The Analects of Dasan, Volume III: A Korean Syncretic Reading 0190902426, 9780190902421

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The Analects of Dasan, Volume 3

 The Analects of Dasan, Volume 3 A Korean Syncretic Reading

Translated with Commentary by

Hongkyung Kim

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1 Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and certain other countries. Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press 198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America. © Oxford University Press 2018 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, by license, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reproduction rights organization. Inquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above. You must not circulate this work in any other form and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer. Library of Congress Cataloging-​in-​Publication Data Names: Chong, Yag-yong, 1762–1836, author. | Kim, Hongkyung, 1959– translator, writer of added commentary. Title: The analects of Dasan, Volume 3 : a Korean syncretic reading / Hongkyung Kim. Other titles: Nono kogumju. English Description: New York : Oxford University Press, 2016. Identifiers: LCCN 2016010464 | ISBN 9780190902407 (hardcover : alk. paper) | ISBN 9780190902421 (epub) | ISBN 9780190902414 (online) Subjects: LCSH: Confucius. Lun yu. Classification: LCC PL2471.Z6 C536 2016 | DDC 181/.112—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2016010464 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Printed by Sheridan Books, Inc., United States of America

Dasan composed Plum and Birds, the artwork on the cover, to encourage his daughter to be loyal to her family-​in-​law. It was 1813, the thirteenth year of his eighteen-​year exile, when he completed Noneo gogeum ju. The poem in its entirety (including the part obscured in the design of the cover) reads: Two birds, fluttering, rest on a plum tree in my garden They flew in, mesmerized by its permeating fragrance, and Would stay and nestle here to please your family Full-​blown flowers should lead to an abundance of fruit According to Dasan’s explanation of the image, the “canvas” he painted it on was made out of a faded red silk skirt that his wife, Lady Hong, sent to him one day in the midst of his exile. This image was provided by the Korea University Museum. This project of publishing Noneo gogeum ju in English was supported by The Academy of Korean Studies (Korean Studies Promotion Service) grant funded by the Government of the Republic of Korea (Ministry of Education) (AKS-​2013-​KCL-​2230002).

CONTENTS

An Overview of the Original Meanings in Volume 3  1 BOOK 8  Tai Bo 泰伯  3 BOOK 9  The Master Seldom 子罕  43 BOOK 10  In the Village 鄕黨  101

Chinese Glossary  187 Bibliography  201 Index  207

An Overview of the Original Meanings in Volume 3

59. The phrase wu zhi mian fu 吾知免夫 (“I know I shall avoid punishment and execution”) means that Master Zeng came to know that he would be able to avoid punishment and execution. (8.3) 60. Bao 暴 in bao man 暴慢 should be read in the checked tone [入聲]. (8.4) 61. The teaching of the chapter that says, “The people can be made to follow it,” is not to conceal the Way from the people. (8.9) 62. In the remark, “If Heaven had intended to extinguish the wen 文,” “the wen” refers to Changes. (9.5) 63. The expression kou qi liang duan 叩其兩端 (“scoured both ends”) conveys how Confucius increased his knowledge, taking advantage of the questions people asked him. (9.8) 64. Chen in the phrase wen ren wei chen 門人爲臣 (“[Zi Lu] made some disciples serve as the court retainers”) refers to the court retainers who help a dying person by holding his limbs. (9.12) 65. The term shan gu 善賈 (“a good merchant”) refers to a merchant who excels over other merchants. (9.13) 66. The term shi zhe 逝者 (“what goes by”) signifies one’s life. (9.17) 67. The expression ke yu quan 可與權 (“a person can balance weights in moderation”) does not mean that his actions come to conform to the Way by being the opposite of jing 經. (9.30) 68. The royal ancestral shrine [宗廟] is the venue where debates of governing took place. (10.1) 69. The phrase guo wei 過位 (“when passing by the officials’ stations in the court”) does not mean that Confucius passed by the empty royal station. (10.4) 70. The reason dark blue, dark red, pink, and purple silks were not used has nothing to do with the fact that they belong to the category of mixed colors. (10.6) 71. The color of the upper garment xi yi 裼衣 should be different from that of the leather dress [裘]. (10.7) 72. Wei chang 帷裳 refers to the carriage curtain. (10.10)

73. “Visits of condolence” in the passage that says, “Confucius did not wear the lambskin dress or the black ceremonial cap on visits of condolence,” regards the visits that take place before the lesser ritual of dressing the deceased. (10.11) 74. Confucius wore the ceremonial garments for the court audience on the first day of the month because the lord and subjects cannot wear the same kind of ceremonial garments. (10.12) 75. Che 撤 (“cleared”) in the sentence bu che jiang shi 不撤薑食 (“he did not have the ginger snack cleared”) should be read as synonymous with che 徹 (to remove), which means to remove dishes. (10.15) 76. The phrase shi zai shi zai 時哉時哉 conveys a message that it is the time for the pheasant to leave. (10.34)

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BOOK 8

Tai  Bo  泰伯

8.1 The Master said, “Tai Bo may be said to be a person of supreme virtue. Three times he yielded all under heaven, and the people could not find anything to praise him for.”1 子曰; 泰伯, 其可謂至德也已. 三以天下讓, 民無得而稱焉. 8.1.1 Grounds 1) Wang Shu 王肅 (195–​256) commented, “Tai Bo 泰伯 was the eldest son of King Tai 太 of Zhou 周.” [All of Wang Shu’s comments in this book appear in Lun yu jijie 論語集解 in Lun yu zhushu 論語註疏, unless otherwise noted.] 2) I supplement as follows: He acted in a virtuous manner and furthermore concealed his name from the people. These actions help constitute the supreme virtue.2 San rang 三讓 (“Three times he yielded”) means that Tai Bo thrice yielded the throne to [his youngest brother] Ji Li 季歷. Confucius used the term “all under heaven” when he discussed this event because Zhou eventually acquired all under heaven and thus yielding Zhou was equal to yielding all under heaven. 3) Master Zhu commented, “That the people could not find anything to praise him for illustrates how even his humility was untraceable and, accordingly, none of his merits were visible.”

This book contains twenty-​one chapters. Lu Deming 陸德明 (556–​627) said, “In a certain edition, de 得 appears to be de 德 (virtue)” (Jingdian shi wen 經典釋文, 24:11a). 2 Master Zhu commented, “[The supreme virtue] refers to the highest point of virtuous deeds. It cannot be improved any further.” [All of Zhu Xi’s 朱熹 (1130–​1200) comments in this book appear in Lun yu jizhu 論語集注, unless otherwise noted.] 1

8.1.2 Arguments 1) Zheng Xuan 鄭玄 (127–​200) argued, “When King Tai fell ill, Tai Bo went to the state of Wu 吳 to seek medical herbs. He did not return even when King Tai passed away, so Ji Li became the chief mourner. This was Tai Bo’s first instance of yielding; although Ji Li sent him a notice of King Tai’s demise, he did not join the mourning rituals. This was his second instance of yielding; after the mourning period, he had his hair cut short and received a tattoo on his body [to show that he was not qualified to be a ruler]. This was his third instance of yielding.”3 [All of Zheng Xuan’s comments on the Analects in this book appear in Lun yu jijie in Lun yu zhushu.] I would refute this as follows: Even if he had not had his hair cut after the mourning period, would Zhou have aspired to elevate him to the position of ruler? 2) Fan Ning 范寗 (c. 339–​401) argued, “King Tai died, and Ji Li was enthroned. This was the first instance of yielding; Ji Li died, and King Wen 文 was enthroned. This was the second instance of yielding; King Wen died, and King Wu 武 was enthroned and eventually possessed all under heaven. This was the third instance of yielding.”4 Gu Yanwu 顧炎武 (1613–​1682) also argued, “The poem ‘Huangyi 皇矣’ reads, ‘The lord raised up the country and its partner [ruler]; this work began with Tai Bo and King Ji [Ji Li]’ (Mao Shi zhushu 毛詩 註疏, 23:88a). It can be inferred from this poem that Zhou was in the midst of overpowering others during the time of Tai Bo. However, he left the country and did not return on the pretext of seeking medical herbs. It appeared, at the time, to be an act of yielding a state but, in light of later events, proved actually to be an act of yielding all under heaven;5 it appeared to be an act of yielding it to Wang Ji but, in light of later events, proved actually to be an act of yielding it to King Wen and King Wu. The real person who possessed all under heaven [King Wu] emerged three generations later, and the act of yielding all under heaven to him was taken three generations earlier. Thus the ancestral hall of Zhou could not maintain a record of Tai Bo’s merits, nor could the ritual vessels hold inscriptions about his deeds. This is what is meant by the remark, ‘Three times he yielded all under heaven, and the people could not

See Xing Bing’s 邢昺 (932–​1010) comment [in Lun yu zhengyi 論語正義 in Lun yu zhushu. All of Xing Bing’s comments in this book appear in Lun yu zhengyi, unless otherwise noted]. 4 An unknown commentator also argued, “When King Tai fell ill, Tai Bo left the state on the pretext of seeking medical herbs. In doing so, he did not serve his father according to ritual propriety, when he was alive. This was the first instance of yielding; when King Tai died, he did not return and thereby compelled Ji Li to take charge of the mourning rituals. In doing so, he did not bury his father according to ritual propriety, when he passed away. This was the second instance of yielding; he also had his hair cut short and received a tattoo in order to show that he could not be appointed to the royal throne. These actions were intended to leave Ji Li in charge of the sacrificial rituals. In so doing, he did not offer sacrifices to his father according to ritual propriety. This was the third instance of yielding.” For these comments, see Lun yu jijie yishu 論語集解義疏 (Lun yu yishu hereafter) by Huang Kan 皇侃 (488–​545). [All comments by Fan Ning and Huang Kan in this book appear in Lun yu yishu, unless otherwise noted.] 5 [According to Gu Yanwu, Confucius’s disciple] Nangong Kuo 南宮适 made the following remark in the same context (Re zhi lu, 7:9b): “[King Yu 禹 and] Ji 稷 cultivated land themselves and possessed all under heaven” (Lun ju jizhu, 14:5). 3

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find anything to praise him for.’ Lu shi 路史 says, ‘During the year of King Tai’s reign, the throne was given to Wang Ji, who bestowed it on King Wen, who in turn bestowed it on King Wu. Tai Bo initiated this practice of royal succession. Therefore it says, “The three kings yielded the throne [三讓 in the context of Lu shi]” ’ (Re zhi lu 日知錄, 7:9b–​10a). [The Sinjo edition places Gu’s argument after the following chapter under the title “Supplementary Documents of ‘Tai Bo’ ”; I follow, here, the Established edition]. I would disagree with these arguments.6 3) Miao Xie 繆協 (fl. Jin dynasty) argued, “The kingly government was achieved by virtue of the three sages—​Ji Li, King Wen, and King Wu. So it says, ‘[Tai Bo] yielded all under heaven for the three sages [in Miao Xie’s reading].’ ”7 I would refute this. 4) I question Master Zhu as follows: Jizhu states, “Yielding three times demonstrates one’s very willful resignation.”8 As I  understand, details of the practice of yielding three times have been recorded in “Pin li 聘禮,” “Da she li 大射禮,” “Xiang yin li 鄕飮禮,” “Xiang she li 鄕射禮,” “Tou hu li 投壺禮,” and “Shi xiangjian li 士相見禮.” However, a son’s yielding of what his father bequeathed to him or an older brother’s yielding of what his younger brother offered him does not need to be conducted on a ritual mat on a specific day in the same manner a host and a guest exchange their ritual remarks. Thus Tai Bo’s acts of yielding all under heaven three times were unjustifiably likened to the rituals of yielding three times and bowing three times:  these rituals were purported to be a means to accomplish refined expressions through decoration of appearances. One should cite actual facts pertaining to the three acts of yielding, which were certainly responses to the three acts of offering. However, no evidential investigation is possible now due to the lack of historical documents on the events. Nevertheless, a band of scholars—​ including Zheng Xuan and Fan Ning—​made speculations, conjectures, interpolations, and far-​fetched suggestions: even though they discussed the topics all day, no one was willing to accept and follow their suggestions. I am afraid that it would be better to leave the questions unanswered.9 Gu Yanwu continued, “Even though Tai Bo did not return to attend the funeral for his father and ruined his skin and hair, his deeds were not considered unfilial” (Re zhi lu, 7:11a–​b). In my view, Zhong Yong 仲雍 [Tai Bo’s younger brother who, with Tai Bo, established the state of Wu] also had his hair cut short and received a tattoo because he wished to govern the state according to local custom. Zi Gong’s explanation of this incident [which appears in the seventh year of the reign of Duke Ai 哀 in Zuo’s Commentary] contains no errors at all. It would be a mistake for later people to say that Tai Bo ruined his skin and hair. 7 See Huang Kan. [All of Miao Xie’s comments in this book appear in Lun yu yishu.] 8 In ancient times, people considered yielding three times a moral standard when they performed any act of yielding. The first act of yielding would be performed for the purpose of following ritual propriety; the second would be performed for the purpose of showing one’s strong will; the third would be performed as a sign of final determination. 9 Zhao Shuai 趙衰 (d. 622 bce) also yielded three times. According to [Wei Zhao’s 韋昭 (204–​273) comment in] “Jin yu 晉語,” this also means that he three times yielded the post of minister, which had been offered to him (see Guo yu 國語, 10:27a). In other words, it does not mean that he yielded three times on a specific day. 6

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5) For a classical text that is related to the previous discussion, see Wu Yue Chunqiu 吳越春秋, which says, “The Old Duke [古公, King Tai] was about to die of illness, so he ordered Ji Li to yield the state to Tai Bo. Tai Bo, however, yielded three times and did not receive the state. Thus it says, ‘Tai Bo yielded all under heaven three times on this day [according to this explanation]’ ” (Wu Yue Chunqiu, 1:4a). In my view, Wu Yue Chunqiu is not a reliable source. * * * Dasan rejects here many speculations on the meaning of san rang and merely suggests that it refers to three acts of yielding that might have been performed at different times. In his view, it does not mean that Tai Bo yielded all under heaven for three Confucian heroes (Zheng Xuan or Miao Xie), nor does it mean that he yielded it three times on the day when his father, King Tai, offered him the throne (Wu Yue Chunqiu). Dasan’s criticism of these speculations sounds harsh, especially when he entirely denies the authenticity of Wu Yue Chunqiu. The understanding of this chapter presented in Wu Yue Chunqiu, however, is one that Zhu Xi shared, in that he too inferred that Tai Bo’s act of yielding three times was an act of ritual propriety: this act, only naturally, would take place on the day when a person yielded whatever was offered to him. Dasan takes a different line of approach from Zhu Xi’s in raising a question about his annotation of this term in order to reveal this more severe flaw in his interpretation. Although Dasan believed that the term san rang described three acts performed at different times, he did not even attempt to specify when and by whom these acts were performed. It was because, Dasan explains, he did not have reliable sources for further investigation. This attitude of refraining from unsubstantiated conjecture, demonstrating his “rational” perspective before a dearth of evidence, rivaled modern standards of scholarship, even though his sources for historical facts were quite limited to Confucian classical texts.

8.2  T  he Master said, “Respectfulness without ritual propriety leads to unease; sincerity without ritual propriety leads to dissatisfaction; courage without ritual propriety leads to disorder; honesty without ritual propriety leads to intolerance. If the noble person is earnest in his devotion to his family, the people will rise to the level of humanity; if the old subjects are not abandoned, the people will not be volatile.” 子曰; 恭而無禮則勞, 愼而無禮則葸, 勇而無禮則亂, 直而無禮則絞. 君子 篤於親, 則民興於仁. 故舊不遺, 則民不偸.

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8.2.1 Grounds 1) I  supplement as follows:  Lao 勞 (“unease”) is a word used to describe one’s discomfort;10 xi 葸 (“dissatisfaction”) is a word used to describe one’s unhappiness;11 luan 亂 (“disorder”) is here synonymous with wen 紊 (confusion);12 jiao 絞 (“intolerance”) is here synonymous with ji 急 (urgency).13 2) I  supplement as follows:  Gu jiu 故舊 (“the old subjects”) refers to the old subjects who served the deceased lord;14 yi 遺 (“abandoned”) is here synonymous with qi 棄 (to abandon) or wang 忘 (to forget);15 tou 偸 (“volatile”) is here synonymous with tiao 挑 (to agitate),16 so bu tou 不偸 means that the people also do not betray the deceased lord. 8.2.2 Arguments 1) He Yan 何晏 (195–​249) argued, “Xi here is a word used to describe one’s fear.”17 [All of He Yan’s comments in this book appear in Lun yu jijie, unless otherwise noted.] I would refute this as follows: Da Dai Li ji 大戴禮記 says, “Having an unhappy face [葸] when listening to a discussion on morals—​this nearly demonstrates that the person is not pleased with the discussion.”18 A comment [by Lu Bian 盧辯 (fl. Northern Zhou)] that is attached to this passage says, “Xi is a word used to describe one’s dissatisfaction” (Da Dai Li ji, 4:12a). In fact, xi here is interchangeable with si 偲 (solemn), which is used in the saying, “Be solemn to friends; be genial to brothers” (Lun yu jizhu, 13:28). So having a dissatisfied face is called xi. If a person is excessively sincere and not guided by ritual propriety, his face would seem to express dissatisfaction. 2) Ma Rong 馬融 (79–​166) argued, “Jiao means to censure.”19 [All of Ma Rong’s comments in this book appear in Lun yu jijie, unless otherwise noted.] Huang Kan also argued, “If a person is honest and guided by ritual propriety, he will not distort the truth when he acts; if he is not guided by ritual propriety, however, he will mock and excoriate others for their faults, causing inevitable resentment.” [All of Huang Kan’s comments in this Confucius was respectful and at ease [see 7.39]. This refers to having no look of contentment. This refers to making no distinction between superiors and inferiors. 13 Master Zhu commented, “Jiao refers to the two ends of a rope that are tightened to one another, making it difficult to loosen them” (Lun yu jizhu daquan 論語集注大全, 8:4a). 14 For more, see the following discussions. 15 Mencius says, “No one who is humane abandons [遺] his family” (Mengzi jizhu 孟子集注, 1A:1). 16 According to “Shi yan 釋言” in Er ya 爾雅, this word connotes frivolity (see Er ya zhushu 爾雅註 疏, 2:8b). 17 Cai Qing 蔡淸 (1453–​1508) also argued, “Xi is a word used to describe extreme fear, when a person is horrified by the head and the tail of a thing simultaneously” (Si shu meng yin 四書蒙引, 6:55b). 18 “Zengzi li shi 曾子立事” (Da Dai Li ji, 4:12a). 19 Xing Bing added, “It means to censure others for their wrongdoings.” 10 11

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book appear in Lun yu yishu, unless otherwise noted.] I would refute these arguments as follows: Harshly remonstrating with one’s superior, daring to ignore his face, is also harmonious with ritual propriety. How can a person stop doing so due to his concerns about possibly causing resentment? 3) For a classical text that is pertinent to the main passage, see “Zhong Ni yan ju 仲 尼燕居,” which says, “The Master said, ‘Prudence that is not moderated by ritual propriety is called uncultivated; respectfulness that is not moderated by ritual propriety is called accommodating [給];20 Courage that is not moderated by ritual propriety is called defiant.’ The Master also said, ‘Accommodating [people excessively] ruins benevolence and humanity’ ” (Li ji zhushu 禮記註疏, 50:21a). In my view, ji 給 here in this quotation refers to supplying people with goods in the same manner a servant drives a carriage for his master.21 4) Bao Xian 包咸 (7 bce–​63) argued, “If a lord is dedicated to his family and relatives and does not forget his old friends, the people will be inspired.” [All of Bao Xian’s comments in this book appear in Lun yu jijie, unless otherwise noted.] Hu Yunfeng 胡雲峰 (胡炳文, 1250–​1333) also argued, “ ‘The noble person neither neglects his family nor abandons his old friends unless he experiences great trouble with them.’22 This is the Duke of Zhou’s [周公, d.1033] remark, which conveys the same teaching as the one in this chapter. They present the supreme level of wholeheartedness and dedication” (Lun yu jizhu daquan, 8:4b). I would refute these arguments as follows: Gu jiu here refers to the old ministers who served the former lord. “Pangeng 盤庚” says, “Long ago, our former kings had discussions with old subjects [舊人, in Dasan’s reading] and employed them in government” (Shang Shu zhushu 尙書註疏, 8:6b). “Weizi” also says, “[King Zhou 紂] disregarded the aged people, the men who had long been in office” (9:23a). “The aged people” here refers to the old subjects of the former king. If those with the highest authority recklessly abandon the old subjects of the former lord, the people will also become volatile and recklessly abandon their old lord. Thus “Fang ji 坊記” and “Da xue 大學” both contain a warning about the dangers that may ensue from the act of abandoning old subjects, and “Qi yu 齊語” also contains a record of Guanzi’s 管子 remark, which conveys the same teaching.23 In his praise of Meng Zhuangzi’s 孟莊子 filial piety, Confucius said, “All other aspects are possible to follow. He replaced neither his father’s subjects nor his father’s government. These deeds are difficult to follow” (Lun yu jizhu, 19:18). Confucius’s teaching on this topic is so enlightening that it cannot be ignored. 5) For a classical text that is related to the previous discussion, see “Qi yu,” which says, “Guanzi replied to Duke Huan [齊桓公, r.  685–​643 bce], ‘In

This means to be excessively respectful as though flattering. The old comment on this character [in Li ji zhushu, according to which ji is synonymous with ji 急 (to hurry)] is incorrect. 22 See “Weizi 微子” in the Analects (Lun yu jizhu, 18:10). 23 See the following quotation. 20 21

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government, if the old subjects are not treated like inns [旅舊], the people will not become volatile’ ”24 (Guo yu, 6:10a–​b). In my view, gu jiu refers to the old subjects who served the former lord. Lü jiu 旅舊 in this quotation means to treat the old subjects like inns that the lord visits temporarily. 6) For a classical text that is related to the previous discussion, see “Fang ji” (Li ji zhushu, 52:18b, 4–​19a, 2). 7) For a classical text that is related to the previous discussion, see “Da xue,” which says, “If the superior serves the old as he should, the people will attain the virtue of filial piety . . . [i]‌f the superior relieves the orphans of their cares, the people will not commit an act of betrayal [倍]” (61:11b–​12a). In my view, bei 倍 in this quotation is interchangeable with bei 偝 (to betray). So its last sentence means that the people will not betray the deceased lord and will care for the orphan of the deceased [the heir prince]. * * * Dasan suggests a new reading in this chapter, as usual, with a focus on the meaning of gu jiu. The old and new commentaries agree that it refers to “old friends,” believing that this passage concerns an ethical guideline for all—​not just for the rulers. In contrast, Dasan contends that this chapter alludes to the effectiveness of the rulers’ moral behavior for their governments because it clearly mentions their positive consequences, saying, “the people will rise to the level of humanity . . . [t]‌he people will not be volatile.” So he restricts the category of “the old” to “the old subjects” who once served the former lord. While doing so, he postulates a situation in which a new lord ascends to the throne following the former lord’s demise. This postulation may give readers the impression that his own experiences imbued his reading of this chapter: when he wrote Noneo gogeum ju, he was an old minister who had once served the deceased king Jeongjo 正祖 (r. 1776–​1800) but was abandoned by the new king and banished to a rural town of Gangjin 康津. Dasan appeared to express worries over the volatility of Joseon society at the time, which stemmed from the court’s actions and its abandonment of the old ministers.

8.3 Master Zeng was ill. He summoned his disciples and said, “Uncover my feet, and uncover my hands. Poetry says, ‘Fearful and cautious, as if approaching a deep pond, as if stepping on thin ice.’ Now I know I  shall avoid punishment and execution hereafter, my young fellows!” [This chapter opens the thirteenth roll of Noneo gogeum ju in traditional

On this Wei Zhao commented, “If a lord does not treat the old subjects like inns, the people will not become volatile” (Guo yu, 6:10a–​b). 24

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bookbinding and its fourth volume in the Sinjo edition, which corresponds to the tenth volume of the collection of classics of Yeoyudang jeonseo.] 曾子有疾, 召門弟子曰; 啓予足, 啓予手. 詩云, 戰戰兢兢, 如臨深淵, 如履 薄氷. 而今而後, 吾知免夫! 小子! 8.3.1 Grounds 1) Zheng Xuan commented, “Qi 啓 (‘uncover’) is here synonymous with kai 開 (to open). Master Zeng believed that a person should not dare to ruin his body because he received it from his parents,25 so he had his disciples lift up a quilt to see his feet and hands. 2) Xing Bing commented, “The quoted poem comes from ‘Xiao ya 小雅, Xiao min 小旻’of Poetry.” 3) I  supplement as follows:  The phrase wu zhi mian fu 吾知免夫 (“I know I shall avoid punishment and execution”) means that Master Zeng came to know that he would be able to avoid punishment and execution. 4) Zhou Shenglie 周生烈 (fl. 220)  commented, “The reason Master Zeng uttered ‘my young fellows’ loudly was that he wanted them to pay attention to his remark and understand it.” [All of Zhou Shenglie’s comments in this book appear in Lun yu jijie, unless otherwise noted.] 8.3.2 Arguments 1) Zhou Shenglie argued, “[The phrase wu zhi mian fu means that] Master Zeng came to know that he would be able to avoid troubles.” I would refute this as follows: Both Lun yu jijie and Lun yu jizhu do not relate the phrase under discussion to punishment and execution. This is because the ancient punishments did not initially include severing one’s hands while including the punishment of cutting one’s heel. Thus both commentaries see no relationship between Master Zeng’s remark, “uncover my hands,” and punishment—​a relationship posited in later interpretations of the phrase “ruining one’s body.” Ruining one’s body, however, has two different dimensions: ruining one’s body through receiving punishment and execution and through injuries. One should choose between these two possible implications, saying, “This is this, and that is that.” Is it acceptable to stretch out toward both implications simultaneously, presenting an ambiguous term, “troubles”? Ancient punishments originally involved the punishment of severing four limbs. Thus, according to “Qiu guan 秋官,” when Tiaolang shi 條狼 氏 warned servants [of their possible violation of laws] he said [that the 25

This idea comes from Classic of Filial Piety.

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punishment would be] an execution, and when he warned the carriage driver [of his possible violation of laws] he said [that the punishment would be] pulling one’s limbs apart by four wagons [車轘] (see Zhou li zhushu 周 禮註疏, 36:12b–​13a).26 This record shows that this law was adopted as early as the beautiful period of the Three Dynasties. Zuo’s Commentary says, “The lord of Qi 齊 gave Gao Qumi 高渠彌 (d. 694 bce) the punishment of pulling his limbs apart by four wagons,”27 and again says, “King Kang of Chu [楚 康王, r. 559–​545 bce] gave Guan Qi 觀起 (d. 550 bce) the punishment of pulling his limbs apart by four wagons and displayed his corpse along the four borders of the state.”28 “Cai Ze zhuan 蔡澤傳” in Shi ji 史記 also recorded, “[Wu Qi 吳起 (440–​381 bce)] received the punishment of severing four limbs” (Shi ji, 79:24b), while Huainanzi 淮南子 recorded that Zhang Yi 張儀 (d. 310 bce) received the punishment of severing four limbs (see Huainan honglie jie 淮南鴻烈解, 9:32a). These cases are all pertinent to the transmitted law of the punishment of pulling one’s limbs apart by four wagons. In conclusion, when Master Zeng had his feet and hands uncovered, he might have felt fortunate that he could avoid punishment and execution. This is the meaning of the main passage. “The noble person is concerned about punishment” (Lun yu jizhu, 4:1), so he regards the committing of evil acts a serious matter. How can the attitude of being fearful and cautious, as if approaching a deep pond or stepping on thin ice, only be applied to Yuezhengzi’s 樂正子 case in which he injured his feet when descending from a hall?29 ) Classic of Filial Piety says, “I receive my body, hair, and skin from my 2 parents. Not to dare to ruin them—​this is the beginning of filial piety” (Xiaojing zhushu 孝經註疏, 1:4b). “Ji yi 祭義” says, “Yuezhengzi Chun 樂正 子春 injured his feet when descending from a hall. During a few months when he stayed at home, he appeared to be rather worried. [I heard that] Confucius said, ‘Since the parents give an intact life to their children, it can be called filial piety when the children preserve and return it to their parents intact. If a person did not ruin his body nor humiliate his person, it can be said that he preserved his life intact.’ ”

Zheng Xuan commented, “[Ju huan 車轘] refers to ju lie 車裂 (pulling one’s limbs apart by four wagons).” 27 See the sixteenth year of the reign of Duke Huan [魯桓公, r.  711–​694 bce] (Chunqiu Zuo zhuan zhushu 春秋左傳註疏, Zuo zhuan zhushu hereafter, 6:39b). 28 See the twenty-​second year of the reign of Duke Xiang [魯襄公, r. 572–​542 bce] (35:7a). 29 Xue Weizhai 薛畏齋 (薛甲, fl. 1565) contends, “When a person returns his body to the elder of creation [originally ‘parents’] on the verge of death, he should have shame neither for Heaven and Earth nor for his parents. If a person emulates Master Zeng’s mind-​heart [in being fearful and cautious], the end of his life, accompanied by the misery of separating his head from his body, will be no different from Master Zeng’s end, in which he asked his disciples to uncover his feet and his hands. If a person fails to emulate the Master’s mind-​heart, the end of his life, in which he experiences a natural death under his own room’s window, will be no different from an execution by axes and swords” (roughly quoted in Si shu jiangyi kunmian lu 四書講義困勉錄, 11:4b). 26

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In my view, these remarks demonstrate the supreme meaning of filial piety. However, Master Zeng’s teaching, given in the words he spoke before his death, has more implications than what is explained by them. * * * Even though Dasan’s main argument here targets Zhou Shenglie’s interpretation of the phrase wu zhi mian fu, Dasan actually repudiates all major interpretations of it that were passed down: Xing Bing simply accepted Zhou Shenglie’s comment, according to which Master Zeng realized that he could avoid “troubles [患難]” as he was dying. Huang Kan and Zhu Xi, probably believing that “troubles” had ambiguous implications, rather specified what Master Zeng could avoid—​he could avoid “ruining his body [毁傷].” The latter interpretation was not drastically different from Zhou Shenglie’s interpretation, but later commentators regarded it as more agreeable because it exquisitely connected Master Zeng’s remark before his death (Master Zeng was known to Confucians as having embodied the value of filial piety) to the first passage in Classic of Filial Piety: “I received my body, hair, and skin from my parents. Not to dare to ruin them—​this is the beginning of filial piety.” Dasan rejected these interpretations because more specification of the object of Master Zeng’s avoidance was necessary. To Dasan, Master Zeng knew that he was then and thereafter able to avoid “punishment and execution [刑 戮].” “Ruining one’s body” is a consequence of receiving punishment and execution, which is obviously a “trouble.” Thus, even to Dasan, the transmitted interpretations were not totally wrong. However, they were not sufficiently clear and failed to reveal the original meaning of this chapter. This criticism of the ambiguity of the “old and new” commentaries is listed in the “Overview of the Original Meanings.” Bridging off of the previous chapter, the reader may want to examine how Dasan’s personal experiences of punishments (and executions of his loved ones) shaped his unique understanding of the “original meaning” of this chapter. One more point of interest regarding Dasan’s comment here concerns his alteration of the term “parents” to “the elder of creation [造化]” and his addition of “Heaven and Earth [天地]” to “parents,” for whom a person should have no shame, in his quotation of Xue Weizhai’s argument. It is unclear whether Dasan directly referred to Xue’s writing or not. The possibility that he referred to another source for Xue’s argument also exists. At least in Si shu jiangyi kunmian lu, Xue Weizhai’s argument only focuses on the parents’ grace and the offspring’s moral obligations, mentioning neither “the elder of creation” nor “Heaven and Earth.” For example, according to Si shu jiangyi kunmian lu, Xue argued, “When your parents created you, they just hoped that you would fulfill your moral obligations and that, consequently, you would be able to say ‘I have no shame’ when you return your body to your parents” (Si shu jiangyi kunmian lu, 11:4b). Dasan did not quote the phrase “when your parents created you” and changed parts of Xue’s argument as mentioned earlier. This alteration

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may indicate Dasan’s general proclivity to relate the genealogical origin of the world to “Heaven” and, if so, buttresses the contention that his philosophy did not totally escape from the Christian worldview.

8.4  M  aster Zeng was ill. Meng Jingzi came to inquire about how he was. Master Zeng said, “When a bird is dying, its cry is sad; when a person is dying, his words are good. The noble person values three things in the Way: in moving his body he avoids impatience and indolence; in holding his countenance right he keeps close to trustworthiness; in releasing his words and breath he avoids rudeness and deception. As for the affairs of ritual vessels, there are the staff members responsible for administering rituals.” 曾子有疾, 孟敬子問之. 曾子言曰; 鳥之將死, 其鳴也哀, 人之將死, 其言 也善. 君子所貴乎道者三, 動容貌, 斯遠暴慢矣, 正顔色, 斯近信矣, 出辭 氣, 斯遠鄙倍矣. 籩豆之事, 則有司存焉.

8.4.1 Grounds 1) Ma Rong commented, “Meng Jingzi 孟敬子 refers to Zhongsun Jie 仲孫捷 (fl. 468–​435 bce), a great official from the state of Lu.”30 2) Master Zhu commented, “Wen zi 問之 (‘came to inquire about how he was’) means that Meng Jingzi inquired about Master Zeng’s illness. Since birds fear death, their cries are sad; since humans return to their origin when they perish, their words are good. Rong mao 容貌 (‘his body’) concerns all actions of the body.”31 3) I  supplement as follows:  Bao 暴 (“impatience”) here refers to hurry or haste;32 man 慢 (“indolence”) refers to laziness or negligence; xin 信 (“trustworthiness”) refers to shows of sincerity.33 4) Master Zhu commented, “Ci 辭 (‘words’) refers to words; qi 氣 (‘breath’) refers to exhalation while talking;34 bi 鄙 (‘rudeness’) is here synonymous with lou 陋 (crudeness).” 5) I  supplement as follows:  Bei 倍 (“deception”) is here exchangeable with bei 偝 (betrayal). It belongs to the category of phono-​semantic compound characters [諧聲] and means to contradict [悖].35 Xing Bing added, “He was a son of [Meng] Wubo 武伯 (fl. 481–​468 bce).” “Nine appearances [九容]” in “Yu zao 玉藻” is equivalent to this term (see Li ji zhushu, 30:34a). 32 For more details, see the following discussion. 33 Master Zhu explained, “That he keeps close to trustworthiness [in holding his countenance right] does not mean that he maintains a solemn appearance.” 34 “Yu zao” says, “A person should subdue the sounds of exhalation [氣] while talking” (30:34a). “Xiang dang 鄕黨” also says, “[Confucius] blocked his breath [氣] as if he had stopped breathing” (Lun yu jizhu, 10:3). 35 These characters all convey the meaning of deviation or opposition. 30 31

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6) Xing Bing commented, “The ritual vessel dou 豆 which is made of wood is called dou 豆; the ritual vessel dou which is made of bamboo is called bian 籩.36 The wooden ritual vessel dou contains pickled vegetables or pickled fish;37 the bamboo ritual vessel dou contains jujubes or chestnuts.”38 7) The staff of ritual administration includes the official for the ritual vessel bian, the official for the pickled fish, and the chief litanist. 8.4.2 Arguments 1) Li Chong 李充 (fl. 305–​352) argued, “Humans are different from birds and beasts because they are careful about their beginning and end and are able to remain calm in the midst of troubles. When dying, birds and beasts make sounds of desperation and fear without considering which sound to choose. If a dying person does not consider the words that would help make his end beautiful but merely expresses his fear and sorrow, how can he distinguish himself from birds and beasts? Thus before his death, the noble person ought to preserve the right Way, keep moral teachings in his mind, change his bamboo mat at the end of his life, depart not the least bit from ritual propriety regardless of given troubles, carry on a brilliant conversation on the three virtues, and leave behind inspiring counsel. Only after these actions are taken can he be regarded as having left behind good words.”39 In my view, this explanation is utterly good. However, the Analects may or may not convey this meaning in this chapter. 2) Zheng Xuan argued, “The ‘Way’ here refers to ritual propriety. If a person stays orderly and dignified when moving his body, people cannot dare to abuse [暴 in Zheng Xuan’s reading] or ignore him; if a person stays magnificent and austere when holding his countenance right, people cannot dare to deceive him; if a person stays consistent when releasing his words and breath, no distorted words will enter his ears.” I would refute this as follows: Zheng Xuan might have suggested this interpretation based on his conjecture that the phrase si yuan 斯遠 (“avoid”) implies that a person keeps away from others’ actions. In Zheng Xuan’s reading, however, si jin 斯近 (“keep close to”) can hardly be translated properly. In this regard, Master Zhu’s understanding cannot be denied. 3) According to my investigation, “Bei feng 邶風” contains a line that reads, “The wind blows, impatiently [暴], all day” (Mao Shi zhushu, 3:16b). On this line, Mao Heng 毛亨 (fl. Western Han) commented, “Bao is here synonymous with ji 疾 (hurry)” (3:16b). The wind that hurriedly blows was called bao feng 暴風, so I introduced the definition of bao according to this usage.40 In These definitions come from “Shi qi 釋器,” in Er ya (see Er ya zhushu, 4:14a–​b). It contains moist foodstuff. 38 It usually contains dried foodstuff. 39 See Huang Kan’s comment. [All of Li Chong’s comments in this book appear in Lun yu yishu, unless otherwise noted.] 40 “Xiang Yu benji 項羽本紀” says, “How could Xiang Yu rise so fast [暴]?” (Shi ji, 7:41b). 36 37

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moving one’s body, there are two maladies: committing rash actions out of impatience and committing slow actions out of laziness. Since both of these attitudes do not fit ritual propriety, a person ought to avoid them. 4) For a classical text that supports my argument here, see Shuo yuan.41 * * * In Li Zhong’s reading, Master Zeng’s remark begins as follows: “When a bird is dying, its cry is [merely] sad; when a person is dying, however, his words are good.” As Dasan concluded, this translation is interesting but not beyond critique. In Zheng Xuan’s reading, Master Zeng’s admonition would begin as follows:  “In moving his body, he keeps away from others’ abuse [暴] and arrogance [慢].” Dasan rejected this translation:  First, Zheng Xuan’s understanding of the context on which he based the translation could not be applied to the sentence that follows. Second, Zheng Xuan’s definitions of bao and man, which were accepted by all major commentators, do not reflect the original meaning of this passage. According to Dasan, they refer to impatience and laziness, respectively. This unique rendering of bao (and man) is listed in the “Original Meanings.”

8.5 Master Zeng said, “Able yet asking those who are not so; knowledgeable yet asking those who are less so; possessing yet seeming to lack; full yet seeming empty; offended yet not retaliating—​long ago, I had a friend who pursued this manner.” 曾子曰; 以能問於不能, 以多問於寡, 有若無, 實若虛, 犯而不挍. 昔者吾 友嘗從事於斯矣. 8.5.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Jiao 挍 (“retaliation”) is here synonymous with jiao 角 (horns) and bao 報 (to requite).42 Bao Xian commented, “It means that a person does not retaliate even when offended.” 8.5.2 Arguments 1) Ma Rong argued, “ ‘The friend’ here refers to Yan Yuan 顔淵.” As I understand, Ma Rong hit upon this fact while examining the phrase, “long ago.”

41 42

See “Xiu wen 修文” (Shuo yuan 說苑, 19:16b, 1–​6). This character symbolizes two people brawling, grabbing each other’s hands.

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8.6 Master Zeng said, “A person who can be entrusted with the care of a six-​ foot orphan, who can be charged with the fate of a one-​hundred-​li-​square state, and who cannot be deflected from his purpose in great crises—​is he a noble person? A noble person indeed!” 曾子曰; 可以託六尺之孤, 可以寄百里之命, 臨大節而不可奪也, 君子人 與? 君子人也! 8.6.1 Grounds 1) Kong Anguo 孔安國 (fl. 156–​74 bce) commented, “Liu chi zhi gu 六尺之孤 (‘a six-​foot orphan’) refers to a young lord.” [All of Kong Anguo’s comments in this book appear in Lun yu jijie, unless otherwise noted.] Zheng Xuan also commented, “Liu chi zhi gu indicates a boy under fifteen years of age.”43 2) I supplement as follows: Ji 寄 (“entrusted”) means to delegate authority to someone; bai li 百里 (“one-​hundred-​li-​square state”) refers to a state ruled by a feudal lord;44 ming 命 (“fate”) indicates the rise and fall of a state. Poetry says, “The great order [命] cannot be altered” (Mao Shi zhushu, 23:18b). 3) He Yan commented, “Da jie 大節 (‘great crises’) here refers to the matters of stabilizing a state and establishing the altars for the land god and the grain god.” I supplemented, “A state encountering crises is analogous to a bamboo having joints, which are called da jie.” 4) I supplement as follows: Duo 奪 (“deflected from his purpose”) means to rob a person of what belongs to him. 5) Master Zhu commented, “Yu 與 is here a particle to form a question; ye 也 is here a particle to state a conclusion. Forming one’s own question to answer it is a means to demonstrate strongly the validity of one’s idea.” 8.6.2 Arguments 1) Kong Anguo argued, “Ji ming 寄命 here means to take responsibility for the lord’s political decrees [命] on his behalf.”45 I  would refute this as follows: Ji ming includes various ways in which a person can be charged with responsibilities for a state’s administration. Did this necessarily occur only to the prime minister during the period of royal mourning? Guan Zhong 管

Xing Bing added, “ ‘Xiang dafu zhi 鄕大夫職’ from Rites of Zhou says, ‘For people living inside the royal fortress, Xiang dafu imposes taxes on everyone between seven [ancient Chinese] feet tall and sixty years of age; for people living outside the royal fortress, he imposes taxes on everyone between six feet tall and seventy years of age’ (Zhou li zhushu, 11:30a). People seven feet tall indicate those twenty years of age; people six feet tall indicate those fifteen years of age.” 44 According to the ancient laws, the fief possessed by an upper-​ranked duke did not exceed one hundred square lis. Changes says, “[The roll of thunder] shakes and frightens the one-hundred-square-​li land” (Zhou Yi zhushu 周易註疏, 9:1b). 45 Xing Bing added, “During the period of royal mourning, the prime minister can rule a state and take responsibility for the lord’s decrees on his behalf.” 43

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仲 (725–​645 bce) ruled the state of Qi, and Zi Chan 子産 (d. 522 bce) ruled the state of Zheng 鄭—​these cases also fit the category of ji ming. 2) Xing Bing argued, “The Duke of Zhou [周公, d. 1033 bce] and Huo Guang 霍光 (d. 68 bce) were the ones who were entrusted with the care of a six-​ foot orphan.” I would refute this as follows: There is no need to extend Master Zeng’s discussion in this chapter to the case of the Duke of Zhou in the upper realm of government, and it can hardly be associated with the case of Huo Guang in the lower realm of government. Although Huo Guang did not betray Emperor Zhao [昭帝, r. 87–​74 bce], his merits cannot make up for all of his crimes. How can he be entitled to a part in the discussion?

8.7 Master Zeng said, “The shi-​scholars must be broad-​minded and resolute, for their load is heavy and their journey is long. They take humanity as their load—​is it not heavy? Their journey stops after death—​is it not long?” 曾子曰; 士不可以不弘毅, 任重而道遠, 仁以爲己任, 不亦重乎? 死而後 已, 不亦遠乎? 8.7.1 Grounds 1) I  supplement as follows:  Shi 士 (“shi-​scholars”) is a title for those who pursue the Way; hong 弘 (“broad-​minded”) refers to the utmost form of inclusiveness and tolerance;46 yi 毅 (“resolute”) refers to the virtue of strong adherence to certain values;47 ren 任 (“load”) refers to a load on a traveler’s back.48 Being broad-​minded is a matter of scope; being resolute is a matter of intensity. In order to carry a heavy load to a faraway place, both qualities are required. Poetry says, “Virtue is as light as a strand of hair, but few are able to lift it” (Mao Shi zhushu, 25:82b).

8.7.2 Arguments 1) Bao Xian argued, “Yi refers to an attitude of being strong enough to brave it out.” I would refute this as follows: Zuo’s Commentary says, “Yi means to accomplish valor [that is, killing enemies]” (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 21:9b). This line was the grounds for Bao Changes says, “[The virtue of Kun 坤 is] inclusive, broad [弘], bright, and great” (Zhou Yi zhushu, 2:2b). This character symbolizes a ferocious beast who bristles with fury. 48 “Xiao ya” says, “We carried our loads [任]; we pushed along our barrows” (Mao Shi zhushu, 22:38a). “Wang zhi 王制” says, “[A young man] should carry the load of an old man [任], if it is light, together with his own; he should lift part of the load of an old man [任], if it is heavy [ for him to carry alone]” (Li ji zhushu, 13:33a). 46 47

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Xian’s argument here. However, it was a conventional guideline for military practices: it does not represent the teaching of this passage. Accordingly, Master Zhu revised Bao Xian’s definition of this term to “being strong and enduring.”

8.8 The Master said, “A person rises with Poetry, stands firm with Rites, and achieves accomplishments with Music.” 子曰; 興於詩, 立於禮, 成於樂. 8.8.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Poetry is a means to vitalize people’s conscience; Rites is a means to control their bodies;49 Music is a means to make one’s aspirations and will harmonious with others’. Poetry helps people rise because it inspires them; Rites helps people stand firm because it helps them control their bodies; Music helps people achieve accomplishments because it helps them bring about a sense of harmony and unity.

8.9 The Master said, “The people can be made to follow it; they cannot be made to understand it.” 子曰; 民可使由之, 不可使知之. 8.9.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Min 民 (“the people”) refers to peasants, workers for public mountains and ponds, artisans, merchants, and so on; you zhi 由之 (“made to follow it”) means to have the people follow the Way; zhi zhi 知之 (“made to understand it”) means to have them understand the Way. It is impossible for a person to understand the Way unless he delves into rightness to enter the realm of mysterious profundity. Thus it is as though the main text, in its teaching, were saying, “Those who have been assigned to humble jobs cannot be made to understand it. Only the shi-​ scholars pursue the Way.” Changes says, “The common people use it [the Way] every day, yet have no understanding of it” (Zhou Yi zhushu, 11:15b). Rites also says, “Confucians acquire the people through the Way” (Zhou li zhushu, 2:21a).

49

Do not see, hear, speak, or move unless doing so is compatible with ritual propriety.

