Thucydides: Book I 9780862920272, 0862920272

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THUCYDIDES Book

I

THUCYDIDES Book

I

Edited by

E. C. Marchant with new introduction

and bibliography by

Thomas Wiedemann

Published by Bristol Classical Press General Editor John H. Betts (text and notes reprinted by permission of Macmillan Education Ltd.)

Cover

illustration:

Athenian coin (drawing by

Printed

in

ISBN

First Reprinted

by

published

arrangement

Great

by

Bristol

Macmillan

Classical

University

«

ἃ

of of

Memorial

Queens Bristol

Text

B.C.

Britain

Macmillan

Department

ς

century

O-86292-027-2

with

Wills

of the fifth Jean Bees).

Notes:

& Co.

Ltd.

Education

(1905) Ltd.

(1982)

by

Press

Classics Bristol

Building

Road BS8 lRJ

Macmillan

Education

Essential Dates, Map, Introduction T.E.J. Wiedemann, 1982.

Ltd.

ἃ

Bibliography:

Printed and Bound by Short Run Press Ltd., Exeter, Devon

CONTENTS

Portrait

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Preface

Thucydides

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Introduction Greek

Historical

Athenian

Imperialism

Rhetoric

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Thucydides from ἃ portrait bust, Roman copy of a fourth century B.C. Greek original, at Holkham Hall. [Drawing by Jean Bees].

vii

PREFACE

This edition, like its companions Thucydides II and IV, is intended primarily for University undergraduates and candidates taking Advanced Level School Certificate Examinations in Britain. It will also be useful to students who are approaching a book of Thucydides for the first time, or studying the Peloponnesian War from a more general, historical perspective. The text and notes are those of E.C. Marchant, originally published in 1905 and reprinted until recently by Macmillan Education Ltd., who kindly gave permission for their reproduction here. The new Introduction takes account of the questions which students today will want to ask about Thucydides' history, and of the present state of research. There is also a list of essential dates and an up-to-date bibliography, in which a primary criterion for inclusion has been accessibility to the non-academic English reader. The editors' gratitude is extended to Michael Jupe, Alyn Shipton and Brenda Stones, successive classics editors of Macmillan Education Ltd., for their co-operation. For the

new

Introduction

Professor

J.

Gould

and

Mrs

N.

Vincent

have kindly suggested improvements in content and style respectively. The map and illustrations are by Jean Bees and the layout by Amanda Barrett. '

.J.H.B./T.E.J.W. July 1982

ix

ESSENTIAL

ca.

DATES

End of war between Sparta and Tegea dominant over the Peloponnese.

550

leaves

Sparta

546

Cyrus defeats Croesus king over Ionian Greeks begins.

510

Spartan army under king Cleomenes of Peisistratids at Athens.

overthrows

508

Cleisthenes'

at

506

Athenians defeat Spartan and enian cleruchy at Chalcis.

Boeotian

Ionian Greeks revolt against ships to their support.

Persia;

500

-

494

490

483

480

- 479

478

ca.

465

ca.

464

462

- 457

-

'democratic'

Persian

raid

tory

Marathon).

at

of

on

Eretria

Lydia;

reforms

and

Athens

Themistocles builds new silver mines at

up Athenian Laureum.

Xerxes'

Greece.

invasion

of

Persian

rule

tyranny

Athens. army;

Ath-

Athenians

send

(Miltiades'

vic-

fleet,

financed

by

Spartans recall king Byzantium; Athenians League.

Pausanias after liberation of become leaders of the Delian

Cimon's victory of Thasos.

Persia

455

Spartans

over

involved

in

at

the

Messenian

Eurymedon;

revolt

revolt.

Full peasant democracy at Athens (Ephialtes and Pericles), replacing pro-Spartan leadership (Cimon); alliance with Argos; Athenians conquer Boeotia.

456

Athenians

454

Destruction of Athenian expedition in support anti-Persian revolt in Egypt; League treasury ferred from Delos to Athens.

of trans-

449/8

Athenian mination

ter-

447/6

Athenians

445

Thirty

occupy

Aegina.

victory at Salamis (Cyprus) of hostilities with Persia. ejected

years'

peace

from

Boeotia

between

and

Athens

leads

to

Megara. and

Sparta.

444

Athenians S. Italy.

found

'pan-Hellenic'

440/39

Revolt

Samos

and

435

- 433

Athenian

431

- 421

First part War').

of

alliances of

the

429

Death

of

428

First

eisphora

425

Capture of in tribute

424

Thucydides himself campaign; Brasidas

422

Deaths

of

Cleon

421

'Peace

of

Nicias'.

418

War

the

416

Athenians

415

- 413

in

with

Corcyra,

Leontini

Peloponnesian

War

etc.

('Archidamian

tax)

levied

at

Athens.

Spartans at Sphactería; massive increase assessment (not mentioned by Thucydides). in office as strategos; captures Amphipolis.

and

Brasidas

Peloponnese

before

between

Delium

Amphipolis.

Sparta

and

Argos.

Melos.

expedition.

Final

411

Oligarchy

410

Command

part

of at

of

the

Peloponnesian

War

('Decelean

War').

Athens

Athenian

Thucydides'

fleet

entrusted

to

Alcibiades;

text.

406

Athenian

victory

at

405

Spartans

destroy

last

394

Persian fleet under the command destroys the Peloponnesian navy

Cnidos.

Thurii,

Byzantium.

(property

conquer

413

of

at

Pericles.

Sicilian

end

colony

Restoration

Arginusae. Athenian

of

Athenian

fleet of at

at

the the

Aigospotamoi. Athenian Conon the battle of

hegemony

in

the

Aegean.

xi

INTRODUCTION

l.

The

Greek

Tradition

of

Historical

Writing

It may seem surprising at first sight that writers should take such ἃ prominent place in the syllabus of literature. Historians today are people who research

of history classical the past

with

to

more

or

less

rigorous

scholarly

methods

in

order

produce

interpretations of their sources which will be acceptable to everyone;.history is an academic discipline, a science. Even if we have abandoned the nineteenth-century idea that there is a set of 'laws of historical development' which it is the task of historians to try to discover, history is still a discipline which has little to do with literature. Many modern historians are, of course, extremely readable; but where events in the past are described in an overtly literary way, we feel we are faced with something quite different - a popular biography, or, if clearly fictitious, a historical romance. Thí$ clear distinction between history as an academic discipline and story-telling as a branch of literature did not exist in the ancient world. This is not surprising when the cycle of stories which all Greek children listened to at public festivals, and spent much of their time at school trying to learn off by heart, revolved around one particular event, the Trojan war, which, it was firmly believed, actually happened in the historical past. For people who had been brought up on Homer, any enquiry into the past (ἱστορία) was first and foremost a matter of narrating events similar to those about which Homer had composed his epic: the great deeds of heroes - largely how they slaughtered one another!. It has been suggested that Homer's Iliad must bear much of the blame for the extremely narrow subject matter treated by most historians in the ancient world (and indeed Western Europe since the Renaissance), who ignored religious, cultural, social and economic history and devoted themselves to politics and diplomacy, and especially the description of wars. It became a standard element in introducing a historical monograph telling the story of ἃ war to say that it was particularly hard-fought, disastrous, or heroic, and therefore deserved to be remembered. In

the

including

early

the

fifth-century

Athenians

and

B.C.,

the

various

Spartans,

Greek

came

to

communities,

be

involved

in hostilities with the Persian empire; the story of these events was told in a literary form by Herodotus of Halicarnassus, a city on the western coast of Asia Minor which had passed from the Persian to the Athenian sphere of influence as a result of these wars. In the first sentence of his history, Herodotus

1

This was of course the standard Beowulf or the Nibelungenlied.

subject-matter

of

'oral'

epic

-

cf.

xii

tells us why he thought the story worth repeating: 'to preserve the memory of the past, and so that great and extraordinary achievements, some done by Greeks and some by foreigners, should not come to be without glory; and particularly to show how the two peoples came to fight one another'. ἔργα μεγάλα τε xal ϑωμαστά - that was the subject matter of the historian. A historian even felt that he had to apologise if his material included insufficient wars and massacres (see e.g. Tacitus,

Annals

IV.32).

In what, then, lay the difference between history and other ways of telling stories, like epic? One obvious formal difference is that history is in prose. But the main distinguishing factor is what one might call the 'truth-principle': the historian must not only deal with real events (epic poets often do so too), but unlike the epic poet he ought, in theory, to avoid exaggeration or fabrication of any kind. This is an important contribution which historians have never ceased to consider of the essence of historical writing. It is probable that it originated among the Ionian Greeks who were conquered by Persia in 546 B.C., and forced to come to terms with the fact that their traditions about the past - like their religious beliefs conflicted with and often utterly contradicted those of other peoples within the Persian Empire, such as the Egyptians. Some Ionian writers tried to collect and systematise the myths, legends and genealogies associated with their cities; these 'logographers' - for all that Thucydides (1.20) dismisses the information they assembled as most unreliable - were highly critical towards Greek tradition and tried as best they could to reconstruct what seemed to them to be the 'truth'. The most important of them, Hecataeus of Miletus, began his work with the observation that 'the tales told by the Greeks are many, and they are ridiculous'. But a historian was not just giving an account of true events as they actually occurred. As Herodotus says in his preface, he also has to explain what led to these heroic con-

flicts:

δι΄

ἣν

αἰτίην

ἐπολέμησαν

ἀλλήλοισι.

Here

again

Greek

historians were developing an idea which occurs at the beginning of the Iliad: after stating its subject matter, the quarrel between Achilles and Agamemnon which led to such great slaughter, the poet says he will begin with the beginning of the quarrel,

and he asks which of the gods was responsible for ἄρ σφωε ϑεῶν ἔριδι ξυνέηκε μάχεσθαι; (rliad 1.8).

it: τίς τ΄ (It was

in fact Apollo, who punished Agamemnon for insulting his priest Chryses.) Herodotus too feels he has to account for the origins of his war. He gives his readers a long series of connected stories to explain why Persians ended up fighting Greeks. In fact he has several different levels of explanation. Firstly there is a series of political events which forms a coherent chain: the Persians invaded Greece because the Athenians had sent some ships in support of a revolt by the Ionian Greeks against Persia; and so Herodotus goes back in history to explain that the Persians ruled the Ionian Greeks because they had

xiii

annexed

the

Lydian us

empire;

by

telling Herodotus

also

of

political

events,

dotes: for a conquest

about

the adds

in

turn

Lydians many

very

that

and

stories

often

requires

how

they

which

personal

are

or

him

to

conquered outside

romantic

example, that the Persians were persuaded of Greece by a Greek physician at Darius'

begin Ionia.

this

chain

anecto plan court called

Democedes who wished to return to his own city of Croton (III.129 ff.). Such stories were obviously very entertaining, and many later

historians

little

else

in

who

wrote

their

largely

works.

In

to

the

entertain

case

of

some

included

very

'rhetorical'

Greek historians of the Hellenistic and Roman periods, difficult to distinguish between history and romantic

it is fiction.

But in addition Herodotus imposed on particular sets of actions an explanatory scheme in terms of supernatural punishment of those human beings who rise above their proper

station:

they

evoke

the

envy

(φϑόνος)

and

anger

(νέμεσις)

of

the gods, who destroy them. Particular actions may be mentioned by Herodotus - king Xerxes throws golden chains into the Hellespont when rough seas prevent his army from crossing from Asia into Europe; this is a direct insult to the god of the sea (VII.35). But often this offence against the proper order of the universe consists in a general situation rather than particular crimes: Cyrus crosses the river Araxes and is destroyed for his presumption in going further than a human being should (1.204.2); but no specific case of insolence to the gods is mentioned. Because Polycrates, tyrant of Samos,

is

more

powerful

is nothing 43).

he

and

can

do

more to

fortunate escape

the

than anger

a of

man the

should gods

be,

there

(III.39

-

In trying (nct always successfully) to impose this pattern of explanation on events, Herodotus was applying an important principge of historical analysis - that the 'cause' of an event need not be another specific event, but a general situation or state of mind on the part of a person or community, which provokes reactions from others. What the historian does

is

select

specific

events

or

actions

which

illustrate

the

gen-

eral situation. The specific events which Herodotus selects are significant not so much in their own right, but because they are suitable examples of the tendency towards arrogance

which

it

is

the

function.of

gods

to

check.

In

other

words,

the historian is not someone who lists all the empirical historical 'facts' he can find; he has a pattern of explanation, and selects those facts which seem to him the most suitable symptoms or illustrations of that pattern. Herodotus himself may not have been entirely aware of the distinction between 'hidden' explanations and their easily identifiable symptoms. But the value of this distinction for the development of a historical method is enormous; it allows us to see that, for example, the view that the first world war was 'caused' by the assassination of the Archduke Franz Ferdinand at

χὶν

Sarajevo does not preclude the view that it was also the culmination of decades of European imperialism. It was Thucydides who noticed the importance of the distinction, and he virtually arranged hís account of the causes of the war between Athens and Sparta from 431 - 404 B.C. around it. This systenatic analysis of causes makes the first book of Thucydides as stimulating as any modern account of the origins of a war?.

in

the

Thucydides

has

Herodotus;

indeed

idea

of

Herodotus. and

no

he

including (For

Pausanias,

particular

time

τὸ

the

see

for

at

the

one

'romantic'

point

μυϑῶδες,

and

'Herodotean'

p.xli

individuals

ff.

this

as

the

cause

well

of

found

rejects

refer

to

Themistocles

Personal

ignored;

of

explicitly

may

treatment

below.)

are

type

(1.22.4)

details

history

about

progresses,

individual commanders and politicians do tend to play a greater role - but that may simply be ἃ reflection of an actual historical development: as both Spartan and Athenian armies campaigned away from the control of their home governments, their generals began to have a wider area in which they were forced

to

exercise

In

the

their

first

ist';

unlike

own

books

initiative

Thucydides

Hecataeus

and

is

-

as

during

certainly

Herodotus,

he

the very

does

Sicilian much

not

a

campaign.

‘rational-

simply

repeat

the stories told him by his informants - he never gives us alternative versions, but only tells us what he thinks is the better illustration of his own interpretation; and he never mentions his sources. His primary interest is in what we might call 'sociological' factors, in particular the importance of finance and naval power. No-one before him had thought of analysing fight-

ing

in

terms

of

concepts

orary of Thucydides, who is traditionally

Oligarch', same

analyses

principles.

such

as

these.

an anti-democratic given the curious

Athenian Some

society

modern

in

scholars

theory

and

virtually

to

prove

none

or

about

disprove.

There

The division of the work into eight books appears to be due to Hellenistic critics, in nine and thirteen books.

3

Thucydides

tell

us

general

424

B.C.,

little

Amphivolis in Thrace, all the 'information'

was

more

held

one who

Thucydides?,

?

in

terms have

Thucydides and 'the Old Oligarch' were since we have no evidence at all about was,

Strangely,

about

is

himself

responsible

of

for

contemp-

exactly

even

argued

the that

and the same; but 'the Old Oligarch' this

however

was who

a

political pamphleteer sobriquet of 'the Old

is

a

a

difficult

simpler

not Thucydides' own - it also produced editions

than

the

and spent the next twenty in ancient biographies of

that

he

Athenian

was

elected

loss

of

years in exile. Almost him is based on (mis-) interpretations of the text itself. Nevertheless there are indications that he had connections through his father Olorus with the Thracian nobility, and also with the Philaids, a powerful Athenian family whose members included Miltiades, the victor of Marathon, Pericles' opponent Cimon, and Cimon's son Lacedaemonius, who is mentioned by Thucydides (1.45.2). For various theories as to the identity of 'the Old Oligarch' see M. Treu in Pauly-Wissowa, Realencyclopadie, IX A 2 (1967) 1959 ff.

ΧΝν

alternative. In the late fifth century there were several men who for the first time thought about their society in terms of its financial and maritime power, because for the first time in Greek experience they were faced with the existence of an empire which was founded on these two factors.

2.

Athenian

Imperialism

The Athenian Empire had arisen as a direct result of the role of Athens, and in particular her navy, in the war against the Persian invaders in 480 - 479 B.C. Previously the most powerful Greek states had been the twin Dorian communities of Argos and Sparta. Spartan power was based on the fact that the citizen body, which called itself the ὅμοιοι (equals), controlled a very much larger population of serfs, the 'helots'. Since the citizens could live off the produce of these serfs, they could all devote the whole of their time to civic activities and in particular to military training; thus in spite of their relatively small numbers (there were only about 10,000 homoioi at the time of the Persian wars) they turned themselves into the most efficient military machine in Greece. But the fact that Sparta was intensely militaristic did not mean that it was also expansionist. Spartans did not like to go on campaigns outside the Peloponnese. One reason for this was fear of a helot uprising; for unlike slaves, who formed part of the households of free citizens, helots were the property of the Spartan state as a whole, and continued to live in communities of their own. There was thus always a possibility that as soon as the Spartan army was outside Laconia, the helots would rebel. There were in fact several serious helot revolts in Laconia and Messenia during the fifth century B.C. (see Thucydides I.101). There was also another reason why Spartans did not like long military campaigns. Sparta was even more totalitarian than most Greek communities; the homoioi were loathe to tolerate any citizen who was more powerful than his peer-group. Clearly a man who commanded a Spartan expedition abroad would, if the expedition were successful, win himself an exceptional amount of prestige and political influence with the

commanders

of

Sparta's

allies,

in

addition

to

the

the

material

rewards of successful warfare. This situation was complicated by the fact that the Spartans had hereditary military commanders, their two kings. The Spartans were always afraid that one of these two kings might obtain more influence than was proper as a result of a military campaign - in fact, that he might make himself a tyrant. Spartan history is full of brilliant military commanders who were persecuted by their own people because they were too successful: e.g. king Cleomenes (see Herodotus V.39 ff.); the regent Pausanias (Thucydides I.131-4); or the admiral Lysander after the end of the Peloponnesian War. Four other Spartan kings were deposed between 491 and 394 B.C.

were

Nevertheless there was a period of Spartan prepared to use their military expertise

history when they for expeditions

xvi

beyond their own borders. A series of such campaigns during the second half of the sixth century led to three major results. Sparta permanently replaced Argos as the most powerful state in Greece; the defeat of Tegea in Arcadia led to a system of unequal alliances through which Sparta came to be recognised as the leader of much of the Peloponnese; and the deposition of tyrants in Sicyon, Corinth and elsewhere gave Sparta the reputation of being the protagonist of ἃ 'free', republican form of government. Thus when in 510 B.C. certain aristocratic families at Athens wished to overthrow the local tyrants, the sons of Peisistratus, they naturally turned to Sparta, and it was a Spartan army under king Cleomenes that freed Athens from tyranny. The Athenian families which had called in Cleomenes soon quarrelled among themselves, and those supported by Sparta were in fact defeated; but Sparta continued to be recognised as the most powerful state in Greece, and the Athenians appealed to her for assistance in repulsing the Persian expedition sent by Darius in 490 B.C., and were quite prepared to accept Spartan leadership when Xerxes decided to conquer Greece in 480 B.C. After the Persians had been defeated by the Greeks at Salamis in 480 and Plataea in 479 B.C., there was a strong feelshould they that allies Greek of the some of part the on ing put an end to Persian control over all the Greek-speaking cities on the eastern side of the Aegean. The Spartans, whose king Leotychidas commanded the allied fleet, had reservations,

but

the

Greeks

did

sail

to

Ionia,

defeated

the

Persian fleet at the battle of Mycale and admitted the Aegean islanders to their alliance (see Herodotus IX.106). In the following year the Greek fleet was commanded by the Spartan regent Pausanias; he expelled the Persians from Cyprus and then attacked Byzantium, which controlled (as it still does) the principle crossing from Asia to Europe. When the Persian garrison was expelled, Pausanias was hailed by the population as the liberator and benefactor of their city. This was exactly what the Spartan homoioi did not like to see happening to any of their officers, and they immediately summoned him back to Sparta to stand trial for treason. Although Thucydides mentions another Spartan commander, Dorcis, who was sent out the following year, the Spartans seem to have been as glad to be rid of involvement in overseas adventures as the other Greeks were to be rid of Spartan commanders (see Thucydides I.94f.). For practical purposes those Greek states which to carry on the war against Persia now had to find leader, and after the brave role she had played at

proposed another Salamis

Athens

in

was

the

obvious

choice.

Some

years

before,

483

B.C.,

Themistocles had managed to persuade the Athenians to allocate the income from newly-discovered silver deposits at Laureum to the upkeep of a navy, and thus the Athenians happened to have one of the largest fleets in Greece during these crucial years. Representatives of the allied states

xvii

met at the temple of in the autumn of 478 agreement, but there

Apollo on the island of B.C.; we do not know the is no reason to suppose

resume

is

(I.96

-

97.1)

misleading.

States

Delos, probably exact terms of their that Thucydides'

which

were

unable

or unwilling to provide ships for the war-effort were to pay a contribution to be kept in Apollo's temple at Delos under the supervision of a committee of ten Athenians; there were obvious advantages if responsibility lay with just one particular state and, clearly, no-one was envisaging that there might come a day when the Athenians would use this fund to control unwilling subjects. But this was exactly what did happen, and it seems to have happened quite soon. As soon as 477 or 476 B.C., the Athenians attacked Carystus, at the southern end of Euboea, and forced the city to join the Delian League. Our only source for this operation is Thucydides (1.98.3), and he does not tell us whether it was purely Athenian or involved the other allies as well. Carystus had been a Persian base against Attica in 480 B.C., and it is at least possible that the Athenians wished to eliminate potential Persian supporters (they had already subjugated the strategically important city of Eion at the mouth of the river Strymon in Thrace, which the Persians had controlled). Some years later the Athenians moved against Naxos: Thucydides says explicitly that 'this was the first city to be enslaved in contravention

of the terms of the League' -noórtn τε αὕτη παρὰ τὸ μαϑεστηκὸς ἐδουλῶϑη. Again, we do

πόλις ξυμμαχὶς not know the context,

and it has been argued that what the Athenians suppressed was a pro-Persian conspiracy among the Naxian aristocracy. The next case of Athenian intervention against a Greek state, Thasos, in about 465/3 B.C., seems to have been a purely private dispute between the two states about who was to control the Thracian coast with its important mineral wealth. Greek cities had been fighting each other because of rivalries of this kind for centuries, and there was nothing new about Athens trying to eliminate the influence of Thasos. That had nothing to do with the Persian threat, nor with loyalty to the Delian League. What was new was that once they had defeated Thasos, and all the other states, the Athenians now had a mechanism through which they could perpetuate their control - the alliance, which bound all League members to Athens. The Athenians by themselves would hardly have had the human or financial resources to control effectively a hostile state like Thasos, except rather drastically by slaughtering the inhabitants; but paradoxically they could control the whole of the Aegean by using the alliance to ensure that all the member states continued to obey the same rules. They

there ships,

The

were

had and

helped

been those

two

in

this

categories

who

money-contribution

by

the

of

provided

or

φόρος

a

fact

allies

that

-

from

those

money-contribution

(tribute),

was

by the Athenians to pay themselves to fit out which might often actually be manned by hired

the

who in

start

provided instead.

fact

used

extra ships rowers from

xviii

allied cities; thus the allies were both paying for and manning an Athenian fleet which was substantially larger than the one the Athenians would have been able to provide from their own income and manpower. The Athenian naval empire, financed by phoros, was therefore something quite unprecedented, and it is hardly surprising that other Greek states, and in particular the Spartans, should soon have come to see it as a threat. This was particularly so during the 450's B.C., when the proSpartan leaders at Athens had been removed from power by

the

so-called

‘radical

democrats’,

Ephialtes

and

Pericles,

and for some years overseas expeditions to the Black Sea, Cyprus and Egypt were combined with a bid for control of a land empire in Boeotia and the Megarid." Hostilities lasted for several years without the Spartans making much headway; but in 447 B.C. the Athenian hoplite army was heavily defeated at Coronea in Boeotia. In the following year the Spartans made a thirty-years' peace-treaty with the Athenians, who lost their control over the states on the mainland but retained the Delian League. It was this peace agreement which the Spartans and their allies revoked in 431 B.C. Why were the Athenian peasant farmers prepared to go and fight to expand their empire in places like Cyprus and Egypt, and later in Sicily? It used to be suggested that Athenian military expansion was advocated by groups of merchants and industrialists who needed markets for their products, much as British industrialists supported the imperialism of Sir Charles Dilke or Joseph Chamberlain in the nineteenth century.? Unfortunately, there is no

evidence

at

all

for

Athenian/Corinthian

trade

rivalry;

Athenian vases, for example, had already replaced Corinthian products in the western Mediterranean by the mid-sixth century B.C.; so the Athenian attempt to conquer Sicily in 415/413 cannot have been to take control of markets away from the Corinthians. Even if there had been a group of powerful industrialists at Athens (and we must remember that in all ancient societies - and right up to the industrial revolution - manufacturing was of very minor importance compared to agriculture), these men would have been 'metics', non-citizen resident aliens, who would have been quite unable to pressurise —— c

"

An indication of the scale of Athenian military operations overseas during these years is provided by a famous inscription (Meiggs & Lewis

No. 33) giving the names of 177 Athenians from tribal units, all of whom died in the fighting (460 or 459 B.C.). This was the theory put Mythistoricus (1907).

forward

by

Francis

just one of the ten of one single year

Cornford

in

his

Thucydides

c]

xix

the

self-sufficient

(popular assembly) adventures.

peasant and

voted

farmers to

risk

who

attended

their

own

tne lives

EuuANcıa on

military

If

there was indeed an economic reason why Athenian peasants were imperialists, it was that in the ancient world (as in many 'developing' states today) political power was seen to be one of the most effective ways to acquire wealth. To us, it seems highly improper that a man with political responsibility should expect to be given presents, or bribes, by those who need to make use of his services. But the ancients were quite clear about what was and what was not morally acceptable: to act against the best interests of one's polis as a result of a gift was bribery, but to be given a gift as a sign of gratitude by a social inferior for having done him a favour was something to be proud of. After all, what was tribute if not an institutionalised form of gift-giving by inferiors to superiors®? The possession of empire therefore enormously increased the opportunities of Athenian officials for acquiring wealth. In any dispute amongst themselves, subject states would now turn to the Athenians to judge between them. Individual Athenians would no doubt receive bribes and presents from these ambassadors, and the city as a whole would receive a thank-offering from whichever party considered it had obtained satisfaction. Perhaps the Athenians would have to send a commission to investigate the dispute; in which case they would be lavishly entertained and be given more gifts. There were other, permanent, commissions, e.g. inspecting the proper payment of tribute, or making sure that all coinage minted within the empire accorded with Athenian specifications. The ancient account of the Constitution of Athens attributed to Aristotle says that the empire created 700 extra ad-

ministrative

offices

('A9nvacov

Πολιτεία

24.3

-

assuming

that

the

text is sound). More direct sources of wealth for Athenian citizens were the cleruchies - originally garrison colonies on land in subject states which had been confiscated and was apportioned to poorer Athenians; but in the later fifth

century,

the

μληροῦχοι

(allotment-holders)

seem

to

have

spent more and more of their time, and of the income from their allotments, at Athens, where they continued to exercise full civic rights. At the level of the community as a whole, there was the fact that after the cessation of hostilities against the Persians in 449 B.C., the Athenians decided that they would use the tribute from their allies to rebuild the temples on the Acropolis which the Persians had destroyed. The fact that in democratic Athens the quota of one-sixtieth of the tribute which each year was set aside for the goddess Athena (to whose temple at Athens the tribute was moved from Delos in 454 B.C.) had to be inscribed on a marble stele set up on the Acropolis for all to see, would have brought to everyone's 6

It has only been in the last couple of centuries that the American and French disciples of Locke have developed the notion that taxes are payment for services rendered to the taxpayer by the government, rather than gifts symbolising submission to a superior.

ΧΧ

attention at Athens

the and

Because

direct connection between rising the control of the empire.

Athens

had

since

4627}

B.C.

been

living

a

standards

community

in

which

every peasant wealthy enough to provide himself with hoplite armour had had equal access to even the highest offices of state, the material benefits of the empire really did go to all the men who had to do the actual fighting. In a democracy in which office-holders were chosen by lot, every citizen had a chance of political office; and office-holding meant wealth. As Athenian power increased, so the wealth coming into Athens increased. One important result of this was political stability. For half a century up to 411 B.C., Athens was free of stasis, the strife between rich and poor that was so typical of Greek cities, and which Thucydides

analyses

in

such

a

frightening

way

(IIT.8BO

-

82).

Athens

was a democracy, and one would have expected the wealthiest citizens to object to having to share power with ordinary peasants. But the aristocratic γένη (clans) were prepared to tolerate this so long as the sum total of prestige and

wealth

continued

to

increase

as

a

result

of

an

expanding

empire. Better to share control of ἃ vast empire with one's humbler fellow-citizens than to have sole control over an impoverished Attica. But of course this only made sense if the empire was expanding - if glory could be won by leading new campaigns to distant lands. The moment the democracy could no longer guarantee expansion, it lost the whole-hearted consent of the wealthy: after the destruction of the Sicilian expedition in 413 B.C., there were widespread defections amongst

Athens'

subjects,

democracy.

3.

and

in

Imperialism

411 and

the

oligarchs

democracy

went

overthrew

the

hand-in-hand.

Rhetoric

The

unprecedented

phenomenon

of

Athenian

imperialism

did not merely require new attitudes towards financial administration and naval technology. It also led to the development of rhetorical theory. The need to explain one's point of view clearly and persuasively has traditionally been associated with democratic institutions like the ecclesia or the popular courts. The Greeks themselves believed that the first professional teachers of rhetoric, Corax and his pupil Tisias, developed their techniques as the result of an enormous increase in litigation following the establishment of a democracy at Syracuse in 466 B.C. The (not entirely correct) notion that rhetoric can only flourish in a republic became a standard motif in antiquity, and since. At Athens too the inauguration of a democratic regime meant that the ruling families had to adopt new techniques in order to remain respected and influential; many of Plato's dialogues (e.g. the Protagoras) show how keen young men of wealthy families were to learn from professional teachers of rhetoric, the Sophists,

xxi

how

to

there

succeed was

in

public

life

another

reason

why

-

the

πολιτική

statesmen

at

τέχνη.

Athens

But

had

a

par-

ticular interest in developing the ability to think critically and express their thoughts persuasively. The Athenian Empire presented them with many problems for which no straightforward solutions were prescribed by ancestral tradition. The entirely novel administrative methods of the Delian League meant that Athenian politicians could not refer to the authority of precedent; they had to think through for themselves the implícations of, for example, changes in the cost of the upkeep of the allied fleet, or of increasing the rate of tribute, and once they were clear in their own minds what it was they wanted, they had to explain their innovations to the peasant citizens who sat on the βουλή (executive council) and constituted the demos. And apart

from

the

novel

problems

arising

from

the

fact

that

their

naval empire was a new development, the Athenians also had to come to terms with the fact that they had more power over other people than ever before. In 427 B.C., for example, the ecclesia was faced with the question of what to do about the city of Mytilene, which had been recaptured after revolting against them (Thucydides tells the story in book III); there was no clear precedent handed down by ancestral tradition, so the only thing that could be done was for different speakers to lay alternative proposals before the demos - and try to persuade the demos that their proposal was better. (In the end the Athenians decided not to massacre the entire population of Mytilene, but merely the wealthiest thousand or So.) The development of rhetoric was therefore an essential instrument for the smooth running of an empire ruled by a democracy. And it is hardly surprising that none of the great literary figures active in Athens in this period remained uninfluenced by these new techniques. The most obvious sign of this is the appearance of formally structured speeches in tragedy, in comedy, and in history. Very often these speeches appear in pairs, like the argument in Aristophanes' Clouds between the proponents of old and new ideas of education, or between Jason and Medea in Euripides' Medea 465 ff. (431 B.C.) Generally we find that the second speech of the pair picks up

point

by

point

the

assertions

made

in

the

first,

and

the

literary

convention is that it is normally the last speech which has the better arguments (ἃ convention which is no doubt founded on the reality that it is always easier to be persuaded by the arguments of the man to whom one has been listening last). The literary representation of conflicts between opposing arguments can be in the form of a dialogue as well as set speeches - for example the discussion between Creon and Haemon in Sophocles' Antigone (640 ff.); and in Thucydides there is the famous ‘Melian Dialogue' (V.85 - 113), which rehearses much the same arguments about justice and the right of the stronger as are put into the mouth of Thrasymachus in the first book of Plato's Republic.

xxii

This

convention

of

the

ἀγών

(contest)

between

speakers

with

opposing views is merely an example in fifth-century literature of the wider development of antitheses. The Greek language was naturally prone to structuring ideas in terms of polar

opposites

because

it

possessed

words

like

μέν

and

δέ;

but

that

on its own does not explain the enormous popularity of antitheses in the literature of fifth century Athens. Again the most important reason is perhaps the need to explain novel ideas clearly to a mass audience. As Aristotle pointed out (Rhetoric 1410a 20 ff.), people like antitheses because they often find it easier to understand a thing when they are told what its opposite is, particularly when the two contraries are placed side by side. There is of course a danger that for the sake of stylistic balance antitheses may be thought up which are unreal

and misleading, like the sophistic contrast between justice (τὸ δίκαιον) and expediency (τὸ ξυμφέρον), which appears so frequently in Thucydides' speeches - for example in the debate about how to punish the people of Mytilene for having revolted against Athens (III. 37 - 48); the Corinthians try to show how vacuous this distinction is in their speech against Athens (see I.42). Nevertheless this way of structuring arguments was extremely useful in practice, and it became an important source for the development of formal logic. Teachers of rhetoric produced handbooks in which antithetical arguments were categorised and listed (e.g. the socalled Dissoi Logoi, dealing with the meaning and use of pairs

of

words

like

Óya9óv/xaxóv,

xaAóv/atoxoóv,

6(xavov/A&6vxov).

Given this general intellectual climate, we should not be surprised to find that Thucydides often expounds the policies

of

states

and

individuals

in

formal

set

speeches,

instead

of

merely giving a summary in reported speech; though, in fact, he frequently does that too, as in his detailed report of the contents of the Corcyreans' speech at Corinth (1.28). ΝΟΣ should we be surprised that these speeches often come in pairs, with the second speech replying to points raised in the first, as in the speech of the Corinthians (1.37 ff.) where they answer the arguments of the Corcyrean delegation to Athens: since they speak last, convention leads us to expect their arguments to be superior, and that may well have been Thucydides' view, but the majority of Athenians was not convinced. Homer had already made use of speeches as a literary so had Herodotus, and although, in many of his speeches, rhetorical 'technique' used to persuade the audience is

series

of

παραδείγματα

(precedents,

Latin

exempla),

some

device; the only a long

are

well-argued and clearly influenced by the ideas of the Sophists - e.g. III.80 ff., speeches in which three Persian noblemen advocate democracy, aristocracy and monarchy respectively. The fact that Herodotus explicitly asserts that such a discussion actually took place shows that he was aware that his audience might assume that he had invented the whole thing because the literary form of his account is completely that of a Greek agon. If we take Herodotus' assurance seriously, we must assume that dressing up these speeches in ideas and forms from contemp-

xxiii

orary

Greek

torian's view,

in

too;

the

he it

are

on

is

not

did

not

in

principle'.

explains

chapter

cations;

which

oratory

'truth

his

method

clear

put

opinion

seems

attitude

(1.22).

from

into

his

That

towards

These

those

direct

to

the

Thucydides'

been

formal,

speeches

speeches

speech,

undermine

have

set

were

Thucydides

that

he

did

hisspeeches

not

fabri-

summarises

know

roughly

what was said at many important conferences and debates. But what he has done is select certain occasions as particularly appropriate for a detailed analysis of the policies and motives, hopes and as fears, of particular states or individuals; and to give as pure, 'ideal' an impression as possible of these policies, he has dressed them up in the language his contemporaries thought most appropriate - that of the rhetoricians. It has been argued that because many of the most important teachers of rhetorical techniques, such as Gorgias of Leontini, did not come to Athens until well after 431 B.C., Thucydides is being anachronistic when he puts these figures of speech into the mouths of

speakers

in

the

43O's

B.C.

But

there

is

no

doubt

that

many

of

these rhetorical tricks, especially the antithesis, were being used much earlier than that; and in any case this would not prove that Thucydides invented the content of the speeches he reproduces. Nor does Thucydides' sophisticated use of rhetorical techniques prove that the speeches were insertions added later to the narrative text.

4.

The

Arrangement

of

Material

in

Book

I

These, then, were some of the constituents of Thucydides' cultural environment which influenced his selection and arrangement of material when he came to write up his narrative of the war which began in 431 B.C.: a tradition of storytelling about wars, which went back beyond Herodotus to the

Iliad;

the

critical

collection

of

'facts'

undertaken

by

Ionian

logographers; the tendency of fifth century Greeks to analyse situations in terms of clear, distinct 'types', normally arranged as pairs of opposites; and the fact that in democratic Athens policy had to be expounded in public speeches. There were some further could present his account, every writer in antiquity;

roll

from

which

his

readers

limitations on the way Thucydides material limitations which affected in particular, the form of the papyrus

would

read

out

the

text

he

wrote.

With a codex (a book made up of pages) one can refer backwards and forwards with comparative ease; if the reader has forgotten what was said a couple of pages earlier, there is no problem about looking up the passage in question. And a writer who wishes to provide information which he feels supports his argument but would break up his line of thought can relegate this to a footnote or an appendix at the end of his book. But when a writer uses a papyrus roll instead of a codex, he has

to in

include all the his text. When

necessary information at the relevant point he has finished his digression or 'excursus',

χχὶν

he then has to remind his readers what it was that he was saying before. Most ancient writers were not very conscious of the problems caused by these continual interruptions of their line of thought, because this limitation imposed by the form of the papyrus roll was masked by the very similar limitations caused because literary works were normally broadcast orally, perhaps before an invited audience, or in the agora to anyone who cared to listen. In the Hellenistic and Roman period special buildings, odeia, were erected for such recitations. Such an oral recitation required an order of treating events very similar to that which teachers of rhetoric recommended for speeches. Whether composed as a speech or written on a papyrus-roll, the account could only be 'unravelled' in one direction: there was no choice but to begin at the beginning, and to stop whenever new information was introduced to tell the audience all about it in a digression before going on with the main narrative. Thucydides in fact states explicitly that he is not writing a recitation to please an audience (1.22.4), but a work of reference of permanent value. This is another respect in which his work is almost unique in antíquity, and it has been suggested that he thought of himself as a collector of data like the early medical scientists of the school of Hippocrates at Cos’. Nevertheless he does in fact use literary forms appropriate to ἃ public recitation - so much so that it has been suggested that his first book is built up ín accordance with the

rhetorical

rules

introductory appeal to the interest and

how the

about

the

form

of

speeches:

there

is

an

(πρόλογος or TTPOOLLULOV, Latin prooemium) sympathy of the audience (Thucydides states

important his theme is task of assembling the

in chapters 1 - 19, and how difficult evidence was in 20- 22) and he apologises

in advance for the lack of 'entertainment value' (22.4). The account of the causes of the war, Corcyra, Potidea and fear of imperialism, fulfil the same function of providing background information as the διηγήσις (Latin narratio) in a speech. The πρόϑεσις (Latin argumentatio) begins with book II, the treatment of the war itself. Because Thucydides did not for some reason complete his history, there is no ἐπίλογος (Latin peroratio) as there would be in a speech, but the two books dealing with the Sicilian expedition, which form a finished account in themselves (and may well have been published separately by Thucydides) do end with a short epilogue (VII.87.5 f.). It is not necessary to suppose that Thucydides was consciously trying to apply rhetorical rules; the similarity may rather be that Thucydides, like the sophists, was trying to say what he had to say in the

most

sensible

possible

way.

Rhetoric

entirely artificial but an attempt way to put across an argument.

to

after codify

all the

is

not

most

something effective

? This theory is largely based on Thucydides' obvious interest in describing the symptoms as well as the social and moral effect of the great plague which struck Athens in 430 B.C. (II.47 ff.).

XXV

The

Purpose

of

the

'Archaeology'

Thucydides begins at the beginning, by telling us what it is that he proposes to write about: 'the war Peloponnesians and Athenians, as they fought against

-

τὸν

πόλεμον

τῶν

Πελοποννησίων

xal

'A89nvatov,

ὡς

exactly of the each other'

ἐπολέμησαν

πρὸς ἀλλήλους. The second half of that sentence suggests that he was at great pains to define his subject very carefully indeed. This would have been extremely important sínce in antiquity a potential reader could not 'unravel' the whole of a scroll the way we can leaf through a book before deciding whether it is worth reading; he had to know what was in it at once. Thucydides intended his history to be about the subject he mentions so precisely in his first sentence: the war. He does not promise to tell us about the history of the Athenian Empire, or about Athenian economic or social affairs, or about domestic party politics, or diplomatic relations with Persia, and we are not entitled to be disappointed if we find that he gives no systematic account of these subjects. He does promise to tell us about warfare, and about this specific war between Athenians and Peloponnesians: and any information about these other topics, about which twentieth century readers would so dearly wish to have more information, is given only when it is relevant to an understanding of the course of the war. It may of couse be that Thucydides made mistakes when he decided what was relevant and what was not (in particular he may well have underestimated the importance of Persian policy during the first part of the war), but we cannot criticise him if his account of the fifty years between 480 and 431 B.C. (the 'Pentecontaetia') is insufficiently detailed, or if he ignores aspects of Athenian financial policy like the increase

in

tribute

in

425/4

B.C.;

about these things, it is help us to understand the Having why it is by saying

ἔργα

if

he

only war.

does because

give he

us

any

thinks

information this

will

stated his subject, Thucydides goes on to tell us worth reading about. Just as Herodotus had begun that the things he was going to talk about were

μεγάλα

τε

xal

9ouactá,

so

Thucydides

says

that

right

from the beginning he expected this war to be a great one, 'more worthy of consideration than any previous war, the greatest disturbance ever to have affected the Greek world, and indeed one might almost say humanity as a whole'. This is a large claim and he feels he has to justify it - particularly to an audience brought up to worship the Iliad. He does this in a survey of earlier Greek history, the so-called 'Archaeology'. After just two sentences, Thucydides has been forced to give us his first digression, ἃ digression which already worried commentators in antiquity - like the Augustan critic Dionysius of Halicarnassus, who thought that having an excursus at such an early point of one's narrative broke the rules of rhetorical effectiveness (On Thucydides 19).

-

xxvi

In fact the digression is there validate Thucydides' argument. It

a

list

of

empirical

'facts'

which

because it is does this not

support

his

necessary by giving

thesis

to

(for

Thucydides is quite aware of how unreliable his evidence about the distant past was) but by postulating a theory about the way Greek society developed which implies that in earlier ages the Greeks could never have had the resources to fight major

wars.

Thus

the

'Archaeology'

is

not

ἃ

list

of

major

events

in bronze age and archaic Greek history: it is an analysis of the economic weaknesses of early Greece, with illustrative examples. At first, continual migrations meant that people saw no reason for producing any surplus. Political instability had the same effect in more fertile areas. Nor did Greece have sufficient political unity to use any such surplus to mount a major war; here Thucydides uses philological arguments to show that even at the time of the Trojan war, Greeks did not yet see themselves as a single people. The next factor he wishes to discuss is sea-power: without experience of sea-faring, the Greeks could.never have mounted the expedition to Troy. He suggests that the development of maritime power was due to Minos, and that it was a measure

taken

against

piracy

in

order

to

secure

the

revenues

of

the

empire. This leads to a discussion of piracy and of brigandage in general, once extremely common and even socially acceptable occupations. Thucydides notes that there was a time when every-

one

had

to

carry

arms

to

defend

themselves

from

bandits.

This

leads him to make some remarks on the history of costume which are perhaps not entirely essential to his argument, namely that after it was no longer necessary to carry weapons, there was a period when the rich dressed very luxuriously; after that more simple tastes in clothing prevailed, as in Thucydides' own time. The Spartans were the first, he says, to abandon luxury (presumably when the homoioi adopted their egalitarian lifestyle), rich Athenians only very recently (with the development of the democracy in the first half of the fifth century). It was Minos who took the first steps to suppress piracy and brigandage, and this allowed coastal settlements to develop trade, build up their financial resources and defend themselves with city-walls. Thucydides then integrates the story of the Trojan war into his argument by showing how it illustrates his theory of the gradual accumulation of capital. Agamemnon's power did not originate in oaths of obedience which all the Greek chieftains, as suitors of Helen, had sworn to her father Tyndareus; but rather in his possession of pre-eminent wealth, the nucleus of which had been brought from Asia by his ancestor Pelops. With this wealth Agamemnon was able to finance a navy. (Thucydides says that Homer's statement that he ruled many

islands

implies

that

he

must

have

had

a

navy

to

control

them.)

Nevertheless, considering that the whole of Greece was involved, the army which went to Troy was not very large; Thucydides analyses Homer's statistics on the number of ships

xxvii

and the size of their crews: much shortage of manpower as

οὐχ

hà ó6Avyav8Bponta

τοσοῦτον

'the reason shortage of

ὅσον

for this was not so capital resources' -

ἡ ἀχρηματία

(1.11.1).

To

prove this assertion, Thucydides points to the fact that Agamemnon had to keep sending some of his men off on foraging expeditions, thus diminishing the military effectiveness of the expedition. Even after the Trojan war, the factors he had mentioned as preventing the accumulation of capital (migrations and political instability) continued for centuries. But revenues improved hand in hand with the development of tyranny and of sea-power. Thucydides gives a list of the major maritime empires of the

past;

but

he

notes

that

none

of

them

possessed

a

fleet

as

powerful as contemporary states, because of technological developments such as the invention of the trireme. Nevertheless, these navies were important, and the basis of powerful empires: he stresses that warfare on land never led to the acquisition of a stable empire, even in the single case of ἃ war which did involve a large number of Greek states, that between Chalcis and Eretria (the so-called 'Lelantine War'). But these naval empires encountered a number of obstacles: one was the Persian conquest of Ionia, the other the rise of tyranny, which he had already mentioned. Tyrants were interested only in their own families, and hence never achieved anything worth writing about (he makes an exception of the Sicilian tyrants, who had successfully fought against the Etruscans and Carthaginians) .° Tyranny was in fact suppressed especially by the Spartans; soon after came the Persian wars, and the subsequent division of Greece into an Athenian and a Spartan alliance. Thucydides suggests that the long period of rivalry between the two alliances meant that both were at a peak of military effectiveness in 431 B.C. He also notes that because Athens forced most of her allies to pay a contribution in money, her private resources were considerably larger than they would otherwise have been. Sparta on the other hand collected no tribute: later in book I, there are more references to her inability to match Athens in this respect. There Thucydides’ analysis of the concentration of financial and naval power ends. But he feels he should make some remarks about the difficulties of investigating the distant past to justify his hypothesis (1.20); and he notes how mistaken popular beliefs can be - he mentions the story of Harmodius and Aristogeiton the tyrannicides (which he later deals with in greater detail, VI.54ff.). These difficulties apply to more

8

Thucydides is of course referring only to military operations, not to the important contributions of the tyrants to the social and cultural development of Greece (see A. Andrewes The Greek Tyrants and W. G. Forrest The Emergence of Greek Democracy).

xxviii

recent history too, and Thucydides notes two common mistakes about the Spartan constitution which can be traced back to Herodotus. The evidence he has used to reconstruct the more remote past is the most reliable there is, more reliable than that of the poets, who exaggerate, or the 'logographers' like Hecateaus, who collected legends about the origins of their cities. He goes on in a famous 'chapter on method' (1.22) to state the principles he has himself followed in his search for reliable information about the past. His use of the sophistic distinction between logoi and erga has led to considerable argument about the extent to which Thucydides' speeches were largely his own invention: logoi in fact refers to all the combatants' motives and justifications for their actions, as set forth in dialogues, reported speech, letters and treaties as well as set speeches. What Thucydides wishes to stress is the historian's responsibility to arrive at his own interpretation of events despite the contradictions and prejudices of his sources - another clear criticism

of

Herodotus,

then than

whose

history

goes on to argue makes up for its

story-telling

(τό

μὴ

Thucydides

must

have

in

mind

when

he

that the accuracy of his own account more unattractiveness by standards of Herodotean

μυϑῶδες:

see

xliif.

below).

These chapters on method form an excursus of their own, and Thucydides now reminds us what hís argument had been by comparing the Peloponnesian-Athenian war with the greatest war in the past, the Persian war. He notes that the Peloponnesian war brought unprecedented suffering; there had been great destruction py human agents (corresponding to Herodotus' ἔργα μεγάλα), as well as natural calamities like the plague (Herodotus' ϑωμαστά). The

to

Alliance

with

Corcyra

Before he begins tell us what the

thirty

years'

These

are

truce

divided

his narrative of reasons were for

made into

plaint

(τὰς

αἰτίας

reason

(τὴν

ἀληϑεστάτην

felt

of

threatened

the

first

by

aitia;

between two

πρῶτον

Athens

classes:

xal

τὰς

πρόφασιν

Athenian

the the

and

the

Sparta

immediate

διαφοράς 1.23.6)

-

imperialism.”

Athenian

war, Thucydides proposes formal abrogation of the

intervention

in

1.23.5)

the

fact

There

in

a

446

causes

and that

follows

war

B.C. for

com-

the

real

Sparta the

between

account

Corcyra

and Corinth about control of the city of Epidamnus (Dyrrachium/ Durazzo). Thucydides begins with a digression telling us where Epidamnus is, who founded it, and what the point at issue was. In form this is no different from the ethnographic descriptions with which Herodotus introduces peoples he has not mentioned before, although it is extemely brief and Thucydides has no reason to describe any peculiar local customs. The account of subsequent hostilities is similarly straightforward, and the aims of the different parties involved are given in reported speech. The only

>

The meaning

of the

phrase

ἀφανεστάτην

δὲ

λόγῳ

has

cussed by scholars; Athenian imperialism is in fact speeches which Thucydides chooses to record, but he

been much

dis-

a major theme in those may nevertheless be

right in saying that most Greeks at the time were less conscious of it as an explanation for the war than of the Corcyrean and Potidean questions

(see

Bibliography:

Causes

of

the

War).

ΧΧῚΧ

personal

comments

Thucydides

chooses

to

add

to

the

narrative

out the particular attention the people of Corcyra paid to navy. He carries his narrative on to the destruction of a Corinthian fleet at the battle of Leucimme (435 B.C.), and

military The

preparations

Corcyrean

in

response

434

is

to

and

433

turn

to

B.C.

for

the

a

second

Athenians

point their their

expedition.

for

assistance.

At this point Thucydides gives us his first pair of speeches, one by the Corcyrean delegation stating the reasons why Athens should accept their request for an alliance, and one by the Corinthians arguing that they should not. The

speech

Corcyreans

speak

is

appeal

with

an

first.

for

The

regular

sympathy

way

(Latin

to

begin

captatio

such

a

benevolentiae),

either becuase you had in the past helped the people you were addressing, and had a claim on their gratitude, or because they had previously helped you, so that you had a right to expect them not to change their previous attitudes. But Corcyra had no previous relations of any kind with Athens, and could not take this line. Instead, the speakers have to prove two things: that the alliance they want is in the Athenians' own interest, and that the Athenians can rely on reciprocal benefits in the future.

First,

the

however,

Corcyreans

wish

to

answer

any

possible

crit-

inconsistent are they that them, against be made may that icism suddenly abandoning their policy of neutrality. They admit that this policy was mistaken: they had hitherto been able to defeat the Corinthians alone, but would now be much weaker than tne combined Peloponnesian fleet which they expected the Corinthians to lead against them.

The

main

argument

comes

with

chapter

33.

The

first

in

point

stresses the justice of their case: the Corcyreans are not aggressors. Secondly, expediency: Athens will win the undying gratitude of Corcyra, a state which has a very powerful fleet which will be ἃ great asset to Athens in the war with the Spartans which (they assert) is bound to come. The next chapters deal with two possible objections on grounds of strict legality: that Corcyra belonged to Corinth, because it had been founded by Corinthians (the Corcyreans claim that any rights the mother-city might have had, had been forfeited by her unreasonableness in rejecting arbitration to resolve the dispute over Epidamnus); and that an alliance would break the thirtyyears' peace with Sparta (it would be unjust, they suggest, for the Corinthians to be allowed to collect supporters and hire mercenaries not just from the Peloponnese but from the Athenian Empire too, while Corcyra was not allowed to look for allies anywhere). After dealing ‚with these objections, the Corcyrean speakers remind the audience of their main point, that the alliance would be in Athens' interest because (a) Corcyra will be a reliable ally since both states have the same enemies and (b) Corcyra has a powerful navy. The

peroration

of

the

speech

repeats

the

point

that

war

with

ΧΧΧ

Sparta is certain to come, and lists the help Corcyra could provide Athens (in fact, Corcyra was crippled by internal unrest from 427 B.C..onwards, and could play only a minor part in the war: see III.70 ff.); they make the additional point that it was key port on the route which warships would have to take if they intended to sail towards Italy or Sicily. The final sentence summarises the whole argument: if the Athenians stood by while Corinth gained control of the Corcyrean fleet, they would have to fight both fleets together in the coming war with Sparta.

a

The Corinthians begin their speech by saying that they must first answer certain irrelevant accusations made by their opponents - that they were aggressors, and that Corcyra had been the victim, with respect to Epidamnus. This leads to a narratio of background information similar in form to an excursus: the reason why the Corcyreans had never joined an alliance was that their geographical position gave them independence together with control of ships sailing to the Adriatic and to the west; they were in fact pirates who did not want to restrict their opportunities to extract fines from those who had to use their harbours, by entering into formal alliances with anyone else. They then try to answer the Corcyreans' point that Corinth had forfeited its rights over its colony; they say that since all their other colonies accept the mother-city's hegemony, it must be Corcyra that is being unjust and disloyal. As for the point about arbitration, that was a ploy which the Corcyreans only thought

stand

up

by

when

and

see

they

realised

them

destroy

that

Corinth

was

not

going

to

Epidamnus.

The Corinthians suppose that they have answered the accusations made against them, and that they can now go on to state their argument, that it would be unjust for Athens to make an alliance with Corcyra. They admit that the terms of the treaty of 446 B.C.

do

not

forbid

ἀγράφοι

πόλεις

(cities

which

had

not

yet

joined

in

one of the two alliances) to apply for membership. But this, they claim, cannot refer to states who are in revolt from members of one of the alliances. Athens would be greatly harmed if this were allowed - and the Corinthians point to the fact that when

Samos

revolted

from

Athens

in

440/39

B.C.,

they

had

persuaded

the

Spartans not to give the Samians any nelp!?. This argument by the Corinthians is only valid of course on the assumption that Corcyra was subject to them in the same way as Samos had been to Athens, and that was clearly not the case. The Corinthians next go on to claim that the Athenians owe them a debt of gratitude for help which they had received from Corinth in the past (in strong contrast to the Corcyreans' admission that they had no right to expect any such charis): they refer to

19

The

Corinthians

countenance

might

a planned

also

have

revolt

by

mentioned

Mytilene

that

the

(III.2.1).

Spartans

refused

to

xxxi

twenty ships which the Corinthians had lent Athens, probably in 486 B.C., during a war with Aegina (see Herodotus VI.89 and 92), and again mention the case of Samos. Thirdly, the Corcyreans' arguments about where the Athenians' best interests lay. Self-interest, they suggest, consists in making the least number of mistakes. There is no certainty that there will be a war: on the contrary, the Athenians themselves can take steps to make a war less likely, for example by sorting out their differences with Megara!!. It was far from certain that a naval alliance with Corcyra would be in Athens' better interest than a 'just' foreign policy. The Corinthians end with a peroration which to Samos: the Athenians ought not to undermine each state should be allowed to retain control dependencies.

refers yet again the principle that over its present

Thucydides gives us the result of the debate: the Athenians had to hold a second meeting before they finally accepted the proposal for a purely defensive alliance (an epimachia, not a symmachia). He comments that there were three factors which led to the Athenian decision: they expected that there would soon be a war, and liked the idea of having the Corcyrean navy on their side; they thought that if they helped Corcyra to withstand a long war against Corinth, both sides (and presumably Corinth in particular) would be weakened, much to the Athenians' advantage; and thirdly, the point that the Corcyreans had made, that they were a crucial staging-post for fleets sailing to Italy!?. Thucydides contines with a straightforward account of how the Athenians sent a small force of ten ships to support Corcyra, and how these ships ultimately openly intervened in a battle between 110 Corcyrean ships and a Corinthian-led fleet of 150 ships. The battle was a Corinthian success, but they were

unwilling

to

press

home

their

advantage

because

of

the

fortuitous

1!

The Athenians had recently passed a number of decrees directed against the people of Megara, which ritually insulted them by banning them from public places at Athens like temples or the agora. There is no reason to assume that these decrees were intended as an economic boycott to weaken a rival trading-city.

1?

come scholars have expressed scepticism about the evidence for Athenian alliances with Italian or Sicilian towns such as Leontini, Egesta and (see Meiggs & Lewis Nos. 37, 63 and 64) before Athens had Rhegium irrevocably committed herself to involvement in the West through her But this passage suggests that Thucydides may alliance with Corcyra. have believed that there were some Athenians who, even before this date, thought in terms of expanding their empire westwards - despite Pericles' opposition, and their failure to retain control over the pan-Hellenic For contrary arguments. colony they had founded at Thurii in 444 B.C. 'Athens and Egesta', Journal of Hellenic Studies 92 see J. D. Smart, 128 - 146. (1972)

xxxii

arrival of a second fleet from Athens!*. some Corinthian messengers were sent to complain to the Athenians, who said that they were only aiming to protect the integrity of Corcyra. Thucydides puts the messengers' complaint, and the Athenian reply, into direct speech, and it is interesting to see how the two little speeches balance one another sentence by sentence. Thucydides concludes his narrative of the Corcyra affair with an explanation why both sides claimed victory, and an account of the Corinthians' return voyage, and their treatment of the prisoners they had taken, which makes it clear that this was merely ἃ prelude to further hostilities. A final sentence reminds the reader that this was the first cause

for complaint δὲ αὔτη πρώτη

which the Corinthians ἐγένετο τοῦ πολέμου.

dides' accouht of the as significant in the break of hostilities.

