue colors match each other and are extremely beautiful. The other jug is named »zhong with gold-silver-inlay and bird-worm script inscription,« decorated with bird-worm script in gold-silver-inlay. The inscriptions include: »The occasion is grand and the fair sumptuous. With happy hearts let us gather in banquet,« and »Let delicacies fill the gates. They are good for our skin and increases our girth.« The jug is of extremely fine craftsmanship. Besides the above-mentioned types, there are also bronze jugs in varied forms, such as in the form of fish, with a chain cover, or with a beam handle. The bronze lamp has a stylish shape and an ingenious design. Besides bronze lamps, there were also jade lamps, ceramic lamps and porcelain lamps. According to Miscellaneous Records of the Western Capital, vol. 3, in Xianyang Palace of Qin, there was a green jade five-branch lamp, 7′5″ high. Its lower part was designed as a panchi dragon, whose mouth held the lamp. When the lamp was burning, the scales of the dragon would move. Among all types of lamps, the bronze lamps had the most subtypes in the Han Dynasty. In terms of function, bronze lamps can be broadly divided into two categories, plate lamps without

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3.5.1 Lamp of Changxin Palace, unearthed at Mancheng Han Tomb in Hebei

lid and flue, and siphon lamps with lid and flue. They are represented by the famous »plate lamp with bronze bird« and »lamp of Changxin Palace« respectively. The former takes a bird with open wings as the body of the lamp, with the mouth of the bird holding a horizontal lamp plate. The claws of the bird lie on a head-up dragon, which serves as the base. The connection between the lamp plate, the bird and the dragon base is designed very properly, and the general shape is well-considered. Lamp of Changxin Palace (Fig. 3.5.1) was unearthed in the tomb of Dou Wan, wife of King Jing of Zhongshan, in Mancheng, Hebei Province. It has inscriptions such as »Imperial Bath Official of Changxin Palace,« »Inner Court bedroom officials are responsible for this product now,« and »Yangxin Family.« The lamp is 48 cm high. A court

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lady holding the lamp with both hands forms its main body. The lady has a graceful posture and stares forward, as if lifting the lamp to lighten up the surrounding space. The lamp body is gilded with glittering gold, featuring exquisite craftsmanship. The lamp plate has a short handle and can be turned. The tile-shaped lampshade can be opened and closed, allowing the direction of light to be adjusted. The right arm of the court lady is hollowed out to form a flue, which is connected to the lampshade. Therefore, the smoke will go up through the flue and fall down to the water in the lamp base. The head and right arm of the lady, the lampshade and lamp base, can be taken apart for easy cleaning. The lamp is wonderfully designed, in that the form and structure not only look beautiful, but also follow function perfectly. The bronze hill censer was popular in the Han Dynasty for burning incense. The body of the censer is hemispherical. The lid is carved into the shape of a mountain with hollowed parts. Gods and spiritual beasts are arranged between cloud patterns. In its original use, incense was put into the censer, and the incense smoke came out of the hollowed holes after igniting. It is single-legged with a base, so it could be placed on top of shelves. But there was another type that stood on the ground with its very high single foot. Sometimes the bronze hill censer was put on a tray-formed base filled with water. In addition, Miscellaneous Records of the Western Capital also records a censer that could be used in a quilt. It is said to have been made by Ding Huan, an artisan from Chang’an. Since »the main body of the censer remained horizontal when transferring around,« it could be placed in the quilt, so it was called »censer in the quilt.« The artisan could also produce nine-layered hill censers, with images of all kinds of spiritual animals which moved naturally with the smoke. It is clear from these materials how exquisite the design and craftsmanship of the hill censers was. The Western Han »hill censer with gold and silver inlay,« excavated in Mancheng, Hebei, is 26  cm

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high. Its body is decorated with gold and silver inlay in cloud pattern. It is exquisite and elegant, and is regarded as the most classic form of the Han hill censers. Another example is the »gilded bronze hill censer with silver decoration and high foot in the form of bamboo joints,« 58 cm high, excavated in Xingping, Shaanxi Province (Fig. 3.5.2). It has a high foot in the shape of bamboo joints, as well as a rounded base with a pan dragon holding the bamboo root in mouth. Three pan dragons stand at the top of the bamboo joints to support the body of the censer. The body is decorated with dragons, and the lid takes the form of a hill decorated with clouds. There is an inscription near the mouth, »a censer in the shape of gold painted bamboo joints.« This censer was originally for the Weiyang Palace. It was produced with excellent craftsmanship in an elegant form. Bronze mirrors entered their heyday during the Han Dynasty. They had mature form and beautiful decoration. There were a huge number of them, under systematic development. Bronze mirrors of the Han Dynasty are comprehensive. The mirror surface would be polished. In the center of the mirror back, there is a knob. Centered on the knob, the decorations of the mirror back are organized layer by layer and divided into four parts, namely knob seat, inner area, outer area, and mirror edge. The mirror body is slightly thicker than that of a Warring States bronze mirror. Also, it has a flat edge instead of the rolled edge, a round button instead of a three-string button, and also, flatly carved single-layered ornament instead of double-layered ornament with main ornament and ground ornament. These features are especially noticeable in mirrors produced after the middle of Western Han Dynasty. Luck-wishing inscriptions are often found on Han mirrors. Grass and leaf motifs, joint arc motifs, round and circle motifs, four-beast motifs, and relief portraits appear in Han mirrors one after another. The distribution of the four buttons was fixed. In terms of craftsmanship, Han mirrors were basically cast

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based on molds, with a few adopting gold and silver inlay or implantation technique. In addition, the so-called »translucent mirror,« or the Chinese magic mirror, appeared in the Western Han Period, such as the »Zhaoming mirror« in the Shanghai Museum (Fig. 3.5.3). The rich forms of Han mirrors are mainly generated by the diverse organization and transformation of decorative elements. The following is a brief description of the motif types typical of bronze mirrors from different periods of the Han Dynasty. At the beginning of the Western Han Dynasty, the mirror with panchi dragon pattern and plain edge was more popular, which was a continuation of the Warring States mirror style. The panchi dragon pattern is often separated by four buttons or four leaves. The inner circle is inscribed with auspicious words. Usual inscriptions include: »May great happiness and wealth last for thousands of years, with good wine and food,« and »May great happiness and wealth last for thousands of years; May you receive what you like; Wish you long life.« In the reign of Emperor Wu and the middle and late Han Dynasty, bronze mirror decoration was developed in many ways. The four-part layout was widely used in the mirror with grass-and-leaf motif, and the mirror with star-and-cloud motif. The square button seat, in parallel with the round button seat, formed a new format combining circle and round patterns. The large joint arcs with inscription bands became one of the typical combinations of decoration in this period. Inscriptions were common. Inscriptions such as »when sunlight is seen, the world will be brighter« are inscribed on »sunlight mirrors.« Inscriptions such as »it is clear inside and it enlightens the world; its shine resembles the sunlight and moonlight« are inscribed on Zhaoming mirrors, or »enlightening« mirrors. Sunlight mirrors and Zhaoming mirrors are the most excavated and the most popular bronze mirrors of Han Dynasty. At the end of Western Han Dynasty and in the Wang Mang Period, there was a great change in the dec-

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3.5.2 Censer in the shape of bamboo joints, Maoling Museum, Shannxi

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3.5.3  Zhaoming mirror, Shanghai Museum

oration of bronze mirrors. For one thing, due to the growing of divination doctrines, images of the azure dragon, white tiger, vermilion bird, black tortoise and many other auspicious animals appeared on bronze mirrors. The main formats include the four-button and four-beast mirror, and the round-and-circle-pattern mirror. For another, the name of the mirror maker and the date of manufacturing are often included in the inscription: »Imperial Manufactories produced the mirror ingeniously«; »A good bronze mirror came from Danyang anew«; »The bright mirror made by Zhu makes the user satisfied«; »The mirror made by Du convinces the Four Barbarians«; »Good mirrors have been produced since establishment of the dynasty in the 2 nd year of Tianfeng.« Information such as official or private manufacturing, as well as the location, and date of manufacture, is recorded in these inscriptions. These characteristics can be found on mirrors produced until the late Eastern Han Dynasty.

Among all Han mirrors, the mirrors of the late Western Han Dynasty and Wang Mang Period are the most exquisite and outstanding. The inner and outer areas of the round-and-circle-pattern mirrors form a contrast between the square and the circle. Azure dragons, white tigers, vermilion birds and black tortoises are often carved in-between, so they are also known as the round-circle and four-beast mirrors. The inscription often says, »the dragon on the left and the tiger on the right repel inauspiciousness; the vermilion bird and black tortoise follow the principle of yin and yang.« After the middle of the Eastern Han Dynasty there were new types, such as spiritual beast mirrors and portrait mirrors. They were cast in relief-like techniques, which marked a new stage of the bronze mirror. The most pursued themes of this period include historical figures, immortals and beasts, clouds and horses. For example, the Wu Zixu portrait mirror, excavated in Shaoxing, Zhejing, is engraved with the portraits of King Yue, Fan Li, Wu Zixu and

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King Wu within a historical narrative. In addition to round-and-circle-pattern mirrors, the main categories of bronze mirrors in the middle and late Eastern Han Dynasty include beast mirrors with multiple buttons, mirrors with cloud-thunder and joint-arc patterns, mirrors with deformed fourleaf patterns, double kui dragon mirrors, spiritual beast mirrors and portrait mirrors.

3. Jade Qin and Han jade artifacts saw new changes in categories, combinations, designs, and decorations compared with the jade artifacts of the Warring States. Firstly, the custom of elaborate burials during the Han Dynasty contributed to the development of the burial jade of the nobility. Secondly, the concept of wealth and nobility, as opposed to the ancient concept of ritual, led to a new custom of wearing jade and worshiping jade. Finally, advances in technology led to the popularity of using hollowing techniques. In the Han Dynasty, as contacts with the Western Regions increased, Khotan jade entered the Central Plains and became the main material for making jade artifacts. There was green jade, yellow jade, white jade, and so on, with the mild-looking, lamb-fat-like white jade being the most precious. In addition, Lantian jade from Shaanxi was also used, for example, for the large jade beast-faced handle unearthed near the Maoling Mausoleum in Shaanxi. The main types of Han jade artifacts include jade bi 璧 rings, semicircular jade huang 璜, jade pendants, handicrafts, belt hooks, sword ornaments, seals, as well as jade suits, mouth gems, jade pigs used for burial, and utensils such as jade cups and jugs. Most of the important jade artifacts were unearthed in the tombs of Han vassal kings in the form of funerary jade, such as the tomb of Liu Sheng, King Jing of Zhongshan, and his wife Dou Wan’s tomb in Mancheng, Hebei; the tomb of Liu Yan, King Jian of Zhongshan; the tomb of Liu Chang, King Mu of Zhongshan; and the tomb of Liu Xiu, King Huai of Zhongshan, in Dingzhou,

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Hebei; as well as the tomb of Zhao Mo, the Nanyue King, in Guangzhou, Guangdong. The jade artifacts excavated in the tomb of Nanyue King in Guangzhou are series of funerary jades with a high level of craftsmanship. In 214 BCE, Qin Shi Huang conquered Lingnan and set up the commanderies of Guilin, Xiang and Nanhai. At the time of the Chu-Han Contention, Zhao Tuo, Commander of Nanhai and a native of Zhending (today Baoding, Hebei), established the state of Nanyue and crowned himself as King Wu, who was in possession of the three commanderies in Lingnan. After about a century, in the sixth year of Yuanding in Emperor Wu’s reign (111 BCE), Nanyue was annexed into the Han Dynasty. As a result, the cultural exchanges between Nanyue and the Central Plains were strengthened. A large number of burial jade, pottery, bronze and lacquerwares of the Han Dynasty were unearthed in the Lingnan area. Most of them are consistent with the culture of the Central Plains. Among them, the most representative are the jade wares excavated from the tomb of the Nanyue King in Guangzhou. Among the more than 200 pieces (sets) of jade wares, there are 71 pieces of jade bi rings, 11 sets of jade pendants, 58 pieces of sword ornaments, and a number of jade suites sewn with silk, jade cups, jade seals, etc. The specifications are slightly higher than those of the Western Han vassal kings. Most of the jade bi rings, semicircular jade huang, jade pendants, belt hooks and sword ornaments are of various shapes, elegant styles and skillful carving techniques. Among them, the jade pendants of the Nanyue King Zhao Mo and the Madame of the Right, from the east side-chamber, are the most exquisite. Before the Qin and Han dynasties, the jade bi ring, as an important ceremonial jade vessel, kept the basic form of a round shape, with a round hole in the middle, and grain or whirl pattern on the surface. From the late Warring States Period, the hole or edge of bi rings was occasionally decorated with dragons. After the Han Dynasty, this prac-

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tice became common fashion. Furthermore, the ornaments even became overwhelming on Han bi rings. Sometimes they were even larger than the round bodies of bi rings, such as the jade beast head holding a bi ring in mouth, excavated from the tomb of Nanyue King. The chi tiger, dragon and phoenix, cloud patterns around the holes or edges of these bi rings are beautifully carved. These parts became the most important decoration areas, and thus enriched the formal possibilities of Han bi rings. The most striking feature of the jade carving techniques in the Han Dynasty was the frequent use of hollowing techniques. The advancement of iron technology in the Qin and Han dynasties contributed to the overall development of handicrafts. Under this background, jade-cutting tools such as grinding wheels were improved. Jade manufactory was established at the court out of a great need for jade wares, and jade artisans became more specialized. All of these three factors contributed to the development of jade-making techniques such as hollowing. Hollowing not only exemplified the level of jade craftsmanship in the Han Dynasty, but also marked the social status of the users. For example, the degree and level of hollowing on jade bi rings, semicircular huang and jade pendants of vassal kings were extremely high. Hollowing, combined with carving, became an important modelling tool for making jade wares. It led to a vivid style with a reasonable organization of ornament density. For example, in the tombs of vassal kings in Hebei, many exquisite hollowed jade pieces were excavated. Also, a large proportion of the jade wares unearthed from the tomb of Nanyue King in Guangzhou are produced with the hollowing technique. It is uniformly and skillfully executed, which exemplifies the high level of the hollowing techniques at that time. For example, a 14  cm long jade pendant in the shape of a phoenix, excavated from the tomb of the Nanyue King, has hollowed parts both on the front and back, with the phoenix being the

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main ornaments. It has an exquisite shape and a reasonable organization of ornament density. Another example is a jade belt hook in the form of a dragon and a tiger, 18.8 cm long. It has an exquisite hollowing technique. The dragon’s mouth and the tiger’s claws hold a jade ring together. These motifs are shaped fluently and beautifully. Another piece, similar with the beast head holding a bi ring in mouth, consists of a square bridge-shaped nose and a bi ring with grain patterns. They take the form of two connected rings, with the bi ring hung on the nose. The structure was also created with the hollowing technique. The whole piece shows a square form above and a round form below, which is consistent with the structure of connected rings. Therefore, the technique of hollowing two connected rings from a whole jade has become the key to its design. The square shape of the beast head on the upper part was carefully carved and polished, which enriches the possibilities of craftsmanship. This work, with fabulous translucent material and fine hollowing and carving techniques, represents the highest level in style, ornamentation and design of Han jade wares. An exquisite jade pendant with dragon and phoenix motifs arranged in double-ring form (Fig. 3.5.4), 10.6 cm in diameter and 0.5 cm thick, was also excavated from the tomb of Nanyue King. It has hollowed decorations both on the front and back. The structure of ornamentation is divided by two rings: the inner and outer zones. The inner area is carved with a dragon. Its head is held high in a vigorous spirit and dynamic gesture. Its front and back claws and curly tail are extended to the outer area, and reach the outer ring. The front claws lightly support a small phoenix bird with a long tail and a high crown, dominating remaining space in the outer area. The exquisite hollowing, combined with elaborately engraved lines, makes the patterns flow in an elegant manner. As Pure Enjoyments During Leisure (Yanxian qingshang jian 燕闲清赏笺) by Gao Lian of the Ming

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3.5.4  Jade pendant with dragon and phoenix in double rings, Museum of the ­Mausoleum of the Nanyue King

Dynasty says, »the most fascinating thing about the Han sculpting technique is the double line; it is flowing and organic, as thin as the newly grown bird feather in the autumn.« This kind of method was often combined with hollowing and relief carving techniques. The Han jade wares with hollowing were mostly in the form of flakes, generally less than 0.5  cm thick. After being modeled through the hollowing technique, the cut edges of the hollowed part would generally be further modified and ground. The result would either be convex edges or concave edges, which look much smoother than the originally sharp edges. The convex edges look round and organic, while the concave edges look clean and orderly, with more emphasis on the flowing lines. When both techniques are combined, they refine the artistic quality of the hollowing. In addition, concave lines were sometimes carved skillfully along the hollowing edges, either in single or double lines. Despite the great power in the lines, the evenness,

smoothness and cleanness remain intact. Typical jade wares of this kind include the jade seat screen excavated from the tomb of Liu Chang, King Mu of Zhongshan, the dancer-shaped jade pendant and the jade pendant with hollowed dragon and phoenix patterns excavated from the Qiemoshu Tomb in Yangzhou, Jiangsu, the heart-shaped jade pendant excavated from the Xiaoguishan Tomb in Tongshan, Jiangsu, the jade pendant in the shape of chicken heart, jade decoration with dragon and horse patterns excavated from the Cao Tomb in Xianjiahu, Changsha, and the dragon-shaped jade ring excavated from Tomb no.  40 of Dingzhou, Hebei. All of them were engraved with simple and organic-looking lines after hollowing. They have rich decoration, but in a light and elegant style. Another example is the jade pillow excavated from the tomb of Liu Yan, King Jian of Zhongshan. It has a cloud pattern carved in fine concave lines. There were many types of jade ware in the Han Dynasty, such as jade decorations and handicrafts.

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They were carved vividly and creatively in the shape of animals or figures, for example, a jade bixie 辟 邪 unearthed from a tomb in the northern suburb of Baoji, Shaanxi; jade bixie, eagles and bears unearthed near the Wei Maosoleum of Emperor Yuan of Han in Xianyang, Shaanxi; and the handicraft »the immortal riding a horse« made of Hetian jade, found at Ping Maosoleum of Emperor Zhao of Han in Xianyang. The jade wares used as utensil vessels include cups, goblets, jugs, boxes, brusher washes, lamps. For example, a horn-shaped jade cup, excavated from the tomb of Nanyue King in Guangzhou, was carved from a whole piece of Hetian jade, decorated with a kui dragon around the body of the cup, interspersed with cloud patterns in relief. It has an oval opening and a tapering body. The bottom of the body turns upward into a coiled tail, winding around the lower part of the cup, with shallow whirl patterns in unoccupied areas. It has a very unique shape, well-defined decorations, and was produced with an exquisite technique. Other examples include a jade kui dragon and phoenix jug in the Palace Museum, a jade box excavated from the tomb of Nanyue King, and a jade cup excavated from Luobowan, Guixian, Guangxi Province. A jade screen unearthed from the tomb of Liu Chang, King Mu of Zhongshan, in Dingzhou, Hebei, combines a stand and a screen plate. The stand is carved with chi dragons, and the screen plate has hollowed patterns of the East King, the West Queen and maids, phoenixes, qilin 麒麟 beasts, ducks, turtles and snakes, and others. Besides, there are also exquisitely carved double line decorations.

4. Lacquerware Qin and Han lacquerware was another peak of lacquer craftsmanship after Warring States lacquerware. Regarding the roughcast, lacquering and decoration, the techniques of making lacquerware were developed from those in the Warring States Period. But in this period, lacquerware was produced in more regions, in a larger scale,

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and was used in more situations. It became a representative type of the arts and crafts between bronze culture and porcelain culture. However, during the Qin and Han dynasties, lacquerware was still a precious product. For one thing, the manufacturing procedures were complex and long. For another, precious materials were often used in techniques such as gold and silver gilding in buckles, pattern sticking with gold and silver leaves, and gem inlays. The official lacquerware was managed by the »Manufactory Official« under the Minister Steward, while lacquerware for daily use was produced in private workshops. There were many kinds of lacquerware, including ear cups, plates, cosmetic casket, boxes, pots, jugs, goblets, washbasins and spoons, as well as pillows, face shields, shelves, screens, and lacquer coffins. Among them, the cups and plates for eating and drinking, and the caskets and boxes for cosmetics, are the most typical lacquerware of the Qin and Han Period. A large number of lacquerwares were excavated from important tombs of the Qin and Western Han dynasties. But after the Eastern Han Dynasty, the lacquerware craft gradually declined.During the Warring States Period, many lacquerwares were excavated from Qin tombs in the Bashu and Jingchu regions, such as the Qin tomb in Qingchuan, Sichuan, the Qin tomb in Guchengping, Yingjing, Sichuan, Qin tombs in Shuihudi, Yunmeng, Hubei, and the Qin tomb in Guanzhuang, Miyang, Henan. The excavated objects include cups, ear cups, pots, flat pots, long boxes with two ears, rectangular boxes, round boxes, round caskets, oval caskets, bowls, jugs, plates, phoenix-shaped spoons, etc. These lacquerwares were almost all for daily use, and were basically similar in style. Tomb-guarding beasts, drums with tiger base and bird stand, and wooden deer, which were all common in Warring States Chu tombs, are not found in Qin tombs. On the lacquerware from Qin tombs, inscriptions carved by needles, lacquered or branded, are often seen. Some of these inscrip-

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tions record the place of production or the name of the manufacturer, such as »Cheng,« »Chengting,« »Xianshi,« »Xianting,« »Anlihuang« and »Wang Bang,« etc. Others record the procedures of production, such as plain ground polishing, planing, fine lacquering, and manufactory management. A good example is the Qin lacquer jug with silver hoop buckle and inlayed ornaments, excavated from Fenghuangshan Tomb no.  70 in Jiangling. On this jug, an inscription »made by the left worker Zuiyuan in the 26th year« is found. An oval lacquer box, excavated from Shitougang Qin tomb in Xicun, Guangzhou, has a branded inscription »Fanyu,« which indicates the place of production. According to the Shuihudi Qin Bamboo Texts, the production of lacquerware was under strict regulation in the Qin state. The signature on the lacquer ware, for example, is a distinctive feature of Qin lacquerware, which marks the strengthening of the production system. Such inscriptions are rarely found on lacquerware excavated from Chu tombs. The lacquerware remains of the early Western Han Period were mostly excavated from the tombs of the Jingchu Region, such as the Fenghuangshan Han tombs in Jiangling, and the Mawangdui Han Tombs in Changsha. Besides that, some of them were excavated in other regions, such as Tomb of Marquis Ruyin in Shuanggudui, Fuyang, Anhui Province, Yinqueshan Tomb no. 4 in Linyi, Shandong Province, Luobowan Han Tomb no. 1 in Guixian, Guangxi Province, and the Mapenggang Western Han tomb in Sanyuanli, Guangzhou, Guangdong Province. The above-mentioned lacquerwares, even those excavated in Jiangling area, rarely have the characteristics of Chu lacquer wares, but are similar to Qin lacquer wares. The most common types include round boxes, square caskets, flat pots, ear cups and other fine lacquerware for daily use. The walls of the wares tend to be thin but firm. Usually, the sets of utensils include smaller ones placed inside larger ones, which is delicate and diverse. There are

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also tall or large vessels, such as a flat pot with a wooden layer inside, 48  cm high, excavated from the Fenghuangshan Tomb in Jiangling, and a lacquer plate, 73.5  cm in diameter, excavated from the Mawangdui Han Tombs. The decorative devices include needle outlining and pattern sticking with gold and silver leaves. The beautiful patterns are a blend of Chu, Qin and Shu styles. The middle and late Western Han tombs built after Emperor Wu’s reign, where lacquerware was excavated, are geographically dispersed. Important lacquer remains have been found in the Jianghuai Region, centered in Yangzhou, the southeastern Region of Shandong, and in Sichuan, Shaanxi, Hubei, and Hunan. In addition, they have also been excavated in Hebei, Gansu, Guizhou, Yunnan, and Guangxi. Yangzhou, as the capital of the Guangling state of Western Han, was an important center for manufacturing lacquerware. In the area, typical lacquerwares of this period include the three-hoofed casket with animal motifs, the double-layered hamper containing inner boxes from the Huchang Han Tomb in Hanjiang, the painted casket with seven inner boxes, decorated with gold and silver leaves and onyx beads, the painted lacquer sand inkstone with silver leaves, liubo 六博 game plates, lacquer plates, face shields and pillows from Yaozhuang Han Tomb, the painted casket modeled on linen inlaid with silver leaves from Xuyi Han Tomb, the painted and needle-carved lacquerwares from the Han tomb at Dongfeng Brick and Tile Factory, and the large hamper with dragon and goose motifs from Qiemoshu Tomb. In addition, more than 3,000 pieces of Han Dynasty lacquerware were excavated from the tomb of Wang Xu in Lelang, Korea. According to the inscriptions on the vessels, many of them were made at Guanghan and Shu commanderies. There are also inscriptions such as »plain ground polisher,« »lacquerer,« »painter,« »material supplier,« »bronze ear gilder.« They provide information on the types of work, procedures, and management of lacquerware production. The

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lacquerware of the middle and late Western Han Dynasty was exquisitely crafted. It was often combined with gold, silver, jade and stone crafts, such as pattern sticking with gold and silver leaves, gold and silver gilding in buckles, gold and silver hoops, jade inlay, tortoiseshell inlay, and onyx, crystal, and glaze ornaments. These techniques made the lacquerware more beautiful and magnificent. After the Warring States Period, the development of lacquerware reached its peak. The lacquerware excavated from the Eastern Han tombs is significantly less than that of the Western Han Dynasty. Some of the lacquerwares excavated in Lelang, Joseon, are Eastern Han products, such as the lacquer plate with painted gods, dragons and tigers made in the twelfth year of Yongping (69 CE). According to »Annals of Empresses« in Book of the Later Han, after the first year of Yuanxing (105 CE), »the Shu and Han inlaid lacquerware, the nine-belt knife, was not supplied anymore.« Which means that at that time the lacquerware was no longer made for the palace by the Manufactory Officials of Western Shu. In fact, the lacquer industry began to decline in the early Eastern Han Dynasty. The direct cause of the decline was the rise of celadon. After the Eastern Han Dynasty, celadon quickly matured and became an inexpensive and affordable everyday artifact which substituted for lacquerware. This change is evident from the excavated remains. In the pre-Qin Period, lacquerware was mostly made of wood and lacquered on inside and outside surfaces. In the middle of the Warring States Period, lacquerware modeled on linen appeared. It was first made of wood or clay, and then covered with ramie or silk, which was pressed together with lacquer one layer after another. After it was dried, the inner mold was removed and the rest was the linen model (also known as »removing the mold«). Then it was lacquered, polished, and decorated, and finally turned into a useful vessel. During the Warring States Period, this kind of lacquerware was rare. It was limited to simple shapes

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such as plates, and the techniques were not mature yet. In the Western Han Dynasty, the modeling on linen was increasingly popular, and even became the main method of lacquer molding. The lacquerware modeled on linen had a good lacquering quality both inside and outside. It was thin but solid. Also, it was lighter, more delicate, and had a more regular shape than the wooden lacquerware. The lacquer craft of the Qin and Han dynasties often combined lacquering with gilding, foiling and inlay, which created a rich decorative language.Lacquerware with metal handles is a type of lacquerware where gold, silver, or bronze handles are mounted and the rims are attached with hoops. As a representative work of lacquer and gold work, it was very popular in the Qin and Han dynasties. The so-called bronze ear gilder, found in lacquerware inscriptions, refers to the type of work dedicated to this lacquerware. In the tomb of Liu Sheng and his wife in Mancheng, Hebei, such lacquerware was excavated, including a lacquer table with bronze feet and gilded bronze column, a lacquer casket with five inner boxes and a bronze decoration band with inlayed gold, silver, onyx and turquoise, a lacquer jar with a bronze ring handle, gilded beast faces and bear feet, and a silver base with persimmon stem decorations. In other tombs, such lacquerware was also found, such as a lacquer pot with silver hoops, unearthed from the Fenghuangshan Han Tomb in Jiangling, and a lacquer casket with ten inner boxes and a gilded bronze hoop decorated with bronze leaf ornaments, unearthed from the tomb of Liu Jing, Guangling King in Ganquan, Hanjiang. Foiling was a technique for decorating this kind of lacquerware. When the lacquer was not yet dry and solid, the craftsmen applied gold and silver leaves with engraved patterns to the surface of the lacquerware, and then added a thin layer of lacquer to the surface after polishing, which is called pattern sticking with gold and silver leaves. It was often used in combination with gold, silver

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and bronze handles, and inlay decorations. If the metal stuck onto the surface was very thin, it was known as »sticking,« while the slightly thicker one could be called »inlay.« This decorative technique was widely used on Qin and Han lacquerware, such as the lacquer goblet with engraved silver leaves, excavated from the Yunmeng Qin Tomb; the double-layered casket with gold leaf decorations and nine inner boxes, excavated from Tomb no.  1 of Mawangdui; the casket with three-tiger inlaid silver leaf, excavated from the Western Han tomb of Daishu in Laixi, Shandong; the painted casket with gold and silver leaf and seven inner boxes, and the painted sand inkstone with silver leaf decorations, excavated from the Western Han tomb of Yaozhuang in Jiangsu; the double-layered painted casket with silver inlay and gold leaf decorations, excavated from the Western Han tomb of Tianchang in Anhui; and the painted casket with silver leaf decorations, excavated from the Western Han tomb in Xuyi, Jiangsu. Besides gold, silver and bronze, the inlaid materials also included jade, onyx and crystal, such as the casket with turquoise and onyx inlays and five inner boxes, unearthed from the Mancheng Tomb in Hebei, the well-known lacquer coffin inlayed with jade bi rings, plates and tablets. The lacquer wares unearthed from the tomb of Liu Dan in Dabaotai, Beijing, are inlaid with onyx, agate, tortoiseshell, mica, gold leaves, which are as shiny as the »hundred-treasure-inlays« of the later times. Lacquering and painting are the basic means of decoration for Qin and Han lacquerware. Lacquering refers generally to the process of applying lacquer liquid and leaving it to dry and solidify. According to »Ten Faults« in Hanfeizi, when Yu made the sacrificial vessels, he »lacquered them black on the outside and vermilion on the inside.« The saying »he who stays near vermillion gets stained red, and he who stays near ink gets stained black« also reflects the great importance attached to the correct color of vermilion and black. Although Qin and Han lacquerware was

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mostly decorated with gilded handles, gold and silver leaves, gemstone and jade inlays, and color painting, the basic color tone remained vermilion and ink. However, unpainted lacquerware only in basic colors was rare. Usually, it was painted with colored lacquer on a vermilion or black background. As for colored lacquer, there were many kinds, including yellow, brown, white, green, blue, purple, gray, etc. Sometimes, golden and silver lacquer could be used. It was made of gold and silver powder and lacquer, which were mixed together, similar to gold paint. For example, the painted black ground lacquer coffin and painted vermilion ground lacquer coffin excavated from Tomb no. 1 of Mawangdui in Changsha, and the painted rectangular casket with a trapezoidal prism top from Tomb no.  3 are representative works of painted lacquerware in the early Western Han Dynasty. Many painted lacquerwares were excavated from Han tombs in Jianghuai area in the late Western Han Dynasty, such as the those excavated from the Qiemoshu Tomb in Yangzhou, and the Yaozhuang Western Han tomb in Hanjiang. They represent the highest level of lacquer painting in the Han Dynasty. Among them, the painted hamper with dragon and wild goose motifs from the Qiemoshu Tomb, the painted liubo game plate with feathered figures and four gods, the painted face shield with feathered figure, spiritual beast and cloud motifs, and cosmetic casket with seven inner boxes, excavated from the Yaozhuang Tomb, are all extremely beautiful. The painted rectangular casket with a trapezoidal prism top from Mawangdui Tomb no. 3 features a technique of outlining cloud patterns with powder, and then filling in the white convex outlines with red, green and yellow colors. It is regarded as the precursor of the »lacquer-massing method« of later times. In the Western Han Dynasty, a decorative technique called »needle painting« was also popular. In this method, a needle was used to carve patterns on the surface of the lacquer that had not fully dried and solidified. Examples of this technique can be

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3.5.5  Painted lacquer pot with fish and heron motifs, Museum of Yunmeng in Hubei Province

found in the Mawangdui Han tomb in Changsha and Yinqueshan Han tomb in Linyi, Shandong. Needle-painted motifs are delicate and exquisite, but the gold filling, color dripping and color outlining makes it more brilliant. In terms of decoration, cloud and bird patterns are the most common. The compositional differentiation between the primary and secondary patterns is mostly clear. There are few crossings of different patterns. Indeed, many of them are connected by freely extending reverse arcs. The lines are thin, and they show different gestures in the begin and end, which are vivid and smooth. The phoenix patterns and the cloud patterns often blend together to form cloud-phoenix-patterns. In the Qin and Han Period, the pattern structure of the casket, box, plate, and other circular wares are mostly arranged in a formalized three-part whirling pattern. Also, bird-and-fish patterns can be found, such as in the lacquer pot with fish

and heron motifs (Fig.  3.5.5) excavated from the Shuihudi Qin Tomb no.  11 in Yunmeng, and the lacquer washbasin with crane motifs excavated from the Fenghuangshan Han Tomb no.  168 in Jiangling. The decorations look extremely simple but vivid.

5. Celadon From the low-temperature lead-glazed pottery of the Western Han to the maturation of celadon in the Eastern Han, ceramic craftsmanship entered a new period of development. As many great projects, such as palaces and mausoleums, were constructed during the Qin Dynasty, pottery was also produced in a large scale in the Guanzhong Region. The kiln site of the Qin Dynasty found near the mausoleum of Qin Shi Huang was very large. In the Han Dynasty, a kiln similar to the later »dragon kiln« appeared. Compared with the Qin kiln, it was larger in size, and the num-

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ber of flues was increased to three, so that ceramics could be produced more evenly under higher temperatures. In the Han Dynasty, the technology of pottery production continued to improve, and pottery production areas were widely distributed instead of concentrated in the Central Plains. For example, the pottery excavated in Hunan, Guangdong, Guangxi, Yunnan and other regions all have their own characteristics. Representative objects include the three-legged jars, three-legged bu 瓿 jugs, three-legged plates, and three-legged double-eared pots excavated in Guangzhou; the double-joined jars, triple-joined jars, and even quintuple-joined jars excavated in Guangzhou and Changsha; and the various pots shaped like gourds excavated in Guangdong, Guangxi, and Hunan. Due to the culture of extravagant burials, a large number of pottery was produced as burial objects, including gray pottery and painted pottery. This burial pottery was actually an important pottery remnant of the Qin and Han dynasties. Its firing temperature was not high, and it was usually painted after firing. Typical objects include the cocoon-shaped pots of the Qin Dynasty and the painted earthenware pots of the Han Dynasty. The painted pottery of Han was excavated in a large quantity, mainly in North China, such Henan, Shanxi, Shaanxi, Shandong, Gansu, and Liaoning. Among the more than 500 pieces of pottery excavated from the Mancheng Han Tomb in Hebei, nearly 300 pieces are painted pottery. Among the excavations of the Shaogou Han Tomb in Luoyang, there are more than 700 pieces. The history of applying glaze on pottery can be traced back to the Shang Dynasty. During the Western Han Dynasty, low-temperature leadglazed pottery appeared in the Guanzhong Region of Shaanxi. Lead glaze has a low melting point, and it can be fired at a temperature range of 700–800°C, unlike porcelain glaze which requires a high temperature of around 1,200°C to be fired. Low-temperature lead glaze colorants usually contain copper or iron. Glazes contain-

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ing copper will turn emerald green after firing, while those containing iron will turn yellowish brown or brownish red. This pottery was mainly used for funerary purposes in the Han Dynasty. Its glaze mostly has an emerald green color and a glossy surface. It is usually thinly applied, appearing clear and translucent. Common wares are pots, caskets, boxes, lamps, and hill censers. After Emperor Xuan of Han, lead-glazed funerary pottery began to be popular in Chang’an of Guanzhong and Luoyang of Guandong. Thereafter, its influence continuously expanded. To the Eastern Han Dynasty, it was used throughout the Central Plains and the middle and lower reaches of Yangtze River basin, and even also in the northwest and northeast. The glazed pottery from the north was fired at a slightly lower temperature than that from the south. Therefore, its glaze is not as hard as the latter. In terms of firing technology, low-temperature lead-glazed pottery of Western Han was a precursor of the later Tang tri-color glazed pottery. The greatest achievement in the history of Qin and Han ceramic craftsmanship was the emergence of mature celadon in the Eastern Han Dynasty.Actually, it took a long time to go from primitive porcelain to celadon. The white pottery of the Shang Dynasty was fired from the fine white kaolinite clay. It has a pure white ground and a firm texture. From the Shang and Zhou dynasties to the Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods, stamped hard pottery continued to develop in the southern and southeastern coastal areas. Stamped hard pottery was also made from kaolinite clay. But since this clay contains iron dioxide, its ground color is reddish brown or purple-brown. In the same period of stamped hard pottery, primitive porcelain has often been unearthed together. Sometimes, both were even found to be fired in the same kiln, as seen in the Spring and Autumn kiln site in Xiaoshan, Zhejiang. Stamped hard pottery and primitive porcelain are basically the same in terms of kaolinate clay, shape, decoration, and the firing

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conditions. The only difference is that the original porcelain was applied with a thin green-yellow glaze layer. Thus, it could be a precursor of Han celadon. Zhejiang was the most important area for the production of stamped hard pottery and primitive porcelain. But in the late Warring States Period, as the porcelain industry was severely damaged, hardly any remains have been unearthed. It was not until the early Han that its production began to recover. Typical works of this period include the water-wave patterned jug with animal ears in the Palace Museum of Beijing. By this time, primitive porcelain was gradually approaching mature celadon. During the Eastern Han Dynasty, the porcelain industry in Zhejiang developed rapidly. A large number of kilns were found in regions such as Shangyu, Yuyao, Ningbo and Yongjia. For example, as many as 30 Eastern Han kiln sites were found in Shangyu, including the large »dragon kilns« which could fire porcelain at a temperature up to 1,300°C. According to research into kiln sites and remains in Xiaoxiantan of Shangyu, Zhangzishan of Lianjiang, and Benji’ao of Linghu in Zhejiang, it is known that the firing of mature celadon was already possible in the middle and late Eastern Han Dynasty. The model of Han celadon was made from kaolinite clay. After being glazed, it was fired at a temperature of over 1,200°C. Since the glaze contains more than 12 % calcium oxide and is fired in a reducing atmosphere, a crystal-clear, green, water-like glaze layer will be finally produced. The glaze layer is usually thicker, glossier and more firmly bonded to the body than the primitive porcelain. The bone of celadon is grayish white, and firm. The glaze is glossy, translucent, and low in water absorption. When knocked with the hand, it produces a sound like gold and jade. With this celadon, a new chapter of Chinese porcelain was opened. In addition to Zhejiang and Jiangsu, Eastern Han celadon has been excavated in Henan, Hubei,

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Hunan, Jiangxi, Guangdong, and Sichuan, mostly in the form of bu jugs, jars, pots, washbasins, bowls, cups, stoves, lamps, and other daily utensils. After the creation of mature celadon, it also appeared in the Wu and Yue regions in the Sun-Wu Period of the Three Kingdoms. On the basis of the craftsmanship and style of Eastern Han celadon, it made important progress and laid the foundation for the flourishing of celadon in the Six Dynasties. In addition, black porcelain vessels were found at the Eastern Han porcelain kiln in Zhangzishan, Shangyu, Zhejiang. There are black porcelain pots, stamped jugs, double-ear jars, and more. Their bone color is dark gray, and their glaze is dark brown or as black as lacquer. In other regions, such as Jiangsu and Anhui, there were also such excavations.

6. Textiles Silk textiles were prosperous during the Han Dynasty, which is important in the history of ancient civilization. The Silk Road, one of the most important traffic routes connecting ancient Europe and Asia, was formed during the Han Dynasty. In this period, many factors contributed to the progress of weaving and dyeing: the improvement of textile tools such as weaving machines, the perfection of whole dyeing techniques, the discovery of more dyestuffs, and the extensive combination of embroidery and weaving. As a result, silk products were of high quality and large output. The technology of weaving patterns reached a high level. The most typical patterns were based on cloud, cloudy mountain, and spiritual animal motifs. The material and color of the silk fabrics, the embroidery and dyeing patterns were all very elaborate, which fully demonstrates the beautiful style of Han craftsmanship. For example, the splendid »Han brocade« was one of the most representative handicrafts of the Han Dynasty. With creative weaving of patterns, an infinite variety of motifs were created. With their excellent quality, silk

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textiles of Han were widely loved by foreign peoples. Thus they became the main product of Chinese and foreign trade during the Han Dynasty. Through the Silk Road, Chinese silk became the bridge between ancient China and Indian, West Asian and Roman civilizations. In the early Western Han, after the recuperation policies of Emperor Wen and Emperor Jing, agriculture and handicrafts developed greatly by the time of Emperor Wu. There were many mulberry gardens and weaving workshops. The weaving industry, mainly silk weaving, entered a prosperous period. At that time, the weaving industry could be both government-run and private. Regarding the former, according to Book of Han and other documents, there was the East Weaving Chamber and the West Weaving Chamber in Chang’an in the Western Han, both with directors who were mainly in charge of the royal textile production, under the jurisdiction of the Minister Steward. In the main silk production areas Xiangyi of Chenliu (now Suixian, Henan), Linzi of Qi (now Linzi, Shandong), the royal family set up special »costume officers« to supervise silk weaving. There, fine silk textiles such as ice-like silk fabric, squarehole hu 縠 gauze, and blown-silk-thread floc were specifically produced for the royal family. There was also a workshop in Xiangyi, Chenliu, which specialized in the production of emperor garments embroidered with dragons. The private weaving industry was also very prosperous, including both small family handicrafts, indicated by the line »when the woman does not weave, the family may suffer from cold,« and the handicraft industry of landowners’ estates, as depicted in the line »the lady weaves by herself, and she has 700 servants« from »Biography of Zhang Tang« in Book of Han. The weaving industry was spread all over the country. The weaving machine and the quality of production were constantly improved, so that especially fine products such as grape brocade and scattered-flower damask could be produced. As Miscellaneous Records of the Western Capital, vol.

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1, records, Chen Baoguang’s wife from Jülu could weave grape brocade and scattered-flower damask, »60 days into a bolt which cost 10,000 coins.« According to »Book of Pingzhun« in Records of the Grand Historian, up to five million bolts of silk textiles were collected in the reign of Emperor Wu. According to the ancient system, old people who lived long could wear silk, while the rest could only wear hemp. But after Emperor Wu’s reign, as »Luxurious Life Leading to Insufficiencies« in Discussions on Salt and Iron says, »the noblest people wear robes in fine silk with elaborate embroidery; the less noble wear plain pongee and ice-like brocade; the common people wear the plainest silk just as lower concubines.« This shows the wide spread of silk fabrics. Silk textiles are the most representative weaving product of the Han Dynasty, and are generally known as zengbo 缯帛. According to different raw materials and weaving techniques, it is subdivided into many types. Explaining and Analyzing Characters mentions more than 20 types, which is much more than the Warring States Period. The main types include jin 锦, xiu 绣, ling 绫, luo 罗, sha 纱, hu 縠, xiao 绡, su 素, gao 缟, wan 纨, lian 练, juan 绢, fu 缚, jian 缣, man 缦, and ti 绨. Jin, or brocade, a colorful jacquard silk fabric, was the most representative and luxurious type of silk fabrics in the Han Dynasty. It was jacquarded with two or more colored silk threads. Since it had a thick texture, it was often used on the edge of clothing. There was a kind of rongquan jin 绒圈锦 used for the piped seam and welted seam of clothing. Here, silk threads formed a convex geometric pattern. In the weaving process of jin, by playing with the colors and organization of warp and weft, rhythmic colorful patterns were woven. As »Miscellaneous Records of the Western Capital« records Sima Xiangru’s words, »warp and weft, gong and shang.« It was a great development in Chinese weaving technology. The earliest appearance of jin was not later than the Western Zhou Dynasty. After its development

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in Warring States, jin weaving technology spread from Qi and Lu, Chang’an to Chu and Yue, and became more mature in the Han Dynasty. From the Western Han Dynasty, the pattern organization of jin became flexible and free. In the Eastern Han Dynasty, it was woven with clouds and mountains, dragons and tigers. The colors were splendid and the patterns were gorgeous. It could also be decorated with auspicious words such as »may happiness and brightness last long.« Since the brocade was brilliant, terms such as »brocade letter,« »brocade word,« and »brocade text« appeared. From the ancient tombs of the Minfeng North Desert and Loulan in Xinjiang, several batches of magnificent Eastern Han brocade relics were excavated. The top-quality jin was the most luxurious silk product, which often cost ten times ordinary silk. Su is a monochrome silk textile. It is woven with horizontal threads, with a uniform density of warps and wefts. Gao, wan, lian, juan, and fu, refer to the same type of textile. Among them, su, gao, and wan have the thinnest texture. Lian, jian, juan, and fu are thicker. Man and ti have the coarsest texture.Qi 绮 and ling refer to the monochrome jacquard silk textiles. The former has a horizontal-thread background, while the latter is a kind of twill with a diagonal-thread background. Both have a very noble quality. Among both, qi has patterns in diagonal threads on the horizontal-thread background. It is also known as wenqi 文绮 or qicuo 绮错. In contrast, ling features diagonal-thread patterns on a diagonal-thread background. Explaining Terms (Shiming 释名) says its patterns »look like the texture of icicles.«Luo, sha, hu, and xiao refer to an elegant silk fabric that is as light as smoke. With different weaving techniques, they have different textures. Among them, the luo without pattern is called »plain luo,« while that with rhombic patterns or cup patterns is called »patterned luo.« For example, luo with rhombic patterns has been unearthed from the Mawangdui Han Tomb in Changsha. In places

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such as Mancheng in Hebei, Jiangling in Hubei, Niya in Xinjiang, and in Mongolia and Korea, luo has also been found. Sha, or gauze, is an extremely light and fine silk fabric. For example, a meditation garment in plain gauze was excavated from Mawangdui Tomb, with an overall length of 128 cm, sleeve length of 190 cm, and a weight of 49 g. It is as light and thin as a cicada’s wing. Hu is a crepe-like gauze. During the weaving, the difference in the degree and direction of twist is used to create wrinkles. Thus there is the term »hu pattern,« as in the line of Su Shi’s »The Immortals by the River«: »In the dead of night, when wind calms down, hu patterns in the river are flattened.« A light violet hu with sandy wrinkles was excavated from the Mawangdui Tomb. Xiao is a light monochrome silk fabric made of raw silk, and its texture is as light as mist. Although the exquisite silk weaving was the most renowned in the Han Dynasty, the inexpensive ramie fabric was more commonly used by the common people. Ramie is native to China, growing mostly in the middle and lower reaches of the Yellow River and some areas in the south. It has a large fiber content and is suitable for weaving. During the Han Dynasty, ramie fabrics were almost as fine as silk. For example, a piece of finely woven ramie textile was excavated from the Mawangdui Tomb in Changsha. Cotton was introduced to the Western Regions from Central Asia around the time of the Western Han Dynasty. In Xinjiang, cotton fabric fragments from the late Western Han Dynasty were found in Loulan and Lop Nur. In Minfeng, Xinjiang, wax dyed blue and white cotton fabric and geometric cotton fabric from the Eastern Han Dynasty were found. It is recorded that cotton cloth was called baidie 白迭 in the Qocho state. After the Eastern Han Dynasty, there was also cotton production in southwest China, Liangguang, but the scale was very small. Woolen fabrics originally came from the minority areas in the north and northwest. After the West-

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ern Han Dynasty, wool manufacturing developed significantly in the central and southwestern minority areas. Its raw materials were mainly ji 罽 rugs and zhan 毡 felts. Ji is a kind of woolen textile with a fine texture, such as ji fragments with human, animal, and grape patterns, and ji with turtle shell and four-petal flower patterns. Zhan was produced in a different way from ji. Ji was woven from woolen threads, while zhan was pressed from wool. Zhan had a coarse texture and served the purpose of sitting and lying on the ground. It was originally used by the north and northwest nomads. After its introduction into the Central Plains in the Han Dynasty, zhan workshops were also founded in regions like Hebei and Shandong. Meanwhile, a new product called embroidered »patterned zhan« was produced. For example, from the tomb of the Xiongnu royal family in the mountain of Noyin Ula, Mongolia, various zhan embroidered with colorful dragons, jade pendants, fishes, turtles, flowers, grass, and beast fights were excavated. The decorative techniques of textiles include jacquard, pattern dyeing, and embroidery.Jacquard refers to method of pattern weaving through different organizations of threads. As the patterns are not created independently from the weaving, it is different from the procedures such as embroidery, tied dyeing, wax dyeing, pattern printing and coloring. The jacquard technique was important progress on the basis of horizontal-thread weaving. Different weaving techniques had a direct influence on the shapes, combinations and colors of patterns. At the same time, new pattern designs constantly put forward new requirements for technologies and weaving tools. Thus, it fueled the development of weaving technology from the Spring and Autumn and Warring States Period to the Qin and Han dynasties. Therefore, it shows a high unity of technology and decoration, which is significant to the progress of the textile industry. During the Han Dynasty, jacquard silk fabrics were mostly monochromatic qi, ling, luo

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and colored jin. The patterns of wenqi 文绮) and wenluo 文罗 were mostly rhombic. The luo with scarlet rhombic patterns, vermilion rhombic patterns and smoky grey rhombic patterns were excavated from the Mawangdui Tomb. They all have two groups of rhombic patterns, one in dotted lines and the other in solid lines. The former uses double dotted lines to highlight the patterns, while the latter uses thick solid lines. The layers are clearly defined. The rhombic pattern features a vertically extending range of rhombuses, which was a classic pattern for qi and luo in the Han Dynasty. The advancement of brocade weaving during the Han Dynasty was partly due to the significant improvement of warp jacquard technology. The socalled »warp jacquard« refers to the use of warp threads to produce patterns. In the Han Dynasty, the warp threads were in three colors and the weft threads were only in one color. Both were interwoven, with the warps forming the patterns. Among the three colors of warps, there was one for the background, one for the patterns, and another for the outlines. Naturally, they formed repeating pattern units. By analyzing the Han brocade excavated in Mawangdui in Changsha, Minfeng and Loulan in Xinjiang, Loulan and Hotan in Xinjiang, and Noyin Ula in Mongolia, we know that the organization of decorative patterns has the following characteristics. First, the same pattern units are arranged in straight rows according to the warp lines, which forms a clearly defined and longitudinally organized pattern. This is particularly evident in the Eastern Han brocade jacquard. Accordingly, the horizontal patterns are shaped with a great variety to balance the repetitive vertical patterns. Thus, repetition and variation, standard and freedom are combined well in this method, not only for pattern decoration but also for word decoration. For example, a group of Han brocades with auspicious words such as »may happiness and brightness last long« and »wish you longevity« were excavated in Loulan,

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3.5.6  »Wish You Longevity« brocade, Institute of Archaeology at Chinese Academy of Social Sciences in Xinjiang

Xinjiang (Fig. 3.5.6). After a long period of practice, patterns that were most reflective of the time and most suitable for the techniques appeared again and again, such as geometric, cloud, wave, revolving patterns, dogwood grass leaf, dragon, tiger, deer patterns, sheep, bixie, and qilin patterns. They were standardized and patterned as warp decorations. Secondly, horizontal patterns are richly varied both in form and color. The use of warps with multiple colors makes a rich variation in color possible. As a result, Han brocade can have three to five colors. Often, silk threads in vermilion, bright yellow, brown, violet, grass green, indigo and other colors are used. After ingenious designing and weaving, techniques such as con-

trast, division, interweaving, and gradation were used to create richer colors. It was often lauded by Han rhapsody writers. Also, it attracted the attention of the ancient Roman emperors. Even at the expense of gold, they would collect them to impress people. The second technique is pattern dyeing. It was already quite mature in the Warring States Period, which was recorded in Records on the Examination of Craftsmanship (Kaogongji 考工记). After the Qin and Han dynasties, with the further development of the textile industry and extensive cultural exchanges with foreign cultures, the pattern dyeing techniques became more diversified. During the Han Dynasty, more varieties of dyes were avail-

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able, and people had a more thorough knowledge of different dyes and mordants, so dye colors were more subtly differentiated. For example, Explaining and Analyzing Characters says, »quan [縓] refers to a red or yellow silk textile. The first dye is called quan [縓], the second cheng [赪], and the third xun [纁].« It is clear from this quote how subtly the dyeing process was differentiated. Explaining and Analyzing Characters includes many terms for dyeing colors. Their common radical » 纟« indicates their relation to textiles, such as lü 绿, piao 缥, zhu 絑, quan 縓, xun 纁, chu 绌, jiang 绛, wan 绾, jin 缙, qian 綪, ti 缇, wan 绾, zi 紫, hong 红, cong 繱, gan 绀, zao 缲, zi 缁, etc. Half of these characters are related to red or yellow. The dyes of the Han Dynasty include mineral and vegetable dyes. Mineral dyes include cinnabar, ochre, orpiment, azurite, malachite, whitewash (lead sub-carbonate), charcoal ink, gold, silver, etc. Plant dyes include safflower, sappanwood, rubia cordifolia, smoke tree, yellow gardenia, golden rhododendron, blue grass, acorns, etc. Safflower was imported from the Western Regions into the Central Plains by Zhang Qian during the Western Han Dynasty. As its red color is extremely bright, it is also known as »genuine red.« Mineral dyes are generally ground into powder before being mixed with adhesive. They have very strong colors, and are used for fabric printing and coloring. Vegetable dyes are generally made into dyeing liquid or mordant first, and then silk threads or fabrics are steeped into the liquid for dyeing. Their colors are clear and fresh, and produce rich effect if the workers add or reduce the times of dyeing. In general, the steeping methods of dyeing can be divided into line dyeing and piece dyeing. There are two types of piece dyeing: plain dyeing and pattern dyeing. Pattern dyeing include tied dyeing (a kind of resist dyeing), batik, and more. Their gorgeous dyeing effect is even still evident in textile production today. The Eastern Han cotton cloth with white patterns on blue ground, unearthed in the Minfeng Northern Desert of Xinjiang, is

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an example of batik from the Han Dynasty. The pattern printing with convex plate that appeared in the Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods continued to be used in the Han Dynasty, with richer possibilities of decorations. Examples include the colored yarns with yellow ground and printed patterns, with purple red ground and printed patterns, and yarns with printed patterns in gold and silver paint, all excavated from the Mawangdui Tomb. The former two were first printed with patterns, and then painted with colorful leaves with a brush. The latter, which is very exquisite, was overprinted by printing plates for three colors. Besides, a printed silk textile was excavated from the Mojuzi Eastern Han Tomb in Wuwei, Gansu. For that piece, combined concave and convex models were used to print patterns. Compared with the steeping method, pattern printing with convex plates produces much more exact and fine textures. The third technique is embroidery. Embroidery is a special technique of textile decoration. It uses fine needles connected with colored silk threads to embroider patterns on fabrics such as qi, ling, luo, and juan. It uses a very flexible method similar to color painting, and is a kind of individualized handicraft. »Biography of Jia Yi« in Book of Han says, »gorgeous embroidery was used in the clothing of ancient emperors,« but it was abused by the rich and powerful in the contemporary era. This reflects the popularity of embroidery during the Han Dynasty. Embroideries have been excavated from many Han tombs, including Mawangdui Tomb no. 1 in Changsha, the Western Han Tomb in Dabaotai, Beijing, the Huai’an Han Tomb in Hebei, the Mojuzi Eastern Han Tomb in Wuwei, Gansu, the Eastern Han Tomb in the Minfeng Northern Desert, Xinjiang, and the Tomb of the Xiongnu Kings in Noyin Ula, Mongolia. Han embroidery has the following characteristics. First, it shows typical Han patterns of cloud and cornex, evolved from the dragon-phoenix and vine patterns of Warring States embroidery.

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In the catalog of embroideries excavated from the Mawangdui Tomb in Changsha, there are terms such as »longevity embroidery,« »xinqi [信期] embroidery« and »cloud riding embroidery.« Among the 40 pieces of embroidery excavated from the tomb, there are 19 pieces of xinqi embroidery, seven pieces of longevity embroidery and seven pieces of cloud riding embroidery. Most of them have silk textiles such as juan, qi, and luo as the ground, and patterns are embroidered with colored silk threads in vermilion, dark red, earthy yellow, navy blue, dark blue and olive yellow. Also, a piece of silk, embroidered with cornelian patterns in dark red, was also unearthed from this tomb. The patterns are sparsely and elegantly organized. Secondly, the Han embroidery patterns are often organized in units, so the skeletal structure is relatively weak. Thirdly, the velvet used in Han embroidery was very colorful. Fourth, in addition to silk textiles, Han embroidery was also applied to woolen fabrics such as blankets. For example, in Nooyin Ula, Mongolia, blankets with dragon, beasts fighting, fish and bird embroidery, as well as an embroidered curtain with jade pendant, were excavated. The patterns of these embroideries mostly look exotic. Fifth, the embroidery stitches of the Han Dynasty mostly follow the lock embroidery method since the Warring States Period. In individual cases, straight-needle embroidery and succeeding-needle embroidery were also used, such as the chess-pattern embroideries excavated from the Mawangdui Tomb. Sometimes, the fully covered straight-needle embroidery method was used, such as in the tree-pattern embroideries excavated from the same tomb.

7. Clothing and Accessories In ancient times, costumes were institutionally or customarily differentiated in terms of rank and style. There were distinctions between rulers and ministers, men and women, elders and children. But the costume system also had a direct correlation with the development of the textile industry.

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As the Qin and Han dynasties were founded on the basis of martial power, almost all institutions or policies were just started. As a result, the imperial costume system once departed from the ancient one. At the beginning of the Western Han Dynasty, there was no strict rule of carriage or clothing. In the eighth year of Gaozu (199 BCE), merchants were not allowed to wear brocade, embroidery, damask, fine gauze, ramie or wool. Emperor Wen of Han favored a frugal lifestyle, and wore rough black clothes, leather shoes and red belts himself. With the great development of the textile industry after the reign of Emperor Wu, luxurious clothes were favored by the people. Even servants of some noble families also wore high-quality fabrics. In addition, the expansion of foreign and frontier traffic brought about new styles such as »Hu clothing.« Overall, the Qin and Han costume system was varied and unstrict. In many Han portrait bricks and tomb murals, the images reveal much about the contemporary costumes. The coronet garment was the dress of the emperor in ancient times. Qin Shi Huang abolished the system of »six official costumes« established in the Zhou Dynasty and promoted only the black coronet garment. According to »Monograph on Suburban Sacrifices« in Book of Han, the court rituals were roughly set by Shusun Tong in the early Han Dynasty. As for the imperial costume system, »it was not yet in place for several generations.« Until Wang Mang, he had the intention of restoring the ancient system, and he fixed the ritual system of imperial dress, but it was abolished. Until the reign of Emperor Ming of Eastern Han, an imperial costume system was re-established according to the Rites of Zhou, Book of Rites and Book of Documents. Only then did the Han Dynasty have a more complete imperial costume system. Images of such coronet garments can be seen in the portrait stone »picture of coronet and tassels« unearthed in Jinxiang, Shandong Province, and the »portrait of Emperor Guangwu of Han, Liu Xiu« in Yan Liben’s Portraits of Emperors Through the Ages.

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During the Han Dynasty, there was a system of wearing ribbons for all officials. The ribbon was issued to officials of all rank together with the official seal, which was tied around the waist. The ribbon was dangled out, both as a personal sign and a part of the costume design. According to »State Coaches and Court Robes II« in The Book of Later Han, the yellow and red ribbon of the Han emperor was two zhang 丈 and nine Chinese feet and nine Chinese inches long. The red ribbon of the vassal king was two zhang and one Chinese foot long. The purple ribbon of the Duke, Marquis and General were one zhang and seven Chinese feet long. In addition, jade belt hooks and jade pendants were also important costume elements. In the Han Dynasty, Emperor Xiaoming set up the system of jade pendant in accordance with the ancient system, and made regulations on the form of jade pendant for ceremonies and court meetings. The jade pendants consisted of jade huang half ring, bi ring, gem belt ornament, chongya 冲牙beast plate, etc., which were connected with colorful silk strands and colorful beads. The jade pendants were worn around the waist, and produced a special sound which was very noble. In the Qin and Han, head covers, or guan 冠 were the most important part of men’s clothing. This was a continuation of the ancient system. »State Coaches and Court Robes II« in The Book of Later Han records ten kinds of head covers in Qin and Han dynasties. Each has their own name: mian guan 冕冠, chang guan 长冠, weimao guan 委貌冠, pibian guan 皮弁冠, juebian guan 爵弁 冠, tongtian guan 通天冠, yuanyou guan 远游冠, gaoshan guan 高山冠, jinxian guan 进贤冠, fa guan 法冠, wu guan 武冠, jianhua guan 建华冠, fangshan guan 方山冠, qiaoshi guan 巧士冠, quefei guan 却非冠, quedi guan 却敌冠, fankuai guan 樊哙冠, shushi guan 术氏冠, he guan 鹖冠, etc. In general, they have slanting tops, high in front and low in the back, with only small differences. In the portrait of Jing Ke stabbing the King of Qin at the

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Wu Family Shrines in Shandong, Qin Shi Huang wears tongtian guan with a black shaped-top ze 帻. In Han portraits, scholars wearing jinxian guan are common. Examples are the scholar official portrait on the Eastern Han portrait stone from Yinan, Shandong, the mural painting of a group of officials from the Wangdu Eastern Han Tomb in Hebei, and the picture of teaching classics on an Eastern Han portrait brick from Chengdu, Sichuan. Out of practical needs, a towel named jinze 巾帻 was used to bundle hair in the Qin military. After the Han Dynasty, it became popular among the people, often used together with the head cover. There were different forms, such as flat-top ze, shaped-top ze, empty top ze, which were distinguished by material and color. According to »State Coaches and Court Robes II« in The Book of Later Han, lower ranked officials wore green ze in the spring; military officials wore red ze; youngsters under 20 wore empty top ze; mourners wore ramie ze. There is another kind of hair tie, xiaotou 帩头, similar to jinze. As it was very simple to tie, it became popular first among the common people, then among the Confucian scholars and civil officials. In the Qin and Han dynasties, the noblest men’s clothing was a kind of robe combining the upper garment and the lower garment. Officials ranging from Duke and Marquis to low-ranked officials all wore robes, and even the common people could also wear plain robes. In the Eastern Han Dynasty, the robe was taken as the court costume. The robes mostly had a not-fully covered collar. The collar and sleeves were decorated with rhombic pattern embroidery. The sleeves were large, but the cuffs were narrow. The lower hem was sometimes shaped as a crescent. Another kind of clothing, danyi 单衣, or single garment, was similar to the robe but had no lining. It was worn by officials in their private everyday life, but could also be worn inside the court costume. The chanyu 襜褕 plain clothes were a kind of single garments.

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It appeared in the Western Han Dynasty, and became popular in the Eastern Han Dynasty. As it was easy to wear, it became the most usual piece of clothing. In the Han Dynasty, officials usually wore coats, pants and breech cloths for their convenience. The scholar officials might also take it as a casual dress. Martial garments and armor are a special category of male clothing. The Qin and Han figurines and the excavated armor reflect the power of the Qin and Han armies and the completeness of their military uniforms. Qin soldiers all wore battle robes inside and armor outside. The armor had a sophisticated construction. Because of the need to fight with Xiongnu, especially the cavalry, iron armor was highly valued. Iron fish-scale armors were excavated from the Mancheng Han Tomb in Hebei, with a total of more than 2,800 pieces of armor. They have fine craftsmanship, since the edges and inner sides of the scales are wrapped with leather, silk, and brocade. Qin and Han battle robes, cotton coats, pants, etc., are mostly tight clothes made of ramie and linen. Battle robes are mostly red, which looks powerful. According to an ancient saying, »males wear head covers and females wear hair buns.« In the Qin and Han dynasties, women did not braid their hair, but bundled it. There were many types of hair buns. According to historical records, in the Qin Dynasty, there were approaching-cloud buns, nine-knotted watching immortal buns, visiting phoenix buns, etc. In the Han Dynasty, there were greeting spring buns, falling cloud buns, celestial residence buns, winding buns, hundred-join buns, parted hair buns, one heart buns, fallen horse buns, etc. Most of these names are very elegant, except for the fallen horse buns, which was a slightly tilted hair bun. According to »Biographies of Liang Tong« in The Book of Later Han and other historical records, the wife of Liang Ji, the brother of Emperor Shun’s wife was attractive. She was good at making sad eyebrows, crying makeup, the fallen horse bun, bent waist

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step, a reserved smile—which were all extremely charming. The noble ladies in the capital tried to follow her makeup style, known as »Liang’s fashionable makeup.« Fallen horse bun is also known as fallen bun. The word »fallen« describes the state of hair on the verge of falling. The Han yuefu poem »Mulberry Lane« describes Luo Fu: »Falling bun on the head, glowing pearls in the ears; light yellow damask as skirt, purple damask as coat.« In the Qin and Han dynasties, the bun was usually uncovered. The noblewomen’s hair buns were often decorated with the plain hairpin, dangling hairpin and jade pearl hairpin. Te dangling hairpin was the most distinctive among them. Pendant beads were attached to it, which shook with each step. According to »State Coaches and Court Robes  II« in The Book of Later Han, the empress’ dangling hairpin was decorated with gold, white beads and jadeite. The image of a noblewoman in a silk painting excavated from the Mawangdui Tomb is decorated with a dangling hairpin. »State Coaches and Court Robes II« in The Book of Later Han mentions that the Empress Dowager, Empress and noble ladies wore shenyi (深衣), or »deep clothes« in the temple, which was women’s clothing in the Han Dynasty. It included both curved full front and straight full front. The former is tight, but the hem is broad. It was so long that it touched the ground and hid the feet while walking. It was common in the Western Han Dynasty. The silk painting of a noblewoman, excavated from the Mawangdui no.  1 Tomb, wears a shenyi with wide sleeve and curved full front. The lapels are wrapped around her. Actually, 12 complete pieces of the noblewoman’s clothes were excavated from the tomb. Nine of them are shenyi. While Shenyi was a formal dress for women, the more casual women’s clothing was the ruqun 襦裙 skirt. The lines »light yellow damask as skirt, purple damask as coat« describes the combination of the upper coat and lower skirt. The coat is short to the waist, and the long skirt is narrow at the top,

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wide at the bottom. This dress style first appeared in the Warring States Period. For example, an actual silk ruqun was unearthed from the Mojuzi Han Tomb in Wuwei, Gansu. In addition, women also wore trousers instead of skirts. Among the court ladies, sometimes they wore belt trousers with crotches on the front and back, known as qiongku 穷绔. In the Han Dynasty, dance music flourished. The dancers wore high buns with beads and ornaments, floor-length robes with wide and long sleeves. For the sake of dance, the end of the sleeves was connected with a narrower sleeve extension, which reflects the special charm of women’s clothing of the Han Dynasty. From the Minfeng Eastern Han Tomb in Xinjiang, a female brocade gown »All the Best« in duijin 对 襟 style, namely with a symmetrical front, was excavated. It has narrow sleeves and waist, and a slanting lower hem. The style is characteristic of the Western Regions, while the material and decoration are all from the Central Plains. This reflects the extensive cultural exchanges during the Han Dynasty. In addition, some Han socks, silk shoes, embroidered sachets, and brocade mirror bags were excavated in Northwest China. They also provide rich information for understanding the details of women’s clothing in the Han Dynasty.

Section 2  Architecture of the Qin and Han Dynasties Qin and Han architecture was in a period of transition from high platform architecture to wooden architecture. Under the concept of »no magnificent appearance, then no prestige,« the high platform architecture of pre-Qin became so developed during the Qin and Western Han that »the later generations could hardly overtake it.« During the Eastern Han Dynasty, the main technical problems of wooden architecture were solved, and

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the basic style of ancient Chinese wooden architecture was established. The initial maturity of dougong 斗拱, or interlocking wooden brackets, was marked by the emergence of three sheng 升 on one dou 斗, which meant three smaller bases on one large base. This reflects the progress of wood construction technology, and is a typical example of the unity of decoration and structure in ancient Chinese architecture. The construction of the Great Wall, Qin Shi Huang’s tomb and other mega architecture projects reflect the high level of construction management and the large scale of the projects. In terms of specific categories, many were built in a large scale, such as city gate towers, palaces, temples, mausoleums, and gardens. In terms of the layout of the capital city, from Xianyang in the Qin Dynasty to Chang’an in the Western Han Dynasty and Luoyang in the Eastern Han Dynasty, the palace tended to be moved into the city, and the city plan tended to be square. Thus, the basic pattern of the Chinese capital city was established for nearly 2,000 years thereafter. Through historical records, rhapsodies and archaeological excavations, many buildings from this period are known, for example: Xianyang Palace, Epang Palace, Qin Shi Huang Mausoleum, Qin Great Wall, Nanyue King’s Imperial Palace from the Qin Dynasty, Changle Palace, Weiyang Palace, Jianzhang Palace, Shanglin Garden, Taiyang Pond, Kunming Pond from the Western Han Dynasty, Ancestral Temple, Bright Hall and Biyong Hall in the Xin Dynasty, and Deyang Hall in the Eastern Han Dynasty. Also, dozens of Han stone gate towers were found in Sichuan, Henan, Shandong, etc. They were imitated from wooden structures, revealing their essential spirit. In addition, a large number of Han Dynasty portrait bricks, portrait stones, and architectural images in tomb murals, as well as pottery house models for burial use, provide rich material for studying the history of Chinese architecture (Fig. 3.5.7).

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1. From High-platform Buildings to Wooden Architecture According to »Annals of Qin Shi Huang« in Records of the Grand Historian, every time Qin Shi Huang beat a state, he imitated its palace on the northern slope of Xianyang, from Yongmen Gate to the east to River Jing and Wei. There, »palaces, houses, double paths (both on the ground and in the air) were connected to each other.« Imperial Maps of the Three Metropolitan Areas (Sanfu huangtu 三辅黄图) records that Epang Palace »expanded more than 300 miles, with many detached palaces and side chambers occupying

3.5.7  Picture of Ningcheng, Horinger Han Tomb in Inner Mongolia

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mountains and valleys.« The present Qin Palace site in Xianyang still retains the original magnificence, which is evident from the mural fragments, decorated bricks, eave tiles, etc. At the beginning of the Han Dynasty, Emperor Gaozu built Changle Palace on the basis of the Qin Palace, and ordered Grand Chancellor Xiao He to build Weiyang Palace. According to »Annals of Emperor Gaodi of Han« in Book of Han, when Xiao He built Weiyang Palace, he built the East Gate Tower, North Gate Tower, Front Hall, Military Storehouse and Great Storehouse. He explained to Emperor Gaozu: The Son of Heaven has the whole world as his home, so without the majestic appearance, his prestige

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would not be reasserted. It should be so majestic that the later generations could hardly surpass it. It is evident that the building of palace sin Western Han was highly political. It aimed at being unprecedented and unmatched in the future. During the Warring States Period, the vassal kings built high-platform buildings, the so-called »high-platform pavilions and beautiful palaces.« The emperors of Qin and Han were keen on achieving immortality, so they favored diviners, and built many high and splendid pavilions—for example, Yunming Platform built by Qin Shi Huang and Bailiang Platform built by Emperor Wu of Han. According to historical records, Gongsun Qing instructed Emperor Wu of Han that the immortals liked to live in buildings, and that they would only come if the buildings were high enough. So he built Feiliangui Pavilion, Yiyanshou Pavilion and Tongtian Platform. Later, Bailiang Platform, 20 zhang high, was destroyed by fire. Emperor Wu also followed a shaman from Yue, and built Jianzhang Palace, Shenming Platform and Jinggan Platform. In addition, in Western Han, there were also Qu Platform, Jian Platform on the Taiye Lake, Linhua Platform, Shenxian Platform, Wangxian Platform, Wanghu Platform, and Bifeng Platform. These constructions marked the heyday of high-platform buildings. According to the archaeological data of Han capitals and related written sources, the ritual buildings of the Han Dynasty, such as Bright Hall with Biyong Hall in Chang’an, Nine Temple of Wang Mang, Eastern Han Luoyang Bright Hall, were all important high-platform buildings. Regarding construction methods, these buildings were built on high platforms of rammed earth, which looked majestic. With the progress of construction technology, after the Eastern Han Dynasty, the rammed earth high platform buildings rapidly declined and were replaced by pavilion buildings. From this point on, wooden architecture began to develop. The turn not only implies the progress of architectural technology, but also the potential for new architectural design.

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Like a usual period of exploration, the Han Dynasty witnessed great diversification of architecture. The three main structuring methods of Chinese wooden architecture, i.  e., post and lintel construction, column and tie construction, and log cabin construction, were all established during this period. Also, the wooden pavilion emerged in the Eastern Han Dynasty. It best reflects the concept of Chinese wooden architecture. The pavilion, also known as multilayered building and multilayered chambers was first seen in the Spring and Autumn Period. In the Western Han Dynasty, their number grew, and in the Eastern Han Dynasty they flourished. »Biographies of Eunuchs« in The Book of Later Han says: »Tens of thousands of houses were built; they were connected with each other, and were painted gorgeously.« The multilayered wooden pavilions were becoming increasingly diverse in structure and shape during Eastern Han. There were many combination possibilities of construction units, such as waist eaves, flat seats (similar to balconies) and railings. Actually, many excavated pottery funeral wares of this period are pavilion models, for example the seven-layered colored pottery storehouse in connected double towers unearthed from the Eastern Han tomb in Jiaozuo, Henan. Between the Han and Wei dynasties, the pavilions were built increasingly tall. For example, according to historical records, buildings were constructed with complex techniques, including Tongchuo Platform, Bingjing Platform, Jinhu Platform, and Lingyun Platform. At the same time, with the introduction of Buddhism, Chinese pagodas, combined from the Indian tower stupa and the multistory wooden pavilion of the Central Plains, began to be built in the Wei and Jin periods. This also reflects the rich possibilities of multistory wooden architecture in the Han Dynasty. Along with the initial formation of the basic framework of wooden architecture, the basic form of dougong was established. Dougong connect elements with beams and columns, and are the

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most characteristic element of Chinese wooden architecture. The simplest dougong were already used in the Warring States Period. From the stone gate tower imitating wooden structure, as well as the excavated pottery buildings and other funeral wares, portrait bricks, portrait stones, it is clear that the dougong construction of two smaller bases on one large base was very common in the Han Dynasty, and that there were also a few cases of three smaller bases on one large base. On the top of the construction, another layer could be added, known as chongluan 重栾, or double brackets. Zhang Heng wrote in Rhapsody of the Western Capital, »build chongluan to support the beams.« At the same time, chagong 插拱, or inserted brackets, which directly jump out from the column, was an important invention in the Han Dynasty. At the end of chagong, a construction of two smaller bases on one large base, parallel to the eaves, was set. This was a very common type of dougong in the Han Dynasty. In the Eastern Han Dynasty, the technology of building dougong basically matured. It became an important part of the wooden architecture, but its shape was still relatively simple and unstandardized. The practice varied greatly in different regions. The smaller bases were sometimes flat, sometimes curved, and sometimes even carved into animal shapes. For example, in the portrait stone tomb in Beizhaicun, Yinan, dragon-head bases are stretched out on both sides of the main construction, in which one large base supports two smaller bases. These are the characteristics of dougong in its developmental period. The establishment of the basic form of dougong is one of the most important creations in Han Dynasty architecture. It laid the groundwork for the development of dougong into its heyday in the Tang Dynasty. The multi-layered dougong, which support the far-reaching eaves, has a great many variations, but all of them are formed by simple and standardized units. Dougong have both magnificent shapes and intricate connotations. They

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not only have decorative function, but also distinguish between different social status. The dougong is regarded as the most charming and complicated aspect of Chinese wooden architecture. Other architectural units and decorations also witnessed great achievements during the Qin and Han dynasties.The most common roof forms of Chinese wooden architecture mostly appeared in the Han Dynasty, including the hip roof, saddle roof, suspension roof, and pointed roof. During the Han Dynasty, the hip roof was still new. It was a combination of a central suspension roof and a peripheral roof. The connection part between the both naturally formed a step. The roof took the form of an upper layer and a bottom layer, for example, the Eastern Han pottery house excavated in Mumashan, Chengdu. The roofs in this period were relatively flat, and the eaves were slightly upturned in a »reversed eave« manner. As Zhang Heng noted in Rhapsody of the Western Capital, »reversed eaves are tall and magnificent.« In Qin and Han architecture, the tiles of the eaves and the bricks on the ground were decorated. This is apparent from many excavated objects, mainly patterned bricks and tiles.An immense amount of bricks were used in Qin and Han architecture. Their common forms were square bricks, rectangular bar bricks, hollow bricks, etc. Other bricks, such as five-arris bricks, curved bricks, wedge-shaped bricks, etc., were used for special parts of architecture. Motifs, patterns, and words were often pressed on the unburnt bricks with a model before firing. Bricks from the Qin Dynasty mostly have a hard surface and rich patterns, such as patterns of rope, the characters 回 and 米, square, rhombus, star, kui dragon, dragon and phoenix. The patterns are very exquisite, praised as »Qin bricks and Han tiles.« The most representative objects include the patterned paving bricks and phoenix pattern hollow bricks. In the Han Dynasty, the motif of four gods was new for brick. All these patterns had a more diversified structure than before. Also, auspicious

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3.5.8 Large eave tile, unearthed from Qin Shi Huang Tomb, National Museum of China

words and dates pressed by a model were more common. In addition to the patterned bricks, the most prominent type of Han bricks are the portrait bricks from tomb architecture. For a detailed account, see the section on portrait bricks and portrait stones. Wadang 瓦当, or eave tiles, refersto the end of the convex tiles closest to the eaves, also called tile blocks, commonly known as the tile head. The eave tiles are arranged horizontally one by one through the eaves. They bind and define the tile surface. Since the Warring States Period, the tiles were often decorated with patterns. Since many of them have survived, have well-structured form and distinct decorations from different eras, they have become an important basis for dating ancient architecture. The eave tiles were shaped with a model before firing. As they were initially made semi-circular, they were called »half-eave tiles.« In the late Warring States Period, round eave tiles also appeared. The majority of Qin and Han tiles are round and decorated with figures or words. They have a concentric circle layout with a central button and an outer blank edge. Between

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the both, decorations of figures or words are distributed. The Qin eave tiles are mostly decorated with whirling cloud patterns, sometimes also with kui dragon and phoenix patterns. For example, a large eave tile with kui dragon and phoenix patterns (Fig.  3.5.8) was excavated from Qin Shi Huang Tomb in Lintong, Shaanxi. It takes the form of a large semicircle that falls between a half eave tile and a round eave tile. It is 41.3 cm high, decorated with a variant of the kui dragon and phoenix motif, and has a magnificent form. There are not many inscribed Qin eave tiles, but when there are words, they are often written in four characters in small seal script, divided by a double-line cross, and laid out in accordance with the circular outline of the eave tile. Eave tiles from the Han Dynasty have perfect form and rich ornamentation. Among them, the motif of four gods, green dragon, white tiger, red phoenix, and black turtle was the most typical (Fig.  3.5.9). In addition, there were animal patterns such as deer, geese, cicadas, and fish, as well as many 回 patterns, vortex patterns, and cloud patterns. Inscribed eave tiles had abundant form in the Han Dynasty. The most typical examples include and the four-character eave tiles from the palace buildings of the Western Han. There are also many other eave tiles excavated from sites of private houses, manors and burial sites, showing a great variety of forms. The script is mostly in seal script, with occasional clerical script. The number of characters ranges from one to ten. They are mainly laid out in concentric circles, with curving strokes and many exquisite details. A sunk panel, commonly known as a »roof flower,« is notable for their flamboyant decoration in Qin and Han architecture. It is depicted in Zhang Heng’s Rhapsody of the Western Capital and Wang Yanshou’s Rhapsody of Lu Lingguang Hall. Among the architectural remains of Han Dynasty tombs, the sunk panel takes various forms, including the sloping square sunk panel, and the dome formed by the intersection of arches. The sunk panel is

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3.5.9 Eave tile with four-god motif, Shanghai Museum

often painted with lotus, water caltrop, algae and other aquatic plants, so that fire can be avoided symbolically by adding water elements. For example, a reversed-bucket sunk panel with twelve square beams is found in a cliff tomb in Leshan, Sichuan. Its design is simple and clear. Also, a sunk panel has been found in the tomb chamber of Yinan Han Tomb. It is decorated with vividly carved overturned lotus flowers. During the Qin and Han dynasties, architecture was mainly painted in black and gray, and earthy red, which is said to be related to the water virtue

of the Qin and the fire virtue of the Han, according to the theory of five elements. Architectural murals were very common. They often used white and green colors to represent the mists, water and heavenly plants. In addition to Han Dynasty tomb murals, mural painting remains have also been found at Qin and Han architectural sites. For example, at the site of the Eastern Han Lingtai Platform in the southern suburbs of the old Han and Wei cities in Luoyang, the remaining walls on the foundation of the platform are painted in different colors. The western wall is painted white,

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the eastern wall painted green, and the southern wall decorated with vermilion. This is a direct reflection of the theory of five elements. For more details on Qin and Han mural painting, see the section on Qin and Han painting.

2. Capitals The building of capitals, as well as palaces, gardens, temples and tombs inside and outside the capitals, was associated with the rise and fall of the regime and its socio-economic development, and its culture along with the institutional base of ritual. Xianyang, the capital of the Qin Dynasty, and Chang’an, the adjacent capital of the Western Han Dynasty, were located in the Guanzhong hinterlands, south of Mount Jiuzong and north of the Wei River. The location reflects the political goals of the Qin and Han regimes to unify the land. In terms of the layout of the capital, the palace cities were annexes to the main city in the Warring States Period. After a long period of development up to the Eastern Han, the palace cities were finally incorporated into the city. Originally, the plan of the outer city wall was not very regular. But later, it was almost developed to a square form. This laid the foundation for the shape of Chinese capitals over the following two millennia. The Qin capital was built primarily for showing off the empire’s power. To a certain extent, it was built at the cost of the conquest and extensive destruction of the six warring states. Also, it was built in a hurry. The Han government, on the other hand, »reviewed the Qin system and explored the Zhou method.« Based on the achievements of the Qin Dynasty, it started with the expansion project of the capital, and built it in stages. Therefore, the basic forms of the Qin capital and Qin palace were mostly continued in the Han Dynasty. For example, the both dynasties did not form a complete construction plan at the beginning of their governance. Although palaces dominated the capital, it was a fait accompli that palaces, houses, offices and markets were mixed in the city. The plan of

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the palace was generally in accordance with the former dynasties, with the front being the court, and the back being living space. But there was no differentiation between the outer court, governing court, and banquet court as in the ancient system. The palace complexes were surrounded by high walls, which indicates the great importance attached to defense and management functions. The whole city was very closed-off inside. For the purpose of a military management, civil houses were built on the lifang 里坊 system, the segregation system of living units. Meanwhile, the palaces of both dynasties were extremely magnificent. Huge rammed earth platforms were built to support spectacular high-platform buildings. Emperor Wu of Han linked this grandeur with heavenly virtue and immortality. Thus these symbolic connotations were combined with the idea of declaring prestige, which had far-reaching influence. The Qin capital was located about 10 km east of the present-day Xianyang City, in Shaanxi Province. Old Xianyang city was built in the middle of the Warring States Period. Before that, the Qin state had moved its capital from Yongcheng (now Fengxiang, Shaanxi) to Yueyang (now northeast of Lintong, Shaanxi), and then Duke Xiao of Qin moved it to Xianyang. From that time, Xianyang was the capital of the Qin state and the Qin Dynasty, for more than 140 years. After Qin Shi Huang’s major construction projects, a large capital city spanning the north and south of the Wei River was formed. The city was made up of two parts. The first part was the old city of Xianyang to the north of the Wei River, including additional palaces of the six states built by Qin Shi Huang. According to archaeological investigations, it was roughly 6  km long from east to west and 7.5 km long from north to south. To the north of the central part of the city, there is the site of the Xianyang Palace, also known as the Qin Palace. West of Xianyang Palace, some workshops for iron casting, copper smelting, pottery and brick

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making are scattered. The other part is a large area to the south of the Wei River, which looks out over the old city of Xianyang. It is the location of detached palaces and gardens, such as Xingle Palace, Epang Palace, Zhangtai Platform, and Shanglin Garden. In order to connect the palaces north and south of the Wei River, the Wei Bridge was built. In addition, the palaces were connected by overhead pavilions and carriageways. Chang’an, the capital of the Western Han Dynasty, also known as the Western Capital, was the most prestigious capital city in ancient China—and at one time the largest city in East Asia. The ruins of Han Chang’an City are located in the northwestern suburbs of present-day Xi’an. Its construction began with palaces. At first, Liu Bang, Emperor Gaozu of Han, built Changle Palace on the basis of Qin detached palaces such as the Xingle Palace to the south of the Wei River. He also ordered Xiao He, the counselor-in-chief, to build palaces such as Weiyang Palace. This palace complex formed the earliest center of the imperial court. Also, the construction of Chang’an City began there. During the reign of Emperor Hui (194–188 BCE), the city wall was built, with the palace as the center. Thus, the fundamental scope of the capital city was established. Several sections of the city wall still remain today, including a part of the eastern wall and a part of the western. The excavations have revealed that the city wall was built of rammed earth. They also show that the city plan was slightly square, with a side length of about 5–7 km, and surrounded by moats on the outside. Because of the construction from inside to outside, and the influence of landscape and water system, the outer wall had an irregular shape that was close to square. There were twelve gates on all four sides of the city. Inside the city, there were eight straight and wide streets of different lengths, which were distributed regularly. They divided the city into different zones. Among them, the most important, Weiyang Palace and Changle Palace, were located in the south of the city on higher ground,

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the former in the west and the latter in the east. They were surrounded by palace walls, and therefore relatively independent. Between the palaces there were warehouses, offices, residences and scattered workshops, markets, etc. The northwest was the industrial and commercial area. It was divided into »nine markets,« enclosed by walls. People could only enter this area through the market gates. The northeast was mainly residential, with a dense layout based on the lifang system. The strictly managed streets formed a strong contrast with the magnificent royal palaces. The sub-districts in Chang’an, such as the palace, government offices, markets, and living blocks were each enclosed by high walls. The traffic system was arranged in grid form. There was no public meeting place. During the reign of Emperor Wu of Han, construction continued to the southwest of Chang’an City. For example, in the second year of Jianyuan (139 BCE), the Shanglin Garden was expanded on the site of an old Qin garden. In the fifth year of Yuanshuo (124 BCE), the Imperial Academy was built outside of Anmen Gate, which was in the south of the city. In the first year of Taichu (104 BCE), the Jianzhang Palace, Fengque Tower, Taiye Lake, Shenming Platform, and Jinggan Building were built in Shangling Garden. In the fourth year of Taichu (101 BCE), Gui Palace and Bei Palace were built to the north of Weiyang Palace, and Ming Guang Palace to the north of Changle Palace. In addition, wealthy people from all over the empire moved to live near the imperial mausoleums in Chang’an. The residence was called »mausoleum city.« At the time, the scale of cities and palaces was expanded considerably. At the end of Western Han Dynasty, after Wang Mang came to power, he built Bright Hall and Biyong Hall in the south of Chang’an City in 4 CE, the fourth year of Yuanshi in Emperor Ping’s reign. After Wang Mang usurped the throne, he ordered the demolition of more than ten buildings, such as Jianzhang Palace in the first year of Dihuang (20 CE) and built nine temples of the new dynasty

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in the south of the city. Shortly afterwards, Wang Mang’s regime was overthrown. In the first year of Jianwu, Emperor Guangwu of te Eastern Han, Liu Xiu, moved the capital to Luoyang. However, Chang’an was still called the Western Capital. From the perspective of urban planning, the tradition of building a palace in the middle was not adopted. Rather, the main palace, Weiyang Palace, was built on the Longshou Plateau. Thus it could overlook the city by virtue of the high terrain. It was connected to palaces such as Changle Palace and Mingguang Palace, which formed a huge palace complex together to express the dignity of the imperial capital. Luoyang was originally the place where King Cheng of the Western Zhou Dynasty gathered the »disobedient people of the Yin Dynasty.« Later, it became the capital for King Jing of the Eastern Zhou. During the Western Han Dynasty, Luoyang was the secondary capital. In the Eastern Han Dynasty, Luoyang became the main capital, and was known as Eastern Capital. The ruins of the Eastern Han Luoyang City are located in the eastern suburbs of Luoyang, Henan. Luoyang City is located to the south of Mount Mang and the north of Luo River. It is high in the north and low in the south. Archaeological surveys show that Luoyang City was surrounded by rammed earth walls, and several sections still exist today. The plan of the city wall was a relatively regular rectangle, about 2.6  km wide from east to west and 4  km long from north to south. The area of the city is about one-third of Chang’an City. In later times, the Luo River shifted north and destroyed the southern wall and some gates. There were twelve gates in Luoyang City, with four gates in the south, from the east to the west, Kaiyang Gate, Pingcheng Gate, Xiaoyuan Gate, and Jin Gate. There were three gates respectively in the east and west, and two in the north. According to The Book of Later Han, Pingcheng Gate, also known as the Gate of Zhengyang, was located on the north-south central axis. Since it

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was connected to the palace, and the suburban sacrifice procession always went through it, the gate was the most prestigious among all gates. On the north-south axis, on the site of imperial palaces, there were two major palaces, the South Palace and the North Palace, which were connected to each other by double paths. North Palace lied slightly in the west. Its main hall, Deyang Hall, was especially majestic. Southeast of the South Palace, there were official offices such as the Office of the Defender-in-Chief. Northwest of the South Palace, there was the gold market. Around the South Palace and North Palace, squareshaped living blocks were arranged between the grid-shaped streets— similar to Chang’an in the Western Han. In the south of Luoyang, along the main street outside Pingcheng Gate, there was Lingtai Platform for viewing the sky on the west side, and the Bright Hall, as well as Biyong Hall and Imperial Academy on the east side. On the whole, Luoyang City inherited and developed the concept of planning the palace. However, the proportion of the palace in the city was smaller. In Eastern Han’s Luoyang, there were royal gardens such as Fangling Garden. Outside of the city, there were such gardens as Bigui Garden, Lingkun Garden and Shanglin Garden. They were much smaller than that of Qin and Western Han, and therefore, the major sights were much more concentrated. Nobles such as the great general Liang Ji began to build private gardens, which led to a new fashion. In addition, with the economic prosperity of the Han Dynasty, commerce and handicrafts experienced accelerated development, and exchange with foreign countries was promoted. Therefore, a number of regional trade cities emerged, such as Linzi, Jiangling and Chengdu, where water and land transportation were convenient. Meanwhile, on the Silk Road in the northwest, cities such as Jiuquan, Wuwei, Dunhuang were growing. The capitals of vassal states in remote areas had their own characteristics, such as the capitals

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of Minyue state in Chong’an, Fujian, and Nanyue state in Panyu, Guangzhou. A new type of architecture emerged in Han Dynasty cities—the earliest Buddhist temple in China.According to historical records such as The Book of Later Han, Buddhism was introduced to China during the reign of Emperor Ming of Eastern Han. In the seventh year of Yongping (64 CE), Emperor Ming of Han Dynasty dreamed of golden men at night, so he sent 12 people, including Cai Yin and Wang Zun, to seek Buddhist sutras in Tianzhu (India). They invited the Indian monks Kāśyapa Mātaṇga and Dharmaratna back to the Central Plains, carried sutras and Buddha statues on white horses, and returned to Luoyang in the tenth year of Yongping (67 CE). They were welcomed by Court of State Ceremonial, which was specialized in foreign affairs. In the following year, a residence was built outside Yongmen Gate, in Luoyang. It was named the White Horse Temple to commemorate the merits of Indian monks who came to China with white horses carrying the sutras. This is also considered the first Buddhist temple in China. As »Biography of Xiang Kai« in The Book of Later Han records, in the reign of Emperor Huan, »a shrine to Huang-Lao and Buddha was set up in the palace.« This indicates that Buddhism began to enter the inner court. The existing White Horse Temple was actually rebuilt in later times, but information about the rebuilding is no longer available. According to »Monograph on Buddhism and Taoism« in Book of Wei, White Horse Temple was »decorated with delicately painted portraits of the Buddha, and had a square plan.« Therefore, it is known to be a square courtyard with a pagoda in the center. The inside of the temple is painted with the fresco of »a thousand horsemen and ten thousand carriages going three turns around the pagoda.« Buddhist temples were called Futu 浮屠, or Futu temples. At the end of the Eastern Han Dynasty, Zuo Rong built many »Futu temples« in Xuzhou. They consisted of »multi-storied buildings,« and

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many other complicated halls and pavilions. As we have seen, »multi-storied building« refers to the wooden pagoda in the pavilion form. According to written records and the archaeological excavations of the Northern Wei Yongning Temple in Luoyang, and also with regard to existing Buddhist temples in Japan, it can be presumed that the Han Buddhist temple was generally a square courtyard with a tower in the middle. The courtyard was surrounded by houses on all four sides. There was a gate on each side. This pagoda-courtyard plan continued to be used during the Southern and Northern Dynasties, and spread to Korea and Japan.

