Thucydides: Book II [updated] 9780906515204, 0906515203

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THUCYDIDES BOOK Il EDITED BY E.C. MARCHANT WITH NEW INTRODUCTION AND BIBLIOGRAPHY BY THOMAS WIEDEMANN

PUBLISHED BY BRISTOL CLASSICAL PRESS GENERAL EDITOR: JOHN H. BETTS (TEXT AND NOTES REPRINTED BY PERMISSION OF MACMILLAN & CO.)

Text and Notes published by permission of Macmillan & Co. (first published 1891) Published in 1978, with new Introduction, Bibliography, Essential Dates and Maps by Bristol Classical Press Reprinted and updated 1993

Bristol Classical Press is an imprint of

Gerald Duckworth & Co. Lid The Old Piano Factory

48 Hoxton Square, London Ni 6PB Introduction, Bibliography, Maps, Essential Dates © 1978, 1993 by Thomas Wiedemann All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic,

mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permissionof the publisher. A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

ISBN 0-906515-20-3 Available in USA and Canada from: Focus Information Group PO Box 369 Newburyport MA 01950

Printed in Great Britain by Booksprint, Bristol

3 Rhetoric 4 The Arrangement of Material in Book II 1-33 The First Year's Fighting ——— 34-65

Δ oH oM ox 3 ἢ ἢ

Editor’s Note Essential Dates Map: Greece and the Aegean 431 BC Map: Central Greece Portrait of Pericles Introduction ] The Greek Tradition of Historical Writing 2 Athenian Imperialism :

ERES.

Contents

The Funeral Speech, the Plague, and the End

66-78

Potidea and Plataea

=

of Pericles’ Predominance

79-103 Campaigns in Chalcidice, Acarnania and

Bibliography Text

Notes

EE

Macedonia

127

Editor’s Note

This book, like its companions Thucydides I and IV, is published primarily for school students taking Advanced Level School Certificate Examinations in Britain. It will also be useful to university students approaching a book of Thucydides for the first time or studying the Peloponnesian War in a more general way. The text and notes are those of E.C. Marchant, originally published in 1891 and reprinted until recently by Macmillan & Co., who kindly gave

permission for their reproduction here. The new introduction, taking account of the needs of the modern student and of up-to-date research on Thucydides, is

by Thomas Wiedemann; he has also supplied the list of essential dates and the new bibliography (revisedin 1993),in which a primary criterion for inclusion has been accessibility to the non-academic English reader. The editor's gratitude is extended to Mr. M. Jupe of Macmillan Educational for his co-operation; also to Professor J. Gould whose suggestions have improved the introduction, and Mrs. J. Bees who produced the two maps and the portrait of Pericles. J.H.B. 1979 (1993)

Essential Dates

End of war between Sparta and Tegea leaves Sparta dominant over the Peloponnese. Cyrus defeats Croesus, king of Lydia; Persian rule over Ionian Greeks begins. Spartan army under king Cleomenes overthrows tyranny of the Peisistratids at Athens. Cleisthenes’ ‘democratic’ reforms at Athens.

Athenians defeat Spartan and Boeotian army; Athenian cleruchy at Chalcis.

Ionian Greeks revolt against Persia; Athenians send ships to their Support. Persian raid on Eretria and Athens (Miltiades' victory at Mara-

thon). Themistocles builds up Athenian fleet, financed by new silver mines at Laureum. Xerxes' invasion of Greece.

Spartans recall king Pausanias after liberation of Byzantium; Athenians become leaders of the Delian League. Cimon’s victory over Persia at the Eurymedon; revolt of Thasos. Spartans involved in Messenian revolt. Full peasant democracy at Athens (Ephialtes and Pericles), replacing pro-Spartan leadership (Cimon); alliance with Argos; Athenians conquer Boeotia.

Athenians occupy Aegina. Destruction of Athenian expedition in support of anti-Persian revolt in Egypt; League treasury transferred from Delos to Athens. Athenian victory at Salamis (Cyprus) leads to termination of Athenians ejected from Boeotia and Megara. Thirty years' peace between Athens and Sparta. Athenians found 'pan-Hellenic' colony at Thurii, S. Italy. Revolt of Samos and Byzantium. vi

435-433 431-421 429 (Oct.) 428 425

424 422 421 418 416 415.413 413-404

First part of the Peloponnesian War (' Archidamian War’). Death of Pericles. First eisphora (property tax) levied at Athens.

Capture of Spartans at Sphacteria; massive increase in tribute assessment (not mentioned by Thucydides).

Thucydides himself in office as strategos, Delium campaign; Brasidas captures Amphipolis. Deaths of Cleon and Brasidas before Amphipolis. ‘Peace of Nicias".

War in the Peloponnese between Sparta and Argos. Athenians conquer Melos.

Sicilian expedition. Final part of the Peloponnesian War (*Decelean’ and ‘Ionian’ Wars).

411 410

Oligarchy at Athens. Command of Athenian fleet entrusted to Alcibiades; end of Thucydides' text.

406 405 394

Athenian victory at Arginusae. Spartans destroy last Athenian fleet at Aigospotamoi. Persian fleet under the command of the Athenian Conon destroys

the Peloponnesian navy at the battle of Cnidos. Restoration of Athenian hegemony in the Aegean.

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PERICLES (after Roman copies in the British Museum and the Vatican of a portraitby the mid-fifth century sculptor Cresilas).

Introduction

|

The Greek Tradition of Historical Writing

It may seem surprising at first sight that writers of history should take such a prominent place in the syllabus of classical literature. Historians today are people who research the past with more or less rigorous scholarly methods in order to produce interpretations of their sources which will be acceptable to everyone; history is an academic discipline, a science. Even if we have aban-

doned the nineteenth-century idea that there is a set of 'laws of historical development’, which it is the task of historians to try to discover, history is still a discipline which has little to do with literature. Many modern historians are, of course, extremely readable; but where events in the past are described in an overtly literary way, we feel we are faced with something quite different — a popular biography, or, if clearly fictitious, an historical romance.

This clear distinction between history as an academic discipline and storytelling as a branch of literature did not exist in the ancient world. This is not

surprising when the cycle of stories which all Greek children listened to at public festivals — and spent much of their time at school trying to learn off by heart — revolved around one particular event, the Trojan War, which, it was firmly believed, actually happened in the historical past. For people who had been brought up on Homer, any enquiry into the past (ἱστορία) was first and foremost a matter of narrating events similar to those about which Homer had composed his epic: the great deeds of heroes — largely how they slaughtered one

another.! It has been suggested that Homer’s /liad must bear much of the blame for the extremely narrow subject matter treated by most historians in the ancient world

(and indeed Western Europe since the Renaissance), who ignored religious, cultural, social and economic history and devoted themselves to politics, diplomacy, and especially the description of wars. It became a standard element in introducing a historical monograph telling the story of a war to say that it was particularly hard-fought, disastrous, or heroic, and therefore deserved to be remembered. 1. This was of course the standard subject-matter of ‘oral’ or ‘primary’ epic - cf. Beowulf ot the Nibelungenlied.

In the early fifth century BC, various Greek communities, including the Athenians and the Spartans, came to be involved in hostilities with the Persian empire; the story of these events was told in a literary form by Herodotus of Halicarnassus, a city on the western coast of Asia Minor which had passed from the Persian to the Athenian sphere of influence as a result of these wars. In the first sentence of his history, Herodotus tells us why he thought the story worth

repeating: 'to preserve the memory of the past, and so that great and extraordinary achievements, some done by Greeks and some by foreigners, should not come to be without glory; and particularly to show how the two peoples came to fight one another". ἔργα μεγάλα te καὶ θωμαστά -- that was the subject matter of the historian. A historian even felt that he had to apologise if his material included insufficient wars and massacres (see e.g. Tacitus, Annals IV 32). In what, then, lay the difference between history and other ways of telling stories, like epic? One obvious formal difference is that history is in prose. But the main distinguishing factoris what one might call the ‘truth-principle’: the historian must not only deal with real events (epic poets often do so too), but unlike the epic poethe ought, in theory, to avoid exaggeration or fabrication of any kind. This is an important contribution which historians have never ceased to consider of the essence of historical writing. It is probable that it originated among the Ionian Greeks who were conquered by Persia in 546 BC, and forced to come to terms with the fact that their traditions about the past — like their

religious beliefs — conflicted with and often utterly contradicted those of other peoples within the Persian Empire, such as the Egyptians. Some Ionian writers tried to collect and systematise the myths, legends and genealogies associated with their cities; these *logographers' — for all that Thucydides (1.20) dismisses the information they assembled as most unreliable — were highly critical towards Greek tradition and tried as best they could to reconstruct what seemed to them to be the ‘truth’. The most important of them, Hecataeus of Miletus, began his work with the observation that ‘the tales told by the Greeks are many, and they are ridiculous’. But a historian was not just giving an account of true events as they actually

occurred. As Herodotus says in his preface, he also has to explain what led to these heroic conflicts: 8v ἣν αἰτίην ἐπολέμησαν ἀλλήλοισι. Here again Greek historians were developing an idea which occurs at the beginning of the Iliad:

after stating its subject matter, the quarrel between Achilles and Agamemnon which led to such great slaughter, the poet says he will begin with the beginning of the quarrel, and he asks which of the gods was responsible for it: tig *' ἄρ

opme θοῶν ἔριδι ξυνέηκε μάχεσθαι (Iliad 1.8). (It was in fact Apollo, who punished Agamemnon for insulting his priest Chryses.) Herodotus too feels he has to account for the origins of his war. He gives his readers a long series of xii

connected stories to explain why Persians ended up fighting Greeks. In fact he has several different levels of explanation. Firstly there is a series of political events which forms a coherent chain: the Persians invaded Greece because the Athenians had sent some ships in support of a revolt by the Ionian Greeks against Persia; and so Herodotus goes back in history to explain that the Persians ruled the Jonian Greeks because they had annexed the Lydian empire; in tum that requires him to begin by telling us about the Lydians and how they conquered Ionia. Herodotus also adds many stories which are outside this chain of political events, very often personal or romantic anecdotes: for example, that the Persians were persuaded to plan a conquest of Greece by a Greek physician called Democedes at Darius' court, who wished to return to his own city of Croton (I1I.129ff.). Such stories were obviously very entertaining, and many later historians who wrote largely to entertain included very little else in their works. In the case of many ‘rhetorical’ Greek historians of the Hellenistic and Roman

periods, it is difficult indeed to distinguish between history and romantic fiction. But in addition Herodotus imposed on particular sets of actions an explanatory Scheme in terms of supernatural punishment of those human beings who rise above their proper station: they evoke the envy (φθόνος) and anger (νέμεσις) of the gods, who destroy them. Particular actions may be mentioned by Herodotus -- king Xerxes throws golden chains into the Hellespont when rough seas prevent his army from crossing from Asia into Europe; this is a direct insult to the god of the sea (VIL35). But often this offence against the proper order of the universe consists in a general

situation rather than particular crimes: Cyrus crosses the river Araxes and is destroyed for his presumption in going further than a human being should (1.2042); but no specific case of insolence to the gods is mentioned. Because Polycrates, tyrant of Samos, is more powerful and more fortunate than a man should be, there is nothing he can do to escape the anger of the gods (III.39-45). In trying (not always successfully) to impose this pattern of explanation on

events, Herodotus was applying an important principle of historical that the ‘cause’ of an event need not be another specific event, but situation or state of mind on the partof a person or community, which reactions from others. What the historian does is select specific events

analysis — a general provokes or actions

which illustrate the general situation. The specific events which Herodotus

selects are significant not so much in their own right, as because they are suitable examples of the tendency towards arrogance which it is the function of gods to check. In other words, the historian is not someone who lists all the empirical historical ‘facts’ he can find; he has a pattern of explanation, and selects those facts which seem to him the most suitable symptoms or illustrations of that

pattern. Herodotus himself may not have been entirely aware of the distinction between ‘hidden’ explanations and their easily identifiable symptoms. But the

value of this distinction for the development of a historical method is enormous, it allows us to see that, for example, the view that the first world war was ‘caused’ by the assassination of the Archduke Franz Ferdinand at Sarajevo does not exclude the view that it was also the culmination of decades of European imperialism. It was Thucydides who noticed the importance of the distinction, and he virtually arranged his account of the causes of the war between Athens and Sparta from 431 to 404

BC around it. This systematic analysis of causes makes the first book of Thucydides as stimulating as any modern account of the origins of a war. Thucydides has no time for the ‘romantic’ type of Herodotean causes; indeed he at one point (L22.4) explicitly rejects the idea of including τὸ μυθῶδες, and this may well be meant to refer to Herodotus. He seems to go even further, and almost entirely ignores details of a purely personal nature about particular individuals (as the history progresses, individual commanders and politicians do tend to play a greater role — but that may simply be areflection of an actual historical development: as both Spartan and Athenian armies campaigned away from the control of their home governments, their generals began to have a wider area in which they were

forced to exercise their own initiative — as during the Sicilian campaign). In the first books Thucydides is certainly very much a ‘rationalist’; unlike Hecataeus and

Herodotus, he does not simply repeat the stories told him by his informants — he ives us alternative versions, but only tells us what he thinks is the better ion of his own interpretation; and he never mentions his sources. His primary interest is in what we might call ‘sociological’ factors, in particular the importance of finance and naval power. No-one before him had thought of analysing fighting in terms of concepts such as these. Strangely, a contemporary of Thucydides, an

anti-democratic political pamphleteer who is traditionally called by the curious sobriquet of ‘the Old Oligarch’, analyses Athenian society in terms of exactly the same principles. Some moder scholars have even argued that Thucydides and *the Old Oligarch' were one and the same; but, since we have no evidence at all about

who ‘the Old Oligarch’ was, and virtually none about Thucydides,? this is a 2. Thucydides tells us little more about himself than that he was elected general in 424 BC, was held responsible for the Athenian loss of Amphipolis in Thrace, and spent the

next twenty years in exile. Almost all the ‘information’ in ancient biographies of him is based on (mis-)interpretations of the text itself. But there are indications that he had connections through his father Olorus with the Thracian nobility, and also with the Philaids, a powerful Athenian family whose members included Miltiades, the victor of Marathon, and Pericles’ opponent Cimon. In addition to the various theories as to the identity of ‘the Old Oligarch’ listed by M. Treu in Pauly-Wissowa, Realencyclopädie IX A 2 (1967) 1959ff., Cleon has been proposed as the author: M.L. Long, 'Cleon as the AntiPericles' Classical Philology 67 (1972) 159-69. Vol. VILof the Loeb edition of Xenophon Scripta Minora contains a translation and bibliography by G.W. Bowerstock.

xiv

difficult theory to prove or disprove. There is however a simpler alternative. In the late fifth century there were several men who for the first time thought about their society in terms of its financial and maritime power, because for the first time in Greek experience they were faced with the existence of an empire which was foundedon these two factors.

2

Athenian Imperialism

The Athenian Empire had arisen as a direct result of the role of Athens, and in

particular her navy, in the war against the Persian invaders in 480-479 BC. Previously the most powerful Greek states had been the twin Dorian communities of Argos and Sparta. Spartan power was based on the fact that the citizen body, which called itself the ὅμοιοι (equals), controlled a very much larger population of serfs, the ‘helots’. Since the citizens could live off the produce of these serfs, they could all devote the whole of their time to civic activities and in particular to military training; thus in spite of their relatively small numbers (there were only about 10,000 homoioi at the time of the Persian

wars) they turned themselves into the most efficient military machine in Greece. But the fact that Sparta was intensely militaristic did not mean that it was also expansionist. Spartans did not like to go on campaigns outside the Peloponnese. One reason for this was fear of a helot uprising; for unlike slaves, who formed part of the households of free citizens, helots were the property of the Spartan state as a whole, and continued to live in communities of their own. There was thus always a possibility that as soon as the Spartan army was outside Laconia, the helots would rebel. There were in fact several serious helot revolts in Laconia and Messenia during the fifth century BC (see Thucydides 1.101). There was another reason why the Spartans did not like long military campaigns. Sparta was even more totalitarian than most Greek communities; the homoioi were loathe to tolerate any citizen who was more powerful than his peer-group. Clearly a man who commanded a Spartan expedition abroad would, if the expedition were successful, win himself an exceptional amount of prestige and political influence with the commanders of Sparta's allies, in addition to the material rewards of successful warfare. This situation was complicated by the

fact that the Spartans had hereditary military commanders, their two kings. The Spartans were always afraid that one of these kings might obtain more influence than was proper as a result of a military campaign — in fact, that he might make himself a tyrant. Spartan history is full of brilliant military commanders who were persecuted by their own people because they were too successful: e.g. king Cleomenes (see Herodotus V.39ff.); the regent Pausanias (Thucydides I.131-4); the admiral Lysander after the end of the Peloponnesian War; and four other XV

Spartan kings were deposed between 491 and 394 BC. Nevertheless there was a period of Spartan history when they were prepared

to use their military expertise for expeditions beyond their own borders. A series of such campaigns during the second half of the sixth century led to three major results. Sparta permanently replaced Argosas the most powerful state in Greece; the defeat of Tegea in Arcadia led to a system of unequal alliances through which Sparta came to be recognised as the leader of much of the Peloponnese; and the

deposition of tyrants at Sicyon, Corinth and elsewhere gave Sparta the reputation of being the protagonist of a ‘free’, republican form of government. Thus when in 510 BC certain aristocratic families at Athens wished to overthrow the local tyrants, the sons of Peisistratus, they naturally turned to Sparta, and it was a Spartan army under king Cleomenes that freed Athens from tyranny. The Athenian families which had called in Cleomenes soon quarrelled among themselves, and those supported by Sparta were in fact defeated; but Sparta continued to be recognised as the most powerful state in Greece, and the Athenians appealed to her for assistance in repulsing the Persian expedition sent by Darius in 490 BC and were quite prepared to accept Spartan leadership when Xerxes decided to conquer Greece in 480. After the Persians had been defeated by the Greeks at Salamis in 480 and Plataea in 479, there was a strong feeling on the part of some of the Greek allies that they should put an end to Persian control over all the Greek-speaking cities on the eastern side of the Aegean.

The Spartans,

whose king Leotychidas

commanded the allied fleet, had reservations, but the Greeks did sail to Ionia, defeated the Persian fleet at the battle of Mycale and admitted the Aegean islanders to their alliance (see Herodotus IX.106). In the following year the Greek fleet was commanded by the Spartan regent Pausanias; he expelled the Persians from Cyprus and then attacked Byzantium which controlled (as it still does) the principle crossing from Asia to Europe. When the Persian garrison was expelled, Pausanias was hailed by the population as the liberator and benefactor of their city. This was exactly what the Spartan homoioi did not like to see happening to any of their officers, and they immediately summoned him back to Sparta to stand trial for treason. Although Thucydides mentions another Spartan commander, Dorcis, who was sent out the following year, the Spartans seem to have been as glad to be rid of involvement in overseas adventures as the other Greeks were to be rid of Spartan commanders (see Thucydides I.94f.). For practical purposes those Greek states which proposed to carry on the war

against Persia now had to find another leader, and after the brave role she had played at Salamis Athens was the obvious choice. Some years before, in 483, Themistocles had managed to persuade the Athenians to allocate the income from newly-discovered silver deposits at Laureum to the upkeep of a navy, and thus the Athenians happened to have one of the largest fleets in Greece during xvi

these crucial years. Representatives of the allied states met at the temple of Apollo on the island of Delos, probably in the autumn of 478; we do not know the exact terms of their agreement, but there is no reason to suppose that Thucydides' résumé (1.96-97.1) is misleading. States which were unable or unwilling to provide ships for the war-effort were to pay a contribution to be kept in Apollo's temple at Delos under the supervision of a committee of ten Athenians; there were obvious advantages if responsibility lay with just one particular state and, clearly, no-one was envisaging that there might come a day when the Athenians would use this fund to control unwilling subjects. But this was exactly what did happen, and it seems to have happened quite soon. As early as 477 or 476, the Athenians attacked Carystus, at the southern end of Euboea, and forced the city to join the Delian League. Our only source for this operation is Thucydides (1.98.3), and he does not tell us whether the attack was purely Athenian or involved the other allies as well. Carystus had been a Persian base against Attica in 480, and it is at least possible that the Athenians wished to eliminate potential Persian supporters (they had already subjugated the strategically important city of Eion at the mouth of the river Strymon in Thrace, which the Persians had controlled). Some years later the Athenians moved against Naxos: Thucydides says explicitly that ‘this was the first city to be enslaved in contravention of the terms of the League’ — πρῶτη

τὸ αὕτη πόλις ξυμμαχὶς παρὰ τὸ καθεστηκὸς ἐδουλῶθη. Again, we do not know the context, and it has been argued that what the Athenians suppressed was a pro-Persian conspiracy among the Naxian aristocracy. The next case of Athenian intervention against a Greek state, Thasos, in about 465/463, seems to have been a purely private dispute between the two states about who was to control the Thracian coast with its important mineral wealth. Greek cities had been fighting with each other because of rivalries of this kind for centuries, and there was nothing new about Athens trying to eliminate the influence of Thasos. That had nothing to do with the Persian threat, nor with loyalty to the Delian League. What was new was that once they had defeated Thasos, and all the other states, the Athenians now had a mechanism through which they could perpetuate their control — the alliance, which bound all League members to Athens. The Athenians by themselves would hardly have had the human or financial re-

sources to control effectively a hostile state like Thasos, except rather drastically by slaughtering the inhabitants; but paradoxically they could control the whole ofthe Aegean by using the alliance to ensure that all the member states continued to obey the same rules.

They were helped in this by the fact that from the start there had been two categories of allies — those who provided ships, and those who provided a

money-contribution instead. The money-contribution or φόρος (tribute), was in fact used by the Athenians to pay themselves to fit out extra ships which might xvii

often actually be manned by hired rowers from allied cities; thus the allies were both paying for and manning a fleet which was substantially larger than one the Athenians would have been able to provide from their own income and manpower. The Athenian naval empire, financed by phoros, was therefore something quite unprecedented, and it is hardly surprising that other Greek states, and in particular the Spartans, should soon have come to see it as a threat. This was particularly so during the 450s, when the pro-Spartan leaders at Athens had been removed from power by the so-called 'radical democrats', Ephialtes and Pericles, and for some years overseas expeditions to the Black Sea, Cyprus and Egypt were associated with a bid for control of a land empire in Boeotia and

the Megarid.? Hostilities lasted for several years without the Spartans making much headway; but in 447 the Athenian hoplite army was heavily defeated at Coronea in Boeotia. In the following year the Spartans made a thirty years' peace-treaty with the Athenians, who lost their control over the states on the mainland but retained the Delian League. It was this peace agreement which the Spartans and their allies revoked in 431 BC. Why were the Athenian peasant farmers prepared to go and fight to expand their empire in places like Cyprus and Egypt, and later in Sicily? It used to be suggested that Athenian military expansion was advocated by groups of merchants and industrialists who needed markets for their products, much as British industrialists supported the imperialism of Sir Charles Dilke or Joseph Cham-

berlain in the late nineteenth century.^ Unfortunately, there is no evidence at all for Athenian/Corinthian trade rivalry; Athenian vases, for example, had already replaced Corinthian products in the western Mediterranean in the mid-sixth century BC; so the Athenian attempt to conquer Sicily in 415/413 cannot have been to take control of markets away from the Corinthians. Even if there had been a group of powerful industrialists at Athens (and we must remember that in all ancient societies — and right up to the industrial revolution — manufacturing was of very minor importance compared to agriculture), these men would have

been ‘metics’, non-citizen resident aliens, who would have been quite unable to pressurise the self-sufficient peasant farmers who attended the ἐκκλησία (popular assembly) and voted to risk their own lives on military adventures.

If there was indeed an economic reason why Athenian peasants were imper3. Anindication ofthe scale of Athenian military operations overseas during these

years is provided by a famous inscription (Meiggs and Lewis No. 33 = Fornara No. 78) giving the names of 177 Athenians from just one of the ten tribal units, all of whom died in the fighting of one single year (460 or 459 BC). 4. This was the theory put forward by Francis Cornford in his Thucydides Mythistoricus (1907).

xviii

ialists, it was that in the ancient world (as in many ‘developing’ states today) political power was seen to be one of the most effective ways to acquire wealth.

To us, it seems highly improper that a man with political responsibility should expect to be given presents, or bribes, by those who need to make use of his services. But the ancients were quite clear about what was and what was not morally acceptable: to act against the best interests of one's polis as a result of 8 gift was bribery, but to be given a gift as a sign of gratitude by a social inferior for having done him a favour was something to be proud of. After all, what was tribute if not an institutionalised form of gift-giving by inferiors to superiors?? The possession of empire therefore enormously increased the opportunities of Athenian officials for acquiring wealth. In any dispute amongst themselves, subject states would now turn to the Athenians to judge between them. Individual Athenians would no doubt receive bribes and presents from these ambassa-

dots, and the city as a whole would receive a thank-offering from whichever party considered it had obtained satisfaction. Perhaps the Athenians would have to send a commission to investigate the dispute; in which case they would be lavishly entertained and no doubt be given more gifts. There were other, permanent, commissions, e.g. inspecting the proper payment of tribute, or making sure that all coinage minted within the empire accorded with Athenian specifications. À more direct source of wealth for Athenian citizens were the cleruchles — originally garrison colonies on land in subject states, which had been confiscated and was apportioned to poorer Athenians; but in the later fifth century, the κληροῦχοι (allotment-holders) seem to have spent more and more of their time, and of the income from their allotments, at Athens, where they

continued to exercise full civic rights. At the level of the community as a whole, there was the fact that after the cessation of hostilities against the Persians in 449, the Athenians decided that they would use the tribute from their allies to rebuild the temples on the Acropolis which the Persians had destroyed. The fact

that in democratic Athens the quota of one-sixtieth of the tribute which each year was set aside for the goddess Athena (to whose temple at Athens the tribute was moved from Delos in 454 BC) had to be inscribed on a marble stele set up on the Acropolis for all to see would have brought to everyone's attention the direct connection between rising living standards at Athens and the control of the empire. Because Athens had since 462/461 been a community in which every peasant wealthy enough to provide himself with hoplite armour had had equal access to 5. It has only been in the last couple of centuries that the American and French disciples of Locke have developed the notion that taxes are payment for services rendered to the taxpayer by the government, rather than gifts symbolising submission to a superior.

even the highest offices of state, the material benefits of the empire really did go to all the men who had to do the actual fighting. In a democracy in which

office-holders were chosen by lot, every citizen had a chance of political office; and office-holding meant wealth. As Athenian power increased, so the wealth

coming into Athens increased. One important result of this was political stability. For half a century up to 411 BC, Athens was free of stasis, the strife between rich and poor that was so typical of Greek cities, and which Thucydides analyses in such afrightening way (IIL.80-2). Athens was a democracy, and one would have expected the wealthiest citizens to object to having to share power

with ordinary peasants. But the aristocratic γένη (clans) were preparedto tolerate this so long as the sum total of prestige and wealth continued to increase as a result of an expanding empire. Better to share control of a vast empire with one's humbler fellow-citizens than to have sole control over an impoverished Attica. But of course this only made sense if the empire was expanding - if glory could be won by leading new campaigns to distant lands. The moment democracy couldno longer guarantee expansion, it lost the whole-hearted consentof

the wealthy: after the destruction of the Sicilian expedition in 413, there were widespread defections amongst Athens' subjects, and in 411 the oligarchs

overthrew the democracy. Imperialism and democracy went hand-in-hand.

3

Rhetoric

The unprecedented phenomenon of Athenian imperialism did not merely re-

quire new attitudes towards financial administration and naval technology. It also led to the development of rhetorical theory. The need to explain one's point of view clearly and persuasively has traditionally been associated with democratic institutions like the ecclesia or the popular courts. The Greeks themselves

believed that the first professional teachers of rhetoric, Corax and his pupil Tisias, developed their techniques as the result of an enormous increase in litigation following the establishment of a democracy at Syracuse in 466 BC. The (not entirely correct) notion that rhetoric can only flourish in a republic

became a standard motif in antiquity, and since. At Athens too the inauguration of a democratic regime meant that the ruling families had to adopt new techniques in order to remain respected and influential; many of Plato's dialogues (e.g. the Protagoras) show how keen young men of wealthy families were to learn from professional teachers of rhetoric, the Sophists, how to succeed in public life — the πολιτική τέχνη. But there was another reason why

statesmen at Athens had a particular interest in developing the ability to think critically and express their thoughts persuasively. The Athenian empire

presented them with many problems for which no straightforward solutions AX

were prescribed by ancestral tradition. The entirely novel administrative methods of the Delian League meant that Athenian politicians could not refer to the authority of precedent; they had to think through for themselves the implications of, for example, changes in the cost of the upkeep of the allied fleet, or of increasing the rate of tribute, and once they were clearin their own minds what it was they wanted, they had to explain their innovations to the peasant citizens who sat on the βουλή (executive council) and constituted the demos.

And apart from the novel problems arising from the fact that their naval empire was a new thing, the Athenians also had to come to terms with the fact that they had far more power over other people than ever before. In 427, for example, the ecclesia was faced with the question of what to do about the city of Mytilene,

which had been recaptured after revolting against them (Thucydides tells the story in Book IIT); there was no clear precedent handed down by ancestral tradition, so the only thing that could be done was for different speakers to lay alternative proposals before the demos — and try to persuade the demos that their proposal was better. (In the end the Athenians decided not to massacre the entire population of Mytilene, but merely the wealthiest thousand or so.) The development of rhetoric was therefore an essential instrument for the

smooth running of an empire ruled by a democracy. And it is hardly surprising that none of the great literary figures active in Athens in this period remained uninfluenced by these new techniques. The most obvious sign of this is the appearance of formally structured speeches in tragedy, in comedy, and in

history. phanes' between that the

Very often these speeches appear Clouds between the proponents Medea and Jason in Euripides' second speech of the pair picks

in pairs, like the argument in Aristoof old and new ideas of education, or Medea (431 BC). Generally we find up point by point the assertions made

in the first, and the literary convention is that it is normally the last speech which

has the better arguments (a convention which is no doubt founded on the reality that it is always easier to remember the arguments of the person to whom one has been listening last). The literary representation of conflicts between opposing

arguments can be in the form of dialogue as well as set speeches — for example, the discussion between Creon and Haemon in Sophocles' Antigone (640ff.); and in Thucydides there is the famous ‘Melian Dialogue’ (V.85-113), which rehearses much the same arguments about justice and the right of the stronger as are put into the mouth of Thrasymachus in the first book of Plato's Republic. This convention of the &y&v (contest) between speakers with opposing views is merely an example in fifth-century literature of the wider development of antitheses. The Greek language was naturally prone to structuring ideas in terms of polar opposites because it possessed words like μέν and δέ; but that on its own does not explain the enormous popularity of antitheses in the literature of fifth-century Athens. Again the most important reason is perhaps the need to xxi

explain novel ideas clearly to a mass audience.

As Aristotle pointed out

(Rhetoric 1410a 20ff.), people like antitheses because they often find it easier

to understand a thing when they are told what its opposite is, particularly when the two contraries are placed side by side. There is, of course, a danger that for the sake of stylistic balance antitheses may be thought up which are unreal and misleading, like the sophistic contrast between justice (τὸ δίκαιον) and expediency (τὸ ξυμφέρον), which appears so frequently in Thucydides’ speeches — for example in the debate about how to punish the people of Mytilene for having revolted against Athens (III.37-48). Another antithesis pushed to the point of vacuity is that between words and deeds, speech and action (λόγοι or elxetv

and ἔργαor ποιεῖν): Pericles makes use of it in the introduction to the Funeral Speech (11.35) and the full sophistry comes out in Archidamus’ interruption of the Plataean appeal (11.72). Nevertheless this way of structuring arguments was

extremely useful in practice, and it becamean important source for the development of formal logic. Teachers of rhetoric produced handbooks in which

antithetical arguments were categorised and listed (e.g. the so-called Dissoi Logoi, dealing with the meaning and use of pairs of words like ἀγαθόν κακόν, καλόν(αἰσχρόν, δίκαιονίἄδικον). One such antithesis which plays a particularly prominent role in Thucydides is that between planning (λόγος or γνώμη) on the one hand, and coincidence (τύχῃ) on the other. Two other artificial categorisations which were being developed by teachers of rhetoric during the time when Thucydides was writing might be mentioned. One

was the division of the structure of a speech into (a) an introduction

(πρόλογος or προοίμιον, Latin prooemium); (b) where relevant, a διήγησις (narratio) of background material essential to an understanding of (c) the apiBeaig (argumentatio), the actual theme of the speech, backed up if required by (d) πίστις (probatio), one or more arguments to prove the truth of what had been asserted in (c); and in conclusion (e) an ἐπίλογος (peroratio) summarising the theme. Marchant's marginal summaries, printed with this text, divide up the speeches contained in Book II according to this system of categorisation.

The other artificial division of speeches is into three different ‘types’, deliberative (i.e. persuading a particular course of action), judicial (i.e. asserting guilt or innocence) and epideictic — 'pointing out' that something is the case,

normally either in terms of approbation (panegyric) or blame (invective). Many of Thucydides' speeches can only be fitted into one or other of these academic categories with great difficulty; the ‘Epitaphios’ (Funeral Speech) is clearly a panegyric (11.35), but Pericles' last speech shares judicial elements— he defends himself and his policies — with deliberative ones — he advises the Athenians to persevere with the war (11.60). On the other hand, the various speeches by

military commanders exhorting their armies before a campaign or battle (11.9; 87; 88f.) show up the weakness of this system of classification and serve as a T

reminder that rhetoric is very often not so much an attempt to persuade the audience towards a course of action, as to reinforce emotions and prejudices which are already present. Given the Greek tendency to see concepts in terms of polar opposites, it is not surprising that Thucydides’ speeches often come in pairs, with the second

speaker showing an attitude diametrically opposed to the first, e.g. the Spartans and Phormio (11.87-9). The example of Archidamus and Pericles (II.11 and 13) serves to remind us that it is artificial to consider in this context only those arguments stated in direct speech. Reported speeches, documents and dialogues, like that between Archidamus and the Plataeans (II.71-4), can all be used to fulfil similar literary and analytical functions.

Homer had already made use of speeches as a literary device; so had Herodotus, and although, in many of his speeches, the only rhetorical "technique’ used to persuade the audience is a long series of παραδείγματα (Latin exempla, precedents), some are well argued and clearly influenced by the ideas of the Sophists — e.g. Herodotus III.80ff., speeches in which three Persian noblemen advocate democracy, aristocracy and monarchy respectively. The fact that Herodotus explicitly asserts that such a discussion actually took place shows that he was aware that his audience might assume that he had invented the whole thing because the literary form of his account is completely that of a

Greek agon. If we take Herodotus’ assurance seriously, we must assume that dressing up these speeches in ideas and forms from contemporary Greek oratory

did not in his opinion undermine the historian’s “truth principle’. That seems to have been Thucydides’ attitude too; he explains his attitude towards formal, set speeches in the chapter on method (1.22). These speeches were not fabrications;

it is clear from those speeches Thucydides summarises which are not put into direct speech that he did know roughly what was said at many important conferences and debates. But what he has done is select certain occasions as particularly appropriate for a detailed analysis of the policies and motives, hopes and fears, of particular states or individuals; and to give as pure, as ‘ideal’ an impression as possible of these policies, he has dressed them up in the language his contemporaries thought most appropriate — that of the rhetoricians. It has been argued that because many of the most important teachers of rhetorical techniques, such as Gorgias of Leontini, did not come to Athens until well after 431 BC, Thucydides is being anachronistic when he puts these figures of speech into the mouths of speakers in the 430s. But there is no doubt that many of these rhetorical tricks, especially the antithesis, were being used much earlier than that; and in any case this would not prove that Thucydides invented the content of the speeches he reproduces. Nor does his sophisticated use of rhetorical techniques prove that the speeches were insertions added later in the narrative text.

4

The Arrangement of Material in Book II

These, then, were some of the constituents of Thucydides' cultural environment which influenced his selection and arrangement of material when he came to

write up his narrative of the war which began in 431 BC: a traditionof story-telling about wars, which went back beyond Herodotus to the /liad; the critical collection of ‘facts’ undertaken by Ionian logographers; the tendencyof fifth-century Greeks to analyse situations in terms of clear, distinct 'types', normally arranged as pairs of opposites; and the fact that in democratic Athens policy had to be expounded in public speeches. There are some other points we have to keep in mind when we consider the content of Thucydides' History and why he chose to write what he did. A historian is closely limited in his freedom because, as Aristotle said (Poetics 9),

*while poetry is concerned with universal truths, history deals with particular facts'. Few (if any) historians do nothing more than assemble and recount a string of empirical 'facts': every historian has his own interpretation, his own attitude towards the series of events he is describing, and he selects those episodes or ‘facts’ which seem to him to be significant and to illustrate most effectively those points he wishes to make; the rest he omits or mentions only in passing. But the historian, unlike the writer of tragedy, is committed to telling only what is ‘true’: he may not invent what did not occur, nor give the impression that episodes occurred in a particular sequence when they did not (e.g. by reversing the orderof events). Thus we are not entitled to expect the kind of unity of subject-matter in a history which we would find in a Greek tragedy: Thucydides includes many incidents whose relevance to the major themes of the History he does not or cannot explain, although he nevertheless relates these events because they did, in fact, happen — e.g. the eclipse (11.28) or the Spartan expedition against Zacynthus (11.66). A further limitation on the way Thucydides could present his account was a

material one which affected every writer in antiquity: the format of the papyrus roll from which his readers would read out his text. With a codex (a book made

up of pages) reference may be made backwards or forwards with comparative case; if the reader has forgotten what was said a couple of pages earlier, there 6. Ancient literary critics were particularly interested in the way writers arranged their material. This was called τάξις by Aristotle, and οἰκονομία by most later theorists. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, in the time of the Emperor Augustus, wrote a

critique of Thucydides from a rhetorician’s point of view; the remarks about his οἰκονομία are well worth reading (On Thucydides 9-20). xxiv

is no problem about looking up the passage in question. And a writer who wishes to provide information which he feels supports his argument, but would break up his line of thought, can relegate this to a footnote or an appendix at the end

of his book. But when a writer uses a papyrus roll instead of a codex, he has to include all the necessary information at the relevant point in his text. When he has finished his digressionor 'excursus', he then has to remind his audience what it was that he had been saying before. Thus we continually find interrup-

tions to the main narrative; these may simply explain a name which is new to the reader — e.g. biographical details on Teres, father of Sitalces (11.29), or ethnographic information on the Odrysians (11.97) — or they may explain the background to a complicated or exceptional political or historical situation — e.g. the ‘synoicism’ of Attica (11.15; note the introductory γάρ) or the history of Amphilochian Argos (1.68.2). A digression can also be used to fulfil other functions: to correct widely-held mistakes, to introduce the results of research by the author which he feels are

worth stating but cannot be accommodated elsewhere, and in particular — like formal set-speeches — to stress the importance of the episode which is being explained. The digression on the 'synoicism' of Attica in the context of the

Athenian villagers' move into the city illustrates several of these different functions. Apart from an opportunity to include recondite information about Athenian temples and the original extent of the built-up area of the city, backed up by the evidence of Thucydides' own topographical researches, as are so many

of his digressions on ancient history,’ he also wants to give the non-Athenian majority of his readers an explanation as to why most Athenians (unlike the inhabitants of smaller Greek poleis) felt that they belonged to a local community, the deme, with its own political administration and religious identity, as well as to Athens itself. And the note that even sacred land was taken over by homeless squatters fulfils exactly the same function as the digression: it serves to stress how great was the change in Athenian habits and attitudes, and the enormous effect the move into the city had on their morale.

Most ancient writers were not very conscious of the problems caused by these continual interruptions of their line of thought, because this limitation, imposed by the form of the papyrus roll, was masked by the similar limitations encountered because literary works were normally broadcast orally (perhaps beforean invited audience, or in the agora to anyone who cared to listen). It is perhaps worth bearing in mind that, unlike those ancient societies which were ruled by a literate centralised bureaucracy (like China), the Greek-speaking world retained many of the features of a spoken as well as a written culture. In 7. Another good example of his use of τεκμήρια to back up original hypotheses in digressions is in the ‘Archaeology’ at 1.3.3; cf. σημεῦὺν 6.2, μαρτύριον 8.1.

the Hellenistic and the Roman period (the “Second Sophistic") special buildings, odeia, were erected for literary recitations. These oral recitations required

an order of treating events very similar to that which teachers of rhetoric recommended for speeches. Whether composed as a speech or written on a papyrus- roll, the account could only be ‘unravelled’ in one direction: there was no choice but to begin at the beginning, and to stop whenever new information

was introduced and tell the audience about it in a digression before going on with the main narrative.

It is also worth recalling that the portion of Thucydides' text which we call *Book II’ is a relatively arbitrary division: Thucydides himself did not divide his work into these sections, and in fact we know that in antiquity there were

two quite different divisions — the one into eight books which the modem tradition maintains, and another into thirteen. So it would be wrong to consider Book II separately from the rest of the text in the hope of finding themesor structures peculiar to this Book; the events recorded here must be taken in the context of the war as a whole.

When hostilities began in 431, Thucydides was convinced that this wouldbe an out-and-out conflict between the Athenians and Spartans, which would end either in Spartan recognition of the permanence of the Athenian empire, or in the destruction of that empire. In 404 BC, following the destruction of the last Athenian fleet at Aigospotamoi, the Athenian empire was destroyed, and Thucydides was entitled to see this as the result of twenty-seven years of

continuous fighting. But many Athenians had a different view; for in 421 the two sides arranged a formal peace treaty for fifty years (the ‘Peace of Nicias") as a result of which there were no more hostilities on the Greek mainland for seven years. In the fourth century the warof 431- 421 was considered a separate

war, like that of 447-445, and it was called the Archidamian War after the Spartan king who led the first invasions of Attica. Thucydides himself inserted a definite break in his history in 421, as we can see from the so-called ‘Second Preface’ (V.26).3 The first four-and-a-half books in some sense form a unity; and at their core (III.1-84) Thucydides has placed

some of his finest pieces of writing: the revolt of Mytilene and the Athenian debate on the issues involved in punishing the rebels; the end of the siege of Plataea and the justice or otherwise of the Spartan decision to execute their prisoners; and the social and moral dislocation brought about by the revolution at Corcyra. Thucydides clearly selected these three episodes to underline the 8. Many scholars believe that the second halfof Book V is unfinished because of the use of documents and the absence of set speeches; but documents occur elsewhere (e.g. L137.4) and the 'Melian Dialogue' is as finished a piece of writing as anything in Thucydides.

claim he made in the very first chapter of Book I, that this war was the greatest κίνησις (catastrophe in material terms as well as an overturning of inherited moral values) that had ever affected the Greeks, if not indeed the whole world.

Illustrations of this theme are ‘central’ to Thucydides’ account of the Archidamian War. In the final part of the account of this war, Thucydides then concentrates on those campaigns which made it clear to both sides that they

could not win a convincing victory and which thus led directly to the peace of 421: the Athenian success in capturing 292 Peloponnesian troops (including 120 full Spartan citizens) at Sphacteria; the failure of a plan conceived by Demosthenes for a two-pronged Athenian attack on Boeotia which led to the disastrous rout of the main Athenian hoplite army at Delium in 424; and the successful campaigns of the Spartan Brasidas along the coast of Thrace. The text preceding the account of Mytilene in Book III can be divided into two. Book I contains Thucydides’ preface, explaining the importance of the war (which necessitates a discussion of earlier events in Greece, the 'Archaeology");

a narrative of the two incidents which immediately led to the declaration of war, the Athenian alliance with Corcyra and the revolt of Potidea, part of the Athenian empire; an account of the rise of the Athenian empire which is, for Thucydides, what really motivated the Spartan decision to fight (the 'Pentecontaetia"); and the various conferences at which the decision to fight was formally adopted. The book is rounded off by a déscription of diplomatic activity ending with an exhortation by Pericles to the Athenians to reject the final Spartan ultimatum. Book II is an account of the first three years of the war. 1-33: The First Year's Fighting The actual hostilities open with an attack on Athens’ ally Plataea by the

Boeotians of Thebes. The Thebans hoped to exploit the Athenian/Spartan enmity in order to eliminate the threat which Plataea, only eight miles away, posed to communications between Boeotia and the Isthmus of Corinth and the Peloponnese, as well as to the internal security of Boeotia. Thucydides gives this attack a very clear, almost formal introduction: he tells us the year according to the Athenian archon-date, the Spartan Ephorate and a pan-Hellenic indication - the year of the current priestess of Hera at Argos. Apart from incidental references to the Olympic Games, this is in fact the only attempt at an absolute date in Thucydides' history; all other dates are given by summers and winters in relation to this, the beginning of the war. Thucydides gives us the reasons why he chose this novel system of chronology at V.20.2-3. It became a standard element of ancient historical writing to give a precise date at the point where the historian had finished his account of preliminaries and began with his main theme: compare e.g. the third chapter of St Luke's Gospel. xxvii

The Theban attack on Plataea made further attempts at compromise impossible, although the Spartan king Archidamus, who had originally spoken out against the war in a speech reported by Thucydides (1.80-5), was extremely slow to lead his army against Athens; Thucydides takes the opportunity to interrupt

his account with a comprehensive list of the Greek and barbarian communities

which participated in the war on either side (9).? Yet another embassy was sent, which the Athenians refused to receive (12). Butno direct military confrontation occurred: Pericles realised how immensely superior the Spartan alliance was in terms of conventional fighting (i.e. in a pitched battle between massed hoplite forces) and knew that — whatever the feelings of individual Athenians might

have been when they saw their property destroyed - they must at all costs avoid such a battle. By retiring behind the “Long Walls’, they could behave as though they were an island and avoid defeat in conventional terms. At the same time

their control of the sea would enable them to make raids on the Peloponnese, inflicting on the Spartan allies as much damage as Archidamus’ invasions were causing them, and thus turn Sparta's allies against the war: Sparta would realise that even if the Athenians had no hope of ever defeating a Peloponnesian army

in battle, they could not be forced to admit defeat either. Thus Athens' aim in the war — not to destroy the Spartan alliance, but to obtain Spartan recognition of Athens' rule over her empire — would be attained.

Because Spartan and Athenian military strengths lay in entirely different fields, there was no decisive hoplite battle during these first years of the war for Thucydides to narrate. But there was one event of major significance for the way the war developed — the disappearance of Pericles; and the central section of Book II contains three set pieces of great interest in this connection: the eulogy of Periclean Athens (the ‘Epitaphios’), the description of the epidemic, and Pericles’ last speech in defence of his policies. But the two principle points which Thucydides tries to make in his account of the events of these years are intended to support his contention (1.1.2) that the Peloponnesian War affected the whole of the Greek world and also most of the non-Greek peoples, and secondly to show just how different were the attitudes and abilities, military and otherwise, of Spartans and Athenians. The latter point comes through very clearly in the pair of speeches Thu-

cydides gives to Archidamus and Pericles on the occasion of the first Spartan invasion of Attica. (Marchant summarises the content of all the speeches of this

Book in the margin of his text, so no detailed summary is given here.) Archidamus' speech lays great stress on conventional, old-fashioned criteria: superiority in hoplite numbers, attention to discipline (κόσμος) and obedience to orders (τὰ παραγγελλόμενα ὀξέως δεχόμενοι). It is significant that he three times 9. Such a ‘catalogue’ is another standard element in descriptions of ancient battles by historians, as well as in epic (e.g. Iliad IL484ff.; Vergil, Aeneid VII.641ff.).

mentions that the ancestors and the older soldiers in his army had defeated Athens in earlier wars. Archidamus’ speech — for all its sophisticated rhetorical form — looks to the past: it appeals to ancestral precedent, to shame or glory (11.2 and 9). Pericles’ reply is quite different: it is a calculating, realistic analysis of where Athens’ strength lies, not with the army but with the navy (13.2), and of her financial resources (13.5-5).

He ends his report with a list of soldiers

(13.6; 7, introduced by γάρ, is an explanatory comment by Thucydides telling us about the various walls the non-hoplite troops had to guard), cavalry and ships (13.8). The content of Pericles' report shows how the Athenians were preparing for a completely new and different kind of war, based on superiority in sea-power and

financial resources: two factors which Thucydides had stressed throughout Book L Even the form of the two speeches shows the difference between the respective attitudes to the war: Thucydides has chosen to leave out of Pericles' statement all the usual rhetorical arguments with which politicians and commanders usually rallied their supporters on the eve of conflict, although he says that Pericles' speech had not lacked these elements (13.9; καὶ ἄλλα οἷάπερ εἰώθει: Nicias' remarks at

VIL69.2 represent another example of Thucydides’ indifference to ἀρχαιολογεῖν). Instead of Archidamus’ appeals to the glory of the ancestors, we have purely technical arguments, and Thucydides has given them in reported rather than direct speech. (It is, incidentally, wrong to exclude from a study of Thucydides' speeches those which are given in reported speech: for the very fact that only Archidamus’ address is given in rhetorically embellished direct speech is part of the intended contrast.) The Athenians accepted Pericles' strategy for the war, and deserted their

village communities to move to Athens and the protection of the Long Walls. This was a momentous event, even though there was a precedent in the evacuation in face of the Persian invasion of 480 BC. But to stress the novelty of this occasion, Thucydides inserts a long digression into his text on the history of the unification of Attica (συνοικισμός). On the military front, there was nothing nearly so dramatic to report: Pericles managed to prevent the Athenians from falling into the trap of going out to do battle with the superior Peloponnesian army, and Archidamus returned home. The Athenians set up a reserve fund of money and a reserve fleet (24), and made amphibious raids on the Peloponnese (23 and 25); this account includes the first mention of the Spartan Brasidas, who was later to play such a crucial role in the war. Other events are

included here: an expedition to Locris (26); the deportation of the population

of Aegina (27: an example of an event which Thucydides could have used, as he did those of Mytilene or Melos, to illustrate all sorts of issues relating to

political morality and the nature of imperialism, but chose not to);!° the first 10. Cf. TJ. Figueira, Athens and Aegina in the Age of Imperial Colonisation (Baltimore and London, 1991).

reference to an Athenian alliance with Macedonia and Thrace - including a digression on the myth of Tereus (29); hostilities in Acarnania (30 and 33); and Pericles’ invasion ofthe Megarid (31). As Gomme points out in his Commentary. (vol. II. p. 94), this is more than just a string of facts connected only be the mere chance of their having occurred in chronological sequence: they serve to illustrate two of Thucydides' major preoccupations — the implications for conventional hoplite warfare of Athenian naval supremacy, and the way states on the fringes of the Greek world were beginning to be drawn into the conflict. 34-65 : The Funeral Speech, the Plague, and the End of Pericles’ Predominance

Itis notexcessive to call the ‘Epitaphios’ , with which Thucydides chose to finish off his accountof the first year of the war, ‘the most famous speech of antiquity’ (D. Kagan, The Archidamian War, p. 64). One question with which scholars have been much concemed is the extent to which the sentiments it contains are Thucydides’ own, and to what extent he is following, as best he can remember, what Pericles actually said on this occasion (whichis what he claims as his ideal

in the chapter on method in Book 1.22.1; ὅτι ἐγγύτατα τῆς ξυμπάσης γνώμης TOV ἀληθῶς λεχθέντοον, οὕτως εἰρηται). One extreme view is that the Epitaphios was entirely invented by Thucydides as an expression of his own positive

feelings towards the city which was defeated in 404 BC — scholars have Suggested that it could only have been written after that date, as a sort of obituary for Athenian hegemony. This is, however, an entirely subjective argument, as is its opposite, that the Epitaphios expresses such confidence in the superiority of Athens that it could not have been seriously intended if it had been composed after the battle of Aigospotamoi or even after the disaster in Sicily. A further objection to the Periclean authenticity of the speech is that its content does not correspond to that prescribed for panegyric by later rhetorical convention: comparisons are made with other surviving epitaphioi (e.g. Lysias II, Hypereides VI, Pseudo-Demosthenes LX, and the pseudo-Platonic Menexenus). It has been thought impossible that on this occasion Pericles should have devoted so much praise to Athens, rather than to the particular Athenian battle-casualties. But two points are worth bearing in mind: 431/430 was a very early date in the development of formal rhetorical theory, and Pericles — who,

according to Plutarch, was the first Athenian to prepare a written summary of what he was going to say whenever he made a speech — may well have had a

great deal more freedom in his choice of material than a fourth-century orator, let alone one who lived in the Second Sophistic. Secondly, the peasant democracy of the fifth century was decidedly more totalitarian than even that of the

fourth: it is quite likely that Pericles’ audience should have thought it proper that the community, rather than the individuals who had given their lives for it, XXX

was what ought to be praised. Moreover the standard elements expected in a panegyric arein fact present, even if Thucydides — or Pericles — does not wish to emphasise them: praise of the dead (42.2-4) and, perhaps more significantly, praise of their ancestors and fathers (36): there is a reference to the victories

over the Persians and the conquest of the empire, but Pericles uses the standard rhetorical trick of the praeteritio to say that he will pass over these stories

because they are so well known to his audience (and, it may be added, Thucydides could pass over these achievements because he had mentioned them in the Pentecontaetia in Book I). It is legitimate for Thucydides to select those items in Pericles' speech which he thinks particularly relevant to his argument. He makes Pericles say that he feels he ought to explain why he devotes more than half the speech to a description of the unique character of Athens (42.1). For Pericles, in 430, the reason was to show his fellow-Athenians that what they were fighting for was worthwhile: that the good life (material as well as cultural)

the Athenians were able to live because of the empire they had struggled to win was something for every other state in Greece to respect and emulate (τῆς Ἑλλάδος παίδευσιν, 41). For Thucydides the purpose was to show through Pericles’ words just how unique Athens was, and thus to illustrate his view that there was a total contrast between the characteristics (τρόποι) of the belligerents.

The panegyric on Athens is immediately followed by Thucydides’ account ofthe epidemic which weakened Athenian manpower resources and morale and, by killing Pericles himself, contributed substantially (in Thucydides' opinion) to Athens’ failure to maintain a policy as consistent as thatof Pericles. It seems difficult not to believe that the implied contrast is intentional. Thucydides’

account ot this *plague'!! has excited much interest, especially among those who thought that his historical method was ‘scientific’ in the sense that all he did was collect and assemble empirical facts — a list of events 'as they actually happened’. Cochrane, for example, pointed out that some (but by no means all) fifth-century medical texts in the ‘Hippocratic Corpus’ are compilations of

case-studies (in particular, the Epidemiai); and the description of the Athenian epidemic (47.3-54) was seen as the link between ‘scientific’ medicine and ‘scientific’ history. It is certainly true that Thucydides’ description of the symptoms and effects of the epidemic is meticulous (though not meticulous enough to prevent disagreement among modern medical authorities as to the nature of the illness!); he uses some words in a technical medical sense — the

sense in which they occur in the Hippocratic Corpus, but not in the rest of Thucydides. But his interests are by no means confined to the medical aspect

of the disease: he talks about its geographical origin (48); he describes its 11. The νόσος was probably either measles (which was responsible for high mortality in Fiji when it first appeared there in 1875) or typhus: see bibliography.

physiological effects (in just one chapter, 49, albeit a long one); and he then continues with a long description of what really interests him: the social and moral dislocation caused by the epidemic - its effecton ties of friendship, the abandoning of traditional patterns of mourning and burial, the disappearance of respect for human and divine law. Thucydides considered the epidemic relevant to his theme for two reasons: it was an unprecedented calamity (πάθος, great for human nature to bear (50), and it was somehow integral to hence the need to fall back on quoting the ancient oracle (54). It is one of the great kinesis, in every respect comparable to the στάσις (civil

54), too the war, element strife) at

Corcyrain Book III. As in that episode, Thucydides' account of the epidemic is far from being an ‘objective’ description: itis an emotionally-charged rhetorical set-piece (cf. phrases like κρεῖσσον λόγου, 50.1) and as such inspired a whole

series of adaptations and translations by later historians and even poets (e.g. Lucretius VI.1138£ff.). It is necessary to make allowances for Thucydides’ personal emotional commitments before drawing inferences about any actual changesin Athenian moral attitudes as a result of the war. The following chapters show how the sickness affected the Athenians’ ability

to fight. Although a naval raid on the N.E. Peloponnese caused much damage

an expedition to reinforce the Athenian troops engaged in the reduction of (56), Potidea merely had the disastrous effect of infecting the besieging army and led

to substantial casualties (58).!? There was a dramatic reversal in the Athenians' feelings towards Pericles: an embassy was sent to Sparta to sue for peace (59.2) and Pericles was dismissed from office and punished with a fine (65.2). Pericles did not die until a year later (October 429), but the plague represents the end of

his primacy over the political scene at Athens, and Thucydides chose to give him a final speech in defence of his policies after the epidemic, balancing his speech in praise of Athens before. If the Epitaphios was full of idealism, this speech is full of realism. There are ideals, and emotional rhetorical appeals to glory (61.4 56En, 63.1 τιμαὶ, 64.3 ovo) and to the standards set by the ancestors (62.3), but these are not the points that Thucydides wants to emphasise. It is interesting that Dionysius of Halicarnassus (On Thucydides 44-7) complains that in this speech Pericles, by

criticising the Athenians for their inconsistency rather than grovelling for pardon, is breaking every rule in the rhetorician's handbook. Thucydides’ account of what Pericles said in his own defence is minimal (60.5-7). There are

two interesting points he wishes to develop: first, that the Athenians had total control of the sea (62.2), and secondly, that the Athenian empire was the most 12. Thucydides tellsus that 1050 out of 4000 soldiers in the expeditionary force died. At III.87 he gives figures for the total numberof soldiers who died of the disease: 4400 hoplites and 300 'knights' or cavalry.

powerful state that had ever existed (64.3 δύναμιν μεγίστην δὴ μέχρι τοῦδε

κεκτημένην). On the subject of empire the speech includes a realistic and frightening assessment of the nature of power: it is like a tyranny (63.2 ὡς τυραννίδα)" and thus naturally provokes envy (φθόνος); for this reason the Athenians cannot afford to weaken their resolve and allow their present subjects

an opportunity for revenge against Athens.!* Pericles’ comments here foreshadow Thucydides’ preoccupation with the morality of imperialism later on, particularly in the 'Melian Dialogue’ (V.85ff.; see A. Andrewes, “The Melian

Dialogue and Pericles' Last Speech' PCPAS 186 [1960] 1ff.). The 'necrology' or summary of Pericles' significance (65) is one of the few occasions where Thucydides has deliberately and obviously preferred logical to chronological order. The passage — parts of which must have been written with hindsight after the end of the war in 404 BC - is also unusual in that it contains an explicit personal judgement by the author: that Pericles alone had the authority to guide the Athenians towards a consistent policy (avoiding both pitched battles and any hazardous attempts to expand the empire), a policy which, given their resources, would have led to victory; because Pericles’ successors lacked his authority, they had to offer the ecclesia impracticable proposals for imperial expansion, notably the Sicilian expedition, and at the same time their political rivalry led to stasis with disastrous results. To explain

to his mainly non-Athenian (and, because educated, presumably also aristocratically-inclined) readers how it was possible for Pericles to control a democracy, Thucydides inserts the famous comment that Athens was a democracy in word only, but actually under the control of the best man (65.9 ἐγίγνετό τε λόγφ μὲν

δημοκρατία, Epyp δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ πρώτου ἀνδρὸς ἀρχή): a gross oversimplification -- not only could the demos dismiss Pericles in 430, it could and did also vote against his policies, as in the first debate on the Corcyrean alliance (1.44.1). The necrology is another illustration of the care Thucydides takes not to say anything unconnected with his theme, the history of the war; there is no 13. Cf. Aristophanes, Knights 1111:

$ Δῆμε καλήν γ᾽ ἔχεις ἀρχήν, ὅτε πάντες ἄν-

θρώκποι δεδίασί σ᾽ ὥσ-

nep ἄνδρα τύραννον. Thucydides later makes Cleon call the empire a 14. Fortheconnection between φθόνος and νέμεσις In Greek thought, any exceptionally powerful man was — hence e.g. Pindar's warnings to the kings of Sicily.

tryanny (III.37 2). in Herodotus, see Section 1 above. akin to a tyrant and excited φθόνος A tyrant does not have to act in an

evil manngr to be hated: his mere status is enough to make him unpopular. Thucydides himself has some positive remarks about the Peisistratids (VL54.5).

reference to Pericles’ earlier military exploits, nor to his role in establishing the radical democracy at Athens, nor even his financial policies. Thucydides is concerned only with the war. 66-78: Potidea and Plataea

After the dramatic narration of the Epitaphios and the epidemic, and the reversal in Pericles’ position, the rest of Book II seems an anticlimax. The break in temporal sequence at chapter 65 shows that in selecting his material Thucydides took other principles than the mere order of events into account. The purpose

of the three following chapters (and indeed of most of the rest of Book IT) is again to show that the war was no longer confined to the Athenian empire and the Peloponnesian League, but was beginning to involve other parts of the Greek and non-Greek world. The Spartans sent a fleet against Zacynthus in the West (66), the Thracians arrested a Spartan embassy on its way to Persia (67), and

there was a local war in N.W. Greece (68). The fighting there did not yet involve Athenians or Spartans; but Thucydides is preparing for the intervention in Acarnania by both sides (80-92 and 102f.), and he provides here a digression on the ‘archaeology’ of this local conflict, going right back to the Trojan War. In the winter of 430/429, there were two Athenian naval expeditions, including that of Phormio to Naupactus which was to play the major role in the Acarnanian War (69). The other significant event is the end of the siege of Potidea, with the

ejection of its inhabitants and their replacement by Athenian settlers (70: cf. Meiggs and Lewis No. 66). It had been one of the main immediate objectives of the Athenians in the war to regain control of Potidea and thus obviate the danger of a widespread secession among the tributary communities in the Chalcidian peninsula, and to this end they had been prepared to spend two thousand talents — a third of their total reserves. In the following summer, the Peloponnesians and Boeotians tried to attain one of their primary objectives of the war, the elimination of Plataea. Plataea, although a Boeotian city, had formed an alliance with Athens as early as 519 BC, on the advice of the Spartans, who at that time felt that Athens would best be able to defend Plataea against Theban aggrandisement. She was the only state to have sent soldiers to fight alongside the Athenians at the battle of Marathon.

