The Jews in Genoa, Volume 1: 507-1681: Documentary History of the Jews in Italy (Studia Post Biblica) (English, Italian, Latin and Latin Edition) [Bilingual ed.] 9004113258, 9789004113251

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A DOCUMENTARY HISTORY OF THE JEWS IN ITALY XIV

EDITED BY

SHLOMO SIMONSOHN

THE DIASPORA RESEARCH INSTITUTE TEL AVIV UNIVERSITY

STUDIA POST-BIBLICA GENERAL EDITOR

DAVID S. KATZ (Tel Aviv)

VOLUME 48,4

THEJEWS IN GENOA BY

ROSSANA URBANI AND

GUIDO NATHAN ZAZZU

VOLUME ONE

507-1681

BRILL

LEIDEN . BOSTON· KOLN 1999

The preparation and publication of this volume were made possible by a grant from the Memorial Foundation for Jewish Culture.

The paper in this book is printed on acid-free paper.

ISSN 0169-9717 ISBN 9004 113258 © Copyright 1999 by Koninklijke Brill nv, Leiden, The Netherlands

All rights reserved. No part of this publication mqy be reproduced, translated. stored in a retrieval -v'stem, or transmitted in any form or by ll1!Y means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Brill provided that the appropriate fees are paid directf;y to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910 Danvers MA 09123, USA. Fees are subject to change. PRINTED IN THE !'mTHERLANDS

Contents

Preface

Vll

Introduction

IX

Bibliography

CX111

Sources and Abbreviations Glossary Documents

• cxxxv clxxvii

1

Preface

The present volume is the fourteenth in my Documentary History of the Jews in I ta/y, it illustrates the history of the Jews in Genoa and represents volume 131 of the Publications of the Diaspora Research Institute, The School of Jewish Studies, Tel Aviv University. The method employed is that applied to the History of the Jews in the Duchy of Milan and those published susequently (except Rome). As in the previous volumes, the vagaries of the survival of historical records have distorted the quantitative presentation of the documents, although not to the same degree. For the period before the sixteenth century we possess relatively few documents compared to the abundance of the documentation for the succeeding centuries. The history of the Jews in Genoa goes back to Antiquity and the earliest documentary evidence takes the form of some letters from King Theodoric. Concrete evidence for the presence of the Jews in Genoa in the Middle Ages is not available before the twelfth century. Even after that it remains fragmentary and sporadic. With the sixteenth century and particularly with the seventeenth the Jewish presence in the Republic becomes permanent. Eventually a regular Jewish community was established also in the capital, in addition to the communities in the surrounding areas - the "Dominion". The archival records presented herewith illustrate mainly the relationship between the authorities and the Jews, the economic activities of the latter and their communal and social life. As usual, the documents are preceded by an introduction, outlining the history of the Jews in the Genoese Republic. The documents have been furnished with summaries and references, providing a useful tool for further research. In addition there are the usual bibliography, list of sources and abbreviations, a glossary and indexes. I should like to thank, on Rossana Urbani's and Guido Nathan Zazzu's behalf and on mine, all those who made the preparartion and publication of this volume possible. In particular our thanks are given to Mrs. Annamaria Biavasco McBurney and to Mr. James McBurney for their fine [vii]

Preface translation from the Italian of the Introduction and of the summaries. We should also like to thank the following institutions and individuals for their help and assistance: Archivio di Stato, Genova: Dr. Carlo Bitossi, director, Dr. Alfonso Assini, Dr. Patrizia Schiappacasse. Archivio Storico del Comune di Genova: Dr. Liana Saginati, director, Dr. Raffaella Ponte. Biblioteca Civica Berio: Dr. Rosella Piatti, director, Dr. Laura Malfatto. University Library, Genoa: Dr. Ernesto Bellezza, Dr. Valeria Giannotto, Dr. Ida Fontana, Dr. Donatella Benazzi, Dr. Oriana Cartaregia. Biblioteca Franzosiana: the late Mons. Francesco Repetto, conservator, Don Claudio Paolocci. Jewish community, Genoa: Rabbi Joseph Momigliano, President Pietro DelIo Strologo, Jole Arias, Miriam Krauss, Emilia Pardo Jona, Sigismondo Friedmann, Hava Gozlan Polacco, Emanuela Sciunnach, the late Dr. Ezechia Mestre. Societa Ligure di Storia Patria: Dr. Annamaria Salone, librarian. In addition we should like to thank: Dr. Enrico Basso, Padre Venanzio Belloni, O.F .M., Drs. Marino and Francesco Bernardinelli, Prof. Marco Bologna, Prof. Vilma Borghesi, Prof. Manlio Calegari, Prof. Giacomo Casarino, Dr. Riccardo Dellepiane, Dr. Siro Dodero, Dr. Mimma Figari, Prof. Luciana Gatti, Dr. Maurizio Gidoni, Prof. Edoardo Grendi, Prof. Michele Luzzati, Dr. Giuliana Manganelli, Prof. Geo Pistarino, Dr. Emilio Podesta, Prof. Massimo Quaini, Dr. Tullio Rattini, Prof. Rodolfo Savelli, Prof. Renata Segre, Prof. Roberto Sinigaglia and Dr. Gianni Vezzoso. Shlomo Simonsohn

Tel Aviv University, 1998

[viii]

INTRODUCTION

PART I FROM THEODORIC'S LETTERS TO THE SEPHARDI DISPERSION

Despite the definite documentary evidence of the presence of Jews in Genoa from the 6th century in the form of two letters from Theodoric, 1 the Jews left no trace of their existence during the early Middle Ages up to the 12th century. These letters themselves, however, necessarily point to a pre-existing community with its own Temple (referred to in fact as ancient). This is the first factor to consider in examining what happened to those Jews who decided to settle in Genoa during the course of the Middle Ages. Despite indications contained in material in the Genoa State Archives, it is impossible to gain a clear idea of the Jewish presence in this city until the late 16th century, or even a century later; and indeed, one can hardly talk of a proper Genoese community. We do not know how many Jews lived in Genoa or for how long. We appear to be dealing with an episodic and intermittent presence. In some cases the impression is of a sizable group that, in view of the activities of some of its members or of other indications, would seem to be permanently resident in the city or its surroundings. Again, the underlying feeling is that the people and institutions of Genoa had a certain familiarity with the Jews, with whom they had also established working relations. Especially striking is the strangeness of a city which, while it might appear to be void of Jews, at the same time accepted numerous Jews in its colonial settlements in the East I. See Theodoric's letters to the Jewish community resident in Genoa dated 507 and 511. Docs. 1.2.

[ix]

Introduction

and had no scruples about encharging them with official commissions. 2 It is also strange that a city void of Jews and intolerant enough not to admit them beyond a maximum period of three days, as some have argued, 3 should have gone out of its way to accept them at the moment they were being driven out of Spain and discussed their sad story in an official report included in the City Annals. 4 But the question of Jewish refugees from Spain will be discussed later. The first signs

The very first signs in Theodoric's letters make it clear that the story of the Jews runs parallel with the commercial story of the city. In the centuries between the crisis of the Roman Empire and the formation of Roman-Barbarian kingdoms, the Genoese Jews were probably involved in trade between the Ligurian port and Spain and Provence, devoting themselves mainly to the salt and corn trade. 5

2. I have briefly summarised the history ofthe Jews in the Genoese colonies in the East in my Sepharad, pp. 32-34, which can also be consulted for its comprehensive bibliography. 3. "Proud and jealous of its economic organisation, Genoa was firm in its resolve not to admit within its walls Jews of any kind for a stay of longer than three days." See Milano, Storia degli ebrei in I talia, p. 146. Milano is probably referring to the study by Staglieno, Degli ebrei. Staglieno maintained that although there were cases of safeconducts being granted to Jews - shopkeepers and physicians - to stay here (in Genoa) for periods of longer than three days, this was however extremely rare before the end of the 15th century (p. 177). But Staglieno does not say what evidence he has for this three-day limit and there is no trace of it in the city's legislation. The only reference is to be found in the Chronicle of the annalist, B. Senarega, Chancellor of the Republic, who in his account of the arrival of the Jewish refugees from Spain says: "(the

refugees) venerunt in urbem nostram plures, diutius tamen non moraturi, nam ex antiquis Patriae consuetudinibus ultra dies tres moram facere non possunt." (See Doc. 113). Staglieno had read the Chronicle and obviously accepted what he read without asking himself what Senarega meant, or without doing any research into Genoa's legislation. And Milano's bibliographical sources were Staglieno and Rezasco, Del segno degli ebrei (which on the subject of Genoa essentially follows Staglieno). Staglieno did, however, continue his research after finishing his study and went on to find numerous Jews present in the medieval period, as is confirmed by his manuscript notes deposited at the Civica Biblioteca Berio in Genoa. These were completely forgotten until the methodical consultation I made of them while preparing my graduation thesis in medieval history, Ricerche sulla societa bassomedievale: Genova e gli ebrei, a. a. 1972-3. 4. See report by Bartolomeo Senarega, Doc. 113. 5. See Lopez, Alle origini del capitalismo genovese, p. 287.

[x]

Introduction

This is one of the many hypotheses that have been put forward about this dark period of Genoese and Ligurian history, a period about which we have very few certainties. We can almost say that the period between the conquest of the Ligurian area by the Longobards (641) and the privilege granted to the Genoese by Berengarius II and his son Adalbert, King of Italy, remains unknown territory even to this day.6 This privilege, which marks the birth of the Commune of Genoa, is undoubtedly a sign of the city's previous growth in both its port and commercial dealings, but we know very little apart from that. The Jews must, however, have had a role, and were probably entrusted, as they were throughout most of the Mediterranean, with the small amount of traffic that was going on during those centuries. 7 Signs of their presence in Liguria emerge from sources from the previous century, which, however, are hardly ever backed up by archival documents. 8 The only certain fact which confirms a tradition of trading kept up by the Jews, and possibly centred on Genoa, is in the form of an accord stipulated between Genoa and Narbonne in 1132,9 which says in its conclusion that" .. laudes quasJanuenses super]udeos N arbonensium habent sint firme ... ," thus referring to previous agreements which the Genoese had had with Jews from Narbonne. These Jews had very probably been present in Genoa on an irregular, if not permanent basis, and the 1134 award by the consuls,IO which imposed an annual tax on resident Jews, shows that Jews, like many other groups of foreigners, had a representative ll in Genoa and that the city had routine relations with 6. It is strange how the scarcity of information about this historical period in Genoa and Liguria should have led historians to advance completely opposing hypotheses. It has been argued both that there was an almost total stoppage of commercial and maritime traffic, and that it continued, albeit on a modest scale. 7. "The Christian West and the Arab East, Spain included, are two different worlds which recognise and confront each other without blending in completely. Communication between these two worlds is extremely difficult. The Jews are a third force, in a position to act like a bridge between Islam and Christendom." See, Eisenberg, Une histoire du peuple juif, p. 259. 8. For example, a Jewish settlement in Lunigiana is mentioned, where Jews owned land and engaged in agricultural activities; see Rezasco, Del segno degli ebrei, XV, p. 340. But this was in the period shortly before the arrival of the Longobards. This information has its only foundation in a letter from Bishop Venanzio (594), who warned against continuing to allow Jews to own land and have Christian servants; see Semeria, Secoli cristiani di Liguria, vol. II, p. 17. 9. See Doc. 3. 10. See Doc. 4. 11. This document has been read by various scholars as an anti-Jewish measure taken by Genoa in its period of success after the triumphant conquests of the First Crusade. In

[xi]

Introduction them. These could indeed have been a group of Jews coming from Provence, and more precisely from Narbonne. It has, moreover, been observed that one of the first forms of economic and commercial contract, the commenda - a sort of capital loan granted as part of a company-type relationship, in use in Genoa from the beginning of its economic growth - was similar to a much older analogous institution used by the Jews, the izqa. 12 Even leaving aside these two certain indicators, in the first half of the 12th century we can in fact find other clues worthy of examination. These are two documents which mention men bearing the singular name Caput JudeiY This is important for an overall evaluation of the 12th century. In order to gain a picture - at first glance a rather paltry picture - of the first half of this century, we therefore need to wait for the few documents in Giovanni Scriba's files (1158-64),14 the testimony of Benjamin de Tudela,15 dating back to the same period of time, and a few other scattered documents. 16 Taking a look at the evidence culled from various sources, we can say that in the 12th century we find ourselves faced with: 1. A commercial treatise which clearly indicates a habitual relationship between Genoese and Jews from another city, in the area that figures in the first stage of Genoa's commercial expansion. This fact does not, however, lend support to the assertion that Jews were permanently resident in Genoa; it only reflects a tradition of commercial ties, thus allowing us to hypothesise with a fair degree of certainty that Jews - at least from Narbonne - went at intervals to GenoaY

12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17.

fact, however, as I have shown elsewhere, this consular measure formed part of a policy which, in the space of a decade, saw the imposition of taxation on all communities of foreigners who happened to be in Genoa at that time, especially those from Provence. For an overall analysis of the treaties and regulations approved by the Genoese government during that period, see Imperiale di Sant' Angelo, Codice diplomatico della Repubblica di Genova, I, 1936. The document needs be read within the context of the expansion of Genoa, a city which, between 1120 and 1150, became the mercantile capital of the western Mediterranean. The fact that the Jews were among the first, together with the Proven~al communities, to be subjected to annual taxation, points rather to the city'S long tradition of relations with them. See my Sepharad, p. 29. See Airaldi, Genova e la Liguria nel Medioevo, p. 15. See Docs. 5, 6. See Docs. 7, 8,9,10,11,13,14,15,17,18,19. See Benjamin de Tudela, Libro di viaggi, p. 44. See Docs. 12, 16, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25. See Doc. 3.

[xii]

Introduction 2. A consular award which imposed an annual tax on Jews resident in the city and on other groups of resident foreigners during that period of time. Obviously it could not have been a negligible community, made up of one or two individuals, because otherwise different provisions would have been made for them. Moreover, mention is clearly made ofjudei qui sunt, which means that there must have been some, and the possibility of there being judei qui luerint is taken into consideration, which equally clearly suggests that there was no preclusion against them settling down in the city and becoming, like those who were already there, habitatores. 18 3. A series of notary deeds, some already in the first existing notarial file, which testify beyond any doubt to the presence of some Jews in the city.19 Some of these documents are drawn up in Capitulo, and thus do not preclude Jews from gaining access to ecclesiastical territory,2° at least in order to carry out business activities. 4. A series of documents in which appear people of the name of Caput Judei. 21 5. Four documents which mention a territory called pastinus de judeo. 22 6. The testimony of Benjamin de Tudela, who writes: "here live two Jews, R. Semu' el b. Salim, and his brother, originally of the town of Ceuta [Barbary] ... "2~ This has always been interpreted in a restrictive sense as meaning that there were only those two brothers, whereas the fact that these two came from Ceuta does not exclude the possibility that there were others coming from different places. But, more specifically, it does not exclude the possibility that there were Jews who lived outside the strictly defined urban area. If we also consider that Benjamin came to Genoa around 1163-64, we can only imagine that theJusephus referred to - who was witness in Scriba's deeds from 1154 to 1164 - was Semu'el's brother. We can now make two initial observations: First, Scriba's file is the only one which has come down to us that was written by a notary, although it should be pointed out that he was active for a longer period and was not the only one who notarised in Genoa during that period (1158-64). The same applies to the year 1191, amply

18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23.

See Doc. 4. See Docs. 7, 9,10. See Docs. 11, 13, 14, 15, 18. See Docs. 5, 6, 8, 17, 20, 21, 22, 23. See Docs. 12, 16, 24, 25. See Benjamin de Tudela, op. cit., p. 44.

[xiii]

Introduction

documented by the deeds of Guglielmo Cassinese,24 which show, together with other scattered documents, that more than twenty notaries 25 were active at the same time. Considering that from the 1150s in Genoa there was a reasonable number of actively occupied notaries, it would seem singular if only documents in which both Jews and people with the characteristic name of caput judei should appear. There are sufficient grounds for maintaining that others must have figured in the documents which have not come down to US. 26 Second, if the Commune imposed taxation - a kind of annual residence tax - on the group of Jews, some trace of this group must remain; this is in fact not the case. What we can be certain about is the presence in Scriba's deeds of Josephus Judeus, who, as we have seen, may have been the brother of the Samuel referred to by Benjamin. To these are to be added Bombarchet and Jusuph (not Joseph, as in all the other deeds), Caito Bulcassem's attorneys, who swear in lege nostra. 27 However, as in the case of Joseph, there is nothing to confirm their permanent presence in Genoa. But if we look at things from a broader perspective, we can make some further observations: First, a territory existed which was called pastinus de judeo. It is widely known that these toponymic references are indicators of a real situation, or at least one which was real in the past. The territory in this case is in Bisamne, which refers to the valley of the river to the east of the city of Genoa, the Bisagno. 28 But the document of 29.09.1198 locates it more precisely behind the city, in Rivarorii, in the Bisagno. But that locality was in fact the point of confluence of the two valleys, that of the River Polcevera and that of the River Bisagno, which linked the city with the Po Valley, one in the direction of T ortona, Alessandria and Milan, and the other in the direction of Piacenza. It should thus be no surprise that behind the city, in the area that joins the two valleys which open up towards the hinterland, one finds aJewish settlement which gave its name to the place it occupied. A possible Jewish settlement outside the walls of the city may have given the Jews more freedom of movement and might also have escaped Benjamin's attention on his visit. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28.

See Guglielmo Cassinese (1190-1192) ed. by Hall-Kroeger-Reynolds, 2 vols., 1939. See Vitale, Vita e commercio nei notai genovesi dei secoli XII e XIII, p. 19. The CaputJudei also appear in other sources from that period. See Doc. 9. See Docs. 24, 25.

[xiv]

Introduction

Second, there is a group of people bearing the name Caput J udei. 29 Almost all of them appear in documents which concern areas close to the city, along the two coastlines, in particular in the area of Lavagna and Sestri Levante. But one document in particular gives us a certain provenance: indeed, Gerardo Caput Judei is the son of the late Gerardo from Lyons. 30 This document suggests that the CaputJudei came from the area of the Rh&ne or from Provence and that probably they were being assimilated through conversion. They could represent the clear and visible sign of that group of Jews present in Genoa between the 11 th and the 12th centuries, who were to convert to Christianity in order to be able to playa greater part in the development Genoa underwent after its participation in the First Crusade. Some scholars have seen traces of these converts in some of the names that appear in Scriba's deeds. The names indicate a provenance from two areas of prime interest for the Genoese: Provence and the East, about which there is a vast amount of literature. 3) These are presences which can be added to those that were certainly of Mediterranean origin and which demonstrate that Genoa had "created some space for foreigners to allow them to become active agents of commercial and financial intermediation ... given that the title ofJ anuenses is granted to all those who gradually come to identify with the expansion of the domain."32 Some of them may have been of Jewish extraction and we can assume that they, like other foreigners, were able to find space in a city which, like none other in that period, opened its doors to foreigners, had no prejudice against trading with "infidels" and which - the point is of particular interest in our context - had no institutions for controlling the Jews until the 17th century, not even when considerable numbers of Sephardic refugees arrived from Spain. Based on the above, it can be concluded that. in the course of the first two centuries of the second millennium, there must have been in Genoa, or in the areas directly controlled by the city, a Jewish presence which very probably had maintained contacts with communities scattered across the 29. See Docs. 5, 6, 8, 17,20,21,22; two documents are from the 13th century, 26, 27. 30. See Doc. 23. 31. See Byrne, Genoese Trade with Syria in the TweLfth Century; Bratianu, Recherches surle commerce genois dans La mer Noire au XllIe siecle; Lopez, Aux origines du capitaLisme genois; Roth, GenoeseJews in the Thirteenth Century; Nelson, BLancardo (the Jew?) of Genoa and Restitution of Usury in MedievaL Italy; Krueger, Genoese Merchants, their Partnerships and Investments, 1154 to 1164; Slessarev, I cosidetti orientaLi nella Genova

deL Medioevo.

32. See Airaldi, Genova e la Liguria nel Medioevo, p. 17.

[xv]

Introduction

Mediterranean area and in particular around the Rh&ne estuary in Provence. Some of its members had become progressively assimilated during the great Genoese expansion which followed the First Crusade and, like other enterprising foreigners, had become part of the social fabric of the town. At that time Genoa, rich in economic prospects, had offered itself to many traders from various parts of the world as a hub of economic development, as a place both to engage in commercial enterprises and to start up handicraft activities involving the transit of goods. During this phase other Jews probably flowed into the city, as became more evident in the following century, in order to start business initiatives, which in Genoa never concerned only one sector. Perhaps the Jusephus referred to in Scriba's documents was one of them, coming as he did from Ceuta, where some Genoese had recently set up their own quarter. 33 However, this group eludes a more precise investigation, as indeed do other foreigners in Genoa. In the ever-changing panorama of Genoa in the 12th century, merchants coming from the Mediterranean maintained the custom of double names and did not need to use the appellation judeus unless they were required to bear official testimony. Thus the Jewish presence became indistinct not only against the background of foreigners in general, but also within the Jewish group itself. Before the rigid rules of the Lateran Councils had been clearly defined, this group included both those who were progressing along the path towards assimilation, and others who kept a firm hold on their identity. They were watched over by a city which, driven by a strong sense of pragmatism, was unwilling to let itself be bound by prejudice and intolerance in its plans for commercial and economic expansion. Foreigners, and thus also the Jews, were only requested to pay a residence tax. Their business was supervised in order to exploit their potential for the city wherever possible. It is within this context that the commercial accord with Narbonne 33. In 1179, at Ceuta, the Genoese merchant Guglielmo Alfachino was involved in a dispute with the Jew Moyse Abraym about the Messia; see Disputatio inter Guilielmum

Alphachinum januemem et quemdam sapientissimum iudeum M. M oysem Abraym quae fuit facta Septe, undated parchment manuscript in the University Library of Genoa, A.3.19. Guglielmo Alfachino is documented in the notarial deeds of the time, both in Scriba's file and in other public documents. Attention has been drawn to his namesingular and uncommon in Genoa and Liguria - by Airaldi, Genova e Liguria nel Medioevo, p. 15. He is someone who would merit as close an analysis as another imponant Genoese figure of the time with an equally strange and unfamiliar name, Maruffus.

[xvi]

Introduction

should be examined. This recalls a previous agreement with Jews from that city, who were the only ones who had the courage to move between Provence and Genoa when Fraxinetum was still in Saracen hands, because they had maintained good relations with Christians and Saracens. And Genoa, attentive to its development, knew that Jews were present throughout the Mediterranean and that they could help them find new openings and new economic opportunities. So very probably, when Jews landed in their port, the Genoese did not ask for particular guarantees nor subject them to restrictive provisions. This is why the fact that they were Jews was not mentioned. Documents from the following century confirm a basic stability, which should not therefore be seen as a passing phenomenon. From the 12th to the 14th century

In the evolution of Genoese trade during the 12th and 13th centuries which was soon to develop into a complex and diversified colonial empire built up in intricate and diversified forms, and link Genoa with all the ports of the Mediterranean and the markets of Europe, Africa and Asia Minor - the relationship which Genoa and the Genoese established with foreigners varied in time, from one place to another, and according to the different partners. 34 During this century Jews were not identified as being different from other foreigners, despite the increasing pressure of antiJewish measures by the Church. 35 They suffered the ever-changing relationship with the city which remained dominant, whereas they lacked 34. Lopez in his Storia delle colonie genovesi nel Mediterraneo, was the first to highlight the fact that the map of those areas under Genoese dominion resembled a chart of the main maritime routes. However, more recent studies have shown that when we speak of Genoa, the term "colony" must be understood as a settlement which in most cases is neither under direct rule nor the object of economic exploitation. Airaldi, in her Genova e Liguria nel Medioevo, explains that "in terms of the extent, variety and duration of the phenomenon [i.e., Genoese colonialism], the range of systems which was set up finds its only common denominator in the frequent absence of direct communal intervention and in the use of private or mixed initiative." (P. 32). Genoa's colonialism, from the controlled markets in the West and in North Africa to the directly administered territories on the Black Sea, was organised in various ways, but was founded mainly on special relations established on an ad hoc basis with the native population and with other business groups. In this way it was more like a cartel of mixed-capital companies than a system of political organisation. 35. In 1215, the Fourth Lateran Council, under the firm leadership of Innocent III, had defined very precisely the role of Jews in society.

[xvii]

Introduction any real contractual power beyond the force of the business they were able to generate. This is not the place to deal with the problem of the relationship with the Jews in the "colonies," but it is important to emphasise that in these territories the Jewish presence was at times conspicuous and well integrated into the social fabric and that the Genoese established good working relations with them, while there was a complete lack of special legislation. The city as an institution did not face up to the Jewish problem in either its urban or its colonial territories. The Genoese and their various companies moved along commercial routes and did not question their attitude to the Jews, who were understood as a separate group in a Christian society. What they did was to establish individual relations with individual Jews, both in the city itself and in the colonies. Throughout the 13th century and for most of the 14th century Genoa remained a very special city in terms of political organisation and social structure, retaining the characteristics which distinguished it from all the other cities in the Mediterranean: alien to prejudice, ready to exploit commercial opportunities, always flexible and capable of adjusting its attitudes, continually trying out new forms of economic and political activity. Unable in this respect to create a state, it constructed an entity with which all citizens could identify, an entity which was basically nothing other than a joint-stock company. Within this logic it maintained a vision of life that placed it beyond the "rules" that governed the medieval Christian world. 36 Thus, trying to grasp the relationship with the Jews becomes a complicated question, because the Jews themselves were probably playing a game - in which Genoa was both player and best bet - which it was not possible to play anywhere else. In a city which had no office to control foreigners (including Jews) who for most of this century retained the possibility of becoming full Genoese citizens, Jews either appear in notary deeds, as witnesses of commercial, business or more generally economic activities, or they elude control altogether. The documents which have been found certainly do not contain references of sufficient quality or quantity to allow us to make many conjectures, yet they do suggest something. The first point that needs to be made is that the CaputJudei do not appear in the documentation 37 after 1226. Perhaps after a century of 36. I tried to highlight this characteristic of Genoa in my Il volo del grifo. 37. See Doc. 30. For this century, I found the CaputJudei in three documents - this one, as well as 27 and 29.

[xviii]

Introduction

explicit mention of their Jewish status - which pointed to a possible conversion of their ancestors - the leaders of that family were by then so completely integrated into the life of the city and scattered across the city itself or along the two rivieras that they had acquired sufficient credit to be able to forgo that mark of recognition. The second point is based on clues contained in some of the documents from this century. A large number of the Jews cited there lived and resided in Genoa, some for long periods of time, and they had a good neighbourly relationship with the Genoese Christians. One is a sworn statement by three Christians about a Jew named Moses. 38 The document is interesting because the three Christians - two of whom (Giovanni Salovinea and Giovanni Bruno) have traditionally Genoese names, while we know only the Christian name of the third, Martino - testify that Moses, a Jew who was known to everybody (that is, to all Christians) as an honest person, had never promised to set up a company with his fellow Jew Maino. We do not know what role these three Genoese officially played in a dispute which obviously saw two Jews in opposition to each other. But there can be no doubt that the document shows a confidentiality between fellow citizens, independent of their religious faith, and a long-standing acquaintance, at least in the case of Moses. At any rate, Maino turns up in another document six years later,39 again confirming the permanent presence of this person, whose name indicates his origin somewhere in Provence. 40 38. See Doc. 28. I analysed this document at greater length in my La biblioteca di Maino giudeo, p. 44. 39. See Doc. 31. This document was noted for the first time by Roth, GenoeseJews. Roth had not seen the document, which was pointed out to him, together with the others which form the object of his study, by Lopez. The transcription which Roth made of the document was not completely accurate. Later it was pointed out by Musso, Documenti su Genova e gli ebrei tra il '400 e il '500. Musso did not know Roth's work and announced the document as a discovery; he himself used only one quotation from it. It was again made known by Brizzolari, Gli ebrei nella storia di Genova, p. 41. However, no one ever undenook a systematic study such as I offered in a work devoted entirely to this document; see my La biblioteca di Maino giudeo. 40. Maino is probably a contraction of Maginus, the Latinised form of the Jewish name Mayer. See Colorni,fudaica minora, name correspondences, p. 756. The name Mayer was used mainly in the Ashkenazi area, but it was also quite frequent in Provence. I based the idea that Maino was Proven~al on the fact that the scribe who copied the list of documents from Maino's dictation used the letterJinstead of t as the last letter in the word aJtarot. ThisJ ending was typical of Proven~alJews at the time. Also the use of the consonant c instead of z in the word mahazor suggests that Maino was of Proven~al origin.

[xix]

Introduction

Also from Provence is Joseph, son of Salomone of Marseilles, who married Flora,41 daughter of Vidale, in Genoa. This deed demonstrates the permanence of the Jewish group, mentioning other members who obviously had their home in the city. Among Jews resident in Genoa there certainly were Vidale, whose origin is not given, his daughter Flora and Giuseppe, in whose house the deed was drawn up. We cannot, however, be sure about Salomone. Another Jew from Provence is Baruch, who comes from Hyeres. We encounter him in three documents 42 over a period of four years, but in one of these 43 we learn that he lived in Toulouse. It is interesting to note that he traded in corn and salt, goods which were characteristic of Proven«;al Jews in the early Middle Ages. Also from Provence was Vita Ferizzolo, who went to Genoa to ask Paganus, a Jew who lived there, as is clear from the document, to teach his son the art of making paper.44 This document is of especial interest because it states that another Jew, Paganus, lived in the very heart of the city's business centre, near the Church of San Pietro in Banchi. He must have had a flourishing shop of particularly widespread fame, if Jews from other cities went to ask him to take on young apprentices. Paganus' shop was one of several which Jews had in the city; another was a dye works belonging to another Jew named Paganus, who appears in three documents concerning precisely this activity. 45 Yet another was the one which Giovanni intended to start up. He had paid to learn how to manufacture soap46 in the workshop of Guglielmo of Genoa. In addition to these there were others who provide continuing grounds for reflection. Giovannino, a trader in oil, lived in Clappa ] anue, a district in the cityY The Genoese Jacobinus Maniavaca names two procurators for the purchase of corn in the markets of the Po valley, and one of these was Obertus Judeus. 48 We cannot be certain that Obertus lived in Genoa, but this is yet further confirmation of the close commercial ties between the Genoese and the Jews. This group of Jews was probably under the supervision of Magister Elya, whose name would indicate him as higher than the others in rank. He may have been a rabbi, and at any rate certainly 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48.

See Doc. 32. See Docs. 37, 38, 39. See Doc. 39. See Doc. 42. See Docs. 33, 35, 36. See Doc. 41. See Doc. 43. See Doc. 34.

[xx]

Introduction dealt in corn 49 and also bought a Spanish slave by the name of Marianna, claiming that he was buying her on behalf of Jacobus Papie, whose name points to him being Jewish. 50 However, he must have kept the slave for himself since four years later he resold her at half the price he had paid for her. 51 The slave trade, which was one of the main sources of income for the Genoese, also saw the involvement of the Jew Marvanus, who sold Saracen slaves. 52 With the expansion of Genoa's commercial traffic, especially with Spain after the treaty with the King of Castile,53 unfailingly we find Jews in the city coming from that part of the world 54 who did not hesitate to set up business companies with the Genoese. One document in 49. 50. 51. 52. 53.

See Doc. 44. See Doc. 45. See Doc. 46. See Doc. 40. The reconquista by the Kings of Castile had its decisive turning point in the first half of the 13th century. In 1229, James I conquered Majorca and shortly afterwards the other Balearic Islands. In 1236 Ferdinand III captured Cordoba, the ancient capital of the Caliphate. In 1243 Murcia was completely subjugated and in 1247 Seville was conquered. By that stage only the kingdom of Granada remained in Arab hands. The Genoese, by dint of successful military expeditions and skilful diplomatic negotiations, had been present in that region from the second half of the 11 th century. Besides, they had provided the Castillian monarchs with considerable help in their war of reconquista, obtaining a series of privileges from Ferdinand III in 1251, including the right to have their own district in the city of Seville, with all that that entailed, as well as a series of tax exemptions. This represents the beginning of a large-scale Genoese incursion into the areas of Seville, Andalusia and Castile. This in turn set in motion a dynamic process of settlement over a vaster area of the Iberian peninsula and led them to assume a role of primary importance in the 15th and 16th centuries. It offered contributions to Columbus's Atlantic expedition, gaining all the advantages that accrued from it, and supported Charles V in his election to Holy Roman Emperor, who then gave Genoese bankers credit on a European level. See Pike, The Genoese in Seville and the Opening of the New WorLd, passim. Carande, Sevilla, fortaLeza y mercato, passim. Heers, Los genoveses en La sociedad andaLuza, passim. Heers, Los genoveses en La sociedad andaLusa en eL sigLo XV: origines, grupos, soLidaridades, passim. Carande, CarLo V e i suoi banchieri, passim. The systematic incursion of the Genoese after the "privilege" of 1251 also helped establish close relations with Jewish groups. On the one hand, this state of affairs encouraged the progressive tendency of the Genoese to marginalize the Jews, while they were forging ever stronger alliances with the crown, up to the point of replacing the Jews at the moment of the expulsion decree (1492). But on the other hand, it also meant that the Jews saw Genoa as the first destination in their tragic search for a land of refuge after the expulsion. See Zazzu, Sepharad, and the attached bibliography. 54. See Docs. 48, 49, 50.

[xxi]

Introduction

particular is worth examining, including as it does among its witnesses, a Jew Colombo from Tortosa. 55 A final note is based on two documents that introduce us to Guglielmo, a Jew who lived in the area around Rapallo on the Eastern Riviera. 56 These offer an albeit limited confirmation that Jews were also present in the territory of the so-called Dominio di terra/erma. We can now try to draw some conclusions. The point is well made by G. Pistarino, the leading historian among those currently active in Genoa, that: "There is a history that can be seen and one that cannot be seen. Much of the history of Genoa belongs to this latter category .... "57 Many facts about this city, which was never a "state" in the full sense of the word,58 or at least had to wait until the late 16th century to become one, elude detailed investigation, at least in some sectors. Furthermore, it is difficult to find one's way around a history which has no main characters and no geographical limits, to make sense of the various combinations of private and public activities and of the complicated and ever-changing colonial expansion, to understand Genoa's supremacy in the Mediterranean, especially in the 13th and 14th centuries, in view of its small number of inhabitants and its capacity to attract foreigners who were to "become Genoese." It is also difficult to understand the evolution of the Genoese mentality at this time, 59 a mentality which, throughout the 55. See Doc. 48. This document would have aroused the curiosity of S. De Madariaga, who would certainly have seen it as further confirmation of his theory that Columbus had Jewish ancestors. See De Madariaga, Cristoforo CoLombo. 56. See Docs. 47, 51. 57. See Pistarino, Comune, "Compagna", p. 21. 58. "Ne sous la forme d'une commune, c'est it dire non pas d'un hat permanent et trascendant les individus, mais d'un accord temporaire pour la protection d'intt:rhs paniculiers, la Republique ne sonira jamais entierement du cocon ... la patrie du Genois n'est pas une mere et une religion, mais une sone de societe en nom collectif." See Lopez, Su e giu per La storia di Genova, p. 36. 59. "Wealth and the models of behaviour which ensue from it, contacts with peoples belonging to various traditions and cultures, the multiplicity of knowledge acquired and experience gained, make the Genoese a people endowed with a mentality which is more flexible and essentially more open than other peoples in Italy and Europe. The Genoese already showed in the first pan of the 13th century a considerable religious tolerance, which was unusual for that period. Accustomed as they were to dealing with different peoples and above all interested only in commerce to the exclusion of problems of ethnic and religious differences, they were ready to open the gates of the city to the fleeing Albigensians and maintained their traditional relationship of good neighbours with the Jews ... at the same time as continuing to work with the Arabs"; see my VoLo deL grifo, p. 42.

[xxii]

Introduction

whole medieval period, had prevented the formation of social classes - a process which had occurred in virtually all other cities, at least in Italy. Genoa, by contrast, remained open to anyone who managed to work their way up. This same mentality accounts for the constant welcome accorded to the foreigner, 60 and is again reflected in the great sense of realism which gave economics preference over any political perspective. 61 This interpretation of the history and people of Genoa provides some explanation for the absence of any anti-Jewish controversy in a century which saw the rest of the Christian world actively working against the Jews as part of a precise plan to exclude them from the social context. 62 And yet, as we have seen, Jews existed and moved around in this area for economic purposes. Whatever their numbers, Genoa ignored them. Or rather, they were treated as people with whom commercial relations could be maintained and they were allowed to continue their activities in the city 63 without any form of special legislation being enacted. 60. See Lopez, Su e giu per la storia di Genova, pp. 45-46. 61. " ... and so, depending on the occasion, people can profess to be anti- or pro-Islamic, or at the same time anti-Byzantine in Genoa and pro-Byzantine in Pera. However, this does not mean a lack of ideals or pride or devotion to certain principles. The Genoese proved that they possessed these qualities more than once in the course of their history, a fabric of interweaving personal and collective fortunes." See Pistarino, Comune, "Compagna", op. cit., p. 11. 62. The anti-Jewish doctrine of the Church was laid down in the 3rd (1179) and 4th (1215) Lateran Councils. But the reaction against the Jews had its roots in the economic revolution that was taking place in Europe; see Roth, Storia del popolo ebraico, chap. XIX, passim. The fight against the Jews soon became a spiritual and religious question, especially under the impulse of the Dominican order; see Poliakov, Storia deli'antisemitismo, vol. I, chaps. II and III, passim. A further instrument of control over the Jews was the Tribunal of the Inquisition, whose repressive activities commenced in 1235, carried out by Dominicans and helped by Franciscans from 1246. 63. This familiar relationship was a cause of concern for the local church, so much so that in the period between the 13th and 14th centuries the Carthusian monk Porchetto Salvago delivered two long anti-Jewish polemical sermons. One of these was published in the form of a treatise by the Bishop of Genoa, a learned Hebrew scholar, Agostino Giustiniani, in Paris in 1520, under the title Victoria Porcheti de Selvaticiis Genuensis adversus Hebreos ex recensione AugustiniJustiniani. Reference is made to the second, which was probably an anti-Jewish treatise on the Virgin, in Spotorno, Storia ietteraria della Liguria, pp. 86-89. Memories of this polemic lingered in the city for a long time, and echoes of it can be heard in the writings of an illustrious Genoese thinker of the 16th century, Uberto Foglietta: "in the two books that he [Salvago] wrote against the Jews, leaving aside their excellent doctrine, whereby almost none of the innermost things either in the sacred books or in the various Jewish scriptures escaped the diligence of this illustrious

[xxiii]

Introduction

The final effect of all this, however, is to lend but a hazy outline to the picture of Jewish presence during that century. Some features emerge from the notarial deeds, but they seem to form the tip of an iceberg rather than to reflect a real situation. If we analyse the situation in detail, we find certain indications of the permanent presence of some Jews, even the mention of a marriage. The numbers are small. The first question is whether it is conceivable that at a time when the Jews were faced with an increasingly difficult situation so few lived in such a large and chaotic city.64 It is difficult to imagine this being the case. To what did Magister Elya, who appears in relation to the sale of a slave and a shipment of corn, owe his title, the only one to be found in documents over a period of two centuries? It was at any rate the sign of something that distinguished him from the other judei in the city. Was he perhaps their spiritual leader? There seem to be no reasons for doubting this. The group of Jews whose presence we have documented left some traces on their dwelling houses. These houses were all in the area around San Pietro in Banchi, the central square for the discussion of business and the drawing up of contracts the very hub of economic life in the city during the 13th and 14th centuries. 65 And they must have been well-integrated, if they were able to continue exercising artisanal activities and, above all, to negotiate the sale of a library of Jewish books inside the Palazzo dell'Arcivescovo. 66 In 1286 the documentation concerning the Jews breaks off. The silence persists until 1376, when mention is made of a Jewish slave. 67 There follows another period of silence until 1379, when we find a Jew from Seville 68 claiming the repayment of an outstanding debt. Towards the end

64. 65.

66.

67. 68.

personage, Salvago also performed an admirable feat of intelligence ... he both understood the most profound utterances of the Old Testament and refuted with the strongest possible arguments the obstinate blindness of the Jews." See Gli eloggi degli huomini chiari della Liguria, pp. 98-99. See also Soprani, Li scrittori della Liguria e particularmente della marittima, pp. 244-245. It has been calculated that in the 14th century Genoa was the most densely inhabited city in the Mediterranean basin and one of the largest cities in the known world. But not only in 14th century. San Pietro in Banchi remained the place given over to business affairs up to the end of the 18th century. It also became the site of the commodities market, which operated there until the first decades of the 20th century. I have shown elsewhere that the notarial deed dated 19.02.1231 is only an apodixia, a kind of fiscal note which corresponded to an actual notarial act, now lost, which was the real bill of sale between Maino and Salamone. See my La biblioteca di Maino giudeo, p.46. See Doc. 52. See Doc. 53.

[xxiv]

Introduction of the century there are another four documents. 69 We need to wait until the 15th century to encounter Jews again. What does this mean? Once again the reply must be sought not so much in the history of the Jews as in the history of the town itself. With the conclusion in 1284 at Meloria of its ancient rivalry with Pis a, Genoa gained supremacy over the western Mediterranean 70 and shortly afterwards, in 1298, landed a severe blow against Venice, thus opening the way to a short period of dominance over the whole of the Mediterranean. But the high point of Genoa's economic and mercantile power 71 did not coincide with any political supremacy. The very scale of its dominance in terms of geography and both political and economic interests, the decisive primacy of family interests,72 which heightened internal conflicts, had a distinctly debilitating effect on the city as a centre of political power. The quarrels between families accentuated its internal weakness and favoured the rise of new rivals and the resurgence of old ones. Against this background of progressive internal tension, the climate for the Jews could not have been very favourable: 1296 saw the outbreak of a civil war which, however short, led to a political crisis that was to continue on various levels right up to 1528. 73 Genoa's response to this crisis was to offer control over the city to a succession of different powers: the Angevins, the 69. See Docs. 54, 55, 56, 57. 70. "All past adversaries were now ovenhrown, those of the future had not yet entered the arena. Pisa was defeated, the Kingdom of Sicily was split in two, the west African Arabs were in a weak position, the Kingdom of Catalan and Aragon was deeply involved in the war of the Vespers, the French navy was still in its infancy, the communes of Provence were heading for a rapid decline under the improvident Angevin rule. Only Venice in the whole of the Mediterranean could stand up to Genoa; but it had no allies and saw itself defeated in the seas of the Greek Empire and almost excluded from the Black Sea"; see Lopez, Storia delle colonie genovesi, p. 230. 71. " ... the venex ofthe Genoese success curve should be placed between 1280 and 1293. It is perhaps the moment when commercial activity reached its highest level of development ... "; see Lopez, Storia delle colonie genovesi, p. 231. 72. "The family is the true leading player in the history of Genoa in this period and right up to the threshold of the modern age - the family which becomes a clan, which allies itself with other families in the institution of the albergo, which multiples and perpetuates itself by virtue of the shrewd marriage policy of its members, which divide into branches, groups, sub-groups, to each of which is delegated the control of pans of the family possessions, in terms of economic protection and in terms of productive investment, and the carrying out of business affairs far away from the city, whether they be districts, streets or colonial settlements in the proper sense of the term." See Zazzu, II volo del gri/o, p. 74. 73. See my II volo del gri/o, p. 72.