3. Palaces The palace was the core of the ancient Chinese capital. This was particularly prominent in the Qin and Han capitals. During the Qin and Han dynasties, palaces continued to be built based on the older traditions, but they greatly surpassed their predecessors in terms of scale and combinations. A large number of Qin palaces were distributed over hundreds of miles around the Qin capital, Xianyang. From the reign of Duke Mu of Qin on, Qin had a tradition of showing off great success by building palaces. Qin Shi Huang developed this tradition to an extreme. On the basis of the palaces built in the Qin state, he expanded Xianyang Palace on the northern bank of the Wei River, built Lanchi Palace, Wangyi Palace, and Liangshan Palace, and imitated the palaces of the six states on the east side of Xianyang Palace. In Jianxin Palace and its carriageways, Epang Palace, and the front hall of the South Palace were built additionally. After the excavation of the Xianyang Palace site, it is known that two parts of it were located on the plateau respectively east and west of Shangyuangu Road. They confronted each other across the valley, and were connected by a »flying pavilion,« which ran from east to west. These architectural units formed a fanciful pavilion complex.

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One of the sites, Qin Xianyang Palace no. 1 on the west side, was a three-story high-platform palace, 60 m long from east to west and 45 m wide from north to south, with rich variations in construction according to the topography. The first floor was the rammed earth foundation, which rose about 6  m above the ground and was curved in plan. The two-story main building was built on the foundation. The lower level of the foundation was surrounded by corridor and open halls, which were connected into a unified space. There were several palace chambers on each side of the corridor. The corridor was paved with bricks. Pebbles were placed under the eaves to disperse water. Stairs were built at the east and west ends of the corridor. According to the unearthed large hollow bricks, paving bricks, eave tiles, underground drainage pipes and other building components, it can be assumed that the Xianyang Palace was once very majestic. Also, several fragments of murals have been found. They were painted in black, ochre, yellow, fresh red, vermilion, azurite blue, malachite green, etc. Qin Xianyang Palace no. 3 site was found on the southern side of site no. 1. On the corridor wall base, remnants of the carriage and horse fresco, a ceremonial procession fresco, were found. They were painted in black, red, yellow, green, blue, and white. According to »Annals of Qin Shi Huang« in Records of the Grand Historian, in the 27th year of the Qin Dynasty (220 BCE), the Xin Palace was built on the south bank of the Wei River, and named »Ji Temple.« It served as a ceremonial building for sacrifices to heaven. The north side of the palace was connected to the Xianyang Palace across the Weishui River by the Weishui Bridge and a road. Its east side was connected to the Lishan Mausoleum by a road. »After the end of the six kings’ rule, the world was unified. After the trees on the mountains in Shu were hewed down, Epang Palace was built.« This is the first line of Rhapsody of Epang Palace, which carries a »tone of surprise and urgency.« Epang Palace, one of the most prestigious pal-

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aces in ancient China, was the front hall of »Chao Palace.« It is located in Shangling Garden, south of Wei River, almost southwest of Xin Palace. According to »Annals of Qin Shi Huang« again, its building began in the 35th year of Qin Shi Huang’s reign (212 BCE). It was »500 paces from east to west and 50 zhang from north to south; Inside the palace, there were places for 10,000 people to sit on; Below the platform, banners of five zhang could be built.« When Qin Shi Huang died in 210 BCE and Qin Er Shi assumed the throne, the palace was »not yet ready«—but hundreds of thousands of laborers were transferred to Mount Li to build Qin Shi Huang’s tomb. In April of the first year of Qin Er Shi’s reign (209 BCE), »the building of Epang Palace continued.« In July, Chen Sheng and Wu Guang revolted against the Qin Dynasty. In the following year, Li Si advised Qin Er Shi to stop the construction of the Epang Palace to survive the crisis, but the emperor did not follow. In the next year, Qin was defeated. Both Xianyang Palace and Epang Palace were burned. After the Han Dynasty, Shanglin Garden was constantly rebuilt, leaving the ruins of the Epang Palace in sight. From the recent excavation of the rammed earth foundation of Epang Palace, it can be assumed that it had once an impressive scale. The site is located in the southern part of Sanqiao town in the western suburbs of Xi’an. The protected area of the site is about 14 square km. More than ten rammed earth platforms have been found at the site, including the front hall of Epang Palace, Shangtian Platform, and Beique Gate. Among them, the rammed earth foundation of the front hall site is 1,270 m long from east to west and 426  m wide from north to south, with a maximum height of about 12 m and a rammed earth area of more than 540,000 m2. Thus, it is the largest site of a rammed earth building foundation from ancient China. Also, stone bases, drainage pipes, semi-tubular tiles and flat tiles have been found inside the foundation. Several remains of rammed earth walls have been found on the out-

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side of the foundation. According to the rhapsody, in Epang Palace, the corridors twist and turn like belts, and the flying eaves are like birds pecking at high places. However, this scene has been forever lost to history. The palaces of the Western Han Dynasty were built in a large scale and covered a wide area. According to archaeological investigations, the identified palace sites include Weiyang Palace and Changle Palace in Chang’an City, and Jianzhang Palace and Chenglu Palace outside the city. Changle Palace was built on the old site of Xingle Palace of Qin in the fifth year of Emperor Gaozu’s reign (202 BCE), and was completed two years later. It was intended as ritual architecture for enthronement ceremonies. Located on the southeast side of Chang’an City, it was slightly square in plan, covering an area of about 6 km2, with palace walls and gates on all sides. The middle part was the imperial court, with Front Hall, Linhua Hall and Dasha Hall. In the west, palaces such as Changxin, Changqiu and Yongning were the residences of the concubines. The eastern part was a garden. In the same year when Changle Palace was completed, Weiyang Palace was built on its west side to satisfy the growing need of governance. Thus, a group of two palaces, one east and one west, were built on both sides of the main road. The two palaces were connected to each other by a pavilion path. Along with Epang Palace of Qin, Weiyang Palace of Han was also one of the most famous palaces of the Qin and Han dynasties. The ruins of Weiyang Palace show that both its northeast palace walls were built of rammed earth, and that two southwest walls leaned against the city wall in the southwest corner of Chang’an City. Weiyang Palace City was square in plan, 2,250 m long from east to west and 2,150 m wide from north to south, covering an area of about 5 km2. There was a gate on each side, and gate towers were built outside the East Gate and the North Gate, known as East Gate Tower and North Gate Tower. The North Gate

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Tower was the main gate. According to the system of »court in front and living space in the back,« the palace was divided from south to north into the government area, the emperor’s residence and the inner palaces of the concubines. According to historical records, there were dozens of halls as well as lakes, such as Cang Lake. The halls included Front Hall, Qingliang Hall, Xuanshi Hall, Zhongwen Hall, Jinhua Hall, Taiyutang Hall, Zhongbaihu Hall, and Qilin Hall. In terms of the excavated site, the foundation of Front Hall is the largest of the many existing palace foundation of rammed earth. It was built according to the terrain of the Longshou Mountain, about 350 m long from north to south, about 200 m wide from east to west, with the highest point in the north about 15 m high. Front Hall was long and narrow in plan. The internal space was horizontally divided. The middle of the space was the announcement chamber of the great court. Both its sides were spaces for daily political affairs. Actually, this horizontal layout was different from the vertical layout of the Zhou system. Today, north of the Front Hall, there is the site of concubines’ palaces, northwest of it, there is the site of official offices. Both were built with multiple doors and halls. Walls were erected with pilasters, and the floor was paved with bricks. Northwest of Weiyang Palace, near the western city wall, lied the Gui Palace. Gui Palace had a rectangular plan in the north-south direction. Its four sides were rammed earth palace walls, with a north-south length of 1,800  m, east-west width of 880 m. An overhead pavilion path led to Weiyang Palace in the south. Inside the palace, there was Hongning Hall and Mingguang Hall. The high rammed earth platform in the east of the present-day Baucun, Jiacheng, is assumed to be the foundation of Mingguang Hall. Gui Palace was built in the fourth year of Taichu in Emperor Wu’s reign (101 BCE). During the reign of Emperor Yuan, it was the residence of the prince, and later the residence of the Empress Dowager.

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The largest detached palace outside the Han Chang’an City was Jianzhang Palace. In the first year of Taichu (104 BCE), as Bailiang Platform was destroyed by fire, Emperor Wu of Han built Jianzhang Palace in Shangling Garden, in the southwest of Chang’an. At Front Hall and the adjacent pavilions, towers were built as tall and large as possible, as depicted in »Annals of Emperor Xiaowu« in Records of the Grand Historian. The remnants of the rammed earth mound up to 8  m high still exist in the site of Jianzhang Palace. Jianzhang Palace and Weiyang Palace were separated by the western city wall. A cross-wall double path connected the two palaces, so that the traffic would not be restricted by the city gate. Jianzhang Palace had a wide range of buildings. They could be divided into the east area and west area. The east was the palaces, and the west was the garden. The main gate was located in the south, called Changhe Gate, which means »Gate of Heaven.« The gate tower had three stories. Its interior and steps were made of jade. The beam ends were decorated with jade bi rings. Thus it was also known as Jade Hall or Bi Gate. The top of the building had a cast bronze phoenix which stood on a rotation shaft and could move against the wind. East of the Front Hall of Jianzhang Palace lied the Feng Gate Tower, whose rammed earth foundation has survived. North of the Front Hall was the towering main hall. According to Ban Gu, in Rhapsody of the Western Capital: »The main palace is magnificent and has many high layers. It lies beside Weiyang Palace.« The northern and western part of Jianzhang Palace had some ponds, the remnants of which still exist today. Between the ponds, buildings were built and connected by the carriage roads and pavilions. Rhapsody of the Western Capital also describes the scenery vividly. In addition, the palaces of the Western Han vassal kings were also many to see, as recorded in Rhapsody of Lulingguang Hall by Wang Yanshou of Eastern Han. Luoyang, the capital city of the

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Eastern Han Dynasty, was originally the secondary capital of the Western Han Dynasty. According to »Annals of Emperor Guangwu« in The Book of Later Han, Emperor Guangwu, Liu Xiu, moved the capital to Luoyang, and the decision was made in the Quefei Hall of the South Palace in Luoyang. The South Palace and the North Palace were the two most important palaces in Luoyang. They were connected by a double path. South Palace had Front Hall, Chongde Hall, the front and back chamber of Yutang Hall, and others. »Annals of Emperor Xiaoling« in The Book of Later Han records that in the second year of Zhongping (185 CE), a fire broke out in the South Palace and was extinguished in half a month. Influenced halls included the Lingtai Hall, Lecheng Hall, Jiade Hall, and He Hall. These were all halls of the Southern Palace. The gate towers of Luoyang palaces were erected in accordance with the theory of five directions, five colors, and the corresponding gods. They were extremely tall, and allegedly, more than 100 feet. »Green Cypresses on Mausoleum« in 19 Old Poems chants about Luoyang: »Two palaces look at each other from far away; Double gate towers are more than a hundred feet tall.« North Palace of Luoyang was built in the third year of Yongping in Emperor Ming’s reign (60 CE) and completed in the eighth year of Yongping (65 CE), according to »Annals of Emperor Xianzong Xiaoming« in The Book of Later Han. All four gates of the North Palace were built with gate towers. Deyang Hall of the North Palace was very majestic. According to Rules of the Han Dynasty (Hanyi 汉仪) by Cai Zhi, Deyang Hall could host 10,000 people. The chambers and beams were painted. The steps were built of jade, and pillars built of gold. Even from Yanshi, which was 43 miles away, one could look back at Deyang Hall and the five vermilion bird gate towers. The scenery of Deyang Hall, including its majestic architecture, vermilion gate towers and flowing water in the garden, is vividly described in Rhapsody of Deyang Hall by Li You.

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4. The Emergence of Imperial and Private Gardens There were two types of palace gardens in the Qin and Han dynasties. The first type was the garden in the palace, such as in Xianyang Palace, the six state palaces, and Xin Palace on the south bank of the Wei River. In the Western Han Dynasty, Weiyang Palace and Changle Palace followed the same principle. These palaces were all built with pool gardens within the palace complex, also known as the inner garden. The Nanyue King’s Royal Garden also belonged to this category. In the other model, palaces were built inside a garden in the outskirts of the capital, for example, the detached palaces and gardens such as Epang Palace and Shanglin Garden of Qin, Jianzhang Palace and Shanglin Garden of Han. The Qin and Han gardens were rich in humanistic connotation, and in gardening concepts and practice there were some important creations. First, the gardens had extremely large areas. For example, the most famous garden built during Qin Shi Huang’s reign, Shanglin Garden, extended from the Wei River in the north to Zhongnan Mountain in the South, from Yichun Garden in the east to Feng River in the west. Palaces such as Epang Palace, as well as lakes such as Niushou Lake and Gao Lake, were built inside the garden. In addition, there were hundreds of detached palaces and gardens, such as Lanchi in Guanzhong and Guanwai. During the Western Han Dynasty, Emperor Wu of Han expanded on the old site of the Qin Shanglin Garden, covering an even wider area with magnificent scenery. Sima Xiangru said in Rhapsody of Shanglin Garden: »The end of the garden can never be seen. The sun rises from the east pond and falls in the west pond.« »Biography of Yang Xiong« in Book of Han has a very specific account of the building of Shanglin Garden by Emperor Wu of Han. There were over a hundred recorded names of palaces and gardens inside Shanglin Garden. The Qin gardens were often very

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vast. The flying pavilions and carriage roads, used to link various palaces, were built very high. This approach was used less often in the Western Han Dynasty. Instead, Western Han gardens often adopted the layout of »gardens within garden.« Ponds, rivers and roads were used to organize these smaller gardens. Buildings inside the garden were detached palaces. They were arranged flexibly and uniquely. Also, rivers, ponds, pond banks, mountains in the garden caused the whole landscape to appear vast and remote. Also according to Rhapsody of Shanglin Garden: »Springs flow into the chamber, rivers go through the courtyard.« That reflects the art of leading the water into the building. And according to the Huainanzi of Western Han, »a stream from the valley decorates the curved shore.« Although its main purpose was to criticize large construction projects using the Daoist theory of »inaction,« the Huainanzi still reveals much about the basic gardening concept. Zhang Heng wrote about Kunming Pond in Rhapsody of the Western Capital, that »it was enclosed by the golden embankment, planted with willow and wolfberry trees.« This method not only managed the water and protected the embankment, but also created a unique aesthetics. It was widely inherited by the gardens of later times. In the Qin and Han dynasties, gardens began to take on new functions. For one, like the gardens from the pre-Qin Period, they still served ritual purpose in suburban sacrifices and hunting. At the same time, its function for hunting and martial art training was strengthened. For example, Emperor Wu of Han built the Kunming Pond in Shanglin Garden in the fourth year of Yuanshou (119 BCE). Later, a rebuilding project expanded its area, making it a better place for training soldiers to conquer the Nanyue State. Second, as Qin and Han emperors prayed for immortality, the gardens often bore divine symbolic meanings. For example, Qin Shi Huang led water from Wei River into Lan Pond. Stones were put into the pond to symbolize whales, while the earthen

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hill in the pond symbolized the Penglai and Yingzhou immortal mountains. Later, Emperor Wu of Han built »a pond with three mountains« in Shanglin Garden, namely Taiye Pond with Yingzhou, Fanghu and Penglai mountains. Also, in the Ganquan Garden of Western Han, there was Immortal’s Pavilion and the Heaven-Reaching Platform. In Shanglin Garden, there was the 40-zhang-high Feilian Pavilion. On the east and west side of Kunming Pond, statues of the Cowherd and the Weaver Girl were erected. In this sense, the pool symbolized the Milky Way. All of these created a symbolic heavenly realm in the gardens, and became precursors to the art of gardening combining reality and fiction. In Qin and Han gardens, waters often occupied a large area. For example, in Shanglin Garden of Western Han, many ponds were built. The largest among them was Kunming Pond, »with a circumference of forty miles.« In addition, according to Imperial Maps of the Three Metropolitan Areas, there was also Chu Pond, Mi Pond, Niushou Pond, Kuai Pond, Jicao Pond, Dongpo Pond, Xibei Pond, Danglu Pond, Quantai Pond, Lang Pond and others in Shanglin Garden. After the ponds were dug, the earth was used to pile hills. This building technique became the model for later imperial gardens. Third, the Qin and Han gardens, whether built in the capital within the palace, or built in the suburbs, all combined the palace complex and gardens. They served as the recreation areas of emperors and concubines. For example, in Shanglin Garden after Emperor Wu of Han, there were 36 small gardens, 12 palaces, 35 pavilions, more than 10 ponds. The garden was planted with about 2,000 kinds of trees. Beside Taiye Pond, there was a tiger yard. Within a circle of dozens of miles, lions, tigers, elephants and other exotic animals were raised. The name of buildings may indicate their original use, such as Running Horse Pavilion, Elephant Watching Pavilion, White Deer Pavilion, Fish Bird Pavilion, Silkworm Pavilion, Grape Pavilion, Litchi Support

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Pavilion, and Singing Concert Palace. It is clear that these buildings might host horse shows, bird shows, fish watching, delicacy tastings, music performances and recreational games. They constituted a large scale, comprehensive entertainment venue for emperors and nobles. In these places, they could hunt, attend banquets, watch music and dance performances, etc. Other royal gardens, such as Ganquan Garden, Bowang Garden, Xijiao Garden and Leyou Garden, located inside and outside Chang’an City, had a similar function to the previous gardens. In general, the Eastern Han gardens of Luoyang were smaller than those of Xianyang and Chang’an. But they had a very delicate design. The imperial gardens inside the city of Luoyang included Zhuolong Garden, West Garden, and Yong’an Palace. Besides them, about a dozen of the recorded gardens were outside the city. For example, Zhuolong Garden was near North Palace. Inside the garden, there were Zhuolong Pond and Zhuolong Hall. Zhang Heng said in Rhapsody of the Eastern Capital: »In the beautiful forest of Zhuolong Garden, there are nine valleys and eight streams.« The West Garden lied to the north of Zhuolong Garden. In the east, it was close to North Palace. Inside the garden, there was Shaohua Mountain. This garden was the place for emperors and empresses to retreat from the summer heat. According to historical records, Emperor Ling of Han built ten pavilions for naked swimming in this garden. They were surrounded by waters, in which boats could be rowed. Yong’an Palace lied in the eastern part of the city. There, many bamboos and hollies were planted. According to Rhapsody of the Eastern Capital: »Water flows quietly in hidden ponds and the waterfall is clear.« Outside of Luoyang, there was Pingle Garden, also known as Pingle Pavilion. Li You of Eastern Han wrote in Rhapsody of Pingle Pavilion: »In the south, it is close to the shore of Luo River, and in the north, it is adjacent to Cang Mountain.« It occupied a wide area with a magnificent landscape.

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After new archaeological excavations, we have a more clear picture of the Royal Garden of the Nanyue King in Guangzhou. The Nanyue Kingdom was a vassal state established in the late Qin and early Han by Zhao Tuo, a native of the Central Plains. It was in the Lingnan Region, with Panyu (today Guangzhou) as its capital city. The Nanyue Royal Garden, excavated in the old city of Guangzhou, is one of the earliest surviving physical remains of a garden. The site consists of a large stone pond and curved canals. The stone pond is in the shape of a bucket. After archaeological drilling, the area of the pond was deduced to be approximately 4,000 m2. The wall of the pond slopes. All the wall surface is paved with sandstone slabs with dense ice crack patterns. The wall is 11 m long, with a slope of 15 degrees. The bottom of the pond was paved with pebbles and gravel. In the sloping wall of the pond, inscriptions such as »fan« (蕃), »ye« (冶), »yue« (阅) and »huan« (睆) have been found. In the northeast corner of the pond bottom, stone pillars have been found. Architectural remains such as stone pillars, eave tiles with the word »long live« have been found both inside the pond and on the shore. From these remains, it is known that platforms and palaces were built, and would have constituted the main landscape of the royal garden, which sits at the southern foot of Yuexiu Mountain. It is high in the north and low in the south. In the southern part, there was originally the scenery of Qu Stream and a sand island. Qu Stream was about 180  m long, and was built with red sandstone blocks. The water came from a large pond in the north, with a considerable height difference in different parts of the stream. The canal is straight-walled, generally about 70 cm deep and 140 cm wide. But there is a widened bay in the form of a crescent moon. It is 790 cm wide at its widest point. The bottom of the bay is deeper than elsewhere, at a depth of 150 cm. The bottom is also paved with irregular stone slabs with dense ice-crack patterns. Two rows of 1.9 m high stone slabs divide the bay

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into three parts. Inside each of the two rows, an eight-sided stone column is erected. On the top of each column, a tenon with a length of 7cm remains, which indicates that it was connected to the upper architecture originally. The bottom of the stream was full of larger gravel, mostly gray and black. But larger yellow and white gravel were scattered between them. In the middle section of Qu Stream, two »canal obstacles« in the shape of arch bridges lie across the bottom of the canal. The large gravel and the stone »canal obstacles« were used to produce more dramatic vortexes and waves. This artistic treatment by manipulating visual and aural elements was a major achievement in Western Han gardening. At a large bend in the stream remains, a sand layer has been found, which would have been a sand island originally. According to Miscellaneous Records of the Western Capital, Yuan Guanghan, a wealthy man from Maoling, built a garden under Beimang Mountain. He »accumulated sand for building the island and stirred water to create waves.« Qu Stream and the sand island at the site of the Nanyue King’s Royal Garden exactly exemplifies this gardening technique. At the west end of the stream, two huge stone slabs lie on the wall of the canal, forming a flat bridge. It connects the winding corridor in the west. However, only portions of »apron slopes,« and burned, collapsed tiles, remain today. The site contains remnants of various fruit rinds, and leaves. In the crescent-moon-shaped bay, hundreds of turtle remains have been found. This indicates that a great many plants and animals existed in the garden, especially turtles. From this, we can imagine the beautiful scenery of flowing water, swimming turtles, green grass, trees, bridges and corridors. The excavated ruins of the Royal Garden are within the boundaries of the palace. Thus, it belongs to the »inner garden,« similar to the Weiyang Palace. However, the Royal Garden follows a layout of »palace in the east and garden in the west,« and is located to the east of the palace, while Weiyang Palace follows the op-

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posite layout. In any case, the excavation of this site has provided valuable materials for studying early Lingnan gardens and the influence of Qin and Han gardens on other regions. Private gardens began to emerge in the Han Dynasty, which were important to the history of gardens. During the Eastern Han Dynasty, the private gardens of noble relatives and wealthy people began to arise. In the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties, the gardens of literati and celebrities developed greatly. In the Tang and Song dynasties, private gardens became a prominent spectacle. Finally, in the Ming and Qing dynasties, they belonged to the two major garden systems alongside the royal gardens. In the Western Han Dynasty, King Xiao of Liang built the East Garden, also known as the Rabbit Garden and the Bamboo Garden. Its scale and design was between the royal garden and the private garden. According to historical records such as »Biographies of King Xiao of Liang« in Records of the Grand Historian, the East Garden »had an area of more than 300 li.« The palaces were connected to each other. Beautiful plants, exotic and precious animals were planted. During the reign of Emperor Huan of Eastern Han, the great general Liang Ji had a greater power than the court. According to »Biographies of Liang Tong« in The Book of Later Han, Liang Ji built many gardens, from Hongnong in the west, to Xingyang in the east, from Luyang in the south, to the Yellow River and the Qi River in the north. He also built Tu Garden, which was completed in a few years. They were no smaller than the royal gardens. Another example is recorded in Miscellaneous Records of the Western Capital. When Yuan Guanghan built a garden under the Beimang Mountain, it was »four miles from east to west and five miles from north to south.« Stones were piled into hills which were more than ten zhang high and extended for miles. He raised white parrots, purple mandarin ducks, yaks and a green rhinoceros in the garden. He piled sand into islands, and stirred water

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to create waves. All kinds of exotic and precious plants were planted. The winding mansions were connected well to each other, with multi-layered pavilions and long corridors. All this can be regarded as a typical private garden of the Han Dynasty.

5. Temples The temple was a kind of ceremonial architecture, including altars to heaven and earth, ancestral temples, and other aspects. Altars to heaven and earth were used for sacrifices to heaven and earth, while the ancestral temple for ancestral sacrifices. All had the symbolic function of justifying »the emperor’s rule by divine message.« »Annals of Qin Shi Huang« records that, shortly after Qin’s annexation of the six states, Qin Shi Huang said: »With my tiny body, I led my army to put down the rebellion. Thanks to the spirit from the ancestral temple, the six kings all surrendered and the world was settled.« According to »Book of Offerings to Heaven and Earth« (»Fengshan shu« 封禅书) in Records of the Grand Historian, in the second year of the reign of Emperor Gaozu of Han (205 BCE), Black Emperor Shrine was established, also called North Heaven Shrine. The imperial edict said: »I value the temple and respect the sacrifice. From now on, all sacrifices to Heaven and important gods of mountains and rivers should be held as usual.« The form of the Qin and Han heaven and earth temples was not fixed at the beginning, but gradually standardized after the Eastern Han Dynasty. Thus, the basic pattern of heaven and earth temples was established. In ancient times, the sacrificial platform to heaven was called zhi (畤). According to »Book of Offerings to Heaven and Earth«: »Since the Heaven likes yin [阴], specifically darkness, the shrine must be located under a high mountain and on top of a small hill, named zhi.« Zhi had a simple and archaic form. According to Ancient Rules of the Former Han, as cited in Classified Collection of the Classics and Other Literature (Yiwen leiju

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艺文类聚), the sacrificial platform for heaven was round, while that for earth was square. According to »Annals of Emperor Cheng« in Book of Han, in the second year of Jianshi (31 BCE) under Emperor Cheng, the ancient system of five zhi was abolished. According to the new system, the sacrifice to heaven was held in the southern suburbs of Chang’an and the sacrifice to earth in the northern suburbs. In »Monography on Rituals« of Book of Sui, Wang Yuangui cites Imperial Maps of the Former Han, and states the altar to heaven should be five zhang in diameter and nine zhang high, and the altar to earth should be five zhang wide and six zhang high. This would be the form of the altar to heaven in the Han Dynasty. However, no remains have not been found. The ancestral temple, or a zongmiao 宗庙, was also known as a taimiao 太庙. According to »Annals of Qin Shi Huang,« in the 27th year of Qin Shi Huang’s reign (220 BCE), he built Jianxin Palace on the south bank of the Wei River. Later it was renamed Ji Temple, or »End Temple,« to resemble the ends of the heaven. After the death of Qin Shi Huang, Qin Er Shi honored the temple as »the ancestral temple of the emperor.« In the Western Han Dynasty, there were many different ancestral temples. In the capital, Chang’an, the emperors’ mausoleums, the commanderies and the emperors’ former places of travel, a large number of temples were set up, namely up to 176 during the reign of Emperor Xuan. At the beginning of the Eastern Han Dynasty, after Wang Mang usurped the throne of Han, Emperor Guangwu, Liu Xiu, attached great importance to the establishment of ancestral temples. In this way, he could justify his identity as the »ninth grandson of Emperor Gao of Han.« Therefore, in the second year of Jianwu (26 CE), he set up an ancestral temple in Luoyang and held sacrifices regularly. Other the emperors inherited simply the previous sacrifices. This system was called xiasi 祫祀 sacrifice, and was mostly followed by later generations. The green dragon and white tiger

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tiles at the Northwest University Museum are said to come from the site of the ancestral temple of Emperor Wu of Han. That said, the ancestral temple architecture of the Han Dynasty still needs further excavation and investigation. However, the sites of Wang Mang’s ancestral temples built during his ritual reform have been discovered south of the Han Chang’an City. Known as the »Nine Temples« in »Biography of Wang Mang« in Book of Han, they provide more accurate archaeological material for understanding the ancestral temples of that time. A total of 12 building sites were found at the site. Among them, building sites 1 to 11 are grouped together. They are encircled by square walls of rammed earth, 1,400  m long on each side. Both northern and southern walls are opened with four gates, while eastern and western walls are opened with three gates. Building site no. 12 stands alone in the center, on the outside of the southern rammed earth wall. It is presumed to be the most important of the Nine Temples—the Taichu ancestral temple of the Yellow Emperor. These twelve building sites have a similar form. Each has a square courtyard, and a main pavilion-style building built on a high platform stands in the center. The side of the courtyard wall has a length of 260–280 m. There are gates on all sides of the wall. The four corners of the courtyard are occupied by curved ruler-shaped chambers. The stone bases unearthed at the site are also inscribed with the reign title of the Xin Dynasty. The location and scale of the site are in general conformity with the account of »Biography of Wang Mang« in Book of Han. According to this account, Wang Mang built nine ancestral temples in the first year of Dihuang (20 CE). The only aberrant fact is the number of the temples. It is 12 instead of nine in the excavated site. »Four gods« eave tiles were also excavated from the site, with patterns of green dragon, white tiger, vermilion bird, black turtle. The place of their excavation follows the theoretical locations of four gods strictly.

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The Bright Hall system of the Zhou Dynasty had been abandoned for a long time. It was not until Emperor Wu of Han that Bright Hall was rebuilt. It was rebuilt under Mount Tai to worship heaven and Emperor Gaozu. Obviously, this was quite far from the ancient system of the Bright Hall for »meeting vassals, clarifying the hierarchy of status, and promoting civilization.« In 4 BCE, the fourth year of Yuanshi under Emperor Ping of late Western Han, Wang Mang, who was still the Duke of Anhan at that time, was in charge of the government. He built Bright Hall and Biyong Hall to restore the ancient system. This was 16 years earlier than the construction of the Nine Temples. The site of the building has been confirmed by archaeological excavations. It is located in the east of the main road outside the central gate of the southern city wall of Han Chang’an City. Near its west side is the site of Wang Mang’s ancestral temples. Bright Hall and Biyong Hall form a building complex which has a very neat shape. After investigation, it was learned that it was encircled by a square wall outside. Each side of the wall is 235 m long. A door is open in the middle of the four sides. The four inner corners of the wall are built with chambers in curved plan. Outside the square wall, a brick circular canal is built, with a diameter of 368 m. This is in line with the ancient system. In this system, »water surrounds the mound as jade bi ring, so the hall is called Biyong Hall.« Inside the square enclosure, there is a low round platform of rammed earth in the center. It is 62 m in diameter and about 0.3 m in height. On the low platform, there is a square platform of rammed earth with a side length of about 42 m. The highest point of the existing platform is 3.2 m high. This platform should be the rammed earth foundation of the main building. According to the column arrangement on the platform, it is known to be a high-platform building with a high hall in the center and a number of single mansions in the periphery. The floor is paved with square bricks, and the ground floor has corridors in all direc-

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tions. The Bright Hall of the Zhou and Qin dynasties painted in Illustrations of Three Ritual Classics (Sanli tu 三礼图) by Nie Chongyi of Song is quite similar to the site. In comparison, the Bright Hall and ancestral temples built by Wang Mang are similar in architectural pattern and scale. But the Bright Hall emphasizes more the combination of square and circle, which symbolizes the unity of heaven and earth. In the 32nd year of Jianwu (56 CE) under Emperor Guangwu of Eastern Han, Bright Hall, Biyong Hall and the Spiritual Platform were built in the capital, Luoyang. The sites are distributed from east to west in the south of Luoyang, along the street outside the Pingcheng Gate. Bright Hall and Biyong Hall are on the east side. The pattern of Bright Hall is similar to that built by Wang Mang.

6. Mausoleums and Remains of Han Ceremonial Gate Towers Mausoleums had important developments in the Qin and Han dynasties in the context of growing imperial awareness and elaborate burials. In terms of the relationship between mausoleum and sacrificial hall, an ancestral sacrificial hall was built on the mausoleum in the Warring States Period. However, Qin Shi Huang reformed this system. He built a clothing palace near the mausoleum. The Han mausoleums inherited the Qin system of clothing palaces. From the time of Emperor Hui of Western Han on, a temple was also built beside the mausoleum in addition to the clothing palace. The clothing palace was for keeping clothes, which symbolized the place of living, whereas the temple was the place of sacrifice in all seasons. From the time of Emperor Ming of Eastern Han on, the clothing palace and the temple were combined into a larger building to perform the rites of the mausoleum. At the same time, it became a standard to build divine paths, ceremonial gate towers, stone statues, and more in the mausoleum. Thus, the basic pattern of imperial mausoleum architecture was established.

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Among the ancient mausoleums in China, the Mausoleum of Qin Shi Huang is the largest, with a total area of about 56  km2. It is located at the northern foot of Mount Li (now part of the Lintong District of Xi’an), east of the Qin capital Xianyang. It lies south of Wei River, and is high in the south and low in the north. It has a northsouth main axis, with the main gate facing south, facing Mount Li. The mausoleum was built in 246 BCE, but the burial was already held in 210 BCE. It took 37 years to build, and more than 700,000 workers participated in the project. According to »Biography of King Yuan of Chu« in Book of Han, the mausoleum of Qin Shi Huang was »more than 50 zhang high and more than five li in circumference.« The existing tomb mound is a flat-topped four-sided cone. Each of the bottom sides is about 350 m long and the mausoleum is 77 m high. Surrounding the tomb mound, there were two rectangular mausoleum walls originally, which divided the mausoleum into an inner and outer part. The inner wall is 1,355 m long from north to south and 580  m wide from east to west. The outer wall is 2,165 m long from north to south and 940 m wide from east to west. Both the inner and outer walls are opened with gates in four directions, and each gate has a gate tower. There are corner towers at the four corners. After the archaeological exploration, terracotta pits and various burial pits, as well as some architectural sites such as the clothing palace, side palace, residence of garden temple officials were found both inside and outside the mausoleum. The site of the clothing palace is located on the north side of the tomb mound. It is nearly square in plan, and is 62 m long from north to south and 57 m wide from east to west. It is surrounded by a corridor. The underground part of the mausoleum has not been excavated so far. The mausoleums of the Western Han Dynasty are located to the north and south of the Wei River. All of them have tomb mounds in flat-topped square cones, known as »square tops.« The tallest tomb mound is the Mao Mausoleum of Emperor Wu of

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Han, with a height of 46 m. A clothing palace and a side palace were erected beside the mausoleum. The mausoleum is enclosed by a square mausoleum wall, with a side length of around 300  m. Gates are opened on all sides. All the Western Han mausoleums, except the Baling Mausoleum in Weinan, are similar in form to the Mausoleum of Qin Shi Huang. But they are smaller in scale. The Bailing Mausoleum was built in a special way, because it was built in a natural hill rather than on a tomb mound. This way of building was inherited by later Tang Dynasty mausoleums. In the vicinity of the Western Han mausoleums, wealthy people from all over the empire were interred there, forming a »mausoleum city.« The mausoleums of Eastern Han are mostly located in the area of Mount Mang of Luoyang. The shape and construction are similar to the earlier mausoleums, but they have a smaller scale, and no mausoleum city. The underground structure of mausoleums changed considerably from the Warring States Period to the Eastern Han Period. Its format included wooden-chambered tombs, large empty brick tombs, small brick tombs, stone chamber tombs, cave tombs. In the early Western Han Dynasty, there was the format huangchang ticou (黄肠题 凑), that is, a kind of tomb with a tomb wall built from cypress beams with yellow core. For Western Han small brick tomb chambers, the tomb chambers were often in arch form. Small bricks were used to build the arches. In the early Eastern Han, a dome roof was seen in the tomb chamber, but mostly only for the square front chamber. The rear chamber, generally rectangular, was still in arch form. In the late Eastern Han, double dome roofs prevailed, and the front and back chambers were both square. After the middle of the Eastern Han Dynasty, stone chamber tombs made of stone slabs appeared. They were mostly rectangular single-chamber tombs, but could also be very complex multi-chamber tombs, such as the late Eastern Han portrait tomb in Yinan, Shandong. Cliff tombs also appeared in Sichuan and other

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regions. Qin and Han tombs were often decorated with murals, portrait bricks, and portrait stones. For this, see the section on portrait bricks and portrait stones, and the section on Qin and Han painting. Li Bai wrote, in »Remembering Qin E«: »The west wind, the sunset, together with Han mausoleums.« By the time Li Bai wrote his poem, »ancient roads in Xianyang had been free from sound and dust produced by passengers,« and Epang Palace and Weiyang Palace, had long gone up in smoke. As for Shanglin Garden and Taiyan Pond, they could only be appreciated from the rhapsody of Sima Xiangru. Only stone ceremonial gate towers are still standing today, so we can still have a glimpse of this unique architecture. A que 阙, or ceremonial gate tower, is an important ritual building for distinguishing between inside and outside, inferiority and superiority. Xu Shen wrote in Explaining and Analyzing Characters: »Que is the tower erected at the gate.« Comprehensive Meanings as Discussed in White Tiger Hall says: »The gate must have a que. A que is used to decorate the gate and distinguish between inferiority and superiority.« It reflects the view of ceremonial gate towers in the Eastern Han Dynasty. During the Qin and Han dynasties, in palaces, cities, tombs and temples, the gate and the gate tower were always matched. Ceremonial gate towers, which appeared in the Western Zhou Dynasty, developed into one of the architectural categories with symbolic connotations and strict systems during the Qin and Han dynasties. In terms of the mausoleum gate tower, lower-ranked officials mostly used a pair of single gate towers, such as the ceremonial gate tower without inscription at Zhongxian, Sichuan. The officials with a salary of over 2,000 dan used a pair of double gate towers, such as Gao Yi’s ceremonial gate tower at Ya’an, Sichuan. Emperors used triple gate towers. Double and triple gate towers all belong to »mother-child gate towers,« with one of the gate towers being the main tower. Remains of triple

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gate towers from Qin and Han include the gate towers of Qin Shi Huang’s Mausoleum, and the south gate towers of the mausoleum of Emperor Jing of Han. Inside the garden of Qin Shi Huang’s mausoleum, the south gate towers are built on a rammed earth foundation, which is around 3  m above the ground. As for the phoenix gate tower of Jianzhang Palace in Han Chang’an City, a rammed earth foundation with a height of 10  m and another with a height of 2 m still remain today. They are about 30 m apart. According to Records of the Grand Historian, the height of Phoenix Gate Tower in Jianzhang Palace was »more than 20 zhang,« which was more than 46 m according to the Han measurement. »Green Cypress on Mausoleum« in Nineteen Old Poems chants of the eastern capital of Luoyang: »The two palaces look at each other from afar, and the two gate towers are more than 100 chi tall.« 100 chi is about 23 m according to the Han measurement. According to this data, it is presumed that the gate towers of important palaces, cities and imperial mausoleums in Han Dynasty were very tall. Height ranging from 20 m to more than 40 m. Unfortunately, these large gate towers built of brick, stone and wood have all been destroyed. There are about 30 existing stone gate towers imitating wood structure from Eastern Han. They are mostly 3–7 m high. Most of them were gate towers for the tombs of local officials, while a few of them belonged to temples. They are symbolic architecture that combine the function of ceremonial stone carvings and practical gate towers. They belong to the main objects of architecture research. Examples include the gate towers of Li Ye, Feng Huan (Fig. 3.5.10), Pingyang Fujun, Fan Min, Gao Yi (Fig. 3.5.11), Ding Fang, and the gate tower without inscription in Jinggou, all in Sichuan Province. Examples in other regions include »three gate towers in Mount Song,« namely the gate towers of Taishi, Shaoshi, Qimu in Henan, and the gate tower of Wu Family Shrines in Shandong. These gate towers have a great variety of forms.

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SECTION 2 ARCHITECTURE OF THE QIN AND HAN DYNASTIES

3.5.10 The gate tower of Feng Huan in Quxian, Sichuan

3.5.11 The gate tower of Gao Yi in Ya’an, Sichuan, frontal view

In addition to the difference between single gate tower and mother-child gate towers, their tops, eaves, bodies, etc. can also be categorized. As for the tops, most of the gate towers have a hip roof. In some cases, the tile surface is divided into two levels, such as the gate tower of Gao Yi. Sometimes, a ceremonial column is erected on the top, such as Ding Fang’s gate tower in Zhongxian, Sichuan. In terms of eaves, the most important difference is between single-layered eaves and multi-layered eaves, single-layered eaves such as Feng Huan’s gate tower and Shen Fujun’s gate tower in Quxuan, multi-layered eaves such as the gate tower without inscription and Ding Fang’s gate tower in Zhongxian, Sichuan. On a portrait brick from Yuxian, Henan, a single gate tower with four-layered eaves is depicted. The layers form the waist eaves of a multi-story tower.

Under the eaves of the gate tower, a stone imitation of dougong or architrave is seen sometimes, such as with Gao Yi’s gate tower. Sometimes, the structure and texture of stacked stone blocks are left undecorated, adding to the simple and archaic quality, such as the three gate towers at Mount Song. In the gate towers of earlier periods, the eaves do not protrude too much, such as Li Ye’s gate tower built in the 12th year of Jianwu. In those of later times, the eaves protrude more. At the same time, the structure of square beams, round beams and dougong has richer variations, such as Gao Yi’s gate tower built in the 14th year of Jian’an (209 CE). As for the bodies of gate towers, they are generally wider at the bottom and narrower at the top, as is obvious in many gate towers, such as the gate towers without inscription in Zhaojiacun, Quxian and in Zhongxian. It is less

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obvious in some other examples, such as the Han gate tower in Pingyi, Linyi, the three gate towers in Mount Song, and Shen Fujun’s gate tower and Gao Yi’s gate tower. Sometimes, columns are carved on the body of the gate tower. On the whole, the most typical type of Eastern Han is the double gate towers with single eaves and hip roof, usually with a height of around 5 m. In terms of form, gate towers with multi-layered eaves seem to resemble the most common earthwood gate tower more. They are usually found in Sichuan. The main tower is relatively tall. For example, Ding Fang’s gate tower in Zhongxian is more than 6 m high. All the stone gate towers are imitations of wooden structure buildings. Especially in those typical elements of wooden architecture, the carvings are often very precise and solid, such as the column, architrave, dougong,

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as well as the main ridge, side-falling ridges, tile rows, eave tiles, eave beams, etc. The elements of wooden structure buildings, which were still at the beginning of the standardization process in the Qin and Han periods, were given a refined treatment. As single-standing architecture, the compositional and proportional relationship between components is well-considered. The shape reflects the period style of Qin and Han architecture very well, especially the mother-child gate towers with single-layered eaves, such as Gao Yi’s gate tower. They have an orderly composition of the main and the secondary parts, a good rhythm between different components, and an appropriate degree of curvature. From many angles, they look exceptionally elegant and are worthy of aesthetic appreciation.

CHAPTER VI QIN AND HAN THEORIES OF ART Section 1  Music Theory in the Han Dynasty

This had a profound influence on the theory of the qin zither in later times.

During the Qin and Han dynasties, theories of the arts were still in their infancy. However, writings on technique, and the ethical values of the arts, had already been passed down—especially in the arts that developed relatively early on, such as music, calligraphy, and painting. In addition, theories of the arts were also important to academic thinking. In particular, in terms of music theory, Jing Fang’s temperament theory of music marked an important transition in the history of Chinese music. For treatises on music theory, the Huainanzi emphasizes that »the numbers of musical temperament and calendar reflect the path of heaven and earth.« The Record of Music (Yueji 乐记), which was written around the beginning of the Han Dynasty, collected Confucian ideas about music and assessed »the interaction of music and politics.« In terms of musical instrument, treatises on the qin zither were very constructive during the Han Dynasty. The argument in »The Way of the Qin Zither« in New Treatise by Huan Tan forms the basic Confucian theory of the qin zither: »Musical instruments made of eight different materials are rich and extensive; among them, the qin zither is the most virtuous.« »Sounds and Tones« (»Shengyin« 声音) in Explanations of Social Customs by Ying Shao of Eastern Han claims that »even in rundown back alleys, or deep in the hidden valleys of the mountains, the player will still not abandon the qin zither.« In both cases, the qin zither is regarded as a sublime instrument, whose ultimate task is the cultivation of etiquette and morality.

1. Theories on the Technique of Musical Tones The earliest extant notation in China has been preserved in »Game of Pitch-Pot« (»Touhu« 投壶) in Book of Rites, written in the Han Dynasty. It uses symbols »□,« »○« and »半« as drum notation for two types of drums. Jing Fang (77–37 BCE) was a theorist during the Western Han Dynasty. He made two major contributions to temperament theory. First, he devised the »60-tone temperament.« With this method, after multiple transpositions of the scale degree gong, the player would finally arrive at a pitch which was very similar to the original tone. Normally, by successively extending and shortening the pitch pipe by one third of its length, one can obtain twelve pitches—the common temperament from the pre-Qin Period onwards. However, these pitches differed from those obtained by equal temperament. In this temperament, the obtained final tone, if transposed an octave lower, always deviates slightly from the original tone, while in equal temperament both are the same. That is to say, after transposing a tone, for example huangzhong (黄钟), eleven times (i.  e. after the birth of the 12th tone), it will not reach the same pitch an octave higher. This phenomenon is called »huangzhong leaves and does not return.« It is a great obstacle to free modulation—»assigning different notes to be the scale degree gong.« As a result, it has become a major issue in the study of ancient Chinese music temperament. In his »60-tone temperament,« Jing Fang actually inherited the temperament tra-

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dition of pre-Qin chime bells, although he claimed to have studied it under Jiao Yanshou. He adopted the pre-Qin temperament of successively extending and shortening the pitch pipe by one third of its length. But after obtaining twelve pitches, he continued to transpose the tone until obtaining the tone closest to the original pitch, namely the 60th tone. In this way, he offered a theoretical possibility of free modulation by minimizing the gap between the original and the final pitch. This temperament played a transitional role in the history of ancient Chinese temperament. For example, it had a great influence on 360-tone temperament by Qian Lezhi in the Southern and Northern Dynasties. Based on Jing Fang’s 60-tone temperament, Qian Lezhi obtained the first 60 tones, but then continued to transpose the tone to the 360th. In addition, Jing Fang noticed the problem of the »end correction« of the pitch pipe. He perceived the difference between tones tuned by pitch pipes and strings, and drew the conclusion clearly that »bamboo pipes cannot be used to determine the key« the first time around. It turns out that when blowing a pitch pipe, the air column blown into the pipe will flow out of the pipe’s mouth. As a result, the vibrated air column is longer than the actual pipe length. If the pitch is calculated only based on the latter, it deviates from the pitch calculated on a string. Therefore, the pipe length needs to be modified (which is known as the end correction today). Later, Xun Xu of the Jin Dynasty established rules to end correction after some of his own explorations. In addition to temperament theory, Jing Fang also created the »tuner with strings« to determine pitch. The »tuner« looks like the se zither; it has thirteen strings and measures ten feet long.

2. Theories of the Qin Zither In the Han Dynasty, the qin zither was more highly valued than in the previous dynasties. Also, systematic Confucian theories of qin zither music were elevated. The earlier document, On

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the Qin Zither (Qinshuo 琴说) by Liu Xiang of Western Han, mentions that »every time when a person plays the qin zither, it will bring seven advantages,« that is, clarifying moral principles, moving ghosts and spirits, improving social customs, refining one’s ability of observation, producing sounds and tones, spreading culture and an elegant atmosphere, and optimizing teaching quality. Afterwards, documents such as »The Way of the Qin Zither« in New Treatise, by Huan Tan, Comprehensive Meanings as Discussed in the White Tiger Hall (Baihu tong 白虎通) by Ban Gu, and Explanations of Social Customs (Fengsu tong 风俗通) by Ying Shao, further developed this theoretical strand. Huan Tan, a music official of the Xin and Eastern Han dynasties, was understood music theory and was adept at playing the qin zither. His father was Grand Director of Music during the reign of Emperor Cheng of Han, while Huan Tan worked as Court Officer in the Music Bureau. In the reign of Wang Mang, Huan Tan was Grand Master of Music. According to documents such as »Biography of Huan Tan« in Book of the Later Han and Records of Han in East Hall (Dongguan hanji 东观汉记), Huan Tan wrote an unfinished passage, »The Way of the Qin Zither.« Later, it was finished by Ban Gu. This is the earliest complete essay on the qin zither in the history of Chinese music. According to Huan Tan, the qin zither was created by ancient sages based on laws of nature, so it is connected to gods and united heaven and earth. Every scale and every note was endowed with a sacred symbolic meaning that could connect all beings and resolve discord. The qin zither was most virtuous and ranked first among the eight kinds of instruments. According to »First Year of Duke Zhao« in The Commentary of Zuo (Zuozhuan 左传), »people of noble character approach the qin and se zithers for cultivating etiquette and morality, not for entertaining themselves.« Huan Tan follows this strain of thought, believing that the essence of the »qin zither« is »restraint«—as peo-

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ple of noble character will »stick to principles and restrain from evil.« At the same time, he connects the Confucian idea that an extreme situation always needs address with the idea that »playing the qin zither cultivates good mental habits.« In this way, the music of the qin zither was almost placed in a noble realm. In the fourth year of Jianchu, in the Eastern Han (79 CE), Emperor Zhang ordered all schools of classical studies to instruct in the Five Confucian Classics at the White Tiger Hall. Scholars including Ban Gu and Yang Zhong were ordered to compile the records of their lectures into the book Comprehensive Meaning as Discussed at White Tiger Hall. In the book, Confucian ideas regarding ceremony and music are reiterated. In addition, yin-yang and the five-elements theory are drawn upon for elaboration. For example, they associate the five tones with the five elements, using the theory of the eight winds, six pitches, and four seasons to justify the regulation for »eight rows of musicians and dancers for the emperor, six rows for feudal princes, four rows for grand masters, two rows for scholar-officials.« Moreover, the »eight musical instruments,« including metal, stone, silk, bamboo, gourd, earth, leather and wooden instruments, follow »the standard transformed from the eight trigrams.« Each type of musical instrument is assigned with a meaning from the eight trigrams, and regarding the qin zither, it says: »the qin zither means restraint. It is used to prohibit or correct the evil in people’s minds.« This reflects the core idea of Confucian qin zither studies. Ying Shao, courtesy name Zhongyuan, lived in late Han times. He was the author of Explanations of Social Customs, in ten volumes. Its sixth volume, »Tones and Sounds« is devoted to the discussion of the five tones and eight kinds of musical instruments. In the discussion on the »elegant« qin zither, Huan Tan’s ideas in The Way of the Qin Zither are referred to and developed: »even in rundown back alleys, or deep in the hidden valleys of the mountains, the player will still

SECTION 1 MUSIC THEORY IN THE HAN DYNASTY

not abandon the qin zither,« highlighting the transcendent character of the instrument.

3. Ideas About Music in the Huainanzi In the early Han Dynasty, the rulers valued HuangLao Daoism and governed with the principal of doing nothing that went against nature. The Huainanzi, by Liu An, the King of Huainan, was written in this period. Liu An (179–122 BCE) liked to read, and liked to play the qin zither. He also invited guests and occultists from afar to be his retainers. Along with the retainers he wrote the book Huainanzi, a manifestation of the thinking of the early Han Dynasty—which was mainly based on Daoism and mingled with Confucianism. In the book, there are discourses on the relationship of existence to non-existence, the fundamental and the incidental, heaven and the human, inside and outside, subject and object, the one and the many, past and present. These discourses also touch upon the topics of the context and rules for music—as well as the creation, performance, appreciation and function of music. It is not only more comprehensive than its predecessors, but also provides many new insights. The book inherits the teachings of Laozi and Zhuangzi, and stresses that musical sound emerges from the soundless Dao道, to imply that the most perfect music is no music at all. At the same time, music is believed to »polish joy,« »express happiness,« »make peace,« and »keep the emperor and ministers in harmony, and bring the father and children close to each other.« »Treatise on the Patterns of Heaven« (»Tianwen xun« 天文训), in the book, also emphasizes that »the numbers of musical temperament and calendar reflect the path of heaven and earth.« In this respect, it highlights the mysterious connection between numbers in music and the course of the universe. For example, the qin and se zithers are associated with spring, the yu and sheng pipes with summer, the five tones with the five elements, five times with five directions, eight kinds of musical instruments with

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four seasons, twelve pitches with twelve months or twenty-four seasonal changes, and so on. These relations reflect the idea of »the unity of humanity and nature.« According to other chapters in this book, such as »Treatise on the Craft of the Ruler« (»Zhushu xun« 主术训) and »Treatise on Grand Reunions« (»Taizu xun« 泰族训), music makes people both sad and happy, but »we depend on refined ears to appreciate the music.« Without »Shi Kuang’s ears,« even if the six pitches are present, no one will appreciate them. It is also stated that the influence of music on people is related to the social environment in which they live. If the politics is harmonious and the people enjoy peace, the music will then correspond to the correct rhythm. In contrast, if people generally feel discontented, even if they strike large bells or beat drums loudly, it will be fruitless—the essence of music is lost in this case. The book had a great influence on future generations, especially in the Wei and Jin dynasties, for example, in Ji Kang’s statement that »sound itself has neither sorrow nor joy.« In addition, according to the »Treatise on Speaking of Forests« (»Shuolin xun« 说林训): »If we ask one musician to play the yu pipe, and another to press with fingers on the pipe holes, although the music will correspond to the correct rhythm, it will be unlistenable. It is because the thing that governs its form is absent.« That is to say, if a yu pipe is played by two musicians simultaneously, it will only produce music that is correct but unpleasant to listen to. But why does this happen? It is because the »spirit« that governs its form is absent. In fact, the emphasis on spirit in music is undoubtedly one of the most creative points in music fundamentals of the Qin and Han dynasties.

4. The Record of Music and its Musical Ideas The Record of Music is an important collection of Confucian thought on music. The nineteenth article of the Book of Rites edited by Dai Sheng during

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the reign of Emperor Cheng of Western Han, after the »Book of Music« in Record of the Grand Historian by Sima Qian was lost, it was published as the supplement to the »Book of Music.« The »Monograph on Arts and Literature« in Book of Han collects eleven articles, including »The Foundations of Music« (»Yueben« 乐本), with a total of approximately 5,200 characters. It is generally believed that the book was written by authors such as Liu De, King Xian of Hejian in Emperor Wu’s reign, and Mao Sheng. This attribution is based on the »Monograph on Arts and Literature« in Book of Han by Ban Gu of the Eastern Han. Record of Music contains significant amounts of material from pre-Qin Confucianism and other schools. One section with over 700 characters is similar to the »Discourse on Music« in the Xunzi. Some other sections are identical to Spring and Autumn of Master Lü (Lüshi Chunqiu, 吕氏春秋). Compared with pre-Qin music theory, Record of Music is richer and is more systematic. After Emperor Wu of Han »dismissed the hundred schools and revered only Confucianism,« Confucian ideas of music, including the concepts of yin and yang, and the five elements, matured. This is adequately reflected in the Record of Music. The book begins by describing the subject-object interaction in which music arises. According to»The Foundations of Music,« »all arising sounds are produced in the human mind.« To say that the sounds arise because »the human mind is moved by external things« shows a materialist perspective to some degree. Meanwhile, it also says that different sounds will arise if the mind is moved to different emotions—such as sorrow, pleasure, joy, anger, reverence, and love. That is to say, although music generally originates when the mind is moved by external things, different musics will be triggered in the minds of different peoples, as each person has a different emotional tendency. Therefore, »in music alone is there nothing pretentious or hypocritical.« Here the emotional value of music is greatly emphasized.

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Record of Music summarizes the arguments of its predecessors and highlights the political and moral functions of music. For example, its chapter »The Foundations of Music« argues, »the goal of ceremony, music, punishment, and law are all the same: they are used to assimilate people’s minds and achieve good order in governance.« Based on this argument, the theory that »music and politics are related« is outlined. Hence, sounds in an age of good order indicate peace and joy, and its government is harmonious. Sounds in an age of disorder indicate resentment and anger, and its government is perversely bad. The sounds of a state going to ruin indicate sorrow and worry, and the people feel troubled. The principles abstracted from sounds are related to the political situations in which they exist.

Based on Confucianism, the Record of Music places particular emphasis on the interaction between ceremony and music. There are many discussions of the role of ceremony and music, and how they complement each other. For example, »music acts on the interior of the human, and ceremony in the exterior,« »if music is developed to the utmost, there will be no resentment; if ceremony is developed to the utmost, there will be no quarrel. To use bowing and courtesy to achieve order in the world corresponds to the spirit of ceremony and music.« In addition, based on yin-yang and five elements theory, Record of Music discusses the »unity of heaven and human« in music. It argues that music should be similar to the five elements of metal, wood, water, fire and earth. The tone gong represents the ruler; shang, the ministers; jue, the people; zhi, affairs; and yu, things. Every one of them stays in its own position and does not occupy the position of others. Otherwise, if the five tones are in disorder, »it will not be long for the state where this is the case goes to ruin.« The Record of Music is the most systematic and classical theoretical treatise of music in ancient China. It has been widely referred to by the music

SECTION 2 CALLIGRAPHY AND PAINTING

treatises of later generations, and hence, has had a far-reaching influence.

Section 2  Calligraphy and Painting In terms of Han calligraphy theory, it mainly deals with issues of calligraphic style and the use of the brush. The most representative works include Denouncing Cursive by Zhao Yi, Configuration of Cursive Script (Caoshi 草势) by Cui Yuan, and Configuration of Seal Script, Discourse on the Brush, and Nine Configurations, all by Cai Yong. Some most the important arguments regarding ancient calligraphy theory came from Cai Yong: »Free the emotions and aspirations before writing calligraphy,« »When beginning a leftwards stroke, the brush should first be moved rightwards and then leftwards to hide the entering trace of the brush,« and »Let the tip of the brush move inside the dots and strokes.« In terms of the theory of painting, the painting’s function of »preserving the shape and depicting the appearance of things« is emphasized on the one hand. On the other hand, however, books such as Huainanzi and Discursive Weighing by Wang Chong deal with the issues of spirit in addition to techniques of form. In particular, the theory of »the thing that governs the form« in Huainanzi is considered to be the precursor to the theory of conveying spirit in the Wei, Jin, and Southern and Northern Dynasties.

1. Calligraphy Chinese calligraphy flourished soon after the »same script for writing« policy and »clericization.« By the Eastern Han Dynasty, the first famous calligraphers appeared, as well as the first treatises on calligraphy. Although only a few of them have been passed down to history, extant articles record some ideas about calligraphy in its infancy. Some of these ideas have become the

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principles that Chinese calligraphy has followed throughout the ages. Denouncing Cursive by Zhao Yi, Configuration of Cursive Script by Cui Yuan, and Configuration of Seal Script, Discourse on the Brush, and Nine Configurations, by Cai Yong, are some of the Han calligraphy treatises that have been preserved relatively intact. Zhao Yi’s Denouncing Cursive is a discussion of the newly emerged cursive script. Zhao Yi, courtesy name Yuanshu, lived during the Emperor Ling of Han, and wrote works such as Rhapsody on the Ills of the Times (Cishi jixie fu 刺世疾 邪赋). The essay Denouncing Cursive criticizes the obsession of Liang Kongda and Jiang Mengying with Zhang Zhi’s cursive script, pushing people to imitate the same style. It puts forward the criticism from the perspective of the »study of Chinese characters« and the function of calligraphic styles. It believes that cursive script is not favored by heaven, not created by sages, and is not beneficial to government affairs—nor is it a concern of academics. It can only be regarded as a »small trick among all the skills,« and those who strive to practice it are just imitating blindly, ending with ugliness and a loss of their original style. From a conservative standpoint, this article denounces cursive script by comparing it to »heretical ideas« and the »music of the Zheng state.« But it fails to consider its new artistic value in relation to the development of calligraphy. In terms of calligraphic practice, Zhao Yi points out that Du Du, Cui Yuan and Zhang Zhi are all superbly talented. »When they have leisure during the study of broad areas, they casually go in for this.« Everyone has different emotions and personalities, as well as different physical conditions. As one can think both roughly and carefully, or handle something both skillfully and clumsily with one’s hands, the quality of calligraphy comes down to the mind and the hands. Then how is it possible for the untalented to manage it? Map of Strokes Disposition (Bizhentu 笔阵图) by Madame Wei of the Jin Dynasty made a simi-

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lar statement to Zhao Yi, »if not connected to the spirit and moved by things, one should never talk to other people about the ultimate principles of this activity.« Configuration of Cursive Script by the Eastern Han calligrapher Cui Yuan contrasts with Zhao Yi’s criticism. It argues the formation, function and the exquisite gesture of the cursive script, stating, »if we look closely at its shape, no matter if it is in a low or high position, it follows particular rules of appearances,« and »the trivial but significant point is that one should choose the best-fitting way at each unique moment.« Cui Yuan vividly describes the unique strokes and structure of cursive script, and argues that this new calligraphic style is not only practical, but also reaches a realm of profundity, where new artistic values are created. These two essays on cursive script belong to the most important theoretical works on the transformation of the calligraphic styles in the Han Dynasty. They offer completely different evaluations of this newly emerged cultural phenomenon. Discourse on the Brush and Nine Configurations, by Cai Yong, reveal that Han calligraphy theory achieved a great deal in terms of artistic forms. Cai Yong was famous for his clerical script, and invented the »Flying White« script. He also created the »Xiping Stone Classics,« which were written in a strict and solemn manner. His practical experience explains why he could up with such a concise theory of the use of brush and of calligraphy. In Discourse on the Brush, he deals with the relationship between the art of calligraphy, the calligrapher’s temperament and the environment in which the calligrapher works. Based on the idea of »taking off the clothes and sitting cross-legged casually on the ground« in Zhuangzi, he advocates that the calligrapher should first free the mind before beginning the work. He also points out the significance of using the brush to create artistic images. In Nine Configurations, he further emphasizes that strokes should be written in a natural way.

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It is important to notice the relationship between the shapes of characters, strokes and their formal qualities, such as the yin-yang-relationship, turns, intensity and the restraint-release relationship. Also, it is important to think about how the way of »starting to write a stroke and shaping a character« influences calligraphic configurations. In general, the form should flow organically, rather than contain formal elements that contradict each other. He also came up with eight ways for using the brush, namely turning the brush, hiding the tip of the brush, hiding the head, protecting the tail, the swift technique, picking up the brush, the rough technique, and writing the horizontals like scaling a fish. Together with the first point, »starting to write a stroke and shaping a character,« they are called »Nine Configurations and Eight Knacks.« This essay is the earliest classic that summarizes the use of the brush systematically. The calligraphy theory of Cai Yong belongs to the major achievements of Qin and Han calligraphy theory. Discourse on the Brush is mainly concerned with spirit, whereas Nine Configurations concerns rules and standards. His theory is profound and sophisticated, but concise. It is one of the most crucial theories in the transformation of calligraphy, from purely practical technique to an artistic form. Its well-founded arguments lay the foundation for the theory of the calligraphy of later generations.

2. Painting Passages about painting are scattered across writings such as Book of Han, Book of the Later Han, Huainanzi and Discursive Weighing. Some of these passages discuss painting in order to elaborate on a philosophical theory. Some emphasize the various sociocultural functions of painting. Others conduct formal analyses of paintings. Meanwhile, some preliminary ideas about painting are implied in other various discussions about painting. Although these scattered ideas cannot form a

SECTION 2 CALLIGRAPHY AND PAINTING

precise and independent theory of painting, there are already distinctive positions and theoretical strands on such key issues as »form and spirit,« which signals the rapid development of painting theory after the Wei and Jin dynasties. The general ideas of painting in the Qin and Han dynasties follow the pre-Qin idea that the painting aims to represent the appearance of things. In terms of the mimetic function of painting, the »Treatise on the Duty of Cultivation« (»Xiuwu xun« 修务训) in the Huainanzi says, »even the sages Yao and Shun could not catch up with the subtlety of painting.« In literature such as the Book of the Later Han, such opinions are still discussed, for example, »ghosts and phantoms are easy to paint, while dogs and horses are more difficult,« and »trying to paint a tiger but ending up with the likeliness of a dog.« They continue to emphasize the function of painting as a record of the physical appearance of things. Discursive Weighingm by Wang Chong of Eastern Han, also emphasizes that the painting should be true to reality. It denounces the use of paintings to depict illusory gods and spirits, as well as the futility of depicting ancient figures without quoting their words and deeds. For example, in »On Thunder and Lightning« (»Leixu pian« 雷虚篇): »If the object is depicted without any shape, the picture cannot be made; if it only has a shape, it is then improper to say that the spirit is achieved.« Wang Chong emphasizes the opposition between »form« and »spirit.« He opposes the use of painting to depict things beyond physical reality and advocates painting as a means of documentation and propaganda. At the same time, some beautiful rhapsodies written by scholars also record thoughts on painting and the longing for an ideal of »free« painting. According to Rhapsody on Lulingguang Palace, by Wang Yanshou of Eastern Han, the murals in the Lulingguang Palace have both faithful depictions and freer creations. On the one hand, »to depict and record their appearance, they use painting.«

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On the other hand, »among thousands of variations in painting, the depicted things all have aberrant forms.« Also, the painters not only »use colors to imitate the appearance of things,« but also »convey the spirit of things in an indirect way.« This reflects the tendency to think beyond faithful depiction, and was a new idea to the Han Dynasty. In »On Intelligence,« in Discursive Weighing, the author expresses his dissatisfaction with pictures which are faithfully depicted as if »the original appearance still exists«—but fail to motivate and touch viewers. In his opinion, pictures cannot replace written records on bamboo slips and silk. His viewpoint can be interpreted in several ways. For one thing, a written text was considered to be a stronger medium for communicating ideas than painting. And as the written medium grew, painting went downhill as a communicative medium. In addition, in the period of this medial transition, painting was facing a crisis. Specifically, although it remained the most prominent and basic function of painting to depict things accurately, the kind of painting that could technically »preserve the exact appearance« could also fail to motivate and touch the viewer. Hence, painting required an updated theory and practice. Obviously, the text by Wang Chong signals a new demand for expressing figures.

CHAPTER VI QIN AND HAN THEORIES OF ART

As early as the Western Han Dynasty, the »Treatise on Speaking of Forests« in the Huainanzi addressed the problem of the form-spirit relationship, in addition to the techniques of form. In this sense, the theory whereby »the thing governs the form« in the Huainanzi became the most important theory of art in the Qin and Han dynasties. The idea of »the thing that governs the form« is put forward in »Treatise on Speaking of Forests« and the »Treatise on Speaking of Mountains.« The former deals with music, while the latter has a section on painting: »Although some portraits of Xi Shi still look beautiful, they fail to please the viewer as the beauty herself does; although Meng Ben’s eyes, drawn with dividers, might be very large, they fail to frighten the viewer as his real eyes do. It is because the spirit that governs the form is absent.« That is to say, the figures are portrayed accurately in a technical sense, no matter whether the quality of being beautiful or being large. Yet the viewer cannot be touched by these pictures since the spirit is absent. While expounding a philosophy of life, this passage reveals his basic ideas of painting, that is, the significance of spirit and vitality to painting. It raises the demanding requirement that painting transcend the paradigm of faithful depiction. It is one of the most important intellectual sources of early Chinese painting theory.

PART TWO THREE KINGDOMS, EASTERN AND WESTERN JIN, AND THE NORTHERN AND SOUTHERN DYNASTIES

OVERVIEW

The 400-year period from the Three Kingdoms and the two Jin dynasties to the Northern and Southern Dynasties is one the most difficult eras in Chinese history to describe, one that is loaded with suffering, warfare, and absurdity—but one still fascinating to historians and laymen alike. During this period, the glorious Qin and Han dynasties had faded away, and the splendid Tang Dynasty had not yet arrived. Between these two great eras, the ancient Chinese empire was torn apart, contested by warlords and trampled on by soldiers. It is true that the novel Romance of the Three Kingdoms, which is a household name among Chinese people, opens with the famous statement: »As for the great events of the world, what is divided for a long time will be united, and what is united for a long time will be divided.« But for the majority of Chinese people after Qin Shi Huang, the mainstream view sees unity as the norm and division as an aberration. Strangely enough, it was in this era of blood and fire that, out of the stains and evils, bright and brilliant flowers of thought and majestic fruits of arts were produced, comparable to any era of peace. It was a time of destruction and construction, of light and darkness, of division and integration. On the one hand, the traditional culture of the Yellow River basin was destroyed by the entry of ethnic minorities and constant warfare, which was the »upheaval of China by the five barbarians« (Wu hu luan hua 五胡乱 华) by historians in the past; on the other hand, the ensuing ethnic integration injected new blood into the development of Chinese civilization. On the one hand, the old world’s customs and morals were declining, and the ideas, concepts, order, and customs that were respected and ob-

served in the past were abandoned by the roadside like decaying willows and flotsam; on the other hand, religions became popular, and new ideas, new trends and all kinds of »fashionable« behaviors emerged and became prevalent. On the one hand, the scholars or literati were living in a chaotic world or throwing away their lives in talk; on the other hand, pious and talented Buddhist artists were creating the miracles of Yungang and Longmen, chisel-by-chisel. The blood and wisdom of the Chinese people flowed, rushed, and spurted like the water of the Yellow River in this short period of 400 years, and while countless livings were mercilessly annihilated, a splendid and dazzling edifice of art rose up and stood proudly against the sky. From this time onward, the literary and artistic thought represented by Cao Pi’s On the Standards[of Literature] (Dianlun 典论), Lu Ji’s Essay on Literature (Wenfu 文赋), and Liu Xie’s The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons (Wenxin Diaolong 文心雕龙) stood out and put forward a series of propositions such as »literature is dominated by qi [the spirit],« completing the transition from »poetry speaks of the will« to »poetry originates in the emotions.« Thereafter yue 乐, which represented all the arts in the pre-Qin Period, began to escape from the shackles of »ritual« (li 礼). For the first time in Chinese history, the banner of »art for art’s sake« was raised and, moreover, almost all categories of arts experienced a path of the »liberation of thought,« the »expression of individuality,« and »artistic independence« —becoming independent disciplines. From this time onward, with the rise of the metaphysical School of the Mystery (Xuanxue 玄学)

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and the spread of Buddhism and Daoism, traditional Confucianism was challenged and religious culture began to become an important part of Chinese civilization. In addition to the negative aspects of the world-weary mood and the »absurd« way of life that prevailed in society at the time, there was another aspect that is often overlooked: it was precisely because people were tired of this life and longed for the next that they simply abandoned the rush for quick success in the field of arts and with great enthusiasm and perseverance, creating such marvelous works as Yungang and Longmen Grottos, whose completed results could not be seen in one’s lifetime. It was also due to the impact of the »shocking« methods of thought and behavior of some literati and artists, which were almost similar to some modernist and post-modernist approaches, that art was able to rise from the weight of traditional ideas and take on an independent character. From this time on, the great artists represented by the »sage painter« Gu Kaizhi and the »sage calligrapher« Wang Xizhi emerged and set the examples for the future development of Chinese art. From this time on, Chinese culture also began to form a clear »North-South distinction.«

Section 1  The Historical Reality of Chaos and Division and the Formation of its Cultural Style After Dong Zhuo’s rebellion, the Eastern Han empire rapidly disintegrated, and the landowners’ armed forces in different regions actively expanded their power, forming local divisions and fighting with each other, turning the Central Plains into ruin and destroying people’s livelihoods. Furthermore, due to natural disasters in successive years, social production was severely damaged, and the famous line, »Nothing is seen outside, but white bones covering the plain,« is

Overview

not the imagination or exaggeration of individual poets, but a true description of the tragic characteristics of the time. Cao Cao gradually established a firm foothold in the north with his Tutian agricultural-and-military system and his »talent-based« hiring system, annexing all the major powers and pacifying half the country, becoming the most successful politician of the Three Kingdoms. More importantly, his hiring criteria of »talent« over »virtue« also directly stimulated the wild and absurd style of the scholars and the popularity of free thinking in the society, which played a huge role in promoting the awakening of arts at the time. At the same time, the great social catastrophe also makes the transience and futility of life particularly prominent, and the Chinese experience and reflection on life, death, prosperity and decline have never been so poignant and intense. The collective subconsciousness of this deep understanding of »life being a flash« left an indelible mark in history, and is abundantly and intensely expressed in literature and art. Intellectuals’ lifestyles marked by »idle conversation« and »reckless absurdity,« and the extravagance of the aristocracy, were but two different refractions of the same social psychological accumulations in cultural and social life. Among the three rival states of Wei, Shu, and Wu, Wei was founded the earliest, lasting for 45 years with three generations and five emperors; Wu had the longest existence, lasting for 58 years with three generations and four emperors; Shu Han had only two generations of Liu Bei and Liu Chan, and survived for 42 years. The Western Jin Dynasty was established in 265 CE, and it took more than ten years of warfare for the regime to achieve a brief reunification. However, after the death of Emperor Wu of Jin, wars and civil strife started again, dragging the Yellow River Region into a long war lasting 120 years. In the Eastern Jin Dynasty, the Central Plains became a battleground for the Sixteen Kingdoms. Most of the Sixteen Kingdoms were established by minority

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SECTION 1 THE HISTORICAL REALITY OF CHAOS AND  DIVISION AND THE FORMATION OF ITS CULTURAL STYLE

leaders and were called the »sixteen kingdoms of the five barbarians« by historians in the past. Throughout Chinese history, there has never been a time when so many non-Han ethnic regimes existed side by side as at this time. In the midst of chaotic times, a bandit could become a king overnight, and it was not rare to see the vicissitudes of »the emperor sitting in the hall this evening [becoming] the prisoner in the basement the following morning.« Although there was also a brief period of stability during the reign of Fu Jian of the former Qin, who employed the Han minister Wang Meng to create an epoch where »people were prosperous and happy,« for most of the time, the whole Yellow River Region was one big battlefield. The cruel exploitation of the lower classes by the rulers of various ethnic groups and the bloody feuds between different ethnic groups made the people of North China live through hardship for a long time. This cruel social reality, on the one hand, inevitably caused the destruction of culture and civilization, but on the other hand, it also made artists think deeply about life, and promoted the development of artistic expression, especially the unprecedented development of religious art. For a long time, the harassment and invasion of the nomads from the north were the most threatening calamity of the agricultural civilization of the Central Plains. The Western Han achieved great victories through warfare against the north. The Xiongnu, who had long threatened the northern frontier, were defeated and split as the Northern Xiongnu migrated westward and the Southern Xiongnu were annexed. Most of the annexed Xiongnu people were mixed with Han Chinese. As the northern tribes were known as good fighters, they were often recruited by local secessionist forces as soldiers. For example, the warlords Dong Zhuo, Yuan Shao, Liu Bei, Cao Cao, etc., all used Qiang, Wuhuan, Xianbei, and Xiongnu peoples as the main force of their armies. The brutal oppression of the Han rulers and the long-standing military establishments, as well as the social turmoil

caused by the riots of displaced farmers at the end of the Western Jin Dynasty, led to the inevitable historical situation coined by older historians as the »upheaval of China by the five barbarians.« Although there are various origins of Chinese civilization, at the latest, since the Western Zhou Dynasty, the cultural and economic center of China has been in the Yellow River Region. At the end of the Eastern Han Dynasty, when the north was in turmoil, a special era of massive migration began in Chinese history as people were seeking refuge. From the Eastern Han Dynasty to the Eastern Jin Dynasty, the result of this long and massive population movement caused the culture of the Central Plains to move southward, eventually forming the cultural center of Jiangnan, which had both commonality and individuality with the cultural center of the Central Plains. After the fall of Jin Dynasty, the Song, Qi, Liang, and Chen dynasties ruled the south successively, and the region’s society, economy, and culture greatly developed. As the poem goes: »Jiangnan [is where one] can pick lotus [seeds], how [nicely] linked are the [many] lotus leaves!« In addition to the economic development of Jiangnan and the »sense of stability« brought by being »content with a small part of the territory,« which made the development of the arts possible, Jiangnan’s natural scenery and human landscape also shaped the cultural style of the south that is closely related to that of the north in terms of heritage, but unique in terms of expression, with its own distinctive appearance. Unlike the grandness and boldness bred by the shining spears and armored horses as well as the long rivers and the vast deserts in the north of the country, the small bridges across the flowing water and the apricot blossoms in the spring rain of Jiangnan bring more ethereal, delicate, gentle, and bright elements to Chinese arts. After the introduction of Buddhism, the environment of the south also created favorable conditions for the rapid development and spread of Buddhist art, as nicely captured by the famous

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4.0.1  Warrior Sculpture of the Northern Dynasty, Collection of Shandong Museum

poem: »[There are] four hundred and eighty temples in the south, how many buildings in the mist and rain.« The economic development of Jiangnan led to the extravagant style of the so-called »golden powder of the Six Dynasties«; and this pursuit of pleasure and fashion in life contributed to the development of painting and crafts. The development of celadon ware, as well as gold and silver techniques in the south, was all related to the needs and trends of the powerful southern clans. During the Northern and Southern Dynasties, Chinese porcelain became known for »celadon of the south and white of the north,« which fully reflects the different pursuit of cultural styles in the north and south of China. Furthermore, the »elegant bones and clear features« style of figurative sculpture

Overview

also attests to the lifestyle and artistic tastes of the southern scholarly class. On the one hand, the muddled warfare of the northern ethnic groups caused great damage to the culture of the Central Plains; On the other hand, it also fostered the integration of different peoples, creating opportunities and possibilities for reconstructing the culture of the Central Plains and contributing to a new round of cultural prosperity. The Northern Wei Emperor Yuanhong and his policy of »Sinicization« played a significant role in the reconstruction of Chinese culture at the time. Economically, he introduced a new land distribution policy known as the equal-field system, which reduced the burden of the farmers, liberated productive forces, and promoted the economic development and social stability of the Northern Wei; politically and culturally, the »total Sinicization« of the Xianbei people not only created a huge impetus for the development of the culture of the Xianbei, but added to the richness of Chinese culture, where the mainstay Han Culture became more and more integrated with cultures of different ethnic groups. In addition to the Xianbei, there were other ethnic groups that eventually became integrated into the Chinese nation. These northern nomadic groups, mostly originating from the steppe and the desert, not only injected more rigor, majesty, ruggedness, and grandeur to the northern culture, but also added many new forms and contents to the culture of the Central Plains. It is plausible that the art found in the Buddhist caves of the north, which is quite different from the Buddhist art of India and West Asia, as well as the Buddhist sculpture of Jiangnan, is mixed with elements from the rock art tradition of the northern nomadic groups. It is also worth pondering whether the »Northern Stele« calligraphic style, marked by its simplicity, modesty, and vigor, came from a sense of urgency due to the frequent warfare or the fierceness of the northern nomadic groups. (Fig. 4.0.1)

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Section 2  Thought and Ideas The decline of Confucianism and the flourishing of Xuanxue were the most prominent phenomena of this period. The decline of Confucianism in the Eastern Han Dynasty was multifaceted, ranging from the loss of canonical works to the degradation of Confucian morals; from the corruption of bureaucrats to the degeneration of the scholarly circle. The decline of Confucianism, however, created conditions for the rise of Xuanxue. The content of Xuanxue mainly derived from Laozi, Zhuangzi and the Book of Changes, also known as the »Three Mysteries.« When speaking of Xuanxue, people often associate it with »idle conversations« (qingtan 清谈), which is blamed by its opponents as the cause of the »mismanagement of the state.« In fact, qingtan was not only a means for intellectuals to preserve their lives in a troubled world, and a tool for scholars to influence politics, but more importantly, it provided a necessary social atmosphere for intellectuals to engage in abstract thinking and purely theoretical discussions. It was in such an atmosphere that theoretical works of pure literature, pure art, and pure aesthetics could be produced. During the Eastern Han Dynasty, when politics was corrupt and manipulated by eunuchs, a section of intellectuals had fiercely opposed powerful eunuchs and demanded improvements. This led to the Disasters of the Partisan Prohibitions, during which many scholars were brutally killed. Under the political pressure, most intellectuals had to give up their actions and turn to qingtan. During this period, qingtan and Xuanxue had profoundly influenced a generation of intellectuals and artists, and affected the social atmosphere of the time. Lu Xun once made an incisive analysis of the relationship between the writers’ styles and attitudes of Wei and Jin dynasties and the social conditions, political struggles, and cultural trends of the period. He pointed out that from the father

SECTION 2 THOUGHT AND IDEAS

and sons of the Cao family between the late Han and early Wei, known for being »clear, unpretentious, splendid, and grand,« to the »wild, lofty, and open« Ruan Ji and Ji Kang in the Jin Dynasty, and then to the »pastoral poets« at the end of the Jin who embraced »peace and nature,« each distinctive periodic style was closely related to the respective social conditions and customs of the time. Not to mention that the lifestyle of the literati in the Wei and Jin, who indulged in alcohol and drugs, directly contributed to the fashion of »loose clothing and wide belts,« and even the emergence of tea sets in arts and crafts; not to mention that the love for nature and the understanding of the relationship between man and nature led to the popularity of landscape painting and the art of qin zither; even if we look at this period only from the perspective of intellectual history and aesthetics, one cannot but come to the following conclusions: the ideological vacuum caused by the decline of Confucianism, the romantic atmosphere brought about by the flourishing of Xuanxue, as well as the general neglect of morality and the esteem for talent and charisma in troubled times, greatly promoted the development of literature and the arts, creating a unique environment and the conditions for the independence of the arts. As a result of the emancipation of thought and the development of arts, theoretical explorations in various disciplines in the arts also rose to new peaks. First, there was the emergence of pure literary and artistic theories. Prior to this, although Chinese literature and arts were highly accomplished, it was not until this time that the first culmination of specialized literary and artistic theories came into being. The emergence of these distinctive literary and artistic theories changed the old perception that poetry was »to ameliorate morality, and to change habits,« and made artistic standards the primary criterion in evaluation and criticism, paving the way for the emergence of theories in various artistic disciplines.

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In art, it can be said that all the important basic theories in traditional Chinese art theory were established at this time. Aesthetic principles, such as »the Six Principles of Painting,« »commanding the brush as the army,« »rhythm of calligraphy,« »spirit and rigor,« and »pleasing emotion« had all been proposed and practiced. In his works such as On Painting (Lunhua 论画) and Eulogy to the Works of Eminent Painters of the Wei and Jin (Wei Jin shengliu huazan 魏晋胜流画赞), Gu Kaizhi clearly put forward the great aesthetic propositions of »depicting the spirit with the form« and »achieving the exquisite through imagination,« requiring the artist to express the »spirit« through grasping the »form.« Likewise, Xie He, in his famous »Six Principles of Painting,« namely, »spirit resonance and vitality« (qiyun shengdong 气韵生 动), »bone method and the use of brush« (gufa yongbi骨法用笔), »correspondence to the object in depiction of the form« (yingwu xiangxing应物 象形), »suitability to type in application of the color« (suilei fucai随类赋彩), »division and planning in composition« (jingying weizhi经营位置), »transmission by copying models« (chuanyi moxie 传移模写), put »spirit resonance and vitality« in the very first place, which provided an important premise for traditional Chinese aesthetics. At the same time, the »Six Principles« was also the first time that a systematic theoretical framework of painting was used to evaluate a painter’s creation in China, which had a significant impact on art criticism in later times. Calligraphy theory also greatly developed during this period. Since Cai Yong of the Eastern Han Dynasty made the art of calligraphy a means of self-expression, calligraphy theory has placed more emphasis on the »meaning« and »potential« expressed through the form of the characters and the process of »writing.« Lady Wei emphasized the importance of »communicating with the spirit and feeling the object« in calligraphy, and used figurative language to illustrate brushstrokes. Wang Xizhi, on the other hand, was the first in the

Overview

field of calligraphy to propose the rule of judging calligraphy by its »meaning,« emphasizing what is »not fully-spelled out in words,« and encouraging calligraphers to »attain the exquisiteness of it.« Wang Sengqian explicitly proposed the idea that »the wonderful way of calligraphy is to give top priority to the spirit and second priority to the formal quality,« echoing the ideas of »depicting the spirit with the form« and »spirit resonance and vitality« in the art of painting. During this period, a famous and influential piece of writing on aesthetics emerged in the field of music theory, Music Has No Grief or Joy (Sheng wu aile lun 声无哀乐论). »Departing from Confucian doctrines and following nature,« in this treatise on musical aesthetics, Ji Kang raised a series of major issues related to the essence of music, its functions, aesthetic feelings, etc., in the question-and-answer format. The most important of these was to raise the banner that »music has no grief or joy« and to propose that »the mind and the sound are clearly two separate things.« He believed that music was music, and not only could it not be loaded with morality, but it even could not express grief or joy. His theory, which emphasized the ontology of music, was a strong shock to Confucian musical thought, which had long been in the official ideological position. The influence of Buddhism and Daoism on culture and art was a cultural phenomenon that should be especially noted in this period. The introduction of Buddhism into China was a major event in the history of Asian civilization. Since its introduction to China, Buddhism has not only influenced traditional Chinese culture in a comprehensive manner, but has also undergone many changes and itself developed. At the time of Emperor Wu of Liang, Buddhism had already become a quasi-state religion, with 2,846 temples and over 82,700 monks and nuns; in Jiankang alone, there were more than 700 large temples and 10,000 monks and nuns. In the Northern Dynasties, Buddhism was especially prosperous, with more than 30,000 temples and

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more than two million monks and nuns. Buddhism influenced Chinese culture in both tangible and intangible ways. The two famous figure painting styles, of depicting the relationship between the garment and the body, namely »Cao’s clothing [hugging the body as if it is] emerging from the water,« mastered by Cao Zhongda in the Northern Dynasties, and »Wu’s belt [loosely flowing as if it is] against the wind,« signature of Wu Daozi in the Tang Dynasty, both derived from Buddhist sculptural styles originated from India and Western Asia; The Buddhist chanting that came from India and began to be Sinicized at this time, and the various Buddhist music that was handed down to future generations through Buddhist rituals, are all valuable cultural heritage in China, and reflect the creative work of Buddhist believers. (Fig. 4.0.2) Daoism is a religion native to China. In the Eastern Han Dynasty, Zhang Ling founded the Daoist religion and recruited followers on Mount Heming in Sichuan, and many people from the lower classes, who were suffering in life, joined the religion. The Daoist religion holds Laozi as its master, respecting him as »The Supreme Venerable Sovereign« and using the Laozi as its main text. It was called the »Way of the Five Pecks of Rice« (Wudoumi Dao 五斗米道) because those who joined the Daoism had to offer five pecks (dou 斗) of rice. Because Zhang Ling called himself »Celestial Master Zhang,« the religion was also called the »Way of the Celestial Master« (Tianshi Dao 天师道). Another important early sect of Daoism was the Way of the Great Peace (Taiping Dao 太平道), as its holy text is the Scripture of the Great Peace (Taiping jing 太平经). During the peasant revolts that swept the country at the end of the Eastern Han Dynasty, some peasant leaders used religion as a rallying cry to bring together their followers and wait for an opportunity to rise up, among whom Zhang Jiao was a prominent example. In the early period, Daoism was divided into the Talisman School (Fulu Pai 符箓派) and the School of Cinnabar and Crucible (Danding Pai 丹鼎派).