The

Revolt

of

had against Athens - altla It is followed by Thucy-

second incident chain of events

which which

he has led to

selected the out-

Potidea

Potidea was the only colony of Corinthian origin on the Chalcidian peninsula in the North-eastern Aegean. It was vitally important for Athens to control this area, in order to prevent the spread of Macedonian power in the region, which might - and in the following century, under Philip II, did threaten Athenian imports of gold and timber from the Northern Aegean, and of grain from the Black Sea. Athens' keenness to have a colony of her own at Amphipolis!" represented a political if not economic threat which was resented by the Chalcidian Greeks, the Thracians and the Macedonians alike. Fear of possible Macedonian expansion also lay behind the alternations in Athens' diplomatic relations with Macedonia: while she welcomed a friendly Macedonia (partly because this would make it easier to obtain the timber needed by the Athenian fleet, but mainly because any military hostilities against a semi-tribal state like Macedon would be expensive, prolonged and indecisive), she preferred a weak Macedonía, and was thus prepared to support any rival chieftain who challenged the king's power. Hence the war referred to at 57.2. The Macedonian king Perdiccas retaliated

13

Thucydides' list of the commanders of this fleet (1.51.4) is one of the few passages where he, or at least his manuscripts, give information which contradicts what we know from independent sources (Meiggs & Lewis No. 61); see Marchant's note on p. 45, line 21 below

(p. 14

196).

Ennea

Hodoi,

465

B.C.

(Thuc.

I.100.3);

and

again

in

437

B.C.

xxxiii

by exploiting the discontent of some of the cities within the Delian League. Potidea appears to have had its tribute assessment massively increased from six to fifteen talents in 434 or 433 B.C. (Gomme, Commentary I p. 211); and the Chalcidians and Bottiaeans, who joined Perdiccas against Athens, resented the fact that Athens had consistently refused to recognise the existence of their federations as political entities. Thucydides does not mention these complaints; and although he explains the connection with the Macedonian war, it is the Potidean link with Corinth that he chooses to stress, since it is that link that draws the Corinthians, and with them the rest of the Spartan alliance, into the war with Athens which is Thucydides' theme. It is this need to stress the involvement of Corinth, rather than any hypothetical difficulties Thucydides may have had with his sources on the Potidean side, which makes him omit details of chronology, and results in an extremely summary account of Archestratus' and Callias' operations against Macedonia (59.2 and 61.2). Instead, Thucydides concentrates on the intervention of the Corinthian general Aristeus. He is consistently represented in a positive, almost a heroic light.!? Thus Thucydides has no hint in chapter 65 of criticism for Aristeus' curious disappearance from the besieged city. Various reasons have been suggested - that Thucydides' Corinthian informant was Aristeus himself, whom Thucydides personally interrogated after his capture by the Athenians (who executed him - II.67); or that Thucydides was ingeniously criticising Herodotus' ex-

tremely

hostile

references

to

Aristeus'

father

Adeimantus,

according to tendentious Athenian sources - had behaved cowardly fashion during the Salamis campaign (Herodotus 59; and 94).

The

Spartan

Assembly

Votes

for

who

-

in a VIII.5;

War

Thucydides chooses to highlight Aristeus' role in the Potidean revolt (rather than that of Perdiccas) in order to give the Corinthians a second aitia against Athens. In his opinion, it was Corinthian involvement which led from two local conflicts to a general war between the 'superpowers'. The context of this development was a meeting of the Spartan citizen-assembly which considered an appeal by Corinth that, as leaders and protectors of the Peloponnesian League, the Spartans should declare that Athens had broken the existing peace treaty, and that they should intervene militarily against Athens to save the Corinthian colony of Potidea. Thucydides’ introduction to this debate in chapter 67 shows that he was well aware that other states apart from

15

It has been suggested that the phrase which Thucydides uses to describe his uncertainty as to which way to turn at 63.1 is almost Homeric in tone (cf. Iliad 13.455-7: see tlestlake, Essays ch. 4).

χχχὶν

Corinth had complaints against Athens; he specifies Aegina and the so-called 'Megarian Decree' (cf. footnote 11 above), but it is the Corinthians' complaints which he has selected as significant. Thucydides' account of the debate before the Spartan Assembly consists of four speeches. The first, by the Corinthians, is answered by an Athenian delegation, which 'happened to be there on other business' (72.1); the third, in which the Spartan king Archidamus - after whom the war of 431 - 421 B.C. was later called - urges caution, is answered by a short speech by Sthenelaidas, one of the five Spartan Ephors, in favour of war. This 'tetrad' of speeches has raised several problems in the minds of commentators. Are some, or all, of them Thucydides' own invention? It seems a coincidence too good to be true for Athenians to have been on hand for some unexplained reason in order to answer the Corinthíans' complaints. So if we suppose that the Athenian speech is Thucydides' own invention, might it represent a later insertion into the account - did the original debate consist simply of one pair of speeches, with Archidamus answering point by point the Corinthians' arguments in favour of going to war? And if Sthenelaidas' bellicose summing up was also

inserted

later

to

balance

the

Athenian

speech,

does

the

difference in content between the two pairs of speeches represent a shift in Thucydides' own interpretation either of the fundamental causes of the war, or of the morality of Athenian imperialism? Scholars who thought that they could differentiate between 'early' and 'late' passages of Thucydides have suggested that the early version of the history put all the emphasis on Potidea and Corcyra as the 'causes' of the war; only later did Thucydides come to realise that the real reason was Peloponnesian fear of Athenian expansion, and this was why he added the Athenian speech. Further, it has been argued that the Athenians' justification of their power shows that the 'late' Thucydides him-

self

believed

that

the

courts giving equal morally better than

speech

must

have

Athenian

Empire,

with

its

system

of

law-

justice to citizens of subject states, was other empires (and that consequently the

been

added

after

the

collapse

of

that

empire

in

404 B.C.). On the other hand almost the opposite has also been argued: just because the Athenian speech does not answer the specific complaints of Sparta's allies but talks about the empire

in

general

terms,

Thucydides

it - and therefore it livered in 432 B.C.

Such

interpretations

must

can

have

correspond

assume

that

had to

no a

motive

speech

Thucydides'

for

inventing

actually

two

types

de-

of

explanation are mutually exclusive. But in fact the Corcyra and Potidea disputes are not alternative explanations to Spartan fear of imperialism; they are instances of that expansionary imperialism in practice. And none of the four speeches is redundant to the particular question facing Sparta at this point, whether she should go to war. The Corinthians explain why she should. The Athenians point out that (a) Athens represents no danger to Sparta, and (b) her power is such that

XXXV

action would be unwise. The Spartans then consider how to react to these propositions - with restraint, as Archidamus

argues,

or

with

emotion,

as

Sthenelaidas

feels.

The

four

speeches do not represent the political programmes of different interest-groups, each of which could be considered separately; rather, each consists of a group of arguments on the question of whether Sparta should go to war. Consequently the Athenian speech is not in fact a defence, moral or otherwise, of the Athenian empire: it is a statement of fact about Athens' real power, warning Sparta against misunderstanding that fact. Nor

should

we

see

Archidamus

and

Sthenelaidas

as

representatives

of two parties or factions within the Spartan leadership (of course, there may well have been such factions, and Thucydides may even have been aware of their existence, though he nowhere leaves that impression): they rather Bymbolise two different responses to the problem posed - one based on a cool assessment of the practical possibilities, the other an emotionnot could she which conflict a into Sparta led which reaction al win (at least not until the Athenians had destroyed themselves

in

Sicily). The

Corinthians

restraint blind

to

foreign

Spartans the the Greeks'; into details

ydides Athens

begin

(σωφροσόνη),

with

which

affairs

polemical

say

(ἀμαϑίᾳ).

attack

has

This

led

on

blindness

has just told us all about them). Sparta to rebuild her defences and construct the

parenthesis,

Spartan

them

to

be

has

made

'enslave to Athens allowing for co-responsible the Corinthians say that there is no need to go about Corcyra and Potidea (rightly, since Thuc-

Walls after the Persian Wars returns in chapter 89); just in the past, so now they are their sense.

a

they

the

criticism

(a theme to which as they failed to failing to resist

Corinthians is

meant

in

add a

(in

chapters

constructive,

allowed Long

Thucydides resist Persia Athens. In

68 not

and a

69)

that

hostile

TO justify the assertion that Athens is a danger, the Corinthians go on to sketch out the Athenian psyche as they see it - ever keen for innovation and dissatisfied with what is there. Consequently the Athenians by their very nature (70.9: πεφυκέναι) are intolerant of peace and continually need to expand their empire. It is necessary to remember that the views expressed are not Thucydides' own - and even if they were, there is no need to try to make them conform to the quite different picture of the Athenian character which appears else-

where

(e.g.

in

Pericles'

funeral

speech,

II.35

ff.):

they

there to convince the Spartans that Athens is a danger. ilarly, the Corinthians' critique of Spartan conservatism

ἀρχαιότροπα)

is

not

a

general

statement

in

favour

of

are Sim(71.2:

'progress':

its function is to show why Sparta's unwillingness to fight is inappropriate in the particular case of Athens. The Corinthian speech contains one other strong argument, though it is only hinted at in the peroration - the threat that if Sparta will not protect its allies, they will abandon the alliance (71.4-5).

xxxvi

Just as the Corinthians have been arguing about Athenian expansion in general, so the Athenians - as Thucydides ex-

plicitly

remarks

in

his

own

person

(72.1)

-

are

not

interested

in answering the specific complaints of Sparta's allies. In the introductory section of their speech, they themselves use the formal distinction between forensic and bouleutic oratory to repeat that they are not justifying themselves, but poining out, first, that the fact that they hold an empire is nothing to be surprised at, and secondly, that their city is

‘worthy

of

consideration’

-

i.e.

the

Spartans

should

tread

warily before provoking a war. Later they repeat that their account of how Athens' role in the Persian Wars led to the acquisition of empire is not intended to give them a moral claim to Sparta's sympathy, but as an assertion that Athens' power makes her Sparta's equal (72.2-3). Hence the stress on the size of Athens' fleet at Salamis, and the reference to Themistocles' plan to abandon Attica to the enemy (warning the Spartans that Athens under Pericles would be prepared to do the same). The acquisition of an imperial role is repeatedly said to have been a 'normal' thing. This is not a claim that the empire is 'just', but a reply to the Corinthian proposition that the Athenian character, unlike anyone else's, was naturally aggressive. The Athenians were offered the leadership of the Delian League under particular historical circumstances, and subsequently fought to retain what they had, for reasons of fear and prestige as well as advantage: that makes the Athenians no different to the Spartans (chapter 75). In direct contrast to the picture of Athens painted by Corinth, the Athenians point out how restrained their hegemony is - unlike other imperial powers like Persia, they allow citizens of subject states equal access to the justice of Athenian law-courts. Indeed, the aftermath of the Persian wars shows that Spartan rule had been less popular than Athenian, and very likely would be so again (not necessarily proof that Thucydides wrote this passage after the Greeks had had experience of Lysander's decarchies). In their peroration, the Athenians add in chapter 78 one further important argument why the Spartans should be very careful in considering where their best interests lie: the unpredictability of war, particularly of a long war. The Spartan king Archidamus is explicitly introduced to us as a man respected for his wisdom and moderation. He develops the point (81.6) that a war with Athens is likely to b2 a long war, which the next generation would still be fighting, and its outcome quite unforeseeable. He stresses that Athens' power lies in fields where Sparta cannot match it, ships and money. Neither of these resources can be built up quickly. Sparta's hoplite superiority will not help her, since Athens can import what she needs by sea; and rebellions against Athens by her island allies have no chance of succeeding. This makes victory unlikely - or even the honourable compromise settlement which

xxxvii

the

Corinthians

later

hint

might

be

acceptable

(82.6

and

120.3).

Archidamus proposes an alternative: there is no question of unilateral disarmament, but Sparta must both negotiate peacefully about the issues dividing her from Athens, and at the same time do everything to build up the military resources that give bite to such negotiations. Attica should only be invaded at the last minute: the threat of invasion would help Sparta much more than an actual war, which would exclude any chance of honourable compromise. The Spartan king makes some further remarks rejecting the Corinthian accusation that Spartan caution was equivalent to cowardice, and reiterates that the great danger in war is that chance events upset any rational planned strategy. His peroration appeals to Sparta's ancestral tradition of self-restraint, and urges the acceptance

of

Athenian

offers

to

have

their

differences

settled

by

arbi-

tration.

The

speech

by

the

Ephor

Sthenelaldas

is

extremely

brief

-

not because Thucydides wants it to illustrate the famed Laconic brevity, but because the opinions it expresses are based on a hasty emotional reaction rather than proper forethought. As Sthenelaídas himself says in the first sentence, he has simply failed to understand the force of the Athenians' speech. He concentrates on emotional arguments about Athenian acts of injustice, and the need to stand by Sparta's allies; he dismisses the fact that Sparta has few ships and little money; he rejects arbitration as a matter of speech-making, and points to divine support to urge the Spartans to vote for war. The Spartans, so Thucydides tells us, are convinced by Sthenelaidas' emotional rhetoric, and vote that the Athenians had broken the terms of the Thirty-Years' Peace.

Thucydides'

Account

The debate regarding the

Potidea

of

the

Athenian

Empire

at Sparta makes it clear that the differences Athenian alliance with Corcyra and the siege

only

crystallise

the

Peioponnesians'

fear

of

of

Athens'

continuing expansion. Thucydides now explicitly repeats the statement to this effect which he had first made in chapter 23.6, and goes on to give an account of the two historical

propositions that

Athens

those 470's

to had

Greek B.C.;

which had

the the

Athenians resources

had to

requires confines

those

a

episodes

to

96

are

their

speech:

leadership

of

empire, quite naturally and unselfconsciously. separate phases of development, and we should

not be surprised that the first while for the second Thucydides fifty

in

the

states which continued the war with Persia in the and that subsequently she applied her resources to

maintain that These are two

of

referred

accept

years. more

which

illustrate

There detailed

is

no

need

because

general

to

a detailed himself to trend

believe

Thucydides

over

that used

account, selecting a

period

chapters

different

88

xxxviii

sources,

whole

or

because

passage,

natively,

that

Thucydides for a work The

but

at

this

into the he never

first

a

never

section

late

got

section

period wrote

stage

he

further is

ἃ

decided

than

survival

to

chapter of

early

re-write

96;

how,

through

alter-

research

of Themistocles' ascendency, (see p.xlii below).

explains

the

or,

by

research

Themistocles'

polit-

ical astuteness, the Athenians were able to rebuild their walls after their city had been sacked by the Persians, at a time when the Spartans had the power to prevent this (as the Corinthians had pointed out at 69.1). Thucydides stresses the effect of Themistocles' achievement in making Athens capable of dealing with Sparta on terms of equality (91.7). Themistocles was also responsible for the fortification of the port of Piraeus, amplifying the view Thucydides has already expressed at 14.3

that it was Themistocles' advocacy of naval the foundations of the Athenian Empire.

power

that

laid

Having accounted for Athens' strength, Thucydides goes on in chapter 94 to explain how in 478 B.C. the Greek allies rejected the leadership of the Spartan admirals Pausanias and Dorcis, and gladly gave the leadership to Athens (see page xvi above). He gives us further details of Pausanias' crimes in a later digression (chapters 128 - 134). There follows the Pentecontaetia proper, Thucydides' account of Athenian foreign policy between 478 and 433 B.C., which he introduces with an editoríal chapter giving the reason for the

digression

(ἐκβολὴν,

97.2):

there

are

no

other

accounts

of

the

period. The criticism of Hellanicus' chronology is curious, since Thucydides' own account cannot pretend to precision!®. But clearly the structural reason for the digression is to illustrate a number of respects in which Athenian power developed. Thucydides does not intend to give us an exhaustive account of Athens‘ foreign affairs, and the section is certainly not intended to be a synopsis of Athens' own history in this period. It is beside the point to criticise Thucydides for telling us nothing about internal faction-politics, or institutional reforms such as Ephialtes' introduction of so-called radical democracy in the 460's B.C., or even the transfer of the League treasury from Delos to Athens.!"? The main theme is Athens' which wished to secede; this unwillingness of most allied

themselves

(when

he

says

at

ability to suppress Thucydides explains states to do any of

99.3

that

the

allies

any ally as due to the the fighting

were

αἴτιοι,

he is not of course expressing a moral judgement, but simply explaining how the Athenians had the power to do it). Only the most interesting illustrations have been selected (98.4: ἔπειτα

16 17

Bellanicus' some

of

history

these

events

of

Attica

are

appears

referred

to

to in

have

been

Section

2

published (p.xv

ff.

after above).

4O6

B.C.

xxxix

δὲ

xal

τῶν

ἄλλων

...).

Another theme is the development of Spartan/Athenian enmity: hence the comparatively detailed account of Cimon's expedition to Ithome, and of the Athenian re-settlement of Messenian

refugees the role

at of

Naupactus (101.2 - 103.3). Corinth leads him into some

Athenian

hostilities

(103.4

and

105

-

Thucydides’ interest in detail on Corinthian/ 106).

Then there is the continuing war against Persia (with no reference to any 'Peace of Callias'), mentioning the Eurymedon, Cyprus, and especially the disastrous expedition to Egypt. The effect Thucydides is here aiming at (especially at 105.3) is to make the reader realise just how many campaigns the Athenians were able to sustain at one and the same time. And one other point that emerges here is that although Athens might lose hoplite battles (108.1), such defeats in no way impeded her ability to continue to expand. Even temporary loss of control of the sea (117.1) did not prevent Athens from ultimately restoring her rule over a rebellious ally like Samos (to which the Corinthians had referred in their address to the Athenian assembly: 40.4 and 41.2).

Congress

of

the

Peloponnesian

League

Thucydides completes his account of the rise of Athenian power by linking the Corcyra and Potidea conflicts into this chain of events (they occurred 'not many years later' than Samos and Byzantium - actually six or seven). These particular causes

of

complaint

Xaréctn)

are

against

all

Athens

specific

(here

instances

labelled

of

the

as

ὅσα

πρόφασις

‘ultimate

cause’

of

the war, the growth of Athenian power. The Spartans had now decided that Athenian imperialism had to be stopped, and if possible destroyed. They accordingly consulted Apollo at Delphi, whose oracle replied that he would support them even if he was not asked to - a reference to the plague, which affected Athens much more seriously than the Peloponnese (II.54.4). But the replies of the gods can not be subjected to the same verification as human logoi: Thucydides carefully distances himself from the god's purported answer with the phrase ὡς λέγεται (118.3). There follows an account of a congress of all of Sparta's allies, summoned to vote on whether the Athenians had broken the Thirty Years' Peace, and had thereby provoked war. This is sometimes called the 'Second Congress' at Sparta, incorrectly the first debate (chapters 67 - 87) was not a Congress of the League, but a meeting of the Spartan Assembly. That meeting had committed Sparta to war; now the Peloponnesian League as a whole had to be persuaded that the war should be fought, and soon, and that it could be won. Again

Thucydides

selects

Corinth

as

the

state

which

crystallises

xl

feeling in favour of war because of her links with Corcyra and Potidea. He gives the Corinthian delegation a speech expressing the view that the Peloponnesian League can win the war; almost every one of the arguments put forward is belied by the actual course of the war as Thucydides later describes it. And these arguments are also controverted by the Athenian leader Pericles in the speech which marks the Athenian decision to go to war (chapters 14O - 144). It may be noted that while Pericles' speech warns the Athenians to avoid emotion, and expresses fear of the unforeseen in war, the Corinthians marshal a series of decidedly non-rational arguments. They begin by praising Sparta for already having taken the decision to fight (referring back to their criticism of Sparta for its passivity in chapter 69), and go on to exhort even those inland Peloponnesian states not threatened by Athens to vote

in favour of men (ἀγαθῶν)

war: even if wise men (σωφρόνων) prefer resist aggression. But the Corinthians

peace, accept

brave that

aya9oi should also be prepared to compromise to bring a war to an end, and they should not be overconfident if they achieve some successes: for luck can be more important than planning (120.4). The course of the Archidamian War bears out the fact that both Athenians and Spartans ignored these propositions at their peril; it is ironical that the Corinthians here think that they buttress the case for war. Subsequent events show that the Corinthians' other arguments were similarly without foundation. The lack of a trained navy could not be overcome by attracting sailors over from the Athenian fleet with offers of higher pay, and the claim that one Peloponnesian naval victory would finish Athens off as a maritime power was soon to be spectacularly disproved by Phormio's battles off Naupactus (II.83 - 92). The Corinthians' argument is the non-rational

one asset

that than

their the

natural

bravery

Athenians'

(φυόει

technical

ἀγαϑόν)

is

a

more

valuable

expertise.

The next suggestion (chapter 122), about supporting revolts by Athens' allies, is shown to be specious by Thucydides' account of the Mytilene rebellion in book III; the proposal to mount a permanent Spartan garrison in Attica was not taken up during the Archidamian War (and after the capture of the Spartans at Pylos in 424 B.C., would have been impossible). The Pylos episode proved that the Corinthians had been quite wrong to count on the support of τύχη. The Corinthian appeal to enthusiasm (εὐοργήτως) is baseless. The Corinthians go on to make an emotional call for unity against Athens, the tyrant city, based not just on the freedom/ slavery polarity, but also on accusations of cowardice (αἰσχρὸν and δειλίαν: 122.3) and comparisons with the ancestors' achievements. A long peroration stresses the support of Apollo (a non-

rational

argument)

and

of

'the

rest

of

Greece'

(which

proved

of

little help), appeals to the racial kinship of the Dorians for support of Potidea against the Ionian Athenians, repeats that a war is fought to make secure the peace that follows (though there

xli

was

-

or

little

that

that

of

was

404,

secure

for

about

that

the

matter),

Peace

and

of

ends

Nicias

with

the

in

421

B.C.

slogan

that

the war was intended to liberate Greece from a tyrant city. Thucydides' account of what actually happened in the subsequent war emphasises the gap between these sentiments and political reality.

The

Stories

of

Pausanias

and

Themistocles

Despite the Corinthians' keenness for immediate action and the support for war amongst a majority of allies, the Spartans were not ready to challenge Athens. Almost a year went by before hostilities began - not, as Thucydides suggests in chapter 125, with a carefully planned invasion of Attica, but with an unexpected attack by Thebes on the Athenian ally Plataea (II.2). To impress upon the reader the length of this intervening

period,

Thucydides

does

not

continue

immediately

with

Pericles'

speech answering the points the Corinthians had made at Sparta and committing Athens to war, but first tells us about diplomatic moves by both sides, intended to strengthen their propaganda position. Both the initial embassy from Sparta, and the Athenian embassy sent in response, deliver complaints based on religious curses whose roots lay in the past, and Thucydides gives us digressions explaining the historical circumstances of two of them. The Spartan demand is for the Athenians to expel the descendants of a group of magistrates who in the seventh century B.C. had executed the supporters of a would-be tyrant called Cylon, although these men had taken sanctuary at the altar of Athena on the Acropolis. The Athenians counter with two similar claims, one relating to some Helots whom the Spartans had killed although they had taken refuge at the Temple of Poseidon at Taenarus, the second to a curse laid upon the Spartans by the goddess

Athena

Chalcioicos

(‘of

the

Bronze

House')

for

having

starved

to

death the Spartan regent Pausanias, although he had fled to her temple as a suppliant. While Thucydides deals with the Taenarus curse in a single sentence at 128.1, he includes a very full explanation of the story of Cylon, and adds a comment giving the reason for this curious diplomatic protest ostensibly made to honour Athena: it was because the Athenian leader Pericles was descended from one of the accursed clans (the Alcmaeonids) on his mother's side, so that although the Spartans knew that there was absolutely no likelihood that the Athenians would actually exile him because of the curse, it might make political life in Athens a little more difficult for him. Thucydides' account of the second Athenian complaint - the curse of Athena Chalcioicos - is much longer still, with details of the various accusations which had been made against Pausanias and of his correspondence with the Persian king, already referred

xlii

to at 95.5. When he has finished this digression by reminding the reader that its purpose was to explain the basis of the Athenian counter-claim (135.1), Thucydides continues with a further digression, telling us that the Athenian statesman Themistocles was also involved in the accusations of co-operating with Persia. It is only after a detailed and highly laudatory account of Themistocles' flight from Argos (where he was living in exile) to the Persian court (chapters 135 - 138) that Thucy-

dides

returns

to

the

diplomatic

activities

of

432/1

B.C.

Why did Thucydides wish to include so much material on issues which (as he himself takes pains to point out) did not motivate the two parties to the dispute in any real sense, but were at best specious pretexts to score propaganda points? Since antiquity, commentators have found these digressions - and particularly the tales of Pausanias and Themistocles - more difficult to account for than virtually any other episode in Thucydides' history!®, and numerous explanations of quite different kinds have been suggested. One simple explanation has been in terms of available sources: that it just so happened that there already existed a written account of the life of Themistocles, which also contained material about the accusations against Pausanias. Various candidates for the authorship of such a biography have been proposed, most plausibly Charon of Lampsacus. Only fragments of his Persian and Greek histories survive!®, and it is not certain just when in the fifth century he wrote. It is certainly possible that he included material about Themistocles in a chronicle of his native city - which had, after all, been allocated to Themistocles for his supply of wine (138.5). Another explanation of the peculiar nature of these episodes has been that they survive from a very early stage of the development of Thucydides' historical method: thus on the unargued assumption that Herodotus is 'more primitive' than Thucydides, Thucydides had not yet escaped from Herodotean notions about history when he wrote these passages. One view has been that the material on Pausanias and Themistocles was originally destined for the hypothetical work on the Pentecontaetia (p.xxxviii above). We may note that the reference to Themistocles' relatives at 138.5 suggests individual research by Thucydides. But even if there is some basis for the assumption that Thucydides was using an earlier work by Charon or by himself, this does not explain why he thought it necessary to include this information in a history of the Peloponnesian War. Still less does it explain why the 'late' Thucydides allowed both the content and the style of these digressions to differ so markedly

18

One

scholiast

13

Jacoby,

commented

FGrHist

(IIA,

1

that

'here

tf.,

No.

the 262.

lion

laughed':

xliii

from the rest of his work. There is the repeated use of λέγεται (132.5; 134.1 and 138.1), as though Thucydides, like Herodotus, here merely repeats stories instead of presenting the reader with his own carefully researched conclusions. There are the fairy-

tale elements of Pausanias seeking the hand of the Great King's daughter in marriage (while Herodotus (V.32) only reports a rumour that Pausanias wished to marry the daughter of the Persian general Megabates); the story of the messenger opening Pausanias' letter to the king and finding that it asked for him to be executed; or Themistocles as a suppliant holding king Admetus' baby. In particular, there are the three letters cited by Thucydides, who elsewhere in his history eschews documentary evidence apart from a handful of peace treaties. It looks as though Thucydides deliberately tried to make the stories of Cylon, Pausanias and Themistocles different from the rest of his history - and remarkably like Herodotus' narrative, which is full of similar quaint stories about how campaigns began for apparently non-rational reasons: personal animosities, or a king's dream. Not only do such patterns of explanation occur no-where else in Thucydides, but he himself has already explicitly told the reader that he saw no place

in

his

work

for

τὸ

μυϑῶδες.

What Thucydides seems to be doing is saying that quite apart from the rational motives for going to war, and the rational arguments about how such a war should be fought - the real which claims non-rational also - there were history of his material the political leaders involved did not themselves believe, but were prepared to manipulate. Such 'curses of Athena' form no part of Thucydides' picture of rational policymaking; but they are precisely the sort of motifs which Herodotus continually used to explain political behaviour. Hence Thucydides' account of the curses is Herodotean - an assertion not only that Thucydides could have written a history to rival Herodotus' if he had wished to, but also that Herodotus in providing such stories had failed to give proper explanations for why men went to war. That is why Thucydides refuses responsibility for

the

veracity

of

these

stories

as he had used the phrase self from the report that Spartans to go to war.

by

using

ὡς λέγεται the Pythian

the

word

(118.3) Apollo

λέγεται

-

just

to distance himhad encouraged the

Criticism of Herodotus also extends to Thucydides' moral judgement of Pausanias, whom Herodotus speaks of simply as a great military leader, and Themistocles, who appears as a dis-

tinctly picture made in could be may also

rule about years

devious character in Herodotus. of Pausanias naturally reinforces chapter 94 that allied discontent ascribed to Pausanias' have been coloured by

(just

as

Alcibiades

may

Thucydides' negative the point already with Sparta in 478 B.C.

personal arrogance. later experience of

have

influenced

Themistocles), but since Thucydides' of the war does not exist, we shall

The picture Lysander's

Thucydides'

account of never know.

the

ideas last

xliv

The Themistocles story digression explaining the

gives

the

reader

mentioned

(69.1)

some

earlier,

and

the

is explicitly separated from curse of Athena Chalcioicos.

additional

the

information

reconstruction

beginnings

of

Athenian

of

about

the

naval

facts

Athenian

power

the It

too

already

walls

(14.3).

But

Thucydides' strong praise for Themistocles as an ideal of the kind of statesman who can see what the future requires, shows that he is not simply giving his reader more facts, or correcting

false

stories

such

in Aristophanes, the walls which

(hinted

at

Knights 84). By praising the construction effectively made Athens into an impregnable

as

that

of

island, and the decision to Thucydides is preparing the

of

Themistocles'

suicide

turn Athens into a naval power, reader for the appearance of the

figure who embodies rational statesmanship by these policies for the coming war: Pericles.

Pericles'

The

First

advocating

just

Speech

Corinthians'

speech

had

signified

the

final

decision

to

fight on the part of the Peloponnesian League. Now Athens has to decide whether to take up the challenge. Apart from the first embassy, with its 'Herodotean' complaints, Sparta sent two further delegations. The second protested about specific Athenian acts of hostility (relating to Potidea, Aegina and the Megarian Decree), while the third delivered ἃ general demand that Athens allow all Greek states to be free - i.e. abandon her empire. Of the many speakers who expressed views on the Spartan ultimatum in the ensuing debate of the Athenian ecclesia, Thucydides chose Pericles to explain why the Athenians had enough confidence in victory to prefer the risks of war to capitulation to Sparta. Pericles' speech is composed so as to contradict the final Corinthian speech almost at every point. While the Corinthians congratulated Sparta on having changed her mind at long last,

Pericles

stresses

the

importance

of

consistency

in

politics:

he hopes that those who support him now will continue to do so even if the unforeseeable chances of war make things difficult. Thucydides here points forward to the reaction against Pericles' policy of restraint in the aftermath of the plague, described in book II. But it is interesting that while Pericles cannot of course foresee the terrible effects of the plague, he is well aware that in war unpredictable factors can destroy all the carefully laid plans of political or military leaders - while the Corinthians (122.1) had actually used the same argument to give them hope. Pericles'

Athens

can

reason

either

be

for

why

Sparta's

war

is

equal,

necessary

or

her

is

a

simple

inferior.

one:

If

she

to be an equal, she must resist any Spartan attempt to enforce obedience; yet Sparta was appealing to force, since she had rejected Athenian offers to go to arbitration, as appropriate to

is

xlv

equals

(ἀπὸ

τοῦ

ἴσου:

140.5).

If

fear

of

Spartan

Athens give in to any one particular Spartan would give in to anything the Spartans might future - and that would make Athens Sparta's

141.1;

cf.

δουλείαν

in

the

Corinthians'

threats

made

demand, then Athens demand in the subject (δούλωσιν:

speech

at

122.2).

The following chapters answer point-by-point the optimistic reasons given by the Corinthians why they expected an easy victory over Athens. The Spartans' Peloponnesian allies are peasant farmers who have no financial resources for a long war, nor for a naval war. The Corinthians had suggested that one Spartan victory would destroy Athenian hegemony; Pericles replies that the Peloponnesians might well win one battle, but the command-structure of their alliance would make it impossible for them to implement any long-term strategies (and there are many instances of that problem in the following pages of Thucydides). But their main weakness is lack of money: this will make it impossible for them to man a fleet, or keep a permanent base in Attica (as the Corinthians had argued could be done in chapters 121 and 122 respectively). Even if Sparta confiscated the treasures of Apollo at Delphi or Zeus at Olympia as the Corinthians had proposed, they could still not buy mercenary sailors from Athens or the cities within her Empire. Pericles goes on to summarise what Thucydides - and most historians since - considered to be the essence of his policy for fighting the war: to abandon the country districts of Attica to the enemy if need be, and retire behind the Long Walls as if Athens were an island - and at no cost to give way to any emotional desire to risk a battle in order to protect Athenian property. This corresponds to Themistocles' policy in the face of the Persian invasion. In his peroration (chapter 144), Pericles again underlines that Athens must insist on being treated as Sparta's equal Athens should accept arbitration, but if Sparta wants her to revoke the Megarian Decree, then she has no right to implement

similar

expulsion

procedures

against

Athenians

visiting

Laconia

and if Athens' allies are to be 'free', then so must Sparta's. He ends with a rhetorical commonplace about the need for Athenians to live up to the precedent set by their fathers during the Persian Wars; but Thucydides has also put into his mouth at 144.1 a more ominous passage warning the Athenians against their own mistakes, and especially the temptation to add to the empire before the war with Sparta had finally been settled - ἃ point which Pericles does not in fact develop in any of the other speeches Thucydides gives him, but which clearly coincides with Thucydides' own view that the disastrous failure of the Sicilian expedition in 415/3 B.C. was the prime reason for Athens' ultimate defeat (11.65.12). Pericles of course died in the plague; whether his policies for the war would in fact have forced Sparta to the conference table after a number of years is arguable, but in any case the compromise Peace of Nicias which ended the ten years of the Archidamian War was not the result of

xlvi

rational planning by either side, but of just such a series of unforeseen events - the capture of Pylos and Amphipolis, the deaths in battle of Cleon and Brasídas (described in books IV 24) - about which Pericles, and Thucydides, had expressed such pessimistic foreboding.

V,

xlvii

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Reprintings subsequent to 1972 a useful introduction by M. I. Commentary:

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405.

(Manchester,

Thucydides' Dates 465 (Longman/Canada, 1972).

1969) 431

53 the

ch. B.C.

- 67:Greek

2.

Themistocles P.

J.

and

Pausanias:

Rhodes:

'Thucydides

on

Historia

19

(1970)

Pausanias

387

and

-

Themistocles',

400.

A.

Podlecki:

The

Life

of

Themistocles

(London,

1975).

R.

J.

Lenardon:

The

Saga

of

Themistocles

(London,

1978).

H.

D.

Westlake:

on

and

'Thucydides

Pausanias

- a Written Source?', 27 (1977) 95 - 110. W.

G.

Forrest:

R.

J.

Lenardon:

A.

J.

‘The

Podlecki:

Thucydides G.

‘Themistokles Quarterly 10

and

the

Chronology

and

(1959)

-

23

(1970)

104

climate Art

of

A.

H.

Ll.

Stadter

(ed.):

Hudson-Williams:

C.

N.

Cochrane:

M.

I.

Finley:

68

D.

H.-P.

of

293

-

in

of Thucydides 19723). in 45

and

the

Science

of

'Athenian

Demagogues',

Society

in

Studies

(London,

1974)

Intelligence in Mass., 1975).

'The

History

1929).

Chance and (Cambridge,

Hammond:

|

73.

(Munich,

L.

Hill,

Athens', = New Series

Thukydides

G.

Athens:

(Chapel

Stahl:

N.

di

Greece

Individuals 1969).

Edmunds:

Rivista

311.

fifth-century

Westlake:

D.

8

1963).

-

Thucydides

Ancient

H.

Pausanias',

"Political Speeches Classical Quarterly

(Oxford,

Historia

Persuasion

The Speeches N. Carolina,

(1951)

Classical 241.

48. and

The

Quarterly

Themistokles'

'Themistokles

(Princeton, P.

of

Exile’,

Filologia

intellectual

Kennedy:

and Argos‘, (1960) 221 -

Ostracism

Themistocles

Classical

Arrangement

Thucydides

of

1

-

25.

(Cambridge,

1966):-

the

in

in

German.

Thucydides

Thought

in

the

Proem and in Other Parts of Thucydides I', Classical Quarterly 46 = New Series 2 (1952) 127 - 141.

11

H.

R.

Rawlings:

The

Structure

(Princeton,

Those who essays on

of

N.J.,

Thucydides'

History

1981).

read German will find Hermann Strasburger's various Thucydides particularly interesting. They have now

been re-published New York, 1982).

in

Studien

zur

Alten

Geschichte

II

(Hildesheim/

The text of Dionysius of Halicarnassus' essay On Thucydides is published in the Loeb series, with a translation by S. Usher: The Critical Essays, I, 462 ff. (Cambridge, Mass., and London, 1974). There is also a translation with commentary by VW. Kendrick Pritchett (University of California Press, 1975).

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ISTOPIQN A (142-143) καὶ

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199

τὰ

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ὧνπερ

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ἴσον

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OUKETL

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ἀπηλμεγάλα

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Πελοποννήσου τε μέρος τι τμηθῆναι καὶ τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν ἅπασαν' οἱ μὲν γὰρ οὐχ ὅξουσιν ἄλλην ἀντιλαβεῖν ἀμαχεί, ἡμῖν δ᾽ ἐστὶ γῆ 10 πολλὴ καὶ ἐν νήσοις καὶ xaT ἤπειρον" μέγα b

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15 τῆς δὲ θαλάσσης

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φυλακὴν

διανοηθέντας καὶ

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ὀργισθέντας πολλῷ πλέοσι μὴ διαμά-

τούτου

ἀφεῖναι,

ἔχειν,

‘We must not. , them in Attica.

χεσθαι (κρατήσαντές Te γὰρ αὖθις οὐκ ἔλάσσοσι μαχούμεθα καὶ ἢν σφαλῶμεν, τὰ τῶν ξυμμάχων, 42) ὅθεν ἰσχύομεν, προσαπόλλυται' οὐ γὰρ ἡσυχάσουσι μὴ ἱκανῶν ἡμῶν ὄντων Em αὐτοὺς στρατεύειν), τήν τε ὀλόφυρσιν μὴ οἰκιῶν καὶ γῆς ποιεῖσθαι, ἀλλὰ τῶν σωμάτων" οὐ γὰρ

τάδε

τοὺς

45 κτῶνται.

ἄνδρας, καὶ εἰ μην

ἐξελθόντας

ἐκέλευον

Πελοποννησίοις ὑπακούσεσθε. 7. τε om.

ABEF

ποννησίονς cett.

ὅτι

ἀλλ᾽’

οἱ

ἄνδρες

ταῦτα

πείσειν ὑμᾶς, αὐτοὺς ἂν

αὐτὰ

δηῃῶσαι xai

τούτων

γε

16. Πελοπονησίοις

δεῖξαι

ἕνεκα (sic)

C:

οὐχ Πελο-

130

144

OOYKYAIAOY

“Πολλὰ δὲ καὶ ἄλλα ἔχω ἐς ἐλπίδα τοῦ ‘Nor must we Τεριέσεσθαι, ἢν ἐθέλητε ἀρχήν τε er δ ἐπὶ μὴ ἐπικτᾶσθαι ἅμα πολεμοῦντες καὶ

κινδύνους

conquest.

αὐθαιρέτους

μὴ

προστί-

θεσθαι' μᾶλλον γὰρ πεφόβημαι τὰς οἰκείας s ἡμῶν ἁμαρτίας ἢ τὰς τῶν ἐναντίων διανοίας. 2 ἀλλ᾽ ἐκεῖνα μὲν καὶ ἐν ἄλλῳ λόγῳ ἅμα τοῖς

‘Let us return

ἔργοις δηλωθήσεται"

νῦν δὲ τούτοις

nswer.'

ἀποκρινάμενοι ἀποπέμψωμεν,

Meya-

ρέας μὲν ὅτι ἐάσομεν ὠγορᾷ καὶ λιμέσι χρῆσθαι, το ἣν καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ξενηλασίας μὴ ποιῶσι μήτε ἡμῶν μήτε τῶν ἡμετέρων ξυμμάχων (οὔτε

γὰρ ἐκεῖνο κωλύει ἐν ταῖς σπονδαῖς οὔτε τόδε), τὰς δὲ πόλεις ὅτι αὐτονόμους ἀφήσομεν, εἰ καὶ αὐτονόμους ἔχοντες ἐσπεισάμεθα, καὶ ὅταν 15 κἀκεῖνοι ταῖς ἑαυτῶν ἀποδῶσι πόλεσι μὴ σφίσι [τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις]

ἐπιτηδείως

αὐτονομεῖσθαι,

ἀλλ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἑκάστοις ὡς βούλονται" δίκας τε ὅτι ἐθέλομεν δοῦναι κατὰ τὰς ξυνθήκας, πολέμου δὲ οὐκ ἄρξομεν, ἀρχομένους δὲ ἀμυνούμεθα.

ταῦτα

γὰρ δίκαια

καὶ πρέποντα

ἅμα τῇδε

20

τῇ

8 πόλει ἀποκρίνασθαι. εἰδέναι δὲ χρὴ ὅτι ἀνώγκη πολεμεῖν (ἣν δὲ ἑκούσιοι μᾶλλον δεχώμεθα, ἧσσον ἐγκεισομένους τοὺς ἐναντίους ἕξομεν), ἔκ

τε τῶν μεγίστων κινδύνων ὅτι καὶ πόλει καὶ ss 3 ἐδιώτῃ μέγισται τιμαὶ περιγίγνονται. οἱ γοῦν πατέρες ἡμῶν vel 18.

ὑποστάντες

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14. τε ABEF rois Λακεδαιμονίοις

16. αὑτῶν secl. Schol.

ΙΣΤΟΡΙΩΝ A (144-146) τοσῶνδε

ὁρμώμενοι,

ἀλλὰ

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ὑπάρχοντα

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δὲ

πρὸ ἀπὸ 3

ΚΚαερκύρᾳ'

δὲ ὅμως ἐν αὐταῖς καὶ

\

During events ceding there

4

/

the prethe war had been

much suspicion,

but communication had been kept up.

παρ᾽ ἀλλήλους ἐφοίτων ἀκηρύκτως , / 4 μέν,/ ἀνυπόπτως δὲ\ ob:» σπονδῶν^ yap\ ξύγχυσις τὰ γιγνόμενα ἣν καὶ πρόφασις τοῦ πολεμεῖν. ll. post τοῖς add. re ABEF

NOTES PAGE

].

1. Θουκυδίδης κτλ. —a formal method of opening, after the manner of the gnomic poets, uot due, as Bloomfield imagined, to ‘the modesty of our author.’ Cf. Herod. init. ; Intr. p. xv. ξννέγραψε--ἃ characteristic word of Thuc., who is known to the ancient critics as ὁ συγγραφεύς,

ποιητής.

It denotes the bringing

much

together

as Homer

in one work

many occurrences—composing in its etymological sense.

is ὁ

of

(How

some find ἃ reference to the hunting up of materials is not clear.)

9. és ἐπολέμησαν— ‘namely, how,’ i.e. ‘ghowing how they waged war.’ Of course different from ὃν é., which would be absurdly tautological.

The aorist is called complezive.

4. ἀρξάμενος (ToU ξυγγράψαι) κτλ — we are to understand that as soon as the war broke out Thuc. began to put down what occurred, and kept a sort of diary of the war.

εὐθὺς kaB.crapévov—supply τοῦ πολέμου. δ. ἐλπίσας —'expecting.' On the relation of the participles here see Intr. p. xli. This first sentence is very characteristic of Thuc., in whose periods form is constantly subordinated to

sense.

Ο.

Müller

well says

forms of period, («) the main

that Thuc.

bas

two

favourite

predication, followed by clauses

giving the cireumstances and reasons, which may in turn be explained in similar clauses ; and (5) the reasons, circumstances

in participial and other clauses followed by the resulting fact or opinion, as in c. 2, 2.

ἀξ

τατον τῶν T. — the illogical form of comparison,

as in c. 10, 3, cf. ‘fairest of her daughters Eve’: Tac. Agric. 34

ceterorum fugacissimi.

It is frequent in Greek. 133

134

THUCYDIDES

6. rex

I

os—‘ inferriug this,’ adding the grounds of the

ἑλπίς. "lhese grounds are (1) ὅτι áxuáforres . ., (2) ὁρῶν . . Thus the clause with ὅτι is co-ordinate with a partic. of cause ; cf. Xen. Symp. 8, 11 τεκμαίρομαι τῇ καλοκἀγαθίᾳ xal ὅτι σε ὁρῶ.

7. ἀκμάζοντές. military

power.’

.

ενῇ -- ‘at the

That

ἧσαν,

not ἦσαν,

height

of their

is the true reading

there cannot be a doubt ; for /éva: és in this pregnant use see L. & S. 8. τὸ ἄλλο ᾿λληνικόν — including the Greeks outside Greece proper. Cf. τὸ ληστικόν, τὸ βαρβαρικόν, τὸ ξενικόν, and many others. 10. καὶ διανοούμενον ---8ο. ξυνίστασθαι, the ellipse of an infin. with διανοεῖσθαι being common, as in 124, 3. "The καί serves to bring διανοούμενον into connexion with ξυνιστάμενον ; we

should put ‘actually’ with τὸ μὲν εὐθύς.

The Sicilian Greeks

are a good example.

yap—as ‘the movement’ meant by κίνησις must be (1) the war

itself, and (2) the

unrest

that preceded it, γάρ cannot

introduce the reason of the expectation that the war would be iinportant, but must be epexegetic. 12. μέρει Tw(—' a considerable part,’ as, for example, Thrace and Macedon. Supply ἐγένετο, ‘affected.’ ὡς

δὲ

εἰπεῖν —qualifring

πλεῖστον.

Note

εἰπεῖν never apologises for a metaphor,

that

ὡς (ἔπος)

but always limits a

sweeping or universal statement. Hence ‘ (it extended, ἐγένετο), one might almost say, over the greatest part of mankind’ ; i.e. it affected perhaps a greater part of mankind than had heen

affected by any previous commotion.

Of course the possible

exception is the Persian wars. (Whatever

be

the

exact

construction

of μεγίστη

δὴ.

dvOpwrwy—and the words are variously interpreted’— Thuc. over-estimates the importance of the war. If we supply μεγίστη

δὴ

ἐγένετο

to

μέρει

τινί

and

ἐπὶ

πλεῖστον,

the

ex-

aggeration is extreme. ἐπὶ πλεῖστον is taken by Classen and others to mean ‘the greatest part of the (known) world’; but

this involves a very great exaggeration of a fact ascertainable ;

and it is unlikely that Thuc.

statement.

would make such a sweeping

It looks also as if πλεῖστον,

‘more

than

before,

were meant to be parallel to μεγίστη, ‘greater than before.’ The text has no appearance of being corrupt or interpolated.) 13. τὰ πρὸ abrav— ‘the events that preceded this disturbance

(κίνησι5).

The

neut.

αὐτά is frequently used by Thuc.

with reference to the details of tlıe subject he is dealing with.

NOTES

135

(This phrase cannot refer to events that immediately preceded the war; for (a) διὰ χρόνον πλῆθος would then be absurd, (5)

Thuc. himself gives an account of the fifty years preceding the war as 8 period well known, (c) the Persian wars could not be included in οὐ μεγάλα

c. 18, 2).

νομίζω γενέσθαι κατὰ τοὺς πολέμους (cf.

Thuc. must be thinking of the period of the Trojan

war and of that between the Trojau war and the Persian war,

i.e. to exact ; 14. 15.

the end of the Tyrants. But the words are very incf. Intr. p. xx). τὰ ἔτι wadalrepa—events preceding the Trojan war. &bóvara—Thuc. frequently uses the neut. plur. of the

verbal or of an adj. for the sing. where tbe subject is an infin.

or a sentence. The use is mainly poetical. τεκμηρίων — these ‘evidences’ are detailed

in

cc. 2-17:

(1) migrations were frequent ; (2) there was no common name ;

(3) weakness by sea; (4) the expeditions by land were on a

small scale and were confined to border-fighting

; (5) the tyrants

hampered Greece proper, and Persia hampered PAGE

d.

Ionia.

2.

1. ὧν belongs to πιστεῦσαι, and is probably attracted from Chambry quotes Soph. 0.7. 646 πίστευσον, Οἰδίπους, τάδε,

for the accus. with

πιστεύω.

ἐπὶ μακρότατον oKxorotyri—‘ by carrying my inquiry to the farthest

limit

(of the

past).’

éwi

μακρότατον

of time also in

Herod. i. 171, in a similar connexion.

5.

οἰκουμένη — this

and

the

following

participles

are

imperfect. 6. οὖσαι---8.. φαίνονται.

τὰ πρότερα —the adverbial accus. in plur. is common in Thuc., but is seldom found in other prose authors. 8. Biatdnevor—the pres. and imperf. of this verb in a ive sense are far less common in other prose authors than in Thuc. ὑπό τινων ale πλειόνων — what is noticeable here is that αἰεί (‘from time to time’) occurs with τινων, and not with τῶν,

which—as

the

older critics note—is

the

usual

form

of

expression.

9. τῆς γὰρ ἐμπορίας xrÀ.—see note on p. 1 1 6. The causes to which the readiness to migrate are ascribed are (1) absence

of commerce

and

intercommunication:

τῆς

yàp

. .

136

THUCYDIDES

I

θαλάσσης : (2) low state of agriculture and absence of capital sunk in the laud: veuöuerol τε. . $vreborres : (3) absence of

demand for anything beyond the necessaries of life, which could be procured anywhere: τῆς T€ . . ἐπικρατεῖν. c. 146.

Uvres—the mid.

is used

in the same sense, e.g. in

At a period when the tribes of Greece regarded

one

another as enemies, it was impossible that ἐπιμιξία should exist,

ἐπιμιξία being

based upon

treaties.

In later times ἐπιμιξία

terminated as soon as ἃ state of war existed. 10.

&«& —the sea as the medium of intercourse.

11. vepdpevor—the

word

is used

of

enjoyment

derived, which may be combined with occupation.

of

profils

The follow-

ing participles—£xorres, durevovres—are circumstances explanatory of the degree of ‘enjoyment’ attained. (νέμεσθαι ws τὸ πολὺ

τὸ Nap Bdvery πρόσοδον παρὰ Θουκυδίδῃ, Photius.) τὰ atrév-—what they had acquired by adverse possession.

12. Seov—i.e. τοσοῦτον, ὅσον, where ὅσον = ὥστε, and is assimilated to the adverbial accus. τοσοῦτον.

&To[fjv—this

word

occurs

used by late writers (Lucian,

nowhere Aelian,

else in Attic, etc.), some

but is

at least of

whom think it means 'to live poorly,' inferring the sense implied in this passage. περιουσίαν κτλ. — had they accumulated stores for the purpose of barter, and had they planted trees, it would have n less easy to migrate.

13. ἄδηλον Sy—accus. abs. 14. ἐπελθὼν καὶ ἀτειχίστων ἅμα 8. —(1) alternative explanations, seldom desirable, are here clearly called for ; (2) taking ἀτειχίστων

ὄντων

first:

the sense is,

‘as they

were

without

walls.’ The simplest way is to suppose this masc. and dependent on ἀφαιρήσεται. This involves making xal. . ἅμα almost equivalent to ἄλλως re xal : καί, we are told, does

not z'and,'

but καὶ. . ἅμα —*particularly,' as in 102, 3 and elsewhere. But (3) this makes it impossible to explain why τις. . ἄλλος, which go together, are separated, because ἐπελθὼν. . ὄντων is not then one expression. (4) This objection is diminished if xal . . ὄντων is taken as ἃ parenthetical gen. abs., either (a) masc., with αὐτῶν supplied, or (b) neut., with subj. supplied from context, like πλωιμωτέρων ὄντων c. 7. (5) The objection disappears if

xa( —'and,' ἐπελθὼν καὶ á. ἅμα ὄντων

stances leading to ἰο88--- ἀφαιρήσεται.

giving

ough

the two

circum-

one circumstance

NOTES

137

is modal—éwehOwv—-the other causal, it is like Thuc. to connect them by καί.

15. dvayxalov—of what will just suffice, as in necessarius cibus.

ἀναγκαῖος is frequently fem. in Plato.

always have two terminations in Thuc. 16. vavraxoó—'anywhere.' The

sense

βίαιος and βέβαιος

any

frequently

belongs to πᾶς and words from it.

17. δι’ abró—'accordingly '; Thuc. often uses αὐτό (-ά) in reference to ἃ previous statement.

μεγέθει--οὐ the number of inhabitants, as in c. 10. 18. παρασκευῇ. naval and military resources, as distinct from κατασκενή, the external adornment of a city. 19. ἡ ἀρίστη--οἴ. τῆς γῆς οὐ πολλὴν ἔτεμον

vi.

T.

The

attraction 18 most common with πολύς, but is fairly frequent with other adjectives.

20. νῦν. . καλουμένη belongs to both nouns. In early times the districts had no general name. 22. 'ÁpkaB(as—the exemption was due to the isolated character of Arcadia, the consequence of its mountains. ἄρκτος, ‘Bear-land’; cf. dpxecos. The Arcadians were unaffected ly the Dorian migration. They prided themselves on bein autochthones (cf. Xen. Hell. vit. i. 28), and on their primeva

antiquity (cf. L. & S. under προσέληνοϑ). xpariora—‘ best,’ the regular meaning of κράτιστος when applied to land. 23. äperhv—fertility.” When Greece was in the village stage, (1) the inhabitants of some districts grew (comparatively) wealthy, and as a consequence there were disputes between the ' haves’ and ‘have-nots’

cupidity of other clans. 25.

wa

—more

; (2) these fertile districts excited the than communities

whose land was

not

so fertile.

20. γοῦν --- δ any rate’ the immunity of Attica was due to its barrenness ; it is therefore likely that the troubles of other districts were due to their fertility. τοῦ

ἐπὶ

adverbial

πλεῖστον,

‘the

remotest

('extending farthest

back"),

time.’

has the

ἐπὶ

art.

πλεῖστον,

like τὸ

πρίν, etc.

τὸ Aenröyeav—(1) the constant use of neut. adj. or partic. for ἃ subet.

is a feature

of Thuc.'s

style;

(2) the

soil of

188

THUCYDIDES

I

Attica is in general stony and dry. The Attic Plain is watered by the Ilissus and Cephisus, but in summer the former is almost dry and the latter “" μειοῦται τελέως " : the land yields a return only to diligent cultivation. Of course in these early times the land was not scientifically dealt with ; and it is note-

worthy, as bearing on Thuc.'s point, that it looks more barren than it is.

28.

wapéSaypa—the meaning of this term in Greek rhetoric

is not merely ‘example,’ but ‘an example used to support an argument,’

r68«—referring to the sentence that follows, ἐκ γάρ κτλ. τοῦ Adyou—explained by διά, etc. 29. διὰ τὰς μετοικίας xrA.—‘that it was owing to the habit of settling elsewhere (to which I have referred) that Greece in

other

advanced

respects

(besides population

so fast (as Attica).’

Aesch. Zum.

and

security) had

not

μετοικίας is used exactly as in

1019, where the Furies refer to their μετοικία to

and in Athens.

1. That ἐκ γάρ κτλ. explains τόδε is proved by

the usage of Thuc.

2. διὰ... αὐξηθῆναι is beset with difficulties.

With the MS. reading τὰς μετοικίας és τὰ ἄλλα three explanations have been proposed : (a) ‘Attica did not grow in other

respects so fast as 1n population. But this does not fall in with the general line of the argument. (ὁ) ‘ Attica through the presence

respects.”

of μέτοικοι advanced

much

more (μὴ ὁμοίως) in other

But neither is this the argument,

proof that μὴ *much more.'

nor is there any

ὁμοίως can in such a connexion as this mean (c) With regard to the rendering given above.

it is denied that Greece can be the subject of αὐξηθῆναι. But, if we examine c. 2 as a whole, this does not appear impossible.

The chapter deals with the early condition of Greece in general—

ἡ νῦν ᾿Ελλὰς kaXovuéyy —the smallness of the communities (οὔτε

μεγέθει πόλεων ἴσχυον) and their weakness.

To these conditions

the very fertility of the soil contributed. Attica, which was barren, was an exception in both respects. It did not lose inhabitants by στάσις: it did not excite the cupidity of strangers. On the other hand, strangers settled in Attica because it offered security ; and thus the population of Attica was still further increased, and it was able to colonise.

These

last facts lend further support to my general argument (ὁ λόγος),

viz. that the weakness of the early Greeks in all respects is largely accounted for by the shifting nature of the population. ἡ Ἑλλάς is in the writer's mind throughout. és rà ἄλλα is explained by many * with reference to its other parts' ; but it more naturally means ‘in other respects than those points to

NOTES

139

which I have specifically referred." A striking example of this (ex contrario) is the colonising energy of Attica, the consequence of freedom from migration. Some take és rà ἄλλα with neroıxlas—migrations

to other parts;

but τά is then

of Greece,’

of αὐξηθῆναι---866

wrong.

Ullrich's emendation, according to which rà ἄλλα, ‘ other parts is subject

crit.

n.—is

generally

accepted ; but it is not absolutely necessary. PAGE

3.

2. moAdap—referring to ὑπὸ ἀλλοφύλων ἐπεβουλεύοντο. 3. οἱ Svvarérara.—limiting apposition to οἱ ἐκπίπτοντες. This kind of apposition is common in Thuc. — The most conspicuous instance is that of the Alemaeonidae from Pylus. ὡς βέβαιον Óv—taken as (1) accus. abs., with ἀναχωρεῖν wap’ ᾿Αθηναίους implied ; (2) by Classen as governed by παρά, in & loose apposition to ᾿Αθηναίους. in grammar, gives a better sense.