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8.9.2 Arguments 1) Mao Qiling 毛奇齡 (1623–​1713) argues, “The character min here refers to the people mentioned in Rites of Zhou when it speaks of ‘assigning nine vocations to all of the people [萬民],’ with the exception of those talented individuals in the academies, the shi-​scholars, and officials in various offices (see 2:12b). Their jobs corresponded with the ones introduced in the nine vocations. So three different types of peasants, workers for gardens and orchards, various artisans, merchants, workers for public mountains and ponds, livestock breeders, female weavers, fruit gatherers, and temporary workers—​they all belonged to the category of the people [民]. The three different types of peasants produced nine distinctive kinds of grains; the workers for gardens and orchards grew plants and trees; the various artisans handled the eight source materials; the merchants circulated goods and commodities—​these were their jobs. That the people can be made to follow the Way means that they can be made merely to sow seeds, weed a field, and grow plants and trees, without learning the truths of being compliant with the principles of Heaven and Earth; it means that they can be made merely to process the source materials and circulate goods, without gaining the knowledge that comes from meticulous investigations of the quality of the source materials or knowledge of trading and exchange. They can be made to do their jobs but were never made to understand the principles. . . . [T]‌he high authority did not make the people understand—​how could this action be intended to keep people with dark hair in ignorance?” (Si shu gai cuo 四書改錯, 16:17b–​18a). In my view, this explanation seems acceptable but still has some errors. 2) Dazai Jun 太宰純 (1680–​1747) argued, “All people under heaven are divided into the noble people and the petty people. Only when a noble person takes charge of ruling various people can all under heaven be ruled. If all the people under heaven, taught at their homes and enlightened under their windows, were to become noble ones, no common people would come into existence under heaven. Without common people, no state can exist. . . . [T]‌herefore even under the reigns of Yao 堯 and Shun 舜, the people were no more than the people. It is not because the high authority could not enlighten them—​as seen in the case of Qin, which kept people with dark hair in ignorance—​but because it should not be allowed to do so.” [All of Dazai’s comments in this book appear in Rongo kogun gaiden 論語古訓外 傳, unless otherwise noted.] I would refute this as follows: Confucius himself made it clear that “If taught, people would not be so distinctive [有敎無類 in Dasan’s reading].”50 Regardless, if a person were to counter this teaching, saying, “They should not be allowed to understand,” would this argument be compatible with principle [理]? Shu Dazhuan 書大傳

50

See “Wei Linggong 衛靈公” (Lun yu jizhu, 15:38).

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says, “Legitimate sons of dukes, ministers, great officials, and top-​ranked shi-​ scholars enter the Lesser School at the age of fifteen” (Shang Shu dazhuan 尙 書大傳, 3:1b–​2a). Due to this record, commentators have later argued that a teaching in Mencius—​“Cherish education in schools, inculcating the meaning of filial piety and brotherly respect” (Mengzi jizhu, 1A:3)—​only concerns the aristocratic families. However, “Wang zhi” says, “Legitimate sons of ministers, great officials, top-​ranked shi-​scholars, and those talented individuals selected from across the country were altogether educated in order to grow” (Li ji zhushu, 13:3a). Those called “talented individuals selected from across the country” here are equivalent to what Master Zhu called “those excellent individuals among the people.” “Da Si tu 大司徒” in Rites of Zhou says, “Educate all of the people [萬民] with the three items in local education and thereafter treat those excellent individuals among them with the rituals for guests to recommend them; check all of the people with the eight punishments in local education; prevent the dishonest actions of all of the people with the five rituals; curb the passions of all of the people with six types of music. Those who do not follow these educational programs should be returned to the farming area” (Zhou li zhushu, 10:35a–​39a). This record refers to the recipients of education as “all of the people.” How could distinctions exist in this matter between the honored and the lowly and between the noble and the ignoble? The sage’s mind-​heart is neither biased nor inclined to anyone. Thus Mencius says, “All men can become Yao or Shun” (Mengzi jizhu, 6B:2). How can the sages feel comfortable in leaving people with dark hair in ignorance to make their positions more stable, in pursuit of private benefits, and thereby block the way for the people to become Yao or Shun? Even when they attempt to make their positions more stable, they should educate the people in ritual propriety and rightness so that the people understand the moral obligations to stay close to the superiors and give from their lives to the elders. Only after this education is accomplished can a state be protected. If the sages truly aim to make their positions more stable by leaving the people in ignorance, their state will fall within a month. The Qin materialized this lesson. However, the substantial body of the Way is extraordinarily great. Although it shows its mark even in the relationship between a husband and a wife, the Way is so great that even sages cannot hope to understand all of the truths to which it gestures. If so, how can those ignoble individuals—​who till a farm, weed a field, forge metals, and cut wood—​or the masses—​who trade goods, store grains, catch fish, and go hunting—​completely understand the profundity and subtlety of the Way? In addition, people’s intellectual qualities are not evenly distributed. Stupid and dull people are often found in the noble class, to say nothing of the lowly class. People in this category can only be made to follow the Way. This is not because the high authority attempts to hide it from them but because their capabilities cannot help them to understand it. Confucius’s remark here bears on given conditions, not strategies. * * *

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The dual meanings that bu ke 不可 conveys in the Chinese language generates a discussion in this chapter: bu ke can refer to “cannot” or “should not.” Major commentators—​such as He Yan, Huang Kan, Xing Bing, and Zhu Xi—​have read bu ke as meaning “cannot,” an interpretation Dasan also follows here. Two commentators very crucial at least in Noneo gogeum ju, however, disagreed with this traditional reading:  they suggested that bu ke here means “should not.” According to their interpretation, this chapter would read: “The people can be made to follow it; they should not be made to understand it.” Although Dasan omitted the main part of Mao Qiling’s argument, which was dedicated to introducing the new reading above, Mao mainly focused on providing the grounds for arguing that the people “should not” be made to understand, as Dazai Jun does in his argument quoted here. One difference between Mao’s and Dazai’s readings might have lead Dasan to lightly dismiss Mao’s argument, while he made a frontal attack against Dazai: whereas in Mao’s view, the people should not be made to understand it (the fundamental principle in the performance of their jobs, in Mao’s reading) because this attempt might interfere with their concentration on their jobs, Dazai insisted that this attempt might bring about in society a structural debacle. In other words, Mao did not support the education of people in first principles in light of the greater need to mobilize effectively the people’s labor; in contrast, Dazai was worried about the possibility that successful education would weaken social classification—​an apparatus necessary for the exploitation of the people’s labor. Dasan rebutted these two commentators’ interpretations—​which are distinguishable in their theories but not in their translations—​aiming his criticism mainly at Dazai. This criticism is listed in the “Original Meanings.” Whether or not Dasan totally denied Mao’s utilitarian reasoning for why people should not be made to understand is unclear. Borrowing from Dasan’s short remark after his quotation of Mao’s argument, a reader might say that Dasan saw Mao’s point here as “seemingly acceptable” although it “still has some errors.” If this is not the case, Dasan’s short remark may have more to do with the fact that Dasan rendered zhi (“it”) as “the Way,” whereas Mao regarded it as indicating “the principle in the performance of people’s jobs.” In fact, Dazai’s understanding of the social division represents well the intellectual trend in the late Tokugawa period—​namely, the trend started by Ogyu Nabematsu 荻生雙松 (1666–​1728), Dazai’s teacher. Ogyu denied the universality of sagehood and rather believed that individuals were assigned specific roles, the fulfillment of which was considered the most crucial moral obligation. For Ogyu, an organically structured collective body made up of these individuals constituted a good, ideal society, harmonious and efficient enough to prevent occurrences of social unrest. As is well known, this philosophical idea for making the state more sustainable paved a road toward the opening of modern Japan. In contrast, Dasan here seems to adhere to a rather traditional Confucian ideal: all individuals can be enlightened through Confucian educational agendas. This point is also reflective of the arguably most conspicuous

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characteristic of Korean philosophy and religions: the pursuit of universality. In connection with this perspective (which the majority of Korean intellectual leaders supported), Korea in the nineteenth century developed a political, cultural, and philosophical movement around the slogan “Protect the right; expel the wicked”—​an ideological movement based on their belief in the universality of their moral values.

8.10 The Master said, “A person who loves courage but despises poverty will rebel; a person who excessively hates inhumane people will cause them to rebel.” 子曰; 好勇疾貧, 亂也. 人而不仁, 疾之已甚, 亂也. 8.10.1 Grounds 1) Master Zhu commented, “If a person loves courage but is not satisfied with his status, he will definitely rebel;51 if a person dislikes inhumane people to such an extent that they can find no place in which they are tolerated, he will cause them to rebel.”52 2) I  supplement as follows:  Since the lowly people were naturally poor in ancient times, when one’s poverty is mentioned [in ancient documents], it also implies one’s humble status; when one’s wealth is mentioned, it also implies one’s noble status.53 3) For a classical text that pertains to the main text, see Mencius (4B:9).

8.11 The Master said, “A person may have talents as exquisite as those of the Duke of Zhou, but if he is arrogant and selfish, the rest of him is not worthy of observation.” 子曰; 如有周公之才之美, 使驕且吝, 其餘不足觀也已. 8.11.1 Ground 1) Kong Anguo commented, “The Duke of Zhou here refers to Dan 旦, the duke of Zhou.”54

He himself will form a rebellion. Those inhumane people will form a rebellion. 53 The Master said, “When wealth can be pursued . . . I will take [even the position of a whip-​holding official]” (Lun yu jizhu, 7:12). 54 Xing Bing added, “In the Spring and Autumn period, many dukes of Zhou existed. The commentator was concerned about a possible confusion between them, so he clarified who he was.” 51

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2) I supplement as follows: Jiao 驕 (“arrogant”) means to be boastful of oneself; lin 吝 (“selfish”) means to be reluctant in giving. A commentator suggested that lin here should be read in the same way as lin is in the expression “Do not be reluctant [吝] in rectifying your faults” (Shang Shu zhushu, 7:11a).55 3) Dazai Jun commented, “If a person is arrogant and self-​authorized, the noble people do not visit him; if he is selfish and reluctant in giving, the petty people do not obey him.”

8.12 The Master said, “A person who, after three years of learning, does not mind earning a salary is not easy to find.” 子曰; 三年學, 不至於穀, 不易得也. 8.12.1 Grounds 1) Zheng Xuan commented, “Gu 穀 (‘salary’) here is synonymous with lu 祿 (official emolument).”56 2) I supplement as follows: In ancient times, a person sought an office when he could spare time while learning; he studied when he could spare time while serving. However, only a few truly had a love of learning, so people usually abandoned their studies for the purpose of gaining an office when their studies barely lasted three years. Thus Confucius here lamented over this. 8.12.2 Arguments 1) Kong Anguo argued, “Gu is here synonymous with shan 善 (goodness). This chapter states that it is impossible to find a person who does not arrive at goodness after three years of learning. This means that there is absolutely no such a person. In saying so, it encourages people to study.” I would refute this as follows: A person who does not arrive at goodness [after three years of learning] is evil. The expression bu yi de 不易得 (“not easy to find”) is equivalent to the expression nan de 難得 (difficulty to find), which is used to describe beautiful things. Now suppose that the sage said, “It is difficult to find a man like him,” when he thought of an evil man. Does this kind of principle [理] exist? This hypothetical remark would effectively stop people from learning rather than encourage them. 2) I question Master Zhu as follows: A noble person learns about the Way not necessarily with an intent to gain an office. However, he never abandons his In this context, jiao means to be boastful of one’s good, and lin means to be reluctant in rectifying one’s evil. 56 See Shi wen, by Lu Deming (Jingdian shi wen, 24:11a). 55

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hope to gain an office. If one’s hope to earn a salary is, without exception, deemed evil, only a few can preserve their virtue intact. In addition, three years of learning is not a long period. * * * Zhu Xi proposed to change zhi 至 (to arrive) in the main passage to zhi 志 (to mind), to make this passage “more understandable.” Dasan does not mention Zhu Xi’s proposal, probably because he accepted it (while refuting Zhu Xi’s overall interpretation), despite its relative importance in comparison to Zhu Xi’s minor comment suggesting that three years of learning is a long period of learning. Dasan’s criticism in this chapter of neo-​Confucianism centers on the moral rigorism that characterizes their remarks on scholars’ general aspiration to attain offices. Borrowing Yang Shi’s 楊時 (1053–​1135) words, Zhu Xi condemned this utilitarian motive possessed by almost all scholars who were deemed less wise than Zi Zhang 子張 (who also failed to remain indifferent about “salaries”). Dasan’s counterargument to the neo-​Confucian stance on this subject is consistent throughout Noneo gogeum ju: scholars do not tarnish themselves morally with their hope of gaining office. Dasan’s resolute espousal of this realist view echoes the opinions of the scholars-​in-​the-​court, who clashed with the scholars-​in-​the-​forest throughout the dynastic history of Joseon. For more on this discussion, see my comments on 2.3, 2.13, 4.5, 4.9, 4.19, 5.5, 5.15, 6.8, 6.13, and 6.17.

8.13 The Master said, “Solidify your faith, love learning, retain it until death, and cultivate the Way. Do not enter a dangerous state, and do not stay in a disorderly state. Present yourself when the Way exists in all under heaven, and hide yourself when the Way vanishes from all under heaven. It is a shame to be poor and lowly when the Way exists in a state, and it is a shame to be rich and noble when the Way vanishes from a state.” 子曰; 篤信好學, 守死善道. 危邦不入, 亂邦不居. 天下有道則見, 無道則 隱. 邦有道, 貧且賤焉, 恥也 邦無道. 富且貴焉, 恥也. 8.13.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Du 篤 (“solidify”) means to make something firm in resemblance of the firmness of a prison cell.57 The main passage urges

57

This definition comes from a comment in “Shi gu 釋詁,” in Er ya (Er ya zhushu, 1:21a).

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people to solidify the sincerity of their faith in the Way so as to nurture their love of learning. 2) I supplement as follows: Shan 善 (“cultivate”) is here synonymous with xiu 修 (to cultivate).58 The main passage urges people to retain their aspirations in a tranquil state until death so as to cultivate the Way.59 3) I  supplement as follows:  Wei 危 (“dangerous”) describes a state that will meet a decline; luan 亂 (“disorderly”) describes a state that lacks social order. Bu ru 不入 (“do not enter”) and bu ju 不居 (“do not stay”) are here interchangeable with one another. 8.13.2 Arguments 1) Bao Xian argued, “The recommendation ‘do not enter’ was given to those who initially hoped to go to the [dangerous] state; the recommendation ‘do not stay’ was given to those who hoped to leave the [disorderly] state immediately. [The two recommendations are different because] ‘danger’ is a sign of the incoming ‘disorder.’ ” I would refute this as follows: The expressions “do not enter” and “do not stay,” here, convey no distinctive implications regarding the scope of the warnings. In addition, “danger” describes a state in a more severe condition than that described by “disorder.”60 Is it acceptable to say that “danger” will develop into “disorder”? 2) Xing Bing argued [seeing shan as an adjective], “[The main passage teaches that one should] retain integrity and adhere to the good Way [善道] until death.” I would disagree with this.

8.14 The Master said, “If you are not in a certain position, do not discuss its policies.” 子曰; 不在其位, 不謀其政. 8.14.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Wei 位 (“position”) refers to a position a subject stands in at court. If a person stands in the position of the great ministers, he ought to discuss the policies of the great ministers; if a person stands in the position of the chief administrator of a town, he ought to discuss the

It is here interchangeable with shan 繕 (to repair), which also conveys the meaning of cultivation. Zhuangzi 莊子 says, “Cook Ding 丁. . . cleaned [善] his knife and put it back in its sheath” (Zhuangzi zhu 莊子注, 2:3a). 59 Constant Mean says, “To cultivate the Way is called instruction” (Zhong yong zhangju 中庸章句, 1b). 60 Master Zhu commented, “A disorderly state refers to a state whose administration operates amid disorder but does not experience dangers.” 58

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policies of the administrator. Those who are lowly and have no positions do not discuss the policies of officials. ) Mao Qiling explained, “This chapter and the other chapter—​which contains 2 the line, ‘The noble person’s thoughts do not go beyond his position’ (Lun yu jizhu, 14:28)—​must initially have made up a single chapter. This remark appears twice [in the two chapters] due to the duplication of the bamboo slips” (Lun yu jiqiu pian 論語稽求篇, 1:11a). 8.14.2 Arguments 1) Kong Anguo argued, “[Confucius] hoped to teach that all people should concern themselves with their jobs only.”61 I would refute this as follows: In ancient times, there was a law requiring cooperation among different offices.

8.15 The Master said, “Master Zhi’s opening and the last part of the Guanju three-​part song—​how they filled my ears with the grandeur of their sound!” 子曰; 師摯之始, 關雎之亂, 洋洋乎盈耳哉! 8.15.1 Grounds 1) Master Zhu commented, “Shi Zhi 師摯 (‘Master Zhi’) refers to the music-​ master from the state of Lu 魯, whose name was Zhi 摯.”62 2) I  supplement as follows:  Shi 始 (“opening”) here refers to the opening of the three pieces [that were played together];63 luan 亂 (“the last part”) here refers to the last part of a piece.64 In ancient times, an ensemble was supposed to play three pieces. When playing “Zhou nan 周南,” for example, they played the Guanju 關雎, the Getan 葛覃, and the Juaner 卷耳  together.65 Yangyang 洋洋 (“with the grandeur of their sound”) is a word used to describe overflowing and exuding. Confucius here, on his way back home after listening to music, recalled and lauded the performance of the music. 8.15.2 Arguments 1) Zheng Xuan argued, “Shi is here synonymous with shou 首 (firstly). As the way of Zhou waned, the music from Zheng and Wei so flourished that the

Xing Bing added, “This chapter warns against the overreaching of officials to the affairs of other offices.” 62 One of the following chapters says, “The Grand Master Zhi went to Qi” (Lun yu jizhu, 18:9). 63 When they are finished, it is called “completion of the three pieces [三終].” 64 Master Zhu commented, “Luan refers to the last part of a musical piece.” 65 See “Xiang yin 鄕飮,” “Xiang she 鄕射,” “Yan li 燕禮,” etc. 61

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legitimate music vanished and eventually lost its principles. At the time, Grand Master Zhi from Lu understood the tune of the Guanju and took on an initiating role to mend its defects.” I would refute this as follows: Suppose that Zhi were to take on an initiating role to mend the defects of the Guanju. The main text still mentions the defects of the Guanju [關雎之 亂, according to this interpretation of luan]. This would mean that he failed to mend the defects. A comment on a line in Chu ci 楚辭 says, “Luan is a name referring to a part of music” (Chu ci jizhu 楚辭集注, 1:25a). Guo yu also says, “[Zheng kaofu 正考父] finished editing poems [輯],66 placing the Na 那 ode at the beginning, and composed a conclusive part [亂], which read, ‘Long ago, there was . . .’ ” (Guo yu, 5:18b–​19a). Upon completion of musical movements and pieces, composers used to summarize the grand meaning of the music, calling the summary the luan words. “Yue ji 樂記” says, “Fill the opening of a musical piece with drums and its ending [亂] with metal instruments” (Li ji zhushu, 38:26b). In general, luan in the ancient odes referred to the last part of a musical piece.67 Meanwhile, Shi ji says, “The orderly relationship seen in the Guanju ode [關雎之亂 in the context of Shi ji zhengyi 史記正義] anticipates the genre of feng 風” (Shi ji, 47:28a). This indicates that Sima Qian 司馬遷 (145?–​86 bce) also misunderstood the meaning of luan. ) Gu Linshi 顧麟士 (顧夢麟, 1585–​1653) argued, “According to ‘Xiang yin li,’ 2 ‘Xiang she li,’ and ‘Yan li,’ a musical performance consisted of four pieces. Two musicians first sang the Lu ming 鹿鳴 three-​part song [鹿鳴, 四牡, 皇 皇者華], which was the first piece. Then a reed instrument player joined in and played the Nan gai 南陔 three-​part song [南陔, 白華, 華黍], which was the second piece. After a short pause, the two musicians sang the Yu li 魚 麗 three-​part song [魚麗, 南有嘉魚, 南山有臺], following which the reed instrument player played the You geng 由庚 three-​part song [由庚, 崇邱, 由儀]. This constituted the third piece. Then they together performed an ensemble for the Zhou nan and the Shao nan 召南, which was the fourth piece. If luan is here rendered as equivalent with zu 卒 (end), it may refer to this fourth piece, which was played after the third piece. This is the meaning of luan” (Si shu shou yue 四書說約, unknown page). I would refute this as follows: If this explanation were valid, how would the phrase “Master Shi’s opening” be understood? 3) I explore the textual differences as follows: Wang Yinglin 王應麟 (1223–​1296) argued, “As for Shi Zhi [who appears in this chapter], Zheng Kangcheng 鄭康成 [Zheng Xuan] commented that it was the name of the Grand Master from Lu. As for the Grand Master Zhi, who appears in the remark ‘The Grand Master Zhi went to Qi,’ Kong

66 67

Ji 輯 is here synonymous with cheng 成 (to finish). See Daquan (Li ji daquan, 18:61a–​b).

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Anguo explained that he lived under the reign of Duke Ai of Lu [魯哀公, r. 494–​468 bce]. In contrast, Kangcheng explained that he lived under the reign of King Ping of Zhou [周平王, r. 770–​720 bce]” (Kun xue ji wen 困學 紀聞, 7:13b). In my view, this is a debatable issue. It is possible to conjecture that since the court music of Lu was originally made complete through the Grand Master Zhi’s edits and compilation,68 its opening was commonly called “Master Zhi’s opening.” According to this understanding, Confucius did not personally experience “Master Zhi’s opening.” However, further discussions on this issue are impossible now. * * * The meaning of luan provides the subject of discussion in this chapter. Zheng Xuan adopted the most common definition of the word: it refers to “defects” or “disorder.” In this reading, shi plays the role of a verb, with guan ju zhi luan 關雎之亂 as its object. Zheng Xuan simply commented that this verb is synonymous with shou. Since Zheng’s comment did not help in understanding the meaning of this passage, however, Huang Kan and Xing Bing added that shi meant shou li 首理, which I  translated above as “first mended.” But this was an arbitrary interpolation of a word (理), which Zhu Xi did not accept. Rather, he found that luan could mean “the last part of a musical piece” and applied that interpretation to his reading of this chapter. Zhu Xi might have been hinting at this interpretation when he included in his comment a rec­ ord from Shi ji (translated above). Although Zhang Shoujie 張守節 (fl. 690–​ 705)—​the earliest, authoritative commentator on Shi ji and the author of Shi ji zhengyi—​commented that luan in this record was synonymous with li 理 (order), Zhu Xi creatively read it as the last part of a musical piece. In Zhu Xi’s reading, the aforementioned record from Shi ji reads, “The last part of the Guanju ode anticipates the genre of feng.” After Zhu Xi’s discovery, the majority of commentators followed Zhu Xi’s interpretation of luan. Dasan also accepted it and was actually helped by Zhu Xi in finding sources to validate his own interpretation. However, he was different from Zhu Xi in that he regarded “the Guanju” in the main passage as the title of the Guanju three-​part song, whereas Zhu Xi regarded it as the title of a single poem. Concerning this issue, Gu Linshi was on the same page as Dasan. On the basis of various records from Protocols and Rituals, he pointed out that in discussions of the ancient musical performances, not only the Guanju but also other titles always included three poems. (Dasan discussed this fact in 3.20.) Dasan’s understanding of luan, however, again differs from that of Gu Linshi, for Dasan rendered it as the concluding words that are attached to each musical piece (in this case the Guanju three-​part song). In contrast, to Gu Linshi, it referred to According to Rites of Zhou, “[The Grand Master] teaches the six genres in Poetry” (Zhou li zhushu, 23:20a). 68

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the entirety of the last piece in a performance of ritual music. This argument seems meaningful but is not listed in the “Overview of the Original Meanings.”

8.16 The Master said, “Undisciplined yet not upright, unintelligent yet not sincere, incompetent yet not trustworthy—​I do not care about such people.” 子曰; 狂而不直, 侗而不愿, 悾悾而不信, 吾不知之矣. 8.16.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Kuang 狂 (“undisciplined”) is here synonymous with si 肆 (arrogant); tong 侗 (“unintelligent”) is a word used to describe one’s ignorance.69 2) Master Zhu commented, “Yuan 愿 (‘sincere’) means to be careful and cautious; kongkong 悾悾 (‘incompetent’) is an expression used to describe one’s incapability.” 3) Su Shi 蘇軾 (1037–​ 1101) commented, “Even a wild horse kicking and biting can have a talent for running fast. If a person has no talent yet has shortcomings like these, he will be abandoned by all under heaven.” [All of Su Shi’s comments in this book appear in Lun yu jizhu, unless otherwise noted.] 8.16.2 Arguments 1) Kong Anguo argued, “Tong is a word used to describe a person who has not been established as a tool.” I would refute this as follows: Is it so easy to be established as a tool [to the extent that it is paired with “undisciplined” or “incompetent”]?

8.17 The Master said, “In learning, act as though you cannot reach it and, furthermore, as though you are afraid of losing it.”70 子曰; 學, 如不及, 惟恐失之. 8.17.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: A single character, xue, functions like a phrase here.

“Shan mu 山木,” in Zhuangzi, says, “Unintelligently [侗], I  acted as though I  knew nothing” (Zhuangzi zhu, 7:13b). 70 A pause should be placed after xue 學 (“In learning”). 69

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2) I  supplement as follows:  The phrase “act as though you cannot reach it” represents the psychology of a pedestrian who is about to pass a gate; the phrase “[act] as though you are afraid of losing it” represents the psychology of a greedy man who has found a chunk of gold or jade. 8.17.2 Arguments 1) He Yan argued, “Since lessons are given from outside oneself, it takes a long time to mature what a person has acquired through them [so he should be afraid of losing it].” I would refute this as follows: Confucius did not intend here to teach that a person has to be concerned about losing what he has learned after acquiring it. Suppose that a highly valued treasure is placed in front of you on your path toward the Way. Someone would take it before you. This is what was meant by the phrase “as though you are afraid of losing it.”

8.18 The Master said, “How majestic were Shun and Yu in obtaining all under heaven! They were not involved in the effort to do so.”71 子曰; 巍巍乎舜禹之有天下也! 而不與焉. 8.18.1 Grounds 1) Master Zhu commented, “Weiwei 巍巍 (‘majestic’) is an expression used to describe what is lofty and magnificent.” 2) I supplement as follows: You tian xia 有天下 (“obtaining all under heaven”) means to take all under heaven and possess it.72 Since long ago, those who obtained all under heaven, without exception, intended to do so and made efforts to reach their goal. Only in the cases of Shun 舜 and Yu 禹 did all under heaven come to them on its own, although they, exerting no effort, did not mind. As a result, their majestic features surpassed those of all other kings and could be matched by no one. 3) I supplement as follows: Yu 與 (“involved”) is here synonymous with gan 干 (to participate).73 He Yan also commented, “The main passage states that they themselves neither participated in efforts nor sought to obtain all under heaven.”74

A pause should be placed after ya. Mencius says, “[Wu Ding 武丁] had all the feudal lords coming to his court and obtained all under heaven” (Mengzi jizhu, 2A:1). 73 They themselves did not participate in efforts to obtain all under heaven. 74 Xing Bing added, “They granted their wish to resign from the throne through their virtues. They did not obtain their resignation by participating in efforts to obtain it and by pursuing it.” 71

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8.18.2 Arguments 1) Wang Chong 王充 (27–​97), in Lun heng 論衡, argued, “The classic [Documents] says, ‘The High Lord hoped that people were at ease for a long time’ (Shang Shu zhushu, 15:3b). This remark concerns Shun of Yu 虞. Prolonging the peace enjoyed by his predecessor while assuming rule [ from Yao], Shun employed the worthies and sent the able on missions, doing nothing out of humility, and all under heaven was governed well. Thus Confucius said [in Wang Chong’s reading], ‘How majestic were Shun and Yu in refraining from participation in government while having power over it!’ ” (Lun heng, 7:17a) The dowager empress [Wang Zhengjun 王政君 (71 bce–​13)], in “Wang Mang zhuan 王莽傳,” issued an imperial edict, saying, “Select loyal and worthy individuals to establish four advisory ministers, and in doing so have all of the subjects fulfill their responsibilities. For Confucius said [in the context of Han shu], ‘How majestic were Shun and Yu in refraining from participation in government while having power over it!’ ” (Qian Han shu 前 漢書, 99A:11a) “Chong rang lun 崇讓論,” written by Liu Shi 劉寔 (220–​310) from Jin 晉, also says, “Shun and Yu, possessing all under heaven, did not participate in government. This means that the worthies did not contend in the court, and the petty people did not engage in hostilities in the field. With help from the worthies, they transformed customs so that the people would experience no troubles and the supreme Way would rise. Given such admirable accomplishments, what participation was necessary?” (Quoted in Lun yu jiqiu pian, 4:7a) I would refute these claims as follows: Employing the worthies and sending the able on missions are major responsibilities in governance. How can it be said that Shun did not participate in governance? The teaching given in this chapter is different from that in the chapter that says, “He [Shun] conducted himself respectfully, facing south. That is it!” (Lun yu jizhu, 15:5) The reader here should follow He Yan’s interpretation. 2) Jiang Xi 江熙 (fl. Western Jin dynasty) argued, “The granting of Shun’s and Yu’s wish to resign from the throne demonstrates a pinnacle of cultural development of all under heaven. So they joyously committed themselves to perfecting their practice of the good. Confucius here deplores the fact that he could not share the time together with [與] them.”75 I would refute this as follows: In this interpretation, bu yu 不與 concerns Confucius’s situation. This is a rather distorted interpretation, isn’t it? * * * Three passages in the Analects have been regarded as presenting the idea of the so-​called nonaction policy:  2.1, 15.5, and this chapter. Dasan persistently See Huang Kan’s comment. [All Jiang Xi’s comments in this book appear in Lun yu yishu, unless otherwise noted.] 75

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rejected this interpretation of the three passages, which links the Daoist notion to the Analects, so the reader may gain a better understanding of Dasan’s stance on this issue by referring to Dasan’s comments on the three chapters. In brief, in his comment in 2.1, Dasan suggests that the problematic expression ju qi suo 居其所 be read as saying “the North Constellation keeps its right place.” This suggestion aims to deny the notion of nonaction because according to Dasan, the North Constellation should move in order to keep its “right” place. In his comment in 15.5—​in which the term wu wei 無爲, “nonaction,” appears—​ Dasan asserts that it was merely adopted to show how peacefully Shun enjoyed his time. In other words, since everything was kept in order during Shun’s reign, it appeared as if he were doing nothing. However, in reality, argues Dasan, it was owing to Shun’s active efforts that everything remained in order. Finally, in this chapter, Dasan holds that the expression bu yu only regards the process of royal succession that occurred before Shun’s and Yu’s ascension to the throne. They were granted their wish to resign from the throne because they were superb in their morality, a consequence of their actions. The empirical and rational philosophy behind Dasan’s refutations is apparent: There is no such mystery in which a society is well-​ordered without effort from its highest authority, because political and cultural accomplishments only result from human effort. As a matter of fact, the concept “nonaction” does not exist in Dasan’s lexicon in relation to his reading of the Analects. Dasan’s reading in these three chapters may help students of Confucianism (who distinguish it from other religious and spiritual traditions on the basis of its humanistic aspects) reconcile Confucian humanism with the ideas of political minimalists. Dasan does not name Zhu Xi in his attacks, in this chapter, on commentators who misguidedly embraced the notion of nonaction because Zhu Xi’s understanding of bu yu here does not directly pertain to the notion. In Zhu Xi’s reading, it was because Shun and Yu did not care about (不與) the fact that they possessed all under heaven that they were great. In the other two chapters, however, Zhu Xi shows that he accepted the connection between the most majestic rules governing Confucian understanding of Chinese political lineage and “nonaction.” Accordingly, Dasan raises severe questions about Zhu Xi’s readings in those chapters. Whereas Dasan’s arguments in the other two chapters are listed in “Overview of the Original Meanings,” his argument in this chapter is not included in it.

8.19 The Master said, “How great Yao was as a sovereign! How majestic! Heaven alone is great, and Yao alone emulated it. How vast! The people could not find a word to describe him. How majestic he was in his accomplishments! How brilliant he was in his culture and regulations!” 子曰; 大哉堯之爲君也! 巍巍乎! 惟天爲大, 唯堯則之. 蕩蕩乎! 民無能名 焉. 巍巍乎其有成功也! 煥乎其有文章!

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8.19.1 Grounds 1) Kong Anguo commented, “Ze 則 (‘emulated’) is here synonymous with fa 法 (to follow).” 2) Bao Xian commented, “Tangtang 蕩蕩 (‘vast’) is an expression that describes vastness and extensiveness.” 3) I  supplement as follows:  Ming 名 (“find a word”) is here equivalent with ming yan 名言 (to name and speak),76 which means to describe something with words. Wen zhang 文章 (“culture and regulations”) refers to the forms of rituals, music, laws, and systems that are presented to later generations. The main passage states that although the people could not find a word to describe Yao’s virtue, his culture and regulations were brilliant. 8.19.2 Arguments 1) Bao Xian argued, “[The main passage says that] the people could not recognize his name.” Han Yu 韓愈 (768–​824) disagreed:  “The virtue of humanity Yao possessed was as great as Heaven, so it could not be named or described. The intention of the main passage is not to say that the people could not recognize his name.” [All of Han Yu’s comments in this book appear in Lun yu bijie 論語筆解, unless otherwise noted.] In my view, Han Yu’s annotation is correct. 2) For a classical text that pertains to the main passage, see Mencius, which says, “Confucius said, ‘How great was Yao as a sovereign! Heaven alone is great, and Yao alone emulated it. How vast! The people could not find a word to describe him. How sovereign Shun was! How majestic he was in obtaining all under heaven! He was not involved in the effort to do so [in Dasan’s reading].’ ”77 According to my investigation, passages quoted here from Mencius are different from those from the Analects. I  suspect that a scribal error has caused this problem. 3) For a classical text that pertains to the main passage, see Chunqiu fanlu.78

8.20 Shun had five vassals, and all under heaven was well governed. King Wu said, “I have ten vassals who help govern the state.” Confucius said, “Talent is difficult to find. Is it not so? Social intercourse during the period of the Tang and the Yu became more active during this period. Since there was a woman, however, there were only nine vassals. Even in Zuo’s Commentary says, “If you name and speak of [名言] this, this exists here” (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 34:20a). 77 See “Teng Wengong shang 滕文公上” (Mencius, 3A:4). 78 See “Zou ben 奏本” (Chunqiu fanlu 春秋繁露, 9:8a, 5–​6). 76

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possession of two-​thirds of all under heaven, the Zhou earnestly served the Yin. The virtue of Zhou—​it is the supreme virtue indeed!”79 舜有臣五人而天下治. 武王曰; 予有亂臣十人. 孔子曰; 才難. 不其然乎? 唐虞之際, 於斯爲盛, 有婦人焉, 九人而已. 三分天下有其二, 以服事殷. 周之德, 其可謂至德也已矣! 8.20.1 Grounds 1) Kong Anguo commented, “The five vassals include Yu, Ji, Xie 契, Gao Yao 皐陶, and Bo Yi 伯益.” 2) Ma Rong commented, “Luan 亂 (‘help govern the state’) is here synonymous with zhi 治 (to rule).80 The ten vassals who were in command of various offices include: Dan, the Duke of Zhou; Shi 奭, Duke Shao 召; Wang 望, Taigong 太 公; Duke Bi 畢; Duke Rong 榮; Tai Dian 太顚; Hong Yao 閎夭; San Yisheng 散宜生; Nangong Kuo 南宮适. The other one was Mother Wen [文母].”81 3) I supplement as follows: This passage uniquely uses the phrase “Confucius said” [instead of “the Master said”] because his remark here follows King Wu’s. So Confucius’s family name was noted. Cai nan 才難 (“Talent is difficult to find”) means that the talented people were hard to obtain. Ji 際 (“social intercourse”) here refers to having relationships. In other words, it refers to the social intercourse between sage kings and worthy vassals.82 Si 斯 (“this period”) indicates the time of King Wu. This passage states that the practice of social intercourse and communication [between sage kings and worthy vassals] during the Tang and the Yu became more active during the Zhou. Thus King Wu had ten vassals, while Shun had five vassals. However, there was one woman among the ten, making the real number of King Wu’s vassals short of ten. On the basis of this fact, everyone can understand that talent is difficult to find. 4) Zheng Xuan commented, “The Zhou possessed two of the three parts of all under heaven, so the people in the prefectures—​such as Yong 雍, Liang 梁, Jing 荊, Yu 豫, Xu 徐, and Yang 揚—​all benefited from its virtue.”83 On this Xing Bing added, “The other prefectures—​such as, Ji 冀, Qing 靑, and Yan 兗—​belonged to King Zhou 紂.”84 King Wen led the feudal lords to serve King Zhou. This is what was meant by “earnestly served the Yin.”85

Lu Deming’s edition contains the phrase luan shi ren 亂十人 [instead of luan chen shi ren 亂臣十人]. This definition comes from “Shi gu,” in Er ya (Er ya zhushu, 1:45b). 81 Xing Bing added, “She was also known as Tai Si 太姒. She received her posthumous title because of her relationship with her husband King Wen.” 82 Zhuangzi says, “The shi-​scholars of humanity and rightness cherish the social intercourse [際] among them” (Zhuangzi zhu, 8:18b). 83 See Xing Bing’s comment. 84 Thus the Zhou possessed six of the nine prefectures. 85 Viscount Xian of Han [韓獻子, fl. 597–​566 bce] said, “King Wen led those states that rebelled against the Yin to serve King Zhou because he knew the proper time [to overthrow the Yin].” See the fourth year of the reign of Duke Xiang (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 29:23a). 79

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8.20.2 Arguments 1) Kong Anguo argued, “Ji here indicates the transitional period between the reigns of Yao and Shun. This period is here compared with the Zhou dynasty. At the apex of its cultural development, the Zhou had more worthy and talented vassals.” I would refute this as follows: Ji here refers to social intercourse and communication between sage kings and worthy vassals. In light of Confucius’s original intention to discuss the abundance and paucity of talented people, the expression yu si wei cheng 於斯爲盛 (“became more active during this period”) would mean that social intercourse and communication [between sage kings and worthy vassals] during the Tang and the Yu became more active during the Zhou.86 How can Kong Anguo’s interpretation be acceptable? 2) I question Master Zhu as follows: Jizhu explained, “The richness of talent in the Zhou court—​only the transitional period between the Tang and the Yu enjoyed more prosperity than the Zhou in this regard. From the Xia 夏 and the Shang 商 onward, no dynasties could reach the Zhou’s level.” In my view, the number of officials employed by Shun was actually twenty-​two, which is not a few. The vassals mentioned in this classic, however, were just five in number. This number increased to ten in the Zhou. Thus it cannot be said that the Shun’s era enjoyed more prosperity in comparison with the Zhou. In addition, Master Zhu’s reading ignored the order of words in the sentence under discussion. I am afraid that it does not present the original meaning. Although it has some errors, the old interpretation also suggested that the Zhou enjoyed the most prosperity concerning this topic. It is because “five” cannot be truly compared with “ten” in close proximity. 3) I explore the textual differences as follows: Master Zhu argued, “The character luan must originally have been written as chi 乿, which is synonymous with zhi 治.” Jin Lüxiang 金履祥 (1232–​1303) agreed on this point, saying, “Documents in the Old Script [古 文尙書] contains a line that says, ‘With virtue, it will be well-​governed [乿]; without virtue, it will experience disorder [亂: 𤔔 in Lun yu jizhu kaozheng 論語集注考證]’ (Shang Shu zhushu, 7:34a). This usage [of chi and luan] is in accord with Jizhu’s comment.87 Later, people added yi 乙 to luan 亂 [𤔔 in Lun yu jizhu kaozheng] and, because luan 亂 became similar to chi 乿, came to confuse chi with luan” (Lun yu jizhu kaozheng, 4:14a).88 Dazai Jun disagreed on these claims, saying, “Luan can imply the meaning of chi in the same manner that fen 糞 (manure) can imply the meaning of sao 掃 (to

There had been five vassals before the Zhou, which had ten vassals. He continued, “The character chi is a combination of three characters: zhao 爪 (claw), si 糸 (thread), and yi 乙 (second). It symbolizes the act of organizing threads by hand in order to place them in an arrangement” (Lun yu jizhu kaozheng, 4:14a). 88 See Tong yi 通義 [according to Rongo kogun gaiden]. 86 87

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clean). If not, why did Er ya provide an explanation of the interchangeability between luan and zhi 治?” 4) I explore the textual differences as follows: Shi wen, by Lu Deming, explained, “The sentence yu you luan shi ren 予有亂十人 (‘I have ten people who help govern the state’ in this context) appears in some editions as luan chen shi ren [予有]亂臣十人. It is an error” (Jingdian shi wen, 24:11b). In Kun xue ji wen, Wang Yinglin agreed with this claim, saying, “According to Shi wen, the wording [of the passage under discussion] was yu you luan shi ren. Shusun Muzi 叔孫穆子 [叔孫豹], in Zuo’s Commentary, also said, ‘King Wu had ten people who helped him govern the state [亂十人: 亂臣十人 in the extant edition of Zuo zhuan zhushu. See Zuo zhuan zhushu, 38:43a].’ On this topic, Liu Yuanfu 劉原父 (1019–​1068) commented, ‘There is no such principle [理] according to which a son [King Wu] may have his mother [Mother Wen] as his vassal. The woman [mentioned in the main passage] must be Yi Jiang 邑姜 [King Wu’s wife]. If so, there is no chen 臣 (“vassals”) in the original script. The old theory [suggested by Lu Deming] does not need to be altered’ ” (Kun xue ji wen, 2:23b–​24a). In my view, although “Tai shi 泰誓”—​which Mei Ze 梅賾 (fl. fourth century) interpolated into Documents—​is not sufficiently reliable, its wording of the sentence under discussion is luan chen shi ren (see Shang Shu zhushu, 10:13b). Since it must have borrowed this wording from the Analects, one can infer that the old edition originally adopted “luan chen.” How can it be examined if the wording in Zuo’s Commentary did not omit one character [臣]? 5) Fan Zuyu 范祖禹 (1041–​1098) argued, “Confucius, beginning his lesson here with King Wu’s remark, eventually addressed the virtue of King Wen. And he lauded it, along with the virtue of Tai Bo 泰伯 [King Wen’s great uncle], as the supreme virtue. The hidden implication in his teaching is subtle” (Lun yu jizhu daquan, 8:35a).89 In my view, this argument insists that Confucius’s teachings—​in which he often lauded Tai Bo and King Wen as having the supreme virtue—​implicitly criticized King Wu by praising Tai Bo. However, this claim cannot be accepted. Why not? If a person praises Tai Bo, King Wen will receive a criticism. How can King Wu alone be considered not absolutely good? Moreover, in light of one’s moral obligations, can King Wen be deemed as sincerely abiding by them? According to the laws of the Tang, the Yu, and the Three Dynasties, Sons of Heaven were only allowed to possess within their royal domain one thousand square lis of land, while the high-​ranked dukes were allowed to possess only one hundred square lis of land. Notwithstanding this law, King Wen possessed two of the three parts of all under heaven. Where can a

Chen Li 陳櫟 (1252–​1334) added, “Didn’t Fan Zuyu make his claim—​that the hidden implication was subtle—​with a sole focus on the issue of one’s moral obligations? Confucius lauded Tai Bo and King Wen as having the supreme virtue, whereas he regarded King Wu’s music as not absolutely good [未盡 善: in the neo-​Confucian reading, which is different from Dasan’s reading; see 3.25]. Isn’t the hidden implication [in his assessment of King Wu’s music] subtle?” (Lun yu jizhu daquan, 8:35b–​36a). 89

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person find that he adhered to his moral obligations? In addition, the Zhou’s conquest of the Yin was conducted by the Duke of Zhou. When did King Wu make decisions by himself [without consulting the duke]? Stubborn in their prejudice, the renowned scholars in the Song dynasty were always discontent with King Wu, so their discussions about him were not fair. In conclusion, the supreme virtue of Tai Bo does not undermine King Wen, nor does that of King Wen undermine King Wu. Praise for one person excludes that for another just as ice and fire cannot simultaneously preserve heat; this was not what Confucius originally intended to teach. While Confucius did not censure King Wen and the Duke of Zhou, he only criticized King Wu-does there exist such a principle [理] as this? 6) For a classical text that supports my argument here, see Taiping yu lan, which says, “Master Lie [列子: 烈 in all editions of Noneo gogeum ju] from the Zhou intoned, ‘Earlier, Shun caused five dragons to ascend to the streets of the Tang; earlier, King Wu controlled nine of the fierce animal bo 駮 as they ran through the roads of King Wen. These were displays of royal processions’ ” (Taiping yu lan 太平御覽, 81:12a). Also see “Diao Yi Qi wen 弔夷齊文,” by Liu Shi 柳識 (fl. mid-​seventh century), which says, “The five knives were not ground in the warehouse of King Wu; the nine excellent steeds pulled the carriage through the streets of King Wen” (quoted in Yu ding peiwen yunfu 御定佩文韻府, 7F:29b) and Wang Yinglin’s comment [which should have been placed right after Dasan’s quotation of Taiping yu lan], which says, “[The five dragons and nine of the fierce animal bo that are mentioned in Taiping yu lan] refer to Shun’s five vassals and King Wu’s nine vassals, respectively” (Kun xue ji wen, 7:19a). * * * Dasan’s rendering of ji as “having relationships [交會]” is unique. Prior to Dasan, all major commentators agreed that it “indicates the transitional period between the reigns of Yao and Shun [堯舜交會之間],” as Kong Anguo explained. When one reads the main text according to this conventional interpretation of ji, however, the sentence that contains this word never allows for a clear understanding. Thus translators have had to supplement it, mainly by adding a subject to the sentence; for example: “[The culture of employing talented people] during the transitional period between the reigns of Yao and Shun became more active during this time,” in the reading of Lun yu jijie, and “During the transitional period between the reigns of Yao and Shun, [the talented people] flourished more than during this time” in the reading of Lun yu jizhu. Most of the English translations of the Analects follow Zhu Xi’s reading (the latter) with refinements of this literal translation, but they still have needed to interpolate certain words into the original text. It is clear that Dasan, a creative mind, found a clue to interpreting this enigmatic sentence from Kong Anguo’s comment in Lun yu jijie in such a way that it read

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smoothly. Partly accepting Kong Anguo’s rendering, Dasan changed it so that it no longer designated a certain duration of time (Kong) but rather indicated a practice (Dasan). Thanks to this interesting modification and his brave act of basing his rendering of ji on a sentence in Zhuangzi, Dasan could eventually assert that ji referred to the practice of maintaining relationships between the sage kings and the talented. In his reading, no interpolation of words is necessary since the word referring to the practice functions as the subject of this sentence. This unprecedented interpretation of this chapter, however, is not listed in the “Original Meanings.” The unusual absence of this innovative reading may increase suspicions that the “Original Meanings” might not have been selected by Dasan himself. Another dispute that occurs in this chapter revolves around the character luan. Actually, this dispute has two different subtopics:  the provenance of the reading according to which luan is synonymous with zhi (two words that convey totally opposite meanings in their primary definitions) and the original wording of the phrase that contains this character. Dasan ultimately rejected Zhu Xi’s (and Jin Lüxiang’s) explanation of the provenance and instead accepted Dazai Jun’s view; with respect to the original wording, he disagreed with Lu Deming (and Wang Yinglin) and believed that the wording in the extant edition of the Analects (亂臣十人) was the original. These conclusions are not difficult to understand. An examination of how and with what sources Dasan reached them leads, rather intriguingly, to inaccuracies in Dasan’s quotations and use of various classical sources in this chapter. First, Dasan put a note saying “See Tong yi” after his quotation from Lun yu jizhu kaozheng that supported and strengthened Zhu Xi’s argument on the provenance of the practice of rendering luan as zhi. In fact, what Dasan quotes here appears in Lun yu jizhu kaozheng—​an indispensable reference in discussions of the Analects, even to Dasan. Since Jin Lüxiang did not write a book that bears any relevance to Tong yi, it would be fair to say that it is an unknown source. However, the reader can confirm that the note comes from Dazai Jun’s Rongo kogun gaiden, although Dazai did not provide his own explanation of the source. Thus it can be assumed that Dasan requoted Dazai’s quotation from Tong yi, if this book was at Dazai’s disposal, or Lun yu jizhu kaozheng. The notion that Dasan relied solely on Rongo kogun gaiden for this quotation is made all the more convincing by the fact that Dasan used luan 亂 twice, just as Dazai did, instead of luan 𤔔, which is used in Lun yu jizhu kaozheng. It should not be inferred from Dasan’s practice of requoting Dazai’s quotation that all of Dasan’s quotations from Lun yu jizhu kaozheng in Noneo gogeum ju were requotations from Rongo kogun gaiden. In many chapters, Dasan quoted from Lun yu jizhu kaozheng for his argument, even when Dazai Jun did not use this source for his own comments. Dasan did quote from Rongo kogun gaiden, however, in this chapter. Second, when Dasan concluded that luan chen shi ren was the original wording, he drew this conclusion from a remark in “Tai shi” from Documents—​ a chapter of the so-​called Documents of Mei ze 梅賾 that Dasan frequently cast

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doubts on by suggesting it was interpolated. Dasan might have felt obliged to provide this classical ground because Wang Yinglin, one of his opponents in this dispute, grounded his argument that luan shi ren was the original on Zuo’s Commentary. Interestingly, however, the extant edition of Zuo’s Commentary presents the wording luan chen shi ren, not luan shi ren, in a line pertinent to this discussion. As a matter of fact, in Wang’s Kun xue ji wen, Yan Ruoqu 閻 若璩 (1636–​1704), the main commentator on this text, left a comment about this discrepancy: “According to Ruoqu’s [my] investigation, the extant edition of Zuo’s Commentary contains the character chen [in the line under discussion]” (Kun xue ji wen, 2:24a). Thus it is likely that Dasan did not directly refer to Kun xue ji wen in this regard. If he had done so, he would not have needed to rely on a passage from Documents of Mei ze (a forged book in his understanding) to conclude that the original wording included the character chen. Needless to say, the possibility exists that an old edition of Zuo’s Commentary did not contain the character chen because Wang Yinglin depended, above all, on Zuo’s Commentary for his endorsement of Lu Deming’s view that luan shi ren was the original. In light of the fact, however, that the edition available to Yan Ruoqu did not contain the character chen and that he died before Dasan was born, this possibility seems faint. Actually, Dazai Jun also quoted Wang Yinglin’s aforementioned endorsement from Kun xue ji wen. Like Dasan, however, he did not note that the extant edition of Zuo’s Documents contained chen. Even though it is unclear whether Dasan and Dazai could have obtained an edition of Kun xue ji wen without Yan Ruoqu’s commentary, the reader may suspect that they did not check the passage in question in Zuo’s Commentary for their discussion of it. One last issue (which is pertinent to the second topic above yet more complicated) emerges when the reader examines Dasan’s quotations for his “yinjeung 引證”—​translated here as “for a classical text that supports my argument.” The source of his first quotation was Taiping yu lan—​one of the earliest and most crucial sources in Chinese classical studies, which was compiled by Li Fang 李 昉 (925–​996) from 977 to 983. Whereas Dasan’s quotation introduces zhou sheng lie zi 周生烈子 as the speaker, however, Taiping yu lan merely explains that the remark came from Liezi 列子 (Master Lie)—​one of the Many Masters of the Eastern Zhou period (771–​256 bce). It was Wang Yinglin who added zhou sheng 周生 to lie zi 列子 in his quotation of the same remark (see Kun xue ji wen, 7:18b), probably in order to make it clear that Master Lie was a man from the Zhou (周生). However, he did not disclose the source of this remark, Taiping yu lan. Another source that Dasan undoubtedly referred to for his commentary on the Analects and that reveals the source of the remark in question was Yu ding peiwen yunfu, a Chinese dictionary of multiple-​character phrases, which was completed in 1711 under the patronage of Emperor Kangxi 康熙 (r. 1661–​1722). That Dasan used this dictionary for his comments on this chapter is corroborated by the fact that it introduces “Diao Yi Qi wen,” which Dasan also quoted above, right after Master Lie’s remark. Yu ding peiwen yunfu, however, quoted this remark without giving information about the speaker.