Since Attica itself had been so thoroughly ravaged by the Peloponnesians in the previous year's invasion, Archidamus may now have felt that he could do the

Athenians more harm if by destroying Plataea he could prove them incapable or unwilling to fulfil their obligations to protect one of their oldest allies. The story of Plataea obviously interested Thucydides. His account falls into two parts; for there were two aspects he wished to bring out. The first was the moral issue involved in the attack on Plataea, and in this connection he gives a xxxiv

Go

ale

detailed account of the lengthy and complicated diplomatic negotiations, which involvedno less than four separate parleys; in his account there are four direct speeches, as well as one ‘documentary’ quotation (the Athenian message to the Plataeans). Dionysius of Halicamassus (On Thucydides 36) particularly praises this 'Plataean Dialogue' for its pure, clear and concise style, and compares the realistic and appropriate ideas it contains favourably with the content of the Melian Dialogue. Thucydides' second reason for his interest in Plataea is as an illustration of the

difficulties encountered in an attempt at siege warfare. It is noteworthy that he had chosen not to give such treatment to the Athenian siege of Potidea. The Spartans

tried several techniques - they spent seventy days constructing a mound to overlook the city wall (75); they used artillery (76); they tried to burn the city down (77); and as a last resort they constructed a wall of their own to isolate Plataea entirely (78). Thucydides' detailed account gives valuable information about the techniques of siege-warfare open to fifth-century Greeks, and the various counter-measures that might be employed. These same two aspects of the Plataea episode can be seen in Book III: there is an account of a successful attempt by 212 Plataeans to break through the Spartan circumvallation and escape to Athens (IIL20-4); and a pair of

speeches on the justice or otherwise of Plataean resistance, preceding the Spartan decision to execute the survivors (III.52-68).

79-103: Campaigns in Chalcidice, Acarnania and Macedonia Thucydides’ interest in the techniques of fighting is also illustrated by the remaining section of Book II. It makes sense, however, to see these chapters as

a theme separate from the Plataea incident; indeed the Scholia!? tell us that in the thirteen-book edition of Thucydides which existed in antiquity, a new book began at this point. Four battles are described in detail for the period of the summer of 429 BC: one between the Chalcidians and an Athenian army, the other three in N.W. Greece, involving the Acarnanians, who were Athenian allies, together with an Athenian fleet commanded by Phormio, fighting a Peloponnesian expeditionary force, large numbers of Greek and semi-Greek tribes from this area, and ships from various Peloponnesian states. Thucydides has made each of these four stages more dramatic than the last, rising to a climax with the second naval battle, which he introduces with a pair of speeches by the rival commanders - serving not just to stress the importance of the occasion, but to induce additional tension in his audience by putting off the moment of 15. Scholia are notes found in the margins of medieval manuscripts of ancient authors explaining difficulties in the text. Most of them appear to be excerpts by schoolteachers in late antiquity or the Byzantine period, taken from encyclopaedias and commentaries by earlier grammarians.

XXXV

battle (‘retardation’); this tension is then exploited by a dramatic 'reversal' (περιπέτεια) when the Athenians, who seem to be losing, suddenly and unexpectedly regain the initiative. The reversal of fortunes in battle-descriptions became a standard motif in ancient historiography. The two battles on land both serve to show that traditional (and un-Periclean) assumptions about the superiority of heavy-armed hoplite troops were un-

founded. In the Chalcidian campaign (79), Athenian hoplite tactics failed to have any effect on their opponents' light-armed troops (peltasts), and in the end the enemy cavalry routed the Athenians and inflicted heavy casualties. The other campaign on land is described in greater detail (80-2). There is a full list of the soldiers under the command of the Spartan admiral Cnemus (80.5-7: for similar catalogues cf. chapters 9 and 96). This massive force marched against the

Acarnanian city of Stratos; but again light-armed troops, on this occasion using slings in mountainous country, managed to rout one section of Cnemus’ army, the Chaonians, and the remainder dispersed in disarray. In his narrative of the two Athenian victories at sea, Thucydides" object is not so much to stress the differences in armaments as the superior seamanship and enterprise of the Athenians. It is clear that Phormio's first victory was entirely due to his consciousness of this superiority, and confidence that his sailors would be able to perform manoeuvres of great daring, as well as his

ability to exploit climatic conditions (the regular appearance of a breeze from the Corinthian Gulf about dawn) and the ensuing confusion among the Peloponnesians (83-4). The subsequent chapter makes it clear that the Spartans

completely failed to realise the extent of their inferiority in these respects. (It is perhaps too much to interpret Thucydides’ account of the failure of Athenian reinforcements to reach Phormio in time as criticism of Athenian policy: he is just not interested in explaining what happened in Crete, since this is unconnected with his subject, the war between Athens and Sparta: 85.5.) Thucydides introduces the last of this series of battles with a pair of speeches, in which the Spartan commanders and Phormio respectively exhorted their troops for the coming battle. Again the point stressed is the contrast in attitudes between the Peloponnesians, relying largely on conservative virtues of discipline and courage, and the Athenians, who innovate, are superior in terms of skill, and capable of individual initiatives. The Spartans refer to their numerical superiority (77 ships against Phormio's 20), but what they feel they have to deny at all costs is that their earlier defeat was due to cowardice, κακία. The keynote

of the speech is that they claim to be superior in old-fashioned courage, ἀρετή. Phormio, for his part, implies that the Athenians have two decisive advantages —

technical skill and the courage to seize the initiative (cf. 89.7 ἀπειρίᾳ ἀχτολμίᾳ: Athenian τόλμη is not at all the same thing as Peloponnesian ἀνδρεία — as we can see from Book 1.102.3, where Thucydides says that τὸ τολμηρὸν καὶ τὴν xxxvi

vewteporoluav are characteristics which particularly differentiate Athenians from Spartans). The result of the battle bore out Phormio's claims: Athenian skill, and the daring of one particular Athenian trireme, combined to put to flight 8 fleet almost four times as large (90-2). And a Spartan plan to gain revenge for

this ignominious defeatby making a surprise attack on the Piraeus in the autumn ended in failure precisely because the Lacedaemonians did not have the τόλμη required to exploit an initiative of this kind (93). Thucydides’ narrative of the winter of 429/428 is largely taken up by an account of the campaign against Macedonia by Sitalces, ruler of the Thracian tribe of the Odrysians. Since this thirty-days' winter war had to be abandoned because the vast Thracian army ran out of supplies and failed to achieve any of its aims, the question arises why Thucydides devotes so much attention to it. In

this case military tactics and techniques do not seem to provide an explanation (although Thucydides does refer to the effectiveness of the Macedonian cav-

alry). Partof the answer probably liesin Thucydides’ personal connections with Thrace (see note 2 above); the expedition gives him an excuse to include some

fascinating information on the Thracians for which there would otherwise have been no place in the History — an epic-style catalogue of the various tribes subject to Sitalces with details on the way they were armed (96), and an

ethnographical excursus on the extent of the Odrysian empire (97.1) and the amount of tribute and gifts received at the time of the empire's greatest extension under the rule of Sitalces' nephew Seuthes (97.3). This proves his conclusion that next to the politically disunited Scythians, the Thracians were the most powerful group of tribes in Europe. There is a similar digression giving the reader some background information on the history of Macedonia (99.3), and

an interesting note on the subsequent development of fortresses and roads in Macedoniaby king Archelaus, who ruled from 413 to 399. But the main reason for the inclusion of all this detail is that it bears out Thucydides' point that this κίνησις μεγίστη, the war between Athens and Sparta, actually did (as he had claimed at the very beginning of Book I) 'affect also a great part of the non-Greek world, indeed it could be said the whole of the inhabited world'. Thucydides has often been criticised for allegedly ignoring the non-Greek world, e.g. Persia; but the episode of Sitalces’ campaign, like so much of the other material included in Book II, shows that on the contrary he was keen to

refer to events in the non-Greek world if he thought them relevant to the war.!® 16. It would follow that Thucydides’ reasons for not mentioning the Athenian overtures to Persia, about which we know from Aristophanes, Acharnians 61ff. (performed in 425 BC), cannot have been that he was not interested in Persia, but rather that he did not at the time think these events significant. It may be mentioned that in the same play Aristophanes

also makes fun of Athenian diplomatic negotiations with Sitalces (134 ff). xxxvii

In the absence of decisive military operations in Central Greece during these first three years, Thucydides has laid great stress on the wide geographical extent of the fighting. This is one reason for the detailed account of hostilities in Chalcidice and Macedonia as well as in Acarnania. Thucydides returns to this western theatre of the war in the final two chapters of the book (102f.); again there is an explanatory digression, this time on the geography

of the river

Achelous and the Echinades Islands in its estuary. It is striking, in view of his Criticism of τὸ μυθῶδες at 1.21, that he even includes a summary of the myth of Alcmaeonin this context. Thus chapters 79-103 form a 'low key' bridging passage between the

Periclean episodes and the siege of Plataea in the middle of Book II, and the highly dramatic account of the revolt of Mytilene which follows at the beginning of Book III. But despite the lack of rhetorical embellishmentin these chapters, they draw the reader's attention to the key issue which Thucydides wants us to faceas his history unravels: the belief held by the Athenians, andby Periclesin particular, when they started the war that they could control its outcome through their superior political, financial and technical skills, and the way that belief was shown to be utterly unfounded by the actual course of the war. Even when the Athenians were successful (as in Phormio's naval battle), that success

resulted from factors beyond the control of rational Greek political planning. These factors include emotions (fear and courage), nature (plague, earthquakes, sea-breezes), and the intervention of barbarians.

Bibliography

General:

Translations: The translation most easily obtainable in Britain is that by Rex Warner for the Penguin Classics (Harmondsworth, 1954). Reprintings subsequent to 1972 include a useful introduction by M.I. Finley. There is a Bristol Classical Press Companion to books I-II.65 in this translation by T.EJ. Wiedemann (1985). Benjamin Jowett's translation is available in an

abridged version with an introduction by P.A. Brunt. The commentary by

P.J. Rhodes (Aris & Phillips, 1988) also has an English translation facing the Greek text.

Commentaries: Until recently,

A. W. Gomme's A Historical Commentary on

Thucydides I (Oxford, 1945: Introduction and commentary on Book I); II and III (1956: on Books II and III, and Books IV and V, 1-24 respectively), IV (edited by A. Andrewes and KJ. Dover, 1970: on V, 25-VII), and V (1981: on Book VII), was indispensible for a full understanding of the text as well as the historical background. For book II, it has been supersededby S. Hornblower,A Commentary on Thucydides, I: Books I-III (Oxford, 1991). The last decades have seen a shift away from the view that Thucydides was the first ‘scientific’ historian, with much greater interest in his rhetorical manipulation of his material. The early stages of this development are sketched by W.R. Connor, ‘A Post-Modernist Thucydides?', Classical Journal 72 (1977) 289ff. Studies of Thucydides taking this approach include: V. Hunter, Thucydides, The Artful Reporter (Toronto, 1973); H.R. Rawlings, The Structure of Thucydides' History (Princeton, 1981); W.R. Connor, Thucydides (Princeton, 1984); S. Homblower, Thucydides (Duckworth, 1987); S. Forde, The Ambition

to Rule (Cornell U.P., 1989). On historiography:

A.W. Gomme, The Greek Attitude to Poetry and History (Sather Classical Lectures 27, Berkeley, Cal., 1954); S. Usher, The Historians of Greece

and Rome (London, 1970); J.D. Smart, "Thucydides and Hellanicus’, Past Perspectives (ed. 1.8. Moxon et al., Cambridge, 1986), 1ff.; KJ. Dover ‘Thucydides “as History” and Thucydides “as Literature” ’, in The Greeks and their Legacy II (1988) 53-64. Thucydides and the cultural climate of fifth-century Athens:

G. Kennedy, The Art of Persuasion in Greece (Princeton, 1963); R. Thomas, Oral Tradition and Written Record in Classical Athens (Cambridge, 1989); P. A.

Stadter (ed.), The Speeches in Thucydides (Chapel Hill, N. Carolina, 1973); M. Cogan, The Human Thing: The Speeches and Principles of Thucydides' History (Chicago, 1981); H.D. Westlake, Individuals in Thucydides (Cambridge, 1968);

L. Edmonds, Chance and Intelligence in Thucydides (Cambridge, Mass., 1975); H.-P. Stahl, Thukydides (Munich, 1966: regrettably not translated into English); T.E.J. Wiedemann, “Thucydides, Women, and the Limits of Rational Analysis’, Greece & Rome 30 (1983) 163-70 = Women in Antiquity (Greece and Rome Studies III, Oxford, 1994). Athens and its Empire — historical background: S. Homblower, The Greek World 479-323 BC (Methuen, 1983); R. Meiggs, The Athenian Empire (Oxford, 1972); A. Powell, Athens and Sparta (London, 1988); D. Kagan, The Archidamian War (Cornell U.P., 1974). A new edition of the

Cambridge Ancient History vol. V, “The Fifth Century BC’, appeared in 1992 (ed. D.M. Lewis, J. Boardman, J.K. Davies and M. Ostwald). R. Meiggs and D. Lewis, Greek Historical Inscriptions (Oxford, 1969), contains many of the official documents relating to the Athenian Empire. Translations of most of these can be found in N. Lewis, Greek Historical Documents I: The Fifth Century BC (Toronto, 1971), and C.W. Fornara, Translated Documents of Greece and Rome I: From Archaic Times to the End of the Peloponnesian War (2nd edn, Cambridge, 1983).

The functioning of the democratic constitution is analysed by R.K. Sinclair, Democracy and Participation in Athens (Cambridge, 1988) and C.G. Starr, The Birth of Athenian Democracy: the Assembly in the Fifth Century BC (Oxford, 1990). PJ. Rhodes,

A Commentary on the Aristotelian Athenaion Politeia

(Oxford, 1981) is particularly useful. War and economics:

F. Cornford, Thucydides Mythistoricus (London, 1907), is still stimulating, as are M.I. Finley, The Ancient Economy (2nd edn, London, 1985); G.E.M. de Ste. xl

Croix, The Origins of the Peloponnesian War (Duckworth, 1972); and V.D. Hanson, Warfare and Agriculture in Classical Greece (Pisa, 1983). Thucydides and Pericles:

J. deRomilly, Thucydide et l' impérialisme athénien (Paris, 1947; 2nd edn 1951) = Thucydides and Athenian Imperialism (Oxford, 1963) is still of interest, as is

A.W. Gomme, “The Greatest War in Greek History’, Essays in Greek History and Literature (Oxford, 1937) 116-24. Other works include A.G. Woodhead, Thucydides on the Nature of Power (Cambridge, Mass., 1970); G. Cawkwell, ‘Thucydides’ Judgement of Periclean Strategy’, Yale Classical Studies 2A

(1975) 53-70; A. Andrewes, “The Melian Dialogue and Pericles’ Last Speech’, Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 186 (1960) 1ff.; H.D. Westlake, ‘Thucydides II, 65.11’, Classical Quarterly 8 (1958) 102ff. An uncomplicated account of Pericles is D. Kagan, Pericles of Athens and the Birth

of Democracy (London, 1990). The Funeral Speech: JE. Ziolkowski, Thucydides and the Tradition of Funeral Speeches at Athens (NY, 1981); N. Loraux, The Invention of Athens: the Funeral Oration in the Classical City (trans. A. Sheridan, Cambridge, Mass., 1986). The Plague:

For the traditional view that the ‘Hippocratic’ school of medicine influenced Thucydides’ historical method, see C.N. Cochrane, Thucydides and the Science of History (Oxford, 1929). The moralising and rhetorical, rather than descriptive, purpose of Thucydides’ account have been emphasised by A. Parry, “The Language of Thucydides’ Description of the Plague’, Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 16 (1969) 106-18, and AJ. Woodman, Rhetoric in Classical Historiography (Croom Helm, 1988) ch. 1, esp. 32ff. There has been no consensus on what the illness might have been: D.L. Page, “Thucydides’ Description of the Great Plague at Athens’, Classical Quarterly 3 (1953) 1ff.,

suggested measles, W.P. MacArthur, ‘The Athenian Plague: a Medical Note’, Classical Quarterly 4 (1954) 171ff., deployed the authority of professional medicine in favour of typhus. A.J. Holladay and J.C.F. Poole, “Thucydides and the Plague at Athens’, Classical Quarterly 29 (1979) 282-300, suggest that the virus may no longer exist, at any rate in a recognisable form.

OL 87, 1.

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τρια τῶν πάντων Βοιωτῶν ξυμμαχεῖν, τίθεσθαι rap’

ε by Badham ένοι (, preferred 8, 4. ἐπαγομένοι:] ἐπαγαγομ

and Cobet.—{xal dveiwer à a. ... ὅπλα), so Pp., Sta., Cr., Müller. See note. —«Qpvt] On accent, see Atahl, Quaest. Gram. p. 38,

suspect. —ELvupnaI xei»

See note.

EYTTPAOHZ

B.

3

αὐτοὺς τὰ ὅπλα), vouifovres σφίσι ῥᾳδίως τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ

προσχωρήσειν

τὴν πόλιν.

8.

οἱ de

Πλαταιῆς, ὡς ἤσθοντο ἔνδον τε ὄντας τοὺς Θηβαίους καὶ

ἐξαπιναίως

κατειλημμένην

τὴν

πόλιν,

κατα-

δείσαντες καὶ νομίσαντες πολλῷ πλείους ἐσεληλυθέναι (οὐ γὰρ ἑώρων ἐν τῇ wari), πρὸς ξύμβασιν ἐχώρησαν καὶ τοὺς λόγους δεξάμενοι The Platecans, ἡσύχαζον, ἄλλως Te καὶ ἐτειδὴ ἐς enter >= ing. Siarmed, οὐδένα οὐδὲν ἐνεωτέριζον. πράσσοντες** 8 δέ πως ταῦτα Θηβαίους ὄντας

κατενόησαν ov τ λλοὺς τοὺς καὶ ἐνόμισαν ἐπιθέμενοι ῥᾳδίως

κρατήσειν᾽ τῷ γὰρ πλήθει τῶν ἤἴλα- χὰ

ταιῶν οὐ βουλομένῳ ἦν. τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων bere τὲ tha The ἀφίστασθαι.

ἐδόκει

οὖν ἐπιχειρητέα wishing 1‘or the 3

εἶναι

καὶ € ὑνελέγοντο

τοὺς

κοινοὺς τοίχους

διορύσσοντες revolt mi P πα wap

ὅπως μὴ διὰ τῶν ὁδῶν

ἀλλήλους, cide dide eo ek

φανεροὶ SorryUe invaders.

ἰόντες, ἁμάξας Te üvev τῶν ὑποζυγίων ἐς τὰς ὁδοὺς καθίστασαν, Tv ἀντὶ τείχους B, καὶ Θ, 2. κρατήσειν Sta.,

which CL defends. ἐνόμισαν {ar},

Cobet,

Herw.,

Bh.

κρατῆσαι

Sta. corrects all similar passages.

also proposed

by

Herw.

(Stud.

Thuc.),

Μ|80.,

Cr. and

Shil.: Lendrum (Clase. Rev. iv. p. 101) defends κρατῆσαι as prolate inf., 1.2. object to ἐνόμισαν and not denoting time. Bat the inf. must be oblique, not prolate, owing to the presence of ἐσιθέμενοι, which practically gives a subject to the inf.; at 4, 127, νομίσαντες ... καταλαβόντες διαφθείρειν,

Cobet's ka$éepei» must be accepted for the same reason. Consult Lendram ic. (At c. 80, Shil’s editor also proposes ῥαδίως ἃ» κρατῆσαι. Cf. c. ΘΟ, 8.) For full discussion aee Stahl, Quaest. Gram. c. 1.

4

OOYKYAIAOY

τἄλλα ἐξήρτνον ἢ ὅκαστον ἐφαίνετο προς Ta 4 παρόντα ὥύμφορον ἔσεσθαι. ἐπεὶ δὲ ὡς ἐκ τῶν δυνατῶν ἑτοῖμα ἦν, φυλάξαντες ἔτι νύκτα καὶ αὐτὸ τὸ περίορθρον ἐχώρουν ἐκ τῶν οἰκιῶν ἐπ᾽ αὐτούς, ὅπως μὴ κατὰ φῶς θαρσαλεωτέροις οὖσι προσ-

φέρωνται καὶ σφίσιν ἐκ τοῦ ἴσον γίγνωνται, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν νυκτὶ φοβερώτεροι ὄντες ἥσσους ὦσι τῆς σφετέρας ἐμπειρίας τῆς κατὰ τὴν πόλιν. προσέβαλόν τε εὐθὺς καὶ ἐς χεῖρας ἧσαν κατὰ τάχος. 4. οἱ δ' ὡς

ἔγνωσαν

ἡπατημένοι,

ξυνεστρέφοντό

τε ἐν

σφίσιν αὐτοῖς καὶ τὰς προσβολὰς à προσπίτ2 τοιεν ἀπεωθοῦντο. καὶ dis μὲν ἣ τρὶς ἀπεκρούσαντο, €revrra. πολλῷ θορύβῳ αὐτῶν τε προσ-

βαλόντων καὶ τῶν γυναικῶν καὶ τῶν οἰκετῶν ἅμα ἀπὸ τῶν οἰκιῶν κρανγῇ Te καὶ OAOAVyy χρωμένων λίθοις τε καὶ κεράμῳ βαλλόντων, καὶ ὑετοῦ They

succeed: ἅμα

διὰ νυκτὸς πολλοῦ

ἐπιγενομένου,

Ki; che rest, ἐφοβήθησαν xai τραπόμενοι ἔφυγον whilestrivingto ἦς _ A find the gates ot. διὰ τῆς πόλεως, ἄπειροι μὲν ὄντες oi the town,

capture.

they

’

,

,

N

^

^

N

πλείους ἐν σκότῳ kat πήλῳ τῶν διόδων

B χρὴ σωθῆναι (καὶ γὰρ τελευτῶντος τοῦ μηνὸς τὰ γιγνόμενα ἣν), ἐμπείρους δὲ ἔχοντες τοὺς διώxkovrae [τοῦ μὴ ἐκφεύγειν, ὥστε διεφθείροντο οἱ 3. τᾶλλα]

re

M.

For accent, Stahl,

p. 35, compares rdyaéd, Aesch. Eum. 881. 4. προσέβαλλον BCFG. 4, 2. (ro

yuh... πολλοῇ

Quaes. Gram.

So Cl., ShiL, Ste. Herw.

and Sta. read

[rod μὴ ἐκ-

φεύγειν), ὥστε διεφθείροντο πολλοί, while CL reads τοῦ μὴ d«φεύγειν [ὥστε διεφθείροντο οἱ πολλοῦ.

A. Schüne, Rhein. Aus.

22, p. 137, after an ingenious argument, alters τοῦ μὴ to οὗ ἣν.

EYITPAOHZ πολλοί].

τῶν

de

B.

Πλαταιῶν

b

τις τὰς

πύλας

ἢ 3

ἐσῆλθον [xai] αἵπερ ἦσαν ἀνεψγμέναι μόναι, ἔκλῃσε στυρακίῳ ἀκοντίου ἀντὶ βαλάνον χρησάμενος ἐς 4 , @ 4 8 s ww TOV μοχλόν, ὥστε μηδὲ ταύτῃ ἔτι ἔξοδον εἶναι. διωκόμενοί τε κατὰ τὴν πόλιν οἱ μέν τινες αὐτῶν 4

ἐπὶ τὸ τεῖχος ἀναβάντες ἔρριψαν ἐς τὸ ἔξω σφᾶς αὑτοὺς καὶ διεφθάρησαν οἱ πλείους, οἱ δὲ κατὰ πύλας ἐρήμους γυναικὸς δούσης πέλεκυν [λαθόντες °

»

4

e

,

a

καὶ] διακόψαντες τὸν μοχλὸν ἐξῆλθον οὐ πολλοὶ (αἴσθησις γὰρ ταχεῖα ἐπεγένετο), ἄλλοι δὲ ἄλλῃ τῆς πόλεως σποράδην ἀπώλλυντο.

τὸ δὲ πλεῖστον ς

καὶ ὅσον μάλιστα hy ξυνεστραμμένον ἐσπίπτουσιν ἐς οἴκημα μέγα, ὃ jv τοῦ τείχους καὶ αἱ [πλησίον] θύραι ἀνεῳγμέναι ἔτυχον αὐτοῦ, οἱόμενοι “πύλας τὰς θύρας [τοῦ οἰκήματος] εἶναι καὶ ἄντικρυς δίοδον es TO ἔξω. ὁρῶντες δὲ [avrov] of Πλαταιῆς 6 3

a

P 4

€

m

A

9

a

4

^^

ἀπειλημμένους ἐβουλεύοντο etre κατακαύσωσιν ὥὧσπερ ἔχουσιν, ἐμπρήσαντες τὸ οἴκημα, εἴτε τι ἄλλο χρήσωνται. τέλος δὲ οὗτοί τε καὶ ὅσοι ἄλλοι 7 8. 8) τε BEFm, Cl. Herw.—{xal] Cobet. 4. [λαθόντες xal] Sta. : λαθόντες [καὶ] Herw. : λαθόντες xara-

διακόψαντες Cl. δ. [πλησίον] Herw., Sta.:

Haase and others place πλησίον

after relxovs, but if the building was not joined to the wall, the Thebans could not have supposed σύλας τὰς θύρας εἶναι.

A. Schöne i.c. explains al πλησίον 0. as meaning the doors nearest the fugitives, t.e. those facing the town, and thinks that the real gates of Plataea may have been double. —[r7oó oixfuarós] Herw., Sta.: [ras θύρας τοῦ ol.] Cobet. 6. [at’rods] Some Mss. and editions give ol Πλαταιῆς αὐτοὺς,

and two Mxs. omit αὐτοὺς.

ὁρῶντες αὐτοὺς δὲ Steph. 1588.

6

OOYKYAIAOY

τῶν

Θηβαίων

περιῆσαν κατὰ

τὴν πόλιν

πλανώ-

μενοι ξυνέβησαν τοῖς Πλαταιεῦσι παραδοῦναι τὰ ὅπλα καὶ σῴφάς αὐτοὺς χρήσασθαι ὅ τι ἂν 8 βούλωνται.

οἱ

μὲν

δὴ

ἐν τῇ

Πλαταίᾳ

οὕτως

ererpayecay. δ. Οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι Θηβαῖοι obs ἔδει ἔτι τῆς νυκτὸς

Reinforcements παραγενέσθαι πανστρατιῇ, εἴ , τι ἄρα^ =, , >. '

from Thebesar-

rivetoolate μή προχωροῦ) Toig ἐσεληλυθόσι, τῆς ἀγγελίας dua καθ᾽ ὁδὸν αὐτοῖς ῥηθείσης περὶ τῶν 2 γεγενημένων ἐπεβοήθουν. ἀπέχει δὲ ἡ Πλάταια

τῶν Θηβῶν σταδίους ἑβδομήκοντα, καὶ τὸ ὕδωρ τὸ

γενόμενον

τῆς

νυκτὸς

ἐποίησε

βραδύτερον

αὐτοὺς ἐλθεῖν ὁ γὰρ ᾿Ασωπὸς ποταμὸς ἐρρύη 3 μέγας καὶ οὐ ῥᾳδίως διαβατὸς jv. πορευόμενοὶ

Te

dv ver

ὕστερον

καὶ τὸν ποταμὸν

παρεγένοντο,

ἤδη

μόλις

τῶν

ἀνδρῶν

διαβάντες τῶν

μὲν

4 διεφθαρμένων, τῶν δὲ ζώντων ἐχομένων. ὡς 6 ἤσθοντο οἱ Θηβαῖοι τὸ γεγενημένον, ἐπεβούλενον τοῖς ἔξω τῆς πόλεως τῶν Πλαταιῶν (ἦσαν γὰρ καὶ

ἄνθρωποι

κατὰ

οἷα

ἀπροσδοκήτου

τοὺς

(Tov)

ἀγροὺς

καὶ

κατασκευή,

κακοῦ ἐν εἰρήνῃ γενο-

The Plates, μένου)" ἐβούλοντο γὰρ σφίσιν εἴ τινα fearing the ius. The. λάβοιεν

ὑπάρχειν

ἀντὶ τῶν ἔνδον, ἣν

5 eros, dpa & τύχωσί τινες elwypnuevo. καὶ απ Thebes, Of μὲν ταῦτα διενοοῦντο οἱ δὲ Πλα7. Mea. σφδε αὐτοὺς καὶ τὰ ὅπλα. Corrected by Cobet. 8, 3. ὕστερον] ὕστεροι Cobet, Herw. 4. οἱ Θηβαῖοι... τῶν Πλαταιῶν, I suspect both. —drpecdexhrov

(re0) κακοῦ.

All recent edd. exc. Ste.

Cobet reads [ἔλεγον avrois) and [φασα»)

Presently Herw. with Cf. c. 84, 2.

NKYTTPAOHZ B.

7

raus, ἔτι διαβουλευομένων αὐτῶν ὑπο- account— engeτοπήσαντες

τοιοῦτόν

δείσαντες wept

τι

τοῖς

ἔσεσθαι

xai E

ἔξω κήρυκα ἐξέ- ture pure οἱ 9

meu yay Tapa τοὺς Θηβαίους, λέγοντες all sitoτὸ death.

ὅτι οὔτε Ta πεποιημένα ὁσίως δράσειαν ἐν σπον» δαῖς σφῶν πειραθέντες καταλαβεῖν τὴν πόλιν, τά τε ἔξω

ἔλεγον

αὐτοῖς

μὴ

ἀδικεῖν.

εἰ δὲ μή, καὶ

αὐτοὶ ἔφασαν αὐτῶν τοὺς ἄνδρας ἀποκτενεῖν οὗς ἔχουσι ζῶντας ἀναχωρησάντων δὲ πάλιν ἐκ τῆς γῆς ἀποδώσειν

μὲν ταῦτα Πλαταιῆς

[αὐτοῖς

τοὺς

ἄνδρας].

λέγουσι καὶ ἐπομόσαι δ᾽ οὐχ

ὁμολογοῦσι

Θηβαῖοι 6

φασὶν αὐτούς

τοὺς

ἄνδρας

εὐθὺς

ὑποσχέσθαι ἀποδώσειν, ἀλλὰ λόγων πρῶτον γενομένων fjv τι ξυμβαίνωσι, καὶ ἐπομόσαι

οὔ φασιν.

ἐκ δ᾽ οὖν τῆς γῆς ἀνεχώρησαν οἱ Θηβαῖοι οὐδὲν y ἀδικήσαντες

οἱ δὲ llAaTauge,

ἐπειδὴ τὰ

ἐκ τῆς

χώρας κατὰ τάχος ἐσεκομίσαντο, ἀπέκτειναν τοὺς ἄνδρας εὐθύς. ἧσαν δὲ ὀγδοήκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν οἱ ληφθέντες, καὶ Evpuuaxos εἷς αὐτῶν ἣν, πρὸς ὃν ἔπραξαν οἱ προδιδόντες. θ. τοῦτο δὲ ποιήσαντες é

τε

τὰς

᾿Αθήνας

ἄγγελον

ἔπεμπον

καὶ

τοὺς

νεκροὺς ὑποσπόνδους ἀπέδοσαν τοῖς Θηβαίοις, τά T ἐν τῇ πόλει καθίσταντο πρὸς τὰ παρόντα py ἐδόκει αὐτοῖς. τοῖς δ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίοις ἠγγέλθη εὐθὺς 2 τὰ περὶ τῶν Πλαταιῶν γεγενημένα, καὶ Βοιωτῶν δ. [αὐτοῖΣ τοὺ; ἄνδρα: Herw., Sta. bracket τοὺς ἄνδρας, which is awkward after αὐτῶν τοὺ; ἄνδραι, and recurs twice below. τοὺ: ἄνδρας εὐθὺς twice is also strange. Perhaps reis ἄν. should be bracketed more than once,

7 is probably corrupt.

The text of $$ 5, 6,

8

BOYKYAIAOY

Te παραχρῆμα ξυνέλαβον ὅσοι ἦσαν ἐν τῇ ᾿Αττικῇ

A messenger, καὶ ἐς τὴν Πλάταιαν ἔπεμψαν κήρυκα, ne κελεύοντες [εἰπεῖν] μηδὲν νεώτερον the mans

ποιεῖν

περὶ

τῶν

ἀνδρῶν

οὗς

ἔχουσι

ben or Θηβαίων, πρὶν ἄν τι καὶ αὐτοὶ βουλεύAnd tem deed. wot περὶ αὐτῶν οὐ γὰρ ἠγγέλθη 3 avrois ὅτι τεθνηκότες elev. dua yap Ty «code 4 , ^ 4 , AP γιγνομένῃ τῶν^ Θηβαίων ὁe πρῶτος ἄγγελος ἐξῇει, 4

^

e

,

°

^

»

^?

ὁ δὲ δεύτερος ἄρτι νενικημένων τε καὶ ξυνειλημμένων καὶ τῶν ὕστερον οὐδὲν ἤδεσαν. οὕτω δὴ The Athenians οὐκ εἰδότες οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι ἐπέστελλον"

and

provisions ὁ Ov κῆρυξ ἀφικόμενος €

ne nn to Athens.

8

e^

9

,

ηὖρε ‘Tous 8

ἄνδρας διεφθαρμένους. καὶ μετὰ ταῦTa οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι στρατεύσαντες ἐς IAaTatay

^

P,

σῖτον

Te

,

+»

ecıfyayoy

καὶ

4

ópov-

pous ἐγκατέλιπον, τῶν Te ἀνθρώπων τοὺς ἀχρειοτάτους ξὺν γυναιξὶ καὶ παισὶν ἐξεκόμισαν. T. Γεγενημένου δὲ τοῦ ἐν Πλαταιαῖς ἔργου καὶ Both sides then λελυμένων

λαμπρῶς

τῶν σπονδῶν

tn

᾿Αθηναῖοι

παρεσκευάζοντο

ὡς

παρασκευή.

ἤσοντες,

παρεσκευάζοντο

δὲ καὶ

οἱ

πολε-

οἱ

Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι [αὐτῶν], πρεσβείας ᾿

, , τε μέλλοντες πέμπειν παρὰ 4 βασιλέα[d καὶ 4 ἄλλοσε

ἐς τοὺς βαρβάρους, εἴ ποθέν τινα ὠφελίαν ἤλπιζον ἑκάτεροι προσλήψεσθαι, πόλεις τε ξυμμαχίδαφ 2 ποιούμενοι ὅσαι ἦσαν ἐκτὸς τῆς ἑαυτῶν δυνάμεως" καὶ e, 2. [εἰπεῖν] Cobet.

7,1. ἐν IDaraiais] Cf. c. 10,1. In both places Cobet and Herw. read Πλαταιᾶσι (adverb), perhaps rightly.—{adrav] wanting in C, bracketed by Horw.

MYTTPAPHS

B.

9

Λακεδαιμονίοις μὲν πρὸς ταῖς αὐτοῦ ὑπαρχούσαις ἐξ Ἰταλίας καὶ Σικελίας τοῖς τἀκείνων Prodigious naval ἑλομένοις

ναῦς ἐπετάχθησ᾽

(1.6. δια- Piccdaemonians

xorias—see below} ποιεῖσθαι κατὰ μέγεθος τῶν πόλεων, ὡς ἐς τὸν πάντα ἀριθμὸν πεντακοσίων νεῶν ἐσομένων, καὶ ἀργύριον prrov ἑτοιμάζειν, τά T ἄλλα ἡσυχάζοντας καὶ ᾿Αθηναίους δεχομένονς μιᾷ νηὶ ὅδως ἂν ταῦτα παρασκευασθῇ. ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ τήν τε ὑπάρχουσαν ξυμμαχίδα ἐξή- 3 ταζον καὶ ἐς τὰ περὶ Πελοπόννησον μάλλον χωρία ἐπρεσβεύοντο, Κέρκυραν καὶ Κεφαλ- uns sounds ληνίαν καὶ ᾿Ακαρνᾶνας καὶ Ζάκυνθον, Per allen ὁρῶντες, εἰ σφίσι φίλια ταῦτα εἴη βεβαίως, πέριξ τὴν Πελοπόννησον καταπολεμήσοντες.

8. ὀλίγον

τε ἐπενόουν οὐδὲν ἀμφότεροι, ἀλλ᾽ m, ἔρρωντο ἐς τὸν πόλεμον οὐκ ἀπει- Which KOTwS'

ἀρχόμενοι

‘yap

πάντες

the oom-

ὁξύ- the war.

τερον ἀντιλαμβάνονται, τότε δὲ καὶ νεότης πολλὴ μὲν οὖσα ἐν τῇ Πελοποννήσῳ, πολλὴ δ᾽ ἐν ταῖς ᾿Αθήναις, οὐκ ἀκουσίως ὑπὸ ἀπειρίας ἥπτετο τοῦ πολέμου. ἥ τε ἄλλη Ἑλλὰς πᾶσα μετέωρος nv 2. Λακεδαιμονίοιε] Λακεδαιμόνιοι

L

Herbst,

M88.:

from

Diodorus

vals ἐπιτάχθη

Ἐ. ---ναὖς ἐπετάχθη

Siculus:

Pp. and

Herw.

διακοσίας,

ναῦς ἐπετάχθησαν

with

only

I, and, as the

Schol on ἑτοιμάζειν says ἐπετάχθη δηλονότι, he may have read the sing.: »fes ἐπετάχθησαν, CL: Δακεδαιμόνιοι ... ναῦς

érererdxecay, Cobet, for which Bh. and Cr. prefer ἐπέταξαν, and Sta. ἐπέτασσον. Rauchenstein (PAs. 33, p. 566) ol ráxelvuv éAóuerot, which involves an anacoluthon at ἡσυχάζοντας. 3. ξυμμαχίδα Cobet, for M88. ξυμμαχίαν. 80 in c. 10, 1. 8, ). τότε δὴ mss.) corrected by Haacke.

10

eoYKYAIAOY

4 ξυνιουσῶν τῶν πρώτων

λόγια

ἐλέγετο, πολλὰ

πόλεων.

3 Wanting ; οὕπω

μὲ»

δὲ χρησμολόγοι ὕδον ἕν

The usual pre T€ τοῖς μέλλουσι

pbecles and por aig ἄλλαις

καὶ πολλὰ

πολεμήσειν καὶ ἐν

πόλεσιν.

ἔτι δὲ Δῆλος

ἐκινήθη ὀλίγον πρὸ τούτων πρότερον σεισθεῖσα ad

οὗ “Ἕλληνες μέμνηνται.

ἐλέ-

yero δὲ καὶ ἐδόκει ἐπὶ τοῖς μέλλουσι γενήσεσθαι σημῆναι 4 γενέσθαι,

εἴ τέ τι παντα

ἄλλο

τοιουτότροπον

ἀνεζητεῖτο.

and public opin. TOAV

ἐποίει

ἡ δὲ εὔνοια

τῶν ἀνθρώπων

ξυνέβη παρὰ

μᾶλλον

unmasinfavour es TOUS ,Λακεδαιμονίους, ἄλλως τε καὶ

monlans ; προειπόντων ὅτι τὴν ᾿Ελλάδα ἐλευθεροῦσιν. ἔρρωτό τε πᾶς καὶ ἰδιώτης καὶ πόλις every man felt ei Tt δύναιτο καὶ λόγῳ καὶ ἔργῳ Évv-

that his im ance as an ally

eviXauaveiw

overestimated,

λῦσθαι ἐδόκει ἑκάστῳ τὰ πράγματα ᾧ

αὑτοῖς" ev τούτῳ TE KEK

sun τις αὐτὸς παρέσται. οὕτως {ev} ὀργῇ εἶχον οἱ πλείους τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους, οἱ μὲν τῆς ἀρχῆς ἀπολυθῆναι βουλόμενοι, of δὲ μὴ ἀρχθῶσι φοβούμενοι. 9. παρασκευῇ μὲν οὖν τοιαύτῃ καὶ γνώμῃ The allies com. ὥρμηντο. πόλεις δὲ ἑκάτεροι τασδ᾽

Pxieleacie ἔχοντες 2 enumerated. ξύμμαχοι.

ξυμμάχους

ἐς τὸν πόλεμον

θίσταντο. Λακεδαιμονίων μὲν οἵδε Πελοποννήσιοι μὲν [οἱ ἐντὸς Ἰσθμοῦ]

2. λόγια ἐλέγοντο ABEFm, Kr., CL, ShiL, Cr. : ἐλέγετο CG, Bekker, Sta., Herw. 4. κεκωλύσεσθαι Badham, Herw., but see Stahl, Quaest.

Gram. p. 12. 3. (ἐν) Reiske. Cr. alone,

The mas, reading is defended by Cl. and

EYTTPAOHZ

B.

1

πάντες πλὴν ᾿Αργείων καὶ ᾿Αχαιῶν (τούτοις δ΄ ἐς

ἀμφοτέρους φιλία v ἸΠελληνῆς δὲ ᾿Αχαιῶν μόνοι ξυνεπολέμουν τὸ πρῶτον, ἔπειτα δὲ ὕστερον καὶ ἅπαντες), ἔξω de Ἰ]Πελοπτοννήσον Μεγαρῆς, Φωκῆς, Aoxpoi, Βοιωτοί, ᾿Αμπρακιῶται, Λευκάδιοι, ᾿Ανακ-

τόριοι. τούτων ναυκτικὸν παρείχοντο Κορίνθιοι, 3 Μεγαρῆς, Σικυώνιοι, Πελληνῆς, 'HAeto, ᾿Αμπρακιῶται,

Λευκάδιοι,

Δοκροί,

αἱ

ó

ἱππέας

ἄλλαι

δὲ

πόλεις

αὕτη Λακεδαιμονίων ξυμμαχία᾽

Βοιωτοί,

πεζόν

Φωκῆς,

[παρεῖχον].

᾿Αθηναίων δὲ Xior, 4

Λέσβιοι, Πλαταιῆς, Μεσσήνιοι οἱ ἐν Ναυπάκτῳ, ᾿Ακαρνάνων οἱ πλείους, Κερκυραῖοι, Ζακύνθιοι, καὶ ἄλλαι πόλεις αἱ ὑποτελεῖς οὖσαι ἐν ἔθνεσι τοσοῖσδε, Καρία ἡ ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ. Δωριῆς Καρσὶ πρόσοικοι, Ἰωνία, Ἑλλήσποντος, τὰ ἐπὶ Θράκης, νῆσοι ὅσαι ἐντὸς Πελοποννήσου

καὶ

Κρήτης

πρὸς ἥλιον avi-

σχοντα, πᾶσαι αἱ ἄλλαι [KuxAades] πλὴν Μήλον καὶ Θήρας. τούτων ναυκτικὸν παρείχοντο Χῖοι, 5 Λέσβιοι, Κερκυραῖοι, οἱ & ἄλλοι πεζὸν καὶ xpır ματα. ξυμμαχία μὲν αὕτη ἑκατέρων καὶ παρα- 6 σκευὴ ἐς τὸν πόλεμον ἣν.

10. Οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι μετὰ τὰ ἐν Πλαταιαῖς

εὐθὺς περιήγγελλον κατὰ τὴν Πελοπόννησον καὶ 9, 2. [οἱ ἐντὸς Ἰσθμοῦ] Ste. The words are a gloss on Πελοποννήσιοι. See note. 8. [παρεῖχον] Herbst, Cobet, Herw., Sta., Cr. 4 αὔτη Aax. kun.) So most use. ; but the early editions read αὕτη μὲν Aax., which C has. I suspect afr» ... t. See note. «--Κυκλάδε:)] Pp., and most subsequent edd.; Dobree, Herw., Sta., Cr., bracket πᾶσαι al ἄλλαι also.

12

OOYKYAIAOY

τὴν

ἔξω

ξυμμαχίδα

στρατιὰν

παρασκευάζεσθαι

ταῖς πόλεσι τά τε ἐπιτήδεια οἷα εἰκὸς ἐπὶ ἔξοδον

ἔκδημον

ἔχειν,

ὡς ἐσβαλοῦντες

ἐς τὴν ᾿Αττικήν.

2 ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἑκάστοις ἑτοῖμα γίγνοιτο, κατὰ τὸν χρόνον The Laosdasmo- τὸν eipnuévov ἔυνῃσαν ra δυο μέρη 4

atthe Isthmus 3xal

ἐπειδὴ

9

P

ἀχὸ πόλεως

^

a

ἀκαστῆς

πᾶν τὸ στράτευμα

r4

8

ἐς τὸν ἰσθμὸν. ξυνειλεγμένον

Fy,

᾿Αρχίδαμος ὁ βασιλεὺς τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων, ὅσπερ ἡγεῖτο τῆς ἐξόδου ταύτης, ξυγκαλέσας τοὺς στραArchidamushar- Τηγοὺς τῶν πόλεων πασῶν καὶ τοὺς angues the ofi=, φ ’ a 9 , cers. μαλιστα ev τέλει kat ἀξιολογωτατους

Fapyveı τοιάδε. | | 11. “"Avdpes Πελοποννήσιοι xai [of] ξύμμαχοι, Kal of πατέρες ἡμῶν πολλὰς στρατείας καὶ ἐν αὐτῃ Πελοποννήσῳ καὶ ἔξω ἐποιήσαντο, καὶ αὐτῶν ἡμῶν οἱ πρεσβύτεροι οὐκ ἄπειροι πολέμων εἰσίν. L Προοίμινν ὅμως δὲ τῆσδε οὕπω μείζονα παρα(8 1, 2) ἱκνPORTANOBOF TRB War

One

k

. OKEUHY 9

A

EKOVTES

N 0 ἐξήλ One»,

,

"

^

N 4 αλλα 9

xa

4

,

is to at- ἐπὶ πόλιν Cuvarwratny wy ἐρχόμεθα, another.

All Greece wish- Kai αὐτοὶ πλεῖστοι καὶ ἄριστοι OT paes us well. Re^ 1.7 = a member member, your Tevovres.es δίκαιον οὗν ἡμᾶς μήτε τῶν ᾿ Fenown. πατέρων χείρους φαίνεσθαι μήτε ἡμῶν αὐτῶν

τῆς

δόξης ἐνδεεστέρους.

πᾶσα

τῇδε τῇ ὁρμῇ

ἐπῆρται

ἡ

γὰρ

᾿Ἑλλὰς

καὶ προσέχει τὴν

10, 1. ξυμμαχίδα Cobet, for Mss. ξυμμαχίαν.

3. παρήνει τοιάδε, Sintenis and subsequent writers: vary between

Mss.

τοιάδ᾽ ἔλεξεν, τοιάδ' ἔλεξε, ἔλεξε τοιάδε, and all

have παρεῖναι for παρήνει. 11, 1, M88.

[ol] ξυμ. Cob., Herw., Ste.

οἱ is wanting in some

EYITPASHZ

B.

13

γνώμην, evvorav ἔχουσα διὰ τὸ ᾿Αθηναίων ἔχθος πράξαι nuas ἃ ἐπινοοῦμεν. Οὔκουν χρή, εἴ τῳ καὶ 3 δοκοῦμεν πλήθει ἐπιέναι καὶ ἀσφάλεια πολλὴ τίους

εἶναι μὴ ἂν ἐλθεῖν τοὺς ἐναν- 5)--ἔπννο ἡμῖν

διὰ

μάχης,

τούτου

ἕνεκα ment

points: is ποῖ.

ἀμελέστερόν τι παρεσκευασμένους Xu 2ne enemy peiv, ἀλλὰ καὶ πόλεως ἑκάστης ἡγεμόνα Peredod by Our καὶ στρατιώτην TO καθ᾽ avrov αἰεὶ “ck.

προσδέχεσθαι ἐς κίνδυνόν τινα ἥξειν. ἄδηλα yap, τὰ τῶν πολέμων καὶ ἐξ ὀλίγου τὰ πολλὰ καὶ di ὀργῆς αἱ ἐπιχειρήσεις γίγνονται, πολλάκις τε τὸ ὅλασσον πλῆθος [δεδιὸς ἄμεινον] ἠμύνατο τοὺς πλέονας διὰ τὸ καταφρονοῦντας ἀπαρασκεύους γενέσθαι. χρὴ δὲ αἰεὶ ἐν τῇ πολεμίᾳ τῇ μὲν γνώμῃς θαρσαλέους στρατεύειν, τῷ δὲ ἔργῳ €, δεδιότας παρα-

oxevalerOa:.

οὕτω γὰρ πρός Te τὸ ἐπιέναι τοῖς

ἐναντίοις εὐψυχότατοι ἂν εἶεν, πρός τε τὸ ἐπιχει. ρεῖσθαι ἀσφαλέστατοι.

ἡμεῖς δὲ οὐδ᾽ ἐπὶ ἀδύνατονς

4. [Seis ἄμεινον] ἄμεινον is bracketed by Dobree and Kr., while Ste. proposes to bracket both, as I have done.

To

defend ἄμεινον, Sta. notes ‘nos simul audimus 4 ol πλέονες rd ἔλασσον πλῆθοι,᾽ but there is no contrast here between a small

force repelling a large one and a large force repelling e small one: nor are the precautions taken by the small force contrasted with the carelessness of the large force; against which view of deis the words λογισμῷ ἐλάχιστα χρώμενοι below are

decisive.

δεδιὸς ἄμεινον is a note on the passage from πολλάκι:

to παρασκεύαζεσθαι. Cf. Aristoph. Av. 376, ἀλλ᾽ ἀπ᾽ ἐχθρῶν δῆτα πολλὰ μανθάνουσιν ol σοφοί "ἡ yàp εὐλάβεια σῳζει πάντα.

Suid. s.v. φόβοι, ὁ βουλόμενος σοφὸε εἶναι ἀπ᾽ εὐλαβείας ἄρχεται. 5. παρεσκενάσθαι, C and the early editions, Sta., Ste. Other Mas. and edd., παρασκευάζεσθαι.

14

OOYKYAIAOY

ἀμύνεσθαι οὕτω πόλιν ἐρχόμεθα, ἁλλὰ τοῖς πᾶσιν

ἄριστα παρεσκευασμένην, wore χρὴ καὶ πάνυ ἐλπί(ew διὰ μάχης ἰέναι αὐτούς, εἰ μὴ καὶ νῦν ὥρμηνται

ἐν $ οὕπω πάρεσμεν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅταν ἐν τῇ yp ὁρῶσιν 7 ἡμᾶς

jpovvrás. τε kai τἀκείνων φθείροντας.

πάσι

γὰρ ἐν τοῖς ὄμμασι καὶ ἐν TQ παραυτίκα ὁρᾶν πασχοντάς τι ἄηθες ὀργὴ προσπίπτει, καὶ [oi] λογισμῷ ἐλάχιστα χρώμενοι θυμῷ πλεῖστα ἐς ἔργον καθίστανται. ᾿Αθηναίους δὲ καὶ πλέον τι τῶν ἄλλων εἰκὸς τοῦτο δρᾶσαι, oi ἄρχειν τε τῶν ἄλλων ἀξιοῦσι καὶ ἐπιόντες τὴν τῶν πέλας Öpouv

9 ΠΙ.

Ἐτίλσγοι μάλλον 5? τὴν ἑαυτῶν ὁράν. “Os οὖν (89. Therefore ἐπὶ τοσαύτην πόλιν στρατεύοντες καὶ atrict discipline

and prompt obe- μεγίστην δόξαν οἰσόμενοι τοῖς TE ?rpoare A @) γόνοις καὶ ὑμῖν αὐτοῖς er ἀμφότερα ?

mecneed, te

ἐκ

,

9

?

^

τῶν ἀποβαινόντων,

ἕπεσθε

ὅπῃ

unsullied. ἄν τις ἡγῆται κόσμον καὶ φυλακὴν περὶ παντὸς ποιούμενοι καὶ τὰ παραγγελλόμενα ὀξέως δεχόμενοι κάλλιστον γὰρ τόδε καὶ ἀσφαλέστατον

πολλοὺς

ὄντας

Evi

κόσμῳ

χρωμένους

φαίνεσθαι." 12. Τοσαῦτα εἰπὼν καὶ διαλύσας τὸν ξύλλογον o> ᾿Αρχίδ Ἀρχίδαμος

Μελή MeAnoirrov

* wpwrov

; AA ἀποστέλλει

7. πᾶσι γὰρ x.r.).] Usener brackets ἐν τοῖς ὄμμασι xal, Badham reads wis γὰρ ἐν rois ὄμμασι xal dv τῷ ταραυτίκα πάσχων vis τι ἀηθὲς ὀργῇ προσπίπτει. Ste. proposes πράσσοντάς τι and ἐν τῷ τοῖς ὄμμασι x... In.Stud. Thuc. Herw. suggests ἐν τοῖς (ἐν) ὄμμασι, comparing Plat. Theact. 1740, περὶ τῶν ἐν ὀφθαλ-

pots διαλέγεσθαι. ---καὶ οἱ λογισμῷ) Usener and Herw. bracket οἱ. θυμῷ πλεῖστα may possibly be a gloss on λογισμῷ ἐλάχιστα. But Galen quotes the passage as in text.

NKYTTPASHZ

B.

16

es τὰς ᾿Αθήνας τὸν Ataxpirou ἄνδρα Σπαρτιάτην,

εἴ τι ἄρα μᾶλλον ἐνδοῖεν οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι 1rehidamns et. ὁρῶντες ἤδη σφᾶς ἐν ὁδῷ ὄντας. οἱ up to nego 4 δὲ οὐ προσεδέξαντο αὐτὸν ἐς τὴν Mods Bere πόλιν οὐδ᾽ ἐπὶ τὸ κοινόν ἣν yap "^ Περικλέους γνώμη πρότερον νενικηκυΐα κήρυκα καὶ πρεσβείαν μὴ προσδέχεσθαι Λακεδαιμονίων ἐξεστρατευμένων ἀποπέμπουσιν οὖν αὐτὸν piv ἀκοῦσαι καὶ ἐκέλευον ἐκτὸς ὅρων εἶναι αὐθημερόν, τό τε λοιπὸν ἀναχωρήσαντας ἐπὶ τὰ σφέτερα αὐτῶν,

fv

τι

βούλωνται,

πρεσβεύεσθαι.

ἔξυμ-

πέμπουσί τε τῷ Μελησίἥπῳ ἀγωγούς, ὅπως undevi. ξυγγένητα. ὁ δὲ ἐπειδὴ ἐπὶ τοῖς ὁρίοις 3 ἐγένετο καὶ ἔμελλε διαλύσεσθαι, τοσόνδε εἰπὼν ἐπορεύετο ὅτι ""Hée ἡ ἡμέρα τοῖς "Ἑλλησι με-

γάλων κακῶν ἄρξει."

ὡς δὲ ἀφίκετο ἐς τὸ στρα- 4

τόπεδον καὶ ἔγνω ὁ ᾿Αῤχίδαμος ὅτι οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι οὐδέν πω ἐνδωσείουσιν, οὕτω δὴ ἄρας τῷ στρατῷ προυχώρει ἐς τὴν γῆν αὐτῶν. Βοιωτοὶ δὲ μέροςς μὲν τὸ σφέτερον καὶ τοὺς ἱππέας παρείχοντο Πελοποννησίοις ξυστρατεύειν, τοῖς δὲ λειπομένοις ἐς Πλάταιαν ἐλθόντες τὴν γῆν eönow.

13. "Er: δὲ τῶν Πελοποννησίων ξυλλεγομένων τε ἐς τὸν ἰσθμὸν καὶ ἐν ὁδῷ ὄντων, πρὶν ἐσβαλεῖν

18,1. Διακρίτου] Οἱ. Andoo. i 52,67. Cobet proposed Aaxpirov. | 4. ἐνδωσείουσιν, E correction approved by Dindorf in Steph. Thes, s.v. ἀπαλλαξείω and adopted by CL, Herw., Cr., Ste. Rest ἐνδώσουσιν. 18, 1. τρὶν ἐσβαλεῖν és γὴν 'A. bracketed by Cobet and Herw.—p4 πολλάκις 4 αὐτὸν x.r.\. Badbam inserted f» before

16

OOYKYAIAOY

es τὴν ᾿Αττικήν,

Περικλῆς a

A

ὁ avTov,

3

0

στρα-

[4

9

’

φ

Pericles, before THYOS ὧν Αθηναίων δέκατος αὐτοῦ, ὡς viees the Athenτὴν ἐσβολὴν ἐσομένην, vToTo-

EE an, ὅτι A into tbe city, ὧν ἐτύγχανε, μὴ fans

ἰδίᾳ

to remove

9

βουλόμενος

παραλίπῃ

καὶ

αὐτῷ4 αὐτὸς oss

e

9

^

[4

πολλάκις

χαρίζεσθαι τοὺς ἀγροὺς αὐτοῦ μὴ

διῃώσῃ,

à καὶ

Λακεδαιμονίων

κελευσάντων ἐπὶ διαβολῇ τῇ ἑαυτοῦ γένηται τοῦτο, [ὥσπερ καὶ τὰ Gyn ἐλαύνειν προεῖπον ἕνεκα ἐκείνου) προηγόρευε τοῖς ᾿Αθηναίοις ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ ὅτι ᾿Αρχίδαμος μέν οἱ ξένος εἴη, οὐ μέντοι ἐπὶ κακῷ γε τῆς πόλεως γένοιτο, τοὺς Ó ἀγροὺς τοὺς

ἑαυτοῦ

καὶ

οἰκίας

ἣν dpa

μὴ

δῃώσωσιν

οἱ

πολέμιοι ὥσπερ καὶ τὰ τῶν ἄλλων, ἀφίησιν αὐτὰ δημόσια εἶναι καὶ μηδεμίαν οἱ ὑποψίαν κατὰ ταῦτα

a γίγνεσθαι.

παρήνει

δὲ καὶ περὶ τῶν παρόντων

and encourages ὅτερ καὶ πρότερον, παρασκευαζεσθαί

them by mu Te ὡς TOV πόλεμον καὶ τὰ resources.

ἐκ τῶν

ἀγρῶν erxouilerOat, ἔς Te μάχην un

ἐπεξιέναι, ἀλλὰ τὴν πόλιν ἐσελθόντας φυλάσσειν, καὶ τὸ ναυτικόν, ἥπερ ἰσχύουσιν, ἐξαρτύεσθαι, τά τε τῶν ξυμμάχων διὰ χειρὸς ἔχειν, λέγων τὴν ἰσχὺν αὐτοῖς ἀπὸ τούτων εἶναι τῶν χρημάτων τῆς 4 and Herw. follows, placing a comma after κελευσάντων. --καὶ μὴ δηώσῃ, Cobet and Herw. doubt these words. —éavro$. The mss. vary between αὐτοῦ and ῥαυτοῦ.---[ὥσπερ ... ἐκείνου)

bracketed by Valckenaer, as an interpolation from i. 126. Cobet, V. L. p. 437, points out that Thuc. would have written rd d-yos. 9. τῶν χρημάτων τῆς wp., bracketed by Herw.

EYITPAOHZ

B.

17

προσόδου, τὰ δὲ πολλὰ τοῦ πολέμον γνώμῃ xai χρημάτων περιουσίᾳ κρατεῖσθαι. θαρσεῖν τε 3 ἐκέ deve προσιόντων μὲν ἑξακοσίων He details the ταλάντων ὡς ἐπὶ τὸ πολὺ φόρου κατ᾽ “mount of re ἐνιαυτὸν ἀπὸ τῶν ξυμμάχων τῇ πόλει "7

ἄνευ τῆς ἄλλης προσόδου, ὑπαρχόντων de ev τῇ ἀκροπόλει ἔτι τότε ἀργυρίου ἐπισήμου ἑξακισχισλίων ταλάντων (τὰ γὰρ πλεῖστα τριακοσίων ἀποδέοντα μύρια ἐγένετο, ad ὧν ἔς τε τὰ προπύλαια »

^

[4

τῆς ἀκροπόλεως

e

καὶ τἄλλα

,

1

οἰκοδομήματα

9

e^

καὶ ἐς

Ποτείδαιαν ἀπανηλώθη), χωρὶς δὲ χρυσίου ἀσήμον 4

καὶ ἀργυρίου ἕν τε ἀναθήμασιν ἰδίοις καὶ δημοσίοις καὶ ὅσα ἱερὰ σκεύη περί τε τὰς πομπὰς καὶ τοὺς 9

^

a

Μηδικὰ

ἢ’

οὐκ ἔλασσονίος ἣν] 4 πεντακοσίων Taἔτι δὲ καὶ τὰ ἐκ τῶν ἄλλων ἱερῶν 5

ὀλίγα,

εἴ

οἷς

τι

[d

τρόπον, λάντων.

χρήματα οὐκ

xai

4

καὶ

προσετίθει

σκῦλα

4

ἀγῶνας

τοιοντό-

χρήσεσθαι

αὐτούς, καὶ hv πάνυ ἐξείργωνται πάντων, καὶ αὐτῆς

τῆς θεοῦ τοῖς περικειμένοις χρυσίοις ἀπέφαινε δ᾽ ἔχον τὸ ἄγαλμα τεσσαράκοντα τάλαντα σταθμὸν χρυσίον ἀπέφθον καὶ περιαιρετὸν εἶναι ἅπαν. χρησαμένους τε ἐπὶ σωτηρίᾳ ἔφη χρῆναι μὴ ἐλάσσω ἀντικαταστῆσαι πάλιν. χρήμασι μὲν οὗν 6 Ψ οὕτως

ΦΔ *? ϑ ’ e 4 ἐθαρσυνεν αὑτοὺς, ὁπλίτας

/ de| τρισχιλίους

4. ἔλασσονίος ἦν] Dobree: Abresch bracketed f», Francken corrected ἐλάσσονοι. os ἦν is ὅσ᾽ ἦν, ie. ἦν is a gloss, now

misplaced, on ὅσα above. 6. ἑξακισχιλίων καὶ μυρίων) Beloch, followed by Ste., brackets καὶ μυρίων. As the metic hoplites amounted to 3000 (c. 81, 2), the πρεσβύτατοι xal νεώτατοι would amount to 13,000, a number

18

OOYKYAIAOY

καὶ μυρίους εἶναι ἄνευ τῶν ἐν τοῖς φρουρίοις καὶ He

gives the τῶν

f

aa

18,000

παρ᾽

ἔπαλξιν

boplites for ser- μυρίων.