SECTION 2 THOUGHT AND IDEAS

4.0.2 White Horse Temple in Luoyang, Henan Province

The »Talisman« of the Talisman School originated from ancient »Cloud Writing« (yunshu 云书), a special kind of calligraphy, its cursive forms resembling clouds and dragons giving people rich imagination and inspiration. The stories of Daoist deities are inexhaustible subjects for the creation of Chinese folk arts. The Daoist dances commonly performed in ritual ceremonies, »Steps of Yu,« »Pacing the Guideline and Treading on [the stars of] the Dipper« (bugang tadou 步罡踏斗), the sword dance, lantern dance, cymbal dance, etc., have all had a profound influence on Chinese folk dance. Mystical experiences as well as chemical discoveries and industrial purification techniques that were the by-products of the alchemical practices of School of Cinnabar and Crucible had a major impact on Chinese art philosophy and on the manufacture of pigments for Chinese painting. Some scholars have pointed out that it was the alchemy prevalent in the Western Jin Dynasty that had a direct and powerful impact on the increased understanding of the chemical formulas and principles of the bodies and glazes of celadon ware, as well as on the mastery of fire, a very crucial technique in the porcelain-making process.

CHAPTER I NEW DEVELOPMENTS IN MUSIC Section 1  New Developments of Traditional Music 1. Xianghe Song and Qingshang Music Xianghe (»joint harmony« 相和) songs began as what can be called the »street folk songs« of the Han Dynasty—in other words, the folk songs that were popular among the lower strata of Han society. Those without instrumental accompaniment were called »solo songs« (tu ge 徒歌), while »bare songs« (dan ge 但歌) were sung by one and accompanied by three. However, the most authentic xianghe song, as summarized in the »Treatise on Music« in the Book of Jin, is a musical form in which the singer keeps the beat while accompanied by string and wind instruments. The development from the unaccompanied »plain song« to the xianghe song that equally emphasized singing and instrumental accompaniment marks indisputable progress in the arts. The saying that »all of these various songs began as plain songs and were subsequently adorned with string and wind instruments« objectively reflects the process of this progress. The »stick« (jie 节) was one of the percussion instruments used at the time. The format of »harmoniously accompanied by string and wind instruments [while] the stick-keeper sings« continues to the present day. Xianghe song reached its epitome in a large-scale, multi-movement song and dance called »the Great Xianghe,« a composite art form that combined lyrics, music, and dance into one. The structure of the Great Xianghe is much more elaborate and complex, primarily consisting of three parts: in-

troduction (yan 艳), build-up (qu 趋), and coda (luan 乱). Yan appeared as a splendid, glamorous, lyrical movement that makes up the main of the entire work, usually found in the opening or in the middle. Qu usually sped up the tempo and builds up the momentum. Based on its name, this movement probably corresponded to the »Andante« of modern times, and is usually found toward the end of the entire work. Luan is a form of conclusion already found in the Former Qin, mentioned frequently in The Book of Songs and Verses of Chu. The luan finale, in Confucius’s words, »continually rings and resonates in the ears.« As Jiang Ji from the Qing Dynasty writes in his Remaining Treatise on the Chu Verses from the Shandai Pavilion (Shandai ge chuci yulun 山带阁楚辞余论), »As the music comes to a close, all the voices come together […] a medley of fast notes intersect and intertwine with one another; thus it is called [luan].« The lyrics of a Great Xianghe usually have several stanzas which could be repeatedly sung to the same tune. Every sung refrain was succeeded by a dance accompanied only by instruments called jie (解). Generally speaking, jie was played to a faster tempo and with a more passionate, freer temperament. The tonal system of the xianghe song was comprised mainly of three modes, known as »the three xianghe modes«: the Ping mode, the Qing mode, and the Se mode. »The three xianghe modes« as the basic modes for the Xianghe Songs had a long history behind it, with their first origins in the court music of northern China. Only in the Han Dynasty did the Chu mode (chudiao 楚调) and the Ce mode (cediao 侧调) first appear as part of the Chu tunes (chusheng 楚声) from the Yantze re-

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gion. By the Wei-Jin dynasties, the Great Xianghe rested on the foundation of these five modes. Qingshang music (Qingshang yue 清商乐) inherited the three xianghe modes and developed its tradition further. It encompassed ancient musical heritage as well as the old music of the previous dynasty. Lyric-wise, aside from old lyrics passed down from the past, there were also new creations by Cao Cao, Cao Pi, and Cao Rui. Guo Maoqian writes in the Poetry Collection of the Music Bureau, »Qingshang music, is also known as Qing music. Qing music is the sound left behind by the nine dynasties. It began as the three Xianghe modes, old music since the Han and Wei dynasties. Its lyrics were all either ancient tunes or compositions by the three founders of Wei.« Because the musical form was so favored by the three founders of Wei, Cao Cao, Cao Pi, and Cao Rui, the Xianghe genre saw major developments during the Wei. Not only were the »Xianghe three modes« renamed as »the three Qingshang modes,« its bureau was separated from the Drums and Pipes Bureau (guchui shu 鼓吹署) as an independent administrative bureau of its own: the Qingshang Bureau. During the Wei and Jin dynasties, the Qingshang Bureau served as an administrative unit that directly provided music for the court, inducing progress in the development of Qingshang music. In early 4th century CE, »the Disaster of Yongjia,« in the last years of the Western Jin, resulted in unprecedented loss in arts. The Xianghe Songs were also lost and scattered across the land. The lost tunes could be considered as falling into two groups. One group was scattered in the northern region where battles were constantly raging, around modern-day northern Shaanxi and Gansu, but there was also a group of art works and artists that spread to the south of the Yangtze, or the Jiangnan Region, as part of »the southward migration of the Jin court.« In 376, Fu Jian put an end to the rule of the Liang. Fu Jian thus acquired all the Great Xianghe Songs that were scattered in the Former Liang; these songs then flourished for

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a while in the Former Qin and the Later Qin. In early 5th century CE, after the Emperor Wu of Song settled in Guanzhong, these songs also entered Jiangnan along with him. Ancient music of the Central Plain, especially the music of its court and elites with a long history, spread to the originally underdeveloped Jiangnan because of war. This would have been an unusual »cultural exchange,« but it had its benefits: On the one hand, it enabled the precious cultural heritage of the Han people to survive the wars; on the other hand, it sped up the development of the culture of Jiangnan, eventually setting up the stage for »Southern art, known as the most prosperous.« At this point in history, the cultural center of China shifted to the Yangtze Region for the first time. Over the course of a hundred years, from early 4th century to mid-5th century, works of the Great Xianghe genre quietly spread in the streets of Jiangnan. Almost half of the works were lost. Only when Yuanhong, Emperor Xiaowen of the Northern Wei, attacked Huaihan (around present-day Hubei and Henan), and when Yuanke, Emperor Xuanwu, conquered Shouchun 寿春 did the court start to collect the Great Xianghe again, compiling them as »Qingshang music.« In Scroll no. 26 of the ­Poetry Collection of the Music Bureau, Guo Maoqian comments on the fate of Xianghe Songs to scattered around during the Wei-Jin dynasties, and the relation between the three Xianghe modes and Qingshang music: » During the Disaster of Yongjia, the five cities were fallen. The old music of the Central Dynasty was scattered to the east of Yangtze. Later Emperor Xiaowen declared war and attacked Huaihan, collecting the music he acquired from the South and naming it ›Qingshang music,‹ which included the various Xianghe Songs.

He also cites Wang Sengqian’s words in Scroll no. 44 of the same work, »Today’s Qingshang is in fact based on [the music at] the Bronze Sparrow Terrace (Tongque tai 銅雀台), [where] the Three Founders of Wei exhibited an admirable flair for

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the arts. [The arts] of the capital Luoyang reached new heights, and East of Yangtze became ever more important.« After over a century of wars, migration, and the integration of different peoples, Qingshang music was in fact no longer a mere succession or continuation of the Xianghe song. The description that »today’s Qingshang is in fact based on [the music in] Tongque« points to the origin of Qingshang music. Because the musical cultures of different regions and peoples came into contact and mingled in the extraordinary environments created by war, the Qingshang music during the Northern and Southern Dynasties had expanded its range of elements to include folk music originally from the South. The instruments used during the time of Qingshang music included the bell chime, the stone chime, the qin zither (琴), se (瑟), hammered dulcimer (jiqin 击琴), pipa (琵琶), the konghou harp(箜篌), the zhu zither (筑), the zheng zither (筝), the beatdrum (jiegu 节鼓), the sheng pipe (笙), the di flute (笛), the xiao flute (箫), the chi flute (篪), the xun ocarina (埙), and others. The grace and elegance

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of these instruments were widely acknowledged, well-suited for court rituals as well as accompaniment for nobles’ feasts. The music performed by these instruments came to be honored as »the true music of the Chinese civilization (Huaxia 华 夏)« in later times, leaving a long-lasting impact on the later development of Chinese music. The development from Xianghe Songs to Qingshang music was also a process of the court, the nobility, and cultural elites taking inspiration from folk music; conversely, folk music was refined in the process as well. During the peaceful, prosperous period of Taikang, the nobility of Western Jin with Shi Chong at their head pursued material and artistic enjoyment on a scale of indulgence difficult to imagine for most people. Coming from prominent families, with their higher cultural standard, demanding taste and with strong aesthete tendencies, these nobles handpicked folk music for their own entertainment, but from an etic viewpoint; they also enabled the art of folk music to be elevated to another level (Fig. 4.1.1). Under the umbrella term of »Qingshang music,« there were included the Xianghe Songs and drum

4.1.1 A mural of musicians playing instruments together, from Wei-Jin Tomb no. 7 in Xigou Village, Guoyuan Town of Jiuquan City

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and pipe music (guchui qu 鼓吹曲) from previous dynasties, as well as the newly-arisen genres of »the Wu Songs of Jiangnan« (Jiangnan wuge 江南 吴歌) and »Western tunes of Jing and Chu« (Jing Chu xisheng 荆楚西声). Jiankang (modern-day Nanjing) was the center from which Wu Songs originated; in other words, they were folk music from the present-day Jiangsu area. The »western« tunes originated from Jing (modern-day Jiangling, Hubei), Ying (modern-day Wuchang area), Fan (modern-day Xiangfan, Hubei), and Deng (modern-day Deng County, Hunan). The genre included folk tunes and dances from Hunan, Hubei, Sichuan, Guizhou, etc. Sometimes the literati added new lyrics to the tunes, or revised them. »Wu Songs« originally referred to folk songs sung in Jiangnan since the Eastern Jin. Originally, they were all »plain songs« without accompaniment. Only later was accompaniment gradually added to them. Citing Records of Ancient and Modern Music (Gujin yuelu 古今乐录), the Poetry Collection of the Music Bureau states, »Accompaniment to Wu Songs used to include chi, konghou, and pipa; today there are also sheng and zheng.« Wu Songs usually had a square structure consisting of five characters per line and four lines per stanza. Some also had three lines of five characters or other irregular meters instead. The meters and structure of the Western tunes seemed to be more diverse than those of Wu Songs. Aside from five-character and irregular meters, there were also four-character and seven-character verses. Qingshang songs were often characterized by an accompanying voice that would sing filler words. It was called »harmony« (hesheng 和声), and if it entered at the end of a song, then it was called the »farewell voice« (songsheng 送声). The format of harmonizing a soloist with several voices resembles the »accompanying chorus« (banqiang 帮腔) in Sichuan opera today. Some also resemble the »refrains« or choruses (fuge 副歌) in modern songs.

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2. New Developments in the Music Bureau and the Prevalence of Drum and Pipe Music The Music Bureau (Yuefu 乐府) was a state institution, responsible for music and dances, first established during the Qin Dynasty. Due to its rapid growth during the reign of Emperor Wu of Han, it was long time thought to have first been founded by Emperor Wu. The Music Bureau was divided into the Grand Music Office (taiyue 太乐) and the Yuefu, supervising yayue (court music 雅乐) and suyue (folk music 俗乐), respectively. Huan Tan, a Yuefu official during the reign of Emperor Cheng of Han, once remarked, »When I worked as a Yuefu official for Emperor Xiaocheng, the musicians and dancers under my lead amounted to thousands of people.« The scale of the bureau was evidently quite considerable. By the time when Emperor Ai of Han abolished the Yuefu, the institution had run for over a hundred years in the Western Han. At the end of Eastern Han, the entire country was in turmoil, and »music was lost and went missing, not to be known again.« Only when Emperor Wu of Wei took over at Jingzhou, and acquired the Han yayue musician Du Kui, did it become possible to restore the Music Bureau. But in wartime Du Kui could only organize yayue as a »chief military advisor.« Aside from inheriting the tradition of the Eastern Han, the Music Bureau of Cao Wei also had its own innovations. First, it restored the Grand Music Office and the Office of the Drums and Pipe Musicians within the Yellow Gates (huangmen guchui 黄门鼓吹, abbrev. »Yellow Gates«). Second, it especially created an Office of Qingshang for organizing contemporary folk music. Different from previous bureaus, many Music Bureau literati now composed in imitation of the folk style. In the 15th year of Jian’an (210 CE), Cao Cao built the Bronze Sparrow Terrace in the City of Ye, and had courtesans sing and dance there. He composed new poems to instrumental music, and exerted a considerable influence over the development of

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the Music Bureau in Jian’an. During the Jian’an Period, the literati abandoned any previously condescending attitudes toward folk music, and actively learned from it—ushering in a new age of composing new poems to ancient Yuefu formats. Many described the aesthetic style of the Jian’an Music Bureau as »lofty,« »ethereal,« »resplendent,« and »grand.« If the »lofty« and »ethereal« styles were promoted by Cao Cao, then »resplendent« and »grand« would have been the work of Cao Pi. Cao Pi opined that »words depend on the underlying temperament« and that »poetry needs splendor.« His yuefu poems are characterized by lavish diction, both in the description of scenery and the expression of feelings. Western Jin’s institution of the Music Bureau in principle inherited that of Cao Wei’s, with the subdivisions of Grand Music Office, Office of Drum and Pipe, and Office of Qingshang. In the 9th year of Taishi (273 CE), the Household Counsellor Xun Xu reorganized the old works of the Grand Music Office, the Court Music Director (zongzhang 总章), and drum and pipe based on the tuning system (lülü 律吕) of the previous dynasty. He not only conducted a series of systematic examinations of ancient instruments and temperament systems but also undertook a series of tuning experiments. During Cao Wei’s time, the Office of the Yellow Gates was under the administration of the Chamberlain for Palace Revenues (Shaofu 少府), who also managed folk music. During the Western Jin, the Office of Yellow Gates became the Office of Drum and Pipe, with its own minister. It belonged to the administration of the Chamberlain for Ceremonials (Taichang 太常) while the Yellow Gates belonged to the administration of the Household Counsellor. Under the leadership of Xun Xu, the Music Bureau of Western Jin received considerable development. After the Disaster of Yongjia, the rulers in the South became complacent in Jiangnan, indulging in entertainment; on the other hand, this also helped stimulate the development of the Music

Chapter I New Developments in Music

Bureau. According to historical records, during the reign of Latter Deposed Emperor Liu Song, performers of court ritual music and local music alone amounted to over a thousand, not counting acrobats and other subsidiary performers. The size grew to over ten thousand performers during the reign of Emperor Wu of Qi. Emperor Wu of Liang even personally »corrected the music« himself. Prioritizing the music itself, he changed the old rule of performing yayue in the order of the month to performing it in the natural order of the pentatonic scale. He also added many folk music elements to yayue and music for ceremony openings, resulting in the integration of court and folk music. He even incorporated dances, dramas, and Buddhist chants into the music for temples. Because of the court’s great need for folk music, Wu Songs and western tunes of folkish origins were able to enter the aristocratic circle and the court. From the description of Wu Songs and western tunes in the previous section, we can already see the prominence of folk music in the music bureaus of the Southern Dynasties as well as some of its other distinct characteristics. The Northern Wei was a regime founded by a minority ethnic group, and its ruler belonged to the Tuoba clan of the Xianbei people. Despite their early contact with Chinese culture, even when Tuoba Gui, Emperor Daowu of Northern Wei, vanquished Murong Bao of the Later Yan at Zhongshan (modern-day Ding County, Hebei) in the first year of Huangshi (396 CE), they still »acquired Jin instruments without knowing how to use them, and abandoned them in the end.« They focused on waging wars and invaaions, but not how to build a cultural infrastructure—let alone establishing institutions like the Music Bureau. Only in the first year of Tianxing (398 CE), when Tuoba Gui moved his capital to Pingcheng, did they learn the various rituals and proprieties of Chinese culture; building palaces, shrines, and temples, they completed the government infrastructure. One new establishment included »instating dukedoms, de-

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fining tuning systems, and coordinating music.« After incessant development and adjustment, the institution of the Northern Wei Music Bureau gradually took shape. The list of music officials recorded in the »Treatise on Official Posts« in the Book of Wei already included posts like »Palace Chief Musician,« »Chief Musician,« »Group Leader of Regional Dance,« »Regional Dance Director,« »Imperial Music Libationer,« »Imperial Music Scholar,« »Imperial Music Cataloguer,« and so on. The Northern Wei Music Bureau managed a wide variety of music, including yayue, folk music, and drum and pipe music. Overlapping with these three larger categories was another schemata of seven categories: music for shrines, music for Suburban Sacrifices (jiaosi), music for seasonal feasts, music for palace residential quarters, music for court feasts, drum and pipe music, and yi (»barbarian« 夷) dances paired with regional music. The Northern Qi ruler that succeeded the Wei was the »Xianbeinized« Han Chinese Gao Yang. As soon as he ascended the throne, he began establishing the musical repertoire. His court yayue included music of Western Liang as well as various mixed origins, producing not only dramatic collections like Masks (Daimian 代面) but also Kucha, Western Liang, Qingshang, Drum Dance (piwu 鼙 舞), and others. Because rulers throughout the Northern Qi had a penchant for »barbarian« (hurong 胡戎) music, the structure of its court music institution was rather different. They instated an Office of Imperial Music to oversee various music-related and ceremonial matters and an Office of Drum Music to oversee drama productions and drum music, and so on. There was also the Imperial Secretariat to »administer royal decrees and proffer music to the royals,« below which »to each inspector was assigned four attendant gentlemen; in total there were a Western Liang Division with one director and four musicians, a Kucha Division of four musicians, and a Qingshang Division with one director and four musicians.« To let the Imperial Secretariat directly lead court musicians was

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a historically unusual instance of bureaucratic organization. Conferral of lordships on emperors’ favored hu (胡 »foreign, barbarian,« usually specifically referring to those in the northern and Western Regions) musicians such as Cao Miaoda and An Maju during their service as court musicians also deviated from social norms. Established by the Xianbei clan Yuwen, the Northern Zhou devised a musical institution yet different from the Northern Qi. The Northern Zhou was originally based in Guan 关 and Long 陇. To win the support of the Han people, they demanded Han officials adapt to the Xianbei Culture on the one hand and instated an old-fashioned bureaucratic structure based on the Rites of Zhou on the other. Initially, there was no vocal music. Although they established the position of »Grand Director of Music,« the director was mainly responsible only for academic rules. In 554 CE, the Northern Zhou army broke through Jiangling and murdered Emperor Yuan of Liang, acquiring the musicians and instruments there, so that there would be directors to lead the academies. Only during the reign of Emperor Wu of the Northern Zhou did musical institutions become more complete, with the »Grand Music Master in Chief« leading the »Junior Grand Master« and the »Senior Serviceman of the Junior Music Division,« as well as »Music Master, Musician, Singer, Ringer of Bells and Stone Chimes, Drummer, Trumpeter, Dancer, Flutist, Director of Sanyue, Ethnic Music Master, and Manager of Trophies (ranked as Ordinary Serviceman),« and others. Such an organization clearly deviated from musical institutions since the Han and Wei dynasties. The musical institution of the Northern Zhou mostly followed the ancient (Zhou) system, but because the rulers longed for their roots, court music still mostly featured hu music. Although Emperor Wu of Northern Zhou abolished the musical system of the four yi (»barbarians«) in the residential quarters, and adopted the Zhou system instead; when his Turkic queen joined the palace in 568 CE, she brought

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with her music from Kangju and Kucha. The court inscribed these songs on epigraphs and ordered the Musician-in-Chief to teach them. During Emperor Xuan’s reign, the court widely recruited new acrobats and expanded the performing arts. Although Emperor Xuan was corrupt, squandering resources on entertainment without restraint, he also as a result brought the development of hu music, variety shows, drum and pipe music and other genres of music to new heights. After the Western Jin Dynasty, every dynasty in northern China, from the Former Zhao of the Sixteen Kingdoms, the Northern Wei and the Northern Qi, to the Northern Zhou, had its own Music Bureau to collect music. Although the institution of Music Bureaus was constantly interrupted and disrupted by incessant war and social disorder, music from various minority ethnic groups and regions, including Xianbei, Kucha, Shule, Western Liang, Gaochang, and Kangju, entered the Central Plain, continually interacting and integrating with Han Chinese music. This laid the foundation for a boom in songs and other performing arts during the Sui and Tang dynasties. Aside from the above-mentioned Wu Songs and western tunes from Jiangnan, the musical bureaus during the Southern Dynasties also performed various folk songs from the North. Like the Han Chinese »Xianghe Songs,« these songs most likely started as mere folk songs. Only later, when wind instruments like horns were added, did they start to spread further and eventually into the Music Bureau, where they were preserved as »pieces for drums, horns and transverse flutes« (gujiao hengchui qu 鼓角横吹曲). Most of these northern folk songs originated from the ethnic groups of Xianbei, Tuyuhun, and Buluoji 部落稽, a branch of the Xiongnu people, and exhibited the typically fierce, free, and wild character of the nomads of the steppe. In addition, among the northern folk songs in vogue at the time, there were also some long ballads, such as the famous Ballad of Mulan. The

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date and authorship of the song has been contested, with various ascriptions circulating since the Song Dynasty—some even mistook it for a work of the Tang Dynasty. But based on the »Treatise on Music« in the Old Book of Tang, we know that the music bureaus of the Liang and Northern Dynasties had »Xianbei songs between the Yan and the Wei,« many of which contained »Khan’s verses.« Today, most scholars inside and outside of China consider the ballad to be a Xianbei folk song, which was translated into Chinese when it was circulating in Jiangnan. After it was collected by the Music Bureau of the Liang Dynasty, it was lost until it was rediscovered during the Tang Dynasty. The Ballad of Mulan narrates the tale of the heroine Mulan. After joining the army on behalf of her father, she fights bravely in battle, makes extraordinary contributions to the army, returns to the court victorious but turns down the Khan’s rewards—finally reaching home and reuniting with her family. In plain, robust language, the ballad paints images rich with romantic imagery and passionately eulogizes the extraordinary heroine’s loyalty, filial piety, diligence, and kindness, her passion for protecting and defending her country, her courage in battle, and her elegant, dazzling beauty after taking off her military garb. Drum and pipe music was a musical form that originated in northern China. It began to circulate in the North as early as the Han Dynasty. Historically, drum and pipe music had several names: it was also known as »short panpipe (xiao) and naobell songs,« »drum and pipe of the Yellow Gate,« »transverse reed songs,« »winds on the horse,« etc. Its main instruments were wind and percussion instruments, and in the beginning mainly drums, the paixiao panflutes (排箫), zheng, the jia flute (笳), etc. Some even included singing. The rise of drum and pipe was closely tied to the lifestyle of the ethnic groups in northwestern China. Drum and pipe was already divided into two groups during the Han Dynasty, one group mainly depending on panpipes and jia, wgucg was per-

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4.1.2 A stone relief carving of performers of transverse reed music, excavated from Deng County, Henan. Currently stored at the National Museum of China

formed during ceremonial parades and is still known as »drum and pipe« (guchui); the other group was mainly based on drums and horns, usually performed as military music on the horse, and called hengchui (»transverse flutes« 橫吹). According to its purpose, people further divided drum and pipe music into four categories: 1. Drum and Pipe within the Yellow Gate: essentially the drum and pipe music performed at the court. Usually hosted by the emperor himself or a court attendant during a banquet at the palace court, it was thus sometimes also referred to as »feast music« (shiju yue 食举乐). At the same time, it was also used for lubu 鹵 簿, the imperial guard specifically reserved for the emperor. While the feast music was performed in seated position, lubu music was performed in a standing procession, likely prefiguring the later division of the drum and pipe music into »seated performance« and »processional performance.« 2. Horse-Riding Wind Music: basically, military processions. Based on excavated stone relief carvings from the Han Dynasty, we can see

a full picture of how these songs might have been performed during the Han and Wei dynasties. Each on their horses, the musicians ride in procession while holding their instruments, with jia, drums, the tao-drums (鼗), and xiao as the most common among them. 3. Duanxiao and Nao Songs: mainly for shrines, temples, and grand occasions like victory music (kaiyue 凯乐), New Year celebrations (yuanhui 元会), Suburban Sacrifices, and enclosure hunting. A main characteristic of this genre is that they always included not only instruments but also singing. Most of the drum and pipe music during the Wei-Jin, and the Northern and Southern Dynasties, belonged to this category. Only because of the singing were they able to eulogize »the Emperor of the day« through lyrics. 4. Hengchui: music performed on horseback in the military. It was characterized by its use of double-pipe instruments. The so-called »hengchui music for drums and pipes« often included singing, too, mostly reflecting the life of military troops. (Fig. 4.1.2)

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3. The Popularity and Integration of Ethnic Music Chinese music has never been a monolithic, self-contained cultural system. Since the WeiJin dynasties, music of different ethnic groups, mainly from the northwestern region, began to circulate in the Central Plains. Among these different varieties, music from Western Liang, Kucha, and India (introduced via the Western Regions) became most popular. Before their introduction to the Central Plains, most of these musical cultures were already circulating and integrating with one another in the Western Regions and Western Liang (the western part of modern Gansu Province, with Dunhuang, Jiuquan, and Wuwei as its main centers). One could say that from the Wei-Jin dynasties to the Sui-Tang dynasties, this region continually served as a window and a melting pot for exchanges between Chinese and western cultures. Indian music might have been introduced to China as early as the Three Kingdoms Period, but the first official record is dated to Zhang Chonghua’s occupation of Liangzhou (349–353 CE). According to the »Treatise on Music« in the Book of Sui, »[The introduction of the music] of India began with Zhang Chonghua’s occupation of Liangzhou. Four major foreign nations proffered their male artisans; [the art proffered by] India was its music. Its songs included Sands and Gravels at the Border, and dances included the Celestial Tunes. The instruments included the phoenix-head konghou, pipa, the five-string pipa, di, the bronze drum, the maoyuan waist-drum, the dutan drum, the cymbal, and bei—these nine instruments formed a unit, with twelve players [assigned].« The »pipa« refers to the bent-neck pipa, an ancestor to the modern pipa that occupies such a central place among ethnic Chinese instruments now. The Celestial Tunes very likely refers to Buddhist music at the time. Kucha was located in the Kuqa Region of modern-day Xinjiang. Kuchean music was first brought

Chapter I New Developments in Music

to China when Lü Guang took over Kucha (382 CE). After his conquest, Lü Guang established the regime of the Later Liang (386–403 CE), which was subsequently conquered by the Later Qin. According to the second volume on music in the Book of Sui: »After Lü’s end, his music was scattered everywhere; when the Wei conquered China, they acquired it.« Among the so-called hu music, Kuchean music was the most sophisticated and most popular. In his famous work Great Tang Records on the Western Regions, Xuanzang of the Tang Dynasty once commented on Kucha, »[its] wind and string music and dances [were] especially superior to other countries,« ranking the musical culture of Kucha above other countries in the Western Regions. The »Treatise on Music« in the Old Book of Tang remarks, »Since the Zhou and Sui Dynasties … works for drum dances usually drew from Kuchean music, whose tunes were known to all people of our time.« Drum was the most important instrument in Kuchean music, and there were the maoyuan waist-drum, the dutan drum, the dala drum (答腊), the waist-drum, the jiegu drum (羯 鼓), and the jilou drum (鸡娄). Among these, jiegu stood out most. Additionally, there were also other wind and string instruments, such as the vertical konghou, pipa, five-string pipa, sheng, di, xiao, the bili pipe (筚篥), etc., among which the bili had the most distinct characteristics and exerted its influence most extensively. By the time of Emperor Xuan of Tang, five out of the eight volumes of »Music for Standing Performance« (Libu ji 立部 伎) at court had connections to Kuchean music. Western Liang was located in the region around modern-day Wuwei, Gansu. Western Liang music, as well as its dances, began circulating in northwestern China during the Wei-Jin dynasties, where it was also profoundly influenced by both Chinese and Kuchean music. First, it started to flourish in the area of Liangzhou and, later, spread to the wider area of northern China. The »Treatise on Music« in the Book of Sui describes the music of Western Liang as »first taking shape

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at the end of the Fu’s 苻 rule, when Lü Guang and Juqu Mengxun occupied Liangzhou. It was transformed from the music of Kucha and came to be called the music of Qin-Han […] its songs included Music of Eternity, its closing pieces Abundance in All Ages, and its dances Buddhist Tunes of Khotan.« When Emperor Taiwu of Northern Wei conquered Liangzhou (439 CE), the musicians in Liangzhou and their instruments and costumes were brought into the Northern Wei court as part of the war booty. According to the Book of Wei, »When Shizu [Emperor Taiwu] defeated He Lianchang, he acquired yayue from the ancient times, and when he conquered Liangzhou, he acquired its musicians, instruments, and their costumes, from which he made a selection for keeping. Later when the Western Regions were connected, it was incorporated into the Office of Music as the national music and dance of Yueban.« Yueban was located at the border between the modern-day Kazakhstan and Xinjiang. From the Wei-Jin dynasties to the Sui-Tang dynasties, the music of Western Liang exerted prominent influences on Chinese music. The first »Tang grand suite« (Tang daqu 唐大曲) was none other than Liangzhou. An outstanding feature of Western Liang music was that »it was transformed from the music of Kucha« and further »mixed with the music of Qin 秦.« The words »transform« and »mix« tellingly reveal that it was a new music resulting from the integration of ancient Han music and music from the Western Regions. It is also exactly because of this outstanding feature that it came to be called »the music of Qin-Han« during Lü Guang’s time and »national music« during the rules of Northern Wei and Northern Zhou. In addition, music from Shule, Anguo, Gaochang, and Kangju were also imported into China at this time. Shule was located in the Shule and Kashgar regions of modern-day Xinjiang; Anguo was located around the Bukhara Region of modern-day Uzbekistan. These two musical cultures were imported into China around the second year

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of Taiyan, during the reign of Emperor Taiwu of Northern Wei (436 CE). Gaochang was located to the east of Turpan in modern-day Xinjiang. When Yuwen Tai of Xianbei served as the regent of Western Wei (535–556 CE), Gaochang was annexed into its territory. Gaochang music was introduced to China around the same time. Kangju was located around the Samarkand Region of modern-day Uzbekistan. In the second year of Tianhe 天和 (568 CE), Emperor Wu of Northern Zhou married a bride from the Ashina tribe. The »dowry« accompanying her included a large entourage of musicians and dancers from the Western Regions. »Thus the music of Kucha, Shule, Anguo, and Kangju all gathered in Chang’an.« This is the first time in Chinese history that Kangju music was recorded. From the carvings in the Yungang Grottoes depicting musical performances during Northern Wei, we get a glimpse of how the music of Western Liang might have been transmitted at the time. The »Treatise on Music« in the Book of Sui recorded 19 instruments in total from Western Liang, and the sculptures in the Yungang Grottoes include thirteen kinds. These thirteen instruments are: the vertical konghou, pipa, five-string pipa, sheng, xiao, the big bili, the small bili, the vertical di, the transverse di, waist-drum, the qigu drum, cymbal, and bei. This group included old Chinese instruments like xiao and sheng as well as imported instruments like the vertical konghou from western Asia and the five-string pipa from Kucha. Exactly as the »Treatise on Music« from the Old Book of Tang summarizes regarding the music of Western Liang: »Its music included bells and stone chimes, and was probably old Chinese music transmitted by the Liang people and then further mixed by them with the sounds of the Qiang 羌 and hu people.« Maybe because the music of Western Liang already incorporated a large amount of old Han Chinese music, it was called »national music« during the Wei and Zhou dynasties.

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The sculptures and carvings in extant Buddhist grottoes give us precious information about the music during the Wei, Jin, and Southern and Northern dynasties. Just the three grottoes of Yungang, Dunhuang, and Longmen alone preserve a considerable number of artworks related to the music of the period. From these sculptures and carvings, we can infer the musical development during the Wei, Jin, and Southern and Northern dynasties. The inauguration of the Yungang Grottoes related to the monk superintendent Tan Yao 昙耀. In the early years of Heping during the Northern Wei (460–465), under the patronage of Emperor Wencheng, Tan Yao began to carve a new cave temple at the fortress of Wuzhou 武州, west of the capital (modern-day Datong). Tan Yao cut out five caves in total, which came to be known as »Tan Yao’s Five Caves.« The carvings in Tan Yao’s Five Caves commanded a grand presence and exhibited rough, angular lines. Each cave has a great Buddha statue, ranging from 60–70  m tall. But there are only four carvings directly related to music, two of which were even later addendums. Most of the music-related carvings are found on the southern wall or outside the tympanum. The musical figurines in the early Yungang carvings mainly feature musical devas gandharva and kinnara. »Gandharva« was translated as a »fragrant deva,« and in his Commentary to the Vimalakīrtinirdeśa, Sengzhao quoted his master Kumārajīva, »A gandharva is a kind of musical deva in the heavens, who reside in the ten mountains of jewels. When the gods want music, signs would manifest on these devas’ bodies, and they would ascend to the heavens.« He said of the kinnaras, »they were also musical devas, lesser than the gandharvas.« The gandharvas hold instruments in their hands, with their bodies showing only down to the knees and exhibiting subtle movements. The kinnaras are depicted with their whole bodies in the air and not holding any instruments, free and without restraint.

Chapter I New Developments in Music

The middle-period of the Yungang Grottoes saw music-related materials become increasingly rich. Eleven out of the twelve middle-period caves have carvings about music. There is a wider variety of instruments. The forms also became more varied, including both solo and group performances. Aside from the alcove (kan 龛) itself and its immediate vicinity, they are also found in reliefs chronicling the Buddha’s life or scenes of his preaching. Especially in caves no. 1, 2, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, and 13, a row of altars is found where the dome and the side wall connect, featuring celestial musicians carved in a grandiose style and meticulously delineated form. The most common instruments in these carvings are pipa, bili, and various percussion instruments. The relief in the antechamber of Cave no. 12 showcases six tall celestial musicians, each as tall as 4m. Sculptures of musicians of this height are quite rare. Carvings from the late period of Yungang were mostly done by officials of middle- and lower-rankings, or commoners who had stayed behind in Pingcheng after the Northern Wei court had moved to Luoyang. Although the scale is not as spectacular as before, the works exhibited versatile, animated forms full of spirit. Take Cave no. 50 for example, on the lower panel of the eastern wall a musician is carved as sitting above a tree in a bold style exhibiting a fantastical imagination. In the same cave, under the altar on the northern side, the band accompanying a »musician of the inverse banner« (chuangdao ji 幢倒伎) by his pole is even more diverting, a snippet of their daily life at the time. (Fig 4.1.3) The popularity of the ethnic music dubbed as huyue 胡樂 at the time is inseparably connected to the tastes and fashion of the upper-classes at the time. The rulers of Northern Wei belonged to the Xianbei ethnicity, and when they first entered the Central Plains, »[their] music still bore the local style and did not change its customs.« After Emperor Taiwu, Tuoba Shou conquered Hexi and acquired Western Liang music, known as »Qin-

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4.1.3 Yungang Cave no. 9, carvings of flying devas (partial)

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Han music,« he made this musical fusion of the Chinese and Western Regions cultures his »Grand Welcoming Ceremony for Guests.« In the early years of Taihe (477–499 CE), Emperor Xiaowen, who promoted Sinicization, officials of various offices gathered to search for and collect ancient music. Despite extensive investigation and discussion, due to the regrettable »lack of officials wellversed in music at the time,« the yayue of the Central Plains could not be found. »Nonetheless, the system of regional music and the songs and dances of the four yi groups were added to the Imperial Music Office.« Court music still primarily consisted of ethnic music. »The system of regional music and the songs and dances of the four yi groups« refers to the contemporary local music and ethnic songs and dances from the time. If even an emperor who advocated Sinicization could only go so far, the situation under other emperors’ reigns can be fathomed easily. Under the Northern Qi, a regime established by »Xianbeinized« Han Chinese, hu music was very popular exactly because of its rulers’ tastes and predilection. Gao Wei, the Later Lord of Qi, was an emperor famous for his passion for hu music. Allegedly he was a decent musician himself, capable of not only playing multiple instruments but also composing. One of his compositions, Song of No Sorrow, was described as »evoking extremely sorrowful thoughts with its charming melody and rhythms.« Whenever he personally performed and sang this piece, he would order the eunuchs and the hu people at his court to sing along. After they finished, everyone shed tears: »When the song was finished and the music came to a halt, none did not shed tears.« Although the song was said to have a »distinctively new tune,« if every hu courtier could sing along, it was most likely based on a hu song or at least the hu style. And the fact that even eunuchs could sing along demonstrates the level of popularity enjoyed by hu music in upper class Northern Qi society. Thanks to his

Chapter I New Developments in Music

favor, musicians such as Cao Miaoda, An Weiro, and An Maju were even granted lordships, becoming new members of the nobility. The positions as well as skills of these musicians are often hereditary, passed down from one generation to the next and thereby maintained a high level of artistic integrity. For instance, Cao Poluomen, Cao Sengnu, and Cao Miaoda from the Cao state represented three generations of the same family, from grandfather to grandson, who all won the emperor’s favor. Historical records suggest that most of these famous musicians active in the courts of the Northern Dynasties continued to flourish well into the Sui Dynasty. On the great popularity enjoyed by Kuchean music in the streets during the years of Kaihuang, the »Treatise on Music« of the Book of Sui relates that Cao Miaoda, An Jingui and their likes, »with their incredibly splendid skill on their instruments and their ever-changing novel sounds, dazzled the princes and lords even as the dynasties and times changed, competing for fame and distinction in the world.« Clearly, they were very distinguished figures. (Fig 4.1.4) The situation of Northern Zhou was similar to that of Northern Qi. We mention earlier that Emperor Wu of Zhou married a Turkic bride of the Ashina clan, exerting considerable impact on the cultural scene of Northern Zhou at the time. »Thus music of Kucha, Shule, Anguo, and Kangju were gathered in Chang’an,« making Chang’an the center of hu music where it was brought together, performed, and passed down over generations. More importantly, the rising popularity of hu music in China from the Wei-Jin dynasties to the Southern and Northern Dynasties and its integration with Han Chinese music laid the foundation needed for the unprecedented prosperity of yanyue (»banquet music« 燕乐) during the Sui-Tang dynasties. Among the hu entourage that accompanied Ashina to the court, there was a pipa performer wellversed in music theory named Su Zhipo, who exerted a considerable impact on the development of Chinese music. He entered China in 568 CE but

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4.1.4 Northern Qi, a drumming pottery figurine excavated from the Lou Rui Tomb in Taiyuan

only received recognition in 582 CE during the »Kaihuang music conference« during the Sui, when he enriched Chinese music theory with his profound knowledge. If we say that hu music had already conquered northern China, then it had also won over the upper classes in southern China. For instance, the »Biography of Fan Ye« in the Classic of Poetry describes Fan Ye as »skilled at playing the pipa, capable of producing new sounds.« The pipa he played was very likely the hu pipa in fashion at the time. Prince Yulin 郁林 of Southern Qi also set up »two hu musicians« in the residential quarter of his palace. When Prince Donghun 东昏 toured the land, he also enlisted musicians of »Qiang and hu music« aside from the »drum and pipe music.« In another example, a high-ranked official in the Southern Chen Dynasty, Zhang Zhaoda, »would always generously employ courtesans whenever

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he had a gathering to fill it with the music of the Qiang and hu, to enjoy the wondrous combination of their music and elegant figures.« These examples all evidence the Southern Dynasties rulers’ penchant for hu music. During the Wei-Jin dynasties, many new instruments and music from the Western Regions were introduced into China. Through musicians’ collective efforts, they were further developed, and many instruments subsequently became the »ethnic instruments« shared by all Chinese people. The instruments that were first introduced or became popular during this time included: bili, bent-necked pipa, five-string pipa, vertical konghou, lying konghou, jiegu, the fangxiang stone chime (方响) and cymbal, and more. Bili is basically the guan today. A wooden instrument with a double reed at the top, Bili is a transcription of »Pi-Li« from ancient Kuchean. It was also alternatively known as bili (觱篥/必栗) and beili 悲篥. It was imported into China along with Kuchean music, but it was also an instrument commonly used by several other northwestern ethnic groups. Many murals featuring bili from the Wei, Jin, and Southern and Nouthern Dynasties have been discovered in caves in Xinjiang. The bent-necked pipa is the ancestor of the modern-day pipa. Initially, any plucked instrument that was held in arms was referred to as pipa (琵琶/批把) in China. In his Explaining Names, Liu Xi explained, »to ›pi‹ is to pluck the string in an outward motion while to ›pa‹ is to pluck inward.« But the bent-necked pipa, already popular in the Wei-Jin dynasties, was not an indigenous Chinese instrument. Some scholars believe that pipa-like instruments first originated in western Asia and northern Africa. The pipa played by the family of Cao Poluomen and Su Zhipo was probably the bent-necked pipa. The five-string pipa was also known as the hu pipa. It was also imported from India to China via the Western Regions. The shape of the five-string pipa resembles that of the bentnecked pipa. Both have a pear-shaped sound box

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although the width of the box and the number of their strings differ. Murals and images of both the bent-necked pipa and the five-string pipa can be found in the caves of Dunhuang and elsewhere. The vertical konghou first originated in north Africa, as early as 3,000–2,110 BCE in ancient Egypt. Later it was transmitted to the Western Regions via Persia, then subsequently to China. After it was introduced to China, its name was transcribed variously as konghou 空侯 and kanhou 坎 侯, and finally in its current orthography 箜篌. Jiegu was the most important instrument in Kuchean music. Before the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern dynasties, the main Chinese percussion instruments were bell chime and stone chime, both of which are melodic instruments. Jiegu, on the other hand, is a rhythm-based percussion instrument that can easily move the mood in the room with its piercing timber. After it was introduced to China along with Kuchean music, it became greatly popular for a while, resulting in the emergence of several famous drummers. Jiegu is performed with two sticks, so it was also called the »two-stick drum.« Fangxiang is a kind of percussion instrument used in Western Liang music during the Northern Zhou Dynasty. It comprises of 16 tuned rectangular iron slabs. It is similar to the ancient Chinese bell chime and stone chime but has a slightly coarser appearance. The cymbals were also imported from India via the Western Regions into China.

Section 2  The Beginning of Literati Music and the Development of Musical Aesthetics 1. The Musical Life of the Literati Chinese literati and artists’ zeal for nature freed various arts from the binds of Confucianism and its »education by names« (mingjiao 名教) to a con-

Chapter I New Developments in Music

siderable extent, leading to an awakening of the arts as an independent entity. Art was no longer a mere stepping stone to official careers, or mere sacrificial vessels and offerings in shrines. When Chinese literati and artists walked into nature, art also walked into the inner mind, to self. Due to the influence of the School of Mystery (Xuanxue 玄学) as well as Buddhism, Chinese intellectuals found peace and insight into truth in every tree and blade of grass: »One flower, one world; one leaf, one bodhi (›awakening‹).« Since nature exists side by side with the »Way« (dao 道) and embodies truth, nature not only became the most fundamental and prevalent common denominator for all Chinese arts, but love for animals and plants in nature and the precept of »no killing« also eventually extended far beyond Chinese Buddhists’ tenets, leaving a lasting impact on generation after generation of Chinese. From the Six Dynasties on, eulogizing nature in China has virtually become synonymous with pursuing any form of art. »The Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove« is the best example of this. Through their own personalities, displays of their virtuosic talents, and dazzling charisma, this group left their name on history, for hundreds of generations. Nature, drinks, and music were an indispensable part of their life. In the rustling bamboo grove of Shanyang (modern-day Wuxiu County, Henan), they drank, played the qin-zither, and sang, turning to art to comfort their souls, channel their feelings and thoughts, seek refuge for their spirits, and enrich themselves. Ruan Ji (210–263), courtesy name Sizong, was also known as Infantryman Ruan by posterity because he once served as an infantry commandant during the Western Jin. According to history, »Ji originally harbored the aspiration to serve the world, but in the time of the Wei and Jin dynasties, there were many problems in the world and few could achieve their wishes. Ji, as a result, did not partake in worldly matters, and drinking became his daily life.« He was known for being drunk for

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60 days straight, looking at others with »black or white eyes« to indicate his respect for them (looking into someone’s eyes as opposed to rolling his eyes at them), and »neither praising nor detracting others in words.« His musical compositions are recognized even more for their spiritual and cultural value. His composition for qin, Drunken Ecstasy, has continued circulating to the present day. In his Miraculous Secret Scores for the Zither, Zhu Quan, from the Ming Dynasty, wrote under the section »Explaining the Titles«: This is a piece composed by Ruan Ji. Ji lamented the impasse of the Way and his own incongruity with the era; thus, casting worldly matters off of his physical being, he found refuge in drink and made music his aspiration. In a similar vein, was he really so fond of drinking as a hobby? The Way existed there too; there was wonder in it, so it did not fall into the way of the vulgar if the enlightened could comprehend it.

Drunken Ecstasy, transcribed by the later qinplayer Yao Bingyan, exhibits innovative designs and rare rhythms. Its triple-meter melody animatingly evokes the wobbly gait of a drunken literatus and the lopsided world as seen through his eyes. Ji Kang (223–263), courtesy name Shuye. Because he once served as »Grand Master of Palace Leisure,« he was also commonly known as »Ji of Palace Leisure.« Among the Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove, he was undoubtedly the most talented and charismatic, endowed at the same time with a most independent, assertive mind of his own. Intellectually he not only represented the most profound and critical elite of his time, but his deeds also made him one of the most dedicated, righteous, and politically moral among the literati of his time. His qin compositions »Long Qing,« »Short Qing,« »Long Side,« and »Short Side« make up what is known as »Ji’s Four Tunes« by later qin players. They have circulated to the present day. Ruan Xian was Ruan Ji’s nephew and also a musician himself. Allegedly the still-popular ethnic plucked-string instrument ruanxian (usually ab-

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breviated as ruan) was named after him by Empress Wu Zetian of the Tang Dynasty, in accord with the instrument held by him in a painting of the Seven Sages of the Bamboo grove newly excavated at the time. Tao Yuanming (365–427) was a famous poet during the Jin and Song dynasties. Also known as Tao Qian, his courtesy name was Yuanliang. Tao Yuanming was from Caisang, Xunyang (modern-day Xinan in Jiujiang, Jiangxi), and his ancestors were government officials. When he was 29, he first served as the libationer of Jiangzhou, but »unable to bear the duties of the official post, he removed himself from the post after a few days and returned.« Torn between his body and mind’s freedom and material needs, he struggled and wavered between the life of an official and that of a recluse. In the first year of Yixi, during the reign of Emperor An of Jin (405), he served as the magistrate of Pengze at the age of 40. One day, the local inspector of the commandery came to inspect his county and demanded Tao to come see him fully-donned in official vestment. However, Tao said, »I cannot bend my back for five ladles of rice and serve the meager people of this county!« Thus he relinquished his official seal, resigned, and returned to the field. Tao Yuanming claimed he »learned qin and letters at a young age« and acquired sophisticated artistry in qin music when he was a child. However, unlike other qin players, he often did not play the qin himself. Often, he did not even have an actual qin to play on, and merely played on a string-less qin while slightly drunk. The »Biography of Tao Qian« in the Book of Jin describes him thus: »Not musical, he kept a plain qin endowed with no strings. Each time friends gathered for drinks, he would caress it and coo, ›[If we] but know the delight in qin, why bother the strings to make a sound?‹« Since ancient times, many literati used music to express their feelings and thoughts, but the only one who played a soundless instrument and derived pleasure from it was Tao Yuanming. Strangely, in

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response to this apparently odd behavior of his, the Chinese literati not only showed complete understanding but even paid him great respect for it. This is because Daoist philosophy shaped the Chinese literati as strongly and profoundly as Confucian philosophy did. Although Laozi’s »the greatest music barely makes a sound« and Zhuangzi’s »in the midst of silence only harmony is heard« constitute the most appealing core of the classical Chinese music aesthetic, in practice they had always remained abstract concepts. For most Chinese literati, it remained a distant, imaginable but ultimately unattainable and unrealizable ideal. Thus for the Chinese literati, Tao Yuanming’s »performance art« not only did not negate music but in fact manifested the spirit of music and revealed its meaning on a most profound and quintessential level. Viewed from this angle, without having to make a single sound with his qin, Tao Yuanming was actually a true musician, only that his music (or rather the music in his head) could be appreciated by no one but himself.

2. Qin Zither Music: Exemplar of Literati Music With its long history, the qin, also known as seven-string qin or guqin in later times, is the most representative Chinese instrument. The popularity and development of qin music reached unprecedented heights during the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern dynasties due to both stabilization of the instrument’s structure, improvement of mechanics, and the social milieu of the time. Throughout Chinese history, so many regimes ruled by different ethnic groups never coexisted in the Central Plains as during this period. It was a tumultuous time. People’s fates and lives were as unpredictable as duckweed floating on the water in the wind. For many years, the entire Yellow River was a battlefield. Cruel exploitation of the lower classes by rulers of various ethnicities and the ongoing bloodshed between various ethnic groups plunged the people into sustained

Chapter I New Developments in Music

periods of misery. Cruel reality prompted artists to ponder life on a more profound level and drove the literati from the center of politics to the refuge of music. After the Wei and Jin dynasties, music and nature became the last refuge for intellectual and spiritual life. As the instrument particularly favored by literati, the qin fully absorbed their wisdom and talents; simultaneously, its music fully expressed their minds, feelings, ideals, and yearnings, as well as their grievances, discontent, and resentment. If we say qin music in the Former Qin was still a mere appendage to ritual and the function of its music primarily confined to illuminating the ideals and spirit of Confucianism, such as Thinking of Sages (Sixian cao 思贤操) and Prince of Wen (Wenwang cao 文王操), qin music after Wei and Jin dynasties ushered in the first era of »art for art’s sake« in Chinese history. From a mere appendage to ceremonial ritual, qin music became a tribute to humanity and its people, a vehicle of the Chinese intellectuals’ thoughts and sentiments. Through its unique structure, make-up, and timbre, the qin became Chinese literati’s most important, irreplaceable companion. The emphasis on purity, serenity, equanimity, and elegance in qin music, as well as its moderate volume suited for a small audience, aptly corresponded to the literati’s penchant for solitude and detachment from the corruption of mainstream society. With the literati hoping to preserve themselves in music, poetry, and nature, it was a matter of course that qin music should develop considerably in such an era. The Wei, Jin, and Southern and Nouthern Dynasties saw the emergence of many famous literati and qin players. Qin artist Cai Yan (177–?) was one of them. Cai Yan, courtesy name Wenji, was the daughter of Cai Yong, a famous literatus and qin artist in the Eastern Han Dynasty. As the story goes, she was »well-learned, intelligent, eloquent and wondrously skilled at music« since a young age. One day when she was six years old, Cai Yong

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was playing the qin late at night. One of the strings suddenly snapped, and Wenji, who was in the next room, immediately knew which string broke. Cai Yong then deliberately broke another string to test her, but she guessed right again. Wenji’s life was filled with hardship. In the wars at the end of the Han Dynasty, she was first captured by Dong Zhuo’s people and eventually ended in the hands of the Xiongnu people. There, she bore two children for the Xiongnu prince, Zuoxian. Only in the 12th year of Jian’an (207) was she ransomed by Cao Cao, an old friend of her father’s. The story of »Wenji’s Return to the Homeland« is a story known to almost every Chinese household. After her return, she followed Cao Cao’s wishes and transcribed over 400 works of her father’s from memory. Under his name were also her poem »Eighteen Songs for the Hu Jia-flute« (Hujia shiba pai 胡笳十八拍) and the qin compositions Great Hu Jia and Little Hu Jia, which became very popular during the Tang Dynasty. The qin composition Eighteen Songs for the Hu Jia-flute from after the Southern Song Dynasty that shares the title of her poem was based on the theme of her hard life. The Ruan family of Wei-Jin dynasties produced famous qin artists for three generations in a row. One of the »Seven Scholars of Jian’an,« Ruan Yu was said to be »naturally musical and skilled in drum and qin.« Cao Cao wanted to enlist him as one of his officials. To hide from Cao Cao’s pressuring, Ruan Yu fled into the mountains. Only by having people set fire to the mountain did Cao Cao gain Ruan Yu in the end. Once at a grand banquet hosted by Cao Cao, Cao Cao was upset with Ruan Yu for not talking to him, so he arranged to have Ruan Yu sit with the artisans and troupers to insult him. Ruan Yu »then caressed his strings to sing« and improvised a song with double-entendre lyrics to warn Cao Cao that only a rule of mercy and justice could bring peace to a country. But because his »song was fast« and »its tune special and wondrous,« Cao Cao did not realize the hidden message in his song and ended the

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banquet with »Taizu [Cao Cao’s temple name] was greatly pleased.« Ruan Yu’s son Ruan Ji and grandson Ruan Xian, along with the Ji Kang from the Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove, were all excellent qin players. Additionally, several other literati and generals from the Wei and Jin dynasties were also skilled at qin, such as Zuo Si and Liu Kun. From the Eastern Jin to the Southern Dynasty, there was another family that also produced qin artists for generations, the Dai. Dai Kui, courtesy name Andao, was, according to the Book of Jin, »well-learned, fond of discussion, skilled at writing, proficient in drum and qin, well-practiced in calligraphy and painting; there was not one art he was not accomplished in.« He deeply loathed the society of the time, »often entertaining himself with qin and books« and living in seclusion without pursuing an official career. Upon hearing of his skill in drum and qin, the Great Steward Sima Xi (Prince Wuling) sent an emissary to invite him, but Dai smashed his qin in response, saying »Dai Andao does not entertain princes,« showing the high ideals and integrity of an intellectual. His sons Dai Bo and Dai Yong both became famous qin artists. The brothers inherited not only their father’s qin skills but also his reclusive style. (Fig. 4.1.5) The literati musicians’ philosophy, accomplishments and creativity first and foremost greatly enriched the repertoire of the qin. The aforementioned Drunken Ecstasy and the Song from Guangling (Guangling San 广陵散) are both famous pieces that first emerged or began to circulate widely during this period. The Song from Guangling became famous largely because of Ji Kang, who cuttingly remarked that »the Song from Guangling is lost from now on« before his execution. But in fact, the Song from Guangling already existed before Ji Kang, neither was it ever actually lost after Ji Kang’s death. The oldest extant version of Song from Guangling comes from the ­Miraculous Secret Scores for the Zither edited by Zhu Quan in the Ming Dynasty. The grandiose

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4.1.5 The Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove with Rong Qiqi, from Eastern Jin

effect of the piece corresponds to its grand structure. The entire piece is divided into 45 episodes grouped into six sections: »Opening fingering,« »Small prelude,« »Grand prelude,« »Main tune,« »Concluding tune,« and »Postlude.« There are parts of the piece that sympathize and eulogize the protagonist’s feelings and parts that narrate the scenes of the terrible tragedy. There are slower, melancholy episodes, but also agitated, tempestuous climaxes that evoke weapons clanking and clunking against one another. Solitary Orchid in the Stone Tablet Mode (Jieshi Diao Youlan 碣石调幽兰) is the earliest extant score known in China to date. The score is a man-

uscript scroll, with the title Solitary Orchid in the Stone Tablet Mode marked at the top and bottom of the scroll. The little preface before the score proper states that the score was passed down by Qiu Ming (493–590) of the Southern Dynasty. The score belongs to the earlier longhand written notation system (wenzi pu 文字谱), which notates the music by describing the fingerings and indicating the hui numbers (loci on the qin). For instance, it may instruct the left hand to press a certain string at a certain hui number and the right hand to pluck the string with a certain fingering, and so on. Because the hui numbers are fixed, the pitches and melodic contour of any tune could

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be preserved. Through transmission by teachers and accumulation of one’s own experience, the rhythm of a piece could be included to varying extents as well. According to Cai Yong’s account in On Playing the Qin (Qin Cao 琴操), Solitary Orchid was composed by Confucius, who was visiting kingdom after kingdom but still failed to find an opportunity to put his talents to use. Once on his way, seeing orchids in a dell inspired him to compose this piece to express the forlornness of having talents but not the opportunities to apply them, like a lone flower admiring itself. As to the question of the »Stone Tablet mode,« there still exists varying interpretations in scholarship. But most scholars believe that the »Stone Tablet« is somehow related to the »Stone Tablet« in the verse »To the east there is the stone tablet, from which one could view the Eastern Sea« from Cao Cao’s Xianghe Song, Sojourns Beyond the Summer Gate. According to the »Treatise on Music« in the Book of Southern Qi, »Stone Tablet was a poem by Emperor Wu of Wei. Known as the Stone Tablet Dance during the Jin, its song had four movements.« Although this refers to a dance suite from the Jin Dynasty, the extant Solitary Orchid in Stone Tablet Mode for qin is also divided into four movements. At the end of each movement, a note instructs the performer to »tap (the beat) to signal a grand pause« or »tap (the beat).« This suggests that the Solitary Orchid in Stone Tablet Mode for qin indeed bears some relations to the Xianghe Song from Wei, Jin, and the Southern and Northern dynasties.

Section 3  The Rise of Religious Music 1. Buddhism and the Introduction and Dissemination of Buddhist Music Religion is an important component of human culture. For a period of time, the history of civi-

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lization was often in fact the history of religious culture to a considerable extent. During the Wei, Jin, and Southern and Northern dynasties, the drastic, extensive cultural collision and integration worked as powerful fuel for the development of secular music; similarly, it brought another even greater change to Chinese music: the rise and popularization of its religious music. The introduction of Buddhism was a great event for both the culture and society of this period. For the history of Chinese music, it is also highly noteworthy. Buddhist music began to flow into Chinese courts in great quantity after Lü Guang routed Kucha. The »Treatise on Music« in the Book of Sui recorded the title Buddhist Tune of Khotan, the earliest Buddhist music to enter the Central Plains, with Lü Guang. Once monks from the Western Regions arrived in the Central Plains and began their translation work, some of them, like Kumārajīva, also transmitted Buddhist tunes from the Western Regions. However, in the early phase of Chinese Buddhism, although a large amount of Buddhist sutras were being translated into Chinese, most translators sought to elucidate Buddhist doctrines and focused on the content while not always taking care to convey their form. Even the great translator Kumārajīva opined that the process of translation could convey the approximate meaning of the original but often forfeited the beauty and rhythm of the language, just as rice that had been chewed by others not only loses its flavor but also tastes disgusting. Needless to say, when verses intended for singing in Buddhist scriptures were translated, only the words were translated, with the accompanying tune left out. For instance, the entire Buddhacarita (Fo suo xingzan 佛所行赞) translated by Dharmakṣema of the Northern Liang was intended for singing in India, but when it was translated into Chinese, only the words remained, deprived of its original tune. (Fig. 4.1.6) At the mention of whether Indian Buddhist songs actually make up part of Chinese Buddhist music,

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people usually think of Huijiao’s famous account in his Biographies of Eminent Monks: Ever since the great teaching spread to the East, there have been many who translated texts but probably few who transmitted the sound, indeed, as Sanskrit phonemes repeat themselves while the Han language is monosyllabic. If one uses an Indian tune to sing Chinese words, then there would be too many notes and the song too rushed; if one uses a Chinese tune to sing a Sanskrit text, then the tune would be too short and the lyrics too long. Thus [the Buddha’s] golden words have been translated, but the sound of Sanskrit has not been passed on. There was first the Wei prince, Si of

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Chen, Cao Zhi, who loved the study of music and had interest in the sound of the scriptures. He was already versed in the auspicious music of Buddhism, but at Mount Yu, he further experienced divine revelation, leading him to edit Former Deeds and Their Auspicious Responses (Ruiying Benqi瑞应本起) and make it the standard for later scholars. There were over three thousand songs and forty-two modes (qi 契).

Based on this passage, from the time that Buddhism was introduced to China, the amount of translated Buddhist texts had always exceeded the transmission of Buddhist music. The explanation for this phenomenon is simple: linguistic differences between the phonetic Sanskrit and the monosyllabic Chinese. Like the difficulties that face all translated songs, if the melody of an original Indian tune is matched with its Chinese translation, then one would end up with too many notes but too few words. Conversely, if a traditional Chinese tune is used to accompany Sanskrit words, then there would be too few notes and too many words. At the time, as Buddhism spread in China, Chinese Buddhists began to have pressing need for suitable Buddhist chants in their religious life. To solve this problem, a group of Chinese Buddhist musicians began to compose Chinese-style Buddhist chants.

2. Cao Zhi and the Buddhist Chant

4.1.6 The southern wall of Dunhuang Cave no. 251 ­featuring celestial musicians, Northern Wei

To this day, throughout the realm of Chinese Buddhism, Cao Zhi, the Wei prince Si of Chen from the Three Kingdoms Period, is still widely considered the founder of Chinese Buddhist chant (fanbai梵 呗). The legend of Cao Zhi’s »Making of Buddhist Chant on Mount Yu« considerably reflects the transition of Buddhist chant from its Indian and Western Regions styles to a Sinicized style during the Three Kingdoms Period. This process reflects the Chinese Buddhists’ creative contributions to the Sinicization of Buddhist music, as well as how the larger trend of the Sinicization of Buddhism manifested itself in music.

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Cao Zhi, courtesy name Zijian, was born in Qiao County of the Pei Commandery (modern day Haozhou, Anhui). He was the third son of Cao Cao and the younger brother of Cao Pi. He was born in the third year of Chuping during the reign of the Han Emperor Xian (192) and died in the sixth year of Taihe, during the reign of the Emperor Ming of Wei (232). Exceptionally intelligent and quick-witted, he was greatly favored by Cao Cao, who deemed him »the son with the most potential for great accomplishment.« His talents won him his father’s trust and later literati’s reverence. Xie Lingyun famously said, »Talent under the heavens weighs one stone in total, [but] Cao Zijian alone takes up eight pecks.«1 But his talents also attracted envy and trouble, especially from his older brother Cao Pi. The story of Cao Pi ordering Cao Zhi to compose a »poem in seven steps« and the resultant poem are well-known to every Chinese household, having become the symbol of feuds between brothers: »The beans are cooked on the flames of the beanstalks; the beans wail in the pot: born of the same root, why fry each other with such haste?« In a cruel court life filled with scheming and plotting, Cao Zhi was very much a failure. In January, the 25th year of Jian’an, Cao Cao died of sickness and Cao Pi succeeded the throne. Cao Zhi began his miserable, prison-like life as an exile. Cao Zhi spent the last eleven years of his life under the oppression of Cao Pi and his son Cao Rui. Within those eleven years, Cao Zhi’s rank was altered six times, and with it, he was made to move three times from one place to another, never knowing what ill tidings the next day would bring. Not only was his material life difficult and sparse, but he was deprived of his basic freedom as well. One could only imagine how Cao Zhi must have felt under such circumstances. Forest of Gems in the Dharma Garden describes him thus: »When-

1 Both »stone« (shi 石) and »peck« (dou 斗) are measurement units. Ten ladles equal one stone.

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ever he read Buddhist sutras, he would go through them over and over in appreciation, thinking they constituted the Way of the ultimate truth.« His inborn talent, hard life, and special circumstances brought Cao Zhi to Buddhism, and he also came to be considered by later Buddhists as the inventor of the first Sinicized Buddhist chant. Cao Zhi spent the end of his life on the present-day Mount Yu of Dong’ah County, in Shandong Province. His grave remains there today. Chinese Buddhists hold the legend of Cao Zhi’s »Making of Bud­dhist Chant on Mount Yu« as a tenet of their faith. According to records such as »Buddhist Chant, Chapter 34« in the Forest of Gems in the Dharma Garden, one time Cao Zhi was on Mount Yu and »suddenly heard a pure, doleful sound from the Brahma heavens that moved his heart […] he then imitated its sounds and rhythms, writing it down as Buddhist chant.« Buddhist chant had existed in China long before Cao Zhi. But from the time of Eastern Han to the Three Kingdoms, with the exception of Cao Zhi, all the other composers of early Buddhist chant were foreigners, such as Zhi Qian and Zhi Tanyao from Yuezhi, Kang Senghui from Kangju, and Śrīmitra from the Western Regions. Their Buddhist chants inevitably carried traces of Indian and Western Regions cultures with them. Even Cao Zhi’s Buddhist chants would have been built on the foundation of Indian Buddhist chant. When Chinese classics mention compositions, they are often described as the result of »hearing heavenly music« or »received instructions from gods.« This association might have sprung from the ancients’ awe-struck admiration for musical compositions or their deliberate attempts at creating a mythical atmosphere. It also could reflect the ancient musicians’ compositions as works inspired by nature, or the »unity of heaven and man« as the philosophy of their musical compositions. It is said that Cao Zhi’s Buddhist chants included Tributes to the Prince (Taizi song太子颂) and Tributes to Siddhaṃ (Jishan song 及睒颂). A common

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format of Chinese Buddhist chant is to chant and sing the stories of Buddhism. The Tributes to the Prince is most likely related to the Scripture on the Prince’s Former Deeds and their Auspicious Responses (Taizi ruiying benqi jing 太子瑞应本 起经), translated by the Wu translator Zhi Qian, which narrates the story how the ancient Indian prince Siddhartha Gautama of the Śākya clan became awakened. The »jishan« in Jishan song is probably another translation for xitan (悉昙), or siddhaṃ. The Tributes to Siddhaṃ emerged as tributes to the Sanskrit script that recorded the Buddhist scriptures. Cao Zhi’s works must have continued circulating into the Liang Dynasty. Huijiao once commented that the »flourishing state [of Buddhist chants]« in the Liang Dynasty can »only be deemed as owing to [Cao Zhi’s] glorious achievements.« Of course, Cao Zhi alone could not be credited with the creation of Chinese Buddhist chant and its subsequent transmission. During the Three Kingdoms and the two Jin dynasties, several monks made important contributions to the development of Chinese Buddhist chant. Monks from the Jin Dynasty like Bo Faqiao, Zhi Tanyao, and Shi Faping all contributed to establishing the Buddhist chant system in early Chinese Buddhism. Bo Faqiao of Zhongshan liked to sing Buddhist chant from the time he was a child, but, lacking a good voice, he fasted seven days and nights, »bowing his head to the Bodhisattva Guanyin for an answer to his wish in this lifetime.« Finally, on the seventh day he felt his throat open up. »Then, he made three Buddhist chants, and his voice spread for miles.« It was said that ever since that time, he »chanted day and night, [his voice] doleful and soul-moving.« His voice remained unbroken well into his 90s. Zhi Tanyao was originally from Yuezhi but moved to Jianye later. Unlike Bo Faqiao, he was »extraordinarily gifted in his voice and skilled at reciting sutras.« It was said that he once received instruction from a god in a dream. After he woke, he »created new songs, Buddhist chants

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that were refreshing and marvelous, [so much so] that the four birds turned around, flew back, and played.« The »six-syllable Buddhist chants« he created were still sung in Huijiao’s time, during the Liang Dynasty. His disciples, Shi Faping and Shi Fadeng, »passed down their master’s achievements together.« Faping’s »resonant voice was pure and superb, spread far and wide and met no match.« His younger disciple Fadeng, though ugly in appearance, had a voice that surpassed even his elder Faping, often prompting his audience to sigh over the mistake of judging people by their appearance. One might say that, thanks to the effort of this group of Buddhists, Chinese Buddhist chant saw an unprecedented spur in the Qi and Liang dynasties. Like modern music, ancient Chinese Buddhist music could roughly be divided into the two categories of »vocal music« and »instrumental music.« In his Biographies of Eminent Monks, Huijiao wrote: »Thus when songs are performed on instruments, it is called music (yue 乐). When one praises the Dharma by [singing] to the accompaniment of an ensemble, then it is called chant (bai 呗).« He then divided Buddhist music into two kinds: yue for tunes that were performed on instruments and bai for singing the Dharma to instrumental accompaniment. The former is also called Buddhist music (foyue 佛乐) or Buddhist tunes (foqu 佛曲); the latter is known as Buddhist chant or tributary chant (zanbai 赞呗). Unlike in India, where all vocal Buddhist music was known as bai, vocal Buddhist music in China was divided into two types: sutra recitation known as »turning recitation« (zhuandu 转读) and the worship of Buddhas and bodhisattvas, known as fanyin (梵音). The first mention of »Buddhist tune« in an official history is found in the »Treatise on Music« in the Book of Sui: The music of Western Liang started at the end of Fu’s reign, when Lü Guang and Juqu Mengxun occupied Liangzhou, turning Kuchean music into the music of Western Liang and renaming it the

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music of Qin-Han. […] Its music included the song Music of Eternity, the closing piece Abundance in All Ages, and the dance Buddhist Tune of Khotan.

3. Emperor Wu of Liang and the Establishment of Buddhist Ritual Music in China Xiao Yan, Emperor Wu of Liang (464–549), courtesy name Shuda, was the founder of the Liang Dynasty and ruled from 502 to 549. Xiao originally belonged to the royal family of the Qi Dynasty. Already famed for literary accomplishment in his youth, Xiao Yan belonged to the literary group »Eight Friends,« founded by the Jingling Prince of Qi, Xiao Ziliang, at his own residence. Xiao Yan was active in this group with other famous literati of the Southern Dynasty: Shen Yue, Xie Tiao, Wang Rong, Xiao Chen, Fan Yun, Ren Fang, and Ru Chui. This literary-political group invented the »Yongming Style« of poetry that would be famous for its regulated tonal prosody throughout the history of literature as the precursor to the five-syllable eight-line regulated verse (wuyan lüshi 五言律 诗). Literary achievements aside, fellow members of this group, such as Shen Yue, even assisted Xiao Yan in bringing down the Qi and founding the Liang Dynasty. For a long period of time, they controlled the political nexus in southern China, with Xiao Yan himself as the emperor who enjoyed the longest reign during the war-ridden Southern and Northern Dynasties. He left a profound influence on Chinese politics, religion, culture, and economics at the time. Initially, Xiao Yan was a follower of Daoism. Three years after he ascended the throne (in 504), on the birthday of the Śākyamuni Buddha he gathered an assembly of 20,000 monks at the multistoried pavilion of Chongyun Hall. He personally composed the words of the vow, abandoned Daoism and »returned« to Buddhism. To promote Buddhist dharma, he generously sponsored the construction of magnificent temples like Aijing, Guangzhai, Kaishan, and Tongtai, expending

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an incalculable sum on these projects. The Buddha statues he sponsored also boast exquisite craftsmanship. He tirelessly promoted the vegetarianism advocated by Mahāyāna sutras like the Mahāparinirvāṇa-mahāsūtra. He personally wrote the Renunciation of Meat and Alcohol (Duan jiulou wen 断酒肉文), which changed the convention of monastics’ consumption of the »three kinds of clean meat« since Han, having far-reaching influence on the monastic precepts and vegetarianism in Buddhism afterwards. Emulating Śākyamuni’s renunciation of the throne to seek awakening, he renounced himself four times at the Tongtai Temple to serve as a »temple slave.« Twice his court officials ransomed him with one trillion cash, greatly expanding the treasury of the monastery. Xiao Yan was musically very sophisticated, and was well-trained. He himself oversaw the founding of Liang Dynasty’s yayue. Regulating yayue was the most significant political and cultural act in imperial China, as in Chinese tradition yayue was not only the first major ritual to perform after a new dynasty was founded, but also, as the symbol of court culture, the rise and fall of yayue reflects the cultural landscape of the entire dynasty and the state of its arts in high society. Emperor Wu of Liang began the making of his official music in the first year of Tianjian (502). Among the 49 pieces of music he arranged for the three courts, there are pieces that clearly incorporated Buddhist elements. The 27th piece »Music of Mount Sumeru,« for instance, was probably a Buddhist tune from India. »Mount Sumeru« is a common mythical landscape in Buddhist texts. 84,000 yojana in its height, it is lorded over by Śakra, with the »Four Great Heavenly Kings« on its four sides. Encircled by the »Seven Fragrant Seas,« »Seven Golden Mountains,« and the »Salty Sea« at its outermost edge, Mount Sumeru was a common theme in Buddhist art. The »Music of Mount Sumeru« (»Xumi shan ji« 须弥山伎) most likely was a dance song that illustrated its myth.

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In addition, the 35th piece, »Music of the Golden Wheels and Banners« (»Jin lun chuang ji«金轮幢 伎), might have made use of golden dharma wheels in its performance, which symbolizes Buddhism. Similarly, no. 42, »Music of the Blue and Purple Deer« (»Qin zi lu ji«青紫鹿伎) and no. 43 »White Deer« (»Bai lu«白鹿) both incorporate Buddhist elements. Because dharma wheels, deer, and elephants are »emblems of Buddhism« commonly used by Buddhists to symbolize Buddhism, these pieces are most probably Buddhist tunes. Others, like no. 44, »Build a Temple to Lead the Parthian peacock« (»She sizi dao anxi kongque« 设寺子导 安息孔雀) most likely came from India as well. The yayue of the Liang Dynasty also had an intricate relationship with the folk music of the Jiangnan Region. The first of these 49 pieces of yayue was »Five Xianghe Preludes.« Xianghe Songs were folk music during the Wei and Jin dynasties, which developed into Qingshang music by the time of the Southern and Northern Dynasties. Qinshang music was also known as Qing music. The concept of Qing music could be flexible. In a narrower sense, its basic definition is »the residue sounds of the nine dynasties, beginning with the Xianghe three modes and [later] incorporating old songs from the Han and Wei dynasties,« as well as »Wu Songs of Jiangnan« and »western tunes of Jing and Chu.« In a broader sense, it stands for the »authentic sounds of the Chinese,« as opposed to hu music. Later, people often viewed Emperor Wu’s set of compositions that included not only the »authentic sounds of the Chinese« but also foreign Buddhist tunes as a variegated mish-mash. At the beginning of the Sui Dynasty, a famous discussion about court music took place, known as the »Music Debate of the Kaihuang Period.« At the time, when the Sui Dynasty was newly founded, the country was not yet stable and everything awaited to be revived. On the question of how to fashion Sui music, Deputy of the Yellow Gates Yan Zhitui advised Emperor Gaozu of Sui to »follow the old tradition of

Chapter I New Developments in Music

the Liang,« that is, to take the ready-made music of the Liang as the foundation of Sui music. At the time, Emperor Gaozu of Sui prioritized political considerations and refused to adopt »Liang music, the music of a fallen nation.« But after the Sui conquered the Chen in the ninth year of Kaihuang, the political conditions of the nation stabilized, and, since the issue of music had remained unresolved for many years, the emperor acknowledged the old music of Liang and Chen as the »authentic sound of the Chinese,« and ordered to have it »adopted as the foundation, on which minor alterations could be made,« to create Sui music. This formal endorsement of Liang music as »the authentic sound of the Chinese« was to leave a far-reaching legacy in the development of classical Chinese music. Emperor Wu of Liang himself was a composer of Qingshang music. Citing the Records of Ancient and Modern Music, the Poetry Collection of the Music Bureau records: In the winter of the eleventh year of Tianjian during the Liang Dynasty, Emperor Wu adapted western songs into fourteen pieces of Music of Jiangnan and the Clouds Above (Jiangnan shangyun yue 江南上云乐); there were seven pieces of Jiangnan Tunes (Jiangnan nun 江南弄): the first one was »Jiangnan tune,« second one »Dragon Flute« (»Longdi qu« 龙笛曲), third one »Lotus-Picking« (»Cailian qu« 采莲曲), fourth one »Windpipes« (»Fengdi qu« 凤笛曲), fifth one »Water Chestnut Picking« (»Cailing qu« 采菱曲), sixth one »Woman on the Road« (»Younü qu« 游女曲), and the seventh one »Morning Clouds« (»Zhaoyun qu« 朝云曲). The Poetry Collection of the Music Bureau still keeps the lyrics of these seven songs by Xiao Yan.

Xiao Yan also composed a Qingshang song, »Yang the Rebel« [The »Treatise on Music« in Old Book of Tang corrected »Yang the Companion (Yang baner 阳伴儿)« as »Yang the Rebel (Yang paner 阳叛儿).«] The lyrics of this song are also preserved in the Poetry Collection. When the Chen Dynasty was conquered in the ninth year of Kai-

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huang, the old Qingshang music of Liang and Chen obtained by Gaozu »included ›Yang the Companion‹ along with the dance ›Righteous Ruler,« which were both clearly the music left behind by Emperor Wu of Liang. One of Xiao Yan’s most important achievements in music is his insistence on »filling Liang and Chen with the sounds of Wu and Chu [lower Yangtze Region],« at a time when »both Zhou and Qi were filled with the hu barbarians’ music.« When rulers in northern China »came upon Jin instruments and, not knowing what to do, abandoned them;« »mixed the incomplete remains of [Chinese] songs with Boluohui songs (Boluohui ge 簸逻回歌);« and »adopted hu music side by side with yayue and court rituals;« and when the imported Buddhism swept over the Southern Dynasty under his own promotion, Xiao Yan facilitated the Sinicization of Buddhist music with his own creative works, so that Han-Chinese music could maintain its central position as the host culture in midst of the multicultural melting pot that lasted from this time to the Tang Dynasty. Xiao Yan’s second contribution to music is bringing about the flourish of Buddhist music with his own participation and creating a blueprint of future Buddhist ritual music. According to the »Treatise on Music« in the Book of Sui: Venerating and worshipping the Buddhist dharma, the emperor also wrote »Excellent Sayings,‹ ›Great Happiness‹ (›Shanzhai‹ 善哉), ›Great Music‹ (›Dayue‹ 大乐), ›Great Joy‹ (›Dahuan‹ 大欢), ›Way of Heavens‹ (›Tiandao‹ 天道), ›Way of Celestial Beings‹ (›Xiandao‹ 仙道), ›Deva King‹ (›Shenwang‹ 神王), ›Dragon King‹ (›Longwang‹ 龙王), ›Eliminating Past Evils‹ (‘Mie guo’er 灭过恶), ›Love-Eliminating Water‹ (›Chu’ai shui‹ 除爱水), and ›Breaking Wheels of Sufferings‹ (›Duanku lun‹ 断苦轮) and named these ten pieces official [court] music. They all relate the Dharma of Buddhism.

Only the titles of these ten Buddhist tunes remain; no trace of their content or tune remains, but the

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effect of these ten Buddhist tunes written by the emperor himself can easily be imagined. Very importantly, the phrase »named these ten pieces official [court] music« seems to imply that these ten Buddhist tunes did not come from India or the Western Regions. Neither was it in the style of hu music. It was »official« music, a composition in the Qingshang style. As explained in previous paragraphs, Emperor Wu of Liang himself was a composer of Qingshang music, so this deduction is not completely without basis. Buddhist music does not always have to be music from India or the Western Regions. The religious and cultural backgrounds of it also do not always have to be consistent. By the same logic, Emperor Wu of Zhou, who persecuted Buddhism, still had a large amount of hu music in his court music. Emperor Wu of Liang also created several Buddhist rituals in China, including the »Great Assembly Open to Everyone,« the »Yulan Festival,« and the »Repentance Ritual of the Emperor of Liang.« Providing ample opportunity for the performance and further transmission of Buddhist music, they also laid down the rubric for generations to follow. The »Great Assembly Open to Everyone« is a rendering of the Sanskrit term Pancaparisad, which means that all sentient beings are equal and that wealth should be dispensed widely and equally among them, without discrimination by their monastic status, progress in cultivation, social status, or wealth. According to the Great Tang Records on the Western Regions (Datang xiyu ji 大唐西域记), the Indian emperor Harsha »hosted Pancaparisad every five years, where he generously showered the wealth of his treasury on the public.« It was a public assembly held under the Buddhist banner of »equality« that temporarily redistributed wealth on the special occasion, realizing the Buddhist philosophy of »all are equal« and its teaching of »giving« as »delivering« with a compassion heart. According to the Complete Chronicle of the Buddha and Patriarchs (Fozu tongji 佛祖统记), »in

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the first year of Zhongdatong, the emperor held a vegetarian feast (zhai 斋) at Chongyung Hall to deliver the people from sufferings and led the prayers himself. Later he further held four Great Assemblies at the Tongtai Temple […] where the emperor held grand vegetarian feasts for monastics and lay people alike totaling fifty thousand people.« The »Chronicle of the Liang« in the History of the Southern Dynasties (Nanshi 南 史) recorded in even more detail scenes of the numerous Great Assemblies held by Xiao Yan from the first year of Zhongdatong (529) to the first year of Taiqing (547). At the time, »the emperor shed his royal robe, donned the dharma robe, and cleansed the monastery.« With tens of thousands of people gathered, the emperor held vegetarian feasts from his own treasury. In these assemblies, the most important items on the program are monks’ Dharma-preaching and the performance of Buddhist chants. Xiao Yan even once created a form of Buddhist chant for children. According to the »Treatise on Music« in Book of Sui, »there were child musicians for Dharma music, who sang along in the Buddhist chants and for whom some Great Assemblies were held.« Emperor Wu of Liang did everything in his power to propagate Buddhism. Making use of his unique position, he facilitated the transmission of Buddhist music in ways no one else could have. After him, it became a tacit rule that almost all Buddhist rituals involved Buddhist music and chants, exerting an influence over a thousand years. The Liberation Rite of Water and Land (水陆法会 Shuilu fahui or 水陆道场 Shuilu daochang) is the grandest repentance ritual in Chinese Buddhism. It is primarily based on the Repentance Rituals of Emperor of Liang (Lianghuang baochan 梁皇宝 忏), but also incorporated elements of the »Grand Indiscriminate Offering for the Dark Realms« (Mingdao wuzhe dazhai冥道无遮大斋) from Esoteric Buddhism during the Tang Dynasty. According to the fourth fascicle in the Orthodox Transmission of Buddhism (释门正统 Shimen Zhengtong) by Zong-

Chapter I New Developments in Music

jian of the Song Dynasty, »[…] In Emperor Wu of Liang’s dream, a monk told him, ›Sentient beings from all four kinds of births and six paths of existence undergo infinite sufferings. Why not make a grand feast for all waters and lands to save all beings?‹« After the dream, Emperor Wu of Liang, assisted by Baozhi, »searched for [texts recorded on] palm leaves and perused them day and night.« Eventually, based on the results of this extensive search, they stipulated a set of ritual procedures for the Rite of Water and Land. During the Tianjian years (502–519). Emperor Wu of Liang himself held a Rite of Water and Land at the Jinshan monastery in Renzhou (modern-day Zhenjiang), summoning the spirits and delivering all sentient beings. With amendments and additions by generations of eminent monks, the Rite of Water and Land eventually became a large-scale, grand Dharma function that fused a wide variety of art forms into one, from the scriptures, rituals, chants, and ceremonial tributes, to music, fine art, and dancing. The current version of the Liberation Rite of Water and Land takes at least 7 days and up to 49 days at times, with tens up to hundreds of monks in attendance. There are an »inner altar« and an »outer altar.« A picture of water and land is hung in the inner altar while the outer altar includes the »great altar,« the »Dharma Lotus altar,« the »Pure Land altar,« the »Flower Garland altar,« and so on. In the Rite of Water and Land, music plays a prominent role, especially the chanting by the host, the main preceptor, and the assistant preceptor in the inner altar. Rich in content and elegant in its melody, the music fuses Buddhist chant, Chinese folk music, and court music into one organic whole, a valuable artistic legacy.

4. The Refinement of Buddhist Ritual Music The prosperity of Buddhism and Buddhist music during the Southern Dynasty was not the work of Emperor Wu of Liang alone. Contemporary literati and aristocrats of the same faith, such as the Qi

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prince, Wenxuan of Jingling, Xiao Ziliang, and Shen Yue, also made considerable contributions. Xiao Ziliang was the second son of Emperor Wu of Qi. He recruited and gathered talented literati of his time under his own leadership. A Buddhist himself, he ceremoniously hosted monastics in order to deepen his studies of Buddhist teachings, as is attested by several accounts. He even gave lectures himself, to further propagate the Dharma. More importantly, he summoned monks with musical training to his residence to discuss issues of Buddhist music and to »create new Buddhist chants.« According to Huijiao’s Biographies of Eminent Monks, Daoshi’s Forest of Gems in the Dharma Garden, and Book of Southern Qi, on February 19th, 489, Xiao Ziliang held the first conference of Buddhist music in Chinese history at his own residence. Attendants included famous monks like Sengbian, Longguang, Puzhi, Xin’an, Daoxing, Duobao, Huiren, Tianbao, and Chaosheng. They not only »each performed in turn« his best chant and listened to one another, but they also selected one as the best work: Sengbian’s »The Vimalakīrti of Old« and »Seven-Syllable Verses of the Auspicious Response.« At this conference (or possibly after it), under the leadership of Xiao Ziliang, this group of monks also »created new Buddhist chants,« ushering in a wave of new Buddhist music. Building on this foundation, they also carried out comparative research and editing work on previously- and newly-created works. »They chanted diligently together, compiled the differences and similarities of their meanings and tunes, and deliberated on how to classify them.« The Buddhist chants that circulated as a result of these discussions and editing work, the efforts of Xiao Ziliang and Sengbian’s group, and the momentum created by their conference all laid the foundation for Xiao Yan’s more expansive Buddhist music activities later. If social status enabled figures like Xiao Ziliang and Xiao Yan to exert as profound an influence as

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they did, then eminent monks also ensured the soundness of Buddhist ritual music more directly by setting an example with their own conduct and fastidiously stipulating the monastic codes for monastic communities. Among this latter group, figures like Dao’an and Huiyuan helped create the conditions necessary for the establishment and maturation of Chinese Buddhist ritual music. Dao’an (314–385) was the most influential eminent monk during the Eastern Jin Dynasty. He stipulated the earliest »monastic codes« of China, which became the so-called »three classes of Dharma rituals« (sanke fashi 三科法事) in later Buddhism. They included »the Dharma [ritual] of burning incense, taking seats, reciting, and preaching,« namely »the ritual of preaching sutras«; »the Dharma [ritual] of circumambulating, communal eating and singing to mark the time throughout the six periods of the day,« namely »the ritual of chanting and monastic dining«; and »the Dharma [ritual] of poṣadha, and repentance,« namely »the ritual of repenting and cultivating [toward awakening].« Among these »three classes of Dharma rituals,« »the Dharma [ritual] of circumambulating, communal eating and singing to mark the time throughout the six periods of the day« was the most influential. Most scholars consider it the predecessor of the »morning and evening chants« that later developed. Dao’an had a large following of disciples, among whom the most famous and accomplished was probably Huiyuan of Lushan. He studied Confucian classics as well as Laozi and Zhuangzi’s philosophies since early youth. When he met Dao’an at the age of 21, completely won over by the master, he took the monastic vows. After he joined the monastic community, following Dao’an’s exemplar of propagating the Dharma, he ceaselessly preached the Dharma and interpreted the scriptures. In 378, to keep away from the fires of war, he went to Mount Lu (Lushan 庐山) in Xunyuan (modern-day Jiujiang, Jiangxi), leading his disciples with him to further their practice.