[xxv]

Introduction

Viscontis, the Marquis of Monferrato, the Sforzas, and the King of France.!4 And indeed the Jews disappeared.!5 Perhaps they moved to those 74. Historically, it is an established fact that in times of civil disorder Jews are likely to become catalysts of tension. 75. However, they do not disappear from the colonial territories. In fact, they continue to work there in close contact with the Genoese, obtaining privileges and at times obtaining distinguished positions. One can quite reasonably argue that in the Genoese colonial territories the Jews enjoyed a treatment which - compared with that of their fellow Jews in Europe - was quite respectable. In Pera, the prestigious Genoese colony situated behind Constantinople (whose Podesta had jurisdiction over all the Genoese colonies in the Levante with the exception of the Black Sea, which came under the jurisdiction of the Podesta of Caffa), the Jews had the same rights as the Genoese and all other foreigners. Indeed, one can read in Liber Syndacamentorum (1402) that no difference should be made with regard to the recognition of certain rights, whether the people involved are Genoese, Venetian, Catalan, Greek, Tartar , Turkish or Jews of any nation, sex, rank or state or office; see A. S. G., Banco S. Giorgio, Peyre Massaria, ad annum. And the Jews have the title of burgensis and enjoy juridical status. See Musso, Gli ebrei nel Levante genovese, pp. 7-8. At Caffa, Genoa's other rich colony on the shores of the Black Sea, Jews lived in large numbers in their own quarter, the contracta judeorum. They were burgensis, inhabitants and residents with full legal rights, even the right to own property, something which was completely inconceivable in the rest of Christian Europe; see Musso, Il Tramonto di Calla genovese, p. 329. Genoa was not even above offering some of these Jews privileged positions, giving them official posts and sometimes employing them in complex diplomatic negotiations. This was the case of Cochos Judeus, who in 1465 was sent on a mission to the Tartar court and in 1472 undertook jobs for the local mint. Or again it was the case of Rabinus Thabacus, who carried out duties for the local administration and was paid for doing so; see Musso, Il Tramonto di Caffa genovese. At Famagosta, the prestigious port on the island of Cyprus, Jews lived in their own quarter and their quality of life was particularly favourable since they were respected as being equal to all the other foreigners in the town. Here, too, some of them reached positions of prestige: when administration of the island passed into the hands of the Banco di San Giorgio, this was communicated to representatives of the citizens, who swore loyalty to their new master. These included fifteen Jews, who swore ad eorum rittum secundum consuetudinem eorum. This can be read in the minutes of the town's citizens assembly, which on 28 September 1447 ratified the decision to cede the town to the administration of the Banco di San Giorgio; see Polonio, Famagosta genovese a meta del '400, pp. 211-237. The most lively, varied and interesting settlement was on Chios, the beautiful island situated behind the Anatolian peninsula. Here the Jews were numerous and enjoyed the same rights as the other inhabitants. They lived in their own quarter, the Giudecca, where they were owners of houses "with courtyard and well" and were able to engage in any kind of business. They tended, however, to devote themselves particularly to the profitable trade in mastic, a typical product of the island. We know more about the

[xxvi]

Introduction

centres at the borders of the Dominion which were favourably positioned for a rapid migration towards more stable and by then also more secure territories. This is what one of the few available documents suggests. It is a document which concerns a Jew resident in Ovada, a town which, although still part of Genoese territory, was also on the border of the territory of the Marquis of Monferrato,76 2. The fifteenth century

We start once again from Genoa. Perhaps the economic crisis which afflicted the city around 1440 and which culminated in the financial collapse of the Bank of San Giorgio in 1444 once again facilitated the integration of the Jews. They now found in the city and the territories of the Dominion conditions more favourable to their activities which, after an initial collaboration which lasted until the middle of the 13th century, had then been discontinued. 77 In this difficult situation 78 the Genoese authorities were probably no group of Jews on Chios, thanks to documents of Genoese notaries who worked on the island, and w.e can follow almost every step of their history for more than 150 years. Down the generations we know life and profession, marriage and fortunes of many families. Their long period of residence has even left traces in the layout of the town, where the Jews lived in a kind of promised land. See Jacoby, The Jews in Chios under Genoese rule, pp. 180-197. Villa, Documenti sugli ebrei a Chio nel1394, pp. 117-151 and also Musso, Gli ebrei nel Levante genovese. 76. See Doc. 54. 77. Up to that date, in the course of the 15th century, there are a few documents concerning all Jews in transit, most of whom were involved in buying and selling jewellery. See Docs. 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63,64,65,66,68. A large proportion of these documents was found in family archives, which reflects the fact that it was basically single individuals who maintained relations with the Jews. One document deserves more attention: the Statutes of the town of San Remo, in the far west of the Ligurian Riviera. These show that there was a flow of Jews coming from central Europe, who came to the Riviera to buy etrogim and palms for the festival of Sukkoth. This stream of people must necessarily have passed through Genoa. There is nothing in the documents, however, to indicate that Jews, either resident or in transit, were subject to control. 78. "In the twenty years between 1440 and 1460 Genoa faced a mass of serious problems: the financial crisis of the Bank of San Giorgio, which was close to bankruptcy; the trauma caused by the fall of Constantinople, initially more psychological than real; the fear of losing its colonies in the East, which had become the natural hinterland of the mercantile power of the city; and then the long war with Alphonse of Aragon, which threatened to exclude Genoa from the western Mediterranean routes. All of this occurred at a time when internal political instability was very marked, making Genoa a

[xxvii]

Introduction

longer worried about any possible competition. Fears of competition might have been justified in the previous century, and almost certainly had played a role in the considerable reduction in the Jewish presence after Genoa had risen to become the Signora of the Mediterranean at the end of the 13th century. One can easily imagine that in a city like Genoa, where "the inordinate desire to accumulate capital took hold of anyone who was able to do wholesale or retail business, and where the indifference towards pontifical penalties against usury was the result of an ancient familiarity with money," 79 Jews would also have encountered numerous difficulties. Although the city's attitude was basically one of indifference, which from their point of view amounted to a form of tolerance, the chances of their being able to settle permanently were very slender, especially if they did not engage in large-scale commerce. And with the progressive rise of the city's bourgeoisie as well as the growing extremism of ecclesiastical policy, this had become more difficult for them. so But now, both because of Genoa's progressive loss of prestige,S! at least from a political point of view, and because of its economic crisis, the situation changed. On the one hand, the settling of Jews in its territory could even be of advantage to Genoa, and on the other, the Jews now had the opportunity to find work and space for their business there. Once again, traditional economic pragmatism prevailed in both ethnic groups, and both became aware of an opportunity which up to that moment had been non-existent or virtually impractical. So very probably, the few Jewish merchants who during this period had built up their operating base in Genoa by relying on a leading family, or had periodically found work opportunities there, were now joined by small-scale traders pawn to be taken on the international chessboard and at a moment when the plague began to strike again with uncommon virulence." See Zazzu, Prostituzione e moralita pubblica nella Genova del '400, p. 59. 79. See Giacchero, La Cassa di Risparmio di Genova e Imperia, p. 11. 80. In the 15th century Genoa became the jealous guardian of its potential, and foreigners were no longer allowed to enjoy the ample space that had been theirs almost up to the end of the previous century. Thus, foreigners had no chance of becoming integrated into the social fabric of the city. 81. "In the modern age the Genoese were to become increasingly powerful and renowned financiers; but in political terms the Commune certainly declined very rapidly, even before the 15th century. A close study of Genoese affairs can explain why Genoa, unlike Venice and independently of its geographical position, financial capability and constantly developing technical capacity, came to constitute a dainty - and a relatively easy one to swallow - for the French and the Milanese." See Airaldi, Genova e la Liguria nel Medioevo, p. 108.

[xxviii]

Introduction

and bankers, or by freelance professionals such as doctors. 82 It is interesting to note that almost all the first Jews to appear in the decade from 1440 to 1450 lived on the outskirts of the city, where they probably had begun to settle from the previous century onwards. 83 A decade later these were joined by Jews coming from central and northern Italy and from central Europe. 84 Starting in 1444 the city was generous in granting them safe-conducts to allow them to settle and work both within the city itself and the Dominion. 85 The Genoese authorities showed themselves directly interested in the positive outcome of the business activities of these new guests, supervising them closely and protecting them whenever necessary. An emblematic case is the intervention in 1447 in favour of M anasseh de Alemania, who demanded debt repayment from Jacob, a Jew from Savona. The Genoese authorities at first called upon the insolvent Jew to do something, then turned to the Governor of Savona, urging him to exercise due pressure on Jacob, who let time pass before settling his debts. 86 Perhaps this interest was not completely without ulterior motive; possibly Genoa had closer business dealings with Manasse than the documents reveal. At any rate this episode is evidence of activity conducted on several levels between the Jews and the GenoeseY 82. "In 1450 the plague came back to inflict suffering with a vehemence parallel to that of the previous century (1348). Panic seized the city to the point where, as the annalists recall, it remained bereft of men and 'no longer defended.' There were new waves of the disease in 1458 and 1463, when again all families were affected and all economic activity came to a standstill because 'the city is void of men.'" See Zazzu, Prostituzione .. , op. cit. p. 59. 83. See the group of documents for this decade. The Jews come from Savona (Docs. 74, 79) from Lodi, (Doc. 69), from Novi (Docs. 71, 72, 78), and from Castro Arquato (Doc. 83). 84. See Doc. 80 (from Treviso and Cremona); Doc. 85 (from Siena); and Doc. 77 (from Germany). 85. The document dated 25.11.1447 is in effect a general concession to the Jews to stay in the Novi territories. This is the first definite sign of a small community of Jews at N ovi, a territory which belonged to Genoa but was on the border with the Marquisate of Monferrato and close to the road that led to the great towns of the Po Valley, in particular Milan. We already knew about a settlement in Novi due to the concession to Giuseppe and Manasse (Docs. 71, 72), but these were individual permits. Novi is referred to periodically as a locality inhabited by Jews in documents up to the end of the 16th century. 86. See Docs. 73, 74. 87. This emerges very clearly from Doc. 82, where we find aJew signing a bill of exchange in Hebrew with two Genoese brothers.

[xxix]

Introduction

Moreover, following the example of the colonies, Genoa had no scruples about entrusting Jews with some" official" positions: in 1463, for example, Rabbi Joseph] udeus and partners were the collectors of duties in the velvet trade. 88 The safe-conducts issued in the middle of the 15th century reveal that at the time a group of Jews coming from Italy and Central Europe was forming itself. It is interesting to note that the safe-conducts were nominally issued to one person but generally applied to the extended family group. 89 It is equally interesting to follow the progressive movement of these Jews towards the capital. 90 Other Mediterranean Jews came as well. 91 But the most interesting documents of this period are those which concern the Toledo physician Giovanni Graciano, a converted Jew. One of them is his will, where among other things, he frees his own slave,92 who, as we learn from the later document, had borne him a child. 93 These are the first documents in which we encounter aJew of Spanish origin. 94 88. See Doc. 88. 89. And sometimes the family groups were significantly large. See, for example, Doc. 79, which deals with Jacob of Savona (probably the same one who had been in debt to Manasse's son two years earlier) and his son-in-law Abramo. In fact, the concession also applies to their wives and children, their servants and their families, as well as their stewards together with their families, and the servants of the stewards and their families. Such a group would have been able to perform religious practices, which required the presence of at least ten men. See also Fiaschini, Per una storia del credito a Savona, p. 196, where Jacobus Judeus cazerius and his partner Moyse are mentioned. 90. See Doc. 69, which allowed Shabbat de Viralibus to move from Lodi to Genoa and Doc. 75, which allowed Joseph and Manasse, Jews from Novi, to live in Genoa. Permission was granted again in Doc. 78. See also Doc. 79, which allowed Jacob and Abramo of Savona to move to Genoa. 91. See Doc. 70 (from Rhodes); Doc. 76 (from Jerusalem). 92. See Doc. 81. 93. See Doc. 86. 94. In 1449 there had been outbreaks of intolerance in Toledo against Jews and converts, who were accused of continuing to practise Judaism secretly. For some these were the sign that the crisis of Spanish Judaism, which had come into the open in the latter half of the previous century, was now moving towards its tragic close. In September of that year the same Pope, Nicholas V, intervened with an encyclical, H umani generis inimicus, to condemn strongly the violence against the converts. But his voice remained unheard. Jews and Judaism, considered as the representation of a time which Spanish Christianity now rejected, were the target of political, economic, social, and even cultural discontent. The hate which had germinated for almost a century was now beginning to rise uncontrollably, and even the part of the Church which listened obediently to the Pope's appeal was completely powerless. Feelings of hostility were now directed

[xxx]

Introduction

A group of documents about Jews involved, as usual, in exchange and sales refers to the period from 1460 up to the arrival of the Sephardic Jews. 95 By the middle of the 15th century quite a sizeable group had established itself, and they were able to reside in the mainland dominion or in the city, finding opportunities for work 96 and enjoying the confidence of the Genoese, who even went so far as to entrust them with particular commissions, as in the case of Rabbi Joseph, who obtained the contract for imposing some duties in 1463. Doctors were much sought after and well-liked. 97 From 1478 98 a further group began to join those already there, ushering

95.

96. 97. 98.

against not only the Jews but also the converts, unless they had been clever enough to cover their traces completely. The days of the centuries-long settlement of Jews in Spain were numbered and the splendid tree of Sepharad, with all its lush fruits, was about to experience a painful and harrowing end. Even before reaching this close, a small number of Jews and converts realised that they had to start thinking of moving elsewhere, because Sepharad was no longer the hospitable land it had once been. The shrewdest among them, or perhaps those who had already suffered enough, did in fact begin to move away immediately after the insurrection at Toledo. Genoa was one of the many places the Jews headed for. The doctor Graciano de Toledo, olim judeus nunc christianus, holds the sad record of being the first Sephardi refugee in the city, even though some bibliographical sources indicate an earlier stream of people fleeing from Spain to Genoa, starting in 1390, when the first massacres were carried out in the Jewish quarters. The family of Columbus is also said to have belonged to this first group of refugees who settled in Genoese territory (see Leibovici, Christophe Colomb, jui/). However, at the present state of research, no traces have been found in the Genoese documents of this purported first wave of refugees. It is, however, true that A. Agosto's archival research into the genealogy of the great navigator stops precisely at that date. See Agosto, N uovi reperti archivistici sui parenti di Colombo. Genoa's declaration in 1460 that "Zudei do not live here" (see letterfrom the Signoria to Pope Pius II, Doc. 87), in blatant contradiction with the documents we have found, was a simple excuse. Genoa had no wish to become involved in the Pope's Crusade against the Turks. The Genoese were trying unsuccessfully to reach a diplomatic arrangement with the Turks in order to avoid the total loss of their economic interests in the East. Typically, the Signoria adopted its traditional policy of non-commitment, replying to the Pope's appeal by saying that the Genoese "cannot send contributions because they are poor and [ .. Jcannot even tax the Jews because "Jews do not live here." This letter, an official document of the Republic, read without inspecting the archives, has served to corroborate the historiographic thesis that there had never been any Jews in Genoa and that the town was reluctant to admit them in 1492; see Milano, Storia degli ebrei in Italia, pp. 266-267. I would point in particular to Doc. 104, where Isaac, son of Donato Soncini, negotiates the sale of six box loads of Hebrew books. See Docs. 83, 84 (the doctor Jacob is named as "belonging to the family" of the Doge). See Doc. 97. This is the first documented ship of Sephardi refugees.

[xxxi]

Introduction in a worrying trend for the Genoese Signoria; these were the Sephardic refugees, and their arrival necessarily called the whole situation into question. Probably the first group of doctors and merchants, who were integrated around the middle of the century, became a kind of reference point for the Spanish refugees. But we should not forget that, despite the crisis in traffic with the East, Genoa had retained its role as a port connected to all the other Mediterranean centres, making it an easy place from which to set off on the way to other countries. Thus Genoa, either as a host city or as a transit port, found itself particularly affected by the influx of Sephardic refugees.

The Sephardic exiles The situation of the Jews in Spain had worsened significantly with the setting up of the Tribunals of the Inquisition, which originally had only had the function of monitoring the truthfulness of converts and consequently their behaviour. They then started to deal with the Jews. At any rate another section of the Jewish community realised that Spain was no longer the ideal place for them, and started looking around for new hospitable countries. It was on this occasion that Genoa came to know the Sephardic refugees. Apart from some sporadic appearances previously, the first ship to land its distressing cargo of refugees arrived in 1478. After docking, the ship was given permission to stay while waiting for some necessary repairs to be carried out. In the meantime, the Governor of the city, Prospero Adorno, granted the Jews an ample safe-conduct for persons and possessions. This amounted to allowing the refugees to come on land and trade, initially in the things they had brought with them from Spain. This was to become a habit among the refugees, as the documents amply witness. This was, as it were, the dress rehearsal for what was to happen a few years hence. The relations between the Genoese and the Jews from Spain went back a long time and had gradually become more and more intense, particularly in the course of the 15th century, as the Genoese had started to settle in Spain, especially in Andalusia. 99 The business deals the Genoese and the 99. It is well known that in economic terms the relationship between the Genoese and the Jews in Spain had been very close in the final years, and we can find traces of their common capital and even the financing of the expedition against Granada and Colombus' voyage. See Suarez Fernandez, Judios Espaiioles; Gonzales Jemenez, Genoveses en Sevilla (siglo X I II -XV); Pistarino, Presenze ed inJluenze italiane nel sud

[xxxii]

Introduction Jews engaged in together were non mediocres, as we learn from a letter which the Chancellor of the Republic, Bartolomeo Senarega, sent to the Spanish King and Queen in 1481. 100 Non mediocres, said Senarega, complaining that the drastic acts of the Inquisition had prevented Genoese merchants from being paid back by their debtors when they were on trial. Debts and business were quite substantial. Consequently, the Genoese viewed the unfolding of the crisis involving Spanish Jewry with concern, obviously preoccupied with the damage they were likely to suffer. 101 From this point of view, Senarega's letter is quite explicit. So it was no accident that from the very first warning signs of the inevitable final tragedy - the 1448 uprising, the setting up of the Tribunals of the Inquisition, right up to the definitive expulsion in 1492 - Genoa represented for many refugees a clear reference point. 102 della Spagna (secc. Xli-XV); D' Arienzo, Mercanti italiani tra Siviglia e Lisbona nel Quattrocento; Otte, II ruolo dei genovesi nella Spagna del XV secolo; D'Arienzo, Francesco Pinelli banchiere del Papa in Spagna all'epoca di Cristoforo Colombo; Suarez Fernandez, La expulsion de los judios de Espana. 100. See Doc. 101. 101. Undoubtedly the Genoese, present in large numbers especially in the Andalusian area, must have been pleased when the Jews disappeared from the economic and financial scene, as they were the only ones, in the absence of a native bourgeois class, able to replace them. However, under the reign of Isabella, things came to a head and the Genoese, at least initially, had to watch the evolution of the situation with concern since they were involved in numerous deals with Jewish financiers. 102. At the dramatic moment of the Spanish Dispersion the Genoese encountered Jews who differed greatly from those they had been used to dealing with in their long commercial practice. Previous experience had taught them nothing about how to behave now. Up to that point, the Jews Genoa had "known," whether they were traders, artisans, or physicians, had acted on their own as individuals. They had come to Genoa, as they would to any other market in the Mediterranean, by their own choice and along existing trade routes. The Spanish refugees were a completely new phenomenon, not so much in themselves (because expulsions from one city or another, or from one or other territory, of differing sizes, had occurred repeatedly throughout the Middle Ages), but in terms of quantity. There had never been such a large mass of Jews expelled from the same place at the same time. According to some calculations, which at the present state of research are very approximate, more than 200,000 Jews are said to have "invaded" Europe, the Mediterranean coasts of Africa and the coasts of the Ottoman Empire. Many scholars have directed their attention to this migration, which occurred on the eve of the modern age, but it would also be important to study the phenomenon from the point of view of the modification in social balances produced by the impact of such a large number of people coming from well-defined social situations. One can almost say that on this occasion it was a question of an entire people on the

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Introduction

Some saw it as an international port from which they could set off for other destinations; others wanted to go there in order, perhaps, to tie up outstanding business or to exact payment of bills of exchange obtained from Genoese bankers before leaving Spain; and, finally, some were just seeking refuge. Sometimes these people were so poor they were forced to sell even their own children - we do not know whether temporarily or permanently, since the papers usually give us no information on this point. At the other end of the social scale, there were men of high political and economic rank, who ended up living active lives in Genoa, some of them even writing their most important works. lo3 Between these two social extremes, both of which for one reason or another have left some evidence of their presence, there were certainly others who, as often happens in the case of common people, have left no

march towards host countries; none of these countries, however, was prepared to take them all in. The Jews came to resemble a crowd, at times breaking up, at times coming together again at certain points on their journey, then breaking up again, becoming fragmented, finding asylum for a certain period, then setting off again in search of other places to settle. In its various stages the wave of migration lasted for practically all of the first half of the 16th century, and it may have been no accident that precisely at that time a large part of Western Europe, following instructions from the Church, chose to break up this movement by segregating the Jews into ghettos. 103. Genoese and Jews met now as two ethnic groups left on the sidelines of a game being played at a European level. Both were victims of the process of national identity which was to redraw the geopolitical map of Europe in the 16th century. Genoa, anchored to its territory, obviously did not experience the tragedy of a people on the move to unknown destinations, but still it was faced with the slow task of creating the institutional forms of a state in order to preserve an appearance of freedom and independence. It also had to convert its economic and commercial strength into an exclusively financial capacity. And lastly, it had to undergo a considerable transformation in order to remain at least partly afloat and to avoid becoming the victim of the new system of geopolitical balances. The Jews, on the other hand, lacking a national hinterland, were destined to suffer expulsion - and not only from Spain. In the course of the 16th century their dismissal from European national territories was signalled by the entry into ghettos, enclaves which in effect amounted to a kind of house arrest. Forced to suffer the humiliation of physical and spiritual incarceration, they were now foreign bodies in a social fabric that no longer accepted their presence. And in this sense their dispersion was totally different from the Arab expulsion from the kingdom of Granada, which occurred between 1492 and 1506. The Arabs left a territory which had in some way been entirely their own, but they were able to reintroduce themselves into large territories very similar to those they had left, and above all, they then found themselves within the same ethnic group and the same religious faith.

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Introduction

trace at all. But the problem represented by the refugees left a profound mark on the Genoese. A close reading between the lines of the letter which Senarega sent to the King and Queen of Spain in 1481 also suggests the general Genoese evaluation of the situation of the Sephardic Jews. The Chancellor of the Republic made it the subject of his letter: "illos judeos nomine christianorum judaico rito inerente." In other words, his intention was to deal only with the problem of those converts who still engaged secretly in the practice of Judaism. These were the only ones who could, legally speaking, be persecuted by the Tribunals of the Inquisition. Being an able diplomat, Senarega approached the matter in a roundabout way: first he praised the King and Queen for the measures they had adopted in relation to the converts, then he expressed the regret of the Genoese authorities that the proceedings against them had prevented many Genoese merchants from obtaining repayment of their debts now that the converts were no longer in a position to pay. This seemed to be merely the usual complaint of merchants in defence of their own interests. But Senarega had made a subtle distinction: illos judeos. The reason for this was that obviously the Chancellor had received precise orders from the Republic to mention only those who could legally be persecuted by the Inquisition - in other words, the converts who had gone back to practising the religion of their fathers more or less openly. By 1481, when the Genoese authorities decided to intervene to protect the interests of their citizens, it was already clear to everyone that the situation in Spain had become critical for converts and Jews alike. The Genoese in particular must have been well aware of this both because of the close business relations with Spain which were developing at that time, and because they were highly and worthily represented in Spain, even in the most exclusive circles. Even the King and Queen turned to Genoese bankers in Spain for loans, and the Pope himself employed them to look after his interests there. lo4 The Tribunal of the Inquisition later deviated from the objectives for which it had been set up in 1478, so much so that in 1482 Pope Sixtus IV made an unsuccessful attempt to call the King and Queen to order, demanding that they respect the limits imposed by the original decree. IDS The problem in Spain, at least on a political level, was now getting out of hand and even the monarchs themselves were no longer in control of the 104. See Otte, Il ruolo, op. cit., passim; D'Arienzo, Francesco Pinelli, op. cit., passim. 105. See Beinart, Los judios en Espana, p. 205.

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situation. The ramifications of the Jewish problem at every level of life and society were so complex that the Jews were seen as the catalyst of all existing evils. Perhaps by then no one was able to control things as the situation moved ineluctably towards its conclusion. But, on the other hand, no one could pretend not to notice what was going on. So Senarega in his panegyric wanted to make it clear that he intended to focus only on those cases that could legitimately and legally be judged. However, if the excesses committed by the Tribunals of the Inquisition had not been well known, Senarega would have had no reason to specify anything, because the mere reference to "simulating Christians" would have been implicit, as he himself says further on in the letter. Clearly people in Genoa were not only expressing economic concerns but also dissent about the indiscriminate methods that were beginning to be adopted in Spain. 106 Perhaps the attitude taken by Genoa in the late Middle Ages can be explained mainly by its strong spirit of independence. Religious tolerance was seen as a visible manifestation of an attitude of passive non-acceptance of impositions (especially political) on the part of the Church. But this is not the only reason. Right from the end of the previous millennium, Genoa had become accustomed to working side by side with people of all religions, accepting them in the city, comparing themselves with them, developing an "international" mentality. It would thus not be out of place to suggest that any murmurs of dissent against what was happening in Spain were perhaps quite pragmatically based on a consideration of the 106. In the course of its history, Genoa was generally averse to participating actively in the succession of various forms of religious wars. Rather, it showed itself to be tolerant and open towards victims of religious persecution. At the beginning of the 13th century, it had already opened its gates to Albigensian refugees from Provence. In 1221 these refugees had been the cause of significant tension between church leaders and the podesta. Subsequently, the Bishop of Genoa, the eminent jurist Sinibaldo Fieschi, who became Pope Innocent IV (1243-1254), inserted into the Constitutio pro]udeis, issued by Calixt II (1119-1124), a codicil designed to exculpate the Jews from the defamatory accusation of ritual murder levelled at them, as the Pope himself maintained, as an excuse for taking possession of their goods. In the course of the 15th century, Genoa - or at least some leaders of the local clergy, including Archbishop Pileo de Marini himself - had shown itself to be somewhat unorthodox in its thinking. In the city there was also a flourishing clique of learned men, almost all of whom were active in politics, who were very interested in theological speculation, including the kabbalah, and openly recognised the cultural superiority of Jewish scholars as reflected in their knowledge and interpretation of sacred texts. See Zazzu, Genova e gli ebrei: incontro di due culture, pp. 209-234, and the attached bibliography.

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damage the city would suffer. The Chancellor voiced such opinions, and distanced himself slightly from the actions of the Spanish monarchs on behalf of his own city. It again fell to Senarega to write in the historical annals of the city the sorrowful page describing the arrival in Genoa of the refugees in 1492, an event which seems to offer decisive confirmation of what up to then had only been a conjecture. 107 Many years later Senarega was to use the words: "Venerunt in urbem nostram plures" to sum up an event which he had personally witnessed, both as an ordinary spectator and as Chancellor, since his official role meant that he not only had to ratify the decisions taken by the Government of the Republic, but also had to sign the acts granting the numerous Jews safe-conducts. "Many came to our city"; apparently the first memory that comes to the writer's mind is one of the numbers of people. And quantity was probably the factor which more than any other influenced his reaction. It was also the factor they were obviously forced to take into account when considering appropriate measures. The Sephardi Dispersion bore a quality of its own which demanded a completely new response. It was no longer a question of Jews coming to the city individually or, at most, in family groups; here was a considerable mass of people who were no longer Jews asking permission to enter the city to work, but people arriving in a state of desperate poverty. The sight of these refugees pouring off ships, as well as the terrible tales they had to tell, were indelibly imprinted on the memory of the Chancellor, and they were still very much on his mind even when he came to write about them. Indeed, it is only after twenty years have passed that Senarega sets about fixing that memory on paper. 108 The images which made such an impression on him are conveyed to us with startling immediacy: "miserum fuit vidisse eorum calamitates." Only the use of the word fuit takes us back to past times, but the image itself of the tragic events had not faded, nor had the pity which they evoked. "Multi fame absumti sunt et in primis lactantes et infantes." The spectre of hunger is the first calamity that Senarega recalls; this scourge is at the top on his list of misadventures. The image of dying children returns clearly to his mind, followed immediately by the memory of the tragedy of the mothers, "matres semivivae filios morituros fame in ulnis gestantes et ipsae cum filiis simul moriebantur." Only someone with a keen eye and soul who had seen and felt directly 107. See Doc. 113. 108. Senarega, De Rebus genuensibus commentaria.

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Introduction the agony of these mothers, who had watched with dismay what was happening on the piers of the city, who had asked himself about the meaning of what was happening, could, at that distance in time, remember with such vividness and reconstruct those moments. It must be borne in mind that Senarega was a politician who was writing because he had been given the task by the Government of keeping alive the memory of events in his city. What he put down on paper to consign to history could not simply be the fruit of his own personal studies and observations; at the same time, it also had to be in line with current opinion. So Senarega was writing both what he and the Genoese in general had observed, what they had thought and considered at that moment. In other words he was writing what general opinion remembered and, more importantly, what the Government of the Republic wished to be remembered. The city recalled the struggle for survival of those poor people immediately after their arrival: " ... M ulti algore, multi squallore et siti conficiebantur... " And it recalled how they had come ashore after going through unimaginable sufferings on their voyage: " ...M aris agitatio et insueta navigatio incredibilem moltitudinem absumsit .. " Senarega remembered not only what he had seen on the faces of those who had managed to disembark, but he also spared a thought for those who had not even reached that point, who had been carried away by death at sea. And he seems to ask himself how many there were in that position; many more than those that actually made it - multi the ones, multitudinem the others. But it was not only a question of rough seas and not being used to travelling by sea. Senarega adds: "taceo quam crudeliter quam avare a vectoribus habiti sunt: mersi plures avaritia nautarum et qui non habebant unde naulum solverent, filios vendebant.... " Senarega keeps quiet here, perhaps because he would otherwise have had to say that some of those captains were Genoese, a fact which is known from other sources. 109 He says nothing about the responsibility of his city and its inhabitants. The documents speak for themselves: we know that there were attempts at extortion, we know about many who were not allowed to board the ships because they did not have enough money for the voyage, and many who sold their own children as servants or slaves to ensure their escape. Senarega says nothing in the Chronicle, trusting perhaps that history would forget not only what people had neglected to do at the right moment, but also what deeds had actually been committed. And yet he 109. See Docs. 97, 114, 120, 122, 125, 127, 141, 154, 160, 166, 171.

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should have known that the documents were there ready to speak; many even bore his own signature. The Chancellor's Chronicle was not simply a duty, an arid record of events. Senarega had seen what was happening, he had mixed with the people, he had heard their complaints and, like many other Genoese, he had not remained indifferent. His chronicle does not reflect the attitude of a city which - according to some historians - was indifferent if not outright hostile towards the refugees, allowing only those to come ashore who promised to convert to Christianity .110 His chronicle offers a revealing testimony which is valuable and full of bitterness. The Chancellor of the Republic's account is strangely similar in approach and content to the descriptions given by Joseph Hacohen in his Emeq habaka. 111 In its crude style there is perhaps, paradoxically enough, less involvement than in the words of the Chancellor. Senarega expresses the varying ways in which the city became involved in the tribulations of the Sephardim and, in the end, is unable to hold back an implicit criticism when he refers to the cause of their suffering: the measure was taken to defend the Christian religion, but it "in se aliquantulum crudelitatis visa est continere, si eos non belluas, sed homines a Deo creatos consideravimus."

Here the diplGmatic turn of phrase prevails: it seems that there was an excess of cruelty, especially if Jews are to be considered creatures of God and not beasts. Setting the defence of the Christian religion against the comment about creatures of God seems to be a way of suggesting the need for a more careful evaluation, almost as if Senarega deemed that there was 110. Roth writes: " ... and even contemporaries were struck by the spectacle of zealous monks moving around on the wharves of Genoa among the groups of starving people, with a crucifix in one hand and a loaf of bread in the other, offering food in exchange for acceptance ofthe religion oflove." See Staria del papala, op. cit., p. 377. Roth took this information from Staglieno, Degli ebrei, op. cit., p. 182. 111. " ... in 1492 the Jews fled Spain and from there they spread to the four corners of the earth. Six large ships left the port of Cartagina on the sixteenth of the month of A v, loaded with a bestial cargo of men, and the same happened in other provinces. The Jews went where the wind took them - to Africa, Asia, Greece, Turkey, countries where they still live. They were afflicted by terrible suffering and extreme pain. The Genoese captains mistreated them. These pitiful creatures died of despair during the voyage. Muslims ripped them open to extract from their bowels the gold that they had swallowed; others were thrown into the sea. Some died of the plague, some of hunger; others were forced by the captains to land naked on desert islands, and yet others in that year of misfortune were sold as slaves to Genoa the Superb and to the cities subjected to its will." See Hacohen, Emeq habaka, Spanish translation, edited by L. Pilar Tello.

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Introduction no justification, not even the defence of religion, for accepting such measures. And indeed he goes on to say that for him that was the real reason for the expulsion: ''famaque est magnam auri vim hoc modo extorsisse non sine avaritiae nota." 112 The Genoese were not then insensible to the drama of the Sephardi refugees, and the extant documentation bears witness to this. The solidarity and the involvement were deeply felt even though the reactions to a problem of such proportions were numerous and sometimes contradictory. But this should come as no surprise. The problem took on new implications every day, determined by varying factors: the number of refugees who had come ashore, or the number of refugees who had arrived and then left for other destinations; the severity of the weather and perhaps also the conditions in which they came ashore, and especially the degree of intervention on the part of the Church. The local clergy was in fact initially very concerned by, and then decidedly critical of, the relatively accommodating stance adopted by the majority of the Genoese. Father Angelo of Chivasso, founder of the local Monte di Pieta, 113 had more to fear than others from the tolerance shown. He was perhaps also worried by the critical comments about this unprecedented phenomenon, criticisms voiced at least by the city's cultural leaders. Traces of these criticisms have remained in the chronicles of the official annalist. And so he decided to ask a Franciscan friar of very definite anti-Jewish beliefs to come to Genoa. Fra Bernardino da Feltre accepted the invitation and went to Genoa in the autumn of 1492 to preach to and exhort the townspeople "ne illic reciperentur multa millia hebreorum."114 The Franciscan biographers possibly exaggerated, but obviously the group of refugees had grown in size during the autumn and winter months of 1492-93 and must have become sufficiently numerous to worry the highest ranks of the local clergy. Logically, the exaggeration in the numbers was intended to enhance the great success that Bernardino was supposed to 112. A similarly critical view was expressed by Genoa's Dominican Bishop Agostino Giustiniani, who had been a professor of Hebrew in Paris, in his Castigatissimi Annali della Storia di Genova, written around 1530: "the Jews were creatures of God, although different from Christians." See Annali della Repubblica di Genova, by A. Giustiniani, c. CCXL VIII v. In their views Senarega and Giustiniani reflect the emergence of themes, doubts, disturbing questions bordering on morality and theology. Especially Giustiniani, one of the leading European Hebrew scholars, felt bound to ask why this sorrowful spectacle had to happen. 113. See Bruzzone, Il Monte di Pieta di Genova, p. 37. 114. See Wadding, Annales Minorum, Vol. XV, p. 13.

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enjoy on that occasion. As it happened he was unsuccessful, as even his biographers admit. The Genoese proved obstinate and persisted in their error, to the extent that the diligent friar threatened them that "if they continued in this way to embrace the enemies of God and the glorious Virgin, they would be struck by plague and war within a year." 115 The biographers were also careful to add that "the Genoese did not wish to lose trade and their familiarity with the Jews, and the following year the scourge of the plague and the war tormented the city." 116 They did not change their position even when the plague struck in the spring of 1493 and most people began to worry about that mass of ragged people. But even then, after the initially favourable attitude had necessarily changed (but not only in relation to the Jews), there was no popular uprising in the city against the refugees. However, many of them there were crowded together on the dockside. The public health measures taken to slow down the epidemic meant they had to stay in the harbour, 117 where their living conditions worsened and the sight that they presented was bound to provoke emotions which were not only pity. Thus the Genoese disobeyed and the following year was a year of the plague. Nevertheless, an especially humane concern for the lot of the Jews remained. Once again this is confirmed by Senarega, when in his Chronicle he inserts a brief passage on the expulsion from Naples in 1494: "Videres passim per vias nuptas, virgines, pueros a militibus trahi et expoliari et mares et matres in conspectu suorum iugulari." In conspectu suorum - this renders even more desperate an already harrowing description. It is a sign of the writer's deeply-felt human involvement. One wonders who may have written with such telling attention to detail about what happened in Naples; perhaps it was Leone Giudeo, the son of Isaac Abravanel, who on

115. Ibid. 116. In this case Bernardino, inciter of crowds against the Jews, was unsuccessful. And yet his reputation frightened even the authorities when he climbed into the pulpit, so great was his power of persuasion in stirring up crowds against the Jews. Precisely at that period there was also concern in Venice at his arrival, especially after the tumult which his preaching had provoked in Padua and other places in the region of Veneto. When he decided to move to Brescia, the governors of the Serenissima Repubblica of San Marco wrote to the town to warn about what might happen once Bernardino had excited the crowds. Nothing like this happened in Genoa. See Milano, Storia, op. cit., passim. 117. This was the part of the wharf in the port of Genoa where the Jews were held, giving rise to the term ghetto; see Sermoneta, L'origine della parola "ghetto," in Tharbiz, vol. 32, and in the Italian translation in Studi sull'ebraismo italiano.

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Introduction that very occasion fled from Naples and found temporary shelter in Genoa. IIS For most of the refugees, Genoa was only a port of call. Connected to almost all the other Mediterranean ports, Genoa found itself playing an important role as an initial clearing house for refugees, especially for those heading towards North Africa or the European territories of the Ottoman Empire. 119 Genoa had found itself playing the role of transit port right from 1478. However, after the first ship, one has to move on to the fatal date of 1492 to find another ship performing a similar function. Then a ship belonging to G. G. Spinola 120 made its appearance in the port. On 16 April another arrived, loaded with Jews, to use the term that was to become customary when referring to the cargo of ships engaged in that particular trade. This time the ship stopped because it was in need of repairs before departing for Naples. 121 At the present state of research, the documents studied do not record other traffic during those months. Nevertheless, on 23 May the Senate of the Republic set up a special commission to monitor the movements of Jews coming from Spain and to regulate their influx into the city.122 It 118. See Sonne, [ntorno alia vita di Leone ebreo. 119. The refugees hoped to receive a warm reception from local communities in the Ottoman Empire, and indeed the Turks showed themselves to be particularly tolerant. The result was that the introduction of many Sephardi refugees had an extremely favourable effect on the economic development of the Empire. We have it on the authority of Rabbi Moses Capsali that as the crisis of Spanish Judaism loomed, Sultan Mohammed II made the following appeal: "Listen, descendants of the Jews who are living in my country: whoever so wishes can come to Constantinople and the rest of your people will find refuge there." Capsali goes on: " ... swarms of Jews thronged to Constantinople from all points of the compass and the Sultan made available for them houses there and they were able to settle." The Spanish immigrants to Turkey found themselves becoming not only a valuable commercial force, but also the only members of the population with a deep-reaching experience of European life and a knowledge of European languages. Consequently, Spanish Jews were given political and diplomatic posts and they once again enjoyed a long period of tranquillity such as they had enjoyed during the Muslim rule in Spain. In 1547 Sultan Bajazet expressed his opinion of the contribution made by the refugees to the development of the Ottoman Empire when he exclaimed in the presence of the French ambassador D' Aramon: "You say Ferdinand II is a good king, but he is the one who has impoverished your country and enriched ours!" See Poliakov, Storia dell'antisemitismo - Da M aometto ai marrani, pp. 264-265. 120. See Doc. 114. 121. See Doc. 117. 122. See Doc. 118.

[xlii]

Introduction appears that other ships had arrived, of which we have no record. Indeed, it is highly unlikely that a special commission was set up if only two ships landed during the first five months of 1492. Many more must have reached the port, making it necessary to provide some kind of hospitality for their woeful cargo as they waited for the ships "quibus vehebantur reparari possent," as Senarega recalls. So the problem of finding lodgings for a considerable number of people presented itself immediately after the promulgation of the Expulsion Decree (31 March 1492). Room was found for them in a part of the harbour" ut ... ipsis aliquantulum a jluctuatione refici." And this section of the docks set aside for refugees in transit became the backdrop to a long drawn-out tragedy. Echoes of this tragedy resound in Senarega's Chronicle, "diceres illos larvas, erant enim macilenti, pallidi, oculis intrinsecus positis, nisi quod vix se movebant, mortuos diceres." Evidently steps were taken to set up a kind of refugee camp, a place to accommodate those poor people while they refreshed themselves and waited for their turn to depart, or perhaps, as some documents seem to suggest, while they waited to be admitted to the city.123 This mass of people on the dockside provoked contrasting reactions. The improvised refugee camp became the focus of ancient fears and suspicions on the one hand, and traditional tolerance and a sense of pity on the other. Allowing the Jews to come ashore and accommodating them in a special reserved area in the port seems to have been the first act of the commission set up on 23 May 1492. But it must also be remembered that this same commission on that same date, and later in subsequent resolutions passed on 6 June, granted some refugees permission to enter the city. By now the throngs of refugees - perhaps the multa millia Bernardino referred to in his over-emphatic way - who were massing on the dockside required a unified and complex response. For the first time it was necessary to resort to more comprehensive and systematic legislation. The measure taken on 23 May has frequently been interpreted as an anti-Jewish reaction, one of many negative responses which Genoa levelled at the Jews. This is not, in fact, an accurate description of the measure; it was a simple administrative act aimed at controlling a new and unusual phenomenon, especially in terms of size. It was a temporary measure, such as any city would take to tackle an unexpected and extraordinary situation which could not be dealt with by adopting the customary legislation. If one then also takes into account the fact that in its first two sessions the commission 123. See Docs. 119, 120.

[xliii]

Introduction granted at the same time numerous safe-conducts "for people and belongings," 124 one can objectively demonstrate that this commission had not been set up with the prejudicial aim of barring Jews from entering the city, but rather to regulate the flow, to quote the actual words of the document. 125 The idea was to bring order to this unusual and unusually large flow of refugees. It should not be forgotten that forced migration on such a scale and, what is more, involving people who were different, represented a completely unprecedented situation, a phenomenon which was new for society at that time and, one might add, for the whole of the late Middle Ages. The safe-conducts granted in the first two sessions of the commission were for a group of Jews and converts. However, we do not know if these people had originally intended to stay in Genoa or if their entry into the city was accidental. The safe-conduct dated 6 June bears no name, but refers generically to Jews, and as such it can be understood as a general concession, valid for all those who had submitted a request, or perhaps there were lists of names in some Chancellery deed. We know nothing about the criteria used by the commission to decide whether to grant or deny individual permits. Given the behavioural mechanisms of the city, one may assume that the decision was made on the basis of any professional and work skills which the Jews possessed - or alternatively, if they were converts, on the basis of possible employment as servants in local families. At some point in the summer, although we have no exact date, the general permit of 6 June was modified, restricting it to those Jews who had disembarked from ships belonging to the Genoese ship owners specified in a list. 126 The point of this restriction is not completely clear, unless one chooses to see it in terms of its economic implications, since the transportation of refugees was proving to be a lucrative business. This type of commerce did indeed represent a major source of income. 127 If a 124. 125. 126. 127.