4.

πολῖται ytyvéuevor—the

"The second, though loose

imperf.

partic.

points to the

many instances in which citizenship was bestowed. Of course this system of conferring civic rights belongs to a time when

only the Eupatrids had any political power. "They admitted new families freely. In la£er days, on the contrary, when

Athens had attained power and the demos ruled, the Ecclesia

was

very jealous

political

exiles

ἀπὸ π., 142, 7.

being

of the citizenship.

Yet

remained

an

honourable

equivalent

to

ἀρξάμενοι

from the plays of Euripides. εὐθὺς ἀπὸ παλαιοῦ with

this welcome

tradition,

ἐποίησαν,

as

we

of

see

but εὐθύς belongs εὐθύς : cf. c.

146

to and

7. ἐξέπεμψαν ---8.. οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι. The colonising activity of Attica is supposed to have begun in the eleventh cent. B.c. 9. δηλοῖ — second proof of weakness, viz. lack of communication. τῶν

παλαιῶν — neul.,

παλαίτερα in c. 2. πρὸ τῶν Τρωικῶν.

like

τὰ

πρὸ

αὐτῶν

Here τὰ παλαιά is explained

καὶ

τὰ

ἔτι

to mean τὰ

The lit. trans. is ‘insignificance in our early

history.’ 11. wpérepov—this merely repeats the sense of πρό, as in οὐ πρότερον . . πρίν κτλ.

12. (2)

δοκεῖ

δοκεῖ

ἡ

δέ μοι-- (1) ἐπίκλησις

οὐδὲ

at first parenthetical, εἶναι,

(8)

δοκεῖ

ἄλλα

afterwards (nom.)

.

140

THUCYDIDES

παρέχεσθαι,

(4)

before éóóraro.

δοκεῖ “EAAnvas When

I

καλεῖσθαι,

a verb can

take

(5) ? more

parenthetical, than

one

con-

struction, Thuc. sometimes combines alternative constructions in the same sentence without repeating the verb.

13. τὰ πρὸ "EAAnvos—adv. ἐν τῇ

εἰρήνῃ

iii. 54,

9.

accus., as rà πρότερα c. 2, rà

Hellen

was

son

of Deucalion

and

Pyrrha ; and Hellenes from Phthiotis accompanied Achilles to Troy. How the name came to be extended to all the Greeks is unknown.

14. καὶ «ávv—emphasised

by being separated from εἶναι.

Cf. Xen. Anab i. δ καὶ μάλα κατὰ πρανοῦς γηλόφου, Demosth. δ, 15 καὶ πάνυ φησί τις αὐτοὺς ἀναισθήτους εἶναι, and so with οὐ (μή) πάνυ not unfrequently. We should rather expect οὐ πάνυ μοι δοκεῖ οὐδ᾽ εἶναι.

elva.—this and the infins. that follow are imperfect. 15. xarà Byn—Jistributive. This forms subject to παρέχεσθαι-- ‘various

tribes,’ ἄλλα

τε xal

τὸ

tlie P. tribe,' being in apposition to x. ἔθνη.

IL,

‘among

others

Ädverbiaf phrases

are frequent in Thuc. as equivalent of a case of a subst. : as in vi. 89 ταῦτα xal κατὰ μέρη xal ξύμπαντα.

16. τὸ Πελασγικόν--Α

tribe of aborigines, whom

Homer

speaks of as dwelling in Asia Minor and Crete as well as in Greece. or the facts and theories about them see Abbott, Hist. Greece i p.27 fol. *''When the Pelasgi became established [in literature] as an ancient tribe, those nations which laid claim to great antiquity, as the Athenians and Arcadians, became

elasgians. (This is enough to know.) ἐπὶ πλεῖστον —this belongs to τὸ Πελασγικόν, meaning that the name of the P. was more widely extended than that of

any other tribe.

17. παρέχεσθαι---8ς. ‘to the country.' τῶν walSev—Aeolus, Dorus, and Xuthus.

18. loxveäyrov—ingressive aor., ‘having become mighty.’ 19. ἐπαγομένων .---θ(. τινῶν. 6 ἐπ᾿ SPA —' to aid them.’ ὠφελία often=PBohdera ; cf. p. 41.

21.

20. καθ᾽ ixácrovs—subject of καλεῖσθαι : ‘the several tribes more and more (ἤδη μᾶλλον) began to be called Hellenes in consequence of their intercourse’ (with the Hellenes). 21. πολλοῦ Xpóvov-. time within which (partitive), less

commonly found

in positive sentences.

NOTES

141

22. [övvaro]—sc. τὸ καλεῖσθαι “EXAnvas.

Shil. quotes Eur.

Phoen. 12 καλοῦσι δ᾽ ᾿Ιοκάστην με, τοῦτο γὰρ πατὴρ | Edero. ‘The ἐδύνατο is probably spurious, because, though the constrn. of δοκεῖ shifts (see on

]. 12),

the

two

clauses

καθ᾽

ἑκάστους

μὲν

. . οὐ μέντοι should have the same form, just as τὰ μὲν, κατὰ ἔθνη δέ have. Even if the constrn. were again changed here, we should probably have ἐξενίκησε.

25. ὠνόμασεν---8ς. "EXAqvas. οὐδ᾽ ἄλλους --- i.e. Hellas in Homer

is Phthiotis, B 684

It has been pointed out that in a 344, ὃ 720, 816, o 80 Ἑλλάς with "Apyos denotes Greece in general. The lines are perhaps spurious.

27. τὰ ἔπη--- the poems.’ 28. ἀνακαλεῖ---' distinguishes them as.’ a distinctive, official name.’ οὐ μὴν οὐδέ--- ‘nor even’;

οὐ

ἀνακαλῶ is ‘call by

μὴν

ἀλλά-Ξ ‘not

but

what.’ PAGE

4.

1. βαρβάρους elpnxe— ‘mentioned barbarians, because not yet had the Hellenes either been distinguished under one name in opposition’ (to them). ‘There is a difficulty as to the construction of ἀντίπαλον. (1) Eustathius, followed by Stahl and

Steup,

made

it agree with

ὄνομα,

despite

the order;

and

the adj. is occasionally separated by a prep. from its aubst. ; (2) Classen thought it an adverb like τοὐναντίον : the absence of art. is one reason against this; (3) Böhme made it internal accus. to ἀποκεκρίσθαι, ‘to have undergone an opposing separation, and Krüger favours this; (4) Mr. Forbes says it is in apposition to "EAAnvas, which means ‘the word Greeks.’ But should we not even so require ἀντιπάλους or Ἕλληνες *— l'he edd. note that Thuc. neglects the epithet βαρβαρόφωνοι, of the Carians, in 7/. ii. 867. But this simply means ‘speaking an unknown tongue,’ and the statement of 'l'huc. is substantially correct. The Greeks could not be conscious that they were a separate people before thev were conscious that they were owe

people. 3. δ᾽ οὖν

— resuming

after the

digression

of

which

$ 3

consists.

ol

.

.

ὡς ἕκαστοι.

. κληθέντες — tle main subject is

οἱ Βλληνες κληθέντες, ‘those who came to be called H.' This is divided into (a) ὡς ἕκαστοι κατὰ πόλεις τε ὅσοι a. ξυνίεσαν,

142

THUCYDIDES

referring to καθ᾽ ξύμπαντες

ἑκάστους μὲν

ὕστερον,

referring

ἤδη.

I . Ἕλληνας

to oU μέντοι.

8 2; (b) καὶ

. ἅπασιν

ἐκνικῆσαι.

In (a) re- both is misplaced, the irregularity being explained

by

the fact that κατὰ.

afterthought.

. ξυνιέσαν

is added to ὡς ἕκαστοι

Possibly, however,

as an

re- and, but it is hard to see

any distinction between ὡς ἕκαστοι and xarà xv.

The sentence

is overloaded, since ὕστερον, i.e. long after the Trojan War (cf. 8 3), iscombined with & statement of what happened πρὸ τῶν

Τρωικῶν.

Observe also that this apparent recapitulation (ol δ᾽

οὖν κτλ.) does not agree entirely with the statements made in

8 2, where nothing is said about a common language.

Thuc.,

as others have noticed, does not seem to have a clear view of the matter. 8. The Ms. ξυνῆλθον will not do: ἐξέρχομαι, ἔξειμι with accus. are not rare in Áttic

εἶμι are not used so.

prose

in a military sense ; but ἔρχομαι,

9. Μίνως yap—from this point to c. 8 Thuc. deals with the gradual growth of maritime enterprise, and the ‘ barbarian character of the early Greeks.’ For Minos see Abbott, Hist. Greece i. p. 122. παλαίτατος — ‘was the first to.’ This does not belong

to τῶν Κυκλάδων.

. ἐγένετο, and perhaps not to τῆς viv . .

ἐκράτησε.

10. τῆς.

. θαλάσσηε---[ἷ8

may

depend

on ἐπὶ πλεῖστον,

or On ἐκράτησε.

12. $p£«—* became ruler.’ 13. wp@ros—later the Athenians colonised the islands, and after

that δὴ

Athenian

would

be

honoured as οἰκιστής.

See

c. 12, 4.

15. éyxatacrhoas—this

partic. is of course not antecedent

in time to the main verb ἐγένετο. is the explanation how ἐγένετο

equivalent to xal+aor.

ind.

It is aor. merely because it οἰκιστής, the partic. being

(This use of the aor. partic. in

Thuc. disposes of the passages discussed by Mr. Forbes,

7'Àuc.

i. p. 142.) ὡς «lkós—'as was natural’ (in one who ruled the sea). 16. καθήρει---ϑει] of destroying, putting an end to a power, as in c. 16, 1.

17. rot . . lévat— purpose, generally with μή. this in An. ii. 59 Aeyyptum proficiscitur antiquitatis, etc.

21. Ar'—'to,' not ‘ against.’

Tac. imitates cognoscendae

NOTES 23.

οὐ τῶν

κέρδους

143

áBvyaTreTáToy — ToO» δυνατωτάτων.

ἕνεκα — a frequent

phrase.

Notice

the place of

ἕνεκα, which is usual when it applies to two nouns, as e.g. Antiphon 6, 7 διαβολῆς ἕνεκα καὶ ἀπάτης, Lys. 82, 10 xal τῆς ἀδελφῆς ἕνεκα καὶ σφῶν αὐτῶν. But the rule is not absolute.

24. τοῖς

ἀσθενέσι

τροφῆς τοῖς ξένοις.

25. πόλεσιν

τροφῆς--οἵ. Demosth.

i. 8 22

τὰ

τῆς

ἀσθενεῖςΞΞ * weak.’

ἀτειχίστοις

—i.e.

village

communities.

We

cannot help thinking of the great aphorism in vii. 77, / ἄνδρες γὰρ

πόλις καὶ οὐ τείχη.

27. more

Blov— ‘livelihood.’ familiar

ἐγίγνετο

in

the

ἐποιοῦντο = ‘would get,’ a sense

corresponding

passive

forms,

ὁ βίος

αὐτοῖς.

érovotüyTo—see L. & S. A. II. 2.

Éxovros—synonymous with φέροντος : ii. 37, 8 (νόμων) ὅσοι αἰσχύνην φέρουσι, ib. 41, 3 τῷ πολεμίῳ ἀγανάκτησιν ἔχει. PAGE

2. δηλοῦσι--ἰ.6. ments:

there

show

is even

the

in the

5.

truth

of the

present

preceding

day evidence

state-

for what

I have said.

τῶν ἠπειρωτῶν tiwes—i.e. those dwelling in the coast towns of the mainland.

3. καλῶς---΄ cleverly,' as often in καλῶς λέγειν. τοῦτο Spav—a regular expression for referring to a previous verb. 4. οἱ TraÀavo(—sc.

δηλοῦσι.

τὰς πύστεις. . épwravres—lit. ‘everywhere agreeing in putting the stock question to strangers who come by sea,

‘Care you pirates?" thus showing

that the persons addressed

were not accustomed to disown the occupation, and

that those

who made it their business to know did not censure it.' Of *the old poets' Homer is one (Od. iii. 71 and ix. 252); and there is the Hymn to Apollo 1. 452; but of course Thuc. knew other passages. The wording of the sentence has been

questioned ; but Thuc. τῶν καταπλεόντων

seems to have had in mind ἡ cris

ἐστὶν εἰ λῃσταί εἰσιν.

The poets are said to

ask the question: for the characters are the mouthpiece of the poet.

144

THUCYDIDES

6. οὔτε

. . re frequently

I

correspond,

as in Lat.

neque

. et

πυνθάνονται.

. ἐπιμελὲς

obliqua are combined,

eln—the

forms

of the γεοία and

as frequently in Xen. -- ὧν πυνθανόμεθα

. . οἷς ἂν ἐπιμελὲς ἢ.

It expresses the thought of the poets.

(Others seem to consider πυνθάνονται as hist. pres. and εἴη as pure iterative opt.)

at

8. καὶ κατ᾽ ἥἤπειρον.---ἰ.6. they not only carried on piracy sea, hut plundered one another on land as well κατ᾽

7. — xarà γῆν.

That Thuc. is thinking here of the towns near

the coast is shown

by

c.

7 85

al δὲ παλαιαὶ

(πόλεις)

διὰ τὴν

λῃστείαν ἀπὸ θαλάσσης φκίσθησαν.

10.

τῷ

παλαιῷ

τρόπῳ--ἰ.6.

κατὰ

κώμας

οἰκούμενα

καὶ

ἁρπαζόμενα.

περί---ἰῃ the parts about.”

The names of the people are

used by Thuc. indifferently with the place-names. 12. re— ‘and so.’ 13. oSnpodopetoGar—below we have the act.: the mid. means ‘to provide one's self with, see that one has.” Such com-

pounds of φορῶ (cf. κανηφορῶ, χρυσοφορῶ) are not ordinarily used in mid. ; but cf. Arist. Pol. 1268 b. 16. olxforeus—‘ settlements,’ the πόλεις of c. δ, 1. 17. (διὰ ras) . . ἐφόδους .--΄ their hazardous intercourse.’ ξυνήθη κτλ. — ξυνήθως ἐδιῃτῶντο.

19. ταῦτα. . ἔτι οὕτω veuöueva— ‘the fact that in these parts of Greece men still live in this way.’ This redicative use of the partic. is less common

t. (see M. T. 829 b).

in Gk. than in

It is most often found with preposi-

tions, and especially in phrases indicating time, with μετά, ἐπί, áuá. With certain well-defined exceptions, it does not occur unless the noun and verb yield sense without the partic.; i.e.

the partic. was felt to be separate from the noun.

20. ἐς πάντας dpolov—lit. ‘extending in similar form to all,’ like és ὀλίγους οἰκεῖν in ii. 37, 1. The substitution of the noun διαιτημάτων for the verb inf. rod . . διαιτᾶσθαι with suitable

constrn. is characteristic of the old style. 21. ἐν

τοῖς

TpéTrov—the

undoubted

exx.

of

this

idiom

in Thuc. are, besides this place (where Prof. Tucker wrongly says the evidence favours πρώτοις), iii. 82, 1 (στάσις) ἐν τοῖς πρώτη

ἐγένετο : vii. 24, 3 μέγιστον καὶ ἐν rois πρῶτον : ib. 71, 3

ἐν τοῖς χαλεπώτατα : viii. 90, 1 ἐν rois μάλιστα.

In vii. 19, 4

NOTES

145

the M88. give ἐν rots πρώτοις (not πρῶτοι) : ib. 27, ἐν τοῖς πρώτοις (not πρῶτον or πρώτη) : in viii. 89 ἐν rois πρώτοις

Pre-eminence

(not πρῶτοι).

is not necessarily implied in auy example,

and

Herbst is perhaps right in saying that prominence only is meant.

If so, it may be that the nom. is due only to attraction to the

subject; the principle beiug naturally extended to the adverb. 22. ἀνειμένῃ τῇ διαίτῃ ---ἰαἷ. of manner. 24. αὐτοῖς---οἰῃΐο gen. might be used.

dat., very common

in Thuc.

where

the

25. εὐδαιμόνων ---ἰἶπ the popular meaning. διὰ τὸ GBpoSlatrov—with

φοροῦντες.

For

the

long

linen

(Ionian) χιτών worn by Ionians, Carians, Lydians see Gardner and Jevons, Gk. Ant. p. 49. Cf. Aesch. Persae 41 ἁβροδιαίτων

δ᾽ ἕπεται Λυδῶν ὄχλος After the Persian wars the short (Dorian) χιτών of wool was substituted for it. οὐ πολὺς χρόνος dradh-—‘no long time ago.’ ἀφ᾽ οὗ, ἐξ οὗ, ἐπεί, ὡς, ὅτε are all found in such plirases.

27. χρνσῶν τεττίγων seem to be pins with figures of

grass-

hoppers at the end. Several might be used, apparently, for one κρώβυλος, like hairpins. elbig, however, thinks that

metal spiral ornaments through which the ‘tail’ of the hair

was passed are meant, and Studniczka supparts this view ; but it does not seem probable. The xpwBvdos—which doubtless

took different forms—is perhaps to be recognised on ancient monuments,

since

Xen.

Anab.

v.

iv.

18

speaks

of leather

helinets adorned with a κρώβυλος and resembling a tiara (the

various forms of which are well known). εἴρω, twist, favours ‘coil’; but, if the pins had a bend in them, we can understand ἔνερσις. (The v.l. ἐν ἔρσει is prob. a false division like ἐν roug for ἐντομῇ, c. 93, 5.) Cf. Aristoph. Eg. 1325, Nub. 984.

28. ἀφ᾽

ob—'from

this circumstance.’

It is likely that

Thuc. is mistaken in saying that the Athenians carried the fashion to Asia Minor, and that it spread rather from the Ionians

(Carians, Lydians) to the Athenians. PAGE

1. ἐπὶ wodt—temporal. (a—this may mean had

that

Cf. Herod. v. 88.

6.

the

Dorians

too for a time

worn the ‘ Ionian ' dress ; but more probably Thuc. in μετρίᾳ

aud és τὸν νῦν τρόπον thought rather of the Athenians, and meant merely that the Spartans originated the * Dorian ' χιτών.

146

THUCYDIDES

I

4. ἰσοδίαιτοι with πρὸς τοὺς πολλούς. τὰ μείζω, which is unusual for τὰ πλείω, is thought to refer to the fact that land was the sole form of wealth in early Sparta.

6. phrase

de

τὸ for

φανερὸν

ἀποδύντες---ἐς

‘openly,’

‘in

suggestive of motion. és τὸ φ. ἐνεγκεῖν

public,

with

φ.

is

verbs

&

standing

of motion.

or

The simplest form of phrase is such as

(Hyperid.

strains the use of the prep. AGra—' with

τὸ

oil, frequent

1. v. 3), but Thuc., in Homer.

as so often,

It is generally ex-

plained as instrumental case, but K. W. Krüger calls it interna accus.

ToU—in company with, 1.e. ‘when they . .,' as iii. 59, 8 βίου κίνδυνος ἐγγὺς μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ (sc. τοῦ τελευτᾶν λόγου). 7. ἠλείψαντο---τεϊεχίυε mid. like λούομαι, ὁπλίζομαι, and other words of the toilet. 8. Svalépuara — 7/7. 23, 683 ζῶμα δέ ol πρῶτον παρακάββαλεν. 10. πέπανται —sc. τὸ διαζώματα. ἔχοντας ἀγωνίζεσθαι. The order is ἔτι δὲ καὶ νῦν ἐν τοῖς B. ἔστιν οἷς (-Ξ ἐνίοις), καὶ μάλιστα (ev) τοῖς ᾿Ασιανοῖς. In thenom. plur. always εἰσὶν οἵ, ai ; in oblique cases always ἔστιν ὧν etc. in Thuc., unless words intervene, as in vii. 25 ἦσαν τῶν σταυρῶν obs. 12. ἄθλα τίθεται xa( — ἄθλων τιθεμένων.

18. πολλὰ . . ópovórporra —internal accus. to διαιτώμενον. 16. ὅσαι

μέν

xTÀ. — "This

clause

(down

to

ἰσχύος) is really subordinate to αἱ δὲ παλαιαί κτλ. most recent cities,' etc.," Forbes.

17. πλωιμωτέρων

Üvrov—' when

ἕκαστοι

* Whereas the

navigation

was

easier,’

impers. gen. abs. corresponding to πλωιμώτερα ἐγένετο 8, 2. It is ἃ question whether περιουσίας. . ἔχουσαι goes closely with πλωιμωτέρων

belongs

ὄντων,

so

to ἐκτίζοντο:

that

c. 8

καί

joins

vewrara

καταστάντος

τοῦ

to

ἔχουσαι,

Μίνω

or

ναντικοῦ

πλωιμώτερα ἐγένετο (i.e. as early as Minos) favours the former; but c. 88 3 seems to show that Thuc. uses vewrara here vaguely

of cities founded since Minos purged the seas. 20.

ämeAdußavov—‘occupied,’

cutting them

off from the

mainland with walls. The change of subject from the placenames to their inhabitants is common, e.g. vi. 48; 74, 1; 76, 2;

88,8;

94, 1.

21. &acrot—in this place because it goes closely with πρὸς τοὺς προσοίκους.

On the order of ἕνεκα see D, 1.

NOTES

147

22. ἐπὶ moAd—temporal. 23. On ἀντίσχουσαν (= διὰ τὸ τὴν X. ἀντίσχειν) see 6, 2 1. 19. 24. καὶ dv—the art. not repeated, as often in Thuc. (6, 1), even when the two members are contrasted.

25. Éb«pov—sc. ol λῃστεύοντες. They plundered not only one another but those who, though not sea-farers, lived on the coasts (= παραθαλάσσιοι ἦσαν).

PaGE 7. 1. ol vnewsrar—the

island

barbarians

were

pirates

οὐχ

ἧσσον ἢ ot EAAnves.

3. dkncav— previous to the time of Minos. AfXov—in 426 8.6. ; iii. 104. The ‘proof’ applies only to the Carians,

whence

it may

be inferred that the presence

of Phoenicians in the islands was questioned by none. 6. ὑπὲρ ἡμισύ --- subject, 2 πλείους τῶν ἡμίσεων (though course it might be taken as adverbial).

of

7. τῇ σκευῇ τῶν brÀAoy—lit. ‘their equipment (consisting) of arms,’ not ‘the style of their arms.’

9. Here Thuc. resumes from c. 4. πλωιμώτερα éyfvero—the neut. plur. as in 7, 1. 10. ἐκ τῶν νήσων --ἐκ for ἐν by (the regular attraction to the verb.

method

of)

11. ὅτεπερ---᾿ namely, when,’ referring back to c. 4. 12,

of παρὰ

θάλασσαν---οἴ.

ol παρ᾽ ἔπαλξιν

ii. 13, 5, παρά

with dat. not being used of inanimates except when persons are

clearly implied. 15. τείχη περιεβάλλοντο--τοίοττίηρ existence,

but hitherto without walls:

to

cities

already

in

hence not as in c. 7.

ὡς πλονσιώτεροι ἑαντῶν y.—the omission of αὐτοί in this idiom

is rare:

‘as was natural, since they were now growing

wealthier than they had been hitherto.’ 16. γάρ refers to βεβαιότερον ᾧκουν. The double re presents the same process under two different aspects. 18. 8ovAe(ay—' dependence,’

as

often;

so with

δουλεύειν.

The weaker states became tributaries of the stronger.

περιουσίας

Ixovres— usually

wealth at their command’ and

rendered

‘because

they

had

used it to extend their power;

148

THUCYDIDES

I

but more probably, ‘having funds in hand ' and being anxious to increase them. The more the funds increased, the more eager would they be to increase them still further.

20. ἐν τούτῳ. . Üvres—' when they had now advanced to this condition,’ ie. navigated the seas and were grown richer.

21. ὕστερον xpóvq— ' in course of time.’ 22.

"A.

τέ

μοι Boxe. —'and

so

it seems

to

me

that

it

was because,' etc.

23. οὗ τοσοῦτον

(ὅσον

προύχων) with

ἄγων, ‘not

so much

because he was leader of . ., they being bound by their oaths to T.' Tyndareus, Helen's supposed father, made her suitors swear to protect the rights of that one whom she should choose. 26.

Thuc.

supports

his view

by

reference

to

the

origin

of the kingship in Atreus' house. 27. IIlAorovvmelav—masc., with oi, ‘those of the Pel. who have received the truest account by tradition.' For the order of the gen. edd. compare c. 48, 4; 126, 11. It is supposed that Thuc. means the Argives, whose legends the Lesbian historian Hellanicus related. A fragment of H. gives the story here referred to. Pace

8.

3. τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν. . axeiv—lit. ‘secured the naming of the country after himself, though a stranger.' ἔπηλυν —there is no authority for the form ἐπηλύτης in Attic. The passage in Xen. Oec. cited in L. & S. is corrupt. 4. pe(Qo —neut. plur. ; tvvevex8fvac, ‘fell to the lot of,’ as often in Herod. ; after Thuc. not

5. EüpvcoOéos

pe

x«rÀ.—the

mentioned is as follows :—

Perseus

|

Sthenelus m. Nicippe Eurystheus

found in Attic.

relationship Pelops | Chrysippus

of

the persons

|

Atreus

|

Agamemnon

ἐν τῇ Arrıwn — according to the story, Eurystheus was killed in the Megarid (Euripides represents him as taken prisoner) when at war with Demophon, king of Athens, from

NOTES whom

he had demanded

149

the surrender of the Heraclidae.

Megarid was then part of Attica. 7. καὶ

ἐπιτρέψαντος

Eó.— there

is

parataxis

The

here

ior

'Arpet δὲ μητρὸς ἀδελφῷ ὄντι ἐπιτρέψαντος.

10.

Χρυσίππον-- Atreus and Thyestes conspired and mur-

dered 12. xOnvac 13.

Ch. their half-brother. kal. . mapakaßeiv—co-ordinate with ἔτι μείζω ξυνενε. . ᾿Ατρεῖ. καὶ ἅμα —-the καί joins δοκοῦντα to βουλομένων.

δννατόν

—i.e. in point of wealth.

17. &—the wealth and power of the two families.

18. καὶ ναυτικῷ ἴδ Mas. give καὶ ναυτικῷ Te, and two explanations are suggested: (1) re— too, Shilleto; and (2) re— and, while καί emphasises γαυτικῷ. vi. 44 xal πρός re τοὺς 'Ρηγίνους, viii.

68, 2 xal αὐτός Te, ib. 76, 5 xai ἑαυτούς

re give rise to a

similar question. The use of re is supported by examples in Herod. and tragedy ; but the Ms. variants and certain examples of corruption in the case of re are so numerous that it is very doubtful if the passages can be relied on. δέ — and moreover is more probable.

On the whole xal . .

19. lox voras—ingressive. 20. o9 . . τὸ πλέον f = ἧσσον ff.

χάριτι.

. φόβῳ — for the contrast cf. Demosth.

20 ὃ 16

μείζων ὁ τοῦ μέλλοντος φόβος τῆς παρούσης χάριτος, but there it

is the fear and good-will fe/t ; here it is the feelings inspired. 21. φαίνεται qáp—the

passages referred to are 77. ii. 576

τῶν ἑκατὸν νεῶν ἦρχε κρείων ᾿Αγαμέμνων, γάρ σφιν δῶκεν ἄναξ ἀνδρῶν ᾿ΑὙαμέμνων

aud ii. 610 ff. αὐτὸς

| νῆας, and so on.

23. 6$ . . ToUro—Shilleto refers to Plat. 7heaet. 193 D 8 ἐν rois πρόσθεν οὕτως ἔλεγον for a similar redundancy.

Te—‘in any one's opinion.”

To τεκμηριῶσαι supply τοῦτο:

it is only with ref. to the details that Thuc. suggests a doubt.

24. ἐν τοῦ σκήπτρον τῇ παραδόσει--ἰῇ the passage where the sceptre of Agamemnon is said to have been transmittel through his family ; ZZ. ii. 101 If. For this method of referring to passages in times before the division into books, etc. was made cf. c. 10, 4; St. Mark xii. 26 ἐπὶ τῆς βάτου ; Ep. Rom. xi. 2.

26. οὐκ ἂν.

éxpdra-—‘he would not have been ruler’ (as

150

THUCYDIDES

he was).

Classen’s version,

ruler,’ is less likely.

‘he would

I not be (in the Jliad\

27. οὐκ ἂν εἶεν —M.T. § 238. PAGE

9.

2. καὶ ταύτῃ τῇ στρατείᾳ. -1.6. this expedition itself was not on a very large scale: all the more insignificant must have

been those undertakings that preceded it. 4. ὅτι pély—lit. ‘that M. was a small place, or if an

of the towns of those days seems now insignificant—(this) coul not be considered a valid argument for refusing to believe that,’ etc. (1) The clauses introduced by ὅτι and εἰ form the object to χρώμενος.

(2) The μέν is not regularly answered, but is resumed

in οὐκ οὖν ἀπιστεῖν χρή (ὃ 3) after a long parenthesis.

(3) ἦν

may mean ‘was before its destruction,’ which is said by later

writers to have occurred in 468 B.c. (there is no sufficient ground for doubting the statement). This is supported by vi» δοκεῖ which refers to towns still in existence, Or it may be ‘ was in heroic times,’ and this is supported by τότε. But, which-

ever

be meant,

the argument

is not affected.

The

simple

explanation of the insignificance of Mycenae—now of prime importance to the archaeologist—is that the only part that could be called ‘city’ was the acropolis, and that was occupied by the castle of the chief. The rest of the settlement consisted of the villages of the clans; and there is no sign that in

historic times the villages ever gave way to a city. Thuc. represents the fact correctly. 9. λόγος κατέχει--- απια obtinet ; ‘tradition affirms.’ Λακεδαιμονίων yap—there were no signs of magnificence about Sparta until after the triumphs of Lysander. Even then, its appearance,

remote from

the world and unfortified,

must have been comparatively insignificant.

It does not seem

clear that Thuc. wrote this passage before 404 B.c.

11. κατασκενῆς---κ. includes everything that makes a place habitable and usable.

Here ‘ buildings.’

13. wpés—‘ in comparison with.’ 14. τῶν πέντε τὰς δύο p.—‘ two-fifths.”

(‘Two of the five

divisions’ is, as Mr. Forbes remarks, wrong.) Of course Messenia is included in Laconia. Notice the way in which

fractions are expressed.

The gen. is omitted when the denomt-

nator is one higher than the numerator—as τὰ τρία μέρη= 3.

15. τῆς £uumaons—roughly speaking.

In ii. 9 Thuc. ex-

NOTES

151

presely notes that Argos was not under the leadership of Sparta. ut the omission

here is of no importance, because we do not

Want an exact statement, but a general

account of the power

of Sparta. 16.

τῶν ἕξω £.

—' their allies beyond P., who are many.’

17. wéXeog—for τῆς πόλεως, ‘since the city was not compactly built.” For viii. 95, 2. continuously poviwy—and φαίνοιτ᾽ ἄν. has not been

the omission of art. Steup compares iv. 18, 3 and (Mr. Forbes's rendering ‘when a city is not built ’ is disproved by the fact that ἡ δύναμις Aaxedanot the power of any city—must be supplied to Herbst’s view that πόλεως is predicative—* since it brought together into a compact city '—is incon-

sistent with Λακεδαιμονίων ἡ πόλις above.)

18. kararkevats—the plur. in concrete sense, as in ii. 65, 2. 21. διπλασίαν. . #—these compds. are constructed as comparatives :

πολλαπλάσιοι

τῶν

ἐναντίων

iv.

94;

πολλα-

πλάσιοι 7) ἦλθον ib. 197 ; διπλάσια δοῦναι 7) ἄλλῳ τινί Lysias 19.

22. εἰκάζεσθαι depends on οἶμαι. ἀπὸ τῆς φ. SWews—not ‘from the notable or striking appearance’ (Forbes) but ‘from the mere (external) appearance.’ φανερός is, as usual, what is seen, and ὄψις is the appearance in contrast with the reality, as in vi. 31 τῇ ὄψει ἀνεθάρσουν (where my rendering ‘by the sight’ is also wrong).

26. gievorm yet.’

piv

y.—‘proved,

it

is

true’

δέ---' δηὰ

For τῶν πρὸ αὐτῆς cf. 1, 1.

λειπομένην with gen. as vi. 72 οὐδενὸς λειπόμενος. Pace

10.

l. #v—rel. to στρατείαν. According to the regular principle in Greek, the following clause, to which the nom. is supplied from ἥν, is without the rel. In the second clause the rel. is

often replaced by the required case of αὐτός or obros—ii. 4, 5,

ὃ ἣν τοῦ τείχους καὶ al θύραι ἀνεωγμέναι ἔτνχον αὐτοῦ. vil. 29, 5 ὅπερ μέγιστον ἦν καὶ ἄρτι ἔτυχον οἱ παῖδες εἰσεληλυθότες. It is the repetition of the rel. that is unusual, as in vi. 4, 3 τὸ χωρίον οὗ

νῦν ἡ πόλις ἐστὶ καὶ

first clause

is neg.

and

ὃ πρῶτον

ἐτειχίσθη.

the second

pos.,

If, however,

the

the rel. must be

repeated, as in ii. 43, 2 οὐκ ἐν ᾧ κεῖνται μᾶλλον, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ᾧ ἡ δόξα

καταλείπεται.

The same omission or substitution is frequent in

Lat., as Liv. xxiii. 8 cum quo steterat nec cum patría majestas

sententia. demiterat. In Engl. cf. Hooker, Eccles. Pol. * Whom though to know be life, and joy to make mention of His name.’

1δῶ

THUCYDIDES

Johnson,

Tour in Heb.

I

'we treated her with great respect,

which she received as custoinary, and was neither elated by ἐδ nor confused.” Macaulay, Warren Hastings ‘To whom she scemed to listen, but did not hear them.’

ἐπὶ τὸ μεῖτον Koop fioa:—‘ exaggerate by using his fancy.’ 3. ἐνδεεστέρα.---’ comparatively insignificant.’ πεποίηκε yap—‘out of a fleet of 1200 ships the poet has described those of the B. as carrying 120 men (ἐν δὲ ἑκάστῃ | κοῦροι Βοιωτῶν ἑκατὸν xal εἴκοσι βαῖνον Il. ii. 510), and those of Ph. as carryiug 50 (ἐρέται δ᾽ ἐν ἑκάστῃ πεντήκοντα | ἐμβέβασαν, τόξων εὖ εἰδότες Idı μάχεσθαι ib. 719), specifying the largest and the smallest.’ ἀν is gen. of measure, as in τεῖχος ἑπτὰ σταδίων, almost confined to expressions of magnitude. The absence of a second art. with ἐλαχίστας is interesting:

Shilleto rightly compares Aesch. Ag. 314 νικᾷ δ᾽ ὁ πρῶτος xal

τελευταῖος δραμών, where the reference is to a team, of which every member wins ; just as here the two things combined are items

of one

fleet.

As

to the

numbers,

average complement of a trireme was 200.

in

Thuc.’s time

the

Therefore a fleet of

1200 would require 240,000 men : but the rationalistic calculation of Thuc. gives about 103,000 for the Trojan War. Of course 103,000 18 a far larger number than was sent out by any

one state in the time of Thuc.

The number of men who sailed

for Sicily in 415 B.c. may be roughly set down as 36,000. But 85 shows that Thuc. thinks of the combined forces of all Greek

states, and the forces in the field during

the Peloponnesian War

would exceed bis calculation for the Trojan

War.

(It seems,

above. 9, dy—as above.

ἐν νεῶν καταλόγῳ

nevertheless, that Thuc. has not made out a very satisfactory case : τῶν νῦν in ὃ 3 should have been qualified.) 7. ἄλλων depends on μεγέθους. 8. abrepérar—-the fighting men served also as rowers. This was quite unusual in Thuc.'s day. See 71. 719 quoted ἐν.

. παραδόσει

c. 9, 4, and

11. weplvews—the only passengers would be the kings and those immediately under them. 13. μέλλοντας. . Exovras— though these agree with περίνεως, they apply in sense equally to all the Greeks. We should expect gen. abs.

14. μετὰ oxevév—the want of space is what Thuc. alludes to.

The room not taken up by the rowers would be filled with

materials.

NOTES 15.

153

κατάφαρκτα ---ἰ.6. the boats had no gangways projecting

along them. These gaugways (πάροδοι) were used only in ships with a deep draught, and Thuc. means that, as there were none in ‘Homeric’ ships, those ships can have had only a

small draught, and therefore there was not much room in them. At intervals along the πάροδοι were upright posts,

&nd the open spaces between could be closed with curtains (rapappóuara) in battle or rough weather, and thus served in a trireme to protect the bodies of the thranitae (top set of rowers). The word is generally explained ‘decked’; but so far as one can judge, the. only connexion between κατάστρωμα, the deck from end to end, and κατάφαρκτος is that only Ships that were κατάφαρκτοι had καταστρώματα. The Homeric ships, it is true, had no καταστρώματα, but this is not the point here.

16. 17. person 19.

λῃστικώτερον --- more like pirate craft’ than warships. Tpós—'as compared with.’ σκοποῦντι is dat. of the judging, a frequent use of a partic. ; cf. c. 21, 2 és—' considering that.’

21. alrıov—this predicate, so often in neut. sing. whatever

be gender and number of the subject, is practically a noun. 23. re—answered 81;

by

ἐπειδὴ δέ,

as

e.g. in vi. 88,

1; vii.

and c. 25, 3.

24.

cov —'only

so large

as.’

αὐτόθεν

with

βιοτεύσειν,

‘support itself in the (enemy's) country.’

25. ἀφικόμενοι.“ on their arrival, ie. immediately after they landed. (This passage, from this word to the end of 8 2, is much disputed.) 26. μάχῃ éxpdrnocav—the conjecture ἐκρατήθησαν reduces the

words

τοῖς

ale

. . ὄντες

below

to absurdity ; and

roürres would have to be changed to κρατήσαντες.

xpa-

The Greeks

were able to raise ἃ raınpart because they had won a victory.

τὸ yap— ‘for otherwise.’ to in //. vii. 336

and

433

This rampart is not that referred as

the counsel of Nestor, but one

built

in

the

tenth

year

by

built immediately after the

arrival of the Greeks, though this does not necessitate inserting εὐθύς after ἄν with Dittrich. Similarly the γεωργία τῆς Χερσονήσου below is not heard of in the 7/7. "Thuc. doubtless

got these details from ἃ poem that related the earlier events of the war.

Cf. the Schol. here: ἔρυμα λέγει νῦν οὐχ ὅπερ ἐν τῇ η΄

λέγει “Ὅμηρος

βαρβάρων

γενέσθαι,

emidoouds.

ἀλλὰ

πρότερον

μικρότερον

(Strabo quotes the opinion

διὰ

τὰς

τῶν

of Aristotle

154

THUCYDIDES

I

that the τεῖχος of II. 7, which was so promptly destroyed by Poseidon, was in reality never built.

It seems

impossible that

Thuc. can have had that τεῖχος in mind.) 27. φαίνονται

Bé—this

is δέ in

apodosis,

and

it is here

apparently suggested by the contrast set up by the parenthesis : though they fortified a camp, they did not employ their whole force. This δέ generally follows a parenthesis; but not in ii. 66,

1 ἐπειδὴ

προγνοὺς

ὁ πόλεμος

κατέστη,

ὁ δὲ

φαίνεται καὶ

ἐν τούτῳ

τὴν δύναμιν.

28. ἐνταῦθα---Ὀοίοτο Troy; held out.

and consequently

Pace

the Trojans

11.

2. atrav—‘ of their own accord."

τὰ δέκα tryn—‘ those ten years.’

3. Bla—‘in the field.”

They were not penned up in the

city.

trokatropévorg—iinperf., ‘who at any given time were left behind.’

7. ῥᾳδίως passage

ἂν

μάχῃ.

.

Tpolav

eov — does

this

refer to ‘the two natural stages of the expedition—

attle followed by siege, or two alternative means of taking

Troy,—either by pitched battle outside the gates, or by siege? Those who adopt the first, either (a) bracket the first εἷλον with Krüger as spurious, and explain the δ᾽ alter πολιορκίᾳ as (a violent) apodotic δέ, or, with Krüger bracket it ; or else (5) make the first εἷλον mean, «ot ‘capture (Troy), but, with

Herbst, ‘defeat (the Trojans)'

with

Bauer,

make

μάχῃ

Those who adopt the second

κρατοῦντες — by

superiority

in

the

field,’ and not ‘being as they were superior in the field’ ; and

πολιορκίᾳ προσκαθεζόμενοι =‘ by a regular siege,’ instead of ‘by

rsisting in a siege.” But the difficulties involved in this are insuperable ; for—apart from the extraordinary way in which the supposed alternative methods are expressed, and joined by δέ instead of f—the sense obtained, though at first sight attractive, makes περιουσίαν ἔχοντες τροφῆς and ξυνεχῶς τὸν πόλεμον διέφερον pointless in so far as the first method—

superiority in the field +assault—is concerned ; it necessitates forcing the meaning ‘ by an immediate assault’ (xarà xpdros)

into μάχῃ κρατοῦντες, and thus making this wholly distinct from μάχῃ ἐκράτησαν in § 1; and it strains no less the mean. ing of πολιορκίᾳ προσκαθεζόμενοι. We therefore prefer the

NOTES

155

first plan, but slightly modified ; if the first εἷλον is genuine,

it is probably a mere anticipation of the second. they

had . . carried on the war

Trans. ‘If

persistently, they would easily

have continued superior in the field and have taken the city, seeing that . . : if, then, they had persisted in ἃ siege, they would have taken Troy.’ προσκαθεζόμενοι governs πολιορκίᾳ. 11. dAAd—in contrast with περιουσίαν εἰ ἦλθον ἔχοντες τροφῆς. rovray—i.e. τῶν Τρωικῶν. 18. τῶν mplv—c. 1, 1; 10, 3.

γενόμενα--- ‘though it proved.’ 15. xareoynxéros—attributive.

When an attributive partic.

18 itself further defined —5ià τοὺς ποιητὰς xar.—it is frequently

laced outside the art. huc.

This idiom is by no means confined to

16. μετανίστατο --- ‘Greece (ie. the Greeks) was still occupied with migration and settlement, so that the country did not quiet down (ingressive) and so increase.’ "EAAds here is used as in c. 6, for the Greek nation—7 'E. ἐσιδηροφόρει---πὰ this explains

(a) the use of ueravíeraro,

(b) the accus.

ἡσυχά-

caca», for which, as it refers to the subject of the main verb, ἡσυχάσασα would be expected. ‘EAAds takes a slightly different meaning after the ὥστε. A similar change of meaning may be detected

in vii. 34, 6 ναυμαχήσαντες

δὲ ἀντίπαλα

xal ὡς αὐτοὺς

ἑκατέρους ἀξιοῦν νικᾶν, where the ws-clause is general in sense,

‘the way in which both sides lay claim to victory.’ 17. ὥστε μὴ ἡ. abó£n8sva.—the μή belongs to both partic.

and infin., and ὥστε. . αὐξηθῆναι expresses ἀχρηματία. 20.

ἐνεόχμωσε-- ἐνεωτέρισε.

In sense this is pluperf.

verb occurs in Herod., but only here in Attic.

The

Thuc. thought

of the fate of Agamemnon, Teucer, and other heroes. καὶ ordocas—two things are not clear, (1) whether the disturbances alluded to are intended to be connected with the return

from

Troy, or merely to be an

explanation

of ὥστε μὴ

ἡσυχάσασαν αὐ. ; (2) how Βοιωτοί re γάρ is connected with what precedes. The passage is commonly referred to as though γάρ introduced an illustration of the στάσεις, but Steup (who thinks γάρ spurious) rightly points out that we hear nothing

of στάσις in the matter of the migrations referred to.

If γάρ

is retained, we must assume that the migrations are introduced as an illustration of the general unrest that continued ; i.e. the

γάρ refers rather to 8 1 than sentence.

to the immediately

preceding

156

THUCYDIDES

I

21. ὡς ἐπὶ wodkv—‘ for the most part,’ ‘in most cases.’ ab óàv—.'as the result of which,’ referring to στάσεις. 22. τὰς mö\as— prob. the article is distributive=cities

in

each instance. (Others, ‘the well-known cities’: but this is rightly objected to by several edd. as'a strange assumption of

knowledge and as clashing awkwardly with ἐν ταῖς πόλεσιν.) 23. ol viw—meaning not that the Boeotians had changed

their name,

but

the

Boeotians

‘as we know them

now,’ i.e. as

inhabiting all Boeotia, instead of dwelling partly in Thessaly

and partly iu Boeotia.

ἑξηκοστῷ Ira—the instances seem to be chosen in order to show that disturbances continued for a long period after the war. M ois 'IAtov &Aecw—the art. replaced by a gen., as in da vov πλῆθος c. 1, 2.

26. &vobacpós—i.e. a part that had voluntarily separated from the main body, not ἀνάσταντες, like the rest. The word only here in Attic; but cf. Φωκέες ἀποδάσμιοι Herod. i. 146.

27. ἀφ᾽ àv —the plur. xarà σύνεσιν. The ref. is to ZZ. ii. 494, where the Boeotians, however, possess the chief cities of Boeotia. Pace

2.

lex ov—cf.

3. ἡσυχάσασα

12.

σχεῖν, c. 9, 2.

B«eBalws—‘ gaining

longer subject to violent changes.’ and imperf. combined.

unbroken

rest and

no

Notice the ingressive aor.

δ. "Ievas—the Ionian cities of Asia Minor. vyewray—the Cyclades ; cf. c. 4. Isocr. Panath. 43. 6. *Iradlas—i.e. the modern Calabria, the peninsula reaching to the Laus on W. and to Metapontum on E. ‘The chief Peloponnesian founders of Sicilian and Italian cities were the Corinthians who founded Syracuse, and through Svracuse, Camarina [Acrae and Casmenae], the Megarians who founded the Hyblaean Megara, and through Megara, Selinus: the Achaeans who founded Sybaris and Croton, some Lacedaemonians who founded Tarentum,' (Forbes). But (1) Megara is not part of the Peloponnese (ii. 9), see next note; (2) it is not clear that Tarentum is reckoned in Italy. 8. ἔστιν ἃ xepla—it is supposed that the colonies of Corinth in the W., Corcyra, Leucas, Ambracia, etc. are referred

NOTES

157

to. Ifso (1) τὸ πλεῖστον above is an exaggeration ; (2) Ἑλλάς is here used for all the country ultimately inhabited by Greeks—as in Thuc.'s time: but ᾿Ελλάς was not so used above ; (3) the vagueness of the reference

to these

Steup gets over all these difficulties by nom.,

80

that

the

Megarian

(see

colonies

is strange.

taking ἔστιν ἃ χωρία as fast

note)

Locrian

and

Chalcidian colonies would be included. This is tempting, and for the use of χωρία we might compare vii. 14 τὰ τρέφοντα ἡμᾶς χωρία τῆς ᾿Ιταλίας, ὁρῶντα ἐν ᾧ ἐσμεν. But it must be confessed that (1) ἔστιν & looks like an antithesis to τὸ πλεῖστον : (2) πάντα δὲ ταῦτα appears to refer to ἔστιν ἃ χωρία as well as

to

the

colonies

mentioned

before.

Perhaps

Thuc.

writes

somewhat vaguely here.

11. ἔτι. . ἢ wpdérepov—referringto c. 8, 3. 12. τὰ πολλά ---“ in most cases.’ 13. τῶν προσόδων p. yıyvontvav—this goes closely καθίσταντο,

‘tyrannies were

with

established where the revenues (of

the government) increased.’ But öwarwrepas . . ποιουμένης is a general statement with regard to Greece, and qualifies th» whole sentence down to dvreixovro. Thuc. means that a tyranny was general'y established in & city enjoying a large

revenue, which one man, whether & member of the governing class or not, succeeded in getting into his hands as the result of political agitation. 14. πρότερον S4—not necessarily immediately before, for in most cases oligarchy preceded tyranny, but ‘in earlier days’ where one man ruled,

his power was limited.

ἐπὶ ῥητοῖς ylpaci—‘ with’ (under the condition of) ‘fixed prerogatives,’ viz. as priest, judge and leader (Arist. Pol. lii. 14, 12). The purpose of this parenthesis is to point out that the rule of a single man, though it was known before the age of the tyrants, had been of a wholly different character.

The age of the tyrants synchronises with an advance in Greece ; yet the deeds even of the tyrants were relatively insignificant. As to tyranny,

Aristotle agrees with

γενόμενοι ἐχρηματίζοντο γενέσθαι τὰς ὀλιγαρχίας μετέβαλον.

Thuc.:

ἐπεὶ δὲ χείρους

ἀπὸ τῶν κοινῶν, ἐντεῦθέν ποθεν εὔλογον . . ἐκ δὲ τούτων πρῶτον εἰς τυραννίδας

17. éyyorara—superlative of ἐγγύς. Cf. prope and propius. 18. peraxaplaaı—Thuc., like Herod., uses the act. of this word, whereas other authors use mid.

19. καὶ. . νανπηγηθῆναι--καίΞ- ‘and in fact,’ the building of ἃ trireme marking a climax in naval affairs (rà περὶ τὰς vais),

158

THUCYDIDES

I

τῆς Ελλάδος goes with πρῶτον : cf. ii. 18 ἀφίκετο τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς és Οἰνόην πρῶτον. Herod. i. 168 πρώτῃ δὲ Φωκαίῃ ᾿Ιωνίης ἐπεχείρησε. —The rerphpns made its appearance in the second half

of the fourth cent., and was the normal type of ship hellenistic period. It is not likely that it had four

in the of

oars. 29. vaßs— whether appear.

these

were

triremes

or

not

does

not

23. τοῦδε τοῦ woAduov—tlıe dates given are circ. 704 and 664 5.c. (or, if the Archidamian War xxvi, circ. 721 and 681 B.c.). 94.

is meant, see Introd. p.

Sre—‘ since.’

Σαμίοις AAGe—the dat. after (simple) verbs of motion is common in tragedy, but does not ocour in Attic prose outside Thuc. ; cp. c. 27, 1;

61, 1;

107, 7.

25. γίγνετα. ---' turns out to be.’ 26. καὶ ratryp—lit. ‘this too reckons 260 years.’ The καί brings the battle into relation with the event above. (Thuc. seems to be maintaining the priority of Corinth against some other claimant.) The ταύτῃ is possessive dat., as Herod. ii. 145 "HpaxXéi ὅσα φασὶ εἶναι ἔτεα ἐς Αμασιν. PaazE

13.

1. τὴν πόλιν.--- their city.’ 2. alel δή wore—as δή wore means ‘in the past’ (frequent in tragedy), so αἰεὶ δή vore — always in the past, i.e. ‘from the earliest times.’ 3. τῶν “Ελλήνων. . druucryévrev—two points are made: (1) the early commerce of the Greeks was carried on mainly by land, (2) the Isthmus was on the high-road between ol ἐντός and

ol &w II. The sentence would be much clearer with a partic. like πορενομένων, as proposed by Steup, after Ἑλλήνων, 80 that

τε would mean ‘ and.’

ἢ. ἀφνειόν--στὸ have only one instance, Ji. ii. 570. 9. μᾶλλον ἔπλῳζον--οἴ, c. 8, 2. τὰς ναῦς --ἰἢ6 ships referred to in § 2. These enabled Greece to extinguish piracy, and thus to further her commerce ; and the outcome of that, it is implied, was the formation of a considerable fleet.

11. ἀμφότερα with παρέχοντες,

‘in both ways, i.e. as the

NOTES context shows, by sea and land. do not

of tliemselves

mean

159 ἀμφότερα and κατ᾽ ἀμφότε

*on

both elements,'

but show

the

same accus. as τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον, and κατὰ πολλοὺς τρόπους. is the context that gives the special meaning. lox ov—ingressive.

It

12. "Ieew — those of Asia Minor, among Phocaeans and Samos are specially mentioned.

whom

the

13. ἐπὶ K ópov— 556-529 p.c. 16. Κύρῳ Harpagus.

πολεμοῦντες --- they were ultimately reduced by Cf. c. 16.

17. ἐπὶ Kayfocov—C.

reigned

529-521

s.c.

Polycrates

ruled 532-521 B.c. According to Herod. iii. 164, Samos was πολίων πασέων πρώτη Ἑλληνίδων καὶ βαρβάρων in the time of Polycrates.

19. ἹΡηνείαν éày—Herod. iii. 39 assigns far more imposing achievements to Polycrates: cf. ib. 122 τῆς δὲ ἀνθρωπίνης (i.e. not ‘heroic,’ like Minos) λεγομένης

γενεῆς Πολυκράτης πρῶτος,

ἐλπίδας πολλὰς ἔχων Ἰωνίης

νήσων

re kal

ἄρξειν.

This gift

was made to the Delian Apollo as the Ionian deity. 21. Μασσαλίαν olk(fovres—* at the time when they founded

Massilia.' Herod. i. 166 gives an account of a victory of the Etruscans and Carthaginians about 546 B.c., the time of which Thuc. is here speaking. But Eusebius and others placed the foundation of Marseilles 600 R.c. : there is plainly a discrepanc in the dates given for its foundation. (Classen in the 8rd ed.

took ἐνίκων to mean ‘gained victories,’ and referred them to 600 B.c. ; but Thuc. is plainly referring to circ. 546 B.c.

Steup's appendix.) 22. ταῦτα γάρ — ‘these,

in

fact,

were

the

See

strongest

navies,' i.e. the strongest possessed by Ionians (cf. $ 6). 28. φαίνεται with χρώμενα and fleets were built . . we find’ etc.

ἐξηρτυμένα : ‘though

these

25. mevrixovrdpows— Gardner and Jevons, p. 652. It is plain from Herod. i. 163 that penteconters counted as νῆες μακραί͵ and stand in contrast to νῆες στρογγύλαι, merchant-ships (cf. Thuc. ii. 97, 1). Therefore the πλοῖα μακρά are doubtless long ships of larger and smaller size than penteconters. To

their resemblance in síze to merchant-ships

the word πλοῖα

seems to point. 26. ἐκεῖνα —those existing in the time of the Trojan War.

27. τοῦ Δαρείον θανάτον.-4856 s.c.

rather than ‘became king.’

ἐβασίλενσε,

‘reigned,’

160

THUCYDIDES

I

29. περί τε Σικελίαν —for the vague use of περί cf. Isocr. v. 111 εἶχε μεγίστην δύναμιν τῶν περὶ τὴν ᾿Ασίαν. This is the age of the great Sicilian tyrants—Thero, Gelo, Hiero. 30. ds πλῆθος ¢yévovro—‘ reached a considerable number’ ;

probably the lit. sense is ‘came to.’ PAGE

14.

8. εἴ τινες ἄλλοι---55.. ἐκέκτηντο ναυτικά. 4. Bpaxda—sc. ναυτικά, ‘small fleets.’ This sense of βραχύς is frequent in Thuc.

5. τὰ πολλά —'the greater part of these consisted of.’ ὀψέ τε Gd ob—sc. j»,.'it was late when.’ For d$ ob we should expect ὅτε:

started to

but instead of saying ‘already when they

build, it was so late that they could not

get a strong

fleet before the invasion of Xerxes,’ he says ‘from

the time that

they started ' etc. 82

B.C., the

The building of the ships took place in 483-

archonship

of Nicodemus,

and the invasion

in

480 B.c. Herod. vii. 144 does not say that Them. looked forward to a Persian invasion when he advised the building of the ships. It is thought that Herod. wanted to belittle Them. 9. ἐναυμάχησαν ---αἴ Salamis. διὰ πάσηε---“ throughout,’ an adverbial expression like ἀπὸ τῆς

ἴσης

c. 15;

ἀπὸ

(ris)

πρώτης,

etc.

(This

is better

than

supplying νεώς.)

10. xaracrpépara—the Homeric ship was covered only fore and aft, the part in which the men rowed being open. (Cf. on c. 10, 4.)

12. rà παλαιά — i.e. the

early fleets mentioned in c. 18.

τὰ ὕστερον γενόμενα. —i.e. those mentioned in c. 14 § 3.

14. οὐκ ἐλαχίστην ---᾿ considerable,’ in spite of smallness of the fleets. atvrote—rois ναυτικοῖς.

μάτων

Tpocóbo—see c. 18 § 5.

The possession

of a

fleet enabled them still further to increase their trade.

16. τὰς vhoovs

«x.—‘ began

to’ or ‘endeavoured to reduce

the islands.’ The enterprise of Athens and Corinth is alluded to, as in (ἐκεῖνοι) ὅσοι μή.

18. ὅθεν τις— ‘as the result of which

any

considerable

force was brought together,’ or ‘from which any considerable

power was gained.’

This seems to be the meaning, corresponding

NOTES to loxiv δὲ κτλ. above.

regularly

means

161

But παραγίγνομαι in Thuc.

‘be assembled

‘come to the support of.’

‘To

of troops

in the field,’ and with dat.

be added to’ is προσγίγνομαι.

Hence many edd. render ‘in consequeuce of which any considerable force was collected.' ὅθεν is then strange. ξυνέστη — frequently used in this connexion from Herod. downwards. 22. οὐ γὰρ {uvaortxerav—‘they were not joined to the strongest states as subjects, nor yet did they of their own accord unite on an equal footing for a campaign.’

25. κατ᾽ G\AfAovs—inier se. ὡς ἕκαστοι ---οὗ. c. 3 $ 4. Strictly ἐπολέμουν is supplied with es, but the phrase practically becomes a distributive numeral. 27. Χαλκιδέων καὶ 'Éperpiéy — the date of this war, fonght for the possession of the Lelantian plain, is unknown. Herod. says that Samos helped Chalcis and Miletus helped Eretria, and

other allies. rivalry.

of course

both sides must have attracted many

The ultimate cause of the war was commercial

(Busolt i. p. 818.) PaGE

15.

