The Jacksons and the Lees: Volume I The Jacksons and the Lees: Two Generations of Massachusetts Merchants, 1765–1844, Volume I [Reprint 2014 ed.] 9780674289390, 9780674288836

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HARVARD STUDIES IN BUSINESS HISTORY III EDITED BY Ν . S. Β .

GRAS

STRAUS PROFESSOR OF BUSINESS HISTORY GRADUATE SCHOOL OF BUSINESS ADMINISTRATION GEORGE F. BAKER FOUNDATION HARVARD UNIVERSITY

LONDON : H U M P H R E Y

MILFORD

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS

JONATHAN JACKSON,

1743-1810

THE JACKSONS AND THE LEES 'Two Generations of Massachusetts

Merchants

1765-1844

BY

KENNETH WIGGINS PORTER AUTHOR OF John Jacob Astor: Business

Man

VOLUME I

CAMBRIDGE,

MASSACHUSETTS

HARVARD UNIVERSITY 1937

PRESS

COPYRIGHT, 1 9 3 7 BY THE PRESIDENT AND FELLOWS OF HARVARD COLLEGE

PRINTED AT THE HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS CAMBRIDGE, MASS., U. S. A.

CONTENTS VOLUME I EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION

XI

AUTHOR'S ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

XV

GENERAL

INTRODUCTION

T H E SEDENTARY MERCHANT IN MASSACHUSETTS, 1 7 6 5 - 1 8 4 4 I. II.

. . .

3

ANCESTRY AND TRAINING

6

GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF MASSACHUSETTS

COMMERCE

BEFORE THE REVOLUTION III. IV. V.

II

PRIVATEERING

20

THE

23

PERIOD OF TRANSITION

GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE TRADE WITH INDIA TO 1 8 1 6

27

GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS 1816-52

39

VI. VII.

BUSINESS

ASPECTS

OF

THE

OF

THE

EAST

COLONIAL

INDIA

AND

EARLY

REVOLUTIONARY COMMERCE OF MASSACHUSETTS VIII. IX.

.

POST.

.

.

44

BUSINESS ASPECTS OF THE CALCUTTA TRADE

51

DIVERSIFICATION AND SPECIALIZATION

75

K I N S H I P AND BUSINESS

88

X. XI. XII.

TRADE,

BUSINESS E T H I C S

98

T H E BUSINESS M A N AND GOVERNMENT

XIII.

NO

MISCELLANEOUS ACTIVITIES OF THE BUSINESS M A N

.

.

.

117

DOCUMENTS PART I .

FIRST GENERATION: JONATHAN JACKSON,

1765-87

DIVISION I . JONATHAN JACKSON AND JACKSON & BROMFIELD, NEWBURYPORT IMPORTERS OF BRITISH GOODS, 1 7 6 5 - 7 3 DIVISION I I .

153

JACKSON, TRACY & TRACY, NEWBURYPORT MERCHANTS IN

THE TRADE WITH SPAIN AND THE WEST INDIES AND IN REVOLUTIONARY PRIVATEERING, 1 7 7 4 - 8 0 DIVISION I I I .

259

JACKSON & HIGGINSON, A BOSTON GENERAL MERCHAN-

DISING CONCERN, 1 7 8 4 - 8 7

346

CONTENTS

vi PART I I .

FIRST GENERATION: JOSEPH L E E ,

1774-1827

Division IV. Joseph Lee & Co., Beverly Merchants in the Trade with Spain and the West Indies and in Revolutionary Privateering, 1774-77

391

Division V. Lee & Cabot, Beverly Merchants in the Post-Revolutionary Trade with Spain and the West Indies, 1786-91 . . .

418

Division VI. A Glance at Joseph Lee, Investor, 1803-27

466

PART I I I .

.

.

.

SECOND GENERATION : JOSEPH L E E , JR., AND H E N R Y L E E ,

1793-1805 Division VII. Joseph Lee, Jr., General Boston Merchant, 17931805

473

Division VIII. Henry Lee, Commercial Resident in France, 1804-05

548

PART I V .

SECOND GENERATION: PATRICK T R A C Y JACKSON,

1802-24

Division I X . Patrick Tracy Jackson, Calcutta Supercargo, 1802-06

592

Division X. Patrick Tracy Jackson, Boston East India Merchant, 1807-15

620

Division XI. A Glimpse of Patrick Tracy Jackson, Manufacturer, 1824

766

VOLUME I I DOCUMENTS PART V .

SECOND GENERATION ( W I T H A GLANCE AT A THIRD) : JOSEPH

L E E , JR., H E N R Y L E E , AND H E N R Y L E E , JR., 1 8 0 5 - 4 4

Division XII. Joseph Lee, Jr., and Henry Lee, Boston East India Merchants, 1805-11

773

Division X I I I . Henry Lee, Calcutta Supercargo and Agent, 1811-16

970

Division XIV. Henry Lee, Boston East India Merchant, 1816-19 . 1173 Division X V . Henry Lee, at the End of his Business Life, 1840-44 1395 Division X V I . A Glance at Henry Lee, Jr., and William Bullard, Boston Commission Merchants and Factors in the Trade with Calcutta and Rio de Janeiro, 1840-44 1490 L I S T OF MANUSCRIPTS REPRODUCED

1537

L I S T OF MANUSCRIPT COLLECTIONS

1575

INDEX

1587

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS VOLUME I Jonathan Jackson (1743-1810), from a painting by Copley, 1784, in the possession of Dr. George C . Shattuck, Brookline, Mass. Jonathan Jackson, while in London in 1784, had his portrait painted more than once by Copley. A photograph of another portrait has been frequently reproduced (see, for example, James Jackson Putnam, A Memoir of Dr. James Jackson, Boston and Ν. Y . , 1905, p. 26). For a silhouette, see p. 64; another silhouette, reproduced in Miss Frances Rollins Morse, Henry and Mary Lee: Letters and Journals, Boston, 1926, p. 14, is mistakenly entitled "Joseph Lee, 1744-1831," but corrected on errata slip {frontispiece) A table showing the genealogy of the Jacksons, Tracys, Bromfields, and Quincys, with special reference to business. This chart is not a complete genealogy of the families represented and includes only those members who played a part, major or minor, in the business activities dealt with in the documents included in these volumes, or who serve as links between families or generations

6

A table showing the genealogy of the Lees, Cabots, and Higginsons, with special reference to business. This chart is not a complete genealogy of the families represented and includes only those members who played a part, major or minor, in the business activities dealt with in the documents included in these volumes, or who serve as links between families or generations . . . .

18

House of Joseph Lee, Sr., in Beverly, from a negative in the possession of the Beverly Historical Society. This house was built in 1773 by Elizabeth (Mrs. Joseph) Cabot, mother-in-law of Joseph Lee, Sr., and on her death in 1781 was inherited by her sons John and Andrew who conveyed it in 1785 to Joseph Lee, who occupied it until his removal to Boston in 1807. It is a much less imposing dwelling than those built by Jonathan Jackson and Patrick Tracy about the same time. It is still standing but has been moved one lot back from its original location and turned into an apartment house

38

viii

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

A diagram showing the relations between American traders and the Bengal market about 1815. This chart does not purport to indicate all possible relationships in the Bengal market, but only some of the more important A diagram showing the types of careers of sedentary merchants in Massachusetts commerce. This chart does not purport to indicate all possible steps in the careers of sedentary Massachusetts merchants, but only some of the more customary and significant George Cabot's house, Beverly, from a negative in the possession of the Beverly Historical Society. George Cabot, brother-in-law and partner of Joseph Lee, Sr., built this house in 1774 and occupied it until 1793, when he removed to Brookline. The style of architecture is very similar to that of the Nathaniel Tracy house in Newburyport. It is still standing, though much changed from its appearance in the illustration The letter-of-marque ship Bethell, about 1745, from a painting in the Massachusetts Historical Society. This is the earliest known original painting of a colonial vessel; it represents two different views of the same ship. The ship Bethell, owned by Edward Jackson, Jonathan Jackson's father, his brothers-in-law, Edward and Josiah Quincy, and their English partner, Slingsby Bethell, won fame in 1748 by capturing, without resistance, a rich Spanish ship of greatly superior force Jonathan Jackson's mansion, High St., Newburyport, as it is today (1936), from a photograph by George E. Noyes. This house was built for Jonathan Jackson, 1772, and still stands, not greatly changed from its original appearance, a beautiful specimen of colonial architecture. Other representations of it have appeared in various places: as degraded by the eccentric " L o r d " Timothy Dexter's barbarous notions of decoration during his ownership and occupancy, 1798-1806 (John J. Currier, History of Newburyport, Newburyport, 1909, vol. ii, p. 423); as it was about 1905 (James Jackson Putnam, A Memoir of Dr. James Jackson, Boston and Ν. Y . , 1905, front view, p. 72, rear view, from garden, p. 74) Newburyport, 1774, from an illustration in Mrs. E. Vale Smith, History of Newburyport, Newburyport, 1854, from a lithograph b y S. W. Chandler & Brother from a drawing by Benjamin Johnson. Jonathan Jackson obtained all his business training in Newburyport and was in business there from 1765 to 1783,

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

ix

thereupon briefly removing to Boston where the firm of Jackson & Higginson was engaged in the commission business until about 1787. In 1774 he was just joining in partnership with the Tracys. Newburyport was then one of the leading commercial cities of the American colonies. The illustration gives a good view of the harbor, shipping, and warehouses

206

Mrs. Patrick Tracy (1724-56), from a painting by Greenwood, in the possession of Mrs. Henry B. Bigelow. Hannah Gookin became Mrs. Patrick Tracy in 1749; Greenwood left Portsmouth, Ν . H., for Surinam in 1752 at the age of 27

260

Quebec, 1760, from an engraving by P. Benazech, after a drawing by Hervey Smyth, in the possession of the Boston Public Library. Quebec offered a market for rum and molasses from New England and furnished wheat in return

266

Capt. Patrick T r a c y (c. 1711-89), from a painting by Blackburn, in the possession of Mrs. Henry B. Bigelow. Blackburn was engaged in portrait painting in the colonies, c. 1753-c. 1763. A later painting of Patrick Tracy, sometimes ascribed to John Trumbull, belonging to Mr. Patrick Tracy Jackson, a full-length portrait representing the subject as standing with his hand resting on a large anchor, in front and to the side of a pile of bales and barrels of merchandise, has been frequently reproduced, as in John J. Currier, History of Newburyport, Newburyport, 1909, vol. ii, p. 217; James Jackson Putnam, A Memoir of Dr. James Jackson, Boston and Ν. Y . , 1905, p. 68; and Early Coastwise and Foreign Shipping of Salem, Salem, 1934, p. 12

274

Portsmouth, Ν . H., 1778, from the Stokes Collection, New Y o r k Public Library. Portsmouth had close relations with Newbury, Salem, and Beverly and a considerable part of the goods imported by the Cabots, Joseph Lee, Sr., Jonathan Jackson, and his partners were marketed in the New Hampshire port . . . .

280

Bilbao, 1756, from an engraving made for the Colonial Society of Massachusetts from a print owned by Octavius Thorndike, M.D., used here by courtesy of the State Street Trust Co., Boston. Of all the Spanish and Portuguese ports, it was with Bilbao that New England merchants enjoyed the closest connections. It was a favorite port during the Revolution for American privateers

288

Nathaniel Tracy ( 1 7 5 1 - 9 6 ) , from a painting, perhaps by Copley, in the Newburyport Public Library. Nathaniel Tracy, elder son of

χ

L I S T OF I L L U S T R A T I O N S Patrick Tracy, was Jonathan Jackson's brother-in-law and partner. He was in London in 1784, in which year Jonathan Jackson had his own portrait painted by Copley, and it is quite likely that Nathaniel Tracy took advantage of the same opportunity . .

318

The privateer ship Hero, 1777, from a negative by George E. Noyes, Newburyport, of a drawing based on a contemporary woodcut by Thomas Clouston, a copy of which is in the Historical Society of Old Newbury. The ship Hero, successor to the Yankee Hero, owned by the Tracys and, probably, by Jonathan Jackson, sailed from Newburyport, June 2, 1777, left Boston late in August, and was never seen again. With her were lost 50 young men, representing most of the families of Newburyport . . .

320

Guadeloupe, W . I., c. 1760, from an engraving by P. Benazech after a drawing by Lieut. Archibald Campbell, in the Mariners' Museum, Newport News, Va. Patrick Tracy traded with Guadeloupe while it was held by the English, 1759-63, and during the Revolution his sons and their partner also made shipments thereto, it being then in French possession. Although this view, being of Fort Royal rather than of the wharves and warehouses, is interesting primarily from a military viewpoint, nevertheless it assists in giving some idea of this important island's topography

334

Autograph letter of Jonathan Jackson, Newburyport, Sept. 25, 1783, to Oliver Wendell, Boston, from the Austin H. Clark Collection. Jonathan Jackson was preparing to leave for England to purchase goods and to solicit consignments for the firm of Jackson & Higginson. Moses Michael Hays was a prominent Jewish real estate and insurance agent of Rhode Island. Mrs. Jackson was, in a little more than a week, to give birth to her youngest daughter, who was to become Mrs. Henry Lee . . .

344

Nathaniel Tracy's mansion, 1875, State St., Newburyport, from a negative in the Essex Institute, Salem. This house was built in 1771 by Patrick Tracy for his son Nathaniel. It was occupied, 1788-95, by Jonathan Jackson. John Hancock, George Washington, and Lafayette were entertained there. In 1864 it was purchased and somewhat remodeled for use as a public library. It is still standing, but now changed beyond all recognition (John J. Currier, History of Newburyport, Mass, 1764-1905, Newburyport, 1906, vol. i, p. 524)

370

Stairway in the Joseph Lee, Sr., house, Beverly, from a negative in the possession of the Beverly Historical Society. Cf. other con-

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

xi

temporary stairways in Salem and Beverly (L. Vernon Briggs, History and Genealogy of the Cabot Family, 1475-1927, Boston, 1927, vol. i, pp. 54, 68)

392

St. Eustatius, W. I., after 1 7 8 1 , from an engraving by Bergmüller in the Boston Public Library. The Dutch island of St. Eustatius, or Statia, during the Revolution until its capture by the British in 1 7 8 1 , and again after the Revolution when restored to its former owners, was the principal entrepot for trade, particularly when illegal, between North America and Europe

418

St. Pierre, Martinique, 1796, from an engraving by Samuel Aiken after a drawing by the Rev. Cooper Willyams, in the New York Public Library. After the Revolutionary War, Martinique offered to New England merchants, barred from the British West Indies, the principal market for "Jamaica fish"; returns were taken in coffee, molasses, sugar, and specie

426

Charleston, c. 1730, from an engraving by W. H. Toms after a drawing by B. Roberts, in the New York Public Library. A favorite triangular voyage by New England merchants was to send a vessel to Charleston with specie, rum, or general merchandise, and invest the returns in rice, which would be sold in Spain or Portugal, returning with fruit, wine, salt, and specie to an American port. Although the date of this illustration is a generation earlier than Joseph Lee, Sr., or Jonathan Jackson, it is the best available picture of the harbor and water front of Charleston in the eighteenth century

444

Joseph Lee, Sr. ( 1 7 4 4 - 1 8 3 1 ) , in old age, from a silhouette marked by Mrs. Charles Eliot Ware, in the possession of Miss Mary Lee Ware, Boston

472

St. John's Newfoundland, 1 8 3 1 , from an engraving by H. Pyall after a drawing by William Eagar, in the New York Public Library. Newfoundland, of which St. John's was the principal city, sustained close commercial connections with such Essex Co. towns as Newburyport. The Tracys shipped lumber, bricks, and rum to Newfoundland, doubtless taking returns in fish. Although the present view was made over a half century after the Tracy trade with Newfoundland had ended, it is probable that the appearance of the town and shipping had not greatly changed in the interim

518

Autograph letter of Henry Lee, Fecamp, Sept. 4, 1804, to Degen, Purviance & Co., Leghorn, from the Jackson-Lee Papers. Henry

xii

L I S T OF I L L U S T R A T I O N S Lee at the time of this letter where he had some intention can firms making shipments writer took unusual pains to

was temporarily resident in France, of remaining as an agent for Amerito that country. In this letter the be legible

564

Patrick Tracy Jackson (1780-1847), from a painting by Healy, 1842, in the City Library of Lowell. Hannah Lowell Jackson wrote from Waltham, Aug. 2, 1842, to her cousin Henry Lee, Jr., Paris: "Healy is taking a portrait of father w h - he will take to Paris to transfer to a full length picture for one of the 'Institutes,' in Lowell." The portrait in its original state, before being made into a "full length picture," has been frequently reproduced, as in James Jackson Putnam, A Memoir of Dr. James Jackson, Boston and Ν . Y . , 1905, p. 127; Frances Rollins Morse, Henry and Mary Lee: Letters and Journals, Boston, 1926, p. 58

592

Autograph letter of Patrick Tracy Jackson, Cape of Good Hope, Mar. 26, 1806, to John Higginson, ship Laura, from the Patrick Tracy Jackson Collection. A t the time of this letter P. T . Jackson was intending to go on the Laura to Pulo Penang with a cargo of wine

614

Halifax, N o v a Scotia, 1760, from a print in the A . G. H. Macpherson Collection, National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, England. Halifax was one of the Canadian ports which enjoyed a coastingtrade with New England but, as it happened, the relations of Jonathan Jackson and the Tracys therewith were of much less importance than those with Quebec and Newfoundland. Capt. James Tracy, however, seemed drawn by some fatality to that port; he was forced to put in there in distress on his way back from Le Havre in the Elizabeth shortly after the outbreak of the Revolution, and sold the vessel there, while in the following year he was taken there after having been wounded and captured in the Yankee Hero. The market-place is in the center of the illustration

668

Lisbon, c. 1794, from an engraving in the Mariners' Museum, Newport News, Va. Lisbon was not so important to the American trade with the Iberian Peninsula as such ports as Bilbao and Cadiz, but was nevertheless of considerable significance. Shortly after the Revolution, Jackson & Higginson were planning on shipping Virginia wheat to the Portuguese capital

734

EDITOR'S

INTRODUCTION

IN THE midst of the many facts and views set forth in this book is the central figure of the sedentary merchant. And round about him is the atmosphere of mercantile capitalism. In this merchant's hands were concentrated the ownership of a great deal of capital and the control of still more. In the background were the vigorous artisan, storekeeper, and farmer classes, each with a little capital, some debts, many hopes, and, on the whole, a life of hard work with small profits. This is a stage in human history, the stage of town economy or incipient metropolitan economy. Man has risen to it many times — in the ancient world, in the Middle Ages, and again in the colonial period of American history. Perhaps we can best place this work in true perspective by considering the successive types of capitalism through which we have passed: mercantile, industrial, financial, and now, apparently, national capitalism. Socialism does not enter the picture, for it is a system which when attained is soon transmuted into something else — national capitalism. Our mercantile capitalism was a dominant system from the twelfth to the late eighteenth century. The big fortunes were centered in trade. The dominating persons were great merchants such as the Bardi, Medici, Fuggers, John Jacob Astor, and many others. The Jacksons and Lees, who appear in the pages of this work, were important figures in the long line of sedentary merchants. None of them, however, has received the attention given to Thomas Russell, Willing, Astor, and Girard. As families, they were to display, through the years, remarkable powers of adaptation to successive forms of capitalism, namely, mercantile, industrial, and financial; and, as opportunity served, they were to do more than their share in promoting the cultural welfare of America. In mercantile capitalism the central participant or chief actor was the sedentary merchant. He stood out in contrast to the

EDITOR'S

INTRODUCTION

older travelling merchant who as a virtual nomad could not accumulate any great amount of this world's goods. The countinghouse was the sedentary merchant's office, his treasury, and his ship, all in one. This term countinghouse suggests the secret of his success — counting or accounting, in effect management; and it is to be noted that management is a sedentary occupation. Of all the masterful figures in man's history he stands out as the manager par excellence. Not he but his ships were on every sea. His agents were in many ports. His partners were kept working with him, though not always under his eye. The number of his employees was small, the number of his agents large. In the industrial capitalism which followed, the element of management continues to loom large but it is management of employees who could be supervised. Marketing continues to be a vital part of capitalism but the technique of production, the contribution of the Industrial Revolution, stands triumphant. While the sedentary merchant had stood alone, or operated with partners, the industrial capitalist tended to lean more heavily upon the corporation. In time, industrial capitalism ran into difficulty, largely through excessive competition, and a place was made for the financial capitalist who could direct capital towards this goal or that, according as profits appeared more likely, or who could act decisively in the case of business units that were suffering from cutthroat competition or incompetence or dishonesty. We know this system in America as Wall Street. The financial capitalist has collected his toll of profits and has made mistakes. Without being threatened with extinction, he is now witnessing a rival — national capitalism, which apparently is to put more emphasis upon social service, consumption, and popular control. At any rate, we in our day have come a long way from mercantile capitalism, a cross-section of which is presented in this book. And yet, we can hardly understand the present without some knowledge about the past of which we are but an extension. Dr. Porter has made available a great deal of correspondence which is but little known in kind and, of course, quite unknown so far as the specific documents go, for they are all hitherto un-

EDITOR'S

INTRODUCTION

published. Since New England families, like the Quakers of Pennsylvania and elsewhere, have been given to preserve their records, we might expect that many more such records are in existence than have been placed in public depositories. Not the least of the broad pictures that emerge is the commercial family compact, the set of families that intermarried and did business with the world, using one another in special positions of trust. Some may see in this a nefarious grouping, a kind of adumbration of a New England State Street or Wall Street. In reality, as the records here published show, nothing more was involved than the confidence that kinsmen feel in one another. There is many a line to indicate that ability was not a guaranteed accompaniment of honor and exertion. Many of the activities of sedentary merchants in general are illustrated in these pages. The Jacksons and the Lees exported and imported and wholesaled their goods in America. They might or might not have ships and carry on retailing. That they ever went so far, as many sedentary merchants did, as to extend credit to fishermen, lumbermen, and miners, taking their products in return, is not in evidence, although, through their supercargoes, they did follow the immemorial custom of furnishing funds to Bengal weavers for the purchase of materials to be used in the manufacture of bespoke goods. Also, we do not find any great tendency to take on banking as an additional function, which occurred in mediaeval and early modern Europe. The information concerning the Calcutta trade and the special exposition devoted to it are notable. The supercargo's relation to his banian is a human as well as a business situation. The oriental and the occidental met with the usual lack of sympathy and understanding. We may only hope that more studies will be made of the Indian commercial figures in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. We are grateful to Dr. Porter for what he has written, brief as it is, about the training of the sedentary merchant. Except in a very general way early mercantile training is a dark subject. Much is summarized by saying that the sedentary mer-

xvi

EDITOR'S

INTRODUCTION

chant came up either through the countinghouse or by the quarter-deck. The plan has been to present the texts of the various documents, almost wholly letters, and to append to each an introduction which assists the reader to understand the document in question and its relationship to the whole. By and large, the function of the introduction to the document is to give information concerning the persons, families, and localities involved, define unfamiliar terms, provide quotations from other documents not reproduced in extenso, and comment upon points of particular significance which the reader might otherwise miss. Into the long general introduction, on the other hand, has been put a body of facts concerning the business history elucidated by the records. To Mr. Henry Lee Shattuck this work owes much from first to last. It was his idea to make known to scholars, business men, and the reading public generally something about what business letters and other such documents of an earlier day contain and what they might mean for the present. N . S . B . GRAS

AUTHOR'S

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

THIS documentary study of two generations of Massachusetts merchants was undertaken at the suggestion of Mr. Henry Lee Shattuck, a descendant of Jonathan Jackson, Joseph Lee, Sr., and Henry Lee, Sr., and Jr., who supplied the bulk of the manuscripts hereafter printed and furnished the financial assistance which made possible their editing and publication. Not less valuable than this indispensable material assistance has been his personal interest in the project — an interest finding expression both in zeal for seeking out of factual information and in resolute abstention from any suggestions as to editorial interpretation. Mr. Shattuck's insistence that this work should have the benefit of every facility necessary for making it a scholarly contribution to historical knowledge has been an inspiration throughout. It would be impossible for an author or editor to have enjoyed a more perfect combination of co-operation and non-interference. Prof. N. S. B. Gras, general editor of the series, has supervised and encouraged the work at every point. He has read the entire manuscript, some of it more than once, and his knowledge of business and history has been constantly available. It is the author's fault alone if his own training has been insufficient to make it possible for him properly to avail himself of the general editor's suggestions. Miss Marian Jewell, my assistant, typed nearly all the manuscript, some of it several times, and performed the arduous and indispensable task of examining the Boston newspapers, over some thirty years, for pertinent information. On Mrs. Elsie Hight Bishop fell the main responsibility for the work of seeing the volumes through the press, an especially difficult task in view of the irregular form of most of the material. Mrs. Bishop also made the index. Mention should also be made of the assistance of Mrs. Virginia Senders Browne and

xviii

AUTHOR'S

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Mrs. Helen Whitney Howell who assisted me in the earlier stages of the work. Valuable documentary material, supplementary to that supplied by Mr. Henry Lee Shattuck, was furnished by other descendants and connections of the Jackson and Lee families. Mr. Patrick Tracy Jackson, great-grandson of the merchant and textile manufacturer whose name he bears, has been generous in his assistance; he has made available a number of account books relating to the business of Jonathan Jackson and the Tracys and miscellaneous documents setting forth the business affairs of Patrick Tracy Jackson and his work as trustee and executor for various kinsmen. Mr. James Jackson supplied the papers of his great-grandfather Dr. James Jackson, P. T. Jackson's brother; Dr. George R. Minot placed in my hands two small but important letter books of his ancestor Jonathan Jackson; Mr. Austin H. Clark hospitably opened to me his large collection of letters written by Jonathan Jackson to his brotherin-law and sister, Mr. and Mrs. Oliver Wendell; Mr. Joseph Lee, son of Henry Lee, Jr., made the past live by his reminiscences of his father and grandfather. My colleagues, Dr. Henrietta Larson, Dr. Ralph M. Hower, Miss Elva C. Tooker, and Mr. J. Owen Stalson, have always been generously willing for me to draw on their specialized knowledge. The late Miss Elizabeth McClelland read the introductory notes to the various documents, criticizing them in the interests of clarity and consistency, from the viewpoint of the general reader. Miss Elva C. Tooker has read critically the General Introduction. Miss Frances Carpenter, secretary to the Business History department, has been so situated as to be able to give general assistance throughout; she also typed a large part of the General Introduction. Thanks are due to the Graduate School of Business Administration for willingness to provide every assistance possible, including additional clerical aid, and to the Baker Library for the use of its ample facilities for research. Although most of the documents consulted in the course of this study, or reproduced below, have come from private

AUTHOR'S

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

archives, I have also made use of various public collections. I would particularly acknowledge assistance from the following institutions and officials: the Massachusetts Historical Society, Mr. Allyn B. Forbes; Old Records Department, the Boston Custom House, Mr. William L. Manning; the Beverly Historical Society, Miss Alice G. Lapham; the New York Historical Society, Mr. A. J. Wall. A great number of individuals and institutions have assisted with the illustrations, in furnishing negatives of paintings and prints, in having such negatives made, in putting me on the trail of possible illustrations, or in giving me information explanatory of the pictures used. Among these are the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, Miss Grace H. Knapp; the Beverly Historical Society, Miss Alice G. Lapham; Mrs. Henry B. Bigelow; the Public Library of the City of Boston, Mr. Zoltan Haraszti; the Bostonian Society, Mr. George R. Marvin; Mr. George B. Brayton; Mr. Austin H. Clark; Mr. Robert J. Clark; Mr. Charles Darling; Mr. and Mrs. James M. Elliott; the Essex Institute, Miss Harriet S. Tapley; Mr. Allan Forbes; Garvan Institute of Arts and Crafts, Yale University, Mr. John Marshall Phillips; Mr. Hall Gleason; Mr. Robert Tracy Jackson; the Lowell City Library, Mr. F. A. Chase; Mr. George H. Mackay; the Marine Museum, the Old State House, Mr. Charles M. Wright; the Marion Studios, Lowell, Mass.; the Massachusetts Historical Society, Mr. Allyn B. Forces; Prof. Samuel Eliot Morison; Miss Gwendolen Morse; the New England Historical Genealogical Society, Miss Josephine E. Payne; the Historical Society of Old Newbury, Miss Sarah E. Mulliken; the Newburyport Public Library, Mr. Frank N. Jones; the New York Public Library, Mr. K. D. Metcalf; the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, England, Prof. Geoffrey Callander; the Mariners' Museum, Newport News, Va., Miss C. W. Evans; Mr. George E. Noyes; the Peabody Museum, Salem, Mr. L. W. Jenkins; Dr. George C. Shattuck; Mr. Henry Lee Shattuck; the Society for the Preservation of New England Antiquities, Mr. William Sumner Appleton; the State Street Trust Company, Mr. Ralph M. Eastman; Mr. Charles

AUTHOR'S

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Η. Taylor; Mr. Russell W. Thorpe; Miss Mary Lee Ware; Mr. James E. Whitney; and the Widener Library, Harvard University. Specific acknowledgments are made in the list of illustrations. I have received miscellaneous assistance from various sources. Mr. Κ . B. Krishna and the Rev. Swami Paramananda brought their knowledge of Indian languages, and that of some of their fellow countrymen, to bear upon some of Henry Lee's versions of Indian words, but Bengali, Hindustani, Hindi, Gujerati, and Andhra proved alike unavailing. Mr. John Forbes permitted me to examine his newspaper list of voyages to India by Massachusetts vessels. This work has been performed at, and under the auspices of, the Harvard Graduate School of Business Administration, to which I am under many obligations for office space, library facilities, and clerical assistance. I am also indebted to the Harvard University Library and to the public libraries of Boston and Cambridge for liberal access to their collections. At the last moment some newly discovered documents made necessary certain revisions and additions, for which work the Library of Southwestern College, Winfield, Kans., offered its facilities. For this courtesy thanks are due to the Librarian, Miss Edith Brainard, and her assistant, Miss Regina Spear. I shall doubtless, when it is too late, remember many other courtesies, not of less importance than some of those acknowledged above; to their authors, I offer in advance my most humble apologies. K . W . PORTER December

15,

jpj6

THE JACKSONS AND THE LEES

GENERAL INTRODUCTION T h e Sedentary Merchant in Massachusetts 1765-1844 THE Jackson-Lee Papers and related manuscript collections, from which the documents printed in these volumes have been taken, deal with the commercial activities, over two generations, of two Massachusetts families, the Jacksons and the Lees, which in the second generation became closely connected both in business and through marriage. The persons figuring most conspicuously in the business activities recorded below are Jonathan Jackson and his son Patrick Tracy Jackson, Joseph Lee, Sr., and his sons Henry and Joseph, Jr. The records of the elder Jackson and Lee begin about a decade before the outbreak of the Revolution and end not many years after the restoration of peace, the account during a number of years, particularly in the latter part of the period, being vague and obscure; the flow of documents relating to their sons' activities is fairly steady from early in the nineteenth century until a few years after the War of 1812. Fragmentary records exist for years both earlier and later than the periods indicated above. From examining and analyzing the letter books and account books of these two shipping families over two critical and significant generations, we gain not only an acquaintance with the personalities and business methods of the individuals involved but also an impression of Massachusetts commerce in general during the period in question. Such an impression can be definitely valid only for the members of the Jackson and Lee families and their associates about whom we possess adequate data; it is probable, however, that the individuals with whom these business documents bring us into contact are, as near as can be, typical of Massachusetts merchants in general. None of the Jacksons and Lees were commercially in the same class as

THE JACKSONS AND THE

LEES

the millionaires, Elias Hasket Derby, of Salem, and Israel Thorndike, of Beverly, or William Gray who "owned 1 1 3 vessels first and last, before 1 8 1 5 ; " 1 but all of them, at some time or other in their lives, knew a considerable measure of success and were looked upon as among the prominent merchants of their respective communities. Most of them, too, at some time or other either failed in business or came to the very brink of such a disaster, a fact which renders the history of their careers at once more interesting and more significant than a narrative of uninterrupted success. An exposition of the business factors, principles, policies, and tendencies which appear in the commerce of the Jacksons and Lees and their associates is thus a contribution to our knowledge of that business group, characteristic of this period, which have come to be known as "sedentary merchants." Fundamentally, a merchant is one who trades on an extensive scale, particularly with foreign countries. One of these characteristics usually involves the other. A sedentary merchant should be contrasted with the older travelling merchant class, which spent its energies in travelling by land or sea, taking personal charge of purchases and sales, and must have been much influenced by the circumstances of change and adventure. Instead of travelling about, the sedentary merchant had the advantage of operating for the most part from fixed headquarters, transacting his affairs at distant points through such agents as captains, supercargoes, and commission merchants. The sedentary merchant differed, on the one hand, from the contemporary small shopkeeper or general country storekeeper, such as those whom Jackson & Bromfield and the Cabots supplied with foreign goods and who, in turn, sometimes furnished local products for export; such a general country storekeeper was Peter Smith, of Utica, for whom his friend, John Jacob Astor, imported British goods, Smith, on his part, collecting furs, ginseng, etc., for Astor.2 The sedentary merchant must be distinguished, on the other hand, from the shipowner-captain-supercargo who sold a cargo collected by and belonging to himself at whatever port he could find buyers; examples from other parts of America were

SEDENTARY MERCHANT,

1765-1844

the Missouri trader, who loaded and accompanied one or more freighting-wagons for the Santa Fe market, and the Illinois farmer who brought his pork, wheat, and lumber by flatboat down the Mississippi to New Orleans. Although the merchant of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries might specialize in trade with some particular region — the West Indies, the Mediterranean, the Baltic, Canton, or Calcutta — and this would necessarily involve some limitations on the goods handled, the most conspicuous feature of his work was the performance of many economic functions. The sedentary merchant centered the many administrative and managerial functions in his own hands and, assisted by a few apprentice clerks in copying letters and a head clerk to keep the books, took full charge of all the operations of purchase and sale. The sedentary merchants whose careers we are to examine varied in many respects. Some traded principally in their own vessels; some did not own a stick of ship's timber. Some made retailing a large element in their business, and to others it meant little. But all imported goods from abroad and shipped other goods to foreign ports, all engaged in wholesaling, and all operated principally from fixed headquarters, while occasionally journeying to other cities or countries to make purchases, assist in sales, or solicit consignments. All belonged, for the major part of their business careers, to the class of sedentary merchants. A study of the Jacksons and Lees, 1765-1844, as sedentary merchants may be divided, chronologically, into the periods before and after the conclusion of the war for American independence, which independence, it should be remembered, was at least as much commercial as political. The commerce of the United States was completely transformed by the opening to American vessels of the trade with the entire Continent of Europe, with Canton, and with the British ports of India. The greatest commercial activity of Jonathan Jackson and his associates belongs to the pre-Revolutionary period, while that of his son Patrick Tracy Jackson pertains entirely to the nineteenth century; the business career of Joseph Lee, Sr., on the

6

T H E JACKSONS AND T H E LEES

other hand, is divided by the Revolution, while the most significant years of his sons' commercial activities lie within the century following. I.

ANCESTRY AND TRAINING

Even in the pre-Revolutionary period there was a strong tendency for business men to beget business men. The young men who were entering business in Massachusetts just before the Revolution were typically sons of the countinghouse, not of the plow or the parsonage. The paternal ancestors of Joseph Lee, Sr., for the only two preceding generations of which there is record, had been merchants in Boston and Salem, though his first paternal ancestor whose occupation is known had begun life as an artisan. His Cabot brothers-in-law were descended from two generations of Salem merchants. Jonathan Jackson had behind him four generations of Boston merchants and manufacturers, though his earliest known ancestors, like those of Joseph Lee, Sr., had been originally artisans. The ancestors of John Bromfield, Jonathan Jackson's first partner, had been merchants in Boston for two generations and in earlier generations had been large landowners in England and Wales. Jonathan Jackson's brothers-in-law and later partners, Nathaniel and John Tracy, were the sons of Patrick Tracy, an Irish-born merchant and shipowner of Newburyport who had begun life as a common sailor but concerning whose ancestry nothing is known. Stephen Higginson, who was Jonathan Jackson's partner for a short time after the Revolution, was descended from three generations of Salem merchants, though his first two Higginson ancestors, this side of the Atlantic, were ministers of the Gospel. Since the Jacksons and Lees and their associates who were engaged in commerce after the Revolution were the sons of preRevolution merchants, it is unnecessary further to examine their ancestry. When we study the training by which young Jacksons, Lees, Cabots, Higginsons, Tracys, Bromfields, etc., were fitted for the

6

T H E JACKSONS AND T H E LEES

other hand, is divided by the Revolution, while the most significant years of his sons' commercial activities lie within the century following. I.

ANCESTRY AND TRAINING

Even in the pre-Revolutionary period there was a strong tendency for business men to beget business men. The young men who were entering business in Massachusetts just before the Revolution were typically sons of the countinghouse, not of the plow or the parsonage. The paternal ancestors of Joseph Lee, Sr., for the only two preceding generations of which there is record, had been merchants in Boston and Salem, though his first paternal ancestor whose occupation is known had begun life as an artisan. His Cabot brothers-in-law were descended from two generations of Salem merchants. Jonathan Jackson had behind him four generations of Boston merchants and manufacturers, though his earliest known ancestors, like those of Joseph Lee, Sr., had been originally artisans. The ancestors of John Bromfield, Jonathan Jackson's first partner, had been merchants in Boston for two generations and in earlier generations had been large landowners in England and Wales. Jonathan Jackson's brothers-in-law and later partners, Nathaniel and John Tracy, were the sons of Patrick Tracy, an Irish-born merchant and shipowner of Newburyport who had begun life as a common sailor but concerning whose ancestry nothing is known. Stephen Higginson, who was Jonathan Jackson's partner for a short time after the Revolution, was descended from three generations of Salem merchants, though his first two Higginson ancestors, this side of the Atlantic, were ministers of the Gospel. Since the Jacksons and Lees and their associates who were engaged in commerce after the Revolution were the sons of preRevolution merchants, it is unnecessary further to examine their ancestry. When we study the training by which young Jacksons, Lees, Cabots, Higginsons, Tracys, Bromfields, etc., were fitted for the

/W-Ui! lOOVO >

^ §

)I

*

SEDENTARY MERCHANT,

1765-1844

the original intention was to load with fruit and wine for England and return to America with a cargo of English goods, but in the meantime non-importation had gone into effect — she was loaded with salt and returned to Newburyport, the balance of the proceeds of the rice being remitted to London. At about the same time the Newburyport firm sent a vessel to Newfoundland, whence she returned directly, doubtless with fish. Just before the outbreak of war, Jackson, Tracy & Tracy sent another vessel to Charleston with a small cargo, this time under an agreement to take freight to England. Part of the cargo of rice was on account of the Newburyport firm and was left at Havre for sale. War having broken out in the meantime, the vessel was sold at Halifax on the return voyage. The approach and even the actual outbreak of the Revolution modified but did not transform the trade of Jackson, Tracy & Tracy. At first the Newburyport firm's policy was to dispose of some of its vessels and place others under the fictitious ownership of the Philadelphia firm which was its correspondent, to avoid punitive measures taken by the British government against New England. The trade with Philadelphia continued to a limited extent; and shortly after the outbreak of war a vessel was dispatched by way of Philadelphia for Lisbon with a cargo of flour and pipe-staves and with instructions to take returns in salt, wine, black silk handkerchiefs, and raisins, which vessel was captured on the return voyage. The last ventures in foreign commerce by Jackson, Tracy & Tracy as a firm were late in 1776 and early in the following year: a cargo of masts, spars, tobacco, and flaxseed was sent to Bordeaux for returns in cannon and salt; and a cargo of captured English coal was shipped to Charleston, the proceeds to be invested in rice for Bordeaux, the returns to be made in salt. This latter voyage was undertaken jointly with a Philadelphia firm. By this time privateering was taking precedence over more normal types of commerce, and in 1777 the firm of Jackson, Tracy & Tracy was dissolved.

20

THE JACKSONS AND THE III.

LEES

PRIVATEERING

Between 1689 and 1775, Great Britain had engaged in four wars, with France or Spain or both, covering nearly forty years, and in all these wars the inhabitants of the colonies, particularly those of New England, had eagerly seized the opportunity of combining patriotism with profit by sending out privateers to seize and plunder enemy vessels. In other words, during the eighty-seven years between the accession of William and Mary and the outbreak of the Revolution, war was almost as familiar a condition as peace to the maritime population of the British colonies. Jonathan Jackson's father had been owner of a letter-of-marque vessel which, during King George's War, had made prize of a marvelously wealthy Spanish ship. It is not surprising, then, that the American shipowner at the outbreak of the Revolution regarded privateering, to use Howard M. Chapin's words, as "a commercial venture, almost a profession or an industry," 10 and that Jonathan Jackson and the Tracys, Joseph Lee and the Cabots, readily turned from the importation of British manufactures and molasses, the shipping of salt fish and flaxseed, and the distilling of rum, to the fitting out of privateers. Privateering, consequently, became as much a part of the business activities of these Massachusetts merchants as any peace-time interest in fisheries or distilleries. Privateering in the Revolutionary period followed a definite pattern. Half the value of the prizes usually went to the officers and crew of the privateer making the captures, and half to the owners of the privateer. The former half was divided according to rank. In the case of the Jackson, Tracy & Tracy brig, Yankee Hero, the captain received five shares, apparently out of a total of one hundred, two prize masters drew the same, while the lieutenants, the sailing master, the surgeon, and the petty officers and gunners presumably shared in a descending proportion, until the seamen, of whom there were in this case forty, were reached, who probably received one share each. It seems strange that the prize masters should receive as much as the privateer-captain but we must remember that the prize

S E D E N T A R Y M E R C H A N T , 1765-1844

21

master incurred the danger of having his prize ship recaptured by the enemy; in addition the prize master and his men might be sent to Dartmoor or the hulks for their declining years. The expenses of each privateer and half of the returns from her prizes were allotted to, and divided among, the owners in proportion to the number of shares each had taken. We know more about Jonathan Jackson's investments in privateers than we do about those of the Tracys. From 1779 to 1783 he was interested from two-tenths to eighteen forty-eighths in at least ten privateering and letter-of-marque vessels. Rarely or never did an individual merchant assume the sole ownership of a privateer. Rather did he seek to insure himself against undue loss in this most speculative of all war-time business activities by purchasing small shares in a number of vessels. Joseph Lee, from 1776 to 1782, was interested in at least thirty privateers and letters of marque, in some as little as one thirty-second, in others as much as one-half. We do not have sufficiently complete accounts of gains and losses of privateers during the Revolution to be able to state how profitable or otherwise, from a purely business point of view, this form of maritime activity was. It is believed that during the early years of the war privateering was, on the whole, profitable to the Americans engaged therein, and that during the later years the reverse was the case. Marblehead and Beverly, by the end of the war, were, it is alleged, nearly swept clean of shipping. It is probable that in the long run gains and losses nearly cancelled one another. In the cases of individual merchants extensively engaged in privateering, we can tell something of the relative proportions of their gains and losses by observing their situation after the Revolution as compared with what it had been before. It seems that Jonathan Jackson and the Tracys made no great gains in privateering, since at the conclusion of the war they found themselves in straitened circumstances and, after vain attempts to recoup their fortunes by again entering trade, either retired completely from active life or turned to some non-commercial activity. The post-war condition of Joseph Lee and the Cabots appears

22

THE JACKSONS AND THE

LEES

to have been quite different. From the scanty accounts we possess of Joseph Lee's privateers from 1776 to 1779, we get the impression that during those few years two vessels were immensely profitable, to the extent of more than £10,000 apiece. Two others earned a couple of hundred pounds and something less than a thousand, respectively, while the losses on half a dozen others were comparatively trifling. It seems probable that during the remaining years of the war Joseph Lee's returns continued to exceed his expenditures, doubtless not in such great, but in satisfactory, proportions. Although Professor Morison states that the "Derbys of Salem are said to have been the only privateering firm to retain a favorable balance, when peace was concluded," 1 1 it seems that the Cabots and Joseph Lee, of Salem, should be added. It can at least be said that they were not ruined by the war: Joseph Lee immediately reentered business at its conclusion and continued actively and successfully for some twenty years before retiring to live for another twenty-five years on the banking, insurance, bridge, turnpike, and other investments in which he had salted down his returns from commerce. The reasons for Cabot and Lee success and Jackson failure in privateering are hard to seek. Professor Morison writes that the Cabots' "armed merchantmen continued to trade with Spain, making their headquarters at Bilbao, where all the prizes taken by the firm's vessels were sold, and the proceeds deposited with Gardoqui & Sons. By this means the Cabots, unlike most privateering firms, kept their gains until peace was concluded." 12 This, however, can hardly be literally accepted as an adequate explanation of the Cabot privateering success. We know that by no means all the Cabot prizes were taken to Bilbao for sale; to do so would have been foolish, since to pass one or more hospitable ports in order to lodge a prize at Bilbao would have increased the danger of recapture beyond all reason and would also have tended to glut the market at Bilbao. On the other hand, many prizes, doubtless, were taken to Bilbao, where the long-standing connection between the Cabots and Gardoquis would contribute to the probability of their meeting

S E D E N T A R Y M E R C H A N T , 1765-1844

23

a favorable sale. It is possible that Joseph Lee's ability as a ship-designer contributed something to the speed and consequent success of Cabot privateers. If any dominant factor, other than luck, however, is to be sought for in the success of Cabot privateering ventures, it is probable that an unusually large capital, making possible the spreading of investments over a large number of privateers, was responsible. A single run of bad luck, which would completely crush the owner of shares in only half a dozen privateers, would but slightly affect the merchant interested in two dozen. IV.

T H E PERIOD OF TRANSITION

After the Treaty of Paris there was no mad stampede by Massachusetts merchants, as citizens of the United States, to enter into commercial relations with those parts of the world from which as colonials they had been barred. The East India Company's monopoly had hitherto kept American vessels from trading in the Pacific, and, when the Revolution was over and American independence was recognized, one would expect American merchants to think of the trade, for example with Canton for which, before the Revolution, colonials had dug ginseng to be sent to China by way of England. Indeed a New England vessel, loaded with ginseng, sailed for Canton, December, 1783, but sold her cargo to British East Indiamen at the Cape of Good Hope. It was not until August, 1784, that an American vessel, from New York, actually arrived at Canton. But in 1785 there were no arrivals whatever in China from America, though in 1786 there were five, three from New York and one each from Philadelphia and Salem. During the next two years the trade fell off but in 1789 increased to 15 vessels— more than had arrived at Canton during all the five preceding years. This peak was not reached again for a decade, when in 1799 the arrival of 18 American vessels was noted, although the number had been steadily increasing since 1793. In 1801 there were 36 American vessels at Canton — more than all the British-owned vessels then in that port — but it is evi-

S E D E N T A R Y M E R C H A N T , 1765-1844

23

a favorable sale. It is possible that Joseph Lee's ability as a ship-designer contributed something to the speed and consequent success of Cabot privateers. If any dominant factor, other than luck, however, is to be sought for in the success of Cabot privateering ventures, it is probable that an unusually large capital, making possible the spreading of investments over a large number of privateers, was responsible. A single run of bad luck, which would completely crush the owner of shares in only half a dozen privateers, would but slightly affect the merchant interested in two dozen. IV.

T H E PERIOD OF TRANSITION

After the Treaty of Paris there was no mad stampede by Massachusetts merchants, as citizens of the United States, to enter into commercial relations with those parts of the world from which as colonials they had been barred. The East India Company's monopoly had hitherto kept American vessels from trading in the Pacific, and, when the Revolution was over and American independence was recognized, one would expect American merchants to think of the trade, for example with Canton for which, before the Revolution, colonials had dug ginseng to be sent to China by way of England. Indeed a New England vessel, loaded with ginseng, sailed for Canton, December, 1783, but sold her cargo to British East Indiamen at the Cape of Good Hope. It was not until August, 1784, that an American vessel, from New York, actually arrived at Canton. But in 1785 there were no arrivals whatever in China from America, though in 1786 there were five, three from New York and one each from Philadelphia and Salem. During the next two years the trade fell off but in 1789 increased to 15 vessels— more than had arrived at Canton during all the five preceding years. This peak was not reached again for a decade, when in 1799 the arrival of 18 American vessels was noted, although the number had been steadily increasing since 1793. In 1801 there were 36 American vessels at Canton — more than all the British-owned vessels then in that port — but it is evi-

THE JACKSONS

AND

THE

LEES

dent that, during the first decade that the trade was open, there was no frantic rush of American shipowners to participate in the trade with China. Some ports were more forward than others. New Y o r k at first took the lead; then, for a time, Salem was predominant, 5 of the 15 American vessels at Canton in 1789 belonging to that port. But four of these five belonged to Elias Hasket Derby. "Boston," writes Foster Rhea Dulles, "was the only important seaport which seemed to lag in this sudden rush to tap the markets of Canton." 13 T h e first Boston vessel to visit Canton returned to her home port in 1790; she had gone to China by way of the North West Coast and circumnavigated the world before returning to the United States. The first vessel to go directly from Boston to China sailed in 1790 and was sold in Canton. There is perhaps some significance in the fact that the first American vessel to sail for Canton (though she did not complete the voyage) was from little Hingham and the third from Albany. Perhaps the merchants of these little ports were more alert to the new possibilities than were those in some of the more prosperous seaboard cities which before the Revolution had thrived on their own characteristic forms of commerce and were principally anxious to return to them as soon as peace permitted. Neither of the merchants in whom, during the period immediately after the Revolution, we are chiefly interested — Jonathan Jackson and Joseph Lee, Sr. — showed for several years that he was aware that new seas had been opened to his cargoes. Jonathan Jackson had in 1765 entered business for himself as an importer of British goods; twenty years later, on the arrival of peace, his first impulse was to remove to Boston, form a partnership with Stephen Higginson, and go to London to order an assortment of British dry goods. While in partnership with the Tracys, Jackson had been concerned in shipping wheat, rice, and flour to ports of the Iberian Peninsula, such as Lisbon; and now we find his partner, Stephen Higginson, contracting to ship wheat from Virginia to Lisbon, and Jackson himself purchasing tea from a firm in the latter city. Little as we know of the details of the Jackson & Higginson firm's busi-

S E D E N T A R Y M E R C H A N T , 1765-1844

25

ness, we know that they were trading in the French West Indies, where they lost heavily because of a dishonest agent and the discriminatory French laws, and that Jackson while in London was trying unsuccessfully to arouse sentiment in favor of admitting Americans to the trade with the British West Indies. Trade with the West Indies had been, of course, one of the forms of commerce most typical of colonial New England. One variation from pre-Revolutionary colonial commerce Jackson & Higginson did, however, try to introduce, by establishing a factor at Richmond, Va., to sell European goods on commission and ship tobacco and wheat. In other words, these Boston merchants had the intention of stepping into the shoes of the Britishers who had previously supplied the needs and handled the crops of Virginia planters. Jackson & Higginson, however, failed in 1787 or shortly thereafter, because of unforeseen events connected with their West India trade, so soon that we know nothing of their success or lack of it in their trade with Virginia. Joseph Lee continued in commerce for twenty years after the Treaty of Paris and is thus much more useful as an example of the Massachusetts merchant in the period immediately following the Revolution than is Jonathan Jackson, whose postRevolutionary commercial life amounted to but a scant four years. Before the Revolution, Joseph Lee, in partnership with some of his Cabot brothers-in-law, had been engaged in shipping fish and lumber to the British West Indies, taking returns in sugar, coffee, and molasses to be used in his rum distillery, and shipping rum and other merchandise to Philadelphia and Charleston, the proceeds to be invested in wheat, flour, and rice for Spain and Portugal, taking returns in wine, fruit, and salt. Of 44 foreign voyages in which we know Joseph Lee was concerned, 1783-1802, 24 were of the above types, 19 being to the West Indies and 5 to Spain or Portugal. The voyages of this period differed from the pre-Revolutionary voyages only in that they were to such French, Dutch, and Danish islands as Martinique, Haiti, St. Eustatius, and St. Croix, instead of to the English islands of Jamaica, Granada, St. Lucia, etc., which were now closed to American vessels.

26

THE JACKSONS AND THE

LEES

It is significant, however, that the above-mentioned voyages were nearly all made during the years 1783-91, the sole exception being a voyage to Hispaniola (Haiti) in 1798. A voyage to Dublin with lumber in 1787 could also have been made as well before the Revolution as afterwards — indeed better. It is easy to see why Jonathan Jackson, emerging from the storm of the Revolution with his commercial fortunes badly buffeted, almost a wreck, should have decisively rejected, if he ever considered, embarking on any untried seas of trade. The final shattering of his commercial career occurred when as yet only eight American vessels had visited Canton, earliest Mecca of post-Revolutionary commercial pilgrims. Joseph Lee, however, had safely weathered the storm and reached a peace-time port with holds crammed and deck piled with war-acquired capital; yet for a decade his commercial course was almost identical with what it had been before the Revolution. Still, he could not long remain oblivious to the huge profits in the East India trade being accumulated by the merchants of his former city of residence, Salem, just across the bay; and at last in 1792 he entered the trade with the Far East by becoming concerned in a voyage to the Isle of France for coffee. The return cargo produced no profit, and it was not until 1795 that Joseph Lee again ventured into the Far Eastern trade, this time becoming concerned one-fourth in a vessel and cargo to Benkulen in Sumatra, returning with pepper. This enterprise proved highly successful and from then on voyages to the East Indies with Spanish dollars took the place in Joseph Lee's business life previously occupied by smaller and less profitable voyages to the West Indies with salt fish. During the period 1795-1802 he was concerned in ten additional voyages to the East Indies, seven to Calcutta, two to Canton, and one to Batavia, all of which were highly successful, the profit in one case being but little short of 100%. In only one of these ten voyages, however, was he interested in the vessel as well as the cargo; instead, he merely shipped Spanish dollars as freight on the vessels of others, paying the supercargo a commission for investing his funds in Canton or Calcutta merchandise. Not until the commercial

S E D E N T A R Y M E R C H A N T , 1765-1844

27

generation following Joseph Lee were the Lees to be prominently concerned in the trade with the East Indies as shipowners as well as traders. There were other forms of trade, difficult or impossible to an American merchant before the Revolution, in which Joseph Lee engaged to a slight extent in the second decade following the Treaty of Paris. He was concerned in three voyages to Amsterdam, Hamburg, Copenhagen, and St. Petersburg, but little or nothing is known of them, save that the first voyage with a cargo of coffee was unprofitable. He was also concerned in two vessels which went to Buenos Aires and to Rio de Janeiro and La Plata, both in 1801, both voyages probably illegal, and the latter, at least, unprofitable. But from 1793 to 1802, Joseph Lee could have been properly spoken of as an East India merchant. Thus it can be seen that Joseph Lee's commerce for the first decade after the Revolution was merely an extension of his preRevolutionary trade, marked by no important innovations, while the decade following was one of almost exclusive devotion to the commerce of the Far East. His comparative tardiness in entering the trade with the Orient could evidently not have been ascribed to a lack of capital — the reason which might have been advanced for Jonathan Jackson's failure to take advantage of his new opportunities — and probably resulted from the fact that before the Revolution he had successfully specialized in the trade with the West Indies and the Iberian Peninsula and could see no reason why he should desert this type of commerce for an untried form, the risks in which seemed as conspicuous as the promises. Had Joseph Lee been less successful in the West Indies before the Revolution, he might have earlier tapped the greater potential profits of the East. V.

GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE TRADE WITH INDIA TO 1 8 1 6

To some American merchants in 1784, the restoration of peace seemed more important commercially than the achievement of independence. The first care of such merchants was to dupli-

S E D E N T A R Y M E R C H A N T , 1765-1844

27

generation following Joseph Lee were the Lees to be prominently concerned in the trade with the East Indies as shipowners as well as traders. There were other forms of trade, difficult or impossible to an American merchant before the Revolution, in which Joseph Lee engaged to a slight extent in the second decade following the Treaty of Paris. He was concerned in three voyages to Amsterdam, Hamburg, Copenhagen, and St. Petersburg, but little or nothing is known of them, save that the first voyage with a cargo of coffee was unprofitable. He was also concerned in two vessels which went to Buenos Aires and to Rio de Janeiro and La Plata, both in 1801, both voyages probably illegal, and the latter, at least, unprofitable. But from 1793 to 1802, Joseph Lee could have been properly spoken of as an East India merchant. Thus it can be seen that Joseph Lee's commerce for the first decade after the Revolution was merely an extension of his preRevolutionary trade, marked by no important innovations, while the decade following was one of almost exclusive devotion to the commerce of the Far East. His comparative tardiness in entering the trade with the Orient could evidently not have been ascribed to a lack of capital — the reason which might have been advanced for Jonathan Jackson's failure to take advantage of his new opportunities — and probably resulted from the fact that before the Revolution he had successfully specialized in the trade with the West Indies and the Iberian Peninsula and could see no reason why he should desert this type of commerce for an untried form, the risks in which seemed as conspicuous as the promises. Had Joseph Lee been less successful in the West Indies before the Revolution, he might have earlier tapped the greater potential profits of the East. V.

GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE TRADE WITH INDIA TO 1 8 1 6

To some American merchants in 1784, the restoration of peace seemed more important commercially than the achievement of independence. The first care of such merchants was to dupli-

28

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cate as nearly as possible their pre-Revolutionary commerce with the West Indies and Europe, under the handicap of being shut out from the trade with the British West Indies and with the advantage of being able to trade directly with the Continent of Europe without regard to "enumerated goods" or lines of demarcation. To this category, as we have observed, Joseph Lee belonged. Other merchants were more impressed by the opportunity of trading in the regions from which, as British subjects, they had been barred by the British East India Company's monopoly. Robert Morris and the other Philadelphia merchants, who in February, 1784, dispatched the Empress of China to Canton, and Elias Hasket Derby, who in November of the same year sent the Grand Turk to the Cape of Good Hope, were the pioneers of this less conservative group. It was not long until many of the old-school merchants followed their lead. It was the trade with the Far East which gave early American commerce its characteristic flavor, but although the early history of the China trade has been told and retold, the story of the trade with Calcutta and other ports in India remains unrecounted either in scholarly or popular form. There is no such definiteness, for example, concerning the first American vessel to complete a voyage from the United States to Calcutta and back again as there is in regard to the Empress of China. This obscurity in large measure results from the complexity of the early trade with India, which was at first largely conducted through the entrepot furnished by the Isle of France. Elias Hasket Derby, of Salem, dispatched the Grand Turk, November, 1784, to the Cape of Good Hope with rum, provisions, and ginseng, the returns on which he hoped to invest in tea from China and then to sail for Guinea to sell his rum for ivory and gold-dust, thence to the West Indies for sugar and cotton, and back to Salem. The Grand Turk's captain had by March, 1785, sold all his cargo, except the rum, for specie, but had been unable to obtain any tea. He was on the point of sailing for Guinea when an East Indiaman arrived to whom he finally disposed of his rum for tea, agreeing to deliver the rum at St. Helena. The Grand Turk returned home by way of the West

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Indies, where "her sales proved sufficient to load two ships for home with Grenada rum," arriving at Salem, July 26, 1785. Having thus approached the threshold of the Orient, Elias Hasket Derby intended on the next attempt to enter boldly in, so on December 5, 1785, he dispatched the Grand Turk "on the first voyage from New England to the Isle of France, India, and China." She sold a small part of her cargo at the Cape of Good Hope and the remainder at the Isle of France but found the price of coffee and sugar there unduly high and so accepted the offer of a French merchant to carry freight, to two-thirds of the vessel's capacity, from the Isle of France to Canton and back to Boston. Sailing from the Isle of France in July, 1786, the Salem vessel in September reached Canton, one of the first half dozen vessels from the United States and the first from Massachusetts to trade at that port. The Grand Turk arrived at Salem, May 22, 1787, with a cargo of teas, china, and miscellaneous merchandise. In the meantime, so satisfactory had been the reports concerning the Grand Turk's prospects, that, even "before her arrival at Salem, Mr. Derby dispatched the bark Light Horse and brigantine Three Sisters for the East." The brigantine sailed August, 1786, and the bark, January, 1787, both loaded with miscellaneous provisions for the Cape of Good Hope and the Isle of France. Their cargoes sold well and both vessels returned to Salem, January, 1788, with coffee and Eastern goods. In November, 1787, Elias Hasket Derby had again dispatched the Grand Turk to the Isle of France with a cargo of various provisions, under command of his son and namesake. The elder Derby had ordered his son to remain at the Isle of France, after selling his cargo, to dispose of two other cargoes which would be sent to him in the course of the year. The first of the vessels, the ship Juno, foundered in January, 1788, the second day out. In September Derby cleared the ship Atlanta, about the same time the ship Light Horse, and in November the brig Henry, all with cargoes of provisions for the Isle of France. Elias Hasket Derby, Jr., had arrived in the Grand Turk,

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January, 1788, at the Isle of France, where young Derby sold her cargo and bought the brigantine Sultana, loaded with cotton from Bombay. A little later he sold the Grand Turk for nearly twice her owner's previous valuation and bought the ship Peggy, loading her and the Sultana with general cargoes for Bombay. They sailed about the middle of August, 1788, Elias Hasket, Jr., going in the Peggy, and at Bombay the two cargoes were sold and India cotton and blackwood purchased. Both vessels arrived, December 5, at the Isle of France, where the Sultana's cargo was transferred to the Peggy, which sailed for Salem, arriving June 21, 1789. Her cotton turned out to be an unfortunate investment. Shortly after young Derby's return from Bombay, the Atlanta and the Light Horse arrived at the Isle of France. Their cargoes were sold for bills and the vessels were dispatched to Bombay to load blackwood and cotton for Canton. Elias Hasket, Jr., himself loaded the Sultana for Madras. While he was so engaged, the brig Henry arrived. Derby dispatched the Sultana, sold the Henry's cargo, and proceeded in her to Madras, where he found the Sultana. The two vessels proceeded together to Calcutta, where the Sultana was sold. The Henry took on board a full cargo of India goods and sailed direct for Salem, arriving, after a very long passage, December 31, 1790. The profit of Elias Hasket, Jr.'s three years' absence from home was nearly $100,000. The elder Derby, meanwhile, was approaching Canton by another route. During 1788 he was collecting, with the China market in mind, iron in northern Europe, wine in Madeira, and ginseng nearer home, and on December 4, 1788, the Three Sisters sailed for Batavia, to be followed on February 16, 1789, by the Astraea, for Batavia and Canton. The Astraea reached Batavia, July 13, 1789, where she found the Three Sisters. The former vessel sold part of her cargo there and pushed on to Canton with the rest, sailing August 15. The Three Sisters sold all her cargo and agreed to freight "a cargo of sandalwood, beeswax, rattans, betel nuts, and spices," belonging to a Batavia merchant, to Canton. On September 18, the Astraea arrived at

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31

Whampoa, the port of Canton, where she was joined, October 5, by the Atlanta and the Light Horse, the last from Bombay. Two days later the Three Sisters arrived. I n November, 1789, there were fifteen American ships at Canton, four of which were Derby vessels, and as a result the price of ginseng and other American products fell and that of teas rose. A conference of Derby captains consequently decided to sell two vessels and bring the property home in the remaining two. T h e Atlanta and the Three Sisters were sold and 728,871 pounds of tea, together with other China goods, were loaded on the Astraea and the Light Horse. T h e Astraea reached Salem, June 1, 1790. T h e Light Horse was sighted June 15 and was narrowly saved from going ashore on the rocks of Marblehead. 1 4 T h e record of the Derby voyages to the F a r East, 1787-90, confused though it may seem, nevertheless clearly reveals several characteristics of the oriental trade at the time. So far as the Derbys were concerned there was no such thing as the "Canton trade" or the "Calcutta trade," per se. T h e oriental trade, which had begun with the shipment of provisions to the Cape of Good Hope and the Isle of France, had evolved into a complicated form of commerce, which potentially included in any one voyage all trading centers of the Indian Ocean. When a vessel cleared for the Isle of France or Batavia, her owner knew that she might turn her cargo at three or four oriental ports before returning to the home port or being herself sold. But it is also clear that more and more during these particular years the lodestone of the Derby trade was coming to be Canton. Of the seven Derby vessels dispatched from Salem, 1787-88, one foundered, one was sold in the Isle of France, one returned home from Calcutta, and the others all arrived at Canton, where two were sold. Out of this complex trade, typical of the Derbys, were to develop, and side by side with it were already being carried on, several simpler, more specialized, types of oriental commerce, an extreme example of which was the direct voyage of the Empress of China, 1784-85, from New York to Canton and

32

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back. While the Derbys were turning their cargoes of provisions and miscellaneous goods at Mauritius and Bombay, or at Batavia, in order to obtain commodities suitable for sale at Canton, the Columbia, fitted out by a group of Boston merchants, was procuring on the North West Coast a cargo of seaotter skins for the Canton market, thus founding a system of triangular trade which was to be characteristic of Boston's China commerce for a quarter of a century. A Salem vessel opened in 1793 a trade in pepper from Sumatra which paralleled in importance Boston's North West Coast commerce. Even the Derbys seem to have retreated somewhat, as years went by, to trade of that lesser complexity exemplified in earlier voyages to the Cape of Good Hope and the Isle of France. "From 1788 to 1799," the elder Derby's biographer remarks, "he pursued the India trade with vigor, but he seems to have been surfeited with tea. His principal voyages after 1790, were either direct to the Cape, the Isle of France, Bourbon, Calcutta, Madras, or from Salem to England, Spain, France, Sweden, or Madeira, and thence to the East Indies." 15 Another historian comments: "Although Mr. Derby carried on most of his business with the Isle of France, he occasionally sent a vessel on a direct voyage to Batavia, Manila, or Calcutta, and many of his ships that carried goods out to the Isle of France proceeded to India for a return cargo." Among Derby voyages in the last decade of the eighteenth century we find one in 1792-93 to Calcutta and Madras, another in 1793 to Madras and Rangoon, another in 1796-97 to Lisbon, Madeira, and Manila, and still another to Mocha in 1799 — the first ever made in an American vessel to this port. 16 Such complex voyages as those of the Derbys, and of the Derby-trained shipowner-captain Richard J. Cleveland, 17 have attained greater literary prominence, because of their variegated and romantic character, than the comparatively sober and sedate direct commerce between the United States and a single oriental port, such as Canton or Calcutta. While there were such more or less complex voyages as, first, those of merchants who turned their cargoes at the Isle of France and at Bombay

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33

to get a cargo for Madras and Calcutta — perhaps with the intention of going on to Canton — and, second, those who traded on the North West Coast and at Batavia to obtain a cargo for China, there were also simple voyages, that is, vessels went directly to Canton or Calcutta and returned immediately, thus minimizing the hazards of coming to an unfavorable market and making it possible for the sedentary merchant to plan his marketing campaign in advance and to build up a reputation for keeping a well-assorted supply of goods on hand. The first American vessel to trade with Canton, the Empress of China, loaded with ginseng, made a direct voyage; and others were to follow. There were always some merchants able to scrape together enough specie (from the West Indies and Spain) for a voyage either to Canton or Calcutta, at both of which ports Spanish dollars were the staple article in the outward cargo, helped out, for the Canton market, by ginseng, furs, cotton, cochineal, quicksilver, etc., and for Calcutta by provisions and naval supplies. As trade with Europe and the West Indies developed after the Revolution, it became increasingly easy to load a vessel for the Orient entirely at a United States port, with dollars from Spain and Spanish possessions, and, for Canton in particular, with lead and quicksilver from Spain and cochineal and blackwood from the West Indies. Moreover, an increasing number of merchants came to have larger and larger funds to invest in cargoes of North American, West India, and Spanish goods for the Far East. The wars arising somewhat later out of the French Revolution gave the United States, as a neutral nation, an advantage, particularly in trade with ports belonging to one or the other of the belligerents, and, by increasing American prosperity, at once stimulated a steady demand in the United States for oriental goods and made available funds for the trade. Jay's Treaty gave Americans rights of trade in the British ports of India which they had previously enjoyed only as a favor which might be withdrawn without warning. A minor factor in stimulating direct trade with India was revolutionary activity in the Isle of France, which caused some merchants to pass by that half-way house to the Orient.

THE JACKSONS AND THE LEES Indirect trade, of course, continued, the Boston-North West Coast-Canton triangle being of particular importance. It is, however, noteworthy that John Jacob Astor of New York, greatest sedentary merchant of his time, from his entrance into the Far Eastern trade in 1800 until early in 1812, had sent 12 vessels to the Orient — 10 to Canton and 2 to Calcutta — all of which had gone and returned directly. It was not until 1812 that his earliest vessel to trade with Canton by way of the North West Coast returned to New York. Astor was enabled to carry on a direct trade with Canton because of his large capital and his position in the fur trade, furs being an article always in demand at Canton. There were others, however, who were able to carry on a direct trade with the Far East without his advantages. Patrick Tracy Jackson and the brothers Joseph Lee, Jr., and Henry Lee, many of whose business papers are printed below, traded, however, rather with Calcutta than with Canton. From the historical point of view this is fortunate, for the Indian side of United States commerce with the Orient has received scant attention, particularly in comparison with the China trade. China, with its mysterious, inaccessible emperor, its single open port, its contempt for and restrictions on foreigners, its trade monopoly or the co-hong, has from the first had a strong romantic appeal, which the Indian ports of Calcutta, Madras, and Bombay, under British control and not presenting such a strong lure of the mysterious and forbidden, could never hope to rival. Yet Calcutta's commercial importance is indicated by the fact that in 1800 there were 24 vessels that cleared for the United States from Calcutta 18 and only 23 from Canton.19 Accordingly, any information concerning the methods used in the trade with the Indian port cannot but be of value. Patrick Tracy Jackson's first voyage to Calcutta as a supercargo is typical of the direct trade between Boston and the former port. He arrived, November 12, 1802, on the Hannah with a cargo consisting primarily of dollars, secondarily of a miscellaneous assortment of such goods as brandy, claret, vinegar, almonds, currants, hats, tiles, iron, and tobacco. The Hannah cleared for Boston, January 25, 1803, with a cargo of

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cotton goods, sugar, gunny bags, lines and twine, stick-lac, and cow hides. P. T. Jackson's next India voyage, however, was of a much more complex nature. He went on the Pembroke to Calcutta, arriving March n , 1804, sold his cargo, and sent the vessel home loaded with cottons and silk goods, himself remaining behind with goods for which there had been no room. Part of these he shipped on a vessel for New York; then he and Andrew Cabot took passage, with the rest of the cargo in sugar, on another New York vessel, but decided to stop at the Cape of Good Hope, where part of the sugar was sold and part transferred to still another vessel for New York. Andrew Cabot took all the specie which could be raised and went to the Isle of France to buy a vessel, but in the meantime P. T. Jackson bought one at the Cape, loaded her with coffee, pepper, sugar, cotton, wine, brandy, etc., and sent her to the United States. Learning that Andrew Cabot had gone home from the Isle of France, Jackson made a further shipment of wine and aloes to the United States and decided to go to Batavia with a cargo consisting principally of wines, but was prevented by the captyre of the Cape by the British and by stormy weather. He sold part of his cargo and the remainder he shipped to Batavia with instructions either to send the returns to the United States in coffee or to remit to Calcutta. Jackson himself went with a cargo of wine to Prince of Wales Island in the Malay Archipelago where he disposed of his cargo and loaded with pepper, saltpetre, and nutmegs, returning to the Cape, where he decided to remain to take care of his funds still remaining there; he finally got back to Boston, March 17, 1807. This complex series of operations, however, was unpremeditated, being necessitated by Jackson's inability to load all his returns on the vessel by which he had gone to Calcutta. In the meantime the Lees, Joseph, Jr., and Henry, had entered the Calcutta trade. Their father, Joseph Lee, Sr., had been interested, 1792-1802, in at least 14 voyages to the Isle of France, Sumatra, Calcutta, Canton, and Batavia, though only two of these, apparently, were by vessels of which he was part owner. Joseph Lee, Jr., who had become a sedentary Boston

36

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merchant in 1792, manifested no interest in the trade with the Far East for several years, but perhaps by 1797 was importing saltpetre from Bengal and by 1799 certainly was regularly sending adventures to and receiving shipments from both Calcutta and Canton on vessels belonging to other merchants. In 1802, Joseph Lee, Jr., in association with his brother George as captain and his brother Henry as supercargo, sent his first East India vessel, the brig Caravan, to Calcutta. From 1802 through 1809, all seven voyages of the four Lee vessels, the Caravan, Dromo, Gulliver, and Gipsy, went direct from Boston to Calcutta and back to the United States, though on one occasion a vessel returned to New York rather than to Boston and was sold there. A voyage to Calcutta via Leghorn, in order to obtain dollars at the latter port, was once considered but not carried out. The greater amount of the funds available for the outward cargo was invested in Spanish dollars but a vessel could not, of course, be loaded entirely with specie and was consequently filled up with bulkier articles of a very miscellaneous nature. The Gulliver's cargo, sold in Calcutta, September, 1807, consisted, in addition to specie, of bottles, corks, gin jugs, brandy, wine, brandied fruit, currants, mahogany, and marble tile.20 Not a single article in this list was a typical United States product: probably the glassware was from England and/or Germany (though by 1817 "Some rich glass ware" was being made in Boston), 21 the liquors, fruit, corks, and tile from southern Europe, and the mahogany from the West Indies. These commodities had doubtless in large part been purchased with the proceeds of consignments of East India goods shipped by the Lees to the Continent and the Caribbean. The Gipsy's outward cargo, sold in 1810, was slightly more American in flavor, and, in addition to such articles already noticed as bottles, corks, demijohns, glassware, and port wine, consisted of gin and ale (perhaps from England though the gin might have been distilled either in Holland or the United States), fish, cheese, pipestaves, and tables (doubtless local products), iron hoops (which might have originated either in England or Pennsylvania), tartar and saffron (perhaps from southern Europe), and lignum-

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vitae (from the West Indies). 22 Other possibilities for the Calcutta market were such American products as tar, turpentine, spars, and cod oil; also coal from England. Of the two Lee vessels sailing for Calcutta in 1810, only one, the Gipsy, went directly to Calcutta, to purchase a cargo both for herself and for the Gulliver, which went with a freight of potash, staves, cotton, and wheat to Liverpool, where she was to load with "Bottles, Pale Ale & Glass Ware." 23 In this year several indirect voyages to India were noted. "The ship Pilgrim of Salem sail'd . . . for Madeira, Teneriffe, & Bombay. . . . The ship Java own'd by J Prince, Derby &c saild . . . from Teneriffe for Madras . . . she will probably go on to Calcutta." 24 A favorite voyage from the United States to India was by way of the Madeiras and Canaries, for wine. In 1811 Andrew Cabot's brig Reaper, Henry Lee, supercargo, was sent with a cargo of lumber to Bristol, where the vessel was loaded with "Bottles, Iron hoops, Glass Ware, Ale & small quantity of Hams &Cheese," porter, perry, arrow root, tin plates, rum, crockery, shoes, corks, and coal for Calcutta. 25 In 1810, P. T. Jackson was concerned in five vessels making voyages to India. Two of these, owned by the Lees, were going to Calcutta, the Gipsy direct, the Gulliver by way of Liverpool and Madeira; the Boston, owned by Jackson himself, had been sent to the Portuguese port of Daman; the Charon, partly, and the Vancouver, entirely owned by Jackson, went to Madras. The Vancouver's cargo was somewhat more American than the Lees' Calcutta cargoes. The turpentine, spirits of turpentine, tar, salmon, and "Country Gin" were American products, the "Swedes Iron," iron hoops, and bottles probably from northern Europe, and the corks from Spain or Portugal. 26 This difference between the Madras cargo and one to Calcutta was, however, largely accidental, and a cargo for either Indian port stands out in strong contrast, save for its specie constituent, to the ginseng, furs, cochineal, and cotton of a cargo for Canton. It is evident that the transportation of European goods to India in American vessels was an important aspect of the trade between the United States and the Indian ports of Calcutta and Madras.

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The proceeds of specie, exchange, and merchandise sent on American vessels to India were invested principally in cotton goods, but also in sugar, silks, indigo, saltpetre, spices, drugs and gums, hides and horns, gunny bags, twine, etc. Exports from Madras were at once less important and more closely confined to cotton goods than those from Calcutta, which were of a highly variegated character. Some of the goods imported into the United States from India met a local sale: hides to shoe and harness factories, indigo and other dyestuffs to textile manufacturers, saltpetre to powder mills, sugar, spices, drugs, silks, and cottons to grocers, apothecaries, and dry-goods merchants. Some of the gunny bagging and cotton goods were shipped to the South to be used in baling cotton and in clothing the slaves who had hoed and picked it. Bright-colored cottons were shipped directly to the West Coast of Africa or to the West Indies, with the Slave Coast as their ultimate destination; India silks clothed the wives and daughters of southern and West India planters. Other India goods, wherever Napoleonic decrees and British Orders in Council allowed or could be circumvented, were shipped to European ports from St. Petersburg to Leghorn: to Russia, principally spices and dyestuffs, such as turmeric and indigo; to Holland and France, sugar; and to Leghorn, nankeens. These East India goods were mingled with products of the United States, such as potash, wheat, cotton, and lumber, and of the West Indies, such as coffee and cochineal. These West India goods were probably part of the returns from East India cargoes. Some of the returns from Europe — gin and iron from northern ports, wine and brandy from southern Europe — would be used to make up cargoes for India; and Russia sail cloth and hempen rope rigged out the ships which plied between Boston and the Orient; a part of each of the above commodities, as well as the textiles from Leghorn and France, which were of a higher quality than those from India, met a sale in the United States. The end of a period in the development of the American trade with the East Indies came during the War of 1812. In the period immediately preceding its outbreak a number of India

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merchants — among them Joseph Lee, Jr., and Henry Lee, early in 1811 — failed, thus tending to concentrate the trade in the hands of those with a larger capital. Other merchants began to turn from merchandising to textile manufacturing; conspicuous among these was P. T. Jackson, whose commercial craft, three years earlier, had barely missed being stranded, though she had finally managed to scrape over the bar. The opening in 1813, by act of Parliament, of the trade with India to non-members of the East India Company greatly increased competition and assisted in crowding out many of the American merchants who had not already withdrawn, either from failure or because of other interests, such as local textile manufacturing. By entering into war with Great Britain, the United States willfully abdicated a favored position as principal neutral carrier which she had occupied for nearly a score of years, and the end, in 1815, of the Napoleonic Wars brought her into vigorous competition once more with the carrying trade of other countries. Finally, in 1816, the Congress of the United States, by placing a prohibitive duty upon coarse foreign textiles, at one stroke made it impossible for East India merchants to deal profitably in what had hitherto been the principal staple of their trade. Within five years the American trade with India was transformed from princess to changeling. VI.

G E N E R A L C H A R A C T E R I S T I C S OF T H E E A S T I N D I A TRADE,

1816-1852

But the East India trade was by no means deserted by all her former suitors; deprived though she was of what had been her principal attraction, many of her charms still remained. Henry Lee was one of those who continued loyal to the Calcutta trade. For two or three years after his return to the United States in the summer of 1816, he continued to pursue the India trade, as nearly as possible as if nothing had happened. During this period he continued the role of shipowner, which he had reassumed shortly after his return, and carried on the trade largely in his own vessels. The ship Cruttenden, after consider-

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merchants — among them Joseph Lee, Jr., and Henry Lee, early in 1811 — failed, thus tending to concentrate the trade in the hands of those with a larger capital. Other merchants began to turn from merchandising to textile manufacturing; conspicuous among these was P. T. Jackson, whose commercial craft, three years earlier, had barely missed being stranded, though she had finally managed to scrape over the bar. The opening in 1813, by act of Parliament, of the trade with India to non-members of the East India Company greatly increased competition and assisted in crowding out many of the American merchants who had not already withdrawn, either from failure or because of other interests, such as local textile manufacturing. By entering into war with Great Britain, the United States willfully abdicated a favored position as principal neutral carrier which she had occupied for nearly a score of years, and the end, in 1815, of the Napoleonic Wars brought her into vigorous competition once more with the carrying trade of other countries. Finally, in 1816, the Congress of the United States, by placing a prohibitive duty upon coarse foreign textiles, at one stroke made it impossible for East India merchants to deal profitably in what had hitherto been the principal staple of their trade. Within five years the American trade with India was transformed from princess to changeling. VI.

G E N E R A L C H A R A C T E R I S T I C S OF T H E E A S T I N D I A TRADE,

1816-1852

But the East India trade was by no means deserted by all her former suitors; deprived though she was of what had been her principal attraction, many of her charms still remained. Henry Lee was one of those who continued loyal to the Calcutta trade. For two or three years after his return to the United States in the summer of 1816, he continued to pursue the India trade, as nearly as possible as if nothing had happened. During this period he continued the role of shipowner, which he had reassumed shortly after his return, and carried on the trade largely in his own vessels. The ship Cruttenden, after consider-

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able delay and with some misgivings, he dispatched from Philadelphia to Calcutta early in May, 1817, with a cargo indistinguishable from that which he might have shipped prior to the late war, consisting of cider, gin, rum, wine, olives, lignumvitae, logwood, steel, bottles, brimstone, verdigris, whiting, linseed oil, and French goods.27 Henry Lee's friend, Ozias Goodwin, about the same time was shipping "Boards, Bottles Lignumvitae, Paints, Salmon, Cordage, Iron, Brimstone &c &c." 28 In October of that same year Henry Lee made a shipment of mahogany, quicksilver, salmon, seltzer water, and specie 29 by the brig Lascar, owned by his brother Joseph and their friend William Oliver. In 1818 he again sent the Cruttenden, and made a shipment by the Lascar to Calcutta, but after 1819 he did not, so far as is known, trade in vessels in which he was himself interested, and only once was he concerned in a consignment by a vessel belonging to one of his brothers. After 1816, moreover, the importations from Calcutta were quite different. Henry Lee stressed again and again in his correspondence that the trade in cotton textiles had been finished, by competition with domestic cottons assisted by a prohibitive tariff. "We have given up the Calcutta trade," he wrote, "except for raw cotton, Manufactures will not do — The Duty on coarse Cloths under new Tariff is from 60 to 70%, and they are lower than they were 12 Mo s . ago the Stock on hand being very large — The Domestics now undersell them and [are] extending in all directions." And in the following year he repeated: "The trade to Calcutta is now almost confined to Sugar &Cotton, and no longer affords those advantages to me which it would have done had not the duties on Piece Goods been increased, they are not used in this country and the demand for exportation is limited." 30 Henry Lee, although he still continued occasionally to purchase India cottons, did so only under unusual circumstances, such as might be created by uncommon cheapness or an unexpected demand. Instead, he dealt in saltpetre, castor oil, asafetida, ginger,31 and various drugs and gums for which India was the only source, at the same time not losing contact with the trade in Bengal cottons and availing

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himself of every opportunity to derive some profit from the domestic textile industry which had so seriously interfered with his trade in the products of India looms. For example, not only did he still deal, on occasion, in Calcutta cottons, which his knowledge of qualities and markets enabled him sometimes to do at a profit, but he also imported India silks, on which the tariff was not prohibitive, and mixed silk and cotton fabrics, which were admitted on the same basis as silks. A large element in his importations was indigo, for sale to domestic textile manufacturers, and, when the demand for cotton raised the price sufficiently to justify importation, he would import India cotton to supply the looms of the United States. Henry Lee's principal importations immediately after his return were, however, saltpetre and indigo, followed by textiles (silk, cotton, and mixed), drugs, and spices. The saltpetre was disposed of to American powdermills, but a large part of the textiles were, as formerly, shipped to the West Indies; and to Europe, now open to American trade, went much of the textiles and indigo. These shipments, particularly those of textiles, were not, however, successful, for a variety of reasons. Restrictions upon the slave trade, adopted by a number of nations near and after the end of the Napoleonic Wars, reduced the demand for the bright coarse cottons which had once been the largest element in Lee's importations from India. The opening of the India trade to British merchants in general greatly decreased the possibilities for profitable shipments to Europe, and this competition was rendered more severe by the fact that "a treaty . . . concluded with Great Britain in July [1815] . . . provided . . . that American vessels were to trade with her East India possessions only directly to and from the United States," 32 thus preventing American vessels from going with a cargo directly from Calcutta to the continent of Europe. "I am afraid the direct cargoes from Calcutta will in future prevent our doing anything to advantage in Bengal goods to Italy," was Henry Lee's complaint.33 Henry Lee conceived the idea of circumventing this restriction by carrying on a direct trade with Marseilles, Cadiz, and even London, concealing the

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American interest involved, but this project proved abortive, as had a pre-War of 1812 plan for going to Calcutta via Leghorn and picking up a consignment of Spanish dollars en route. His innovation of locating permanent agents in Calcutta for the purchase and sale of goods was but little more successful, this time not because of any insurmountable obstacles in the international commercial situation but because of a short-sighted inability to adapt himself to an obvious change in the market. Henry Lee had been accustomed to buy for the American and West India markets, which did not demand goods of high quality and would pay as much for broken indigo and for coarse and stained cottons as they would for the carefully selected merchandise handled by the East India Company. Now, on entering the European market, he continued to urge upon his India agents the investment of his funds in low-quality Calcutta goods, which, after it was too late, he discovered could not be profitably disposed of in Europe. The result was that, five years after his return from Calcutta and ten years after his first failure in business, he seems to have found himself in such straitened circumstances as to necessitate another voyage to India as a supercargo. He went on the brig Palmer, belonging to his brother Joseph, which cleared from Boston, April 2, 1821, and returned home again on June 8, 1822.34 This voyage proved highly successful to all concerned 35 and Henry Lee never again found himself under the necessity of thus recouping his fortunes. But although Henry Lee remained connected with the India trade until the early 1840's, he found this final period of his business life a constant struggle in the midst of contracting opportunities. No longer a shipowner, such importations as he made from Calcutta came in the vessels of others, and more and more he ceased to import goods on his own account and devoted himself to the sale on commission of India goods shipped him from London or directly from Calcutta and Madras. 36 Formerly, [he wrote in 1841], when we use[d] to import 150.000 ps of hdfs and 2 @ 3000 Chests of Indigo and Cotton goods, a stock

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43

of $150,000 @ 200.000 [would] be made up. . . . Now hdfs are almost entirely out of use, superseded by those printed here and by British printed Corahs. . . . Cotton goods are done and as to Indigo the last 10 years — 8 of them have been losing ones, so that with the exception of Mr. Peabody. I doubt if any orders go out save now and then for manufacturers. The agents ask the London prices and more and generally speaking we can get our supplies lower from London than here and shipments are now made from that place on consignment. The import trade is now reduced principally to gruff goods and the best article hides, is now so much [sought ?] for by British and French traders than [? that ?] we can no longer expect to gain much upon it or to import our former quantity.