See Docs. 119, 120. See Doc. 118. See Doc. 120. The chronicles of the time are very revealing on this point. Again in David Hacohen's reply we read: " ... some Jews set sail on a Genoese ship for the East. While they were on board divine wrath fell upon them." ... And in his Emeq habaka Joseph Hacohen states: " ... sixteen large ships set sail from Cartagena ... they were to undergo many sufferings and misadventures. The Genoese sailors did them harm, so much so that the refugees abhorred life ... " And again in an anonymous chronicle " ... Genoese frigates swarmed along the Spanish coast to transport refugees. The Genoese sailors were cruel to the Jews, did them harm and robbed them. Many were handed over to pirates, the

[xliv]

Introduction guarantee of permission to land and short-term accommodation could also be given, this would clearly increase the charter fee. Anyone forced to flee towards the unknown is well aware of the advantage of a fixed-length voyage to a safe destination, which at least gives him time to reorganise his life. 128 The measure to limit access to Genoa to those who came on ships belonging to certain ship owners, in effect, granted the latter a monopoly in the transportation of that special cargo and thus allowed them to hire out ships at even higher and more exorbitant rates. Indirectly this had perhaps been part of the calculation, for the measure had the effect of operating a kind of selection process among that confused mass of people who were forced to leave Spain. Only those who could afford high charter fees found places on Genoese ships. This could explain why certain personages from particularly distinguished Sephardic Jewish families came to Genoa. 129 After the expiry of the expulsion decree, the evidence of ships dealing with human cargo did, in fact, increase. On 14 October the vessel of Giacomo Doria, son of Pietro, arrived. It had been chartered at T ortosa to transport to Naples as many Jews as it could hold yo Two other ships arrived on 24 October and 4 NovemberYl Now a new problem arose: great numbers of Jews decided to give up the remaining part of their voyages and asked permission to stay in Genoa. The commission examined this aspect of the problem at a meeting held on 15 November and decided: "They shall be freely granted the legal right to sell all their wares and clothes they have brought with them to this city of Genoa" - obviously so long as the Jews respected the regulations in force in the city and

128. 129. 130.

131.

most famous of whom was the so-called "Corsal genoves" " ... they were so cruel as to tear children from the breasts of their mothers." And Senarega himself adds: 'raceo quam crudeliter quam avare a vectoribus habiti sunt: mersi plures avaritia nautarum et qui non habebant unde naulum solverent, vendebant filios." He does not mention that many of these nautarum were Genoese, but the documents make it clear. One can also interpret the decree dated 06.06.1492 in this way: it forbade the taking on board of refugees if they had outstanding debts with Genoese creditors. Besides the Hacohen family, who then stayed in Genoa, some members of the Abrabanel family also came to the city for varying lengths of time. See Doc. 125. Upon arriving in Genoa, 75 of them formally relinquished any claim to being transported on the ship and were repaid the rest of their charter fees. To them Genoa cannot have appeared so hostile. Alternatively they may have received good offers of settlement in other towns accessible overland, a possibility confirmed by other cases to be found in the documents. See Docs. 126, 127.

[xlv]

Introduction

regularly paid customs and other taxes. At the same time the commission took steps to annul certain seizures of goods of dicti judei. 132 Perhaps some of the more enterprising among the Jews had already started to sell what they had brought with them without having regular permission to do so, or perhaps the seizure had been carried out pre-emptively, to avoid people secretly leaving the wharf and entering the city without proper authorisation. 133 The fact remains, however, that in mid-November the attitude of the city council towards the Jews became more flexible. Probably the approach of winter and the consequently diminishing numbers of ships counselled a more generous attitude, whereby these poor people were to be given the chance to enter the city and engage in small-scale survival trade, selling the things they had brought with them. Some deeds of sale confirm this activity, which consisted in selling personal items, clothes and books. l34 Perhaps Bernardino da Feltre's concern that "e//ecerit ne illic reciperentur multa millia hebreorum" was not completely unfounded. In fact, the autumn and winter period from 1492-93 registered the largest number of arrivals of ships from Spain. 135 Most passengers were made to disembark in the area around the wharf reserved for them, where they had to face the winter, which, as we know, brought with it a considerable decrease in shipping traffic. Again Senarega is our witness: "Dum naves reficiuntur, paranturque ad longiorem navigationem necessaria, magna pars hyemis transiit." It was in this part of the wharf, quae regio iuxta mare est, tamtum recipiendis ] udaeis /uerat deputata, in this newly-formed ghetto, that the tragedy unfolded. Those who stayed on the dockside were probably the weakest refugees, who had already belonged to the less affluent social classes when they were in Spain. The documents seem in fact to confirm that the rich tradespeople succeeded in gaining access to the city 136 relatively soon. As often happens during periods of social upheaval, the weakest are those who pay the highest price. The fact is that the refugees who waited on the dockside for the chance to be able to set off again were surprised by one of the coldest winters that history records up to that date. 137 The tragedy thus reached 132. 133. 134. 135. 136. 137.

See Doc. 128. This is suggested by Doc. 132. See Docs. 130, 131, 133, 134. See Docs. 126, 127, 137, 138, 149, 151, 160. See Docs. 122, 132, 138. So cold was that winter that the sea froze over in the port, at least so it is recorded in the city'S chronicles: "In the year 1493 the city was gripped by an immense cold and

[xlvi]

Introduction

its climax. The documents speak clearly: many sold their children as servants in order to survive; others saw conversion as a means of survival. 138 But Genoa did not remain indifferent in the face of the predicament of the Sephardim. Probably there were those who began to look with undisguised concern at that mass of people crammed together on the wharf. Every day someone sneaked into the city, either legally or using cunning or resorting to conversion, a method which was perhaps seen as a temporary means of physical survival. Certainly their way of speaking, their clothes, their behaviour made them conspicuous to the townspeople, who after a while must have felt there were too many of them wandering around town. 139 In Genoa anti-Jewish propaganda aimed at accusing the Jews of usury had had no effect, both because there were very few Jewish moneylenders and because money lending was already being practised by the citizens themselves. There had never been any signs of popular fanaticism before. But now, as the Genoese watched crowds of wretched people whose physical condition made them appear like living dead, pouring onto the wharf and as they listened to sermons threatening all kinds of calamity, many of them must have wanted to repudiate the problem represented by the Sephardim altogether. On Christmas day there was a totally unprecedented natural climatic event, and this was probably the episode that triggered ancient popular fears. Senarega's contemporaries were scientifically ill-equipped to solve the conundrum of that frightening frost which threatened to encircle the city on all sides. On that icy cold Christmas Day the words of Bernardino da Feltre must have sounded like a warning in the ears of many Genoese, who then started to fear even greater misfortunes if they continued to harbour the enemies of the Lord in their city. From that moment on feelings of suspicion and scepticism took hold which, when the plague began to appear that spring, gave way to open resentment. (something incredible, never again either heard or seen in this part of the world, nor read in our annals) on the day of the birth of Our Lord and the following day the sea froze around the wharf and the docks in such a way that the boatmen could not unfasten their boats from the land nor could they put out to sea." See Giustiniani, Annali, op. cit., c. CCXLVIlIv. 138. See Docs. 129, 133, 134, 135, 139, 140, 147, 148, 150, 157. 139. The clear feeling that emerged from the discussion in the Senate was one of rejection (see Doc. 149); " ...J ews are to be taken to a place as remote as possible from commerce with people ... " And again we read in the proclamation of the Elders of the Commune (see Doc. 151), that no Jew can come into the city either by sea or by land.

[xlvii]

I ntroduetion

Again it is Senarega who registers this change in opinion, this slow evolution in mentality. Concluding his account of the arrival and the accommodation of the refugees, he adds, "Most of the winter passed ... but there was no fear of the plague." If that fear really did not exist, why did Senarega feel the need to register the fact? He goes on, "With the coming of spring, buboes which had remained hidden during the winter started to appear, and that disease, kept alive in the city, meant that the plague was still there the following year." It is very strange that the plague should be remembered in association with the problem of the Sephardi refugees. Evidently, although the fear was not felt, the two phenomena were seen as linked. Hardly had that unusual winter ended than the plague started to manifest itself in all its virulence, and people began to see the Jews, crammed together on the wharf, as the source of the evil which so frightened the city. The Genoese, who had already experienced the devastating effects of the plague and who had before that fatal year never sought scapegoats, were induced by that strange coincidence in the winter of 1492-93 to see the Jews as possible "plague-spreaders." However, the authorities did not pay attention to the voices of dissent, tending rather to waver between a more restrictive policy140 and fundamental permissiveness. 141 Evidently the various opinions which made themselves felt in Genoa in the spring of 1493 balanced each other out, or rather the succession of conflicting regulations suggests that policy was always reversible and never definitive, determined as it was by the temporary victory of one opinion over another. This confirms that, although there was a school of thought which was in favour of driving out the Jews, the customary tradition of showing tolerance towards them was kept alive. At the end of January another ship loaded with refugees appeared. It stayed in the port for the usual repairs and we can assume that while waiting to set off again it unloaded its cargo in the area set aside as a refugee camp. It may well have been precisely this ship, bound for North Africa, which was to provoke the first discussion in the Council about the correct conduct to pursue towards the refugees. The final decision was that "de eetero nulLi judei [could] "venire per marem vel per terram." Further it was decided that from that moment on it was no longer possible "nee res ipsorum judeorum in terram desearegare."142 It is interesting to 140. See Docs. 141, 146, 149, 151. 141. See Docs. 152, 154, 160. 142. See Doc. 151.

[xlviii]

Introduction

note that the decree also blocked land routes. Evidently these must have existed, but we have no documentation on the transit of refugees via land. Some days later, however, the discussion was taken up again in the Senate, and during this discussion the Governor of the city, A. Adorno, took the floor. He promulgated the first expulsion order against Jews which has been handed down to us: "Also those Jews who have become Christians, whatever their condition may be, old or young, male or female, must without exception or excuse board the first boat heading towards the West and leave the district of Genoa." 143 It appears, however, that the order was never enforced. This was either because the Jews failed to comply with it (although we have no way of knowing whether they could even have done so) or because the authorities made little to put it into effect. The fact remains that a week later, on 6 February, another ship arrived, owned by C. Cattaneo, with the usual human cargo. The discussion was taken up again, a sign that the previous resolution had been forgotten, or that the political forces which had previously been in the minority had now regained vigour. The final decision was that " ... the said Jews were to be taken out of our country ... to any other place as far away as possible from intercourse with people." In the months following other ships arrived and it seems that each time the discussion was revived, as if each time the debate were about a new problem raised by the ship which had just come into port. However, during the discussions between February and March, each time the Council re-examined the problem and each time it concluded "pro judeis non receptandis." 144 This repetition of the same resolution during the course of the winter is perhaps the most obvious sign both of the divergence of views within the Council and of the fact that each time nothing was done to put the resolution into full effect. If anything, private documents confirm that the expulsion did not take place: Jews and converts figured in letters of attorney and in various business transactions. 145 As the weeks passed the crisis began to wear off, although on 16 April refugee ships began to land again at the wharf without creating any more problems, or at least without provoking any more discussions. 146 From the beginning of 1494 we have a second phase of transit: Jews 143. 144. 145. 146.

See Doc. 146. See Docs. 151, 153. See Docs. 152, 154, 156, 157. See Docs. 160, 162.

[xlix]

Introduction started to set off again. In January Isaac Benachem chartered a ship to transport Jews to Tripoli in Barbary and to Beirut in Syria. 147 On 3 February Lodisio Italiano's ship set sail; it was supposed to take Jews who had been taken on board at Tortosa to Naples. 148 On 9 April a ship previously chartered at Murcia 149 left port. Consequently, the refugee camp on the wharf was probably closed. That area had witnessed many family tragedies during 1493. Some Jews had left, seeking an end to their plight in conversion; others had succumbed to hunger and hardship by selling their children as servants; others had died not only because of the physical misfortunes they suffered but also out of sheer distress. The most fortunate group had accepted the invitation of the Duke Ercole d'Este to move to the city of Ferrara. Others ended up staying in Genoa. 150 For some of these refugees, whether they were Jews or converts, Genoa became a place of refuge. They joined the small group of Jews already living in the city and the surrounding area. The incursion of the Sephardim occurred at a moment of grave internal crisis, when the city was riven more than usual by long-standing conflicts between factions led by the great families. These conflicts were made even more acute by growing attempts on the part of foreign powers, primarily the Kingdom of France and the Duchy of Milan, to establish dominance. In a succession of internal power shifts, Genoa had on several occasions ceded dominion over the city to these forces in a search for alliances with foreign powers; these, in turn, served the power games of one or other of the leading families. Just as it had been unable to formulate a consistent policy towards the refugees who came to Genoa expecting to depart for other destinations, the city government was equally unable to establish precise guidelines in the years to come regarding those who settled in town or in the neighbouring areas. It is, however, worth repeating that similar uncertainties characterised its approach to many of the problems afflicting the city.151 147. 148. 149. 150.

See Doc. 164. See Doc. 166. See Doc. 171. In 1492 Hercules I had been quick to recognise the economic stimulus that the versatile Spanish refugees would be able to give his country, whatever state they were in. He had been told that 21 families who had landed at Genoa were without work, and he sent them a laissez-passer and the promise that they would receive his generous hospitality. See Milano, Storia degli ebrei, op. cit., p. 267. 151. A good overall picture of this troubled period in the history of Genoa can be found in Costantini, La Repubblica di Genova, chap. I.

[1]

Introduction

The expulsion order of the spring of 1493, as we have already indicated, was in effect not enforced. In fact, at the time of these tormented debates about the fate of the Jews, who were to be taken "to any other place as far away as possible from intercourse with people," we have testimony of a lasting Jewish presence. Moreover, particular solicitude was shown by the city rulers towards some doctors. lS2 After the crisis of 1493 - a crisis which we could call one of overcrowding - the situation returned to normal at least until 1501, and this offered the Jews a period of relative tranquillity.ls3 The situation changed completely at the end of the 15th century. At that time Genoa went though one of its most difficult periods. In 1499 it once again came under French domination, after Louis XII, the King of France, had taken over the Duchy of Milan. The city now feared the retaliation of Ferdinand, King of Spain, who attacked the friendship and collaboration pacts with the Genoese and threatened to expel them from his territories. Genoa's interests in Spain were too important. The eastern colonies, with the sole exception of the island of Chios, had fallen one by 152. In the years of the pestilence, Jewish doctors of Spanish origin were much sought after and appreciated, becoming a common sight on the streets of Genoa. The authorities showed concern for the lot of these physicians and did not hesitate to ask the Pope for special permission for them to work freely, notwithstanding the rigid ecclesiastical provisions (see Doc. 167). When these foreign doctors provoked the obvious professional jealousy of their local colleagues (see Doc. 187), the authorities intervened, advising Christian physicians to consult them in times of need (see Doc. 196). 153. During those years, while the Italian states were entering a political crisis which was to leave them under the control of the Spanish for a long time and, in particular, led them to conform to the anti-Jewish policy of that country, Genoa, at least at that moment and up to Andrea Doria's reform in 1528, managed to steer clear of the process of transformation which involved much of the Italian peninsula. It found itself with new refugees on its hands, coming from those states which had been among the first to comply with Spain's anti-Jewish policy. Naples decreed the expulsion of the Jews in 1494 - faithfully recorded by B. Senarega in his chronicle - and some members of the Abravanel family fled to Genoa. There are no documents to prove conclusively that the father Isaac reached the city. If he came, it was only for a short time, and in fact only a few months after the expulsion he was already in Corfu. His son Judah, better known as the "Leone ebreo," had to prolong his stay and probably composed his work Decoeli armonia in Genoa. The second son, Joseph, stayed much longer, practising as a doctor and winning the sincere favour of the city. And in fact, when in 1506 he decided to reunite with his family, who had found a new place to live in Venice, the Genoese authorities wrote him an affectionate letter urging him to return to Genoa, where he was loved and where the whole population much regretted his departure (see Doc. 220).

[Ii]

Introduction

one into the hands of the Turks. So the repercussions of these international affairs made the situation in the city extremely tense, and the city government, as always, was split by the various interests of the families. These interests, of an international nature, were also affected by decisionmaking difficulties and the variability of alliances. First Genoa had to tackle the uprising in Corsica, and then, as the international crisis deepened, it found itself facing a real civil war in 1506-7. In addition, from 1501 onwards it was tormented by a fresh outbreak of the plague epidemic, which was to remain a recurrent and baleful presence within the city walls for many decades. In this context of grave internal instability and numerous other factors, a decidedly more intolerant attitude towards the Jews began to manifest itself. One factor contributing towards this anti-Jewish turn was the determination of the new French governor in the city, Philip of Cleves, to instigate in Genoa the policy of persecuting the Jews which France was implementing at that time, and which on several occasions during that period led to the expulsion of Jews. Thus we understand the decree promulgated by Philip of Cleves on 5 April 1501. It imposed on Jews the obligation to wear the badge, an obligation which was also extended to physicians ... "to wear on the breast where it can be seen openly a round badge of yellow cloth ... the width of at least four fingers." 154 This seems to have been the first ruling on the badge for Jews resident in Genoa. Up to that date the subject had not been discussed officially. In documents relating to the granting of residence permits, Jews were usually exempt from complying with the obligation to wear a particular badge, which they evidently had been accustomed to wearing in other cities where they had previously been resident. The edict of 5 April 1501 was followed by another on 28 April, which extended the obligation to Jewish women. 155 Two days later, however, a suspensio costitutionis contra hebreos was promulgated in which the previous rulings imposing the obligation to wear the badge were suspended, because - as the document says - they did not want to cause inconvenience to the Jews, who were in any case considered as about to depart. 156 The same proclamations were repeated with essentially the same content,157 which leads one to suspect that the rulings were ignored. And 154. 155. 156. 157.

See Doc. 198. See Doc. 199. See Doc. 200. See Docs. 201, 202, 205, 207, 208, 209, 214.

[Iii]

Introduction

indeed, on the other hand, some safe-conducts were issued permitting Jews to enter the city. Among the families allowed to enter the city in this way was the family of Joseph Hacohen, as he himself recounts in his account of the drama of the people of Israel, and as is clear from documents found in the Genoa Archives. 158 Thus Joseph says "When I was five years old (1501) my father took me with him and we went to settle in Genoa the Superb."159 Here Joseph Hacohen talks of the beginning of his long period of residence, together with the many members of his family,160 in Genoa and the territories of the Dominion. Echoes of this period can be heard in his main work. Even the turning point of 1501 does not seem to have had any practical effects. As in 1493, what we see are moments of intolerance, manifested more at a theoretical than practical level. The Jews, or at least some of them, remained in the city, perhaps not completely at ease, but they did stay there and were joined by others. Further confirmation that the Jews continued to live in the city in 1501 comes from a 1503 decree, which stated that Jews were not allowed to stay in the city for more than three days.161 Whatever the intention, once again it should be pointed out that 158. See Docs. 212,218. 159. See Hacohen, Emeq, op. cit. 160. The Hacohen family came from Avignon, where it had fled after the Spanish expulsion decree. But even there it had been forced to flee again as a result of demonstrations of intolerance on the part of France, and they chose to come to Genoa. The document provides us with a picture of the family of this illustrious guest. The occasion was the renewal of their residence permit for a further three years. The beneficiaries were Joseph's father, Rabbi Joshua, a physician, and Rabbi Joseph Abendavid, a physician, Joshuah's son-in-law, and their families, made up of the following members: Joshua's wife, his daughter and three sons, Joseph's wife and mother, his widowed daughter and her son. Additional members of this large family were Magister Abraham and his wife (whose relation to the others we are unable to establish), as well as one of Rabbi Joshua's servants and her son. 161. See Doc. 202. This was the first measure to mention a time limit of three days. This was then referred to by Senarega, who attributed it, however, to long-standing city traditions. For this reason many scholars came to accept (without having any documentary confirmation) that this limit on Jews staying in the city was something that Genoa had established in ancient times. It was a short step from this to assuming that the city was particularly intolerant towards Jews. The misunderstanding arises from Senarega's account, which states: " ... according to the ancient traditions of the city, Jews were not allowed to stay for more than three days." However, the city's medieval legislation offers no evidence for this assertion, and the notarial documents from the centuries previous to the expulsion from Spain make absolutely no mention of any such regulation. Senarega was probably thinking of a series of sermons given in

[liii]

Introduction the new ruling did not have any effect. This is demonstrated both by documents which prove that the Jews stayed and by the repeated restrictive bans issued by the authorities. On 1 March 1505, Philip of Cleves signed a new expulsion order: all Jews were to leave the city within a week. This time the order was also addressed to the Genoese citizens, warning them not to persist in giving accommodation to the Jews. This call to the townspeople to cooperate not with the Jews but with the authorities, leads one to suspect that the Jews must have been favoured by some protectors in the city. Probably they were only a small group of citizens, and perhaps the people in general did not engage in the form of collaboration which the authorities seemed to be referring to here. The fact remained, however, that there were forces in the city who were helping the Jews. And this would explain why it had never been possible to pass from the theoretical to the practical level in putting administrative measures into effect. The expulsion ruling was repeated on 6 March and then again on 14 March 1505. This time all Jews still present in the city on the expiry date were threatened with enslavement. And yet - the pattern by now had become constant - once again we find residence permits reappearing and previous rulings being revoked after only a few days. For example, on 22 April, the residence permit issued to the Jews Rabbi Moyse and his son-in-law Amadeus, both physicians "who have been here for a long time,"162 was renewed. Not to mention the fact that the large family of Joseph Hacohen was allowed to stay. And so 1505 went by. But 1506 opened with the expulsion "of all Jews" and again there was the threat of making slaves of those who were in default. However, on 30th January the safe-conducts appeared again; four

the Dominican church, Santa Maria di Castello, at the beginning of the 16th century, whose purpose was to dissuade people from entering into relations with the Jews. These sermons not only recalled the responsibility of the Jews for the passion and death of Christ, but also argued that "the Jews could not stay in the city in memoriam passionis Christi." Probably the preaching clergy emphasised the fact that hostility towards the Jews had distant roots and that the ancient customs of the city always conformed to the teachings of the Church. They were trying to provide their townspeople with a model for conduct drawn from the city'S glorious past, basing themselves, however, on a long-standing principle which had no basis in fact. See Vigna, Storia cronologica del convento di Santa Maria di Castello (1435-1591), pp. 256-258. 162. See Doc. 213, where the concession suspended a few days previously was renewed; see also Doc. 201.

[liv]

Introduction

physicians were granted residence permits for a further two years because "they are much loved by the people." 163 The expulsion decree of 1506 was not complied with. On 31 December 1506 the UJficio di Virtu 164 wrote one senses a certain disconsolateness - that the Jews, "although threatened by many decrees," continue to circulate in the city and indeed have reached a level of such familiarity and arrogance that" cum christian is Jeminis rem veneream habeant pregnantibus potiones exhibeant ad emittendum Jetum intempestivum aborsum et sinagogam in urbe teneant et alia maleficia committant."165 However, once the critical phase of 1505-07 163. See Doc. 216, in which reference may be to Moyse, Amadeus, Joseph Hacohen's father, Joseph Abendavid or Joseph Abravanel, physicians. 164. The crisis, which had spread on various levels, had grown during the 15th century also as a result of political instability, and had led the leaders of the Commune to be more rigorous in their social control. In 1482 it set up a special office - di Virtu - to monitor people's habits and to supervise gravi mores civitatis. Their greatest concerns were open prostitution, the scourge of sodomy and abduction for the purpose of indecent assault. In reaction to the negative signs of the second half of the 15th century, the city entered into a period of closure, which elsewhere did not take place until a century later. Impelled by a need for greater rigour in morals and a reconsideration of human nature, particularly in the sphere of sexuality, the city came to deprive itself of that explosive vitality so typical of the Renaissance. And indeed the Renaissance failed to flourish in Genoa. But the city did set about coming to terms with the new modes of thought of the modern age, adapting them to its own purposes and transforming them into a code of conduct for the sphere of work, which already owed something to modern Calvinist ideas. It is no accident that the Ufficio di Virtu started to concern itself with the presence of Jews in the city. However, it was less interested in economic problems than in the moral consequences of the Jewish presence. But this interest was also indicative of something else. History teaches us that Jews are often accused of non-existent crimes. This is done with the aim of diverting attention away from the real causes of social and civil malaise and channelling popular discontent towards pre-determined targets. Accusing the Jews of being responsible for all the evils afflicting a city is a way of avoiding calling into question the existing order and the political direction established by the powers that be. At that troubled moment in the history of Genoa, greater attention was paid to the moral consequences of the Jewish presence, and this had the effect of directing popular tension against them. It also aided the work of the Church, which, as we have seen on several occasions, only tolerated the growing presence of Jews in the city with great reluctance. Genoa was a pragmatic city not given to prejudice and usually free from ecclesiastical interference. But at this moment of great internal political difficulty, which was brought about by the power struggle among nobles and people and between the nobles themselves, even Genoa, stifled by the expansionist aims of much greater powers, activated mechanisms of discrimination against the Jews as a way of masking its own profound malaise. 165. See Doc. 223. This time the authorities, in the form of the Ufficio di Virtu, seemed to be concerned primarily about the moral harm caused by the Jewish presence. They

[Iv]

Introduction - with the civil war and the revolt of Paolo da Novi - was over, relations between the city and the Jews immediately became more relaxed. 166 Effectively, this phase came to a close in May 1506, when the Governor and the Elders wrote to Joseph Abravanel, who had moved to Venice, to urge him to return "for the good cures which you carried out in this city; you have left here such a reputation that makes you desired by many and we have been asked to beg you on this matter; if you wish to do us the pleasure, we urge you to return where you will be welcome. In order for you to be able to come in a better frame of mind, we assure you through this letter that for all the time you stay and return here you will not be harassed in any way, either your belongings or your person." This "if you wish to do us the pleasure" sums up precisely the dual character of the policy developed in Genoa: on the one hand, the authorities with their decrees and their concerns; on the other the popular will, oscillating between rancour and prejudice, but never the prey of the latter. The Genoese had remained insensitive to the preaching and the intolerant policy of Philip of Cleves. In fact, it seems clear that it was precisely the people of the town who showed themselves to be tolerant and who promoted the integration of the Jews by giving them lodging and complaining to the authorities when one of their number, who had become better known for his medical activities, had left the town.

seemed to recognise that the presence of the Jews was more or less unaffected by the many expulsion decrees. This confirms that these decrees, promulgated repeatedly over the previous few years, had not been complied with. But it also confirms the degree of familiarity which the Jews enjoyed in the city, something the previous expulsion decrees had already suggested. The document goes on to inform us of something we may previously have suspected, but for which we had no precise evidence: that the Jews had their own place of worship. This confirms what Joseph Hacohen maintained in his Valle del Pianto, that the Genoese Jews held their services under the ministry of the Magister Michael. Cf. Zazzu, L 'immagine di Genova in un cronista ebreo del' 500. 166. Joseph Hacohen does not refer to this profound suffering. Rather, a curious remark of his leads us to believe that the Jews had reached a reasonable level of tranquillity. He repons that the Jews were even allowed to organise feasts at which Christian girls often panicipated, and that on these occasions some drunk youths, as they roamed around the city, may have behaved in ways that annoyed the local population. This confirms that there must have been some factual grounds for the involvement of the Ufficio di Virtu.

[lvi]

Introduction

PART II FROM EXPULSION DECREES TO THE SECOND CHARTER OF TOLERANCE (16th to 18th centuries) The 16th century

There is a common denominator in the history of the Jews in the 16th century, notwithstanding the great differences between life in the city and life in the territories of the Genoese Dominion. This common denominator is, unfortunately, the decree of expulsion, which pertained to all Jews at a time of great confusion and turmoil in the history of the Genoese Republic. The tumultuous events that upset the city could not but involve the Jews of the time. The records presented here were selected to highlight moments in the life of the Republic which saw Jews, authorities, the clergy and Christian society in a common geopolitical context. 1. The Jews in the city

Although the approach to the first Sephardi exiles in 1492 was neither tolerant nor discriminating, at the turn of the century Genoa alternated between issuing expulsion decrees and residence permits - an attitude that characterised the history of the Jews in Genoa until the late 18th century. This was only to be expected, since the city was undergoing radical social, institutional and political changes which directly involved the Jews living in the city at the time. The history of the Republic and the history of the Jews, apparently so remote and diverse, were united in their quest for more a stable coexistence. But what city did these exiles find for themselves? Rather, to whom were they answerable? The tolerance shown by the Duke of Ferrara to the Jewish refugees from Spain was often in contrast with the intransigent approach of the Republic. It should, however, be noted, without taking anything away from the generosity of the Este family, that the historical [lvii]

Introduction context of the Jews in Genoa was certainly very different from that at Ferrara. The Republic, under the sovereignty of France, was ruled until 1512 by a representative of the King. This marks the beginning of a veritable anti-Jewish policy. The lack of freedom triggered an endless struggle between the Adorno and Fregoso families, who fought for the control of the city against direct dominion on the part of France and protection on the part of Spain. In the struggle for power, the aristocracy opposed the popular party, which was divided into merchants and craftsmen as well as into 'white' and 'black' ---: traditionally Guelfs and Ghibellines. As Pacini observes, these divisions were not separate sections of the society, but rather confused distinctions such that - as Guicciardini commented with reference to the Genoese factions - those who belonged to one party were divided into different parties and united with some parties on the opposing side. 167 This game of cross-antagonism did, however, encourage and stimulate the development and consolidation of a ruling class. Its members did not have a modern concept of state and did not make a distinction between public and private, but did possess an honest vocation for power. The latter was the preserve of a select number of groups and excluded the popular party, which was anything but pacific. 168 This faction, formed by merchants and craftsmen, had developed during the previous century and demanded its share of power and authority. It fostered an uprising against the aristocracy in 1506-7, where the "craftsmen only were the actual protagonists of the troubles which soon grew into a revolt. The nobles and their leader, Gian Luigi Fieschi, a great beneficiary and supporter of the Louis XII rule, were forced to leave the city." 169 The common fear of popular demands caused the dispute between the various currents in the ruling class to be settled in the name of unity. From the provisions following the repression of the uprising, a new configuration of the State can already be evinced. Traditionally, that of Ottaviano Fregoso has been considered the first official attempt to reach constitutional reform, which was characterised by frequent recourse to large meetings and greater collaboration in making decisions. 170 However, the turning point in the institutional transformation occurred in September 1528, when Andrea Doria, following long negotiations, left 167. 168. 169. 170.

Pacini, La Riforma del 1528, pp. 22-32. Costantini, La Repubblica di Genova, p. 3. Ibid., p. 12. Pacini, La Riforma del 1528, p. 193.

[lviii]

Introduction

France and, flying the flag of Charles V, seized Genoa with his fleet. 171 This has always been considered the beginning of the modern Republic which, having restored "union and freedom," kept its constitution basically unchanged - except for obvious amendments and additions until the late 18th century. When dealing with this tormented time, one should not forget the role played by the numerous epidemics of the plague and the resulting difficulties in supplying provisions for a city with no agriculture. Documentation on the early decades of the century, at a time when the idea of State was still confused, includes a rather unusual permit. It was not a safe-conduct granted by the Doge or the Consiglio degli Anziani, nor an announcement by the French Governor, but a letter written by the Protectors of the Bank of San Giorgio in which they ask the office in Corsica (a Genoese colony since the 14th century) to grant Jacob, a physician, and his family, permission to stay on the island and practise his profession. 172 It was the year 1515 and the leaders of the Casa di San Giorgio (a financial establishment with ample jurisdictional powers, which at the time was in charge of Corsica by appointment of the Republic) drew up the only document concerning Jews everfound on the island. No other papers mention J aCQb again, unless he and the father of Giovanni Battista, a baptised Jew recorded in later documents, are the same person. 173 Studying the history of the Jews in Genoa in the 16th century, a few aspects should be considered. First of all, a distinction should be made between the Jews who lived in the city and those who lived in the Dominion. 174 Then it should be noted that it is the history of a Jewish presence in the area which varied greatly in time. It is the history of small communities and families, which the documentation in the archives sometimes covers from beginning to end. Soon after the dramatic Sephardi dispersion, the Jews in the city were of Spanish origin; most of them were physicians who had already been 171. Costantini, La Repubblica di Genova, p. 4; Grendi, Andrea Doria, uomo del Rinascimento, pp. 139-172. 172. Doc. 232. 173. Doc. 235. 174. The territory of the Dominion covers the eastern and western Rivieras and the Oltregiogo district. The latter included some territory north of the city beyond the Pas so dei Giovi which, following the unification of Italy, became part of the province of Alessandria in 1861. During the 15th century Genoa was also under the Duchy of Milan, consequently some inland areas of the Republic near the border were temporarily included in the Duchy of Milan. See Simonsohn, The Jews in the Duchy of Milan.

[lix]

Introduction

granted a licence by the Pope, and some were merchants. They moved to Genoa with a limited residence permit, which was more often than not renewed upon expiry. The imposition by French Governor Philip of Cleves of a clearly visible yellow badge to be worn by all Jews in 1501 was followed by an expulsion order in 1505. As usual, there was one way out of it: that of granting personal safe-conducts. The best-known example is that of Joseph Hacohen (sometimes called also Sacerdote) and his family: a month after the ban, he was granted permission to stay for three years. Joseph, "a directly involved spectator of the contradictory politics of Genoa," 175 recounts the stormy life and the ups and downs of the Jews in Genoa in his works Emek habaka and Dibre. When the three-year permit expired, the Sephardi exiles took refuge in Novi, where a small Jewish community had been living for some time. Novi, whose subjection to Genoa dated back to the 15th century, is part of the Mountain Dominion, the so-called Oltregiogo ruled by a representative of the Republic, the Capitano. A groundless accusation of ritual murder in Novi at the time of Passover, which luckily passed unnoticed by the Genoese ruler, prompted Joseph's family to go back to Genoa. In 1516, however, Ottaviano Fregoso, governor of the city under the French dominion, expelled all of the few Jews living in Genoa, even though a few documents seem to prove the contrary.176 Thus Joseph Sacerdote returned to Novi, where he remained until 1522. When Antoniotto Adorno was elected Doge, the Jews were allowed to come to live in Genoa again. From the 1520s the Jews started to live in relative peace, apparently unperturbed by the zeal of the Genoese Deputy Archbishop who, in 1533, forced the government to order all Jews to wear the yellow badge. 177 Furthermore, the Church decided that a baby boy who had been baptised in secret be returned to his Jewish family. 178 Around the 1550s the life of the Jews in the city seems focused around Joseph and Teodoro Sacerdote. Together with his brother-in-law, Joseph Abendavid, husband of his sister Clara and a physician himself, Joseph took part in the collection of funds to release the African Jews who were taken as slaves following Emperor Charles V's campaign against Tunis in 1534. 175. 176. 177. 178.

Zazzu-Urbani, Ebrei a Genova, p. 32. Docs. 233, 234. Doc. 239. Doc. 249.

[Ix]

Introduction The relationship with the Genoese authorities is documented by a deed drawn up by notary Antonio Cazerio Lercario .in January 1540, whereby Joseph, before the deputy Podesta of Genoa, translates from Italian into Hebrew a marriage contract stipulated in Novi nel terzo giorno della luna di Tevet de l'anno 5277 dala creatione del mundo. 179 Joseph's brother, Teodoro Sacerdote, a physician, appeared before the Podesta as well, to translate a dowry contract - obviously drawn up in Hebrew .ISO T eodoro, who benefited from the famous safe-conduct granted on 21 April 1505 to his father, Joshua, went back to Genoa in 1541. He was granted a residence permit by the Senate, and this was renewed for two years in 1544 and extended to his family. His stay in Genoa, however, did not depend on the permit, since documents prove he was in Genoa in 1548 and intended to remain there for some time. This can be seen from the agreement dated 17 May 1548 in which Anselmo Alemanno undertakes the obligation on his behalf to keep his Christian servant Margherita Galliani in service for a further six years. At this time the history of the Jews in Genoa is almost exclusively the history of the Abendavid and the Hacohen families. From 1540 to 1548 the archives record their marriages, dowry contracts, powers of attorney, disputes, and interest withdrawn from the Bank of San Giorgio. lsl We do not have the details of the events that led to the break-up of the family, but it is a fact that between 1544 and 1545 Clara and Teodoro did not get on well with their brother Joseph and that later on Teodoro opposed Clara following the marriage of his son to the youngest of her daughters. IS2 Joseph Abendavid was spared these family disputes, since he died in 1541. His will discloses numerous details of the life of the Jews in Genoa. IS3 It records the relationship between them and the Jews who lived in Mantua, Bologna and Venice but, most important, it bears witness to the fact that there were no Jewish religious facilities in Genoa. In fact, he requested that he be buried in N ovi, the closest cemetery, where in 1519 his father-in-law, Joshua Hacohen, had been buried. Furthermore, in order to have a funeral, Joseph Abendavid was forced to refer to the

179. Doc. 250: "On the third day of the moon of Tevet in the year 5277 from the creation of the world." 180. Doc. 284. 181. Thus it appears in the deeds drawn up by notaries Francesco Tubino, Gio. Giacomo Cibo Peirano and in the cartolari delle colonne del Banco S. Giorgio. 182. Docs. 258, 265, 269, 270. 183. Doc. 251.

[lxi]

Introduction

synagogues of the communities in Mantua and in Bologna. In the Valley of Tears, as far as Genoa is concerned, Joseph Sacerdote mentions only an officiate. The sound rapport with the Christians is shown by the close relationship between Clara Hacohen and her neighbours, by the powers of attorney (required for any juridical business) signed by T eodoro and Joseph, and by the contract in which Margherita Galliani undertakes to serve Teodoro's family for six years. We can, therefore, safely conclude that the common people, used to relating with different people for business reasons, were not biased against the Jews. It should also be noted that one of the most important Hebrew scholars of the time - Monsignor Giustiniani whom the King of France appointed professor of Hebrew at the university of Paris - most likely practised the language with some of the illustrious exiles or lesser known converts. There is no evidence of this, but it is not difficult to imagine the future bishop of Nebbio in Corsica in the company of some members of the Hacohen family, who lived nearby.184 The presence of Asher Ashkenazi (or Giusto Alemanno, referred to in some documents as Anselmo) in 1548 near T eodoro should be emphasised, as he seems to be the only non-Sephardi Jew among these Spanish exiles. In June 1550 Joseph Hacohen and his family were forced to leave Genoa, due to the expulsion decree requested by Bonifazio da Casale, a Dominican friar. 18s While the decree was undoubtedly instigated by the fanatical zealots fostered by the Counter-Reformation, the late 16th century was a period of serious political instability for Genoa. The institutional reform of 1528 had not completely solved the tension between the parties, each of which lusted for power. Within each party, moreover, there were rival families. It was no longer a question of taking the side of the Fregosos or the Adornos, but rather the rivalry that was needed to keep their respective presence in the government balanced and calibrated. 186 Those who guaranteed a compromise between the members of the government were Andrea Doria (leader of the Genoese ruling class) and Sinibaldo Fieschi (who owned one of the major feudal states in Italy 184. Monsignor Giustiniani lived in the Acquasola area and Doctor Joseph Abendavid (or Habendavid) in contracta Papie in what corresponds to the present day Via San Sebastiano. This is, of course, a mere hypothesis, since no documentation, to date, exists to bear witness to any contact between Giustiniani and Abendavid. 185. Doc. 294. 186. Costantini, La Repubblica di Genova, p. 38.

[lxii]

Introduction

and enjoyed the protection of the King of France). When Sinibaldo died and his domain started to collapse, Doria came into almost prince-like power. In order to avoid political marginalization, Gian Luigi Fieschi, Sinibaldo's son, attempted a coup in January 1547, taking advantage of the hostility of some members of the aristocracy against Andrea Doria, and with the support of the craftsmen. The conspiracy failed because Gian Luigi had a rather indecorous accident: he fell into the harbour where he had gone to attempt to seize Doria's fleet and, weighed down by his heavy armour, he drowned. The plan was upset by his sudden death and the people did not support the uprising. In the stalemate that followed, the opposition negotiated a truce in their favour, and the repression ordered by Andrea Doria was ruthless. The conspiracy, however, had shown that the political situation in Genoa was extremely fragile. Doria tried to solve the problem by revising the constitution in 1547. He attempted an adjustment of the original form of State, 187 but did not succeed in relieving the tension among the aristocracy, nor in placating those who were excluded. The neutrality, independence and sovereignty announced with the 1528 reform were lost. Neither France nor the Empire recognised the Republic. In the consequently uncertain situation, determined and well-organised extremist forces developed. The now weakened Genoese government could not adequately oppose these new forces. Thus, while the expulsion decrees of the early century can be partly explained by the French policies, now the Republic could not fight against the growing strength of the Church - which was revising and consolidating its doctrines. As Joseph Hacohen records, Bonifazio da Casale was behind the expulsion ordered in 1550, as we have already seen. As A. Milano points out, it was part of the sad destiny that affected the Italian Jews. 188 However, the expulsion order was immediately followed by an exception: thanks to the intercession of the Spanish Ambassador, the physician Mose Sbitono was granted permission to stay in the city provided that he wore the yellow badge. Many more exceptions were to be granted by the Genoese Senate. 189

187. The legislative reform of 1547 is known by the name of Legge del "Garibetto". The name comes from the Genoese term gaibo, graceful manners. In fact Andrea Doria intended to give garibo, that is graceful manners and order to everything pertaining to the Republic. Piergiovanni, II Senato della Repubblica di Genova, p. 235, note 2. 188. Milano, Storia degli ebrei in italia, p. 212. 189. Docs. 296, 297, 299, 300, 302.

[lxiii]

Introduction 2. The Jews inland and along the coast

It is through the expulsion order that we can map out the Jewish settlements in the Dominion. The order was sent to the major centres in the Genoese jurisdiction, where the authorities were supposed to report the number of Jews in the area and inform them and their families of the expulsion order. This exchange of letters became a very important source in writing the history of the Jews outside the city. The letters between the central government and the local representatives record the presence of Jews inland, in Novi, Ovada, Voltaggio and Gavi, and of a family at Sarzana, an important military outpost near La Spezia. The inland territories of the Dominion - the so-called Oltregiogo were particularly attractive to the Jews. From an economic point of view, the centres along the main routes from the sea to Piedmont and the Po valley had strategic importance for both business and the deployment of troops. Probably some Jews settled there to extend the business of the Piedmont bankers who practised in the nearby areas,190 while others started off as representatives or employees of important businessmen. Having been granted permission under the condotta to stay for a limited period of time, they eventually lived there all their lives in a relatively tolerant environment in regards to both the authorities and the population. Inland centres were also relatively safe for the Jews in view of the precarious life they were forced to lead. Most villages on the Apennines, in fact, were near the border between different jurisdictions and small feudal states, and it was possible to move quickly to a better place in case of expulsion orders or impending danger. The life of the Jews differed from place to place. For instance, in Novi (the largest centre in the inland Dominion) we find Emanuele Levita and Lazzarino Poggetto of the loan bank, as well as a small community that even had a Jewish butcher.l91 This can be seen from Joseph Hacohen's records, and is confirmed by documents in the archives. Financial papers dated 1533 document the tax paid by a group of Jews. The list includes 190. Remarks in Foa, Gli ebrei nel Mon/errato and in Loevinson, La concession des banques de prhs auxjuifs, REJ, XCII, XCIII, XCII II, XCV. 191. Isolated reference to Jewish butchery can be found in a register contained in the Archivio Storico del Comune of Novi (Registro di delibere consolarl) for the years 1515-18. The archive at the moment is under reorganisation. Further information on the local Jewish community might be found when the work is completed. The same register also mentions Jewish loans.