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Thus Dasan must have referred to both Kun xue ji wen and Yu ding peiwen yunfu, but probably not Taiping yu lan, for his quotation of Master Lie’s remark. An additional problem that contributes to the complexity of this issue is a scribal error in all editions of Noneo gogeum ju: they all have lie 烈 in place of lie. Regardless of who was responsible for this error, it must have interfered with the translation of Noneo gogeum ju, for the term “zhou sheng lie zi 周生烈 子” can be translated as “Master [子] Zhou Shenglie 周生烈,” one of the earliest commentators of the Analects, as seen in its Korean translation. Finally, there must have been an editorial error in all editions of Noneo gogeum ju because Wang Yinglin’s comment on the symbolism of the terms “the five dragons” and “nine of the fierce animal bo” should have been placed right after Dasan’s quotation of the remark by Master Lie that contains them. Inaccuracy in Dasan’s quotations here may have derived from the academic orientation of his scholarship:  he primarily pursued the “original” meanings of the Analects—​not “accurate” definitions of words in the Analects. Of course, he tried not to sacrifice accuracy in pursuit of this goal because, according to him, it was a fundamental flaw of neo-​Confucianism to sacrifice accuracy for meaning. As confirmed throughout this book, he aspired to synthesize Han Confucianism (accuracy) and Song Confucianism (meaning) to build a new form of Confucianism, which would be closer to the “original” Confucianism that was taught by the sages. His commentary on the Analects, after all, is titled Old and New Commentaries of the Analects. It is comparable with the title of Dazai Jun’s commentary—​Outer Commentary of the Ancient Annotations of the Analects—​and how Dazai always preferred the old commentary. Thus it would be more accurate to say that Dasan attempted to achieve an understanding of the subtle universality that is implied in passages of the Analects through finding accurate definitions of words. To Dasan, however, finding accurate definitions was a means to reach his ultimate goal. In other words, what he truly aspired after was a synthesis of all transmitted Confucian philosophies—​not an analysis of vocabulary. Again, this purpose is comparable with that in Dazai Jun’s scholarship. As a member of “the School of Ancient Literatures and Writings [古文詞學派],” Dazai examined the “ancient” texts mainly to find accurate definitions of words. As a result, he could not form as many philosophical arguments as Dasan did in his commentary on the Analects, probably because they could not be corroborated by philological evidence. All of Dazai’s comments on this chapter also concern the definitions of words that were subjected to philological debates. In contrast, Dasan’s main argument in this chapter regards the neo-​Confucian bias against King Wu. Showing again the perspective of the scholars-​in-​the-​court, he uses King Wu here to deliver his philosophical message that one’s achievement of social merit should be regarded in balance with one’s abidance by moral obligations, because in his view Confucian universality lies in the fact that it cherishes both inner virtue and outer merits. Although Dasan spared much space for his examination of textual differences here, it was not the focal point of his discussions.

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8.21 The Master said, “I can find no gap between Yu and me. Simple in drink and food, he stayed filial to the spiritual beings; poor in everyday clothes, he made his ceremonial knee pad and the mian crown beautiful; humble in the palace, he gave all his strength for ditches and trenches. I can find no gap between Yu and me.” 子曰; 禹, 吾無間然矣. 菲飮食, 而致孝乎鬼神, 惡衣服, 而致美乎黻冕, 卑 宮室, 而盡力乎溝洫. 禹, 吾無間然矣. 8.21.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Jian 間 (“gap”) here refers to a crack or fissure.90 [Wu jian 無間 (“find no gap”) means that] Confucius so sincerely loved and respected Yu that there was no gap between them. 2) Ma Rong commented, “Fei 菲 (‘simple’) is here synonymous with bo 薄 (thin). That Yu stayed filial means that he kept the sacrificial rituals abundant and clean. 3) Master Zhu commented, “Fu 黻 (‘ceremonial knee pad’) was used to cover one’s knee and was made of leather;91 mian 冕 (‘the mian crown’) is a type of crown.92 Both of them were ceremonial garments. Gou xu 溝洫 (‘ditches and trenches’) refers to narrow water channels between fields of crops, which were designed to help separate them from one another and prepare for drought or flood.93 4) I supplement as follows: These three deeds show that Yu was humble when nourishing himself but generous to spiritual beings and others. 8.21.2 Arguments 1) Kong Anguo argued, “The main passage states that Confucius could not fault Yu for his behavior (It is unclear to me how to translate Kong’s comment).” I would refute this as follows: I do not understand what this comment means. 2) I question Master Zhu as follows: Jizhu explains, “[Jian] means to slander a person, pointing to the fissure separating him from others.”94 In my view, this interpretation would be

This character symbolizes the moonlight coming through the crack of a door. This character is interchangeable with fu 韍 (leather knee pad). 92 The front part of this [rectangular] crown is lower than the rear part. Mian is here literally synonymous with fu 俛 (to lower the head). 93 Bao Xian commented, “A unit of one square li constituted a well-​field [井]. Ditches were made between the well-​fields, each of which was four feet wide and four feet deep. A unit of ten square lis constituted a cheng 成 field. Trenches were made between the cheng fields, each of which was eight feet wide and eight feet deep.” 94 Dazai Jun added, “ ‘Xian jin 先進’ says, ‘People could not come between [間] him and what his parents and brothers would say about him’ ” (Lun yu jizhu, 11:5). 90 91

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acceptable only if Confucius had hoped to come between Yu and, say, Ji, who respected each other. However, the subject of discussion in this chapter is just one person, Yu. In this case, what kind of fissure that presumably separated Yu from others can one point to when slandering him? [In the case of the remark in “Xian jin”] Min Zi Qian 閔子騫 constitutes one entity, while his parents and brothers constitute another. So it is possible to say that “people could not come between . . .” If the remark concerned Min Qi Qian only, this expression cannot be used.

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The Master Seldom 子罕

BOOK 9

9.1 The Master seldom spoke about benefits, the mandate of Heaven, and humanity. [In the Sinjo edition, the first four chapters of “Zi han” are placed after its last chapter.]1 子罕言利與命與仁. 9.1.1 Grounds 1) I  supplement as follows:  Han 罕 (“seldom”) is here synonymous with xi 希 (rarely); li 利 (“benefits”) delivers the same meaning as li in such expressions as “bring benefits [利] to people” and “bring benefits [利] to the state”; ming 命 (“the mandate of Heaven”) refers to the mandate of Heaven; ren 仁 (“humanity”) refers to the supreme virtue of the human moral order. Frequent discourses on benefits may come to undermine rightness; frequent discourses on the mandate of Heaven may lead to insults of Heaven; frequent discourses on humanity may render personal actions for it insufficient. Due to these aspects, Confucius seldom spoke on such subjects. 9.1.2 Arguments 1) He Yan argued, “Humanity is the supreme form of human actions. Confucius seldom spoke about this because few could reach it.” According to my investigation, the Analects contains numerous records of Confucius’s remarks on humanity. It is so, however, because the text does not omit a single one of Confucius’s remarks on it. In fact, the cases in which Confucius discussed it were not great in number. When Sima Niu 司馬牛 asked about humanity, the Master replied, “It is difficult to

1

This book contains thirty-​one chapters.

take action for it” (Lun yu jizhu, 12:3).2 Therefore [in the same chapter, 12:3 in Lun yu jizhu] Confucius recommended that one refrain from speaking about it. This reveals the teaching of Confucius’s infrequent discourses on humanity.3 ) Yuan Cangru 袁滄孺 (fl. early sixteenth century) argued, “How could the 2 sage not speak about these three subjects? He only seldom spoke about each—​benefits, the mandate of Heaven, and humanity—​in conjunction with others. In general, the heavenly principle and human desires cannot be attuned to one another in a single discussion. For example, ‘Si [Zi Gong] did not accept the mandate of Heaven but rather engaged himself in trade and livestock feeding’ (Lun yu jizhu, 11:18). This stands as proof that benefits and the mandate of Heaven cannot be discussed together. Also, the Analects says, ‘The man of humanity confronts difficulties before anyone else does and obtains profit after everyone else does’ (6:22). This stands as proof that benefits and the mandate of Heaven cannot be discussed together. The teaching on distinguishing the Dao-mind from the human mind during the periods of Tang and Yu is presented well here” (unknown source).4 I would refute this as follows: The ancient writings are fluent and smooth, requiring no inordinate efforts to comprehend, as seen in Yuan’s interpretation. If this were the case, the character han (“seldom”) would not have been adopted [since Confucius would have said that he “never,” not “seldom,” spoke about benefits, the mandate of Heaven, and humanity in conjunction with others]. * * * The literal reading of the main passage in this chapter has long challenged commentators for the simple reason that Confucius’s discussions on humanity are not rare in the Analects:  it contains 106 passages on humanity. Accordingly, some commentators have suggested alternative readings of the passage while others, reading it literally, have attempted to explain its implied teaching. In the former cases, this chapter may read: “The Master seldom spoke about benefits. He chose [rather] to speak about the topics of the mandate of Heaven and humanity [by placing a pause after li (‘benefits’)]”; “The Master seldom spoke about benefits, except in connection with the mandate of Heaven and humanity [by placing a pause after li and randomly supplementing the passage with more words]”; “The Master shed light on the topics of benefits, the mandate of Heaven, and humanity [by treating

A comment [by Kong Anguo] on this topic explains, “Acting for humanity is difficult.” The Master said, “[In ancient times] people did not utter words thoughtlessly because they felt ashamed when their actions did not match their words” (Lun yu jizhu, 4:22). A person should focus his actions on humanity. However, the noble person seldom speaks about it lest his words drown out his actions. 4 Ogyu’s interpretation is identical to this argument. 2 3

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han as a loan character and thereby altering its meaning].” Dasan does not mention any of these alternative readings, probably because they all seem unnatural. Instead he introduces two explanations of the implied teaching of this passage from commentators who accepted the literal reading, to repudiate them and thereby legitimize his explanation. His explanation is worthy of note because it appears unprecedented and quite persuasive:  he argues that it is likely true that Confucius seldom spoke about humanity because this virtue demands actions, not speeches on it. His argument, however, still contradicts the fact that Confucius’s discussions on humanity appear throughout the classic. Aware of this problem, Dasan attempts to support his explanation with speculation:  the Analects probably came to have 106 passages that are related to humanity because every discussion Confucius had on this utmost virtue was recorded in it, due to the significance of the concept in his teaching. From this perspective, Confucius indeed seldom discussed humanity, since 106 is a small number of times to discuss it over one’s entire lifetime. Although Dasan’s speculations could not have saved the perplexed commentators from an exegetical predicament, they succeeded in making his creative mind visible again. This innovative interpretation is not listed in the “Original Meanings.”

9.2 A man from Daxiang Village said, “Great indeed is Confucius! His learning is so extensive that he has acquired no reputation in a specific area.” On hearing this, the Master said to his disciples, “What should I  cling to? Should I cling to charioteering? Should I cling to archery? I will cling to charioteering.” 達巷黨人曰; 大哉孔子! 博學而無所成名. 子聞之, 謂門弟子曰; 吾何執? 執御乎? 執射乎? 吾執御矣. 9.2.1 Grounds 1) Zheng Xuan commented, “Daxiang 達巷 is the name of a village.5 The man from this village considered it beautiful that Confucius did not accomplish a reputation for only one thing as he extensively learned the Way and arts.”6 2) Zheng Xuan commented, “On hearing people’s praise, Confucius humbly responded to it. He might have intended by his remark, ‘I will cling to charioteering,’ to associate himself with the most humble of the six Confucian arts.” “Zengzi wen 曾子問” says, “Long ago, I followed Lao Dan and provided assistance for funerals in the village of Xiang 巷” (Li ji zhushu, 19:28a). 6 Lu shi 陸氏 (?) commented, “If a person has expertise in one art, people honor him in relation to that art. He can thereby achieve a reputation. In contrast, Confucius was versed in many arts due to his extensive learning, so people could not honor him in any specific area” (unknown source). 5

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9.2.2 Arguments 1) Yin Dun 尹焞 (1071–​1142) argued, “The man from Daxiang Village lamented the fact that Confucius could not acquire a reputation by pursuing excellence in a single area” (Lun yu jizhu, 5:1b). In my view, the expression da zai 大哉 (“great indeed”) does not convey any sense of regret. How can the sentence that contains this expression deliver a meaning of lamentation? 2) Wang Yinglin argued, “Gan Luo 甘羅 [ from Qin] said, ‘Xiang Tuo 項槖 became Confucius’s teacher at the age of seven.’ Dong Zhongshu 董仲 舒 (179–​104 bce), in his ‘Dui ce 對策,’ also said, ‘He is no different from the man from Daxiang Village, who became learned without learning.’ On this record [in ‘Dui ce’ in Qian Han shu], Meng Kang 孟康 (fl. 240–​259) explained, ‘This man from the village refers to Xiang Tuo.’ Li shi 隷釋, which contains an epitaph for Feng Sheng 逢盛, states that the man [ from Daxiang Village] refers to Hou Tuo 后槖. Information on the source for Meng Kang’s comment is not available. Lun yu zhushu has no information on this debate” (Kun xue ji wen, 7:13b). I would refute this as follows: This is a story that someone tells in the street after he heard it in the street. * * * All commentaries agree that this chapter is designed to praise Confucius’s learning because he was not narrowly specialized in a specific area. Confucius himself made it clear that “the decent person does not limit himself to being a tool” (Lun yu jizhu, 2:12). One point that distinguishes neo-​ Confucian commentaries from other kinds concerns whether the man from Daxiang Village was aware of Confucius’s excellence or not: Yin Dun, one of the major disciples of Cheng Yi 程頤 (1033–​1107), argued that he felt a sense of lamentation because he was not aware of it. This interpretation is in tune with the gen­ eral tendency of neo-​Confucian scholars to portray Confucius and Confucian sages as outstanding in comparison to other figures surrounding them: in a neo-​Confucian reading, the man from Daxiang Village appears to lack adequate awareness of Confucius’s greatness. Dasan might have wished to express his opposition to this exclusivity by following the old commentary. Wang Yinglin probably intended to express his disapproval of neo-​Confucian exclusivity as well as share his investigations of the identity of “the man from Daxiang Village.” According to Wang, this man (actually a boy) was endowed by nature with great knowledge to such an extent that he became Confucius’s teacher at the age of seven. In his argument, Wang introduces Meng Kang as the first commentator to identify Xiang Tuo (also known as Hou Tuo, especially in Chinese folklore)—​reputedly, Confucius’s teacher—​as “the man from Daxiang Village” in the Analects. If this is true, it disproves the neo-​Confucians’ implicit critique of Wang’s misunderstanding of Confucius. Dasan, however, ignores the results of Wang’s

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investigations with obvious displeasure. This may be simply because his rational criticism could not accept both the claim that a person could become Confucius’s teacher at the age of seven and the claim that a person became learned without learning. Throughout Noneo gogeum ju, Dasan consistently opposes the idea that a person can become perfect morally or intellectually without effort.

9.3 The Master said, “The use of the ceremonial cap mian which is made of hempen cloth conforms to ritual propriety, but now people use the one made of silken threads. That is more frugal. I  will follow the people. Bowing at the foot of the hall conforms to ritual propriety, but now people bow in the hall. That is arrogant. Although I contradict the ways of the people, I will follow the bowing-​at-​the-​foot.”7 子曰; 麻冕, 禮也, 今也純, 儉, 吾從衆. 拜下, 禮也, 今拜乎上, 泰也, 雖違 衆, 吾從下. 9.3.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Mian 冕 (“ceremonial cap mian”) is a cap for the ceremonial dress for sacrificial rituals.8 2) Kong Anguo commented, “In ancient times, [mian] was made of thirty sheng 升 of hempen cloth.”9 3) Kong Anguo commented, “Zi is here synonymous with si 絲 (silken threads). With silken threads, the mian can be made more easily. So Confucius said that he would embrace the value of frugality.”10 4) Master Zhu commented, “When the subjects perform rituals with their lord, they should bow at the foot of the hall. When the lord dismisses them, they ascend the hall and finish the bowing. Tai 泰 (‘arrogant’) is here synonymous with jiao 驕 (arrogant).”11 5) Rao Lu 饒魯 (1193–​1264) commented, “During the time of Confucius, the lord’s power was weak while the subjects were dominating. So they directly ascended the hall to bow before their lord” (Lun yu jizhu daquan, 9:4b).

Zi 純 (“silken threads”) should be pronounced in the same way as zi 緇 (black silk). See “Chun guan 春官, Si fu 司服” (Zhou li zhushu, 21:8a–​b). 9 Xing Bing added, “According to Zheng Xuan’s comment in ‘Xiang fu 喪服,’ eighty warp threads constitute one sheng of hempen cloth.” 10 Cai Qing explained, “The process of making the mian with silken threads is more simple and economical than that of weaving hempen cloth” (Si shu mengyin 四書蒙引, 6:80b). 11 Xing Bing commented, “According to ‘Yan li,’ when the lord offers the main guest a cup of wine, the guest descends the hall and bows twice at the foot of the western stairs with his head to the ground. When the lord has his lesser minister dismiss the guest, the guest ascends the hall to finish the bowing. On this record, Zheng Xuan commented, ‘That the guest ascends the hall to finish the bowing means that he again bows twice with his head to the ground [after ascending the hall]’ ” (Yi li zhushu, 6:19b–​20a). 7

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9.3.2 Arguments 1) Kong Anguo argued, “Mian here refers to the black hemp ceremonial cap [緇布冠].” In line with this, Gu Linshi remarked, “ ‘Gu ming 顧命’ in Documents says, ‘The king [King Cheng of Zhou] wore the hemp mian and the low garment fu 黼; the ministers, shi-​officials, and feudal lords wore the hemp mian and the low garment yi 蟻; Tai bao 太保, Tai shi 太史, and Tai zong 太宗 wore the hemp mian and the low garment dong 彤’ (Shang Shu zhushu, 17:37a).12 Also, according to ‘Shi guanli 士冠禮,’ the black hemp ceremonial cap [ for the capping ceremony] does not need to be made of hempen cloth. However, Jizhu has also accepted Kong’s comment, so I would not dare to examine this issue further” (unknown source, probably Shi shu shuo yue). According to my investigation, the passage that appears just before the passage from “Gu ming” quoted above says, “Two people with the black ceremonial cap que 雀 . . . four people with the dark blue ceremonial cap qi 綦 . . . one person wore the mian holding a big hatchet . . . one person wore the mian holding a battle-​axe . . . one person wore the mian holding a three-​ point spear . . . one person wore the mian holding a halberd with a crescent blade . . . one person wore the mian holding a lance” (Shang Shu zhushu, 17:35a–​b). In this passage, the ceremonial cap mian is merely introduced as the mian [and not the ma mian 麻冕, the mian that is made of hempen cloth]. Based on the fact that Documents specifically uses the term ma mian only for the king, ministers, shi-​officials, and feudal lords, it can be inferred that the mian is different from the ma mian. The ma mian [in Documents] may be a reference to the mian, the surface of which is decorated with hempen cloth like the hemp ceremonial cap for funerals with a sackcloth sash around it [麻弁絰], which appears in a record in “Zengzi wen” (see Li ji zhushu, 19:13a).13 By its nature, however, it differs from the ma mian that is under discussion in this classic. Nevertheless, Gu Linshi made a mistake by identifying the ma mian in Documents with the one in the Analects. The implicit meaning of the character mian is to bend down. Since the cap appears inclined with the front low and the back high, it is called mian. It is definitely different from the black hemp ceremonial cap [ for the capping ceremony]. Kong Anguo might have commented that it referred to the black hemp ceremonial cap merely because the mian was made of Lü Dalin 呂大臨 (1044–​1091) explained, “The hemp mian and the low garment fu belonged to the ceremonial dress for the king. The low garment of the ceremonial dress for ministers, shi-​officials, and feudal lords was uniformly light red in color. They, however, wore the low garment yi [in the ceremony with King Cheng, which was black] because they were reluctant to use their full ceremonial dress for auspicious events when they had no reasons to offer sacrifices and recite the prayer in the ceremony. On the other hand, they could not use their full ceremonial dress for ominous events because they had been assigned to positions in the court. Thus they occupied the middle ground between auspice and ill omen and thereby showed various applications of ritual propriety” (Shujing jizhuan 書經集傳, 6:13b–​14a). 13 If a lord dies during his trip outside the state, the ceremonial garments for encoffining the dead are provided. 12

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black hempen cloth, not intending to say that it referred to the black hemp ceremonial cap used for the first stage of the capping ceremony.14 2) Huang Kan argued, “Rites of Zhou introduces six different types of mian. Each is basically made with a flat wooden panel that is covered by hempen cloth of thirty sheng. Its upper part is black, and its lower part is light-​red.” I would refute this as follows: According to “Si fu” in Rites of Zhou, the ceremonial dress [not the ceremonial cap mian] had six different types. And each type of ceremonial dress was accompanied with the same type of mian. The mian for each of the six types differed only in the number of jade-​bead pendants.15 As for the color of the mian, if the chosen color is black, the mian is entirely black; if the chosen color is white, it is entirely white; if the chosen color is dark red, it is entirely dark red;16 if the chosen color is dark blue [綦], it is entirely dark blue.17 I have never heard that its upper part is black and its lower part is light-​red.18 3) Da Dai Li ji says, “To esteem the foundation is the value of refined expressions. Thus dark wine is most suitable for the ritual goblets; a soup without spices is prioritized for the ritual vessel dou 豆; a white silken sunshade is adopted for the royal carriage; the hemp mian is used for the jiao 郊 sacrificial ritual” (Da Dai Li ji, 1:13b–​14a). “Li lun 禮論” in Xunzi 荀 子 also contains the phrase “the hemp mian [麻絻] that is used for the jiao sacrificial ritual” (Xunzi, 13:5a).19 According to my investigation, “Li shu 禮書” in Shi ji also uses the same phrase [as that in Xunzi] (see Shi ji, 23:12a). The ma mian seems to have generally been used for the jiao sacrificial ritual. 4) Zheng Xuan argued, “Zi here refers to black silk.”20 In line with this, Wang Yinglin also argued, “According to Zheng Xuan, the pronunciation of the character zi [which is usually pronounced as chun in modern Chinese but as shun in ancient Chinese] is generated through a combination of the characters ze 側 [z] and 基 ji [i]. Shi wen also followed Zheng’s theory [ for the character 純 in this passage], so it adopted the latter pronunciation [which is zi, out of the two pronunciations, zi and shun, that Jing dian shi wen suggested for the character]. Nowadays readers often adopt the former pronunciation [shun] for this character in this passage, regarding it as the most common pronunciation. . . . ” (Kun xue ji wen, 7:16b). [I present part of Wang’s argument here in order to correct the Korean translation of it, although the entire argument could have been omitted in accordance with Hu Yin 胡寅 (1098–​1156) explained, “The character guan 冠 [as in 緇布冠] includes all types of ceremonial caps, whereas mian is only used for a specific cap” (Lun yu jizhu daquan, 9:4a). 15 See Zheng Xuan’s comment on “Xia guan 夏官, Bian shi 弁師” (Zhou li zhushu, 32:2a). 16 This color resembles the color of a sparrow’s head. 17 Qi 綦 here refers to the color dark blue. 18 It is inappropriate to compare this to the black ceremonial cap with a white silken band, which is introduced in “Yu zao” in Record of Rites (See Li ji zhushu, 29:26a). 19 Yun hui 韻會 says, “[Ma mian 麻絻 here in Xunzi is] equivalent to ma mian 麻冕,” and Ji yun 集 韻 also adopts mian 絻 in place of mian 冕 [according to Yu ding Kangxi zidian 御定康熙字典, 3:18a]. 20 See Shi wen (Jingdian shi wen, 24:12a). 14

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my general principle of omitting Dasan’s requotations of the classical texts that contain no supplementary explanations by Dasan.] As I  understand, silken cloth is more beautiful than hempen cloth. Confucius, however, deemed the mian made of silken threads more frugal. This is probably because forming silken threads through sericulture is easier than making them lustrous, and weaving hempen cloth is more difficult than creating silk yarn. 5) For a classical text on the discussion here, see Baihu tong 白虎通, which says, “What is the ma mian? [It refers to] the ceremonial cap used in the royal ancestral shrine during the Zhou” (Baihu tongyi 白虎通義, B:60b).21 According to my investigation, “Ji tong” says, “The lord wears the black ceremonial cap mian [純冕] and stands at the top of the eastern steps” (Li ji zhushu, 49:6b). The black ceremonial cap mian here refers to the ma mian from ancient times. This cap was used in the royal ancestral shrine as well as for the jiao sacrificial ritual. 6) Master Zhu argued, “Eighty warp threads constitute one sheng. . . . [T]‌hus the width [of the hempen cloth that is used for the ma mian] should be more than two Chinese feet [尺] and two Chinese inches [寸].”22 Rao Lu contended, “Two Chinese feet and two Chinese inches, back then, amounted to one Chinese foot and two Chinese inches according to today’s standard. If two thousand four hundred threads are used as the warp threads, a one-​ inch hempen cloth would contain two hundred warp threads. Thus one can understand the level of elaboration and difficulty involved [in making the ma mian]” (Lun yu jizhu daquan, 9:4a). [The wording of Rao’s remark here differs slightly from that of Rao Lu’s comment in Lun yu jizhu daquan but overlaps Dazai’s quotation of Rao Lu.] Today people usually assume that one sheng contains forty warp threads, and even the finest clothes are made with fifteen sheng of cloth. The theory that one sheng contains eighty warp threads and that the ma mian was made of thirty sheng of hempen cloth might have been an error that was initially made during the early Confucians’ transmission of comments. However, it cannot be further investigated. * * *

Baihu tong also explains, “It is called mian because its front part dips down and the rear part protrudes. . . . [I]‌t is made of hempen cloth in order to warn people not to forget about their roots, since weaving hempen cloth is the first task given to women” (Baihu tongyi, B:60b–​61a). 22 Jin Lüxiang argued, “One Chinese foot in ancient times barely amounted to five-​and-​a-​half Chinese inches according to today’s standard. Any cloth of this width cannot hold two thousand four hundred warp threads [as the ma mian is made of hempen cloth of thirty sheng, which contains two thousand four hundred warp threads], even if the finest silk filaments are used. Furthermore, hempen cloth cannot be woven as fine as silken cloth since hempen threads are coarse” (Lun yu zhushu, 9A:1a). [Dazai disagreed about this, saying] “How can the explanation that eighty warp threads constitute one sheng be an error that was made during the transmission of comments on this term?” [Dazai’s comment is not distinguished from Jin’s in Noneo gogeum ju.] 21

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Philological debates in this chapter mainly concern the term ma mian. To Dasan, it refers to a ceremonial cap (made of black hempen cloth) for sacrificial rituals, including the jiao sacrifice ritual. This cap has a unique design to teach its wearer—​a participant in the rituals—​the value of humility. All other definitions that are not congruent with his definition are rebutted here: it is not a ceremonial cap for the capping ceremony, nor identical with the mian that is introduced in Documents, nor diverse in shape and color. One question about which Dasan defers his conclusion regards another philological investigation of the term sheng. In responding to this question, he leans toward claiming that Kong Anguo’s comment—​eighty warp threads constitute one sheng—​is unacceptable, based on his knowledge of textile production in the eighteenth-​ century Korea. Dasan does not clarify his point, but Zhu Xi made a similar one earlier and was the first commentator to cast doubt on the validity of Kong’s comment, in this respect. Jin Lüxiang developed Zhu Xi’s skeptical reading and came to have nearly the same perspective on the matter as Dasan, whereas Rao Lu accepted Kong’s explanation without mentioning its intrinsic problem. To understand Rao Lu’s comment, Dasan might have directly referred to Dazai’s comment. Dazai also followed Kong’s view, as he usually favored the old commentary over the neo-​Confucian commentary. Thus, although Dasan lumped together Jin’s and Dazai’s views in his quotation, they presented different views.

9.4 The Master was absolutely free from four things—​free from speculation, free from insistency, free from obstinacy, free from selfishness. 子絶四. 毋意毋必毋固毋我. 9.4.1 Grounds 1) Master Zhu commented, “Jue 絶 (‘absolutely free from’) is a word used to show the state of absolutely having nothing; Shi ji used wu 無 (nothing) instead of wu 毋 (‘free from’) in its quotation of this passage.” 2) I  supplement as follows:  Yi 意 (“speculation”) is synonymous with yi 憶 (conjecture);23 speculative thinking is called yi 意;24 bi 必 (“insistency”) is here synonymous with qi 期 (to insist on certainty); gu 固 (“obstinacy”) means to hold onto something tightly;25 wo 我 (“selfishness”) is here synonymous with ji 己 (self). Following others by putting oneself aside is called being free from selfishness. The fu poem “Fu 服,” by Jia Yi 賈誼 (200–​168 bce), contains a line that says, “I wish to reply with my speculation [意].” In some editions, yi 臆 [憶] is used instead of yi 意 in this line. (See Yu ding Kangxi zidian, 10:45b.) 24 See one of the following chapters, which says, “[Zi Gong’s] speculations [憶] often turn out to match reality” (Lun yu jizhu, 11:18). 25 “Qu li 曲禮” says, “When visiting others’ homes, do not obstinately [固] ask for things [in their homes]” (Li ji zhushu, 2:2a). 23

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9.4.2 Arguments 1) Wang Shu argued, “[Confucius] embraced the Way as the standard so that he did not conduct himself in an arbitrary manner [意]. When hired, he acted; when ignored, he retired. So he did not insist on a certain way.” I would disagree with this interpretation. 2) Han Yu argued, “Although the main passage says that Confucius was free from four things, he was actually free from two things:  being free from arbitrariness [in Han Yu’s reading; ‘speculation’ in Dasan’s reading], one would not insist on certainty; being free from obstinacy, one would not be selfish.” I would disagree with this interpretation. * * * Rendering yi in this chapter as “speculation” was unprecedented. Another chapter in the Analects offered Dasan grounds for this unique interpretation: “[Zi Gong’s] speculations often turn out to match reality.” This is a case that demonstrates one of Dasan’s principles in his reading of the Analects—​to read the Analects through the Analects. This interpretation gains even greater validity when supported by Jia Yi’s fu poem “Fu.” Han shu, indeed, introduces Yan Shigu’s 顔師古 (581–​645) comment on “Fu,” which claims that yi 意 and yi 憶 are interchangeable in the poem (see Qian Han shu, 48:5b). However, Dasan did not refer to Han shu for his argument but to Kangxi zidian, which explains that yi 意 and yi 臆 are interchangeable for reading the poem (see Yu ding Kangxi zidian, 10:45b). Thus it can be inferred that Kangxi zidian was one of the major sources Dasan consulted for his reading of the Analects. In line with this, in the Established edition (the most recently updated edition of Noneo gogeum ju), the name of Jia Yi’s poem, “Fu 服,” was replaced by “Fu niao 鵩鳥,” under the assumption that “Fu” was an erratum. This revision was not necessary because fu 服  was the character originally used for fu 鵩, according to Kangxi zidian (see 35:61b).

9.5 The Master was fearful at Kuang. He said, “Since King Wen is already dead, are the texts of Changes not presented here? If Heaven had intended to extinguish these texts, a man who dies later would not have been able to engage with them. If Heaven does not intend to extinguish these texts, what can the men of Kuang do to me?” [This chapter opens the fourteenth roll of Noneo gogeum ju in traditional bookbinding.] 子畏於匡. 曰; 文王旣沒, 文不在玆乎? 天之將喪斯文也, 後死者不得與於 斯文也. 天之未喪斯文也, 匡人其如予何?

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9.5.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Wei 畏 (“fearful”) is here synonymous with ju 懼 (be afraid of). 2) Bao Xian commented, “The men of Kuang besieged Confucius with their soldiers.” 3) Mao Qiling commented, “Kuang is a town in the state of Zheng” (Si shu sheng yan 四書賸言, 4:16a). 4) My second elder brother [Jeong Yak-​jeon 丁若銓, 1758–​1816] remarked, “The phrase wen bu zai zi 文不在玆 (‘are the texts of Changes not presented here’) implies that the texts of ‘Duan 彖’ and ‘Xiang 象’ are presented here. ‘Here’ specifically refers to bamboo slips.” 5) Kong Anguo commented, “Since King Wen was already dead, Confucius adopted the expression ‘a man who dies later’ to refer to himself.”26 6) I supplement as follows: Yu 與 (“engaged”) is here interchangeable with yu 預 (to participate) and synonymous with cong 從 (to follow) and can 參 (to take part in).27 7) My second elder brother commented, “Confucius was versed in the Way of Changes and wished to compose supplementary commentaries on it so as to transmit them to later generations. At the time, however, he did not accomplish the commentaries. So his remarks here are tantamount to saying, ‘If Heaven had wished to extinguish the texts of Changes, I would not have been able to devote my efforts to engaging with them.28 If Heaven does not wish to extinguish these texts, I should not die today. Then what can the men of Kuang do to me?’ ”29 9.5.2 Arguments 1) Kong Anguo argued, “Zi 玆 (‘here’) is interchangeable with ci 此 (here). [The sentence that contains this word states that] although King Wen has long been dead, his literature [文] is presented here. ‘Here’ in this context indicates Confucius himself.” He continued, “[This passage states that] if Heaven had wished to extinguish this literature, it would not have allowed me [Confucius] to understand it. In reality, however, it allowed me to understand it. This shows that Heaven does not wish to extinguish it.” Ma Rong added, “[This passage states that] if Heaven does not wish to extinguish this literature, I  am surely the man who is supposed to

My second elder brother supplemented, “This expression is contrasted here with the phrase ‘already dead.’ ” 27 Constant Mean says, “One can take part in [與] and understand [the Way of the noble person] even with the stupid level of intelligence that is found in common couples” (Zhong yong zhangju, 7a). 28 If Heaven wishes so, the men of Kuang could cause fright. 29 Ma Rong commented, “The expression ‘what can they do to me’ is equivalent to saying ‘what can they do against me.’ ” 26

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transmit it to later generations. Even though the men of Kuang wish to do something against me, they would not be able to do me harm, opposing Heaven.” In my view, the comments from Kong Anguo and Ma Rong are well arranged and flawless, except for the fact that they do not make clear what document the “literature” specifically refers to. Of all the texts related to King Wen, only “Duan” and “Xiang” fall under the category of texts that have been transmitted to later generations by virtue of Confucius’s endeavors. Then does the so-​called si wen 斯文 (“these texts”) not indicate “Duan” and “Xiang”? My second elder brother explained, “The word si 斯 has a specific denotation. For example, [Confucius said] ‘Someone is here [斯]’ (Lun yu jizhu, 15:41; 15.42 in Noneo gogeum ju) or ‘He sees it here [斯]’ (3:11). If an additional line—​“And he pointed at his palm” (3:11)—had not be given after the remark ‘He sees it here,’ who among later generations could come to know that ‘here’ in the passage signified his palm?30 If one [like Zhu Xi] were to render wen 文 as ‘the Way,’ I would ask him why only King Wen is mentioned in this passage while Yao and Shun earlier and the Duke of Zhou later also embodied the Way. Throughout his entire life, the sage only listened to the mandate of Heaven, so he always carried a copy of Changes. Thus when he faced trouble at Kuang, he was able to point to it and talk about this passage. The ancient sages’ laws on following Heaven and illuminating the endowment of the mandate of Heaven are demonstrated in the symbolism of Changes. Who but Confucius could achieve successes in the past and establish a foundation for the future in this regard? Confucius must have already cherished in his mind-​heart a document entitled ‘Ten Wings [十翼: ten commentaries on Changes].’ Since he did not finish composing the texts at the time, however, he made the remark that appears in the main text.” 2) I question Master Zhu as follows: Jizhu states, “What makes the Way visible is called wen (refined expressions or culture in the context of Lun yu jizhu).31 Calling it wen, not dao 道 (the Way), expresses Confucius’s humility.” According to my investigation, Confucius said, “Whether the Way prevails depends on the mandate of Heaven; whether the Way perishes depends on the mandate of Heaven. What can Gong Bo Liao 公伯寮 [Confucius’s disciple] do to the mandate of Heaven?”32 [As seen here] when the word dao is used in a discussion, it is about the Way; when the word wen is used in a discussion, it is about wen. It is unnecessary to consider what is concealed (the Way) and what is visible (wen). Confucius also said, “Heaven has conferred virtue on me. What can Huan Tui 桓魋 In the case of Confucius’s remark above, without additional information about the “palm” supplementing the word “here,” there is no way to understand that it refers to “palm.” In the case of this passage, additional information is not necessary to clarify what “here” refers to because Changes is the only document that pertains to King Wen. 31 The passage continues: “It includes rituals, music, and institutions.” 32 See one of the chapters in the Analects (Lun yu jizhu, 14:38, 14.37 in Noneo gogeum ju). 30

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do to me?”33 When encountering hardship, he always remained unswerving and unwavering. I am afraid that he was not consistently humble in every case. In addition, replacing the word dao with wen is probably insufficient for presenting one’s humility. [In conclusion] si wen (“these texts”) refers to the transmitted texts from the former kings. Changes says [in Dasan’s reading], “By understanding all changes, a person can eventually comprehend the texts [文] of Heaven and Earth” (Zhou Yi zhushu, 11:35b). 3 ) I provide the relevant facts as follows: In the sixth year of the reign of Duke Ding [魯定公, r. 509–​495 bce], the duke invaded the state of Zheng. Zuo’s Commentary recorded, “The duke invaded Zheng and captured Kuang to punish [Zheng] in favor of the state of Jin. . . .34 On his way to Zheng, the duke did not ask the state of Wei 衛 for safe passage, and on the way back to Lu, Yang Hu 陽虎 (fl. 502 bce) had Jisun (季孫: 季桓子) and Mengsun (孟孫: 孟懿子) enter [Kuang] through the south gate and then come out through the east gate”35 (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 55:7b–​8a). In line with this, “Kongzi shi jia 孔子世家” says, “Confucius left the state of Wei and was heading for the state of Chen 陳. When he was passing Kuang, Yan Ke 顔剋 played the role of groom. Pointing to a crevice in the fortress, he said, ‘Long ago I  entered this town through the crevice over there.’36 On hearing his remark, the men of Kuang thought he was Yang Hu, who had harassed them earlier. Thus they eventually stopped Confucius. Furthermore, Confucius resembled Yang Hu in appearance, who was put under arrest for five days. . . . As the situation (of Kuang people’s arrest of Confucius) grew more serious, Confucius’s disciples felt fearful. Confucius said, ‘Since King Wen is already dead, are the texts of Changes not presented here?’ ” (Shi ji, 47:13b–​14a). Bao Xian explained, “When Yang Hu wielded violence against Kuang, Yan Ke accompanied Yang Hu.” Mao Qiling added, “When Duke Ding invaded Zheng, Jisun joined the military. However, he was not responsible for issuing any commands. The commands that resulted in Lu not asking Wei for safe passage and Lu’s soldiers storming the land of Wei after infiltrating its fortress through a crevice all came from Yang Hu. Kuang was originally a town of Zheng. Lu must have wished to appease Jin by capturing it. In addition, taking advantage of the crevice in the Kuang fortress, Yang Hu and Yan Ke infiltrated the town by making a big hole. Due to these actions, Yang Hu was considered as having harassed Kuang. In the fifteenth year of the reign of Duke Ding, Confucius was passing Kuang while Yan Ke was coincidently holding the reins for Confucius. The men of Kuang besieged Yan Ke’s group, mistaking him for Yang Hu” (Si shu shengyan, 4:16a–​b). See one of the chapters in the Analects (Lun yu jizhu, 7:22; 7.23 in Noneo gogeum ju). Du Yu 杜預 (222–​284) commented, “Kuang belongs to the state of Zheng. [The main text of Spring and Autumn] did not record Lu’s capture of Kuang because Lu gave it to Jin” (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 55:7b). 35 Du Yu commented, “Yang Hu wished to drive out the three Huan 桓 [Jisun, Mengsun, and Shusun families] from Lu, so he beguiled them into committing a crime against Lu’s neighboring state” (55:8a). 36 The fortress of Kuang had a crevice. 33

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As I understand, the fact that Kuang belonged to Zheng is unquestionable. I feel as though I am seeing Yang Hu’s violent actions against Kuang with my own eyes. 4) Sima Zhen 司馬貞 (d. 732) argued, “Kuang is a town in Song 宋.”37 Mao disagreed, saying, “The state of Lu initially owned the town of Kuang. When the event under discussion occurred, however, Confucius had already left Lu, following his resignation from the office of Crimes and Punishments. It was not until the eighth year of Duke Ai that Confucius returned to Lu. Thus it is evident that Kuang did not belong to Lu then. As regards a passage from Zhuangzi, which implies that Kuang belonged to Song (see Zhuangzi zhu, 6:16b), it is known that Song had no town called Kuang. Someone else insisted, on the basis of Shi ji’s record, that it is a town in Wei. However, Yang Hu would not have been able to harass a town in Wei. This is a groundless argument that nothing can corroborate” (4:15b–​16a). Another argument claims that Kuang belonged to the state of Chen.38 However, Our Master faced difficulties caused by Sima Huan 桓 [桓魋] in his first visit to Chen. At that time, he stayed in the home of the Citadel Overseer Zhenzi 貞子 and did not experience fear of the men of Kuang yet. In his second visit to Chen, he was intercepted by the men of Pu 蒲. Although Pu was close to Chen, the incident had nothing to do with the men of Kuang. Finally, in his last visit to Chen, Confucius faced difficulties in a place between Chen and Cai 蔡. But it is evident and proven that this was not the same event that occurred at Kuang. 5) For a classical text that contains a relevant passage, see Qin cao 琴操, which says, “Confucius arrived at the outer part of Kuang fortress. Raising a whip to point to a bored-​out hole in a wall, Yan Ke said, ‘Long ago, I entered the town through it with Yang Hu’ ” (quoted in Si shu shengyan, 4:16b).39 6) Xing Bing argued, “The record that suggests Confucius was feared at Kuang was composed out of common people’s sentiments. In reality, Confucius would never have felt fear.” I would refute this as follows: Sages also have the seven feelings. Having no fear when soldiers storm in—​does there exist such a principle [理] as this? * * * One of the primary goals Dasan tried to accomplish through Noneo gogeum ju was to remove the metaphysical and ontological elements that neo-​Confucian scholars attempted to infuse into various concepts in the Analects. He was always inclined to interpret terms that appeared ambiguous and thus susceptible This is his comment on a passage in Shi ji (see Shi ji, 47:13b). See the preface of Lun yu jizhu (Lun yu jizhu, 0:2b). [This sentence was inserted in the main text in all editions of Noneo gogeum ju. However, it should be a note. The argument that follows is Dasan’s, not Mao’s.] 39 Lun yu wei 論語緯 says, “Yan Gao 顔高 was one of Yang Hu’s vassals. He later became Confucius’s disciple and led the way for Confucius at the time of this event, driving his carriage” (unknown source). 37

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to “manipulative understanding” on the basis of their concrete and substantial qualities. This exegetical proclivity is exemplified by his signature theory that humanity is nothing more than an integral notion of Confucian virtues: humanity is distinct from other virtues only in the sense that it covers a wider scope of virtuous actions, not in the sense that it resides in a different dimension as an ontological concept. This proclivity is evident in many other discussions as well. In particular, in relation to this chapter, Dasan tends to interpret the notion wen 文 as “tangible documents,” unless it is coupled with zhi 質 (“natural substance” in my translation) or linked to zhi contextually. In other words, for Dasan, wen refers to a corpus of written passages that have been compiled into books except in cases in which it is rendered as “refined expressions” in parallel with natural substance. For example, he commented that wen in the expression wen zhang 文 章 pertains to specific texts, such as Poetry, Documents, Rites, and Music (see 5.12 in Noneo gogeum ju). He also specified the texts wen refers to ​the six Confucian classical texts (see 9.11 in Noneo gogeum ju) ​in the expression bo wo yi wen 博我 以文 (“broadening me with literature”). In contrast, for Zhu Xi, wen may refer to what enables virtues to be expressed, or culture—​not written documents (see Lun yu jizhu, 3:5a and 5:3b). In line with this tendency, in this chapter Dasan renders wen as the texts of Changes,  an unprecedented interpretation that is listed in the “Original Meanings.” Dasan might have felt confident in this interpretation because it accorded with his principle of reading the Analects. Reading the Analects through the Analects, he was able to find support for his assertion here in a chapter of the Analects that shows how much Confucius loved to study and read Changes throughout his entire life (see 7.17 in Noneo gogeum ju). One unclear point in Dasan’s interpretation concerns the structure of Changes. As is well known, Changes consists of sixty-​ four hexagrams, explanations of the symbolism of each hexagram and of each of its six bars, and ten supplementary commentaries; these commentaries were believed to have been composed by Fu Xi 伏羲, King Wen, the Duke of Zhou, and Confucius—​ in that order, according to the traditional understanding of the classic. In contrast to today’s scholars, Dasan did not doubt this traditional claim of the authorship, which enabled him to relate this chapter to Changes by giving special attention to Confucius’s mention of King Wen here. However, Dasan’s comment that wen in the main passage refers to “Duan” and “Xiang”—​two of the ten commentaries—​contradicts another comment he made that Confucius had not finished composing the commentaries by the time he confronted the disturbance at Kuang. Indeed, the “Original Meanings” simply says, “In the remark ‘If Heaven had intended to extinguish the wen 文,’ [the wen] refers to Changes,” without giving any indication of what part of Changes the passage is about. Finally, the Established edition of Noneo gogeum ju (and Yi Ji-​hyeong) seems to suggest that Ke 剋 in Yan Ke should be changed to Ke 刻, in harmony with “Kongzi shi jia” in Shi ji. Dasan might have consulted Lun yu zhengyi for this record, which replaced Ke 刻 in Shi ji with Ke 剋 (see Lun yu zhushu, 9:4b). This replacement is actually acceptable because Jingdian shi wen (a Tang source

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that is usually considered more authoritative than the extant edition of Shi ji in discussions on the original wordings of ancient texts) adopts Ke 剋 for Yan Ke (see Jingdian shi wen, 24:12a). It notes that some editions of the Analects used Hai 亥 in place of Ke 剋 but says nothing about Ke 刻.