1. καὶ rd ἄλλο 'E. —‘ the rest of the Greeks also took sides as allies of the one or the other.’

2. tweyévero—often of unfavourable occurrences, especially of anything sudden and unexpected, such as natural phenomena. 8. &4AXo&.—' in different parts.’ pfy—according to the constr. with verbs of hindrance (M. 7. 749, 807), though

4. xa(—*'and προχωρησάντων

κωλύω generally has the simple infin.

in particular.'—Iee and by éweorpárevoe.

is governed both by There is an anacoluthon

at ἐπεστράτευσε, for strictly ἐπεγένετο should govern “Iwo: with an abstract noun parallel to κωλύματα for its subject. 6. βασιλεία.---Μ88. authority is altogether in favour of this against ἐξουσία, and ἐξουσία does not seem to occur before Aristotle in this sense. Stahl thinks βασιλεία is ἃ gloss on

ἐξουσία. But it is possible that ἐξουσία itself is a gloss. The matter is complicated by the fact that both βασιλεία and

ἐξουσία have 8 double sense (ἐξουσία, *power to do & thing,' a ‘power’; cf. βασιλεία τὸ ἀξίωμα καὶ τὸ ἔθνος βασιλευόμενον, Suidas) Of course here the sense is concrete.

162

THUCYDIDES ov —the

destruction

of the

I Lydian

monarchy

was

546 B.c., Herod. i. 87 etc.

ca —28 part. of εἰμί is constantly omitted after ὅσος. ἐντὸς "AXvos ποταμοῦ — ἐντός from the Greek point of view. When ποταμός is added the art. is regularly inserted before the name of a river in Attic. But Herod. does not use the art., and Thuc. omits it in six passages. The only other known exx. are Anab. iv. 7, 18.

Isocr.

7, 80 (also ἐντὸς

"AAvos v.)

and Xen.

9. καὶ τὰς vf ovs—according to Herod. i. 169, when the Ionian cities of the mainland submitted to Harpagus, the islands islands

would

also was

gave in; but no doubt the submission of the incomplete. Otherwise the rise of Polycrates

be unaccountable.

Thuc.

alludes

to their reduction

after Lade, 494 Β.0.

10. TÓpavvo.—see c. 18 8 1.

The course of the argument

was there broken by the reference to the fleets, which were first dealt with.

ll. τὸ d$ ἑαντῶν—' their own interests.’ 12. τὸ cépa—‘ with regard to their personal good and the increase of their own estate.' σῶμα includes safety and enjoyment. 14. 8

orara.

dodadtdas

.

. μάλιστα-- ὅσον ἐδύναντο

ἀσφαλέ-

‘Had the utmost regard for security in the administra-

tion of their cities,’ i.e. ‘ pursued a cautious policy’ by avoiding

great enterprises.

δι’ ἀσφαλείας is an adverbial phrase,

those with which ἔχειν is usually found, as àv ἐπιμελείας, ἡσυχίας,

like δι᾽

διὰ φυλακῆς.

15. ἀπ᾿ aórév—'on their part.’ 16. εἰ μὴ εἴ τι--εἰ μὴ crit. note).

el, nisi si, only

εἰ μή becomes an adverb.

here

M.T.

17. ol yap—for the use of γάρ cf. c. 14,1. tyrants in fact attained to the greatest

in Thuc.

(see

476, 4.

‘The Sicilian

power,' i.e. greater power

than any other of the tyrants (and they fought against their

neighbours) The sense of πλεῖστον here is that of c. πλεῖστον ἀνθρώπων. There is no need for excision.

18 2 ἐπὶ

18. οὕτω πανταχόθεν —summing up the whole from c. 18. 19. κατείχετο--- was held in check,’ ‘constrained.’ Cf.c.16;

but the second clause, xarà πόλεις re shows that κατείχετο is felt here not as a verb of prevention, but of compulsion.

22. 'A8nvatay —the overthrow of Hippias, 510 B.c.

NOTES

163

23. ol ἐκ $s—the prep. by attraction to κατελύθησαν. ἐπὶ πολὺ kxTÀ.—lit. ‘which over a large area had been under tyrants even before Athens.' The earliest instance was at Sicyon, where Orthagoras became tyrant circ. 670 B.c.

24. ol πλεῖστοι. . Σικελίᾳ —limiting apposition to oi τύραννοι, καὶ. . Σικελίᾳ explaining πλεῖστοι, ‘most of them, the last in fact except those ın Sicily.' In Syracuse the tyrants lasted till 466 B.c., when Thraaybulus was expelled.

25. ὑπὸ Δακεδαιμονίων —the Spartans were called ,ucorÜparvo. Cf. Aristotle, τυραννίδας. But their

Pol. v. 10 Aax. traditional policy

πλείστας κατέλυσαν of tyrant-breaking

was dropped in the fourth cent., when αὐτονομία became their watchword. Thus in 371 B.c. an orator is represented by Xen.

as

taunting

the

Spartans

with

preferring

tyranny

to free

institutions. Alcibiades in his speech at Sparta (vi. 89— winter of 415-4 B.C.) makes a point out of this tradition. 27. τὴν «rlow--strictly speaking the Dorians did not found Sparta: it existed before the invasion ; but there is no difficulty in speaking of the second founders thus. PAGE

16

1. ὧν ἴσμεν — ἐκείνων obs ἴσμεν.

The στάσις

lasted

longer

at Sparta than elsewhere: cf. Herod. i. 65, the Spartans before Lycurgus κακονομώτατοι ἦσαν σχεδὸν πάντων Ἑλλήνων κατά Te σφέας αὐτοὺς καὶ ξείνοισι ἀπρόσμικτοι. In spite of this, they were the earliest to obtain good laws—yeréBador ἐς εὐνομίην (Herod. 1.c.) 2 ηὐνομήθη.

4. Terpakócva —this gives a later date than 884 B.c. which other authorities assign to Lycurgus. 7. 8vváy«vov— δυνατοὶ ὄντες, see L. & S.

8. μετὰ 8{—the main sentence is resumed after the parenthesis.

Cf. the use of δέ (δ᾽ οὖν) in c. 11, 1; οὖν in vii. 42, 3 ;

δέ is frequent. So autem, sed, igitur. τὴν κατάλνσιν ἐκ “Ἑλλάδος —the art. is not repeated with a verbal substantive. The words necessary to complete its sense generally follow, but sometimes precede it, as in ii. 18, 3 κατὰ τὴν ἄλλην

πορείαν ἡ σχολαιότης.

In the

latter case, the prepositional phrase is connected with the verd

of the sentence (cf. ii. 7, 2; 38, 1) as well as with the verbal

substantive. 10. καὶ ἡ ἐν Μαραθῶνι päxn—i.e. now begins the modern period, τὰ Μηδικά.

164

THUCYDIDES

I

12. τῷ 4. ordAg—‘ the great armada.’ 14. ἐπικρεμασθέντοι.---΄ impending,’ as ii. 58, 4; iii. 40, 7. 16. τῶν Evprodqunodvrev —this and ἡγήσαντο are ingressive ; *assumed the leadership of those who entered on the war as allies.’ wpotvyovres—causal.

19. καὶ ἀνασκενασάμενοι. βόντες τὰ σκεύη ἐσέβησαν

importance οἵ ναυτικοὶ

. ἐσβάντες. . ἐγένοντο = ἀναλα-

καὶ ἐγένοντο.

Observe the historical

ἐγένοντο, which

is emphasised

by its

connexion with ἡγήσαντο τῶν ᾿Ελλήνων.

20. ἀπωσάμενοι.

. διεκρίθησαν --ἰἰϊὸ subject

the course of the sentence from *the

modified

in

confederutes' to the con-

federates exclusive of Athens and Sparta, and those Asiatic

cities and islands that revolted from Persia after Salamis.

24. rabra—Athens

and Sparta.

Suddvn—'‘it had become

clear that,’ denoting the singling out of these two from among

the rest.

The aor. in sense of plup. appears in (1) sentences

introduced

by

‘when,’

‘since,’

‘until’

regularly

; (2) in rel.

and other subord. sentences often ; (3) in principal sentences occasionally.

26. dpatxpla—used ὅμαιχμος

by Herod.

and late writers;

the adj.

in 111. 58, 4.

27. Scevey Oévres—open war in 457 B.c., dispute in 461 B.c. Seo c. 103. ἐπολέμησαν ---ἴ1}} the thirty years’ truce 445 B.c. c. 107. PaGE

17.

4. ἤδη tx@pow— ‘now regularly joined these states '—i.e. entered the alliance of Athens or Sparta. Contrast the earlier State of affairs, c. 15, 2 οὐ γὰρ ξυνειστήκεσαν κτλ.

δ. τὰ

μὲν amevöduevor— this should

truces ' ; but we certainly expect ‘being revious sentences Thuc. has descri

mean

‘now

making

now at peace.’ In the the state of affairs (a)

rom the battle of Salamis to 457 B.c., (b) from 457 onwards. Now during period (a) Athens and Sparta were at ce; but

from 466 disputes began between Athens and her allies. During period (b) Athens and Sparta might be said to be 'making truces' (450, 445 B.c.) or making war. The ὥστε therefore seems to refer to what happened from 496 onwards ; but ἀπὸ τῶν Mndcxdv—the

war with

Xerxes to the battle

Plataea (or Mycale) does not agree with this.

of precision in the passage.

of

There is a want

NOTES 7. εὖ παρεσκενάσαντο

τὰ

165

πολέμια --- οὐ Arist

Ath. Pol.

28 of the Athenians, συνέβη τὰ εἰς τὸν πόλεμον ἀσκῆσαι. τὰ πολέμα in the sense of τὰ πολεμικά is found in Herod. and

Hippocrates ; Xen. Anab. i. 6, 1; Arist. Ath. Pol. c. 8 and 23. ll. ἡγοῦντο---86. αὐτῶν.

κατ᾽ ὀλιγαρχίαν σουσι kar -ὀλιγαρχίαν

kTÀ. —i.e. θεραπεύοντες (κατά of manner),

δὲ ὅπως

πολιτεύ-

ἐπιτηδείως σφίσιν

αὐτοῖς

μόνον (‘in their, the Lacedaemonian, interests alone’). Cf. Arist. Pol. iv. 11 τῶν ἐν ἡγεμονίᾳ γενομένων τῆς Ἑλλάδος... ol μὲν δημοκρατίας καθίστασαν, οἱ δ᾽ ὀλιγαρχίας, οὐ πρὸς τὸ τῶν πόλεων συμφέρον σκοποῦντες ἀλλὰ πρὸς τὸ σφέτερον αὐτῶν.

13. ναῦς τε τῶν médeov—having gradually taken (assumed possession of) the ships of the various cities.

over Cf.

c. 99, 3.

16.

καὶ

ἐγένετο

ajrois—two

widely

different views

are

taken of this passage according 88 αὐτοῖς means (a) 'the Athenians’ only or (b) ‘the Athenians and Lacedaemonians.’ Omitting minor differences, we get (a) ‘and so her own

resources for carrying on this war reached a greater strength than (what she had} when she stood at the height of her prosperity side by side with the undamaged forces of her confederates’; i.e. Athens had appropriated the forces of her confederates, as it were, and thus was stronger than when she was at the head of a body of independent allies. (δ) The forces of Athens and Sparta separately were stronger than they had been (both together) during the period of the ὁμαιχμία (Classen) or ‘stronger than the strongest power each separately had wielded with its still undamaged συμμαχία᾽ (Herbst). (a) accords with what Thuc. afterwards says of the growth of Athenian power (cf. c. 118). By τὰ κράτιστα he means the time before the reduction

of Naxos

(466

B.0.).

ξυμμαχία

ἀκραιφνής

is in

contrast with the appropriation of ships and imposition of tribute. (b) with Classen’s rendering is too strong; with Herbst,

we certainly

hardly

feel the

statement, as far 88 it

refers to Sparta, consistent with the reference to her policy made above. 20. τὰ TaÀadÁ —this, as Herbst and Steup point out, refers only to the time before the expulsion of the tyrants—see note on c. 1 8 2 rà yàp πρὸ αὐτῶν κτλ. Thc events of the Persian wars were fully known,

and

in c. 18, 1 Thuc. comes to

them as to modern events. Therefore we must suppose cc. 18 and 19 to form a long parenthesis—see the analysis of the προοίμιον, Intr. III. note. τοιαῦτα — i.e. comparatively insignificant, οὐ μεγάλα.

166

THUCYDIDES

I

χαλεπὰ öyra— ‘though it is difficult to trust every iece of evidence as put forward in the traditions about them. This is the personal constrn. for χαλεπὸν ὃν παντὶ dis r. v. The clause is amplified in what follows, and does not refer to what

has preceded.

wav &fig= ' every one without exception.’

22.

dxods—‘ accounts.’

24.

edis w—the indirect reflexive, which, as regularly used

in subord.

sentences,

refers to subject of principal

sentence.

But later writers generally use ἑαυτούς etc. as both indirect and direct reflex. ópo(es—as events that did not occur in their own place. 25. 4oüy—cf. c. 28 5. Here ‘for example’ (f and there too). “Iewapyov — there is a more detailed account of the matter in vi. 54-59. Herod. v. 55 ; vi. 188; Arist. Ath. Pol. c. 18. There are no discrepancies between this account and the statement of Herod. and Arist. (for the statement in the latter that Thessalus was half- brother of Hipperchus is not necessarily a contradiction of this); but there are several

differences between

the Aristotelian account and the longer

account given in book vi.

PAGE 18. 1

ὑποτοπήσαντές

rı— ‘feeling

some

suspicion.

(Some

connect τί with μεμηνῦσθαι.) ὑποτοπῆσαι used by Thuc. only in aor. inf. or partic. 2. ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ καὶ π. with μεμηνῦσθαι, ‘on that great

day at the very moment,' before they were to take action. 9. ἐκ. . peanvboßar—the

ἐκ practically

other places in Thuc. in which

τὸ ὑπό are ii. 49, 1; iii. 69, 1; v. 104 ; vi. 36, 2.

The use is lonic, not found in Aristoph., and there are only doubtful traces of it in the orators. 5. πρὶν ξυλληφθῆναι . . κινδυνεῦσαι— ‘wishing to do something

chance.

before they were arrested (and) then to take their

πρὶν £. goes with $pácarrés τι, and xal=‘on

condition.’ 7. περὶ τὸ Λεωκόρειον.--ἐν

tion), but inside the city. 57) was marshalling the

Pol. however says that the acropolis.

Ceramicus

to

the

μέσῳ τῷ

Κεραμεικῷ

that

(Harpocra-

Meanwhile Hippias (according to vi.

procession outside the

gates.

The Ath.

Hippias was awaiting the procession on

e route of the procession was from the (outer)

temple

of

Athena

Polias.

As for the

NOTES Leocorion, the story Leos were sacrificed

167

was that the three daughters of King to Pallas to avert famine from Athons.

The chapelis connected with the worship of Apollo as god of purification.

9. πολλὰ δὲ καὶ ἄλλα — ‘as regards’;

or (what comes to

the same) οἴονται may be rendered ‘conceive.’

10. οὐ une

idée

χρόνῳ ápvneroóg«va—-'le

grec

renforce

positive

sous

forme

en

la

reprenant

souvent negative’

(Chambry). Cf. p. 1121. 16. 11. ὥσπερ xTÀ. —Herod. vi. 57, if the kings are not present

at a meeting of the Council, (κελεύουσι) τοὺς μάλιστά od τῶν γερόντων προσήκοντας ἔχειν τὰ τῶν βασιλέων γέρεα, δύο ψήφους τιθεμένους, τρίτην δὲ τὴν ἑωυτῶν. It may be that Thuc. is referring to that e, and took it to imply that each king had two votes (though it is doubtful whether Herod. meant that) In ix. 53 Herod. mentions the λόχος Πιτανάτης as

present at Plataea.

It can

hardly

be doubted

that Thuc.

consciously includes Herod. among ol ἄλλοι “EAAnves. The Speeches of Thuc., in Hellenica, p. 273.

See Jebb,

12. μιᾷ Whde—we expect the accus., as in Aesch. Zum. 738 ψῆφον δ' Ὀρέστῃ τήνδ᾽ ἐγὼ προσθήσομαι, but the sense is ‘give their opinion (sc. γνώμην) with one vote.’ (Hum. l.c. does not

support the opiuion of Classen and Steup that the use of the

dat. is to be explained by the fact that the kings voted last.) The errors noted illustrate the difficulty of getting information about Spartan proceedings.

17. ἐκ.

. τεκμηρίων with νομέζων.

The object is (ἐκεῖνα)

& διῆλθον, the pred. τοιαῦτα μάλιστα (εἶναι) (wr, πιστεύων, ἡγησάμενος are co-ordinate;

not the . . the

The partic. voyudbut they express

condition, but means : lit. * However, it is by considering proofs I have given and in the light of them thinking that that one will escape error, and not by preferring to follow embellishments and exaggeratious of poets or the attractive

but untrustworthy

coming

to

the

compositions

conclusion.'

participles as conditional,

of prose writers

Edd.

but μήτε.

generally

. . but by

represent

. μήτε would

the

then

be

required. See Mf. T. § 885. 20. ἐπὶ τό---80 as to please the ear of the public rather than to arrive at the truth.’ The double compar. as regularly where two qualities in the same person or thing are contrasted : ἰὼ στρατηγοὶ πλέονες A βελτίονες. 23. Svra—agreeing with the implied object οὗ ξυνέθεσαν.

πολλά is in limiting apposition depends on rà πολλά.

to this object,

and

τὰ

αὐτῶν

168

THUCYDIDES

I

24. äwlarres— ‘so as to be ificredible.' This pregnant use of an adverb ınay often be noticed in the phrases with ἔχειν, διακεῖσθαι, διατιθέναι.

ἐπὶ won

τὸ

μυθῶδες

ἐκνενικηκότα

— generali

rendered

their way into the region of the fabulous':

‘have

but Croiset

explains ‘in which the fabulous character has ended by prevailing.’ 26. ὧς παλαιὰ elvarc—for the restrictive infin. see M. 7. §781 ; ‘sufficiently considering their antiquity.’ The ‘ plainest indications’ are the τεκμήρια of § 1.

27. καὶ ὁ -ól«uos— Thuc. having ascertained, as clearly as is possible, the small importance of earlier undertakings, now returns to the Pel. War, which, to all who judge it in the light of the facts, will be found to have proved more important than they (τὰ παλαιά).

28. ἐν ᾧ-- while.’ Pace

19.

3. SnAsra—with partic., as in ii. 50 ἐδήλωσε. . ἄλλο τι ὄν. Cf. v. 9 δείξω οὐ παραινέσαι olds re ὧν. Cf. Jebb on Soph. Ant. 20. 5. καὶ ὅσα pév—after

his reference

to the importance

of

the war, Thuc. goes on to explain the manner in which he bas dealt with it.

ὅσα --" 88 regards all that.

teup is probably right in explaining this, not as merely pleonastic, but as a reference to the set speeches, as distinct from ‘words’ generally: hence=‘in debate.’ Note, however, the implied contrast between τὰ ἔργα τῶν λεχθέντων and τὰ ἔργα τῶν πραχθέντων, deeds of speech and of act.

6. ἐν atre—i.e. ἐν τῷ πολεμεῖν. 7. χαλεπόν --- for the

implied

sense

‘impossible’

Steup

compares c. 20, 1; vii. 87, 1.

9.

dy —rel. to τῶν λεχθέντων.

ἄλλοθέν Tof«v—' from the various places where they happened to be.'

10. ὡς 8° ἂν ἐδόκουν xv). —' I have represented the various speakers as uttering the sentiments that seemed to me appropriate to the

particular occasion,

while

I have kept as

closely as possible to the general sense of what was really said ' : lit. ‘as I believed that they would have best expressed what it

NOTES was necessary to say.'

169

ἄν and μάλιστα belong to εἰπεῖν : ἐχομένῳ

«Tr. to εἴρηται. to which ἐμοί is supplied. The order is thus awkward, but it is made easier by the preceding ἐμοί. (The sense does not allow us to connect ἐχομένῳ with ἐδόκουν.)

11. τὰ Béovra—i.e. the best arguments that could be found to support the ξύμπασα Hellenica p. 275, thinks

γνώμη of that Thuc.

the speaker. (Jebb, is tacitly contrasting

this method with that of Herod., and, as it can scarcely be doubted that he does so in the passage that follows, this is probably true.)

14. opposed

τὰ

δ᾽

to τὴν

ἔργα

τῶν

πραχθέντων — verbally

ἀκρίβειαν τῶν λεχθέντων

rather

this

than to

is ὅσα

λόγῳ εἶπον.

16. ἠξίωσα. --' thought it my business.’ οὐδ᾽ ὡς ἐμοὶ Lödne— ‘in accordance with my own whims.’ 17. οἷς τε αὐτὸς Tapfjv—i.e. (ἠξίωσα γράφειν ἐκεῖνα) ols: I described ‘facts which I myself witnessed and (I described facts) after inquiring about each detail from others,’ thus ἐπεξελθών is parallel to οἷς αὐτὸς παρῆν, which, as Mr. Forbes says, is equivalent to αὐτὸς παραγενόμενος. (Another way is to make ἐπεξελθών govern οἷς αὐτὸς παρῆν, but this has the eat disadvantage of making οἷς αὐτὸς παρῆν and παρὰ τῶν

ἄλλων parallel phrases. See crit. note.) 18. ὅσον δννατὸν äxpıßela—for (τοσοῦτον)

ὅσον

(accus.

δυνατὸν (ἦν) d. Notice that ἀκριβείᾳ here is subjective in sense, meaning the accuracy of Thuc., not the accuracy of the facts, as in § 1.

21. éxarépev— ‘towards either side,’ objective gen. to εὐνοίας, as in vii. 57, 10 ᾿Αθηναίων εὐνοίᾳ. (Croiset connects ἑκατέρων τις, ex utrisque partibus quisque.)

ὡς . . εὐνοίας ἢ μνήμης

Éxov—for the gen., that of the

sphere in which, depending on x wWs, ποῦ, ποῖ, and occasionally other advs. of manner, cf. c. 36, 2. ἔχοι is iterative.

23. Tb μὴ pußaßes— ‘the fact that he hears no legend in my history.' μή is here subjective, referring to what the reader will feel. (The edd., as frequently in Thuc., give various explanations of this μή.) αὐτῶν--- with τὸ un p. ; cf. c. 1, 2.

24. ärepwiorepov— ' less attractive.’ 25. τῶν y«opévoy —this means ‘the past’ so far as Thuc. records it, the period with which he deals; for Thuc. could

170

THUCYDIDES

I

not suppose that his work would be useful as a record of all pest history. Tb cadés—‘ the truth,’ ‘the exact nature.’ 26. τῶν μελλόντων κτλ. -- of what is likely to be repeated at some future time with more or less exactness.’ PAGE

20.

1, xplvav—subject τούτους. atra— ‘my history,’ as αὐτῶν above. 2. Te—concludiug, 'and so.'

áyévwrpa—the word means ‘performance,’ ‘feat,’ piece,’ or ‘prize’; here of a prize composition. is τὸ παραχρῆμα dxovew—‘ for immediate hearing.’ 4. τῶν

δὲ

wpóre«pov —it is by

this

time

shown

‘show

that

rà

παλαιά (cc. 2-17) were unimportant as compared with the Pel. War. But there remains the war against Xerxes (rà Μηδικόν,

see c. 18, 2, the μέγας

oröAos); and to that Thuc.

now passes. 5. δνοῖν νανμαχίαιν καὶ πεζομαχίαιν — which battles were these? The Schol. says Artemisium and Salamis ; Thermopylae and Plataea. But it is difficult to see how Mycale could be left out, and owing to the indecisive character

of Artemisium, it is likely that Thuc. did not mean to include it, and reckoned Mycale as ἃ ναυμαχία.

7. τούτου δὲ τοῦ w.—it is not possible to say with certainty whether Thuc. alludes the Pel. War.

to the Ten Years’ War, or the whole of

péya — predicative. 8. ξυνηνέχθη; cf. c. 9, 2. frequent in Herod. ll. ὑπὸ

βαρ

This use also, with an infin., is

v—if the Ten Years

War is meant, the

only case mentioned by Thuc. is Colophon (iii. 84); but if the Twenty-seven Years’ War be meant, Mycalessus (vii. 29)

may be included, though ἠρημώθησαν is somewhat exaggerated. ὑπὸ σφῶν abrév—as Thyrea (iv. 57).

12. οἰκήτορας 70), Anactorium (v. 116).

Plataea

peréBadov—as

(iii. 68), Mytilene

(iii. 50),

Aegina (ii. 27), Potidaea (ii.

(iv. 49), Scione (v. 33),

Delos (v. 1), Melos

NOTES 18. $vya(—sc.

ἐγένοντο.

171

Instances of exile as the direct

consequence of the war are the Plataeans (ii. 5), driven out by the Thebans ; the Lesbians, who fled before the Athenians (iv. 52); exile as the result of στάσις occurred at Corcyra (iii.

69), Megara (iv. 74). 15. τά τε πρότερον xTÀ. — ‘moreover what was formerly repeated on hearsay, but seldom confirmed by fact, now became credible,’ because men saw it all.

17. σεισμῶν τε πέρι. . ἡλίον re ἐκλείψειε---[ἢ 6 construction changes slightly. We might have had σεισμοί or περὶ ἐκλείψεων. 19. of αὐτοί --- moreover, the use of idem.

emphasising

ἰσχυρότατοι.

Cf.

20. πυκνότεραι-οὗ course Thuc. does not record all the strange things that befell μετὰ τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου: e.g. he records

no instances

of αὐχμός

or λιμός

(for

does not refer to hunger caused by siege)

λιμοί

evidently

He records two

eclipses of the sun, one in 431 B.c. (ii. 28), the other in 424 B.C. (iv. 52), but if the Ten Years’ War be meant, three eclipses

could have been observed in Greece; or if the Twenty-seven Years’ War is alluded to, six. Of course it is not certain that all of the eclipses were actually observed ; Thuc., as Mr. Forbes

says, only gives the popular opinion. 2» παρὰ τά -' as Som pered with ' ; cf. iv. 6 χειμὼν μείζων παρὰ ν καθεστηκυῖαν y.

23. καὶ 4 . . ἡ vóros—the art. is similarly repeated to throw emphasis on the second part of the phrase—‘the disease that . . I mean the pestilence'—in c. 126, 4, and in several other instances. With νόσος most edd. supply ἐγένετο: but Steup rightly says οὐκ ἄπιστος κατέστη, for when Thuc. describes the plague in ii. 47, he expressly

says that 'it was said that

it had broken out in several other places previously’ to 430 B.c. μέρος

ti—object

number ' of the

of φθείρασα,

sc.

τῆς Ἑλλάδος,

‘a great

Greeks.

26. ἤρξαντο δέ-- the narrative of the war begins at the opening of Bk. ii, the remainder of this book being occupied with the αἰτίαι xal διαφοραί. The main emphasis is on M ID. κτλ. ; the date of the recovery of Euboea is 445 B.c. c. 115).

29. rds alrlas . . καὶ τὰς διαφοράς — these are again denoted by ἡ ἀληθεστάτη πρόφασις and al. . αἰτίαι in § 6.

172

THUCYDIDES PAcx

9. τὴν tive

I

21.

piv γὰρ x7TÀ.—apparently τὴν.

predicate

to τοὺς

᾿Αθηναίους.

. λόγῳ is attribu-

. ἀναγκάσαι,

88 Classen

explains, lit. ‘As for the truest motive . . I think that the A. . . forced' etc.

struction’

(Krüger)

The assumption

seems

of a *confusion

unnecessary.

Chambry

of con-

explains

τὴν d. πρόφασιν τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους ἡγοῦμαι . . kal (ἡγοῦμαι) . . ἀναγκάσαι, so that ἡγοῦμαι has two objects differently expressed, but γιγνομένους and παρέχοντας can scarcely be separated. 4. v—of the actual motive, as in vi. 6, and now and then in other authors. When so used it seems to denote

the motive as it appears to the mind of the writer as distinct from the motive as put forward by the doer. δ.

ι

—in

Athenians during the

c. 118

period between

Thuc.

suys

that

the

the foundation of the

Delian Confederacy and the war (the Pentecontactia) ἐπὶ μέγα ἐχώρησαν δυνάμεως. We might, therefore, look for μείζους del in place of μεγάλους, but, as this is the first mention of Athenian power, the pos. is quite natural. This growing

greatness of A. is described in cc. 88-118;

ai . . X. αἰτίαι

occupy cc. 24-87.

11. 'E. ἐστι wédvg—‘ there is a city named E.’ lev Movr.—dat. of the ‘ person judging,’ frequent in Thuc. The direct accus. instead of és after ἐσπλεῖν is poetical, and occurs nowhere else in prose. 12. 'Ióvvovy—the Adriatic.

16. Koplvdios— when a city that was a colony founded & colony in turn, it was usual to choose & founder from the original mother-city. τῶν ἀφ 'H. depends on Φαλίος, 'of the family of the Heraclidae.' 21. Bóvapuis—see crit. note. The gloss πόλις is, of course, due to πολυάνθρωπος. An obvious change would be δύναμις u. καὶ CGróNs»

πολυάνθρωπος,

vossible

phrase,

but

δύναμις

as δύναμις

denotes

πολυάνθρωπος military

is surely

power:

cf. 88,

a 2

αὕτη (ἡ Sivas) πάρεστιν αὐτεπάγγελτος.

23. ἀπὸ πολέμον... ἐφθάρησαν -- in consequence of a war with . . they became crippled. 24. τῆς δυνάμεωξ depends on τῆς πολλῆς, i.e. the idiom ἡ πολλὴ τῆς δ. is used.

NOTES

173

25. τὰ δὲ re «vraia . . πολέμου --- ‘in the period immediately preceding this war.’ PAGE

22.

1. ἐπελθόντες — this conjecture seems required, since with

ἀπελθόντες (‘the departed exiles’) we miss a circumstantial partic. to eAnfovro. 7. περιορᾶν φθειρομένον: --ἰῃ c. 35, 4 περιορῶ with infin. With

infin. περιορῶ

occurs

only

in

Herod.

—éo: with partic. (pres. or aor. with meaning)= ‘look on’ with indifference. 15. ἐν

ἀπόρῳ

in Antiphon

v. 16,

lxovro — -ἔχεσθαι

ἐν

and

different

πολλῇ

Thuc.,

shade

ἀπορίᾳ

and

of

occurs

Lys. xiii. 11 ; εἶναι ἐν ἀπόρῳ Thuc. iii. 22.

The ordinary phrase is ἐν (πολλῇ) ἀπορίᾳ εἶναι.

16. θέσθαι τὸ Tapóv—' how to arrange the matter.’ 18. εἰ wapaSoteyv—oblique for the delib. subjunct. 19. τιμωρίαν

τινὰ

ποιεῖσθαι--ο.

c. δ,

1,

‘obtain

but the words would naturally mean ‘to bring help’

help’;

(the idiom

with ποιεῖσθαι). In vi. 60, however, ἄδειαν ποιεῖσθαι means ‘to obtain immunity.’ 20. atrots—' the Corinthians,’ depending on παραδοῦναι.

24. vier — here, and frequently in Herod. and Thuc., as direct reflexive, referring to the subject of the same clause. 27. κατά τε τὸ B(xavoy—this does not mean ‘as was right,’ but that τὸ δίκαιον was the motive put forward by the Corinthians; i.e. τὸ δίκαιον has its rhetorical use, and the

plea

may

be

illustrated

by

the

saying

συγγνώμη

ἀδελφῷ

βοηθεῖν. Pace

23.

2. ἅμα δὲ xa(—for the δέ following re cf. c. 11, 1. 4. οὔτε

yap— the

verb

is

ἔπεμπον

to the length of the sentence,

(c.

26,

1),

the construction

but,

owing

is changed

(anacoluthon), and instead of oi Κερκυραῖοι being the subject of the verb, & new subject, οἱ Κορίνθιοι, is introduced. e outline of the sentence ia as follows: 1. (a) οὔτε. . νομιζόμενα, (b) οὔτε. . ἀποικίαι : 2. περιφρονοῦντες δέ, (a) καὶ (‘hoth’) . . πλουσιωτάτοις, (b) kal . . δυνατώτεροι, (c) ναυτικῷ δὲ .. ἐπαιρόμενοι,

etc.

174

THUCYDIDES

I

4. ἐν πανηγύρεσι ταῖς xowais—festivals common to Corinth and Corcyra. 5. γέρα — the schol. rather vaguely says τὰς τιμὰς xai προεδρίας. The corresponding passage in Diodorus says that

the Corcyraeans neglected to send animals for sacrifice. 6. Κορινθίῳ ἀνδρὶ. . ἱερῶν — Herod. vi. 81 (Cleomenes of Sparta at Argos) Xen. Hell. iii. 4 (Agesilaus of Sparta at Aulis) allude to the fact that & ξένος could not offer sacrifice in a strange city without permission. Dittenberger shows that προκατάρχεσθαι is equivalent to προθύειν (cf. Syl. Ins. Gr. 323 and 358): certain ceremonies took place before ἃ victim was killed for sacrifice (Gardner and Jevons, p. 250), and these

ceremonies had to be performed by a citizen of the place.

The

Corcyraeans would not perform them for Corinthians, and thus

prevented the latter from sacrificing in Corcyra. προκατάρχεσθαι

Thuc. uses

here for the usual κατάρχεσθαι.

8. καὶ χρημάτων xTÀ. — ‘partly because the power that money gave them put them on a level with the richest of the Greeks.’ By ‘the richest of the Greeks’ the Corinthians themselves are meant.

There is some exaggeration, no doubt,

for the Athenians

actually

were

among

the

richest ; but

the

wealth of Corinth had become a tradition (see c. 18). ὁμοία ὄντες is not possible (see crit. note), and δυνατοί cannot be supplied with Herbst from δυνατώτεροι. δυνάμει. . ὁμοίᾳ or δυνάμει. . ὁμοῖοι would give the required sense with a proper construction, but no correction is certain.

12. προύχειν---ἐπαίρομαι ‘ boast.’ ἔστιν

is found only here with

ὅτε--- with καὶ κατὰ

κτλ.,

‘sometimes

even

infin.— on

the

ground that the Phaeacians, who were famous for seamanship, had dwelt in Corcyra before them.' The Greeks identified Corcyra with the Scheria of the Odyssey. For the naval reputation of the Phaeacians see Od. vii. 34-39, where they are called ναυσικλυτοί.

14. ἡ «xal—‘ this circumstance (that they were proud of the reputation of the Phaeacians) led them to.’ xal-‘and in act. 15. οὐκ ἀδύνατοι,

meiosis for δυνατώτατοι.

18. ἔπεμπον ---' sent,’ the imperf. being frequently used with πέμπω

and

other

verbs—xeAeów,

δέομαι

etc.— where

we

look

for aor. Perhaps it is because it takes time to deliver the message. 20. καὶ ’Aumpanıarav— with φρουρούς. 22. ᾿Απολλωνίαν---πονν the ruins of Pollina, S. of Durazzo.

NOTES Pace

176

24.

2. καὶ forepov—in contrast with εὐθύς. seems

edd.

to anticipate

explain with

ἀλλὰ

Poppo,

στρατεύουσιν

that this

The érepos στόλος

κτλ. in $ 4;

new

force

but

consisted

the

of

fifteen ships (hence forty below, cf. c. 29, 4). But στρατεύουσιν er’ αὐτούς should not allude to a hostile move made by the twenty-five ships already on the spot (the rendering ‘assume

the offensive' being inadmissible): they should refer only to

the new force sent from home.

9. κατ᾽ érfpaav—‘in a threatening manner,’ with éxéAevor. 6. ἀποδεικνύντε---οἵ. c. 25, 2, ‘calling their attention to graves (of their common

ancestors

buried

of blood, to which they appealed.’

at Corcyra) and ties

ἥν applies equally to both

nouns, but is attracted to the nearer.

9. atrév—neut., with οὐδέν, ‘the demands.’

10. ἀλλὰ crpaTreóoveiv —paratazis, the sense being, ‘but, instead of the E. listening to their demands, the C.' 14. προεῖπον combines public ‘summons’ with ‘notice’; Herod. ii. 115; vii. 149. Infins. of combined also with λέγω and γιγνώσκω. 18. αὐτοῖς---866 on c. 18, 8.

22. ἐπὶ "i. ἐκήρυσσον.

(different

kinds

are

. Vvav—epexegesis of ἀποικίαν, and governed by For the dat. fem. in adverbial phrase cf. c. 15, 2.

The new colonies were to have equal rights with the old. 24. ἐθέλει. . BosXerav—if ἐθέλοι is right, the two moods are combined in 0.0. ; ἐθέλοι represents ἐθέλει of recta, and there is no change of meaning. It should be noticed that the Laurentian ives ἐθέλει : for the change of indic. after ei to optat. is rare, ut occurs occasionally, as in Lys. vii. 34 προσῆλθον λέγων ὅτι . . ἕτοιμός εἰμι, εἴ τινα βούλοιτο (-Ξ βούλει), παραδοῦναι. Thuc. viii. 89, 3 εἰ μὴ ἥκοιεν represents εἰ μὴ ἥκουσι. 26. Kopww@lag—the the value of the Attic.

Cor.

drachma

In

was about two-thirds of

pévery-—oblique for μενέτω. PAGE 25. 4.

K

fvev —

Cephallenia, of which

9. nevds—sc. ἀνδρῶν.

partitive;

there

Pale was one.

were

four

πόλεις

in

176 15.

THUCYDIDES παρέλαβον — ‘had

the request.

taken

I

with

them,’

to

support

There is no difficulty in supposing that Sparta

and Sicyon were ready to lend their voice to a request that Corinth

should

withdraw

the new

settlers.

These

οἰκήτορες

must have appropriated the property of the exiled Corcyraean oligarchs ; and the proceeding of Corinth was in this respect high-handed. The sending of the πρέσβεις did not commit Sparta to anything. 18. ἀντιποιοῦνται---8.. ᾿Επιδάμνου.

δίκας Bobüyav.— ‘submit the case to arbitration.’ καὶ δέχεσθαι is a technical

States

as

opposed

to

ὃ, διδόναι

phrase for legal arbitration between

war:

cf.

vii.

18

ὅπλα

μὴ

ἐπιφέρειν

ἣν δίκας ἐθέλωσι διδόναι.

19. αἷς ἂν κτλ. -- παρ᾽ αἷς ἂν δίκας δοῦναι d. κα. 21. κρατεῖν---8α. ἤθελον.

ἤθελον δέ---Δὴ alternative suggestion to submit the decision to Apollo. 22. π y δὲ xrÀ.—'but they charged them not to cause a war.

Notice

the difference between πόλεμον ποιῶ and

κ. ποιοῦμαι.

23. εἰ δὲ μή---Ἱ 7. 8478. καὶ atrol—'they in turn.’ The elaborate wording of the allusion to Athens is intended to mark the earnestness and reluctance of the Corcyraeans.

24. ἐκείνων βιαζομένων --- if the Corinthians forced them.’ 25. ἑτέρους τῶν vüv—gen. of comparison ; Xen. Mem. Iv. iv. 25 ἄλλα τῶν δικαίων.

So Lat. alius occasionally has abl.

τῶν

νῦν ὄντων means the Peloponnesians whose confederacy Corcyra threatens to leave. μᾶλλον goes with φίλους ποιεῖσθαι, ‘sooner’ than agree to the demand of Corinth. 26. ὠφελίας ἕνεκα ---΄ in self-defence.’ PaGE

1.

πρότερον

δ᾽

26.

κτλ. — equivalent

to

οὐ

καλῶς

ἔχειν

πρότερον αὐτούς (the Corinthians and Corcyraeans) δικάζεσθαι, πολιορκουμένων τῶν ᾿Επιδαμνίων, but the logic of the sentence is sacrificed to a verbal antithesis. 4. tatra—i.e. withdraw the ships and the Illyrians.

ἑτοῖμοι δὲ elya.— Krüger supplies δικαξεσθαι, and ὥστε then —'on the understanding that ; but this is not very satisfactory after ποιήσειν ταῦτα has intervened. Böhme and others

NOTES

177

make μένειν depend on ἑτοῖμοι εἶναι, with ὥστε pleonastic ; and for this ἱκανὸς ὥστε is cited from Plat. Protag. 338 c. In either case the sense is the same; they were prepared to agree that besiegers and besieged should stay as they were and

make a truce until the arbitration was concluded. ποιήσασθαι is co-ordinate with μένειν. (Mr. Forbes supplies ποιεῖν ταῦτα to ἑτοῖμοι εἶναι : but ποιεῖν ταῦτα cannot-— δικάζεσθαι,

for in that

case the second proposal of the Corcyraeans, ἣν καὶ ἐκεῖνοι κτλ., i» a lessconciliatory suggestion

$2.) 9. προπέμψαντες.

than

their original proposal,

. Tpóre«pov—pleonasm, as in c. 23, 5.

11. ἑβδομήκοντα καὶ Tévre—the numbers given in c. 27, 2 amount to 68, but to these are to be added the νῆες κεναί from

Elis. ιλίοις —the number is puzzling, as in c. 27, 2 the Cor. are said to be preparing to send 3000. 12. &mt—‘ for, not

‘against.’

ἐναντία,

internal accus. as

adv.; cf. c. 6, 6.

19.

τὸ

ἱερὸν

'AmdAAwvos— ‘the

celebrated

temple’

of

᾿Απόλλων "Axrıos, best known to us from its connexion with the battle of Actium. 21.

wpovrepav— before taking hostile action.

23. teófavres—probably this means that they inserted new cross-beams, called {vywpara or $vyá, connecting one side of the ship with the other. (The ζνυγώματα, however, may be ribs, σταμῖνες.) This has nothing to do with undergirding, which,

as Mr. Forbes says, would be ζύσαντες.

24. érurxevacavres—‘overhauled’ needed.

to

see if repairs were

27. τεσσαράκοντα. —see c. 25, 4. PaGE

27.

2. παρὰ ToÀó—always with a word implying comparison ; of. παρὰ πολὺ ἡσσηθέντες 11. 89, 3. 6. Tapacrfcac9a.—sc. τὴν ᾿Επίδαμνον. ὥστε--ἐφ᾽ wre. . drhAvdas—the οἰκήτορες of c. 26, 1.

10. Acvxlppy—Leukimo, battle was doubtless fought.

SE. of Corcyra,

near which

the

178

THUCYDIDES

I

11. &\Aovs—those taken in the sea-fight. 18. τῆς yfjs—partitive. 20. τοῦ τε χρόνον τὸν πλεῖστον---Ὑ]ἢ μέχρι οὗ, ‘most of the time ’ they were controlling the sea and plundering the allies, ‘until.’ (Classen and Herbst understand by ὁ χρόνος the

remainder

of the campaigning

season,

but, without any

ualification of χρόνος, this is surely impossible.)

Of course the

time intended must depend on the meaning of περιόντι τῷ θέρει͵ for which see next note. Thuc. means that the Corcyraeans did

not keep

their fleet at sea all the time between the

departure of

the Corinthian fleet and its reappearance.

περιιόντι TQ θέρει--- περιόντι, being the reading of all Mss., may be acce ted. If περιεῖναι is intended, the explanation offered (Ullrich and others) ia in *the remaining part of the summer.' Herbst supports this rendering with ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ θέρει τελευτῶντι etc.

(see the passages quoted

by Mr.

Forbes).

But rq θέρει

reAevrürr. means

‘in the summer when it was ending’; and

περιόντι τῷ Oépec

in the summer when it was (all) remaining

over,’ the predicative partic., as Krüger says, modifying the whole sphere covered by the sense of the noun (cf. Bloomfield’s note): this cannot yield the sense ‘in the remaining part of the summer.' περιόντι must therefore be referred to περμέναι, Aeolic elision. Examples of this elision of the: of περί are Aesch. Ag. 1145 περέβαλον, Eum. 634 περεσκήνωσεν, and περιών is frequently iven in M88. for vepuwv. In Xen. Hell. 111. ii. 25 the best Ms.

as περιόντι τῷ ériavrQ. This means ‘during the summer when it was coming round’ to autumn, drawing to a close. Steup

and others, following the Schol. ἐνισταμένῳ, understand ‘when the summer came round’ to mean, when the next summer came ;

but this does not square so well with the concluding

the chapter, which

seem

to refer to the winter

which the battle was fought.

words of

of the year in

If 'drawing to a close' is the

meaning, then the dates would be: Battle of Leucimme (c. 29, 4),

.

.

Spring 435.

Return of Corinthian fleet (c. 30, 3), Autumn 435.

Corinthian preparations (c. 31, 1) . If, however,

the sense is

Summer 435-33.

‘when the next summer

came,’ the

first two dates should be altered to summer 435, and spring 484. (Remember that 'summer' in Thuc. includes spring and autumn.)

In either case the calculations are based on the

date of the battle of Sybota, for which see c. 51. 25. ed$év—seo c. 2b, 2.

NOTES PAGE

179

28.

5. τὸ θέρος robro—i.e. for what was left of the campaigning season of 435. (If περιόντι applies to the next summer, then the whole summer of 434 would be meant.)

9. ὀργῇ ofpowres—‘ excited by' the war, ὀργή being ‘ passion, excitement, impulse,’ as well as anger. It is the ‘war fever' that Thuc. means.

11. τὰ κράτιστα---οἷ. c. 19, end. 12. &

τε

αὐτῆς

κτλ.- -ἐρέτας

which μισθῷ πείθοντες is subordinate.

is object

of dyelpovres,

to

Steup, however, supplies

γαῦς to ἀγείροντες, and makes μ. πείθοντες co-ordinate with dyelporres. He joins τῆς ἄλλης 'E. ἐρέτας together (‘rowers

belonging to other parts of Greece’). With the ordinary construction, supply ἐκ before τῆς. 16. ἔνσπονδοι-- ξύμμαχοι. ἐσεγράψαντο---οαιϑαϊ mid. 19. γενέσθα----ἀοροπαθηΐ on πειρᾶσθαι. Under the terms of the treaty the ἄγραφοι πόλεις might seek the alliance of either Athens or Sparta ; but of course the request might be refused. 20. ἀφελίαν = βοήθειαν. 22. wpeoßevedpevor— ‘to negotiate with them.’ The mid.

seems used.

to express reciprocity,

and

24. wpoo-yevépevov—trans.

‘the

the word

is rather loosely

addition

of their fleet to

. , the chief emphasis being on the partic. 25. θέσθαι---8δ in o. 25, 1.

26. ἐς ἀντιλογίαν ἦλθον---οἴ. els λόγους ἐλθεῖν τινι. 28. εὐεργεσίας. . ὀπρονφειλομένης— ‘without having a claim through some great service rendered or through 8 previously existing alliance. The meaning is simply ‘we cannot urge that we are seeking to renew an old ξυμμαχία or

that we have a claim on you for services rendered.' . * We are not εὐεργέται of Athens': for this see on c. 137, εὐεργεσία ὀφείλεται and c. 128, 4. PAGE

29.

2. τοὺς πέλας —'others.'

4. mp@rov—answered by ἔπειτα δέ. δ. Eiubopa— internal accus. — ξύμφορον δέησιν.

4 καί μοι

180

THUCYDIDES

I

7. BtBawov—(cf. c. 2) pred., ‘ unfailing.’ εἰ. . naracrhroveı— ‘if they do not propose to... 9. perá— ‘while’ or ‘besides,’ a characteristic substitute for μετὰ

τοῦ rh» ξυμμαχίαν

αἰτεῖν.

12. τετύχηκε δὲ «rA.—lit. ‘it has turned out that the same conduct not only involves us in inconsistency in our dealing with you, as regards the request we make, but is also disadvantageous (to us) in respect of our own position at the present time'; i.e. because we have hitherto abstained from entering your alliance it is inconsistent to be seeking

it now,

and for the same reason we are now in danger. To ἄλογον and ἀξύμφορον supply 5», which is often omitted with τυγχάνω, φαίνομαι, 34 end.

διατελῶ,

and

occasionally with

16. ἑκούσιοι— ‘having

other verbs; cf. c.

deliberately avoided

(not ‘having entered into no alliance,

all alliances’

if we could help it’).

The strained position of ἑκούσιοι, and other words, throws special emphasis on the different parts of the clause. This statement is referred to by the Corinthian at c. 37, 2 ξιμμαχίαν οὐδενός πω

δέξασθαι.

18. Kopw0(ev—with πόλεμον ; cf. θεῶν πόλεμος, θεῶν ὄρκος,

‘oath by the gods.’ δι

atré—‘on

that account,’

a favourite

use

of αὐτό

and

αὐτά with Thuc.

19. περιέστηκεν. . φαινομένη--' what formerly seemed discretion in us . . has now on the contrary proved clearly to be want of foresight and weakness.’ The as in the construction τυγχάνει οὖσα.

20. τῇ

.

.

Yoopy—with

£vy.,

partic. with περιεστάναι But cf. c. 120, 5.

‘to

share

the

risks of

another's policy.'

22. τὴν. . vaypaxlav—internal accus. 28. κατὰ pédvas—perhaps δυνάμεις is the subst. omitted in this phrase= ‘ unaided.’ 28. peyas—sc.

ἔσται ἡμῖν. Pace

30.

1. μὴ μετὰ κακίας kxTÀ. —'not maliciously, but because we were mistaken in our policy, we boldly act in a manner inconsistent with our former inactivity.'

ere is nothing mean in

seeking an alliance now for the first time when we are in danger: we were mistaken in not seeking it before.

NOTES 4. ἡ tvvruxta

181

. . τῆς ἡ. xpelas—lit. ‘the coincidence of

our request,’ i.e. ‘our request, coming at such a moment.’

10. ὡς ἂν μάλιστα. . papruplov—sc. καταθεῖσθε, lit. ‘as you would most with a record never forgotten,' i.e. 'in the manner most certain to be remembered for ever by us.'

1l. kara8fqrecÓ«—necessary correction of καταθῆσθε, confer the favour on us.' money. Cf. c. 128, 4.

The

met.

is from

* will

investment

12. γαντικόν τε still depends on ὅτι. 15. καὶ (πρὸ πολλῆς) Xäpıros—i.e. your gratitude

of

would

have been great even if you could only have gained this accession of power for a large sum. Isocr. 18, 11; Dem. pro. 88.

16. Sivapıy— ‘a power’ (powerful state), to be translated as subject of πάρεστιν.

18. φέρουσα is—'producing in the minds of others an impression of generosity, a feeling of gratitude in those whom...’

Notice the use of ἀρετή here.

23.

ἀσφάλειαν

ἀρετὴν

καὶ χάριν.

—referring

to

Pace

ἰσχύν:

κόσμον

referring to

31.

1. ójerépe —' of you.’

2. δνναμένους

—Stahl

to Κορινθίους, and

καταλαμβάνοντας

takes

removes

depends

on

this and

the

second

αἰσθάνεται.

ὄντας in apposition καί so that only xpo-

It is better with

Steup to render the first καί ‘both,’ and to make ὄντας also

depend on αἰσθάνεται : *and are preparing by trying to subdue us for an attack on you.’ 5. κατ᾽ αὐτοὺς. . στῶμεν---΄ confront them.’ δνοῖν φθάσαι ἁμάρτωσιν —(1) ‘may not lose two things’ means ‘may secure one or the other’: hence 4. ing. (2) But the construction of φθάσαι and δυοῖν Taking δυοῖν dependent on ἁμάρτωσιν, as in Andoc. τοῖν μεγίστοιν κακοῖν οὐκ ἣν αὐτῷ ἁμαρτεῖν, most

φθάσαι epexegetic, ‘to

The order is

one of them.’

. % followis doubtful. i. 20 övow edd. make

gain them before (we make alliance).’

against this, and

φθάσαι should then =‘to gain

It has been proposed to remove φθάσαι ; but it

is best, with Croiset, to take δυοῖν as dat. — fail to be before-

hand with two things.’

Either they will inflict a disastrous

defeat on Corcvra, or frighten her into joining themselves.

8. διδόντων— ‘offering,’ as frequently.

182

THUCYDIDES

I

9. προεπιβουλεύειν. . ἀντεπιβουλεύειν — the jingle called paronomasia, to which Thuc. is partial; e.g. vi. 76 οὐκ ἀξυνετωτέρον xaxotuverwrépou δέ.

16. ἐκπέμπονται---50. οἱ ἄποικοι, from πᾶσα ἀποικία. 17. προκληθέντε!---860 c. 28, 2. 19. τῷ ἴσῳ---τῷ νόμῳ καὶ τῷ δικαίῳ, wap οἷς ἡ ἰσότης (Schol.). τὰ ἐγκλήματα μετελθεῖν —like δίκην μέτειμι, ‘enforce their claims.' 21.

éer«—Ífor the construction cf. c. 49, 7 ; 129, 3.

22. ἐκ τοῦ εὐθέοε---' in a straightforward way,’ with δεομένοις. 25. MapBávev—the same use with subst. referring to the feelings, c. ΤΊ, 6 ; cf. ii. θ4 τὸ ἐπίφθονον λαμβάνειν.

27. pydSerépev—on account of the subjective sense given by δεχόμενοι---ἰῦ is from the Lac. point of view. 28. elonraı— ‘there is a clause’ in the thirty years’ truce. PacE

32.

1. ἀρέσκηται --56. ἐλθεῖν, mid., not as in c. 129 rois λόγοις ἀρέσκομαι. The yse of the mid. is Ionic. 5. προκειμένης--‘open to all.’ 7. dra— ‘and actually’ as a climax of arrogance an object if you help us. 9. ἐν αἰτίᾳ ἔχειν ---δ frequent idiom in Thuc. (Kr., followed by Steup, reads ὠφελίας.

εἴ re ἐν.

. δεόμεθα, πολὺ δὴ

κτλ.)

11. οὐχ ὅπως---΄ so far from.’ 14. περιόψεσθε---ἰἶπ] sense—édcere, hence the infin. With the partic. περιορᾶν — to overlook what actually occurs; p. 22 Av—sc. δύναμιν προσλαβεῖν αὐτοὺς περιιδεῖν. ἀλλ΄ — sc. δίκαιόν ἐστι.

15. κἀκείνων.

. καὶ fjuty—i.e. stop them too from getting

help, if you will not help us, or help us too if you let them

‘help themselves’

from your

empire.

κωλύω

with a pers.

object and without infin., *stop the mercenaries they draw,' is not common; Eur. frag. 1011 Nauck οἰκοφθόρον γὰρ ἄνδρα κωλύει γυνὴ ἐσθλή.

16. πέμπειν odedlav—means

‘send aid’ without concluding

NOTES a formal

alliance:

βοηθεῖν

ἀπὸ

183 τοῦ

receive us into alliance and so help us.’ 19. ὑπείπομεν— ‘suggested.’ The

π.

δεξαμένου: =‘ openly

ref.

is

to c. 83,

1

γενήσεται καλὴ ἡ £vrrvx(a κατὰ πολλά.

20. μέγιστον ---86. τὸ ξυμφέρον

ἀποδείκνυμεν.

We

have the

same powerful enemies as you have; and that is a great advantage to you, because it will bind us to you. 21. forav— ‘are, as we saw’; the didactic imperf. : but the word is prob. spurious, because (1) this use of the imperf. is not made out for the speeches of Thuc.: (2) we cannot supply ἦσαν to what follows—obro«

. . BAáyai—but require εἰσίν, since

nothing has been said to suggest that. 23. τοὺς peraorävras— ‘those who shall have abandoned

your alliance.’ This seems more probable than the rendering ‘those who have abandoned them (Corinth), as the mother-

city. Athens may feel that Corcyra would be afraid to abandon the alliance with her. 24. οὐχ ὁμοία ἡ orp(ecw—Classen GÀ and others understand ‘the rejection of it is not the same thing (as if it were a continental alliance),' ie. is more dangerous to you. Stahl, Steup and others: ‘to estrange us is not a matter of indifference to you,’ which accounts better for the ἀλλά following: ‘but you should make friends with a naval power if you cannot prevent its existence.’

26. dav . . Exaw—infin. in imperative sense.

(Some think

δεῖ is lost before εἰ δὲ μή.) Pace

33,

2. φοβεῖται 54—supply ὅστις as subject, but it is usual to omit the second rel. in Greek in such a case.

3. τὰς σπονδὰς λύσῃ --ἰ.6.ὄ if he has not been convinced by what we have said on this

point; see c. 85, 1.

Legally, the

speaker has already explained, there will be no breach of the truce;

but

the alliance

might

be considered

by

Corinth

as ἃ

breach of its spirit.

4. τὸ δεδιός — a favourite construction of Thuc.: ii. 59, 3 τὸ ὀργιζόμενον

τῆς γνώμης : below

c. 84,

6; τὸ μέλλον

90,2;

142, 8. The neut. partic. with art. as noun is rarely used by other prose authors: Xen. Cyr. tv. v. 89 rà ἐλλεῖπον. ἰσχὺν Ixov—as the result of alliance with us.

5. μὴ δεξαμένου ---΄ if he rejects our request.’

184

THUCYDIDES

7. ἀδείστερον — ‘less formidable’:

I here

in passive sense.

Cf. the double meaning of φοβερός, formidolosus. of . . τὸ πλέον — ἧσσον.

10. ἐς Tbv.

. ἐνδοιάζῃ κτλ. —' hesitates to secure for her in

view of the war... a place which becomes friend or enemy with most important consequences to you’ (in either case).

13. rhs . . Σικελίας depeuds on παράπλου,

‘ the coasting

voyage to I. and S.,' Corcyra being the half-way house when the ordinary route to Sicily and Lower (Greek) Italy was taken

— viz. round the coast of Peloponnese and to Corcyra and thence across. The gen. παράπλου depends on καλῶς in the phrase καλῶς κεῖται constructed on the analogy of καλῶς ἔχει,

ὡς ἔχει (e.g. c. 22, 3) etc.