[lxiv]

Introduction Mose, perhaps the same person who, in 1537, asked the Genoese authorities to settle a dispute between his mother-in-law and a woman from Novi. l92 In addition to the translation of the dowry contract involving Joseph Hacohen and other Jews, there is a one-year safe-conduct granted in 1544 by the Senate to Peres Sacerdote and one for another Mose, again for one year. The presence of a sizeable Jewish community is further confirmed by a letter from Vito, a Jew of the stirpe di ] ehudah to the Senate in Genoa after the 1550 expulsion order, in which he petitions for permission to live in Novi, where gia altre volte ebbero stanza Ii suoi maggiori e ancora oggi hanno i loro sepolcri. 193 In small centres where the loan bank was run by one family or even by a single Jew, the Jewish community disappeared when the agreement expired or the family died. One exception is the loan bank in Sarzana, inland from the eastern coast, where the Jewish community was present until the 18th century, when a descendent of Sora, the first banker to be granted a condotta, married one of the Uzielli family. The Jews in Gavi, Ovada and Sarzana had some characteristics in common. Petitions to the central government for a reprieve from the expulsion order emphasised that the Jews had been living peacefully in the three communities for a long time. The petitions pointed out that the Jews helped the population not only through loans at interest, but also by offering medical services - often free of charge - and by selling grain and other foodstuffs. The local authorities supported the Jews in their petitions, which sometimes record the favour of their fellow citizens and, in the case of Sarzana, even that of the German lieutenant in the fortress. 194 An outstanding example is Joseph Hacohen, who took refuge in Voltaggio, near Ovada. Although he cannot be considered a typical example, as he was a physician, he shows the relationship among the Jews, the authorities and the population. When Joseph was issued yet another expulsion order, in 1567, the authorities and the people of Voltaggio met in the main church and sent a petition to Genoa requesting that he be allowed to stay. 195 The Jews often tried to gain favour with the population through donations to the Ufficio dei Poveri (for example at Novi), or by granting good loan conditions and particular benefits, as in the case of the Capitano 192. 193. 194. 195.

Docs. 241, 246. Doc. 306. See also Doc. 251. Docs. 485, 518. Docs. 325, 330, 331.

[lxv]

Introduction and the UfficiaLi in Voltri. l96 In 1587, again in Voltri, Anselmo and Leone Carmi donated a sum for the maintenance of the town bridges. This sum, donated to the capitaneato, proved to be of vital importance both for the small community and for the Republic. If the rain was heavy and the bridges could not be crossed, traffic with the western coast and the Po valley would be blocked (as still happens today). In 1606, ten years after the closing of the loan bank in Voltri, Giulio della Rovere and Ambrogio Lomellini, who were in charge of the important road connecting Genoa to Savona, asked the capitano of Voltri to give them tutte Le scritture che passarono per con to dei denari che pagarono gLi ebrei per La fabbrica deL ponte di VoLtri. 197 Since the request is dated October 16, it is likely that it was written following damage to the bridge during the heavy autumn rains. The local authorities played a very important role, as in Gavi, when the Nantuas lost the favours of the Podesta following the tragic death of a member of the family, and in Ovada, where the Senate of Genoa had to ask the Podesta not to harass Giuseppe Treves. 198 3. A period of transition

The increasing number of expulsion orders and the obligation to wear the yellow badge ordered by the Republic of Genoa from 1550 to 1598, led to lengthy exchanges of letters between local and central authorities. Through these letters we can add details to the general framework and we come to know of other Jews, especially along the coast. The reason for the letters was always the same: a petition for permission to stay. This was usually granted for a short period, subject to a number of conditions: the obligation to wear the badge, the ban on lending money without a licence, reduced interest for those who did have a licence, and a limitation on personal freedom. A Jew in Ovada was even ordered not to discuss matters of religion. While life in the Republic of Genoa was precarious, it was also one of the worst periods for the Jews throughout Italy - marked by the infamous bulls, the fires in Ancona, the burning of the Talmud and other books, the ghettos and other restrictive provisions enforced by the most rigid and intolerant Popes of the Reform. 196. Docs. 392. 197. Doc. 538: "All written documents concerning the money the Jews paid for the construction of the bridge in Voltri." 198. Docs. 337,338.

[lxvi]

Introduction It was a hard time for Genoa, tormented by the plague of 1579-80 and the famine. When food was very scarce in 1592, Vita Pogetto, aJew from Asti, signed a contract with the Ufficio Abbondanza in Genoa, undertaking to supply 100 mine of grain. The city was undergoing radical changes; its population was growing rapidly, since farmers were moving to the city and the various classes of craftsmen were gradually breaking Up.199 The ruling class seemed to have given up due to rigid laws which were, nonetheless, quite ineffective. The endless struggle between classes lead to the constitutional reform of 1576, aimed at striking a balance between State powers and authorities and avoiding the concentration of power in the hands of a few. 20o But antagonism was not eliminated and the most prestigious positions were fiercely disputed. The documents from the second half of the 16th century again mark the difference between Jews in the city (mostly physicians and merchants) and in the Dominion (mainly bankers and businessmen). After the expulsion decree, the Podesta of Varazze recorded previously unknown Jews, who lived in Albisola and Albisola Superiore, on the western coast. 201 In Albenga, further along the western Riviera, the Podesta praised the work of Elia Theodoro. 202 The new banks along the coast were set up mainly because of the difficl,llt situation: food and work were scarce. 203 There the condotta was usually rather short, and the expulsion order made it even shorter since it could not count on a long tradition like the banks inland in the Dominion. The Nantua family in Gavi and Raffaele Sora in Sarzana started as bankers in the early 16th century, while documents show that Treves's bank in Ovada dated back to the late 15th century.204 Throughout the Republic, there were no loan banks (the only place where you could actually borrow money) except for Carmi and Pavia, bankers in Voltri. They advanced money on business transactions arranged in Genoa and in the vicinity of the charitable public pawn bank. A Senate 199. Costantini, La Repubblica di Genova, p. 82. 200. The legislative reform is known by the name Leggi di Casale, because the request for it to be drawn up was made to the representatives in the Casale area and it was here that the work was terminated in 1576. The representatives were: Cardinal Giovanni Morone, the Papal Legate; Don Giovanni Idiaquez, the Spanish Envoy in Genoa, and the Bishop of Acqui, Pietro Francesco de Costaciario, representing Emperor Massimiliano II. Piergiovanni, Il Senato della Repubblica di Genova, p. 236. 201. Docs. 440, 444, 447, 476, 484. 202. Docs. 475, 477. 203. Urbani, Nuovi documenti, pp. 196-197, note 22. 204. Doc. 464.

[lxvii]

Introduction

decree granting the Jews permiSSIOn to lend money in Voltri was specifically referred to in each contract. 205 No provisions specifically preventing Jews from lending money in the town have been found; the provisional chapters drawn up by the Chancellor of the Bank of San Giorgio in 1655 were never promulgated. 206 On the eastern coast the Jews lived mainly in Chiavari and Sestri Levante, working as barbers and surgeons. Unfortunately, they, too, left little trace, if any, in the numerous archival sources of Genoa. The city seemed to have lost contact with Sephardi refugees and with the Jews who were inevitably attracted by their presence. Records mention Mose Sbitono for a while, then Jews from Maghreb and Ashkenazi. They would stay only temporarily, however, and arrange legal transactions between one expulsion order and the other. However, a certain Zaccaria, apparently a physician, during a period of extreme temporariness in 1570, was granted a 12-year permit to make wrought iron blades and exploit the mine in Voltri.207 The sources referring to these Jews in the city are mostly formal deeds and notary contracts. They tell us very little about their religious life or the relationship between the Jewish and Christian communities. 4. The Church and the government

During the first half of the 16th century, the government issued safeconducts for Jews residing in the city were sometimes conditioned by per debita reverentia, the Deputy Archbishop's licence. However, he does not seem to have questioned the granting of safe-conducts, nor, as can be seen from the notary deeds, to have been concerned about contact between Jews and Christians. It was mainly through the loan bank that the Jews had contact with the rest of the population. Obviously, at a time of misery and extreme poverty, the relations were not always happy. Sometimes personal relations reached such a degree of familiarity that the Church grew worried. In 1570, the bishop of Acqui opposed Joseph Treves, a Jew from Ovada, because he "never dressed or lived as prescribed by the Councils and doubts the Virginity of the Madonna."208 The bishop suggested to the 205. 206. 207. 208.

Doc. 479. Doc. 592. Docs. 347,350. Doc. 345.

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Republic that Joseph be harassed; the Inquisitor agreed, but was willing to discuss the matter with the government of Genoa in case it did not agree. A few months later, in July 1570, the same Jew had attracted the bishop's attention and worried him because he "eats, dances, gambles in the company of Christians and doesn't comply with the prescriptions of the Councils."209 We do not know the outcome, since the controversy and Treves were no longer mentioned in the documents. Records of disputes in the second half of the century mainly involve Jews living inland; they were subject to the intolerance of the local church, and turned to the Republic of Genoa for protection. Although they were citizens of the Dominion, they depended on the bishop of Acqui if they lived in the Ovada area, and on the bishop of T ortona if they lived in the Novi area. The Republic actually supported the Jews from Novi when the bishop of Tortona obliged them to wear the badge. 2lO In 1591 the bishop of Acqui opposed some Jews in Ovada - Abraham and Leone Alfa. He ordered an attachment of their property on some pretext but the Republic, probably feeling threatened, protested against this interference by the Church; this reaction was typical of the Genoese ruling class in the late 16th century. According to historians, the Genoese politicians of the time devoted themselves only to routine administration and not always with any great zeal. Still, they were aware of their right to rule, notwithstanding the lax and uneventful political period, and were convinced that the Republic belonged to them. 211 The replies to the bishop, and the directives to the Podesta in Ovada not to allow the church ministers to distrain the local Jews without notifying the government in advance and to await their orders, provide ample proof of their concept of state. Outside interference was inadmissible.212 In 1581 Pope Gregory XIII sent the Doge and the Government of the Republic a brief ordering that no converted Jews from Spain or Portugal be accepted, as they had returned to Judaism. 213 The Signoria was invited to name any apostates in order for enquiries to be made. Luckily the Genoese government did not comply, although probably there were no converts who wanted to return to Judaism in Genoa; if there were any, they were hidden among the rest of the population and difficult to identify, and the authorities showed no interest in such matters. 209. 210. 211. 212. 213.

Doc. 351. Urbani, Note d'archivio, pp. 103-104. Costantini, La Repubblica di Genova, p. 144. Docs. 415, 417. Doc. 379.

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Introduction

There were a number of converted Jews or Jewish descendants who chose to be baptised. The most famous is probably Andrea, called Doria because he was the son of master Simone, barber on board Prince Doria's galleys. On being baptised, master Simone chose the Prince's surname and transmitted it to his offspring. It is not clear why another Simone, olim hebreus, was given permission to stay since, ifhe was no longer aJew, there was no need for an exception. He was most probably just thinking of becoming a Christian, prompted by the expulsion decree. 5. The first half of the 17th century, when there were no longer any Jews in Genoa

This was a strange period indeed, both for the Republic and for the Jews who were said to be living there. We have attempted to elucidate how the history of Genoa and the history of the Jews in the Genoese territories were linked by a common fate. The early 16th century saw many transformations, which the plague in 1579-1580 had accelerated. This involved every aspect of the city, from the architecture of new buildings to the population. The old craftsmen seemed to have disappeared to the countryside, forced away by the plague and by the crises in manufacturing, which made it very hard to find work. A growing number of beggars, wanderers and daily workers took their place. They were forced to leave their homes due to the crises and the famine, and moved to the city in a very precarious situation. This continuous and ever-growing flow increased the population by 20 percent and inevitably brought about serious problems of provisions and public order.214 The markets also were undergoing a radical change. New foreign production made sales more difficult, and the loss of the French market had an adverse effect on the Genoese economy, including maritime traffic and sea trade. Soon the northern countries took over. During the 1590s, they were also called upon to compensate for the poor grain harvest, which was insufficient to cope with the farmers and mountain folk arriving in town. Economic changes brought about political changes. The new generation was more used to the idea of a State, and more ready to discuss it. The alliance with and subjection to Spain, which allowed the Republic to 214. Costantini, La Repubblica di Genova, passim.

[Ix x]

Introduction

remain out of contemporary conflicts, was maintained at first. Then, when the new balance began to show signs of weakness, the attitude changed. During this time of transformation, the presence of the Jews was not always apparent. In the first half of the 1600s the history of the Jews is incomplete, especially in the city. In the Dominion, sources record some Jews as living in Sarzana and in the Novi area. Vita Poggetto, son of Lazzarino, still ran the loan bank there with his agents and carried out business in the Ovada region as well. The last expulsion decree of the century, in 1597, did not have any radical effect and Vita, from Asti, was allowed to stay in Novi. A permit granted by the Senate in January 1600 followed the usual petition; the local authorities and the whole population intervened in his favour. 215 An edict supporting the expulsion had no effect. Permission to stay was also granted to Abraham Artom, who worked with Poggetto in the Ovada area. Upon expiry of their residence permits, the whole procedure was repeated; rich and poor, merchants and the clergy all testified in their favour. Where Jews lived in the towns of the Apennines (especially in Novi) foreigners were attracted and the markets and customs benefited from it. Three years later, in 1603, Abraham Artom asked the Doge and the Governatori for more than a residence permit; he requested freedom to move from T assarolo, where he lived, to N ovi and, if necessary, to Genoa. He had to collect money due to him and he presented his petition through a causidico (counsel for the defence). The safe-conduct was granted, provided that Abraham wore a red hat in the Novi region. It is not clear why the hat was supposed to be red. Perhaps at the time in Genoa nobody knew that the colour for the Jews had always been yellow, or perhaps it was a writing error, although the term rubeum leaves no doubt as to the colour.216 Outside the Novi area Abraham was allowed to travel on business, with or without a red hat, on one single condition: that he did not deal in mortgages. In this part of the Dominion the traditional idea that Jews could deal only with the loan bank, rarely being able to go outside the town unless previously authorised, was gradually changing. In Gavi, Lazzarino (the last descendant of the Nantua family) had to face many hardships. He lived in the same building as a Christian, and could no longer be of any help to the population. 217 215. Docs. 527, 528. 216. Doc. 534. 217. Doc. 539.

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Introduction

The Jews who had been living for a long time in these small places, mainly at Novi and at Sarzana, shared their lives with the Christians without any serious problems. It is in this context that an unusual document found in the Senate archives should be interpreted. It includes incomplete provisions in regard to a synod; one chapter is dedicated to the Jews. In addition to well-known prohibitions - against going out during the Holy Week, doing business on Sundays, consulting unlicensed Jewish doctors - the document lists a number of lesser known prohibitions: against living with Christians (as the Nantua did in Gavi), and drinking, eating, playing or talking in a familiar way with them (as often happened in Ovada). Other orders - not to appoint Jews compatri (godfathers), and for Christian women not to have anything to do with belletti 0 colori 0 simili vanita with Jewish women - imply that relationships went beyond simply being good neighbours. 218 The records on the Jews in the Dominion are less fragmentary, enabling us to discover unusual and new aspects and stimulating our curiosity to find out more details about their lives. They stop abruptly, however, at the beginning of the 17th century. Sources on the alemanni Jews are more consistent. These Jews passed through Genoa or the Dominion once a year on their way to San Remo, where they bought etrogim and palms for the Feast of Tabernacles. 219 This had probably taken place since the 15th century, since a regulation in the Statutes of San Remo, dated 1435, states that etrogim to be sold to the Jews were to be harvested in compliance with ritual specifications. Due to incomplete documentation, we cannot reconstruct these journeys in detail; from fragmentary archival records and from the study in progress, we can infer, however, that the Ashkenazim went to the western Riviera continuously until the end of the 18th century. After a century, the sources again refer to a brief Jewish presence in Savona. Samuel Israel from Leghorn was jailed by the Governor, perhaps for debt. Because he was indicia to in materia grave nel S. Officio, the deputy of the Father Inquisitor did not succeed in having the authorities defer the matter to him and protested to his superiors that the Governor con certi pretesti refused to give him the Jew. 220 Through the intercession of the Father Inquisitor of Genoa with the Senate, Salomon's stay in Savona lasted only from February to May . We do not know what fate the 218. Doc. 531. 219. Doc. 535. 220. Doc. 550.

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Inquisition determined for him, since the documents are incomplete. It appears that no Jews lived in Genoa at the time, although the sources do not deny their presence. Some refer to the classic example of a Jewish woman who became a nun after her conversion and was miraculously saved from the devil in 1609 by the Prioress, Maria Vittoria Fornari Strata. 221 The archives record a contract drawn up by the notary Cangialanza for some Jews in Monferrato who owed the Duke of Mantua 2200 doppie d'oro plus interest. In 1624 the Jews were forced to ask Gian Gerolamo Di Negro, from Genoa, for help. There seem to have been a few Jews who went to Genoa for a short periods of time on business, but Genoa was passing through a difficult time and had little to offer foreigners. Even Andrea Spinola, the major commentator on contemporary politics, in his Dizionario (compiled from 1619 to 1623) noted that there were no Jews in the city and that Genoa should welcome them in order to increase trade. 222 Documents regarding the first half of the century are difficult to find because of the frequent overlapping of jurisdictions among governmental bodies. This is more noticeable where the organisation of the various departments took some time - particularly in Genoa, where the government archives were divided into a number of complementary units. 223 Due to the situation in Genoa, an office was created in 1628 to deal specifically with foreigners, and therefore with Jews: the M agistrato della Consegna 0 Bolletta. This body granted residence permits to the Jews until the Napoleonic period; unfortunately, we do not know where its archives are located. Some isolated papers issued by the body have been found contained in other documents. Since the jurisdictions of the M agistrato della Consegna and the lnquisitori di Stato were closely linked, it is possible that the loss of one archive involved the loss of the other as well. When it was appointed, the task of the Magistrato della Consegna was to purgar la cittO, da gente inutile, that is, to free the town from those who had no means of support and had to share with a large number of others stanze terranee 0 sia stalle humide e tali che siano molto contrarie al vivere umano. In order to prevent this awkward situation, the M agistrato was supposed to make sure beforehand that the straniero abbia 0 patrimonio 0 industria e 221. Collet, Venerabile Madre M. Vittoria Fomari Strata, p. 210. 222. Doc. 547. 223. Bitossi, II Govemo dei Magnifici, pp. 22-24.

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Introduction sia persona quieta e di buona vita. This is probably why no Jews went to Genoa in those years. Abram Segre of Piedmont and Isach Buzalini of Verona are two exceptions. They tried to gain the favours of the Republic through entrepreneurial endeavours.224 Segre, halfway between forger and alchemist, risked capital punishment. He arrived in 1608 with some doppie which had a higher gold content than that prescribed by the Mint of Genoa; this he had obtained using a secret method he had learned from a German Jew. This was the golden age for alchemists, who were even encouraged by Emperor Rudolph of Hapsburg. Buzalini offered the Serenissima Repubblica a remedy to prevent weapons from rusting; he expected to be granted a patent latto che sara la prova e trovandolo vero and 100 doppie d'oro as a reward. It was 20 June 1629, and he was a rare testimony of the presence of Jews in the documents of the Eccellentissima Camera. From 1637 on, a number of general edicts were issued by the Holy Office. The Father Inquisitor, listing provisions against the heretica pravita, ordered that his Court be notified immediately of coloro che aderiscono ai riti de' Giudei. None of the edicts proved successful. Apparently there were no Judaizers, and the Holy Office could do nothing but repeat its menacing orders. The Inquisitor was not the only one who feared false Christians in the Republic. From the orders of the Curia Papale, it seems that the city was full of Jews. Rome was worried about the Jews who went to Genoa per loro negotii, et si trattengono non solo giorni, ma settimane e mesi, habitando in casa de cristiani senza portar segno alcuno. This was the beginning of a letter sent from the Cardinal of San Clemente in Rome to the Republic on 22 June 1629, at the Pope's request. 225 Questa materia molto gelosa, continued the Cardinal, recommending the utmost prudence and zeal to the Doge and the Eccellentissimi Signori. A later missive, dated 23 June 1629, warned the Archbishop of Genoa as well; he was asked to convince the Senate of the Republic to issue a decree against the Jews. But where were the Jews? If they went to Genoa on business, there should have been some trace of their presence. It is very unlikely that all the Jews in Genoa could pass unnoticed among the nameless and confused population of the city at the time. Nor is it possible that all of the documents related to them disappeared. It is very possible that the

e

224. Docs. 540, 553. 225. Doc. 554.

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number of Jews in Genoa around 1630 was higher than the sources seem to show. But nothing can be established for certain, since the scarce documentation seems to contradict Rome's great preoccupation with what it perceived to be a large Jewish community in Genoa. In reply to Rome's fears, on 28 June 1629 the Senate ordered the M agistrato della C onsegna to oblige the Jews to wear the yellow badge if they wanted to stay in Genoa,226 although we do not know who these Jews were. On 20 July the Cardinal of San Clemente expressed Pope Urban VIII' satisfaction with the provision. 227 The provision was not complied with and residence permits were granted unconditionally, as can be deduced from the only petition known to exist. It was presented by Sabato Pavoncello and Sabato Fiorentino in 1636. Both Jews complain that, contrary to the usual practice, they found it difficult to obtain an unconditional residence permit. They referred to some Jews in Sarzana, since they could not give similar examples from Genoa. Both Pavoncello and Fiorentino emphasised that, if they were not obliged to wear the badge, they would have the freedom to conduct business more easily; thus granting them exemption would be advantageous to Genoa and would help to promote business in the city. The Senate granted their petition, but at the same time asked the M agistrato della C onsegna to examine other solutions, such as making the Jews pay a sum to charity in order to be granted a residence permit. A month later, in August 1636, the M agistrato della Consegna informed the Senate of the new regulations for Jews who wished to stay in Genoa. An initial four-day residence permit would be granted by the Senate freely and without the badge obligation in order not to impedire it trafico e comerchio. Further permits or extensions would be granted upon payment of eight reals per person per month. The revenue could be used nell'opera pia di scacciare ti poveri mendicanti dalla citta, while un eventuate avanzo si destinerebbe all'Ufficio dei Poveri. The M agistrato had the power to cancel, revoke, or modify the permits as he deemed suitable; in such cases the money paid in advance would be returned. Between 1636 and 1646, the infrequent petitions complied with the provisions set by the M agistrato della Consegna. As far as the obligation to wear the badge was concerned, we can deduce a certain amount of tolerance. In Sarzana in 1648, for example, the officer's opinion was that only Jews from outside - not those who had been living there for some 226. Docs. 554, 555. 227. Doc. 556

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time - had to wear the badge and comply with other provisions. The Senate of Genoa approved this interpretation. Residence permits were granted to increase trade and to promote business. The situation in Genoa during the early 17th century deeply affected its economy. A number of solutions were attempted, among them the free port. The first declaration was made in the 1590s quale strumento della politica annonaria del Governo. When the free port turned into a freight-free port, it lost its political nature. As an economic provision, it depended on the Casa di San Giorgio. In the early 17th century, although the free port survived because it kept the city constantly supplied, the main reason behind it was to keep Genoa the centre of international trade, and to intercept or even monopolise main currents of trade. 228 The Protettori di San Giorgio - also called Protettori delle Compere di San Giorgio, or della Casa di San Giorgio - were as satisfied with the first results and extended the free port benefits for five-year terms. During the war with the Duke of Savoy, trade was stalled, but in 1628 the free port expanded even further, following the example of Leghorn in grande... e con 10 stesso pagamento. In contrast, however, the free port in Genoa was more complicated; its benefits involved, at different levels, vessels, freight and people.229 Between 1628 and 1650 the Protettori delle Compere di San Giorgio felt the need to change it and improve it; thus the free port became generalissimo. Although it involved vessels and their cargo, it implied benefits for freight which could be quite easily transported over land, such as from Piedmont and Monferrato. 23o A new free port declaration in 1654 also granted permission to ogni e qualunque persona di qualsivoglia nazione, stato, grado e conditione nessuna esc/usa, di poter venire nella presente citta di Genova etiandio con Ie loro /amiglie ... et in essa, stare, dimorare ... e poter negotiare in cambi, merci, vettovaglie. At some stage the concession was extended and became more precise. As opposed to the previous versions, it stated: e gli H ebrei e gli In/edeli ancora s'ammetteranno e saranno ricevuti secondo Ii modi e/orme che comoderanno alii Serenissimi Collegi. 231 It was 26 October 1654. The 228. Costantini, La Repubblica di Genova, p. 323. 229. Ibid., p. 330. 230. " ... that can quite easily travel overland ... "; see, A.S.G., Archivio Segreto n. 1040120, regulations on free pon, 11 January 1650. 231. Doc. 584.

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relationship between the government in Genoa and the Jews was starting change.

to

6. The first official admission of]ews in Genoa

A few years were still to pass before a real Jewish community existed in Genoa. The first step towards this was certainly the free port declaration of 1654. It did not imply the end of personal licences based on personal reasons, which were regularly extended upon expiry whenever requested. From that date, however, a charter issued by the Republic - the Capitoli di tolleranza per la nazione ebrea - would set the general rule and be referred to for all the Jews who wanted to settle in Genoa. Great social, political and religious problems were still to be overcome before a Jewish community could be set up in Genoa. Reference has already been made to the admission of Jews in Genoa,m but the sources of the time allow us to have a more thorough picture of their laborious settlement, which began in 1654 and was completed only in 1659. In November 1654 the Casa di San Giorgio published its last free port declaration. In March 1655 Giuseppe Costa (or Da Costa), a Jew from Leghorn, and some others asked the Protettori delle Compere di San Giorgio for permission to transfer their business to Genoa and live there with their families. Such freedom was provided for by the free port, although subject to conditione et ordini which had to be set down by the Protettori and accepted by the Jews. 233 The Protettori di San Giorgio could not grant all the Jews' requests, since the free port declaration stated that they could be admitted according to the norms and forms decided upon by the Serenissimi Collegi, and they had to inform the Senate, before which the Jews had already appeared. The Senate, caught unprepared by the new requests, on 4 May 1655 asked the Protettori to examine the matter and assess any benefits for the Casa di San Giorgio and report to them. In the letter to the Protettori the Government expressed its preoccupation. The Jews who had made the requests, in fact, suddenly left town, threatened and forced to go back to Leghorn. By order of the Senate and the Protettori del Banco, the Magistrato degli Inquisitori di Stato and the Genoese consul in Leghorn were asked to inquire into those shameful events. 234 232. Staglieno, Degli ebrei, pp. 399-404. Brizzolari, Gli ebrei, pp. 135-146. Urbani, Nuovi documenti, pp. 202-203. 233. Docs. 586, 587. 234. Doc. 589. Nothing has been traced in the Consulate of Leghorn's correspondence.

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In August 1655 some progress was made. Another Jew, Salomon d'ltalia, from Mantua, who at the time lived in Casale, tried to induce the Chancellor of the Casa di San Giorgio to grant his requests. The Chancellor asked the Senate to reply to Salomon's petition, having heard the Giunta di Marina. Salomon's request for permission for the Jews to move to Genoa pointed out that they would be of great help to the city's economy, especially in regards to the traffic with the East, which was controlled mostly by the Jews. 235 A few decades earlier, Andrea Spinola had suggested the same solution for Genoa's weak commerce in his Dizionario. 236 The Chancellor, although convinced of the benefits that the Jews would bring, could not decide how to admit them; he left it to the Senate to find a political solution to the matter. However, he submitted to the Protettori deL Banco a first draft of the regulations with which the Jews who wished to move to Genoa must comply, asking the Protettori to report to the Government of the Republic. 237 We do not know whether the first draft of the Charter for the Jewish community in Genoa was written personally by the Chancellor of the Bank - at the time G. P. Scaniglia - or by more than one person, but the tolerance and liberality that permeate even the strictest parts are obvious. However the Charter granted in 1659, after long negotiations with the Republic on the one hand, and the Holy See and the Inquisition on the other, was a completely different kettle of fish. The Charter of September 1655 was granted for ten years with the possibility of a five-year contrabbando in case non ci compiacessimo di continuare, in order to allow the Jews to end their business without haste or harassment. The protection granted included the promise that no enquiries would be made ancora che per iL passato /ossero essi hebrei vissuti /uori deL Dominio nostro in habito come Christiani 0 havutone nome. The Charter was rather long, consisting 235. The Republic did, in fact, hope to build up trade again with the East. Commercial relations, which had been interrupted during the second half of the 16th century seemed to have been able to pick up again around 1654, but the re-established trade links met opposition from France. In A.S.G., Arti, n. 160, there is a ricordo or note suggesting how the trade with the East might be increased: far gratia libera ovvero col sborso di denaro a qualche ebrei facoltosi di non portare il bindello al capello, presentondo si che con questo ne verrebbero ad habitare molti in Genova e vi porterebbero particolarmente il negotio di Levante che presentemente si trova tuUo in mana d'ebrei. See also note 243.

236. Doc. 547. 237. Doc. 592.

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of 42 chapters. Provisions in favour of the Jews included personal safeconducts, freedom of trade, permission to open shops in town and permission to move about without wearing the badge. The Charter also dealt with personal benefits in regard to dowries, administration of justice, employment of Christian servants, administration of a cemetery without harassment, prohibition against forced baptism of children who were under age, purchase of real estate, practise of medicine with Christians as well, and the opportunity to study and obtain a degree. Jews were granted permission to profess their religion, to possess books (except for those prohibited by the Inquisitor), and to eat meat butchered according to their rites with no surcharge. The capi di casa were also allowed to carry and use any kind of weapon non proibite e difensive outside the town. The punishment for any Christians found at night in the ghetto was set forth. Jews were not allowed to lend money on usury, run a victualler's shop, or sell or buy holy items. The administration of justice was at their own expense. When the Protettori del Banco were asked their opinion of the Charter, they expressed some reservations. They would have liked to condition the admission of Jews on the quantity and quality of their business, on the extent to which it would increase commerce. The content was too detailed and should be summed up in a few items. They doubted that the Jews could introduce new trades or restore the traffic with the East. A few members of the Protettori del Banco declared that restrictive norms on personal and economic freedom should be introduced, such as prohibiting the Jews from opening shops in town and forcing them to live in a ghetto like that in Rome. This was not an example of tolerance, since the ghetto in Rome had virtually become a prison. 238 Consequently, in order to avoid contradictions, the following chapter on the privileges and powers of Christian merchants had to be amended, cancelling the exemption from wearing the badge and the freedom to buy real estate. Between October 1655 and January 1656, the Jews who had appeared before the Protettori del Banco stayed in town with the favours of the Deputati ad res maritimas. Salomon d'ltalia was among them. Negotiations were in progress but suddenly the plague put an end to the progress. The epidemic - the tail end of the famous plague described in Manzoni's The Betrothed - hit Genoa in 1656. The first cases were recorded in July. Between October and December, the number of cases reached 2,500. In May 1657, 1,000 people fell ill and nearly 400 people died 238. Fornari, La Roma del ghetto, Roma 1984, p. 30.

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every day. InJuly the plague was at its cruellest, with 1,200 dead every day. Records of the time state that the sides of the streets were heaped with piles of corpses and things thrown from the windows and burned. There were no gravediggers to bury the dead. Only four or five Senators remained with the Doge to take care of the whole city. They alone had to bear the burden of politics, health, war, provisions and everything else. The ministers were all dead. 239 The mortality rate reached almost 90 percent and the population of Genoa, 73,000, was cut down by approximately 50,000. Since the mountain passes were closed to prevent the epidemic from spreading, some Jews were forced to stay longer than foreseen in Genoa at the beginning of the following year. Some, taking advantage of the intercession of the Secretary of the Senate, Felice Tassorello, or too poor to afford it, did not pay for the permit extension. In March 1658 Tassorello took the Jews' side for the first time. From then on, openly or covertly, he played a very important role for the Jewish community in times of hardship. The reason behind his benevolent attitude has never been explained, and there are no elements on which to formulate hypotheses or to understand Tassorello's position. Unfortunately, the incomplete sources have not yet allowed us to solve this problem, or the question of the Jews in the first half of the 17th century. The plague had negative effects at all levels of the economy. All hopes of recovery lay in the free port, which was seen as the only way to restore public finances. So in May 1658 the Casa di San Giorgio and the Dominante began again to study the issue of the Jews. A new Charter was drawn up for the community and approved by the Serenissimi Collegi. In June 1658 Filippo Casoni, annalist, wrote: in fine per molte concessioni e privilegi sopra Ie rimostranze e conforti del magistrato di San Giorgio, con pubblico decreto del 16 giugno ammisersi a vivere e a trafficare liberamente nella citta gli Ebrei. Then the problems for the Jews who wanted to move to Genoa began. 7. The Charter

The relationship between the Jews and the Dominante was regulated by a charter known as the Capitoli di tolleranza per la nazione ebrea. 240 This 239. See Costantini, La Repubblica di Genova, p. 356, where there are some observations on the subject from Presotto, Genova 1656-1657. Cronacbedi una pestilenza, pp. 402-403. 240. Doc. 622.

[lxxx]

Introduction established that the Jews, along with their property, were granted ample safe-conduct, and were not to be harassed for any reason whatsoever, including having lived somewhere with a Christian name. The Charter granted freedom to the Jews, allowing them to carry on business throughout the Dominion, and stated that a place for the synagogue and a ghetto would be provided. The first restrictions started here. The ghetto had to be locked from the outside at 1 a.m. and opened again at dawn by a Christian guard. During the Holy Week, on Thursday, Friday and Saturday, the Jews had to be locked in and were allowed to go out only under exceptional circumstances. Inside the ghetto, they were allowed to sell merchandise, except for prohibited weapons and certain kinds of fabric, to both Christians and Jews, and to buy land to bury their dead. Two Protectors were appointed for the Jewish community;241 until 1674, these were the two Governatori Residenti di Palazzo. They were supposed to authorise the employment of Christian nannies and the possession of certain books. However, the Talmud, the books banned by the Council of Trent and those listed in Pope Clement VIII's bull were still prohibited. The obligation to wear the badge was imposed. For civil justice, the Jews had to refer to the Rabbis for actions between Jews, and to the ordinary city magistrates for actions with Christians. The community was allowed to appoint its censari to negotiate, to use weapons outside the new city walls, and to deliver Jews imprisoned by Republican vessels. Personal provisions involved dowries, deaths ab intestato (twothirds of the inheritance went to the Camera della Repubblica and onethird to the synagogue), and the obligation of each family head to pay one gold scudo per annum instead of the eight reals per month established by the Magistrato della Consegna in 1636. The revenue was assigned to the M agistrato dell'A rmamento. The privilege was in force for ten years, with the possibility of being extended every ten years. The government was obliged to publicly warn of any expulsions five years in advance. Although it was rather discriminatory against the Jews, the Charter was not welcomed by either Pope Alexander VII or the Inquisitor. They found it too liberal, and called for certain amendments. The Pope did not like that Jews who had been living as Christians were not to be harassed, thereby preventing the local Inquisition from punishing them. Nor did he appreciate that the Republic could choose the site for the synagogue and the ghetto, since he felt such a decision should be left in the hands of the Pontiff. Other complaints referred to the authority conferred on the 241. Urbani, Protettori della Nazione Ebrea, pp. 197-201.

[lxxxi]

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Protectors of the Jewish community for books and Christian nannies. It was, however, mainly the first chapter that caused displeasure for the Pope, since he saw it as being detrimental to the religious authority and the Holy Canons. In order to save the dignity of the Republic and at the same time avoid displeasing the Pope, the Collegi sent an evasive letter to the Residente, a diplomat in Rome, stating that there was no time for amendments, but that the matter would be discussed again in accordance with the desires of His Holiness. This did not suffice, however, and the Roman Inquisition complained about a number of passages. A lengthy controversy started between Genoa and Rome on the matter of Jews who had lived elsewhere as Christians. The Republic wanted to grant them freedom; Rome neither accepted general explanations, nor examples of other Catholic nations where such Jews were not harassed. Amendments were suggested by the Curia and the Holy Office, and in 1659 a new version of the Charter was drawn up. This included the restrictions demanded by the religious authorities, particularly the exclusion of Jews who had been living abroad as Christians. The Republic was forced to accept this imposition and could no longer grant a safe-conduct based on individual cases. They had suggested that Jews who came from countries where their religion was banned be treated differently from those who pretended to be Christians in places where being a Jew was not dangerous, with only the latter being denied a safe-conduct. Rome, however, rejected this suggestion. In the end the Father Inquisitor undertook not to harass Jews who had been living in Spain and Portugal as Christians. In the meantime the Lesser Council discussed whether it was useful to have a Jewish community in Genoa. Some members had doubts; some were convinced that the city could never benefit from them. The voting was in favour of the Jews, however, perhaps because T assorello succeeded in persuading some members of the government. Even among the Jews themselves, doubts about staying in Genoa began to arise. Considerations dated October 1659 emphasised the difficulties and threats they had to overcome in order to increase business. The immediate conclusion, however, was that it was of no great importanceche non se ne ha da tener conto.242

242. Doc. 641.

[lxxxii]

Introduction 8. A difficult start: between admission and expulsion

The Charter did not make life easy for the Jews living in Genoa. Having overcome the dispute between the State and the Roman Curia, the Jews had to find their place in a period that was difficult and delicate, although not as troublesome as the early 16th century had been for the Sephardim. First of all, Genoa was still feeling the effects of the plague from the demographic, social, and economic points of view. On an international level, even though Spain was still privileged in comparison with other countries, the Republic was looking for new alliances. When the long relationship with the court of Madrid began to grow increasingly more tense, the Republic tried to improve relations with France, mainly in order to be able to trade in the Eastern seas. After the 1604 capitulations, France had declared that all countries with no direct contacts with the Ottoman Empire could trade freely with Turkey provided that their vessels flew the French flag. 243 This was outrageous to the Republic; but an improved relationship with France, indignant about the Republic's long alliance with Spain, could be useful in restoring traffic with Constantinople. A first opportunity had appeared with the friendship between Mazarino and the Republic, but the plague in 1656-57 and the death of the Minister had put an end to that. Among the aristocracy, old conflicts were fostered by the circumstances. Those who were closer to Spain opposed those who were closer to France, and different ways of investing and making profit widened the gap between the rich and those who had nothing to lose. 244 The 1657 free port failed to restore business, and the goal of placing Genoa in the heart of international trade grew even more unattainable. The port remained of secondary importance to Leghorn, and was unable to bring wealth to the Republic. The Jewish community, which had no links with the previous one except for its Sephardi origin, had to face up to these unfortunate circumstances which characterised the history of Genoa throughout most of the second half of the century. Through a suitable tolerance charter, an internal set of rules, and authorities in charge of protecting them, the Jews moved to the ghetto in Vico del Campo, as decided by the Republic, where they were to remain until 1674. The street became known as the

243. Vitale, Breviario, pp. 303-308. 244. Costantini, La Repubblica di Genova, p. 347.

[lxxxiii]

Introduction carrogio degli ebreP45 and retained this name until 1938 when, following the laws on racism, its name was changed back to Vico del Campo. The community was not large, although it thrived in the city, and personal contacts between Jews and a number of Genoese institutions began. This was also due to the contradictory policy of the Republic, which vacillated between general expulsion decrees and personal residence permits. The procedure was the same as before and gave rise to a number of different provisions, individual acts of office, and decrees; they are difficult to trace in archives which have nothing in common with the modern systems. It is indeed a very complicated task to faithfully reconstruct the development of the Jewish community in Genoa; nothing is left of its early records. It is mainly through the documents of the State Archives that the life of the Jewish community in the late 17th century can be traced. As far as the first decade is concerned, the records mention Jews who moved to Genoa for business following the free port declaration, and Jews who simply passed through and left a trace because they came into contact with some authority or institution. The major event in regard to the latter was the granting of powers to the Inquisition, extorted from the Senate by the Father Inquisitor in a meeting with the Lesser Council for extremely important public matters. The episode is well known and has been the subject of earlier studies. 246 The Republic, which had just solved the question of the Charter after a year and a half, had to cope with the Inquisition because of certain individuals. The Local Inquisitor arrested some Spanish Jews who had landed in Genoa on their way to Leghorn. In Spain, they had been forced to receive baptism, which was completely void of significance for them except as a means for avoiding further suffering; during the journey, they were alleged to have said that they hoped to be able to go back to their fathers' religion in Italy. The Republic, notified of the arrest, felt usurped of its authority and offended at the cunning and deceitfulness of the Inquisitor. To jail them was against the rules that allowed Jews to settle in the Dominion without being harassed or investigated because of their faith. The Republic wanted the Jews to be released so that the rules set forth in the Charter 245. See A.S.G., Residenti di Palazzo, filza 15, a document dated 1666. We read that Vico degli Adorno is located in the vicinity of the Jewish quarter, and in another document which is undated but presumably 1667, that: "Andrea the baker lives near the Jews." 246. See Staglieno, Degli Ebrei, pp. 404-406. Brizzolari, Gli ebrei, pp. 159-161; Canosa, Storia dell'lnquisizione in ltalia, pp. 163-169.

[lxxxiv]

Introduction

would not be breached. The Doge himself called on the Inquisitor to complain that he had failed to fulfil the promise he had undertaken upon correction of the Charter. The exchange of diplomatic letters with the Residente in Rome shows the determined attitude of the government of the Republic, which eventually succeeded in having the Inquisitor leave the city and the Jews released from jail. However, the Republic had to promise not to accept any Judaizing Jews in the future. The Jews who appear in the documents of the 1670s are of Sephardi origin. They used Spanish and Italian in both public and private documents. The first general orders to the Jewish community were in Spanish, as was the list of names presented by Jews requesting permission to live outside the ghetto. 247 Many of the books that were missing from Samuel Vaez Pegna's house the day after the French bombing in May 1684 were in Spanish,248 as was the census ordered by the Protectors of the Jewish community.249 The lists, precious sources of information though they may be, do not provide details of the Jewish presence in Genoa. There is always someone whose name was not included, for one reason or another, and the data are often incorrect. This is always true of the censuses of Jews in Genoa. Notary Gerolamo Borlasca drew up several deeds in Spanish, in regard to Jews from Maghreb who lived in Genoa. Their legal transactions referred to Oran, Leghorn, Alicante, Madrid, Venice, Tunis and Amsterdam. 250 The notary, who was used to having Jewish clients, went to a house in the ghetto and, before Jewish witnesses, drew up a deed in which Ester Vaez appointed her sister Rachel, living in Florence, her attorney; she wanted to collect her part of the inheritance after the death of her mother Giuditta. 251 Most probably the Vaez family, who had spent some time in Florence, already knew Italian. During its first years in Genoa, the Jewish community called for the notary to record transactions between Jews. No Genoese seem to have interfered in their lives. From 1663 on, the relations expanded and a number of contracts were drawn up in Italian for Jews who preferred not to live in the ghetto. Usually these were wealthy merchants - an 247. 248. 249. 250. 251.