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Huiyuan stayed in Lushan for over 30 years without ever leaving the mountain or stepping into a town again. When he saw guests out, he would only bring them to the river of Hu, thus earning himself the name of »Huiyuan of Lushan« to distinguish him from another Huiyuan active during the reign of Emperor Wu of Zhou. His hermitic way of life and »Tract on the Principle of Monks’ Independence from Kings« left a profound influence, and his method of reciting the Buddha’s name eventually evolved into the Pure Land tradition, which holds him as its founding patriarch. In the first year of Yuanxing (402), Huiyuan, along with Liu Yimin and others, vowed before the statue of Amitābha Buddha at the Donglin Temple of Lushan that they wished to be reborn in the western pure land. There they founded the Lotus Society (also known as the White Lotus Society), whose members aspired for rebirths in the western pure land and recited the Amitābha Buddha’s name as their main gate to the Dharma. Reciting a buddha’s name, especially that of Amitābha’s, is a mandatory daily practice for the Pure Land School, which played a significant role in later development of chants in Chinese Buddhism. In the section on »Proselytizers« in his Biographies of Eminent Monks, Huijiao comments on Huiyuan’s chanting of the Dharma on the platform of the Lotus Society as »being passed down to later generations and becoming teachings for eternity.« More than just praise, this sentence also encapsulates the development of preaching and chanting in Chinese Buddhism. For generations in the Pure Land School, patriarchs and eminent monks like Shandao (613–681), Chengyuan (712–802), Shaokang (?–805), and Fazhou (?–821) continued Huiyuan’s vocation, promoting preaching and chanting through their own examples, so that the Pure Land School became the bedrock for Chinese Buddhist music and art. (Fig. 4.1.7) According to Huijiao’s Biographies of Eminent Monks, during the two Jin dynasties and the Southern dynasties, a group of outstanding »hym­

Chapter I New Developments in Music

nodists« (»jingshi« 经师) and »proselytizers« (»changdao shi« 唱导师) emerged, both specializing in chanting. »Hymnodists« mainly focused on singing to monks within the monastic communities, with more emphasis on the training of the singing itself while the main responsibility of the »proselytizers« was in »promoting Buddhism and converting the laymen.« They turned to the public to proselytize. Particularly of note is that, aside from the Western Regions, most hymnodists and proselytizers during the Jin and Liu-Song dynasties came from Jiankang or its vicinity. Taking the sections on »Hymnodists« and »Proselytizers« in the Biographies for example, in a total of 21 subjects (not including the appended minor figures), three came from the Western Regions (all of whom settled in Jiankang), five from Jiankang, and six from the vicinity of Jiankang. Thus we have reason to deduce that the music of Chinese Buddhist chant was considerably influenced by the music of the Jiangsu Region from the very beginning. Now that a thousand a few hundred years have gone by, the Jiangsu Region is still famous for producing Dharma masters specialized in chanting and repentance rituals.

5. The Establishment of Daoism and the Content and Form of Daoist Music Daoism is a religion that originated in China, and its beginnings can be traced back to ancient shamanism (wuzu 巫祝). In ancient Chinese society, people regarded nature as their deities, worshipping the sun, moon, stars, heaven, earth, mountains, and rivers, which gradually morphed into a spiritual system consisting of deities of heaven and earth, and ghosts. Daoism inherited and developed this system further. Most of the deities in this system also became Daoist deities. The ancient Yin 殷 people valued prognostication greatly and used it to solve their doubts or determine the auspiciousness of their fortunes. They believed the shamans (wuxi 巫觋) could communicate with the spirits, and could pray for their

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4.1.7  Dunhuang Cave no. 288 ­featuring a celestial musician afloat in heaven, Western Wei

good fortune. Daoism inherited this shamanism; additionally, the philosophy and methods of immortality-seekers was another important fount for Daoism. During the Warring States Period, the immortality-seekers around Yan and Qi promoted the arts of immortality and explained its working with the theory of Five Elements and Yin and Yang, attributed to Zou Yan of the Qi state. Afterwards, both their beliefs and arts became part of Daoism. The classics of Laozi and Zhuangzi revered by Daoists first emerged in Chu, whose culture centered on »belief in the spirits and avid tributes to

them.« Both music and dance were indispensable in all of their rituals, and thus »making music and dancing to please the gods« became a tradition in Daoism from the very beginning. During the reign of Emperor Shun of Eastern Han, Zhang Ling founded the »Way of Five Pecks of Rice« on Mount Heming, in Western Shu. The Way of Five Pecks of Rice was also known as the »Way of the Celestial Masters,« where members worshipped Laozi as their founder and revered the five thousand words of the Laozi as the »Scripture of the Way and Virtue« (Daode jing 道德经). During

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the reign of Emperor Ling, Zhang Jiao founded the »Way of Taiping,« which was based on the Scripture on Great Peace (Taiping jing 太平经) as its main scriptural text, and worshipped the »Great Unity in the Central Yellow« (»Zhonghuang taiyi« 中黄太一) as its supreme deity. These two sects united later in a peasants’ uprising, and gradually evolved into Daoism. In the first year of Jianwu during the Eastern Jin (317), Ge Hong wrote Master Embracing Simplicity (Baopuzi 抱朴子), which collected and summarized various theories of the immortal arts from the Warring States Period on, enriching the philosophy of Daoism. During the Southern and Northern Dynasties, under the stimulus of Buddhism, Daoism developed quickly. During the Northern Wei Dynasty, under the support of the Daoist Emperor Taiwu of Wei, Daoist monk Kou Qianzhi of Mount Song stipulated rules for making music and chanting precepts, which he claimed were the decree of the Grand Supreme Elderly Lord (Taishang laojun 太上老君). He also thereby founded the Northern Way of the Celestial Masters. Around the same time, the Daoist monk Lu Xiujing of Mount Lu reorganized and compiled scriptures in the Southern Dynasty to codify ritual procedures, thus further systematizing Daoist theory and structure, he founded the Southern Way of the Celestial Masters. On this basis, Tao Hongjing incorporated Buddhist and Confucian philosophies to enrich Daoism, constructed a lineage of Daoist immortals, and promoted the »fusion of the Three Teachings,« leaving a profound impact. After this process of expansion and modification in the Southern and Northern Dynasties, Daoism grew from folk belief for the lower classes to an indigenously-developed and nationwide religion. Religious Daoism differed considerably from thinkers of the early Daoist school (Daojia 道家) in their philosophy of music. While Daoist thinkers held a kind of detached, transcendental view of secular music, religious Daoism absorbed folk music even more actively than Buddhism. At the same time, similar to Buddhism, from the early

Chapter I New Developments in Music

Daoist schools to the religion, the Daoist approach to music evolved from a detached, otherworldly perspective to an extremely secular one when its practitioners would intentionally imitate Buddhist music and incorporate folk music. The Scripture on Great Peace from the Eastern Han Dynasty expounds some Daoist theories about music, which tell us that religious Daoism viewed music differently from early Daoist thinkers. According to the scripture, »Those who have learned how to play music to people will have people’s joy; those who have learned to play music to their dominion will have a peaceful rule; those who have learned to play music for the universe will have a harmonious universe.« In other words, music is capable of pleasing people, governing society and bringing peace to the world. This view is practically identical to the Confucian sayings that »the way of music and the way of politics are one and the same« and »great music and the universe follow the same harmony.« Because religious Daoism first circulated among the lower classes in its early phase and was mainly associated with a peasant uprising, the mayhem of war and a less-sophisticated cultural milieu prevented it from being too concerned with the regulations and musicality of its rituals. As a result, Daoists only began to create their own music after the Three Kingdoms Period, under the influence of Buddhist chants. The Extended Investigations of the Mountain Hall (Shantang sikao 山堂肆考) quotes the Garden of the Extraordinary (Yiyuan ji 异苑记), »Prince Si of Chen [Cao Zhi] toured Mount Yu […] it was the sound of the immortals, which Daoist priests emulated by creating the chant of ›walking in the void‹ (›buxu‹ 步虚).« Under the influence of Buddhism, Daoism gradually established a system of its own precepts and ritual codes for prayers, supplication, recitation, and so on. Examples include the »morning and evening chants« modeled after the morning and evening recitations in Buddhism and Patriarch Sa’s Ritual Procedures for Feeding the Searing Mouths of the Cans and Burn-

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ing Sacrifices (Sazu tieguan shishi jilian keyi萨祖铁 罐施食祭炼科仪), modeled after the Buddhist Ritual Procedures from the Yoga Collection for Feeding the Searing Mouths (Yujia yankou shishi yi瑜伽焰 口施食仪). Of course, the influence of Buddhism on Daoism was only limited to the formal level; in its content, Daoism always adhered to its own beliefs and traditions. Regarding the birth of Daoist music, Kou Qianzhi of the Northern Wei and Liu Xiujing of Liu-Song could be considered its main founders. In the second year of Shenrui (415), Kou Qianzhi, claiming that he was relaying the Grand Supreme Elderly Lord’s own wishes, declared that the Lord had granted him the position of »Celestial Master,« along with 20 fascicles of New Codes for Chants in the Clouds (Yunzhong yinsong xinke zhi jie云中音 诵新科之戒). With it, he revolutionized the Way of the Celestial Masters and codified new rules for chanting musical texts. In the south, around 50 years later, Lu Xiujing examined and classified Daoist classics. Aside from compiling over a thousand fascicles of Scripture of the Three Caverns (Sandong jing三洞经) and laying the foundation for the »Daoist Treasury« (Daozang 道藏), he also wrote a hundred-odd fascicles of precepts and ritual codes, taking the first step in regulating Daoist ritual and Daoist music. Although Daoist music first emerged under the inspiration of Buddhist music, its musical style was the offspring of Chinese folk music through and through. Because Daoism was deeply rooted in its origin in the common people and consistently maintained this tie, in depth as well as breadth, Daoist music and folk music have always been connected with each other. Throughout the expanse of the Chinese land, Daoist music constantly thrives in commoners’ social lives and has become an important part of Han Chinese and other ethnicities’ folklife. There are a few major forms of Daoist music: Zhaijiao 斋醮, also known as dajiao 打醮 and ritual space (daochang 道场), is a major religious rite

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of Daoism. Although zhaijiao was still simple and crude in early Daoism, by then it had already been widely practiced for a while. Both Zhang Ling and Zhang Lu were known to conduct zhaijiao. In the Treatise on the Elimination of Doubts (Miehuo lun 灭惑论) by Liu Xie of the Liang Dynasty, there is a sentence testifying that »Ling and Lu conducted the rite of zhaijiao, talismans and charms, and founded the Way of Five Pecks.« Zhaijiao mainly consisted of setting up an altar and conducting sacrificial liturgy for deities to pray for fortunes and forestall disasters. In preparation for zhaijiao, one must first clean their body, set up the altar, lay the offerings, burn incense, raise the altar, draw talismans, chant spells, beat the drum, summon gods, welcome them, present the scripture, recite it, sing praises, make declarations, and perform buxu chant. The whole ceremony is always accompanied by candles, Yu’s steps [a mystical dance step], chants, and music. Zhaijiao therefore encompasses many forms of arts, from music and dance to calligraphy and others. According to the »Biography of the Perfect Lord Yisheng Baode« (»Yisheng Baode zhenjun zhuan« 翊圣保德真君 传), Fascicle 103 of Seven Tablets from the Cloudy Satchel (Yunji ciqian 云笈七籤), the ritual was divided into upper, middle, and lower altars, each section with three altars of its own. The upper three altars are kept for the country; the middle three altars for state officials; the lower three altars for the people. The music of zhaijiao can fall into two categories: dajiao and zhaishi (斋事). Dajiao refers to regular festivities and ceremonies, such as rituals for emperor’s birthday and Daoist festivals, or sacrificial ceremonies for disasters and famines. Zhaishi refers to rites conducted specially for delivering the spirits of the deceased. Combined together, the two are known as zhaijiao. The music for these two kinds of rituals is different. According to the Daoist theory of yin and yang, everything in the universe has yin and yang. Following the same logic, Daoist music is also sorted into »Yin mode« and »Yang

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4.1.8  A curved music score (quxian pu) from the Daoist Ritual of Jade Tunes (Yuyin fashi)

mode« while its melody templates are divided into the categories of »formal tunes« (»zhengqu« 正曲) and »playful tunes« (»shuaqu« 耍曲). Generally speaking, most zhengqu composed in Yang mode are performed in Daoist priests’ internal rituals for the deities while music in Yin mode is usually performed for the deceased to deliver their soul. And the so-called shuaqu are more commonly heard in local sites of rituals, intended to »entertain people« more than it is to »entertain the gods.« Any tune in Yin mode and shuaqu cannot be played for the gods; similarly, neither can the Yin mode be used on living people. (Fig. 4.1.8) The forms of Daoist ritual music are diverse, and its content voluminous and complex. Its scriptural texts are comprised of prose and verse intertwined together and encompass the various genres of »zhang 章,«»eulogy,« »charm,« »wen 文,« »wish,« »ci 词,« and »pian 篇.« The music then varies with the content of these words. The

music of Daoist chant also took shape under the influence of Buddhist chant. Daoist monks gathered together in the morning and evening to chant and, similar to Buddhist monks’ chants, Daoist monks also needed to recite to a certain tune. The buxu chant mentioned earlier is a Daoist tune that Daoist monks sing every evening at the »evening altar.« During the chant, Daoists must circumambulate the incense burner, dancing and chanting at the same time to enact the movement of ascending to the heavens, intended to symbolize immortals walking in the void of their immortal realm. Compared to Buddhist music, Daoist music had an even more intimate relationship with folk music. Thus, as Daoist music developed, a kind of Daoist folk music that used local tunes to narrate Daoist stories and the immortals’ teachings has remained in abundance throughout the various regions of China.

CHAPTER II THE ART OF DANCE Section 1  Qingshang Music Dance 1. The Origin and Development of Qingshang Music Dance Qingshang Music Dance is a collective term for the musical dance of the Wei, Jin, and Southern and Northern Dynasties. It was developed from the musical dance and Xianghe songs of the Han Dynasty, and was mainly performed during feasts and entertainment programs in the imperial palace and mansions of eminent families, but also at New Year’s Day activities at the palace, such as the court assembly, feasts and sacrifices to the gods. Qingshang Music was very prosperous during the Cao Wei Period. In fact, several emperors of the period were enthusiastic about musical dance. The »Annals of Emperor Wu,« in Records of Wei (Weizhi 魏志) cites Biography of Cao Man: »Emperor Taizu is easy-going and in person appears not as dignified as people believe he is. He is fond of music, so musicians and performers remain near him and often perform from dawn to dusk.« The son of Emperor Taizu, Cao Pi, who established the Wei Kingdom (220 CE), set up an institution, the Office for Qingshang Music. Based on the rhythmic patterns of the »Three Modes« of Qingshang Music, Cao Cao, Cao Pi, Cao Zhi and many others composed poems that could be sung or danced to. The »Annals of Emperor Wu« in Record of the Three Kingdoms cites Book of Wei: Each time that Cao Cao »climbed mountains, he would always recite rhapsodies and turn them into new poems. Then they were orchestrated into new pieces of music.« The genre of the song-poem fur-

ther developed during the Cao Wei Period, especially under the influence of the Yuefu song-poem. Thus, Wang Sengqian of the Southern Dynasties wrote about the Qingshang Music: In fact, the present Qingshang Music originated in the Bronze Sparrow Terrace built by Cao Cao. The three founders of Wei (Cao Cao, Cao Pi and Cao Rui) had such distinguished personalities that they could establish the genre. In the capital city of the Wei and Jin dynasties it reached a high status, and in the Eastern Region of Yangtze [referring to the Southern Dynasties] it had a growing significance.

The Qingshang lyrics by the three founders of Wei, which belong to »the category of lyrics for the Three Modes in the Wei Period,« had a great influence over later song-poems. Qingshang Music gradually prospered from the Han and Wei to the Western Jin, but after the Disaster of Yongjia (307–312 CE), it gradually declined in North China due to war. Thereafter, it was partially introduced into Liangzhou, where it merged with the Music of Kucha into the Music of Western Liang, and partially introduced into south China as the Eastern Jin government moved to the south, having a significant influence on the folk musical dance of the South. For instance, the Wu Songs and Western Tunes of Jiangnan witnessed significant development under its influence, known as the »new tunes« of the Southern Dynasties. »Music II« in Old Book of the Tang (Jiu tangshu 旧唐书), vol. 29, states: During the Disaster of Yongjia, five capitals fell. The past tunes and old musical systems were dispersed throughout the East Region of Yangtze. The cultural relics of the Southern Dynasties were

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claimed to be the most prosperous between the Liu Song and Liang dynasties; as for folk songs and secular music of the state, new music also emerged in that period.

The new tunes are divided into six categories in the Qingshang lyrics of Poetry Collection of the Music Bureau: 1) Wu Songs; 2) Songs of Sacred Strings; 3) Western Tunes; 4) Jiangnan Movements; 5) Celestial Music; 6) Elegant Songs. Wu Songs and Western Tunes make up the main body of these lyrics. Only a few pieces of the former were written for singing and dancing, including Song of Front Stream. Songs of Sacred Strings were used for sacrifices by magicians, in which people »danced to please the gods.« Western Tunes were mainly dance music. Adapted from Western Tunes by Emperor Wu of Liang, Jiangnan Movements was also dance music. Celestial Music narrated stories of immortal beings. Elegant Songs were a kind of Yayue Dance with ritual characteristics. Works of Qingshang Music increased over time, including not only »old pieces from the Central Plains,« but also »new tunes« from Jiangnan. Finally, the term »Qingshang Music« became a collective term for Xianghe Songs, Xianghe Grand Suites and Qingshang Music in Three Modes from the Han and Wei dynasties on, as well as the Wu Songs, Western Tunes and all kinds of miscellaneous dances from the Southern Dynasties. Qingshang Music continued to prosper during the Wei, Jin and Six Dynasties. In the 9th year of Kaihuang, after having conquered the Chen Dynasty, the Sui Dynasty had access to the old music from the Song and Qi Period. Emperor Wen of Sui said, »this is the proper tune of Huaxia,« so the Office for Qingshang Music was established for the management of the genre. The Office organized its repertoire by »deleting sorrowful, resentful content, as well as checking and revising materials.« In the Daye Period of Emperor Yang of Sui (605–618 CE), Nine-Part Music was established and Qing Music (i.  e., Qingshang Music Dance) ranked first among it. In the 14th year of Zhenguan (640 CE), Emperor

Chapter II The Art of Dance

Taizong of Tang changed the Nine-Part Music to Ten-Part-Music, where Qing Music ranked second. In the time of Empress Wu Zetian, Qing Music still included 63 pieces, including White Snow, Gongmo Dance, Bayu Dance and Wise Emperor (a song-dance). Some other pieces of Qingshang Music Dance were introduced into Western Liang in the period of Western Jin and the Sixteen Kingdoms. It had much interaction with other cultures, not only with the musical dance of the northwestern ethnic groups, but also with the foreign musical dance from the Western Regions. The result of the interaction was »Music of Western Liang,« which marked the beginning of the Han influence on Hu musical dance and laid the foundation for the prosperity of Tang musical dance.

2. Wu Songs and Western Tunes Grow in the South Being a successor of the folk song dance in Shijing of the Zhou Dynasty and the Xianghe Grand Suite of the Han Dynasty, Wu Songs and Western Tunes were new developments in Chinese folk music and dance. Wu Songs were popular in the region along the lower reaches of the Yangtze River, especially around the capital city Jiankang (present-day Nanjing), while Western Tunes were popular in cities along the middle reaches of the Yangtze and Han rivers, especially around Jiangling (present-day Jiangling in Hubei Province). From the Eastern Jin Dynasty on, the Yangtze River Basin has enjoyed prosperity in general economics, commerce, urban environment and culture—including folk songs and dances. The »Preface to Biographies of Benevolent Officials« (»Lianglizhuan xu« 良吏传序), in Songshu, describes the music and dance of cities: »In every village with hundreds of households, as well as in every city with markets, people sing and dance everywhere in groups.« The »Preface to Biographies of Benevolent Politicians« (»Liangzhengzhuan xu« 良政传序) in Book of Southern Qi (Nanqishu 南齐书) describes the

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music and dance in cities under the reign of Emperor Wu of Qi (in the Yongming years, 483–493 CE): »Metropolises and cities are prosperous. The men and women there are energetic and free. They sing songs and dance to rhythms in gorgeous costume and make-up. There are hundreds of them between the peach blossoms and the clear waters, in the spring wind or the autumn moonlight.« This was the environment where Wu Songs and Western Tunes became popular. Wu Songs were mainly songs, but also include song-dances, such as Songs of Midnight. There are 124 extant Songs of Midnight, almost all of them are »perfect lyrics.« Although they are mainly songs, performers would dance if singing solo did not suffice to express their feelings: »Beauties dance with their sleeves raised and their bodies elegantly bent,« »They dance in elegant and splendid gestures, sing new songs with clear ups and downs in the melody« (»Song of Spring« in Song of Midnight and Four Seasons). It was be characteristic of Songs of Midnight to include both songs and dances. Song of Front Stream is a piece of dance music in Wu Songs. »Monograph on Music« in Songshu says, »Song of Front Stream was composed by the General of Chariots and Cavalry Shen Wan [or Shen Chong].« Explanation of Yuefu Titles (Yuefu jieti 乐府解题), by Xi Ang, says, »Song of Front Stream is dance music.« »Front Stream,« or »Qianxi,« is originally the name of a village in Deqing, Huzhou, Zhejiang Province. From Jin to Tang dynasties, Qianxi was home to many singers and dancers. For example, General of Chariots and Cavalry Shen Chong, the author of Song of Front Stream, was a native of Wukang, which neighbored Qianxi. The dance Song of Front Stream was popular from the Jin to Tang dynasties. Its longevity was even comparable to White Ramie Dance. Western Tunes emerged later than Wu Songs. They were first seen in the Liu Song Dynasty and were most popular in the region around Jiangling. They were named Western Tunes probably

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because Jiangling, lies along the middle reaches of the Yangtze River—that is, to the west of Jianye (present-day Nanjing), the radius of Wu Songs. Gujin yuelu collects 34 Western Tunes in total, including 16 dance pieces, 10 Songs for Support, three children’s songs, and other songs. The first dance piece is Music of Rock Town. Gujin yuelu says, »it was performed by 16 dancers before,« and included five musical pieces for accompaniment. They were all composed by Zang Zhi, of the Liu Song Dynasty, and was created in Jingling (present-day Zhongxiang in Hubei Province). It was a form of group dance in pairs, where both dance partners sometimes moved a bit away from each other, sometimes moved closer to each other. The dance involved both hand and foot movements. Dance piece no. 2 is Crows Crying at Night. It was performed by 16 dancers, and included eight musical pieces for accompaniment. They were all composed by Wang Yiqing from Linchuan, in the Liu Song Dynasty. In addition, Emperor Jianwen of Liang, and Yu Xin of Northern Zhou, also composed songs with the same title. Regarding one of their lyrics, »its use of higher pitches and more complex strings is distinct from Song of Midnight; its song part and dance gestures are different from Song of Front Stream.« Dance piece no. 3 is Music of No Worry. Gujin yuelu says, »Music of No Worry, also known as Barbarian Music, was performed by 16 dancers before and by eight dancers in the Liang Dynasty.« »Monograph on Music« in Book of Tang says: »Music of No Worry originated from Music of Rock Town. A lady in Rock Town named No Worry, or Mochou, was good at singing. As the voice of No Worry was added to the peaceful Music of Rock Town, this song emerged.« Dance piece no.  4, Music of Businessmen (Guke yue 估客乐), was composed by Emperor Wu of Qi. In the Qi Dynasty, it was performed by 16 dancers, in the Liang Dynasty by eight dancers. It had only one piece of music. Records of Ancient and Mod-

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ern Music (Gujin yuelu 古今乐录) says: »Music of Businessmen was created by Emperor Wu of Qi. When the emperor was still an ordinary person, he visited the places Fan and Deng. After ascending the throne, he thought of past stories and composed them into songs.« In the Liang Dynasty, its title was changed to Piece for Businessmen (Shanglü xing 商旅行). Dance piece no. 5, Music of Xiangyang, was composed by Dan, King Sui of Liu Song. It was originally performed by 16 dancers, in the Liang Dynasty by eight dancers. Dance piece no. 6 is Song of Three Islands. It was sung by business people. It was originally performed by 16 dancers, in the Liang Dynasty by eight dancers. It included three musical pieces. Dance piece no. 7, Hoof in Bronze Color from Xiangyang, was composed by Emperor Wu of Liang. In the beginning of the Tianjian years (502–519 CE), it was performed by 16 dancers, later by eight dancers. It included three musical pieces. Dance piece no.  8 is Song of Picking Mulberry Leaves, also titled Picking Mulberry Leaves. Originally, it was danced by 16 persons, in the Liang Dynasty by eight persons. It included seven musical pieces. Dance piece no. 9 is Music of Jiangling. Gujin yuelu says, »Music of Jiangling was originally danced by 16 persons, in the Liang Dynasty by eight persons.« It included four musical pieces. It was a folk dance from the Jiangling region. In the spring, especially in February and March, women and men met each other and danced in pairs, which was known as »stepping on hundreds of herbs.« Jiangling lies on the north bank of the Yangtze River in Hubei Province. Dance piece no.  10 is Bluish White and White Horses. Gujin yuelu says, »Bluish White and White Horses was originally danced by 16 persons.« It included eight musical pieces. Dance piece no.  11 is Music of Joint Play. Gujin yuelu says, »Music of Joint Play was originally danced by 16 persons, in the Liang Dynasty by

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eight persons.« It included four musical pieces. The dancers wore narrow-waisted and longsleeved costumes. Their dance was accompanied by waist drums and bell trays. The dance shared the classical style of the Chu and Han Long-Sleeve Dance, and also showed the distinct influence of Qi and Liang musical dance by including percussion instruments such as waist drums and bell trays. Dance piece no. 12 is Pacified by Dongping. Gujin yuelu says, »Pacified by Dongping was originally danced by 16 persons, in the Liang Dynasty by eight persons.« It included four musical pieces. The dance probably took the form of the Scarf Dance. Dance piece no. 13 is Nahe Shoal. Gujin yuelu says: »Nahe Shoal was originally performed by 16 dancers, in the Liang Dynasty by eight dancers. It had a response voice, ›after you leave home, when should you come back.‹ It often dealt with legends from Jiangling and Yangzhou. ›Nahe‹ is the name of a shoal.« Dance piece no. 14 is Meng Zhu, also titled Song of Meng Zhu from Danyang. Gujin yuelu says: »Meng Zhu comprises 10 pieces. Two of them are dance music, while eight of them are Songs for Support. It was originally performed by 16 dancers, in the Liang Dynasty by eight dancers.« Dance piece no. 15 is Yi Music (Yiyue 翳乐). Gujin yuelu says: »Yi Music includes one music piece, two Songs for Support. It was originally performed by 16 dancers, in the Liang Dynasty by eight dancers.« Here »Yi« refers to a dance prop made of feathers (also said to have been made of a cow’s tail), which is held during the dance. In addition, »Yi« also means screening. During the dance, the dance prop made of colorful feathers was used to both hide and exhibit the appearance of the dancer for attracting others’ attention. To hold a colorful Yi in dance was to »use it for the chance of attracting the eyes of men.« Dance piece no.  16 is Music of Shouyang. Gujin yuelu says: »Music of Shouyang was composed

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by King Mu of Nanping, in the Liu Song Dynasty. It was originally performed by 16 dancers, in the Liang Dynasty by eight dancers. The lyrics express the sorrow of farewell and the longing for return. There are nine musical pieces in total. No extant written record has ever mentioned the specific accompaniment instruments of these dance pieces. Only from the lyrics and other records is it known that Western Tunes had orchestral accompaniment. In addition, they were also known to be accompanied by percussion instruments such as waist drums and bell trays. As two lyric lines in Music of Joint Play state, »waist drums and bell trays compete with each other in playing rhythm,« and »long sleeves are waved as rapidly and gracefully as the disturbed wild geese.« Among the 34 Western Tunes, there are 16 dance pieces, 15 Supporting Songs, one children’s song and two other songs. Since two of the dance pieces could also serve as Supporting Songs, there are actually 17 Supporting Songs in total. The term Supporting Songs means accompanying dances with songs. Gujin yuelu says: »Among the 10 pieces of Meng Zhu, there are two dance pieces and eight Songs for Support. They were originally performed by 16 dancers, in the Liang Dynasty by eight dancers.« Another quote from the same source says: »Yi Music includes one music piece, two Yi Songs. It was originally performed by 16 dancers, in the Liang Dynasty by eight dancers.« It is seen from both quotations that dance pieces and Supporting Songs had the same number of dancers. Explanation of Yuefu Titles mentions the accompaniment instruments of the Supporting Songs: »All Supporting Songs use bells and drums. There are no string instruments but wind instruments.« Supporting Song no.  1 is Qingyang Ferry. Gujin yuelu says: »Qingyang Ferry is a Song for Support. All Supporting Songs use bells and drums. There are no string instruments but wind instruments.« There are three pieces with this title. One of the lyrics is as follows: »Although I’m only leaning on

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the weaving machine, not weaving, I still get some colorful, unrestrained ›silk‹ [the same pronunciation as ›thought‹]. If it is weaved into fabric, my beloved, please don’t break it off. Just think of the moment when I am weaving the ›silk‹ into thread.« Supporting Song no.  2 is Daughter. Gujin yuelu says, »Daughter is a Song for Support.« There are two pieces with this title. Examples of the lyrics are: »Along the three gorges in Ba East, the ape cry sounds sorrowful. With several cries at night, my clothes wet with tears,« and »I will head for Shu, but the rivers in Shu are difficult to cross. I tread on the ground, lead the horse by a halter, with my waist weary and bent.« Supporting Song no. 3 is Come. Gujin yuelu says, »it is a Song for Support.« There are four pieces with this title. Supporting Song no.  4 is Yehuang (夜黄). Gujin yuelu says, »it is a Song for Support.« There is only one piece with this title. Supporting Song no. 5 is Woman Who Passed at Night. Gujin yuelu says, »it is a Song for Support.« There is only one piece with this title. The lyric is as follows: »I came at night, enduring frost and snow; I left at dawn, braving wind and storm. Even though I could up some emotion, why would I risk tormenting my body?« Supporting Song no.  6 is Tall Pine. Gujin yuelu says, »it is a Song for Support.« There is only one piece with this title. The lyric is as follows: »A pine, thousands of feet tall, stands alone and faces strong wind from day to night. When afflicted by frost and snow in its late years, with whom can it endure freezing coldness and pain together?« Supporting Song no.  7 is Double Pieces About Wrapping. Gujin yuelu says, »it is a Song for Support.« There are two pieces with this title. Examples of the lyrics are: »She has vermilion wrist slings. In contrast, her skin seems to be solid white snow. Not only do I find her pretty, but it is generally believed so,« and »She wears foot wrappings made of new embroidered silk. Inside the

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wrappings, her foot instep is as beautiful as the view of spring. While others don’t find her pretty, only I think she is lovely.« Supporting Song no. 8 is The Commander-in-Chief Named Huang. Gujin yuelu says, »it is a Song for Support.« There are two pieces with this title. Supporting Song no. 9 is Yellow Tassels. There is no record for this title. Supporting Song no. 10 is Music of Pingxi. Gujin yuelu says, »it is a Song for Support.« There is only one piece with this title. The lyric is as follows: »The passions of mine and my beloved can even move the heaven. Although our bodies are separated as if the distance between Hu and Yue, our spirits are tightly connected at midnight.« Supporting Song no. 11 is Climbing Poplar and Willow. Gujin yuelu says, »it is a Song for Support.« Music Garden (Yueyuan 乐苑) says, »Climbing Poplar and Willow was composed in the Liang Period.« There is only one piece with this title. The lyric is as follows: »Since I said farewell to you, I have not worn beautiful clothes again. After drawing on eyebrows, I forget to put on lipstick. Even if I remember to apply vermilion face powder, how could it make a difference?« Supporting Song no. 12 is Music of Xunyang. Gujin yuelu says, »it is a Song for Support.« There is only one piece with this title. The lyric is as follows: »Old visitors have left Jiting Pavilion; new visitors will come to Jiuli Pavilion. After seeing a guest off, I need to welcome another two. I hardly have any free time.« Supporting Song no. 13 is White Osprey (Bai fujiu 白附鸠). Gujin yuelu says: »White Osprey is a Song for Support, also titled White Swimming Osprey (Bai fujiu 白浮鸠). It was originally a music piece for whisk dance.« There is only one piece with this title. The lyric is as follows: »The white swimming osprey flies, its purple feathers floating over the paths. It eats and drinks in the field of Dongguan, rests and sleeps at the mansion of King Yue.« Supporting Song no. 14 is Picking Calamus Leaves. Gujin yuelu says, »it is a Song for Support.« There

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are two pieces with this title. One of the lyrics is as follows: »At dawn, I left for a small island where sweet osmanthus and orchid grew. At dusk, I rested under mulberry and elm trees after finishing my work. I picked calamus leaves together with you, but we got not as much as a bunch by the end of the day.« Supporting Song no. 15 is Reeling Silk. Gujin yuelu says, »it is a Song for Support.« There are four pieces with this title. One of the lyrics is as follows: »The spring silkworms should not grow old too soon, since they produce silk [or thought] day and night. It is not sad that their tiny bodies will be exhausted, since fruitful days are bound to come.« A scene of Western Tune dance songs is depicted on a pictorial brick from the Southern and Northern Dynasties excavated at Dengxian, Henan Province. Two dancers in long dance costumes and long sleeves are depicted on the right side of the brick. Their hair is combed into high buns. They bend their bodies, face each other, and dance with sleeves open. Four musicians are making music in the accompaniment ensemble, facing the dancers. One of them, probably a singer, is holding a beat-drum in hands. Another one, with a thin waist drum, is stretching out his hands to beat the drum. In addition, there is also a bell tray player and a sheng pipe player. The picture probably depicts a performance scene for a Song for Support. As previously quoted, »all Supporting Songs use bells and drums; there are no string instruments but wind instruments,« and dancers dance to the music, which corresponds to the picture (Fig. 4.2.1). The 34 Western Tunes are almost all lyrical works, which is different from the ritual music used to glorify virtue. To be specific, most of them are authentic folk songs and dances expressive of daily life and simple emotions. Although there are inevitably embellishments by scholars, the authenticity, naturalness and simplicity of folk art still remain intact.

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4.2.1  Pictorial brick with a scene of music and dance, excavated at Dengxian, Henan Province, preserved at the National Museum of China

15 Supporting Songs are included in these works besides the 16 dance pieces. Supporting Songs are often short. The longest of them are Come and Reeling Silk, including four musical pieces respectively. The shorter ones include Qingyang Ferry, Daughter, Double Pieces About Wrapping, The Commander-in-chief Named Huang, and Picking Calamus Leaves. Each of them has two musical pieces. The remaining seven works, including Yehuang, only have one piece. It is a general characteristic of Supporting Songs to be short and delicate. None of the fifteen (including Yellow Tassels) Supporting Songs were not written by scholars. However, as folk art, they could be introduced into the palace of the Southern Dynasties. This indicates that a more authentic expression might be generally have been valued in this period, which is a significant development for songs and dances. Regarding format of performance, these Western Tune folk dances, with a total of more than 30 pieces, were performed by eight to 16 dancers. They were basically group dances. Both in content and in format, Western Tunes shared a great deal with folk songs and dances, which propelled the further development of Qingshang Music.

3. The Miscellaneous Dance: From the Countryside to the Court and Palace The term »miscellaneous dance,« »miscellaneous,« or »mixed,« implies the great variety of this genre. It consisted of various folk dances, but was performed at court since Han and Wei dynasties. »Lyrics of Dance Music II« in Poetry Collection of Music Bureau, vol. 53: Miscellaneous dance is a term for the category of dances including Gongmo Dance, Bayu Dance, Tray Dance, Pi-drum Dance, Duo-bell Dance, Whisk Dance and White Ramie Dance. Originally, they all came from folk arts, but later, they were performed in the palace court […] After the Han and Wei dynasties, Pi-drum Dance, Duo-bell Dance, Scarf Dance and Whisk Dance were also performed at banquets. In the time of Emperor Ming of Liu Song (465–472 CE), there were also miscellaneous dances from Western Qiang and Hu. In the Later Wei and the Northern Qi dynasties, the arts of the Hu and Rong were also mixed in. From that point on, the dance enjoyed even more prosperity.

»Miscellaneous dance« is a category that is differentiated from »elegant dance.« It comes from the folk dances of different regions, and belongs to the »music of the states Zheng and Wei.«

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1. Miscellaneous Dance No. 1, Gongmo Dance It is generally believed that Gongmo Dance recorded the story of the Hongmen banquet. »Monograph on Music (Vol. 1)« in Songshu states: According to legend, when Xiang Zhuang danced the sword dance with the intention of killing Emperor Gaozu of Han, Xiang Bo separated him from Emperor Gaozu with his sleeves so that Emperor Gaozu would not be harmed, saying to Zhuang, ›Gong Mo.‹ The ancients called each other ›gong‹ (公).’Together with ›mo‹ (莫), or ›don’t,‹ it means ›don’t kill the King of Han.‹ Today a scarf is used to symbolize the past form of Xiang Bo’s sleeves.

According to this record, the scarf used in Gongmo Dance is interpreted as a symbol of Xiangbo’s long sleeves, and the name »Gongmo« as the abbreviation of the sentence »please don’t kill the King of Han.« (Fig. 4.2.2) According to another explanation, by Shen Yue of the Liang Dynasty, Gongmo Dance probably came from the song Do Not Cross the River (Gong mo duhe qu 公莫渡河曲) collected in Qin Zither Tunes. However, Do Not Cross the River from Xianghe Songs has no dance, but only vocals accompanied by string instruments.

4.2.2  Dance figurine with scarf in hand excavated in a Shu Han Cave tomb, Shu Han Period, preserved at the National Museum of China

Chapter II The Art of Dance

All of these doubts are about two characters, »Gong Mo.« But first, what kind of dance is Gongmo Dance? »Monograph on Music« in Songshu makes it very clear that »Gongmo Dance was the present-day Scarf Dance.« Then, where did the term »Gong Mo« come from? In fact, the first line of the lyric has the term »Gong Mo,« which may be the name of an old friend but is used as the name of the dance. 2. Miscellaneous Dance No. 2, Bayu Dance »Monograph on Music« in Book of Jin summarizes the origins of the Bayu Dance, and points out that it was a music dance performed by the people of Ba and Yu to depict wars during the time when Emperor Gao of Han conquered the three Qins. In the 3rd year of Huangchu (222 CE), it was renamed Zhaowu Dance. In the Jin Dynasty, it had the title Xuanwu Dance. The dance has sonorous, clear beat, and its overall style is majestic. »Monograph on Music« in Old Book of Tang says: When the government was in Jiangnan, dancers of the Scarf Dance, White Ramie Dance, and Bayu Dance wore different costumes. Before the Liang Dynasty, these dances were performed by 16 dancers. In dances of Liang, the number of dancers was reduced. All of the dances were performed only by eight dancers. The musicians were ordered to wear flat conical cap and red trousers. Four dancers wore green clothes in light gauze. Their skirts and short coats with big sleeves were painted with cloud and phoenix patterns. Their lacquered hair buns were decorated with mixed gold and copper flowers, which had a similar shape to a sparrow hairpin. Also, they wore shoes in brocade. The dance was performed at a leisurely, graceful pace and with beautiful gestures.

The music was played with a set of chime bells, a set of chime stones, a qin zither, a sanxian (三弦) lute, a hammered dulcimer, a se zither, a Qin pipa lute, a lying konghou harp, a zhu zither, a zheng zither, a beat drum, two sheng pipes, two di flutes, two xiao flutes, two chi flutes, two wooden leaves, and by two singers. The source

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deals with changes in the performance style of »miscellaneous dances« since the Liang Dynasty. They had already lost their original power as folk dances, with only the »leisurely, graceful pace« and »beautiful gestures« remaining. 3. Miscellaneous Dance No. 3, Cup Tray Dance The Cup Tray Dance of the early Jin Dynasty possibly developed from the Tray Dance of the Han Dynasty. The only extant source about the latter are the bronze Tray Dance figurines from King Dian’s tomb, excavated in Shizhaishan, Yunnan Province. The depicted Tray Dance is very distinctive. The dancers hold a tray in each hand. During the dance, no matter how the arms turn between left and right side, the mouth of the tray is always kept upward. This is similar to the posture of the Cup Tray Dance of the early Jin, in which »the hands are used to receive the cups and trays repeatedly,« as well as »turning left and right without losing the cups and trays,« as the lyrics record. According to »Lyrics of Dance Music V« in Poetry Collection of Music Bureau, vol. 56, Song of Cup Tray Dance in the Jin Period were combined with three-character lines and seven-character lines. It had a clear and sonorous beat, easy-to-understand lyrics, as well as the liveliness typical of folk dances. Until recently, this kind of dance was still popular in some regions, for instance, Beating Cups and Plates in Hainan, as well as similar dances in Shandong, Gansu, etc. 4. Miscellaneous Dance No. 4, Pi-drum Dance In Pi-drum Dance, dancers hold a pi drum in hand while dancing. Explaining and Analyzing Characters explains the character »pi (鼙)«: »it refers to the qi (骑) drum.« This kind of drum is depicted in a tri-color glazed pottery horse-riding figurine from the Tang Dynasty, unearthed in Luoyang. The drum is small, flat, and can be beaten on both sides. In the drummed Yangge (秧歌) Dance, popular in Shanghe, Shandong Province, a kind of flat, handle-less drums are used. Also, the dance

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posture looks quite archaic. This indicates that it may be the successor of the ancient Pi-drum Dance. 5. Miscellaneous Dance No. 5, Duo-bell Dance Duo-bell Dance also belongs to miscellaneous dances of the Han and Wei dynasties. Gujin yuelu says, »The duo bell is held in the hand of the dancer.« The duo bell is a musical instrument that looks like a large bell. A bronze ornament excavated in Shizhaishan, Jinning, Yunnan Province seems to depict this dance. In the scene, four people are dancing together. They wear pointed hats, and they are shaking a large bell, with legs and feet bare. Their bodies incline to the right, as if they were swinging bells while walking. Nowadays, such dances with bells are still found in Tujia, Tibetan, Qiang and Han folk dances. 6. Miscellaneous Dance No. 6, Whisk Dance Whisk Dance is performed with a whisk. The »whisk« here actually refers to a kind of ritual whisk. This dance is a folk dance from the Wu area in Jiangnan, also known as Dance of White Osprey (Baifu wu 白符舞 or Baifujiu wu 白凫鸠 舞). According to Dance Preface (Wu xu 舞序), by Yang Hong of the Jin Dynasty, when Yang Hong arrived in Jiangnan, he saw Dance of White Osprey and knew that this dance had been popular in ­Jiangnan for decades. »Monograph on Music« in Book of Jin says, »Whisk Dance came from the east of Yangtze, known as Wu Dance in older times.« 7. Miscellaneous Dance No. 7, White Ramie Dance White Ramie Dance was popular in Wu during the reign of Sun Hao of the Three Kingdoms (264–280 CE). White ramie is a kind of fabric. The ancients praise it: »Its texture feels like light clouds, and its color looks like silver. It is used to make robes. If there is still some left, it is made into scarves. The robes are used to beautify the body, and the scarves are used to dust things.« The dance was

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famous for the beauty of its costumes. In fact, dancing costumes in white ramie were called »beautiful clothes« at that time. In the earliest days, the dance may have been a folk dance, but it may also have had some connection with shamanic dance. The closing line of a Jin songpoem is as follows: »In the crystal-clear singing voice and gentle dance, gods seem to come down; words fail to describe the joy of the audience sitting around.« The same line can also be found in the song White Ramie Dance, of the Liu Song Dynasty. However, the Jin song-poems have a stronger hedonistic tone, such as in the following lines: »Life goes by in this world as fast as lightening, but there are much more bitter days than happy hours. Luckily, I can enjoy such happy moments that are as bright as spring flowers. Dancers from Qi are dancing, and female singers from Zhao are singing […] The life of almost a hundred years will come to an end soon. If I had known this earlier, I would have enjoyed the night right off.« White Ramie Dance developed from the Song, Qi, Liang to Sui and Tang dynasties. Within more than 500 years of its development, many literati recited poems about it. From the Song of White Ramie Dance, it is clear that the White Ramie Dance of the Jin and Liu Song Period still retained the simplicity of a folk dance. In the Qi and Liang Period, it had a more palatial brilliance, and technical virtuosity. For example, the White Ramie Dance of the Jin and Liu Song periods began with a slow dance. As the dancers’ sleeves were broad, it was often described that the dancers raised their hands like the flying swan, and that their jade-like wrists corresponded to their white costumes. In the most intense moments, dancers danced passionately like flying dragons; in more relaxed moments, they sometimes walked and sometimes stood, sometimes pulled at and sometimes pushed each other, sometimes stared and sometimes glanced. They were as shiny as the moon in the Milky Way, as varied as water disturbed by wind.

Chapter II The Art of Dance

The White Ramie Dance of the Liang Dynasty had already lost the passion and simplicity of folk dance. Instead, it had become an extravagant, superficial palatial dance. But of course, the high technical requirement still remained, and dancers were often highly skilled. For instance, it required the »body to be light,« which is mentioned in many poems: »The light body gets up slowly,« »The body is like light wind,« »Singers are singing repeatedly in beautiful voice, and the bodies of dancers seem to be flying gently; sweat has reddened their faces, and their bodies gives off fragrance.« From the phrase »sweat has reddened their faces,« it is clear that »to let bodies fly gently« is not that easy, as it requires both technique and strength. White Ramie Dance is rhythmically diverse. It has not only slow-paced parts: »The dancers sometimes pushed and sometimes pulled each other, sometimes walked and sometimes stood,« »Silk coats revolved slowly and red sleeves were raised.« It also has faster parts: »The dancers walked fast in the moonlight and danced in costumes that looked as white as jade,« »The sound of the jade pipe was as fast as flying, and young men were dancing in a fast pace,« »raised voices and fast tunes were flying in my mind.« »Walking fast,« may refer to a special dance gait named the »shuffle.« For instance, there are »Wu shuffles« in Wu Songs. In addition, the music, singing and dance were closely combined in White Ramie Dance, constituting a unified artistic image together. The music was played with multiple silk and bamboo (string and wind) instruments. But in some cases, it was played on a solo instrument, such as the se zither: »birds are resting on the buildings of the city; beautiful women are playing the se zither and dancing White Ramie.« White Ramie Dance was popular in the Six Dynasties, and was still performed in the palatial banquets of the Sui and Tang dynasties. It had extremely extravagant stage settings and costumes. For example, Song of White Ramie by Bao Zhao of Liu Song describes: »The gorgeous palace is

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like a mansion in heaven […] Carved screens surround the hall and curtains are stretched down.« In the palace as extravagant as heaven, curtains fell down, and red candles lit the hall up. From the opened curtains, extremely beautiful dancers came out. They wore white costumes made of fine silk gauze and »shoes decorated with pearls, walked in the grand banquet, and danced gently before red candles, in alluringly beautiful postures; They glanced back, waved their sleeves, and tightened strings before playing in an unnoticeable manner.« After the dance was finished, jade hairpins, rings, earrings and pendants were everywhere in the hall, which shows how extravagant the dance settings and costumes were. On the whole, Qingshang Music Dance often deals with the topic of a brief and difficult life, such as the sad utterance of Emperor Taiwu of Wei: »Wine before us, we should sing a song; how long will life last?« or Song of White Ramie: »The life of almost a hundred years will come to an end soon; If I had known this earlier, I would have enjoyed at night right off.« It was a trend during this period to indulge in sensual pleasure in face of a brief life. In addition, scholars of the Six Dynasties disdained the Confucian rituals, and valued the connection between humans and nature. They tried to get rid of mental boundaries, pay tribute to nature, as well as enjoy erotic folk culture. Thus, folk music dance was introduced into formal situations. Some of this tended to be influenced by highbrow art, but highbrow art could also be influenced by these folk arts. In any case, the liveliness of the songs and dances of Six Dynasties added to the glory of the age.

groups both inside and outside China. Music and dances were introduced from other cultures into the Central Plains, and then were enjoyed by people of different ethnic groups and social strata. Among them, the »Music of Kucha« and »Music of Western Liang« were the most influential.

Section 2  Exchanges in Music and Dance Culture and the Song-Dance Drama During this period, exchanges of music and dance happened frequently between different ethnic

1. The Music of Kucha, Valued by All Kucha (south of Kuqa, north of Shaya County in present-day Xinjiang) was a key station along the northern routes in the Western Regions. In fact, Buddhism was introduced from Tianzhu (India) through Kucha into the Central Plains. The monk Kumrajīva (a native of Tianzhu), extremely famous in the Western Regions, was actually born in Kucha. After Lü Guang defeated Kucha and all the other states in the Western Regions in 384 CE, more than 30 states surrendered to him—giving him access to the Music of Kucha and allowing him to bring Kumārajīva back to the Central Plains. In 386 CE, Lü Guang occupied Liangzhou and established the Later Liang State. After his journey westward, Buddhism and the Kucha music dance also traveled eastward. In this way, the music of Kucha had a certain impact on Han music and dance. Actually, the music of Kucha played a significant role in the Buddhist music and dance of that time. The music of Kucha enjoyed such a reputation because Kucha was situated at the crossroads of East and West, as well as at the heart of the Silk Road. Its music and dances had not only the elements of its native culture, but also influences from the art of Gandhara in the south, Persian culture in the west, and Chinese culture in the east. In this sense, it was a fusion of many cultural factors. Great Tang Records on the Western Regions praised that »pipe and string music performances of Kucha were the best among all states in the Western Regions.« The flourishing of music and dance in Kucha was closely related to the spread of Buddhism from India to the east. Buddhism was already widespread in northern India in the

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3rd century BCE, and was introduced into Khotan in about the 1st century BCE. It continued to spread eastward, and by the middle of the 3rd century it had already boomed in Kucha. Important Buddhist relics of this period included the Kizil Caves, which were built around the end of the 3rd century and early 4th century, and are the most representative and the largest of the Kucha Caves. The early period of the Kizil Caves lasted from the late 3rd century to mid-4th century CE, their development period from the mid-4th century to the end of the 5th century, flourishing period from the 6th century to the 7th century, and decline period from the 8th century to the mid-9th century. After the decline, they fell into oblivion for nearly a thousand years. Only since the first half of the 18th century, when they were rediscovered, have they attracted the attention of the world and become a promising research field. In the caves of the early period, there are the frescoes such as »Meditating Monk and Dancer,« in Cave no. 118, »Scarf Dance« and »Musical Performances in Heavenly Palace« in Cave no. 77, and »Apsaras« in Cave no. 47 and no. 48. This period corresponds to the early part of the period, from the Western Jin to Eastern Jin and the Sixteen Kingdoms. One of the important works, »Meditating Monk and Dancer,« is painted on the arched roof in the main chamber of Cave no. 118. On the right part of the fresco, a monk is meditating while sitting on a sewn seat. On the left, a dancer is turning her head to the right side, raising her right elbow, and resting her hand on the side of her chin. She seems to be putting her left hand on the side of her waist. Her body leans to the left, her right hip is stretched out, and her feet are crossed. Her dance posture looks gentle and beautiful. The movement in her appearance contrasts with the stillness of the meditating monk. On the arched roof of Cave no.  77, a mountain is painted in the shape of a rhombus. A dancer stands beside it, her upper body nude. She wears bracelets and armlets, raises her left hand up,

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puts her right hand on her side. She holds a white scarf with flower decorations, stretches out her left hip, puts her right leg forward and dances gracefully. (Fig. 4.2.3) »Musical Performance in Heavenly Palace« is painted on the upper part of the outer left tunnel of Cave no. 77. The top of the fresco is decorated with honeysuckle patterns, while in the lower part a platform with balustrades is depicted, indicating the architecture of the heavenly palace. Music is being performed around a Bodhisattva, who is sitting with hands folded and legs crossed on a lotus platform. On the left, Śakra holds an unopened lotus in his palm. To his left stands a flute player. To the left of the player stands a person who is offering lotus. To the left of this person stands a maiden holding a parrot. To the right of the Bodhisattva, Brahma turns his head to the side, puts his palms together and stretches out his right hip. To his right, two dancers are twisting and stretching out the hip to dance. To their right stand a row of flute players. Dancers wear various kinds of bead crowns with fluttering crown belts. They twist their waists and swing their hips. Their upper bodies are naked, and their silk is waving in the air. Their dance shows an intense and lively movement. In Kizil Cave no.  48, apsaras are painted on the roof. The fresco depicts a scene of scattering flowers after the enlightenment of the Buddha. One of the apsaras is holding a canopy and flying in the wind. Another is descending from the sky, with his hands folded. A female apsara is ascending with a hand gesture. Flowers rain down, and jewels are everywhere in the sky. These figures are depicted in a simple and rough manner, which is characteristic of the apsara and dancer depictions of the period. Prominent music and dance scenes can also be found in many Kizil Caves of the development period, for example, in Cave no. 38, »The Bodhisattva Listening to Buddhist Doctrines« and »Musical Performances in the Heavenly Palace;« in Cave

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no. 76, »The Devil’s Temptation,« »Musical Performances in the Heavenly Palace;« »King Youtuoxian and Lady Youxiang« in Cave no.  83; »Gandharva King and His Family« in Cave no.  3. This period corresponds to the period of the Eastern Jin, Liu Song, Qi, and Emperor Xiaowen of Northern Wei. In »Bodhisattva Listening to Buddhist Doctrines« of Kizil Cave no.  38, Maitreya is depicted above the entrance to the cave. A speaker, depicted as a tall man, sits cross-legged in the center. He wears a crown of three beads, armlets and jade ornaments, and makes the »turning of the wheel« mudrā with his hands. In the lower left part, three Bodhisattvas are depicted. The one in the middle turns his head slightly to the left, raising his left arm to the right side of his head. He is

smiling, with eyes slightly open. The fresco highlights the facial expression of his understanding Buddhist doctrine and feeling free both mentally and physically. »Musical Performances in Heavenly Palace« in Kizil Cave no.  38 is a representative fresco of Kucha music dance. Scenes are painted on the upper part of the left and right walls of the main chamber. Both walls are painted with a set of musical scenes. Each set is divided into seven groups with frieze niches. There are busts of two musicians inside each niche, including a man and a woman painted in black and white, respectively. There are 14 musicians for the seven niches on each side and totally 28 musicians on both sides. Since they are all performing in pairs, there are to-

4.2.3 »Scarf Dance« in Kizil Cave No. 77 in Xinjiang

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4.2.4  »Vanquishing the Devil« in Kizil Cave No. 76, Xinjiang

tally 14 pairs. Seven kinds of musical instruments are depicted in the fresco, namely the konghou harp, transverse flute, ruanxian lute, five-stringed pipa lute, bo cymbal, paixiao flute, dala (答腊) drum; and four kinds of dances: »Jewelry Dance,« »Scattering Flowers,« »Treasure Mirror Dance,« and »Clapping Dance.« »The Devil’s Temptation,« also known as »Vanquishing the Devil,« is painted on the right wall of the main chamber in Kizil Cave no. 76. Shakyamuni had lived an ascetic life for six years, but not yet attained enlightenment. The devil king Pāpīyas (the god of love and death) was afraid that when the Bodhisattva was enlightened his own power would be destroyed, so he sent his daughters to tempt him. In the picture, Shakyamuni looks extremely thin, and sits crossed legged. Three devil

daughters stand to his right. The one in the front is naked. She wears flowers on her head and lavish jewelry on her body, raises her left hand to greet Shakyamuni, holds her hip with her right hand, twists her waist and swings her hips. They come forward with heads held high, without shame, but Sakyamuni is unmoved. He uses his magical powers to transform the three devil daughters immediately into three ugly old women, who stand on his left side. This makes them feel shame. (Fig. 4.2.4) »Musical Performance in the Heavenly Palace« is painted on the upper part of the four walls of Cave no. 76. In the upper part of the right wall, the Buddha is the center of the musical performance. On his left, there are Brahma, flute players, dancers of the Jewelry Dance, drummers, and those who offer up white flowers and precious jewelry. On

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the right of the Buddha, there is Śakra, as well as musicians and dancers who play the bow-shaped konghou harp, dance the Jewelry Dance, play the paixiao flute, hold white flowers or other objects that hang from their hands. The dancers, who twist their waists and limbs, look very attractive, while the musicians, who play flutes and drums, are depicted as if their sound can be heard. »King Youxiantuo and Queen« is painted on the main wall of the main chamber of Kizil Cave no.  83. King Youxiantuo’s wife, Lady Youxiang, is beautiful and is good at dance. In the picture, Lady Youxiang is almost totally naked, only wearing an extremely thin gauze trouser. She wears armlets, bracelets, garlands, and lavish jewelry. Her large breasts are fully exposed. She raises the left arm, keeps the right arm down, both hands holding a colorful scarf. Her head inclines to the right, her chest is moved to the left side, and her right hip is stretched out—forming three curved lines in the picture. She jumps on the right step, lifts her left leg, and tucks it behind the right leg. The dance is extremely graceful, with light movement. King Youxiantuo sits on a high throne with his chin resting on his left hand. The king is very sad to see that the queen is going to die in seven days. When Lady Youxiang discovers that her life will end soon, she decides to become a nun. »King Gandharva and His Family« in Kizil Cave no. 13 was painted in the 5th century. The fresco depicts a pair of lovers, male on the right and female on the left. The man is nude, wearing a crown of jewels, lavish jewelry and ribbon. He is standing cross-legged, barefoot, with his left elbow resting on the woman’s shoulder. His hands are on the chest, one above the other, as if they are clapping to a beat. The woman is also naked, wearing a brassiere. Her head inclines the left side, her chest is moved to the right, and her left hip is stretched out, forming three curved lines. She stands cross-legged, and plays a bow-shaped konghou. She turns her face to the right, and looks into the man’s eyes intimately. The fresco tells the

story of the Buddha converting the god of music, Shan’ai. As Shan’ai plays the konghou well, she feels proud. Therefore, before enlightenment, the Buddha transforms himself into a god of music and competes with Shan’ai in playing the konghou. The Buddha’s skill far surpasses Shan’ai’s. When he reveals his true form, Shan’ai repents of her arrogance and is converted to Buddhism. In this fresco, the konghou player is Shan’ai, and the white-skinned man on the right is one of his family members. In addition, there are many beautiful dance scenes in Kizil cave frescoes. For example, in »Ajatashatru’s Recovery,« of Cave no. 205, the queen is topless, head adorned with lavish jewelry. One of her arms is raised, and the other is down, which forms the shape of an »S.« Her head is turned to the left, her body is leaning to the right, and her hip is to the left. Her body is composed to make an »S« shape. Other dance figures can be found in »Dancer,« of Cave no.  224, »Bodhisattva in Music and Dance Performance« in Cave no.  98, »Bodhisattva in Music and Dance Performance« in Cave no.  101, »Naked Dancer« in Cave no. 69, and »Dancer on the Nirvana Day« in Cave no.  224. The rich and vivid music and dance images in Buddhist frescoes reflect indirectly the music and dance scenes at the court and among the common people in the Kucha Region of the Western Regions.

2. The Music of Western Liang, Known as the »National Performing Arts« When the music of Kucha was combined with traditional Han musical dance, a new kind of musical dance emerged, the music of Western Liang. Because of turbulance in the Western Jin, scholars from Guanzhong fled to Liangzhou, which was the only safe area in northern China. In this way, ­Liangzhou became the cultural center of northwest China, and thus preserved part of the traditional music and dance of the Han people. Fu Jian ordered the general Lü Guang to conquer the Western Regions (384 CE). Lü Guang occupied

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Liangzhou (386 CE), established the Later Liang, and obtained the music of Kucha. In 412 CE, Juqu Mengxun (of the Xiongnu) of the Northern Liang occupied Liangzhou, and in 420 CE he also conquered Li Song’s Western Liang, which was based in Dunhuang. Thus, he had more convenient access to the states of the Western Regions. Since he believed in Buddhism, the music and dance of the Western Regions continued to spread eastward, along with Buddhism. During the occupation of Liangzhou by Lü Guang and Juqu, the music of Kucha was fused with the old music of the Central Plains which was popular there, known as »Performance Arts of the Qin and Han.« This musical dance was acquired by Emperor Taiwu of Northern Wei (c. 431 CE) when he conquered the land west of the Yellow River. From then on, it was called the music of Western Liang. The music of the Western Liang was newly formed through the fusion of Western Region musical dance and old Han music. It was a representative cultural phenomenon of the historical circumstances of the time. Since this music was loved by the ruling class as well as the general public, it was also called a »National Performing Art« during the Wei and Zhou dynasties. It was used by Emperor Taiwu of Wei for large ceremonies. In the Northern Qi Dynasty, the Yayue performances at court were mixed with the music of Western Liang, because it was »said to be the old music of Luoyang.« The music of Western Liang became more and more popular from the Zhou and Sui dynasties, to the Tang Dynasty. »Monograph on Music« in Jiutangshu records: »Since the Zhou and Sui dynasties, there have been hundreds of orchestral miscellaneous songs totally, in which the music of the Western Liang has often been used. As for songs of drum dances, the music of Kucha has often been used.« Western Liang was a major station along the routes from inland to the Western Regions, and had been occupied by rulers of the Han, Xiongnu, Xianbei and Di groups. The region not only had

Chapter II The Art of Dance

the influence of traditional Han musical dance, as well as the traditional Western Region musical dance—mostly the music of Kucha—but also the musical dance of the various ethnic groups that had lived here. Therefore, it can be said that the music of Western Liang was a typical example of the great fusion of the musical dances of various ethnic groups at the time. The scene of the music of Western Liang is depicted in the fresco »Daily Life with Entertainment,« of Dingjiazha Jin Tomb in Jiuquan, Gansu Province. On the right side, the tomb master is depicted as sitting in a side chamber. A male performer holds a tao drum and a short stick in front of him. In the middle, two female performers are dancing. The one dancer wears a lacquered bun, and a tricolor (yellow, red, green) tunic skirt with colorful sleeves. She holds a square fan in each hand, raises her arms and dances. The other wears a monochrome (green) skirt with colorful sleeves, raises her arms, looks back, and jumps into the air in bow step. Four musicians are depicted on the left (one male and three females). The male musician wears a crown and plays the lying konghou harp. One female musician plays the pipa lute, one plays the pipe, and the other beats the waist drum. A female performer does a handstand below the dancers. It can be judged that this is a performance of the music of Western Liang is based on the following four points: first, this Jin tomb dates back to the period from the late 4th century to the middle of the 5th century; second, it is located in Jiuquan, which was in Western Liang territory; third, female dancers wear lacquered (false) hairbuns, long dresses (or skirts) with colorful sleeves, which corresponds to the costumes of the music of Western Liang; Fourth, musical instruments such as the lying konghou, pipa, pipe, and waist drum are played, which shows the characteristics of orchestration in the music of Western Liang (an ensemble of Central Plains instruments and Western Region instruments). (Fig. 4.2.5)

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4.2.5 A part of the fresco »Daily Life with Entertainment« in Dingjingzha Tomb No. 5 in Jiuquan, from the Later Liang to the Northern Liang (386–439 CE)

According to »Monograph on Music,« in Jiutangshu, the music of Western Liang also included dance performances, such as the »White Dance« and the »Square Dance.« The White Dance was performed solo, and had already been lost at court by the Five Dynasties. The Square Dance was performed by four dancers. As the name implies, each of the four dancers stood on a corner of a square. As for their costumes, the dancers wore false hair buns, jade hairpins, purple silk clothes with pleats, white trousers with wide openings. The sleeves are separate from the other parts, made of five-colored silk cloth. In the Northern Zhou mural in Dunhuang Cave no.  297, the scene »Music Performance of the Donor« is depicted below the table in the middle.

It depicts a mass dance in Western Liang. In the shade of a tree, three musicians and two dancers are performing. One musician plays the konghou, one plays the pipa, and the other plays the sheng pipe. In fact, the sheng was introduced to the Western Regions from the Central Plains. Among all the musical genres of the Western Regions, only the Music of Kucha uses this instrument. The movements of the two dancers are peculiar. Their hands are raised above their heads. One dancer also holds both her hands together above her head. Also, they both twist their bodies and extend their hips. The hips are raised, chests and abdomens are moving in the opposite direction, and the heads move in the opposite direction to the shoulders and chest, forming three intensely curved lines.

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One dancer stands cross-legged with bent knee, while the other steps forward passionately. As for the three musicians, the sheng player and the pipa player turn their faces to their sides and face each other. The former looks up while playing, the latter looks down. The other musician plays a bowshaped konghou, facing the dancers. The dancers are painted with lively spirit. The musicians are depicted as if their music can be heard, as if the trees, flowers, and other natural objects were moved by the performance. This exquisite picture of an entertainment scene shows the authentic situation of the music of Western Liang, but it is a pity that the mural has been blurred. (Fig. 4.2.6) This dance is also found in the music and dance scene carved on the ancient Buddhist seat of the

4.2.6 Music Performance of the Doner, in Dunhuang Cave no. 297, Northern Zhou Dynasty

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Southern and Northern Dynasties in Xingping, Shaanxi Province. A deep-eyed, high-nosed Hu dancer dances beside the lotus seat. She wears narrow-sleeved Hu costume, hands raised. Her right foot touches her left leg, both feet with pointing toes. Her body leans forward, and her hips are stretched out. The musical ensemble includes transverse flutes, paixiao flutes, pipas and konghous. Also, as indicated above, the dancers raise their arms (with hands both held together and not held together) to highlight the curves of their chests, waists and hips. The hands are held high so that the »S« curve can be prolonged. Actually, this dance is characteristic of single movements such as twisting the waist, stretching out the hip, leaning forward, and swinging hip. Also, dancers’ hands are not raised at the same time. Only one sleeve is raised, while the other droops naturally. The body leans forward, and the hip is stretched out (see the dance figurines of the Sui Dynasty). This kind of dance, which features leaning forward, stretching out the hip, and the building up »S« curves, was popular in many regions. But it originally came from Kucha. For example, in the fresco »Birth of Prince Siddhartha« of Caves no. 205 and no. 99 in Thousand Buddha Cave of Kizil, Lady Māyādevī is topless, with one arm on the shoulder of a maid. She raises up one hand, leans forward, swings her hip, and stands cross-legged. She also exhibits three curves in her elegant posture. She seems to be »languid, as if the maid is helping her stand up.« In addition, Kizil Cave no.  101 is painted with »Bodhisattva Making Music and Dancing,« also known as the »Dance God.« The Bodhisattva raises her left hand, with the palm on the top. Her right arm is held horizontally and the palm pushes forward. She also leans forward, swings her hip, and is naked. Her two arms take the shape of an »S« as well as her body, which is typical of dances from Kucha. In the Jin, Northern Wei, Sui and Tang dynasties, the Han, Xiongnu, Di, Xianbei and Tubo people

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ruled Western Liang successively. It was the key station along the traffic routes between middle and west, and as a result, many ethnic groups met there and interacted with each other. There were constantly many travelers and foreign merchants, and cities were full of foreign restaurants and shops. Mansions were overwhelmed with foreign actresses and dancers. Many kinds of clothes, and musical dances could be found, corresponding to the religions and customs of different groups. For example, there were chime bells and chime stones from the Central Plains, Pipa and the Drum Dance from Kucha, the Sleeve Dance and Stepping Song from Tubo, Tao-drum Dance, Fan Dance and Tiele Dance from the Xianbei. In this sense, Western Liang was an important place for the exchange of music and dance culture between different ethnic groups. There, foreign people wore Han hats, while the Han people wore foreign clothes. As for music and dances, barriers of ethnic identity and tradition were blurred. Different music and dance cultures were integrated and renewed their own traditions. As a result, new types of music emerged. For example, »Performance Arts of the Qin and Han« actually emerged in Liangzhou. After Emperor Taiwu of Northern Wei conquered the land west of the Yellow River, he had access to this music and renamed it the music of Western Liang. But in fact, it was a musical dance of the land west of the Yellow River. The music of Western Liang had developed for more than 300 years. In the process of its development, it adopted different forms and styles from many ethnic groups. Some of the dance music might still maintain a part of the original style, and the Central Plains, Kucha, Han, Tubo or Xianbei characteristics were not lost. But all these styles integrated many elements from each other. They were combined into a unity, while individual diversity was not maintained. In this way, they were unified as the music of Western Liang. In the Tang Dynasty, foreign culture was very popular. As a poem by Yuan Zhen writes: »Women

would marry foreign men and learn the make-up in foreign styles; performers would play foreign musical instruments and make foreign music.« The music of Western Liang was the product of the cultural exchanges between middle and west, and became the aesthetic fashion of the generation. The poem Hehuang by Du Mu reveals thoughts of the common people at that time: »Only songs and dances from Liangzhou were circulated in all areas, which entertained people in their leisure time.« In the period of Emperor Wu of Northern Zhou, Empress Ashina brought the music of the Kangju Kingdom (Samarkand) to the inland. The music of the Kangju Kingdom was best known for the Whirling Barbarian Dance. In this dance, the dancer stood on a small circular blanket and spanned left and right. A long scarf was held during rotations to make dynamic shape. An early image of this dance can be found in the fresco of Kizil Cave no. 135. In addition, some other music dances were also introduced to the Central Plains, including the Drum Dance of the Yueban Kingdom, as well as musical dances of Shule (present-day Kashi, Shule, Yingjisha in the southwest of Xinjiang), the An Kingdom (an ancient kingdom in Central Asia, present-day Bukhara in Uzbek), Goryeo (present-day Korean Peninsula), Xianbei (the Xianbei group of East Hu had lived to the north of the Great Wall, in the regions east and west of the Liao River (actually, the rulers of Northern Zhou were Xianbei people who were used to listening to Xianbei music), and Gaochang (the present-day Turpan region). In the Sui and Tang dynasties, nine-part and tenpart performing arts were popular. Among them, almost all musical dances from foreign regions and minorities, as well as those that were combinations of Han and minority dances, were introduced into Northern Wei, Northern Qi and Northern Zhou. After their introductions, they had close interaction with Han musical dances, which laid the foundation for the development of Sui and

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Tang banquet music. This also had a profound influence on the further development of music and dance in China.

3. Tayao Niang and »All-Inclusive« Theatre The Northern Qi Period has a significant place in the history of Chinese theater. The play Tayao Niang (踏谣娘), created in the Northern Qi Period, not only had songs, dances and musical accompaniment, but also costumes, speech, fighting, and more. Therefore, it was called »all-inclusive« theater by some theater historians in China. As for roles, it had both the female Dan (旦) role and the Mo (末) role of older males. In the later period, a Chou (丑) role was also included, known as Dianku (典库). The earliest record of this »all-inclusive« play is found in About the Instruction Quarters (Jiaofangji 教坊记), by Cui Lingqing: »Tayao Niang tells the story of a stuffy-nosed man in Northern Qi with the surname Su. Although he had never passed the imperial examination, he called himself ›Ministerial Director.‹ He was alcoholic. Every time when he was drunk, he would beat his wife. So his wife, full of resentment, told the neighbors her story. At that time, people made up this story into a play. An actor in woman’s clothes played the role of the wife. He walked slowly on the stage and sang songs. Every time after he repeated the singing, people beside him responded in unified voice, ›The Stepping Song, and the responding voice! In the Stepping Song, life is bitter, and the responding voice!‹ Since he sang while walking, people said ›Stepping Song.‹ Since the wife suffered from injustice, they said, ›life is bitter.‹ When the husband arrived, both mock-fought to make the audience laugh. However, today the role of the husband is played by an actress. So she does not call herself ›Ministerial Director,‹ but ›Ashuzi.‹ All the funny parts have lost their original meaning. Some people call it Tanrong Niang (谈容娘), but it is not the original Tayao Niang.«

Chapter II The Art of Dance

4. The King of Lanling: The »Big Face« Mask Dance The King of Lanling was another song-dance drama of Northern Qi. The King of Lanling was an imperial clansman of Northern Qi. Jiaofangji records: »Big Face originated in Northern Qi. Although the King of Lanling was brave and serious, he looked like a woman. Since he thought his own appearance would not frighten his enemies, he carved a wooden mask with wore it to battle. This story was composed into a play and also into a song.« »Big Face« means mask. It was also called »Replaced Face.« Miscellaneous Records of Yuefu (Yuefu zalu 乐府杂录) records: »There was a drama named ›Replaced Face.‹ It originated in Northern Qi. Emperor Shenwu was brave and good at fighting a battle, but since his appearance could not frighten enemies, he would wear a mask, and he would beat the enemy without any doubt. The actor who played this role wore purple clothes, gold belt, and held a whip in his hand.« Both Jiaofangji and Yuefu zalu mention The King of Lanling as a »play,« while Fine Stories from the Sui and Tang dynasties (Suitang jiahua 隋唐嘉话) and Comprehensive Statutes (Tongdian 通典) treat it as a dance. This proves the statement of Jiaofangji to be true: »It was composed into a play and also a song.« In fact, The King of Lanling is the title of a song-dance drama, and a song-dance, as well as a song. These three forms are different from each other. The King of Lanling was a talented and attractive warrior, who wore a mask to fight the enemy. He »had once a battle with the Zhou army below the city wall of Jinyong, and was the most courageous among all the warriors of the armies.« This should be the main content of this play, but it is not mentioned in the extant records whether the Zhou army and Qi soldiers were played in the drama. In any case, there were dances and songs about the »act of commanding and fighting« and the »singing of soldiers.« It suffices to say that this is a song-dance drama.

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5. The Cold-Splashing Barbarian Plays from the West The Cold-Splashing Barbarian Plays were songdance dramas of Northern Zhou. »Annals of Emperor Xuan« in Book of Northern Zhou records: In December of the first year of Daxiang in the reign of Emperor Jing (579 CE), »on a Jiazi day, the emperor came back to the palace and visited the Wu Hall. He ordered hundreds of officers and maids to gather there. He also ordered women to play music inside and outside the hall. Also, Cold-splashing Barbarian Plays were performed, in which water was sprinkled for the performance.« Comprehensive Mirror (Tongjian 通鉴) no.  173 also records: »On the Jiazi day, the emperor came back to the palace … and arranged large-scale music performances. It was the first time when Cold-splashing Barbarian Plays were performed.« Since they were performed »for the first time,« it can be inferred that these plays were introduced into the Central Plains in the Northern Zhou Period. However, it has not been recorded how they were performed in Northern Zhou. Tongdian no. 146 records: »Cold-splashing plays were originally music of the Western Regions. In March of the 2nd year of Shenlong in the reign of Emperor Zhongzong of Tang (706 CE), Lü Yuantai, Magistrate of Qingyuan County in Bing Province, submitted an appeal to the emperor: ›…  Is it really necessary to sprinkle water on the road with naked bodies, or to enjoy the coldness while playing drums and dancing?‹ In the 2nd year of Xiantian in the reign of Emperor Xuanzong of Tang (713 CE), Chancellor Zhang Yue submitted an appeal to the emperor: ›Also, Cold-splashing Barbarian Plays‹ do not have any well-known story behind. People only jump with naked bodies. How can this be tolerated if have a dignified moral sense? People splash water and throw mud everywhere, which make them look indecent. This is far =from Lu ritual, but as superficial as Qi performances. I’m afraid it differs from its

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original value, in pleasing foreign countries with dance.’« As quoted above, It is clear that the protagonist was played by a blue-eyed Hu actor. Thus, it was also named the »Hu Cold-splashing Plays.« They included Hu songs, Hu dances, drum music, and responding voices. Performers were divided into two groups, one on the horse and the other on the ground. They carried sacks with water, naked, and splashed each other with water. They also wore costumes such as beast masks, ghost and god costumes. Sometimes, they attached silk ropes to hooks, and then used this to capture people. As for time of performance, they were played at the court in December to celebrate the emperor’s birthday. Outside the court, they were performed in July to dispel evil spirits and pray for peace. As Zhang Yue says, »the song in Cold-splashing Plays« is titled Sumozhe (苏摩遮). »Sutra on the Mahayana Practice of the Six Perfections« (»Dacheng liqu liuboluomiduo jing« 大 乘理趣六波罗米多经) in Sound and Meaning of All Sutras (Yiqiejing yinyi一切经音义) by Huilin of the Tang Dynasty records: »The word ›Sumozhe‹ comes from the language of Western Rong, also known as ›Samozhe‹ (飒摩遮). The play originated in Kucha of the Western Regions. It is still a song in Kucha. In the dances from here, such as Big Face, and Wear the Hair Down, dancers sometimes wear beast masks, sometimes dress up as gods or ghosts, wearing masks in all kinds of shapes. Sometimes, people mix water with mud and splash passersby. Sometimes, people use hook attached with silk ropes to capture others. At the beginning of July in every year, the play is publicly performed and lasts for seven days. According to folk custom, people often play it to dispelling inauspicious spirits and to stop them from eating humans.« As the Tang monk Huilin states, »the play originated in Kucha of the West Regions, and nowadays, it is still a song in Kucha.« As Kucha is present-day Kuqa in Xinjiang, is it possible to find

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relics of the play there? Actually, a Buddhist relic box has already been unearthed in Kuqa. The lid and body of the box are both painted with color. The lid is painted with four children in a musical performance. The dance procession of Sumozhe is painted around the body. In the procession, there are ten dancers in the front, followed by a six-member orchestra and two children carrying a big drum for the drummer. The first person seems to be the leader. He wears a beast mask with long ears, horizontal eyes and a high nose. His left leg is raised and right foot touches the ground. He jumps forward, with belt flying in the air. He holds a staff in his right hand and raises his left hand backward, and also looks backward with his head held high. He seems to be commanding the dance procession. To his left and right, three children are clapping for him. Behind the children, a male and a female dancer are holding hooks attached with silk scarves. They are followed by six dancers (three males and three females), dancing hand in hand. They wear half-armed costumes on top, trousers on the bottom, and long belts at the

Chapter II The Art of Dance

waist. All of them wear hooded masks. The third and fifth wear animal masks with long ears. The other four wear god or ghost masks. The last two of the four dancers hold silk scarves. The last of all the dancers holds a staff in his left hand. His right leg keeps a bow stance, while his left leg is kicked out. He wears a long-eared beast mask and dances alone at the back of the hall, with his head held high. The dance procession is followed by an accompanying ensemble. There, two children are carrying a big drum. One is raising his arm to beat the drum. Behind them, musicians are playing the konghou, pipa, paixiao flute, tao drum, jilou (鸡娄) drum and there is a long fanfare. The whole dance procession is large in scale. It is depicted as if their sound can be heard, their dance can be seen. It is an incomparably vivid and touching sketch of the song-dance drama Sumozhe. The diverse forms of song-dance dramas in this period have opened up the history of Chinese opera in a glorious way.

CHAPTER III SCROLL PAINTING AND MURALS Section 1  The Development of Painting from the Three Kingdoms to the Western Jin 1. From Rough to Refined: The Upper-Class Painters When the Southern Dynasty painter and art theorist Xie He commented on the paintings of the Eastern Wu artist Wei Xie in his Classified Record of Ancient Painters (Gu hua pin lu古畫品錄), he made a summary that was well received for all Chinese art history. »With [Wei] Xie the roughness of ancient painters began to be refined.« His words precisely illustrate the development and main achievement of Chinese painting from the end of the Han to the Wei-Jin periods. As the function of painting expanded, after the Han dynasties likeness became increasingly important in figure and object paintings. This fundamentally altered the original purpose of painting that using formulaic shapes to represent concepts. Not only did the subject and content of a painting became richer and closer to real life, but technique and expressive means became more diverse and refined. In this respect, Chinese painting inevitably walked through a path from »roughness to refinement.« From a historical perspective, one of the key factors for the change of Chinese painting from »roughness to refinement« was that the perception of painting changed. Pictures were previously used to express basic socio-cultural ideas about right and wrong, virtue and evil; now it was expanded to accurate depictions. What stimulated this shift was the growing interest and engage-

ment of the elite class in painting, who possessed higher cultural status. In the Eastern Han Dynasty, educated, upper-class men who excelled at painting emerged. According to Zhang Yanyuan’s Record of Famous Painters of All the Dynasties (Lidai minghua ji 歷 代名畫記), the Chamberlain for Ceremonial in the reign of Emperor Xian of Han, Zhao Qi, »had many talents and was especially skilled in painting.« The famous litterateur, Zhang Heng, excelled at painting. Cai Yong was also well-versed in calligraphy and painting. The Governor of the Shu Commandery, Liu Bao, painted the pictures Milky Way (Yunhan tu) and North Wind (Beifeng tu). Entering the Three Kingdoms, more scholar-officials involved themselves in painting, such as the Registrar at the Court of the Counsellor-in-Chief, Yang Xiu, the Chamberlain for the National Treasury, Huan Fan, and the Palace Attendant, Minister of Works, and Marquise Duting, Xu Miao. Even the monarch of the Wei Kingdom, Cao Mao, the Counsellor-in-Chief of the Shu Kingdom, Zhuge Liang, and his son, the Palace Attendant, Vice Director, and Military Counselor and General, Zhuge Zhan, excelled at painting. The Record of Famous Painters of All the Dynasties documented all these historical figures. In folklore, another famous general of the Shu Kingdom, Zhang Fei, was also credited with painting beauties. These elite-class painters lacked the art training and skills that artisans acquired, but they were superior to artisans in that they had broader access to culture and could express their clever and insightful views. Therefore, intellectual painters looked down on craftsmanship and were conceited. These men of letters would certainly revise

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existing principles of painting. One should see that, as amateur painters, they had more flexibility and independence in creating a painting, and their privileged status reduced the functional and utilitarian tone of their work. Being cognoscenti entailed higher and multivalent requirements in their art creations, so their pursuits were more relevant to illustrating the changing patterns of artistic movements. Meanwhile, due to their privileged social status, intellectual painters exerted a wider cultural impact and played a crucial role in directing the aesthetic trends of the whole society.

2. Cao Buxing and Wei Xie Cao Buxing was the most esteemed painter in the period of the Three Kingdoms, who inaugursted a critical era of Chinese painting. Fragmented records suggest that he was neither an intellectual painter nor an artisan but a celebrated, professional artist in his time. According to the general movement of art in China and elsewhere, such independent professionals usually were leading figures who upgraded painting from craftwork to fine art valued with a higher cultural sphere. Ancient texts like Court and Private Painters in the Zhenguang Reign (Zhenguan gong si hua shi貞觀公私 畫史) and Record of Famous Painters of All the Dynasties cataloged Cao’s works’ influence up to the Tang Dynasty. Cao Buxing was skilled in painting human figures, dragons, tigers, and horses, and concerning a sitter’s likeness and proportion. Paintings catalogued under his name comprise the two scrolls of Seated and Coiled Red Dragons by the Qing Stream (Qingxi ce zuo chi long pan chi long tu), four scrolls of Auspicious Dragon Heads (Long tou xiang), one scroll of Tribute of Ten Kinds of Horses of the Director of the Pastures of Nanhai (Nanhai jianmu jin shi zhong ma tu), Barbarians with Beasts (Yizi manshou yang), and illustrations of A Dragon and a Tiger (Long hu tu). The subjects of these paintings conform to the above account, and the scrolls probably had served as painting templates.

Chapter III Scroll Painting and Murals

Cao once painted a screen for Sun Quan, and on another occasion, he saw a red dragon rising above the water at Qing Stream. He »painted it from life and presented it to Sun Hao.« It is said that both Lu Tanwei and Xie He in the Southern dynasties had seen this painting. Reportedly, Cao could paint a single figure on a scroll as large as 50 pi (1 pi being around 13.33 m long) silk strips sewed together. He completed the image rapidly with the sitter’s proportions of head and face, hands and feet, chest, shoulders, and back perfectly correct. Not restrained by conventional genres, Cao »dared to learn Buddhist painting from the western states« and could »paint images in the same style.« He treated drapery distinctively, so was associated with the so-called style of Cao yi chu shui (rather than Cao Zhongda). Overall, he was probably an ordinary artisan and later gained social recognition through his extraordinary talent and skill. Although he has no remaining text, his painting templates were handed down and several of his pupils became famous painters. This shows that Cao valued craftsmanship and the transmission of technique from master to disciple. On the other hand, as he enjoyed more freedom in his creations and was concerned with artistic pursuits, his paintings were influential in the sphere of high culture. In many respects, Cao Buxing was the painter who modified archaic paintings characterized by stiff composition, rough brush-lines, and uniform subject matter. His brushwork was fine and his technique for likeness superb. He excelled at creating many vivid images. These representations were esteemed as models and spread widely and persistently, impacting the aesthetic tastes of society. As painting developed to the stage of »cun xing,« or »preserving the appearance of things,« Cao’s methods of depicting form and fine delineation catered to this. Consequently, painting that used to be a dependent and decorative art form in now stepped in an individual and independent direction.

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Wei Xie was a painter in the Western Jin Dynasty. The dates of his birth and death are not known to us. Not belonging to the elite class, he was perhaps also a professional painter like Cao Buxing. His contemporary, Ge Hong, exalted Wei Xie and his disciple, Zhang Mo, as »sages of painting.« Nearly all later accounts and commentaries on painting have cataloged and discussed his works. Wei excelled in painting most of the popular subjects of the time, such as human figures, Buddhist deities, and animals. In one of the earliest art critiques in China, Essay on Painting (Lun hua 論畫), Gu Kaizhi provides with us a detailed evaluation of three of his works. There were still about a dozen scrolls extant under his name by the Tang Dynasty. When Gu Kaizhi commented on Wei Xie’s painting of The North Wind from the Mao Book of of Songs (Mao shi bei feng tu), he said, »Beauty of form, formula of scale, discrimination of yin and yang, and refinement of delineation, all these are valued by the world. If [a painter has] divine laws within the mind, and his appearance and hands in accordance with the eyes, a keen appreciation [of his work] will be beyond verbal description.« He praised Wei Xie’s work as it met the two criteria of »valued by the world« and »an appreciation beyond words.« »Beauty of form« refers to pleasing forms and colors; »formula of scale« indicates positioning and proportion of motifs in composition; »discrimination of yin and yang« signifies comparative and contrasting elements and the rhythm they create; »refinement of delineation« denotes precise depictions and exceptional techniques. All of these responded to the aesthetic requests of the time. They reflect concerns about image quality and advancement of skill—a general trend in the development of painting. Wei Xie, however, paid more attention to the visual vocabulary expressed in representations. He expected that his representations would be appreciated and received on their own rather than as subordinate to passages of literature. Hence, he made

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a further advancement creating new images. His painted figures were not achieved merely by standard movements or refined, characteristic delineations, but by stressing the sitter’s spiritual state and the corresponding appearance in eye and hand gestures. This addressed the issue that previous artisans had not properly resolved, who did not much care about painting formulae and principles. A painter’s initiative no longer rested on mature skill nor intricate detail, but on active and creative thought. Wei Xie led Chinese painting in a new direction. As mentioned above, Xie He regarded him as a foremost figure in the history of painting, saying, »not until Wei Xie that the roughness of ancient painters began to be refined.« The term »refinement« is twofold here. It refers to mature painting technique, or the acquirement of a whole set of skills and its adaption to different materials, on the one hand, and on the other hand it addresses an advanced perception of painting in terms of a painter’s broadened self-definition and his mastery and use of skills. Standing on the shoulders of past masters, Wei Xie kept a balance between the two. It makes sense that Xie He extolled him »perfect in all Six Principles.«

Section 2  Gu Kaizhi 1. Biography and Extant Works of Gu Kaizhi Gu Kaizhi, who lived in the Eastern Jin Dynasty, was the first intellectual painter and art theorist in Chinese history. He was also the first man of letters whose discourse on painting is still extant today. Later generations recognized him, his disciple, Lu Tanwei, the painter of the Northern and Southern Dynasties, Zhang Sengyou, and the painter of the Tang Dynasty, Wu Daozi, as the »Four Patriarchs of Painting« in China. He made

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a significant contribution to improving Chinese painting techniques and laid a foundation for building systematic art theories concerning Chinese painting. Hence, Gu Kaizhi’s contribution to painting represents the main accomplishments in art for his epoch. Gu Kaizhi (ca.  344–405 CE) was styled Changkang. Also nicknamed Hutou (»Tiger Head«), he was a native of Wuxi, Jinling. Born in a family of high officials, he received a good education. He became an erudite scholar and specialized in various types of art. Among all, he was best at painting. His contemporaries credited Gu with preeminence in three realms: talent, painting, and foolishness. In the Xingning reign of Emperor Ai of Eastern Jin, the young Gu Kaizhi painted a mural at Huifang Temple (also known as Waguan Temple) in Jiankang. Enclosing himself for over 100 days, he painted an image of Vimalakirti. »As the gate was open, lights [emitted from his mural] illuminated the entire hall. Donors were stuck at the entrance. But later, millions of coins were collected.« This famous anecdote in Chinese painting history reveals Gu’s extraordinary skill, his contemporaries’ Buddhism, and their love of Gu’s painting. Gu was later recommended to be a counselor for Commander-in-Chief Sima Huanwen. Gu has three surviving texts: Essay on Painting, Techniques of Copying (Mo ta miao fa 摹拓妙法), and Record on Painting Cloud Terrace Mountain (Hua Yuntaishan ji 畫雲臺山記). They all concerning painting assessment, summaries of painting technique, and records of compositional ideas. In his fifties, Gu was, again, recommended to become a counselor for the Regional Inspector of Jingzhou, Yin Zhongkan. Several years later, Yin was forced to commit suicide by his rival, Huan Xuan. In the following years, however, Huan Xuan’s usurpation also failed, and he was killed. It can be imagined that Gu Kaizhi had suffered much during this turbulence. In the second year after Huan Xuan’s death, Gu Kaizhi was appointed as a palace attendant. Once, under the moon, he sang songs with

Chapter III Scroll Painting and Murals

another eminent scholar, Xie Zhan, from night to dawn. In that same year, he died at the imperial court at the age of 62. After the death of Gu Kai Zhi, discussions of his paintings and texts continued through the dynasties. From the Sui and Tang onward, Gu received more and more admiration and was ranked first in in China. His works documented in later catalogs are as many as over 100 pieces, but today the few extant paintings are believed to be faithful copies after his style. They are Admonitions of the Court Instructress to Palace Ladies (Nüshi zhen tu), The Nymph of the Luo River (Luoshen fu tu), and Wise and Benevolent Women (Lie nü ren zhi tu). The Nymph of the Luo River was first cataloged in Tang Hou’s Appreciation of Painting of Past and Present (Gu jin hua jian古今畫鑑) in the Yuan Dynasty. It was next seen in Mao Wei’s Table of Famous Painting in Nanyang (Nanyang ming hua biao南陽名畫表) and Wang Keyu’s Coral Detailed Outline (Shanhu gang珊瑚綱) in the Ming Dynasty. The painting had many copies made during the two Song dynasties, and each version showing a distinct style. There are four well-known extant copies preserved at the Palace Museum, Beijing, the Liaoning Provincial Museum, and the Freer Gallery of Art in the United States, respectively. The first copy was identified by Emperor Qianlong as Scroll no.1. Located in the Palace Museum, this handscroll has no colophon or passages of text accompanying the pictorial. The second copy is what Shiqu xubian (Continuation of Precious Collection of the Stone Moat Pavilion 石渠寳笈續編) claims to be a duplication made by a Song painter, and Emperor Qianlong identified it as the Scroll no. 2. This scroll contains passages of text quoted from the original poem. The third copy is at the Freer Gallery. The last copy, also housed at the Palace Museum, was probably made after the Southern Song; the painting style is somewhat crude, but it shows substantial composition. Of these copies, the painting style of the first copy at the Palace Museum is believed to be closest to

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that in the time of Gu Kaizhi. According to Precious Collection of the Stone Moat Pavilion (Shiqu bao ji石渠寳笈), Catalog on Paintings in the Xuanhe Collection (Xuanhe hua pu宣和畫譜) claimed it a genuine work. The arrangement of mountains, rocks, and trees in this scroll shares many similarities with landscapes rendered in the Northern Wei to Western Wei cave murals in Dunhuang. The artist employed an earthy, muted palette, which conforms to the color scheme of early murals in Dunhuang. Given the legendary account of Gu’s sparkling mural at Huifang Temple and compared to his words on colors and compositional designs in Record on Painting Cloud Terrace Mountain, »For the colors of sky and water, use only azurite, and keep the silk white above and below as if in bright sunlight,« »make five or six purple boulders like firm clouds,« and »paint red cliffs over mountain gorges,« this scroll exhibits many characteristics of painting in the Six Dynasties. Moreover, the painted female figures feature slim bodies and narrow waists, displaying the feminine charm appreciated in the Six Dynasties. Its painting method looks simple and classical, probably a characteristic in the art of the Wei-Jin periods. Thus, this copy can presumably represent some aspect of the painting style in the age of Gu Kaizhi (Fig. 4.3.1). There are two copies of Admonitions of the Court Instructress to Palace Ladies extant today. The scroll in better condition is currently at the British Museum in London. It contains nine episodes; two scenes are missing from it compared to the Song version presently at the Palace Museum in Beijing. In comparison with the original text, it should have more preceding episodes missing from its original form. The scroll bears connoisseur seals and continued to be cataloged after the Tang Dynasty and throughout succeeding periods. Hence, it represents one of the rare, early painting scrolls extant in China. Given a careful observation, its figures in the painting appear lofty and graceful. The brushwork is stabled and

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forceful, suggesting the use of the bone method. Compared to the less refined renderings over a few later restored fabrics, its original brushwork indeed bears as much of the spirit of the painting of Gu Kaizhi as discussed by many later art critics. Zhang Yanyuan said, »In the paintings of antiquity, forms were simple, and expression, while restrained, was yet elegant and refined, as exemplified by the works of Gu [Kaizhi] and Lu [Tanwei].« This corresponds to Tang Hou’s reading of Gu’s painting, »[It appears] bland and plain at the first glance, and the effect of likeness misses at times.« Hence, this handscroll gives us a sense of the painting style of Gu Kaizhi. It reflects the rise of a new painting style in the Wei-Jin Period where intricate and radiant representations gave way to simpler forms and subtler color washes. Not for an overwhelming effect, nor an unrolled spectacle, this scroll conveys plainness and nobility, elegance and integrity, as described by Tang Hou, »In a closer view, the Six Principles are fully attained [in it].« Mi Fu also commented, »The brush and color wash are vivid and lifelike; the beard and hair [of the figures], graceful and moist.« In short, this work represents an invaluable reference in the study of Six Dynasties painting scrolls.