16. &wa\ßeiv—generally go to attack, here to help.

Sparta

hoped for such help from the west.

τό τε ἐνθένδε---δ fleet going from Athens to Italy or Sicily. This passage was prob. written by "'huc. later in the war, when Athens had sent out such fleets via Corcyra.

18. Bpaxvráre κτλ. — ‘this is the briefest summary, including the whole situation and the details, by which . .' τοῖς τε ξύμπασι καὶ καθ᾽ ἕκαστον is taken by Classen as adverbial

— * on the whole as well as in detail,’ but there is no parallel

for the phrase in dative.

It is awkward,

but better,

to make

it apposition to κεφαλαίῳ (Krüger). It is true that only one general matter is presently referred to (viz. the naval strength of Corcyra), so that rà καθ᾽ ἕκαστον seem wanting (Stahl) ; but the speaker means ‘if you think out this summary, you will

find it includes all detailed arguments too.’ the ξυμφέροντα

to Athens

that are brought

If we look at

forward in this

speech, we shall notice (1) that the speaker in each case leads up to the fleet of Corcyra as the crowning argument, (2) that he is well aware

that this is the argument

that will reall

impress Athens. [{ is therefore right to insist on it at the end. κεφάλαιον means ‘summary’ of the points previously raised. Edd. seem to overlook the fact that this ‚passege is rhetorical, and not necessarily strictly accurate. (The remedy proposed is to make τοῖς. . ἕκαστον masc., either as dat. commodi

depending on B. κεφαλαίῳ (Poppo, Steup) or placed after or before ξυμφορώτατόν ἐστι.)

20. τρία pév—sc. ἐστί : ὄντα belongs to λόγον ἄξια.

(There is

no anacoluthon here.)

26. πλείοσι κτλ.--- with our ships in addition (to yours). For this use of πλείων cf. e.g. Aesch. 44g. 755 τὸ δυσσεβὲς "yàp

NOTES ἔργον . . πλείονα

τίκτε.

(To

take

185 rais

ἡμετέραις

as dat.

measure dependent on πλείοσι gives an ugly construction.) PacE

of

34.

3. ὡς καί for καὶ ws, unless καί is due to dittography (ws and καί are sometimes confused in Mss.). The parallels quoted, like ii. 44 ὅ τι ἄξιον καὶ εἰπεῖν, are not close. (Steup thinks that after καί a clause is lost in which one of the two topics summed up in ἀμφοτέρων was expressed.)

5. apdoripav—strictly τὸ ἡμᾶς ἀδικεῖν and τὸ αὐτοὺς πολεμοῦσθαι are but one topic differently expressed, and the two aspects of the matter are not clearly distinguished in what follows. 6.

obra —like (um demum.

7. dflwow—‘ claim.’

8. μὴ dAXoylo-ras—together as oue word. 10. τὸ &£—' but that,’ τό being demonstrative in sense. 11. dperg—either depending on ἐπί, or perhaps rather causal dat.

ἀρετή means τὸ σῶφρον : cf. c. 82, 4.

ξύμμαχόν re—we have here the only example of re followed by οὔτε (before παρακαλοῦντες. οὔτε . . Te 18 common): ‘ wishing to have no ally in their nefarious schemes (persecuting their neighbours) or witness (οὐδέ does not mean ‘not even’

here as Mr. Forbes supposes), and to avoid exposing themselves to shame by asking others to aid them (in such schemes). The

simplest change proposed is to alter οὐδέ to οὔτε (Weil), so that τε would co-ordinate βουλόμενοι to ἐπὶ κακουργίᾳ kal οὐκ ἀρετῇ

and οὔτε u. ἔχειν ΞΞ' neither to have any ally as a witness in their schetnes nor to.

.'

15. αὐτάρκη θέσιν — internal accus.: the meaning is presently explained in διὰ τὸ κτλ. 16. παρέχει αὐτοὺς kTÀ. —‘ makes them judges of the wrongs they inflict more than (they would be) if they were hampered by treaties.” cf. c. 76, 3:

With μᾶλλον 4 κατά, ‘more than accords with,’ il. 50 χαλεπωτέρως

N κατὰ

τὴν

ἀνθρωπείαν

φύσιν.

(γίγνεσθαι does not belong to the phrase, but to δικαστάς only.)

δικαστάς-the meaning is that a citizen of another state who went to law with a Corcyrean must proceed as a ξένος in the Corcyrean courts: Corcyra does not experience a similar difficulty, whether real or assumed, because her citizens do not need to have dealings with other states to anything like the

186

THUCYDIDES

I

same extent. Corcyra was, of course, the port of call for all vessels passing to and from the west by the ‘coasting’ route; but the grievance based on this fact is surely exaggerated here. 18. ἐκπλέοντας agrees with ‘the Corcyreans ': others when at sea ἀνάγκῃ καταίρουσι to Corcyra.

20. καὶ τοῦτο κτλ. --- the speaker now alludes to disputes between Corcyra and another state (meaning Corinth) er τούτῳ, ‘this being their conduct’ (see crit. note), is not right, because the argument shifts here to a new point. τὸ εὐπρεπὲς Anwovboy—cf. e.g. vi. 84 τὸ ξυνηθὲς ἤσνχον.

21. προβέβληνται--as a

shield

or cloak

to

cover

their

ἀδικῶσι, and

means

ἀδικία. 22.

καὶ Swws--this

explains

κατὰ μόνας

whether they make unrighteous gains by force or by deceit— these two ways are summed feel no shame, 25.

up in 9%» . . *pocAáBwew-——they

because there is no witness.

«a(rov.—the

sentence

that

follows

refers

to both

the

grievances just alleged.

26. ἀληπτότεροι other verbs. M.T.§ 415.

ἦσαν

—the imperf. by assimilation to the

ἐξῆν is, of course, potential according to Goodwin, ἀληπτότεροι because of their αὐτάρκης θέσις. PAGE

1.

διδοῦσι

καὶ

δίκας in this ease

δεχομένοις (c. 28,

2);

35.

τὰ

5.— Corcyra

but the

Corinthian

had

offered

means

that

they would not enter into an alliance, a condition of which was regularly the settlement of disputes by arbitration.

4. διὰ wavrés—temporal. 8. τὰ εἰκότα θαυμάζεσθαι.---“ἴο

receive

the

proper

marks

of honour,' for which see c. 25, 4.

12. äptaxovres—Soph. O. T. 274 ὅσοις τάδ᾽ ἔστ᾽ ἀρέσκοντ᾽. 13. ἐπιστρατεύομεν — nor is it our way to attack a colony exceptionally unless we have suffered . .' The partic.

must

be conditional;

ἐπεστρατεύομεν,

sc.

but

ἄν,

the sense

‘nor

should

is much

we

be

improved

attacking

(Corcyra) in à manner so exceptional ' (as we are doing). μὴ á. would=el μὴ ἠδικούμεθα.

Thus

If ἐπιστρατεύομεν be right, ἐκ-

Tperós may = ‘unreasonably,’ being explained by μὴ.

μενοι : but ‘exceptionally’ has much more point here.

14. καλὸν δ᾽ fiy —cf. c. 37, 5.

by

them

. ἀδικού-

NOTES

187

16. alexpóv—slight anacoluthon, adding to the vigour of the sentence. 17. μετριότητα ---80. εἰ μέτριοι ἦσαν. ὕβρει δὲ xrÀ.—solemnity of 'gnomic' style; cf. L. ἃ S. under xópos.

19. xaxoupévnv—tem poral, 20. 4pocemovoüvro—as in c. 8. 3.

For the treatment of

Epidamnus by Corcyra see c. 24, and for the intervention Corinth c. 26.

of

21. ἔχονσι--now hold it.’ 23. fv ye κτλ. -αἀλλὰ ταύτην ye οὐκ ἐκεῖνον ὃς προύχων καὶ ἐκ τοῦ ἀσφαλοῦς προκαλεῖται, so that προύχοντα, ‘from ἃ position of superiority' (gained by the use of force), is coordinate with ἐκ τοῦ ἀσφαλοῦς.

25. λέγειν rı— ‘talk seriously.’ 26. ds ἴσον... καθιστάντα--[18 clause is in contrast with

προύχοντα

καὶ ἐκ τοῦ ἀσφαλοῦς, and must mean

that in order

that a demand for arbitration may be entertained, the party making the demand must first set himself on a level with the other party not merely in free discussion with him, but (what is more important), by giving up any advantage he has gained till a decision is arrived at. Transl. ‘but he who, before having recourse to arms, puts himself in deeds as well as in

words on a level.’

solution,’ whether

πρὶν διαγωνίζεσθαι may mean ‘before any

by arms or arbitration ; but πρὶν πολιορκεῖν

favours the more confined sense. The meaning of és ἴσον... καθιστάντα cannot be, according to the old explan., ‘ whose

deeds square with his words.’

28. πρὶν πολιορκεῖν .---πρίν ‘before’;

for the infin. after a

neg. preceding πρίν cf. c. 68, 2.

Paar 36. 5. ξυμμαχεῖν.

. £vvaBukety —c. 33, 4.

διαφόρους ὄντας agrees with σφᾶς. 7. wporutvar— ‘to have applied to you.’ 8. ἐν $—' under present circumstances, when.’ 11. ἀπογενόμενοι — οὐ μεταλαβόντες. 13. κοινώσαντες-- having given you a share

in.’

The

confusion of xowoü» and κοινωνεῖν (have a share in) in Mss. is very common. τὰ ἀποβαίνοντα means ὠφελία, the natural result τοῦ πάλαι κοινῶσαι

τὴν δύναμιν.

(ἐγκλημάτων

in C is an

188

THUCYDIDES

I

oversight—see the next line. The text of G gives a Scholium on tliis false reading from πάλαι to ἐγκλημάτων.) 21. ἀγράφων — τῶν μήπω ἐγγεγραμμένων. οὐ τοῖς kTÀ.—'that clause does not apply to those whose application is intended to cause injury to others.’ 22. GAN (ἐκείνῳ) Sarıs— ‘who does not withdraw from another’; cf. c. 38, 1. For tlie construction of ἀποστερῶν

Croiset quotes

Antiphon

v. 78 οὐκ ἀποστερῶν

γε.

. ἑαυτὸν

οὐδενός (ueut.).

24. peace applies whom

τοῖς for to they

δεξαμένοις xTÀ.—' will not cause war instead of those who have admitted them': εἰ σωφρονοῦσι the whole sentence, and means ‘as they—those to make the application—know if they are prudent.'

The brachylogy is the same as in vi. 11, 7 οὐ περὶ τῶν ἐν Σικελίᾳ . . ὁ ἀγών, el σωφρονοῦμεν, and also in iii. 44, 1. (This is

Steup's view, the best explanation that has been

given of this

awkward sentence. Classen, Stahl, Krüger and others assume that the ref. is to the conduct of the parties after the alliance is

concluded, and understand * who will

assure peace, not war to

those who receive them, if they, oi δέξάμενοι, show ordinary discretion.’ Croiset seems to refer el σωφρονοῦσιν to those making the application, but the two parallel passages tell against this. Weil proposes xel σωφρονοῦσιν.) 25. ποιήσει---΄ will cause.’ 8—i.e. τὸ πόλεμον ἔχειν κτλ. Pace

37.

8. ἐνσ πόνδων — i.e. you would be wiped out of the thirty years' truce, so far as we are concerned. ἀνάγκη yáp—the threat, we shall include you with them in our hostile measures, is vaguely expressed. τούτους is obj. to ἀμύνεσθαι, and μὴ ἄνευ ὑμῶν — μεθ᾽ ὑμῶν.

δ. xalroı—here means ‘and surely,’ not ‘and yet.’ δίκαιοί γ᾽ —the personal construction common with δίκαιος. 6. ἐκποδὼν arfivar—neutrality is your best plan. 9. Ei ἀνοκωχῆς . . ἐγένεσθε — cf. c. 78, 2 de’ ὄχλου εἶναι. ἀνοκωχή

is an armistice.

10. ὥστε. . δέχεσθαι explains τὸν νόμον. 11. Σαμίων ἀποστάντων —in 440 B.c., c. 115. semblance

between

the

two

cases is more

verbal

The than

re. real.

NOTES

189

The Corinthian keeps using ἀποστῆναι of Corcyra ; but Corcyra's ἀπόστασις WAS really only the estrangement of a colony from the mother-city, whereas Samos really revolted from the Athenian alliance.

18. δίχα ἐψηφισμένων --- were divided in their votes.’ 14. dvre(rropev—‘ made a counter proposal.’ 15. abrév—ipsum.

16. «

yàp

τοὺς

rwä=rdvra

κακόν

τινά.

κτλ. —an

argument

from

ex-

pediency to support the exhortation τὸν νόμον μὴ καθιστάναι . . δέχεσθαι. But the γάρ is strange, and should perhaps be

altered to δέ or re.

(Steup proposes to place this sentence at

the end of c. 42, where τῷ αὐτίκα φανερῷ

fits in with

φανεῖται

καὶ d.)

17. τιμωρήσετε---ΒΌΡΡΙΥ a dat.; the case of the common object follows the partic. according to the usual const. ; cf. c. Db, 1.

νεῖται

due to

καὶ

Thuc.

&—

himself.

perhaps

‘a

Potidaea,

prophecy

after

Lesbos

and

the

otlıer

event’

parts

revolted not so long after. & (in place of οἵ) adds to the bitterness of the sentence; and the unexpected word φανεῖται

is sarcastic, φαίνομαι being constantly coming πω, ὦ Corinth 23.

used in this way of the

of deliverers, helpers, etc. (0 λωφήσων γὰρ οὐ πέφηνέ χρόνῳ φανείς and so on). From the point of view of the revolt would be a ‘coming’ of this kind. fjv —antecedent χάριτος. We are not your enemies,

so you cannot refuse on that ground ; we are not that you cannot object that services on

your friends, so

both sides are natural,

and that we should not reckon what we did for you as laying you under an obligation. The ém- denotes reciprocity: ‘to be on terms of intimacy.'

"This antithesis is somewhat artificial,

and,

correspondence,

but

for

the

verbal

we

should

look

for

something like ὥστ᾽ εἰκὸς εἶναι προῖκα ἐπιχρῆσθαι ἡμᾶς (you and we) ἀλλήλοις. (The transl. ‘so as to use you freely ’ would be easier ; but there is no authority for ἐπιχρῆσθαι in this sense.)

27. wore—in the first war with Aegina, 505—491 B.c. ; hence ὑπὲρ τὰ

Μηδικά-πρὸ τῶν

Μηδικῶν,

see c. 14, 2.

PAGE 38, 2. ἐπικράτησιν

—the partiality of Thuc. for nouns in -σις

formed from verbs is well known

; some of tliem, like this and

πρέσβευσις (c. 73), occur nowhere

else iu classical authors.

A

190

THUCYDIDES

I

good example of the

preference for nouns over verbs occurs at

c. 187, 4 γράψας.

διάλυσιν : ἐνθύμησις, p. 117, 1. 5.

.

4. οἷς for ἐν οἷς after ἐν καιροῖς, hy a common idiom. 9. τὰ olxeta—‘ their own interests.’

ll. γεώτερός

τις — in ref. to the

Aeginetan

War.

The

sing. has attracted the verbs into the sing. in spite of ἐνθυμηθέντες. αὐτά might of course have been omitted, but Thuc. is

fond of putting it into the second member of a rel. sentence. (To repeat the rel. is exceptional.)

13. τοῖς ὁμοίοις ἀμύνεσθαι. --΄ ἴο requite us with like treat-

ment. ἀμύνομαι in this sense generally implies the paying back of injuries, and here we should expect ἀμείβεσθαι (see crit.

note, and cf. L. ἃ S. under ἀμείβομαι). Presently we have an ordinary phrase, τὸ ἴσον ἀνταποδοῦναι: but it may be that, in opposing the Corinthian ‘‘ δίκαιον " to the Corcyrean ‘‘ ξυμφέρον,"

ıuc. purposely makes the speaker use a word

that is properly

used of dealings between enemies: the speaker means ‘‘ They say we are your enemies (see c. 33, 3): you must judge of that by our actions in the past, and pay us for our so-called enmity with the same sort of

*enmity.' "

15. εἰ wodtqufioa—‘in the event of war.

The Corinthian,

like the Corcyrean, insisted on (1) τὸ δίκαιον, (2) τὸ ξυμφέρον, but—as Fr. Müller says—he deals vaguely with the latter

topic, since Corinth Corcyra had.

16. ἐν ᾧ--ο.

had

37, 4.

clearly less to offer Athens

ἕπεται-- 'is found,’

is a moral sentiment—much

but not much

in point here.

than

‘is there.’

It

like ‘ virtue is its own reward '—

Grammatically

being attracted into the relative clause.

ris is for rem,

17. τὸ μέλλον τοῦ πολέμου---1.6. it is not certain that war is coming. 20. ἐπαρθέντας abrp—' prompted by that expectation’ ; Eur. Orest. 286 ὅστις u’ ἑπάρας ἔργον

ἀνοσιώτατον (‘toa..

ἢ

κτλ.

22. ὑπαρχούσης πρότερον ---' that existed alreadv.'

This is

the Engl. equivalent, though ὑπαρχούσης is really émperf. partic.,

past in reference to ὑφείλομεν.

ὑφελεῖν μᾶλλον

‘is to diminish

rather than to add to,’ and the gen. is partitive (μᾶλλον does not belong to σῶφρον as Classen took it). For πρότερον ὑπῆρχε cf. vii. 28 πόλεμον οὐδὲν ἐλάσσω προσανείλοντο τοῦ πρότερον ὑπάρχοντος. The transl ‘that has existed for some time’ is

simple, but scarcely justified.

NOTES

191

Sa M — what event is alluded to! Edd. are much divided between (1) 'the Megarian decree, by which Athens excluded Megara from all her ports and markets (c. 67); (2) the revolt of Megara to Athens after & dispute with Corinth (c. 108 for τὸ σφοδρὸν μῖσος that Corinth conceived for Athens on this account) in 465 B.c.; (3) the revolt of Megara with Corinthian support, from Athens in 445 8.0. (cc. 114-115). The ὑποψία is that felt by Corinth, so that (3) appears unlikely—note ἔγκλημα. As (1) is the only one of these events that had happened since the thirty years' truce,

itis the most probable;

but the date of the Megarian decree

is unfortunately doubtful, and some suppose, on insufficient evidence, that it was not passed so early as 433 B.C.

23. ἡ τελευταία xdpis—the service that Athens will render to Corinth by refusing the Corcyrean request. ‘ This will be highly opportune, though involving a trifling sacrifice ' (Morris). 25. μεῖζον ἔγκλημα---ἰ(ἢρ complaint that we have

against

you about Megara. (If the first explan. above is right, this ἔγκλημα would be that Athens had violated the thirty years’ truce.) PıceE

39.

1. διὰ κινδύνων— with ἔχειν - ἐπικινδύνως. Claassen constructs τό with πλέον, to which it is objected that πλέον ἔχειν, not τὸ πλέον ἔχειν = πλεονεκτεῖν, ‘be grasping’; and hence Cl.

proposed τι for r6. phrases:

(1) (2) For (1) cf. vii. ἑκουσίων κινδύνων by the preceding

But διὰ. . ἔχειν is a combination of two

διὰ κινδύνων τὴν δύναμιν ἔχειν, διὰ κινδύνων πλέον ἔχειν. 8 τὸ στρατόπεδον διὰ φυλακῆς μᾶλλον ἣ di’ ἔχων. The art. before πλέον is occasioned δύναμις. Stahl constructs τό with Exew, but

the position of the {wo members outside the article—79 . . ἐπαρθέντας and διὰ x.—is against this.

2. περιπεπτωκότες

οἷς.

. κολάζειν— the simplest explan.

is ‘now that we find ourselves in the condition that we spoke of at Sparta, when we urged . .' Thus οἷς Ξ ἐκείνοις &, προείπομεν does double duty, 'spoke of, and urged that’ and τοὺς. . κολάζειν is epexegetic. The only objection is that this is rather artificial. The condition alluded to is that of a city whose allies are in ἁπόστασις, as Corinth holds that Coreyra is from her—óià παντὸς ἀφεστᾶσι. Stahl followed by Classen and others supplies περιπεπτωκώύτα after

192

THUCYDIDES

I

οἷς, ‘now that we find ourselves in the cireumstances in which, as we ourselves urged . .' This is doubtful grammar. Dobree bracketed

τοὺς.

. κολάζειν

as spurious

and

repeated

from

c.

40: this gives an easy construction, and σῴφετέρους instead of ἑαυτοῦ, with sing. αὐτόν τινα, is unusual.

18. τῇ vii.

11.

μὲν ἐν

προτέρᾳ — temporal, δὲ

τῇ

ὑστεραίᾳ

like

(ἐκκλησίᾳ)

μάχῃ

must

TD

mean

πρώτῃ ‘in

the

the assembly met on

the

assembly held on the following day,' according to the meaning of such adjs. in -aios. Cobet read ὑστέρᾳ, ‘in the subsequent assembly.'

We

must

assume

that

next day when a debate was adjourned (and this seems to be

the meaning of xal dis). There is no evidence. 23. σφίσιν — rois Κερκυραίοις. αὐτοῖς — τοῖς ᾿Αθηναίοις.

ἐκέλευον. . ἐλύοντ᾽ Av—the condition expressed from the point of view of Thuc. himself (Forbes). 25. ἐπιμαχίαν---α defensive) alliance.

defensive

(ξυμμαχία,

an

offensive

and

26. τῇ ἀλλήλων.---ο. 15, 2. PAGE 40. 1. καὶ dg—i.e. even if they rejected the Corcyrean request altogether.

ὥς:

οὕτως often after

καί,

ἀλλ᾽,

οὐδ᾽, und.

6. ναντικὸν Ixovaıy —to be regarded as one word. Hence the insertion of τοῖς before vaurixéy is unnecessary. 8. ἐν apáTAq—-contrast the construction at c. 36, 2. 14. Κίμωνος — the great statesman. Plutarch says that he had given this name to his son out of compliment to Sparta.

18. ἐκείνων — τῶν Κερκυραίων. 22. wapeoKevac-ro—im pers. Pack

l.

πέμπτος

αὐτός --οἷ.

c. 61,

41.

1;

116,

1.

The

form

of

into

the

sea

only

in

phrase denotes the chief in command. 2. ka T — ‘opposite.’ 6. ἐξίησι --- of water

discharging

Thuc. and Herod. until Polybius. These geographical details remind us of a similar passage in ii. 102. Mr. Forbes thinks

NOTES

193

that Thuc. mentions the city because there was no town, but only a roadstead at Chimerium.

But in the facts that follow

there is no special significance, and it is more likely that we have here a trace of the manner of the logographers. Thuc., like them, is not averse to imparting information ' by the way.'

8. ἐσβάλλει —the ordinary word in Attic in this sense is ἐμβάλλει. 10.

ἔχει--80. ἡ λίμνη.

pei—sc. ἐνταῦθα.

18. τῆς dymr«pov—partitive πόλεως,

with

a verb,

as

in

ἄλλῃ

τῆς

etc.

20. Tapficav—' were there,’ not ‘arrived.’ atrots—Thuc.

has this curious order several times.

21. ZaxvvOGev—allies of Athens. The interest and policy of Zacynthus coincided with those of Corcyra. 24. παρα- βεβοηθηκότες — ‘along the coast’; cf. παραπλεῖν.

27. τριῶν ἡμερῶν σιτία--cl. τριῶν εἶχον τὰ ἐπιτήδεια, etc.

μηνῶν

μισθός,

ὅσου

28. ὡς ér(—both dat. and accus. are found in the same sense with this expression, aud with & verb of motion the dat. occurs iij. 4, 3; vi. 84, 5. Pace

42.

δ. τὸ δὲ dAAo—the construction shifts.

7. r@v—necessary, because of c. 47, 1. The object of the peculiar order is to draw ἑκάστου els together. ll.

ὡς ἕκαστοι---οἴ. c. 3, 4.

12. ταῖς ἄριστα τῶν νεῶν TÀ«oócaus—notice the order of the partitive gen. : the fule in Attic is that it is not placed in attributive position unless the last word is an adj. or partic., and even then it is rare except in Thuc. : the most exceptional instance of this order is iv. 62 τοὺς τῶν Σικελῶν (‘among the S.") ξυμμάχου-.

16. πολλοὺς μὲν ÓómÀ(ras—in the Pel. War only ten ἐπιβάται were on board ; and it is specially noted (in the case of what battle 1) in the seventh book as exceptional to have many fighting men on a trireme. But in the earlier sea-fights the

194

THUCYDIDES

I

opposing ships were rowed alongside, and the battle was really ‘a land fight on sea.’ 19. ἀπειρότερον tri—‘ still with little experience’ of naval tactics.

because

of

the skill displayed, but for the most part (sc. καρτερά) sembling a land engagement.' The latter clause means

21. τέχνῃ — dat.

of

cause,

‘not

so

much

re“1

(settled) state,’ with es:

the

‘was like a stoutly contested land battle.’ 25. μᾶλλόν τι --- ‘considerably more.’ The phrase is common. 26. καταστάντε!---καθίστημιε means frequently ‘put into a ships were motionless, 27. SxwXo.—the through the intervals in their rear, . . and

the intrans.

‘settle down.’

As

a regular pitched battle was fought. famous manceuvre consisted of ‘rowing of the enemy's line, and thus getting before the ship of the adversary ooul

change its position, of striking it either in the stern, or in some

weak part’ (Grote).

It is first heard of in Herod. vi. 12. PAGE

9. δ. 6. 10. 18.

43.

mapayıyyöpnevar—iterative. μάχης. . ἦρχον .---' take the aggressive.’ πρόρρησιν —4 προείρητο. σποράδαε---΄ in confusion. dofpovs—sc. οὔσας : cf. Xen. Anab. 11. i. 6 πέλται xal

ἅμαξαι ἦσαν φέρεσθαι ἔρημοι. 15. [τε] --- this joins the

whole

clause

οἱ

Κορίνθιοι.

jecdrro to the second. It is scarcely necessary to bracket it. 18. ἀπὸ ἐλάσσονος TAfj9ovs—compare the total numbers, c.

46, ] ; 47, 1.

24. bylyvero—‘was beginning’: better than completion is first alluded to in c. 50, 1. λαμπρῶε— ‘decidedly.’ τότε δή introduces

éyérero—the the decisive

act.

26.

Evvérecey —impers., ‘things came to such a pass.’

Paak 44. 1. τὰ σκάφη μὲν κτλ. ---4ἃ}} iterative, the imperfs. referring to the several huils disabled.

NOTES 3. ἅς

— when

a rel. sentence

antecedent being expressed, Thuc.

195

stands for a substantive,

no

regularly attracts the rel.,

as in c. 87, 3 δικαστὰς ὧν βλάπτουσι. In ii. ἔγνωτε is for ἐγκαρτερεῖν ἐκεῖνα (ποῖ ἐκείνοι) rel. sentence stands as an adjective, the rel. attracted ; cf. e.g. c. 52, 2 αἰχμαλώτων. . obs 2 etc. See n. on p. 87 l. 16.

karadtoeav—not sank, but ‘disabled.’

61 ἐγκαρτερεῖν ἃ ἃ &. But when a is not necessarily . . εἶχον : vii. 1,

The usual way was

to tow them away as prizes. 4. dovebay . . teypev — depending on ἐτράποντο as in ἐτράποντο τὰ πράγματα ἐνδιδόναι ii. 65. Thus érpáwovro has here a double construction. $oreów is an Ionic word, not

found in prose outside Herod. and Thuc. Siexwddovres—the edd. point out that this cannot be the technical dcéxwXAovs—the

object of which, indeed, was

not to

kill, but to disable an enemy's ship (see on c. 49)—but merely alludes to rowing in amongst the enemy's disabled ships.

6. οἱ ἐπὶ τῷ δεξιῷ xépa—the Ambraciots and Megarians (c. 48, 4) who were defeated and pursued to the mainland (c. 49, 6). Itis not possible to see how the conquering Corinthians

on the left could have fallen in with any of the flying right wing unless some of those on the right wing had not fled with the rest towards the mainland ; and that some were left behind is suggested by ἐπὶ πολὺ. . ἐπεχουσῶν.

9. £vvéue fav — plup. in sense, and this clause belongs to what follows.

10. óToto.—not much different from οἵτινες, but denoting, as Stahl points out, that there were no distinguishing marks of dress and appearance to show whether those they fell in with belonged to the winning or losing side. ποῖος for τίς in tragedy.

Cf. the common use of

11. vavpax(a yap—cf. c. 1, 2. 22. καὶ ὅσαι — i.e. those that had taken no

part in the

previous engagement.

26. wrapeéow—only Herod. and Thuc. use the active where Attic generally has πειρῶμαι.

Pack 45. 1. πρύμναν ἐκρούοντο —‘ began

to back,’ so as to retire;

cf. ἀνακρούεσθαι with or without πρύμναν.

196

THUCYDIDES

I

6. ὀλίγαι ἀμύνειν — οἴ, ii. 61 ταπεινὴ ὑμῶν ἡ ἐγκαρτερεῖν ; v. 3, 2 τὰ ὑπάρχοντα βραχέα περιγίγνεσθαι.

διάνοια

i. ὑποτοπήσαντειrare and poetical verb, used by Thuc. several times only in aor. infin. or partic. 9. τοῖς δὲ K«pkvpa(ouw— dat. of agent, which Thuc. with the poets uses with all parts of the passive. 10. ἐπέπλεον ---5.. ai ᾿Αττικαὶ νῆες. With ἐκ τοῦ ἀφανοῦς supply αὐτοῖς, ‘from a quarter where they were invisible.’

12. mplv—‘until’:

here and elsewhere the indic. is used

alter a positive sentence ; but notice οὐχ ἑωρῶντο, and see JM. T.

§ 635.

13. éxetvar—‘ yonder.’ Notice the vivid form. 16. ἡ ἀπαλλαγὴ ἐγένετο= ἀχηλλάγησα».

17. ἐτελεύτα ἐς vixra—pregnant construction. 21. 'AvyBok(Bns—there is some doubt about the name, because &n inscription relating to the expenses of this fleet is extant, and in it Glaucon is mentioned as στρατηγός, and two other names, both mutilated, are given (see crit. note) ; neither name can have been Andocides. However, if Andocides did hold some sort of command

orator Andocides.

in this fleet, he is the grandfather of the

(My opinion is that the text is right, and

that Thuc. has made a mistake here. If Andocides is the wrong name, Leogoras, too, must be due to corruption ; and the

double corruption seems very unlikely.

If Andocides sen. had

held

have

this command,

matter.

the

orator would

alluded

to

the

He mentions that his grandfather had a hand in the

thirty years’ peace.)

26. épp(cavro—subject ‘the Athenian change being characteristic. PAGE

4. βονλόμενοι --- for this

ships, the abrupt

46.

‘sense’

construction

after

vijes

cf. 110, 4.

5. τὰς μὲν ναῦς sense;

elsewhere

— poetical construction it

is

absol

or

has

ταῖς

with αἴρω in this ναυσίν.

Croiset

compares αἴρειν στόλον in tragedy.

12. ἐπισκενὴν οὐκ obcay—sc. ὁρῶντες, the two examples of τὰ ἄπορα being given in different form. 13. ToU . . πλοῦ — περὶ τοῦ πλοῦ, anticipating ὅπῃ κομισθήσον-

ται: the gen. placed thus at the head of a sentence with a verb

NOTES

197

of speaking or thinking about is common in Plato ; and the constn. comes down from epic. For . ef. Soph. O. T. 317, Trach. 169 τοῦ κασιγνήτου τί ops ; Plat. fep. 576 D εὐδαιμονίας ὡσαύτως N ἄλλως πως κρίνεις ;

18. ävev κηρυκείου--οἴ, c. 146. Had they sent him with a herald's wand they would have admitted a state of war, and treated the Athenians as enemies.

21. πολέμον Äpxovres— ‘acting as aggressors in war and breaking treaties’: in reality the ref. is to the thirty years’ treaty,

but the vague expression heightens the effect.

26. Avere—we expect λύειν. PAGE

εἰ δ᾽ nearly Ξε ἐπεὶ 9. 47.

1. τῶν δὲ Κερκυραίων —this is divided into τὸ μὲν στρατό πεδὸν and οἱ δὲ ᾿Αθηναῖοι, possibly because the Athenians and Corcyreans

together make

up

the other,

or Corcyrean,

side;

possibly by a slight anacoluthon. 2. Ócov —' as far as they ' were within hearing. 16. τά τε νανάγια καὶ vex —the re is answered by καὶ τροπαῖον ἀντέστησαν. The Corcyreans were able to recover their dead without asking permission. Hence, technically, they could support a claim to have won a success.

17. κατὰ odas—‘ opposite them,’ i.e. ‘on their coast.’ The τά before κατά makes τοὺς: νεκρούς unlikely. 18. (ὑπὸ) ἀνέμον, Ss— ‘a wind which.’ 20. τοῖς ἐν τῇ νήσῳ Zuß6row—Sybota must be the name of some place on one of the group of islands collectively called Sybota. 28. τριάκοντα ναῦε —c. 49, 5: ἀνελόμενοι c. 54, 1: ὅτι ὑπεχώρησαν c. 51, 1: οὐκ ἀντεπόπλοον c. 52, 2. The claims put forward by the Corcyreans are set out in a formal style ; notice esp. the repetition of ἐπειδὴ 'A. ἦλθον. Pact

48.

11. xowóy —'in common.’ Corcyra must have had some share in the colonisation of Anactorium. 16. ly θεραπείᾳ el oy—'trested them with great consideration,’ cf. θεραπεύω and θεράπων. These prisoners returned in 427 B.c. and civil war broke out in Corcyra.

198

THUCYDIDES

I

19. 8vydpa—‘ influence.’ 21. περιγίγνεται — not 'defeated, but ‘maintained ground.’ ch had not secured Epidamnus.

its

25. ἐς τοὺς ' A. —cf. c. 66, 1. Pace

49.

1. διάφορα— ‘constituting matters of dispute leading war.’ 2. πρασσόντων Swres—‘ forming plans of.’ 7. φόρον ὑποτελεῖς--ο. 19.

8. τὸ ἐς Παλλήνην

to

— ie. the southern wall (see map), so

that Potidaea would be accessible from the sea.

10. ἐπιδημιουργούε--- δημιουργός is known from inscriptions

to be the title of magistrates

in many Dorian

cities,

ἐπι-

would mean chief magistrates exercising some sort of general

supervision. 13. II«pB(ikkov— Perdiccas II. of Macedon, son of Alexander the Philhellene. His shifty policy gave Athens much trouble in the Pel. War. Before 432 he was in alliance with Athens; but he presently enoouraged Potidaea to revolt because Athens was in alliance with his brother Philip and his cousin Derdas. In 431 he was reconciled for a time to Athens.

14. ἐπὶ @pdxns—prop. ‘in the direction of Thrace, the regular way of referring collectively to the Greek cities on the coast of Thrace, esp. Chalcidice. 15. ταῦτα δὲ «TÀ. —'the battle . . had only recently been fought when the A...

19. See p. 21. 25. tion

.'

φανερῶς Hön—their hatred of Athens is of earlier origin. 881. 22 note. ἐπεπολέμωτο--ο. 86, 1. Es τε πέμπων. . καὶ. . vpoceroutro—the oonstrucfrom the partic. to the finite verb. This form of

anacoluthon is by no means confined to Thuc. ; but cf. e.g. ii. 47, 8 λεγόμενον

μὲν.

. οὐ μέντοι. Paar

1. Tpocerowiro—'tried

. ἐμνημονεύετο γενέσθαι.

50.

to. . .'

8. ἔτνχον γάρ introduces what follows, as in c. 31, 2.

NOTES 10.

199

atro) — Perdiccas.

11. Béx«a—there

more belonging

would

thus

be eleven

στρατηγοί,

and five

to the same year are mentioned inc. 61.

As

the number of στρατηγοί was regularly ten, Krüger altered δέκα to τεσσάρων (δ) But instead of μετ’ ἄλλων τεσσάρων we

expect

πεμπτοῦ

αὐτοῦ.

Perhaps

Thuc.

wrote

only

wer’

ἄλλων, and had no record of the number ; cf. c. 51, 4.

20. [&rpaccov}—this spoils the structure of the period, for the principal sentence must begin at τότε δή. There is, for cxample, a similar ἔξεστιν in viii. 27.

intrusion

of

a verb—pereixor—in

ii. 16;

22. ἐκ πολλοῦ---' for a long time.’

23. αἱ νῆες al—‘the ships that were to operate against M. (c. 57, 6) were sent just as much against themselves.’ 25. τὰ TÉ q—c. 10, 4; cf. παν-τελής, having full τέλος.

97. κατὰ τὸν again in ii. 84.

καιρὸν

rotrov—this

Pace

occurs

after τότε

δή

51.

4. ἀνοικίσασθαι---ο. 7.

5. μίαν πόλιν L.—predicate. 6. τῆς ἑαντοῦ γῆς --- partitive, with ἔδωκε. τῆς M may be in apposition, but perhaps depends on περὶ τὴν λίμνην. The construction would be improved with τά before περί, as νέμομαι περί is unusual νέμεσθαι cultivate and live from ' (Forbes).

depends

on

ἔδωκε:

‘to

14. ἀφεστηκότα ---' in a state of revolt.’ 16. ἔνναφεστῶτα---ηοἱ ‘with Perdiccas,’ but ‘together.’ 18. rb wp&érov—this was their original purpose. about Potidaea had been added subsequently.

The orders

20. ävaßev—‘ from the upper country.’ 21. tv Toóro—' hereupon.' 24. wep(—common

in Thuc. with dat. after verbs of fear,

and this is usual in Attic. 93 is unusual.

ἐφοβεῖτο περὶ τοῦ πολιτικοῦ in viil.

27. τοὺς πάντας--in all.’

200

THUCYDIDES PaGE

4.

ν..

ἐπειδή,

dp

I

52.

ἤ ---οἴ. τοὐναντίον 4.

οὗ or ὅτε in place

We might have ἐπεί,

of this.

(f, not 7, is probably

necessary. The confusion of the two is common.) 7. τῶν Tól«v—objective ; cf. Antig. 11 μῦθος φίλων.

9. ἐπιπαριόνταε --- technical word of an army advancing on

an objective.

The

force

seems

to have

gone

by land

vapórras of the Mss. is almost certainly a blunder).

(ém-

Cf. 4nab.

III. iv. 30 xarà τὸ ὄρος ἐπιπαριόντες ἀφίκοντο eis τὰς κώμας.

14. τοὺς TpoTépovs —c. 57, 6. 15. pun—Thessalonica. 16. wpooxaßetönevor—the form does duty as aorist ; cf. c. 24, 7 ; p. 1201. 5.

20. παρεληλνθώς---᾿ the arrival of.’ 22. is

vay— Beroea is in Macedonia, and

the route.

Herbst proposed to read

περαιωθέντες

seems out of

ἐκεῖθεν

for

es Βέροιαν κἀκεῖθεν. The text cannot be regarded as certain. Grote thinks another Beroea, otherwise unknown, must be meant.

ἐπὶ

Στρέψαν — this

well-known

conjecture

for

ἐπιστρέ-

ψαντες suits excellently with πειράσαντες τοῦ χωρίου, which with the Mss. reading gives no sense. The exact position of

Strepsa is unknown ; but no objection lies in the fact that it is not

mentioned

by

Herod.

in

a list of Greek

cities

on the

Thermaic Gulf (vii. 133), as it may very well have lain outside thelimits with which Herod. is dealing. Pace

53.

6. πρὸς ᾿Ολύνθον— ‘on the side towards Olynthus’ near Potidaea (2 τῆς πόλεως). The other reading Ὀλύνθῳ, is inconsistent with 8 8, and as Jowett says, Aristeus cannot have left Potidaea unprotected.

8. ἔξω τῆς πόλεως — the plan of bringing the necessaries outside a city and selling them to troops encamped there was often adopted when it was desirable that the men should not go inside.

We hear of it elsewhere in Thuc. and in the Anab.

14. τοῦ ᾿Αριστέως . . ἔχοντι---ἔχοντα (see crit. note) would be regular before the infin. ; but ἔχοντι is likely to have been altered to this.

The dat.

is used os if ἔδοξε τῷ ᾿Αριστεῖ had

NOTES preceded.

The

only exact

parallels

201 cited for this are from

omer and tragedy ; cf. Soph. O. T. 850 ἐννέπω σὲ. . ἐμμένειν . ὡς ὄντι. In order to avoid the change, TQ μέν for τὸ μέν

agreeing with ἔχοντι has been proposed ; but the expression so produced (rg .. ἔχοντι) is not very probable: we should expect αὐτῷ μέν.

16. τοὺς ἕξω ἰσθμοῦ--- the (other) allies from beyond the Isthmus’ (of Pallene). ἰσθμός is treated as a proper name.

19. ἐν

e αὑτῶν ---ἶ. 6. himself being on their north side

and the Chalcidians and Bottiaeans attacking them city. 24. τοὺς ἐκεῖθεν —cf. c. 8, 2; 18, 1.

from tlie

25. ἀναστήσαντες τὸ o.—‘ having broken up the camp’ at Gigonus. PAGE

1. ξυνέμισγον --- the battle not in this battle that

Socrates

54.

of Potidaea. saved

It was

probably

Alcibiades’ life ; but in

another battle at Potidaea in 430 R.c.

4. λογάδες — for the ordinary ἐπιλέκτοι, not used by other Attic prose writers. (Suidas, s.v. λογάδην.) τὸ καθ᾽ éavrots —‘ the division that faced them.’

5. ἐπὶ πολύ---οἵ ground covered. 7. é τὸ rexos—of Potidaea. 12. BSvax.wSuvetdoy—deliberative.

χωρήσας with ὁποτέρωσε.

18. 8’ otv—for uss. γοῦν : see the same correction at c. 10, 5. Here δ᾽ οὖν suggests a hesitation on the part of Aristeus, the details of which Thuc. has omitted.

14. ὡς ἐς ἐλάχιστον xwplov—i.e. to concentrate his division

80 that closely united it might force its way. 16.

παρὰ τὴν χηλήν-

the south, as it would

the object is to enter Potidaea from

have been risky with the enemy in the

way to have forced a way in at the north.

The χηλή is a mole

or break-water running out into the sea, which at low tide is shallow, on the east side of the city.

18. &évofaAéóy—this is used

specially of losing men by

a

sudden attack of an enemy.

19. &wéxa—sc. a common

Olynthus ; ἀπεῖχε (see crit. note) would be

use of imperf. in giving geographical

details;

cf.

202

THUCYDIDES

I

e.g. li. 18 τοῦ . . τείχους στάδιοι ἦσαν κτλ. ; many exx. from Anabasis in Kühner's n. on 4nab. 1. iv. 9. Of course the pres.

is also equally dh ere. 20. 22. 26.

possible, and ἔστι favours it here. (The imperf. is used when the fact given implies the result of the observation : so that it is not right to draw a distinction

ἔστι---80. the ground between the two cities. 4p8n—to suinmon the troops from Olynthus. κατεσπάσθη--]ΌΡ. in sense. Pace

55.

l. παρεγένοντο---ἐν τῇ μάχῃ.

6. ᾿Αθηναίων S4—the inscription placed over the monument of these men

in the

Manual, p. 59.

Ceramicus

is in the

Brit.

Mus. :

Hicks,

The last of the three stanzas is :

"Avdpas μὲν πόλις ἥδε ποθεῖ καὶ δῆμος "EpexOéws.

πρόσθε Ποτειδαίας ol θάνον ἐν προμάχοις παῖδες ᾿Αθηναίων. yvxàs δ᾽ ἀντίρροπα θέντες ἠλλάξαντ᾽ ἀρετήν---καὶ πατρίδ᾽ εὐκλέϊσαν. « δ e

τόν

Thuc.

had not heard the nuinbers of the allies who

7. ἐκ---οἴ, πρός, which might have heen used here, c. 62, 1.

8. reixos—this is deleted by Classen and others ; but the sense is ‘they cut off (from communication with the north) the

northern wall’—of course by building See below 8 3. ἐφρούρουν is intrans.

a wall farther north.

10. árex roy —not * unfortified, which is not true (see c. 66, 2), but ‘not walled off,’ ‘ not isolated’ from the south.

13. 86vaBávres— by sea. 14. yevopévois—the aor, though weakly supported, is necessary, ‘if they should have divided’ being clearly the sense. In vi. 100 we have correctly φοβούμενοι μὴ σφίσι δίχα γιγνομένοις ῥᾷον μάχωνται, because there the sense is ‘if they made a practice of.’ 15. ἐν τῇ wéAa—at Athens.

18. Popplova—the celebrated admiral. 20. ’Adtrios—Ionic gen. of" Aóvris : cf. e.g. Τήρης Thpew ii. 29. o

NOTES

203

28. ἀπετείχισε τὸ... reixos—the bracketing of τεῖχος makes the sense ‘walled it off on the south side’; cf. τὸ δ᾽ és τὴν Παλλήνην above § 1 (where, however, τεῖχος may be supplied).

But ‘walled off the south wad?’ may very well be the meaning

as above in 1. 8. Classen retains τεῖχος here and renders ‘ built across the south line of circumvallation.’ This is scarcely the meaning of ἀποτειχίζω.

26. γανσὶν ἅμα d$.—' with a fleet blockading it.’ Page 56. 1. ἔννεβούλενε. . ἤθελε. . Erade— like ἐκέλευε: such words being often used in imperf. when ἃ speaker is giving advice. 3. ἄνεμον rnpfjcact—cf. τηρήσαντες τὸν πορθμόν vi. 2. 6. τὰ ἐπὶ ToÓTou —cÍí. ὡς ἐπὶ τούτοις vi. 45; vii. 45 ; ‘what was now necessary. Ar. Eccles. 82 τἀπὶ τούτοις δράσομεν.

7. ὅπως also depends on παρασκευάζειν. τὰ ἔξωθεν —referring to what he could do for Potidaea when he got outside. 10. Σερμνλιῶν . . woddAobs—Sermyle on the west coast of Sithonia. ll. de . . ἔπρασσεον---" negotiated ἔπραξαν ii. 7.

with’;

cf. e.g. πρὸς ὃν

12. Sry =‘ as to how.’ 13. μετὰ 5é—now Legins the costly siege of Potidaea. 18, αἰτίαι pév—answered by οὐ μέντοι. What follows shows that αἰτίαι alludes only to the dispute about Potidaea—noé to the affair of Corcyra as well. τ vro — this (προε-), not προσεγεγένηντο, is the reading of all good Mss. As the ref. is to Potidaea only we

should expect either προσεγεγένηντο *had been added' (to the Corcyrean dispute)—and fhis is read by many edd.—or αἰτίαι

μὲν καὶ αὗται : cf. c. 56, 1 xal τάδε ξυνέβη. . διάφορα. But πρου- can stand; for now it is ᾿Αθηναίοις καὶ Πελοποννησίοις,

not merely ’A. καὶ Κορινθίοις. Thuc. clearly means that the Corcyrean affair did not constitute a ground of war with Pel. in generai ; and now explains why the dispute about Potidaea was such, though even that was a matter for Corinth on her own account in the first instance. mpo- means ‘before Sparta

took any pert.’

Cf. c. 67, 1.

204

THUCYDIDES

25. σφίσιν with ἐλθόντες.

—with ἐμάχοντο,

I

not as in c. 13, ὃ ; 27,1;

61,1

27. ξυνερράγει--ξυρρήγνυμι. PAGE 57. 4. Tt—'80.' παρεκάλουν — 'invited,

belonged to Sparta. 6. κατεβόων — with ‘shout down.’

gen.

not

by

'loudly

formal

summons,

accuse';

with

which

accus.,

7. σπονδάς--ο. 53, 2.

9. $avepés—they were dependent allies of Athens. 10. κρύφα---8ς.. πρεσβευόμενοι. 12. κατὰ τὰς cov5ás—the thirty years’ truce ; nothing is known of this particular clause in it. 13. προσπαρακαλέσαντες —thus supporting the Corinthian invitation. Steup renders ‘summoned before the assembly,’ holding that the embassies had already arrived in Sparta as the result of the Cor. invitation. This is impossible, unless we alter the text to προσκαλέσαντες : see c. 87, 4. τῶν ξνμμάχων re—partitive ; edd. generally omit re and make τῶν ξυμμάχων depend on ef τις (xal=‘also’). If re is

sound, then ef τις must mean any one else in the position of Aegina:

no other state outside the Pel. alliance seems to have

sent ; see c. 69, 1 ; 87, 4.

14. &XXo—besides those wrongs alleged by Corinth and Aegina. Some accept Reiske's ἄλλος with or without the τε. The invitation is to all who hold that in their case Athens had iu any particular broken the thirty years' truce.

15. ποιήσαντες ---' called.’ 20. dpyerGar—sec c. 139. 24.

ἐπεῖπον---' added ' to what the others had said.

25. τὸ πιστόν—' honesty,' the good faith you show in your public and private life. This is the outcome of the ‘Lyourgean’ system. Cf. what Xen. says in the Polity of the Lac., of their virtues, which, when he wrote, were a thing of

the past: ‘ They endeavoured to be worthy to lead . . Others

would go to Sparta and ask to be led by her against those who

NOTES were

thought

guilty

205

of wrong-doing.

. . Nowadays

they

obey neither God nor the ordinances of Lycurgus."

26. καθ᾽ ὑμᾶς abrovs— ‘among yourselves.’ 27. ἀπιστοτέρους is τοὺς &AXovs—i.e. és (ἡμᾶς) τοὺς ἄλλους, hence λέγωμεν. Some, however, take ἐς τοὺς ἄλλους fjv τι X. together= ‘if we bring any charge against others.’ 28. ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ---ἰ.6. ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀπιστοτέρους εἶναι. It is a mark of prudence or sobriety, but it leads you into more mistakes than you would make if you were less cautious in believing

complaints.

Pace 58.

δ. τῶν λεγόντων --(τόδε) τῶν λεγόντων, so that clause governs τῶν λεγόντων, cf. c. 52, 3. The gen. similarly used with θαυμάζω.

the ὡς is often

6. τῶν. . διαφόρων ---' private interests,’ i.e. the interests of their city apart from the interests of the Pel. confederacy. ἰδίᾳ does

not mean ‘individual’ here.

For such complaints to

Sparta see c. 90, and for the negligence of Sparta sce c. 118, 2. 7. πάσχειν---we begin to. . '

9. ἐν ols—(1) some render, ‘before whom’; cf. e.g. c. 88 ; (2) others, after Classen, with οὐχ ἥκιστα, ‘and we among them have the best right,’ as in viil. 68 ἐν τοῖς ξυγκαταλύουσι . .

πρῶτος ἦν. 10. οὐχ

The latter suits the passage better.

8e@—‘inasmuch

ἥκιστα.

We

as’;

should

also the greatest right.’

the

render

καί

balances

‘inasmuch

|

μέγιστα

with

as . . , we

have

15. el8óo'.— sc. ὑμῖν.

16.

μακρηγορεῖν,

ξυμμάχους). how

can

And

Aegina

See c. 67, 3 εἴ ris.

as for ἐπεὶ

ἐκείνων

ὧν — most

τοὺς

edd.

supply

ἡμᾶς

(-Ξ: τοὺς

μέν is then explained as Aegina;

be included

under

the

ξύμμαχοι

of

but

Sparta?

It is on all grounds better to understand ὧν (i.e.

τῶν Ἑλλήνων

Conradt who is followed by Steup.

from

τὴν ᾿Ελλάδα)

with

Thus τοὺς μέν naturally

refers to the subject allies of Athens, against whom

it was a

constant complaint that she ‘enslaved the Greeks.’ 18. ἡμετέροις £.—Potidaea and her allies in Chalcidice: since they had revolted allies of Corinth.

from

Athens,

they

are reckoned

as

19. wpotraperxevacpévovs—the relative is now lost sight of.

206

THUCYDIDES

I

Toe fjmovrac—pass., “shall become involved in war.’ 20. ὑπολαβόντες.---ἃ gross misrepresentation. 23. ἀποχρῆσθαιtions)

in

‘to make full use of (as a base of opera-

dealing with . . .'

(Poppo's view that αὐτοῖς — rois

ἐπὶ O. is to be supplied to ἀποχρῆσθαι 15 clearly wrong.) 27.

κρατῦγαι κτλ.

—see cc. 90 and 107.

28. ἐς τόδε-- μέχρι τοῦδε. PAGE 59.

1. ἀποστεροῦντες —a

good

ex.

of the

proper

meaning,

‘withhold’ what belongs to another. τοὺς ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνων 8.—the subject allies of Athens; see c. 68, 3. Sparta in the Pel. War claimed to be the ‘liberator of

Greece.'

She had gained the reputation by her opposition to

the τύραννοι.

2. τοὺς ὑμετέρους -the plain meaning is that A. has begun to act aggressively towards Megara and Corinth. (Perhaps ἡμετέρους used loosely as in c. 68, 3 is right here—see crit. note —or ὑμετέρους should be read there.) 5. αὐτὸ Spq—c. b, 2. τὴν ἀξίωσιν. . déperat— ' enjoys a reputation for generosity " —lit. ‘that, i.e. her, reputation . .,' gained by such actions.

7. μόλις

δὲ

transposition

νῦν

for

ἀλλὰ

ye— see

crit.

viv τε μόλις

note.

If we

stand ; but γε is certainly idiomatic here. 8. ἐπὶ bavepois— ‘with a clear issue before us.’ explains this clause. The

10. οἱ γὰρ

transl.

δρῶντες

‘for they

formed and without

xTX.—a

who

assume

a

Evy. καὶ κτλ. the re might

χρῆν γάρ

notoriously difficult sentence.

act advance

with

plans already

delaying, against men who have not made

up their minds,' in ref. to Athenian energy, is simple; but the statement is not true when made universal, and we certainly

look for a direct ref. to the Athenians (hence the conjectures of γε. οἵπερ, ol γὰρ ᾿Αθηναῖοι for ol γάρ). Classen rendered ol γάρ as ‘for they,’ like οἱ δέ, i.e. the Athenians, but himself doubted it; there is no prose ex. of 6 before γάρ us pronoun, and more

important,

it is very artificial to separate δρῶντες.

I should

like to refer this general statement, with the transl. given above, to the conduct of the Lac., so that the general sense is ‘men of action (which you are not) take immediate steps, with their

NOTES

207

minds made up before their opponents are resolved on their course.’

The Athenians have not yet decided on war, and now

is your time

σκοπεῖν

καθ᾽ ὅ τι ἀμυνούμεθα.

It is ἃ case for τὸ

προεπιβουλεύειν, not τὸ ἀντεπιβουλεύειν. I think that ol ᾿Αθηναῖοι in the next sentence strongly favours my suggestion, as we then get 8 proper antithesis.

12. οἵᾳ ὁδῷ . . καὶ ὅτι κατ᾽ óX(qov—the two clauses after ἐπιστάμεθα are differently expressed : we should say rather, ‘we know that the À. are encroaching on others and how they do it.'

(The

sentence

is awkward:

Cobet

bracketed

xai

ὅτι.

Possibly something is lost after ᾿Αθηναῖοι.) 15. olöpevor—‘ while they think,’ as they do at present. When they conclude that you know, but do not care, 'they will press on with determination,' and no longer κατ᾽ ὀλίγον. 19. τῇ μελλήσει---΄ intentions! 2 τῷ μέλλειν ἀμύνασθαι.

21. διπλασιον v—see c. 128, 6 ; mind the tense. δύναμιν is evidently & gloss on the unusual αὔξησιν, for which, as applied to Athens, see c. 89, 1.

22. dodadets—‘sure,’ though

slow;

cf. Soph.

0.7.

cited in L. ἃ 8., φρονεῖν γὰρ ol ταχεῖς οὐκ ἀσφαλεῖς.

617,

(In all

other places in Thuc. ἀσφαλής= ‘secure,’ but that is no reason why it should not mean this meaning !) ὧν — ἀλλ᾽ ὑμῶν.

ὃ λόγος

τοῦ ἔργου

‘sure’ here:

he must have known of

ἐκράτει --- so ii. 42 οὐκ ἂν πολλοῖς...

ἰσόρροπος... ὁ λόγος τῷ ἔργῳ φανείη, ‘there are but few cases in which report does not outweigh fact.’ 6 λόγος ὑμῶν-Ξ ‘the

report about you,’ your reputation ; cf. p. 52 1. 7. 24. ἐκ περάτων yf)s—proverbial of remote countries. πρότερον 4 with infin., a rare constn. except in Herod. Thuc., Antiphon. 25. τὰ wap Üyév—' your forces.’ 28. ἐπελθεῖν abro(—together: so βούλεσθε μᾶλλον. PAGE 60. l. ἐς τύχας x.—‘ expose yourselves to the chances of war.’ 2. Üvyarerépovs—sc. than they were.

3. περὶ aire . . abakdvra—cf. vi. 33, 5 κἂν περὶ σφίσιν αὐτοῖς τὰ πλείω πταίωσιν : Aristoph. Par 905 περὶ ταῖσι xau-

208

THUCYDIDES

παῖς.

. wemrwkotes:

νεορράντῳ

Soph.

Ajax

I 828

πεπτῶτα

τῷδε περὶ

ξίφει.

4. 5. years' 7. 8.