Docs. 697, 709. Doc. 988. Docs. 687, 689, 698. Docs. 638,643,644,650,686,690, 724. Doc. 645.

[lxxxv]

Introduction outstanding example is Isach Enriquez Perreira - who, for business reasons (the promise of increased traffic with Constantinople) and the small size of the ghetto, were usually granted permission and exempted from wearing the badge. It was only in 1666, according to our sources, that notaries started to record transactions between the Genoese and some members of the community. Joseph Villa Real, Leone Cassuto and Isach Enriquez did business not only among themselves, but also with the city. Notary deeds often concerned the indispensable tenancy agreements. Sometimes, as in the case of the Agapito Centurione and Gio Luca Maggiolo families, the relations continued for generations. The community and the city had already come into contact. Some inquisitive rascals had jumped over the fences of the ghetto; some hooligans, later punished by the authorities, had trespassed to offend and beat up the Jews; some slaves who had run away had tried to reach freedom by taking refuge there. 252 The worst friction with the population was due to forced preaching and to the hostility of the guilds, who feared competition. In both cases the community referred to the Residenti di Palazzo in charge to protect the Jews in Genoa, as per the Charter. Until 1662 the community was requested to go to the nearby parish church of San Siro to attend sermons; after that, however, the procession of Jews to the church of Santa Maria delle Vigne, farther away, could not pass unnoticed. The opportunity for harassment was even greater and the preacher himself was unable to resist the temptation. The Protectors of the Jewish community, in fact, had to take action to keep the Jews from being offended during the sermons. The situation worsened when, in 1666, the forced preaching took place at the church of the Padri Predicatori in Santa Maria di Castello. From the ghetto of Via del Campo to the church, the Jews had to cross half the city, and during the journey they were openly exposed to insults. Once in the church, they were insulted again by the congregation. The Massari asked the help of the Protectors, who realised that no benefit could come from the forced preaching since the Jews "suffered ridicule and insults throughout the sermon, and then were forced to ward off stones and rotten lemons from louts and heartless miscreants." The Protectors pointed out that, while the objective was to convert them to Christianity, the Christians themselves insulted them and induced them to leave the town.253 It was probably thanks to the Protectors that the Doge and the Residenti di Palazzo issued an edict 252. Docs. 699, 701, 702. 253. Urbani, Protettori della Nazione Ebrea, pp. 198-199.

[lxxxvi]

Introduction

prohibiting harassment of the Jews. Felice Tassorello took part in its promulgation. In a city that was unable to recover from its serious economic crisis, the Protectors of the Jewish Community - the two Residenti di Palazzohad to mediate a long-standing dispute between the Jews and the guilds of second-hand dealers (in Genoese dialect repessim) and haberdashers. The litigation started in 1666 and went on until 1680 without being settled. The guilds complained - and kept on complaining until the late 18th century - that they lost profit because the Jews, instead of staying in the ghetto, went around selling their merchandise where the members of the guild had been selling it for years. They maintained that over five hundred people, of the repessini and their families, had to leave the town, and the haberdashers' families went in perdizione. The Jews denied all accusations and insisted that the guilds prove their monopoly. They quoted the free port regulations, which did not set limits and allowed anybody to have business freely in town without confining them nell'angustissimo circolo delle case ad essa assegnate per habitatione. They argued that only a few Jews went around selling and that they would have had hardly any business at all if they had to wait for clients in the ghetto. They sold merchandise from outside, and were happy even with a lower profit. Apart from the reasons behind the dispute, the claims that the Jews first used against the repessini and haberdashers are worth further attention. The Jews referred to the Protectors. Who was there, however to write their defence with prudent and learned arguments, in a tone that sometimes was too free for a community that was barely tolerated? The members of the community were Spanish and probably spoke Ladino among themselves. Although they understood Italian, how could they express themselves so appropriately? Since the sources do not record any lawyers appointed for their defence, we can infer that it was Felice T assorello who was behind it again. While the noisy dispute between the guilds and Jews went on, the proceedings before the Camera for the monopoly on coffee and spirits were a lot quieter. David Aboaf, David Valensino, Levi and Sacerdote won easily against the few Genoese interested in the exclusive rights to exotic drinks that the population did not seem to appreciate. The lists for the years 1662 to 1669 showed that the community reached 200 members at most. Not many Jews were attracted by the idea of moving to Genoa. There were no important businessmen or powerful financiers, only merchants, peddlers and second-hand dealers. Again, the [lxxxvii]

Introduction

difference between this community and the Jews who lived in Genoa before is obvious: there were no physicians in the late 17th century, a profession which was almost a condition for the tolerance of the Jews in the 16th century. The Massari and Protectors, sometimes with other officials, were often called upon to maintain order in the community. However, it was up to Aba Mari, the first Rabbi of the community in Genoa, to make a decision on the excommunication of David Rison, suggested by the Congrega, itself in charge of the synagogue. In 1664 the Massari asked the Protectors to intervene in order for the Collegi to grant them the authority to execute judgements in civil matters between Jews, in compliance with the Charter. The Ashkenazim continued going to the western Riviera from eastern Europe for the etrogim and palms required for the Feast of Tabernacles. Passing through Genoa, they met with the Mattone family to arrange important transactions,254 although they seemed to avoid the Sephardim. The community undertook to deliver the Turkish Jews seized from the vessel of a Genoese captain. The captain did not want to accept payment for their release because, according to his interpretation, the Charter dealt with the vessels of the Republic but did not mention private vessels flying the Republican flag. The delivery of the Jews who had been slaves was one of the major examples of charity by the community in Genoa. Sometimes they did it themselves; on other occasions they did it with the help of other communities. At times a representative from the community acted as an agent of the Republic to deliver Genoese citizens seized by the Infidels. Isach Enriquez Perreira was given the task of freeing citizens who were being held prisoner in Barbary. In 1669, an edict declared that all Jews were to be expelled in five years. 255 The situation between the Jewish community and the Dominante seemed to be one of conflict. The Jews did not seem certain they would be able to remain, because of the difficulties in expanding business and owing to the hostility of the guilds. The Republic was not happy with them because the benefits they were supposed to have brought were not as yet forthcoming. When it was time to order the expulsion, however, there were always some Genoese politicians who were opposed to the decision, and the Jews seemed reluctant to leave the city, although it had been unwilling to welcome them. Around 1670 an anonymous note to the Residenti di Palazzo stated that 254. Urbani-Figari, Considerazioni, pp. 331-334. Docs. 915,916,917,919. 255. Docs. 759, 764.

[lxxxviii]

Introduction the Jews were destroying the city with furti e rubamenti; another accused them of being the harbingers of all evil. In addition to general accusations, there were more specific charges against individual Jews. One unsigned note accused Iacob Mensa, Raffaele Patiero, Salomone Cabiglio and Isacco Riechy of keeping Christian girls and nannies in their homes,256 although no action was taken against them. When the charge of keeping at home two fifteen-year-old Christian girls was reported by the Senate, the Residenti di Palazzo inquired into the matter but never forgot "the privileges which had to be granted to the Jews."257 However, prompt decisions were taken in cases of breach of contract, requested expulsions of troublesome persons, and insults exchanged by members of the community.258 The Jews lived in precarious conditions. They feared expulsion when the Charter expired, and were burdened with serious accusations reported to the Lesser Council by Giacomo Salvago on 5 December 1672. This was a ricordo, a memorandum, an opinion on the part of a councillor appointed by the Collegi. The Jews were accused of not having brought profit to the tax office except for bread and a little wine; being unworthy people; moving to Genoa because of previous failures elsewhere; and not having credit or money to increase trade with il Levante e con l'Alemagna. 259 They were further accused of receiving stolen goods and thereby preventing the thieves from being caught; not wearing the badge; refusing to listen to the sermons; and not complying with the prohibition against employing Christian servants. The final insult levelled at the Jews was that they were nothing but wolves in sheep's clothing. These accusations were a lot more serious than those in the anonymous letters. The report was read to the Collegi and it was decided that it should be read whenever si trattasse di confermare in Genoa Ii hebrei. The Jewish reaction must have been immediate; some remedy had to be found right away, since the date of the expulsion was nearing. On 18 April 1674, when it was finally ordered, the Jews attributed it to the lack of increase in trade. They tried to explain orally to each member of the Collegi that the trade movements were changing; hoping to obtain a revocation, they presented each member with a written statement. 260 From the replies, however, the Jews realised 256. 257. 258. 259.

Doc. 790. Doc. 774. Docs. 773, 779. Strictures against the admission of Jews who brought no benefit to the Republic can also be found in, A.S.G., Manoscritto 834 bis, Miscellanea di documenti. 260. Doc. 816.

[lxxxix]

Introduction that the expulsion was not related to business, but rather to charges which they deemed totally unfounded. They admitted that they did not wear the badge; but, rather than leave the city after fifteen years, they stated that they would comply with any orders and confirmed this in writing through their lawyer. This time Felice Tassorello's intervention was official. In 1674 he composed his famous oration S opra l'intimazionelatta agli ebrei di dover partire dal Dominio della Repubblica Serenissima, which was crucial in avoiding the expulsion order. In his speech, Tassorello argued against Giacomo Salvago's accusations and examined the benefits the Jews had brought to Genoa and other cities. He pointed out that it was the duty of a good Christian to welcome them, and quoted expert opinions that the Charter stated that expulsion could be ordered only if there was just cause. Agostino Bardi, speaking for the guilds, opposed the requests of the Jews. The Doge allowed the community to stay until the end of the year, and assigned a board to report on the permanence of the Jews in Genoa according to the Charter, the privileges granted, and the inconvenience arising from their presence. On 18 May the task was given to Agostino De Franchi and Gio Pietro Spinola; the latter had dealt with the case of the Jews jailed by the Inquisitor when he was ambassador in Rome. The controversy over the expulsion of the Jews had by now become a matter of great interest for the whole city. On 17 May 1674, Gio. Pietro Spinola was forced to summon Agostino Bardi and those who spoke out about the Jews in the churches, in the streets and in the squares, and invite them to either speak before the Serenissimi Collegi or desist from making speeches in public. The board reported to the Collegi the positive and negative aspects of allowing the Jewish community to stay in the town. The Collegi had to vote, after hearing Gerolamo Rodino, the lawyer for the guilds (who claimed they had suffered more than anyone else by the presence of the Jews) and Felice Tassorello, the lawyer for the Jewish community. The two representatives, concluding that the Prince should accept the Jews in his Dominion, considered it necessary that further limitations be imposed. The tension between expulsion and tolerance was felt at all levels. Certain notary deeds did, in fact, include specific provisions in the case of expulsion. 261 In view of all this, a decree dated 12 September 1674 granted the Jews permission to stay for a further 10 years, although the conditions were 261. Doc. 804.

[xc]

Introduction

more severe. They had to wear the yellow hat, apply for permission to travel, pay the Camera, an annual tax amounting to five ·silver scudi per person, and listen to sermons once a month. The new Charter was to be promulgated in the ghetto, throughout the city and in the Dominion, according to the old practice. The situation was changed, however. Along the western coast, the only Jews were those who went to buy etrogim and palms. In the Oltregiogo region the closing of the loan banks seemed to coincide with the end of the Jewish presence. On the eastern coast, in addition to the Jews who ran the loan bank in Sarzana, there were a few other Jews in Lerici. In this small village on the coast, the local Podesta had to deal with foreigners who were not wearing the badge, wished to become Christian, or asked for the Protectors' help for other reasons. According to the new Charter, the Protectors of the Jewish Community were no longer the two Residenti di Palazzo, but two Procuratori Perpetui - former Doges who had just ended their two-year mandates. The Republic was thus setting stricter measures against the Jews, while at the same time changing their Protectors to favour them. The constant rotation of the Residenti di Palazzo and the multitude of tasks they had to perform could prevent them from dedicating due care to Jewish problems. The Protectors' mandate was longer (usually four years) and their powers depended on the situation at hand. In October 1674, the Magistrato del nuovo Armamento asked that the tax for the Jews be assigned to his office, as in 1658, because of "daily increasing expenses and ever decreasing income." In 1674 there were other new aspects which affected the Jews. They had to move to a new ghetto, for instance. This was not because the first could no longer meet their needs, but because the small number of houses assigned to them was insufficient for the few Jews living in Genoa. Some of them were forced to live outside the ghetto, but still in its vicinity, almost creating an extension. In November 1674, in order to make sure that all the Jews lived in the imposed enclosure, they were moved to Piazza dei Tessitori, near the church of Sant' Agostino. There the Jews shared the houses and paid rent directly to the landlords, as can be seen from some agreements. None of the houses in the ghetto destined for the Jews was left without a tenant, because of the moltitudine di hebrei che habitano in citta. This we learn from a manuscript. 262 The real situation, however, was quite different. 262. A.S.G., Manoscritto 715, Relazioni diverse, c. 56.

[xci]

Introduction

Among the new restrictive norms imposed on the Jews, the heaviest was the forced monthly sermons. All Jews over twelve years of age had to listen to the preacher, bareheaded. The fine for those who did not comply was rather high, amounting to five silver scudi. The Jews seriously considered leaving Genoa, and did, in fact, begin sending their women and children away. Captains and sailors outside the ghetto enthusiastically offered their vessels. In December 1675 the Senate, rather preoccupied, ordered the Protectors to keep the ghetto locked - not to prevent the Jews from leaving, but rather to favour their Christian debtors who needed to settle accounts. The prohibition against leaving the town was extended until 20 January 1676 and in February new provisions in regard to the sermons were established. This was to stop the departure of the Jews, who most probably would have moved to Leghorn where they would undoubtedly have received a warmer welcome, as traditionally happened to Genoese capital. While the Republic could not find the means to prevent money from being sent to Leghorn,263 they were able to find a solution to the heavy burden of forced sermons. From then on the community was required, at the discretion of the Protectors, to listen to the sermons five or six times a year. This would no longer take place in the church, but in the chapel of the shoe menders, very close to the ghetto. One might even hazard a guess that listening to the sermons led Abram, son of Samuel Del Vecchio, to leave home in 1679 and become a Christian. The ghetto as such did not last long. At the beginning of the year the Lesser Council decreed the end of the privilege for the Jewish community, which was requested to leave the city and vacate the houses by 1679. The Charter had not yet expired, but following the large number of anonymous notes which expressed a desire for the expulsion of the Jews in order to please God - far cosa grata a Dio - the Lesser Council advanced the date of the expulsion. The Jews were requested to restore their houses to their original condition, at their own expense, since, with the Jewish community expelled, there was no longer any reason for the ghetto to exist. Unlike the first ghetto, the one in Piazza dei Tessitori did not leave its mark on the city's toponimy; it had lasted for a much shorter time. 9. The return to personal and temporary permits

In May 1680 the ghetto was still being dismantled - with a number of technical and administrative problems - when the Jews in Genoa found 263. Costantini, La Repubblica di Genova, p. 363.

[xcii]

Introduction

themselves in a rather anomalous situation. The community as such no longer existed, having been expelled in 1679 (although according to the Charter it should have been allowed to stay until 1684) but some Jews managed to stay on until the new Charter was granted in 1710. This was made possible by means of the usual personal permits, granted for a certain period of time and then renewed. Any reason stated in a petition for an extension was accepted: the benefits for the tax office and trade with the East (an argument to which the ruling class was very sensitive), the import of salt from Tripoli, the supply of salt to the Monferrato region, the need to terminate personal business (usually followed by a further petition with the same reason), or the particular situation of the city. The Senate, the Collegi, the Doge, and the Casa di San Giorgio never refused a residence permit and sometimes the French Envoy warmly supported them. Petitions were presented not only by Jews living in Genoa, but also by foreigners from Casale, Turin, Leghorn, Florence, Massa and Pisa. When aJew from Nice was caught walking about Genoa without a permit and without the badge, then seizure was inevitable. Residence permits ranged from a minimum of eight days to a maximum of two years. Annual permits were granted with some restrictions, albeit only formal- such as the obligation to wear the badge, which was never respected. Other conditions, such as the prohibition against going out at night after the avemaria, the obligatory declaration of address, the locking of the doors at night and opening in the morning by a suitably appointed person, did not seem to discourage the Jews from staying in Genoa. The only obligation they were subject to was payment of a tax upon receiving their residence permit. The amount varied depending on the period granted and on exemption from wearing the badge. The prohibitions and oppressive norms in the last Charter, such as listening to sermons and paying the head tax, were no longer complied with. The grounds on which such rules had been based no longer existed: there was no officially tolerated community, as an expulsion order had been issued. In case of necessity, there was always somebody ready to take the defence of the Jews, either for a reward or to antagonise their political opponents. While the authorities (or, rather, some of their representatives) seemed to accept this situation, the most intransigent sectors of the population protested frequently and strongly with anonymous reports (ricordi and notes left in the calice). They requested that the expulsion be officially carried out, or at least the setting up of a ghetto and the obligation to wear the badge. [xciii]

Introduction

The authorities, however, were distracted from this unusual situation by a number of events that led to a tragic conclusion in May 1684, when the Charter granted in 1674 for ten years expired. The chain of events started with the death of Mazarino, which ended the temporary friendship between Italy and France. The relationship with France grew increasingly tense, and any stand the Republic took was an excuse for recrimination (as V. Vitale pointed out) and was considered by Louis XIV to be an intolerable offence. 264 The King could no longer tolerate the growing trade with the East, the failed diplomatic equality with Spain, and prolonged resistance to the demand that the French flag always be saluted first by Genoese vessels throughout the world. The Republic tried to meet certain demands, but when freedom and sovereignty were threatened, tolerance became extremism. The King refused to tolerate the continuation of the relationship with Spain - a relationship which was still of paramount importance for the city - regardless of the declaration of neutrality issued by the Republic. In 1678 the French fleet in the Mediterranean, in reply to a failure to salute in the port of Genoa, launched a fierce cannon attack on Sampierdarena and San Remo. The situation worsened in 1681 and French agents crossed the border in disguise in order to investigate and inform the King. Francesco Pidon de Saint-Olon, special envoy of Louis XIV, arrived in Genoa in 1682 to draw up a political, social, and economic report to complete the information and exploration campaign ordered by the King. His attitude from the start was overbearing and arrogant. He was escorted by a small entourage, including a banker called Bueno. Shortly after his arrival, Saint-Olon's footmen performed "one of the most horrid atrocities that one can name": they mercilessly shot a converted Jew. The instigator of the crime was the banker, but Domenico Doria, the baptised Jew, was killed by error. He was mistaken for Gio. Morando, another converted Jew who lived nearby. Bueno, whose name by birth was Isacco although everybody called him Ambrosio, wanted to take revenge for the death of his wife, who had been killed by Morando's brother, Abraham Enriquez, a Rabbi from Nice. The political situation was becoming more and more heated. Louis XIV called his envoy back to France. Of Domenico Doria, killed by mistake, there remained only the testimony of the nuns who had to pay the funeral expenses for their boarder, after his sudden and tragic death. 265 264. Vitale, Breviario, pp. 312-319. 265. Docs. 966, 967.

[xciv]

Introduction After the death of the French minister, Colbert, there seemed to be a truce, but Louis XIV's demands did not cease. When the Republic refused to hand over a large store of salt in Savona and to disarm four galleys set up for its defence, the King refused an audience to the Genoese ambassador. The royal fleet sailed from Toulon and reached Genoa on 17 May 1684. The city was given an ultimatum: either all the King's requests were accepted, including the salute, the salt store, the disarming of the four galleys and the sending of a delegation to apologise for disobeying, or 30,000 bombs would destroy the city. The Senate did not comply. From the evening of 17 May until 22 May the French fleet bombarded Genoa, which helplessly waited for help from Spain and the Pope, that never came. The bombing stopped only when the ammunition was finished: 13,000 bombs had caused massive damage all over the city. Some Jews managed to take advantage of the tragic situation. On 25 May some of them were granted a passport for the whole Dominion of the Serenissima, and permission to move around without the badge. On 10 July, the families of Samuel Vais Pegna and Abram Lusena were granted permission to stay for the entire month of August without wearing the badge. Raffael Pansier was granted an extension because he supplied clothing for the army.266 The permit of Abraham Sarfatti, who was brought from Venice by Gio Luca Maggiolo in 1683 to work in his factory as an expert, expired during that period; he appeared before the Collegi and suggested that he show them an easy method for transporting stone at the building site of the Fortezza della Cava in exchange for a two-year permit. 267 The reasons given by Jews in their requests for personal safe-conducts or residence permit extensions included having their houses destroyed during the bombardment, their goods stolen, and all their property lost. They desperately needed the licences in order to "cut down on their interest and salvage their credits." Although these were easily granted, the fact that the 1674 Charter had expired in 1684 could not be ignored. At first the Republic had other matters to deal with, but when things were starting to return to relative normality after the bombing, an expulsion decree was issued on 5 February 1685. 268 On 22 September, the Deputati 266. Docs. 986, 989, 991, 996, 997. 267. Doc. 993. 268. Doc. 994. Although the decree has not yet been traced, we have indirect knowledge of it via quotation. Official records on the Jewish presence in this particular period are somewhat fragmentary. This is most probably due to the rather anomalous situation in which the city now found itself.

[xcv]

Introduction sopra la nazione ebrea were requested to report on whatever was required to have the Jews expelled from the Dominion. Most likely they could not find l'occorrente all'espulsione, or else they did not have the time or the desire to enquire, since no record of it exists until now. In 1686 the Pope diplomatically availed himself of the Bishop of Bastia to inform the Doge that he would like those Jews still living in Genoa to leave. However, notwithstanding the Pope's wish and the Republic's decrees, the Jews remained in Genoa - either all their lives, or as long as they needed to by means of residence permits which were extended time after time. It is not by mere chance that, of the meagre records available, the frequent petitions for permit extensions are one of the main sources of information about Jewish life in Genoa during the last decades of the 17th century. Something seemed to change in 1692. Perhaps in order to find a remedy for the problem of the repeated granting of permits and to find an answer to a long-standing question, the Collegi were asked whether the latest free port declaration included the Jewish community; the Lesser Council maintained that it did not. After two negative votes, notwithstanding the support of Francesco Maria Doria and Agostino Franzone, the Collegi asked the Giunta di Giurisdizione to study all the provisions on expulsion and admission of Jews since the mid-17th century and to report on the advantages and disadvantages of including the Jewish community in the free port privilege. 269 The Giunta presented the report to the Collegi and offered two proposals. Prior to taking a vote, however, the Lesser Council was consulted. The Giunta di Giurisdizione noted that if the Jewish community was to be included in the free port privilege, the ways and means of admittance had to be established as well. Should the Jewish community be excluded, however, the free port would have to be suitably amended. The C ollegi accepted the first proposal and asked the Lesser Council to vote to include the Jewish community in the free port declaration and to give the Collegi the power to regulate their admission. The Lesser Council, however, rejected this interpretation. It was presented by the Collegi over and over again but never accepted, notwithstanding the numerous intercessions in favour of admitting the Jews. Despite the repeated negative votes in the Lesser Council, the Jews did not leave Genoa since the Collegi, the Senate, the Doge, and the Residenti di Palazzo continued to grant residence permits and safe-conducts.

269. Docs. 1039, 1041.

[xcvi]

Introduction

The uncertainty caused by the expulsion decree is evident in the notary deeds, which by their very nature reflect the daily life and conditions of the time. The Jews in Genoa in the late 17th century usually consulted the notaries Carlo and Silvestro Merello, father and son. Until the 1670s it is through their notary deeds that we can reconstruct the activities of the Jewish community. Their numerous deeds record mortgages, bottomry, tenancy agreements, bills of exchange, powers of attorney, miscellaneous items (ranging from chocolate to guitar and violin strings, from fashion jewellery to gloves) and the relationship between the Jewish and Christian societies in the city. From 1680 onward, however, when the Jews lived in Genoa without a Charter and under the constant threat of expulsion, the deeds drawn up by the two notaries tend to decrease in number until they almost disappear. At the turn of the century, when residence permits were granted more regularly and the expulsion, although still valid, seemed forgotten and of little consequence, the number of deeds increased again. Only general conclusions can be drawn from a number of deeds, albeit important ones, formulated by a few notaries. The gap in the notary documentation and the troublesome situation of the Jews in Genoa coincides, although perhaps only casually, with the political conditions in which the Jewish community was forced to live in the late 18th century. 10. The 1710 Charter

Following the French bombing in 1684, the Republic of Genoa realised "just as every other small state in Europe did" that it was at the mercy of the major powers and defenceless in the face of attack. 270 With the Spanish war of succession at the beginning of the 18th century, Genoa was caught between the sights of the hegemonic desire for dominance on the part of the Bourbons and the Hapsburgs and the antagonism of the House of Savoy. It ran a serious risk of losing its international identity, so its major concern was to stay out of the European political game; neutrality was a synonym for survival. Prudence meant a lack of initiative, plus isolation and immobility, but also involved frequent diplomatic contacts which forced the Republic to operate internationally with renewed vigour. Genoese neutrality depended on whether the various powers deemed it beneficial or detrimental to their causes and commerce. As Vitale noted,271 Genoa was geographically a must for any communication between Milan 270. Costantini, La Repubblica di Genova, p. 419. 271. Vitale, Breviario, p. 323.

[xcvii]

Introduction

and Spain, or for any deployment of troops by land or sea. But neutrality was constantly endangered by the war, which was changing the European political alliances. Genoa succeeded in keeping out of the games by remaining well-informed on the diplomatic level. Thus, Genoa was in a position to take advantage of a favourable situation when it arose. This was a period when the major powers were absorbed by international events. The Republic quickly realised this, jumped at the opportunity, and was finally able to find a solution to the question of the Jews. In 1710 a new Charter was issued that granted the Jewish communityostensibly expelled, but actually present - official tolerance with no external interference (including that from the Roman Curia). The need for new norms had long been felt, and the contradictions towards the Jews were far too evident, with personal residence permits being granted and revoked while the Giunta di Giurisdizione looked into establishing a ghetto for a community that officially did not exist. It was impossible to turn a blind eye to the fact that some Jews at the Malapaga had started to use a building as a synagogue,272 and that this was outside a ghetto which had no reason to exist. The project of the ghetto, deliberated on 20 July 1705 and requested by the most hard-line sectors of the population and the ruling class to prevent the Jews from mixing with t1,le rest of the population, could not be carried out unless people were officially allowed to live there. The fact that many people had business relationships with the Jews or were employed by them as servants could not be ignored either. Finally, it was well known that a Senate decree dated 6 March 1705 had authorised the Padri del Comune to rent out to the Jewish community (not individual Jews) a plot ofland to use as a cemetery. This happened only a few months before the ghetto project was drawn up. In addition to the above problems there was the need to open trade with Constantinople again, as previous attempts had failed. The Giunta del T raffico informed the Signoria that nothing could boost trade better than the traffic with the East and that the best way to achieve that was to have the Jewish community remain in the city. 273 The maritime traffic between the East and Italy and Europe was controlled by the Jews. Their communities were a group apart, almost an independent republic, and from the late 17th to the early 18th centuries they had achieved major positions in all the strategic points for trade, as J.I. Israel observes. The Jews were suitably positioned to arrange commercial and financial 272. Doc. 1203. 273. Doc. 1239.

[xcviii]

Introduction

operations faster than anybody else. 274 Thus, it was thanks to the need to increase trade - an ever-pressing need for the Republic - that the precarious situation of the Jews in Genoa improved. The compilation of the new Charter was very different from the others. Before approval, a number of amendments suggested by the Jewish community to the Giunta di Giurisdizione, entrusted by the Collegi with the task of assessing proposals, were accepted. They concerned work given to Christian artisans and carried out outside the ghetto, statements given by baptised Jews, exemption from wearing the badge for children up to 14 years of age and permission to print constitutions and regulations after having submitted a copy to the Signoria. 275 No foreign power opposed the Charter, which legalised a unique situation without any organic regulation. It is not surprising that there were no printed copies of the 1710 Charter, which was considered to be a ratification rather than an actual law and, as such, remained within the Serenisimo Dominio. The new Charter was more tolerant than that of 1674.276 The regulation forcing Jews to listen to Christian sermons was abolished; baptism of children who were under age invitis parentibus was regulated; and rabbinical jurisdiction was recognised although the ghetto and the obligation to wear the badge still existed. Its duration was twenty years. Should expulsion be approved by three-fourths of the votes of the Lesser Council, six years notice had to be given to the Jews. Furthermore, upon expulsion the community would have to be provided with ample help in leaving the city, including facilitating the conclusion of businesses and aiding removal, with no surcharge, both by sea and by land. 11. The ghetto

During the first half of the 18th century, Genoese policy with regard to the Jews focused on the construction of a ghetto as established in the Charter. The opinions on the matter were many and varied. The Giunta di Giurisdizione was against it, since the Jews in Genoa were not numerous, and closing them in a ghetto would have a negative effect on the economy and prevent rich families from moving into the city.277 Those sectors of 274. 275. 276. 277.

Israel, Gli Ebrei d'Europa nell'Eta Moderna, pp. 231-257. Doc. 1254. Doc. 1258. Docs. 1239, 1240, 1241.

[xcix]

Introduction

the population that sent anonymous letters and notes insisting on expeditious construction of the ghetto were obviously in favour. In the 16th century, tolerance or expulsion were the policy alternatives; now the dilemma was whether to build a ghetto. The question of the ghetto (which nobody really wanted, because of its costs and its detrimental effects on the economy of the city) was at first a way to avoid as long as possible the question that in time would become crucial: whether to issue another expulsion order. In the early 18th century the issue of the ghetto accounted for the contradictory approach of the Genoese ruling class. The Protectors of the Jewish community had to compromise. While their task was specifically to protect the community, they were also requested to decide on a ghetto and other restrictive measures. In July 1711, after the promulgation of the Charter, the Collegi decreed that the Jewish community had to live in the Molo area; this was to be transformed into a ghetto, the completion of which was scheduled for August. The Giunta del Traffico and the Giunta di Giurisdizione realistically observed that this would hardly be respected. 278 The reasons for not building the ghetto were manifold - ranging from economic, financial and personal factors to the need to find a more suitable area where the work would proceed faster - in addition to the moral considerations and reservations expressed by the Jewish community. At first the community did not seem to oppose being restricted to the Molo area, since their warehouses were there and it was near both the free port and the synagogue. Then, almost as if reflecting the ever-changing political attitude of Genoa, the Jewish community changed its mind and declared its preference for the area in Piazza dell'Olmo, which they considered to be better protected. In 1718 the question of whether the Jews were really beneficial to the city's economy came up. Before an answer was officially expressed, private documentation was examined. Gaetano Pino, notary, is one of the major sources for the early 18th century, since public sources are scarce. Most of the time the notary went to his clients' houses to draw up deeds for the Sacerdote, Levi, Della Costa and Del Mare families, who were the protagonists of Jewish Genoa at the time. Another precious source is Paolo Francesco Bacigalupo, who in the first file of his archives recorded a copy of pan of the 1710 Chaner. The Jews were mainly businessmen, trading in tobacco, leather and coral. They also insured vessels and cargo, were involved in shipbuilding and fitting, dealt with bottomry, provided supplies for the troops of the 278. Doc. 1285.

[c]

Introduction

King of France during the war, and were more involved in bills of exchange than in previous years. All of this was certainly of no little importance to the economy of Genoa, but it was less than was officially expected of the Jews, especially when compared with the profits accrued by their brethren in Leghorn. Since the ghetto was not yet ready, the obligation to wear the badge was more strictly enforced. At some stage the question seemed close to a solution, when the construction of the ghetto became obligatory upon proclamation of the new free port on 25 February 1729.279 Since the purpose was to fight against Leghorn, it was obvious to everybody that no satisfactory results could be obtained unless the Jewish community were to take part in the privilege, provided that the ghetto became obligatory. At the end of the year, when the expiry date of the Charter was close, the construction of the ghetto - which was to be built without excessive expense in Piazza dell'Olmo with the approval of the Jews because most of them lived nearby - had not yet been carried out. In 1711 the Giunta had been right in saying that the problem of the ghetto was not so easily solved. The constant and insistent flow of anonymous letters and memoranda records the many and serious obstacles to the construction of the ghetto. Theoretically, other restrictions were still in force; the badge, of course, was at the top of the list, although this could easily be overcome by exemptions, that were granted upon payment of a tax with the excuse that a certain amount of freedom was required to increase business. The Jews lived more or less undisturbed in the Dominion until 1730. In town, they were in constant contact with Christians, ate in their inns regardless of ritual rules, and rented luxurious houses (obviously paying higher rents) in the Canneto area or near the church of the Armeni. Joseph Benedetto Rapa set up his abode in Chiavari, on the eastern Riviera. Inevitably, in an environment where enforcement of restrictions was rather lax, the Jewish community ran a few risks, first of all that of spontaneous conversion. The convent of San Nicola, in the hills behind the city, far from the areas where the Jews lived, was most attractive to new converts. The first conversion we know of so far - that of Salomon Del Mare - was recorded in 1713, followed by others, possibly prompted by fellow converts. 280 Isac Della Costa, however, preferred to take refuge near the cathedral. Being a "dim wit" as the documents record, he soon made a habit of running away from home and hiding in the cloister, taking 219. Doc. 1672. 280. Doc. 1340.

[ci]

Introduction

silverware from his father's house to sell. He did not get on well with his old father, whose name was Fonseca, and probably decided to be baptised with the help of somebody who at first took his defence.281 12. 1730 - a turnabout

Something started to change for the Jews in Genoa in 1725, as in the rest of Europe, although for different reasons. 282 On 14 February 1725, having ascertained the difficulties involved in expediting the construction of the ghetto, the Protectors of the Jewish community proposed two solutions to the C ollegi: either an expulsion order upon expiry of the 1731 Charter, or else an extension of the Charter for a further 20 years provided a ghetto was constructed promptly. Now the fate of the Jewish community in Genoa was seen as either expulsion or the ghetto. Three years after the proposals, in May 1728, the Collegi granted the Protectors authority on the matter. In December 1729, while a new law on the free port was being approved, the Protectors presented a project by architect G. B. Sanguineti for converting Piazza dell'Olmo into a ghetto. As we mentioned, the area seemed to please the Jews. 283 The expiry date of the Charter was drawing near and the ghetto seemed to be the only possible solution that would allow the Jews to stay. That this was the only solution bears witness to a change of attitude by the government, which until then had granted the Jews relative freedom throughout the Republic. The political balance was also changing in Genoa. Following troubles between 1713 and 1718, the communities in the Dominion along the coast openly opposed the central authority for commercial reasons. In 1729 San Remo was the seat of violent opposition. The city, which had enjoyed relative autonomy, deemed a number of impositions ordered by the Dominante illegal, the local Austrian consul took the rebels' side. The uprising in Corsica was much more serious and ran the risk of turning into an international conflict; the Republic could not quell it because of Genoa's inefficient army and insufficient financial resources. The troubles in Corsica began as a reaction to the harassment by tax collectors and officers and turned into an uprising against the Dominion of Genoa. 284 Putting down the insurrection required help from outside 281. 282. 283. 284.

[)ocs. 1201, 1202, 1586, 1589. Israel, Gli Ebrei d'Europa nell'Eta Moderna, passim. [)oc. 1294. Costantini, La Repubblica di Genova, p. 429.

[cii]

Introduction (Austria sent a contingent of troops) which soon changed into political mediation between the government and the rebels. France also intervened and, later, the Republic was forced to seek help from England, as well. Neutrality was at stake. Another threat to the Republic's sovereignty came in December 1730. The Roman Curia sent a letter to the Father Inquisitor, who transmitted it to the Collegi. The letter declared that certain infringements by the Jews were contrary to the Holy Canons and apostolic constitution and were therefore to be stopped. It further protested against the lack of a ghetto and the obligation to wear the badge. The project of converting the Piazza dell'Olmo into a ghetto was thus timely. At a time of political imbalance, the Republic could not afford to cause displeasure to the Pope and other foreign powers. The problem seemed solved, except that Nicolo Cattaneo Pinelli complained that he did not want a ghetto in Piazza dell'Olmo, which was too close to his house. The Massari immediately took advantage of the situation and listed the problems the community would encounter regarding the payment of rent in the new ghetto, since they were being forced to leave their present homes. Claims and complaints stopped the operations. Two years later, a memorandum of the Lesser Council dated October 1732 requested the Protectors to do something for the pratica degli ebrei che mai si termina. The Republic was already studying another solution proposed by Nicolo Cattaneo Pinelli; he suggested that the ghetto be built in Piazza dei Tessitori, where the Jews had been secluded between 1674 and 1679. In the meantime, some government offices were considering another expulsion order as an alternative to the ghetto in Piazza dell'Olmo. In October 1736 it was finally decided that building a ghetto for a few Jews who did not help the city's economy was not at all profitable and that would be more convenient to expel them. Three months previously, with the Senate's approval, the Padri M inimi del Convento di Gesu e Maria had evicted two Jewish families, since their presence could not be tolerated. The fate of the Jews in Genoa was by now determined; in February 1737, in a difficult political situation, the Lesser Council approved their expulsion. According to the 171 0 Charter, the Jews had to leave the city within six years. On 1 April 1743 Rabbi Isac Pincherli was ordered by the I nquisitori di Stato to leave Genoa and the Dominion before the end of the month, together with the rest of the Jewish community; otherwise, provisions di lor poca soddis/azione would be taken. A note in the calice, dated 28 March 1743, asking the Collegi to consider whether it was [ciii]

Introduction

advisable to expel the Jews while the city needed to increase its trade, failed to prevent the expulsion. Thus, even the last attempt ended in a nil actum vote. The construction of a ghetto, which was supposed to have been completed by 1711, went on and on and eventually ended with the expulsion order of 1743. Only three families were granted extension after extension of their residence permits: Foa-Malvano, Rosa and Del Mare. As usual, their permits were granted because they generated commercial profits which the city badly needed. Since the history of the Jews in Genoa was one of vacillation between official attitudes and practical laxity, it is not surprising that the parish registers of the church of Santi Nazario e Celsio record the names of a few Jewish families one year after the expulsion.285 The community was officially expelled from Genoa, as Moise Foa stated in 1748 before the P adri del Comune, who demanded that he - one of the few Jews who had remained in the city and certainly one of the most renowned - cover the rent of the community cemetery, which had not been paid for several years. 286 13. The 1752 Charter

While 1743 was the year of expulsion for the Jews in Genoa, for the Dominante it was the year of the Treaty of Worms, which was abruptly stripped the Republic of the neutrality it had worked so hard to keep. It was thanks to its neutral position that the Republic was able to buy the Finale territories from the Emperor in 1713; these territories were subsequently demanded by the House of Savoy. The alliance of England, Austria and Sardinia, in the Treaty of Worms questioned the validity of the purchase. Queen Marie Therese of Austria gave her alleged rights to Finale to the King of Sardinia, hoping that Genoa would give it up against suitable compensation, for the freedom of Italy. The English considered Genoa to be a principe inutile. In 1745, given the confused international scene, the Republic was forced to make an alliance with the Bourbon courts of Spain, France and Naples. Under the Treaty of Aranjuez signed on 1 May 1745, the Republic was granted military protection, war supplies and the integrity of its territory. In case of war, the Republic undertook to move only against the King of Sardinia. The allied forces, particularly 285. Doc. 1833. 286. Doc. 1846.

[civ]

Introduction Spain, offered no opposition, because the location of this rather small state was crucial. France appeared to have the upper hand in the early stages of the war, but soon the situation changed. France broke off negotiations with Piedmont, which had been promised part of the Austrian territories in the Po Valley. The Queen of Austria, having made peace with the King of Prussia, could dispose of a military force in Italy. The new commander of the Spanish army ordered a general mobilisation of troops in Provence, to prevent an English plan of invasion from the sea. Genoa was thus abandoned, if not betrayed, and could not even count on the French, who had hastily retreated to follow the Spanish. The city was in a state of desolation and despair; most of the aristocrats had fled, the troops were inadequate, and everyone feared that the city would be pillaged. In September 1746 the only possible option seemed to be to surrender to the Austrian army, before the arrival of the troops from Piedmont. 287 Austria and even England feared Carlo Emanuele Ill's demands. The Republic had to pay Marie Therese a war debt amounting to three million genovini within a fortnight. The war ended with the Austrians being driven away. The effects were devastating: fields and forests had suffered enormous damage, and the economy was in a state of turmoil. Perhaps the new 1751 law on the free port should be examined in this light. The new regulation, replacing the incomplete 1729 bill, decreed a new safe- conduct for the Jewish community. An economic solution was once again considered the most suitable answer to the problem of the community, which the expulsion decree in 1743 had not solved. After the decree the Collegi continued renewing personal residence permits for the few Jews who were authorised to live in Genoa, and continued to grant new licences to those who applied for them. Genoa had to re-think previous decisions because the Jewish presence was still a reality, a problem to face up to every time a residence permit was applied for. When the applicant was Mose Foa, who had supplied weapons during the war, the licence could not be denied, but temporary provisions were obviously no longer sufficient. On 5 March 1749 Agostino Spinola spoke before the Lesser Council, declaring that the Jewish community should be allowed to live somewhere even though the city did not like the "enemies of God." He pointed out that Mose Foa should be allowed to stay in Genoa a beneplacito dei Collegi. 287. Vitale, Breviario, pp. 342-347.

[cv]

Introduction Agostino Gavotti had already supported Foa's cause, emphasising how Mose had served the city during the Austrian siege and asking for him to be granted stabilita di abitazione - albeit specifying that he himself had no great love for this "spurious people."288 When the free port was declared on 8 November 1751, the Jews were allowed to live in Genoa with the sole obligation to comply with the rules set forth by the Serenissimi Collegi. The 1729 rules imposing a ghetto in exchange for a licence to stay in the city no longer existed. In the meantime, alternatives to the conditions of the free port regulations were discussed. In September 1750 a report to the Giunta di Commercio had already decided in favour of a Jewish community in Genoa. Following the latest free port declaration, but before the Charter, the Giunta had been asked whether to accept certain rich Jewish families who wished to move to Genoa. In November 1751, the Giunta di Giurisdizione presented the Collegi with a set of regulations which allowed the Jews to go back to the Dominion. A number of notes in the calice demanding the badge and the ghetto were considered to be of no importance. The regulations approved by the Collegi in May 1752, with a few amendments, became the new Charter for the Jewish community of Genoa and were printed, posted and distributed even outside the Dominion. In order to entice rich Jews to move to the Dominion, the new Charter did not include impositions such as a ghetto, the badge, or sermons, nor did it consider surreptitious baptism. Jews were allowed to have statutes and to carry weapons outside the boundary walls; Jewish festivities were respected; the testimony of converts in legal proceedings against Jews was not to be considered valid, and an internal order for the community was permitted. There were, however, some restrictions. Jews were not allowed to wear certain clothes or to have public ceremonies; the Massari were bound to report to the M agistrato della Consegna on the Jews living in Genoa and travelling through the city; private places of worship were prohibited; and Christian servants were subject to the Protectors' approval. The privilege had the same duration as the free port, and the same provisions on expulsion were confirmed. Just when the Jewish question seemed to have found a solution, Pope Benedict XIV intervened - challenging the still unstable balance. It was a 288. Doc. 1847.