2. The Greatest Line of a Thousand Years Represented by Gu Kaizhi, the Eastern Jin painters established an approach of »line depictions« in Chinese painting. For the first time, »brush-lines« was used as a basic formal element to the visual idiom. They discovered the correlation between delineation and representation and explored descriptive ways to articulate such connections. Meanwhile, considering the relationship between brush-lines and painting’s descriptive means, they set up two aesthetic principles pursued by Chinese painters: qi yun, or spirit resonance, and fenggu, or noble vitality. They also confirmed the foremost status of »brushwork« in Chinese painting, that did not change for thousands of years.

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4.3.1 The Nymph of the Luo River, attributed to Gu Kaizhi, Eastern Jin Dynasty, preserved at the Palace Museum, Beijing

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Nearly none of the later art historians would not emphasize the importance of »spirit resonance« in Chinese painting. However, the pursuit of »spirit resonance« derives from the expression of »noble vitality,« the latter a main concern in figure painting dominant in the Wei-Jin Period. Gu Kaizhi represented those artists who had resolved this problem creatively. He combined the request of likeness upon painting with contemporaries’ aesthetic interest in figure painting and transformed them into a painting approach that was based on the use of the brush. Brush techniques, therefore, developed into a distinctive system in Chinese painting. This also correlated with representing human forms in the Wei-Jin figure painting. Figures in Wise and Benevolent Women vary from one another markedly. Their heads, hands, arms, and legs are all represented from different angles. Even the seated ones are shown with raised hands and legs, and their eyes look aside, not in the least rigid. Their volumes are suggested almost via the depictions of their clothes. Pleats look intricately different. Generally, a moveable joint is where folds get congregated most. In Wise and Benevolent Women, rather than a faithful depiction of the joints with curved lines, the artist rendered identical, even, parallel lines and contours that comprised groups of threads. He then used the tip of brush to direct these contours to the joint. The arrangement of these linear congregations is highly organized and rational, suggesting a sense of oriented wholeness. In comparison, the depiction of joints in Admonitions of the Court Instructress to Palace Ladies is less confirmed, and the direction of contours is less explicit. The use of the brush looks even somewhat random; irrelevant brush lines appear occasionally. In Wise and Benevolent Women, however, there is almost no extraneous brush line; every stroke finds its position at a joint. In this light, the depiction of figures’ joints enhanced the standardization of brush techniques. This is also reflected in the ordinary works made by artisans in the Wei-Jin Period (Fig. 4.3.2).

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Gu Kaizhi had argued for the importance of using the »bone« approach in brush painting. He referred to the bone methods used in painting scrolls in his Essay on Painting and exalted works that displayed noble vitality. For example, he praised the painting of Biographies of Kings of the Zhou Dynasty, »Layered and comprehensive, and [its brushstroke] has the bone method.« For the likeness of Fuxi and Shennong, he said »having unusual bone structures yet combining beauty and goodness.« For the illustrated Biographies of Emperors of the Han Dynasties, he commented, »having heavenly bones but somewhat lacking refinement.« For Sun Wu, Gu said, »[its] bone method is exceptionally interesting.« He observed A Drunk Man and said, »in rendering the figure, the artist completed the bones before making attire.« As to Three Horses he praised: »The flesh and bones are heavily unusual.« The bone approach discussed here has three connotations: first, heavenly bones, which refer to the structure of face bones; second, body bones, as in »completing the bones before making attire,« and third, the technique of brushwork as »layered and comprehensive.« If face bones demonstrate a sitter’s appearance, body bones ensure proportional human figures and help convey their spiritual status like »drunkenness.« Then, the »layered and comprehensive« bone method refers to the principle of using lines and contours to illustrate force and motion. In this respect, Gu Kaizhi considered overlapping brushwork that delineated »bones« as the norm and made it the criterion for painting appreciation and criticism. Xie He’s later theory that »the bone method is about the use of a brush« also stemmed from this. If we pay further attention to the relation between »bones« and »vigor,« we realize that they represent two sides of a same issue: brush lines delineate the structure of bones, the direction of which invokes »vigor,« maintaining and stabilizing it at certain joints. »Bones« mobilize and enliven human figures with vigor, making them full of energy. In this

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Chapter III Scroll Painting and Murals

4.3.2 Wise and Benevolent Women (Song copy), attributed to Gu Kaizhi, Eastern Jin Dynasty, preserved at the Palace Museum, Beijing

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sense, a taste for »exactness« is not only about a pursuit of accurate form but fluid »bone vigor« and »spirit resonance.« Rather than marveling at a painter’s exquisite skills, it should be an acclaim for his noble, vibrant representations. In the Wei-Jin Period, a painting’s »idea« was generally interpreted within the paradigms of »bones« and »spirit.« Painters of the time had noticed the relation between the bone methods and brushwork, and Gu Kaizhi was the first artist who elaborated on this point. Zhang Yanyuan may not have realized the meaning of »having an idea that preceded the use of the brush and an idea that remained even as the use of the brush ended« until seeing Gu Kaizhi’s brushstrokes, which, in Zhang’s own words, »one could not see the ends« and they were »firm and tense and connecting uninterruptedly.« He further discovered from the brushwork of Zhang Sengyou and Wu Daozi that »bone vigor and likeness, while both stemmed from the idea formed by the painter, must finally rely on the use of the brush.« This marked genuine self-consciousness in the practice of painting, as »bone vigor« became a request; it was to be appreciated from every brush dot and stroke. A painted likeness became associated with a person’s capability, life span, wisdom or foolishness, virtue or evil, and up to one’s low or high social status, poverty or wealth, happiness or calamity, despair or hope, and other factors related to their »bone appearance.« The depiction of a figure’s character and spirit depended on the arrangement of line congregations, which in turn relied on the use of brush. Thus, the meaning of a painting derived from its own brushwork, and ink and brush themselves became a source of artistic interest. Not until painting became an expression of self-consciousness did people began to perceive it as an art form of high culture. Hence, the cultivation of art and painting on viewers became more refined and straightforward. This became the soul of later Chinese painting, and Gu Kaizhi indeed made an unforgettable contribution to it.

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3. Development in Composition One key point for scrolls becoming an independent painting form is that they altered the ancient compositional norm to fit into new social-cultural demands. Painting in ancient China was mostly present on the surface of objects, the walls of palatial quarters and tombs, and on flags, banners, and clothes. Pictures expressed certain ideas about culture, and their function ranged from commemorating events and embellishment to signifying concepts. As painting’s role in depicting and preserving form developed, new compositional means became a significant issue and an imperative for painting’s move from »roughness« to »refinement.« Represented by Gu Kaizhi, the Wei-Jin painters established a series of principles regarding composition on a plane surface that led the independent development of Chinese painting. Inherited from antiquity, early artists usually employed singular compositions for disparate motifs and subjects. Horizontally or vertically arranged, independent scenes were separated by inscriptions, negative space, landscape elements, or even parallel lines. The same motifs within a painting were executed in processions, and their status and function were implied by their large or small scales, and fine or perfunctory representations. During the Wei-Jin Period, a painting, as a playful object that could be both rolled and unrolled, usually adopted a horizontal orientation. With the emergence of intellectual painters, scrolls were usually divided up by inscribed literary passages in company of disparate thematic scenes. These passages written on painting scrolls gave birth to a specific literary genre called zan, or eulogies, and the organization of text and picture on scrolls also became unified. As Gu Kaizhi pointed out, the closeness or remoteness of figures was marked by their low or high placement in a composition. Here, Chinese painting does not raise any theory that corresponds

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to perspective principles used in the West. Generally, the sense of space within a composition derives from a subject’s empirical experience and sometimes requires one’s imagination and discernment. When a pictorial scene is shown before the eyes, it should generally fit to the one’s vision. The largeness or smallness of each painted form is either bound by their actual size in a real life or according to the painting’s subject and compositional scheme. Therefore, in Admonitions of the Court Instructress to Palace Ladies, guardians in the distance look bigger than the ones nearby; the black bear in the foreground appears smaller than Feng Yuan; and the figure sitting in the palanquin is larger than the carriers. An advantage of this compositional method is that it creates an interaction of all the represented figures. This makes configuration an indispensable step in painting, and each form within the plane becomes a complementary part. Gu Kaizhi stated in Excellent Methods for Making Copies, »Men may be tall or short. Now having established at which one may observe them as opposites, then one may not change their distance from oneself and so mistakenly place them too high or too low.« Here, figures’ being tall or short does not refer to their actual height but their adjusted scales and distance »proportioned by feet and inches« within a composition. In short, human figures being placed low or high in a composition suggests their closeness or distantness within a two-dimensional representation. Although the above compositional method stemmed from Han-period pictures or even older art norms, it made a qualitative change by the Wei-Jin Period. A surface in Han paintings was used for spreading out, to create lively characters, and to forge enthralling circumstances. Paintings were made to educate and convince audiences of Confucian ideals concerning social order. To look at Han paintings resembles reading a book. The representations of space were not quite an important issue; on the contrary, overlapping figures and their various sizes regardless of their

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depths undermined the clarity and readability of a painting, counteracting forms and their occupied space, and hindering a full, vivid display of movements. Moreover, a figure’s high or low position within a Han painting alludes to their distinct social ranking and their major or minor role in a certain context. Based on his practice of painting, Gu Kaizhi raised a new theory called wudui, or »attaining awareness by observation.« This creates not only a spatial relationship for each represented figure but a correlation in between. As a result, the same spreading-out gains a sense of time-space that was once absent in Han paintings, and individuals all manifest their spirit and demeanor within this illusion. On the theory of chuanshen, or »conveying the spirit,« a figure’s closeness or remoteness in a painting is not merely a representation of space but a pictorial expression of one’s intangible, ethereal spirit and breath. It denotes an expansion of one’s mind, analogous to »remoteness« expressed in shen gao yi yuan, or »lofty spirits and remoted ideas,« and hua tianshi shou xing er shenqi yuan, or »to paint the Heavenly Master emaciated in form and faraway in spirit.« When dispersed forms became a connected unity, the painting plane would no longer be spread-out but a fascinating space for viewers to travel in their minds. As the theory of wudui in response to the request of chuanshen, the distance between figures, the treatment of their pose, expression, and spirit began to challenge the original compositional principles. Gu Kaizhi discussed in Excellent Methods for Making Copies the importance of contrasting terms used in painting like »long« and »short,« »dark« and »light«, »broad« and »narrow,« »up« and »down,« »nearby« and »faraway,« and »large« and »small.« Addressing the skills needed for making copies, Gu’s words also stressed the side of compositional strategy. Represented forms were previously divided up by negative space; now they interplayed one another within an organization including negative space. Not only was a sense of

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space created through their high and low placements, but also the figures’ individual spirits were manifested. This method of using high or low positions to suggest closeness and remoteness distinguishes Chinese painting from Western painting; the former adopts a compositional space, while the latter, an object-image space. A compositional space is not bound by observations from a fixed vantage point nor for faithful representations. In Western theories of perspective, each represented form is a coordinate point following the principle of seeing, large in closeness and smaller in depth. Its placement, size, and clarity are ruled by perspectives, which artists could not change. Representations became means to demonstrate perspectives. In Chinese painting, the placements of forms are subordinary to a compositional need, a painter’s creative intention, and his descriptive means as long as their positions conform to normal visual experience. This method maximizes a painter’s creativity and gives priority to artistic pursuit rather than a real reference. Thus, a person’s initiative in the aesthetic activities of painting is well perceived. Thanks to Gu Kaizhi’s creative development and profound contemplation of painting, Chinese painting took a great leap in theory and technique. These formal elements and compositional ideas enabled painting to grow into an independent art form that exemplified the culture of intellectuals. It is appropriate that later people honor Gu Kaizhi the first of the »Four Patriarchs of Painters« in China.

Section 3  Painting from the Eastern Jin to the Northern and Southern Dynasties 1. The Emergence of Landscape Painting After the Western Jin, painting developed massively. Following the southern relocation of the

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Jin imperial house and the thriving of Buddhism, the transmission and popularity of Buddhist pictures also exerted a great impact on Chinese painting. The number of painters increased, and painting genres and styles also became classified. Landscape painting arose into an independent genre. From the (Eastern) Jin to the Song dynasties marked the formal emergence of painting themed on natural sceneries. For example, Dai Kui painted Creeks, Mountains, and Dwelling Towns in Wuzhong (Wuzhong xi shan yi ju tu); Dai Bo had Famous Mountains of the Nine Regions (Jiu zhou ming shan tu) and Water and Moon in Clouds and Wind (Feng yun shui yue tu); Zong Bing rendered City Buildings from the Yongjia Era (Yongjia yi wu tu), and Gu Jingxiu had Trees Mix with Bamboos and Fragrances (Shu xiang za zhu huai xiang hua). The handed-down scrolls of Admonitions of the Court Instructress to Palace Ladies and The Nymph of the Luo River each have one section that is purely comprised of landscape scenes. Through the depictions of trees in contemporary paintings, it can be speculated that rich pictorial expressions on landscape motifs had been established (Fig. 4.3.3). Moreover, artists excelled in painting landscape also emerged in this time, such as Zong Bing and Dai Kui. In his Notes on Exposition of Painting (Shu hua ji 述畫記), Sun Changzhi commented, »Dai Bo is superior to Gu [Kaizhi] in landscape painting.« Meanwhile, theories on drawing landscape also appeared. Those still surviving today include Zong Bing’s Introduction to the Painting of Landscape (Hua shanshui xu 畫山水序) and Wang Wei’s Discussing Painting (Xu hua 叙畫). Categories on Mountains, Water, Pines, and Rocks (Shan shui song shi ge 山水松石格), an apocryphal text attributed to Emperor Yuan of Liang, contains words recalling painting rhymes of the Six Dynasties. These clues suggest that landscape painting became an independent genre probably around the end of the Jin and the beginning of the Song, but not until the late Northern and Southern Dy-

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4.3.3  Detail of The Nymph of the Luo River, attributed to Gu Kaizhi, Eastern Jin Dynasty, preserved at the Palace Museum, Beijing

nasties and up to the Sui and Tang did landscape painting gain complete development. Landscape became a valued theme can be attributed to many cultural factors. The ancient Chinese classics persuaded gentlemen to love mountains and water, and outings and enjoying natural scenery became a fashion of the upper class. Daoist immortal mountains, jade towers, and reclusive locales like the Peach Blossom Spring, poets’ sensational verses on nature, literati’s banquets at gardens, the legend of the »Prime Minister in the Mountains,« and otherworldly celebrities who enjoyed themselves among rivers and lakes— all of the

above endowed a cultural commitment to landscape painting. However, on the history of painting, we should be more concerned with the significance of landscape being chosen by artists as their imperative vocabulary. In fact, natural scenery rendered in Han pictures has been discovered in more than one place, but it was not until the WeiJin Period that landscape motifs became standard and enabled artists to »enhance the beauty of the Dao with forms.« To acknowledge this painting principle marks progress. When painters played a relatively passive role in painting, the mobility of pictorial themes made up for the limited visuality

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of a painting. That is why many early paintings depicted spectral topics. As painters gained more self-consciousness, pictures themed on human images received more attention. Also, after seizing their formal characteristics, a painter could select objective themes. Hence, uniform subjects would not prevent painters from expressing individual ideas anymore, and landscape as an independent painting genre became possible. Due to the above reasons, Chinese painting continued to expand its thematic scope from the Wei-Jin Period onward. Because of such a perception, landscape became the target that painters conveyed spirit through form with a brush. Gu Kaizhi, in Introduction to Tiger Hill (Huqiu shan xu 虎丘山序), wrote, »Tiger Hill contains truth and preserves antiquity. [It] displays the great void and heavenly remoteness. Hiding unevenness mounds, it looks no different from ordinary mountains, yet its rocks are superior to the peak of Mount Hua.« In Ode of Watching Tides (Guantao fu觀濤賦),he wrote, »Water tides are lofty and massive, spectacular and profound. Having no constant form yet partaking of the divine, a tide is faithful as it arrives at predicted times. Its forcefulness tempers justice, and its gentle nature entails harmony and smoothness.« Through these descriptions, we see that artists in the Wei-Jin Period had correlated landscape painting with partaking of the Dao. Novel expressive forms other than »spread fingers with outstretched arms,« »human beings larger than mountains,« and »water not supporting [what is] floating [on it],« would appear. To delineate mountains, one needed to consider the effect of xuanyuan, or »subtlety and remoteness,« and strengthen the interplay between »the accessible« and »the void of form,« so they would appear distinct from ordinary mountains. In some Wei-Jin murals and The Nymph of the Luo River, the painters usually differentiated the placements of mountains and pushed the scenes in depth. In the section of »Dao wu long er bu shang« (literally, »In Nature there is Nothing that is Exalted

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which is Not Soon Brought Low«), however, there are no overlapping mountains at all. The painter uses curves and textured peaks to accentuate the soaring sun and moon; he suggests the mountains in depth by adding boulders, creeks, springs, and animals (Fig.  4.3.4). Creating a sense of proximity and remoteness within the mountains, this expresses an equivalent mood of »subtlety and remoteness.« A similar treatment is also found in the landscape mural at Dunhuang Cave no. 285. When the two approaches fused into one another, a more sophisticated expressive mode came into being, such as that in Zhan Ziqian’s painting, Enjoying Spring (You chun tu). Mature depictions of water also came into being. Water was represented by vibrant »line groups« to reflect nuanced feelings in different circumstances. Being vigorous, disordered, powerful, gentle, fierce, delicate, submissive, and harmonious, water has many »characters« that can be transformed into the subtle use of a brush. Water was painted to express sensations and partake of the Dao. From the detail of The Nymph of the Luo River, one perceives without difficulty that water participates in the setting to create a certain mood, being solemn or fluttering, tranquil or screaming. The torrents beneath the feet of the nymph in the episode of »seeing a beauty by the riverbank,« the rippled water echoing her dance in a breeze in »playing in the clean water or hovering over wonderous islands,« the swirling eddies in »uttering gently with open red lips,« and the turbulent tides in »departing with a singing jade phoenix«—every detail is conveyed through the delineations of water. Mountains and water used as painting elements achieved at a new level, and imperatively, they were to become an individual painting language. A must for the independence of landscape painting, this led to an inevitable outcome of self-consciousness in painting as well.

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4.3.4 Detail of Admonitions of the Court Instructress to Palace Ladies, attributed to Gu Kaizhi, Eastern Jin Dynasty, ­preserved at the British Museum, London, United Kingdom

2. Lu Tanwei and Zhang Sengyou Moving past Gu Kaizhi, Lu Tanwei and Zhang Sengyou represent the most eminent painters in the Eastern Jin and the Northern and Southern dynasties. They inherited the accomplishments of Gu Kaizhi and made their distinctive personal explorations in the next step of Chinese painting. Lu Tanwei was exalted in China’s first commentary on painting, Classified Record of Ancient Painters, by Xie He of the Southern Dynasty, as a painter »perfect in all the Six Principles.« The influence of Zhang Sengyou was even more significant. His story of »bringing life to dragons by dotting eye pupils« became one of the few, far-reaching idioms related to painting well-received in later Chinese culture. Very little is known about the life of Lu Tanwei, yet he was already a celebrated painter in his time.

It is said that he excelled at all painting genres, with a specialty in depicting human figures, deities, beasts and fowls, and everyday scenes. Xie He graded him no.  1 in first-class artists in his Classified Record of Ancient Painters, and extolled him as one who »fathomed the principles [of nature] and exhausted the nature of [man]. The matter is beyond the power of words to describe. [He] embraced what was before him, and gave birth to what succeeded him, and from ancient times up to present he stands alone.« Lu’s works spread extensively during his time, but up to the Tang Dynasty, the number of scrolls under his name were fewer than 100. Only one scroll, Bodhisattva Manjusri (Wenshu tu), survived to the Song dynasties, and there was no more record of him after the Yuan Dynasty. From the Southern dynasties to the Tang, art critics who had seen his works unani-

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mously praised his figure paintings as »extraordinarily marvelous« and »intimidating viewers as if [they were] facing the divine for real.« Based on fragmented accounts, his use of the brush was forceful, fine and sharp, yet lush and charming, »muscular and sharp, like an awl or a knife.« To simulate Wang Xianzhi’s »one stroke calligraphy,« Lu once made a »one stroke painting,« exhibiting his exceptional brushwork. Although his style belonged to a dense and delicate tradition, his representations did not lose vivacity. Lu did not leave any discourse on painting, despite his fame. Of the over 70 paintings by Lu Tanwei in Record of Famous Painters of All the Dynasties, besides Beating Clothes (Daoyi tu), Lady Cai Floating in a Boat (Cai ji dang zhou tu) Illustrating the Ode of New Terrace (Shi xintai tu), Fighting Ducks (Dou ya tu) and Illustrating a Prose-Poem on Dreams (Xu meng tu), most of the other scrolls were likenesses of paragons of the past and present. Around 10 scrolls were likenesses of paragons from antiquity. This indicates not only contemporaries’ attention to »true depictions,« but Lu’s prestigious image and status. Although he served Emperor Ming of Song, his contemporaries considered him a painter of likeness. He was exceptionally skilled in delineating facial and physical characteristics. Zhang Sengyou was an eminent painter active between the Qi and Liang dynasties. Without a detailed account, we only know that he was a native of Wuzhong (present-day Wu County, Jiangsu Province). In the Tianjian era of the Liang Dynasty, he was Vice-President of the Grand Secretariat of the Kingdom of Wuling and charged with matters concerning painting in the Secret Pavilion. He then successively held the posts of General of the Army of the Right and Prefect of Wuxing. Between 547 CE and 549 CE, he took the order of Emperor Wu of Liang to the Shu Kingdom to make a likeness for the crown prince there. It is obvious that he started his official career with outstanding painting skills. He was a professional painter who gained for himself an esteemed social status.

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According to Court and Private Painters in the Zhenguang Reign, about a dozen scroll paintings by Zhang Sengyou were still extant during the Tang Dynasty, including Emperor Wu of Han Shooting Dragons, The King of Wu Attacking Tigers, Courtiers of the Liang Palace Shooting Pheasants, Sheep, Craws and Jumping Horses, Two Dragons of Kunming Lake, Water Monsters of the Qingxi Palace, Fighting Dragons of the Heng Spring, Heavenly Kings Proceeding the Path, An Intoxicated Buddhist Monk, the images Vimalakirti, Manava, and Dipamkara Buddha, the likeness Emperor Wu of Liang, and the painting Miscellaneous Men, Horses, and Weapons. These works covered a broad scope of subjects; however, by the reign of Emperor Huizong of Song and in Catalog on Paintings in the Xuanhe Collection, the 16 scrolls under his name were all about images of divinity, such as the Buddha, bodhisattvas, Heavenly Kings, and stars, that were collected from Buddhist monasteries. It seems that apart from a few likenesses and narrative scrolls serving the inner court and high officials, his main surviving works were Buddhist images or painting templates valued by artisans. Reportedly he made murals at about 23 Buddhist monasteries, the subjects of which were quite diverse—including divine spirits, Indra, Vairocana Buddha, Confucius with disciples, bodhisattvas, dragons, hawks, chickens, flowers, and plants. The assorted records suggest that he received more admiration from later generations, exalting him, »not only perfect in the Six Principles but also marvelous in the all ten thousand categories,« and as »a Sage sent down by heaven for later generations.« A popular saying in the Tang Dynasty was, »The painting of Daozi and the sculpture of Huizhi transmitted the spirit of Sengyou’s brushwork.« In the eyes of the Tang people, the Sage of Painters, Wu Daozi, and the Sage of Sculptors, Yang Huizhi, learned their skills from Zhang Sengyou. Hence, Zhang played an underlying impact on the formation of the art style of the Tang Dynasty.

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An important contribution made by Zhang Sengyou was that he smartly employed and adapted foreign Buddhist iconography and painting techniques. He was an extremely diligent painter. Yao Zui said, »as the day turned into night, he never wearied or grew tired, and no matter whether in the company of others or by himself his hands never released the brush.« Inheriting formulas of for the transmission of spirit, the use of the brush, and compositional means from preceding masters, he had distinctive perceptions with a superb skill for figure likeness. Emperor Wu of Liang dispatched him to make portraits for princes outside the court. The emperor felt like they were present upon viewing Zhang’s renderings, and his longing for his sons was relieved. Zhang did not abide by convention and dared to explore new methods. Once, he made a mural at Yisheng Temple in Nanjing using a concave-and-convex approach from ancient India. »Eyes were dazzled by optical distortions when seeing [the mural] from afar, yet it looked normal when closer up.« Creating a fantastic visual effect, his mural amazed aristocrats and devotional men and women alike, catering to contemporaries’ interest in novelty and wonders. He also cared about the use of brush, compositional tradition, and indigenous customs. He made »dots, dragstrokes, hack-strokes, and sweeping-strokes, in accordance with Lady Wei’s Battle Array of the Brush—every dot and every stroke an art in itself.« He painted a likeness of Confucius side by side with a Buddha image at Tianhuang Temple, inviting the Chinese sage to the sacred land of Buddhism. His works had a novel and eccentric look, with rare skillfulness. He also made some cultural accommodations in painting, considering viewers’ desires to see new and intricate things, but not grotesque phantoms. There are many intriguing tales left in history concerned with the creative activities of Zhang Sengyou. Some of them became idioms in Chinese, and influenced the culture significantly. Of

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these tales, the most famous are »Paint the dragons, dot the eyes« (Hua long dian jing) and »Break the wall and fly away« (Po bi er fei).« Recorded in Zhang Yanyuan’s Famous Painters of All the Dynasties: Emperor Wu [of Liang] revered and [commissioned] to embellish Buddhist temples. He ordered Sengyou to paint most of them […] [He rendered] four dragons without pupils at Anle Temple in Jinling, and, as he always said, »[Dragons would] fly away if dotted.« People thought what he said was nonsense and persistently begged him to add pupils. Immediately, thunder and lightning penetrated the walls. Two dragons mounting clouds soared up to sky, while the other two without eyes stayed to be seen. At first, Cao Buxing of the Wu Kingdom painted Dragons of Qingxi. Sengyou saw his work and despised it. He composed a larger version [of the painting] at Emperor Wu’s Longquan Pavilion and kept his sketch at the Secret Pavilion. It was not prized at that time [as it should have been]. In the Taiqing era, an earthquake occurred at Longquan Pavilion and destroyed the painted wall. People realized its divine marvels afterward.

What these stories about Zhang Sengyou reinforce is that his representations came to life, partaking in characteristics of volume, spirit, feeling, movement, and capability. The value of painting did not rely on the utilitarian value of their subjects anymore (this accounts for the origin of the utilitarian value of painting) but their vitality expressing the ideal of eternal life. From painting dragons to praying for rain, to painted dragons breaking through walls and flying away, this shift reflects a changed perception of painting, the outcome of an advanced understanding of Chinse painting theories and practice from the Wei-Jin Period onward, a phenomenon of painting’s self-consciousness, and new insights being widely accepted. Compared to Gu Kaizhi, Lu Tanwei and Zhang Sengyou shared some similarities and simultaneously had their own distinct features. First, they differed from Gu Kaizhi in education and cultural orientation. Gu Kaizhi had more comprehensive cultural accomplishments, and he stressed the impact of reshaping the culture on

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painting. Moreover, he cared about discovering and summarizing painting principles and theories relevant to cultural matters. Lu and Zhang, however, were the most skillful painting masters. They were more concerned with exploring painting techniques and methods, broadening painting’s subjects, enhancing and perfecting skills, and catering to patrons’ requests. On the other hand, they inherited and developed Gu’s legacy of the use of the brush and the transmission of the spirit. Lu Tanwei advocated fine and meticulous brushstrokes, and cared about the expression of the »bone method« and figures’ postures and noble manner, producing an effect for his sitters that »one looks at them as if in their presence.« Zhang Sengyou’s brushwork featured a cheerful and sparse quality that created »negative spaces between dots and strokes and sometimes one sees breaks and omissions [in the line].« He also cared about expanding painting’s subjects and creating characters. Paying attention to relevance between the use of brush and formal representation, his brushstrokes »bristled like formidable hooked halberds and sharp swords« and produced an effect that »the strokes might be incomplete, yet the form was already responsive.« The art historian of the Tang Dynasty, Zhang Huaijin, made a pertinent comment on their achievements in figure painting: »Zhang had freshness, Lu had bones, Gu had spirit. For unparalleled subtlety of the spirit, [I consider] Gu to be the uttermost.«

Section 4  The Development of Mural Painting 1. A Rich Heritage The Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties constitute an important era in which Chinese murals went through significant transformations in terms of subject and style. This change occurred, on the one hand, due to socio-political chaos and

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altered living conditions and social norms. On the other hand, the introduction of Buddhism served as a direct catalyst. Moreover, the improvement of mural forms and the enhanced expressive means accounted for another important reason. Buddhism was transmitted to the Kingdoms of Khotan and Kashgar in western Xinjiang (present-day Hetian, Yutian, Kashi, and the surrounding areas of Xinjiang) after the first century CE. It then spread eastward to the kingdoms of Kucha (present-day Kuche and the surrounding area), Karashar (present-day Yanqi and the surrounding area), and Qoco Uygur (present-day Turfan, Shanshan, and the surrounding area). It continued to travel eastward via Dunhuang and reached the vast regions of central China after the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties. The import and thriving of Buddhism significantly converted people’s faiths, from the Western Regions to China proper. Moreover, Buddhist image-making reached a zenith in the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties, as they added new content to Chinese art. The popularity of temple-grotto murals boosted the production of wall paintings and yielded a great amount of mural remains for later generations. Bringing novel patterns to the existing iconography of wall painting after ancient China, they inspired new mural creation. Despite the age, many murals dated to the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties survive today due to the care of succeeding dynasties, their isolated locales, or being in astate of enclosure. Among their remains, besides a few Shanshan-period mural fragments (painted around 300 CE) found at monastic ruins in Milan, Ruoqiang County, Xinjiang, in the early 20th century, the rest are tomb and cave paintings. The Shanshan murals at the ruins of Milan monastery, representing an early example of Buddhist wall paintings in China. The main subjects include winged heavenly beings, the story of Prince Vessantara, Shakyamuni and his disciples, princes, male and female youths, and figures with bands

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4.3.5  Hunting scene, mural at a ­Goguryeo tomb in Ji’an, Jilin

of garlands. These murals were depicted in brilliant colors. Figuration and pictorial design suggest a strong influence from Gandharan art. The illustration of the story of Prince Vessantara particularly features continuing narrative scenes. Pictorial details like human figures, chariots, elephants, horses, and woods are vividly depicted, and the wreaths display a novel design. The figures show nuanced facial expressions, although they are represented in a same style, reflecting the painter’s fine skills and the transmission of Buddhist art at an initial stage. Tomb murals served as a main decorative means for underground funerary construction. Han tomb art was well developed, and wall paintings were accompanied by stone carvings and lacquer works. The Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties inherited these art expressions, but they also abandoned some old categories and developed new modes in accordance with the trends of the times, displaying distinctive appearances. Funerary painting in this time period was elab-

orately organized in general. Certain motifs and their configurations appear at different sections of a grave, such as the coffin and casket, the tomb chamber, the tomb tunnel, the burial pit, and the tomb ceilings, suggesting an overall iconographic plan. Tomb paintings also varied in different regions and time phases. The distinction between the Northern and Southern areas in the Northern and Southern Dynasties was markedly apparent (Fig. 4.3.5). Discovered tombs with paintings dated to the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties suggest an unbalanced distribution across the country at different times. In the Wei, Jin, and the Sixteen Kingdoms periods, due to ceaseless warfare and turmoil in the Central Plains, large numbers of the population moved to North China. Thus, tomb paintings found in this era were almost all located in the burials of these regions. In the northeast, representative mural tombs include the tomb of the Magistrate of Liaoyang, Zhang Jun, of the Wei Kingdom, the burials at the 2nd and 4th yards

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of Yaoye, and the tomb at Shangwangcun. Their main pictorial subjects range from scenes of house banquets, performances of music, dance, and acrobatics, ox-cart processions, buildings and towers, guardians, and kitchen scenes. The Eastern-Jin painted stone tomb at Yuantaizi, Liaoyang, is well preserved, and its murals feature rich thematic representations, such as the sun, moon, and stars, Guardians of the Four Cardinal Directions, officials serving at the gate, a deceased couple in presence of a house banquet, kitchen scenes, rituals of food offering and ancestor worship, hunting scenes, ox plowing fields, and oxcart processions. Mural fragments extant in the tomb of the Northern Yan aristocrat Feng Sufu and wife at Xiguanyingzi, Beipiao, display the sun, moon, and stars, the likeness of the deceased couple, court ladies, home activities, outing and processions, buildings, and black dogs. In addition, Eastern Jin tombs have also been discovered at Dapingfang, Chaoyang, where mural fragments show images of court ladies. In northwest China, mural tombs dated to the Wei, Jin, and the Sixteen Kingdoms periods are primarily in Jiuquan, Jiayuguan Pass, and Dunhuang in Gansu, Astana, and Harahezhuo in the Turfan Basin, Xinjiang. The Wei-Jin cemeteries at Xincheng, Jiayuguan Pass, and the contemporary tombs at Xiaheqing, Jiuquan, for example, are all made of brick. Usually, each brick tile bears a miniature scene. Tombs occasionally house small murals. The frequent subjects include cooking and banquet scenes, ox-cart processions, breeding and hunting scenes, field plowing, performances of music, castles and resident buildings. Those belonging to the Eastern Jin and Sixteen Kingdoms periods are the tomb of Zhai Zongying at Foyemiao, Dunhuang, M5 at Dingjiazha in Jiuquan, and the Eastern Jin mural tomb at Houhaizi in Zhaotong, Yunnan. The tomb of Zhai Zongying features small scenes on brick tiles that depict gate keepers holding a broom, scenes of arrow shooting, and blue dragons. Large murals

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appeared in M5 at Dingjiazha covering up the entire interior walls, the content of which is extremely rich. There are King Father of the East, King Mother of the West with dragons, divine beasts, auspicious birds, feathered beings, the tomb master present at a house banquet, ox-cart processions, cooking in the kitchen, fortified castles, cultivating and breeding, and the Guardians of the Four Cardinal Directions. The wall painting at Dingjiazha M5 possesses a significant place in tomb murals in the northwestern region. In the tomb chamber of the Eastern Jin grave at Houhaizi in Zhaotong, the likeness of the tomb master is shown on the north wall; ceremonial parades, horse precessions, and non-Han ethnic groups are represented on the east and west walls; and, above, Guardians of the Four Cardinal Directions and skylarks are rendered on the ceiling. Moreover, four tombs found at Astana Cemetery in Turfan belong to the Eastern Jin and the Sixteen Kingdoms periods. In Halahezhuo, tombs no. 94 to no.  98 contain murals dated to the Northern Liang Period. Painted in underground earthen tombs, the primary themes of the murals are couples of tomb masters sitting side by side against a domestic setting, cooking in kitchens, livestock herding, fruit trees, ox carts, and village resorts. Mural tombs in the Northern and Southern Dynasties have mainly been unearthed in Henan, Hebei, Shandong, Shanxi, Shaanxi, and Ningxia. According to the different natural circumstances, from west to east, earthen tombs gradually gave way to those made of brick and stone. Moreover, from this era onward, artisans began to maximize the use of the space of tomb passageways to make murals with significant themes. This is quite meaningful in the development of mural art. Representative mural tombs dated to the Northern Wei, Eastern Wei, and Western Wei periods are the tomb of Prince Jiangyang, Yuan Yi, in Luoyang, Henan, the tomb of Hou Yi at Houjiagou in Xianyang, Shaanxi, the tomb of the Prince of Zhao County, Lady Yaozhao, in Cixian, Hebei, the tomb of Gao

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Changming in Jingxian, and the tomb of Princess Ruru at Dazhongying in Cixian. Of them all, the domed ceiling in the tomb of Yuan Yi represents a diagram of constellations surrounded by the gods of thunder and rain, and the Guardians of the Four Directions. The burial of Princess Ruru features a grand structure, and the mural preserved inside is up to 150 m2, ranking the largest among all the excavated Eastern Wei mural tombs. The ground of the tomb passageway is covered with floral patterns resembling those on a carpet. Its sloping sidewalls are led by a blue dragon and a white tiger, respectively, each followed by a row of ceremonial guards in the middle section. The upper layer of the rear sections shows the images of a ritual exorcist in Chinese myth, a feathered man, and a phoenix. The gateway leading to the main tomb chamber is covered by a scarlet bird and another image of the exorcist. On the sidewalls of the tomb corridor show guardians, officials holding ritual scepters, and riders holding horsewhips. Scenes on the interior walls of the main chamber depict the domestic daily life of Princess Ruru. The chamber’s domed ceiling originally displayed a scene of celestial entities, but only a few surrounding fragments survive, such as Guardians of the Four Directions and scenes of mountains and trees. These two tombs exemplify the main painting themes and artistic achievements of tomb murals of the time period. Mural tombs of the Northern Qi Dynasty have mainly been found in Cixian, Hebei, the surrounding area of Taiyuan, Shanxi, Jinan and Linqu in Shangdong, such as the tomb of the Prince Fengyi, Gao Run, in Cixian, and the tomb of the Prince Dong’an, Lou Rui, at Wangguocun in Taiyuan. Both tombs were aristocratic burials associated with the Northern Qi imperial house. Murals found in the tomb of Gao Run include celestial entities, flowing clouds, the likeness of the tomb masters with guardians, and ox-cart processions. In the tomb of Lou Rui, murals are painted on the sloping walls of the tomb passageway, the

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ventilation wells, the tomb corridor, and the ceiling and the four sidewalls of the tomb chamber. Showing extremely rich contents, there are grand ceremonial parades, processions of outing and returning, mythical beasts, clouds and mists, Mani pearls, gate keepers, stars, Guardians of the Four Directions, feathered men and immortal dragon riders, the likeness of the tomb masters, guardians, and ox-carriage processions. Moreover, mural tombs of middle- and low-class officials have also been excavated, such as the tomb of Cui Fen at Haifushan in Linqu, the tomb of Daogui at Majiazhuang, and the Northern Qi mural tomb at Dongbali, Jinan, Shandong; the tomb of Kudihuiluo at Jiaojiazhuang in Shouyang, Shanxi; the tomb of Yao Jun and M56 Northern Qi mural tomb at Jiangwucheng, Cixian, Hebei. They all have murals painted on the gateways, corridors, and the interior walls of the tomb chambers. Murals preserved in the tombs of Cui Fen and Dao Gui are almost in a complete state. The former shows scenes of gate guardians with shields, stars, the sun, moon, and Guardians of the Four Directions, the likeness of the tomb master couple, servants, maids, screens of figures with trees and rocks; the latter displays the sun, moon, stars with swirling clouds, the likeness of the seated tomb master, subordinary magistrates, screens with swirling cloud patterns, horse-driven chariots and attendants, and gate guardians holding swords. The Northern Qi mural tomb at Baliwa in Jinan also represents painted screens, suggesting the motif of painted screens a regional feature. Representative Northern Zhou mural burials include the tomb of Li Xian at Shengoucun in Guyuan, Ningxia, and the tomb of Du Huan in Xianyang, Shaanxi. In the tomb of Li Xian, a spectacular tower is painted over the end of the tomb corridor leading to the main chamber. The sidewalls along the passageway and between the tunnels and ventilation wells show ten ceremonial guards on each, and the four walls inside of the tomb chamber were covered with female at-

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tendants and music entertainers. Murals of male and female attendants also appear in the tomb of Du Huan. Mural tombs dated to the Southern dynasties are rare. So far, the only known example is a colored brick tile tomb at Xuezhuang in Dengxian County, Henan, which show the images of taotie, or an archaic monster-mask motif, flying immortals, and gate guardians holding a cane. Goguryeo at its peak was an independent ethnic state coexisting with China’s Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties. Approximately 40 Goguryeo mural tombs have been discovered around the area of its capital from the early and middle Goguryeo periods in present-day Ji’an, Jilin; thus, these tomb murals serve as important comparative cultural materials for the study of tomb murals in the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties. According to the transformation of tomb types and mural subjects, these graves can be classified into the early, middle, and late time periods. Representative tombs in the early period include the Wanbaoting (Manbojeong) Tomb no. 1,368, the »Dancing Scene Tomb« (Muyongchong), and the »Korean Wrestling Scene Tomb« (Gakjeochong). They all feature underground stone chambers covered by an earthen tumulus. The main subjects of the murals are the sun, moon, and constellations, mythic and auspicious creatures, flying immortals, patterns of lotus flowers, banquet scenes of the tomb master and their wives, performances of music and dance, wrestling scenes, ox-carriage processions, hunting scenes, and woods. Tombs in the middle period are represented by the Tonggou (Tonggu) Tomb no. 12, Maxiangou (Maseongu) Tomb no. 1, and the Changchuan (Jangcheon) tombs no. 1 and no. 3. Besides the scenes of the processions of the tomb masters, house banquets, performances of music and dance, there are also depictions of battles, guardians, and the worship of the Buddha. Representative tombs in the late period include the »Deities in the Four Directions Tomb« and the Wukuifen (Ohoebun) tombs no. 4 and no. 5. The

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main painting themes are buddhist devas, the Guardians of the Four Directions, the sun god and the moon goddess, heavenly musicians, and various decorative patterns. Following the high development of lacquered coffin painting in the Warring States, Qin, and Han periods, this type of art continued to thrive entering the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties. In the company of tomb murals, paintings on coffins constituted an integral expressive means that complemented a tomb’s overall pictorial program. Usually rendered in a rectangular layout, the representations on the surface of tomb coffins and caskets delivered special content. The lacquered coffin paintings at the tomb of Feng Sufu in Beipiao, Liaoning, and the Northern Wei tomb in Guyuan, Ningxia, are representative works of this time period. They continued the tradition of lacquer painting since the Warring States, Qin, and Han dynasties (Fig. 4.3.6). Colored pictures on wooden boards account for »luxurious objects« in tomb embellishments. For example, the painting on the wooden screen at the tomb of Sima Jinlong, who was buried in the 8th year of the Taihe reign of the Northern Wei (484 CE), illustrate contents deriving from the Biography of Wise and Benevolent Women (Lie nu zhuan 烈女傳) in juxtaposed groups. Imitating the format of murals, they functioned like a movable wall painting. Moreover, lacquered colors yield distinctive visual effect. The large polychrome lacquer painting above the gateway of the tomb of Lou Rui looks even more glorious and radiant (Fig. 4.3.7). Different from polychrome painting, the techniques of printing and carving were applied to make engravings, brick tile imprints, and bas-reliefs on the walls of tomb chambers, gateways, and the surface of funerary sarcophagi. Deriving from portrait stones of the Han Dynasty, engravings in the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties combined long and slim carved lines with the cutting-ground technique and represented vivid,

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4.3.6 Painting of filial sons, color and lacquer on coffin board, preserved at the Guyuan County Museum, Guyuan, Ningxia

lifelike images. The most representative work of this time period is a Northern Wei engraved sarcophagus. Excellent renderings prior to this work are represented by a bas-relief of figures holding a plate, carved on the gateway of a tomb buried in the 10th year of the Taishi reign of the Western Jin Dynasty (274 CE) at Yangzi Hill, Chengdu. The Northern Wei area centering on Luoyang continued the tradition of »burying sumptuously« since the Han dynasties. Aristocrats vied with each other to use luxuriously engraved stone sarcophagus in their tombs. To date, about a dozen of engraved stone sarcophagus, couches, and screens have been uncovered, such as the stone chamber of Ning Mao preserved at the Boston Museum of Fine Art, the stone coffin with the engraving of filial sons, the stone coffins of Yuan Rong, Yuan

Wen, Wang Yue, the stone coffin with the motifs of ascending to immortality, and the stone coffin of Yuan Mi, housed at the Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art in Kansas City, USA. These engravings show subjects in terms of the likeness of the tomb masters and their wives, processions with horses and carriages, illustrated stories of filial piety, warriors, scenes of ascendence to immortality, and assorted decorative patterns. Besides those, the engraving on the stone couch at the tomb of Xi Xiang in the Qinyang County, Henan, represents a typical work of the late Northern dynasties. Engravings extant on tomb walls are represented by the stone-chamber tomb dated to the 4th year of the Wuping reign of the Northern Qi (573 CE). Surviving in eight plates, these stone engravings show strong pictorial features. There are also many tomb epitaphs unearthed from the North-

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peacocks, children holding lotus flowers, and tiger-head footings. While stone engravings were predominant in North China, stamped brick paintings were popular in the southern areas. Deriving from the Han portrait brick tiles, stamped brick paintings were either made of molded brick tiles bearing a same stamped motif or different bricks that piece together a large picture. While uniform stamped bricks emphasize a sculptural effect, a collage picture projects the effect of long strokes. Gathering around the ruined capital of the Southern dynasties in present-day Nanjing, representative stamped brick pictures are found at the tomb dated to the 4th year of the Yonghe era of the Eastern Jin (348 CE) at Wanshou Village in Nanjing; the tomb dated to the 2nd year of the Long’an era of the Eastern Jin (398 CE) in Zhenjiang; the Southern dynasties tombs at Xishan Bridge and Youfang Village in Nanjing; the Southern dynasties tomb at Hexian’ao, the grand Southern Qi tombs at Huqiao and Jianshan, in Danyang; and the Southern dynasties tomb at Hanjiang in Yangzhou. The main subjects of stamped brick pictures include Guardians of the Four Directions, auspicious birds and beasts, the Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove, battle horses, and dogs. Of these, the Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove became one of the most fashionable motifs in the contemporary southern China. 4.3.7 Lacquer painting on the wooden screen, Tomb of Sima Jinlong, Datong, Shanxi, Northern Wei Dynasty

ern dynasties, and usually their lids carry elaborate engravings, such as the epitaph lid of Madam Yuan, the wife of Feng Yong in the Northern Wei Dynasty. It was also characteristic to adorn bas-reliefs on stone gateways in tombs during the Northern dynasties. The most representative work is the bas-reliefs on the doorway of Yonggu Mausoleum at Fangshan Hill in Datong. The motifs include

2. The Subjects and Forms of Mural Paintings Tomb paintings in the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties featured rich subjects that displayed the many aspects of the social life, such as myths and legends, historical stories, immortals and auspicious creatures, the sun, the moon, and constellations. Daoist themes served as important content for the tomb murals in the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties; the main body was visualizations of the belief of ascending to immortality. Many myths and legends

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emerged with tomb murals themed on souls ascending to immortality during the Han dynasties, such as King Father of the East and Queen Mother of the West, the Sun Crow and Moon Toad, and others. These traditional religious ideas centering on Daoism continued to work in the contemporary era and simultaneously gave birth to new content. The most widespread iconography was pictures of ascension to immortality led by spirits. Such a spirit was usually represented as a feathered man who floats in the air, holding fairy grass or lotus flowers in the hands. With wings stretching out from his shoulders, the flying feathered man is sometimes followed by ascending tigers and dragons. The expression of ascension to immortality had altered in the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties, as feathered men showed more traits of »fine bones and clear faces,« their flying posture suggesting the adoption of a new formula, and their depiction tending to be finer and more detailed. Typical examples include images of feathered men ascending to immortality on the engraved stone sarcophagus of a Northern Wei tomb and that on the stamped brick tiles of the Southern dynasties. Scenes of the heavenly domain also accounts for a traditional religious subject that embodies people’s perception and visual interpretation of »heaven.« A must-have motif in tomb murals, the heavenly domain would exhibit the Milky Way, constellations, and Guardians of the Four Cardinal Directions. Under the influence of the thoughts of Laozi and Zhuangzi, the Wei-Jin aristocratic and intellectual class valued the metaphysical talk and reflection known as xuan xue, or »dark learning.« The popularity of the imagery of the Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove used in large tombs of the Eastern Jin and Southern dynasties indicated the predominance of such thoughts in upper-class society. In fact, the content of the Seven Sages had frequently appeared in the contemporary wall paintings embellishing imperial courts and scrolls of

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literati painters. Occupying a noticeable place in tombs, the scene of the Seven Sages usually comprises multiple stamped brick tiles and projects the aesthetic interest of intellectuals. The latter represents an essential cultural characteristic of the Eastern Jin and the Southern dynasties. The orthodox line of Confucianism advocated a painting’s social means to propagate moral principles and stabilize social and family orders. Tomb murals in the Han dynasties were filled with stories of loyal officials, filial sons, and virtuous and chaste women, intensely projecting the ideology of the ruling class. Although some of this tradition continued in the Wei-Jin Period, the total number of such representations and their categories were sharply reduced compared to the Han dynasties. Quite a few Northern Wei stone sarcophagi themed on the paragons of filial piety, such as »Guo Ju Burying the Son [for His Mother],« »[Laolaizi] Wearing Colorful Costume to Amuse His Parents« and »[Min Ziqian] Cladding in a Threadbare Jacket Yet Tolerating an Unkind Stepmother.« The painting on the lacquered wooden screen from the tomb of Sima Jinlong, on the other hand, displays illustrated stories from the Biographies of Benevolent Women. Social rituals were important for Confucianism, thus scenes of grand ceremonial parades and processions were a universal theme emerged in tomb murals that showed off the power and privilege of the tomb masters. Especially in the Northern Qi Period, painted ritual processions became much more spectacular than that in the Han. For example, the mural in the tomb of Lou Rui features a sumptuous rendering of ceremonial parades and processions, suggesting a high achievement in depicting such themes. Confucians advocated the idea of the rushi, or the gentlemen in world affairs. This notion is contrary to the Buddhist worldview. Tomb murals in the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern dynasties displayed a rich secular world, recalling Han funerary paintings that demonstrated a panoramic

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4.3.8  Mural fragment from the tomb of Lou Rui, Taiyuan, Shanxi, Northern Qi Dynasty

view of the society at its all levels. Tomb murals along the Hexi Corridor in the Wei-Jin Period, for example, exhibit various daily-life scenes, such as agriculture and mulberry gathering, animal breeding, hunting, gardening, cultivating wilderness, fortification, butchering, cooking, feasting, performance of music, games, oxen and horses, and processions. The Northern Qi stone engravings at Yidu, Shandong, on the other hand, depict a series of commercial activities like caravans with camels, bargaining scenes, horses and carriages, a master conversing with a servant, feasting, and elephant battle scenes, revealing the life of the tomb masters. Through an artistic recreation, these murals served as a memorial of the deceased’s life journey; the underlying notion was the rushi, dominated by Confucianism (Fig. 4.3.8). Many Buddhist motifs appeared in the tomb murals during the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern dynasties that distinguished themselves from

the renderings in the past. In the middle of political turmoil, the widespread Buddhist belief of life reincarnation reflected contemporaries’ spirituality. Not only did Buddhist ideas permeate tombs through visual patterns, bridging heaven and the mundane world, but also many Buddhist images and iconography came from India and the Western Regions. For example, the Southern dynasties feathered men on stamped bricks were endowed with the charm of apsaras. The bas-relief of children holding lotus flowers on the tomb doorway at Yonggu Mausoleum in the Northern Wei Dynasty resembled those rendered in Buddhist caves. As to decorative motifs, the Han-style mountain, cloud, and beast patterns were now close to ending; new patterns like paired fowls and beasts, lotus blossoms, rows of honeysuckle, and infants reborn from lotus buds were increasing. In the turbulence of the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern dynasties, Confucianism, Daoism,

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and Buddhism all converged. This merged belief system led the thoughts of society and directed the transformation of the subjects of tomb murals. The »Biography of Zhang Rong« in the Book of Southern Qi describes that when the contemporary literatus Zhang Rong was buried, »he held the Classic of Filial Piety and the Daodejing in his left hand and the Sutra of Buddhist Laws and Precepts in the right.« This record reflects the fusion of the three beliefs of the day. Paintings within a tomb usually did not only promote Confucian morality like loyalty, filial piety, chastity, and integrity, but also contained Buddhist and Daoist subjects like lotus flowers and flying beings, scenes of ascension to immortality, constellations and Guardians of the Four Directions, suggesting a distinctive characteristic of the time. The general trend of the subject of tomb paintings in the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern dynasties demonstrate that Confucian and Daoist thought were predominant in the early period; Buddhist elements increased in the middle period; by the late period, the northern and southern areas contrasted: Confucianism was still prevalent in the north, while Daoist ideas were popular in the south and saturated with the taste of the literati. To compare the funerary art in North and South China, wall painting and stone carving developed into the primary means in the north, whereas stamped brick tiles became prevalent in the latter. Of all, brick tile mosaic in the south grew into maturity. Breaking away from the formal expression of separate hollow brick tiles since the Qin and Han dynasties, stamped bricks now made up a whole wall painting, collectively. In the north, organizational rules concerning tomb images had been established that specific iconographies should appear at certain sections of a tomb. From the ceiling of a tomb chamber to the top, middle, and bottom registers of its side walls, each painted portion corresponded to another. Altogether, they comprised a rich, grand pictorial program that extended in the tomb’s architectural

Chapter III Scroll Painting and Murals

space. On the contrary, the south appreciated a sparse and simplistic effect. Stamped brick tiles were mainly used even in the large burials of the imperial house and the nobles, distinct from the lush, complicated expression prevalent in the northern tombs. As Buddhist monasteries and grottoes were under construction in many places, they housed a great many devotional statues and murals. Over time, temples and shrines were devastated, and the murals inside almost disappeared as well. Nevertheless, a large quantity of cave murals remain in situ today. Buddhist grottoes with murals may look different as the routes and time periods of Buddhist transmission varied. Imported from India and spread from west to east via the Western Regions, Buddhism reached many areas of China. Thus, Buddhist painting of the day preserved a strong Indic flavor. Upon its arrival in the China proper, painters in the Central Plains who had studied Buddhist images gradually mastered this Indic style and technique, and they initiated a new painting style of Chinese Buddhism. The latter in turn spread westward and impacted the image making in the Western Regions. Paintings in the former style are mainly extant at the contemporary Buddhist grottoes and were made by local artisans, and according to historical records, paintings in the latter style were generally housed at Buddhist monasteries, most of which were made by professional painters or literati artists. Addressing audiences at different cultural levels, painters adopted distinct motifs and formal expressions to create Buddhist murals. The coexistence of these two painting styles, on the other hand, was based on a collective ethnic and aesthetic demands. Interacting with each another in later cultural transmissions, they forged a novel art and regional style, and pushed the mural art of China to its summit in the Sui and Tang periods. Extant cave murals dated to the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern dynasties are primarily located at Buddhist caves in the areas like Xinji-

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ang and Gansu. Grottoes in Xinjiang are distributed in Baicheng, Kuche (Kucha). Yanqi, Tulufan (Turfan), and Shanshan, along the northern route of the ancient Silk Road. Famous grottoes include Kizil Caves, Kizilgaha Caves, Simsim Caves, Kumtura Caves, Qigexing (Shorchuk) Caves, Toyok Caves, Bezeklik Caves, Taitai’er Caves, Subashi Caves, Jinshengkou Caves, Mazha’erbaihe Caves, and Xikeqin Caves. Buddhist grottoes in the Gansu area include Dunhuang Caves, Bingling Temple Caves, Jinta Temple Caves, Tiantishan Caves, Wenshushan Caves, Maijishan Caves, Mati Temple Caves, and Water Curtain Cave (Shuiliandong Cave). In these two areas, more than a score of sites preserve over 1,000 caves with murals up to 10,000 m2 that were made in the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern dynasties. Of all, the Kizil Caves and Mogao Caves are the largest and the most representative Buddhist grotto complexes. Kizil’s Thousand-Buddha Caves are located below the cliff of the northern bank of the Muzat River Valley, some 50 km east of Baicheng. The earliest caves were excavated around the 3rd century CE. Caves can be attributed to the time of the two Jins and the Northern and Southern dynasties include caves no. 8, 13, 14, 17, 48, 85,110,173, and 175. Simsim Thousand-Buddha Caves are located some 30 km northeast of the city of Kucha. To date, 48 caves survive, with only a few early caves. Some mural fragments extant at caves no. 1, 2, 23, and 24 can be dated to the Wei-Jin Period and display a Buddhist art style of the Western Regions. Buddhist murals in Xinjiang have rarely survived intact, but some forms and descriptive details are exquisitely represented. The artisans’ use of brush and color suggests a transition from Indian Buddhist painting to that of China and the formation of a distinctive art style based on the Western Regions. For example, the mural of »Bodhisattvas Listening to Preaching in Tusita Heaven,« rendered on the lunette at the main chamber of Cave no. 38, exemplifies the characteristic of this regional style. Moreover, Buddhist painting of the

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4.3.9 Illustrated Jataka Tales in rhombus (detail), early period, Kizil Cave no. 38

Western Regions features many zoomorphic images, and their representations are also superb (Fig. 4.3.9). The total sum of murals at Mogao Grottoes is no less than 45,000 m2. About 40 caves at the site belong to the late Sixteen Kingdoms to the end of the Northern Dynasties: seven made in the late Sixteen Kingdoms, eight in the 1st half of the Northern Wei Dynasty, 10 in the 2nd half of the Northern Wei and the Western Wei dynasties, and 15 in the Northern Zhou Dynasty. Many caves are excellent artworks in themselves. Caves no.  275, 254, and

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257, made in the Northern Wei Period, represent a style of the early phase, and caves no. 248, 249, 299 and 428, made in the Western Wei Period, represent a middle phase style. In these caves, we can find some exemplary mural scenes with typical themes, rich expressive means, proper compositions, and exquisite painting skill. The correlations and changing principles underlying the stylistic movement of murals through the different periods can be perceived from an analysis of these typical scenes. In all, they constitute the fine painting legacy of the Northern and Southern Dynasties. The scene painted on the left wall of Cave no. 275 derives from »King Changdraprabha Giving His Head One Thousand Times for Merit,« a story of the Buddha in his past life in Sutra on the Wise and the Foolish. The painter chose to depict the moment that Changdraprabha kneeled and offered his beheaded skull. The mural is 80 cm in height and 71 cm in width. Using an earthy palette and with a touch of the style of the Western Regions, this scene was a typical rendering at the end of the Sixteen Kingdoms. »The Defeat of Mara« and »King Shibi Offering His Flesh to Save the Dove,« painted at Cave no. 254, are 145 cm × 110 cm and 120 cm × 155 cm, respectively. Rendered on the left and right sidewalls, they exemplify Northern-Wei sutra illustrations whose composition is centered on the image of Buddha. Episodes encircle the primary Buddhist figures and they comprise a substantial configuration. In a symmetrical arrangement, such a composition looks balanced but somewhat rigid. This cave also contains some illustrations deriving from the life cycle of the Buddha, such as the »Conversion with the Buddha’s Half-Brother, Nanda.« This mural is 153 cm high and 280 cm wide. Using a same composite configuration, the central role of Shakyamuni Buddha is more pronounced in this case. He is seated within a niche-like structure as if he were giving a sermon to all those present. The most noteworthy picture is the »Prince Mahasattva Gives His Body to the

Chapter III Scroll Painting and Murals

Tigers,« at the front section on the right wall of the cave. Its composition focuses on the central scene of tigers feeding on Mahasattva’s body along with related episodes. 165 cm in height and 172 cm in width, this mural scene exhibits a muted color scheme and composed brushstrokes, possessing high aesthetic value (Fig. 4.3.10). Another type of Buddhist illustrations features continuous narratives, as exemplified by the murals of »The Nine-Colored Deer Jataka,« »Lady Sumati Inviting the Buddha to Her Wedding,« and »A Novice Monk Committing Suicide to Obey Precepts,« in Cave no. 257. »The Nine-Colored Deer«, 96 cm in height and 385 cm in width, is painted at the lower register on the north wall. Resembling a traditional Chinese handscroll, this painting adopts a horizonal orientation and is divided up into nine episodes; reading begins at the two ends and terminates in the middle. Human figures are spread out on the plane, while mountains, water, foliage, and rocks serve as decoration. Figures look larger than the mountains, and the water does not support what floats on it. There is no wall in front of the house, thus the viewer can take a peep at the interior. The use of color is bold, green for horses and white for human figures, and the brush strokes are rounded and smooth. The depiction of characters is also superb, and the Deer King’s posture and facial expression is extremely eye-catching. As one of the most comprehensive and best-preserved representations of the Deer King Jataka in the world, this mural accounts for an invaluable art treasure. The illustration of »Lady Sumati Inviting the Buddha to the Wedding« is 84 cm in height and painted across the lower section of the north wall and the north half of the west wall. The mural is painted with dense and slack compositions; episodes connect side by side. The assorted rides beneath the Buddha’s disciples and the mountain ranges in the front and back look quite lifelike, exhibiting the painter’s ingenuity. Bulls’ wildness, elephants’ clumsiness, swans’ ease, and mountain ranges’ tran-

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4.3.10 »Prince Mahasattva Gives His Body to the Tigers,« Mogao Cave no. 254, Northern Wei Dynasty

quility each show their own charm. As to flowing dragons, neighing horses, and dancing peacocks, their movements are also vivid and amusing, yet they do not lose their sense of harmony. The illustration, »A Novice Monk Committing Suicide to Obey Precepts,« is 100 cm × 570 cm and located on the south wall. Like the former two murals, this work is also a sequence of narratives. What distinguishes it from the other two is that the illustrations are arranged in a chronological order. Its composition follows the narrative thread, some sections looking slack when the plot is soothing and other sections intense when the plot is intricate. Separated by natural scenery, the rendering demonstrates a clear storyline and seamless layout. Using similar techniques and compositions, these marvelous murals made Cave no.  257 one of the most characteristic Buddhist grottoes in

the Northern Wei Dynasty. They also reflect the process that Buddhist narrative art began to draw close to traditional Chinese painting in terms of compositional and descriptive norms, such as continuity, parallel processions, and noble gestures (Fig. 4.3.11). The »Preaching Scene« at Cave no. 248 is regarded as a prototype of sumptuous illustrations of the »Pure Land in the West« prevalent in the Sui and Tang dynasties. 280 cm high and 270 cm wide, it is a substantial work in a symmetric plan and centering on an image of the Buddha. It shows many figures against a magnificent setting, suggesting motions within a divine, eternal mood. Its various representations of bodhisattva are extraordinarily appealing. Up to the Western Wei, wall paintings (at Mogao) were evidently influenced by a Sinicized art style

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4.3.11 Illustrations of »Nine-colored Deer Jataka,« Mogao Cave no. 257, Northern Wei Dynasty

characteristic of swirling movements—with a nod to »spirit resonance« valued by the aesthetic tastes of the Wei, Jin, and Southern dynasties. From subjects and brushwork to painting techniques, cave murals transformed in every aspect due to the impact of Chinese culture. The most typical examples are the mural scenes on the ceiling and sidewalls of Cave no. 249, the painted deities of Fuxi and Nuwa on the east slope of the ceiling, and the illustrated »500 Bandits Becoming Buddhas« on the south wall in Cave no. 285, as well as and the painted musicians in the heavenly court in Cave no. 288. The images of »Queen Mother of the West« and »King Father of the East« appear on the south and

north slopes of the ceiling in Cave no. 249. Framed in trapezoidal panels that measure 120  cm × 200  cm and 125  cm × 210  cm, they illustrate a spectacular scene reminiscent of a detail from the scroll of The Nymph of the Luo River, such as the departure of the nymph riding a cloud chariot driven by fish and dragons. Displaying simple forms and fluid brushstrokes, they were perhaps made by a Han Chinese master. The hunting and forest scene at the lower portion recalls the discourse on landscape painting in Record on Painting Cloud Terrace Mountain. The depiction of the assorted animals is vivid and imaginative, accounting for a reflection on the idea of Chinese immortality, on Buddhist iconography, and on

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the »dark learning« trend since the Wei-Jin Period. 200 cm high and 290 cm wide, the images of Fuxi and Nuwa in Cave no. 285 is another rare example of traditional Chinese motifs represented in large Buddhist grottoes. The artist combined the human-headed and snake-bodied Fuxi and Nuwa with the golden crow and toad, and transformed them into the sun and moon. Their coexistence with Buddhist deities manifests the merging of Buddhism and Daoism. The »500 Bandits Becoming Buddhas,« another mural scene in Cave no. 285, measures 80 cm in height and 130  cm in width. Also organized in a narrative sequence, its composition however breaks away from conventional devotional scenes and focuses on representing the story. Meanwhile, to avoid rigid divisions used in Chinese painting, the artist adopted decorative methods from Buddhist painting and created an intricate, layered composition that integrated close and remote scenery. The use of brush and pigment was also ingenuous since the artist employed many light and dark colors, creating a crisp and contrasting visual effect. The celestial musicians playing instruments at the heavenly court at Cave no. 288, on the other hand, represent a recreation of bodhisattva beings in the Western Wei era. They became slimer, and their bodies shifted from bulky to elegant. Their colored hands and faces show traces of shading technique; however, their overall formal appearance suggests that the artists began to withdraw the original formula on Buddhist painting and tended to adopt a new art mode. The heavenly court is also a combination of western-style domed buildings and Han-style que towers. As a reflection of the artisans’ acceptance and employment of the theory of chuan shen wu dui, or »conveying the spirit by facing [the sitter] with total awareness,« the depiction of the musicians’ hands and eyes and the treatment of their bodies and poses are extremely natural. The theory of Chinese painting theory found its useful place in a new painting genre. This complemented the

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recreation of Buddhist statues discussed in the former chapter. To the Northern Zhou Era, cave paintings seemed to have lost their previous passion and turned to more explicit and simplified; the artisans, paying more attention to organizing narratives had begun to experiment with new topics. By then, selected scriptural illustrations began to be represented in the form of »sequential pictures.« Inscriptions that accompanied pictures also appeared, in the same manner as those seen in the contemporary painting scrolls. Typical works of this time period include »Tale of the Nun Wei Miao,« painted across the west and north slopes of the ceiling of Cave no. 296, »Illustration of the Merit Field Sutra« in the same cave, and »Filial Sons Supported Parents« on the sloped ceiling of Cave no. 299. Moreover, caves in other places also house important mural remains. At Maijishan Grottoes, the Northern Wei murals are primarily housed at Cave no. 127 on the western cliff. In addition, Heavenly Grotto at Cave no.  135, caves no.  90 and 154, Ox Hall at Cave no. 5 on the eastern cliff, and Seven Buddhas Hall and Sanhua Tower over Cave no. 4 also preserve paintings dated to the Northern dynasties, whose style was close to that of the Central Plains. Cave murals at Bingling Temple Grottoes survive only in 900 m2. Cave no. 169, bearing an inscription dated to 420 CE, houses scenes of the Buddha giving sermons and »Illustrations of the Vimalakirti Sutra.« The renderings look somewhat primitive, and perhaps they were made by a local hand. Suggesting a distinct painting method compared to those used in contemporary South China and Dunhuang, these murals manifest a regional perception and execution of Buddhist images before the arrival of fashionable patterns from the South (Fig. 4.3.12). The Water Curtain Cave in Wushan County, Gansu, also preserves Northern dynasties wall paintings. At the Giant Buddha Cliff, there is a Northern Zhou preaching scene. Niche no. 10 at the Thou-

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4.3.12 Apsaras in Cave no. 169, Bingling Temple Grottoes, Western Qin Dynasty

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sand Buddha Cave has painted apsaras. Elegant and casual, they feature slim eyebrows and long necks reminiscent of the painting style of the Central Plains. Tiantishan Grottoes in Wuwei County, Gansu, preserve murals made from the Northern Liang to the Northern Wei. Executed against an earthy red ground, the thousand Buddhas images are all seated and outlined with black ink; there are also traces of shading and overlapped shading techniques. Buddhist painting brought eastward to the area of Xinjiang was primarily of the Indian and Gandharan style in the early period; it developed into a Western Regions style with nuanced regional distinctions. As Buddhist images continued to spread to the east, especially when they entered the resident areas of the Chinese, this foreign art was gradually assimilated and re-invented according to Chinese cultural circumstance. Based on their spiritual needs and cultural characteristics, the Chinese people recreated Buddhist deities who were efficacious and reliable. Later, this Sinicized painting style spread in reverse along the same path of the transmission of Buddhism, and thus influenced many artisans in the Western Regions. The Chinese-style Buddhist painting thus became an alternative mode that coexisted with that of the Western Regions style in Xinjiang. In respect to pictorial subjects, apart from preserved Han-period iconography carrying didactic messages and securing ascension to immortality, paintings in the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern dynasties initiated new motifs concerning individuality and personal expression. The most representative was »The Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove,« prevalent in South China. The Seven Sages were intellectual figures of the day who were masters of »dark learning.« Concerned with metaphysics, individualism, and otherworldly interests, they represented the attitude and philosophy of the contemporary upper classes. Scenes of »The Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove« frequently appeared in murals at Buddhist and Daoist temples

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and tombs; this manifests the far-reaching influence of dark learning and the impact of its literary taste on ordinary pictures. Following the introduction of Buddhism, many devotional paintings were made for Buddhist monasteries and grottoes. They represent an exploration of Chinese painting into new thematic content. As for representational norms, artisans’ concerns shifted from representing a figure’s movement, pose, and props to depicting one’s facial expression, psyche, and clothes. This transformation was conditioned by various factors, such as time, cultural development, and renewed aesthetic principles. Also, in Buddhist painting, deities’ forms, attire, and embellishments were of Indian and Western Regions styles at first. Many early murals extant at Buddhist grottoes in Xinjiang displayed such an influence, suggesting that artisans of Buddhist images were studying and imitating the foreign motifs. As Buddhism spread eastward, and Buddhist painting became widely circulated, these exotic, devotional patterns were gradually assimilated and revised by Chinese minds and customs. Therefore, the images of the Indian and Western Regions style began to give way to that of a Chinese style, and by the late Northern and Southern Dynasties, this Sinicized process of Buddhist painting was almost complete. A system of Chinese Buddhist iconography was established, and a large group of indigenous painters and craftsmen for Buddhist works appeared. The images that they created were transmitted back to Xinjiang and impacted the making of devotional artworks there. This marked the final completion of the Sinicization of Buddhist painting. Chinese painting’s assimilation of foreign patterns was not achieved through a process of continual cultural penetration, but was initiated by an all-embracing importation. Reflecting on its own ethnic traditions, Chinese painters renovated the foreign patterns through a practice of imitation and appropriation. In this process, Chinese culture manifested not only its tolerance and openness but

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also its profound inclusiveness and strong capability for cultural assimilation. In respect to methods of delineation, the artisans employed many sketching, shading, and coloring means, and their variations were bound by pictorial themes and held representational norms. To fit new expressive needs and to create the alien genre of Buddhist painting, on the one hand, sketching, shading, and coloring in painting became finer and subtler, and the principle of individual brushwork was eventually established. On the other hand, while adopting foreign Buddhist painting modes, artisans also appropriated techniques. From Gu Kaizhi’s »gossamer-like delineation« to Cao Zhongda’s »iron wire delineation,« from Lu Tanwei’s »bone appearance« to Zhang Sengyou’s »Zhang-family mode,« Cao Zhongda’s Cao yi chu shui, Gu Kaizhi’s scroll of Wise and Benevolent Women, and the methods of shading and concave-and-convex—all of these show that Chinese painting techniques experienced a significant transformation in the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern dynasties. Intellectual painters like Gu Kaizhi separated themselves from ordinary

Chapter III Scroll Painting and Murals

artisans, and they began to possess some characteristics of later literati painters. However, they shared an indivisible lineage with the ordinary artisans and lived in the same time period with many of them. Thus, to some extent, the paintings made by intellectual artists exemplify the artistry of ordinary paintings. In other words, the former represented the most excellent and characteristic works of ordinary artisans. Painting in the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern dynasties underwent a stylistic transformation. It inherited the preceding art principles, on the one hand, and upon receiving new cultural and foreign arts influences, Chinese painting also experienced a series of renovations in pictorial content, representational ideas, and painting techniques. This transformation did not only revitalize Chinese painting, but also separated intellectual painters from ordinary artisans. Meanwhile, paintings made by scholarly officials laid the foundation for the inheritance and improvement of paintings made by excellent ordinary artisans.

CHAPTER IV THE EMERGING ART OF SCULPTURE Section 1  Varieties of Buddhist Sculpture and Their Basic Characteristics Buddhist sculpture is an extremely crucial part of Chinese sculpture. One might even say that Chinese Buddhist sculpture represents Chinese sculpture. Buddhism is a foreign religion imported from India, Central Asia, and South Asia to China; Buddhist sculpture, too, was imported. Buddhist sculpture first originated in the reliefs found in stupas, burial sites for the Buddha’s relics. For instance, reliefs narrating the Buddha’s life can be found on the gates of Sanchi Stupa in central India. However, there were no icons in Buddhism at first; instead, the Buddha was always represented by symbols in the earliest Buddhist reliefs, such as the Dharma wheel to represent the Buddha giving his first sermon, the Bodhi tree as a symbol for his awakening, and a running horse as his renunciation of his lay life. The emergence of Buddhist icons is related to the tradition of Greco-Roman art. The earliest Buddhist statuary were found in the Gandhāra region in ancient northwestern India (present-day Peshawar in Pakistan and eastern Afghanistan). Stylistically, these statues bear noticeable resemblance to the statues of Greek and Roman gods—robe draped over the body, curly hair, Apollo-like face. Around the same time there were also indigenous Indian Buddhist statues made of red sandstone from Mathura in northern central India. They are characterized by their powerful physiques and the decorative patterns on their clothes. Buddhist statues exist in a wide variety of forms. The most common include stone caves, statues in

niches inscribed on cliffs, moveable gilt bronze statues, free-standing stone statues, statue stelae, statue stupas, constituents of Buddhist stupas, reliefs on relic containers, incised stone relief, and so on. The materials for free-standing statues include not only stone, but also precious metals such as gold and silver, dry lacquer (jiazhu), gold lacquer, wood, cast iron, tile carving, pottery, ceramics (including the Tang tri-colored glaze), ivory, bone, crystal, jewels, as well as the so-called »good-karma clay« (shanye ni) made out of eminent monks’ ashes mixed with clay. Early Chinese Buddhist sculpture also include more unusual works, like Buddha statues on bronze »money-shaking trees,« bronze mirrors, graygreen celadon funerary urns (literally »soul jars,« hunping), and incense burners. Stone caves, also known as stone cave temples, are cave chambers excavated from cliff faces. Carvings or statues of the Buddha as well as murals and reliefs are often found in these caves, so that they could function as temples or meditation chambers. Most stone caves are found in groups, carved either under the same regime or over several dynasties. Stone cave temples and cliff statues usually accompany each other. Geographically there are more cliff statues in the south while historically they noticeably increased after the Tang Dynasty. Cliff statues are created by carving a niche on a cliff face, and they are alternately known as niche because the depth of the carving could only contain a Buddha statue but not a cave chamber. There are various types of stone caves. The main types include: chaitya-style central-pillar caves, temple caves, colossal Buddha caves, meditation caves, and cave chambers that could

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4.4.1 A complete view of the Buddhist Niche at Yungang Cave no. 20, Northern Wei

serve as living quarters. Some stone caves contain both Buddha statues and carved scriptures while others are exclusively devoted to the engraving of scriptural texts. All in all, stone caves and cliff statues comprise the main body of Chinese Buddhist Sculpture, and the most outstanding feature of stone cave temples is their fusion of architecture, sculpture, and painting. Most of the sculptures outside the caves are constructed out of bronze and stone, forming a complex of statues, stelae and stupas. Free-standing sculptures are characterized by their usually backlit positions; the stelae are strongly rooted in the tradition of Chinese stelae and thus exhibit such features accordingly. The pagodas resemble the architectural form of grand stupas, with built-in niches and

Buddha statues. In short, Buddhist sculptures come in various forms and sizes, but they invariably revolve around Buddhist themes, which primarily are comprised of Buddhas, Bodhisattvas, the disciples, and the Four Heavenly Kings (Chaturmahārāja). Reliefs detailing the Buddha’s good deeds in his previous lives based on his biographies and Jātaka tales, and paintings expounding the teachings of the sutras also make up a major part of the contents of Buddhist sculptures (Fig 4.4.1). China’s stone cave temples are peerless in the world, in terms of their long continuous history, wide distribution, the richness of their artistic forms, and the magnificence of their achievements. The stone cave temples inherently incorpo-

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rate architectural forms, such as various shapes of caves and their various combinations, and various architectural devices like eaves that imitate timber-framed architecture both within the caves and along their surfaces. All of these features exhibit prominent architectural structures and sometimes provide crucial information for research on ancient architecture. For instance, the stonecarved eaves from the first cave of Nanxiang Hall (Nanxiang tang) played a crucial role in our understanding of architectural forms during the Northern and Southern Dynasties as well as the relation between them. Cliff statues are statues carved in niches, which lack the depth for proper caves, but the shapes of the niches themselves can also constitute architectural forms. As the center of reverence, sculptures occupy an important place in stone cave temples. Since geological conditions vary greatly across the vast territory of China, the material forms of cave sculpture range from clay sculpture, stucco sculpture, and sandstone carving to limestone carving. Paint was further applied to both stone carvings and clay sculptures, but especially the latter. That clay sculpture is alternatively known as »painted sculpture« (caisu) tellingly reflects this relationship. Painted sculpture and mural paintings in stone caves also often work intimately with one another. The Dunhuang Caves, for instance, have sets of sculptures that combine painted sculptures and murals into one. The Buddhist sculptures from the recently excavated Longxing Temple in Qingzhou, Shandong, also include several statues of the Vairocana Buddha. With their surface covered in exquisite paintings, they serve as valuable examples for the fusion of sculpture and painting. Before we delve into this period of Buddhist sculpture, it is extremely useful to first grasp its basic characteristics and relationship with other forms of art. From the late Han Dynasty and the Three Kingdoms to the Western Jin, ceramic and bronze Buddhist sculpture were mainly distributed in the south, especially Sichuan and the Wu territory of

SECTION 1 VARIETIES OF BUDDHIST SCULPTURE AND THEIR BASIC CHARACTERISTICS

the Three Kingdoms in the lower Yangtze River. From the Eastern Jin and the Sixteen Kingdoms to the Northern and Southern Dynasties, most of the Buddhist sculptures, be they stone caves, cliff statues, free-standing gilt bronze or stone sculptures and stelae, or pagodas, are from the north while considerably fewer traces and works are preserved in the south in comparison. Although the styles and forms of the northern niches and sculptures show evident influences from the Southern Dynasties, it is no wonder there are more remains of cave clusters in the north not only because Buddhism in the Northern Dynasties emphasized meditation and various practices, but also because the making of stone caves and giant sculptures received promotion and direct sponsorship from the royals. The exquisite addition of the recently excavated work from Qingzhou, Shandong, further demonstrates the depth and breadth of the achievements of Buddhist art in the Northern Dynasties. The distribution of Chinese stone cave temples is usually divided into three geographical regions: Xinjiang, northern Central Plains, and the South. Among them, the northern Central Plains is considered to have the richest and most complex remains, which can be further divided into several smaller districts. Although there are many clusters of stone caves, their time frames vary greatly from one another. The construction of some larger clusters span over a thousand years while there are also smaller clusters that were built within a generation. In terms of sculptures from the Wei, Jin, and Southern and Northern dynasties, although there were many important caves in the Xinjiang region, most of the sculptures in them have been destroyed. Few survive for viewing or research now, so one can only rely on the remains in monasteries to infer how they might have looked. The northern Central Plains covers the vast area east of Xinjiang, the Yellow River Basin, and the vicinity of the Great Wall. In terms of sculpture, the area of the Hexi Corridor in Gansu and the Gan, Ning,

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4.4.2 Standing gilt bodhisattva, Shouyoung County, Shanxi, Eastern Wei

and Qin prefectures near Longshan (modern-day Liupan Mountain) primarily feature painted clay sculptures while carvings are primarily found in the North and South Cave Temples of Qingyang and Mount Xumi in Guyuang. The stone caves in the middle and lower reaches of the Yellow River mainly feature stone carvings. The most mainstream stone caves are those built by the Northern Wei royals: the caves at Yungang, Longmen, and Mount Dali in Gongyi. The caves at Mount Xiangtang, Hebei, and Mount Tianlong, Taiyuan, are works from the end of the Northern Dynasties. The Hongqing Temple at Mianchi, Henan, the Ten Thousand Buddhas Hall in Yi County, Liaoning, and the Yellowstone Cliff in Shandong are among

Chapter IV The Emerging Art of Sculpture

those that follow the mainstream stone caves in their styles while the giant Buddha niches in Xun County, Henan, and Taiyuan, Shanxi, are more closely related to the cave sculptures in the south. The main niches of Buddha statues in the south are Mount She in Nanjing and the giant Buddha at Baoxiang Temple in Xinchang. The cave chambers in the Guangyuan cluster of stone caves in Sichuan were in fact influenced by the northern style. A fair amount of gilt bronze Buddha statues were continually produced from the Sixteen Kingdoms through the Southern and Northern Dynasties. There are only a few individual works from the Southern Dynasties while the North boasts the exquisite set excavated from Dingzhou, Hebei, in the early years, as well as the masses of works excavated from Boxing in Shandong, Shaanxi, and Ningxia. For stone sculptures, there are three masses of works—excavated from Quyang, Hebei; Chengdu, Sichuan; and Qingzhou, Shandong. The excavations from Qingzhou have particularly drawn the attention of the world recently for both their large quantity and fine quality. The stelae are widely distributed across the northern provinces; many are also collected by museums outside China (Fig. 4.4.2). The development of mainstream Chinese stone caves best demonstrates the Sinicization and domestication of the art of Buddhist sculpture after it was introduced to China from India and Central Asia. The most representative change unfolded alongside Emperor Xiaowen’s Sinicization policies during the Northern Wei Dynasty. The Five Caves of Tanyao at Yungang still exhibit very prominent characteristics of Indian and Central Asian styles, but by Cave no. 6 one sees Buddha statues dressed in Chinese-style loose robes and belts. Then after Emperor Xiaowen moved the capital to Luoyang, Buddha statues in the middle Binyang Cave at Longmen were made and modelled after the lean, refined figures of southern literati dressed in loose robes and wide sleeves. Afterwards the style of the sculptures tended toward

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fuller figures again, and during the Northern Qi Dynasty, sculptures returned to the Indian Gupta style, with their fuller, curved figures clothed in thin, fitting robes. This style is particularly notable in the sculptures of the Mount Xiangtang stone caves, especially those excavated in Qingzhou. This stylistic development of the sculptures further accords with the Northern Qi’s promotion of the customs of the hu people. In short, the development of Buddhist sculpture reflects the political and cultural changes of its times.