Shortly after his return from Calcutta in 1816, Henry Lee had discovered that the competition in the newly opened India trade had so reduced prices in London that it was more profitable to purchase piece goods there than to take the risk of importing them directly from Calcutta. The same, as we have seen above, was now true of indigo. In 1840, Henry Lee was importing, from Manchester, imitations of Calcutta goods, while cottons manufactured in New England were competing successfully in Calcutta both with the products of the native looms and with those of the English factories. Nothing could more graphically illustrate the upset in Massachusetts business life, and particularly in the trade with the East Indies during the preceding quarter century, than this reversal of the previous positions of Massachusetts and Calcutta in the production of textiles. Henry Lee's son and namesake, who had, in 1836 on his graduation from Harvard, "entered his father's 'counting room,'" and was in 1838 taken into partnership, maintained the family tradition, after his father's final retirement in 1842, by continuing in the drastically contracted India trade, supplemented by the trade in coffee with Rio de Janeiro, as junior partner in the firm of Bullard & Lee, headed by W. S. Bullard. Their functions were those of factors and commission merchants — the chartering and loading of vessels for Calcutta and Rio, and the selling on commission of the return cargoes. Bullard & Lee continued in this line of business for something over

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a decade, but "in 1852 it was quite time to retire from this commercial business. The protective tariff had slowly but surely destroyed the foreign commerce by which the merchants and shipowners of New England had hitherto lived and prospered." Henry Lee, Jr., was not interested in "the dull business of spinning as many yards of cotton cloth as could be sold in each year" — which to his uncle P. T . Jackson had appeared one of the most exciting occupations imaginable — and remaining "a stalwart free trader to the end of his days . . . he carried his hostility to these upstart factories so far that he would never invest in their stocks [?]." Thus debarred from commerce and from manufacturing, he turned his attention to banking and brokerage and joined the firm of Lee, Higginson & Co., of which the senior member was his relative, John C. Lee, and the junior, George Higginson, was his brother-in-law.37 Thus, in 1852, ended the Lee interest in ocean-borne commerce which had endured interruptedly for at least a century and a quarter and had involved five generations, three of which generations had engaged in the trade with the East Indies. VII.

B U S I N E S S A S P E C T S OF T H E C O L O N I A L A N D E A R L Y

P O S T - R E V O L U T I O N A R Y C O M M E R C E OF M A S S A C H U S E T T S

To the general, and perhaps even the economic, historian it suffices to know with what ports American vessels traded at particular periods, what were the staples of these trades, what the changes in the course and volume of trade and the commodities involved, and what the reasons for these changes. The business historian, on the other hand, insists on enquiring, in addition, into the source of the capital employed in a voyage, the origin of the outward and inward cargoes and the processes by which they found their way to the vessel, the persons involved in these operations and the character of their remuneration, and finally, the resultant profits to the sedentary merchant or merchants supplying the capital and instructions for the voyage. All these problems are so closely related that it is only with difficulty that they are even temporarily separated for the

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a decade, but "in 1852 it was quite time to retire from this commercial business. The protective tariff had slowly but surely destroyed the foreign commerce by which the merchants and shipowners of New England had hitherto lived and prospered." Henry Lee, Jr., was not interested in "the dull business of spinning as many yards of cotton cloth as could be sold in each year" — which to his uncle P. T . Jackson had appeared one of the most exciting occupations imaginable — and remaining "a stalwart free trader to the end of his days . . . he carried his hostility to these upstart factories so far that he would never invest in their stocks [?]." Thus debarred from commerce and from manufacturing, he turned his attention to banking and brokerage and joined the firm of Lee, Higginson & Co., of which the senior member was his relative, John C. Lee, and the junior, George Higginson, was his brother-in-law.37 Thus, in 1852, ended the Lee interest in ocean-borne commerce which had endured interruptedly for at least a century and a quarter and had involved five generations, three of which generations had engaged in the trade with the East Indies. VII.

B U S I N E S S A S P E C T S OF T H E C O L O N I A L A N D E A R L Y

P O S T - R E V O L U T I O N A R Y C O M M E R C E OF M A S S A C H U S E T T S

To the general, and perhaps even the economic, historian it suffices to know with what ports American vessels traded at particular periods, what were the staples of these trades, what the changes in the course and volume of trade and the commodities involved, and what the reasons for these changes. The business historian, on the other hand, insists on enquiring, in addition, into the source of the capital employed in a voyage, the origin of the outward and inward cargoes and the processes by which they found their way to the vessel, the persons involved in these operations and the character of their remuneration, and finally, the resultant profits to the sedentary merchant or merchants supplying the capital and instructions for the voyage. All these problems are so closely related that it is only with difficulty that they are even temporarily separated for the

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purpose of individual inspection, when they must be at once restored to their original setting. It is possible and convenient, however, to consider separately the comparatively simple and lightly capitalized trade with the West Indies and the Iberian Peninsula, characteristic of the period before, during, and immediately after the Revolution, and the highly capitalized and infinitely complex trade with the East Indies which gave distinction to American commerce during the early nineteenth century. It is assumed that no one would set up as a sedentary merchant without some small capital of his own, acquired perhaps as an inheritance, or perhaps resulting from commissions, primage, and privileges received as compensation for performing the services of a shipmaster. But, given a small capital, there were various methods of depending partly upon other than one's own funds for carrying on business. A young would-be importer of British goods like Jonathan Jackson, belonging to a respectable family, could obtain a letter from a friendly merchant to some of the latter's English correspondents 38 and obtain, on the strength of this introduction, an invoice of goods on twelve months' credit, which he would dispose of to consumers or small retailers, on six months' credit, at the most. Even had a merchant been able and willing to pay cash, he might have found the 5 % discount for cash too small to compensate him for the loss of a year's credit, although Jackson & Bromfield, after a couple of years' experience, decided that some firms, selling on credit, charged goods so high "that most Goods may be got from 10 to 25 p O lower when we lay down our Money for 'em than you put them up at." 39 Still, to those merchants who could not afford to pay cash — and this included most of them — such charges were at times inevitable. Jackson & Bromfield tried to· spin out their capital by ordering direct from manufacturers or from specialists in some particular line of goods, rather than from general merchants. This, however, did not always have the desired effect of saving the middleman's profit, since the shipper sometimes seems to have included its equivalent in his own charges.40 A young merchant might also make

4

6

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the most of his slender capital by inducing some other promising beginner to form a partnership with him. 41 Or, if he were fortunate, he might himself be invited to join some established firm as junior partner — particularly if connected by blood or marriage with the principals of the firm. In an emergency a merchant with a good reputation (especially if he also had prosperous relatives) could usually add temporarily to his capital by borrowing. A merchant or firm owning no vessels was forced to depend upon captains employed by other merchant-shipowners and upon correspondents in other cities for the sale of the outward cargoes shipped as freight and for the investment of the proceeds in return cargoes. Jackson & Bromfield offered 2 ^ 2 % commission to a Canadian merchant for selling rum, and the same to a certain " f a c t o r " (he would later have been described as a supercargo) who went with a cargo of flaxseed to Cork. T h e y intrusted a captain bound for the West Indies with gold to be used in purchasing pimento, ginger, logwood, coffee, cotton, sugar, or molasses, for which he was to receive 5 % on sugar or molasses and 4 % on other articles, as well as "customary Freight." T h e y offered a London merchant 5 % for buying tea, though the usual commission, as they correctly explained, was only half that percentage. Sometimes the same person would sell the outward consignment and buy the return goods. Jackson, T r a c y & T r a c y offered a Quebec merchant 5 % for selling a cargo of rum and 2 ^ 4 % for purchasing a return cargo of wheat. A resident merchant in Philadelphia charged 7 Y 2 % , whereas a certain captain, plying between Newburyport and Philadelphia, would "do the Business for 5 p O . Round," a practice which Jackson & Bromfield considered "the Worst of all the Evils that attend a Trade between us," resulting as it did, in "Forced Sales" by the captain, who must clear up his business and return for a new cargo. 42 Jonathan Jackson himself offered to sell on commission at wholesale for 3 % and by retail at % — a rather high charge for "factorage," as he called it, which may be the reason why the offer was not accepted. Jackson & Bromfield also

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47

bought and shipped a cargo of rum to a firm at St. John's, Lower Canada, charging ηγ2 % commission; they felt, however, obliged to explain what apparently was an exceptionally high charge by mentioning that some "mutual Friends" had said that the Canadian firm was in need of rum and would "gladly allow . . . a Commission on the Purchase" of a "Small Cargo;" the risk involved in such an uncertain transaction made the large commission necessary. The transaction was really, then, a shipment of rum on consignment, for sale at ηγ2 % advance on the invoice, rather than a purchase on commission for the account and at the order of the Canadian firm.43 John Hancock used to purchase oil, whalebone, and potash for English or American merchants, charging a 5% commission. Jackson & Higginson offered to sell goods for an Irish merchant for the same commission, "under which no one worthy of Trust does Business with us — very few Charges besides will intervene — there are Government duties— . . . but those you know the Consumer eventually pays for — the gurantee or insurance of Debts would be 2 Υ p O . — as for bills I should not chuse at this distance from home to undertake it or say what we would do it for." 44 The business pattern of a firm trading in its own vessels was somewhat clearer and more complete. The course of a West India voyage was as follows: Joseph Lee & Co. (or some other group of partners), owning a small vessel, a sloop, or schooner, would load her with fish and lumber, purchased either with cash or a note — or perhaps a part of the cargo had been obtained in payment for salt or molasses, or some such commodity received in a return cargo from Spain or the West Indies. The captain, who also acted as supercargo, was given careful instructions as to the prices at which he was to buy and sell, what goods he was to purchase, and where; but he was allowed a good deal of discretion, particularly on the last two points. He was usually paid a commission of 5% on sales and 2% or a little more for purchasing the return cargo. His monthly wage of £2 8s. was only 5s. 4d. more than that of a seaman.45 When the vessel belonged to the captain, he received on codfish " 2 /

48

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Lawfull Money per English Quintal for freight out," or, as it was sometimes expressed, " i / 3 d of a dollar." Commission on sales remained 5% and on returns varied from 3 % on "Light Goods" — canvas and the like — and coffee, through 4% on sugar, to 7% on molasses, increasing with weight and desirability; freight home was usually included in the commission on returns. In one case, however, the captain was promised " i / 3 d of a dollar p r quintal freight" both outward and homeward, 5% on sales, and 2^4% on purchases. The freight per quintal on a cargo of fish to the disturbed island of Haiti in 1798 went up to a dollar, sales and return commissions remaining 5% and 2 y 2 %. 4 e The role and compensation of the captain-supercargo in the trade with the West Indies and in the coasting trade, which was often closely related thereto, were similar. Vessels from the West Indies would stop at Baltimore or Philadelphia to sell their cargo and invest the proceeds in flour or, immediately after returning to their home port, would sail for a middle Atlantic port with a cargo of West India goods, to return with cereal products. The captain-supercargo received on his purchase (with specie from the West Indies) of flour, and 3s., or half a dollar per bbl. freight to the home port. A shipment of coffee and sugar from Beverly to Alexandria, Va., brought the captain-supercargo a sales commission of 5% and freight of 6s. per bbl. back to Beverly. 47 We do not find that the captain-supercargo in the West India or coasting trade required much assistance in the disposal of his outward cargo and the purchase of the returns to the home port. Participation by local merchants in the sale and purchase of cargoes in the West India trade is not conspicuous, though doubtless it sometimes occurred. In other types of colonial and early post-Revolutionary commerce, the sedentary merchant appears more conspicuously in the role of factor. In one instance a captain who had been sent with a shipload of rum to Charleston, S. C., with instructions to invest the proceeds in rice for Cadiz, found it impossible to dispose of his cargo with the requisite dispatch, and so was forced to place it in the hands of

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a Charleston firm which advanced him the funds necessary to load his vessel. Although "the established Charge" for such services was "5 ρ Ο . for purchasing, besides ρ Ο for Storage of inward Cargo," they were willing to handle the cargo merely for half the captain's commission of 5% on sales and on returns, "merely to oblige the captain and to serve you [the owners]." In Spain, the rice had to be disposed of with the assistance of resident merchants. Joseph Lee, Jr., as captain-supercargo on a voyage to Cadiz, received a 2 % commission on the sales of the rice; he also had a "privilege," in this case the right to participate to the extent of 5 % of the rice on board, which perhaps accounts for the rather small sales commission in Cadiz — or perhaps he had again been forced to divide his commission with a resident merchant. A captain writing from Dublin mentioned that there all the masters "received 5 ρ Ο on the freight" as primage. On the sale, in Cadiz, of flour, purchased in Baltimore by the captain-supercargo at a commission of 2^4 %, a resident merchant charged a brokerage of 1%, a commission of 3%, and a del credere of 2%. 48 A supercargo going to Spain with "Staves, Rice, Wax, Butter, Candles . . . bone . . . Beef," to return with brandy, was apparently, according to a rather confusing statement, to receive either "three p r . Cent on the amount of the Cargo" or "Two per Cent & a half on the Cargo" — or perhaps one per cent was on the outward and the other on the return cargo. If brandy could be purchased advantageously on credit the supercargo might be interested one-fourth in 180 or 200 casks to be shipped home as freight on some other vessel or vessels; in this case part of his compensation for his services as supercargo would be the use of his employer's credit for a purchase on his own account.49 The commission on sales of return cargoes by resident American merchants, when not under any immediate pressure of time or for money, seems a few years after the Revolution to have fallen to a usual rate of only 2 ^ %, as compared with a normal charge of 5% before and immediately after the struggle. An American merchant offered to sell wine from Cadiz for "expenses . . . including commissions & ale charges except impost

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[duties] . . . not exceeding 6 per cent perhaps not more than 4 or according to the time of Storage." Evidently 2% or more of the commission first named was regarded as covering storage charges; part of the remaining percentage may have been intended to compensate for a guarantee of payment, leaving little for the net commission on sales. But in some cases 5% continued to be the sales commission.50 This decline of sales commission indicates an increased competition in, and a better organization of, the commission business. If supercargoes in the West India trade received a 5% commission on outward cargoes and 2J/2% on the returns, and if commission merchants charged from 2]/ 2 % to 5% on the purchase and sale of goods, it is evident that the sedentary merchant, for whom these sales and purchases were made, expected to make an even larger percentage of profit on his investment; otherwise he would have had no incentive to furnish the capital with which the trade was carried on. It is difficult to determine what the usual profit was, but it is evident that Jonathan Jackson had an idea of normal rate of return on investment. To his uncle he mentioned that he was accustomed to add an advance of "80 ρ Cent for all kinds of piece goods & 75 if Cash down." 5 1 The 5% difference between the advance on invoice price for credit sales and that for sales on cash must represent the interest for the six months' credit and the compensation for risk of non-payment. The partnership agreement between Jonathan Jackson and John Bromfield provided that goods withdrawn from the common stock should be charged "at fifty ρ Cent Advance from the Sterling Cost." 52 This advance presumably covered at least transportation, duties, and overhead, and made the price a "saving one;" to sell at the sterling price plus 50% advance was apparently regarded as a sale at cost. This allowed a leeway of 2 5 % on the sterling price, between sales at cost and sales for cash, for "profit," which, however, included interest on stock, wages of management, and allowance for commissions. Actual annual profits varied widely but, starting with a capital of £1,600, which was increased at intervals during the first year, from sources outside the business, to nearly £2,400, and plow-

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51

ing back into the business nearly all the profits, the partners managed to average over a period of eight years a net annual return of a little less than £500 each. That this was an excellent income for the time is indicated by the magnificent mansion, still standing, which Jonathan Jackson was able to erect in 1771. VIII.

B U S I N E S S A S P E C T S OF T H E CALCUTTA T R A D E

The commerce with the East Indies, which Americans began to enter immediately after the Revolution, differed almost as widely from the earlier American trade with the West Indies as the vast, mysterious, densely populated regions of China and India themselves differed from the little islands of the Caribbean. It did not necessarily follow, however, that trade with the East Indies was more complex than that with the West India islands. Samuel Shaw, the first American supercargo to trade with Canton, remarked that "commerce . . . here appears to be as little embarassed, and is, perhaps, as simple, as any in the known world." Each vessel trading with Canton had to have a fiador, a member of the foreign-trade monopoly known as the co-hong, which was composed of ten or twelve merchants; this fiador was responsible for the good conduct, commercial and otherwise, of those attached to the vessel. The ship might deal with other hong merchants, but it was natural that sales and purchases should be made principally to and from, or at least through, the vessel's sponsor. Each ship also required a comprador, who took charge of supplying provisions, and a linguist, whose principal duty was to supply the boats necessary for the unloading and loading of the vessel. The hoppo, a customs officer who came out and with great ceremony measured the ship and collected the cumshaw, 53 was the only government official with whom Americans in Canton ordinarily came into direct contact, just as hong merchants were the only Chinese traders whom they encountered — unless, indeed, the Americans had a fancy for smuggling opium, saltpetre, and other contraband. American captains and supercargoes seem to have known nothing of the tea planters, the weavers of sarsenets and nankeens,

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51

ing back into the business nearly all the profits, the partners managed to average over a period of eight years a net annual return of a little less than £500 each. That this was an excellent income for the time is indicated by the magnificent mansion, still standing, which Jonathan Jackson was able to erect in 1771. VIII.

B U S I N E S S A S P E C T S OF T H E CALCUTTA T R A D E

The commerce with the East Indies, which Americans began to enter immediately after the Revolution, differed almost as widely from the earlier American trade with the West Indies as the vast, mysterious, densely populated regions of China and India themselves differed from the little islands of the Caribbean. It did not necessarily follow, however, that trade with the East Indies was more complex than that with the West India islands. Samuel Shaw, the first American supercargo to trade with Canton, remarked that "commerce . . . here appears to be as little embarassed, and is, perhaps, as simple, as any in the known world." Each vessel trading with Canton had to have a fiador, a member of the foreign-trade monopoly known as the co-hong, which was composed of ten or twelve merchants; this fiador was responsible for the good conduct, commercial and otherwise, of those attached to the vessel. The ship might deal with other hong merchants, but it was natural that sales and purchases should be made principally to and from, or at least through, the vessel's sponsor. Each ship also required a comprador, who took charge of supplying provisions, and a linguist, whose principal duty was to supply the boats necessary for the unloading and loading of the vessel. The hoppo, a customs officer who came out and with great ceremony measured the ship and collected the cumshaw, 53 was the only government official with whom Americans in Canton ordinarily came into direct contact, just as hong merchants were the only Chinese traders whom they encountered — unless, indeed, the Americans had a fancy for smuggling opium, saltpetre, and other contraband. American captains and supercargoes seem to have known nothing of the tea planters, the weavers of sarsenets and nankeens,

T H E JACKSONS AND T H E LEES or the porcelain manufacturers, who produced the cargoes sold them by the hong merchants. The very simplicity of the Canton trade, emphasized by the exotic and fantastic characteristics of its physical background, has made it a favorite theme for writers on American foreign trade. Far otherwise was the situation at Calcutta, a British port, where the lack of any such rigid monopoly as the co-hong or any exclusive policy toward foreigners, coupled with the undeveloped character of native industry, rendered the trade situation almost infinitely complex. This complexity, which calls for a thorough analysis, has instead produced the effect of repelling investigators, who found in the background of Calcutta trade no such compensatory romantic elements as were furnished by the forbidden world of China. Anecdotes of Houqua, the great hong merchant, abound; but who has heard more than the name of his millionaire Calcutta contemporary, Ram Duloll Day? The commodities and ports involved in the American trade with the East Indies are in a general way known, as are the general tendencies of the trade. It should, however, be useful to describe a single composite voyage from the United States to Calcutta in the early nineteenth century, with particular emphasis upon such business aspects as capitalization, marketing in Calcutta of the outward cargo, the purchase of the return cargo, and its marketing in, or exportation from, the United States, with special attention to the various industrial and commercial actors in the drama. The initiative in a Calcutta voyage was usually taken by a merchant-shipowner, though sometimes by a would-be supercargo who had succeeded in persuading a shipowner that he was a proper person to be placed in charge of a cargo. The shipowner usually expected to supply not only the capital represented by his vessel and the necessary expenses for provisioning her and paying the crew, but also a large part of the funds to be shipped. Sometimes, however, he wished to have a larger interest in the voyage than his immediate capital would supply and in such cases he might borrow. A favorite method of borrowing was on a respondentia bond; that is, the shipowner would

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borrow from some merchant with extra funds a certain amount of money, usually in silver dollars, upon the security of the vessel's cargo, agreeing to pay within twenty-four months, or sixty days after the vessel's return, the original sum with large increment, usually about 2 4 % ; if the vessel and cargo were lost then no payment either of the principal or increment need be made. 54 To the borrower this was a method at once of financing and insuring part of the voyage; to the lender it was an opportunity for high interest without personal trouble or attention. There were, however, other methods of borrowing. Joseph Lee, Jr., once offered to give one-third of the profits, in case of gain, for the use of $10,000, or, if he lost, to repay the amount in five months, without interest. But his prospective creditor wanted half the profits and nothing came of the proposition. 55 Since few shipowners were able to handle an entire Calcutta voyage, alone, even by borrowing, and since still fewer would desire to incur the risk of loss thus involved, it became necessary for the projector to persuade other merchants to become adventurers in the voyage. For freight, on dollars shipped to Calcutta and on the India goods in the return cargo, and for the services of the supercargo in attending to the adventurer's interest in Calcutta, the shipowner usually received either 11% on the adventure, payable in Calcutta, or one-third the profits, payable in the United States. On one occasion Henry Lee offered to reduce the freight to 1 0 % if $100,000 were shipped. Philadelphia vessels, he said, usually charged 13%. These freight charges included the supercargo's commission, which was normally 2 τ / 2 % on the funds sent out. On one occasion P. T . Jackson shipped $1,200 to a banian (middleman) to settle an account and paid freight of only 1%, which seems to have been the standard rate; this suggests how much of the freight charge was actually in payment for the supercargo's services. Jackson once offered to p a y shippers " 8 2 ^ Cents per rupee 6 Mos after delivery of the Goods here," that is, for every rupee (about 50 cents) for which their dollars were sold in Calcutta, he would pay them 82^2 cents in the United States. When merchandise rather than specie was shipped, the rates varied.

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For a shipment to England, the proceeds to be taken to Calcutta and invested there, the charge was 1 3 ^ % . On a shipment of glassware from England to Calcutta the shipper paid "for the freight out the profits & home 13J/2 % on the am' invested." On a shipment of brandy and glassware from England to Calcutta the freight was 5% on the proceeds, which, however, were to be deposited in Calcutta and not invested in a return cargo.56 When the vessel arrived at Calcutta and had been admitted at the customs, the supercargo's first responsibility was, of course, to turn into rupees the funds which he had brought from the United States, whether in specie, merchandise, or commercial paper. Spanish dollars were the mainstay of the Calcutta trade in this period and always met with a ready sale at a premium; in 1802 P. T. Jackson disposed of his dollars at 2 1 1 rupees per 100 dollars, "which is about ρ Ο advance." Merchandise, which usually consisted of provisions, including wines and brandies, naval stores, and some manufactured goods, such as hats, shoes, and glassware, was more difficult of disposition. It was quite customary to dispose of an entire cargo "at a loss Dollars excepted." Henry Lee wrote ten years later: " M y outward cargo I am sorry to say will turn out to a l o s s . . . . the new duties alone make a difference of 4 or 5000 Rp s . . . . the most I can hope for is the prime cost." One way of getting off articles which could not be sold for cash was to barter them for Calcutta goods which otherwise would not be purchased. We are told little concerning the process by which these goods were disposed of and the agents involved. Presumably they were stored in a godown or warehouse hired by the supercargo, and merchants who were interested called to inspect them and perhaps to purchase. Goods which could not be sold in this way within an acceptable time were "put . . . into the Auction room in small lots." 57 "There are several established commission warehouses and public auctions at Calcutta," is the statement of a writer in 1813. "The commission charged on the transacting business is generally 10 per cent including servants' wages, expenses of advertisements, &c." This was higher than

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the commission charged by ordinary merchants, which was usually 5%. 58 The disposal of commercial paper was a more intricate matter. A shipowner would give his agent or supercargo authority to draw on a correspondent in London on the owner's account, or he would remit to his London correspondent with orders to remit in turn to Calcutta. In 1810 bills on London could be purchased at a discount in Boston and used in London to purchase bills on Calcutta. Bills on Madras were lower in London than bills on Calcutta, so sometimes Madras bills would be sent to Calcutta and negotiated there. In 1811, Henry Lee went to Calcutta via England, furnished with drafts or letters of credit from Boston merchants, which he was to use in London for purchasing drafts or good credits on Calcutta. The first difficulty he encountered was that many of the adventurers had overestimated the funds they had in London; another was that a London broker had, it seems, succeeded in monopolizing the exchange on Calcutta, which prevented Lee from buying at a discount.59 Arrived at Calcutta, Henry Lee had no difficulty in getting his London bills accepted, but stated: "I am apprehensive I shall not be able to negotiate S Η & Cos letter of Credit. I told Mr Η so when I rec d it, but he 'tho't his credit was as well established here as in U States. There is a letter, M r Η told me to Alexander &Co reccommending him, but nothing short of a guarantee from some London house known here, will answer the purpose. . . . no American Bills will sell without being well endorsed by some one here or guarantyd by some known house in England." Even bills on London were meeting no sale, which caused Lee to despair of making any use of the Higginson letter of credit, but, to his surprise, a member of Palmer & Co. on his own initiative offered to take it. Henry Lee recognized this stroke of good luck for what it was and wrote his brother Francis: "Do not rely in any voyage you may undertake upon Bills of Exchee. American never will sell as well as those drawn here & when they do the Banian must endorse, & thus you are placed in his power, & goods cannot be bot' so low as they otherwise could. Letters

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of Credit will not enable any one to draw unless they are back'd by some well known house in London." This was the situation in 1812, when war had actually begun although the news had not yet reached Calcutta. But the same situation prevailed late in 1815, long after word of peace; supercargoes "with Bills on London, . . . found great difficulty in disposing of them. . . . Let me repeat to you again," wrote Henry Lee to his brother Francis, "that it is always difficult to sell bills, & that they should only be sent in aid of a voyage, Not as a dependence." Even when a bill could be negotiated, there was sometimes a great loss.60 This did not, however, mean that bills should never be employed in the Calcutta trade, but only that they should be used with caution. Once the supercargo had succeeded in turning his funds — specie, merchandise, commercial paper — into rupees, he was able to devote his entire time and energy to the primary purpose for his being in Calcutta, the purchase of a cargo of Bengal goods for shipment to the United States. His task, as has been suggested, was by no means so simple as that of his brothersupercargo in Canton, who was restricted to trading with one or more of the ten or twelve hong merchants, chiefly with his fiador. A description of the East India Company's method of procuring goods reveals the complexity of the Calcutta trade. 61 The extreme poverty of the natives [we are told] rendered the collection of goods for shipment . . . very difficult and complicated. There were no large local merchants or manufacturers. In its industrial development India had not yet abandoned the Domestic System. The weavers were so poor, that the Company was obliged to advance money to buy materials, and to provide sustenance during the period of manufacture. It sent agents about the country to collect goods . . . and to receive small quantities at specified places, until sufficient had been collected from various sources to form a cargo. The fabrics were collected into local warehouses, called "Kottahs," and each piece was marked with the weaver's name. Hence they were transferred to large warehouses, which, with the offices and private quarters of the agents, formed a "Factory." Owing to the necessity for partial payment in advance, an efficient system of supervision was necessary to prevent the native from selling

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the completed article to some person, other than he who had advanced moneyy for the purchase of raw material. . . . At the head of each factory there was always an Englishman. He employed a native secretary, who was called a "Banyan." The "Banyan" hired overseers or agents, who were called "Gomastahs;" one for each village or station, which supplied the factory. The "Gomastah" was provided with "Peons" who were armed servants, and "Hircarars," or messengers. The latter were employed to summon the "Dallahs," "Pycars," and weavers, when goods were due, or were required to complete a cargo. The former of these were agents, who dealt with the "Gomastahs," and the "Pycars," brokers who were intermediate between the "Dallahs" and the weavers themselves. Thus the Company's servant was five times removed from the actual weaver.

Supercargoes, of course, being ordinarily resident in Calcutta for only a few months at a time, were unable to organize such a complicated system and probably came into contact with only a few of the middlemen mentioned above. Those who were more or less permanent residents in Calcutta — as Henry Lee was, by compulsion, 1812-16 — were, however, able to acquire a better understanding of the processes and functionaries connected with the Calcutta trade. One middleman, the banian, was indispensable. He had no counterpart in the western world, but, in a loose way, corresponded to the hong merchant of Canton, though he was not a member of any such trade monopoly. He had some knowledge of English and it was his function to act as a sort of liaison officer between the American supercargo and the native world. He signed the customhouse bonds and apparently guaranteed payment for goods purchased through him. He furnished sircars, or clerks, and peons, or armed messengers, for the accommodation of the supercargo and expected to have the privilege of supplying a goodly share of the return cargo. He also assisted in negotiating with merchants and contractors for goods which the supercargo desired but which the banian himself was unable to supply, and received a commission for his services. He was a commission agent who worked in close co-operation with and under the supervision of his principal. In Calcutta the com-

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mission "on all sales, purchases, or shipments" was 5 % "except as follows." The principal exception was that "where no advance has been made" the commission was only 2 T h i s advance probably refers to a payment of a large share on the supposed value of a consignment made by the commission merchant to his principal before the sale had been accomplished and the price received; it may, however, also have to do with advances made by the banian to merchants from whom he was purchasing on behalf of his principal, before the latter had placed the necessary funds in the banian's hands. Henry Lee describes the capacities of his banians, Ramdon and Tillock Bonarjia, and their sircars: Indigo [he wrote] they understand particularly well. Tillock having lived 2 years in Jepare. & had the charge of several factories. In the purchase of Piece goods they rely principally upon Prankissen the Japender [?] that Ramchander Benerjia & after him Lucknaut employd . . . he is an exceeding honest fellow & a good judge of piece goods, their other Sircars were Ramchanders old ones & as good as any in the City. Tillock does the out door business, buys the Indigo & takes charge of the C H° business. Ramdon Keeps the accounts with me & with the Banker, & aids Pran in purchase of the piece goods, he has not quite energy en0, but makes a good associate with Tillock who has more of this rare quality than I have ever seen in a Bengallee, he has excellent manners, & manages with great address the natives who come to the Godowns.

One of the arguments used to Henry Lee by other banians and supercargoes to induce him not to employ Ramdon and Tillock was that "as they were not rich the merchants w d not bring goods into our godowns," but "so far from it that we had the preference, & for this reason, we made our payments punctually," instead of delaying and requiring the sellers to depend upon the banians' guarantee, "while it is the practice of others to delay 10, 20 or 30 days that they may have the benifit of the interest." 63 American merchants, rightly or wrongly, had no high regard for the banian as a class. They considered him to be lacking in energy and initiative, disliking to go out of his way to oblige

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his principal, even when to do so would eventually result in benefit to himself. American merchants regarded the banian as of low commercial morality, though out of ignorance of proper standards and weakness of will rather than deliberate purpose. Some banians were addicted to childishly obvious, and consequently futile, attempts to deceive American purchasers, as in making consignments of manifestly inferior goods for sale in the United States. Henry Lee's banians, whose praises he, for a time, never wearied in singing, rudely interrupted his anthem by speculating with, and losing, part of his funds — and then, in a fit of contrition voluntarily made restitution by turning over to him their houses and lands. American merchants apparently felt it necessary, in order to keep their banians up to the mark, to address them constantly in something of the same scolding tone that an anxious housewife might use toward a fairly well-meaning but absent-minded and careless maid. Socially, the banians were admitted to be polite and courteous, but their personalities were not impressive. " I meet with . . . no one but my banians," wrote Henry Lee, "who never had, nor ever will have a thought except on business. Were the natives as well informed as they are civil and well bred, one would receive great pleasure from their society, but their opinions are so confined, that I can truly say I never derived half an hour's gratification from any one I have been acquainted with. Nothing can be more uninteresting than their characters." 64 Despite these criticisms of the banian, he was a necessary part of the Calcutta business organization and the American merchant was forced to accept him, select the most suitable one possible, and make the best of his deficiencies. A supercargo who was indolent and inefficient, or merely ignorant and lacking in initiative, might, and frequently did, place himself completely in the hands of his banian and allow him to supply the whole cargo; the result would naturally be that the cargo would cost far more than it should. The shrewd and experienced supercargo, however, particularly if he were not in a desperate hurry to get a cargo, canvassed all possibilities for getting goods at a low rate, and did not, of course, de-

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pend solely upon his banian. "Keep on good terms with your banians, but never trust them," seemed to be the accepted motto. "Put as little trust as possible in your Banians or sircars," wrote Henry Lee, "pay the latter well for any services they may render — a few thousand Rupees in a year may do well thus disposed of, but do not place much confidence in any one." Several years later Henry Lee's opinion had not changed. "I hope you have been able to employ Goluck Ramdon & Kissen [as banians], treat them with kindness but by no means make confidents of them, you ought to keep Pran, and the Godown Sircars in good humour as much depends on them — It is better to pay them few Rupees now & then, than to wait till you are coming away, this will induce them to serve you." 65 Not only could banians not be trusted to buy a staple cargo at the lowest rates, but also there were certain types of goods, known as "gruff" articles — principally drugs, gums, and spices — which they could not be depended on to procure at all, being chiefly concerned with such standard articles as cotton goods, silks, and indigo. After a long list of gruff goods, P. T. Jackson commented: "They are partly productions of Bengal and other provinces of India & partly imported from Arabia, Persia, Ava, Eastern Islands &c &c, the Banians know but little about them & are never inclin'd to trouble themselves much to obtain them, you must find them yourselves which you will by going into the Bazars, Custom house yard, Auction Rooms &c &c and to the Armanian & Persian Merchants." 66 If a supercargo were at all interested in knowing whether or not his banian were cheating his principals and himself, he might at least stroll into the bazaar and see how goods were selling there. The bazaar was, in any case, a good place to seek certain inferior goods, such as broken indigo. Henry Lee once instructed a Calcutta correspondent to look up some "broken and rejected indigo" there. "Perhaps you may find some parcels in the Bazar made by the natives, which will answer the purpose. . . . If you buy in the Bazar, you can either employ Ramshander Mitre or Ram Kissen day [banians] — the former is I believe the best judge of qualities, but perhaps your Brother Geo may find

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leisure to decide upon qualities,. & let them look up parcels if you buy in the Bazar." 67 Another source of goods — which could be tapped without the intervention of the banian — was the houses of agency or commission houses, English, Jewish, Armenian, etc. The disadvantage of trading with them was that by so doing one paid "30 ρ Ct more than Bazar prices." To be sure, the goods handled by the houses of agency had the reputation of being considerably higher in quality than those which could be bought from the natives, but the inferior qualities of both piece goods and indigo were what Henry Lee was primarily interested in. "Many of the parcels they [the agency houses] sell," moreover, "are put into their hands by natives merely to raise its value;" so the mere fact that goods were being handled by a house of agency was no guarantee of exceptional quality. Henry Lee did not, however, allow this fact to cause him to neglect the houses of agency. He gave particular instructions to seek in the houses of agency for goods which were below the agency house standard but in which he himself specialized. "At the close of the winter there is usually some broken and rejected Indigo in the hands of the Agency houses," he wrote to a correspondent and to his supercargoes. " I hope you talk every day or two with the agency houses or at least often enough to keep up an acquaintance with them. . . . Keep up an acquaintance with S. & Robertson, they will always want to hear about Cotton when you have letters and you can give them information. You may find some cheap rejected cloths at their Godowns, and also at Fairlees, the Sircars will deal with you for them. I made more upon my rejected goods than any others . . . make some arrangement with Morgan &c to get all the rejected [indigo] from the Godowns, and if you don't succeed, go to the principals [the owners] and bargain first." He wrote later to the same effect: "Most of the Eastern people, avoid an acquaintance with the agents — I hope you visit them often, and in a way to hear all that is going on, without occupying too much of their time. . . . See if you can't get some cheap rejected Cloths of Colvins, Fairley & Co, or some of the other houses. The Godown Sircar

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or the Banian is the person to settle for you — You must allow them Brokerage." 68 Another source of rejected goods was the auction sales of the East India Company. This company endeavored to maintain a high standard for "Company goods" and disposed locally of all which failed to meet the requirements.69 Some goods were not immediately obtainable in Calcutta, either in the bazaar or at the houses of agency, or were held at too high prices. In such cases it was necessary to send outside the city. Henry Lee in 1812 found no silks at suitable prices in the bazaar or at Cossimbazar and so sent agents "up Country" to purchase bandannas deliverable in two and one-half months. He also had "persons collecting" turmeric and was expecting "from the country" a quantity of goat skins which another sircar had collected.70 In order to obtain some types of goods, particularly drugs and gums, it was necessary to await the arrival of the annual August fleet of some twenty-five Arab vessels, which used Calcutta as an entrepot for trade with Europeans and Americans, because the disturbed condition of the Arabian peninsula made it dangerous for foreigners to trade there.71 Some goods, particularly silks, frequently could not be found at suitable prices either in Calcutta or up country and had to be manufactured especially for the supercargo. In 1814, Henry Lee announced that the manufacture of bandannas had "been discontinued for two years past . . . except upon Contract." Even when goods could be obtained in the bazaar, "the contract price for many articles, say for a 3 month contract," was sometimes " 1 0 to 1 5 % , less than the Bazar Price." As soon as Henry Lee arrived in Calcutta, he began looking up the silk merchants to "know what can be done on contract." Near the end of the year he wrote: " I have been in treaty with the Silk Merchants for 3 or 4 days, they will agree to buy on Commission . . . but I wish to enter into a contract that I may not be disappointed, but if they will not do that, I shall send a sircar into the Country & buy of the weavers . . . it will not do to get them in the Bazar indeed they are not to be had there in any quantities, &

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the price . . . more." The word of war caused Henry Lee to cease his attempt to make contracts, but in the summer of 1814, anticipating peace, he began to contract with natives for seersuckers, advancing, as was the custom, three-fourths of the total price. In addition to contracting for the manufacture of these silk goods, Henry Lee also made contracts for dyeing some of the coarser of his rejected goods for blue cloths and printing the finer for chintz. Contracts for weaving silks seem to have been made through the banians with the specialized silk merchants, who probably in turn had arrangements with weaving contractors who had under them a number of hand-loom weavers. Henry Lee wrote to his supercargoes: "Seersuckers . . . you must get . . . from the weavers, and now and then you may find a cheap lot in the Bazar among the small dealers. . . . In your contracts, see that the Banians charge only what they give — It was long time before I could find out the weavers lowest prices — Give them (Banians) to understand that goods will not do unless at very low prices, and that you shall change for some other Banian, unless they do well — " "The mix'd Ginghams Silk & Cotton will do well, don't allow your Banians or the weavers to discourage your making them; they always oppose new things or anything which can give them the least trouble." 72 It is very doubtful that the weavers referred to above were actual hand-loom weavers; more likely they were silk-weaving contractors whom Henry Lee called "weavers," just as today we speak of a "textile manufacturer" when the person in question would not be able to manage a set of looms were his entire annual salary and dividends at stake. In view of the necessity, in order to obtain a well-assorted cargo at good prices, to send up country for some goods, to wait for the arrival of others, to have silks, blue cloths, and chintz especially woven, dyed, and printed, it is easy to see why a resident agent would be an advantage, although Henry Lee's later attempts to establish a Calcutta agency were of little avail, owing to the death or incapacity of his representatives. 73 When a supercargo's available funds had been invested in Calcutta goods, one or the other of two additional problems

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would frequently develop. Either he would find that there was still unused space in his vessel or he would discover that he had more goods than she could conveniently hold. In the first case he might either seek additional funds to complete his cargo or offer to carry the superfluous goods of other merchants; in the second case he might either dispose of his extra goods 6r try to send them as freight in some other vessel. In short, two problems appeared — that of raising additional funds in Calcutta, and that of freight rates from Calcutta. Perhaps the supercargo had earlier anticipated a shortage of funds and had requested that his principals remit him bills of exchange. If these arrived in time, he would have the problem of negotiating them, which, as has been observed, was no easy matter. The supercargo might approach one of the agency houses, but such a house might refuse to buy the bills unless the property purchased therewith should be consigned to England as security, and this would still leave unsolved the extra space in the vessel for the United States. "Bills," to be sure, Henry Lee wrote, "can be sold sometimes for money, & always in Exchange for Indigo & any P's goods which the houses may have on hand, but in these negotiations besides an unfavourable rate of Exchange, which now exists & probably will continue, You have to pay 10 to 15 pCt higher than goods are Selling for in the Bazar. This business of this place is done by about 7 or 8 houses, & whoever is dependant upon any of them for Credit, must pay dearly for it, besides being exposed to the Knavery of their Banians & Sircars." Or the supercargo might force his banian to buy the bills, as did a certain " M r Mansfield . . . by threatening to withdraw his present business & the future patronage of Jos Peabody, while at the same time another Banian stood by with his Bags of Rupees to loan the sum required . . . upon the condition of having the business . . . & a secret resolution I presume to get back a part in good round dustaye [dustoory or commission] I had no such means to use, nor should have used them, had they been within my power." 74 In this case, too, the supercargo would be put more or less in

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the power of the purchaser of his bills and would be forced to take goods at more than the market rate. For those who did not have bills for sale, the only recourse would be to borrow. Supercargoes with extra funds could sometimes obtain huge advances for their use; "65% was offered for the specie of the Financier [appropriate name!] and 50% for specie and merchandise together." Shipowners sometimes instructed supercargoes to obtain advances from the banians; P. T. Jackson ordered that this should not be done until the supercargo already had obtained goods up to the limit of his ready funds. In 1804, P. T. Jackson was paying his banian 12% interest. This seems to have been about the normal rate for Calcutta; although in 1811 interest was down to 5%, by the next year it had risen to 10 and 12 % and in 1814 had reached "ι τ /2 to pM°. for the best paper." 75 The supercargo, on the other hand, might wish to sell space in his vessel or to rent it from some other supercargo. Goods were taken as freight according to various systems, of which the principal were on a tonnage basis, on a percentage of the value, or on a proportion of the profits. The first was the most common. In 1804, P. T. Jackson found it difficult to ship his remaining goods. One captain's terms were: "120 Rupees paid here, or 80 Dollars in America." He finally found a captain who had no funds, with whom he agreed "to put on board . . . p s goods at 100 rp s ρ Ton & . . . sugar at 80 rp s ρ Ton." During the embargo the Lees ordered their Calcutta banian to ship silks to the United States "by any Vessel that left this Country before the 14 th December last" at "as high as 175 Rupees per Ton;" this rate was, of course, abnormally high. In 1811 the Lees ordered their supercargoes to "ship by every vessel Silks & fine Cottons at . . . 120 Rp s p r Ton — The coarse goods keep unless you can send them at 60/ or 70/ Rp s p r Ton." At about the same time, P. T. Jackson gave John Tracy carte blanche to choose the tonnage, the percentage, or the proportion-of-profits mode of charging for freight space. "You make take . . . at i / 3 d profits for coarse, or 11 pr Cent for fine goods — or perhaps at a fixed price say 120 Rupees p r .

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ton paid there in preference to filling up with fine goods." Jackson would have charged only 1 1 % or one-third profits for taking specie to Calcutta, investing the proceeds in East India goods, and freighting them back to the United States; this indicates the straits in which a supercargo found himself when he had bought more goods than he could bring home in his own vessel. Early in 1812, before news of war, Henry Lee was planning to charge 100 rupees per ton for freight and 1,000 rupees per passenger; these rates are approximately the same as those quoted to P. T. Jackson in 1804 and may be taken as about normal. Word of the embargo of April 4, 1812, raised freight rates so that Henry Lee paid a freight of $75 per ton in the United States, in preference to 125 rupees in Calcutta. " I w d not give more than R s 100/ unless for Indigo & silks, & I think it so important to get them early to market, that I w d go to 125 Rs rather than lose the opporty of shipping." After the news of war, freight to England (since trade with the United States was cut off) increased from " £ 1 8 for 50 feet [one ton measurement] paid in England" to "£25 pton" a year later.76 There are a few more examples of freight being taken in return for a certain proportion of the profits. P. T. Jackson and Andrew Cabot shipped sugar from the Cape of Good Hope to the United States at "one half the net profit produced . . . in New York" — a high rate when we consider that only onethird of the profit was a normal charge for shipping dollars to Calcutta, investing the proceeds in merchandise, and shipping it back to the United States.77 With the decline in the Calcutta trade, after the War of 1812, freight rates also declined. "The rate from Calcutta to London for two years, has been from £6 Stg. to 8£ for 2240 lb dead weight, and the same for a Ton measurement of fifty cubic feet — The rate from Calcutta to this country has varied, but ships can now be chartered at $35 @ 40 pr Ton 2240 lb dead weight, or 40 cubic feet measurement." A score of years and more later, freight from Calcutta to Boston could be obtained at $ 1 6 per ton.78 Thus freight rates from Calcutta had declined to a third and less of what they had been thirty years before.

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Insurance rates varied, of course, even more widely than freight rates. In 1806 the Lees requested insurance on a voyage to Calcutta, out and home, "provided it can be done at 8%." They made insurance at 4 % on a return voyage alone. In September, 1808, P. T. Jackson, trying to obtain insurance on an American ship from London to Bristol and from Bristol to Madras, with liberty to touch at Madeira for wine, found that all underwriters but one refused "to take any foreign risques," and that sole exception demanded a premium of 20%, which Jackson thought too high by 5 %. At this time the Embargo Act was in operation. In the summer of 1810, with the embargo off, a vessel sailing for Madras and Calcutta was "insured . . . for xo per Ct to return one per Ct if she goes to Madras only." This was apparently only on the outward voyage. In the autumn of the same year Henry Lee insured a vessel "at and from Calcutta to port discharge in U States . . . at 5%" only. In December, 1812, insurance from India was up to the usual wartime premium of 50%. Two years later insurance on a British vessel from Calcutta to London by way of the West Indies and North America was only 9 % —evidence of the underwriters' confidence in a speedy peace and the British navy. In 1817 "Insurance . . . on Dollars" to Calcutta could be "effected at 2H@3%."79

In order that supercargoes might intelligently purchase and the merchant dispose of Calcutta goods, it was necessary for them to keep one another constantly informed of the supply, marketing, and international situations. Almost the principal duty of the supercargo was to "write by every opportunity." "After all that has been said about letter writing," Henry Lee wrote, "I shall add nothing more — except that a neglect of it disqualifys in my opinion any man from being an agent — I w d not trust any one however much confidence I had in his talents who w d refuse to comply with so important a duty." Imperfect means of transportation, however, made communication slow and uncertain and these imperfections were increased by commercial rivalry. Supercargoes and other agents, even though willing to write, could not always find a captain willing to take

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their letters; the same, of course, was true of the merchant himself. Capt. Joseph Peabody, of Salem, would not allow the Lees and P. T . Jackson to send letters by the Francis; whereupon George Lee was ordered to retaliate. Sometimes a captain would agree to take letters but insist that they should be open, so that he might profit by any information contained therein; sometimes he would make no such specifications but the writers would nevertheless suspect him so strongly of an intention to use his teakettle for an unorthodox purpose that they would not dare intrust the missives to his care. Captains and supercargoes sometimes promptly accepted letters but were strangely tardy about delivering them. Letter writers had various methods of circumventing these devices. One way was to intrust letters to a ship's officer, probably not unaccompanied by some weighty discs of metal to keep the papers from blowing overboard. Such disloyalty, if detected, would doubtless cause a speedy dissolution of the relationship between the officer and his vessel. A more frequent device was to pay freight on a few bales of goods and enclose the letters in one of the bales, or to put them in a box of specie; "it w d be worth while to put some of your papers into a Bale, they w d come safe — you can refer to it by some notice in the letter — in this way — look at Bale N° — there are some choice goods in it — I shall know what it means — IX is so important to get our letters Acc ts . &c. that it might be worth while to pay 150 Rupees a Ton for 2 @ 3 Tons for the sake of safe conveyance." Henry Lee once tried the method of returning good for evil by instructing one of his captains "to send to other Masters and supercargoes and take all their letters & papers, We prefer this civility to refusing letters tho' we are often refused;" we do not know whether or not this policy shamed the other captains into a more co-operative attitude. Until 1835, sending mail to India from the United States by way of London increased the time involved; at the time of the War of 1812, this route was impracticable. But in 1835 mail began to be sent to India from England via Egypt — the socalled "overland route" — and this so greatly decreased the

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necessary time en route that Henry Lee, as he wrote, "discontinued my correspondence by ship conveyances because the later dates overland would, I know, depreive my letters of all interest & utility." 80 Once a cargo of East India goods had been safely landed in the United States the problem of disposing of it at a profit became imminent. As large a proportion of the merchandise as possible would be sold directly by the owner; a part would be shipped to other trade centers of the United States to be sold on commission; and the remainder sent to the West Indies and the Continent of Europe. We know little of the methods used in local sales, save as reflected in the instructions given to commission merchants in other cities. Advertising, we know, played little or no part in sales policy. At the most, a simple statement of the quantity and character of the goods on hand sufficed. Henry Lee wrote to a Philadelphia firm, to whom he had shipped a quantity of saltpetre: "As advertising is so expensive, I wish to have it [the saltpetre] included in your general one [advertisement], and only inserted once a week." Henry Lee's own newspaper advertising was almost non-existent. After the War of 1812 scarcely half a dozen advertisements appear over his name, these all in 1818. He seems to have depended for publicity upon the notices of goods consigned to him, in the newspaper marine notes, which about this time became quite full. A great many of his goods, to be sure, were doubtless included in those advertised by auction firms. Henry Lee showed less interest in advertising than had his father-in-law, Jonathan Jackson, a generation before, when he scattered cards, describing the business of the Boston firm of Jackson & Higginson and that of their Virginia house, through Ireland, England, Scotland, and the Continent of Europe. That this abstention from advertising was a personal idiosyncrasy rather than a Characteristic of the period is revealed by a glance at any contemporary newspaper. "Mess Perkins," even during the War of 1812, sent out "business] Circulars" to Calcutta via London, apparently soliciting consignments.81

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There were two principal methods of disposing of Calcutta goods in the United States — by invoice and at auction. In the former case, goods were offered at so many cents per rupee of cost price. This was the more common method, judging from the frequency of references thereto. Under some circumstances, however, auction sales were preferable. This was particularly true when goods had been purchased at a low price; in such a case the buyer would be unwilling to pay as much for them as for goods purchased and invoiced at a higher price. "An auction," wrote Henry Lee, "is the best way to sell goods when they are high, & upon a falling market — I never knew it fail." It was a particularly good method in Boston, "where the charge is only but at New York, "the charge is heavy, and the prices never go beyond private sale, generally below," particularly when the market was dull. In 1840, in Boston, "if an auction is expedient the charges are not over 1 ^ % , " whereas in Baltimore "3/4ths to 9/ioths of their cargoes are sold in that way at an extra expense of at least 2 to 3 % . " 82 When goods were shipped from Boston to some other port in the United States, the owner would draw on the commission merchant for part, usually three-fourths, of their value. Sometimes, however, the draft came to more than the ultimate sales.83 For selling goods consigned to him the commission merchant usually received about 5% of the proceeds; P. T . Jackson offered to sell coffee from Havana for "five per Cent . . . on the gross Sales & if the Coffee is shipt to any other port than this & sold there I shall charge in addition any Commissions I may be obliged to pay at such place of Sale." He offered to advance six cents per pound for common coffee and seven cents for "very first quality" upon receipt of coffee, charging 6% interest. Thirty years later, commission merchants were both selling and guaranteeing payment for the same percentage. A Philadelphia merchant, indeed, charged 6%, but Henry Lee informed him that another merchant in the same city charged only 4 % . The former merchant also charged 2 τ / 2 % for merely delivering unsold goods to another merchant, to which charge Henry Lee likewise objected. Such charges seem to have been characteristic

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of Philadelphia; forty years earlier Joseph Lee, Jr., had objected to a charge of 2]/ 2 % for shipping unsold goods. Henry Lee charged 2 l / 2 % for entering and forwarding goods, but this was merely on the duties and expenses, not on the value of the goods themselves. 84 T h e profit on East India goods sold in the United States, of course, varied widely from time to time. Their sales price was usually expressed as so many cents per rupee of invoice, or cost, price. In 1799 Calcutta cottons were quoted "from 95 Cents to 105 p r Rupee" — an advance on the invoice price of from 90 to 1 1 0 % . In 1803, P. T . Jackson, as a dealer in Calcutta goods, was offering only 80 cents per rupee for a consignment of cottons; out of this 80 cents per rupee the importer would have to pay the duties, and also one-third of the difference remaining between cost price and sales price for freight to the shipowner and commission to the supercargo. Goods from the same cargo were later auctioned off at 82 cents per rupee. Still later in the year a cargo was sold "at very various prices from 70 Cents p r . Rupee to 110 perhaps the average will be 82 to 8 4 ; " this was not regarded as very favorable. Early in 1806 sales "averaged 92 to 95 Cents p r Rupee — the Value of Calcutta piece Goods vary in advance from 80 to n o Cents R u p e e ; " later in the year sales ranged from 81 to 90 cents per rupee. The next year some types of Indian piece goods were down to 72 cents and 75 cents per rupee, while others sold at 85 cents. In 1808 coarse goods were selling at 80 cents and fine cottons at 85 to 90 cents; this advance was the result of the embargo. In the spring of 1810, P. T . Jackson offered to guarantee the sale of goods purchased through him at 82 J/2 cents per rupee, charging one-third profits for freight; he similarly guaranteed a price of $3.00 per star pagoda ($1.80) on goods brought from Madras in his vessels, freight rate the same as from Calcutta. In the spring of 1813 the war-time prices of India goods ranged from 95 cents to $1.20 per rupee; in the late summer P. T . Jackson was offering to sell some Madras goods at 287J/2 cents per pagoda, an advance of 60%. In the summer of 1817 Calcutta goods were going off "now and then at retail at 90 to 95 cts" and "China silks . . .

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at 70 @ 80% pr I n v 0 ; " in the autumn, " B y the Invoice 100 cts is asked." In the following year China silks were selling at from 70% to 92% advance, an average of about 85%. 85 The sales price per rupee, in the twenty years 1799-1818, thus ranged from 70 cents to $1.20, sometimes varying widely according to the type of goods, an advance on the invoice price of from 40% to 140%. This does not, of course, mean a profit of from 40% to 140%, since freight, commission, interest, insurance, etc., must be subtracted from the advance. Henry Lee, in suggesting that a merchant adventure some dollars on his ship, imagines that the investment will work out in this fashion: goods purchased for $100 in India will sell in this country at 60% advance, or about 80 cents per rupee; from the gross sales of $160 will be "deducted the duties Wharfage Auctioneers — Commissions," about $10, leaving net sales of $150 of which $100 is returned to the shipper together with two-thirds of the remaining $50, the shipowner receiving $16 2/3 for freight and supercargo's commission; the shipper's advance is $33 1/3, of which perhaps $2.50 goes for premium on dollars, about $8.00 for insurance, perhaps $8.00 for interest over, say, 16 months, leaving net profits of $14.83 1/3 on $100. A rise in the premium on dollars, the rate of insurance, or the rate of interest would, of course, lower the percentage of profit, and an increase in the advance of the sales price on the invoice price would raise it. In 1804 some Calcutta goods were selling for as little as 70 cents per ruDee, which would have just about covered cost and charges, including interest, leaving no profit. In 1810, Henry Lee regarded 80 cents per rupee as "cost and charges." In this year insurance for a voyage to Calcutta and return had got up to from 10% to 20% premium. In 1806, Joseph Lee, Jr., had assured Rufus King that by an adventure to Calcutta he would have "a moral certainty of gaining Six per Cent ρ Ann with a reasonable expectation of ten ρ Cent ρ Ann & a chance for twelve ρ Cent ρ Ann with very little hazard — if Calcutta goods are as high next year as this an adventure will give a profit of 15 to 20 ρ Cent ρ Ann after paying all charges including insurance." Probably these charges did not include interest. In other words

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Rufus King seems to have been assured that he would make at least interest — 6% per annum — and probably much more. During 1806 Calcutta goods had been selling at from 80 to 110 cents per rupee. It might be asked what profits adventurers actually made. On an investment of $1,500 to Calcutta and Madras, James Jackson, χ 6 months after the shipment, was credited with $1,915.77, an advance of over 27%. This, however, apparently included interest on the investment for a year. An adventure of $1,000 to Canton earned in 17 months an advance of $417.95, or nearly 42 % on the investment. Three voyages by William Trotter & Co., of Philadelphia, to Canton in 1811, 1812, and 1813, resulted in net profits of 20, 18, and 25%. Thirty years later, Henry Lee wrote, "adventurers were pretty certain to obtain 10, 15 or 20% profit on their adventures and sometimes more. On my last voyage in 1821 I gave them 60% down to 40% [profit?] according to their articles." 86 Short of some unforeseen calamity, the East India trade seemed to be capable of producing, at the least, normal interest of 6% per annum on the investment and occasionally as much as 40% and 60%. The profit of nearly χ 00% on one East India voyage of Joseph Lee, Sr., was highly exceptional. The norm for a successful voyage was probably somewhere around 20%. Goods which could not be disposed of in the United States were shipped to the West Indies or to Europe. Expenses of transportation, duties, and the higher selling costs abroad made it necessary for the goods to be sold at higher prices than in the United States in order to make the same profit, and there was grave danger of loss. Goods were re-invoiced before being exported, in order to furnish a firm psychological basis for sales at a higher price than in the United States. Henry Lee once commented in regard to shipments to Havre, Amsterdam, Leghorn, and Russia: "Piece Goods fall short of the prices they were shipped at, though they do well enough at the India cost." 87 Insurance rates to Europe and the West Indies, during the Napoleonic Wars, were proportionately higher than those to the Orient. Late in 1810 insurance for Cuba, out and home, was

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5 °/o — just the premium for a return voyage from Calcutta. The next two years it was up to 3 % , either to or from Havana. Late in 1805 the insurance on a voyage to the continent of Europe was 4 % if to Nantes only, 5 % if to another French port, and 6% if to Holland, or about the same — 5 % — as insurance from a port in southern America to Spain, Portugal, or Great Britain, in 1 7 7 4 , over thirty years before. Insurance on a voyage to Calcutta about the same time — 1806 — was only 4 % . In 1807, before the embargo, insurance to the Mediterranean was 7 % ; insurance to Calcutta, out and home, was only 8 % . Late in 1 8 1 1 the insurance to Russia was 25 to 3 0 % — much higher than that on a Calcutta voyage, out and return, about the same time.88 The shipper would draw on the commission merchant to whom the goods were consigned, or the consignee would himself remit, two-thirds or three-fourths the amount of the invoice — at least this was true of Henry Lee's Amsterdam correspondents. Sometimes, however, interest was charged on these advances until the proceeds were actually in the consignee's hands. Henry Lee objected to a charge of % % interest per month in Nantes on advances, feeling that 6% per annum was sufficient. Lee himself wrote, many years later, " W e are prepared to make [interest?] free advances on all current articles;" but they had evidently at other times charged 6%, "while money was . . . one & sometimes two percent month." 89 Before the War of 1 8 1 2 supercargoes were usually sent with consignments to Europe; after the war it was found practicable merely to consign the goods to some resident house. A supercargo, however, just after the war, was intrusted with a cargo and instructed: " Y o u will charge two & a half p r . Ct for selling 6 One p r . Cent on remittance." The one per cent was apparently in compensation for his trouble in purchasing exchange on London.90 Expenses varied at different ports. At Leghorn, in 1802, during the brief peace between England and France, the "charges including Comme. & de Credere [guarantee] amount [ed] to from 14 @ 15 p % . " At Havre, on the other hand, shortly

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75

after the War of 1812, the charges amounted to more than onethird the sales. Freight constituted nearly one-fourth and duties well over half the total expenses; brokerage was Y\°/o, and commission and del credere together 4%. The result was a heavy loss, and most shipments to Europe about this time came to similar ends. In 1819, in Leghorn, "Charges on sales including Commission & delcredere are generally from 6 @ 7 per cent;" this did not, of course, include freight and duties. Charges, however, were sufficiently low, and prices high, so that India goods from London were selling at a net profit of 10 to 15%. In 1802 India goods were selling in Europe "at 85 to 90 Cents p r Rupee from which charges are to be deducted;" in 1804 Calcutta goods were selling in Leghorn "for 100 cents the Rupee." In the same year in France, pepper sold at "a profit of about 10 pCent n 1 . of all charges" and coffee and sugar at 25%. In 1810 cochineal sold in Russia at an advance of well over 100% on the cost price; insurance on a Russia voyage was 25 to 30%. 9 1 There was more likely to be a loss on goods sent to Europe than on merchandise sold in the United States, and the profit, when there was any, was not so large as on domestic sales. This was to be expected, since only goods which were not likely to meet a satisfactory sale locally were shipped abroad. IX.

D I V E R S I F I C A T I O N AND SPECIALIZATION

Conspicuous among the developments in American commerce from the mid-eighteenth to the mid-nineteenth century was a transition from diversification to specialization. An extreme example of a colonial merchant performing diversified functions is that presented by Joseph Lee, Sr., shortly before the Revolutionary War. Lee was a partner in the firm of J. & A. Cabot, headed by his brothers-in-law, and was at the same time the captain of one of the vessels belonging to that company; in the latter capacity, after participating in the purchase of the outward cargo of fish, rum, lumber, etc., he not only navigated the vessel but also acted as supercargo, disposing of his vessel's

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after the War of 1812, the charges amounted to more than onethird the sales. Freight constituted nearly one-fourth and duties well over half the total expenses; brokerage was Y\°/o, and commission and del credere together 4%. The result was a heavy loss, and most shipments to Europe about this time came to similar ends. In 1819, in Leghorn, "Charges on sales including Commission & delcredere are generally from 6 @ 7 per cent;" this did not, of course, include freight and duties. Charges, however, were sufficiently low, and prices high, so that India goods from London were selling at a net profit of 10 to 15%. In 1802 India goods were selling in Europe "at 85 to 90 Cents p r Rupee from which charges are to be deducted;" in 1804 Calcutta goods were selling in Leghorn "for 100 cents the Rupee." In the same year in France, pepper sold at "a profit of about 10 pCent n 1 . of all charges" and coffee and sugar at 25%. In 1810 cochineal sold in Russia at an advance of well over 100% on the cost price; insurance on a Russia voyage was 25 to 30%. 9 1 There was more likely to be a loss on goods sent to Europe than on merchandise sold in the United States, and the profit, when there was any, was not so large as on domestic sales. This was to be expected, since only goods which were not likely to meet a satisfactory sale locally were shipped abroad. IX.

D I V E R S I F I C A T I O N AND SPECIALIZATION

Conspicuous among the developments in American commerce from the mid-eighteenth to the mid-nineteenth century was a transition from diversification to specialization. An extreme example of a colonial merchant performing diversified functions is that presented by Joseph Lee, Sr., shortly before the Revolutionary War. Lee was a partner in the firm of J. & A. Cabot, headed by his brothers-in-law, and was at the same time the captain of one of the vessels belonging to that company; in the latter capacity, after participating in the purchase of the outward cargo of fish, rum, lumber, etc., he not only navigated the vessel but also acted as supercargo, disposing of his vessel's

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cargo at Charleston, or a port in the West Indies, or one in Spain or Portugal, and investing the proceeds in rice, or in molasses, sugar, and coffee, or in salt, fruit, and wine, for sale either in a foreign port or in his home port of Salem or Beverly. If the opportunity offered, he would also pick up goods on freight. When not actually engaged in a voyage, Joseph Lee, Sr., exercised some of the functions of a sedentary merchant (which he had not yet become) in selling goods locally at wholesale or retail, or shipping them to other towns within his trade area, either at the order of various merchants or for sale by them on commission. Doubtless Lee, like his contemporary, Jonathan Jackson, also sold goods on commission for merchants in other cities. Nor did Massachusetts merchants confine themselves to the buying and selling, the exportation, importation, and transportation of merchandise. Manufacturing was also a function lying well within the sedentary merchant's province. It was advantageous for a Massachusetts merchant to have some control over his supply of such a staple as rum, and a distillery was consequently a familiar adjunct of such mercantile firms as J. & A. Cabot, Jackson & Bromfield, Jackson, Tracy & Tracy, and Joseph Lee & Co. Although it is true that Joseph Lee, Sr., ceased personally to act as captain-supercargo of his own vessels about the time that he entered the distillery business, some of his partners in Joseph Lee & Co., such as George Cabot, acted as captains-supercargoes in the transportation and disposal of the rum distilled by the company in which they were concerned. The small firm of Jackson & Bromfield had a machine for cleaning flaxseed, the exportation of which was their specialty — an example of semimanufacturing — in addition to the inevitable distillery. It is probable that Joseph Lee, Sr., designed as well as operated some of the vessels in which he was concerned; it is certain that, early in the next century, he designed some of the vessels owned by his sons. The Charon, owned by P. T. Jackson, was built "at Medford under inspection of Capt. Joseph Lee" and P. T. Jackson informed George Lee that "your father & I have altered" the Vancouver "to a Brig." 92 One of Joseph Lee's sons, his

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namesake, later similarly modelled vessels in which he was concerned." 3 But, so far as is known, rarely if ever did a Massachusetts merchant exercise the full-blown function of shipbuilder and actually operate a shipyard as an adjunct to his countinghouse, warehouse, wharf, and distillery. A casual reference to Edward Jackson as "engaged in commerce and shipbuilding, in Boston," 94 about the middle of the eighteenth century, is hardly sufficiently definite to constitute an exception. Jackson's activities as an ironmaster may not have been contemporaneous with his shipping enterprises, and in any case we know nothing of the extent to which, if at all, he integrated manufacturing with commerce. John Barnard, Jonathan Jackson's brother-in-law, combined an extractive industry with the personal marketing of the product. He was in 1772 operating a fishery from Yarmouth, Nova Scotia, and was in the spring of that year going with a cargo of fish, and of lumber from Maine, to the West Indies, whence he was to return to Nova Scotia and "trade along that Shore from Hallifax to Yarmouth after dried Fish," finally, in the fall, bringing the products of his trade and of his own fishery to Marblehead for sale to merchants desiring a cargo of fish for Spain or the West Indies. 95 Barnard also owned a distillery, rum being an indispensable element in the supplies for carrying on the fisheries. The pre-Revolutionary sedentary merchant in Massachusetts, be it noted, had access to no banks for the security or the transfer of his funds and for the furnishing of credit, and no marine insurance companies nearer than London. He was consequently forced to add to his other functions those of personally taking care of the gold and silver which came to him in the course of his trade and collecting drafts on other merchants in his vicinity sent to him by correspondents in remote cities. Lending money to and underwriting the cargoes of his fellow merchants were services which he was frequently called upon to perform; behind such requests, in addition to prospective immediate financial gain, was the compulsion of the consciousness that he might himself soon stand in need of similar assistance.

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Before the Revolution, such mercantile specialization as existed was in large measure compulsory, resulting from insufficient capital or commercial restrictions. Jackson & Bromfield, small importers of British dry goods and hardware which they sold at retail and to small shopkeepers, never owned a vessel, though late in the firm's career the partners may have been concerned in a small schooner. To a firm of larger capital, the ownership of one or more vessels would have been desirable, but the Jackson & Bromfield business was too small to make the ownership and operation of a vessel necessary, and their funds were so limited that ship ownership would have left insufficient capital for the maintenance of a suitable stock in trade. The Tracy firm, based on the profits of a generation of successful commerce, owned at the same time about a dozen vessels. A better example of specialization in the pre-Revolutionary period has to do with the commodities handled. Jackson & Bromfield's principal export, to assist in paying for their imports of British goods, was flaxseed, which was produced in large quantities and of an excellent quality in the Merrimack Valley. Thus Jackson & Bromfield escaped the competition of such typical prominent Essex County firms — that composed of the Cabots and Lees is a good example — as were extensively engaged in shipments of fish to the West Indies and Spain. Commercial restrictions enforced a sort of quasi-specialization upon pre-Revolutionary American merchants. Spain and Portugal barred them from trade with the Spanish and Portuguese possessions in the New World, including all of South and Central and a large share of North America. The East India Company's monopoly straddled from the Cape of Good Hope to Cape Horn. Navigation acts made trade with the Continent of Europe north of Cape Finisterre difficult or impossible. The British Isles, British possessions in North America, the West Indies, Portugal, Spain, and the West Coast of Africa remained. But, to a firm with a reasonably large capital to employ, trade with all, or nearly all, these regions was almost indispensable. A New England merchant and shipowner found himself almost compelled to deal in the New England staples of fish and lumber.

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Fish was not all of one quality, so the best — "the merchantable fish" — had to be sent to Spain or Portugal; the inferior — "Jamaica fish" — together with lumber, to the West Indies. The return cargo of wine, fruit, salt, and specie from the Iberian Peninsula could readily be disposed of in America — the salt for curing more fish; the same was true of the molasses, sugar, rum, coffee, salt, spices, and specie from the West Indies. But a merchant could not lose the opportunity, when offered, of turning part of his cargo again: so rum, distilled from part of the molasses — inferior to the West India rum — might be sent to the West Coast of Africa, to be exchanged for slaves to be sold in the West Indies to raise more sugar cane to be turned into more molasses to be distilled into more rum to buy more slaves; or a cargo of rum, molasses, sugar, and coffee might be sent to Pennsylvania, Maryland, or Virginia for wheat, or it might be sent to Charleston for rice, to be sold in the Iberian Peninsula. Since, moreover, a general merchant must have a supply of British, as well as of West India and Spanish goods, dry goods and hardware were shipped to New England from London and Bristol and paid for in consignments of potash, furs, etc., or in bills on London bought in the colonies or received as part of the payment for cargoes of rice or fish sent to Bilbao, Lisbon, or Cadiz. It was a rare Massachusetts shipowner who did not trade regularly and directly with the West Indies, Spain, and Portugal, and to a lesser extent with Nova Scotia and Lower Canada. Such a trade was specialized only in a negative and exceedingly questionable manner. The highly speculative African trade was a different matter and the triangular trade in molasses from the West Indies, rum to the West Coast, slaves to the West Indies, etc., came nearer than any other to producing a group of preRevolutionary specialized merchants, but it was a Rhode Island rather than a Massachusetts specialty. Neither Jonathan Jackson, nor the Tracys, nor Joseph Lee, Sr., nor the Cabots, ever participated personally in the slave trade. They confined themselves to selling rum to those who did so participate, as in the early nineteenth century their descendants similarly supplied

8o

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slavers with gaudy India cottons while expressing pious and probably sincere hopes for the slave trade's abolition. Independence barred American merchants from the British West Indies, but this niggardly left-handed withdrawal was more than bountifully recompensed by the lavish throwing open with the right hand of trade with northern Europe and the Orient. At last the American merchant had access to a trade of sufficient magnitude to make concentration thereupon profitable. The more alert and richer merchants immediately upon the recognition of independence, the more cautious or less well financed as soon as they were convinced by the success of their fellows and were able to follow their example, left the West Indies for the East and found ample scope for their ability and energy in the exploitation of the trade in the Indian and Pacific oceans. Joseph Lee, Jr., stated in 1805 "my business has been Confin'd to the places beyond the Cape Good Hope," and in 1817 his brother wrote: " I devote all my time to Calcutta Goods." 96 Some, like John Jacob Astor, while not overlooking such India ports as Calcutta, specialized in the Canton trade; others, like the Lees, although not disregarding Canton, concentrated upon Calcutta, while Patrick Tracy Jackson divided his attention between Calcutta and the less important port of Madras. The opening of the Orient to American commerce resulted in other than merely geographical specialization. It was all very well to intrust a small schooner and a cargo of fish, invoiced at five or six hundred pounds, lawful money, solely to a captainsupercargo for a voyage to the West Indies; but when the vessel was a brig or ship of two or three hundred tons burthen, the cargo a miscellaneous assortment, one item in which was a consignment of perhaps 100,000 Spanish dollars, and the destination Canton or Calcutta, then the advisability of a division of responsibilities and functions became evident. The navigation of his vessel through the prahu-infested Straits of Sunda and past the Ladrone junks lurking off Macao, or up the treacherous waters of the Hugli, was sufficient tax upon the captain's skill and energy without requiring him, in addition, to dicker for the

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sale of his outward cargo with subtle hong merchants or wily banians and to possess an encyclopedic knowledge of all the grades and varieties of Chinese teas or Bengal cottons and indigo, to say nothing of keeping in his mind and memorandum book the fluctuations, past and prospective, of the market for each, as affected by events in Europe, the Americas, and the Orient. Thus the complexity of, and the capital necessary for, the East India trade tended to eliminate from it the shipownercaptain-supercargo, and even the captain-supercargo, who were such familiar figures in both the pre-Revolutionary and postRevolutionary trade with the West Indies. Not that they were eliminated completely. It was not unusual to find the master of a vessel in the trade with the F a r East listed among her owners, as thumbing a volume of ships' registers will readily reveal. A register rarelv, however, lists a vessel's master and her sole owner as identical. 97 Henry Lee commented in regard to "the Union Capt n Chardon," of New York, "the owners is Captain & is an excellent navigator;" 98 the Union was the only American vessel seized at Calcutta when word of war arrived early in 1813 — a doubly unhappy event for Capt. Chardon, who thus lost both voyage and ship. Henry Lee evidently considered a captain-shipowner in the Calcutta trade to be worthy of comment. We are not told whether or not Capt. Chardon also acted as his own supercargo. If so, he must at least have been assisted by a clerk; P. T . Jackson's first voyage to the East Indies was made as clerk to his brother, Capt. Henry Jackson, who seems on that occasion to have acted both as master and as supercargo. 99 Even a supercargo was frequently assisted by a clerk, some young man in training to become himself a supercargo and ultimately a merchant. Charles D. Miles assisted Henrv Lee through his long stay in Calcutta during the War of 1812. Occasionally two supercargoes, a chief and a subordinate, were dispatched on the same vessel. Philadelphia vessels are said to have customarily carried two supercargoes. 100 In short, it can be said that, with occasional conspicuous exceptions, the tendency in the East India trade was toward a separation of ownership, navigation, and management of outward and return cargoes

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(although captain and supercargo occasionally owned a small proportion of the vessel and always had the privilege of a certain amount of space in the hold for trade-goods of their own). The same situation also appeared in the voyages to the Continent of Europe of vessels loaded with East India goods; the captain was usually accompanied by a supercargo. Goods shipped to the West Indies for sale, however, were still ordinarily consigned to the captain rather than to the supercargo. 101 The compensation of a captain varied according to whether or not he also had to perform the duties of a supercargo; similarly the supercargo's pay fluctuated according to circumstances. In drawing up a budget for a voyage to Spanish America, in 1800, under a permit, it was estimated that "Super Cargoes & Captains pay would be 50 Dollars p r Month 5 ρ Ο commissions & a Priveledge of 5 p r . O . in the Vessel;" from the context, the implication is that the captain and supercargo would be essayed by the same man. The vessel was to be of about two hundred tons burthen and the cargo was to cost $6o,ooo-$7o,ooo. 102 He would have an opportunity of making a profit on the goods which he shipped in the 5% of the cargo space allotted to him, and in addition he would receive a commission of 5% on the invoice value of the outward cargo and a monthly wage of $50. For a voyage to Calcutta in 1 8 1 1 the captain was to receive $60 per month and "Eight Tons (measurement) priviledge on board;" the supercargo's compensation was to be " 2 ^ % on the proceeds of forty thousand Pounds in Calcutta — Ten Tons measurement priviledge." The supercargo's commission would thus amount to nearly $5,000. The captain's eight tons and the supercargo's ten tons together would amount to about 5% of the vessel's total measurement. Thus in a rough way, approximately the same amount went to compensate the captain and the supercargo together.103 In the trade with the East Indies the supercargo did not always attain that position merely through being hired by the shipowner to take charge of his own goods and those of the other adventurers. Sometimes it was the supercargo who took the initiative in bringing together a shipowner and a number

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of merchants with goods or funds, adequate to furnish a cargo for the vessel, which they wished to send abroad. T h i s , apparently, was the plan adopted b y P. T . Jackson in his v o y a g e s to C a l c u t t a as a supercargo. 1 0 4 In such a case the supercargo assumed a more diversified role, while the shipowner, ceasing to exercise one of his previous functions, tended toward a more specialized position. T h e right of a supercargo to occupy, as a part of his compensation, a certain number of tons of space free of freight sometimes was extended to involve him in a responsibility for financing the voyage. P . T . Jackson on a v o y a g e from the C a p e of Good Hope to Pulo P e n a n g added 5 % " t o the amount of the C a r g o " of his principals' vessel on condition that he should "receive in A m e r i c a 10 per C e n t of the amount sales of the same, as Compensation for m y services." 105 T h u s he became interested in the general results of the v o y a g e , instead of merely in a private venture of his own to be sold b y himself for his own account. T h i s slight tendency toward the supercargo's involvement in the financing of a v o y a g e was later to take an extreme form. T h e pre-Revolutionary merchant had carried on retailing and wholesaling side b y side; the sale of a gallon of rum at i s . 8d., Massachusetts currency, to a N e g r o laborer was no more beneath his dignity than was a shipment of several thousand gallons of the liquor to Charleston or of several hundred quintals of fish to the W e s t Indies. T h e large E a s t India merchant, however, importing in a single cargo goods valued at perhaps $200,000, tended to dispose of his merchandise entirely at wholesale. B u t the smaller E a s t India merchants, and even some of the larger in an emergency, found an advantage in selling at retail, either on their own accounts or on commission. H e n r y L e e remarked t h a t 1 0 6 there is . . . one . . . cause that I always calculate upon to favour us small traders, which is that most of the India traders are rich, and when goods get down to the cost and charges say 8oc ρ Rupee they will store them, this leaves the market to those who must sell, and who perhaps by retailing may make 3 to 5 °/o more than those who

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calculate upon selling by the cargo, we have always found that we could retail a considerable quantity of goods at saving prices when Calcutta goods were at the lowest, we can do it better now because we confine our whole time and attention to that business, you have seen this in the case of your Madras goods that Mr Jackson sold, for while L & Whitney and even Remsen with all his industry could not in a year sell $20.000 at any price, Mr J sold a much larger amount at very handsome prices, there is nothing extraordinary in this, it is an advantage which a man who deals wholly in one article has over a general trader.

Goods of an especially good quality were sometimes worth the extra effort of retailing. Henry Lee wrote to his agents in Calcutta: " I hope you may have found some [saltpetre] in large christals. . . . It will command an extra price for provision dealers use . . . I shall aways be able to retail a considerable quantity at 3 or 4 cts more than common quality will command — " 1 0 7 Writing to John Tracy, who was making purchases for him in Baltimore, Henry Lee inquired whether or not there was anyone in that city who sold tea "by Chest and smaller package," 108 which suggests that China merchants did not sell at retail as a matter of course. All the indications are that, for the majority of East India merchants, selling at retail was undertaken only in special cases or in an emergency. But this tendency toward specialization in marketing did not stop with concentration upon the selling, usually at wholesale, of a particular type of goods. Imnorters in general exercised as one of their usual functions the selling on commission of goods in their line shipped to them by merchants in other cities or even from abroad. Some merchants, in time, ceased to import goods and confined their attention to the marketing of goods imported by others. The reasons for such a step varied with the individual merchant. A merchant in straitened financial circumstances might find it impossible to import goods on his own account, and yet, if he possessed a reputation for knowledge, energy, and nrobity, would find his lack of capital no bar to his acceptability as a marketer of other men's goods. On the other hand, a merchant might deliberately decide to confine his

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attention to the marketing rather than the importing of goods, finding in his commissions from the sale of goods for other merchants a more than adequate compensation for the profits he might have obtained on goods imported on his own account. In this latter category, apparently, was the firm of Peter Remsen & Co., New York, of whom Henry Lee wrote: "Messs Remsen &C°. are Commission Merchants with a large Capital and who have no business of their own, and who never engage in any speculations, or make advances except upon Property in hand." 109 For commission merchants to "have no business of their own" which could compete with that of their clients must have been a strong incentive, other things being equal, for importers to take advantage of their services. In 1840, Henry Lee, once an importer of Calcutta goods, described his "line of business" as "chiefly the sale on commission of the products of India," 110 but, as he had by this time largely retired from active commerce, it is uncertain whether either of the reasons mentioned above had been influential in thus limiting his activities. He is known, at any rate, to have lost heavily in the years immediately preceding. The founding of insurance companies and banks in the United States shortly after the Revolution assisted in the tendency toward specialization by relieving the sedentary merchant to a large extent of the necessity of underwriting the voyages of other merchants and of personal care of his own specie, by loosening credit and by facilitating the transfer of funds, though the sedentary merchant long continued to exercise on occasion certain banking functions. The War of 1812 marks the beginning of a period in which a dichotomy between shipping and importing on the one hand, and ship ownership, on the other, became conspicuous. As Hans Keiler remarked: "The period between the close of the War of 1812 and the opening of the Civil War witnessed a change in the character of the American ships engaged in foreign trade from trading vessels generally owned by merchants and freighted with wares belonging to them or to associated adventurers, to freighters engaged in the carrying trade for the sake of the

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freight money and owned and navigated by men having no personal financial interests in the cargoes which they carried." 1 1 1 During the period 1802-11, the firm of Joseph Lee, Jr., and Henry Lee had owned at various times at least seven vessels, five of which were engaged principally in the East India trade and the other two in trade with Europe. After returning in 1816 from Calcutta and going into business for himself, Henry Lee bought two vessels for the Calcutta trade but speedily repented and tried to sell them again; one of them, however, he had to send on two voyages to India in 1817 and 1818 through sheer inability to dispose of her. After 1819, Henry Lee, although continuing in the Calcutta trade for a score of years, never exported or imported goods on a vessel in which he was interested. There were two principal reasons for this. Early in January, 1818, he commented: " I am not rich enough to own ship timber" and a little later he exclaimed vehemently: " I hope never to own another stick of timber if I live 1000 years." 112 Another reason was the oversupply of vessels in the Calcutta trade, a condition which resulted from the increased competition caused by the opening of the trade with India in 1813 to British merchants outside the East India Company, and from the limiting of the opportunities in the trade through a prohibitive duty on India cottons imported into the United States. In the fall of 1816, Henry Lee commented: "They are Sending Ships Continually . . . for Calcutta & other ports beyond the Cape. I Suppose to prevent their rotting. . . . M r Gray I am told has only 44 Ships & Brigs [italics mine] . . . The Shipping Merchants in this quarter are quite idle, & wholly at a loss for employment for their Ships." 113 In a few years, however, the trade with the East Indies had picked up. It still followed the pattern described by Keiler, the shipowner having no interest in the cargo, the supercargo having a privilege of 2% to 4 % of the ship's tonnage and no other interest, the adventurers, who owned the cargo, paying heavy freight rates of $60 per ton on the average, and making profits of from 10% to 20% on their investments — in one case, in

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1821, a voyage on which Henry Lee acted as supercargo resulted in profits of 60% on some articles. By 1840, however, when Henry Lee was retiring from active business, the situation had somewhat changed again. Cottons, silks, indigoes, and other formerly profitable articles ceased to be objects of importation, because of British competition or overproduction. Merchandise of a bulkier, less valuable nature assumed the ascendancy; profits fell off and freight rates, in consequence, declined. The result was that shipowners began to require supercargoes to load about half a vessel's tonnage on their own account, at a freight somewhat higher than it was really worth, inducing independent shippers to fill up the rest of the space, or occupy it themselves. Thus, supercargoes began to add shipping and importing to their original functions and shipowners returned to occupying on occasion a large part of their vessels' tonnage on their own account. At the same time a few of the larger merchants were pursuing the trade in the old way "in their own ships and on their own account." 114 The coffee trade with Rio de Janeiro was being conducted upon similar principles. A supercargo or captain, desiring "employment and a commission," would be willing to load part of a vessel and get his friends to load another portion, and with this offer would go to a mercantile house "to obtain credit & to furnish the balance of a cargo." The house would, then, on these terms charter a vessel for the voyage, but in its turn would require the Rio house furnishing the coffee to load on its own account a part of that portion of the cargo for which the chartering house had agreed to be responsible. Perhaps, on occasion, the shipowner himself would agree to participate in loading the vessel. Thus, all the participants in the voyage would co-operate in furnishing the capital, in addition to performing each his own special function as shipowner, captain, supercargo, broker, or commission merchant. 115 Bullard & Lee, successors to the business of Henry Lee, Sr., and specializing in trade with Calcutta and Rio, preferred to act as brokers and commission merchants, chartering vessels and inducing merchants to load them, not themselves adventur-

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ing any property, and taking their "compensation in a gain on the tonnage, and in the commissions on the sales of such goods as may be consigned to them," 116 but the competition in agency business was so great that they frequently found it necessary to be interested themselves in loading the vessels they chartered. Their available funds were sufficient to enable them to do this; and, on this possession of adequate capital, on their experience in the Calcutta trade, and on their youth, energy, and willingness to be satisfied with small profits, they depended for success in their business. A tendency toward specialization in the internal economy of the countinghouse soon appeared in the firm of Bullard & Lee. In suggesting the admission of a younger brother to the firm, the senior partner wrote to the junior: "Stephen can take charge of the Books & attend to the internal concerns of the Co Ho — You will do the Correspondence with the London India Houses & other things too numerous to mention at this time, details — details, & I will 'beat the bush' — " 11T The general set-up at the beginning of the fifth decade of the nineteenth century was characterized in one respect by increased specialization, in the person of the broker who, standing between shipowner and merchant and bringing them together, performed a part of the functions formerly belonging to each, and seems to represent a development of one of the functions which the supercargo in some cases had earlier begun to perform. But all these functionaries tended to be bound together by the common necessity of furnishing a part of the capital for the voyage in which they were participants. X.