τὰ πλείω---5ο. than through you. ἡμᾶς- we, your allies. Thuc. is referring to the thirty truce, which was a set-back to Athens for the time being. tpérepar—‘in you,’ of help from you. καὶ ἀπαρασκεύονε---καί is explained by its correspond-

ence

with

διὰ τὸ πιστεῦσαι:

because

they

had

confidence

in

Sparta, they remained a/so (as & consequence) unprepared (E. Chambry). 9. (6e pav —gnonic. 10. ἐπ ἔχθρᾳ τὸ πλέον A alrig— ‘to show our enmity, but rather to complain.’ 12. φίλων. . &Opév—objective. αἰτία in this second sent-

ence — τὸ ἐπ᾽ αἰτίᾳ λέγειν, but ἔχθρα is not equivalent to τὸ er’ ἔχθρᾳ λέγειν, so Thuc. substitutes κατηγορία, which is. The

habit of defining terms, cominon in Thuc., is, as Croiset remarks here, derived from Prodicus of Ceos, who gives & well-known specimen of his skill in this line in the Protagoras. Demosth.

imitates this passage, Androt. 22. üpapravóvrey —milder than ἁμαρτόντων. 14. &£vo.—‘ have a right.’ 16. ἄλλως re xal—this clause must give a reason for the claim just made, and this can only be if διαφερόντων here= ‘the interests’ at stake, and not ‘differences’ between you and Athens. But διαφέροντας presently has the other sense. 20. ὑμῶν with

διαφέροντας.

καὶ ὡς---καί is ‘nay’ or ‘in fact.’ 21. νεωτεροποιοί kTÀ. —we have echoes of this famous com parison in Deinosth.

22. ἐπινοῆσαι öfes—cf. Dem. Ol. 8, 15 γνῶναι πάντων ὑμεῖς ὀξύτατοι.

24. σῴζειν --8.. ὀξεῖς, sarcastic. ériyvévar—‘adopt further measures’ beyond a resolution to preserve what you have got. οὐδὲ rávaykxata—contrast ἐπιγνῶναι μηδέν. The last clause — καὶ οὐκ ὀξεῖς ἐστε ἔργῳ οὐδὲ τ. ét. ‘what will just do.’

By τἀναγκαῖα he means

26. παρὰ γνώμην -- γνώμη here and below prob. = * judgment,

NOTES

209

forethought': the A. are ever taking risks that their judgment forbids them to venture on ; you hesitate to follow the sure indications of your judgment. There is an evident allusion to the favourite contrast between γνώμη and τύχη.

28. εὐέλπιδες---ἰὰ Ar. Av. Euelpides personifies the venturesome character of Athenians. PAGE 61.

4. καὶ

μήν

in

oratory

draws

attention

to

ἃ

new

and

striking point, ‘then again.’

5. ἐνδημοτάτονυς---ἃ marked trait in the Spartan character which was much

modified by the Pel. War ; though for a long

time S. was deficient in vigour in the war. 7. τῷ ἐπελθεῖν — aggression. There is no need

ἐξελθεῖν ; cf. § 7, and

the contrast

is as

old as the

to read Odyssey ;

v 27 οὐ μὲν γάρ τι θάμ᾽ ἀγρὸν ἐπέρχεαι . . | ἀλλ᾽ ἐπιδημεύεις.

9. ἐξέρχονται . . ἀναπίπτουσιν---οΧρΙ απο (by Bonitz) as ἃ metaphor from boxing : to follow up an advantage )( to be forced back —celerique elapsus vulnere cessit, Acn. v. 445.

10. rois μὲν σώμασιν.

. τῇ δὲ yvópg—the points of this

rhetorical passage are two: (1) the A. give their lives just as much as the S. for their city, but the A. regard their lives as of little worth, while the S. devote theinselves entirely to the care of the body as the most precious thing they can offer to their city ; (2) the A. use their intelligence in the service of

their city, and for that end they cultivate their minds, whereas the S. neglect them. Thuc. has obscured his meaning by

introducing a contrast between ἀλλοτριώτατος 'not their own' (but of course belonging to their city) and οἰκειότατος ‘ nearest

and dearest to them.' The Spartans too gave their lives for their city, but they regarded them as οἰκειότατος. 13. ἃ μὲν äv—i.e. when they they have hit upon, they regard

do not carry out a new plan the failure as a loss of some-

thing that belongs to them. 15. πρὸς τὰ μέλλοντα---ἴῃ comparison with what is to be done.’ 16. τυχεῖν mpäfavres— ‘that in reality they have done,’ a very common meaning of τυγχάνω with partic. : e.g. Plat. Gorg. p. 468 D οἰόμενος ἄμεινον

εἶναι,

Tvyxávec

δὲ ὃν κάκιον.

TOv καὶ πείρᾳ o.—'‘ if they fail too in anything they attempt.’ καί (in ref. to ἃ àv ἐπελθύντες κτήσωνται) emphasises the phrase.

210

THUCYDIDES

1

17. éw\fpecav—iterative. 18. μόνοι

y&o— possession

and

desire,

‘have’ and

overlap, so impetuous are these Athenians. 20. καὶ ταῦτα xrA.—imitated by Demosth.

‘hope’

de Cor.

(Athens) ἀγωνιζομένη περὶ πρωτείων καὶ τιμῆς kal δόξης δυνεύουσα πάντα τὸν αἰῶνα διατετέλεκε. (A misuse of poetical αἰών is that of Polus τέχνη ap. Plat. Gorg. init.) a fine stroke of style that at the end of the contrast here, antithesis is dropped and Athens alone is spoken of.

24. éoprfjv—predicate.

208 κινthe It is the

It is not likely that there is any

ref. here, as the Schol. who is followed by some edd. supposes, to the refusal of Sparta to set out for war during festivals. The

passage is hyperbolical, and is spoiled by making it too precise. μήτε and re correspond. 25. οὐχ ἧσσον. . ἤ-- μᾶλλον 1$. PAGE 62.

1. dav—sc. ἡσυχίαν ἔχειν. 3. raurms— subject ; τοιαύτης πόλεως pred., lit. ‘this (city) that is opposed to you being such a city.’

4. διαμέλλετε---' persist in. . .' 5. οἴεσθε «TÀ. —' you think that peace lasts longest not for those who in using their forces confine themselves to what is right, but (none the less) by their resolution show that, if wronged, they will not put up with it: instead of that, you deal out fair treatment with the object of not annoying others

and, where you defend yourselves, of avoiding harm to yourselves.’

(1)

τὸ

ἴσον

véuere

represents

δίκαια

πράσσετε

with

slight modification : ‘ fair treatment to you means (a) not pro-

voking others and (b) overlooking a wrong if self-defence will entail suffering on you.' (2) practised by Sparta is explained as an attempt . . βλάπτεσθαι. (All other explanations seem

you find that ἐπιτρέπειν as μὴ λυπεῖν τε (1) to render

ἀμυνόμενοι μὴ B. as if it were μὴ d. B., (2) to strain the meaning of τὸ ἴσον νέμετε : νέμω is not ‘control’ here; cf. p. 103

l. 25. 9. ἀλλ’ ἐπὶ κτλ. —there is anacoluthon here, since strictly we ought to have ἀλλ᾽ (ἐκείνοις) of ἂν. . νέμωσι corresponding to οὐ τούτοις κτλ.

But the change greatly heightens the effect.

ll. μόλις δ’ üv—even if A. were as conservative as you, it would be almost

impossible μὴ λυπεῖν τε ἄλλους καὶ αὐτοὶ ἀμυνό-

μενοι μὴ βλάπτεσθαι.

NOTES

211

12. νῦν δέ---΄ but in fact.’ 14. πρὸς abrobs— ‘as compared with theirs.’ ὥσπερ

κτλ.

—full

form:

ὥσπερ

τέχνης

(‘in

an

ἐπιγιγνόμενα (‘what is new’) κρατεῖν ἀνάγκη, ἐπιτηδευμάτων κτὰ. τέχνης is possessive, with τὰ €.

art’) οὕτω

rà καὶ

16. τὰ ἀκίνητα vépipa—alluding to the conservative νόμιμα of Lycurgus: τάδε. . κατέστησεν νόμιμα Xen. Lac. Pol. 7, 1.

ὁ Λυκοῦργος ἐν τῇ Σπάρτῃ

17. πρὸς πολλὰ. . lévac—‘ those on whose resources there are many demands need constantly to think out new devices’; cf. ἐπιτεχνᾶσθαι, plan something untried before, Herod. ii. 2, 3;

119, 2. 20.

ἐπὶ πλέον bój.év—* more than yours’;

μέχρι.

. τοῦδε

cf. ]. 14.

ὡρίσθω — cf. Aeschines

3, 24 μέχρι

τοῦδε

εἰρήσθω μοι ‘so far and no farther,’ ‘let this be the limit of.’ Strictly we have a fusion of— (1) ‘So far let your slowness have proceeded,' (2) ‘ Here let your slowness end.’ Cf. on p. 69 I. 26. 22. ὑπεδέξασθε---866 c. 58, 1.

26. érépay—i.e.

πρὸς

τοὺς

Such an alliance was formed

᾿Αργείους, between

says

the

Corinth and

Scholiast. Argos in

421 B.C.

28. 4pós—' in the eyes of.’ 29. τῶν αἰσθανομένων ---΄ intelligent

men.’

The rendering

' men who take notice of our actions' does not suit the context.

All Greece must ‘note’ an alliance formed

by Corinth ; not

any

τῶν

special

part

of Greece;

but

ἀνθρώπων

could hardly mean τῶν Ἑλλήνων here.

αἰσθανομένων

"Those who look below

the surface of things will not condemn Corinth. abs., as in v. 26 αἰσθανόμενος

τῇ ἡλικίᾳ.

That

αἰσθάνομαι is this limitation

of ἀνθρώπων does not stand in the same relation to the noun as τῶν ὁρκίων stands to θεῶν is not 8 valid objection in Thuc. PAGE 63.

l. ἐρημίαν ----᾿ isolation.’ ἄλλοις---ἰὰ quest of an alliance. 2. οἷς

ἂν

ξννομόσωσι — the

parties

to

a ξυμμαχία

‘the same friends and enemies’: hence the point.

have

3. pevoOpey — ‘remain firm,’ pregnant sense fixed by ὑμῶν.

212

THUCYDIDES

5. ξννηθεστέρονε --- ac. ὑμῶν with οὔτε γὰρ κτλ.).

7. μὴ ἐλάσσω- - proleptic.

(not

I

ὑμῶν

προθύμων

ὄντων,

as

ἐξηγοῦμαι of exercising ἡγεμονία

in a league appears to take accus. or dat.

9. τῶν δὲ ᾿Αθηναίων ἔτνχε yáp—cf. c. 115, 4; viii. 30. The gen. follows the constn. of the clause immediately following, and this produces a confusion of constn. between ol δ᾽ 'A. (ἔτυχον γὰρ. . παροῦσα) ὡς ἤσθοντο and τῶν δ᾽ "A. ἔτυχε πρεσβεία παροῦσα καὶ ὡς ἤσθοντο. The anacoluthon matter of degree.

13.

is lessened by deleting καί, but it is only 8

wapırnrla— Thuc. alone among prose writers affects this

use of the plur. neut. of the verbal adj. ; cf. c. 79 etc.

14. ἐγκλημάτων — cf. c. 67, 4. The Athenians saw their business was to answer the Corinthian's speech.

that See

Intr. p. xxxv.

16. δηλῶσαι && —if this were expressed as strictly parallel to the μέν clause, we should have δηλώσοντας δέ. 17. ἐν whéovi—of time, like ἐν μέσῳ, ἐν ὅσῳ etc.

24. προσελθόντες---ο the ephors; contrast παρελθόντες below. 26. εἴ τι μὴ

A rokeA óov—this is the reading of the Laurentian,

and its evidence in such a point outweighs all the other Mss. The confusion between the fors of indic. subj. and opt. is continually met with in Mss. ; this passage does not stand on the same footiug as vi. 21 where εἰ ξυστῶσιν is the only reading. PAGE 604.

l. ἀντιλογίαν

τοῖς —the

dat.

following

the

constn.

of

ἀντιλέγω, as in ἐπίπλους τῇ Πελοποννήσῳ etc. 7. οὔτε ἡμῶν οὔτε rovrav—prob. to be taken with ol λόγοι. The emphasis is on δικασταῖς : we are not in a court of law.

11. ToU ἐς ἡμᾶς ka8«rróros—'the ment that is used against us.' 16. ἀκοαὶ. . Adyww—‘ hearsay.’ 18. εἰ καὶ δι ὄχλον

general

line of argu-

μᾶλλον ἔσται αἰεὶ προβαλλομένοις --

‘even if it will prove an annoyance to you to have them continually brought before νοι. προβαλλομένοις, Sc. ὑμῖν, 15 personal

pass.

cf.

c.

126,

11;

140,

1;

the

act.

would

be

NOTES προβάλλομεν ταῦτα ὑμῖν.

213

(To supply ἡμῖν, as many edd. do,

produces a sense inconsistent with what follows, esp. τοῦ δὲ λόγον μὴ παντὸς στερισκώεθα. There is no need to read προβαλλόμενα with Classen ; and to place the comma after ἔσται,

as I formerly proposed to do, is no improvement. ) 21. éxuvSuvevero—impersonal. ‘It was to help the cause that we faced danger ’—ıt was not φιλονικία (νίκη) that prompted

us.

dw’ ὠφελίᾳ is intentionally vague, because the speaker is

to emphasise

the share that the Peloponnesians received ; cf.

c. 74, 3.

τοῦ lpyov—' the reality’ )( τοῦ λόγου

‘the mention

‘reference to it,’ when such reference is opportune for us, 24. μαρτυρίου --' evidence’ (not ' protest’). 25.

ὑμῖν with καταστήσεται.

27. προκινδυνεῦσαι brunt

of it,’

of

battle

προκινδυνεύω

iu

Tp

B. — ‘stand

forward,’

against, as ἃ πρόμαχος.

the

famous

oath

‘bear

Demosth.

in de

Cor. 8 208

brings

μὰ

the in

τοὺς

Μαραθῶνι προκινδυνεύσαντας κτλ. : he probably had this passage in mind. PAGE 65.

8. ἀδυνάτων ἂν ὄντων --- masc. —ot (sc. oi Πελοποννήσιοι from τὴν II.) ἀδύνατοι ἂν ἦσαν (Mr. Forbes takes ἀδυνάτων ὄντων as neut., like πλωιμωτέρων ὄντων c. 7, εἰσαγγελθέντων c. 116— where see notes—as if we had ἀδύνατον ἂν ὄν. This will not 0).

6. ὁ Greek ’).

$—sc. καὶ (‘as’) πρὶν ναυμαχῆσαι

(not ‘equal to the

8. dvexapnoev—cf. c. 118, 2. τοιούτον KTÀ. —cf. c. 71, 1.

9. δηλωθέντος --οἴ. c. 76, 2. ἐν ταῖς ναυσὶ. . tyévero—cf.

e.g. Soph.

0.7. 314 ἐν σοὶ

γάρ ἐσμεν.

13. £vveréraTov—again of Themistocles in c. 188; cf. vi. 39 φημὶ... βουλεῦσαι ἃν βέλτιστα τοὺς ξυνετούς. θεὸς δίδωσιν says Euripides.

14. ἐς τὰς Terpakxocías—'to

make

τὸ συνετὸν ὁ

up the total of 400.’

Herod. gives 378 as the total, Aeschylus (Pers. 339) 310; cf. Demosth. de Cor. 8 238 τριακοσίων οὐσῶν τῶν πασῶν, τὰς διακοσίας ἡ πόλις παρέσχετο. Herod. also puts the number rovided by Athens at 200. There is therefore an exaggeration here, (Some edd. read τριακοσίας.)

214

THUCYDIDES

I

15. τῶν δύο μοιρῶν.---ἰῃὴ fractions when the deuominator exceeds the numerator by 1, the larger number is omitted ; cf. c. 10.

16. αἰτιώτατος vaypaxfjiauı—instead of τοῦ v., as Antiphon v.

28 ἐγὼ

αἴτιος ἦν πεμφθῆναι

ἄγγελον.

When

the

Pelopon-

nesians in the fleet wanted to retreat to the Isthmus, Them. sent ἃ false message to Xerxes to the effect that now was his

chance to destroy the Greeks.

The king then attacked the

Greeks from the south. See on p. 121 ]. 23. 17. kal αὐτόν- διὰ roÜro — δι ὅ after ὅπερ : see c. 10, 3 (or avrol—see crit. note, ‘you yourselves admitted how great a service he had rendered"). Cf. Herod. viii. 124 of the visit of Them. to Sparta, μοῦνον δὴ τοῦτον πάντων ἀνθρώπων. Σπαρτιῆται προέπεμψαν.

18.

ἄ

μάλιστα.

€&.-—‘though ‘Them.

was

chariot at Sparta, and mounted Spartans.

. .'

τῶν.

presented with

was

an

.

ἐλθόντων

olive wreath

with and

a

escorted to the frontier by 300

20. οἵ ye—quippe qui.

22. SovAcvévrev—Greeks used δοῦλοι esp. of the subjects of the Great King.

24. μηδ᾽ Ss—e. 44, 2. PAGE 66. 2. robrov—sc. τοῦ Ud’ ὑμῶν ὠφελεῖσθαι. ..

οὐχ ἧσσον.

. F=

μᾶλλον 1j.

ὑμεῖς μὲν γάρ army under

3. ἀπό

-the ref. is to the tardy dispatch of the Spartan

Pausanias to Boeotia in 479 B.c.

τε olxovpdvwv—'‘ from

your cities

that were

un-

disturbed’)( ἀπὸ τῆς οὐκ οὔσης ἔτι (wédews): ἐπὶ τῷ τὸ λοιπὸν v., ‘with the object of occupying them in the future’ )( ὑπὲρ τῆς . . οὔσης, ‘which there was but little hope of recovering.' (Some following the Schol. see in πύλις a reference to the Athenian navy ; this is only artificial and does not give a clear antithesis to ἐπὶ τῷ νέμεσθαι.) 9. τὸ pépos—cf. c. 127, 2, like τὸ σὸν μέρος, τοὐμὸν μέρος in

tragedy. ‘Did our part in rescuing you as well as ourselves.’ The emphasis is on ὑμᾶς, and there is ἃ contrast with ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν καὶ οὐχ ἡμῶν τὸ πλέον of ]. 5.

11. ὥσπερ kal ἄλλοι-- ὥσπερ καὶ ἄλλοι δείσαντες προσ., others did.’

‘as

NOTES

215

13. &s— ‘regarding ourselves as.’ οὐδὲν ἂν Ba ἔτι - because it would have been of no use. 15. καθ᾽ fjmvx (ay —' without interference.’ 17. épa —- nonu. 18. yvauns—‘resolve,’ sc. τῆς τότε : the gen. is governed by ξυνέσεως.

19. ἀρχῆς depends on For the point see c. 96.

ἐπιφθόνως

διακεῖσθαι — φθονεῖσθαι.

23. παραμεῖναι πρὸς τὰ ὑπόλοιπα rod B.—' remain at your post to attack what was left of the power of the Persians.' See c. 95, 7 ; 96, 1; Herod.

vii. 107.

26. Ipyov—tlıe fact of accepting the ἡγεμονία. 27. ἐς τόδε--οἴ. c. 144, 4.

28. ὑπὸ Séovs—fear of the Persians. joyed

by Athens

when

ode as — interest,’

she

had

once

tipffs—the honour enaccepted the ἡγεμονία.

PAGE 67.

1. καὶ οὐκ ἀσφαλές takes up τὸ πρῶτον : when acquired this power it was necessary to guard it. 2. καί τινων κτλ. — κατεστραμμένοι ἦσαν.

καὶ

ἐπεί

τινες

καὶ

we had

ἀποστάντες

ἤδη

5. twéwrev—there seems to be no advantage in rendering ‘suspicious ' here in preference to * suspected.’ 6. πρὸς dpas—i.e. now that you were no longer friendly to us, our allies would have taken to revolting to you.

8. τῶν μεγίστων πέρι kx.—' when the greatest dangers are involved.’ εὖ τίθεσθαι---οἴ. c. 25, 1; ‘to manage well matters that are for their interest.’

9. ὑμεῖς yobv—an example of the principle just stated. 10. ἐπὶ,

. xatacrnodpevor—referring

to the oligarchies;

see c. 19.

12. &nyetoGe—governs τὰς πόλεις. +ére—in the Persian War.

13. ἀπήχθησθε — ‘liad

become

This is better than ἀπήχθεσθε,

unpopular’;

‘had been hated.’

cf. c. 75, 2.

216

THUCYDIDES

14. εὖ ἴσμεν

μή--μή

generaly

confident belief impressed on others. 15. λνπηρούς---' severe.’

I with

a

verb

expressing

18. ἀπὸ ToU — like ἀπὸ τοῦ πράγματος Demosth. 24, 6.

19. διδομένην— ' when it was offered.’ 21. τριῶν--οἴ, c. 74, 1, and so iii. 40. The conjecture is however scarcely certain, though elegant. See c. 75, 8.

24. καθεστῶτος---δὐϑ. like δηλωθέντος c. 74, 1 (not governed by uwdp£avres), ‘it being established by precedent.’

25. ἄξιοί re—the re joins the clause to what precedes, and does not belong to the καί following. 26. Soxotwres—imperf. μέχρι οὗ. . νῦν = - μέχρι νῦν ὅτε (Croiset): ‘when, while (really) thinking of expediency, you profess to argue from justice.’ Soin Bk. v. in the Melian dialogue τὸ ξυμφέρον is opposed to τὸ δίκαιον, and cf. the Corcyrean speech. ὁ δίκαιος (ἄδικος) λόγος — 'the argument froin justice (injustice)’; you

tell us what we ought

to do, but really think

of your own

interest. Pace 68.

1. waparvy óv —' when there was an opportunity’; to προθείς supply τῆς ἰσχύος. 2. τοῦ μή-- οἷ. c. 10, 1. 4. δικαιότεροι ἣ κατά- οἵ. c. 37, 8. 6. γένωνται after οἵτινες : if this is the true reading— see crit. note—we have an instance of the epic and Ionic usage.

See Goodwin

M.T.

8 540.

The only other ex. of pure subj.

with ὅς in Thuc. is iv. 17 ob μὲν thought to be from & gnomic poet. y ἂν οὖν — γοῦν ἄν.

τὰ 8. 11. a bad

βραχεῖς

ἀρκῶσι, which

19

ἡμέτερα λαβόντας -- εἰ ἔλαβον τὴν ἡμετέραν ἰσχύν. ἐκ τοῦ driekoüs—i.e. ἐκ τοῦ μετριάζειν. καὶ ἐλασσούμενοι yáp- an ex. to show how Athens got name as the result of her moderation. ‘For though in

suits arising out of contracts

against

our allies we

are at a

disadvantage and in our own city have instituted courts for these cases under equal laws (i.e. laws under which they and we are treated alike), we are considered litigious.’ ξνμβόλαιαι δ.

NOTES is probably from

217

ξυμβόλαιον, ἃ contract, and not from ξύμβολον,

ἃ treaty ; δίκαι ἀπὸ συμβόλων were suits arising out of international treaties; but (1) it is not clear that Athens had such σύμβολα with the ὑπήκοοι, and (2) it is most improbable that in all such suits an Athenian had to sue in the courts of the subject state. It isknown that δίκαι ἀπὸ συμβόλων were tried in the court of the defendant's state. If we assume that δίκαι ἐμπορικαί, commercial suits, which were tried in the state in which the contract was made, are referred to, the

passage becomes

clear. An Athenian litigant in the courts of the ὑπήκοοι is in an unfavourable position, whereas ὑπήκοοι in the courts at Athens are treated. exactly like Athenians. Some think that

ποιήσαντες τὰς κρίσεις refers to the compulsory jurisdiction at Athens in certain criminal cases, when a subject ally was

involved.

But even when

both parties were ὑπήκοοι such cases

were tried at Athens, whereas Thuc. is speaking only of cases in which one party was an Athenian: so supply ἐν ταῖς... δίκαις in the second clause. In these latter cases the allies considered that they were badly treated. ([Xen.] Ath. Pol. i. 16 τοὺς μὲν τοῦ δήμου σῴζουσι, τοὺς δ᾽ ἐναντίους ἀπολλύουσιν ἐν rois δικαστηρίοιξ.

On the difficulties surrounding the judicial arrangements of the Athenian League see Holm, Hist. of Greece ii. 217, Engl. Transl.)

13. dpolors—contrast with ἐλασσούμενοι. κρίσιν ποιεῖν= institute a trial. 18. διότι--- why.' The reason why others in our position do not go to law is that they use force.

Mr. Forbes points out

that the Persians, Scythians, and Carthaginians are instanced as ruling powers by Socrates in Xen. Mem. 1. i. 11. 19. of 86—' but they.’ 21. παρὰ Tb μὴ οἴεσθαι their opinion that it is wrong A γνώμῃ

A κτλ.

ναι---μή with x., 'contrary to that they should be deprived.

—'either by a decision (in our courts) or

through the power we enjoy on account of our Empire.'

This

refers not only to defeats of allies in the Athenian courts, but to curtailments of their rights (δυνάμει xTA.).

24. τοῦ

ἐνδεοῦς —'at their (slight) inferiority.’

after χαλεπῶς φέρειν as in ii. 62, 3 probably, μενοι is to be supplied. 25. ἀπὸ

πρώτης--οὗ. c.

15,

originally completed the phrase.

τὸν vönov— ‘law’ in general.

3.

Perhaps

The

gen.

unless

στερισκό-

ὁρμῆς

or ἀρχῆς

218

THUCYDIDES

I

Pace 69.

8, Bvatópevo.— pass. as often in Thuc. and trag. Tb μὲν «rrd.—‘ the one (τὸ ἀδικεῖσθαι) seems to be an act of over-reaching where both are equal, the other an act of

compulsion where one is stronger.'

The infins. are impersonal.

[cov and xpelacovos are neut. 8. εἰκότως belongs only to 7 δὲ ἡμετέρα κτλ., and is added as an afterthought, the general sense being: ‘It is inconsistent

that they

should

chafe at our empire

when

worse from the Persians, but it is not strange;

they

endured

for’ etc.

The

Persian power too was βαρύ, but they had to put up with that. 9. ¥ ἂν otv—c. 76, 4. 10. &p£avre—ingressive, ‘gain an empire.’

ll. «óvowwy—' good-will,’ which professed ‘liberators’ (ii. 9, 4).

at present they enjoyed as

ἡμέτερον---. 33, 3. 12. ola .. öpoia— “measures like those of which you gave some examples. δι’ ὀλίγου, ‘for a short time.’ For the conduct of the Spartans as leaders, esp. for the hatred excited by Pausanias, see cc. 94 f.

14. γνώσεσθε--- ‘are going to adopt.’ 15. ἄμεικτα. . τοῖς ἄλλοιε---ἰ.6. τοῖς τῶν ἄλλων v.

For

νόμιμα see c. T1, 5.

17 #wv— ‘when he goes abroad.” Xen. Lac. Pol. also speaks of the change for the worse in the Spartan when he left home to assume 8 command. οἷς with rvoultec— χρῆται, an Ionic use.

19. οὐ βραχέων ----᾿ no trifling matters.’ 22. πρόσθησθε--- ‘assume,’ ‘take upon 144, 1. 24. at last equally

4; Eur. φιλεῖ ἐς a series remote’

26. ἐν ἀδήλῳ

yourselves,’

cf. c.

Her. 146 ἴδια προσθέσθαι κακά. τύχας . . περιίστασθαι --΄ is wont to turn out of chances, from which we (you and we) are (i.e. we cannot see into them).

x.—' depends on what is hidden.’

The ordinary

phrase would be ἐν ἀδήλῳ ἐστί, and so we have a compression of ἐν á. ἐστὶ καὶ κινδυνεύεται. For this kind of expression cf. vii. 77 ἐν κινδύνῳ αἰωροῦμαι.

NOTES

219

28. τῶν Ipywy—without stopping to think: elsewhere, at the beginning of a war, ἔχονται is equivalent to ἅπτονται.

ἃ χρῆν

ὕστερον

ien

as Thuc. says are

impulsive.

δρᾶν — if & is right (and the Schol. as

well as all Mss. has it), we cannot render & ‘a thing whiclı,’ but must make τῶν ἔργων antecedent: nor is there any objection to this except that Thuc. regularly uses δρᾶν (αὐτό or αὐτά)

differently ; see c. δ, 2: but δρῶ rà ἔργα is good Greek, e.g. αυννοίᾳ θ᾽ ἅμα οἷον δέδρακεν ἔργον Eur. And. 806.

29. 45n—‘ only when,’ with κακοπαθοῦντες. PaGE 70.

2. ὄντες οὔτ᾽ atro(—strictly this should have been οὔτ᾽ αὐτοὶ ὄντες.

3. λέγομεν 0. —' we charge you.’ αὐθαίρετος---ἰ.6. not forced on us by circumstances. 6. AverOar—cf. c. 140, 2 rà ἐγκλήματα διαλύεσθαι.

ξννθήκην — in the thirty years' truce. 8. Épxovras—c. 49, 4.

ταύτῃ ἡ ἂν tdnyfiobe— ‘following just wherever you may lead.’

14. TrávTag—sc. τοὺς ξυμμάχους καὶ τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους.

16. ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτὸ. . Ibepov— “led to the same conclusion.’ 17. éBucy—' were guilty.’ 24. ὁρῶ —sc. πολλῶν v. ἐμπείρους ὄντας. 25. τοῦ Ipyov— ‘the thing,’ i.e. war. 26. ol woAAol—in contrast with Archidamus and the elderly Spartans.

27.

vouicavTra— parallel to ἀπειρίᾳ. PAGE 71.

2. Πελοποννησίους καὶ τοὺς &.—i.e. our allies in Peloponnese and neighbours (who are not allies), esp. Argos. hendiadys here, but it is unnecessary.) 3. Tapópovog— ‘a match for’; cf. ἀντίπαλος.

5. ἐφ᾽ ἕκαστα

—we

(Some

can strike at any point promptly.

see ἃ

220

THUCYDIDES

I

9. ἵπποις καὶ ὅπλοις καὶ 6xÀe—the transl. ‘cavalry and hoplites and light-armed troops ’ is possible (cf. e.g. Xen. Anab. HII ii, 36); but the simple rendering (ὄχλῳ: population) borne out by rois ὅπλοις καὶ τῷ πλήθει, c. 81, 1.

is

12. φόρον (wore ets—contrast c. 19, 1. 13. 17.

T(v.— neut. lveo rac = μεταξὺ γενήσεται (Croiset).

ἀλλὰ τοῖς χ.-- ἀλλά in rhetorical altercation, as often (e.g. vi. 38, 5), ‘well then.’ 18. ἐν kowe-—-'the treasury."

The want of money at Sparta

previous to Lysander's conquests is well-known. After the Pel. War there was a great change; but the money then acquired found its way into private hands, not into the treasury.

19. éroluws—‘ensily.”

(The Spartans had not yet become

conspicuous for covetousness, as after the war.)

20. φέρομεν---848 an εἰσφορά. 21. τῷ

TÀffe«

the

king

confederate states. It is greater number of troops the Peloponnese. 22. Iruborrövres— ‘by method adopted, and this 26.

includes

the

population

of tho

true that Sparta could pour a far into Attica than Athens could into

repeated incursions.’ This was the is probably written after the event.

τίς — ποῖος.

PAGE 72.

1. κἀν τούτφῳ--- in that case. 9. xaÀóv—sc. ἡμῖν. In καταλύεσθαι the mid. ciprocity, as in σπένδεσθαι. 3. pa) oy—sc. 7) ἀναγκασθῆναι πολεμεῖν.

denotes

re-

7. otrws—adeo. 8. φρονήματι--“ pride,’ ‘high spirit.’ TH γῇ δουλεῦσαι .-- slaves to their land,’ so that they will not endure to see it ravaged, but will resist vigorously. Archidamus to the same effect in ii. 11. 6-8.

Cf.

11. οὐ μὴν οὐδέ-ο. 8, 3. ávavoOfyrec—with ἐᾶν ; a reply to the Corinthians ; see c. 69, 3.

NOTES 14. xarabopay—properly

22]

‘catch (a criminal) in the act’;

hence ‘detect,’ ‘discover.’

16.

δηλοῦντας

ἐπιτρέψομεν

with

πόλεμον

implying

a threat,

(for which cf. c. 71, 1) implying

and

ὡς

an admission;

properly ‘explaining’ ; cf. c. 129, 1.

17. τὰ ἡμέτερ᾽ atrav— ‘our own resources,’ both ξυμμάχων προσαγωγῇ and τῷ rà αὑτῶν ἅμα ἐκπορίζεσθαι. ‘The καί clause takes a new constn. after the long parenthesis. (Croiset thinks that rà ἡμέτερ᾽ αὐτῶν means ‘our home resources’ only, and that rà ἡμέτερ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐξαρτύεσθαι is answered by rà αὐτῶν (sic) ἅμα ἐκ. which refers to the resources of the ξύμμαχοι. But τε after ξυμμάχων is much against this; and why should τὰ ἡμέτερ' αὐτῶν be limited by ξυμμάχων προσαγωγῇ ?)

19. καὶ BapBápev—efforts by Sparta (and perhaps Athens) to obtain the support of Persia are already heard of in the early

part of the war. 22. &mıBovlevöuefa—by attraction to the dowep-clause. 24. τὰ αὑτῶν — rà ἡμέτερα αὐτῶν,

‘our own’

as distinct from

those of our ξύμμαχοι. This is awkward after rà ἡμέτερ᾽ abrwv above in a wider sense, and the use of αὑτών, otherwise common, for ἡμέτερ᾽ αὐτῶν does not occur elsewhere in Thuc. Hence

αὐτοῦ (adv.) and αὐτόθεν have been proposed.

26. ἐτῶν δύο καὶ Tpuéy —cf. δὶς καὶ τρίς, δύο kal τρία βήματα : καὶ (‘even ’) δὶς καὶ τρίς (see crit. note) etc. is also used. PAGE

1. ἤδη

with

what

follows:

73.

when

they

see that while

negotiating we are preparing quietly for war and maintaining a firm tone.

6. μὴ yàp ἄλλο τι --- Archidamus argues against invading Attica at once, that as long as it is unravaged it is ἃ hostage for the conciliatory behaviour of Athens

in the negotiations ;

when once it is wasted, they will know that they have nothing

to

lose.

7. ἔχειν (sc. ὑμᾶς), by un idiom common in Thuc. = εἶναι ὑμῖν.

οὐχ

Aawov— ‘the more so.’

The cultivation of tlie poor soil

of Attica was necessarily carried on with great care.

12. ὁρᾶτε confederacy

ὅπως

pf—the

(τῇ IleXowovv5sq).

result may There

be trouble is much

for

difference

the of

opinion about the transl. : Classen says, * see that it do not turn out for us as regards Pel. in a more disgraceful and difficult

222

THUCYDIDES

I

fashion'; Krüger and others, ‘see that we may not bring about a more disgraceful and difficult state of things for Pel.'—making πράξομεν trans. and αἴσχιον καὶ d. adjj. : so Steup, but he renders,

‘see that we

do

not

do

(something)

too disgraceful

and

awkward for Pel.’ Some think that 4 τῇ ᾿Αττικῇ is to be supplied to the comparatives, others—but wrongly—# viv. I construe ‘see that we do not fare in a manner more humiliating and difficult for the confederacy,' sc. than if we refrain

from invading Attica now,

These

ἐγκλήματα

take up the cudgels and

ἀπορία

to the

by negotiation. difficulties.

spurred on by these accusations.

against Athens, it may

be said, if we do not

(see next sentence), may involve αἰσχύνη confederacy ; but

they can

be disposed

of

To go to war at once may involve us in worse

16. UB(ev—'separate,' or ‘individual,’ thinking of Corinth and Megara. 18.

ebmperös—contrasted with αἰσχρῶς kal ἀπόρως πράξομεν.

θέσθαι---οἷ, c. 25, 1. 22. χρήματα d4povres— ‘and they contribute money.’ Lac. allies paid no tribute.

The

23. ὅπλων --- 18. a matter of,’ ‘calls for.’ Krüger compares e.g. Demosth. de Cor. 8 190 ἦν ἐκεῖνος ὁ καιρὸς τοῦ γε φροντί-

ζοντος ἀνδρός.

The gen. is one of description.

24. ὠφελεῖ---δῖὸ of avail. The dat. with ὠφελεῖ is not very rare in poetry (see Jebb on Soph. Ant. 560), but ἠπειρώ-

ταις here belongs to ἔστι as much as to δι᾿ ἥν, etc., “especially

in the case of a land power fighting against ἃ naval power.’ Different explanations have been put forward of the meaning: some suppose Archidamus to allude to the necessity of obtaining a fleet (see c. 81, 4), others think that the allusion is to the equipment of large armies to remain in the field ; but this is against the general argument of the speech. In θαλασσίους is included the idea of tribute-paying subjects: the Lac. have

no fleet and no subject allies bound to pay for one.

succinct

restatement

of cc. 81, 4, 82, 1.

(This is 8

Archidamus

rightly

sees that success in ἃ war with Athens depends on getting control of the sea. You cannot conquer & sea power on land, cf. c. 121, esp. 4 and 5, and c. 81, 1, 2. The two things needful to give success to the Pel. are δαπάνη and μελετή.)

28. τῶν ἀποβαινόντων depends on τῆς αἰτίας, ‘the greater share of responsibility for the consequences.’ ἐπ᾿ ἀμφότερα —i.e. for good or ill (xal εὐκλείας καὶ δυσκλείας says the Schol. on ii. 11 δόξαν οἰσόμενοι ἐπ᾽ áudórepa).

NOTES PAGE

l. τι

αὐτῶν

—i.e.

τῶν

293

74.

ἀποβαινόντων,

‘let

thought of them beforehand.’

us

take

some

τὸ βραδὺ καὶ μέλλον —referred to in τοῦτο and αὐτό below; μέλλον is only another name for βραδύ.

2. ἡμῶν depends on 7. 4. παύσαισθε --- ‘reach the end.’

we shall

not

be properly

prepared,

If we begin ina hurry,

and

the

war

will

prolonged.

5. καὶ

äua— the meaning

is ‘we have always been

free

and famous, so our βραδύτης has served us well.’ This leads naturally to the reflexion that the so-called Spadurns is really σωφροσύνη.

7. δύναται. find

. εἶναι — when

εἶναι : δύναται

μάλιστα

δύναται ΞΞ ‘means’ we do not

εἶναι ΞΞ literally

‘can

be

on

the

whole,’ i.e. ‘may be called.’ τοῦτ᾽ is emphatic, ‘it is just this that.’ ἔμφρων too is emphatic ; hence its position ; and the etymological jingle σω-φροσ-ύνη ἔμ-φρων is equivalent to ‘true prudence.'

For

σωφροσύνη

cf. c. 68,

1, to which

this is a

retort.

10. τῶν.

. iforpvvóvrev

depends

as objective

gen. on

ἡδονῇ. There must be here à side ref. to the increasing influence of oratory in the Athenian ecclesia—éra:vos, ἡδονή (produced by rhetoric), κατηγορία all show it. The whole of

tliis paragraph is an independent criticism of Athens as well as an answer to the contrast drawn by the Corinthians. ξὺν ἐπαίνῳ — ξύν of the means is very rare (cf. 8 3 and c. 141 ξὺν φόβῳ), but occurs sometimes in Xen., as well as in poetry. 11. ἐπὶ τὰ S«vá —cf. c. 70, 2.

13. ξὺν κατηγορίᾳ

—like the Corinthian speech.

14. ἀνεπείσθημεν — for the aorist cf. c. 70, 7. 15. τὸ pév—i.e. because we

πολεμικοί.

have a keen sense

The meaning is ‘we are brave of honour, and

sense of honour because we are moderate.’

in the opposite direction, and

moderation

and

the

'The

chief element

(σωφροσύνη substituted for τὸ εὔκοσμον)

main

ingredient

aidws) is bravery.’

μετέχει.

says,

we have a keen

But Thuc. proceeds

in the

sense of honour

in

is honour,

(αἰσχύνη=

Cf. iii. 88 τὸ εὔηθες, οὗ τὸ γενναῖον πλεῖστον

224

THUCYDIDES

I

17. ἀμαθέστερον. . wacbevdéuevoi—causal partic., ‘not so highly as to despise the laws’; see c. 68, 1, but a different turn 1s given to ἀμαθία here in the retort. 18. καὶ EW x. —sc. παιδευόμενοι, which is again to be supplied to the following infinitives. 20. τὰ ἀχρεῖα. thinking on public policy for one's self, for instance, and thought of.

putting

before

the

assembly

what

you

have

22, &vopoles—not so well as the fine criticism would lead one to expect.

ἐπεξιέναι ---86. αὐτοῖς, i.e. rois 28. παραπλησίονε---8ἃ8 good 24. τὰς προσπιπτούσας. . befall cannot be determined by is ‘just as we do not despise

πολεμίοις (Stahl). as ours. Siacperds—‘the chances that argument.' The general sense

the intelligence of our enemy,

we know that we canuot see into —but must depend on our εὐψυχία διαιρεῖν is properly ‘to make a gap 26. παρασκεναζόμεθα ---366 crit. καὶ...

δεῖ the subjunc.

so

the future—how war will go and σωφροσύνη in preparing.' in.' note: αἰεί favours the indic.,

But an exhortation here would come

in very awkwardly before c. 85, where the peroration begins; and Steup, reading παρασκευαζώμεθα, thinks this whole section (8 4) properly follows c. 85 § 1.

PAcE

4. ἐν

τοῖς

75.

ávaykavorárow — ‘in

the

most

rigorous dis-

cipline ' ; cf. ξὺν χαλεπότητι παιδευόμενοι above. (The rendering of Bonitz, *trained (only) in what is indispensable,' as distinct from the useless wisdom of the Athenians seems to take us far

beyond anything that Archidamus has said on the small extent

of Spartan education, and a limitation—' only '—does not fit in well with the context.)

12. BovAeirapey—* come to a decision.’ 18. διὰ Lexóv—i.e. we need be in no hurry, because the Athenians, knowing looking what they

our streugth and that we are not overhave done (cf. c. 69, 3), will not dare to

take any further step against us in the meantime. 18. wp6repov—before you too consent to arbitration. 20. kpárwrra—this (Classen).

and

φοβερώτατα

are

pred.

If Thuc. means xal τοῖς ἐν. φοβερώτατα

to

ταῦτα

to explain

NOTES κράτιστα, the first καί must be omitted double καί makes two ideas. PAGE

225 (see crit. note).

"The

76.

2. ka(rov—' yet surely,’ a common use. 6.

καὶ τότε

kal νῦν---ἦμεν is implied after τότε.

The same

form of sentence occurs in iii. 40, 2 and vi. 60, 2.

But in

Plat. Gorg. p. 488 B we have ἀλλὰ τοῦτα ἔλεγον καὶ τότε kal νῦν λέγω (ἔλεγον del. Schanz).

11. wapaderéa—for the plur. see c. 72, 2. 12. οὐδὲ δίκαις κτλ. --- nor must we decide by arbitration and words where we are ourselves being

injured not in word.'

μή is caused by the prohibition of which the whole

clause

consists.

24. ἔφορος óv—' in his capacity as ephor.’ 25. ἐς τὴν d. —after ἐπεψήφιζεν. 26. «plvovor.—decide in the assembly. Pack

77.

3. ὅτῳ μέν — the method of taking the division seems to be introduced for this special occasion.

adopted

8. tyévowro—‘ amounted to.’ 12. ψῆφον drayayetv—‘ put the vote to them.’ 13. κοινῇ BovrAcvedpevor—‘arrive at a common decision before . .' 18. τοῦ τὰς σπονδὰς A.—the gen. of definition. Some edd. think these words spurious,

ero . . προκεχωρηκνιῶν

— lit. ' took Place in the fourteenth

year of the thirty years’ truce when it had lasted (so long, sc. és τοσοῦτον), i.e. in the fourteenth year of its course.

21. τὰ Εὐβοϊκά860 c. 23, 4 and 114. PAGE

78.

1. of yap—now begins the so-called πεντηκονταετία, or sketch of the growth of Athenian power in the half century between the battle of Mycale (479 B.c.) and the beginning of the war (431 n.c.). This sketch continues to c. 118, 2; and

226

THUCYDIDES

it consists of two parts:

I

(1) to c. 96—how

they obtained the

leadership (#yexovia)—or, as he says here, ἦλθον ἐπὶ rà πράγματα

ἐν οἷς ηὐξήθησαν ; (2) to c. 118—how the leadership was transformed into an empire—é» οἵῳ τρόπῳ κατέστη (ἡ ἀρχή), c. 97, 2. 4. vavo{—Salamis (480). wel@—Plataea (479).

7. διεφθάρησαν — by Leotychides, the Spartan king, and Xanthippus, father of Pericles. 11. ol... Eippaxoı— probably there was no formal treaty, but ξύμμαχοι is used Pecause they were fighting side by side with the Athenians. (There is no need to remove ξύμμαχοι with Wilamowitz.)

14. ényapédécavres—the winter of 479-478 B.c.

The history

of Herodotus ends with the fall of Sestos. 19.

«0606s —iu autumn of 479.

ὅθεν — ἐκεῖθεν ol. Cf. Soph. Trach. 701 ἐκ δὲ γῆς ὅθεν | προύκειτ᾽, ἀναζέουσι, ‘from the earth where it was strewn, for Srov. ‘The omission of antecedent before ὅθεν is not very. rare ; e.g. ii. 94 τροπαῖον ἔστησαν ὅθεν ἀναγαγόμενοι ἐκράτησαν, for ἐνταῦθα ὅθεν. The places are Salamis, Troezen and Aegina.

21. κατασκενήν .---' stock, goods,’ of all kinds.

22. dvoucoSopetv—in the autumn of 479. 24. Bpaxéa—‘ only 8 small remnant,’ of the wall round the city left by the Persians. PAGE

79.

l. ἦλθον πρεσβείᾳ — ἐπρεσβεύσαντο, the sociative dat. as in naval and military expressions ; but there is no other example

of this phrase and hence the variant readings. τὰ μὲν rk. Partly because' etc. μήτε not οὔτε because apprehension is implied.

5. τὸ πλῆθος ὅ---866 c. 14, 2. 6. γενομένην —for the order see c. 11, 3. 8. ee rfke—sc. τείχη. 9. τὸ 86,

1.

βονλόμενον ἐς τοὺς ’A.

before the assembly.

(= τὴν βούλησιν) certainly

belongs

καὶ

ὕποπτον — see

to δηλοῦντες

and

For δηλοῦν in this use cf. c. 82, 1.

c.

means

11. és δὲ τοῦ B.—‘ but on the ground that,’ still depending on ἠξίουν.

NOTES

297

13. ἀπὸ ἐχνροῦ ποθεν. . dppacbar:—‘to use any stronghold as a base of operations.’

ποθεν by attraction for που.

νῦν —'lately.' Herod. ix. 13 fol. tells us how the Persian general Mardonius made Thebes his headquarters. 15. ávaxépno(v τε καὶ ἀφορμήν .-- 88 a place to retreat to or advance irom,' abstract for concrete.

24. ἱκανὸν

Apwow—for the pred. adj. cf. ii. 75 ἤρετο rà

ὕψος τοῦ τείχους μέγα. The aor. (see crit. note) is necessary: the pres. would mean 'so long as.' 25. ávaykavoráTov—cf. c. 2, 2. TüávTas—on this the Schol. notes αὐτοὺς xal γυναῖκας xal παῖδας. [t is therefore evident that he did not find these words in the text. Mr. Forbes defends the words as ‘ forcible,’ and adds that the note may only mean that the words xai . . παῖδας in the text themselves explain πώντας. Steup finds something wrong with their ‘force,’ rightly saying that xal

οἰκέτας

is missing

after

παῖδας : e.g.

Diodorus xi. 40 says

συνελαμβάνοντο τῶν ἔργων οἵ τε παῖδες xal al γυναῖκες xal καθόλον πᾶς tévos καὶ δοῦλος : but the details of his account

are not drawn wholly from Thuc.

The second point raised in

defence is not borne out by the scholia to Thuc.

26. τοὺς ἐν τῇ wéda—cf.

c. 64, 2: in contrast with those

away from Attica. PAGE

3. τᾶλλα.

. τἀκεῖ — ‘the

80.

rest, namely

what was to be

done there’: an intentionally vague and mysterious suggestion

of cunning, both being object of πράξοι. emphasis on both.

The

order

throws

The Athenians liked such oracular remarks

from those whom they regarded as ξυνετοί : this style reflected the manner of the Delphic oracle, the gnomic poets, the sages

and early philosophers.

6. &ápxás— ' magistrates.’ 1l. es—for ὅπως,

18. διὰ φιλίαν

‘how’ (not ‘ that’).

αὐτοῦ --- αὐτοῦ objective: the reason of this

favour was, no doubt, that Them. was regarded at Sparta as a

protector from the Persians: they owed

him gratitude for the

Athenian fleet ; cf. c. 74, 1.

τῶν

δὲ

stautival;

ἄλλων

κτλ. — Classen

makes

and renders καὶ σαφῶς ‘quite

ἀφικνουμένων

positively’ (ἐπεὶ

sub-

οἱ

228

THUCYDIDES

I

ἄλλοι ἀφικνούμενοι, ‘visitors — ‘arrivals,’ as they say—xal σαφῶς κατηγόρουν). The contrast to this subject will then be σφῶν αὐτῶν ἄνδρας below. Others render *(all) the other (visitors) arriving and announcing.’ In either case there is probably un allusion

to τῶν

ξυμμάχων

ἐξοτρυνόντων

c. 90,

1 in rà» δὲ

ἄλλων : these ‘others’ were persons afraid of Athens. 15. τειχίζεται---5ι, τὸ τεῖχος. 18. οἵτινες χρηστοί — parts οἵ εἰμέ are often short rel. sentences.

omitted

in

21. $jkov—' were come.’ 29. &restäin—inıpersonal. Pace

81.

1. τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις--ἰ.6.

ταῖς ἀρχαῖς (c. 90, 5).

4. εἰ δέ τι κτλ. — a claim

to complete recognition as an

equal.

rı=*in

regard

to any

ınatter:’ ws πρὸς κτλ,

lit. ‘to

ro in future as to men who could discern both their own interests and the common interests of the Greeks.' ἰέναι depends on εἶπεν in sense of ἐκέλευσεν : ὡς πρὸς δ. is placed early so as to make it eınphatic, and the emphasis must be inarked in translating. There is no reason for interfering with the text here: προδ- (see crit. note) is only a slip for πρὸς 9.

10. ($acav—sc. the Athenian ambassadors. 11. BovAcbeoOar—the

attraction of the verb of short rel.

sentences in O.O. into infinitive is less rare in Gk. than in Lat. :

Thuc.

ἀλᾶσθαι.

has several examples,

e.g. ii. 102

λέγεται.

. ὅτε δὴ

This sentence stands as accus. of respect to οὐδενὸς

KTÀ.

14. καὶ ἰδίᾳ xTÀ. —'and for the Athenians themselves and with a view to (tlie interests of) the allies in general it would

be beneficial. The position of the allies would be secure in the general oouncil if Athens was strong. (This passage has been much discussed : (1) Classen takes τοῖς πολίταις with és τοὺς x. ξυμμάχους also, and understands, ‘ would he of more advantage

to the Athenians

relations with the advantage

(both) separately and with regard to their

the allies. But it is rightly objected that of the fortification cannot be limited to the

Athenians, who want to prove that it is good for the allies too

(cf. c. 91, 4 τὰ κοινά). Steup deletes ἄμεινον εἶναι, and is thus able to transl. the xai ἰδίᾳ κτλ. * both for the A. themselves aud

NOTES for the allies.’ as it stands.

229

But there is no decisive objection to the text It is true that we expect ἰδίᾳ re or καί (‘both’)

ἰδίᾳ ; cf. τά re σφίσιν αὐτοῖς.

. καὶ τὰ κοινά : but the omission

and the unusual ἐς τούς instead of dative serve to make allusion to ‘the allies’ a climax; xal= ‘and in fact.’)

the

15. ὠφελιμώτερον ἔσεσθαι---[Π 9 argument is that this, like the earlier actions of Athens, was done er’ ὠφελίᾳ, not only for Athens but for the Greek allies in general. Cf. c. 73, 2.

οὐ vyáp—this alludes to all the allies quite as much as to Athens: they would feel that the right to strengthen themselves was vindicated by Athens, thus all would be on an equal footing in the common council and their views would te equally respected.

18. &$n—Themistocles. 22. γνώμης Tapawéce« —sc. ἐπί, ‘to recommend a resolution to the Athenian assembly,’ ie. to give advice. τῷ κοινῷ depends on χαραινέσει. δῆθεν is of course ironical. 25. τὰ páAwrra—best taken with ἐν τῷ τότε, ‘at that time more than at any other.' PAGE

4. ol yàp θεμέλιοι

82.

the upper part of the wall was of brick

(πλίνθοι), but there was a lower course of stone. Cf. Demosth. de Cor. 8 299 οὐ λίθοις ἐτείχισα τὴν πόλιν οὐδὲ πλίνθοις ἐγώ.

δ. ξυνειργασμένων ---᾿ shaped for fitting together.’ 6. στῆλαι

walls of

— fragments

of some

of these belonging

Themistocles have been found.

8. tavraxy—the of the city.

extension

to the

Hicks, Afan. p. 13.

did not include

the SW.

side

For μείζων cf. c. 90, 8.

10. κινοῦντες ἠπείγοντο---' disturbed in their haste’: κινεῖν is specially used of things that should not be interfered with.

12. ὑπῆρκτο δ᾽ αὐτοῦ---‘a beginning had been made on it’; αὐτοῦ is neut. = ‘the work.’

13. ἐπὶ τῆς. . Apfe— ‘during his office of archon, which he had held for a year at Athens.’ It is not necessary to understand by κατ᾽ ἐνιαυτόν ‘annually,’ which complicates the grammar of the sentence. κατά, with words denoting time,

230

THUCYDIDES

is not always distributive.

The year is now thought to be

482 B.c. 15.

Ausévas—Piraeus,

I

Zea, Munychia.

16. καὶ abroßs— ‘and that the A., having once become a naval people, were in a very advantageous position for the acquisition of power.' (Classen understands προφέρειν as fut. in sense.)

18. τῆς yàp Sf—as often, there is an ellipse here; in full the sense is ‘he naturally thought of this, for,’ etc. 19. τὴν ἀρχὴν εὐθὺς ἐξνγκατεσκεύαζεν--- δῇ once began to help them to lay the foundation of their empire.’ This seems, on the whole, better than the version preferred by Classen and others, ‘prepared to begin (ἀρχήν) the building,’ in which ξυν- is left obscure, and is, in fact, variously explained ; and ἀρχήν (cf. c. 96, 2) is strange for ἔργον. The allusion is to

the whole period after Salamis.

21. νῦν Err—generally supposed to have been written after the destruction of the walls of Piraeus by Lysander in 404 s.c. There is, however, no certainty in the matter ; cf. 8 2.

22. δύο in two rows

&pafa.—this is supposed to mean that wagons drawing

sed one another

up stones from on the wall

because the idea of Classen

opposite

(Classen);

ends met and

or, much

better—

could not possibly be carried out

in building—the wagons worked from one end up an incline, and after discharging their load turned and passed the laden wagons still coming along the wall. (So It is almost incredible, however, that intended this Greek to represent (1) {wo ing along the wall, and (3) the one ut I have no other explanation to offer.

already Procopius.) Thuc. should have rows of wagons (2) set returning empty. Some suppose that

two wagons worked on the level and deposited stones ready for the building ou cither side; perhaps this does prove τὸ πάχος

τοῦ τείχους.

24. ἐντὸς δέ---ἰ.ὁ. the inside was not filled with clay and small stones, but large blocks were cut and fitted and fastened

together on the outside by iron clamps.

25. ἐντομῇ--- by cutting into them,’ so that the ends could fit together and overlap.

This is much

which cannot= ‘at the ends.’ 98.

οὗ Suvo«tro—-i.e.

better than

ἐκείνου ὃ διενοεῖτο τελεῖν.

ἐν τομῇ,

NOTES Pace

231

83.

1. émflovAás—an ἐπιβουλή would lead to an ἐπιβολή: Thuc. as often gives to the cause the meaning of its effect : there is no

need to alter the text, despite the gloss in the Schol. 2. ἀχρειοτάτων---ἰῃ its strict military sense.

16. ξννέπλεον — it is not clear whether this expedition took

place in 478 B.c. or in the early spring of 477.

The Athenian

eaders were Aristides and Cimon.

21.

ἐν τῇδε

τῇ

n.—during

the command

of Pausanias.

ἡγεμονία refers to his leadership, not to the Spartan ‘hegemony’ ; see e.g. c. 128, 7. The story of Pausanias is given in cc. 128--

130.

Some, to improve the sense, connect these words with

the sentence that follows ; see crit. note. 24. καὶ ὅσοι kxTÀ.—see c. 89, 2; those who had from Persia after Mycale.

revolted

27. ylyverfaı—the pres., if correct, implies that the change could not be made in a minute. κατὰ τὸ Evyyevés—they were not a// Ionians, but the greater number of them were. PacE

84.

9. ébalverq—it is not necessary to supply a subject such as ἡ ἀρχή: the lit. rendering is *an imitation of despotism was apparent (was to be seen)” ; so in ii. 65, 9 ἐγίγνετο λόγῳ μὲν δημοκρατία, ἔργῳ δὲ . . ἀρχή, ‘nominally a democracy was

being formed.’ 10.

kaA«ic0a.— before the court at Sparta.

14. τῶν μὲν ἰδίᾳ. . ηὐθύνθη -- was punished for the injuries he had privately inflicted on any person.’ iva is prob. masc., the sing. being used for the plur. as elsewhere, c.g. c. 40, 5; πρός τινα, ‘in certain respects,’ seems flat, and τινα as neut. plur. is avoided where it is ambiguous.

15. rà δὲ péyrora—those against the state: internal accus. to ἀδικεῖν. 17.

i8éxe.—sc. τοῦτο.