Section 2  Remains of Sculpture in Caves, Cliffs, and Temple Sites 1. Painted Sculpture in the Middle and Upper Reaches of the Yellow River 1. Dense Cave Clusters in the Hexi Corridor The topography of Gansu Province is shaped like a dumbbell. There is a narrow strip of fertile, well-irrigated land along the Qilian Mountains until Dunhuang. Because it has served as a major passageway between the Central Plains and the Western Regions, it has been called the »Hexi (›West of the River‹) Corridor.« In this corridor, merchants, monks, and emissaries travelled in ancient times; meanwhile one after another stone cave temple stood along the corridor, glittering like a chain of sparkling pearls. Emperor Wu of Han established four commanderies in Hexi: Dunhuang, Jiuquan, Zhangye, and Wuwei. All of the remaining stone caves are concentrated in these four commanderies. In Dunhuang, there are the Mogao Caves and the Yulin Caves in Anxi. In Jiuquan, there are Mount Wenshu in Jiuquan and the Changma Caves in Yumen. In Zhangye, there is the cluster of stone caves at Mati Temple, Sunan, which include the Jinta Temple, the Thousand Buddhas Grotto, and the Guanyin Grotto. In Wuwei there are the

SECTION 2 REMAINS OF SCULPTURE IN CAVES, CLIFFS, AND TEMPLE SITES

stone caves of Mount Tianti. For cave sculptures, we will mainly focus on those in Liangzhou— which includes Mount Tianti in Wuwei and the Jinta Temple—and the Mogao Caves. Among the stone caves in Hexi, the Liangzhou (Wuwei) Caves are the earliest. The influence of the »Liangzhou style« reaches all the way to the »Pingcheng style« in Yunguang; it thus occupies a crucial place in the history of stone caves. Liangzhou-style cave sculptures stem from the first two decades of the fifth century. There are dozens of central-pillar caves, but most of the most exquisite sculptures are concentrated in the important cave chambers of Jinta Temple of Sunan, Mount Wenshu of Jiuquan, and Mount Tianti of Wuwei. Located in midst of the steep Qilian Mountains, the Jinta Temple of Sunan boasts some of the most outstanding and important Liangzhou-style sculptures. The works exhibit a high level of artistry. The caves are carved in the red-rock cliff face along the western riverbank of the Daduma River. They are around 60 m above the ground and connected by a steep stone staircase. The pair of juxtaposed caves are the Eastern and Western caves respectively, surrounded by verdant, steep mountains. Both the Eastern and the Western caves are central-pillar caves, with the Eastern Cave about six meters taller than the Western Cave. Sculptures and reliefs are arranged in dense arrays on the pillar. In terms of sculptures, there are fewer niches containing larger sculptures at the bottom, but moving upward the number of niches increases while the sculptures become smaller and more densely-packed. Reliefs of flying celestials can be found at the top. The cliff face in front of the Eastern Cave has collapsed, leaving the central square pillar almost completely exposed. Its height reaches approximately six meters. Above its foundation, each of its four faces is divided into three panels. Each bottom panel has a large, pointed-arch niche. The end of the niche’s beam is shaped like a dragon’s head while the main

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statue, a sitting Buddha clothed in his kāṣāya with his right shoulder exposed, sits in the niche. Two standing bodhisattvas flank the niche while two disciples are placed on the northern face. On both sides of the beam of the niche there are reliefs of six- or eight-bodied flying celestials. Outside the Buddha niche there are also additional smaller Buddhas. The middle panel of each side of the pillar features three semi-circular-arched niches. Inside each niche there is a Buddha statue, who sits in either a lotus position or a cross-legged position. Next to each niche is a bodhisattva. In the upper panel Buddhas and bodhisattvas are carved in dense arrays, with reliefs of flying celestials and thousand Buddhas interspersed between them. Statues of Buddhas and bodhisattvas are characterized by full and stout figures, tall noses, and large eyes, while the bodhisattvas and the flying celestials have lively and animated figures. The figures of the flying celestials are larger and stouter. All in all, the central pillar is completely covered in sculptures. One can say that one »sees only the sculptures but not the pillar,« while the walls remain without embellishment. Once visitors enter the cave, they are expected to first circumambulate the chaitya and then pay homage to the [Buddha] statue. The depth of the statues varies greatly. The reliefs are located in the outermost section while the main statues are housed deep in the niche in the pillar. These variations in depth and size create rich effects from the interplay of light and shadow. Other themes include Śakyamuni during his ascetic practices, the Contemplating Bodhisattva with a lone horse, and warriors. The figures of the painted sculptures are stout while reliefs of the flying celestials are carved in elegant V-shaped poses, set to fly through the air. Although the Jinta Temple only has two caves, it contains many beautiful, marvelous sculptures. Some of the sculptures were painted in later times, but the paint has not damaged the look of the sculptures. The sculptures at Jinta Temple exhibit a high level of artistry. The standing bodhisattva

Chapter IV The Emerging Art of Sculpture

statues outside the niches show no disproportion in the design of their figures, like the sculptures from the Western Qin Dynasty at Bingling Temple. Both the placement of their centers of gravity and the shaping of their figures show accuracy and craftsmanship. The texture of the drapery and the glamor of the accessories are also well-balanced. Some of the disciples’ facial expressions are particularly animated. Parts of a standing Buddha statue still remain in Cave no. 16 at Mount Tianti. About 3.6 m tall, it is probably the one-zhang-and-six-chi sculpture Juqu commissioned for his mother. Both the Thousand Buddhas Cave and the Ten Thousand Buddhas Cave at Mount Wenshu have chaitya-style central-pillar caves. One of the chaitya caves at the Thousand Buddhas Cave features a colossal standing Buddha in front of the central pillar. No niches are carved in the pillar itself, and the style of the main chamber resembles that of the Kuchean caves. It is a rare example of the colossal Buddha caves outside Kucha. The pillar of another cave, on the other hand, has niches on all of its four faces, and each niche has a sculpture with a base at the bottom, very similar to the Northern Wei Caves in Dunhuang. Some of the flying celestials in the Mount Wenshu caves are very large and carved in V-shaped flying poses. In the series of Liangzhou stone caves, sculptures are found in square-based chaitya caves, colossal statue caves (with the statue placed in front of the pillar), and Buddha hall caves. Themes include the Śakyamuni Buddha, the cross-legged Maitreya dressed as either bodhisattva or Buddha, the Contemplating Bodhisattva, the three saints of the West, and the Buddhas of the ten directions. Aside from the Buddhas of the ten directions, all of the other Buddhas are in seated positions. The figures of the flying celestials are larger. The Buddhas and the bodhisattvas have stout figures and round, full faces with slim eyes and tall noses. These characteristics reflect the style found in the earliest sculptures in the stone caves east of

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Xinjiang, which probably resulted from a fusion of Kuchean and Khotanese Buddhist cultures on a foundation of Liangzhou Culture. This fusion in turn exerted a significant impact on the stone caves along the Silk Road and the early stone caves at Yungang. The Mogao Caves are located on the cliff face of the eastern foothill of Mount Mingsha, 25 km southeast of Dunhuang City, Gansu Province. They face the riverbed and overlook the Sanwei Mountain to their front, with Mount Mingsha flanking their back. Willow trees are dotted across the dense cluster of caves, covering some of them. The cliff face here averages about 17 m high. The cluster of caves extend into one northern district and one southern district. The northern district is where the craftsmen used to live, with very few sculptures and murals. The southern district is spread across a cliff face almost one kilometer long, in which row after row of caves are packed together as densely as chambers of a beehive. The numbering of the caves has by now reached 492, with 44 of them dated to before the Sui Dynasty. Time of excavation and carving span over a thousand years, from the fourth century to the 14th century. At the moment, over 2,400 painted sculptures are extant (excluding the reliefs). The scale, content, and history of the Mogao Caves can be considered the best among the stone caves in the world. Painted sculptures constitute the majority of the sculptures in Mogao Caves. Clay is sculpted around the stone or wooden core and then further colored in paints. Because most of the rocks in this area belong to the Yumen conglomerates, they are generally too loose for carving and better suited for molding. The situation in Xinjiang is similar, and due to natural wind erosion as well as human factors, almost none remain—whereas the painted sculptures in Dunhuang are basically preserved in their entirety, and thus are all the more precious. The painted sculptures in Dunhuang include round sculptures, high reliefs, and low reliefs. The painted sculptures from the Northern

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Dynasties belong to works from the earlier period. The statue of the cross-legged Maitreya Bodhisattva in Cave no. 275 leaves the viewer with distinct impressions. The statue wears a wheel-crown, shoulder-length hair, a necklace, a keyūra, and a wide pleated skirt at the bottom. Parallel clay strips of the same size are pasted to the skirt evenly, with shadow lines added in between. Barefoot, the bodhisattva extends his two arms in an open gesture, displaying his strong, stalwart physique. The statue is flanked by a pair of lions on its sides. Both the halo behind the bodhisattva’s head and the triangular wing decoration flanking him are painted. The walls on both sides have six small niches in total. Four of them are palace-shaped (que) niches that also contain statues of the cross-legged Maitreya Bodhisattva in them, reflecting how much the Maitreya cult flourished at the time. The cave is a Buddha hall with a flat roof and rectangular floor plan. Painted sculptures are found in the niches in both side walls and the wall facing the entrance. Murals and the paints on the sculptures blend into one organic whole. Turquoise embellishments dot across a warm, ember-based background, creating a vibrant visual effect. Cave no. 268, Cave no. 272, and Cave no. 275 are the earliest group of caves in Dunhuang. Most of the sculptures in these caves are single-bodied. Their forms are relatively simple, and the flanking attendants are usually painted in the murals. In the early period, painted sculptures and murals tend to be integrated closely with one another. Buddhas and bodhisattvas were sculpted while their halos were painted in murals. The drapery of the bodhisattva is often partly carved and partly painted. The more nuanced details and decoration on the cross-legged bodhisattva’s palace-shaped niche are also achieved by painting, so that the sculpture and the painting merge into one work of art. The peacefulness of the sculpture and the drama of the Jātaka tales on the murals also achieve further artistic effect through their contrast with one another (Fig. 4.4.3).

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4.4.3 Dunhuang Cave no. 275 cross-legged Maitreya statue, Northern Liang

The painted sculptures of the Northern Dynasties are usually carved on the four sides of the central pillar. Each side has one or two niches. There are also niches lined up on both sides of the wall. Some caves have over a dozen niches. The front side of the pillar often has the largest niche, which serves as the main niche. This differentiation became even more prominent in later Northern Dynasties. The four sides of the pillar in Cave no. 248 from the Northern Wei feature the four stages in the Buddha’s biography—preaching the Dharma, defying Mara, ascetic practices, and his awakening—which encapsulate the life of the Buddha. The sculpture of the ascetic Śakyamuni is particularly representative of Northern Wei sculptures. With his head slightly lowered, his thin kāṣāya closely fitting, his ribs slightly visible and his collar bones

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particularly prominent, the ascetic Buddha represents the figure of an ascetic who »perseveres in his will and starves his body.« Compared to the extreme realism of the Gandhāran ascetic sculptures, the Dunhuang sculpture exemplifies the Chinese concept of asceticism and Chinese aesthetics, a balance between stylization and moderation. In the Northern Wei Cave no. 259, there is a sculpture of the meditating Buddha in one of the side niches. His facial expression is sculpted with particular success. With the corner of his mouth slightly curved into a smile, he looks as if his body and mind are immersed in a mysterious spiritual realm, earning him the nickname »Mona Lisa of the East.« During this period, the categories of Buddhas, disciples, and bodhisattvas also became more salient. Most of the sculptures are grouped in a trio of one main statue flanked by two attendants, such as Buddha Śakyamuni with two bodhisattvas or disciples, Buddha Maitreya with two bodhisattvas, and sometimes a Buddha with two Heavenly Kings. Usually, the main statue in the niche is quite large in size, while the attendants are much smaller or placed outside the niche. The proportion is thus not very naturally coordinated, but fortunately this started to change gradually later on. The flying celestials and the thousand Buddhas were produced in masses through mold-casting and then pasted on walls as reliefs. Many reliefs are located at the top of the chaitya near the ceiling, but many have loosened or peeled off. The reliefs of flying celestials began in the style of the Western Regions. Their simple figures are thick and stout, with a piece of cloth draped over their bodies. By the end of the Northern Wei, these reliefs had transitioned to the Chinese style, characterized by leaner faces and figures dressed in large hats and loose robes. Methods of dressing the sculptures include pasting strips of clays and painting shadow lines to create the folds of clothes. Colors mainly consist of red ochre, ver-

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milion, azure, turquoise, black, and white—all simple and vibrant. Take the meditating Buddha from the above-mentioned Cave no. 259 as an example, his body is a light tangerine, his hair azure, and his kāṣāya red ochre, while the flames are outlined by alternating red ochre, black, azure, and turquoise. The entire niche is based in warm colors, creating a solemn and vibrant atmosphere. In the niche on the eastern side of the central pillar in Cave no. 432, on the other hand, the flanking Bodhisattva attendant is mainly painted in white, azure, and turquoise, creating an impression of peace and elegance. In the early Northern Wei Dynasty, the figures of the Buddha and bodhisattva sculptures appear powerful and stalwart, and their facial features are voluptuous with high noses and prominent foreheads. Some also appear too upright and unnatural. Buddhas are usually dressed in a red ochre robe that covers either both shoulders or just the left shoulder. Through strips of clay, stepwise molding, or shadow lining, clothes usually assume the appearance of having dense folds. The patterns of the clothes are mainly intended as decoration, and usually only the collar is sculpted in a more realistic manner. The bodhisattvas usually wear a bun and a jeweled crown on their heads. The rest of their hair falls on their shoulders, which are draped in a shawl while a pleated skirt is tied around their waist. From the late Northern Wei Dynasty to the beginning of the Western Wei, the style suddenly underwent noticeable changes. The figures of the sculptures became leaner, with slimmer necks and narrower bodies, while their clothes also became looser and their facial expression more serene. During this period, because the Prince of Dongyang, Yuan Rong, was sent to the region as the regional inspector of the Gua Province (Guazhou), there were more constructions of cave chambers in Dunhuang, and the new looks of loose robes around lean figures based on the Central Plains style also came to be adopted and transmitted.

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2. Sculptures on the Eastern and Western Sides of Mount Long In Gansu, to the west of Mount Long, there are the Bingling Temple near Lanzhou and the Mount Maiji Caves near Tianshui. To the east of Mount Long, there are the Southern and Northern Stone Cave Temples and Mount Xumi in Guyuan, Ningxia. Although they are located in the middle and upper reaches of the Yellow River, the stone caves were mainly built by stone carvings. The following paragraphs will introduce their respective achievements in sculpture. The Bingling Temple is located in the Little Mount Jishi, which is 35  km southwest to Yongjing County, Gansu. Over 700 sculptures remain and are distributed across 195 caves. Most of them are concentrated in the larger temple of the Lower Temple on the cliff face of Peak Goxi. Cave no. 169 is located high up at the northern tip of cave cluster. Its construction made use of the natural irregular shape of the big rock and its cave. In 1963, the Gansu team of cultural artifacts climbed to the cave and discovered on its northern wall an inscription of the dates in black ink from the Western Qin: »Built on the 27th of March, Xuanxiao, in the First Year of Jianhong [420].« Works in the cave are arranged along the natural slopes of the walls. Types of sculptures include clay sculpture, stucco sculpture, and others. Sizes of the sculptures also vary. Forms of sculptures include the Five Buddhas, the Three Buddhas, standing Buddhas, and flanking attendants. The craftsmanship appears simple and coarse, with some imprecise proportions which are quite reflective of sculpture from the earlier period. At Niche 18, the central colossal standing Buddha is surrounded by a dozen smaller niches. The remains in most of them are stucco sculptures. In Niche 23, wooden rods and clay-covered fences form the back halo to the five-bodied Buddhas sculpture in the front. Niche 6 contains a Buddha sculpture and two Bodhisattva sculptures, entitled »Amitābha Buddha with Bodhisattvas Avalokiteśvara and

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Mahāsthāmaprāpta.« The three sculptures are placed in front of the halo that forms a clear-cut angle. The Buddha has a high uṣnīṣa and wears a kāṣāya that leaves the right shoulder exposed. His two hands are placed in the gesture of meditation (dhyana-mudrā), and he sits in a lotus position on a low, round lotus-shaped platform. At the intersection of his halo and his shoulder, additional flames are painted. The figure of the Buddha is broad and stout. His face is round and square with large features. The pattern of his clothing consists of alternating thick and thin lines of shadows. There is also an additional portion of shawl over his right shoulder. The two bodhisattvas stand on his two sides. Both wear jeweled crowns and have smiles on their faces. Their upper bodies are naked while they each wear a skirt over their waist. Their heads are proportionately on the large side. Light shadow lines give patterns to their skirts. A written vow is inscribed in ink on the upper left corner of the niche, noting Jianhong, the era name of Qifu Chipan, Emperor of Western Qin, the first year being 420. Going by the solar calendar, it would then be the fifth year of Jianhong (424). This record of date remains to this day the earliest extant dated record in a Chinese cave. It bears significant implication, as it provides a reference point for the periodization of the caves from the Sixteen Kingdoms. The set of Buddha sculptures in Niche 7 of this cave showcases the characteristics of the Indian Mathura style. Two standing Buddhas on the right side have been damaged and are missing in parts. The Buddha on the left has a saṃghāṭī over his shoulders, which is thin and close-fitting. The alternating thick and thin shadow lines on the saṃghāṭī form parallel »U«-shapes in the front. The body underneath the robe is also very well-sculpted. This suggests that Guptan Buddha sculptures with the clinging drapery of Cao Zongda’s style were already introduced to China and well-represented as early as the Western Qin. The sculptures in this cave are also good representa-

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tion of the Liangzhou style. They are the earliest cave sculptures in Central Plains, and they exhibit styles very similar to the standing Buddhas at the Rawak Temple, in Xinjiang. There are also sets of caves from the late Northern Wei at Bingling Temple. Caves no.  126, 128, and 132, for instance, line up in a horizontal line, and they are very similar in their sizes, forms, and the contents of their sculptures. The front wall of Cave no. 126 features the Śakyamuni Buddha and the Prabhūtaratna Buddha. The uṣnīṣas of the Buddhas are polished, and both their faces and necks are elongated and slim. On the left and right walls, there are sculptures of the cross-legged Maitreya Buddha and one Buddha flanked by two bodhisattvas. There are also over a hundred sculptures of the thousand Buddhas and the Contemplating Bodhisatva in the cave. Outside the entrance of the cave, there is an inscription about a Cao Ziyuan from the Daxia Commandery in the second year of Yanchang (513) of Northern Wei, commissioning this for his birth parents to »be reborn in the Sukhāvatī of the West.« In comparison to the Western Qin sculpture, works from the Northern Wei Caves show evident change and distinct characteristics. There is no more stucco sculpture, but only round sculptures and reliefs directly carved into stone. They cast off the plain, mysterious, and solemn air of the early sculptures while displaying sophisticated craftsmanship and an aura of sublime elegance. One of the salient characteristics of Northern Wei sculpture is the common theme of the Śakyamuni Buddha and the Pratbhūtratna Buddha sitting side by side, suggesting the popularity and significance of their textual bass, the chapter »The Appearance of the Jeweled Stupa« from the Lotus Sutra (Tsugunari Kubo and Akira Yuyama trans., The Lotus Sutra, Berkeley, CA: Numata Center for Buddhist Translation and Research, 2007). There are fewer works from the Northern Zhou, but the focused expression of the Buddha sculpture in Cave no. 172 is quite extraordinary (Fig. 4.4.4).

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Mount Maiji (literally, »mass of wheat«) is shaped like a pile of wheat. This uniquely-shaped lone mountain is also blessed with beautiful scenery, which earns it the honor of »the crowning jewel among the Qin lands.« The caves are carved on three cliff faces of the mountain. The entrances to the cave chambers are connected by a dozen levels of overlapping walkways, which are unusually steep and precarious. The cave clusters are divided into the eastern cliff and the western cliff. In total, 194 caves are extant, and over 7,200 clay sculptures and carved stelae remain. Due to the exquisiteness of the sculptures and the rich flavor of its times, it has been praised as »Nature’s Museum of Sculptures.« The construction at Mount Maiji most likely began around the fifth century. Caves excavated during the Northern Wei outnumber those from the subsequent dynasties; both Western Wei and North-

4.4.4  Sculpture of two seated ­Bodhisattvas in Cave no. 125 of Bingling Temple, Yongjing, Gansu, Northern Wei

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ern Zhou saw continued excavations, as well as the Sui. However, due to the collapse of the mountain structure, there was almost no more excavation activity after the Tang Dynasty. Its rock is mostly composed of conglomerate of sandstone mixed with laterite. Because it is not easy to carve into, most of the sculptors applied another layer of clay to mold, or chiseled the rock to form the core first and then added a thin layer of clay for refined molding. Most of the early sculptures at Mount Maiji feature Buddhas of the Three Times, the cross-legged Maitreya Bodhisattva, and the Contemplating Bodhisattva. Usually there are three seated Buddhas in the open, larger niches on the three walls of a cave, or alternatively, one finds one Buddha flanked by two bodhisattvas in the smaller niches. The figure of the Buddhas is usually stout, robust, and dressed in a kāṣāya with the saṃghāṭī hanging around his back. His face is

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usually long and round, marked by a solemn expression, and his mouth is usually small with thin lips. The Bodhisattvas wear tall crowns with their hair down. They each have a shawl draped around their otherwise naked upper body and a long skirt as their undergarment. They also generally have stout figures. For the earlier caves there is the pair of structurally similar caves no. 74 and 78. There are five sculptures in Cave no. 74. The front wall features a Buddha seated in the lotus position and flanked by two attendant bodhisattvas. Then there is, further, a Buddha on each of the side walls. In Cave no.  78, there are three Buddha altars. The seated Buddha is carved directly into the wall, and in the wall behind the main Buddha there are two niches. One contains the cross-legged Bodhisattva and the other the Contemplating Bodhisattva. There are also many smaller attendant Bodhisattvas on their sides. The sculptures in these two caves bear striking resemblance to the Five Caves of Tanyao at Yungang, especially its Cave no. 20 with its colossal Buddha. They share the theme of Buddhas of the Three Times, and the sculptures are marked by the same plain style, the full, stout figures, and their joyful, solemn facial expressions. The main clothing piece remains the kāṣāya that leaves the right shoulder exposed, and the Buddhas’ heads are usually flat with a uṣṇīṣa protruding. Based on a painting of patrons dressed in Xianbei costumes, which was excavated from under the altar, and the inscription »Chouchi Town,« this cave is estimated to have been excavated sometime between 446 and 496. Most of the sculptures from the late Northern Wei are marked by their clean, exquisite features. In particular, the bodhisattva sculptures usually have lean, long, beautiful figures. This demonstrates a style that originated in the Southern Dynasties and eventually overtook the entire Chinese land. But the sculptures here appear exceptionally mature and sophisticated. They are rich in expressions and full of personality, effecting a beauty of carefree freedom.

Chapter IV The Emerging Art of Sculpture

Cave no. 115 is the cave with the earliest recorded date at Mount Maiji. It is dated to the third year of the Jingming Era of the Northern Wei (502). Its sculptures still appear stout and rotund. Despite erosion, the standing Bodhisattva statue in Cave no. 23 still shows the charm of Northern Wei artistry; the erosion has not diminished the beauty of its shape or its aura. The Kaśyapa at Cave no. 87 has long eyebrows and deep-set eyes, a typical look for monks from the Western Regions. Both the Buddha sculptures in Cave no.  23 and the Bodhisattva sculptures in Cave no.  69 combine aesthetic ideals and realism into one. The sculptors distilled them from their observations of daily objects and then further transcended the appearances of these objects, so that there is no end to savoring these works. The sculptures in caves no. 100 and 115 have a unique style. The bodhisattvas stand against the walls. Their clothes are thin and close-fitting, creating the effect of weightless elegance. Unlike the stiff, rigid wall sculptures in Dunhuang, these give the impressions of lightness and liveliness, as if they might dance to the wind. The sculptors’ treatment of the flying ribbons and the details in the folds of their flying long skirts plays a key role. Although their faces are lean and exquisite, they still display some plumpness. The liveliness in young maidens’ solemnity and the charm in their devoutness have been observed and expressed exquisitely, so that a sense of soulfulness and life was injected these sculptures. Cave no. 133 is commonly known as the Ten Thousand Bodhisattvas Hall or the Ten Thousand Buddhas Halls. Its scale is particularly large, and its form is quite complex. There are 13 niches in the cave. Both the smart, bright young disciples in Niche 9 and the reliefs of the mountain characters on the crossbeam of Niche 11 are rare and exceptionally fine works. There are also 18 slabs of stelae preserved in the cave; the Buddha reliefs on these stelae are also quite exquisite. The excavation activities did not die down during the Western Wei. During the first year of the Da-

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tong Era (535), more cave chambers were built and temples renovated. After Emperor Wen of Western Wei wedded Princess Rouran for diplomatic relations and Queen Yifu lost his favor, Yifu became a nun at Mount Maiji. After her death, a niche was excavated in the cliff as a lone tomb for her, and she was buried there (Cave no.  43 today). The sculptures of Western Wei inherit the otherworldly, elegant, serene, and carefree style of the Wei and Jin dynasties. They also further developed it so that the figures continue to be lean but also more naturalistic. They are usually dressed in Chinese-style loose robes tied in a belt or cross-collar literati robes. More of the caves are modelled after Han Chinese wooden architecture, and the caves are excavated behind a front hallway supported by rows of pillars. Caves no. 123 and 102 contain sculptures depicting the scene of Mañjuśrī visiting the allegedly sick Vimalakīrti, from the Vimalakīrti-nirdeśa-sūtra. According to the sutra, Vimalakīrti was a rich householder in the town of Vaiśālī in ancient India. He did not abandon secular life, yet he attained a deep, sophisticated understanding of Mahāyāna teachings. Once he claimed to be sick and used it as an excuse to bring the Bodhisattva Mañjuśrī, who was known for his wisdom, to him, so that he could debate Buddhist teachings and deepen his grasp of the Dharma. This is the basis of the Chapter of »Inquiring about Illness« from the Vimalakīrti-nirdeśa-sūtra (translation of the chapter title taken from Burton Watson trans., The Vimalakirti Sutra, New York: Columbia University Press, 1997). This theme is most often featured in paintings or shallow reliefs while round sculptures of Vimalakīrti and Mañjuśrī are quite rare. Furthermore, the Vimalakīrti sculpture here presents him as a handsome, smiling young man, in contrast to his more common representation as an elder figure. The youth and the goddess in attendance outside the niche of Vimalakīrti in Cave no. 123 are particularly outstanding. With exacting precision, the sculptors evoked the innocent

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4.4.5 Main seated Buddha sculpture of Cave no. 44, Mount Maiji, Western Wei

and child-like demeanor of the youth. The clothes show characteristics of Xianbei costume, and the sculpting method used is the same as that of the Han terracotta figurines. Elegant and poised, the seated Buddha in Cave no. 44 has more concentrated facial features and wears a suggestive, meaningful smile, demonstrating the perfection reached by works from the Western Wei. There is an abundance of excellent clay sculptures from the late Northern Wei and Western Wei at Mount Maiji; these works also stand out in the art of stone caves from the entire Northern Dynasties. (Fig. 4.4.5) The sculptures at Mount Maji indeed reach an unprecedented stage in terms of their maturity, sophistication, vivacity, and their simultaneous achievements in transcendental idealism and realism. They achieve a high degree of coordina-

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tion and unity, fully deserving in their honor as »Nature’s Museum of Sculptures.« They occupy a special place among the sculptures of the Wei, Jin, and Southern and Northern dynasties.

2. The Art of Stone Carving in the Middle and Lower Reaches of the Yellow River 1. Yungang Stone Caves In the development of Chinese stone cave art, the caves of Yungang, Longmen, and Gongyi (formerly known as Gongxian) constitute the mainstream tradition. Others, like the caves at Mount Xiangtang in Handan, Hebei, Mount Tianlong in Taiyuan, Shanxi, and Lingquan Temple in Anyang, Henan, continue the mainstream tradition and clearly exemplify the Sinicization of Buddhist art. Additionally, the Ten Thousand Buddhas Hall in Yi County, Liaoning, and the Huangshi Cliff in Licheng, Shandong, are also closely related to the mainstream tradition. Because the geology in the Jin and Yu areas (modern day Shanxi and Henan) differs from the geology in Xinjiang and Hexi, and most caves are excavated on cliff faces that are composed of hard rock, painted clay sculptures and stucco sculptures were no longer the favored methods of sculpting. Most opted to directly carve into the rock to excavate the cave chambers and to carve the sculptures. The Yungang Caves are located on the southern side of Mount Wuzhou, which is itself 16 km west of Datong City, Shanxi. The caves extend from east to west for one kilometer. Today, 45 larger caves and over 50,000 sculptures are extant. The early period of the Yungang Caves is primarily represented by the Five Caves of Tanyao, which give full expression to the royal style and the fusion of the Chinese and the western traditions. The Five Caves were first constructed upon Tanyao’s advice, and were excavated during the early years of the Heping Era (460–465). »Tanyao asked the emperor to excavate five caves in the cliff face of the Mount Wuzhou west of the capital. Each is to con-

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tain one Buddha sculpture; the tallest sculpture is 70 m high, followed by one that is 60 m high. The sculptures will be marvelous and great, unsurpassed in the world.« At present, the five caves are numbered 16 to 20, and each is connected to the next. Each takes the form of a thatched cottage with a horseshoe-shaped floor plan. They look as if they were built solely for the purpose of hous­ing colossal Buddha sculptures, with not much space left for anything else. Aside from Cave no. 20, each has rectangular windows and a round arch entrance on its front side. Because the front wall of Cave no.  20 has collapsed, the original design is not manifest, but the colossal Buddha exposed in the open air as a result appears all the more grand, and thus has often been taken as the symbol of the Yungang Caves. Each of the Five Caves has a colossal Buddha sculpture on its front side. Each Buddha is flanked by attendants on both sides, and some have a tunnel behind them. The colossal sculptures take up most of the space, so that visitors have to look up once they enter the cave, feeling the power of the grandeur and their own insignificance at the same time. The main theme is the Buddhas of the Three Times. »The Three Times« refer to the past, the present, and the future. The construction of the Five Caves began in the early years of the Heping Era, but construction of such a large scale was not easy to finish in one attempt. Scholars have already divided the Five Caves into two groups: Caves no. 18, 19, and 20 belong in one group, with the rest forming the second group. In terms of time of excavation, the first group was also finished first, followed by the second group. Based on the distribution of the five caves, and the height and elevation of Cave no. 19, we can infer that the five caves were initially planned and arranged around Cave no. 19 as their center, but changes were made due to issues with the rock and signs of collapse during the excavation. The main sculpture in the largest cave, Cave no. 19, is a seated Buddha that reaches a height of 16.8 m.

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On each side of the cave there is an auxiliary cave, and in the cave there is a reclining Buddha. Together, the three constitute the Buddhas of the Three Times. The main Buddha has a polished uṣṇīṣa, a round face, large eyes, and a tall nose. Originally, the eyes were inlaid with black marbles. His pair of ears hang to the shoulders evenly. He wears a kāṣāya that exposes his right shoulder, with an inner layer wrapped under his arms. His right hand put forth the »gesture of fearlessness« (abhayamudrā) while his left hand is placed in front of his belly. The reclining Buddha on the right wears a kāṣāya with a »U«-shaped collar. The main Buddha of Cave no. 18 wears a thin, close-fitting kāṣāya that exposes his right shoulder. A relief of thousand Buddhas is carved on the kāṣāya. To his sides stand the two attendant bodhisattvas, and further out there are two Buddha statues. The main Buddha of Cave no. 20 is about 13.7 m, but because it stands in open air, it appears particularly grand and magnificent. The seated Buddha’s two hands form the gesture of meditation (dhyana-mudrā). The folds of his kāṣāya were created by strips stacked in a stepwise manner while finer shadow lines were carved. The robe looks thick and heavy, with decorative patterns protruding. Flames are carved at the outer edges of the halos around his head and chest; there are also patterns of flames carved on his upper arms and shoulders. The main Buddha of Cave no.  16 is a standing Buddha with a tall uṣṇīṣa and a headful of curls. His face is long and round, with ears hanging to the shoulders and eyebrows shaped like the new moon. His right hand forms the gesture of fearlessness, and he wears a kāṣāya with a »U«-shaped collar. Cave no. 17 houses a sculpture of the crosslegged Maitreya Bodhisattva. He wears a jeweled crown on his head, a kāṣāya that is adorned with a keyūra and leaves his right shoulder exposed, and a wide pleated skirt as undergarment. Both of his arms also wear armlets that represent the Maitreya Bodhisattva in heaven. The standing Buddhas to his left and right should represent the Buddha of

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the past and the Buddha Śakyamuni of the present era, respectively. The style of the Buddha sculptures in the Five Caves of Tanyao is marked by salient characteristics. Their shoulders tend to be wide and their figures stout while their eyes are deep-set and their noses tall. The proportion of their figures tend to be on the shorter and thicker side. Rays of flames radiate from their backs, and flying celestials are further carved on those flames. They wear thin, close-fitting clothes. Details like the dense protruding folds of the clothes and facial hair above the lip reveal a noble, resolute, and rugged style. These styles and characteristics differ both from the Liangzhou style as well as the Gandhāran sculptures. The style of the Five Caves, their common theme of the Buddha of the Three Times, their dome ceilings, and the tunnels behind the main sculptures all reflect their connections with the sculptures in Liangzhou of the Western Regions, Gandhāra, and Mathura. Meanwhile, new elements were also infused into their style. Comparatively speaking, they still reflect the robust features of the religious art from the Western Regions. In these works flows and boils the blood that fused the strengths of the Tuoba, the Xianbei, and the Han Chinese. (Fig. 4.4.6) The Yungang Caves consist primarily of Buddhist sculptures from the late 5th century and the early 6th century. The works were directly supervised by the Northern Wei royals, elite monks, and high-ranking officials. They once exerted considerable influence on caves in various regions. The most representative achievement from the early period of the Yungang Caves is the Five Caves of Tanyao, which merge foreign art forms like the Gandhāran style with Chinese art traditions. Their main sculptures stand out, and the caves are arranged densely together. For instance, the main Buddhas of Cave no. 19 and Cave no. 20 have stalwart figures, are symmetrical, have noble facial features and solemn facial expressions, and are rich with the volume and texture of sculpture. The

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Yungang Caves were clearly influenced by the arts of Central Asia, South Asia, Greece, and Persia, a historical testimony to the intercultural exchanges between China and foreign lands. Scenes of architecture, music, and dance reflected in the Yungang sculptures are also valuable historical documents.

4.4.6 Cave no. 9 of Yungang featuring the Jātaka tale of the Prince on an Outing, Northern Wei

boldness and power that emanate from the sculptures deeply move the viewer with the boundlessness of the Buddha’s Dharma and the beauty of Buddhist art. Sculptures from the peak period of the Yungang Caves are splendid and perfect. The ante- and back-chambers and the central pillar itself are filled with exquisitely-designed niche sculptures. The Jātaka tales in Cave no. 6 are lively and dense. The three-headed and eight-armed Maheśvara and the five-faced, six-armed Kumara in the entrance of Cave no.  8 display unique characteristics. The flying celestials take on various diverse forms, and they became even more unpredictable and varied in the late period. Patterns of decoration include golden-and-silver honeysuckles (rendong), lotuses, attendant bodhisattvas, miraculously self-born boys, and others—elaborate and splendid, exhibiting high achievements. The

2. Yique Longmen: An Exemplary Case of Sinicization The context within which the Longmen Caves were excavated was during the period of Emperor Xiaowen’s reign when he moved the capital and began to pursue and promote Sinicization policies. Emperor Xiaowen relocated the capital from Pingcheng to Luoyang, enabling the Northern Wei to shed its nomadic culture and adopt the more advanced feudal culture. The simultaneous shift of the center of the cave complexes from Yungang to Longmen is an exemplary case of the Sinicizing process of Buddhist iconography in the history of Chinese cave art. The Buddha’s figurative image and his attire are the most important features through which one can most clearly observe the Sinicization of the Buddha’s image. The Buddha’s physique transformed from robust to lean, and his attire changed from a right-baring or covered kāṣāya to an overlapping-coat with a belt. This, in turn, is inextricably linked to Emperor Xiaowen’s implementation of dress reform, further illustrating how the development of Chinese caves and Chinese culture are inextricably linked, reflecting epochal changes in national psychology and aesthetic ideals. The Longmen Caves are located 13  km south of Luoyang in Henan Province, and run along both sides of the Ishui Rive for one kilometer. It was first excavated during the Northern Wei Dynasty during the capital’s relocation in the 18th year of Taihe’s reign (494). Excavation activities continued through the Eastern Wei, Western Wei, Northern Qi, Sui, and Tang dynasties, well in to the Northern Song Dynasty. There are currently 2,345

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existing caves, more than 100,000 statues, more than 3,600 inscriptions carved on stelae, and more than 40 pagodas. The Longmen Caves underwent two main periods of excavation, namely in the late Northern Wei and in the early Tang Dynasty. The late Northern Wei caves are represented by the Guyang, Binyang and Lotus Caves, known as the Three Caves of the Northern Wei. The imperial-commissioned carving of the Binyang Caves took 24 years and more than 2.8 million labor units. Although not completed on schedule, the Buddha statue in the main Binyang Cave is an exemplary model of Chinese Buddhism. The Guyang Cave was originally a natural rock cave, and came to its current form through two expansions. On the main wall are the statues of the Buddha and the two bodhisattvas made for Emperor Xiaowen. It is rectangular in layout and more than 13  m deep. The ground has been excavated to procure more depth, so the pedestal of the main statue appears to be very high. Three stories of main niches are circumscribed by the southern and northern walls, of which eight were the first to be carved out. The niches in this cave are beautifully and finely carved, and the inscriptions on the statues are also famous in the history of calligraphy. The niche contains a seated statue of Śakyamuni, with his right-baring kāṣāya that has a pleated pattern carved into its sides and corners. The pattern of the robe is densely carved with a shallow and flat blade in a ladder-like pattern. The Buddha’s crown halo is decorated with lotus petals, a continuous bead pattern, and Gandharva and Kinnara, the celestial gods of music and dance. The statue’s outer halo is decorated with flames, a small seated Buddha and celestial beings. The flames are carved in relief with shaded lines. Outside of the halo, the backdrop is decorated with the celestial figures of music, who hold musical instruments such as the narrow-waisted drum, bili and the pipa, the Chinese pan flute and the horizontal flute. The side of the

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pedestal is decorated with lotus flowers, and birds and animals in a continuous circle, and the east side of the niche is inscribed with a stele-shaped statue. The carving techniques of the Huicheng niche and the inscriptions of Huicheng statue are unpretentious and archaic, yet at the same time distinctive. The flame pattern in the outer halo of the Buddha statue, and the flying celestials and the seated Buddha are all carved in high relief; while the bodies of the celestial musicians outside of the halo in the backdrop are chubby, short and slightly awkward, as if they were having trouble taking flight—similar to the flying celestials of Yungang Cave 7. The Yang Dayan statue niche has a pointed-arch tympanum, with a single hipped roof in the center, arches and columns, and a golden-winged bird on the ridge. On both sides of the niche tympanum are four-armed yakşas holding up octagonal ceremonial pillars. Within the niche is a round carved figure of a seated Śakyamuni wearing a right-baring kāṣāya, with an exceedingly complex, elaborate and dazzling outer halo. The outer halo is carved in high relief, comprising a seated Buddha, flying celestials and flame patterns, as well as two attendant Bodhisattvas. Above the Bodhisattvas to the top of the niche, there are many bhikkhus listening to the dharma and soaring flying celestial beings carved in negative relief. The statue is carved in the form of a stele with a chi-dragon as its head. The original head of the Gaoshu niche was lost and later collected by the American collector Chen Zhejing, whose efforts to authenticate the original appearance of ancient Chinese Buddhist sculptures led to the restoration of this niche (Fig. 4.4.7) In Guyang Cave, there is also a relief carving of the King of the North Sea, Yuan Xiang, and his family members, as well as a relief of the King of Anding, Yuan Xie, paying homage to the Buddha. The relief depicting the worship of the Buddha, between the two niches on the north wall, shows a bhikkhuni as the leader and noble women in long skirts holding incense burners and carrying

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4.4.7 Flying Celestials and Bodhisattvas in Guyang Cave, Longmen Caves, Northern Wei Dynasty

incense pouches. They are followed by maids with their hair made up in two buns, holding up bejeweled parasols. The painting is filled with the somber and solemn atmosphere of religious devotion, and the procession of believers almost seem to move forward to the rhythm of the music. The figures are slender and elongated, and they were carved by laterally scraping away the negative space, in which the background aside from the main figures and objects are thinly chipped away to create the relief. Following that, the scenes and main figures on the mural are further outlined by carving negative outlines along the contour. This

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technique, which originated in the Han Dynasty, is well established in Buddhist carving. Buddhist stories and Jataka tales can also be found in the Guyang Cave, but mostly on the frieze and the tympanum of the niche with small figures, where there are also some exquisite works. There are actually three caves at Binyang Cave, namely Binyang Middle Cave, the North Cave and the South Cave. Of the three caves, only Binyang Middle Cave was completed in the Northern Wei Dynasty. The façade is perfection itself, with an arched beam connecting two Greek Ionian columns with dragon heads as its capital. A beast’s head can be found in the flame pattern of the pointed arch, and large niches on both sides of the door columns are carved with two pestle-holding Vajrapani. The cave is nearly horseshoe-shaped, with a depth of nearly 10 m. The vault at the top of the cave is carved like a chatra-parasol, with an altar at the base of each of the three walls. On the main wall, the Buddha sitting cross-legged is featured and is flanked by two disciples and two Bodhisattvas on either side. The Buddha’s high bun is carved with a wavy hair pattern. The face is long and square, with wide eyebrows and large eyes, and a slight smile. The statue has a strong body and low shoulders, the Buddha’s hands are holding the seal of fearlessness and wishfulness. At the front of the statue’s pedestal are two lions. The Buddha’s garment is a double-collared overcoat with a saṃghāṭī inside, along with an undershirt and a tied belt. The carvings depicting the cloth’s drapes are dense and in parallel, with the train hanging down in front of the pedestal. The left and right walls are each carved with a standing Buddha and two Bodhisattvas by his side. The cave with three Buddhas on three walls is a visual representation of the theme of the three Buddhas of the past, present, and future. (Fig. 4.4.8) On both sides of the inner wall of the Middle Cave door, highly picturesque reliefs were carved, all divided into four layers. The uppermost layer, which is the largest in size, depicts the »Inquiring about

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the Illness« chapter of Vimalakīrti-nirdeśa-sūtra, in which the Bodhisattva Mañjuśrī visits Vimalakīrti’s residence to ask about his illness and discuss Buddhist doctrine. Vimalakīrti is seated in a tent with an embroidered pillow in his hand, surrounded by attendants. He is relaxed, and emaciated. Mañjuśrī is seated cross-legged, holding his sash, with lotus buds and disciples beside him. On the second level, the Jataka tale of his past life is depicted. The relief shows Prince Sattva giving up his body to feed a tiger and Prince Sudana giving alms. On the third level is the famous relief of the emperor and empress worshipping the Buddha, showing Emperor Xiaowen and his ministers, and the Empress Dowager Wenzhao and her concubines, paying their respects to the Buddha—a large historical scroll of exquisite carving. The composition is rigorous and the engraving is delicate. The Xiaowen emperor faces south while paying obeisance to the Buddha, and his two attendants

4.4.8 Main Buddha statue, Binyang Middle Cave, Longmen Caves, Northern Wei Dynasty

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holds ceremonial staffs. The emperor wears his coronet, holds an incense burner, and appears solemn and at ease while supported by two attendants and a child who replenishes the incense. More than ten courtiers follow behind him, marching slowly. The Wenzhao Dowager Empress faces north with her head adorned with a crown and a lotus-bearing maid beside her, and a female attendant holds an incense burner, facing her. Behind the Dowager Empress are more than 10 concubines and attendants, two of whom are holding feather scarves. The overall atmosphere of the two reliefs is harmonious and unified, and the layers are rich and varied. The carving technique emphasizes the use of lines in creating form, which is a tradition in Chinese art. The movement of the figures, the contours of their forms, the folds of their clothing, and the skirts of their dresses can all be captured with charm with the use of lines. At the same time, a round carving technique is used in relief carving to express delicate changes in volume in order to achieve a rich and holistic effect. This carving method is different from the straight and flat carving methods, which are more often used in round carvings, and used to adapt to different forms of expression. The main features of Northern Wei statues are their emaciated and delicate physique and loose fitting and flowing dress. The pleats of their clothes are densely layered and the hems are usually draped over the statue’s pedestal. The bodhisattva’s cape crisscrosses and hangs downward, and the hem of the skirt is narrow and long. Most of the Buddha statues depict the subject matter of the three Buddhas, or simply multiple statues of Śakyamuni Buddha. Huangfu Gong Cave and Guyang Cave also have well-preserved carvings of worshipping the Buddha. The walls of the caves are filled with multi-layered and multi-segmented niches of various shapes: square niches, round pediments, round arches, house-shaped, pointed arch, etc. The niches are often decorated with opulent and extravagant draperies and ropes. Statues within

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the niches often depict Śakyamuni, cross-legged Maitreya, Amitābha Buddha, and Bhaiṣajyaguru, as well as Śakyamuni and Prabhūtaratna sitting side by side. From the Yongpyong period, there are statues of the Guanyin Bodhisattva and attendant Bodhisattvas, as well as a statue of the Buddha sitting against Maitreya. The relief carvings of the Buddha’s biography and Jataka tales in Guyang Cave, carvings of Vimalakīrti’s transformation in Binyang Cave, as well as relief of Nirvana in the Wei and Putai caves are all distinctive in their own way and of high artistic value. The carving technique has gradually transformed from the flat and straight method of the Yungang style to the rounded and curved carving of the Longmen style. Along with the shift in carving technique, the statues’ styles also evolved from the more rotund and coarser Yungang style to the more refined and elegant Longmen style.

3. Sculpture in Large Niches and Caves in the Yangtze River Basin Although there were not many grottoes in the South during the Northern and Southern dynasties, many temples and pagodas were built. The earliest Buddhist temples of the Southern Dynasties are cited as the Wuchang (now Ezhou, Hubei) temples during the Three Kingdoms and the Jianchu Temple in Jiankang (now Nanjing, Jiangsu), where many bronze mirrors and celadon statues of Buddha were unearthed. The story of the great painter Gu Kai Zhi painting Vimalakīrti in the Eastern Jin Dynasty, reportedly happened in the Jiankang Waguan Temple. Within the temple, one can still find a Buddha statue sculpted by Dai Kui, as well as objects gifted by Sri Lanka, including a jade Buddha statue, murals and two types of Buddha statue. These are known as the »Three Incomparables.« These circumstances illustrate the extent to which Buddhist art flourished in the Southern Dynasties. The surviving cave images of the Southern Dynasties can be found at Nanjing’s Sheshan, at

4.4.9 Cross-legged Buddha statue, Nanjing Qixia Mountain Caves, Southern Dynasties

the Thousand Buddha Rock in Qixia Mountain, and at the Great Buddha of Baoxiang Temple in Xinchang, Zhejiang. Located northeast of Nanjing, the Thousand Buddha Rock Niche complex of Qixia Mountain contains a total of 294 large and small Buddha niche caves, and 515 statues. The niches were mainly excavated in the Southern Dynasties, and subsequently expanded and renovated during the Ming Dynasty. Unfortunately, many of the statues of the Thousand Buddha Rock—at the initiative of the presiding monk of Qixia Temple in 1925—were repaired with cement during restoration, and as such their original appearances have been obscured and are lost to us. (Fig. 4.4.9)

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The two major niches excavated during the Southern Dynasties portray the subject matter of the Three Western Saints, as well as Śakyamuni Buddha sitting side by side with Prabhūtaratna. The large niche has a horizontal oval layout with a wooden eave in front. The statue of the Amitabha Buddha is carved on the stone altar of the main wall of the niche and is about six meters high. The Buddha is wearing a kāṣāya with two collars hanging downward. He is sitting cross-legged on a stone platform with his hands in meditation. The hemline of the robe, which hangs in front of the pedestal, is similar to the hemline of the main Buddha statue in the Binyang Cave of Longmen. The two bodhisattvas, Guan Shi Yin and Da Shi Zhi, stand on the stone platforms decorated with overlapping lotus petals, set on either side of the stone altar of the Great Seated Buddha. The bodhisattvas’ attire is similar to those worn by the bodhisattvas of the Northern Wei Dynasties. The three images have been repeatedly restored and redecorated by later generations, and as a consequence the faces of the statues are heavily eroded. However, the original postures and clothing are still vaguely discernible, so it is clear that the original form of the Three Western Saints’ statues were dressed in Confucian garb, with belted overcoats. The niche next to the Three Western Saints is slightly smaller, with the statues of Śakyamuni and Prabhūtaratna carved into the stone altar. The two Buddhas are dressed in a kāṣāya with the right should carved to suggest that it is also covered by cloth, and hold their hands in meditation. The duo sit cross-legged on a stone altar, where a lotus petal pattern is visible through the pattern of the outer round halo. The basic features of these statue are still similar to those of the Northern Wei Dynasty. However, in recent years, after the two Buddhas sitting side by side were stripped of their cement layer to reveal their original appearance, a connection between the Qixia statues and the Northern Buddha statues became apparent. For example, the

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overcoats on the statues covering both shoulders demonstrate a relationship to early Northern Wei Cave statues. As the Qixia statues were carved during the time period between the construction of the Yungang and the main Longmen niches and caves, the Qixia states demonstrate a northern influence and reflects northern stylistic tendencies. Several seated Maitreya Buddhas of the Northern Qi Dynasty, such as the Joon County Buddha in Henan Province, resemble the huge niche statue of Hepingsi Baoxiang Temple, and were probably influenced by it. The abundance of cave cliffs in Sichuan is unparalleled in the country. However, the main works are from the late Tang and Song dynasties, and early cave chambers in Sichuan are only found in Guangyuan. Guangyuan is located at the gateway to northern Sichuan, guarding the pass of the ancient »Golden Bull Road« from Chang’an via Hanzhong into Sichuan. The Thousand Buddha Cliff and Huangze Temple are two important cave complexes, and the early Guangyuan grottoes are not only the earliest in Sichuan, but also very distinct when it comes to cave structure and sculptural style. In fact, it most closely resembles works in the Northern Dynasties, and as such is probably part of the Northern Dynasties school of cave carving. The Thousand Buddha Cliff is located five kilometers north of the city on the east bank of the Jialing River. It contains 7,000 statues. Its Big Buddha Cave and Three Saints Hall are the earliest cliff statues in the whole of Sichuan. A Standing Buddha is carved on the main wall of the Big Buddha Cave, and bodhisattva statues are carved on the side walls. The Standing Buddha is four meters tall, and wears a belted-robe kāṣāya. The drapes of his robes form a laddered cross-section, and his peach-shaped head is surrounded by a crown halo which reaches the top of the cave. The style of carving is similar to that of the standing Buddha in the Lotus Cave of the Longmen complex, from the Northern Wei Dynasty. The bodhisattva

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is also depicted in an unadorned and clean manner, sporting a double bun and a cape which crisscrosses the front of the belly. He also wears a lavish lower skirt and embodies many characteristics of late Northern Wei bodhisattva forms. The Three Saints Hall statues closely resemble the Maizhi Mountain statues from the Western Wei and Northern Zhou. The cave is square-shaped with three walls and three niches. Each wall features a rounded arch with a seated Buddha statue as well as two Bodhisattva statues within. The statues’ attires are outlined with a shallow and flat carving method, where the contours of the main body are suggested. The details of the hands are committed and there are no knots before the statue’s chest. The crown halo behind the head is decorated with the pattern of round lotus petals, and on the outer circle of the halo, six flying celestials and seven Buddhas are depicted. The flying celestials wear capes that flutter behind them as they fly, creating a real sense of lightness of movement. Huangze Temple is a temple of worship for Wu Zetian, who was born in Lizhou (Guangyuan). The cliff statue is on the cliff behind the temple, one kilometer west of the city, across the river from the Thousand Buddha Cliff and the city. At the Huangze Temple site, one can also find a rare early cave with a central column, which is unusual for southern cave statues. The square column in the center of the cave is divided into three layers, with draperies between the layers and niches on all four sides of each layer to carve out small statues. There is even a small pagoda on the top layer and an elephant pedestal on the lowest layer. The three walls of the cave also have large niches and two small niches next to them. The walls are covered with a thousand Buddhas, and the Buddhas’ bodies are slightly flat, with detailed patterns of clothing carved with negative contours. Round lotus petal patterns decorate the space behind the head. These cave statues are similar to those of the Northern Wei, Western Wei and Northern Zhou style, because Guangyuan is located at the crossroads of

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the Northern and Southern dynasties, once part of Northern Wei, Western Wei and Northern Zhou territory. A stone Buddha statue from the 3rd year of the Northern Wei Dynasty (514) was also excavated in Chengguan, Guangyuan. The early statues of Guangyuan are known belonging to the northern Central Plans school of sculpture. The large bust of the Buddha found at the Yunlong Mountain in Xuzhou, Jiangsu Province, is also an early work of the Northern Wei dynasty, comparable to the early statues of Guangyuan and as such belonging to the Northern Dynasties family of sculpture.

Section 3  Rich Varieties of Other Forms of Sculpture 1. Large Sculptures in Front of the Mausoleum 1. Spirit Way Columns and Guardian Beasts In the late Eastern Han period, the mausoleum complex saw the emergence of monumental towers, the Spirit Way (shendao, guardian beasts and stelae. Although monumental towers were popular during the Han Dynasty, they fell into disuse from the Wei and Jin dynasties onwards and were replaced by Spirit Way columns. The name »Spirit Way Column« (shendao zhu) is derived from its use in indicating the path of spirits. The Spirit Way, which was originally an avenue leading out of the mausoleum, gradually developed to be synonymous with Spirit Way columns as well. The columns, which likely evolved from wooden ceremonial pillars, eventually became markers next to the Spirit Way indicating the path. During the Han dynasty, the tianlu, bixie (winged lions) and lions were already used for sculptures of guardian beasts. Most of the tombstones during this period contained a pair of stone beasts, but

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also occasionally a pair of stone persons or sheep. A pair of stone beasts in front of the tomb of Zongzi in Nanyang, Henan, are engraved with the names tianlu and bixie; while the stone lions of the Wu ancestral temple in Jiaxiang, Shandong, has their name engraved on the monumental tower (que), and the stone lion in front of the que in Ya’an, Sichuan, has two wings. However, this kind of a sculptural complex on top of the tomb, together with the style of temple architecture on top mausoleum, all disappeared over time. Wars, exhumations and changes in attitude at the end of the Han Dynasty led to a shift in burial customs from elaborate to simple burials. In the Three Kingdoms and Jin dynasties, the practice of the simple burial was promoted, so that most emperors built their tombs on mountains devoid of grave mounds and trees. As construction of mausoleums ceased and rituals were abolished, there was no longer need for monumental stone carvings. Following the Northern and Southern dynasties, both the custom of elaborate and simple burials existed, with the practice of elaborate burials gradually becoming more popular. The economic development of the Eastern Jin and Southern dynasties also seemed to have led to a resurgence of the mausoleum complex. The stone carvings of the Eastern Han Dynasty gradually became a staple combination, and by the time of the Northern and Southern dynasties each form of sculpture was codified into fixed configurations. In the Southern Dynasties, the organization of mausoleums and their commemorative carvings all consisted of a pair of stone beasts, a pair of Spirit Way columns and a pair of stone stelae, with some tombs having two pairs of opposing stelae. The Spirit Way led one onto the grounds of the tomb complex, while the mausoleum temple built on the open space in front of the tomb itself was meant to facilitate the worship of the tomb. The sites of the tombs were mostly built on a hill, with the orienting principle of »facing the plain and leaning against the mountains.« The stone

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sculptures are all distributed along flat areas of the tomb complex—the remaining sculptures can be found at one site in the Liu Song Imperial tombs, five sites in the Qi Imperial tombs, at three points in the Liang Imperial tombs, ten points in the tombs of the Liang princes and dignitaries, in two places at the Chen Imperial Tombs, at eleven places in the anonymous tombs, and at one point at the entrance to the tomb grounds. The remaining Spirit Way columns from the Southern dynasties are mostly located at the Liang Imperial tombs. The best preserved and most well-carved column is the western column of the tomb of Xiao Jing, the Marquis Zhong of Wuping of the Liang Dynasty. The pillar is 632 cm high and is carved with 24 straight flutes, the upper part of which was finely carved to be rounded and more intricate. The front panel is inscribed on the reverse with the words, »The Spirit Way of the late Liang Dynasty Palace Attendant, General of the Central Pacification Army, Commander Unequalled in Honor, Marquis Zhong of Wuping.« The lower part of the panel is carved in relief with the ghost motif of Fangxiang, a folk deity. Ropes and crisscrossing dragon motifs distinguish the upper and lower parts of the column. The capital of the pillar is carved in relief with a lotus flower motif. On top of the capital, in the center, is a small bixie with its head looking towards the distance. The column’s varied yet integrated form manages to be both imposing and dignified, elegant and flamboyant at the same time. These details along with its meticulous workmanship, cements the column’s status as a preeminent representation of Chinese stone column carving. At the same time, the Spirit Way columns of Xiao Hong, Prince Jinghui of Linchuan of the Liang Dynasty, as well as those of the tomb of Xiao Ji, Prince Jian of Kang of the Southern Dynasties, are also magnificent. In fact, both of the columns of the two pairs mentioned above are intact and continue stand opposite each other today.

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The configuration of stone sculptures in front of the tombs during the Southern Dynasties is simple and straightforward. The guardian beasts, the Spirit Way columns, and the stone stelae are located approximately one kilometer from the mausoleum, with the guardian beasts most fully embodying the theme of monumental carving. While the tomb carvings of the Han and the Northern dynasties both include complex combinations of stone figures; the Southern Dynasties sculptures of mythical beasts are the best expressions of aesthetic conceptions and awareness, and play an important role in commemorative carvings. The height and length of these Southern Dynasties stone beasts are around three meters or more, and they have a distinctive posture, taking a strong stance with their powerful and robust bodies, as if striding forward. It is easy to imagine from both their lofty and majestic demeanor, as well as their sizeable volume and tremendous weightiness, the dominant role they would have played within the sculptural configuration of the mausoleum ­complex. In the Southern Dynasties, there were two standards of specification for the use of guardian beasts—the first standard was for imperial tombs and the second for the tombs of princes and nobles. The imperial tombs would have used a pair of mythical beasts—the tianlu with two horns and a qilin with a single horn. The tombs of princes and noblemen would have used two lions, which were sometimes termed bixie. As the emperor was the »Son of Heaven,« it was only appropriate he was afforded the use of providential and auspicious creatures; while princes and noblemen would be entitled the use of the king of all animals, the lion. Tianlu and qilin may be distinguished by the number of horns on top of their head; while the rest of their features—the long beards under the jaw, hairy temples, wings adorning the upper part of their forelimbs, the small curly scales before the wings, the long plumes of feather behind the wings, the ridges along the spine, along with long

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curly hairs draping from their hips—are the same. Although the lions are far less majestic in contrast to the mythical beasts and have far less surface ornamentation, nonetheless they appear just as powerful and muscular on the whole. Unlike the Han Dynasty, where sculptures of guardian beasts would have faced forward; the stone beasts of the Southern Dynasties tombs all faced the path of the Spirit Way, and indeed may be distinguished as either male or female. (Fig. 4.4.10) The most memorable aspect of the Southern Dynasties stone beasts is their robust and animated spirit. The mysterious and non-realistic depiction of the mythical beasts invites the viewer to dwell and repeatedly ponder their forms. Realistic images can easily evoke specific associations, but cannot summon the imagination of the ethereal and spiritual, and as such falls short of elevating man’s spirit. The physique of the Southern Dynasties mystical beasts is one of many artistic embellishments. The curvatures of the beasts’ bodies are elastic, and the postures and dynamic stances are exaggerated and fortified with mane and feathers, strewn curly hair, and long and extended wing plumes. In particular, the double and single horns of the head and the drooping beard under the jaw establish a mysterious and dynamic aura. The treatment of the stone lion’s mane is also very distinctive, with the rear part emphasizing the sense of a whole and the two slightly concave bevels in front carving out the curly manes with lines to achieve a very unified effect, far surpassing the simulated and decorative treatment of Ming and Qing stone lions. After four dynasties, the tombs of the Southern Dynasties gradually became uniform in form and configuration. However, one may still detect traces of development upon closer examination. The sculptures of stone beasts evolved from simple and heavy to slender and agile, and the decorative patterns on the beasts evolved from simple and plain to rich and exuberant. The artistic style also evolved from plain and mellow to exaggerated and

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4.4.10 Sculpture of mythical beast, Xiu’an Tomb of Xiao Daosheng, Emperor Jing of the Southern Qi Dynasty, Danyang in Jiangsu Province

bold. The polishing techniques, too, became more and more mature, reaching a state of perfection. Not only are the amount of mystical beasts in the Southern Liang the most numerous, but the types and configurations are also the most comprehensive. Because most of the tombs of clearly identifiable princes and noblemen are of the Liang period, there are a total of eight tombs, all with a pair of stone lions in front of them. The complete configuration of stone beasts, Spirit Way columns and stone stelae is only found in the Jian tomb of Emperor Wen, and in the tombs of the Prince Kant of Ancheng and Prince Jinghui of Linchuan. The tianlu and qilin in front of Emperor Wen’s tomb are still in the style of the Qi Dynasty, being dynamic and robust. The beasts of Emperor Wu’s tomb are shorter and bulkier, with larger

and squarer heads, lower and broader bodies. Their limbs are also depicted with straight lines, further emphasizing their stout and hefty forms on the whole, adding to a sense of majesty and mightiness. The artistic achievement of the stone lions in the tombs of the kings of Liang is in no way inferior to that of the imperial tombs. The two lions in front of the tomb of Xiao Rong, Prince Jian of Guiyang are shorter in neck and flatter in the body, highlighting the lion’s stance of puffing its chest with its head tilted towards the sky; as if it were powerful enough to engulf mountains and rivers. The double lions in front of the tomb of Xiao Chuo, the Prince of Loyalty and Martyrdom of Poyang, are extremely rotund and wide, further heightening their solid and magnificent features. Although the stone lions are less adorned, they

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somehow manage to embody an understated yet dignified aura. Some of these stone lions have small lions attached to them, adding to the form some liveliness and variety. The tomb of Xiao Xiu, King Kang of Ancheng, is the most complete and well-preserved tomb. As such, it retains two more stele pedestals than the usual configuration. In sequence, they are a pair of stone animals, a pair of pedestals, a pair of Spirit Way columns and a pair of monumental stelae. The stelae have narrow tops and a rounded bodies, with crossed dragon patterns on the tops, pierced foreheads, and turtle pedestals underneath. The side of the monument is carved in dynamic reliefs of gods and monsters. Among the two tombs of the Southern Chen emperors, the beasts of the Yongning Tomb of Emperor Wen are extremely majestic and magnificent. Their large square heads, rounded curves forming their torsos, wings and beards are all shaped to suggest the beast’s imminent flight. The four paws of the beast—a particularly refined detail—never touch the ground, creating an impression of weightlessness and levitation. 2. Stone Figurines and Stone Creatures During the Sixteen Kingdoms, due to frequent wars, many leaders of ethnic minorities adopted the Han tradition of submerged burials, in an attempt to prevent their tombs from being disturbed and raided. The »Biography of Suo Lu« in The Book of Song records that »when a person died, he was buried in a submerged grave, with no place marking the grave,« and that the tomb of Shi Le of Hou Zhao was an example of simple burials at that time. However, there is a stone horse in Chajiazhai, Chang’an County, Shaanxi Province, which is two meters high and inscribed with the words »Daxia Zhenxing Sixth Year (424) …… Great General.« Helian Bobo founded the Kingdom of Xia at Tongwan City (northwest of present-day Hengshan County in Shaanxi Province). He had captured Chang’an and sent his son to guard it, and

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named him a »Great General« as well as making him advisor of Yongzhou. Helian Bobo’s son was defeated and killed by his brother in the 6th year of Zhenxing, so this horse is roughly the stone carving of the tomb. The stone horse is very similar in form to the stone sculpture The Horse treading Xiongnu in front of the tomb of Huo Qubing, with an archaic shape and an unpretentious, powerful look. The front legs and hind legs are connected as a barrier to increase its sturdiness, and there are cloud patterns at the bottom of the barrier to indicate the leaping of the horse. (Fig. 4.4.11) The Yonggu Mausoleum of Empress Dowager Feng, located in Fangshan, Pingcheng (northwest of Datong, Shanxi), is the most extensive of the Northern Wei Imperial Empress mausoleums. It was built in the fifth year of Taihe’s reign (481), completed in eight years, and she was buried in the fourteenth year of Taihe’s reign. The tomb complex originally contained a Buddhist temple, flanked out front by a stone sculptural mortuary temple with stone monumental towers, stone stelae, and stone beasts. One can only imagine how majestic the complex would have been. Excavations revealed that the stone door niches of this tomb were carved in relief with a smiling barefoot boy holding a lotus bud in his hand. In the lower corners of the door, the niches were carved with long-tailed peacocks holding precious pearls in their mouths, and there were stone tiger head gate piers next to the stone door and stone warrior figurines in the tomb. The hall in front of the temple, Yonggu Hall, no longer exists, but there is a detailed account of it in the »Ta Shui« fascicle from the Commentary on the Water Classic. From it, one gathers that the stone hall was carved to imitate a wooden structure, with its steps, railings, windows, doors, beams and even rafters all carved in relief. The four pillars in front of the eaves were even made of a kind of black stone from Luoyang, carved with a hidden pattern, and decorated in gold and silver, creating a visual effect like brocade. Inside and outside the hall, there are also

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4.4.11  Daxia stone horse, unearthed in Chajiazhai, Chang’an County, Shaanxi Province

special green stone screens with thematic relief carvings of Confucian loyalty and filial piety, and in front of the hall are monumental towers, stelae and beasts, with pines and cypresses on both sides. Emperor Xiaowen and Empress Dowager Wenzhao, who were known as the »Two Sages,« originally had their tombs next to each other. Emperor Xiaowen’s tomb was first built next to Empress Dowager Wenzhao’s Yonggu Tomb, but was relocated to the northern suburbs of Luoyang to build the Changling Mausoleum at Mang Mountain as the capital had moved. As such, the originally constructed Shouling Mausoleum at Fangshan Mountain became an empty palace, called »Hall of Ten Thousand Years« (Wannian Tang). The stone door frame of this hall is carved in relief with the image of a warrior holding a sword, which shows how integral of the image of the imperial guard was to the iconography of the Northern Wei imperial

tombs. The Mang Mountains next to Luoyong was where the sites of burial of Northern Wei emperors and nobles were concentrated, yet the stone funerary sculpture in front of the tombs have long since disappeared. The only surviving relics are a knife-wielding military official in front of the Jingling Tomb of Emperor Xuanwu of the Northern Wei Dynasty (515), a military official as tall as three meters in the Jingling Tomb of Emperor Xiaozhuang (531), as well as a 1.6-m-high squatting lion, and a dilapidated stone statue. The military officials stand atop stone pedestals, with a stern stance and their gaze directed straight ahead. Two stone beasts and two stone figures stand in front of the tomb of Emperor Wen of the Western Wei Dynasty in Fuping, Shaanxi. A standing stone beast is now in the Shaanxi Provincial Museum. Its posture is calm and the limbs are sturdy, but the carving is crude and its features are indistinct, with the wings carved only in lines.

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There are three stone figures, two stone lions and two stone sheep in front of the tomb of Yuchi Yun of the Northern Zhou Dynasty in Xianyang. The tomb complex in Wanzhang, Magian County, Hebei, is constructed to very high specifications and is probably the tomb of a Northern Qi emperor. There are two stone figures 80  m in front of this tomb, and the surviving one is more than four meters high. In front of the tomb of Sima Xinglong in Ci County, there are two stone sheep, one standing and one reclining. There is also a mythical beast and two reclining sheep in front of the anonymous tombs of the Northern Qi to Sui period in Taiyuan, Shanxi. In Shanxi, Shaanxi, and Henan, there are also some scattered sculptures of stone lions and stone sheep. The most distinctive of the funerary sculptures in the Northern Dynasties tombs are the military guards. The stone figures in both Jingling and Jingling tombs (the Jingling figures wear cage crowns) are dressed in court dress, with hands on long swords, standing tall and well-proportioned, with solemn and dignified demeanors. The stone figures in front of the tomb of Yuchi Yun of the Northern Zhou Dynasty are taller than the average person, with high buns and costumed in foreign dress, are they are also standing with sword in both hands. The reliefs in the Hall of Ten Thousand Years and the warrior figurines in the Yonggu Tomb are both figures with swords. The murals in the tomb of Li Xian in the Northern Zhou Dynasty are also lined with images of military figures holding swords. The carvings on these figures are clear and elegant, and their clothes are carefully carved with at least some refinement—much more elaborate than the details of the stone figures in front of the Han Dynasty tomb. However, the dignified posture of the courtiers is a strong indication of the expectations of solemnity and dignity the Northern Dynasties emperors envisioned for their afterlives. As such, the ceremonial guards are carved with few non-realistic elements and colors.

Chapter IV The Emerging Art of Sculpture

2. Tomb Figures 1. Southern Dynasties Tomb Figurines The terracotta figurines of the Six Dynasties reflect the style of the Wei and the Jin. Gone are the large-scale armies and guard battalions of the Qin and Han dynasties, instead are quiet figures of cattle carts, personal attendants, guards, poultry and livestock, reflecting the idyllic and bucolic realm of escape. The terracotta figurines of the Six Dynasty are not mass-produced clones, but works rich in individuality, expressive of personaly, and full of meaning. These transformations and differences from the Qin and Han, from the sculptural form of the figurines to the configuration of individual pieces, are the result of the intense social upheaval of the times. The general appearance of the terracotta figurines of the Three Kingdoms is still the legacy of the Han Dynasty but its retention of local characteristics signifies a turning point in the subsequent development of terracotta figurines. In the Western Jin Dynasty, the burial system was redefined, and the standard for funerary figurines consisted of four categories: tomb beasts and warriors; travel entourages and guards; attendants, musicians and dancers; kitchen, cooks, poultry and livestock. This figurine system continued well into subsequent generations. The burial figurines of the Western Jin Dynasty mausoleum complex in Luoyang show that the Eastern Han Dynasty style of depicting scenes of domestic bliss and playful characters has been eliminated. The Western Jin Dynasty tomb figurines in Zhengzhou and Beijing have roughly the same subject matter and artistic level as those in Luoyang, with the form of figurines taking a dull standing stance. However, the glazed terracotta figurines from the Western Jin Dynasty tombs in Jinpenling, Changsha, are quite outstanding—the same silhouettes as the Eastern Wu figurines were adopted, only the head is more finely carved, the body has only a large outline, the head larger and the body smaller. Al-

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though the style is at times archaic and crude, it is very interesting to see the variety of the figurines, which include an official with a high crown holding a plate, an orchestra playing whileriding on horses, a warrior with a sword and shield, a servant holding something to serve, and literary scribes sitting opposite one another holding briefs or even writing. The height of the scribal figurines is only 17.3 cm, and the two figurines are sitting opposite each other, with the ribbon straps from their high crowns tied at the jaw, holding either a brief paper or a pen in their hands, and the tips of their noses almost facing each other, both with an incomparable attitude of concentration—a most amusing countenance and comportment. Whilst their proportions are not realistic, despite their small size the high crowns, the facial features, the book cases and tables are all highlighted to create detailed and naturalistic work—in a word, convincing masterpieces. The burial customs of terracotta figurines from the Eastern Jin and Southern dynasties are fairly similar to those in the Western Jin. A bronze figurine from the Eastern Jin Dynasty tomb at Sin Long Gang, Jin City, Hunan Province, originally placed on top of the bricks in the tomb room, has an exaggerated demeanor, thin and elongated, with a smiling face, and holding a lotus flower and stepping on a lotus root—exhibiting strong Buddhist stylistic inclinations. Tomb no.  7 at the Wang family mausoleum of the Eastern Jin Dynasty in Xiangshan, Nanjing, contains only 14 figurines, a bullock cart, and a saddle horse. They are made by hand, each with obvious traces of knife carving, and with an immature, clumsy form without many details. However, the bullock cart is excellently sculpted, with the yellow bull pulling the cart with its head lowered and neck drawn, its mouth slightly open, its tail hanging down, has a very affecting posture as it seems to be slowly stepping forward. The figurine driving the cattle has a pointed hat which is tilted back, his right hand looks as if he’s holding onto the reigns, and

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there is wishbone chair on the cart, surrounded by attendant figurines. While the Western Jin Dynasty Imperial tombs have not been excavated yet, four Eastern Jin terracotta figures were unearthed from the Fuguishan tomb in Nanjing (possibly the Chongping tomb of Emperor Gongdi). The figurines are in the form of shield-bearing warriors with vermillion-painted mouths and vermillion-painted shields, each of which is half a meter tall. The shapes of the sculptures as well as the craft of their making are higher than many ordinary terracotta figurines. These terracotta figurines from the Southern Dynasties were probably made by the official workshops and given to court officials. In particular, the headdress of the female figurines varied considerably, and seems connected to the extravagant and flamboyant lifestyle of scholarly families at the time, where the trend was to »change and renew one’s look and clothes three times a month.« For example, the female figurines from the Xishanqiao Tomb are dressed in long-sleeved dresses and skirts which overlap on the right. Their hairstyles are combed from two strands of long curly hair from the temples, which are knotted in a high bun on top of their heads. In the Southern Dynasties, even the figurines from the tombs of Cangwu, Guangxi, and Yongshou, Fucheng, embody the characteristics of the Jiangnan-style ceramic figurines of the two Jin dynasties, even if their craft is at times clumsy and immature. The most spectacular figurines of the Southern Dynasties are from the stone relief carving portrait bricks in the Xuecheng tomb in Deng County, Henan Province, China. It contains more than 50 ceremonial warrior figurines, echoing the configuration of the grand bullock cart procession depicted on opposing walls in stone relief portrait brick within the tomb. Their postures are natural and they move with ease, while their bodies are well-proportioned and supple—in stark contrast to the stiff and rigid terracotta figurines made at the time. Their faces are handsome, their expres-

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sions vivid and natural, and their brows portray smiles of wisdom and goodwill. Their resemblance in countenance to late Northern Wei Buddha statues suggests that the artists may have drawn from Northern Dynasties Buddha statues as a source of inspiration. There are many Northern Dynasties Buddha sculptures that appear to imitate and draw on southern art. At the same time, the Deng County pottery figurines, located at the junction of North and South, also exhibit hybrid tendencies where Northern styles of sculpture were incorporated into Southern forms to great effect. The celadon of the Yue kilns of the Three Kingdoms and Western Jin Dynasty also has many works with sculptural forms, such as grain-container jars in accompanying funerary ware. In particular, the most noteworthy sculptural elements can be found in the ornamentation of the practical container vessels, such as eagle-headed or chicken-headed pitchers, double-bird bowls, frog-shaped vases, and mythical beast vessels. In the instances listed above, just a few well-placed embellishments and line-carving ornamentations are able to bring these practical vessels to life. Some of the vessels highlight or take-on animal shapes, such as the reclining sheep vessel, the bear-shaped di, double-bird water pots, female figurine lamps and so on. For example, bear cub lamps, which portray a small bear crouching and holding a lamp on its head with both hands, create a vividly anthropomorphic piece with practical use. 2. Northern Dynasties Tomb Figurines The highest achievements of Northern and Southern Dynasties terracotta figurines ought to belong to the exemplary figurines of the Northern Dynasties, with masterpieces such as those in the Yuan Shao Tomb of the Northern Wei Dynasty and the Wanzhang Tomb of the Northern Qi Dynasty. These diverse and variegated works reflect the tomb owners’ desire to exhibit and vaunt their status, portraying various figures surrounding the

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lavish lives of the powerful and noble. These figurines also incorporate the craftsmen’s unpretentious and contrasting depictions of love and hate while also expressing their judgments of good and evil and their aesthetic tastes. Before the establishment of the Northern Wei Dynasty, a large number of terracotta figurines were produced at Caochangpo, Xi’an, around the time of the Sixteen Kingdoms. Many armed guards were added to the traveling entourage and guard procession, with soldiers wearing armor, holding spears (no longer extant), or holding bows and arrows. The most striking is the earliest known example of heavy cavalry sculpted in figurines, with both men and horses in armor. There is also a military band riding on horses that beats drums and sounds gongs and horns, as well as male and female attendants dressed in Xianbei costumes. These figurines are pioneering examples of military figurines and configurations military band processions in the Northern Dynasties, exhibiting strong northern ethnic characteristics. The total number of terracotta figurines excavated from the joint tomb of Sima Jinlong and his wife in Datong, Shanxi, exceeds 360, with more than half of the terracotta figurines consisting of infantry, light cavalry and heavy cavalry clad in armor. The artistic craft is fairly mature, with figures falling into the same four types of figurines as stipulated in the Jin Dynasty funerary system. Within the tomb of Zhen, an exceedingly tall warrior was found, as well as another figurine with a human face and the body of a beast, depicted in a squatting position with a single horn on its forehead and a row of holes for inserting bristles on its back. This beast found in the Zhen tomb is shaped differently from the rhinoceros in the Han and Wei dynasties, and may already be an example of the Fangxiang folk deity. Of all the figurines within the tomb, the largest number are figurines that are part of the ceremonial procession. There are no bullock carts, but load-bearing horses and camels are depicted. There are also female musician figurines sitting on

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the ground playing, among the attendant category of funerary figurines, showing the tomb owner’s prominent status and hedonistic lifestyle. The funerary figurines from the Sima Jinlong tomb exhibit a strong Xianbei ethnic style. Most of the figurines wear wind-stopper hats, narrow-sleeved clothing, waist belts, and over-knee-length clothes, while the female figurines’ high buns in particular are wrapped in scarves. The tall foreign hu figures holding horses or camels, with features of sunken-eyes, high-nose, and black moustaches, are the realistic portrayals of the ethnic minorities living in the area around Datong. The figurines of infantrymen feature them in armor wearing helmets with pointed tops, sticking their heads out and gazing ahead, with their broad upper bodies leaning forward slightly, in standby posture. Among the armored cavalry figurines, the horses stand quietly with their heads bowed, while the warriors on their backs look up at the sky with smiles on their faces, looking spirited. One of the figurines in the ceremonial procession wears a cap and cloak, with a stout body and a smile on his chubby face, much like an immature boy. These figurines are molded with little sculptural detail and no attention to human proportions, but rather emphasize the vivid expression of inner emotions and attitudes, which can be described as ingenious. Some of the figurines are also painted with color glaze, such as brown, yellow, green, and cream, and after firing, they are painted with red, white, blue, and black. These sculpting techniques are the origins of the tricolor-glaze that was in vogue during the Tang Dynasty. After Emperor Xiaowen moved the capital to Luoyang, he established a new funerary system, which sought to Sinicize the customs of the Xianbei ethnic group, no less exemplified in the art of terracotta figurines than in Buddhist sculpture. As clean and loose-fitted clothing on figurines emerged all over the territory, the Northern Wei figurines—despite attempting to follow a lean and minimal Southern Dynasties style—continued to

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4.4.12 Terracotta figurines of sword-wielding military officials, excavated from Yuan Shao’s Tomb in Luoyang, Northern Wei Dynasty

retain, in configuration and form, elements of the Xianbei ethnic clothing and a characteristically rugged and rustic northern style. A typical example of this new style is the figurine from the tomb of Yuan Shao, King of Changshan, near Luoyang, in the first year of Jianyi’s reign

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(528). The tomb, despite having been raided, still yielded more than a hundred terracotta figurines during excavation. All of the figurines were carefully crafted using the method of molding the head and body separately and then inserting them together. The whole body was painted in pastels, and the details of the figures’ costumes and armor were subsequently painted in vermilion. This practice and form of figurine making was prevalent in the late Northern Dynasties. (Fig. 4.4.12) The terracotta figurines of the late Northern Dynasties can be divided into two families: the Eastern Wei and Northern Qi, and the Western Wei and Northern Zhou. The difference between these two families of figurines manifests mainly in their respective artistic styles, while the configurations and combination of the figurines is more or less inherited from the late Northern Wei Dynasty, with no major changes. However, the number of figurines within a group is impressive, some reaching thousands. As Emperor Gao moved the capital to Yecheng (now Linzhang, Hebei) and brought with him the Luoyang craftsmen, the figurines of Eastern Wei and Northern Qi exhibit continuity and consistency in their production value and style, with a fairly refined craft. On the other hand, the Western Wei and Northern Zhou figurines continued the craft tradition of Chang’an during the Northern Wei, which features a sloppier and more rustic technique. Thus, the Eastern Wei and Northern Qi figurines may be defined as having finer details and more emphasis being placed on refined forms; while the Western Wei and Northern Zhou figurines are on the whole bulkier and are more rounded. Notably, the Sui and Tang style of figurines are a direct continuation of the Western Wei and Northern Zhou tradition. Most of the figurines from the late Northern Dynasties were excavated from the tombs of noblemen and bureaucrats who were at the political center of the time. In the last 50 years, a considerable number of tombs have been found in the vicinity of Yedu—the capital of Eastern Wei and

Chapter IV The Emerging Art of Sculpture

Northern Qi Dynasties—and the accompanying capital of Jinyang (present-day Taiyuan, Shanxi). Along with the discovery of these tombs, a surprising number of terracotta figurines have also been unearthed. The tomb of Princess Ruru in Ci County, Hebei Province, unearthed 1,604 pieces of painted terracotta figurines despite having previously been disturbed. The excavation of the anonymous Northern Qi tomb in Wanzhang, Ci County, unearthed 1,800 pieces of figurines; and at the tomb of Lou Rui in Taiyuan, Shanxi, 622 pieces of figurines were unearthed. These three tombs, with their large number of figurines of high artistic value, are representative of the achievements and quality of terracotta sculptures in the Eastern Wei and Northern Qi Dynasties. Of the figurines found in the tomb of Princess Ruru, four tomb warriors and the four tomb beasts are the largest in size. The tomb warriors are 48 cm tall, clad in reflective smooth armor, wearing gold helmets on their heads and holding on to long shields with gold tiger heads with one hand. The mythical beasts are approximately 35  cm high, two of which have lion faces and two have human faces. All of the beasts have their heads held high and are depicted in a crouched position, with the horns on their backs raised. Among the figurines of servants, dancers and musicians, there is a 30 cm tall figurine of an old man that has attracted the most attention. The old man is wearing a pointed felt hat, a red floor-length robe with a round collar and wide sleeves, whilst holding a long, serrated object, and smiling and singing with his mouth open. His performance and movement has been depicted most vividly. The unique characteristics of the old man has led many to call him »the Shaman Warlock.« However, there are many similar motifs that may be found on the colored Deng County stone relief portrait tiles, which resembles the old man. The body is well-proportioned and the face is very finely drawn, but no clothing is portrayed, and is only represented by a single red coat of paint.

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4.4.13 Pottery bull, excavated from Lou Rui’s Tomb in Taiyuan, Shanxi Province, Northern Qi Dynasty

The large mural tomb of the early Northern Qi Period in Wanzhang Village, Ci County, unearthed more than 1,800 pieces of terracotta figurines in 1987—by far, the largest number offigurines of the largest scale and highest level of craftsmanship ever discovered. The two large gatekeeper figurines are 1.42  m tall. They wear flat conical towels and have plump faces, and are clothed in a combination of a short coat over their trousers, with armor over their crotches. They stand with cupped hands in greeting and are painted all over, making them the largest pottery figurines known between the Han and Tang dynasties. The body of the large terracotta figurines is made of clay with the coil method, while their faces are sculpted.

Their countenance is natural and dignified, representing the highest level of artistic achievement in terracotta figurines in the Eastern Wei and Northern Qi dynasties. Although the tomb of Lou Rui of the Northern Qi Dynasty was disturbed and raided, more than 600 pieces of terracotta figurines still discovered. Although there are no differences in the configuration and combination of tomb figurines, the sculptural forms of the figurines are much more advanced than those from the tomb of Princess Ruru, and the style of portraying the body in a supple and sturdy manner has become more pronounced. The tomb warrior figurine of the Lou Rui tomb is 63 cm tall and wears a helmet and a set of smooth armor. He holds a long shield deco-

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rated with a tiger’s head in his left hand, and has a wide upper body and a large square face, which were obviously exaggerated to make him look more powerful and majestic. The terracotta bull is also depicted using this exaggerated treatment, standing with its head held high, its two horns pointed towards the sky. The bull has a large and long torso, while the limbs appear comparatively thin. Showcasing even more strength is a terracotta camel carrying white silk and black damask, kneeling on the ground, as if about to rise (Fig.  4.4.13). The terracotta horse is 41  cm high, date red, with gold flowers and gold shells on its head, neck, and chest, and is tall and decorated opulently, inheriting the style of the Eastern Wei terracotta horses. The female official figurine is 27 cm high and wears a black cage crown, a widesleeved shirt with a belt around her waist, and holds a corner of her long skirt in her left hand. She is depicted with a serene face and a quiet virtuous demeanor. The Western Wei tomb figurines from Cuijiaying in Hanzhong are quite outstanding in this period, with realistic images of civil and military officials and a strong tendency to portray naturalistic scenes from life. The Western Wei and Northern Zhou dynasties still maintained the Northern Wei figurine system, meaning that the types of figurines continued to fall into the four categories of tomb-guarding figurines: figurines as part of a traveling procession; figurines of servants, dancers and musicians; and kitchen vessels, figurines of cooks and animal models. However, the shapes and forms of the figurines, as well as the depiction of details, differ widely from those of the Eastern Wei and Northern Qi dynasties. Take Li Xian’s tomb as an example: the tomb-guarding beast is prostrate on the ground rather than in a crouching position; the tomb-guarding warrior figurine has a large protruding belly, and his hips are twisted to the side, rather than standing in an

Chapter IV The Emerging Art of Sculpture

erect shield-holding position. Among the figurines of the ceremonial procession, the proportions of armor-clad cavalry figurines are very incongruous, with limbs too large and the horses’ heads too small, making the figures very awkward. The cavalry figurines of the tomb of Dizhangwan from the first year of Jiande’s reign, and figurines from Emperor Wu’s tomb in the Northern Zhou Dynasty, are also of this shape, indicating that this was the standard style of cavalry-type figurines during the Northern Zhou Dynasty. The figurines of the ceremonial procession from Li Xian’s tomb are led by two warriors in the front, followed by seven columns of armor-clad cavalry, figurines wearing windstopper hats, military official figurines, female attendant figurines, and civil officials—each in their own column—forming a grand and imposing scene. Among them, there are a large number of hu figurines wearing cage crowns, windstopper hats and capes, as well as donkeys and camels for carrying things. The female attendant figurines are mainly depicted with cupped hands and holding objects. The kitchen is decorated with a stove, a mill, a well, a pestle, and a chicken coop. There are also animal figurines of dogs and chickens. The Northern Zhou terracotta figurines were created from molds with their heads and bodies connected to each other, while the Northern Qi terracotta figurines were mostly molded separately and then fitted together. In terms of shaping and molding techniques, the Northern Zhou terracotta figurines are far less delicate and refined than those of the Northern Qi, and are often a bit rough along the edges. They are often deeply influenced by foreign tastes, and contain little influence from Sinicization. These differences are probably accounted for by the different extents to which these dynasties were influenced by the southern style of Han art, as the antiquarian tendencies of the upper classes during the Northern Zhou were probably related to the hu style of their terracotta figurines.

CHAPTER V THE MATURATION OF THE ART OF CALLIGRAPHY Section 1  Calligraphy of the Wei and Jin Dynasties During the Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties, the major forms of script matured and the development of calligraphic art took a new turn. Meanwhile, in this age of new celebrity, famous calligraphers such as Zhong Yao, Wei Guan, Suo Jing, Lu Ji, Madame Wei, Wang Xizhi, and Wang Xianzhi came onto the stage one after another. From the later saying, »Tang poetry, Jin characters, and Han essays,« it is clear that the Wei and Jin Period outstanding achievements in the art of calligraphy. The most important changes in script forms during the Han and Wei periods include the formation of regular script and running script, the standardization of the ancient cursive script, as well as its development into the modern cursive script. Because of the complexity of calligraphic development during this period, the names of script forms were often very confused. Therefore, it is important to have an overview of these names before dealing with the calligraphic arts, so that the development of the forms can be more clearly outlined. Clerical script, bafen 八分 script, Han clerical script, and ancient script all refer to a form of script that was usually inscribed on the Han and Cao Wei stelae. This script is characteristic of the silkworm’s heads and swallow’s tails, obvious undulations of strokes, square and regular structure of individual characters. It was also known as »the script inscribed on stones« during the Wei and Jin dynasties, often found on stelae or in scriptures.

Regular script, standard script, real script, and modern clerical script all refer to a newly formed script of the Han and Wei dynasties. It was based on the ancient clerical script, but it abandoned obvious undulations of strokes. However, in medieval China, the term clerical script was often used to refer to regular script, whereas »bafen« referred to the ancient clerical script with obvious undulations of strokes. In fact, people in the Six Dynasties did not regard the ancient clerical script and regular script (modern clerical script) as two completely different forms of script. Instead, they were often referred together as »clerical script« or as regular script—which was distinct from cursive script. The script on the stelae of Northern Wei, commonly known as »Wei Stele Script,« also belongs to regular script. Running script, also known as running signing script, was a form between regular and cursive script. It was not as restrained as regular script, but also not as free as cursive script. Although there were some conjoined strokes, it generally maintained the basic stroke structures and radicals of Chinese characters. Cursive script, also known as gao 藁 script, can be differentiated from the ancient and modern cursive script. But in the beginning the boundary was vague. Generally speaking, the cursive script of the Han and Wei periods was mostly ancient cursive script. The structure of individual characters extended horizontally, and there were few conjoined strokes between characters. Also, the stroke undulations of the clerical script still remained. In contrast, modern cursive script had a vertically extended structure in each character. There were many conjoined strokes between char-

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acters. In addition, it was freed from the stroke characteristics of clerical script. According to historical documents, modern cursive script began with Zhang Zhi of the Eastern Han. However, because extant authentic calligraphic works were all written after the Jin Dynasty, subsequent generations attributed the creation of modern cursive script to Wang Xizhi. From the brief history above, it is clear that the Han and Wei dynasties were a period of change in script forms. In fact, with the clerical script, the ideal of »writing the same script« was accomplished during the Han Dynasty—and the magnificent clerical inscriptions on many Eastern Han stelae indicate the greatness of its achievements. However, despite works as elegant as Stele of Sacrificial Vessels, and as grandiose as Stele of Zhang Qian, most works show little variation in form or gesture. This strictness was actually the result of »writing the same script.« In order to seek changes within the stylistic framework, calligraphers highlighted undulations of right-falling and left-falling strokes more and more, even to the extent of being exaggerated. As for manuscripts of junior officials and the common people, undulations were not emphasized for the sake of convenience. In fact, strokes were often written in a more casual and rounded manner, which prepared the birth of regular script (or standard script, real script, and modern clerical script). The ancient cursive script of the Han Dynasty was born out of the quickly written clerical script. There, strokes were often reduced. Angular strokes often replaced rounded strokes. Also, calligraphic gestures were created which corresponded to the standard order of strokes. Although characters were not bound by conjoined strokes, the lines had a flowing quality. In this way, the standard strokes, radicals, and character structures of the Han clerical script, were gradually dissolved. In contrast, regular script, as well as running script which evolved from the former, followed the structural norms of Han clerical script. Since

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both forms were easy to learn, they were suitable for »teaching in lexicographical courses.« Meanwhile, they also met the requirement of calligraphic art for more flowing gestures. Thus they became the most popular styles of calligraphy after the Wei and Jin dynasties.