K I N S H I P AND B U S I N E S S

A conspicuous feature of business in early Massachusetts, appearing in all its aspects, was the dominating influence of family relationships. In the forming of all personal business relationships, from taking on an apprentice to hiring a supercargo or captain, from selecting a commission merchant to choosing a partner, the Massachusetts merchant seems to have

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ing any property, and taking their "compensation in a gain on the tonnage, and in the commissions on the sales of such goods as may be consigned to them," 116 but the competition in agency business was so great that they frequently found it necessary to be interested themselves in loading the vessels they chartered. Their available funds were sufficient to enable them to do this; and, on this possession of adequate capital, on their experience in the Calcutta trade, and on their youth, energy, and willingness to be satisfied with small profits, they depended for success in their business. A tendency toward specialization in the internal economy of the countinghouse soon appeared in the firm of Bullard & Lee. In suggesting the admission of a younger brother to the firm, the senior partner wrote to the junior: "Stephen can take charge of the Books & attend to the internal concerns of the Co Ho — You will do the Correspondence with the London India Houses & other things too numerous to mention at this time, details — details, & I will 'beat the bush' — " 11T The general set-up at the beginning of the fifth decade of the nineteenth century was characterized in one respect by increased specialization, in the person of the broker who, standing between shipowner and merchant and bringing them together, performed a part of the functions formerly belonging to each, and seems to represent a development of one of the functions which the supercargo in some cases had earlier begun to perform. But all these functionaries tended to be bound together by the common necessity of furnishing a part of the capital for the voyage in which they were participants. X.

K I N S H I P AND B U S I N E S S

A conspicuous feature of business in early Massachusetts, appearing in all its aspects, was the dominating influence of family relationships. In the forming of all personal business relationships, from taking on an apprentice to hiring a supercargo or captain, from selecting a commission merchant to choosing a partner, the Massachusetts merchant seems to have

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regarded himself as bound not to go outside his circle of kinship, so long as there was in it any one desirous of employment. This tendency went so far as to be reminiscent of the situation encountered by the early western traders among the villagers of India — " 'joint' families — grown brothers and their families — who often owned property in common." Even now, we are told, "Indian brothers often continue, long after they are married, to own and administer their property in common." 118 This seems natural and proper in an oriental agricultural community; but to discover kinship groups, though of a much less highly integrated character, among individualistic westerners engaged in commerce is a little surprising. The groups were so large, however, that it was not difficult to choose satisfactory business associates and subordinates from within them. Jonathan Jackson received his early business training in the countinghouse of Patrick Tracy; Jonathan Jackson's mother and Mrs. Patrick Tracy were both great-granddaughters of Maj. Gen. Daniel Gookin.119 Enoch Titcomb was a clerk in the firm of Jackson, Tracy & Tracy; his grandfather, and the grandfather of Mrs. Nicholas Tracy, Nicholas Tracy being the uncle of the Tracy partners, were brothers. 120 George Cabot received his first maritime training under his brother-in-law and later partner, Joseph Lee, Sr.; 121 and the latter's son, Joseph Lee, Jr., entered business in the service of Joseph Lee & Co., composed of his father and his uncle George. Henry Lee agreed to take into his store a son of Capt. William Farris; Mrs. Henry Lee's aunt, Mrs. John Tracy, was either the sister or the cousin of Mrs. William Farris. 122 John Lowell, Jr., and John Adams Gardner, nephews of Mrs. Henry Lee, young men neither of whom could "do any thing at accounts, nor even copy letters," went out to Calcutta on the Lascar, belonging to William Oliver and Joseph Lee, Jr., "to learn Seamanship." Henry Lee gave instructions that they were to stay with his supercargoes and "assist in the Godowns — You must give them to understand unless they work, they are not to remain on shore." 123 Robert Bennet Forbes was, first, clerk and then ship's boy in the service of his uncles, James and Τ. H. Perkins. 124 Henry Lee, Jr.,

T H E JACKSONS AND T H E LEES after graduating from Harvard, as a matter of course entered his father's countinghouse. His younger brother, Francis Lowell Lee, similarly became a clerk in the countinghouse of Bullard & Lee, in which his brother was junior partner. It was not, of course, surprising that young men should frequently gain their first business training in the countinghouses of their kin, but this practice, though common, was by no means universal. Joseph Lee, Sr., got his start as a cabin boy for the Cabots, who were not, at the time, family connections of his. Patrick Tracy Jackson was a clerk for William Bartlett, not a relative, and Henry Lee for Marston Watson, who was no relation of his.125 It is perhaps only a coincidence that these three merchants whose original training was obtained under non-relatives were, on the whole, the most successful of the Jackson-Lee group. Those who demonstrated themselves as conspicuously unfitted for business by their conduct as apprentice clerks or ship's boys, shortly, of course, disappeared, "without leaving a trace," and nothing further is heard of them. Even the youthful would-be business men who gained their preliminary training in the countinghouse or on the ship of a non-relative, frequently, however, found that for further advancement they must turn to a kinsman. Thomas Lee, Jr., who first "went into the counting-room of Hon. William Gray . . . afterward entered the house of Lee & Cabot, in which his father was a partner." P. T. Jackson left the employ of William Bartlett, with the latter's consent, in order to go as captain's clerk to his brother Henry Jackson on a voyage to India. 126 Henry Lee's first voyage as a supercargo was on a vessel owned by his brother Joseph and himself, and captained by another brother, George. The position of supercargo seems to have been one which was specially reserved for relatives in need of employment or experience. Joseph Lee, Jr., sent his brother Thomas, Jr., to Europe, perhaps not exactly as a supercargo but to peddle some East India goods from port to port. 127 Robert Cabot went to Cherbourg as supercargo of the Washington, belonging to his cousins Henry, Joseph, Jr., and George Lee, and to himself;

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George Lee was master.128 In this case, to be sure, Robert Cabot's interest in the vessel gave him a claim, other than that of relationship, to the position of supercargo. Similarly, Andrew Cabot, Robert's brother, went out to Calcutta as supercargo of the Dromo, in which he was concerned with his Lee cousins, Joseph, Jr., and Henry. 129 Francis Lee, youngest Lee brother, went as supercargo on the brigantine Eliza for Cherbourg and Rotterdam, with a cargo of sugar and pepper belonging to his brothers. 130 John Cabot, cousin of the supercargoes Robert and Andrew Cabot, had gone to the Mediterranean as supercargo of the Republican.131 Robert Cabot, formerly supercargo of the Washington, later went to Calcutta as supercargo of the Gulliver, commanded by George Lee; Robert Cabot was not concerned in the vessel.132 He also acted with William Oliver as supercargo of the Gipsy,133 at which time George Lee and Joseph Hall, Jr., were the Gipsy's supercargoes.134 At the same time, P. T. Jackson sent his cousin, John Tracy, Jr., to Madras as supercargo of the Vancouver.135 After the failure in business of Joseph Lee, Jr., and his brother Henry, the latter went as supercargo to Calcutta on his cousin Andrew Cabot's brig Reaper,136 being accompanied by his cousin Sebastian, Andrew's brother, and the former went to Havana on the Gipsy as supercargo for his brother Thomas Lee, Jr., his brother Henry's brother-in-law P. T. Jackson, and his friend and former associate, William Oliver.137 Richard Clarke Cabot, after the War of 1812, went out to Calcutta as junior supercargo on the Cruttenden, owned by his cousin Henry Lee.138 A generation later, Henry Lee, Jr., sailed to Rio de Janeiro as supercargo for his father, 139 and a few years after this his brother Francis Lowell Lee went to the same port for the firm of Bullard & Lee as supercargo of the barque Sophronia.li0 By no means all of the P. T. Jackson or Lee supercargoes were related to their principals — William Oliver, John Bromfield, Jr., John B. Greene, and Charles D. Miles are exceptions which come readily to mind — but though Henry Lee may not have been altogether ingenuous when, in refusing an application for employment, he stated "I have several near relations who are in want, and whom I should

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be obliged to prefer," 141 he nevertheless obviously felt that a relative's claim to any available job would be taken as a matter of course. There are indications that the selection of supercargoes almost exclusively from among relatives, when any such were available, was not the most efficient system imaginable, and that even those who followed the practice were cognizant of its defects. John Cabot, whose voyage to the Mediterranean as a supercargo did "not look so favourable" to his principal, may have been the victim of circumstances beyond his control, but a family historian states that he "had small aptitude for commercial life." 142 In P. T . Jackson's opinion, his cousin John Tracy, Jr., ruined the voyage of the Vancouver to Madras, on which Tracy had acted as supercargo.143 Henry Lee wrote with the utmost bitterness in regard to the part which he felt his cousin Robert Cabot had played in bringing about the Lee failure of 1811: "it is impossible for you to imagine how totally he . . . wasted the property entrusted to his charge. . . . if he had been merely a sober man of common capacity, we could not have fail'd of realizing an immense profit. . . . he only consulted his convenience in the induldence of his intemperance, & thus committed every thing to the direction of one of the greatest villians in Calcutta." 1 4 4 It is fairly obvious that a merchant could more easily select an efficient supercargo if he did not have to confine his choice within a circle of kinship. On the other hand, even the critical Henry Lee never accused a relative of actual dishonesty, except as this is implied by any failure on an agent's part to use every exertion for his principal's benefit; and an East India merchant may have preferred an occasional loss, due to the indolence or inexperience of a relative, to the danger of deliberate pillaging by an agent whose greater abilitv might find improper expression and who would not be inhibited by the fear of family ostracism which might check the potential dishonesty of one belonging to the principal's kinship group. Thus, for mingled personal and economic motives, merchants tended to limit themselves in their choice of subordinates.

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Captains were by no means so likely to be related to the owners of the vessels they navigated as were supercargoes to be kinsmen of the merchants whose goods they handled. This was because a sea captain was not so clearly on the way to become a sedentary merchant and because a sea captain had to have more specialized training than was ordinarily possessed by a member of a merchant's family. But it was nevertheless by no means infrequent for a captain to be related to his owners. Nicholas Tracy commanded vessels at various times for his brother Patrick, and James Tracy, a Jackson, Tracy & Tracy captain, was probably a cousin of Nathaniel and John Tracy. 145 George Lee frequently commanded vessels, usually in the Calcutta trade, for his brothers Joseph, Jr., and Henry. Once a young man had become an independent merchant there were many ways in which his older and better-established relatives could, and were expected to, assist him, ranging from mere acts of commercial courtesy, such as receiving and making payments or negotiating insurance for a relative, turning over to him letters which related to types of business in which the original recipient was not engaged, etc., up to actually lending him money. Commission merchants, like supercargoes, believed that they had a moral if not a legal claim to the business of their mercantile relatives. Lee & Cabot made regular consignments of imported goods to Joseph Lee, Jr., son of the senior partner, and Samuel Cabot, brother of the junior partner and brother-in-law of the senior, both of Boston. Joseph Lee, Jr., explained to a New York merchant that he would be unable to do business with him, "a near relation of mine having it in contemplation to establish himself at New York." 146 In 1806 the Lees transferred their Philadelphia agency to the firm of Hazard & Cabot, in which their cousin Samuel Cabot was junior partner. 147 Henry Lee also ordered East India goods in London through his cousin Frederick Cabot, who had been, and perhaps was still, a partner of Francis Lee. 148 That the services of Hazard & Cabot by no means satisfied Henry Lee is revealed by a letter to his brother Francis in which he coupled the Philadelphia firm with the

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supercargo Robert Cabot, in regard to whose Calcutta activities Lee felt so bitterly. "You will I imagine be strongly solicited to employ some relatives of ours settled there [in Philadelphia], but I beg to be excused from having any of my concerns entrusted to them, or any of the name, with the exception of one or two — I have made sacrifices en° in that way, & have no mind to be ruin'd a second time for the pleasure of serving my Cousins." 149 Yet so strong was the family tie that in less than a year Henry Lee was making shipments to Perit & Cabot, Philadelphia, the Cabot members of which were Samuel, formerly of Hazard & Cabot, and his brother Joseph. 150 After the War of 1812, Henry Lee seems to have turned to his more distant Higginson kin as agents. He sent James P. Higginson to London to buy East India goods; James P. Higginson's father and Henry Lee's grandmother were cousins. 151 More than a score of years later, the Bullard & Lee Calcutta agent was James Babcock Higginson, the nephew of James P. Higginson, who bore a still closer relationship to the Lees inasmuch as his brother George had married Mary Cabot Lee, Henry Lee's daughter. In Henry Lee's opinion, James Babcock Higginson proved as much of a disappointment as had some of his Cabot kin. "He is modeled on the character of his two uncles John & Harry — both of whom were a disgrace to their family," 1 3 2 was Henry Lee's verdict in the 1840's. We are not told what had caused him to change his opinion of Henry Higginson since the time when, just before and after the War of 1812, they had enjoyed close and friendly relationships, expressed by Henry Lee in soliciting consignments for Higginson, who was endeavoring, as a supercargo, to recoup his fortunes. Association of relatives in business as partners probably worked out better than in the cases when one relative was the principal and the other an agent of some kind — supercargo, commission merchant, etc. This was doubtless because a partner, even a relative, would be normally expected to bring some capital to the firm. This capital, if self-acquired, was in itself some evidence of the owner's fitness, and even if inherited, it none the less increased the firm's capacity for doing business,

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although the contributor himself might turn out to be a cipher. Edward Bromfield, to be sure, seems to have made William Phillips his partner immediately upon Phillips' marriage to Abigail Bromfield; but, since Phillips had served his apprenticeship under his father-in-law to be,153 the latter must have recognized that he would, capital or no capital, be an addition to the firm. Patrick Tracy, when he retired, turned over his business to his two sons and to his son-in-law (once his clerk) Jonathan Jackson, making the latter the senior partner. The partnership of Joseph Lee, Sr., however, with John and Andrew Cabot in the firm of J. & A. Cabot, seems to have preceded his marriage to their sister Elizabeth Cabot. Joseph Lee was later senior partner in Joseph Lee & Co. with John, Andrew, and George Cabot, and in Lee & Cabot with George. Joseph Lee, Jr., was at various times engaged in joint trade with several of his brothers, cousins, and other relatives. He was associated in shipments from Canton with Nathaniel Cabot Lee; in shipping coffee to Rotterdam with his uncle Samuel Cabot; in importing pepper, etc., from Sumatra with Thomas Lee, Jr.; in the Calcutta trade for several years with Henry Lee. Henry Lee and Joseph Lee, Jr., were concerned in the brig Dromo with their cousin Andrew Cabot and in one of the Gulliver's voyages with Henry's brother-in-law P. T. Jackson. Henry Lee and P. T. Jackson were also concerned in the Boston,154 Andrew Cabot, in addition to his associations with his Lee cousins — including N. C. Lee,155 who married his own and Andrew's cousin Mary Ann Cabot — had also been in partnership with his cousin Charles George Cabot. Francis Cabot Lowell was first in partnership with his uncle William Cabot. He had married Hannah Jackson, P. T. Jackson's sister, in 1798; this had inaugurated a family connection between the Jacksons and Tracys on one side and the Lowell, Cabot, and Lee families on the other, which was to be accentuated by the marriage of Charles Jackson and Amelia Lee in 1799, James Jackson and Elizabeth Cabot in 1801, Henry Lee and Mary Jackson in 1809, and P. T. Jackson and Lydia Cabot in 18io. 156 In 1804, P. T. Jackson and Andrew Cabot, who was a cousin once removed of

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Jackson's brother-in-law, were associated in business. During the War of 1812 P. T . Jackson and his brother-in-law F. C. Lowell were associated in shipping flour to Spain, and shortly after the war P. T . Jackson with Thomas Lee, Jr., and Francis Lee, his brother-in-law's brothers and his wife's cousins, were shipping coffee to Europe. 157 Thomas Lee, Jr., had been associated in several vessels in the Havana trade with P. T . Jackson and Francis Lee. Francis and George Lee, after the War of 1812, were first among the principal, and later the sole, owners of the brig Hindu,158 Marriage, by itself, does not seem, in the circle with which we are concerned, to have opened important commercial doors. We do not find fortune hunters marrying a girl belonging to a mercantile family in order to obtain an easy job with some of her relatives. One reason was that in the business of that day there were no jobs which would have been regarded as sinecures by a person interested in such a position. A letter-copying or bookkeeping clerkship, or a supercargoship on a long voyage, would have small appeal to a person in search of a life of apparent activity but actual leisure. Marriage did frequently lead to a closer business relationship between the husband and his wife's kin, but the marriage itself was usually based either upon previous business connections or membership in the same social and economic group. Joseph Lee, Sr., married Elizabeth Cabot and became a member of the firm headed by two of her brothers, but Lee had previously for several years served as a sea captain for the Cabots. William Phillips became Edward Bromfield's partner after marrying Abigail Bromfield, Edward's daughter, but Phillips had served his apprenticeship in the Bromfield countinghouse. We have here the industrious apprentice's traditional feat of "marrying the boss's daughter." Patrick Tracy made his son-in-law, Jonathan Jackson, senior partner in the firm to which he turned over his own business on retirement, the junior partners being Tracy's own sons, but Jackson had not only been trained in Patrick Tracy's countinghouse but had also established himself as an independent merchant prior to his marriage.

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Just as young merchants tended to come from mercantile rather than from ministerial or farming families, so they tended to marry the daughters or sisters of other merchants — the men whom they met on "Change" and to whose homes they had an entry. Business contacts of minor importance developed into relationships of major significance, which were sometimes either preceded or followed by the tightening of personal ties, through marriage. For a merchant, marriage into another mercantile family was not only natural and advantageous to his own business, but also resulted in benefits extending into future generations. The helping hands extended to a young merchant were potentially doubled in number if his mother as well as his father came from a commercial family. It is quite probable that the great difficulty which John Bromfield, Jr., experienced in establishing himself in business was in a large measure the result of the fact that his mother was a minister's, rather than a merchant's, daughter. The Massachusetts mercantile group was apparently, during this period, pretty much of a closed corporation. In the Jackson-Lee-Cabot circle one does not encounter barefooted farm boys, who come to Boston, secure a warehouse job, study nights, get promoted to the countinghouse, become junior partners, and make their fortunes. It was not, nevertheless, impossible for a poor boy to work himself up to the position of an independent merchant, but his route would be by way of the fo'c'sle and quarter-deck, and even here his chances would be considerably improved by being at least a distant and poor relative of the shipowner. Yet, even without this advantage, the long and arduous passage could be accomplished, as witness the Irish immigrant ship's boy Patrick Tracy. The large sums which must be intrusted to the supercargo and commission merchant in the days of the East India trade and the impossibility of immediate supervision by the owners were probably large factors in the tendency toward selecting as agents only, or principally, persons who could not be dishonest without the accompanying subjection to family as well as business discipline. With the development of manufacturing, trans-

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portation, and mining came greater opportunities for the novus homo to work himself up to a position of responsibility and affluence from such lower ranks as mechanic, foreman, etc. It was unquestionably of great advantage to a merchant to be one of a large circle of experienced business men, well-supplied with funds, on whom he could depend for support or assistance in an emergency, in return for similar favors on his part. Henry Lee stressed the fact that "I have four [brothers], but we are not partners, though in case of my death or sickness, they would manage my business as well as I could — We are in the habit of doing so for each other." 159 Whether this compensated for the counter necessity of assisting relatives who were neither efficient nor otherwise capable of rendering a quid pro quo would depend upon the individuals involved. There would undoubtedly be a point at which even the most traditionally minded merchant would be forced to separate kinship from business. But the Jacksons, Lees, and Cabots, at least, seem to have regarded the comparative security from flagrant dishonesty, resulting from doing business on a family basis, as compensation for possible increased energy and initiative, accompanied by greater risk, which might have been produced by an infusion of fresh blood. American business could not have advanced very far had its personnel long continued to be so limited, but in this period, and for the type of commercial business characteristic of it, the defects of family business were apparently not more conspicuous than its benefits. At any rate, during this period, and for whatever mixture of personal and economic motives, the influence of family relationships was a factor which the business man should not, or could not, disregard. XI.

BUSINESS ETHICS

The biographer or historian must tread warily in discussing the ethics of any individual (or small related group) particularly of a century or more ago. He must strive to avoid at least two pitfalls. An objective account of the deeds of our principal character, whether he be merchant, soldier, politician, artist,

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portation, and mining came greater opportunities for the novus homo to work himself up to a position of responsibility and affluence from such lower ranks as mechanic, foreman, etc. It was unquestionably of great advantage to a merchant to be one of a large circle of experienced business men, well-supplied with funds, on whom he could depend for support or assistance in an emergency, in return for similar favors on his part. Henry Lee stressed the fact that "I have four [brothers], but we are not partners, though in case of my death or sickness, they would manage my business as well as I could — We are in the habit of doing so for each other." 159 Whether this compensated for the counter necessity of assisting relatives who were neither efficient nor otherwise capable of rendering a quid pro quo would depend upon the individuals involved. There would undoubtedly be a point at which even the most traditionally minded merchant would be forced to separate kinship from business. But the Jacksons, Lees, and Cabots, at least, seem to have regarded the comparative security from flagrant dishonesty, resulting from doing business on a family basis, as compensation for possible increased energy and initiative, accompanied by greater risk, which might have been produced by an infusion of fresh blood. American business could not have advanced very far had its personnel long continued to be so limited, but in this period, and for the type of commercial business characteristic of it, the defects of family business were apparently not more conspicuous than its benefits. At any rate, during this period, and for whatever mixture of personal and economic motives, the influence of family relationships was a factor which the business man should not, or could not, disregard. XI.

BUSINESS ETHICS

The biographer or historian must tread warily in discussing the ethics of any individual (or small related group) particularly of a century or more ago. He must strive to avoid at least two pitfalls. An objective account of the deeds of our principal character, whether he be merchant, soldier, politician, artist,

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or anyone but a saint (and sometimes even then), is likely to give the impression that his conduct was somewhat worse than that of others of his group and period. On the other hand, a reiteration of the statement that our hero merely conformed to the standards of his time sounds like whitewashing, since, after all, unless the subject is selected as merely typical of his group and time, he might reasonably be expected to deviate in some respects from the general standards; and furthermore, such a disposition of the problem leaves the origin of those standards unexplained. Ethics, like international law, is a matter of precedent, and the individual who conforms to the standards of his group has done all that his biographer, at least, can reasonably expect from him. This does not mean that the biographer may not point out how, in his opinion, the group standards of a previous time adversely affected the general welfare; he is, after all, writing as a man of his own time even as he strives to understand and explain the viewpoint of another period. But although the writer may properly mention that his principal fell behind or exceeded the standards of his time, it is improper, so long as he merely attains them, to pillory him, apart from his group, for not having anticipated future standards. The historian may, of course, demonstrate how his hero's conduct influenced the development of ethical standards, either in his own group or in the community at large, but that conduct which is at one time regarded as most ethical, according to group standards, is not always that which is most influential in changing general standards. To take an extreme example, the most humane slave trader — the trader who was most ethical according to the standards of his group and time and who was for the same reason the most profitable to his employers and himself — was also the trader who was most influential in preserving the slave trade as an institution, whereas the more conspicuously and probably psychopathically brutal (and inefficient) of the group were those who contributed most to the trade's downfall. But ethics is a matter of intention, and there is no likelihood of a congress of humanitarians exhuming and canonizing any

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of the small group of sadists and incompetents who disproportionately contributed to the disappearance of the slave trade or of chattel slavery. Such a comparison is, however, largely academic so far as the mercantile group of our immediate consideration is concerned, since the Jacksons and the Lees never participated in piracy, the slave trade, opium smuggling, the sale of liquor to the Indians, or any other of the business activities, now regarded as spectacularly unethical, which at one time or another were looked upon with approval by a majority of the most substantial elements of the business group. Next to, perhaps even superior to, his duty to himself, at the period which we are considering, was the reputable business man's responsibility to whomsoever bore to him at the time the relation of principal or employer. Indeed responsibility to oneself and to one's principal could not be easily separated, particularly in the case of a man just starting out, or endeavoring to re-establish himself, in business. Despite this identity of interests, business letters are full of complaints by merchants concerning the laziness, drunkenness, gullibility, and general negligence and inefficiency, sometimes approaching dishonesty, of their agents and supercargoes. On the other hand, some supercargoes went beyond the mere requirements of honesty and efficiency in their consideration for their employers' welfare. Capt. John Burke, of the Betsey, for example, when a freighter offered to pay "2/3 port charges, or 10 ρ Ct primage . . . agreed to the former, being for the general concern." But it was clearly to Capt. Burke's advantage to keep on the good side of his principals and he was frank in expressing his hope that "you will bear this relinquishment of mine in mind when we come to Settle." 160 Henry Lee, who was to receive his "necessary shore Expences" 161 as part of his compensation as supercargo on a voyage to England and Calcutta, charged only ios. 6d. per day, "about 2/3 ds . of what my eating & lodging cost," using as the basis of his account "the Tavern bill where I paid the lowest price," and "for travelling expences . . . charged Coach Hire only." 162 This care in his expense account must have been principally in response to some demand in

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Henry Lee's own nature, since he had no intention of making more than one voyage as supercargo and since, in any event, it is unlikely that either charging or failing to charge his legitimate expenses would have been a significant consideration in determining his future fitness for another supercargoship. Closely related to responsibility to one's principal was the responsibility to some one for whom one was acting in a less intimate and permanent capacity, such as in the sale of goods on commission. Few commission merchants would sink to actual conniving with purchasers of goods to defraud the owners. The nearest to an accusation of this nature is Henry Lee's charge that Hottinguer & Co. took advantage of two different standards of weight in order to make a profit of 2τ/\°/ο on the duties they paid on his goods imported into France. This the French house denied; Henry Lee remained unconvinced but remarked that "the Custom of charging it to every one has in some measure made it a law with them — it nevertheless [is] a wrong charge and reputs the safety of the house." 163 The most common fault of commission merchants was to sell goods below the owner's limits in order to obtain a commission, and in such cases the owner had a remedy, since the fact could not be concealed from him. The owners of goods frequently felt, also, that commission merchants charged exorbitant percentages on their sales price. The remedy in this case was to specify the commission when consigning the goods. Commission merchants, when in sudden financial straits, were under strong temptation to make improper use of funds under their control. Henry Lee's Calcutta banians lost some of his property through speculation, but their willingness to make restitution to the best of their ability by turning over to him their houses and lands — even though these were in their wives' names — quite won his forgiveness. But it would cause confusion to introduce oriental business ethics into a discussion of the sedentary merchant in early nineteenth-century Massachusetts. William S. Bullard mentioned a Baltimore merchant who succumbed to a similar temptation. "Etting," he wrote, "has failed & very unjustly used some of the notes he had reed for some of the goods con-

T H E JACKSONS AND T H E LEES signed to him. . . . So soon as I heard of his failure I proceeded to Baltimore — hoping to get such notes as he might have of ours — but alas — he had been tempted & had fallen." 164 The necessity, if only for policy's sake, of a firm's abstaining from the above practices, if it wished to retain good standing in the mercantile community, is obvious. By no means so obvious, from a practical viewpoint, is the reason why Henry Lee, Sr., already retired from business, should have made the rather quixotic gesture, when the consigner of some indigo suggested "a return [of] commissions," because of the unfavorable results of recent shipments, of cancelling the commission still due.165 He may have hoped that this gesture would assist his successor, the firm of Bullard & Lee, in which his son and namesake was junior partner, but the dominant factor was probably his unduly sensitive commercial conscience, which had been demonstrated thirty years before in his meticulous minimizing of his expense account as supercargo. He may have had the feeling, during his active business life, that to insist upon the uttermost pound in commissions might suggest a too great anxiety in regard to money, and a possible lack of capital, which would affect his business standing, or that leniency might attract sufficient business to compensate for the loss of a part of the compensation rightfully due to him. If this be the explanation, his theory was extreme and probably incorrect, as merchants of standing would hardly be repelled by an insistence upon one's rightful commission and might even feel that such lack of regard for one's own interests might further find expression in laxness as to theirs. The tradition has come down to us that Henry Lee was an easy man to overreach — "more of a scholar than a business man" is the oft-repeated phrase. Such an attitude could easily carry over to the period after his virtual retirement. The principal duty which a merchant owed to his customers was to see to it that goods sold were of the quantity and quality represented. Purchasers frequently made claims for allowances on goods alleged to be damaged or otherwise not up to standard. Some New York merchants demanded an allowance on India piece goods sold them by P. T. Jackson, claiming that they fell

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short of "the dimensions specified in the Invoice." Jackson, writing to the commission merchant through whom they had been sold, expressed a suspicion that "yr purchasers have formed some coalition or are individually determined to demand more than is just or proper." He consequently refused to make any allowance but offered to receive the goods back at the price paid.166 Henry Lee flatly refused to make any allowance for damages on goods sold through a Philadelphia firm to a merchant in Havana. He pointed out that the rest of the cargo had not been damaged to anything like the extent claimed by the Havana merchant for his "small parcel" and remarked that in Havana "a Certificate can be obtain'd for any purpose for $20." 167 Perhaps had the goods complained of been in New York or Philadelphia instead of Havana, Henry Lee might have followed P. T. Jackson's example and offered to take them back, but of this there is no certainty. It is easy to see why, considering the lack of uniformity of India piece goods in quality and dimensions, East India merchants should refuse to concede allowances, but when we read Henry Lee's instructions to a supercargo to "Pack rejected goods of all sorts, with the good," 168 it is also not difficult to understand how such demands could be honestly made. In packing rejected cottons with the good Henry Lee had support from the leading business man of the day; we learn from Robert Stuart that the great New York merchant John Jacob Astor objected to putting up "by themselves, the very inferior Rats [muskrat skins] or rather such as it may be doubtful whether they are Rats or Kittens." 169 In one case, at least, Henry Lee did make an allowance for damaged goods, but this was on a consignment of handkerchiefs belonging not to himself but to some native Calcutta merchants for whom he was selling on commission; 170 this rebate, to be sure, decreased his own commission. In refusing under ordinary circumstances to make allowance on goods sold by them, once these had passed out of their hands, Lee and Jackson were following the old and then still respectable rule of caveat emptor! — probably the only one which was then practicable, at least in the East India trade. This rule, of course, sometimes worked to their disad-

T H E JACKSONS AND T H E LEES vantage, as Henry Lee discovered when he "made an attempt to get something from Hibbert" for some ale which had "perished." Hibbert "w d not listen a moment" and said that it was "a common thing for Ale to perish Hodgsons as well as that made by other people, he appears to be vulgar fellow who cares but little what may be tho't of his honor or his morality provided he can save his money, pretty much like most of us merchants," Henry Lee added wryly. 171 Ethical considerations were not conspicuously influential in determining the relations between the merchant and government, whether his own or that of another country. This attitude doubtless had its roots in the pre-Revolutionary days when smuggling was taken as a matter of course by most colonials, even including those supposed to be in charge of administering the revenue laws. Owners, to be sure, sometimes warned their captains to do nothing illegal, but this was avowedly to avoid the risk of capture and confiscation.172 On one occasion a captain was offered one-third the profits on any contraband goods purchased. 173 A statement of expenses for a voyage to South America in which Joseph Lee, Sr., was concerned frankly included "Bribes." 174 Joseph Lee, Jr., apologized profusely for not smuggling the specie returns of a voyage to Cadiz out of the country in order to avoid paying the export duty; he explained at great length the danger of confiscation in such a course.175 But clandestine trade with the Spanish possessions had an even longer and more respectable tradition among English peoples than did the defrauding of the king's revenues among New Englanders; illicit trade with the Spanish colonies of South America, complicated with piracy, had made Drake and Hawkins national heroes two centuries before. This same Joseph Lee later announced proudly in another connection: "I am aware that many Persons have persuaded themselves that Custom House Oaths may be either broken or not as it is most convenient . . . but . . . I am not quite so much of a modern Philosopher as to subscribe to that doctrine." 176 But in this latter case it was probably the revenues of his own country which he was declining to defraud — a country which at this time, it

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must be remembered, was under the care of a Federalist government headed by the Massachusetts president, John Adams. Henry Lee, brother of Joseph Lee, Jr., had no compunctions in suggesting that "musty" rice should be sold to the French government "for Army or Marines;" those who remember the "embalmed beef" of the Spanish-American War will conclude that commercial ethics, where sales to governments are concerned, did not change appreciably for the better during the nineteenth century. Henry Lee also offered, apparently, to pay for bribes to officials to admit his sugar at a low duty; 177 as between paying a small sum in bribes to French customs officials and a large sum in duties to the French government, headed by Napoleon Bonaparte, whom he regarded as hostis humani generis, Henry Lee, Massachusetts Federalist, could have had little hesitation. At the time of Henry Lee's voyage to Calcutta by way of Bristol he expressed an intention of returning to Amelia Island should the non-intercourse law continue; 178 Amelia Island was the famous southern center for smuggling goods into the United States. Fortunately the necessity did not arise, but there is no doubt that Henry Lee would have violated the commercial laws of the Jacobin-Jeffersonian government as cheerfully as any of his ancestors would have circumvented an act of George III. P. T. Jackson shipped several cargoes of flour to the British forces in Spain at a time when Great Britain and the United States were at war.179 Henry Lee's refusal to smuggle goods "from the Nabobs territories" in order to avoid an export duty 180 can hardly be regarded as anything more than a mere matter of policy. A few years later he was announcing his intention of shipping to Havana some "Cinnamon of the finest quality," invoiced as cassia,181 evidently in order to take advantage of the lower duty on the latter spice; here again it was the alien and traditionally hostile Spanish government which was being defrauded ad maiorem gloriam Dei — and let him who has never abstained from entering a part of his income upon the tax blank furnished by his own government cast the first stone I It is clear that none of the post-Revolutionary merchants men-

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tioned above were much given to contraband trade or defrauding the revenue. It is also clear that they felt no great moral repugnance to contraband trade per se. So far as actual performance goes, however, they were angels of unspotted pinions compared to some of their most respectable contemporaries. Benjamin Crowninshield, member of a great Salem shipping family which by some strange freak was Republican, lodged with Gallatin an astounding accusation against one of the Thorndikes in connection with an attempt to evade the embargo. The Thorndike vessel Hope, Lovett, master, he charged, had cleared for a southern port, intending all the time to go to Havana. In order to have a good excuse for putting in to the Cuban port "in distress," it was decided to pretend that the main mast had been struck by lightning, and to the ship's clerk was given the duty of setting off a charge of powder to give the desired impression. This device, according to Crowninshield, proved only too successful and the unfortunate clerk was "hoist by his own" — or rather by his owner's — "petard," receiving mortal injuries ! 182 In the China trade, particularly, smuggling was taken as a matter of course. John Bromfield referred casually to 100 piculs of saltpetre "sold to be smuggled at 12$ ppecul." 183 J. & Τ . H. Perkins and John Jacob Astor & Son — two of the largest and most respectable mercantile firms in the United States — were notorious opium smugglers. If P. T . Jackson and Henry Lee had no great respect for the commercial regulations of their own country or of other countries, they had even less consideration for rival merchants. A series of letters from P. T . Jackson to his agents in Calcutta, during the fall of 1810, contain frequent injunctions not merely to conceal their operations from other captains and supercargoes but also deliberately to deceive them. "Procure as much T[urmeric]k for the Gulliver as possible & if you can, induce the Americans to believe you are shipping Ginger," was one piece of advice. Henry Lee similarly suggested that in buying broken indigo his supercargoes should tell the banian "it is wanted to refine, or make Blue Cloth, this may prevent others from following you." Another suggestion was to give misleading

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accounts of the international situation; if a cargo had already been purchased, the Lee agent was to scout the possibility of war so that the natives would hold goods for a higher price, but if the agent wished to make purchases, he should suggest that war was imminent, so as to depress prices. Henry Lee similarly suggested in two letters that Edward A. Newton should alarm the Madras merchants with newspaper extracts so selected as to suggest the probability of war and thus lower prices.184 To those so fortunately situated as to be able to believe without question that "a lying tongue is an abomination unto the Lord," to put the most extreme interpretation upon this dictum, and practice, at the expense, perhaps, only of occasional personal embarrassment, the verbal straightforwardness implied therein, these injunctions to deceitful conduct will doubtless be a source of painful perplexity; they probably resulted in no particular pleasure to those who issued and received them. But by considering the alternatives to deception in these particular situations, these instructions will appear in their true colors and proportions. Let us suppose that a recently arrived supercargo, believing that there was no danger of war, should frankly express his opinion and the reasons therefor to the others loading ships at Calcutta. The result, of course, would be a rush to buy goods, a rise of prices in Calcutta, a glutted market in the United States, and small profits or none to all the merchants involved. The first time, to be sure, that this policy was followed, the results might be favorable to the truth teller, because of the unwillingness of the other supercargoes to believe that their rival was expressing his actual opinion, but this could put off the evil day only temporarily. A supercargo who, believing that the courtroom requirement of "the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth" was applicable to business as well, should reveal, by openly purchasing indigo in large quantities, that he considered it a good buy, would thereby wreck the voyage for his employer. Some would say that concealment, rather than open deceit, should be employed, but concealment is in itself a sort of misrepresentation and usually requires actual deception to make it effective. After all, the Calcutta merchant was not, as

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the saying goes, "in business for his health," nor did he dispatch a supercargo to Bengal for the purpose of reforming the trade, but rather to purchase desirable goods at as low a price as possible. The only proper personal solution would seem to be for a supercargo or merchant of ultra-tender conscience to withdraw from such a highly competitive form of commerce as the Calcutta trade. Reinhold Niebuhr has pointed out the impossibility of being "moral" in an "immoral" society and, as Prof. Gras suggests, the only moral solution for the evils inherent in competitive business — such as the misrepresentation just mentioned — is to abolish competition. It is pleasant to be able to turn from the policy of deception which P. T. Jackson and Henry Lee perforce exercised toward rival merchants and to consider their attitude toward those with whom they stood in a relationship of voluntary confidence. Jackson once sacrificed part of a just claim he had for damages resulting from a shipwreck because he was confident that the papers in regard to the claim submitted to him gave an exaggerated account of the losses. " M y underwriters are Gentn. who are always ready to settle losses Correctly," he wrote, "& they would have perfect Confidence in any statements I should make to them in this case, feeling this, I should be double base to present them with an accot Sales which I knew to be a false one." 183 Henry Lee, seven years after he and his brother Joseph had failed in business and made a voluntary assignment of their property to their creditors, paid $4,000 to the wife of one of them,186 who had himself failed a few years before. In selecting for this payment a creditor from whom he himself could not expect any financial favors in the future, Henry Lee demonstrated that he was not moved primarily by economic motives. There is little information concerning the relations between the merchants, some of whose business papers are given below, and the sailors who manned their vessels. This fact is perhaps significant; there is at least no mention of any of the mutinies which were symptomatic of bad food, overdriving, and other manifestations of exploitation in the marine world. It is unfortunately true, however, that the earlier generation of the

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Jacksons and the Lees had no compunctions about discharging their sailors in a strange port, to find their way home as best they could, if this appeared to the advantage of the owners. On the eve of the Revolution, Jackson, Tracy & Tracy suggested that one of their vessels be sold in London and that in that case the captain should "discharge his Mate & People immediately." 187 Similarly Capt. John Burke announced from Dublin: "I have discharged 3 men & my mate, the former I will get cheaper & the latter, better." 188 A little matter like being put ashore in London or Dublin was nothing to a sailor (unless, perhaps, the press gangs were out) compared to some of the other situations in which he might find himself. The crew of the Dromo, for example, signing on, in 1807, supposedly for a voyage to the North West Coast, were cheerfully informed, when at sea, that the purpose of the voyage was illegal trade along the west coast of Spanish America; five members of the crew were killed in encounters with Spanish gardacostas. It is probable, of course, that most sailors willing to sign on for a voyage in the hazardous North West Coast trade would not have been very much more hesitant about participation in the illegal trade with Spanish America. If the Jacksons and Lees are fair specimens of the Massachusetts merchant in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century, it will be found that even the most captious presentday critic could find little to comment upon adversely as regards their standards of responsibility to principals, clients, and creditors. Those who wholeheartedly accept the present-day department store maxim that "the customer is always right" may cavil at Henry Lee's refusal to make a rebate on allegedly damaged goods, but caveat emptor was then the watchword, and the modern slogan has to a large degree worked to the benefit of the brazenly dishonest customers and to the detriment of the upright. The practice of packing various grades of goods in the same bale, though evidently customary at the time, is open to more valid objection. Business attitudes of Massachusetts merchants toward the government varied widely; no slightest evidence appears of any intention to defraud the Fed-

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eralist government (Jonathan Jackson, as a government employee, is reputed to have been so fanatically honest as never to have used a drop of official ink or a scrap of official paper for his own correspondence), but, during the Republican regime, the Massachusetts merchants in whom we are especially interested seem to have recognized no greater responsibility to the United States government than toward that of France or Spain or any other foreign country — that is to say, little or none. Toward rival merchants they did not scruple to use the deceit characteristic of highly competitive businesses in all ages, though in some minor points — as in offering to carry letters for their competitors — the Jacksons and Lees introduced an elementary form of co-operation. In many cases what would seem "high" standards of conduct can be considered merely as a reflection of far-sighted business policy, but some of the most conspicuous examples of enlightened business ethics do not seem capable of explanation as inspired merely by economic considerations. XII.

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Government regulation of and interference in business is not, as some appear to think, an innovation of very recent years. The earliest merchants, some of whose business documents are printed below, traded and thrived under restrictions which are to the most rigid regulations of the present time as a prison farm is to release on parole. The colonial merchant, let it be repeated, could trade with British North America, the British West Indies, Great Britain, Africa, and Europe south of Cape Finisterre; he was barred by act of Parliament from the vast continent and teeming archipelagoes lying between the Cape of Good Hope and Cape Horn, and from Europe north of Cape Finisterre — nominally, though not actually, by prohibitive duties, from the foreign West Indies as well. Forbidden certain geographical areas of the world, the colonists were also prohibited from various regions of economic life, such as manufacturing, save in some of its cruder forms, though shipbuilding, to be sure, was encouraged. And these regulations and restrictions

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eralist government (Jonathan Jackson, as a government employee, is reputed to have been so fanatically honest as never to have used a drop of official ink or a scrap of official paper for his own correspondence), but, during the Republican regime, the Massachusetts merchants in whom we are especially interested seem to have recognized no greater responsibility to the United States government than toward that of France or Spain or any other foreign country — that is to say, little or none. Toward rival merchants they did not scruple to use the deceit characteristic of highly competitive businesses in all ages, though in some minor points — as in offering to carry letters for their competitors — the Jacksons and Lees introduced an elementary form of co-operation. In many cases what would seem "high" standards of conduct can be considered merely as a reflection of far-sighted business policy, but some of the most conspicuous examples of enlightened business ethics do not seem capable of explanation as inspired merely by economic considerations. XII.

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Government regulation of and interference in business is not, as some appear to think, an innovation of very recent years. The earliest merchants, some of whose business documents are printed below, traded and thrived under restrictions which are to the most rigid regulations of the present time as a prison farm is to release on parole. The colonial merchant, let it be repeated, could trade with British North America, the British West Indies, Great Britain, Africa, and Europe south of Cape Finisterre; he was barred by act of Parliament from the vast continent and teeming archipelagoes lying between the Cape of Good Hope and Cape Horn, and from Europe north of Cape Finisterre — nominally, though not actually, by prohibitive duties, from the foreign West Indies as well. Forbidden certain geographical areas of the world, the colonists were also prohibited from various regions of economic life, such as manufacturing, save in some of its cruder forms, though shipbuilding, to be sure, was encouraged. And these regulations and restrictions

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were the work of a legislative body with the selection of which the colonists had nothing at all to do. As the revolutionary situation, which began with colonial opposition to the Stamp Act, developed, the merchant found himself caught between the various non-importation agreements — enforced by boycott and mob violence — of extra-legal colonial associations, and the retaliatory measures of Parliament, such as the Boston Port Act and the act of early 1775 restricting the trade of New England. The non-importation agreements, to be sure, were approved or disapproved by committees, consisting largely of merchants, elected by the inhabitants of the various towns. A committee consisting among others of Jonathan Jackson, his friend John Lowell, and his father-in-law-to-be Patrick Tracy, elected December 17, 1767, reported as premature the non-importation agreement urged by the merchants of Boston as retaliation for the Townshend duties. On September 4, 1769, however, Newburyport approved a nonimportation agreement. Jonathan Jackson, Patrick Tracy, and other merchants were appointed, December 23, 1772, to serve on a committee for the consideration of public affairs and the redress of public grievances. Jonathan Jackson and John Lowell were chosen delegates, April 23, 1776, to a county convention at Ipswich "for the purpose of devising a plan for the more equal representation of the legal voters of the province in the General Court," and on October 8, 1776, Jonathan Jackson and the other four delegates to the General Court "were instructed to aid in the preparation of a constitution." The result did not meet the desires of Newburyport, which sent forth a call for a county convention to reform the constitution; Jonathan Jackson was one of the five Newburyport delegates to the convention, which assembled at Ipswich, April 29, 1778. The constitution was rejected by the voters of the State and a new convention was called; Jonathan Jackson and his brother-in-law Nathaniel Tracy were two of the five Newburyport delegates. Jackson was one of the three Essex County representatives on the committee for preparing a new constitution. He was chosen, along with the former New-

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buryport delegates to the adjourned meeting of the convention, which on June 16, 1780, declared the constitution adopted. It should be also noted that Jonathan Jackson was elected a member of the Continental Congress in 1782, taking his seat, July 3, 1782. 189 After the Revolution, American merchants were for a time free from restrictions by their own governments — too free, indeed, as those merchants who pushed for the adoption of the Constitution had discovered; they wanted a government which could establish uniform customs duties, including retaliatory rates upon goods from countries which discriminated against Americans. Jonathan Jackson, who had engaged in amateur volunteer diplomatic activities in London in 1784, with a view to arousing British sentiment for a commercial treaty, yielded to the current craze for writing pamphlets and produced in 1788 a Federalist tract, Thoughts upon the Political Situation. Jonathan Jackson was but one of many merchants who played their part in the political events preceding, during, and after the Revolution. Joseph Lee, Sr., perhaps because he lacked a college education, did not, apparently, participate personally in the political affairs of the time. For a dozen years after the ratification of the Constitution, the mercantile classes had a government which represented their interests. The Federalist merchants of Massachusetts had little criticism even of the Republican regime until near the end of Jefferson's administration. They approved his pacifism so long as it found expression merely in seeking by diplomatic means to improve the bad relations with England arising out of such an episode as the Chesapeake affair, but when, as a substitute for war, he induced Congress to pass an embargo act peremptorily suspending foreign trade, their normal Federalist antagonism found red meat on which to feed. "Gent n . seem to calculate very cooly upon the ruin of us Merchants," was Henry Lee's first comment, more in despondency than indignation. But as it became evident that the embargo was to continue, and to continue to be enforced, his tone changed: " I believe our government have no wish to settle affairs yet they cannot mean to have

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a war. I rather think it is their cowardly policy to Keep things in their present State to avoid the displeasure of Napoleon whether the English will forever bear it is another question." Not all Federalists, however, agreed. The large shipowner William Gray regarded the embargo "as a necessary measure of self-protection" and the supercargo John Bromfield, Jr., described it as "a very well-timed restriction upon our commerce." Henry Lee, nevertheless, expressed the viewpoint of the great majority of Massachusetts merchants. The substitution, after March 15, 1809, of the Non-Intercourse Act for the Embargo did little to console merchants who, like the Lees and P. T. Jackson, specialized in trade with Calcutta, a British possession. Although trade with British possessions was briefly restored in the summer of 1810, non-intercourse was shortly clapped on again, and when on May 1, 1810, Macon's Bill No. 2 reopened trade with France and England, Calcutta merchants had no idea as to how long this new "breathing spell" would last and no gratitude to the government for this new phase in what the Federalists regarded as its cat-and-mouse tactics. Late in 1810 came the threat that, if the British Orders in Council were not repealed by February, 1811, the United States would revive non-intercourse against Great Britain. "We consider many of the acts of this government as tricks to amuse the mob . . . no one can calculate what will be the conduct of government for a year to come," was Henry Lee's comment, in a tone of weary exasperation. "You know as well as I do, what a sett of Gents govern this enlightened Country, & how difficult it is to prophesy six months a head, what strange things they may do," was P. T. Jackson's more nonchalant way of putting it.190 Strongly as mercantile New England had opposed the embargo, her merchants regarded the possibility of war with incomparably greater horror; so great, indeed, was their revulsion that most of them resolutely refused to contemplate the possibility that even "our villianous government" would actually venture to enter upon hostilities with Great Britain. Their futile anger at the actual outbreak of war was intensified by the unexpectedness of the event. Their feelings are exemplified in the

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utterances of Henry Lee, whom the war confined in Calcutta for three years. On the 14 th . ins' [January, 1 8 1 3 , he wrote] we recd the Declaration of war by U S against G Britain, much to the surprize of every one in this quarter, &to none more than myself I never imagined any decided measures wd be taken 'till the session of 1 8 1 3 , &the repeal of the Orders in Council (which we recd 6 weeks since) I concluded wd open the way to a settlement or at any rate prevent hostilities, but it seems I have been mistaken &our wise Gov 1 have at last brought us to the desired point, miserable wretches! what can they expect to accomplish but their own &their Countrys ruin? I have Strong hopes that on the arrival of the repeal of the Orders in Council, the peace party will be strong en0 to compell the Gov' to negotiate & that every thing captured on both sides will be restored, this was the expectation in London the 7th. Aug', to which time our accts extend. Should the war have been continued God only Knows what may be the consequences, you & all other commercial men largely in trade I suppose will be ruin'd, the only good effect which can result will be the seperation of States, &that is quite uncertain. I hope with all my heart it may happen, the evils attending such an event cannot be greater than being subjected to the controul of the Southern &Western States. [In a letter of February 22, 1 8 1 3 , to his wife, Henry Lee wrote:] If we were united in New England, and New York w'd join us heartily, the Western States might have the war to themselves. We must one day or other separate and since things have gone so far, the sooner it takes place the better. The Northern section w'd soon have the ascendancy and control over the others, and thus govern instead of being governed by a people half civilized. A s the war progressed, Henry Lee lost no opportunity to express his detestation of the government of the United States. On August 16, 1 8 1 4 , he wrote to a New York merchant: " I hope the present campaign . . . may be still more disastrous to our rabble armies." On July 9, after expressing a hope that the British would have the opportunity of chastising "very handsomely" the "republican vagabonds" he remarked, probably in all sincerity, "Spare Mass a s . & I care not what happens to the other states." 1 9 1 Federalist merchants realized that they could expect nothing

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better than seven long years of trade restrictions and suppression from the barbarians of the West and South who had usurped the seats of government, but hardly was the unpopular War of 1812 over when the foreign merchants of the North Atlantic States were again wounded, this time "in the house of their friends," by a prohibitive tariff on cheap cotton textiles, put through by the influence of New England textile manufacturers who had greatly expanded their operations during the war. P. T. Jackson, who had shifted from the importation to the manufacture of cotton goods, and his partners, the ex-merchants, Francis Cabot Lowell, Nathan Appleton, and others, profited by this act of government, but Henry Lee, Jackson's brother-in-law and former associate in the Calcutta trade, suffered severely. Indirectly, the tariff act improved the stability of the Union, by helping break up previous sectional alignments. This act met more resistance in New England, not yet completely industrialized, than in any other section of the country except the South and Southwest, whereas the Middle States and the West were strongly favorable. Madison's advocacy of protection pleased the textile manufacturers; the Lower South's opposition helped soothe the sectional animosity of New England foreign merchants. Henry Lee resorted both to printed propaganda and to personal participation in politics in a protracted attempt to check the protective movement. In 1827 he published Report of a Committee of the Citizens of Boston and Vicinity, opposed, to a Further Increase of Duties on Importations. In 1830 he ran, unsuccessfully, for Congress as a free-trade candidate opposing Nathan Appleton, associated in textile manufacturing with Henry Lee's brother-in-law P. T. Jackson. In 1832 he published An Exposition of Evidence in support of the Memorial to Congress . . . prepared in pursuance of instructions from the Permanent Committee appointed by the Free Trade Convention. His free-trade activities were recognized, in a most curious manner, by South Carolina's giving him her vote for vicepresident in the "nullification year" of 1832. Although nominally a Whig — he was in 1834 elected on that

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ticket to the Massachusetts General Court — Henry Lee could take little satisfaction in either party; the Whigs, nationally, were the exponents of those high tariffs which it was the chief aim of his political existence to oppose, and for the Democrats, either nationally or locally, it was impossible for such a son of the Essex Junto as Henry Lee to feel any active sympathy. Henry Lee, probably without realizing it, seems to have adopted Jeffersonian principles; he was a sincere believer in government non-interference in business, even for the alleged purpose of protecting it. "The attempt to bring down the action of a Gov1 to the concerns of every shop & factry in the country must ever be formed entire of unwise & unjust measures but such is the avarice of the influential men & their folly in believing it can be gratified by forced & unjust legislation — But all in this generation go for [ ? ] and N. Appleton & his followers take the lead." 192 On the other hand, the hate and scorn of the commercial classes of Boston for the rising Democracy is well brought out in a letter to Henry Lee, Jr., from his friend C. H. Parker: 193 If you can turn your attention however home for a few moments, I will endeavour to recall persons & scenes that have perhaps not altogether escaped your recollection. To begin at the head of our beloved commonwealth there sits in the Gubernatorial chair not your friend honest John but the enlightened democrat Marcus Morton, who has this day delivered himself of a rabid & rancorous inaugural address by which he hopes to sustain the hopes & secure the confidence of the poor people — The mob now reigns triumphant — and instead of Josiah Quincy Jr. for President of the Senate we have an ignorant loco from Fall River, who sits eating pea-nuts in his chair, & who has finally been obliged to resign from total inefficiency to perform the duties of his office. Instead of Wm B. Calhoun for clerk of the Senate, we have one Josselyn a miserable broken down editor of the Bay State Democrat. Secy. John P. Bigelow has been superseded by that friend of Sohiers' John A. Bolles — an untrustworthy & dirty lawyer — and to sum up the whole — there sits in the Governor's council from Suffolk County Benjamin F. Hallett. There now is a government for you, and you have every inducement to return home & enjoy its blessings.

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The accusations of having appealed to "class hatred" should evidently have a familiar sound in the ears of the Massachusetts Democracy. Henry Lee, with Nathan Appleton, P. T. Jackson, and others, was in 1834 appointed to a committee which not only protested against President Jackson's withdrawal of deposits from the Second Bank of the United States and endeavored to obtain a renewal of the charter but also protested to Nicholas Biddle, president of the bank, against his retaliatory device of "violently contracting the currency." Henry Lee in 1836 took the lead in drawing up a document entitled An Exposition of Facts and Arguments in Support of a Memorial to the Legislature of Massachusetts, by Citizens of Boston and Vicinity, in favor of a Bank of Ten Millions, which had, however, no effect. Henry Lee's final pamphletary effort, Considerations on the Cultivation, Production, and Consumption of Cotton . . . addressed to the Cotton Manufacturers of Massachusetts, appeared in 1845. He must have felt it as a personal triumph that the Walker tariff of 1846 had a free-trade basis. Certainly no one could have justly accused either Henry Lee or his father-in-law Jonathan Jackson of an unwillingness, as business men, personally and openly to bring their opinions to bear upon government in any manner available. XIII.

MISCELLANEOUS ACTIVITIES OF T H E BUSINESS M A N

It was to be expected, in the lack of any highly organized system of lobbying and propaganda, that active business men would be forced sometimes to engage personally in publicity and political activities. The active non-specialized merchant of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century was engaged in such a variety of commercial activities that he had little time for interests, other than politics, which were unconnected with his business. He did, however, show some interest in forms of business enterprise not directly related to commerce. Jonathan Jackson failed in business so soon after the Revolution that he hardly had the opportunity during his active com-

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The accusations of having appealed to "class hatred" should evidently have a familiar sound in the ears of the Massachusetts Democracy. Henry Lee, with Nathan Appleton, P. T. Jackson, and others, was in 1834 appointed to a committee which not only protested against President Jackson's withdrawal of deposits from the Second Bank of the United States and endeavored to obtain a renewal of the charter but also protested to Nicholas Biddle, president of the bank, against his retaliatory device of "violently contracting the currency." Henry Lee in 1836 took the lead in drawing up a document entitled An Exposition of Facts and Arguments in Support of a Memorial to the Legislature of Massachusetts, by Citizens of Boston and Vicinity, in favor of a Bank of Ten Millions, which had, however, no effect. Henry Lee's final pamphletary effort, Considerations on the Cultivation, Production, and Consumption of Cotton . . . addressed to the Cotton Manufacturers of Massachusetts, appeared in 1845. He must have felt it as a personal triumph that the Walker tariff of 1846 had a free-trade basis. Certainly no one could have justly accused either Henry Lee or his father-in-law Jonathan Jackson of an unwillingness, as business men, personally and openly to bring their opinions to bear upon government in any manner available. XIII.

MISCELLANEOUS ACTIVITIES OF T H E BUSINESS M A N

It was to be expected, in the lack of any highly organized system of lobbying and propaganda, that active business men would be forced sometimes to engage personally in publicity and political activities. The active non-specialized merchant of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century was engaged in such a variety of commercial activities that he had little time for interests, other than politics, which were unconnected with his business. He did, however, show some interest in forms of business enterprise not directly related to commerce. Jonathan Jackson failed in business so soon after the Revolution that he hardly had the opportunity during his active com-

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mercial life to participate in any of the new business ventures made possible by independence; he did, however, dabble obscurely and futilely in North Carolina land. The commercial careers of his brothers-in-law and erstwhile partners, Nathaniel and John Tracy, met a similar check. Joseph Lee, Sr., however, was a conspicuous example of the merchant investor. Between 1787 and 1803, in which latter year he withdrew conclusively from commerce, Joseph Lee, Sr., was an investor in at least four different types of non-commercial business enterprise. This does not include early obscure and tentative investments in the Massachusetts Bank, the Cabots' Beverly "Cotton Manufactory," and the First Bank of the United States; his principal interests were in the Essex Bridge, the Boston Marine Insurance Company, the Salem Marine Insurance Company, western Pennsylvania land, the Beverly Bank, the Salem Turnpike Company, and the Chelsea Bridge. Lee acted as engineer of the Essex Bridge during the last couple of months of construction, and saw it through to its completion. He was one of the seven incorporators of the Beverly Bank. 194 It is, however, noteworthy that, save for the Essex Bridge, all these interests developed at a time when Joseph Lee had nearly withdrawn from business. There is little evidence that Henry Lee, Sr., had any significant non-commercial business interest prior to his retirement as an active merchant, although he was a director of the Traders' Bank, the Atlas Bank, and the Mercantile Marine Insurance Company and owned seven shares in the Merchants Insurance Company and twenty-one in the New England Worsted Company. 195 It is evident, however, from letters written while he was in the process of winding up his business affairs, that he was much concerned, as an economist if not as an investor, with the textile mill, railroad, State, and bank stocks of the time. " I invested about $2 000 in one bank some 6 mo to 3 mo ago @ 83 to 90 — , " he wrote at mid-June, 1843, "all run up to near par. . . . I fortunately 18 Mo ago sold out $5000. Lawrence 97 and bot L & C at $825 — which helps some of my trustee accts — If it gets up to £ 1 1 0 0 I shall sell out — " 196 This reference to trusteeship helps explain the extent of Henry Lee's in-

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terest in these non-commercial forms of investment, concerning which, at any rate, we know nothing till after his virtual retirement from commerce. It is evident that, widely diversified though a merchant's activities might be within the general commercial field, Henry Lee did not, as an active merchant, pay a great deal of attention to business enterprises of a non-commercial nature. Still less should we expect the active business man to display much interest in activities of a non-business nature, save, as we have already observed, in politics and pamphleteering. There was one institution, not directly connected with business, in which, however, the active business man conventionally displayed interest — the Church. The Tracys, like William Farris, the Daltons, and other prominent Newburyport merchants, were members of St. Paul's Church (Episcopal), the earliest church of that denomination in Massachusetts. Jonathan Jackson was active in the First Religious Society of Newburyport (Congregational). 197 The Lees were also Congregationalists; and both Joseph Lee, Sr., and his son Henry Lee evidently inclined toward the liberal wing of that church. Education was a process in which active business men took an interest. Jonathan Jackson was in 1780 a member of the committee appointed to examine the public schools of Newburyport and Nathaniel Tracy was on the committee for putting the report into effect. Jonathan Jackson and Nathaniel Tracy were, May 4, 1780, among the incorporators of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, the first scientific association in the State of Massachusetts and the second in the United States.198 Henry Lee's letters from Calcutta reveal him as much addicted to serious reading, such as histories and memoirs. The Jacksons and Lees apparently lacked the "joining" proclivity supposed to be such a prominent American characteristic. Nathaniel and John Tracy were prominent members of the St. John's Lodge of Free and Accepted Masons in Newburyport, 199 but their brother-in-law does not seem to have been interested in such organizations. Music, art, and the theatre do not seem to have attracted

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the attention of Jonathan Jackson, Joseph Lee, Sr., and their sons; it was not until the third generation that these interests developed. Retirement from business, compulsory or voluntary, of course gave greater scope to non-business activities. Compulsory retirement, temporary or permanent, from the position of an independent sedentary merchant was a conspicuous feature in the lives of several of the merchants some of whose business papers are presented below. Jonathan Jackson and his brothersin-law and former partners Nathaniel and John Tracy all failed shortly after the Revolutionary War. Joseph Lee, Jr., and his younger brother Henry failed a year before the War of 1812. P. T. Jackson nearly failed at the same time and later, in 1837, did fail, but in a real-estate rather than a commercial enterprise, having completely withdrawn from commerce over twenty years before. The only merchant of our special interest who seems never to have been even on the verge of financial collapse was Joseph Lee, Sr. There were several ways in which a business man of the late eighteenth or early nineteenth century might react to financial failure. He might begin at the bottom of the commercial ladder and again try to work his way up; he might turn to some occupation unconnected with business; he might go into dignified retirement and live for the rest of his life on whatever small income he had been able to save from the wreckage. Henry Lee and Henry Higginson adopted the first of these courses. Obtaining positions as supercargoes, they acquired sufficient capital by successful voyages again to set up as independent merchants. Others relinquished all hope of again engaging in commerce and sought some salaried position. Jonathan Jackson was successively United States marshal for the district of Massachusetts, inspector of internal revenue for the second district of Massachusetts, and supervisor of internal revenue in the district of Massachusetts; after the abolition of his federal position, he was elected treasurer of Massachusetts, became first president of the Boston Bank, and was made treasurer of Harvard, retaining the latter two positions until his death.200 Occupying, as he did

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during the last twenty years of his life, a public or semi-public position, he continued the public activities in which he had been conspicuous as a private merchant. On August 5, 1793, he was elected by the inhabitants of Newburyport as one of a committee of three who reported in favor of strict neutrality in the war between France and England, and on May 13, 1794, when the inhabitants voted in favor of continuing an embargo which had been laid in the interests of neutrality, Jackson was chosen as a member of the committee for conveying a copy of the vote to President Washington. One business interest appears in the last period of Jackson's life; in 1796 he was president of the Proprietors of Locks and Canals on the Merrimack River, which company later furnished the water power used by his son P. T. Jackson for the textile mills at Lowell.201 Stephen Higginson, father of Thomas Wentworth Higginson, who was dragged down in the aftermath of the crash which overthrew Joseph and Henry Lee, first retired to a farm and then found refuge in the bursarship of Harvard College. Others went into what might be called semi-retirement. Joseph Lee, Jr., nearly a year after his failure, went out to Havana on the Gipsy as supercargo for his brother Thomas Lee, Jr., and his friends P. T. Jackson and William Oliver.202 The outbreak of war prevented him from continuing as supercargo. In 1814, 1817, and 1818, he seems to have had built at Medford, and may have himself designed, four brigs, the Abaellino, Lascar, Archer, and Palmer, the first of which was sold for a privateer while the others were employed in the Calcutta trade. 203 Joseph Lee himself, however, does not seem to have been concerned in any of the cargoes conveyed on these vessels. In 1836 Joseph Lee modelled the hermaphrodite brig Rose for Robert Bennet Forbes and in 1842 the schooner Ariel, which went on a China voyage, for Forbes and himself.204 Naval architecture was, however, apparently more a solace for his leisure than a serious business pursuit. When Nathaniel Tracy failed in business, shortly after the Revolution, in 1786, he chose the third course of dignified retirement; little or nothing is known concerning him during the decade preceding his death. His brother John was also left in

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straitened circumstances after the Revolution. He seems at one time to have engaged in the manufacture of cordage 205 but for how long and with what success is not known. Patrick Tracy Jackson, though he suffered on occasion severe losses, never actually failed, nor did he retire from business. In fact he died in harness. It is among the Lees that one must search for examples of the Massachusetts merchant in voluntary retirement. There is an "old family saying 'that the Lees got tired seeing the Jacksons work.' " Retirement from commerce did not mean cessation of all interest in business. Joseph Lee, Sr., continued to hold shares in the following companies: the Essex Bridge, the Chelsea Bridge, the Salem Turnpike Company, the Boston Marine Insurance Company, the Salem Marine Insurance Company, the Beverly Bank, and western Pennsylvania lands, which he had acquired while still an active merchant, and added to them shares in the Massachusetts Bank, the Boston Bank, the State Bank, the Manufacturers' and Mechanics' Bank, the Suffolk Marine Insurance Company, the Charles River Bridge, United States stock, the Merrimack Manufacturing Company, the Elliot Manufacturing Company, the Proprietors of Locks and Canals on the Merrimack River, the Hamilton Manufacturing Company, and the Appleton Company.206 Duties connected with investment in these stocks could not occupy all his time and, "like many old sea-captains," he turned to gardening. He was always anxious to use his engineering skill in the superintending of any building operations in which his relatives were engaged. But it is evident that, as his daughter-in-law wrote, "the time does and must hang heavily upon him in these long days. . . . The occupation about the houses begins to tire, and he seems indeed to have very little to interest him pleasantly." 207 His sons seem to have borne retirement better. Joseph Lee, Jr., apparently found sufficient employment in designing vessels and "castigating the age." A characteristic comment is preserved by Mary Lee: "brother Jos. here today & uncle G. some ten days since — All the old gent, in usual health and as eloquent as ever in their condemnation of men & things — I ven-

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tured to say today in answer to some severe sarcasm, that there was nothing more easy than to see the errors of our neighbours, & the mistakes & abuses in all sorts of arrangements & institutions but the wisdom to correct these abuses was a rare gift — well he said it couldn't be expected of one man to do more than one thing & he would point them out — " 208 George Lee, sea captain rather than merchant, was, like his father and brother Joseph, skilled in naval architecture. He retired early and settled "at West Cambridge, on the banks of Fresh Pond, devoting himself to shooting, fishing, and gardening." Thomas Lee, Jr., unlike his brothers, was concerned chiefly with the Havana trade. He retired early, married Eliza Buckminster in 1827, and devoted himself to landscape gardening near Jamaica Pond. He was fond of pictures and shared a love of literature with his wife, who had written several books including a life of Jean Paul Richter, some of whose works she had translated. Henry Lee possessed a multiplicity of interests which prevented him from becoming bored during the quarter century after his retirement. In 1841 he began a program of investment in manufacturing and railroad stocks which he continued for at least a decade. A schedule of his investments and their value, from 1836 to 1847, reads as follows: YEAR

1836 1837 1841 1843

COMPANY

NO. SHARES

Merchant Insurance Co New England Worsted Co Great Falls Co Lawrence Co Locks and Canals a 1843 & 44 Merchants' Exchange 1844 Saco Water Power Laconia Company Springfield & Northampton Rail Road Essex Co 184S Prescott Mills a

Balance of

7 21

4 4 2 62

39 28 10

50 2

VALUE $I,OSO 1,7X8

836 3,487 500 22,936 12,889 l6,800 1,000 1,750 750

124 YEAR

I84S

1847

THE JACKSONS AND THE COMPANY

Connecticut River Railroad . . . Hamilton Co Perkins Mills Cabot Co Lancaster Mills Lowell Co Tremont Co Atlantic Mills Boston Co Massachusetts Mills Amoskeag Co L.[owell] M.fachine] Shop . . . Stack Mills Boott Mills Middlesex Mills York Co Glendon Rolling Mills Clinton Co

LEES

NO. SHARES

VALUE

20

400

I I

1,047 X,003

2

2,OIO

6

1,338

7

7,000

4

4,410

S

500

5

3,636

3

3,458

3 7

2 2

3,034

4,287 2,OIO 2,200

I

Ι,ΐ8θ

4

5,120

2 10

1,400 I,I50

By the end of 1847 investments in the Locks and Canals, Laconia Company, Essex Company, Prescott Mills, Springfield & Northampton Rail Road, Connecticut River Railroad, and Lancaster Mills had disappeared; other investments had declined, but still others had increased, so that Henry Lee's investments totalled $77,697. A similar schedule, January 1, 1850, showed additional investments in the Boston Exchange, Balch's office, the Western Rail Road, the Fitchburg Railroad, and the Passumpsic Rail Road; the total par value of these investments was only $67,16s, 209 but this list seems to have been confined principally, if not exclusively to factories and railroads, and it is possible that some $10,000 of bank and insurance stock should be added. These lists give us, at any rate, a rough idea of the character of Henry Lee's investments during the first decade after his retirement from commerce. His trusteeship for his children reinforced his practical and theoretical interest in textile mills, railroads, and banks, upon the proper and improper management of which he had the most

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decided opinions. He was firmly convinced that the textile factories were being mismanaged by the mill agents, in the crusade against whom he took what his wife considered too zealous a part. "The factories," he wrote, "have suffered greatly by going on this foolish principle of selling goods to anyone who wishes & the more they take the longer the credit — The agents have been complained of & reproved & they are now more prudent." One of the alleged abuses of which Henry Lee, as an importer of India goods, had complained, was that "Orders . . . from Manufacturers for Indigo . . . usually are given to some of the connections or acquaintances of the Lowell agents or propietors on the spot to solicit them not with reference so much as to their skill in buying as to favor individuals as you know very well from your acquaintance with the bad principles on which Corporations are managed." Henry Lee continued:210 A reforming party has been at work with W m Appleton — at its head & sustained by Geo Lyman, Col 0 . Perkins, the Brooks, E. Francis, H. Cabot, Ge° How — and nearly all the independent men who don't get Salaries & are not influenced by those who do — They have been resisted by the combined power of Lawrence, N . Appleton, the Lowells & the Jacksons & their allies — but it was ineffectual. Salaries are reduced (operatives [wages ?] were 6 mo ago — ) more work done at the factories — The plan of buying 10, 12 & 14 Mo supply of cotton, in advance of the wants of the mills — is disapproved of — censur'd & has been partially discontinued and the managers promise that next year they will buy less at the South and more at home. This done wd be equal to 3 perhaps 4 per Cent on the capitals of each mill — A reforming Committee last year visited R : Island & contrary to their expectations it was found they p'd lower wages & that one woman worked 3 looms & some of them 4 looms by a slight reduction of speed — This change, contrary to the opinion of some of our mana g e r s — was made in our Mills — Good D r Hobbs — who consults [ ? ] his girls — who down to this time, have directed their operations themselves — tho't it could not be done at first, but suspension of dividends at last drove him up to it & he told me the saving last summer was of cent ρ yard equal to 3 or 4 ρ cent — They found also that R. Island instead of using fancy cotton costing 3 cts more than

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p[l]ain — used a lower grade & made goods of equal quality — that is the common sorts — This "the girls" object to, & why? because as was ascertaind by the Committee, they could not run off so many yards & therefore made a few cents ρ day less — However, W m . Amory, who is a reformer, tho' salary man, & Ge° Howe who is one also & a Superintendant — set the example & now the Waltham & Lowell have followed suit. This will be another saving — on the whole this radical change in the management of factories that have been in danger of being ruined by extreme salaries, & high wages in all the departments, & by falling far behind competing factories — managed by men who had less to do, & not so rich as our Treasurers & agents but of more economy & experience (than most of our men) will, I hope, be a compensation for the loss of dividends — dividends lost in part by bad debts to such men as Healy, Vose, Shelting [?] & others who had been out of credit for years, and by extravagant salaries &c. Henry Lee and the "reformers" did not, apparently, stop to think what " a few cents ρ day less" might mean to "girls" who were receiving only about $2 per week, after deducting $1.25 board, and whose wages had been steadily lowered ever since 1834 — a process which was to continue until the Civil W a r . T h e speed-up system, which the "reformers" introduced from Rhode Island, resulted in several strikes; when the Massachusetts Corporation "tried to add a fourth loom to every weaver's quota in 1846 and at the same time to reduce the piece rate b y one cent," the weavers simply refused. 2 1 1 One friend of H e n r y Lee, Jr., gave an account of the factory situation from a viewpoint more sympathetic to the agents. " A proposition is on foot & agitating the community to cut down J. A . Lowell's salary these hard times — H e is agent you know of the Massachusetts mills which having been established now about a yr. have done badly — Some man or other undertook at a late meeting to attack him & call for an acct., through A b b o t Lawrences good humor, he rec'd about 15 minutes notice — so as not to be taken quite unawares — t h i s was quite a blow, of course he has done perfectly right in this case as always — only stock depreciating daily makes people query Yankee-wise whether or no 5000 a yr. is not more than enough — Y o u r Uncles

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Jackson (3) are raving about it, like so many 5 & 10 year olders." 2 1 2 Apparently the Jacksons, who had been lined up vs. Henry Lee's "reformers" and in support of the mill agents, were in this case members of the pack hallooing at another unfortunate official's heels; the explanation probably is that P. T. Jackson was agent of the Locks and Canals Company, 1838-45, and of the Great Falls Manufacturing Company, 1840-47, but was not connected in any such capacity with the Massachusetts Corporation. The various controversies in regard to the conduct of mill agents inevitably aroused hard feelings. Mary Lee, whose brothers, the Jacksons, had been aligned against the "reforming party," so called, of which her husband, Henry Lee, Sr., was a leading partisan, felt this keenly. She wrote to her son: 213 You will find from yr. fathers letter that there has been much excitement here upon the subject of agents Salaries, purchases of Cotton &c &c. — I dare say the reform may be necessary, but I have not liked the manner in which it was conducted — We certainly have heard too many personal remarks about what has actually been done, & suppositions as to what will be done ·— it has as you can readily understand been painful to me to hear the remarks whh. have been made. In this as in other cases, when the zeal is up you know the extravagance in yr. fathers manner, & I think he has said some things whh. he may regret, tho' I believe he has done nothing more than others. . . . Reform is the order of the day in philosophy religion politicks commerce & you of the next generation will have to keep yr. eyes open to make a good selection from the various systems set forth —

Henry Lee, Sr., was only tepidly pleased with the New Reformation. " I am sorry prices did not keep down 12 Mos longer," he remarked grimly, "as the reformers might have been able in that time to have made further changes & savings in manufacturing — The improvement & prospect of better prices have already quieted so many of our side that I fear we can't gain any more advantages — till there is another revulsion — " A fortnight later, after remarking that with the "new cotton at 6 to ηγ2 cts & at reduced wages — there will be some profit,"

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he went on, "The agents & sellers are more attentive & economical than formerly. . . . If the agents & selling agents will only be careful of bad debts, & be economical we shall do pretty well tho' I more and more distrust all corporate concerns — " 2 1 4 Henry Lee, Sr., seems to have become so convinced of the inefficiency of the run of the factory managers that he developed some intention of demonstrating personally how a mill should be conducted. His wife wrote to her son: " Y r . father has been to Saco this week — he has got some scheme of getting up a new Factory there I think — Theory & practice not exactly agreeing — I think — The idea is to sell the water power." 2 1 5 So far as is known nothing came of this. Henry Lee was also interested in all aspects of political and economic life and the 1840's, '50's, and '6o's furnished him ample material for analysis and exposition. As a relief from public questions, he, following the family tradition, had his garden.216 One of the most certain guides to a man's interests is the list of his bequests to charitable and public purposes. At various times after his retirement, Joseph Lee, Sr., contributed $200 toward a professorship of natural history at Harvard, $100 to the "Society for the promotion of Theological Education in Harvard University," $700 toward the building fund of the New South Church, and $300 to the Massachusetts General Hospital, to which last institution, a year before his death, he made a further benefaction of $20,000. 217 Thomas Lee, Jr., was apparently the only son of Joseph Lee, Sr., who was in a position to make benefactions of any significance. In 1856 he gave securities amounting to $10,030 to Harvard College, the income from which was to go to the Hersey Professorship of Anatomy. Between 1863 and 1865 he made to Harvard an anonymous gift of $15,000 to be expended, income of principal, "to encourage the attainment of the art of reading aloud the English language well." He gave to the city of Boston in 1865 the granite statue of Alexander Hamilton, by Dr. William Rimmer. This statue stands at the head of Commonwealth Avenue and is the subject of a poem by John Wheel-

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wright in Eight More Harvard Poets. "In 1867 he built a fountain in the Public Garden, to commemorate the discovery of the anaesthetic properties of ether. He also gave $35,000 to Harvard College" and "$30,000 to Boston for statues." 218 The only benefaction recorded of Henry Lee, Sr., was $50 toward "the purchase of Washington's Library" the receipt for which was signed by Charles Eliot Norton; 219 doubtless there were others. Of Patrick Tracy Jackson it has been said, "Mr. Jackson's charities were very large, as were also his contributions for various public purposes. To the Farm-School and to the Warren Street Chapel he was the largest contributor." 220 No effort has been made to describe or analyze the business activities of all Massachusetts merchants, or even of the typical Massachusetts merchant. We have been concerned simply with the merchants belonging to two Massachusetts families over two generations — merchants who, in certain respects and within definite limits, can be considered as representative of their contemporaries. Most typical of their group, in the forms of business activity in which they engaged, were the merchants of the pre-Revolutionary period, the reason, of course, being that business opportunities for the colonial merchant were then so narrowly limited; but the African trade is not represented at all, and Jackson & Bromfield, as a non-shipowning firm, importing British goods and shipping flaxseed, is of peculiar interest because an isolated rather than a typical specimen. The merchants of the nineteenth century can be considered as typical only in relation to the trade with the Indian peninsula; P. T. Jackson and the sons of Joseph Lee, Sr., displayed but little interest in Europe save as an outlet for East India goods, while their connection with Pacific ports was confined almost exclusively to Calcutta and Madras. Even Canton harbor, in the nineteenth century, never knew the keel of a Jackson or Lee vessel. It was in financial position and success that the merchants of these two Lee and Jackson generations were most representative. They were distinguished neither by consistent failure nor by unvarying success. When they failed, as they sometimes did,

I30

THE JACKSONS

AND

THE

LEES

it was without odium; their successes, while frequently gratifying, were no world's wonder. All were recognized, both by their associates and rivals and by the general population, as among the more prominent and responsible of the mercantile community, yet no one of them operated fleets or left fortunes comparable to those of Stephen Girard or John Jacob Astor, or such of their own neighbors as William Gray, Joseph Peabody, Elias Hasket Derby, or Τ . H. Perkins. The two of this group — three, counting Nathaniel T r a c y — who are honored by inclusion in the new Dictionary of American Biography attain that eminence not primarily as merchants, but in the case of P. T . Jackson as a manufacturer, Henry Lee as a free-trade pamphleteer, Nathaniel T r a c y as a privateer-owner, though all these functions were natural developments from mercantile experience. It is, then, because they represent the fairly prominent, fairly successful Massachusetts merchants, that the experiences of the Jacksons and the Lees become significant. It is to bring the reader into more intimate contact, than is possible from a mere digest of shipments and voyages, with the workings of their minds, the details of their commercial lives, and the environment from which they sprang and which they in turn affected, that the voluminous selections from their commercial papers, printed below, have been collected and edited.

NOTES ι. Morison, Samuel Eliot, The Maritime History of Massachusetts, 1783-1860 (Boston and Ν. Y . , 1921), pp. 96, 119. 2. Porter, Kenneth Wiggins, John Jacob Astor: Business Man, 2 vols. (Cambridge, Mass., 1931), vol. 1, pp. 49, 137. 3. Putnam, James Jackson, A Memoir of Dr. James Jackson (Boston and Ν . Y . , 1905), p. 128. 4. Henry Lee Shattuck Collection. 5. Morse, Frances Rollins, ed., Henry and Mary Lee: Letters and Journals (Boston, 1926), p. 3. 6. Forbes, Robert Bennet, Personal Reminiscences (Boston, 1882), pp. 27, 32, 81, 137, 168-169. 7. Peabody, Robert E., Merchant Venturers of Old Salem (Boston and N. Y . , 1912), pp. 157-158. 8. Forbes, op. cit., p. 73; Proceedings of the Bostonian Society (1896), pp. 40-42. 9. Tapley, Harriet Silvester, ed., Early Coastwise and Foreign Shipping of Salem (Salem, 1934), see index; English Shipping Records, pt. iii, Entrance and Clearance, 1756-63 (Photostats in Mass. Hist. Soc.), Newburyport and York, passim; "Custom House Records of the Annapolis District, Maryland, relating to Shipping from the Ports of Essex County, Mass., 1756-1775," Essex Inst. Hist. Colls., vol. Iv, pp. 264, 277. 10. Chapin, Howard M., Privateer Ships and Sailors—The First Century of American Colonial Privateering, 1625-1725 (Toulon, 1926), p. 9. 11. Morison, op. cit., p. 30. 12. "George Cabot," Dictionary of American Biography. 13. Dulles, Foster Rhea, The Old China Trade (Boston and Ν. Y . , 1930), pp. 26-27, 14. Peabody, op. cit., pp. 56-96; Hunt, Freeman, ed., Lives of American Merchants, 2 vols. (Ν. Y . , 1858), vol. i, pp. 38-48, vol. ii, pp. 53-54, 5570; Peabody, Robert E., The Log of the Grand Turks (Boston and Ν. Y . , 1926), p. i n ; Morison, op. cit., pp. 47-49, 84-85; Dulles, op. cit., pp. 2627. 15. Hunt, op. cit., vol. ii, p. 71. 16. Peabody, Merchant Venturers, pp. 97-124. 17. Cleveland, Richard J., A Narrative of Voyages and Commercial Enterprises, 2 vols, in one (Cambridge, 1842), passim. 18. Jackson-Lee Papers, "List of Vessels clear'd for America from Calcutta." 19. Morse, Hosea Ballou, The Chronicles of the East India Company trading to China, 1635-1834, 4 vols. (Cambridge, 1926), vol. ii, p. 348.