9.6 The prime minister asked Zi Gong, “Is your Master a sage? How is he skilled in so many things?” Zi Gong said, “He is about a sage, whom Heaven has truly endowed. In addition, he is versatile.” The Master, on hearing this, said, “Does the prime minister know me? I was of humble status when young, so I became skilled in performing many menial tasks. Does the noble person have many skills? No, he does not.” 大宰問於子貢曰; 夫子聖者與? 何其多能也? 子貢曰; 固天縱之將聖, 又多 能也. 子聞之曰; 大宰知我乎? 吾少也賤, 故多能鄙事. 君子多乎哉? 不多也. 9.6.1 Grounds 1) Zheng Xuan commented, “The prime minister refers to Pi 嚭, a prime minister of the state of Wu.”40 2) Kong Anguo commented, “The prime minister wondered why Confucius was skilled in performing so many trivial jobs.”41 3) Master Zhu commented, “Zong 縱 (‘endowed’) is here synonymous with si 肆 (to release);42 jiang 將 (‘about’) is synonymous with dai 殆 (nearly).”43 4) Bao Xian commented, “To be sure, the noble person does not need to be skilled in many things.”44 9.6.2 Arguments 1) Kong Anguo argued, “Tai zai 大宰 (‘the prime minister’) is the title of a government office. It is unclear whether it pertains to the state of Wu or the state of Song.” Xing Bing explained, “In the twelfth year of the reign of Duke Ai, Zuo’s Commentary says, ‘The duke held a meeting with Wu at Tuogao 槖 臯. The viscount of Wu had his Prime Minister Pi request a renewal of the alliance [with Lu]. Since the duke did not wish to do so, he ordered Zi Gong to respond to the request’ (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 59:4a). Zi Gong had also gone to the state of Wu earlier. Thus Zheng Xuan believed that it referred to Pi, the The prime minister was equivalent to the position of Zhong zai 冢宰, which belonged to the group of Tian guan 天官 [in the Zhou system]. 41 Master Zhu added, “The prime minister believed that being skilled in many things conforms to sagehood.” 42 He continued, “This word is used to show that the endowment was not limited.” 43 He continued, “This word is used to show his humility by means of acting as though he cannot dare to acknowledge [Confucius’s sagehood].” 44 Master Zhu added, “Being skilled in many things is not a means to lead people.” 40

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prime minister of Wu.” Du Yu disagreed with Kong, saying, “When passing the state of Song, Confucius faced such difficulties, caused by Huan Tui, that he had to leave disguised as a commoner. What is the likelihood that this event occurred—​that the prime minister presented Zi Gong with this request [at Song]? The prime minister here refers to Pi from the state of Wu” (Lun yu jizhu daquan, 9:8b). Mao Qiling also disagreed with Kong, saying, “In the sixth [‘seventh’ in Spring and Autumn] year of the reign of Duke Ai, the duke held a meeting with Wu at Ceng 鄫, where Zi Gong joined a conversation [with the prime minister]. In the twelfth year, when the duke held a meeting with Wu at Tuogao, Zi Gong had a conversation with the prime minister. In the autumn of the same year [when the marquis of Wei held a meeting with Wu], the duke met with the marquis of Wei and Huang Yuan from Song at Yun 鄖. At that time, Zi Gong had a conversation with the prime minister. On the basis of these records, it can be inferred that the prime minister refers to Pi, the prime minister of Wu” (Lun yu jiqiu pian, 4:8a–​b).45 As I understand, Xing Bing’s explanation is correct. 2) Xu Fenpeng 徐奮鵬 (c. 1560–​1642) explained, “Commentators often criticize the prime minister for his misunderstanding [of sagehood]. Considering that he adopted the characters yu 與 (a particle) and he (‘why’) [to make the first and second sentences a question], however, he does not seem to have plainly believed that being skilled in many things conforms to sagehood. The relevant sentences state that he could not fathom the reason for Confucius’s versatility despite his attempt to figure it out” (unknown source). In my view, this explanation is illuminating. 3) Yuan Liaofan 袁了凡 (袁黃, 1533–​ 1606) explained, “As for Confucius’s remark, ‘The prime minister knows me,’ some insist that it means that the prime minister truly knew Confucius, while others insist that it means that he did not know Confucius. However, neither of these arguments is accurate. Confucius here asks whether the prime minister knows the reason for his versatility, which helps him make the remark that follows” (unknown source). In my view, this explanation is also excellent. 4) Ogyu explained, “Zong 縱 here means to follow. In other words, it means that a person emulates what another person does. Zi Gong here states, ‘Our Master was unable to conduct the business of the sage because he did not receive the mandate of Heaven in this regard.’ The business of the sage concerns creating and establishing institutions. Creating institutions is called sagehood. Thus [Zi Gong insisted that] if Heaven follows Confucius,

He continued, “Someone argues, ‘In the sixth year of the reign of Duke Ai, the state of Wu invaded the state of Chen. Chen also had Prime Minister Pi, so he conversed with [the king of Wu] Fuchai 夫 差. For this, see ‘Tangong’ (Li ji zhushu, 9:39a–​b). That year Our Master happened to be staying in Chen, accompanied by Zi Gong. The reference to “those who followed me in Chen” (Lun yu jizhu, 11:2) regards this event. Thus it is unclear whether the prime minister [in the Analects] refers to the prime minister of Chen or not. . . . ’ [W]‌hen Duke Ai went to the state of Yue 越, Jisun was able to offer a bribe through Prime Minister Pi. Then there must have existed another Prime Minister Pi in Yue as well” (Lun yu jiqiu pian, 4:8b). 45

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Our Master will become a sage as well [將];46 in addition, he is just skilled in many things.” [All of Ogyu’s comments in this book appear in Rongo kogun gaiden, unless otherwise noted.] In my view, this explanation is very excellent. I am afraid that this conveys the right meaning. 5) Huang Kan argued, “Gu 固 (‘truly’) is here synonymous with gu 故 (inten­ tionally), and jiang, with da 大 (great).”47 I would disagree with this claim. * * * Although, in this chapter, Dasan simply notes which comments he followed, their juxtaposition suggests a unique reading, as my translation of the main text makes evident. On the other hand this chapter may cause a confusion, primarily because Dasan simultaneously accepted both Zhu Xi’s comment on Zi Gong’s reply to the prime minister in “Grounds” and Ogyu’s interpretation of the same remark in “Arguments,” despite their great differences. Since Dasan asserted that Ogyu’s interpretation was probably correct while merely introducing Zhu Xi’s comment, it could be argued that a translation of the aforementioned part in the main passage should follow Ogyu. The translation above follows Zhu Xi, however, because Dasan’s reading of the main passages generally rests on what is explained in “Grounds.” Thus his assertion about Ogyu’s “right understanding” may signify that he had not yet reached firm conclusions on how to read the passage. In contrast, he was certain about adopting Zheng Xuan’s view on the identity of the prime minister. Many commentators, especially Mao Qiling, supported and supplemented Zheng’s view, insisting that he served the state of Wu. Mao approvingly presents three events that share the same narrative and set of characters: when Duke Ai meets with the lord of Wu, Zifu Jing Bo 子服 景伯 initiates a conversation, which Prime Minister Pi and Zi Gong join. Had Dasan’s views reflected modern textual skepticism, he would have considered the possibility that the records of the three events were affected by the aforementioned conversation between Pi and Zi Gong in the Analects or by a reproduction of an impressive event across various sources. In connection to Mao’s argument, it may be worth noting that although Dasan simply quotes in his note two different views on what state the prime minister served (which are introduced in Mao’s book), Mao rebuts both of them.

9.7 Lao said, “The Master once said, ‘I was not employed, and therefore acquired many arts.’ ”48 牢曰; 子云; 吾不試, 故藝. [According to Ogyu] jiang is here synonymous with qie 且 (as well). Kong Anguo in his comment said, “Heaven intentionally endowed Confucius with the virtue of the great sage.” 48 Jizhu combines this chapter and the preceding chapter into one chapter. 46 47

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9.7.1 Grounds 1) Xing Bing commented, “Lao refers to Confucius’s disciple Qin Lao 琴牢.”49 2) Zheng Xuan commented, “Shi 試 (‘employed’) is here synonymous with yong 用 (to be used). Confucius here remarks, ‘I was not employed, and therefore I acquired many skills.’ ” 9.7.2 Arguments 1) Xing Bing explained, “Confucius made the remark in this chapter at a different time from the time he made the remark in the previous chapter. Thus two chapters have been separated.”50 2) Dazai argued, “In the Analects, Confucius’s disciples are cited by using either their adult names or the honorific appellation that begins with Zi 子. There are no other cases in which they are referred to by their personal names. Only in this chapter and another chapter that says, ‘Xian 憲 asked about shame . . . ’ (Lun yu jizhu, 14:1), does the Analects use their personal names. Thus they themselves, undoubtedly, wrote these two passages.”51 In my view, Lao and Xian surely wrote these two chapters. However, it is unnecessary to argue, based on these two chapters, that all twenty chapters of the Analects were written by these two disciples.

9.8 The Master said, “Did I  have knowledge? No, I  did not. Even when a humble man put a question to me, however, I scoured both ends and exhausted the question as though I felt empty.”52 子曰; 吾有知乎哉? 無知也. 有鄙夫問於我, 空空如也, 我叩其兩端而竭焉. 9.8.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: This chapter presents a remark Confucius made that expresses his humility. He said that although he did not have knowledge initially, he could increase his knowledge by teaching others.

Jia yu says, “Qin Lao was from the state of Wei. His adult name was Zi Kai 子開 or Zi Zhang 子張” (Kongzi jia yu, 9:6a). According to Zheng Xuan, however, he refers to Confucius’s disciple Zi Lao 子 牢 (see Lun yu zhushu, 9:6a). 50 Wu Yue 吳棫 (c. 1100–​1154) supplemented this, saying, “One of Confucius’s disciples recorded his master’s remark [in the previous chapter], and Zi Lao subsequently introduced what he had heard from Confucius as quoted above. Since the messages conveyed in the two remarks were analogous with one another, they have been placed adjacently to one another” (Lun yu jizhu, 5:2b). 51 He continued, “[Of the twenty chapters of the Analects,] the first ten chapters might have been written by Qin Zhang 琴張 [牢], which would explain why the wording of the chapters is vigorous and terse. The rest might have been written by Yuan Si 原思 [憲], which would explain why the wording is exquisite and descriptive. This is because one’s writing mirrors his character.” 52 In the Zheng Xuan edition, kongkong 空空 (“as though I  felt empty”) appears as kongkong 悾悾 (naïve). 49

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2) I  supplement as follows:  Bi fu 鄙夫 (“humble man”) refers to an unintelligent man. His question must have concerned shallow and lowly topics. [Confucius here said] however, he felt that it was difficult to answer as though he knew nothing, being empty-​headed. 3) I supplement as follows: Kou 叩 (“scoured”) is here synonymous with ji 擊 (to hammer at);53 “both ends” indicates the beginning and the end of an event or the essence and the minor details of a thing;54 jie 竭 (“exhausted”) means to use up or empty out. The main passage mentions that whenever a man would ask Confucius a question, he would pay attention to it and, without exception, examine its essence and minor details, no matter what kind of event or thing it was about, thereby exhausting the question without leaving any further questions to be asked. As a result, he could gradually acquire knowledge. 9.8.2 Arguments 1) He Yan argued, “Zhi 知 (‘knowledge’) here should be read like zhi in the expression ‘to presume and intend [知意].’ Presumptuous people tend to refrain from explaining everything. [The main passage states that] Confucius truly explained everything exhaustively.” Kong Anguo also argued, “When a humble man finally asks a question, it often seems to have no point [空空].55 Confucius, however, explained everything to him by demonstrating the beginning and the end—​that is, both ends of an event—​so he exhausted what he knew with no intention to preserve it.”56 I would refute these claims as follows: Kongkong, here, is a phrase to show that Our Master felt empty.57 Feeling empty, Confucius studied books and documents to understand the beginning and the end of an event and eventually could apprehend its essence and minor details. Due to this practice, he could increase his knowledge.58 2) Xing Bing argued, “Kou here means to invoke [發動].”59 According to my investigation, the character kao 考 can be substituted for ji 擊 in the expression “tapping a handwashing basin [擊槃],” and hitting one’s forehead on the ground [叩頭] is called “bowing one’s head to the ground [稽首].”60 The expression “examining [稽考] books and “Xue ji 學記” says, “Hammering [a bell] with a small object makes a small sound; hammering [a bell] with a big object makes a big sound” (Li ji zhushu, 36:21a–​b). 54 Duan 端 (“ends”) is here synonymous with dou 頭 (head). 55 Xing Bing added, “Kongkong here means being empty-​headed.” 56 Xing Bing added, “He exhausted what he knew, and therefore had no intention to spare and save it.” 57 It reveals the reality of his lack of knowledge, which is mentioned at the beginning of the passage. 58 The passage already addressed the notion that Confucius did not have knowledge. Then is it acceptable to say that he exhausted what he knew? When nothing exists from the beginning, how can one exhaust it? 59 Zhao Shunsun 趙順孫 (1215–​1276) accepted this comment [as did Zhu Xi], saying, “The expressions ‘scouring’ and ‘hammering at’ connote an invocation” (Lun yu jizhu daquan, 9:10b). 60 An annotation on the expression “bowing one’s head to the ground” in Rites of Zhou explains that ji 稽 here means to press [one’s head on the ground] (see Zhou li zhushu, 25:21a). This explanation is incorrect. Ji is here synonymous with kou 叩. 53

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documents” also connotes an invocation. As a matter of fact, this pertains to the category of phonetic loan characters, among the six categories. “Xue ji” contains a remark that says [in Dasan’s reading], “When entering the school, they examine the bamboo boxes [敱篋]” (Li ji zhushu, 36:7a). This remark suggests that they examine [敱] books in the boxes, not that they hit [敱] the boxes to make a drum sound.61 Thus the expression “scouring both ends” is equivalent to “examining both ends.” If one examines books and documents, he can invoke exquisite teaching and delicate instructions. However, it is not acceptable to render kou in the main passage as “to invoke.” * * * Confucius’s confession of his ignorance in this chapter is so shocking that commentators have sought a way to resolve the contradiction between this chapter and the universal acknowledgment of his erudition and love of learning. For example, He Yan suggested that the word zhi 知 be construed in a completely different manner from its common definition in order to render Confucius’s confession, wu zhi 無知, a statement of his virtue. This effort was not successful because zhi has hardly ever borne such meaning. Zhu Xi’s strategy was to make use of this chapter to demonstrate how profoundly humble Confucius was:  he was so tremendously humble that he confessed he had no knowledge. Should a reader accept Zhu Xi’s view, however, she would be impressed by Confucius’s aggressiveness because his remark here is nearly a total negation of his intelligence. Probably dissatisfied with traditional interpretations of this kind, Dasan apparently found a brilliant solution:  Confucius’s confession concerns his past, not his current level of knowledge. In this creative reading, this chapter no longer gives cause for confusion, offering a vivid testimony to how Confucius, and scholars in general, could increase their knowledge no matter their current status. This interpretation, which is listed in the “Original Meanings,” is unprecedented and quite persuasive. More important, Dasan demonstrates, with his astute exegetical intervention, philosophical consistency in understanding Confucian sages, including Confucius himself: sages, to him, are those who devote great effort to accomplishing social, intellectual, and moral merits. In other words, no sage is mysteriously endowed at birth with achievements, knowledge, and morality. Since what differentiates them from common people hinges on the intensity of their endeavors—​diligent examination of books and documents in this chapter—​ it is only natural that they have no knowledge at the beginning. However, they attempt to expand their knowledge through learning and sometimes teach

Thus the character gu 敱 should have the pu 攴 (to tap lightly) radical, not the zhi 支 (branch) radical. Gu 敱, kao 考, and kou 叩 are all pictophonetic characters, conveying the meaning “to hit [擊].” 61

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people that making an effort at learning is the only way to become knowledgeable. This empirical thought may be reminiscent of Xunzi, who proposed that all accomplishments are made possible through human effort. Indeed, Dasan and Xunzi have something in common: they are both rationalists in their basic approaches to issues of philosophical significance in Confucianism.

9.9 The Master said, “The deity Feng does not arrive, and the He river no longer sends forth a chart. It is all over with me!” 子曰; 鳳鳥不至, 河不出圖, 吾已矣夫!. 9.9.1 Grounds 1) Kong Anguo commented, “When a sage receives the mandate of Heaven, the Feng 鳳 arrives62 and the He river [Yellow River] sends forth a chart.63 The Chart from the He river [河圖] refers to the eight trigrams.” Master Zhu added, “These are all auspicious signs for sages.” 9.9.2 Arguments 1) Xing Bing commented, “ ‘Li qi 禮器’ says, ‘When [the Son of Heaven] reported to Heaven the feudal lords’ accomplishments, the phoenix [鳳] descended’ (Li ji zhushu, 24:10a). According to my investigation, “Zhou yu 周語” says, “In the fifteenth year of the reign of King Hui [周惠王, 673–​653 or 652 bce], a deity descended into Shen 莘. The royal secretary Guo 過 said, ‘When a state is about to prosper, the fragrance of its virtue permeates everything. So brilliant deities descend. Long ago, when Xia was to rise, Rong64 descended upon Mt. Chong 崇; on Shang’s rise, Taoyu 檮杌 stayed at Mt. Pi 丕; on Zhou’s rise, Yuezhuo 鸑鷟 sang at Mt. Qi. These are all records about brilliant deities’ ” (Guo yu, 1:16a). The royal secretary Guo shows here that he considers Feng one of the heavenly deities. He must have had some grounds for this understanding. Thus Feng cannot be considered a bird. Also according to my investigation, “Gu ming” in Documents says, “Place Hong bi 弘璧 and Wan yan 琬琰 in the west wing; place Tian qiu 天球 and He tu 河圖 in the east wing” (Shang Shu zhushu, 17:29a). This passage clearly tells us that He tu was a kind of jade object. Thus it was placed among other jade objects in [one of] the two wings. The theory that a dragon-​horse came out [of the He river], carrying a pattern on its back, originally stemmed from apocryphal

Master Zhu supplemented, “It came and joined rituals for Shun; it sang at Mt. Qi 岐 for King Wen.” Master Zhu supplemented, “The River sent forth a chart for Fu Xi.” 64 This refers to Zhurong 祝融. 62 63

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texts: it is not acceptable.65 Kong Anguo was a great Confucian scholar during the Western Han (206 bce–​8). Suppose that a chart existed that displayed a pattern consisting of groups of dots, even or odd in number, all adding up to fifty-​five (something similar to the so-​called He tu today). Then can there exist such a principle [理] that Kong annotated He tu as the eight trigrams? ) Wang Chong argued, “The expression ‘It is all over with me’ is a lamentation 2 over his inability to become a king” (Lun heng, 9:11a). I would refute this as follows: When Our Master was sitting between two pillars [like a deceased person] in a dream, he complained, saying, “Since brilliant kings do not rise, who under heaven will be able to respect me?”66 This remark reveals Our Master’s lifelong aspirations. Can there exist such a principle [理] that a man of this kind would lament his inability to become a king? 3) For classical texts that pertain to the discussion of He tu, see the following passages:  “Gao zhi 誥志,” in Da Dai Li ji,  says, “When a sage rules a state, dragons arrive without pause, Feng descends and forgets to fly away, the Ruo river sends forth talismans [服], and the He river sends forth the trigrams [in Dasan’s reading]” (Da Dai Li ji, 9:15b); Guanzi says, “Long ago, when a man received the mandate of Heaven, dragon-​ tortoises arrived, the He river sent forth the trigrams [in Dasan’s reading], the Luo river sent forth the Document [the name of a pattern], and the divine horse Chenghuang 乘黃 appeared from out of the earth” (Guanzi, 8:20a); “Li qi” says, “When [the Son of Heaven] reported the feudal lords’ accomplishments in the wake of his sacrificial offering to the Di 帝 lord at the jiao 郊 sanctum, Feng and Huang 凰 descended and tortoise-​dragons arrived” (Li ji zhushu, 24:10a). As I understand, the arrival of dragon-​tortoises constitutes one separate event, the He river’s sending forth the trigrams constitutes another separate event, and the Luo river’s sending forth the Document constitutes yet another separate event. Secretly and manipulatively borrowing from Guanzi, the school of the incantational and apocryphal texts contended that a dragon came out carrying a pattern on its back and a tortoise came out holding the Document in its mouth.67 Isn’t this a ridiculous theory? * * * As stated in the preceding chapter, Dasan’s empirical and rational stance appears to be aligned with Xunzi’s philosophical perspective. Like Xunzi, who did not doubt traditional narratives of Chinese ancient history, Dasan’s rationalist point of view has a defect: he did not doubt the veracity of the narratives in the Confucian

For more details, see my exposition of Documents (see Sangseo gohun, 171a). See “Tangong” (Li ji zhushu, 7:18a). Their contention that a dragon-​horse came out might have been intended to make their theory consistent with Guanzi’s statement about the divine horse Chenghuang. 65

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classics. In other words, he trusted a large portion of the stories and events documented in the major Confucian texts, except for some parts of Record of Rites, some parts of Zuo’s Commentary, and the so-​called Documents in Old Script in its entirety. This kind of optimistic textualism is at odds with many of the claims proposed by modern textual critics of the Chinese classics. For example, Dasan believed that Confucius visited Laozi to receive a lesson, which is consistent with the conventional understanding of their relationship. Dasan must have been reluctant to admit Laozi’s superiority to Confucius because, in his mind, Confucius was a perfect sage whereas Laozi was a thinker in a heretical school. However, Dasan accepted the story, which is now generally regarded as a fabricated story, because it was recorded in Record of Rites. For the same reason, in this chapter, he does not question the validity of the seemingly irrational statement that when sages rise, a variety of auspicious signs portend or echo their advent: many of the Confucian classics seem to corroborate this statement. This “defect” in the eyes of modern skeptics, however, should not be construed as an inconsistency in his rationalist stance, because it was a historical, not personal, limitation. When Dasan was free from his obligation to follow the narratives of the Confucian classics, his writings show that he was very critical of all types of “ridiculous theories,” like the one suggested by the school of the incantational and apocryphal texts.

9.10 When the Master saw anyone in the mourning clothes qi cui, or anyone with the ceremonial cap mian and the upper and lower garments of ritual dress, or a blind person, he would, on receiving them, always rise, even if the person was younger than he was; when passing such a person, he would always quicken his steps.68 子見齊衰者冕衣裳者與瞽者, 見之, 雖少必作, 過之, 必趨. 9.10.1 Grounds 1) Xing Bing commented, “Qi cui 齊衰 [hemmed sackcloth with even edges] refers to the mourning dress that is worn for one’s closest relatives.”69 2) I  supplement as follows:  Yi chang 衣裳 (“the upper and lower garments of ritual dress”) refers to the dress for the court audience or the sacrificial rituals, such as the black silk upper garment and the red skirt. 3) Bao Xian commented, “Zuo 作 (‘rise’) is here synonymous with qi 起 (to rise);70 qu 趨 means to move hastily.” 4) I  supplement as follows:  Paying respect to those who are mourning for their parents is an act that extends my filial piety; paying respect to those In the Huang Kan edition, the character zhe 者 appears immediately after shao 少 (“the person was younger than he was”). 69 Master Zhu [Xing Bing in Lun yu zhushu and Lun yu jizhu daquan] added, “From this remark about qi cui, the significance of zhan cui 斬衰 [unhemmed sackcloth] can also be inferred.” 70 Xing Bing added, “This means that Confucius rose up, if he was sitting.” 68

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with the official dress is an act that extends my loyalty; paying respect to blind people is an act that extends my sincerity.71 9.10.2 Arguments 1) Bao Xian argued, “[Confucius] felt sorrow for those in mourning, respect for those in official positions, and pity for men lacking in ability.” I would refute this as follows: This passage concerns the virtue of respect. How are sorrow and pity connected to it? 2) Ogyu argued, “The blind person in the main passage refers to a musician [because musicians were all blind in ancient times]. So Confucius paid him respect.” I would disagree with this claim. 3) Shen Hongye 沈虹野 (?) argued, “The expression jian zhi 見之 (‘on receiving them’ in Dasan’s reading; ‘on seeing them’ in the common interpretation) is here adopted to describe a situation in which I see someone passing by when I am sitting; guo zhi 過之 (‘passing such a person’) is here adopted to describe a situation in which I pass someone who is sitting” (unknown source). I would refute this as follows: The first jian 見 (“saw”) signifies that Confucius spotted a person with his eyes; the second jian signifies that Confucius received a person in ritual settings. If it is necessary to rise in accordance with ritual propriety when a person [described in the main passage] passes by, is it not also necessary to rise when a person [described in the main passage] comes to see me?

9.11 Yan Yuan, sighing deeply out of admiration, said, “When I look up at it, it rises higher; when I try to penetrate it, it becomes harder. I see it before me, but suddenly it is behind me. Our Master is good at guiding people step by step, broadening me with literature and restraining me with ritual propriety. I cannot give up even when I wish to do so. I have exhausted my abilities, but something seems to stand up high above me. Even though I want to follow it, there is no way to take.” 顔淵喟然歎曰; 仰之彌高, 鑽之彌堅, 瞻之在前, 忽焉在後. 夫子循循然善 誘人, 博我以文, 約我以禮, 欲罷不能. 旣竭吾才, 如有所立卓爾. 雖欲從 之, 末由也已. 9.11.1 Grounds 1) He Yan commented, “Wei 喟 (‘sighing deeply out of admiration’) is a word used to denote the sound made by people expressing their admiration.”

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2) I  supplement as follows:  Zuan 鑽 (“penetrate”) means to bore through something with an awl. 3) Xing Bing commented, “Mi 彌 (‘-er’) is here synonymous with yi 益 (more). 4) Bao Xian commented, “The expressions ‘before me’ and ‘behind me’ are used to state that the object, ineffable and elusive as it is, cannot be depicted. Xunxun 循循 is an expression used to describe an orderly status.” 5) I  supplement as follows:  You 誘 (“guiding”) means to lead people with effective instructions;72 bo 博 (“broadening”) means to enlarge and expand; yue 約 (“restraining”) means to tie something up to make it smaller; wen 文 (“literature”) refers to the six classics; li 禮 (“ritual propriety”) refers to the adage of four do-​nots [四勿]. 6) I  supplement as follows:  Zhuo 卓 (“high above me”) is a word used to describe an object standing up high. Since it transcends other things with no connection with them and thus cannot be pulled down, it is described as “standing up high above me.”73 Mo 末 (“no”) is here synonymous with wu 無 (not),74 so mo you 末由 (“no way to take”) means that one has no path to take. These expressions convey Master Yan’s admiration for the greatness of Our Master’s accomplishments. 9.11.2 Arguments 1) For a classical text that pertains to the main passage, see Fa yan 法言 by Yang Xiong 揚雄 (53 bce–​18), which says, “Yan Yuan suffered from Confucius’s outstanding accomplishments [because he could not reach them]” (Yangzi fa yan 揚子法言, 1:12a).75

9.12 When the Master was critically ill, Zi Lu made some disciples serve as the court retainers. When his health improved slightly, the Master said, “Long has You practiced deception! In pretending that I  have court retainers when I have none, whom do I deceive? I have deceived Heaven! Further, wouldn’t I rather die in your arms, my fellows, than in the arms of court retainers? And even if I were not to have a grand funeral, would I die by the roadside?” 子疾病, 子路使門人爲臣. 病間曰; 久矣哉, 由之行詐也! 無臣而爲有臣, 吾誰欺? 欺天乎! 且予與其死於臣之手也, 無寧死於二三子之手乎? 且予 縱不得大葬, 予死於道路乎?

Xu Fenpeng supplemented this, saying, “The word jiao 敎 (to teach) connotes toughness; you connotes softness” (unknown source). 73 The expression zhuo yue 卓越 (outstanding) evokes something that transcends other things. 74 This is Xing Bing’s comment. 75 An annotation on this line [by Song Jian 宋咸 (fl. 1034–​1063)] says, “Yan Yuan suffered from nothing: he suffered only from the fact that Confucius’s Way appears high and impenetrable, standing up high above him” (Yangzi fa yan, 1:12a). 72

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9.12.1 Grounds 1) Bao Xian commented, “When sickness grows serious, it is called critical illness.” 2) I supplement as follows: Chen 臣 (“court retainers”) here refers to the lesser subjects [小臣] who appear in “Sang daji 喪大記.” Zi Lu prepared court retainers in advance so that they could help Confucius by holding his limbs [when he changed his clothes before he died].76 This ritual was originally intended for the lords, but great officials at the time also made their house-​officials play the role of court retainers. Confucius was a great official, but since he had no house-​ officials at the time, Zi Lu made Confucius’s disciples assume the role. 3) Kong Anguo commented, “Experiencing remission from an illness is called jian 間 (‘improving slightly’).” 4) I  supplement as follows:  Saying “I pretend to have court retainers when I have none” is equivalent to saying “I adopt rituals for the lords when I am not a lord.”77 5) I supplement as follows: According to ritual propriety, four people help the ill person by holding his limbs in order to perform a ritual examination of his breath using a cotton ball. Thus Confucius said, “than [I die] in the arms of court retainers.” 6) I  supplement as follows:  The grand funeral here refers to a funeral that is conducted with rituals for ministers.78 If there are court retainers for mourning, the funeral should also be prepared in accordance with rituals for ministers. If a person dies by the roadside, it means that he has been abandoned without being buried. 9.12.2 Arguments 1) Zheng Xuan argued, “Zi Lu wanted Confucius’s disciples to perform rituals that subjects perform for their lord.” I would refute this as follows: The term chen here refers to the court retainers who help the ill person by holding his limbs. “Tangong” says, “The chief attendant helps [the ill lord] by holding his right arm; the chief assistant for the archery ritual helps [the ill lord] by holding his left arm” (Li ji zhushu, 8:4b);79 “Sang daji” says, “[Four retainers] help the person by holding his body” (44:1b);80 the record of mourning rituals for the low-​ranking officials [that is, “旣夕禮”] states, “Four servants, sitting, help the ill person by holding his body” (Yi li zhushu, 13:49a).81 The statement in Rites of Zhou [not Record of Rites]—​“Men

“Sang daji” says, “[Four court retainers] help the person by holding his body” (Li ji zhushu, 44:1b). A great official can also be regarded as the lord of his house-​officials. The Head Minister of Crimes and Punishments [a position Confucius once held] also belongs to the class of ministers. 79 Chen Hao 陳澔 (1260–​1341) explained, “When a lord is sick, they help him by holding his body” (Chen shi Li ji jishuo 陳氏禮記集說, 2:25a). 80 Zheng Xuan explained, “[The body here refers to] the four limbs” (Li ji zhushu, 44:2a). 81 The low-​ranking officials have no subjects, so their servants play the role. 76 77

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do not die in the arms of women; women do not die in the arms of men” (13:49b)82—​ also concerns this ritual. According to Zuo’s Commentary, when Duke Ling of Wei [衛靈公, r.  534–​492 bce] died, Prince Ying 郢 said, “The lord passed away in my arms.”83 Da Dai Li ji also says, “When Master Zeng [曾子] was critically ill, [his son] Zeng Yuan 曾元 rubbed his head, and [another son] Zeng Hua 曾華 pressed his father’s legs against his bosom” (Da Dai Li ji, 5:11b). In conclusion, [ for this ritual] those who have court retainers employ the court retainers, while those who have no court retainers employ either their servants or their house-​officials:  their arrangements should not violate ritual propriety by exceeding its limits. [Confucius’s criticism of Zi Lu’s action] does not derive from this point only. The court retainers play many roles [besides the one mentioned above]:  they unclench the deceased person’s teeth [in order to put grains into his mouth]; they bind the deceased person’s feet [to prevent them from bending]; they lift the blanket that covers the corpse [to wash it]; they cut the deceased person’s toenails;84 they shave the deceased person’s face.85 Sometimes the great litanist led the dressing of the deceased person with a common litanist’s assistance,86 and sometimes a common litanist led the dressing of the deceased person with the great litanist’s assistance.87 Unless the deceased person is a lord or a great official who has court retainers, these arrangements cannot be adopted. Zi Li, however, wanted to prepare the retainers for the process of mourning Confucius. This is the reason Confucius reproached Zi Lu upon realizing his plan. ) Kong Anguo argued, “[Confucius said that] Zi Lu has long kept this mindset, 2 not only for today.” I would refute this as follows: Confucius was critically ill without remission for a long time. For the duration of this period, the retainers continued to stay and wait. Thus Confucius said, “It has long been since You first committed an act of deception.” 3) Kong Anguo argued, “The grand funeral refers to a funeral conducted with rituals between the lord and subjects.” I would refute this as follows: Examining the classics and commentaries on them, one can find funerals conducted with rituals for the lord, funerals conducted with rituals for ministers, and funerals conducted with rituals for great officials. However, I have never heard of funerals conducted with rituals between the lord and subjects. How can a person understand the classics with arbitrary judgments? When a lord receives a funeral conducted with rituals for the

Guliang 穀梁 also made this statement [“Men do not die in the arms of women”] (see Chunqiu Guliang zhuan zhushu 春秋穀梁傳註疏, 6:30a). 83 See the second year of the reign of Duke Ai (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 57:13a). 84 They also cut the deceased person’s nails. 85 See “Sang daji” (Li ji zhushu, 44:27a–​29a). 86 This pertains to the funeral rituals for the lord. 87 This pertains to the funeral rituals for great officials. 82

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lord, it becomes a grand funeral. For example, Duke Zhuang of Qi [齊莊公, r. 553–​548 bce] could not receive a grand funeral. When a minister receives a funeral conducted with rituals for ministers, it becomes a grand funeral. For example, Gongsun Ao 公孫敖 (fl. 625 bce) could not receive a grand funeral.88 If there are court retainers for mourning, the funeral should also adopt rituals for ministers. Confucius did not wish to follow rituals for ministers, however, so he reproached Zi Lu as seen above. 4) Han Yu explained, “Early Confucians were often confused by this [Zheng Xuan’s] comment, which expresses an understanding of this passage in terms of the theory of the king with no position [Confucius] and the subjects with no positions [Confucius’s disciples]. As a result, scholars later condemned Zi Lu for deceiving Heaven. In my view, however, Zi Lu was uncompromising and upright, and he did not make any attempts at flattery. He must have had no intention to deceive Heaven by pretending to become a subject for a king. His original wish might have been to serve Confucius as an official [臣] of Confucius’s house-​officials.” * * * Commentators have conceived the nature of Zi Lu’s faults in this chapter differently. According to Zheng Xuan, Zi Lu committed a serious crime because he, exploiting Confucius’s illness, attempted to make Confucius’s disciples fulfill the role of royal subjects (with Confucius as their lord) by performing, for Confucius, rituals intended for lords. Zhu Xi reduced the gravity of Zi Lu’s faults by explaining that Zi Lu’s attempt had only to do with Confucius’s funeral, not the general application of rituals. However, Zhu Xi and neo-​Confucian scholars still excoriated Zi Lu because, in their point of view, he fundamentally violated ritual propriety by attempting to adopt funeral rituals for lords to benefit Confucius, who was not qualified to have them. Dasan diminishes Zi Lu’s faults more by contending that Confucius was qualified to have the court retainers at his funeral because all ministers were entitled to have them and Confucius, as the former Head Minister of Crimes and Punishments, was one of them. According to Dasan’s interpretation, there were two things that led Confucius to reproach Zi Lu: first, Zi Lu ignored the fact that Confucius did not have house-​officials who could substitute for the court retainers in this regard, and second, he overlooked Confucius’s tacit intention that he did not wish to follow the rituals for ministers for his own funeral. Even in Dasan’s reading, of course, Zi Lu earns rebuke for his reckless expression of respect for his master: however, it was not “a crime of deceiving Heaven” as neo-​Confucian scholars put it. Thus this inventive reading, which is listed in the “Original Meanings,” was intended ultimately to defend Zi Lu and reflects Dasan’s gen­ eral support for Confucius’s direct disciples, who were underestimated by 88

The state of Lu did not allow his descendants to have a funeral conducted with rituals for ministers.

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later Confucians—​especially neo-​Confucian scholars. It is worth noting as well that Dasan’s expertise in Confucian rituals made his creative interpretation here possible: he was indeed a ritualist, the original definition of a Confucian.

9.13 Zi Gong said, “Here is a piece of beautiful jade. Shall I wrap it up and keep it in a chest, or seek a good merchant and sell it?” The Master said, “I would sell it! I would sell it! I am waiting for a merchant.”89 子貢曰; 有美玉於斯, 韞櫝而藏諸, 求善賈而沽諸? 子曰; 沽之哉! 沽之 哉! 我待賈者也. 9.13.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Yun 韞 (“wrap it up”) means to wrap something up with leather. 2) Ma Rong commented, “Du 櫝 (‘chest’) is here synonymous with gui 匱 (case).”90 3) Ogyu commented, “Shan gu 善賈 (‘a good merchant’) refers to an excellent merchant among many merchants.” 4) Ma Rong commented, “Gu 沽 (‘sell’) is here synonymous with mai 賣 (to sell).” 5) I supplement as follows: Confucius repeated his remark “I would sell it” in order to firmly address the necessity of selling it. 6) Bao Xian commented, “[Confucius said that] I would stay here, waiting for a merchant.” In line with this, Fan Zuyu commented, “A shi-​scholar who is waiting for courteous treatment is compared to a piece of jade that is waiting for a good merchant. It is unnecessary to chase others, distorting the Way” (Lun yu jizhu, 5:5a). 7) Master Zhu commented, “Zi Gong asked this question because Confucius was not assuming an office although he had acquired the Way.” 9.13.2 Arguments 1) Ma Rong argued, “[Zi Gong asked] ‘Shall I seek a good price and be willing to sell it instead?’ ”91 According to my investigation, Lun yu jijie and Lun yu jizhu do not provide a clear explanation for whether the character gu 賈 refers to price or merchant. Xing Bing, however, seems to have rendered it as gu as in the term shang gu 商賈 (merchant) since he mentioned in his comment that a Gu 賈 (“merchant”) is pronounced as gu [not jia]. It is interchangeable with du 匵 (casket). Xing Bing added, “[Zi Gong asked] if a person earnestly and courteously seeks after it, would you be willing to give it to him?” 89

90 91

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person seeks after it. Only Jingdian shi wen by Lu Deming insisted that this character should be pronounced as jia (see Jingdian shi wen, 24:12b), and as a result, the term shan gu has traditionally been rendered as high price [高 價]. Is this not an error? A noble person, cherishing a jewel in his bosom, waits for a brilliant king in order to sell his Way, just as a jade-​craftsman, keeping a piece of jade in a chest, waits for a good merchant in order to sell his object. If one renders shan gu as high price, this interpretation may lead readers to believe that one should wait for an offer of a high position and generous salary in order to sell his Way. Is this interpretation acceptable? In ancient times, precious jade objects were traded only through merchants. Thus Zuo’s Commentary says, “Viscount Xuan of Han [韓宣子, d. 514 bce] owned a pair of jade rings. Since one of the rings fell into the hands of a merchant from the state of Zheng, the viscount asked the duke of Zheng to retrieve it. Zi Chan did not return it to him. . . . [T]‌he viscount purchased it from the merchant” (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 47:24b–​26a). Selling jade objects was truly a job for merchants. Also according to my investigation, “Pin li” says, “Gu ren 賈人 opens the chest and takes out a square jade tablet [ for an emissary].92 . . . [T]he head assistant receives the square jade tablet and holds it up, using a wrapping leather. Then he gives it to Gu ren as he exits the hall” (Yi li zhushu, 8:9a–​ 10b).93 These passages [including the remark from “Shao yi” in the note] describe cases in which merchants served the state. Therefore, I am afraid that some commentators’ rendition of gu as “price” might be incorrect. 2) Ma Rong argued, “Yun 韞 is here synonymous with zang 藏 (to keep).” Zheng Xuan, however, commented, “Yun is synonymous with li 裏 (to wrap up).”94 Huang Kan followed Zheng Xuan, saying, “Yun is synonymous with guo 裹 (to wrap up).” In my view, Ma Rong’s annotation was incorrect. [In Ma’s interpretation, the relevant part reads] “Shall I keep it and keep it in a chest?” This does not make sense. * * * For the main discussion in this chapter, Dasan follows Ogyu’s rendition of the term shan gu: it means a good merchant. Although Dasan supplements it with several passages from the Confucian classics, there are no major differences between Ogyu’s and Dasan’s interpretations. They concur that the comment in Lun yu jijie, despite its seeming ambiguity, would be eventually harmonious with theirs. In addition, both of them warn other commentators that they risk insulting Confucius when they render the term as “good price,” making him equal to a merchant who always seeks a good price for his goods. Dasan, Zheng Xuan commented, “Gu ren refers to an official who knows prices” (Yi li zhushu, 8:9a). “Shao yi 少儀” also says, “I send outmoded clothing to Gu ren” (Li ji zhushu, 35:4a). 94 See Shi wen (Jingdian shi wen, 24:12b). 92 93

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anomalously, listed his mere acceptance of Ogyu’s comment in the “Original Meanings.” Dasan states above that Lun yu jizhu does not provide a clear explanation of shan gu. However, it makes clear that the character (“gu” in Dasan’s reading) should be pronounced as jia (see Lun yu jizhu, 5:5a). When it is pronounced as jia, it means “price.” Meanwhile, Lu Deming states that it can be pronounced either jia or gu (see Jingdian shi wen, 24:12b), in opposition to Dasan’s claim that the adoption of the pronunciation jia for the character was based on the only valid source for doing so, Jingdian shi wen. Thus Dasan made a few minor mistakes here. In contrast, Dazai explains that his master Ogyu’s comment on the term shan gu basically rebukes Zhu Xi, who insists that it should be read as shan jia. As a matter of fact, in their reading of this chapter, neo-​Confucian scholars strived to diminish Confucius’s apparent eagerness to participate in government by shifting their focus onto Confucius’s last remark: Confucius was waiting for, not actively seeking, an opportunity to be employed by a state. Overlooking his obvious aspirations for an official position, this reading emphasizes that Confucius did not distort his Way in order to obtain a position. Ogyu and Dasan might have both rejected this reading because they shared the stances of the “scholars-​in-​the-​court,” not the “scholars-​in-​the-​forest.”

9.14 The Master wished to live in the land of the nine Yi tribes. Someone asked, “It is a mean land. How can you deal with it?” The Master said, “A noble person used to live there, what meanness can there be?” 子欲居九夷. 或曰; 陋, 如之何? 子曰; 君子居之, 何陋之有? 9.14.1 Grounds 1) Ma Rong commented, “The Yi in the east have nine different tribes.”95 2) Xing Bing commented, “Believing that no brilliant lords emerged at the time, Confucius wished to live in the land of the Eastern Yi [東夷].” 3) I  supplement as follows:  Lou 陋 (“mean land”) signifies being lowly and narrow. 4) Ma Rong commented, “When a noble person lives in any given place, he inspires it to change.”96

“Dong Yi zhuan 東夷傳” in Hou Han shu 後漢書 says, “The Yi have nine different tribes: Quan Yi 畎夷, Yu Yi 于夷, Fang Yi 方夷, Huang Yi 黃夷, Bai Yi 白夷, Chi Yi 赤夷, Xuan Yi 玄夷, Feng Yi 風夷, and Yang Yi 陽夷” (Hou Han shu, 115:1a). 96 In his Shi yi jing wen dui 十一經問對, He Yisun 何異孫 (fl. Yuan dynasty) explains, “The ‘noble person’ in the sentence ‘If a noble person lived there’ refers to Jizi 箕子. It does not indicate that Confucius called himself a noble person.” Eunsongdang jip 恩誦堂集, written by Yi Sang-​jeok 李尙廸 (1804–​1865), also contains this theory (see Eunsongdang jip, 249b). 95

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9.14.2 Arguments 1) Xing Bing argued, “According to another theory, the nine Yi tribes include: Xuantu 玄菟, Lelang 樂浪, Gaoli 高麗, Manjie 滿節, Fuyu 鳧臾, Suojia 索家, Dongtu 東屠, Weiren 倭人, and Tianbi 天鄙.”97 I would refute this as follows: Xuantu and Lelang are the names of [two of ] the four commanderies established by Emperor Wu 武 (r. 141–​87 bce). Confucius would have never been able to know them. 2) Lun heng by Wang Chong contains a passage that says, “Confucius was dissatisfied because the Way did not prevail in China. Disappointed and dismayed, he wished to go to the land of the nine Yi tribes.”98 * * * Most English translations of the Analects contain some variation of the conditional clause “Were a noble person to live there” for the phrase jun zi ju zi 君子居之. Agreeing with He Yisun’s claim that “the noble person” directly referred to Jizi from the Shang dynasty, however, Dasan treated as “historical” fact the notion that a noble person once lived in the land of the nine Yi tribes. Considering the persistent tendency in Chinese centrism to categorize Korea as part of the Eastern Yi tribes, his interpretation might have been intended to elevate Korea’s dignity. Having said that, it is possible to cast doubt on whether the main passage that I  have translated accurately reflects Dasan’s thinking. This is because Dasan’s note, which presents the aforementioned interpretation, might have been interpolated by later hands. As noted, Yi Sang-​jeok was born in 1804, so he was only nine years old when Noneo gogeum ju was completed in 1813. Although it is likely that Dasan continued to revise his manuscript even after he was released from exile in 1818, he was surely unable to gain access to Yi’s works: the first collection of Yi’s writings, Eunsongdang jip, was published in 1848, twelve years after Dasan’s death. Yi’s collection is, of course, merely quoted here as a minor part of the groundwork for the interpretation under discussion, while He Yisun from the Yuan dynasty (1271–​1368) appears to have been the original proponent of this interpretation. However, readers may suspect that He’s remark might have been requoted from Yi’s collection (more precisely a poem from the collection), since the original wording of his remark in Shi yi jing wen dui differs slightly from what is quoted in Noneo gogeum ju. In contrast, the wording in Noneo gogeum ju overlaps that of Yi’s poem. This would serve as another piece of evidence for the claim, stated in the introduction to this book, that Noneo gogeum ju was edited and supplemented by later hands after Dasan’s death.