[cvi]

Introduction

repetition of the same situation with the first Charter in 1658 at the time of Pope Alexander VII. The Pope did not complain about the acceptance of the Jewish community, but was indignant about the diffusion of a Charter (approved without his knowledge) which was dangerous and threatening to Catholics since too much freedom was granted to the Jews, and neither badge nor ghetto were made obligatory. A long exchange of letters began between Genoa and the Holy See; the Pope was intransigent and the Republic was immovable.289 The Pope's interference was interpreted by Genoa as an offence to its sovereignty and a lack of respect. Complying with the Pope's demands would have cost Genoa its credibility, since the Charter had already been published as far as Lisbon and Amsterdam. Fortunately, diplomatic negotiations salvaged the situation and the Charter remained unamended. 290 In May 1753 the Giusdicenti of the Dominion, along the west coast, the east coast and inland, received a circular signed by the Doge and the Collegi dei Governatori e dei Procuratori promoting the admission of Jews into the Dominion. It was the exact opposite of the letter sent in the late 16th century, when the local authorities were asked to expel the Jews after having humiliated them with the obligation to wear the badge.291 14. The Jewish community in the second half of the 18th century

Around the 1760s there were not many Jews in Genoa. Most of them came from Piedmont and probably moved there following Mose Foa. Some, like Nataff, came from Tunis, others from Leghorn. They lived between the Malapaga walls and the church of San Marco in the Molo area. There were approximately 60 of them, and they used the same synagogue both for religious functions and for the meetings of the C ongrega. The rent for the synagogue was paid to Maria Maddalena Maggiolo - most likely a descendant of Gio. Luca Maggiolo, who had rented the same building to the Jews of Genoa in 1707.292 Their lives seem to have been completely different from those of previous generations. The documents give an impression of a small community which was finally enjoying relative autonomy - reporting to 289. 290. 291. 292.

Doc. 1879. Urbani, La riammissione degli ebrei in Genova nei1752, pp. 573-591. Docs. 393, 394,395, 437,440, 441,442,443, 514. Docs. 1965, 1195.

[cvii]

Introduction

the Signoria only in particular cases to have the privileges set forth in the Charter recognised. Most cases involved reports of Jewish children baptised by "zealous and indiscreet pious servants," against whom even the Archbishop of Genoa spoke out;293 juridical matters which the rabbinical court was not able to settle because of the absence of members;294 attachments for debts; expulsion permits for certain undesirable people; and provisions against some officers along the Riviera. The latter, notwithstanding the free port regulations, had not lost their habit of abusing travelling Jews by fining them for not wearing the badge or by seizing their merchandise. 295 The community had to report to the M agistrato della Consegna on births and deaths, and to ask the Protectors to intervene in the case of internal controversies or outside abuse. Only once did the Protectors take an unusual position, far from their traditional defending role, when they asked the Senate to have Felice Vida jailed in 1767. When called to appear before them, Vida stated that he could not do so because he had to meet the French Envoy; the Protectors, who were former Doges, had taken offence at his "lack of respect." Luckily the Senate did not grant their request. The history of the Jews in Genoa is documented from 1769 to 1776 by the Libro delle deliberazioni - the only precious source that still remains in the archives of the local Jewish Community. The book, used by the late Rabbi Riccardo Pacifici,296 presents a picture of the community 293. Pacifici, Notizie storiche, p. 21. In 1756 the Archbishop orders the clergy in the city and the dioceses to make the following condemnation public knowledge: "The shameful practice which both common and boorish people have taken up and falsely praising themselves in the belief that they are performing an act of God's Will by anointing with water from the Holy Baptismal Font and unknown to their parents the heads of innocent little Jewish children who have not yet acquired the power of reason. Let them know that not only do they live in the shadow of falsehood in the vain belief that theirs is an act of righteousness, but that they are also under the spurious misapprehension that the Sacrament of Baptism, thus conferred, albeit against the will of the Jewish fathers and mothers, is a step toward the salvation of their own soul," see Brizzolari, Gli ebrei, p. 210, note n. 23. 294. Docs. 2143, 2154. 295. Doc. 1889. 296. Rabbi R. Pacifici's essays: Notizie storiche sulla Comunita di Genova nei secoli XVIIXVIII published in II Nuovo Tempio di Genova, pp. 5-14, and Vita e ordinamento interno della Comunita di Genova nel secolo XVIII, RMI, XIV (1948), issue I, pp. 25-36, were later collected with other writings in the book A perpetua ricordanza di Riccardo Pacifici by the Comunita Israelitica of Genoa to honour the memory of its Master, who was slain at Auschwitz.

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Introduction throughout a critical period, especially in 1769, confused by continuous disputes among its few members and affected by financial problems that unfortunately were destined to continue. In order to find a peaceful settlement, the community consulted Abraham Rodriguez Miranda from Leghorn. Being trustworthy, he was given the task of reorganising the community and looking for new sources of income. Miranda sent a letter to the Jewish community in Amsterdam and London to solicit funds,297 and suggested that the account books be burned to end the age-old and useless disputes about those members who could not or did not want to pay their debts to the community.298 Miranda's suggestions seem to have achieved relative calm. The community enjoyed a period of peace and tranquillity and did not hesitate to remove, with the Protectors' permission, troublesome people. Among the latter was David Buzi Hacohen, Secretary of the Jewish community, who in 1773 refused to give the new Massari the account books and other items belonging to the synagogue. A more thorough reorganisation, however, came about in January 1774, following a decree by the Protectors that allowed the Jewish community to decide on a new internal order. The Protectors played a significant role by mediating between the Collegi and the Jewish community on a new Charter. 299 The new Charter made it possible to obtain the Libro delle deliberazioni. A Hebrew preamble indicated that it was the ambition of the community leaders to achieve a stable internal order and organisational discipline that all the members would accept and comply with.300 The Charter, which was valid for nine years, set forth the procedures for electing the Massari and the penalty for refusing to accept the position; the number of the Congrega members; the functions of the Secretary; the appointment of the treasurer; the prohibition against keeping a private place of worship except for ceremonies such as funerals and weddings; the subscription fees forforeignJews, travelling Jews and business revenue. It made provisions for excluding anyone who showed disrespect for the community, the and the regulations. It also confirmed that the ritual used in Leghorn for religious ceremonies was to be followed. According to the new Charter, the elected Massari regulated each 297. Doc. 1958. 298. Docs. 1955, 1956. 299. Having received the Senate's approval, the Jewish community did not forget to present the deputy-Secretary with a gift. See Doc. 2033. 300. Pacifici, Vita e ordinamento, p.29.

[cix]

Introduction

aspect of community life - supervising accounting, the distribution of alms, and religious ceremonies. It was their task to collect fees, order attachments for debtors in arrears, and demand that the treasurers produce their report. The Massari were elected by the Congrega, formed by seven members selected from among those who most represented the community. Other important figures in the community were the Rabbi (who was not always present), the butcher, the cantor, the secretary (who was in charge of keeping papers and documents), and a treasurer, with a number of assistants with special tasks. The community provided facilities for everyone: a bathhouse, a home for the poor, and a school for the teaching of Hebrew to children. Around the 1770s, members of the Foa family were entrusted with more than one office, causing the Jewish community to protest. The complaints, however, went no further. The Foas were one of the most active families at the time, and provided numerous occasions for many of the notary deeds of the time. From the statements made at the time of Eva Foa's marriage, we learn that Abramo, the bride's brother, presented as one of the Genoese Rabbis, earned 600 pounds per year. 301 Beniamino Foa, in 1780, ended his will with a prayer in Hebrew and did not forget to bequeath something to the synagogue of Moncalvo, his home town. As far as conversions were concerned, the church of the Madonetta and the relevant convent of Augustinians were crucial. It was there that Salomon Del Mare went to become a Christian in 1713 and another Del Mare, Giuseppe, took Holy Orders in 1756. There Iacob Lampruti (Lampronti?), a Jew from Leghorn, became Father Gerolamo Maria da San Giacomo in 1759, and Daniel and Abram Ortona became converts, as did Salomon, son of the beadle of the synagogue, Abram Israel Cohen. 302 Their families were given only the consolation of one last, sad encounter with the converts, granted by the Protectors and witnessed by a member of the convent. Most probably the Protectors, although opposing the families, did not want to hinder the possible converts. This was also true of the Residenti di Palazzo who, realising that any attempt to have an English girl living with aJewish family convert to Christianity was vain, gave up and respected her will.303 301. Doc. 2089. From the records we learn that the income of the Secretary of the community was 80 pounds per annum, while the beadle earned 20 pounds per annum (Doc. 2021). 302. Docs. 1899,2132,2178. 303. Doc. 1989.

[cx]

Introduction

During the second half of the 18th century the Jewish community was involved mainly in finance. The notary deeds of the time are mostly letters of credit and proxies. Among the latter, one, drawn up by notary Francesco S. Pall ani on 2 August 1782, is particularly important, not so much because of its contents but because one of the witnesses called by the notary was Amedeo Pincherle, a Jew. In 1781, Allegretti, a Genoese diplomat, wrote about the Tolerance Charter that Joseph II was to grant one year later to the Jewish population of Austria. 304 Finally, life for the Jews began to be less stifling and depressing. The declaration of human rights deliberated in Paris in 1791, which reached Italy through the French Army, accounted for a first recognition of equality before the law for the Jews, even though the process was to be completed in Italy only in the late 19th century after a period of distress and annoyance. Against a background of revolution and freedom, numbers increased from 1792 onwards. The community grew, thanks to the Jews moving from Germany, Turin, Avignon, Alessandria, Nice, Saluzzo, Rome, Gibraltar and Leghorn. 305 Newcomers had to provide evidence that they had a job and a place to live. At the time, a French Jew from Leghorn, Carlo Giuseppe Ayda, lived in the Molo area. In 1794 he was accepted in the Corpo dei Volontari di Stato. Also Abram Vita Modena, who was to buy the synagogue in 1828, moved to Genoa. 306 The impact of the profound changes which took place in the late 18th century is also seen in the documents. In the archives of the Camera there are lists of the silverware that the synagogue (like other religious institutions in Genoa) was forced to surrender to the French authorities in 1798. 307 The positive effects of the new ideas can be seen in the notary deeds, where we learn that for sworn statements it was no longer necessary to specify more ebraico; it was sufficient to state in debita forma. 308 The new freedom is further demonstrated by the statement given in 1798 before notary Francesco S. Pallani, in which Emanuele Isac Foa was able to mark his merchandise, to be loaded on board a vessel, with the Star of David as well as his initials. 309 304. 305. 306. 307. 308.

Doc. 2110. Docs. 2157,2160, 2161, 2162, 2164. Pacifici, Vita e ordinamento, p. 38. Doc. 2183. This we learn from the deeds which were drawn up by notary Francesco Saverio Pallani in 1798 (Docs. 2187, 2188). 309. Doc. 2189.

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nelle istituzioni della Repubblica di Genova, Genova 1983. Pistarino G., L'espansione commerciale, in Cristoforo Colombo nella Genova del suo tempo, Torino 1985. Pistarino G., Presenze e influenze italiane nel sud della Spagna, secc. XII-XV, in Actas I Coloquio hispano-italiano, Sevilla 1985. Pistarino G., Tra liberi e schiavi a Genova nel Quattrocento, "Anuario de estudios medievales", Barcellona 1964. Podesta F., 11 porto di Genova dalle origini alla caduta della Repubblica, Genova 1919. Poliakov L., I banchieri ebrei e la Santa Sede dal XIII al XVII secolo, Roma 1974. Poliakov L., Storia dell' antisemitismo, Firenze 1990, 4 vols. Polonio V., Famagosta genovese a meta del '400, Miscellanea di storia ligure in memoria di G. Falco, Genova 1966. Polonio V., L'amministrazione della Res Publica genovese fra Tre e Quattrocento. L'archivioAntico Comune, ASLl, Nuova Serie, XVII, fascic. 1, Genova 1977. Presotto D., Genova 1656-1657. Cronache di una pestilenza, ASLl, Nuova Serie, V, Genova 1965, pp. 313-435. Promis V., Statuti della colonia genovese di Pera, Miscellanea di Storia ltaliana, Xl, Torino 1871. Quaini M., Per la storia del paesaggio agrario in Liguria. Note di geografia storica sulle strutture agrarie della Liguria medievale e modern a, ASLl, Nuova Serie, XII, fascic. II, Genova 1972, pp. 201-306. Quazza R., La preponderanza spagnola (1559-1700), Milano 1950. Revelli P., La cultura dei mercanti genovesi e Cristoforo Colombo, Atti dell' Accademia Ligure di Scienze e Lettere, VII, Genova 1912. Rezasco G., Del segno degli ebrei, Giornale ligustico di archeologia, storia e belle arti, Genova, XV -XVI, 1888-1889, pp. 241-266; 321-351; 31-61; 259-284. Rezasco G., Dizionario dellinguaggio storico ed amministrativo, Firenze 1881 (reprint, Bologna 1966). Rocca P., Pesi e misure antiche di Genova e del Genovesato, Genova 1871. Roccatagliata A., Annali della Repubblica di Genova dall'anno 1581 all'anno 1607, a cura di M. Staglieno, Genova 1873. Roth c., Genoese Jews in the 13th century, Speculum, Cambridge, XXV, 1950. Roth c., Gli ebrei in Venezia, Roma 1933. Roth c., Qualification of Jewish physicians in the Middle Ages, Speculum, Cambridge, XXVIII, 1953. [cxxviii]

Bibliography Roth c., Stemmi di famiglie ebraiche italiane, Scritti in memoria di Leone Carpi, Gerusalemme 1968, pp. 165-184. Roth c., Storia dei marrani, Milano 1991. Roth c., Storia del popolo ebraico, Milano 1962. Roth c., The history of the Jews of Italy, Filadelfia 1946. Rotta S., Documenti per la Storia dell'Illuminismo a Genova: Lettere di Agostino Lomellini a Paolo Frisi, Miscellanea di Storia Ligure, vol. I, Genova 1958, pp. 189-329. Sachar A.L., A history of the Jews, New York 1974. Saginati L., L'archivio storico del Comune di Genova: fondi archivistici e manoscritti, ASLI, Nuova Serie, XVII, fasc. II, Genova 1977, pp. 649-674. Salvago V.P., Victoria Porcheti adversus impios Hebreos, in qua tum ex sacris literis, tum ex dictis Talmud, ac Caballistarum et aliorum omnium authorum, quos Hebrei recipiunt monstratur veritas catholice fidei, ex recognitione R.P. Augustini Justiniani, O.P. episcopi Nebiensis, Parrhisiis, G. Desplains, 1520. San Remo, Sezione di Archivio di Stato di S. Remo, Guida Generale degli Archivi di Stato Italiani, sub voce, vol. II, Roma 1983, pp. 411-416. Saporiti G.M., Arcivescovo di Genova, Notificazione diretta ai Parroci della citta e diocesi per la retta amministrazione del sacramento del Santo Battesimo, Genova 1756, in Brizzolari c., Gli ebrei nella storia di Genova, Genova 1971, pp. 210-211. Saraceno P., L'amministrazione delle colonie genovesi nell'area del Mar Nero dal1261 a11453, Rivista di storia del Diritto Italiano, XLIII, 1969-70. Sarasso T., Storia degli ebrei a Vercelli, Vercelli 1974. Savelli R., La Repubblica oligarchica. Legislazione, istituzione e ceti a Genova nel Cinquecento, Milano 1981. Savelli R., Potere e giustizia. Documenti per la storia della Rota criminale a Genova alla fine del 'SOD, Materiali per una storia della cultura giuridica, vol. V, 1975, pp. 27-172. Schaube A., Storia del commercio dei popoli latini nel Mediterraneo fino alla fine delle Crociate, Torino 1934. Schwarzfuchs S., De Genes a Trieste: Ie commerce millenaire des cedrates, II mondo ebraico. Gli ebrei tra Italia nord-orientale e Impero Asburgico dal Medioevo all'Eta contemporanea, Pordenone 1991, pp. 259-285. Schwarzfuchs S., The Sicilian Jewish communities in the Ottoman Empire, ltaliaJudaica, Gli ebrei in Sicilia sino all'espulsione. Atti del [cxxix]

Bibliography V Convegno Internazionale, Palermo, 15-19 giugno 1992, Roma 1995,pp.397-411. Scovazzi L-Noberasco F., Storia di Savona, 3 vols, Savona 1928. Segre B., Americo Castro e l'ebraismo spagnolo del Medio Evo, RMI, LI, 1983. Segre B., Presenza ebraica e conflitti di potere nel tardo medioevo cristiano, Comunid., 163, 1972. Segre R., Gli ebrei lombardi nell'ed. spagnola. Storia di un'espulsione, Memorie dell'Accademia delle scienze di Torino, Torino 1973. Segre R., II mondo ebraico nei cardinali della Controriforma, Italia Judaica. Gli ebrei In Italia tra Rinascimento ed Ed. barocca, Atti del II Convegno internazionale, Genova 10-15 giugno 1984, Roma 1986, pp. 119-138. Segre R., La formazione di una comunid. marrana: i Portoghesi a Ferrara, Storia d'ltalia, Annali 11, Gli ebrei in Italia, Venezia 1996, pp. 779-841. Segre R., The Jews in Piedmont, Jerusalem 1986-1990, A Documentary History of the Jews of Italy, 3 vols. Semeria G.B., Secoli cristiani della Liguria, Torino 1843,2 vols. Semeria G .B, Storia ecclesiastica di Genova e della Liguria dai tempi apostolici sino a11838, Torino 1849. Senarega B., De Rebus Genuensibus Commentaria ab Anno MCDXXVIII usque ad Annum MDXIV, RR.lLSS., Torno XXIV, parte VIII, a cura di Emilio Pandiani, Bologna 1930-1932. SermonetaJ. B., L' origine della parola "ghetto", Studi sull' ebraismo italiano, Roma 1974. Sermoneta J.B., Le correnti del pensiero ebraico nell'ltalia medievale, in Italia Judaica, Roma 1983. Servi F., Cenni storici sulla comunid. israelitica di Vercelli. L'educatore israelita, XIV, 1866, pp. 311-315. Sestieri L. , Cultura sefardita e mondo occidentale, RMI, LI, 1983. Sieveking E., Studio sulle finanze genovesi nel Medio Evo e in particolare sulla Cas a di S. Giorgio. Traduzione italiana di Onorio Soardi, ASLI, vol. XXXV, Genova 1906. Silla G. A., Storia del Finale, Savona 1964-1965, 2 vols. Simonsohn S., History of the Jews in the Duchy of Mantua, Jerusalem 1977. Simonsohn S., La condizione giuridica degli ebrei nell'ltalia centrale e settentrionale (XII-XVI), Storia d'ltalia, Annali 11, Gli ebrei in Italia, Venezia 1996, pp. 97-120.

[cxxx]

Bibliography Simonsohn S., The Apostolic See and the Jews, Toronto 1988-1991, 8 vols. Simonsohn S., The Jews in the Duchy of Milan, Jerusalem 1982-1986, A Documentary History of the Jews of Italy, 4 vols. Slessarev V., I cosiddetti orientali nella Genova del Medio Evo, ASLI, Nuova Serie, II, Genova 1967. Sonne I., Intorno alla vita di Leone ebreo, La cultura moderna, XLIV, 1934. Soprani R., Li scrittori della Liguria e particolarmente della marittima, Genova 1667. Spotorno G.B., Storia letteraria della Liguria, Genova 1824-1858. Staglieno M., Degli ebrei in Genova, Giornale Ligustico di Archeologia, Storia ed Arte, vol. III, Genova 1876, pp. 173-186; 394-415. Statuti civili della Serenissima Repubblica di Genova libri sei, Genova 1710. Statuti criminali di Genova libri due, Genova 1590. Statuti dei Padri del Comune della Repubblica di Genova, a cura di C. De Simoni, Genova 1885. Steinhaus F., Ebraismo sefardita. Storia degli ebrei di Spagna nel medioevo, Bologna 1969. Suarez Fernandez L., Judios espaiioles en la edad media, Madrid 1980. Suarez Fernandez L., La expulsion de los judios de Espana, Madrid 1991. Synan E.A., The Popes and the Jews in the Middle Ages, New York 1967. Tacchella L., La riforma tridentina nella diocesi di T ortona, Genova 1966. Tagliacozzo A., Lo "Jus di Gazaga" nell'ordinamento giuridico italiano, Scritti in memoria di Umberto Nahon, Saggi sull'ebraismo italiano, Gerusalemme 1978, pp. 240-255. Tagliaferro L., La magnificenza privata. "Argenti, gioie,quadri e altri mobili" della famiglia Brignole Sale, secoli XVI-XIX, Genova 1995. Tedeschi Falco A., Liguria. Itinerari ebraici. I Luoghi, la storia, l'arte, Venezia 1997. The Jewish Encyclopaedia. Toaff A.S., Cenni storici sulla comunid ebraica e sulla sinagoga di Livorno, RMI, XXI, 1955, pp. 355-430. Toaff A.S., La giurisdizione autonoma degli ebrei di Livorno e la controversia con R. Ja'acob Sasportas (1680), RMI, XXXI, n. 6, 1965, pp. 273-285. Toaff R., La Nazione Ebrea a Livorno e a Pisa (1591-1700), Firenze 1990.

[ex xxi]

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Tria L., La schiavitu in Liguria: ricerche e documenti, ASLI, vol. LXX, Genova 1947. Urbani R., Gli Eccellentissimi Protettori della Nazione Ebrea a Genova, Italia Judaica, Gli ebrei in Italia dalla segregazione alla prima emancipazione. Atti del III Convegno internazionale, Tel Aviv 15-20 giugno 1986, Roma 1989, pp. 197-20l. Urbani R., Il banco di pegni a Gavi nella seconda med del '500 (note d'archivio), Novinostra, XXVII, 1987,4, pp. 261-270. Urbani R., Indizi documentari sulla figura diJoseph Hacohen e della sua famiglia nella Genova del XVI secolo, E andammo dove il vento ci spinse. La cacciata degli ebrei dalla Spagna, a cura di G.N. Zazzu, Genova 1992, pp. 59-67. Urbani R., La riammissione degli ebrei in Genova nel1752.Il carteggio tra la Repubblica e la Curia Romana, WE-ZO'T LE-ANGELO. Raccolta di studi giudaici in memoria di Angelo Vivian, Bologna 1993, pp. 573-59l. Urbani R., Note d'archivio per gli ebrei nell'Oltregiogo genovese, Novinostra, XXIII, 1983,2, pp. 101-114. Urbani R., Nuovi documenti sulla formazione della Nazione Ebrea nel Genovesato, ltaliaJudaica, Gli ebrei in Italia tra Rinascimento ed Eta. barocca. Atti del II Convegno internazionale, Genova 10-15 giugno 1984, Roma 1986, pp. 193-209. Urbani R.-Figari M., Considerazioni sull'insediamento ebraico genovese (1600-1750), ASLI, Nuova Serie, XXIX, Genova 1989, pp. 305-337. Venturi F., Settecento Riformatore. Da Muratori a Beccaria, Torino 1969. Vigna R.A., Storia cronologica del convento di Santa Maria di Castello (1435-1591), ASLI, XXI, Genova 1889. Vilar P., Oro e moneta nella storia 1450-1920, Bari 1971. Villa P., Documenti sugli ebrei a Chio nel1394, ASLI, Nuova Serie, V, Genova 1965. Vinzoni M., Pianta delle due Riviere della Serenissima Repubblica di Genova divisa ne' Commissariati di Sanid, a cura di Quaini M., Genova 1983. Vita e cultura ebraica nello Stato Estense, Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi, a cura di Fregni E. e Perani M., Bologna 1993. Vitale V., Breviario della storia di Genova, Genova 1955. Vitale V., Diplomatici e consoli della Repubblica di Genova, ASLI, vol. LXIII, Genova 1934. [cxxxii]

Bibliography Vitale V., L'insurrezione genovese del 1746 nella recente storiografia, Genova 1946. Vitale V., Le fonti della storia medievale genovese, Storia di Genova, Milano 1941. Vitale V., Vitae commercio nei notai genovesi dei secoli XII e XIII, ASLI, vol. LXXII, Genova 1949. Volpicella, I libri dei cerimoniali della Repubblica di Genova, ASLI, vol. XLIX, fasc.II, Genova 1921. Volterra H. V., Ipotesi e documenti sull'inizio dei ghetti, Torath Chajim, Quaderni di attualid, ebraica, n. 99, Tammuz 5742 (giugno-Iuglio 1982), pp. 23-27. Wadding L., Annales Minorum seu trium ordinum a S. Francisco institutorum, Firenze 1931, third edition. Walter G., La ruine de Byzance, Paris 1958. Yogev G., Diamonds and Coral. Anglo-Dutch Jews and Eighteenth Century Trade, New York 1978. Zazzu G.N., Genova e gli ebrei: incontro di due culture, Cristoforo Colombo nella Genova del suo tempo, Torino 1985. Zazzu G.N., Genova e gli ebrei nel basso medio evo, RMI, XLII, 1974. Zazzu G.N., II folIe volo di Cristoforo Colombo, Columbus, n. 2, Genova 1987. Zazzu G.N., II volo del grifo. Storia di Genova dalle origini al 1892, Genova 1991. Zazzu G.N., Juifs dans Ie territoire genois au bas moyen age, Atti del VI Congresso Mondiale di Studi Ebraici, Gerusalemme 1973. Zazzu G.N., L'immagine di Genova in un cronista ebreo del '500, in Studi Genuensi, Genova-Bordighera 1985. Zazzu G. N., La biblioteca di Maino giudeo, La Berio, XXIX, n.1, Genova 1989. Zazzu G.N., Sepharad addio-1492: i profughi ebrei dalla Spagna al "ghetto" di Genova, Genova 1991. Zazzu G.N., Profilo di Agostino Giustiniani, Studi Genuensi, GenovaBordighera 1986. Zazzu G.N., Prostituzione e moralira pubblica nella Genova del '400, Studi Genuensi, Genova-Bordighera 1987. Zazzu-Urbani, Ebrei a Genova, Esposizione fotografica di documenti archivistici dal XII al XVIII secolo, in occasione del Congresso Internazionale Italia Judaica, Genova 1984. Zevi H., L'atteggiamento del Papa Alessandro VI verso gli ebrei, Scritti in memoria di Sally Mayer, Milano-Gerusalemme 1956. [cxxxiii]

Sources and Abbreviations

Most manuscript sources come from the State Archive of Genoa, and from the Government Archive, Notary Archive and the Archive of the Casa di San Giorgio in particular. Significant documents on the history of Jews in Genoa were also found in other archives, smaller than the above-mentioned ones either because they cover a shorter period of time or because they contain a limited number of deeds. The latter documents come from the State Archive of Genoa and from other archives and libraries in Genoa. One was found in the State Archive of San Remo. Sources from the State Archive of Genoa are recorded according to the Guida generale degli Archivi di Stato italiani.

1) Archivio di Stato di Genova A.S.G. a) Archivio Governativo (Government Archive) This is one of the largest and most important collections among the vast records constituting the State Archive of Genoa. It includes documents dating from the 10th to the late 17th centuries, relevant to the early period called "Antico Comune" conventionally ending in 1528 with the reforms by Andrea Doria and to a later period, the "Repubblica aristocratica," ending in 1798. The changes introduced by Andrea Doria and by the legislation of 1547 and of 1576 differentiated between the older structures and the developing archives brought about by the new magistratures and the new requirements of the time, although a number of pre-existing archives continued to operate notwithstanding the change. In addition to the older records, more recent documents were thus collected by newly constituted government bodies.

[cxxxv]

Sources and Abbreviations

LIBRI JURIUM (secoli X, XIII-XVIII) The 10 volumes contain the transcription of privileges, treaties and agreements between Genoa and other powers, as well as political and administrative acts from 958 to the 18th century. Liber Jurium I. BOLLE E BREVI DEI SOMMI PONTEFICI (1159-1834) - PAPAL BRIEFS AND BULLS A collection of papal documents - both copies and originals - mainly relevant to appointments, benefits, indulgences, orders. Among the 10 folders, the following was of particular interest: Archivio Segreto, 1554b, Brief by Pope Gregory XIII. NEGOZIAZIONI POLITICHE-TRATTATI - POLITICAL NEGOTIATIONS-TREATIES A collection of treaties and agreements with foreign powers from the 12th century to 1797, in 24 folders. Archivio Segreto: 2751, 2752, ANTICO COMUNE (1340-1572) This denomination refers rather inappropriately to the records consisting of approximately 800 registers of an administrative and financial nature pertaining to the individual archives of a number of Genoese magistratures related to the government of the "Res Publica". Antico Comune: 22, 333. DIVERSORUM FOLIACIA (1375-1530). These are Chancery documents collected in 128 files and 15 folders, integrating the registers. They consist mainly of applications and petitions addressed to the Doge and the Elders, proclamations and diplomatic instructions. Archivio Segreto: 3050, 3069, 3070, 3076, 3077, 3079, 3081, 3082, 3083, 3084,3085,3086,3112. DIVERSORUM REGISTRI (1380-1550). These are 215 Chancery registers, recording the meetings of the Elders and the Doge on domestic and foreign politics, financial, administrative and religious matters. Archivio Segreto: 539, 541, 542, 569, 642, 646, 648, 660, 666, 667, 668, 669. [cxxxvi]

Sources and Abbreviations

POLITICORUM From 1380 to 1740 the Chancery collected a number of deliberations and non-confidential documents on the matter of domestic and foreign politics. It consists of 18 folders. Archivio Segreto, 1661. CONFINIUM ET FINIUM EX PARTE (secolo XIV-1799). Provisions relevant to boundary disputes, with a variety of documents kept in 294 files, within the Dominion of the Republic. Archivio Segreto: 17,61, 108, 117, 165. ECCELLENTISSIMA CAMERA Documentation consisting of registers and files of an accounting and financial nature, relevant to personal and territorial taxation, military expenses and individual communities. It includes papers relevant to the ANTICA FINANZA and the MINT, as well. It covers from 1400 to 1805. There are approximately 4500 units. Antica Finanaza, 1360. Camera: 69, 194,420,424,972,975,978,979,981,985,995, 1008 ,1949, 2608, 2675, 2870. LITTERARUM REGISTRI (1411-1805). These registers record copies of letters sent by the Republic to private and public persons. The collection starts from the 15th century and continues until the fall of the "Republica aristocratica." It consists of 250 units. Archivio Segreto: 1778, 1785, 1786, 1788, 1799, 1803, 1805, 1810, 1812, 1813,1815, 1819, 1820, 1822, 1828, 1840, 1866, 1974. DECRETORUM MANUALIA, i. e. Book of Decrees of the Senate (1442-1797). M.D.S. These 272 registers, some of which date prior to the reforms introduced by Andrea Doria, contain summaries of the decrees by the Senate and other constitutional bodies, such as the Collegi, Camera, Greater and Lesser Councils. Arehivio Segreto: 740, 755, 756, 757, 775, 776, 807, 808, 810, 812, 815, 819,820,824,832,833,834,840,841,842,843,845,846,847,852,859,907, 908,912, 1003.

[ex xxvii]

Sources and Abbreviations

SENATE This documentation is divided into series and integrates that of the Chancery, although sometimes it is redundant. Atti - Acts (1466-1799). These are letters and petitions by local authorities or private individuals, ordered according to their origin urbs (city), orientalis (Eastern Riviera), occidentalis (Western Riviera). There are 3,606 units, which do not always precisely adhere to the geographical origin, especially in the case of inland territories (Oltregiogo). Senate: 1217,1235, 1244,1245,1254,1266,1267,1269,1349,13 57,1363, 1366, 1370, 1372, 1380, 1411, 1427, 1435, 1444, 1466, 1506, 1511, 1538, 1549, 1552, 1555, 1557, 1559, 1566, 1574, 1598, 1606, 1623, 1626, 1627, 1629, 1630, 1640, 1650, 1661, 1710, 1778, 1859, 1869, 1966, 1989, 2041, 2064, 2109, 2184, 2240, 2243, 2249, 2250, 2251, 2256, 2258, 2263, 2285, 2288, 2289, 2290, 2291, 2292, 2334, 2335, 2509, 2538, 2541, 2542, 2569, 2607,2609,2754,2771,2772,2790,2794,2859,2955,3159, 3176, 3206, 3213,3222,3228,3233,3234,3240,3246,3247,3259. Litterarum. Correspondence to the central government from local authorities and private citizens from 1518 to 1797, in 637 units. Senate: 405,428,440,479,486,490,494, 509, 553,552, 553, 556, 557, 558,560,564,570,571,767,772,773,780,781,884,916,986, 1011, 1015, 1016, 1915. Diversorum Collegi. 396 files from 1530 to 1797, including acts and papers of various nature. Most of them are petitions filed by private citizens to the Collegi. Senate: 109, 120, 122, 126, 130, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 157, 160, 161, 174,189,202,205,209,217,266,274,298,315. Miscellanea (1466-1797). 169 papers relevant to census, traffic regulations, and public order, integrating the above-mentioned documentation. Senate: 1041, 1047, 1049, 1074, 1092, 1140,1143. MAGISTRATO DELLA SANIT A' 0 Conservatori della Sanidt 0 Ufficio di Sanid. - HEALTH OFFICE Documents from the 16th century to 1798 on matters of health, hospitals and medical reports. Between registers and files, it consists of 541 units. Magistrato della Sanita: filze 1,103. SALUTATIONUM et CERIMONIARUM (1506-1797) Consisting of 36 units, it refers to the ceremonial (rules, procedures, and letters) followed by Serenissimi Collegi, who can avail themselves of the Giunte's advice. A number of registers (from 1561 to 1797) relate to the [cxxxviii]

Sources and Abbreviations

decree of the Collegi and the magister cerimoniarum, its use and the procedures in force. Archivio Segreto: 476. LETTERE DI MINISTRI (1506-1805) - MINISTERS' LETTERS. Letters sent to the Republic by diplomats outside Genoa, and from Genoa to them. The collection consists of 475 folders. Rome, Gio. Pietro Spinola: Archivio Segreto, 2367; Genoa, to Paolo De Marini, diplomat at the court of the King of France: Archivio Segreto, 2201 ter; Milan: Carlo Francesco Pedemonte: Archivio Segreto, 2309; Vienna, Paolo Agostino Allegretti: Archivio Segreto, 2606. LETTERE DI CONSOLI (1506-1805) - CONSULS' LETTERS. Letters sent to the Republic by commercial representatives abroad. The collection consists of 94 folders. The following were examined: Lisbon, Pietro Francesco Viganego: Archivio Segreto, 2659 LETTERE DI CARDINALI (1507-1796) CARDINALS' LETTERS. The letters sent to the Republic by a number of Cardinals are kept in 39 folders. Cardinal Francesco Spinola: Archivio Segreto, 2820; Cardinal di S. Clemente, Gian Domenico Spinola: Archivio Segreto, 2802. GRIDE E PROCLAMI - PROCLAMATIONS AND EDICTS This collection was started by the Chancery and contains a number of provisions from 1513 to the early 1800s. It consists of 11 folders. Archivio Segreto: 1025. SUPREMI SINDICATORI (1529-1797) Consisting of over 1,000 files, it refers to supervisory and auditing activities of the major city authorities as well as to the ample supervision over magistrates in the city and outside it. The magistrature was also in charge of any arrests for debt and relevant appeals. Supremi Sindicatori (Sala Gallo): 349.

[cxxxix]

Sources and Abbreviations

SECRETORUM These are 103 files with confidential documents from other archives. They cover the period from 1557 to 179l. Archivio Segreto, Secretorum: 1587, 163ge, 1639x. SINDICATO OLTRE I GIOVI - INLAND AUDITING Documents kept in 33 files covering the period from 1564 to 1796. They relate to the control activities and matters of judicial competence of five "Sindacatori ordinari" and local judges. Sindicatori oltre i Giovi (Sala Gallo): 839, 840, 842, 844. PROPOSITIONUM Documentation - consisting of 53 units - referring to bills to be approved by the Councils, from 1573 to 1797. Archivio Segreto: 1041, 1049, 1059. CONSER V ATORI DEL MARE Consisting of 336 files and 17 registers (1575-1798); refers to maritime, civil and criminal jurisdiction; it had administrative and naval competence and supervised navigation, shipbuilding and nautical instruments. Magistrato dei Conservatori del Mare: filza 137. PORTOFRANCO - FREE PORT Norms, kept in four folders, governing the institution started in 1595 for victuals subject to the grain tax and progressively extended throughout the years until 1803. Archivio Segreto: 1013. MARITTIMARUM The 1,111 files and registers, from the 16th century to the year 1797, include reports on public and private armaments, pirates and corsairs, convoys and correspondence from the Genoese consuls, with a copy of the replies sent by the Republic. Archivio Segreto: 1671, 1739. ZECCA ANTICA - OLD MINT Registers and files from the 17th century to 1805 relevant to mint administration, coining and operations on the monetary market. Fourteenth-century documents are included as well. There are 120 units altogether. Zecca Antica: filza 29. [cxl]

Sources and Abbreviations

GIUNTA 01 MARINA - NAVY GIUNTA These documents, relevant to navigation, maritime traffic, and the appointment of consuls, are kept in 41 files. They cover the period from the 17th century to 1814, although some date back to the 15th century. Giunta di Marina: filza 27. MAGISTRATO 01 GUERRA E MARINA - MAGISTRATE OF THE WAR AND THE NAVY Archive consisting of approximately 1,300 units from a number of magistratures, regarding fortifications, artillery, warfare, and the navy. The documentation, from 1601 to 1805, is integrated by the MILIT ARIUM papers, including items dating from 1553. Magistrato di Guerrae Marina (Sala B. Foglietta): 301,390,1047,1178, 1179, 1190. Militarium, (Sala B. Foglietta): filza 1242. ROTA CRIMINALE - CRIMINAL ROTA Documents regarding the authority, powers, and jurisdiction on criminal matters and provisions against bandits, counterfeiters, thieves, "male viventes," "armorum/' and suits. Although the earliest papers are dated 1542, the documentation more thoroughly covers the period from 1604 to 1805, for a total of 1275 units. Rota Criminale: 28, 30, 64, 115 MAGISTRATO DEL RISCATTO DEGLI SCHIAVI MAGISTRATE FOR THE LIBERATION OF SLAVES These 23 units - both registers and files - cover the period from 1607 to 1797. They record institution's efforts to free Ligurian citizens made slaves by the Infidels. Most of them are baptism certificates, release payments, petitions, certificates, letters, lists of slaves and guarantees. Magistrato Riscatto Schiavi: 17, 66. MAGISTRATO DELLE COMUNIT A - MAGISTRATE OF THE COMMUNITIES These 876 units, from 1632 to 1797, are divided into "Atti del Levante," "Atti del Ponente," and "Atti dell'Oltregiogo." They refer to real property estimates and tax subdivisions between the communities of the Republic. Magistrato delle Cominira: 304. [cxli]

Sources and Abbreviations

JURISDICTIONALIUM (1638-1798). Documents relating to decisions taken by the "Giunta di Giurisdizione" in the matter of disputes between the Government and the Church, benefits and immunities, and licences for the founding of religious institutions. It consists of 262 units and is integrated by files of Jurisdictionalium et Ecclesiasticorum ex parte collection for specific issues, i.e. Holy Office, Monalium, Jews. As far as the latter is concerned, there are three files, namely: Archivio Segreto: 1099, 1102, 1120, 1185, 1187, 1190, 1192, 1197, 1198, 1199, 1221, 1401, 1402, 1405, 1406, JURISDICTIONALIUM ET ECCLESIASTICORUM EX PARTE HEBREORUM (1587-1796) A unique source of paramount importance for the history of the Jews in modern Genoa. As stated above, in the State Archive of Genoa, the three files are contained in the series Jurisdictionalium et Ecclesiasticorum ex parte Hebreorum, indicated in the inventory of the Archivio Segreto as n. 1390, n. 1390a, n. 1391. Thus, in the documents they are quoted as "Archivio Segreto n. 1390," "Archivio Segreto n. 1390a," and "Archivio Segreto n. 1391," without specifying the relevant series so as not to repeat the same indication. The complete archive source indication is given only in the first document of the individual file. The documents from the three files have been reported almost completely in view of their particular significance for the history of the Jews in Genoa. The files had already been used by Staglieno in his Degli ebrei in Genova and by Brizzolari in his work Gli ebrei nella storia di Genova, as well as in occasional papers and university theses on local history. However, thorough research work on the documents of the three files had never been carried out, perhaps because of the poor state of the documents. In order to organically examine the small collection it was necessary to order and organise the documents, which could not be used in the state in which they were found. Private deeds, such as notary deeds, were together with printed decrees; the plans of the ghetto were all mixed up, census sheets were all over the place, papers followed no chronological or typological criterion, and acts by various magistratures were filed without any logical sequence. The Charter was a very difficult problem. A large number of drafts, [cxlii]

Sources and Abbreviations

papers, comments, corrections, disclosures, arbitrarily separated and mixed up by previous consultants had to be reorganised. Moreover, the documentation was not of the exclusive competence of the Giunta di Giurisdizione and cannot be considered as the magistrature archive, as some of the documents were issued before the Giunta was formed in January 1638. Through a systematic collection of similar documents, the retrieval of the filing order, where possible, and the examination of individual provisions, a first group of documents from various archives was identified as the original group, pertaining to the years 1587-1658. These documents, which had been arbitrarily inserted in the files because of the subject matter treated, were removed from the institutional archives. Most of them consist of residence permits issued by the Senate or other city magistrature, discriminatory provisions relevant to the badge, bans, copies of notary deeds and printed decrees by Popes Paul III, Paul IV, and Julius III, containing laws against the Jews. From the late 17th and throughout the 18th centuries, when the Jewish community was officially accepted, the major source is the documentation pertaining to the Protectors of the Jewish community. Their records include acts issued directly by the Protectors, as well as documentation from other authorities. The ordering of the material revealed the actual organisation of the magistrature, until then mostly unknown. A few issues relevant to the history of the Jews in Genoa still remain unsolved, however. A number of documents are incomplete, there is some chronological discontinuity, lack of reference and sometimes it is impossible to discover what really happened either because situations and events were taken for granted, as manifestly obvious, or because it was better to conceal them. The three files in themselves are not enough to clarify the conditions of the Jews in Genoa. Research was, therefore, required in other vast archives, where some significant documents on the small community were always sure to be found. File 1390a, according to M. Staglieno, was made up of documents which had originated in the other two files and were found out of place in the archive. The reordering of the three files was carried out by Mimma Figari. Without her invaluable help this work could not have been written. Archivio Segreto: 1390, 1390a, 1391. RESIDENTI DI PALAZZO, also called Due di Casa or Governatori del real Palazzo. Until 1674 they also acted as Protectors of the Jewish Community. [cxliii]

Sources and Abbreviations

The documentation, in 266 files from 1652 to 1797, records the instructions given by the Senate and the follow-up of the cases carried out by order of the Senate. Residenti di Palazzo (Sala Iacopo Bracelli): 7, 13, 15, 17, 18,20,21,22, 23,24,94 b) Guilds Miscellaneous archive (1622-1697) consisting of 54 units on guild activities. Arti: 160, 184, 187. c) Manuscripts Miscellaneous archive consisting of approximately 1,200 units between files and registers, covering the period from the 13th century to the 17th century, of various origins and different natures. Ms. 70, Senaregae Bartholomei, Historia Januensis ab anno 1478 per totum 1514. Ms. 135, Decreta et statuta pro Excellentissimis residentibus in Reali Palatio. Ms. 218, Descrizione dei luoghi e delle terre appartenenti alla Serenissima Repubblica di Genova (introiti ed esiti). Ms. 365, Index propositionum et legum. Ms. 600, Atti governativi. Membranaceo n. LII, Statuti di S. Remo. Ms. 675, Magistrati coi quali si govern a al presente e si governata la Serenissima Repubblica di Genova. Ms. 715, Relazioni diverse. Ms. 832, L' Archivio di Stato di Genova. Notizie sui principali fondi.