THE J A C K S O N S A N D THE LEES 20. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Foreign Sales on acct. of J. & H. Lee from 1803 to 1810." 21. Ibid., "Letter Book September 5th. 1816," Feb. 13, 1816-Oct. 30, 1817, Henry Lee, Boston, July 31, 1817, to C. D. Miles and R. C. Cabot, Calcutta (see below, pp. 1264-1270). 22. Ibid. 23. Ibid., "Letter Book," Aug. 19, 1810-May 30, 1811, Henry Lee, Boston, Sept. 4, 1810, to George Lee and Joseph Hall, Jr., Calcutta. 24. Ibid., Henry Lee, Boston, Oct. 19, 1810, to Edward A. Newton, Madras (see below, pp. 897-902). 25. Ibid., "Bristol letter Book, orders from Shippers in Brig Reaper 1 8 1 1 — v o y a g e to Calcutta," Henry Lee, Bristol, Nov. 22, 1811, to William Oliver, Boston (see below, pp. 997-998); ibid., Henry Lee's account book, London, Sept. 30, 1811-Calcutta, Mar. 1, 1816. 26. Ibid., "P. T. Jackson — Letter Book A," p. 109, P. T. Jackson, Boston, Aug. 30, 1810, to E. A. Newton, Madras (see below, pp. 670-672). 27. Ibid., "Letter Book from Jan?. 17 th . 1817 to October 27. 1818," Henry Lee, Boston, Feb. 5, 1817, to Perit & Cabot, Philadelphia (see below, pp. 1221-1223). 28. Ibid., "Letter Book September 5th. 1816," Feb. 13, 1816-Oct. 30, 1817, Henry Lee, Boston, June 12, 13, 1817, to C. D. Miles and R. C. Cabot, Calcutta (see below, pp. 1245-1255). 29. Ibid., Henry Lee, Boston, Aug. 31, 1817 (see below, pp. 1278-1281), Oct. 29, 30, 1817, to Charles D. Miles and Richard C. Cabot, Calcutta. 30. Ibid., "Letter Book from Jan?. 17 th . 1817 to October 27. 18x8," Henry Lee, Boston, Oct. 12, 1817, to Samuel Williams, London (see below, pp. 1292-1294), and May 21, 1818, to George Miles, Baltimore (see below, pp. 1426-1427). 31. Ibid., "Letter Book September 5th. 1816," Feb. 13, 1816-Oct. 30, 1817, Henry Lee, Boston, July 22, 1817, to C. D. Miles and R. C. Cabot, Calcutta. 32. Keiler, Hans, American Shipping (Jena, 1913), p. 46. 33. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book from Jan?. 17 th . 1817 to October 27. 1818," Henry Lee, Boston, June 26, 1818, to Grant, Pillans & Co., Leghorn (see below, pp. 1338-1339). 34. Independent Chronicle, Apr. 4, 1821, June 12, 1822; Morse, F. R., op. cit., pp. 225-226, 229-249. 35. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letters 1840-41. Henry Lee," Oct. 30, 1840Dec. 21, 1852, pp. 66-69, Henry Lee, Boston, Jan. 26, 1841, to James B. Higginson, Calcutta (see below, pp. 1500-1507). 36. Ibid. 37. Morse, John T., Jr., Memoir of Colonel Henry Lee (Boston, 1905), pp. 15-17. 38. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765," Jonathan Jackson, Bos-

NOTES

133

ton, Feb. 13, 1765, to Devonsheir & Reeve, Bristol (see below, pp. 157158); ibid., Jackson & Bromfield, Newburyport, June 27, 1766, to George Kippen & Son, Glasgow (see below, p. 169). 39. Ibid., Jackson & Bromfield, Newburyport, Apr. 11, 1766, to Tappenden & Hanbey, London (see below, pp. 166-167); ibid., Jackson & Bromfield, Newburyport, Feb. 24, 1768, to DeBerdt, Burkitt & Sayre, London (see below, pp. 192-194). 40. Ibid., Jackson & Bromfield, Newburyport, Dec. 10, 1766, to William Tidmarsh, London (see below, pp. 173-174). 41. Ibid., Jonathan Jackson, Newburyport, Mar. 21, 1766, to Devonsheir & Reeve, Bristol (see below, pp. 164-165). 42. Ibid., Jackson & Bromfield, Newburyport, Oct. 24, 1771, to Leonard Jarvis, Canada (see below, pp. 230-231); ibid., Jackson & Bromfield, Newburyport, Dec. 19, 1771, to Capt. James Hudson, present (see below, pp. 235-240); ibid., Jackson & Bromfield, Newburyport, Aug. 9, 1766, to Capt. John Tarbox, present (see below, pp. 170-171); ibid., Jackson & Bromfield, Newburyport, Jan. 15, 1767, to Peter Contencin, London; LeeCabot Papers, 1707-73, Henry Cruger, Bristol, Sept. 22, 1768, to Jackson & Bromfield, Newburyport; Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765," Jackson & Bromfield, Newburyport, July 3, 1772, to Pelatiah Webster, Philadelphia (see below, pp. 247-248); ibid., "Letter Book, 1774," Jackson, Tracy & Tracy, Newburyport, May 13, 1774, to Hector McNeill, Quebec. 43. Ibid., "Letter book, 1765," Jonathan Jackson, Newburyport, Nov. 1, 1765, to Edmund Quincy, tertius, Braintree (see below, pp. 159-160); ibid., Jackson &,Bromfield, Newburyport, May 1, 1769, to Moses Hazen, St. John's near Montreal (see below, pp. 209-210). 44. George R. Minot Collection, Jonathan Jackson's letter book, London, July 10-Dec. 31, 1784, Jonathan Jackson, London, Dec. 30, 1784, to Thompson & Gordon, Newry (see below, pp. 365-370). 45. Jackson-Lee Papers, Lee & Cabot, Beverly, Aug. 10, 1787, to Capt. Zachariah Gage, schooner Volant (see below, pp. 436-440). 46. Ibid., Joseph Lee and George Cabot, Beverly, Jan., r786, to Capt. Elias Smith, schooner Favorite (see below, pp. 421-423); Lee-Cabot Papers, 1787, Lee & Cabot, Beverly, Mar. 20, 1787, to Capt. Joshua Ellingwood, Jr., schooner Favorite (see below, pp. 423-425); ibid., 1788-89, Lee & Cabot, Beverly, Feb. 11, 1788, to Capt. Joshua Ellingwood, schooner Sally (see below, pp. 443-444); ibid., 1798-1801, Mar. 24, 1798. 47. Ibid., 1790, Jan.-July, May 17, 1790; ibid., 1798-1801, Mar. 24, 1798. 48. Ibid., 1775-76, Crouch & Gray, Charleston, S. C., Jan. 18, 1775, to Capt. Joseph Lee & Co., Beverly; ibid., 1790, Aug.-Dec., Joseph Lee, Jr., Charleston, S. C., Dec. 29, 1790, to Lee & Cabot, Beverly; ibid., Dec. 29, 1790; ibid., 1791, "Sales Brig Iris Cargo — Cadiz April 1791;" ibid.,

THE JACKSONS AND THE LEES "Sales Β Iris' Cargo Cadiz ρ I Duff Sep r . 1 7 9 1 ; " Jackson-Lee Papers, John Burke, Dublin, Sept. 29, 1787, to Lee & Cabot, Beverly. 49. Ibid., "Letter Book. Clos'd on 19th. November 1806," Joseph Lee, Jr., Boston, [Mar., 1797], to William Wyman, supercargo, brig Betsey (see below, pp. 485-488). 50. Lee-Cabot Papers, 1792-93, Sept. 29, Oct. 20, 1792, Jan., 1793; ibid., 1794-95, Oct. 3, 1794; ibid., 1796-97, Apr. 16, 1796, Jan. 13, 1797; ibid., 1788-89, Jan. 20, Feb. 8, 1789; ibid., 1785-86, Nov. 23, 1785; Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book. Clos'd on 19th. November 1806," PP· 7—9, Joseph Lee, Jr., Boston, Sept. 29, 1793, to James Duff, Cadiz (see below, pp. 478-480). 51. Ibid., "Letter book, 1765," Jonathan Jackson, Newburyport, Nov. 1, 1765, to Edmund Quincy, tertius, [Braintree] (see below, pp. 159-160). 52. Patrick Tracy Jackson Collection, "Waste Book belonging to Jackson & Bromfield," pp. 1, 4. 53. Quincy, Josiah, ed., The Journals of Major Samuel Shaw (Boston, 1847), PP· 168, 173. 54. Jackson-Lee Papers, respondentia bond from Joseph Lee, Jr., Henry Lee, and Patrick Tracy Jackson, Boston, May 11, 1810, to Samuel Pickering Gardner (see below, pp. 858-860). 55. Ibid., "Letter Book. Finished Dec r . 1808," Henry Lee, Boston, Feb. 9, 1808, to Benjamin Pickman, Jr., Salem (see below, p. 828); ibid., Henry Lee, Boston, Feb. 8, 1808, to Joseph Lee, Jr., Philadelphia. 56. Ibid., "Letter Book begun in Calcutta Nov r . 17th. 1802 — Ended in the Cape of Good Hope March 27th. 1806 — including voyages, per the Ship Hannah, Ship Pembroke & Brig Rio," P. T . Jackson, Boston, July 15, 1803, to Joshua Haven, Portsmouth (see below, p. 597); ibid., P. T . Jackson, Boston, Aug. 4, 1803, to John Stille & Co., Philadelphia (see below, pp. 599-601); ibid., " P . T . Jackson — Letter Book A , " p. 48, P. T . Jackson, Boston, Apr. 21, 1810, to Joseph Lee, Jr., New Y o r k (see below, pp. 641-642); ibid., "Letter Book. Clos'd on 19 th . November 1806," Joseph Lee, Jr., Boston, Feb. 28, 1804, to Leonard White, Haverhill (see below, pp. 543-544); ibid., Henry Lee, Boston, Sept. 24, 1805, Oct. 14, 1806, to John Stille & Co., Philadelphia (see below, pp. 773, 787-789); ibid., "Letter Book begun in Calcutta Nov r . 17th. 1 8 0 2 — . . ." P. T . Jackson, Boston, July 27, 1803, to Ramduloll Day, Calcutta (see below, pp. 598-599); ibid., "Letter Book from Jan?. 17 th . 1817 to October 27. 1818," Henry Lee, Boston, Jan. 26, 1818, to Peter Remsen & Co., Ν. Y . (see below, pp. 1322-1324); ibid., "Bristol letter Book, orders from Shippers in Brig Reaper 1 8 1 1 — v o y a g e to Calcutta," Andrew Cabot, Boston, Aug. 19, 1811, to Henry Lee, brig Reaper (see below, pp. 974-975); ibid., Henry Lee, brig Reaper, Jan. 9, 1812, to Andrew Cabot, Boston (see below, pp. 1006-1010); ibid., Edward A. Newton, Boston, Aug. 18, 1811, to Henry Lee, brig Reaper (see below, pp. 972-974).

NOTES

135

57. Ibid., "Letter Book begun in Calcutta Nov . 17th. 1802— . . ." P. Τ. Jackson, Calcutta, Nov. 26, 1802, to Francis Cabot Lowell, Boston (see below, pp. 594-595); ibid.., "Letters written in Calcutta from May to August 1812," Henry Lee, Calcutta, July 7-10, 1812, to Andrew Cabot, Boston (see below, pp. 1017-1035); ibid., "Letter Book begun in Calcutta Nov r . 17th. 1802— . . ." P. T. Jackson, Calcutta, Nov. 26, 1802, to Samuel H. Walley, Boston; ibid., "Letter Book September 5 th . 1816," Feb. 13, 1816-Oct. 30, 1817, Henry Lee, Boston, Oct. 23, 1817, to C. D. Miles and R. C. Cabot, Calcutta (see below, pp. 1301-1307). 58. Milburn, William, Oriental Commerce, 2 vols. (London, 1813), vol. ii, p. 171. 59. Jackson-Lee Papers, "P. T. Jackson — Letter Book A," pp. 67-68, P. T. Jackson, Boston, May 7, 1810, to Robert Cabot, Calcutta (see below, PP· 653-655); ibid., P. T. Jackson, Boston, Oct. 18, 1810, to George Lee, Calcutta (see below, pp. 677-679); ibid., "Letter Book," Aug. 19, 1810May 30, 1811, Henry Lee, Boston, Oct. 31, 1810, to Edward A. Newton, Madras (see below, pp. 907-919); ibid., Henry Lee, Boston, Nov. 10, 1810, to George Lee and Joseph Hall, Jr., Calcutta (see below, pp. 925928); ibid., "Bristol letter Book, orders from Shippers in Brig Reaper 1811 —voyage to Calcutta," pp. 28-29, Stephen Higginson & Co., Boston, Aug. 16, 1811, to Henry Lee, brig Reaper (see below, pp. 970-972); ibid., Henry Lee, London, Sept. 28, 1811, to Andrew Cabot, Boston (see below, pp. 978-983); ibid., Henry Lee, London, Oct. 1, 1811, to Andrew Cabot, Boston (see below, pp. 983-985). 60. Ibid., "Letters written in Calcutta from May to August 1812," Henry Lee, Calcutta, May 20, 21, July 7-10, 1812, to Andrew Cabot, Boston (see below, pp. 1012-1015, 1017-1035); ibid., Henry Lee, Calcutta, Aug. 26, 1812, to Francis Lee, Boston (see below, pp. 1038-1042); ibid., "Letters written in Calcutta by Henry Lee from July 1813 to March 1816," Henry Lee, Calcutta, Dec. 26, 1815, to Francis Lee, Boston (see below, pp. 1163-1166). 61. Robinson, F. P., The Trade of the East India Company from 170g to 1813 (Cambridge, Eng., 1912), pp. 66-68. 62. Milburn, op. cit., vol. ii, p. 171. 63. Jackson-Lee Papers, "H. Lee's Letters from Calcutta from August 1812 to June 1813," Henry Lee, Calcutta, Oct. 21, 1812, to Andrew Cabot, Boston (see below, pp. 1059-1064). 64. Morse, F. R., op. cit., p. 117. 65. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book," Aug. 19, 1810-May 30, 1811, Henry Lee, Boston, Nov. 8, 1810, to Joseph Hall, Jr., Calcutta (see below, pp. 919-922); ibid., "Letter Book September 5 th . 1816," Feb. 13, 1816Oct. 30, 1817, Henry Lee, Boston, June 12, 13, 1817, to C. D. Miles and R. C. Cabot, Calcutta (see below, pp. 1245-1255). 66. Ibid., "Letter Book," Aug. 19, 1810-May 30, 1811, P. T. Jackson r

i36

THE JACKSONS AND THE LEES

for self, Joseph Lee, Jr., and Henry Lee, Boston, Oct. 15, 1810, to George Lee and Joseph Hall, Jr., Calcutta (see below, pp. 870-897). 67. Ibid., "Letters written in Calcutta from May to August 1812," Henry Lee, Calcutta, May 21, 1812, to Andrew Cabot, Boston (see below, p. 1014); ibid., "Letter Book September 5th. 1816," Feb. 13, 1816-Oct. 30, 1817, Henry Lee, Ν. Y., Sept. 27, 1816, to James Mackillop, Calcutta (see below, pp. 1199-1204). 68. Ibid., "Letters written in Calcutta by H. Lee from July 1813 to March 1816," Henry Lee, Calcutta, July 13-29, 1815, to Francis Lee, Boston; ibid., "Letters written in Calcutta from May to August 1812," Henry Lee, Calcutta, July 7-10, 1812, to Andrew Cabot, Boston (see below, pp. 1017-1035); ibid., "Letter Book September 5th. 1816," Feb. 13, 1816-Oct. 30, 1817, Henry Lee, Ν. Y., Sept. 27, 1816, to James Mackillop, Calcutta (see below, pp. 1199-1204); ibid., Henry Lee, Boston, June 12, 13, 1817 (see below, pp. 1245-1255), Sept. 6, 25, 1817, to C. D. Miles and R. C. Cabot, Calcutta. 69. Ibid., "Η. Lee's Letters from Calcutta from August 1812 to June 1813," "Henry Lee, Dec. 23, 1812, to Andrew Cabot, Boston (see below, pp. 1064-1069). 70. Ibid., "Letters written in Calcutta from May to August 1812," Henry Lee, Calcutta, July 7-10, Oct. 1, 1812, to Andrew Cabot, Boston (see below, pp. 1017-1035, 1055-1058); ibid., Henry Lee, Calcutta, Aug. 28, 1812, to Peter Remsen, Ν. Y. (see below, p. 1041). 71. Ibid., "Η. Lee's Letters from Calcutta from August 1812 to June 1813," Henry Lee, Calcutta, Aug. 12, 1812, to Thomas Lee, Boston (see below, pp. 1035-1038); ibid., "Letters written in Calcutta from May to August 1812," Henry Lee, Calcutta, July 7-10, 1812, to Andrew Cabot, Boston (see below, pp. 1017-1035). 72. Ibid., "Letters written in Calcutta by H. Lee from July 1813 to March 1816," Henry Lee, Calcutta, Oct. 21, 1814, to Samuel Williams, London (see below, pp. 1 1 1 0 - 1 1 1 5 ) ; ibid., "Letter Book," Aug. 19, 1810May 30, 1811, P. T. Jackson for self, Joseph Lee, Jr., and Henry Lee, Boston, Oct. 15, 1810, to George Lee and Joseph Hall, Jr., Calcutta (see below, pp. 870-897); ibid., "Letters written in Calcutta from May to August 1812," Henry Lee, Calcutta, May 20-22, 1812, to Andrew Cabot, Boston (see below, pp. 1010-10x5); ibid., "Η. Lee's Letters from Calcutta from August 1812 to June 1813," Henry Lee, Calcutta, Dec. 23, 1812, to Andrew Cabot, Boston (see below, pp. 1064-1069); ibid., "Henry Lee's Calcutta Memorandum Book—1814 & 1815;" ibid., "Letters written in Calcutta from May to August 1812," Henry Lee, Calcutta, July 7-10, 1812, to Andrew Cabot, Boston (see below, pp. 1017-1035); ibid., "Letter Book September 5th. 1816," Feb. 13, 1816-Oct. 30, 1817, Henry Lee, Boston, June 12, 13, 1817 (see below, pp. 1245-1255), Sept. 6, 1817, to C. D. Miles and R. C. Cabot, Calcutta.

NOTES

137

73. Ibid., "H. Lee's Letters from Calcutta from August 1812 to June 1813," Henry Lee, Calcutta, Aug. 12, 1812, to Thomas Lee, Boston (see below, pp. 1035-1038). 74. Ibid., "Letters written in Calcutta by H. Lee from July 1813 to March 1816," Henry Lee, Calcutta, May 8, 13, 1815, to Francis Lee, Boston (see below, pp. 1127-1140); ibid., "Letters written in Calcutta from May to August 1812," Henry Lee, Calcutta, July 7-10, 1812, to Andrew Cabot, Boston (see below, pp. 1017-1035). 75. Ibid., "Letter Book," Aug. 19, 1810-May 30, 1811, Henry Lee, Boston, Nov. 12, 1810, to Edward A. Newton, Madras (see below, pp. 929932); ibid., "P. T. Jackson — Letter Book A," pp. 11-12, P. T. Jackson, Boston, Jan. 25, 1810, to William Oliver and Robert Cabot (see below, pp. 636-638); ibid., "Letter Book September 5th. 1816," Feb. 13, 1816Oct. 30, 1817, Henry Lee, Boston, June 12, 13, 1817, to C. D. Miles and R. C. Cabot, Calcutta (see below, pp. 1245-1255); ibid., "Letter Book begun in Calcutta Nov r . 17th. 1802 — . . . " P. T. Jackson, Calcutta, Sept. 6, 1804, to F. C. Lowell, Boston (see below, pp. 605-607); ibid., "H. Lee's Letters from Calcutta from August 1812 to June 1813," Henry Lee, Calcutta, Aug. 12, 1812, to Thomas Lee, Boston (see below, pp. 1035-1038); ibid., "Letters written in Calcutta from May to August 1812," Henry Lee, Calcutta, Aug. 26, 1812, to Francis Lee, Boston (see below, pp. 10421045); ibid., "Letters written in Calcutta by H. Lee from July 1813 to March 1816," Henry Lee, Calcutta, Oct. 21, 1814, to Samuel Williams, London (see below, pp. 1110-1115). 76. Ibid., "Letter Book begun in Calcutta Nov r . 17th. 1 8 0 2 — • · · P. T . Jackson, Calcutta, Aug. 24, 1804, to Joseph Lee, Jr., Boston; ibid., P. T. Jackson, Calcutta, Sept. 6, 1804, to F. C. Lowell, Boston (see below, pp. 605-607); ibid., "Letter Book Finished Dec r . 1808," Henry Lee and Joseph Lee, Jr., Boston, May 28, 1808, to Ram Lochun Bonarjia, Calcutta (see below, pp. 835-837); ibid., "Letter Book," Aug. 19, 1810-May 30, 1811, Henry Lee for self, and Joseph Lee, Jr., Boston, Feb. 13, 1811, to George Lee and Joseph Hall, Jr., Calcutta (see below, pp. 966-968); ibid., "P. T. Jackson — Letter Book A," p. 191, P. T. Jackson, Boston, Mar. 30, 1811, to John Tracy, Calcutta; ibid., "Letters written in Calcutta from May to August 1812," Henry Lee, Calcutta, July 7-10, 1812, to Andrew Cabot, Boston (see below, pp. 1017-1035); ibid., "H. Lee's Letters from Calcutta from August 1812 to June 1813," Henry Lee, Calcutta, Dec. 23, 1812, to Andrew Cabot, Boston (see below, pp. 1064-1069); ibid., "Letters written in Calcutta by H. Lee from July 1813 to March r8i6," Henry Lee, Calcutta, Apr. 11, 1814, to P. T. Jackson, Boston; ibid., Henry Lee, Calcutta, June 6, 1814, to Andrew Cabot, Boston; ibid., Henry Lee, Calcutta, May 8, 1815, to Francis Lee, Boston (see below, pp. 1127-1136). 77. Patrick Tracy Jackson Collection, P. T. Jackson's account book, Cape of Good Hope, Feb. 20, 1805-Dec. 27, 1806, p. 19.

i38

THE JACKSONS AND T H E LEES

78. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book from Jan". 17 th . 1817 to October 27. 1818." Henry Lee, Boston, Feb. 13, 1818, to Hottinguer & Co., Havre (see below, pp. 1324-1327); ibid., "Letters 1840-41. Henry Lee," Oct. 30, 1840-Dec. 21, 1852, p. 50, Henry Lee, Boston, Jan. 14, 1841, to James Hill, Calcutta (see below, pp. 1454-1455); ibid.., p. 117, Henry Lee, Boston, Mar. 29, 1841, to Mackillop, Stewart & Co., Calcutta. 79. Ibid., "Letter Book. Clos'd on 19 th . November 1806," Henry Lee for self and Joseph Lee, Jr., Boston, Apr. 1, 1806, to John Stille & Co., Philadelphia (see below, pp. 780-782); ibid., "Letter Book Finished Dec r . 1808," Henry Lee for self and Joseph Lee, Jr., Boston, Dec. 22, 1806, to William Farris, Newburyport (see below, p. 801); ibid., Henry Lee for the owners of the Dromo, Boston, Dec. 27, 1806, to Samuel Cutler, Newburyport; ibid., "Letter Book from 27 July 1807 to 16 Dec r . 1808," P. T. Jackson, Boston, Sept. 5, 1808, to William Bartlett, Newburyport (see below, p. 6 3 1 ) ; ibid., "P. T. Jackson — Letter Book A , " pp. 95-96, P. T. Jackson, Boston, July 13, 1810, to Edward A. Newton, Madras (see below, pp. 664665); ibid., "Letter Book," Aug. 19, 1810-May 30, 1811, Henry Lee, Boston, Nov. 8, 1810, to George Lee, Calcutta (see below, pp. 922-925); ibid., ''Letters B , " pp. 81-82, P. T . Jackson, Boston, Dec. 17, 1812, to Albert Gallatin, Secretary of the Treasury (see below, pp. 736-738); Porter, op. cit., vol. i, p. 313; Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letters written in Calcutta by H. Lee from July 1813 to March 1816," Cruttenden & Mackillop, Calcutta, Dec. 3, 1814, to Capt. William Turnbull, Princess Charlotte (see below, pp. 1 1 1 8 - 1 1 2 0 ) ; ibid., "Letter Book from Jans'. 17 th . 1817 to October 27. 1818," Henry Lee, Boston, Sept. 23, 1817, to Peter Remsen & Co., Ν. Y . (see below, pp. 1285-1288). 80. Ibid., "Letter Book," Aug. 19, 1810-May 30, 1811, Henry Lee, Boston, Nov. 8, 1810, to Joseph Hall, Jr., Calcutta (see below, pp. 9 1 9 922); ibid., " P . T . Jackson — Letter Book A , " pp. 121-122, P. T . Jackson, Boston, Oct. 18, 1810, to George Lee, Calcutta (see below, pp. 677-679); ibid., "Letter Book," Aug. 19, 1810-May 30, 1811, Henry Lee, Boston, Oct. 31, 1810, to Edward A . Newton, Madras (see below, pp. 907-919); ibid., "Letters written in Calcutta from May to August 1812," Henry Lee, Calcutta, July 7-10, 1812, to Andrew Cabot, Boston (see below, pp. 1 0 1 7 1035); ibid., "Letter Book," Aug. 19, 1810-May 30, 1811, P. T. Jackson for self, Joseph Lee, Jr., and Henry Lee, Boston, Oct. 15, 1810, to George Lee and Joseph Hall, Jr., Calcutta (see below, pp. 870-896); ibid., Henry Lee, Boston, Nov. 8, 1810, to George Lee, Calcutta (see below, pp. 922925); ibid., Henry Lee, Patrick Tracy Jackson and Joseph Lee, Jr., Boston, Nov. 29, 1810, to George Lee and Joseph Hall, Jr., Calcutta (see below, pp. 935-939); Bennett, Edward, The Post Office and Its Story (London, 1912), p. 214; Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letters 1840-41. Henry Lee," Oct. 30, 1840-Dec. 2i, 1852, pp. 108-109, Henry Lee, Boston, Mar. 15,

NOTES

139

1841, to Forbes & Co., MacGregor, Brownrigg & Co., Edmond Bibby & Co., Remington & Co., Bombay (see below, pp. 1448-1451). 81. Ibid., "Letter Book from Jan»'. 17 th . 1817 to October 27. 1818," Henry Lee, Boston, Dec. 5, 1817, to Perit & Cabot, Philadelphia (see below, pp. 1 3 1 0 - 1 3 1 1 ) ; George R. Minot Collection, Jonathan Jackson's letter book, London, July 10-Dec. 31, 1784, Jonathan Jackson, London, July 24, 1784, to H. Cremer, Van Zeller & Dohrman, William Tomkin, Francis M. Martins, Montgomery Sealy & Co., John Bulkley & Co., Lisbon (see below, pp. 346-350); ibid.., Jonathan Jackson, London, July 26, 1784, to Samuel Paine, Richmond, Va. (see below, pp. 350-356); Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letters written in Calcutta by H. Lee from July 1813 to March 1816," Henry Lee, Calcutta, Aug. 11, 1814, to Francis Lee, Boston (see below, pp. 1106-1110). 82. Ibid., "Η. Lee's Letters from Calcutta from August 1812 to June 1813," Henry Lee, Calcutta, Sept. 20, 1812, to P. T . Jackson, Boston (see below, pp. 1046-1048); ibid., "Letters written in Calcutta by H. Lee from July 1813 to March 1816," Henry Lee, Calcutta, Sept. 11, 1815, to Francis Lee, Boston; ibid., "Letter Book from Jan>'. 17 t h . 1817 to October 27. 1818," Henry Lee, Boston, Apr. 8, 1818, to Peter Remsen & Co., Ν. Y . (see below, pp. 1327-1329); ibid., "Letter Book September 5 th . 1816," Feb. 13, 1816Oct. 30, 1817, Henry Lee, Ν. Y . , Sept. 26, 1816, to Palmer, Wilson & Co., London (see below, pp. 1 1 9 6 - 1 1 9 9 ) ; ibid., "Letters 1840-41. Henry Lee," Oct. 30, 1840-Dec. 21, 1852, p. 75, Henry Lee, Boston, Feb. 1, 1841, to Miller, Le Cocq & Co., Rio de Janeiro. 83. Ibid., "Letter Book," Aug. 19, 1810-May 30, 1811, Henry Lee, Boston, Feb. 9, 1811, to S. & C. Howard, Savannah, Ga. (see below, p. 966); ibid., Henry Lee, Boston, Apr. 1, 1811, to Thaddeus Mayhew, New Orleans (see below, pp. 969-970). 84. Ibid., "Letters B," p. 142, P. T . Jackson, Boston, Nov. 20, 1813, to William Lawrence, Havana (see below, p. 748); ibid., "Letters 1840-41. Henry Lee," Oct. 30, 1840-Dec. 21, 1852, p. 136, Henry Lee by W. S. Bullard, Boston, Apr. 29, 1841, to John H. Mason & Co., Providence (see below, p. 1457); ibid,., p. 183, Henry Lee by W. S. Bullard, Boston, Sept. 30, 1841, to W. C. Langley & Co., Ν. Y . ; ibid., pp. 287, 311, Henry Lee, Boston, M a y 5, 1843, Jan. 13, 1844, to P. Brady, Philadelphia (see below, pp. 1484-1485); ibid., "Letter Book. Clos'd on 19 th . November 1806," Joseph Lee, Jr., Boston, July 27, Dec. 23, 1802, Jan. 21, Feb., 1803, to John Stille, Jr., & Co., Philadelphia (see below, pp. 526-535); ibid., "Letters 1840-41. Henry Lee," Oct. 30, 1840-Dec. 21, 1852, p. 188, Henry Lee by Henry Lee, Jr., Boston, Oct. 28, 1841, to L. Sharpless & Son, Philadelphia (see below, pp. 1461-1462). 85. Ibid., "Letter Book. Clos'd on 19 th . November 1806," Joseph Lee, Jr., Boston, Mar. 16, 1799, to James Sheaffe, Portsmouth, Ν. H. (see be-

THE JACKSONS A N D THE LEES low, pp. 497-499); ibid., "Letter Book begun in Calcutta Nov r . 17 t h . 1 8 0 2 — . . ." P. T . Jackson, Boston, July 15, 1803, to Joshua Haven, Portsmouth (see below, p. 597); ibid., P. T . Jackson, Boston, July 27, 1803, to Ramduloll Day, Calcutta (see below, pp. 627-628); ibid., "Letter Book. Clos'd on 19 th . November 1806," Joseph Lee, Jr., Boston, Dec. 6, 1803, to Ruf us Bigelow, Baltimore (see below, pp. 538-540); ibid.) Henry Lee, Boston, Apr. 5, 1806, to Peter Remsen, Ν. Y. (see below, pp. 8 1 5 816); ibid., Joseph Lee, Jr., Boston, Oct. 27, 1806, to Andrew Smith, Calcutta (see below, pp. 793-795); ibid., "Letter Book — From 17 June 1806 to 14 July 1807," P. T. Jackson, Boston, June 9, July 7, 1807, to Peter Remsen, Ν. Y. (see below, pp. 6 2 1 - 6 2 2 ) ; ibid., "Letter Book Finished Dec r . 1808," Henry Lee, Boston, May 4, 1808, to Benjamin & George Williams, Baltimore (see below, pp. 833-834); ibid., "P. T. Jacks o n — Letter Book A," p. 48, P. T. Jackson, Boston, Apr. 21, 1810, to Joseph Lee, Jr., Ν. Y. (see below, pp. 641-642); ibid., pp. 56-59, P. T . Jackson, Boston, Apr. 30, 1810, to Edward A. Newton, Madras (see below, pp. 645-650); ibid., "Letters B," pp. 105-106, P. T . Jackson, Boston, Mar. 29, 1813, to J. & N . Heard & Co., Ν . Y. (see below, pp. 742-744); ibid., p. 126, P. T. Jackson, Boston, Aug. 14, 1813, to George Williams, Baltimore (see below, p. 744); ibid., p. 135, P. T . Jackson, Boston, Oct. 20, 1813, to James Russell, Bristol (see below, pp. 745-746); ibid., "Letter Book September 5 th . 1816," Feb. 13, 1816-Oct. 30, 1817, Henry Lee, Boston, June 12, 13, 1817, to C. D. Miles & R. C. Cabot, Calcutta (see below, pp. 1 2 4 5 - 1 2 5 5 ) ; ibid., "Letter Book from Jan?. 17 th . 1817 to October 27. 1818," Henry Lee, Boston, Nov. 3, 1817, to James Schott & Co., Philadelphia; ibid., Henry Lee, Boston, Apr. 8, 1818, to Peter Remsen & Co., Ν. Y. (see below, pp. 1 3 2 7 - 1 3 2 9 ) . 86. Ibid., "Letter Book. Clos'd on 19 th . November 1806," Joseph Lee, Jr., Boston, Feb. 28, 1804, to Leonard White, Haverhill (see below, PP· 543 _ 544)» ibid., "Letter Book," Aug. 19, 1 8 1 0 - M a y 30, 1811, Henry Lee, Boston, Nov. 29, 1810, to Edward A. Newton, Madras (see below, pp. 940-948); New York Historical Society, Rufus King Papers, box 11, Joseph Lee, Jr., Boston, Oct. 22, 1806, to Rufus King, Jamaica, L. I. (see below, pp. 7 9 1 - 7 9 2 ) ; James Jackson Collection, accounts of James Jackson's adventures to India and China with Patrick Tracy Jackson, May 7, 1810-July 8, 1 8 1 1 (see below, pp. 658-661); Baker Library, Harvard Graduate School of Business Administration, Papers of Nathan Trotter & Co., profits on China voyages by Caledonia, Pacific, and Lancaster, May 4, 1 8 1 1 - M a r c h , 1813 [ ? ] ; Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letters 1840-41. Henry Lee," Oct. 30, 1840-Dec. 21, 1852, pp. 66-69, Henry Lee, Boston, Jan. 26, 1841, to James B. Higginson, Calcutta (see below, pp. 1500-1507). 87. Ibid., "Letter Book from Janv. 17 th . 1817 to October 27. 1818," Henry Lee, Boston, Mar. 6, 1817, to Charles Williams, London (see below, pp. 1 2 3 5 - 1 2 3 7 ) .

NOTES

141

88. Ibid., "Letter Book," Aug. 19, 1810-May 30, 1811, Henry Lee, Boston, Dec. 14, 1810, to Thomas Lee, Jr., Havana (see below, pp. 950954); ibid., "P. T. Jackson — Letter Book A," pp. 171-172, P. T. Jackson, Boston, Mar. 7, 1811, to Samuel Yorke & James Schott, Philadelphia (see below, p. 700); ibid., "Letters B," pp. 6-8, P. T. Jackson and Thomas Lee, Jr., Boston, Feb. 26, 1812, to Joseph Lee, Jr., and William Oliver, Havana (see below, pp. 724-727); ibid., "Letter Book. Clos'd on 19th. November 1806," Henry Lee for Joseph Lee, Jr., Boston, Nov. 8, 1805, to Ebenezer Stocker, Newburyport (see below, p. 774); ibid., insurance policy, Nov. 23, 1774 (see below, pp. 397-399); ibid., "Letter Book Finished D e c . 1808," Henry Lee, Boston, Oct. 17, 1807, to William Oliver, Marseilles (see below, pp. 817-820); ibid., "Bristol letter Book, orders from Shippers in Brig Reaper 1811 — v o y a g e to Calcutta," Henry Lee, London, Nov. 12, 1811, to Thomas Lee, Boston (see below, pp. 985-992). 89. Ibid., "Letter Book September 5th. 1816," Feb. 13, 1816-Oct. 30, 1817, Henry and Francis Lee, Ν. Y., July 26, 1816, to Gebhard & Co., Amsterdam (see below, pp. 1173-1177); ibid., Gebhard & Co., Amsterdam, July 16, 1819, to Henry Lee, Boston (see below, pp. 1379-1381); ibid., "Letter Book Finished Dec r . 1808," Henry Lee, Boston, June 16, 1807, to Arthur Spear, Nantes; ibid., "Letters 1840-41. Henry Lee," Oct. 30, 1840Dec. 21, 1852, pp. 110-112, Henry Lee, Boston, Mar. 27, 1841, to J. B. Higginson, Calcutta (see below, pp. 1507-1511); ibid., Henry Lee, Boston, July 12, 1843, to John Mackenzie, London (see below, pp. 1486-1490). 90. Ibid., "Letters B," p. 216, P. T. Jackson, Thomas Lee, Jr., Francis Lee, Boston, July 24, 1815, to Capt. William Farris, schooner Randolph (see below, p. 762). 91. Ibid., "Letter Book. Clos'd on 19th. November 1806" (back of book), Grant, Sibbald & Balfour, Leghorn, Jan. 25, 1802, to Joseph Lee, Jr., Boston (see below, pp. 518-524); ibid., "Invoices," July 15, 1816-Dec. 8, 1817, Mar. 19, 1817; ibid., "Accounts Current & Account Sales," Apr. 18, 1816-Dec. 31, 1817, June 18, 1817; ibid., Leghorn price current, Feb. 3, 1819 (see below, pp. 1348-1357); ibid., Grant, Pillans & Co., Leghorn, Feb. 6, 1819, to Henry Lee, Boston (see below, pp. 1358-1360); ibid., "Letter Book. Clos'd on 19th. November 1806," Joseph Lee, Jr., Boston, June 24, 1802, to Ebenezer Beckford, Salem; ibid., "Letters written in France during my voyage 1804 — , " Joseph Lee, Jr., and Ebenezer Francis, Boston, Dec. 19, 1805 [4], to Henry Lee, Leghorn (see below, pp. 582-584); ibid., Henry Lee, Paris, Oct. 14, 1804, to Joseph Lee, Jr., Boston (see below, pp. 576-578); ibid., "Letter Book," Aug. 19, 1810-May 30, 1811, Henry Lee, Boston, Dec. 14, 1810, to Thomas Lee, Jr., Havana (see below, pp. 950-954)· 92. Morse, F. R., op. cit., pp. 3, 13; Jackson-Lee Papers, "P. T. Jacks o n — Letter Book A," pp. 69-70, P. T. Jackson, Boston, May 7, 1810, to Edward A. Newton, Madras (see below, pp. 656-658); ibid., pp. 121-122,

THE JACKSONS AND THE LEES P. T. Jackson, Boston, Oct. 18, 1810, to George Lee, Calcutta (see below, pp. 677-679). 93. Forbes, op. cit., p. 298 and appendix. 94. Quincy, Edmund, Lije of Josiah Quincy (Boston, 1868), p. 4. 95. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letterbook, 1765," Jonathan Jackson, Boston, Apr. 22, 1772, to Henry & Thomas Bromfield, London (see below, pp. 242-245). 96. Ibid.., "Letter Book. Clos'd on 19 th . November 1806," Joseph Lee, Jr., Boston, July 8, 1805, to Vincent Gray, Havana (see below, p. 547); ibid., "Letter Book September 5 th . 1816," Feb. 13, 1816-Oct. 30, 1817, Henry Lee, Boston, Oct. 30, 1817, to James Williamson, Calcutta (see below, pp. 1307-1310). 97. Registers, Boston Custom House, brig Caravan, June n , 181 o, James Gilchrist, master and owner. 98. Jackson-Lee Papers, "H. Lee's Letters from Calcutta from August 1812 to June 1813," Henry Lee, Calcutta, Dec. 23, 24, 1812, to Andrew Cabot, [Boston] (see below, pp. 1064-1069). In 1817, Henry Lee referred to the " E [ l i z a ] Ann . . . owned by the Captain & mate, cost only $5000, but is I imagine a safe ship" (Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book September s t h . 1816," Feb. 13, 1816-Oct. 30, 1817, Henry Lee, Boston, July 31, Aug. i , 1817, to C. D . Miles and R . C . Cabot, Calcutta (see below, pp. 1262-1271). 99. Putnam, J. J., op. cit., p. 133. 100. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book September 5 th . 1816," Feb. 13, 1816-Oct. 30, 1817, Henry Lee, Boston, June 12, 13, July 31, Aug. x, 7, 9, 1817, to C. D . Miles and R . C. Cabot, Calcutta (see below, pp. 12451255, 1262-1275); ibid., "Letters written in Calcutta by H. Lee from July 1813 to March 1816," Henry Lee, Calcutta, Dec. 24, 1815, to Joseph Lee, Jr., Boston (see below, pp. 1 1 6 1 - 1 1 6 2 ) . 101. Ibid., "Letter Book. Clos'd on 19 th . November 1806," Joseph Lee, Jr., Boston, M a y 18, 1799, to John Bockman, Baltimore (see below, pp. 501-502). 102. Ibid., "Letter Book. Clos'd on 19 th . November 1806," Joseph Lee, Jr., Boston, Apr., 1800, to Diego Clarence, Madrid (see below, pp. 506510)· 103. Ibid., "Bristol letter Book, orders from Shippers in Brig Reaper 1 8 1 1 — v o y a g e to Calcutta," pp. 25-26, Andrew Cabot, Boston, Aug. 19, 1811, to Capt. Nathaniel Spooner, Jr., brig Reaper, Aug. 21, 1811, to Henry Lee, brig Reaper (see below, pp. 975-976, 977). 104. Putnam, J. J., op. cit., p. 134. 105. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book — from 17 June 1806 to 14 July 1807," P. T . Jackson, Prince of Wales Island, June 17, 1806, to Stephen Higginson & Co., Boston (see below, pp. 615-616). 106. Ibid., "Letter Book," Aug. 19, 1810-May 30, I8II, Henry Lee,

NOTES

143

Boston, Nov. 29-Dec. 14, 1810, to Edward A. Newton, Madras (see below, pp. 940-948). 107. Ibid., "Letter Book September 5th. 1816," Feb. 13, 1816-Oct. 30, 1817, Henry Lee, Boston, July 31, Aug. 1, 7, 9, 1817, to C. D. Miles and R. C. Cabot, Calcutta (see below, pp. 1262-1275). 108. Ibid., "Letter Book from Janv. 17 th . 1817 to October 27. 1818," Henry Lee, Boston, July 25, 1817, to John Tracy, Baltimore (see below, pp. 1260-1262). 109. Ibid., "Letter Book September 5th. 1816," Feb. 13, 1816-Oct. 30, 1817, Henry Lee, Ν. Y., Sept. 27, 30, 1816, to James Mackillop, Calcutta (see below, pp. 1199-1206). n o . Ibid., "Letters 1840-41. Henry Lee," Oct. 30, 1840-Dec. 21, 1852, p. 22, Henry Lee, Boston, Nov. 30, 1840, to William Edmond, Liverpool (see below, pp. 1424-1426). i n . Keiler, op. cit., p. 47. 1 1 2 . Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book from Janv. 17 th . 1817 to October 27. 1818," Henry Lee, Boston, Jan. 26, Apr. 16, 1818, to Peter Remsen & Co., Ν. Y . (see below, pp. 1322-1324). 1 1 3 . Ibid., "Letter Book September 5th. 1816," Feb. 13, 1816-Oct. 30, 1817, Henry Lee, Ν. Y., Sept. 21, 1816, to Charles Williams, London (see below, pp. 1192-1195). 114. Ibid., "Letters 1840-41. Henry Lee," Oct. 30, 1840-Dec. 21, 1852, pp. 66-69, Henry Lee, Boston, Jan. 26, 1841, to James B. Higginson, Calcutta (see below, pp. 1500-1507). 1 1 5 . Ibid., pp. 28-32, Henry Lee, Boston, Dec. 10, 1840, to Miller, Le Cocq & Co., Rio de Janeiro (see below, pp. 1490-1500). 116. Ibid., pp. 1 1 0 - 1 1 2 , Henry Lee, Boston, Mar. 27, 1841, to J . B. Higginson, Calcutta (see below, pp. 1 5 0 7 - 1 5 1 1 ) . 117. Henry Lee Shattuck Collection, W. S. Bullard, Boston, Apr. 30, 1843, to Henry Lee, Jr., Paris. 118. Buchanan, Daniel Houston, The Development of Capitalistic Enterprise in India (Ν. Y., 1934), pp. 13, 22. 119. Putnam, J . J., op. cit., pp. 9, 21, 69, see errata slip. 120. Titcomb, Sarah Elizabeth, Early New England People (Boston, 1882), pp. 173, 174, 181. 1 2 1 . Morse, F. R., op. cit., p. 13. 122. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book from Jan*. 17 th . 1817 to October 27. 1818," Henry Lee, Boston, Jan. 25, 1818, to Capt. William Farris, Newburyport (see below, pp. 1 3 2 1 - 1 3 2 2 ) ; Currier, John J., History of Newburyport, Mass., 1764-1909, 2 vols. (Newburyport, 1906-09), vol. ii, pp. 202-203; Currier, John J., "Ould Newbury," (Boston, 1896), p. 579; Lee, Thomas Amory, "The Tracy Family of Newburyport," Essex Inst. Hist. Colls., vol. Ivii, p. 67. 123. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book September 5th. 1816," Feb. 13,

T H E JACKSONS AND T H E L E E S 1816-Oct. 30, 1817, Henry Lee, Boston, Oct. 23, 1817, to C. D. Miles and R. C. Cabot, Calcutta (see below, pp. 1 3 0 1 - 1 3 0 7 ) ; Morse, F. R., op. cit., p. xiii. 124. Forbes, op. cit., pp. 27, 31. 125. Putnam, J . J., op. cit., p. 132; Morse, F. R., op. cit., p. 3. 126. Ibid., p. 22; Putnam, J. J., op. cit., p. 133. 127. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book. Clos'd on 19 th . November 1806," Joseph Lee, Jr., Boston, Feb., 1802, to Thomas Lee, Jr. (see below, pp· 524-526). 128. Ibid., Henry Lee for self and Joseph Lee, Jr., Boston, Dec. 5, 1805, to John Bromfield, Nantes (see below, pp. 775-778); Registers, Boston Custom House, 1805, nos. 367, 369; Briggs, L. Vernon, History and Genealogy of the Cabot Family, 2 vols. (Boston, 1927), vol. i, pp. 169, 170. 129. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book. Clos'd on 19 th . November 1806," Henry Lee for self and Joseph Lee, Jr., Boston, Apr. 1, 1806, to John Stille & Co., Philadelphia (see below, pp. 780-782). 130. Ibid., Henry Lee for self and Joseph Lee, Jr., Boston, Apr. 25, 1806, to Samuel Williams, London (see below, pp. 785-786); Briggs, op. cit., vol. i, p. 155. 1 3 1 . Ibid., vol. i, pp. 118, 208; Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book. Clos'd on 19 th . November 1806," Henry Lee, Boston, July 14, 1806, to Peter Remsen, N. Y . ; ibid., "Letter Book Finished Decr. 1808," Henry Lee for self and Joseph Lee, Jr., Boston, Apr. 18,1807, to Samuel Williams, London. 132. Ibid., "Letter Book. Clos'd on 19 th . November 1806," Joseph Lee, Jr., Boston, Oct. 27, 1806, to Andrew Smith, Calcutta (see below, pp. 793795)-

133. Ibid., "Invoices," 1799-1812, Nov. 1, 1810. 134. Ibid., "Letter Book," Aug. 19, 1810-May 30, i8rr, Henry Lee, Boston, Sept. 4, 1810, to George Lee and Joseph Hall, Jr., Calcutta. 135. Ibid., Letter book relating to the Vancouver, P. T. Jackson, Boston, Nov. 10, 1810, to John Tracy, Jr., brig Vancouver (see below, pp. 683688). 136. Ibid., "Bristol letter Book, orders from Shippers in Brig Reaper 1 8 1 1 — v o y a g e to Calcutta," Andrew Cabot, Boston, Aug. 22, 1 8 1 1 , to Henry Lee, brig Reaper (see below, pp. 977-978). 137. Ibid., "P. T. Jackson — Letter Book A," pp. 338-339, P. T. Jackson, Boston, Jan. 3, 1812, to William Oliver, Havana (see below, pp. 720722). 138. Ibid., "Letter Book September s th . 1816," Feb. 13, 1816-Oct. 30, 1817, Henry Lee, Boston, June 12, 1817, to C. D. Miles and R. C. Cabot, Calcutta (see below, pp. 1245-1251). 139. Morse, F. R., op. cit., p. 266. 140. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letters 1840-41. Henry Lee," Oct. 30, 1840-

NOTES

145

Dec. 2i, 1852, pp. 334-335, Henry Lee, Boston, May 30, 1844, to Miller, Le Cocq & Co., Rio de Janeiro. 141. Ibid., "Letter Book from Jan*. 17th. 1817 to October 27. 1818," Henry Lee, Boston, May 21, 1818, to George Miles, Baltimore (see below, pp. 1331-1333)· 142. Ibid., "Letter Book. Clos'd on 19th. November 1806," Henry Lee, Boston, Sept. 9, 1806, to Peter Remsen, Ν. Y. (see below, pp. 786-787); Briggs, op. cit., vol. i, pp. 118, 268. 143. Jackson-Lee Papers, "P. T. Jackson — Letter Book A," pp. 3003°3> 345 - 346, P. T. Jackson, Boston, Oct. 6, 1811, to Henry Lee, Calcutta (see below, pp. 716-720), and Jan. 21, 1812, to Edward A. Newton, ship Calcutta (see below, pp. 722-724); ibid., Letter book relating to the Vancouver, P. T. Jackson, Boston, May 19, 1814, to Porcher & Co., London (see below, pp. 752-757)· 144. Ibid., "Η. Lee's Letters from Calcutta from August 1812 to June 1813," Henry Lee, Calcutta, June 10, 1813, to P. T. Jackson, Boston. 145. Lee, Thomas Amory, "The Tracy Family of Newburyport," Essex Inst. Hist. Colls., vol. lvii, pp. 57-74. 146. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book. Clos'd on 19th. November 1806," Joseph Lee, Jr., Boston, Jan. 19, 1802, to Andrew Smith, Ν. Y. (see below, pp. 516-517). 147. Ibid., "Letter Book Finished Dec r . 1808," Henry Lee, Boston, Dec. 26 or 27, 1806, to Hazard & Cabot, Philadelphia (see below, pp. 802803); Briggs, op. cit., vol. i, pp. 281, 283, 325. 148. Ibid., vol. i, p. 279; Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book Finished Dec r . 1808," Henry and Joseph Lee, Boston, Oct. 6, 1808, to Frederick Cabot, London (see below, pp. 840-841). 149. Ibid., "Letters written in Calcutta by H. Lee from July 1813 to March 1816," Henry Lee, Calcutta, Mar. 3, 1816, to Francis Lee, Boston. 150. Ibid., "Letter Book from Jan*. 17th. 1817 to October 27. 1818," Henry Lee, Boston, Jan. 18, 1817, to Perit & Cabot, Philadelphia (see below, pp. 1218-1220); Briggs, op. cit., vol. ii, pp. 556, 596. 151. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book from Jan*. 17th. 1817 to October 27. 1818," Henry Lee, Boston, Dec. 9, 1817, to James P. Higginson, London (see below, pp. 1311-1313); "Materials for a Genealogy of the Higginson Family," Essex Inst. Hist. Colls., vol. v, p. 41; Higginson, T. W., Life and Times of Stephen Higginson (Boston and Ν. Y., 1907), p. 25. 152. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letters 1840-41. Henry Lee," Oct. 30, 1840Dec. 21, 1852, pp. 66-69, Henry Lee, Boston, Jan. 26, 1841, to J. B. Higginson, Calcutta (see below, pp. 1500-1507); Henry Lee Shattuck Collection, Henry Lee, Sr., Waltham, Aug. 31, Oct. 30, 1842, to Henry Lee, Jr., Paris; Higginson, T. W., Descendants of the Rev. Francis Higginson (pvt. ptd., 1910), pp. 31, 34-35. 153. Salisbury, Edward Elbridge, Family Memorials (1885), p. 596.

i46

THE JACKSONS AND THE LEES

154. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Invoices," 1799-1812, June, 1799; ibid., "Letter Book. Clos'd on 19th. November 1806," Samuel Cabot and Joseph Lee, Jr., Boston, Jan. 5, 1802, to Thomas Theodore Cremer, Rotterdam (see below, pp. 514-516); Briggs, op. cit., vol. ii, p. 794; Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book," Aug. 19, 1810-May 30, 1811, Henry Lee, Boston, Aug. 21, 1810, to Henry Higginson, London; Registers, Boston Custom House, 1810, no. 27. 155. Ibid., Nov. 2, 1802. 156. Morse, F. R., op. cit., pp. xii-xiv. 157. Briggs, op. cit., vol. i, pp. 169-170, 275; Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book begun in Calcutta Nov r . 17 th . 1 8 0 2 — . . ." P. T. Jackson, Calcutta, Sept. 6, 1804, to F. C. Lowell, Boston (see below, pp. 605-607); ibid., "Letters B," p. 93, F. C. Lowell for self and P. T. Jackson, Boston, Jan. 13, 1813, to Eben Rollins, ship General Knox (see below, p. 740); ibid., p. 216, P. T. Jackson, Thomas Lee, Jr., and Francis Lee, Boston, July 24, 1815, to Capt. William Farris, schooner Randolph (see below, p. 762). 158. Registers, Boston Custom House, 1815, no. 512, Mar. 18, 1817. 159. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book September 5th. 1816," Feb. 13, 1816-Oct. 30, 1817, Henry Lee, Boston, Oct. 30, 18x7, to James Williamson, Calcutta (see below, pp. 1307-1310). 160. Jackson-Lee Papers, John Burke, Dublin, Sept. 29, 1787, to Lee & Cabot, Beverly (see below, pp. 433-436). 161. Ibid., "Bristol letter Book, orders from Shippers in Brig Reaper 1 8 1 1 — v o y a g e to Calcutta," Andrew Cabot, Boston, Aug. 21, 1811, to Henry Lee, brig Reaper (see below, pp. 977-978). 162. Ibid., Henry Lee, brig Reaper, Jan. 9, 1812, to Andrew Cabot, Boston (see below, pp. 1006-1010). 163. Ibid., "Letters written in France during my voyage 1804 — , " Henry Lee, Rouen, Oct. 5, 1804, to Nathaniel Cabot Lee, Boston (see below, pp. 574-576). 164. Henry Lee Shattuck Collection, William S. Bullard, Boston, Nov. 1, 1842, to Henry Lee, Jr., Paris. 165. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letters 1840-41. Henry Lee," Oct. 30, 1840Dec. 21, 1852, pp. 290-291, Henry Lee, Boston, July 12, 1843, to James Mackenzie, London (see below, pp. 1486-1490). 166. Ibid., "Letter Book from 27 July 1807 to 16 Dec r . 1808," P. T. Jackson, Boston, Nov. 13, 1807, to Peter Remsen, Ν. Y . (see below, pp. 623-624). 167. Ibid., "Letter Book," Aug. 19, 1810-May 30, 1811, Henry Lee, Boston, Dec. 20, 1810, to Samuel Yorke & James Schott, Philadelphia (see below, pp. 955-956). 168. Ibid., "Directions to C. D. Miles 1817 for purchases Piece Goods, Indigo &c, &c, &c." 169. Porter, op. cit., vol. ii, p. 846, n. 54.

NOTES

147

170. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letters 1840-41. Henry Lee," Oct. 30, 1840Dec. 21, 1852, pp. 286-287, Henry Lee, Boston, Apr. 29, 1843, to Baboos Mudenen Mohun Bhose and Halladher Bhose, Calcutta (see below, pp. 1482-1484). 171. Ibid., "Bristol letter Book, orders from Shippers in Brig Reaper 1 8 1 1 — v o y a g e to Calcutta," Henry Lee, Bristol, Nov. 22, 1811, to William Oliver, Boston (see below, pp. 997-998). 172. Lee-Cabot Papers, 1774, Joseph Lee & Co., Beverly, June 29, 1774, to Capt. Freeborn Trask, sloop Smiling Molly (see below, pp. 395-396). 173. Jackson-Lee Papers, Joseph Lee and George Cabot, Beverly, Jan. 1786, to Capt. Elias Smith, schooner Favorite (see below, pp. 421-423). 174. Lee-Cabot Papers, 1802-05, Ebenezer Francis, Nov. 12, 1803, to Joseph Lee, Beverly. 175. Ibid.., 1791, Capt. Joseph Lee, Jr., Cadiz, Apr. 7, 1791, to Lee & Cabot, Beverly (see below, pp. 461-463). 176. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book. Clos'd on 19 th . November 1806," Joseph Lee, Jr., Boston, Apr., 1800, to Diego Clarence, Madrid (see below, pp. 506-510). 177. Ibid., "Letters written in France during my voyage 1804 — , " pp. 39-40, Henry Lee, Fecamp, Aug. 22, 1804, to Hottinguer & Co., Havre (see below, pp. 558-560). 178. Ibid., "Bristol letter Book, orders from Shippers in Brig Reaper 1 8 1 1 — v o y a g e to Calcutta," Henry Lee, Bristol, Nov. 20, 1811, to Patrick Tracy Jackson, Boston (see below, pp. 992-994); ibid., Henry Lee, brig Reaper, Jan. 9, 1812, to Andrew Cabot, Boston (see below, pp. 1006-1010). 179. Ibid., "Letter Book, 1774," Jackson, Tracy & Tracy, Newburyport, Aug. 21, 1775, to Capt. John Morss, brigantine Tryton (see below, pp. 3 1 1 - 3 1 2 ) ; ibid., Jackson, Tracy & Tracy, Newburyport, Aug. 25, 1775, to Capt. James Tracy, Halifax (see below, pp. 312-314). 180. Ibid., "Letters written in Calcutta from M a y to August 1812," Henry Lee, Calcutta, July 7-10, 1812, to Andrew Cabot, Boston (see below, pp. 1017-1035). 181. Ibid., "Letter Book from Janv. 17th. 1817 to October 27. 1818," Henry Lee, Boston, Dec. 13, 1817, to Miralla & Co., Havana (see below, pp. 1316-1318). 182. Gallatin Papers, Letters Rec'd, V I I , B. Crowninshield, Salem, Sept. 23, 1808, to Albert Gallatin. 183. John Bromfield Papers, John Bromfield, Jr., Canton, Dec. 25, 1810, to Henry Lee, Boston (see below, pp. 956-958). 184. Jackson-Lee Papers, " P . T . Jackson — Letter Book A , " pp. 1 2 1 122, P. T . Jackson, Boston, Oct. 18, 1810, to George Lee, Calcutta (see below, pp. 677-679); ibid., pp. 135-136, P. T . Jackson, Boston, Nov. 10, 1810, to George Lee and Joseph Hall, Jr., Calcutta (see below, pp. 688-

148

T H E J A C K S O N S A N D T H E LEES

689); ibid., "Letter Book," Aug. 19, 1810-May 30, 18x1, Henry Lee, Boston, Nov. 12, 29, 1810, to Edward A. Newton, Madras (see below, pp. 929-932, 940-946); ibid., "Letter Book September 5th. 1816," Feb. 13, 1816-Oct. 30, 1817, Henry Lee, Boston, June 12, 1817, to Charles D. Miles and Richard Clarke Cabot, Calcutta (see below, pp. 1245-1251). 185. Ibid., "P. T. Jackson — L e t t e r Book A," pp. 98-99, P. T. Jackson, Boston, July 20, 1810, to A. Marple, Baltimore (see below, pp. 665-667). 186. Ibid., "Letter Book from Jan*. 17 th . 1817 to October 27. 1818," Henry Lee, Boston, Jan. 1, 1818, to George Cabot and James Jackson, Boston (see below, pp. 1318-1319). 187. Ibid., "Letter Book, 1774," pp. 50-51, Jackson, Tracy & Tracy, Newburyport, Jan. 12, 1775, to Lane, Son & Fraser, London (see below, pp. 287-289). 188. Ibid., Capt. John Burke, Dublin, Sept. 18, 1787, to Lee & Cabot, Beverly (see below, pp. 432-433). 189. Currier, Newburyport, vol. i, pp. 45-51, 58-65; Currier, "Ould Newbury," pp. 564-568. 190. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book Finished Dec r . 1808," Henry Lee, Boston, Jan. 1, 1808, to Humphry Devereux, Salem; ibid., Henry Lee, Boston, Feb. 10, 1808, to Peter Remsen, Ν. Y . (see below, pp. 829831); Morison, op. cit., pp. 189-190; Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book," Aug. 19, 1810-May 30, 1811, Henry Lee, Boston, Nov. 10, 1810, to George Lee and Joseph Hall, Jr., Calcutta (see below, pp. 925-928); ibid., "P. T. Jackson — Letter Book A," pp. 147-154, P. T. Jackson, Boston, Nov. 30, 1810, to Edward A. Newton, Madras (see below, pp. 689-694). 191. Ibid., "Η. Lee's Letters from Calcutta from August 1812 to June 1813," Henry Lee, Calcutta, Jan. 30, 1813, to P. T. Jackson, Boston (see below, pp. 1075-1077); Morse, op. cit., p. 132; Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letters written in Calcutta by H. Lee from July 1813 to March 1816," Henry Lee, Calcutta, Aug. 16, 1814, to Peter Remsen, Ν. Y . ; ibid., Henry Lee, Calcutta, July 9, 1814, to Charles Williams, London; ibid., Henry Lee, Calcutta, Oct. 21, 1814, to Samuel Williams, London (see below, pp. 11101115)· 192. Henry Lee Shattuck Collection, Henry Lee, Sr., Boston, Dec. 16, 1842, to Henry Lee, Jr., Paris. 193. Ibid., C. H. Parker, 16 Court St., Boston, Jan. 20, 1843, to Henry Lee, Jr., Paris. 194. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Journal. J. Lee. 1785," Beverly, Jan. 9, 1785-Boston, Dec. 31, 1810, passim.·, ibid., "Ledger B. J. Lee 1785," Jan., 1785-Dec. 31, 1810, passim; Rantoul, Robert S., "The Building of Essex Bridge," Essex Inst. Hist. Colls., vol. xxx, pp. 18, 36, 42; Lee-Cabot Papers, 1788-89, 1802-05, passim; Pickering MSS., vol. xxxviii, p. 50, Feb. 12, 1801; An Act to Incorporate Sundry Persons by the Name of the

NOTES

149

President, Directors and Company of the Beverly Bank (Salem, 1802). In Beverly Hist. Soc. 195. Boston Directory, 1831, pp. 20, 24; Hill, Hamilton Andrews, "Trade, Commerce and Navigation," The Professional and Industrial History of Suffolk County, Massachusetts, vol. ii, p. 152; "Banking Institutions, State and National," The Professional and Industrial History of Suffolk County, Massachusetts, vol. ii, pp. 281, 293; Jackson-Lee Papers, "List of Stocks held by H. Lee 1845/47." 196. Henry Lee Shattuck Collection, Henry Lee, Sr., Waltham, June 15, 1843, to Henry Lee, Jr., Paris. 197. Currier, Newburyport, vol. i, pp. 250-253. 198. Ibid., vol. i, pp. 312, 77. 199. Ibid., vol. ii, p. 119. 200. Putnam, J. J., op. cit., pp. 51-53; Winsor, Justin, ed., The Memorial History of Boston, 4 vols. (Boston, 1881), vol. iv, pp. 154-155^ 201. Currier, Newburyport, vol. i, pp. 102, 103, 148. 202. Jackson-Lee Papers, "P. T. Jackson — Letter Book A," pp. 338339, P. T. Jackson, Boston, Jan. 3, 1812, to William Oliver, Havana (see below, pp. 720-722). 203. Registers, Boston Custom House, 1814, no. 73, 1817, no. 239, 1818, nos. 130, 240. 204. Forbes, op. cit., p. 298 and appendix. 205. Currier, Newburyport, vol. i, p. 28. 206. Lee-Cabot Papers, 1802-05, 1810-12, 1817-19, 1820-23, 1824-93, passim. 207. Morse, F. R., op. cit., pp. 243, 247. 208. Henry Lee Shattuck Collection, Mary Lee, Waltham, May 30, 1843, to Henry Lee, Jr., Paris. 209. Jackson-Lee Papers, "List of Stocks held by H. Lee 1845/47;" ibid., "Η. Lee 24 Jany 1850. List of Stocks 1 Janry '50." 210. Henry Lee Shattuck Collection, Henry Lee, Sr., Boston, July 18, 1842, to Henry Lee, Jr., Paris; Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letters 1840-41. Henry Lee," Oct. 30 1840-Dec. 21, 1852, pp. 66-69, Henry Lee, Boston, Jan. 26, 1841, to J. B. Higginson, Calcutta (see below, pp. 1500-1507). 211. Ware, Caroline F., The Early New England Cotton Manufacture (Boston and Ν. Y., 1931), pp. 239, 270-272. 212. Henry Lee Shattuck Collection, Waldo Higginson, Boston, Dec. 23, 1842, to Henry Lee, Jr., Paris. 213. Ibid., Mary Lee, Boston, Feb. 26, 1843, to Henry Lee, Jr., Paris. 214. Ibid., Henry Lee, Sr., Waltham, Apr. 30, May 15, Sept. 20, 1843, to Henry Lee, Jr., Paris. 215. Ibid., Mary Lee, Waltham, Oct. 8, 1843, to Henry Lee, Jr., Paris. 216. Morse, F. R., op. cit., pp. 19-27; New Eng. Hist. Gen. Reg., vol. lxxvi, p. 206.

THE JACKSONS AND THE LEES 217. Lee-Cabot Papers, 1802-05, May 30, 1805; ibid., 1813-16, Jan. 9, 1815, Aug. 19, 1816; ibid., 1817-19, Apr. 14, 1817; Stone, Edwin M., History of Beverly (Boston, 1843), pp. 132-134. 218. Morse, F. R., op. cit., pp. 27-28; New Eng. Hist. Gen. Reg., vol. lxxvi, p. 206. 219. Jackson-Lee Papers, June, 1848. 220. Putnam, J. J., op. cit., p. 156.

PART I First Generation: Jonathan Jackson, 1765-87 division ι JONATHAN JACKSON AND JACKSON & BROMFIELD N E W B U R Y P O R T I M P O R T E R S OF B R I T I S H GOODS 1765-73 LETTER FROM JONATHAN JACKSON, BOSTON, FEB. 1 3 , 1 7 6 5 , τ ο DEVONSHEIR & REEVE, BRISTOL, ANNOUNCING ENTRANCE INTO BUSINESS

1

T h e letter below is the first written b y Jonathan Jackson as an independent merchant. H e had unwittingly set up for himself at a time of particular difficulty, since the new commercial policy of George Grenville was then being inaugurated. I t is interesting to note both the goods in which this young merchant proposed to deal and, particularly, his intention to carry on " a C a s h T r a d e entirely." Jonathan Jackson was heir to the traditions of four mercantile and manufacturing generations in this country and of an unknown number in England. His first ancestor of w h o m w e h a v e record was Christopher Jackson, a prosperous " n a i l o r " of L o n d o n ; his first ancestor in this country was E d w a r d Jackson ( 1 6 0 5 - 8 1 ) , Christopher's second son, also brought up as a "nailor," who settled in Cambridge in 1643, later removing to " N e w C a m b r i d g e " ( N e w t o n ) , and whose fourth son, Jonathan, born in England in 1 6 4 1 , "settled in Boston as a merchant, carrying on a trade of some sort with London, and keeping a store a t home for the sale of his goods." His third son and namesake ( 1 6 7 2 - 1 7 3 6 ) " w a s a brazier b y t r a d e " 2 and also kept a 1. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765." 2. Putnam, James Jackson, A Memoir of Dr. James Jackson, pp. 3-16.

THE J A C K S O N S AND THE LEES hardware shop in Boston. 3 In 1728, after an unsuccessful attempt to obtain a subsidy from the General Court for a nail factory which he proposed to set up in Pembroke, "he bought, for £2350, several adjoining pieces of land, amounting to about fifty acres, in Dorchester and Milton, with mill-dams and water-rights on the Neponset River, . . . together with certain dwelling-houses, cider-mills, grist-mills, and fulling-mills, and proceeded to erect a slitting-mill and to make his nails. Three years later he took his son Edward into partnership, making over to him one-third interest in the property." 4 When he died in 1736 he left "an estate valued at nearly £24,000." His only son Edward ( 1 7 0 8 - 5 7 ) , after his graduation from Harvard in 1726, "established himself in Boston, like his father, as a merchant, nominally 'a brazier.' " 5 He continued to carry on the slitting-mills established b y his father until they burned, about 1740. and in 1735 bought " a large amount of land in Bellingham, Wrentham, and M e d w a y , with water-rights on the Charles River, together with 'mines, Iron ore, and Minerals,' . . . for 'erecting a Furnace and iron works.' " " F o r some years, also, he was engaged in commerce and shipbuilding, in Boston, in partnership with his brothers-in-law, Edmund and Josiah Quincy." In 1748, during King George's W a r , the partners' letter-of-marque ship Bethell, returning from a voyage to the Mediterranean, captured a Spanish vessel, the Jesus Maria and Joseph, much superior in crew and armament, with a valuable cargo of tobacco, jalap, sugar, hides, cochineal, indigo, sarsaparilla, snuff, specie, mahogany, etc., from Havana to Cadiz. 6 In 1750, Edward Jackson's activities as an ironmaster, whatever they amounted to, were forbidden b y an act of Parliament which provided that "no Mill or other Engine for Slitting or Rolling of Iron, or any Plating Forge to work with a T i l t Hammer, or any Furnace for mak3. Patrick Tracy Jackson Collection, alphabetical list of goods in stock with prices, "1727/8." This book may relate to the business of his son Edward. 4. Putnam, J. J., op. cit., pp. 16-18; Patrick Tracy Jackson Collection, "Memorandum Book Ν 2. relate to y e first Cost of Slitts Mill &c Began Sept' 1728." 5. Putnam, J. J., op. cit., pp. 16, 21; Patrick Tracy Jackson Collection, "Acc'. of Goods taken 16th. Febr. 1742;" ibid., "A List of Debts for Year 1755 and Year 1756." 6. Putnam, J. J., op. cit., pp. 22-24; Patrick Tracy Jackson Collection, "Acc c of Prize-Goods I recd out of y e Jesus, Maria & Joseph Sep' 1748."

JONATHAN JACKSON

155

ing Steel, shall be erected, or after such Erection, continued, in any of his Majesty's Colonies in America," though Parliament by the same act encouraged the manufacture of pig and bar iron by abolishing the duties on its importation into London.7 It is unlikely, however, that Edward Jackson was seriously discommoded by this prohibition. He was by this time much more a merchant than a manufacturer — if, indeed, his ironworking days had not ended a decade before with the burning of the slitting-mill at Milton — and had ironworking been a prime object with him he would probably have coolly defied any prohibitory legislative enactment; for in 1770 the "old slitting mill" at Milton was "in good repair" and advertising its products, regardless of the opposing act of two decades before.8 It is improbable, therefore, that Edward's son Jonathan, seven years old in 1750, imbibed at that time any opinions on the authority of Parliament which were to influence his attitude fourteen years later. Jonathan Jackson, Edward Jackson's only son, was born in Boston, June 4, 1743, and was graduated from Harvard in 1761. 9 At least as early as the following year he entered the countinghouse of Patrick Tracy at Newburyport, for on July 14,1762, he was preparing to leave Boston for Newbury and on Oct. 23 he remarked jocularly in a letter to his sister Mary (Mrs. Oliver Wendell), "Brother Wendell . . . I suppose thinks Prentices beneath his notice." 10 Jonathan Jackson's choice of Patrick Tracy's countinghouse at Newburyport as a school in which to obtain a practical knowledge of business may have been partially determined by a distant family connection. His mother, Dorothy Quincy, and Hannah Gookin (Mrs. Patrick Tracy) were great-granddaughters of Maj. Gen. Daniel Gookin. 11 We get glimpses of his activities as one of Patrick Tracy's "Prentices" in letters to his sister and to his bosom friend John Lowell. On Mar. 6, 1763, he informed his sister that he had been "lately reading a Book called 'the 7. 23 Geo. II, cap. 29. Statutes at Large, vol. vi (London, 1786), pp. 490-492· 8. Teele, A. K., ed., The History of Milton, Mass., 1640 to 1887 (Boston, 1887), p. 375. 9. Jackson, James, Reminiscences of Hon. Jonathan Jackson (Boston, 1866), p. 6. 10. Austin H. Clark Collection, Jonathan Jackson, Boston, July 14, 1762, Newbury, Oct. 23, 1762, to Mrs. Oliver Wendell, Boston. 11. Putnam, J. J., op. cit., pp. 9, 21, 69, see errata slip.

156

T H E J A C K S O N S A N D T H E LEES

compleat T r a d e s m a n ' " 1 2 (probably Daniel Defoe's The Complete English Tradesman) and on Mar. n he wrote to John Lowell that "we have today 2 vessels come in which will be good Employment for the ensuing Week." But life in Newbury was not all work and study and the handsome alert young apprentice had plenty of time in which to occupy himself with dancing, dress, and correspondence. Under the name of Philander, he addressed John Lowell as Philocles: "Sail — Β — rn — d [Sally Barnard, later his wife] is in Town & with that & Assembly &c I was taken up most of the last Week." He was intending to buy some stockings and other garments belonging to "a stranger from the W India who died here," and for this and other reasons needed the money from the sale of his "Gown & Cloak." He concluded with a request to "send me a State if you have Leisure of the present public Wranglings & who are the authors, & who belong to Adjutant & Trowell's long Garrett." 1 3 This "long Garrett" was the famous room belonging to "Tom Dawes, the Adjutant of the Boston Regiment," who, being a mason and builder and known to Tories by the nickname of "Jonathan Smoothing Plane," was doubtless "Adjutant & Trowell" (perhaps intended for "Adjutant Trowell"). "He has a large house," wrote John Adams, Feb., 1763, "and he has a movable partition in his garret which he takes down, and the whole club [the Caucus Club] meets in one room . . . and selectmen, assessors, collectors, wardens, firewards, and representatives, are regularly chosen before they are chosen in the town." 1 4 Evidently at this comparatively early date Jonathan Jackson already possessed that interest in politics which later led him into pre-Revolutionary activities, the Massachusetts constitutional convention of 1779, the Continental Congress of 1782, etc. Jonathan Jackson spent only two or three years as an apprentice and when not yet twenty-two entered business on his own account in Newburyport, on a capital inherited from his father. 12. Austin H. Clark Collection, Jonathan Jackson, Newbury, Mar. 6, 1763, to Mrs. Oliver Wendell, Boston. 13. Henry Lee Shattuck Collection, Jonathan Jackson, Newbury, Dec. 27, 1762, Mar. 11, Apr. 24, 1763, to John Lowell, Boston. 14. Adams, Charles Francis, ed., The Works of John Adams, 10 vols. (Boston, 1850), vol. ii, p. 144; Holland, Henry W., William Dawes and his Ride with Paul Revere (Boston, 1878), pp. 60, 63.

JONATHAN JACKSON

157

Boston 13Λ Feby 1765 Mess rs Devonsheir & Reeves Gent Purposing to begin business by importing a small quantity of English goods (& a small quantity is all the present times will allow) I applied to your friend M r James Griffin for his Letter in my favour which he is kind enough to give me & having that I presume I need say nothing to recommend myself. The quantity [interlineated: I now write for] is but small especially in some of the articles for as I dont expect them till Midsummer a large quantity of some of those articles would be unsaleable at that season if business shou'd grow better in this Country which at present is at a very low Ebb (especially that from England) I may perhaps be encouraged to increase my Orders but at present I fear the least Involvement — The goods I now order ρ Mem», inclosed please to ship me ρ first safe Conveyance to Boston Newbury or any port between & be so good as to give advice ρ first Oppertunity which as soon as I recieve I shall make you remittance for the whole or near it I shall depend upon their being put up well & charged cheap for as I intend for a Cash Trade entirely I must come at them upon the best lay — please to mark with J . J & direct for Jonathan Jackson at Newburyport Insure to [interlineated: the] whole amount & to cover the premium I am Gent with respect yours Mem0, for Goods sent Devonsheir & Reeve of Bristol Febv 3 Casks 4 d Nails 10 d° io d ι d° 24 d 2d0 4 In. Deck 2 d° 5 In. ι d° Drawing — 19-

1765

2 Casks 6 d d° 3-d 0 20d ι d° 3 0 3 d° 4 In. d° ι d° Sheathing To 19

29 Casks Nails — IOPs % Irish Linnen qf ab' 2 2 5 yds from 9d to i s d ρ y d (never sent) 12 p s % d° fr° 1 2 to 2 / 4 — d 6PS y d w d° fro 2 0 d to 2 / 8 30 dz lb 4. Corkin Pins — 1 0 dz N ° 1 2 d° 1 0 dz N ° 1 0 —

158

T H E

J A C K S O N S

A N D

T H E

L E E S

ι Ο small Bird Shott — 3 Ο N ° 4. 3 C N ° 5. 3 C £ large Goose 15 Boxes Window Glass 9 b y 7 ea 50 f' 10 d° d° d° ea 100 f£ 10 d° d° 6 b y 8 ea 50 f c I b d ioo 18 thr Codlines 100 Seine Twine fine smooth sort ab' i2 d . 150 Sail d° — 5o lb Boltrope d°. (Boltrope itself sent in5 Ο English Steel stead of Boltrope T w i n e ) LETTER 1765,

FROM J O N A T H A N

TO E D M U N D

JACKSON,

NEWBURYPORT, NOV.

QUINCY, TERTIUS,

T E R M S FOR FACTORAGE

[BRAINTREE],

I,

GIVING

1

There were at this time in Massachusetts no less than three persons named Edmund Quincy. T h e one styled tertius was probably the Edmund Quincy ( 1 7 2 6 - 8 2 ) , who was the fifth in a direct line of Edmund Quincys resident in America; if so, he received his distinguishing title from the fact that, at the time of his birth, both his father ( 1 7 0 3 - 8 8 ) , and his grandfather ( 1 6 8 1 - 1 7 3 8 ) , were living. He was Jonathan Jackson's cousin and his sister Dorothy later married John Hancock. On the other hand, it is at least a possibility that Edmund Quincy, tertius, was Josiah Quincy's son ( 1 7 3 2 - 6 8 ) , the brother of the famous Josiah Quincy, Jr., and was called tertius because, at this time, the youngest of the three of his name then living. 2 In either case, Edmund Quincy, tertius, was cousin to Jonathan Jackson and, whatever the identity of this Braintree merchant, he did not see fit, so far as we know, to avail himself of his young cousin's proffered services as factor. Oliver Wendell was a prominent citizen of Boston who had married Jonathan Jackson's sister, M a r y ; the mother of Edmund Quincy (1726-82) was his cousin. 3 Colonel William T y n g , of Falmouth, in what is now Maine, is occasionally mentioned in John Rowe's diary; the same is true of Quincy and Wendell. 4 x. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765." 2. Salisbury, Edward Elbridge, Family Memorials,pp. 316,317,325, 357. 3. Upham, William P., "Extracts from Letters Written at the Time of the Occupation of Boston by the British, 1775-6," Essex Inst. Hist. Colls., vol. xiii, pp. 155-156, 159; Salisbury, op. cit. 4. Cunningham, Anne Rowe, ed., Letters and Diary of John Rowe (Boston, 1903).

JONATHAN

JACKSON

159

Newbury Port i s t N o v 1 7 6 5 T o M r Edmund Quincy tertius Dear Sir — I wrote you on tuesday ρ M r W m T y n g when with his Consent I inclosed an Order on him for the small ballance was due to you from me since which I've reciev'd a Letter from m y brother Wendell which informs me of your Inclination to put some goods into my hands for sale. I have Leisure & store room enough to recieve a quantity & for the sake of employ am not averse to undertake the factorage of them I would take none but upon the Condition of their being Consign'd to my Care & disposall on your sole account & risque. I will sell only for Cash or give Credit as you incline you may at any time demand what goods are on hand with an Account of sales & the Cash that may be due from me for those sold for ready Cash & therefore if you wou'd sell only for Cash you may at almost any time close accounts as fast as I shou'd recieve Cash for you in any sum worth sending I shou'd send you you may either mark your goods at the sterling Cost & leave me to add the advance as I sell 'em or you may mark 'em at the price you wou'd have 'em sold at yourself but I would mention here that as the goods will pass for mine & my Character as a Trader be determined in the price of them I would not recieve 'em to sell at a higher advance than I put my own at which is but 80 ρ Cent for all kinds of piece goods & 75 if Cash down I will sell for you by Wholesale for 3 ρ et Comition & by retail [interlineated: if you shou'd chuse I shd sell for you] a 4 J/2 p C t in either case you paying all kinds of Charges [interlineated: that may arise] & will not be obliged to take remnants if ever you shall call for your goods & if you should chuse [interlineated: to give] Credit I will not be answerable for the persons I may Credit for you [interlineated: tho'] you may depend I shall use the same Caution for you I shall for myself I have made a Mem°. of the articles that [interlineated: I imagine] will answer best [ I imagine — stricken through] of the Mem 0 you sent me the quantity, in general I have left to you I have likewise inclosed

i6o

THE

JACKSONS

AND

THE

LEES

a Mem 0 of what Articles I have imported myself & another of Articles I think would answer here as well as sundry, you have mentioned that if you have any other Articles you might think worth while to send your judgment might be better informed & yet that you might not send of the kinds I have myself your Answer I should be glad to recieve as soon as convenient in the mean time believe me to be your friend &c — L E T T E R FROM J O N A T H A N J A C K S O N , N E W B U R Y P O R T , N o v .

15,

1 7 6 5 , ΤΟ S A M U E L & J O N A T H A N S M I T H , P H I L A D E L P H I A , D E A L I N G W I T H D I F F I C U L T I E S R E S U L T I N G FROM T H E S T A M P A C T

1

This letter was written at the beginning of opposition to the Stamp Act, which was to have gone into effect Nov. 1 , to a firm composed of Samuel Smith and his son Jonathan Bayard, later a member of the Continental Congress.2 Ships' papers were among the documents requiring stamps, and vessels not provided with these non-procurable stamped clearances were legally liable to seizure.3 "Flour & Iron" were the staples of the trade from Philadelphia. The Hazen of Hazen & Jarvis was doubtless William, that brother of Moses Hazen, retired British officer, then a merchant at St. John's, Quebec, later an officer in the Revolutionary army, who is known to have been in business at Newburyport. 4 Folger & Starbuck was doubtless a Nantucket firm; both names are typical of that island. 5 Newbury Port 1 5 th Nov r v^s Mess Sam u & Jon a Smith Gent Capt Story in the Schooner Wilmot by whom I wrote to you for some Flour & Iron has advised his Owners Mess Hazen & Jarvis of this place ρ the last post that not having arrived till 1. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765." 2. "Jonathan Bayard Smith," Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography. 3. Channing, Edward, A History of the United States, 6 vols. (Ν. Y., 1924-28), vol. iii (1924), pp. 62-63. 4. "Moses Hazen," Dictionary of American Biography. 5. "Walter Folger," DAB.

JONATHAN JACKSON

161

the first of November [interlineated: at philadelphia] he meets with dificulty in clearing out & fears whither he shall be able to procure a clearance being stopt by the uncertainty of procedure in relation to the stamp Act they determine to risk their Vessell & chief of the frieghters determine I believe to risk their Interest though we hope before these orders shall reach you that he & all others in like Situation shall have some safe method hit upon for their Intercourse between place & place I am satisfied he wont want your Endeavor to procure him one but cou'd not that be Effected if he can but get clear of risque (I mean of any that has arisen by this Stamp Act & that has not been Customary) from your River I wou'd venture his meting with any stoppage in his passage from thire or upon his Arrivall here if there are any uncommon risque in passing down your river from Guarda Costas or Cutters that are severe & scrupulous which they are not here I shou'd be loth to venture my Interest unless it shall be with that of [interlineated: the] other freighters on board Story & he determined to come out — however Gent n I will leave it to your discretion & as you would act for yourselves act for me I have had no Advices from you of your having received Originall & duplicat of Folger & Starbucks bill of Exch I inclosed you from Boston ρ post 9 th October Ult m o upon advice there of shall forward triplicate of the same. I am Gent &c L E T T E R FROM J O N A T H A N J A C K S O N , N E W B U R Y P O R T , M A R .

21,

1 7 6 6 , ΤΟ D E V O N S H E I R & R E E V E , B R I S T O L , A N N O U N C I N G J O H N BROMFIELD'S A C C E S S I O N TO T H E F I R M

1

On Mar. 1, 1766, Jonathan Jackson formed a partnership with John Bromfield, born in Boston, Jan. 6, 1743, 2 the youngest son of Edward, a merchant, and Abigail Coney; 3 he is not to be confused 1. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765." 2. Currier, John J., History of Newburyport, vol. ii (1909), p. 396. 3. Slade, Daniel Denison, The Bromfields (Boston, 1872), pp. 18-19. Josiah Quincy, in Freeman Hunt's Lives of American Merchants, vol. ii, p. 469, gives the name of Edward Bromfield's wife as Elizabeth, while Currier would make John Bromfield the son of his own brother Henry.

102

T H E JACKSONS A N D T H E LEES

with his more famous son of the same name.4 The dominant reason on Jonathan Jackson's part for entering such a partnership was the poor state of his health. About a year before the partnership he wrote: " I have found it necessary to quit the use of Animal Food intirely." Shortly after the formation of the partnership, in reply to a critical letter from his brother-in-law, he wrote: "as to excusing myself from a full share in the Business it was never my Intention when I am able to attend it, tho' as to my Partner's going off with the Business hereafter there wou'd be no fear of that while I chose to give him the advantages I now do M r Β — d confesses an entire Ignorance of Mchts Acct s . I have undertaken the care of the Books intirely myself, but find myself a little bewildered how to begin the C° acc ,s — which Mair allows the most difficult part of Bookkeeping." 5 John Mair was the author of Bookkeeping methodiz'd (Edinburgh, 1752). The stock brought into the partnership by Jonathan Jackson was £1,000, by John Bromfield, £600, which "s d Stock . . . upon Dissolution of sd Copartnership . . . is to be drawn out in the same proportion as put in, (only that our John Bromfield has liberty to withdraw at any time from his part, or the proceed thereof, of s d Stock, so much as shall enable him, with the monies he may have on hand, to discharge the Debts . . . due from him, by reason of his late seperate Trade . . . but whatever shall be withdrawn by the s d John for the purpose afores d . shall be immediately charged to his particular Account of Stock, so that upon any dissolution of s d Copartnership, his proportion in sd Joint Stock is to be considered as much less as the Deductions he may have made, shall render it — )." The annual "neat Profit or Loss made upon the sd Joint Stock" was to be shared equally, but except for the deductions allowed John Bromfield above "neither Party shall withdraw [interlineated: from sd Joint Stock] more than each yearly, the Sum of sixty six pounds 1 3 / 4 — . . . which . . . may be taken out by each Party as he has occasion, either in Cash or Goods, & what ever Goods shall be taken out by either Party shall be charged to him at fifty pCent Advance from the Sterling Cost . . . all the Proceed Encrease & Gains of s d Joint Stock excepting as afores d . shall be continued & kept in the Joint Trade 'till the Dissolution of s d Copartnership. — " The amount permitted to be withdrawn annually was probably what was esti4. "John Bromfield," DAB. 5. Austin H. Clark Collection, Jonathan Jackson, Newburyport, Apr. 15, 1765, Mar. 25,1766, to Oliver Wendell, Boston.