ἑξακισχιλίων

καὶ

τοσοῦτοι γὰρ ἐφύλασσον τὸ

vice outside At-

tics,16,000 em. πρῶτον ὁπότε οἱ πολέμιοι ἐσβάλοιεν, Buty,1,00 c. ἀπό Te τῶν πρεσβυτάτων καὶ τῶν alry, ‚600 archγμεωτάτων kai μετοίκων [ὅσοι ὁπλῖται

ἡ ἦσαν] τοῦ Te γὰρ Φαληρικοῦ τείχους στάδιοι ἦσαν πέντε καὶ τριάκοντα πρὸς τὸν κύκλον τοῦ ἄστεως καὶ αὐτοῦ τοῦ κύκλου τὸ φυλασσόμενον τρεῖς καὶ Teccapdxovra' darı de αὐτοῦ ὃ καὶ ἀφύλακτον jv, τὸ μεταξὺ τοῦ τε μακροῦ καὶ τοῦ ^

a

e

Φαληρικοῦ.

9

^

a

τὰ δὲ μακρὰ τείχη πρὸς τὸν Πειραιά

τεσσαράκοντα 4

A

^

σταδίων, ὧν τὸ ^

1

,

ἔξωθεν ἐτηρεῖτο᾽ eA!

4

καὶ τοῦ lleipauoe ξὺν Μουνιχίᾳ ἑξήκοντα μὲν σταδίων ὁ ἅπας περίβολος, τὸ δὲ ἐν φυλακῇ ὃν ἥμισν

8 τούτου. ξὺν

ἱππέας δ᾽ ἀπέφαινε διακοσίους καὶ χιλίους

ἱπποτοξόταις,

ἑξακοσίους

The The mary gm τοξότας, καὶ τριήρεις 9 οἵ war.

τριακοσίας.

ναίοις καὶ

οὐκ ἐλάσσω

δὲ

καὶ

τὰς

χιλίους

πλοΐμους

ταῦτα yap ὑπῆρχεν ÀAOsἕκαστα τούτων ὅτε ἡ ἐσ-

βολὴ τὸ πρῶτον ἔμελλε Πελοποννησίων ἔσεσθαι καὶ ἐς Tov πόλεμον ἄλλα οἷάπερ εἰώθει M

,

καθίσταντο. ἔλεγε δε xat Περικλῆς ἐς ἀπόδειξιν τοῦ

A

,

περιέσεσθαι τῷ πολέμφ. far too large.

Sta.

4

14 οἱ δὲ ᾿Αθηναῖοι ἀκού-

It seems better to bracket ὅσοι... ἦσαν with

Cf. Diod. xii. 40:

Thus all the μέτοικοι capable of bear-

ing arms are included. 7. ἄστεως M, vulg.: perhaps C, Ist hand. Rest ἄστεοι. For the form, see Stahl, Quaest. Gram. p. 56. —uovrvxia M. 8. ἀπέφαινε) ἀπέφηνε, M

q

BEYTTPASHZ

B

19

σαντες ἀνεπείθοντό Te καὶ ἐσεκομίζοντο ἐκ τῶν ἀγρῶν παῖδας καὶ yuvaixas καὶ τὴν ἄλλην κατασκευὴν ἢ κατ᾽ οἶκον ἐχρῶντο, καὶ goweAthenians αὐτῶν τῶν οἰκιῶν καθαιροῦντες τὴν beeen to move £i πρόβατα δὲ καὶ ὑποζύγια ἐς Sy oer e

τὴν Εὔβοιαν διεπέμψαντο καὶ ἐς τὰς νήσους τὰς ἐπικειμένας. χαλεπῶς δὲ αὐτοῖς διὰ τὸ 2 αἰεὶ εἰωθέναι τοὺς πολλοὺς ἐν Toit p, tness ἀγροῖς διαιτᾶσθαι ἡ ἀνάστασις ἐγίγe move, vero. 16. ξυνεβεβήκει δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ waw ἀρχαίον ἑτέρων μᾶλλον ᾿Αθηναίοις τοῦτο. ἐπὶ γὰρ Κέκροτος καὶ τῶν πρώτων βασιλέων ἡ ᾿Αττικὴ ἐς Θησέα αἰεὶ κατὰ πόλεις φκεῖτο πρυτανεῖά τε ἐχούσας καὶ ἄρχοντας, καὶ ὁπότε μή τι δείσειαν, οὐ ξυνῇσαν βουλευσόμενοι ὡς τὸν βασιλέα, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτοὶ ἕκαστοι ἐπολιτεύοντο καὶ ἐβουλεύοντο᾽ καί τινες καὶ ἐπολέ-

μησᾶν

ποτε

αὐτῶν, ὥσπερ

καὶ 'EXevoino:

Εὐμόλπον πρὸς ᾿Ερεχθέα.

Θησεὺς a

ἐβασίλευσε, ^

4

ὃν

ἐπειδὴ δὲ because, though 2

γενόμενος 4

per’

,

μετὰ united Attica A

politically '

zu

TOU ξυνετοῦ καὶ δυνατὸς Ta Te ἄλλα the people stil διεκοσμησε τὴν χώραν καὶ καταλύσας in the old towns. τῶν ἄλλων πόλεων τά τε βουλευτήρια καὶ τὰς

ἀρχὰς ἐς τὴν νῦν πόλιν οὖσαν, ἕν βουλευτήριον ἀποδείξας καὶ πρυτανεῖον ξυνώκισε πάντας, καὶ νεμομένους τὰ αὑτῶν ἑκάστους ἅπερ καὶ πρὸ τοῦ

16, 1. συνεβεβήκει Μ.--ἐχούσας, corr, Cobet: ἔχουσα imas.,

in vain defended by Κτ.-- ἐυνίεσαν M. Q. Buexbsunge τὴν χώραν]

τὴν wii» M:

Sta. and Herw.

bracket τὴν χώραν, which CL rightly defenda,—£vróniee M. —vepopuévovs rà αὐτῶν M.

30

OOYKYAIAOY

ἠνάγκασε μιᾷ πόλει ταύτῃ χρῆσθαι, ἣ ἁπάντων ἤδη ξυντελούντων ἐς αὐτὴν μεγαλη γενομένη παρεφ

ἢ

e^

ὔ

^

«^

e

,

δόθη ὑπὸ Θησέως τοῖς ἔπειτα᾽ καὶ ξυνοίκια ἐξ ἐκείνου ᾿Αθηναῖοι ἔτι καὶ νῦν τῇ θεῳ ἑορτὴν δηφ

,

9

^

rd

a

nr

^

^e.

a

3 μοτελῇ ποιοῦσι. τὸ δὲ πρὸ τούτου ἡ ἀκρόπολις Digression on [7] νῦν οὖσα πόλις ἦν, xai TO ὑπ᾽ tion of Athen αὐτὴν πρὸς νότον μάλιστα τετραμ4 μένον.

τεκμήριον

δέ᾽

τὰ

γὰρ

ἱερὰ

ἐν αὐτῇ

[τῇ

ἀκροπόλει] ... καὶ ἄλλων θεῶν ἐστι καὶ τὰ ἔξω πρὸς τοῦτο τὸ μέρος τῆς πόλεως μᾶλλον ἵδρυται, TO

τε

[4

ToU

Atos

e

4

ToU

^

3

Ὀλυμπίου ,

καὶ

To

a

4

Πύθιον [4

καὶ TO τῆς Γῆς καὶ τὸ {τοῦ} ev Λίμναις Διονύσου, a

M

e^

^

Qa

4

^

9

,

8

e τὰ ἀρχαιότερα Διονύσια [τῇ δωδεκάτῃ) ποιεῖται ^

x

9

,

[4

^

9

^

ev μηνὶ ᾿Ανθεστηριῶνι, ὥσπερ καὶ of am ᾿Αθηναίων © Ἴωνες ἔτι καὶ νῦν νομίζουσιν. ἵδρυνται δὲ καὶ ἄλλα ἱερὰ ταύτῃ ἀρχαῖα. καὶ τῇ κρήνῃ τῇ νῦν μὲν τῶν ᾳ

Δ.

^

v

4

e

I

»

98

’

τυράννων οὕτω σκευασάντων ᾿Ἐννεακρούνῳ καλου3. [ἡ] bracketed by Herw., Ste.

4. ἐν αὐτῇ [τῇ ἀκροπόλει] ... καὶ ἄλλων θεῶν.

The bracket is

due to Cobet, the lacuna was discovered by CL Something like xa! ’Adnvalas τὰ ἀρχαῖα has dropped out.—{roü} inserted by Cobet.—[rj δωδεκάτῃ) bracketed by Torstrik and all subsequent writers. --- ἀπ᾿ ᾿Αθηναίων] dr’ ᾿Αθηνῶν Dobree and Herw., with Cobet's approval. D. οὕτως σκευασάντων M.—txelyn τε, C ; ἐκείνη τὲ M: the rest ἐκείνηι re, corrected by Bekker to ἐκεῖνοί re. —[Tà πλείστον

ἄξια] B has rà πλεῖστα ἄξια, from which Torstrik argues that Thuc. wrote rà πλεῖστα only. Ste. points out that the ordinary text does not provide any evidence in support of the state-

ment that the Acropolis was the oldest part of Athens, and proposes ὀγγὺς οὔσῃ ἐχρῶντο, καὶ ... ds ἄλλα rà πλείστου ἄξια τῶν

κιτιλ.

I think the words a gloss on ἄλλα.

EYTTPASOHZ

μένῃ, TO r

de

4

1

Καλλιρρόῃ

πάλαι

B.

φανερῶν

,

τῶν

^

ὠνομασμένῃ,

21

πηγῶν

^

ἐκεῖνοί

οὐσῶν

^

τε

Φ

ἐγγὺς

^

οὔσῃ

[τὰ πλείστου ἄξια] ἐχρῶντο, καὶ νῦν ἔτι ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀρχαίου πρό τε γαμικῶν καὶ ἐς ἄλλα τῶν ἱερῶν

νομίζεται τῷ ὕδατι χρῆσθαι.

καλεῖται δὲ διὰ τὴν 6

παλαιὰν ταύτῃ κατοίκησιν καὶ 5 ἀκρόπολις μέχρι τοῦδε ἔτι ὑπὸ ᾿Αθηναίων πόλις. 16. τῇ δ᾽ οὖν ἐπὶ πολὺ κατὰ τὴν χώραν αὐτονόμῳ οἰκήσει [uer-

εἶχον] οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι, καὶ ἐπειδὴ ξυνῳκίσθησαν, διὰ τὸ

ἔθος

ἐν τοῖς

ἀγροῖς

ὅμως

οἱ

πλείους

τῶν

ἀρχαίων καὶ τῶν ὕστερον μέχρι τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου πανοικεσίᾳ γενόμενοί τε καὶ οἰκήσαντες, οὐ ῥᾳδίως τὰς μεταναστάσεις ἐποιοῦντο, ἄλλως τε καὶ ἄρτι 4

,

aveAnpores

4

Tas

N

κατασκευὰς

peru

.

τὰ

EE

Νιηδικα

᾿͵

eBapuvovro de καὶ χαλεπῶς ἔφερον οἰκίας Tea καταλείποντες καὶ ἱερὰ ἃ Sta παντὸς ἣν αὐτοῖς φ

rd

a

4

^

9

*

?

10, 1. τῇ 8’ οὖν) msn. τῆι re οὖν, which CL corrected, following Kr. and ShiL, aud followed by Sta, Herw.—[wereixor]

bracketed by Cl., following Driessen. Shil. proposes τὴν δ᾽ οὖν ... αὐτόνομον οἴκησιν Er’ εἶχον. Weil suspects a lacuna such as ἱτρὶν ἢ τῆς wodews wdvres} μετεῖχον. Cr. thinks μετεῖχον the remnant of a gloss of some length. ---πανοικεσίαι M. From οἰκέτης, cf. ὑπηρεσία from ὑπηρέτης Most mas. πανοικησίᾳ. Sta. places this word after ov ῥᾳδίως, since γενόμενοι ἐν can

only mean here ‘ having been born in,’ and πανοικεσίᾳ, * with their whole household,’ will not suit this meaning. Herw. Stud. T'huc. p. 25, suggests διαγενόμενοι = degentes. See note. —(re xal oix*jcarres] Herw. | 2, καταλείποντες only I: the rest καταλιπόντες. Badham and Shil. corrected independently.—[xarà] rd ἀρχαῖον, Herw. (nem. 1883). Cf. c. 99, 3; tv. 8,2; v. 80,2; νι. 3,1, 4, 6

But sec note. ---αὐτοῦ M.

22

BOYKYAIAOY

ἐκ τῆς κατὰ TO ἀρχαῖον πολιτείας πάτρια, array Te

μέλλοντες

μεταβάλλειν

καὶ

οὐδὲν

πόλιν τὴν αὑτοῦ ἀπολείπων ἕκαστος.

ἄλλο

ὃ

17. ἐπειδή

Dittoultyot ind. Te ἀφίκοντο es TO ἄστυ, ὀλίγοῖς μέν somany persons. TIOIW ὑπῆρχον οἰκήσεις καὶ παρὰ φίThe city could N 4 not contain all. Amy Tivas 5 οἰκείων καταφνγή, οἱ δὲ, πολλοὶ

Ta τε ἐρῆμα τῆς πόλεως ᾧκησαν καὶ τὰ

ἱερὰ καὶ τὰ ἡρῷα

πάντα

πλὴν τῆς ἀκροπόλεως

καὶ τοῦ ᾿Ελευσινίου καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο βεβαίως κλῃστὸν

ἣν

τό τε ἸΠελαργικὸν καλούμενον τὸ ὑπὸ τὴν

ἀκρόπολιν,

ὃ καὶ ἐπάρατόν

τι καὶ Πυθικοῦ μαντείον διεκώλνε, λέγον ὡς

τε ἣν μὴ

οἰκεῖν καί

ἀκροτελεύτιον

τοιόνδε

τὸ Πελαργικὸν ἀργὸν ἄμεινον,

4 ὅμως ὑπὸ τῆς παραχρῆμα ἀνάγκης ἐξῳκήθη. καὶ μοι δοκεῖ τὸ μαντεῖον τοὐναντίον ξυμβῆναι ἣ προσεδέχοντο᾽ οὐ γὰρ διὰ τὴν παράνομον ἐνοίκησιν αἱ

ξυμφοραὶ γενέσθαι τῇ πόλει, ἀλλὰ διὰ τὸν πόλεμον ἡ ἀνάγκη

τῆς οἰκήσεως, ὃν οὐκ ὀνομάζον τὸ

μαντεῖον προΐδει μὴ ex ἀγαθῷ ποτε αὐτὸ κατοι3 κισθησόμενον. κατεσκευάσαντο δὲ καὶ ἐν τοῖς πύργοις τῶν τειχῶν πολλοὶ καὶ ὡς ἕκαστος wou ἐδύvaTO' οὐ γὰρ ἐχώρησε ξυνελθόντας αὐτοὺς ἡ πόλις, ἀλλ᾽ ὕστερον δὴ τά τε μακρὰ τείχη ᾧκησαν κατα4 νειμάμενοι καὶ τοῦ Πειραιῶς τὰ πολλάς. καὶ τῶν

πρὸς τὸν

πόλεμον

ἥπτοντο,

17, 1. dancer Μ.---κλειστὸν Μ.---πελασγικν

reading is preserved only by C. 2. προηδει M. Cobet proposed προῦδε. 3. year) ὄκισαν MT.

ἅμα de ξυμμάχους

M.

The true

EYTTPAOHZ

B.

23

Te ayeipovres καὶ τῇ Πελοποννήσῳ ἑκατὸν νεῶν ἐπίπλουν ἐξαρτύοντες. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐν τούτῳ παρασκευῆς

ἧσαν.

18. 'O δὲ στρατὸς τῶν Πελοποννησίων προϊὼν ἀφίκετο τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς ἐς Οἰνόην πρῶ- irehitamus be τον, ἥπερ ἔμελλον ἐσβαλεῖν.

ἐκαθέζοντο, ζοντο

τῷ

προσβολὰς τείχει

καὶ ὡς

laying siege

waperxeva- fo. veils

ποιησόμενοι

delays

μῆχα- there hoping the

vais Tt καὶ ἄλλῳ τρόπῳ᾽ ἡ yap Οἰνόη vd to, 2 ovea

ἐν μεθορίοις

τῆς

᾿Αττικῆς

kal posl Hiscne-

Βοιωτίας ἐτετείχιστο kai αὐτῷ φρου- construction on

ρίῳ οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι ἐχρῶντο ὁπότε πολέ-

SY:

μον καταλάβοι. τάς τε οὖν προσβολὰς ηὐτρετίζοντο καὶ ἄλλως ἐνδιέτριψαν χρόνον περὶ αὐτήν. αἰτίαν τε οὐκ ἐλαχίστην ᾿Αρχίδαμος ἔλαβεν ax’ 3 αὐτοῦ, δοκῶν καὶ ἐν τῇ ξυναγωγῃ τοῦ πολέμου μαλακὸς

εἶναι

καὶ

τοῖς

᾿Αθηναίοις

ἐπιτήδειος,

οὐ

παραινῶν προθύμως πολεμεῖν ἐπειδή τε ξυνελέyero ὁ στρατός, ἡ Te ἐν τῷ ἰσθμῷ ἐπιμονὴ γενομένη καὶ κατὰ

τὴν ἄλλην

πορείαν ἡ σχολαιότης

διέβαλεν αὐτόν, μάλιστα δὲ ἡ ἐν τῇ Οἰνόῃ ἐπίσχεσις. οἱ γὰρ ᾿Αθηναῖοι ἐσεκομίζοντο ἐν τῷ 4

χρόνῳ τούτῳ καὶ ἐδόκουν οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι ἐπελθόντες ἂν διὰ τάχους πάντα ἔτι ἔξω καταλαβεῖν, εἰ μὴ διὰ τὴν ἐκείνου μέλλησιν.

ἐν τοιαύτῃ μὲνς

Opyn ὁ στρατὸς τὸν ᾿Αρχίδαμον ἐν τῇ καθέδρᾳ εἶχεν.

ὁ

δέ,

προσδεχόμενος,

ὡς

λέγεται,

τοὺς

18, 2. αὐτῶι τῶι φρουρίωιM. So T, omitting subscript. 5. ὁ erparós ... εἶχον Dobree, who compares o. 32, ἀνηρέϑιστο $ vs καὶ ... εἶχον.

24

OeOYKYAIAOY

᾿Αθηναίους

τῆς

γῆς

ἔτι

axepaiov

οὔσης

ἐνδώσειν

τι καὶ κατοκνήσειν περιιδεῖν αὐτὴν τμηθεῖσαν, ἀνεῖχεν. 19. ἐπειδὴ μέντοι προσβαλόντες τῇ As the Athen. Οἰνόη καὶ πᾶσαν ἰδέαν πειράσαντες sign, «bd Oenoe οὐκ ἐδύναντο ἑλεῖν, of τε ᾿Αθηναῖοι tack with suc- Οὐδὲν ἐπεκηρυκεύοντο, οὕτω δὴ ὁρμή-

in the direction σαντες ἀπ᾿ αὐτῆς μετὰ τὰ ev Πλαταίᾳ ing the country. [τῶν ἐσελθόντων Θηβαίων) γενόμενα ἡμέρᾳ ὀγδοηκοστῇ μάλιστα τοῦ θέρους καὶ τοῦ

σίτον

ἀκμάζοντος

ἐσέβαλον

ἐς τὴν

᾿Αττικήν

ἡγεῖτο δὲ ᾿Αρχίδαμος ὁ Ζευξιδάμου Λακεδαιμο2 νίων βασιλεύς. καὶ καθεζόμενοι ἔτεμνον πρῶτον

μὰν ᾿Ελευσῖνα καὶ τὸ Θριάσιον πεδίον, καὶ τροπήν τινα τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων ἱππέων περὶ τοὺς ‘Petrous καλουμένους ἐποιήσαντο. ἔπειτα προυχώρουν ἐν darem

hing

defta

ἔχοντες

τὸ

Αἰγάλεων

ὄρος

διὰ

o. lingered, Kpwrias ἕως ἀφίκοντο ες Axapvasl, yoke the Athen: χῶρον

Μμεγισῖον

Tit

Αττικῆς

τῶν

gagement. δήμων καλουμένων) καὶ καθεζόμενοι [es αὐτὸν] στρατόπεδόν τε ἐποιήσαντο χρόνον τε 10, 1. τλαταία Μ.--[τῶν ... Θηβαίων] bracketed by ΟἹ. and subsequent

οἱὰ. -- ἡγεῖτο δὲ ὁ ἀρχίδαμοι M.

Herw. brackets

ἡγεῖτο ... βασιλεύς, but perhaps Sta. and Ste. are right in thinking c. 18, § 3.5, a subsequent addition by Thuc. to the original narrative, so that he repeats these words inadvertently. 2. diaxpwriis MT. Most mss. wrongly give Kpwreias.— [χῶρον .. καλουμένων) I have bracketed these words (Class. Rev. iv. p. 205) as an obvious adscript; so also (és αὐτὸν) The

mas. vary between χῶρον and χωρίον, and the old editors have αὐτὸ for αὐτὸν.

MT have xal καθεζόμενοί re és αὐτὸν.

ZYTTPA®SHZ

B.

25

πολὺν ἐμμείναντες ἔτεμνον. 20. γνώμῃ de τοιᾷδε λέγεται τὸν ᾿Αρχίδαμον περί τε τὰς ᾿Αχαρνὰς [ὡς ἐς μάχην ταξάμενον] μεῖναι καὶ ἐς τὸ πεδίον φ a 9 ~ ^ e ἐκείνῃ τῇe ἐσβολῃ οὐ 9 καταβῆναι τοὺς4 γὰρ4 3 ᾿Αθη- 2 ναίους ἤλπιζεν ἀκμάζοντας τε νεότητι πολλῇ καὶ παρεσκευασμένους ἐς πόλεμον ὡς οὕπω πρότερον 9 a 4 4 ^ 9 ^ tows ἂν ἐπεξελθεῖν καὶ τὴν γῆν οὐκ ἂν περιιδεῖν τμηθῆναι. ἐπειδὴ οὖν αὐτῷ ἐς ᾿Ελευσῖνα καὶ τὸ 3 Θριάσιον πεδίον οὐκ ἀπήντησαν, πεῖραν ἐποιεῖτο

#

κερὶ

τὰς

᾿Αχαρνὰς

μὲν γὰρ αὐτῷ

καθήμενος

ὁ χῶρος

στρατοπεδεῦσαι,

ἅμα

εἰ ἐπεξίασιν᾽

ἐπιτήδειος

δὲ καὶ

ἅμα 4

ἐφαίνετο ἐν-

οἱ ᾿Αχαρνῆς μέγα

μέρος ὄντες τῆς πόλεως (τρισχίλιοι γὰρ ὁπλῖται

ἐγένοντο)

οὐ περιόψεσθαι

διαφθαρέντα,

μάχην.

ἀλλ᾽

ὁρμήσειν

ἐδόκουν τὰ σφέτερα καὶ τοὺς

πάντας

ἐς

εἴ τε καὶ μὴ ἐπεξέλθοιεν ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἐσ-

βολῇ οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖος ιἀδεέστερον ἤδη ἐς τὸ ὕστερον τὸ πεδίον τεμεῖν καὶ πρὸς αὐτὴν τὴν πόλιν χωρή-

σεσθαι' τοὺς γὰρ ᾿Αχαρνέας ἐστερημένους τῶν σφετέρων οὐχ ὁμοίως προθύμους ἔσεσθαι ὑπὲρ τῆς τῶν

ἄλλων

κινδυνεύειν,

στάσιν

τῇ γνώμῃ. τοιαύτῃ μὲν διανοίᾳ περὶ τὰς ᾿Αχαρνὰς jv.

δὲ ἐνέσεσθαι

ὁ ᾿Αρχίδαμος ς

20, 1. [ὡς ... ταξάμενον] bracketed by Sta.: the words are inconsistent with c. 19, 2, and 20, 4. 2. παρασκενασμένον: MT. 4. dxapyfs M, dxapveis T, áxapeps Α.---τρισχίλιο. The

number being impossibly large, Mül.-Str. proposed τριακόσιοι (T' for ‚T), which Beloch considers too small.

ὁπλῖται to πολίτα. epurious.

Polle emends

Perhaps the words in parenthesis are

Intr. p. xliv.—[rp γνώμῃ] Herw.

26

OOYKYAIAOY

21. ᾿Αθηναῖοι δέ, μέχρι μὲν οὗ περὶ 'EXevciva καὶ τὸ Θριάσιον πεδίον ὁ στρατὸς ἣν, καί τινα ἐλπίδα εἶχον ἐς τὸ ἐγγυτέρω αὐτοὺς μὴ προϊέναι, μεμνημένοι

καὶ

Πλειστοάνακτα

τὸν

Παυσανίου

Λακεδαιμονίων βασιλέα ὅτε ἐσβαλὼν τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς

ἐς ᾿Ελευσῖνα καὶ Θριῶζε στρατῷ Πελοποννησίων πρὸ τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου τέσσαρσι καὶ δέκα ἔτεσιν ἀνεχώρησε

πάλιν ἐς τὸ πλεῖον οὐκέτι

προελθών"

διὸ δὴ καὶ ἡ φυγὴ αὐτῷ ἐγένετο ex Lapras δόξαντι χρήμασι πεισθῆναι [τὴν ἀναχώρησιν] 1 ἐπειδὴ δὲ περὶ ᾿Αχαρνὰς εἶδον τὸν στρατὸν ἐξήAların in athens, KOVTG σταδίους τῆς πόλεως ἀπέχοντα, einst sie, οὐκέτι OU ἀνασχιτὸν ἐποιοῦντο, ἀλλ᾽ becausehedid

aurois ὡς εἰκὸς γῆς τεμνομένης ἐν τῷ

damus. ἐμφανεῖ, ὃ οὕπω €opaxecay οἷ ye νεώτεροι, ovd οἱ πρεσβύτεροι πλὴν τὰ Μηδικά, δεινὸν ἐφαίνετο

καὶ

ἐδόκει τοῖς τε ἄλλοις

καὶ μάλιστα

3 Τῇ νεότητι ἐπεξιέναι καὶ μὴ περιορᾶν. κατὰ Évστάσεις τε γιγνόμενοι ἐν πολλῇ ἔριδι ἦσαν, οἱ μὲν κελεύοντες ἐξιέναι, οἱ δέ τινες οὐκ ἐῶντες.

χρησμολόγοι

τε ἧδον

χρησμοὺς

ἀκροᾶσθαι ἕκαστος ὥρμητο.

παντοίους, ὡς

of τε ᾿Αχαρνῆφ οἷό-

81, 1. μέχρι μὲν οὖν BFM.—0píejv AM. On the accent, see Stahl, Quaest. Gram. Ὁ. 34.—oóx ἔτι ΑΜ. --ἰ τὴν ἀναχώρησιν)

bracketed by Herw. and Sta. πείθεσθαι has not elsewhere a substantive in aoc., and the words have been imported from the Schol.’s explanation of χρήμασι πεισθῆναι, vis., μετὰ sreidoit χρημάτων ποιῆσαι The ἀναχώρησιν. Cobet inserts ποιεῖσϑαι before

rip ἀναχώρησιν. 9. οὐδ᾽ ol ... Μηδικά bracketed by σεν. 3. ὧν ἀκροᾶσθαι ἕκαστοι M : ὧν d. wt (xacros CG.

The cor-

MYTTPAPHS

B.

27

μενοι παρὰ σφίσιν αὐτοῖς οὐκ ἐλαχίστην μοῖραν εἶναι ᾿Αθηναίων, ὡς αὐτῶν ἡ γῆ ἐτέμνετο, ἐνῆγον

τὴν ἔξοδον μάλιστα παντί τε τρόπῳ ἀνηρέθιστο ἡ πόλις καὶ τὸν Περικλέα ἐν opyn εἶχον, καὶ ὧν παρήνεσε πρότερον ἐμέμνηντο οὐδέν, ἀλλ’ » ? 4 φ 9 0 Ψ r] ἐκάκιζον ὅτι στρατηγὸς ὧν οὐκ ἐπεξαγοι, arriov τε σφίσιν ἐνόμιζον παντῶν ὧν ἔπασχον. *»

/

0

^

22. Ilep-

Ψ

κλῆς δὲ ὁρῶν μὲν αὐτοὺς πρὸς τὸ παρὸν χαλε-

παίνοντας γοῦντας,

καὶ οὐ τὰ πιστεύων

δὲ

ἄριστα ὀρθῶς

φρο- parioles remains γιγνώ-

ar Parties

of

oxety περὶ τοῦ un ἐπεξιέναι, ἐκκλησίαν {nralry check to

Te οὐκ ἐποίει αὐτῶν οὐδὲ ξύλλογον “SE οὐδένα, τοῦ μὴ Opyn τε μᾶλλον ἣ γνώμῃ ξυνελθόντας

ἐξαμαρτεῖν, τήν

τε πόλιν

ἐφύλασσε

καὶ

δ᾽ ἡσυχίας μάλιστα ὅσον ἐδύνατο εἶχεν. ἱππέας 2 uevros ἐξέπεμπεν αἰεὶ τοῦ μὴ WPO- τω Themalians δρόμους ἀπο τῆς φ

τῆς

πόλεως

4

~

γίοις τῶν τε ^

^

κακουργεῖν᾽

μαχία τις ἐγένετο ,

στρατιᾶς

,

καὶ

ἐσπίτ- Atbens, and tn & ?

5

The

t

id

t

ἵππο- and thet lies

βραχεῖα ἐν Dpv- "* 4

^

e

,

e , , ᾿Αθηναίων τέλει evi τῶν imreov xat

1

rection is Badham's. ὧν d. εἷς ἕκαστο: Sta., Cr.—For ὥργητο, CEG have ὥρμητο, which Shil. was inclined to, and Sta. has

accepted. Tense and form are against Gpyyro. Gpya.—dxaprhs M. ---ὧν παρήνεσε M.

Herw. reads

28, 1. [περὶ τοῦ μὴ ἐπεξιέναι Horw.

2. This $ is quoted by Dion. Hal.de Tuc. Jud. c. 18.— éwirrovpras Dion. —Bessalol καὶ ᾿Αθηναῖοι Dion. —irronaxia ris éveyéveroM. The best mas. havedr ἕνετο, but EG, Dion., and the old editions give ἐγένετο. ---ἔσχον] ἔχειν MT.—[rà» O. καὶ

'A.] Herw.—x«aíro: ol IIeX. Herw.

28

OOYKYAIAOY

Θεσσαλοῖς uer αὐτῶν πρὸς τοὺς Βοιωτῶν ἱππέας, ἐν jj οὐκ ἔλασσον ἔσχον οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι καὶ Θεσσαλοί, μέχρι οὗ προσβοηθησάντων τοῖς Βοιωτοῖς τῶν ὁπλιτῶν τροπὴ ἐγένετο αὐτῶν καὶ ἀπέθανον [τῶν Θεσσαλῶν

καὶ ᾿Αθηναίων]

οὐ

πολλοί᾽

μέντοι αὐτοὺς αὐθημερὸν ἀσπόνδους.

ἀνείλοντο

καὶ οἱ IleXo-

4 ποννήσιοι τροπαῖον τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ ἔστησαν. ἡ δὲ βοήθεια αὕτη τῶν Θεσσαλῶν κατὰ τὸ παλαιὸν ξυμμαχικὸν ἐγένετο τοῖς ᾿Αθηναίοις καὶ ἀφίκοντο wap αὐτοὺς Λαρισαῖοι, Φαρσάλιοι, [Παρασιοι,] Κραννώνιοι, Πυρασιοι, Γνρτώνιοι, Pepaio. ἡγοῦν-

το δὲ αὐτῶν ἐκ μὲν Λαρίσης Πολυμήδης καὶ ᾿Αριστόνους, ἀπὸ τῆς στάσεως ἑκάτερος, ex δὲ Φαρσάλου Μένων ἦσαν δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων κατὰ πόλεις ἄρχοντες.

23. Οἱ δὲ Πελοποννήσιοι, ἐπειδὴ οὐκ ἐπεξῇσαν Fieetof 100 chips αὐτοῖς οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι ἐς μάχην, ἄραντες

gent out DY ex τῶν ᾿Αχαρνῶν ἐδήουν τῶν δήμων descents on the σινὰς ἄλλους τῶν μεταξὺ Πάρνηθος „pm aus xat Βριλησσοῦ ὄρους. ὄντων δὲ αὐτῶν Attice. ev τῇ Yn οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι ἀπέστειλαν τὰς ἑκατὸν ναῦς περὶ Πελοπόννησον ἅσπερ παρε3. [Παράσιοι]) ἃ variant of Πυράσιοι. No such tribe is known. Παγασαῖοι Sta. —xparrusıo, πειράσιοι M. Stahl, Quaest. Gram.

p. 51, is in error in stating that only Lugd. has κραννώνιοι, the true reading. The rest κρανώνιοι. --- ἀπὸ τῆς arácews ἑκάτεροι) CL: ἑκατέρας for ἑκάτερος Herw., Sta., proposed by Pp. If the text needed alteration, either λαχὼν

for ἀπὸ or τοῦ μέρους for

τῆς στάσεως (the Schol. having caused the substitution) would be suitable.

28. 1. ταρνηιθος Μ. ---βριλήσσου M.

EYTTPAeHZ

B.

29

oxevalovro καὶ χιλίους ὁπλίτας er αὐτῶν xai τοξότας τετρακοσίους ἐστρατήγει δὲ Kapxivos τε ὁ Ξενοτίμου καὶ Πρωτέας ὁ ᾿Ἐπικλέους καὶ Σωκράτης ὁ ᾿Αντιγένους. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἄραντες τῇ 3 παρασκευῇ ταύτῃ περιέπλεον, οἱ δε Πελοπον-᾿ γνήσιοι χρόνον ἐμμείναντες ev τῇ Αττικῇ ὅσου

εἶχον τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἀνεχώρησαν διὰ Βοιωτῶν οὐχ ὕπερ ἰσέβαλον᾽ παριόντες δὲ Ὠρωπὸν τὴν γὴν τὴν

I paixnv

᾿Αθηναίων

καλουμένην,

ὑπήκοοι,

Πελοπόννησον

ἣν

δδήωσαν.

νέμονται

ἀφικόμενοι

᾿Ωρώτιοι

δὲ

ὃς

διελύθησαν κατὰ πόλεις ἕκαστοι.

24 ᾿Αναχωρησάντων δὲ αὐτῶν οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι φυ-

λακὰς κατεστήσαντο σαν, ὥσπερ

κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θαλασ-

δὴ ἔμελλον διὰ παντὸς τοῦ πολέμου

$vAafew: καὶ χίλια τάλαντα ἀπὸ τῶν ἐν τῇ ἀκροπόλει χρημάτων ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς mm. Athenlans ἐξαίρετα ποιησαμένοις χωρὶς θέσθαι τ pur 110 καὶ μὴ ἀναλοῦν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀπὸ τῶν ἄλλων only m ceused voAeuety ἦν δέ τις εἴπῃ ἢ ἐπιψηφίσῃ κινεῖν τὰ

χρήματα

ταῦτα

πολέμιοι

νηίτῃ στρατῷ

es ἄλλο

ἐπιπλέωσι

τι, ἣν μὴ

οἱ

τῇ πόλει καὶ

δέῃ ἀμύνασθαι, θάνατον ζημίαν ἐπέθεντο. τριή- 2 pes Te μετ᾽ αὐτῶν ἑκατὸν ξξαιρέτους ἐποιήσαντο, κατὰ τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν ἕκαστον τὰς βελτίστας καὶ τριηρapxous αὐταῖς, ὧν μὴ χρῆσθαι μηδεμιᾷ ἐς ἄλλο 2. ἄσπερ παρεσκεύαζοντο ἃ gloss on ras: see c. 17, 4— κάρκινός MT. 3. ἧπερ M.—I'paixhy Steph. Byz. s.v. 'Qgwsrós] Πειραϊκὴν M88.

Herw., following Francken, reads [τὴν γῆν] τήν re Γραϊκὴν. 24, 1. erpar^, with erasure, M.— ἐπιπλέωσιν M.

30

B0YKYAIAOY

τι 4 μετὰ τῶν χρημάτων περὶ TOU αὐτοῦ κινδύνου,

ἣν δέῃ.

25. Οἱ δ᾽ το Athenten flet attecke Me caves in and distinction. καὶ

ἐς

ἐν ταῖς ἑκατὸν ναυσὶ περὶ Πελοπόνγῆσον ᾿Αθηναῖοι καὶ Κερκυραῖοι uer ιὐχῶν πεντήκοντα ναυσὶ προσβεβοη(,, ,γες καὶ ἄλλοι τινες τῶν ἐκεῖ ξυμμάχων ἄλλα τε ἐκάκουν περιπλέοντες

Μεθώνην

τῆς

Λακωνικῆς

ἀποβάντες

τῷ

τείχει προσέβαλον ὄντι ἀσθενεῖ καὶ ἀνθρώπων 4 οὐκ ἐνόντων. ἔτυχε δὲ περὶ τοὺς χώρους τούτους Βρασίδας ὁ Τέλλιδος ἀνὴρ Σπαρτιάτης φρουρὰν ἔχων' καὶ αἰσθόμενος ἐβοήθει τοῖς ἐν τῷ χωρίῳ μετὰ ὁπλιτῶν ἑκατόν. διαδραμὼν δὲ τὸ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων στρατόπεδον ἐσκεδασμένον κατὰ τὴν χώραν καὶ πρὸς τὸ τεῖχος τετραμμένον ἐσπίπτει ἐς τὴν

Μεθώνην καὶ ὀλίγους τινὰς ἐν τῇ ἐσδρομῇ ἀπολέσας τῶν μεθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ τήν τε πόλιν περιεποίησε

καὶ ἀπὸ τούτου τοῦ τολμήματος πρώτου τῶν κατὰ 88, 1. On ἀνθρώπων οὐκ ἐνόντων the Schol. says λείπει πολλῶν,

and so Bh. and Sta. explain. possibility of this.

But Herw. and ΟἹ. deny the

Herw. reads ἀνθρώπων οὐ πολλῶν ἐνόντων,

and Cl. suggests ἀνθρώπων ἀξιομάχων οὐκ ἐνόντων. But probadly Thuc. means that Methone was weakly fortified, and its fortress ungarrisoned, and not that there were no men in the place. Methone (=xwplor = wöAıs) is distinguished from τεῖχοι. Cf. mt. 84, of Notium. Were Methone and reixos identical, Thuc. would not say διαδραμὼν τὸ στρατόπεδον ... πρὸς τὸ reixor τετραμμένον ἐσπίπτει ἐξ τὴν Μεθώνην. Formerly

I conjectured ὅσον οὐ κενῷ for οὐκ ἐνόντων. 2. πέλλιδος MT.—rpörov Herw., Sta, Bh., Muller, Cr.] πρῶτοι uss., but the point is that this was Brasidas’ first exploit.

With τῶν «. r. πόλεμον supply γενομένων. -- πηνέθη M.

NYTTPAOHZ

B.

Tov πόλεμον ἐπῃνέθη ev Σπάρτῃ

81 οἱ δὲ ᾿Αθηναῖοι 3

ἄραντες παρέπλεον, καὶ σχόντες τῆς λείας Φειαν

ἐς

ἐδήουν τὴν γῆν ἐπὶ δύο ἡμέρας καὶ προσ-

βοηθήσαντας τῶν ἐκ τῆς κοίλης “Ηλιδος τριακοσίους λογάδας καὶ τῶν αὐτόθεν ἐκ τῆς περιοικίδος λείων μάχῃ ἐκράτησαν.

μεγάλου

πολλοὶ

χειμαζόμενοι

ἐπέβησαν

ἐν ἁλιμένῳ

χωρίῳ, οἱ μὲν

ἐπὶ τὰς ναῦς καὶ περιέπλεον

τὸν ᾿Ιχθῦν καλούμενον Sea

ἀνέμου δὲ κατιόντος 4

[τὴν ἄκραν]

ἐς τὸν ἐν Τῇ

λιμένα᾽ οἱ δὲ Μεσσήνιοι ἐν τούτῳ καὶ ἄλλοι

τινὲς [οἱ οὐ δυνάμενοι ἐπιβῆναι] κατὰ γῆν χωρήσαντες τὴν Peay αἱροῦσι. καὶ ὕστερον al τες νῆες περιπλεύσασαι ἀναλαμβάνουσιν αὐτοὺς καὶ ἐξανάγονται ἐκλιπόντες Seiay, καὶ τῶν ᾿Ηλείων ἡ πολλὴ ἤδη στρατιὰ προσεβεβοηθήκει. παραπλεύσαντες δὲ οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι ἐπὶ ἄλλα χωρία ἐδἤουν. 26. Ὑπὸ

δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον τοῦτον οἱ ᾿Αθη-

vaiot τριάκοντα ναῦς ἐξέπεμψαν περὶ Another fect, αἱ τὴν Λοκρίδα καὶ Εὐβοίας dua φυλα- Ὁ ine ans κήν ἐστρατήγει δὲ αὐτῶν Κλεόπομ- Opuntian en ^ Los wos ὁ Κλεινίου.

καὶ ἀποβάσεις ποιη-

2

σάμενος τῆς Te παραθαλασσίου ἔστιν ἃ eópece καὶ Θρόνιον εἷλεν, ὁμήρους; τε ἔλαβεν αὐτῶν, καὶ ἐν ᾿Αλόπῃ ἐκράτησεν.

τοὺς βοηθήσαντας

Λοκρῶν

μάχῃ

4. ἀλιμένῳ] ἀλιμένι MT.—[rh» ἄκρα») Cobet, Herw.—[e οὐ 8. ἐπιβῆναι) Herw.: Sta. brackets οἱ only.

δ. Naber proposed sal γὰρ τῶν 'H., which leaves af re »$e without construction, as re is not answered by καὶ ἐξανάγονται. 20, 9. ὁμήρου: τὲ M.

* OL 97, 2.

B0YKYAIAOY

32

27. ᾿Ανέστησαν δὲ καὶ Αἰγινήτας {ev} τῷ αὐτῷ TheAeginetans θέρει τούτῳ εξ Αἰγίνης ᾿Αθηναῖοι αὐτούς the ΤῈ xai Aerinaby the

παῖδας καὶ γυναίκας, ἐπικαλέ-

Tb settle Tavres οὐχ ἥκιστα Me byd thein Lace,

dasmonlane. The giy

iae Asgine.

αἰτίους

elvar

ἀσφαλέστερον

cd

τοῦ πολέμου

καὶ

i

τὴν Αἴγιναν

ἐφαίνετοῖ,

τῇ

Πελο-

ποννήσῳ ἐπικειμένην αὑτῶν πέμψαντας ἐποίκους ἔχειν. καὶ ἐξέπεμψαν ὕστερον οὐ πολλῷ ἐς αὐτὴν 2 τοὺς

οἰκήτορας.

Λακεδαιμόνιοι

ἐκπεσοῦσι

ἔδοσαν

δὲ τοῖς Αἰγινήταις

Θυρέαν

οἰκεῖν

οἱ

καὶ τὴν γῆν

νέμεσθαι, κατά τε τὸ ᾿Αθηναίων διάφορον καὶ ὅτι σφῶν εὐεργέται ἦσαν ὑπὸ τὸν σεισμὸν καὶ τῶν EiAéTrev

μεθορία

τὴν

ἐπανάστασιν.

τῆς ᾿Αργείας

ἡ

δὲ

Θυρεᾶτις

καὶ Λακωνικῆς

γῇ

ἐστιν ἐπὶ

θάλασσαν καθήκουσα. καὶ οἱ μὲν αὐτῶν ἐνταῦθα ᾧκησαν, οἱ δὲ διεσπάρησαν κατὰ τὴν ἄλλην ᾿ Ελλάδα.

28. Τοῦ

3 αὐτοῦ

θέρους νουμηνίᾳ

κατὰ

σελή-

of Aug. nv,” ὥσπερ καὶ μόνον δοκεῖ εἶναι γί5, e mo. γνεσθαι δυνατόν, ὁ ἥλιος ἐξέλιπε μετὰ μεσημβρίαν καὶ πάλιν ἀνεπληρώθη, γενόμενος ur

νοειδὴς καὶ ἀστέρων τινῶν ἐκφανέντων. 27, 1. This § is quoted by Dion. Hal. de Thuc. Jud. c. 15. — 0 xal] xal omitted by Dion.—60épe«) χρόνῳ Dion. —ttuyims M.—ywaixas καὶ παῖδας Dion.—do$aMocrepo? a» Dion.—rz Πελοποννησίων Dion.

it.

This explanation being wrong, I bracket

Thuc. would have written τῷ Πειραιεῖ.

Cf. Arist. Rhet.

rrr. 10, 7 d, Περικλῆε τὴν Αἴγιναν ἀφελεῖν ἐκέλευσε τὴν λήμην τοῦ Πειραιέως, Cio. de Of. 111. 11, nimis imminebat propter propinquitatem Aegina Piraeo. —aórü» weuyarras BCM : πέμψαν»res Dion.

2. [γῆ] Herw.—8' ἐσπάρησαν M88., corrected by Cobet.

ἘΞ ΥΤΤΡΑΦΗΣ

B.

33

29. Kai ev τῷ αὐτῷ θέρει Νυμφόδωρον τὸν Πύθεω ἄνδρα 'ABdnpirny, οὗ εἶχε τὴν sirens formsan ἀδελφὴν Σιτάλκης, δυνάμενον παρ᾽ Alancemithält αὐτῷ μέγα οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι πρότερον Ferdioces, King

πολέμιον νομίζοντες σαντο

καὶ

πρόξενον ἐποιή- “ Macedon.

μετεπέμψαντο,

βουλόμενοι

Σιταάλκην

σφίσι τὸν Τήρεω Θρᾳκῶν βασιλέα ξύμμαχον γεverOar. πατὴρ)

ὁ δὲ Τήρης οὗτος [ὁ τοῦ Σιτάλκου 2 πρῶτος Οδρύσαις τὴν μεγάλην βασι-

λείαν ἐπὶ πλεῖον τῆς ἄλλης Θράκης ἐποίησε πολὺ γὰρ μέρος καὶ αὐτόνομόν ἐστι Θρᾳκῶν. ἸΤηρεῖ 3 δὲ τῷ Πρόκνην τὴν Πανδίονος ax’ ᾿Αθηνῶν σχόντι γυναῖκα προσήκει ὁ Τήρης οὗτος οὐδέν, οὐδὲ τῆς αὐτῆς Θράκης ἐγένοντο, ἀλλ᾽ ὁ μὲν ἐν Δαυλίᾳ τῆς Φωκίδος νῦν καλουμένης γῆς [0 Types] ᾧκει, τότε ὑπὸ Θρᾳκῶν οἰκουμένης, καὶ τὸ ἔργον τὸ

περὶ τὸν Ἴτυν αἱ γνναίκες ἐν τῇ γῇ ταύτῃ ἔπραξαν (πολλοῖς δὲ καὶ τῶν ποιητῶν ἐν ἀηδόνος μνήμῃ Δαυλιὰς ἡ ὄρνις ἐπωνόμασται. εἰκὸς δὲ καὶ τὸ κῆδος Πανδίονα ξυνάψασθαι τῆς θυγατρὸς διὰ

τοσούτου

ἐπ᾿

ὠφελίᾳ

τῇ

πρὸς

ἀλλήλουι

μάλλον 5$ διὰ πολλῶν ἡμερῶν [ἐς ᾿Οδρύσας ὁδοῦ). Τήρης δὲ οὐδὲ τὸ αὐτὸ ὄνομα ἔχων, βασιλεὺς [τε͵ 80, 1. βουλόμενοι omitted in ΜΤ.--σφῖσι M. 2. [ὁ τοῦ Z. πατὴρ] Naber, Sta. —avrórouor ἔστι MT.

8. Ἰηρεῖ δὲ αὐτῶ MT. —rardölwvos M. —[ó Τηρεὺ:] Herw., Sta. The Schol. explains ὁ μὲν by ὁ Τηρεὺ: ὁ ἀρχαῖος, so did not find the name. —

τῆι γῆι πάντηι Μ.---ἐπωφελία M.—[és

'Obpícas]

Herw., Sta. — Τήρη: δὲ οὐδὲ] All mas. but B have ofre.—{re] CL, Berw., Sta., Cr., Ste., Muller.

34

OOYKYAIAOY

4 πρῶτος dv κράτει 'Odpucwy ἐγένετο. οὗ δὴ ὄντα τὸν Σιτάλκην οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι ξύμμαχον ἐποιήσαντο, βουλόμενοι σφίσι τὰ ἐπὶ Θράκης χωρία καὶ Περ5 δίκκαν ξυνελεῖν αὐτόν.

ἐλθών τε ἐς τὰς ᾿Αθήνας

ὁ Νυμφόδωρος τήν τε τοῦ Σιτάλκου

ξυμμαχίαν

ἐποίησε

᾿Αθηναῖον,

καὶ

Σάδοκον

τὸν

υἱὸν αὐτοῦ

τόν τε ἐπὶ Θράκης πόλεμον ὑπεδέχετο καταλύσειν᾽ πείσειν γὰρ Σιτάλκην πέμπειν στρατιὰν Θρᾳκίαν ᾿Αθηναίοις ἱππέων τε καὶ πελταστῶν. 6 ξυνεβίβασε δὲ καὶ τὸν Περδίκκαν τοῖς ᾿Αθηναίοις

καὶ Θέρμην αὐτῷ ἔπεισεν ἀποδοῦναι" ξυνεστράTevcé τ᾽ εὐθὺς Περδίκκας ἐπὶ Χαλκιδέας per 7 ᾿Αθηναίων καὶ Φορμίωνος.

οὕτω μὲν Σιτάλκης τε

ὁ Τήρεω, Θρᾳκῶν βασιλεύς, ξύμμαχος ἐγένετο ᾿Αθηναίοις καὶ Περδίκκας ὁ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου, Μακεδόνων βασιλεύς. 90. Οἱ δ᾽ ἐν ταῖς

ἑκατὸν

ναυσὶν ᾿Αθηναῖοι

ἔτι

Further opes. ὅνγτες περὶ Πελοπόννησον Σόλλιόν Te one οἵ the ἈΚ ρινθίων πόλισμα αἱροῦσι καὶ παρα100 ehipe. διδόασι Παλαιρεῦσιν ᾿Ακαρνάνων μόvor τὴν γῆν καὶ πόλιν véuecÜar

καὶ ΓΑστακον,

ἧς Εὔαρχος ἐτυράννει, λαβόντες κατὰ κράτος καὶ ἐξελάσαντες αὐτὸν τὸ χωρίον ἐς τὴν ξυμμαχίαν 2 προσεποιήσαντο.

ἐπί τε Κεφαλληνίαν [τὴν νῆσον]

πλεύσαντες τροσηγάγοντο ἄνευ μάχης.

κεῖται de

4, ἐποιοῦντο C. --υνεξελεῖν C, Pp. δ. ἐλθὼν τὲ Μ.--πέμπει»] So CG. The rest have σέμψειν : but see Stahl, Quaest. Gram. p. 18. 80, 2. κεφαληνίαν and κεφαληνία MT.—Cobet brackets rip

γῆσον. ---προσπλεύσαντε! προσήγοντο M.

EKYITPAOHZ

B.

35

ἡ Κεφαλληνία κατὰ ᾿Ακαρνανίαν καὶ Λευκάδα Teτράπολις οὖσα, Ἰ]Παλῆς, Kpano, Σαμαῖοι, ΠΙρονναῖοι. ὕστερον δ᾽ οὐ πολλῷ ἀνεχώρησαν αἱ νῆες 3 ἐς τὰς ᾿Αθήνας.

81. Περὶ δὲ τὸ φθινόπωρον τοῦ θέρους τούτον ᾿Αθηναῖοι

οἰκοι,

πανδημεί,

ἐσέβαλον

αὐτοὶ καὶ οἱ μέτ-

es

τὴν

Μεγαρίδα

que fect unites

sit,ine land

Περικλέους τοῦ ἘΠανθίππου στρατη- vn Me γοῦντος. καὶ οἱ περὶ Πελοπόννησον foe SreeOf ᾿Αθηναῖοι ἐν ταῖς ἑκατὸν ναυσίν (ἔτυ- Qi P SN

and

xo» γὰρ ἤδη ἐν Αἰγίνῃ ὄντες Ex’ οἴκον aesernblod in the ἀνακομιζόμενοι), ὡς ἤσθοντο τοὺς ἐκ ΤΟ τῆς πόλεως πανστρατιᾷ ἐν Μεγάροις ὄντας, ἔπλευσαν παρ᾽ αὐτοὺς καὶ ξυνεμείχθησαν. στρα- a τόπεδόν τε μέγιστον δὴ τοῦτο ἁθρόον ᾿Αθηναίων ἐγένετο, ἀκμαζούσης ἔτι τῆς πόλεως καὶ οὕπω νενοσηκυίας. μυρίων γὰρ ὁπλιτῶν οὐκ ἐλάσσους ἦσαν αὐτοὶ ᾿Αθηναῖοι (χωρὶς δὲ αὐτοῖς οἱ ἐν Ποτειδαίᾳ

βαλον

“ρισχίλιοι

οὐκ ἐλάσσους

ἦσαν), μέτοικοι

δὲ ξυνεσέ-

τρισχιλίων ὁπλιτῶν,

χωρὶς

δὲ ὁ ἄλλος ὅμιλος ψιλῶν οὐκ ὀλίγος. δρώσαντες δὲ τὰ πολλὰ τῆς γῆς ἀνεχώρησαν. ἐγένοντο δὲ 3 καὶ ἄλλαι ὕστερον ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ κατὰ ἔτος ἕκαστον ἐσβολαὶ ᾿Αθηναίων es τὴν Μεγαρίδα

ἱππέων καὶ πανστρατιᾷ, μέχρι

οὗ Νίσαια

καὶ

ἑάλω

um ᾿Αθηναίων. 81, 1. ἤδη is wanting in BEFM and many inferior Mss.— ξυνεμείχθησαν Meisterhans, p. 144.

2. ἁθρόοιM. On the spelling, see Stahl, Quaest. Gram. p. 32.

36

OOYKYAIAOY

* Winter, 681 ».c.

32. ᾿Ετειχίσθη de καὶ ᾿Αταλάντη ὑπ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίων Atalanta fort. φρούριον τοῦ θέρους τούτου τελευfied,to protect oyroc ἡ evi Λοκροῖς τοῖς Οπουντίοις Locrian pirates. μῆσος ἐρήμη πρότερον οὗσα, TOU μὴ λῃστὰς ἐκπλέοντας ἐξ Orovvros καὶ τῆς ἄλλης

Λοκρίδος κακουργεῖν τὴν Εὔβοιαν.

ταῦτα μὲν ἐν

τῷ θέρει τούτῳ μετὰ τὴν Πελοποννησίων ἐκ τῆς ^

g

0

4

a

9

φ

^

᾿Αττικῆς ἀναχώρησιν ἐγένετο. 33. Τοῦ δ᾽ ἐπιγιγνομένου χειμῶνος" Evapyos Corinthian ex. ὁ Axapvay βουλόμενος ἐς τὴν "Àapedition to Acar-

nani, Theyτο. ΤΌΚΟΝ

store

Eı

us,

^

,

attempt

to gain

certain

Acarna-

4

,

vaugt καὶ

e

,

πείθει 4

but fail in an TETTAPAKOVTA

Ce

’

κατελθεῖν ,

ἸΚορινθίους

4

,

πεντακοσίοις

e

4

,

is, «nd καί χιλίοις ὁπλίταις €avTOV καταγειν ,

3*5

»

,

nian towns. “λεύσαντας, kat αὐτὸς €TiKOUDOUS τιvas προσεμισθώσατο᾽ ἦρχον δὲ τῆς στρατιᾶς

Εὐφαμίδας

τε ὁ ᾿Αριστωνύμου

καὶ

Τιμόξενος

2 Τιμοκράτους καὶ Εὔμαχος ὁ Χρύσιδος.

ὁ

καὶ πλεύ-

σαντες κατήγαγον καὶ τῆς ἄλλης ᾿Ακαρνανίας τῆς wept θάλασσαν ἔστιν ἃ χωρία βουλόμενοι e^

4

,

, d

9

0

προσποιήσασθαι καὶ πειραθέντες, ὡς οὐκ ἐδύναντο, 3 ἀπέπλεον ex οἴκου. σχόντες δ᾽ ἐν τῷ παράπλῳ ἐς Κεφαλληνίων καὶ ἀπόβασιν ποιησάμενοι ἐς τὴν

Κρανίων

γῆν, ἀπατηθέντες

ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν

ἐξ

ὁμο-

λογίας τινὸς ἄνδρας τε ἀποβάλλουσι σφῶν αὐτῶν, ἐπιθεμένων ἀπροσδοκήτοις τῶν Kpaviwv, καὶ βιαιόTEROV

φ

ἀνα

,

ΎαγΎομενοι

?

8

ἐκομίσθησαν

9

47

?

„

Οἰκονυ.

34. Ἔν δὲ τῷ αὐτῷ χειμῶνι οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι τῷ πατρίῳ νόμῳ χρώμενοι δημοσίᾳ ταφὰς emouj88, 2. ἠδύναντο M.

ZYTTPASHZ

B.

37

σαντο τῶν ev τῷδε TQ πολέμῳ πρώτων aroda^

ϑ

9

^

^

,

sir

,

^

a

τρόπῳ τοιῷδε.

a

1

4

τὰ μὲν OcTa

bd

^

53

ruse 2

Athens προτίθενται τῶν ἀπογενομένων πρό- - srl atat Atheneat Tpıra σκηνὴν ποιήσαντες, καὶ ἐπι- campaign φέρει τῷ αὑτοῦ ἕκαστος ἤν τι PBovArraı. ἐπειδὰν δὲ ἡ ἐκφορὰ ἥ, λάρνακας κυπαρισσίνας 3 (d

m

P d

e

^

Ψ

e

s

^

e

»ν»

,

ἄγουσιν ἅμαξαι φυλῆς ἐκαστῆς μίαν

στα

ἧς ἕκαστος

φέρεται [4

ἣν φυλῆς.

ἐστρωμένη 9

,

τῶν m

μία

ἀφανῶν, 9

^

.

€

4

ἔνεστι δὲ τὰ

4

δὲ κλίνη κενὴ of ἂν un

1

evpee

θῶσιν ἐς ἀναίρεσιν. ξυνεκφέρει δὲ ὁ βουλόμενος 4 καὶ ἀστῶν καὶ ξένων, καὶ γυναῖκες πάρεισιν αἱ προσήκουσαι ἐπὶ τὸν Tabov ὁλοφυρόμεναι. τι-ς θέασιν οὖν ἐς τὸ δημόσιον σῆμα, ὅ ἐστιν ἐπὶ τοῦ

καλλίστου προαστείον τῆς πόλεως. καὶ αἰεὶ ἐν αὐτῷ θάπτουσι τοὺς ἐκ τῶν πολέμων πλήν γε τοὺς ἐν Μαραθῶνι ἐκείνων δὲ διαπρεπῆ τὴν ἀρετὴν κρίναντες αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸν Tagoy ἐποίησαν.

δὲ κρύψωσι

ἐπειδὰν 6

γῇ, ἀνὴρ npnuevos ὑπὸ τῆς πόλεως

ὅς ἂν γνώμῃ τε δοκῇ μὴ ἀξύνετος εἶναι καὶ ἀξιώσει προήκῃ, λέγει ex αὐτοῖς ἔπαινον τὸν πρέποντα᾽

μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο ἀπέρχονται.

ὧδε μὲν θαπτουσι᾽ ;

καὶ διὰ παντὸς τοῦ πολέμου, ὁπότε ξυμβαίη αὐτοῖς, ἐχρῶντο Tw νόμῳ. ἐπὶ δ᾽ οὖν τοῖς πρώτοις τοῖσδε 8 Περικλῆς ὁ Ἐανθίππου npeOn λέγειν. καὶ ἐπειδὴ καιρὸς

ἐλάμβανε,

προελθὼν

84, 1. 3. ol ἂν 5. [ὦ] TplBys τὴν

πρώτων Cobet for Mas. πρῶτον. Cf. $8. ... ἀναίρεσιν bracketed by Herw. Μαραθῶνι Herw., but cf. Aristoph. Eq. 785, ἵνα μὴ ἐν Σαλαμῖνι.

6. προήκει MT, προσήκει ABE.

ἀπὸ

τοῦ

σήματος

38

B0OYKYAIAOY

; βῆμα ὑψηλὸν πεποιημένον, ὅπως ἀκούοιτο Forma, On ὥς ἐπὶ πλεῖστον τοῦ ὁμίλου, ἔλεγε ΤΊΟΝ of τοιάδε. μιον, to whole 80. “Οἱ μὲν πολλοὶ τῶν ἐνθάδε

not approve the εἰρηκότων ἤδη ἐπαινοῦσι τὸν προσE speech, for ra τῷ * γόμῳ τὸν λόγον τόνδε, ὡς en need καλὸν ἐπὶ Τοῖς ἐκ τῶν πῸ μων τ (9 lta very hard τομένοις

ἀγορεύεσθαι

αὑτόν.

ἐμοὶ

tenera ( ὍΝ 3). "δὰ ἀρκοῦν ἂν ἐδόκει εἶναι ἀνδρῶν àἀγαconform to ihe the θῶν £ἔργῳ γενομένων ἔργῳ καὶ δηλοῦbest (ἢ 8λ

σθαι τὰς τιμάς, οἷα καὶ νῦν τερὶ τὸν

τάφον τόνδε δημοσίᾳ παρασκενασθέντα ὁρᾶτε, καὶ μὴ ἐν ἑνὶ ἀνδρὶ πολλῶν ἀρετὰς κινδυνεύεσθαι 2e0 Te καὶ χεῖρον εἰπόντι πιστευθῆναι. χαλεπὸν γὰρ τὸ μετρίως εἰπεῖν ἐν ᾧ μόλις καὶ ἡ δόκησις τῆς ἀληθείας βεβαιοῦται ὅ τε γὰρ ξυνειδὼς καὶ εὔνους ἀκροατὴς Tax ἂν τι ἐνδεεστέρως πρὸς ἃ βούλεταί

5 τε

φθόνον]

τε

καὶ

ἐπίσταται

ἄπειρος

ἔστιν

ἃ

εἴ τι

ὑπὲρ

τὴν

νομίσειε

καὶ

δηλοῦσθαι,

wreovalerOa,

ἑαντοῦ

φύσιν

[διὰ

ἀκούοι.