97 98

This theory has also stemmed from Hou Han shu [but Hou Han shu contains no relevant record]. See “Wen Kong 問孔” (Lun heng, 9:12a).

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Nevertheless, I  insist that my translation of the main passage correctly reflects Dasan’s thinking because he already expressed his point of view in dealing with issues of this kind in previous chapters. For example, in 3.5 in Noneo gogeum ju, Dasan censured many commentators for their disrespect for the nine Yi tribes. Finally, the second explanation of the members of the nine Yi tribes evidently does not appear in Hou Han shu. The initial source for this explanation might have been Li ji zhushu, especially Kong Yingda’s 孔穎達 (574–​648) scholium on a passage in Li ji zhushu (see Li ji zhushu, 12:39a). However, one of the names of the nine tribes that Kong gives is different from what appears here and in Lun yu zhengyi by Xing Bing, to which Dasan might have referred directly for his explanation (see Lun yu zhushu, 9:10b–​11a). A scholium on a term in Er Ya zhushu also presents the same names as those in Noneo gogeum ju and Lun yu zhengyi, and it is also attributed to Xing Bing (see Er Ya zhushu, 6:15b). Thus it would be fair to say that it was originally suggested by Xing Bing.

9.15 The Master said, “After I returned to Lu from Wei, the music was rectified. Thus the Ya odes and the Song hymns acquired their proper order.” 子曰; 吾自衛反魯, 然後樂正, 雅頌各得其所. 9.15.1 Grounds 1) Zheng Xuan commented, “Confucius returned to Lu in the winter of the eleventh year of the reign of Duke Ai. At the time, the Way waned and music declined. Only after returning to Lu could Confucius rectify them.”99 2) I supplement as follows: The expression de qi suo 得其所 means that the poems acquired propriety in their order. 9.15.2 Arguments 1) Wang Yinglin explained, “Shi lin 石林 says, ‘On observing the music of Lu, Ji Zha 季札 believed that the odes in “Xiao ya 小雅” depicted the decline of Zhou’s virtues, while those in “Da ya 大雅” depicted the virtues

Xing Bing added, “In the eleventh year of the reign of Duke Ai, Kong Wenzi 孔文子 (孔圉, d. 480 bce) of Wei intended to attack Taishu Ji 太叔疾 (fl. 484 bce). Confucius ordered his disciples to prepare his carriage and then left the state. The lord of Lu invited him with a courteous gift, so Confucius returned to Lu.” In line with this, Du Yu commented, “After the meeting [between Kong Wenzi and Confucius], Confucius returned to Lu from Wei. Music was rectified, and the Ya odes and the Song hymns acquired their proper order” (Lun yu zhushu, 9:11a). 99

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of King Wen [see Zuo zhuan zhushu, 39:19b–​27b]. Thus all odes in “Xiao ya” fall under the category of modified Ya, and all odes in Da ya, under the category of orthodox Ya.’ Meanwhile, King Zhuang of Chu [楚莊王, r. 613–​591 bce] remarked that the Song hymns were composed after King Wu conquered Shang [see Zuo zhuan zhushu, 23:28a–​29b]. So the Shi mai 時邁 hymn was placed at the beginning, and the Wu 武 hymn, the Lai 賚 hymn, and the Huan 還 hymn were put in the second, the third, and the sixth places, respectively. This order was decided on the basis of the time sequence of composing. Through an examination based on these facts, it can be inferred that this arrangement—​assigning the modified Ya odes to ‘Xiao ya’ and the orthodox Ya odes to ‘Da ya’ and setting an order for the Song hymns according to the timeline of composing—​shows the order of Poetry before it was edited. In contrast, another arrangement—​ assigning each of the Ya odes to ‘Da ya’ or ‘Xiao ya’ depending on their content (amid discussions on the development and decline of politics and administration) and setting an order for the Song hymns depending on their degrees of usefulness (amid dissemination of the descriptions of the sages’ virtues)—​shows the order of Poetry after it was edited” (Kun xue ji wen, 7:18a). In my view, this theory is illuminating. What Ji Zha observed and King Zhuang of Chu discussed all concern Poetry before it was edited.

9.16 The Master said, “To serve the dukes and ministers in the community, to serve elderly relatives at home, not to dare to avoid helping in mourning matters, and not to be affected by drinking—​which of these is found in me?” 子曰; 出則事公卿, 入則事父兄, 喪事不敢不勉, 不爲酒困, 何有於我哉? 9.16.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Gong qing 公卿 (“the dukes and ministers”) refers to the lords and great officials;100 fu xiong 父兄 (“elderly relatives”) refers to relatives respected among clan members;101 mian 勉 (“helping”) means giving help even by crawling on one’s knees. 2) I  supplement as follows:  Kun 困 (“affected”) means to be covered by something. Changes says, “Being covered [困] in wines and rice.”102

The upper-​ranking great officials correspond to ministers. If those who are respected share my family name, I call them fu xiong. 102 This line is seen in the hexagram “Kun 困” (see Zhou Yi zhushu, 8:17a). 100 101

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3) I  supplement as follows:  [The expression he you yu wo zai 何有於我哉 is intended to convey that] Confucius was able to practice these things, allowing no question of whether he was able to or not. 9.16.2 Arguments 1) Huang Kan argued, “The expression he you yu wo zai was intended to ask, ‘With what capability can I  practice these three things?’ ”103 Xing Bing disagreed, saying, “Other people do not practice these things. Only I practice them. Therefore it says, ‘What difficulties exist for me?’ ” I would refute these claims as follows: Huang Kan’s interpretation makes Confucius seem too humble, while Xing Bing’s makes Confucius seem too arrogant. 2) Ogyu argued, “Considering how gong and qing are joined as a term here, this remark seems to have been made with a perspective of the shi-​officials serving a dynasty. Gong cannot be rendered as the lord of states. The shi-​officials who served a feudal lord were not allowed to mention gong in conjunction with qing.” Dazai Jun disagreed, saying, “Zuo’s Commentary contains a line that reads, ‘If the lord and ministers [公卿] expose their licentiousness . . . ’ (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 22:16a). Here gong refers to Duke Ling of Chen [陳 靈公, r.  613–​599 bce], and qing refers to Chen’s two great officials.104 It is not necessarily true that the shi-​officials who served a feudal lord were not allowed to mention gong in conjunction with qing. Also, ‘Shao yi’ says, ‘When joining the lords and ministers [公卿] in mourning, one should declare that he would listen to Si tu 司徒 for all affairs’ (Li ji zhushu, 35:3a). This remark also pertains to rituals of the states of the feudal lords.”105 In my view, Dazai’s explanation is correct. * * * In the Zhou hierarchy, gong usually referred to the lords of feudal states, such as the dukes of the state of Lu. Like the ministers who served Zhou, they were inferior to the Zhou king, so it was fine to mention gong in conjunction with qing within the Zhou system. However, Confucius was a subject of a feudal lord. Thus it would have been inappropriate for him to mention gong together with qing, if gong referred to the lords of feudal states, including his own lord. However, gong can also refer to the three chancellors [三公: 太師, 太傅, 太保]—​ especially, in this chapter, deputy chancellors [少師, 少傅, 少保], who were also He continued, “Another theory suggests that it was intended to ask, ‘If people are able to practice these things, why would they need to follow me?’ ” 104 They were Kong Ning 孔寧 and Yi Hangfu 儀行父. Chen was the state of a feudal lord. 105 He continued, “Another commentator asserted, ‘Yan yi 燕義’ contains the following remark: ‘[In drinking rituals] do not invite gong qing as your guest, but invite great officials as your guests’ (Li ji zhushu, 62:22b). On this Zheng Xuan commented, ‘Gong here refers to the deputy chancellor [孤]’ (62:23a). I suspect that [gong in] gong qing in this chapter of the Analects is also related to the state of those high chancellors [上公].” 103

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called gu 孤 (solitary) because they did not have subordinates in their offices. If gong in the main passage signifies these chancellors, it was not problematic to mention gong together with qing. This discussion could only come out of such a hierarchy-​sensitive society as Japan. Dazai Jun here seems to refute his master’s interpretation, which he rarely did. However, he does not fail to show his deference to Ogyu, saying eventually (after introducing “another commentator’s assertion,” quoted in a note above) that he was not sure whether his and Ogyu’s theory was correct. That Dasan paid special attention to this discussion could buttress a claim that Dasan was interested in maintaining the social hierarchy of Joseon.

9.17 The Master, standing by a stream, said, “What goes by is like this. It never stops day or night!” 子在川上曰; 逝者如斯夫. 不舍晝夜! 9.17.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: “What goes by” here indicates one’s life. From the moment of birth to death, it goes by all the time.106 2) I  supplement as follows:  Si 斯 (“this”) here indicates the stream; she 舍 (“stops”) means to stop and cease. 3) Xing Bing commented, “On observing the stream running by quickly and irreversibly, Confucius was inspired to make this exclamation.” 9.17.2 Arguments 1) Bao Xian remarked, “[The first sentence states that] what goes away is like the flow of a stream.” Regarding the nature of “what goes by,” commentators have not provided a clear explanation. Would they suggest that it refers to the light and darkness of the sun and the moon [time]? “Light and darkness” here means day and night. If it refers to day and night, the sentence “It never stops day or night” has no deeper implications. Or, would they suggest that it refers to the mechanics of change and generation by Heaven and Earth and that the operation of the sound movements of the heavenly bodies never stops day or night? In actuality, [the movements of ] the Way of Heaven are circular, so the Way always returns after departing. It does not bear analogy with the flow of a stream, which never returns once it has gone away. Thus this interpretation is not without its flaws. Only my life continues to go by without stopping even in the moment I breathe, just as a person riding a light cart moves down the hill continuously without stopping. “The noble 106

“Qin feng 秦風” says, “If you go away [逝], you will get old” (Mao Shi zhushu, 11:3b).

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person proceeds toward virtues and endeavors to attain social merits. This is because he wishes to be in harmony with the time that he is given” (Zhou Yi zhushu, 1:22a). Nevertheless, today’s learners always forget about this dynamic. Our Master gives a reminder here for that reason.107 2) Wang Yinglin remarked, “Chu ci bianzheng 楚辭辯證 contends, ‘According to Hong Xingzu 洪興祖 (1090–​1155), who quotes Yan Shigu, she means to stop or cease. The terms wu she 屋舍 and ci she 次舍 also use she with this meaning. The expression bu she zhou ya 不舍晝夜 in the Analects also means that it never stops in the morning and in the evening. Even though people today assume she means to abandon, they are incorrect.’ Chu ci bianzheng was written by Master Zhu in his later years. His explanation [in Chu ci bianzheng] should be accepted” (Kun xue ji wen, 7:15a). * * * Dasan states that commentators have not provided a “clear,” in other words acceptable, explanation of the nature of “what goes by.” Bao Xian in Lun yu jijie (Zheng Xuan in Lun yu yishu) commented that it implies all things that are passing. Following this line of thought, readers can specify what goes by, on the condition that it passes away and does not return. Zhu Xi’s specification did not satisfy this condition. He held that what goes by, here, consists of the changes of Heaven and Earth. As Zhu Xi admitted, they include movements of departing and returning. Without revealing the target of his criticism, Dasan rejects this view. To Xing Bing, it meant temporal events: they are irreversible once they occur. This specification satisfies the condition and is persuasive because it invokes events and situations Confucius had to confront in his life. Dasan does not mention this view. Huang Kan’s opinion was close to Dasan’s. Asserting that Confucius here laments the passing of time given to people [人年], Huang Kan introduced similar comments by Jiang Xi (passing of time) from Western Jin and Sun Chuo 孫綽 (years and time) from Eastern Jin. Dasan repudiates these views. However, depending on how one interprets their implications, they may or may not lead to the syntactical problem Dasan points out above. In any case, rejecting these views, Dasan also specifies what goes by: that is, one’s life. This is, indeed, a subjective opinion, lacking adequate evidence, revealing his sentiment rather than his philosophy. Upon learning that it is listed in his “Original Meanings,” one may wonder what qualifies this opinion for its entry into the list and whether it was truly prepared by Dasan himself.

9.18 The Master said, “I have never seen a person who loves virtue as he loves beautiful women.” 子曰; 吾未見好德如好色者也. Mencius says, “A fountain that has a source gushes out, never stopping day or night” (Mengzi jizhu, 4B:6). Note, however, that the point of Mencius’s remark is not necessarily related to the above passage. 107

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9.18.1 Grounds 1) He Yan commented, “Confucius made this remark because he disliked that his contemporaries belittled virtue but valued beautiful women.”108 2) Xu Fenpeng commented, “To love virtue pertains to the Dao-mind; to love beautiful women pertains to the human mind. People consider matters pertinent to the human mind sincerely, but matters pertinent to the Daomind, indifferently” (unknown source).

9.19 The Master said, “Take building a mountain for example. Even if it is not completed for want of one basket of earth, it stops because I  stop. Take leveling the ground for example. Even if only one basket of earth is dumped, it progresses because I move forward.”109 子曰; 譬如爲山, 未成一簣, 止, 吾止也. 譬如平地, 雖覆一簣, 進, 吾往也. 9.19.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: “Building a mountain” means to build an artificial mountain by heaving up earth. 2) Bao Xian commented, “Kui 簣 (‘basket of earth’) refers to an earth basket [filled with earth].” 3) I supplement as follows: Fu 覆 (‘dumped’) means to turn a basket over to dump earth.110 4) I  supplement as follows:  “I” here indicates a man who is building a mountain. Even if the project stops when it is about to finish soon, it is I who makes it stop. Even if it progresses from nothing through my effort, it is I who makes it progress. This remark is a metaphor for the project of “advancing toward virtues and endeavoring to attain social merits” (Zhou Yi zhushu, 1:22a). 9.19.2 Arguments 1) Bao Xian argued, “[This chapter states that] I  do not honor those who give up in the middle of a project, even if they have achieved many merits earlier.”111 Ma Rong also argued, “[This chapter states that] I do not belittle

Master Zhu added, “According to Shi ji, when Confucius stayed in the state of Wei, Duke Ling rode in a carriage with his wife and asked Confucius to take one that followed it. When he saw them raising a fuss as they passed through a market, Confucius thought they were ugly. So he made this remark.” 109 Fu 覆 (“dumped”) here should be read in the checked tone [入聲]. 110 Changes says, “One pours [覆] gruel for the duke” (Zhou Yi zhushu, 8:35b). 111 He continued, “On seeing that their aspiration would not be accomplished, I do not endorse them.” 108

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those who begin to dump one basket of earth, even if they have achieved few merits earlier.”112 I would refute these claims as follows: Master Zhu explained, “That it stops and that it progresses hinges on me, not on others.” 2) “Lü ao 旅獒” from Documents of Mei Ze says, “Even if one were to make a mountain nine fathoms high, his merit can remain unaccomplished for want of one basket of earth” (Shang Shu zhushu, 12:6b). According to my investigation, Mencius says, “The project of building something high starts with a mound or a hill” (Mengzi jizhu, 4A:6). “Da Si yue 大司樂” in Rites of Zhou also says, “During the winter solstice, play music on the mound of Heaven [圜丘] built upon the ground. . . . [D]‌uring the summer solstice, play music on the square mound [方丘] built in a marsh” (Zhou li zhushu, 22:17a). These remarks are germane to the subject of building a mountain by heaving up earth. 3) Chuo geng lu says, “Mt. Wan sui [萬歲山] is located north of the pond Tai ye [太液池] in the imperial city. People called it Qing hua island [瓊花島] during the Jin dynasty. In the third year of the Zhongtong 中統 era (1260–​ 1264), it was repaired. Inside, slabs of Ling long 玲瓏 crystal were piled up in layers like mountains, delicately reflecting pine and cypress trees. The scenery there is magnificent and remarkable, as if it were made by Heaven” (Chuo geng lu 輟耕錄, 1:22b).113 4) I explore the textual differences as follows: Kui appears as gui 匱 (to lack) in “Li yue zhi 禮樂志” in Han shu (see Qian Han shu, 22:9a) and a comment on “Wang Mang zhuan 王莽傳 [班固傳 in all editions of Noneo gogeum ju] in Han shu [Hou Han shu in all editions of Noneo gogeum ju] (see 99A:49b). In line with this, Tong ya says, “The term yi kui 一簣 sometimes appears as yi gui 一匱, yi kuai 一塊, or yi gui 一㙺” (Tong ya 通雅, 8:24a).114 In my view, the explanation from Tong ya is incorrect. * * * Dasan seems to have referred to Peiwen yunfu for the record in “Ruan Xiaoxu zhuan” because he repeats its mistake, stating that this biography came from Nan shi 南史 (see Yu ding peiwen yunfu, 15.2:29b), when it actually came from Liang shi. The passage from Chuo geng lu that Dasan quotes, a description of Beihai 北 海 park (still in Beijing today), is accurate. It is also likely that Dasan consulted Rongo kogun gaiden for his exploration of the textual differences because he, again,

He continued, “On seeing that they hope to make progress, I endorse them.” “Ruan Xiaoxu zhuan 阮孝緒傳” in Liang shi [南史 in all editions of Noneo gogeum ju] says, “Even when playing with children, Ruan Xiaoxu (479–​536) always took pleasure in digging in the ground and making a mound by heaving up earth” (Liang shi 梁史, 51:11b). 114 “Mingtang wei 明堂位” introduces a phrase, “Earthen drum and drumstick made of grass [蕢桴]” (Li ji zhushu, 31:20a). On this Zheng Xuan commented, “Gui 蕢 (grass) here should be replaced with kuai 塊 (earth). This erratum can be blamed on the similarity of the sounds of the two characters” (31:20a). 112 113

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repeats its mistake, stating that Yan Shigu’s comment, which he quotes above, appears in “Ban Gu zhuan” in Hou Han shu, when it actually appears in “Wang Mang zhuan” in Han shu. Thus it can be confirmed that Peiwen yunfu and Rongo kogun gaiden were two sources for Dasan’s citations of rarely used texts here.

9.20 The Master said, “The one who does not become negligent when I talk is indeed Hui!” 子曰; 語之而不惰者, 其回也與! 9.20.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Bu duo 不惰 (“does not become negligent”) means that Yan Hui, cheerful and diligent, did not become indolent when he heard Our Master’s remarks. 9.20.2 Arguments 1) He Yan argued, “Since Yan Hui understood what Confucius said, he did not become negligent when Confucius spoke; since the others did not understand what he said, they sometimes had moments of talking negligently.”115 In line with this, Mao Qiling contended that the expression yu zhi er bu duo 語之而不惰 (“not being negligent while talking” in Mao’s interpretation) implied that Yan Hui did not become weary while teaching. He said, “When he listened to his father teaching about flattery, Chen Jian 陳咸 (fl. 15) pretended to sleep and hit the wind screen with his head. Another example is how Zeng Dian 曾點 ambitiously overheard the three masters’ [Zi Lu, Ran You, and Gongxi Hua: see Lun yu jizhu, 11:25] statements without finishing his playing of the Chinese zither. [These are examples of becoming negligent while listening to one’s teacher, so] it would be incorrect to argue that only Hui was able to avoid becoming negligent while listening to Confucius, in contrast to other disciples. According to ‘Xue ji,’ long ago a teacher would often observe his students without giving a lecture. Only when they failed to understand despite their efforts, would the teacher give them a lecture. If they still did not understand even after the lecture, the teacher would abandon them (see Li ji zhushu, 36:22b). ‘Abandoning students’ here is equivalent to ‘being negligent while talking’ in the main passage” (Si shu gai cuo, 15:20b). I would refute this as follows: He Yan’s interpretation is not acceptable, so Xing Bing did not follow it despite seeming to have done otherwise. Nevertheless, Xiaoshan 蕭山 [Mao Xing Bing added, “Since the others could not understand what Our Master said, they sometimes became negligent when Our Master spoke.” 115

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Qiling] attempted to reiterate He’s view through a willful argument. Isn’t this distorted? The Master said, “Hui . . . is delighted with whatever I say” (Lun yu jizhu, 11:4). Saying that one “does not become negligent when I talk” is similar to saying that one is delighted with whatever I say.

9.21 The Master said of Yan Yuan, “Alas! I saw him moving forward. I never saw him stop.” 子謂顔淵曰; 惜乎! 吾見其進也, 未見其止也. 9.21.1 Grounds 1) Xing Bing commented, “Yan Hui died young, so Confucius lamented his death later.”116 2) I supplement as follows: Confucius felt regret because Yan Yuan’s progress had no limit.

9.22 The Master said, “There are some sprouts that do not grow enough to flower! There are some flowers that do not grow enough to bear fruit!” 子曰; 苗而不秀者有矣夫! 秀而不實者有矣夫! 9.22.1 Grounds 1) Master Zhu commented, “Miao 苗 (‘sprouts’) is the first form of growth for seed grains; xiu 秀 (‘to flower’) means to produce blossoms; shi 實 (‘to bear fruit’) means to produce fruit.” 2) Kong Anguo commented, “This passage states that some lives, among so many, do not grow sufficiently. Through this metaphor, Confucius taught that people were not exceptional for this.” 3) Xing Bing commented, “Confucius also made this remark, using this metaphor, because he felt deep regret over Yan Hui’s early death.” 9.22.2 Arguments 1) Chen Li argued, “Someone contended that in this chapter Confucius was expressing his regret about Master Yan. However, this is incorrect” (Lun yu jizhu daquan, 9:29b). I would refute this as follows: Wu Cheng 吳程 (?) explained, “Wei 謂 (‘of’) is here synonymous with lun 論 (to discuss). Another example of this use of wei appears in a chapter of ‘Yong ya 雍也,’ which says, ‘The Master said of Zhong Gong 仲弓 . . . ’ (Lun yu jizhu, 6:4; 6.5 in Noneo gogeum ju)” (unknown source). 116

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[According to Chen Li’s idea] although Master Yan died young, he accomplished his virtue. If Confucius were expressing regret about Master Yan in this chapter, this interpretation would likely lead one to suspect that Master Yan was not able to accomplish his virtue. Thus Chen Li did not follow Xing Bing’s understanding. However, Our Master’s remark here concerns the principle of Heaven and Earth in the generation of things. Even when Heaven bestows life upon man, it may not give him enough time, preventing him from developing and greatening his life. As a result, it is said, “Heaven is difficult to rely on” (Shang Shu zhushu, 7:37b). If one understands that this chapter is about learning [as seen in Zhu Xi’s interpretation], the remark becomes plain and tasteless, showing a lack of delicacy in the expression of a mixture of feelings—​of discontent, regret, and restlessness. * * * In Dasan’s eyes, neo-​Confucians’ respect for Yan Yuan was so extreme that, in this chapter, they dared to challenge Confucius’s teachings on the principle of Heaven and Earth in the generation of things, in attempting to eliminate an otherwise negligible sign of Yan Yuan’s imperfection. Following the old commentary, Dasan did not accept this neo-​Confucian interpretation. What is more intriguing is that he used the philosophical concept “the principle of Heaven and Earth in the generation of things [天地生物之理]” differently from the corresponding neo-​Confucian “principle.” Whereas neo-​Confucian scholars never failed to infuse this principle with ontological and deontological implications whenever they used it, in Dasan’s use of the principle here, it seems merely to refer to a natural law or condition that is repeatedly and empirically observed in people’s lives. It appears to be ethically neutral, or indifferent to human ethics, demonstrating no transcendental orientation toward morality. As confirmed through many of his interpretations in the preceding chapters, of course, Dasan also uses the notion “principle” in his ethical writings. However, he is opposed to invoking it in genealogical, ontological, and epistemological discussions because it does not convey any substantial meaning in these areas of debate. Rather, it disrupts people in their practice of morals by indulging them in endless, if not aimless, examinations of its meaning at an abstract level of investigation. Due to this aspect of the so-​called learning of principle (that is, neo-​Confucianism), he does not endorse abstract ontological notions of neo-​Confucianism (such as the “original thus-​ness of human inborn nature,” which is paralleled by the physio-​psychic aspect of human inborn nature, and “the one principle,” which is paralleled by diversified principles). Still, he often employs the notion “principle” for a variety of other kinds of arguments. In order to clarify this point—​that he finds a use for this notion only in relation to practical issues—​I have suggested that Dasan’s philosophy be defined as the “learning of practical principle.”

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Neo-​Confucian scholars had their own reasons for employing the notion “principle” in their ontological and even genealogical discourses:  by doing so—​that is, by making “principle” a divine conceptual existence—​they wished to demonstrate how imperative and sublime is the need to put the human moral order into practice. Thus when Dasan refuses to accept neo-​Confucian metaphysics, he needs to explain what compels people to practice morals. Put differently, he needs to propose his own metaphysics—​a theory of the relationship between the one and the many—​because he was also a deontologist who insisted that people should follow certain moral principles. And for this discussion, Heaven plays a crucial role in Dasan’s philosophy: all things, including human beings, are generated by Heaven, the pure good, so those who can understand Heaven’s intention should follow the heavenly morals that mirror the nature of Heaven. This may be conceived as another metaphysics, of course. Since Dasan does not even attempt to state his “metaphysics” in a logical manner or in detail, however, it would not be amiss to suggest that his “metaphysical” ideas convey a religious perspective.

9.23 The Master said, “Those who were born later are frightening. How do we know that what is to come will not be equal to the present? If they remain unheard of even at forty or fifty, they will no longer be frightening.” 子曰; 後生可畏, 焉知來者之不如今也? 四十五十而無聞焉, 斯亦不足畏 也已. 9.23.1 Grounds 1) He Yan commented, “ ‘Those who were born later’ refers to young people.”117 2) Xing Bing commented, “Young people can accomplish their virtue through an accumulation of learning. Thus they are truly frightening.” 3) I supplement as follows: “The present” indicates the period when Confucius met with his disciples.118 4) Xing Bing commented, “Wu wen (‘they remain unheard of’) means that no one hears of their beautiful reputation.” 9.23.2 Arguments 1) Xing Bing argued, “[The question in the main passage asks] how do we know the Way and virtue of the future are not equal to those in our present?” I would refute this as follows: In a like manner, old people are called “those who were born earlier [先生].” Since many disciples always believed that they were in a prosperous period, Confucius made this remark. 117

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Our Master compares himself with young fellows born later with respect to their virtue, power, strength, and weakness. Is Xing’s interpretation compatible with principle [理]? ) Wang Yangming 王陽明 (王守仁, 1472–​1529) argued, “Wu wen means that 2 they do not hear of the Way: it does not mean that no reputation is heard of” (Wang Wencheng quanshu 王文成全書, 1:52a).119 I would disagree with this interpretation. 3) For a classical text that pertains to the main passage, see Da Dai Li ji.120

9.24 The Master said, “Who cannot give assent to words of legitimate admonition? But their value lies in rectifying errors. Who cannot be pleased with words of deferential help? But their value lies in making continuous accomplishments possible. Those who give assent to them but do not rectify their errors and those who are pleased with them but fail to continuously accomplish something—​I can do nothing for them.” 子曰; 法語之言, 能無從乎? 改之爲貴. 巽與之言, 能無說乎? 繹之爲貴. 說而不繹, 從而不改, 吾末如之何也已矣. 9.24.1 Grounds 1) I  supplement as follows:  Fa yu 法語 (“legitimate admonition”) indicates words that guide people to laws by revealing their errors;121 xun yu 巽與 (“deferential help”) indicates words that tenderly give assistance.122 If the words are faultless, will even evil people not be able to give immediate assent to them?123 If the words are sufficiently respectful, will even evil people not be able to be pleased with them at the moment?124 2) I supplement as follows: Gai 改 (“to rectify errors”) here means to correct one’s faults; yi 繹 (“to continuously accomplish”) here means to continue to achieve greater things [guided by advice].125 9.24.2 Arguments 1) Ma Rong argued, “Xun 巽 is here synonymous with gong 恭 (polite). [Xun yu indicates] words full of politeness and respect.”126 I would disagree with this interpretation. Wang Chongjian 王崇簡 (1602–​1678) also has this view. See “Zengzi li shi” (Da Dai Li ji, 4:10a, 8–​10b, 1). [“Xiu shen 修身” in Lun yu zhushu] 121 Kong Anguo commented, “This means to show others the right way when they make errors.” 122 Yu 與 is here synonymous with zhu 助 (to help). 123 Feeling inferior before rightness, they cannot help but give assent to them. 124 With the words spoken politely, they cannot help but be pleased with them. 125 This may be likened to the spinning of threads, which helps produce them continuously. 126 Huang Kan added, “It means that one politely converses with other people, holding onto his humility, even when they are impolite.” 119

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2) Zheng Xuan argued, “Yi 繹 is here synonymous with chen 陳 (to display).”127 Xing Bing supplemented this, saying, “Yi here conveys the same meaning as yi in the expression xun yu 尋繹 (to ponder).”128 I  would refute these claims as follows: Xun 尋 originally meant to reheat things getting cold, and yi 繹 is a word that describes silk thread continuously coming out of a spinning wheel. What message is this ambiguous combination of these two words intended to deliver? 3) Wang Guantao 王觀濤 (fl. Ming dynasty) explained, “The expression neng wu 能無 (‘who cannot’) implies that there is no such a case. If the words are legitimate, one cannot evade them, defying the moral principle; if the words are polite, one cannot reject them, defying human emotion” (unknown source). In my view, this explanation is truly exquisite. 4) I explore the textual differences as follows: Fang yan by Master Yang [揚雄] says, “Quan 悛 and yi 懌 both mean to rectify. In the regions east of the Taihang 太行 mountains, some use quan while others use yi to convey this meaning” (Fang yan 方言, 6:7b). Guo Pu 郭璞 (276–​324) commented, “The Analects says, ‘Those who are pleased with them but do not rectify their errors [悅而不懌] . . . ’ ” (6:7b). As I understand, Guo Pu’s comment was incorrect.

9.25 The Master said, “Take as your mainstay being wholehearted and trustworthy, and do not befriend those who are not as good as you. When you have faults, do not be reluctant to correct them.” 子曰; 主忠信, 毋友不如己者, 過則勿憚改. 9.25.1 Grounds 1) Xing Bing commented, “[Book One] ‘Xue er 學而’ already presents this passage. It appears twice since the recorders were different.” 9.25.2 Arguments 1) He Yan argued, “[This passage means that] one should be discreet in choosing people whom one keeps close to or befriends.”129 I disagree with this interpretation, as I  stated in one of the previous chapters (Lun yu jizhu, 1:8).

See Shi wen (Jingdian shi wen, 24:13a). He continued, “It is valuable to put into practice, without exception, what one discovers by pondering the words.” 129 Xing Bing added, “In general, the people I keep close to should be those who strive to be wholehearted and trustworthy.” 127

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9.26 The Master said, “You can deprive the three armies of their commander-​ in-​chief, but you cannot deprive a man of his will.” 子曰; 三軍可奪帥也, 匹夫不可奪志也. 9.26.1 Grounds 1) Xing Bing commented, “Twelve thousand five hundred soldiers constitute one army. Shuai 帥 (‘commander-​in-​chief’) is here synonymous with jiang 將 (general).”130 2) I supplement as follows: Pi fu 匹夫 (“a man”) refers to a man.131 3) Kong Anguo commented, “Despite [the power of ] large numbers, people’s minds are not uniform. So their commander-​in-​chief can be robbed.”132 4) I supplement as follows: The statement “you cannot deprive a man of his will” is another way of saying that “[The great man] cannot be undone by wealth and honors, nor can he be thrown off course by poverty and lowliness, nor will he succumb to threats and the use of force” (Mengzi jizhu, 3B:2). 9.26.2 Arguments 1) Xing Bing argued, “Pi fu refers to a commoner. Those who are above the rank of the shi-​officials and the great officials have concubines and maid-​ wives. In contrast, due to their lowly status, a commoner is only coupled [匹] with a husband or a wife. Thus a commoner is called pi fu.” I would refute this as follows: Zhan Ganquan 湛甘泉 (湛若水, 1466–​1560) explained, “At one point, this passage compares pi fu with the three armies. Pi fu here is equivalent to one man and does not imply lowliness” (unknown source). This explanation is correct. The term pi fu pi fu 匹夫匹婦 is equal to the term “one husband and one wife [一夫一婦].”133 2) Fu Guang 輔廣 (fl. 1205–​1207) stated, “One’s will does not exist outside oneself” (Lun yu jizhu daquan, 9:32b). I believe that Mencius’s remark “One’s will is the commander-​in-​chief of the vital force” (Mengzi jizhu, 2A:2) might have been inspired by this chapter.

9.27 The Master said, “Dressed in a shabby, hemp-​padded coat but not embarrassed when standing by a man dressed in fox or marten fur—​that

A large state is equipped with three armies. One horse is also called pi ma 匹馬. 132 Hou Zhongliang 侯仲良 (fl. 1100–​1130) supplemented this, saying, “The bravery of the three armies lies in others; the will of a man lies in me” (Lun yu jizhu, 5:7a). 133 Li Gongtong 李崆峒 (fl. Ming dynasty) also agreed with this comment. 130 131

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would be You! ‘Neither jealous nor covetous, how could he do what is not good?’ ” Zi Lu recited this poem all his life. The Master said, “How could this way be sufficient for doing what is good?” 子曰; 衣敝縕袍, 與衣狐貉者立, 而不恥者, 其由也與! 不忮不求, 何用不 臧? 子路終身誦之. 子曰; 是道也, 何足以臧? 9.27.1 Grounds 1) Master Zhu commented, “Bi 敝 (‘shabby’) is here synonymous with huai 壞 (ruined).” 2) Kong Anguo commented, “Yun 縕 (‘hemp-​padded’) means to pad clothes [著] with hemp.”134 3) Master Zhu commented, “Pao 袍 (‘coat’) refers to a padded upper garment.”135 4) I supplement as follows: “He 貉 (‘marten’) resembles a fox but falls asleep more frequently.136 The fox and marten furs are among the finer furs.” 5) Li Hongzu 李閎祖 (fl. thirteenth century) commented, “Zhi 忮 (‘jealous’) means to envy others for their possessions; qiu 求 (‘covetous’) means to be ashamed for possessing nothing” (Lun yu jizhu daquan, 9:33b).137 6) I supplement as follows: What people desire is no more than riches, honors, relaxation, and pleasure. People become jealous when others possess much more than they do and abashed when they themselves possess nothing. All evils arise from these attitudes. Therefore the main passage seems to say, ‘Having none of these attitudes, how could one do what is not good?’ ”138 7) Xing Bing commented, “Confucius was citing a poem,’ ‘Xiong zhi 雄雉,’ from ‘Bei feng.’ ” Master Zhu added, “Confucius cited it to praise Zi Lu.”139 8) I supplement as follows: The phrase “all his life [終身]” is synonymous with “always.”140 If one were to stop at the state of not being jealous or covetous, it would merely lead him to eradicate the evil.141 Thus the main passage says, “How could this way be sufficient for doing what is good?”

Xing Bing added, “This means to pad a coat with hemp of various qualities.” Zhao Shunsun also supplemented this, saying, “[The so-​called hemp here] refers to the fiber of hemp or ramie that is used today. It can be put in the space between the inner and outer layers of a garment” (Lun yu jizhu daquan, 9:33a). 135 Inserting cotton into an upper garment is called padding. 136 “Kao gong ji 考工記” contains a line that says, “Martens die [in the region south of the Wen 汶 river] if they cross the Wen river” (Zhou li zhushu, 39:7a). 137 Ma Rong annotated, “Zhi is here synonymous with hai 害 (to harm).” 138 Ma Rong annotated, “Zang 臧 (‘good’) is here synonymous with shan 善 (good).” 139 As I understand, the attitude “not embarrassed when standing [by a man dressed in fox or marten fur]” demonstrates the fact that Zi Lu was neither jealous nor covetous. 140 Mencius says, “In good years, they eat to the full all their lives [終身]” (Mengzi jizhu, 1A:7). 141 It can be compared to having no flattery or arrogance. It is still inferior to the state of enjoying the Way and loving ritual propriety. 134

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9.27.2 Arguments 1) Xing Bing argued, “ ‘Yu zao’ says, ‘[The shi-​officials] make the jian 繭 coat142 with new floss silk [纊]; they make the pao 袍 coat with new or used cotton [縕]’ ” (Li ji zhushu, 29:30b). Regarding this subject, Zheng Xuan had contended, “An upper garment is given different names according to its padding. The word that appears here, kuang, was used for what we, today, call new floss silk, and the word yun was used for what we, today, call new or used cotton” (29:30b).143 I would refute these claims as follows: The explanations given by Zheng Xuan and Chen Hao [which appear in a note below] are incorrect. Is it compatible with the principle [理] to give an upper garment different names according to the quality of cotton, either new or used? If the word kuang referred to a product made of silken threads formed through sericulture, the word yun must have referred to a product different from it. However, the fiber of hemp is inefficient for preserving heat. Thus some have suspected that the word yun may have referred to animal’s hair and that, since it was used to stuff garments with, a coat stuffed with it was eventually called yun.144 [If this is true] due to this fact, Confucius might have coupled the fox or marten fur with the word yun in his comparative remark. For now, I  will follow Kong’s comment, however, since I do not have evidence for this speculation. 2) Hu Bingwen 胡炳文 (1250–​1333) argued, “In ‘Li yun 禮運 [禮韻 in all editions of Noneo gogeum ju: 禮韻 in a quotation of Hu’s comment in Lun yu jizhu daquan; see Lun yu jizhu daquan 9:33a.],’ the word zhu 貯 (to accumulate) appears to be interchangeable with zhu 著 [which Kong Anguo uses in his comment above], which again appears to be interchangeable with zhu 褚 (to pad clothes) and zhu (an article of clothing padded with floss silk). These characters all indicate an upper garment filled with floss silk” (Lun yu tong 論語通, 5:25b). According to my investigations, “Shi sang li 士喪禮” says, “On the ceremonial cloth that covers the deceased person’s hands . . . [t]‌ying strings are placed [著]” (Yi li zhushu, 12:17a). Current dictionaries explain that this character should be read in the checked tone [and thus it is pronounced zhuo, not zhu]. 3) Ogyu argued, “In this chapter, the part that follows the phrase ‘neither jealous’ should be separated to form another chapter.” I would refute this as follows: Not being embarrassed, even when dressed in a shabby coat while standing by a person dressed in fox or marten fur truly demonstrates the attitude of a person who is “neither jealous nor covetous.” Thus Confucius

It is sometimes called the jian 襺 coat. Chen Hao supplemented this, saying, “The word kuang refers to new floss silk; the word yun refers to used cotton” (Chen shi Li ji ji shuo, 6:9b). 144 If animal’s hair is visible on the exterior of a coat, it is called fur [裘]; if it is stuffed into the space inside, it is called yun. 142 143

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cited this poem to praise Zi Lu, which pleased Zi Lu, who then recited the poem in turn. What distinctive teaching or style justifies the separation of the aforementioned part to form another chapter? * * * Dasan’s discussion in this chapter demonstrates his engagement with the so-​ called Han Learning. Neo-​Confucian scholars usually blamed the decline of the Confucian tradition on the predilection of Han Learning for investigating the meanings of words and phrases—​an excessive consumption of scholarly energy. To underscore their own understanding of the true purpose of one’s learning in Confucianism—​cultivation of one’s inner virtue and accomplishment of outer merits—​they defined Han scholarship as “studies in the annotation of insects and commentary on birds.” Dasan indulges himself here in a discussion on the meaning of one word, yun. According to various opinions, this word can convey five different meanings: (1) to pad a coat with hemp (Kong Anguo); (2)  cotton either used or new (Zheng Xuan); (3)  used cotton (Chen Hao); (4) to pad a coat with hemp or floss silk (Hu Bingwen); and (5) a coat stuffed with animal’s hair (Dasan or unknown commentator). In relation to the apparent nature of Dasan’s philosophy, Learning of Practical Principle in my explication, it is intriguing to see that he rejected some of these views because they are not compatible with the principle. A major reason that this discussion proves closely aligned with Han Learning is that the diverse explanations of the meaning of yun do not convey distinctive understandings of Confucius’s teaching in this chapter: no matter what it is taken to mean, in every case it is assumed that Zi Lu is wearing a shabby coat. Zhu Xi simply followed Kong’s comment, without engaging himself in this philological debate—​probably because he did not see the need for doing so. Had Dasan merely shown throughout Noneo gogeum ju a consistent tendency to examine exhaustively the accurate meanings of words or phrases that are not necessarily key concepts, his examination of one character, yun, would have entitled him to membership in the school of Han Learning. (Dazai Jun’s school of “learning of the ancient literature and words” is usually aligned with this intention.) There are a sufficient number of Dasan’s discussions, however, to support his characterization as a moralist, a deontologist, a ritualist, and even a neo-​Confucian. In this light, his philological discussion here thus demonstrates that he was a synthesizer whose ultimate goal was to create a syncretic perspective as a contribution to the theoretical progress of Confucianism. One of the more significant interpretations Dasan gives here persuasively explains why Confucius retracted his statement, expressing approval of Zi Lu’s self-​confidence, after he learned that Zi Li always recited the poem: according to Dasan, Confucius had only agreed on the point that Zi Li would not do evil deeds, not on the point that he was poised to practice the utmost virtues. In contrast to Dasan’s comment, Confucius’s last remark above has conventionally

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been regarded as a general criticism of Zi Lu’s reckless bravery, especially by commentators who were not shy about expressing their partiality for the “legitimate” disciples of Confucius over others, such as Zi Lu.

9.28 The Master said, “Only when the year becomes cold do we realize that the pine and the cypress fade later.” [This chapter opens the fifteenth roll of Noneo gogeum ju in traditional bookbinding, which also includes the first four chapters of “Zi han.”] 子曰; 歲寒然後, 知松柏之後彫也. 9.28.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Sui han 歲寒 (“the year becomes cold”) indicates when leaves turn yellow and fall once the winter comes. Diao 彫 (“fade”) is here synonymous with cui 瘁 (to wither) and ling 零 (ruined). 2) He Yan commented, “In an orderly society, normal people are also able to achieve self-​cultivation and moderation, like noble people. Only after societal disorder sets in can we discern noble people’s uprightness.” 9.28.2 Arguments 1) He Yan argued, “In a year with a great cold wave, normal trees die. Only after such an experience do people come to notice that few of the pine and cypress trees have faded or been damaged. In normal years, many trees can survive the cold.” I would refute this as follows: In a year with a great cold wave, many of the pine and bamboo trees die while other trees survive. Trees that still thrive during the winter [such as the pine and the bamboo] do not reduce the circulation of their energy even when acclimating to the cold, so they receive the greatest damage. The other trees make their vital energy go down below the surface of the earth so that they do not receive harm. Is He Yan’s theory compatible with the principle [理]? 2) Xie Zhaozhi 謝肇淛 (1567–​1624) explained, “That ‘the pine and the cypress fade later’ does not mean that they never fade. They just fade later in comparison with other trees. Normal trees drop their leaves at the beginning of winter and come into leaf at the beginning of spring. Although the pine and the cypress start growing new leaves in the spring, their old leaves turn yellow and fall only after the new leaves grow full. For this reason, some of the flowering plants in the southern region still have their old leaves. This observation shows that the sage’s adoption of even a single character was not made groundlessly.”145 145

See Wu za zu 五雜組 (quoted in Rongo kogun gaiden).

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According to my investigation, “Li qi” says, “The pine and the cypress do not change their boughs and leaves throughout the four seasons” (Li ji zhushu, 23:1b). Its accuracy in observing the nature of things is inferior to that of the Analects of Lu [魯論, that is, the extant edition of the Analects]. * * * In his repudiation of He Yan’s comment, Dasan, characteristically, asks whether it is compatible with the principle. It seems he believed that his implicit answer to this question would lead others to agree about the alleged defects of the theory under discussion, probably under the assumption that they shared his principle. In the sense that he “believed” that the principle existed and was shared, it bears comparison with elements of religion. On the other hand, in this context, his question implies the need for an examination of whether a theory is reasonable or rational. Then this notion concerns reason or rationality, though not necessarily the kind that informs modern philosophy. As a matter of fact, the principle (“li”) of neo-​Confucianism already embodies this duality: it is a religious concept that was suggested by rationalists whose reason or rationality was often overshadowed by attributes of premodern society. They wished to avoid ontological and genealogical debate as much as possible because it sometimes led them away from the field of rational consideration of human relationships. In the end, however, when they had no choice but to engage in such debate, they could not help but infuse the concept with ontological and genealogical implications that appear religious. Despite his use of the neo-​Confucian notion of li, Dasan distinguished himself from neo-​Confucians by thoroughly denying its ontological and genealogical implications. He accepted only the former of its two decisive definitions (ethical laws and ontological ground), invoking Heaven when making ontological and genealogical claims. Although many may doubt that li (as ethical laws, according to Confucians like Dasan) is linked to “reason” or “rationality,” it is perceptible that Dasan believed so.

9.29 The Master said, “The man of wisdom is never confused; the man of humanity is never anxious; the man of courage is never fearful.” 子曰; 知者不惑, 仁者不憂, 勇者不懼. 9.29.1 Grounds 3) I  supplement as follows:  Being able to illuminate the principle with his brilliance, the man of wisdom is never confused;146 always taking joy in

146

This is Master Zhu’s comment.