23. οἱ ἐξιόντες--ορ.

c. 77, 6; the pres. of the succession

of commanders.

xe(povs-— ' corrupted.’ 27. ἐπιτηδείους = HlAovs.

232

THUCYDIDES PAGE

I

85.

2. trafav—cf. Ath. Pol. c. 28 τοὺς φόρους οὗτος (Aristides) ἣν

ὁ τάξας

ταῖς

πόλεσιν

τοὺς

πρώτους

fra

τρίτῳ

μετὰ

τὴν

ἐν

Σαλαμῖνι vavyaylayv—in 478-77. Trans. ‘assessed the contributious both of the states that were to provide money and of those,’ etc. —not ‘fixed which of the states,’ which overlooks the technical use of τάσσειν, ‘rate.’

5. ὧν -- ἐκείνων &, gen. of cause. 6. ‘EAAnvoraplar

. .

ἀρχή -- ἀρχή is

and the verb is attracted’ x could

hold

the office.

its number.

pred.,

‘as an office,’

Only Athenians

They were ten in number,

elected annually in the Ecclesia,

and were

one from each tribe.

See

9. ὁ πρῶτος φόρος rayxGe(s—for the order cf. c. 11, 3.

The

Sandys’ note on Ath. Pol. c. 80, 2. sum

is thought,

on

the evidince

of the extant lists of the

quota of th paid to Athena, to be impossibly large; and Classen therefore considered the whole passage interpolated. Perhaps the sum given was assessed, but not realised. 11. Afftos—the treasury of the league was removed to Athens in 454 B.c. 14. BovAevévrav—co-ordinate with αὐτονόμων. ἀπό expresses the method.

τοσάδε to be Schol.

ἐπῆλθον -- tlie series of enterprises that are about

noticed

(c.

98-118);

τοσάδε

διεπράξαντο

ὅσα.

. ἐρεῖ

15. διαχειρίσει πραγμάτων---ὉΥ the management (manipulation) of political affairs.’ 16. μεταξὺ τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμον καὶ τοῦ M.—‘between the Persian and Peloponnesian wars.’ Greek often proceeds in this manner from the nearer to the more remote. &—the antecedent is τοσάδε. ἐγένετο stands as the passive of ποιῶ.

20. τοὺς ale προστυγχάνοντας ἐν éx&áere—' who in the several incidents came in contact with them’ as enemies (‘took

part

with

the

allies’

as some

understand

προστυγ.

does not seem to be supported by the usage of the word ; it occurs only here in Thue}. 21. atrad—i.e. ἃ ἐγένετο κτλ.

28. x eploy—' period.’

NOTES

233

26. 'EXXávucos—this is the only instance in which Thuc. names another historian. H. of Mitylene was contemporary with Pericles, and in his ᾿Ατθίς (here called ᾿Αττικὴ ξνγγραφὴ) he included a sketch of historical events, and is said to have carried his work down at least to 406 B.c.

27. βραχέως τε καὶ τοῖς χρόνοις οὐκ &.— Hellanicus must have been very scanty and inexact in the dates for this period, since this description would apply in a considerable degree to the better account that Thuc. proceeds to give. For the probable dates of the events to be noticed see Introd. p. xxix. 29. Éxe«—sc. ταῦτα. PAGE

86.

1. 'Hióva—this place became later the port of Amphipolis. Miltiades is the victor of Marathon. 6. ᾧκισαν atro(—Scyros was parcelled out among Athenian settlers, or ‘cleruchs’; sessores veteres eiecit (Cimon), agros civibus divisit, says Nepos.

7. ἄνευ τῶν & Εἰ βοέων --- Carystus sided with Persia, but the rest of Euboea was in the league. 8. EvvéBnoav—the Carystians. 12. τὸ καθεστηκός---ποῖ ‘recognised principles of right,’ but the existing arrangement' which was that the allies retained their autonomy.

18. guvéBy—sc.

δουλεία as in c. 8, 3.

δουλωθῆναι, ἐδουλώθησαν.

plies ἐδουλώθη, and acting

The

Schol. sup-

on this hint Krüger removes ξυνέβη,

so that ὡς ἑκάστη (nom.)=‘severally.”

This gives a simpler

constn., but the text may be sound; and, as Classen says, ξυνέβη

points to the ‘varying circumstances under which the loss of

αὑτονομία occ

16. λιποστράτιον.---ἰ.6.

failure

to

furnish

any

ships

as

distinct from ἔκδειαι, which means that part only of the number

was supplied. 17. ἀκριβῶς ἔπρασσον---᾿ were exacting’ in regard to φόρων

ἔκδειαι, not quite “exacted (the tribute).'

18. λυπηροὶ fjcav—cf. c. 76, 1: ταλαιπωρεῖν refers to νεῶν ἔκδειαι καὶ λιποστράτιον.

20. τὰς ἀνάγκας. ‘their coercive measures.’

Cf. Aesch. P.V.

1052 ἀνάγκης στερραῖς δίναις, and see L. & S. 8.v. ἀνάγκη 3.

234

THUCYDIDES

I

22. äpxovres— ‘as rulers’ they were not popular as they had been at first. wes implies the omission of the details. 24. éy—i.e. ὅτι οὔτε ξυνεστράτευον κτλ, 27. ciprocal

para ἐτάξαντο. . $épev—the mid. denotes a rearrangement. χρήματα 1s prob. object of φέρειν and τὸ

lk. ἀνάλωμα, ‘ the sum that fell to them ' is in appos. to it. PAGE

87.

1. nögero— Thuc. never uses the ordinary Attic form αὐξάνω. 10. ἀμφότερα. — cf. c. 13, 5. 12. d$ow(xev—the Persian fleet consisted almost wholly of Phoenician ships. τὰς wacas—'‘in all.’

15.

ävrımipas— often used of the coast opposite an island, or

vice versa.

16. ἃ dvinovro—see notes on p. 2, 11 and p. 44, 3. Here the two antecedents in different number require d, which would otherwise be ὧν. 23. αὐτοὶ éxparnoav—in contrast with the 'Hówrol—but the use of αὐτοί here, to which Steup objected, is strange. Notice how the precise sense of οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι shifts in this passage with the different verbs (e.g. πέμψαντες and διεφθάρησα»).

26. ὑπὸ τῶν Θρᾳκῶν ξυμπάντων ols—all the Thracians who

objected, as distinct from the Edonians only.

οἷς πολέμιον ἦν

replaces a ró»- partic. limiting ξυμπάντων. Poppos con). ξύμπαντες, supported by Valla's transl omnes, brings this passage more into harmony with Herod. ix. 75 and other passages in which the Edonians alone are named as destroying the A. Butif Thuc. meant the Edonians only, why should he say ὑπὸ τῶν Θρᾳκῶν ?

27. τὸ χωρίον κτιζόμενον --΄ the founding of the place.’ PAGE 8. αὐτοῖς — ethic:

88.

it is constantly

placed

early

in

this

manner. wepro(xwy—the free, but dependent Lacedaemonians descended from the pre-Dorian inhabitants and living in separate towns. 11.

rére—‘ the descendants

had been enslaved in

of the

M. of former

times who

the war made up most of the helots.'

NOTES

235

πλεῖστοι is pred. ; τότε refers to ἃ well-known occasion, as else-

where in Thuc. (often too, to some event that has been already recorded by Thuc.)—here to the first Messenian war, alter which the Messenians became, as Tyrtaeus says, ὥσπερ ὄνοι

μεγάλοις ἄχθεσι τειρόμενοι : δουλωθέντων is epithet,

the order

being justified by παλαιῶν, cf. c. 11, 3 κατεσχηκότος.

12.

ἐκλήθησαν

—'came

to be called’; cf. c. 2, 4.

ol πάντες,

sc. Εἵλωτες.

16. xaOeAdvres—this and the following aor. are called

partic. are what

‘timeless,’ i.e. they denote merely the act, not time

anterior to the verb.

"This happens only when the leading verb

is in aorist. Cf. the constn. with ἔτυχον ἔλαθον, ἔφθασα. 17. χρήματά τε κτλ. —the order is ταξάμενοι αὐτίκα ἀποδοῦναι x. ὅσα ἔδει καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν φέρειν (x. ὅσα ἔδει), and x. ὅσα ἔδει is the common object and so is put first. Note the aor. of one act

and the pres. of ἃ system. (It is certainly wrong to make ἀποδοῦναι depend only on ἔδει and to render καί ‘also.’ This would mean that they were always indemnity now exacted).

to

pay as much

as the

28. Evppdxovs—in virtue of the alliance under Sparta still formally existing in spite of the Athenian hegemony. 24. οἱ δ᾽ #AGov—there was opposition at Athens to the proposal, but Cimon's view was that Sparta on land was as

necessary to

Greece as Athens

on

sea:

Greece was

while Sparta was tied down (Plut. Cim. 16).

‘lamed’

27. τοῖς 8é—edd. are divided as to whether this refers to the Athenians who fell short of their reputation, or to the Lac., i.e. whether to transl. (1) ‘but in their case (the Ath.) it gradually appeared that there was a deficiency in this (viz. τοῦ τειχομαχεῖν δυνατοὺς

εἶναι), as they

(2) ‘whereas

did not

succeed in taking

it was apparent to

them

Ithome ; or

(the Lac.)

that they

Jacked skill in this’—so that the full form would be ὅτι (ol μὲν ᾿Αθηναῖοι) . . rots δὲ (Λακεδαιμονίοις). This seems better. The

reading τῆς of the Schol. is prob. only a conjecture.

ἐνδεᾶ is

again the plur. adj. for sing. (-Ξ ἔνδεια). "Thuc. might have said τοῦτο ἐνδεὲς ἐφαίνετο in the same sense. PaaeE

2. βίᾳ

yap—

τειχομαχεῖν)

‘for

otherwise

they would

have

89.

(had captured

they

been

it by

competent

assault'—and

would not have had to turn the siege into a blockade.

on c. 11,

1.

Cf.

286

THUCYDIDES

8.

ἡ

reflected

v—'considering';

I

so often in the aor. : they

ὅτι οἱ μὲν Δωριεῖς, oi δὲ Ἴωνες (Schol.).

f) τι krÀ. — this depends on δείσαντες, the clause between being parenthetical; a not very common form of constn. ; cf. Soph. Antig. 1278 τὰ 8’ ἐν δόμοις | ἔοικας ἥκειν καὶ τάχ᾽ ὄψεσθαι κακά, with Jebb's note.

9. vewreplowor—i.e.

by joining the helots

This would be

an instance of their τολμηρὸν xal νεωτεροποιία.

12. ἐπὶ re βελτίονι XA ‘for the better reason,’ viz. that they were no longer needed. Of course βελτίων implies a contrast with a suppressed κακίων αἰτία viz. τὸ ὑποψίαν τινὰ γενέσθαι. 15. δεινὸν

ποιησάμενοι--δ. ἡγησάμενοι:

ποιεῖν — to declare ἃ thing intolerable.

but

δεινόν

(-ά)

28. δεκάτῳ tra—this year (see chron. table p. xxx) would be 456 B.c. ; but there are several reasons for thinking δεκάτῳ wrong: e.g. (1) we know from (Xen.] Ath. Pol. that the

Messenians occurred in sent a large δεκάτῳ the

were reduced 457 B.C., nor army out of chronological

before the battle of Tanagra, which is it possible that Sparta should have the Pel. unless this were so; (2) with order of events is here only in this

Sketch of the rise of Athens interrupted to notice an event that

occurred

after events

that are

still to be noticed.

Hence

Krüger proposed τετάρτῳ, supposing that Thuc. wrote A which was taken for the initial letter of δεκάτῳ instead of the sign for four. Unfortunately, in view of the fact that Cimon was not

sent to Sparta until after the capitulation of Thasos, and that then ἐμηκύνετο ὁ πόλεμος, it is enough.

doubtful if four

years is long

28. elva.—the infin. in 0.0. for ἔστω δοῦλος of O.R.

This

infin. is particularly common in the terms of treaties. PacE

90.

3. 'Iéoufrra— Doric ending, recalling the original. 5. κατ᾽ ἔχθος Hön—closely together, — κατά (‘in consequence of ') τὸ ἤδη γεγενημένον €.

ἐς Ναύπακτον — the settlement proved most important to Athens in the Pel. War; they were expelled from Naupactus by Sparta at the end of it, and lived dispersed until Epaminondas befriended them in 370 B.c. 12. lexov—ingressive. The possession of Megara and its

NOTES

237

rts was of the utmost value to Athens, because they thus locked the roads from Pel. to Attica and Boeotia. 90. twép—‘ above,’ i.e. further inland. 22. 'Apratiptov—the successor of Xerxes. PAGE

91.

4. 'AAvás— nom. ᾿Αλιῆς or -eis (cf. Δωριεύς) The object of Athens was to begin a plan of connecting up the coast from the Saronic G. to the G. of Argos.

19. πρότερον with ἐπικούρους. 21. xar aov —the heights command the Megarid.

28. ἐκ τῆς w.—c. 8, 2. 29. of τε πρεσβύτατοι καὶ οἱ v.—those over fifty or under twenty did not as ἃ rule serve outside Attica: here περίπολοι (18-20) and ol ὑπὲρ πεντήκοντα ἔτη γεγονότες, as Classen points out, are meant Pace

92.

3. abrol—subj. of ἔλασσον ἔχειν. 6. κακιζόμενοι-- ψεγόμενοι (Schol.).

8. ἡμέραις — with ἐλθόντες

ἀνθίστασαν.

The dat. is much

better than accus. taken with παρασκευασάμενοι. 15. προσβιασθέν---' driven to it,’ viz. πρὸς τὸ ὑποχωρεῖν (to take οὐκ ὀλίγον as adverbial and qualifying προσβιασθέν with Steup is very forced). Others explain πρὸς τὸ ἐσπεσεῖν kTÀ., which

on

account

of

διαμαρτὸν

ἐσβάλλω) is less likely. 16. à ἔτυχεν---80. by. 19. elpyov—sc. αὐτούς.

τῆς ὁδοῦ ἐσέπεσεν

(— pass

of

τοῖς ὁ. is dat. of means.

22. τὸ πλῆθος---΄ the main body.’ 25. τὰ μακρὰ relxn—these are not the two

parallel ‘Lon

Walls’ or ‘Long Legs' so familiar, but (1) the northern or τὸ ἔξωθεν τεῖχος running to Piraeus, and (2) the wall to Phalerum, τὸ Φαληρικὸν τεῖχος. The third wall, parallel to the northern wall, and called τὸ διὰ μέσου or τὸ νότιον τεῖχος was

added some years later. are here meant, the two Ileparad.

(Steup supposes that all three walls to Piraeus being included in τὸ és

This is contrary to Andoc. de pace 37 and Plat. Gorg.

238

THUCYDIDES

I

p. 455 x, and in ii. 13, 7 it is not likely that Thuc. means both walls by τὸ μακρόν, esp. as immediately afterwards he uses

the plur.) 28. Aupmäs—i.e. the territory of the Dorians.

The names

of the towns in this district are variously given

by different

authors ; but no doubt the three places here mentioned are the most important. PAGE

98.

3. Νικομήδονς — brother of Pausanias. The have crossed the Corinthian (* Crisaean ') gulf. 9. &veyxépovy—' began to. .' 15. δύσοδοε---ἰ. 6. the passes are difficult.

Lac.

must

20. τὸ δέ τι-- τὸ δέ is ‘on the other hand’ (cf. τὰ μὲν. δέ), and τι ‘in some measure ’ (cf. οὔ τι in Plato).

. τὰ

22. érfyyov—‘ were egging them on.’ 25. πανδημεί---ἰ.6. all liable to serve who remained at Athens. 28. vouícavres δὲ xTÀ.-—rouicarres and ὑποψίᾳ are the emphatic words (Forbes). PaGE

8.

94.

φόνος. . πολύς — see Hicks, Man.

Gk. Hist. Inscr.

p.

28. imon, who had been banished after the return from Ithome (c. 102), was recalled after this defeat on the motion of

Pericles. Plato (Menez.) and Demosth. speak of the battle of Tanagra as indecisive. Plato also misrepresents the ostracism of Cimon in the Gorgias.

11. διὰ Tepavelas—a good proof of the severity of the defeat is that the Athenians did not attempt to hold the passes against the returning Lac.

14. Mvpov(Bov—cf. c. 105, 4. 26. τὸ veópvoy —Gythium. This Chalcis is in Aetolia. PAGE 98. 1. ἐν ἀποβάσει τῆς γῆς --ἐς τὴν γῆν ἀποβάντες. 5. ἰδέαι--- * vicissitudes,’ διάφοροι πόλεμοι, οἷον ἧτται (Schol. ).

. . νῖκαι καὶ

NOTES 19.

239

ἄλλωε--- μάτην (Schol.).

19. II

Ta—a&n

island formed by one of the mouths

of the Nile and a canal. 24. ἤπειρον. --86. ἐποίησε. 27. woAeuhravra—there is no need to read πολεμησάντων with Cobet ; cf. such expressions as νοσεῖ τὰ πράγματα: edd.

quote

Herod.

vii. 9 és

τοῦτο

θράσεος

Pace

96.

ἀνήκει

rà

Ἑλλήνων

πράγματα.

3. ἐν τοῖς erv—the D

Nile Delta.

δ. καὶ &ua—the constn. changes from subord. to principal form : strictly we require xal ἅμα ὅτι κτλ. 7. τὰ πάντα ἔπραξε--ἰ.6. τὴν ἀπόστασιν ἐποίησε τῆς Αἰγύπτου (Schol.); see c. 104, 1.

11. Μενδήσιον képas—one of the Nile mouths named after a town Mendes. κέρας καλεῖ Νείλου τὸ στόμα (Schol.). 12. εἰδότες —after τριήρεις, of the crews, as often;

104, 1.

20. βασιλέως---θ belonged prob. to the Scopadae,

two branches of the royal house of Thessaly.

e.g. vi.

one of the

φεύγων ---΄ living in exile.’ 25. 6ca —8c. κρατεῖν ἐδύναντο. See Jebb on Soph. 0.7. 347. 26. ἐκ τῶν ὅπλων .--ἰ.6. outside the camp. τὰ ὅπλα is properly the space

in front of a camp

commonly in Xen.

where the arms were piled : so

Pıor

97.

δ. Πρφικλέονε-first mention of him (year 454 ».C.). 9. τῆς ' Axapvavías depends on Οἰνιάδας. 15. tcxov—‘ abstained from war with Greeks.’ 18. dw αὐτῶν---ουἅ of the 200. 19. μεταπέμποντος-- Thuc. often uses this verb in act., while other authors use the mid. : so too μεταχειρίζω, πειρῶ. 22. Klrvov—in Cyprus (now Chitti)

28. ὑπὲρ Z. —' off S.,’ with ἐναυμάχησαν.

240

THUCYDIDES

I

25. ἀμφότερα --866 c. 18, 5. 26. αἱ.

Egypt.’

. πάλιν [ai]

Adotwaı— ‘which had returned from

aliis to be omitted.

Pace

98.

δ. tyyevopdvov—cf. c. 80, 4. 6. Lid él par the battle of Oenophyta, the democratic Party in Boeotia had driven out the anti-Athenian oligarchs. ut tle exiles had recovered some of their lost power.

13. καὶ áyBpasoB(cavres—there is no sufficient

ground for

omitting these words (see crit. note): that a scribe copied them from c. 98 is very unlikely. It is remarkable that

Athens should have taken such drastic measures place in the heart of Greece and so near.

against

a

14. καταστήσαντες-56. ἐν αὐτῇ, unless éy- should be read (if Thuc. wrote in the old Attic alphabet, éy would be nearly identical with the last two letters of φυλακήν) ; cf. c. 115, 3.

15. Kopeve(g—in

this

engagement

Clineas,

father

of

Alcibiades, was killed ; and Tolmides himself.

17. yvepns—i.e. sympathised with the oligarchs. 22. ol &AXor—the

other

Boeotians,

as

well as

those who

had been driven out.

26. Siaßeßnxöros—the gen. abs. in place of dat., throwing emphasis on the partic. ; cf. vi. 10 σφαλέντων δὲ (ἡμῶν) . . ταχεῖαν τὴν ἐπιχείρησιν ἡμῖν ol ἐχθροὶ ποιήσονται : gen. for nom. viii. 16, 4 ; for accus. ii. 8, 4. PAGE

9. Θριῶζε--ἐς

τὸ

Θριάσιον

99.

πεδίον

(cf. ii. 19);

Thria

near

Eleusis. 11. τὸ mAdov—‘ further.” Pleistoanax was banished from Sparta on his return, being thought to have taken a bribe to leave Attica (ii. 21).

15. ὁμολογίᾳ κατε convention.

See Hicks

avro—arranged their affairs under a Man. p. 33.

20. é&ToBóvTes—for the aor. cf. c. 101, 1.

28. τὴν trol wrelay —this is the only case in which νεωτερίξζω has an accus. except a neut. pron. (ri, οὐδέν etc.).

NOTES PAGE

241

100.

5. Aftyvov—Athenian colony. 6. τῶν δὲ Zap(ov—for the constn. cf. c. 72, 1.

8. τοῖς Svvarwrdrots— ‘the leading oligarchs’ in Samos. ξυμμαχίαν seems to be used somewhat loosely as applied to τοῖς δυνατωτάτοις.

10. εἶχε Zäpdeıs—as satrap of Lydia. 18. τῶν πλείστων .-' most of them' : the sense is not clear.

16. ot ἦσαν παρὰ odl(oiw—this seeıns to refer to Athenian

ἐπίσκοποι who were sent out to superintend the affairs of tlie new democratic government of Samos.

18. παρεσκενάζοντο στρατεύειν-- “μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ (i.e. Pissuthnes) says the Schol.; and CG (see crit. note).

this note has strayed

into the text of

21. ταῖς μὲν éx. —for the article cf. c. 10, 2. 24.

τῶν

Φοινισσῶν

vedv—i.e.

the

Persian

fleet

that

Pissuthncs might be expected to employ. αἱ 8’ ἐπὶ X(ov—Sophocles the poet was στρατηγός of this squadron. See Jebb's Intr. to the Antigone. 25. περιαγγέλλονσαι Bondeiv—calling for the contingents

they were entitled to. be depended upon.

Chios and Lesbos were not entirely to

PacE 101. 6. xparotvres—‘ being superior.’ τρισὶ τείχεσι — intended to blockade three sides that did not face the sea. separate walls is not explained.

10. ἐσαγγελθέντων.---οἵ. plur. c. 7, 1.

δηλωθέντος

the

Why

c.

town

on

the

they built three

74,

1, and

for the

ἐπ᾽ atrote—i.e. τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους.

14.

ἀφάρκτῳ -ἰ.6. the Athenians had neglected to protect

their naval station with a σταύρωμα. 21. πάλιν ταῖς νανσί with κατεκλήσθησαν.

28. Θουκυδίδου --ἰἴ is not known who this Thuc. is, probably not the well-known politician, nor the historian.

For

Phormio

see c. 64: after winning great victories he died about 428 B.c.

249

THUCYDIDES

I

Hagnon led the colony to Amphipolis in 437 B.c., and was again Strategus in 430 and 429 8.0. After the Sicilian disaster when an old man he was one of the ten πρόβουλοι.

27. ävrioxav—the advantage of this pres. form over the aor. of ἀντέχω (see crit. note) is that continuation of resistance

is implied.

PAGE

102.

1. καθελόντει —for the aor. see c. 101, 3.

3. κατὰ xpóvovs—at fixed intervals. 9. πρόφασιε---866 c. 28, 6. ll. ὅσα ἔπραξαν ol "EXAnves — in similarity to c. 97, 1, Thuc. between cc. 89 and 118.

here

spite

of the verbal

includes everything

related

12. ἐν ἔτοσι πεντήκοντα —i.e. between 480 and 431 B.c. Perhaps it is in order to round off the period to fifty years exactly that Thuc. here says μεταξὺ τῆς Ξέρξον ἀναχωρήσεωι whereas at c. 89 he began ἐπειδὴ Μῆδοι dvexwpnoay—which is ἃ different event.

14. dv ols—since the period begun at c. 97. In such a summary as Thuc. here gives we need not look for absolute

accuracy in the details: he is giving the useful landmarks in

the chronology. think of the

Think of the retreat of Xerxes, he says, and

beginning

of the war, you have just fifty

years,

and a convenient plan for remembering how the power of Sparta among the allies was lost and that of Athens was gained. 16. atro(—Athens, independently of her empire. 18. ἐπὶ Bpax 6—* to a small extent,’ cc. 90; 107; 112 ; 114. 19. ὄντες μὲν πρὸ τοῦ μὴ raxeis—the μή is unusual:

‘it is

as if he had said ὡς εἰκὸς μὲν ἣν καὶ πρὸ τοῦ μὴ ταχεῖς ὄντας᾽ (Croiset), i.e. Thuc. wants to represent a general cause: persons who had been slow before would naturally be slack in such a case: this connexion of cause and effect is well brought out by the μή. Cf. next note but one. (Goodwin, M.T. 8 685 offers

a curious explanation.) 21.

τὸ δέ rı—see c. 107, 4.

πολέμοις οἰκείοις —the use of the plur. where only the Messenian War is meant shows that Thuc. is still representing the cause as ἃ general one that would naturally have the effect mentioned.

NOTES 22. πρὶν

δή,

“until

at

length,’

243 with

past

indic.

often

introduces the decisive event.

23. τῆς Evppaxlas—esp. the Corinthians. 26.

xaSatperéa—fom. PAGE

108.

1. avrotg—as distinct (rom their allies : see c. 87, 6.

5. ἄμεινον fora:—formula used in inquiring of oracles, and ἅμεινον often in the metrical replies. 7. avrés—the oracle said ξυλλήψομαι αὐτός.

8. αὖθις with παρακαλέσαντες only; this is the con referred to in c. 87, 4. The earlier meeting implied is that of c. 67, 3.

18. παρόντες δὲ καὶ rére—as

they had already expressed

their views to the allies as well as to Sparta, their

presence at

this second meeting is specially mentioned. (There is no sufficient ground for rejecting παρόντες. Steup conjectures παροξύνοντες.) 19. τελενταῖοι bred Odvres—cf. c. 67, 5.

21. οὐκ...

&ri—the charges (1) that the Lac. were neglect-

ing their allies in not deciding to fight Athens, and (2) that

they had not brought the allies together to vote on a clear issue, viz. on the question of war, had been brought by the Corinthians in the earlier assembly (c. 68).

23. ἐς robro=és τὸ ψηφίσασθαι τὸν πόλεμον. 24. γάρ implies ‘otherwise we should blame them.’ 25. τὰ ἴδια ἐξ ἴσον vénovras—‘ while attending to their own interests as much as others do.' τὰ ἴδια is the interests of Sparta in contrast with rà xowá, the common interests of the confederates.. ἐξ ἴσου -- with as much care as others of the confederates (esp. the Corinthians) attend to their own interests. νέμω is here not ‘assign,’ but ‘direct, manage,’ as often in trag.:

how distinct the two senses are may be seen from Soph. 0.C.

237-240 γῆς | τῆσδ᾽ ἧς ἐγὼ κράτη τε καὶ θρόνους νέμω | μήτ᾽ ἐσδέχεσθαι μήτε προσφωνεῖν τινα |. . . μήτε χερνιβὸς νέμειν. Here νέμοντας

τὰ ἴδια has reference to αὐτοὶ ἐψηφισμένοι τὸν πόλεμόν

εἰσι, and προσκοπεῖν τὰ κοινὰ to ἡμᾶς ἐς τοῦτο ξυνήγαγον.

26. προσκοπεῖν--ποί

to foresee,

but

others,’ in a higher degree, in contrast corresponding to the προ- in προτιμῶνται.

‘to consider with

ἐξ

ἴσου

before and

244

THUCYDIDES

iy dAAow — the Schol. edd.,

‘in other

I

takes this as neut., and so many

respects’ or ‘on other occasions’:

but some

prefer the masc., and this is better ; ‘among others,’ i.e. when

the Lac. send representatives to a meeting in any allied city.

27. ἐκ ávrev—' above which is less likely).

all’ (masc. ; some render

28. ἐἰνηλλάγησαν.-- only

here

in this sense,

ὡμίλησαν (Schol). Cities on the coast who mercial dealings with Athens are meant. PAGE

‘by all,’

συνέμιξαν have

had

xai com-

104

2. xarexnyévovs —Thuc., like Herod., uses this verb in mid. as well as in act. : but only the perf. and plup. in mid. For the accus. Krüger quotes Herod. iv. 8 κατοικημένον τὴν . . νῆσον. ἐν vópe—'in the track’ of trade: this constn. is strange alter τὴν μεσόγειαν and prob. τήν is ıneant to extend over μὴ ἐν πόρῳ (sc. γῆ»).

4. τὴν xaraxopiSfv—i.e.

for exportation ; πάλιν qualifies

ἀντίληψιν ; of. e.g. ἡ πάλιν κατάβασις goes with both nouns. 8. ποτε with προελθεῖν.

vii. 44.

τήν of course

11. βουλεύεσθαι depends on χρή. 13. ἀνδρῶν yàp σωφρόνων ---ἰῃ sense subord.

to ἀγαθῶν δὲ

κτλ.

ἐστιν, εἰ μὴ ἀδικοῖντο- -ἰπδίαποος of this idiom in Sophocles are given bv Bayfield on Antig. 666 ; Goodwin M. T. 8 555; Spratt on Thuc. iii. 9. This opt. is esp. suited to such γνῶμαι because it puts the case in the most general way possible. Jebb on Soph. Antig. l.c. ἀλλ᾽ ὃν πόλις στήσειε, τοῦδε χρὴ κλύειν.

14. ἀδικουμένους -- εἰ ἀδικοῖντο.

The speaker impresses on

the allies of the interior that they too are involved when those of the coast are wronged. The change of case (ἀδικουμένων

might have been written) makes the partic. more emphatic. 15. εὖ δὲ wapacydév—this clause added to ἀνδρῶν ἀγαθῶν

rather than to σωφρόνων shows that the ἀνδρεία meant is not

opposed to the σωφροσύνη. 16. καὶ μήτε. . ἐπαίρεσθαι--[8 clause of ἐκ πολέμου πάλιν £. and μήτε.

gives the negative

. ἀδικεῖσθαι that of ἀδικουμένους

. πολεμεῖν in eniastic form. Thuc. is fond of restating in a negative a point just made ; while his style is brief, there is yet a tendency to redundancy. See Intr. p. xlvii. τῷ ἡσύχῳ τῆς

NOTES

245

Beh is according to the constant habit of substituting the adj. neut. for subst. in giving the quality of a person or thing. The

form

ἡσύχιος (see crit.

note) is rarer,

and as τὸ fjevxor

occurs in vi. 18 and 34, not to be preferred. ἡδόμενον is in the sing. as if τινα had preceded. 19. ókvéy—sc. πολεμεῖν. Some regard εἰ ἡσυχάζοι as a gloss, but if it is tautological after ὀκνῶν so is δι᾿ ὅπερ ὀκνεῖ after διὰ τὴν ἡδονήν.

29.

πλεονάζων ---ἐπαιρόμενος (Croiset).

ἐντεθύμηται.. Fraupdpevos—the constn. as with oióa. the θράσος is ἄπιστον is explained in what follows.

Why

23. yvec9évra—' planned.’ 24. τυχόντα —'luckily finding the enemy more ill-advised’ have been brought to a successful issue. It is difficult to choose between τυχόντα and τυχόντων, ‘chanced to be,’ agreeing with ἐναντίων, but in such a matter the authority of CG is to be preferred (the Schol. read τυχόντα) : for the same reason & is best omitted after πλείω.

26. ἐνθυμεῖται γὰρ

xrA.—lit.

‘no man

by his confidence

forms plans in the same spirit (ὁμοία — ὁμοίως) as he carries them out,’ i.e. a man may be confident when he makes a plan: it

does not follow that he does not carry it out in the same spirit. Reiske's ὁμοίᾳ,

‘with the same degree of confidence,’ makes the

construction easier, but is not certainly necessary.

ἔργῳ goes

so closely with ἐπεξέρχεται that τῇ πίστει just before in 8 different relation to its verb is not felt to be awkward. The security

with

which

the

notion

is formed

apprehension, and so ‘we are found wanting.”

gives

place

to

Hence rà καλῶς

βουλευθέντα miscarry. PAGE

105.

8. ἡμεῖς 56 — the application of the general statements in c. 120, 3.

5. ἀμννώμεθα —aorist (fut.-perf.). 6. καταθησόμεθα. ---οἵ. τίθεσθαι c. 82, 6. 7. κατὰ πολλά --΄ ΟἹ many grounds.’ 9. ὁμοίως Távras —'all with equal readiness carrying out the orders out that

given,' i.e. in the field, as usual; and the edd. point the allusion

is to the

κόσμος

for which

the

Dorians

246

THUCYDIDES

were

famous.

Cf. v. 66.

«ἰέναι és rà

I παραγγελλόμενα

again in iii. 55 in the sense ‘to answer to a call.’

occurs

For ἰέναι

ἐς of eager action cf. c. 1.

12. i£aprveópe)a —the reading of C is clearly right: there is no place here for the hortative subj. τῶν. . χρημάτων —the treasure in the temples. These could only be treated as a loan.

15. &vovs—adj., those from the subject allies. 17. μείζονι,

ov

ἂν τοῦτο

πάθοι---ἰ.6.

τὸ ὑπολαμβάνεσθαι

μισθῷ

becanse our men are not paid—it is the service of men,

not money, that gives us our strength.

Tois χρήμασι corresponds

to ὠνητή.

19. vavpaylas—defining gen. ; ἁλίσκονται of course is pres. for fut., ‘they

are lost.’

event to the

(Some

see here a reference after the

battle of Aegospotami and the capture of Athens ;

but the re shows that thesentence is a conclusion from what

precedes ; and Aegospotami was not the result of the cause

there stated.)

εἰ δ’ ἀντίσχοιεν —'supposing they should hold out,' i.e. if they are not defeated at sea after all (meaning ‘suppose we are defeated instead ') we shall get the better of them in the end.

24. 8 δ᾽ ἐ. ἐπ

Ὦ προύχουσι---ἴὯ0 advantage

have in point of ena

that they

ὅ h accus, of measure, and the dat. as

usual gives the point of excellence (8 is not accus. of respect;

and as to Antig. 208

τιμὴν

προέξουσ᾽ see Jebb's note).

For the

superiority of φύσις over διδαχή see c. 189, 2.

25. nadaperöv— ‘we can annul’:

καθαιρετέον would mean

“πὸ must,' which does not give a good antithesis yévaro. | Again C alone has the correct form.

to οὐκ ἂν

26. is abrá— viz. és τὸ μελετᾶν τὰ ναυτικὰ ἕως ἂν és τὸ ἴσον καταστησώμεθα.

27. 4— otherwise.’ al οὐκ. . ἀπεροῦσιν. . οὐκ ἄρα Sawa «v—in a bimembered sentence of this kind, οὐ is regularly used in the second clause if the verb

is in indic., μή if the verb

is in opt.

The first clause is logically subordinate to the second. Andoc.

i.

ἀπωλόμην.

102

οὐκ

ob»

δεινόν,

εἰ ὑπὸ

. ἐν ὑμῖν δὲ κρινόμενος.

μὲν

τούτων

Cf.

διὰ τοῦτ᾽ ἂν

. οὐ σωθήσομαι ;

NOTES PAGE

9. äpa—'we

247

106.

then decide not,’ i.e. infer that this is the way

to attain our objects.

4. abra—this and αὐτοῖς τούτοις refer to χρήματα. 6. ξυμμάχων Te ἀπόστασις kTÀ. —'such as revolt of allies, which means in the main them their strength, and country.’ The first ‘way 424 B.C. : the second was

withdra'val of the revenues that give erection of a hostile fortress in their of war’ was followed by Brasidas in not used until 413 B.c. (Decelea), but

the Athenians had then long feared such an attempt. The context makes it clear that ἀπόστασις implies the bringing about

of revoit.

11. ἐπὶ $wrois—'in accordance with fixed conditions’; cf. c. 18, 1: the meaning is explained in the following words. 13. ἐν à κτλ. —'and in this case,’ i.e. ‘and this being so, he who enters on war in a calm spirit is safer, whereas he who loses control of himself over it gets more falls.’ The meaning is * opportunities arise in war and have to be seized as they arise : it 18 not well for us to get excited now in thinking out plans of

campaign—such cut and dried schemes generally miscarry—but what we must do is to enter on war calmly and take oppor-

tunities as they occur.’ ὀργή means ‘ excitement,’ not anger here ; cf. ii. 11, 7 : οὐκ éAácow euphemism for πλείω, i.e. probably j ὁ εὐοργήτω:ς προσομιλήσας.

17. éxámrou—each state. πρὸς Ayrımd\ous— ‘with an enemy

equal to us’ (and not

stronger).

18. oleróv—'the position would be easy,’ i.e. there would be no need for us to combine. 20. κατὰ πόλιν —(Tpós nuäs) xarà πόλιν, lit. ‘as compared with us separately city by city.’ For ἔτι we expect πολύ, ‘far

more powerful, since we want a strong contrast after ἱκανοὶ πρὸς ξύμπαντας. ἔτι must be regarded as a meiosis. (Conradt and Steup have proposed considerable changes, but the text appears to be sound.) 21. καὶ á6póo.— ‘not only as a confederacy, but every tribe and every single town.’ 25.

ἄντικρυς

BovA«(ay—'downright

slavery ';

cf.

ἡ ἄντικρυς ἐλευθερία ; the adv. qualifies noun though the art., as in vii. 81 οὐ ξυσταδὸν μάχαις ἐχρῶντο.

viii.

64

without

248

THUCYDIDES

I

26. ὃ καὶ xvÀ. —'the very mention of which as a possibility is disgraceful’ (Wilkins).

dis τὸ δουλεύειν.

27. καὶ πόλεις kTÀ.—some edd. make this a second subject to

ἐνδοιασθῆναι

(Krüger,

Classen,

Croiset)

which

gives

an

excellent sense: but the constn. is simpler if αἰσχρόν is made pred. to this—‘and that so many cities should be maltreated yone.' Whichever be right, the ref. must be to the misery of

political slavery imposed

by Athens; and cannot, in view of

the next sentence, and of ἠλευθέρωσαν, p. 107 1. 2 )( δουλείαν,

apply to the present treatment of the contederacy. 28. ἐν w— ‘in κακοπαθοῖμεν.

that

case’;

PAGE

cf.

8 1;=el

πόλεις

τοσαίδε...

107.

2. ἡμεῖς E—this is in contrast with οἵ Ξε οἱ μὲν γὰρ (πατέρες).

αὐτό means τὴν ἐλενθερίαν implied in ἠλευθέρωσαν. ἡμῖν αὐτοῖς of course means for the Peloponnesians : and this clause implies “much less do we give freedom to all Greece’: hence there is no difficulty in supplying ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι to ἐγκαθεστάναι. 3. τύραννον δὲ. . καταλύειν—' we allow a despotic state to establish itself in Greece; and yet we make a point of putting down despots in any single city.’ τοὺς ἐν μιᾷ, sc. πόλει (which possibly has dropped out of the text), μονάρχους is opposed to τύραννον πόλιν ἐν 'EAAdÓt.

The traditional policy of

Sparta is alluded to. b. ἴσμεν —8c.. ἡμεῖς (of the speaker).

The

subject is not

identical with that of ἀξιοῦμεν (the confederacy). 6. τάδε. . ἀπήλλακται---" this policy is (=can possibly be)

free from '—viz. the policy of allowing an Athens to flourish.

As it is not free hence there is no 8. οὐ yàp δὴ suppose that you

from all three, it is exposed to at least one : need for ἑνός after ξυμφορῶν : see p. 31 l. 5. πεφευγότες αὐτά —the rendering ‘we cannot have avoided these evils only to’ etc. (Classen,

Croiset, Forbes, etc.), meaning by irony ‘we suspect that you have,’ cannot be right, since the previous sentence distinctly says, ‘ you have not escaped all three of these £vudopal.' Hence we must transl. (with Kriiger, Bohme, Steup): ‘For it is not

the case that you are free from these errors in assuming that

contempt which has πλείστους),

and which

proved ruinous to so many (δή strengthens from

its tendency to trip men

up, has

received instead (sc. from prudent men) the opposite name of folly.” Nothing is gained by preserving the jingle in καταῴρόγησις and ἀφροσύνη, because (1) to a Greek writer such a jingle

NOTES has some pointless;

rhetorical (2) though

merit;

249

in English it is detestable and

ἀφροσύνη

is spoken

of as

the

opposite

(ἐναντίον) of καταφρόνησις, it is really only different, but early Greek thinkers on the meaning of terms often confuse the

contrary with the contradictory.

τὸ ἐναντίον ὄνομα is internal

accus. to μετωνόμασται.

13. τοῖς v6v—neut., and so μελλόντων and παροῦσι. 14. περί = ὑπέρ, with ἐπιταλαιπωρεῖν, le. προσθεῖναι πύνον (Schol.).

τὸν

16. ἐκ τῶν πόνων τὰς äperds— famous characteristic of the Dorians. Cf. Hesiod, W. and D. 289 (Plat. Rep. p. 364p, Xen. Mem. 11. i. 20) τῆς ἀρετῆς ἱδρῶτα θεοὶ προπάροιθεν ἔθηκαν, quoted by several edd.: in the Funeral Speech Pericles speaks of the ἐπίπονος ἄσκησις of the Spartans. 18. ἐξουσίᾳ ---δυνάμει.

προφέρετε-- προέχετε, only used in this way by Herod., Thuc., and poets. . 21. κατὰ πολλά —three grounds for confidence are presently

given.

22. abrod—see c. 118, 3.

24. τὰ μὲν φόβῳ KTÀ.—' those who are not yet enslaved by the Athenians

fear to be 80 (φόβῳ) ; those who are so already

hope to regain their liberty (ὠφελίᾳ),᾿ Croiset.

ὠφελίᾳ, dat. of

motive, is, as Mr. Forbes says, here used for the idea (desire) of the thing rather than for the thing itself; he compares ἀρετή c. 88 and τιμή c. 75; and so elsewhere. 25. σπονδάς---ο. 53, 2. Pace

108.

2. κοινῇ-- in the common interest.’ 3. εἴπερ βεβαιότατον κτὶὰ.---' inasmuch as the surest ground (for taking common action) is that both cities and individuals have the same interests.’ This is the only natural way of taking the words, for the order does not allow καὶ πόλεσι xal I. to go with βεβαιότατον, as Classen supposed (Stahl and others

alter the text to make this constn. possible)

The meaning

is explained by οὖσι Δωριεῦσι κτλ. : it is the interest of every city and every individual member of the confederacy that Dorians should be protected from Ionians. (The Mss. have ταῦτα

for ταὐτά,

and

this

is transl.

‘since it is most certain

that this course—to go to war—is to the interest of,’ etc.)

260

THUCYDIDES

I

7. οὗ πρότερον ἦν T.—in former times Dorians were recognised as superior in wur to Ioniaus. In such a rhetorical statement we need not look for any specific historical reference. 9. ὡς οὐκέτι ἐνδέχεται κτλ. — ‘for it is now out of the question that we should wait (for common action by the confederacy), and that some of us (e.g. we Corinthians) should

now be suffering and others . . should shortly have the same

experience. Cf. vii. 49 νομίσας οὐδὲ παθεῖν ὅπερ ὁ Νικίας ἔπαθεν.

οὐχ

οἷόν

re εἶναι

διατρίβειν

16. αὐτοῦ--τοῦ πολέμου.

17. διὰ πλείονοε---οἵ time, in contrast with αὐτίκα.

ἐκ πολέμον μὲν κτλ. —the sentence becomes clear when τοῖς es ἀνάγκην ἀφιγμένοις

becomes & necessity.

is supplied

from above,

Le. where

πολεμῆσαι is ingressive.

war

23. διανοεῖσθαι---οἵ. c. 1, 1. Pace

109.

4. τὸ πλῆθος--οἴϊεη of the greater number. 6. ἐκπορίζεσθαι. . ἑκάστοις —as the several states were to carry out & general resolution, it is best with Steup to take

ex. a8 passive and ἑκάστοις as agent.

It is then unnecessary to

read ἑκάστους.

8. καθισταμένοιε---παρασκεναζομένοις (Schol.). 9. ἐνιαντὸς μὲν οὐ 5., ἔλασσον 54—this certainly emphasises the length of time occupied, in spite of their haste, and not the promptitude of the confederacy ; the latter would oe inconsistent

this section).

with

all

that

precedes

(c.

71,

4;

124,

"l'huc. means clearly (it seems to me),

1, and

‘I was

going to say a year was consumed ; but no, it was less than that’; ie. it was not much less. (1) In ii. 2, if the text is

sound, we read that the entry into Plataea took place at the very

beginning

of spring

the battle of Potidasa

431,

and

in

the

sizth month

after

(see c. 62) ; and (2) we are further told

that the first invasion of Attica was eighty days after the seizure of Plataea. Hence the whole time between the battle of Potidaea and the first invasion would be less than nine months, and to arrive at the length of time that separates the resolution of the confederacy from the first invasion,

we must

deduct the time occupied by the events narrated in cc. 63-88

and 118-195, which are:

1. The Athenians built & wall ou north side cf Potidaea and garrisoned it.

NOTES 2. χρόνῳ

ὕστερον Phormio was

251 sent from Attica with

1600 hoplites ; and κατὰ βραχὺ προήει. 8. Phormio built a wall south of Potidaea.

4. The Corinthians called a meeting at Sparta. (At what exact stage of affairs this was done is not clear.)

δ. The Spartans sent to Delphi. 6. The general meeting was held at Sparta,

and the

decision taken. Hence the time would be much less than a year; and it is probable that the un»! ἔκτῳ of ii. 2 is somehow corrupt.

«πρὶν deflaA «ty —under Archidamus.

The account of it is in

ii. 19.

12. exper Beüovro —followin , 88 it turned out, the advice of Archidamus ; see c. 82. He was afterwards blamed for

not having been eager to begin the war. 18. τὸ ἄγος τῆς Ó«o0ü—i.e. those who were under the curse of Athena. The chief authorities for the story of Cylon and

the Alcmaeonidae are, besides Thuc., Herod. v. 71 (Thuc. differs from him, and is perhaps correcting his account), Plut. Sol. 12. The Ath. Pol. init. shows that the attempt of Cylon

preceded the legislation of Draco. ἄγος is ἃ pollution under which a person, a house, or a community labours. 20. Κύλων fjv—two scholia show that the following narrative was admired in antiquity for its clearness and smoothness ; one says ' The Lion laughed here.’

᾿Ολυμπιονίκηε---ἰῃ 640 B.c. (see Sandys on Ath. Pol. init.). 21. τῶν wäAaı—part.,

‘of his date’ (not, ‘of an ancient

family ’).

23. κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν xpóvov—his expulsion is supposed to have occurred in 600 or 590 xc. 24.

xpe

f. c. 198,

1.

Both

act.

and

mid.

are

rare

in Attic, the act. sense being given by ἀναιρῶ or μαντεύομαι, the mid. by ἐπερωτῶ. PAGE

110.

1. déwf\Oev—the reading ἐπῆλθον has not enough Ms. support to be acceptable ; but in v. 49 all mas. give Καρνεῖα ἐτύγχανον ὄντα. In two other places in Thuc. all mss. give plur. with neut. plur. subj. —v. 26 ἁμαρτήματα ἐγένοντο ; vi. 62 ἐγένοντο...

εἴκοσι kal ἑκατὸν τάλαντα.

In Xen. the plur. is common.

259

THUCYDIDES

I

4. τι Tpocrfike«y—' had some connexion.’ 7. ἔτι κατενόησε. . (6$ 0v—'had not gone on to consider . . gave no information.’ 8. Avaova—‘for

the Athenians

too have (their festival of

Zeus) the Diasia, which is called the greatest festival of Zeus Meilichius,' in contrast with other festivals of Zeus Meilichius.

Of course καί before ᾿Αθηναίοις does not imply that the Pel. had Diasia, but Διάσια is a brachylogy for ἑορτὴ Διὸς Διάσια. , 10. wavönpel—by the whole people together, not in separate emes. πολλὰ οὐχ ἱερεῖα, ἀλλ᾽ «ἀγνὰ» 0. ἐ.-- Pollux i. 26 (2nd cent. A.D.) says ‘spices are also called ''incense": Thuc. calls them ἁγνὰ θύματα in contrast with rà αἱμάσσοντα xal σφαττόμενα,᾽ i.e. with lepeia. Hence ἁγνά is to be read here.

The Schol. meant.

says

πολλοί

consistent with

many,

‘cakes made

of the

mss.

πανδημεί.

as the Schol.

read here πανδημεὶ

in the shape of animals’ are

will (πολλοί

suggests;

ἑορτάζουσι,

not

do,

without

because

it is in-

δέ could

not= but

and the Schol.

θύουσι

δὲ πολλοί,

cannot have

which

Stahl

prints, since those are the very words of his note, and he would merely have copied out the text verbatim. Lastly

θύματα ἐπιχώρια, meaning sistent with Xen. Anab.

‘cakes’ or ‘incense,’ is not inconvii. 8, where we read that Xen.

had sacrificed holocausts to Zeus Meilichius when at home ; this cannot refer to the Diasia, but must mean another feast of Zeus

Meilichius. )

14. atrots—Cylon and his supporters, who had seized the acropolis.

wpooxadelduevor—this form serves for the aor. as well as pres. 15. ἐγγιγνομένου --- ‘being spent over the matter.’ Cf. χρόνος ἐνέσται p. 61 1. 17. 17. τοῖς ἐννέα É&pyxovev—Megacles the Alcmaeonid was one of them.

18.

abroxpdropo.— without reference to the assembly.

19.

A&pvora—adj.,

sc.

εἶναι,

like

ἄμεινόν

ἐστι,

for

this

is

merely plur. for sing.

τότε BÁ—the ten στρατηγοί did not as yet exist, and the urchons were appointed (not elected by lot) by the Areopagus.

In the time of Thuc. their duties were almost entirely judicial. 26. Tbv βωμόν of Athena.

NOTES Pack

253

111.

1. ἀναστήσαντες = ἀναστῆναι πείσαντες, pends ἐφ᾽ o, lor which cf. c. 108, 1.

and

on

this

de-

τῶν 'AÁOnvalev—partitive: see c. 9, 2. δ. ἐπὶ τῶν σεμνῶν 0. τοῖς Bauois— ‘at the altars of the Eumenides,' probably the most sacred asylum at Athens. The shrine stood by the cleft in the NE. side of the Areopagus, where the Furies were established, after being reconciled to Athena. rois βωμοῖς is however probably spurious; the order is suspicious (cf. v. 50 ἐπὶ τὸν βωμὸν τοῦ Διός), and cf. Arist. Knights 1311 καθῆσθαί μοι δοκεὶ els τὸ Θησεῖον πλεούσαις 1) rl τῶν σεμνῶν θεῶν, and

Thesm. 224 (θέω) ἐς τὸ τῶν σεμνῶν θεῶν. 6. ἐν

τῇ

παρόδῳ

with

καθεζομένους,

on

the

way,

while

passing from the altar of Athena. It was because they feared they were to be killed that they sought asylum a second time. 7. ἐναγεῖς καὶ ἀλιτήριοι τῆς 0«oü—cf. Arist. Eg. 445 ἐκ τῶν ἀλιτηρίων σέ φημι γεγονέναι τῆς θεοῦ (Cleon to the Sausage-man).

ἀλιτήριοι were thought dangerous people to live with (cf. Neil ad 1.c.), and so the Alcmaeonidae were all banished, and at first for ever, Ath. Pol. i. But they returned, and in 508 a

second expulsion took place at the instigation of the opponents of Cleisthenes the Alcmaeonid, who were supported by Cleo-

menes.

12. cracva{éyrev—the party opposed to Cleisthenes and led by Isagoras. Cleisthenes was almost immediately recalled. 13. τὰ ὀστᾶ ἀνελόντες --80 Ath. Pol. i. ἐκ τῶν τάφων ἐξεβλήθησαν, but the incident is there connected with the first

expulsion. 17. wparov— ‘first and

foremost.’

δῆθεν

shows

this

is

sarcastic.

19.

κατὰ τὴν pyrépa—the family tree is as follows :— Megacles, the Archon Alcmaeon

|

Megacles, opponent of Peisistratus

|

ΒΕ

Cleisthenes ὁ τὴν δημοκρατίαν

Ariphron

|

Agariste m. Xanthippus

καταστήσας

Pericles

|

Ariphron

254

THUCYDIDES

20. ῥᾷον —the

I

addition of ἄν is necessary ; cf. c. 57,

5. There is no ex. of pres. Q.G. pp. 6 f.).

in fut. sense after γνομέζω (Stahl,

22. παθεῖν ἂν. . olr«v—the aor. with ἄν expresses a contingency, the fut. a certainty. The subject of ofcew is prob. αὐτό or τὸ πρᾶγμα supplied in sense. 23. eg —‘ since.’

24. τὸ pápos—' partly’; cf. p. 66 1. 9. 26. ἄγων τὴν πολιτείαν ---οἵ. ii. 65 of Pericles τὸ πλῆθος ἦγε. In Ath. Pol. c. 27 τὴν π. ἄγειν els abroís—*'to get political

power into their own hands.’

PacE

112.

2. τὸ ἀπὸ T. &yos.—' the pollution resulting from (the affair of) Mt. Taenarus.’

8. cec yóv—c. 101, 2. 9. Χαλκιοίκον —there was a bronze temple and statue of Athena at Sparta on the Acropolis; hence the name. The τέμενος

covered

ἃ

considerable

space

aud

contained

buildings. 11. τὸ πρῶτον ---' for the first time’ ; see c. 96. 15. 'Epucov(8a—of Hermione, in Argolis.

16. &yev—' without the orders of’; cf. c. 91, 5. ἰδίᾳ in the positive form, the same sense as ἄνευ A. ; cf. p. 103

several

gives, ]. 16.

17. "EAAnvırdv— ‘national,’ that against Persia ; if the reading is right the object is to make an antithesis with rà πρὸς βασιλέα π., but Ἑλληνικὸς v. generally means ‘a war against’ or ‘between Greeks.’ Many edd. accept Μηδικόν (see crit. note). 19. wpdocoav—inf. of purpose ; cf. vi. 8, 2 ξυγκατοικίσαι Acor-

rivous.

The sense

of diplomatic

or secret negotiation

often

underlies πράσσω.

20. ᾿Ἑλληνικῆς---' to rule Greece.’ 21. ἀπὸ rodSe—referring to what follows. c. $8,

For κατέθετο cf.

1.

23. Βυζάντιον —5ee c. 94, 2.

τῇ προτέρᾳ w.—dat. of time without ἐν is possible, as παρουσία implies time ; cf. c. 44 ; ii. 20, ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἐσβολῇ. 26. rére—‘at

that time,’ viz. τῇ προτέρᾳ

παρουσίᾳ : many

edd. following Krüger put róre inside the parenthesis and take

NOTES

255

it with ἑάλωσαν, and this seems more likely. τούτων has been conjectured for τούτους : but τούτους refers prob. to βασιλέως

προσήκοντες kal ξυγγενεῖς, Δῃ ἔλαβεν= ‘captured,’ not ‘received as his share of the spoil.’ PacE

1. τῶν

ἄλλων

113.

€.—the exclusive use of ἄλλος, ‘the rest, i.e.

the allies.'

2. loyyóXov—he

received from Xerxes certain places in the

Troad in reward for his treason, and in the time of Thuc. his

descendants still possessed them. 5. αὐτῷ --βασιλεῖ. 9. δορί-- μάχῃ,

poetical,

a remnant of the

the original letter was composed. γνώμην ποιοῦμαι---᾿ propose.’

Ionic in which

Stephanus altered ἀποπέμπει

&bove to ἀποπέμπω, but the same change from 3rd to 1st pers. occurs in the terms of the Peace of Antalcidas, Xen. Hell. v. i. 31.

10. τὴν

σήν-- σήν-- δ daughter

of yours’

may

be right

(see crit. note).

17. ἤσθη τε καὶ dwooré\Aa—the co-ordination pres. and aorist is common

20. AackvAtrw—Dascylium this province, Φρυγία

of historic

in Thuc. ; cf. c. 181, 2.

in Bithynia was the capital of

ἐφ᾽ Ἑλλησπόντῳ,

or κάτω Φρυγία.

The

Persian empire was divided into twenty satrapies. 22. καί answers Te, so that strictly we should have a second infin., but the constn. of the xal-clause is changed and made independent, as in iii. 94, 3 ; iv. 3, 3; v. 61, 4.

29. ἀντεπετίθει---΄ charged him with . . in return’; Croiset compares Demosth. 34, 28 τὰς ἐπιστολὰς ἃς ἐπεθήκαμεν. The infin. follows as with δίδωμι, as if he had said ἀντεπέστελλε.

24. é&wobeifa.—i.e.

to

show

to

Pausanias,

through

the

messenger, the great king's seal on the letter.

25. ἑαντοῦ--- βασιλέως. Pace

114.

2. τῶν ἀνδρῶν... κείσεταί σοι ebepyerla—lit. ‘in connexion with the men . . 8 service is set down to you in the record for ever.’ τῶν ἀνδρῶν is objective gen. ; εὐεργεσία is the service

256

THUCYDIDES

I

rendered by Pausanias (nof, as Mr. Forbes supposes, due to him).