8. καιρὸν ἐλάμβανε AB, preferred by Dobree. 88, 1. πιστενθῆναι is bracketed by Herw., but an annotator would have written πιστεύεσθα. Herbst also brackets (Jahr.

für Phil. 119, p. 636). —éia and ré καὶ Μ. ---ἀγορεύεσθαι [air] Dobree, Herw.: [ἀγορεύίεσθαι αὐτόν͵ Badham. 2. [διὰ φθόνον) Pericles merely says here that

the inex-

perienced think anything which exceeds their own powers exaggerated, and afterwards, in μέχρι γὰρ x.r.\., goes on to

explain why.—puéxp γὰρ ... ὧν ἤκουσε, quoted by Dion. Hal. ad Ammaeum, c. 9.---τῷ δ᾽ ὑπερβάλλοντι ... ἀπεστοῦσιν, quoted

by Dion. Hal. /.c.—a«/rie for αὐτῶν ABCG.

XYTTPA9HZ

B.

39

μέχρι yap τοῦδε avexrot of Erawol εἰσι περὶ ἑτέρων λεγόμενοι, ἐς ὅσον ἂν xai αὐτὸς ἕκαστος οἴηται ἱκανὸς εἶναι δρᾶσαί τι ὧν ἤκουσεν τῷ δὲ ὑπερβάλλοντι αὐτῶν φθονοῦντες ἤδη καὶ ἀπιστοῦσιν.

ἐπειδὴ

ταῦτα

δὲ

καλῶς

τοῖς

πάλαι

ἔχειν, χρὴ

voup πειρᾶσθαι

καὶ

οὕτως

ἐμὲ

ἐδοκιμάσθη3

ἑπόμενον

τῷ

ὑμῶν τῆς ἑκάστου βουλήσεώς Te

καὶ δόξης τυχεῖν ὡς ἐπὶ πλεῖστον. 86. "Αρξομαι δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν προγόνων πρῶτον' δίκαιον γὰρ αὐτοῖς καὶ πρέπον δὲ ἅμα ἐν τῷ τοιῷδε τὴν τιμὴν ταύτην τῆς yer v μνήμης δίδοσθαι. τὴν γὰρ χώραν αἰεὶ p^ (rase: τῶν of αὐτοὶ οἰκοῦντες διαδοχῃ τῶν ἐπι- τρογόρων,

γιγνομένων μέχρι τοῦδε ἐλευθέραν δι πατέρων, ror

ἀρετὴν παρέδοσαν.

καὶ ἐκεῖνοί τε ἄξιοι ἔτι(3) ὄντων, ἕταινοι τῶν ὦ

ἐπαίνου καὶ ἔτι μᾶλλον οἱ πατέρες lead Pericles to "Ewewos ris ἡμῶν κτησάμενοι γὰ ρ πρὸς οἷς ἐδέ- xodirdas καὶ ἔαντο ὅσην ἔχομεν ἀρχὴν à οὐκ ἀπόνως τῶν τρόπων (= ἡμῖν τοῖς νῦν προσκατέλιπον.

τὰ δὲ

Πίστις A).

3

πλείω [αὐτῆς] αὐτοὶ ἡμεῖς ode of νῦν ἔτι ὄντες μάλιστα ἐν τῇ καθεστηκυίᾳ ἡλικίᾳ ἐπηυξήσαμεν, καὶ τὴν πόλιν τοῖς πάσι

παρεσκευάσαμεν

πόλεμον καὶ ἐς εἰρήνην αὐταρκεστάτην.

καὶ ἐς

ὧν ἐγὼ,

TG μὲν κατὰ πολέμους ἔργα, ols ἕκαστα ἐκτήθη, 4

4

a

,

ap

e

9

,

80,8. [αὐτῇ] I bracket, and render τὰ rele ‘ for the rest,’

adverbially.

Cf. Eur. 7. T. 1233, τᾶλλα 8 οὐ λέγουσ᾽ Bus | rois

và vielen’ εἰδόσιν θεοῖς col re σημαίνω, θεά. CL and Sta. take whelw in comparative sense, to which H. Kras, die drei

Reden des P., objects,

the following words,

The explanation of rà πλείω comes in

40

OOYKYAIAOY

hoe

Ld

9

τι

αὐτοὶ

4

4

,

e

5 of πατέρες

^

a

ἡμῶν

4

βάρβαρον

ἣ

“Ἕλληνα [πόλεμον] ἐπιόντα προθύμως ἡμυνάμεθα, μακρηγορεῖν II. leading up to

ἐν εἰδόσιν οὐ βουλόμενος ἐάσω ,

ἀπὸ

δὲ οἵας τε ἐπιτηδεύσεως ἤλθομεν ἐπ' avra xai. μεθ᾽ olas πολιτείας Kat TpoLEA

a

e

,

Ml

d

πων ἐξ οἵων μεγάλα ἐγένετο, ταῦτα δηλώσας πρῶτον εἶμι καὶ ἐπὶ τὸν τῶνδε ἔπαινον, νομίζων ἐπί Te τῷ παρόντι οὐκ ἂν ἀπρεπῆ λεχθῆναι αὐτὰ καὶ τὸν πάντα ὅμιλον καὶ ἀστῶν καὶ ξένων ξύμφορον εἶναι αὐτῶν ἐπακοῦσαι. 87. χρώμεθα γὰρ πολιτείᾳ οὐ ζηλούσῃ τοὺς τῶν πέλας wi.

Ulens—

consisting of

a. frawos

τῆς

woMTrelas

καὶ

τῶν τρόπων (c. 37-41), a. ἔπαινος

τῶν

ἀποθανόντων (c. 48).

νόμους,

παραδειγμα

,

de μάλλον

,

4

avroi 4

ὄντες τινὶ 5j μιμούμενοι ἑτέρους.

a

καὶ

ὄνομα μὲν διὰ τὸ μὴ es ὀλίγους ἀλλ᾽ es φ

πλείονας

οἰκεῖν δημοκρατία

,

9

~

κέἐκλη-

,

g

Tat’ μέτεστι δὲ κατὰ μὲν τοὺς νόμους

νεσιξ

πρὸς τὰ ἴδια διάφορα πᾶσι τὸ ἴσον,

A.

1. “πολιτεία

(c.

37,

κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἀξίωσιν, ws ἕκαστος ὅν τῳ εὐδοκιμεῖ, ovk ἀπὸ μέρους TO πλεῖον

c,

T

(c.

λ

I § DZ)—

a

4

9a

a

9

^

9

,

e

9

4

,

e

a

a

ἐς τὰ κοινὰ ἣ ἀπὸ ἀρετῆς προτιμᾶται, 4. [πόλεμον] Dobree, Cobet and others. adopted by Sta., Cr., Bh.—#10o» CEGMT,

Rhet. c. 9.---πακοῦσαι αὐτῶν C, Dion.

Haase σολόμιον, Dion. Hal. Ars

Perhaps αὐτῶν should

be bracketed.

87, 1. ἀλλ’ és πλείονας bracketed by Herw. —oixei») In CG over ol is written ἡ in later hand, and ἥκειν is read in inferior wss., and preferred by Herw. and Bh. So also Düderlein, Interpret. orat. funeb., who makes rd xpáros, taken from δημοκρατία, the subject of feo. —dd$arla. M.—drd μέρον!:] ἀπὸ yévovs Herw.—xvov δὲ] 4. γέ Reiske, Francken, Herw.—The

last sentence is quoted by Dion. Hal. ad Ammasum, c. 4.

EYITPASHZ

B.

41

oud αὖ κατὰ πενίαν, ἔχων δέ τι ἀγαθὸν δρᾶσαι τὴν πόλιν, ἀξιώματος ἀφανείᾳ κεκώ- 532 Τρότοι(e. $1 λυται.

ἐλευθέρως δὲ τά τε πρὸς τὸ ‘© Every man 2

KOLVOV πολιτεύομεν καὶ ἐς τὴν πρὸς chooses(ἢ 3). ἀλλήλους τῶν καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἐπιτηδευμάτων ὑποψίαν,

οὐ di ὀργῆς τὸν πέλας, εἰ καθ᾽ ἡδονήν τι δρᾷ, ἔχοντες, οὐδὲ ἀζημίους μέν, Aumnpus de Tg ὄψει s

ya

4

0

,

4

ἀχθηδόνας προστιθέμενοι.

4

ἀνεπαχθῶς

^

—»

(b) But our lid. 3

δὲ ra ἴδια προσομιλοῦντες τὰ δημόσια lel us to de spise the laws [διὰ δέος) μάλιστα ov παρανομοῦμεν, ( 8)

τῶν vouwy p,

τε αἰεὶ ἐν ἀρχῇ Kat

a

μαλιστα 6

ὄντων αὐτῶν 9

-

ἀκροάσει ὅσοι e

Te

καὶ

ex .

)

τῶν

ὠφελίᾳ 9

,

τῶν ἀδικουμένων κεῖνται καὶ ὅσοι ἄγραφοι ὄντες αἰσχύνην ὁμολογουμένην φέρουσι. 48. Καὶ μὴν καὶ τῶν πόνων πλείστας

ἀναπαύλας

τῇ γνώμῃ ἑπορισάμεθα, ἀγῶσι μέν γε () τῳ pien -

καὶ Ova tauc διετησίοις νομίζοντες, ἰδίαις δὲ κατασκευαῖς εὐπρεπέσιν, ὧν καθ᾽

dorof public elegance of our

ἡμέραν ἡ τέρψις TO λυπηρὸν ἐκπλήσ- TUCH

we.

ἐπεσέρχεται δὲ διὰ μέγεθος τῆς πόλεως ἐκ 2

πάσης

γῆς τὰ

αὐτοῦ

ἀγαθὰ

πάντα, καὶ

(4) All desirable lands — produce ἡμῖν μηδὲν οἰκειοτέρᾳ τῇ ἀπολαύσει τὰ lands

γιγνόμενα

ξυμβαίνει

καρποῦσθαι GN.

8. ὑποψία») Madvig ἔποψιν, Badham and Reifferscheid dsvropiar. Van der Mey defends the text. —rporidduere Bedham and Herw. 3. διὰ δέος μάλιστα bracketed by Dólerlein, who places διὰ

δέος before τῶν νόμων. Campe thinks διὰ δέος either a gloss or a blunder for an adverb corresponding to dverax@ös. Badham also brackets διὰ δέοε.

42

BOYKYAlIAOY

ἧ καὶ Ta τῶν ἄλλων ἀνθρώπων. 89. διαφέρομεν (D, What & con- de xai rais τῶν πολεμικῶν μελέταις

and the Sparten τῶν

ἐναντίων

τοῖσδε.

τήν

τε γὰρ

89. πόλιν κοινὴν παρέχομεν καὶ οὐκ ἔστιν mystery about ὅτε ξενηλασίαις ἀπείργομέν τινα ἧ anyone muy see, μαθήματος ἧ θεάματος, ὃ μὴ κρυφθὲν to force or fraud, Gy Tis τῶν πολεμίων ἰδὼν ὠφεληθείη,

(81).

πιστεύοντες which πλέον

καὶ

οὐ ταῖς παρασκευαῖς TO ἀπάταις

isnot αὐτῶν ἐς τὰ

ἔργα

4 τῷ

ad

ἡμῶν

εὐψύχφ᾽

καὶ ἐν

rigorous and op- ταῖς παιδείαις οἱ μὲν δπιπόνῳ ἀσκήσει

lie

wo

ὄντες τὸ avépeiov μετέρ-

χονται, ἡμεῖς δὲ ἀνειμένως διαιτώμενοι οὐδὲν ἧσσον 2 ἐπὶ τοὺς ἰσοπαλεῖς κινδύνους χωροῦμεν. τεκμήριον

de

οὔτε γὰρ Λακεδαιμόνιοι

καθ᾽ éavrovs,

πάντων Ö ἐς τὴν γῆν ἡμῶν στρατεύουσι,

μετὰ τήν Te

τῶν πέλας αὐτοὶ ἐπελθόντες οὐ χαλεπῶς ἐν τῇ ἁλλοτρίᾳ τοὺς περὶ τῶν οἰκείων ἁμυνομένους 4 μαχόμενοι τὰ πλείω κρατοῦμεν. ἁθρόᾳ τε τῇ δυνάμει ἡμῶν οὐδείς πω πολέμιος ἐνέτυχε διὰ τὴν SO, 1. ἐπὶ τοὺ: lsoradets x. M8S8., but Usener proposes ἐπὶ τοὺς

κινδύνους

leowadsis

χωροῦμεν,

followed

by

Cr.,

while

Rauchenstein and Herw. place ἰσοπαλεῖς before ἐπί. 2. καθ᾽ éavrovs) men. καθ’ ἑκάστον:, corr. by Cobet. Valla translates per se tantum, ée. he found éavroós. Sauppe cuts out Δακεδαιμόνιοι. This depends on the interpretation of αὐτοὶ below. —At

τεκμήριον begins p. 40 in M, é.¢. the manna

recentior. Intr. p. xxii. —oóre γὰρ Aax. {εἴκομεν οὐ) καθ᾽ dxderens Doderlein. 8. ἀθρόᾳ Te) Sta. ἁθρόᾳ δὲ, but see note. For spelling, see c. 81, § 2.

EYTTIPAOHP

TOU

ναυτικοῦ Te Gua

B.

43

ἐπιμέλειαν

καὶ τὴν ἐν TY

γῇ ἐπὶ πολλὰ ἡμῶν αὐτῶν ἐπίπεμψιν ἣν δέ που μορίῳ τινὶ προσμείξωσι, κρατήσαντές τε τινὰς ἡμῶν

πάντας

αὐχοῦσιν

ἀπεῶσθαι,

καὶ

νικηθέντες

ὑφ᾽ ἁπάντων ἡσσῆσθαι. καίτοι εἰ ῥαθυμίᾳ μάλλον 4 N πόνων μελέτῃ καὶ μὴ μετὰ νόμων τὸ πλεῖον F

τρόπων ἀνδρείας ἐθέλομεν κινδυνεύειν, περιγίγνεται ἡμῖν τοῖς τε μέλλουσιν ἀλγεινοῖς

καὶ ἐς αὐτὰ

ἐλθοῦσι

μοχθούντων

φαΐνεσθαι,

μὴ προκάμνειν,

μὴ ἁτολμοτέρους τῶν αἰεὶ καὶ

&

τε

τούτοις

τὴν

πόλιν ἀξίαν εἶναι θαυμάζεσθαι καὶ ἔτι ἐν ἄλλοις. 40. Φδιλοκαλοῦμεν γὰρ per’ εὐτελείας ^ » , και N φιλοσοφοῦμεν avev paXaxtas' TÀOv-, ey Al Moreover, he ignen:at

τῷ Te ἔργου μᾶλλον καιρῷ , λόγου prams privilege yt κόμπῳ χρώμεθα, καὶ τὸ πένεσθαι οὐχ The causes snd ὁμολογεῖν τινὶ αἰσχρόν, ἁλλὰ

φεύγειν ἔργῳ αἴσχιον.

μὴ δια- 5.c. 48.

ἔνι τε τοῖς αὐτοῖς

α. Our taste 2

οἰκείων ἅμα καὶ πολιτικῶν ἐπιμέλεια, sulcivation of the

kai ἑτέροις (érepa) πρὸς ἔργα Terpap- trom decreasing, 4. ἐθέλοιμεν BFGM, Shil., Pp., Dion. Hal. ad Ammacum, c. 12. ἐθέλομεν ACE, Sta., CL, Ste., Herw., Cr.—T[d»ópelas] Herw., with Badham ; ἀνδριίω: Döderlein. — drodunporépaus Dion. Hal. l.c. φαίνεσθαι. -Kal ἐν τούτοις Weidner and Sta., inserting οἶμαι or νομίζω after ἀξία». 40, 1. ὁμολογεῖν rısı] m omits rin. 2. δι] ABEFmT &.—repa Cl., Sta., Cr.) mas. ἑτέροις, retained by Shil., Ste., Bh.: érepoia Herw.: σφέτερα Badham.

Dobree brackets οἰκείων ... éréipas, and reads rperoudvas for τετραμμένοι. Kras combats the change to #repa.—[avrei] Linwood.—4révuoóus0a ὀρθῶ:)] Döderlein places ὀρθῶς: after

προδιδαχθῆναι, to which Campe objects.

44

OOYKYAIAOY

fece as

increases

Μένοις τὰ πολιτικὰ μὴ ἐνδεῶς γνῶναι ,

4

. Atthemme “Ovo o8

9

^

e

.

Yap TOV Te μηδὲν τῶνδε pere-

pert

9

in publiclife,and XOvTa

which when car. ried out is to afte y. Ours isthe highest form of patriotiem — to

4

9

οὐκ

9

ἀπράγμονα

9

a

ἀλλ᾽’ ἀχρεῖον

νομίζομεν, καὶ αὐτοὶ ἤτοι κρίνομέν γε ; , an " , $ ἐνθυμούμεθα ὀρθῶς τὰ πραγματα, οὐ τοὺς λόγους τοῖς ἔργοις βλάβην . 4 4 " ^ ἡγούμένοι, ἀλλὰ μὴ “τροδιδαχθῆναι

tages with ful μᾶλλον λόγῳ πρότερον 4 ἐπὶ ἃ dei 3 their value (83. ἔργῳ ἐλθεῖν. διαφερόντως γὰρ δὴ xai now

à.

edge

,

^

,

Our magnsa-

,

*

others securesus

,

exAoyileodar

ὃ τοῖς ἄλλοις

a

᾿Ξ

^

ea

nimity towards TOÓ€ ἔχομεν ὥστε TOALAY TE οἱ αντοι

truefriends(§4) μαλιστα

4

Kai περὶ

λογισμὸς δὲ ὄκνον φέρει.

Le.

,

ὧν ἐπιχειρήσομεν

ἀμαθία

κράτιστοι

μὲν θράσος,

Ó ἂν τὴν

ψυχὴν δικαίως κριθεῖεν οἱ τά τε δεινὰ καὶ ἡδέα σαφέστατα γιγνώσκοντες καὶ διὰ ταῦτα μὴ ἀποκαὶ τὰ ἐς ἀρετὴν 4 τρεπόμενοι ἐκ τῶν κινδύνων. ἐνηντιώμεθα τοῖς πολλοῖς οὐ γὰρ πάσχοντες εὖ ἀλλὰ δρῶντες κτώμεθα τοὺς φίλους. βεβαιότερος

δὲ

ὁ

δράσας

τὴν

χάριν ὥστε

εὐνοίας ᾧ δέδωκε awlew

ὀφειλομένην

di

ὁ δ᾽ ἀντοφείλων ἀμβλύ-

e Tepos, εἰδὼς οὐκ ἐς χάριν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐς ὀφεί λημα τὴν ἀρετὴν ἁποδώσων. καὶ μόνοι οὐ τοῦ ξυμφέροντος μᾶλλον λογισμῷ ἣ τῆς ἐλευθερίας τῷ πιστῷ 3. ὃ τοῖς ἄλλοι:---ἀμαθία μὲν θράσος (sic) Bh., and Herw.—[éx) Herw. 4. ἐνηντιώμεθα.

For the form, see Rutherford, New Phryn.

p. 81, Cobet, Mnem. ri. p. 297, Hesych. s.v. ἡντίασεν.

The

form given in M88., ἠναντιώμεθα, is later than Thuc.— few] On the orthography, see Stahl, Quaest. Gram. p. 37, Meisterhans, p. 142.—For ὥστε Déóderlein reads ws δὴ.---ἀλλ᾽ ws ὀφείλημα Sta. : [ds] χάριν ... [ds] ὀφείλημα Herw.

EYTTPAOH

adews τινα ὠφελοῦμεν.

B.

45

41. ξυνελών τε λέγω τήν

τε πάσαν πόλιν τῆς Ἑλλάδος παίδευ?

N

^w

ow εἶναι καὶ καθ᾽

-

^

9

8

πλειστ

A

ap

»

„

ἂν eiön

the raver τῶν

ἕκαστον δοκεῖν ἄν τρόπων (0. 43)

μοι τὸν αὑτὸν avÓpa 4

(9) Summingup

»

καὶ

4

μετα

A

,»

ἡμῶν evt e

^

9

,

χαρίτων

μα"

,

-

Nor ἂν evrpare Aws TO σῶμα αὕταρκες καὶ ὡς οὐ λόγων ἐν τῷ παρέχεσθαι. παρόντι κόμπος Tade μάλλον ? ἐργων ἐστὶν aAndea, αὐτὴ ἡ δύναμις τῆς , ER. ^ πόλε ως, ἣνa απὸ τῶνδ ε τῶν^ τρό4πων ἐκτησάμεθα, σημαίνει. μόνη yap τῶν ?

,

,

,

M

a.; AthensAthene ieis aἃ

4

^

Greece; it is no

ie boast to say

that her citisens Brey 2 Sa ety to it GOB 14). ‚P, For such a that men are ready to die! (9. 3

yuy ἀκοῆς κρείσσων ec πεῖραν ἔρχεται καὶ μόνη οὔτε τῷ πολεμίῳφ [ἐπελθόντι] ἀγανάκτησιν ἔχει ὑφ᾽ οἵων κακοπαθεῖ, οὔτε Tw ὑπηκόῳ κατάμεμψιν ὡς

οὐχ

um

ἀξίων

ἄρχεται.

μετὰ

μεγάλων

δὲ 4

σημείων καὶ οὐ δή τοι ἀμαρτυρόν γε τὴν δύναμιν

παρασχόμενοι

τοῖς Te νῦν καὶ τοῖς ἔπειτα

μασθησόμεθα

(xai οὐδὲν προσδεόμενοι

a

ρου

8

e*aivérov

a

οὔτε

d

ὅστις

ἔπεσι

θαν-

οὔτε

μὲν

P

τὸ

4

Ομή» ?

αὐτίκα

41,1. rap’ ἡμῖν for r. ἡμῶν Cobet and Herw.—Over εἴδη is written ἡδὺ in m, and for πλεῖστα m has πλεῖστον. ---μετὰ

χαρίτων is bracketed by Badham and Herw. 3. Dóderlein reads τῳ πολεμίῳ ... ry ὑπηκόῳ: Badbam,

who

first

bracketed

παθόντι:

Cobet rg [πολεμίῳ]

ἐπελθόντι,

reads

Herw., ry

after

πολέμια

παθόντι : Dobree τῷ [πολεμίῳ)

ἐπελθόντι : Haase τῷ πολεμίῳ ἀπελθόντι. I follow Ste. 4. οὔτε 'Oufpov x.r.\.) Döderlein reads οὔτε ἑπαινέτου οὔτε

Ὁμήρου Barıs.

I place καὶ ... βλάψει in a parenthesis, because

ἀλλὰ ... naravayxdearres is opposed to οὐ δή τοι... παρασχόμενοι. Sta. brackets καὶ with Cobet. ---καλῶν re κἀγαθῶν Herw., Sta,

Cr., for Mas, κακῶν re xdy.

46

OGOYKYAIAOY

τέρψει, τῶν δὲ ἔργων τὴν ὑπόνοιαν ἡ ἀλήθεια βλάψει),

ἀλλὰ

ἐσβατὸν

τῇ

πᾶσαν

μὲν

ἡμετέρᾳ

θάλασσαν

τόλμῃ

καὶ

γῆν

καταναγκάσαντες

γενέσθαι, πανταχοῦ δὲ μνημεῖα καλῶν τε κἀγαθῶν 5 ἀΐδια fvyxarouicayres. περὶ τοιαύτης οὖν πόλεως οἵδε τε γενναίως δικαιοῦντες μὴ ἀφαιρεθῆναι αὐτὴν μαχόμενοι ἐτελεύτησαν, καὶ τῶν λειπομένων πάντα

τινὰ εἰκὸς ἐθέλειν ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς κάμνειν. The Fallen, by 42. διὸ δὴ xai ἐμήκυνα τὰ περὶ τῆς Arm my words. πόλεως, διδασκαλίαν Te ποιούμενος um Arm

8

8

4

weep for them, περὶ ἴσου ἡμῖν εἶναι τὸν ἀγῶνα for their heroio ols τῶνδε μηδὲν

ὑπάρχει

καὶ

ὁμοίως, καὶ

τὴν εὐλογίαν ἅμα eb οἷς νῦν λέγω 1 φανερὰν σημείοις καθιστάς. μέγιστα

καὶ εἴρηται αὐτῆς τὰ

ἃ γὰρ τὴν πόλιν ὕμνησα, αἱ τῶνδε καὶ

τῶν τοιῶνδε ἀρεταὶ ἐκόσμησαν, καὶ οὐκ ἂν πολλοῖς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἰσόρροπος ὥσπερ τῶνδε ὁ λόγος τῷ

ἔργῳ

φανεί.

δοκεῖ

δέ μοι

δηλοῦν

ἀνδρὸς

ἀρετὴν πρώτη τε μηνύουσα καὶ τελευταία βεβαι340Uca ἡ νῦν τῶνδε καταστροφή. καὶ γὰρ τοῖς τἄλλα χείροσι δίκαιον τὴν ἐς τοὺς πολέμους ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος ἀνδραγαθίαν προτίθεσθαι ἀγαθῷ yàp κακὸν ἀφανίσαντες κοινῶς μάλλον ὠφέλησαν 4

ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων ἔβλαψαν. τῶνδε δὲ οὔτε πλούτῳ τις τὴν ἔτι ἀπόλαυσιν προτιμήσας ἐμαλακίσθη 42,1.

This § is quoted by Dion. Hal. Ars.

Rhet.

He

omits ὁμιοίω:.

2. οὔκ a» πολλοῦ] Ste. proposes οὐκ ἃ» {dv} vo oit. —rQ ἔργῳ is Dobree's correction of mss. τῶν ἔργων, adopted by Herw. 4. rip ἔτι drbd\avew.

MT

omit (r.—

πλούτῳ ABM, πλούτου

EYTTPAeQHZ

B.

47

οὔτε πενίας ἐλπίδι, ὡς κἂν ἔτι διαφυγὼν αὐτὴν πλουτήσειεν, ἀναβολὴν τοῦ δεινοῦ ἐποιήσατο᾽ τὴν

δὲ τῶν ἐναντίων τιμωρίαν ποθεινοτέραν αὐτῶν λαβόντες

καὶ κινδύνων ἅμα

τόνδε

κάλλιστον

νομί-

σαντες ἐβουλήθησαν per’ αὐτοῦ τοὺς μὲν τιμωρεῖσθαι τῶν δὲ ἐφίεσθαι, ἐλπίδι μὲν τὸ ἀφανὲς τοῦ κατορθώσειν ἐπιτρέψαντες, ἔργῳ δὲ περὶ τοῦ ἤδη ὁρωμένου σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ἀξιοῦντες πετποι-

θέναι, καὶ ἐν αὐτῷ τὸ ἀμύνεσθαι καὶ παθεῖν κάλλιον ἡγησάμενοι ἣ τὸ evöorres σῴζεσθαι, τὸ μὲν αἰσχρὸν τοῦ λόγου ἔφυγον, τὸ Ó ἔργον τῷ σώματι UTE μειναν, καὶ δι ἐλαχίστου καιροῦ τύχης, ἅμα ἀκμῇ τῆς δόξης μάλλον I τοῦ δέους, ἀπηλλαγησαν.

43. Καὶ οἵδε μὲν προσηκόντως τῇ πόλει τοιοίδε ἐγένοντο τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς χρὴ ἀσφαλεστέραν

CEG.—revlg [i] Badham,—yer’ αὐτοῦ om. by Dion. Hal. ad Am. ο. 1θ.---τῶν δὲ ἐφίεσθαι] So H. Kras, die drei Reden des P., Ste., Bh., with the Mss. But Pp. proposed ἀφίεσθαι, which all other recent edd. accept. Kraz sees in ἐφίεσθαι a subtle irony which I do not discover. But the mss. reading is far preferable to ἀφίεσθαι. ---ν αὐτῷ and Kras read ry with Dion. Hal. omits xal before é»), but there is ἀμύνεσθαι and ἐνδόντες, as between

τὸ ἀμύνεσθαι) For τὸ Sta. ad Am. o. 16 (who also an antithesis between παθεῖν and σῴζεσθαι. ---

κάλλιον is Dobree's corr. of mas. μᾶλλον, accepted by Herw., Ste., Cr.; but Rauchenstein proposes μᾶλλον ἡγήσαμενοι ὠφελήσειν, comparing 8 3; Badham retains μᾶλλον ἡγησ., and alters ἐν αὐτῷ above to davravr.— μᾶλλον ἢ τοῦ δέου: bracketed

by Herw., who for τύχη: reads ψύχη. Kr. suggests relieving this difficult sentence of καιροῦ, and C. Ziegler also wishes to

remove τύχη. je

Ste. proposes taking &' ἐλαχίστου alone, and

καιροῦ τύχης to τῆ: 8déns (expectation) μᾶλλον f) τοῦ 0devs.

note.

48

ΘΟΥΚΥΔΊΔΟΥ

μὲν εὔχεσθαι, ἀτολμοτέραν C. (Seee. 87.

δὲ μηδὲν ἀξιοῦν τὴν

€$ τοὺς πολεμίους διάνοιαν ἔχειν, σκο-

perra, κα. TOUTS μὴ λόγῳ μόνῳ τὴν ὠφελίαν

fertation to the (ἣν {Ti} dv τις πρὸς οὐδὲν χεῖρον αὐτοὺς

wise. A soldiers ὑμάς εἰδότας μηκύνοι, λέγων ὅσα ἐν death is noble

(c. 43).

TQ τοὺς πολεμίους ἀμύνεσθαι ἀγαθὰ

ἔνεστιν ;) ἀλλὰ

μάλλον

τὴν τῆς

πόλεως

καθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἔργῳ

θεωμένους καὶ ἐραστὰς

μένους

ὅταν

αὐτῆς,

καὶ

ὑμῖν

μεγάλη

δύναμιν

γιγνο-

δόξῃ

εἶναι,

ἐνθυμουμένους ὅτι τολμῶντες καὶ γιγνώσκοντες τὰ δέοντα καὶ ἐν τοῖς ἔργοις αἰσχυνόμενοι ἄνδρες αὐτὰ ἐκτήσαντο, καὶ ὁπότε καὶ πείρᾳ του σφαλεῖεν, οὐκ οὖν καὶ τὴν πόλιν γε τῆς σφετέρας

ἀξιοῦντες στερίσκειν, 2 προϊέμενοι.

κάλλιστον

κοινῇ γὰρ

τὸν ἀγήρων

δὲ ἔρανον αὐτῇ

τὰ σώματα

ἔπαινον ἐλάμβανον

ἀρετῆς

διδόντες ἰδίᾳ

καὶ

τὸν τάφον

ἐπισημότατον, οὐκ ἐν d κεῖνται μάλλον, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ᾧ ἡ δόξα αὐτῶν παρὰ τῷ ἐντυχόντι αἰεὶ καὶ

λόγου καὶ ἔργου καιρῷ αἰείμνηστος καταλείπεται. 3 avöpuv

γὰρ

ἐπιφανῶν

στηλῶν μόνον

ἐν τῇ

πᾶσα

οἰκείᾳ

γῆ

σημαίνει

ἀλλὰ

καὶ ἐν τῇ μὴ προσηκούσῃ

wap

ἑκάστῳ

τῆς γνώμης

ταῴος

καὶ

οὐ

ἐπιγραφή,

ἄγραφος

μνήμη

5 τοῦ

ἔργου

μάλλον

48, 1. τὴν εἰς τοὺ: π. Μ.---ὠφελείαν Μ.---ἢν τί ἄν ru. So Kr., Badham, Herw. for ἣν ἄν τις. ---ὅτ᾽ ἂν Μ.---τοῦ σφαλείησαν Μ. ---οὐκ οὖν, non ideo, Cl, Ste., Sta., for οὔκουν uss5.: Herw. brackets καὶ. 3. Badham,

followed

by

Herw.,

brackets

σημαίνει. —trı-

γραφῆι M. —Badham reads rap’ ἑκάστων τῇ γνώμῃ and brackets 4 τοῦ ἔργου. --- ἄγραφος μνήμηι M.—swapexdorex M.

KYTTPAS9HZ B. evdiarrarat. εὔδαιμον

obs

τὸ

νῦν

ἐλεύθερον,

ὑμεῖς

49

ζηλώσαντες

τὸ

δὲ ἐλεύθερον

καὶ τὸ 4 τὸ

εὖὕ-

Yvxov κρίναντες, μὴ περιορᾶσθε τοὺς πολεμικοὺς

κινδύνους. οὐ γὰρ οἱ κακοπραγοῦντες δικαιότερον 5 ἀφειδοῖεν ἂν τοῦ βίου, οἷς ἐλπὶς οὐκ ἔστ᾽ ἀγαθοῦ, ἀλλ᾽ οἷς ἡ ἐναντία

μεταβολὴ

ἐν τῷ

ζῆν ὅτι κιν-

δυνεύεται καὶ ἐν οἷς μάλιστα μεγάλα τὰ διαφέρ-

οντα, ἥν τι πταίσωσιν.

ἀλγεινοτέρα γὰρ ἀνδρί 6

γε φρόνημα ἔχοντι ἡ [ἐν τῷ] μετὰ τοῦ μαλακισθῆναι κάκωσις ἣ ὁ μετὰ ῥώμης καὶ κοινῆς ἐλπίδος ἅμα γιγνόμενος ἀναίσθητος θάνατος.

44. Διόπερ πάρεστε,

σομαι.

καὶ τοὺς

οὐκ

τῶνδε

ὁλοφύρομαι

ἐν πολυτρόποις

ται τραφέντες

νῦν τοκέας, ὅσοι

μάλλον

ἣ παραμυθή-

γὰρ ξυμφοραῖς ἐπίσταν-

τὸ δ᾽ εὐτυχές, οἱ ἂν τῆς εὐπρε-

4. wapopicbe for περιορᾶσθε Badham and Herw. δ. [ἐν] ols Kr., Herw.

6. [ἐν τῷ] So all recent edd., and some fairly old.

& ry

Abresch, Gottl., Bekker ; ἐν τῷ [μετὰ τοῦ] Shil.

44, 1. Διότερ ... καραμυθήσομαι, quoted by Dion. Hal. Ars. Rhet. ---ὄλνφυροῦμαι Steph., Cobet, Herw. --ἐπίστανται τραφέντες 768’ εὐτυχές (ac. ὃν) Abresch, Polle., rpaperres, τὸ δ᾽ εὐτυχές Cr. —xal ws x.T.\., for καὶ ols, Cl.: καὶ οἷς ἂν εὐδαιμονῆσαί re ... καὶ εὖ τελεντῆσαι (as Poppo for Mss. ἐντελευτῆσαι) ξυμμετρηθῇ Herbst, N. Jahrb. für Phil. 119, p. 536. For ἐντελευτῆσαι Cl. proposed ἐναλγῆσαι or ἐλλυπηθῆναι, against which Kraz, N. Jahrb. 113. p. 111, defends the mss. word. ἐναδημονῆσαι ... καὶ

dvevruxfjeaı

M.

Schmidt,

Rhein.

Afus.

27, p. 482.

Sta.

formerly read ev τελευτῆσαι, but now drreievrfjea: {4 εὐδαιμονία) ξινεμετρήθη.

I follow Herw.

however reads ὀλίγοις for οἷ. says Cr.

in the text, as does Ste., who

* Chacun presque à la sienne’

50

OOYKYAIAOY

πεσταάτης λάχωσιν, ὥσπερ ode uev vuv τελευτῆς, 2 λόγον παρα- ὑμεῖς δὲ λύπης, kat οἷς ἐνευδαιμονῆσαι 4

^

4

8

4

bd

~

μυθητικός. Con T€ ὁ βίος ὁμοίως καὶ ἐνταλαιπωρῆσαι solation

(c.

I

the τα {un} ποθεῖν ὄν, ὧν καὶ πολλάκις ἔξετε

2 48):

«4,

ξυνεμετρήθη.

Ἢ

4

2

χαλεπὸν μὲν οὖν οἶδα

a. in general ὑπομνήματα ἐν ἄλλων εὐτυχίαις, als E . ?! 8» 0» B. tothosewho ΤΌΤΕ καὶ avrot ἡγάλλεσθε καὶ λύπη OUX ὧν ἄν τις μὴ πειρασάμενος ἀγαθῶν er

(c. 44, $6 1, 3).

„tothosewbo στερίσκηται, ἀλλ᾽ οὗ ἂν ἐθὰς γενό3 ber

μενος

ἀφαιρεθῇ.

καὶ ἄλλων παίδων ἐλπίδι

ποιεῖσθαι᾽

καρτερεῖν

δὲ

χρὴ

οἷς ἔτι ἡλικία τέκνωσιν

ἰδίᾳ τε yap τῶν οὐκ ὄντων λήθη οἱ

ἐπιγιγνόμενοί τισιν ἔσονται, καὶ τῇ πόλει διχόθεν, ἔκ τε τοῦ μὴ ἐρημοῦσθαι καὶ ἀσφαλείᾳ, ξυν-

οίἰσει' οὐ γὰρ οἷόν Te ἴσον τι ἣ δίκαιον βουλεύεσθαι of ἂν μὴ καὶ παῖδας ex τοῦ ὁμοίου παραὅσοι & ad παρηβήκατε, 4 βαλλόμενοι κινδυνεύωσιν. τόν τε πλείονα κέρδος ὃν ηὐτυχεῖτε βίον ἡγεῖσθε

καὶ τόνδε βραχὺν ἔσεσθαι, καὶ τῇ τῶνδε εὐκλείᾳ τὸ γὰρ φιλότιμον ἀγήρων μόνον, κουφίζεσθε. καὶ οὐκ ἐν τῷ ἀχρείῳ τῆς ἡλικίας τὸ κερδαίνειν, ὥσπερ τινές φασι, μάλλον τέρπει, ἀλλὰ τὸ τιμάσθαι.

45. ἸΠαισὶ δ᾽ αὖ, ὅσοι τῶνδε πάρεστε,

2. {uh} ποθεῖν be] mas. οἶδα welder

ὄν. See Intr. p. xlii.

Madvig ἀπαθεῖν : Reifferscheid πένϑειν : Ste. οἶδ᾽’ ἀσαλγεῦ.--πειρασόμενοε M and all good mss. Bo Shil. and Kras.— ἀφαιρεθείη ABEM, and CL: 8811. points out the cause of the error. 3. γάρ re mas. corrected by Kr. and all subsequent edd. — ὥστερ ruts φασὶ M.

0

EYTTPAOHZ

B.

51

$ ἀδελφοῖς ὁρῶ μέγαν τὸν ἀγῶνα, [τὸν yap οὐκ ὄντα ἅπας εἴωθεν ἐπαινεῖν) καὶ μόλις ,Q)to the cons dy καθ᾽ ὑπερβολὴν ἀρετῆς ovx ὁμοῖοι the fallen (o. 48,

te τῶν ἀλλ᾽ ὀλίγφ χείρους κριθεῖτε. φθόνον τὸν

γὰρ τοῖς ζῶσι πρὸς τὸ ἀντίπαλον, TO ka 09.

δὲ μὴ ἐμποδὼν εἰ δέ με δεῖ καὶ χηρείᾳ ἔσονται ἅπαν σημανῶς μὴ

χείροσι

ἀνανταγωνίστῳ εὐνοίᾳ τετίμηται. γυναικείας τι ἀρετῆς ὅσαι νῦ ἐν 32 μνησθῆναι, βραχείᾳ παραινέσει τῆς τε γὰρ ὑπαρχούσης φύσεως

γενέσθαι

ὑμῖν μεγάλη

ἡ Iv. Ἔπδοογοι.

δόξα, καὶ ἧς ἂν ἐπ᾿ ἔλαχιστον ἀρετῆς words is paid, are rebut deeds , # , ^! πέρι ἢ4 ψόγου ἐν, τοῖςe ἄρσεσι κλέος jj. paid with deeds . 46. Eiprrras

TOV "

νόμον e

ὅσα

καὶ ἐμοὶ ,λόγῳ κατὰ , Ho(1) funeral by this; pud

,

εἶχον

.

“ροσῴορα, 4

καὶ ,

ἔργῳ of θαπτόμενοι Ta μὲν ἤδη κεκὸσ-

(2) by the main-

tenance

of

the

μῆνται, τὰ δὲ αὐτῶν τοὺς παῖδας τὸ ἀπὸ τοῦδε

δημοσίᾳ

ἡ πόλις

μέχρι

ἤβης

θρέψει, ὠφέλιμον

48,1. τὸν γὰρ οὐκ Gra... εἴωθεν ἐπαινεῖν ia bracketed by Cl., Wilamowits, and Ste., whom, in spite of Sta., I follow,

feeling no doubt that this sententious remark, which has no bearingon the preceding words, and is badly expressed, is a gloss to explain rà μὴ ἐμποδὼν x...

Jungbahn

a contradiction here to c. 88, 2

Though not accepting

and Ste. see

Sürgel's remarks on &res, I, with him, see no such contra-

diction. See note on c. 88, 2.

[N. Jahrb. 111, p. 678; 117, p.

859, and elsewhere in same vol.; Rhein. Mus. 28, p. 188.)— ὅμοιοι Μ. ---κριθείητε M.—rois ζῶσι is bracketed by Cl., Herw.,

retained by Bh., Sta.

It is required. -- πρὸ: τῶν ἀντιπάλων

Cr., who also suggests πρὸς τοῦ ἀντιπάλου, but the mes. reading

is far more forcible.

σαρὰ rà d. Wilamowits. —(sodo» M.

40,1. εἴρηται καὶ € καὶ ἐμοὶ M, error in going fr. p. 4] to p. 42.

52

OOYKYAIAOY

* 0187.2 480, Spring.

στέφανον τοισδέ Te xal Tois λειπομένοις τῶν τοιῶνδε ἀγώνων προτιθεῖσα᾽ ἄθλα γὰρ οἷς κεῖται ἀρετῆς μέγιστα, τοῖς δὲ καὶ ἄνδρες ἄριστοι 2 πολιτεύουσι. νῦν δὲ ἀπολοφυράμενοι ὃν προσήκει ἕκαστος ἀποχωρεῖτε." 47. Τοιόσδε μὲν ὁ τάφος ἐγένετο ἐν τῷ χειμῶνι

Bacorp Yuan ον Τούτῳ᾽ καὶ διελθόντος αὐτοῦ πρῶτον Wan.

ἔτος

τοῦ

"τοῦ

δὲ θέρους εὐθὺς

πολέμου

τοῦδε

ἀρχομένου

ἐτελεύτα.

Ἰ]ελοποννήσιοι

The Peloponne καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι τὰ δύο μέρη ὥσπερ

sans invade At καὶ τὸ πρῶτον ἐσέβαλον ἐς τὴν ᾿Ατae Tuv ἡγεῖτο δὲ ᾿Αρχίδαμος ὁ Ζευξιδάμου Λακεδαιμονίων βασιλεύς. καὶ 4 καθεζόμενοι ἐδήουν τὴν γῆν. καὶ ὄντων αὐτῶν οὐ

πολλᾶς πω ἡμέρας ev τῇ Αττικῇ ἡ νόσος πρῶτον ἤρξατο

γενέσθαι

τοῖς ᾿Αθηναίοις,

λεγόμενον

μὲν

καὶ πρότερον πολλαχόσε ἐγκατασκῆψαι καὶ περὶ Λῆμνον καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις χωρίοις, οὐ μέντοι τοσοῦτός

γε λοιμὸς οὐδὲ φθορὰ

4 ἐμνημονεύετο γενέσθαι. τὸ πρῶτον θεραπεύοντες Nora ἔθνῃσκον ὅσῳ καὶ ἄλλη ἀνθρωπεία τέχνη ἱεροῖς

ἱκέτευσαν

οὕτως ἀνθρώπων

οὐδαμοῦ

οὔτε γὼρ ἰατροὶ ἤρκουν ἀγνοίᾳ, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτοὶ μάμάλιστα προσῇσαν, οὔτε οὐδεμία ὅσα τε πρὸς

7 μαντείοις

καὶ τοῖς

τοιούτοις

ἐχρήσαντο, πάντα ἀνωφελῇ ἣν, τελευτῶντές τε αὐτῶν ἀπέστησαν ὑπὸ τοῦ κακοῦ νικώμενοι. 48. 47,3. φθορὰ [οὕτω] Herw. 4. ἔθνῃσκονἾ On the orthography, see Stahl, Quaest. Gram. p.

37,

Meisterhans,

p.

141.—*pocsf«ca»

wpoclecay.—redevrawres rà M.

M,

corrected

from

EYTTPASHZ

B.

53

ἤρξατο δὲ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον, ὡς λέγεται, ἐξ Αἰθιοτίας τῆς ὑπὲρ Αἰγύπτου, ἔπειτα δὲ Men say it broke καὶ ἐς Αἴγυπτον

καὶ Διβύην κατέβη thence ttIt prend epreed

καὶ ἐς τὴν βασιλέως γῆντὴν πολλήν. Empire, “ieee ἐς δὲ τὴν ᾿Αθηναίων πόλιν ἐξαπιναίως Piraeus. 2

ecérece, καὶ TO

πρῶτον

ev τῷ

Πειραιεῖ ἥψατο

τῶν ἀνθρώπων, ὥστε καὶ ἐλέχθη ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ὡς οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι φάρμακα ἐσβεβλήκοιεν ἐς τὰ

φρέατα᾽ κρῆναι γὰρ οὕπω ἧσαν αὐτόθι. δὲ καὶ πολλῷ

ὕστερον

ἐς τὴν ἄνω πόλιν ἀφίκετο καὶ ἔθνῃσκον μάλλον ἤδη. λεγέτω μὲν οὖν περὶ αὐτοῦ 3

ὡς ἕκαστος γιγνώσκει καὶ ἰατρὸς καὶ ἰδιώτης ab ὅτου εἰκὸς ἦν γενέσθαι αὐτό, καὶ τὰς αἰτίας ἅστινας νομίζει

τοσαύτ

nib

"s

εταβολῆς

"

B

"s

ἱκανὰς

εἶναι [δύναμιν ἐς τὸ μεταστῆσαι σχεῖν}

$

The

ce

writer deUE

tom

ἐγὼ de οἷόν Te ἐγίγνετο λέξω, καὶ ad’ and from his ob. ν ^ 404 servation of ὧν Gy TIS σκοπῶν, el ποτε καὶ αὖθις ἐπιπέσοι, μαλιστ᾽ ἂν ἔχοι Tt προειδὼς μὴ ayφ

4

,

9

M

1

a

9

voeiv, ταῦτα δηλώσω αὐτός τε νοσήσας καὶ [αὐτὸς] ἰδὼν ἄλλους πάσχοντας. 49. Τὸ μὲν γὰρ των,

r]

μάλιστα

4

δὴ

Eros, ὡς ὡμολογεῖτο Φ

δι

ἐκεῖνο

ἀσθενείας ἐτύγχανεν Ov τι,

ἐς τοῦτο

πάντα

P d

ἄνοσον

9

ἐς

ἐκ war 4

τὰς

ἄλλας

εἰ δέ τις καὶ προέΐκαμνέ

ἀπεκρίθη.

τοὺς

Ó

ἄλλου; 2

46, 2. ἐσέπεσε Herw., Sta., for Mss. ὠέπεσε, which, like ἐμβάλλειν, takes dat. in Thuc. Cf. c. 49, 4.—«al ἐν τῶ πειραιεῖ τὸ πρῶτον M.—els rà $. M. 3. [δύναμιν ... exei») bracketed by Gesner, Herw., Sta. while Cl. and Ste. detect some addition here to the text.

For σχεῖν MT have &cew.—{adrds] Cobet.

54

OOYKYAIAOY

ἀπ᾿

οὐδεμιᾶς

προφάσεως,

The disease first ὄντας attacked

the

ἀλλ᾽

ἐξαίφνης

ὑγιεῖς

πρῶτον μὲν τῆς κεφαλῆς θέρμαι

»

4

head; thea ἰσχυραὶ

-

φ

~

?

,

καὶ τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν ἐρυθήματα

rystem. Gen- Kal φλόγωσιςις ἐλ eXau Ba ve, καὶ TG evTos , 4

,

,

cameinsevenor ἦ T€ φαρυγξ others died from αἱματώδη 3

8

a

καὶ ἡ γλῶσσα,

Av καὶ πνεῦμα

ἄτοπον

Φ

r4

εὐθὺς kai

GIN upon μὸς καὶ βράγχος ἐπεγίγνετο, καὶ ἐν a

a

9

'

9

ΠῚ

this

permanent die- στήθη ὁ πόνος μετὰ βηχὸς ἰσχυροῦ"

who recovered καὶ ὁπότα ἐς τὴν καρδίαν στηρίξειεν, mory for a ime. ἀγόστρεφέ τε αὐτὴν καὶ ἀποκαθάρσεις χολῆς πᾶσαι

ὅσαι ὑπὸ ἰατρῶν ὠνομασμέναι

εἰσὶν

ἐπῇσαν, καὶ αὗται μετὰ ταλαιπωρίας μεγάλης. arAvyE τε τοῖς πλείοσιν ἐνέπεσε κενή, σπασμὸν

ἐνδιδοῦσα ἰσχυρόν, τοῖς μὲν μετὰ ταῦτα λωφής σαντα, τοῖς δὲ καὶ πολλῷ ὕστερον. καὶ τὸ μὲν ὄξωθεν ἁπτομένῳ σῶμα ovr ἄγαν θερμὸν ἣν οὔτε χλωρόν, ἀλλ’ ὑπέρυθρον, πελιτνόν, φλυκταίναις μικραῖς καὶ ἕλκεσιν ἐξηνθηκός᾽ τὰ de ἐντὸς οὕτως 49, 9. 9ápvt M. 3. στηρίξαι M.—dodrpewe and ὑπὸ τῶν ἰατρῶν Cobet, from Galen. —érylecar M. 4. Between reis μὲν and μετὰ Herw. inserts e0fós. D. τὸ μὲν ἔξωθεν ἁπτομένῳ [σῶμα] CL, Herw., while Ste.

suggests τὸ μὲν ἔξωθεν σῶμα bracketing ἁπτομένῳ. ---οὐκ Ayer M. «-πελιδνόν Μ.--- μήτ᾽ ἄλλό τι ἢ γυμνὸν M.—els ὕδωρ and eis φρέατα

Μ.--ρασαν és φ.} Cl. was inclined to think with Ste. that a partic. is lost beforeés, and Ste. sugvested éerpéxorres or ἐσπσηδῶντει, M. Schmidt ἀνύσαντει. I proposed ἐσδραμόντες,

but now think the text sound.

ZYITPA®HZ

B.

55

exdero ὥστε μήτε τῶν raw

λεπτῶν ἱματίων xai

σινδόνων

ἄλλο

τὰς

ἐπιβολὰς

und

τι

ἢ γυμνοὶ

ἀνέχεσθαι, ἥδιστά τε ἂν ἐς ὕδωρ ψυχρὸν σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ῥίπτειν.

καὶ πολλοὶ

τοῦτο

τῶν

ἡμελη-

μένων ἀνθρώπων καὶ ὄδρασαν ἐς φρέατα, τῇ δίψῃ ἁπαύστῳ ξυνεχόμενοι. καὶ ἐν τῷ ὁμοίῳ καθειστήκει τό τε πλέον καὶ ὅλασσον ποτόν.

Kat6

ἡ ἀπορία τοῦ μὴ ἡσυχάζειν καὶ ἡ ἀγρυπνία ἐπέ-

kero διὰ παντόρ.

καὶ τὸ σῶμα, ὅσονπερ χρόνον

καὶ ἡ νόσος ἀκμάζοι, οὐκ ἐμαραίνετο, ἀλλ᾽ ἀντεῖχε παρὰ δόξαν τῇ ταλαιπωρίᾳ, ὥστε ἧ διεφθείροντο οἱ πλεῖστοι ἐναταῖοι καὶ ἑβδομαῖοι ὑπὸ τοῦ ἐντὸς

καύματος ἔτι ἔχοντές τι δυναμεως, ἣ εἰ διαφύyoy, ὁπικατιόντος τοῦ νοσήματος ἐς τὴν κοιλίαν

καὶ ἑλκώσεώς τε αὐτῇ ἰσχυρᾶς ἐγγιγνομένης καὶ διαρροίας ἅμα ἀκράτου ἐπιπιπτούσης οἱ πολλοὶ ὕστερον di αὐτὴν ἀσθενείᾳ ἀπεφθείροντο.

διεξήει 7

γὰρ διὰ παντὸς τοῦ σώματος ἄνωθεν ἀρξάμενον τὸ ἐν τῇ κεφαλῇ πρῶτον ἱδρυθὲν κακόν, καὶ εἶ τις ἐκ τῶν μεγίστων περιγένοιτο, τῶν γε ἀκρωτηρίων ἀντίληψις [αὐτοῦ] ἐπεσήμαινε᾽ κατόσκηπτε 8 6. 4 ἀγρυπνία] M omits ἡ.--ἐγγσομάηι Μ.---ἀκεφθοίρωστο) Cobet ἐφθείροντο, Cr. ϑὴ ἐφθείροντο.

ἀποφθείρομαι is Tragic,

and occurs only here in Attic prose; in Aristoph. it x ἔρρειν. Yet Thuc. may have used it; cf. Rutherford, New. Phryn. p. 32, 218.

Cf. rds évavpéceu for ἀπολαύσει: in c. 88, 2.

7. διαπαντὸς M.—[a0ro0) I bracket. It is explained (1) by Kr. and Cl. as masc., depending on ἀκρωτηρίων, (2) by Bta., Shil.,and Cr. as τοῦ κακοῦ, with ἀντίληψις, (3) Rauchenstein and Herw. read αὐτὸ, but when the person has recovered, the

disease would not remain.

Sep Class. Rev. iv. p. 270.

06

OOYKYAIAOY

yap ἐς αἰδοῖα καὶ ἐς ἄκρας χεῖρας xai πόδας, καὶ πολλοὶ στερισκόμενοι τούτων διέφευγον, εἰσὶ δ' οἵ καὶ τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν. τοὺς δὲ καὶ λήθη ἐλάμβανε παραυτίκα ἀναστάντας τῶν πάντων ὁμοίως καὶ ἠγνόησαν opas τε αὐτοὺς καὶ τοὺς ἐπιτηδείους.

50. γενόμενον γὰρ κρεῖσσον λόγον τὸ εἶδος τῆς vorov τά τε ἄλλα χαλεπωτέρως ἣ κατὰ THY ar θρωπείαν φύσιν προσέπιπτεν ἑκάστῳ καὶ ἐν τῷδε ἐδήλωσε μάλιστα ἄλλο τι ὅν 7 τῶν ξυντρόφων Even birds and T! τὰ γὰρ ὄρνεα καὶ τετράποδα ὅσα beasts that ἀγθούχων ἅπτεται, πολλῶν ἁτάφων γιγνομένων, ἢ οὐ προσήει 5 γευσαa neva διεφθείρετο.

τεκμήριον δέ τῶν μὲν τοιούτων

ὀρνίθων ἐπίλειψεις σαφὴς ἐγένετο, καὶ οὐχ ἑωρῶντο οὔτε ἄλλως οὔτε περὶ τοιοῦτον οὐδέν᾽ οἱ δὲ κύνες μάλλον αἴσθησιν παρεῖχον τοῦ ἁποβαίνοντος διὰ τὸ ξυνδιαιτάσθαι.

δ1. Τὸ μὲν οὖν νόσημα, πολλὰ καὶ ἄλλα παραNo satietactory λιπόντι ἀτοπίας, ὡς ἑκάστῳ erüuyen co, χανέ Te διαφερόντως ἑτέρῳ πρὸς Ereτὸssroofaguing POY γιγνόμενον, τοιοῦτον ἣν ἐπὶ πᾶν contagion.

τὴν ἰδέαν.

καὶ ἄλλο παρελύπει κατ᾽

ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον οὐδὲν τῶν εἰωθότων ὃ δὲ καὶ 2 γένοιτο, ἐς τοῦτο ἐτελεύτα. ἔθνῃσκον δὲ οἱ μὲν ἀμελείᾳ, οἱ δὲ καὶ πάνυ θεραπενόμενοι. ἕν τε οὐδὲ 80, 1. γινομένων M, γενομένων CG. 81, 1. ἐπίπαν M.—[xal ἄλλο ... ἐτελεύτα] bracketed by Van

der Mey, as ἃ repetition of 49, 1. Ste. sees a contradicison between these words and 49, 1. See 7nr. p. xlii. 9. οὐδὲ ty] οὐδὲ ἐγκατέστη AB; οὐδὲν κατέστηC, and so Sta.

EYTTPASHZ

ὃν κατέστη

57

laua ὡς εἰπεῖν ὅ τι χρῆν προσφέ-

ροντας ὠφελεῖν τοῦτο ἔβλαπτε. e^

B.

τὸ yap τῷ ξυνενεγκὸν ἄλλον σῶμα Te avrapxes ὃν οὐδὲν δὴ 3

M

e^

,

Ψ

*?

e

a

ἐφανη πρὸς αὐτὸ ἰσχύος πέρι ἣ ἀσθενείας, ἀλλὰ πάντα ξυνήρει καὶ τὰ πάσῃ διαίτῃ θεραπευόμενα. δεινότατον δὲ παντὸς ἣν τοῦ κακοῦ ὁπότε τις αἴσθοιτο

7 τε ἀθυμία 4

κάμνων (πρὸς γὰρ

The sicknese vas

TO ἀνέλπιστον εὐθὺς τραπόμενοι τῇ greet depression. γνώμῃ

πολλῷ

μᾶλλον προΐεντο σφᾶς

αὐτοὺς Kal

οὐκ ἀντεῖχον), καὶ ὅτι ἕτερος ab ἑτέρου Üepaπείας ἀναπιμπλάμενοι ὥσπερ τὰ πρόβατα ἔθνῃ4

4

^

a

e

e?

9

9

e

,

σκον᾽ καὶ τὸν πλεῖστον φθόρον τοῦτο ἐνεποίει. εἴτε γὰρ μὴ θέλοιεν δεδιότες ἀλλήλοις προσ-ς ἰέναι, ἀπώλλυντο ἐρῆμοι, καὶ οἰκίαι Yaturalties wore πολλαὶ ἐκενώθησαν ἀπορίᾳ τοῦ θερα- SorEoten: ws πεύσοντος εἴτε προσίοιεν, διεφθεί- srenas visited ροντο,

καὶ

μάλιστα

,

μεταποιούμενοι᾽

.

9

οἱ ,

ἀρετῆς 4

τι only te enti

φ

victime.

αἰσχύνῃ γὰρ ἠφείδουν

σφῶν αὐτῶν ἐσιόντες παρὰ φίλους, ἐπεὶ καὶ τὰς ὁλοφύρσεις τῶν ἀπογιγνομόνων τελευτῶντες καὶ οἱ οἰκεῖοι ἐξέκαμνον, ὕπο T τοῦ πολλοῦ Bun, those w who « κακοῦ νικώμενοι. ἐπὶ πλέον δὲ ὅμως were not Hable e

3

«a

„a

e —

e^

^

of διαπεφευγότες τὸν Te θνήσκοντα tack. καὶ τὸν πονούμενον wxriCovro διὰ τὸ προειδέναι Te kai αὐτοὶ ἤδη ev τῷ θαρσαλέῳ elvar’ δὶς γὰρ 4

τὸν

9

avTov

up

ὥστε

,

^

καὶ

,

κτείνειν

οὐκ

.

a

ἐπελάμβανε.

8. οὐδὲν δὴ ἐφάνη Valokenaer and Cobet, for ss. οὐδὲν διεφάνη. 4. dg’ ἑτέρου θεραπεία Mn ivig, Herw.: [θεραπείας] Dobres. δ. ἐξέκαριον for ἐξέκαμνον Mi.

68

eoYKYAIAOY

kai ἐμακαρίζοντό Te ὑπὸ τῶν ἄλλων καὶ αὐτοὶ τῷ παραχρῆμα περι χαρεῖ καὶ ἐς τὸν ἔπειτα χρόνον ἐλπίδος τι εἶχον κούφης und ἂν ὑπ᾽ ἄλλου νοσήματός ποτε ἔτι διαφθαρῆναι. 52. 'Eriene & αὐτοὺς μάλλον πρὸς τῷ ὑπαρThe crowded ΧΟΡΤῚ πόνῳ καὶ ἡ ἔνγκομιδη ἐκ τῶν ia ἀγρῶν Q ἐς τὸ ἄστυ, καὶ οὐχ ἧσσον 1 diee. γοὺς ἐπελθόντας. οἰκιῶν γὰρ οὐχ ὑπαρχουσῶν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν καλύβαις πνιγηραῖς ὥρᾳ €rovr

διαιτωμένων ὁ φθόρος ἐγίγνετο οὐδενὶ κόσμῳ, ἀλλὰ καὶ

νεκροὶ ἐπ᾿ ἀλλήλοις

[ἀποθνήσκοντες)

ἔκειντο

καὶ ἐν ταῖς ὁδοῖς ἐκαλινδοῦντο καὶ περὶ τὰς κρήνας to the reneral ἁπάσας

3 menies of rell. iQ.

ἡμιθνῆτες τοῦ ὕδατος

Ta Te ἱερὰ ἐν οἷς

gion and the de-

ἐπιθυ-

ἐσκήνηντο

cencies of burial vexpüv πλέα ἣν, αὐτοῦ ἐναποθνῃσκόν-

των ὑπερβιαζομένου γὰρ τοῦ κακοῦ οἱ ἄνθρωποι, οὐκ ἔχοντες ὅ τι γένωνται, ἐφ OAC γωρίαν ἐτράποντο καὶ ἱερῶν καὶ ὁσίων ὁμοίως. 4 νόμοι τε πάντες ξυνεταράχθησαν οἷς ἐχρῶντο πρότερον περὶ τὰς ταφάς, ἔθαπτον δὲ ὡς ἕκαστος

ἐδύνατο. wovro

καὶ πολλοὶ ἐς ἀναισχύντους θήκας ἐτρασπάνει

ἤδη προτεθνάναι

τῶν

ἐπιτηδείων

σφίσιν

ἐπὶ

διὰ τὸ πυρὰς

γὰρ

συχνοὺς ἀλλο-

89, 2. [dvofrijexorres) I bracket, as νεκροὶ ἀπ. is impossible.