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Heaven in his mind-​heart, the man of humanity is never anxious;147 being able to have his vitality coupled with rightness, the man of courage is never fearful.148

9.30 The Master said, “You can study together with others, and yet may not be able to proceed toward the Way together with them; you can proceed toward the Way together with others, and yet may not be able to stand together with them; you can stand together with others, and yet may not be able to weigh in moderation together with them.” 子曰; 可與共學, 未可與適道. 可與適道, 未可與立. 可與立, 未可與權. 9.30.1 Grounds 1) I  supplement as follows:  Endeavoring to attain social merits is called study;149 “to follow human inborn nature is called the Way” (Zhong yong zhangju, 1b).150 Since one can study together with others, Confucius could instruct others without negligence;151 since one may not be able to proceed together with others toward the Way, Confucius seldom spoke about the mandate of Heaven.152 2) I supplement as follows: Positioning oneself upright without movement is called li 立 (“to stand”);153 acquiring balance with the bar of a beam scale and weight is called quan 權 (“to weigh in moderation”);154 since the constant mean [中庸] is the utmost form of the Way, it says, “You can stand together with others, yet may not be able to weigh in moderation together with them.”155 9.30.2 Arguments 1) He Yan argued, “Some engage in heretical ideas when studying, so they cannot proceed toward the Way.” I would refute this as follows:

This is Master Cheng’s comment. This is Master Zhu’s comment. 149 Changes says, “The noble person proceeds toward virtues and endeavors to attain social merits” (Zhou Yi zhushu, 1:22a). 150 This is to reach the virtue of Heaven. 151 Poetry, Documents, and executive rituals were what Confucius usually discoursed on (see Lun yu jizhu, 7:17; 7.18 in Noneo gogeum ju). 152 Disciples could not listen to him talking about inborn nature and the Way of Heaven (see Lun yu jizhu, 5:12). 153 Confucius said that he stood firm at thirty (see Lun yu jizhu, 2:4). 154 The original meaning of quan is to find balance with a weight. 155 He Yan commented, “Although one may be able to stand, he is not always able to acquire delicacy in measuring heaviness and lightness.” 147

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Those who do not submit to heretical ideas can also stop proceeding toward the great Way, satisfied with small achievements. 2) He Yan commented, “Although one may be able to stand, he is not always able to acquire delicacy in measuring [權] heaviness and lightness.”156 Han Yu disagreed about this, saying, “Kong’s [He’s] remark does not address the meaning of this passage. Quan here is the same word that is often paired with jing 經 [權經: circumstantial judgments and normative actions in this context]. How can it refer to measuring heaviness and lightness?” Regarding this subject, Master Cheng explained, “Han Confucians regarded as quan what eventually conforms to the Way by being the opposite of jing. Due to this understanding, they developed a theory on making changes based on quan or strategies based on quan. These practices are not acceptable. Quan simply corresponds with jing. Since the Han dynasty, no one has understood the meaning of quan” (Lun yu jizhu, 5:8a).157 In my view, the notion quan was derived from an exquisite metaphor that the sage used. Imagine, if you will, a beam scale with five marks, which can weigh up to five liang 兩. If one liang silver is placed on the plate of the scale, the scale bar can achieve balance only if a weight is hung at the mark made for the mass of one liang. If three liang silver are placed on the plate, the weight cannot remain stuck at the mark for one liang:  the scale bar achieves balance only when the weight is moved to the mark for three liang. This would be the case for four liang and five liang silver, too. The cases in which Yu and Ji grew calluses on their palms and Yan Hui lived in seclusion exemplify the achievement of the mean [中] through suitable movement. Weisheng 尾生 was embracing the pillar [of a bridge when he died], and Bo Xi 伯姬 was sitting in her resident hall [when she died in a fire]: both were stuck performing certain actions and thereby failed to acquire the mean.158 The goal of quan [“weighing in moderation,” as translated in the main passage] should be the achievement of the constant mean. What the sage called “choosing the constant mean” (Zhong yong zhangju, 5a) is analogous to the work of a measuring man who chooses the proper mark for the weight to be stable. Those who discoursed on the Way in later periods all considered the constant mean to be jing, while regarding quan as the opposite of the constant mean. For that reason, not abiding by the protocols of mourning rituals came to be called quan; not following the custom of using refined expressions in funerals came to be called quan; committing Han Yu believed that this comment came from Kong Anguo. Gongyang zhuan says, “In the ninth month of the eleventh year of the reign of Duke Huan, the lord of Song held Ji Zhong 祭仲 (d. 682 bce) in custody. For what was Ji Zhong considered worthy? It was believed that he had knowledge about quan. What does quan mean? [It means] eventually generating the good by being the opposite of jing” (Chunqiu Gongyang zhuan zhushu 春秋公羊傳註疏, 5:13a–​15a; quoted in Lun yu jizhu daquan, 9:39a). In his comment on “Xi ci 繫辭,” Han Kangbo 韓康伯 (332–​380) also argued, “Quan signifies conforming to the Way by being the opposite of jing. Only in accord with time, with the virtue of Xun 巽, can one practice quan” (Zhou Yi zhushu, 12:26a). 158 Gao Zhongxuan 高中玄 (1512–​1578) explained, “Jing refers to predetermined quan; quan refers to jing that has not been determined” (unknown source). 156 157

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illegal acts out of greed and desire came to be called quan; usurping power and betraying others in opposition to the human moral order came to be called quan. Consequently, the notion of quan encompasses all distorted and disorderly actions under heaven. This is a great calamity that clouds the Way of the world—​how critical Master Cheng’s discussion was! 3) In “Lun tihuan Li Chulin zhuang 論替換李楚琳狀,” Lu Zhi 陸贄 (654–​705) from Tang says, “The meaning of quan was metaphorically derived from the weight [權] and the bar [衡] of a beam scale. Heng is here synonymous with cheng 秤 (steelyard), and quan, with chui 錘 (weight). If the weight is applied to the bar, one can measure the weight of objects. If the weight is applied to human affairs, the influence of rightness on them, and lack thereof, can be known without falsification. What would happen if one were to regard quan as the opposite of the Way, or if one were to regard dependence on the circulation of numerical data on natural phenomena as wisdom? This misinterpretation has contributed to the increase of disasters and disorders and the persistence of mischief and perversion over the years.” In my view, this statement is illuminating and truthful. 4) Huainanzi says, “One would grab his father’s hair [to save him], when he is drowning; one would call his lord’s name, when reciting the ritual prayer. One would take these actions because the natural development of things [勢] would compel one to do so. This is the circumstance in which the notion quan is discussed. Therefore Confucius said, ‘You can stand together with others, yet may not be able to make circumstantial judgments [quan] together with them’ ” (Huainan honglie jie, 13:16b). This is a tangential discussion that stemmed from the one about a brother-​in-​law who grabs the hand of his elder brother’s wife while she is drowning. Misunderstanding of the notion of quan unavoidably leads to immoral deeds. Alas, how alarming it is! 5) Han Yu argued, “How can a person who studies and proceeds toward the Way be incapable of standing? I  believe that some erratum made in the course of transcription exists in the main passage. It should be amended to say, ‘You can study together with others, yet may not be able to stand together with them; you can proceed toward the Way together with others, yet may not be able to weigh in moderation together with them [in Dasan’s interpretation].’ The main passage can be made consistent with the principle this way.” I would refute this as follows: Classics cannot be altered. * * * Mencius triggered a debate on the notions of jing and quan, when he replied to a question that Chunyu Kun 淳于髠 (fl. fourth century bce), a philosopher in the state of Qi, asked him: “[Given that, according to Confucian ritual propriety, neither males nor females are allowed to touch the hand of the opposite gender when giving and receiving things,] should a man save his elder brother’s wife

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by grabbing her hand when she is drowning?” (Mengzi jizhu, 4B:7). Mencius replied, “That males and females do not touch the hand of the opposite gender when giving and receiving things pertains to ritual propriety; that a man saves his elder brother’s wife by grabbing her hand when she is drowning pertains to quan” (4B:7). As seen here, jing and quan originally had to do with the prescribed Confucian rituals: jing referred to normative actions that followed Confucian rituals while quan referred to actions that could be accepted in light of the greater purpose of human ethics, although it overrode the normative actions and Confucian rituals when it was expedient to do so. Heeding the original context of this debate, Zhu Xi said, “[Although Master Cheng’s criticism of the ‘false’ understanding of the relationship between jing and quan, which Dasan introduces above, is agreeable] quan and jing should be distinguished” (Lun yu jizhu, 5:8b). Dasan disagreed with Zhu Xi because this distinction was abused by people who were seeking to justify their misdeeds. He believed that quan was a value intended to help people achieve the constant mean and thus it could not be distinguished from jing (apparently meaning “the Way,” in Dasan’s eyes) because “the constant mean is the utmost form of the Way.” In this discussion, he shows that he is aligned with Master Cheng [Cheng Yi], Lu Zhi, Gao Zhongxuan, and probably He Yan. He overtly expresses his opposition to Han Yu, He Xiu 何休 (129–​182) in his comment on Gongyang zhuan, Han Kangbo, and Huainanzi, while proving, tacitly, to be opposed to Zhu Xi. There are, however, no substantial differences between these scholars’ interpretations of quan and jing. They all agree that the actions of quan are not predetermined by Confucian rituals but nevertheless help people realize Confucius values. What enables a practical distinction between the views of these two groups of scholars is their definitions of jing, not quan: if one sees jing as referring to the Confucian constant rituals that everyone should follow, quan is different from jing. If one sees it as referring to Confucian values, or the Way, quan cannot be distinct from jing. In the former perspective, actions that are momentarily contrary to Confucian rituals are subjected to a judgment on whether they will eventually contribute to the achievement of Confucian values. This perspective resonates with ethical utilitarianism. In the latter perspective, the imperative to investigate the eventual utility of certain actions for the achievement of Confucian values diminishes, since such actions should immediately realize a value (“the constant mean” in Dasan’s interpretation), which reduces the danger of abusive application of the notion quan. In other words, the latter perspective incorporates a deontological point of view into this discussion. Wishing to protect the legitimacy of Confucian rituals, Dasan seems to have disliked Confucian rituals being imbued with utilitarian ideas. This point becomes evident when he shows examples of abusive cases: “not abiding by the protocols of mourning rituals,” “not following the custom of using refined expressions in funerals,” “committing illegal acts out of greed and desire,” and “usurping power and betraying others.” In this sense, Dasan’s discussion in this chapter, including his blunt disapproval of Han Yu’s revision of this chapter, displays his deontologist or legitimist stance. It is listed in his “Original Meanings.”

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9.31 “The flowers of the wild cherry turn away from one another, fluttering; how can I not think of you? Your house is just so far away.” The Master said, “They have not thought about each other yet. Why would the distance matter?” 唐棣之華, 偏其反而. 豈不爾思? 室是遠而. 子曰; 未之思也, 夫何遠之有? 9.31.1 Grounds 1) He Yan commented, “A lost poem is cited.” 2) Master Zhu commented, “Tang di 唐棣 (‘the wild cherry’) refers to the bush cherry. Pian (‘fluttering’) appears as pian 翩 (to flutter) in Jin shu 晉書.”159 3) I supplement as follows: The meaning of this poem is unclear. However, it elicits comparison of brothers at odds with one another or a couple in a disharmonious relationship with [flowers of ] the wild cherry that turn away from one another and flutter. 4) I supplement as follows: When deep in thought, something one thousand li miles away can feel as near as his garden; with scant attention, the space of one room can feel as vast as the world of mountains and rivers. Therefore it says, “They have not thought about each other yet. Why would the distance matter?” If learners keep thinking, there is nothing too hard to break through nor anything too profound to reach. Confucius gave counsel, citing this poem.160 5) As I understand, this chapter was combined with the previous one to form one chapter, which offers evidence for the argument that quan conforms to the Way by being the opposite of jing. Since this argument contains a serious error, Master Zhu divided the chapter into two chapters. 9.31.2 Arguments 1) He Yan argued, “[When the tree blossoms,] the petals of the wild cherry flowers first turn away from one another and then meet. The composer of this poem might have wished to express how the path of quan first goes in the opposite direction [of the Way], but eventually reaches it, fully yielding to it. That a person is not able to see a man, even when thinking of him, is because his house is far away. The poem expresses how, as in this situation, sometimes one cannot see the Way even when thinking of quan, because the Way is far away.”161 Mao Qiling agreed, saying, “The wild cherry turning

The poem “Jiao gong 角弓” says, “[The bow adorned with a horn] twists, distorted [偏其反, translated with consideration of Dasan’s interpretation of this expression in the main passage]” (Mao Shi zhushu, 22:14b). 160 This is a case in which the reader can infer a teaching from a piece of writing by paying attention to a line. 161 He continued, “In one’s thought, he should think of the opposite. When he does not think of the opposite, he comes to regard the Way as far away. With thinking of the opposite, why would the distance matter? This passage teaches that quan is perceivable and that problems emerge because one does not think of it. If one’s thought is arranged in order, he can see the Way.” 159

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and fluttering is analogous to the practice of quan” (Lun yu jiqiu pian, 4:9b). I would refute these claims as follows: He Yan’s theory is so far-​fetched and distorted that it does not make any sense. Master Zhu dispelled the confusion and returned to the correct understanding, as if removing fog to make the weather clear. Xiaoshan, however, wished to reinstate, retrogressively, the old theory: the unfairness of his mind-​heart reached this point! 2) I question Master Zhu as follows: Jizhu contended, “Fan 反 (‘turn away’) is here also synonymous with fan 翻 (to flip over), meaning that the flower shakes.”162 According to my investigation, “Jiao gong” says, “Well arranged is the bow adorned with a horn; it twisted, distorted; no less than married couples, brothers should not be remote [遠] from one another” (Mao Shi zhushu, 22:14b). The harmonized rhymes in the lines of the cited poem are similar to those in this poem. Fan 反 should be read as it is. I am afraid that it does not need to be read as fan 翻. 3) Huang Kan argued, “In general, tree flowers usually draw inward first and then open later. Uniquely, wild cherry flowers open first and then draw inward later. The main passage uses the character pian 偏 (to be inclined, according to the first definition) to elucidate how the path of quan is inclined, being distinct from the constant norms.” I would refute this as follows: Pian here should be understood as synonymous with pian 翩.

Master Zhu continued, “If fan 反 is replaced with fan 翻, the character yuan 遠 (‘far away’) should also be considered a combination of yu 於 and yuan 圓 in fanqie 反切, as a harmonized rhyme” (Lun yu jizhu daquan, 9:42b). 162

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In the Village  鄕黨

BOOK 10

10.1 In the village, Confucius looked submissive, as though unable to speak. In the royal ancestral shrine and in the court, he expressed himself articulately, though always with prudence. [This chapter opens the sixteenth roll of Noneo gogeum ju in traditional bookbinding.]1 孔子於鄕黨, 恂恂如也, 似不能言者. 其在宗廟朝廷, 便便言, 唯謹爾. 10.1.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Xiang dang 鄕黨 (“the village”) refers to the village gatherings.2 According to the ancient institutions, the royal domain inside the royal fortress was divided into nine areas.3 The center area was reserved for the royal palace, which faced the court and had a market in the back.4 On each of its sides, it had a group of three residential areas (villages) that faced each other. The word xiang here means facing [嚮]. As regards dang, five hundred households in a village constituted one dang. 2) Wang Shu commented, “Xunxun 恂恂 (‘looked submissive’) is a phrase used to describe one’s submissiveness and respectfulness.” 3) I supplement as follows: Long ago, official orders and edicts were issued in the ancestral shrine.5 The ancestral shrine and the court were venues where people engaged in discussions on the Way and debates on politics. 4) Zheng Xuan commented, “Bianbian 便便 (‘expressed himself articulately’) is a phrase used to describe articulateness. Confucius expressed himself articulately, with prudence and sincerity.”6

This book contains thirty-​four chapters. The village gathering for drinking and archery are included in this category. It looked like a well-​field. 4 The royal ancestral shrine and the altar for the land god were located inside the royal palace. 5 They implemented this practice in a manner befitting a new king who received the mandate of Heaven upon succeeding to the throne [in the shrine]. 6 According to my investigation, the phrase bian zhi 便秩 in “Yao dian 堯典” appears as bian zhi 辯秩 in some editions. I suspect that bian 便 and bian 辯 were originally interchangeable with one another. 1

2 3

10.1.2 Arguments 1) Xing Bing argued, “Xiang dang is a venue where a man can meet with old acquaintances and should, accordingly, comport himself with much humility and politeness. The royal ancestral shrine is a venue where rituals are performed, and the court, where ruling of a state takes place. In these venues, one should make detailed inquiries and scrutinizing remarks. Thus Confucius handled his affairs there in an articulate manner.” As I understand, seniority is valued in the ritual of the village gatherings. Since elders and old acquaintances gather there, one should conduct oneself in a polite manner. However, one should take submissiveness and politeness as his mainstay in gatherings that other people attend as well, even when elders and old acquaintances are not present.7 To reiterate, I believe that the reason Confucius expressed himself so articulately in the court was that it was a venue where discussions on the Way and debates on governing took place. In contrast, Xing Bing’s explanation focused on performances of rituals. How can his not be considered the less rigorous explanation? “When the Master entered the Great Shrine, he asked about everything” (Lun yu jizhu, 3:15). On the basis of this statement, Xing Bing commented that Confucius made detailed inquiries. When making detailed inquiries, however, one should speak meticulously and gently about the questions one has. How can this attitude be described with the phrase bianbian 辯辯 (“he expressed himself articulately,” 便便 in the main passage)? According to the ancient rituals, the king would listen to his ministers speak about state affairs relevant to the first day [of the year] at the Great Shrine, while, at the main hall of the palace, he would observe state affairs relevant to his court. Therefore, “Yu zao” says, “The feudal lord, in his skin cap, listens to his ministers speak about state affairs relevant to the first day. And he, in his bi 裨 ritual garment and the mian crown, observes state affairs at the main hall of the palace” (Li ji zhushu, 29:8b). [The order of the two sentences here is reversed in the extant edition of Li ji zhushu.] “Ji tong” also says, “In ancient times, the brilliant lord gave men of virtue government posts and offered men of social merit salaries. This conferment of government posts and salaries always occurred at the Great Shrine, in order to show that the decision had not been made arbitrarily” (49:18a). During two hundred and forty years of the Spring and Autumn period, only Duke Wen [魯文公, r.  626–​609 bce] of Lu did not observe the ritual of the first day four times. They

This guideline is intended to convey the same teaching as in the admonition that one should lower one’s head when entering the village. 7

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practiced this ritual of the first day after the court’s reception at the ancestral shrine. Thus Spring and Autumn says, “The state of Lu did not observe the ritual of the first day four times” (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 20:1a), and “They still had the court audience at the ancestral shrine” (18:5b). In conclusion, the ancestral shrine was the venue where discussions on the Way and debates on governing took place. How can it concern the practice of rituals only? * * * Dasan’s repudiation of Xing Bing’s comment here can be supplemented by a comment of his in Noneo gogeum ju (3.17) in which he presents his understanding of the observation of the ritual of the first day in depth. Dasan seems to clinch his argument in this chapter, given that it would have been difficult for one to express oneself articulately if official meetings in the royal ancestral shrine were dedicated entirely to rituals. This view is listed in his “Original Meanings.” In this chapter, as in many other chapters, he successfully proves knowledgeable about the ancient rituals and Confucian classics. One point in particular, relevant to one of Dasan’s notes, is worth further investigation: he argues that bian 便 and bian 辯 are interchangeable with one another, based on his examination of different editions of Documents. This issue is complicated by the fact that “Yao dian” in the extant edition of Documents, which Dasan believed was forged by Mei Ze, contains neither of the two (neither 便, nor 辯). In it, the line under discussion reads, “[Yao ordered Xi 羲 and He 和] to determine a fair order for the tasks of growing crops [平秩東作]” (Shang Shu zhushu, 1:9a). As seen here, the word ping 平 (“fair”) is used in place of bian (便 or 辯). According to Dasan (who does not mention ping at all), some editions of Documents adopted bian 辯 instead of bian 便. Actually, it was Sima Qian who started this philological discussion when, quoting the aforementioned line from Documents, he adopted bian 便 for what appears to be ping in the extant edition, with a “modification” of the word that immediately follows bian: bian cheng dong zuo 便程東作 (see Shi ji, 1:14b). Sima Zhen 司馬 貞 (fl. 732)  annotated this quotation, pointing out that in an old (unknown) work of history, ping was adopted in place of bian 便, and in Shang Shu daquan 尚書大傳, which Fu Sheng 伏勝 (268–​178 bce) had arguably written, bian 辯 replaced bian 便 (see 1:14b). Thus the claim that bian 便, bian 辯, and even ping are interchangeable with one another is acceptable. However, Dasan mentions neither Shi ji nor Sima Zhen’s Shi ji suo yin 史記索隱 for this claim, simply saying that he consulted a different edition of Documents. In “his” edition, the line under discussion goes bian zhi dong zuo 便秩東作; it does not appear in any other sources.

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10.2 In the court, when speaking with the lower-​great officials, Confucius mingled with them congenially; when speaking with the upper-​great officials, he behaved appropriately. In the presence of his lord, he looked respectful and tense, hesitating. 朝, 與下大夫言, 侃侃如也, 與上大夫言, 誾誾如也. 君在, 踧踖如也, 與與 如也. 10.2.1 Grounds 1) Master Zhu commented, “According to ‘Wang zhi,’ the upper-​great officials of the feudal lord are called ministers [卿], and he additionally hires five lower-​great officials” (Li ji zhushu, 11:1a).8 2) Kong Anguo commented, “Kankan 侃侃 (‘mingled  .  .  .  congenially’) is a phrase that describes a comfortable and pleasant deportment; yinyin 誾 誾 (‘behaved appropriately’) is a phrase that describes an appropriate and correct deportment.”9 3) Ma Rong commented, “The expression ‘in the presence of his lord’ means that the lord was present in the court to observe state’s affairs.”10 4) Master Zhu commented, “Cu di 踧踖 (‘looked tense’) is a phrase that describes a respectful and uneasy deportment.11 5) I  supplement as follows:  Yuyu 與與 (“hesitating”) is an expression that describes a deportment hesitating in prudence.12 10.2.2 Arguments 1) I question Master Zhu as follows: Jizhu contended, “Kankan is a phrase that describes a determined and upright deportment;13 yinyin is a phrase that describes a deportment pleased in having discussions.” Ogyu disagreed, saying, “Since the position of the lower-​great officials is humble, one should show comfort and pleasure when speaking with them. Being determined and upright is not the proper way to receive people who hold relatively lower positions. Also ‘Xian jin 先 進’ says, ‘Zi Lu looked determined [行行如]; Ran You 冉有 and Zi Gong

“Wang Zhi” also says, “Large states have three ministers” (Li ji zhushu, 11:25a). Xing Bing added, “The position of the lower-​great officials is relatively insignificant. Thus, when speaking with them, Confucius was able to feel comfortable and pleased. In contrast, the position of the upper-​great officials is significant. Thus, when speaking with them, Confucius always held onto appropriateness and correctness, not daring to allow himself to feel comfortable and pleased.” 10 This comment appears in Huang Kan’s annotation. Master Zhu believed that the first two sentences in this chapter concerned the time when the lord was not present in the court for the court audience. 11 In my view, cu 踧 is interchangeable with cu 蹙 (restraining). “Xiao ya” says, “Rough [蹙蹙: 踧踧 in the extant edition of Poetry; this translation follows Dasan’s interpretation of cu] is the way to Zhou!” (Mao Shi zhushu, 19:63a). It also says, “They tend the furnaces with respect [踖踖]” (20:52a). 12 Laozi says, “Hesitant [與兮], like crossing a river in the winter!” (Laozi Dao de jing 老子道德經, A:9a). 13 This is a comment that follows Shuo wen 說文 by Xu Shen 許愼 (58–​147) (see Shuo wen jie zi 說文 解字, 11B:3a). 8

9

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looked congenial [侃侃如]’ (Lun yu jizhu, 11:12; 11.13 in Noneo gogeum ju). Commentators have all agreed that xingxing 行行 is here a phrase that describes a determined deportment. If kankan in this chapter means to be determined and upright, how do Ran You’s and Zi Gong’s deportments differ from that of Zi Lu?” He continued, “Since the position of the upper-​ great officials is dignified, one should behave appropriately when speaking with them. If one speaks with them in a comfortable and pleasant mood, I am afraid that it is close to flattery. Therefore it is unacceptable.” 2) Ma Rong argued, “Yuyu is a phrase that describes a deportment that is solemn by fitting with the protocols.” I would refute this as follows: Ma’s claim is incorrect. A comment on Zhuangzi suggests that rong yu 容 與 is a phrase that describes a deportment calmly fitting in composure (see Zhuangzi zhu, 2:7b). “Fitting with the protocols” in Ma’s comment might have been intended to say that yuyu in the main passage conveys this meaning. When the lord is present in the court to observe state’s affairs, however, they do not have sufficient time to show in a hurried manner their respect and uneasiness. How can they dare to appear at ease, behaving in a leisurely manner, showing calm? Yuyu is a phrase that describes a person who behaves as though he is not confident, as though he is trembling, and as though he has become submissive. It conveys the meaning of not daring to make arbitrary decisions. 3) Zhang Nanshi 張南士 (fl. seventeenth century) argued, “According to a comment on ‘Wang Zhi,’ the three ministers of the feudal states [originally ‘the large states’ in ‘Wang Zhi’] refer to Si tu 司徒, Si ma 司馬, and Si gong 司空. However, those who filled positions in all of the six offices [of Zhou system] were the lower-​great officials. Xiao zai 小宰, Xiao Si tu 小司徒, Xiao Si ma 小司馬, Xiao Si kou 小司寇, and Xiao Si gong 小司空—​these five were called the lower-​great officials” (unknown source).14 Mao Qiling seems to say, in disagreement, reportedly, “This claim is not true. Regarding the three offices [ for ministers] in the state of Lu, the Jisun 季孫 clan assumed the position of Si tu, the Shusun 叔孫 clan assumed the position of Si ma, and the Mengsun 孟孫 clan assumed the position of Si gong. They fall under the category of ministers. On top of that, prince Hui 翬 (fl. 719–​709 bce) once sought the position of Tai zai 太宰, Zangsun He 臧孫紇 (fl. 587–​550 bce) assumed the position of Si kou, and Xiafu Fuji 夏父弗忌 (fl. 627 bce) also assumed the position of Zongbo. They fall under the category of the upper-​great officials. Given that their positions do not have the prefix xiao 小 (lesser), the upper-​great officials might have belonged to [the larger category of ] the lower-​great officials from the beginning” (Si shu gai cuo, 3:7a–​8a). According to my investigation, “Mu shi 牧誓” introduces only three positions—​Si tu, Si ma, and Si gong—​in a record in which King Wu teaches certain people (see Shang Shu zhushu, 10:21b). “Li zheng 立政” also mentions the positions of Si tu, Si ma, and Si gong only (see 16:29b). Zheng

14

Only the position of Xiao Zongbo 小宗伯 was not established.

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Xuan might have come to his conclusion based on these records, arguing that “the three ministers of the large states [who are mentioned in ‘Wang zhi’]” refer to these three positions (probably in his comment on Rites of Zhou:  see Zhou li zhushu, 21:6a). However, “Li zheng” makes statements focused on the stories of King Wen and King Wu, and the latter [as the Zhou king] must have not followed the institutions for the feudal lords [such as establishing only three positions for ministers]. “Yao dian” also introduces only three positions—​Si tu, Si gong, and Zhi zong 秩宗, when the kings appointed their officials to various court positions. Then should a commentator insist that Yao and Shun retained only three positions, since it does not mention the positions of Zong zai 冢宰, Si ma, and Si kou? According to Rites of Zhou, the court positions occupied six different levels: three of them were reserved for the great officials, and the rest for the shi-​officials. The upper-​great officials [among the great officials] were called ministers. In this matter, no distinction between the system for the Son of Heaven and the feudal lords could exist. Thus while the head positions of all six offices were all assumed by the upper-​great officials, those who received orders of appointment directly from the Son of Heaven came to be called ministers: they were three. This would be the reason that the term “three ministers” was adopted [in the classical texts]. In conclusion, according to Rites of Zhou, the great officials consisted of three different ranks. According to “Wang zhi,” ministers consisted of three different ranks, and the great officials consisted of two different ranks. Their records do not match one another. “The lower-​great officials” in the main passage must refer to the middle and lower ranks of great officials, who together must have been called the lower-​great officials. * * * Dasan here rejects Zhu Xi’s interpretation of kankan and yinyin, accepting Ogyu’s argument. This is one more piece of evidence that demonstrates his liberty to adopt what he saw was the “original meaning.” He was not reluctant to follow a Japanese scholar’s opinion in opposition to Zhu Xi’s view, although he was simultaneously not reluctant to show admiration for Zhu Xi in other chapters. Considering that rigorous Confucian moral idealists attempted to behave so conscientiously that others would not even suspect them of misdeeds, it would have indeed been inappropriate, in their view, to be nicer to people in higher positions than to people in humble positions. The absence of any such partiality in Dasan is also apparent in his comment on yuyu, which meant “hesitant” for him. This is a unique reading that he derived from Laozi, a Daoist classic, although it is not listed in his “Original Meanings.” The other discussions are pertinent to the ancient Zhou bureaucratic system. The identities of the lower-​great officials and the upper-​great officials are especially significant here because they are mentioned in the main text. In this regard, difficulties arise with two important sources that portray the

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Zhou system: they are not consistent with one another, nor with the Analects. According to Rites of Zhou, the great officials may have consisted of three different ranks—​most likely, the upper-​great officials [上大夫], the mid-​great officials [中大夫], and the lower-​great officials [下大夫]; the work does not offer statements clear enough to draw an unshakable conclusion on this topic. This record is not consistent with the Analects given that the latter, in this chapter, appears to indicate only two different ranks of the great officials. “Wang zhi,” another important source of information on the Zhou system, explains that the great officials were made up of two different ranks: the upper-​great officials and the lower-​great officials. This source could have been helpful for understanding this chapter had it not mentioned the three ministers, apparently higher in position than the great officials. According to it, the large states within the Zhou system, such as the state of Lu, had three ministers: the upper-​minister [上卿], the mid-​minister [中卿], and the lower-​minister [下卿]. Since Confucius here teaches that one’s deportment should be “appropriate” for having discussions with officials in higher (presumably the highest) positions in the court, however, “the upper-​great officials” in the main passage probably does not refer to the upper-​great officials but to the ministers mentioned in “Wang zhi.” Thus the latter is not consistent with the Analects as well. Dasan’s method for overcoming these difficulties is to construe “the lower-​ great officials” in the main passage as equivalent to the great officials in the lower two ranks in Rites of Zhou (probably the mid-​great officials and the lower-​great officials, if an inference is allowed) and “the upper-​great officials” in the main passage as equivalent to the great officials in the highest rank in Rites of Zhou (probably the upper-​great officials). He further suggested that the three ministers in “Wang zhi” might have referred to certain upper-​great officials who came to be called “ministers” because they were appointed to their positions with a direct endorsement by the Son of Heaven. In this argument, “the lower-​great officials” in the main passage refers to both the mid-​ great officials and the lower-​great officials in “Wang zhi.” Though speculative, this theory renders all related sources congruous with one another.

10.3 When summoned by his lord to play the role of aide-​to-​the-​host, he changed his complexion and took his steps circumspectly; when bowing to those who stood beside him, he extended his clasped hands to the left or right, adjusting the front and back edges of his robe; when hastening forward, he looked like he was gliding on wings; when a guest would retire, he would always report on the mission, saying, “The guest did not look back.”15 君召使擯, 色勃如也, 足躩如也. 揖所與立, 左右手, 衣前後, 襜如也. 趨進, 翼如也. 賓退, 必復命曰; 賓不顧矣. 15

The Huang Kan edition contains zuo you qi shou 左右其手 [instead of zuo you shou 左右手].

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10.3.1 Grounds 1) Xing Bing commented, “Bin 擯 (‘aide-​to-​the-​host’) refers to an official who received a guest;16 bo 勃 means to change one’s complexion. 2) Bao Xian commented, “Jue 躩 (‘circumspectly’) means to be heavy-​footed [盤辟].”17 3) Master Zhu commented, “ ‘Those who stood beside him’ signifies officials who assumed the same role of aide-​to-​the-​host. For this role, the host state employed half the number of officials who had originally been assigned positions for serving the state according to predetermined rules.18 4) Zheng Xuan commented, “When bowing to an official who stood at the left, Confucius extended his hands to the left; when bowing to an official who stood at the right, he extended his hands to the right.”19 5) Master Zhu commented, “Chan 襜 (‘adjusting’) is a word that describes things arranged meticulously.”20 6) Xing Bing commented, “When hastening forward, Confucius slightly lifted his arms in an arranged manner, like a bird unfolding its wings.” 7) Master Zhu commented, “Confucius’s report on his mission, that ‘The guest did not look back,’ was intended to help reduce the level of his lord’s prudence.”21 8) According to “Da Hangren 大行人” in Rites of Zhou, “The high dukes employ nine aides-​to-​the-​guest [介]; the marquis and the earls employ seven aides-​to-​the-​guest; the viscounts and the barons employ five aides-​ to-​ the-​ guest. Each of these cases follows the predetermined rules, in terms of number. When a guest [after arriving in the host state] stays in a makeshift residence outside of the main gate [of the host state], the host commands the aides-​to-​the-​host to exit the gate to make inquiries about the purpose of the visit. For this mission, ministers assume positions of high aides-​to-​the-​host [上擯]; great officials assume positions of aides-​to-​ the-​host to convey the commands [承擯]; shi-​officials assume positions of aides-​to-​the-​host to carry out the commands [紹擯]. If the lord of the host state possesses the rank of duke, he employs five aides-​to-​the-​host; the marquis and the earls, four aides-​to-​the-​host; the viscounts and the barons,

It refers to an official who was summoned by the lord of the host state to receive a guest. Master Zhu added, “Pan pi 盤辟 means to pace around slowly as though one’s knee were bent with a heavy burden.” 18 For example, the high dukes [上公] received a royal command [to be appointed as such] by a protocol to convey it through nine officials. [Thus when receiving a guest] they employed five officials who conveyed their commands in order. 19 Master Zhu added, “One would bow to an official at the left in order to convey royal commands to a guest; one would bow to an official at the right in order to convey the commands of a guest to the host.” 20 Zheng Xuan commented, “Every time he lowered or lifted his head [to bow], he adjusted the front and back edges of his robe.” 21 Chen Li supplemented this, saying, “Even after the withdrawal of a guest, the lord of the host state usually retained a certain level of prudence. When the aides-​to-​the-​host reported that the guest did not look back while retiring from the court, he could relax from his effort to maintain prudence” (Lu yu jizhu daquan, 10:7a). 16 17

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three aides-​to-​the-​host” (quoted in Lun yu jizhu daquan 10:5b, as excerpted from Rites of Zhou, but not seen in its extant edition). 9) Master Zhu commented, “For the aides-​ to-​ the-​ host, the host state employed slightly more than half the number of officials who had been assigned to the court positions according to the predetermined rules. This was intended to lower the status of the host state in favor of the guest state, in order to display its humility.” He continued, “According to the ancient rituals of meeting with other lords, the host employed the aides-​to-​the-​ host, while the guest employed the aides-​to-​the-​guest. The guest issued his commands to the aides-​to-​the-​guest on the highest level; they conveyed the commands to the aides-​to-​the-​guest on the next level, who again conveyed them to the aides-​to-​the-​guest on the lowest level. Then the aides-​to-​the-​ guest on the lowest level conveyed them to the aides-​to-​the-​host on the lowest level. The aides-​to-​the-​host on the lowest level conveyed them to the aides-​to-​the-​host on the next upper level, who conveyed them to the aides-​ to-​the-​host on the highest level. These aides finally conveyed them to the lord of the host state. Only after performing these steps would the host and the guest meet with each other.”22 10) Lu Jiashu 陸稼書 (陸隴其, 1630–​1692) commented, “It is likely that at the time, Confucius was included among the aides-​to-​the-​host on the middle level [because he was a great official of Lu]. He must have bowed to others after conveying his lord’s commands, as required. Thus it says, ‘He bowed to those who stood beside him.’ Here ‘those who stood beside him’ may have referred to the officials of Lu, who assumed the same positions of  aides-​to-​the-​host. Were this passage about the case in which one of the aides-​to-​the-​host on the lowest level conveyed the commands to one of the aides-​to-​the-​guest on the lowest level, the expression ‘the right or left’ could not be used [because they did not stand side by side]” (Si shu mengyin 四書蒙引, 6:96a). 11) Jin Lüxiang commented, “In the days of Confucius, it was a ritualistic remark to say that the guest did not look back. ‘Pin li’ says, ‘When the guest retires, the duke bids farewell by taking two bows. The guest does not look back’ (Yi li zhushu, 8:61a). When the guest met with the great officials [of the host state] in person, they bid farewell by taking two bows. The guest did not look back in this case, too. ‘Gong si dafu li 公食大夫禮’ says, ‘When the guest retires, the duke bids farewell by taking two bows inside the main gate. The guest does not look back’ (9:24a). In ancient times, when the guest retired upon the conclusion of the ritual of greeting him, he did not look back. When the host took bows, bidding farewell, he did not look back either. This practice was intended to demonstrate the ease with which the guest withdrew. Thus in all cases, the relevant sources say

Xing Bing commented, “The guest and the host employed their respective aides. The aides to the guest were called jie 介; the aides to the host called bin 擯.” 22

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that the guest did not look back. Consequently, in the official statements at the time, the guest’s withdrawal came to be announced with a remark that he did not look back.”23 12) Kong Anguo commented, “Yi ru 翼如 (‘he looked like he was gliding on wings’) is a phrase that describes a well-​arranged [端好] deportment.”24 10.3.2 Arguments 1) Zheng Xuan argued, “Fu ming 復命 (‘reported on the mission’) means to report that the guest has already retired.”25 In my view, fu ming here consisted of the act of reporting that Confucius’s mission was concluded because he had assumed a position of aide-​to-​the-​ host upon the lord’s command.

10.4 When passing through the gate to his lord’s court, he bent his body as though the gate were not large enough to admit him; when standing, he did not stay in the gateway; when moving, he did not step on the threshold; when passing by the officials’ stations in the court, he changed his complexion [and took his steps circumspectly]; when speaking, he acted as though he were short of words; when ascending the hall, he lifted up the bottom edge of his lower garment and bent his body. He held his breath as though he were not breathing; when coming out of the hall, he relaxed his complexion after descending one step of the stairs as though he were pleased; when reaching the bottom of the stairs, he proceeded toward his station, looking like he was gliding on wings; upon returning to his station, he looked respectful and tense.26 入公門, 鞠躬如也, 如不容. 立不中門, 行不履閾. 過位, 色勃如也 [足躩如 也], 其言似不足者. 攝齊升堂, 鞠躬如也, 屛氣, 似不息者. 出, 降一等, 逞 顔色, 怡怡如也. 沒階, 趨進, 翼如也. 復其位, 踧踖如也. 10.4.1 Grounds 1) Xing Bing commented, “Ju 鞠 (‘bend’) means to bend and draw in one’s body. Although the gate to the lord’s court is large, one draws in one’s body as if it were too narrow and small to admit one’s body.”

See Tong yi (as quoted in Rongo kogun gaiden; this statement is also seen in Lun yu jizhu kaozheng, 5:7a–​b). 24 The Huang Kan edition adopts duan zheng 端正 instead of duan hao. 25 The Huang Kan edition ascribes this comment to Kong Anguo. 26 In the Lu Deming edition [Jingdian shi wen], jin 進, which follows qu 趨, is omitted (see Jingdian shi wen, 24:14a). 23

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2) Master Zhu commented, “Zhong men 中門 (‘stay in the gateway’) means to stay [中] in the gateway, which means that one occupies the space between a doorpost and the door stopper.27 The lord goes in and out through it.28 Rites says, ‘When the shi-​officials and the great officials go in and out through the gate to the lord’s court, they use the right side of the door stopper and do not step on the threshold.’ ”29 3) Kong Anguo commented, “Yu 閾 (‘threshold’) refers to the threshold.” 4) I  supplement as follows:  One does not stay in the gateway in order to secure space for one’s superior;30 one does not step on the threshold in order to avoid danger.31 5) I  supplement as follows:  Wei 位 (“the officials’ stations”) refers to the predetermined positions for the shi-​officials and the great officials to stand in. They are arranged [in two rows] on the right and the left sides of the lord’s court.32 Since, passing by the stations, one comes closer to the lord, one should be more respectful. 6) I supplement as follows: If Confucius occasionally needed to speak with other great officials while standing at his station, he still did not dare attempt to have his voice heard, as if short of words.33 7) Kong Anguo commented, “She qi 攝齊 (‘lifted up the bottom edge of his lower garment’) refers to the act of lifting up one’s garment.”34 8) I supplement as follows: Bing 屛 (“held”) is here synonymous with lian 斂 (to draw back).35 9) Master Zhu commented, “Xi 息 (‘breathe’) refers to one’s inhalation and exhalation through the nose. As one comes close to a man of utmost dignity, one should present a solemn deportment through the manner of one’s breathing.” 10) I  supplement as follows:  Chu 出 (“when coming out of the hall”) here means that Confucius retired from the audience hall and came out. 11) Master Zhu commented, “Deng 等 (‘step’) here refers to the steps of a staircase.”36

As I understand, the doorpost here refers to the east doorpost. The door stopper is located at the midpoint between the two doors. 28 As I understand, the lord passes in and out through the right side of the door stopper. This is intended to reserve the left side for a guest. 29 See “Qu li” (Li ji zhushu, 2:4a). 30 It is the place through which the lord goes in and out. 31 Xing Bing commented, “Stepping on the threshold is an act intended to raise one’s height [arrogantly]; it is also an act that is harmful to others’ health.” 32 They are the officials’ stations in the court. 33 Since Confucius occupied a superior position, he might have passed the stations for low-​ranked officials and reached the ones for high-​ranked officials to stand at. 34 Xing Bing added, “When ascending the hall, one grabs the front part of one’s lower garment with both hands, so that it is slightly lifted up. This action is taken because it is possible for one to trip over one’s long lower garment while moving.” Master Zhu also added, “One lifts up the lower garment as high as one Chinese foot from the ground.” 35 “Jinteng 金縢” says, “I will take back [屛] the ritual jade bi 璧 and the square jade tablet” (Shang Shu zhushu, 12:11b). 36 I supplement as follows: The staircase that was reserved for the feudal lords had seven steps. 27

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12) I supplement as follows: Cheng 逞 (“relaxed”) is here synonymous with jie 解 (to release).37 Master Zhu commented, “As one gradually departs from a man of utmost dignity, one eases one’s breath and relaxes one’s complexion.” 13) Kong Anguo commented, “Mei 沒 (‘reaching the bottom’) is here synonymous with jin 盡 (to finish). It means that one has finished descending the stairs.” 14) Master Zhu commented, “Qu 趨 (‘proceeded’) means that one proceeds toward his station, scurrying.”38 15) I supplement as follows: The expression fu qi wei 復其位 (“upon returning to his station”) means that Confucius returned to his station among the great officials in the court. 10.4.2 Arguments 1) Xing Bing argued, “Zhong men refers to the middle space between the door posts [棖], where the door stopper is installed. A door stopper is installed at the center of the royal gate, and two door posts are erected on its sides.39 The middle space between the door posts is where the man of dignity stands. Thus the subjects of a lord are not allowed to stand there and occupy it.” As my investigation has shown, according to the regulations of the royal gate, two door posts should be erected at the sides of the gate with a door stopper installed at the center of the gateway. The left and right sides of the door stopper are used to access two different paths that lead to two different sets of stairs.40 The lord goes in and out using the right side of the door stopper. This is because when a lord of a neighboring state comes to visit, the guest goes in and out using the west side of the door stopper,41 while the lord of the host state goes in and out using the east side of the door stopper.42 The subjects of a lord pass through the gate using the right side of the door stopper, for they would not dare to implement the ritual for the guest for themselves. Thus the sentence li bu zhong men 立不中門 (“he did not stay in the gateway”) suggests that he did not stay at the center of the right side [this should be “left side”] of the door stopper—​not that he did not stay at the midpoint between the two doors. Commentators should pay special attention to comments on the phrase “[The subjects go in and out] using the right side of the door stopper” (Li ji zhushu, 2:4a) in “Qu li” and comments on the phrase “The aides-​to-​the-​guest dust the door stopper [when the lord passes in the gate]” (30:31a) in “Yu zao.”43

In the ninth year of the reign of Duke Yin, Zuo’s Commentary says, “We may be able to release [逞] the agony” (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 3:22b). 38 Note that the word jin 進 is not interpreted here [in Zhu Xi’s comment]. 39 Cheng 棖 refers to the door jams. 40 They are the east stairs and the west stairs. 41 It corresponds to the left side of the door stopper. 42 It corresponds to the right side of the door stopper. 43 “Yu zao” says, “When entering [入] the court, a guest neither stays in the gateway nor steps on the threshold” (Li ji zhushu, 30:31a). Thus li 立 (“when standing”) in the wording of this classic [in this 37

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2) Bao Xian argued, “[Guo wei 過位 means that] one passes by the empty royal station [空位]. Xing Bing added, “The empty royal station refers to the place between the gate and the royal screen [that intercepts people’s gazes into the inner part of the court], where the lord stands, exposing his body [宁]. Even when the lord is not yet present at this station, the subjects should be respectful when passing by it.”44 According to my investigation, the royal station zhu was located in a spot between the gate and the screen. The lord might have listened to debates relevant to the first day around the gate or in the main hall. When he listened around the gate, the lord stood with the screen behind him. The place where the lord stood was called zhu. However, the phrase guo wei (“when passing by the officials’ stations in the court”) is here compared with fu wei 復位 (“upon returning to his station”) in the main passage. If the word wei refers to the royal station, that interpretation should be applied to both weis consistently. This is also true when it refers to the officials’ stations. Two different interpretations [of one word in a single passage] cannot be accepted. Kong Anguo interpreted [wei in] fu wei as the station that Confucius had passed by upon his arrival.45 Imagine that the station that Confucius had passed by upon his arrival was the royal station, and the main passage states that Confucius returned to the station [復其位]. Is this compatible with the principle [理]?46 The phrase guo wei means that Confucius passed by the officials’ stations in the court. 3) Kong Anguo argued, “Qi [in the phrase she qi] refers to the bottom edge of an upper garment [衣].” Xing Bing disagreed, saying, “On the phrase kou yi [qu qi] 摳衣[去齊] (one has to lift up one’s garment [taking the bottom edge off from the ground]) in ‘Qu li,’ Zheng Xuan commented that qi in this phrase refers to the bottom edge of a lower garment [裳] (see Li ji zhushu, 2:12a). Then the word yi 衣 is sometimes interchangeable with chang 裳. When drawing a distinction, the upper garment is called yi and the lower garment, chang. However, they are otherwise interchangeable.” In my view, Xing Bing’s view is correct. 4) Lu Deming explained, “Originally, qu [in qu jin in the main passage] is not followed by jin. The editions in circulation, however, contain jin. This is an error.”47 According to my investigation, Zheng Xuan, in his comment on “Pin li,” quoted the phrase under discussion, mei jie qu jin 沒階趨進, as is seen

chapter] might originally have been ru 入 (to enter). Li here might have replaced ru, mistakenly, due to the similarity of their sounds. Er ya says, “The place between the gate and the screen is called zhu 宁” (Er ya zhushu, 4:7b). Huang Kan added, “[Wei here refers to] the royal station that Confucius had passed by in the beginning.” 46 Lu Jiashu contended, “[Wei in the phrase] fu qi wei refers to the stations that were arranged for the court audience. Mencius says, ‘In the court, one does not speak with others across another official’s station [位]’ (Mengzi jizhu, 4B:27). Wei in this quotation refers to what I argue are the stations that were arranged in an orderly way for the court audience” (unknown source). 47 Shi wen (Jingdian shi wen, 24:14a). 44 45

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in the main passage (see Yi li zhushu, 8:121b): there is jin [after qu] in his quotation.48 However, the main text [in Yi li zhushu, on which Zheng Xuan commented above] says, “After descending the stairs, one eases his breath . . . [a]‌fter moving a couple of steps, one proceeds [趨], scurrying” (8:121a–​b).49 Thus the main passage in this chapter might originally have had no jin. * * * Dasan listed his interpretation of guo wei, “passing by the officials’ stations in the court,” in his “Original Meanings.” Indeed, in most influential commentaries, including all English translations, this phrase is rendered as “passing by the empty throne (actually the royal, or ducal, ‘station’ in the court, since it refers to a spot).” In light of this fact, Dasan’s interpretation proves noteworthy and creative. Lu Jiashu is the only commentator introduced by Dasan who had an opinion similar to his on this issue. When Lu explained his views, he used a passage from Mencius, quoted in one of the notes above. I suspect that Mencius was the only source that could provide Lu with support for his claim because the tradition of having a set of predetermined stations for officials in the court was obsolete by the Ming dynasty, when Lu was active. For Dasan, however, there existed at least one more source on which to ground his claim: the Joseon dynasty substantially installed these stations in its court in accord with the ancient regulations. Tourists can still see the real “officials’ stations” in the main palace of Joseon. Dasan’s comment that Confucius “might have passed the stations for low-​ranked officials and reached the ones for high-​ranked officials to stand at” also finds support in the court layout of Joseon, which perfectly matches Dasan’s description. This supplementary explanation should not be taken to imply that the “original” meaning of guo wei, which Dasan claims to have discovered, merely mirrors Joseon’s, but not Chinese, institutions. Rather, Joseon so strived to follow every aspect of the ancient Confucian traditions that it came to preserve many of the Confucian classical systems—​some of which had been extinguished in China. The reason Dasan argued that ru in the main passage might have been replaced with li due to their similar sounds was that their sounds are truly similar in the Korean pronunciation of the characters. It may be closer to the ancient pronunciation: li 立 is defined in fanqie as a combination of li 力 and ru 入, according to many ancient dictionaries of Chinese characters (see Yu ding Kangxi zidian, 21:100a). According to their phonetical values in modern Chinese, however, the characters seem to display no similarity. Dasan’s understanding of wei could be further supported by the fact that the main passage evidently mentions that Confucius “returned” to the station. As Dasan points out, if wei were to refer to the royal station in the court, the

48 49

This informs us that the Han editions of the Analects included the word jin in this passage. This remark is practically identical to the phrase under discussion.