e

d) Tipi, disegni, mappe - Models, drawings, maps. This collection of approximately 2,300 units refers to hand-drawn topographical and chorographic maps for the Chancery of the Republic, integrated with models from other archives. It covers the period from the end of the 16th century to the 19th century. Tipi, diseghi, mappe: Busta 28 ter, Miscellanea: Ghetto delli Hebrei, Disegni per gli hebrei - the Jewish ghetto. e) Fondo Famiglie - Family archive The organisation of some fragmentary documentation from private archives is in process. Fondo Famiglie, Frammenti XV - XVI secolo. [cxliv]

Sources and Abbreviations

f) Compere e Mutui Recorded in the general guide of State Archives (Part III, Banco di San Giorgio), this archive, consisting of 1,978 registers dating from the 14th to the 19th centuries, refers to "compere," i. e. governmental loans previous to the consolidation of the public debt or not consolidated in the Banco S. Giorgio. Compere e Mutui: Registro 1958. g) Banco S. Giorgio The inventory of this invaluable archive in the field of economic, financial and political activity is currently in process. It consists of approximately 37,000 units, from 1407, when previous public debts were consolidated into one single debt, until 1805. In addition to the notary and the government archives, it accounts for one of the most significant sources in the State Archive of Genoa, unequalled as far as economics and finance are concerned. Throughout its activity the Casa di S. Giorgio carried out three main functions: 1) control of public debt and tax within its competence; 2) banking; 3) rule, with sovereign powers, in some places within the Dominion, in Corsica and in overseas colonies. This political-territorial function was carried out in the 15th and 16th centuries, with variations from place to place. In the Western Coast territories the Banco was actively present, but in the Eastern territories it actually controlled certain areas, through its own peripheral and central government bodies. CAFF AE MASSARIA This series of approximately 43 registers includes administrative and financial documentation relevant to the Genoese colony on the Black Sea, in Crimea, the present location of Feodosija. The registers cover the period from 1374 to 1472, with a certain continuity. The register relevant to the year 1466 was consulted. PRIMI CANCELLIERI - EARLY CHANCELLORS A collection of documents of an administrative nature, in 107 folders, covering the period from 1407 to 1602. Busta n. 16

[cxlv]

Sources and Abbreviations

CARTOLARI DELLE COLONNE Approximately 3,075 registers covering the period from 1409 to 1802. Similar to today's registers of public debt, they record in alphabetical order the names of the natural or juridical persons having a deposit at the bank, specifying their credits. The registers were updated yearly by officials in charge of writing down the transactions relevant to each depositor. Banco S. Giorgio: Registers: 818, 829, 854, 863, 935, 953, 1050, 1080, 1087. FOGLIAZZI DELLE COLONNE Documentation consisting of 693 files, including records of the transactions effected in the "cartolari" from 1429 to 1827. Banco S. Giorgio: 3782, 3783, 3784, 3799. CANCELLIERI DEL BANCO Correspondence and acts by the Chancellors from 1479 to 1804. Among the 1,226 units, the acts by the following Chancellors were examined: Banco S. Giorgio: Cancelliere Pietro G. Scaniglia, 481, 482; Cancelliere Gio. Antonio De Andrea, 528; Cancelliere Francesco M. Maberini, 544; Cancelliere Benedetto Muzio, 751; Cancelliere Francesco M. Colombo, 896, 898. h) Notary archive A precious collection of notary documents from the 12th to the 19th centuries is kept in the State Archives of Genoa. It includes over 30,000 units, both portfolios and files. The most exceptional is undoubtedly that previous to the year 1300, thanks to which Genoa e a unique case in Italy e can reconstruct its past life at the time of Barbarossa, Frederick II and Henry IV. Moreover, the invaluable records of the Genoese notaries of the time has allowed us to retrace trade and commercial activities throughout the Mediterranean basin. Not only were the notaries attentive witnesses of the commercial and economic life around the port, but also of an intense social life, since the Genoese did not hesitate to turn to the notary for those agreements which elsewhere were merely made verbally or through a simple contract. The desire to give a legal value to every aspect of life, even the most trivial, is inferred by the study of the oldest portfolio of notary papers in the world [cxlvi]

Sources and Abbreviations

- that of Notary Giovanni Scriba. From the middle of the 12th century he began registering marriages, legitimation of natural children, wills, and the liberation of slaves, as well as the formation of companies, economic exchanges, and commercial negotiations. Genoese notaries registered everything, with a punctilious attitude which seems rather strict and exaggerated to us, envisaging the remotest consequences to every contract, both public and private. Furthermore, from the earliest centuries, they became accustomed to dealing with people from all over the known world and, consequently, to drawing up deeds on business matters throughout the Mediterranean basin, Central Europe and Asia Minor. Hence, they began very early on not only to refer briefly to "foreigners," but also to indicate their place of origin. Unfortunately, we only have access to part of this very intense notary activity. Contemporary to Giovanni Scriba, who left us the only portfolio relevant to the years 1158-1162, at least another eleven notaries were working in Genoa. Since none of their work has reached us, the documentation of the economic and social life of Genoa in the early Middle Ages is naturally incomplete and partial. The Genoese notary kept a number of public documents, too, because of the legal and administrative deeds he drew up as a public Chancellor. Unlike other Italian cities, the official deeds drawn up by notaries in Genoa were kept by them personally and not in a municipal building, although, aside from exceptional cases, separately from private deeds. Consequently, the notary was able to occasionally fill in the gaps left by the as yet inadequate authorities, who were unable to keep their own archives. It should be noted that these deeds refer to a period of time when the Republic's institutions were not properly outlined and the difference between private and public was still unclear. Notary work always remained of primary importance in everyday life. For example, the documents by notary Gaetano Pino in the early 18th century are one of the few sources on the local history of the Jews. The notaries quoted in the documents are recorded in chronological order as follows: Giovanni Scriba Guglielmo Cassinese Bonvillano Giovanni di Guiberto Federico de Sigestro Magister Salmonis Lanfranco [cxlvii]

Sources and Abbreviations

Giovannino de Predono Bartolomeo Fornari Domenico Durante - Oberto Osbergerio Gilberto de Nervio Matteo de Predono Angelino de Sigestro Guglielmo di S. Giorgio Giovanni de Corsio (Notai Ignoti) Vivaldo de Sarzano Leonardo Negrini Ursone da Sestri T eramo Maggiolo - Leonardo Osbergerio Antonio Fontanegli Giovanni Bardi Andrea Testa Giovanni Balbi Branca Bagnara Antonio Fazio seniore Guirardo Brevei Carlo de Albario Andrea de Cairo Antonio de Luco Giovanni Battista Pari sola Lorenzo Costa Giacomo Calvi Oberto Foglietta juniore David Staliano Martino Brignole Giacomo Calvi Antonio Pastorino Quilico Serravalle Lorenzo De Cairo Tomaso Duracino Urbano Granello Cristoforo Rattone Biagio Foglietta Gregorio Ferro Antonio T agliaferro Antonio T orriglia Leonardo Parisola [cxlviii]

Sources and Abbreviations

Oberto Foglietta Gerolamo Logia Cosimo de Abbati Giovanni Pari sola Niccolo Raggi Ambrogio Garumbero Pellegro Castelletto N otai Ignoti Cipriano Foglietta Francesco Camogli Cristoforo Rollero Giovanni Battista Foglietta Paolo De Ferrari Pantaleo Bosio Ambrogio De Ferrari Compiano Ambrogio Gentile Oderico Stefano Sauli Carega Francesco Pagano Francesco Tubino Antonio Ricci, State Archive, Savona Antonio Cazerio Lercario Antonio Usodimare Maragliano Gio. Giacomo Cibo Peirano Agostino De Franchi Molfino Agostino Sivori Giacomo Solario Agostino Campanella Abraham Rivanegra Aurelio Morscia (Monscia) Giovanni Federici G. Francesco Vallettaro or Valletaro Lorenzo Pallavagna Tommaso Ponte, State Archive, Alessandria. Genoa Giovanni Battista Cangialanza Pietro Bisso Giuseppe Repetto Gio. Andrea Celesia Francesco Borlasca Luciano Granello G. Bartolomeo Mercante [cxlix]

Sources and Abbreviations

Bartolomeo Castiglioni Gerolamo Borlasca Giovanni Battista Gianelli Castiglioni Carlo Merello Oberto Maria Castelli Gio. Agostino Canepa Gio. T ommaso Varese Gio. Giacomo Ugo Ignazio Poggi Bartolomeo Granello T ommaso T avarone Giovanni Battista Bacigalupo Battista Garelli Francesco M. Cambiaso Silvestro Merello Giuliano De Ferrari Nicolo Maria Federici Gio. Agostino Savignone Alessandro Alfonso Gio. Domenico Bernabo Giovanni Battista Garibaldo Federico Cella Gaetano Pino Cesare Baldi Giuseppe Pompeo Ratto Federico Cella Giovanni Battista Boccardo Giovanni Battista Passano, notaio di Genoa ::Gio. Francesco Solari Domenico Federici Paolo Francesco Bacigalupo Francesco Maria Viale Giuseppe Onorato Boasi Marco Antonio Lavaggi, or Levaggi Pier Agostino Solari Giulio Vincenzo Della Cella Francesco Saverio Porcile Nicolo Ravano, notaio giudiziario::-::Gio. Ambrogio Nicolo Granara Giuseppe Morchio [el]

Sources and Abbreviations

Gerolamo Silvano, notaio della Valpolcevera':· Giorgio Musso, notaio di Genoa ':. Domenico Assereto Francesco Saverio Pall ani Bartolomeo Varese Francesco Maria Garassino Antonio Maria Rosani Domenico Labero ". Notaries added to the older notary series. ".". Deeds, kept separate from private deeds, drawn up by the notary in his capacity as public Chancellor. Note: All the notaries operating until the 13th century have been examined. The above list includes only those whose documents refer to Jews.

2) Archivio Storico del Comune di Genova - Historical Archive of the Municipality of Genoa This archive contains. documents relating to the activities of various offices concerned with the administration of the city from the 15th to the 20th centuries, as well as the historical archive of the Podesteria of Voltri, important collections of manuscripts and documents pertaining to city charity institutions. VOLTRI Documentation relating to administrative, political and economic matters of the Podesteria from the 16th to the 18th centuries, amounting to 1,061 units, files and registers. The following are of particular interest: Archivio Storico del Comune di Genova, Voltri: Debita Confessa, account books, Registro 1026. Criminalium, legal acts by the Podesta, 1575, 1599, 1650. MANUSCRIPTS A remarkable collection of manuscripts of Genoese history put together between the late 19th and the early 20th centuries through purchases and donations, plus the manuscripts of the Brignole Sale collection, in deposit. Among the latter, the following were consulted: Archivo Storico del Comune di Genova, Fondo Brignole Sale, Ms. 105. D.2. [eli]

Sources and Abbreviations

PADRI DEL COMUNE The archive, consisting of 1,240 units, files and registers, includes documents by the most important city magistrature from 1412 to 1797, relevant to deliberations, public procedures and agreements. Archivio Storico del Comune di Genova, Padri del Comune: Arti, acts attesting to the control over the guilds by the Republic and the Padri del Comune, 471, 472, 477. Pratiche pubbliche, building provisions, including those regarding the construction of a ghetto, 197,242, 248. Atti, renting agreements, including the one regarding the Jewish cemetery, 79, 198. 3) San Remo, Sezione di Archivio di Stato - State Archive Section CARTE PINELLI They account for the town's archive, brought to Genoa by General Agostino Pinelli as a war prize following the 1753 uprising and given back in 1956. The documentation, covering the period from the 13th to the 18th centuries, is fragmentary and incomplete. Archivio di Stato di S. Remo, Carte Pinelli, 68. 4) Archivio della Comunid. Ebraica - Archive of the Jewish Community A.C.E. This archive - of which only two registers of deliberations remain obviously started with the admission of the Jews in Genoa and should thus have contained documents from 1659 onwards. This hypothesis is confirmed by a deed dated 1675 which can be found in the first Hebreorum file of the State Archive in Genoa, which mentions a book in which all the decrees are recorded; the Chancellor of the Jewish community at the time, Isahac Israel Machado, stated that the sentence pronounced by the Parnassim had been recorded in the book of the Kahal. From the first book of deliberations, relevant to the years 1769-1776the only source providing information on the history of the administration of the Jewish community in Genoa - we can understand that further archives existed for the years following 1675, with a probable interruption from 1685 to 1710, when the Jews were no longer officially admitted in Genoa as a community. Most likely, a systematic registering of records started again in 1711, when the community was granted a new Charter and the right to print its own regulations, subject to the approval of the Republic. [clii]

Sources and Abbreviations

From then on the archive of the community should have contained one or more account books, one or more books of deliberations and a number of documents, probably ordered in files, with daily entries and perhaps deeds drawn up by Genoese notaries for the community. We have no information on the extent of the archives during the first decades of the 18th century and the collection is likely to have been interrupted around 1743, when the Jews were expelled from Genoa. Seemingly, however, it was resumed in 1752, when the Jews were officially admitted in the Dominion for the second time. Probably the entire community archive - originating in 1659 and continuing notwithstanding the interruptions until 1769 - was burned by unanimous decision on the evening of 24 December 1769 to put an end to the disputes which had been troubling the community for some time, mainly due to economic reasons. This is what we can understand from page nine of the book of deliberations, which covers the period from 1769 to 1776 (Doc. 1956). Of the documentation destroyed there still remain a few traces in a small number of documents kept in the Hebreorum files of the State Archive of Genoa. As far as the years from 1769 to 1863 are concerned, the archive of the community consists of two books of deliberations only, the first of which, used for this work, had already been studied by the late Rabbi Riccardo Pacifici. The rest was lost, as Prof. S. Simonsohn assessed in October 1956. Hopefully some documents will be found sometime, as the first of the two books, on pages 173-174, discloses the existence of further" scripts," from which we can infer that the archive of the community included: One "fogliaccio" with 168 notes relating to the business of the community. One book of deliberations and regulations of the community, covered in parchment, consisting of" quinterni 20 in foglio," starting with a paper stamped ("da soldi dieci") on 1769, 27 February, and ending on page 130, in the Chancery of the "Serenissimo Senato" by "magnifico" Giacomo Antonio Ferro, Secretary of State. One book with a red leather cover and gold spine, "con cinque ligature," filled in until page 170 and ending with the following words: "onde resto in sotto del Signor Felice Vida il Signor Amadio Pincherle." Another book with cardboard cover "in mezzo foglio di quinterni tre, con sua pandetta sciolta" beginning with the words "Copia di ordinanza [cliii]

Sources and Abbreviations

del 25 dicembre 1769" and ending on page 57 "a tergo" with a £ 6 entry. Another book "fasciato di cartina di quinterni cinque in mezzo foglio" beginning with the words: "Copia di ordinanza del 25 dicembre" 1769 and ending on page 83 with the words "Samuel Rosa Massaro." In addition to the book of deliberations from 1769 to 1776 there is a book of deliberations from 1820 to 1863. Archivio della Comunit:l ebraica, Libro delle deliberazioni, anni 1769-1776 5) Archivi ecclesiastici e Church Archives a) Church of S. Pancrazio: Liber mortuorum 1591-1698. b) Church of S. Siro: Liber L, battesimi, anni 1616-1642; Ms. "Distretto - confini della parrocchia di S. Siro di Genova nella maniera che si trovano nell'anno corrente 1677". c) Church of S. Sabina, kept in the archive of S. Siro: Registro dei battesimi della Chiesa di S. Sabina, anni 1616-1650. d) Augustinian Convent, "Madonnetta": Catalogo dei Reverendi Padri Agostiniani Scalzi. 6) Biblioteca Universitaria - University library B.U.G. Ms., A. 3.19, Disputatio inter Guilielmum Alphachinum et quendam sapientissimum iudeum M. Moysem Abraym quae fuit facta Septe. Ms., B. VI, 31, Decreti di Genova. Ms., B.VI. 39, Tipo di un ghetto degli ebrei da farsi in Genova presso il ponte dei Cattanei. Ms., B. VIII. 2, Miscellanea di cose genovesi, Capitoli per la nazione ebrea (1752-1753). Ms., C. VII. 18, Leggi e decreti della Repubblica di Genova. Ms., C. V.1. n. 18, c. 515-524, Sopra l'intimatione statafatta a gli ebrei di dover partire dal Dominio della Repubblica Serenissima. 7) Societa Ligure di Storia Patria Ms. 335: Carte Staglieno, Inquisizione ed Ebrei. Miscellanea, 22 A. 5. 60 (43). Miscellanea, 22 A. 5. 60 (45). [cliv]

Sources and Abbreviations

8) Civic a Biblioteca Berio - Berio Civic library

B.CB.

Sezione Conservazione, Manoscritti e Rari. M.R. V, Staglieno M., Spogli diversi di documenti dell' Archivio di Stato di Genova: Filze diversorum cancellerie; Registri diversorum cancellerie; Registri litterarum; Manuali decreti del Senato; Atti notarili dal XII al XVI secolo (13 vols.). 9) Biblioteca dell' Archivio di Stato - State archive library Ms. 85, Leges (1576-1753). 10) Biblioteca giuridica P.E. Bensa, Universid di Genova, Facold di Giurisprudenza Ms. Gentile, 92. 4. 10. Allegazioni, n. 25 (12).

THE MAGISTRATURES OF THE REPUBLIC OF GENOA First of all, it should be pointed out that the history of the institutions of the city of Genoa must be divided into two main periods. The first starts in the 11 th century and ends in 1528, with the reforms introduced by Andrea Doria. This period, usually called Antico Comune, refers to the commune, governed by consoli, podesta, capitani del popolo and the rule of the doge for life. The second period, usually known as the Repubblica A ristocratica, saw the rule of the aristocracy through new administrative institutions introduced in 1528 and enlarged to cover further requirements. This period ends in 1798. During the 16th century two main law reformations took place. The first, dated 1547, is called riforma del Garibetto. The second is known as Leges Novae, or leggi di Casale, as it was in Casale itself that the new constitution of Genoa was drawn up in 1576. During both periods some magistratures may be referred to in the documents as Officium. Usually the Officium was a magistrature appointed for some contingent reason, such as the Officium hebreorum - formed to deal with the extraordinary influx of Jews following the expulsion from Spain - or a particular war requiring extraordinary financing. As soon as the situation that required the formation of an Officium ended, the Officium no longer had any reason to exist. Some of [elv]

Sources and Abbreviations them, however, were not abolished, and continued to be called Officium. A few institutions from the time of the Antico Comune continued to operate throughout the Repubblica A ristocratica. Most of the magistratures of Genoa had legislative, executive and judicial functions, since at the time the classical tripartite division had not yet been established. The citizens who held public office were supposed to be aristocratic and not too young; they had to divest themselves of outside income and abstain for a certain period of time from the practice of arti meccaniche.::· After the 1576 laws, some magistratures and vicariates outside the city also became accessible to commoners. Traditionally each magistrate held office for two years and at the end of their mandate they underwent an audit. In addition to state magistratures, there were offices concerned with the city of Genoa only. The most important of them was the Padri del Comune. Most of their archives are kept at the Historical Archive of the City of Genoa. After 1798 the magistratures changed according to the modifications undergone by the old Republic, which had been transformed from Aristocratica into the Repubblica Ligure Democratica until 1804, when it was annexed to the French Empire; then, in 1814, it was annexed to Piedmont, following the Congress of Vienna. The magistratures mentioned directly or indirectly in the documents up to 1789 will be briefly outlined below. ':. The common meaning of arti meccaniche is manual jobs. When their definition was to be provided in the constitutional reform of 1576, distinctions were made and a discussion arose regarding some professions and jobs. Savelli, Repubblica oligarchica, pp. 157-158; 214-217.

1. THE AGE of the "ANTICO COMUNE" Doge The first Doge was elected in 1339, but until 1413 elections were not held regularly. From 1413 onwards, the Doge was elected by means of a series of votes. From among 40 citizens, merchants and artists, 21 were elected; then the list was cut down to 10 citizens, among which the one who received 7 votes was elected Doge. The Doge had to be at least forty years old, and his mandate was for life. His powers were vast, and included judicial authority in criminal cases.

[clvi]

Sources and Abbreviations

Consiglio degli Anziani - The Council of the Elders They were appointed as early as 1235, and in 1413 there were 12 of them. The number changed throughout the years until it became fixed at 12. They were in charge of all activities, superintended all magistrates and judges and presided over all appeals. Governatore - French Governor When the Republic of Genoa was ruled by the King of France, one of his representatives, called Governor, was in charge of the city. The first governor's term of office under Charles VI, was from 1396 to 1409, while the second was in office from 1499 to 1528, with a few intervals of apparent autonomy. Officium Hebreorum This is a typical example of an institution which was formed to temporarily deal with a specific situation: to control the influx of Sephardi Jews in 1492. It did not keep its own archive; only fragmentary traces of its activities remain in the major series of the Archivio Segreto. 2. MAGISTRATURES OPERATING in the ANTICO COMUNE and in the REPUBBLICA ARISTOCRATICA Magistrato del Sale According to an old privilege, monopoly on salt was entrusted to the Officium Salis. After 1407, when the Municipality's old debts known as Compere were consolidated in the Banco S. Giorgio, the office became part of the Casa di S. Giorgio. The laws of the bank mention it in 1568. It consisted of four citizens, but later eight, elected by the Protettori del Banco, aged between 25 and 30. Until 1629 their mandate lasted 16 months, and after that, two years. Magistrato di Guerra Mentioned as early as 1412, after the 1528 reforms it consisted of one chairman and five aristocrats. It dealt with all matters concerning war and ammunition for the troops. Four of its members held the position of Generale delle armi for three months, on rotation. Elected by the Collegi and the Lesser Council, their mandate lasted one year. Magistrato della Seta Mentioned in a decree dated 1432 and in the 1528 laws, it was formed by [clvii]

Sources and Abbreviations

two representatives of the Guild of the silk workers and six councillors. From 1648 the chairman was a Senator. The office, whose mandate from 1596 lasted six months, ensured that silk was not adulterated; it enjoyed ample powers as regards crime and cases between workers on the matter of silk manufacture. Protettori del S. Uffizio - Protectors of the Holy Office It seems to have been founded in 1459, formed by four Protectors, to become two in the 16th century, in addition to a lay notary. They assisted the Inquisitor in the most serious cases, involving outstanding persons. The Protectors of the Holy Office were members of the Collegi. Although it was a city office in the form of a magistrature, it was not strictly so since the position could be held by members of other offices. Magistrato delle Virtu The first records of it date back to 1468. In 1512 the institution was re-established and was formed by four members and later increased to seven, elected by the Governor and the Elders. In 1546 its duties dealing with sacrilege, adultery and various other crimes - passed on to the Procuratori. According to the 1589 law, authority on these matters was given to seven members of the two Collegi, elected by the same and the Lesser Council. Their mandate was for three years. Conservatori del Mare It dealt with all civil and criminal cases on maritime matters and had ample administrative powers. Originally called Ufficio del Mare, it was instituted on 15 October 1490 and reformed on 18 March 1602 and again in 1607. It consisted of five members from the aristocracy, elected by the Collegi and the Lesser Council with a 20-month mandate. They worked together with a Sindaco, who carried out administrative and supervision functions over vessel departures. Magistrato di Sanid. 0 Conservatori della Sanita - Health Office Already mentioned in 1494, in 1627 it was formed by four aristocrats and one commoner and presided over by a Senator. It was in charge of health matters, the hospital, and quarantine. Its members were elected by the Collegi and the Lesser Council with a three-fifths majority and enjoyed a one-year mandate. [clviii]

Sources and Abbreviations

Officium Monetae Mentioned in the 15th and 16th centuries, following the 1528 law it was formed by five members; it was in charge of having the right amount of gold, silver and copper coined, according to public requirements. Its members, elected for 18-month terms by the Lesser Council and the Collegi with a three-fifths majority (from 1576), determined the value of foreign currency and hallmarked all the silver coined in Genoa. Consoli della Ragione This is a very old institution. In fact it is mentioned in 15th century Civil Statutes. It dealt with cases ranging from 10 to 100 pounds, with few exceptions. In 1572, the three Consoli, elected by the Senate, were not to be younger than 30. Their mandate lasted one year, but every four months on rotation one member was changed. 3. THEAGEofthe "REPUBBLICA ARISTOCRATICA"(1528-1797) Doge Following the reforms by Andrea Doria, the highest position in the government lasted for two years. The Doge had to be at least 50 years of age, a member of the ~ristocracy, born of a legitimate marriage and wealthy. Furthermore, he had to have refrained from practising prohibited professions for 15 years. He was obligated to live uninterruptedly at the Palace. He was the Chairman of the Collegio dei Governatori and of the Collegio dei Procuratori. Notwithstanding his position, he had no individual authority and his vote was equal to that of the Collegi. He was elected through a complicated procedure and could be re-elected only after five years. Residenti di Palazzo, also called Due di Casa. Instituted in 1528, the Residenti were two senior Governatori, members of the Senate, who had to live at the Palace with the Doge, with whom they operated. They had to be present when the letters addressed to the Republic were opened. They had juridical and police powers. From 1576 their mandate lasted four months rather than three. From 1658 until 1676 they also acted as Protectors of the Jewish community. After that the Protectors of the community were replaced by former Doges, according to the rotation scheme of the Residenti di Palazzo. Bibliography: A.S.G., Ms. 135, Decreta et statuta pro Excellentissimis Residentibus in Reali Palatio.

[clix]

Sources and Abbreviations

Maggior Consiglio - Greater Council. Mentioned in the legislation of 1528, it was formed by 400 citizens of at least 25 years of age. Their mandate lasted one year and they could not be re-elected the following year. From 1576 they were elected by Thirty Electors and for the meeting to be valid 300 of them had to be present, members of the two Collegi included. At a later date only the majority was required, and from 1603, two-thirds of the total. The main function of the Greater Council was legislative. Minor Consiglio - Lesser Council. Instituted in 1528, it was composed of 100 citizens, half of which had to be at least 30 years of age and half at least 27, all commanding a commodum patrimonium. Their mandate lasted one year and they were elected by the Thirty Electors. According to the 1652 reform, their number was increased to 200, but at the end of the year 100 members were re-elected. The Lesser Council had legislative, executive and police powers and could decide on public cases. The two Serenissimi Collegi: Senate and Camera Instituted in 1528, together they were in charge of governing and carrying out the political activities of the Republic. In fact, they assigned tasks to the Giunte, which was elected by them and composed of Governatori or Procuratori. They had legislative powers and decided on matters of public spending. In addition, they replaced the Criminal Rota in the application of criminal law, and approved laws on forbidden weapons. They took part in the meeting of the two Councils and were the highest authorities in the Government. Senate or Collegio dei Governatori Previous to Andrea Doria's reforms, it consisted of the Collegio dei Governatori which, following the Leges Novae, increased the number of members from 8 to 12. The members were elected by lot and their mandate lasted for two years, but one-fourth of them had their terms of office renewed every six months. According to the constitution of 1576, the Governatori had to be at least 40 years of age, should not have practised arti mecca niche for at least 10 years, and had to command a wealthy patrimony. During the meetings, the Doge's vote was equal to that of the Governatori, and at least eleven of them had to be present for the meeting [clx]

Sources and Abbreviations

to be valid. They had juridical, criminal, and police powers. Among others things, they could authorise persons not yet of age and incapacitated persons to sell goods and make sales bound by a deed of trust. Bibliography: Piergiovanni, II Senato della Repubblica di Genova, pp.230-275.

Camera, or Collegio dei Procuratori From 1528 it was the major governmental body, in charge of finances. It was formed by eight Procuratori, elected in the same way as the Governatori. Additional members of the Camera were the Procuratori Perpetui, that is the former Dogi who, upon the expiry of their term, received a life mandate, although subject to audit every two years. From 1576 onwards the Camera carried out government and legislative functions, together with the Senate. However, its main purview remained that of finances, including control of State property considered as a monopoly. Supremi Sindacatori They audited the members of each office upon the expiry of their mandate, including the Doge and the members of the Collegi, to absolve them of their presumed guilt or condemn them to be judged by the Lesser Council. The Genoese law, in fact, assumed that anyone holding a public office had committed some offence. The Office was formed by five members, at least forty years old, and elected by the Lesser Council. Their mandate lasted four years, but one member was replaced every year. The Sindicatori are mentioned in records previous to the 1413 laws, but the office became firmly established only in 1528. Sindacatori Ordinari Before the reforms by Andrea Doria there was no division of the Sindacatori Ordinari, as lesser officers, between the city and the remaining territories. Following the division, from 1528 onwards, city auditors dealt with the officers of the Republic other than the Doge and the two Collegi, as well as lawyers, notaries and so forth. Initially three, their number was then increased to five. They were elected by the Collegi and the Lesser Council for 30 months, with partial renewal every six months. Rota Civile - Civil Rota Introduced in 1528, its rules were amended and instituted by the law of 12 March 1529. It was formed by three foreign members, lawyers who had practised the legal profession for at least five years. Its members were [clxi]

Sources and Abbreviations

appointed by the Collegi and the Lesser Council and they had a three-year mandate and were in charge of civil cases exceeding 100 pounds. On rotation, each member held the position of Priore for three months. Their verdicts could be appealed through the M agistrato degli Straordinari or declared invalid by the Sindacatori. Magistrato degli Straordinari It was instituted in 1530 to deal with extraordinary legal matters which originally were within the jurisdiction of the Doge and the Governatori. It was formed by seven members, elected with a three-fifths majority by the Collegi and the Lesser Council. Their mandate lasted six months and each year all the officers were replaced at the beginning of January and July. Conservatori delle leggi - Keepers of the Law Created according to the 1576 constitution and elected by the Collegi and the Lesser Council by three-fifths of the votes, they were in charge of ensuring respect of the law and of supervising city and peripheral offices. Initially there were two of them, but in 1578 their number went up to five. Their mandate lasted two years. Rota Criminale - Criminal Rota Instituted as per the 1576 laws, it was formed by three foreign members elected by the C ollegi and the Lesser Council with a three-fifths majority. Their mandate lasted three years. The Chairman was called Pretore and sometimes Podesta and the judges were called Uditori. The judges were assisted by the Avvocato Fiscale, who was also a foreigner. The 1576 reform attempted to separate criminal authority and administrative and government powers through the Criminal Rota, but the numerous amendments restored the previous order returning the jurisdiction to the government. At the end of the 16th century, the Criminal Rota was formed by five members, one of whom had to be jurisconsult dottore di collegio. The members of the criminal Rota had to be at least 40 years old. Three of them were elected with three-fifths of the votes of the Collegi and the Lesser Councils among the aristocracy and two were selected by the Lesser Council. The Rota dealt with any criminal offence. Upon expiry of their mandate, the members of the Criminal Rota were subject to an audit. Bibliography: Savelli, Rota Criminale, pp. 27-172.

[clxii]

Sources and Abbreviations

Pretore and Priore The Pretore of the Criminal Rota dealt with cases not exceeding 10 pounds and voluntary legal matters. According to the 163 7 law , the former jurisdiction was passed on to the Priore of the Civil Rota, for three months. Podesta This is sometimes the translation of the Latin Praetor, that is the Head of the Criminal Rota. Instituted in 1576 with the institution of the Criminal Rota, the origins of the office date back further. The Podesta, who was elected for one year and had to live within 100 miles of Genoa, was one of the U ditori of the Criminal Rota. Magistrato delle Galee e Arsenale - Galley and Arsenal Magistrate Formed on 12 July 1559 to take care of the Arsenal, it became a firmly established office in 1607. At first it was formed by four aristocrats; the number later increased to six officials, called Provvisori delle galee. By means of a public fleet, its duty was to defend the coasts and the Genoese ships against pirates, recruit volunteers, and enforce the law as far as the crews and the galley officers were concerned. When the Arsenal Office was suppressed, the Arsenal Magistrate was entrusted with its tasks. Its members were elected by the Collegi and the Lesser Council with a three-fifths majority and their mandate lasted for two years. Bibliography: Borghesi, Il Magistrato delle Galee (1559-1607), pp. 187-223.

Giunta del Traffico Formed in 1574, it was composed of a Chairman and four citizens, elected for a two-year mandate by the Collegi, on which it depended. It had advisory functions in matters concerned with trade, especially how to safeguard and increase traffic with the East. Bibliography: Perroni, Giunta del traffico, pp. 108-109.

Giunta dei Confini Formed by the Collegi on 7 February 1587, it consisted of three members of the Collegi, two consultori dottori di collegio, one sindaco (auditor), one notary, and two young citizens. It dealt with boundaries and in 1692 it was authorised to write letters in cases within its jurisdiction.

[clxiii]

Sources and Abbreviations

Sindacatori dei Magistrati extraurbani Mentioned in civil statutes of 1588, according to the 1606 laws they were in charge of the audit of local officers. Elected by the Lesser Council and the Collegi, the three auditors had a three-month mandate at first, which was later extended to 18 months. Magistrato del Riscatto degli Schiavi Its institution as a permanent office was approved by the Greater Council on 29 October 1597. It was formed by four citizens, elected by the Collegi with a two-year mandate and yearly rotation. The members, called Protettori, used donations to free their compatriots held prisoner by the Infidels and enjoyed judicial powers. Bibliography: Lucchini, La merce umana, pp. 16-22.

Magistrato dei Cambi Instituted in July 1606, it consisted of three members, elected with a three-fifths majority by the Lesser Council and the Collegi, it ruled on matters concerning exchange. Also known as the M agistrato di Banchi, the office's mandate was one year. Magistrato delle Comunidt It was instituted on 26 January 1623 to settle disputes between communities, or between a community and the Republic, having the authority to judge the legitimacy of actions taken by local government. By the Senate's appointment, its duty was to supervise agreed upon community expenses; it enjoyed ample judicial, executive and financialfiscal powers. It was formed by five aristocratic citizens, elected by the Collegi and the Lesser Council with a three-fifths majority. Their mandate lasted 30 months until 1635, and after that, two years. Bibliography: Benvenuto, II Magistrato delle Comunita, Riorganizzazione del dominio genovese, pp. 119-120.

pp.

18-42; Calcagno,

Magistrato della Consegna 0 Bolletta Instituted in 1628, it was formed by a Senator, serving as Chairman, and by five aristocratic citizens elected by the Lesser Council and the Collegi, with a one-year mandate. It had full jurisdiction (even criminal) over foreigners, hoteliers and porters. It had to keep a book listing all the Jews resident in Genoa. [clxiv]

Sources and Abbreviations

Inquisitori di Stato - State Inquisitors This institution, created on 10 November 1628, was supposed to investigate written or otherwise expressed actions against the Republic, in order to safeguard it. It was composed of seven members, including a Chairman, whose mandate lasted for two years, while the Chairman's lasted one year. They were elected by the Collegi and the Lesser Council with a three-fifths majority. Its competence, at first typically political, also extended to the Capitaneati of Bisagno, Polcevera and Sestri Ponente. The office was particularly concerned with gambling and forbidden games. Giunta di Giurisdizione Instituted on 3 January 1638, it was formed by three members - one chairman from the Senate, and two from the Camera. It dealt mainly with disputes between the secular and religious authorities. From 1700 it was assisted in its decisions by a pool of theologians, belonging to the regular clergy. Magistrato del Nuovo Armamento Instituted in February 1651 and assigned tasks similar to those of the Magistrato delle Galee, its members were elected by the Collegi and the Lesser Council with a three-fifths majority. It was formed by five citizens, with the possible addition of a general and a Procuratore, serving as Chairman. The general's mandate lasted three years, the other member's, two. The Magistrature dealt with convoys, vessels, and crews and had judicial powers in criminal matters; its decisions could not be appealed. The Magistrature asked for jurisdiction over the tax paid by Jews, according to the provisions in the Charters of 1658 and of 1674. Giunta di Marina Instituted in 1653, it had advisory functions as far as the appointment of the Consuls was concerned, issued nationality certificates to ship owners, dealt with matters concerning vessels and foreign flag immunity. Protettori della nazi one ebrea - Protectors of the Jewish community They were instituted in 1658, when the Jewish community was authorised to live in Genoa for the first time. In the first Charter their functions are indicated even though the actual appointment had not yet taken place. When the Charter was almost completed, the two Governatori Residenti di Palazzo were appointed Protectors of the Jewish community. As [clxv]

Sources and Abbreviations

mentioned before, they assisted the Doge in all government affairs, had to be present when letters were opened, and had juridical and police functions. As Protectors of the Jews, they performed other tasks, as well, which can be inferred from the study of the Charter. Initially they were appointed to issue licences on the opening and closing times of the ghetto and authorise civil justice officials permission to enter the synagogue. They also authorised Jews to avail themselves of Christian midwives or wet-nurses and to forbid books, unless previously approved. The Talmud and other works prohibited by the Council of Trent and papal bulls remained forbidden. The Protectors were also in charge of the slaves belonging to Jews who wanted to become Christians and chose the household where the slave was to be moved. Together with the Massari, they removed people from the ghetto whose behaviour was unsuitable. From the second to the last paragraph of the Charter we can infer another general function - not only to make sure that privileges granted to the Jews were respected, but also to avoid harassment of the Jews or abuse and offences against them. According to the 1674 Charter, this task was entrusted to former Dogi who had just completed their mandates and belonged to the Camera as Procuratori Perpetui. This was decided for fear that the rotation to which the Residenti di Palazzo were subject every four months might negatively affect their job. The Protectors had a four-year mandate and operated until 1797. In time, their functions increased and in 1710 they were given criminal jurisdiction. In the 1752 Charter they are mentioned quite often, and associated with different tasks - that of fining Jews guilty of some offence, and those who harassed Jews, sending to prison those who baptised Jewish children before the age of consent. They collaborated with the Massari in the management of the Jewish community, granted permission to live in the villages and towns of the Dominion, approved the Charter set up by the Jews for their internal organisation on behalf of the Collegi, prepared cases for trial, authorised the use of Christian wet-nurses and servants. Occasionally only one Protector made the decisions, due to the other's absence or death. They seem to have continued to operate even from 1680 to 1710, when only individual Jews remained in Genoa, with no Charter. During that period, sources refer to them as deputies of the Jewish community, but the fact that they were former Dogi indicates a [clxvi]

Sources and Abbreviations

continuation of the office, as if there was still a Jewish community to be protected. Bibliography: Urbani, Protettori della Nazione Ebrea, pp. 197-201.

Magistrature of fortifications or U/ficio per La conservazione e per/ezione delle nuove mura ed altre /ortiJicazioni It was instituted on 31 July 1748 following the suppression of the M agistrato delle N uove M ura, which had been founded to erect new walls in 1634. The new institution covered the functions of its predecessor and expanded them. It was formed by six members, elected by the Collegi and the Lesser Council with a three-fifths vote. One of the Procuratori served as Chairman. Their mandate lasted three years, with a yearly rotation for two of them at a time. It controlled and supervised the walls surrounding the city and the areas involved e trenches, earthwork, and relevant maintenance, as well as the planting of trees. 4. CITY MAGISTRATURES Padri del Comune This is one of the oldest offices of the city. According to the 1530 laws, it was formed by five members, elected by the C ollegi and the Lesser Council with a three-fifths majority. The number of members changed over time. From 1576 the members had an 18-month mandate and were in charge of shops, wharfs, roads, squares, bridges, and the public aqueduct. Magistrato dei Censori It was formed by five aristocratic members and a Chairman. It controlled food prices and quality, fraud in weight, measurement and adulterated products. Mentioned as early as 1421, it was elected by the Collegi and the Lesser Council and had a one-year mandate. Magistrato dell' Abbondanza It was instituted as a magistrature in 1564, but it was mentioned earlier. It was formed by five aristocratic members plus one commoner, and presided over by a Senator. It was in charge of the grain reserves for the city, as well as its stores and warehouses. It controlled bakers and flour merchants. Its members were elected by the Lesser Council and the Collegi with a three-fifths majority and it had a two-year mandate; the Chairman was in office for one year. [clxvii]

Sources and Abbreviations

5. CHARITY MAGISTRATURES Ufficio di Misericordia A brainchild of Archbishop Pileo De Marini (1400-1429), who was its promoter, it was instituted in 1403. Its members were elected by the Collegi and the Lesser Council with a three-fifths majority. From 1621 it was composed of five members, including the Archbishop of Genoa, with a two-year mandate. It made sure that the annual offerings were properly distributed among the poor of both sexes. Dame di Misericordia Their institution is thought to be older than the 1428 decree which first mentions them. According to a decree dated 21 March 1506, eight dame were elected by the Ufficio di Misericordia among the senior ladies. Although four of them should have been commoners and four of them aristocrats, usually they all belonged to the aristocracy and were widows. They had no fixed mandate. They dealt with the provisions set forth in wills and the offerings of pious people for the poor. Ospedale di Pammatone - Pammatone Hospital It was formed by 12 Protectors, with a three-year mandate, endowed with full powers over the charity institution and its ministers. The institution assisted abandoned children of both sexes in a different section. It operated from 1442, but as a magistrature it was reformed in 1576 and in 1583. Ufficio dei Poveri Instituted in 1539 because of the famine, it was composed of eight members who were in charge of managing the alms given by the citizens for the poor, who received bread and clothes. Elected by the Lesser Council and the Collegi with a three-fifths majority, its members had a two-year mandate. Ospedale degli Incurabili Created specifically for terminally ill patients and the insane, the hospital was managed by 12 protectors, who could elect their successors. According to the 1581 law it was declared a magistrature, with a six-year mandate.