Oncken, Rauchenstein, Herw. and Cr. place it after καὶ, but then a verb ἐπιθυμίαι M.

would

be required with ἡμιθνῆτει.---τῆς τοῦ 08.

3. ἐσκήνωντο (sic) M. 4. συνεταράχθησαν δῖ.---θήκαι] Madvig μηχανάε. ---καιομένου Μ. --ἀκηίεσαν M.

τέχναι,

Budham

NYTTPAOHZ

rpias φθάσαντες τες τὸν ἑαυτῶν

B.

59

τοὺς νήσαντας

of μὲν ἐπιθέν-

νεκρὸν

ὑφῆπτον,

οἱ δὲ καομένου

ἄλλον ἄνωθεν ἐπιβαλόντες ὃν φέροιεν ἀπῇσαν. 53. πρῶτόν τε ἧρξε καὶ ἐς τἄλλα τῇ Besigning, all πόλει ἐπὶ πλέον ἀνομίας TO νόσημα. fear, Tererm-

paov yap ἐτόλμα τις ἃ πρότερον arexpuwrero un καθ' ἡδονὴν ποιεῖν, a'yxiστροφον τὴν μεταβολὴν ὁρῶντες τῶν T εὐδαιμόνων καὶ αἰφνιδίως θνῃσκόντων a

καὶ

τῶν

»

οὐδὲν

e

a

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πρότερον

*

,

κεκτημένων,

human or di. themselves UP of the present the future. ,

εὐθὺς

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τἀκείνων ἐχόντων. ὥστε ταχείας τὰς ἐπαυρέσεις 2 καὶ πρὸς τὸ τερπνὸν ἠξίουν ποιεῖσθαι, ἐφήμερα τὰ τε σώματα καὶ τὰ χρήματα ὁμοίως ἡγούμενοι.

καὶ τὸ

μὲν

προταλαιπωρεῖν

οὐδεὶς πρόθυμος ἣν, ἄδηλον αὐτὸ ἐλθεῖν διαφθαρήσεται᾽

καὶ

πανταχόθεν

τὸ

ἐς

τῷ

δόξαντι

καλῷ 3

νομίζων εἰ πρὶν €T ὅ τι δὲ ἤδη τε ἡδὺ

αὐτὸ

κερδαλέον,

τοῦτο

καὶ καλὸν καὶ χρήσιμον κατέστη. θεῶν δὲ φόβος 4 ἣ ἀνθρώπων νόμος οὐδεὶς ἀπεῖργε, τὸ μὲν κρίγοντες ἐν ὁμοίῳ καὶ σέβειν καὶ μή, ἐκ τοῦ παντας ὁρᾶν ἐν ἴσῳ ἀπολλυμένους,

τῶν δὲ ἁμαρτημάτων

οὐδεὶς ἐλπίζων

δίκην

ἂν τὴν τιμωρίαν

μέχρι

τοῦ

ἀντιδοῦναι,

πολὺ

γενέσθαι δὲ μείζω

βιοὺς τὴν

88, 1. ἐπὶ νλέον τῆι πόλει ἀνομίας M.—Irie) ἐπὶ wider à. Badham, Herw.—rà ἐκείνων M. 8. προταλαιπωρεῖν C; rest προσταλαιπωρεῖν. --- [τὸ] és αὐτὸ

Herw.; τό τ᾽ ἐς αὐτὸ Sta.: Ste. proposes τὸ ἐφ᾽ avrà κερδαλέον, γοῦτο πανταχόθεν καὶ καλὸν καιτιλ. Observe that ἤδη corresponds to πανταχόθεν, ἡδὺ to καλόν, és αὐτὸ κερδαλέον to χρήσιμον. note, and cf. Class. Her. iv. p. 270. -- ἤδη τὲ ἡδὺ M.

Seo

60

OOYKYAIAOY

ἤδη κατεψηφισμένην σφῶν ἐπικρεμασθῆναι, ἣν πρὶν ἐμπεσεῖν εἰκὸς εἶναι τοῦ βίον τι ἀπολαῦσαι.

54 Τοιούτῳ μὲν πάθει οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι περιπεThe disaster το. σόντες ἐπιέζοντο, ἀνθρώπων τε ἔνδον fk ote pro, Ovpoxöovrov

2

καὶ

γῆς

ἔξω

Ópovuevns.

power icheus ev δὲ TQ κακῷ οἷα εἰκὸς ἀνεμνήσθησαν pt

καὶ

τοῦδε

τοῦ

ἔπους,

φάσκοντες

comes cynical

πρεσβύτεροι πάλαι ἄδεσθαι.

οἱ

ἥξει Δωριακὸς πόλεμος καὶ λοιμὸς ap’ αὐτῷ.

3 ἐγένετο μὲν οὖν ἔρις τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ὠνομάσθαι

ἐν τῷ

ἔπει

ὑπὸ

τῶν

μὴ λοιμὸν

παλαιῶν,

ἀλλὰ

λιμόν, ἐνίκησε δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ παρόντος εἰκότως λοιμὸν εἰρῆσθαι οἱ γὰρ ἄνθρωποι πρὸς ἃ ἔπασχον τὴν μνήμην

πόλεμος

ξυμβῇ

ἐποιοῦντο.

καταλαβῃ

γενέσθαι

4dcovra.

hv δέ γε

οἶμαί

ποτε

Δωρικὸς

τοῦδε

ὕστερος

λιμόν,

μνήμη

δὲ

κατὰ

ἐγένετο

τὸ καὶ

εἰκὸς τοῦ

ἄλλος

καὶ

οὕτως

Aaxedar-

μονίων χρηστηρίου τοῖς εἰδόσιν, ὅτε ἐπερωτῶσιν αὐτοῖς

κράτος

τὸν

θεὸν

πολεμοῦσι

5 ξυλλήψεσθαι.

εἰ

χρὴ

πολεμεῖν

ἀνεῖλε

κατὰ

νίκην ἔσεσθαι, καὶ αὐτὸς ἔφη

περὶ μὲν οὖν τοῦ

χρηστηρίου

τὰ

γιγνόμενα ἤἥκαζον ὁμοῖα elyar ἐσβεβληκότων δὲ τῶν Πελοποννησίων ἡ νόσος ἤρξατο εὐθύς. καὶ 84, 1. τὲ ἔνδον Μ.

2

ἄδεσθαι M, and in 3 ἄσονται.

4. [894] Cobet, Herw., Sta.: cf. I 118,3. From xpoeryβίον to the same word in § 5 is omitted in the text of M and added in the margin. δ, εἴκαζον ABEFGM, aud fxafor in C is corr. by later hand to εἴκαζον : ἤκασα ἄξιον Sta.

᾿Αττικοί, εἴκασα

“EdAnves.

Moeris.—

τι καὶ

EYTTPAS?HZ

es μὲν Πελοπόννησον

ovx

B.

61

ἐσῆλθεν,

ὅ τι ἄξιον

καὶ εἰπεῖν, ἐπενείματο δε ᾿Αθήνας μὲν The disease μάλιστα, ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων tbePeloponnese. 4

4

“

χωρίων

.

0

τὰ

9

ri

4

πολυανθρωπότατα.

ταῦτα

κατὰ τὴν νόσον γενόμενα. 65. Οἱ δὲ Πελοποννήσιοι

ἐπειδὴ

μὲν

τὰ 6

ἔτεμον

τὸ

πεδίον, παρῆλθον ἐς τὴν Πάραλον γῆν me Peloponneκαλουμένην μέχρι Λαυρείου [οὗ τὰ tant ravase the ἀργύρεια

μέταλλα

ἐστιν ᾿Αθηναίοις]. 55

καὶ πρῶτον μὲν ἔτεμον ταύτην ἣ πρὸς Πελοπόννῆσον ὁρᾷ, ἔπειτα δὲ τὴν πρὸς Εὔβοιαν τε καὶ "Àvópor

τετραμμένην.

ὧν καὶ τότε ᾿Αθηναίους

περὶ

Περικλῆς

μὲν τοῦ

δὲ στρατηγὸς

μὴ ἐπεξιέναι

[τοὺς

τὴν αὐτὴν γνώμην εἶχεν ὥσπερ καὶ ἐν

τῇ προτέρᾳ ἐσβολῃ 56. ἔτι δ᾽ αὐτῶν wm, Athen ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ ὄντων, πρὶν ἐς τὴν παρα- Pe (seo c. 2), λίαν [γῆν] ἐλθεῖν, ἑκατὸν νεῶν ἐπί- ships to make e^

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ercents t παρεσκευά- conste of onPele

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^

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oj,

ponnese.

^

Peri.

in command.

ἦγε δ᾽ evi τῶν νεῶν ὁπλίτας ᾿Αθηναίων 2 τετρακισχιλίους καὶ ἱππέας τριακοσίους ἐν ναυσὶν ἱππαγωγοῖς πρῶτον τότε ἐκ τῶν παλαιῶν νεῶν ποιηθείσαις fuverrparevovro de καὶ Xior xai Α

,

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.

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88, 1. ds τὴν παράλογον ΜΤ.--[γἢ») Herw.—Aaypelov) On the orthography, see Stahl, Quaest. Gram. p. 37, Meisterhans, p. 40. —[roós ᾿Αθηναίου] Cobet.— μὴ is omitted before ἐπεξιέναι in MT.—[o ... "A@nvalas] I bracket. 80, 1. wpls ... ἐλθεῖν bracketed by Cobot, Herw.—τὴν rapaMar [fe] Cobet.

63

OOYKYAIAOY

στρατιὰ

αὕτη

᾿Αθηναίων,

4λιπον τῆς Αττικῆς

Ἰ]ελοποννησίους

xaTé-

ὄντας ἐν τῇ παραλίᾳ.

age

κόμενοι δὲ ἐς Eridavpov τῆς Πελοποννήσου ἕτεμον τῆς γῆς τὴν πολλήν, καὶ πρὸς τὴν πόλιν προσβαλόντες ἐς ἐλπίδα μὲν ἦλθον τοῦ ἐλεῖν, οὐ

ς μέντοι προεχώρησέ γε

ἀναγαγόμενοι δὲ ἐκ τῆς

Ἐπιδαύρου ἔτεμον τήν Te Τροιζηνίδα γῆν καὶ τὴν ᾿Αλιάδα καὶ τὴν ᾿Ἑμιονίδα᾽ ἔστι de πάντα 6 ταῦτα ἐπιθαλάσσια τῆς Πελοποννήσου. ἄραντες

δὲ ar αὐτῶν ἀφίκοντο es Ipacias, τῆς Λακωνικῆς πόλισμα

γῆς

ἔτεμον

καὶ αὐτὸ τὸ πόλισμα εἷλον καὶ ἐπόρθησαν.

ταῦτα

de

ἐπιθαλάσσιον,

ποιήσαντες

ἐπ᾿

καὶ τῆς τε

οἴκου

ἀνεχώρησαν.

τοὺς

δὲ

Πελοποννησίους οὐκέτι κατέλαβον ev τῇ Αττικῇ ὄντας, ἀλλ᾽ ἀνακεχωρηκότας.

57. “Ὅσον δὲ Χρόνον οἵ τε Πελοποννήσιοι ἦσαν The Peloponne- ἐν Τῇ Yn τῇ ᾿Αθηναίων καὶ οἱ Adn-

sians

remained

in ame

the

yatot

ἐστράτευον

longest of their νόσος invasions

tica.

καὶ

of

At-

νεῶν,

]

τοὺς ᾿Αθη-

" vaious ἔφθειρε καὶ ἐν τῇ πόλει, ὥστε 4.

τοὺς

ὡς

9

^

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ἐπυνθάνοντο

τῶν

v

a

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δείσαντας

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τῇ πόλει «5 καὶ θάπτοντας 2 dacoov ἐκ τῆς γῆς ἐξελθεῖν. ^

τῶν

ἔν τε τῇ στρατιᾷ

,

ἐλέχθη

νόσημα,

ἐπὶ

ἅμα τῇ ee

ὅτι

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ἤσθανοντο, Se éco 9

ἢ

ταύτῃ πλεῖστόν τε χρόνον ἐνέμειναν καὶ τὴν γῆν πάσαν €reuov ἡμέρας γὰρ τεσσαράκοντα d λιστα ἐν τῇ yn τῇ Αττικῇ 8. [᾿Αθηναίων) Cobet. 6.

ἐποίκου M.—ovx

ἔτι M.

ἐγένοντο.

Summer, 430 8.0.

MYTTPAPHS

B

63

58. Tou δ᾽ αὐτοῦ θέρους “Αγνων ὁ Νικίου xai Κλεόπομπος ὁ Κλεινίου ξυστρατηγοι When oothe then-re

ὄντες Περικλέους, λαβόντες τὴν στρα- turned, the τιὰν ἧπερ ἐκεῖνος ἐχρήσατο ἐστρά- Pericles had τευσαν evOus ἐπὶ Χαλκιδέας Τοὺς ἐπὶ toto nh

Θράκης

9

xat

κουμένην,

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,

Ποτείδαιαν

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de

M

ἔτι

»

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πολιορ-

μηχανάς

Potidaea, Potidess, but but

lague with

Te furned after

Tp Ποτειδαίᾳ προσέφερον xai παντὶ men τρόπῳ ἐπειρῶντο ἑλεῖν. προυχώρει δὲ

αὐτοῖς 2

οὔτε ἡ αἵρεσις τῆς πόλεως οὔτε τἄλλα τῆς παρα-

σκενῆς ἀξίως ἐπινεμομένη γὰρ ἡ νόσος ἐνταῦθα δὴ πάνυ ἐπίεσε τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους, φθείρουσα τὴν στρατιάν, ὥστε καὶ τοὺς προτέρους στρατιώτας νοσῆσαι

τῶν

᾿Αθηναίων

ἀπὸ

τῆς

ξὺν

“Αγνωνι

στρατιᾶς, ἐν τῷ πρὸ τοῦ χρόνῳ ὑγιαίνοντας. Φορμίων δὲ καὶ οἱ ἑξακόσιοι καὶ χίλιοι οὐκέτι ἦσαν περὶ Χαλκιδέα. ὁ μὲν οὖν “Αγνων ταῖς 3 ναυσὶν ἀνεχώρησεν ἐς τὰς ᾿Αθήνας, ἀπὸ τετρα-

κισχιλίων

ὁπλιτῶν

χιλίους

καὶ

πεντήκοντα

τῇ

νόσῳ ἀπολέσας ἐν τεσσαράκοντα μάλιστα ἡμέραις

οἱ δὲ πρότεροι στρατιῶται κατὰ χώραν μένοντες ἐπολιόρκουν τὴν Iloreidarar. 59. Μετὰ δὲ τὴν δευτέραν ἐσβολὴν τῶν Πελο-

ποννησίων

οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι

ὡς ἣ τε γῇ αὐτῶν

ἐτέ-

80, 1. ἔγνων M, and in $ 3. —Perhaps frep ἐκεῖνοι ἐχρήσατο should be bracketed. 2. ἐπιρεμομένη, my correction of ἐπιγενομένη.

The army of

Pericles had already caught the infection some time before: ses c. 87, 1. Cf. 84, 5. Ste. proposes ἐπισπομένη, Naber ἐπιτεινομένη. ---σὺν ἄγνωνι M. and presently ἐξακόσιοι and οὐκ ἔτι.

64

OOYKYAIAOY

TANTO TO δεύτερον καὶ ἡ νόσος ἐπέκειτο ἅμα Kat 2 The Atheniens ὁ πόλεμος, ἡλλοίωντο τὰς γνώμας, καὶ

H T Η IBJT i He

ings ruised an τὸν μὲν Περικλέα ἐν αἰτίᾳ εἶχον ὡς Fencles, andin πείσαντα σφάς πολεμεῖν καὶ δι᾿ ἐκεῖνον ταῖς ξυμφοραῖς περιπεπτωκότες, πρὸς

&

BB

- δὲ τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ὥρμηντο

ἤλπιζε,

ξύλλογον

ξυγ-

xwpeiv’ καὶ πρέσβεις τινὰς πέμψαντες ὡς αὐτοὺς ἄπρακτοι ἐγένοντο. πανταχόθεν τε τῇ γνώμῃ ἄποροι καθεστῶτες ἐνέκειντο 3 τῷ Περικλεῖ. ὁ δὲ ὁρῶν αὐτοὺς πρὸς τὰ παρόντα χαλεπαίνοντας καὶ πάντα ποιοῦντας ἅπερ αὐτὸς ποιήσας

(ἔτι

Ó

ἐστρατήγει)

ἐβούλετο θαρσῦναί τε καὶ ἀπαγαγὼν τὸ ὀργιζόμενον τῆς γνώμης πρὸς τὸ ἠπιώτερον καὶ ἀδεέστερον καταστῆσαι. παρελθὼν δὲ ἔλεξε τοιάδε. Derence

a

ον

60. “Kai προσδεχομένῳ μοι τὰ τῆς

ον, OPYM

ὑμῶν ἐς ἐμὲ γεγένηται

(αἰσθά-

fl) Ramon for youmar γὰρ τὰς αἰτίας) καὶ ἐκκλησίαν ii Assembly rovrov ἕνεκα ξυνήγαγον ὅπως ὑποP (2) Reasons why μνήσω

καὶ

a

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their own 7 ἐμοὶ Χχαλεπαίνετε ἣ ταῖς ξυμφοραῖς

2 trouble ἴον 88. €ikeTe.

29.

ἐγὼ γὰρ ἡγοῦμαι πόλιν πλείω

ξύμπασαν

ὀρθουμένην

ὠφελεῖν

τοὺς

ἰδιώτας ἢ καθ᾽ ἕκαστον τῶν πολιτῶν εὐπραγοῦσαν,

3 adpoav

δὲ σφαλλομένην.

καλῶς

μὲν γὰρ

φερό-

89, 2. ἐναιτίαι Μ. ---σ φὰς M.—1TptoBelas M.—re M.

3. παρελθὼν δὲ is corrected in M into δὴ in a later hand. eO, 1. $8 1-3 are quoted by Dion. Hal. de Thuc. Jud. o. 44. —és ue M.— μέμγομαι Herw., with F only.

2. ἀθρόαν Mus.

See c. 81, 2

MYT PASH.

μενος

ἀνὴρ *

τὸ

68

καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸν

8

e

4

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τῆς

,

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πατρίδος οὐδὲν ἧσσον ξυναπόλλυται, κακοτυχῶν δὲ ἐν εὐτυχούσῃ πολλῷ μάλλον διασῴζεται. ὁπότε 4 οὖν πόλις μὲν Tas ἰδίας ?

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so

opas oia Te φέρειν, 4

e

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eis de ἕκαστος τὰς ἐκείνης ἀδύνατος, πῶς οὐ χρὴ πάντας ἀμύνειν αὐτῇ, καὶ μὴ ὃ νῦν ὑμεῖς δράτε᾽ ταῖς κατ᾽ οἶκον κακοπραγίαις ἐκπε- n. IIilere— of πληγμένοι τοῦ κοινοῦ τῆς σωτηρίας consisting A. Self-justificaἀφίεσθε, καὶ ἐμέ τε τὸν παραινέσαντα

tion (c. 098 .--

61 § Ü

πολεμεῖν καὶ ὑμᾶς αὑτοὺς οἱ ξυνέγνωτε

B.

δι αἰτίας ἔχετε.

vere

χρημάτων κρείσσων. τῇ δὲ πόλει

ὅ τε γὰρ γνοὺς

διδαξας ἐν ἴσῳ καὶ εἰ ὅ T ὄχων ἀμφότερα,

δύσνους, οὐκ ἂν ὁμοίως

τι οἰκείως φραζοι

προσόντος δὲ καὶ

τοῦδε, χρήμασι δὲ νικώμενος, τὰ ξύμπαντα τούτου ἑνὸς dy ἀπόδοιτο. ὥστ᾽ εἴ μοι

καὶ

cree.

καίτοι ἐμοὶ τοιούτῳ si

ἀνδρὶ ὀργίζεσθε ὃς οὐδενὸς οἴομαι ἣσσων εἶναι γνῶναί τε τὰ δέοντα καὶ ἑρμηνεῦσαι ταῦτα, φιλόπολις τε καὶ καὶ μὴ σαφῶς μὴ ἐνεθυμήθη

ncou

vera ( to

μέσως

ἡγούμενοι

μάλλον

ἑτέρων προσεῖναι αὐτὰ πολεμεῖν ἐπεί-

(o.

A. 1. diates

He reputhe blame

east on him(c.

(a) Your vate trou cause your indignation.

(^) Putting con-

fidence in me, you decided to yo to war. (c) I deserve that confidence still, for @. I can discern

the

inter-

ests of the state. B. I can inter pret them to

you. Yy I triotic.

am

pe

3. ἐνεντυχούσῃ M. 4. μὴ ὃ νῦν ὑμεῖς δρᾶτε᾽ rais κατ᾽ οἶκον] Cobet reads ταῖς {yap} κατ᾽ οἶκον, comparing c. 71.

Döderlein places comma at δρᾶτε,

and for ἀφίεσθε reads ἀφίεσθαι.

§§ 5 and 6 are quoted by Dion.

Hal. de Thue. Jud. c. 45. 6. ἐν ἴσῳ el καὶ M.—ópolus τι M.—rixóperos,

γικωμένου, ... πωλοῖτο, corrected by Cobet.

νικώμενοι.

.---"»ῦν ye τοῦ ἀδικεῖν M.

.. ἀπόδοιτο) M88.

Dobree tirst read

66

OOYKYAIAOY ^

4

^

. ? ? Sam σθητε, οὐκ ἂν εἰκότος νῦν τοῦ γε ἀδικεῖν io8. 1He honest. ^

or

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Think ofof πρλλὴ x e1. glory

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your marine greatness. "wo mere head-

σθαι,

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Φφεροί μην.

εὐτυχοῦσι,

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γεγένηται

εἰ δ᾽ avayj

ἄνοια . πολεμῆσαι᾽ at

πέλας

TOS

ἦν ἣ εἴξαντας εὐθὺς

nishit(c 6162. ὑπακοῦσαι 5 κινδυνεύσαντας περιγενέὁ φυγὼν TOv κίνδυνον TOU ὑπο-

shipof a limited στάντος μεμπτότερος. et

καὶ ἔγω μὲν ὁ αὐτός εἰμι καὶ οὐκ ἐξίσταμαι" ὑμεῖς *

4

9

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ὑμῖν

8. Think of the example, and

πεισθῆναι μὲν ἀκεραίοις, μεταμέλειν and ὅδε κακουμένοις, καὶ TOV ἐμὸν λόγον ἐν ancestors follow in their ὑμετέρῳ ἀσθενεῖ τῆς γνώμης μὴ steps (c. 68 H 3- τῷ prowess

of your

4

ὀρθὸν

8

4

φαίνεσθαι

a

9

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a

,

9

τὸ

μὲν λυ-

τὴν αἴσθησιν

ἑκάστῳ,

tan a pire. r . Loss of that means very. The friends of are enemies of the existence of Athens: be not

ἅπασι), καὶ μεταβολῆς μεγάλης, καὶ ταύτης ἐξ ὀλίγου, ἐμπεσούσης ταπεινὴ

(c. 68).

ὑμῶν ἡ διάνοια ἐγκαρτερεῖν [ἃ ἔγνωτε].

misled by them.

ποῦν

ἔχει

ἤδη

τῆς δὲ ὠφελίας ἄπεστιν ἔτι ἡ δήλωσις

01, 1. καὶ γὰρ ... κακουμένοις is quoted Thuc.

by Dion. Hal. de

Jud. c. 47, with several blunders. —7' ἄλλα M, as in

88, 2.

2. [& ἔγνωτε] I bracket these words.

ἃ should be ols, as

but, even so, they must be rejected on the P. has done with their change of score of interpretation. Herw.

reads;

purpose, and now speaks of their want of endurance.

Hence,

the former was alluded to in ἐμοὶ xaleralvere, the latter in

ταῖς ξυμφοραῖς elxere. The present sense of pain caused the change of feeling (διότι ... dacs), the euddenness of the disaster the !ack of endurance.

With

é¢yxaprepeiy,—which does not

need its object any more than ἐξίσταμαι and μεταβάλλετε above,

MYTTPAPHE

B.

67

δουλοῖ γὰρ φρόνημα TO αἰφνίδιον καὶ ἁπροσδό- 3 κηῆγον καὶ τὸ πλείστῳ παραλόγῳ £vufaivoy ὃ ὑμῖν πρὸς τοῖν ἄλλοις οὐχ ἥκιστα καὶ κατὰ τὴν νόσον γεγένηται. ὅμως δὲ πόλιν μεγάλην oikoUy- 4 τας καὶ ἐν ἤθεσιν ἀντιπάλοις αὐτῇ τεθραμμένους χρεὼν καὶ ξυμφορὰς τὰς μεγίστας ἐθέλειν ὑφί-

στασθαι καὶ τὴν ἀξίωσιν μὴ ἀφανίζειν (ἐν ἴσῳ γὰρ οἱ ἄνθρωποι δικαιοῦσι τῆς τε ὑπαρχούσης δόξης αἰτιᾶσθαι ὅστις μαλακίᾳ ἐλλείπει καὶ τῆς μὴ προσηκούσης μισεῖν τὸν θρασύτητι ὀρεγόμενον),

ἀπαλγήσαντας δὲ τὰ ἴδια τοῦ κοινοῦ τῆς σωτηρίας ἀντιλαμβάνεσθαι. 62. τὸν δὲ πόνον τὸν κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον, μὴ γένηταί τε πολὺς καὶ οὐδὲν μάλλον

περιγενώμεθα,

ἀρκείτω

μὲν

ὑμῖν

καὶ

ἐκεῖνα

ἐν

οἷς ἄλλοτε πολλάκις γε δὴ ἀπέδειξα οὐκ ὀρθῶς αὐτὸν ὑποπτευόμενον, δηλώσω δὲ καὶ τόδε, ὅ μοι δοκεῖτε οὔτ᾽ αὐτοὶ πώποτε ἐνθυμηθῆναι ὑπάρχον

ὑμῖν μεγέθους πέρι ἐς τὴν ἀρχὴν οὔτ᾽ ἐγὼ ἐν τοῖς πρὶν λόγοις, οὐδ᾽ ἂν νῦν ἐχρησαμὴν κομπωδεστέραν ἔχοντι τὴν προσποίησιν, εἰ μὴ καταπεπληγμένους ὑμᾶς παρὰ τὸ εἰκὸς ἑώρων.

οἴεσθε 2

μὲν γὰρ τῶν ξυμμάχων μόνον ἄρχειν, ἐγὼ δὲ ἁποφαίνω δύο μερῶν τῶν ἐς χρῆσιν φανερῶν, γῆς —supply αὐτῇ, i.e. τῇ μεταβολῇ, so that ἐγκαρτερεῖν is ‘endure it with firmness.’ Cf. Eur. Alcest. 1071. See L. and S.

8. dev Aet γὰρ ... ὀρεγόμενον quoted by Dion. Hal. de Thuc. Jud. c. 47. 4. ξυμφορῶν rais μεγίσταις M, corrected by late hand to ξυμφορὰς τὰς μεγίστας, which Herw. rightly accepta. Dion.

Hal. gives ras Evudoods.

68

OOYKYAIAOY

καὶ θαλάσσης, τοῦ ἑτέρου ὑμᾶς παντὸς KuptwraTous ὄντας, ed ὅσον τε νῦν νέμεσθε καὶ ἣν ἐπὶ

πλέον βουληθῆτε᾽

καὶ οὐκ ἔστιν ὅστις Ty ὑπαρ-

χούσῃ παρασκευῇ τοῦ οὔτε βασιλεὺς κωλύσει

ναντικοῦ πλέοντας ὑμᾶς οὔτε ἄλλο οὐδὲν ἔθνος

3 τῶν ἐν τῷ TapOvr. ὥστε οὐ κατὰ τὴν τῶν οἰκιῶν καὶ τῆς γῆς χρείαν, ὧν μεγάλων νομίξετε ἐστερῆσθαι,

αὕτη

ἡ δύναμις

φαίνεται.

χαλεπῶς φέρειν [αὐτῶν] μάλλον

οὐδ᾽ εἰκὸς

5$ οὐ, κηπίον καὶ

ἐγκαλλώπισμα πλούτου πρὸς ταύτην νομίσαντας, ὀλιγωρῆσαι,

καὶ γνῶναι

ἐλευθερίαν μέν, ἣν ἀντι-

λαμβανόμενοι

αὐτῆς

διασώσωμεν,

ῥᾳδίως

ταῦτα

ἀναληψομένην,

ἄλλων δ᾽ ὑπακούσασι καὶ τὰ προ-

κεκτήμένα φιλεῖν ἐλασσοῦσθαι, τῶν τε πατέρων μὴ χείρους xaT ἀμφότερα φανῆναι, of μετὰ πόνων καὶ οὐ παρ᾽ ἄλλων δεξάμενοι κατέσχον τε καὶ

προσέτι

διασώσαντες

παρέδοσαν

ἡμῖν

αὐτὰ

(αἴσχιον δὲ ἔχοντας ἀφαιρεθῆναι 7 κτωμένους ἀτυχῆσαι), ἰέναι δὲ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ὁμόσε μὴ φρονήματι 4 μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ καταφρονήματι. αὔχημα μὲν γὰρ καὶ ἀπὸ ἁμαθίας εὐτυχοῦς καὶ δειλῷ τινι ἐγγίγνεται, καταφρόνησις δὲ ὃς ἂν καὶ γνώμῃ πιστεύῃ ς τῶν

ἐναντίων προέχειν,

ὃ ἡμῖν ὑπάρχει.

καὶ τὴν

τόλμαν ἡ ξύνεσις ἐκ τοῦ ὑπέρφρονος ἐχυρωτέραν 62, 3. τὴν

Herw.

αὐτὸ

οἰκιῶν for τὴν

τῶν ol. M.—{atrav]

Dobree

and

A late hand has corrected M into οὐδὲ χαλεπῶς φέρειν

δεῖ x.r.\.—rpooxerrnuva

M, the o partly obliterated.

---ἰέναι δὲ ... ἡ πρόνοια is quoted by Dion. Hal. de Tuc. Jud. c. 46. ---ὁμόσε καὶ ἀμύνεσθαι Dion.

ZYTTPASHS

B.

69

παρέχεται, ἐλπίδι Te ἀπὸ τῆς ὁμοίας τύχης ἧσσον [4

,

9

a

~

e

d

a

πιστεύει, ἧς ἐν τῴ ἀπόρῳ ἡ ἰσχύς, γνώμῃ δὲ τῶν ὑπαρχόντων, ἧς βεβαιοτέρα ἡ πρόνοια. τῆς τε πόλεως ὑμάς εἰκὸς τῷ τιμωμένῳ ἀπὸ rd 9 c 4 e * 9 ^ ἄρχειν, o ὑπερ ἅπαντας ἀγαλλεσθε, βοηθεῖν

ἀπὸ 68. τοῦ 4 kat -

μὴ φεύγειν τοὺς πόνους ἣ μηδὲ τὰς τιμὰς διώκειν

μηδὲ νομίσαι περὶ ἑνὸς μόνου, δουλείας ἀντ᾽ ἐλευθερίας, ἀγωνίζεσθαι, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀρχῆς στερήσεως 4 a ^ M ^ 9 ^ 9 , 9 καὶ κινδύνου ὧν ev Τῇ ἀρχῇ ἀπήχθησθε. ἧς ovó 2

ἐκστῆναι ἔτι ὑμῖν ἔστιν, εἴ τις καὶ τόδε ἐν τῷ [4 1 M rd 9 8 e παρόντι δεδιὼς ἀπραγμοσύνῃ ἀνδραγαθιζεται ὡς τυραννίδα γὰρ ἤδη ἔχετε αὐτήν, ἣν λαβεῖν μὲν ἄδικον δοκεῖ εἶναι, ἀφεῖναι δ᾽ ἐπικίνδυνον.

ἄν τε πόλιν οἱ τοιοῦτοι

ἑτέρους

τε

τάχιστ᾽ 3

πείσαντες

5. ἐλπίδι τε ἀπὸ τῆι ὁμοίας τύχη] Musa and Dion. Hal. (who remarks that the passage τῶν Ἡρακλειτείων σκοτεινῶν ἀσαφεσ-

τέρα» ἔχει τὴν δήλωσιν) have ἀπὸ τῆς ὁμοίας τύχης after τὴν τόλμαν. The transposition, with which Ste. agrees, is due to Döderlein, who remarks ei sensus „ımul et concinnitati consulitur.

68, $$ 1 and 2 are quoted by Dion. Hal. de Tuc. Jud. c. 47.—1. ᾧ ὑπὲρ ἅπαντας: A and Dion.: ᾧ ὑπὲρ ἅπαντες or ᾧπερ ἅπαντες the rest.—yuh δὲ M, twioe.—dm$x05c0e Cobet and Herw. for mas. ἀπήχθεσθε. CA. 1. 75 and 76. 2. (os) τυραννίδα Dobree.—ddixow doxei] M omits δοκεῖ. -δ᾽ ἐπικίνδυνον M corrected, from δὲ ἐπικίνδυνον. 3. τὲ πείσαντες M.—[aírórouo] I bracket. The contrast between τυραννίς and atrovoula, a frequent one, led a commentator to the wrong oonclusion that it is employed bere, and that ἐπὶ σφῶν αὐτῶν Ξ αὐτόνομοι. The true antithesis is be. tween Athenian τυραννίς and ἀσφαλὴς SovAela. To Athens continuation of empire is freedom, loss of empire is slavery :

no middle course is possible.

The suggestion that inactivity,

70

OOYKYAIAOY

ἀπολέσειαν καὶ εἴ που ἐπὶ σφῶν αὑτῶν [αὐτόνομοι] οἰκήσειαν᾽ τὸ γὰρ ἄπραγμον ov σῴζεται μὴ μετὰ τοῦ δραστηρίου τεταγμένον, οὐδὲ ἐν ἀρχούσῃ πόλει ξυμφέρει, λεύειν. 64. 'Ὕκμεϊς

ἀλλ᾽

δὲ μήτε

ἐν ὑπηκόῳ, ὑπὸ

τῶν

ἀσφαλῶς τοιῶνδε

δου-

πολιτῶν

πο παράγεσθε μήτε ἐμὲ di ὀργῆς ἔχετε, Gathering up all ᾧ xai αὐτοὶ ξυνδιέγνωτε πολεμεῖν, ei points,hearers he urgesto καὶ ἐπελθόντες οἱ ἐγαντίοι ἔδρασαν rig „Fin ἅπερ εἰκὸς ἣν μη ἐθελησάντων ὑμῶν Ibm Ie ὑπακούειν, ἐτιγεγένηταί τε τέρα ὧν

wir

προσεδεχόμεθα ἡ νόσος ἦδε, πρᾶγμα

μόνον δὴ τῶν πάντων ἐλπίδος κρεῖσσον γεγενη-

μένον. καὶ di αὐτὴν old ὅτι μέρος τι μάλλον ἔτι μισοῦμαι, οὗ δικαίως, εἰ μὴ καὶ ὅταν παρὰ 2 λόγον [τι] εὖ πράξητε ἐμοὶ ἀναθήσετε φέρειν τε χρὴ Ta τε δαιμόνια ἀναγκαίως Ta τε ἀπὸ τῶν

πολεμίων ἀνδρείως ταῦτα γὰρ ἐν ἔθει TpÓe τῇ πόλει πρότερόν τε hv νῦν τε μὴ ἐν ὑμῖν koAvOg. 4 γνῶτε δὲ ὄνομα μέγιστον αὑτὴν ἔχουσαν ἐν πάσιν ἀνθρώποις διὰ τὸ ταῖς ξυμφοραῖς μὴ εἴκειν, τλεῖστα δὲ σώματα καὶ πόνους ἀνηλωκέναι πολέμῳ based on non-interference, leads to αὐτονομία is the very one which would here be avoided. Class. Rev. iv. p. 206. 04, 1. wepa (sic) M.—wapd λόγον [ri] εὖ wpátyre Cobet. See note.

2. φέρειν δὲ χρὴ Cl.—ré M, as often.—é» Ba τῇ πόλει M.— κωλυθ8)] For this Dobree, followed by Herw., reads καταλυθῇ («fÀvé5): Bauer κολουθῇ : M. Schmidt ἀκυρωθῇ. - ολεμιίφις neyleras Μ.---μέμψοιτ᾽ M.

3. ἀναλωκέναι M.

AKYTITPASHZ καὶ δύναμιν μεγίστην δὴ μέχρι

B,

71 τοῦδε κεκτημένην,

ἧς ἐς ἀΐδιον τοῖς ἐπιγιγνομένοις, ἣν καὶ νῦν ὑπενδῶμέν σθαι),

ποτε (πάντα γὰρ πέφυκε καὶ ἐλασσοῦμνήμη καταλελείψεται, Ἑλλήνων τε ὅτι

“Ἕλληνες πλείστων δὴ ἤρξαμεν, καὶ πολέμοις μεγίστοις ἀντέσχομεν πρός τε ξύμπαντας καὶ καθ᾽ ἑκάστους, πόλιν Te μεγίστην φκήσαμεν.

pov μέμψαιτ᾽ αὐτὸς

ζηλώσει"

τοῖς πᾶσιν εὐπορωτατὴν καὶ καίτοι ταῦτα ὁ μὲν ἀπραγ- 4

ἂν, ὁ de dpav τι βουλόμενος εἰ δέ τις μὴ

κέκτηται,

καὶ

φθονήσει.

τὸ δὲ μισεῖσθαι καὶ λνπηροὺς εἶναι ἐν τῷ παρόντις πᾶσι μὲν ὑπῆρξε δὴ ὅσοι ἕτεροι ἑτέρων ἠξίωσαν ἄρχειν ὅστις δ᾽ ἐπὶ μεγίστοις τὸ ἐπίφθονον λαμβάνει, ὀρθῶς βονλεύεται. μῖσος γὰρ οὐκ ἐπὶ πολὺ ἀντέχει, ἡ δὲ παραντίκα [re] λαμπρότης καὶ ἐς τὸ ἔπειτα δόξα αἰείμνηστος καταλείπεται. ὑμεῖς δὲ ἔς τε τὸ μέλλον καλὸν προγνόντες ἔς 6 Te τὸ αὐτίκα μὴ αἰσχρὸν τῷ ἤδη προθύμῳ ἀμφόrepa κτήσασθε, καὶ Λακεδαιμονίοις μήτε ἐπικη-

ρυκεύεσθε μήτε ἔνδηλοι ἔστε τοῖς παροῦσι πόνοις βαρυνόμενοι, ὡς οἵτινες πρὸς τὰς ξυμφορὰς γνώμῃ

μὲν ἥκιστα λυποῦνται, ἔργῳ δὲ μάλισται ἀντέχουσιν, οὗτοι καὶ πόλεων καὶ ἰδιωτῶν κράτιστοί εἰσιν." 65. Τοιαῦτα ὁ Περικλῆς λέγων ἐπειρᾶτο τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους τῆς τε ἐπ᾿ αὐτὸν ὀργῆς παραλύειν καὶ

ἀπὸ τῶν παρόντων

δεινῶν ἀπάγειν τὴν γνώμην.

δ. (re) Sta., after Rauchenstein.

6. Badham places rpoyvéeres after αἰσχρόν, and for κτήσασθε, kal reads κτήσασθαι, [καὶ]. ---ἐπικηρυκεύεσθαια (sic) M. 68, 1. és αὐτὸν CG, followed by Kr.

12

OOYKYAIAOY

20i

de δημοσίᾳ

μὲν

τοῖς

λόγοις

πρὸς

In spite of his οὔτε

ἀνεπείθοντο

καὶ

τοὺς “Λακεδαιμονίους

ἔτι

speech rice ἀπέ πον ἔς Te τὸν

πόλεμον

μᾶλλον

Peinedbis Im ὥρμηντο, ἰδίᾳ δὲ τοῖς παθήμασιν ἐλυfluence.

ποῦντο,

σόνων

ὁ μὲν

ὁρμώμενος

δῆμος

ἐστέρητο

καὶ

ὅτι

am

ἔλασ-

τούτων,

οἱ

δὲ

δυνατοὶ καλὰ κτήματα κατὰ τὴν χώραν (ἐν) oixoδομίαις τε καὶ πολυτελέσι κατασκευαῖς ἀπολωλεκότες, τὸ δὲ μέγιστον, πόλεμον avr εἰρήνης

3 ἔχοντες. ov μέντοι πρότερόν γε οἱ ξύμπαντες ἐπαύσαντο ἐν ὀργῇ ἔχοντες αὑτὸν πρὶν ἐζημίωσαν 4 χρήμασιν.

ὕστερον δ᾽ αὖθις οὐ πολλῳ, ὅπερ ὅ φιλεῖ

ὅμιλος “ποιεῖν, στρατηγὸν εἵλοντο καὶ πάντα τὰ πράγματα ἐπέτρεψαν, ὧν μὲν περὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα

ἕκαστος ἤλγει, ἀμβλύτεροι ἤδη ὄντες, ὧν δὲ ἡ ἕύμπασα πόλις προσεδεῖτο, πλείστου ἄξιον vopi-

$ He died Oct. 419. fovres His

εἶναι.

character

and defence, at προὔστη Athens followed his

advice

after

μετρίως

ὅσον Te γὰρ Χρόνον

τῆς

πόλεως

ἐξηγεῖτο

ἐν

καὶ

τῇ

εἰρήνῃ,

ἀσφαλῶς

διε-

HETP

his death it φύλαξεν αὑτήν, καὶ ἐγένετο ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνου would have been

wellforher.

,

>

^!

.

,

μεγίστη, ἐπεί TE ὁ πόλεμος κατέστη,

ὁ δε φαίνεται kat ἐν τούτῳ προγνοὺς τὴν δύναμιν. 4

’

a

a

,

6 ἐπεβίω

.

.

0»

|

8

4

4

^

"A,

δὲ δύο ἔτη kai unvas é&

θανεν, ἐπὶ πλέον ἔτι ἐγνώσθη

a

M»

a

9»

καὶ ἐπειδὴ are

ἡ πρόνοια αὑτοῦ Φ

e^

2. {cv} inserted by Madvig, whom Sta. follows. 3. ἐν ópyn]

Between these words τῇ is erased in M.

4. ὅπερ φιλεῖ Herw. proposes ὥσπερ or οἷόνπερ, because ὅπερ ought to mean στρατηγὸν ἑλέσθαι τὸν Περικλέα. Obviously it does mean στρατηγὸν ἑλέσθαι ὃν ἐν ὀργῇ elxyov. —4A μὲν for à» μὲν Herw.: Kr. suggests πέρι.---ξύμπασα ἡ M.

ZYITPA®HZ

B

73

ἐς τὸν πόλεμον. O μὲν yap ἡσυχάζοντας τε] καὶ τὸ ναντικὸν θεραπεύοντας καὶ ἀρχὴν μὴ ἐπι9

8

e

κτωμένους

ἐν τῷ

4

a

πολέμῳ

e

μηδὲ

,

τῇ

9

πόλει

κιν-

δυνεύοντας ἔφη περιέσεσθαι οἱ de ταῦτα τε πάντα ἐς τοὐναντίον ἔπραξαν καὶ ἄλλα ἔξω τοῦ πολέμου

δοκοῦντα

εἶναι

κατὰ

τὰς

ἰδίας

φιλοτι-

μίας καὶ ἴδια κέρδη κακῶς ἔς Te σῴφας αὐτοὺς Kal ,

um

[4

^

LÀ

^

9

4

a

τοὺς ξυμμάχους ἐπολίτευσαν, ἃ κατορθούμενα μὲν τοῖς

ἰδιώταις τιμὴ

καὶ ὠφελία

μάλλον

ἣν, σφα-

λόντα δὲ τῇ πόλει ἐς τὸν πόλεμον βλαβη καθίστατο.

αἴτιον δ᾽ ἣν ὅτι ἐκεῖνος

μὲν δυνατὸς ὧν 8

τῷ τε ἀξιώματι καὶ τῇ γνώμῃ, χρημάτων τε διαφανῶς ἀδωρότατος γενόμενος, κατεῖχε τὸ πλῆθος ἐλευθέρως,

αὐτὸς

καὶ

οὐκ

ἦγε, διὰ TO

[d

1

κόντων

'

τὴν δύναμιν

ἤγετο

μᾶλλον

μὴ κτώμενος 4

4

πρὸς

ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ

ἣ

ἐξ οὐ προση-

,

,

ἡδονήν τι λέγειν,

9

αλλ

3

ἔχων ἐπ᾽ ἀξιώσει καὶ πρὸς ὀργήν τι ἀντειπεῖν. ὁπότε γοῦν αἴσθοιτό τι αὐτοὺς παρὰ καιρὸν 9 ὕβρει θαρσοῦντας, λέγων κατέπλησσεν ἐπὶ τὸ φοβεῖσθαι, καὶ δεδιότας αὖ ἀλόγως ἀντικαθίστη πάλιν ἐπὶ τὸ θαρσεῖν. ἐγίγνετό τε λόγῳ μὲν δημοκρατία, ἔργῳ δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ πρώτου ἀνδρὸς 9 @ 1 « P d , 4 e 4 ἀρχή. οἱ de ὕστερον ἴσοι αὐτοὶ μάλλον “ρος 10

ἀλλήλους ὄντες καὶ ὀρεγόμενοι τοῦ πρῶτος ἕκαστο; γίγνεσθαι ἐτράποντο καθ᾽ ἡδονὰς τῷ δήμῳ kai

a

Ta

πολλὰ

8

,

πραγματα

ὡς ἐν μεγάλῃ

ἡμαρτήθη

,

,

ἐνδιδόναι.

πόλει

?

ἐξ

καὶ

καὶ ὁ ἐς Σικελίαν πλοῦς,

7. (fa) κέρδη Cobet.—o$eAeía M.

»

ὧν

ἄλλα

Te ıı

ἀρχὴν ἐχούσῃ ὃς οὐ τοσοῦ-

74

OOYKYAIAOY

TOV γνώμης ἁμάρτημα ἣν πρὸς οὗς ἐπῆσαν, ὅσον οἱ ἐκπέμψαντες οὐ τὰ πρόσφορα τοῖς οἰχομένοις

ἐπιγιγνώσκοντες, ἀλλὰ κατὰ τὰς ἰδίας διαβολὰς περὶ τῆς τοῦ δήμου προστασίας Ta τε ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ ἀμβλύτερα ἐποίουν καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν 12 πτόλιν πρῶτον

ἐν ἀλλήλοις

ἐταράχθησαν.

σῴφα-

λέντες δ' ἐν Σικελίᾳ ἄλλῃ τε παρασκευῇ καὶ TOU ναυτικοῦ τῷ πλείονι μορίῳ καὶ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἤδη ἐν στάσει

ὄντες ὅμως δέκα μὲν ἔτη ἀντεῖχον

τοῖς τε πρότερον ὑπάρχουσι ἀπὸ

Σικελίας uer

πολεμίοις καὶ τοῖς

αὐτῶν καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων

ert

τοῖς πλείοσιν ἀφεστηκόσι, Κύρῳ τε ὕστερον βασι-

λέως παιδὶ προσγενομένῳ, ὃς παρεῖχε χρήματα Πελοποννησίοις ἐς τὸ ναυτικόν καὶ οὐ πρότερον ἐνέδοσαν ἣ αὐτοὶ ἐν σφίσι κατὰ τὰς ἰδίας δια13 φορὰς [περιπεσόντες] ἐσφάλησαν. τοσοῦτον τῷ

Περικλεῖ ἐπερίσσευσε τότε

ab ὧν αὐτὸς προ-

ll. dırnlesav Μ.---ἰδίας διαφορὰς MT, error introduced through § 12 end. —For ol ἐκπέμψαντες, Badham and Herw. read dr: ἐκπέμψαντες, but the text is sound. 12. [μορίφἹ] Herw.—8éxa μὲν ἔτη Haacke, followed by Herw.,

CL, Sta., Müller, Cr. for mas. τρία μὲν ἔτη, which is impossible. But E. Muller, ShiL and Ste. prefer ὀκτώ, which Shil. thinks followed £r», i.e. ἔτη ἡ, while rape» he thinks representa a lost participle, as τριβόμενοι or τρυχόμενοι. -- ἀφεστηκόσιν M. —[repuresórres) Pp. and Shil. supply aírais. Horw. brackets dv. Sta. reads ἐν σφίσι xal (also) rais ἰδίαις &aqopais. But

probably the participle is a gloss on xarà ras (. διαφοράς.

Cl.

proposed to insert ξυμφοραῖς after διαφοράς, and Ste. and Cr. take ἐν σφίσι vepumrecórres together, comparing 1v. 86, 9, rapaκελενόμενοι ἐν davross.

“0]. 87, 8. 480, Autumn.

HYTT PASH?

B.

7b

έγνω kat πάνυ ἂν ῥᾳδίως περιγενέσθαι τῶν Πελο-

ποννησίων αὐτῶν τῷ πολέμῳ. 66. Οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι τοῦ αὐτοῦ θέρους ἐστράτευσαν ναυσὶν éka- Fruitiess expeCoe n: ith 4. . dion of

TOV es LaxuvOov "

,

4

ἀντιπέρας

τὴν

"Ηλιδος

νῆσον,

ἣ κεῖται Lacedaemontana

WM)

Φ.

᾿

εἰσὶ

de

^

Αχαιῶν

thus.

Zacyn

τῶν ἐκ Πελοποννήσου ἄποικοι καὶ ᾿Αθηναίοις fvvepayxovy. ἐπέπλεον de Δακεδαιμονίων χίλιοι o7Àiται καὶ Κνῆμος Σπαρτιάτης ναύαρχος. ἀποβάντες ’

φ

,

a

d

,

e

^

δὲ ἐς τὴν γῆν ἐδήωσαν τὰ πολλά. καὶ ἐπειδὴ οὐ ξυνεχώρουν, ἀπέπλευσαν ἐπ᾽ οἴκου. 67. Kai τοῦ αὐτοῦ θέρους τελευτῶντος" ᾿Αρισrevs; Κορίνθιος καὶ .Λακεδαιμονίων pt μο f The Lacedaev pea Deis ᾿Ανήριστος καὶ Νικόλαος καὶ Mopane, send

Πρατόδαμος kai Τεγεάτης Τιμαγόρας (ucthe sid of καὶ ᾿Αργεῖος ἰδίᾳ Πόλλις πορευόμενοι io landa of te ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίαν ὡς βασιλέα, εἴ πως πεί- ing their journey

ceiay αὐτὸν χρήματά Te παρέχειν Kal and de put te ξυμπολεμεῖν, ἀφικνοῦνται ὡς Σιταλκὴν ^

9

^^

e

,

πρῶτον τὸν Tnpew ἐς Θράκην,

death.

βουλόμενοι

πεῖσαι

τε αὐτόν, εἰ δύναιντο, μεταστάντα τῆς ᾿Αθηναίων

ἔυμμαχίας στρατεῦσαι ἐπὶ τὴν Ποτείδαιαν, οὗ ἣν στράτευμα

τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων πολιορκοῦν, καὶ [ἥπερ

67, 1. τοῦ θέρου: τελευτῶντος

M.—dwolxov

Μ.---πρατόδαριος

MT. The others Ilparöönuos or Στρατόδημοι. πρατόδαμοι ' Laconicam certe dialectum sapit,’ Shil.—i&arolAdas MT. —rorlöuar Μ. ---οἶπερ ὥρμηντο Badham, followed by Herw.: &' ἐκεῖνον Badham. I bracket prep ὥρμηντο, eadem via qua snetstuerant. It is useless after πορενόμενοι ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίαν above. Φαρνάκην τοῦ 9as»., M, a common kind of blunder.

76

OOYKYAIAOY

ὥρμηντο] δι' éxeivov πορευθῆναι πέραν τοῦ 'EAλησπόντον ὡς Φαρνάκην τὸν Φαρναβάζου, ὃς 3 αὐτοὺς ἔμελλεν ὡς βασιλέα ἀναπέμψψειν. παρατυχόντες δὲ ᾿Αθηναίων πρέσβεις Λέαρχος Καλλιμάχου καὶ ᾿Αμεινιάδης Φιλήμονος παρὰ τῷ Σι-

τάλκῃ πείθουσι τὸν Σάδοκον [τὸν γεγενημένον ᾿Αθηναῖον ZrraAxov νἱὸν] τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐγχειρίσαι σφίσιν, ὅπως μὴ διαβάντες ὡς βασιλέα τὴν ἐκείνου

3 πόλιν τὸ μέρος βλάψωσιν. ὁ δὲ πεισθεὶς πορευομένους αὐτοὺς διὰ τῆς Θράκης ἐπὶ τὸ πλοῖον ᾧ ἔμελλον τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον περαιώσειν πρὶν ἐσβαίνειν ξυλλαμβάνει, ἄλλους ξυμπέμψας μετὰ τοῦ Λεάρχου καὶ ᾿Αμεινιάδου, καὶ ἐκέλευσεν ἐκείνοις παραδοῦναι οἱ δὲ λαβόντες ἐκόμισαν ἐς τὰς

4 ᾿Αθήνας.

ἀφικομένων δὲ αὐτῶν δείσαντες of ᾿Αθη-

ναῖοι τὸν ᾿Αριστέα μὴ αὖθις σφάς ἔτι πλείω κα-

κουργῇ διαφυγών, ὅτι καὶ πρὸ τούτων τὰ τῆς Ποτειδαίας καὶ τῶν ἐπὶ Θράκης wavr ἐφαίνετο πράξας, ἀκρίτους καὶ βουλομένους ἔστιν ἃ εἰπεῖν αὐθημερὸν

ἀπέκτειναν

πάντας

καὶ

ἐς φάραγγας

ἐσέβαλον, δικαιοῦντες τοῖς αὐτοῖς ἀμύνεσθαι οἷσπερ καὶ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ὑπῆρξαν, τοὺς ἐμπόρους ois 2. ἀμεινιάδης ὁ φιλήμονος

M.—The bracket is due to Cobet

and Herw., and the gloss to c. 29. 4. σφὰς M.—éwi πλείω Naber.—After τῶν ἐπὶ Opáxys MT,

catching sight of js Θράκης above, again insert ἐπὶ τὸ σλοῖον ᾧ ... πρὶν ἐσβαίνειν, and then καὶ τῶν ἐπὶ Opáxys, and so con-

tinues as though nothing had bappened. -- πάντα ἐφαίνετο M. —Cobet says ‘‘[xal ds φάραγγας ἐσβαλόντει) Non erant, ut opinor, in mari ¢dpayyes.” — Poesibly the prisoners were taken to land. Cf. 111. 88, 2. —«arapxas (sic) M.—J,à δὲ M.

EYTTPAOHZ

B.

77

ὅλαβον ᾿Αθηναίων καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων ev ὁλκάσι wept Πελοπόννησον πλέοντας ἀποκτείναντες καὶ ἐς φάραγγας ἐσβαλόντες. πάντας γὰρ δὴ κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς τοῦ πολέμου οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ὅσους λάβοιεν ἐν τῇ θαλάσσῃ ὡς πολεμίους διέφθειρον, καὶ τοὺς μετὰ

᾿Αθηναίων

ξυμπολεμοῦντας

καὶ

τοὺς

μηδὲ

μεθ᾽ ἑτέρων.

68. Κατὰ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους [τοῦ θέρους τελευτῶντος] καὶ ᾿Αμπρακιῶται αὐτοί m, Ambraciota

τε καὶ τῶν βαρβάρων πολλοὺς ἀνα- philochicam.

στήσαντες ἐστράτευσαν ἐπὶ “Apyos narratesthe τὸ ᾿Αμφιλοχικὸν καὶ τὴν ἄλλην ᾿Αμφι-

λοχίαν.

ἔχθρα

δὲ πρὸς

τοὺς

S ar “ot

'Ap- Tr

λ

γείους ἀπὸ τοῦδε αὐτοῖς ἤρξατο πρῶτον γενέσθαι. "Apyos τὸ ᾿Αμφιλοχικὸν καὶ ᾿Αμφιλοχίαν τὴν 3

ἄλλην ἔκτισε μετὰ τὰ Τρωικὰ οἴκαδε ἀναχωρήσας καὶ οὐκ ἀρεσκόμενος τῇ ἐν “Apye καταστάσει ᾿Αμφίλοχος ὁ ᾿Αμφιάρεω ἐν τῷ ᾿Αμπρακικῷ κόλTp, ὁμώνυμον τῇ ἑαυτοῦ πατρίδι “Apyos ὀνομάσας.

καὶ ἣν ἡ πόλις αὕτη μεγίστη τῆς ᾿Αμφιλοχίας 4 καὶ τοὺς δυνατωτάτους εἶχεν οἰκήτορας. ὑπὸ ξυμ- 5 φορῶν δὲ πολλαῖς γενεαῖς ὕστερον πιεζόμενοι ᾿Αμπρακιώτας ὁμόρους ὄντας τῇ Αμφιλοχικῇ ξυνοίκους ἐπηγάγοντο, καὶ ἡλληνίσθησαν τὴν νῦν

γλῶσσαν

τότε πρῶτον

ξυνοικησαντων᾽

ἀπὸ

τῶν ᾿Αμπρακιωτῶν

οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι ᾿Αμφίλοχοι Bapßapoi

68, 1. [τοῦ 0. τελευντῶντο!) Herw., as ἃ repetition from pre-

osding chap. —ér! τὸ Apyor MT. U. ὑπὸ ξυμφορῶν τοὺς ὁμόρους MT, omitting five words.— δλληνίσθησα» uss.

78

OOYKYAIAOY

* Winter, 430 ».c.

6 εἶσιν. ἐκβάλλουσιν οὖν τοὺς ᾿Αργείους of Auπρακιῶται χρόνῳ καὶ αὐτοὶ ἴσχουσι τὴν πόλιν. 70° 6° ᾿Αμφίλοχοι γενομένου τούτου διδόασιν ἑαυτοὺς ᾿Ακαρνάσι

καὶ

προσπαρακαλέσαντες

ἀμ-

φότεροι ᾿Αθηναίους, (οἱ (δὲ) αὐτοῖς Φορμίωνα τε στρατηγὸν ἔπεμψαν καὶ ναῦς τριάκοντα), ἀφικομένου [δὲ] τοῦ Φορμίωνος, αἱροῦσι κατὰ κράτος "Ἄργος καὶ τοὺς ᾿Αμπρακιώτας ἡνδραπόδισαν,

κοινῇ τε ᾧκισαν αὐτὸ ᾿Αμφίλοχοι καὶ ᾿Ακαρνάνες.

8 Allancebetween μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο ἡ ξυμμαχία ἐγένετο aie. and πρῶτον ᾿Αθηναίοις καὶ ᾿Ακαρνάσιν. 9 Athene. οἱ δὲ ᾿Αμπρακιῶται τὴν μὲν ἔχθραν ἐς τοὺς ᾿Αργείους ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀνδραποδισμοῦ σφῶν

αὐτῶν

πρῶτον

ἐποιήσαντο,

ὕστερον

δὲ

ἐν

τῷ

πολέμῳ τήνδε τὴν στρατείαν ποιοῦνται αὑτῶν τε

καὶ Χαόνων

καὶ ἄλλων

βαρβάρων

ἐλθόντες

τινῶν τῶν πλησιοχώρων τε

πρὸς

τὸ “Apyos

τῆς

μὲν χώρας ἐκράτουν, τὴν δὲ πόλιν ὡς οὐκ ἐδύvavro ἑλεῖν προσβαλόντες, ἀπεχώρησαν ew οἴκου καὶ διελύθησαν κατὰ ἔθνη. τοσαῦτα μὲν ἐν τῷ θέρει ἐγένετο. 69. Τοῦ δ᾽ ἐπιγιγνομένου χειμῶνος" ᾿Αθηναῖοι 7. προσπαρακαλέσαντες ... , of αὐτοῖς ... , ἀφικομένου δὲ Μ88.: προσπαρεκάλεσάν τα ... ἀφικομένου δὲ Cl.: προσπαρακαλέσαντεξ ... ἀφικομένου [δὲ] Kr., Herw.:

δὴ Sta., Bh., Cr.

προσπαρακαλέσαντεν ... ἀφικομένου

The last two, with of αὐτοῖς $. ἔπεμψαν and

ἀφικομένον τοῦ $. in one sentence,

are awkward:

so I have

transferred δὲ to ol into which I alter of. In M, the spelling of the following is worth notice: duspamores KULUTaS.

ἁμβρακικῶι,

ἀμβρακιωτῶν,

ἀμβρακιῶται

(twice),

dufiga-

EYTITPAOHZ

B.

T9

ναῦς ἔστειλαν εἴκοσι μὲν περὶ Πελοπόννησον καὶ

Φορμίωνα στρατηγόν,

ὃς ὁρμώμενος promus — sta

ἐκ Ναυπάκτου φυλακὴν εἶχε μήτ᾽ ἐκ- oO δὲ πλεῖν ἐκ Κορίνθου καὶ τοῦ Κρισαίου *hiP* κόλπου

μηδένα

μήτ᾽

ἐσπλεῖν,

ἑτέρας

$30

δὲ ὃξ ἐπὶ

Καρίας καὶ Δυκίας καὶ Μελήσανδρον Failure of a eTparıryo v

ὅπως

Tavra

re apyvpo-

cont

n protect

Aoywot καὶ TO λῃστικὸν τῶν lleAo- with the East ποννησίων μὴ ἐῶσιν αὐτόθεν ὁρμώμενον βλάπτειν τὸν πλοῦν τῶν ὁλκάδων τῶν ἀπὸ Φασήλιδος καὶ Φοινίκης καὶ τῆς ἐκεῖθεν ἡπείρον.Ό ἀναβὰς δὲ

στρατιᾷ ᾿Αθηναίων τε τῶν ἀπὸ τῶν νεῶν καὶ τῶν 3

ξυμμάχων ἐς τὴν Λυκίαν ὁ Μελήσανδρος aroOmoxe καὶ τῆς στρατιᾶς μέρος τι διέφθειρε

νικηθεὶς μαχῇ. TO. Τοῦ & αὐτοῦ χειμῶνος οἱ ἸΠοτειδαιᾶται, ἐπειδὴ οὐκέτι ἐδύναντο πολιορκούμενοι pouasss — qur. ἀντέχειν, ἀλλ᾽ αἵ τε ἐς τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν fenders through ἐσβολαὶ Πελοποννησίων οὐδὲν μάλλον Maditante are ἀπανίστασαν τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους, ὅ τε P"*

σῖτος ἐπελελοίπει, καὶ ἄλλα τε πολλὰ ἐπεγεγένητο αὐτόθι ἤδη βρώσεως πέρι ἀναγκαίας καί τινες

καὶ

ἀλλήλων

προσφέρουσι

περὶ

ἐγέγευντο,

οὕτω

δὴ

λόγους

ξυμβάσεως

τοῖς

στρατηγοῖς

Φ9, 1. μηδὲν μήτ᾽ ἐσπλεῖν Cobet, comparing 1. 88, 111. 61.— ὁλκαδῶν M. 70, 1. Ποτειδαιᾶται mss. Ποτιδαιᾶται. See Stahl, Quaest.