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passage would seem to express insolence because it would suggest to the reader that the supposed royal station belonged to Confucius. Employing his ultimate criterion for making judgments—​“the principle”—​Dasan consequently asked, “Is it compatible with the principle?” To make clear his point that Confucius returned to his station, Dasan adopts a wording that Lu Deming introduces in Jingdian shi wen, which omits jin after qu. In doing so, Dasan might have wished to make clear that Confucius emerged from his station in the court, when summoned to the hall, and returned to it at the termination of his audience with his lord. Another point that shows Dasan’s knowledge of the ancient Confucian rituals has to do with the sentence li bu zhong men 立不中門 (“when standing, he did not stay in the gateway” in Dasan’s reading; in all other English translations, roughly, “he did not stand in the middle of the gateway”). Although overlooked by many translators, Zhu Xi’s comment suggests that zhong in this phrase should be read as a verb. Dasan followed Zhu Xi and, in addition, explained the reason for the interpretation. The crucial difference between the common reading and Dasan’s reading of zhong lies in the fact that it gave Dasan the liberty not to specify the place where Confucius did not stay: in his reading, Confucius merely did not stay in the gateway, which encompassed all of the spots around it, including the middle, the right side, and the left side. In contrast, the common reading specifies where Confucius did not stay or stand: the “middle” of the gateway. To Dasan, the common reading does not teach much, for it is a matter of etiquette that everyone knows (or at least agrees about) not to block the middle of a gateway. This passage must have conveyed a message more profound than that Confucius maintained niceties, Dasan might have thought. And he related this passage to the ancient rituals that he was versed in, partly owing to his earlier research on the Confucian rites. In this regard, it should be noted that Dasan insisted that li (to stand) must be replaced with ru (to enter), reflecting the original wording that he assumed. With this reversion, the sentence under discussion comes to concern the ancient ritual of entering the court: in the ritual of greeting state guests, the lord of the host state would go in and out through the right part of the gateway, while the guests would use its left part. Thus, in Dasan’s eyes, the sentence li bu zhong men implies that Confucius attempted to teach through his own actions what made one’s entrance into the court conform to ritual propriety: every subject should use the right side of the gateway, and accordingly, he should not stay at the center of the left side of the gateway because it should be reserved for state guests. If this account of Dasan’s interpretation of zhong men is acceptable, he (or the extant editions of Noneo gogeum ju) nevertheless made a small mistake. He said, “Thus the sentence li bu zhong men states that he did not stay at the center of ‘the right side’ of the door stopper.” “The right side” here should be “the left side,” since Dasan contended that the left side should be reserved for the guests. An apparent editorial error in the Sinjo edition, which omitted the phrase zu jue ru ye 足躩如也 in the main passage, may add to any suspicions the reader may have that this chapter of Noneo gogeum ju contains some errors.

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Or, if Dasan did not make a mistake, the sentence li bu zhong men comes to simply mean that Confucius did not stay on the middle of the right side of the gateway, through which many people went in and out. Those who prefer this interpretation, however, will need to explain why Dasan devoted so many lines to discussing the ancient ritual of entering the court, when his reading offers practically the same teaching as the one from the common reading.

10.5 When carrying the jade tablet of his lord, he bent his body as though he could not bear its weight; he held it as high as his hands are when clasped together for a bow and as low as his hands are when giving something to someone; he changed his complexion as though he felt fear; he moved with short steps as though walking on his heels; during the ritual of offering gifts, he looked at ease; when having a private audience with a guest, he looked pleased. 執圭, 鞠躬如也, 如不勝. 上如揖, 下如授. 勃如戰色, 足蹜蹜如有循. 享禮, 有容色. 私覿, 愉愉如也. 10.5.1 Grounds 1) I  supplement as follows:  Gui 圭 (“the jade tablet”) refers to the auspicious jade. 2) Master Zhu commented, “[Gui here refers to] the jade tablet for the feudal lords, on which the enfeoffment order of the Son of Heaven was inscribed. When sending envoys to visit neighboring states to inquire after them, a lord had great officials carry his tablet in order to communicate with them in trust.50 It is said, ‘When carrying an object of the lord, even when it is light, one should act as though he cannot bear its weight.’51 This is intended to show the utmost form of respect and sincerity.” 3) Master Zhu commented, “The sentence shang ru yi 上如揖 (‘he held it as high as his hands are when clasped together for a bow’) xia ru shou 下如授 (‘and as low as his hands are when giving something to someone’) implies that one should carry the jade tablet stably, holding it with one’s hands at the level of one’s heart, and that it should be kept within a range as high as one’s hands are when clasped together for a bow and as low as one’s hands are when giving something to someone.”52 “Kao gong ji” says, “The dukes keep the jade tablet huan 桓; the marquises keep the jade tablet xin 信; the earls keep the jade tablet gong 躬.” [On this Zheng Xuan commented] “When having an audience with the king in the court, they carry them; when staying in their personal residence, they keep them” (Zhou li zhushu, 41:1a). 51 See “Qu li” (Li ji zhushu, 4:2a). 52 When walking and scurrying, one cannot help but move one’s hands slightly. However, it should not be held higher than the position of one’s hands when taking a bow, nor lower than the position of one’s hands when giving something to someone. 50

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4) I supplement as follows: Zhan se 戰色 (“he felt fear”) means that Confucius appeared to be trembling. 5) Master Zhu commented, “Susu 蹜蹜 (‘moved with short steps’) is a phrase that describes a deportment embodied in the narrow and hasty movement of one’s feet.” 6) Zheng Xuan commented, “Ru you xun 如有循 (‘as though walking on his heels’) is a phrase that describes a deportment embodied in the lifting of one’s toes and dragging of one’s heels to walk.” Master Zhu supplemented this, saying, “[This means that] one walks without taking his feet off the ground, as though being dragged by something.” 7) Zheng Xuan commented, “Xiang 享 (‘offering gifts’) is here synonymous with xian 獻 (to offer). According to ‘Pin li,’ after the ritual of greeting guests, the ritual of offering gifts is held. For this ritual, the jade tablet and the ritual jade bi are used. There is also a procedure that involves filling the host’s garden with visitors’ gifts.” 8) I supplement as follows: You rong se 有容色 (“he looked at ease”) means that his complexion looked at ease.53 9) Zheng Xuan commented, “Di 覿 (‘having [a private] audience’) is here synonymous with jian 見 (to see). At the conclusion of the ritual of offering gifts, one has an audience with the guest, using rituals for private relationships.” 10) Xing Bing commented, “Yuyu 愉愉 (‘pleased’) is an expression that describes a comfortable and pleasant deportment.” 10.5.2 Arguments 1) Zheng Xuan argued, “The sentence shang ru yi implies that one should be respectful when offering [上] the jade [to the lord of the host state].54 The sentence xia ru shou implies that one does not forget ritual propriety.”55 Huang Kan supplemented this, saying, “The sentence xia ru shou concerns the time when the offered jade is placed on the ground.” I  would refute these claims as follows: According to the rules of carrying the jade tablet in “Pin li,” “When offering, one should act as though he is struggling with another person for possession of an object;56 when descending from the hall, one should act as “Pin li” says, “When performing the ritual of offering gifts, one releases his breath, having a pleasant complexion” (Zhou li zhushu, 8:122a). 54 Huang Kan added, “The sentence shang ru yi concerns the time when the envoy takes the jade at the foot of the audience hall and offers it to the superior man [the lord of the host state]. Bending one’s body shows respect, so one acts in the same manner as when taking a bow.” 55 Xing Bing added, “When descending from the hall [下], although one does not hold the jade, he should still act in the same manner as when he offered it. This is because he should not dare to forget the ritual with which he was just complied.” 56 One acts as though struggling to keep the jade in one’s possession, anxious that it may drop out of one’s hands. 53

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though he is sending off a lord;57 after the lord of the host state returns [還] to his position, one retires.58 After descending the stairs, one eases one’s breath” (Yi li zhushu, 8:121a). This record seems to be comparable with the sentence shang ru yi xia ru shou, in the main passage. However, the lessons they teach are different. Gu Linshi explained, “ ‘Qu li’ says, ‘When carrying an object of the Son of Heaven, one should hold it higher than the level of one’s heart; for an object of the feudal lords, one should hold it at the level of one’s heart; for an object of the great officials, one should hold it lower than the level of one’s heart; for an object of the shi-​officials, one should hold it at the level of one’s waist’ (Li ji zhushu, 4:1b). This chapter explains that one should act as though one were taking a bow and giving something to someone because the state of Lu possessed the status of the feudal lord” (unknown source). ) Cao Shuozhi 晁說之 (1059–​1129) argued, “Confucius occupied an office in 2 Lu in the ninth year of the reign of Duke Ding and was never engaged in matters of sending or receiving envoys for either attending the court audience or inquiring after the neighboring states. I suspect that the two chapters, which depict Confucius playing a role of aide-​to-​the-​host and carrying the jade tablet, merely record Confucius’s instructions on ritual propriety in relation with the cases” (quoted in Lun yu jizhu, 5:10b). Feng Yi 馮椅 (fl. 1193) disagreed, saying, “Zuo’s Commentary or what was recorded by Sima Qian apparently does not stick to the facts. This book, however, was compiled on the basis of the direct record of Confucius’s disciples. How can a person doubt it?” (Lun yu jizhu daquan, 10:13a) 3) For a classical text that is relevant to the main passage, see “Pin li,” which says, “When entering the gate with the jade tablet in his hands, one should bend his body. When performing the ritual of offering gifts, one releases his breath, having a pleasant complexion. When having a private audience with a guest, one should look pleased” (Yi li zhushu, 8:122a). As I  understand, “Xiang dang” is a record of Our Master’s agreement with ritual propriety in his behavior.

10.6 The noble person did not use dark blue or dark red silks to decorate his upper garment, nor did he use pink or purple silks to make casual wear; in hot weather, he wore an unlined garment made of fine or coarse hemp, but when going out, he always put on an outer garment.59 君子不以紺緅飾, 紅紫不以爲褻服. 當暑, 袗絺綌, 必表而出之.

Jia Gongyan 賈公彦 (fl. 650–​655) annotated, “This implies that one should be as respectful as when he sends off his lord” (8:121a). 58 Huan 還 here indicates that the lord returns to his position. 59 The Huang Kan edition does not contain zhi 之 [in chu zhi 出之]. 57

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10.6.1 Grounds 1) Master Zhu commented, “Gan 紺 (‘dark blue [silk]’) has the color dark blue, which is tinged with the color red.60 2) I  supplement as follows:  Zou 緅 (“dark red silk”) has the color dark red, which is slightly imbued with the color black. “Kao gong ji” says, “With five soaks, dark red silk is made” (Zhou li zhushu, 14:39a).61 3) Kong Anguo commented, “Shi 飾 (‘to decorate his upper garment’) means to apply a trim on the collar or the edges of the sleeves of the upper garment.” 4) I supplement as follows: Hong 紅 (“pink [silk]”) refers to silk that has the color that results when red and white are mixed;62 zi 紫 (“purple silk”) refers to silk that has the color that results when red and black are mixed.63 5) Wang Shu commented, “Xie fu 褻服 (‘casual wear’) refers to attire used in a personal residence.64 Attire made with these silks are not appropriate even for casual wear: they cannot be accepted for official garments.” 6) Xing Bing commented, “Zhen 袗 (‘unlined garment’) is here synonymous with dan 單 (single layer); both chi 絺 (‘fine hemp’) and xi 綌 (‘coarse hemp’) refer to hemp cloth; the fine one is called chi, and the coarse one, xi.” 7) Kong Anguo commented, “The phrase biao er chu 表而出 (‘when going out, he [always] put on an outer garment’)65 means to display an outer upper garment on top of casual wear.”66 8) I supplement as follows: Chu 出 (“when going out”) means that Confucius exited the gate to head to the other place. 9) As I understand, these silks—​dark blue, dark red, pink, and purple silks—​ are conspicuous and provocative,67 so the noble person [Confucius] did not use them. 10.6.2 Arguments 1) Kong Anguo argued, “With one soak, zou silk is made.68 Gan silk has the color that embodies the dignity of the ritual garments for purification. If one

Shuo wen defines gan as such (see Shuo wen jie zi, 13A:6a). In his comment on “Kao gong ji,” Zheng Xuan says, “The process of making light red silk [纁] by dying is accomplished with three soaks. If it is dyed again with an addition of the color black, it becomes dark red silk [緅]. This color is referred as jue 爵 (‘sparrow’ in this context) in records of rites on circulation today, since the color is similar to that of sparrow’s head” (Zhou li zhushu, 40:39a). 62 Shuo wen defines hong as such (see Shuo wen jie zi, 13A:5b). 63 According to Shuo wen, it refers to silk that has the color that results when red and blue are mixed (see 13A:5b). 64 It differs from the garments for official meetings. 65 Kong’s comment in the Huang Kan edition also contains no zhi [after er, as in Lun yu jijie]. 66 I supplement, “Similarly, one puts on a vest over a fur.” 67 Master Zhu commented, “A man’s pink and purple outfit looks similar to women’s apparel.” 68 Xing Bing disagreed, saying, “According to ‘Kao gong ji,’ ‘With three soaks, light red silk [纁] is made; with five soaks, zou silk; with seven soaks, black silk [緇]’ (Zhou li zhushu, 40:39a). Er ya says, ‘Silk that is dyed once is called pink silk [縓]; silk that is dyed twice is called light red silk [竀, according to Zhou li zhushu; 赬, in Er ya zhushu]’ (Er ya zhushu, 4:31b). Kong Anguo here commented, ‘With one soak, zou silk is made.’ I do not know what source Kong derived this interpretation from.” 60 61

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uses it to decorate one’s upper garment, it resembles the ritual garments for purification.69 Zou silk is used for the ritual garments for the first anniversary of one’s death in the three-​year mourning. If one uses it to decorate one’s upper garment, it resembles the ritual garments for mourning. Therefore these silks were not used to decorate one’s upper garment.”70 Huang Kan explained, “Kong Anguo understood that gan silk is black, and zou silk is light red. For the ritual garments for the first anniversary of one’s death in the three-​year mourning, however, ritualists use pink silk for the collar and trim of one’s robe: they do not say that they use zou silk. Also, ‘Kao gong ji’ says, ‘With three soaks, light red silk is made; with five soaks, zou silk; with seven soaks, black silk.’ This record clearly shows that zou silk is not light red [because it cannot stay light red after two more soaks]. All commentators have consequently agreed that Kong’s comment with regard to this topic was incorrect.” As I understand, in ancient times people always wore the black ceremonial cap when they stayed calm for purification. So “Yu zao” says, “The black ceremonial cap with a red strap is the one that is reserved for the feudal lords for their purification; the black ceremonial cap with a dark blue strap is the one that is reserved for the shi-​officials for their purification” (Li ji zhushu, 29:24a). This is the so-​called “purification of oneself with the black cap.” Since Kong Anguo suspected that gan silk was also black, he believed that it was used for the ritual garments for the first anniversary of one’s death. In point of fact, however, there are no grounds to be found for his argument in the three classics of rites and the five classics. Furthermore, he misunderstood that zou silk was used for the ritual garments for the first anniversary of one’s death, despite the fact that zou silk and pink silk absolutely differ from one another in the strength of their colors. Confucius did not use the aforementioned silks to decorate his upper garment due to the mere fact that they were conspicuous, provocative, and, consequently, awkward in appearance. Nevertheless, Kong Anguo insisted that he did not use them because, were he to do so, his garment would resemble the ritual garments for purification or for the first anniversary of one’s death. Isn’t this an error as well? Wang Yinglin explained, “According to Shi lin, Kong Anguo confused zou silk with pink silk:  zou silk has nothing to do with the ritual garments for mourning. Jizhu also commented, ‘Zou silk is red,’ since it adopted Kong’s comment” (Kun xue ji wen, 7:17a).71 2) Zheng Xuan argued, “Dark blue, dark red, and purple silks belong to the category of black silk [玄]; pink silk belongs to the category of light red silk A person wears these garments when staying calm for purification. Xing Bing added, “According to ‘Tangong,’ ‘For the ritual garments for the first anniversary of one’s death [練衣], the inner liner should be yellow, and pink silk is used for the trim’ (Li ji zhushu, 8:28b). On this passage, Zheng Xuan commented, ‘For the garments that are adopted during the rituals for the first anniversary of one’s death, the inner liners should be yellow, and pink silk is used to decorate them’ (8:28b).” 71 Cai Qing remarked, “No matter what, gan silk and zou silk do not have the orthodox colors. Having said that, how could they be used for the ritual garments for purification or for mourning?” (Si shi meng yin, 6:100b). 69 70

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[纁]. The reason black and light red silks are used for the garments for the sacrificial rituals is that they are the same in kind [In other words, the color black represents Heaven, and the color light red represents Earth, which are the primary recipients of the sacrificial rituals]. Dark blue and dark red silks are made through a dying process that involves materials from trees, so they cannot be used to decorate the collar and trim of one’s upper garment. Pink and purple silks are made through a process that involves materials from different kinds of grass, so they cannot be used to make one’s casual wear.”72 Xing Bing added, “Gan silk is black; zou silk is light red.” I would refute these claims as follows: In this discussion, what does it matter that some silks are made through a dying process that involves materials from trees or different kinds of grass?73 3) Ogyu explained, “Regarding the garments for the court audience and the sacrificial rituals, regulations from the former kings already existed. Therefore Confucius did not mention them. In contrast, many people followed the mundane customs for their casual wear. Therefore Confucius acted as described above.” This explanation is to the point. 4) Xing Bing argued, “Although only pink and purple silks are mentioned here, none of the silks with mixed colors [間色] were used.” Yin Ziyan 穎子嚴 (穎 容, d. fl. 196–​220) also contended, “The color blue [which represents the force of tree] is added to the color yellow [which represents the force of the earth], since the force of tree subdues the force of the earth. As a result, the color green becomes a mixed color that represents the east. The color red [which represents the force of fire] is added to the color white [which represents the force of metal], since the force of fire subdues the force of metal. As a result, the color pink becomes a mixed color that represents the south.”74 I would refute these claims as follows: Since Confucius remarked, “I dislike how purple steals the place of vermillion” (Lun yu jizhu, 17:18), the apocryphal texts severely excluded the mixed colors. Vermillion, however, is the color that results when red and yellow are mixed and thus also belongs to the category of mixed colors from the beginning; greenish yellow silk [絞] has the color that results when green and yellow are mixed, but a noble person used it to make a vest that was displayed on top of a leather dress [裼衣];75 light green silk [綦] has the color that results when green and white are mixed [in 9.3, Dasan insisted that qi refers to the color dark blue], but the officials in the court used it to make straps for their caps;76 vermillion and green belong to the See Huang Kan’s comment. “Chu zhen xun 俶眞訓” in Huainanzi says, “If one dyes black silk [緇, 緅 in all editions of Noneo gogeum ju] with black mud [涅], it becomes darker than black mud” (Huainan Honglie jie, 2:8b). 74 See Huang Kan’s comment. 75 See “Yu zao” (Li ji zhushu, 30:2b). 76 See “Yu zao” (29:24a). 72 73

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category of mixed colors, but the Son of Heaven utilized them to make the beaded strap for his mian crown, and the feudal lords, for their ornamented belts.77 [Had such a tradition existed] how could the Han Confucians be safe from being affected by the former kings’ abhorrence for mixed colors? Rites says, “The king’s consort . . . spins cocoons and dyes silk vermillion, green, black, and yellow. When she finishes making the garments for the king, he performs the rituals for the former kings.”78 Didn’t vermillion and green belong to the category of mixed colors? Zuo’s Commentary says, “Hun Liangfu 渾良夫 . . . wore an upper garment made of purple silk and a fox fur.  .  .  . The heir prince counted his crimes and killed him.”79 The upper garment made of purple silk was reserved for the lord, according to a comment on this record.80 Guanzi says, “Duke Huan of Qi liked wearing purple upper garments. Admiring the duke, the people of Qi highly valued such garments, so they exchanged five white, silk articles of clothing for one purple, silk article of clothing” (quoted in Kun xue ji wen, 5:21a). Duke Huan of Lu always had a purple strap for his ceremonial cap.81 If the mixed colors had been regarded as truly humble, why did these two lords dare to use them? Just people do not make an effort to read books. Rites says, “The upper garment has orthodox colors; the lower garment has mixed colors. Without an official outfit, a person is not allowed to enter the gate to the lord’s court.”82 This record clearly shows that both orthodox colors and mixed colors were employed for official outfits.83 What kind of practical principle [實理] exists in a theory that argues that the force of tree subdues the force of the earth and the force of fire subdues the force of metal? How can one hold so strictly to the belief, as is common today, that people should avoid the colors green and pink? The former kings did not institute this law. Confucius did not use dark blue or dark red silks to decorate his upper garment, nor did he wear clothes made of pink or purple silks, for they were conspicuous and provocative. How could he have done so because they had mixed colors? 5 ) Xing Bing commented, “[The phrase biao er chu means that] Confucius went out only after he put on a robe [when he was wearing casual wear], for the look of casual wear was indecent.” Zhu Xi disagreed, saying, “The phrase biao er chu ‘zhi’ 表而出之 means that Confucius put on underclothes first to display [表] his unlined casual wear made of fine or coarse hemp, in order to go out. This is because he did not wish to make his body visible. A poem

See “Yu zao” (30:9b). See “Ji yi” (48:3a–​b). 79 See the seventeenth year of the reign of Duke Ai (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 60:11a–​b). 80 See Du Yu’s comment (60:11a). 81 See “Yu zao” (Li ji zhushu, 29:26b). 82 “Yu zao” (29:28a). 83 “Bei feng” says, “The upper garment is green; the lower garment is yellow” (Mao Shi zhushu, 3:8a). This poem laments how the colors were switched and does not imply that the color green was never used for one’s garment. 77

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in Poetry, which says, ‘The royal consort’s ceremonial upper garment is covered with a robe made of coarse or fine hemp’ (Mao Shi zhushu, 4:11a), is pertinent to this practice.” According to my investigation, the Huang Kan edition did not originally contain the character “zhi” for the phrase under discussion.84 “Tangong” says, “[When mourning for Confucius] his disciples wore hempen waistbands, when going out” (Li ji zhushu, 7:25b). This remark shows the same practice as the one that is described with the phrase under discussion. 6) Huang Kan explained, “Biao 表 means to wear an outer upper garment. In ancient times, people wore leather outfits during the winter and hemp outfits during the summer. When they stayed in their personal residences, they did not put on robes on top of their leather or hemp outfits. When going out or receiving guests, they put on outer upper garments. So the main passage says, ‘When going out, he always put on an outer garment.’ The reason the main passage mentions the case of hempen casual wear only, when people put on outer garments over their leather outfits as well, is that they often did not put the garments on during the summer out of concern for the heat. Thus this case is illustrated in depth here.”85 Dazai supplemented this, saying, “ ‘Yu zao’ says, ‘With a single layer [振] of hempen clothes, fine or coarse, one cannot enter the gate to the lord’s court; with a leather outfit that is displayed outside, one cannot enter the gate to the lord’s court’ (Li ji zhushu, 29:28b). On this remark, Zheng Xuan commented, ‘Zhen 振 is here interchangeable with zhen 袗, which is synonymous with dan 襌 (unlined garment). The leather outfit displayed outside here refers to a leather outfit that functions as an outer garment. Since these two types of outfit look indecent, one should put on an outer garment, when going out’ (29:28b). This passage in ‘Yu zao’ provides grounds for the meaning of this chapter.” These comments cannot be challenged. 7) I explore the textual difference as follows: In the Huang Kan edition, zhen 袗 appears as chen 縝 (a single-​layer garment); in the Lu Deming edition, zhen 袗 appears as zhen 紾 (a single-​layer garment).86 * * * The words gan 紺, zou 緅, hong 紅, and zi 紫 all originally referred to different types of silk before they were extended, conceptually, to refer to the colors that each of these silks came to have after a certain dying process. Thus each of the definitions of these words in Shuo wen jie zi (the most ancient of extant Chinese dictionaries) explains that they are associated with different types of

In Kong Anguo’s comment on this phrase, “zhi” is also omitted. He continued, “The color of the leather outfit that is covered by an outer garment should match that of the outer garment, so that they look coordinated. As for the hempen casual wear, it is not necessary that its color matches that of the outer garment.” 86 Lu Deming added a comment, saying, “It refers to a single-​layer garment” (Jingdian shi wen, 24:14a). 84 85

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silk, which were classified according to their colors. Even though Dasan focused on the colors of the silks when he quoted from Shuo wen jie zi, he must have been aware of this fact. Of all the English translators I have examined, only D. C. Lau based his translation on this original meaning (see Confucius: The Analects, 102). Despite the multitude of discussions in this chapter, Dasan chose to follow existing interpretations in most debates:  regarding the color of gan silk, he followed Zhu Xi; regarding the color of zou silk, he basically followed “Kao gong ji”; regarding the meaning of the phrase biao er chu, he followed Kong Anguo. Commentators whom Dasan followed for a certain topic he sometimes rejected for another topic, but the two Japanese commentators are both immune to his sharp criticism in this chapter. One of Dasan’s arguments, which seems to have been unaffected by existing theories and accordingly is listed in his “Original Meanings,” pertains to the reason why Confucius did not use silks of such colors as dark blue, dark red, pink (it actually refers to pale pink or pinkish light red), and purple for the purposes described in the main passage. In conclusion, Dasan insists that Confucius did not use them because their colors are provocative. The main target of his attack in the middle of a passage in which he conveys this point of view is Huang Kan, who quoted Ying Ziyan for his comment, and Xing Bing. Since all the silks mentioned in the main passage have so-​called mixed colors, which are contrasted with “orthodox colors [正色]” in the ancient categorization of colors, they speculated that Confucius did not use them because they carried a sense of unorthodoxy. Understandably, this perspective was palatable to Confucian legitimists and has remained predominant in many commentaries, including those of neo-​ Confucian scholars. To Dasan, however, this theory was not persuasive, primarily because the classical texts demanded that a skeptical mind procure an ample amount of evidence to counter it: they show that the mixed colors were widely adopted in historical cases and by figures of authority. Therefore, on the one hand his knowledge of the classical texts helped him repudiate Huang Kan and Xing Bing in this regard. On the other hand Dasan might have been motivated to disapprove of this theory due to Huang Kan’s comment on this topic. Even though Dasan only discusses the theory in his quotation of Ying Ziyan, Huang left an impressively lengthy explanation of the relationships between the mixed colors and the five phases, or five movements [五行]. Unfortunately, to Huang, Dasan generally regarded the theory of the five phases as irrational or groundless, if not superstitious. In contrast, the concept Dasan adhered to when arguing about the irrationality of Huang’s and Xing’s comments was li, the principle—​especially, in this case, the “practical principle [實理]”: he asked, “What kind of practical principle exists in a theory that argues that the force of tree subdues the force of the earth and that the force of fire subdues the force of metal?” “Practical principle” does not differ dramatically from “principle” in Dasan’s philosophy. By adding “practical” to “principle,” Dasan suggests, however, that his philosophy

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concerns practical, not metaphysical, topics of principle, including sociopolitical principles, scientific principles, and ethical principles (principles in “practical human relationships” in Dasan’s philosophy). This is one of the five cases in which Dasan directly uses the term silli, practical principle, in Noneo gogeum ju, which I have used to characterize the nature of Dasan’s scholarship.

10.7 Confucius wore a black upper garment for a lambskin outfit, a white upper garment for a fawn skin outfit, and a yellow upper garment for a fox skin outfit. His ordinary upper garment was long, but its right sleeve was short. 緇衣, 羔裘. 素衣, 麑裘. 黃衣, 狐裘. 褻裘長, 短右袂. 10.7.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: A baby sheep is called gao 羔 (“lamb”); a baby deer is called ni 麑 (“fawn”). 2) I supplement as follows: A lambskin outfit is white, so it is covered [裼] with a black upper garment;87 a fawn skin outfit is deep yellow, so it is covered with a white upper garment;88 a fox skin outfit is white with some mottles, so it is covered with a yellow upper garment.89 Xi 裼 is here synonymous with yi 易 (to change).90 3) I supplement as follows: Xie qiu 褻裘 (“his ordinary upper garment”) refers to the garment that is in direct contact with one’s body.91 It is long because it is intended to cover one’s waist. Its right sleeve is short in order to make it easy to work [with one’s right hand].92 For this garment, one does not wear an outer upper garment.93 10.7.2 Arguments 1) Xing Bing argued, “The lambskin outfit is black, so it is covered with a black upper garment; the fawn skin outfit is made of fawn’s skin, so it is covered with a white upper garment;94 the fox skin outfit is yellow, so it is covered with a yellow upper garment. In dressing, the colors of outer and inner garments should match each other.” I would refute this as follows:

This is intended to change its color. This is intended to change its color. 89 This is intended to change its color. 90 The colors of the outer and inner garments embody changes. 91 This term delivers the same meaning as xie fu 褻服 (ordinary outfit). 92 Kong Anguo also held the same view. 93 Huang Kan commented, “Since one does not put on an outer upper garment for it, the main passage does not contain a mention of it.” 94 Master Zhu added, “The color of fawn skin is white.” 87

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The color of sheep and lamb is usually white, though one may happen to come across black ones. The color of deer is deep yellow, on which white spots scatter. Given that the school of immortality often speaks of white deer, it can be inferred that there is no such thing. Although the color of fox is yellow overall, the ancient people originally used white fox’s skin for their fox skin outfits. Thus “Yu zao” says, “The lord wears the white fox skin outfit . . . the shi-​officials are not allowed to wear it” (Li ji zhushu, 30:1a–​b). This record shows that ministers and the great officials [such as Confucius] could wear the white fox skin outfit, while the shi-​officials could not. On the basis of this record, one can surmise that the colors of inner and outer garments should display changes in order to prevent them from being greatly biased. Nevertheless, Xing Bing insisted that they should match each other: how could his distortion be extended to this level? A poem, in “Xiao ya,” says, “The shi-​officials in the capital city of the brilliant king, with the fox skin outfit so yellow” (Mao Shi zhushu, 22:26b). If one takes this poem into consideration with the record in “Yu zao,” which says, “The shi-​officials were not allowed to wear the white fox skin outfit,” one can infer that the shi-​ officials in the capital city primarily wore the yellow fox skin outfit. 2) Kong Anguo argued, “The leather outfit used in one’s personal residence [褻裘 in Kong’s interpretation] was long in order to keep the body warm.”95 I would refute this as follows: The garments used in one’s personal residence include not only the outer upper garment but also the ordinary upper garment. The word xie is here synonymous with xia 狎 (intimate) or ni 昵 (close). How can it be rendered as “personal residence”? 3) Huang Kan argued, “The black upper garment displayed on top of the lambskin outfit is the ceremonial garment for the lord, when he observes state’s affairs in his court.”96 In contrast, Zheng Xuan contended, “The white upper garment displayed on top of the fawn skin outfit is the ceremonial garment for the lord, when he observes state’s affairs in his court.”97 Xing Bing supplemented Zheng Xuan, saying, “The yellow upper garment displayed on top of the fox skin outfit is the ceremonial garment for the festival for soothing the people [息民], which followed the year-​ end sacrificial ritual held by the lord [大蜡]. For the sacrificial ritual, he wore the white garments with the skin cap;98 for the festival, he wore the yellow upper garment displayed on top of the fawn skin outfit.”99 He also insisted, “The lord also wore the white upper garment displayed on top of the fawn skin outfit when he received a guest from another state who Huang Kan added, “This leather skin outfit refers to the one that was always worn in the personal residence.” 96 When observing state’s affairs, the feudal lords wore the same ceremonial garments as those for his subjects. 97 For this, see Xing Bing’s comment. 98 In this ritual, he gathered many spiritual beings and offered them a sacrifice. 99 After offering a sacrifice to his ancestors at the end of the year, the lord ordered his people to have a great drink. So this festival was called “soothing the people.” 95

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inquired after his state with the ritual of presenting gifts.100 ‘Jiao tesheng 郊特牲’ says, ‘Wearing the yellow upper garment with the yellow cap is an act intended to sooth the farming men’ (Li ji zhushu, 26:13b).” According to my investigation, with regard to the use of these three types of leather outfits, no source that provides a clear explanation is available. Many Confucian scholars have merely conjectured on this topic. A poem in Poetry says, “With his lambskin outfit glossy, he looks balanced and upright, like a lord.”101 This poem shows that the lambskin outfit was a normal garment worn by a subject when he had an audience with the lord in the court. Another poem in Poetry says, “Our fox skin outfits are frayed and worn, though our carriages never cease to go eastward.”102 This poem shows that an envoy wore the fox skin outfit for a mission to visit neighboring states. How could it happen that the lord wore it for the festival only? Yanzi 晏子 (晏嬰, 578–​501 bce) wore one fox skin outfit for thirty years. Then will anyone claim that he joined only the festival for his entire life? Zi Lu often stood by a man dressed in fox or marten skin clothes. However, how could he always be with a guest at the year end sacrificial ritual? The yellow upper garment and the yellow cap are casual wear for people working in the fields. How can a person find grounds for his argument in coincidental uses of the same term—​the yellow upper garment—​in two different remarks? 4) For a classical text that supports my interpretation here, see “Yu zao,” which says, “The lord put on the white fox skin outfit, which was covered by the silk upper garment . . . the lord’s son put on the green fox skin outfit, which was covered by the black upper garment made of fine silken threads . . . as for the baby deer skin outfit [麛裘], it was covered by the green-​yellow [絞] upper garment” (Li ji zhushu, 30:1a–​2b).103 In my view, mi qiu 麛裘 is a term identical to ni qiu 麑裘 (“the fawn skin outfit”) in the main passage. The color of the green-​yellow upper garment was intended to make it look pale. It is not much different from the white upper garment. 5) Kong Yingda’s scholium on “Yu zao” argues, “One wears the upper garment xi yi 裼衣 on top of the leather outfit; he wears the robe xi yi 襲衣 on top of the upper garment xi yi; he wears the official garments on top of the robe xi yi” (29:31a).104 I would refute this as follows: Rites says, “With the leather outfit that is displayed outside, one cannot enter the gate to the lord’s court;105 with the coat xi yi on top of the leather

For this, see a comment in “Pin li” (Yi li zhushu, 8:43b). See “Zheng feng 鄭風” (Mao Shi zhushu, 7:18a). 102 See “Bei feng” (3:53b). 103 Jiao 絞 here refers to the color green-​yellow. 104 Fang shi 方氏 (?) supplemented this, saying, “The upper garment xi yi has had the coat xi yi on top of it from the beginning. Since one comes to expose [裼] the upper garment xi yi, however, it was called such. The robe xi yi has had the upper garment xi yi as its inner layer from the beginning. Since one comes to cover [襲] the robe xi yi, however, it was called such” (Li ji ji shuo 禮記集說, 75:21a). 105 This remark concerns those who did not put on the upper garment xi yi on top of the leather outfit. 100 101

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outfit, one cannot enter the gate to the lord’s court. . . .106 When the lord is present, one has to wear the upper garment xi yi, in order to demonstrate its beauty.”107 This record clearly shows that the upper garment xi yi was worn by a subject for his audience with the lord. Is Kong’s scholium acceptable? * * * All of the commentators whose works survived and all of the English translators who tried to confirm the color of the lambskin outfit agree about one thing: it is black. Huang Kan might have been the first commentator who specified the color, on the basis probably of Kong Anguo’s comment “The colors of the inner and outer garments should match each other.” Huang might have interpreted Kong’s comment as meaning that the colors should be identical, subsequently concluding that the color of the lambskin outfit is black because the main passage encourages people to wear the black upper garment [緇衣] to match it. However, the primary definition of gao 羔, used in the term “lambskin outfit [羔裘],” is baby sheep (lamb)—​not black sheep, as Huang defined it. Thus it is understandable that Dasan’s critical mind could not blindly accept this otherwise universal interpretation, when he checked its primary meaning. Moreover, black lamb was rare, at least in Dasan’s experience. At this point, he must have perceived a potential fallacy in the universal reading of the main passage and needed to embark on an investigation of its original meaning. For his project, Dasan’s knowledge and interest in the Confucian rituals again helped him gain a new understanding: he found that “Yu zao” contains a passage that says, “The lord put on the white fox skin outfit, which was covered by a silk upper garment.” This passage gives a significant hint about the color of the fox skin outfit that is mentioned in this chapter: it is white. According to the main passage, this white fox skin outfit should be matched with the yellow upper garment. To Dasan, this may imply that the colors of the upper garment and the leather outfit should be harmonious, as Kong Anguo commented, but different from one another. He was not only critical but also brave enough to draw a general conclusion from this investigation that the color of the upper garment xi yi, which covers the leather outfit, should be different from that of the leather outfit, as he noted in his “Original Meanings.” With this general rule that he discovered, he was also able to specify the color of the lambskin outfit:  it is white, not black, since it corresponds with the common color of lambskin and matches the black upper garment well. The fawn skin outfit should also be yellow because it is the common color of fawn skin, in his view. He quoted “Yu zao” again at the end of this chapter to support his interpretation, confirming that the lord usually wore the white fox skin outfit and that even the lord’s son wore an outfit whose color was close to white.

106 107

This remark concerns those who put on one more layer of dress on top of the upper garment xi yi. All remarks come from “Yu zao” (Li ji zhushu, 29:28b–​29:30b; 30:4a).

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Like all Dasan’s new interpretations, this “original meaning” could be countered, for the remark in “Yu zao” concerns the lord, not the great officials, while this chapter discusses how Confucius, a great official in his social rank, was dressed. The remark in “Yu zao” does not mention the case of the great officials, merely distinguishing the lord from the shi-​officials. Aware of this problem, Dasan insisted that the great officials must have been allowed to wear the white fox skin outfit because only the shi-​officials were not allowed to, according to “Yu zao.”

10.8 Confucius always wore a sleeping garment, which was half again the length of his body; he had a thick mat made of fox or marten fur to sit in his personal residence. 必有寢衣, 長一身有半. 狐貉之厚以居. 10.8.1 Grounds 1) I  supplement as follows:  Qin yi 寢衣 (“a sleeping garment”) refers to a garment that was worn on the bed.108 2) Master Zhu commented, “The extra half was generally required to cover one’s feet.”109 3) I  supplement as follows:  The expression “Confucius always” was here adopted to indicate that Our Master alone did so, while others did not. Also it implies that he always had the sleeping garment in the winter. Mirroring this aspect, this record on the sleeping garment has been arranged between mentions of “the ordinary upper garment” [in the previous chapter] and a mat made of fox or marten fur. 4) I  supplement as follows:  The “thick mat made of fox or marten fur” is the same kind as the mattress or cushion;110 ju 居 (“to sit in his personal residence”) is here synonymous with zuo 坐 (to sit).111 10.8.2 Arguments 1) Kong Anguo argued, “Qin yi is equivalent to today’s quilt.” Mao Qiling supplemented this, saying, “The upper garment is a quilt during the day; a quilt is the upper garment during the night” (Lun yu jiqiu pian, 4:15a). I would refute these claims as follows:

It was made in a style similar to that of the ordinary dress but longer than it. This means that Confucius folded the garment and covered his feet with the extra half. 110 They are more effective at keeping one warm, when thick. 111 The Master said to Master Zeng, “Sit down [居]. I will tell them to you” (Lun yu jizhu, 17:8; 17.7 in Noneo gogeum ju). 108

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The characters for quilt, such as qin 衾 (coverlet) or chou 裯 (blanket), were used even in ancient times. For example, Poetry says, “Carrying our quilts [衾] and blankets [裯]” (Mao Shi zhushu, 2:41a); Rites says, “The mourner should have a black quilt [衾] with a red lining . . . use the same quilt [衾] that is used for the lesser ritual of dressing to cover the corpse”;112 “Nei ze 內則” says, “The attendant hangs the parents’ quilt [衾] and puts their pillows into a chest” (Li ji zhushu, 27:8a). Then why would it be necessary to adopt the term qin yi to name a quilt? Suppose that the Analects stated that “Confucius always had a quilt,” while everyone else had a quilt when sleeping. There exists no such principle [理]. 2) Zheng Xuan argued, “Hu he 狐貉 (‘a mat made of fox or marten fur’) refers to the garments for receiving guests in one’s personal residence.”113 I would refute this as follows: The character ju alone cannot carry the meaning of receiving guests. 3) Master Cheng contended, “This chapter contains an error that has been made by a misplacement of the bamboo slips. It should be placed after the passage that says, ‘When staying calm for purification, Confucius wore [the spiritual outfit] ming yi 明衣, which was made of hemp’ (Lun yu jizhu, 10:7; 10.13 in Noneo gogeum ju)” (Lun yu jizhu, 5:11a). Master Zhu agreed, saying, “If the passages are rearranged as Master Cheng suggested, this passage and the passage regarding both the garment ming yi and Confucius’s different foods [ for purification] can be considered as falling in the same category; the passages regarding xie qiu 褻裘 [‘the ordinary leather outfit’ in Zhu Xi’s reading] and hu he [‘the fox or marten furs’ in Zhu Xi’s reading] can also be considered as falling in the same category.”114 Dazai Jun agreed, saying, “If one accepts Cheng’s suggestion, the four uses of the character bi 必 (‘always’) in the series of remarks here—​‘Confucius always [必] wore ming yi’; ‘Confucius always [必] wore a sleeping outfit [in Dasan’s reading]’; ‘when staying calm for purification, Confucius always [必] changed his food (Lun yu jizhu, 10:7, 10.13 in Noneo gogeum ju)’; ‘[when staying calm] Confucius always [必] moved to a different seat to stay on (Lun yu jizhu, 10:7, 10.13 in Noneo gogeum ju)’—​ can be better understood in terms of the principle of writing.”

10.9 When the period of mourning ended, Confucius did not restrict himself from wearing ornaments. 去喪, 無所不佩.

See “Shi sang li” (Yi li zhushu, 12:1a; 12:34b). Xing Bing added, “These refer to the leather outfits that were taken for one to receive one’s guests.” 114 He continued, “In one’s performance for purification, one takes prudent concentration [敬] as one’s mainstay. Accordingly, one is not allowed to strip oneself of normal clothes to sleep, nor to keep on wearing the upper garment ming yi to sleep. Thus he prepares a quilt separately.” 112 113

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10.9.1 Grounds 1) Kong Anguo commented, “Qu 去 (‘ended’) is here synonymous with chu 除 (to be removed).” 2) Master Zhu commented, “The noble person does not remove jade ornaments from his body without a proper reason.” 3) Xing Bing commented, “ ‘Yu zao’ says, ‘Long ago, the noble person always wore jade ornaments. The ornaments that he carried on the left side [of his girdle] made the sounds zhi 徵 and jiao 角; those that he carried on the right side made the sounds gong 宮 and yu 羽. . . . In general, he always had the jade pendants when wearing a girdle; however, he wore nothing during the mourning period. A jade pendant had a hook that connected it to the girdle. The noble person does not remove jade ornaments from his body without a proper reason, for he uses jade to symbolize his virtue’ (Li ji zhushu, 30:19a–​20a).” 4) I  supplement as follows:  That Confucius did not restrict himself from wearing ornaments implies that he was equipped with all types of jade ornaments, such as:  the arch-​shaped jade huang 璜, the belt-​shaped jade ju 琚, the stone-​shaped jade yu 瑀, the semicircular jade heng 珩, the horn-​ shaped jade xi 觿, and the circular jade with an opening jue 玦. 5) In his comment on Chu ci, Wang Yi 王逸 (89–​158) argued “He who behaves impeccably carries fragrance; he who has the virtue of brilliance carries jade; he who is capable of disentangling conflicts wears the horn-​shaped jade xi; he who is capable of resolving doubts wears the circular jade with an opening jue. Thus it is said that ‘Confucius did not restrict himself from wearing ornaments’ ” (Chu ci zhangju 楚辭章句, 1:3a). I would refute this as follows: Suppose that Confucius was proud of himself with many virtues and wore a variety of jade ornaments. Is this compatible with the principle [理]? 6) I question Master Zhu as follows: Jizhu states, “The horn-​shaped awl [觿] and the whetstone are also pendants of this kind.” As I  understand, the awl and the whetstone were required in order to serve one’s parents.

10.10 Except for the carriage curtain skirt, Confucius always made skirts to create a gradual reduction in girth. [This chapter opens the fifth volume of Noneo gogeum ju in the Sinjo edition, which corresponds to the eleventh volume of the collection of classics of Yeoyudang jeonseo.] 非帷裳, 必殺之. 10.10.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Wei chang 帷裳 (“the carriage curtain skirt”) here refers to a curtain that affords protection for a carriage.115 115

For more details, see the following discussion.