1. Stele Inscriptions and Remains of Calligraphic Works of the Wei and Jin Dynasties In the Wei Dynasty, officials continued to erect stelae to record their achievements and virtues, just as in the Eastern Han Dynasty. The stelae were inscribed with clerical script for a solemn effect. The famous Cao Wei Stele on Handing over the Crown and Stele on Giving the Reign Name, which were attributed to Zhong Yao, were both great founding monuments of Cao Pi in the first year of Huangchu (220 CE). In the Eastern Han Dynasty, all the stelae were from the northern Central Plains, and it was also the case in the Cao Wei and Western Jin dynasties. Occasionally, stelae were produced in Jiangnan. There, calligraphic styles were not constrained by the Han system, but had their own innovations. The most prestigious works included the stelae in Sun Wu of Three Kingdoms, such as Stele of Gu Lang, Stele on Omens from the Heaven, and Stele on Handing over the Crown in the Guoshan Mountain. Stele of Gu Lang has an inscription on the top, »Stele of Gu, Governor of Jiuzhen Commandery of Wu.« It was erected in Leiyang (today in Hunan Province) in the first year of Fenghuang (272 CE). The inscription is in regular script despite traces of clerical script. Actually, it was one of the first stele inscriptions in regular script. A part of its inscription was destroyed, but the profundity and purity of the form still remains (Fig. 4.5.1). Stele on Omens from Heaven, also known as the Engraved Stone for Recording Merits in the Tianxi Years of Wu, was erected in Jianye (today Nanjing) in the first year of Tianxi (276 CE). Because the original stele was destroyed by fire in the 10th

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year of Jiaqing of Qing (1805), the extant Northern Song rubbing is extremely precious. The script shows both characteristics of seal script and clerical script. Basically, the characters are in the seal script. However, unlike the conventional seal script, its angular strokes resemble more the clerical script. Generally, they look flat and hard. The vertical strokes resemble hanging needles. The many calligraphic styles fused in this work contribute to its grandeur and originality, which matches well with the inscription »Omens from Heaven.« It is believed that this is a work of Huang Xiang, a famous calligrapher of Sun Wu Period. Although the attribution lacks conclusive evidence, it shows the importance that the world has attached to it as well as its great influence (Fig. 4.5.2). Stele on Handing over the Crown at Guoshan Mountain was erected in Yangxian (now Yixing, Jiangsu Province) in the first year of Tianxi. The inscription is in seal script. Although it is heavily blurred, the distinctive purity, archaic-ness, as well as the power of the brush is still evident.

4.5.2  Stele on Omens from Heaven (section) by Huang Xiang, Wu of Three Kingdoms, collection of the Palace Museum, Beijing

SECTION 1 CALLIGRAPHY OF THE WEI AND JIN DYNASTIES

4.5.1 Stele of Gu Lang (section), Wu of Three Kingdoms, collection of the Palace Museum, Beijing

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By the Wei and Jin dynasties, classic works of calligraphy that influenced subsequent generations were all inscribed on metal and stone surfaces. However, the inscriptions were not the same as manuscripts written in ink. Since the begin of the 20th century, many bamboo and wood manuscripts from the Three Kingdoms and two Jins have been unearthed. On the one hand, these manuscripts shed light on perplexing problems such as the transformation of calligraphic forms in this era. On the other hand, they enable a direct aesthetic experience with Wei and Jin calligraphy, which provides a broader context for understanding the calligraphy of the Two Wangs. In 1996, a large number of wooden slips were excavated at the Zoumalou ancient well sites in Changsha, Hunan, called Changsha Zoumalou Wooden Slips from Wu in the Three Kingdoms. According to preliminary statistics, there are more than 100,000 pieces of wooden slips in this collection, and many of them are dated with the years of Jiahe of Wu (232–238 CE). The contents include contracts, official documents, household registers, name cards, account books, etc. The script forms include clerical script, regular script, running script, and cursive script, with regular script being the most common. From their contents, it is known that they were written by the common people. Accordingly, regular script had already become the most popular style of writing at that time. Despite some hints of clerical script, many of the writings in regular script were already very close to the mature regular script in Memorial on Recommending Ji Zhi by Zhong Yao of the Cao Wei Period. A good example is the wooden manuscript titled »Gengwu Hour, 15th December.« These documents are possible evidence that the works of Zhong Yao handed down are authentic. Also, it helps illuminate the differences between the elegant and the vulgar in ancient Chinese calligraphy. As mentioned above, ink writing is different from stele inscription from the perspective of calligraphic style. Among ink writing, writing on

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bamboo and wooden slips is different from writing on paper. The earliest paper found in China dates back to the Western Han Dynasty. In the Eastern Han, the paper-making technique advanced greatly. However, only after the Wei and Jin dynasties was paper widely used. In the period of the Three Kingdoms, paper gradually replaced bamboo and wooden slips as a popular writing material. Silk was also used in writing, but was a luxury good in both Han and Jin dynasties. In the excavated paper documents of ancient Loulan, all kinds of script forms of the Wei and Jin dynasties have been found. Works of clerical script include fragments of Stratagems of the Warring States (Zhanguoce 战国策). Works of the ancient clerical script include fragments of 2nd May and December. Works of running script include fragments of 24th January, 15th March, 11th September, Zhu You, Hasty and Unprepared, as well as the intact work Li Bai’s Manuscript. Works of regular script include fragments from Assistant Clerk, Yuan Qiang, and Hastily Written Wooden Slips of Wonder. The most famous among them is Li Bai’s Manuscript. Li Bai was Chief Executive of the Western Regions in Former Liang. The manuscript includes three papers in total. It is the draft of a letter dating back to 346 CE, written in rather decent running script, but its strokes still have characteristics of the clerical script. In addition, there are works written in ancient cursive script, including 2nd May, which looks elegant and archaic, December, which looks free; and also works written in running script, including 11th September, which is simple but profound, and Hasty and Unprepared, which is bold and vigorous. On the one hand, these works reflect the blending of calligraphic styles during this special period of change. On the other hand, although they were only vulgar works when compared to classic works by famous calligraphers, they have a simple and archaic quality, which began to be valued after more than a thousand years. Fortunately, their period was not too far away from the

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Han Dynasty, so they could retain this aesthetic quality in such an era of change.

2. Zhong Yao Zhong Yao, courtesy name Yuanchang, was a native of Changshe in Yingchuan. He was born in the first year of Yuanjia in the reign of Emperor Huan of Eastern Han (151 CE) and died in the fourth year of Taihe in the reign of Emperor Ming of Wei (230 CE). Zhong was not only talented in studies, but also extremely famous for his calligraphy. He and Wang Xizhi were called »Zhong-Wang« together by later generations. Emperor Wen of Wei, Cao Pi, who valued culture, gave Zhong Yao a »Five-Section Vessel« for respect. Later, Emperor Wu of Jin, Sima Yan, set up a post, Expert in Calligraphy, together with Disciples. The works of Zhong Yao and Hu Zhao were the standard for studying. Also, the calligraphy of Zhong Yao was considered the official script of the Wei and Jin dynasties, in a sense. According to Configurations of the Four Forms of Calligraphy by Wei Heng of the Jin Dynasty, Zhong’s calligraphy was already popular at that time. When Wang Dao crossed the Yangtze River to the south, he was »in a difficult situation, but still, he took Memorial on the Public Announcement of the Imperial Secretariat with him, hid it inside his belt, and later went to the Right Army.« It shows that Zhong’s calligraphy was highly valued by the people of that time. The extant version of Memorial on the Public Announcement (Xuanshi biao 宣示表) is said to be Wang Xizhi’s copy. In later generations, numerous copies of this work were made. Among them, carved reproduction in Notes of Gaguan Period (Daguan tie 大观帖) is the most refined. Memorial on the Public Announcement was written in relatively strict and neat regular script. Angular and round strokes were combined perfectly in characters. It is one of the most influential works by Zhong Yao. Memorial for Congratulating Victory (Hejie biao 贺捷表), also known as Memorial for Congratulat-

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ing Victory in Battle, was written in the 24th year of Jian’an (219 CE). It is in the regular script. However, the left-falling strokes are very curved, and often turn upward to close the strokes—which is characteristic for clerical script. This work is considered to be the most representative of Zhong’s calligraphic style. The most refined copy is the carved reproduction in Notes of Yugang House (Yugangzhai tie 郁冈斋帖). (Fig. 4.5.3) Memorial for Recommending Ji Zhi, whose full title is Memorial for Recommending Ji Zhi, Marquis within the Passes, was written by Zhong Yao to recommend Ji Zhi to Emperor Wen of Wei. It was written in the second year of Huangchu (221 CE) in regular script. An ink manuscript had been passed down to the late Qing and was preserved in Pei’s Zhuangtao Cabinet. It was believed to be Zhong’s authentic handwriting. Now, the authentic work is lost, but a photocopy has survived. In addition, there are woodblock prints of this work in Notes of Chunxi Secret Cabinet (Sequel) of the Song Dynasty, Notes of Zhenshang House of the Ming Dynasty, etc. The work looks archaic and simple, but is elegant and profound, unlike some Jin and Tang works which have a beautiful outer appearance. In this work, individual characters have a horizontally extended structure. Round strokes are often used. Characteristics of the clerical script are also evident, but not in an obvious way. More importantly, it follows the standard of the regular script and develops it. Indeed, it is a classic of Zhong Yao’s regular script.Some other works of Zhong Yao also had a well-documented history of provenance and were included in reliable collections of calligraphic works, such as Memorial for Rendering a Service to the Court (Liming biao 力命表), Reply to the Letter (Huanshi tie 还示 帖), and Living Away from Home near A Tomb Field (Mutian bingshe tie 墓田丙舍帖). In the history of Chinese calligraphy, Zhong Yao was one of the »Four Sages,« or one of the best calligraphers in history. As Zhong Yao was the teacher of Wang Xizhi’s teacher, his status was

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found, and extremely archaic, and elegant. Since the Qin and Han, only Zhong Yao has reached this height.« Passed from Zhong Yao to Wang Yi, from Madame Wei and to Wang Xizhi and Wang Xianzhi, the regular script—the most important calligraphic style since medieval times—was gradually standardized in form and stylized as an art, which deeply influenced future calligraphy. From then on, Zhong Yao was regarded as the »founder of the regular script.«

Section 2  Wang Xizhi and Wang Xianzhi 1. Life of the Two Wangs

4.5.3 Memorial for Congratulating Victory by Zhong Yao, Wei of Three Kingdoms, collection of the Palace Museum, Beijing

even more indisputable. As far as the calligraphic style is concerned, he was the master of regular script. Zhang Huaiguan commented: »Zhong Yao’s regular script is the best in the world. It is both strong and gentle. Its strokes are written with a great variety. It is said to be boundlessly pro-

In the Yongjia years of Western Jin, North China was in turmoil. After the fall of the capital city Luoyang, many land-owning people in Zhongzhou escaped to the east of the Yangtze River together with the Jin royal family. Most of them moved southward, to the former Eastern Wu, forming the main body of the high society of Eastern Jin. In 317 CE, Wang Rui from Langya took the throne of Jin in Jiankang (now Nanjing) and changed the era name. The period is called the Eastern Jin. In it, northern culture and southern culture were blended. Not only the elegant and profound character of the northern school of Confucian teachings, but also the clear and concise approach of the southern school were embraced in the Eastern Jin. Also, both Buddhist and Daoist teachings had an influence. The Eastern Jin Dynasty reigned over the south of the Yangtze River for almost a hundred years. In its reign, people enjoyed poetry, philosophical reflection, valued their appearance and manners, and enjoyed writing letters. This provided good conditions for calligraphy masters to grow up in. For example, Wang Xizhi and Wang Xianzhi of the Eastern Jin were two of the most important calligraphers in the history of Chinese calligraphy. The

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»Two Wangs« and their calligraphy belong to the key themes of the art history of the Wei, Jin, and Southern and Northern dynasties. Wang Xizhi stylized himself as Yishao. He was born in the second year of Tai’an in the reign of Emperor Hui of Jin (303 CE), and died in the fifth year of Shengping, in the reign of Emperor Mu (361 CE). He was a native of Linyi, Langya (now Linyi, Shandong). Chronologically, he served as Governor of Linchuan, Regional Inspector of Jiangzhou, General of the Right Army, Chamberlain for the Capital in Kuaiji. He was called »Wang Right Army.« In the ninth year of Yonghe (353 CE), he wrote Preface to the Poems Composed at the Orchid Pavilion (Lanting xu 兰亭序). The Wang family in Langya were famous for arts and literature. Calligraphy was also a family tradition. For example, Wang Rong and Wang Yan were famous scholars, who were good at explaining thoughts of Laozi and Zhuangzi, and had a reputation for calligraphy. Wang Xizhi’s aunt, Madame Wei, and uncles Wang Dun, Wang Dao, and Wang Yi, all had a direct impact on him.Wang Xizhi enjoyed good reputation since his youth, because he was much more talented than his peers. Once, when he lay in bed, belly bare, he was admired by the Director of the Imperial Secretariat Xi Jian. So Xi Jian asked his daughter to marry him. Later, Wang Dao, Yu Liang, Yand in Hao tried to recommend him to the political world. He never took it seriously, and said, »I always have no intention of serving the government.« However, he cared about the safety of the regime, the gain and loss of policies, and the sufferings of the people. He often gave advice to his elders at court and to his friends. He was also glad to accept positions which were »not busy but well-paid,« such as palace librarian, military adjutant, governor aid, or military positions which were not involved in the battle, such as general of the guard, and palace attendant, as well as the local governor, and regional inspector. Finally, he served as Chamberlain for the Capital in Kuaiji. So he could talk

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freely with other talented people on the Shanyin Path, which was very comforting. When he was asked to serve as palace attendant and minister of personnel, he refused due to the complexity of the jobs. He was often ill, according to his own letters. As Huang-Lao Daoism promoted ideas of health care, Wang Xizhi’s family followed the Daoist school of the »Way of Five Pecks of Grain.« In addition, Wang Xizhi also aspired to the secluded lifestyle of Chaofu and Xu You. As for Buddhism, he did not care about it in the beginning. But after listening to Buddhist monk Zhi Dun’s explanations of the Zhuangzi, he could not help but relax and stay with Zhi Dun. Later, he met Xie An and Xu Xun. They travelled together in Kuaiji. When they were outside, they fished and hunted. When they were inside, they talked philosophy and wrote. Their friendship was phenomenal. But the life-attitude of Wang Xizhi is clearly evident from Lanting xu. Lanting xu has the reputation of being »the best running script in the world.« It shows good taste in calligraphy, elegance in language, and naturalness in spirit. (Fig. 4.5.4) Wang Xizhi had seven sons and one daughter. The seven sons were Xuanzi, Ningzhi, Huanzhi, Suzhi, Huizhi, Caozhi, and Xianzhi. The daughter was Liu Chang, who was grandmother to Xie Lingyun. Among them, Ningzhi, Huanzhi, Huizhi, Caozhi, and Xianzhi all benefited from their family in calligraphy. However, the most prominent of them was Wang Xianzhi, the other one of »Two Wangs.« Memorial on Discussion of Calligraphy (Lunshu biao 论书表) by Yu He already glorified them: »By the end of the Jin Dynasty, only the ›Two Wangs‹ stood out.« Wang Xianzhi, courtesy name Zijing, was born in the first year of Jianyuan in the reign of Emperor Kang of Jin (343 CE) and died in the eleventh year of Taiyuan in Emperor Xiaowu’s reign (386 CE). He was the seventh son of Wang Xizhi. The highest position that he served in was the Director of the

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4.5.4 Lanting xu (Shenlong version) by Wang Xizhi, Eastern Jin, collection of the Palace Museum, Beijing

Central Secretariat, so he was also known as the »Great Director.« At the time of Wang Xianzhi’s birth, Wang Xizhi, at the age of 42, was at home instead of serving the government. At that time, his reputation as a calligrapher was in full bloom. When Wang Xianzhi was young, Wang Xizhi taught him calligraphy. In the 9th year of Yonghe (353 CE), Wang Xizhi hosted the Orchid Pavilion Purification Ceremony. Wang Xianzhi was 10-years-old, so had to follow his elder brothers, including Ningzhi, Huanzhi and Huizhi, to participate in it. They gathered with famous scholars such as Sun Chuo, Xie An, Xu Xun and the monk Zhi Dun. Wang Xianzhi first served as Recorder of the Provincial Administration, then palace librarian, and thereafter assistant minister. He married Xi Tan’s daughter, Dao Mao, but later divorced. Then he was chosen as the partner of the third daughter of Emperor Jianwen, Princess Xin’an. Later, he was invited by Xie An to serve as governor aid, then Jianwei General, and further, Governor of Wuxing, finally, Director of the Central Secretariat. With his outstanding talent and family tradition, he devoted himself to the study of calligraphy, finally achieved great fame and lived up to his father’s expectations. In the history of Chinese calligraphy, the 100 years of the Eastern Jin witnessed a great number of cal-

ligraphy masters. They were mostly from Wang’s clan in Langya, most remarkably Wang Xizhi and Wang Xianzhi. Both masters were representative of the calligraphy of the Eastern Jin. After the Tang Dynasty, it became well-known that »elegance was valued in Jin calligraphy,« primarily because of the calligraphy of the »Two Wangs.« In this way, the glorious status of Two Wangs in the history of Chinese calligraphy was established.

2. Calligraphic Works of the Two Wangs By the end of the Eastern Jin Dynasty, Huan Xuan, the counselor-in-chief, had already collected works of Two Wangs. Memorial on Discussion of Calligraphy by Yu He records: Huan Xuan indulged in appreciating treasures and always fondled them admiringly. So he collected the calligraphic works of Two Wangs. Some of them were the best works in regular and running script which had ever been written on silk. He mounted these works into two batches respectively, which he often took with him. When he fled south, he still did not abandon them even in difficult situations. However, after he was captured by the enemy, nobody knew where these works went.

As their works were already valued by their contemporaries, many of these works were passed down in history, especially those by Wang Xizhi. Even after 200 years, in the early Tang Dynasty the

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Catalog of Calligraphic Works by Right Army Wang Xizhi of Jin by Chu Suiliang recorded that »works of Wang Xizhi include 40 works (five volumes) in regular script, and more than 260 works (58 volumes) in cursive script. Even these do not cover all of Wang Xizhi’s works, but only the main part preserved in the Palace Treasury.« After the midTang, Record of Right Army’s Calligraphy included more than 400 works, also not the complete works. However, after more than a thousand years, only several authentic works were passed down to the Northern Song Dynasty, such as the Modelbook of »Wang Lüe« obtained by Mi Fu. Until today, not a single work has been found completely credible as Wang Xizhi’s handwriting. Fortunately, many copies of the original works made in the Tang and Song dynasties have survived to this day. These sources make it possible to know about the works and calligraphic styles of Two Wangs. Extant good copies of Wang Xizhi’s works from the Tang Dynasty include: Lanting xu (the Shenlong version copied by Feng Chengsu et al. of the Tang Dynasty); Modelbook of the »Aunt,« Modelbook of »the First Month« (both works are collected in Modelbooks of Wansui Tongtian Years, which are housed in the Liaoning Provincial Museum); Modelbook of »Gloom and Restlessness,« Modelbook of »Two Xies,« Modelbook of »Receiving the Letter« (these three works are mounted into one scroll, which is in the imperial collection of Japan); Modelbook of »Often Having Misfortunes,« Modelbook of »Palace Attendant Kong« (Both works are mounted into one scroll, preserved by the Maeda Ikutokukai foundation in Tokyo, Japan); Modelbook of »Being Safe and Sound,« Modelbook of »How are You Recently,« Modelbook of »Sending Oranges« (these three works are mounted into one scroll, housed in the National Palace Museum, Taipei); Modelbook of »Having Just Snowed, it is Sunny Again« (housed in the National Palace Museum, Taipei); Modelbook of »It is Getting Colder« (housed in the Tianjin Art Museum); Modelbook of »Serving as a Government Officer Far Away from

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Home« (housed in the National Palace Museum, Taipei); Modelbook of »Shangyu« (housed in the Shanghai Museum); Modelbook of »Trapping on Stalks of Grain« (housed in the Princeton University Art Museum); Modelbook of »My Sister Is Very Sick« (in a private collection in Japan); and Modelbook of »Letting Eyes Travel over the Great Scenes« (destroyed by fire). The following explains them in detail. Lanting xu (Shenlong version) was copied on white linen paper. It was produced by outlining the strokes with a thin-tipped brush and then filling in the outlines. It was written in running script. The beginning of the work is marked with the left half of the »Shenlong« seal, which indicates the era name of the reign of Emperor Zhongzong of Tang. Its provenance history can be clearly reconstructed through epilogues added to this work through the Song, Yuan, and Ming. In the Qing Dynasty, it had reached the Palace Treasury in Emperor Qianlong’s reign. Today, it is housed in the Palace Museum, Beijing. Guo Tianxi wrote an epilogue: »It must have been copied by rubbing at Hongwen Hall in the reign of Emperor Taizong of Tang, including by Feng Chengsu, after receiving the imperial edict. They put a paper directly over the original version of Lanting xu, drew the outlines of strokes with a thin-tipped brush, and then filled in the outlines.« It copies nearly every detail in a delicate manner, even those double strokes written with a split-tipped brush, broken strokes, or traces left by the aberrant movements of a few brush hairs, corrections, or even different shades of black. Also, the process of moving the brush is rendered clearly. The beginning has a looser composition, and it becomes tighter structurally towards the end. With this kind of effort, it can be inferred that the Shenlong version should be very close to the original Lanting xu. In terms of style, it is in the running script, but shares some characteristics of the regular script. It has a compact and restrained structure of characters, delicate calligraphic gestures, and beautiful shapes.

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The strokes flow naturally. The darkness of ink, and thickness of strokes, fits well into the overall structure without destroying the variety of form. It looks so profound and sublime that it deserves the praise »the best running script in the world.« Many other copies and carved reproductions of Lanting xu are also available today. The »Copy on silk by Chu Suiliang« and the »Dingwu stone-carving version« are among the most important and influential reproductions. The Chu copy is said to have been made by Chu Suiliang of the Tang Dynasty. In the scroll, the seal of Xiang Yuanbian of the Ming Dynasty appears multiple times. In addition, it was once owned by Liang Zhangju of the Qing Dynasty. Now it is housed at the Hunan Provincial Museum. The shape of characters and strokes is a little different from the Shenlong version. The »Dingwu stone carving version,« also known as the »Dingwu version,« or the »Lanting xu from Dingwu,« is said to have been made by Ouyang Xun of the Tang Dynasty. He erected the stele in the Palace Treasury, made rubbings and sent them to court ministers. The stele was lost long, but after it reappeared in Dingwu (now in Hebei Province) in the Northern Song Dynasty, it gained a reputation. When the Song royals moved to the south, it was lost again. The best of its extant rubbings include the »Ke Jiusi version« preserved at the Palace Museum Beijing, the »Monk Dugu version (fragmented)« preserved at the Tokyo National Museum, Japan (usually called the »rubbing of the original stone«), and the »Wu Bing version.« The »Lanting xu from Dingwu« is the best carved reproduction of the Lanting xu. Since the Song Dynasty, it has been widely circulated, so calligraphy students often learn from this version. In contrast to ink copies from the Tang Dynasty, it is written in a simpler way. It has less dramatic beginnings and endings of strokes, as well as less dialogue between characters and strokes. Also, the gestures of the brush are relatively hidden, and lines and characters are arranged slightly differently. However, as a modelbook for learning

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calligraphy, its style is easier to grasp than other versions. The Lanting xu is generally regarded as the representative of Wang Xizhi’s calligraphy. It is the most famous work in the history of Chinese calligraphy. The Modelbook of »Aunt« and the Modelbook of »the First Month« are respectively the first and second in Modelbooks of Wansui Tongtian Years copied in the Tang Dynasty. Modelbooks of Wansui Tongtian Years, originally known as Baozhang Collection, was made in the second year of Wansui Tongtian in the reign of Wu Zetian (697 CE). It was a refined version copied directly on the top of the original, with outlines of strokes drawn by a thin-tipped brush. The original version, on which the modelbook was based, was offered by Wang Fangqing, in the 10th generation after the Jin prime minister Wang Dao, but it was lost. The extant copy from Tang only has ten modelbooks by seven calligraphers of Wang’s clan: Aunt, First Month by Wang Xizhi, Furuncle, Health of My Father by Wang Hui, New Moon by Wang Weizhi, The 29th Day of the Month by Wang Xianzhi, Holding a Post by Wang Sengqian, Cypress Leaf Wine, and How are You Recently by Wang Ci, and Sore Throat by Wang Zhi. They were collected into one volume in the above order. The volume has clear provenance history. In the Qing Dynasty, it was collected by the Palace Treasury. Now, it is preserved at the Liaoning Provincial Museum. Modelbook of »Aunt« was copied on yinghuang 硬黄 paper with ink. The text expresses very sorrowful feelings. It is in the running script, but contains some characteristics of clerical script. It looks archaic and light, without any superficial beauty, which is unique compared to other works of Wang. Modelbook of »the First Month« is also copied on yinghuang paper with ink. It is written in cursive script. The calligraphic style is natural, with much variety in the composition of characters and lines. The structure of individual characters tends to be loose for the outer part and tight for

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the inner part. The strokes are written with much strength and variety. This is especially obvious in unexpected dramatic moments. It is one of the best works by Wang Xizhi. Modelbooks of »Gloom and Restlessness,« »Two Xies,« and »Receiving the Letter« are mounted onto one paper. All of them are refined copies made by outlining the strokes with a thin-tipped brush and then filling in the outlines. A red-character seal, »Imperial Order in Enryaku Years,« used by Emperor Kammu of Japan, can be found over the perforation. This indicates that the scroll had been taken to Japan by the time of Emperor Dezong of the mid-Tang. It is now in the possession of the Japanese royal family. The most famous of these three is »Gloom and Restlessness.« It has eight lines, and represents a transitional form from running script to cursive script. It is vigorous and structurally coherent. The individual characters look powerful and tend to lean. The skeleton of characters, and the beginning and ending of strokes, are impressive. Overall, these works have a great expressive power. They are the most representative late works of Wang Xizhi written in running-cursive script. The modelbooks of »Often Having Misfortunes« and »Palace Attendant Kong« were both written in running-cursive script. Both works were mounted into one scroll. They are copies made in the Tang Dynasty. In the mid-Tang, they were taken to Japan, as the red-character seal »Imperial Order in Enryaku Years« indicates. They are now in the possession of the Maeda Ikutokukai foundation in Tokyo, Japan. As for Modelbook of »Palace Attendant Kong,« its text is the same as the one recorded by Chu Suiliang. In terms of its calligraphic style, the three lines after the words »17 September« are written elegantly. Their strokes have great strength. In general, it looks not as grand as »Gloom and Restlessness,« but is much more elegant. The modelbooks of »Being Safe and Sound,« »How Are You recently,« and »Sending Oranges« were

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mounted into one scroll. They were copied on yinghuang paper in the Tang Dynasty, also, with strokes outlined at first. The scroll was possessed by many people after the Tang and Song dynasties, indicated by epilogues and seals. Now it is preserved at the Palace Museum Taipei. All three works are written in relatively standard running script. Among them, Modelbook of »Being Safe and Sound« is the most vigorous. The strokes are very sharp, with many magnificent details in the use of the brush. In contrast, the modelbooks of »How Are You Recently« and »Sending Oranges« have vertically extended characters, and reserved and thin strokes. Modelbook of »Having Just Snowed, It Is Sunny Again« was copied on linen paper in the Tang Period. It was written in running script. Both Catalog of Right Army’s Calligraphic Works by Chu Suiliang of Tang and Notes on Calligraphy from the Xuanhe Reign (Xuanhe shupu 宣和书谱) from the Song Dynasty have recorded this work. During the reign of Emperor Qianlong of Qing, it was brought into the Palace Treasury. The emperor preserved this work in the west of Yangxin Palace, together with Modelbook of »Mid-autumn« by Wang Xianzhi and Modelbook of »Bo Yuan« by Wang Xun. The chamber that preserved these works was named the Three Rarity Hall. This modelbook has characteristics of both regular script and running script. It has a good sense of order as well as a profound style. The strokes have many undulations and connections with each other. They are mostly written in such a way that the tip of the brush always moves within the middle of the stroke. Anyway, the use of the brush is highly mature. (Fig. 4.5.5) Modelbook of »It Is Getting Colder« is a Tang copy on paper, written in cursive script. It was once preserved in the Shaoxing Palace Treasury in the reign of Emperor Gaozong of Southern Song. In the late Ming and early Qing dynasties, it was possessed by the Wang clan from Taicang. Today, it is housed in the Tianjin Art Museum. It has a very refined technique of reproduction. Strokes

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4.5.5 Modelbook of »Having Just Snowed, It Is Sunny Again« by Wang Xizhi, Eastern Jin, collection of the National Palace Museum, Taipei

are mostly written in such a way that the tip of the brush moves on the side of the strokes. Beside cursive script, it also shows some characteristics of ancient cursive script. The calligraphy seems to have been written effortlessly, but with profundity. Despite the archaisms and simplicity, it shows sublimity and transcendence, which represents the spiritual ideals of Six Dynasty scholars. It is one of the best works by Wang Xizhi. Modelbook of »Serving as Government Officer Far Away from Home« is also a Tang copy on paper, written in cursive script. Xuanhe shupu of the Song Dynasty has recorded this title. Now, it is housed in the National Palace Museum, Taipei.

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Its reproduction technique is very refined. Strokes are generally written in such a way that the tip of the brush moves slightly away from the middle or exactly on the side of the strokes. At the turning points of strokes, angles are shaped dramatically. The techniques for shaping the skeleton of the characters are extremely mature. Modelbook of »Shangyu« is a Tang copy on linen paper, written in cursive script. It was once preserved in the Palace Treasury of the Northern Song. Up to today, the format is still well-preserved. At the beginning of the modelbook, there is an epilogue written by Emperor Huizong of Song: »Modelbook of ›Shangyu‹ by Wang Xizhi of Jin.« In the Ming Dynasty, it was in the possession of the mansion of the King of Jin. Today, it is collected at the Shanghai Museum. The work is written elegantly with flowing gestures. Compared with It is Getting Colder and Serving as a Government Officer Far Away from Home, the modern cursive script in this work seems to be clearly distinct from the ancient cursive script. It is one of the best works by Wang Xizhi in a more elegant form of cursive script. Modelbook of »Trapping on Stalks of Grain« is a Tang copy written in cursive script on paper. According to Record of Right Army’s Calligraphy, it is known that this is a fragment of Trapping on Stalks of Grain collected by the Palace Treasury of Tang. Later, it was brought into the Xuanhe Palace Treasury of the Northern Song. In the Qing Dynasty, it entered the Palace Treasury of Emperor Qianlong’s court. At the beginning of the modelbook, there is an epilogue by Emperor Qianlong: »It looks like dragons jumping at the heavenly gate, or tigers lying at the phoenix pavilion.« Today, it is housed in the Princeton University Art Museum. The form of calligraphy in this modelbook is close to The First Month, but it has richer detail in the use of brush and ink. Despite such variety, it still looks natural. Modelbook of »My Sister Is Very Sick« is a Tang copy in cursive script on paper. At present it is mounted into a hanging scroll and preserved in a

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private collection in Japan. The use of brush and ink, as well as the form and gesture, is close to The First Month. However, the characters look less unrestrained, and lean. But they are actually in a relatively elegant form of cursive script. Modelbook of »Letting Eyes Travel over the Great Scenes« is a Tang copy written in cursive script on paper. In the Qing Dynasty, it was once collected in the Palace Treasury of Emperor Qianlong’s court. At the time it was granted to Prince Gong. Later, it was taken to Japan. Unfortunately, it was destroyed by fire, and only a photocopy has survived. Its calligraphic style is close to My Sister Is Very Sick, but with more impressive beginnings, turnings and endings of strokes, which combine rounded with angular forms. The work was collected into Modelbooks of »Seventeen.« The above-mentioned ink copies from the Tang Dynasty are the closest to Wang Xizhi’s original calligraphy. In addition, rubbings of carved reproductions have also been passed down. Some good versions of carved reproductions, such as Modelbooks of »Seventeen,« and Modelbooks of Chunhua Pavilion provide reliable sources for a more comprehensive understanding of Wang Xizhi and his calligraphy. In the early Tang Dynasty, Emperor Taizong Li Shimin collected 29 manuscripts by Wang Xizhi and mounted them together into one scroll, Seventeen. It was named after the first two characters of the first modelbook. There are 28 modelbooks in cursive script. Although the original ink version was lost, many carved reproductions have survived, of which the »Tang copy of Hongwen Hall« is the most important. This version is also known as the »version with the character chi [敕], or imperial order.« The character chi is written largely in running script at the end of the modelbook. Under this character, five lines of small characters are written in regular script: »The original version was given to Hongwen Hall. The minister Xie Wuwei made a copy. I [Chu Suiliang] have checked it. There is no mistake.« (Fig. 4.5.6)

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Many modelbook collections in carved reproduction after the Song Dynasty have also collected Wang Xizhi’s works, such as Modelbooks of Chunhua Pavilion, Modelbooks of Chengqing Hall, Modelbooks of Baojin House, from the Song Dynasty, Modelbooks of Yuyan Hall, and Modelbooks of Laiqing Mansion, from the Ming Dynasty. For example, the only extant ancient cursive writing by Wang Xizhi, Modelbook of Baonu, has been passed down through the Song collections of carved reproductions. As for works in regular script, Discussion on Le Yi, the Yellow Court Classic (Huangting jing 黄庭经), and Eulogy to Dongfang Shuo’s Portrait have been passed down. However, the original writings were lost. Only copies or carved reproductions have survived. Discussion on Le Yi is recorded in the calligraphy histories of the Liang and Chen dynasties. Catalog of Right Army’s Calligraphic Works by Chu Suiliang of early Tang ranked the 44-line work first among Wang’s works in regular script. Emperor Taizong of Tang highly valued this work, so he ordered Chu Suiliang to make a carved reproduction as well as rubbings, and granted the rubbings to court ministers. Later, the original carved reproduction was lost. Only its rubbings survived. However, the extant rubbings are actually rubbings of those older rubbings. The relatively good versions include the »version of the Shi [石] clan from Yuezhou,« from the Song Dynasty (collection of Tokyo National Museum), and the »Yuqing House version« from the Ming Dynasty (collection of the Palace Museum, Beijing). Yellow Court Classic is mentioned in Short Letter About Calligraphy by Tao Hongjing of Liang. It is also listed in the second of five volumes of Catalog of Right Army’s Calligraphy by Chu Suiliang, with the note: »with 60 lines, for Daoist Priest Shanyin,« which corresponds to the extant carved reproductions. It is recorded in Xuanhe shupu of the Song Dynasty. Since the Song and Ming dynasties, there have been many carved reproductions of this work. Good versions include the »version

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4.5.6 Modelbooks of »Seventeen« by Wang Xizhi, Eastern Jin, collection of Shanghai Museum

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of the Shi clan from Yuezhou,« from the Song Dynasty (preserved in the Tokyo National Museum, rubbing of fragmented stele), and the »Yingshang version« from the Ming Dynasty. In addition, an ink copy on yinghuang paper is housed at the Palace Museum, Beijing. It was made in the Tang Dynasty, and was once collected by the Shaoxing Palace Treasury during the reign of Emperor Gaozong of Song. But the quality is not as good as the previously mentioned versions. Eulogy to Dongfang Shuo’s Portrait is also mentioned in Short Letter About Calligraphy. In Catalog of Right Army’s Calligraphy, it is listed as the third of five volumes. It is also recorded in Xuanhe shupu. Today, a copy on silk from the Tang Dynasty has survived (housed in the National Palace Museum, Taipei, with epilogue by Mi Fu). It shows a very peaceful and elegant calligraphic style. Also, there is the »version of the Shi clan from Yuezhou« (preserved in the Tokyo National Museum, Japan), which is the best among extant carved reproductions of the work. Compared with the Tang copy, its strokes are thinner and more full of spirit. Wang Xizhi’s calligraphy is also found in stele inscriptions, but there characters from Wang’s calligraphy are actually combined into a new coherent text. The most famous example is Preface to Sacred Doctrines with Characters Collected from Wang Xizhi’s Calligraphy, from the Tang Dynasty. Monk Huairen of Hongfu Temple collected individual characters in running script from Wang Xizhi’s works and combined them into Preface to Sacred Doctrines of Buddhist Scriptures in Great Tang, written by Emperor Taizong of Tang. Literatus Zhuge Shenli carved the stone, and Commandant of Militant Cavalry Zhu Jingcang engraved the characters. Finally, the stele was erected in the third year of Xianheng (672 CE). It is now preserved in the Shaanxi Provincial Museum, broken. The original rubbings have been lost, but some of the later rubbings have survived. The best of them is the one from early Northern Song, which has an intact »ci« 慈 character in the 15th line. In this version, the en-

SECTION 2 WANG XIZHI AND WANG XIANZHI

graving is very refined. Many details are similar to the extant ink copies. Also, the overall calligraphic gestures are thoroughly considered. But, after all, it is only a collection of characters, so the composition of characters and lines can never be perfect. The stele has always been highly valued, and rubbings were regularly made, which made this work widely distributed and influential. After this stele, tens of stelae followed the same method. A famous example is the Xingfu Temple Stele made by Monk Daya of the Kaiyuan era in the Tang Dynasty, now preserved in the Shaanxi Provincial Museum. Since only the lower half of the stele has survived, it is called Stele with One Half. Its engraving technique is not as good as the previous stele. Good rubbings include from the »older collection of Takashima« (collection of Tokyo National Museum, Japan). Much less Wang Xianzhi has been passed down. According to Xuanhe shupu, the Palace Treasury collected not more than 90 works from Wang Xianjian in the Northern Song. His extant works also comprise of ink copies and carved reproductions. His ink copies include: Modelbook of »Yatou Pill« (collection of Shanghai Museum), Modelbook of »The 29th Day« (collection of Liaoning Provincial Museum), Modelbook of »Dihuang Medicine Soup« (collection of Taito City Calligraphy Museum, Tokyo, Japan), Modelbook of »New Wife,« Modelbook of »Mid-autumn« (collection of the Palace Museum, Beijing). Modelbook of »Yatou Pill« is the most reliable ink copy of his work. It is written in running-cursive script on silk. In the copy, there are the seals of »Zhenghe« and »Xuanhe« of Emperor Huizong of Song, as well as a eulogy written by Emperor Gaozong. Also, there is the seal »Treasure of the Tianli Years,« as well as the epilogue »granted to Ke Jiusi according to imperial order.« After being granted to Ke, this work was circulated among the common people. In the Ming Dynasty, it was once owned by Wu Ting. Today, it is preserved in

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4.5.7  Modelbook of »Yatou Pill« by Wang Xianzhi, Eastern Jin, collection of the Shanghai Museum

the Shanghai Museum. Its calligraphy has a delightful flowing gesture, which is as elegant as the dancing phoenix and the jumping dragon. It is very representative of Wang Xianzhi’s calligraphic style. (Fig. 4.5.7) Modelbook of »The 29th Day« is the 6th modelbook of the Tang Modelbooks of Wansui Tongtian Years. It is an ink copy written in running script on yinghuang paper. It shows a very refined technique of reproduction and a serene, solemn calligraphic style. Many characters are close to regular script, while words such as »how« (如何) and »Xianzhi greets you again« (献之再拜) are close to cursive script. Surprisingly, just on one paper, the characters vary between a tighter structure and a looser structure, and the strokes vary between angular and rounded forms, which is very unique for later calligraphy. Modelbook of »Dihuang Medicine Soup,« also known as the Modelbook of the »New Wife,« is an

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ink copy on paper, reproduced through outlining the strokes first and then filling in the outlines. It is written in running script. There are the seals »Zhenghe« and »Xuanhe« on this copy, and it is recorded in Xuanhe shupu. In the Ming Dynasty, it was once owned by Wen Zhengming and Wen Peng. Near the end of the modelbook, there is a long epilogue written by Wen Peng to record his story. Now it is in Japan. Modelbook of »Mid-autumn« is an ink copy on white manuscript paper, written in running script. On the copy, there are epilogues written by Dong Qichang and Xiang Yuanbian. In the Qing Dynasty, it was brought into the Palace Treasury, and was highly valued by Emperor Qianlong. He named this work, and the Modelbook of »Having Just Snowed, It Is Sunny Again« by Wang Xizhi, and the Modelbook of Bo Yuan by Wang Xianzhi, together the »Three Rarities.« Now, this work is preserved in the Palace Museum Beijing. However, another work of Wang Xianzhi’s, the Modelbook of »December« included in Modelbooks of Baojin House, only contains 10 more characters than the Modelbook of »Mid-autumn,« namely the first six characters, »on the 12th day, the moon seems to have been cut« (十二月割至不), as well as the our characters of »not complete« (未复) and »sorrowful, think« (恸理). In this sense, the Modelbook of »Mid-autumn« should be copied from the Modelbook of »December.« As the latter work was once collected by Mi Fu in the Song Dynasty, it was suspected to be a selective copy by Mi Fu. The above mentioned works of Wang Xianzhi are all included in Modelbooks of Chunhua Pavilion and Modelbooks of Baojin House from the Song Dynasty as carved reproductions. In addition to these works, his Modelbook of »Flock of Geese« is also included in Modelbooks of Chunhua Pavilion as a carved reproduction. At the same time, Mi Fu made an ink copy of this work, which stresses more of his individual style. Another work, Modelbook of »Sending Pears,« is also collected in Modelbooks of Chunhua Pavilion. Besides the carved

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reproduction, there is an ink copy of this work, once owned by the Palace Treasury of Qing, with epilogues written by scholars such as Liu Gongquan, Wen Yuke, Wang Shizhen and Wen Peng. The calligraphic style is highly archaic. As Emperor Taizong of Tang spoke highly of Wang Xizhi and disregarded Wang Xianzhi, the extant copies of Wang Xianzhi’s works are all carved reproductions from the Song Dynasty. Modelbooks of Chunhua Pavilion has the most complete collection of these works, all in running script and cursive script. As for Wang Xianzhi’s writings in regular script, a carved reproduction of Rhapsody of the Goddess Luo has been passed down. It has 13 lines, so it is commonly known as Thirteen Lines. The original work has been lost. The extant copies comprise two versions: 13 lines on a jade tablet, and a carved reproduction made by Liu Gongquan. The original stone of the jade tablet (stone in deep green, but praised as »jade«) was unearthed in the Wanli Era of the Ming Dynasty at the old site of Banxian Hall, which was owned by the Southern Song minister Jia Sidao. In the reign of Emperor Kangxi of Qing it was brought to Palace Treasury. After the Old Summer Palace was destroyed, it circulated among the common people. Now it is preserved in the Capital Museum, Beijing. Refined rubbings of the stone have survived. As for Liu Gongquan’s carved reproduction of Thirteen Lines, it has an epilogue written by Liu Gongquan near the end. However, the jade tablet version is more refined and reliable than Liu’s copy. It has apparent structure of character and elegant, vigorous strokes.

Section 3  Calligraphy of the Southern and Northern Dynasties 1. Calligraphy of the Southern Dynasties The calligraphy of the Southern Dynasties was a continuation of the calligraphy of the Two Wangs

SECTION 3 CALLIGRAPHY OF THE SOUTHERN AND NORTHERN DYNASTIES

of Eastern Jin. In the beginning, Wang Xianzhi had a great influence on calligraphic style. But later, Wang Xizhi’s significance grew. In this period, the family tradition was important for calligraphers, and calligraphers regarded letters as the most important form of calligraphy. Most calligraphers were emperors, members of land-owning families, and the famous. As emperors liked to discuss calligraphy with their close ministers, a number of systematic calligraphic histories and reviews were born. Yet the reviews of Chinese calligraphy had already taken shape. Among the emperors named Sima, of the Jin Dynasty, there were many calligraphy lovers and calligraphy masters. The trend continued in the Southern Dynasties. For example, Emperor Wen of Song, Liu Yilong, learned the calligraphic style of Wang Xianzhi. Others, such as Emperor Ming of Song, Liu Yu, collected the calligraphic works of the Two Wangs. In the Qi and Liang dynasties, the royal family of Xiao also liked calligraphy and had refined taste. For example, Emperor Gao of Qi, Xiao Daocheng, based his calligraphic style on that of Wang Xianzhi. Also, Emperor Wu of Liang, Xiao Yan, valued masters of calligraphy such as Zhong Yao, Wang Xizhi and Chancellor of the Directorate of Education, Xiao Ziyun. In the Southern Dynasties, there were elegant calligraphic styles and competent calligraphic reviews, which were a continuation of the elegant culture of Han and Jin dynasties. This was partly a result of the personal interest of Emperor Wu of Liang. In the meantime, the descendants of the Wang clan from Langya, such as Wang Qianceng, Monk Zhiyong, as well as Yang Xin and Xie Lingyun, were all famous for their calligraphy. But their style did not go much beyond the Two Wangs. This was the general situation of calligraphy in the Southern Dynasties. Yang Xin was the most important calligrapher between te Eastern Jin and early Liu Song. He was born in the 5th year of Taihe, in the reign of Emperor Fei of Eastern Jin, and died in the 19th year

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of Yuanjia, in the reign of Emperor Wen of Song of the Southern Dynasties. His courtesy name was Jingyuan, and he was a native of Nancheng, Taishan (today Feixian, Shandong Province). His grandfather Yang Quan served as Court Gentleman of Yellow Gates in the Jin Dynasty, and his father Yang Buning served as Governor of Guiyang. According to Book of Song: »In Yang Xin’s youth, his mind was calm. He had good morals and did not compete with others. He was good-looking, was good at speaking, and had a good sense of humor. His strengths were cursive and clerical script.« In the time of Emperor Wen of Song, he served as Governor of Xin’an. Within the decades of his term, he traveled considerably and lived a comfortable life. Later, he resigned his post due to illness and was demoted to Grand Master of Palace Leisure. He read an extensive range of classics, but was especially interested in HuangLao Daoism. He also understood medicine, and as such would not take it when ill. He died at the age of 73. Yang Xin was a distant relative of the Wangs, and according to some records Wang Xianzhi called him uncle. In terms of calligraphy, his writing followed the spirit of Wang Xianzhi. Discussion on Calligraphy by Wang Cengqian records: »Both Yang Xin and Qiu Daohu were taught by Zijing [Wang Xianzhi]. Yang Xin’s calligraphy was valued at that time. His running and cursive script was excellent, but his regular script was not as good.« Classification of Calligraphy by Yu Jianwu of the Liang Dynasty said: »In Yang Xin’s early years, he followed Zijing’s calligraphic style. He was a master of the Wang style.« Sometimes, one »would even not be disappointed if one had wanted to buy a Wang work but ended up receiving Yang’s work.« Modelbooks of Chunhua Pavilion of the Song Dynasty collected rubbings of his work Modelbook of »Moving the House,« and Modelbook of »Under the Feet.« Both were written in cursive script. The calligraphic gestures are dynamic, with flowing beauty and great power—

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catching the key spirit of Wang Xianzhi’s cursive script. Sequel to Criticism of Calligraphy by Li Sizhen of the Tang Dynasty ranked Yang Xin as one of the twelve calligraphers on fourth rank. Judgments on Calligraphy by Zhang Huaiguan put Yang Xin’s works in clerical, running and cursive script into the category of »fine works.« Another achievement of Yang Xin’s was the writing of a calligraphy history. Collection of Calligrapher Names Since Ancient Times by Yang Xin is the earliest extant history of calligraphy. Judgments on Calligraphy II comments on Yang Xin: »At that time, many people learned from the Grand Director, but they were far away from his style. The only one who received his spirit in person and reached a high level was Yang Xin. The relationship between him and Wang Xizhi was as close as that between Yan Hui and Confucius.« Before and after Yang Xin, calligraphers such as Kong Linzhi, Bo Shaozhi, Xie Lingyun, Xiao Daocheng and Wang Sengqian learned from Wang Xizhi’s calligraphic style. Kong Linzhi (369–423 CE), courtesy name Yanlin, was a native of Shanyin, Kuaiji (now Shaoxing, Zhejiang). His grandfather, Kong Shen, served as Counselor-in-Chief of the Jin Dynasty. His father, Kong Xin, served as Grand Master of Splendid Happiness. In the Eastern Jin Dynasty, Kong Linzhi was a palace attendant. At the beginning of Liu Song, he was valued by Emperor Wu and was promoted to Minister of Sacrifice. He was also granted the position Minister of Rituals. Kong Linzhi was interested in reading and writing articles, was knowledgeable about music, and was good at calligraphy in the cursive and running scripts. Discussion on Calligraphy by Wang Sengqian of Southern Qi says: »Kong Linzhi’s calligraphic style was natural and transcendent. He had great power in the brush. But he followed fewer rules than Yang Xin.« Judgments on Calligraphy by Zhang Huaiguan says:

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He learned Wang Xianzhi’s style and slightly emphasized the strength of the brush, structural coherence and flexibility. The vertically flowing gesture was like the waters in Lüliang. His contemporaries commented, »Yang Xin’s regular script and Kong Linzhi’s cursive script are the best.« The freedom and speed of his writing were on an equal level with Huan Xuan. Wang Sengqian said, »after the Two Wangs, no one could compete with Kong Linzhi in the freedom, speed and flowing quality of the calligraphy; but he trained his skills very little and was emancipated from stylistic rules too much, so his writings are worse than Yang Xin’s.« One can definitely say so.

His work, Modelbook of Sun and Moon, has a rubbing in Modelbooks of Chunhua Pavilion. Its style corresponds to the comments of Wang and Zhang. The essay in this modelbook has a sorrowful tone, written in the cursive script, which is sometimes close to the running script. The shape of characters develop according to natural feelings, with an irreducible transcendental quality. As for Bo Shaozhi, his birth and death years are unknown. Judgments on Calligraphy II by Zhang Huaiguan says: Bo Shaozhi, courtesy name Jingshu, was a native of Danyang. His positions ranked as high as palace steward. He was good at calligraphy. His calligraphic style was extraordinarily elegant, and based on the rules of Wang Xianzhi. It was like the moment when the Ganjiang sword came out of its box, shining brightly, and also the moment when Emperor Wu of Wei came to the army and tried to conquer the enemy with unrestrained power. His running and cursive scripts were free and overtook that of Yang Xin. If he had given more effort, the gap between him and Yang would have been even greater. Jingshu’s works in clerical, running and cursive scripts were among his refined works.

Also, Comments on Calligraphy by Zhang Huaiguan says: »After Zijing died, Yang Xin and Bo Shaozhi inherited his legacy.« From these quotations, it is obvious that Bo was a contemporary of Yang Xin’s in the Liu Song Dynasty. Emperor Wu of Liang, and Yuan Ang, spoke highly of his calligra-

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phy. For example, Comments on Ancient and Modern Calligraphy by Yuan Ang says: »Bo’s characters are not tidily arranged. Some are like dancers lowering their waists, while others are like immortals crying on a tree. The use of the brush shows quick changes and flying movement.« Modelbooks of Chunhua Pavilion collects a rubbing of his Modelbook of »Coming Back and Moving House.« It is written in such a refined running script that »the dancers lowering their waists« and »immortals crying on a tree« are not obvious any more. Xie Lingyun (385–433 CE), nicknamed Ke’er, was a native of Yangxia, Chen Commandery (now Taikang, Henan Province). His great-grandfather was Xie Yi. His grandfather Xie Xuan was General of Chariots and Cavalry of the Jin Dynasty. His father Xie Huan was Palace Librarian of the Jin Dynasty. Xie Lingyun was bestowed with the title of Duke Kangle, so he was also called Xie Kangle. He served as Yongjia Governor, Chamberlain of Linchuan Commandery. He was born in Kuaiji, and was very talented as a child. Having benefited from his family traditions, he wrote excellent essays, became famous for his poems, and also had a reputation for calligraphy. Memorial on Discussion of Calligraphy by Yu He says: »Xie Lingyun’s mother was Liu, and he was the grandson of Zijing. So Lingyun could be good at calligraphy and follow Wang’s style.« His imitation of Zijing’s calligraphic style could hardly be distinguished from the original works. Judgments on Calligraphy II by Zhang Huaiguan says: Xie learned Wang Xianzhi’s calligraphic style. Both his regular script and cursive script were as beautiful as a stone aged a thousand years, as well as the trunks of pine trees at the height of a hundred feet. Although he could not catch up with his master, his calligraphic style, like breathing out wind and spitting clouds to sweep mountains and rivers, was not that different.

Xiao Daocheng (427–482 CE) was Emperor Gao of Qi. He had the courtesy name Shaobo, was a native of Lanling (now Changzhou, Jiangsu Prov-

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ince), and was the 24th generation after Chancellor of State in the Han Dynasty, Xiao He. He served in the government of the Southern Song, took positions up to Grand Mentor, Chancellor of State, and was entitled Duke of Qi. In the third year of Shengming, in the reign of Emperor Shun of Song, he overthrew the emperor of Song and crowned himself as Emperor Gao of the Southern Qi. Judgments on Calligraphy  III by Zhang Huaiguan claims: »Xiao Daocheng was good at cursive script. He loved calligraphy sincerely and never stopped writing. His calligraphic style can be traced back to Zijing, but does lack some vigor.« Other calligraphers who learned Wang Xianzhi’s or Yang Xin’s style in the Song and Qi of the Southern Dynasties include Qiu Daohu, Xiao Sihua, Fan Ye, and Zhang Xiu. From Eastern Jin into the Southern Dynasties, the Jiangnan area was politically stable. Although the land-owning class of the Eastern Jin no longer had that much power in the court of the Southern Dynasties, they were generally able to maintain their noble status. In terms of the Wang clan from Langya, many still served in the government, valued calligraphy, and followed the style of the Two Wangs. Among them, Wang Tanshou, Wang Sengqian, as well as Wang Ci and Wang Zhi, were famous for their calligraphy. Wang Tanshou’s (349–430 CE) grandfather was Wang Qi, and his father was Wang Xun. He was calm, resolute, and upright in nature, and did not care much about wealth. When brothers shared their wealth, he only took books. He was highly regarded by Emperor Wu and Emperor Wen of the Song Dynasty, and was thought to have the right skills for being a prime minister. In the Yuanjia years of Emperor Wen’s reign, he served as Supervisor of the Household of the Heir Apparent, Palace Attendant. After his death, he received the posthumous name Wenhou. He was good at calligraphy. According to »Records of Calligraphy in the Tang Dynasty« in Important Records on Model Calligraphy, by Zhang Yanyuan, Wang Fangqing,

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the 8th generation after Wang Tanshou, presented 10 volumes of calligraphic works by 28 calligraphers from the Wang clan to Wu Zetian. They were later carved into Modelbooks of Wangsui Tongtian Years, and Wang Tanshou’s works were also included. However, his writings have been lost in the extant version of Modelbooks of Wansui Tongtian Years. Only Modelbook of Fusan, collected in Modelbooks of Chunhua Pavilion, has been passed down. This work was written with a rather free use of brush and a mature form of cursive script, which was characteristic for the calligraphy of the Wang clan. Wang Sengqian’s (426–485 CE) grandfather was Wang Xun, and his father was Wang Tanshou. He was Secretary of the Heir Apparent in the reign of Emperor Wen of Song, and later switched to Director of the Imperial Secretariat. In the Qi Dynasty, he switched further to Palace Attendant, Governor of Danyang. In the reign of Emperor Wu of Qi he served as Palace Attendant, Left Grand Master for Splendid Happiness, Commander Unequaled in Honor, but later refused to serve in the position. He died at the age of 60. Thereafter, he was bestowed with the title Minister of Works and the posthumous name Jianmu. He was generous and honest in nature, had knowledge of astrology and music, had an extensive knowledge of literature and history—and was an expert in art and literatary criticism. He was also good at calligraphy. His extant book, Discussion on Calligraphy, is another important work on calligraphy theory after Collection of Calligrapher Names Since Ancient Times by Yang Xin. He learned his calligraphic style from Wang Xianzhi. When Emperor Wen of Song saw him writing calligraphy on a blank fan, he exclaimed: »Wang Sengqian surpasses Zijing not only in calligraphy, but also in elegant manner.« Judgment on Calligraphy II by Zhang Huaiguan claimed his calligraphy style »could be traced back to Wang Xianzhi and is very archaic. Its richness and simplicity are good, but it lacks beauty. Like water in streams and snow on mountains, it is pure and

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solemn, but not vital enough.« In this source, his works in clerical, running and cursive script are all evaluated as »fine works.« Emperor Gao of Qi, Xiao Daocheng, once asked him, »Who is the best in the field of calligraphy?« He answered: »Mine is the best among the ministers. Yours is the best among the emperors.« It was a clever answer. In terms of his works, Modelbook to the Censor-inChief, Modelbook for Stating the Current Situation and others were passed down to the Northern Song Dynasty. Today, a refined ink copy of Modelbook of the Secretary of the Heir Apparent from the Tang Dynasty has been passed down. Also, Modelbooks of Chunhua Pavilion collected his Modelbook of Xie Xian and Modelbook of Liu Bolong. All these works were written in regular script. Wang Sengqian’s Modelbook of the Secretary of the Heir Apparent, also known as Official Document of Wang Yan, was written in regular script. It is a fine ink copy on yinghuang paper from the Tang Dynasty, collected in Modelbooks of Wansui Tongtian Years as the 7th modelbook. Now it is preserved in the Liaoning Provincial Museum. It is an official document written by Wang Sengqian for the Secretary of the Heir Apparent, Wang Yan. Since it would be presented to the court, it was written in the solemn regular script. Although the brush tip sometimes varies on the side of strokes, its gentle and rich beauty is not lost. The structure of individual characters extends horizontally. In general, it is elegant and full of spirit. The calligraphic style is similar to the ink copies of Wang Xianzhi’s Modelbook of the 29th Day and Wang Huizhi’s Modelbook of the New Moon. »Official Document of Wang Yan, written by King of Qi, Jianmu Sengqian« in Comments on Stelae of Jisu Feiqing Pavilion by Yang Shoujing states: »Sengqian had a great reputation for calligraphy. But this modelbook is his only extant ink writing. Xiang Guang said that Dongpo learned Sengqian’s style, so probably refer to him.« Wang Sengqian was among the most influential calligraphers from the Wang clan after the Two

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Wangs and before Zhiyong. His eldest son, Wang Ci, second son, Wang Zhi, and grandson, Wang Guanyuan, were also famous for their calligraphy. Wang Ci (451–491 CE), with a courtesy name Bobao, served in the Song and Qi dynasties in positions up to Left Administrator in the Ministry of Education, and was bestowed with a posthumous position Chamberlain for Ceremonials. His extant works include Modelbook of Guo Guiyang, Cypress Leaf Wine, How Are You Recently. They are all ink copies in cursive script on yinghuang paper, perserved in Modelbooks of Wansui Tongtian Years as the 4th, 8th, 9th modelbook respectively. Wang Zhi (460–513 CE), with a courtesy name Cidao, was initially elected as the husband of Princess Angu, daughter of Emperor Xiaowu of Song. He served in the Song, Qi and Liang dynasties in positions up to Director of the Central Secretariat, but later switched to Policy Advisor, Grand Master of Splendid Happiness of the Gold-Purple Hall. An extant work of him is Modelbook of »Have Not Said Anything for a Day,« which is the 10th modelbook in Modelbooks of Wansui Tongtian Years. It is an ink copy written in running script on yinghuang paper. The above mentioned four works collected in Modelbooks are close in style. All of them feature a large freedom and a sense of wildness, sometimes with very quick brushing, which is totally different from their father Wang Sengqian’s style. The Tang calligrapher Dou Ji commented in a proper way, »ink was used calmly and fabulously, while brush was used quickly and freely.« It is evident how this thread of Wang’s clan developed their styles in the Southern Dynasties. After Xiao Liang in the early 6th century, calligraphers tended to learn Wang Xizhi’s, or even Zhong Yao’s style, instead of Wang Xianzhi’s. Although there was a shortage of exceptionally talented calligraphers, the attitude of valuing archaicness and simplicity more than superficial beauty was actually beneficial to the development of calligraphy after the Sui and Tang dynasties. This change was related to the initiative of Emperor Wu of Liang,

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Xiao Yan, and to the approval of people like Tao Hongjing. The major calligraphers of this period included Shen Yue, Tao Hongjing, Xiao Yan, Xiao Ziyun, Ruan Yan, and Chen Bozhi. Shen Yue (441–513 CE), with a courtesy name Xiuwen, was a native of Wukang, Wuxing (now Huzhou, Zhejiang Province). He was an orphan and poor as a child, but had a strong will to learn and read extensively. He served in the Song, Qi, and Liang dynasties. In the reign of Emperor Wu of Liang, he served as Director of the Imperial Secretariat, Junior Mentor of the Heir Apparent, and later switched to Left Grand Master for Splendid Happiness. He died at an official post. He had a posthumous name, Yin, so he was also called »Sir Yin.« He wrote 100 volumes of Book of Song, one of the 24 histories. He also wrote poetry. His poetic style, along with that of Xie Tiao, was known as »Yongming style.« Shen Yue was not famous for his calligraphy in his living time. His calligraphy was not restricted by stylistic rules. According to Xuanhe shupu, the extant work Modelbook of »This Year,« collected in Modelbooks of Chunhua Pavilion as a carved reproduction, was produced based on his original writing. This work only contains two lines in cursive script. Strokes are connected through a unified gesture. It has a transcendental style and the spirit of an organic whole. Xuanhe shupu comments: »Probably because he cultivated extraordinary thoughts in his mind, traces left by his brush were all superb. Therefore, some good treatises on calligraphy said, when thousands of volumes of books were stored in the mind, the calligraphy would be free from vulgarity. Probably he achieved this ideal.« Tao Hongjing (456–536 CE), with a courtesy name Tongming, was a native of Moling, Danyang (now Nanjing, Jiangsu Province). He was good at the qin zither, chess, calligraphy and painting, and enjoyed reading. After middle age, he secluded himself in Juqu Mountain, called Huayang Hermit Tao, or Huayang Hermit. Emperor Wu of Liang, Xiao Yan, traveled with him long ago. After his

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accession to the throne, he asked Tao to serve in the government, but he refused. In spite of this, he was constantly engaged in political issues and calligraphy theory. Actually, he was called »Prime Minister in the Mountain« then. Important Records on Model Calligraphy by Zhang Yanyuan collects his five letters of discussions on calligraphy with Emperor Wu of Liang. Classification of Calligraphy by Yu Jianwu says: »Hermit Tao used his divine talents and wrote articles in the valley.« »Annals« in History of Southern Dynasties (Nanshi 南史) says, »he was good at cursive and clerical script, and his running script was extraordinary.« Judgments on Calligraphy III by Zhang Huaiguan claims: He was good at calligraphy, and learned the style of Zhong, Wang, especially their spirit, strength and structural coherence in calligraphy. However, his contemporaries said that he, Xiao Ziyun and Ruan Yan all learned the style of Right Army successfully. He surpassed Ou Yangxun and Yu Shinan in the vigor of regular script. But his clerical script and running script were just acceptable.

It is said that Inscription of Burying the Crane, originally engraved in Jiaoshan Mountain in Zhenjiang, Jiangsu Province, was actually based on his handwriting. Xiao Yan (464–549 CE) was Emperor Wu of Liang. His courtesy name was Shuda and he was a native of South Lanling (now Changzhou, Jiangsu Province). In the second year of Zhongxing (502 CE), he dethroned Emperor He of Qi, and became the founding emperor of the Southern Dynasties. He reigned for 47 years. Emperor Wu of Liang was a learned man who respected Confucianism and firmly believed in Buddhism. He often practiced asceticism and gave lectures on Buddhist teachings at Tongtai Temple, so he was also known as »Emperor Bodhisattva.« He was a great scholar of calligraphy. His calligraphy treatises include Twelve Key Points After Observing Zhong Yao’s Calligraphy, and Discussion on Calligraphy with Hermit Tao. These works spoke highly of Zhong Yao

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and Wang Xizhi, and exerted a great influence on the calligraphy of the period. He was also a calligrapher. Modelbooks of Three-Rarity-Hall collected his Modelbook of Different Interest, a work in cursive script. It characteristically has vigorous use of brush and richly nuanced use of ink. Judgments on Calligraphy III by Zhang Huaiguan comments: »He liked to write cursive script. It was archaic in its form, but lacked strength, structural coherence and flexibility.« Xiao Ziyun (487–549 CE), courtesy name Jingqiao, was a native of South Lanling from the royal family of Southern Qi. In the reign of Emperor Wu of Liang, he served as Chancellor of the Directorate of Education. He was quiet and elegant by nature, and was good at calligraphy. »Annals« in History of Southern Dynasties states, »Ziyun was good at cursive and clerical script, which was the standard in his times. He said that he was good at imitating Zhong Yao and Wang Xizhi, and slightly changed their forms.« Emperor Wu of Liang greatly appreciated his calligraphy, and he promoted him to be one of his artists, along with Zhong and Wang. Zhang Huaiguan said in Judgments on Calligraphy II: »His regular and cursive script was learned from Zijing at first, later from Yuanchang. In his late years, he also developed strength and flexible structural coherence, and had an outstanding reputation. The whole court learned from him.« He was also good at the small seal script with many dry, streaky strokes, »flying white strokes.« His script was praised as follows: »It looks like the cicada’s wings on white silk, and the floating mist dissolving the clouds.« Modelbooks of Chunhua Pavilion collects his work in regular script, Three Chapters of Liezi. The work has a good sense of structure in each character, with individual characters extending slightly horizontally. The strokes have strength and clarity. The overall style is archaic and elegant, which can be traced back to the styles of Zhong and Wang. Ruan Yan, courtesy name of Wenji, was a native of Chenliu (now Kaifeng, Henan Province). His

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dates of birth and death are unknown. He served as Regional Inspector of Jiaozhou in the Liang Dynasty. Classification of Calligraphy, by Yu Jianwu, says: »Ruan Yan lives in contemporary times but observes the ancient. He understands the key to various masterful skills. Although he studies Wang Xizhi’s style, which can be traced back to Zhong Yao’s style, it turns out to be his own uniquely constructed system.« It was said that he, Tao Hongjing, and Xiao Ziyun all learned Wang Xizhi’s style successfully, while Ruan Yan had the best structural coherence and flexibility. No calligrapher established a new paradigm in the Southern Dynasties. In fact, the calligraphy of the period was a continuation of Eastern Jin calligraphy. In the Chen and Sui dynasties, Chen Bozhi’s cursive script inherited the legacy of the Eastern and Western Jin, and laid the foundation for Tang calligraphy. Monk Zhiyong’s Thousand-Character Passage was based on Wang Xizhi’s style. Their styles were further inherited by the calligraphers of the Sui Dynasty. As the stele ban from the Jin Dynasties was gradually loosened, the number of stele inscriptions increased in the late Eastern Jin and the Southern Dynasties. Tomb epitaphs had a distinct form when compared with Wei and Jin stele inscriptions. At the same time, the tomb epitaphs and statues of the Northern Dynasties were in great bloom. Their traces have been left in many places, and more than a thousand years later the Qing Dynasty revived the stele tradition from the medieval China. The origin of this tradition can be traced back to the »Two Cuans.« Stele of Cuan Baozi and Stele of Cuan Longyan were both found in the frontier regions of the middle of Yunnan. They were respectively made in the late Eastern Jin and the Liu Song dynasties. Their script forms vary between the official and regular script. The former work mostly has clerical script, while the latter mostly has regular script. Traces of knife are exposed, which also has a special appeal. They represent the most typical script forms

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of stele inscriptions of the early and late Southern and Northern Dynasties. Both had a great influence on modern calligraphy. In the Eastern Jin, Sixteen Kingdoms and early Southern Dynasties, a script form between clerical and regular script was popular among the people. It was commonly used for writing Buddhist classics and tomb epitaphs. Its horizontal strokes had sharp points at both ends, which could be easily achieved with a knife. In fact, double knives were always used at the same time, so that a special ornamental style could be achieved. Therefore, it became the standard for stele inscriptions. Examples include Epitaph of Xie Kun, with its high fidelity to the ancient style, Epitaph of Wang Xingzhi and His Wife, for its rigor, Stele of Cuan Baozi, for its imagination, Stone Tablet of Xuan Palace in the Reign of Emperor Gong of Jin and Stele of Juqu Anzhou Building Temple, both in a highly ornamental style, and Epitaph of Liu Huaimin with its sense of tranquility and simplicity. If examined closely, their forms are all based on clerical script. But such forms were carved in a simple and even rough way, and finally achieved an unconventional effect which less connected to brush and ink than to metal and stone. In contrast to the above mentioned stelae, Stele of Cuan Longyan (erected 458 CE) exhibits a mature regular script. Although some of its individual structures and strokes are slightly clerical, it is obviously free from the constraints from the Han and Wei dynasties in that »the script inscribed on stones« should always be in the clerical script. The refinement of the regular and running script since the Two Wangs had been slowly influencing the inscriptions of the Southern and even Northern Dynasties. However, the traces of engraving were necessarily left in the works. After all, engraving was different from writing. In the case of Stele of Cuan Longyan, the knife followed the direction and shape of the strokes. As the calligraphic form was not harmed by the engraving, it was transformed into a special form of stele calligraphy. After a

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4.5.8 Stele of Cuan Longyan, Liu Song, collection of the Palace Museum, Beijing

period of maturation with the help of craftsmen, it became a stylized regular script, called »Wei Stele« regular script. But its origin can be traced back to the Stele of Cuan Longyan. (Fig. 4.5.8) Before Qi and Liang of the Southern Dynasties, inscriptions had a square-edged style that exposed

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the traces of knives. But in this period they focused on the use of brush and ink more and more, and showed fewer traits of the clerical script. Therefore, they became more elegant. Epitaph of Liu Dai from the Southern Qi looks mild and graceful. As for works from the Liang Dynasty, Epitaph of Wang Mushao looks vigorous, Epitaph of Wang, the Wife of Xiao Fuji looks solemn, Inscription of Burying the Crane looks distanced, and Stele of Xiao Dan looks magnificent. Fine rubbings make these aesthetic qualities obvious. Among them, Inscription of Burying the Crane and Stele of Xiao Dan are the most famous. Inscription of Burying the Crane is a cliff inscription in regular script. Huang Bosi of the Song Dynasty concluded that it was written by Tao Hongjing. Later generations mostly followed this judgment. It was originally carved on a cliff at the western foot of Jiaoshan Mountain in Zhenjiang, Jiangsu. But, in the Song Dynasty, it was struck by lightning and fell into the Yangtze River. During the Kangxi Period of the Qing Dynasty, the remnants of the stone were removed to Dinghui Temple, on the mountain. The original inscription was engraved on the cliff, with a natural, archaic, and elegant beauty. Later generations spoke highly of it: »It is the best broken jade. How could it not be the most valuable treasure?« Huang Tingjian of the Song Dynasty reportedly said, »no large characters are written better than Inscription of Burying the Crane.« One of its rubbings, from the Song Dynasty and preserved in the Palace Museum, Beijing, is the best version. The Stele of Xiao Dan, also known as the Stele of King Shixing Zhongwu, was erected in the 4th year of Putong (523 CE) in Nanjing. It has 86 characters in 36 lines, all written in regular script. According to the record of the stele, Xu Mian wrote the text, Bei Yiyuan wrote the calligraphy, Gao Yuan applied the calligraphy to the stone, and Fang Xianming engraved it. The large characters on the top of the stele look magnificent and profound. The handwriting of the inscription has been damaged

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from weathering, but its strength and calmness has not been lost. The calligrapher Bei Yiyuan has not been recorded in history. In the Eastern Jin Dynasty, the calligraphy of the Two Wangs was extremely famous. The calligraphy of the Southern Dynasties inherited its glory, but could hardly make any great achievements. However, as the elegance of style and the rank of calligraphers were emphasized, there were many useful discussions and summaries of calligraphic theories, especially on stylistic norms and criticisms, which contributed to the achievements of Eastern Jin calligraphy. Although the calligraphic style of stelae were not the mainstream of the Southern Dynasties, it could surpass the Han and Jin style of »script inscribed on stones« with a variety of styles.

2. Calligraphy of the Northern Dynasties There are many more existing inscriptions from the Northern Dynasties than from the Southern Dynasties, and many are high quality. They were usually inscribed in the regular script and had a relatively systematic calligraphic style. They formed the main body of the calligraphy in the Northern Dynasties. Among them, the most representative were those from the Northern Wei and Eastern Wei dynasties. Some people called the regular script in these inscriptions the »Wei Stele« script to distinguish it from the regular script of the Jin and Tang dynasties. In terms of format, the inscriptions of the Northern Dynasty can be divided into stele inscriptions, records on statue making, epitaphs, and cliff inscriptions. Early Northern Dynasty inscriptions still retained the conventions of Wei and Jin stelae. Although the script form was regular script, the strokes still kept characteristics of the clerical script. Examples include Stele of Emperor Taiwu’s Journey to the East, which was engraved in the 3rd year of Taiyan (437 CE) and found in Hebei, Stele of Huayue Temple of Dadai, engraved in the 5th year of Taiyan (439 CE), and Stele of Gaoling Temple

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in Zhongyue Mount Song. These works have a similar calligraphic style. Characters are mostly square-shaped and neatly planned. Strokes are also square-shaped, sometimes with a few undulations, becoming the standard calligraphic style of early Wei stelae. Among them, Stele of Huayue Temple of Dadai and Stele of Gaoling Temple in Zhongyue Mount Song are the most famous. Both stelae, including text, were produced by the Daoist priest Kou Qianzhi. They were erected on Mount Hua and Mount Song, respectively. Their calligraphic style features strength, neatness, solemnity and the archaic. The original stone of Stele of Huayue Temple of Dadai was lost, but a single version of a rubbing has survived. The original stone Stele of Gaoling Temple in Zhongyue Mount Song has survived, but the majority is unclear. In the half century from the Taihe years to the end of the Northern Wei Dynasty (477–534 CE), stele inscriptions flourished, with the Tuoba family moving the capital to Luoyang and building grottoes. Examples include: Pagoda’s Epitaph in Lingshan Temple of Guangzhou, Stele of Huifu Temple, Stele of Gao Qing, Stele of Southern Grotto Temple, Stele of Yang Hui, Stele of Jia Sibo, Stele of Zhang Menglong, Stele of Master Monk Gen, Stele of Gao Zhen, and Stele on Huangfu Du Building Grotto Temple. Later, a great number of stelae were also made in Eastern Wei, such as Stele of Jing Shijun, Stele of Gao Sheng, Stele of Gao Fan, Stele of the Three Floor Pagoda of Ningchan Temple, and Stele of Li Zhongxuan Building the Confucian Temple. Meanwhile, from Emperor Xiaowen of the Northern Wei on, Sinicization policies were carried out—such as moving the capital city to Luoyang, holding sacrifices for Confucius, establishing Imperial University and putting Confucian scholars from the Central Plains into important positions, reforming the system according to Rites of Zhou, coining Five-Zhu Money, forbidding clothes in the Hu style, and establishing positions of nine ranks in the government, which was imitated from the Southern Dynasties. During the Zhengshi era, in

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the reign of Emperor Wu of Xuan (504–508 CE), many kinds of studies flourished in Wei, with countless teachers and more than a thousand disciples. Later, the Eastern Wei and Western Wei dynasties valued classical studies greatly. In the 4th year of Wuding in Eastern Wei (546 CE), the 52 stelae of the Xiping Stone Classics were moved from the Luoyang Imperial University to the new capital of Ye. It is clear how much emphasis was put on classics at that time, and stone inscriptions flourished as never before. Their script form was mostly regular script, mostly leaning to the side, and knives were used properly to engrave it. Records on statue making, tomb epitaphs, and cliff inscriptions were also popular. Some of the most important inscriptions include Stele of Huifu Temple, Stele of Jia Sibo, Stele of Zhang Menglong, Stele of Master Monk Gen, and Stele of Jing Shijun, Stele of ­Gaosheng. Stele of Huifu Temple was engraved in the 12th year of Taihe (488 CE) in the Northern Wei Dynasty. It was originally located in Beisi Village in the southeast of Chengcheng, Shaanxi, but has now been moved to the Stele Forest, in Xi’an. The inscription is in regular script. The calligraphic style is simple and neat, without any exposed knife traces. Many characters are written in an alternative form. On the top of the stele is written, »Stele of Huifu Temple of Dang Changgong of Dadai.« Stele of Jia Sibo, also called Stele of Sir Jia, was engraved in the 3rd year of Shengui (520 CE) in the Northern Wei. It was erected in Yanzhou, Shandong. It had been forgotten by the people, and many parts had been damaged. It was rediscovered in the Song and Yuan dynasties, as proved by the engraved prefaces. The inscription is in an archaic form of regular script. Comments on Stelae of Jisu Feiqing Pavilion by Yang Shoujing says: »The script form is close to that of the Stele of Zhang Menglong. There are many archaic and profound details, but unfortunately it is damaged and there are little complete characters.« There are still extant rubbings from the Ming Dynasty.

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Stele of Zhang Menglong has a line of regular script in the uppermost part: »Stele for glorifying Zhang, the Governor of Lujun in the Wei Dynasty.« It was erected in the 3rd year of Zhengguang (522 CE), in Northern Wei. Today, it is preserved in the Confucian Temple in Qufu, Shandong Province. The inscriptions are in regular script, with clearly and firmly written strokes. The characters lean slightly and are tightly knotted. The engraving technique invigorates the form. It is one of the most famous Northern Wei inscriptions. Its calligraphy foreshadowed the regular script of the Sui and Tang dynasties, and had a great influence on modern calligraphy. The stele was recorded by people from the Song Dynasty. At present, rubbings from the Ming Dynasty have survived. (Fig. 4.5.9) Stele of Master Monk Gen, also known as Stele of Master Monk Gen from Maming Temple, was engraved in the 4th year of Zhengguang in Northern Wei. It is located in Le’an, Shandong Province. The inscriptions, in the regular script, have with much vigor. The knife traces are hidden. Comments on Stelae of Jisu Feiqing Pavilion by Yang Shoujing says: »Stelae from the Wei Dynasty are often engraved with clerical script. However, the characters look thin and pale in the most of them. Only a few stelae strive for real spirit. For example, this one has much variety and character. It is better than Stele of Xiao Dan.« This is a very sophisticated commentary. Kang Youwei, seeing the use of the knife in Wei Stelae as standard, judged this stele to be »just acceptable,« which was an oversight. Stele of Gao Sheng is engraved with, in convex characters in seal script, »Stele on Gao’s Virtues, Recorded in Documents of the Imperial Secretariat by Palace Attendant of Wei, Grand Preceptor Huangcheng.« It was erected in the 3rd year of Tianping in Eastern Wei (536 CE). The stele is broken. Its remains, excavated in Cizhou in the Guangxu Period of the Qing Dynasty, are now in Cixian, Hebei Province. The inscriptions are in regular script, with broad, generous structure

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4.5.9 Stele of Zhang Menglong (rubbing portion), ­Northern Wei, collection of the Palace Museum, Beijing

and relaxing strokes, which set a precedent for Sui and Tang calligraphy. A similar style is also found on Stele of Gao Fan, which was inscribed in the 2nd year of Yuanxiang (539 CE), in the Eastern Wei Dynasty. Stele of Jing Shijun, also known as Stele of Jing Shijun Xianjun, was inscribed in the 2nd year of Xinghe (540), in Eastern Wei. It was excavated in the early reign of Emperor Qianlong of Qing, and later moved to Xingshan Academy in Changge, Henan

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Province. The inscriptions are in a very refined form of regular script. The characters are broad and upright. Comments on Stelae of Jisu Feiqing Pavilion by Yang Shoujing says: »It is archaic, profound, refined and vigorous, but not superficially beautiful, which is typical of a mature work.« This comment also points out the differences between the calligraphic style of Eastern Wei stelae and Northern Wei stelae. In Northern Qi and Northern Zhou, the calligraphy of stelae returned to older styles. Clerical script was once again engraved on stones. Strokes were either fat and fleshy, or thin and angular. Soft, irregular forms were more common than rich, comfortable ones. They were completely devoid of the style of Han clerical script. Examples of this trend include Northern Qi stelae Stele of Tang Yong Copying Sutras, Stele of Zheng Shuzu Building the Confucian Temple, Stele of Gao Su, Stele of the Perfection of Wisdom in Eight Thousand Sūtra, and, from Nothern Zhou, Stele of Shen Temple in Xiyue Mount Hua. The calligraphic style of stele inscriptions went through obvious changes in the Northern Dynasties. In the early Northern Wei, the script showed some characteristics of the clerical script, but it did not entirely adopt the old style. The strokes were clearly distinct from each other, and the style was archaic. A representative work would be Stele of Gaoling Temple in Zhongyue Mount Song. After the capital was moved to Luoyang, Northern Wei stelae entered a mature phase. Their script was basically in the form of regular script with tightly knotted slanting strokes, as well as leaning gestures. The knife was used skillfully and followed the direction of the strokes. Thus, a script form typical for Wei stelae emerged. The most representative work of this form is Stele of Zhang Menglong. In the Eastern Wei Dynasty, inscriptions became more spacious, and had less deliberate work of knives and less accurate structures, such as Stele of Gao Sheng. In the Northern Qi and Northern Zhou, despite the tendency toward archaism, only

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the appearance of clerical script was imitated, whereas stylistic rules were not followed. Sometimes, even the style of seal script was mixed in the work, leading to often bizarre effect. Although the emperors of the Northern Dynasties tried to promote Han Chinese culture, they had a rather distanced understanding of it. Nor did they promote it consistently. Probably that was why the stelae of the Northern Dynasties went through so many changes in calligraphic styles. During the Northern and Southern Dynasties, Buddhism developed quickly. In the 17th year of Taihe (493 CE) in Northern Wei, Emperor Xiaowen moved the capital city to Luoyang and opened many grottoes in Longmen, Luoyang. Through the building of grottoes in the Eastern Wei, Western Wei, Northern Qi, Northern Zhou, and the Sui and Tang dynasties, and a large number of grotto statues, inscriptions of stone carvings were produced. Among them, many were made in Northern Wei. For example, the more than 3,600 extant records on statue erection in the Longmen Grottoes include more than 2,000 from the Northern Wei. Many of them were in the refined Wei Stele regular script. Besides script form, their calligraphic style and use of knife were similar. Furthermore, they shared similarly powerful and rich artistic images. The famous Twenty Records on Statue Making from Longmen were all made in the Northern Wei. Among them, Four Records on Statue Erection from Longmen are the most well-known, including Record on Statue Erection for Shiping Gong, Record on Sun Qiusheng’s Statue Erection, Record on Yang Dayan’s Statue Erection, and Record on Wei Lingcang’s Statue Erection. The complete name of Record on Statue Erection for Shiping Gong is Record of Monk Huicheng’s Building a Statue for His Dead Father Shiping Gong. It was made in the 22nd year of Taihe (498 CE) in the Northern Wei. Meng Da wrote its text, and Zhu Yizhang wrote the calligraphy. It was in the regular script, and the characters were inscribed convexly, framed by a grid—which was rare in the

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records on statue erection. The calligraphic style is majestic and vigorous, and the knife traces indicate fast movement. Zhao Ziqian of the Qing Dynasty rated it as the best of the Northern Wei records on statue erection. Record on Statue Erection by Sun Qiusheng was made in the 3rd year of Jingming, Northern Wei (502 CE). It was written by Meng Guangda and Xiao Xianqing. It is in the regular script, with a relatively square form of the characters, as well as a grand, profound calligraphic style. Record on Statue Erection by Yang Dayan and Record on Statue Erection by Wei Lingcang were both carved on the north wall of the Guyang Cave in the Longmen Grottoes. Both have left no record of the author’s name or year of construction. They have similar calligraphic styles and knife usage. The characters are lean slightly. The strokes are written resolutely. The tip of the knife, as shown by the knife traces, followed the direction of the strokes, which was typical of the Wei Stele style. The number of tomb epitaphs in the Northern Dynasty was unprecedentedly great, and most of them were made in the 40 years after the capital of Northern Wei was moved to Luoyang. After moving the capital, Emperor Xiaowen intended to establish a stable foothold in the Central Plains. He ordered that all the people who had moved to Luoyang should be buried in Mangling after their deaths, and should not be returned to the north. Therefore, on both shores of the Chan River in Mangluo, and around the Shouyang Mountain in Yangshi, a large number of epitaphs were erected. Hundreds of them have survived to present. These epitaphs are small, but have good stone quality and precise engraving technique. In addition, as they have been buried underground, they have suffered very little damage. The inscriptions are all in the regular script. Almost all of them are fine works. The most representative and influential epitaphs of this period include: Epitaph of Yuan Zhen, Epitaph of Cui Jingyong, Epitaph of Yuanni, and Epitaph of Zhang Heinü.

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Epitaph of Yuan Zhen (496 CE) has a vigorous calligraphic style. The characters are slanting, and have a strict sense of structure. The knife traces indicate very quick movement of the knife. Its style is similar to records on statue erection in the Longmen Grottoes and reflects the characteristics of the calligraphy of the Taihe years. It was excavated in Luoyang in 1926, and is preserved in the Stele Forest in Xi’an. Epitaph of Cui Jingyong (517 CE) has neat structure for individual characters, a graceful calligraphic style, and strokes with an appropriate variety of intensity. He Zhuo of the Qing Dynasty commented: »It does not have those unnecessary ornaments like the clothes and shoes that characters wear. The artistic image is broad.« This epitaph was unearthed in Anping, Hebei in the 18th year of Emperor Kangxi’s reign (1679). It was the first epitaph of the Northern Wei Dynasty to receive worldwide attention. Epitaph of Yuan Ni (523 CE) was excavated in Luoyang in the early years of the Republic of China. It is now preserved in the Shanghai Museum. The characters are generally tight in their inner parts and loose in their outer parts. The looseness and openness in some structures are no worse than those in Epitaph of Cui Jingyong, even surpassing the latter in grace. The epitaph shows a refined engraving technique, and almost every detail of the brushstrokes has been meticulously conveyed. It is one of the most mature works of epitaph of the Northern Wei Dynasty, and foreshadows Tang calligraphy in the regular script. Epitaph of Zhang Heinü, also known as Epitaph of Zhang Xuanji’s Wife Chen, is one of the most famous epitaphs of the Northern Wei. It was engraved in the first year of Putai in Northern Wei (531 CE), and is believed to have been excavated in Yongji, Shanxi, at an unknown date. The original stele has been lost, but a single book of mounted cuts from the original rubbing has been passed down. This version waz been highly valued, as indicated by the prefaces and postfaces written by

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many calligraphy masters since the Qing Dynasty. For example, He Shaoji said that »in terms of vigor, profoundness, delicacy and elegance, no other northern stele is comparable to Stele of Heinü.« Wu Shifen said, »hardly any inscription is as profound and elegant as this one.« Chong En commented: »It is elegant, free, archaic, and dispels the viewer’s self-consciousness. Among Yuan-Wei epitaphs, it is certainly one of the most refined works and should never pass into oblivion.« In 534 CE, the capital of Eastern Wei was moved to Ye. Thereafter, most of the epitaphs of Eastern Wei and Northern Qi came from the vicinity of the capital of Ye (today in the region of Anyang, Henan, and Cixian, Hebei). Along with the moving of the capital, the style of epitaph calligraphy also changed from the leaning, tight, and majestic to flat, broad, and loose. Engraving also became cruder. Some epitaphs were in clerical script, consistent with the times. Some works were unique, such as Epitaph of Cui Jingbo from Eastern Wei, Epitaph of Zhu Dailin, Epitaph of Qifu Baoda from Northern Qi, and Epitaph of He Dunzhi from Northern Zhou, but such works were rare. The calligraphic style of the stelae, records on statue erection, and epitaphs were similar in the Northern Dynasties, despite different forms. The Wei Stele regular script was the prevailing form of script, which flourished during the 40 years after Emperor Xiaowen of Northern Wei moved the capital to Luoyang. The cliff inscriptions of the Northern Dynasties are found in the present-day Shandong Province. They were engraved on the cliffs of great mountains, and as it was not easy to engrave on rugged rock surfaces, the calligraphic style became bold, natural and transcendent. On the Yunfeng, Taiji, Tianzhu, and Baifeng mountains in Yexian, Yidu, and Pingdu in Shandong Province, as well as Jianshan and Tieshan mountains in the northeast of Zouxian, Shandong, a number of cliff inscriptions engraved in the period from the Northern Wei to the Northern Zhou have been found. According to rubbings made in

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the Qing Dynasty, there are dozens of works, including Stele of Zheng Xi I and II, Poem on Sutra Discussion, Poem on Climbing Beifeng Mountain, Poem on Climbing Taiji Mountain, Inscription of Dongkan Stone Chamber, Poem on Watching a Miraculous Child at Sea, Inscription on Stone Tower, Poem on Paradise (all of the above were writings of Zheng Daozhao of Northern Wei), Diamond Sūtra, and Appraisal of Kuang Ji Engraving Sutras. Among them, Stele of Zheng Xi  II and Poem on Sutra Discussion, written by Zheng Daozhao from Yunfeng Mountain, are the most famous. Stele of Zheng Xi I, at Yunfeng Mountain, and Stele of Zheng Xi  II, at Tianzhu Mountain, are known together as the Stelae of Zheng Wengong. The former has smaller characters and is severely damaged. The latter has larger characters in about two inches in diameter. It has clear handwriting and carving. Through rubbing by scholars such as Gui Weigu in the Qianlong era, it became famous. The characters of both works have a broad structure, and were written with great strength. Also, they follow the stylistic norms of the Wei Stele regular script, and are among the cliff inscriptions of the Northern Dynasties with the strictest sense of style. Poem on Sutra Discussion was engraved in the 4th year of Yongping (511 CE) of Northern Wei. The characters measure more than half a foot in diameter. Rounded and squared strokes, as well as forms of the seal and official script are combined in the inscription. The characters are majestic, archaic, and full of variety. The famous Diamond Sūtra in Jingshiyu of Mount Tai was engraved in the granite creek bed of Mount Tai in Tai’an, Shandong Province. The characters measure more than a foot in diameter and number more than a thousand. The form of script is between official and regular script. Although the date of creation and the name of the creator were not signed, it is mostly regarded as a relic of the Northern Dynasties. Because of long-term water and wind erosion, the strokes became round and

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plain. Together with the effects of different rubbings, unique aesthetics can be seen in this work. Yang Shoujing claims that, »as for large characters, this is the best standard.« Another cliff inscription, Engraved Sutras of Culai Mountain, is also very famous. It was engraved in the first year of Wuping (570 CE) of Northern Qi. There are few cliff inscriptions from the Northern Dynasties outside of Shandong, except for the Stone Gate Inscription carved on the cliff wall of an ancient pass road in the north of Baocheng, Shaanxi. This work and Appraisal of the Stone

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Gate from the Han Dynasty are regarded as two treasures. The inscription was carved in the 2nd year of Yongping in the Northern Wei (509 CE). The calligraphy was written by Wang Yuan, Document Clerk of Liang and Qin from Taiyuan, and it was engraved by Wu Aren. It has been moved to the Museum of Hanzhong in Shaanxi. It is in the regular script. The characters have horizontally extended structure, and are broad and spacious. The strokes are rounded and vigorous. The whole work looks honest, calm and graceful. It is one of the best cliff inscriptions of the Northern Dynasties.