Cram. p. 38, Meisterhans, p. 25.--- ἡδύναντο Μ. ---ἐγέγευντο)] A less exciting, but more probable reading is Naber’s ἐγεύοντο.

—ierwbope M.

80

OOYKYAIAOY

Ὁ) 87,8. 4198pring.

τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων τοῖς ext σφίσι τεταγμένοις, Hevo-

φῶντί Te τῷ Ἐύριπίδου καὶ ᾿Εστιοδώρῳ τῷ 'Αριa ororkeidou καὶ Φανομάχῳ τῷ Καλλιμάχου. οἱ δὲ προσεδέξαντο, ὁρῶντες μὲν τῆς στρατιᾶς τὴν ταλαιπωρίαν ἐν χωρίῳ χειμερινῷ, ἀνηλωκυίας τε

ἤδη τῆς πόλεως δισχίλια τάλαντα ἐς τὴν πολιορ3 κίαν. ἐπὶ τοῖσδε οὖν ξυνέβησαν, ἐξελθεῖν αὐτοὺς καὶ παῖδας καὶ γυναῖκας καὶ τοὺς ἐπικούρους ξὺν

ἑνὶ ἱματίῳ, γυναίκας δὲ ξὺν δυοῖν, καὶ ἀργύριόν τι 4 ῥητὸν ἔχοντας ἐφόδιον. καὶ οἱ μὲν ὑπόσπονδοι ἐξῆλθον ἐπὶ τὴν Χαλκιδικὴν καὶ (κατῴκησαν) ἕκαστος ἢ ἐδύνατο᾽ ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ τούς τε στρατηγοὺς eryrideavro ὅτι ἄνευ αὐτῶν ξυνέβησαν (ἐνόμιζον yap

ἂν κρατῆσαι

τῆς τόλεως

5 ἐβούλοντο),

καὶ

ὕστερον ἐποίκους ἑαυτῶν ἔπεμψαν ἐς τὴν Ποτείς δαιαν καὶ κατῴκισαν. ταῦτα μὲν ἐν τῷ χειμῶνι ἐγένετο. καὶ [ro] δεύτερον ἔτος ἐτελεύτα τῷ πολέμῳ τῷδε dv Θουκυδίδης Cuvéypa e». 71. * Τοῦ δ᾽ ἐπιγιγνομένον θέρους οἱ IleAororγνήσιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι ἐς μὲν τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν οὐκ 2. εἰς πολιορκίαν BI. 3. [καὶ ywaixas] Herw.—-ipariun M.

4. (κατῴκησαν), inserted by Sta., Rhein. Mus. 39, p. 307. comparing Diod. xu. 46, 7. This is accepted by Herw. and Cr.: Sta. also inserts és χιλίους (1.e. ds ‚a) after éxoixovs, from

Diod. δ. [rd] bracketed

by Kr., Sta., Herw.,

suspected by Pp.

Thuc. never inserts the article in this phrase. Thue. IV. 88, brackets

from

Rutherford,

xal τὸ 8. to ξυνόγραψεν,

on the

ground that ‘there was once no break’ between ἐγένετο and o. 71.

NKYITPAOHZ

B.

81

ἐσέβαλον, ἐστράτευσαν δ᾽ ἐπὶ Πλάταιαν

ἡγεῖτο

δὲ ᾿Αρχίδαμος ὁ Ζευξιδάμον Λακεδαι- quiso Yeap or μονίων

τὸν

καθίσας

καὶ

βασιλεύς.

στρατὸν ἔμελλε δῃώσειν τὴν γῆν

οἱ Te Peloponne-

πρέσβεις πέμ- Arshidemus ἔλεγον Totade’ Plataca.

εὐθὺς αὐτὸν

δὲ ἸΠλαταιῆς ψαντες πρὸς

Τὴν War.

, , 1, The Platacane “Apxidaue καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, ov δί- send a protest to 2 ^ so» " e ^ € Archidamus. kata ποιεῖτε ovd ἄξια οὔτε ὑμῶν οὔτε Δ to the πατέρων ὧν ἐστε es γῆν τὴν llAa- them by Pau,

.

9

4

e^

4

rig

ts

granted

sanias, they call

ταιῶν στρατεύοντες. Παυσανίας yup on bim to retire ὁ Κλεομβρότου Λακεδαιμόνιος ἐλευθερώσας

τὴν

Ἑλλάδα

ἀπὸ

τῶν

Μήδων

μετὰ

Ἑλλήνων τῶν ἐθελησάντων ξυνάρασθαι τὸν xiv δυνον τῆς μάχης ἣ παρ᾽ ἡμῖν ἐγένετο, θύσας ἐν τῇ

Πλαταιῶν

ἀγορᾷ

Διὶ

ἐλευθερίῳ

[ἱερὰ]

καὶ

ξυγκαλέσας πάντας τοὺς ξυμμάχους ἀπεδίδου Πλαταιεῦσι γῆν καὶ πόλιν τὴν σφετέραν ἔχοντας αὐτονόμους

οἰκεῖν, oTpaTevoai

ἀδίκως

αὐτοὺς

ἐπ᾿

μηδ᾽

ἐπὶ

τε

μηδένα

δουλείᾳ

εἰ

ποτὲ δὲ

μή,

ἀμύνειν τοὺς παρόντας ξυμμάχους κατὰ δύναμιν. ‘rade μὲν ἡμῖν πατέρες οὗ ὑμέτεροι ἔδοσαν ἀρετῆς ἕνεκα καὶ προθυμίας τῆς ἐν ἐκείνοις τοῖς κινδύνοις “ενομένης, ὑμεῖς δὲ τἀναντία Ópare μετὰ γὰρ Θηβαίων τῶν ἡμῖν ἐχθίστων ἐπὶ δουλείᾳ τῇ ἡμε-

πέρᾳ ἥκετε.

μάρτυρας δὲ θεοὺς τούς τε Opkiovs 4

σι, 1. δὲ ἐπὶ Μ.---Λακεδαιμονίων βασιλεύ:1)] The next eight words are omitted in MT. — πλαταιεῖς M.

9. ποιεῖται M.—d Κλεομβρότου [Λακεδαιμόνιο:] Cobet, but the addition emphasizes the protest.—[iepà) Cobet.

83

OOYKYAIAOY

τότε γενομένους ποιούμενοι καὶ τοὺς ὑμετέρους πατρῴους καὶ ἡμετέρους ἐγχωρίους λέγομεν ὑμῖν τὴν γῆν τὴν Πλαταιίδα μὴ ἀδικεῖν μηδὲ παρα4

P

q

βαίνειν

f

τοὺς

ὅρκους,

1

ἐάν

4

δὲ

^

ἢ

οἰκεῖν

αὐτονόμους

καθάπερ Παυσανίας ἐδικαίωσεν." 72. τοσαῦτα 2 Ax ψ εἰπόντων Πλαταιῶν ᾿Αρχίδαμος vxoArchdamu.19 \aßur εἶχε “ Δίκαια λέγετε, ὦ ἄνδρες 4

e

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,

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ὁμοῖα

γὰρ

τοῖς λό-

Ilaveavias

ὑμῖν

Laosdaemonians παρέδωκεν, αὐτοί Te αὐτονομεῖσθε xai

τοὺς ἄλλους ξυνελευθεροῦτε, ὅσοι με-

τασχόντες τῶν τότε κινδύνων ὑμῖν τε ξυνώμοσαν καί εἰσι νῦν vr ᾿Αθηναίοις, παρασκενή Te τοσήδε καὶ πόλεμος γεγένηται αὐτῶν ἕνεκα καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἐλευθερώσεως. ἧς μάλιστα μὲν μετασχόντες καὶ αὐτοὶ ἐμμείνατε τοῖς ὅρκοις εἰ δὲ μή, ἅπερ καὶ 4 , Ψ , , e , $9 TO πρότερον ἤδη προὐκαλεσάαμεθα, ἡσυχίαν ἄγετε ,

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4. ἡμῖν ἐγχωρίονι M. 78, 1. ἦν (sic) ποιεῖτε ὅμοια M, ποιεῖτε ὅμοια τ. ---μὴ δὲ μεθετέρων M.—uh Bertpovs M.

ἘΞΥΓΓΡΑΦῊΣ

B.

83

yap σφῶν kat γυναῖκες wap’ ἐκείνοις elev’ δεδιέναι δὲ καὶ περὶ τῇ πάσῃ πόλει μὴ ἐκείνων ἀποχωρη,

,

σάντων

^

,

᾿Αθηναῖοι

,

’

ἐλθόντες

.

σφίσιν

,

οὐκ

’

ἐπιτρέ-

xwov, 4 Θηβαῖοι, ws ἔνορκοι ὄντες κατὰ τὸ ἀμφοτέρους δέχεσθαι, αὖθις σφῶν τὴν πόλιν πειράσωσι ^

καταλαβεῖν. N

.

ὁ

Fé

rd

δὲ θαρσύνων

καὶ δένδρα

ae

.

A]

q

αὐτοὺς

gt

9

4 Archidamus 3

that xpos ταῦτα ἔφη, “ Yneis de πόλιν μεν be Piatasans xai οἰκίας ἡμῖν ^-^ παράδοτε [τοῖς Aaxeand hand over , φ ’ , Plataea to his

δαιμονίοις]

*

e

καὶ γῆς ὄρους

ἀριθμῷ

τὰ

4

aToóeifare

ὑμέτερα

δυνατὸν ἐς ἀριθμὸν ἐλθεῖν᾽

καὶ

αὐτοὶ

custody.

ἄλλο

εἴ τι

δὲ μεταχωρή-

care ὅποι βούλεσθε ἕως ἂν ὁ πόλεμος ἧ. ἐπειδὰν δὲ παρέλθῃ, ἀποδώσομεν ὑμῖν ἃ ἂν παραλαβωμεν.

μέχρι

de τοῦδε

ὔ

4

ἔξομεν

e^

e

παρακαταθήκην,

epyalo9

μενοι καὶ φορὰν φέροντες ἣ ἂν ὑμῖν μέλλῃ ἔσεσθαι."

τὴν

πόλιν,

78. οἱ δ᾽ ἀκούσαντες

καὶ

ἐσῆλθον

βουλευσάμενοι

μετὰ

,

ἱκανὴ

αὖθις ἐς

, quepistesana

τοῦ πλήθους ἔλεξαν ὅτι βούλονται ἃ SH athey “ροκαλεῖται ᾿Αθηναίοις κοινῶσαι πρῶ- “iriceofätbene τον, kai ἣν πείθωσιν αὐτούς, ποιεῖν ταῦτα᾽ μέχρι δὲ τούτου σπείσασθαι σφίσιν ἐκέλευον καὶ τὴν γῆν μὴ δῃοῦν. εἰκὸς

ἣν

ὁ δὲ ἡμέρας τε ἐσπείσατο ἐν αἷς

κομισθῆναι

καὶ

τὴν

γῆν

οὐκ

ἔτεμνεν.

ἐλθόντες de οἱ Πλαταιῆς πρέσβεις ὡς τοὺς ᾿Αθη- 2 2, efycay Μ.---πειράσονσι M, after a verb of fearing.

which

would

not be likely

3. (rois AaxeBaiporios)] Cobet, Herw., Sta. ---ὅπη βούλεσθε M.

ἐπειδ᾽ ἄν M.— μέχρι τοῦδε MT, δὲ omitted. 78,1.

εἰσῆλθον M.

2. [πρέσβει4] Cobet.

84

OOYKYAIAOY

vaious kai βουλευσάμενοι μετ᾽ αὐτῶν πάλιν ἦλθον

3 ἀπαγγέλλοντες τοῖς ἐν τῇ πόλει τοιάδε' “Our Te reply ev τῷ πρὸ τοῦ χρόνῳ, à ἄνδρες IAafrom Athens,in raus, d$ οὗ ξύμμαχοι ἐγενόμεθα, taeane are urged Alnvaioi φασὶν ev οὐδενὶ ὑμᾶς προἐμαῖς ate, gras ἀδικουμένους οὔτε νῦν περι-

Athenian alt.

ὕγεσθαι, βοηθήσειν δὲ κατὰ δύναμιν.

ἐπισκήπτουσί τε ὑμῖν πρὸς τῶν ὅρκων οὗς οἱ πατέρες ὥμοσαν μηδὲν νεωτερίζειν περὶ τὴν ξυμpaxtay."

74 Τοιαῦτα τῶν πρέσβεων ἀπαγγειλάντων οἱ _7.ThePiatacans Πλαταιῆς ἐβουλεύσαντο ᾿Αθηναίους μὴ

Archidamus that they προδιδόναι, ἀλλ᾽ ἀνέχεσθαι

καὶ

γῆν

his proposal τεμνομένην, εἰ δεῖ, ὁρῶντας καὶ ἄλλο πάσχοντας ὅ τι ἂν ξυμβαίνῃ ἐξελθεῖν τε μηδένα

ἔτι, ἀλλ᾽ ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους ἀποκρίνασθαι ὅτι ἀδύνατα σφίσι ποιεῖν ἐστιν ἃ Λακεδαιμόνιοι προ2 & Prayer οἱ καλοῦνται. ὡς δὲ ἀπεκρίναντο, ἐνthe gods μὰ Teuder δὴ πρῶτον μὲν ἐς ἐπιμαρτυρίαν

inne oaa

ehteous καὶ

θεῶν

καὶ

ἡρώων

τῶν

ἐγχωρίων

᾿Αρχίδαμος βασιλεὺς κατέστη, λέγων

3 ὧδε. “Θεοὶ ὅσοι γῆν τὴν Πλαταιίδα ἔχετε καὶ ἥρωες, ξυνίστορες ἔστε ὅτι οὔτε τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀδίκως, ἐκλιπόντων δὲ τῶνδε πρότερον τὸ ξυνώμοτον, ἐπὶ

γῆν τήνδε

ἤλθομεν,

ἐν pj οἱ

πατέρες

ἡμῶν

74, 1. τὴν γῆν Herw. —dpdvres καὶ πάσχοντες Cobet, Herw., * fortasse recte,’ Shil.’s ed.—én ... προκαλοῦνται Cobet thinks inserted from c. 72, 2.

2. [Bac:deds}] Cobet, Shil.’s ed.

Some mas. give ὁ βασιλεὺς.

3. ἐκλιπόντων δὲ τῶν δευτέρων MT.

EYITPAOHZ

εὐξάμενοι 9

8

ὑμῖν Μήδων 9

~

9

B.

8b

ἐκράτησαν xai παρέσχετε d

a

@

#

αὐτὴν εὐμενῆ ἐναγωνίσασθαι τοῖς “EXAnow, οὔτε νῦν, ἥν τι ποιῶμεν, ἀδικήσομεν᾽ προκαλεσάμενοι

γὰρ πολλὰ καὶ εἰκότα οὐ τυγχάνομεν. ξνγγνώμονες δὲ ἔστε τῆς μὲν ἀδικίας κολάζεσθαι τοῖς ὑπάρχουσι προτέροις, τῆς δὲ τιμωρίας τνγχανειν τοῖς ἐπιφέρουσι

νομίμως."

75.

Τοσαῦτα

ἐπιθει-

ἄσας καθίστη ἐς πόλεμον τὸν στρα- isos or PraAKA.

τόν, Kal πρῶτον μὲν περιεσταύρωσεν 1. The Pelo at„ ponnesians pr , A 9. αὐτοὺς τοῖς δένδρεσιν ἃ ἔκοψαν, τοῦ tempt tu carry8 4

[4

,

4

~

μηδένα ἔτι ἐξιέναι, ” ἔπειτα χώμα χῶμα ἔχουν top2. ThePlatacan of the walls.s EX πρὸς τὴν πόλιν, ἐλπίζοντες ταχίστην increase the (r») αἵρεσιν ἔσεσθαι αὐτῶν στρατεύματος

τοσούτου

ἐργαζομένου.

ξύλα

μὲν οὖν 2

τέμνοντες ἐκ τοῦ Κιθαιρῶνος παρῳκοδόμουν ἑκατέρωθεν,

φορμηδὸν

ἀντὶ

τοίχων

τιθέντες,

ὅπως

μὴ διαχέοιτο ἐπὶ πολὺ τὸ χῶμα᾽ ἐφόρουν δὲ ὕλην ἐς αὐτὸ καὶ λίθους καὶ γῆν καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο ἁνύτειν μέλλοι

ἐπιβαλλόμενον.

ἡμέρας δὲ ἔχουν 3

ἑπτακαίδεκα καὶ νύκτας ξυνεχῶς διῃρημένοι Kar ἀναπαύλας ὥστε τοὺς μὲν φέρειν, τοὺς δὲ ὕπνον Te

καὶ

σῖτον

αἱρεῖσθαι

Λακεδαιμονίων

τε

οἱ

76, 1. πρῶτον μὲν καὶ περιεσταύρωσεν M, περιεσταύρωσαν Cobet. ---ἰτὴν) inserted by Cobet and (Ἰ., followed by Herw.,

Sta., Ste.

Cf. rr. 97, 1.---ἐργασαμένου MT.

2. ἁνύτειν uns.

See Stahl, Quaesx. Gram. p. 32, E. Schwabe,

Ael Dion. p. 112. So c. 70 and 97. 8. ὀπτακαίδεκα Ste. for mss. ὁβδομήκοντα, which is far too large to be possible.

Sta. ἐννέα (i.e. Θ΄ for mas. O'), which is

too small The reading in the text is the best makeshift,— φέρειν) φορεῖν Herw. Cf. 1v. 4, 2.

OOYKYAIAOY

ξεναγοὶ ἑκάστης πόλεως 4 ἐς TO 9

ἔργον.

i

Ψ

ξυνεφεστῶτες ἠνάγκαζον

of de Πλαταιῆς

ὁρῶντες TO χῶμα

aipouevov, ξύλινον τεῖχος ξυνθέντες καὶ ἐπιστήσαντες τῷ ἑαυτῶν τείχει ἢ προσεχοῦτο, ἐσφκο9

^?

~

δόμουν

ἐς

αὐτὸ

ς καθαιροῦντες.

,

πλίνθους ξύνδεσμος

ἐκ δ᾽

8

9

τῶν ἣν

N

οἰκιῶν

αὐτοῖς

ra

ξύλα,

τοῦ μὴ ὑψηλὸν γιγνόμενον ἀσθενὲς εἶναι τὸ oikoδόμημα᾽ καὶ προκαλύμματα εἶχε δέρσεις καὶ διφθέρας ὥστε τοὺς ἐργαζομένους καὶ τὰ ξύλα πυρφόροις ὀϊστοῖς βάλλεσθαι ev $. When the μήτε had

own wall behind

ἀσφαλεῖ τε εἶναι. ἤρετο δὲ τὸ ὕψος τοῦ τείχους μέγα καὶ τὸ χῶμα οὐ σχολαίτερον ayraypet Πλαταιῆς τοιόνδε τι

αὐτῷ. καὶ οἱ ἐπινοοῦσι δι-

ελόντες τοὺ τείχους ἧ προσέπιπτε TO χῶμα ἐσεφόρουν τὴν γῆν. 176. οἱ δὲ Πελοποννήσιοι

αἰσθόμενοι

ἐν ταρσοῖς

red, καλώμου “ηλὸν ἐνίλλοντες ἐσέβαλλον

ἐς τὸ διῃρημένον, ὅπως μὴ διαχεόμενον [ὥσπερ ἡ γῆ] φοροῖτο. οἱ δὲ D. Sépceas] mss. Séppas. See Stahl, Quaest. Gram. p. 49.— ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ, the usual phrase, Cobet, for the unusual ἐν ἀσῴαλείᾳ of mas. Cf. Eur. J. T. 762. 6. rode δέ M. 76,1. εἰσέβαλον Μ. ---διαχεόμενον [ὥσπερ ἡ γῆ). Sta. proposes

διαχεόμενος, on the ground that πῆλος is here compared to γῇ, so that the participle refers to the former. But probably the whole mass at the damaged part is here contrasted with the whole mass, as it was before. As γῇ was not the chief element of the χῶμα before (c. 78, 2) I bracket ὥσπερ ἡ γῇ.

It is probably inserted from c. 76.

EYITPAOHZ

ταύτῃ ἁποκλῃόμενοι

B.

87

τοῦτο μὲν ἐπέ- ThePlatssans 5

σχον, ὑπόνομον δ' ἐκ τῆς πόλεως Opu- underground ἔαντες καὶ £uvrerunpanevor ὑπὸ TO carried away the

χῶμα ὑφεῖλκον αὖθις παρὰ cac Toy Mound.

Then

ends of the χοῦν" καὶ ἐλάνθανον ἐπι πολὺ τοὺς the ἔξω, ὥστ᾽ ἐπιβάλλοντας ἧσσον awrew Where the lower e , . , , wall dcon, share TOU- XWUAὑπαγομένου αὑτοῖςa κατωθεν ros kai ilavovros αἰεὶ ἐπὶ TO Kevov- ep totheraised e

μενον.

4

e

δεδιότες

»

δὲ

X

μὴ

a

οὐδ᾽

δύνωνται ὀλίγοι πρὸς πολλοὺς

4

jun

οὕτω

tbe 3

used bawitho> ἀντέ- rema,

χειν, προσεπεζηῦρον Tode τὸ μὲν μέγα οἰκοδόμημα ἐπαύσαντο ἐργαζόμενοι τὸ κατὰ τὸ χῶμα, ἔνθεν δὲ καὶ ἔνθεν αὐτοῦ ἀρξάμενοι ἀπὸ

τοῦ βραχέυς τείχους ἐκ τοῦ ἐντὸς μηνοειδὲς τὴν

πόλιν

προσῳκοδόμουν,

ὅπως

εἰ

τὸ

ἐς μέγα

τεῖχος ἁλίσκοιτο, τοῦτ᾽ ἀντέχοι, καὶ δέοι τοὺς ἐναντίους αὖθις πρὸς αὐτὸ χοῦν, καὶ προχωροῦντας ὅσω διπλασιόν τε πόνον ἔχειν καὶ ἐν ἀμφιβόλῳ μάλλον γίγνεσθα. ἅμα δὲ Ty χώσει 4 καὶ μηχανὰς προσῆγον τῇ πόλει οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι, 9. ἀποκλειόμονοι M.—xal συντεκμηράμενοι

words are a commentator's note,

M : perhaps these

See the note.

Badham

thinks καὶ either inserted or a corruption of μήκει. Herw. and Cr. bracket καὶ. ὑπὸ τὸ χῶμα belongs to ὀρύξαντε:. ---ἀνύτειν. Ree c. 78, 2.

3. ἔνθεν ἀρξάμενοι αὐτοῦ MT.

πόλιν] Herw. 4. ol Πελοποννήσιοι ry πόλει CG

I suspect ajro).—[és ri» and some inferior

28. —

τοὺς πλαταιεῖς M. -- περιβαλόντες Cobet.—dveiixor] 138. ἀνέκλων, corr. by Rutherford. Cf. Dio Cass. Lxvi, 4 τοὺ: κριοὺς βρόχοις ἀνεῖλκον. Naber reads βρόχοις here, but it is constructed, as

88

OOYKYAIAOY

μίαν μέν,

ἣ τοῦ μεγάλου οἰκοδομήματος κατὰ TO

χῶμα προσαχθεῖσα ἐπὶ μέγα τε κατέσεισε καὶ τοὺς Πλαταιᾶς ἐφόβησεν, ἄλλας δὲ ἄλλῃ τοῦ τείχους,

ἃς

βρόχους

τε

περιβάλλοντες

ἀνεῖλκον

οἱ Πλαταιῆς, καὶ δοκοὺς μεγάλας ἁρτήσαντες ἁλύσεσι μακραῖς σιδηραῖς ἀπὸ τῆς τομῆς

ἑκατέρωθεν

ἀπὸ κεραιῶν δύο ἐπικεκλιμένων καὶ ὑπερτεινουσῶν ὑπὲρ τοῦ τείχους ἀνελκύσαντες ἐγκαρσίας, ὁπότε προσπεσεῖσθαί πῃ μέλλοι ἡ μηχανή, ἀφίεσαν τὴν

δοκὸν χαλαραῖς ταῖς ἁλύσεσι καὶ οὐ διὰ χειρὸς ἔχοντες ἡ δὲ ῥύμῃ ἐμπίπτουσα ἁἀπεκαύλιζε τὸ προέχον τῆς ἐμβολῆς.

TI. Μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι, ὡς al τε μηχαναὶ οὐδὲν ὠφέλουν καὶ τῷ χώματι τὸ ἀντιτείχισμα ἐγίγνετο, νομίσαντες ἄπορον εἶναι ὑπὸ τῶν παρόντων δεινῶν ἑλεῖν τὴν πόλιν πρὸς τὴν 2 περιτείχισιν παρεσκενάζοντο. πρότερον δὲ πυρὶ du Tpen they ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς πειρᾶσαι εἰ δύναιντο the city down. πνεύματος γενομένου ἐπιφλέξαι τὴν πόλιν οὖσαν οὐ μεγάλην πάσαν γὰρ δὴ ἰδέαν ἐπενόουν, εἴ πως σφίσιν ἄνευ δαπάνης καὶ πολιορ-

4 κίας

προσαχθείη.

παρέβαλλον

ἀπὸ

φοροῦντες

τοῦ

δὲ

χώματος

ὕλης

φακέλους

ἐς τὸ

μεταξὺ

πρῶτον τοῦ τείχους καὶ τῆς προσχώσεως, ταχὺ usual, to suit the participle.—[drd] rie τομῆι Herw., while Sta. thinks ἀπὸ before κεραιῶν spurious.

77,1.

ὑπὸ τῶν sr. δεινῶν) M88. ἀπὸ corr. by Cobet.

Herw. read ἀπὸ τῶν s. [δεινῶν]. 2. ἔδοξεν πειρᾶσαι αὐτοῖς MT.

Kr. and

(Latter omits » ἐφελ.)

$. πταρέβαλον M, Sta., Herw., Cr.; rest παρέβαλλον.

EYTTPASHZ

B.

89

δὲ πλήρους γενομένου διὰ πολυχειρίαν ἐπιπαρέγησαν καὶ τῆς ἄλλης πόλεως ὅσον ἐδύναντο ἀπὸ τοῦ μετεώρου πλεῖστον ἐπισχεῖν, ἐμβαλόντες δὲ

"Up ξὺν θείῳ καὶ πίσσῃ Jav τὴν ὕλην. καὶ 4 ἐγένετο φλὸξ τοσαύτη ὅσην οὐδείς πω ἔς γε ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον χειροποίητον εἶδεν ἤδη ‘yap ἐν ὄρεσιν ὕλη τριφθεῖσα ὑπ᾽ ἀνέμων πρὸς αὑτὴν ἀπὸ ταὐτομάτον πῦρ καὶ φλόγα [ἀπ᾿ αὐτοῦ] ἀνῆκε.

τοῦτο

δὲ μέγα τι ἣν καὶ τοὺς Πλαταιάς 5

τἄλλα διαφνγόντας ἐλαχίστου ἐδέησε διαφθεῖραι ἐντὸς γὰρ πολλοῦ [χωρίου] τῆς πόλεως οὐκ ἣν πελάσαι, πνεῦμά τε εἰ ἐπεγένετο

αὐτῇ ἐπίφορον,

ὅπερ καὶ ἤλπιζον οἱ ἐναντίοι, οὐκ ἂν διέφυγον. νῦν δὲ καὶ τόδε λέγεται ξυμβῆναι, ὕδωρ [ἐξ 6 οὐρανοῦ) πολὺ καὶ βροντὰς γενομένας σβέσαι τὴν φλόγα καὶ οὕτω πανυθῆναι τὸν κίνδυνον. 78. Οἱ δὲ Πελοποννήσιοι ἐπειδὴ καὶ τούτου διήμαρτον, [μέρος μέν τι καταλιπόντες τοῦ στρα4. πρὸς αὐτὴν Μ.--ἀταυτοῦ M.; Herw. reads üraveros. Dobree and Kr. think dr’ αὐτοῦ a variant of ἀπὸ ταὐτομάτου. Bo Sta. δ. μέγα rà and

πλαταίεας

Μ.---διαφθαρῆναι

MT.—[xwplov)

Herw. 6. [ἐξ οὐρανοῦ] Cobet. C omits. 48, 1. [μέρος μέν τι ... dóérres] bracketed by Sta., CL and Cr. : Sta. thinks it an adscript on καταλιπόντες in § 2, Bekker and Herw. cut out rd δὲ πλέον déérres, which is wanting in ΑΒΕ,

while

EMT

give λοιπὸν for πλέον (as do Bloomfield,

Arnold and Pp.): then in place of nepos to στρατοπέδου, Herw. reads in § 2 μέρος: μέν τι καταλιπόντε: τοῦ στρατοπέδου φύλακας «.7.r. Cobet and Ste. defend the words bracketed.

90

OOYKYAIAOY

τοπέδου, TO δὲ πλέον agevres,) περιετείχιζον τὴν 8. At last they TOM. κύκλῳ, διελόμενοι κατὰ πόλεις turned the siege πὸ

γῳρίον'

ταῴφρος

δὲ

ἐντός Te jv

2 ΤᾺΣ erento καὶ ἔξωθεν ἐξ ἧς ἐπλινθεύσαντο.

καὶ

man (hei net ἐπεδὴ Way ἐξείργαστο περὶ ἀρκτούρου

home.

emrroAas, καταλιπόντες

ἡμίσεος τείχους (τὸ δὲ ἥμισυ

φύλακας τοῦ

Βοιωτοὶ

ἐφύλασ-

σον) ἀνεχώρησαν τῷ στρατῷ καὶ διελύθησαν κατὰ Ἢ πόλει.

Πλαταιῆς

δὲ

παῖδας

μὲν

καὶ

γυναῖκας

καὶ τοὺς πρεσβυτάτους τε καὶ πλῆθος τὸ ἄχρηστον τῶν ἀνθρώπων πρότερον ἐκκεκομισμένοι ἦσαν ἐς τὰς ᾿Αθήνας, αὐτοὶ δ᾽ ἐπολιορκοῦντο ἐγκαταλελειμμένοι τετρακόσιοι, ᾿Αθηναίων δὲ ὀγδοήκοντα,

4 γυναῖκες δὲ δέκα καὶ ἑκατὸν σιτοποιοί.

τοσοῦτοι

ἦσαν οἱ ξύμπαντες

ὅτε ἐς τὴν πολιορκίαν καθί-

σταντο,

οὐδεὶς

καὶ

ἄλλος

ἣν ἐν τῷ

τείχει

οὔτε

δοῦλος οὔτε ἐλεύθερος. τοιαύτη μὲν ἡ Πλαταιῶν πολιορκία κατεσκευάσθη. 79. Τοῦ δ᾽ αὐτοῦ θέρους καὶ ἅμα τῇ τῶν ΠλαExpedition δὲ

ταιῶν

ἐτιστρατείᾳ

᾿Αθηναῖοι

δισχιλίοις

against the re- ὁπλίταις ἑαυτῶν kat ἱππεῦσι διακοσίοις volted

dians. It isdepaTevoay ἐπὶ diana, It iade ear parevoav φ

near Bpartolu.

Θράκης

τοῦ σίτον 2 τρίτος ,

Βοττικὴν

καὶ

ἐστρατήγει

αὐτὸς. 9

9

,

τὸν

σῖτον

,

Βοττιαίους δὲ ὑπὸ a

e

N

4

e

ἀκμάζοντος

διέφθειρον.

Σπάρτωλον ,

ἐδόκει

1, [τὸ χωρίον] Herw. 8. πλαταιεῖς Μ. ---ἀχρεῖον Μ. ---τριακόσιοι MT. 70, 2. διέφθειραν M.—rör μὴ ταῦτα B. MT.

ὁπλῖται τὲ M

τοὺς ἐπὶ

δὲ Ξενοφῶν ὁ Ἐῤριπίδου

ἐλθόντες [4

Χαλκιδέας

4

δὲ

τὴν 4

καὶ

ταὐτὰ Herw.—

a

ZYTTPA®HS

B.

91

τροσχωρήσειν ἡ πόλις ὑπό τινων ἔνδοθεν πρασσόντων. προσπεμψαντων δὲ ἐς “Ολυνθον τῶν οὐ

ταῦτα

βουλομένων

ὁπλῖταί

τε

ἦλθον

καὶ

στρατιὰ ἐς φυλακήν ἧς ἐπεξελθούσης ἐκ τῆς Σπαρτώλου

ἐς

μάχην

αὐτῇ τῇ πόλει.

καθίστανται

οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι

πρὸς

καὶ οἱ μὲν ὁπλῖται τῶν Χαλκι- 3

δέων καὶ ἐπίκουροί τινες μετ᾽ αὐτῶν νικῶνται ὑπὸ

τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων καὶ ἀναχωροῦσιν ἐς τὴν Σπαρτωλον οἱ δὲ ἱππῆς τῶν Χαλκιδέων καὶ rot νικῶσι τοὺς τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων ἱππέας καὶ ψιλούς. εἶχον δέ τινας οὐ πολλοὺς πελταστὰς ἐκ τῆς 4 Κρουσίδος

γῆς καλουμένης.

ἄρτι

δὲ τῆς μάχης

γεγενημένης ἐπιβοηθοῦσιν ἄλλοι πελτασταὶ ἐκ τῆς Ὀλύνθου. καὶ οἱ ἐκ τῆς Σπαρτώλου Ψιλοὶ 5 ὡς εἶδον, θαρσήσαντες τοῖς τε προσγιγνομένοις καὶ ὅτι πρότερον οὐχ ἡσσῶντο, ἐπιτίθενται αὖθις

μετὰ τῶν Χαλκιδέων ἱππέων καὶ τῶν προσβοηθησάντων τοῖς ᾿Αθηναίοις. καὶ ἀναχωροῦσι πρὸς τὰς δύο τάξεις ἃς κατέλιπον παρὰ τοῖς σκευοφόροις. καὶ ὁπότε μὲν ἐπίοιεν οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι, ἐνε- 6 δίδοσαν. ἀναχωροῦσι δ᾽ ἐνέκειντο καὶ ἐσηκόντιζον. oí τε ἱππῆς τῶν Χαλκιδέων προσιππεύοντες B δοκοίη προσέβαλλον καὶ οὐχ ἥκιστα φοβήσαντες

ἔτρεψαν τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους καὶ ἐπεδίωξαν ἐπὶ πολύ. καὶ οἱ μὲν ᾿Αθηναῖοι ἐς τὴν Ποτείδαιαν καταφεύ- 7

γουσι καὶ ὕστερον τοὺς νεκροὺς ὑποσπόνδους κομι-

8. ἱσπόαε καὶ ψιλοὺς bracketed by Herw. 4, γῆε bracketed by Herw. 6. ἐναχωροῦσι δ᾽) ἀποχωροῦσι

δὲ

ἱππεῖς M. ---προσἱππεύοντει ἡ δοκοῖ M.

M.

ὑποχωροῦσι

Kr.—

92

OOYKYAIAOY

σάμενοι ἐς τὰς ᾿Αθήνας ἀναχωροῦσι τῷ περιόντι τοῦ στρατοῦ ἀπέθανον δὲ αὐτῶν τριάκοντα καὶ τετρακόσιοι καὶ οἱ στρατηγοὶ πάντες. οἱ δὲ Χαλκιδῆς καὶ οἱ Βοττιαῖοι τροπαῖόν τε ἔστησαν καὶ τοὺς

νεκροὺς

τοὺς

αὑτῶν

ἀνελόμενοι

διελύθησαν

κατὰ πόλεις. 80. Τοῦ δ᾽ αὐτοῦ θέρους ov πολλῷ ὕστερον TheAmbracote Τούτων Αμπρακιῶται καὶ Xaoves with a number ^ of barbarian βουλόμενοι ᾿Ακαρνανίαν πᾶσαν KaTaauxiliaries, and 4» 9 ^ with aid, naval στρόψασθαι καὶ ᾿Αθηναίων ἀποστῆσαι and military, , , ,

from Pelopon- χείθουσι Λακεδαιμονίους vavrixov , Te nese, make an , ; 4 expedition παρασκευάσασθαι ex τῆς ξυμμαχίδος

against

— Acar-

ve

,

,

,

.

»

kat ὁπλίταις χιλίους πέμψαι es Axap-

vaviav, λέγοντες ὅτι, ἣν ναυσὶ καὶ πεζῷ ἅμα pera σφῶν

ἔλθωσιν,

ἀδυνάτων

ὄντων

ξυμβοηθεῖν

τῶν

ἀπὸ θαλάσσης ᾿Ακαρνάνων ῥᾳδίως [ἂν] ᾿Ακαρyaviav σχόντες καὶ τῆς Ζακύνθου καὶ Κεφαλληνίας κρατήσουσι, καὶ ὁ περίπλους οὐκέτι ἔσοιτο ᾿Αθη, e » 4 , . N ναίοις ὁμοίως περὶ Πελοπόννησον ἐλπίδα 6 εἶναι καὶ Ναύπακτον λαβεῖν. οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι πεισθέντες

Κινῆμον

ὁπλίτας

μὲν

ναύαρχον

ἔτι ὄντα καὶ τοὺς

ἐπὶ ναυσὶν ὀλίγαις εὐθὺς πέμπουσι, τῷ

δὲ ναυτικῷ περιήγγειλαν παρασκευνασαμένῳ ὡς TA7. χαλκιδεῖς MT. ---τοῦς αὐτῶν MT. 80, 1. [ἃ»] bracketed by Dobree, Kiemann

to the dx following.

and Cr., as due

Ste. proposes to substitute τῶν ἀπὸ

θαλάσσης ᾿Ακαρνάνων ἄνω, cf. c. 88, 1, taking ἂν to be the remnant of ἄνω misplaced. Both here and in c. 88, I think

ἄνω was a gloss on ἀπὸ θαλάσση:.---οὐκ tri M.—Suoos M. F has duolws. 2. παρασκενασαμένοις Cobet.

Only

NEYTTPAOHZ

χιστα πλεῖν ἐς Λευκάδα.

B.

93

ἧσαν de Κορίνθιοι € υμ-

προθυμούμενοι μάλιστα τοῖς ᾿Αμπρακιώταις ἀποί-

κοις οὖσι. καὶ τὸ μὲν ναυτικὸν ἕκ τε Κορίνθου καὶ Σικυῶνος καὶ τῶν ταύτῃ χωρίων ἐν παρασκευῇ ἣν, τὸ δ᾽ ἐκ Λευκάδος καὶ ᾿Ανακτορίον καὶ ᾿Αμπρακίας πρότερον ἀφικόμενον ev Δευκάδι περιέμενε. Κινῆμος δὲ καὶ οἱ μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ [χίλιοι 09- 4 λίται] ἐπειδὴ ἐπεραιώθησαν λαθόντες Φορμίωνα,

ὃς ἦρχε τῶν εἴκοσι Ναύπακτον

κατὰ

νεῶν τῶν ᾿Αττικῶν

ai περὶ

ἐφρούρουν, εὐθὺς παρεσκευάζοντο τὴν

γῆν στρατείαν.

καὶ αὐτῷ

παρῆσαν

᾿Ελ- 5

λήνων μὲν ᾿Αμπρακιῶται καὶ Λευκάδιοι καὶ ᾿Ανακτόριοι καὶ οὗς αὐτὸς ἔχων ἦλθε χίλιοι Πελοποννησίων, βάρβαροι δὲ Xaoves χίλιοι ἀβασίλευτοι,

ὧν ἡγοῦντο ἐπετησίῳ προστασίᾳ ἐκ τοῦ ἀρχικοῦ yevous Φώτυος καὶ Νικάνωρ. ἐστρατεύοντο δὲ μετὰ Χαόνων καὶ Θεσπρωτοὶ aBacirevro. Mo- 6 λοσσοὺς δὲ ἦγε καὶ ᾿Ατιντάνας Σαβύλινθος ἐπι-

τροπος ὄντος,

ὧν Θαρυπος καὶ

τοῦ

Ilapavaiovs

βασιλέως "Οροιδος

ἔτι

“παιδὸς

βασιλεὺς

ὦν.

᾿Ορέσται δὲ χίλιοι, ὧν ἐβασίλενεν ᾿Αντίοχος, μετὰ Παραναίων

ξυνεστρατεύοντο

'Opotóe

᾿Αντιόχου

ἐπιτρέψαντος.

ἔπεμψε

δὲ καὶ Περδίκκας

τῶν

χιλίους

Μακεδόνων

᾿Αθηναίων

3. [χίλιοι ὁπλέται) inserted from ἢ 1.

4. παρεσκευάσαντο

Mpr.

and T.

οἱ

κρύφα 7

ὕστερον

I bracket.

M is corrected to wape-

σκευάζοντο.

δ. ἐπετησίῳ only Mpr. reading of all the rest. 6. συνεστρατεύοντο MT.

It is corrected to ἐπ᾽ ἐτησίιωι, the

94

OOYKYAIAOY

83A00v.

τούτῳ

τῷ

στρατῷ

ἐἑπορεύετο

Konuos,

οὐ περιμείνας τὸ ἀπὸ Κορίνθου ναυτικόν καὶ διὰ

τῆς ᾿Αργείας ἰόντες Λιμναίαν κώμην ἀτείχιστον ἐπόρθησαν. ἀφικνοῦνταί τε ἐπὶ Στράτον, πόλιν μεγίστην τῆς ᾿Ακαρνανίας, νομίζοντες, εἰ ταύτην πρώτην

λάβοιεν,

ῥᾳδίως

χωρῆσαι. 81. ᾿Ακαρνᾶνες

δὲ

ἂν σφίσι

αἰσθόμενοι

τἄλλα κατά

προστε

γῆν

Tbe barterians πολλὴν στρατιὰν exBeBAnxviay ἔκ τε are defected 9.υλίσσῃης ναυσὶν ἅμα τοὺς πολεμίους aan Faperouevous, οὔτε ξυνεβοήθουν ἐφύλασσόν τε τὰ αὑτῶν ἕκαστοι, παρά τε

Φορμίωνα

ἔπεμπον

κελεύοντες

ἀμύνειν᾽

ὁ δὲ

ἀδύνατος ἔφη εἶναι ναυτικοῦ ἐκ Κορίνθον μέλλλοντος ἐκπλεῖν Ναύπακτον ἐρήμην ἀπολιπεῖν. οἱ

δὲ Πελοποννήσιοι

καὶ

οἱ ξύμμαχοι

τρία

τέλη

ποιήσαντες σφῶν αὐτῶν ἐχώρουν πρὸς τὴν τῶν Στρατίων πόλιν, ὅπως ἐγγὺς στρατοπεδευσάμενοι,

εἰ μὴ λόγοις πείθοιεν, ἔργῳ euro

τοῦ τείχους.

3 Kal μέσον μὲν ἔχοντες προσῇσαν Xaoves καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι βάρβαροι, ἐκ δεξιᾶς δ᾽ αὐτῶν Λευκάδιοι καὶ

᾿Ανακτόριοι καὶ οἱ μετὰ τούτων, ἐν ἀριστερᾷ δὲ 8. ἀφικνοῦνται τὲ M.—el πρώτην ταύτην ΜΤ. ---προσχωρῆσαι) M88. προσχωρήσειν. Corr. by Cobet. See Stahl, Quaest. Gram.

c. IL: Shil.’s editor Throughout this chap.

brackets ἂν, retaining the fut.— M has 'Auspaxía etc. right. See

c. 68.

81, 1. rà αὐτῶν MT. 2. πείθειεν MT. 3. μέσον ἔχοντες MT. --προσήεσαν M, twice. cases, reads προῦσαν.

Cobet, in both

EYTTPASHZ Kynuos

καὶ

of ἸΠελοποννήσιοι

B. καὶ

95 ᾿Αμπρακιῶται᾽

διεῖχον δὲ πολὺ am ἀλλήλων καὶ ἔστιν ὅτε οὐδὲ ἑωρῶντο. καὶ οἱ μὲν “Ἕλληνες τεταγμένοι Te4 προσῇσαν καὶ διὰ φυλακῆς ἔχοντες ἕως ἐστρατο-

πεδεύσαντο ἐν ἐπιτηδείῳ of δὲ Xaoves σφίσι τε αὐτοῖς πιστεύοντες καὶ ἀξιούμενοι ὑπὸ τῶν ἐκείνῃ ἠἡπειρωτῶν μαχιμώτατοι εἶναι, οὔτ᾽ ἐπέσχον τὸ στρατόπεδον

μετὰ

τῶν

καταλαβεῖν

ἄλλων

χωρήσαντες

βαρβάρων

ἐνόμισαν

τε

ῥύμῃ

αὐτοβοεὶ

ἂν τὴν πόλιν ἑλεῖν καὶ αὐτῶν τὸ ἔργον γενέσθαι.

γνόντες καὶ

δ' αὐτοὺς

ἡγησάμενοι,

οἱ Στράτιοι

μεμονωμένων

ἔτι προσιόντας 5

εἰ κρατήσειαν,

οὐκ

dy ἔτι σφίσι τοὺς “EXAnvas ὁμοίως προσελθεῖν, προλοχίζουσι τὰ περὶ τὴν πόλιν ἐνέδραις, καὶ ἐπειδὴ ἐγγὺς ἦσαν, ἔκ τε τῆς πόλεως ὁμόσε χωρή-

σαντες καὶ ἐκ τῶν ἐνεδρῶν προσπίπτουσι. καὶ 6 ἐς φόβον καταστάντων διαφθείρονταί τε πολλοὶ τῶν

Χαόνων

καὶ

αὐτοὺς ἐνδόντας,

οἱ οὐκέτι

ἄλλοι

βάρβαροι,

ὡς εἶδον

ὑπέμειναν, ἀλλ᾽

ἐς φυγὴν

κατέστησαν. τῶν δὲ Ἑλληνικῶν στρατοπέδων 7 οὐδέτερον ἤσθετο τῆς μάχης, διὰ τὸ πολὺ Tpo-

ελθεῖν αὐτοὺς καὶ στρατόπεδον οἰηθῆναι καταληψομένους ἐπείγεσθαι ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐνέκειντο φεύ- 8 yovres οἱ βάρβαροι, ἀνελάμβανόν τε αὐτοὺς καὶ 4. σφίσι τε αὐτοὶ Sta.—iwd bracketed by Kr.—éxet for ἐκείνῃ Cobet always. Herw. doubts whether ἐκείνῃ in sense of drei exists in old Attic.—rd στρατόπεδον καταλαβεῖν) τὸ Στράτον προκαταλαβεῖν Behrendt, with probebility.—)óum M. 7. οἰηθῆναι] οἱ ἀθηναῖοι M. There is some doubt whether

T has οἰαϑῆναι or οἱ ἀθηναῖοι.

96

OOYKYAIAOY

fuvayayovres

Ta

στρατόπεδα

ἡσύχαζον

avrov

τὴν ἡμέραν, ἐς χεῖρας μὲν οὐκ ἰόντων σφίσι τῶν

Στρατίων διὰ τὸ μήπω τοὺς ἄλλους ᾿Ακαρνᾶνας ξυμβεβοηθηκέναι, ἄπωθεν δὲ σφενδονώντων καὶ ἐς ἀπορίαν καθιστάντων οὐ γὰρ ἣν avev ὅπλων

κινηθῆναι.

δοκοῦσι

6

οἱ

᾿Ακαρνάνες

κράτιστοι

εἶναι τοῦτο ποιεῖν. 82. ἐπειδὴ δὲ νὺξ ἐγένετο, The„ Pelopon- ἀναχωρήσας 0 K vinos τῇ στρατιᾷ return home. κατὰ τάχος ἐπὶ τὸν " Avarov ποταμὸν, ὃς ἀπέχει σταδίους ὀγδοήκοντα Στράτου, τούς

τε νεκροὺς κομίζεται τῇ

ὑστεραίᾳ

ὑποσπόνδους,

καὶ Οἰνιαδῶν ξυμπαραγενομένων κατὰ φιλίαν ἀναχωρεῖ wap’ αὐτοὺς πρὶν τὴν ξυμβοήθειαν ἐλθεῖν. κἀκεῖθεν ex οἴκου ἀπῆλθον ἕκαστοι. οἱ δὲ Στρα-

τιοι τροπαῖον ἔστησαν τῆς μάχης τῆς πρὸς τοὺς

BapBapous.

83. To δ᾽ ex τῆς Κορίνθου καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ξυμμάχων

oT

Τῶν ex τοῦ Κρισαίου κόλπου ναυτικόν,

ud

wr un ξυμβοηθῶσιν

οἱ ἀπὸ

rinthian

gulf,

ov

ἄνω

᾿Ακαρνάνες,

hed never joined GAN

ἠναγκάσθησαν

ἡμέρας

ὅπως

Κινήμῳ,

τῷ

shi — eet, 47 ὃ ἔδει παραγενέσθαι

θαλάσσης

παραγίγνεται,

περὶ

Tas

αὐτὰς

[τῆς ἐν Zrparp μάχης]

8. χείρας and ἰόντων Μ.---ἄποθεν M88. corr. by Herw. Eur. I. T. 108 νεὼ: ἄπωθεν. ---δοκοῦσι κιτιλ., ? genuine. 88.

—Herw. αὐτὰς

Cf.

κακεῖθεν and érolxov M.

88, 1. ἄνω. ἢ gloss on ἀπὸ θαλάσση:. Herw.,

ναυ-

See o. 80, and note.

brackets ᾿Ακαρνᾶνει. —[rfjs ἐν Z. μάχη) bracketed by

Sta., Cr.

But Madvig reads τῇ ... μάχῃ:

τὰς ἡμέρα: τῆς ἐν I. μάχηι.

Ste. κερὶ

NYTTPAOHZ

B.

97

μαχῆσαι πρὸς Φορμίωνα καὶ τὰς εἴκοσι ναῦς τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων al ἐφρούρουν ἐν Νανπάκτῳ. ὁ ‘yap 2 Φορμίων παραπλέοντας αὐτοὺς ὄξω τοῦ κόλπον ἐτήρει, βουλόμενος ἐν τῇ evpuxwpia ἐπιθέσθαι. οἱ δὲ Κορίνθιοι καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι ἔπλεον μὲν οὐχ 3 ὡς ἐπὶ ναυμαχίαν, ἀλλὰ στρατιωτικώτερον παρεσκευασμένοι ἐς τὴν ᾿Ακαρνανίαν, καὶ οὐκ ἂν οἱόμενοι πρὸς ἑπτὰ καὶ τεσσαράκοντα ναῦς Τὰς σφετέρας τολμῆσαι τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους εἴκοσι ταῖς ἑαυτῶν ναυμαχίαν ποιήσασθαι ἐπειδὴ μέντοι avriπαραπλέοντας Te ἑώρων

αὐτούς, παρὰ

γῆν σφῶν

κομιζομένων, καὶ ἐκ Πατρῶν τῆς ᾿Αχαΐας πρὸς τὴν ἀντιπέρας ἤπειρον διαβάλλοντες ἐπὶ ᾿Ακαργανίας κατεῖδον τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους ἀπὸ τῆς Χαλκίδος

καὶ τοῦ

Evjvov

ποταμοῦ

καὶ οὐκ

ἔλαθον

νυκτὸς

προσπλέοντας

ἀφορμισάμενοι,

σφίσι

οὕτω

δὴ

ἀναγκάζονται ναυμαχεῖν κατὰ μέσον τὸν πορθμόν. στρατηγοὶ δὲ ἦσαν μὲν καὶ κατὰ πόλεις ἑκάστων 4

ol παρεσκευάζοντο,

Κορινθίων

Ἰσοκράτης καὶ ᾿Αγαθαρχίδας.

de Μαχάων

καὶ

καὶ οἱ μὲν Πελο-ς

ποννήσιοι ἐτάξαντο κύκλον τῶν νεῶν ὡς μέγιστον οἷοί τε ἦσαν μὴ διδόντες διέκπλουν, τὰς πρῴρας

μὲν ἔξω, ἔσω δὲ τὰς πρύμνας, καὶ τά τε λεπτὰ πλοία

ἃ ξυνέπλει ἐντὸς ποιοῦνται καὶ πέντε ναῦς

τὰς ἄριστα πλεούσας, ὅπως ἐκπλέοιεν δια βραχέος 3. διαβάλλοντε!) mus. διαβαλλόστων. Corr. by 82. -- ἀφορμισάμενοι is Bloomfield’s correction of ὑφορμισάμενοι, accepted by

Sta. and Ste.

The sense required is only thus obtainable.

4. μάχων for Maxdw MT.

δ. εἴσω Μ.---προσπλέοιεν M.

98

OOYKYAIAOY

παραγιγνόμενοι, εἴ m προσπίπτοιεν οἱ ἐναντίοι. 84. οἱ δὲ ᾿Αθηναῖοι κατὰ μίαν ναῦν τεταγμένοι γιατ Exrom Τεριέπλεον αὐτοὺς κύκλῳ καὶ ξυνῆγον

or PRORNIO. ἐς ὀλίγον, ἐν χρῷ αἰεὶ παραπλόοντες καὶ δόκησιν παρέχοντες αὐτίκα ἐμβαλεῖν προείρnro δ' αὐτοῖς

ὑπὸ

Φορμίωνος

μὴ ἐπιχειρεῖν πρὶν

λἂν αὐτὸς σημήνῃ. ἤλπιζε γὰρ αὐτῶν οὐ μενεῖν τὴν τάξιν, [ὥσπερ ἐν yp πεζήν, ἀλλὰ ξυμπεσεῖσθαι πρὸς ἀλλήλας τὰς ναῦς καὶ τὰ πλοῖα

ταραχὴν παρέξειν, εἴ T ἐκπνεύσειεν ἐκ τοῦ κόλπου τὸ πνεῦμα, ὅπερ ἀναμένων τε περιέπλει καὶ εἰώθει γίγνεσθαι ὑπὸ τὴν ἕω, οὐδένα χρόνον ἧἡσνχάσειν αὐτούς καὶ τὴν ἐπιχείρησιν eb ἑαυτῷ τε ἐνόμιζεν εἶναι, ὁπόταν βούληται, τῶν νεῶν ἄμεινον 4 πλεουσῶν, καὶ τότε καλλίστην γίγνεσθαι. ὡς δὲ τό τε πνεῦμα xarya καὶ αἱ νῆες ἐν ὀλίγῳ ἤδη οὖσαι v* ἀμφοτέρων, τοῦ Te ἁνέμον τῶν τε πλοίων ἅμα προσκειμένων,

τε νηὶ προσέπιπτε

ἐταράσσοντο, καὶ ναῦς

καὶ τοῖς κοντοῖς διεωθοῦντο,

84, 2. [ὥσπερ ἐν γῇ πεζήν) I bracket. For ἐν γῇ is superfluous with πεζήν, and Thuc. only uses τεζὴ στρατιά, and could not use such a phrase as ref) rát«. The adscript is quite unnecessary; of. v1. 84, 4 χαλεπὸν διὰ πλοῦ μῆκος ἐν τάξει μεῖναι.—

παρέχειν MT, so ABEF.—el r’ ἐκπνεῦσαι τοῦ κόλπον MT.—éwi rf» ἕω man. id, Kr., is accepted by all recent edd. but Cl. and Cr.

3. διωθοῦντο uss.

Corr. by Cobet, followed by all recent

edd. διωθροῦντο MT. —Tpàs ἀλλήλοι. ΜΊ.--,«λυδωνίῳ Ms8., but Photius and Suidas quote this passage with κλύδωνι, and the

xpfiew probably comes from very early sources. Naber. —[xarà τὸν x. τοῦτον] Cobet, Herw. πᾶσαι: M.

So Sta. and

So in r. 88, 1.—

EYTl'PAOHZ

B.

99

Bon Te χρώμενοι καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἀντιφυλακῇ Te καὶ λοιδορίᾳ οὐδὲν κατήκονον οὔτε τῶν παραγ-

γελλομένων οὔτε τῶν κελευστῶν καὶ τὰς κώπας ἀδύνατοι ὄντες ἐν κλύδωνι ἀναφέρειν ἄνθρωτοι ἄπειροι τοῖς κυβερνήταις ἀπειθεστέρας τὰς ναῦς παρεῖχον, τότε δὴ [κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον] σημαίνει, καὶ οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι προσπεσόντες πρῶτον μὲν καταδύουσι τῶν στρατηγίδων νεῶν μίαν, ἔπειτα de καὶ πάσας 7 χωρήσειαν διέφθειρον, καὶ κατέ-

στῆσαν

ἐς ἀλκὴν μὲν μηδένα

τρέπεσθαι

αὐτῶν

ὑπὸ τῆς ταραχῆς, φεύγειν δ᾽ ἐς Πάτρας καὶ Δύμην

τῆς ᾿Αχαΐας. οἱ δὲ ᾿Αθηναῖοι καταδιώξαντες καὶ vais δώδεκα λαβόντες τούς τε ἄνδρα; He completely ~

rd

a

a

ef αὐτῶν τοὺς πλείστους

a

ἀνελόμενοι ponnesians.

ἐς Μολύκρειον ἀπέπλεον, καὶ τροπαῖον στήσαντες ἐπὶ τῷ ‘Pig καὶ ναῦν ἀναθέντες τῷ ἸΠοσειδῶνι ἀνεχώρησαν ἐς Ναύπακτον. παρέπλευσαν de καὶ οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι εὐθὺς ταῖς περιλοίποις τῶν νεῶν ἐκ τῆς Δύμης καὶ Πατρῶν ἐς Κυλλήνην τὸ ᾿Ηλείων ἐπίνειον

καὶ ἀπὸ Λευκάδος

Κιῆμος καὶ αἱ ἐκεῖθεν

νῆες, ἃς ee: ταύταις ξυμμεῖξαι, ἀφικνοῦνται μετὰ τὴν

ἐν

Στράτῳ

μάχην

ἐς

τὴν

Κυλλήνην.

85. Πέμπουσι δὲ καὶ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τῷ Κνήμῳ

fuuBovdous ἐπὶ τὰς ναῦς Τιμοκρατην The nitt Φ

καὶ Βρασίδαν

4

«C

e

kat Λυκόφρονα, ,

9

,

κελεὺ- nant at this defeat, send three

ovres ἄλλην ναυμαχίαν βελτίω xara-4 tocommissioners assist the ad-

oxevalerOa:

καὶ μὴ ὑπ᾽ ὀλίγων νεῶν mirel

δ. Cobet brackets ἐκ τῇ: A. καὶ Πατρῶν. ---ξυμμᾶξαι MER, Meisterhans, p. 144. 88, 1. παρασκενάζεσθαι Horw., with some inferior uss.

100

ΘΟΥΚΎΔΙΔΟΥ

2 εἴργεσθαι Awe T€ πολὺς ὁ σφῶν τὸ

τῆς θαλάσσης. ἐδόκει γὰρ αὐτοῖς dÀκαὶ πρῶτον ναυμαχίας πειρασαμένοις παράλογος εἶναι καὶ οὐ τοσούτῳ ᾧοντο ναυτικὸν λείπεσθαι, γεγενῆσθαι δέ τινα

μαλακίαν, οὐκ ἀντιτιθέντες τὴν ᾿Αθηναίων ἐκ πολ-

AoU ἐμπειρίαν τῆς σφετέρας di ὀλίγου μελέτης. 3 ὀργῇ οὖν ἀπέστελλον. οἱ δὲ ἀφικόμενοι μετὰ Κνήμου ναῦς τε περιήγγέλλον κατὰ πόλεις καὶ τὰς προὔπαρχούσας ἐξηρτύοντο ὡς ἐπὶ ναυμα4 χίαν. πέμπει δὲ καὶ ὁ Φορμίων ἐς τὰς ᾿Αθήνας Both sides send τήν Te παρασκευὴν αὐτῶν ἀγγελοῦντας ments ;

καὶ

τερὶ

τῆς

ναυμαχίας

ἣν

ἐνίκησαν

φράσοντας, καὶ κελεύων αὐτῷ ναῦς ὅτι “πλείστας bnt the Athen. διὰ τάχους ἀποστεῖλαι, ὡς καθ᾽ ἡμέραν the chive,

lo,

ἐλπίδος οὔσης €αἰεὶ ναυμαχήσειν. € in. ἑκάστην

%o οἱ δὲ ἀποπέμπουσιν à εἴκοσι ναῦς αὐτῷ,

ey * where τῷ δὲ κομίζοντι αὐτὰς προσεπέστειλαν ἐς Κρήτην πρῶτον ἀφικέσθαι. Νικίας γὰρ [Κρὴς] Γορτύνιος πρόξενος ὧν πείθει αὐτοὺς

ἐπὶ Κυδωνίαν πλεῦσαι, φάσκων προσποιήσειν αὐτὴν οὗσαν πολεμίαν᾽ ἐπῆγε δὲ Πολιχνίταις χαριζό6 μενος ὁμόροις τῶν Κυδωνιατῶν. καὶ ὃ μὲν λαβὼν τὰς ναῦς ᾧχετο ἐς Κρήτην καὶ μετὰ τῶν ἸΠολιχvery

ἐδήου τὴν

γῆν τῶν Κυδωνιατῶν,

καὶ

[ὑπὸ

2. τῆι oferépas μελέτη] Cobet and Herw. τῇ σφετέρᾳ μελέτῃ. δ. [Κρὴ:] Cobet, Herw. 6. [ὑπὸ ἀνέμων καὶ] Cl., Sta., Herw., Cr., for ἀπλοίας means ἀνέμων. Cf. Eur. I. T. 15 δεινῆς τ᾽ ἀπλοίας πνευμάτων τ᾽ οὐ

‚rvyxdsw, where p. 220) omit οὐ.