JONATHAN JACKSON

163

mated to be necessary for the support of the partners' personal and family responsibilities. For the first year of the partnership the profit to each member of the firm was £294 2s. 4 } i d . or a profit of £588 4s. 8}4 d. on a total original stock of £1,600 (which Jonathan Jackson increased b y additions at intervals during the year to £2,382 15s. 2 ^ d . ) · 6 In writing to British correspondents the Newburyport firm expressed its capital in pounds sterling, which were worth a third more than the Massachusetts pounds in which its accounts were presumably kept. It is impossible, however, to make the firm's capital as expressed in letters conform with that recorded in its ledger, even allowing for the difference in the value of pounds sterling and Massachusetts pounds. T h e number of Massachusetts pounds constituting the Jackson & Bromfield capital at any particular time was usually approximately 5 0 % more than the amount of capital expressed in pounds sterling in letters to England. T h e explanation may lie in the conservatism of both Jackson and Bromfield, finding expression in underestimating rather than exaggerating their capital. Something of the informality and, at the same time, complexity of business at this time is indicated in an entry at the beginning of the Jackson & Bromfield partnership: "Mem". . . . W e agreed to take the Cash in turns under our Charge quarterly — he in whose Care it is to be accountable for it against all Risques but Fire & Thieves — " Accordingly, each kept a careful descriptive list of all the coins taken in and paid out — johannes, half-johannes, moidores, half-moidores, quarter-moidores, guineas, half-guineas, dollars, half-dollars, quarterdollars, eighth-dollars, sixteenth-dollars, doubloons, crowns, halfcrowns, pistoles, pistareens, half-pistareens, English shillings, sixpences, etc. — sometimes described as light — all translated in value into pounds, shillings, and pence. 7 A filio-pietistic memoir b y Jonathan Jackson's son states that his father "had begun life with property derived from his father, not less than 20,000 guineas." 8 Were this authentic, Jonathan Jackson would have been one of the wealthiest men in colonial America; that it is an egregious exaggeration is revealed b y the difficulty the firm of 6. Patrick Tracy Jackson Collection, "Waste Book belonging to Jackson & Bromfield," pp. 1, 4. 7. Jackson-Lee Papers, Shop Money Account Book, Apr. 12, 1766Sept. 15, 1768; Patrick Tracy Jackson Collection, Shop Money Account Book, Sept. 15, 1768-June 18, 1771. 8. Jackson, op. cit., pp. 10-11.

164

THE JACKSONS AND THE

LEES

Jackson & Bromfield was experiencing at this time in mustering a joint capital of "upwards of £1,000 Stg." A s a matter of fact, Edward Jackson, at his death in June, 1757, left a total fortune of £16,921 3s. 4d., most of which was in real estate in Milton, Braintree, Gloucester, Hampshire, Berkshire, etc. 9 In the following letter Jackson seems to be trying to say in a very roundabout manner that within a year or two he expects his own interest in the firm to amount to more than its present joint capital, which would, however, probably fall short of doubling itself; as we have already observed, his expectations were fulfilled. I t is interesting to observe that with this letter Jackson discards his idea of carrying on " a Cash Trade ent i r e l y ; " he had been unable to induce the English merchants, used to doing business with America on a credit basis, to give him sufficient advantage in the form of a discount for cash to justify him in continuing his original policy. Harrison Gray, receiver-general of Massachusetts, was later known as a leading T o r y ; the famous Harrison Gray Otis was his grandson.

Newburyport 21 st Mar. 1766 Mess rs Devonsheir & Reeve Gent". M y last to you was 26 th Jany Ult°. (p Sch r Betsy Nayman Master via Ireland) acknowledging the rec1 of your's of 24 th Oct r . which informed me there was a Demur in the Payment of Treasurer Gray's bill — I hope by this Time the Event thereof is known to you, for I shou'd be glad to know early what Provision I may be obliged to make [interlineated: for it] if any — my last informed you I intended a Fall Importation — the present may serve to acquaint you I have taken into Partnership with me M r John Bromfield of this Place, whose method in carrying on Business I have been able nearly to observe, we having been next Neighbours ever since my opening Store — M r Bromfield served a full Apprenticeship in the Business we propose to ourselves & tho' 'tis true the Addition he brings to my present Capital is not large, yet it will be of Service to our Circulation these difficult Times — The Business I have engaged 9. Putnam, J. J., op. cit., p. 22.

JONATHAN JACKSON

165

in requires constant & close Attendance & having never enjoyed but a little share of health, I find I can't give it all the Application in the Warehouse it needs — this & Mr Bromfield's thorough Acquaintance with the Business have induced me to form the present Connection which I doubt not Gent n . will meet your Approbation — We propose carrying on the Trade with some [interlineated: Briskness] & therefore to be as large in our Importations as is consistent with Prudence for young Men — & as we think it more for our advantage to take your usual Credit than to make prompt Payment for disc 0 , unless on those Articles where the Disc os are pretty large, it may not be improper to let you know what Foundation we act upon — we esteem our present joint Capital upwards of £ 1,000 Sts & if I shan't be able to add as much more within this [interlineated: year or two] yet I think I can call more than that my seperate Interest — perhaps our once worthy but now deceased Friend M r Griffin might have informed you formerly in this Point but least he shoudn't I am thus particular — when Treasurer Gray's Bill shall be paid you'll give me Credit for the Disc 0 you mentioned in your last & transmit me my Acc* currt balanced — but if you shoud not be able to close it at present you'll please to keep it distinct from any Acc 1 with Jackson & Bromfield having no more to add I remain Gent n . with Respect — your very hble Serv* J J LETTER FROM JACKSON & BROMFIELD, NEWBURYPORT, APR. I I , 1 7 6 6 , τ ο TAPPENDEN & H A N B E Y , LONDON, WITH REMARKS ON CREDIT AND DISCOUNT

1

In a previous letter the Newburyport firm had announced a withdrawal from Jackson's original intention of doing a cash business. Here the reason appears; a 5 % discount for cash was obviously not sufficient compensation for the loss of a year's credit. And if twelve months seems a long credit, consider an order of English goods purchased by John Bromfield from William Phillips of Boston, June 4, 1765, noted " T o be paid in 2 years" — though the usual credit seems i. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765."

i66

THE JACKSONS AND THE

LEES

to have been six months. 2 Bromfield's earlier order and that now made b y the firm consisted almost entirely of hardware and "notions" — snuff boxes, buttons, "Cutteaus," wool-cards, needles, spectacles, tin plates, sickles, scales, watches, slates, padlocks, guns, crosscut saws, shoe buckles, vises, etc. Altogether the orders were to amount to about £270. 3

Newbury Port April 1 i t h . i 766 Mess rs . Tappenden & Hanbey Gentn. On the other side you have a letter from our J:B. acquainting you of our Partnership, which Commenced the first Ultimo, we presume Upon the Credit you have given him, you will not be averse to Continue it to us, flattering ourselves we are upon as good a footing to carry on business as many others who have Apply'd home for Credit, & have obtain'd it largely, & that you may be better able to Judge, we think it not improper to let you know what foundation we act upon, we esteem our present Joint Capital ab4. £ 1,000 Sts:, & If our J . . J . . is not able to add as much more within a Year or two. Yet he thinks he can call more than that Am», his seperate Interest. We shoud prefer Sending Cash with our Orders, cou'd we think it wou'd be more for our advantage than 12 Months Credit, but we are of the mind 5 ρ Ct. discount for promp't Pay is not eqivalent to the Credit, — The goods our J : Β last order'd in his late Seperate Trade, You'll please to Charge to the Acco*. of Jackson & Bromfield, in addition to which, please to procure, Ship & Insure, p: Very first Opp°. for Boston, the Goods noted in the Inclos'd order, & Consign them to us, though we have limited the prices in our order, which we wou'd not have you exceed, but omit all such articles as you can't send good in their kinds at the prices noted, Yet we trust you will put them as much Cheaper as you can 2. Ibid., Journal, John Bromfield and Bromfield & Jackson, Apr. 24, 1765-Sept. 15, 1768, pp. 1-3. 3. Ibid., Jackson & Bromfield invoice book.

JONATHAN JACKSON

167

possible Affor'd. & that you will give us every advantage you give to others on Credit. We shall expect 12 Months Credit for these, & all other goods we may write for hereafter, & be Assur'd Gent n . our utmost Endeavours shall not be wanting to make remittances in Season, & that none shall Act with more Application & Punctuality. — Below we trouble you with Our respective Firms, desiring you wou'd make due note of them, & that they may meet with equal Credit. We Rest Gent n . Your most Hum e . Serv*. The Firm of our Jonathan Jackson Jackson & Bromfield The Firm of our John Bromfield Jackson & Bromfield L E T T E R FROM JONATHAN JACKSON, NEWBURYPORT, A P R .

25,

1 7 6 6 , ΤΟ SAMUEL & JONATHAN SMITH, PHILADELPHIA, R E L A T ING TO DAMAGED FLOUR

1

One of the most frequent complaints of importers in this period was that goods had been damaged in transit. I t is of interest to note the mention of the "Germ. Town Manufacture." Little need be said of the sea captains mentioned in this letter; indeed it is virtually impossible, even were it of any particular value, to identify Storey and Cogswell with any certainty. Daniel Lunt may be that one of the many Newburyport skippers bearing that family name who is here mentioned, and Capt. W y e r is probably William. Capt. Jacobson is frequently mentioned in Rowe's diary, as is Jonathan Williams.

Newburyport 25 th Apr 1766

To Mess« Sam1 & Jona Smith Philo·. Gent«. M y last to you was 24th Jany ρ Post acknowledging the rect of your several favors ρ Cp ts Storey Lunt & Cogswell — Since which I have not reced a Line from you — I conclude Folger & Starbuck's Bill on Cap 1 Howard Jacobson at Lond° is disposed of & forwarded long e're this — if not I shall be very sorry, for as I wrote you before the Gent n . I purchased it of i. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765."

i68

THE JACKSONS

AND

THE

LEES

expected it wou'd be forwarded early, & C p l Jacobson arrived the last week at Boston, you'll oblige me, if you have leisure, to inform me if it be disposed of, & if it be, to transmit me my Acct currt balanced — I desired you in my last to acquaint me, if Lunt took my Flour upon his Deck at his own Risque, or, with your particular Orders — if the first I shall insist on his making good the damage I sustained, as I think he's liable & I'm sure deserves it — but if he had your Orders for it, & Consent the risque shoud not be his, you'd oblige me to say in your next, whether or not he was to be paid less Freight than tho' it had been brought below — Y o u charge me in your Invoice ρ Storey for 30 Ο superfine Flour @ 14/9 — which you say in your Letter ρ him was taken in thro' mistake but will answer in proportion — not to mention, it was sent without my Order, & that supf. Flour will seldom sell to advantage in proportion to common — & that it discredits with the Bakers, the common Flour that accompanys it, as they suppose in general the Supf. has been gleaned from the com. that comes with it & left that so much worse, I say not to mention these things, having never offered it for sale till the other day, it was then upon T r y a l refused for Superfine — I have since had the Judgment of three Bakers in this Town upon it [& they — stricken through interlineated: who have] all determined it no better than the common Flour in general sent, & that they wou'd give no more for it — that it to be sure is worth no more to me than the other Flour you sent — you'll please to speak to this in your next & assign the cause if you can account for it — if you are in Cash for my Bill as I imagine there is a small Balance due to me — Mr JSmith will oblige me to send ρ Cpt Wyer bound to this place if he shou'd not have sailed or any Oppy to Boston to the Care of M r JonaWilliams, a brown thread Jacket & Breeches Pattern of your Germ. Town Manufacture, both or either if to be procured — 4 threaded wou'd be preferred begging your Answer to this ρ first Oppy, I remain Gent n . with respect your very hble Serv 1 J J — mem 0 ,

p Post from

Boston

JONATHAN JACKSON

169

LETTER FROM JACKSON & BROMFIELD, NEWBURYPORT, J U N E 2 7 , 1 7 6 6 , ΤΟ GEORGE K I P P E N & SON, GLASGOW, ESTABLISHING A CONNECTION

1

T h i s order amounted to about £80. On the same d a y Jackson & Bromfield ordered dry goods to the value of some £46 from George Brown, also of Glasgow. 2 I t will be observed that the N e w b u r y p o r t firm had not y e t quite given up hope of finding advantage in doing a cash business.

To Mess^ George Kippen & Son Merchts Glasgow — with M r C Blanchards ~Lr inclosed Gent n . Newburyport 27 th June 1766 r Inclosed you have a L in our favor from M r Caleb Blanchard, what he has been pleased to say of us, we trust will be amply sufficient to establish our Character & Credit with you, & therefore presume we need say nothing in our own Recommendation — you'll please to [insure, ship — stricken through interlineated: ship, insure] & consign to us at Newburyport ρ very first oppy for Boston ten Casks Snuff if at nine pence Sterling ρ bottle — six Casks if at ten pence & but one Cask if dearer — We shall rely on your honor Gent n . that you will send us this Snuff of the best quality for such only will sell here, & that you will [interlineated: put it] as much cheaper as you can possibly afford — we understand by M r Blanchard your term of Credit is 12 Mos. & w e think it most for our Interest to take it, you may depend on our being punctual — you'll please to inform us what Discount you allow for prompt Pay, & if considerable it may induce us to send Cash with our next orders — if this Snuff shou'd come to our Liking & our Correspondence be agreeable, we shall make a considerable Importation yearly — We rest Gent n . — Original ρ

your most hble Serv ts

ι . Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765." 2. Ibid., Jackson & Bromfield invoice book.

THE

JACKSONS

AND

THE

LEES

L E T T E R FROM JACKSON & BROMFIELD, N E W B U R Y P O R T , A U G . 9 , 1 7 6 6 , TO C A P T . J O H N T A R B O X , [ P R E S E N T ] , W I T H INSTRUCTIONS FOR PURCHASES I N T H E W E S T INDIES

1

It is worthy of note that, while molasses and the rum distilled therefrom were two of the staples among Jackson & Bromfield's exportation, we do not find molasses stressed in the orders to Capt. Tarbox, nor did the Newburyport firm other than very rarely order molasses from the West Indies. The explanation probably is that molasses was so regularly imported into Boston that Jackson & Bromfield did not find it necessary to purchase it directly. The list of coins is of interest. The johannes was a Portuguese gold coin and the pistole, also of gold, was the Spanish quarterdoubloon. Old tenor refers to an eighteenth-century issue of Massachusetts and Rhode Island paper currency which in time depreciated until a ratio of 7 >"2 = 1 between "old tenor" and "lawfull money" was reached. Capt John T a r b o x N e w b u r y p o r t 9th Aug s t . if66 Sir W e now deliver you fifty pounds lawfull money — a List of which you have in the Margin — which we woud have y o u lay out on your Arrival at Jamaica, or any other W India Island you may go to, in the following Articles vizt. five hundred pounds of good Pimento if at six pence lawf money plb — three hundred pounds only if at eight pence & one hundred if dearer — five hundred pounds of good Ginger if at such a price & such a sort as will sell at this markett — if you think that allready ground will answer for us best bring that — if Ginger shou'd be dearer than common bring one hundred only — two T o n s of Logwood if at six pounds ρ T o n — one T o n only if dearer — If you shou'd not have Oppy to purchase all or any of the above Articles you have liberty to lay out this money or what may be left of it in good green Coffee — good Cocoa Cotton Wool, Sugar or Molasses, as you think will be most for our Interest — & for your Trouble we will allow you five p C e n t i. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765."

JONATHAN

JACKSON

171

Commission shou'd you purchase Sugar or Molasses, & four p O for any of the other Articles, & agree to p a y customary Freight for what you may bring hom, & to stand to all Risques that may arise — W e are sir — your hble. Serv t s J & Β — N B — Ground Ginger can be bought here at six pence lawf money plb ρ the dz & cheaper ρ the Ο w 1 . — I O J O s @ 4 8 / — .. 24— 10 Qu r Pistoles @ 5/6 — 2.15 — ι P s Gold 32.12.ι ι d° 28.10.— 2 d° ea £ 1 7 . 1 5 / 3 . . 35.10.6 ι d° 17-7-4 0 id 16.16.3 ι d° 16.13.1 ι d° 16.6.10 ι d° 7.12.4 2 Ps Silver) 50/ & 9 /

)

2.19 —

Old Tenor

£174.7.5 or 23.5 — £50 —

L E T T E R FROM J A C K S O N & B R O M F I E L D , N E W B U R Y P O R T , O C T . 1 0 , 1 7 6 6 , TO S A M U E L & J O N A T H A N S M I T H , P H I L A D E L P H I A , W I T H A S H I P M E N T OF F L A X S E E D

1

The period of credit, which the wholesale firm of Jackson & Bromfield had to allow the retailers to whom they sold, will be noted. Apparently, despite Edmund Quincy's failure to make use of Jonathan Jackson's services as factor, other merchants had been more willing to avail themselves of the Newburyport firm's connections. Flaxseed ranked with rum as one of the principal staples of exportation from Newburyport; and Philadelphia, as lying in a linenproducing region, was the principal American port to which it was shipped. It was considered advantageous to raise flax from seed grown as far to the north as possible. i. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765."

THE JACKSONS AND THE

LEES

Gentn. Newburyport 10 t h Octr. 1766 th Your's of 8 Ult°. we have reced & Tons 2.0.1.12 Bar Iron ρ Sloop Merrimack Cap 1 Lowell am°. to £ 48.14.7 — which we have passed to your Credit — We observe what you say with regard to your Time of Credit, & may perhaps upon the encouragement you have given us sometimes order Goods from you when we are not in Cash but expect to be soon — tho' we wish it was in your Power to ascertain what length of Time you cou'd allow, as we wou'dn't chuse to incur the Imputation of not being punctual — for the Business with you must be constantly followed to make any thing of it, & we are obliged to give [interlineated: Credit of] three months for the greatest part of what we import from you, & as Punctuality is a Thing shamefully neglected by many substantial Traders with us, we must appropiate of as much of our Stock to this Business as we import, if we have not any certain Credit given us — which must necessarily cause us to import less than otherwise we might be able to; as we have Calls for the greatest part of our Stock in another Branch of Business — however we wou'dn't have you depart from any Custom you may find necessary in your Business — We now Ship you pSloop Three Friends Joseph Wadleigh M r . Twelve Casks Flaxseed as pBill Lading Inclos'd, which please immediately to dispose of, if to any tolerable Markett, & Credit our Acco4. with proceeds, but if it shou'd be very low, & a prospect of it's soon being higher, You'l then Please to Store it, & wait it's Rise, but if their is no prospect of it's being dearer, You'l then please to sell it for the most it will fetch, & forward us an Acco 1 . Sales pfirst Opp°,— as This Flaxseed belongs to another Person, We beg you'l be perticular in Noting the Charges that Attend it. — Inclos'd you have Cap tn . Wadleigh's Ree 1 , for One Hundred Seven & an half Portugal pieces. We beg you would give Cap tn . Wadleigh all possible dispatch, that he may not be detain'd on our Account. — We are, Gentn. Your Most hum. Serv ts . in margin: 4.6.8. Phil* Cury Bal·* of J J ' s acc*.

JONATHAN

JACKSON

LETTER FROM JACKSON & BROMFIELD, NEWBURYPORT, D E C . IO, 1766,

ΤΟ W I L L I A M

CARDS

1

TIDMARSH,

LONDON,

ORDERING

WOOL-

Jackson & Bromfield in this transaction try the experiment of ordering direct from the manufacturer. T h e mention of " h a n d - B i l l s " throws some light on advertising methods of the time. T h e demand for wool-cards here mentioned indicates something of the increasing importance of woolen manufacture; N e w b u r y p o r t was one of the principal centers of sheep-raising in N e w England. 2 Nathaniel Paice had been the L o n d o n agent of Jonathan Jackson and his father but, w i t h the establishment of the firm of Jackson & Bromfield, John Bromfield's brother T h o m a s w a s substituted. 3

Sir Newburyport 10 th Dec r 1766 Happening to meet with one of your hand-Bills by which we find you are in the Business of Cardmaking & having occasion for a considerable quantity of Cards yearly we are induced to apply to you, hoping we can come at 'em much cheaper than from the Merchants who buy them of you /we suppose on Credit/ & send 'em abr d . on Credit — We [inclose — stricken through interlineated: send] you an Order on Nath 1 Paice Esq r drawn by Jona Jackson for f3o,Stg [interlineated: which if you incline to send us, will be delivered you by M r Tho s . Bromfield — with this L r ] to the Am" of which /including shipping Charges, we desire you wou'd send us in the following Cards — vizt ι dz midls Wool Cards — & 1 dz secondhand Clothier's Cards for a Trial & the rest in [the very best — stricken through] large Wool Cards, as large as are usually sent to the Plantations — The last parcill of large & midls Wool Cards we had, were of your Mark, but are much complained of for being very clumsily made, especially the Handles, the Teeth set awry & not long enough, & in short no part of the Cards made in a Workmanlike manner — we mention this that such may not be 1. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765." 2. Clark, Victor S., History oj Manufactures in the United States, 3 vols. (Ν. Y., 1929), vol. i, p. 78. 3. Slade, op. cit., p. 18.

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sent us, for what we've now ordered, but must beg your Care in overlooking them, that we may have none but of a large & good sort, for such only will sell here — shou'd they come to our Liking & cheap, we shall want a large Quantity yearly — there is a Sort marked GB much approved of in this Country & that come cheap but we don't know where to apply for 'em — cou'd the [interlineated: Cards] be packed in a Chest or some square Package, we imagine they wou'd come freer of Jams, — you will please if you ship the Cards to [interlineated: mark the Packages with J & B. &] inclose us an Invoice [interlineated: & Bill of Lading] of them [in margin: consign them to us] & mention if you ever give Credit this way — for if you cou'd afford a twelvemonth's Credit, it is likely we shou'd take a greater quantity yearly from you — & perhaps recommend you to other Customers too — have nothing more to add but that we are Sir your hble Serv ts . To Mr. William Tidmarsh Lond0. L E T T E R FROM JACKSON & BROMFIELD, N E W B U R Y P O R T , F E B . 2 3 , 1 7 6 7 , ΤΟ N A T H A N I E L ROGERS, BOSTON, I N REGARD TO T H E L A T TER'S R E F U S A L TO P A Y A D R A F T

1

One of the many uncertainties which business men had to confront at this time, namely, the refusal of another merchant to p a y a draft, appears in the letter below. On M a r . 25, 1766, Jonathan Jackson complained of the difficulty of obtaining satisfactory lodgings. "I shou'd be almost tempted to set up Batchelor Hall with one discreet Woman & a Negro Fellow, but there is no Tenement to be had." 2 On Jan. 3, 1767, he married Sarah Barnard, daughter of Thomas Barnard, of Salem, born Jan. 31, 1741/42, in N e w b u r y , and thus a year and four months older than himself. 3 T h e y had been friends for some time, for on Mar. 1 1 , 1763, 1. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765." 2. Austin H. Clark Collection, Jonathan Jackson, Newburyport, Mar. 25, 1766, to Oliver Wendell, Boston. 3. Putnam, Elizabeth Cabot, and Putnam, James Jackson, The Hon. Jonathan Jackson and Hannah {Tracy) Jackson: Their Ancestors and Descendants (Boston, 1907), p. 28.

JONATHAN

JACKSON

he mentioned her name in a letter to John Lowell. 4 There was no letter from Dec. n , 1766, to Jan. 15, 1767, and none from Jan. 19 to the date of that below, but this is probably significant only of the general lack of commercial activity. In 1770, Nathaniel Rogers, to whom this letter is addressed, was so thoroughly boycotted, for violation of the non-importation agreement, as to force him to flee from Boston. 5

Newburyport 23d Feby 1767 Sir We had an Order for £ 140.15/ from Mess« Hazen & Jarvis of this place on you bearing date in Jany payable ten days after Sight — which we inclosed our Friend M r Jon a Clarke Jun r of Boston to negotiate for us — he was kind enough to undertake it, & wrote us the next Post after receiving it, he had offered it to you for Acceptance, & you replied it was good, & you wou'd pay it when it became due, — he has since informed us that you having some Dispute with Hazen & Jarvis about the Consideration for which the Order was drawn, refuse or delay paying it, but in part — at which we confess we are not a little surprized — how any Misunderstanding between you & Mess rs Hazen & Jarvis, can invalidate a Draught you had once pronounced good we can't guess — suppose M r Clarke imagined, as we shou'd in the like Case, that it wou'd have appeared too scrupulous & was unnecessary, to be precise in Form, when once a Merchant of Reputation had passed his Word — tho' there might be no Witnesses but, his own honour to apply to for completeing the Transaction — we wou'd be glad of your Answer by next Post, whether you chuse to pay the Remainder of the Draught or not, & flatter ourselves, when you once consider how inviolable, Obligations in Transactions of this Nature are held among Merchants, you will not scruple complying wt h . the whole of your Word, however reasonable may be your Demand on the Gentlemen abovementioned — In the mean time we are sir your obed1 Serv ts To Nathaniel Rogers Esqr Merck* in Boston 4. Henry Lee Shattuck Collection, Jonathan Jackson, Newbury, Mar. i r , 1763, to John Lowell, Boston. 5. Channing, op. cit., vol. iii, p. 106.

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LETTER FROM JACKSON & BROMFIELD, NEWBURYPORT, A P R . 1 5 , 1 7 6 7 , ΤΟ W I L L I A M REEVE, BRISTOL, WITH REMARKS ON INDISCREET GRANTING OF CREDIT

1

T h e commercial difficulties caused by the uncertainty of communication in colonial days are well brought out in this letter, and the reflections on credit are illuminating. William Reeve, of the firm of Devonsheir & Reeve, now dissolved by the death of the senior partner, had apparently failed to grant the Newburyport merchants what they regarded as adequate credit; accordingly they had "opened a new correspondence in Bristol" with Stephen Apthorp. It is of interest in this connection that, while in 1765 Jonathan Jackson had but one correspondent each in London and Bristol, during 1766 Jackson & Bromfield increased its London correspondents to four and established connections with two Glasgow firms, and in 1767 had two Bristol correspondents and five in London. 2 This expansion in their list of correspondents was doubtless motivated by a desire to insure a supply of goods needed and to give the opportunity of playing one firm against another in matters of price, credit, etc. Note the references to England as "home" in this and the following letter. Newburyport 15th April 1J67 Sir O u r last to y o u r H o u s e w a s under date of I ST D e c r / a c k n o w l edging the rect of y o u r ' s of 8 t h A u g s t / & w e n t ρ C a p 1 R o b e r t s o n v i a L o n d ° — D u p l i c a t e has been since f o r w a r d e d — w e h a v e been i m p a t i e n t l y w a i t i n g for A d v i c e f r o m y o u , & our Business h a s Suffered f o r w a n t of that p a r t of our O r d e r in M a r c h l a s t not y e t received — Since y o u r ' s of 8 t h A u g s t a b o v e m e n t i o n e d w e h a d not received a L i n e f r o m y o u , 'till this w e e k bro't to h a n d y o u r ' s of 18th O c t r & P S of 21st. b u t b y w h a t C o n v e y a n c e it c a m e or h o w long it h a s been c o m i n g w e c a n ' t tell — B y it w e observe y o u h a v e m e t w i t h a great L o s s in the D e a t h of y o u r late P a r t n e r , & condole w i t h y o u therein, & are s o r r y y o u r affairs are so embarrassed t h e r e b y — y o u mention y o u r h a v i n g in1. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765." 2. Ibid., Jackson & Bromfield invoice book.

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closed an Inv°. of the Remainder of our Order ship'd ρ the M a r y — Moores M r . — but the Inv°. was not inclosed, neither is the A m ° . carried out in the L r . — in your P S — you mention the M a r y ' s Miscarriage in going down river & that she wou'd again sail in about a month — we suppose the M a r y ' s first Cargo if damaged the Insurers took the Care of, & if not that it was reship'd in her — she has not yet arrived that we've heared of, & if she sailed in Nov r . we think some new accident must have befallen her, — shou'd she arrive with any Goods for us, we shall be carefull in remitting for them — we now inclose you Bill for £ Ste & shall soon take care of the small Bal c e that may be due after this is received — if the M a r y shou'd arrive we shall then write you — It gives us sensible Uneasiness you have met with such Discouragements in your American Dealer's — but must think the English Merchants in general have nobody but themselves to blame for their Losses here — they have given such unlimited Credit to Persons, who it is most certain, they never with any Truth cou'd have been told had the least Foundation to act upon, & who many of them therefore /well knowing they cou'd not lose that which they never owned/ have so strangely conducted in this Business, & so risqued their Creditor's Effects, that the Business itself is now hardly worth carrying on, the Merchants at home have been very much injured, & many of the Persons themselves undone, who have had these Credits allowed them — W e began with a Stock which in this Country is not looked upon despiseable, & as we had no Inclination to risque that, much less the Credits our Correspondents might give us abroad, we have been but small in our Importations, determining not to enlarge them but with the highest Probability of still being punctual in our Remittances — tho' as we are necessarily obliged to give Credit here, we don't pretend we cou'd carry on our Business without some Credit from home, & therefore with whomsoever we deal we shall expect it — & that we may not be disappointed in an Importation next fall, we have opened a new Correspondence in Bristol & not from any Disgust

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at your House we assure you — shou'd you think proper when you have got more over your present Perplexities to give us any Encouragement upon Credit, we may perhaps again renew our Orders, at least in some measure — we presume from what you mention in your's of 18 th Oct r above referred to, you will not ship us this Glass &c ordered in our's of i s t . Dec r & we wou'd not now chuse you shou'd do it — having nothing more at present to add, we remain Sir with Respect — your obed1 Serv ts To Mr William Reeve — in Bristol — LETTER FROM JACKSON & BROMFIELD, NEWBURYPORT, A P R . 1 6 , 1 7 6 7 , ΤΟ STEPHEN APTHORP, BRISTOL, IN REGARD TO E S T A B LISHING A CORRESPONDENCE

1

About a year before, Jackson & Bromfield had estimated their joint capital as amounting to about £1,000; note the increase. See the letter of Mar. 21, 1766, for a discussion of the Jackson & Bromfield capital, expressed in the firm's ledger in Massachusetts pounds, as compared with that described in letters to England in pounds sterling. Note also the reappearance of the old problem of credit vs. discount for cash. Thomas Apthorp is frequently mentioned in Rowe's diary; it was quite customary for one brother to be engaged in business in England and another in the colonies, as vide the example of Thomas and John Bromfield.

Newburyport /near Boston in Ν E / i 6 t h . Apr.

IJ6J

Sir Wanting to establish a steady Correspondence in Bristol & consulting with some Friends, we were recommended to apply to you, & your Brother Thomas promised to mention us with advantage to you, which before this Time we suppose he has done — we are in the Business of importing Goods generally from England & therefore find it necessary constantly to keep up an Assortment, that shou'd you think fit to execute any Commissions for us, we must depend our Orders be complied with i. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765."

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in Season, as the well-conducting our Business depends much upon it — we purpose taking your usual Credit which we understand by your Brother T . to be nine Months & assure yourself our utmost Endeavours shall not be wanting to be punctual in Remittances — we flatter ourselves we are upon as good a Footing to carry on Business as many others who have applyed home for Credit & have obtained it largely — & that you may be better able to judge for yourself, it may not be improper to let you know what foundation we act upon — we have not been long in Trade, our Stock according to a Settlement lately made we esteem upwards of £ 1800 Sts & our J Jackson thinks he can at least call £ 5 - or £ 600 Ste more his seperate Interest — our Stock is not at present so out, but that we might soon make Provision for the Order now sent you, did we think the Discount usually made equivalent to the Credit usually given, but this we can't say, we think is — it wou'd not be amiss for you to inform us what Discount you allow — the Goods we now order ρ Mem°. inclosed you'll please to put up of good quality & as cheap as can possibly be afforded, for our Business has got to such a Pass [in this Country — stricken through], that every petty Shopkeeper will set himself up a Judge of English Goods & determine himself upon the Invoice Cost of them — we have seen large Discounts from Bristol on some of those articles of hard Ware in our Mem 0 , those that are allowed with Credit we expect allowed us, & those for ready Money only, if you'll please to note in your's what the Articles & what the Discounts are, it may encourage us to send Cash with our next orders — it might be for our mutual advantage shou'd you send us a List of what Goods you deal in & the Prices, as it may remind us of what we might not otherways think of & may prevent improper applications to you — please likewise to send us the price current of American Commodities — of Potash in particular — Ship our Goods for Boston, mark with J & Β & consign to us [interlineated: (in duplicate) at Newburyport] — insure the whole Amount, & if it is not your Custom to guarantee the Underwriters, & that at the usual Consideration, we wou'd have the Insur ce made in London & not in Bristol — below

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we trouble you with our respective Firms & beg they may meet with equal Credit & are sir your obed 1 Serv ts . sent ρ Davis & Calef Saild ab*. 12th. 0 f Mar. To Mr Stephen Apthorp in Bristol L E T T E R FROM J A C K S O N & B R O M F I E L D , N E W B U R Y P O R T , M A Y 3 0 , 1 7 6 7 , ΤΟ B R I D G E N & W A L L E R , LONDON, D E A L E R S I N W O M E N ' S APPAREL

1

Jackson & Bromfield had made the experiment of purchasing direct from English firms dealing in special types of merchandise, hoping thus to obtain goods of a better quality at a lower cost. Although this little innovation apparently did not work out well on the first attempt, the existence, side b y side, of both general merchants and specialized merchants competing for the colonial market, is of interest.

May 1767 To Bridgen & Waller Londo. Gent11. / / W e have now to acknowledge the rec4 of your favors of 3d Feby & 28th Mar. & Goods pthe Squirrell Capt Smith — Invoice of which was in our Name, & in that mentioned to be on Acc1 & at our Risque, but they were consigned to Shipper's Order, the necessity of which upon the Score of Jealousy from any one here we don't see, being under no Apprehensions we need use any Caution on that Account, — however you might have some reasons we are unacquainted with — we are obliged to you for your Care in these Goods & have passed to your Credit £ 3 2 8 . 2 . 3 the Am°. ρ Inv°. & likewise £ 2.1.8 for an Error in your favor /miscast on 3 5 ^ Ells Tabby N°. 171. @ 6/6-21/8 & o n 35% y d s Sattin N°. 6 3 2 3 . @ 6 / — 2 0 / — / & shall be carefull in making Provision in season for this Credit — we conclude from the Invoice Charge of the English Taffatys, & from the Custom of other Houses you'll take notice of the drawback in our Acc4 currt. — indeed we hope there may be some such Allowance Newburyport

i. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1 7 6 5 . "

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JONATHAN JACKSON

181

to reduce the price of the other Silks, for we can't but think at their present price some of them stand high charged — we wou'd be loth to incur the Imputation of Cavillers, but yet think the remonstrating, when we imagine we are over charged will rather have a Tendency to render the Correspondence mutually beneficial than otherways — the Article of sews Silks is 2/ & 2/6 plb higher charged than Silks of the same kind of equal quality, we had from another House in London at the same time — Wom s stiffened Chip Hats we think equal in quality to your's have been sent for 4/pdz — & Cap Wire we find those that buy in this Country can afford to sell as cheap as we can — /indeed the Cap wire & 1 PS fine white Catgutt are a good deal damaged & stained — & as other things near them did not appear to be so, we fear it was from some Inattention in putting them up — /we hope those Articles we are more unacquainted with the prices of, are not so proportionably higher than our Neighbours — indeed if we can't by sending to Gentlemen in a particular branch, get at Goods as cheap & put up of better quality, than by the Merchants who send generally, we had better allow them a small Commission than open a multiplicity of Acc ts . — we have now inclosed a Mem°. for a few Goods which we beg may be carefully put up both for quality & price, for our Business has got to such a Pass here, that a little variation from our Neighbours in price for Goods of the same quality does a great hurt to our Reputation in Business — please to mark with J & Β ship ρ first good Oppy for Boston & consign them to us at Newburyport — insure the next round Sum below the A m 0 . — shou'd you not have forwarded before this reaches you, we wou'd be glad you'd then send us, the patterns of Silks & Silk mixtures, you mentioned in your last, as it may be the means of our finding a Vent for what we might not otherwise be acquainted with — having nothing more to add we remain Gent n . very respectfully — your obedt Serv ts Original ρ Hall Duplicate ρ

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LETTER FROM JACKSON & BROMFIELD, NEWBURYPORT, J U N E 1 7 , 1 7 6 7 , ΤΟ SAMUEL & JONATHAN SMITH, PHILADELPHIA, W I T H ORDERS AND INVOICE

1

I n addition to w h a t it tells us of the types of goods used in the trade between N e w England and Philadelphia, this letter is indirectly revelatory of the commercial importance at this period of N e w b u r y port. I t is of significance that this little town of only 2,882 inhabitants (in 1 7 6 4 ) 2 was an entrepot for goods from the W e s t Indies and England, which were then shipped to the largest city of the colonies (about 20,000 in 1 7 6 0 ) . 3

Newburyport 17 t h June 1767 To Mess^. Saml & JonaSmith PhiK Gent«. Our last to you was 10 th Ult° which having never reced an Answer to, we have troubled you, with the foregoing Copy of — we Shou'd have remitted you the Bal ce . due ρ Acc 1 . curt. 0 f Apr. last sooner, but waited the Arrival of a Vessell at your place, that belongs this way, which has been expected for some time past from the West Indias — the Owners Mess rs . Porter & Crocker have ordered their Friend M r Richard Smith to pay you — £ 26.0.7. when in Cash from the Sch r Repulse — Jones, Master — & as they are sensible we shou'd have remitted before had we not placed Dependance on them they are willing to allow the damage that may accrue to us — that if you think we have taken the Liberty of too long Credit you must adjust it according to your Custom — The particular Ton of Iron we desired in our L r of 3 d Mar if you have not already sent, you'll please to send ρ Lowell & 3 or 4 Tons of good sorted square & flat Bar Iron if not above £24 — ρ Ton & 30 Bbls Flour if not ab°. 15/ pC 1 . having a Quantity of London made Wool Cards by us, we have consigned to you for Sale 1 Cask N . i Conte 2 0 ^ doz large GB Wool Cards in Sloop Merrimack Cap 1 Lowell as ρ his rec1 in1. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765." 2. Currier, Newburyport, vol. i, p. 27. 3. Channing, op. cit., vol. iii, p. 529.

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closed we wou'd have you make the best of them for us — we sell out of our Store for 5 Dollars ρ doz & imagine from what they generally cost in London if they are not plenty, they will fetch that price or more with you ρ the Cask — the N l proceeds please to credit our Acc' currt for & advise us shou'd you think fit to ship the Iron & Flour at the prices limited, we shall endeavour to be seasonable in remitting you for them — we wou'd beg your particular Care that the Flour be sweet & good & not exposed more than absolutely necessary in getting on board the Vesell — do inform us if there be any duty or Charge on importing Molasses to your Province, & whether a Certificate from the Custom house here, that the King's duty has been paid will not excuse it from that Duty with you — as it is reported here it will not, & do send us the price current at your Place, /pretty generally/ when you write particularly Exchange on London — which being all the Needfull, concludes us Gentlemen"

your Obedt Serv t s .—

LETTER FROM JACKSON & BROMFIELD, NEWBURYPORT, A U G . I I , 1 7 6 7 , ΤΟ ISAAC SEARS, N E W Y O R K , WITH ENQUIRIES ON THE N E W YORK MARKET

1

T h e N e w b u r y p o r t firm had previously enjoyed little or no correspondence with N e w Y o r k , but, in view of that city's importance in the exportation of flaxseed, it was almost inevitable that any firm extensively interested in that article should sooner or later establish a connection with N e w Y o r k . T h r e e months after this letter, accordingly, Jackson & Bromfield began a correspondence b y shipping 120 casks of flaxseed to the N e w Y o r k merchant. Isaac ( ' K i n g ' ) Sears was a former privateer-captain w h o was later to be renowned as a Son of L i b e r t y . " B e f o r e the W a r he w a s engaged in a small importing business, which does not appear to have been very satisfactory." 2 I t is unfortunate that we do not have his answers to the pertinent and detailed questions below. 1. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765." 2. Stevens, John Austin, Jr., "Colonial New York. Sketches Biographical and Historical, 1768-1784," in Colonial Records of the New York Chamber 0} Commerce, 1768-84 (Ν. Y . , 1867), pp. 160-161.

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Newburyport 1 1 t h Aug st

1767

Isaac Sears Sir B y the recommendation of our mutual Friend M r Stephen Sayre, whose L r to you of the 4 t h Ins 1 we inclose, — we take the Liberty to address you — we are informed Flaxseed generally bears a good price at New York — we want your Advice / & that ρ first Oppy after rec1 of this/ what price you think Flaxseed will bear [interlineated: at New York] the coming Season — & whether that price is meant for Seed cleaned by the Mill fit for shipping, or only for what is called merchantable, that is, as it generally comes in from the Farmers, with a mixture of foul Seed & some Husks &c — & if both sorts will sell what will be the difference of Price — what Casks are best to pack it in, & what quantity shou'd be put in a Cask & what price the Casks usually fetch — when is the Height of the Season to sell it at New York, & what freight you generally pay ρ the Ton from Boston to Ν York — & what Commission you can afford to receive & sell our Flaxseed for & remitt the proceeds in Bills of Exchge on Lond 0 if we shou'd so order & what Commission you wou'd charge to return the proceeds to us in Indigo, Flour, Iron, or any other Article your Markett may afford — & whether it is likely you might be able to sell the Flaxseed to as much advantage at the Vessell, without the Charge of Truckage & Storage — to all these Questions you'll please to be particular. — we must again beg the earliest Advice from you — & that you wou'd send us the price current at your place of as many Articles as you can collect the lowest price of — particularly of good french Indigo, Flour & Iron — & please to be particular in the Charges on shipping Flour & Iron — & of what quality the New York Iron is — & what Uses it is fit for — we deal considerably in Philadelphia Flour & Iron & shou'd be glad to know upon what Terms we might be supplied with them from New York — please to mention what price New England Rum & Molasses bears with you — which being all the Needfull, concludes us sir your obed1 Serv ts . At New York —

JONATHAN

JACKSON

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L E T T E R FROM JACKSON & BROMFIELD, N E W B U R Y P O R T , A U G . 1 7 , 1 7 6 7 , ΤΟ SAMUEL & J O N A T H A N S M I T H , PHILADELPHIA, I N R E GARD TO IRON FOR M A N U F A C T U R I N G

1

A previous consignment of iron from Philadelphia, not being in flat bars, had not been "fit for Millsaws & Wheel-tires." Ironworks at Salem and Lynn, first founded to exploit the bog ore of the vicinity, were still continuing, after this local supply of ore had been exhausted, by drawing their raw materials from the deposits farther south. 2 Newburyport 17th Augst

1767

T o Messrs S a m l & Jon^Smith Phil* Gentn. Y o u r ' s of 1 5 t h J u l y w e reced some time since & observe y o u were disappointed in I r o n b e s p o k e at the W o r k s f o r us to send ρ C a p 1 L o w e l l — this comes p h i m & w e shou'd be glad y o u w o u ' d send us upon his R e t u r n one T o n of I r o n as w e ordered in our L r of 10 t h M a y last t h a t is fit for M i l l s a w s & W h e e l - t i r e s — & besides t h a t 3 or 4 T o n s of good sorted sq r & flat B a r I r o n if not above £ 24 p T o n & 30 bbls F l o u r if new can be p u r c h a s e d and sent at a price that y o u think it will stand a t for a n y time, that w e m a y h a v e an Oppy to get it off b e f o r e the price m a y be lower — W e h o p e Jones m u s t h a v e arrived bef o r e this time & t h a t y o u h a v e reced the P a y m e n t t h a t w a s to be m a d e y o u p h i m — W e n o w consign yo. ρ C a p t L o w e l l /rec*f o r w h i c h is i n c l o s e d / six B b l s [interlineated: N E ] R u m v i z t N°. i — 3 3 ^ — 2 — 3 4 ^ — 3 — 33^4—4 —32^4 — 5 — 31^4 — 6 — 3334 — *99 [interlineated: G a l l o n s ] n* the B a r rells cost 4 / 8 /our C u r r y / ea — T h e a b o v e R u m y o u ' l l please to dispose of to our best a d v a n t a g e & if y o u t h i n k the price m a y a d v a n c e b y storing it y o u h a v e our L i b e r t y so to do — w e w o u ' d b e glad w h e n y o u h a v e completed the Sales of a n y R e m i t tances y o u w o u ' d render us Acc* thereof — w e h a d intended to send a m u c h larger q u a n t i t y of R u m b u t w e r e discouraged f r o m 1. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765." 2. Clark, op. cit., vol. i, pp. 91-92.

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the price w e heared it w a s at with y o u — shou'd y o u be able to send the Flour & Iron at our Limitations w e shan't be b a c k ward in remitting — we expect to want a [interlineated: considirable] quantity of both in the F a l l w e are Gent 11 , your obedtServ t s pCapt Lowell L E T T E R FROM JACKSON & BROMFIELD, N E W B U R Y P O R T , N O V . 20, 1 7 6 7 , ΤΟ P E T E R C O N T E N C I N , LONDON, W I T H PROPOSALS FOR T H E IMPORTATION OF T E A S

1

On Jan. 15, 1767, Jackson & Bromfield had written Peter Contencin with bills of exchange totalling £150 stg. ordering Bohea tea and had offered "an handsome Commission / if you think less will not do — 5 pC'/ for your Trouble in purchasing &c & you to account with us for all Allowances, such as Trett & Discounts, as from the E : Ind a Comp y & for prompt Payment, &c . . . most of the Lond 0 Merch ts . . . charge but 2 x/2 pC 1 Com". & give 9 & 12 M os . Credit." By "Trett" is meant an allowance to a purchaser for waste. When credit was allowed on goods shipped from London, interest on the invoice did not begin till the term of credit had expired, but credit was not ordinarily allowed on tea so Jackson & Bromfield suggested, as a compromise, a credit of 6 months with interest from the shipping date. Complaints of overcharging furnish a familiar refrain in many of the letters from colonial merchants to their correspondents in England. Note the alleged increase in the firm's capital over the £1,800 at which it was placed in April of the same year. N e w b u r y p o r t 20 t h N o v r . 1 7 6 7 T o M r Peter Contencin Sir W e have now to acknowledge the rec 1 of y o u r favor of 18 t h J u l y with our A c c 1 annexed B a l c e £27.10.3 for which we h a v e debited y ° — also C o p y of your's of 1 1 t h Sep r is come to hand ρ Capt W a t t b y which we find y o u have ship'd the few Articles, wrote for last M a y , ρ the T r i s t r a m Capt Shand, who is not y e t arrived — we have passed to your Credit £42.1.1 the A m 0 , as i. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765."

JONATHAN JACKSON

187

ρ Copy of Inv°. of 2 5 th Aug st . we feared we shou'd not receive these Goods there was such Delay — we hope the Vessell is safe tho' not yet got in — [for the present can only observe — stricken through] we trust the quality of these Goods must be extraordinary, from the prices they are charged at — as we have imported chief of the Articles from other Houses on a Credit of 9 & 12 Mos. & a s low charged & some of them lower — but we can observe further after Cap4 Shand's Arrival — the Bal ce due to you we shall desire M r Tho s Bromfield Merch* in your City to discharge out of [a Remittance — stricken through interlineated: Effects] we shall shortly [make him — stricken through] put in his Hands — we are obliged to you for the Confidence placed in us by the Credit now given us — We have a Proposal to make to you which if you comply with you'll oblige us, & if not, we shall not deny your right of Refusal — we are obliged to give so much Credit in this Country, that tho' we claim having as [handsome — stricken through interlineated: large] a Capital as many here [interlineated: in our Business] /esteeming ourselves both together worth £2,000 Ste or upward when clear of all Connections/ yet so much of our Stock is out, we can't without cramping other [interlineated: Parts] of our Business advance for Tea — if you therefore have no Scruple of your Security & incline to ship us a Lot of good [interlineated: the best] Bohea Tea [interlineated: at Market price &] on the same Terms you did before, with this Difference only, to be allowed 5 p O Interest [interlineated: ρ An.] on the foot of the Invoice from the Time of Shipping — you may — please to observe this is 2 y 2 pC l more Commn. than we wou'd give any one again that we shou'd send our Money to — if you send this Tea & it is agreeable, you may add 12 — 14 th Cannisters of the best Hyson Tea that can be sent for 16/ plb — & you'll insure the whole Am 0 . — we hope & indeed have no Scruple we may make Remit ce in 3 or 4 M o s for [such a Quanti — stricken through] these Goods after receiving them however not knowing what Accidents may arise in our Business we wou'd not engage under 6 M° s . — the Term of Credit we imagine won't be so material with you as youv'e Interest allowed

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THE JACKSONS AND THE

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you, [if — stricken through interlineated: provided] you hold your Security to be good — did other parts of our Business admit of our laying out any considerable part of our Stock in Teas & we cou'd get at them upon advantageous Terms we think we cou'd dispose of some quantity yearly ρ the Chest — & shou'd you think it worth your while to make an Adventure of that kind we think deducting a Commission for selling, you wou'd make a sure Profit tho' perhaps but a small one from the Cost they come to us at — we [would be glad of — stricken through interlineated: must earnestly beg] your immediate Answer whether you chuse to comply with the above or not & in the Interim we remain sir your obed* Serv ts [in margin] if you ship any Thing please to be particular in the Bill of Lading of the Measurement & at what rate computed — L E T T E R FROM JACKSON & BROMFIELD, BOSTON, D E C . 8,

1767,

ΤΟ H E N R Y & T H O M A S BROMFIELD, L O N D O N , ON G E N E R A L B U S I NESS M A T T E R S

1

In this letter Jackson & Bromfield expressed their intention of acting as underwriters and then reinsuring in England. Since the rates tended to be lower in England than in America, because of the greater supply of capital in the former country, it would be possible for Jackson & Bromfield, utilizing their connection with Henry & Thomas Bromfield, thus to act as underwriters with little risk. It was quite customary for English merchants to make purchase of articles needed for the personal use of their colonial correspondents. Since potash and pearlash were two of the principal staples of export from the colonies to England, we might expect to find these commodities more frequently mentioned in the Jackson & Bromfield correspondence than they are. On Feb. 16, 1769, Jackson & Bromfield made another shipment of "Seven Casks Pearl Ash" to Henry & Thomas Bromfield by the Hannah, Robert Jarvis, the "Nett proceeds," May 29, 1769, "being £28.19.3." 2 1. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765." 2. Lee-Cabot Papers, 1707-73.

JONATHAN JACKSON

189

T h e Henry Bromfield mentioned in the firm name was probably the brother (b. 1727) of John and Thomas Bromfield who had gone to England with his son Henry (b. 1 7 5 1 ) and for a time engaged in business in London with his brother Thomas but then returned to Massachusetts, leaving his son and namesake in England. 3 T h e " B r o r H e n r y " mentioned in the body of the letter is, of course, the father.

Boston 8th. Dec r . 1767 Mess rs Henry & Thomas Bromfield Gent m . The several favors of your [Τ Β — stricken through interlineated: Tho s Bromfield] of 10th. June 21th. July 15th & 18th Aug st . & 15th. Sept. with the goods ρ Jarvis Calef & Hall are come safe to hand & the Amt. of said Goods are placed to the Credit of our Acc'. with M r . Tho s . Bromfield — which Acct. we have also given Credit for 5/8 the Amt. 0 f 1 dz Ivy Combs N°2. & ι dz N° 3. more sent ρ Jarvis than was charged in the Invoice, we cant find any Cyphers to the Cypher Button Stones sent ρ Calef., we understand they never come charged seperately, we suppose therefore they were included in the first Cost of the Button Stones & forgot to be sent — you'll please to Speak to this in your next & send us 50 dz Cyphers ρ first Oppy (if included in the Charge of the Button Stones Sent they'll come without Cost) but otherwise Send them, if they are not above 16/pgro. tho. we Suppose they'll be much less, — they may be packed in a Box with Shoes ordered from M r Didsbury Shoemaker in Pall Mall by our J Jackson — a Letter for s d . Mr Didsbury is inclosed which you'll please to deliver & pay his Bill when presented & charge the Am 1 to our Acct — please to mention in your next if there be any Drawback due to us on the Sews silks ship'd ρ Hall — in future you'd oblige us to mention in the Invoice when there be any Allowances, tho' you may not have reced them at the Time of Shipping — please to insure for us £260 — Sts on the Brig n Lucy Joseph Choate Master sailed 3 d or 4 t h Inst from Newbury Port bound for Cadiz & back again 3. Slade, op. cit., pp. 11, 16.

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LEES

with a Return of half the Premium in case he Sells his Vessell there or she does not come back — this Risque we have underwrote for ourselves with this Intention of being insured in England— we have discoursed your Bro r . Henry on the affair which shou'd there be any Difficulty in, & he shou'd get home in such Season as he now expects, he may be able to advise with you in compleating our [interlineated: Design] however if there be no Difficulty in doing it before, we wou'd not have you wait for that Contingency we have no doubt you'll gett the Risque taken of our hands for 6 p O or under exchange as low a Commn. for make Insurrance as you can afford (& there will be no great Trouble in the Transaction) however rather than not be insured we wou'd give 7 pC* w ch with the Charges that will attend it will be no more than what is given to us — if we find Encouragement in this, we may be induced to do more in the same way, — We consign you in the Ship Boston Packett Cap4 hood as ρ Inv°. & Bill Lading inclosed eight Barrells of Pearl Ash & twelve Bbls of Potash — you'll observe ρ marks in the Invoice — N°. 1 @ 8 is Pearl Ash — the four first Barrells of which is said to be Superfine the other four common — this belongs to another Person we therefore beg acc1. Sales of it by itself with the Charges Attending it — N°. 9 @ 13 are five Barrells of Potash belonging to Another Person Acct. of & Charges on which we beg also by itself — the remaining seven Barrells N°. 14 @ 20 are Potash — Acc*. of & Charges on which must also be by itself — Wee have been told some Merchants with you sell this Commodity on Creditt, it is our Express Desire [for ready Pay only, & not — stricken through] by no means to sell it for Credit, unless there be a Prospect of it's falling, & you can get such a price for it as amply to pay for delay & risque of Payment [& — stricken through] besides, that we think it a bad Custom American Commodities shou'd be so trusted out in England, & that the Merchant who shou'd procure as good price without Giving Credit will be preferred in Commissions from this way, besides this as we ship it on the Acc*. of others, our future Employment in a great measure depends

JONATHAN JACKSON

191

upon the quick as well as agreeable Sales we may be able to render of it. — for which reason we must again beg a distinct Acc 4 Sales of each parcell forwarded as soon as may be — if you shou'd not have procured the Goods for Shipping ordered by our J Bromfield, before this arrives you'll please then to omit it — & please to pay M r . Peter Contencin a Dealer in Tea & Haberdashery in your City the Bal e . due to him from us, being from Home cant exactly tell how much [in duplicate — stricken through] but not less than £10 — nor more than £ 2 0 — [interlineated: added in Duplicate] what it is, he without doubt, can tell you, the Ballance that shall be in your hands after please to pay to Mess rs Bridgen & Waller Dealers in Haberdashery & Millenary in your City & please after this to forward us our Acc*. current. — having no more to add we are Gent n . with respect your obed1. Serv ts . Duplicate ρ Omand L E T T E R FROM JACKSON & BROMFIELD, N E W B U R Y P O R T , F E B . 2 4 , 1 7 6 8 , ΤΟ D E BERDT, B U R K I T T & SAYRE, LONDON, R E P L Y I N G TO C O M P L A I N T S FROM T H E LONDON M E R C H A N T S

1

In Nov., 1767, Jackson & Bromfield had written the London firm rather sharply concerning delay in filling their orders, the omission of essential articles, and overcharging on those which were sent. The London firm, replying to this letter in one of Dec. 24, had written "we hoped to have had some Remittance," but the general spirit of the (London letter was hardly, one would think, calculated to produce remarks of the tone of those in the early part of the letter below. The letter below suggests that Jackson was returning to his earlier belief in the advantage of doing a cash business. In the letter of Dec. 24, the London firm had suggested a shipment of flaxseed to Ireland, probably hoping that a remittance to London would result from the proceeds. In shipping to Ireland, the Londoners warned that the goods should be consigned to the captain, who could then "when on the spot have the business negotiated by any reputable Merchant." This procedure would, of course, tend to make χ. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765."

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the merchants more alert and serviceable, out of a desire of being favored in the handling of the consignment. 2 T h e senior partner in the London firm of D e Berdt, B u r k i t t & Sayre, D e n n y s D e B e r d t , was agent for Massachusetts, 1 7 6 5 - 7 0 . 3 T h e junior partner, Stephen Sayre, w a s an American and was arrested in London during the Revolution because of the "outspoken partisanship" he displayed in defense of the American cause. 4 H i s strong prejudices perhaps affected his statement, in a postscript to the letter of D e c . 24, 1 7 6 7 , that " L o r d Hilsborough . . . told me personally; he would rather see every M a n to 50 in America p u t to the sword than the Stampact repeal'd." 5 A n d a t any rate the Stamp A c t had been repealed early in 1 7 6 6 ; perhaps Lord Hillsborough should have been quoted as saying that "he would rather have seen," etc. I t is interesting to observe the connection of this London merchant with the N e w Y o r k merchant and mob leader, Isaac Sears.

Newbury Port 24th Feb r y 1768 Mess rs . De Berdt Burkit & Sayre Sirs Your Letter of 24t h Deem·" /this day reced/ gives us no little Surprize & Concern — we are at a Loss what you can mean, "by our passing many Opportunitys in Silence, & by your hoping to have had some remittances, or Intelligence of our Intentions for that purpose" — when our Business requires it, tis not our practice to omit any Oppys. of writing to our Correspondents, & we must beg leave to think we have not been faulty that way in our Correspondence with you — & had you attended more to what we have wrote to you, we concieve Gentlemen you wou'd not have intimated your Apprehensions of such Negligence, as you have — If you advert to our L r . of 29 th Sept r . 1766 & your S Sayre's L r . of 15 th of s d Mo. accom2. Lee-Cabot Papers, 1707-73, De Berdt, Burkitt & Sayre, London, Dec. 24, 1767, to Jackson & Bromfield, Newburyport. 3. Matthews, Albert, ed., "Letters of Dennys DeBerdt," Pubs, of Col. Soc. of Mass., vol. xiii, pp. 293-461. 4. "Stephen Sayre," DAB. 5. Lee-Cabot Papers, 1707-73.

JONATHAN

JACKSON

193

panying it (Copys of both which we have now before u s / we cant but suppose you'll agree in our Sentiments, which are, that no Remittance is due for the Goods ship'd us the i s t & 2 1 s t March 1 7 6 7 , untill the i s t & 21st March /coming/ 1 7 6 8 — & that, considering the delay in sending those Goods, & that several material Articles were omitted / as we have more particularly mentioned in our's of 16 t h N o v last [interlineated: to] your S Sayre, to which we refer, & which we conclude he had not reced when you wrote your's of 24 t h Dec r ) and add to these Considerations / what we are convinced of from actual Trials) that most Goods may be got from 1 0 to 25 p O lower when we lay down our Money for 'em than you put them up at & you yourselves shall determine, whether we dont pay full high for the Credit given us — However Gent 11 , assure yourselves that, without this Application, our utmost Industry shou'd not have been wanting to pay you in season; & whoever promises more we judge promise more than they may be able to perform — & if we fulfill our promises, we flatter ourselves we shan't be behind most of your American Correspondents — You'll observe by our L r to you 1 6 t h N o v r we have ordered a pretty general Assortment of Goods, which (had we an Inclination) it is not in our Power now to Countermand — if ship'd for us, we shall receive them with no Intention of paying for them under a Twelvemonth — & had rather not receive them at all, unless our Order is fully & seasonably complied with, & the Goods charged as low as they can be any ways afforded — but of these we have been particular in our L r . to your M r Sayre above referred to — With regard to Flaxseed we have dealt in it every Season Since we have been in Business — it has served to collect in some of our Debts, & has as yet afforded us some little Profit — M r . Sayre upon his return from the Southward this last Summer advised us to send it to N e w Y o r k for a Markett, & from the prospect, he & Mr. Isaac Sears / a Gent n . at Y o r k he recommended us to/ gave us concerning it, we fell into the Measure — & had it turned out according to their & our Expectation, we shou'd have got a pretty Proffit on it, & made you a considerable

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THE JACKSONS AND T H E LEES

Remittance, in such Season, as to have claimed a Discount for Advanced Payment — however Gent n . we are disappointed in that — & Seed bears so low a price [interlineated: that] M r . Sears writes us in his last L r . unless it soon rises, he shall order a Sloops Cargo /we last consigned him/ to Ireland for our Acc* — & we wish your L r . had come in such season that we might have directed him to consign our Interest as you mention, & for Mentioning which, we are much obliged to you — we have begged him to be carefull whom he consigned to, shou'd he be oblig'd to Send [interlineated: it] that way & he promised us, he wou'd — we also ordered him to make you a Remittance from the proceeds of upwards of 100 Casks Seed he sold for us some time since — but from his last L r . we suppose he will invest part or all of those Proceeds in Boards & Staves to make a full freight for the Sloop to Ireland — we desired him to inform you [in margin: of the state of our Adventure & order the N l Proceeds to be remitted you] which we [interlineated: suppose] you'll have reced before this — & we suppose before rect of this you'll have complied with our [interlineated: order] of 16 th Nov r . or have determined not to — the latter we had much rather shou'd be the Case, if you have Gent n . any Mistrust of our Ability or Inclination to pay [interlineated: you] as fast as our Business, which we flatter ourselves is prudently conducted, will admit — indeed you have heretofore by so partially complying with our Orders in some measure put it out of our power to be so before time in our payments, as it was our Ambition to have been & we hope you will not so tye our hands in the Execution of our last Order sent you The r Alarm your L . has given us / especially when our dealing so largely with you was not of our [interlineated: own] Urging/ occasioned the Length of this Shou'd you not have [interlineated: done] it before, please immediately on recet of this to forward us the State of our Acc1. with you, & be particular as desired in our's of 16 th Nov r last We remain Gent" Your obed1 Serv ts

J O N A T H A N

J A C K S O N

L E T T E R FROM JACKSON & BROMFIELD, N E W B U R Y P O R T , M A R . 4 , 1 7 6 8 , ΤΟ W I L L I A M & J O H N O G L E , N E W R Y , IRELAND, W I T H E N QUIRIES

CONCERNING

ENGLAND

TRADE

BETWEEN

IRELAND AND

NEW

1

"Ireland," says Victor S. Clark, "took a large quantity of [flax] seed, partly because the finer manufactures of that country required its own flax to be cut before maturity." 2 Newry was a seaport town in County Down, in one of the most important linen-producing areas of Ireland. It may be appropriate here to note that so far we have found no evidence that Jackson & Bromfield were concerned in any vessel as owners, though they may on occasion have chartered a vessel for a voyage. It is, of course, unfortunate that we do not possess the Ogles' reply to this commercial questionnaire. Newburyport 4 t h March 1768 Mess« William & John Ogle Genf». T h e foregoing is Copy of our last to you (sent to Boston for Conveyance, from whence we are distant ab 1 40 Miles N ° . E a s t ) since writing which, we have thought more of opening a Channel of Trade to Ireland cou'd we meet with [any — stricken through interlineated: sufficient] Encouragement — we shou'd be glad of your Advice when you write us — what Articles, the Produce of this Country, (besides Flaxseed,) wou'd serve for an Export to I r e l A & what Freight a Vessell might be able to make from I r e l A to this Country [interlineated: in what Articles that wou'd answer here] — or whether Freights for the W Indias are so common [interlineated: in I r e l A ] that one might [interlineated: easily] be procured [for her—stricken through interlineated: from I r e l A ] there — please also to say when is the best Season to get Flaxseed to Markett, & what, take one Year with another, is the general price for Flaxseed, — whether it is necessary for the Irish markett, it shou'd be so clean as that now sent y°. ρ the Speedwell — & whether there 1. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765." 2. Clark, op. cit., vol. i, p. 82.

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be need the Casks shou'd be so stout as the 100 short ones now sent [you — stricken through] — what part of Ireland there is the greatest Demand for Seed in — & whether if you think any advantageous Business between us & you cou'd be carried on, you wou'd be willing to be concerned with us in a Vessell between 100 & 200 Tons — which we cou'd have built with us at this Juncture at a very moderate Rate — as that Business is at present very dull — we are at the mouth of the River Merrimack famous in America for Lumber & Shipbuilding — shou'd you advise to any thing of the above — please to mention if Lumber wou'd serve for part of a Cargo, what Kinds & how good Quality wou'd best do — you'll be so Kind as to be particular in answer to what we have wrote •— & if Cap 1 Rowe returns with the Sloop directly here, & Irish Linnens are procured as cheap with you as in any part of IreL d . you may if you incline to give us a Credit till we have advice & can remitt you, send in the Sloop's Cabbin in some small Package 5 PS 7/8 Linnen from 1/6 — to 2 / 6 — & 5 PS yd wd from 2/ to 3/6 if you send them, please to insure the am1 — we make this for a Trial whether they come cheaper from you than London or Bristol from whence we have had them — please to mention if coarse Woollens are cheaper [interlineated: manufactured] with you than in England — we remain Gent n your obed1 Serv ts LETTER

FROM J A C K S O N

&

BROMFIELD, NEWBURYPORT,

APR.,

1 7 6 8 , ΤΟ H E N R Y & T H O M A S B R O M F I E L D , L O N D O N , ON P O L I T I C A L MATTERS

1

It was a settled policy among New England merchants belonging to the patriot party, during the period which began with the Stamp Act of 1765 and culminated in the Massachusetts Government Acts of 1774, to write letters, similar to the one given below, to their correspondents in England. Since the Townshend Acts, passed in the fall of the previous year, relations between Great Britain and her colonies, particularly those of New England, had grown rapidly worse. In February the Commissioners of the Customs had felt com1. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765."

JONATHAN

JACKSON

pelled to write to Commodore Hood at Halifax for a war vessel to protect them in the exercise of their duties. 2 William Pitt, the Earl of Chatham, nominally prime minister, had since M a y , 1767, been incapacitated b y the state of his nerves from paying any attention to public business 3 and it was his condition which had given Townshend, as chancellor of the exchequer, the opportunity of putting through the revenue acts known b y his name. T h e Earl of Hillsborough, recently appointed colonial secretary, soon distinguished himself by his unwise vigor against Massachusetts. In a letter of Feb. 24 to Stephen Sayre, the Newburyport partners had expressed sentiments similar to those below but in terms at once more general and more extreme. In the letter to Sayre, as in the one below, reference was made to " a Course of Letters stiled, from a Farmer in Pensylvania," ascribed to a " M r Delaney of Virginia." T h e actual author of the famous "Letters of a Pennsylvania Farmer" was John Dickinson, not Daniel D u l a n y , who, though the author of some significant anti-ministerial pamphlets, became a loyalist on the outbreak of the Revolution. 4 Newburyport at this time did not choose to accede to the suggestion from Boston that non-importation should be revived, and in the previous month ( M a r . 18, 1768) the report of a committee, of which Jonathan Jackson was one, was adopted, declaring such action premature. 5

Newburyport April 1768 Messrs Hy & Tho* Bromfield Gent» Your [interlineated: Tho s . Bromfield's] several Favors of 20th Oct r 10 th Dec r & 10 th Feby — we have reced & the Goods ρ Cap 1 Stevens Am4 to £33.7.11—passed to your Credit — Cap 1 Shand is not yet arrived, he was blown off in the Fall to the West Indias — The present incloses [you — stricken through] a Letter for the Company of Devonsheir & Reeves of Bristol — & in it our Acc 1 current with them — the Balance of which we intend the inclosed Bill for payment of — but as that House are too apt 2. 3. 4. 5.

Channing, op. cit., vol. iii, p. 93. "William Pitt, Earl of Chatham," Dictionary of National Biography. "John Dickinson," "Daniel Dulany," DAB. Currier, Newburyport, vol. i, pp. 45-46.

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to be negligent — especially lately — in advising their Correspondents, we think it more prudent to assign the Bill to you & get you to negotiate the Affair for us with them — & for a further Reason also — that as we have stated an Acc1 with them (a Copy of which please to take before forwarding) we are solicitous to have one settled by them in Conformity — & our J Β conjectured his Brother M r Hy Bromfield might be in Bristol [interlineated: soon,] & adjust [interlineated: one] with them & forward us — which they might neglect doing for sometime — you'll please [interlineated: immediately] to forward our L r . & Acct inclosed to D & R — advising them of this provision for payment of the Balance we owe them — & in case the Bill shou'd not meet with the Honor expected, you'll not only advise us ρ first Oppy, but please also to advise them •— it will be unnecessary to let them know that this Bill was just for their Bal ce . There is a Proposal on foot here not to import any Goods from G Β — some few most necessary Articles excepted, for a Twelvemoth to come — it originated from Boston — most [interlineated: or all] of the other [interlineated: trading] Towns in this Government will come into i t — & if the measure is adopted by the neighbouring Governments, there is no doubt it will be carried into practice — we hear Ν york have determined upon it, if Philadelphia does, & it is thought probable they both will — the Reasons given for such a Resolution are — the great Scarcity of Cash [interlineated: among us], [which tho' there — stricken through] (of which tho there has been generally a Complaint, we believe has not been more justly made this long while) the Hardship of Infringement on our Libertys by the late Duty on Paper Glass &c confessedly laid for the purpose of raising a Revenue — the Embarrassments on our W India Trade, one great Scource for Remittances to GBritain, occasioned by the Sugar Act as it is generally called, & the late more rigorous Execution of it — the increase of Crown Officers by the late Board of Commissioners & their power of Substitution, which begins to give a very sensible Alarm from the Use they make of it in the Appointment of so many De-

JONATHAN

JACKSON

pendents & Place Men — a Thing new in America — & several other Greivances which it is likely before this, you'll have seen urged in our N°. of Represents L r s . to their Agent &c — in short there appears as general a Commotion throughout this Continent now, as there was in 1765 — with this Difference only, that there is not so much Blaze & intemperate Zeal as then, but in it's Room, the better sort of People are more generally rouzed, & firmly bent on an Assertion of their Rights, & seem more clearly to be agreed what those Rights [interlineated: are,] — & of the real Dependance & Connexion of the Colonies with G Β — the common People in the latter of which, it is suspected here, arn't so thoroughly acquainted with the ill Measures that have been adopted by the Administration as it is [for — stricken through] their Interest as well as our's that they shou'd be. & it is supposed here, no one thing will give them so convincing a Proof of what importance America is of to them, as ceasing to import their Manufactures will — we have not Time [interlineated: now] to write M r Reeve on this head, you'll please to impart to him as much of this Information as you [interlineated: shall] think necessary, [interlineated: & have Leisure f o r — ] It being an agreed Point among the Merchants here to write something of the above Import to all their Correspondents in EngIA — By this Conveyance will be sent to your Care a Pamphlet intitled Lrs. f r 0 m a Farmer — which our J Jackson begs the Favor you would deliver to NatW Paice Esq r of your City with the L r inclosed directed for him — & wou'd be further obliged wou'd you inquire of M r Didsbury Shoemaker in Pall mall if he has finish'd the Shoes &c ordered ρ L r of Dec r last — with great Respect we remain Gent n your obed1 Serv ts — LETTER FROM JACKSON & BROMFIELD, NEWBURYPORT, A P R . , 1 7 6 8 , ΤΟ W I L L I A M REEVE, BRISTOL, IN REGARD TO DAMAGED GOODS

1

The perennial problem of damage to goods in transit appears below. Epes Sargent, of Gloucester, is mentioned in Rowe's diary. Jose i . Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765."

THE JACKSONS AND THE

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Gardoqui & Sons, of Bilbao, was the firm which furnished such a large proportion of the supplies for the American army during the Revolution. Newburyport

Apr. ιγ68.

To Mr W«n Reeve in Bristol Sir Our last to you was dated 15 th April last but for want of Exchange & [Oppy to for — stricken through] Conveyance, was not forwarded to you till June & then inclosed Epes Sargent Esqr's Bill (date 8 th of [that — stricken through interlineated: last mention'd] Month) for £75 Ste on Jos Gardoqui & Sons of Bilboa payable in London at 30 Days, which we presume (having had no Advice [interlineated: from you]) was long ago paid — we afterw ds . reced your's of 23d March inclosing our Acc 1 current — & of 8 th April with Goods ρ the Mary Jos. Moore's Mr. /Am 1 as ρ Inv°. to £207.8.2 — [interlineated: & an error of 10/ — stricken through] we have credited you for, as ρ the inclosed acc 1 — we shou'd have acknowledged the Rest of this earlier, but as ρ your several L f s. we concluded you declined continuing your N°. American Trade, & we had [opened — stricken through interlineated: proposed] a new Correspondence in Bristol, we judged it wou'd be unnecessary to write [interlineated: you] till the Time was come to make Provision for the Bal ce due — We observe what you say in your's of 8 th Apr. — [& had not you agreed — stricken through] with regard to the Goods damaged in the Mary, & had it not been for your Promise that no Loss shou'd accrue to us, we shou'd have been at a great Stand whether to have reced them or not — & indeed our Order of March 1766 was so lingringly & partially complied with, it has been of no small damage to us — as for the Nails we dont know that they were really the worse, for having been wet, but we know this, that abatement on that account was pleaded for with us, & is one Reason, why we have now near half of them upon hand — the Cask of hard Ware was considerably damaged so much so —• that besides some small Expences to put the [interlineated: articles] in order, we

JONATHAN

JACKSON

were obliged to abate very considerably of our Advance upon them — the Casks of Nails have been so much handled before shipping were so shattered & open, that we cou'd not in Equity sell them ρ Invoice that we were obliged to have them shifted & weighed, the [interlineated: Expence of doing which & the] Deficiency on the Nails, we have minuted in the acc* inclosed & dont scruple you'll allow without Hesitation — we have stated an acc 1 & inclosed it, the Balance of which [interlineated: £ 2 0 3 . 6 . 0 ^ ] (having allowed largely for any delay in the Payment of the Bill on Gardoqui's) we have desired Mess rs Henry & Tho s . Bromfield of London to pay you from a Bill forwarded them by this Conveyance for that purpose — & flatter ourselves if you give the above Complaints their due weight, you'll be willing to receive, & settle an Acc 1 in conformity — without requiring Interest for the short delay [interlineated: there will be] in Remittance for the Goods ρ the Mary — presuming upon the reasonableness of such a Settlement, we have made provision only for the Balance as ρ our Acc4 — but whether you settle it this way or any other we beg for an Acc* from you ρ first Oppy — [interlineated: only] of this be assured, that had we [interlineated: now] the Offer [interlineated: of] the Goods we reced from you, on the Credit of 18 M o s instead of 9 — w e would by no means comply with it — & begging your Answer to this ρ first Oppy, that we remain Sir [with — stricken through] your very obed* Serv ts L E T T E R FROM J A C K S O N & BROMFIELD, N E W B U R Y P O R T , M A Y 9 , 1 7 6 8 , ΤΟ D E B E R D T , B U R K I T T & S A Y R E , LONDON, W I T H O B J E C TION TO C E R T A I N CHARGES

1

Although in March the Newburyport merchants had declined to join in a general non-importation agreement, conditions were so uncertain that such a step might be necessitated at any time. Jackson & Bromfield, in a letter of June 27, to Tappenden, Hanbey & Co., announced a personal policy of non-importation, motivated by the general uncertainty resulting from the fact that "one of the most essen1. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765."

THE JACKSONS AND THE LEES tial Rights of Freemen is by the late Imposition of Dutys taken from us, & which the Secretary for America (L d Η — gh) threatens enforcing by military Power — & if put in Execution, will throw this Country into such Convulsions, as it never before knew & perhaps give a greater Shock to Britain than his Lordship may be apprehensive of — " It is unlikely that the members of Jackson & Bromfield had any idea how prophetic some of their utterances were. An aim of the non-importation agreements not usually mentioned — namely, the increasing in price of English goods already imported — comes out in this letter. This letter illustrates the complexity of the trade with England arising out of the various and varying charges and allowances: the American merchants constantly sought to decrease the commissions, insurance, and interest and to derive more and more advantage from drawbacks, discounts for cash, bounties, and tret; the English merchants in the meantime pulled in the opposite direction. From a letter written by Henry Cruger, one of Jackson & Bromfield's Bristol correspondents, Sept. 22, 1768, we learn that the American firm had not only demanded twelve months' credit on merchandise but had also tried to have the firm supplying the merchandise advance the money for freight, without charge. Cruger's comment was: " I think to give 12 Months Credit upon Cash advanc'd for Freight deserves at least 5 ρ Ο . Interest I would gladly borrow any Sum at only 5 ρ C 1 . " Bridgen & Waller, a London house dealing in ladies' furnishings, took an unusually conservative stand. Although ordinarily charging interest after nine months, they would, as they announced Nov. 19, 1768, in this case charge only after twelve months, but in future would charge a commission of 2 ι / 2 % on purchases. 2 In feply, on Feb. 2, 1769, Jackson & Bromfield closed their accounts with Bridgen & Waller, disclaimed any further intention of dealing in "Fancy Goods," even if trade should revive, but expressed an interest in the terms on which the London firm, should it decide to deal in general goods, would supply them, always "remembering we have a Twelve months' Credit of all the Houses we . . . deal with — " William Phillips, the Newburyport firm's Boston friend, was John Bromfield's brother-in-law; he had been Edward Bromfield's apprentice, had married his daughter Abigail in 1744, and had become his father-in-law's partner. 3 His importance in the community may be gauged by the frequency of his appearance in Rowe's diary. 2. Lee-Cabot Papers, 1707-73.

3. Salisbury, op. cit., p. 596.

JONATHAN

JACKSON

Newburyport 9 th M a y 1768 T o Mess« DeBerdt Burkitt & Sayre Gent». Our last to your house was 24 th Feby — & went via Ν york — Since which we have reced your's of 20 th Feby covering Invoices & Bill Lads of Sundrys ship'd ρ the Pratt amounting to £ 1089.12.6 which is carried to your Credit — we are obliged to you for the Attention that appears to have been paid to our Interest in these last Goods ship'd — [& tho — stricken through interlineated: we observe] some of them have been purchased at a shorter Credit than 12 M o s ., (the Time agreed upon between us — ) this, without the advantage is very considerable, we had rather shou'd not have been done, for such is the growing Scarcity of Cash among us, — that tho' we have a considerable Capital in proportion to the Business we carry on, yet it wou'd not be our Choice at present to engage Payment, before under 12 M o s after we become chargeable with any Goods — indeed we have lately seen so much difficulty in collecting many of our Debts, in any thing that wou'd answer for, or procure a Remittance to England, that we shou'd have been glad to have turned over these last Goods into hands that might have been more sure of Punctuality than ourselves — & to this end — offered them to a Friend of our's [interlineated: W m Phillips Esqr of Boston] a Gent11 of undoubted Ability, [who — stricken through interlineated: but he] did not want them, & indeed advised us not to part with them in such a way — we shall do the best we can with them, & have some hopes, as our Importations from Britain are like for a Season to cease, we shall be able to put them off, not only so as to answer your End, but for some advantage to ourselves — a Thing scarcely to be procured lately in [interlineated: the Sale o f ] any considerable quantity of [interlineated: Eng.] Goods — the Table Knives, Matthewmans Buttons, Callimancoes & Tammies, Qualitys & Needles, Pins, Mecklenburghs, Irish Linnens, [interlineated: Osnaburghs] & Calicoes, [interlineated: in this last Invoice] we think are well bought, but [interlineated: on the other hand] the Nails, Buckram, Silk & Hair Twist, Shalloons,

THE JACKSONS AND THE

LEES

Serges, Crape, Taffatys, Shot & Lead /with the particular Charges attending them/ [we think — stricken through] are higher charged than our Neighbours have had from other Houses — [the Charge of 5 ρ Ο Com n Cornm» we are at a Loss to account for — stricken through] as you have made no mention of Insurance, we presume the Charge of 5 p O Corn11, is to include that, as otherwise we cant account for it's being more than 2 — for if you meant to take 5 p O for [interlineated: the whole — stricken through] your own Provision, we conclude you would not mean to take any other Advantages, — & there are several Allowances, (some of which, we ourselves, when we have sent Cash have had made us,) which are not made on these Goods — particularly 12 p O on Ivory Combs, a Disc 1 on Ribbons, a Drawback on Nutmegs & Gunpowder, & an Allowance of 4 p O for Trett — & a larger Disc 1 on Tea & Pepper, than what you've set down — [interlineated: as also generally 5 p O disc1 for prompt Payment where made] we dont object to the Charge of 5 p O [interlineated: Com n ] on Articles, which particular Trouble attends the procuring of, & for which ready Cash must be put down, nor to the Charge of Interest from the Time of such Advance, provided we have all the Allowances made us, which the advancing Money procures — the Tea we are particularly obliged to you for [ships — stricken through interlineated: sends] tho wou'd observe most other Houses when they are shipping any quantity of Goods readily send Tea on the same Terms — we understand there is a Drawback [interlineated: of 23 p C l ] recoverable on Tea, upon Certificate of it's being landed in the Plantations, we shall have such Certificate inclosed, & beg you wou'd apply for that Allowance for us — the Flaxseed we mention'd in our last to have been sent to York for a Markett, met with so discouraging [interlineated: an] one that our Fr d M r Sears ship'd it for IreLand consigned to Mess rs William & J no . Ogle [interlineated: of Newry], from whom we hope before this Time you have had Advice concerning it, & that the nett Proceeds have vested with you — had it not been for our Engagements to send it to York, we might in the Fall have made an handsome Profit upon it at

JONATHAN

JACKSON

Philadelphia, & made a much earlier Remittance to you besides — we are anxious to Know the Success of our Adventure, which has been attended with some particular Disadvantages, & must beg the state of our Acc 1 with you ρ first Oppy after, if not forwarded, before, Ree 1 of this — we shall send you ρ this Conveyance £ 200 Sts which if Bills are not to be had will be forwarded by our Fr d at Boston in Dollars, which we must beg your Care to make the most of — we shall be [interlineated: continually] exerting ourselves to lessen our Debt to you, — & shou'd the Effect of our Exertions not equal your hopes & our warmest Wishes, attribute it to the Dullness of the Times, which without Exaggeration, is at present the just Complaint of all — & assure yourselves, your Security in us may [interlineated: be] depended upon, without inevitable Accidents take place; & that our utmost Industry shall not be wanting to gratify your Wishes & our own — the Bale N°. 25. we shall not open 'till we have Acc 1 of the Cost of the same — & can't think ourselves chargeable with it, 'till the time of forwarding the Invoice — nor even then, if they are Goods peculiar to the Fall, & which shou'd have come the last Fall — as they won't sell 'till the next Season — & they are liable to damage keeping over the Summer — 40 or 50PS Bengalis & Peniascoes of our last Order were omitted — Articles that wou'd sell with us [interlineated: at this season], as well as any Peice Goods that cou'd be sent [this season — stricken through] — we shall be remitting you in the course of the Summer as our Business will permit — & if our Adventure to Ireland this year, shou'd give us a Prospect of any advantage that way the next, we shall lay ourselves out for a more considerable Remittance & [interlineated: an] earlier one by Flaxseed, shou'd our Crops not be cut off — we remain Gentn with Respect your obedt Serv ts Ρ S — There are two Casks N°. 1 1 & 12 Codlines & Twine which are not to be found — & we suppose were not sent ρ the Pratt Cap* Freeman tho' mentioned in the Invoice — [we — stricken through] as they are not mentioned in the Bill Lade nor in the [Bill — stricken through interlineated: Measure-

206

THE JACKSONS AND THE

LEES

ment] of [interlineated: the] Freight sent — shou'd they not have been ship'd you'll omitt now the shipping them — L E T T E R FROM JACKSON & BROMFIELD, N E W B U R Y P O R T , J A N . 2, 1 7 6 9 , ΤΟ GEORGE B R O W N , GLASGOW, M E N T I O N I N G I I I SUCCESS OF A CARGO OF F L A X S E E D TO SCOTLAND

1

Observe the length of time — more than two years — intervening between the shipment of a quantity of flaxseed to Glasgow and the return of the account sales. From the mention of the prices at which the cargo to another Scottish port sold, it is evident that Jackson & Bromfield were not satisfied with the manner in which their interests had been looked to and were taking this opportunity to express their feelings indirectly.