CHAPTER VI  NEW DEVELOPMENTS IN THEORIES OF THE ARTS Section 1  The Awakening and Establishment of Literary Criticism The Wei, Jin and Northern and Southern Dynasties were not only the fastest growing period in Chinese history for literature and art, but also the period when literary criticism began to awaken and establish itself. Prior to this period, Chinese literary criticism was mostly mixed with philosophical discussions and moral judgement, while from this time onwards a literary criticism that was purely aimed at literature and the arts emerged. The awakening of literary criticism was inseparable from great changes in social life and the rapid development of art at the time. In the Wei and Jin dynasties, the liberation of thought and the development of art led to the emergence of many works of literary criticism. The preface of The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons (Wenxin diaolong 文心雕龙) states: »In modern times there are many who discuss literature. But as for Weiwen’s classic, Chensi’s book, Ying Chang’s Discussion on Literature, Lu Ji’s Rhapsody on Literature, Zhongqia’s Liubie [流别], and Hongfan’s Hanlin [翰林], each of these reflects a particular corner of the field; few have ever envisioned the whole open vista.« The emergence of these distinctive literary and artistic theories changed the old saying that »writings are for conveying truth« and made artistic standards the first criterion for the literature, paving the way for the emergence of artistic theories across various disciplines. Lu Xun said, in his famous essay Wei and Jin Style and the Relationship Between and Medicine and Wine: »Cao Pi’s era can be described as ›the era of

literary self-consciousness,‹ or, as has been more recently, a school of art for art’s sake.« It has been pointed out that from the »clear, uncluttered, gorgeous and powerful« literature of the Cao father and son, in the late Han and early Wei dynasties, to the »wild, high-spirited and open-minded« literature of Ruan Ji and Ji Kang in the Jin Dynasty, to the »calm and natural« literature of the pastoral poets of late Jin Dynasty, they are all closely related to their social conditions and lifestyles. Not to mention that the lifestyle of the literati in the Wei and Jin, who drank wine and self-medicated, directly contributed to the fashion of loose clothing and even to the emergence of tea sets; not to mention that the love of nature and the understanding of the relationship between man and nature by the literati in the Wei and Jin led to the beginning of landscape painting and guqin art. If one were to look at this history from the perspective of intellectual and aesthetic history alone, one cannot help but conclude that the ideological vacuum created by the decline of Confucianism, the romantic atmosphere created by the flourishing of the »school of mystery,« and the general neglect of morality and the promotion of personal talent and charisma in a troubled world greatly contributed to the development of art theory and created rare circumstances and conditions for the independence of art.

1. »All Poems Come from Nature«: The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons by Liu Xie In the history of Chinese aesthetics, Liu Xie’s The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons was an epoch-making work, being one of the most influ-

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ential works of pure art theory in China. In the Eastern Han Dynasty, authors were so rigid in style that they had to quote from the classics and »be deliberate in rhetoric,« making it difficult to produce anything of value. But after years of war and great social upheaval at the end of the Eastern Han Dynasty, the literati were forced to delve deeper into their lives, and they gradually awakened to a different path— abandoning stubborn Confucianism, and worldliness. Finally, Jian’an literature emerged, which was regarded as »the age of literary self-awareness.« As Liu says in the chapter Literary Development and Time, »This is because they lived in a world marked by disorder and separation, and at a time when morals declined and the people were complaining, they felt all this deeply in their hearts, and this feeling was expressed in a style which is moving. For this reason, their works are full of feeling and life.« The proliferation of literati and literary works from the Jian’an Period to the Qi and Liang periods of the Southern Dynasties laid the foundation for the emergence of theoretical works that summarized the laws and experiences of creative writing. Liu Xie, courtesy name Yanhe, was born around 465 in Ju of Dongguan (now Ju County, Shandong). Liu’s grandfather, Liu Lingzhen, is untraceable; his father, Liu Shang, was only a minor official and died very young. The biography of Liu in the Book of Liang says: »Xie was orphaned at an early age, he was dedicated to his studies, his family was poor, and he did not marry.« In his early years, Liu lived at Dinglin Monastery under the famous monk Sengyou, and assisted him in compiling Buddhist texts for over a decade. He began writing when he was about 33 or 34, and after about five or six years finished his book, The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons, in the reign of Emperor He of Qi (501). After the book was completed, it was praised by Shen Yue and he gradually became famous. Although he later entered the civil service, he became a monk at Dinglin Temple in his later years, dying around 520.

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The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons consists of 50 essays, which can be divided into three main parts. The first part is »The Pivot of Literature,« which includes the five essays »On the Dao, the Source« to »An Analysis of Sao«; the second part includes essays on writing, noteably »An Exegesis of Poetry« and »Epistolary Writing«; the third part is analyzes emotions, including 24 essays, from »Spiritual Thoughts« to »The Capacity of a Vessel.« The opening line of »On the Dao, the Source« heaves a great sigh: »Wen, or pattern, is a very great virtue indeed. It is born together with heaven and earth. Why do we say this?« Liu’s esteem for the arts exceeded Cao Pi’s affirmation of them in his Essays on the Canon. Cao Pi considered literature and the arts to be »a great work of the state and an immortal event,« but Liu regarded literature and the arts as the greatest »virtue,« one born alongside heaven and earth, the essence of the universe. If one were to look at this word »virtue« alone, one would be reminded of many of the early Confucian discourses, and of the famous line in the Book of Music that »Music is the essence of virtue«—but what is so valuable about Liu’s interpretation is what follows. »With the emergence of mind, language is created, and when language is created, writing appears. This is natural.« The same is true not only of literature, but of everything in the world: Whether animal or plant, all have natural literary ability. He also stated: Dragons and phoenixes portend wondrous events through the picturesqueness of their appearance, and tigers and leopards recall the individuality of virtuous men in their striped and spotted variegation. The sculpted colors of clouds surpass paintings in their beauty, and the blossoms of plants depend on no embroiderers for their marvellous grace. Can these features be due to external adornment? No, they are all natural.

Art is synonymous with the beautiful forms of all things—all natural, and rational. He argues that since the sound of the water flowing through na-

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ture is musical, and natural objects without consciousness are »lush and tangible,« then »can that which is endowed with mind lack a pattern proper to itself?« Liu’s »Dao« is closer to the Dao of the Daoists, the natural way that, according to Laozi, »was born before heaven and earth« and »can be the mother of the world,« rather than the morality advocated by Confucians. One of the many wonderful chapters in The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons is the description of artists’ imaginations. In »Spiritual Thoughts,« Liu first defines the term »spiritual«: »One may be on the rivers and sea in body, but the mind remains at the palace gate.« As the artist’s imagination is both »spiritual« and »distant,« the process of creation is mysterious. At the beginning of the conceptualization process, the artist is »quietly absorbed in contemplation, his thinking reaching back a thousand years; with only the slightest movement of his countenance, his vision penetrates 10,000 li.« The artist then »creates the music of pearls and jade between his poetic lines, and he witnesses the roiling of wind and clouds right before his brows and lashes.« Liu stressed that it is important to maintain an »empty and quiet« state of mind in the process of artistic conception, because only with a quiet mind can one »achieve the cleansing of the five viscera and the purification of the spirit,« and only then can one mobilize what one has thought, learned, heard and seen in the past to form an artistic concept before finally putting it into the concrete stage of creation. »It is only then that he commissions the ›mysterious butcher‹ who dwells within him to write in accord with musical patterns; and it is then that he sets the incomparably brilliant ›master wheelwright‹ who dwells within him to wield the axe in harmony with his intuitive insight.« The artist’s imagination is boundless, colorful and, moreover, full of intense personal color and heightened emotion. »When one ascends mountains in such an inspired state, the whole mountain will be tinged with the coloring of his own

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feelings; and when his eyes rove over the seas, the seas will be saturated with his ideas«—which according to Liu is a prominent feature of creative thinking. This kind of artistic thinking is not only unrestrained and natural, but can be large or small, heavenly or earthly, macroscopic or microscopic. »Idea, thought, and language may be so closely related that they are experienced as one, or they may differ as strikingly as if they were a thousand li apart. A writer may go beyond the world in search of patterns which are there in every square inch of his heart, and sometimes his thoughts stray over mountains and rivers for ideas which are only a few inches or feet away.« Liu’s descriptions of the artistic process and imaginative thinking are not only accurate and vivid but themselves constitute artistic literature. The method he advocates for artistic conceptualization, emptiness and quietness, is in keeping with the theories and practices of Daoism and Buddhism, and may well have come from his own experience of religious life. In the chapter »Style and Nature,« Liu Xie summarizes the eight different styles of literary and artistic creation, the »Eight Styles«: »first, elegant and graceful; second, far-ranging and profound; third, polished and concise; fourth, lucid and logical; fifth, profuse and flowery; sixth, vigorous and beautiful; seventh, fresh and extraordinary; and eighth, light and ethereal.« After explaining these eight different artistic styles and orientations, he also cites the different personalities and styles of 12 writers as examples of the decisive influence of an artist’s personality on the style of his work. For example, »The sharp and quick-witted Jia Yi produced literary pieces with a clean and pure style; Changqing, proud and eccentric, over-burdened his works with exaggerated reasoning and excessive wordiness.« Liu also found that it was the artist’s character and talent that determined the style of the work, but it was two factors that determined the artist’s character and talent, one being innate talent and the other being later study.

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He considered natural talent and the initial, foundational stage of study to be especially important: »Talent is bestowed by heaven, but in learning one must be very careful in choosing the first step in the course of his training. It is like carving or dyeing, in which the success depends on the first step of the process. When a vessel has been made, or a color printed, it is difficult to change.« He believed that the initial education of a person was very important, like shaping and dyeing white silk with an axe or saw, and that once the vessel was »set in color« it would be very difficult to change it. Based on Cao Pi’s idea that »qi [气] is the focus of literature,« Liu Xie proposed »style and bone« (fenggu 风骨). In The Style and the Bone, Liu pointed out that it is the most important thing in artistic creation: »He who would express mournful emotions must begin with wind [style], and to organize linguistic elements he must above all emphasize bone.« Works of art are like the human body, for without »bones« and »qi« they cannot be made. Without »bones,« the work cannot stand; without »qi,« the work cannot live. If there is no »style and bone,« even if there is rich and magnificent rhetoric, there is no vitality or artistic charm. As he said, »If a literary piece has nothing but rich and brilliant colors, without style and bone to keep it air-borne, then one shake is enough to destroy its splendor, lacking as it does the vigor to carry its melodic sounds.« In addition to that, Liu also placed special emphasis on the emotions and literary expression (qingcai 情采), which he considered to be the value of art. »Tigers and leopards, deprived of their patterns, would have the same kind of hides as dogs and sheep.« And the relationship between emotion and art was like that between warp and weft: »Therefore, emotion is the warp of the text, and rhetoric is the weft of reason; when the warp is correct, the weft is formed, and when the reason is determined, the rhetoric is smooth.« It is like the warp on a loom, only when the warp is right can the weft be formed.

SECTION 1 THE AWAKENING AND ESTABLISHMENT OF LITERARY CRITICISM

He also makes a distinction between writing for the sake of emotion and being emotive for the sake of writing, which opposite kinds of writing. He claims that the writers of airs and hymns in the Classic of Poetry were »full of frustrations,« and »sang of these emotions in satirical remonstrances against their superiors.« Thus they were writing for the sake of emotion. Others, however, did not have much genuine feeling and wrote only for the sake of fame and fortune. They »felt no real frustration, but indulged in hyperbolic ornamentation merely for the sake of winning fame and fishing for worldly glory,« so they can only be said to have »emotion to fit literary form«—not possibly valuable works of art. Liu Xie also devotes a chapter on the use of metaphor (bixing 比兴). He sums it up in very simple terms: »Bi involves reasoning by analogy, and xing response to a stimulus.« He considered bi and xing the two main tools of literary creation. He also summarizes other methods and means of literary creation in different chapters, such as »Hyperbole,« »The Recondite and the Conspicuous,« »Philology and Choice of Words,« »Exegesis of Poetry,« and »Organization,« which greatly raised the level of literary theory in China. In »Hyperbole,« Liu first proposes that as long as there are literature and art, there will be means of exaggeration: »Whenever language is used, there is always embellishment in the description.« Because of the need for exaggeration, »to describe height, we have: It is so lofty that it reaches to heaven; to describe narrowness, we have: It is not even wide enough for a knifelike canoe. Referring to a great number, we have: His sons and grandsons will be a thousand, a hundred thousand; and referring to a small number, we have: Of the people, there was not a single one left alive.« However, although hyperbole is a necessary means of artistic creation, it must be done in moderation: »But when adornment goes to extremes, sounds swarm disorderly in the mind; and when exaggeration exceeds what is appropriate, there is incongruity in both name

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and fact.« Only when the exaggeration is moderate and the ornamentation is not false is the art good. In the chapter »The Recondite and the Conspicuous,« Liu points out that the »recondite« means that there is an end to words but not to meaning: »The recondite elements are the weighty ideas beyond the expressions.« And the »conspicuous« is the unique distinction of the essay: »The conspicuous elements are the startling excellencies of a piece.« A good essay, a good work of art, must have both the unique and outstanding features of the piece, as well as the meaning beyond the words, both distinctive, and subtle and profound. In the Wei and Jin dynasties, literati were mostly attracted to landscape, which, although related to the darkness of society, objectively enabled artists to discover the beauty of the landscape while discovering that harmony between man and nature was a pressing concern. In his chapter »The Physical World,« Liu states that »Spring and autumn roll around, succeeding one another, and the yin and yang principles alternatingly darken and brighten. When objects in the physical world change, our minds are also affected.« He emphasized the influence of external objects on the heart, as »one responds with varying emotions to these varying phases, and the form of language used depends on the emotion.« He saw that the literary works of his time had made great progress in describing objects, and could even use two words or one sentence to describe natural objects and sum up the beauty of the physical world. He pointed out that the purpose of depicting objects was still to »intimately attach« the human spirit and thought to the process of »experiencing things.« Moreover, »the modes of physical things have a certain regularity, but our thinking is more than a fixed routine.« Nature has its constant laws, but the artist’s thoughts are ever-changing, therefore, only »one who is able through his work to induce in the reader a mood that persists be-

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yond the limit of the description of the physical things may be considered a man who completely understands the art of writing.« He also theorized the appreciation of art with his subtle appreciation and rich practice, summarizing many theories that were influential for future generations. In the chapter »An Understanding Critic,« he first affirms that because of the diversity of styles, types and artistic tendencies of works of art, as well as the different levels, preferences and tastes of the appreciators, the feelings and conclusions drawn by the appreciators of the same work of art vary. As the saying goes, »Men of the heroic type will beat time when they hear a tune; those who are reserved are often keenly perceptive, inclining to the lofty way of retirement; the superficially clever will look at ornate patterns with throbbing hearts, and those who love the extraordinary will listen to what is odd with ears pricked.« Although different appreciators can enjoy different styles of art, the ability for artistic appreciation is not something that everyone has, and in many cases it is something that has to be cultivated. Liu said, »One can be considered a good musician only after one has played a thousand tunes, and a collector of arms can be considered a connoisseur only after he has seen a thousand swords. So broad experience and learning are the sine qua non of true wisdom.« »True wisdom« (yuanzhao 圆照) was an aesthetic term coined by Liu Xie under the influence of Buddhist thought and language, denoting an aesthetic judgement that is accurate, thorough, just, comprehensive and profound—and free from prejudice, error and omission. The acquisition of this aesthetic ability is based not only on wisdom and perception, but also on long-term, extensive, and rich appreciation and cultivation, which is what Liu calls broad experience and learning. In the chapter »An Analysis of Sao,« Liu analyses in some detail the artistic features and values of the Songs of Chu as an example, providing an authoritative commentary on this great work of art.

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The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons is large. It is a systematic and comprehensive summary of the creative experience of Chinese literature and art over a thousand years, from the pre-Qin dynasties to the Southern Dynasty, commenting on more than 200 writers and works, and constructing a massive theoretical edifice, including the basic principles of artistic creation and art criticism, as well as the artistic conception, style, content, form and method of artistic works. It profoundly and comprehensively influenced the development of art in China and set an unparalleled model for art criticism in China.

2. »Appreciating a Poem is Like Tasting a Dish«: Classification of Poetry by Zhong Rong Following the The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons, Zhong Rong’s Classification of Poetry (Shipin 诗品) is another influential work on aesthetics, and in some ways it broke new ground and developed the ideas of The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons, enriching and deepening ancient Chinese art theory further. Zhong Rong, courtesy name Zhongwei, was a native of Changshe in Yingchuan (now Changge in Henan Province). Born into an aristocratic family, he was »a good student and a thinker« in his childhood, even studying the Book of Changes. After the Wei and Jin dynasties, the spiritual life and artistic creation of the literati entered a colorful period, with the comprehensive development of poetry, qin and music, painting and calligraphy, and chess. The creation and appreciation of literature and art became a popular trend and, consequently, there was a pressing social need for literary criticism. In this context, Zhong Rong, who came from a family with a strong sense of clan belonging, and a strong interest in rank and class, and who also had good knowledge and a special talent for the appreciation of literature and art, stood out and wrote the first Chinese book devoted to the appre-

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ciation of literature and the arts in the form of the »nine classes of people.« Although there had been many literary anthologies and commentaries prior to Classification of Poetry, they all dealt only with literary genres and did not assess the merits of works on a hierarchical level or in terms of rank. It was in this context that Zhong Rong introduced his book, which is modelled on »nine classes of people and seven sketches of scholars,« dividing works into three classes—upper, middle and lower—and within each class, subdividing them again into upper, middle and lower ranks. This approach, in which the merits of works are not evaluated in general terms but rather in terms of their ranking, greatly contributed to the development of literary criticism, for it requires that each writer’s work be analyzed in detail, that its characteristics as well as strengths and weaknesses be summarized, and that a fair assessment be made in comparison with other writers and works. In Classification of Poetry, Zhong Rong pays attention not to the content of the work but to the creativity of the writer and his unique talent, style, technique, taste and so on—freeing this kind of criticism from political, ethical, and didactic commentary and making it truly aesthetic-oriented. Although Zhong Rong was strongly conscious of his clan, and his Classification of Poetry were modelled on the »nine classes of people,« he was not influenced in any way by secular notions of gentry and did not let the author’s origins or real-life political status affect his judgement of works. Instead he insisted on judging works on their own merit, and expressed a certain amount of sympathy for writers of humble origins, which ensured the impartiality and objectivity of his book. On the issue of the origin and occurrence of music, Classification of Poetry emphasize the concept of »qi« based on the ancient Chinese aesthetics of music, which is »moving and being moved by the sensation of things.« The process of art production, in Zhong Rong’s view, is that qi moves

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»things,« things move »hearts,« and hearts are shaken by excitement before expressing themselves in »dance and chant« and »poetry.« According to Zhang, this is the greatest spiritual product of mankind. This great spiritual product, which can only be produced by human beings, in turn shines brightly on all things with its spiritual light, moving heaven and earth. The generalization of xing 兴, bi 比 and fu 赋 in Classification of Poetry also deepened the understanding of the laws of composition: »When the text is finished but the meaning is lingering, it is called xing; when an object is used to convey a meaning, it is called bi; when the matter is written in a straightforward manner and the object is written as allegory, it is called fu.« In particular, he pointed out that by using these three means of creation selectively and with discretion according to the actual needs of the creation, together with the spiritual power of the creator and artistic embellishment, the appreciator of art can be aesthetically delighted and moved. Zhong Rong places particular emphasis on »taste« (wei 味) in his appreciation of art. It is a traditional approach to classical Chinese aesthetics to describe the sensation of art in terms of the physiological pleasure people experience when enjoying food, but Zhong Rong further links taste closely to the beauty of art. When talking about five-character poems, he emphasizes that they are »the most tasty of all works,« and opposes anything that is »bland and tasteless.« And when talking about artistic creation, he also emphasizes that »works that make those who taste them feel inexhaustible and those who hear them moved« are the ultimate in art. In Zhong Rong’s Classification of Poetry, taste is given full play, and is inseparable from the importance he attaches to intuition and expression. Through his long practice of art appreciation, Zhong Rong came to an important artistic rule, which is that »most of the best lines from ancient and modern poems are not borrowed from previous poets or allusions [bujia 补假], but are directly

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sought from one’s own experience [zhixun 直寻].« Zhixun refers to the author’s direct feelings and first-hand information gained through contact with nature, society and life; bujia attaches importance to the use of allusions. He cites as examples some fresh and magnificent lines: »›My thought of you is like flowing water‹ is a sight to behold; ›There are many sad winds on a high platform‹ is also a sight to behold; ›In the early morning I ascend to the top of the hill‹ cannot be without fact; ›The moon shines upon the snow‹ is not from the classics or history.« Zhong Rong states that good poems of the past and present are the product of zhixun rather than bujia, which is not a general objection to the use of allusion in poetry, but rather an emphasis on the special nature of artistic creation. In artistic creation, intuition and inspiration, talent and aptitude, are indeed far more important than »learning.« The importance and esteem given to zhixun in Classification of Poetry is one of the major contributions of this work to classical Chinese aesthetics. In response to the prevailing poetic style, which focused on sound and rhythm, Zhong Rong criticized: »In ancient times, poems and odes were all accompanied by musical instruments. Therefore, if the five tones are not tuned, there is no harmony,« but »nowadays, since they are not accompanied by pipes and strings, why should they be based on vocal tones and rhythm?« He argued that, in ancient times, poems and odes had to be harmonized because they were sung, and that the harmony between the sound of the text and the music had to be taken into account, but poems were no longer sung, and were no longer accompanied by an orchestra. It would be sufficient if the words were »clear and smooth,« so as not to compromise the meaning of the words by sound—which would result in a »text with many constraints that would harm its true beauty.« His admiration for »true beauty« in Classification of Poetry influenced generations of writers and artists.

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Section 2  New Developments in Music Theory 1. Ji Kang and Music is Irrelevant to Grief or Joy The rapid development of musical practice and the emancipation of thought in the Wei and Jin dynasties led to the emergence of an unprecedented aesthetic masterpiece, Music is Irrelevant to Grief or Joy. In this essay on musical aesthetics, which »transgresses teachings and lets nature take its course,« Ji Kang presents a series of major questions relating to music, its essence, function, aesthetic sensibility, and so on, in a question-and-answer format between the »Qin guest« and the »Master of Dongye.« The most important aspect of this essay is raising the banner of »sound without grief,« to put forward the argument that »the mind and sound are clearly two things,« with »mind« having subjective existence and »sound« objective existence. This challenged orthodox Confucian musical aesthetics. The hypothetical Qin guest begins by asking Master Dongye, »I have heard that previous theories have said that ›Music in times of peace is peaceful and happy, but music in times of death is mournful and wistful.‹ The reason is that music reflects politics, so the emotion of mourning is expressed with instruments, as well as the emotions of peace and happiness […] This is an axiom without any doubt, but why are you the only one who thinks that ›there is no mourning in the sound?‹« In order to answer the question, the author uses the »Master of Dongye« to discusses his views. First, the author compares unseen sounds to equally unseen smells, arguing that »the making of sound is like a smell between heaven and earth,« and whether it’s a good or bad smell has nothing to do with the outside world. »It is what it is and does not change.« It does not change its smell just because you like it or not. The Master of Dongye humorously asks, imitating the tone of

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Confucius, »Alas, sorrow! Is it only about crying?« He states that since jade and silk did not necessarily represent rites, singing and weeping did not necessarily represent mourning either. »The meaning of singing and crying is different from place to place.« Some people may be happy at seeing a person cry, while another may cry at the sound of a song. Therefore, »The heart of sorrow is hidden within, and when it encounters harmony, it comes out.« It is you who first have the feeling of mourning and then express it through your voice, not the voice itself. In response to classical stories about music, such as Ji Zha’s observation of the rites and Zhong Ni’s hearing of Shao, as cited by the Qin Guest, the Master of Dongye sharply dismisses these stories as »mundane Confucian delusions,« pointing out that they were myths invented by the Confucians to confuse people about the way of sound. He argues that whether one is »analogizing« or »reasoning,« one should »first seek to identify the natural reasoning of things.« We must not be ignorant of the facts, or fail to distinguish between right and wrong, or to use our brains, »but rely on previous words as evidence« and fall at the feet of the conclusions already reached by the sages. This attitude of openly placing »natural reasoning« above the precepts of the sages, this attitude of advocating free thought, of advocating »the Way« rather than »the man,« can only be found in the Wei and Jin dynasties. It also fully illustrates the astonishing theoretical courage of Ji Kang’s aesthetic theories, and his ambition to surpasses the early sages. The author clearly points out, through the mouth of the Master of Dongye, that »there are beautiful and ugly things and good and bad sounds,« and these are the natural attributes of things, while »love and dislike, joy and sorrow« are the subjective emotions of people, and that the two cannot be mixed. To illustrate the point, the Master of Dongye compares the touching nature of music with the intoxicating nature of wine, saying:

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»Wine is mainly sweet and bitter, while the intoxicated person uses it to express joy and anger.« »Sweetness and bitterness« are the qualities of wine, while »joy and anger« are the expressions of the drunk. Wine itself has only a distinction between »sweet« and »bitter,« good and bad, and has nothing to do with the joy, anger, or sadness of the drunk. You cannot say that sound itself is sorrow because people express sorrow through sound, just as you cannot say that the wine itself is sorrow because people are sorrowful when they drink it. He also states: »A musical instrument is not good with the help of a clever musician, nor is a pipe more fluent because of a wise heart.« Just as the quality of the instrument itself and the state of the musician are two different things, so the quality of the music and the state of the listener’s mood are two different things. The Master of Dongye sums up his view in the words: »Sound was originally the subject of good and bad and had nothing to do with mourning; mourning was originally the result of feelings being aroused and then revealed, and had nothing to do with sound.« Music is a self-contained, independent object, and its good and bad qualities are not necessarily linked to one’s subjective feelings. Joy or sorrow are subjective feelings of man, which vary randomly and accidentally, according to the fluctuations of his own emotions, and is not essentially related to the qualities of the sound. In response to the Confucian theory of equating music with politics, he deliberately split »heart« and »sound,« arguing that »sound is different from the heart, like two different tracks, like the difference between warp and woof,« stressing that music and feelings are two things independent from each other. The theory put forward by Ji Kang through the mouth of the Master of Dongye has profound aesthetic significance because it ran counter to the previous Confucian view of music, and emphasized an ontological argument. He was the first to point out that the essence of music did not lie in its

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relationship with people. Music has a natural, independent existence, unrelated to human feelings. The essence of music is »the harmony of nature,« which is expressed in »the harmony of sounds,« »the harmony of gong and shang,« and »the harmony of the eight tones.« In addition, »sound has a natural harmony, but is not tied to human feelings.« The significance of this theory in the history of music lies in its strong criticism of Confucian ritual optimism, which provided a sharp ideological weapon for later music to break free from the shackles of ritual and politics. and embark on an independent path of development. The Master of Dongye also refutes the issue of »extent« (chengdu 程度). According to the Qin Guest, there is a certain amount of mourning in the voice, but »the sound is slow and cannot be rushed.« The Master of Dongye, on the other hand, argues that »extent« does not change the nature of sound and mourning. He says that even if the joyful Luming is replayed, although it is »slow in sounding,« it will still not be joyful to the listener. This is like a small fire that cannot make a room warmer—but it cannot make it colder either. What Ji Kang emphasizes is the subjective nature of one’s feelings when enjoying music. One has certain, different feelings before they are expressed under the inspiration of music. He expressed the same view in his famous Rhapsody on the Qin Zither: »When those who are in sorrow hear it, they cannot help but feel miserable, sad and sorrowful, and cannot help themselves. When those who are happy hear it, they are happy and joyful, and will dance, linger, and laugh all day long. If the peaceful hear it, they will be pleasant and joyful, tranquil and earnest, and abandon worldliness.« In a word, when people with different feelings and temperaments listen to the same music, they will have different reactions, and this is »music is irrelevant to grief or joy.« On the one hand, he promotes the form of music, but on the other hand he denies its edifying role. While the Qin Guest finally cites Confucius’

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theory that »the best way to change customs is through music,« the Master of Dongye uses the simple teachings of Lao-Zhuang and the theory of non-action to conclude his proposition of »sheng wu ai le.« He says, »The music of the voiceless is the parent of the people.« He points out that the ancients »knew that emotion must not be indulged, so they restrained it from flooding; knowing that desire must not be cut off, they guided it on the right track.« The »sound of Zheng« was »the most wonderful of all sounds,« and the average person could not resist its power. This beautiful music was like wine and beautiful women, »easy to make one lose his goal.« Here, although the author also emphasizes the ideal of the early kings to »make music without lust,« which seems to be in accordance with Confucianism, he openly declares that the »sound of Zheng,« which Confucianism regarded poorly, is »the most wonderful of all sounds,« and points out with the greatest openness that »no one is a supreme human being. Then how can we control it?« After affirming the weaknesses of human nature, he then applies Lao-Zhuang’s concept of »uniting all things and facing life and death« to the field of musical aesthetics, and concludes with the sentiment that »the lascivious and the decent are of the same heart, so that the essence of elegant sounds and the sounds of Zheng can also be seen.« Ji Kang’s theories were a strong shock to Confucian musical thought, which had long held official position. His sharp and astonishing theory was so forward-looking that, although we cannot judge just how much of a role it played in the musical life of the times, it has continued to shine brightly throughout the development of Chinese musical aesthetics.

2. Ruan Ji and Theory of Music Ruan Ji’s Theory of Music (Yuelun 乐论) is the most important work in Ruan Ji’s musical writings. Based on Confucianism and mixed with the views of Daoism and Mohism, Ruan Ji formed his own

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broad, inclusive, and rich view of music. In the essay, Ruan Ji adheres to and extends the basic musical views of Confucianism, while enriching and supplementing them with the views of Daoism and Mohism so that the originally opposing views are reconciled, eventually forming his own fusion of musical aesthetics. At the beginning of the essay, Ruan Ji establishes himself as an »exponent« of Confucius’ theories by answering the question of Liuzi. This is not so much a case of Ruan Ji wishing to inherit Confucianism in its entirety as it is a case of Ruan Ji wishing to raise the banner of Confucianism in order to gain recognition for his theories in mainstream society. When people talk about the Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove, they often emphasize their tempers and their commonalities, but in reality the Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove not only had very different attitudes and encounters in their lives, but also in their aesthetic conceptions and the way they expressed them. What is interesting to consider is that, despite this, there is often a certain unity in each of their own theories and practices. If Ji Kang’s »killing his own body for righteousness« is consistent with his Music is Irrelevant to Grief or Joy, then Ruan Ji’s blending of Daoist and Mohist ideas into Confucianism and his surreptitious »improvement« and »revision« of Confucianism are also consistent with his feigned drunkenness in refusing the demands of influential officials for marriage. Ruan Ji’s entire essay is based on the elaboration and development of Confucius’ famous proposition that »the best way to secure the supremacy of the people is through ritual; the best way to change customs is through music.« He begins by emphasizing that music is »the body of heaven and earth, and the nature of all things.« He believed that if music is in accordance with the nature, then »rhythm and tones will be in harmony« and »the yin and the yang will be in harmony,« so that »men and women will not be confused by each other, rulers and ministers will not usurp au-

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thority, the four seas will share the same joy, and the nine states will have the same goal.« This kind of music, which is based on nature, can also make the people »change their personal goodness into a culture without being aware of it,« and subconsciously play a role in shifting customs—so that »people will be at peace without the need for punishment and reward.« He then immediately introduces the Daoist philosophy of wu (nothing) and elaborates on »morality,« arguing that the spirit of heaven and earth and an abstract »morality« determine the character of music. »The spirit of heaven and earth is easy and simple, so that music is not annoying; morality is plain, so that the five sounds are tasteless. If it is not annoying, then yin and yang will be self-communicating, and if it is tasteless, then all things will be self-pleasing.« Because music should follow the principles of heaven and earth, the universe and morality, and the essence of heaven and earth and morality, are simple and plain—the highest state of music should also be simplicity and plainness. He also emphasizes the »natural way« of music, saying that »the eight tones have their original essence, and the five sounds have their nature,« affirming the ontological nature of music while at the same time paying special tribute to the supremacy of »nature.« It is interesting to note that Ruan Ji, in his Confucian criticism of the airs of Chu-Yue and the airs of Zheng-Wei, also uses language very similar to the Mohist »against music« argument. He says that those who »entertain themselves over endless days and sigh through long nights« get together, study music, and indulge in it, and that »they are so incessantly distracted« that they eventually »abandon the kinship of father and son, fail the system of rulers and subjects, deprive their families of wealth, and waste the work of farming.« This is reminiscent of Mozi’s belief that »ritual and music« were harmful to people, that it »deprived them of food and clothing,« »abolished the time for husbands to cultivate crops and trees,«

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and »abolished the time for women to spin and weave.« Of course, unlike the Mohists who attacked the Confucian ideas of ritual and music, Ruan Ji’s attack was on the »common people« who violated ritual because of the »different customs of the eight directions and the nine states.« Ruan Ji also emphasizes the distinction between »elegance« and »Zheng« in music, and opposes the distortion of elegance by »obscene sounds.« He points out that there were many characteristics and dangers of »obscene sounds,« such as »its objects are not true,« »its instruments are not solid,« »its system is not trustworthy,« »they are taken from near things, but are the same as those among others,« and »each seeks to his taste, and leaves what is at will.« He analyzed the »obscene sounds« in terms of their nature. He also cites historical examples: Emperor Ai of the Han Dynasty disliked music and dismissed the Music Bureau, which led to the rise of »obscene sounds«; King Jing’s love of the rhythms of big bells and Duke Ping’s love of the songs of Shiyan led to the rise of »sound of Zheng«; and the story of the last years of the Xia Dynasty as well as the last ruler of Yin, who were so extravagant that they even had more than 10,000 female musicians which all eventually led the state to perish. These fully illustrate the danger of »obscene sounds.« By exaggerating the negative effects of music, the importance of ritual and music was reflected, and the rise and fall of the state was attributed to music in the same way as orthodox Confucianism. As for his slogan of using »correct sound« to counteract »obscene sound,« that is, »the correct music is used for blocking obscene sound,« it is the same as that of Confucius and Mencius. What is remarkable is that, after a strong and systematic attack on the »sound of Zheng,« Ruan Ji put forward his own distinctive and progressive view of the relationship between music and the times, namely, that different times have different music, and that as times change, the content of ritual and the form of music should change ac-

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cordingly: »But ritual changes with the times, and so does music. Therefore, the Five Emperors had different systems, and the Three Kings had different creations. It is not that they were opposite to each other, they were in response to the changes of the times.« This sober and responsive thinking made Ruan Ji different from the average Confucians and progressives of his times. Although Ruan Ji’s positions and views are still basically Confucian, he was able to draw useful ideas from his Confucian opponents and harmonize and enrich the Confucian discourse on ritual and music, making this Theory on Music an important work of music theory in the Wei and Jin dynasties.

3. Shen Yue and His »Treatise on Music« in the Book of Song Shen Yue’s »Treatise on Music« (Yuezhi乐志) in the Book of Song is an important work on the development of Chinese music from the Wei and Jin dynasties to the Qi and Liang dynasties. It was first revised in the fifth to sixth years of the Qi Yongming reign (487–488), of which volumes 8 to 30 were completed quite late. According to the fact that his Lulizhi avoided the taboo of Emperor Wu of Liang’s father and his »Treatise on Music« avoided the taboo of Emperor Wu of Liang, it is clear that it was all completed during the Liang Dynasty. Shen Yue (441–513), courtesy name Xiuwen, was a native of Wukang, Wuxing (now Wuxing, Zhejiang). His family was poor when he was young, but he studied hard and read many books. In his autobiography in volume 100 of Book of Song, he states that he was »13-years-old and orphaned, but was a good student.« He served in the Song, Qi and Liang dynasties, and was a true »senior statesman of the three dynasties.« During the Song Dynasty, he served as a minister. During the Qi Dynasty, he was under the tutelage of King Xiao Ziliang of Jingling and was one of the »Eight Friends of Jingling,« a famous group of literati. During the reign

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of Emperor Ming of Qi, he served as the Minister of the Five Armies and moved to the position of Head of the Imperial College. At the end of the Qi Dynasty, he assisted Xiao Yan to establish the country replacing that of Qi and became the founding minister of the Liang Dynasty, where he served as minister and was named Marquis of Jianchang County. He eventually became the First Minister and was entitled Teacher of the Prince. Shen Yue not only studied Buddhist texts, but also created the first Chinese phonetics inspired by Buddhist studies of phonetics. He proposed the »four tones and eight diseases« of poetry, and put them into practice, created the »Yongming style« of poetry, which focused on sound and rhythm. Shen Yue was a veteran of the literary world of the Southern Dynasties, and he wrote most of the important edicts and official documents of the Qi and Liang dynasties. He was so impressed by the lack of historical writings at the time that at the age of 20 he had the ambition to write a book on history. So, in addition to many poems and essays, he also wrote many histories, of which Book of Song, one of the Twenty-Four Histories, has been handed down to this day and has had a profound impact. In his autobiography, Shen Yue stresses that his work was based on an old manuscript version of the Book of Song written by He Chengtian, the Song writer of the Southern Dynasties. It has therefore been suggested that the Treatise on Music is also an old work by He Chengtian. However, it is clearly recorded that when He Chengtian compiled the Book of Song, he only »drafted a chronicle of the biographies, which stopped at Emperor Wu,« and »the only treatises he compiled were ›Astronomy‹ and ›Calendar‹.« However, Shen Yue’s own study of music, especially previous musical writings, were very careful and painstaking. In the first year of the reign Tianjian of Liang Dynasty (502), Emperor Wu of Liang »thought of promoting ancient music,« because »at the beginning of the Liang Dynasty, music followed the old music of Qi.« He issued an edict: »The way of sound is in accor-

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dance with politics  … Since the Wei and Jin dynasties there has been a great decline. This is why the sound of elegance and the sound of Zheng are mixed.« He then asked all the officials to express their views on the matter of music. At the time, there were as many as 78 commentators on the subject, but only one of them, Shen Yue, had any real insight. In the Book of Music in Sui Shu, there is a copy of Shen Yue’s memorial to the throne, in which he clearly outlines the loss, compilation, rewriting and transmission of musical works since the Qin Dynasty. He points out that after the loss of the Classic of Music in the fires of the Qin Dynasty, there were two Music Records, one compiled by King Xian of Hejian and Mao Sheng during the reign of Emperor Wu of the Han Dynasty, based on the Zhou Guan and the writings of pre-Qin thinkers. There was also a book of 23 chapters of the Book of Music by Liu Xiang, which is different from the former. He also clearly states that the Book of Music was taken from the Gongsun Nizi. This assertion was made on the basis of extensive research. At that time, Shen Yao was the only one who was so familiar with the ancient texts on music and had such insightful knowledge. He also suggested that Emperor Wu of Liang should select a group of Confucian scholars and order them to search through the »hundred schools of scripture and history« to compile all materials related to music, regardless of their size, and then »appoint an old scholar to compile a book on music.« Under the circumstances, it is unlikely that Emperor Wu of Liang would not have taken his advice, and the only person qualified to undertake the task was Shen Yue, the »old scholar.« According to this, the Treatise on Music in Book of Song must have been the product of this discussion. According to the social background of the time, Shen Yue’s ability and status, and the analysis of the above materials, it seems that Shen Yue finally compiled a »book of music« with the assistance of a group of

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Confucian scholars, and it could only be the Treatise on Music in Book of Song. In Book of Song, Shen Yue wrote four volumes of a large account of the development of music in the preceding dynasties and at the time. Before the book, Sima Qian’s Book of Music in his Records of the Grand Historian and Ban Gu’s Book of Rites and Music in the Book of Han each devoted only one volume each to music. Fan Ye’s Book of the Later Han only has the »Treatise on Calendars« and »Rituals,« but not on music, and only a few folk songs from the time are recorded in the »Five Elements.« Chen Shou’s Records of the Three Kingdoms has »books« for »states« and »biographies« for »people,« but no music book either. Although the Jin was before the Song Dynasty, in the current Twenty-Four Histories, the Book of Jin was written after Book of Song, by Fang Xuanling of the Tang Dynasty, in the 18th to 20th years of the reign Zhenguan of the Tang Dynasty (644–646), and the two volumes of the Treatise on Music contain much of the same content as Book of Song, which is probably because the work of Fang Xuanling and others followed the those of Shen Yue. In addition, the music-related sections in the Book of Wei, Book of Sui and Book of Tang were all influenced to varying degrees by Shen Yue, so it can be said that the Treatise on Music in Book of Song is one of the most influential works in the field of music among the official histories of China. Shen Yue’s Treatise on Music consists of four volumes, the first of which is a general discussion, the most important part. When Confucians talked about music, they always began from the beginning of the world, and talked about the »six generations of music and dance« of the pre-Qin dynasties. The Book of Song, however, summarizes the state of music before the Qin and Han dynasties in just five short sentences. It reads: »When the Qin Dynasty burned the canonical texts, the Classic of Music was lost. When the Han dynasty emerged, the musicians had a system of music, and they could remember its resonance and inspiration but

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could not speak of its meaning,« describing the embarrassing situation of court music after the Qin and Han dynasties. In recounting the trajectory of court music in the Qin and Han dynasties, Shen Yue clearly points out some historical truths that had been overlooked in the past. For example, the »music of the house« of the Zhou Dynasty was renamed Shouren in the Qin Dynasty, but was in fact »the sound of Chu,« and this is why Liu Bang liked it. From the Eastern Han Dynasty onwards, Shen writes extensively about the decline of court music and the several attempts to revive it. The book also contains a number of references and debates on music by government officials, musical officials and musicians from different dynasties, providing an important documentary source for understanding the development of Chinese music during the Wei, Jin, and Northern Dynasties. Of particular importance is the fact that Shen Yue’s Treatise on Music also recorded the folk songs and ballads that circulated in society, leaving a rare and valuable source for future generations. »All the ancient words of the music, which are still extant today, and the ballads and songs of the Han Dynasty, such as Picking Lotus in Jiangnan, Lives of Crows, Fifteen and Song of White Hair, and the Wu Songs and miscellaneous songs« are recorded one by one, with every effort made to examine their origins. Song of Midnight, Song of Birth of Phoenix, Song of the Front of Stream, Song of Azi, Song of Happy News, Song of a Round Fan, Song of the Protector, Song of Regret, etc., »all of these songs were first only single songs but were then accompanied by strings and pipes. There were also songs composed for strings and pipes, which were added.« All these songs were originally for solo voice (tuge 徒歌) with no instrumental accompaniment, but only later did they enter the high society and become art songs with orchestral accompaniment. Other dance songs, such as Dance, Dance of Gongmo and Dance of Baizhu, have also been recorded and verified. For the four Bare Songs (dange 但歌) from the Wei

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Dynasty and the Xianghe songs from the Han and Wei dynasties, the Treatise on Music not only verified them, but also recorded the lyrics of a large number of Xianghe songs, including Riding Six Dragons, Beginning, Picking Lotus in Jiangnan, Asking Heaven and Earth, Eastern Light, Climbing Mountains and Contemplating, The Twenty-Second Emperor of Han the Righteous Man from Guanshan, Chant of Peaceful Times with Wine, Rooster Singing on the Tree, Lives of Crows, East of Pingling, Leaving Hometown, Someone from Today, Riding the Rainbow, West of Zhou, Autumn Wind, Travel in the Morning, Heading North and so on. Of these lyrics, some are by Cao Cao, Emperor Wu of Wei, and Cao Pi, Emperor Wen of Wei. Some others are ancient or folk works. What is valuable is that some rather popular works have thus been preserved to this day. One of them, for example, is the ancient lyric Luofu, a wonderful narrative poem. The words: »The sun rises in the southeast, shining on my Qin’s building« have shined for thousands of years and are a masterpiece of narrative song. The ancient lyric Travel to East Gate is a story of a common man’s desperate attempts to take a risk at a time when the people were living in desperate conditions. In addition, the lyrics of Song of the Gu Dance, Dance of Duo, both of Han and Wei, and the lyrics of Song of Gu and Nao, of Hanm are all invaluable sources. The Treatise on Music also records the famous musicians of the time. For example, »In the Wei and Jin dynasties, there was Sun who was good at performing old songs, Song Shi who was good at beating time, Chen Zuo who was good at songs with accompaniment, Lie He who was good at playing flutes, Hao Suo who was good at playing the zheng, and Zhu Sheng who was good at the pipa and especially at developing new sounds.« These six musicians were regarded as unprecedented masters of their time. The Treatise on Music also records Fu Xuan’s assessment of these six men, stating, »If these six men were born in the last dynasties, they would have been unparalleled in the ancient

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and contemporary worlds, even compared to the famous musicians Kui and Bo Ya!« It also gives a more detailed account of the instruments of the time and previous generations, in the order of the »eight sounds.« These include bells 钟, cymbals 铙 and doxes 铎 in the »metal« 金 category; chimes 磬 in the »stone« 石 category; xun 埙 in the »earth« 土 category; the drums 鼓, tao 鼗 and jie 节 in the »leather« 革 category; qin 琴, se 瑟, zhu 筑, zheng 筝, pipa 琵琶 and konghou 箜篌 in the »string« 丝 category; zhu 祝 and yu 敔 in the »wood« 木 category; and sheng 笙 and yu 竽 in the »gourd« 匏 category. These testimonies and introductions, although too brief and not always credible, have left a considerable amount of interesting information.

Section 3  The Establishment of Painting Theory 1. The Establishment of the Theory of Conveying the Spirit and the Emergence of Landscape Painting Theories 1. »Conveying the Spirit« The Wei and Jin dynasties were the era of the awareness of art. The painting theories systematized after the Wei and Jin dynasties not only covered the issues of technique, skill, art, method, work, use, tools, and materials covered previously under »craftsmanship,« but more importantly they expanded the theories of painting to include the categories of meaning, taste, spirit, attitude, qi, resonance, reason, and Dao—thus giving the theories of painting broader cultural significance. As the understanding of painting was integrated into the understanding of life, the formation of the system of painting theories and its stable development became an inevitable trend. In terms of the evolution of the concept, the »theory of conveying the spirit« proposed by Gu Kaizhi

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in the Eastern Jin Dynasty was a theoretical refinement of the understanding in the Han Dynasty’s Huainanzi of »junxingzhe« 君形者, the spirit that dominates the form. In terms of the theoretical summary of portraiture, it had been related to social trends since the Wei and Jin dynasties, and emphasized human appraisal. Gu Kaizhi came from a scholarly family, and he was very close to prominent figures of the Eastern Jin Dynasty, such as Huan Wen, Huan Xuan, Xie An, and Yin Zhongkan. He was known for his talent among famous scholars. The influence of these scholars, who paid attention to style and spirit, is fully reflected in Gu Kaizhi’s work. For example, in Record on Painting the Cloud Terrace Mountain (Hua Yuntaishan Ji 画云台山记), it is said: »I will paint the Heavenly Master with emaciated form but far-reaching spiritual vitality.« In his Essays on Painting (Lunhua 论画): »On the smaller version of illustrious women: Their faces seem to be grieving; though carved in detail to express their attitudes, they do not fully attain the breath of life.« In addition, »Fuxi and Shennong: Although they do not resemble the people of today, they have exceptional bone structure and effectively combine the beautiful and the good. Their spirits are associated with primeval vastness, and the thought of attaining the one is demonstrably there.« He also says, in Eulogies on Paintings of Notables of the Wei and Jin Dynasties: »No living person salutes with his hands or gazes with his eyes if there is nothing before him. To describe the spirit through form but omit its actual object is perverse as a means of trapping life and deficient as an effort to transmit spirit. […] The clarity or ambiguity of a single image is not equivalent to penetrating to the spirit through its apprehension of an object.« These passages are three of Gu Kaizhi’s more complete theories of painting. In addition, some fragments of Gu Kaizhi’s discourses have also been preserved in documents such as A New Account of the Tales of the World (Shishuo xinyu 世说新语), such as »The beauty or ugliness of the form has

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nothing to do with marvelous details; it is in the eye that the portrait is able to convey the spirit.« These discourses together constitute the theoretical edifice of his »theory of conveying the spirit,« in which the question of the form and the spirit, »conveying the spirit through the eyes« (adu chuanshen 阿堵传神), »apprehension of an object« (wudui 悟对) and »marvelous realization of the conveying of thought« (qianxiang miaode 迁想妙 得) are the main issues. First, there is the question of »form« and »spirit.« The »form,« as opposed to »spirit«, is the form of beauty and ugliness, that is, the »resemblance of body.« What Gu Kaizhi mentions as »the form of the fear of something,« »the form of superiority and inferiority,« »the form of humans that is not as good as the ›smaller version of illustrious women,‹« »the form of the mountain« and so on, all have this kind of meaning. When the art of painting developed in the Wei and Jin dynasties, the technique for depicting shapes and forms had become more and more mature. The words »fine beauty« (ximei 细美), »lovely« (lianmei 怜美), »beautiful« (meihao 美好), and »pretty« (meili 美 丽), are all mentioned in Discussions (论书), and are all comments on appearance. He treats such »beautiful form« as a technical standard, comparing it with »the system of size,« »the number of yin and yang,« and »the delicate trace« —pointing out that it was »valuable in the world« at that time. He himself was not satisfied with this and proposed that »one must not be confused by the public« but »must be valued for clear knowledge,« and further pursue the expression of qi, with special emphasis on the depiction of expressions. This is precisely where the original »forms« are not competent. He clearly said that »the beauty or ugliness of the form has nothing to do with the marvelous details.« The so-called »marvelous details« are only the place where spirit is pursued by Gu Kaizhi, and this is not much related to form. This viewpoint is precisely the same as that of his teacher Wei Xie, who had a style of painting that,

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»although not prepared for marvelous forms, it has quite magnificent qi.« Gu Kaizhi was not satisfied with the portrayal of »form,« but strived for the expression of »spirit.« By »spirit,« he mainly referred to the expressions of characters in the paintings, which of course also involves the artistic mood and atmosphere as reflected in the whole picture. However, Gu Kaizhi did not oppose »spirit« to »form« in a general sense, and the idea of »conveying the spirit« is not incompatible with »depicting the form.« Although the resemblance is irrelevant to conveying the spirit, the »actual object« has a crucial role. And although the »actual object« is said in the Eulogies on Paintings of Notables of the Wei and Jin Dynasties that it does not refer to the »real pair« between the copy and the base but refers to the actual relationship between the images of the base and the image of the copy. »To describe the spirit through form but omit its actual object« is to say that if we are only satisfied with the resemblance of the image and want to »change the composition,« the relationship between images is then destroyed and cannot achieve the purpose of conveying the spirit. In order to achieve the purpose of conveying the spirit, Gu Kaizhi conducted an in-depth discussion on the portrayal of expressions through his theories. Gu Kaizhi particularly emphasized the portrayal of the eyes to express characters, in order to convey the spirit and depict the form. In this regard, he shared a similar view with Wei Xie. In Sun Changzhi’s Description of Painting, it is said that Wei Xie painted the Seven Buddhas and that »he did not dare to paint their eyes.« That is because Seven Buddhas was new subject matter for painting, and the eyes of the figures were difficult to depict. Gu Kaizhi’s poem says: »It is easy to paint hands playing five strings, but difficult to paint eyes seeing off a returning bird.« He understood the difficulty of depicting eyes, and in order to be deliberate and careful, he »painted people for sev-

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eral years without dotting their eyes.« Since ancient times, the eyes have often been considered the windows of the soul, especially in the Wei and Jin dynasties, when character appraisal was at its peak. Sayings like »Looking at his eyes, one can know the person« and »we see the spirit in the appearance, but the emotions are developed in the eyes« were extremely prevalent. People with many expressions in the eyes were constantly praised, and Gu Kaizhi realized that »it is in the eye that the portrait is able to convey the spirit,« and paid special attention to the representation of the eyes. For example, when he painted the portrait of Yin Zhongkan, who had sick eyes, he made a subtle design of »brightly dotting the pupil and turning the white of the eye above to make it as light as a cloud shading the sun.« In Gu Kaizhi’s Essays on Painting, he comments on Wei Xie’s Painting of the Northern Air of Mao Shi that »the expression is from the heart« and that »the face and hands are suitable for the eyes.« This is precisely what Gu Kaizhi emphasized in his theory of »not omitting the actual object« and »conveying the spirit through the eyes.« Therefore, he concluded that only such a painting would produce the artistic effect of »being appreciated by the mind without relying on instructions.« If we look at the extant copies of the Nymph of the Luo River and the Admonitions of the Instructress to the Court Ladies made by Gu Kaizhi, from his portrayal of Cao Zijian’s hands and eyes as he pushes away the attendants and looks at the Goddess of Luo, from his portrayal of the stagnant attitude of the attendants as they do not notice the arrival of the Goddess of Luo, from Feng Jieyu’s posture and gaze as she stands tall, fearlessly defying the black bear, and from the warrior’s intense expression as he stabs the bear, and from the long-lasting and touching artistic effects of these treasures, it is easier to understand the specific contents of his theories, and better understanding Gu Kaizhi’s theory of »spirit« and »conveying the spirit.«

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Gu Kaizhi further studied the connection between the physical environment of the subject and his expression, and put forward the theory of »marvelous realization of the conveying of thought.« In Essays on Painting it is said: »In painting, human figures are most difficult, then landscapes, then dogs and horses. Towers and pavilions are fixed objects, difficult to complete but easy to render well, and not dependent on a marvelous realization of the conveying of thought.« This mainly refers to the requirements of figure painting, and those pavilions with certain structural rules can be painted well without this requirement. However, the situation is different for »conveying the spirit.« When he painted Xie Kun, who was »a man of high knowledge, not cultivating his authority, with a love for the Laozi and the Book of Changes able to sing and good at drumming,« he thought that »the figure should be placed in a ravine.« In his Record on Painting Cloud Terrace Mountain, he arranged many landscapes, trees, rocks, birds and animals to set off the characters in the painting. If we look at the surviving painting of Nymph of the River Luo, we can see how the thin willow sets off Cao Zijian’s confused thoughts and how the clouds and water set off the nymph’s loftiness— and it is easier to understand where Gu Kaizhi surpassed his predecessors in this regard. This is the result of his »conveying the spirit« in practice. Gu Kaizhi also paid great attention to the connection between form and character. In order to paint Heavenly Master Zhuang’s »far reaching spirit vitality,« he chose the »emaciated form«; in order to paint Wang Chang’s appearance of being »deep in thought,« he chose the pose of »answering a question.« He also paid attention to the relationship between the appearance and the aura of a person. A New Account of the Tales of the World records the story of him painting Pei Kai and adding three lines to his cheeks. The result of adding three strokes on the cheeks was that it made Pei Kai’s face appear slightly concave and thin, which is the same as »painting the emaciated form of

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the Heavenly Master« to show his »far reaching spirit vitality.« The Wei and Jin people admired thinness, and »painting the emaciated form of the Heavenly Master,« and painting Pei Kai with »three lines« on his cheeks reflected this. All this shows that when Gu Kaizhi painted, he did not limit himself to the specific depiction of one moment and one thing, but he tried to capture subtle changes in form and its effect through other people and other things, and then expressed them in his paintings. This is the meaning of the »marvelous realization of the conveying of thought.« The theory initially discussed the role of the artist’s associations in the process of depicting an object, but was also a theoretical improvement on the understanding of the process of painting. 2. Landscape Painting Theories According to records of the history of painting, landscape painting gradually became an art form during the Eastern Jin Dynasty through the Southern Liu Song Dynasty. Accordingly, theories of landscape painting also began to emerge during this period, and set the direction for the theoretical development of Chinese landscape painting with their lofty views. The pre-Qin idea that »the man who knows is happy with the water, the man who is kind is happy with the mountain« was developed in the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties. Through the humanistic perception of the landscape, in the ideal of »letting one’s nature go,« and the social fashion for appreciation, the art of painting found its inspiration in the subject matter of landscape, and at the same time concentrated in the theory of landscape painting. The most important of these writings is the Introduction to Painting Landscapes (Hua shanshui xu 画山 水序), written between 433 and 443, and Discussion of Painting (Xuhua 叙画), written between 441 and 453—the former the masterpiece of Zong Bing and the latter the masterpiece of Wang Wei. Zong Bing (375–443), courtesy name Shaowen, native of Nieyang, Nanyang (now northeastern

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Deng County, Henan Province), was a painter and theorist of the Liu Song Dynasty. His Introduction to Painting Landscape was the earliest extant theory of landscape painting in China. Zong Bing had no intention of pursuing a career as an official and he refused the call of the court several times; instead, he liked the landscapes and traveling. Once »he was sick and returned to Jiangling, then sighed and said: ›I am afraid that it is difficult to travel the famous mountains because of my old age and illness, but I should clear my mind and realize the Way, and travel by lying down.‹ He painted all the placed he had travelled in his room and said: ›I play qin and cao and make the mountains resonate.‹« He »drew images and colors and constructed the clouds and mountains« in order to treat the landscapes in his paintings for people to be close to, as »soulmates« who could respond to the rhythms of his qin. Only then did the »landscapes« really become a »painting.« The views on landscapes and landscape painting in the Introduction to Painting Landscapes are extremely profound, with characteristics of the times and containing the spirit of national culture: »Sages, possessing the Dao, respond to things. The virtuous, purifying their thoughts, savor images. As for landscape, it has physical existence, yet tends toward the spiritual. […] Now, sages follow the Dao through their spirits, and the virtuous comprehend this. Landscapes display the beauty of the Dao through their forms, and humane men delight in this. Are these not similar?« Zong Bing believed that the landscape, which was one with all things, had quality and reality, not only form and appearance, and also »tend[ed] toward the spiritual.« That is why he said that »landscapes display the beauty of the Dao through their forms,« and »the spirit, which is essentially limitless, resides in forms and stimulates all kinds of like, and truth enters into reflections and traces.« The Dao and spirit which cannot be named, heard or seen, and which has no shape or image, must be represented through the tangible landscape, through

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»all kinds of likenesses.« »Therefore, such recluses as the Yellow Emperor, Yao, Confucius, Guangcheng, Dakui, Xu You, and the brothers from Guzhu, insisted upon roaming the mountains Kongtong, Juci, Miaogu, Jishou, Dameng.« Not only the natural landscape but also landscape paintings also have the same meaning: »If truths that were abandoned before the period of middle-antiquity may still be sought by the imagination a thousand years later, and if meaning that is subtler than the images of speech can be grasped by the mind in books and writings, what then of where one’s body has strolled and one’s eyes rested repeatedly when it is described form for form and color for color?« The aim of landscape painting was to »clear the mind and observe the Way.« Laozi said, »Cleanse the mind and observe the mystery,« that is, cleanse the mind of dust and distracting thoughts in order to view the mysterious and distant Dao. Zong Bing developed this idea, believing that one must »clear the mind« in order to »savor the image« and »view the Dao«—in the image of a landscape. He treated »containing Dao and reflecting the object« and »clearing the mind and savoring the image« as a unified process, that is, to clear the mind and create a mind that contain the natural way (Dao) to appreciate nature. When the way in the subject’s mind is expressed through landscape painting and fits with the way embodied in the landscape, the participation of the sensual form of art (landscape painting) makes the experience of the natural way an artistic and aesthetic observation. In this manner, when landscape painting first emerged, it started at a high point and made the artistic and aesthetic experience realized in landscape painting reach a more profound and mysterious realm. It was with such a focus that Chinese landscape painting became independent and flourished. The Introduction to Painting Landscapes also offers important insights into the principles of framing, composition, and landscape creation in landscape painting. Zong Bing observed the visual

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phenomenon of nature’s nearness, size, and distance, and discussed the problem of proportion in landscape painting when depicting »the height of a thousand feet« and »the distance of a thousand li.« He also pointed out the key principle and method of »distant reflection.« It is a visual expression of landscape painting on a plane, but it is also a method of thinking that follows Chinese philosophy in reflecting the realm of mystery and distance. Only when it can be distant it is possible to be free from the depiction of the gully, tree and stone, and to be ethereal and refreshing. The result of understanding, sensing the spirit, embodying the Dao and gaining reason is achieved gradually in this »distant« mystery. Wang Wei (415–453), courtesy name Jingxuan, native of Linyi, Langya (now Linyi, Shandong), was a painter of the Liu Song Dynasty. Wang Wei came from a family of officials for generations, but he had no interest in an official career. He »often lived in a house with one room, looking for ancient books and collecting antiquities, and he remained in this life for more than ten years.« He wrote Discussion of Painting (Xuhua 叙画), which is known as an important early Chinese treatise on landscape painting, along with the Introduction to Painting Landscapes. Wang Wei elevated painting to a position comparable to that of the images of the Book of Changes, arguing that the significance of landscape painting did not lie in the use of maps, such as to »plan the boundaries of cities or differentiate the locale of provinces, to make mountains and plateaus or delineate watercourses,« but in the fact that the landscape in the eyes of the painter had form and quality, and tended to be spiritual. In this way, the form of the landscape could be changed by the »mind« and become one’s own landscape. In such a way, we can create a painting »corresponding to the images of the Book of Changes« with body and shape, which embodies form as well as the Dao. Wang Wei believed that landscape was a place of rest, and its vividness was produced by change

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in the mind, that is, »the change is the mind.« This is similar to Zong Bing’s »understanding the mind,« but it is not only an »understanding« of correspondence, but also a »change« of participation—which is richer in understanding. The composition of visual images in landscape painting is also discussed: »If eyesight is limited, then what is seen will not be complete.« This is an extremely simple yet important principle. As vision is limited, visual impressions are also localized, individualized, and limited—and Wang Wei pointed this principle out in a very transparent way. Based on this understanding, painting was not intended to reproduce or imitate visual impressions from a certain point of view. Therefore, after the Wei and Jin dynasties, no Chinese artist was ever troubled by how to represent what they saw. »With differentiated shapes, I paint the perceptions of inchwide pupils,« meaning that separate images are concentrated in the same picture. The limited point of view is not fixed at this time, and even has no meaning—so there is no such thing as a scattered change in the point of view. There is only one thing that changes—the »mind.« Through the change of the mind, the brush is moved with ease, and the position and relationship of the images are actively managed, without being bound to specific visual representations. The metaphor of »with one reed brush I simulate the form of the Great Void« can then be easily understood. Wang Wei aimed to be far-sighted, to unify all with one, and to embody the illusory and mysterious realm of landscape with visible ink and brush. In landscape painting, it was through the »mind’s eye« of being high above the ground that one could manage such success. »If eyesight is limited, then what is seen will not be complete.« Therefore, the so-called »high and distant« should not be understood as just viewpoints; what is high is the mind, and what is distant is the spirit. »With one reed brush I simulate the form of the Great Void; with differentiated shapes, I paint the perceptions of inch-wide pupils.« This was

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not only a further elaboration of the concept of painting, but also reflected a further improvement in the requirements of painting, which gave early Chinese landscape painting its own unique understanding in terms of composition, created its own unique rules and style, and was of paramount importance to the development of Chinese landscape painting in later generations. Therefore, instead of limiting the discussion of landscape painting to the depiction of objects, Discussion of Painting focuses on the use of the brush, emphasizing the function of the elements of »painting« and »pointing,« and further discusses the relationship between the brushwork and the landscape, indicating that brushwork was also highly visible in landscape painting. »With tortuous lines, I mark Mount Taihua« means that the brush is swift and fast; »with curving dots, I show its magnificent nose« means that the bending and changing point is used to express the rocky outcropping like a nose; »their brows, foreheads, chins, and jaws are as if in a peaceful smile« is to use a person’s smile to describe landscape scenery. Wang Wei here has personified the landscape, and the landscape has been pinned with cordial human feelings. These are taken as the most important criteria, which can produce the effect of »movements,« and have shown the prelude of the »vitality« of »Spirit Resonance« and the »using the brush« of the »Bone Method.« »With angled front and squared back, forms are brought out. After that, palaces and towers, boats and carriages, each object is assembled according to its kind; dogs and horses, birds and fish, each entity is differentiated according to its shape. This is the achievement of painting.« Here the »kind« of object and the »shape« of entity are clearly placed in a secondary position, and in a process of differentiation, landscape painting was reconceptualized as a pictorial vocabulary and no longer as an »object,« which was also a more advanced theoretical elaboration. This is also related to the later »Six Principles« of »Correspondence to the Object«

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and »Suitability to Type.« It was only under this condition that landscape painting would further develop the new purpose of embodying the Dao by pleasing the emotions and nature. The landscape painting theory of the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties was, in a narrow sense, the result of the practice of painting with landscape as the subject matter. The main purpose of landscape painting in the period was to explore how to »preserve the form,« »examine the reasoning,« and »understand the way« of landscape painting—which also became the basic questions of landscape painting theory. But more importantly, the independence of landscape subject matter was not merely a matter of »differentiation of subject matter.« As the aesthetic function of the basic formal elements of painting became more and more important, the techniques of brushwork and coloring became independent as pure »rules of painting« that were more closely related to painting itself and less necessarily related to copying forms. The subject matter of painting was gradually freed from the limitations of the »language« it was intended to convey, and took on cultural viewpoints. Following that, the unity of the subject matter focused more on the constraints of culture, and also more on the creation of culture. Thus, in a broad sense, the formation of the theory of landscape painting was the first theoretical exploration of a culturally independent subject matter rather than material subject matter. The revelation of the laws of painting was not only the key to the independent formation of the theoretical system of Chinese painting, but also the key to the important position and role of Chinese painting in Chinese culture.

2. The Six Principles and the Classification of Paintings 1. The System of the Six Principles The »Six Principles« of painting were first proposed by Xie He in his essay Classification of Paint-

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ers (Huapin 画品), and were greatly revered by later generations of painters. Xie He was a painter and theoretician in the Qi and Liang dynasties of the Southern Dynasties, but little about his life is known. The Six Principles are the earliest and most basic systematic painting principles in Chinese painting theory and have a particularly important theoretical status. In the Classification of Painters, he states: »First, Spirit Resonance which means vitality; second, Bone Method which is a way of using the brush; third, Correspondence to the Object which means the depiction of forms; fourth, Suitability to Type which has to do with the laying on of colors; fifth, Division and Planning, that is, placing and arrangement; and sixth, Transmission by Copying, that is to say the copying of models.« Zhang Yanyuan also cited this passage in his Record of Famous Painters of All the Dynasties (Lidai minghua ji 历代名画记) »Once Xie He said: ›There are Six Principles in painting: first, Spirit Resonance and vitality [qiyun shengdong 气韵生动]; second, Bone Method and brushwork [gufa yongbi 骨法用笔]; third, Correspondence to the Object and depicting of forms [yingwu xiangxing 应物象形); fourth, Suitability to Type and laying on of colors [suilei fucai 随类赋彩]; fifth, Division and Planning and placing and arrangement [jingying weizhi 经营位置]; sixth, Transmission by Copying and the copying of models [chuanyi moxie 传移模写].« Since then, many painters have read the »Six Principles« as »qiyun shengdong« and »gufa yongbi.« Qian Zhongshu pointed out, »As Yanyuan reads separately, each ›principle‹ is grouped with four characters, which become a word, so ›which means‹ does not need to be repeated six times. It is enough to write it once after ›chuanyi moxie‹.« Qian Zhongshu reads the six principles as »first, Spirit Resonance, that is vitality« and so on. However, with such punctuation, the tone seems inconsistent. Chen Shouxiang points out that the word yue 曰 [to say] is omitted from Xie He’s text. In the Six Dynasties, this type of sentence is com-

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mon. For example, in the chapter »Emotion and Literary Expression« of Liu Xie’s The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons: »Three main patterns are involved in the creation of literature: first, the color pattern, made up of the five colors; second, the sound pattern, made up of the five sounds; and third, the emotional pattern, made up of the five emotions.« And Zhang Yanyuan also cited Yan Yanzhi’s text: »There are three kinds of images that contains meanings: one is the image of patterns, that is trigrams; second is the image of marks, that is words; third is the image of forms, that is paintings.« Therefore, the Six Principles should be read as: What are the Six Principles? The first is Spirit Resonance, which means vitality; the second is Bone Method, which is a way of using the brush; the third is Correspondence to the Object, which means the depicting of forms; the fourth is Suitability to Type which has to do with the laying on of colors; the fifth is Division and Planning, that is, placing and arrangement; and the sixth is Transmission by Copying, that is to say the copying of models.

Xie He’s Classification of Painters lists 27 famous painters from the late Han to the Liang, who were classified into six classes according to their painting skill. The »Six Principles« of painting listed in the preface of the essay were the basis on which Xie He judged the quality of painting, and they also reflected the basic criteria for understanding painting in Xie He’s time. He said, »Even though painting has its Six Principles, few are able to combine them thoroughly, and from ancient times until now each painter has excelled in one particular branch. […] Only Lu Tanwei and Wei Xie were thoroughly proficient in all of them.« This indicates that Xie He regarded the Six Principles as characteristic representatives of six aspects of painting, with principled requirements. These six aspects are »Spirit Resonance,« »Bone Method,« »Correspondence to the Object,« »Suitability to Type,« »Division and Planning,« and Transmission by Copying.« They are discussed below.

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The first of the six principles is »Spirit Resonance, which means vitality« and the second is »Bone Method, which is a way of using the brush.« These are the two principles especially valued by later generations. »Qi,« or spirit, is an important concept in ancient Chinese philosophy, and refers to the basis of all things—as the »essence of spirit that creates things,« »heaven and earth come together in qi, all things come to birth.« Later, it was extended to refer to the talent and temperament of human beings, as well as the style of essays and pictures. For example, Cao Pi’s Treatise on the Canon says: »The text is dominated by qi.« The word yun 韵, resonance, was coined much later than the word qi, and is only found in essays by literary critics after the Wei and Jin dynasties. Yun refers to interest, poise, and elegance, such as »the air and resonance is superb« and »the air and resonance is free.« For the word qiyun 气韵, in painting theory, the »Six Principles« gives a most concise explanation: »Spirit Resonance, which means vitality.« Vivacity and dynamism are the fundamentals of qiyun. Wang Wei’s Discussion of Painting says: »What is founded in form is fused with soul, and what activates movement is the mind.« The movement of the soul is due to the mind, the vivacity is tied to human patterns. As the first of the Six Principles, »Spirit Resonance, which means vitality« is the principle of all the methods of painting and the soul of artistic quality. »Bone Method, which is the use of the brush« clarifies the specific meaning of »brush« in Chinese painting and lays the foundation for a series of theoretical frameworks based on the brush. From the surviving paintings and written records, it can be seen that, in ancient times, image (tu 图), painting (hui 绘), and picture (hua 画) were similar but different, with image being a general term, painting emphasizing color, and drawing emphasizing brushwork. Even during the Han and Wei dynasties, the basic language of Chinese painting was determined by first »drawing« the form and

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the basic relationships of forms, and then »painting« with color. In this way, the line drawing forms the basic structure, the »painting« stands according to the »drawing,« and the »body« comes from the »form,« as the flesh is attached to the bone, and the clothes are mantled to the body. Therefore, the »Bone Method« is the fundamental use of the brush. Although Xie He commented regarding Cao Buxing that, »Looking at his style and bones, his reputation is not false,« here »style and bones« does not mean Bone Method, but inherits Gu Kaizhi’s meaning of »strange bone,« »heavenly bone,« and »steely bone.« Apart from that, the word »bone« as a comment in Classification of Painters mostly refers to the Bone Method. For example, this comment on Zhang Mo and Xun Xu: »But they take the essence and leave out the Bone Method,« and the comment on Jiang Sengbao: »The use of the brush is like bone stems«—all referring to their brushwork. Another example is this comment on Lu Xu: »A little bit of a point or a brushstroke, all the movements are strange«; on Mao Huiyuan: »In and out of the strange, the strokes are unconstrained«; on Zhang Ze: »The meaning is free, and the brushstroke is new and strange«; on Liu Xu: »The brushwork is weak, the form is monotonous«; on Emperor Ming of Jin: »The brushwork is superb, there are also marvelous works«; on Liu Shaozu: »The brushwork is delicate and often unmatched«; and on Ding Guang: »The brushwork is thin and weak.« From these comments on Bone Method and the use of the brush, we can see that Xie He emphasized the »movement of brushwork« and »brushstrokes.« The Bone Method was limited to the use of the brush and the strength of the brush, and was different from »strange bone,« »heavenly bone« and »style and bones.« It was different from the overall style of a painting. Since the Bone Method has been so determined, on the one hand, it has given a proper place to the Spirit Resonance that regulates picture style, leaving out the use of words such as »strange bone«

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and »heavenly bone.« On the other hand, the emphasis on the use of the brush has made the scope of evaluation and the basis for scrutiny clearer. At the same time, the emphasis on the use of the brush is also an inevitable requirement for the development of plastic art to this stage. Although Gu Kaizhi’s »spring silkworm spitting out silk« line drawing and »moving clouds and flowing water« brushwork had already made remarkable achievements in artistic practice, Xie He’s previous painting theories were able to summarize them theoretically. The »use of the brush« has an important and special place in the history of Chinese calligraphy and painting. With the emphasis on brushwork in Wei and Jin calligraphy theory, a conscious understanding of the use of the brush in painting was gradually formed, and the »Bone Method, which is the use of the brush« in the »Six Principles« can be regarded as a symbol. It also established the most prominent characteristic of Chinese painting. The third of the six principles is »Correspondence to the Object, which is the depicting of forms.« In the Zhuangzi, it is said that »the mind does not exert itself, and its response to things is not impartial,« with »response to things« as opposite of »mind.« »To exert the mind« means to investigate with the mind, while »responding to things« is to take the initiative to grasp the object with the mind’s understanding. In his Essays of Zhao, Monk Zhao of the Eastern Jin Dynasty said, »The Dharma body has no image, but responds to things with form.« The abstract »Dharma body« appears as »form« in the appearance. Pictorial form is the basic element of painting and is the basis for evaluating paintings. However, in the system of the six principles, depicting form is not simply a resemblance to its image. As Han Feizi said, »It is easy to draw dogs and horses and difficult to draw ghosts and goblins,« as it requires the care and participation of the mind. The key to correspondence to the object does not lie in »object« but in »corresponding.« »Correspondence to

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the Object« and »depicting of forms« are considered to be one method and are the basic artistic requirements of painting. The fourth of the six methods is »Suitability to Type, which is the laying on of colors.« The type is not limited to one, which is not a specific type limited to here and now but is the understanding of different categories according to the order of the universe. In ancient Chinese culture, colors have a strong symbolism, and are important to grasp the characteristics of things. Confucius said: »evil purple takes the place of red,« which is a very representative expression. »Suitability to Type, which is the laying on of colors« is the principal summarization of the color element in the Six Principles. The key to this is the understanding of »type.« It is not a specific color that adheres to »a specific one,« it is also different from the ink flowers and bamboo of the Tang and Song dynasties, but follows the principle of the color representations of »green willow and red peach« and »green mountain and white water.« This reflects the understanding of color theory in the art of painting in the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern dynasties. The fifth of the six principles is »Division and Planning, that is placing and arrangement.« »Division and planning« originally meant the creation of the warp. In »Spiritual Platform« (»Lingtai« 灵 台) of the »Major Court Hymns,« in the Classic of Poetry, it is said: »When we start planning for the construction of a spiritual platform, we manage and design properly,« and so jingying derived from the planning of the camp. As one of the six principles of painting, »jingying« refers to the consideration of scale and orientation on the picture, which is known as »composition« and »layout« today. And the semantic meaning of »placing and arrangement« is very clear, since it is similar to »positioning.« The sixth of the Six Principles is »Transmission by Copying, that is to say the copying of models.« When Xie He commented on the painter

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Liu Shaozu, who was »good at transmission and copying,« he said, »but he paints without creating new images, so he is not the best among painters.« Xie He knew very well that copying is to »paint but not create.« In the strictest sense, copying is not an independent stylistic element of painting. However, in the period when the concept of classical models of Chinese painting was being established, copying models was an important »principle« often used by painters in general—and there were even painters who were known exclusively for their copies. As a result, it also became one of the criteria for Xie He’s assessment, but it was at the last of the Six Principles. By the time of the Sui and Tang dynasties, it had already been treated as »an insignificant skill for painters.« The development of art theory in the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties was not only manifested in the self-consciousness of the views and the depths of the arguments, but also in the completeness of its system and the attentiveness of structure. Although Xie He’s »Six Principles« are brief and concise, they are also characterized by a complete system and a rigorous structure. The rational character caused by a generation of pure conversation (qingtan 清谈) and the trend of the »school of mystery« formed a social trend, and the theory of the »Six Principles« naturally resulted from it. The »Six Principles« not only led the direction of Chinese painting for more than a thousand years with its »Spirit Resonance« and »vitality,« but also laid a solid foundation for later Chinese painting theory with its precision and organization. The »Six Principles« were the monumental creation of the theory of painting in the Wei and Jin dynasties. Their essence refers directly to the self-consciousness of the subject, and their connotation includes the self-consciousness of art in and of itself and the dynamism of the aesthetic subject in the whole process of artistic activities from creation to reception, as well as the self-consciousness of artistic vocabulary and pictorial elements, and the dynamism of artistic forms and

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artistic techniques in the sense that art itself is a cultural support. The »Six Principles« not only further reveals the laws of painting, but also reflects the characteristics of the Six Dynasties art theory of »culturing people.« Guo Ruoxu called the »Six Principles« an »excellent argument that will never change,« which is an incredibly positive assessment of the structure of a theoretical system. 2. The Appreciation and Criticism of Painting Following the Eastern Han Dynasty, there was an emphasis on the appreciation of people’s works, becoming a major form of literary and art criticism in the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties. In the Eastern Jin Dynasty, there was Gu Kaizhi’s Essays on Painting, in the Northern and Southern Dynasties, there was Sun Changzhi’s Description of Painting, Xie He’s Classification of Painters, and Yao Zui’s Continuation of the Classificatino of Painters. Gu’s Essays on Painting is mostly covered above. Sun’s Description of Painting is very brief. Xie He’s and Yao Zui’s commentaries on painting are the most representative. Xie He’s name is not found in historical biographies, but the Classification of Painters was written around the years 532–552. The Classification of Painters begins with a preface in which the Six Principle are enumerated as a basis for evaluation. In the main text, 27 painters, from the Three Kingdoms to the Liang, are divided into six categories and discussed based on their abilities and achievements. Yao Zui (537–603), courtesy name Shihui, was born in the Liang and died in the Sui Dynasty. His father, Senghuan, was an imperial doctor of the Liang Dynasty. Yao Zui was knowledgeable and was especially good at writing. His Continuation of Classification of Painters (Xuhuapin 续画品) was written after Xie He’s Classification of Painters, and was written around the end of Liang Dynasty. The Continuation of Classification of Painters also has a preface, in which it is argued that Xie He’s

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Classification of Painters had many inaccuracies in terms of its classification. Therefore, the Continuation of Classification of Painters does not divide into grades, but records, chronologically, 20 painters of the Liang Dynasty, and supplies commentaries on 16 of them. The Classification of Painters and Continuation of Classification of Painters briefly record the painters and the artistic styles and characteristics of their works from the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties, and are invaluable sources of painting history. Since Xie He and Yao Zui each had criteria in mind, their views on painting and the basis of their assessments were different, and inconsistent, and their conclusions are different or even contradictory, which reflects their different lineages and some important changes in painting theory. From later comments we know that Lu Tanwei, who was most highly esteemed by Xie He, belonged to the school of precision in his painting style; and Gu Junzhi, who »cannot compete with his predecessors in terms of Spirit Resonance and strength, but was more refined and rigorous than ever before,« was also rated by Xie He as the first person of the second class, and was highly ranked: »The coloring and forms are all innovative, as if the first change of the trigram of Bao Xi and the first change of calligraphy of Shi Zhou.« Throughout the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties, Gu Kaizhi’s theory of conveying the spirit became highly influential. As with appraisal of people, painting must be described with »divine resonance« and »vitality,« and whether it can »convey the spirit« became a basic principle for appreciation and evaluation. Although Xie He’s style of painting belongs to the style of refinement, the principle of »conveying the spirit« was still unshakable. The reason why Xie He ranked Gu Kaizhi as third class was that he thought that Gu Kaizhi’s »brushwork did not catch the intention, and his reputation was overrated.« That is, although Gu Kaizhi’s »style was refined and his

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brush was not random,« his painting was not good enough to reach his claim of »conveying the spirit.« In general, Xie He’s Classification of Painters still implements the main principle of »Spirit Resonance and vitality« to evaluate paintings. For example, he comments on the first class Wei Xie: »Although his paintings are not sufficient with marvelous forms, they have quite magnificent spirit.« He says of Zhang Mo and Xun Xu: »The style is exquisite, almost divine, and they are particularly good at capturing the spirit, but they leave the Bone Method. If you stick to the form, you will not see the essence; if you search beyond the image, you will be amazed by its beauty. How subtle it is.« He commented on the sixth class Ding Guang: »His works are not unrefined but lack in vitality.« Xie He followed the prevailing concept of painting at that time and took Spirit Resonance as the first principle for evaluating paintings, while at the same time he also examined the use of brushwork, pictorial forms, coloring, position, and other stylistic factors in connection with the other five principles, thus arriving at a more concrete and specific evaluation in the midst of the criteria without losing the essence of its qiyun. This is relevant to his own work. In comparison, Yao Zui was not so concerned with the various laws of painting, but more with the meaning of the images. In his assessment of paintings, Yao Zui gave priority to meaning and could even »forget the image.« The idea of »forgetting the image when obtaining the meaning« in the artistic trends of the Wei, Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties is reflected in Yao Zui’s painting criticism in a concentrated and concrete way. Yao Zui believe that the portrayal of the image could not be expected to be perfect. He said: »If the weight of the brush is slightly different, it will be guilty of being shallow and ugly and changing the form; if a little does not fit, then the image of

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the joy or misery is completely different. In addition, recently, people’s appearance and costumes change three times a month, and a new form becomes obsolete before it has a chance to consolidate from the beginning. Isn’t it difficult for painters to achieve a high degree of subtlety?« At the same time, he believed that only relying on technical training to improve was not enough to convey the true meaning: »There is limited training in painting, but no specific method for practical application. As the firing method of ink-making changes, the ink changes, and the method is modified non-stop. As a result, the eye is dazzled and confused, and the painting is densely decorated, and the meaning is not obtained.« The kind of person who only attaches importance to the portrayal of images and techniques without further clarification of the »most important principle« in painting is like »a person who has never waded into the river but claims to have crossed the sea, and who has only seen the fish and turtle and said to have observed the dragon«—which, in Yao’s view, was »not enough to talk about painting.« Since the portrayal of is image is difficult to »achieve its subtlety,« and it is not possible to complete the meaning within the laws, it is only possible »to eliminate the superficial phenomena and study deep inside to understand the deepest truths.« This dominant idea is directly reflected in Yao Zui’s critical assessment. Yao Zui had some criticism of Xie He’s style of researching and seeking for similarity, and thought that he »had not exhausted the quality of vivacity« and »did not match the elegant mind.« On the contrary, he held the paintings of Emperor Yuandi of Liang, who »did not add a point to modify,« in high esteem, saying that his paintings were »particularly exquisite« and »sufficient to make Xun and Wei put down their brushes, and Yuan and Lu hide their brushes.« This shows that Yao Zui thought that the paintings without adding modifications could »convey the spirit« more than the paintings of research and refinement.

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Emperor Yuan of Liang made his paintings from time to time in his spare time »when he was hearing lawsuits, leading the army, and talking about literature and the other arts,« this kind of easy and casual improvisation, often have »the creation of a stunning« artistic effect. Yao Zui believed that such paintings did not rely on the rules of their predecessors and could not be measured by the Six Principles. The realm of a painting could not be achieved by any »principle« or »endless effort.« He believed that to achieve the divine realm of »the creation of the sublime« was the result of a combination of natural endowment and later learning. For example, he said of Emperor Yuan of Liang, »he was known for his outstanding talent, and he was endowed with a high degree of talent at a young age, as if he had been born with it; he was able to investigate phenomena and the essence of his studies, and his mind followed the teachings of nature, and his intelligence was not the degree that ordinary intelligent people could achieve.« Yao’s »young and with knowledge« mainly refers to a painter’s innate temperament and natural talent, while »investigating phenomena and the essence of his studies« refers to a painter’s ability to understand the essence and appearance of things with a high level of cultural literacy. Yao seldom mentions the objects depicted in paintings. As for painting technique, he even said, with a disdainful tone, »There are Six Principles of painting, but it is even difficult for a true immortal to achieve them.« These views emphasize the purpose of »conveying the spirit« through the perspective of the subject’s conscious expression. »The mind follows the teachings of nature« also refers to the subjective understanding of the painter to learn from nature, and he believes that »intelligence was not the degree that ordinary intelligent people could achieve,« which is in line with Zong Bing’s view that »spirit transcends reason.« Yao Zui deeply agreed with Gu Kaizhi’s idea that »the beauty or ugliness of the form has nothing to

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do with the marvelous details,« and praised him, saying, »he is unique and unparalleled above all other recorded painters, and there is no second person equal to him from the beginning to the end. Like a god, he is not to be imitated by painters with ordinary knowledge; like the sun and the moon, he is brilliant and insurmountable by superficial learners.« In fact, this evaluation is not as specific as Xie He’s comment. Yao Zui was just dissatisfied with the school of Xie He’s painting style and used his commentary on Gu Kaizhi for his own theory. It is from his own point of view that Yao Zui understands Gu Kaizhi’s »marvelous realization of the conveying of thought« and emphasizes the subjective element in painting, proposing that »spirit« can be »sought« by the expression of the subjective feelings. The difference between Xie He and Yao Zui’s evaluations of Gu Kaizhi reflects the opposition between the two attitudes at that time, one emphasizing the principle »within image,« the other emphasizing the meaning »outside of image,« as well as the differences between the two painting styles in sparseness and density. Xie He’s own style of painting was refined and beautiful, the same style as the frivolous and flirtatious Qi and Liang palace poems. Although he also valued »spirit resonance« and »conveying of the spirit« in the principles of painting, his own practice was only focused on the representation of human figures and forms. In the preface to Classification of Painters he said, »As for painters, there is not one who does not illustrate some exhortation or warning, or show the rise and fall of man’s affairs.« This is in line with Confucianism’s emphasis on teaching morals. He looks at Zong Bing and Wang Wei with the eyes of a portrait painter, listing them as the sixth and fourth class respectively, and his commentary does not mention the achievements of Zong and Wang in landscape painting—which is a limitation. Zhang Yanyuan seems to have seen this: »Zong Bing and Wang Wei, like Chaofu and Xu You,

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were in love with the woods and the valleys. With only the qin and wine, all fit for them; they chase the clouds and travel alone. Each has written an essay on painting, and their traces are so distant and lofty that it is difficult for those who do not understand painting to discuss them.« Xie He’s artistic attitude was rather restrained. Yao Zui, on the other hand, was dashing, he »eliminated the superficial phenomena,« advocated »the search

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for meaning« and »mind following the teachings of nature.« In comparison, Yao Zui’s emphasis on »meaning beyond the image« was more in line with the inner trends of the development of artistic concepts in the Wei, Jin, and the Northern and Southern Dynasties. It played an extremely important role in the rise of literati painting and became the theoretical basis of the school of xieyi in Chinese painting.