The benefactors of the Great King were recorded in a

chronicle, Herod. viii. 85. κεῖται is the pass. of κατέθετο, c. 128,4. Pausanias had established a right to consideration for himself and his descendants. 6. ἀρέσκομαι--ποὐ the Ionic use of c. 35, 2. μήτε νὺξ μήθ᾽ Audpa— this and χρνσοῦ xal ἀργύρον δαπάνῃ are quite in t% 1 ersian style: we can har dly doubt t hat the letter is substantially genuine. 9. κεκωλύσθω —5c. ὧν ἐμοὶ ὑπισχνεῖ τι. The 3rd pers. is awkward, and κεκώλυσο has been proposed. 12. κάλλιστα καὶ &ovora—cf. Xen. Anab. 111. i. 6 ἐπήρετο τίνι ἂν θύων κάλλιστα καὶ ἄριστα ἔλθοι.

19. σκευὰς Μηδικάς —the dress was the κάνδυς, a long robe with long broad sleeves over & short tunic, ἀναξυρίδες, trousers, and τιάρα, head-dress; also bracelets (ψέλια) and necklaces (στρεπτοί).

22. τράπεζάν says Nepos;

re—epulabatur

cf. the Persicos

more

Persarum

odi apparatus

luxuriosius,

of Horace.

simplicity of the Greek δεῖπνον is notorious. 24. Bpaxéc.—' small.’ τῇ γνώμῃ -- ἢ ἔμελλε, ‘he meant to.’ 26. ópyj—'temper' in neutral sense; cf. c..122, 1. made men * wait before his doors' as if he wero a satrap. PAGE

4. ἀνεκάλεσαν

‘The

He

115.

—plup. in sense.

7. ἐκ τοῦ Bufavrlov—seo c. 128, 5.

10. TpeáBas—adj. = Τρωικάς ; cf. vi 62 Ἑλλὰς πόλις. The use of such forms as adj. is poetical and Ionic. 14. axvrdAnv— ‘a secret message.’ Plut. Lys. 19 gives a complete description : when ἃ general was sent out from Sparta two sticks of exactly the same size were prepared ; the ephors kept one, the officer the other.

When

the ephors wished

send a secret message, they wrapped a strip their

stick

spirally

and

wrote

on

it.

to

of papyrus round

Thev

then

sent the

papyrus only, and in order to read it, the officer had to wrap 1t again round the other stick. Both sticks and message were called σκυτάλη.

NOTES 15. εἰ δὲ uh—c. 38, 3. 16. wpoayopebav—depending

257

on εἶπον, but

in a different

relation ; οἷ. c. 26, 5.

20. τὸν βασιλέα —and Pausanias was only the kings guardian. 21. Sawpafduevos—by some form of negotiation (probably bribery) he was released from prison. 23.

περὶ αὐτῶν .---ἰ. 6. τῶν κατηγορημάτων (Schol.):

sc. éavrór.

The other reading περὶ αὐτόν is hardly defended by ἐκ τῶν περὶ Παυσανίαν ἐλέγχων c. 185, 2, for the verb is regularly trans. 26. &dv—with ἐτιμωροῦντο. PAGE

116.

4. ἴσος εἶναι τοῖς παροῦσι — ‘to conform ditions,’ τοῖς ἤθεσι τῶν

Λακώνων

(Schol.),

to existing conor better,

‘to the

circumstances in which he found himself’ as a Σπαρτιάτης. (Various alterations of the text have been pro here, e.g. ἐν τοῖς παροῦσι, ‘in his present conduct’ Croiset—or ἐπὶ rois τ. Stein-—but there seems to be no very definite objection to it as it stands.) δ. τά τε ha —the re=‘both,’ looking as to what follows;

so that we have here an explanation

of ὑποψίας.

. παροῦσι.

(Some edd. insert xal before τά.)

6. ἐξεδεδιήτητο κτλ. — ἔξω τῶν. . ἐδεδιήτητο. 7. τὸν rplmoßa—this was a golden tripod supported by a bronze stand in the shape of three serpents twisted together (Herod. ix. 81). It was dedicated after Plataea. The gold rt was afterwards destroyed by the Phocians in the Sacred War (Pausan. x. xiii. 9), but the stand was removed to

Byzantium,

and

still exists

at Constantinople.

See Hicks

Man. Hist. Inscr. p. 11.

10. τὸ ἐλεγεῖον —this *couplet, which ‘he dared to have inscribed on his own authority,' is attributed to Simonides of Ceos. In the Anthology it reads thus: Ἑλλάνων ἀρχαγὸς ἐπεὶ στρατὸν ὥλεσα Μήδων Παυσανίας Φοίβῳ μνᾶμ᾽ ἀνέθηκα τόδε.

ἀρχηγός was a title of the Spartan kings. 14. εὐθὺς rére—at the time that the tripod was offered.

17. μέντοι —although the offensive inscription was removed,

258

THUCYDIDES

I

ἀδίκημα καὶ τότ᾽ ἐδόκει elvar—‘ (this act) was thought even at that time to be a crime.’

The

subject of ἐδόκει is αὐτό,

the act of having the couplet inscribed. by Classen

for

τοῦτ᾽,

and

rór' was first adopted

καὶ ἐπεί γε δὴ ἐν τούτῳ

καθειστήκει

requires it as ἃ contrast of time: also there is no point in καὶ τοῦτ᾽,

88

no

other

offence

mentioned to justify xa.

this is not necessary.

of

P.

in

earlier

times

has

been

Stein inserts τοῦτο after ἀδίκημα, but

18. ἐπεί γε δὴ ἐν τούτῳ καθειστήκει.--ἰ.6. now when he was accused of ‘Medism.’ ἐπεί γε δή is more emphatic than ἐπειδή.

25. οὐδὲ τῶν.

. πιστεύσαντες---Δὴ explanation of οὐδ᾽ ὥς,

,

technical word

—the

full citizen-rights. 27. εἰώθασιν

for an informer who

had

not

—sc. χρῆσθαι. PAGE

117.

4. 'ApyO vos—he was a slave from the Thracian town Argilus 5. αὐτοῦ... dxelve—applying to the same person ; cf. iv. 18, 4; vi. 61, 7 κατέγνωσαν αὐτοῦ καὶ τῶν per’ ἐκείνου : Audoc. 1, 64 εἶπον αὐτοῖς. . ἐκείνοις δέ: conversely vii. 14 εἰ προσγενήσεται.

. πρὸς

ἐκείνους

χωρῆσαι,

διαπεπολεμήσεται

αὐτοῖς :

Plat. Rep. p. 348 c εὐδαίμονα ἐκεῖνον ποιοῦσιν ὑπηρετοῦντες αὐτῷ.

μηνντὴς

γίγνεται,

δεέσας.

. καὶ

παρασημηνάμενος..

λύει---καί joins δείσας to λύει, which should strictly be λύσας:

the constn. is thus changed from partic. to finite verb, as ii.

47 λεγόμενον μὲν. . οὐ μέντοι ἐμνημονεύετο : vii. 18 τῶν ναυτῶν μὲν. . ἀπολλυμένων, οἱ δὲ θεράποντες. . αὐτομολοῦσι.

Stein reads ds δείσας, but no change is needed.

«al does

not join γίγνεται to λύει because the clause with λύει is anterior in time to y. μηνυτής, and such a Aysteron proteron is without

example in Thuc. 6. κατὰ ἐνθύμησιν τινα — ἐνθυμηθείς, ‘because he noticed.’ 8. wapaconpnvduevos— ‘counterfeiting’;

‘for

Thuc.

says

παρασημηνάμενος τὴν σφραγίδα in the sense of παρατυπώσασθαι᾽ Pollux viii. 27. This reading, restored bv Hude, is better

than παραποιησάμενος, which is probably a gloss on it. ἣν ψενσθῇ τῆς δόξης--ἰ.6. if his suspicion about the contents of the letter proved false. He could then replace the seal and go on to Artabazus. Did it not occur to him

that even iu this case he might ‘never return,’ ie. be put to eath ἢ

NOTES

259

9. A καὶ dxe«tvos—i.e. in case Pausanias should ask for the letter back before the messenger left, in order to alter something in it. If the messenger's suspicion about the letter roved false, he would say nothing, but seal up the letter. ut suppose the man's suspicions

proved true, why should he

not have contemplated an immediate visit to the ephors, without giving Pausanias time to ask for the letter back! In int of fact this is what the man did. (The text is suspected y some edd.—e.g. Herwerden and Steup—but the confusion of the messenger's motives seems to come from Thuc.) 14. ἐπίστευσαν ---8ο. that the information they had received from the helots was true.

16. ἀπὸ wapacxeviis—cf. Lysias 13, 22 εἰ μὴ ἐκ παρασκευῆς éunviero, ‘by collusion, or arrangement,’ here with the gen. abs.

17. ἐπὶ Talvapov—the shrine of Poseidon on Taenarus was sanctuary (asylum). 18. axnynerautvov— both σκηνᾶσθαι and σκηνεῖσθαι are else-

where intrans., but here the sense must be trans.: hence Madvig roposed σκενασαμένου, and one inferior M8. gives σκηνωσαμένου: tein reads és διπλῆν. 19. τῶν [Te]—the

spurious.

23. τά ve.

re has

. καὶ TÀÀN

no correlative and dwodalvovros—the

is no doubt position of re

shows that ἀποφαίνοντος is added by an afterthought.

24. ὡς οὐδὲν. . rapaBáXovro—' that he had never hazarded P.'s interests '—a gambling term.

26. προτιμηθείη Sé—ironical: had got. ἐν ἴσῳ-- ὁμοίως. PAGE

this was all the reward he

118.

2. πίστιν. . ávacTác«es —'pledging his word for his departure from the temple,' sc. in safety. (ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ is perhaps a commentator's note on τῆς ἀναστάσεως.)

4. τὰ wpacodépeva—the negotiations with the king. sentence here concluded is & remarkable instance partiality of Thuc. for the circumstantial participle.

12. 8qAécavTros—sc. what was about to happen. dat. of cause.

The of

the

εὐνοίᾳ is

19. ἔνδον öyra—i.e. making sure that he was in the οἴκημα.

260

THUCYDIDES

I

21. ἐξεπολιόρκησαν --[ἢθ terms are taken from the starving out of a city.

22. ὥσπερ elyev—‘as he was,’ ‘in his present condition,’ i.e. shut up in the building; cf. e.g. ii. 46. (In vi. 57, 3 I accepted Krüger's version ‘forthwith’

; but I agree with Steup

that this is wrong.) If he had ‘expired’ inside, the holy place would have been profaned. 25. τὸν ΚΚαιάδαν —the exact site of this ravine called Caeadas is not known : it was in the hills near Sparta. xalara, crevices produced

by earthquake, were so common

in Laconia

that Sparta is called καιετάεσσα in Homer. 26. οὗπερ τοὺς xaxot’pyovs—the Schol. is ἐμβαλεῖν δηλονότι (serlicet). τόπος ὁ Kéadas ὀρωρυγμένος ἐν κακούργους εἰώθασι ῥιπτεῖν. The words of mixed with the text in the Mss. in several probable that οὗπερ τοὺς κακούργους is due ought

to be olwep, but

Λακωνικῇ, ὅπον τοὺς this note have got ways, and it is very to the note. (οὗπερ

this error—which is common

does not count against the genuineness of the words.

in Ms8.—

Volgraff

first bracketed them.) PAGE

119.

2. obwep—the omitted antecedent is ἐκεῖσε. 3. προτεμενίσματι--ὁ

until then unconsecrated.

mpd

. . τοῦ

τεμένους

τόπος (Schol.)

4, 8—i.e. τὸ τὸν τάφον κεῖσθαι ἐν TQ vr.

ὡς KTA.—accus. abs. 7. ἀνδριάνταε---πιοῦ necessarily statues of Pausanias; but symbolic figures consecrated to the gods of the upper world. 15. τοῖς αὐτοῖς —i.e. θανάτῳ.

16. ἔτυχε γὰρ aorpaxtopévos—when this had happened is unknown; 471 B.c. is generally favoured in spite of the statement in Ath. Pol. that Them. was at Athens in 462 B.C. : the year depends upon other events such as the reduction

uncertain.

of

Naxos

(see

c.

137,

2)—of

which

the

date

For a discussion see Sandys on Ath. Pol. o. 2b.

is

20. ἄγειν---85. to Athens.

23.

—by some official act, probably in some dispute

with another state, according to Plutarch with Corinth.

In all

such decrees of honour conferred on a ξένος a clause giving him ἀσυλία was contained ; and on this clause Them. relied.

NOTES 23.

261

a$rév —the Corcyreans ; for this idiom cf. c. 34, 4.

26. ἀπεχθέσθαι --- ἐχθρὸς

(leg.

ἐχθροὺ:)

γενέσθαι

(Schol.).

The Mss. ἀπέχθεσθαι assumes a pres. form ἀπέχθομαι : similar] in vii. 75 ABEFM have αἰσθέσθαι: in from δίγω (Otyyáro).

may

give αἴσθεσθαι as from αἴσθομαι, but Eur. Phoen. 300 the mss. have θίγειν as But that these only occur in forms that

be aorists is very suspicious:

with other such doubie

forms—e.g. αὔξω beside avédyw—the indic. forms occur.

28. κατὰ πύστιν dx. in accordance with inquiry as to

the road he took.’

The opt. is iterative, PacE

2. Μολοσσῶν---ἰὰ Epirus.

120.

What the ‘difficulty’ was that

led Them. to one who was ‘no friend of his’ is not explained. δ. καθέζεσθαι---ΔοΥ. in sense: the mid. form καθίζομαι is not used.

7. οὐκ áfroi— ‘asks him not to. .' 8. ᾿Αθηναίων Seoutve— Then. must have opposed a request from Admetus for Athenian help.

9. καὶ γὰρ ἂν xrvA.—‘ for at the present time I might be ill-treated

by

one

far

weaker

than

you

(ἐκείνου: ἢ ἐκεῖνος,

depending on ἀσθενεστέρου) ; but it is generous (like a

man) to take vengeance on equals (not on inferiors) and equal to them (and not stronger).’

gentle-

when

This curious form of appeal

must be the invention of Thuc.; and we may doubt whether it would have moved such a king.

13. Apelas rıyds— ‘in reference to,’ the gen. of separation parallel

to ἐς τὸ v. σῴζεσθαι.

ἐς τὸ σῶμα

σῴζεσθαι--}.

‘with

reference to preserving

his life,’ i.e. in a matter of life and death.

Recent edd. take τό with σῴζεσθαι:

σῴζεσθαι is mid.

but it is possible Poppo

was right in supposing that in cases like the present the single

article does double duty.

Cf. Plat. Gorg. p. 489 c μηδενὸς ἄξιοι

πλὴν ἴσως TQ σώματι ἰσχυρίσασθα. Note corresponding to σῶμα, has the article.

that

ψυχή

below,

16. ἀποστερῆσαι Gy —* would withhold’; this is the proper sense of ἀποστερεῖν, and hence σωτηρίας is required. 18. ὥσπερ xal—the καί marks the connexion of the two acts, ἀνίστησι---ἐκαθέζετο. ἔχων αὐτόν— μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ. Notice the extreme solemnity of supplication by the life o( the child.

262

THUCYDIDES

I

19. καὶ μέγιστον fy i. Totro—parenthetical. 23. érépav—the Aegean. 24. τὴν "A—sc. πόλι. This Alexander Perdiccas

(see

c. 57).

Thuc.

calls

the

town

was

father

of

*Alexander's'

because it lay south of Macedon proper. Its status caused difficulty at various times, for it never fully acquiesced in Macedonian rule till conquered by Philip the Great. 26. χειμῶνι-[6 wind was north, and unless the captain tacked would carry the ship right into Naxos. 27. ὃ ἐπολιόρκει Ndfov—the accession of Artaxerxes, who had lately ascended

the throne

when

Them. arrived (see $ 4)

took place in 465 B.c. Hence, to make the dates suit, the siege of Naxos was assigned by Schäfer to 466 B.c.; but, judging from the narrative of cc. 89-90, this leaves too short an interval between the siege of Naxoa and the death of Xerxes; for Eurymedon was fought before the latter event, and yet,

apparently, some time after the revolt of Naxos. Hence other modern authorities assign the siege of Naxos to 468, 470 or even 473 B.c.

But then the narrative here cannot be correct.

In Plut. Them. 25, where this passage is used, some mss. have

Θάσον for Νάξον : and this would

suit here better (see c. 100,

2); but there may be a mistake on Thuc.'s part. PAGE

4. 5. uses with

121.

τὴν δὲ ἀσφάλειαν elyac—i.e. ‘his safety depended on.’ péxpv—with μέχρι, μέχρι οὗ and πρίν Thuc. occasionally subj. without ἄν according to the older idiom ; but ἕως plain subj. does not occur.

TÀo0s—'until fair weather came,’ in contrast with χειμών above: this and not ‘until he sailed’ seems to be the sensc ; πλοῦςτεεὔπλοια, as also in lil. 9 πλῷ χρησάμενος kal τριταῖος ἀφικόμενος.

6. ἀπομνήσεσθαι--[ἢ8 ordinary fut. in Attic is μνησθήσομαι, but Herod.

uses μνήσομαι.

11. aérw—for the poetical use of dat. after ἦλθε cf. c. 18, 3. The aor. is pluperf. in sense, and ὕστερον means after his flight. At Athens his goods were confiscated 80 far as they were found, because he was ἃ traitor. 18.

κάτω.

. &ve—as in ἀνά-βασις and κατά-βασις.

15. νεωστὶ βασιλεύοντα ---[ὉΓ νεωστί with imperf. partic. cf. ii. 20 ἀνδρῶν νεωστὶ πόλιν ἐχόντων.

NOTES

268

Ür.—this convenient form of quasi-oblique speech, where the speaker's actual words follow ὅτι, occurs only in prose. 17. tyérepov—referring of course to the royal family.

18. ἐπιόντα dgo(—a fine touch due to self-confidence. 20. ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ μὲν xrÀ.—' when he retreated (πάλιν belongs to ἀποκομιδή) himself in danger, while I was in safety.'

22. qpádyas—' referring

to’;

cf. c. 87,

2,

but here

the

constn. is xarà σύνεσιν after ἐδήλου ἡ γραφή.

τὴν ἐκ Z. προάγγελσιν τῆς ἀναχωρήσεως -- Herod. viii. 110 relates that Themistocles sent ἃ message to Xerxes saying that he had persuaded the Greeks not to break down the bridges over the Hellespont, and consequently the king might

retreat at leisure. that Herod. says

The story agrees with Thuc. here, except the message was sent from Andros, not

Salamis. The true object of Them. was to cause Xerxes to retreat rapidly, since Xerxes had been once taken in by a false message from Them. (viz. that the Greeks were about to retreat from Salamis, Herod. viii. 75) and would

one also was false.

had in sending the message.

ἀναχωρήσεως

be sure to assume this

Them. now misrepresents the object he had

(Haacke and others refer ri» . .

to the earlier message of Them., viz., that the

Greeks were about to withdraw from Salamis.

Them.

caused the defeat of the king;

By this m

by the /ater one he

rescued the king. This explanation seems simpler; but it looks as if the parenthesis γράψας. . διάλυσιν refers only to

what Them. pretends to have done to serve the king.)

24. ἣν ψευδῶς προσεποιήσατο-- Herod. says Them. ur the Gk fleet to break down the bridges but he was or oped by

the Peloponnesians.

The Athenian fleet was then willing to

go alone, but this Them. successfully opposed. It looks as if Thuc. did not believe in this last part of the story. (Croiset understands ‘which he misrepresented,’ others avoid the appearance of an inconsistency with Herod.) 25. of διάλυσιν---οἴ. e.g. iii. 95, 2 τὴν οὐ περιτείχισιν : vii. 84 τὴν τῶν Κορινθίων οὐκέτι ἑπαναγωγήν.

27. τὴν σὴν φιλίαν --- my friendship for you.’ PaGE 4.

122.

6y —duration of time.

10. τοῦ 'EXAAqvucoó—'about tbe Greeks,’ but in sense this is object of δουλώσειν.

204

THUCYDIDES

I

12. πεῖραν διδούε--58ο πεῖραν λαμβάνω. 13. Av γὰρ. . δηλώσας καὶ. . Äfuos—the with

ἦν

is here joined

to

an

adj.

with

unusual, and some edd. place βεβαιότατα.

aor.

partic.

ἣν : the constn.

is

. δηλώσας between

commas, taking xal as emphasising διαφερόντως τι. Transl. * Them. was in fact one who showed most convincingly natural

wers, and he was beyond all others worthy of the very ighest admiration in this respect.' és αὐτό refers to φύσεως

ἰσχύν : διαφερόντως τι belongs to θαυμάσαι: for μᾶλλον ἑτέρου cf. c. 84, 2 ἧσσον ἑτέρων. 14. φύσεως layiw—Thuc. evidently holds with the old view,

as against the sophists, that φύσις is superior to μάθησις. 15. ἐς αὐτό---ἐς τὸ ξυνετὸν φαίνεσθαι. 16. οὔτε προμαθὼν. . οὔτ᾽ ἐπιμαθών.---᾿ not aiding it (τὴν

ξύνεσιν») by any knowledge acquired before or after,’ i.e. either by learning or by experience. (What time is alluded to in the wpo-

and

erı-?

Some

say

much better, the time when

his entry

he

into

gave any

public life, others,

advice derived from

this £uvesıs—but interpret, ‘his opinion was not based on previous

knowledge, nor, after giving

it, had he to modify it because he

found he was wrong.’ Neither verb occurs elsewhere in Thuc. Croiset sees an allusion to Prometheus and Epimetheus.) 18. 80 ἐλαχίστηε

BovAfs— * with the least consideration.’

19. ἐπὶ πλεῖστον τοῦ yevnooplvouv—those edd. who connect these words understand ‘to the remotest future,’ so that ἐπὶ πλεῖστον refers to time: the objection lies in the sing. τοῦ γενησομένου after the plur. μελλόντων, and so some think it spurious, others join τοῦ γενησομένου to τῶν μελλόντων, which

is very forced.

But all difficulty

disappears if we understand

by τὸ γενησόμενον ‘the particular event that was going to happen' and take ἐπὶ πλεῖστον of extent, as in ἐπὶ πλεῖστον

ἀνθρώπων in c. 1, 2, so that the whole phrase emphasises only the extraordinary accuracy of his eixacía : ‘his forecasts of the future were the best, in every event proving more accurate than those of others.’

ἐπὶ π. τοῦ γεν. in lit. ‘so as to cover the

greatest part (i.e. a greater part than any one else) of just that which was coming.'

20. μετὰ χεῖρας ἔχοι---80 Aeschines 1, 70 ἃ νυνὶ μετὰ x. ἔχετε: = μεταχειρίζοιτο.

21. ἐξηγήσασθαι --᾿ expound his views on it.’ ὧν δ᾽ ἄπειρος εἴη in contrast with ἃ μετὰ χεῖρας ἔχοι= ‘ that

which he took no personal share in,’

NOTES

265

22. οὐκ ἀπήλλακτο---“1 did not fail to,’ ‘was not without the power’; in later prose we should have rov.—Them. lived

before the days of developed oratory.

28. τό τε ἄμεινον f) x «ipov—* the advantage or disadvantage’ of any proposed step. 24. Tb ξύμπαν

εἰπεῖν — parenthetical inf., τό belonging to

ξύμπαν.

25. μελέτης δὲ $rqyr.—' with the shortest preparation,’ ἃ second way in w Ie he showed his power of hitting on the right thing in ἃ minute. The two phrases are not really quite parallel. 28. @—the story was that he drank bull's blood: Thuc. evidently thinks it a foolish tale, Aristoph. Zg. 83. PAGE

128.

4. ἄρτον. . οἶνον. . Sıyov— according to a Persian oustom : of. Plat. Adc. i. p. 123 B ‘he said (the person meant is perhaps Xenophon) he passed a district which the inhabitants called ζωνὴν τῆς βασιλέως γυναικός : and another called ''the mirror" . . καὶ ὀνόματ᾽ ἔχειν ἑκάστους τῶν τόπων ἀπὸ ἑκάστον τῶν κόσμων.᾽ Lampsacus and Myus belonged to the Delian

League, so Them. cannot have actually enjoyed their revenues.

8. el xovres—Cleophantus, a son of Them., lived at Athens. In later times the grave of Them. was located at the entry to Piraeus. 2]. προύλεγον. . μή--ἰη the terms of an ultimatum it is not surprising to see μή where οὐ would be ordinarily used : προλέγω contains

a meaning of advice or warning.

deoree and Aegina see c. 67.

For the Megarian

27. ἐπεργασίαν.---ἐπι- denotes encroachment, as in ἐπινέμομαι.

ths lepäs— ‘he means the land between Megara and Attica

consecrated to the Eleusinian goddesses’ (Schol.).

28. ἀορίστου --- Mr. Forbes says, this seems to be distinct from τῆς ἱερᾶς, and may mean an undefined or ueutral strip of land.

ἀγδραπόδων (é$oBoy fy —this matter is parodied by Aristoph.

in Acharn. 825 f. : runaway slaves from Attica found a refuge in Megara.

266

THUCYDIDES PAGE

I

124.

6. ποιήσαντες--' having called’ through the officials. 7. γνώμας σφίσιν αὐτοῖς προντίθεσαν --' opened a debate,’ 8 technical phrase applying properly to the president of the ecclesia (ἐπιστάτης), who allowed the discussion.

10. ἐπ’ ἀμφότερα γιγνόμενοι---' ranging themselves on both and

i.e. some taking the one view, some the other.

ὡς (χρὴ) μὴ 4.—generally ἐμπόδιος takes dat. of person. » Myr τε kal w. 5.—this explains πρῶτος, and always denotes capacity for public affairs. 19. ‘spirit’; their ardour cools when they have to carry out their resolution.

21. τὰς ἐνμφοράς--rà συμβαίνοντα, ‘events’; so below. per pivotNEA 22. va—these occur together several times, without bete]

ifference of sense.

24. τοῖς x. δόξασιν---[υὖ. perf. in sense=& ἂν δόξῃ. 27. τὰς ξυμφορὰς τῶν «.—' the issues of things (lit. “events following from affairs") can be as incomprehensible in their course as man's thoughts,' so that failure is no proof that 8 resolution was wrong.

29. ὅσα dv—‘ whenever anything' —(év πᾶσιν) ὅσα ἄν. PAGE

125.

3. elpnpivov—in the thirty years’ peace. δίκας διδόναι

καὶ 5.— cf.

c. 28, 2.

The best mss.

give

διαφορῶν from διαφορά : the parallel passages, as cc. 56, 1 and 78, 4 favour διαφόρων from διάφορος, but cf. cc. 28, 5, 146.

8. SvarverGa:—middle. 12. rel«vrato.— pred. with ἥκοντες. 15. περὶ Bpaxéos—' about a trifle’ ; cf. c. 78, 1. 16. Swep—accus. de quo, becoming the subject of καθαιρεθείη. προύχονται = προφασίζονται.

18. ὑπολίπησθε--Δἰοῦ the war has begun. 20.

(x «.—'involves':

ὑμῶν

depends

on γνώμης : ‘the con-

NOTES

267

firmation and trial of your resolution ' are explained in chiastic order by the two clauses that follow. 21. olg—masc. = ἐκείνοις γάρ.

24. σαφὲς ἂν x.— ‘make it clear to them’ that they must deal with you on an equal footing rather than as superiors. 28. καὶ ἐπὶ μεγάλῃ καὶ ἐ. B. w.— ‘be the reason great or small ' for yielding.

The constn. changes from infin. ὑπακούειν

to partic. el£ovres . . ἕξοντες, ‘with the intention of not.’ It would be more usual, but it can hardly be necessary, to have

ὡς after προφάσει. PacE

126.

8. ἀπὸ τῶν Óópolev—masc. 4. πρὸ Slxyns—‘ before,’ meaning arbitration.

Cf. Dem.

instead of proceeding by

23, 28 ἂν ἀφέληταί τις.

. μὴ βουλόμενος

πρὸ δίκης ἐκδοῦναι. τοῖς πέλας--οἵ. c. 33, 1.

5. τὰ δὲ τοῦ

κτλ.---οὈ͵]οοῖ of ἀκούοντες,

but

its

position gives it the effect of an accus. of respect. 8. αὐτονργοί--δι’ ἑαυτῶν τὴν γῆν ἐργαζόμενοι σπάνει δούλων (Schol.).

11. Bpaxéws—‘ only fora short time.’

The object of ἐπιφέρειν

is πολέμους.

13. ναῦς

πληροῦντε = ναῦς

ἃς

πληροῦσιν.

Several

edd.

accept the conjecture πληροῦν, which is very probable. In Plat. Gorg. p. 4940 πληροῦντα is probably a corruption of πληροῦν. Apart from the awkward constn. here there seems

to be no point in πληροῦντες. 15. äwövres—the three particc.

are causal,

and

the full

meaning is ‘since to do that (ναῦς. . ἐκπέμπειν) involves to them (1) absence from their lands ’—(cf. the opposite ἐπὶ τῶν ἰδίων εἶναι Ath. Pol. c. 15), (2) paying the expenses out of

their own money instead of getting it from the state, and (8) being chased off the seas by the Athenians.

16. al δὲ weprovola:—this sentence has direct reference to the financial condition of Athens. The policy of Pericles was to accumulate

a reserve,

so

that

the

elodopd — war-tax

on

property— was seldom levied ; but the Pel. would depend on such a tax; see c. 121, 4. βίαιοι (like βέβαιος always of two

268

THUCYDIDES

I

termine. in Thuc.) is a descriptive epithet to εἰσφοραί in general : they are not free gifts (ἐπιδόσει3). 18. σώμασι.--οἴ, c. 121, 3.

20. τὸ μὲν κτλ.--τὸ μὲν.

. τὸ δέ apply to σώμασι

.

.

χρήμασι, πιστόν and βέβαιον being pred.: lit. ‘having in the one a possession they can rely on—viz. that it may come safe out of the dangers; but in the other a belonging for which

they have no security that they will not spend it before the war ceases.’ 26. πρὸς ὁμοίαν charter ' from dire

&.— ‘against a power differing in The "o under the influence of the

infin. Srav—‘so long as’; cf. o. 142, 1. Pace

127.

1. οὐχ ὀμόφυλοι---ποὶ all Dorians: of course the Athenian allies were not ὁμόφυλοι guidance of Athens.

τὸ ἐφ᾽ ἑαντὸν

(ii. 9, 4), but they were all under the

ἔ σπεύδῃ---ἰ[Π6 verb attracted to ἕκαστος :

τὸ ἐφ᾽ é., ‘what concerns himself’ is object οὗ σπεύδῃ But generally τὸ ἐπί and accus. (1) is adverbial, (2) means ‘as far as concerns,’ or ‘depends on.’

2. μηδέν belongs to the inf. 5. ἐν βραχεῖ μὲν popío—sc. of the whole time spent in the meeting. ἐν extends over τῷ πλέονι. 7. wapaé—‘owing to’; this use is common in Demosth., and cf. Aeschines ii. 80 παρὰ τοῦτο διαφθαρῆναι, ὅτι. παρὰ τοῦτο οὐκ ἦλθεν, ὅτι...

. : 111. 80

8. PAdyay—sc. τὰ κοινά. 9. ὑπέρ---" in place of.’ 12. μέγιστον -Ξὃ μέγιστόν ἐστι. 15. uevero(—act. ; Aeschines 3, 168 ῥητορικήν δειλίαν δημόσιος καιρὸς

οὐκ

ἀναμένει:

Demosth.

4,

37

ai

τῶν

πραγμάτων

οὐ

μένουσι καιροὶ τὴν ἡμετέραν βραδυτῆτα.

17. τὴν μὲν γὰρ xrA.—this is taken in two ways: (1) τὴν μέν object of παρασκευάσασθαι &nd πόλιν ἀντίπαλον in apposition— ὥστε γενέσθαι πόλιν ἀντίπαλον (Krüger etc.) ; (2) τὴν μέν accus. of respect, ‘as regards the one’ (Shilleto, Classen, etc.). The

sense is clearly given by Arnold:

‘ Pericles is distinguishing

NOTES between

two

different

methods

269 of

ἐπιτείχισις,

the

one

by

founding a city in the neighbourhood of Athens strong enough to interfere with her trade and be a check on her power, πόλιν ἀντίπαλον : the other

Attica,

as

strongholds

by merely

raising one or two

for plundering

parties

to

country in constant annoyance and alarm, φρούριον.

forts in

keep

the

The only

difficulty is that ἐπιτείχισις is nowhere found of a rival city founded, in time of peace; intended.

hence (2) is probably

the constn.

18. 4 που δή----΄of course,’ then, sc. χαλεπόν ἐστι. 19. ἐκείνοις ἡμῶν ἀντεπιτετειχισμένων

---[}8 seems to refer

to the certainty that Athens would reply to an ἐπιτείχισις by taking similar measures in Peloponnesian territory (Pylus, Cythera): hence we look for a future ; and ἀντεπιτειχιουμένων, ἀντεπιτετειχισομένων or the insertion of ἄν has been proposed.

Another view is that Athens herself is meant ; she is already Standing as an ἐπιτείχισις threatening any post that Sparta might establish in Attica. Since an ἐπιτείχισις always occurs in an enemy's country, this could only be justified by supposing

that Pericles uses the term loosely for the sake of the antithesis. But it certainly looks as if something to be done by Athens

is meant.

22. atvroporlars—by

desert to them. in after years.

25. πλέον

encouraging

the slaves in Attica

to

This actually happened in the case of Decelea

γὰρ ἔχομεν κτλ.---ἐμπειρίας

depends

on

πλέον

ἔχομεν, *we have more experience of land operations through our naval experience than they have in naval operations from their service on land.' Pericles alludes to the use of Athenian fleets on hostile coasts in connexion with descents on the land (ἀποβάσει). The knowledge of the Pel. coast.line would

enable them to choose the right point for an ἐπιτείχισις. 28. τὸ B&é—the δέ answers the μέν of 8 8. PAGE

128.

2. αὐτό---τὸ ναυτικόν.

6. ἐφορμεῖσθαι---“ being blockaded.’ 9. ἐν τῷ μὴ μελετῶντι.---ἐν= ‘owing to,’ as often ; for the neut. partic. with art. as subst. cf. τὸ δεδιὸς αὐτοῦ c. 86, 1. 13. ὅταν ruxg— ' as occasion arises,’ i.e. casually. ἀλλὰ padrAov—se. δεῖ,

270

THUCYDIDES

I

15. xwwhoavres—cf. c. 93, 2. 19. classes of

vrov—'in case we embark.’ The two highest citizens—Irreis and πεντακοσιομέδιμνοι---ϑεγνοα on

board only on occasions of great danger.

The citizen crews

consisted ordinarily of ζευγῖται and θῆτες. 20.

vó8«—i.e. τὸ ἀντιπάλους εἶναι κτλ.

21. kvfiepvfrras — pred. 22. ὑπηρεσίαν --- ‘crews,’

collective,

hence

the

plur.

in

agreement.

24. thy τε abrot—he would not again be able to set foot in his own city since it was part of the Athenian empire. 26. ἕνεκα governs δόσεως : ὀλίγων ἡμερῶν depends on μισθοῦ. Pericles assumes that the Pel. fleet would not be able to keep the sea for any considerable time. PAGE

129.

3. οὐκ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἴσον peydAa—lit. ‘other important things (μεγάλα) on

a greater scale,’ i.e. ‘have the advantage of them

in other important

matters.’

This

refers back

to what

has

preceded, and is not further explained, for Thuc. does not here

want to give a detailed account of the Athenian

is done in the second book.

position : this

The ref., as Steup says, is especi-

ally to the fleet.

6. οὐκέτι ἐκ τοῦ Öpolov— ‘then it will turn out that it is much worse.’ 13. ὅτι ἐγγύτατα rovrov—i.e. putting ourselves in thought as nearly as possible in the position of islanders. 14. olxlag—those the

outside

Athens.

During

the

invasions

population of Attica had to crowd into the city, as Athens

could not bring into the field an army strong enough to oppose the Pel. invading force.

17. ὀργισθέντας--we must not let our indignation at our losses drive us into a decisive action with a superior enemy.

20. mporamdAAvraı—for the pres. in fut. sense cf. c. 121, 4 ἁλίσκονται. fjcvx &covev—sc. οἱ ξύμμαχοι : they will join the enemy. 25.

κτῶνται---' gain,’ meaning with ἄνδρας ' produce.’

NOTES

PaGE

271

130.

1. ἐς ἐλπίδα .---ἐς is properly ‘ bearing on,’ ‘ tending to,’ as in λέγειν τι εἰς τὸ πρᾶγμα (Demosth. 57, 7) etc.

2. ἣν ἐθέλητε---Α4}}] this is prophetic, if, as is almost certain, it was really said by Pericles and not put into his mouth by Thuc. after the event.

7. ἐκεῖνα pév —i.e. advice as to the conduct of the war, which is best given during the war itself. For the present (νῦν δέ) our course is clear.

11. ξενηλασίας---ἰ 686 expulsions took place from time to time, no doubt by order of the ephors. Plato suggests ironically that the Spartans used them when they wanted

privacy for the

study of philosophy ; Xenophon says they feared corruption of the traditional character by contact course, *enact' in their laws.

wlth

ξένοι.

ποιῶσι,

of

12. οὔτε γὰρ ἐκεῖνο κωλύει---οὐ κωλύει ‘there is no hindrance to’ stands for οὐδὲν κωλύει in Aristoph. Av. 463, and in two or

three passages from later authors.

Hence there is probably

no need to insert οὐδέν here. ἐκεῖνο. . TróB«— the ξενηλασίαι and Μεγαρέων y*éwpua—there is as little to forbid the one as the other in the thirty years' truce.

16. σφίσιν ἐπιτηδείως---806 c. 19 ; alluding to the form of constitution.

The Schol. says he thinks τοῖς A. is ἃ gloss on

σφίσι.

18. αὐτοῖς ἑκάστοις

—sc. ἐπιτηδείως.

20. ἄρξομεν, ἀρχομένους--- we will not be the first to fight, but if they enter on a war, we will retaliate.' The difference between dpxw and ἄρχομαι is not important to the sense, but it has 8 rhetorical effect. Pace

131.

2. γνώμῃ —' insight’: frequently contrasted with τύχη. 4. ἐς τάδε προήγαγον atrd—‘ brought our empire to this’ ; repeated almost in the same words by Alcibiades in vi. 18. ὧν Ξ- τῶν πατέρων. 18, τὸ ξύμπαν —in contrast with καθ᾽ ἕκαστα ὡς ἔφρασε.

272

THUCYDIDES

I

15. ἐπὶ ἴσῃ καὶ ὁμοίᾳ---. 27, 1. 17. αἰτίαι M4 —taking up c. 28, 5. 22. &xnpóxTes—there could be no communication without a herald after war had begun. At ἀκηρύκτως, with which strictly the sentence should end, Thuc. suddenly adds ἃ qualification.

GREEK

INDEX

εἴν The reference is to the page on which the note appears.

ἄνεμον τηρεῖν 203

Α

ἀντειπεῖν

ἀξιολογώτατος μένων 138

αἰεί with τις and adj. 135 αἱρεῖν ‘defeat’ or ‘capture’ 154 αἰσθάνεσθαι ‘ be intelligent’ 211 αἰτία 171, 208, 208, 272; ἐν αἰτίᾳ ἔχειν 182

214;

ἀκρίβεια 169 ἀκριβῶς πράσσειν 233 ἀλιτήριος 253 ἀλλά in altercation 220 ἀμαθία 224

222 ; κατ᾽ à. 159

ἀνάγκαι *coercive measures' 233 ἀναγκαῖος 137, 208, 224 ἀνακαλῶ 141

227

'place of retreat'

προγεγενη-

χθεσθε 215

ἀπηλλάχθαι ‘lack’ 265 ἀπίστως for ὥστε ἄπιστα εἶναι 168 ἀπό:

d. τοῦ ἴσου 270;

ἀνθρωπείου

τρόπου

παρασκευῆς

259;

ὁρμᾶσθαι

ἄμεινόν ἐστι 243, 252

ἀμύνεσθαι and ἀμείβεσθαι 190 ἀμφότερος 158; ἐπ᾽ ἀμφότερα

τῶν

ἀξίωσις ‘claim’ 185; *reputation’ 206 ἀπέχει and ἀπεῖχε 201 ἀπεχθέσθαι and ἀπέχθεσθαι 2601; ἀπήχθησθε and ἀπή-

αἴτιον

ἀκίνητα νόμιμα 211

ἀναχώρησις

in opposi-

ἀντίπαλος ‘only equal’ 247

ἀδικεῖν 219

αἴτιος with infin. as subst. 153

'propose

tion’ 189 ἄντικρυς 247 ἀντιλογία 179, 212

ἁβροδίαιτος 145 ἁγνὰ θύματα 252 ἄγος 251 ἀγώνισμα 170 ἀδεής ‘not feared’ 184

160;

227;

d. τοῦ

216; d.

ἀφ᾽

ἀφ᾽ ὧν 156;

οὗ 148, ἀ. πρώτης

217 ἀποβάλλειν 201 ἀποδασμός 156

ἀποδεικνύναι ‘point to’ 175 ἀποζὴν 136

ἀπολαμβάνειν 146 ἀπομνήσομαι 202 ἀπόστασις 189

273

d.

ἐχυροῦ

THUCYDIDES

214

ἀποστερεῖν 188, 206, 26] ἀποτειχίζειν 208 ἀποχρῆσθαι 206

I

γνώσομαι ‘shall adopt a policy’ 218 γοῦν 187, 166

215

ἀρέσκειν 186 ; mid. 182 ; pass.

256 ἀρετή ‘fertility ' 137

A

ἄριστος : ἡ ἀρίστη τῆς γῆς 197 ἀρχή 230, 282 ; ἀρχαί 227 ἄρχω and ἄρχομαι 271 ἀσθενής 143

ἀσφαλής 207 ἀτείχιστος * not walled off' 202 αὔξησις glossed by δύναμις 207 αὐτερέτης 152 αὐτομολίαι 269

αὐτός aud ἐκεῖνος of the same person 258 αὐτουργός 267 αὑτῶν -- ἡμέτερα αὐτῶν 221 ἀφνειός 158

δέκα and τέσσαρες 199

δηλοῦν 221 ; with partic. 168 διά: 3. κινδύνων ἔχειν 191; de’ ἀσφαλείας 162 ; διὰ πλείονος )( αὐτίκα 250

διαιρεῖν 224 “διάλυσις 263

διανοεῖσθαι with ellipse of infin. 134

Διάσια 252

διαφέρειν 208 διάφορος 198 ; rà διάφορα 205 διαχείρισις πραγμάτων 232 διεκπλεῖν 195 διεκπλοῦς 194

βασιλεία 16] βέβαιος 180

δίκας διδόναι 176, 266

βελτίων λόγος 286

δίοτι * why

βίᾳ 151, 235 βίος ‘livelihood’ 143 βουλόμενον, τό 226 βραχέως 267 βραχύς 218, 226, 256; éri βραχύ 242; περὶ βραχέος

ἐπὶ βραχείᾳ

217

διπλάσιος F 151 δίχα ψηφίζεσθαι 189

βιάζομαι 135, 218

266; 267

δέ in apodosis 154 ; δ᾽ οὖν and γοῦν 201 . δεδιός, τό 183

προφάσει

δοκεῖ with different constrs. 139 δουλεία 147 δουλεύειν τῇ yp 220 δύναμις, concrete 172, 181 δύναται μάλιστα εἶναι ‘may be called ' 223 δυοῖν ἁμαρτεῖν 181

Γ

γάρ, explanatory 134 ; γάρ and δέ 189 γενησόμενον, τό 264 γέρα 174

Ε ea» with ellipse of infin. 210 ἑαυτῶν πλουσιώτεροι 147

decision’

εἰ μὴ εἰ 162 ; εἰ with opt. ina

217 ; γνώμην ποιεῖσθαι 205 ; γνώμης παραίνεσις 229 ; γνώ-

γνώμη 244 εἰσὶν ot 146 ἐκ for ὑπό 166 ; ἐκ τοῦ εὐθέος 182 ; ἐξ ἴσου νέμειν 248

γνώμη

208;

‘legal

μας προτιθέναι 266 ; γνώμη )ί σώματα 209

GREEK éxvixay 168 éAaccoUcÓat

‘be at a disadvan-

tage' 216 ᾿Ἑλληνοταμίαι 232 ἐλπίζω 133 ἐν ἀδήλῳ κινδυνεύεσθαι

ἀπόρῳ

ἔχεσθαι

218 ; ἐν

173;

259 ; ἐν τοῖς πρῶτοι

ἐν ἴσῳ 144:

ἐν

πόρῳ κεῖσθαι 244; ἐν οἷς ‘before’ or ‘among whom’ 205 ; ἐν πλέονι, of time 212 ἐναγής 253 ἐναλλαγῆναι 244

ἐνδεές, τό 217 ἐνεῖναι 220 ἐντομή 230

INDEX

275

ἐπιχρῆσθαι 189 ἐρωτᾶν τὰς πύστεις 148 es: ἐς ἴσον καθιστάναι 187; ἐς τὸ παραχρῆμα ἀκούειν 170 ; ἐς τὸ φανερόν 146 ; ἐς τὸ σῶμα σῴζεσθαι 261 ἐσβάλλειν 198

ἐσγράφεσθαι 179

ἕτερος with gen. 176 ἑτοίμως 220

ἑτῶν δύο xal τριῶν 221 εὐεργεσίαν προυφείλειν 179; εὐεργεσία κεῖται σοί 255 εὐεργετεῖν 260 εὐθὺς ἀπὸ παλαιοῦ 139 εὐνομεῖσθαι 168

ἐντός, of place 162

é£aprvaóue0a. and -ώμεθα 246 ἑξῆς with πᾶν 166 ἐξιέναι, Ionic use of 192 ἐπάγειν ψῆφον 225

ἔφοδος ‘intercourse’ 144 ἔχειν ἐν θεραπείᾳ 197; & τὸ πλέον 191; ἔσχον ‘ refrained from’ 289 ; ἔχεσθαι ἐν ἀπόρῳ 178 ; ἔχεσθαι 219

ἐπειδή after χρόνος 145 ἐπελθεῖν 209 ἕπεσθαι 190

Ζ

ἔπηλυς 148 ἐπί: ἐ. μακρότερον 188 ; €. πολύ,

of time 137,

145;

140, 163, 201;

of space

208;

Η

é. τὸ μυθῶδες

‘in the direction of’ or ‘into the region of’ 168; τὸ ἐφ᾽ éavróv

ζευγνύναι 177

ἐ,

τῶν

ἡγήσασθαι ‘consider’ 286

σεμνῶν

θεῶν 253; €. φανεροῖς 206 ; ἐπ᾿ ὠφελίᾳ 140, 218; € μεγάλῃ προφάσει 267 ; é. τῇ

Θ θύματα 252

ἴσῃ καὶ ὁμοίᾳ 175

ἐπιβουλή and ἐπιβολή 231 ἐπιγνῶναι 208 ἐπιδημιονργός 198 ἐπιεικές, τό 216

ἐπικράτησις 189 ἐπιμαχία 192 ἐπιμιγνύναι 186

ἐπιπαριέναι 200

ἐπιστρέψαντες and ἐπὶ Στρεψάν τε 200

ἐπιφοιτᾶν 220

ἰσθμός 201

ἴσος εἶναι τοῖς παροῦσι 257 ; τὸ ἴσον νέμειν 210 : οὐκ ἀπὸ τοῦ

ἴσου ‘on ἃ larger scale’ 270 K

καθαιρεῖν ‘crush’ 142 καθαιρετός and καθαιρετέος 246

THUCYDIDES

2706 καθιστάναι

194,

240;

καθ.

εστῶτος absolute 216 καί emphasising a whole phrase 209;

καὶ τότε

καὶ

νῦν 225;

καὶ ὥς 192; “and in particular’ 161; ‘in fact’ 208 Ka:ddas 260 κάλλιστα καὶ ἄριστα 256 197;

τὸ

x.

αὑτούς

180;

x.

μετὰ χεῖρας ἔχειν 264 μετοικία 138

μέχρι οὗ 216; μ. τοῦδε ὡρίσθω 211 μή after κωλύματα

201;

μήτε.

. re 210

x.

καταβοᾶν 204 κατακομιδὴ 244

κατάφαρκτος 158 καταφωρᾶν 221

N

νέμω ‘assign’ 210;

E

κοινοῦν and κοινωνεῖν 187 κράτιστος 137 κρίσεις ποιεῖν 217 κρώβυλος 145 accus.

‘control’

243 ; mid. 136 νεοχμοῦν 155 νόμιμα, of Spartan institutions 211 νόμος 217

κατοικεῖσθαι 244 κοινόν, τό 220

with

τὸ μὴ

225 ; apprehension 226; with

ὀλιγαρχίαν

165; x. ἡσυχίαν 215; x. ἐνιαυτόν 220 ; x. ἑκάστους 140 ; x. χρόνους 242

κωλύω

161;

μυθῶδες 169 ; in prohibition

partic. 242

καλῶς κεῖσθαι with gen. 184 κατά, distributive 140 ; x. σφᾶς μόνας

I

182;

ξενηλασίαι 271

ξυγγράφειν 188

ξυμβαίνειν with ellipse of infin.

ov

κωλύει 271 A λείπεσθαι with gen. 151 λεπτόγεων, τό 137 λίπα 146

λιποστράτιον 233 λογάδες 207 λόγῳ ‘in debate’ 168 Μ

233 ξυμβόλαιαι δίκαι 216 ξύμμαχοι not technical 226 ξυμφέρεσθαι 148, 170 ξυμφορά

‘event’ 266

ξυναφίστασθαι ‘revolt together’ 199 ξυνεξέρχομαι and ξυνέρχομαι 142 ξυντυχία 181

Oo Ὀλύμπια 25]

ἐπήλθεν

or

ἐπῆλθον

μακρὰ τείχη 287

ὁμαιχμία 164

μᾶλλόν τι 194 ; μᾶλλον f) κατά 185 μείζω, τά 146 μέλλησις 207

ὁμοῖα and ὁμοίᾳ 174, 246 ὁρᾶν with different constrs. 196 ὀργή 247, 206 ; ὀργῇ φέρειν 179

μέρος, τό 214 μετανίστασθαι 155

ὅσον = Gore 136 οὐ after εἰ 246 ; οὐ μὴν οὐδέ 141 οὔτε... τε 144

GREEK ὄχλος ' population’ 220 ὀψὲ db’ ob 160

προκατάρχεσθαι 174 προκινδυνεύειν 218 πρός : mw. πολλὰ

παρά:

v.

πολύ

177;

οἱ

θάλασσαν 147; 'owing 268 παραγγελλόμενα, τά 246 παραγίγνεσθαι 16] παράδειγμα 138 παραμένειν 215

s. to'

παρασκευὴ 259

πρότερον ἤ 207

προτιμᾶν, προύχειν πρόφασις προφέρειν

ironical 259 174 172 249 Σ

σιδηροφορεῖσθαι 144 σκενὴ Μηδική 256

παρατυχόν 216 παρόμοιος 219

σκηνᾶσθαι, -εἶσθαι, -οὔσθαι 259 σκυτάλη 256 σπένδεσθαι 1θ4 σωφροσύνη ἔμφρων 228

παρόντα, τά 257 πειρᾶν 195

πεντηκόντορος 159

πέρας : ἐκ περάτων γῆς 207 περί 160, 199, 207 περιβάλλεσθαι τείχη 147 περιίστασθαι ἐς 217 περιόντι = περιιόντι 178

περιορᾶν with infin. 178 περιπίπτειν 19] πιστόν, τό 204

πληροῦντες and πληροῦν 267 πλοῦς = εὔπλοια 262

πλωιμωτέρων ὄντων 146 attraction 227

ποιεῖν ‘describe in verse’ 152 ποιεῖσθαι *obtain' 148, 173; π. πόλεμον 176 πολέμια, τά 165 πολύς : πολλοῦ χρόνου 140 ; διὰ πλείονος 250 : ὁ πλεῖστος τοῦ

χρόνου 178 πρό: τὰ πρὸ αὐτῶν 184 προβάλλεσθαι 186 σθαι 203

T τάσσειν, ‘assess’ 232 ; mid. 234 τεῖχος 202, 203

τεκμαίρεσθαι, with structions 134

and

προσγίγνε-

two

con-

τεκμήριον 135 τέλη, τά 199

τέττιγες χρυσοῖ 145 τηρεῖν ἄνεμον 208

τίθεσθαι εὖ 215 τιμωρίαν ποιεῖσθαι 178 τότε 225, 235 τράπεζα IIepouc 256 Tpoás, as adj. 256 Τρωικά, τά 139 τύραννος πόλις 248 τυγχάνειν 180, 209 : τυχόντα ΟΥ τυχόντων 248

ποταμός 162

προγίγνεσθαι

211;

προσκοπεῖν 248 προσπαρακαλεῖν 204 προστυγχάνειν 232

παρασημήνασθαι 258

παρασκεναζόμεθα or -ώμεθα 224

ποθέν, by

ἰέναι

χωρεῖν 7. 164

τά 139

πανταχοῦ 187 πάνυ 140

271

προειπεῖν 175, 191

II παλαιά,

INDEX

T ὑπάρχειν, ‘begin’ 229 ὑπειπεῖν 188

THUCYDIDES

218 ὑπηρεσία 270 ὕποπτος 215, 226 ὑποτοπτῆσαι 166

ὕστερον % 200

I

Χαλκίοικος 254 χηλή 201 χρῆσθαι of oracles 251 χρόνοι 238, 242 χωρίον 232

d φέρεσθαι 206 φεύγειν 239 φθάνειν 181 φονεύειν 195

ψῆφος 167

φόρος 232 φρουρεῖν 202 φυγαί 171

Q ws εἰπεῖν 184 ; ws εὐνοίας ἔχει 169 ; ws καί 185

φύσις 264

X χαλεπός 166, 168

ὥσπερ ἔχει 260

ὠφελεῖν 222

ὠφελία 140, 176, 179, 182, 249

ENGLISH

INDEX Attica,

Α accusative, adverbial in plural 136 ; of ıneasure 246

Agamemnon,

number

of

his

fleet 152

Alcmaeonidae 253 anacoluthon 139,

171,

178,

210

Andocides, doubt tion of 196 complexive

gressive

149,

C chronology of Thuc. 242 Cimon and the Messenian war

164;

133;

in-

236 comparative degree 167 comparison, illogical 133

timeless

142 ; for luperfect 155, 104 apposition, limiting, 139, 163 arbitration 176

Arcadia,

of its soil

primitive

attraction of preposition 163 ; of relative 135, 195, 226; of adjective 137; of adverb 227; of mood 228; of tense 186 B brachylogy 188

about men-

antithesis, artificial 176, 189

aorist,

barrenness

137 ; invasion of 270

constructions,

191, 211 co-ordination

character

of 137

two

combined

of

dissimilar

clauses 133, 134

Archidamus on the war 222 article, distributive 156; omitted 151, 163; not re-

Corcyra, position of 185 Cylon, story of 251

peated 147; repeated 171; with attributive predicate

D

172

Dascylium 255 dative, poetical use of 262; 254 with ὠφελῶ 222; of person Athens, grant of citizenship at judging 153, 172; of cause 139; oratory at 223; re194 lations to allies 217; fleet E of 160; desertion of slaves eclipses 171 269 Athena, temple of, at Sparta

279

THUCYDIDES

280

I M

elision, Aeolic 178 ellipse of infin. 184

emphasis secured by order of market outside town 200 Megerian decree 191 middle, reflexive 146

words 140 ephors 256 umenides, altars of the 253 Eurystheus, fate of 148

Mycenae, insignificance of 150

N

example, meaning of, in Greek rhetoric 138

neuter plural 139, 147 nouns, abstract 109 F

fractions 150

genitive 146;

G definition

of

objective

169;

optative

169;

of

absolute

dative

absolute

240;

246;

O and indicative

sphere

Ρ

impersonal in

place

of

of comparison

176 ; order of partitive 193 Greece, early condition of 138 ; migration in 135

parataxis 149, 175 paronomasia 182 participle, conditional omitted 180;

137,

259;

predicative

attributive,

H Hellanicus 233 Herodotus and Thuc. 167, 169

Hipparchus and Hippias 166

175;

in maxims 244 Oratio recta and obliqua combined 144

186;

circumstantial

co-ordinate

use

167;

of

outside

144; article

155 Pausanias and Persia 255

Pentecontaetia, the passage so called 225

Homer, references to 152, 156 ; Perdiccas of Macedon 198 Pericles, his war 268

Homeric ships 153, 160

infinitive of purposes 154 ; restrictive 168 instrumental case 146

uses

164,

255

L logographers 193 long walls 237 Lycurgus 163

of

the

riod, forms of 138 ersian dress 256

I

Ionic

forecast

166;

forms

personal construction 166 Phaeacians and Scheria 174 piracv 144

plural verb with neuter plural subject 252 resent for future 246 rodicus 208

pronouns, reflexive 166 purpose expressed by τοῦ with infin. 142

Pydna and Macedon, 262

ENGLISH

INDEX

281

R

T

rolative 151; not repeated 183 | text 134, 138, 141, 142, 148, 149, 153, 154, 155, 161 repetition of statement in Themistocles 214; walls of negative form 244

rhetoric

obscuring

the

sense

209

229, 230;

264;

his natural powers

his

oratory

265;

mysterious manner of 227;

messages of, to Xerxes 214, 208; at Sparta 214; in Epirus 261; gift of towns

S

sacrifice, ceremonies of 174 to 265 ; his grave 265 Salamis, numbers of Greek | Thirty Years' truce 208 fleet at 213 tri dedicated after Plataea Sparta, poverty of 220 ; out257 ward appearance of 150 ; relation of, to tyrants 163, Troy, siege of 153, 154

248; expulsion of strangers

from 250

Spartan

271;

dilatoriness

character

204,

218 strategi, number of 199 subject, divided 141; fied 164 Sybota 197

tyranny in Greece 157

of

209,

V

villages, early Greek 138

modi-

Z Zeus Meilichius 252

THE

END