T o Mr George Brown Newburyport 2d Jany 1769 Sir Our last to you was 22d Aug st . [interlineated: except the Cover of the first of the Draught now inclosed] since when we have received your Favors of 14 th & 28th Sepr & 3 d Oct r & Acc* Sales of our Flaxseed ship'd ρ the Jenny Cap 1 Orr Dec r 1766 — which is by no means encouraging [interlineated: for we shall lose 10 p O upon the first Cost] — & as we are sensible it cost no less than your's did you, that went in the same Vessell, if your's sold no better, we think you must have lost considerably by that Voyage — as for the one hhd found to be empty we again say as we did in our's of 10 th Aug st 1767, [interlineated: to which we refer] we don't look upon that Loss to be our's, but the [interlineated: Ship] Master's — which we presume his Bill of Lade will oblige him to [interlineated: make good] — & we therefore beg, if not already required, you'd look to him for it [interlineated: as it must have been owing to great Negligence at the least in him] — & [interlineated: we] a little wonder you took no Notice of what we wrote [interlineated: concerning it] in our's above referred to — [two lines stricken through] — indeed we hoped to have had a particular Acc 1 when each parcell was sold & at what Credit — you mention in your's of Sepr 19. 1767 — that part was unsold & part unpaid — from whence we i. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765."

JONATHAN

JACKSON

conclude part was paid & therefore Interest was not due 12 M° s . upon the whole Freight Money — a Gent n that ship'd a quantity of Seed [interlineated: to Leith] the same Season [this — stricken through interlineated: our's] went [interlineated: to you] informed us, that his fetch'd 42/ Sts a Cask & a Bounty of upwards of 8/ a Cask besides — & that he ship'd 20 Casks in Dec r 1767 (that had not been cleaned) & it fetch'd him 50/ a Cask — if there be a Bounty allowed we be sure expect the Benefit of it — & must beg you to enquire & speak to this in your next — we observe you had reced Β Harris' Dr* on Stewart & C°. which we trust, e're this, is paid — inclosed is Duplicate of John & Will Powell's Bill on David Harvey of London for £66.6.4 — the first of the Drt goes ρ Cap 1 Frasier — we shall in the course of next Spring remit your Bal ce & hope before then to receive our Acc 1 current — in the Interim remain Sir pCapt Montgomery your obed* Serv ts L E T T E R FROM JACKSON & BROMFIELD, N E W B U R Y P O R T , J A N . 2, 1 7 6 9 , ΤΟ JAMES FORDE, DROGHEDA, IN REGARD TO S H I P P I N G F L A X S E E D TO IRELAND

1

For a year, now, Jackson & Bromfield had withdrawn themselves from the importation of English goods. Consequently they declined to send a vessel to Ireland with flaxseed, returning with a cargo, and suggested instead that any Irish merchant desiring flaxseed should himself send a vessel to Newburyport. Note the reference to the superiority of the seed from the Merrimack River over that from further south, and also the mention of the machine for cleaning seed. In a letter of the same date to another Irish firm, Jackson & Bromfield suggest that it would be profitable for any one wishing a vessel built or repaired to send to the Merrimack.

To M r James Forde of Drogheda Newburyport 2d Jany 1769 Sir Your's of 17 th June ρ Cap 1 Rowe we shou'd have answered e're this, had we thought of an Adventure in Flaxseed to Ireland this [year — stricken through interlineated: Season] — i. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765."

2o8

THE JACKSONS AND THE

LEES

but really, so little Encouragement did we meet with in the last Year's, that we did not incline for a new Attempt this — however we have collected in upwards of 500 Casks Seed this year w ch . we have parted with to several Gent n who have had Consignments from Ireland — & we shou'd prefer this way of dealing in this Commodity — we are much obliged [to you — stricken through] for your offer of Service — shou'd you or Friends in any future year think it worth your while to consign us a Vessell [interlineated: & Effects, or a Known Credit,] for a Cargo of Seed, [& Effects illeg. equal to the Amt — stricken through] we wou'd readily serve you — & flatter ourselves we are as well able to, as most this way — our Seed is much better than that more Southward — we have a Machine ourselves to clean it — & we are situated upon a [interlineated: Lumber — stricken through] River where most sorts of Lumber are to be procured — in a midling Year Seed wou'd stand in from 25/ to 30/ Ste a Cask all Charges on board — we write this for your Government & rest sir Original & Duplicate ρ Cap 1 Hardwick your very obedt Serv ts LETTER FROM JACKSON & BROMFIELD, NEWBURYPORT, M A Y I , 1 7 6 9 , ΤΟ MOSES H A Z E N , S T . JOHN'S NEAR MONTREAL, NOUNCING D I S P A T C H OF A CARGO OF R U M

AN-

1

John Bromfield went with this cargo of rum, coffee, etc., to M o n treal, arriving July 22, after a passage of 61 days, which indicates the uncertainty of travel in those d a y s of sailing vessels. T h e cargo was " S o l d . . . to A d v a n t a g e " and a bill of exchange for £500 stg. remitted to Jackson & Bromfield's Bristol correspondent, Henry Cruger, Jr. 2 Nathaniel N e w m a n commanded the Jackson, T r a c y & T r a c y sloop Lively in 1 7 7 5 and w a s captain of a privateer in 178ο. 3 1. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765." 2. Ibid., John Bromfield, Montreal, July 31, 1769, to Henry Cruger, Jr., Bristol. 3. Ibid., "Letter Book, 1774," p. 63, Jackson, Tracy & Tracy, Newburyport, May 17, 177s, to Thomas & Isaac Wharton, Philadelphia (see below, pp. 298-301); Allen, Gardner Weld, Massachusetts Privateers of the Revolution (Mass. Hist. Soc., 1927), p. 120.

JONATHAN

JACKSON Newbury Port i s t May 1769

Sir This incloses a Letter for you from our mutual Friends Mess rs Hazen & Jarvis of this place, & will inform you, that mentioning to them we had a Quantity of Rum we were looking a Market for, they communicated to us, your sending for a Cargo this Spring, which it was not convenient for them to furnish, & have given us full Assurance, that shou'd we procure a Small Cargo & Send you there is no Scruple it wou'd accomodate you, & that you wou'd take it to your own Acc4 — & gladly allow us a Commission on the Purchase & wou'd be ready to draw Sts Bills for the Amt by the Time the Vessell may arrive with you, (which we hope will be in all June at furthest) with this sole Expectation we have engaged in the Thing & shall as soon as possible dispatch a Sloop to you, that will carry about one hundred Hogsheads — 80 of which or thereabouts we purpose shall bring N E Rum — the remainder Molasses & perhaps some small quantity of good brown Sugar, sing1, refin'd Loaf Sugar, & Coffee — but these are uncertain — we hope she may sail in all this month — we purpose sending you a particular Invoice of the Cargo as purchased (excepting ab 1 40 hhds of our own Rum which we shall put at the same price we give for the rest — ) upon the Am 1 of which Invoice, (Insurance & all other Charges included,) we propose charging seven & an half pC4 Commission — this, considering the Advance we make & the risque we run of a Markett (our sole Dependance being upon you) shou'd any inevitable Accident as Death or the like put it out of your Power, to compleat our Design, we say this consider'd, we judge the Commission cant be call'd extravagant — a Small part of the Freight Money we advance here — the Remainder we have assured the Master he shall have immediately upon Delivery of his Cargo — the money advanced we shall include in the Charges of the Invoice — we have agreed at four & an half Dollars ρ hhd Freight to Montreal & one Dollar less if delivered at Quebec — it will be at your Option where to have it delivered — only that if you wou'd

THE JACKSONS

AND THE

LEES

chuse it at Quebec, it will be necessary, shou'd you not be there yourself, to leave Directions with some carefull Person to look out for the Sloop's Arrival & to give her the utmost Dispatch in unloading, which we have promised the Master, tho' twelve days we have contracted shou'd be allowed us — the Master will expect his Freight Money at the Port of Delivery — the Sloop is call'd the Sally Nathaniel Newman Master — she is quite a new Sloop — We have nothing further to add till we write you by the Sloop, only, that we shall be glad to hear from you ρ first Oppy after Ree 1 of this & that in the meantime we remain sir Your very obed1 Servants we have agreed for the Rum @ 1 / 7 % pGall n our Cury or 1 / 2 % Sts Copy to Moses Hazen Esq r at the Island of S l . John's near Montreal in S 1 . Lawrence River. — SERIES OF D U N N I N G L E T T E R S FROM J A C K S O N & NEWBURYPORT,

JUNE

W H I T E , HAVERHILL

6,

1769 — MAY

12,

BROMFIELD,

1770,

ΤΟ

JOHN

1

This sequence of letters gives some idea of the way a firm of longsuffering merchants was sometimes forced to deal with a recalcitrant or unfortunate debtor. So far as we know, John White was the only debtor against whom they proceeded with such vigor, and it will be observed that even in his case the expenses of his support in jail had to be paid by those on whose suit he was confined. Most of the letters in the Jackson & Bromfield letter book for June and July, 1769, were of a dunning nature, amounting to more than twenty in all. In only somewhat less than two-thirds of the applications for payment was any amount mentioned and in many of these cases it is obvious that the amount requested was merely a payment on account. It is evident, then, that the £550 and over, referred to in these letters, probably represented a total indebtedness of over £1,000. Since Jackson & Bromfield had ceased the importation of English goods and were thus doubly anxious to clear up the bills now speedily coming due, it is easy to understand why they should have written to their own debtors in such pressing terms. i. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765."

JONATHAN JACKSON

211

T o M r . John White Newburyport June 6 t h 1769 th Your Note to us of 4 N o v last for £ 1 5 — is become due, & having a large Demand upon us for Money we must expect you to pay it — you'll let us see or hear from you soon — we are sir Your humble servants T o M r . John White Newbury Port 4 t h J u l y 1769 Sir We wrote you near a Month past — to which we have rec d no Reply — this may inform you one of us expects to be at Haverhill within these few days, when we shall depend upon your discharging your Note to your hble Serv ts T o Mr John White) Newburyport i8* h J u l y 1769 at Haverhill ) Sir Your's of the 5 t h Ins 1 we reced a few days ago — since when one of us call'd upon you at Haverhill but were informed you were not [interlineated: then] in T o w n — [ a s to — stricken through interlineated: we can't tell] what your Expectation was in regard to paying your Note [interlineated: to us], but our's was, if after six months we wanted the Money we might have the right to call — however it is now almost nine Months since it was given, & having an urgent Demand upon us (as we mention'd before) for a considerable Sum of Money, we shall be much disappointed if you don't by the latter end of the Month make us out the greater part — indeed we shall expect the whole before September next — your hble Serv ts Newbury Port 9 t h March 1770 T o Mr Nathan Brown We send you herewith under Cover to the R e v d M r Barnard 2 J o s value £ 4 . 1 6 / — which we wou'd have you minute to our Credit — & apply as the Law directs to the maintenance of M r

212

THE JACKSONS

AND

THE

LEES

John White of Haverhill now in your Custody, by Execution on our suit — we purpose sends you a further Sum before this is expended for the above purpose —- & wou'd by no means have you discharge him till you have our Consent therefor as 'till then we shall expect to pay for his Maintainance. Your Servants Newburyport 4 t h May

1770 To Mr Nathan Brown Sir We have wrote to M r John White now in your Custody that we are willing to give him a discharge in case he & Doct r Ρ G Kast deliver you their Note jointly & severally to pay to us or Order White's debt viz* £ 1 5 . 9 / — the Costs of Execution vizt £3.10.8 & the Charges since arisen out of the £ 4 . 1 6 / — we sent you in March — the Note for this whole sum to be upon Interest from the date & to be payable eighteen months after date — by the inclosed [interlineated: L r ] to M r White which is not sealed you will see what we have wrote him — upon his & Doct r Kast's Compliance with the above this shall be your sufficient Warrant to discharge M r White from our Execution — & in this case their Note to you you will keep safe & what of the 2 Jo s has not been expended for WThite's Maintenance untill we shall send to you for the Note & Cash remaining your hble Serv ts Newburyport 1 1 t h M a y 1 7 7 0 To Mr John White — Mr W — te We yesterday reced your Letter of the 9 th & today M r Kast's of the 10 t h Ins 1 — in Answer we have only this Proposal to make — that in case you & Mr Kast have a mind to give your [interlineated: negotiable] Note of hand jointly & severally to pay the sum the Execution is for vizt eighteen pounds nineteen shillings & eight pence — together with what has been expended for your Maintenance out of £4.-16/ we sent some time since to M r Brown, the Note to carry Interest from the date

JONATHAN JACKSON

213

& to be payable in eighteen months, we are willing M r Brown shou'd in that case discharge you & have wrote to him so to do — your hble Serv ts To M r Nathan Brown Newbury Port 12 t h May 1770 Least you shou'd not understand all our Means wrote you yesterday by young Mr M c Hard, we wou'd add that you do not discharge Mr. J no White from your Custody upon our Execution untill he satisfy's all Charges, for his Commitment for which we are liable, either by adding them into the Note he & M r Kast is to give, or any other way that satisfy's you — Your humble Servants LETTER FROM JONATHAN JACKSON, NEWBURYPORT, J U L Y 3 1 , 1 7 6 9 , ΤΟ W I L L I A M & JOSEPH W H I P P L E , BOSTON, WITHDRAWING AN OFFER TO BARTER FOR T E A

1

In Sept., 1768, the merchants of N e w b u r y p o r t and other towns in the province had agreed at a convention in Boston to import no more goods from England till the Townshend D u t i e s had been removed, and to "prevent, if possible, the use and sale of foreign tea." 2 Jackson & Bromfield ordered no English goods from Jan., 1768, to N o v . , 1770. 3 T h e r e was no prohibition of the use or sale, but only of the importation, of other goods from England.

Newburyport 31 st July 176g T o Messrs Wm & Jos Whipple Gentn Being in some Hurry the other Morning when I offered [interlineated: you] that Cask of deck Nails [interlineated: in Barter] I inadvertently agreed to take Tea which is in direct Breach of several Articles of Agreem* my Partner & I entered into with the Merchants in this Town near a Twelvemonth since — I did not recollect it 'till I got home & indeed till we had 1. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765." 2. Currier, Newburyport, vol. i, p. 48; Smith, Mrs. E. Vale, History of Newburyport (Newburyport, 1854), p. 74. 3. Jackson-Lee Papers, Jackson & Bromfield invoice book.

214

T H E

JACKSONS AND THE

LEES

open'd one Canister & used some [out — stricken through] — the Canister weigh'd at first 2 lb 02 — it weighs now lb2 o z — the Deficiency is 02 which if you have any Tea of the same sort open, you can replace, — & for which I have desired Mr Lowell the Bearer of this, to pay you — I hope you wont think me troublesome when I ask the Liberty of you to send the Tea back, [when — stricken through] as I am [in honour — stricken through interlineated: otherways] bound in honour to keep it by me 'till the Duty is [repealed — stricken through interlineated: taken off] which may not be 'till the Tea is spoiled — if you have any English Salt, Coals, Codlines, Duck, Bar Lead, Shot, Wool Cards, [interlineated: or] Germ. Steel, imported since Jany last — or any sort of Goods imported before that you incline to give [interlineated: us] in Exchange for the Nails please to write [us — stricken through] word [interlineated: & what the Sterling Cost is of the Goods your propose] — if not you'll oblige us to give Store room [to them — stricken through interlineated: to the Nails] till we can do something with them — [your Answer by M r Lowell will oblige Gent n your very obed1 Servt J J — stricken through] I find since I have come home we have upwards of 100 Flaxseed Casks by us — if you are determined upon shipping Flaxseed & shou'd want them or our Machine for cleaning, or both — I imagine we cou'd make it more worth your while to buy our's than get Casks made with you or send your Seed to Boston to clean — Your Answer by M r Lowell will oblige Gent n your very obed1 Serv1

J J— LETTER FROM JACKSON & BROMFIELD, N E W B U R Y P O R T , SEPT. 1 4 , 1 7 6 9 , ΤΟ ROBERT MOODIE, BOSTON, OFFERING TO S U P P L Y F L A X SEED

1

It is worthy of note that the flaxseed which Jackson & Bromfield at this time, in offering to sell, thought would be not lower than 5s. 4d. per bu. in Boston, was a month later worth only 3s. 4d. in Boston, according to a letter they wrote to a man who had it for sale. From the offer to take West India or English goods, instead of cash, in pay1. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765."

JONATHAN JACKSON ment under to take tea dealing not Townshend

215

certain conditions, it is evident that the refusal on July 31 in barter was in accordance with a prohibition against in all English goods but only in those affected by the Duties.

To Mr Rob 1 Moodie Newburyport 14 th Septf 1769 Sir Your's of the 8 th current we reced but this day — in Answer — we have no Scruple we can supply you w t h . twenty Casks of cleaned Flaxseed by the Time set in your Letter, provided there be a Coaster here going round to Boston when the Seed may be ready — & that there is no great doubt of — nothing but Cash will suit us in payment, unless there may be any thing in particular in your Store of West India or English Goods which we may want & can agree upon a Price for — we mean to deliver the Seed in Casks fit for shipping along side the Vessell it shall go [interlineated: home] in — the price we can't at present determine, as we don't know what we shall be able to get in, the Seed for — tho' don't think it will be much, (if any thing) lower than thirty seven shillings & four pence lawf money ρ Cask of seven bu s delivered as we mention, — (which was the price we had last year for near 600 Casks — ) for the Farmers this way complain of an early Drought's [interlineated: considerably] cutting off the Crop of Flax — cou'd you determine soon what further Quantity you want — & when it must be delivered, we wou'd try among our Customers & give you an Answer what we cou'd engage, & have no Scruple it may be considerable — please to return an Answer ρ next Post — we rest sir your obedt Serv ts L E T T E R FROM JACKSON & BROMFIELD, N E W B U R Y P O R T , O C T . 2 1 , 1 7 6 9 , ΤΟ JAMES K I N G , PORTSMOUTH, OFFERING TO PURCHASE FLAXSEED

1

Compare the price of flaxseed in this letter with that in the letter of Sept. 14. Note the offer to pay in molasses, rum, or pepper. i. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765."

216

THE JACKSONS AND THE

LEES

To M r James King Newburyport 21st Oct r 176g Sir In Answer to your's of 19 th we shall be glad to take your Flaxseed provided we can get enough in your River to make it worth while to send round for — one of us came from Boston this week & the highest price for Seed there is but 3/4 pbu s — you ask 2 d ρ bus more for your's & we suppose wou'd expect to deliver it to us at Portsm0. — we are willing to engage your Seed, to take it away when it is convenient to us, at three shillings & four pence ρ bu s provided you will deduct 2/ on each Cask — the Freight, we suppose, it wou'd cost you to send it round to Boston — & besides that, we imagine, to sell it there, you must pay a Commiss11. or be at the Expence of a Journey yourself — the Casks we had rather not take at any price as they will not answer our Purpose — wou'd you agree to let us have the Seed without the Casks, we wou'd allow you 1/ on every ητ/2 bu s for that Consideration — & will send Bags or our own Casks to take it away in — if the latter, & our Casks are as good as your's, you can [interlineated: take] them in lieu of yours — Molasses we can let you have for the whole if you want it — the price 1/6 pGll — or if you want some Ν Ε Rum we can furnish you @ 1/10 Tea & Coffee we have none at present — it is likely we shall have some Pepper soon — if you want any at 3/ plb — your Answer to this by first Oppy will oblige your obed1 Serv ts At Portsmo LETTER

FROM J O N A T H A N

1 7 7 0 , ΤΟ W I L L I A M

JACKSON,

PHILLIPS,

NEWBURYPORT,

BOSTON, BORROWING

MAY

3,

MONEY1

John Bromfield's marriage was to Ann Roberts, youngest daughter of Robert Roberts, a native of Wales and a resident of Newburyport. This is the first case we encounter of Jackson & Bromfield's being compelled actually to borrow money to meet their obligations (as dis1. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765."

JONATHAN

JACKSON

217

tinguished from taking credit) and indicates the sorry situation of business at this time. William Phillips, whom we have met previously, had married John Bromfield's sister Abigail 2 — another example of the extent to which family connections influenced business in the colonial period. Their daughter, Abigail Phillips, had in 1769 married Josiah Quincy, Jr. (1744-75), Jonathan Jackson's cousin. N e w b u r y Port 3 d M a y

1770 M u c h respected Sir M r Bromfield being just upon the Entrance of the Rites of Matrimony — the Clock having struck seven — in his stead, I undertake to write to you understanding from him you had been so kind as to give Encouragement for the Loan of four hundred pounds lawfull money to us for some short T i m e — we having engag'd a Payment here this W e e k with dependance thereupon, take the freedom to send our young M a n for it — he has our joint Note for that sum ready to deliver you — this F a v o r with others conferred upon us we would hold in due Esteem — for Partner & Self I am Sir

Y o u r very obed 1 . Servant

T o W™. Phillips Esq'.

JJ

L E T T E R FROM JACKSON & BROMFIELD, N E W B U R Y P O R T , J U N E 2, 1770,

ΤΟ SAMUEL

T R A D E CONDITIONS

&

JONATHAN

S M I T H , PHILADELPHIA,

ON

1

At this period, not only had the Newburyport firm ceased importations from England, finding them unprofitable, but also it was finding little encouragement to engage in coastwise trading. Shortly after this letter, Jonathan Jackson's wife died, on June 22, of "consumption." 2 This affliction, contributing to Jackson's own ill health, probably was influential in causing him to take advantage of the commercial stagnation then prevailing and to go in the following 2. Salisbury, op. cit., vol. i, p. 601. 1. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765." 2. Putnam and Putnam, op. cit., pp. iii, 28.

218

THE JACKSONS AND THE

LEES

month for a trip to the southward. T h e letters he wrote on the journey, to his brother-in-law Oliver Wendell, are interesting for what they tell us about travel in colonial America just before the Revolution. Jackson wrote to Oliver Wendell from Norton, Mass., on his w a y to take a boat for Newport and thence to N e w Y o r k , to "bring my JHanger with you as it may better serve my T u r n than Pistols upon the Water." W e are not told what emergency Jackson expected that he felt it necessary to go armed. He was accompanied by his body servant Pomp. From Newport he wrote disapprovingly: "our Captain had a couple of D o x y s on board with him, with whom he was not only taken up all the time he was on board . . . but in the middle of the Afternoon must go on shore with them . . . — they staid three Hours." Jonathan Jackson, despite "frequent swimming in my head," seems to have found the voyage from Newport to N e w Y o r k sufficiently amusing, partly because of the presence on board of a "Judaitish" family b y the name of H a y s who were accompanied b y a fellow religionist, Ashur Polock. (There was at this time a firm of H a y s & Polock in Newport.) 3 Jackson "got home s a f e " to Newburyport about the middle of August. 4

T o Mess« Sam1 & Jona Smith Newbury port 2 n d June 1770 Genf» We wrote you the 3 d Jany last requesting our Acc 1 current but have rec d no answer to it, — This comes on the same Errand & is to intreat you wou'd forward it at the Return of Cap 1 Wyer — If the Flaxseed sent you Sep tm 1768 remains still unsold you may reship it by Cap 1 Wyre, that we may have it ready against next Season when we imagine it will bear aprice — We have not yet reced Acc* Sales of the Rum Ship'd you by Cap 1 Lowell FebT 1769 — do send it when you forward our Acc 1 curr*. — Our Acc 1 Sales & Acc 1 Currt being kept back so long is a great disadvantage to us — tho' we complain of it with Regret. — If 3. Byars, William Vincent, ed., Β. and Μ. Gratz, Merchants in Philadelphia, 1754-17Q8 (Jefferson City, Mo., 1916), pp. 114-115. 4. Austin H. Clark Collection, Jonathan Jackson, Norton, n. d., Newport, n. d., Ν. Y., July 27, Newburyport, Aug. 21, 1770, to Oliver Wendell, Boston.

J O N A T H A N JACKSON the Flaxseed in your hands is Unsold it's probable their will be a Bailee jn your favor — if so — we shall be carefull to send it, when we know what it is — The last Flour & Iron we had from Phila. we Imported from your House — Their is not at present Encouragement sufficient to Induce us to Renew our Importations from thence — prices are so high at Phila. & so low here — that when the Com", freight & other Charges are deducted It don't leave Interest of the Money —• We wish for Better Times & Rest Gentn Your most humb1 Servts L E T T E R FROM JACKSON & BROMFIELD, N E W B U R Y P O R T , N O V . 1 3 , 1770,

TO H A Y L E Y

O P E N I N G OF T R A D E

&

HOPKINS,

LONDON,

ANNOUNCING

THE

1

With the repeal of the Townshend Duties on English manufactures, the non-importation agreement came to an end. Inasmuch as Jackson & Bromfield had earlier voluntarily suspended importation of English goods, this was their first order over a period of nearly three years. L a t e in July, when it had mistakenly appeared to the colonials that word of the Townshend Duties being removed was to be speedily expected, the Newburyport firm had sent to these London correspondents bills of exchange amounting to £548 6s. at twelve months' sight, preparatory to sending an order for goods, which they now accordingly enclosed. I t is interesting to note the type of goods desired after this long cessation of trade. Most of the items were dry goods of a rather expensive quality, but pepper, nutmegs, buttons, combs, cannon powder, fans, pewter plates, and pewter spoons also appeared. In the same month Jackson & Bromfield ordered an assortment of hardware and notions — glass, nails, pins, cutlery, loaf sugar, codlines, tin and pewter plates, German serge, and white lead — from Henry Cruger, Jr., Bristol, and an invoice of clothing — breeches, gloves, silk and worsted hose, mittens, caps — and dry goods from Thomas & John Phips, Leicester, at nine months' credit. 2 T h e William Dennie named as sponsor will be remembered b y readers of Rowe's diary as a prominent Boston merchant and a Son of Liberty. 1. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765." 2. Ibid., Jackson & Bromfield invoice book.

THE JACKSONS AND THE

LEES

Newbury Port 13 t h Nov r . 1770

rs

Mess Hayley & Hopkins Gentn We wrote you 25 th & 31 s t July last and inclos'd you two setts of Exchange, wishing soon to hear they have met with acceptance — Trade being again open we use the freedom to inclose you an Order for goods as introductory to a Trade which we hope will be mutually Beneficial M r W m . Dennie of Boston has promised to write you in our behalf, as also Henry Bromfield Esq r . who may claim a good Knowledge of our situation & Circumstances having been well acquainted with us ever since we first Enter'd business— (he is the Bro r . of our M r . Bromfield). The Recommendation from these Gentn. we doubt not will be sufficient to put our Credit on a good footing with you — If so — be pleased to Ship us the goods now Order'd on the best Terms, by the first Spring Ship & Insure the amount — write us your longest Term of Credit, & be assur'd it is our Inclination & we doubt not it will be in our Power to be punctual. — Below we trouble you with our respective Firms which we beg may meet with equal Credit — The Firm of our Jonathan Jackson Jackson & Bromfield The Firm of our John Bromfield — Jackson & Bromfield N B Ship the Goods to Boston or Portsm0 consign to us — mark J & Β on ea Package — Please to enter the Insur ce the Comn for Insur ce & all Charges in the original Invoice & do deduct the Bounty's Drawbacks & all Allowances from the same before sending — LETTER FROM JACKSON & BROMFIELD, NEWBURYPORT, D E C . 3 1 , 1 7 7 0 , ΤΟ W I L L I A M & J O H N OGLE, N E W R Y , WITH CARGO FOR IRELAND

1

A s soon as trade was again open, Jackson & Bromfield determined to push it vigorously. T h e y were encouraged in this intention b y the communication to them by William Bant, Boston, N o v . 6, 1 7 7 0 , of i. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765."

JONATHAN

JACKSON

an extract of a letter from Coleraine, Aug. 28, mentioning the need for flaxseed which was selling at " 5 Guineas phhd." 2 This was probably a considerable exaggeration, as neither earlier nor later did Jackson & Bromfield express even the hope of obtaining more than £3 per hhd. for that commodity. It did, however, strongly suggest that there was a good market for flaxseed in Northern Ireland, and the Newburyport firm accordingly prepared to send a cargo, principally of flaxseed, to Newry; at the same time they wrote to correspondents in Glasgow, Belfast, and Coleraine to notify the Ogles of the price of seed with them, that part of the cargo might be diverted should it appear profitable. It is probable that the potash making up part of this cargo was well disposed of, for on Feb. 4, 1773, Jackson & Bromfield sent 17 bbls. of potash to Robinson & Sandwith, Dublin, the proceeds to be remitted to Hayley & Hopkins, London. At the same time, the Newburyport firm inquired concerning the price of flaxseed, suggesting that, if given encouragement, it might add Dublin to Newry and Cork as an outlet for that commodity. In the letter below, note the reference to demurrage.

To Mess rs W m . & J n o . Ogle Newburyport 31 s t Dec r 1770 Gent« — The foregoing is Copy of our last w ch . went from Boston ρ the Paoli Cap 1 Hall via London — this comes ρ the Clyde Cap 1 [interlineated: J n o .] Dunn — ρ whom we consign you three hundred & twenty Hhds of Flaxseed & twelve Bbls of Potash as ρ Invoice & Bill Lading inclosed — this Flaxseed comes with every advantage attending that from Ν York & Philadelphia — having been clean'd with the newest & best sort of Machines which we put ourselves this year to the expence of, & sent for from the Southwd. [& it excells their — stricken through interlineated: and our] Seed has been always allowed to excell their's in quality — & we believe you'll readily allow it is put [interlineated: up] in much better Casks than those made that way — & every Cask (excepting [the few mentioned — stricken through interlineated: 8 in the 320] that would [not — stricken through] hold [it — stricken through interlineated: 2. Lee-Cabot Papers, 1707-73.

222

THE JACKSONS AND THE

LEES

but 7 bus the marks of them have escaped us]) has seven bushels & one eighth — whereas they put up to the South w d . but 7 bus. — for these reasons we expect our Seed is kept & sold seperate from any other, that if any advantage arises from the pains we have taken & Cost we've bestowed, we may reap it, if not, we shall abate of them another time — we are sure none this way are provided to send Seed in the good order we have this — & as we [presume — stricken through interlineated: have said before] the Seed is better than that southwd that we cannot consent to it's being mixed in the sales — as we presume this will meet a ready sale & for present pay, when their's may be dull — Potash fetch'd in England by our last Accounts 42/ pC l Sts we send this [interlineated: to you] for a trial & hope prices are not lower with you — inclos'd you have our Agreement for Freight ρ the Clyde — by it you'll observe we have thirty five days allowed us in the whole, to deliver our Freight to you or [interlineated: at] any port not out of her way to Glasgow that you shall order her to — but for the last twenty days we are to pay 40/ Ste pday demurrage — what [freight — stricken through interlineated: goods] may be left in to go to Glasgow for our Acc 1 will pay no more freight than to your place — there are also inclos'd duplicates of our Letters of 21 s t Ins 1 to M> George Brown of Glasgow M r Rob 1 Gordon of Belfast & M r Henry Spence — of Colrain — we desired each of those Gentn immediately to write you the price & demand there was for Flaxseed with them — with Respect to M r Brown shou'd the Advice you receive from him be more encouraging than prices with you, please without Hesitation to reserve one hundred or more Casks, as he shall order, for his Address, as there will be no increas'd charge of Freight, & we place full Confidence in M r Brown who has been our regular Correspondent these several years [interlineated: but you will keep in mind there is no Bounty on Seed in Scotland] —with Respect to Mess rs Gordon at Belfast & Spence at Colrain with neither of whom we have had any Correspondence before, if you [know of — stricken through interlineated: have] no particular & sufficient reason

JONATHAN JACKSON

223

why our Interest shou'd not go into their hands, & either or both give [interlineated: you] such account of their marketts as in all probability will pay the extra Charge of sending it from Newry, we shall depend upon your Honour you will send the whole (in that case charging us [interlineated: by Bill or Acc4 sent to us] for your Trouble in the consignment) or a part, as the Prospect is — & send it in the Clyde or in any other Bottom as you shall think most for our advantage — keeping in veiw that we can detain the Clyde in her Voyage but 35 days from her first Arrival— [interlineated: the last] 20 of which will cost us £ 40 Ste — shou'd the sales center with you, w ch . upon equal [interlineated: good] Prospects we shou'd prefer, do endeavour from them, to make a more speedy Remittance to England than is usual — as from the Dispatch used herein must in a great measure depend our yearly Continuance in this Business, for which we are now fully prepared, as to a Machine for cleans &c if you wou'd advise any Alteration in our method of putting up Seed do [advise us of — stricken through interlineated: mention] it when you are writing — as also whether the sending our New England Rum to you is practicable & adviseable — do write us immediately upon Dunn's Arrival how Markets are with you, & how you purpose acting with our Interest — as we want the N l proceeds in this Country as soon as possible, & it will afford us some Judgment when we may safely draw for our Interest — please also to advise Mess rs Henry & Thomas Bromfield Merchts in London immediately upon Cap 1 Dunn's Arrival, & how our Interest is like to get to them, whether from your hands or part from the Gent11 abovemention'd — [interlineated: & how soon — ] as we wou'd have all the Proceeds remitted to them — except the Amount of the follows priced Linnens which please to put up for us & ship ρ first Oppy for [Boston — stricken through interlineated: London] & consign them to rs said Mess Bromfield's desiring them to ship 'em to us ρ [one line stricken through] first Oppy— [four lines stricken through]

THE JACKSONS

AND

THE

LEES

LETTER FROM JACKSON & BROMFIELD, NEWBURYPORT, J A N . 1 4 , 1 7 7 1 , TO JOHN BARNARD, BOSTON, AGREEING TO R U N A D I S TILLERY

1

Henceforth Jackson & Bromfield were not only to clean with their own machine the flaxseed which was one of the principal staples of their trade b u t were also to be concerned in distilling the rum which was the other. B y Sept., 1 7 7 1 , Jackson & Bromfield were apparently renting the distillery from John Barnard at £90 annually. 2 Before this, the rum they shipped to Philadelphia, Montreal, etc., was evidently purchased from other distilleries, with which N e w b u r y p o r t was well supplied. John Barnard w a s a family connection of Jonathan Jackson, the latter having married Barnard's sister Sarah at Salem, Jan. 3, 1 7 6 7 ; she had died June 22, 1770. 3

Newburyport 14TH Jany i j y i T o John Barnard Esq r — in Boston — Sir// W e are willing to undertake for you the Care of your Distill House here, & to oversee [in — stricken through] the Compleating [interlineated: of it, in the manner] as it has [interlineated: been] agreed between us, it shall be, avoiding carefully every thing superfluous — & being supplyed with Cash from you, will endeavour to get all the Work done upon the [best & — stricken through] most reasonable L a y & in the best Manner — & shall expect a Commission of five pCent on the amount of all payments we may make, excepting for the Building you have contracted with Major Gerrish for — the particulars of your Agreement with him, we shou'd be glad to know & whether you expect we see to the due Performance of 'em — indeed we think it expedient for you to take a ride here as soon as you conveniently can, to contract with M r Coker for the further Land you want, & that we may [interlineated: more] fully confer with you upon the method how particular Things 1. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765." 2. Patrick Tracy Jackson Collection, Jackson & Bromfield ledger, Mar. i, 1766-Mar. i, 1772, p. 229. 3. Currier, "Ould Newbury" (Boston, 1896), pp. 564-565.

JONATHAN JACKSON

225

in & about the Distill House shall be finish'd — & concerning a Brick Store in front &c all which matters can be better conducted after such an Interview — you'll give us an Answer to this & write when we may expect you — in the Interim we remain your obedt Serv ts L E T T E R FROM J A C K S O N & B R O M F I E L D , N E W B U R Y P O R T , J A N . 1 7 , 1 7 7 1 , ΤΟ J O H N S E L L E R S , P H I L A D E L P H I A , C O M P L A I N I N G OF A FLAX-CLEANING MACHINE

1

In this letter the Newburyport merchants do not seem quite so sure as in their letter to the Ogles that their seed had "been clean'd with the newest & best sort of Machine." A number of letters, similar to this one, passed between the Newburyport firm and the machine maker and will doubtless prove of interest to those of a technical turn of mind. To Mr John Sellers — Newburyport 17 t h Jany 1771. Sir Your's of 20 th Oct r with the Flaxseed Bolt pCap 1 Church we reced in Nov r . but thro' Inattention & some hurry of Business since, have not acknowledged the rec* of it before — we observe by Mess rs Smith's L r . in Oct r they had paid you thirty pounds of your Bill — we find several Imperfections in your Bolt, & indeed can't say it answers our Expectation — [besides — stricken through] the middle Pole & whole frame ['s being — stricken through interlineated: is] so weak that the machine works or wambles very considerably when used, so much that we think it can't last out the Wear of the Wire, — it does not appear to have been made stout enough for the Purpose [interlineated: & by it's working so unsteadily, we cant make the Partition from the Cockle part snug & secure] — we can't approve of the place for the Cockle part — the Seed coming [interlineated: quite] foul into the twilled Wire so soon clogs it with Trash that makes it difficult to work it without very frequently uncovering to brush it & pick out stuff that sticks i. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765."

226

THE JACKSONS A N D T H E LEES

by — & such a Body of Seed coming at a time into the cockle part to be there seperated some quantity of good seed is forced out with the Cockle at the end — & a good deal of Straw & such stuff is forced through the Cockle machine down with the good Seed & [interlineated: which] is too weighty for any Wind machine to take out without blowing good Seed with it — for these Reasons we have thoughts in the Spring of sending the machine again to y o u — (& shall then expect [the — stricken through interlineated: that you make the] frame [be made — stricken through] stronger & [interlineated: secure it] better [secured — stricken through] — ) & [interlineated: would have you] take off the Wire for the Cockle part & [interlineated: after fixing it properly for the purpose] add [interlineated: in its room] twilled Wire the whole length of the present Bolt, as we think it must with more length scour & clean the Seed much better — we wou'd in this Case have a Bolt made seperate for the Cockle, which it does not appear to us, need be of so large a Diameter as the present, but we wou'd have it longer say 8 feet — [if — stricken through interlineated: you will add (if it takes more) to] the Wire that comes off, [won't — stricken through interlineated: to] cover the whole of such a Bolt — a Fan Machine upon the best Construction, you may set about immediately [interlineated: for us,] that it may be sent by Cap1 Wyer who will be at Phil a early in the Spring — one so contrived as that the Seed may run down over a punched Parchment we shou'd think wou'd be an Advantage — do write us ρ first Post concerning all these Alterations how you approve of them — we have [interlineated: ρ this Oppy] desired Mess rs Smith's to pay the Remainder of your Bill — but was our Communication for corresponding not so difficult, we shou'd first require satisfaction from you that it was not owing to Inattention that the [interlineated: Bolt] Frame is so crazy before we shou'd willingly pay the whole of your Charge [interlineated: & indeed if we send it back shall expect it is better secured without any Cost to us] — We rest your hble Servts

JONATHAN

JACKSON

227

L E T T E R FROM JACKSON & BROMFIELD, N E W B U R Y P O R T , J U N E 3 , 1 7 7 1 , ΤΟ H A Y L E Y & H O P K I N S , LONDON, W I T H C O M P L A I N T S

1

After the broad hints of sharp dealing on the part of the London merchants contained in this letter, "the Tartness of Expression" which they used in their reply appears more understandable than Jackson & Bromfield, in their letter of Nov. 7, 1771, chose to consider it. T o Mess r s H a y l e y & Hopkins Newburyport 3d June 1771 Gent 11 W e have now to acknowledge your several Favor's of 2 2 d Sept r 16 t h & 29th Feby & 9 & 28th M a r c h together with Goods ρ Capt s L y d e , Davies, Hood & Hall ρ four different Invoices amounting to £ 516..18..7 & the [several — stricken through] Insurances on the same to £ 1 3 . . 1 7 / — there were some Vessells earlier than the above that bro't Goods to some of our Neighbours here, which gave them great advantage over us in the sale — we have heared great Complaints from some Importers that those Merchants in London who were concerned in Vessells here wou'd detain their Goods unnecessarily to give freight to their own Vessells — our Remoteness of Situation may scarcely ever afford us an Oppy to prove it in particular Instances — but as the profitable Sale of Goods depends so much upon their coming punctually in the season expected, a well grounded Suspicion of this sort against any House wou'd be with us a sufficient reason to drop them — perhaps we may never be large Importers (at present we do not incline from the Appearance the English T r a d e makes with us — ) but for what we do import we not only expect but shall hold a certainty of paying & that generally within season, that we think we have some better right than many Importers here to have all reasonable advant a g e s — this we are determined to try for b y changing our Correspondents if we can be satisfied no other ways — we dont mention this from any general Dissatisfaction with y r . House but only to let you into our Views, — and least your Confidence in our Credit may not be sufficiently strong we further refer you i. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765."

228

THE JACKSONS AND THE

LEES

for Assurance therein to two Companys in your City we have formerly had dealings with — vizt Mess rs Tappenden Stanfield & Denham — & Mess« Bridgen & Waller — the House of DeBerdt & C°. are broke up with whom we also formerly dealt — [we have some Com — stricken through] you mention in your's of 16 th Feby that all Bountys & Drawbacks [interlineated: are] allowed upon the Goods sent — we have not had Oppy to enquire what Nutmegs are charged at from other Houses — but they are sold at Boston for 8/6 Ste ρ lb which (without a Drawback is still due to us) we cannot afford our's for — we have had 1/5 J4 Ρ lb allowed as a Drawback upon Nutmegs — blk Taffatys of equal quality with those you sent us at 60/ have been sent from London this Spring to a Gentleman who sends his Cash for Goods when he orders them at 57/ & the Bounty which is 3 / plb & will amount to 6/ or upwards allowed besides — you'll oblige us to speak to these in your next — we now order sundry Goods as ρ Mem» inclosed which we beg may be put up seasonably so as to [come out — stricken through interlineated: be ship'd] by the Bearer hereof Cap 1 John Derby in the Brig Thames — to whom we have promised the Freight of the same — consign & insure as [usual — stricken through interlineated: before]—there were several Articles in our last order sent out higher than our Limitations particularly [interlineated: 60 gro] Matthewmans Br st Buttons — we must beg your particular Attention to our Limitations of price as our realizing any profit much depends upon it — & the prices we have limited Articles to are all what we have had Goods [interlineated: formerly] ship'd to us for & generally at a twelvemonths Credit —• you'll oblige us to send our Acct current when the year comes round, & advise us if you have not already done it when those Bills are paid we forwarded you in July last — & in making out Invoices it wou'd be more agreeable to us to have the particular Bountys & Deductions specified — having not to add we remain Gentn your very obed1 Serv ts d Original ρ Capt Derby Sail'd 3 Ins 1 . Duplicate

J O N A T H A N

J A C K S O N

L E T T E R FROM JACKSON & BROMFIELD, N E W B U R Y P O R T , A U G . 1 5 , 1771,

ΤΟ SAMUEL

ORDERING H A Y

&

JAMES

WIGGLESWORTH,

PORTSMOUTH,

1

An offer to accept "payment in kind" has long been one of the final resorts of a creditor despairing of receiving compensation in legal tender. A t this time the Wigglesworths, who were evidently merchants, owed Jackson & Bromfield nearly £500, which sum, and more, had been due for nearly two and one-half years, the debt arising from English goods furnished by the Newburyport firm. There is no evidence that the Wigglesworths paid any part of their debt in hay, but by 1774 most of it had been settled in one way or another.2

Newburyport 15 t h Aug st 17γι T o M e s s " S & J Wigglesworth

Gent n We have been in hopes some payment from you wou'd have reached us before this — we wou'd not willingly think, but that you bear us in mind — one of us expects to be your way this month or beginning of next, when we hope you'll be prepared to make us some payment — the particular purpose of this — is to desire you to procure us twenty Tons of English Hay if you can get that which grows upon Upland, small burden, few weeds, & has been well got in & cured — Herd's Grass & Wier Grass we wou'd chuse chiefly, with the mixture that commonly grows with it — a Load or two of white and red Clover if packed by itself wou'd not come amiss — we hear Hay is plenty & very cheap with you, is the reason we apply, we wou'd have it carefully screwed & by a Man you can trust & sent us round by one of your Coasters or Shallops — you must be carefull to have it thoroughly dry before screwing — as we suppose you can get it in your way & it will make you an easy payment to us, we send to you for it, expecting you will get it as cheap as you can & take the most prudent method to send it 1. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765." 2. Patrick Tracy Jackson Collection, Jackson & Bromfield ledger and alphabet, Mar. 1, 1766-Mar. 1, 1772, Apr. 1, 1772-May 18, 1785; ibid,., Jackson & Bromfield journal, Apr. 29, 1766-Dec. 23, 1771.

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us — however we wou'd have you calculate, & if it will cost us more than six dollars pton landed here, we wou'd not have you get it — do write us what you can do ρ first Oppy — send your Letter pPost from Portsm 0 . & do write what Prospect there is for Flaxseed your way & wht quantity you think you can procure this Season & at what price — We rest your obed* Serv ts L E T T E R FROM JACKSON & BROMFIELD, N E W B U R Y P O R T , O C T . 2 4 , 1 7 7 1 , ΤΟ LEONARD JARVIS, [ S T . J O H N ' S , QUEBEC ? ] , ON T R A D E W I T H CANADA

1

Jackson & Bromfield by a letter of Aug. 31 had consigned to Leonard Jarvis, doubtless a member of the firm of Jarvis & Hazen, of which we have already heard, the cargo of New England rum and molasses on the sloop John, Abner Lowell, master. They offered Jarvis a commission of 2^2% and instructed him to invest in 1,500 or 2,000 bu. of wheat if at "half a Dollar" or less per bu.

Newburyport 24th Oct r . 1771 To Leonard Jarvis in Canada — dear Sir your's ρ Cap 1 Hazen's Servt dated in Septr. we reced yesterday, — we are glad to hear of your safe Arrival in health — expecting to hear from you again very soon we need not be so particular now in answering your's — for shou'd you not tarry this Winter any Directions for your Conduct this Fall wou'd come too late — our M r Bromfield is from Boston this week — the Acc t s of Markets at Canada he there collects, are more favourable than your's — we hope you will find them more encouraging [interlineated: when you get] to Quebec — from the Advice Cap 1 Vinal from Quebec into Boston brings, we conclude Lowell got to Quebec in Sept r . we hope you may be able to put off the Cargo, this fall without Loss, as we fear wanting some part of that stock before Spring — but however do as you think upon the whole will be most for our Advantage — we can hear of no Vessells gone up since Lowell except Atwood from Boston & a Brig from Ν York — [we shall write you Mr

i. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765."

JONATHAN

JACKSON

respecting the Purchase of Wheat in our next but — stricken through] shou'd not our Returns be coming till Spring & you think it will be best to purchase Wheat now in the Fall [interlineated: & store it for us] that it may come at a lower price, you have our Liberty — also for a small quantity of Beaver if you think [it — stricken through interlineated: the price there] will answer — M r Lowell talks of taking those Horses — [in margin: make our Compliments to Capt Hazen] — w i t h our best Wishes that Health & Happiness may attend you, we remain dear sir [with — erased] your sincere & affectionate Friends Exchange @ Boston g^t @ g -Hs & like to be lower Bills being a Drug Beaver @ 8 / Ή My. — Cap tn . Vinals Sloop from Quebec is loaded with wheat brought in fine Order, which he is Selling very fast at 4/6 L M y ρ Bush1 — LETTER FROM JACKSON & BROMFIELD, NEWBURYPORT, N o v . 1 , 1771,

ΤΟ PELATIAH WEBSTER, PHILADELPHIA, ON

BUSINESS MATTERS

GENERAL

1

T h e letter below throws light on methods of doing business in Philadelphia. N o t e references to storage charges. Pelatiah Webster, best known for his later activities as a writer on political economy, was born at Lebanon, Conn., 1725, graduated from Y a l e , 1746, studied theology, and preached for a time, b u t in 1755 entered business in Philadelphia and was successful. H e was active in the Revolution and in the struggle for the Constitution. H e died in Philadelphia, Sept., 1 7 9 s . 2

Newbury Port Nov r . i s t . 1771 Mr. Pelatiah Webster Sir We have your several favors of 8 th . 15 th . & 18 th . Ult°. ρ Post & note the Contents, also yours pCap tn . Wyre (who arriv'd on Saterday last), with Inv°. & Bill Lade, of Sundries 1. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765." 2. "Pelatiah Webster," Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography.

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amounting to £42.0.9 your Curry, for which your Acco 1 . shall have Credit It will not suit us to send to you a Quantity of Rum this fall — seeing you can't advance the full value of it immediately, as we want to be turning it into Money fast as possible & we apprehend can make more of it here, than by shipping it to you & waiting 'till next Spring for the proceeds, the leakage will be the same at your Store as here, & we shall have no storage to pay — Indeed your charge of Storage is quite new to us & what the business will not afford — Mess rs . Smith's of your place with whom we have dealt several years never yet charg'd us a farthing for Storage, tho' our goods have laid in their stores for some Months at a time before an advantageous Sale offer'd & we never once fail'd of having goods to Value of those sent & frequently more than the Value & sometimes order'd goods & not remitted for them 'till it suited our Convenience, tho' as we are now in the Distilling business, we can & Indeed shou'd prefer shiping Rum to amount of the goods we order & sometimes more We have remark'd long since to Mess rs . Smith's the short Guage upon Rum as a great discouragement to our prosecuting the Trade, & they lately thought of a Scheme & sent for a number of Guagers in your City & order'd each of them to Guage the same parcell of Rum. & kept the guage of each person by itself — (without letting the Guagers know what they were upon) & found they varied greatly from each other, but he who made the greatest guage, they have since given employ to, since this took place we have recd. Accot. Sales of 24 Hhds. Rum, which lay in Mess rs . Smith's Store a short time before it Sold, we gain'd 18 Gallons in the guage, the outs were short of one pC 1 . — so that our real loss was [line missing because of mutilation of letter] we are perswaded our guagers come nearer to the real contents of the Casks than yours do, — repeated tryals have been made by different persons here by measuring rum Casks with a gallon pot & they have found, they hel'd out in General within One One & an half & Two pC*. — we have formerly had Casks fall short of the guage at PhiK 7 or 8pO. & suspect it was owing to the Villany of the Guager, We take

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notice of your remarks on Cap tn . Wyre's Conduct & shall not ship by him when can avoid it. he has got most above his business. & will lose it all if he is not more carefull to Oblige — We are yet undetermin'd with regard to the Disposal of our flaxseed tho' it's more than probable we shall ship it direct from this place for Ireland, shall be obliged for your further advices respecting it — Cap tn . Leathers had engag'd a freight before we were appriz'd of it, or shou'd have sent you a few hogsheads of Rum phim, we shou'd not be fond of having a large Quantity of flour on hand this Winter as the price of it is so prodigious high with you, we fear it wou'd fall in our hands, — at present it's in good demand here — We owe M r . John Sellers of Darby ab 1 . £23 — y o u r Curry, which we wou'd have reserv'd in your hands, 'till we order it paid him, the Ballance then due to us you may ship in flour at the return of Cap tn . Leathers or Via Boston, We are Sir,

Your Obed 1 Serv ts . —

L E T T E R FROM JACKSON & BROMFIELD, NEWBURYPORT, D E C . 1 7 , 1 7 7 1 , τ ο H E N R Y & T H O M A S BROMFIELD, LONDON, REQUESTING INSURANCE

1

In making insurance on all the voyages to the West Indies here mentioned, Jackson & Bromfield were acting not for themselves but as agents for other merchants, whose names appear in the margin with the amount of insurance in lawful money. This is confirmed by the fact that on Aug. 20, 1771, Jackson & Bromfield ordered Henry & Thomas Bromfield to insure from the West Indies to Newburyport two of the sloops mentioned below as having arrived, and their cargoes, stating, "we have insured both these vessels the voyage round, but take the Risque out upon ourselves." See also the letter of Dec. 8, 1767, to Henry & Thomas Bromfield.

Newburyport 17 th dec r 1771 To Messrs Henry & Tho» Bromfield Gent n . Our last to you was the 3 d , current of which the foregoing is Copy — the present is to desire you to get insured for us i. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765."

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[three hundred & seventy five pounds sterling — stricken through] one hundred & eighty seven pounds ten shillings Sterling on the Brig n . Polly & Appurtenances Joseph Toppan Master & one hundred & eighty seven pounds ten shillings on Cargo on board s d Brig n . from hence to any or all the West India Islands (Jamaica excepted) & back here again — she sailed from hence the 4 t h I n s 1 — [in margin: R & C Tappan £500 — lawf] also get insured two hundred & twenty five pounds Sts on the Sch r . Merrimack & Appurtenances Jonathan Martin Master & seventy five pounds on Cargo on board s d Sch r . from hence to any or all the West India Islands (Jamaica excepted) & back here again — she is to sail the first Wind — [in margin: W Bailey £400 lawf — ] also get insured for us six hundred pounds [interlineated: Ste] on· Schooner Sally & Cargo William Peirce Johnson Master from hence to any or all the West India Islands Jamaica excepted & back here again — she is to sail in about a fortnight— [in margin: S Greenleaf £800 lawf] the Sloop John Abner Lowell Master from Quebec the Sloop Ballard Pelatiah Smith Master from the West Indias & the Sch r Neptune David Jones Master from the West Indias have all arrived, the two former safe — the latter vizt Sch r Neptune got in yesterday — a good deal damaged in her Sails & Rigging — & we have been called upon this day to reveiw her upon the Expectation of an Average Loss — shou'd it turn out so we shall write you further respecting her — do when you are next writing us, send a Copy of the Policys as you take them out for these Risques, & inform us, what Testimonials wou'd be required at your Office in case of a Loss — & at what sum they make a Loss up — [do by the Spring Ships — stricken through] do send us by the Spring Vessells 1 Box Window Glass to contain 200 Squares or Panes of Glass dimensions 1 1 Ins by χ 7 i n s each Square — let the Glass be of the whitest clearest & strongest sort that is in general use for good Buildings — London or Newcastle Crown it is conjectured is the proper sort — send also of Sheet Glass (whole Tables) about the same quantity or superficial measure of the above 200 Sq rs of 1 1 by 17 Ins — let the Sheet Glass be of a sort that shall nearly resemble

JONATHAN JACKSON

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for Colour the sort above ordered but that shall come cheaper — say about the price of the best Bristol Glass commonly sent to America — let both the Box & Crate be very carefully pack'd send also 1 doz setts of best Teeth Brushes of different shapes — fine hair, silver wired if to be had — y 2 doz Sponges upon seperate handles [interlineated: from the Brushes] properly fixed for the Teeth — & y 2 doz Roots of Dragon's Blood properly prepared for the Teeth — omit the last Article if very high priced — this comes ρ the Sch r Lark from this Port bound to Cork — duplicate of which we shall forward from Boston — we shall write you again in a few days & remain Gent n your obliged & very obedt Serv ts Original pthe Schooner Lark via Cork ] Duplicate forwarded from Boston )•

Ρ

J

L E T T E R FROM JACKSON & BROMFIELD, N E W B U R Y P O R T , D E C . 1 9 , 1 7 7 1 , ΤΟ C A P T . JAMES H U D S O N , TIONS FOR A VOYAGE TO IRELAND

[PRESENT], WITH

INSTRUC-

1

According to a letter of Dec. 19, 1771, to Lane, Benson & Vaughan, of Cork, Jackson & Bromfield were "concerned" in the Lark, the only specific indication so far that this firm was ever owner or part-owner of a vessel. In the same letter, Capt. James Hudson was referred to as their "factor."

To Cap 4 James Hudson Newburyport 19 th Dec r 1771 bound to Cork & from thence purposing a Voyage to the West Indias — Sir As you are going in the Schooner Lark (of which you own a quarter part) bound to Ireland Samuel Fowler Master, on board of whom we have freighted three hundred & Fourteen whole Casks of Flaxseed vizt Three hundred & Fourteen whole Casks containing seven bushels each & Seventy five half Casks containing three & one half bu s each — they being all i. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765."

236

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marked J & Β & numbered [interlineated: the whole Casks] from ι to 314, the half d°. [interlineated: d°. from No. 1 to 75] — we consign the said Flaxseed to you for sale — hoping you will arrive in such season at Cork as to command a ready Sale & good price — this Seed must fetch us forty shillings Irish money ρ Hhd besides the Bounty to save us whole — this we mention only for your Guidance still hoping & expecting if you have not a long Passage that you may procure 55/ or 60/ ρ Cask — which we believe is a more general price — we deliver you herewith a Letter for Mess rs Lane Benson & Vaughan & another for Mess rs all Merchts in Cork —if you want Advice in any particular Matters we suppose these Gentn will be ready to give it you — any thing more is not to be expected, without allowing them some Commission — we agree to allow you two & an half ρ Cent Commission upon the sales in Ireland, — but if it be necessary to pay any Merchant for his Assistance to you there, we [interlineated: do not] expect to be charged any thing for it — shou'd the price of Flaxseed be [low — stricken through interlineated: lower than 40/] at Cork, take the Opportunity of the first post to write our Friends Mess rs William & John Ogle at Newry inclosing to them our Letter you have herewith, & enquiring of them the price of Seed at Newry — if it be there so much more encouraging than at Cork, as to afford a prospect of paying the Risk of the Cargo [interlineated: round to Newry] & the Charges of entry in another port, we expect you will without delay move round to Newry there to dispose of y r . Seed & with Respect to Mess rs Ogle's [interlineated: if they sell the Cargo] you must make the best Terms you can w th . them for Commissions — we expect this trip from Cork to Newry [interlineated: or any one port besides Cork for delivery of your Cargo] without paying any more than the agreed-upon freight of ten shillings, & six pence ρ Hogshd. & we paying the Port Charges in all besides Cork & the Vessell to be [wholly at y e . Owner's Risk till delivery of the Cargo — stricken through interlineated: insured at our Risk this Trip vizt from Cork to Newry & back again to Cork — vizt at two hundred pounds Sts — ] [in margin: in case it takes

JONATHAN JACKSON

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more than fifteen days to deliver your Cargo when those days are out we expect that if you are about prosecuting a voyage to the W Indias that the Vessell be put upon pay for that voyage one half upon our Charge — or if you shou'd not be about a voyage to the W Indias for our Acc 1 , we then expect to allow shillings Ste. ρ day demurrage after the sd fifteen days till the Cargo is delivered] — shou'd you move from Cork to Newry or any other Port to deliver the Flaxseed, do before you sail, write to London to our Friends Mess rs Henry & Thomas Bromfield Merchts there, to insure for us five hundred pounds Sterling Cargo on board the Sehr Lark S Fowler Master from Cork to the port you are bound to [interlineated: & two hundred pounds Ste on the Schr herself the same risk & back to Cork] — shou'd no Accident happen to your Health to disable you, with your usual vigour, from prosecuting a Voyage from Ireland to the W Indias, & shou'd not a War break out, or there be threatning Appearances of one, to make the Risks from Ireland to the W Indias after Molasses too great to attempt, & shou'd you meet with sufficient encouragement in Ireland either by taking a Freight for others, or by being able to buy, upon the Account of the Concerned — Beef Horses or any thing else at such prices as bid fair to pay your way to the West Indias — we say keeping to all the above Restrictions, we are willing to be concerned with you & M r [interlineated: Jon a ] Titcomb [interlineated: (the other owner)] an equal Half in the Voyage — according to the Terms of Agreement made between us the sixth day of last month— [interlineated: (we out of the sales of our Flaxseed to advance what is necessary for one half the Cargo & Outfitts to the W Indias to purchase there a Cargo of Molasses home) ] the said Voyage to the W Indias to commence & we to be upon Charge for half the Vessell as [interlineated: soon as] she is unloaded in Ireland of her present Cargo [interlineated: or as soon as said fifteen days are out] — shou'd you foresee any thing to prevent your [purchasing — stricken through interlineated: procuring] Molasses in the W Indias, we shou'd not chuse to be concerned in the voyage — shou'd you when arrived in Cork, after Enquiry meet with sufficient En-

238

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couragement for a Voyage to the W Indias upon the above terms, but the price of Flaxseed shou'd be low at Cork, or Cash not readily procured for it, do as we said before immediately write Mess rs Ogles of Newry, & [if you think — stricken through] you may make for us this proposal to them which we have also mention'd in our Letter to them — vizt that you will place our Flaxseed in their hands for Sale /& in this Case we expect you give up to them your own Commission upon that) they advancing not only the Freight Money but as much more as will make up our half for the Voyage out to the W Indias & home — mentioning to them whereabouts you think the firm will be [interlineated: including the value of 20 Casks or £40 Sts we have agreed to advance in Ireland for you & M r Titcomb] — w e suppose in a few [hands — stricken through interlineated: days] you may have an Answer from them ρ the Post to Cork & then may form you your own plan accordingly — perhaps the price of Seed may not be more encouraging at Newry than Cork, & one of the Houses we recommend you to there wou'd take the Seed upon the same terms proposed to Mess rs Ogle's — if so the Expence of going to Newry might be saved — whoever has the selling of the Seed we order the proceeds thus — if you go to the W Indias after reserving what is necessary for our part of that voyage [interlineated: & what we advance for you as above s d — ] let [two hundred pounds sterling — stricken through interlineated: the Remainder] be remitted for our Acc 1 to Mess rs Hayley & Hopkins Merchts in London [the Balance of Acct sales to Mess rs Henry & Thomas Bromfield Mer ts . in London — stricken through] — shou'd you not take any of our Money for a W India Voyage remit [four hundred pounds sterling — stricken through interlineated: the whole n l Proceeds] to [interlineated: s d ] Hayley & Hopkins [the remainder to Mess rs Bromfield's — stricken through] do advise us of your Arrival at Cork & the price of Seed immediately — enquire which is the readiest way to get a Letter to this part of the world — we imagine it will be across Land by the way of London — & do keep us advised by all opportunitys both from Ireland & the

JONATHAN

JACKSON

W Indias — don't omit [to observe — stricken through] when you are offering the Seed for sale [interlineated: to observe] that it has all been cleaned with the newest & best constructed Machines & that it [interlineated: is] the produce of the Country to the northwd even of Boston & that the Casks are stouter than those generally sent from the Southwd. if you find you are to sell at Cork do insert an Advertisement, in the form of one given you herewith, in two or three of their most noted News Papers especially those that go most into the Country — also post up Publications in the most noted Parts of the City — do be carefull if you remit any Money to England upon our Acc 1 to get Bills of undoubted Credit — there has been an eminent House in Cork the Names Devonsheir & Strettle we expected a Letter to them from M r Jonathan Clarke Lewis but have not had time to procure it — shou'd you need any Assistance besides what the other House can give you, you may apply to these Gentn mentioning M r Lewis' Name — do make what Enquirys you can respecting a Trade between us & Ireland in Rum & woolen Goods of that Country & any remarks you may make towards better ordering the Flaxseed Trade do minute them down least they shou'd escape your Memory — the Letters for Mess« Phips Mr Cruger Mr Brown & Mr Spence do forward as directed ρ the first Conveyances from Cork [in margin] Cork Jany or Feby 1772 To be sold on board the Schooner Lark lying at [interlineated: American] Flaxseed by the large or small quantity [interlineated: in whole or half Casks] —the produce of New England to the northward of Boston — this Seed is put up in very stout good Casks fit for transporting & has been cleaned by as good Machines as any in America — [in margin]

28/Stg 10/6 frt 9 d Insur ce 3/3 Exchge 42/3 Irish

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LEES

1/3 C o m n . 2 ^ on that & 0 Bounty "4376 4/6 Bounty deduct 39/

Irish

nett to save us LETTER FROM W I L L I A M & JOHN OGLE, N E W R Y , F E B . 1 3 , 1 7 7 2 , ΤΟ C A P T . JAMES HUDSON, C O R K , ON TRADE FROM IRELAND TO THE W E S T INDIES

1

The letter below is of interest for what it tells of the possibilities for a triangular trade from New England to Ireland, to the West Indies, and back to New England. We do not know what cargo Capt. Hudson took from Ireland to the West Indies nor what sort of cargo he loaded at the islands, but on July 7 John Barnard wrote from St. Martin to Jackson & Bromfield: "they tell me your Schooner Cap1 Hudson is now about sailing from St Lucy" 2 (St. Lucia, a British island). Copy of Mess r s W m . & John Ogle's Letter 1 N e w r y 13th to Capt James Hudson at Cork, dated / Feb r y Sir Last night we reced the favor of your Letter of the 8 t h , covering one from our good Friends Mess r s Jackson & Bromfield of Newbury Port, in which they advise, " T h i s comes by way of Cork ρ the Schooner Lark, with flaxseed for us to that Market; the reason we send there, is, in hopes of an earlier Sale than with you &c. Shou'd Capt Hudson fail of a Freight to the West Indias, or not procure a full one, he purposes purchasing some Beef, & a Deck Load of Horses; we shall recommend to him, if he finds Markets dull, & that he cannot procure ready pay for his Seed at Cork, to 1. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765." 2. Lee-Cabot Papers, 1707-73.

JONATHAN

JACKSON

make this proposal to you, which may be negotiated across Land, by Letter in a few Days; it is to move to Newry, & to place the Seed in your Hands for Sale; provided that besides the freight of it, you can advance him Money enough to prosecute his Voyage to the West Indias & c. — " Thus we have furnished you the purport of what Mess rs J & Β have wrote us, respecting your affairs. — We have not as yet, any Vessell arrived from America with Flaxseed this Year; we have advices from different parts, that the Season proving wet, has damaged the Quality of the Seed, & that the usual Quantitys, will not nearly be Shipped, these Acc t s have raised the Expectations of people, who have Seed on hand, so that they are not willing to sell, 'till the Season advances further, when it is expected the prices will run high — but at present it is Impossible to ascertain, what the prices may be, when the Markett for Sale opens. — In general we can say, that the prices in this harbour, are the best in this Kingdom, as we are in the heart of the Linen Manufacture, & have a Canal, which carries 70 Miles into the Country, Goods for 3 d the hundred weight — we have Orders from our several Correspondents in America, not to sell any of their Seed which lies over Year, 'till the Markett is fully open in April; when they expect the great deficience in the Crops, will occasion high prices — If you judge from hence that it may be for the advantage of the Concerned, to run up here, with the Cargo, we will ship what Beef you chuse to purchase for the West Indias, the present prices from 3 2 / , to 3 4 / ρ Barrell well saved, & with Lisbon Salt; & we apprehend that Horses will be had much better & Cheaper, than they can be at Cork, as they are bought up in this Country for Dublin & Southward, & also advance what Money may be necessary, 'till the Flaxseed is disposed of; perhaps a few Peices of fine Linens, may answer to carry out to the West Indias, such may be had on very good Terms here; we shall write Mess rs Jackson & Bromfield as they desire, fully the situation of our Markets, & as we are fully of opinion that the selling of Seed early this Year, must be done

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to much disadvantage; we will hold what is on hand of their's, 'till the Market fully opens, we are sir Your most obed1. Serv ts Will m & John Ogle Ρ S Yesterday £3 phhd was offered for last Year's Seed here, but the holder would not accept it, so high are Peoples' expectations raised from the New York & PhiK advices, so that you must by no means think of selling early, for it will be in very [interlineated: few] hands, who will hold up to the Utmost — We do advise your runing down here by all Means, the present appearance being very promising WJO — L E T T E R FROM JACKSON & BROMFIELD, BOSTON, A P R . 2 2 , ΤΟ H E N R Y & T H O M A S BROMFIELD, L O N D O N , M A K I N G ANCE FOR A FRIEND

1772,

INSUR-

1

T h e reference to underwriters and "Reinsurances" should be considered in relation to the letters of Dec. 8, 1767, and Dec. 17, 1 7 7 1 , to the same firm. Apparently Jackson & Bromfield, acting as underwriters, were hedging b y reinsuring part of their risks in England, contrary to an act of Parliament passed in 1746. 2 Jackson & Bromfield would consequently have no legal recourse should the English underwriters decline to pay for any losses on risks thus reinsured. Note the very detailed and informative description of the fishing trade conducted b y John Barnard, with whom the Newburyport firm had been concerned in a distillery. John Barnard himself, in a letter to Jackson & Bromfield, gave a further account of his voyage. He left Cape Fourchu, Cape Breton Island, M a y 18, and arrived at Roseau in Dominica, a British island, June 16. There he sold his cargo — fish, lumber, and shingles — payment to be made within twelve days, with a penalty of $8 for each day overdue. He bought rum and coffee and proceeded to the Dutch island of St. Eustatius (usually referred to as St. Eustatia) where he bought sugar and cotton. A t the time of this letter, July 7, he was at St. Martin, 3 half of 1. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765." 2. Wright, Charles, and Fayle, Charles Ernest, A History of Lloyd's (London, 1928), pp. 92-93, 164. 3. Lee-Cabot Papers, 1707-73.

JONATHAN

JACKSON

which island was owned by the Dutch and half by the French; there he was doubtless completing his cargo — perhaps with molasses, as it would be a strange thing for a vessel to leave the West Indies for New England without that staple on board. Boston 2 2 n d April — 1 7 7 2 T o M e s s « Hy & Thos Bromfield Gentn W e have now to acknowledge the rec 1 . of your several favours of 21st Jany i s t 1 5 t h 21st Feb r y & 4 t h March & Goods Ρ Invoice of i o ^ Febry £14.0.7 & of 18th Feb f y £ 2 . 5 / — & Acc* of several Insurances made for us Ρ our Order — we wished to have had our A c c 1 curr 1 & were disappointed that we had not, as at this season it is most wanted by us, to settle our Books we hope your Leisure has, or will permit you to furnish it soon — Cap 1 Roberts' Insurance you have given his Executors no A c c 1 of yet. — A s to the Underwriters hessitating at the Risques we write for, we consider the whole as an Affair of Honour in which if there can't be a Confidence placed on both sides it is not worth the pursuing — & scarcely so to us at any rate — the disadvantage is most on ours, as we understand Reinsurances are against the Letter of an express Act of Parliament, & therefore the Underwriters may act dishonorably if they please at any time — however you may assure them, we in general reserve part of the Risques to ourselves without Reinsurance — we can be more particular when writing if they desire it — the only Objection is the taking up time & paper — the Brig 1 . Polly — Jos Tappan Master the Sch r Merrimack J o n a Martin & the Sch r Sally W Ρ Johnson are all arrived in the W Indias & the Schr Martha Amos Tappan M r is arrived from thence — the Brigt Betsy Ν Nowell Mr is arrived at Carolina, & was to sail from thence for London the 20 t h March — the Sch r L a r k Sam 1 Fowler Mr whom we freighted with Flaxseed to Cork, we have no Advice of & feel some Anxiety about, as he sailed from here the 2 it Dec r last, & our Advices from England are to the 4th March & no mention of her — if she is Lost, you will hear of

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it 'tis likely before us, if the Crew, are saved, we hope the Master will think to forward the Protest to you first, as our Insurance is with you — we had 314 whole & 75 half Casks on our Acc 1 — We want an Insurance upon a Schooner in which the Owner M r John Barnard is going Master — she was built for a fishing Schooner is about sixty tons Burthen with a half upper Deck five Years old, & is as well found as Common at least — we are ourselves in advance for M r . Barnard's Supplies this Season — he carrys on the Fishery at Yarmouth Cape Fourchu in Nova-Scotia near Cape Sable — sailed for there the 1 1 t h Ins4 with a Cargo of Supplies for the Fishery, & had we think a good Time down — from thence he croses the Bay of Funday about 30 Leagues to Machias for part of a Load of Lumber, & returns to Yarmouth to make up the rest of his Cargo in Fish for the W Indias — & expects to Sail for there the beginning of May, to pick up a small W India Cargo & return the Latter end of Summer to Nova Scotia — with design to trade along that Shore from Hallifax to Yarmouth after dried Fish — & from thence in the fall with that Fish & what he may himself have made in his own Fishery at Yarmouth (where he has a Brother in his Business) to come up to Marblehead — we have been on purpose thus particular — you see how tedious it wou'd be in general — the Risque to be insured is thus, one hundred & eighty pounds Ste upon the Vessell the Voyage round — four hundred & ninety pounds upon Goods or Merchandize in said Vessell from Newbury port to s d Yarmouth — two hundred Ste upon Goods in s d Vessell from s d Yarmouth to any or all the Islands in the W Indias Jamaica excepted & back to Nova Scotia with liberty to touch & trade from Hallifax along the Nova Scotia to Cape Fourchu (which is about 50 Leagues) & six hundred pounds Sts on Goods from Yarmouth to Marblehead — Mr Barnard has been offered the whole Risque at 10 pC l . & hopes to have it done with you as proportionably lower as you take other Risques compared with what is asked here — please also to get insured one hundred & fifty pounds Sts on the Sehr Sally Zecharias. Foot Master a fishing Vessell which will be

JONATHAN JACKSON

245

bound out some time this month from Cape Fourchu on the Cod Fishery which Business she will pursue the whole Season, say to the first of Nov r . M r Barnard had this done here for five p C l Premium last Year & hopes to get it done with you much cheaper — for Partner & Self I remain Your obedt Serv ts

JJ

L E T T E R FROM JACKSON & BROMFIELD, N E W B U R Y P O R T , J U N E 2 6 , 1 7 7 2 , ΤΟ H E N R Y CRUGER, JR., BRISTOL, A N N O U N C I N G A P O L I C Y OF N O N - I M P O R T A T I O N

1

A f t e r having ceased the importation of English goods during most of the years 1768-70, partly for political and partly for personal motives, Jackson & Bromfield had again made importations late in 1770 and during the following year; but at this time of announcing another suspension of importation the Newburyport firm had already abstained from bringing in goods from England for nearly six months. 2 T h i s is only the second letter in a period of over two months. During this time, however, an important event in Jonathan Jackson's career had taken place, his marriage to Hannah T r a c y , only daughter of Patrick T r a c y , the merchant under whom he had gained his first practical business experience. Hannah T r a c y was born Apr. 24, 1755, and thus was a mere child at the time when Jackson was learning business as her father's clerk. A little over a year after the death of his wife Sarah, Jonathan Jackson again turned his thoughts toward matrimony and fixed his attention on Hannah T r a c y , then a girl of sixteen. Jackson's courtship did not proceed without squalls. Patrick T r a c y was a man of stern disposition — Hannah Jackson's daughter, Mrs. Henry Lee, later referred to her mother as "having suffered . . . from being very much restrained early in l i f e . " 3 On Oct. 3, 1 7 7 1 , Jonathan Jackson wrote to Oliver Wendell: " A b o u t ten days since I asked of the old Gent". Liberty to be an Attendant at the House, I wrote to M r Brimmer what his Objections were & that he must take 1. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765." 2. Ibid., Jackson & Bromfield invoice book, Aug. 4, 1764-Dec., 1771. See last order of Dec., 1771. 3. Morse, Frances Rollins, Henry and Mary Lee: Letters and Journals (Boston, 1926), pp. 185-186.

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some more time to consider of it . . . the poor girl Since Saturday last has been the Subject of Hysterics to an uncommon degree. I believe some days she has had twenty fits in a day." 4 Whatever Patrick Tracy's objections were — whether his daughter's youth or something related to Jackson himself — they were conquered in less than a year, and on June i , 1 7 7 2 , in Hampton Falls, Ν . H., the couple were married. 5 Hannah Jackson's marriage seems to have furnished release to her natural disposition and John Quincy Adams in his diary describes her, at the age of 32, as fond of social life, talkative, and witty, though the hypercritical young Adams considered her "rather too fond, in repeating some gentleman's speeches, to render every word, even those . . . which the lips of every woman ought to be ignorant of pronouncing." 6 Newbury Port June 26 t h . 1 7 7 2 r

T o Mr. Henry Cruger Jun . Sir. Our last Letter to you was of 9 t h Dec r . last, since which we are fav d . with yours of 20 t h March. W e are [interlineated: at present] quite discouraged from Ordering goods from you (or [interlineated: Indeed from] any of our Correspondents in England) Their is a Flood of goods in this province already, if the importers of them realize the Cost & Charges, it's rather more than we expect to get for those imported from you, W e have near two thirds of the goods by us that you ship'd ρ Hensby & Gough & shall have for some time to come unless we sell them for less than they Cost us, our being punctual in payments depends in part upon the Sale of the goods we import, and as we have met with so poor a Sale we are tardy in payment, tho' were we to stop payment 'till we cou'd raise the whole or even one half of what is due to you, from your goods, we dare say it wou'd be two or three years ee'r you'd be paid for them, but our 4. Austin H. Clark Collection, Jonathan Jackson, Newburyport, Oct. 3, 1771, to Oliver Wendell, Boston. 5. Putnam and Putnam, op. cit., pp. iv-v, 28. 6. "Diary of John Quincy Adams," Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., Nov., 1902, p. 370, Jan. 18, 1788.

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111 success in the Sale, tho' it may in some measure serve as an Apology for your not being in Cash e'er this, shall not hinder our remitting you as soon as is in our power. — As we don't propose to import any more goods from great Britain 'till a prospect opens of their leaving some profit to us — Our Design is to Cancell every Debt we owe in England in the Course of this fall & the Winter ensueing — The Debt due to you shall be first Discharg'd as it has been the longest Due of any Debt we owe in England, the remittance we mention'd in our last letter to be made you from Ireland we doubt not you'l receive by the time this Letter reaches you & it's probable much before, whenever it is rec d . do acquaint us the amo1. of it. We Rest Sir, Your most obed* Servts. L E T T E R FROM J A C K S O N & BROMFIELD, N E W B U R Y P O R T , J U L Y 3 , 1 7 7 2 , TO P E L A T I A H W E B S T E R , P H I L A D E L P H I A , ON METHODS

BUSINESS

1

Note that the Philadelphia merchant was selling rum for the N e w buryport firm while the latter was selling tea for the Philadelphian. T h e comments upon the respective advantages of consigning goods to a merchant and to the master of a vessel are worthy of note.

Newbury Port 3D July 1772 Mr. Pel*. Webster Sir, Since our's of 9 T H Ult°. we are fav d . with your's of 28 T H May & of 20th Ulto. & note the Contents — We are very sensible many & great advantages wou'd arise if all the Rum ship'd from this place was consign'd to one person only, but the present dispersion of it is not to be avoided — all the Noted Shippers of it here have each a different Correspondent in P h i K which they are Severally fond of and upon a Supposition they all agreed it Best to Consign to one person — The i. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765."

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great difficulty wou'd be to agree in the Choice of a Sutable person, each insisting his Correspondent to be the most Quallified & so nothing to purpose cou'd be Effected As to Consigning to the Master's of Vessels we always have & still look upon is the Worst of all the Evils that attend a Trade between us — & have done all that lyes in our power to put a Stop to it, but with no Success — people here are Induc'd to it as they save 2 ]/2 pC* — Wyer will do the Business for 5 p O Round, whereas they must pay ητ/2 p O to a mercht. they don't consider the Disadvantage of Forced Sales — Hope we shall have an opp°. to Ship you some Rum in the Fall (provided you have prospect of obtaining 2/3 May send you A large Quantity) at present no opp°. presents — Our Rum has come to much better Markets than we expected — when you have compleated the sales do forward them In our Last Letter of the 9 t h Ult°. we gave sales of your Tea & order'd Four Tons of Best flatt & Square Barr Iron to be ship'd us Via Boston immediately — if not ship'd pray forward it first Opp° for Boston. We Rest, in great Haste Price Curr 1 . Your Most Hum1 Serv 1 — Tea 3/8 Flour 20/ Cotton 1/3 Maideira Wine £10 — a Quarter Cask L E T T E R FROM JACKSON & BROMFIELD, N E W B U R Y P O R T , D E C . 4 , 1 7 7 2 , ΤΟ P E L A T I A H W E B S T E R , P H I L A D E L P H I A , W I T H I N S T R U C TIONS FOR S H I P P I N G F L A X S E E D

1

The account of the expenses involved in shipping flaxseed from New York to Ireland is of interest, as is the mention of the price of flaxseed in Philadelphia — more than twice what it was in Boston three years before. Benjamin Franklin invented the lightning rod in 1752. Those ordered in the letter below were doubtless intended for Jonathan Jack1. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765."

JONATHAN

JACKSON

son's new three-story house on High St., built the previous year, later occupied by the famous "Lord Timothy Dexter." 2 To Mr Pelatiah Webster Newburyport 4 th Dec r 1772 Sir This comes by Cap 1 Jo s Stanwood [whose Vessell brings you — stricken through] ρ whom we ship you fifty Hhds [interlineated: & sixteen Teirces] Rum & one hundred & thirty two — Casks Flaxseed as ρ Bill of Lading inclosed, as also your Cocoa & Cyder — Invoice of all which you have herewith — we have been singularly unlucky in prosecuting this Adventure — we were led on with the Expectation of Lowell's Vessell near a M°. & at last disappointed — the Weather has been unfavourable since we began to load these Vessells which has been some delay — Our last to you was 27th ult°. last Post bro't us your Favor of 21st. — we are apprehensive of being too late for your Markett both as to Rum & Flaxseed, but it [is too late — stricken through interlineated: won't do] now to recede — [but — stricken through] we hope if [Stanwood — stricken through] your River remains open & Stanwood gets in we shall do well yet as to Flaxseed & that it may even rise — we sometimes flatter ourselves with your obtaining 1 1 / or 1 2 / for it, but as we are sensible it is an Article that something must be done with in the season & it is possible the Demand may be over before our's reaches you, it is necessary to give directions in that case — our Flaxseed must fetch us 7/ pbus to make us whole, prices ran so high here before we had done collecting — now shou'd it have fallen below that price, we wou'd have you immediately set about preparing it to ship to Ireland — provided there is any Oppy to get it away even by the beginning of February — M r John Barnard (who is our particular Friend) we [interlineated: hope] to dispatch this week with one hundred & odd Casks Flaxseed /besides some Rum) [he being — stricken through] it goes consigned to him to make the Trip worth his Attention — but still shou'd he not be able to procure 7/ we 2. Currier, Newburyport,

vol. ii, p. 220.

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shall order him to place it in your hands to ship with the other to Ireland — least you shou'd not have been particularly acquainted with the sending Seed to Irel d . permit us to mention several Things for your general Guidance — [we had once a Cargo ship'd from — stricken through] still supposing you'll take due pains to inform yourself — we had once a Cargo ship'd from Ν York — in cleaning they charged us 4 p O [interlineated: for] Wastage & Foulness & 3 / [interlineated: Cury] pCask cleans & 6 d ρ Cask heads & Lining — & 3/6 for new Casks & 2/9 for half Casks & Seed was freighted that year from thence to Ireld a t 10/ Ir Cury pC a . 3 d Ir. Cury ρ Cask Primage is generally paid in Ireland if you can make any Saving by paying it in Phil a . do, & send forward the Master's Ree 1 — shou'd there be no Vessell bound to any part of Irel d . perhaps some bound to Scotland or any where in S [ George's Chan1, may take it — or perhaps you may persuade Cap 1 Stanwood to go — you'll get the Freight as low as possible — if it must go to Ireland, we shou'd prefer its' going to Newry consign'd to our Friends Mess rs W m . & J n o . Ogle of that place — but perhaps in this we cant have our Choice — if the Vessell carrying it shou'd be bound to Belfast consign it to M> Robert Gordon — or in case of Accident to him to Mess rs Gregs & Cunningham — if to Colrain consign to M r Henry Spence — if to Cork consign to Mess rs Lane Benson & Vaughan — whoever you consign to order the N* proceeds to be remitted without delay to Mess rs Hayley & Hopkins of London Merch ts — shou'd you ship our Interest to Ireland & there be any Oppy at that time or before to England do write to our Freinds Mess rs Henry & Thomas Bromfield of London for Insurance — if no Oppy to Engl d . insure for us in Phil a — if the Seed goes to Irel d observe to the Mercht there [interlineated: it] isNorthw d Produce — [but — stricken through] we are providing for what we hope will not take place — after rec1 of this you'll give us immediate advice — the Rum [interlineated: we] hope you'll get off before the price falls below 2/3^2 — y o u must use your own Judgment in keeping or pushing it off — we are obliged to pay Cap 1 Stanwood for a full Freight [interlineated: back] & so we are Cap 1 Barnard —

JONATHAN JACKSON 1

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but Cap Stanwood refuses to take freight for any other place — if there be any frt offering for any port in this Government or for Portsmouth do recommend Cap 1 Barnard as in such Case we can the more easily fill Stanwood — Mr Teel is obliged to ship back the amount of his Goods in Stanwood & if Cap 1 Barnard can make out a freight or even a proper sett of Balast only home we shou'd be glad to give Stanwood all the rest ·— & if it be necessary & the Remittance sent will furnish it, we wou'd have put on board Stanwood five hundred Bbl s Flour for our Acc 1 rather than pay dead Freight — [you'll — stricken through] please to ship us by him two Tons of sizeable flat & square Iron — one Pipe of good Madeira [interlineated: Sterls] Wine price not exceeding £60 — or £65 — also 3 or 4 Qr Casks Lisbon if right good is to be purchased for £ 8 or under — we want two electrical Rods for [interlineated: two] Houses 30 feet high — besides which Allowance is to be made for their going into the Ground — & also for their bending 12 feet upon the Roof & then rising [8 or 10 — stricken through interlineated: 1 2 ] feet by the Chimney — we are told these are drawn at your Works on purpose — you'll oblige us to enquire & procure 'em of the proper size & of as great lengths as can be conveniently handled — do advise us how Exchange is on London — do send 6 or 8 half bbls supf. Flour & 4 or 5 Casks Rusks of 2o lb w l — [& 1 or 2 — stricken through interlineated: 3] Hhds good Bran — our last informed you the Terms upon which we agreed with Stanwood we need not therefore urge your giving him the utmost dispatch — & if a full Loading is not to be procured he had better come a good deal short than to be detained with the risque of the river's Shutting — unless the market for Seed is over & you shou'd think proper to engage Stanwood upon a Freight to Irel d . in that case do turn over all his Freight to Capt Barnard who will be in as great an Hurry to be gone — the reason of our giving Stanwood the preference in Freight back here if he shou'd come is that the Detention of M r Barnard's Vessell of his not returning full we can make easier to us than the other —

THE

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THE

LEES

L E T T E R FROM J O N A T H A N JACKSON, N E W B U R Y P O R T , J U L Y

12,

1 7 7 3 , ΤΟ J O H N BROMFIELD, LONDON, W I T H A C C O U N T OF T H E I R JOINT B U S I N E S S

1

In June, John Bromfield had gone to London from New York without warning, leaving Jackson to manage the business alone, and this, too, at what was evidently a rather critical time. There are strong hints in other letters from Jackson to Bromfield that the former was not too well pleased by his partner's action. In a letter of the same date as the one below, introducing Bromfield to Tappenden, Stanfield & Denham, London, Jackson wrote: "We yet see no Encouragement in engaging anew in Goods from England & have therefore rather forbid, than otherwise, M r Bromfield's taking any Credits there — . . . Remittance . . . we are sorry to say we can give no Encouragement for 'till some time in the Fall, we hope before Winter — . . . we . . . may say with great Truth that near half the Goods we had from you upwards of two Years since were upon hand when he [Bromfield] left us, & not a quarter part of them have we received payment for, and shall not for many months — . . . of this we are certain we shou'd have been Gainers of some hundred pounds, had we not imported a shillings worth of Goods from England since the Nonimportation Agreement." The orders of clothing for Jonathan Jackson and his wife assist us in picturing to ourselves the period. When shoes were ordered from London, even by measure, instead of being fitted directly, it was not surprising that the wearer, despite his desire that they should "fit neat & yet easy," should be "troubled with many Corns — " N e w b u r y p o r t M o n d a y 12 th J u l y 1773

T h e foregoing is C o p y of m y last to y o u which went the same d a y [interlineated: (as w r o t e ) ] to Boston to your B r o r H e n r y for C o n v e y a n c e — accompanied with M r s Bromfield's first Letter & one from Mr. F o g — F r i d a y ' s Post bro't M « Bromfield another L r f r o m y o u of 2 7 t h June from Ν Y o r k in which she tells me y o u mention, y o u were sitting down to write m e — i. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765."