[clxviii]

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6. MAGISTRATURES OF THE CASA DI S. GIORGIO The management of the Bank implied a number of offices, together with notaries, clerks and various assistants. Protettori - Protectors This institution, mentioned as early as in 1346, was formed by eight members who had to be over 25 years old; they had a one-year mandate, and four of them took their office in January and four on July 1. They were elected by 32 electors, with a two-thirds majority. They dealt with any affairs involving the Bank, tax, luoghi, criminal matters related to the personnel of the Bank and debtors. The senior member among the Protettori was the Priore. Procuratori Instituted in 1658, the members were elected by the Protettori two at the time, and totalled eight members between the ages 25 and 30, with a two-year mandate. They were supposed to settle the Compere accounts within the fixed term, after they had been under the Protettori's care for two years. Sindici They audited each officer and minister of the Compere. The six members were elected by 32 electors and had a six-month mandate. 7. MAGISTRATURES OF THE GENOESE DOMINION Throughout the centuries Genoa struggled to put together a dominion including the Eastern Riviera, the Western Riviera and the so-called Stato dell'Oltregiogo, consisting of the inland territories beyond the Giovi pass. The conquest started in the 11 th century. Portovenere, along the Eastern Coast, was the first coastal possession, followed in 1121 by Voltaggio, inland, purchased by the Marquis of Gavi. By the 13th century the conquest had gathered momentum and in the 14th century it continued along the coast and inland, with increasing effort. The Dominion formed throughout the centuries was neither uniform nor consistent. Some areas were fully controlled, whereas other territories maintained special immunity and privileges recognised by the central government. Other areas remained for some time under the Banco S. Giorgio. There also remained feuds, some of which belonged to the [clxix]

Sources and Abbreviations

Republic through feudal enfeoffment by the Empire, which nominally retained authority over them, and some given by the Republic. In the 11 th century Finale and Oneglia were under foreign domination, namely Spain and the House of Savoy. Also part of the Dominio di Terraferma were the territories of Bisagno, Polcevera, Voltri and Sestri Ponente (after 1609), called the three Podesterie Suburbane. In certain aspects equal to the areas within the city walls, the three Podesterie exercised independent jurisdictions, with their own judge, outside the authority of city magistrates. The local management of the Republic was entrusted to local authorities, having judicial, civil, administrative and, in some cases, even military functions. The local authorities were to notify the Criminal Rota in Genoa on all penal cases involving the death penalty, limb amputation, galley, banishment or exile, and wait for their final response, which was considered as binding. Some areas enjoying privileges, such as Sarzana, San Remo, and Albenga, were not subject to the Rota's approval. This was also true for authorities controlling territories far from Genoa, e.g. Corsica. As far as civil cases were concerned, the judges had no limits in performing theirfunctions. Their sentences for cases exceeding 10 pounds could be appealed to the Priore of the Civil Rota. Appointments to offices were reserved to three classes of citizens some were for aristocrats only, some for commoners only and some could be filled by both. The hierarchy in the offices was not the same throughout the Dominion and the distinction between G iusdicente Maggiore and Giusdicente M inore depended on the territory alone and did not refer to higher or lesser offices. Initially the Dominion was divided into three Vicariati - Eastern Riviera, Western Riviera, and Oltregiogo. During the early 14th century the Eastern Riviera was divided into two Vicariati, whereas later the entire Dominion was divided into Podesterie and Capitaneati. a) Podesterie suburbane Capitaneato di Voltri. This was one of the three suburban Podesterie which in certain aspects were equal to the area within the city walls. It was under a Capitano of aristocratic birth and until the 15th century under a Podesta. The Capitano was assisted by the Ufficiali di Bailia, in charge of the financial [clxx]

Sources and Abbreviations

administration, a clerk, an under clerk and a notary chancellor. The Capitaneato also included the communities of Arenzano and Cogoleto, under their own consuls. Bibliography: Benvenuto, La Podesteria di Voltri, pp. 183-221.

Governo di Sestri Ponente. This is conventionally considered one of the three suburban Podesterie, although it was actually the fourth, since it became a Capitaneato in 1609, when it was included in the higher offices. Its Capitano was an aristocrat and was assisted by a deputy. In 1757 Sestri became a Governo. Governo della Polcevera. In 1576, as a Pretura, it was an intermediate office, which could be filled both by an aristocrat or a commoner. In 1582 it became a Capitaneato, reserved for an aristocrat, in 1606 a higher office, and in 1757 a Governo. The Capitano was assisted by a deputy. Governo di Bisagno. Until 1598 it could be filled both by aristocrats and commoners. In 1598 it became a Capitaneato and in 1606 a higher office reserved for nobility. In 1757 it became Governo di Bisagno. It covered a large area, including the inland zone east of Genoa and along the coast up to Sori. b) Magistratures of the Eastern Riviera Capitaneato di Recco. This was a higher office. In 1606 it included the stretch of land from Sori to Camogli, with relevant inland territories. Capitaneato di Rapallo. This was a higher office covering a large area, on which the Castellania of Portofino and a number of podesterie depended. Governo di Chiavari. This was a higher office filled by a Capitano belonging to the aristocracy, assisted by a deputy. It became a Governo in 1757. It included the Podesteria of Sestri Levante, under a Podesta (commoner or noble) and the Podesteria of Castiglione.

[clxxi]

Sources and Abbreviations

Capitaneato di Levanto. Controlled by the Banco S. Giorgio, it was given to the Republic in 1562. In 1636 it was included in the higher offices. It had privileges and lesser offices depended on it. Its Capitano was also a colonel in charge of the local troops, who administered criminal justice according to the jus sanguinis throughout the territory, assisted by a deputy. A number of podesterie depended on the Capitano of Levanto, among them that of Moneglia, which could be held by an aristocrat, too, with judicial authority on Framura. Governo di La Spezia. This was a higher office under a Capitano, assisted by a deputy. The area enjoyed particular privileges and was autonomous in certain matters, through locally elected offices. This vast area included the Podesterial Castellania of Portovenere. Originally a lesser office, the Podesteria of Portovenere was reformed in 1701, when the previously separated offices of Pretore and Castellano were united. The Giusdicente had to be a member of the aristocracy. Governo Commissariato di Sarzana. The territory was given to the Republic in 1562 by the Casa di S. Giorgio. This was a higher office, filled by an officer with the double title of Governatore and Commissario following the reform of 1757. It administered criminal justice with jus sanguinis on territories governed by lesser officers. In view of specific agreements, the community of Sarzana had its own Council of Elders that was in charge of financial administration and had the privilege of conferring the status of nobility on citizens. The PodesterialCasteliania of Lerici fell under its jurisdiction. According to the 1657 law, in Lerici the previously separate titles of Podesta and Castellano in command of the fort were united and entrusted to one nobleman. The Governor of Sarzana was also in charge of the Consolato of Nicora, or Nicola, under a Console chosen by the Governor of Sarzana, with jurisdiction in matters of civil justice only. c) Inland (Oltregiogo) Magistratures Capitaneato-Governo di Novi. According to the 1576 constitution it was a Podesteria, which could be governed by a commoner or an aristocrat. In 1606 it became a higher [clxxii]

Sources and Abbreviations

office, under a Capitano belonging to the aristocracy and assisted by a deputy. In 1716 Novi was promoted to a Governo, whose representative was also Commissioner General in arms for the Voltaggio, Gavi, Parodi, and Ovada areas. Capitaneato di Gavi. This was a lesser office, which in 1686 became a Capitaneato, reserved for a noble citizen, who was also Commissioner for the fortress. Podesteria di Parodi. This was under a Podesta, who was a commoner. Podesteria di Voltaggio. This was a lesser office which from 1701 could be filled either by an aristocrat or a commoner. Capitaneato di Ovada. According to the 1666 law, the Ovada office became a Capitaneato, reserved for an aristocratic citizen. d) Magistratures of the Western Riviera Governo di San Remo. Originally a Pretura which could be filled by aristocrats and commoners, it became a higher office under a Commissioner General who had to belong to the aristocracy, assisted by a deputy. In 1686 the Commissioner of San Remo was also Commissioner General in arms from Noli to Ventimiglia; in 1755 he became a Governatore. He was in charge of the Capitaneato of Ventimiglia, originally accessible to noblemen and commoners, but following the 1576 law reserved for aristocrats only. Ventimiglia also included the Latte area in its jurisdiction. Commissariato di Albenga. This area, with specific privileges, was under a Commissioner General of aristocratic birth from Genoa, but elected by the local population. He was assisted by a deputy and subject to audit by four persons from Albenga, together with the Auditors of the Republic. The commissioner of Albenga was also in charge of the Podesteria of Alassio, whose Podesta was a nobleman elected by the Council of the community of Albenga. Governo di Finale. From the 13th century this was a feud of the Marquis Del Carretto family, [clxxiii]

Sources and Abbreviations

that was later sold to Spain, under whose domain it remained from 1598 to 1701. In 1713 Genoa purchased the territory of Finale from Emperor Charles VI, but soon after that the area was claimed by Piedmont. Finally it was assigned to Genoa in 1748. It was controlled by a Governatore from the aristocracy, assisted by a deputy. Governo di Savona. Previously a higher office, included in the Preture, it became a Governo in 1606. The Governatore, assisted by a deputy, was also in charge of the community of Spotorno and the Podesteria of Stella. Podesteria di Varazze. Until 1576 one of the lesser offices reserved for commoners, in 1701 the Podesteria was entrusted to an aristocrat. The Podesta of Varazze was also in charge of the Vicariato of Celle, through a locally elected officer administering civil justice, and the Vicariato of the two Albisole, controlled like that of Celle. e) Magistratures of Corsica Ufficio, Governo di Corsica Instituted in 1562, when the control of the island was transferred from the Banco S. Giorgio to the Republic, it consisted of five members, elected by the CoLlegi and the Lesser Council with a three-fifths majority. One of the members served as chairman with a one-year mandate. In addition to the five elected members, there was a Governor and, from 1566, three officers. One of the latter had a one-year mandate, while the other two had two-year mandates. The Governor of Corsica was elected in Genoa with a three-fifths majority by the Greater Council and the CoLlegi. He had to be at least 30 years of age and belong to the Genoese aristocracy. Initially his mandate lasted 18 months, then two years. He had almost absolute sovereign power, was the highest authority in civil and criminal cases, had criminal jurisdiction over all his ministers, could hand down even the heaviest sentence with no intervention on the part of the Genoese government, could order a summary execution in ordinary proceedings, and was appeal judge for all the sentences pronounced by officials and judges of Corsica. He could also suspend the judges, if necessary, notifying the Magistrate for Corsica in Genoa. Bibliography, Banchero, Genova e Ie due Riviere, p. 391.

[clxxivJ

Sources and Abbreviations

Additional Abbreviations Used in Quoting Sources A.C.E. A.S.G. ASLI B.C.B. B.U.G. M.D.S. HPM REJ RMI RR. II. SS.

Archivio della Comunira Ebraica Archivio di Stato di Genova Atti della Societ:t Ligure di Storia Patria Biblioteca Civica Berio Biblioteca Universitaria di Genova Manuali Decreti del Senato or Decretorum Manualia Historiae Patriae Monumenta Revue des Etudes Juives Rassegna Mensile d'lsrael Rerum Italic arum Scriptores

fasc. tt.

fascicolo tomes volume volume

V.

vol. r.

v.

recto verso

[clxxv]

Glossary

Accomendacio: agreement whereby one party entrusts the other with capital in order to do business and the profits are shared according to a previously agreed proportion. aducan, see dukhan. afaitare, affaitare: to tan. afaitaria, affaitaria: a tannery. aggadah: name given to those sections of Talmud and Midrash containing homiletic expositions of the Bible, stories, legends, folklore, anecdotes or maxims. In contradistinction to Halakhah. antefatto: a gift given by the groom to the bride upon marriage, in exchange for the dowry. apodisia: policy, receipt, document proving an expense incurred; also authorisation. arbit, see arvit. archibugiero, archibugiere: harquebusier, soldier armed with a harquebus. archibugio: portable matchlock gun with a longer bronze or wrought iron barrel firing iron or lead bullets. aromatarius: a spice merchant. arvit: evening prayer, one of the three regular daily services. aschava, see haskavah. azei hayyim: trees of life, wooden rolls for the Sefer Torah. azzimella, see mazzah. bacille: a basin. baietta: light woollen fabric with deep pile, usually dark in colour. balla: bale, bundle of goods. bargello: head of police. biglietto di calice: unsigned denunciation note placed in an urn provided for the purpose. biglietto di cartolare: order for payment to the Banco S. Giorgio to transfer credit. [clxxvii]

Glossary

bireme: a small galley with lateen sail and two oars in each bank or two oarsmen for each oar. bisante: Constantinopolitan currency circulating in Genoa during the Middle Ages. bodeq: inspector of the animal intestines for kashrut, i.e. Jewish dietary laws. bombace: cotton fabric, cotton waste. bombaciarius, bombagiarius: cotton and cotton fabric weaver or merchant. bombacina: fabric made with cotton waste. borda to: ticking; twilled and striped linen. braccio secolare, secular arm: the civil power carrying out provisions issued by the Church. breve: papal brief, a papal letter known since the late 14th century. From the late 15th century onwards it was sent by the Pope's Secretary and was less formal than the documents from the Chancellery. bridegrooms of the law, see Hatanim Torah. brigantino: brigantine, light seagoing vessel, smaller than a galley, equipped for both rowing and sailing. calegarius, callegarius: shoemaker; one that makes and sells shoes and other footwear. calice: an urn. call ega: an auction. cambio marittimo: bottomry, a contract whereby the contractor undertakes to repay the sum received nomine cambii in another place and in another currency, provided that the vessel where the freight used as security is loaded arrives safely at its destination. cambio terrestre: a contract whereby one party purchases in Genoa, paying in Genoese currency, a credit in another currency related to the place where a fair is held. camerlengo: treasurer. caminata: the hall or main room in Genoese houses, usually provided with a fireplace. It was there that the family ate, entertained and concluded business deals. camocato: silk fabric of characteristic weave. caneletto, cannelletto: probably a smoothing tool, a boxwood rod approximately two-span long, used by shoemakers to smooth soles. cantaro, cantarius: unit of weight equal to approximately 150 5libbre, i.e. approx. kg 47.65 or 6 rubbi.

[clxxviii]

Glossary

capitoli di tolleranza: a charter defining rules and franchises of varying duration deliberated by the Genoese Republic for the Jews resident in the Dominion. capitoli: charter, collection of rules, franchises and privileges. capitolo, capitulo: chapter house, meeting place. carato: each of the parts of the ownership of a vessel or other. Usually the ownership was divided into twenty-four parts. causidico: attorney for the defence. cavaliere gerosolomitano: Hospitaler, member of a religious military order, that still exists, established in Jerusalem in the 12th century to help pilgrims. Also called Knights of Malta, Knights of Rhodes and Knights of St. John of Jerusalem. After the fall of Jerusalem in 1187, the Knights moved first to Akko, and on its fall in 1291 to Cyprus and then to Rhodes, conquered by the Knights in 1308. At the fall of Rhodes in 1522, the Knights moved to Malta, which was enfeoffed to them by Charles V and approved by the Pope with a bull in 1530. The Knights remained in Malta until 1798, when Napoleon drove them away. In 1834 the Knights established their residence in Italy. censaria, senseria: brokering, brokerage; the gabella censaria in Genoa was a tax on the sale and purchase of goods. censaro, sensale, sensarius: broker, middleman between seller and buyer. cessione: a cession, an assignment to another of the rights of a creditor or of ownership of a right of action or a claim. chedushim, see kiddushim. chiavacore, chiavacuore, ihavachore: usually a green silk girdle; also a buckle, a clasp. chirotacari, chirotecari: gloves. ciambellotto, cambell otto, see gramelotto, giamellotto. cimbra: a small cargo vessel. cinquecentina: a book published in the 16th century. cinta: belt, girdle. cinto a tirella, cinti ad torellas, cinti a torellis: silk woven girdles. cocciniglia: cochineal, a red dye obtained by drying the dead bodies of female cochineal insects from Mexico and Central America. colaretum: a collar, a neck-chain. colonna: the number of luoghi recorded in the cartolari of the Banco S. Giorgio owned by an actual person or a person under law; see compera. compera: public debt and, in particular, the government stock issued by Genoa against the security of a specific tax. The relevant capital was [clxxix]

Glossary

divided into ideal shares, with a nominal value of 100 lire, called luoghi. condotta, conduzione, convenzione: a contract between a Jewish banker and the local authorities, specifying the duration of the licence to run a loan bank and conditions thereof. contrabbando, contrammando: limited permit, granted by the authority upon expiry of a residence permit to allow the person involved to finish off his business and collect any sums owed to him. corallaro: one who works or sells coral. corallin a: coral fishing boat, with rowing or sailing equipment. cordeanerius, cordoanerius: leather seller, dealer in leather goods, especially sheep hides treated with myrtle. cremisile: crimson, bright red. damaschetto: silk fabric, usually plain, but woven with a variety of yarns and embroided with gold and silver. deappiere, draperius, drappiere: draper, weaver or cloth merchant. denaro: dinar, the twelfth part of the soldo, which in turn is the twentieth part of the Genoese pound. In the Middle Ages the lira (pound) was never coined and was just money of account like the soldo. Only denaro was coined. dobletto: linen, cotton and sometimes silk fabric, quilled or twilled, woven in Naples according to the French fashion. doctor utriusque iuris: doctor in civil law and canon law. dogana: duty, tax. Dominion: the territory of the Republic of Genoa, consisting of the West Coast, the East Coast and the inland territory, i.e.Oltregiogo . doppia: gold coin minted in Milan by Charles V in 1548; the name was then used by other Italian mints. In Genoa it usually referred to the doppio scudo d'oro delle cinque stampe (i.e. minted in Genoa, Naples, Florence, Venice and in Spain). From the early 17th century onwards, it replaced the scudo in business transactions. ducato: ducat, in Venice, this was a pure gold coin, minted by Doge Giovanni Dandolo in 1284, later called zecchino (sequin). During the 17th and the 18th centuries, it was used in Venice in public accounts, while in small business the lira veneziana was used. ducato d'oro: minted in Genoa from the 14th to the 16th century; from the 1440's to the early 16th century it referred to the genovino d'oro, instead of the term fiorino (florin), used in the 14th century for the same gold coin. Until 1470 the ducato d'oro weighted 3,567 grams, later 3,527 grams. [clxxx]

Glossary

Duce: Doge dukhan: an elevated platform. The place where the priests stood while reciting the Priestly Blessing. Place in the synagogue where the Priestly blessing was recited. dupione, doppione: doubloon, gold coin equal to two doppie, used also for the doppio ducato and other coins. eccezione: exception, a plea whereby a deed was invalidated on the grounds of its clauses. In notary deeds in Genoa waiving exceptions was a means used by the notary to guarantee the execution of the deed. eluI: sixth month of the Jewish religious calendar, 12th of the civil, precedes the High Holiday season in the fall. estimo: estimate, assessment of value. etrogim: a citron fruit used for ritual purposes in the Feast of Tabernacles. evizione: eviction, dispossession in virtue of tantamount title. Usually right to eviction is claimed by one who sells goods to repossess them. faber murarius: mason, bricklayer. faIda, faidetta: skirt, underskirt, woman's garment. fardo: container; also unit of weight, bale. farenota, farinotto: grain or flour retailer. fassola: band. feluca, felucca: a narrow, fast, 10 metre long vessel, equipped with spritsail, jib and with provisions for the use of oars. fenogietto: flounce, furbelow. ferioIo: large sleeveless overcoat, with a collar; cloak. ferrarius: blacksmith. filippo: silver scudo minted by Philip II, King of Spain, in Milan, and then circulated by his successors. fiorino: florin, in 14th century Genoa, this referred to the gold coin, i.e. the genovino. The genovino appeared on European markets in the 13th century, before the fiorino toscano and the zecchino veneto. In Tuscany the fiorino was coined in Florence in the 13th century and later became a fundamental unit in the monetary system of the city. The same name referred also to coins circulated and accepted in other Italian and European states. fiorino imperiaIe: Austrian currency. foicilis: probably hides. franco: originally a gold and later a silver coin minted in France in the 14th century, it circulated with different values and finally became the monetary unit when, following the Revolution, the metric system was adopted in France. [clxxxi]

Glossary

frizetto, frexeto: silk ribbon, ornament for women hairdresses. gabai, see gabbai. gabbai: official of a Jewish congregation, originally a charity collector. gabbai of the zedakah: public collector and distributor of charity. gabella: duty on goods, meat, wine, and so forth, imposed by the municipality. In Genoa it usually refers to indirect tax. galea, galera: long, narrow, lateen-rigged warship also used for freight; penalty inflicted to prisoners guilty of certain crimes; the vessel where such criminals were condemned to rowand, by extension, hard labour. gemilut hassadim: the most comprehensive and fundamental of all Jewish social virtues, which encompasses the whole range of the duties of sympathetic consideration toward one's fellow man. genovino, ianuinus: gold coin minted in Genoa, having the same weight and title as the fiorino in Florence. Genoa was granted the right to mint in 1138 by Emperor Corrado III. ghemilud hassadim, see gemilut hassadim. giambelucco, giamberlucco, zamberlucco: a long, wide cloak with a hood, used by Turks and Eastern people in general. giustacuore: justicoat, a man's knee-length coat with flaring and stiffened skirts. gondola: small service vessel used by larger vessels. gozzo: boat, small vessel. gramelotto, giamellotto, ciambellotto, cambellotto: a drape, originally made from camel hair and then from goat fleece. Gran Maestro di Rodi: Grand Master of Rhodes, the highest rank in the Knights of Malta, see cavaliere gerosolomitano. grida: a ban. graduator, (guardator): a technician in charge of specific inspections on board vessels. haftarah: designation of the portion from the prophetic books of the Bible recited after the synagogue reading from the Pentateuch on Sabbaths and holidays. hakham: title of the rabbi of the Sephardi congregation. Halakhah: an accepted decision in rabbinic law. Also refers to those parts of the Talmud concerned with legal matters in contradistinction to aggadah. hashkavah: prayer in memory of the dead. Hatan Bereshit: the person called up to the reading of the first chapter of Genesis. Hatanim Torah: honorary titles bestowed on those who are called up to [clxxxii]

Glossary

the reading of certain sections of the law during the morning service of Simhat Torah, when the annual cycle of the reading of the Torah is concluded and a new one begins. hazakah: a term expressing a factual-legal presumption as to the existence of a particular fact or state or affairs. In Italy ius gazaga or casaca means e.g. that a house owned by a gentile and rented to aJew who had a hazakah on it might be sold to another Jew by permission of the head of the Bet Din. The buyer thereby acquired the hazakah. hazzan: precentor who intones the liturgy and leads the prayers in the synagogue, in earlier times a synagogue official. herem: excommunication imposed by rabbinical authorities for purposes of religious and/or communal discipline; originally in biblical times that which is separated from common use either because it was an abomination or because it was consacrated to God. hes haim, ez hayyim, see azei hayyim. ianuinus, januinus: see genovino. illul, see elul. indicione, indizione: indiction, a IS-year cycle used as a chronological unit in the major chronicles from the 4th century on. In Genoa it started on 24 September and was one unit below the Imperial indiction. The use in Genoa started in 1080 and stopped, as nearly everywhere else, after the French Revolution. kaddish: liturgical doxology. kadish, see kaddish. kahal: Jewish congregation. kaser, see kasher. kasher: ritually permissible food. kehillah: congregation. ketuba, chetuba, see kettubah ketubbah: marriage contract, stipulating husband's obligation to wife. Kiddush: prayer of sanctification recited over wine or bread on Sabbath eve and festivals. kiddushim: one of the most important stages of the Jewish wedding ceremony, when the groom gives the ring or another object to the bride, after which the two witnesses and the groom sign the dowry papers (ketubbah) and give them to the bride, followed by two blessings. kippur, Yom Kippur: Day of Atonement, solemn fast day observed on the 10th of Tishri. lembo: small, lateen-rigged, one or two-masted vessel. [clxxxiii]

Glossary

lettere patenti: letters patent, written communication, usually signed and sealed by a government or sovereign of a nation, referring to a general rule of legislative or other nature, to an act, decree or administrative provision, or conferring a privilege. libra, libbra: weight measure, equal to less than kg 0,32. libra, lira: pound, currency of Genoa, equal to 20 soldi and 240 denari (dinars). limud: teaching-study. livello: contract for the lease of property (usually agricultural land), similar to the emphyteusis in that the rent is very low, the lessee keeps the land from depreciating and the duration of the lease is 29 years. In the Middle Ages this contract was used mainly by monks who, not being able to farm the monastery land personally, leased it out. luigino: fractional currency of the French scudo, equal to 5 soldi tornesi. luoghi: see compera. mandillo: handkerchief. mappah: the embroidered cloth that covers the reading desk in the synagogue. mazzah: unleavened bread eaten during Passover. me'it: cloth used to cover the Sefer Torah. megnil: probably stands for me'it. melamed: teacher. merciaio, mersarius: a member of the guild of the merchants. Originally this was the guild for all the shops in town, but later it split up into more specific guilds such as, for instance, the Arte della Seta. mezzarola, or metreta, mezzarolia: unit of volume equal to two barili, but subject to variations throughout the centuries. The barite corresponds to approximately 55 litres of wine and 66 litres of oil. Midrash: method of interpreting Scripture to elucidate legal parts (Midrash Halakhah) or to emphasise lessons by means of stories or homiletics (Midrash Aggadah). Also the name for a collection of such rabbinic interpretation. miglio: unit of length which in Genoa corresponded to 1483.53 metres, or 6,000 spans. mikveh: ritual bath. mina: unit of volume, typical of grain, equal to approximately 82.434 kg; half a mina was a quartino; half a quartino was a staio. minhah: afternoon prayer, originally meal offering in Temple. mishe-Berakh: He who Blessed, initial words of a prayer formula said on various occasions and invoking God's blessing on the community and on individuals. [clxxxiv]

Glossary

Mishnah: general designation of Oral Law including all its aspects: Midrash (see) halakhot (see) and aggadot (see). Earliest codification ofthe Jewish Oral Law. missva, mizva, see mitzvah. mitzvah: biblical or rabbinic injunction, applied also to good or charitable deeds. mo'ed: holiday, fixed celebration. modaah: notice, statement, declaration. mohadim, see mo'ed. Monte di pied: charitable public pawn bank. moscio: probably musk, a strong-smelling substance obtained from certain glands of the male musk deer and other animals, used in perfumes and medicines. mussola: muslin, a fine plain-weave silk, wool or cotton fabric. mutuo: mortgage, a contract whereby one party lends a sum of money to the other, undertaking to repay it with a given interest. This sometimes is not specified to avoid disputes, but the declared sum is higher than that actually received. nedavah: freewill offerings. The minimum offering that one could bring to the holy convocations that took place on the three Pilgrim festivals was the freewill offering. ner tamid: eternal lamp, a light which burns perpetually in front of the ark in the synagogue; it can also be in memory of the dead. nisan: first month of the Jewish religious year, seventh of the civil, approximately March-April. nuncIo: messenger. oncia: ounce, unit of weight, corresponding approximately to 30 grams. oratore cesareo: ambassador or representative for the Emperor. organzino: organzine, a raw silk yarn formed from one or more twisted strands. palmo: span, unit of length equal to 0.2476 metres. pancogulus: baker, bread retailer; he is also responsible for the bread and other food that his clients bring for him to bake. pane: copper, ingot, mass of metal cast in a regular shape, usually parallelepipidal. pannina: a kind of woollen cloth, usually thin and light, used for simple and cheap garments, blankets and furnishings. parnas: chief synagogue functionary, originally vested with both religious and administrative functions, subsequently an elected lay leader. parnassim, see parnas. [clxxxv]

Glossary

parochite, see parokhet. parokhet: the curtain hanging before the ark in the synagogue, which in the Temple covered the place where the Law Tablets were kept. pastinus: land. paterius: cloth merchant. patrono, patron us: master of smaller vessels. pennaccio: probably a billhook, cutting tool with a hooked point fitted with a handle and used for pruning. perone, pirone: pin, peg. pezza, pezzo delle rose: currency used in the Grand Duchy of Tuscany, corresponding to approximately 6 pounds. pi astra: silver coin minted in Italy from the 16th century, especially in Bologna; also scudo bolognese, romano, fiorentino. pineo: the typical Ligurian vessel of the Modern Age, it was made of wood, usually 15 to 20 metres in length, lateen-rigged, and threemasted, with the foremast slanting forward. pittam: protuberance, the pistil of the etrog, citrus fruit, one of the Four Species used on Sukkot. polacca: 17th century two-decked ship with two or three masts, over 20 metres long, chiefly in one piece and square or lateen sails; from the mid-18th century onwards all square, bowsprit and jib sails. qiddushim, see kiddushim. qupah: case. raxeta, razetto: simple satin, not as thick as the proper satin. reale: real, currency used in the Kingdom of Spain, originally minted by Robert d' Anjou in Sicily. In Genoa the reale was minted by the Banco S. Giorgio in 1666 for business and trade with Spain. The 8-piece corresponding to the Spanish currency peso de cambio was equal to 8 actual reali and called pezzo, or pezza da 8. repessino, repezzino: second-hand dealer. ricordo: note, proposal. rimonim: pairs of pinnacles decorating the Sefer Torah. Those used in the Temple were pomegranate-shaped; hence the name. rollo, rullo: roll, also unit of weight, equal to 1.5 libbre. rossetto: probably a red dye. rubo, rubbo: unit of weight equal to 25 libbre, corresponding to approximately 7.94 kilos. ruxentaro di ramo: copper vessel used to draw water; vessel used by barbers to wash hair. sagitta: fast-sailing ship, with three lateen sails. [clxxxvi]

Glossary sayum: garment. sciatino, see shohet. scivan, see sivan. scoffia, scufia: bonnet. scofiotino: small bonnet, cap. scosaro, scossaro: apron or smock. scritturale: scribe, clerk. scudo: gold or silver coin circulating in many Italian states. In Genoa in the 16th century it replaced the golden ducato and from the 17th century was reserved for major financial transactions. seatiere, seaterius, seapterius: silk maker, silk merchant, dealer in silks. Sefer Torah: manuscript scroll of the Pentateuch for public reading in the synagogue. Senatoconsulto Velleiano: a privilege granted by the Roman Senate in 46 V.E. in order to protect simple women in business from people who dealt with them in bad faith. According to this law, named after the jurist, women could claim restitutio in integrum against material damage. sensale: see censaro. Serenissimi Signori: the form of address used for the members of the Senate and the Camera of the Republic of Genoa; see also in the magistratures. shammash: synagogue beadle. shebuy: prisoner. shevat: eleventh month of the Jewish religious year, fifth of the civil, approximately January-February. shoet: person qualified to perform ritual slaughtering of animals or birds for food. shofar: horn of the ram (or any other ritually clean animal except for the cow) sounded for the memorial blowing on the new year and other occaSIOns. sivan: third month of the Jewish religious year, ninth of the civil, approximating to June-July. soldo: twentieth part of the Genoese pound and others. sotularius, subtalaris, subtilaris: clog, shoe with wooden sole. speciarius, speziale: chemist, also confectioner. stagnaria, stagnata: large tin vessel. staia: unit of measurement for grain, corresponding to one fourth of a mina. stoppiere: one who makes and sells tow to caulkers. [clxxxvii]

Glossary

strapontiere: one who makes and sells wool quilted blankets and mattresses. Sua Maesta Cattolica: the King of Spain. Sua Maesta Cesarea: the Emperor. Sua Maesta Cristiana: the King of France. succot, see sukkah. sukkah: booth or tabernacle erected for the festival of Tabernacles when for seven days the religious Jews "dwell" or at least eat in the Sukkah (Lev. 23,42). suola: probably also a unit of measurement. taffeta: taffeta, a crisp and smooth silk fabric used especially for women's clothing. tallero: currency used by the Empire, corresponding to one and a half fiorino imperiale. T aIm ud-Torah: term generally applied to Jewish religious (and ultimately to talmudic) study; also traditional Jewish religious public schools. Talmud: "teaching," compendium of discussions on the Mishnah by generations of scholars and jurists in many academies over a period of several centuries. tamid, see ner tamid. tartana: freight or fishing vessel with one mast and lateen sails. tebet, see tevet. tefillah: the most common word for prayer. tevet: tenth month of the Jewish religious year, approximately December-J anuary. ticun, see tiq. tiq: case for the Sefer Torah. tishri: seventh month of the Jewish religious year, approximately September-October. tisri, see tishri. tonnina: probably preserved tuna fish. tornese, lira tornese: until 1795 the monetary unit of account of the Kingdom of France, consisting of 20 soldi, each consisting of 12 denari; it was later replaced by the franco, divided into cents and equalised to the old lira. trireme: classical name for the galley. volta, loggia: room on the ground floor of a house, used as a shop or as a warehouse. zecchino: sequin, the name of the gold ducato in 16th century Veneto.

[clxxxviii]

Glossary

zecchino gigliato: currency coined in 1719 by Cosimo III de' Medici, Granduke of Tuscany. zentonilis seu raxi, zentuoninis, zentuninus: silk or satin plain weave fabric. zofar, see shofar. Bibliography: Battaglia S., Grande Dizionario della Lingua Italiana. Calvini N., Nuovo Glossario Medievale Ligure. Casaccia G., Dizionario Genovese-Italiano. Du Cange du Fresne C, Glossarium mediae et infimae latinitatis. Encyclopaedia Judaica. Gatti L., Un catalogo di mestieri Piattelli A.A., Oggetti del Culto Ebraico, pp. 23-73.

[clxxxix]

PART ONE

In documents 7-52 the names of the notaries are those indicated in the portfolios according to inventory,Cartolari Notarili Genovesi (1-149), v. 1, part 1.

1 507

Source: Cassiodori, Variarum. Publication: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, XII lib. II, 27.

Letter written by Theodoric, Ostrogothian king, to the]ewish community of Genoa, who had asked permission to rebuild the synagogue. Universis Judaeis Genua consistentibus Theodericus Rex. Sicut exorati ius tum cupimus praebere consensum, ita per nostra beneficia fraudes fieri legibus non amamus, in ea parte praecipue, in qua divinae reverentiae credimus interesse, non ergo insultare videantur elati, divinitatis gratia destituti, qua propter tegumen tantum vetustis parietibus super imponere synagogae vestrae praesenti vos auctoritate censemus, petitionibus vestris eatenus licentiam commodantes, quatenus constituta divalia permiserunt, nec aliquid ornatus fas sit adicere vel in ampliandis aedibus evagari. Et noveritis vos severitatem mini me defugere veteris sanctionis, si rebus non abstineatis illicitis, in ipsis vero parietibus cooperiendis vel fulciendis tan tum licentiam damus, si vobis tricennalis non potest obesse praescriptio, quid appetitis, quae refugere deberetis? Damus quidem permissum, sed errantium votum laudabiliter improbamus: religionem imperare non possumus, quia nemo cogitur ut credat invitus. Note: See below, Doc. 2. Bibliography: Brizzolari, Gli ebrei, pp. 19; Zazzu, Sepharad, p. 29.

A Documentary History of the]ews in Italy

2 511

Source: Cassiodori, Variarum. Publication: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, XII, lib. IV, 33.

Letter written by Theodoric, Ostrogothian king, to the]ewish community in Genoa, assuring that privileges for the]ews will be maintained.

Universis Iudaeis Genuae constitutis Theodoricus Rex Confirmantur privilegia

Privilegia vobis debere servari, quae Iudaicis institutis legum provida dec rev it antiquitas: quod nos libenter annuimus, qui jura veterum ad nos tram cupimus reverentiam custodiri. Atque ideo praesenti auctoritate consemus, ut quaecumque legum statuta monuerunt, circa vos illibata serventur, quatenus quod ad civilitatis usum constat esse repertum perpeti devotione teneatur. Note: See above, Doc. l. Bibliography: Brizzolari, Gli ebrei, pp. 20-21; Zazzu, Sepharad, p. 29; Jehel; Jews and Muslims, pp. 126-127.

3 June 1132 Source: A.S.G., Liber Jurium Reipublicae Genuensis, I, 3l. Publication: Puncuh, / Libri /urium della Repubblica di Genova, V. 111 , pp. 75-77.

Agreement between Narbonne and Genoa, in which a previous agreement between the Genoese and the]ews in Narbonne is mentioned.

Conventio Narbonensium. In nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti amen. In anna dominice incarnationis millesimo centesimo XXXII mensis iunii, indictione VIllI, advenerunt Ianuam legati, videlicet Bernardus Udolardi et Bardina Sapte, consules Narbonensium ex parte domini Arnaldi, Narbonensis 2

Genoa

archiepiscopi et Romane Ecclesie legati, et ex parte Aimerici N arbonensis vicecomitis, atque aliorum consulum Narbonensium et totius populi pro discordiis et forisfactis que olim evenerant inter iam dictum Aymericum et homines N arbonenses cum Ianuensibus, requirentes pacem et concordiam ut de iam dictis discordiis et forisfactis ad amiciciam convenirent. Hec est enim concordia quam ad invicem firmarunt: in primis pro emendandis offensis, que Aymericus fecerat Ianuensibus, comuni consilio archiepiscopi et consulum totiusque Narbonensis populi, ipse Aymericus condonavit Ianuensibus terciam partem tocius usatici et lezete quam in sua terra soliti erant dare. Insuper dedit eis supra ripam fluminis, ubi Ianuenses elegerint, tantam terram in qua Ianuenses possint edificare fundicum unum bonum et acceptabilem ad habitandum et duas turres super eandem ripam fluminis iuxta ipsam terram. Preterea Ianuenses debent esse salvi et securi cum omnibus rebus eorum mari et terra in tota potestate prefati archiepiscopi atque Aymerici et populi Narbonensis, et si evenerit, quod Deus avertat, ut ali qua navis Ianuensium in mari vel in stagno sive in flumine naufragium paciatur in tot a potestate archiepiscopi et Americi atque Narbonensium, debent eos salvare et securos habere personas et res eorum in sua potestate, bona fide, sine fraude, ad proficuum Ianuensium. Omnia etiam forisfacta que usque ad hunc diem aliquis Ianuensium fecit adversum archiepiscopum sive adversum Aimericum seu etiam adversum aliquem Narbonensem, comuni voluntate archiepiscopi et Aymerici totiusque populi, perdonarunt ita ut in futuris temporibus ab archiepiscopo sive a successoribus suis neque ab Aymerico neque a suis heredibus neque a Narbonensibus aliqua requisitio vel molestia super Ianuenses inde sit facta, excepto si aliquis Ianuensis tam pro credentia quam pro manulevatione alicui Narbonensi aliquod debitum dare debuit. De debito illo Narbonensis faciat inde reclamationem in Ianuensi curia et Ianuensis curia faciat ei iustitiam sicuti si esset Ianuensis. N ullum novum usaticum archiepiscopus sive Aimericus sive N arbonenses neque successores eorum super Ianuenses imponere debent neque in constitutis usaticis aliquid augere. Si autem deinceps in antea aliquis Nerbonensium offenderit aliquem Ianuensem, debet archiepiscopus et Aymericus atque Narbonenses facere emendare secundum morem et consuetudinem illius terre, capud per capud infra quadraginta dies postquam requisitum fuerit si malefactor habuerit unde emendari possit, nisi terra licentiam Ianuensium consulum remanserit aut per licentiam illius cui iniuria facta fuerit. Hec omnia que superius scripta sunt promittit dominus archiepiscopus per se et successores suos et domnus Aymericus per se et suos filios et heredes atque Nerbonenses consules et populus et 3

A Documentary History of the Jews in Italy populus civitatis per se et per suos heredes firma et stabilia in perpetuum habere atque sine lesione ulla tenere. Usaticum vero Nigri Botarii et sociorum eius et Baldizonis Andree de Doneta firmum sit, similiter laudes quas Ianuenses super Iudeos N arbonesium habent sint firme. Causa Lanfranci Advocati non finitur eo quod Aymericus promittit earn emendare. "In Fonti: 1132, mensis iunii

Bibliography: Kohler, H andelvertraege zwischen Genua und Narbonne, pp. 1-49 (abstract); Zazzu, Sepharad, p. 30.

4 1134

Source: A.S.G., Liber Jurium Reipublicae Genuensis, I, 6. Publication: Codice Diplomatico della Repubblica di Genova, V. I, p. 84.

The consuls of the city of Genoa order that Jews be subject to a tax, amounting to 3 soldi a year, for the oil of the altar of the church of San Lorenzo . ... Laus quod Judei habitantes in Janua debent solvere annuatim per unumquemquem altari Sancti Laurentii solidos tres. Postea in mansione Oberti Turris laudaverunt ut omnes Judei qui sunt, vel qui fuerint habitatores Januae tribuant unusquisque per unumquemquem annum solidos tres altari Sancti Laurentii pro luminari et illi solidi dentur in oleo unde illuminetur altare ... Bibliography: Cuneo, Memorie sopra l'antico debito pubblico, p. 242; Brizzolari, Gli ebrei, p. 26; Zazzu, Juifs, p. 143; Jehel,Jews and Muslims, p. 127.

4

Genoa

5 July 1145

Source: A.S.G., Liber Iurium Reipublicae Genensis, 1, 103. Publication: Cod ice Diplomatico della Repubblica di Genova, V. I, p. 187.

The counts ofLavagna swear they will faithfully comply with the provisions set forth by the consuls of the municipality of Genoa. A mong them there is a man called Caput I udei.

6 July 1145

Source: A.S.G., Liber Iurium Reipublice Genuensis, I, 113. Publication: Cod ice diplomatico della Repubblica di Genova, V. I, p. 192.

The men of Sestri Levante swear loyalty to the municipality of Genoa. Among them there is a man called Caput Iudei.

7 16 August 1158

Source: A.S.G., Notaio Giovanni Scriba, cartolare n. 1. Publication: Chiaudano-Moresco, II cartolare di Giovanni Scriba, V. I, atto CDXXXVI, p. 232.

Solimano from Salerno and Baldo Di Campo form a company for business that the latter must arrange in Alexandria and then wherever he wishes. Among the witnesses is Iosephus Iudeus. Solimani et Baldonis J. Testes Obertus Gruatus, W uilelmus Adrictus, Baldo bancherius, Ribaldus filius Dodonis, Simeon de Papia et Oliver frater, Primo de Bur et Iosephus iudeus. Solimanus de Salerno et Baldo de Campo professi sunt se adinvicem contraxisse societatem in quam ut mutuo professi sunt Solimanus libras CII et Baldo libras LI capitalis contulerunt. Ultra professus est ipse Baldo

5

A Documentary History of the]ews in Italy

quod portat libras LIII eque sibi et ipsi Solimano communes quas cum tota predicta societate laboratum portat Alexandriam et inde quo velit, in reditu omnia deduci debent in potestatem ipsius Solimani et, tracto inde predicto capitali et predictis LIII libris tractis et mediatim divisis omne lucrum per medium dividere debent. Ultra portat ipse Baldo tres neuros parvos Solimani ad eius resicum vendendos et implicandos. Professi sunt denique quod omnes societates quas hactenus habuerunt diviserunt. Actum in camera Solime, MCL VIII, XVII kalendas septembris, indictione

V.

8 17 December 1161 Source: A.S.G., Notaio Giovanni Scriba, cartolare n. 1. Publication: Chiaudano, II cartolare di Giovanni Scriba, V. 2, atto CMXXVIII, p. 60.

Pagano de Prina, and Daciana, husband and wife, sell a stretch of land in Sestri Levante to Oberto Russo. Among the neighbouring lots is Caput ] udei's estate.

Oberti Russi]. Testes Oto iudex de Mediolano, Otobonus de Vineis, Anselmus Lecarus, Lanfrancus de Salvatore, Guilielmus Roderici, Ughe~on de Vineis, Sorleon bancherius et Gandulfus Mussi bancherii. Nos Paganus de Prina et Daciana iugales cepimus a te Oberto Russo libras septuaginta denariorum ianuensium fin ito precio pro pecia una terre iuris nostri que est prope Segestri, que pecia vocatur casale de Venerio et est prope Venagium, que coheret ei inferius terra filiorum quondam Pagani et terra Sancte Victorie, superius terra Cavarunchi et filiorum quondam Girardi, ex uno latere terra filiorum quondam Capitis Iudei et ab alia terra Armanni de Prina, sicut terminis est definita. Infra ipsas coherencias plenum et vacuum cum ingressu et exitu suo et omni suo iure tibi pro supradicto precio vendimus in integrum et tradimus, facias itaque inde proprietario nomine tu et heredes tui aut cui dederitis quicquid volueritis absque nostra contradictione et heredum nostrorum et omnium per nos. Stipulanti etiam tibi promittimus quisque pro toto quod hanc vendicionem tibi vel alicui pro te habenti nullo modo impediemus, immo quod earn tibi et heredibus tuis aut cui dederis per nos et nostros heredes ab omni homine 6

Genoa

deffendemus et auctori