Hermann

and

Wilamowits

(Herm.

1883

MYTTPASHE

B.

101

ἀνέμων καὶ] ὑπὸ ἁπλοίας ἐνδιέτρεψεν οὐκ ὀλίγον χρόνον. 86. Οἱ

δ᾽ ἐν τῇ

Κυλλήνῃ

Πελοποννήσιοι

[ἐν

τούτῳ), ἐν ᾧ οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι περὶ Κρήτην κατείχοντο, ταρεσκενασμένοι

ὡς ἐπὶ

ναυμαχίαν

παρέπλευσαν᾽

ἐς Πάνορμον τὸν 'Ayxaiko», οἶπερ αὐτοῖς ὁ κατὰ

γῆν στρατὸς τῶν Πελοποννησίων προσεβεβοηθήκει. παρέπλευσε δὲ καὶ ὁ Φορμίων ἐπὶ τὸ ‘Piov τὸ 2 Μολυκρικὸν καὶ ὡρμίσατο ἔξω αὐτοῦ ναυσὶν εἴκοσιν αἷσπερ

καὶ

ἐναυμάχησεν.

ἣν δὲ τοῦτο

μὲν τὸ 3

Ῥίον φίλιον τοῖς ᾿Αθηναίοις, τὸ δ᾽ ἕτερον [ Ῥίον)

ἐστὶν ἀντιπέρας [τὸ ἐν τῇ Πελοποννήσῳ)ὔ διέχετὸν δὲ ἀπ᾿ ἀλλήλων σταδίους μάλιστα ἑπτὰ τῆς θαλάσσης, τοῦ δὲ Κρισαίου κόλπον στόμα τοῦτό

ἐστιν.

ἐπὶ οὖν τῷ ‘Pip τῷ ᾿Αχαϊκῷ The

Pelopon- 4

of Πελοποννήσιοι ἀπέχοντι ov πολὺ shipsare anz^

^

τοῦ Πανόρμου, ev à αὐτοῖς ὁ πεζὸς ἣν, 8. battle,

on

before

ὡρμίσαντο καὶ αὐτοὶ ναυσὶν ἑπτὰ καὶ are reinforced. ἐβδομήκοντα,

ἐπειδὴ

καὶ

τοὺς

᾿Αθηναίους

εἶδον.

καὶ ἐπὶ μὲν ἐξ ἣ ἑπτὰ ἡμέρας ἀνθώρμουν ἀλλήλοις 5 μελετῶντές Te καὶ παρασκευαζόμενοι

τὴν vavpa-

χίαν, γνώμην ἔχοντες οἱ μὲν μὴ ἐκπλεῖν ἔξω τῶν Ῥίων ἐς τὴν εὐρυχωρίαν, φοβούμενοι τὸ πρότερον 86, 1. [ἐν τούτῳ] Cobet,

Herw.—rea

τὴν κρήτην MT.—

οἶπερ) M88. οὗπερ. Corr. by Cobet, who also brackets τῶν Πελο-

ποννησίων, but it seems necessary. 2. alsırep καὶ ἐναυμάχησεν.

Seo o. 80,4;

88, 1.

8. [Ῥίον] Cobet.—{rd ἐν τῇ Π.] Sta.— ums. &eíyerov. by Buttmann. δ, μελετῶντει re MT.—eis rb» εὐρυχωρία» M.

Corr.

102

OOYKYAIAOY

πάθος, of de un ἐσπλεῖν ἐς τὰ στενά, νομίζοντες 6 πρὸς ἐκείνων εἶναι τὴν ἐν ὀλίγῳ ναυμαχίαν. ἔπειτα ὁ Κνῆμος καὶ ὁ Βρασίδας καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι τῶν Πελοποννησίων στρατηγοὶ βουλόμενοι ἐν τάχει τὴν ναυμαχίαν

ποιῆσαι

πρίν

τι

καὶ

ἀπὸ

τῶν

᾿Αθη-

ναίων ἐπιβοηθῆσαι, ξυνεκάλεσαν τοὺς στρατιώτας πρῶτον, καὶ ὁρῶντες αὐτῶν τοὺς πολλοὺς διὰ τὴν προτέραν ἧσσαν φοβουμένους καὶ οὐ προθύμους ὄντας παρέκελεύσαντο καὶ ἔλεξαν τοιάδε. 87. “Ἢ

μὲν γενομένη ναυμαχία, ὦ ἄνδρες IIeAo-

Speech of the Τοννήσιοι, εἴ τις apa

δι αὐτὴν ὑμῶν

Papa"

ὀρβεῖται τὴν μέλλουσαν, οὐχὶ δικαίαν

2L οἰμροοίμιον, tained the T9ó0ecis, vis,: that there is no ground for alarm (41,3.

uet τέκμαρσιν [το] ἐκφοβῆσαι. Τῇ τε yap παρασκευῃ ἐνδεῆς EyYevero, , Ψ 4 $4 » , ὥσπερ (OTe, καὶ οὐχὶ ἐς ναυμαχίαν 4 ?» 8 , φ , . μάλλον ἢ ἐπι στρατείαν ewÄconev

a.

We were un-

a

,

4

4

.

φ

9

4

~

^

^

/

, prepared. ξυνέβη δὲ xal τὰ ἀπὸ τῆς τύχης οὐκ b. We had bad * , ^ ^, Mo e

luckat of ex ὀλίγα ἐναντιωθῆναι, kat πού Tt καὶ ἡ against us.

told ἀπειρία » πρῶτον; ναυμαχοῦντας 4 4 e

ἔσφη,

3 1t Ilers(9$3- Ney. wore ov κατὰ τὴν ἡμετέραν Couragemust κακίαν TO ἡσσῆσθαι προσεγένετο, οὐδὲ 6. ἀπὸ τῶν ᾿Αθηνῶν Bekker, Herw. —[xal ἔλεξαν] Horw.

87. 1. [τὸ] ἐκφοβῆσαι. suitable.

Bh. and Cr. make rd ἐκφοβῆσαι object of ἔχει, and

δικαίαν τ. predicate:

ἐκφοβῆσαι.

I bracket the article, which is not

but cf. 8, 13, 1 αἰτίας Kxorres ἱκανὰς ἡμᾶς

Sta. and Herw. read τοῦ ἐκφοβῆσαι.

Ste. proposes

to bracket rd ἐκφοβῆσαι. Perhaps for τὸ ἐκφοβῆσαι we should read κεφοβῆσθαι. See note. 8. vpoeyérero Ullrich, Sta., Bh., Herw., Cl.: I retain the uns. reading with Cr. and Ste., for προεγένετο would require

that the former defeat should be contrasted with either the

ZYITPASHZ δίκαιον τῆς γνώμης τὸ

μὴ

B.

108

κράτος

κατὰ

νικηθέν, ἔχον δέ τινα ἐν αὑτῷ

not be overcome

ayrı-

λογίαν, τῆς γε ξυμφορᾶς τῷ ἀποβάντι cowardice, _ noe ἀμβλύνεσθαι, νομίσαι de ταῖς μὲν τύ- inexperience *

47

σθ

Xats evóexe θαι σφαλ, λε

of

αι τοὺςy

, Moe I». dyE Our super-

θρώπους, ταῖς δε γνώμαις τοὺς αὐτοὺς ὡς tire canis aiet

ἀνδρείους

ορθῶς

εἶναι,

καὶ

μὴ

snemy's supere

inrity ἀπειρίαν τοῦ ἀνδρείον παρόντος προ- (pe pin sclenos βαλλομένους εἰκότως ἂν ἔν τινι κακοὺς me qur ar

γενέσθαι.

ὑμῶν

τοσοῦτον

λείπεται

δὲ

ovd

ἡ

ἀπειῤία FE

ὅσον τόλμῃ

προ-

4

ἮΝ We baro

ἔχετε τῶνδε δὲ ἡ ἐπιστήμη, ἣν μαλι- Dopites close στα φοβεῖσθε, ἀνδρείαν μὲν ἔχουσα καὶ warnta lesen

μνήμην ἔξει ἐν τῷ

from our defeat

δεινῷ ἐπιτελεῖν ἃ (un

ἔμαθεν, ἄνευ δὲ εὐψυχίας οὐδεμία τέχνη πρὸς τοὺς κινδύνους ἰσχύει. φόβος γὰρ μνήμην ἐκπλήσσει, τέχνη δὲ ἄνευ ἀλκῆς οὐδὲν ὠφελεῖ. πρὸς μὲν οὖν 5 τὸ ἐμπειρότερον αὐτῶν τὸ τολμηρότερον avrıτάξασθε, πρὸς δὲ τὸ διὰ τὴν ἧσσαν δεδιέναι τὸ

ἀπαράσκενοι τότε τυχεῖν. περιγίγνεται δὲ ὑμῖν 6 πλῆθός τε νεῶν καὶ πρὸς Tp yy οἰκείᾳ οὔσῃ ὁπλιτῶν παρόντων

ναυμαχεῖν

τὰ

de πολλὰ τῶν

πλειόνων καὶ ἄμεινον παρεσκευασμένων τὸ κράτος present or the future. —rd κατὰ κράτος νικηθὲν CL, omitting μὴ with B only. So Herw., who thinks 4j may represent a lost μὲν. Ste. proposes τὸ μὴ κατ᾽ ἄκρας νικηθὸν. ---κατακράτοι M. — τῆι ξυμφορᾶς MT, γε omitted. Most mas. read τῆς τε.--- τοὺς αὐτοὺς: ἀεὶ [ἀνδρείον:] ὀρθοὺς Badham, Herw., while Cobet

reads σφάλλεσθαι τοὺς ἀνδρείους and τοὺς αὐτοὺξ ἀεὶ ὀρθοὺς : but ὀρθῶ: corresponds to εἰκότως, and ἀνδρείους to κακούτ. 4. ὑμῶν δ' Μ. --- οὐδὲ μία M.

104

OOYKYAIAOY

ἡ ἐστίν. ἡμᾶς e

ὥστε οὐδὲ καθ' ἣν εὑρίσκομεν εἰκότως di σφαλλομένου

^

[4

xai

.

ὅσα

4

ἡμαρτομεν e

9

πρόp

τερον, νῦν αὐτὰ ταῦτα προσγενόμενα διδασκαλίαν 8 rrr. "ErDeyor. παρέξει. Θαρσοῦντες οὗν καὶ κυβερman Pr e 4 dobiaduty. The νῆται καὶ ναῦται τὸ kaÜ ἑαντὸν coward

be

e

,

4

,

punished, the ὅκαστος ὄπεσθε, χώραν un poÀeibrave rewarded . P ^ ~ 9 (88 8, 9). wovres ἢ ay Tis προσταχθῃ. τῶν

de πρότερον ἡγεμόνων οὐ χεῖρον τὴν ἐπιχείρησιν ἡμεῖς παρασκευάσομεν καὶ οὐκ ἐνδώσομεν πρόφασιν οὐδενὶ κακῷ γενέσθαι᾽ fw δέ τις ἄρα καὶ βουληθῇ. κολασθήσεται τῇ πρεπούσῃ ζημίᾳ, οἱ δὲ

ἀγαθοὶ

τιμήσονται

τοῖς

προσήκουσιν

ἄθλοις

τῆς ἀρετῆς."

88. Τοιαῦτα μὲν τοῖς Πελοποννησίοις οἱ ἄρPhormio seeing XOVTeS wapexe\evoavro. ὁ de Pop4

1

9

A

4

e^

, A the dismayed bythe μίων δεδιὼς καὶ αὐτὸς THY τῶν στραenemys num^ , , 4 4 , e τιωτῶν ὁρρωδίαν καὶ αἰσθόμενος ὅτι

TO πλῆθος τῶν νεῶν κατὰ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ξυνισταμενοι ἐφοβοῦντο,

ἐβούλετο

ξυγκαλέσας Üapavvai

τε καὶ παραίνεσιν ἐν τῷ παρόντι ποιήσασθαι. 2 πρότερον μὲν γὰρ αἰεὶ αὐτοῖς ἔλεγε καὶ προπαρεσκεύαζε τὰς γνώμας ὡς οὐδὲν αὐτοῖς πλῆθος νεῶν τοσοῦτον ἂν ἐπιπλέοι Ó τι οὐχ ὑπομενετέον αὐτοῖς

ἐστιν,

καὶ

οἱ στρατιῶται

ἐκ πολλοῦ

ἐν

σφίσιν αὐτοῖς τὴν ἀξίωσιν ταύτην εἰλήφεσαν μηνα

ὄχλον

᾿Αθηναῖοι

ὄντες

Ι]ελοποννησίων

νεῶν

7. καϑὲν M ; 20 καθεαυτὸν, οὐκενδώσομεν, οὐχνυπομενετέον below. -- προγενόμενα Badham, Herw.

89, 2. & ἐπιπλέοι Cobet, followed by Sta. and Bh., f$» ἐπιπλέῃ ns. CL proposed τοσοῦτον ὃν.---ὑπομενετὸν Herw.

EYTTPASHZ

ὑποχωρεῖν

τότε

de

πρὸς

105

B.

THY

παροῦσαν

ὄψιν 3

ὁρῶν αὐτοὺς ἀθυμοῦντας ἐβούλετο ὑπόμνησιν ποιή-

σασθαι τοῦ θαρσεῖν, καὶ ξυγκαλέσας [τοὺς ᾿Αθηvaious] ἔλεξε τοιάδε. 89. “‘Opav ὑμάς, ὦ ἄνδρες στρατιῶται, πεφοβημένους τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἐναντίων ξυνε-

κάλεσα, οὐκ ἀξιῶν τὰ μὴ δεινὰ ἐν ὁρρωδίᾳ ἔχειν. οὗτοι γὰρ πρῶτον μὲν διὰ τὸ προνενικῆσθαι καὶ μηδὲ αὐτοὶ φ

4

4

^

4

a

4

4

φ

4

addresses them.

I.

E

Ilpooljuor. nec

the meeting(§1).

Πίστις

e^

οἴεσθαι ὁμοῖοι ἡμῖν εἶναι τὸ πλῆθος τῶν νεῶν καὶ οὐκ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἴσον παρεσκευασαντο᾽

0

e

ἔπειτα

M

9

.

μαλιστα

,

Ti-

στεύοντες προσέρχονται, ὡς προσῆκον σφίσιν ἀνδρείοις εἶναι, οὐ δι’ ἄλλο τι θαρσοῦσιν ἧ διὰ τὴν ἐν τῷ πεζῷ ἐμwepiay Ta πλείω κατορθοῦντες, xai οἴονται σφίσι Kat ἐν τῷ ναντικῷ 4

e^

χοιήσειν TO αὐτό. TO δ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ δικαίου ἡμῖν μάλλον νῦν περιέσται, εἴπερ Kal τούτοις ev ἐκείνῳ, ἔπει εὐψυχίᾳ a

4

e

may but we ere their

^^

φ

9

,

»

4

4

,

γε οὐδὲν προφέρουσι, τῷ δὲ [exarepot

will valour ($ 4).

8. [τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίου:] Cobet. — ἀλλό τι M.— 89, 2. μὴ δὲ Μ. --- ὅμοιοι M.— ὧν μάλιστα MT. [σφίσι) Herw., but cf. vir. Θ, 1, ταὐτὸν ἤδη ἐποίει αὐτοῖς νικᾶν re

καὶ

μηδὲ

μάχεσθαι.

For rd αὐτὸ Herw.

ταὐτὸν perhaps

rightly. 3. [éxárepol τι] Sta. in Pp. ; in his text ed. dxdrepa.

The

majority of good mas. omit rı.

No reference should be made

here

experience

to the

Lacedaemonians

in

any

respect.

Thuc. is giving the other side of the argument of c. 87, D. A commentator added the words from the reasoning of $ 2.

2

106

OOYKYAIAOY

4 On the con- τι] ἐμπειρότεροι εἶναι θρασύτεροί ἐσith wey. Aaxedauovioi Te ἥγουμενοι TOV [4

er-grounded δυμμάχων α through your ἄκοντας

διὰ

,

τὴν

e

,

en

σφετέραν

προσάγουσι

δόξαν

Tous πολλοὺς

ἐς

fory 'ourh their TOY κίνδυνον, ἐπεὶ οὐκ ἄν ποτε ἐπε-

t

xeipnaav ἡσσηθέντες παρὰ πολὺ αὖθις

ready towith mestan „auuaxeiv. μὴ δὴ αὐτῶν τὴν τόλμαν 5 They are placed θείσητε. πολὺ de ὑμεῖς ἐκείνοις πλείω a

in

,

4

,

β

dilemma,

e

for (1) if they POPOV παρέχετε kat πιστότερον kara attack now,they 4 , ME 4 ἃ dread the extra. TE ΤῸ Wpovevinnxevat καὶ OTL οὐκ ἂν ordinary

pluck

we have alteady ἤγοῦνται

el

un μέλλοντας τι ἄξιον τοῦ

παραλόγου πράξειν ἀνθίστασθαι ἡμᾶς.

6 (M 5, 6. ἀντίπαλοι μὲν yap οἱ weious[, ὥσπερ have been over Οὔτοι, Ty δυνάμει τὸ πλέον πίσυνοι ferior

numbers

7

τῇ

γνώμῃ

ἐπέρχονται"

οἱ

Ó

ἐκ

skill, sometimes πολλῷ ὑποδεεστέρων καὶ ἅμα οὐκ courage. We ἀναγκαζόμενοι μέγα τι τῆς διανοίας failing, Hehints TO βέβαιον ἔχοντες ἀντιτολμῶσιν. ἃ

have both qd λογιζόμενοι οὗτοι TQ οὐκ εἰκότι πλέον E. "You need not weboßnvraı that you will

fear

7 δε unable to we

e^

Τα ρασκευῃ.

ἡμᾶς πολλὰ

5 τῇ 4

de

4. els τὸν κίνδυνον M. 5. ἄξιον τοῦ παρὰ πολὺ Or παραπολὺ mas.

κατὰ Kai

λόγον στρατό-

Ste. conjectares

τοῦ παραλόγου, which could easily be altered through the rapa πολὺ above.

Herw.

reads παράπλου, Sta. brackets ro) rapa

πολὺ. Liebhold τοῦ παρὰ πολὺ πόνου. ---μᾶε is preferable to ὑμᾶς, which has strong support. Pp. strangely preferred duds. 6. [ὥσπερ οὗτοι] Cobet.—zrod\\cs

M. pr., corrected by late

hand to πολλῶν, which A has.—ry xarà λόγον π. Ste. suspects a corruption, without cause,

EYITPAOH2 qreóa ἤδη ἔπεσεν

ὑπ᾽

B.

107

ἐλασσόνων

τῇ your skillin the

ἀπειρίᾳ, ἔστι δὲ ἃ καὶ τῇ aroAnig ht in the gulf ὧν οὐδετέρου ἡμεῖς wy μετέχομεν. (8i.8). Er

To óe ἀγῶνα οὐκ ἐν τῷ κόλπῳ ἑκὼν ὁρῶ

yap

ὅτι πρὸς

πολλας of great impor.

ναῦς ἀνεπιστήμονας ὀλίγαις ναυσὶν euwei pos Kai ἄμεινον πλεούσαις ἡ στενοχωρία ov ξυμφερει. ,

3

out 8

es 4 e - tattloh

εἶναι τοιήσομαι, οὐδὲ ἐσπλεύσομαι

αὐτόν.

E

5. Conclusion,

ovre yap ἂν ἐπιπλεύσειέ Tis

,

M

N

?

e

,

ws χρὴ es ἐμβολὴν un ἔχων τὴν πρόσοψιν τῶν ,

πολεμίων

,

ex

^

rd

πολλοῦ,

ovre

dy

9

αποχωρήσειεν

φ

ἐν

δέοντι πιεζόμενος διέκπλοι τε οὐκ εἰσὶν οὐδὲ avaστροφαί, ἅπερ νεῶν ἄμεινον πλεουσῶν ἔργα ἐστίν, ἀλλ᾽’ ἀνάγκη ἂν εἴη τὴν ναυμαχίαν πεζομαχίαν καθίστασθαι, καὶ ἐν τούτῳ αἱ πλείους νῆες κρείσσους γίγνονται. Τούτων μὲν οὖν ἐγὼ ἔξω τὴν 9 πρόνοιαν

κατὰ

τὸ

δυνατόν

ὑμεῖς

δὲ

εὕτακτοι

παρὰ ταῖς ναυσὶ μένοντες τὰ τε παραγγελλόμενα ὀξέως δέχεσθε, ἄλλως τε καὶ δι᾽ ὀλίγου τῆς ἐφορμήσεως οὔσης, καὶ ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ κόσμον καὶ σιγὴν 4 , e ^ « rd 4 4 ^ περὶ πλείστου ἡγεῖσθε, Ὁ ἔς Te Ta πολλὰ τῶν

πολεμικῶν ξυμφέρει καὶ ναυμαχίᾳ οὐχ ἥκιστα, ἀμύνασθε de τούσδε ἀξίως τῶν προειργασμένων. 9

8

A

0

*

AJ

^

[4

7. ὑπὸ A. M. For ἔπεσεν, Haase, Badham, Herw. read ἔπταισεν, but ὑπὸ is then awkward, and there is no objection to the text.

8. [ναυσὶν] Herw. 9. παρὰ ταῖς re ναυσὶ ABEFM.—M marg. in late hand has ποιεῖσθε for ἡγεῖσθε. ---ὃ ἔς re Steph. and the edd. generally for MSS.

were. —kal ξυμφέρει

ABEFM. ---οὐχήκιστα MT.

108

106

BO0YKYAIAOY

de ἀγὼν

μέγας

ὑμῖν,

4 καταλῦσαι

IleAoror-

γνησίων τὴν ἐλπίδα TOU ναυτικοῦ ἣ ἐγγυτέρω KaTaστῆσαι ᾿Αθηναίοις τὸν φόβον περὶ τῆς θαλάσσης. 11 ἀναμιμνήσκω

δ᾽

αὖ

τοὺς πολλούς. λουσιν

αἱ

ὑμάς

ὅτι

ἡσσημένων

γνῶμαι

πρὸς

νενικήκατε

αὐτῶν

δὲ

ἀνδρῶν

οὐκ

ἐθέ-

τοὺς

αὐτοὺς

κινδύνους

ὁμοῖαι εἶναι."

90. Τοιαῦτα

δὲ καὶ

ὁ Φορμίων

παρεκελεύετο.

Szoox» Exrwır οἱ δὲ Πελοποννήσιοι, ἐπειδὴ αὐτοῖς οἱ or PHORMIO.

He is forced to Αθηναῖοι οὐκ ἐπέπλεον ἐς τὸν κόλπον fight in the gulf athemanoeuvre καὶ Ta στενά, , βουλόμενοι ἄκοντας enemy; escaped exw προαγαγεῖν

esca

11 suipe

llsoips

-4

^ iv

P

avTous, avayayouevot 8

9

9

1 eo € "Ti τεσσάρων 4 part of the the gull, dua ép ἔπλεον, ἐπὶ suedf the

by

of of the

A μόνο é

τὸas

ναῦ G

"T ewt

\ THY

Tafa >

en EAUTWV ?

γῆν, ]

enemy'sships ég« [ἐπὶ] Tov κόλπου, δεξιῷ κέρᾳ 2 ἡγουμένῳ, ὥσπερ καὶ ὥρμουν ἐπὶ δ' αὐτῷ εἴκοσι ἔταξαν Tas ἄριστα πλεούσας, ὅπως, εἰ ἄρα νομιww

4

Ed

[4

Ψ

9

σας ἐπὶ τὴν Ναύπακτον αὐτοὺς πλεῖν

9

0

ὁ Φορμίων

10. [τοῦ ναντικοῦ] and [περὶ τῆ: θαλάσση:} Herw.,

‘nefaria

temeritate. (Stahl).—Spoas M. ΘΟ, 1. τοιαῦτα μὲν BM; A oorrected by late hand— ἀναγόμενοι M, with most Ms&, preferred by Sta. ---ἐπὶ τὴν ἑαυτῶν γῆν. I follow Cl., Sta. and Ste. in placing these with

the preceding words;

but the passage is very doubtful.

Herw. reads rapa for ἐπὶ with Badham,

ἐναντίαν γῆν, i.e. the Pel

pretended

Van der Mey éri rip

to be sailing towards

Naupactus, as § 2; Bloomfield τὴν αὐτῶν γῆν : Cr. thinks ὀπὶ ... γῆν a gloss on ἔσω ἐπὶ τοῦ κόλπου. —[ézi] Kr., Herw.,

Sta. 2. M

has ἡγουμένωι corrected by late hand

into ἡγούμενοι,

and περικλήισειαν into περικλείσειαν.---πλέοντα M98. ; πλέω ὄντα Bh. ; [πλέοντα] Cr. ; sMorres Kr., Dobree, Herw.

EYTTPAOHZ

B.

109

9 A 9 ^ rd e καὶ 4 αὐτὸς ἐπιβοηθῶν ταύτῃ παραπλέοι, μὴa δια, e 4 9 ? ^ e » ^ φύγοιεν πλέοντα τὸν ἐπίπλουν σφῶν of ᾿Αθηναῖοι ἔξω τοῦ ἑαντῶν κέρως, ἀλλ᾽ αὗται αἱ νῆες περικλήσειαν. ὁ δέ, ὅπερ ἐκεῖνοι προσεδέχοντο, φοβη- 3 θεὶς περὶ τῷ χωρίῳ ἐρήμῳ ὄντι, ὡς ἑώρα avayo-

μένους αὐτούς, ἄκων kai κατα e

9

ἔπλει

rd

s

παρὰ

Μεσσηνίων

γνήσιοι

a

τὴν

γῆν

καὶ

παρεβοήθει.

κατὰ

μίαν

σπουδὴν ἐμβιβάσας

a

1

ὁ

.

πεζὸς

,

ἅμα

τῶν

ἰδόντες δὲ οἱ Πελοπον- 4

ἐπὶ κέρως παραπλέοντας καὶ

ἤδη ὄντας ἐντὸς τοῦ κόλπου Te καὶ πρὸς τῇ Ὑῇ,

ὅπερ ἐβούλοντο μάλιστα, ἀπὸ σημείου ἑνὸς ἄφνω e

9

,

eric Tpelavreg φ

τὰς

g

εἶχε

τάχους

9

ναῦς

«

m

ἕκαστος

8

0

μετωπηδὸν a

ἐπὶ

τοὺς

e

*

r d

ἔπλεον MN

᾿Αθηναίους,

ὡς e

καὶ

ἤλπιζον πάσας τὰς ναῦς ἀπολήψεσθαι. τῶν δὲ 5 évóexa μὲν αἵπερ ἡγοῦντο ὑπεκφεύγουσι τὸ κέρας τῶν Πελοποννησίων καὶ τὴν ἐπιστροφὴν ἐς τὴν εὐρυχωρίαν τὰς δὲ ἄλλας ἐπικαταλαβόντες ἐξέ-

woar τε πρὸς τὴν γῆν ὑποφευγούσας καὶ διέφθειἢ’ , 9 , ραν, ἄνδρας τε [τῶν^ , ᾿Αθηναίων] aéxThe other 9 , 4. ^ e ov:ner Tewway ὅσοι μὴ ἐξένευσαν αὐτῶν. καὶ Athenian ships 6 ^

τῶν

^

νεῶν

.

τινὰς a

ἀναδούμενοι 9

«a

9

,

were

interce

senian

infantry

εἷλκον ted, but the Mes-

, κενάς, (μίαν de αὐτοῖς ἀνδράσιν εἷλον on shore ἤδη), τὰς δέ τινας οἱ Μεσσήνιοι παρα- some.

3. Perhaps we should bracket ὅπερ ἐκεῖνοι προσεδέχοντο. 4. [xarà μίαν] Herw., as a gloss on ἐπὶ κέρως, which occurs correctly in v. 88 and 69; vur 104.—Perhaps we should bracket ὅπερ ἐβούλοντο μάλιστα.

δ. [τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων} a mere note on ἄνδρας. Jowett with good reason omits it in translating. Cf. c. 92, 2. 6. εἶλον ἤδη. ἤδη is wanting in a few uas., and is omitted by some edd.

110

OOYKYAIAOY

βοηθήσαντες

καὶ

ἐπεσβαίνοντες

4

9

ξὺν τοῖς ὅπλοις

0

M

^

Ψ

es τὴν θάλασσαν xai erıBavres ἀπὸ τῶν kaTaστρωματων μαχόμενοι abeiAovro eAxouevas ἤδη. φ

4

4

4

,

91.

φ

0

ταύτῃ

,

9

9

ἢ

a

m

e

,

μὲν οὖν οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι

M

ἐκράτουν

Te kat διέφθειραν ras 'Arrıxas ναῦς ai de εἴκοσι νῆες αὐτῶν al ἀπὸ Tou δεξιοῦ κέρως ἐδίωκον τὰς 4

,

8

3

N

^.

4

1

r d

évóexa ναῦς τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων [αἵπερ ὑπεξέφυγον καὶ φθατὴν ἐπιστροφὴν ἐς τὴν εὐρυχωρίαν) 10 of the 11 ships got eafe to Naupactus. The remaining one sank its er, while the Peloesians were wn into disorder. Then the

γνουσιν αὐτοὺς πλὴν μιᾶς [νεὼς] προ-

καταφυγοῦσαι ἐς τὴν Ναύπακτον, καὶ ἴσχουσαι ἀντίπρῳροι κατὰ τὸ ᾿Απολλώνιον παρεσκευάζοντο ἀμυνούμενοι, ἣν ἐς τὴν γῆν ἐπὶ các πλέωσιν. of δὲ παραγενόμενοι ὕστερον ἐπαιά-

vılov τε ἅμα πλέοντες ὡς νενικηκότες ered Καὶ THY μίαν ναῦν τῶν Αθηναίων τὴν which the ὑπόλοιπον ἐδίωκε Λευκαδία ναῦς μία 4

those

a

0

nr

^

viously taken. πολὺ πρὸ τῶν ἄλλων.

3

,

4

ἔτυχε δὲ ὁλκὰς

ὁρμοῦσα μετέωρος, περὶ ἣν ἡ ᾿Αττικὴ ναῦς φθαcaca [xai περιπλεύσασα)] τῇ ΔΛευκαδίᾳ διωκούσῃ 901, 1. διέφθειραν Sta. and subsequent edd., with C. only. The rest ἔφθειρον (as MT) or ἔφθειραν. Herw. brackets re to ναῦς without good reason.—[alwep ... εὐρυχωρίαν) Herw. For ἐπιστροφὴν many Mss. have ὑποστροφὴν. --[νεὼ:] Herw., Sta.—

xarà ἀπολλώνιον M, with majority of mas.

‘Cf. 1. 34, 7;

II. 78, 3; Iv. 210, 1; v. 66, 1; vm. $9, 3; vri. 98, 1.’ Sta. ---ἀμυνόμενοι, AMT. ws ἀμυνούμενοι Herw.—tri σφὰε émvMucw MT. 2. ἑπαιώνιζον M.—Acucadla [vais] Herw.

8. (xal περιπλεύσασα]

The gloss is added in CEFGMT.—

τῇ (Acuxadig] διωκούσῃ Cobet, Herw.

EYTTPAOHZ

ἐμβάλλει μέσῃ Kai καταδύει. ποννησίοις

γενομένου

B.

111

τοῖς μὲν οὖν Πελο- 4

τούτου

ἀπροσδοκήτου

Te

καὶ παρὰ λόγον φόβος ἐμπίπτει, καὶ ἅμα ἀτάκτως διώκοντες

διὰ τὸ κρατεῖν αἱ μέν τινες τῶν νεῶν

καθεῖσαι τὰς κώπας ἐπέστησαν τοῦ πλοῦ, afupφορον δρῶντες πρὸς τὴν ἐξ ὀλίγου ἀντεξόρμησιν, βουλόμενοι τὰς πλείους περιμεῖναι, αἱ δὲ καὶ ἐς βρά : 1 χωρίων ων ὥκειλαν. 92. τοὺςτοὺς δὲ ράχεα ἀπειρίᾳ ὥκειλα ᾿Αθηναίους ἰδόντας ταῦτα γιγνόμενα θάρσος τε ἔλαβε καὶ ἀπὸ ἑνὸς κελεύσματος ἐμβοήσαντες ἐπ᾽

αὐτοὺς ὥρμησαν.

οἱ δὲ διὰ τὰ ὑπάρχοντα ἁμαρ-

τήματα καὶ τὴν παροῦσαν ἁταξίαν ὀλίγον μὲν χρόνον ὑπέμειναν, ἔπειτα δὲ ἐτράποντο ἐς τὸν

Πάνορμον, ὅθενπερ ἀνηγάγοντο. οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι

τάς

τε

ἐγγὺς

ἐπιδιώκοντες δὲ 2

οὔσας

μάλιστα

ναῦς

ἔλαβον ἕξ καὶ τὰς ἑαντῶν ἀφείλοντο ἃς ἐκεῖνοι πρὸς Ty yp διαφθείραντες τὸ πρῶτον ἀνεδήσαντο᾽ ἄνδρας τε τοὺς μὲν ἀπέκτειναν, τινὰς δὲ καὶ ἐζώγρῆσαν.

ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς Λευκαδίας νεώς, ἣ περὶ τὴν 3

ὁλκάδα κατέδυ, Τιμοκράτης ὁ Λακεδαιμόνιος πλέων, ὡς ἡ ναῦς διεφθείρετο, ἔσφαξεν αὑτόν, καὶ ἐξεπεσὲεν ἐς τὸν Ναυπακτίων λιμένα. ἀναχωρήσαντες 4 δὲ οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι τροπαῖον ἔστησαν ὅθεν ἀναγαγό4. οἱ δὲ for αἱ δὲ Cobet.—fpdyea.

Distinguish from βραχέα,

which some mss. have. --- χωρίων ἀπείριαι MT. 92, 1. xe\evuaros Herw., but κελεύω is an exception in its

class.

See Rutherford, New Phryn. p. 101.

9. Probably ὅθενπερ ἀνηγάγοντο should be bracketed. 3. ἔσφαξεν ἑαντὸν M.

4. ἀναγόμενοι M, with all but C.

112

BOYKYAIAOY

μενοι ἐκράτησαν, Kal TOUS νεκροὺς καὶ Ta ναυάγια

ὅσα πρὸς τῇ ἑαντῶν ἣν ἀνείλοντο, καὶ τοῖς ἐνανS$ τίοις Ta ἐκείνων ὑὕὑποσπονδα ἀπέδοσαν. ἔστησαν δὲ καὶ οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι τροπαῖον [ὡς νενικηκότες ,

a

9

0

e

,

9

,

»

τῆς τροπῆς ὧν πρὸς m yy νεῶν διέφθειραν καὶ ἥνπερ ἔλαβον ναῦν, ἀνέθεσαν ext τὸ Ῥίον To 9

^^

e

9?

[4

«X

e

a

,

6’Axaixov παρὰ τὸ τροπαῖον. μετὰ δὲ ravra βούμενοι τὴν ἀπὸ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων βοήθειαν The e- νύκτα ἐσέπλευσαν ἐς κόλπον aians re o A Corinth. The Κρισαῖον καὶ Κόρινθον πάντες ,

4

Athenian

9

a

rein-

e^

,

9

0

ΗΑ

A

e

^

7 forcementa ar. Λευκαδίων. καὶ of ex τῆς rive at Naupac- , m . , tus from Crete. Αθηναῖοι ταῖς εἴκοσι ναυσίν,

πρὸ

τῆς ναυμαχίας τῷ

Φορμίωνι

φοὑπὸ τὸν πλὴν e

a

4

,

Ἐρήτης » als ἔδει

παραγενέσθαι.

οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον τῆς ἀναχωρήσεως τῶν νεῶν adux-

νοῦνται ἐς τὴν Ναύπακτον.

καὶ τὸ θέρος ἐτελεύτα.

δ. Mas. ὡς νενικηκότες τῆς τροπῆς As πρὸ: τῇ γῇ ναῦς διέφθειραν».

Herw. brackets this, arguing that it representa three scholia patched

together.

But

some

explanation

of τῆς τροπῆς

is

wanted. When as νενικηκότες, an utterly superfluous and cumbersome note, came into the text, the gen. ὧν reí» was corrupted into ἂς vais, being constructed as object to νενικηκότες. Cf. VII. 84, τροπαῖον ἔστησαν ᾿Αθηναῖοι fs ol Tupσηνοὶ rporijs ἐποιήσαντο raw πεζῶν. Böhme, in support of the MS5., taking, as is usually done, as ... ναῦς for τῶν νεῶν as

quotes 1. 80, 1 τῶν νεῶν As καταδύσειαν for the non-attraction of ds. But in all cases of non-attraction (a) the antecedent precedes ; or (b) it is omitted ; for which see Kr. Gr. Gr. 51, 13, 4. In no case is it attracted into the relative clause, as it

would be here; the impossibility of such an attraction of antecedent, without attraction of relative, may be seen by exa-

mining L 99,3.

Cobet also brackets ws νενικηκότες. — V. L.

p. 441. 6. és τὸν κόλπον CM.

*0L87,4 429, Autumn. AEYITPASHZ

B.

113

93. Πρὶν δὲ óiaAvcai* τὸ es Κόρινθόν τε xai τὸν Κρισαῖον κόλπον ἀναχωρῆσαν zu, Puoponneναυτικόν, ὁ Κνῆμος καὶ ὁ Βρασίδας καὶ m mimand οἱ ἄλλοι ἄρχοντες τῶν Πελοποννησίων tcx on Pirasus.

ἀρχομένου

τοῦ

διδαξάντων

χειμῶνος

Μεγαρέων

ἐβούλοντο from Corinth to ἁποπειρᾶσαι

embark

on the

τοῦ Πειραιῶς [τοῦ λιμένος τῶν ᾿Αθη-

᾿

ναίων] ἦν δὲ ἀφύλακτος καὶ ἄκλῃστος εἰκότως διὰ

τὸ ἐπικρατεῖν πολὺ τῷ ναυτικῷ. ἐδόκει δὲ λά- 2 βόντα τῶν ναυτῶν ὅκαστον τὴν κώπην καὶ τὸ ὑπηρέσιον καὶ τὸν τροπωτῆρα πεζῇ ἰέναι ἐκ Κορίνθον ἐπὶ τὴν πρὸς ᾿Αθήνας θάλασσαν,

καὶ ἀφικο-

μένους κατὰ τάχος ἐς Μέγαρα καθελκύσαντας ἐκ Νισαίας τοῦ νεωρίον αὐτῶν τεσσαράκοντα ναῦς, αἵ ἔτνχον αὐτόθι οὗσαι, πλεῦσαι εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὸν Πειραιᾶ οὔτε yap ναντικὸν ἣν προφυλάσσον ἐν 3 αὐτῷ

οὐδὲν οὔτε

προσδοκία

οὐδεμία

μὴ ἄν ποτε

οἱ πολέμιοι ἐξαπιναίως οὕτως ἐπιπλεύσειαν, ἐπεὶ οὔτ᾽ ἀπὸ τοῦ προφανοῦς τολμῆσαι ἄν, οὔτ᾽ εἰ καθ᾽ ἡσυχίαν διανοοῖντο, μὴ οὐκ ἂν προαισθέσθαι. 98, 1. τὸ ναυτικὸν MT. —[ro0 λιμένοι τῶν ᾽Α.].

Naber.

I bracket with

See Class Rev. iv. p. 207. ---ἄκλειστοε MT.

9. μὴ [Av] ἐπιτλεύσειαν Dobree; but see Stahl, Quaest. Gram.

p. 25, Goodwin,

M. T. § 363.—Mss.

γολμῆσαι

ἡσυχίαν,

ἂν

καθ᾽

of8’

οὐδὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ προφανοῦϊ

(or οὐδὲ)

el διενοοῦντο

Bekker corrected οὐδὲ ... οὐδὲ to οὔτε ... οὔτε. ferred καθ᾽’ ἡσυχίαν, followed

by Cr. and Sta.

Herw.

x.r.À.

trans.

διανοοῖντο is

Sta.’s correction. Ste. thinks both ἀπὸ τοῦ rpegavois and καθ’ ἡσυχίαν may be spurious. The antithesis is between τὸ ἀπὸ τοῦ tp. ἐπιπλεῦσαι and τὸ καθ᾽ hovxlay ἐπιπλεῦσαι. ---προαίσθεσθαι ABFM.

114

OOYKYAIAOY

4 ὡς de ἔδοξεν αὑτοῖς, καὶ ἐχώρουν εὐθύς᾽ κόμενοι

τὰς

νυκτὸς καὶ καθελκύσαντες

ναῦς ἔπλεον

ne

du

ὥσπερ

ἐπὶ

μὲν

καὶ adi

ἐκ τῆς Νισαίας

τὸν

lleipaia

οὐκέτι,

διενοοῦντο, καταδείσαντες τὸν

the κίνδυνον (καί τις καὶ ἄνεμος λέγεται

wind ‘wasagainst αὐτοὺς κωλῦσαι), ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς Σαλαμῖνος dem and Run TO ἀκρωτήριον τὸ ™ pos Meyapa ὁρῶν

instead (xat φρούριον ex’ avrov ἣν kai νεῶν τριῶν φυλακὴ ToU μὴ ἐσπλεῖν Μεγαρεῦσι und ἐκπλεῖν

μηδέν), τῷ

τε

φρουρίῳ

προσέβαλον

καὶ

τὰς τριήρεις ἀφείλκυσαν κενάς, τήν τε ἄλλην Σαλαμῖνα ἀπροσδοκήτοις ἐπιπεσόντες ἐπόρθουν. Athens test frat 94 ἐς de Tas ᾿Αθήνας φρυκτοί τε ; οὐδεμιᾶς

ἤροντο πολέμιοι καὶ ἔκπληξις ἐγένετο τῶν

κατὰ

τὸν

πόλεμον

ἐλάσσων.

of

μὲν γὰρ ἐν τῷ ἄστει ἐς τὸν Πειραιά ᾧοντο τοὺς πολεμίους ἐσπεπλευκέναι ἤδη, οἱ δ᾽ ἐν τῷ Πειραιεῖ

τήν τε Σαλαμῖνα ἡρῆσθαι ἐνόμιζον καὶ παρὰ σφάς ὅσον οὐκ ἐσπλεῖν avrovg ὅπερ ἄν, εἰ ἐβου4. καὶ

φρούριον ... μηδὲν

I have

placed

in

parenthesis.

The ordinary reading is a colon at ὁρῶν, full stop at under, but Herw. and Sta. point out that φρούριον ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῦ to μηδὲν

is put in to explain what follows, and τῷ re φρουρίῳ is connected with ὁρῶν. Herw. reads τὸ πρὸ: M. dps’ xal, φρούριον yàp de’ αὐτοῦ ... μηδέν, r re $. k.T.A. : Sta. rà πρὸς M. ὁρῶν, καί (φρούριον ὁ « ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῦ ... μηδέν) τῷ re, thinking that some-

thing like γάρ, ᾧ καὶ αὐτῷ ὄνομα Βούδορονis lost after φρούριον. Cf. c. 94, 3, where the name is given, though not previously mentioned. But this may merely be an oversight on Thuc.'s

part. 04, ]. οὐδὲ μιᾶς Μ. ---ἠιρῆσθαι in M has marginal correction, in late band, ἑαλωκέναι. —[érójujor] Herw.—c0às M.

M@YTTPASHS

λήθησαν

un

κατοκνῆσαι,

οὐκ ἂν ἄνεμος ἐκώλυσεΞ 4

e?

de du

ἡμέρᾳ

πανδημει

4

B.

ῥᾳδίως

115

ἂν ἐγένετο

xai

βοηθήσαντες vut a fest. ts 2 ,

of

=

hastily sent out,

᾿Αθηναῖοι and the Pelo-

es TOv Πειραιᾶ ναῦς τε καθεῖλκον καὶ toMegara. eoßavres κατὰ σπουδὴν xai πολλῷ θορύβῳ ταῖς μὲν ναυσὶν ἐπὶ τὴν Σαλαμῖνα ἔπλεον, τῷ πεζῷ δὲ φυλακὰς τοῦ Πειραιῶς καθίσταντο. οἱ δὲ 1

Πελοποννήσιοι

ὡς ἤσθοντο

τὴν βοήθειαν, κατα-

δραμόντες τῆς Σαλαμῖνος τὰ πολλὰ καὶ ἀνθρώπους καὶ

λείαν λαβόντες

Βουδόρον

τοῦ

καὶ

τὰς

dpovpiov

τρεῖς

κατὰ

ναῦς

τάχος

ἐκ τοῦ

ἐπὶ

τῆς

Νίισαιας ἔπλεον᾽ ἔστι yap ὅ τι καὶ αἱ νῆες αὐτοὺς

διὰ χρόνον καθελκυσθεῖσαι καὶ οὐδὲν στέγουσαι ἐφόβουν. ἀφικόμενοι δὲ ἐς τὰ Μέγαρα πάλιν ἐπὶ τῆς Κορίνθου ἀπεχώρηραν ven οἱ δ᾽ ᾿Αθη- 4 vaio.

οὐκέτι

καταλαβόντες

πρὸς

τῇ

Σαλαμῖνι

ἀπέπλευσαν καὶ αὐτοί καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο φυλακὴν ἅμα τοῦ Πειραιῶς μάλλον τὸ λοιπὸν ἐποιοῦντο λιμένων τε κλήσει καὶ τῇ ἄλλῃ ἐπιμελείᾳ. 95. Ὕ πὸ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους τοῦ χειμῶνος τούτον ἀρχομένου Σιτάλκης ὁ Τήρεω TEE Maca2oὈδρύσης, Θρᾳκῶν βασιλεύς, ἐστρά- ™* τευσεν ἐπὶ Περδίκκαν τὸν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου, ἴων th was Μακεδονίας

βασιλέα,

καὶ ἐπὶ

Χαλκιδέας

the result of ἃ lan between

italces

τοὺς ἐπὶ Θράκης, δύο ὑποσχέσεις τὴν Athens.

and

μὲν βουλόμενος ἀναπρᾶξαι, τὴν δὲ αὐτὸς ἀποδοῦναι. 8. [τοῦ φρονρίου] Οοδοῖ --ὅ τι] mas. óre. -πεῖ

only CG.

uses vej$ only. 4. κλείσει

Corr. by Abresch.

The rest τεζοί, but Sta. shows that Thuc.

πεζοί is due to the ol following.

M. —For dua C has ἤδη which Kr. and Sta. read.

116

BOYKYAIAOY

26 re yap Περδίκκας αὐτῷ ὑποσχόμενος, a ᾿Αθηvaios Te dtadAageey ἑαυτὸν Kar ἀρχὰς τῷ πολέμῳ πιεζόμενον καὶ Φιλίππον τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ πολέμιον ὄντα μὴ καταγάγοι ἐπὶ βασιλείᾳ, ἃ ὑπεδέξατο οὐκ ἐπετέλει. αὐτὸς ὡμολογήκει ὅτε τὴν

τὸν ἐπὶ Θράκης

τοῖς τε ᾿Αθηναΐοις ξυμμαχίαν ἐποιεῖτο

Χαλκιδικὸν πόλεμον καταλύσειν.

3 ἀμφοτέρων οὗν ἕνεκα τὴν ἔφοδον ἐποιεῖτο καὶ τὸν

τε Φιλίππου υἱὸν ᾿Αμύνταν ὡς ἐπὶ βασιλείᾳ τῶν Μακεδόνων ἦγε καὶ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων πρέσβεις, oi ἔτυχον παρόντες τούτων ἕνεκα, καὶ ἡγεμόνα “Ayvwva’ ἔδει γὰρ καὶ τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους ναυσί τε καὶ στρατιᾷ ὡς πλείστῃ ἐπὶ τοὺς Χαλκιδέας παραγενέσθαι. 96. ἀνίστησιν οὖν ἐκ τῶν ᾿ΟδρυEnumeration of σῶν ὁρμώμενος πρῶτον μὲν τοὺς ἐντὸς

the foroes. τοῦ Αἵμου re ὄρους kai τῆς ‘Podorns Opaxas ὅσων ἦρχε μέχρε θαλάσσης [ἐς τὸν Eöfevov τε πόντον καὶ τὸν ᾿Ελλήσποντον), ἔπειτα τοὺς vrepßavrı Αἷμον Teras καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα μέρη ἐντὸς τοῦ "Iorpov ποταμοῦ πρὸς θάλασσαν μάλλον τὴν τοῦ

Evufeivov πόντου

κατῴκητο᾽

εἰσὶ δ'

οἱ Γέται καὶ οἱ ταύτῃ ὅμοροί τε τοῖς Σκύθαις 2 καὶ ὁμόσκενοι, πάντες ἱπποτοξόται. “παρέκαλει 98, 3. ἔτυχον παρατυχόντες M, while T. has ἔτυχον παρατυχόντα:.---ἄγνωνα AMT. —eos πλείστον MT. 96, 1. (és τὸν ... Ἑλλήσποντον] bracketed by Kr., Sta., Herw., since the Schol. did not find them; for he notes on μέχρι 0. , dws τοῦ Ἐὐξείνον πόντον καὶ τοῦ ᾿Ελλησπόντον. Cl. how-

ever thinks the scholium proves the ΘΟΠΈΣΑΣΥ. --- μέρῃ suspected by Kr. and Sta.—ri rod ύξείνον révrov. Cr. thinks these words an adscript to θάλασσαν».

ZYTTPA®HZ

dé xai τῶν

ὁρεινῶν

Θρᾳκῶν

B.

117

πολλοὺς τῶν

avTo-

νόμων καὶ μαχαιροφόρων, οἱ Δίοι καλοῦνται, τὴν Ῥοδόπην

οἱ

πλεῖστοι

οἰκοῦντες

καὶ

τοὺς

μὲν

μισθῷ ἔπειθεν, of δ' ἐθελονταὶ ξυνηκολούθουν. ἀνίστη de καὶ ᾿Αγριᾶνας καὶ Λαιαίους καὶ ἄλλα 3 ὅσα ἔθνη Παιονικὰ ὧν ἧἦρχε᾽ καὶ ἔσχατοι τῆς ἀρχῆς οὗτοι ἧσαν᾽ μέχρι γὰρ Λαιαίων ἸΠαιόνων καὶ τοῦ Στρυμόνος ποταμοῦ, ὃς ἐκ τοῦ Σκόμβρου ὄρους δι’ ᾿Αγριάνων καὶ Λαιαίων ῥεῖ, [οὗ] ὡρίζετο ἡ ἀρχὴ τὰ πρὸς Παίονας αὐτονόμους ἤδη.

τὰ δὲ 4

πρὸς Τριβαλλοὺς καὶ τούτους αὐτονόμους Τρῆρες ὥριζον

καὶ

Τιλαταῖοι

οἰκοῦσι

δ᾽

οὗτοι

πρὸς

βορέαν τοῦ Σκόμβρου ὄρους καὶ παρήκουσι πρὸς ἡλίον

δύσιν

μέχρι

τοῦ

'"Ocxtov

ποταμοῦ.

δ' οὗτος ἐκ τοῦ ὄρους ὅθενπερ καὶ ὁ ὁ Ἕβρος ἔστι δὲ ἐρῆμον τὸ ὅρος ἐχόμενον τῆς 'Ῥοδόπης. 97. ἐγένετο δὲ ἡ ἀρχὴ ἡ Oópvcav μέγεθος €ἐπὶ μὲν θάλασσαν καθήκουσα ἀπὸ ᾿Αβδήρων

ῥεῖ

Νέστος καὶ καὶ μέγα, Bxtent of Bital. “5 πόλεως ἐς

2. For ὀὁρεινῶν Herw. reads ὀρείων, for ópewós regularly = mon: tuoeus, Epcos montanus.

But the distinction is not always

kept up.

3. d-ypáras Μ. ---μέχρι γὰρ] yàp is wanting in the first hand

of all mas. but C, and is probably a conjecture.

C omits, the

rest insert γρααίων xal after μέχρι. All recent edd. followC and omit o), following Arnold.—re0 κοσμίου ὄρους MT.—&’ ᾿Αγριάνων, Cl.'s correction of the imaginary διὰ Ipaalew of the us. 4. (pos MT.—f pw» M. 99, 1. μόγεθοι μὲν ἐπὶ M.—[ri»] first bracketed as a ditto

graphy by Valckenaer, who is followed by all recent edd.— ἴδτηται ΜΤ.---στρογγύλων M, with gover e. T has στρογγύὁ.

118

OOYKYAIAOY

τὸν Ἐζξεινον πόντον [τὸν] μέχρι Ἴστρου roranoU αὕτη περίπλους ἐστὶν ἡ γῆ τὰ ξυντομότατα, mw αἰεὶ κατὰ πρύμναν ἱστῆται τὸ “πνεῦμα, νηὶ

στρογγύλῃ τεσσάρων ἡμερῶν καὶ ἴσων νυκτῶν᾽ ὁδῷ δὲ τὰ ξυντομώτατα ἐξ ᾿Αβδήρων ἐς "Ἶστρον 2 ἀνὴρ evlwvos ἑνδεκαταῖος τελε. τὰ μὲν πρὸς θάλασσαν

τοσαύτη

Av’

ἐς ἥπειρον

δὲ

ἀπὸ

Βυ-

ζαντίον ἐς Λαιαίους καὶ ἐπὶ τὸν Στρυμόνα (ταύτῃ yap διὰ πλείστον avo θαάλασσης ἄνω ἐγίγνετο)

Sources of his ἥμερῶν ἀνδρὶ εὐζώνῳ τριῶν καὶ δέκα 3 Tevenues.

ἁνύσαι.

φόρος τε ἐκ πάσης τῆς βαρ-

Bapov καὶ τῶν ᾿Ελληνίδων πόλεων, ὅσωνπερ ἦρξαν ἐπὶ Σεύθου, ὃς ὕστερον Σιτάλκου βασιλεύσας πλεῖστον δὴ ἐποίησε, τετρακοσίων ταλάντων ap-

γυρίου μάλιστα óvvajuc[,

ἃ χρυσὸς καὶ ἄργνρος

προσῇει) καὶ δῶρα οὐκ ἔλασσω τούτων χρυσοῦ τα καὶ ἀργύρου προσεφέρετο, χωρὶς δὲ ὅσα ὑφαντά τε καὶ λεῖα, καὶ

ἡ ἄλλη

κατασκενή, καὶ

οὐ μόνον αὐτῷ, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς παραδυναστεύουσί 4 τε καὶ γενναίοις ᾿ΟΟδρυσῶν. κατεστήσαντο γὰρ τοὐναντίον τῆς Περσῶν βασιλείας τὸν νόμον, ὄντα μὲν καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις Opafi, λαμβάνειν μάλλον ἣ διδόναι (καὶ αἴσχιον ἣν αἰτηθέντα μὴ δοῦναι ἣ αἰτήσαντα μὴ τυχεῖν), ὅμως δὲ κατὰ τὸ δύνασθαι 2. ἀνύσαι M88.

Beec. 78,2.

8. ὅσωνπερ ἦρξαν Dobree, generally adopted, for mss. ὅσων (inferior M88. ὅσον) προσῆξαν.---προσύει Sta, after Madvig, for M88. εἴηor fe. Herw. in Mnem. 1886, p. 60, brackets 4... efy,

after Dobree. προσεφέρετο.

Probably ἃ ... προσήει was a gloss on χρυσοῦ...

EYTTPASHZ

ἐπὶ πλέον

εὐτῷ ἐχρήσαντο᾽

B.

119

ov yap ἣν πράξαι

οὐδὲν μὴ διδόντα dwpa. ὥστε ἐπὶ power of hie 5 μέγα ἦλθεν ἡ βασιλεία ἰσχύος. τῶν "Pir

γὰρ ἐν τῇ Βυρώπῃ ὅσαι μεταξὺ τοῦ Ἰονίου κόλπου καὶ τοῦ Εὐξείνον πόντου μεγίστη ἐγένετο χρημάτων προσόδῳ καὶ τῇ ἀλλῃ εὐδαιμονίᾳ, ἰσχύι δὲ μάχης καὶ στρατοῦ πλήθει πολὺ δεντέρα μετὰ τὴν τῶν Σκυθῶν. ταύτῃ δὲ ἀδύνατα ἐξι- 6 σοῦσθαι οὐχ ὅτι τὰ ἐν τῇ Evipwrn aXX οὐδ' ἐν τῇ Ασίᾳ ἔθνος ἕν πρὸς ὃν οὐκ ἔστιν ὅ τι δυνατὸν Σκύθαις ὁμογνωμονοῦσι πάσιν ἀντιστῆναι. οὐ μὴν οὐδ᾽ ἐς τὴν ἄλλην

εὐβουλίαν

καὶ

ξύνεσιν

περὶ τῶν πάροντων ἐς τὸν βίον ἄλλοις ὁμοιοῦνται. 98. Σιτάλκης μὲν οὗν βασιλεύων Χώρας The expedition

τοσαύτης παρεσκευάζετο τὸν στρατόν. starte. καὶ ἐπειδὴ αὐτῷ ἑτοῖμα ἣν, ἄρας ἐπορεύετο ἐπὶ THY Μακεδονίαν πρῶτον μὲν διὰ τῆς αὑτοῦ ἀρχῆς, ἔπειτα

. διὰ Κερκίνης ἐρήμου ὄρους, ὅ ἐστι μεθόριον Zoτῶν καὶ Παιόνων. ἐπορεύετο δὲ de αὐτοῦ τῇ ὁδῷ

ἣν

πρότερον

αὐτὸ;

ἐποιήσατο

τεμὼν

τὴν

ὕλην, ὅτε ἐπὶ Παίονας ἐστράτευσε. τὸ δὲ ὄρος 2 ἐξ ᾿Οδρυσῶν διιόντες ἐν δεξιᾷ μὲν εἶχον Παίονας,

ἐν ἀριστερᾷ δὲ Σιντοὺς καὶ Μαιδούς.

διελθόντες

δὲ αὐτὸ ἀφίκοντο ἐς Δόβηρον τὴν ἸΠαιονικήν. πορευομένῳ δὲ αὐτῷ ἀπεγίγνετο μὲν οὐδὲν τοῦ 3 δ. μετὰ τὴν τῶν Σκυθῶν.

while C omits τῶν.

M, with several others, omits rip,

For δευτέρα, M has δευτέραι.

98,1. Zorüv] Most mas. Σύτων and Zi»rows below. On

the aocent, see Stahl, Quaest. Gram. p. 3% 2, paldevsM. Ses Stahl, ἐ.α.

120

@OYKYAIAOY

στρατοῦ ei μή τι νόσῳ, προσεγίγνετο de πολλοὶ On the way ‚On way the the yapYa

increase.

Dy τῶν

GUTOVO αὐτονόμων

Θρᾳκῶνὃν

à A arapa

κλητοι eb ἁρπαγὴν ἠκολούθουν, ὥστε

τὸ πᾶν πλῆθος λέγεται οὐκ ἔλασσον πεντεκαίδεκα

4 μυριάδων γενέσθαι καὶ τούτου τὸ μὲν πλέον πεζὸν ἦν,

τριτημόριον

δὲ

μάλιστα

ἱππικόν.

τοῦ

δ'

ἱππικοῦ τὸ πλεῖστον αὐτοὶ ᾿Οδρύσαι παρείχοντο καὶ uer αὐτοὺς Γέται.

τοῦ δὲ πεζοῦ οἱ μαχαιρο-

φόροι μαχιμώτατοι μὲν ἦσαν οἱ ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ῥοδόπης αὐτόνομοι καταβάντες, ὁ δὲ ἄλλος ὅμιλος ξύμμεικτος πλήθει φοβερώτατος ἠκολούθει. 99. ἔξυν-

nOpoilovro οὖν ἐν τῇ Δοβήρῳ καὶ παρεσκευάζοντο ὅτως κατὰ κορυφὴν ἐσβαλοῦσιν ἐς τὴν κάτω

2 Bitaloes invades Μακεδονίαν, ἧς ὁ Περδίκκας Jpye — τῶν Perdiccas’ king-

N

,

φ 4

4

dom. yap Μακεδόνων εἰσι καὶ Avyxnorat καὶ ᾿Ελιμιῶται καὶ ἄλλα ἔθνη ἐπάνωθεν, ἃ ξύμ-

μαχα μέν ἐστι τούτοις καὶ ὑπήκοα, βασιλείας J 3 Digremion on ἔχει καθ᾽ αὑτά. τὴν δὲ περὶ θάeen Macedonia,

o¢ λασσαν

νῦν

Μακεδονίαν

ὁ Ilepdixkov πατὴρ

᾿Αλέξανδρος

καὶ οἱ πρόγονοι

αὐτοῦ Tnuevida: τὸ ἀρχαῖον ὄντες ἐξ “Apyous πρῶτον ἐκτήσαντο καὶ ἐβασίλευσαν ἀναστήσαντες μάχῃ ἐκ μὲν Πιερίας Πίερας, οἵ ὕστερον ὕπο τὸ Πάγγαιον πέραν Στρυμόνος ᾧκησαν Payprra

καὶ

ἄλλα χωρία (καὶ ἔτι καὶ νῦν Πιερικὸς κόλπος καλεῖται ἡ ὑπὸ Ty Παγγαίῳ πρὸς θάλασσαν γῆ), ἐκ δὲ τῆς Βοττίας καλουμένης Βοττιαίους, of wy 4, ξύμμεικτοι] Mas. ξύμμικτοι. 39, Meisterhans,p. 144.

See Stahl, Quaest. Gram. p.

00, 3. παρὰ θάλασσαν M, with most x25. —Tepi B.

4

EYTTPASHZE

ὅμοροι Χαλκιδέων οἰκοῦσι τὸν

᾿Αξιὸν

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ποταμὸν

μέχρι

B.