JONATHAN JACKSON

253

which, if you did, came not by the same post. I suppose I shall receive it Tomorrow night — this is intended by the Brig Adv r e Cap 1 [interlineated: Isaac] Randall, who I hope will not sail 'till after Tomorrow — this Vessell I understand is freighted with Plank by Will m . Storey of Ipswich for one M r Hägen — I suppose the former Correspondent of Moses Hazen — Will — Bayley of Almsbury the Owner of the Vessell was asking me a few days since for some Merch 1 in Lond° to consign his Vessell to for Sale — I recommended your Brother's House — but I don't know what he has done about it — with Respect to our Business I have only to inform you in general, that it goes on as usual — Money comes in but slowly from our old Debts or from our late contracted ones. I took several Credits for Molasses last month, I expect a good deal of difficulty in paying for, next — however I am determined to keep the Distill House going, if nothing else — & as we expect in much more [interlineated: Stock] proportionably in the Fall, I hope to lay out for Flaxseed besides — from the proceeds of which whether I shou'd sell here or ship home, I hope to make payment to Mess rs Hayley & C° — & with what other Stock we can spare then, to Mess rs Tappenden & C° too — I shall inclose you Letters to each of those Houses — you'll make [interlineated: to] them the best Apology you can for delay of Payment — [interlineated: indeed you may say a good deal to the lastmention'd House about prices of Nails & you may very honestly tell both Houses we sincerely repent having meddled with Eng. Goods since the Nonimportation Agreemt — ] I must again repeat what I [did — stricken through interlineated: said] in my last, [indeed — stricken through interlineated: or rather] I [interlineated: must] absolutely refuse, being concerned in taking up any [new — stricken through] Credits for Goods from home — I have not yet been able to make a Remittance to Mess rs Phips of Leicester — I hope your Brothers [may — stricken through] have made them one [interlineated: for us] as mentioned in their last Letter — & do [interlineated: you] write them from London it will not be long before we shall remit them in full. I appropriate M c Neils' Remittance from Quebec for it, if I shou'd not

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be able to do it before — Cruger of Bristol was last week here on his Journey to Portsmo (it was the day before we [knew — stricken through interlineated: had heard] of your Determination) — I expect him to return this day — & have collected his Balance about £ 100 Ste which I shall offer, but shall propose, if it be agreeable, to remit it in the Fall, rather — I shall desire him if he is not returning home this Fall to write his Partner of your being in England — I shall also inclose you a Letter to that House — you say in your Letter from Ν Y o r k that is come to hand, that you will return in the fall if necessary — the necessity, shou'd there be any, will be over by that time — my private Matters you are sensible will be thronging upon me this Summer particularly, & the effect will be that both those & our joint ones mayn't be so well attended — however I don't despair of doing well enough as Enoch is so capable of assisting me — & I have the less to say to you upon this head as I have kept myself so much at large these two or three years past — I met with an Accident a month or six weeks since [that — stricken through interlineated: which] M r s Bromfield told me she informed you of that put me back a good deal — especially in Cap 1 Roberts' Affairs w c h . I had devoted that season for to bring to some Close — I fear your Absence will now prevent our doing it with any Accuracy — shou'd I think of sending our Flaxseed to Ireland I shall give you as early Information as I can of it — & do [interlineated: mention when you are] write me whether you shou'd like to cross over in the Winter to Ireland & sell it — you offer your Services to your Friends — M r s Jackson (who desires her Remembrance to you) & myself are like to give you some Employ — I inclose you one of M r Didsburys hand Bills — please to get him or any good Workman if you find one cheaper (his price is 8/6 for most sorts of Shoes) to make me according to the 3 last Measures 6 pr of Shoes — one pair of the stoutest sort for Winter & [interlineated: fit to shed] our Snow W a t e r — [interlineated: these may be made double or w t h . Goloshoes if they please] one pr of thin Leather neat turn'd Pumps [for Summer — stricken through] & two pr of neat thin Shoes [to wear with — stricken

JONATHAN

JACKSON

255

through interlineated: all for Summer Wear & that will not soil] silk Stockes & [not soil — stricken through] — & two pr of common [interlineated: good] Shoes for Spring & Fall Wear — whoever makes 'em if he pleases me for price & quality I shall continue to employ him [interlineated: please to order all my Shoes middling as to length of Quarters & in no extravagant fashion — I want them to fit neat & yet easy, being troubled with many Corns — ] please also to send me one pr of the best plain white & one pr of best plain blk Silk Stockings small Calves & Ankles also six pr of best french grey worsted to my size — M r s Jackson sends a pink Silk she desires dyed as near the [Colour — stricken through interlineated: green] sent as can be — she also sends a [Shoe — stricken through interlineated: Pump] for pattern — according to which please to send 6 pr of blk everlasting Pumps & 6 pr blk Russell price about 5/ or 5/6 a pr — also 1 pr straw col d brocaded Pumps small Sprigs — & ι pr best white & 1 pr best blk Sattin d°. they must all have good clever Heels not a very small sort which is lately in fashion — do buy me if you can find it at any of the Cloth Shops one yard of the best & thickest blk brdCloth fit to make Shoes of — firm as a Board if to be g o t — Monday E v e n s — Thus far I had wrote in the Forenoon — this Afternoon I have been taken up with M r Cruger who returned from Portsm 0 & is gone on to Salem — I cou'd not persuade him to stay the Night here — he behaved very politely — I told him frankly if he had not come along we shou'd not have remitted him 'till Fall & had rather now defer it — but that I had collected the Money for him — he made no Demand, but hinted the urgency they felt in their Affairs, that I tho't it best to finish the Acc 1 . this payment I fear will retard [my — stricken through interlineated: our] Remittance to the Leicester Men, as I was obliged to make absolute Engagements for the Molasses Credits due next month — you have yet given me no hint whether you will, or will not, want some Supplys of Cash for yourself — M r Cruger I informed, of your having taken passage for London & that I was about writing you & mentioned that I sh d write to his House — he desired his Compliments to be made to you & promised me he

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wou'd mention you in his next Letter to his Partner — he does not return to England 'till Spring — I gave Bayley some Encouragement I wou'd recommend Cap 1 Randall to your Notice — it mayn't be amiss for you to put yourself in his way to ask what News &c — pin'd on to Didsburys hand bill, which is wrap'd up in a Bundle of Silk (53 p s of pink abovemention'd to be dyed) is a pattern for the green — & also a pattern of striped Persian, which if you can meet any near like do purchase a p s of — the pattern Shoe is also in the Bundle — inclosed is a Letter for Mess rs Hayley & C° — Tappenden & C° & Cruger & C° — I am now going for M r s Bromfield's Letters & her other Commands, to get all my L r s on board the Brig at Almsbury to night, least she may sail early in the morns — I hope she may not, as if I have a Letter from you at Ν York by Tonights' Post, I shall probably wish to add something to this Tomorrow — if not when I send forward duplicates of these Letters I shall again write you — domestic & all such Matters I shall leave to M r s Bromfield to inform you of — M r Lowell & almost all his Family are from home — that I have not his good Wishes at present to send with my own for the Establisment of your Health & that every Blessing may attend you — in much haste at present I must only subscribe your Friend & obed1 Serv1 you have also inclosed a L r from Enoch — LETTER

FROM J A C K S O N

^^

&

BROMFIELD, NEWBURYPORT,

AUG.

1 0 , 1 7 7 3 , ΤΟ J O S I A H B A C O N , J R . , M A R Y L A N D , ON T R A D E W I T H MARYLAND

1

As at previous periods of non-importation from England, the Newburyport firm now cultivated more extensive trade relations with colonial ports. Maryland accordingly appears in the Jackson & Bromfield letter book as a source of supply for cereals and a market for rum and English goods. i. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765."

JONATHAN

JACKSON

T o M r Josiah B a c o n J r . N e w b u r y Port A u g 1 1 0 . 1773 Sr. O u r last Letter to y o u w a s 28 t h J u l y p P o s t — to which we refer — since then we have run off all your Corn at 3/, & some small part at 3/4 — a better price much, than we expected — a stormy d a y to d a y prevents y o u r Vessell's hailing on the W a y s — for a L e a k she has complained of the whole V o y a g e — her Loading is all ready & w e foresee nothing to prevent her sailing this W e e k — we shall p u t in about 2500 Gils R u m — 2 hhds Molasses which is now scarce & dear the T e a , Loaf Sugar, Oznabrigs & looking Glasses as ordered W I R u m & Sp. Ceti Candles are not to be had — we shall write y o u again & remain Y o u r hble Serv t s L E T T E R FROM JACKSON & BROMFIELD, N E W B U R Y P O R T , D E C . 1 3 , 1 7 7 3 , TO T A P P E N D E N & C o . , LONDON, A N N O U N C I N G T H E PROSPECTIVE DISSOLUTION OF T H E N E W B U R Y P O R T F I R M

1

Jonathan Jackson and John Bromfield were to part company in the spring of 1774 because of an advantageous business offer made to the former by his father-in-law, Capt. Patrick Tracy, whose daughter, Hannah, he had married in 1772. During the eight years (1766-74) of their partnership, Jackson & Bromfield made a total profit, evenly divided, of £7,591 os. n } i d . , or a rough average of £474 per partner annually. The greatest gross profits of any single year were £1,704 15s. 7d., for 1772-73, the smallest were £573 16s. 4/4d., for 1770-71. Most of the profits, by agreement, were left to swell the capital of the firm, which increased from £1,600 at its foundation, Mar. 1, 1766, to £5,409 17s. 7d. at its highest point, Mar. 1, 1773. During the last two years of its existence the firm seems to have been in process of liquidation, Jonathan Jackson's share of the business being transferred to him through assigning to his own personal account various accounts of individuals with the firm. This was in anticipation of his joining in business with his brothersin-law, the Tracys. B y Mar. 1, 1774, only £334 4s. 6 ^ d . of the firm's accumulated profits remained to his account as a member of i. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter book, 1765."

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Jackson & Bromfield, whereas Bromfield's share of the accumulated profits still amounted to £2,083 I I S · 9/4d.2 To Mess rs Tappenden & Ο Newburyport 13 t h Dec r 1773 n Gent Our last Letter to you was 12 th July under Cover to our r M Bromfield who was then on his Passage to England, & we suppose was handed to you by him — since which our J Jackson has reced your Favours of 2 d June 24 th July & 6 th Aug st the latter inclosing Inv° & Bill of Lading of sundrys [interlineated: for him] ρ Smith amounting to twenty six pounds 1 2 / 1 St? which is right, excepting 6m 2o d Tenter Hooks @ 6/9 — 40/6 being sent, instead of 1 Ο 3o d Hooks — they are not worth the Trouble of returning [interlineated: back] but he asks this Favour — that in case any of your Correspondents shou'd order out any qy of 20 d Tenter Hooks, you wou'd omit supplying them, giving them directns to him who will part with them readily at the Inv° Cost, as he can have no Use for 'em — we fully intended a Remittance to you & one of some Amount, as we promised, e're this — it wou'd be in vain to tell you of Disappointments, [interlineated: almost] every Letter from America we suppose is filled with them — but you cannot conceive the difficulty of getting in debts in this Country, owing to the [interlineated: shamefull] want of Punctuality in our small Dealers — however as our Partnership is coming to a Close in the Spring we shall at least then make it our Business to finish with you, if possible, & we still have it in view to do it before — inclosed you have two small Bills wh ch . fell in our way — J Figg on Ja s Meyrick for £7.-19/ Sts — & Alex r Willson on John Wheeler for £20..7/ which we hope will meet due honour — it will not be long first before you hear from us again — in the mean time we remain Gent" your oblig'd & very obedt Serv ts Original pCapt Scott — J &Β — [in margin: Our M> B-f-d is not yet arrived — we suppose him to be on his passage & hope him to be safe] 2. Patrick Tracy Jackson Collection, Jackson & Bromfield ledgers, Mar. i, 1766-Mar. i, 1772, Mar. 1, 1 7 7 2 - J a n . 4, 1 7 9 1 .

J O N A T H A N

J A C K S O N

DIVISION

259

II

JACKSON, T R A C Y & TRACY, NEWBURYPORT MERCHANTS IN THE TRADE WITH SPAIN AND THE WEST INDIES AND IN REVOLUTIONARY PRIVATEERING

1774-80 L E T T E R FROM JACKSON, T R A C Y & T R A C Y , N E W B U R Y P O R T , F E B . 1 1 , 1 7 7 4 , TO T H O M A S & ISAAC W H A R T O N , PHILADELPHIA, A N N O U N C I N G N E W PARTNERSHIP

1

Those concerned in the firm of Jackson, Tracy & Tracy were Jonathan Jackson, till recently senior member of the firm of Jackson & Bromfield, and his brothers-in-law Nathaniel and John Tracy. Their "hon d Father," Patrick Tracy, had been born in Ireland, probably in the county of Wexford, about 1711, and when "quite a young lad" had "obtained employment on a merchant vessel" sailing for New England. "The date of his arrival in Newbury is uncertain. For several years he followed the sea, and made frequent voyages to the West Indies and elsewhere. He afterward became a competent and skilful navigator, and as shipmaster and shipowner acquired considerable wealth. He subsequently established himself in business as a merchant and importer of foreign merchandise." During the years 1753— 63, we know, from incomplete records, that he owned at least nine vessels, the sloop Fame and the schooners John, Margaret, Hannah, Newbury, Rainbow, Charming Betty, Charming Sally, and Amherst. In 1753 and 1754 he specialized in shipping lumber and bricks to Newfoundland, probably taking returns in fish; in 1755 and 1756 the emphasis was upon shipping fish to Bilbao, Cadiz, and Lisbon, with returns in salt. In 1758, 1762, and 1763 there were shipments to Guadeloupe, Antigua, Grande Terre, and other West India islands, of fish, lumber, boards, staves, shingles, bricks, desks, etc., with returns in molasses, sugar, and coffee; and in 1758 and 1762 Patrick Tracy shipped fish, rum, oil, molasses, cranberries, European goods, earthen, wooden, and iron ware to Virginia and sugar, salt, European goods, wooden and iron ware to North Carolina, probably taking returns in i. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book, 1774," p. 1.

26ο

THE JACKSONS AND THE LEES

wheat, corn, flour, and such cereals and cereal products. 2 It was during the years when Patrick Tracy seems to have been concentrating on trade with the West Indies and the colonies of Virginia and North Carolina that Jonathan Jackson was a clerk in his countinghouse. By his second marriage, with Hannah Gookin (his first had been childless), Patrick Tracy had two sons and a daughter: Nathaniel (b.Aug. i i , 1751), John (b. Apr. 1 9 , 1 7 5 3 ) , and Hannah (b. Apr. 26, 1755). Nathaniel was graduated from Harvard in 1769 and "took a supplementary course of study at Yale." Hannah became the wife of Jonathan Jackson, June 2, 1772. 3 This association was a considerable advance in business life for Jonathan Jackson. In consideration of his experience and of his connection with the Tracy family, he became the senior partner in a firm possessing a much greater capital than the £5,000 or so of Jackson & Bromfield. The mention of the "new Vessell about 120 Tons" is a mere hint of the difference in the characters of the two firms. Jackson & Bromfield had apparently never owned a vessel outright and seem to have possessed a share in only one, but the Tracys were extensive shipowners as well as merchants. During the single year 1774, the Jackson, Tracy & Tracy ledger contains accounts of no less than a dozen vessels of their own, the sloops Mermaid, Conway, Lively, Peggy, the brigantines Elizabeth, Hannah, John, Minerva, Nathaniel, Tryton, Success, and the ship Union. Thomas Wharton, senior member of the firm to which this letter was addressed, was later governor of Pennsylvania; Isaac was his cousin.4 A t the same time the Newburyport firm addressed a similar letter to a Baltimore merchant, but the prospects in both cases were 2. Eng. Shipping Records, pt. iii, Entrance and Clearance, 1756-1763 (photostats in Mass. Hist. Soc.), Mar. 22, Oct. 16, 1753, Nov. 8, 1754, July 29, 1755, Jan. 28, July 28, Sept. 10, 1756, Aug. 17, Aug. 30, Nov. 10, 1762, Jan. i, 1763; Massachusetts Shipping Records, pt. iv, 1756-1765 (photostats in Mass. Hist. Soc.), Oct. 28, Dec. 1, 1758, Mar. 25, 1763. 3. Currier, "Ould Newbury," History of Newburyport, vols, i and ii, passim. It is unfortunate that the valuable material contained in these three volumes was not concentrated in a single work. To pursue stray bits of information through some 2,000 pages, many if not most of which duplicate or paraphrase one another, is as wearing upon the nerves as it is wasteful of time. 4. "Thomas Wharton," Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography; Francis Wharton: A Memoir (Philadelphia, 1891), pp. 1-2.

M R S . PATRICK TRACY,

1724-56

JONATHAN JACKSON

261

so unpromising that the voyage was not made. The Tracys, indeed, were at this time concerned in a voyage similar to that here projected. On Feb. 28, 1774, the custom house of the Annapolis district recorded the entrance from the Piscataqua of the schooner Betsy, 60 t., Silas Nowell, master, owned by Robert and Nathaniel Tracy and loaded with rum and molasses, which vessel on Mar. 19, 1774, cleared for Cadiz with a cargo of wheat, flour, barrel staves, and heading. 5

Newburyport 11 t h Feby 1774 — To & Isaac Wharton Gentn Philadelphia — This comes under Cover from our hon d Father, who is winding off Business in our favour — we have already entered into Contract under the firm of Jackson Tracy & Tracy, below we trouble you with our respective Signatures which we beg may meet with equal credit by you — we have a new Vessell about 120 Tons Burthen we have Thots of sending by April next to the Southw d . for a Load of Flour, & perhaps some Wheat, for some part of Europe — We expect to send about 100 Hhds of Ν Ε Rum in her, towards procuring her Cargo — the Remainder we don't expect to be able to send till May or June, which we shall then remitt in Rum — be pleased to give us Advice ρ first Oppy of the present state of your Markett — & do give us your Judgment what a Cargo of Flour also of Wheat is like to be purchased for, the last of March, or beginning of April — the Flour we suppose we shall order will be Burr & light. & the Bbls hooped with 10 Hoops & Heads lined — you'll advise us what extra Charge will attend this — & be pleased also to mention what sort of Flour is generally sent to Cadiz-Markett, also to Bilboa — please also to mention the Dispatch you think you cou'd give the Vessell with such a Cargo — we are Gent n your obed1 Serv ts Mess rs

Tho s

The Firm of our J J — The &c

JΤ & Τ

5. "Custom House Records of the Annapolis District, Maryland, relating to Shipping from the Ports of Essex County, Mass., 1756-1775," Essex Inst. Hist. Colls., vol. xlv, pp. 264, 277. The Robert Tracy concerned in this voyage was Nathaniel's cousin, the son of his uncle Nicholas.

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LETTER FROM JACKSON, T R A C Y & T R A C Y , NEWBURYPORT, M A R . 2 4 , 1 7 7 4 , ΤΟ L A N E , SON & FRASER, LONDON, WITH DESCRIPTION OF POSSIBILITIES FOR TRADE RELATIONS

1

This letter is unusually revelatory of business life at Newburyport and of the part played therein by the Tracys. The importation and sale of ship-stores; the manufacturing of cordage; the distilling of molasses into rum, some of which went to Africa as a staple of the slave trade; freighting from London to New England; shipping cereals to the Spanish Peninsula; — all these enterprises occupied the attention of this Newburyport firm or its connections. The firm also, though apparently not itself concerned in shipbuilding, used the local facilities for that purpose as an inducement to attract trade from England. The London firm to which this letter is addressed was probably the leader among those which specialized in trade with the colonies. Newburyport 24 th March 1774 To Lane Son & Fraser I Gentn. London — This is accompanied with a Letter from our hon d Father who has turned over his Business [interlineated: to us] & placed his Trading Stock in our hands for our Improvement — this Assurance together with his Letter, we hope will give us an Establishment with your House, equal to his, provided our future Conduct in Trade shall be such as to support i t — - w e [shall want — stricken through] see no prospect of Gain at present by entering largely into the English-Goods Business — we therefore don't purpose keeping a full Assortment of Goods — only such, as our way of Business will command a sale for — Hemp & Duck are Articles we may want yearly some quantitys of, & cou'd wish to have them laid in upon the best Terms — Our Kinsman M r Robert T r a c y has lately purchased a Ropewalk here, & wou'd be glad to have his Hemp thro' our hands — be so good as to mention, when you write us, the best Terms you cou'd ship Hemp upon, when is the best Season in the year Mess r s

i . Jackson-Lee papers, "Letter Book, 1774," pp 2-3.

JONATHAN JACKSON

263

to purchase, & the longest Credit you can give — inclosed is a Memorandum for Goods you'll oblige us to ship ρ first Oppy for Boston [interlineated: or Portsmouth] & consign to us, marked as ρ Memo — please to insure the Amount — we are largely concerned in the Distilling of Molasses — having the Addition of M r Jackson's Distill House with that of our Father's — by both which together we shall be able to turn out 15 or 1600 Hhds of Rum [interlineated: ρ An.] —this Branch of Business has been so much run into lately this way, that we begin to fear it will be overdone — we cou'd with some short notice generally supply a large quantity of Rum — shou'd you, or any of your Connections, need a Cargo for the African Trade or any other, you'll oblige us to give us the preference — several Vessellsfrom [Liverpool — stricken through interlineated: England] have been this way the few last years for Rum — perhaps some such might need Repairs, which we imagine are done so much cheaper here than in England as to be a further Inducement to their coming for a Cargo — you'll oblige us to mention when you write, your opinion whether a [small — stricken through] Vessell about 150 Tons [interlineated: burthen] cou'd pick up a freight Spring & Fall from London to this place [interlineated: & Portsmouth]—& whether you wou'd incline to be equally concerned, in case we shou'd find such a thing practicable — & to give us the price current of American Exports — & do be particular as to any Kinds of Lumber [interlineated: how it must be prepared for a markett,] (more especially white-oak) that is like to pay a freight— [at bottom: you'll oblige us also when you have Advices from the ports of Spain & Portugal & within the Streights, of the prices of Wheat & Flour & other American produce, to inform us what they are — do give particular Orders that the Hemp ship'd for us be Kept wholly by itself & brot without breaking the Bundles — for we not only lose in the weight but run a great risque of receiving bad Hemp for the good our Friends may take pains to send us — ] Excuse this Trouble we are giving you & be assured we are Gentn with much Respect your very obed1 Servts

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L E T T E R FROM J A C K S O N , T R A C Y & T R A C Y , NEWBURYPORT, A P R . 9 , 1 7 7 4 , TO M A R T I N BRIMMER, BOSTON, WITH A C O N S I G N M E N T OF M O L A S S E S

1

This letter tells something of one aspect of the Newburyport firm's mercantile activities — sending goods to Boston to be sold on commission. Martin Brimmer is mentioned in Rowe's diary and was a close friend of Jonathan Jackson; his son and namesake became mayor of Boston. To Mr Martin Brimmer Ί Newbury Port April 9. 1774 Boston J Dear Sir This will be handed you by Capt James Stickney of our Sloop Lively, by whom we have shiped Hhds & Teirces of Molasses, which please to receive of him and sell on our Acc 1 . we think you had better sell it for Cash, to be paid on the delivery, as we shall probably want it, all in Joannes in 10 or 14 Days — pray advise us by every Opportunity we are & c JT&T — L E T T E R FROM J A C K S O N , T R A C Y & T R A C Y , NEWBURYPORT, M A Y 1 3 , 1 7 7 4 , TO B E W I C K S , T I M E R M A N & ROMERO, CADIZ, W I T H INSTRUCTIONS FOR D E A L I N G W I T H A V E S S E L AND CARGO FROM QUEBEC

1

At the same time, the Newburyport firm wrote the merchant Robert Anderson at Gibraltar with instructions for his conduct should the Minerva touch there. Although the high price of wheat at Quebec and the unpromising reports from Spain led Capt. Tracy "very prudently'" to return to Newburyport from Quebec,2 these instructions still are valuable for their description of the trade from New England to Spain. i. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book, 1774," p. 5. 1. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book, 1774," pp. 8-9. 2. Ibid., p. 22, Jackson, Tracy & Tracy, Newburyport, Aug. 24, 1774, to Bewicks, Timerman & Romero, Cadiz.

JONATHAN

JACKSON

265

Newburyport 1 3 t h M a y 1 7 7 4 — To Mess Bewickes Timerman & Romero at Cadiz ρ the Minerva J a s Tracy Gentn From the Correspondence that has subsisted between your House & M r Nath 1 Tracy who is now in Joint Trade with us, & from his Recommendation, we take the Liberty to address you — this will be handed by Cap* Ja s Tracy in our Brig Minerva, who is now bound [for — stricken through interlineated: to] Quebec for a Load of Canada Wheat for your port, & to you consigned — we must leave it entirely to your Discretion, either to sell this Cargo in Cadiz, or order the Vessell to any other port, within or without the Streights — wherever it sells we wou'd have the N* Proceeds remitted on our Acc 4 to London to Mess rs Lane Son & Fraser Merchts there — excepting what may be necessary to furnish her with a Load of Salt home — we shou'd have no Objection to this Vessel's taking a Freight, to any of your near Ports, provided upon Calculation between you & the Master, it is found she can make some Profit, & can probably be home here by first of December — in that Case we hope the Earnings she may make by Freighting, will purchase at least a Load of Salt for her — shd you think it most advantageous to order the Vessell to another Port, be so Kind as to consign to your Friends in such port, giving them Copy of our Directions to you — you'll please to advise us when she has arrived, & of her Destination afterwards — Mess rs Lane & C° cover our Interest in London — if any Mischance shd take place, do forward Protests to those Gent n for Recovery of Insurance — please to supply the Master with what necessarys he may want rs

— we have given liberty for the Vessel to be sold under limitations the Master can inform you of — this is her first Voyage — Any Civilities shewn the Master (who is one of our Family) shall be gratefully acknowledged by Gentn P S please to favour us with ) 0 bedt Servts the state of your Marketts ^your very 0 e ^erv^ J when you are writing this way — J

266

T H E

LETTER 1774,

FROM

J A C K S O N S HECTOR

TO SIMON

A N D

MCNEILL,

T H E

L E E S MAY

14,

FRASER, QUEBEC, W I T H INSTRUCTIONS

NEWBURYPORT,

FOR

H A N D L I N G A CARGO FROM N E W B U R Y P O R T

1

T h e port of Boston was about to be closed because of the tea party held there in the previous December; this would of course raise the price of rum in those places accustomed to being supplied from Boston. " B y the Massachusetts act of 1748, a Spanish piece of eight was fixed at 6s" 2 while in "Halifax Currency" it was 5s. 3 T h e price — "2 2 d Halifax at least ρ Gall" — which McNeill thought should be obtained for the rum was thus equal to about 26d. in Massachusetts currency. A t Newburyport about this time rum was being sold on credit at 2s. 6d. retail and is. 8d. wholesale 4 (indicating the risk involved in the retail trade in that article). T h e difference between 2od. per gal. received in Newburyport and 2 6d. desired in Quebec throws light on the expenses of freight between the two ports, commissions at Quebec, etc. T h e wheat was not to be purchased except " a t 4 h [probably meaning 4s. Halifax currency] or near it." In 1774 a "nameless store-keeper" in Philadelphia "bought wheat for 6s. per bushel." 5 In Pennsylvania currency it took 7s. 6d. to equal a Spanish dollar 6 as compared with 5s. in Halifax currency. McNeill was thus expecting that wheat would be obtainable at Quebec at exactly the same price as it was then being purchased for at Philadelphia. A s it turned out, wheat was so high at Quebec and the prospects for its favorable sale in Europe so unpromising, that the vessel returned to Newburyport with no wheat on board. Capt. Hector McNeill, once an officer in the British service, was later a captain in the n a v y of the United Colonies. 7 Simon Fraser should not be confused with any of the Highlanders of the same name, 1. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book, 1774," pp. 7-8. 2. Phillips, Henry, Jr., Historical Sketches of the Paper Currency of the American Colonies (Roxbury, Mass., 1865), p. 109. 3. Chalmers, Robert, A History of Currency in the British Colonies (London, 1893), pp. 6-7. 4. Patrick Tracy Jackson Collection, Jackson & Bromfield journal, Apr. 29, 1766-Dec. 23, 1771, passim; ibid., Jackson, Tracy & Tracy blotter, Jan. 5, 1775-Dec. 17, 1776, passim. 5. Channing, op. cit., vol. iii, p. 395η. 6. Adler, Simon Louis, Money and Money Units in the American Colonies (read before Rochester Hist. Soc., Jan. 8, 1900), pp. 3, 10. 7. "Hector McNeill," DAB.

JONATHAN

JACKSON

267

mentioned in the Dictionary of National Biography, who took part in the Burgoyne expedition. The exact relationship of Capt. James Tracy to his employers is not known; he was probably a cousin, the son of one of the several brothers of Patrick and Nicholas Tracy who had remained in Ireland.8 T o M r Simon Fraser — Newbury Port 14 M a y 1774 Sir This will be handed you by Capt James T r a c y of the Brig 1 . Minerva, which is the Vessell I wrote you of the 14 t h of April last (by M r John Blake & since that by Post) & for whom I desired you to provide a Cargo of five thousand bushells of Wheat or thereabouts — On his Arrival you will do all in your Power to give him the utmost dispatch things in this Quarter are likely to take a very extraordinary Turn, so that the common summer Price for Rum, will by no Means do at this time — there cannot be any more of that Article ship'd from Boston after the middle of June next, which will make a very material Difference in the state of your Marketts — you must therefore obtain 2 2 d Halifax at least pGll — if not more & that on Condition of laying in the Wheat Cargo at 4 H or near at, otherwise have it /the Rum) well Cooper'd as I wrote you last, & put it into Store at your Potash-House or elsewhere in the best Stores you can find, & then have the Vessell prepaired for her Wheat Cargo — she carries Boards Nails & c for to line herself withall, and you will find a good workman that understands the Business to Ceil her — before this is done I shall (please God) be with you myself but if not get her Loaded & dispatch her as soon as possible — furnish the Cap 1 with a good Pilot down the River & let him pursue his Orders from his owners — in case of my not appearing (as all Men are Mortal — ) Keep a Strict Account of your proceedings in this Transaction & render an Acc 1 thereof, to my Friends Mess r s Jackson T r a c y & T r a c y of this place. (Copy)

thy Friend & Serv 1 Hector McNeill —

8. Lee, Thomas Amory, "The Tracy Family of Newburyport," vol. Ivii, pp. 57-74.

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LEES

LETTER FROM JACKSON, TRACY & TRACY, NEWBURYPORT, J U L Y 8, 1 7 7 4 , ΤΟ THOMAS & ISAAC WHARTON, PHILADELPHIA, WITH PLANS FOR FLOUR TRADE

1

The "great Demand for Rum" at Newburyport was doubtless the result of the Boston Port Act which went into effect June 1 , 1774, thus causing a shortage in towns hitherto supplied from that port. It will be remembered that it was hoped to sell at Quebec, at 22d. Halifax per gal. (5s. Halifax = 1 Spanish dollar), rum which in Newburyport was selling at 2od. Massachusetts (6s. Massachusetts = 1 Spanish dollar). According to the letter below, rum from Newburyport should have been sold at 29d. Pennsylvania (7s. 6d. Pennsylvania = ι Spanish dollar). Since it would take 33d. Pennsylvania to equal 22d. Halifax this indicates something of the difference in freight rates between Newburyport and Quebec and Newburyport and Philadelphia. Observe the intention of keeping a vessel "constantly" between Newburyport and Philadelphia for the purpose of supplying flour to the Newburyport bakers. T o Τ & I Wharton Newburyport 8 * July 1 7 7 4 Gentlemen your favour of the 18 t h p r the Post and 20 th inclosing Inv°. & Bill Lading of sundry Merchandize shipped us p r the Lively Capt Lowell we have received with the Goods, & creditted your Acct with the amount £ 1245..8..7 your Currancy. it gives us Satisfaction to find you obtained the good price of 2 / 3 Gil for our Rum, when it was selling for 2 / 2 , but should rather you had got 2/4, tho' even at that price we must have been Losers of Id pr Gil (your Curry) This incloses Inv°. & Bill Lading of a small Quantity of Rum (shipped p r the Lively, A Lowell Master) which we consign to you it would give us great Pleasure to be able to send you a large Quantity at this time, but the great Demand for Rum here; and not intending 'till a few days since, to send Lowell your way at present, has prevented our reserving any more than we now send you — we wish to establish a Vessell in the trade i. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book, 1774," pp. 15-16.

J O N A T H A N

J A C K S O N

269

constantly between this and Phila a , and hope to make such connections with the Bakers as will encourage us to persue it. indeed our only View in sending Lowell at this time is merely to prevent any other Persons crouding into the Business, for we cannot think of ordering much Goods home by him, the Town at this Time being fully supplied with Flour and the Bakers not inclining to keep much by 'em this season of the Year — we know nothing that will prevent our succeeding in the Plan, unless it is the poor Encouragement to send Rum to Phil a it scarcely ever neating us the first cost by i } 4 d Glln. however we propose to try it this year and could wish to be acquainted with the best times to Ship our Rum, of which Article we hope to send you 15 or 16000 Gils before your river closes — the Rum on board Lowell is not branded owing to our Negligence in not being furnished with a branding Iron, pray use your best Endeavour to procure a full Freight for the Lively — Lowell intends to put in 500 Bush s Corn & tells us he has a prospect of getting the Freight of 3 or 4 Tons of Iron — if he does not get enough to fill her, which there is little Probability of, pray ship us 1000 Bus 5 Indian Corn 100 Barrels common Flour — 30 Barrells Ship Stuff, — 30 Bbs Superfine Flour & 30 Bbs Turpentine — perhaps there may be some Freight for Portsmouth if Lowell should take in any for that Place, we can send it from here there Every Week — pray hurry Lowell away M r Edmund Freeman, an intimate Acquaintance of our's, takes his Passage in [Cap 1 Lowell — stricken through interlineated: the Sloop] — any Civilities shewn him will be kindly acknowledged by us — & you'll oblige us when any of your Friends are coming this way to give us a like Notice — L E T T E R FROM J A C K S O N , T R A C Y & T R A C Y , N E W B U R Y P O R T , A U G . 2 3 , 1 7 7 4 , ΤΟ T H O M A S & ISAAC W H A R T O N , P H I L A D E L P H I A , M E N TIONING S E I Z U R E OF V E S S E L FOR H A V I N G T E A ON BOARD

1

In the previous year the British East India Company had been given " a monopoly of the colonial tea business." On Dec. 1 7 , 1 7 7 3 , had taken place the Boston T e a Party and on June 1, 1 7 7 4 , the Bos1. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book, 1774," pp. 19-20.

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ton Port A c t had gone into effect. 2 I t is curious to note that none of these episodes had been directly reflected in the Jackson & Bromfield or Jackson, T r a c y & T r a c y letters, in view of the assiduity previously displayed b y Jonathan Jackson in commenting adversely on any display of ministerial or parliamentary authority. T h e Newburyport firm apparently succeeded in getting back the seized sloop. 3

Mess rs Thomas & Isaac Wharton — August 23 d . 1774. Gentlemen — inclosed is Acc 1 of Sales of the Corn we rec d on your Account pthe Brittania, Capt Stanwood. the neat Proceeds. £ 22.5.3 is passed to your creditt — could have obtained a better Price for it had it not proved very musty — the Lisbon Wine remains yet on hand & we fear it will be a long Time before it can be sold to neat the Price you mention — your Favor by Capt Lowell inclosing Inv & Bill Lading of sundrys shiped on board the Lively we have received and creditted your A / C with the amount £438.4/4 Ρ Curry — the Goods we have not yet received, the Sloop being seized ab 1 4 Leagues distance from the East End of Long Island by the Swan Sloop of War, Capt Ayscough, for the Trifeling Matter of having on board ab4 4o lb Tea, which was found in Lowells & this Peoples Chests — [ind e e d — stricken through] chief of it was received from [the — stricken through interlineated: our] Carpenters in Philadelphia for their Wives in this Place — she was carried into Newport, was immediately libell'd, and now lays there under the Care of the Admiralty. — the Trial is to be this Week — if she is condemn'd we hope to buy her & get the Cargo here without shiping it in another Bottom it is probable we may send her or some other Vessell to your Place for a Cargo of Flour &c ab1 the middle of September — our Μ Γ Ν Tracy finds by a Letter he has lately received from his Friends Mess rs Sam u & Rob4 Pur2. Channing, op. cit., vol. iii, pp. 128-136. 3. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book, 1774," p. 26, Jackson, Tracy & Tracy, Newburyport, Sept. 24, 1774, to Thomas & Isaac Wharton, Philadelphia (see below, pp. 272-274).

JONATHAN JACKSON

271

viance of Baltimore that they have drawn on him for the Ballance due to them, & have returned him the Bill he drew on your House, therefore desire you would carry the neat proceeds of the Rum he sent you by the Lively to our creditt — we have Thoughts of sending a Schooner of ab 1 90 Tons to your Place to load with Rice — M r Freeman tells us, it can be bought for 1 2 / your Curry, in that case it will answer nearly as well to send her to Phil* to load as it will to Carolina — pray inform us by the first Post the lowest Price it can be purchased at and wether you could engage a Cargo [at — stricken through interlineated: on] a short Notice — we should also be glad to be frequently informed of the State of your Marketts — your Friend M r Rawson was with us only a few Hours, we wished to enjoy his Company a longer Time, but could not prevail on him [interlineated: to make] any [Stay — stricken through] Stop with us — we are Gentlemen very respectfully sent ρ Post — your Humb 1 Serv ts . Jackson Tracy & Tracy L E T T E R FROM JACKSON, T R A C Y & T R A C Y , NEWBURYPORT, S E P T . 6 , 1 7 7 4 , τ ο J O H N CHOATE, CHEBACCO, M A S S . , BARTERING SUGAR AND IRON FOR F I S H

1

I t was not uncommon for the Newburyport firm to barter imported goods for local products. On the same date as the letter below, it was also purchasing fish at Gloucester and Squam for salt and rum at the rate of a hogshead of salt for a quintal (hundredweight) of fish. On Aug. 2 3 , 1 7 7 4 , Jackson, T r a c y & T r a c y agreed with Langdon & Page, Pownalborough, Sheepscot River, Me., to exchange English and West India goods for boards and shingles; on Feb. 1 7 , 1 7 7 5 , they ordered from William Rotch, Nantucket, 100 boxes of spermaceti candles to be paid for half in rum on delivery and half in cash after 3 months. Chebacco is now part of the town of Essex. Enoch Titcomb ( 1 7 5 2 - 1 8 1 4 ) was a distant family connection of i. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book, 1 7 7 4 , " pp. 23-24.

THE JACKSONS

AND

THE

LEES

the Tracys; Miriam Titcomb had married Nicholas Tracy, and her grandfather and Enoch's were brothers.2 Enoch was apparently a clerk in the firm of Jackson, Tracy & Tracy. Newbury Port Sept 6. T o Mr John Choate of Chebacco — Sir We have reced by Nath 1 Brown one hundred & one Quintals Jamaica Fish & passed the same to your Credit — & have sent the above Sugar & Iron, agreeable to your Desire — we will take David Low's 100 Quintals or more of Scale Fish at 8/, & pay him Cash in 3 or 4 Months from the time we receive it — he may bring it, as soon as he pleases, if its' in good Order — if its' agreeable to you & him, will transact the Business wholly with you — will also take M r Roberts' 30 Quintals of Scale Fish upon the same Terms as the former, if its' chiefly Hake — please to return us an Answer py e first Oppy — We are sir &c for Mess™ J Τ & Τ Ε Τ — L E T T E R FROM J A C K S O N , T R A C Y & T R A C Y , NEWBURYPORT, S E P T . 2 4 , 1 7 7 4 , TO T H O M A S & ISAAC W H A R T O N , PHILADELPHIA, ON GENERAL BUSINESS MATTERS

1

The Boston Port Act was still keeping other New England ports busy in furnishing goods to the markets previously supplied from the New England metropolis. The vessel mentioned as having just sailed for the West Indies was the brigantine Success, Edmund Freeman, master. Joseph Atkins, the Tracys' young "Kinsman," apparently owed that title to the fact that his grandmother was a Gookin, as was the Tracys' mother.2 The remark on Capt. Lowell's apparently somewhat phlegmatic character indicates that his appointment in 1790 as a lighthouse keeper was well adapted to his temperament.3 2. Titcomb, Sarah Elizabeth, Early New England People, pp. 173, 174, 181. 1. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book, 1774," pp. 26-27, 29· 2. Currier, Newburyport, vol. ii, pp. 200-201. 3. Currier, "Ould Newbury," p. 216.

JONATHAN

JACKSON

Newburyport 24th. Sept r 1774 T o Messrs Th 0 s. & Isaac Wharton Gent» Our last to you was 23d Aug st . excepting M r Jackson's of 3 d Inst, from Rhode Island — this comes by the Sloop Lively Cap 1 Lowell, again — we keep her going that no other may take her Place in freights to & from hence — we have been so hurried hitherto for Rum, we cou'd get no quantity made beforehand for your market — neither shall we be able for a month to come — it gives us Uneasiness that such a Balance remains against us — we hope, the Sloop's next Trip to give her a good Quantity of Rum, & some Flaxseed — pray advise us ρ first Oppy how this last Article is like to go with you this Season [interlineated: also how Exchange goes upon London] — t h e Sloop is chiefly upon Freight out &home — we shall give her all the Rum we have upon hand [interlineated: Inv° of which is inclosed] — this we do not brand, because it was not made purposely for you, tho' the Quality is good — we have rec d . your Favour of 3 d . Ins 1 — the Vessell we were thinking to send to you for Rice, has sailed to the W Indias (by a Turn of Produce there,) to go from thence to Carolina to load for Europe — you enquired in a former Letter the price of Bees Wax, & if [interlineated: a] quantity cou'd be collected — the price is i 2 d Sterling plb & only to be picked up in small parcells — near 20 bbls of the last Flour [interlineated: branded S Shaw] sent us ρ the Lively [had — stricken through interlineated: was] changed, [whether — stricken through interlineated: perhaps] owing to it's being so long on shipboard — [or not — stricken through] you'll please to send the Iron Hoops [interlineated: ρ Lowell] if done, & also the Hemp [interlineated: before ordered] if at our limitation or under — Lisbon Wine is so dull of Sale here, we cou'd not make it convenient to take your Brother's to our own Acc* — indeed there has been some lately [brot in — stricken through interlineated: imported] here of a better quality that has had a preference with Buyers — this is [chiefly gone — stricken through interlineated: now sold] —

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LEES

& if no more is brot in, your's [will — stricken through interlineated: may] again sell — hitherto we have sold but a few — you'll oblige us to ship for our Acc 1 ρ Lowell 100 bbls common flour 20 bbls supf. & 2 Tons Iron — 6 Kegs Rusk (3 [interlineated: of 'em] with Seeds) & 2 Kegs Crackers — & if he shou'd want freight to fill him up, to do with it with Indian Corn [if at 2/6 or 2/7 — & it does not take more than bus to do it — stricken through interlineated: shou'd it be above 3/ we wou'd have none ship'd] — you wou'd oblige us by the Return of Lowell to give us the state of our Acc 1 with you, charging our hond Father's Balance to us — A Kinsman of our's M r Joseph Atkins takes [his — stricken through] Passage ρ Lowell — he comes to be innoculated for the Smallpox, you'll oblige us to recommend him to the best Practitioner in that way, [& to a good Family to board with, — stricken through] & to the cheapest method of boarding himself, as he can't afford, we suppose, much Expence — we wou'd be obliged [interlineated: to] you not to let him want any thing, (shou'd he [be very sick — stricken through interlineated: need it]) to make him comfortable — do hurry Lowell all in your power, as his Motions are naturally not very quick — We remain Gent n with much Respect your obliged & obed1 Serv ts J Τ & Τ — Ρ S. added Sept. 26, 1774 please to ship us three Tons of Iron more than Orderd in the Inclosed Letter, also twelve Ps good Russia Duck if not exceeds five Pounds Phil a Curry — LETTERS FROM J A C K S O N , T R A C Y & T R A C Y , N E W B U R Y P O R T , S E P T . 2 6 , O C T . 1 1 , 1 7 7 4 , ΤΟ L A N E , SON & FRASER, LONDON, ON G E N ERAL B U S I N E S S M A T T E R S

1

The first letter gives an excellent idea of the scope and character of the Newburyport firm's foreign trade at this time. The brigantine Minerva, recently from Quebec, had just gone to the West Indies; the brigantine Triton had sailed for Newfoundland whence she might i. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book, 1774," pp. 27-30.

C A P T . P A T R I C K T R A C Y , ABOUT

1711-89

JONATHAN JACKSON

275

take a freight for Europe; the matter of being concerned with the London firm in a vessel between the two ports was under consideration. From a letter of just a week before, we learned that the brigantine Success had gone to Falmouth with a cargo of rice; 2 the reason this voyage was made b y w a y of England was that rice, being an "enumerated commodity," had to be "laid on the shore" of England before being sent to a port north of Cape Finisterre. Nicholas T r a c y , from whom the Newburyport firm had purchased an interest at Newfoundland, was born about 1726 in Wexford County, Ireland. " H e came to Newbury at a very early age, and for several years was employed as an ordinary seaman in the coasting trade. He married Miriam, daughter of Col. Moses Titcomb of Newbury, in 1750, probably, and soon after that date had command of a small vessel, in which he made several profitable voyages to the West Indies and Europe." 3 Although in 1755 and again in 1758 he is mentioned as owner and master of a vessel, he was, at least as late as 1762, being employed b y his brother Patrick T r a c y as a shipmaster, and in 1752-56 he steadily appears in that capacity, usually in the employ of Michael Dalton. 4 He has been referred to as Patrick T r a c y ' s nephew, but from the reference to him in the letter below as "our Uncle" he was evidently Patrick Tracy's younger brother. Turning to political matters, we note that the First Continental Congress met at Philadelphia, Sept. 5, 1774. I t was not till Oct. 20 that the Congress agreed to a "stringent non-importation, nonexportation, and non-consumption agreement." 5 Jonathan Jackson Was one of the leaders in all the patriotic activities of Newburyport.

T o Mess rs Lane Son & Fraser Newburyport 26th Sept r 1774 Gent n . Our last to you was 19 th Inst Copy of which you have herewith — Inclosed you have our hon d . Father's Letter of this date, wherein he desires you to transfer the Balance of his Acc 1 2. Ibid., p. 26, Jackson, Tracy & Tracy, Newburyport, Sept. 19, 1774, to Lane, Son & Fraser, London. 3. Currier, Newburyport, vol. ii, pp. 216-218; Lee, op. cit., Essex Inst. Hist. Colls., vol. lvii, p. 61. 4. Eng. Shipping Records, pt. iii, Entrance and Clearance, 1756-1763 (photostats in Mass. Hist. Soc.), passim,', Massachusetts Shipping Records, pt. iv, 1756-1765 (photostats in Mass. Hist. Soc.), passim. 5. Channing, op. cit., vol. iii, pp. 145, 147-148.

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made up to the 30 th April last, [interlineated: it being] two thousand & ninety one pounds seventeen shillings & one penny Sterling to our Debit, which we desire also, & will give you Credit for the same — since our's of 2 2 d . July we have rec d your Favours of 7 th . & 20th of the same Month— [with — stricken through interlineated: &] Hemp ρ the Dartmouth — Nath 1 Giddinge ρ Inv°. of 13 t h . May Amount £154.12.7 carried to your Credit — also Inv°. (of 15 t h July) of Goods ρ the S l Andrew Mendum Janvrin amount £330.14.6 which is cast right — the Goods we have not yet received — the Vessell arrived last week at Portsmouth — we suppose as Cap 1 Janvrin is obliged to deliver here (p his Bills of Lade) other Goods he has brot for this [Port — stricken through interlineated: Place], he is obliged to, our's — the Bills of Lads [sent — stricken through interlineated: inclosed] us is rather obscure — as you first wrote "by God's Grace., bound for Portsm0. & then erased [Portsmouth — stricken through] & wrote Newburyport, but afterwards say — to be delivered &c at the afores d Port of Portsmouth — forgetting as we suppose to alter it again to Newburyport — we are content to have our Business done upon the same terms as our Father's has been — to take your usual Credit of 8 Months & to allow 5 p O Interest after that time if Remittance is not duly made — the Russia Goods you mention to be bought at a 6 M o s Credit we must allow accordingly for when you think proper — the being concerned in a Vessell between this & London we submit to your longer Experience & better Judgment — we were very lucky in our Brig Minerva's not loading with Wheat from Quebec for Europe — the price was so high & accts from Spain & Portugal so discouraging she returned here again — she has now sailed for the W Indias — this prevented our making you a handsome Remittance we expected to — you'll please to observe to the Underwriters the Vessell did not proceed her Voyage to Europe but returned back here [interlineated: almost without freight] touching at Gaspy [interlineated: after she came down the River] to deliver a little Salt & a few Barrells & at Salem a few Peas before she came into this Port — that we suppose she was at the Insurer's

JONATHAN JACKSON

277

risk only the Voyage to Quebec — we have told you the Circumstances & you will please to procure a reasonable Abatement of premium if you can — M r Rob 1 Jenkins sailed a few days since for Newfoundland in a fine new Brig of ours with a Cargo £750 Sts value the proceeds of which we have ordered to your hands & of the Brig if sold, which we have limited at a low price for her Goodness — shou'd she not sell she may perhaps take a freight for Europe this fall from Newfoundland, & if so we hope something will come by her to your hands — we also expect M r Jenkins will make you a further Remittance of ab 1 £ 150 Sts by an Interest at NfdL d we have purchas'd of our Uncle M r Nich s Tracy — we have ordered [M r — stricken through interlineated: Cap 1 ] Jenkins shou'd he not sell the Brig (Tryton) & shou'd return here or take a freight elsewhere, to write to you for £500 Insurance on the Vessell & for the am' of her Freight besides — that sum is not 2/3ds the Value of the Vessell — we thank you for your promises to help us to a Commission in Rum, & hope you may have some Opportunities present — we hope the Hemp & Duck remaining of our first Order may be soon here as they are Articles we much need — also that the Goods wrote for in July pRotch will be here this Fall — we imagine very few (if any) Goods will be wrote for from this Continent after this, 'till some Accomodation takes place between us & G Britain — our Continental Congress is now in Meeting at Phil a & their Determinations we shall all [religiously — stricken through interlineated: punctually] comply with — this we expect will not gain Belief in England at first, but rely upon it where there was one [interlineated: Man] raised to a determined Opposition to unconstitutional Acts of Parliam 1 in the year 1765 there are three now — we cou'd not excuse ourselves saying so much in the political way, as it is a duty we owe the Community — Our Ν Tracy returns you his Thanks for your Kindness in honouring Cap 1 Nowell's Draught for which we give you Credit £16.6.8 — We are with much respect Gentn Original ρ Lyde duplicate ρ Gordon

your very obedt Serv ts J Τ &Τ —

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LEES

Newburyport n t h . Oct·" 1774 To

Mess rs .

Lane Son & Fraser Gent" Since our last of 26 th Ult° of w ch . the foregoing is Copy, the Congress for the Continent, we beforemention'd, "have requested of the Merchants [interlineated: &c] thro' the several Colonies, not to send to G Britain any Orders for Goods — & to direct the Execution of all Orders already sent to be delayed or suspended, 'till the Sense of the Congress on the Means to be taken for the preservation of the Liberties of America, be made public" in Compliance with their Request & from a thourough Sense of the Importance it is to us to act altogether in such Movements as this, please to observe, we wou'd not have the Goods remains of our Order in March, nor those ρ our Order in June, [sent — stricken through interlineated: purchased] , after rec1 of this Letter — [if they shou'd have been purchas'd for our Acc 1 , but not ship'd before rec1 of it, you may if you please, that no damage may arise to you, our Friends, debit us for the Amount & let them lay 'till our further Order or 'till a general Importation shou'd again take place here — stricken through] — Excuse this Trouble & believe us Gent n to be with Respect original ρ Gordon Duplicate ρ

your very obed1 Serv ts

L E T T E R FROM JACKSON, T R A C Y & T R A C Y , N E W B U R Y P O R T , O C T . 3 1 , 1 7 7 4 , TO N E A L M C I N T Y R E , PORTSMOUTH, ON SCARCITY OF GOODS

1

This letter indicates the relation of the Newburyport firm to retail merchants in towns within its trade area. There are many similar letters to Portsmouth merchants. Sometimes Jackson, T r a c y & T r a c y sent goods, such as flour, to Portsmouth for sale on commission. 2 1. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book, 1774," p. 32. 2. Ibid., p. 46, Jackson, Tracy & Tracy, Newburyport, Jan. 10, 1775, to Abner Blasdill, Portsmouth.

JONATHAN

JACKSON

The trade of Newburyport was being stimulated and the normal supply of goods available there decreased by the closing of the port of Boston on June ι . M r N e a l IVMntyre —

O c t 3 1 . 17 74

19 t h

your favor of the — received, we must beg your Pardon for not answering it before, but through the hurry of Business, entirely forgot it — the R u m y o u wrote for sometime past, which we wrote y o u [then — stricken through] we could not supply you with, we now have b y us & will let y o u have it a 20 d Gall n 3 Months Credit — Molasses is exceeding scarce in this Place, and it is not in our power to furnish y o u with more than 6 & or 8 Hogsheads, which we should charge @ 1/4. & give y o u the Credit y o u ask. — T h e Coffey we can send y o u — we hope our not being able to send y o u the R u m and Molasses immediately when you wanted 'em, will not discourage y o u f r o m applying to us hereafter — we should be glad of an Answer to this the first Oppory. we are with respect yours L E T T E R FROM JACKSON, T R A C Y & T R A C Y , N E W B U R Y P O R T , O C T . 3 1 , 1 7 7 4 , TO T H O M A S & ISAAC W H A R T O N , PHILADELPHIA

1

Trade with Philadelphia, always an important aspect of the Newburyport firm's business, was to become still more significant now that non-importation had gone into effect. One is reminded by the mention of flaxseed that this commodity seems to have had little place in the trade of Jackson, Tracy & Tracy as compared with its dominant position in that of Jackson & Bromfield, the later-established firm apparently concentrating on rum. One might be inclined to wonder whether Jonathan Jackson, senior partner in both firms, tacitly refrained from pushing the trade in flaxseed in conjunction with the Tracys, preferring to allow his old partner John Bromfield to benefit thereby. Jonathan Jackson's "Tour through some of the Southern Colonies" seems to have been made in quest of health rather than for any comX. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book, 1774," pp. 31-32.

28ο

THE JACKSONS AND THE

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mercial reason.2 He was in Providence, Nov. i , Philadelphia, Nov. 15, Northampton County, Va., Dec. 15, Norfolk, Dec. 21, 1774, and Charleston, Jan. 24; turning north again, he was in Newport, Mar. 24, and had returned to Newburyport by Mar. 30, 177s. 3

Thomas & Isaac Wharton Newburyport Oct 31 17 74 Gentlemen your favors of Oct r 3 & 8 th are now before us — We wish it was in our Power to ship a large Quantity of Molasses to your Markett this Fall, but we unluckily dispos'd of all we could spare from [interlineated: our] Distillery, before we received Advice of the Prices advanceing in Phila — Capt Lowell arrived here this [Morning — stricken through interlineated: 27 th Inst.] after a tedious Passage, we thank you for your Kind favor by him — on Examination we find your Acc 1 of Sales of 52 Hhds Rum sent you ρ the Lively, (the first Trip) & that of 10 Hhds & 17 Barrells shiped by the s d Sloop (the 2 d Trip) to be right & have debted your A / C [with — stricken through interlineated: for] the neat proceeds £670-18-2 & £196-13.5 — the prices you obtained for these two Parcells [interlineated: of Rum] we know to be as high as [any — stricken through] has been given this year, but really it would have neated us i]/2A your Curry a Gallon more than it now has, had we [kept — stricken through] sold [interlineated: it] in this Place — we have also debted your A / C [with — stricken through interlineated: for], £203-8-9 Ball e of our Ν Tracys Account & creditted you for £19-2-5 Ball e of our Father Ρ Tracy Esq r , his Account — this incloses Inv e & Bill Lading for a small parcel of Rum & Molasses shiped on board the Lively, Abner Lowell M r ., which [interlineated: Articles] we hope [interlineated: will command] such Prices as to neat [us — stricken through] what the Amount of the Inv e is, being charged at the same [interlineated: Rate] 2. Ibid.., p. 48, Jackson, Tracy & Tracy, Newburyport, Jan. 13, 1775, to Crouch & Gray, Charleston, S. C. (see below, pp. 289-292). 3. Austin H. Clark Collection, Jonathan Jackson to Oliver Wendell, Boston, passim.

JONATHAN JACKSON

281

they are now [interlineated: sold] at in this Place, the Trifle of Flaxseed we met with very accidentally — this Article is collected by so many Persons in this Town, that it would be very difficult to procure any Quantity in a short Time, unless a great Price is given — however shall endeavour to collect as many Casks as possible to send by the Lively the next Voyage, or by a Sloop we have Thoughts [interlineated: of sending to your Place immediately — ] we shall use our best Endeavour to dispose of [the — stricken through] your Brothers Wine — on board of the Lively are [10 — stricken through interlineated: 6] Cask Flaxseed [interlineated: mark'd J E ] belonging to Mr John Emery, a Friend of ours, who lives in a neighbouring Town — this please to store, with what we have, 'till you think it most for our Interest to dispose of it — [this of Emerys — stricken through] the Sales of Emerys make a seperate Account of & pass the neat proceeds to our credit — Lowell has engaged considerable Freight from Philadelphia to this Place — please to send us by him 20 Barrells superfine Flour, & as much common Flour as will fill his Vessell after he has taken the engaged Freight — if he can take more Iron than he has offered him on Freight, please to put it in, on our Accounts — we are now preparing a Quantity of Rum for your Market, which we shall ship soon — [this covers Inv e & — stricken through] our Brother M r Jackson has gone from this Place to take [the — stricken through interlineated: A ] Tour through some of the Southern Colonies & intends to spend some little Time in Philadelphia either this Fall, or early in the Spring — he will then wait on you — pray hurry Cap 1 Lowell all in your Power, [or he will — stricken through] we are with respect yours JT&T

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L E T T E R FROM J A C K S O N , T R A C Y & T R A C Y , N E W B U R Y P O R T , N O V . 16,

1774,

TO T H O M A S

&

ISAAC

A B O U T D I F F I C U L T I E S OF T R A D E

WHARTON,

PHILADELPHIA,

1

Since J u n e 1 the Boston Port A c t had stimulated the exportation of rum from N e w b u r y p o r t and kept the price up, but the prohibition of selling rum to slave-traders would more than counterbalance this temporary increase in the demand. J o n a t h a n Jackson, who on J u n e 1 9 , 1 7 7 6 , expressed his "long f e l t " conviction of the " I m p r o p r i e t y " of "holding a n y Person in Constant B o n d a g e " b y manumitting his N e g r o slave P o m p , had, of course, felt no compunctions about furnishing rum to slave-traders for the Guinea Coast. 2 I n this letter we note for the first time a definite reference to vessels belonging to J a c k s o n , T r a c y & T r a c y trading with the W e s t Indies for the specific purpose of supplying molasses for the N e w buryport firm's distillery.

Newburyport Nov 16. 1774 Mess rs Thomas & Isaac Wharton — Gentlemen — Our last was ρ the Lively, Capt Lowell, since which have recd your favours of the 17 t h Ult°. & 5 th Ins4. — we are sorry it was not in our Power to procure Flaxseed for you — the last, that was sold in this Town, fetched 6/8 ρ Bus this Curry without Cask, which would have amounted the cost landed at Philadelphia, much higher than your Limitations, — we are obliged to you for acquainting us with the rise of the price of Flaxseed — if we can pick up a few Cask within a few Days, & can find an Oppertunity to ship it to your Place, we shall purchase it — the Resolve of the continental Congress, which prevents our selling any [interlineated: Rum] to Persons concerned in the African Trade & the heavy Duty laid [interlineated: on] all Spirits imported into Quebec from this Continent will hurt our Market for Rum the next Spring very much, this, with the Interruption of Trade between this & Boston will oblige us to order one of our Molasses Vessells directly from the Westindias to your Place &, if there is any probability that Rum will be in 1. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book, 1 7 7 4 , " p. 34. 2. Currier, Newburyport, vol. i, p. 7 1 .

JONATHAN JACKSON

283

demand we must also hurry a large Quantity of that Article to Phila as early [interlineated: in the Spring] as the River will admit a Vessell, in order to raise Cash to support our Westindia Trade, the next year — perhaps we may be able to do it in some other Branch of our Business, but at present there is not any probability of it — pray give us your Opinion fully, what the price of Rum & Molasses will be at in the Spring & wether you would be able to [send — stricken through interlineated: raise] us the Cash for the amount of [what — stricken through] ab 1 250 Hhds Molasses & 150 of Rum [immediately — stricken through] soon after [it — stricken through] landing it — inclosed you have Inv e & Bill Lading of sundrys shiped ρ the Mermaid, Capt Nowell, which please to receive & dispose of on our Accounts —please to ship us by Capt Nowell. 300 Barrells of common Flour 20 superfine & ab 1 20 Barrells Ship Stuff — 6 Tons of Iron & [ab 1 — stricken through] 5 or 600 Bus of Corn, if @ 3/ or under — we have order'd Nowell to collect as much Freight as he can — if more offers than he can take with the above Articles, you may omitt sending the [interlineated: 20 Blls of] Ship Stuff, 10 Blls of Superfine & 50 Barrells of the common Flour — if he should not get Freight enough to fill the Vessell, with those articles, you may fill him up with common Flour & Corn on our Accounts — inclosed is a Mem 0 for some Lignum Vita, which please to s e n d — 5 Cask Flaxseed, mark'd J E, belong to M r John Emery, which make a seperate Account of — we are yours JΤ & Τ L E T T E R FROM JACKSON, T R A C Y & T R A C Y , N E W B U R Y P O R T , D E C . 9, 1 7 7 4 , TO C A P T . E D M U N D F R E E M A N , B R I G A N T I N E

SUCCESS,

W I T H C H A N G E I N INSTRUCTIONS O W I N G TO T H E N O N - I M P O R T A TION A G R E E M E N T

1

On July 19 the Newburyport firm wrote to merchants in Malaga, Cadiz, Lisbon, and Gibraltar, introducing Capt. Freeman who, in the brigantine Success, had gone with a cargo of rice from Charleston to i. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book, 1774," pp. 39-40.

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F a l m o u t h in E n g l a n d , ostensibly in order to clear for a port in northern E u r o p e b u t in a c t u a l i t y evidently intending to load w i t h fruit a n d wine a t the a b o v e Spanish and Portuguese ports, for w h i c h purpose the merchants in those ports were requested to a d v a n c e h i m a n y additional funds needed, t a k i n g his d r a f t . A t one time, a p p a r e n t l y , C a p t . F r e e m a n had been ordered to load fruit a t L i s b o n for a n E n g lish p o r t , the proceeds to b e invested in E n g l i s h goods, but the nonimportation agreement m a d e it necessary for the b r i g to proceed directly from the p o r t of discharge to N e w b u r y p o r t . Salt w a s the usual cargo f r o m Spain for the N o r t h A m e r i c a n continent w h e r e it w a s p a r t i c u l a r l y i m p o r t a n t to the fishing industry of w h i c h N e w f o u n d l a n d w a s one of the principal centers. " T h i s w a s the one absolute necessity that w a s n o t produced in the northern colonies." T h a t is, it w a s n o t produced in sufficient q u a n t i t y to s u p p l y the demand. 2 I t will be noted that, a f t e r giving their captain detailed instructions, his employers finally g a v e h i m carte blanche to a c t for their interests as he m i g h t think best.

Sir. the Continental Congress have [interlineated: lately] determined on a Nonimportation of all Goods from Great Britain, which renders it necessary to countermand our Orders to you respecting your loading Fruit at Lisbon after the delivery of your Cargo from Carolina — after you are discharged at Bilboa, or wherever you sell at, we would reccommend your loading Salt immediately & proceeding to this Place, unless you can employ the Vessell advantageously in the freighting Business — the neat proceeds of your Cargo, excepting what is sufficient to purchase the Salt, we would have you remit into the Hands of Lane, Son & Fräser Merchants in London & desire 'em to pass it to our Credit — if the Brig n . fails in any Respect & you should think it for advantage to dispose of her, you have our Leave to proceed with your Salt to S l Johns or any Harbour in NewfoundLand & there sell the Vessell and Cargo, the neat Proceeds of which, also remit to Lane, Son & Fraser — in 2. Channing, op. cit., vol. iii, pp. 222-223.

IIO-III;

Clark, op. cit., vol. i, pp.

JONATHAN JACKSON

285

this Case you will endeavour to fix the Vessell to the best Advantage — on your Arrival there enquire for Letters for us immediately, as we may have Occasion to advise you further as to your Proceedings there — observe that their Ports are free of Ice generally by the middle of April — we dont urge your going to Newfoundland unless the Vessell proves weak & crazy, which we cann't suppose to be the Case after the Repairs we gave her — we would [recommend — stricken through interlineated: prefer] your proceeding here if she proves good — [at bottom: N B . if this Letter reaches you before your Departure from Falmouth we would recommend your selling at Cadiz, rather than at Bilboa, as we hear the Markets for Rice are higher there, than at Bilboa — if it does not reach you at Falmouth, you will probably receive it at Bilboa & then be able to determine yourself where best to sell.] as many Things may turn up in the Course of your Voyage to prevent you proceeding agreeable to these & our former Orders, you have our Leave to conduct in every Respect as you may think will be to our Advantage — improve the Vessell & Cargo as tho' the Interest was your own, relying on your Prudence & Industry in the Management — pray advise us by every Opportunity — we wish you [every — stricken through] Health & a happy Return and are very sinerely your Friends & Hum b Serv ts J T

& T

LETTER FROM JACKSON, TRACY & TRACY, NEWBURYPORT, D E C . 1 9 , 1 7 7 4 , τ ο CRUGER & MALLARD, BRISTOL, CONCERNING N O N IMPORTATION

1

T h e l e t t e r b e l o w r e v e a l s w h a t e f f e c t t h e r e s o l v e s of t h e C o n t i n e n t a l C o n g r e s s h a d u p o n the t r a d e w i t h E n g l a n d . O n t h e s a m e d a y t h e N e w b u r y p o r t firm w r o t e in s i m i l a r t e r m s to L a n e , S o n & F r a s e r , L o n don.2 1. Jackson-Lee Papers, " L e t t e r Book, 1774," pp. 44-45. 2. Ibid., pp. 42-44, Jackson, T r a c y & T r a c y , Newburyport, Dec. 19, 1774, to Lane, Son & Fraser, London.

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To Cruger & Mallard 1 Merchts in Bristol - /

LEES

, . _ Newburyport D e c e r n ^ . 1 7 7 4

ΛΤ

Gentlemen [we wrote you July 9 th , sin — stricken through] Our last to you was the 9 th July, since which have recd your kind favours of June i s t , July 30 th [interlineated: 29th August] Sept 12 t h & Oct 14 t h for which we thank you. The Goods shiped us ρ the Boyd, Moses Harris Master & ρ the Friendship Edward Tyler, have come to hand & your a/c is creditted for the amount with the Goods shiped to us ρ the General Gage, Rob 1 Jarvis. as ρ Mem 0 below — The last Goods arrived 2 or 3 Days too late — the continental Congress having determined that all Goods imported after the i s t of Decern1 should be sold at publick Vendue & [what—stricken through] that [the — stricken through] whatever they sold for above the Cost & Charges should be given to the Poor of the distress'd Towne of Boston, our Goods are now detained in [Boston — stricken through] Salem & [are to be sold in a few Days, with — stricken through interlineated: the Committee has] our free Consent to proceed with them agreeable to the [ir — stricken through] Resolve — we thank you for your kind Intentions to serve us by a Reccommendation to your African Friends — the Trade between this & Africa for the shiping of Rum being now stoped, renders it unnecessary to inform you on what Terms we could supply a Cargo for that Market, should the Disputes between Great Britain & her Colonies be happily settled & the Trade restored to its usual Channel, (which God grant may soon be brought about, tho' there is little Prospect of it at present,) we will immediately make you acquainted with our Terms for negociating this Business — if the arbitrary & oppressive Acts now in force against the Colonies should be repealed this Session of Parlament and you should be advised that there was a general Consent of the Colonies to an Importation from England, we would thank you to forward us by the first Opportunity after such a union takes Place, the Articles as ρ Mem0 inclosed, but 'till the present Disputes are settled we would not have you ship us an individual

JONATHAN JACKSON

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Article — our Reason for forwarding the inclosed Mem 0 is this •—we suppose [there—stricken through] most of the dry Goods Dealers in America will lodge Orders in England for Goods to be shiped in Case there is a Repeal of [interlineated: the] Acts. & we [would — stricken through] wish to receive those Things we want as soon as our Neighbours — we are. respectfully yours J Τ & Τ — Inv° CodLines, Twine, Glass &c ρ the B o y d —

£85..7..5

Inv° — Nails & Sundrys pd° Inv°. Case of Pins ρ d° Inv° Sundrys ρ the Friendship —

90.2 — 18.8 .

Inv°.

d°

ρ the General G a g e —

48.0.8

243.19.2

£ 485-17-3 LETTER FROM JACKSON, T R A C Y & T R A C Y , NEWBURYPORT, J A N . 1 2 , 1 7 7 5 , ΤΟ L A N E , SON & FRASER, LONDON, WITH DIRECTIONS FOR THE SALE OF A VESSEL

1

A t about this time, the Newburyport firm seems to have had at least seven vessels in active operation: the sloop Lively, engaged in the coasting trade between Newburyport and Philadelphia, assisted by the sloop Mermaid; and the brigantines Triton, Minerva, Success, Betsy {Elizabeth), and John, with the ship Union, in foreign commerce. Now that non-importation would for some time seriously affect the trade with England, so many vessels would not be needed. It is interesting to observe the casual fashion in which, in case of the vessel being sold, the captain was recommended "to discharge his Mate & People," quite indifferent to the fact that, trade between England and the colonies now being cut off, the sailors might find themselves stranded for some time in a foreign land without being able to obtain a berth in a vessel for home.

Messrs Lane Son & Fraser. January. 12. 1775 Gentlemen. this will be handed you by [our — stricken through] Capt James Tracy of our Brigantine Betsy, as soon as the Cargo he has on board is delivered we have order'd him to receive the i. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book, 1774," pp. 50-51.

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Money for the Freight & pay it to you, which please to pass to our credit — if the Trade between Great Britain & America should be restored to its former Channell, we beg your best Endeavours to obtain a Freight for her to some Port in this Province or to Portsmouth in Ν Hampshire — if you should think it worth while to put her up for Freight for this Place, & should put on board Goods for any neighbouring Port, we will be at the Expence of freighting 'em round & will see that it is done with dispatch — the Shopkeepers in this Town import chief of their Goods from [interlineated: the House of] Champion Dickinson & C° & would undoubtedly prefer having them forwarded directly here, as it will save an Extraordinary Expence of Freight — we mention this, that you may direct the Master to apply to 'em in case you think of sending her here — we shall write to Henry & Thomas Bromfield & beg their Freight of the Goods they ship — if a union should not take place or if a Freight for her cannot be obtained, we would urge your selling her immediately — we think she is well worth one thousand pounds sterling, being new. strong, sound & as well [or better — stricken through] fitted with rigging & Cables as any Vessells out of England — she has some new Sails, but the old ones are not extraordinary — the Cables are new — she was built in this Town by Obadiah & James Horton for our Fathers use & we [have no Room for — stricken through interlineated: should not want] to dispose of her could any Thing be done with her in England — if an [Freigt — stricken through] advantageous Freight should offer to any part of Europe or to any place where she [interlineated: can] be employed profitably, you have our Leave to order her accordingly & give the Master Directions to lay out the amount of his Freight in Salt, [interlineated: if it is obtained] & proceed here — we suppose you will be able to determine immediately on her Arrival wether a Freight can be [detain — stricken through] obtained for her, — if [you cann't get one for her — stricken through interlineated: not], we would reccommend your [interlineated: offering her for Sale &] ordering the Captain to dis-

JONATHAN JACKSON

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charge his Mate & People immediately [& offer her for Sale — stricken through] — i n this case she must be sold for the most she will fetch — the neat proceeds pass to our credit — when it is proper for Capt Tracy to leave the Vessell, as you may determine to have her up, let him know it & embrace the first Opportunity to return here — what Cash he wants to defray the Charges of the Vessell & pay the Sailors, please to advance him — in the negociating [in — stricken through] this Business, we would have you observe not to conduct contrary to the late Resolves of the continental Congress — we hope you will excuse [the — stricken through] our troubling you with the negociating of this trifling Business, but as the Success of this Voyage depends in a great Measure on her obtaining a freight or being sold well, we must beg your Attention to it. Original ρ the Eliz a we are with respect Copy — ρ your very Humb e Serv ts JT&T LETTER FROM JACKSON, TRACY & TRACY, NEWBURYPORT, JAN. 13, 1 7 7 5 , ΤΟ CROUCH & GRAY, CHARLESTON, S. C . , WITH A CONSIGNMENT TO THAT PLACE 1 Early in the reign of Queen Anne rice had been placed on the list of "enumerated commodities" which had to be shipped to England, but early in the reign of George I I "Parliament passed a law allowing the direct exportation of Carolina rice to those parts of Europe south of Cape Finisterre, subject to the payment in Great Britain on the rice thus shipped of an amount equivalent to the English duties less the drawback." 2 Bonds had to be given at the port of exportation for the shipment of rice to England or to a port south of Cape Finisterre and, in the latter case, for the payment of the prescribed duty. Since the Newburyport firm was considering sending a vessel "directly to Spain," and not to any port north of Cape Finisterre, the only ap1. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book, 1774," pp. 47-48. 2. Beer, George Louis, British Colonial Policy, 1754-1765 1907), pp. 35-36.

(Ν. Y.,

THE JACKSONS AND THE LEES parent reason it would have for desiring " t o get the Bonds cancel'd" was to avoid the payment of the duty in England. I t is an interesting and somewhat curious fact, in this connection, that an earlier Jackson, T r a c y & T r a c y vessel, with rice, had gone to Falmouth in order to have the legal right, on payment of half the duty, to re-export her cargo to a port north of Cape Finisterre, and had thereafter landed the rice not at a Dutch or German port but at the Spanish port of Bilbao, to which she could have gone directly from America. T h e explanation may be that for a direct voyage from Carolina to the Spanish Peninsula, with rice, "an amount equivalent to the English duties less the drawback" was charged, whereas for a voyage made b y w a y of England to northern Europe "only one-half the old subsidy had to be paid." 3 Perhaps the Jackson, T r a c y & T r a c y firm decided that the saving on the duty involved in sending a vessel with rice to England, supposedly for immediate re-exportation to northern Europe but actually for sale in a Spanish port, more than compensated for the extra time and trouble and expense of the indirect voyage. T h e Newburyport firm in the latter part of the letter apparently meant to suggest to its Charleston correspondents that they should try to enter the rum shipped to them at the number of gallons which would have been contained in hogsheads, etc., of normal size and not a t the actual amount. " T h e Revenue A c t of 1767 added one more document to the sheaf which the master of every vessel had to have with him at sea. This was a 'cocket,' or list, enumerating every package in the cargo with its peculiar identifying marks." 4 Jackson, T r a c y & T r a c y seem to have meant to suggest that both the parcel and the "coquett" describing it should be "put out of the W a y " and the parcel smuggled in. These suggestions indicate only some of the minor tricks employed b y American merchants before the Revolution to defraud His Majesty's customs. Already on Dec. 19, 1774, writing to John Gray of the Charleston firm, then in Boston, concerning the possibility of obtaining a freight from South Carolina to London, Jackson, T r a c y & T r a c y had mentioned that "some Vessels bound your W a y fill their Holes with H a y , " and enquired concerning "the price of that Article." 3. Ibid., p. 226, n. 4. 4. Channing, op. cit., vol. iii, pp. 42, 88.

JONATHAN

JACKSON

Mess rs Crouch & Gray Merchants in Charles town S° Carolina January 13 1 7 7 5 . Gentlemen inclosed are Inv° & Bill Lading of sundry Merchandize shiped ρ the Betsy, Capt Tracy, which please to receive of him & sell on our Accounts — we suppose all the Articles now bear [a — stricken through] better prices with you, than they will at any Time hereafter, therefore would recommend [the — stricken through] your selling 'em immediately, if you think the Rum will fetch [more to be — stricken through interlineated: a better Price] if stored [& kept any Time — stricken through] you have our Liberty to keep it, — but in this Case wehope you would not hesitate to advance nearly the amount of the Effects in your Hands if we should have Occassion to draw for it, tho' the Goods should not be disposed of — this is [customary — stricken through] readily done by our Friends in all Parts of Europe & this Continent, tho' the Benefit they reap from a Consignment is far less than your [s — stricken through] Advantage — we fear the heavy Charges of negociating Business in your Place will absolutely discourage our Northern Merchants from [sending you much of their Produce — stricken through interlineated: dealing so largely with you] as they would otherwise do — we have some Thoughts of sending a Vessell to purchase and [interlineated: to] proceed directly to Spain with her Cargo, if it is in your power to manage the Business in such a W a y as to get the Bonds cancel'd, as Mr Gray hinted in his Letter to our M r Ν Tracy — pray write us by the first Opportunity on this Head — & inform us if any Cargo from here would answer for the purchasing of Rice — we are largely concerned in [the — stricken through] distillery & should frequently be glad to ship a Quantity of Rum to your Place, if we could be [encouraged — stricken through] assured of its neating the Cost & we could continue to get the Cash [here for it — stricken through] for the neat proceeds in a few Months, we hope the Brig n will be ready to depart from Carolina in 7 or 8 Days after her arrival there — this may easily be effected if the Cargo you are to put

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on board is ready — in the Charterparty we observe that you have Liberty to order her to any [interlineated: one] Port in England — this Advantage was not intended & we should not have so readily consented to affreighted her, had we known it — our M r John Tracy who negociated the Business in Boston says, it was not intended by either M r Gray or him that you should have Liberty to send her to any other Port than London, Bristol or Liverpool, tho' the Charterparty expressed to any Port, & indeed her proceeding elsewhere would be attended with great Inconvenience & Damage to us — it should [interlineated: not] have been expressed in the Charterparty as it was, but [as — stricken through] really [interlineated: as it] was intended, Tho we dont suppose there is any great Chance that the Gentn who are to load her, will [desire any — stricken through] want to send her [to any Port — stricken through] but to one of the [interlineated: abovementioned] Ports, — however we beg you would use your best Endeavours to obtain Directions for her to proceed directly to [either — stricken through] London or Bristol, as otherwise the Plan of this Voyage will be in a great Measure defeated — our M r Jon a Jackson we hope is now in your Place [& may make him acquainted with the Business Plan of the — stricken through] if he should be, pray give him an Opportunity to peruse this Letter & the Charterparty between us [& — stricken through] — h e will be ready to give you any further Directions [interlineated: if necessary], as to the negociating this Business, [you — stricken through] as there is a large provincial Duty on the Rum we must beg your perticular Attention to the entring of the Vessell, — you will observe that the Hogsheads, Teirces & Barrells are uncommonly large, by which 1/3 may be saved, & then the Master has a Coquett for a parcel, which perhaps may be put out of the Way. we are Gentn yours JT&T

JONATHAN

JACKSON

LETTER FROM JACKSON, TRACY & TRACY, NEWBURYPORT, JAN. 2 i , 1 7 7 5 , TO WILLIAM LILLIE, [LOCATION U N K N O W N ] , IN REGARD TO A DISPUTE OVER NON-DELIVERY OF FISH 1 This controversy with William Lillie, "once of Salem," is selfexplanatory. From an entry in one of the Jackson, Tracy & Tracy account books it seems probable that by Apr. 19 Lillie had delivered the fish.2

M r William Lillie — January 21. 1775 Sir. your favor of the 17 t h we have before us — you say you expected Capt Jenkins or some one of our Company would have called on you for the Quantity of Fish undisposed of as you mentioned to our Ν Τ — the Reason neither of us did, was this — you said you would deliver it, if we would be satisfied [which we — stricken through] with that & what you had delivered, but the Quantity then would fall so far short of what you contracted to deliver us, that we thought best not to accept of your offer — it is not convenient, [neither will it be — stricken through] to send you the Money you ask for, nether will it be 'till we have rec d the Quantity of Fish you agreed to deliver us — we assure you it gives us great uneasiness that any Difference should arise between us, but we think we have an undisputed right to the 1900 Quint Fish, before any payment is made — M r Rob 1 Jenkins was not our Agent or Factor [in Salem — stricken through] as you Stile him, but only Master of the Vessell, that was to take the Fish — we think ourselves fully capable of doing our own Business without employing him or any other Person — if he took upon him to tell you he would not receive any more of the Fish you had sold us, he went much beyond our Orders & what his Capacity [interlineated: as — stricken through allowed — stricken through] as only Master 1. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book, 1774," pp. 52-53. 2. Patrick Tracy Jackson Collection, Jackson, Tracy & Tracy ledger, Apr. i i , 1774-Aug. 9, 1787, p. 55.

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of the Vessell, allowed him in — the only Reason you say you had for disposeing of the Fish was what Jenkins said at your House & on the long Wharfe, all which you have hear'd him deny several Times, — but wether it is true or not, it does not effect the Bargain that was made between us — we were [only — stricken through] the [interlineated: only] Persons, who had any right to refuse your Fish & we are determined not to suffer by his or your Mistake — if you think proper to deliver us the Quantity defficient, give us a Letter & we will order someone to receive it — a Trifle short we would not stand for, as we are exceeding lothe to enter into any Dispute — we are respectfully yours — LETTER FROM JACKSON, T R A C Y & T R A C Y , N E W B U R Y P O R T , J A N . 2 5 , 1 7 7 5 , TO T H O M A S & ISAAC W H A R T O N , P H I L A D E L P H I A , W I T H INSTRUCTIONS FOR T H E SALE OF A V E S S E L

1

In this letter the Newburyport firm again evidences its intention of contracting its shipping business by ordering the sale of the brigantine John. Capt. Joseph Rowe was later one of the Tracy's privateercaptains. During the next two months entries in the Jackson, Tracy & Tracy letter book were few and far between. Only three appeared in February — all on the 17th — and then none till Mar. 29. Among the reasons for this gap may have been the marriage on Feb. 28 of Nathaniel Tracy to Mary Lee, daughter of Jeremiah Lee, of Marblehead, and the continued absence of Jonathan Jackson on a trip to the southward.

T o Thomas & Isaac Wharton Gentlemen Newburyport Jany 25 1775 Our last to you was under ιό 1 · 1 November, since which have received your much esteem'd favors of 14 t h & 29 th Nov r . & 3 & 5 December 1774, with the Goods ship d . us ρ the lively am 0 , to £370.18.6 & the Goods ρ the Mermaid Capt. Nowell am 0 , to i. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book, 1774," pp. 56-57.

