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English Pages [242] Year 1971
T H E CONCERT OF EUROPE: A S tu d y in German and British International Theory
1815-1914
Carsten Holbraad
N ew Y o rk Bames & N oble, Inc.
© Longm an G rou p L im ited 1970 First published in the United States, 1971 by Barnes & N oble, Inc. ISBN $89 04110 6 A ll righ ts reserved. N o part o f this publication m ay be produced, stored in a retrieval system , o r transm itted in any form o r b y any m eans, electron ic, m echanical, p h otocop yin g, recordin g, o r oth erw ise, w ith ou t the p rior perm ission o f th e co p yrigh t ow ner.
Printed in G reat B ritain b y T h e C am elot Press L td ., L on d on and Southam pton
CONTENTS
PREFACE
IX
IN T R O D U C TIO N
P a rt O n e: g e r m a n
id e a s
I of
th e
con cert of
EUROPE IN T R O D U C T IO N
O ne T H E C O N S E R V A T IV E T H E O R Y 1. D E V E L O P M E N T
Austrian contributions Prussian and other contributions 2.
c r it ic ism
The moderate constitutionalists The radical liberals The national liberals The revolutionaries
Tw o T H E P R O G R E S S IV E T H E O R Y
13
ij
15 15 34 44 45 48 54 58
62
1. D E V E L O P M E N T
6z
2. T H E H E G E L I A N A N T I T H E S I S
JZ
T h iee T H E B A L A N C E O F P O W E R T H E O R Y 1. D E V E L O P M E N T 2. D I S S E N T
80 8o IO7
The C oncert o f E urope Part T w o:
b r it ish
id e a s
of
th e
con cert
of
EUROPE IN T R O D U C T IO N
One T H E C O N S E R V A T I V E T H E O R Y 1. S U P P O R T
Dynastic conservatism Territorial conservatism 2. C R I T I C I S M Tory criticism o fdynastic conservatism Whig criticism o fdynastic conservatism , Radicalcriticism o f territorialconservatism Two T H E B A L A N C E O F P O W E R T H E O R Y
II9 II9 H9
121 124 124 127 131 136
1. D E V E L O P M E N T
136
2. C R I T I C I S M
153
Three T H E P R O G R E S S I V E T H E O R Y I. D E V E L O P M E N T
Humanitarian ideas 2. C R I T I C I S M
162 162 162 176 198
B IB L IO G R A P H Y
205 207
IN D E X
23!
CO N C L U SIO N
vi
” 7
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
W e are grateful to the follow ing for permission to reproduce c o p y rig h t material: T h e Controller o f Her Majesty’s Stationery Office for extracts fr o m vo ls v, iv , viii, x, lx and series; vols vi, i, cxxxii, d xxvi, ii, f X XTCj civ, lvi, CXXXV, C x lli, « « « , CXXÍX, CXU, CXXXviÜ, CCXXXiv, c c x lii, ccxxxii, cclxv, clvi 3rd series; vols xlviii, xlvii, xlvi, x d i 4th series, and vols lv, lv i 5th series from Hansard; R. Oldenbourg V e rla g for extracts from Politische Schriften by J. G . Droysen.
PREFACE
In 1950 S it Charles Webster told the members o f die International Congress o f Historians at Paris that they w ould look in vain for an adequate book about the principles and practice o f the European Concert o f the nineteenth century. Since then some serious w ork has been done on the subject. Historians, notably F. H. Hinsley, and political scientists, particularly Stanley Hodman, G eorge L isk a and R. N . Rosecrance, have described and analysed the system o f the Concert; and a diplomatic historian, René AlbrechtCarrié, has presented the hundred documents that in his view b est illustrate the nature, meaning and operation o f the Concert o f Europe. But nobody has dealt thoroughly w ith its theory. T o h elp fill that gap is the aim o f this study. Radier than examine the Concert o f Europe from inside, I have looked at it through the eyes o f die men who lived with it and thought about it. From the w ritings o f statesmen, diplomatists, publicists, historians, inter national lawyers and political philosophers I have extracted the various views and ideas o f the European Concert that Germans and Englishmen put forward in the nineteenth century. The result is an analytic account o f the German and the British contribution to speculation about the Concert o f Europe. It was Professor Martin W ight, now at the University o f Sussex, w ho originally inspired my interest in the theory o f international politics, and later directed it towards the Concert o f Europe. T o him I am indebted also for advice in my research and stimulating criticism o f the draft o f this book. M y colleague here at die Australian National University, Professor Hedley Bull ; my form er colleagues at Carleton University in Ottawa, Professors Charles D alfen and Michael Fry; M r F. H. Hinsley at St John’s College, Cambridge; Professor Richard Hiscocks at die University o f Sussex; M r Colin Jacobson; Professor F. S. Northedge at the London School o f Economics and my father-in-law the late M r
The C oncert o f E urope Andreas Vlachoutsicos read some or all o f the chapters. I am grateful to them for die interest they showed and the many helpful suggestions they made. Mrs Ilse M. Mullins assisted me by drafting most o f the translations o f passages quoted from German sources. Finally, I record my gratitude to my wife, w ho encouraged and helped me at all stages o f the work. Canberra, Novem ber 1969.
G H.
INTRODUCTION
The Concert o f Europe, like the League o f Nations and the United Nations, originated in war. The Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars in one way united and in another divided the states o f Europe. W hile revolution and invasion, by endangering the tranquillity and security o f all, forced the powers to make com mon cause, the long struggle with France, by testing the strength o f each, separated the stronger from die weaker ones. The pro duct o f the tw o influences was die coalition o f Austria, Prussia, Russia and Britain. When the war was over the victorious allies retained die special position they had acquired in Europe. They took charge o f the negotiations at Vienna, redrew the boundaries o f states, prepared the peace treaties and, finally, renewed their wartime alliance. The treaty o f the Quadruple Alliance was signed at Pans on 20 Novem ber 1815. Though primarily designed to provide against the dangers o f a return o f Napoleonic régime in France, it also contained a plan for the conduct o f European politics in general. The sixth o f its seven articles ran as follow s: T o facilitate and to secure the execution o f the present treaty, and to consolidate the connections which at the present moment so closely unite the four Sovereigns for the happiness o f the w orld, the H igh Contracting Parties have agreed to renew their meetings at fixed periods, either under the immediate auspices o f the Sovereigns themselves or by their respective Ministers, for the purpose o f consulting upon their common interests, and for the consideration o f the measures which at each o f these periods shall be considered the most salutary for the repose and prosperity o f nations and for the maintenance o f the peace o f Europe. O n the basis o f this article the great powers managed the afiairs o f Europe in the postwar years. Already at the Congress o f Aix-la-Chapelle in 1818 Britain i
The C oncert o f E urope found herself in fundamental disagreement w ith the Continental powers about the political aims o f the new system. The gu lf that developed between the allies in the follow ing years led to a breakdown o f the congress system in 1822. But the practice o f consulting and cooperating survived. Though they never made a habit o f it, the great powers resorted to it so often throughout the century that together they sometimes assumed the character o f an institution o f European politics. This system o f diplomacy became known as the Concert o f Europe. ^ Unlike the League o f Nations, its successor, the Concert o f Europe was not an orderly organization w ith a permanent structure. A t best, it was an informal institution which enjoyed no more than intermittent existence. T ill the middle o f the century the four founders o f the congress system and France, who had been admitted at die Congress at Aix-la-Chapelle, were the only members. A t the Paris Congress in i8