τῆς δὲ Παιονίας παρὰ 4

στενήν

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Βισαλτίαν

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9

οἱ Μακεδόνες

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Φύσκαν

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4

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ξύμπαν Μακεδονία καλεῖται, καὶ Περδίκκας ᾿Αλεξαάνδρου βασιλεὺς αὐτῶν ἣν ὅτε Σιτάλκης ἐπῇει. 100. Καὶ οἱ μὲν Μακεδόνες οὗτοι ἐπιόντος πολλοῦ στρατοῦ ἀδύνατοι ὄντες ἀμύνεσθαι ἔς

τε τὰ καρτερὰ καὶ τὰ τείχη ὅσα ἣν ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ ἐσεκομίσθησαν. ἣν δὲ οὐ πολλά, ἀλλὰ ὕστερον 2 ᾿Αρχέλαος ὁ Περδίκκου

τὰ 4

νῦν ὄντα ,

ΝΜ

[υἱὸς] βασιλεὺς γενόμενος

ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ 4

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καὶ ὁδοὺς \

διεκόσμησε τὰ [τε] xara

4

τὸν πόλεμον ἵπποις καὶ ὅπλοις καὶ τῇ ἄλλῃ παρασκευῇ κρείσσονι 5 ξύμπαντες οἱ ἄλλοι βασιλῆς ὀκτὼ οἱ πρὸ αὐτοῦ γενόμενοι. 4. ᾿Ἦδῶνας

and "AAuwras.

On accent,

ὁ δὲ στρατὸς 3 see

Stahl, Quaest.

Gram. p. 34. 6. Πισαλτίαν] σαλτίαν MT. 100, 2. [υἱὸς] Cobet. —[re) Haacke. —£üurarres ἄλλοι βασιMis MT.—[oi ἄλλοι βασιλῆς ὀκτὼ] Dobree. Pp. thinks ὀκτὼ added from a recollection of Herod. 8, 139. Cf. c. 92, 2 for the order.

122

OOYKYAIAOY

τῶν

Θρᾳκῶν

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πρῶτον

μὲν ἐς τὴν Φιλίππου πρότερον οὖσαν ἀρχήν, καὶ Sitales takes εἷλεν Εὐδομενὴν μὲν κατὰ κράτος,

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ὑπὸ δὲ

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τὴν

af

γῆν.

a

καθημένου

e^

δ᾽ αὐτοῦ

,

9

περὶ

~

τοὺς 2

4

4

χώρους τούτους οἱ πρὸς νότον οἰκοῦντες σαλοὶ καὶ Μάγνητες καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι ὑπήκοοι

ΘεσΘεσ-

σαλῶν καὶ οἱ μέχρι Θερμοπυλῶν “Ελληνες ἐφοβή-

θησαν μὴ καὶ ἐπὶ σφάς ὁ στρατὸς χωρήσῃ, καὶ ἐν παρασκευῇ ἦσαν. ἐφοβήθησαν δὲ καὶ οἱ πέραν 3 Στρυμόνος πρὸς βορέαν Θρᾷκες ὅσοι πεδία εἶχον, Παναῖοι καὶ Ὀδόμαντοι καὶ Δρῶοι καὶ Δερσαῖοι.

αὐτόνομοι Ó εἰσὶ πάντες. ἐπὶ

τοὺς

παρέσχε δὲ λόγον καὶ 4

τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων

πολεμίους “Ἑλληνας

μὴ

UT αὐτῶν ἀγόμενοι κατὰ TO ξυμμαχικὸν καὶ ἐπὶ e^

c$ac

t

χωρήσωσιν.

A

9

ὁ de τήν

τε

N

\

Χαλκιδικὴν

καὶ 5

Βοττικὴν καὶ Μακεδονίαν ἅμα ἐπέχων ἔφθειρε᾽ καὶ ἐπειδὴ αὐτῷ οὐδὲν ἐπράσσετο ὧν ἕνεκα ἐσέβαλε καὶ ἡ στρατιὰ σῖτόν τε οὐκ εἶχεν αὐτῷ καὶ ὑπὸ χειμῶνος ἑταλαιπώρει, ἀναπείθεται vxo LevOov τοῦ Σπαρδάκου, ἀδελφιδοῦ ὄντος καὶ μέγιστον 9

1

ya

^

yo

?

9

,

δυναμένον,

,

7

4

τὸν

δὲ

Σεύθην

κρύφα

Περδίκκας

ἀδελφὴν

éavroU

δώσειν

καὶ

Χαλκιδεῦσιν,

ὥστ᾽

e

αὑτὸν

ἐν

9

’

μεθ’

“προσποιεῖται. τριάκοντα τὰς

e

ἐν τάχει

a

,

,

ἀπελθεῖν᾽

ὑποσχόμενος

χρήματα

ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ

καὶ ὁ μὲν πεισθεὶς καὶ μείνας 6 πάσας ἡμέρας, τούτων δὲ ὀκτὼ ἀνεχώρησε

τῷ

στρατῷ

κατὰ

τάχος ἐπ᾽ οἴκου. Ἱερδίκκας δὲ ὕστερον Στρατονίκην τὴν ἑαυτοῦ ἀδελφὴν δίδωσι Σεύθῃ, ὥσπερ 2. σφὰς M ; so in § 4.

4. yor)

Herw.

followed by Herw.

suggests $ógor. —[ol]) ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν Gottleber,

124

ΘΟΥΚΎΔΙΔΟΥ

ὑπέσχετο. e

Ta

[4

μὲν

4

kara

a

τῆν

a

τείαν οὕτως ἐγένετο. 102. Οἱ δὲ ev Ναυπάκτῳ ἢ

After the de- χειμῶνος,

ἐπειδὴ

~

Bareure

of

the

N

eloponnesian

fleet,

Phormio

$

,

,

e

τῶν ^

lleAomov-

διελύθη,

Φορμίωνος

Α

’

A

madeanexpedi- ἡγουμένου

^

TO

4

ναυτικὸν

στρα-

,

᾿Αθηναῖοι τοῦδε τοῦ

1

ynoiwy

Liradxov

4

,

,

,

ἐστρατευσαν,

παραπλευ-

nanía but was σαντεςx ex , Αστακοῦ^A xai ἀποβώντες, hindered hy the , ‚ on

Car-

e^

sem fromat ἐς τὴν μεσόγειαν τῆς Ἀκαρνανίας τεdae. τρακοσίοις μὲν ὁπλίταις ᾿Αθηναίων τῶν ἀπὸ τῶν νεῶν, τετρακοσίοις δὲ Μεσσηνίων, καὶ ἔκ Te Στρατου kai Kopovrwv καὶ ἄλλων χωρίων P d

,

4

,

a

»

,

ἄνδρας οὐ δοκοῦντας βεβαίους εἶναι ἐξήλασαν καὶ Κύνητα

τὸν Θεολύτου ἐς Κόροντα

καταγαγόντες

2 ἀνεχώρησαν πάλιν ἐπὶ Tus ναῦς. es yap Οἰνιαδας αἰεί TOTE πολεμίους ὄντας μόνους Áxapvawev οὐκ a

,

.

0

Situation of that ἐδόκει δυνατὸν εἶναι χειμῶνος ὄντος 2 ul. ΑΚ rt O "ydp de- TTPATEVEY’ town, audof the scription AxeAwos ποταμος 4

~

beach pewov ex Πίνδου ὄρους δια AoAorias oe οἱ winich the cat ‘Aypaiwy καὶ ᾿Αμφιλόχων καὶ διὰ been formed ποῦ ᾿Ακαρνανικοῦ. πεδίου, ἄνωθεν μὲν παρα Στράτον πόλιν, es θάλασσαν δ᾽ efıeis rap ὔ

9

M

,

a

4

Oinadas

καὶ

,

ἄπορον S9

ποιεῖ

ὑπο

TOU

a

et^

^

de καὶ

οὐδὲν

102, 2. Perhaps ΜΤ. ---διεξιεὶς Mss.,

*

«t

αὐτοῖς

ὕδατος τῶν

e^

τῶν

Exwaóev

τοῦ "AxeAwov

^

’

στρα-

~

νήσων

ἀπέχουσαι,

[ποταμὸ2] corr. by

ἐν χειμῶνι

Οἰνιαδῶν,

a

4

περιλιμναζων,

^

^

καταντικρὺ

ἐκβολῶν ,

πόλιν

a

κεῖνται

ai πολλαὶ τῶν

~

~

3 Tevew. ^

τὴν

^

ὥστε e

μέγας [4

A

Cf. rir. 1 and 106. ---αγραῶν Pp. Cf. 1. 64, 4 ἐξίησι rap

αὐτὴν ἐς θάλασσαν. --- ὑπὸ τοῦ ὕδατος suspected by Herw. 3. κατ᾽ ἀντικρὺ M.

ὧν

e

EYITPAOH:2

B.

125

ὁ ποταμὸς προσχοῖ αἰεὶ kai εἰσὶ τῶν νήσων ai 4 , 4 1 4 , 9 9 ~ ἠπείρωνται, ἐλπὶς δὲ Kal πασας ovk ev πολλῷ τινι

ἂν χρόνῳ

τοῦτο

παθεῖν.

ἐστι μέγα καὶ πολὺ πυκναὶ καὶ ἀλλήλαις σκεδάννυσθαι)

καὶ τῆς

ξύνδεσμοι

τό τε γὰρ

ῥεῦμα 4

θολερόν, al τε νῆσοι προσχώσεως [τῷ μὴ

γίγνονται,

παραλλὰξ

καὶ

οὐ κατὰ στοῖχον κείμεναι, οὐδ᾽ ἔχουσαι εὐθείας διόδους τοῦ ὕδατος ἐς τὸ πέλαγος. ἐρῆμοι Ó 5 εἰσὶ Kat ov μεγαλαι. λέγεται de καὶ ᾿Αλκμέωνι τῷ ᾿Αμφιάρεω, ὅτε δὴ aAacdaı αὐτὸν μετὰ τὸν e

X

4

4

8

0

a

A

93

0

φόνον τῆς μητρός, Tov ᾿Απόλλω ταύτην τὴν γῆν χρῆσαι οἰκεῖν, ὑπειπόντα οὐκ εἶναι λύσιν τῶν 0

^

0

8

9

8

4

^

δειμάτων πρὶν ἂν εὑρὼν ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ χώρᾳ κατοικίσηται ἥτις ὅτε ἔκτεινε τὴν μητέρα μήπω ὑπὸ ἡλίον ἑωρᾶτο [μηδὲ γῇ ἣν], ὡς τῆς γι ἄλλης αὐτῷ

μεμιασμένης.

᾿ ὁ

δ'

ἁπορῶν,

ὥς

φασι,

μόλις 6

κατενόησε τὴν πρόσχωσιν ταύτην τοῦ ᾿Αχελῴου, καὶ ἐδόκει αὐτῷ ἱκανὴ ἂν κεχῶσθαι δίαιτα τῷ σώματι

ad

οὗπερ

κτείνας τὴν μητέρα

γον χρόνον ἐπλανᾶτο.

οὐκ ON-

καὶ κατοικισθεὶς ἐς τοὺς

4. [τῷ μὴ c.) bracketed by Sta. : suspected by Herw. and Ste.: Badham τοῦ for 7y.—ocvtvdecuo: all Mss. See Stahl, Quaest. Gram. p. 60. b. ᾿Αλμαίωνι MSS., so below. But ᾿Αλκμέων is the old Attic form. In M in both places there is an erasure at a.— ᾿Απόλλω] ‘malim ᾿Απόλλωνα ᾿ Herw., and Cobet corrects it 20; but ᾿Απόλλω and Ποσειδῶ are found, not only in, but also out-

side oaths.

See Stahl, Quaest. Gram. p. 56, Meisterhans, p.

102. —43 δὲ Μ. ---[μηδὲ γῆ ἦν] bracketed by Herw. and Cobet, as a gloss on μήπω... ἑωρᾶτο. 6. [ἃ»] Herw. —avaxexdo0a: Steph. —XM-youe» ἃ MT.

126

OOYKYAIAOY

+0L87,« 428 Spring

περὶ Οἰνιάδας τόπους ἐδυναστευσέ Te καὶ ἀπὸ ᾿Ακαρνᾶνος παιδὸς ἑαυτοῦ τῆς χώρας τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν ἐγκατέλιπε.

τὰ

μὲν περὶ ᾿Αλκμέωνα τοι-

avra λεγόμενα παρελάβομεν. 108. Οἱ δὲ ᾿Αθηναῖοι καὶ ὁ Φορμίων Phormioreturns ex τῆς

a

‘Axapvavias

καὶ

ἄραντες

ἀφικόμενοι

ἐς

png τὴν Ναύπακτον" ἅμα ἦρι κατέπλευσαν

ne prises.

and ἐς τὰς ᾿Αθήνας, τούς τε τῶν αἰχμαλώτων ἐκ τῶν

ἄγοντες,

2 ναῦς

ἃς

οἱ ἀνὴρ

εἷλον.

ἀντ᾽

καὶ

καὶ τρίτον ὅτος τῷ

ἀνδρὸς

ὃ χειμὼν

πολέμῳ

ἐλευθέρους ναυμαχίων

ἐλύθησαν,

ἐτελεύτα

ἐτελεύτα

καὶ

τὰς

οὗτος,

τῷδε ὃν

Θουκυδίδης ξυνέγραψεν. 108, 2. [ἐτελεῦτα)] τῷδε Herw. τρίτον to end spurious. —At

with flourishes.

Rutherford considers καὶ

end Θουκυδίδον σνγγραφῆς B'. N

NOTES. 1. "Apyera.—not historic, but primary and connected with

yer

wras below.

Thuc. means to say ‘ what preceded (i.e.

1.) was an introduction: now begins (my account of) the war iteelf.’ Cf. ἀρξάμενος, I. 1, 1: Diod. x11. 37 rip ἱστορίαν

ἐντεῦθεν

ἀρξάμενος.

sage.

wéAenos—s.e. the Archidamian

Ullrich first rightly explained this pas-

the whole war to 404.

War, 431-421 ; not

ἐνθένδε 48n—cf. Aristoph. Ach. 539

κἀντεῦθεν ἤδη wdrayos ἣν τῶν ἀσπίδων, referring to the outbreak

of the war. ἐνθένδε refers back to I. 146, $.e. the account of the αἰτίαι xal διαφοραὶ is now concluded. (The other explanation, referring d&v@drde to the attack

on Plataea, is less satis-

factory, as ἐνθένδε is so far from the account of the attempt.) τῶν ixaTrípow £.— when ξύμμαχος is in the gen. plu., it is generally constructed

as an adj., following that of ξυμμαχεῖν.

us cacophony is avoided. Contrast I. 18 rois ἑαυτῶν tupndxas, IV. 81 rois ᾿Αθηναίων E. iv é—neut. Cf. c. 11, 6, 88, 2, = quo tempore. It expresses not merely time, but

includes circumstances.

ἐν p=‘

uring which period.

οὔτε...τε

—cf. c. 6, 5. ἐπεμείγνυντο rap fA\ovs—the ἐπὶ- expresses reciprocity, as in ἐπιχρῆσθαι. During the period of suspicion which preceded war, ἐπεμείγνυντο xal wap’ ἀλλήλου: ἐφοίτων ἀκηρύκτως μέν, dvurérrws δ᾽ of, 1. 146. xaracravres—ac. és wédepor, when once they had definitely started. Cf. c. 9, 1 and I. 49, 8. This refers to the interval between the attempt at

Plataea and the invasion of Attica.

truce that preceded the Peace of Nicias. δέκα

ἔτη

à πρῶτος

πόλεμος

fuvexüs

γενόμενοι,

&—down to the

. V. 84 ταῦτα rà vi.

80

ἄρτι

9

ἀνειλήφει ἡ πόλις ἑαυτὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ ξυνεχοῦς πολέμου. γέγραπται ---δὸ. uo.—Tbhis resumes ἄρχεται, but γέγραπται is probably impersonal, Thuc. meaning γέγραφα. Attic prose shows a

marked

preference for perf. pass. over perf. act. forms in 8rd

g. Thus ἃ πέπρακταί μοι is far commoner than ἃ vérpaxe, which is quite rare. γέγραφα occurs once in Thuc., γέγραπται ἐγέγραπτο or partic. nine times. &fs—explained by cara 0. καὶ χειμῶνα. Distinguish between τάξις, the arrangement of

the subject matter as a whole, διαίρεσις, the divisions in which

the separate eventa are grouped, ἐξεργασία, the treatment of

127

128

OOYKYAIAOY

ZYTTPASHZ

B.

the separate events. It is to the διαίρεσις that Thuc. refers. ὡς ἕκαστα ly(yvero— neut. plu. is used .of the several events,

just as Thuc. uses subject he is dealing

αὐτὰ constantly of the details of the with. κατὰ 0. καὶ χειμῶνα---δα Thuc.

begins his account of each summer with the first event of the

new campaign, the summer in his history does not always begin exactly at the same time. Thus in 429, the account of summer begins with the Peloponnesian expedition against. Plataea, which took place ἀκμάζοντος τοῦ círov, $.e. 80 days after the opening of spring (11. 71,1; 79,1; cf. c. 19, 1 and 2,1). In 428 the account of the summer only begins dua ry fips ἀκμάζοντι (111. 2, 1). Phormio's arrival at Piraeus did not occur till spring had opened; but, for the sake of convenience,

that event is tacked on to the preceding winter (11. 108).

But usually the opening of spring is reckoned with summer. Autumn also is counted with summer. Though Steup main-

tains that summer and winter are of equal length in Thuc., Poppo’s view, that the summer consists of eight months (Elaphebolion

to

Pyanepsion)

is probably

correct.

Thus

the winter is from Maemacterion to Anthesterion. 8, 1. Tadp—takes up ἄρχεται and introduces the narrative.

So c. 49, τὸ μὲν yap Eros takes up δηλώσω. ivéueway —the aor. of a single historical fact. M. T' 56, 57 (sometimes

called ‘complexive).’

Εὐβοίας &\ucıy Euboea revolted at

the same time as Megara, 445 2.c.

See r. 114, 118.

The

place of the article is taken by the gen., as often. Cf. 1. 1 διὰ χρόνου πλῆθοι. Comparing this phrase with c. 49, 4 μετὰ ταῦτα

ἀπὸ

λωφήσαντα, VI. 8, 3 μετὰ

Συρακούσας

olxıadelsas, II. 08

τῶν ᾿Αμπρακιωτῶν ξυνοικησάντων, Vi. ΘΟ, 2, and similar

redicative uses of the partic. collected by Stahl, Quaest. m. p. 28, we might suppose that Thuc. could have

written μετὰ Εὔβοιαν ἁλοῦσαν, just as below we have ἐπὶ Χρυσίδος ἱερωμένης, but, with the solitary exception of dua with

expressions of time, as dua rq σίτῳ ἀκμάζοντι, it is improbable

that this convenient unless the expression would not be the case much commoner in — Argos, though

use of made here. Latin

humbled

third state in Greece,

years during which the

the sense This than

partic. was ever employed without the partic., which convenient use is of course in Greek. ἐπὶ

by Sparta, 495 ».0., was

still the

The Argives reckoned by the number of

priestess of Hera had held office.

Hella-

nicus had written a workon the Priestesses of Argos, using them as marksforthedates. — Alvne(ov—sc. ἐπί: so with Iludodwpov —t.e.the Ephorésorvuos.

Theomission of 6vros,for which

of. v. 36, 1, is rare except in dates.

ἐφόρου byros = ἐφορεύοντοι.

τέσσαρας pfivas—the archons entered on office on the Ist of Hecatombaeon, which in 431 ».c. fell on August Ist. To

NOTES.

129

& period of time, the pres. (or imperf.) or perf. (or pluperf.) participle is used : to supply the reference to the completion of the period, (a) ἤδη is ed, in primary sequence, which becomes τότε in secondary sequence: both refer to a period past at the time of speaking: (5) ἔτι referringto the completion of a period in the future. Thus v. 112, 2 οὔτ᾽ ἐν ὀλίγῳ χρόνῳ πόλεως ἑπτακόσια ἔτη ἤδη οἰκουμένης τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ddaipn-

σόμεθα, and observe τότε ἱερωμένης and four

months

are

Elaphebolion,

ἔτι ἄρχοντος here.

Munychion,

The

Thargelion,

Scirophorion. ᾿Αθηναίοις--- cf. 1. 98 ἀρχὴν ἄρχειν ᾿Αθηγαίοις, but in v. 88 ἄρχοντος ᾿Αθήνησι. The dative is probably local . Cf. c. 86 and 92 ἀπὸ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων for ἀπὸ Ma ᾿Αθηνῶν. [ νον cre]. asons for regarding these words μετὰ inter addition ἐν the text are 1. Nearly a year (1. 126) intervened between the day on which the allies of Sparta decided to go to war and the first invasion of Attica (c. 19). Between the battle of Potidaea and the decision came the events recorded in 1. 68-88, 118-1925. The vasion was 80 days after the attempt on Plataea (c. 19).

inSo

forthe period between the battleat Potidaea and the attempt on Plataea we get nearly a year minus 80 daye and the time occupied by the events of 1. 68-88, 118-128. The result must clearly be more than six months. But Lipsius' ἕκτῳ xal δεκάτῳ probably gives too much time: thus, from battle at Potidaea to attempt on Plataea = 15 months ; from attempt on Plataea to in. vasion of Attica =80days. Total about!7} months. Deducting nearly a year for the time between the decision of the allies and the invasion, we get about 64 months, at least, for the events of 1. 68-88, 118-128. These events were as follows:

the Athenians garrisoned it. hormio was some time on built a wall

built a wall on the north side of Potidaea and After a considerable interval (χρόνῳ ὕστερον) sent from Athens with 1600 hoplites. He spent the road (xarà βραχὺ προιών) On arriving, he south of Potidaea. The Corinthians called a

meeting of allies at Sparta.

The Spartans sent to Delphi.

Then a general meeting of allies was held at Sparta, at which the decision was come to. It is not clear whether the Corinthians proposed the first meeting after the north wall was built, or only after the south wall was finished. It is however highly improbable that they waited to take action till

Potidaea was completely shut in; for they were most anxious about Potidaea, and were anxious to force on war. The Athenians would occupy about a month in building the north wall. Thus the Corinthians probably suggested the meetin about 40 days after the battle. Thus, the whole time woul

P) he about 40 days + the time taken in the mission to Delphi and the calling of the second meeting. 2. The

130

OOYKYAIAOY ἘΎΓΓΡΑΦΗΣ

B.

bracketed words give no additional indication of the date of the attempt on Plataea.

Thuc. wishes to be precise here, but

he has given no definite indication of the date of the battle at Potidaea,

nor was

it necessary

to do

so.

He

says

(1) the

decision of the allies was some 11 months before the invasion, (2) the invasion was 80 days after the attempt. All that could be found from μηνὶ éxrw would be the date of the battle

of Potidaea. If any event were here referred to it would rather be the decision of the allies. dpa fips apy ondve—the last day of Anthesterion, in 431 April 4th. See c. 4,2

Bo

whom

oßvres—the 11 chiefs of the

tian confederacy, of

Thebes elected two, the other cities one each. we v ὕπνον--οἵ. vil. 48 ἀπὸ πρώτου trvov. When the article is omitted with expressions of time, a preposition is usually present, except with ἡμέρας and νυκτός. See Rutherford, Syntax, p. 4. There were three watches, the first

beginning except

about 10 o'clock.

ξὺν Swrovw—in

later Attio,

Xenophon, σὺν has only two uses: (1) the old phrase

σὺν (rois) θεοῖς, (2) in enumerating things which are thrown to-

gether in a sum total; so that σὺν is very rare with persons, and it never implies a willing connection.

Andoc. rr. 7 τὸν

πατέρα σὺν ἐμαντῳ ἀποκτεῖναι. Of (1) Thuc. has 1 example, rr. 80 ; of (2) 11 examples, e.g. (a) with things—c. 18, 27, ; v. 26 ti» ro πρώτῳ πολέμῳ τοσαῦτα ἔτη. Cf. vir. 42; vri. 99, @6: (b) with persons, comparatively common in Thuc., 1. 12;

II. 6, 18; Iv. 194; v. 74.

Besides these, Thuc. has the old

military phrase, ξὺν (rois) ὅπλοις, 8 times. Cf. Eur. Hec. 112. Aristoph. Nub. 560. In the same class fall ξὺν ἑνὶ ἱματίῳ, IL. 70, γιλοὶ ξὺν ξιφιδίῳ and ξὺν Soparias 111. 22. Cf. the Homerio

σὺν τεύχεσι.

Further, 6 cases of verbal nouns which modify

the meaning of a verb, viz. : ξὺν ἐπαίνῳ étorpóvew 1. 84, ξὺν κατηγορίᾳ παροξύνειν ib., ξὺν χαλεπότητι παιδεύεσθαι ib., ξὺν φόβω ὄχειν τι I. 141, ξὺν ἀνάγκῃ τι παθεῖν 111. 40, ξὺν προφάσει κακῶν ποιεῖν tb. The absence of this archaic idiom from the later

books is remarkable.

Lastly, 3 cases of a connection willingly

formed, υἱΖ. : 11. 88; 111. 90; vir. 87.

Tragedy and Xenophon.

This is common

in

In inscriptions of the classical period

only the Attic use marked (2) above is found, and that never with persons.

23, 2. "Ewwydyovro—the τάξις (see on c. 1) of this c. is dramatic, the causes which led to the attempt being given perenthetically in 2 and 3, while the narrative is continued

at 4. Πλαταιῶν &v5pes—the Thebans call them, 111, 66, ἄνδρες ol πρῶτοι xal χρήμασι xal γένει. These leaders of the aristocratic party represent the great land-owners as distinct from the merchants. &y6pas Tovs brevayrlous—the order, noun, art., adj., puts emphasis on the adj. Cf. c. 84, 4.

NOTES,

131

2, 3. "Ewpafav—of manipulation or diplo , as often. Cf. c. 5,7. An abuse of the meaning ‘to succeed.’ ἔσοιτο —was certain. Cf. c. 18, ]. ἔτι dv elpfivp—cf. 111. 18 ἔτι ἐν vp εἰρήνῃ, and c. 8, 4. Here re καὶ joins a itive to & negative expression which merely repeata it Irom another point of view. Cf. v. 9, 2 τῷ re κατ᾽ ὀλίγον xal un ἅπαντας

κινδυνεύειν. sov—cf.

pfyre—the sentence expresses a wish.

9

xal

μᾶλλον

1.

11,

BB;

II.

18;

— 4 καὶ

Iv.

1,

108.

ἢ καὶ before a comparative adverb emphasizes an inference. ἄλαθον iraßdvres— see M. T. 144, 146, 887.

προκαθεστηκνίαθ

—Pp. compares anteponere vigilias, Tac. An. 1. δ0.

3, 4. Θέμενοι τὰ SAa—cum $n foro constitissent, lit. ‘having grounded eirarms.’ tots brayopévois—the temporal force is ost, and the partic. becomes a substantive, as in ol προδιδόντες

c. 8. ἐπείθοντο Gove—cf. c. 101,5. Gore is often inserted with verbs which take simple infin., the main emphasis is trans-

ferred from the finite to the infin. M. 7. 588. —rem aggredi.

Cf. 1. 49, 7, 78, 3.

ἔργον ἔχεσθαι

ἱέναι és—for the hos-

tile sense of ἰέναι cf. v. 69 és τὴν γῆν ἐλθεῖν, ‘to attack.’

is commoner Φ, 4.

ἔρχομαι,

than ἐξ, as I. 88 ἣν ἐπὶ Ποτείδαιαν ἴωσιν. εἶμι, ἥκω,

ἦλθον and

synonyms

supple in sense than our *to come.’

are

far

ἐπὶ

Cf. c. more

Note that the moods of

elu: are usually present in meaning, except in Oratio Obliqua.

ώμην ἐποιοῦντο-- i.e. ἐγίγνωσκον, ‘came to a decision.’ Frvmbelous —80 c. 18, 3. καὶ ávewe-——'and in fact,’

καὶ introducing the parenthesis and emphasizing the word fol.

lowing.

Cf. c. 49, 5, 81, 5.

εἴ τις

BovAera:—in a protasis

to a condition in Oratio Obliqua, probably only the future indicative is ever changed into optative. so that the optative

in protasis in Or. Ubl., except in the future, represents either ἣν and subjunctive or εἰ and optative of the Recta. κατὰ τὰ warpia—in Iliad 11. 504 Plataea is enumerated among the Boeotian confederate cities. Evppaxeiv—this may be a gloss

on τίθεσθαι x.r.X.

Cf. IV. 80 προκαλούμενοι,

el βούλοιντο, τὰ

ὅπλα κελεύειν παραδοῦναι, and 80 87 ; v. 116 ἐκήρυξαν, el ris βούλεται, λῃζεσθαι, VII. 82 κήρνγμα ποιοῦνται, el τις βούλεται, ws

σφᾶς

ἀπιέναι.

With

βούλομαι

supplied from the context.

an infinitive has often

to

be

8, 1. ‘Os fotovro—cf. c. 8,4, 81, 1, 04, 3. The aorist is usual with ws, but, whatever tense is used, it is always in-

dependent of that of the main verb. In this respect ws differs from other temporal particles. Thus if imperf. is used, as in

c. 99, l, or plupert. &s in c. 89, 1, it is because that tense is ired to describe ἃ continuous or completed act, apart from the main verb. If the act in a temporal sentence is represented

as simultaneous with or preceding

the action of the

main

132

OOYKYAIAOY

ZYTTPASHE

sentence, ὅτε or ἐπειδὴ is used.

ingressive aor.,

B.

—‘ became aware,’

a use almost confined to lst aor.

damvales— this and ἐξαπίνης, in place of ἐξαίφνης or are Ionic, and only found in Thuc. and Xenophon prose writers. [Dem.] c. Neaeram § 99 is copied e Cf. c. 48, 2, 98, 3. καταδείσαντες Ingressive, ‘having become alarmed,’ etc. «ολλῷ sc. ἢ ἐσῆλθον. An ellipse with comparative is very

forms.

αἰφνιδίως, of Attic from this καὶ v.— πλείονε--common.

ἐν τῇ vurti— per noctis caliginem.

Cf. ἐν γυκτὶ below, and

πάτρια

IV.

c. 4 ἐν σκότῳ kal πήλῳ. πρὸς E. ly ópneav—»e converterunt. Cf. 111. 66 προείπομεν τὸν βουλόμενον κατὰ rà πάντων Βοιῶτων πολιτεύειν

ἰέναι

πρὸς

ἡμᾶς,

120,

viri.

40,

2.

ivewripifov—the subject is changed, as in 4 below. "Thuc. assumes that his readers will follow the narrative attentively.

8, 2. IIpáecovrés wws—the particle implies that unnecessary details are omitted.

Cf. ἄλλω:

πως in brief narrative, I. 99,

vi. 2. κρατήσειν —Cl. defends κρατῆσαι, on the ground that the aor. expresses confidence in the result of the action in ἐπιθέμενοι. But the aor. inf. is very doubtful used thus for

the future.

τῷ yàp πλήθει--γὰρ gives the writer's explana-

tion, and shows that ol Πλαταεῆς above was loosely used for rd

πλῆθος τῶν II.

900.

βονλομένῳ ἦν---δοντι. 8δ; vii. 92,6.

M. T.

The editors compare Sallust, Jug. 84 plebei volents puta-

batur, tb., 100 mslstsbus labor volentibus esset. Livy xxt. 50. 9, 3. ᾿Εἰπιχειρητέα elvaa—cf. 1. 118 ἐπιχειρητέα ἐδόκει εἶναι

πάσῃ προθυμίᾳ. Plur. neut. forms for sing. are very common in Thuc., especially with verbals.

dAMjAovs.

£uvvatyorro— with wap’

διορύσσοντεξ τοὺς T.— cf. roxwpóxos.

ἁμάξας

ze—the conjunction adds a third and important fact, as often.

d—sc. αὐτό, what has just been described, the barrier of waggons. 8, 4. 'Erotya —the plur. marks the details of a complex act. See c. 10,2 φνλάξαντες In vóxra—cf. vi. 88 τῆς νυκτὸς φυλάξαντες τὸ ἡσυχάζον. ‘Waited for the time when it was still night.’ ἔτι νύκτα is equivalent to τὴν ἔτι νύκτα,

cf. c. 2, 1. — xal—adds the more exact time. περίορθρον —the beginning of that time of night denoted by ὄμθροε. Cf. IV. 110 νυκτὸς ἔτι kal περὶ ὄρθρον, vi. 101 περὶ ὄρθρον.

Accord-

ing to Phrynichus (Bekker An. Gr. 54, S) ὄρθρος ἐστιν ἡ ὥρα τῆς νυκτὸς καθ᾽ ἣν ἀλεκτρύονες ἄδουσιν. ἄρχεται δὲ ἐνάτης ὥρας καὶ τελευτᾳ εἰς διαγελῶσαν ἡμέραν.

So in 111. 118, Demosthenes

attacked the Ambraciots ἅμα ὄρθρῳ, at which tinıe they could not distinguish friend from foe, vurrös ὅτι οὔσης. Thus the Plataean rally was at about 2 o’clock. γίγνωνται---δο. ol Θηβαῖοι.

Cf.

τ.

143

οὐκέτι

ἐκ τοῦ ὁμοίον

ἔσται,

111.

12,

3.

doBeperepa—for the passive meaning, ‘timid,’ cf. iv. 128, 4,

NOTES,

133

Conversely ἀδεὴς which is usually active is occasionally passive =not formidable. Seer. 86,1. Cf. προστρύπαιος, ἀλιτήριος, and in Latin formidolosus and others. See Cook on Sallust, Cat.

39, 2. πάλλων.

Shil. quotes Soph. O. 7' 153 φοβερὰν φρένα δείματι fjocovs ὦσι τῆε---ἰ6. ἡσσῶνται, equivalent to νικῶν-

ται ὑπὸ Tf κτλ. σφετέραε--ἰηάϊγοοῦ reflexive, i.e. refers to subject of the main verb, not to that of its own clause. Cf. c.. 88,

3,

69,

4;

Iv.

87,

1;

v. 47;

vit.

48;

vir.

74,

8.

This is the regular use of a$érepos, whereas odérepos αὐτῶν is the same as ἑαυτῶν. But Thuc. also uses cóérepos alone as direct reflexive, as Iv. 88 οὐκ ἐδυνήθησαν τῇ σφετέρᾳ ἐμπειρίᾳ χρήσασθαι: and in dependent clauses, as c. 71 and Iv. 11 τὰς σφετέρας vais καταγνύναι ἐκέλευε. τὰ σφέτερα is direct in c. 20,

4; IV. 99, 1, indirect in ri. 88, 3. ferential re, ‘and so.’

σπροσέβαλόν re—in-

4, 1. "Eyvarav— ‘became aware,’ ingressive. eo Tp9d—‘ proceeded to rally,’ imperf. expressing dicet .

σφίσιν abrois—inc. 68,12, 76,2

alone as a direct reflexive. 4,2.

Δὶς

Thuc. has the Ionic use of eds

See Rutherford, Syntax, p. 11.

μὲν ... hrera—cf.

Iv.

125

καὶ

μίαν

μὲν

ἡμέραν

ἀπεκρούσαντο, τῇ δ᾽ ὑστεραίᾳ. As regards ἔπειτα without δέ, the ordinary use is πρῶτον (πρῶτα) μὲν ... ἔπειτα, which Thuc. uses

98 times; see c. 19, 2, 49, 2, 78, 1, 89, 2, 06,1, 98, 1.

He

has πρῶτον (πρῶτα) μὲν ... ἔπειτα δὲ 8 times; see c. 85, 84. If καὶ follows ἔπειτα, δὲ is always inserted, e.g. c. 84 ; Iv. 48; VII. 28; virt. 48; also μάλιστα μὲν is always followed b ἔπειτα δέ, as c. 84: 1. 78; VI. 11, 4, 16, 5, 67, 2. If

the more emphatic ἔπειτα μέντοι is used, it is preceded by rd πρῶτον or τὸ μὲν v., 88 III. 98, 1, 111, 3; vrir. 78, 1, 86, 2. τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ... ἔπειτα occurs I. 181; v. 41, 3, 84, 2; the same, but ἔπειτα δὲ c. 48; v. 41, 2. πρῶτον alone is always

answered by ἔπειτα alone, unless καὶ follows ἔπειτα, as in ΥἹΣ. 28 τὸ μέγιστον πρῶτον, ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ x.r.\. ἔπειτα is without

After other phrases,

δὲ in 10 cases, has δὲ in 2, viz. c. 82, 1;

ı.

18, 3. xpavynp—Moeris says xexpayuds ’Arrıwol, xpavyh Ἕλληνες, but κεκραγμόε xéxpa-yua and κρανγή are all Attic words. Perhaps Moeris really wrote κραυνγασμὸς Ἕλληνες, which would

agree with Phrynichus. ^ xal—there is chiasmus here and in λίθοις καὶ κεράμῳ. &AoAvyp—'cheering,’ this word is used regularly of women. Pollux 1. 28 ὀλολῦξαι καὶ óAoAvyg χρήσασθαι ἐπὶ γυναικῶν. Hence xpavyg goes with οἰκετῶν, dAoAvyn with γυναικῶν.

Eur.

I. 7'. 1337 ἀνωλόλυξε καὶ κατῇδε of Iphigenia ;

cf. Aesch. .49. 587 of Clytaemnestra.

Verg. Aen. 1v. 667, IX.

477 femineo ululatu. τε... re—these join χρωμένων to Badλόντων and represent thetwo actions as going on simultaneously. Cf. c. 88 ἐκκλησίαν re οὐκ ἐποίει... τήν Te πόλιν ἐφύλασσε.

134

OOYKYAIAOY ΞΎΓΓΡΑΦΗΣ

λίθοις καὶ κεράμῳ ---;Ὧο doubt the slaves

had

B. gathered the

stones, while the women removed the tiles. For κέραμος collective, cf. 111. 74, 1; rv. 48, 2. So Eraltıs c. 18, κάλαμος c. 70. Xen. Mem. 111. 1, 7 λίθοι καὶ πλίνθοι καὶ ξύλα xal xépaμοι. διὰ vucrds—cf. διὰ παντὸς c. 16. πολλοῦ--- predicate with ἐπιγενομένου. Cf. vit. 87 al νύκτες ἐπιγιγνόμεναι perorw-

pwal καὶ yvxpal. ἐπιγενομένον-- expresses any sudden or unexpected phenomenon. Cf. c. 64, 1, 70, 1, 77,5. The other meaning occurs in 4 below. ol vA «(ovs —the subject is here limited by apposition from all to the majority. Cf. 1. 2,6 ol ἐκπίπτοντες ... ol δυνατώτατοι. So in Latin, Livy xxr. 24, 2 Galli ... aliquot populi. πηλῷ --δο that progress was

impeded.

Cf. c. 8, 2.

This shows that the streets of Plataea

were bad, like Greek streets generally. On the outskirts of the town the soil was certainly soft, and the Thebans fled in the direction of the valley of the Asopus, 8o that the further they went, the worse the road became. Probably in wet weather the streets of the town resembled water-courses carrying down the water from Cithaeron to the Asopus. τῶν BuóSey —belongs like 7 χρὴ a. to ἄπειροι ὄντες. takes the place of a deliberative subj. (why?) Cf.1.91,1 οὐκ εἶχον ὅπως χρὴ ἀπιστῆσαι. καὶ yap—explains only ἐν σκότῳ, πηλώ being already explained in ὑετοῦ ἅμα. τελεντῶν-

zog τοῦ unvds—there was a new moon on the early morning of the 7th ril 431, and, as the Attic months were lunar, assuming the calendar to have been in perfect order (it must have been in fair order) the month Elaphebolion began at

sunset on the 6th April.

The attempt was made at the end

of Anthesterion, on the night of April 4th or 5th. When the calendar month did not correspond with the true lunar month, the true day of the new moon was called νουμηνία κατὰ σελήνην (c. 28). ἐμπείρους δὲ ἔχοντες τοὺς 5. —for ἐμπείρων δὲ ὄντων TU» 0. Cf. 1. 144 αὐτονόμους ἀφήσομεν εἰ καὶ αὐτονόμους ἔχοντες ἐσπεισάμεθα. [τοῦ μὴ ἐκφεύγειν —this is taken as ne effugerent. (There

is another

tradition, due to Kr., that it expresses

a

consequence, which is not in good Attic.) It must depend on &uókorras, —which gives the platitude that the enemy pursued them that they might not escape. To avoid this, Cl. explains

it as equivalent to τοῦ un ἐᾶν ἐκφεύγειν and constructs it with ἐμπείρους. But (1) there is no other case of gen. of inf. with adjectives in Thuc., (2) ἐμπείρους rod ἐκφεύγειν ought to mean

‘experienced

in escaping.’

ὥστε

διεφθείροντο

and

in A corrected,

of

Supply rw διόδων with ἐμπείρους.

w.)—the

contradicts

article, found in BCEFGM τὸ πλεῖστον

ὀγδοήκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν c. δ, 7, the number force of few over 300 (c. 2, 1), when

killed or had escaped (4 below).

in 5 below, and

captured out of a

many others

had been

Bekker omits oi, fullowed by

NOTES,

135

most edd., and the imitation of Aen. Pol. 2, 6 is

quoted ol μὲν

yàp ἔφυγον ἄπειροι ὄντες ἦ χρὴ σωθῆναι, ol δὲ due διώκοντες πάνυ πολλοὺς ἔφθειραν. But on reading the whole chap. to 4, it becomes clear that no results of the flight are given till 4, where the fate of the whole number is told: so that these words break the continuity of the narrative.

4, 3. Στυρακίῳ dxovrlov—crupdxioy λαβών τις ἐν τῷ μοχλῷ γῆς θύρας ἐνέβαλεν, Schol.

The

στυράκιον is the spike at the

top of a small javelin for fixing it in the ground ; = Homeric

gavpwrip. This was used instead of the βάλανος or iron pin which was driven through the uöxXos (bar) and the door, and could not be removed without a key (βαλανάγρα, κλείς), which fitted into it. Arnold remarks that the action is the same as

spiking a gun. Cf. Aristoph. Av. 1159 ἅπαντ᾽ ἐκεῖνα πεπύλωται πύλαι: καὶ βεβαλάνωται xal φυλάττεται κύκλῳ. χρησάμενοι ἐδ —cf. c. 40 ἔδρασαν ἐς τὰ φρέατα.

4, 4. Διωκόμενοι .. ἀναβάντα the cause of ἀνάβαντες, while the Cf. c. 89, 3, 76, 1,90,3.

Ippupay—the lst latter is tem

partic. gives to ἔρριψαν.

The 2nd partic. tends to become a

mere adverb to the verb, as c. 90, 1 βουλόμενοι προαγαγεῖν αὐτούς, ἀναγαγόμενοι ἔπλεον. οἱ μέν tives ... of δὲ... ἄλλοι δὲ ... τὸ δὲ

αλεῖστον---ἰἢ 9 partic. διωκόμενοι is subdivided.

Also οἱ μέν

Ties is restricted by οἱ πλείους. [λαθόντες xal]—it is evident that γυναικὸς δούσης πέλεκυν must be joined with διακόψαντες,

but xal is in the way of this. But, though Stahl’s reading is given, perhaps Thuc. wrote γυναικὸς δούσης πέλεκυν καὶ διακόψαντες τὸν μοχλὸν λαθόντες ἐξῆλθον.

objection to xal.

There would then be no

For the want of symmetry in δούσης καὶ διακό-

‚see c. 28,1. For the two participles διακόψαντες, λαθόνres, the first temporal, the second defining the verb, see c. 88, 8. The objection to bracketing xai only is that Thuc. would

have written λάθρᾳ διακόψαντες, as IV. 110; vi11.84. ἄλλοι δὲ ἄλλῃ TAs—cf. c. 76 ἄλλας δὲ ἄλλῃ τοῦ τείχους. 4,5. Td πλεῖστον ... ἐσπίπτονσιν---]0Υ. verb after a col. lective, as often. Rutherford, Syntax, p. 21. ὃ ἣν τοῦ relxovs—cf.

1. 184

οἴκημα ὃ 7» τοῦ ἱεροῦ.

It was not usual in

early times to have buildings adjacent to the walls. Cf. c. 17, 1 note. Hence the Thebans thought the building was

part of the gate-way, supposing it to be double like the ipylon at Athens. The prided herself on her seven t gates, and it is highly improbable that the pomoerium was thus violated in that city. There cannot have been many such buildings at Plataea, for in c. 76 we see there was room for a curved wall between the reixos and the mass of the

buildings. ἀνεψῳγμέναι Urvkov—in order to represent the action as complete, the perf. partic., not aor., has to be used

136

OOYKYAIAOY

ZYTTPASHZ

B.

with dyw, λανθάνω, φθάνω, unless the verb is in imperf. or pres. M. T. 144, 146, 147, 887. Cf. 1. 108 Ναύπακτον ὄτυχον ppnkóres. abroß—in the second member of a relative sentence the relative is not repeated, but a demonstrative or personal pron. takes ita place. Cf. c. 84, 5, 72, 1, 74, 3. xceptions are c. 48, 3, 44, 1, where the relative is repeated.

Cf. ‘

Whose fan is in His hand, and He shall throughly

His floor.'

wilas— ri\aı τοῦ τείχους, θύραι ToU ofxov Schal.

Cf. τεῖχος and τοῖχος.

äyrıcpvs— ‘right through.’

In vi.

49 it means direct. In all other places in Thuc. downright, complete, as virt. 64 ἐπὶ τὴν ἄντικρυς ἐλευθερίαν. It is said that ἄντικρυς = davepws, ἄντικρυ (not found in Thuc.) = ἐξ ἐναντίας. 4, 6. Karaxatowow—cf. c. 82 οὐκ ἔχοντες 8 τι γένωνται. ὥσπερ Ixovew—sc. ol Θηβαῖοι, on the spot. Often in Thuc., but later Attics use ofrws in much the same sense.

4, 7. Tad ὅπλα καὶ σφᾶς abrovs—the phrase is common, and the order is always the same.

88,3.

. c.

Cf. rv. 21, 3, 80, 4, 87,2,

Livy xxır. 60, 24 and 26 arma et vos ipsos traditis.

24,

6 τι ἂν B.—with χρήσασθαι supply σφίσι only. 2. χρήσασθαι expresses purpose, the act. or

mid. being regular in this construction even when the pass. might seem more suitable. Af. 7.770. The phrase is regular in the terms of a complete 88, 1. Andoc. 1. 11, 28.

surrender.

4,8. μὲν 53 —dismissesthesubject.

Cf. rv. 69, 3; vir.

dirempäyeray—the plu-

perf. shbwe that Thuc. has anticipated : in c. 8 he goes back.

δ, 1. "ESa wapayevioba:—‘ ought to have reached Plataea.' M.

T.415.

Cf. c. 92,

7, 95,

3.

εἴ τι ἄρα--οἵ, c. 12, 1.

The following are noteworthy : (1) εἴ μὴ ἄρα = nisi forte, e.g.

Xen. Mem.

1. 2, 8 πῶ: ἂν oi» ὁ τοιοῦτος ἀνὴρ διαφθείροι robs

véovs ; el μὴ Apa ἡ τῆς ἀρετῆς ἐπιμέλεια διαφθορά ἐστιν.

(2) el ἄρα

τι λέγεις.

ἢν dpa τι

in indirect

tions, e.g. Plat. Phaedo, 95

(δ) εἰ ἄρα or ἣν ἄρα

πειρώμεθα el ἄρα

in protasis, as I. 140

καὶ σφαλλώμεθα. ἄρα implies a quite unlikely contingency. xepo(n—the apodosis is only implied in ἔδει παραγε0 . T. 696. ἣν προχωρῇ might ave been kept. Tpoχωρεῖν is a favourite word with "huoc. äua— ongs to ῥηθείσης,

as c.

4

ὑετοῦ

ἅμα

ἐπιγενομένου.

usually ἐλθούσης, but the former is better suited

—more

to a hurried

announcement to an army on the march. τῶν —the Theban reinforcements were ignorant of the deatruction of their friends when they arrived, see 4 below. Hence these τὰ γεγενημένα told them were not complete. The message was

doubtless brought by those who escaped xarà wv)as épryous, ano did not know all. éreBofPovyv—‘ increased their speed. . III. 110, 1.

NOTES.

137

8, 2. 'EßSouhrevra— probably rather over the direct route,

but dedii

seri correct measured by the road.

—of natural phenomena, ὕδωρ xal βροντὰς -yervouevas.

as often. Cf. c. 77 ἐγένετο φλόξ, ἐρρύη plyas—ef. c. 7 δ ἤρετο μέγα.

5, 4. Karacxevf—‘ property,’ viz

household effects and

ing implements. κατασκευὴ means anything that makes a place habitable and worth living in. See 1. and S. οἷα —lonic for dre. ἐβούλοντο € τινα λάβοιεν x.7.4.— M. T. 695.

The second protasis is not co-ordinate with the first.

In a more certain form the sentence would run dyrwa λάβοιειν ὑπάρχειν ὀβούλοντο ἀντὶ τῶν ἔνδον ἐζωγρημένων. 8, b. AvaBowcvopévev—reciprocal mid., like διαλέγομαι, δϑιαπράττομα. When a compound of διὰ is not available, the

same sense is given by ἐν ἑαυτοῖς or σφίσιν αὐτοῖς, as IV. 28, 9 παρακελευόμενοι

ἐν

ἑαυτοῖς,

VIII.

76

παραινέσεις

ἐποιοῦντο

ἐν

σφίσιν αὐτοῖς, sometimes by ἐν ἀλλήλοις, for which see c. 68, 11. imorowfacavres—rare and poetical, used by Thuc. 8

times, only in aor. inf. or partic.

περὶ τοῖς lfe—the dat.

with repl gradually disappeared in Attic and occurs but once

in the orators, Isocr. Ep. 9, 10.

It is regular in Thuc. with

verbe of fearing. ócíes— when used of States, ὅσιος means in accordance with those principles of right dealing universally recognised (jus gentium). Cf. 111. 86 ἐτιμωρησάμεθα κατὰ τὸν πᾶσι νόμον καθεστῶτα, τὸν

webu.

—with

ἰδ. ο. 88.3.

πόλιν.

The

dwıörra

ϑοδοπο. 82,3.

πολέμιον

ὅσιον εἶναι ἀμύ-

Eur. Hec. 788.

position is for the

σφῶν

sake of emphasis.

—the Attic aor. of πειρῶμαι is ἐπειράθην, cf. c. 88,

2.

88.

But Thuc. uses also the lonic ἐπειρασάμην in c. 44

and

Duyov— interru ts the structure of οὔτε ον TE, but the

irregularity is very slight. λέγω in sense of κελεύω regularly takes infin., μὴ being the neg. εἰ δὲ ph—cf. 1. 28 el δὲ μή, καὶ αὐτοὶ ἀναγκασθήσεσθαι ἔφασαν. The addition of ἔφασαν,

suspected also by Kr. in both places, certainly adds clearness, yet Thuo. proceeds in a quite different way in c. 18. But the difference in the nature of the matter of these chapters (the one narrative, the other re/fective) may

ference of style.

account for the dif-

ἀναχωρησάντων ... atrois—the use of the

gen. abs. in spite of the dat. following,

makes

the act in the

partic. more prominent, and prevents it from being a mere

appen

in

of ἀποδώσειν.

A common sacrifice of form to sense

. and Thuc. αὐτοῖς is wrongly bracketed in the text. 8,0. ' —jugurandum addere. Does not occur elsewhere in Thuc. «0609s — with ἀποδώσειν», as the following

138

OGOYKYAIAOY

words

show.

ἘΎΓΓΡΑΦΗΣ

B.

ἣν τι tvpßalverı—closely with γενομένων

‘with a view to an arrangement.’ $» ξυμβῶσι would be “ἱ they come to an arrangement.’ 8, 7. A’ obv—doubtful statements are dismissed and the

narrative of facts resumed. οὐδὲν déiuchoayres—contrast οὐδὲν ἀδικοῦντες =‘ guiltless.’ τὰ ἐκ this χώρας ice —the preposition attracted to the verb, for ἐν. Cf. c. 18, 2, 24,1.

but most Sparta.

deicravav—assuredly

justified as an act of reprisal

impolitic, as calculated to provoke Thebes an «ls αὐτῶν fv—the so-called partitive gen. is often

used thus without els, which is wanting in C.

τῶν ἐφόρων τότε Gr, v. 89, 5; vri. BO, 2.

. I. 86 εἷς

«pds Sv ἔπραξαν

—801. 181, 1; Iv. 114, 3. This is ovly a variant for πράσσειν with da£., as rv. 110, 2; v. 76, 3. But wheu man rsons are dealt with, πράσσειν ds is also used, as 1. 1892, e same three constructions follow Aéyew: πρός, Andoc. 1.

48;

dat.,

sb.

1. 69;

és, ıb.,

Uc.

Eur.

He.

ἅπαντας, ' proposed in the general assembly.’

303

εἶπον

eis

οἱ προδιδόντει

—see on c. 2, 4.

6, 1. “Ewenwov—the imperf. with verbs of ‘going’ and * sending,’ presenting the etas of an elaborate ἔ egeciation involving a journey, is common.

1, and 3 below.

Cf. c. 88, 2; 1. 10, 5, 26,

But the aor. is also used.

M. 7T. 57.

καὶ

—has nothing to do with the re preceding, which is answered by the re following. Thus the sentence consists of two members joined by τε... re. καὶ ὕστερον τὰ μακρὰ

Cf. 1. 69, 1 τό τι πρώτον ἐάσαντες ..

στῆσαι τείχη, és τόδε re αἰεὶ ἀποστεροῦντε!.

So in 4 below. 6, 2. Ἠγγέλθη eidis—does not refer to ἔπεμτον

ἄγγελον, but

to two previous messages mentioned in 3 below. Plataea is something over 30 miles from Athens. καὶ ... ἔννέλαβον.--rataxis, presenting the two facts as almost concurrent. he second was prompt and hurried.

Cf. 1. @1 ἦλθε xal rois

᾿Αθηναίοις εὐθὺς ἡ ἀγγελία ... καὶ πεμπουσιν. ay ... κελεύ. ovres—the activity of the sender is continued in the person sent. I. 182,

Cf.c. 5;

88, 1. rv.

65

γεώτερον Trouty—4.e. vewrepijew. μὴ νεώτερόν τι γένηται.

CI.

«ρὶν Av—after

historic tenses, πρὶν ἂν and subj. is used only in Oratio Obliqua.

Cf. c. 84, 1, 102, 5.

6, 3. "Apa τῇ ἐσόδῳ γιγνομένῃ---6ο0 o. 8, 1. obre gives the result of facts just stated, contrast c. 19, 1. οἰδότει---4.. ὅτι τεθνήκασιν.

ἐπέστελλον

οὐκ

-—see 1 above.

0, 4. νκατέλιπον Ἐ --Βο ἐγκαθέζομαι 111. 1; ἐγκαθίστημι T. 4; ἐγκαθορμίζομαι IV. 2; ἐγκατοικοδομεῖν III. 38; ἐγκατασκήπτειν 0. 47. τοὺς dxpaordrovs—‘sunt ἀχρεῖοι omnes inhabwes militiae,’ Pp. Cf. c. 4€. Juv. 15, 126 imbelle et inutile

NOTES. vul

139

For the deeper application of dxpeios, see c. 40, 2 —c. 78, 3.

7,1. Actvplvev—before the attempt on Plataea, each side

bad interpreted the other's action as σπονδῶν ξύγχυσις (I. 146), but there had been no open violation of the letter of the truce.

wpés—cfí.

1. 49,

7; vill. 66, 3, 78, 2.

wape-

exevátovro $i—the anaphora would have been more perfect with παρεσκενάζοντο μὲν preceding, but Thuc. often omits μέν in cases where it is not required, though a writer more careful about symmetry would insert it: perhaps he purposely avoids a rhetorical formula in narrative. The common cases in Thuc. are very simple, as πολλοὶ μὲν ... πολλοὶ δέ, el μὲν ... el de, dua pe

... ἅμα de.

Cf. 1. 28 with πέμπετε ; VI. 20,4;

also c. 41, 3 μόνη yàp ... καὶ μόνη. both subjects, as ποιούμενοι below.

udd\Xovres—belongs to Probably both intended

sending to Persia, though the Athenians did not carry out their intention. See c. 67. wipwev—M. T. 73, 96. ἀλλόσε---δεο c. 29. and see c. 8, 4.

davrav—for σφετέρας.

Cf. c. 99,

4,

7, 2. Δακεβαιμονίοιᾳ ... brerdyOn—i.e. Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἐπέvafa». This dat. of the agent is very rare with other parts of the pass.

than perf.

éwpurTo, IV. 64

It occurs in I. 81 rois Κερκυραίοις οὐχ

τίνες ἃν δικαιότερον

πόλεις οἰκοῦνται ξυμμίκτοι: ἔθνεσι.

πᾶσι ... μισοῖντο,

1b.

109

There are only two instances in

the Orators. adtrod—in the harbours of Peloponnese. ‘ I. καὶ 2.—with τοῖς ἑλομένοις, but placed first for the sake o the antithesis with avrov. Cf. c. 18, 3 xarà τὴν ἄλλην πορείαν ἡ σχολαιότηι. vats twevdx@y—Stah supports his i with great ability. It will noticed that these Dorian

cities, reckoned by Sparta among her allies, are not mentioned

in c. 9 with the ξύμμαχοι, because there only those who actually contributed to the armament are given, and these

cities contributed nothing.

111. 86, 2.

wove 0a. — middle,

vais being the object. Cf. ı. 14, 2. ἐς τὸν πάντα d.—‘ in all.’ When the article precedes ras, the whole is regarded as the sum of its component parts. wevraxosiev—by no means realised. The Spartan navy in the Archidamian War was contemptible. See c. 66 and 88. Thuc. speaks with some irony. τά 7’ &\Xa—perhaps τᾶλλα should be read here, the τ᾿ being due todittography. tevxdfovras—the change from the dat. ἐλομόνοις is due to the infin. This change from gen. or dat. is always possible except when a word is the predicate to a gen. or dat., as 1. 71 βουλομένων ὑμῶν εἶναι προθύμων.

See

c.

24,

1.

μιᾷ νηὶ--' δὶ singulis

navibus

venissent ; nam pluribus venientes timendum esse ne hostiliver agerent, Pp. This gives an example to show how they

140

OOYKYAIAOY

XYTTPAOHS

B.

were to refrain from hostile acts ( dforras). ἕως àv— whereas with πρίν, μέχρι and μέχρι ob Thuc. occasionally omits

& when subjunctive is used, according

to the older Attico

idiom, this is never the case with ἕω. Cf. c. 72, 3. 7,3. TA wept IL—'in the neighbourhood of P.'

eirca.

Of. S

80,

so ‘ especially.’

the

places

reached

8.

μᾶλλον.--' more than elsewhere,'

. 6. 15 ἑτέρων μᾶλλον.

are

given

coming

At present, o Ἢ

like

in

inverse

order,

Cf.

c.

1.

98,

the

Eur.

Kioxnvpay—

final

Bach.

point

13

fol.

an ἐπιμαχία existed between Athens ont

rcyra. tr. p. LXVI. ebe)A mv(av —it no in the war at first, but joined Athens towards the end of the

suminer.

See c. 80.

'Axapvavas—except

the

c. 102, 2, the Acarnanians were reckoned as allies from the

first, though no treaty was concluded till the autumn of 430. See c. 68. Zäxuvdov—its interests and policy coincided with those of Corcyra.

Cf. c. 9, 4; 1 47,

Recta, ἐὰν...ἢ. See 2, 4.

γενέσθαι βεβαίως.

πέριξ κατα

pugnaturos.

8, 1. 'OXC

οὐδὲν--οἴ.

ὀλίγον is predicate.

vir.

d ... ἄη--

Iv. 20, 3 φίλου:

fcovres—ese undique im89, 3, 87,

6;

vri.

15,2

T«—' in fact,’ summing up the preced-

ing remarks. Cf. 3 below. lppevro—totis viribus incumbebant. "Thuc. uses the /steral sense only once, vm. 18. οὐκ ἀπεικότως —80 εἰκότως in the Orators is often followed by γάρ.

Cf. 1. 72, 5. So οὐκ ἀκουσίως below. dpxdpevor—t.ec. there is greater enthusiasm at the beginning of an undertaking than after the first excitement has worn off. ἀντιλαμβάνοντα:---

sc. τῶν πραγμάτων, rem capessunt. τότε &—contrasted with πάντες. xal—an additional reason existed then. —juventus. Cf. c. 20, 2, 21, 2 The abstract term, like

ἡλικία, represents the young men as a

power in the State.

Cf.

Pericles’ remark, quoted by Aristot. Ahet. A. 7,34 τὴν νεότητα ex τῆς πόλεως ἀνῃρῆσθαι ὥσπερ τὸ ἔαρ ἐκ τοῦ ἐνιαυτοῦ el ἐξαιρεθείη. ὑπ᾽ ἀπειρίας---δο ὑτὸ is used with any noun denot-

ing any state of mind which is the immediate cause of action. See c. 47, 4.

wapoyula’

γλυκὺς ἀπείρῳ πόλεμος [Pindar, ρας.

87 Bergk] Schol. f n EXAàs—A2all States in or outside Greece. Cf.1. 13, 1, 6, 1. £vviovróv—pres. not fu. Cf.

v. 89, 5, 71, 1.

8, 29. Λόγια---ἃ

eral term for all words, whether prose

or verse, supposed" to be ominous. Probably old stories of strange things in the past are here meant. Pind. Pyth.

l, 92. dMéyero—in other places the plur. verb a after & neut. sing. (see not. crit.), viz. : 1. 186, 5 ἐπῆλθον Ὀλύμπια (where CEG read ἐπῆλθεν) ; v. 78, 2 Kapeia roy

NOTES,

141

xarov ὄντα : though elsewhere names of festivals have the sing.; v.

26,

2 ἁμαρτήματα

Aayra.

ἐγένοντο ; VI.

02, 4 ἐγένοντο ἑκατὸν rd-

‘Ita rarus est hic plur. numeri

usus apud veteres

scriptores Atticos, ut fere suspiceris librariorum errores esse

e

Byzantinorum sermone

illatos,’ Herw.

πολλὰ

DBi—i.e.

μοί, which are collected and interpreted by χρησμολόγοι. —contrasted with ἐλέγετο, since the χρησμοὶ were in

verse ; ‘recited.’

Cf. c. 84,2.

So cano often.

8, 3. Δῆλος bavffn—the centre of the Ionian race, which its unique κίνησις foreshadowed an equally unique κίνησις of l Greece. Cf. 1. 3, 2. otre—either Thuc. did not know

of Herod. c. 86, 4

49,7.

vi. 98,

or he ignores it.

éri—‘in

onpfiva—intrans., σημεῖον εἶναι.

dve{yretro—cf. viri. 83,4.

Lys. 28 πρᾶγμ᾽ ἀνεζητημένον,

Cf.

view of.’