JONATHAN

JACKSON

£964.19.3 which sums are passed to your Credit, we are entirely of Opinion that consignments to a Master of a Vessell employed between this & your place very Materially affect the sale of our Rum & shall endeavour to regulate it [interlineated: otherwise] this year. Our Brigantine John Cap 1 . Row, saild from here the 3 1 s t Dec r . for Guadelupe to load with Molasses we have orderd him from there immediately to Philadelphia, if he is any ways lucky in Passages we suppose he will be with you by the last of april, if any part of the Duties on her Molasses can be saved we beg your particular attention to it. As soon as the Vessell in Discharged we would have you direct the Master to ballast immediately & proceed here if no freight Offers for this place, Portsmouth. Salem, Marblehead, or any of the Ports in this Neighbourhood, if any freight should offer we would have him accept it, we think he may be dispactched in 6 days being an Active industrious Fellow, as soon as she arrives with you we would have you advertize her for Sale & if she will fetch 200 Johannes you have our Liberty to sell her, tho we think she is well worth 300 Jos, but she is not calculated for our Business Cap 1 Row can inform you what she is Better than we can, the Am«, of the Cargo & Vessell if sold please to send us by Cap 1 Row in Cash, Dollars or Jos [will — stricken through] suit Best, we beg you would advice us very frequently of the State of your Markets & inform us when we may Venture to send a Vessell into your River, enclosed is an order on Lawrence Cortreigh Mercht. New york which please to forward for Payment & when recd [please — stricken through] pass it to our Credit in the last Inv° ρ Lowell there we are respectfully your mo ob1 Sert is a Mistake in our favour say 5 ρ Ο sd J Τ & Τ Commson on 348.5.8 is 17.8.2 Carried out 17.18.2. 1 0 / i s pass to your Deb 1 .

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L E T T E R FROM J A C K S O N , T R A C Y & T R A C Y , N E W B U R Y P O R T , A P R . 1 4 , 1 7 7 5 , ΤΟ T H O M A S & ISAAC W H A R T O N , P H I L A D E L P H I A , W I T H INSTRUCTIONS AS TO DISPOSAL OF V E S S E L S

1

The sloop Mermaid had, at least by the preceding November, joined the Lively in the coasting trade, which may be symptomatic of the owners' intention to pay less attention to foreign commerce and more to trade between colonial ports. The New England firm's reason for requesting the Philadelphia merchants to become the apparent owners of the significantly named ship Union was a bill, restricting the trade of the New England colonies to Great Britain, Ireland, and the British West Indies and forbidding fishing on the Banks of Newfoundland. The bill was introduced in the House of Commons as a punitive measure on Feb. 10 and passed by the Lords, Mar. 21, 177s. 2 Capt. Samuel Newhall had long been an acquaintance of Jonathan Jackson, who on Feb. 15, 1763, referred to him as "an agreeable young Gentleman who is fellow functioner with me;" 3 later in 1775 he became second lieutenant of the Newburyport Artillery Company.4 Newburyport 14th. April 1775 s

T o Mess«. Tho & Isaac Wharton Gent» Our last to you was ρ the Sloop Mermaid Cap 4 Nowell who sail'd from hence the i s t Ins 1 . — since then we have had your Favour of that date, but [no other — stricken through interlineated: we] have [we — stricken through] reced [interlineated: no other] since your's of the 1 1 t h . March, tho' your last Letter mentions you had lately wrote several times ρ the Post — [/we wrote you yesterday by our Ship Union Cap 1 Newhall who is bound the first Wind to the W Indias & is to touch in at your River for the purpose of having our Property apparently exchanged into your Names & for that End to have a Register taken out by you for the Ship — our Letter by him will further 1. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book, 1 7 7 4 , " pp. 61-62.

2. Statutes at Large, vol. viii, p. 429, 15 Geo. Ill, cap. 10. 3. Austin H. Clark Collection, Jonathan Jackson, Newbury, Feb. 15, 1763, to Mrs. Oliver Wendell, Boston. 4. Currier, Newburyport, vol. ii, pp. 1 1 2 - 1 1 3 .

JONATHAN JACKSON explain it — the precarious Situation of Affairs here leads us to this — you will oblige us to keep the Matter entirely to yourselves both before & after Cap1 Newhall's Arrival — stricken through] χ [at bottom: (This will be handed you by Cap* Sam1 Newhall of the Ship Union bound for Molasses to the W Indias — our design in sending her to you is to have the property apparently exchanged, for which Purpose Cap1 Newhall has to deliver you a Bill of Sale of both her & her Cargo — & an obligatory Form of Indemnification, which if you approve of, you will sign & give him, or some other of equal Import — a new Register must be taken out in your Names, & you will please to sign a sett of general sailing Orders, a form for which Capt Newhall will shew you — the late Advices from England have alarmed us, as to the Security of our Property in this part of the Continent, when the Navy Reinforcement arrives — in deed without that, such is at present the uncertain Tenure of Property here, we know not when we are safe — please to charge what you think reasonable for this Trouble — it wou'd gratify us, cou'd you keep the reason of this Transaction entirely to yourselves — Capt Newhall is so deserving a Man we can't omit asking your favourable notice of him particularly — ) NB The above fifteen Lines inserted at the mark above with a x — ] we hope Cap1 Rowe in the Brig John will be with you sometime in May we don't need his Vessell in our Business & Times here are so uncertain, we would not have you refuse five — hundred pounds your Currency if offer'd for her — if she won't sell for that, we wou'd have Cap1 Rowe [take a Load of Lumber & proceed again to the W Indias & from thence follow our further — stricken through interlineated: proceed according to the] Orders wrote him in the inclosed Letter — [interlineated: which he is to communicate to you] only shou'd an Act of Parliament be made to limit the Ν Ε Trade to G Britain Ireld & the W Indias — or shd. any Regulation take place to make it necessary, before we can advise you, you will oblige us to consider the Brig John & her Cargo outwards as your Property, for which we will immediately upon Advice forward you a Bill of Sale, you will accordingly have her regis-

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tered in your Names, & give your Orders to the Master to follow the Track we have prescribed him — You will please to give us every Advice needfull ρ the Post & every Oppy that offers — We are your very hble Serv ts . LETTER FROM JACKSON, T R A C Y & T R A C Y , N E W B U R Y P O R T , M A Y 1 7 , 1 7 7 5 , TO T H O M A S & ISAAC W H A R T O N , PHILADELPHIA, WITH: P L A N S FOR VESSELS AT T H E B E G I N N I N G OF T H E REVOLUTION

1

This letter — the first in the Newburyport firm's letter book since the battle of Lexington and Concord, nearly a month before — gives an idea of business conditions just at the outbreak of the struggle. In it we learn for the first time of the movements of certain Jackson, Tracy & Tracy vessels and masters and follow others previously encountered. To the former category of vessels belong the brigantines Nathaniel and Hannah, evidently named after Nathaniel Tracy and his sister, Mrs. Jonathan Jackson. The Wharton firm was instructed to dispose of both of these, as well as of the brigantine Minerva and the coasting sloop Lively, if a reasonable price could be obtained, unless a more advantageous use could be made of the vessels. The brig John was ordered sold at any price, unless a good freight could be obtained. Of the shipmasters not previously encountered, David Coats in the fall of 1775 was chosen captain-lieutenant of the Newburyport Artillery Company. Edward Wigglesworth (Harvard, 1761), who had been employed as a clerk by his classmate Jonathan Jackson and had later become a Jackson, Tracy & Tracy captain in the West India trade, entered the Continental army, in which in Nov., 1776, he attained the rank of colonel.2 He has received literary immortality in a recent historical novel.3 Nothing further seems to be known of John Morse. I t is of interest to note that during the suspension of business indicated by the month's gap in the letter book, John Tracy took the opportunity, on May 2, of marrying Margaret Laughton. On Apr. 27 Jonathan Jackson wrote to Oliver Wendell: "our Congress [the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts] have determined upon an Army of 30 thousd. Men . . . they talk of a paper Currency 1. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book, 1774," pp. 63-65. 2. Currier, Newburyport, vol. ii, pp. 95, 112-113, 227-228. 3. Roberts, Kenneth, Rabble in Arms (Ν. Y., 1933), p. 404.

JONATHAN

JACKSON

to support the Expence — the worst manoeuvre I've yet heard of — Heaven avert it!" 4 Mess rs Thomas & Isaac Wharton. M a y 17 t h 1 7 7 5 Gentlemen. our last to you was the 26 t h Aprill by our Sloop Lively, Capt Ν Newman, since which have rec d your kind favors of the i s t , 10 t h , 14 t h , 20 th & 2 2 d Aprill — what you say respecting the porteridge gives us full Satisfaction — the Goods shiped us by the Mermaid Capt Nowell we have rec d in good Order & your a/c is creditted for £246 8 . 5 ^ the amount & the Cash supplied Capt Newell — if you should not sell the Lively, we hope you will be able to employ her advantageously in some freighting Business from your River to Chesopeak Bay or some of the Southern Colonies — she stands us in £400 this Currency & is at least worth £ 3 3 3 6.8 — if freights cannot be obtained for her, she must be hailed up — our Brig Hannah, D Coats Master & our Brig n . Minerva Ε Wigglesworth M r left our Bay for your Place the 7th Inst [they were — stricken through] both loaded with Molasses & c — we suppose they will arrive long before you receive this, & that you will make Sale of their Cargoes or store them as you may judge most for our Interest, as we have already advised you. we have a Schooner stationed in our Bay to meet our Brig Nathaniel, John Morse M>", loaded with Molasses, with our Orders for her [interlineated: also] to proceed to Phil a — you will dispose of her Cargo in that W a y you think will prove most for our Interest — we think [interlineated: the price of] Molasses must fall (as such large Quantities have been sent [there — stricken through interlineated: to your Port] from the Northern Colonies within a few Weeks past) & that it would be best to store [it — stricken through interlineated: Morse & Rows Cargoes] till it rises again, which must be the Case in the course of a few Months, but this we submit entirely to your Judgement— 4. Austin H. Clark Collection, Jonathan Jackson, [Newburyport ?], Apr. 27, 1775, to Oliver Wendell, Boston.

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we are at a great Loss what to do with the Hannah and Minerva — in our last Orders to the Masters of 'em we gave 'em Liberty to sell their Vessells if they could obtain prices any Thing near their Value & we wish they may be able to do it — we would thank you for your Advice & Assistance in the Affair — the Hannah is well worth £1200 this Curry & the Minerva £1000 — as to the John we would have her sold by you for the most she will fetch, unless you should be offer'd a good freight for her & there should not be any Necessity to lay out [any — stricken through interlineated: much] Expence to proceed a Voyage the Nathaniel is a good Vessell, extremely well calculated for our Business & has been so long in the Family Service we should be [extremely — stricken through] loth to part with her, but the Times are so distressing, it is difficult to plan a Voyage without great risque of loseing Vessell & Cargo, therefore would have her disposed of also, if she will fetch near £400 this Curry — old Friends must part — if they will not sell, nothing further can be done with them at present, but [to — stricken through] strip em & lay 'em up — the People must be discharged if they can be persuaded to receive their discharge in Phila. & sent home by the earliest Opportunity to this [port — stricken through] or some Neighbouring Port, tho' there [interlineated: would] not be one Chance out of a hundred that they would get here safe — the Navy Officers press out of Vessells bound out as well as those that are bound in, & abuse our People in a most cruel, scandalous Manner, the Sailors had better get Voyages out of Philadelphia & [if — stricken through] the [Coopers — stricken through] Mates & Coopers employed on board these Vessells if any Thing can be found for 'em to do, 'till you hear further from us — [if — stricken through] we think they will be content to stay there if we allow 'em their Victuels & Lodging on board, as they would have been all pressed if they had come here — we would not have either of the Masters leave their Vessells 'till they hear further from us, as it is possible we may [think — stricken through interlineated: strike] upon some Plan to em-

JONATHAN

JACKSON

ploy 'em — this Letter please to shew to our Capt s Coates & Wigglesworth & assure 'em of our regards — Inclosed is Acc 1 of Sales of your Broth r Charles Wharton's Wine — the Neat proceeds £143.8.11 we have drawn an Order for on your House in fav r of M r Charles Wharton, which please to pay & pass to our debit. we are with much Esteem Original sent by D r . Chuch L E T T E R FROM J A C K S O N , T R A C Y & T R A C Y , N E W B U R Y P O R T , M A Y 2 7 , 1 7 7 5 , TO T H O M A S & ISAAC W H A R T O N , P H I L A D E L P H I A , W I T H F U R T H E R INSTRUCTIONS FOR M A N A G E M E N T OF VESSELS

1

Early the next month another letter from Newburyport altered the instructions contained in this letter only in ordering that no vessels "loaded upon our account" should be sent "to the W Indias or elsewhere." 2

T o Tho s & Isaac Wharton Newburyport 27th. M a y 1775 Gentn. Our last to you was the 17 t h Ins 1 , since which we have none of your Favours to reply t o — [interlineated: except your's of 2 9 t h April w c h . now requires no Answer,] last week got in here our Brig Nath 1 . (Morse from the W Indias — & Tryton (Weed from N f d L d . the first we shall [interlineated: now] strip & hall up here & put chief of her Molasses with some Rum [interlineated: we have by us] into the Tryton & send her to your Address & Care — we had a small Vessell upon the Look out for both these Brigs but they arrived before receiving any Notice — Capt Rowe in the Brig John expected to sail for your place about the 10 th Inst, we hope he is there by this time — such is the precarious state of [our — stricken through] public Affairs [interlineated: with us,] indeed we may say, thro out the Continent, that we are at a great Loss how to direct for the Interest 1. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book, 1774," pp. 66-68. 2. Ibid.., pp. 68-69, Jackson, Tracy & Tracy, Newburyport, June 2, 1775, to Thomas & Isaac Wharton, Philadelphia.

THE JACKSONS A N D T H E LEES we now have, & have coming, into your hands — we expect to be obliged to draw upon you for some Cash (perhaps considerable in the Course of a Month or two) [interlineated: unless our Masters shou'd come home & bring some) ] as payments are very generally stop'd here — the mercantile Interest is much embarrassed, & the Country not a little distressed, but our Spirits are yet good — you'll oblige us to advise, as you sell any Interest of our's — [if the price of Rum & Molasses should not be encouraging, we hope you will store of ours if you think it for our Advantage with — stricken through] with Respect to the Vessels we cou'd wish to sell any or all of 'em if at their Worth, which we think we have stated, in our last L r . if they will not sell, we must beg you to have them haled into some safe Birth, & stripp'd of every thing that they may be robbed of, or that may injure by being exposed — this must be done with some Care & each Vessells Rigging & Stores tallyed & laid by themselves — [interlineated: in some safe Store & at a moderate Rate we hope — stricken through in margin: in the Vessel's Hold they belong to & well locked up — & the Sails & Provisions now & then examined that the Rats don't damage them — or the Sails put in some safe Store] when this [interlineated: is] done, we shou'd think, one Master, with any occasional Help he may hire, wou'd be sufficient to take the Care of 'em — & we must ask this of Cap1 Rowe, as he is not only the youngest, but [interlineated: he] left home the last — we have pitch'd upon your place for a Cover to our Interest, not only from the full Confidence we can repose in your Honour & Friendship, but also thinking it a Retreat so far from the Sea that if any force shou'd be sent to disturb you, [interlineated: or seize property] a successfull Opposition might be made — you'll oblige us to give your Opinion by your next, how probable & practicable [such — stricken through] an Opposition may be — indeed as we know not but our Property as New Engl d Men may be deem'd [forfeit — stricken through], in the wild Career of the present Managers for G Britain [interlineated: (forfeit as Rebels] we cou'd wish you to make such provision as to transfer the Property into your Names, before any such Step might

JONATHAN

JACKSON

take place — & to this E n d advise us in your next, if any Formalities from us are requisite )- [on next p a g e : ] ( + After "requisite on t'other side — add — if [the — stricken through interlineated: such] Transfer of Property be necessary before you can advise us, the Masters may each for their own Vessels give you a Bill of Sale, which we shall give them Orders [to support — stricken through interlineated: c o n c e r n i n g ] — w e have inclosed a Form for a Bill of Sale & a Bond for Indemnification (which we had prepared for the Ship Union once intending before she sailed to have sent her to you for an [interlineated: apparent] Transfer of Property — ) — Shou'd you at any time have in your hands any considerable Sum of Money of our's, we propose if there be any Alarm of Danger with you, whether it be not adviseable, to remove it an hundred miles [back — stricken through] into the [interlineated: inland] Country, if it cou'd be safely there deposited 1- ) the Brig T r y ton [interlineated: J n o Morss Master] we expect will sail in next week for Phil a . we shall write you by her — she is a fine new Vessel having been only two Trips, to Newfoundland — [interlineated: is uncommonly well provided with Cables & Sails] we have not a better built Vessell in our Employ — & upon being seen [interlineated: she] will recommend herself — if £ 1 0 0 0 this Currency is offered for her we wou'd sell her, otherwise she must be haled up — we shou'd think the best [interlineated: & safest] W a y for the Masters & Men (that are not yet discharged) to return, wou'd be b y [way of — stricken through interlineated: Land to] Ν Y o r k — [ i n t e r l i n e a t e d : then] by Packet to R d Isl d & then across the Country home — we only recommend this to the [m — stricken through interlineated: M e n ] in case they are discharged at Phil a . & as we think it their safest w a y to avoid being pressed — if they can & do insist upon holding us obliged to get them home, as there may be the Crews of three or more Vessels to be sent, we desire they may be ship'd by any Vessell bound this w a y or [interlineated: in] any small Vessell hired on purpose — unless you think it most for our Advantage [interlineated: or less Cost] to send [them by our Sloop Lively — stricken through interlineated:

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back the Sloop Lively with them] we have had Thots of proposing a Voyage for one or more of the Brig's to the European Markets with Flour or Wheat & there to sell the Vessels or be kept Freighting, but waving the Uncertainty that will attend all [interlineated: foreign] Commerce [connected with Britain or America — stricken through interlineated: in which Americans are concerned], we are advised, there is no Encouragement for your Produce in Spain or Portugal — perhaps you, with consulting our Masters, may plan a Voyage for one of our Brigs to the [interlineated: English] W Indias in Flour before the Continent1. Resolves take place — or perhaps one or all of 'em, if they will not sell, may be offered some advantageous [interlineated: or saving] Freights to the W Indias or Europe & back — in any Case of their [taking Freight — stricken through interlineated: going a Voyage] we must desire you to transfer the Property into your own Names & [to — stricken through interlineated: if to Europe] keep the Mate for each Vessell to go the Voyage, if the Masters will not, to prevent Negligence & Waste about the Vessell — perhaps, if any such thing offers the Men may incline to reship As we have so large an Interest that is passing [interlineated: to], & may be repassing thro' your hands, we think it worth mentioning & we hope you will consider in the present situation of Affairs, whether a less Commission than you customarily charge, may not be adequate to the Trouble you are at — or whether [interlineated: upon] every Transaction a Commission is to be considered due — but this we refer to your own candid Minds, presuming that we might make [interlineated: with most of your Merch ts ] upon a beforehand, Agreement, easier Terms than a full Commission — or one of us had better have come your way than have paid it — shou'd the Men come at our charge from Phil a by Water they must agree to take their Risque of getting home being allowed half a month's pay for their Time to come in — tho' we had rather pay them that, or even a month's wages to return by Land, & for their own safety we advise 'em to, besides — the Brig Minerva we wou'd take £800 this Currency for, if she will sell, for she is not so well calculated for our Molasses Trade —

JONATHAN

JACKSON

if Capt Coats or Wigglesworth shou'd return here, please to send by them what Cash you have of ours & they can bring — they can inform you how heavy the Gold must be, to pass here without loss — shou'd you engage either one of our Brigs upon a Voyage to Europe we shou'd wish Cap4 Wigglesworth to go in her — it is almost unnecessary to observe to you [interlineated: that] a new Register must be taken out for each Vessel of which the Property is exchanged to your Names — We are now at the 29 th . & are at some loss whether to send the Try ton to Sea (she will be loaded Tomorrow) as the last week several Molasses Vessels were seized in the next Bay & carried to Boston, & a new Brush has happened between our People & Genl Gages, about some Hay Cattle &c upon the Boston harbour Isl ds . where our People are said to have destroyed a Cutter — you will not omit writing us [interlineated: & direct your Letters to the Post Office at Cambridge], we remain Gentn your obedt Servts J Τ & Τ L E T T E R FROM J A C K S O N , T R A C Y & T R A C Y , N E W B U R Y P O R T , J U N E 6 , 1 7 7 5 , ΤΟ ROBERT J E N K I N S , [ S T . J O H N ' S , NEWFOUNDLAND ? ] , A N N O U N C I N G CESSATION OF T R A D E

1

Robert Jenkins had apparently been acting as an agent for the Newburyport firm in Newfoundland for the purchase of fish. A s late as Aug. 20, 1 7 7 8 , Jackson, T r a c y & T r a c y had "not yet had the pleasure of receiving a L i n e " from him in regard to what he had done with the firm's "Interest in the Year 1 7 7 5 . "

M r Rob 1 Jenkins Newburyport 6 th June 1775 Sir We have now to acknowledge your Favours of 30 th April th & 4 . May the first ρ Brig Tryton — you are doubtless before this Time acquainted with the distracted State of this Country — we have laid by all our Vessels, for no safe Trade is to be carried on by us to any part of the World — you know the grand Congress had stop'd much of our foreign Trade & the i. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book, 1774," p. 70.

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British Parliam 1 . have done the rest — we now want no Fish — & beg you wou'd, (if not already done,) finish Sales of all our Effects as soon as possible — & [what you have not already remitted — stricken through] & if no Cash [interlineated: in heavy Gold] is to be got & safely sent to us, (which we shall much want) remit the Proceeds in good Bills to the Houses mentioned in your first Orders — inclosed you have three Bills returned with Protests for Nonpayment — vizt W m . Clemence on W m . Rowe for £2 5 Ste Charges of Protest 25/4 W m . Fannin on John Butler for £ 13.12/ — Charges 26/3 Geo Williams on Nath 1 D a y for £3.10/ — Charges

9/3 do be carefull to get the Interest allowed on these Bills from the date of the Protest as well as the customary Damages — you must not think to receive any kind of Merchandize for us, as none can be brot here safely, Cash or Bills is all you must deal in — M r s Jenkins & your Family are well, she writes you b y this conveyance — having not to add we remain sir your Friends & humble Serv*» J Τ & Τ ρ Sehr William Boobear M r . [In margin: N B you will please to add the charge of Noting each Bill & Protest b y M r Atkins ea 2/3 — i s 6/9 Sterling] LETTER FROM JACKSON, T R A C Y & T R A C Y , NEWBURYPORT, J U N E 1 5 , 1 7 7 5 , τ ο THOMAS & ISAAC W H A R T O N , PHILADELPHIA, ON DISPOSAL OF VESSELS

1

"Statia" (more properly St. Eustatius) is an island in the Dutch West Indies. Mess r s Thomas & Isaac Wharton. June 15. 1775. W i t h this you will receive ours of the 2 d June, to which we refer you — the 5 t h Ins 1 the Brig n . T r y t o n sailed from the i. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book, 1774," pp. 72-73.

JONATHAN JACKSON

307

Wharfe, but before she got over the Bar, she struck upon some Sands & we were obliged to unload her & [the — stricken through] bring the Cargo up to Town [interlineated: before we could get her off — ] — since which we have had her Ashore, but dont find she was damaged— [interlineated: if she will not sell at your Place] we hope you will be able to obtain an advantageous Freight for her to some part of Europe, if you should, we [interlineated: would] have you order our Friends to whom she may be consigned, to sell her if she will fetch £750 sterling or near it, [interlineated: tho' they must ask £1000, for] she is an exceeding good Vessell — in case she should not be sold in Europe, we hope [she will — stricken through] Employment will be found for her [interlineated: there] 'till their is an Alteration in our Trade — your several favors by the Way of Portsmouth & by Lurvey are come to hand — the disposal of our Brig n . Hannah & Minerva & their Cargoes, gives us Pleasure & we sincerly thank you for your perticular Attention to our Business — as the Lively is hailed up we would have Capt. Newman return here as soon as he can — by him please to send us as much Cash as he can conveniently & safely bring — we expect to see Coates & Wigglesworth soon. Capt Row was at Statia ab 1 the 20 th Ult°. [& we suppose — we hope by — stricken through] bound to Phila — do dispose of the Vessell if possible — his & Morse's Cargo we suppose you will store, as Molasses must be higher if the Trade is stoped — the rum sell or store as you [may — stricken through] think best — if it is not in your power to sell [her — stricken through] the Tryton or freight her, you have our Consent to load her on our Account with common Flour & order her to Cadiz, there to enquire the best Market [for — stricken through] to dispose of the Cargo & proceed accordingly — the neat proceeds [of the Cargo, — stricken through] please to desire our Friends to keep in their Hands 'till [our — stricken through] they receive our Orders in what Manner to dispose of it — pray take a Bill of Sale of her, & insure £500 Sters on the Vessell & near the amount of the Cargo — after this, she is to proceed in the same Manner as we mentioned

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above, in case she took a Freight from Phila. Morse must remember to write to our Friends Lane S & F Merch1» in London to make Insurance on her, [in case — stricken through] if [interlineated: while in Europe] she is employed in the freighting Business, — but we think it more probable, that before she [could — stricken through interlineated: can] load with Flour at Phila, the Trade will be restrained, — then [those — stricken through] no other Step can be taken but [to — stricken through] hailing her up &c &c — [if the People are discharged, pay 'em — stricken through] notwithstanding we mention your loads the Tryton on our own Account, if [no Busi — stricken through interlineated: our] other Plans fail, we would not have you do it, if by any late Advices you have reed from Europe, you should think it would not pay a good freight — we are &c L E T T E R FROM J A C K S O N , T R A C Y & T R A C Y , N E W B U R Y P O R T , J U L Y IO, 1 7 7 5 , ΤΟ JOSE GARDOQUI & SONS, BILBAO, I N REGARD TO CARGO OF SUCCESS

1

In midsummer of 1774, Capt. Freeman had gone to Europe with a cargo of rice from Charleston, stopping at Falmouth, England, in order to have the privilege of clearing for a port of Europe north of Cape Finisterre. He had, however, gone to the Spanish port of Bilbao and left his cargo there for sale on his employers' account.

Newburyport 10 th . July 1775 To Mess rs . Jos Gardoqui & Sons at Bilbao — We have before us your Letter of 17 th . April to Capt Edm d Freeman of the Brig Success at Alicante & his Answer of the 2 4 t h to your House — poor Gentleman! he lost his Life about fifteen days before the Vessels Arrival here [having been — stricken through] losing his Hold upon Deck in a Gale of Wind — as our Friend we miss him much — he was a very sensible deserving young Man — By his Papers we find he left his Cargo of Rice in your hands to sell for our Acc 1 & ρ his [last — stricken i. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book, 1774," p. 76.

JONATHAN

JACKSON

309 Nl

through] Letter to you from Alicante ordered the proceeds to Mess rs Lane Son & Fraser of London for our Acc 1 — this we hope er'e [this — stricken through interlineated: now] is accomplished & that you have forwarded us Acc*. Sales & acc 1 curt. Cap 1 . Freeman in his Letter to you mentions some Disappointment as to the Difference of Weight between you & E n g R [if your Acc ts have not come forward — stricken through interlineated: when you write us next] you will please in this to be part i c u l a r — you may expect from us perhaps some Account of public Affairs in this Country — suffice it to say, our Trade is at an End — & that we are now at War with the Troops of G Britain — & if she will not give up [unlimited — stricken through] Taxation over us, this War will continue as long as we are able to hold it — God grant 'till we are established as Freemen — your Advices after rec1 of this will oblige your obed1 Serv ts JT&T PS. We inclose your Letter of Credit to Cap 1 Freeman for £450 Sterls dated Bilbao 14 th . March 1775

please to send Copies of your Advices to us via Philadelphia or New York if Oppy

[In margin:] Inclosed to Mess rs Wharton [interlineated: 28th July] to forward from PhiK duplicate ρ Sehr Hawke via Cadiz — . L E T T E R FROM JACKSON, T R A C Y & T R A C Y , N E W B U R Y P O R T , J U L Y 2 8 , 1 7 7 5 , ΤΟ C A P T . SAMUEL N E W H A L L , [ W E S T I N D I E S ] , W I T H INSTRUCTIONS FOR H I S R E T U R N

1

Capt. Newhall, it will be remembered, had left Newburyport in the ship Union on Apr. 14, to go to the West Indies for molasses. It is difficult to understand the reference to "your Sloop," but from a letter immediately following and from another on page 86 of the Jackson, Tracy & Tracy letter book, it seems that Capt. Newhall loaded the sloop Peggy with molasses and sent her home under Capt. John i. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book, 1774," p. 79.

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Calef, himself staying behind to try to get a freight for the ship. Calef later commanded privateers for the Tracys. 2 Unable to obtain a freight, Capt. Newhall changed the Union's name to the Friendship, put her under the fictitious ownership of "Alex r McGinnis of Rouseau [Roseau] in Dominica" to avoid capture b y British cruisers, and sailed in her for New Y o r k , where he arrived early in September. 3

To Cap 1 Sam1 Newhall Newburyport 28th July 1775 r D Sir Your several Favours of 12 th & 27 th . May 14 th June & 3 d . July we have rec d . your Ideas of the state of Affairs in this Country are such as you carried away with you & we might serve [interlineated: partly] to impress upon your Mind — Things are, it is true, in a very uncertain state, & in consequence of it we have placed great part of our Interest at P h i K but there is yet a good Chance & may be during the Fall, for a Vessell to come safe into this River — prices are very low at Phil a . & here are encouraging — there is a great probability if you keep well to the Eastward & fall in with Isle of Shoals or any [way — stricken through interlineated: Place] to the Northward of our River, you may get in with Safety — we intend to forward this to PhiK to be lodged [interlineated: or it's Copy] with the principal Pilots to be handed you [interlineated: if met] in Delaware Bay — for you to proceed directly here — if you feel fearfull, stop with your Sloop down River, & proceed with all haste to the City, & send Cap 1 Nat. Newman Junr. Commander of your Vessell here — observe the Cape Anne & Boston Lights are discontinued — & that we have Piers or Wharves sunk in our River, but that you may yet come in, & anchor by black Rocks where [you used to — stricken through interlineated: it was usual,] without danger — M r s Newhall & all Friends are well — to enter upon Politicks wou'd be a large Field to expatiate in — suffice it to say as our [Time — stricken through interlineated: Oppy] is short, that the Enemy 2. Currier, Newburyport, vol. i, pp. 638, 644. 3. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book, 1774," p. 89, Jackson, Tracy & Tracy, Newburyport, Sept. 19, 1775, to Philip Livingston, Ν. Y .

JONATHAN JACKSON

311

have gained no Advantage of us & that we are in good Spirits & much your Friends PS — At Portsmo there is a JJΤ &Τ — Ship stationed that you j must not go in there — L E T T E R FROM JACKSON, T R A C Y & T R A C Y , N E W B U R Y P O R T , A U G . 2 1 , 1 7 7 5 , ΤΟ C A P T . J O H N MORSS, BRIGANTINE T R Y T O N , W I T H INSTRUCTIONS FOR A VOYAGE FROM L I S B O N

1

This letter indicates the difficulty of navigation on the New England coast early in the Revolution, with the British occupying Boston. Capt. Morss was in command of the brigantine Tryton, which sailed from Philadelphia for Lisbon in July, 1775, with a cargo of pipe-staves and flour consigned to Parr, Bulkeley & Co., who in a letter of the same date as the one below were ordered to ballast the vessel with salt and "then invest the rest of her Cargo in good Lisbon Wine . . . twenty Casks of . . . Carcavilla & the best;" also to ship 20 dozen black Bilbao handkerchiefs "at six hard Dollars ρ doz" and "twenty Casks of Raisins . . . at three hard Dollars ρ Cask." The schooner Hawke, by which the letter went, was later a privateer owned by the Newburyport firm.

Newburyport 21 st . Aug st . 1775. Cap 1

To John Morss Sir We hope this may meet you in Lisbon, for which place we suppose you sailed about a month since — an Accident has happened to prevent our receiving the Orders Mess rs Wharton's gave you, how to proceed after delivering your Cargo — but we suppose they were [to — stricken through] if your Vessell wou'd not sell, to take up any good Freights that might offer in that Country — we think neither of these are now probable, & we have wrote to Mess rs Parr [& — stricken through] Bulkeley & C°- to furnish you with Salt enough to put you in good sailing Trim & then invest the rest of our Interest in their hands in i. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book, 1774," p. 84.

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Lisbon Wine & perhaps a few Handkerchiefs & Raisins — with these we wou'd have you make the best of your way to this place as soon as loaded — at the Time you will be on this Coast, we judge there will be little or no danger from King's Ships here — you will remember, shou'd Weather or any thing oblige you to push over the Bar into the River, not to come above black Rocks without a Pilot, as we have piers sunk thereabouts — also remember the Cape Anne Lights are down & place no dependance upon any of the others — when you [have made this Bay — stricken through interlineated: come off the Bar] hoist your white Flag forward & Ensign aft — equip your Vessell well as to Sails &c for a Winter's Coast — & [if — stricken through interlineated: when] you write [interlineated: to] us send your Letters by way of Ν York or Phil a . shou'd you [interlineated: happen to] make a good Harbour any where to the Eastward, dispatch a Messenger immediately to us, & do you wait there 'till you have our [interlineated: further] Orders — have this Paper ready to sink shou'd you happen to be taken by any [Men of War & their Cutters — stricken through interlineated: Vessell] — Inclosed is a Letter from your Wife — we have no News of any Importance to write you — public Affairs are much as when you went away only that we are in better Defence — We remain your Friends & Owners J Τ & Τ Mr

If you can buy for Jackson a strong well made Straw Matt in one peice forty five feet long & about eleven feet wide not exceeding in price eight or ten hard Dollars do bring such an one with you — sent ρ Cap Lee in the Sch r Hawke LETTER FROM JACKSON, T R A C Y & T R A C Y , N E W B U R Y P O R T , A U G . 2 5 , 1 7 7 5 , ΤΟ C A P T . JAMES T R A C Y , H A L I F A X , W I T H I N S T R U C TIONS TO S E L L CARGO

1

Capt. Tracy, who had gone with a freight from Charleston to England in the brigantine Elizabeth and had gone from there to Le Havre i. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book, 1774," p. 85.

JONATHAN

JACKSON

where he left 264 barrels and 86 half-barrels of rice with Eustache & Freres, had been forced on his return to put into Halifax in distress. The state of war between the colonies and Great Britain was still so inchoate that apparently American vessels were not yet subjected to indiscriminate seizure. Capt. Tracy succeeded in selling the vessel in Halifax.

To Capt James Tracy ^ Newburyport 25 th . Aug st 1775. of Brig Elizth at Halifax /D'Sir We this day heared, by a Letter from M r Brimmer (who paid your Bill of Exchange in favour of Capt Mowett) that you were put into Halifax & there intended staying [interlineated: with your Vessell] till you hear'd from us — we shall send this by a Boat on purpose, (if we [have — stricken through interlineated: meet] no other Oppy,) & our Orders to you are, to make the best of your way to this port — if you have any thing besides Ballast on Board — sell it, or leave it in some safe hands at Halifax — you are to make no Dependance upon Lights from this Shore as some of the Light Houses are destroyed & some discontinued— neither must you make an Harbour at Portsmouth or Cape Anne, as King's Ships are generally kept at one or both [interlineated: places] & things are in such a State we know not when they will seize — tho we suppose your [interlineated: Vessell] safely enterable here, if in Ballast — lay out no more than is absolutely necessary to refit your Vessell for to come here — our River is impeded by sunken Piers, we mention it that you may not attempt coming up without a good Pilot, — we have never recd Advices [from — stricken through interlineated: of] you since being at Falm°. — [the Compass of a Letter will not allow us to mention Things of a public Nature — stricken through interlineated: if you need any assistance you may apply to M r James Warden if he be at Halifax — if not to Malaky Salter Esqr — be carefull to bring nothing but your Ballast for any Body] — [at bottom: you had best take the Skipper of the Boat or some good hand out of her as a Pilot along Shore & put one of your hands in his Room] we hope to see you soon — [& — stricken through in-

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terlineated: all F r i e n d s are well w e ] remain y o u r F r i e n d s & obedt S e r v t s J Τ & Τ — Inclosed y o u h a v e a L e t t e r upon M r L a n e ' s H o u s e if n e c e s s a r y f o r y o u to d r a w for a n y R e f i t t s — LETTER FROM J A C K S O N , T R A C Y & T R A C Y , N E W B U R Y P O R T , N O V

2 0 , 1 7 7 5 , ΤΟ T H O M A S & ISAAC W H A R T O N , PHILADELPHIA, WITH A N ORDER FOR GOODS

1

In a letter of the same date to the same firm (crossed out and not sent) the principal merchandise desired was "good Iron Ordnance," including "Swivels," "Blunderbusses," "Cutlasses," "Flints," and "Gunpowder." Note that gunpowder from the West Indies was still a principal aim of the Success' voyage.

To

Mess 1- «

Thos

N e w b u r y p o r t 20 t h N o v r 1 7 7 5 & Isaac Wharton

Gent". O u r last to y o u w a s 6 t h I n s ' , ρ our F r i e n d M r M a r t i n B r i m m e r — this comes ρ C a p 4 W m . W y e r in our B r i g n . Success — w h o w e are induced to send y o u r w a y f o r Provisions & some other necessaries w e w a n t — please to furnish w h a t B a r I r o n & N a i l R o d s C a p 1 W y e r m a y t h i n k n e c e s s a r y for ballasting his Vessell & t h a t he m a y call for — please to send the C a s k of L o a f S u g a r w e sent in the Spring — & all the [interlineated: 6 C a s k s ] [ m u s c o v a d o — stricken through interlineated: b r o w n ] S u g a r [interlineated: 5 C a s k s ] C o f f e e & [interlineated: 4 h h d s & 10 b a g s ] C o c o a t h a t remains unsold of w h a t our Vessels l e f t w i t h y o u in the S u m m e r — also 2 or 300 b u s I n d i a n C o r n if there be n e w at M a r k e t & not a b o v e 2 / p b u s — 200 bu s of good B r a n if it can be p u t in S a c k s a t no e x t r a o r d i n a r y E x p e n c e 40 or 50 b b l s of good Ship Stuff 10 b b l s of supf F l o u r the P o r t e r p u r c h a s ' d f o r our JJ a c k s o n — also t h a t f o r our J T r a c y & 12 d o z m o r e if to be h a d — the remainder excepts 100 b b l s C a p 1 W y e r f r e i g h t s is to be filled for us w i t h good n e w com. F l o u r — i. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book, 1774," pp. 97-98.

JONATHAN JACKSON

315

Capt Wyer is furnish'd with a Certificate from our Committee according to a form [interlineated: lately] prescrib'd by our Gen1 Assembly — shou'd not this & our Necessities be sufficient with your Committee to permit him to proceed here — please to furnish Cap 1 Wyer with four hundred half Jo s upon our Acc* if not [interlineated: with] as many as you can to proceed in his Ballast to the [interlineated: foreign] W Indias to purchase Gunpowder if to be got, if not Molasses & other foreign Produce to bring here — Capt Wyer is to purchase a few Articles for us if they are to be found in PhiK you'll please to furnish him with Cash to pay for 'em & defray the Charges of the Vessell — our Order in his favor for £ 150 your Curry, we also pray you to pay — Novem r 21. 1775. the above is a Copy of our last ρ Capt Wyer, who now waits for a Wind to proceed to your Place — [on the rec1 of this, — stricken through] if there [should — stricken through interlineated: will] not be any difficulty in gaining a permit for the Brig to load Flour, please to purchase [the — stricken through interlineated: three hundred Bbls of] Flour [we have order'd above — stricken through] immediately on the rec 1 of this Letter, as there are several Vessells, [was down — stricken through] from this Place to Philadelphia & it is probable they will sail as soon as Wyer — yr's ut supra J Τ & Τ — L E T T E R FROM JACKSON, TRACY & TRACY, NEWBURYPORT, D E C . 2

7>

I

77S»

T 0

PARR, B U L K E L E Y & C o . , L I S B O N , ORDERING A

CARGO o r GUNPOWDER

1

I t is not difficult to imagine w h y the Newburyport firm desired a cargo of gunpowder rather than the usual salt, raisins, and wine, nor why it desired the transaction to be kept secret. T h e "Western Islands" are the Azores.

To Mess rs Parr Bulkeley &C° Newburyport 27th Dec r 1775 Gent« — We wrote you the 21 s t . Aug st mentioning that a Brig of our's call'd the Triton J n o . Morss Master we expected to i. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book, 1774," p. 103.

3

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your Address from Philadelphia, consigned by our Friends there Mess1* Tho s & Isaac Wharton, & we then desired if no agreeable Business offered, that you wou'd furnish said Brig with enough Salt to put her in Ballast & invest the rest of our Interest pher in good Lisbon Wine — twenty Casks of it the best Carcavilla [interlineated: to proceed home] —our first Letter went pSch r Hawke Cap 1 Lee via Cadiz & duplicate has since been forwarded but we have not had the pleasure of receiving a Line from you since your's of 13 t h June though Capt Andrews in the Schr Stork arrived [interlineated: here] from Lisbon a week since short 50 days passage — he gave some confused Acc 1 of Capt Morss' being gone with a freight to the Western Islands — we still wish to have the Brig return here with a Cargo as abovemention'd, if she can be on here in all March or even in April — if Gunpowder is to be procured with you. at [the rate of 80/ or 100/ Sterling ρ Cask of 100 w 1 — stricken through interlineated: any price not extravagantly high] send as much as our Interest will procure, saving 10 Casks of best Lisbon & 10 Casks of best Carcavilla [interlineated: Wine] & a sufficient Ballast of Salt — we shou'd be glad of your Advices ρ every Oppy — please to forward Copies to Mess rs Gardoqui's Care also send Copies via Philadelphia & New York We are Gentn respectfully your obed1 Serv ts JT&T — PS please to omitt in any Copies you may send us mentioning the having shipped Gunpowder shou'd you send any — Added in Duplicate — We mean to give Gunpowder the preference if to be procured, for the bulk of the Tryton's Cargo, home, if not Wines as abovemention'd — we need not ask, shou'd she be not dispatch'd before this reaches you, your greatest Attention to get her away, as our Coast will be less hazardous we imagine early in the Spring than afterwards —

JONATHAN JACKSON

317

LETTER FROM JACKSON, TRACY & TRACY, NEWBURYPORT, JAN. 2 7 , 1 7 7 6 , ΤΟ THOMAS & ISAAC WHARTON, PHILADELPHIA, WITH INSTRUCTIONS FOR A VOYAGE FROM THAT CITY 1 Prices had so risen in Newburyport that Jackson, Tracy & Tracy decided to have goods which they had previously shipped to Philadelphia returned to them. In 1774 rum had been selling at wholesale and on credit at is. 8d. per gal.; that at the time of this letter it was "quick . . . at 2/8" indicates how prices had risen.

T o Mess« Τ & I Wharton Newburyport 27th Jany 1776 Gent n The foregoing is Copy of our last w ch . went two posts since & to which referring, we have to add that we have agreed with the Bearer Cap 1 Benj a Rogers to take the Command of our Brig" Hannah & bring her here, having engaged to him that her Cargo shall be delivered along side without any Attention of his — we have therefore to desire you to have it so delivered, beginning with the largest sized Casks of Molasses first for the Ground Tier, & as she is filling up to furnish him as he wants with fit Casks to make the best Stowage, where any Breakage happens we judge in this way she may take 30,000 Gll s in her Hold — we wou'd have put in between Decks all our Rum remaining in your hands (which is now quick here at 2/8) — besides, if the Vessell is not judg'd in prudence too deep for a Winter's Voyage, we wou'd have her fill'd up between Decks with Molasses in those Casks which will best stow to Advantage — you'll be pleased to use all Dispatch for the Vessell's getting away as we had rather [we — stricken through interlineated: she] shou'd be on here in Feby if possible than March — we are told she will want sundry new Sails & considerable Rigging — we wou'd by no means have her to proceed to Sea without a sufficient Equipment, but ask your Attention that it may be done upon the best Terms — Cap 1 Rogers has engaged to see to fixing the Brig after he gets to Philad a & you'll please to supply him w t h . what Cash or whatever else he wants to fit the i. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book, 1774," pp. 106-107.

3

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THE JACKSONS AND THE

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Vessell & put her to Sea — Nath 1 Newman sails from here in the first Vessell for y r . Port with a Gang of Hands, & is to return Mate of the Brig — if he arrives before Rogers he is to go to work immediately to prepare the Vessell & we shou'd be obliged to you to hurry him & give him all the Assistance in your power — [interlineated: let all necessary Cooperage be done upon the Molasses & Rum & do charge the Cooper that the Casks don't go on board without being sufficiently fill'd up] you'll please to make some Calculation of the Amount of the Goods ship'd in the Hannah, that we may better judge what Satisfaction to make you for your Care & Trouble — since our last we have the pleasure of your's of 23d. Dec r & have rec d the 40 Casks of Jamaica Spirits pCapt Rogers' Sloop — neither this nor the Mad a Wine will at present sell at your Limitations— indeed there has never been a quick sale here of such Goods of the quality you esteem your's to be — as there is no plenty of such of this high quality in the Country, we judge when the Spring opens, they may be run off — we desire you before the Hannah sails to insure for us £3000 your Curry on the Cargo of £ 1000 on the Vessell — if it cannot be done at 15 p O Premium or under please to give us immediate notice, as we think it may be done upon as good terms here — we remain very respectfully Gent n your obed1 Serv ts JT&T — PS — We cou'd wish to have the state of our Acc* with you as soon as possible after the Hannah is dispatch'd & as you must be considerably in Advance for us you have our Liberty to sell the Molasses that will remain whenever you think best & we shall be making remittance to you as fast as may be after rec1 of our A / C L E T T E R FROM J A C K S O N , T R A C Y & T R A C Y , N E W B U R Y P O R T , F E B . 2 0 , 1 7 7 6 , ΤΟ T H E C O U N C I L FOR M A S S A C H U S E T T S , I N TO A P R I Z E

REGARD

1

This is the first mention of privateering in the Jackson, Tracy & Tracy letter book, though this firm and its component members were i.

Jackson-Lee Papers, " L e t t e r Book, 1774," p. 109.

NATHANIEL TRACY,

1751-96

JONATHAN JACKSON among the leading owners of privateers during the Revolution. It is probable that the references to privateering which we do find in this letter book are strays and that there was once an extensive body of letters and accounts, relating to this activity, which has not come down to us. Nathaniel Tracy has been given credit for primacy among Revolutionary owners of privateers. " T h e first privateer fitted out in the United States," we are told, "sailed from this port [Newburyport], and was owned by Nathaniel Tracy, Esq., . . . the first of whose fleet sailed in August, 1775." The reference may be to the schooner Hawke, Capt. John Lee, which sailed for Cadiz during that month and which we know was later a Jackson, Tracy & Tracy privateer, 2 though we have no evidence that she was so commissioned at this time. That the name of Nathaniel Tracy's first privateer is not given seems to cast suspicion on the validity of the story. However, there is no doubt that Nathaniel Tracy was among the earliest in the privateering game. Of all the privateers (as distinguished from vessels belonging to Washington's fleet or to the Massachusetts navy) listed in Allen's Massachusetts Privateers of the Revolution, only one is of an earlier date — and that only by four days — than the Newburyport sloop Gamecock, Dec. 11, 1775, in which Nathaniel Tracy was concerned. Nathaniel Tracy has been acclaimed among owners of privateers not only as first in point of entrance into that activity but also as among the first in importance. "From that time," Aug., 1775, "to 1783, Mr. T r a c y , " we are informed, "was the principal owner of n o merchant vessels, having an aggregate tonnage of 15,660, which with their cargoes were valued at $2,733,300. Twenty-three of the above vessels were letters of marque, and mounted 298 carriage guns, and registered 1,618 men. Of this n o sail, but 13 were left at the end of the war, all the rest were taken by the enemy or lost. During the same period, Mr. Tracy was also the principal owner of 24 cruising ships, the combined tonnage of which was 6,330, carrying 340 guns, six, nine, and twelve pounders, and navigated by 2,800 men . . . But of these 24 cruisers, only one remained at the close of the war . . . These ships captured from the enemy 120 sail, amounting to 23,360 tons; which, with their cargoes, were sold for three million nine hundred and fifty thousand specie dollars', — (one hundred and sixtyseven thousand two hundred and nineteen dollars, Mr. Tracy devoted 2. Allen, op. cit., p. 168.

THE J A C K S O N S AND THE LEES to the army, and other public demands;) — and with these prizes were taken 2,225 men, prisoners of war." Despite the convincing detail of these figures they possess certain features which would make one suspect exaggeration, even did we not know that they were drawn "from a memorial addressed to Congress, by a gentleman who was part owner and concerned with Mr. Tracy," 3 ten years after the latter's death. One hundred and ten merchant ships would seem an almost incredible number of vessels of which one man could be "principal owner" even over a period of eight years, though more reasonable if it were assumed that the statement rather had reference merely to some concern in vessel and cargo for a single voyage. A t the outbreak of the Revolution, before Jackson, Tracy & Tracy had begun to sell or lay up its vessels, Nathaniel Tracy, through the firm, had been concerned in perhaps a dozen vessels: the ship Union, the brigantines John, Hannah, Nathaniel, Tryton, Minerva, Success, and Elizabeth, the sloops Lively, Peggy, Mermaid, and Conway (concerning the last of which we know nothing beyond the name), and an unnamed schooner, perhaps the Susannah or the Absalom. It would seem from the above that, if Nathaniel Tracy were concerned in n o vessels between 1775 and 1783, his ownership was on a different basis from that in these dozen vessels, 1774-76. Of the armed vessels in which Nathaniel Tracy was concerned we know the names of 25 and the tonnage of all but 4 of these, which can, however, be estimated with considerable pretensions to accuracy. The total tonnage of these 2 5 vessels was at the most little more than 4,000, as opposed to the tonnage of 6,330 ascribed to Nathaniel Tracy's 24 cruising ships. It should be remembered, too, that among the 2 s armed vessels in which we know Nathaniel Tracy was concerned there were at least 8 letters of marque. These were usually considerably larger than privateers, since the primary purpose of the letter of marque was to carry a cargo and only secondarily was she interested in making a prize of whatever British vessel of inferior metal and speed might come across her course; while to the privateer, whose primary purpose was to capture enemy vessels, speed was a prime essential and carrying capacity not a consideration. Therefore, our estimate of the combined tonnage of Nathaniel Tracy's privateers is probably itself an exaggeration in that about one-third of the number considered were letters of marque of much heavier tonnage than 3. Smith, op. cit., pp. 105-110, esp. pp. 106-107.

JONATHAN JACKSON the small schooners which constituted a large element of his privateering contingent. But even did we not have information concerning so many of Nathaniel Tracy's armed vessels, against which to check the statements set forth in his associate's memorial, we would have a pretty good idea that the figures of the latter were exaggerated from the fact that they would make the average tonnage of Nathaniel Tracy's privateers more than 260. As a matter of fact we know of only 2 of his armed vessels — one a letter of marque — which attained this tonnage, and another which approached it, while a dozen of his vessels were brigantines, schooners, and sloops of 100 tons burthen or less. That his privateers averaged more than 260 tons thus becomes impossible. The tonnage of Nathaniel Tracy's privateers has probably been exaggerated at least 50%, and the number of men, 7 5 % . The number of guns was not so greatly exaggerated by the memorialist; indeed by counting in swivels one can make the figures very nearly coincide. It seems quite clear, however, that the memorialist's description of Nathaniel Tracy as a "naval prince" was based on figures derived from a faulty memory perhaps assisted by some more or less deliberate exaggeration. And yet, exaggerated as was the memorialist's account, it was correct in representing Nathaniel Tracy as one of the leading owners of privateers; 25 privateers and letters of marque are no contemptible fleet, and he doubtless was concerned less conspicuously in some of the dozen or so others in which we know his brother or brother-in-law was interested. The commander of the Yankee Hero at the time of the capture mentioned in this letter was doubtless Capt. Thomas Thomas, 4 who later was concerned in or commanded a number of other privateers. The sordid side of privateering comes out almost too clearly in this letter. There was a romantic element in the Hawke's capture of a brig with " a large amount of specie dollars, bullion, and gold dust" — one feels that the owners of such goods could well afford to lose a share — but the account of how a small trader was robbed of his cargo of coals, butter, or whatever it might be — and this was the common type of prize — reveals privateering as the dirty business which it usually was. It is somewhat of a relief to be able to record that, on Apr. 2, Jackson, Tracy & Tracy petitioned the Council that the "poor distressed Man" who had been master of the captured vessel should be allowed to carry out his "honest & direct Intention of going quietly to his own Home." 4. Allen, op. cit., p. 329.

322

THE

JACKSONS

AND

THE

LEES

T o the hon b l e the Council 1 N e w b u r y p o r t 20 t h Feby 1776. for Massachusetts B a y J M a y it please your Honours W e have to inform you that our Privateer Brig the Y a n k e e Hero [interlineated: took & ] brot in here [the — stricken through] last F r i d a y the Snow [interlineated: James] from Whitehaven [James — stricken through interlineated: W i l l m ] Littledale [interlineated: Master] laden w t h . Coals principally — she had been out sixteen weeks & brot nothing new — the Master appears a M a n of so little [interlineated: political] Intelligence, we judged it wou'd be only an Interruption to send him to your Honours — there were no Passengers on board — the Master still waits your Order — & we shou'd be glad of your Direction whether he may quit the Country with others in the like Situation whom we understand have obtain'd that Liberty -— W e have the Honour to be Gent n your very obed 1 Serv t s J T & T — L E T T E R FROM JACKSON, T R A C Y & T R A C Y , N E W B U R Y P O R T , M A Y 9 , 1 7 7 6 , ΤΟ SIMEON M A Y H E W , F A L M O U T H , [ C A P E COD ? ] , I N REGARD TO PRIZE C A P T A I N S FOR A PRIVATEER

1

It was the custom to send out on privateers a number of men qualified to act as masters of vessels, whose duty it was to take into port any prizes which might be captured. Mayhew was a Cape Cod name.2 T o M r Simeon M a y h e w N e w b u r y Port 9 M a y 1776 at Falmouth Sir Y o u will oblige us to assist the Bearer M r Samuel Greenleaf J r in looking out & engageing two good & sufficient Masters of Vessells, being reputable M e n , to go as Prize Masters in our Privateer Brig n Y a n k e e Hero bound out upon a four Month's Cruize — to draw an equal share with the Master of 1. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book, 1774," p. 117. 2. Briggs, op. cit., vpl. ii, pp. 773~774-

J O N A T H A N

J A C K S O N

the Privateer — viz five shares — And if two such Men can be engaged desire them to enlist as many good Seamen as they can with the Assistance of said M r Greenleaf & be bringing them along as soon as may be — We are sir Your very obed' Serv ts J T & T

—

L E T T E R FROM JACKSON, T R A C Y & T R A C Y , N E W B U R Y P O R T , A U G . i 2 , 1 7 7 6 , ΤΟ C A P T . JAMES T R A C Y , H A L I F A X , I N REGARD TO THE POSSIBILITIES OF H I S B E I N G E X C H A N G E D

1

The Yankee Hero had no occasion for the prize masters of whom Samuel Greenleaf had been sent in quest. "On May 7, 1776, the brig Yankee Hero, Capt. James Tracy, master," 120 tons burthen, "carrying twelve carriage guns and six swivels, sailed from Newburyport for Boston, with twenty-six men, including officers, intending to take the rest of her crew at the last named port." Her normal complement was 40 men. On the afternoon of the day she sailed, a vessel was sighted, which the Yankee Hero's officers thought to be a Jamaica merchant and to which they obstinately insisted on giving chase, despite the reluctance of the captain, who believed it to be a British frigate. When it was too late to retreat, the vessel turned out to be the British frigate Milford, carrying 28 guns, or twice the privateer's metal, while, to increase the frigate's advantage, the privateer had on board little more than half her proper crew. The American vessel, nevertheless, put up a desperate resistance of two hours' duration, during an hour and twelve minutes of which the vessels lay broadside to broadside, "not an hundred feet from each other." A t last Capt. Tracy was struck on the right thigh with a cannonball "and in a few minutes he could not stand; he laid himself over the arm chest and barricadoe, determined to keep up the fire," but, losing consciousness from pain and loss of blood, was carried below. After recovering consciousness, he found that "his firing had ceased" and that four of his people were dead and thirteen wounded, leaving only nine uninjured. "Struck severely with such a spectacle," this fighting Irishman "ordered his people to take him up in a chair upon the quarter deck and resolved again to attack the ship, which was all this time keeping up her fire," but, finding himself so weak as to be unable i. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book, 1774," p. 123.

THE JACKSONS AND THE

LEES

any longer even to speak and consequently to give orders, he decided to relinquish the unequal battle and "ordered them to strike to the ship." " T h e wounded officers and men were sent to Halifax; twelve [?] able-bodied seamen were transferred to the Milford; the second lieutenant, Robert T r a c y , and others uninjured were taken in the brig Yankee Hero to the lower harbor in Boston, where several English ships-of-war were awaiting reinforcements." Arrangements for the exchange of prisoners were probably completed in September or October. 2

Capt. J. Tracy at Halifax 1 Newbury Port 12 th . Aug*. 1776. Nova Scotia — J Dr Sr. We wrote you a few Lines hastily ye 17 t h July ρ a Flag from Portsmo. to Halifax since which we have had the Pleasure of hearing repeatedly from you that you &M r . Main are likely to do well G O D grant it — when we have an Opp°. we shall write Mess« Gardoqui's House to answer your Draught for any Supplys you may want, do thank M r . Higgins for us — We have the [interlineated: Great] Pleasure to inform if this reaches you before you leave Halifax, that Bro r Nat writes 31 s t July from Ν York that he has treated with Ld. Howe on board the Eagle for an Exchange ofe Prisnors that all the Officers & Men late of the Y k . Hero are to be sent from Halifax to Marblehead as oon as his Lordship has an Oppoy to order it, — his Lordship daily expected Cap 1 . Banks to join his Fleet from Halifax & what Prisnors from the Υ . H: are on board here are to be put on Shore at Ν York — we are to return Officers & Men of equal Rank & Number the first Opp°. — they are in the Possession of this Government & our Council consented to it, before we applied at Ν . Y . We are expecting Nat home every day, should he get home before this goes we may have Occasion to add to it — Inclosed you have a Letter of Credit on Mess 1 . G: duplicate we shall forward ρ first Conveyance from hence — in full hopes that you will be gone before this reaches you, or 2. Allen, op. cit., pp. 329-330; Currier, Newbury port, vol. i, pp. 621625; Smith, op. cit., p. 106.

JONATHAN JACKSON

325

will go soon after we have only to add that all Friends are well & that we are your &c Ν Β M r . Mains Children are well & rejoiced to hear of his [at bottom: see page 128 for the others.] L E T T E R FROM J A C K S O N , T R A C Y & T R A C Y , N E W B U R Y P O R T , N O V . 26, 1 7 7 6 , ΤΟ JOSE GARDOQUI & SONS, BILBAO, I N REGARD TO A V O Y A G E TO T H A T P L A C E

1

The letters of Jackson, Tracy & Tracy during the autumn of 1776 indicate a distinct revival of commercial activity — as distinguished from privateering — on the part of the Newburyport firm. Of this, the projected voyage to Bilbao was a conspicuous symptom. The identity of Edward Jackson, mentioned below, is something of a problem. In an earlier letter (May 20, 1776) to the same firm he is referred to as "a Son of our M r Jackson's (M r . Edward Jackson) who though young is going abroad to see the World." Any son of "our M r Jackson's" must indeed have been "young," since Jonathan Jackson himself was born in 1743, only 33 years before the date of this letter. Y e t there is no doubt that there was such a son, though descendants of Jonathan Jackson, writing in 1907, admitted that his existence had not previously been known to the family. Their assumption was that Edward Jackson was the son of Jonathan Jackson's wife, Sarah Barnard, whom he had married Jan. 3, 1767, and who had died June 22, 177ο, 2 a marriage which had formerly been supposed to have been childless. A letter from Edward Jackson to his uncle Oliver Wendell is printed in the Essex Institute Historical Collections, vol. xiii. It was written in Apr., 1775, at a time when the boy, if the son of Jonathan Jackson's marriage with Sarah Barnard, could have been at the most a few months over seven years of age, yet its language, the subjects with which it deals, and the activities which it records would do credit to a youth well in his 'teens. It compares favorably, indeed, with a letter written by his half-brother Henry from Port au Prince, Aug. 28, 1787, 3 at the age of thirteen years and seven months.4 More1. 2. 3. 1787, 4.

Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book, 1774," pp. i32a-i34. Putnam and Putnam, op. cit., p. 28. Austin H. Clark Collection, Henry Jackson, Port au Prince, Aug. 28. to Oliver Wendell, Boston. Putnam, J. J., op. cit., p. 70.

326

T H E J A C K S O N S A N D T H E LEES

over, on May 20, 1776, as we have said, he was just leaving Newburyport "going abroad to see the World." It would seem exceedingly doubtful that a father would send an eight year old boy to Europe, in war-time, too, be it remembered, for that purpose, even though the boy was accompanied by the merchant John Emery (p. 154). Other references, among the many in Jonathan Jackson's letters, are equally inconsistent with the idea that Edward Jackson was the son of his father's marriage in 1767 to Sarah Barnard. On Sept. 7, 1769, Jonathan Jackson wrote to his brother-in-law Oliver Wendell: "we . . . had a misty Fog to ride thro . . . Ned sung us Liberty Songs after he got in a proof — his Spirits were not exhausted." Imagine this of a child not two years old! On Apr. 8, 1774, Jonathan Jackson wrote to Oliver Wendell of his son Edward, then attending school in Boston and living with his uncle and aunt: "do tell my Ned I am glad his Time is fully taken up — but if he is uply [?] & notes it as it passes, I am apt to think he might find some Intervals to write to me in — " And again on Apr. 13: " I intend to write to Ned tonight if I have time, but I hardly expect it — he might write me oftner & with more Care if he was to try, do tell him — " On Oct. 28, 1781, Jonathan Jackson wrote of another son: "our Boy . . . must learn to write to us before Winter is out," and in the following year, Aug. 3, 1782, "please . . . observe to him that I have not received from him a single line since my departure." 5 But Robert, of whose failure to write his father complained, was born Mar. 4, 1773. 6 Again on Sept. 12, 1774, Jonathan Jackson wrote; "do tell Ned to look round your House for a military Book — Author Simes, I suppose I left about a month since & to call at M r Knox's Shop for another besides, I was to send for" — not exactly the errands one would casually entrust to a child less than seven years old. Most bewildering of all to anyone assuming that Edward Jackson was the son of Jonathan Jackson's marriage with Sarah Barnard is a letter of Sept. 20, 1774, from Jonathan Jackson to his brother-in-law, saying: "Ned wrote me last week, & mention'd his entering in the military way — I am well satisfied & wou'd be obliged to you to provide him the money for his Gun & Accoutrements, only ask the favour of M r Prentiss to pass his 5. Austin H. Clark Collection, Jonathan Jackson, Newburyport, Sept. 7, 1769, July 27, Sept. 17, 1770, Feb. 16, Apr. 8, 13, 1774, Oct. 28, 1781, Philadelphia, Aug. 3, 1782, to Oliver Wendell, Boston. 6. Putnam, J. J., op. cit., p. 70.

JONATHAN JACKSON

327

Judgment upon the purchase." 7 Imagine a boy seven years old, "in the military way," poising one of the ponderous firelocks of the period! Even on the Kentucky frontier it was only at the age of twelve that a boy was assigned a rifle and a loop-hole in the blockhouse. In consideration of the above, the conclusion is almost inevitable that Edward Jackson could not have been the son of his father's marriage with Sarah Barnard, Jan. 3, 1767. The solution may lie in the fact that on May 4, 1763, in Brattle St. Church, a Jonathan Jackson was married to Mary Tings [Tyng ?]. 8 If Jonathan Jackson's son Edward were a child of this marriage he could have been approximately three years and eight months older than he would have been if the child of Jonathan Jackson's marriage with Sarah Barnard. That is to say, Edward Jackson could have been but a few months short of eleven at the time of "his entering in the military way" and over thirteen on his "going abroad to see the world" — though even these ages would have involved considerable precocity. We know that shortly before the date of Mary Tings' marriage to a certain Jonathan Jackson, the Jonathan Jackson of our immediate interest was evidencing considerable interest in matrimony. On Dec. 27, 1762, he wrote to John Lowell philosophizing upon celibacy — and when a youth of something over nineteen years of age discusses celibacy it is not really celibacy in which he is interested, but a quite different state.9 This is confirmed by an earlier letter to his sister, Oct. 23, 1762, in which he announces: "I'm going to think & write upon the relations & circumstances of a state, I have never experienced, & I guess never shall," that is, marriage; 1 0 and on Mar. 1 1 , 1763, he writes to John Lowell, arguing against celibacy. 11 This is not of course positive proof that it was Jonathan Jackson of Newburyport who two months later was married to Mary Tings in Boston, but 7. Austin H. Clark Collection, Jonathan Jackson, Newburyport, Sept. 12, 20, 1774, to Oliver Wendell, Boston. 8. Boston Marriages, 1752-1809 (Boston, 1903), p. 327. 9. Henry Lee Shattuck Collection, Jonathan Jackson, Newbury, Dec. 27, 1762, to John Lowell, Boston. 10. Austin H. Clark Collection, Jonathan Jackson, Newbury, Oct. 23, 1762, to Mrs. Oliver Wendell, Boston. 11. Henry Lee Shattuck Collection, Jonathan Jackson, Newbury, Mar. 11, 1763, to John Lowell, Boston.

328

THE JACKSONS AND THE

LEES

it does indicate the psychological and chronological possibility of such a marriage; further researches may be left to the genealogists. On Apr. 26, 1 7 7 7 , Jonathan Jackson wrote: " N e d sets off T o morrow Morn« to Marblehead to take the Smallpox, he is gone to bed" and on M a y 8: " N e d is now under Inoculation at Marbleh d ." 1 2 A gap of nearly six months in the correspondence follows and no subsequent letter contains the familiar name of Edward Jackson. The assumption is that he died under the inoculation. Since he left no descendants, it is not surprising that his very existence was lost sight of for well over a century.

Mess rs . Joseph Guardoqui & Sons — Novem r 26 1776 Gentlemen — We have now before us your most obliging Favor of the th 7 Sept, — pray accept our Thanks for your Attention to M r Edward Jackson, & be assured it would give us Pleasure to make you any Return in our Power — this covers Inv° & Bill Lading for a parcell of Merch a Fish & a few Boxes of Candles we have shiped on board our Brig1» Tryton, Samuel Newhall Master, which please to receive of him & sell on our Accounts in the Manner you think will turn most to our Advantages — we were obliged to give a very high price for it, as you will see by the Invoice, but as it is of a Quality superior to the Newfoundland best, we doubt not but it will neat us the first cost with all the Charges — we would be glad you would procure & send us by the Tryton, [some — stricken through] 20 — 9 pounders, double fortified & short, also the Articles as ρ Mem 0 inclosed — the Cannon & Gunpowder we are in great Want of, and the Country is almost dreined of Salt, we would therefore urge your particular Attention to provide [interlineated: them as — stricken through] with those Articles [interlineated: as ρ mem"] as early as you conveniently can — that the Vessell may not be detained — Capt Newhall was bred a Merchant, & knows extremely well what Goods will suit this Market, for which Reason we beg you would take him with you when the other Articles we 12. Austin H. Clark Collection, Jonathan Jackson, Newburyport, Apr. 26, May 8, 1777, to Oliver Wendell, Boston.

JONATHAN

JACKSON

have mentioned, are picked out — we have [also — stricken through] shiped on board of Newhall two Hhds Furs as ρ Inv° & Bill Lading, one fourth of which, as also one fourth of the Bills of Exchange now inclosed as ρ Minute below, is on the Account & Risk of M r Martin Brimmer Mercht in Boston, so that only three fourths of the neat proceeds, [of it — stricken through] & three fourths of the amount of the Bill is to be placed to our Credit, which please to observe — As Bilboa is not so good a Market for Furs as Holland or Burdeaux, we would have you forward them to either of those Places on our Accounts, (taking Care that the Papers are filled up in your Name) or to whatever Port, (the Dominions of his Brittanick [interlineated: Majesty] excepted) you think they can be sold at to the greatest Advantage. — one fourth of what you think they will amount to, & the am0 of one fourth of the Bill please to lay out in the Articles as p' Mem" Μ Β, & ship 'em by the Tryton on Account of M r Brimmer — by this Opportunity we have wrote to Mess rs Parr, Bulkeley & C° & desired them to remit whatever Ballance there may be due to us from them, into your Hands — if you should receive any Thing, pray advise us — as there are large Quantities of Sugar in this Country, we could very conveniently [ship — stricken through interlineated: send] a parcell of to Europe if we thought the Quallity would suit — do inform us what kind is most wanted with you, & the price it generally bears — also the price of Candles, Lumber & all Articles of the American produce — we are Gent n Original pTileston your most obed* Serv ts Copy ρ L E T T E R FROM JACKSON, T R A C Y & T R A C Y , N E W B U R Y P O R T , D E C . 7 , 1 7 7 6 , ΤΟ L E W I S , P O N S E T T & SONS, BORDEAUX, I N REGARD TO A V O Y A G E TO THAT PORT

1

The Montgomery, a war-time addition to the Newburyport firm's fleet, commanded by one of their veteran captains, included in her i . Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book, 1774," pp. 139-140.

THE JACKSONS AND THE

LEES

cargo some furs on the account of Massachusetts. An embargo by the General Court forced the firm to apply for permission, which was granted, to take on a cargo of spars and lumber in Maine before sailing.2 Her voyage was a losing one.3 Mess« Lewis Ponset & Sons — Decern1" 7, 1776 Gentlemen — The foregoing is a Copy of our last, which hope you [have — stricken through interlineated: timely] received — we have now to inclose you Inv° & Bill Lading of a parcell of Masts & Spars [interlineated: with a few Cask of Tobacco & Flaxseed — ] shiped on board the Montgomery, Joseph Row Master, which please to receive of him & sett on [my — stricken through] our Account in the Manner you think will be most advantageous — the neat proceeds pass to our credit — after the Spars are discharged, please to ship on board of her on our Accounts [the — stricken through] twenty double fortified, short Cannon that will carry Shot of nine pounds weight — four, dblfortified short, six pounders — six d° four pounders — fifty Swivells — fifty small Arms — 12 good Blunderbusses — [with — stricken through] with what Articles we have put down in the Mem° inclosed — after these Things are shiped, put on board as much good Salt as the Vessell will carry — our principal View in prosecuting this Voyage being to procure the Salt & Warlike Stores, [we beg your — stricken through] permit us again to beg your particular Attention to procure them & to dispatch Capt Row as soon as [possib — stricken through] you can, that he may be on this Coast before the blowing Season is over — you may rely on his Prudence & Caution — we would [interlineated: not] have the Interest shiped on board the Montgomery amount to more than what you think the Cargo out, will fetch, therefore if it is not sufficient to purchase all the Articles as ρ Mem 0 , omit those mentioned last, [but — stricken through] we expect the Cannon [will — stricken through inter2. Currier, Newburyport, vol. i, pp. 573, 575-576. 3. Patrick Tracy Jackson Collection, "Profit & Loss in J Τ & T's Ledger."

JONATHAN JACKSON

331

lineated: can] be purchased as cheap [as were those shiped as those — stricken through interlineated: those] you shiped by Willson, but if [they — stricken through] the price had advanced considerable higher, we must have them — [the — stricken through] it would be a great Disappointment to have the Ship return without them & the Salt — please to let Capt Row have what Cash he wants to pay the Charges of y e Vessell — we [interlineated: beg leave to] refer you to [Capt Row — stricken through interlineated: him] for News — we are Gentlemen — very respectfully your most obed1 Serv ts Jackson Tracy & Tracy PS — we would not have the Flaxseed shiped on our Accounts to any part of the Dominions subject to his Brittanick Majesty — you have also inclosed Inv° & Bill Lading of 10 Hogsheads Tobacco shiped on board the Montgomery on Acc 1 of M r Martin Brimmer Mercht in Boston, which you'll please to sell on his Account — by this Opportunity he will let you know what he would have done with y r neat proceeds. LETTER FROM JACKSON, T R A C Y & T R A C Y , NEWBURYPORT, M A R . 31,

1 7 7 7 , TO H E N R Y CROUCH, CHARLESTON, S. C . , WITH A

CARGO OF COAL

1

T h e ship Franklin was the first vessel, other than privateers, added to the Jackson, T r a c y & T r a c y fleet since the outbreak of war, concerning whose employment we have any information; she had originally been intended to go from Philadelphia to Bilbao with flour in D e c . , 1 7 7 6 , but had been stopped b y an embargo. T h e " W h i t e h a v e n C o a l s " were undoubtedly p a r t of the cargo of the unfortunate snow James, captured b y the Yankee Hero a year before. T h e Franklin's v o y a g e proved a losing one. 2 M a d e t Engs commanded a brig from C o r k bringing provisions to Boston, which h a d been captured Jan. 15, 1776, b y a N e w b u r y p o r t privateer. 3 Apparently b y this time he had succeeded in convincing 1. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book, 1774," p. 149. 2. Patrick Tracy Jackson Collection, "Profit & Loss in J Τ & T's Ledger." 3. Currier, Newburyport, vol. i, pp. 616-617.

332

THE JACKSONS AND THE

LEES

the authorities of his friendly attitude toward the United States and was thus allowed to command an American vessel. Privateering had made seamen of all ranks exceedingly scarce. Henry Crouch E s q r — Newburyport — March 3 1 , 1777. Sir — This covers Inv° & Bill Lading for 7 8 ^ [Tons — stricken through interlineated: Chaldron] of Whitehaven Coals shiped on the Ship Franklin, Madet Engs Master, two thirds on our Acc* & Risk & one third on Acc* & Risk of Mess Erskine and Donaldson Merchants in Philadelphia — you'll please to sell them as you think most advantageous, & pass the neat proceeds to the credit of the concerned — when the Ship is clear, ship [on our Accounts — stricken through] on board of him as many Barrells & half Barrells of good Rice with as many (W O) Hogshead & Barrell Staves as she will stow (after the 200 whole Barrells that are to be [frei — stricken through] taken in on freight are on board) & consign them to our Friends Mess 15 Lewis Ponset, [& — stricken through] Father & Son Merchants in Bourdeaux — 2/3 ds on our Acc* & Risk & 1 / 3 on Acc 1 & Risk of Mess rs Erskine & Donaldson — if Capt Engs should want any Money to defray the Expences of the Ship whilst she lays in Charlestown, please to let him have it & charge it to the Account [interlineated: of the] concerned — as soon as the Ship is gone & the Sales of the Coals is compleated we should be glad of the AcctCurrent — in case there should be a Ballance due to you, please to draw [interlineated: on] us or on our Friends & Partners in this Adventure & your Bills shall be paid agreeable to the Tenor — the Success of this Voyage depending principally on her being at Market early & at Sea before your Port is stoped up [with — stricken through interlineated: by] British Cruisers we beg your utmost Exertions to dispatch her as soon as possible —

J O N A T H A N

J A C K S O N

333

L E T T E R FROM J A C K S O N , T R A C Y & T R A C Y , N E W B U R Y P O R T , A U G . 20, 1 7 7 8 , ΤΟ JOSE GARDOQUI & SONS, BILBAO, I N REGARD TO PRIZES

1

This letter is the first in the letter book for a year. It is interesting as mentioning a number of privateers owned by Jackson, Tracy & Tracy and as telling something of their successes. Prizes taken near the British Isles were brought in to Bilbao and, after condemnation by a prize court, were sold by the Gardoqui firm. It is interesting to observe that part of the proceeds of these prizes was remitted to English firms. The schooner Hawke —• either three vessels of the same name or, more probably, one vessel which appeared under three different captains and as many descriptions of tonnage — was one of the most successful of the Jackson, Tracy & Tracy vessels. On Oct. 24, 1776, she sent into Newburyport the ship Nancy, Cork to Quebec, with provisions and military stores; in 1778 she sent in "among other prizes, an English brig from Oporto, bound to England, loaded with wine, a large amount of specie dollars, bullion, and gold dust." 2 These captures were made by Capt. John Lee. Other commanders of the Hawke were Jeremiah Hebbart, below-mentioned, and John Calef. The Civil Usage — reassuring name for a privateer — was a brigantine commanded at various times by Andrew Giddings and John Smith. In a previous letter (p. 169) mention was made of other privateering vessels and captains, employed by the Newburyport merchants, who had had dealings with the Bilbao firm. Capt. John Fletcher had commanded the brig Wexford, named after Patrick Tracy's native county. The brigantine Fancy was among the several vessels at various times commanded by John Lee. There is a good deal of information concerning still other privateers, not mentioned in this letter book, in which the Newburyport merchants of our interest were concerned. The ship General Arnold, commanded by Moses Brown, made three cruises, on the last of which, beginning Feb., 1779, she fought an indecisive action with a privateer, sank one vessel, made prizes of three others, and was herself captured. Capt. Brown later commanded for the Tracys in 1780 the letter-of-marque brig Mercury to Amsterdam and Cape Frangois, arriving in Newburyport, Jan., 1781. The next 1. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book, 1774," pp. 160-161. 2. Smith, op. cit., p. 109.

THE JACKSONS AND THE LEES month he was put in command of the letter-of-marque ship Minerva for Amsterdam, which returned to Newburyport in Nov., 1781. 3 " H e then took command of the ship Intrepid, mounting twenty guns, and sailed in July, 1782, for L'Orient, France, returning with a cargo of dry goods to Baltimore in December. In April, 1783, while a treaty of peace was being negotiated . . . , Captain Brown sailed from Baltimore for Havanna in the Intrepid and sold the ship upon his arrival there." 4 T h e above account gives some idea of the trade conducted in armed vessels during the Revolution. T h e firm of Jackson, T r a c y & T r a c y was not only concerned in the ownership of a number of privateers, but also acted as agents for other privateer owners. T h e famous Gustavus Conyngham 5 on M a r . i , 1778, dispatched to " T r a c e y , " Newburyport, the brig Peace and Harmony, loaded with oranges, under a prize master named Squires, who carried her to Nantucket and sold her there. Jackson, T r a c y & T r a c y b y a letter of N o v . 30, 1778, notified Capt. Conyngham of this arrival and also that the prize master would not turn over any of the proceeds till he received his share in certain other prizes. 6 Five other prizes were consigned to the Newburyport firm by Capt. Conyngham about the same time but none even reached the United States, two being retaken, one burned to avoid recapture, one carried into Halifax, apparently b y a treacherous prize master, and one sold at Martinique. Richard H. Lee, chairman of the Marine Committee, on M a r . 10, 1779, wrote to Jackson, T r a c y & T r a c y , requesting an account of " w h a t Prizes have arrived to your address from Captain Conyngham," their disposition, etc. 7 I t is to be hoped that on this occasion the Newburyport firm had something more to report than it did at the time of the letter to Capt. Conyngham. We have no evidence, however, that it did. Sometime during the period covered b y the gap of July 1 1 , 1 7 7 7 Aug. 20, 1778, in the letter book, the firm of Jackson, T r a c y & T r a c y had come to an end, probably in the latter part of 1777. Commissions 3. Bowdoin & Temple Papers, vol. iii, p. 160. 4. Currier, Newburyport, vol. i, pp. 626, 630-633, 635, 636-637. 5. Jones, Charles Henry, Captain Gustavus Conyngham (Philadelphia, 1903)· 6. Jackson-Lee Papers, "Letter Book, 1774," p. 165. 7. Neeser, Robert Wilden, "Letters and Papers relating to the Cruises of Gustavus Conyngham," Publications of the Naval Historical Society, vol. vi (Ν. Υ., 1915), pp. 152, 155-156.

JONATHAN JACKSON

335

to privateers owned b y Jackson, T r a c y & T r a c y no longer appeared after the middle of that year, though commissions to privateers in which one or more or all of the members of the former firm were interested continued to be issued. From June 2, 1777, to Jan. 1 1 , 1781, Samuel Horton recorded in his diary six unnamed T r a c y vessels launched in Newburyport, all apparently from his brother's yard; of these a ship, a brig and a schooner seem to be ascribed to Nathaniel T r a c y , and two brigs to John T r a c y , who as far as the records show was concerned in about as many privateering vessels as his brother. T h e ownership of another ship is ascribed merely to " M r . T r a c y . " 8 John T r a c y is supposed to have been more successful in the privateering lottery than was the brother with whom he was so frequently associated in these ventures. T h e story is told that b y the end of 1777 John T r a c y and his brother had lost 41 ships and the former's only remaining hope was in an 8 gun letter of marque which opportunely sent in a prize worth £25,000 stg.; after this John T r a c y continued fortunate and in 1782 was supposed to be worth "near £120,000 sterling."9 Among the T r a c y vessels mentioned above as captured during 1777 was the Hannah which, bound from Newburyport for Guadeloupe with a cargo "chiefly lumber," fell a prey about Apr. 30 to H . M . S. Diamond.10 T h e T r a c y s endeavored to avenge such captures and to demonstrate that privateering was not to them merely an opportunity for private gain, when on June 23, 1779, they, with other Newburyport merchants, including Jonathan Jackson, offered to furnish vessels for an attack on the British fleet which had taken possession of Penobscot B a y . T h e brigantine Pallas, in which John T r a c y was concerned, and the ship Vengeance, principally owned b y Nathaniel T r a c y , went on this expedition and, it proving a fiasco, were with many others burned to avoid capture. 1 1 8. "Extracts from the Diary of Samuel Horton of Newburyport," Essex Inst. Hist. Colls., vol. xliii, pp. 285-286. 9. Chastellux, Marquis de, Travels in North America, 2 vols. (London, 1787), vol. ii, pp. 246-247. 10. "Records of the Vice Admiralty Court at Halifax, Nova Scotia," Essex Inst. Hist. Colls., vol. xlv, p. 177. 11. Currier, Newburyport, vol. i, pp. 590-596; Allen, op. cit., see under Penobscot.

336

THE JACKSONS AND THE

LEES

Newbury Port 20 th Aug 1 . 1778 To Mess^. J . Gardoqui & Sons Gent". We have now set down to acknowledge your several Favours of 31st. July & P.S 4th Augt & 31st August, 18Λ O c f . 15 t h [interlineated: & 19 t h ] Nov r . of last Year — since which we have not the pleasure of a Line from you — were in hopes er'e this you would have forwarded us the State of our Acc4. Current — as we suppose the several Prizes sent in pCap 1 . Hibbert in the Schr Hawke & Cap 1 Lee's small prize Sloop with Oyl & Wine must long since have been sold — we wish for all those sales to be made up & Acc ts . to be forwarded to us with all charges attending each Privateers Acc ts & Charges seperately as we have sundry Friends here whose Acc ts are dependent with us — We now inclose you Copies of Trial & Condemnation of [interlineated: the] 3 Prizes sent in to you ρ the Civil Usage Privateer — tho: we are carefull to get all prizes which are carried in & sold with you regularly condemned here, when you send us the necessary Papers, yet it is tedious & expensive to procure Copies of the Process & Condemnation especially with duplicates & triplicates — if it be not therefore indispensibly necessary you will [interlineated: not] require it m future — The inclosed Letters for Mess rs . Laneson & Fraser & Mess rs . Henry & Thomas Bromfield of London Mess rs Cruger & Mallard of Bristol & Mess rs Parr Bulkeley & C°. of Lisbon be so kind as to forward as directed by first sure conveyances — Be so good also as to remit it to Mess rs Lane Son & Fraser of London seven hundred Pounds sterling & to Mess rs . Cruger & Mallard of Bristol Three hundred & twenty Pounds sterling desiring them respectively to pass the same to the Credit of our Account w th them — & to advise you & us respectively of their receipt of such Remmittances — we wish you to make these Remmittances immediately & to advise us of your having done it — after rec 1 . of this you won't omit writing us all necessary advices

JONATHAN JACKSON

337

& Papers inclosed with Duplicates & Triplicates by other Bottoms — hoping soon to hear from you we remain Gents, v e r y respecty.

Your obedt. Serv ts —

Original pDupey Duplicate ρ Babson & several other Copies

J T & T -

L E T T E R FROM JACKSON, T R A C Y & T R A C Y , N E W B U R Y P O R T , J U N E 1 8 , 1 7 7 9 , TO L A N E , SON & FRASER, L O N D O N , EXPRESSING H O P E FOR E N D OF HOSTILITIES

1

It is interesting to note in this letter the care taken by the Newburyport firm, even during hostilities, to make payments on the debts owed to English merchants. It is indicative either of considerable commercial probity or of an intention to continue in business after the war — probably of both. One more entry, and it of no particular importance, concludes the Jackson, Tracy & Tracy letter book. T h e firm had been in operation for something over three troublous years, having been founded in the spring of 1774, three months before the Boston Port Act went into effect, and terminated sometime in 1777, in the autumn of which year Philadelphia fell to the British. A profit and loss account for the partnership, in which the gain or loss on merchandise, distilleries, lumber, various adventures and vessels, is recorded separately, reveals that the Jackson, T r a c y & T r a c y gross profits amounted to £83,452 9s. 8d. and its losses to £25,557 7s. id., or a total net profit of £57,895 2S. 7d. These, of course, were not pounds sterling. There were no losses on the merchandise, distillery, and lumber accounts, the profits on which were respectively £19,575 9 s · 5 Ο α> Ό κ" . 2 ti Μ α Ό Ο υ W Ph η C/3 t/T

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