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2) Wang Shu commented, “Garments are generally stitched to create a gradual reduction in girth from a certain point to another point. Only wei chang [Wang did not provide a clear definition for this term] has no such reduction.” 3) I  supplement as follows:  All types of skirt that are named with the word chang 裳 (“skirt”), including skirts for the court audience, for the sacrificial rituals, for the mourning rituals, and the long robe shen yi 深衣, have a gradual reduction in girth. In some cases, this occurs by pleating;116 in other cases, this occurs by cutting out a certain part of the original fabric.117 In general, making something wide at the bottom and narrow at the top is called shai 殺 (“create a gradual reduction in girth”). 4) As I understand, at the time, [when making a skirt] people tended to make tightly spaced folds and stitched them into place in the same manner they horizontally stitched [衡縫] folds to create creases for a cap.118 As a result, a skirt came to have even girths at the top and bottom. Confucius might have considered this custom inappropriate in light of the ancient rites. Accordingly he always had his skirts pleated at the waist and spread at the bottom to create a gradual reduction in girth. Thus one of his disciples recorded that fact here. 10.10.2 Arguments 1) Zheng Xuan argued, “Wei chang refers to the ceremonial outfits for the court audience or for the sacrificial rituals. For them, it is standard to use the whole bolt of fabric, as in the case of making a curtain. The skirt that does not belong to wei chang is pertinent to the long robe shen yi. For this dress, the fabric should be cut: it is made by sewing the cuts to make the waist half as wide as the bottom.”119 Wang Yinglin added, “Lun yu jijie did not follow Zheng’s interpretation; Lun yu jizhu followed it” (Kun xue ji wen, 7:24a). I would refute Zheng’s claim as follows: Zheng’s interpretation is slightly better than many interpretations on this topic. However, one has to pay attention to two characters in this chapter: fei 非 (“except for”) and bi 必 (“always”). The main passage [with these two characters] states that all materials named with the word chang should without exception have a gradual reduction in girth, except for a thing called wei chang. The character fei was used to imply that it was the only thing; the character bi was used to imply that all others were made so. In Zheng’s interpretation, many things exist that are not made to have a gradual reduction in girth, such as:  the outfits for the court audience, for the sacrificial rituals, for the mourning rituals, and for social

The skirts for the court audience and for the sacrificial rituals belong to this category. This is the case for the long robe shen yi. For details, see “Tangong” (Li ji zhushu, 7:8b). 119 This comment is recorded in Chunqiu zhengyi 春秋正義 [according to Kun xue ji wen, 7:24a]. 116 117

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gatherings: actually according to him, only the long robe shen yi was made so. How can this interpretation convey the original intention of this record? If it were the true message, the record would have read, “Confucius made his long robe shen yi to have a gradual reduction in girth.” Why would it have been necessary for Confucius’s acts to be recorded in so complicated a way, as in the following: “Except for the carriage curtain skirt [wei chang in Dasan’s reading], Confucius always made all types of skirts to have a gradual reduction in girth”—​when the presumed record is sufficient to convey what Confucius wished to teach? Furthermore, the three texts of rites and the five classics provide not a single piece of evidence to support an argument that wei chang refers to the outfits for the court audience and for the sacrificial rituals. How could Zheng Xuan react to this counterevidence? “Wei feng 衛風” says, “Torrential is the Qi 淇 water; it wets the curtain skirt of my carriage [帷裳]” (Mao Shi zhushu, 5:20a). On this poem, Zheng Xuan himself commented that wei chang here referred to an ornament for a carriage, which was also called tong rong 童容 [潼容 in all editions of Noneo gogeum ju] (see 5:20a–​b). “Jin ju 巾車,” in Rites of Zhou, says, “All the king’s [and the queen’s] five carriages . . . have a canopy and a curtain [容]” (Zhou li zhushu, 27:8b). On this remark, Zheng Sinong 鄭司農 (鄭衆, d.  83)  commented, “Rong 容 here refers to the carriage curtain. In the region of Shandong, it is sometimes called tong rong” (27:9a).120 For the identity of wei chang, therefore, clear evidence is available:  it is unacceptable to define it instead, without reason, as the outfits for the court audience or for the sacrificial rituals. Er ya says, “The action of cutting a bolt of fabric to make a skirt is called pu 纀 (to cut a bolt of fabric)” (Er ya zhushu, 4:21a). On this, Guo Pu commented that this remark is germane to the long robe shen yi, saying, “Only the long robe shen yi is made by cutting a bolt of fabric” (4:21a). However, according to “Sangfu ji 喪服記 [喪服],” “For the mourning clothes qi cui, in general, the upper garment is made by cutting the fabric narrowly at sleeves, and the skirt is made by cutting the fabric narrowly at the waist” (Yi li zhushu, 11:115a). This record illustrates that even pleated skirts were made to have a gradual reduction in girth by cutting the fabric. Unfortunately, it only regards the outfits for mourning rituals: with regard to the outfits for the court audience or for the sacrificial rituals, no passage clearly states that they were made to create a gradual reduction in girth by cutting the fabric. Thus I cannot dare to make a bold claim on this issue. In conclusion, shai in the main passage is here synonymous with jian 減 (to reduce). However, this word can be applied to any situation in which the girths drastically differ from one another. How can it be applied only to the case of cutting a fabric with knives? At the time of Confucius, people tended to

Jia Gongyan added, “ ‘Hun li 昏禮 [士昏禮]’ says, ‘Carriages for ladies have curtains [裧]’ (Yi li zhushu, 2:17a). In a comment on this remark, Zheng Xuan says, ‘Chan 裧 here refers to the carriage curtain skirt. A poem from Wei reads, “[The torrential Qi water] wets the curtain skirt of my carriage.” ’ ” (Zhou li zhushu, 27:10a). 120

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make skirts with tightly spaced folds that were horizontally stitched, causing them to flow downward without changes in girth. Therefore Confucius corrected the custom and made his skirts have a gradual reduction in girth. 2) Huang Kan argued, “Wei chang here refers to a kind of curtain or screen; shai means to stitch. [The main passage states that] except for curtains and screen skirts, all types of skirts should be stitched. The stitched side goes in the interior, and the other side, on the exterior. Only the curtain skirt was made by connecting cuts with embroidery, like today’s cowl whose interior and exterior cannot be distinguished through its stitches.”121 I would refute this as follows: Wei chang only refers to the curtain skirt of a carriage. 3) Xing Bing argued, “For the outfits for the court audience or for the sacrificial ritual, it is standard to use the whole bolt of fabric as in the case of making a curtain. Due to this nature, they are called wei chang, which has no gradual reduction in girth made by stitching. The other skirts have it. Therefore for the long robe shen yi, the waist should be stitched so that it is half as wide as the bottom edge, and the bottom edge should be stitched so that it is two times as wide as the waist. The standard for the outfits for mourning rituals was for ‘the skirts to be made by cutting the fabric [削幅] narrowly at the waist.’ A comment on this record states, ‘xue 削 is here synonymous with shai’ (Yi li zhushu, 11:115a–​b).” I would refute this as follows: According to Xing Bing, the outfits for the court audience or for sacrificial rituals were called wei chang, and the long robe shen yi and the mourning clothes had a gradual reduction in girth made by cutting the fabric. However, “Sangfu ji” says, “[the skirt of mourning clothes] has three creases [in its front part]” (11:115a).122 This record demonstrates that mourning clothes had creases. And all skirts that have creases are without exception made by cutting the fabric. Then can only the outfits for the court audience and for the sacrificial rituals be immune to this practice? Nevertheless, I cannot insist on my point because no passage provides clear information on this topic. When adopting Xing Bing’s comment in Jizhu, Master Zhu removed the record from “Sangfu ji” [which states that the skirt in the mourning clothes was made by cutting the fabric narrowly at the waist] because the mourning clothes has creases.123 However, “Sangfu ji” evidently mentions that the skirt of mourning clothes had three creases and that it was made to have a gradual reduction in girth by cutting the fabric. [In conclusion] skirts that have creases are also without exception made to have a gradual reduction in girth by cutting the fabric. * * *

He continued, “Since the curtain skirt is observable from both sides, it should be made by connecting cuts through embroidering.” 122 This means that the skirt has three folds. 123 Master Zhu argued, “It is correct to understand that wei chang is equal to today’s skirt and that the creases [襞積] refer to where folds are made. [However, for the outfits for the court audience and for the sacrificial rituals] the original bolt is used intact. How can it be made to have a gradual reduction at the waist by stitching?” 121

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Dasan’s interpretation of wei chang is unprecedented, which is literally translated here: wei literally means curtain, and chang, skirt. Although Dasan did not illustrate its details, it is likely that the “skirt” is not an item separate from the “curtain” but a descriptive noun that came eventually to refer to “curtain” itself, since he listed this interpretation in the “Original Meanings,” saying, “Wei chang refers to the carriage curtain.” I  have adopted a literal translation of the term because the discussions that follow regard various “skirts.” For this claim, Dasan found a couple of passages from Confucian classical texts that contain the term, and with the assistance of Zheng Xuan’s and Zheng Sinong’s comments, he was able to contend that it referred to the carriage curtain skirt. Resonating with the creativeness of this interpretation, he rejected all transmitted interpretations of the term, which primarily attempted to determine the kind of dress wei chang refers to. Ironically, Zheng Xuan’s comment on this passage was also included among the targets of Dasan’s criticism, although he judged Zheng Xuan’s to be better than others’. In the sense that Dasan based this unprecedented interpretation on passages from the Confucian classics (although Dasan understood these with the help of other comments), not on comments on this passage in the Analects, his argument here is consistent with his prioritization of the classical texts before any other sources to discover the “original” meanings. In the middle of his argument, Dasan digresses, explaining ancient methods of making various skirts with an uncharacteristic feeling of reservation:  the lack of evidence to support his understanding of this topic hinders his “brave” assertions in this case. He concludes, however, by suggesting that some points can be accepted as true: first, all types of skirts should have a gradual reduction in girth; second, they were made so by either cutting the fabric (in the case of making the long robe shen yi) or creating creases with stitching (in the case of making the outfits for the court audience or for the sacrificial rituals); third, the skirt of mourning clothes was made so by both cutting the fabric and creating creases; fourth, in general, skirts that have creases also went through the process of cutting the fabric. Thus according to his view, the outfits for the court audience or for the sacrificial rituals should also be made to have a gradual reduction in girth by cutting the fabric, which somewhat contradicts the second point.

10.11 Confucius did not wear the lambskin dress or the black ceremonial cap on visits of condolence. 羔裘玄冠, 不以弔. 10.11.1 Grounds 1) I  supplement as follows:  Diao 弔 (“on visits of condolence”) refers to condolence visits that take place before the lesser ritual of dressing the

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deceased. According to ritual propriety, a mourner does not wear the ritual garments for inauspicious events [mourning] until concluding the ritual, for the hope for the restoration of the deceased does not fade. Those who are on visits of condolence also wear the upper garment xi yi 裼衣 on top of the leather dress to show its beauty.124 At the time of Confucius, people wore the leather dress and the black ceremonial cap to pay visits of condolence. Only Confucius tried to rectify this practice, saying, “Immediately after one’s death, the mourner changes his clothes.125 Those who are on visits of condolence are also not allowed to wear the outfits for absolutely auspicious events [that are mentioned in the main passage] in order to perform the rituals of condolence and courtesy weeping.” Accordingly, he did not use the lambskin dress and the black ceremonial cap in this case. 2) I supplement as follows: The lambskin dress is not beautiful by itself. But one wears the upper garment xi yi on top of the lambskin dress to cover it. In comparison with white clothes or yellow clothes [that the mourners wear], it looks more suitable for absolutely auspicious events. Therefore, one does not wear it on visits of condolence. 10.11.2 Arguments 1) Kong Anguo argued, “The mourners wear uncolored garments; those who conduct auspicious rituals wear black garments.”126 I would refute this as follows: Long ago, the ritual garments for paying visits of condolence apparently consisted of three different cui 衰 garments: xi cui 錫衰 [which is made of fine hemp], si cui 緦衰 [which is made of coarse hemp], and yi cui 疑衰 [which resembles the garments for auspicious events].127 Thus not only Confucius but also other people did not wear the lambskin dress and the black ceremonial cap to pay visits of condolence. Only in the case of paying visits of condolence before the lesser ritual of dressing the deceased did people sometimes wear the black garments. So Confucius disapproved of it.128 2) For classical texts that support my interpretation here, see “Tangong,” which says, “Our Master said, ‘On one’s death, those who wear the lambskin dress and the black ceremonial cap should change.’ Our Master did not wear the

Master Zeng’s and Zi You’s 子游 conduct is related to this case. See “Tangong” (Li ji zhushu, 7:27a–​b). The mourner is dressed in uncolored clothes with no patterns. Xing Bing added, “ ‘Tangong’ says, ‘When offering sacrifices, one uses uncolored vessels. This is because he who survives upholds a mind of grieving with no pretense [哀素]’ (Li ji zhushu, 9:19a). On this Zheng Xuan commented, ‘The term ai su 哀素 here means not to garnish one’s sorrow and agony. In general, not garnishing things is called su’ (9:19a). And according to ritual propriety, all the ceremonial garments for the sacrificial rituals should be black. This point is also related to Kong’s remark ‘The mourners wear uncolored garments; those who conduct auspicious rituals wear black garments.’ ” 127 See “Si fu” (Zhou li zhushu, 21:17a), “Fu wen 服問” (Li ji zhushu, 57:4a), and “Sangfu ji” (33:16a). 128 Following the lesser ritual of dressing the deceased, one wears the upper garment xi yi on top of the leather outfit to pay visits of condolence; after the mourners change into mourning clothes, one wears one of the three cui mourning clothes to pay visits of condolence. 124 125

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lambskin dress or the black ceremonial cap on visits of condolence” (Li ji zhushu, 8:18a), and Jia yu 家語, which says, “On the death of Ji Huanzi 季桓 子, the great officials of Lu paid a visit of condolence. Zi You asked Confucius about it. Confucius said, ‘On one’s death, those who wear the lambskin dress and the black ceremonial cap should change’ ” (Kongzi jia yu 孔子家語, 10:16a). According to my investigation, Kong Yingda, in his annotation on the record of “Tangong” above, explained that “should change” here means that the mourners should change.129 Since the mourners take off only the lambskin dress and the black ceremonial cap,130 a guest who pays a visit of condolence should also follow them and thus should not wear one of the three cui mourning clothes. * * * In Confucianism, the chief mourner is advised to change immediately after the announcement of a person’s death because doing so expresses his sincerity in dealing with “the great matter,” that is, bidding farewell to a deceased family member. However, he does not wear the formal mourning clothes until the deceased is completely ready to be sent away with the mourners’ completion of two rituals of dressing the dead—​the lesser ritual of dressing the dead, which is followed usually on the next day by the greater ritual of dressing the dead: as Dasan explains, the chief mourner should show reluctance to admit the death for a while. After the dressing rituals are finished, all surviving family members wear the formal mourning clothes in order to signal that they are entering the main part of the mourning period for three years—to be more precise, twenty-​five months. Considering the detailed phases in Confucian mourning, Dasan suggests a unique interpretation in this chapter again: diao (“on visits of condolence”) here only concerns visits made before the lesser ritual of dressing the deceased. It is likely that this interpretation was derived from his observation of people’s general practices of paying visits of condolence: no one wears black garments when they visit the chief mourner since it is the color that has been adopted for auspicious rituals. Thus if one accepts the common reading, which states that Confucius did not wear black garments due to the implications of the color, Confucius’s teaching in this chapter becomes too plain to be considered a passage in “the sacred classic.” Moreover, the Confucian classics of rites instruct visitors on what to wear when the main phases of the mourning period begin: one of the three cui garments. Dasan might have sensed how delicate the matter was, of choosing proper attire when paying a visit of condolence in the period before the lesser ritual occurs, when the mourners did not wear formal mourning clothes. He accordingly emphasized that Confucius warned

129 130

The mourners change immediately after a person’s death. They do not wear the ritual garments for inauspicious events yet.

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people of wearing black garments even in this preliminary mourning period. This interpretation is listed in his “Original Meanings.” One of the intriguing points in Dasan’s comment here is pertinent to his inventive reading of the term gao qiu 羔裘, which he addresses in another chapter (10.7). Whereas all other commentators rendered it as the black lambskin outfit, he contended that its color was not black but white. It appears in this chapter again, as seen above. If it refers to the white lambskin outfit, as Dasan argued, a question arises: why did Confucius not wear a white garment when paying visits of condolence, while it seems harmonious with the general Confucian guidelines that encourage mourners to wear uncolored garments? Dasan had an answer: one puts on the black upper garment xi yi on top of the lambskin outfit. Thus the exhibited color of this set of attires is black.

10.12 On the first day of the month, Confucius always wore the ceremonial garments for the court audience to attend it. 吉月, 必朝服而朝. 10.12.1 Grounds 1) Kong Anguo commented, “Ji yue 吉月 (‘the first day of the month’) refers to the first day of the month.” 2) I supplement as follows: Chao fu 朝服 (“The ceremonial garments for the court audience”) include the black ceremonial cap, the black upper garment, and the white lower garment.131 On the first day of the month, the lord announces the first day in the Great Shrine and then holds the rituals for the court’s reception,132 which is followed by his listening to debates relevant to the first day. For the last event, he wears the ceremonial skin cap pi bian 皮弁.133 The great officials adopt single rank protocols that are degraded in comparison with the lord’s, so they wear the ceremonial garments for the court audience. This passage also demonstrates how Confucius’s conduct differed from others’. 10.12.2 Arguments 1) Kong Anguo argued, “Chao fu here refers to the ceremonial pi bian garments [which match the ceremonial skin cap pi bian].” I would refute this as follows: For the events of listening to debates relevant to the first day and observing state’s affairs in the court, three different types of ceremonial According to “Za ji 雜記,” “For the ceremonial garments for the court audience, the hempen cloth made with fifteen sheng [one thousand and two hundred warp threads] is used” (Li ji zhushu, 41:10a). 132 These two events constitute the sacrificial ritual for the first day of the month. 133 See “Yu zao” (29:6b). 131

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garments were used: the set of black upper garment and the mian crown [玄端] was reserved for the man of highest nobility, which was followed by the ceremonial pi bian garments and, at the lowest level, by the ceremonial garments for the court audience. Therefore “Yu zao” says, “The Son of Heaven is dressed in the imperial dragon dress to conduct the sacrificial rituals. He is dressed in the set of black upper garment and the mian crown to listen to debates relevant to the first day . . . he is dressed in the ceremonial pi bian garments to observe the state’s affairs in the court . . . a feudal lord is dressed in the set of black upper garment and the mian crown to conduct the sacrificial rituals . . . he is dressed in the ceremonial pi bian garments to listen to debates relevant to the first day [at the Great Shrine]. He is dressed in the ceremonial garments for the court audience to observe state’s affairs in the court” (Li ji zhushu, 29:1a–​8b). As seen here, an arrangement of ranks and levels among the ceremonial garments is evident. Regardless, Kong Anguo saw the ceremonial pi bian garments as equal to the ceremonial garments for the court audience. Is this acceptable? At the time of Confucius, people did not know about this aspect of ritual propriety, which often led certain people to put on the ceremonial pi bian garments to attend the court audience. As a result, the lord and subjects came to stand together at the Great Shrine, wearing the same ceremonial garments, which was a great violation of ritual propriety. Thus Confucius always wore the ceremonial garments for the court audience to attend it. Is it acceptable for commentators to consider them equal to one another? 2) Huang Kan argued, “In general, chao fu includes the black ceremonial cap, the upper garment made of black hempen cloth, and the white lower garment with creases. In this passage, however, it consists of the ceremonial skin cap pi bian made of hempen cloth woven with fifteen sheng, the upper garment made of white hempen cloth, and the lower garment with creases. The reason this set of outfits was called chao fu is that the Son of Heaven put it on for his everyday observation of the court audience [朝]. It is called chao fu here in this passage because the feudal states [such as the state of Lu] received decrees from the Son of Heaven: a feudal lord put it on in order to observe state’s affairs in his court. As a subject of Lu, Confucius could acquire the same ceremonial garments as his lord’s. Thus he wore them on the first day of the month.” I would refute this as follows: The ceremonial garments for the court audience consist of the black ceremonial cap and the black upper garment, while the ceremonial pi bian garments consist of the white ceremonial skin cap pi bian and the white upper garment. The only item that both sets of ceremonial garments have in common is the white lower garment. Huang Kan probably knew about this, but he still adopted Kong Anguo’s comment [which says that chao fu here refers to the ceremonial pi bian garments]. Wasn’t he confused? 3) Huang Kan argued, “The ceremonial skin cap pi bian is made of deer skin. It resembles the fu rong 扶容 crown [which has the shape of a flower fu rong] used by the Daoist priest in charge of Daoist sacrificial rituals, but has no

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side-​wings.” Xing Bing supplemented this, saying, “According to ‘Shi guan li 士冠禮,’ ‘The ceremonial pi bian garments consist of the white lower garment with creases [素積], the black girdle, and the white knee cover’ (Yi li zhushu, 1:20a). On this passage Zheng Xuan commented, ‘This is the set of ceremonial garments for the lord, when he observes state’s affairs in his court’ (1:20a). The ceremonial skin cap pi bian is made of white deer skin, which symbolizes the values of ancient times.134 The upper garment in the set of ceremonial pi bian garments is also made of hempen cloth woven with fifteen sheng.” I would refute these claims as follows: Is it fine to introduce the standards for making the ceremonial pi bian garments only, when the main passage in this classic concerns the ceremonial garments for the court audience? The lord is dressed in ceremonial pi bian garments when he observes state’s affairs relevant to the first day; the subjects are dressed in ceremonial garments for the court audience to attend it on the first day. [Zheng Xuan’s] comment in “Shi guan li” is incorrect from the beginning. 4) Huang Kan argued, “From the reign of Duke Wen, the state of Lu did not practice the ritual of observing state’s affairs relevant to the first day. As a subject who served Duke Ai [who reigned over Lu later than Duke Wen did], Confucius undoubtedly had no opportunity to experience the ritual of observing state’s affairs relevant to the first day during his service to the lord. Despite this fact, the main passage states that Confucius always wore the ceremonial garments for the court audience. This is because Confucius always did so when attending the court audience on the first day of the month, although his lord did not conduct the ritual of observing state’s affairs relevant to the first day. This recalls Confucius’s remark, ‘I care for the ritual’ (Lun yu jizhu, 3:17).” Xing Bing supplemented this, saying, “From the reign of Duke Wen, the state of Lu did not conduct the ritual of observing state’s affairs relevant to the first day. Worried that the rituals would become obsolete, Confucius dressed himself in ceremonial garments for the court audience on the first day of every month when meeting with his lord. This action pertains to his remark ‘I care for the ritual.’ ” I would refute these claims as follows: Duke Wen of Lu missed the ritual of observing state’s affairs relevant to the first day of the month for only four times. From the first day of the month that followed those four months, he sincerely conducted the ritual without negligence. Nevertheless, now some people falsely cast blame on the state of Lu, saying, “The seven lords of Lu from the reign of Duke Wen never conducted the ritual of observing state’s affairs relevant to the first day of the month. Is this acceptable? Since I stated my points on this topic in the chapter on “the sheep for serving the Son of Heaven’s envoy for the announcement of the first day,” I will not repeat them here.

Ji 積 is here synonymous with pi 辟 (crease). The lower garment is made of white cloth, and creases are created at the waist by pleating it. 134

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5) I question Master Zhu as follows: Jizhu states, “This passage describes Confucius’s behavior when he occupied an office in his service for Lu.”135 Stress should be placed on the point that Confucius wore the ceremonial garments for the court audience, not the point that he did so on the first day of the month. Confucius alone did wear the ceremonial garments for the court audience to attend the court audience. How is it necessary to understand this passage in light of his occupation of an office? 6) Han Yu argued, “The month or the date in which an auspicious ritual takes place is called ji yue or ji ri 吉日. [Ji yue in this passage] does not only refer to the first day of the month.” I would disagree with this claim. 7) For a classical text that is relevant to this passage, see “Yu zao,” which says, “Confucius says, ‘The lord and subjects wear the ceremonial garments for the court audience to attend it.’ This means that they wear the garments at the conclusion of the ritual of reporting the first day [in the Great Shrine]” (Li ji zhushu, 29:31a). On this record, Chen Hao explained, “The ritual of listening to debates relevant to the first day is more important than the ritual of observing state’s affairs. Thus the feudal lords wear the ceremonial pi bian garments for the ritual of listening to debates. At the conclusion of this ritual, they change to the ceremonial garments for the court audience to conduct the ritual of observing the state’s affairs” (Chen shi Li ji ji shuo, 6:10a). As I understand, these remarks pertain to the rituals for the feudal lords. Some commentators have insisted, however, that the lord and subjects share the same ceremonial garments [ for the court audience] for the ritual of observing the state’s affairs relevant to the first day, while their garments are distinct from one another for the ritual of listening to debates relevant to the first day.136 According to Rites, in the sacrificial rituals for the great officials, the host is dressed in the ceremonial garments for the court audience to choose the date with divining stalks. He also wears them to conduct the sacrificial rituals.137 The shi-​officials follow the same guideline. Thus in the rituals that involve a special sacrifice, they wear the ceremonial garments for the court audience to conduct the sacrificial rituals; in the capping ritual for family members of the shi-​officials, they are dressed in the ceremonial garments for the court audience to choose the date with divining stalks; in the mourning rituals for the shi-​officials, they are dressed in the ceremonial garments for the court audience to choose the graveyard with divining stalks.138 On the date of the second anniversary of a person’s death, they are dressed in the ceremonial garments for the court audience

Fu Guang supplemented this, saying, “If this passage were not related to when Confucius occupied an office in Lu, it would be unnecessary to record it because what it describes [wearing the ceremonial garments for the court audience to attend it] is just normal protocol” (Lun yu jizhu daquan, 10:17b). 136 “Yu zao” also says, “The practice of using white silk for the ceremonial garments for the court audience was initiated by Ji Kangzi 季康子” (Li ji zhushu, 29:31a). 137 For this, see “Shao lao 少牢 [少牢饋食禮]” (Yi li zhushu, 16:2a; 16:14b). 138 For this, see “Za ji” (Li ji zhushu, 4:17a). 135

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to attend the sacrificial rituals.139 As seen here, the ceremonial garments for the court audience are widely used. * * * Dasan saw all of the contents of “Xiang dang” as a record of Confucius’s conduct, which was distinct from other people’s customary practices. Confucius intentionally drew this distinction for the purpose of teaching others ritual propriety:  he taught people what should be done in accord with the principles in ritualistic performances. Since only Confucius abided by the principles in the period of moral decline, his conduct seemed so distinct that his disciples recorded them in this book to help learners eventually understand the implications of his actions. Thus to Dasan, each passage in “Xiang dang” should convey a profound message that inspires later Confucians to emulate the great teacher’s appropriate behavior in any given situation, whose meaning is sometimes so elusive that a process of deciphering is necessary. From this perspective, “wearing the ceremonial garments for the court audience to attend the court audience” is pointless, if this passage is read literally without a comprehension of the complexity of Confucian rituals and conventional practices at the time. As a matter of fact, this kind of reading may present the neo-​Confucian perception of “Xiang dang.” For example, as Dasan notes in the following chapter, Su Shi argued that this book, which was included in the Analects, was based on a family record of Confucius’s life and that it conveyed “multifarious records” or “detailed ritualistic manners” that were not exclusively related to Confucius. In Dasan’s eyes, this assessment was incorrect: in his comments in “Xiang dang,” Dasan repeatedly notes that Confucius “alone” adopted a specific manner in order to demonstrate the proper rituals. As a result, it became Dasan’s mission to descry the obscure implications of this seemingly plain passage. For this mission, a passage from a classical Confucian text gave him assistance: “Yu zao” illustrates how the ceremonial garments vary to reflect one’s social rank. After reading the related part of “Yu zao,” Dasan concluded that three different sets of ceremonial garments were used for the rituals of the ruler’s listening to subjects’ debates and his supervision of the state’s affairs, which occurred in the court on the first day of the month. The most important information he discovered from “Yu zao” was that the feudal lords, like the lord of Lu, wore the white ceremonial garments that match the skin cap pi bian [皮弁服] for the ritual of listening to subjects’ debates and later changed into the garments for the court audience [朝服] for the ritual of observing the state’s affairs. Dasan inferred an ugly situation in which this “refined culture” with strict social distinctions was totally disrespected and further conjectured that, if this was the case, Confucius might have wished to rectify it by choosing the correct set of ceremonial garments for

139

For this, see “Xiao ji 小記 [喪服]” (33:26a).

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the court audience when the great officials were required to do so on the first day of the month. This reading is again inventive and is listed in the “Original Meanings,” although even in his interpretation certain issues remain unsolved, such as whether the word chao (“to attend [the court audience]”) in the main passage pertains only to the ritual of observing the state’s affairs and whether the lord always wore the ceremonial pi bian garments for the events Confucius would attend, wearing the ceremonial garments for the court audience. Before the innate ambiguity of Confucian rituals, Dasan seems to admit that some subjects should be delved into more deeply.

10.13 When staying calm for purification, Confucius always wore the spiritual outfit ming yi, which was made of hemp; when staying calm for purification, he always changed his food and moved to a different seat on which to stay. 齊, 必有明衣, 布. 齊必變食, 居必遷坐. 10.13.1 Grounds 1) Xing Bing commented, “For the purification that occurs before conducting a sacrificial ritual, one has to bathe and wear the outfit ming yi, when it is finished. This is intended to make one’s body bright [明] and pure.”140 2) Master Zhu commented, “That Confucius changed his food means that he did not drink, nor did he eat food with strong flavors.” 3) Kong Anguo commented, “That Confucius moved to a different seat means that he changed the place where he usually stayed.” 10.13.2 Arguments 1) For a classical text that is relevant to the main passage, see “Shi sang ji,” which says, “Ming yi is made of hempen cloth for curtains;141 for its sleeves, the whole fabric is used without cutting, and their length should be long enough to reach one’s knees;142 it includes a skirt that covers the front and the back; the skirt does not have creases,143 and its length should be long enough to reach the top of one’s feet [觳];144 it is adorned with pink silk” (Yi li zhushu, 13:54a–​b). With regard to this record, Zheng Xuan commented, “[Ming yi is made of hempen cloth because] it makes contact with one’s body and thus needs to be clean” (12:15a). I  supplemented, “The word ming is adopted for this term because one communicates with the bright, spiritual beings [神明] with the outfit.” 141 Hempen cloth for making curtains is used. 142 This remark regards the upper garment. 143 It is not pleated. 144 Hu 觳 here refers to the top of one’s feet. 140

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According to my investigation, “Shi sang li” illustrates how, after the deceased is rinsed in a bath, she or he is dressed in the spiritual outfit [in Dasan’s interpretation] ming yi.145 This may show that the living was also dressed in ming yi after bathing. Zheng Xuan’s comment might have been made due to this practice. At the time of Confucius, people did not follow this practice out of disrespect for the ritual. So when staying calm for purification, Confucius always wore the spiritual outfit ming yi to comply with ancient rituals. The word ming here [literally] refers to one’s brightness, which is a means of communicating with the bright, spiritual beings. One does not wear ming yi when merely bathing, apart from the sacrificial rituals. The reason this outfit is used for the deceased is also related to the fact that she or he has a way to communicate with the bright, spiritual beings. 2) Kong Anguo argued, “[The main passage states that] Confucius’s bathrobe was made of hempen cloth.” I would refute this as follows: According to “Shi sang li,” the deceased’s body is wiped with a bath towel and dried with a bathrobe. Besides these things, there is another item called ming yi. This practice was continuously implemented, without exception, even in the rituals instated during the reign years Kai yuan 開元 (713–​741) and Zheng he 政和 (1111–​1118). Now Kong considers ming yi a bathrobe without an adequately circumspect investigation: is this acceptable? Ming yi is comparable to today’s unlined summer clothes or single-​layered under-​ trousers and different from a bathrobe. As I  understand, a comment on “Yu zao” also explains that ming yi refers to a bathrobe. However, this is an error that was made through the transmission of an incorrect annotation [by Kong Anguo]. 3) Kong Anguo argued, “[The main passage states that] Confucius changed his daily diet.”146 I would refute this as follows: According to my investigation, a passage in Zhuangzi reads, “Yan Hui said, ‘Because of the poverty in Hui’s family, it has been several months since I drank or ate food having strong flavors. In this case, can I be regarded as having conducted the purification?’ ” (Zhuangzi zhu, 2:8b). Master Zhu’s comment must have been grounded on this passage. 4) Su Shi argued [in regard to the previous chapter, not this chapter], “This book [‘Xiang dang’], which contains multifarious records and detailed rituals, might have been compiled by Confucius’s family. They are not pertinent to Confucius only” (Lun yu jizhu, 5:11b). I  would refute this as follows: As ancient rituals perished, Confucius wished to restore them and put them into practice. Therefore his disciples recorded his conduct to compose

For this, see the seventh article in the ninth topic in my discussion of the protocols of the mourning rituals (Sangrye sa jeon 喪禮四箋, 284:10d). 146 Xing Bing added, “That Confucius changed his food when staying calm for purification means that he changed his daily diet because he needed to be clean and pure ahead of the imminent event of meeting and serving the spiritual beings.” 145

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the classics of rites, which have also been included in this book. Su shi, while considering how this book concerns ancient rituals, would not concede that Confucius himself practiced the rituals: this is an error.

10.14 Confucius did not dislike boiled rice that was cooked with well-​polished rice, or sliced raw meat or fish that was finely cut; he did not eat rice that had turned sour or stank, or fish that had spoiled and flesh that had gone bad; he did not eat what looked bad; he did not eat what smelled bad; he did not eat what was poorly cooked; he did not eat except at the proper times; he did not eat meat that was not cut squarely; he did not eat meat that was served without its proper sauce; even when meat was abundant, he did not allow what he took to overpower the flavor of rice. 食不厭精, 膾不厭細. 食饐而餲, 魚餒而肉敗, 不食. 色惡, 不食. 臭惡, 不 食. 失飪, 不食. 不時, 不食. 割不正, 不食. 不得其醬, 不食. 肉雖多, 不使 勝食氣. 10.14.1 Grounds 1) Xing Bing commented, “Shi 食 (‘boiled rice’) is here synonymous with fan 飯 (rice).” 2) Master Zhu commented, “Jing 精 (‘well-​polished’) is here synonymous with zao 鑿 (to pound).”147 3) Xing Bing commented, “Beef, lamb, or fish that is filleted after removing its skin is called kuai 膾 (‘sliced raw meat or fish’).”148 4) Master Zhu commented, “Well-​polished rice could nourish people, while sliced raw meat or fish that is not finely cut could harm people. The expression ‘not disliked’ means that Confucius considered them the most appropriate, not that he craved to have food of these kinds.” 5) Xing Bing commented, “Yi 饐 (‘sour’) means that the rice had turned bad and become mildewed and damp;149 ai 餲 (‘stank’) refers to rice that smells sour [饖臭].”150 “Shi qi” in Er ya says, “That rice becomes sour is called ai” (Er ya zhushu, 4:23b).151 6) He Yan commented, “That fish is spoiled is called nei 餒 (‘spoiled’).”152 Hu Bingwen added, “Zao is here interchangeable with zuo 糳 (to polish rice)” (Lun yu jizhu daquan, 10:19a). Shuo wen says, “Polishing one hu 斛 [ten dou] rice with mortar into nine dou 豆 is called zuo” (Shuo wen jie zi, 7A:23b). 148 This definition appears in “Shao yi” (see Li ji zhushu, 35:33a). “Nei ze” says, “Of sliced raw meat, what is cut into small pieces is called kuai; what is cut into large pieces is called xuan 軒” (28:3a). 149 This definition appears in Zi lin 字林 [according to Lun yu zhushu] (see Lun yu zhushu, 10:12b). 150 This definition appears in a comment [by Guo Pu] in Er ya (see Er ya zhushu, 4:23b). 151 Shuo wen says, “Rice that has become mildewed is called hui 饖” (Shuo wen jie zi, 5B:6a). Cang Jie pian 蒼頡篇 says, “It refers to rice that has gone bad and spoiled” [according to Lun yu zhushu] (Lun yu zhushu, 10:13b). 152 This definition appears in Er ya (see Er ya zhushu, 4:23b). 147

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7) Master Zhu commented, “That flesh is rotten called bai 敗 (‘gone bad’).”153 8) I supplement as follows: [Confucius did not eat what looked bad or what smelled bad because] he was afraid that they might be poisonous.154 9) Kong Anguo commented, “Shi ren 失飪 (‘poorly cooked’) means to lack the appropriate amount of cooking.”155 10) Zheng Xuan commented, “Bu shi 不時 (‘except at the proper times’) indicates any time outside of breakfast, lunch, or dinner.” 11) Master Zhu commented, “The reason Confucius did not eat meat that was not cut squarely156 is that he strived not to depart from correctness ‘even in moments of haste’ (Lun yu jizhu, 4:5).157 Each sauce that is prepared for meat dishes has its own reason for being used. Confucius did not eat meat that was not served with its proper sauce because he disliked it when food was not prepared well.”158 12) Master Zhu commented, “One’s main staple is grain food. Thus he did not allow the flavor of meat to overpower that of rice.” 10.14.2 Arguments 1) Huang Kan argued, “Yi means that food decays and begins to stink after a long period; ai means that food becomes tasteless after a long period.” Xing Bing also argued [with regard to the expressions se e 色惡 and chou e 臭惡], “Confucius did not eat any rice, food, or meat that became discolored or smelled foul.” I would refute Xing’s claim as follows: The expressions under discussion pertain to food that has a bad look or a bad smell even without a process of decomposition. A record of Confucius’s attitude toward rotten food does not need to be repeated here [because it was already mentioned above]. 2) Jiang Xi argued, “Bu shi refers to food that is not produced in the proper season, such as plums and lychees that are obtained during the winter.”159 Master Zhu argued, “Bu shi can mean, for example, the five grains that are not fully grown or fruits that are not ripe.”160 Mao Qiling also argued, “The biographic record of Shao Xinchen 召信臣 (fl. 48–​33 bce) from Han contains a passage that reads, ‘Things that are not produced in the proper season may harm people, so they should not be used to serve one’s parents’ (Qin Han shu,

This definition also appears in Er ya [according to Lun yu jizhu kaozheng] (see Lun yu jizhu kaozheng, 5:8b). 154 This line does not say that Confucius did not eat food that had become discolored or smelled foul due to decomposition. 155 I supplemented, “Ren 飪 means to cook rice.” 156 This interpretation [by Zhu Xi] is consistent with Huang Kan’s. 157 The mother of Lu Xu 陸續 (fl. 65) from Han is said to have not neglected to cut meat squarely; she also considered it a standard to cut scallions into pieces one Chinese inch long. 158 This is related to a passage from “Nei ze.” For more details, see the following discussion. 159 For this, see Huang Kan’s comment. 160 “Wang zhi” says, “The five grains that are not in season and fruits that are not ripe cannot be sold in the market” (Li ji zhushu, 13:14b). 153

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89:19a). An imperial decree issued by Empress Deng 鄧 (81–​121) from Later Han, quoting the expression bu shi bu shi 不時不食 [Confucius did not eat food that was not in season, in this context] from the Analects, says, ‘People dig into the ground for sprouts and grow vegetables in a greenhouse [鬱養: 鬱 蒸 in Lun yu jiqiu pian, as in Noneo gogeum ju] to make them ripe by force. In doing so, people cause them to lose their original tastes, interrupting their growth’ (Hou Han shu, 10B:28a. The order of the sentences was modified in both Lun yu jiqiu pian and Noneo gogeum ju).161 However, this remark only regards fruits and vegetables, such as cucumbers produced in the winter and smartweeds served in the early spring. Now the people in the northern regions are all able to grow these things. But no one makes the five grain or tree fruits ripen by force. In addition, if they can ripen them by force, it would mean that they have become ripe: it is different from the state of not being ripe” (Lun yu jiqiu pian, 4:12b). He continued, “ ‘Li yun’ says, ‘Food and drink should be in harmony with the time in which they are consumed’ (Li ji zhushu, 22:33a); ‘Zhong Ni yan ju 仲尼燕居’ says, ‘The taste of food should match the time in which it is consumed’ (50:23a). These records state that each of the different periods of time—​spring, fall, morning, and evening—​is paired with a proper thing. Thus ‘Nei ze’ offers instructions, such as: ‘One makes food sourer in the spring, more bitter in the summer, hotter in the fall, and saltier in the winter (22:8a).’ ‘Rice should be prepared in parallel with the time of spring [to keep it warm]; soups should be prepared in parallel with the time of summer [to keep them hot]; sauces should be prepared in parallel with the time of fall [to keep them cool]; drinks should be prepared in parallel with the time of winter [to keep them cold]’ (27:19b–​20a). ‘The season of spring best matches lamb and pork, which should be cooked with cattle fat; the season of summer best matches dried pheasant and dried fish, which should be cooked with dog fat; the season of autumn best matches veal and fawn, which should be cooked with chicken fat; the season of winter best matches fish and wild goose, which should be cooked with lamb fat’ (27:20a). ‘When serving raw meat or fish, one uses scallions in the spring and mustard in the fall. When serving pork dishes, one uses leeks in the spring and smartweeds in the fall’ (28:1a). An interpretation [of bu shi bu shi] that is based on these records is the correct one” (Lun yu jiqiu pian, 4:12b). One of the remarks [quoted by Mao Qiling], which says, “Rice should be prepared in parallel with the time of spring, and soups should be prepared in parallel with the time of summer,” only concerns how to manage the temperature of food. Mao Qiling quoted it for his argument, mistakenly. In conclusion, the old interpretation has no problems. 3) Xing Bing argued, “Confucius did not eat meat that was not butchered properly [割不正, in this context]. This would mean that there existed butchery standards established with ritual propriety for each part of the

161

Master Zhu also quoted this passage [correctly from Hou Han shu] (see Lun yu jizhu daquan, 10:20a).

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sacrifices and that Confucius did not eat meat when it was butchered without heeding the standards.” As I understand, this interpretation is fine. In this interpretation, however, the line under discussion cannot be coupled with a line that appears in one of the next chapters, which says, “Confucius did not take a seat that was not arranged properly” (Lun yu jizhu, 10:9; 10.19 in Noneo gogeum ju). Master Zhu’s interpretation should be adopted.162 4) Jiang Xi argued, “[The main passage states that] Confucius considered it wrong to kill animals without heeding the proper way.”163 Dazai Jun agreed with Jiang, saying, “Jiang Xi’s interpretation is correct. Ge 割 is here synonymous with ge, adopted in the term zai ge 宰割 (to slaughter and dismember). “Wang zhi” says, “Birds, animals, fish, and turtles that are not killed in their proper time should not be sold in the market” (Li ji zhushu, 13:14b). I would refute these claims as follows: The line under discussion [割不正, 不食] does not teach that every piece of meat should be in harmony with the given standard. If meat is cut in a very ugly way, however, people who cannot tolerate the shape would dislike it. In ancient times, dried meat was called yin ji 尹祭 [the correct thing for the sacrificial rituals].164 Yin is here synonymous with zheng 正 (correct). The two scholars—​Xing Bing and Dazai Jun—​might have proposed this interpretation out of their suspicion that it is difficult to cut meat squarely. 5) For a classical text that is relevant to the main passage, see “Nei ze,” which says, “To boil [濡] chicken, fermented meat sauce is used; to boil fish, roe sauce is used; to boil turtles, vinegar sauce is used; dried meat with ginger and cinnamon flavor is served with ant egg sauce; meat soup is served with rabbit sauce; sliced deer meat is served with fish sauce; sliced raw fish is served with mustard sauce; raw deer meat is served with fermented meat sauce” (Li ji zhushu, 27:19a–​b). On this Zheng Xuan commented, “Ru 濡 is here synonymous with er 胹, which means to boil. According to my investigation, Yan Ying 晏嬰 (578–​501 bce), in Zuo’s Commentary, says, “One uses fermented meat sauce, vinegar sauce, and picked plum sauce to boil fish and meat” (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 49:20a). When seasoning meat soups to taste, one should try to reduce the excessive and supplement the insufficient flavors. This record appears to have provided people in ancient times with guidelines for seasoning meat soups to taste. The expression “meat that was not served without its proper sauce” in the main passage is related to this practice. 6) Ma Rong argued, “[That Confucius did not eat meat that was not served without its proper sauce may mean that] he did not eat sliced, raw fish that was not served with mustard sauce.

Huang Kan also commented, “In ancient times, people always cut meat squarely. If meat was not cut squarely, they did not eat it.” 163 For this, see Huang Kan’s comment. 164 For this term, see “Qu li” (Li ji zhushu, 5:27b). 162

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Is there any reason to discuss only sliced, raw fish here? How could he wish learners to understand ten things when hearing just one? 7) I explore the textual differences as follows: In Shuo wen, qi 氣 (“the flavor [of rice]”) appears as ji 旣 (see Shuo wen jie zi, 5B:2b). On this Xu Shen commented, “Ji here refers to having small meals” (5B:2b). Xing Bing also argued, “Qi here refers to having small meals. The relevant line in the main passage states that, although meat was abundant, Confucius did allow what he took to exceed the standard of having small meals.” Ogyu agreed with Xing Bing, saying, “Xing Bing rendered qi as xi 餼 (to feed). This interpretation is close to the correct understanding.” I would disagree with all these claims.

10.15 Confucius did not define set limits with wine, but guided people not to drink to intoxication; he did not consume wine sold by people or dried meat bought from the market; he did not put away the ginger snack, but he did not eat it in excess. 惟酒無量, 不及亂. 沽酒市脯不食. 不撤薑食, 不多食. 10.15.1 Grounds 1) Master Zhu commented, “With wine, no set limits are enforced. It is only controlled with respect to the point of intoxication.”165 2) I  supplement as follows:  The two words gu 沽 (“sold by people”) and shi 市 (“bought from the market”) both refer to the act of selling or buying things.166 3) Master Zhu commented, “[Wine sold by people or dried meat bought from the market] might not be clean and thus may sometimes harm people.”167 4) I  supplement as follows:  Che 撤 (“put away [the ginger snack]”) is here synonymous with che 徹, which means to remove dishes from the table.168 When removing dishes, Confucius kept the ginger snack and did not have it put away. Since its taste was pungent and spicy, however, he did not eat it in excess. Jiang shi 薑食 (“ginger snack”) is here equivalent with today’s ginger snacks and honey-​ginger.169

Xing Bing commented, “It is not allowable for one to reach the point of exhaustion and confusion by drinking.” 166 Poetry says, “If the king has no wine, I will buy [沽 in Lun yu yishu; 酤 in Poetry] it” (Mao Shi zhushu, 16:33a). 167 Xing Bing commented, “Except when brewed at home, wine is as likely as not unclean; except when made at home, it is uncertain what dried meat is made of. Thus Confucius did not consume them.” 168 See a comment on Rites (for example, see Li ji zhushu, 18:12b or 29:21a). 169 Shi in jiang shi should be read as shi used in terms, such as mi shi 米食 (rice dishes) and mian shi 麪 食 (noodle dishes). It does not mean to eat. 165

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10.15.2 Arguments 1) Xing Bing argued, “For men’s drinking, there exists no limit.” Chen Li supplemented, saying, “Not to drink to intoxication even without setting a limit for oneself—​this was possible only in Our Master’s case” (Lun yu jizhu daquan, 10:22a). Yuan Liaofan also supplemented this, saying, “As for wine, if one does not drink to intoxication by setting a limit for oneself, what difficulties exist? Not to drink to intoxication even without setting a limit for oneself—​this is the point where difficulties lie” (unknown source). Dazai Jun agreed, saying, “That Confucius did not set a limit for himself with wine means that he was a strong drinker.” I would refute these claims as follows: People in the streets usually say that Confucius was a strong drinker, so he did not cause any trouble even when drinking every day, without being exhausted or intoxicated. This perception among Confucian scholars is mistaken. Liang 量 (“define set limits”) is here synonymous with gai 㮣 (to adjust). “Qu li” says, “With the matter of serving guests, no set limits are defined [不爲㮣]” (Li ji zhushu, 1:25a). The line under discussion, which says, “Confucius did not define set limits with wine [in Dasan’s reading],” states that he did not define set limits [with wine]. White wine that is slightly clear, red wine, clear wine, and sweet wine differ from one another in degree, and wine cups are also distinct from one another in their capacity. Thus it is unnecessary to define limits with a specific suggestion of one cup or two cups. Only when one starts to feel relaxed and throb with wine should one stop drinking because after this point, he becomes intoxicated and exhausted even with one more cup. Therefore, Confucius did not define set limits with a suggestion of how many wine cups can be consumed but instead established a guideline with the point of intoxication. This illustrates the sage’s drinking. The sage is also a human. If he were to drink like a big whale, he could never avoid intoxication. Today’s custom of admiring strong drinkers is not unrelated to an incorrect interpretation of this passage. 2) Xing Bing argued, “Gu 沽 is here synonymous with mai 賣 (to sell).” Master Zhu disagreed, saying, “Gu is here synonymous with mai 買 (to buy).” When Zi Gong talked about selling [沽] a piece of beautiful jade (see Lun yu jizhu, 9:12; 9.13 in Noneo gogeum ju), it should mean to sell. In the poem “Fa mu 伐木” that says, “[If the king has no wine] I will buy [酤] it,” it should mean to buy.170 3) Huang Kan argued, “That Confucius did not consume wine that people sold or dried meat bought from the market may mean that he did not use them as sacrifices for the spiritual beings.” I would disagree with this claim. 4) For a classical text that is relevant to this discussion, see “Shi huo zhi 食 貨志” from Han shu, which says, “Poetry says, ‘If the king has no wine,

Mao Heng annotated, “Gu 酤 refers to wine that is aged only one day” (Mao Shi zhushu, 16:33a). On this Zheng Xuan commented, “Gu here means to buy” (16:33a). 170

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I  will buy it,’ while the Analects says, ‘Confucius did not consume wine that people sold.’ These two statements are not contradictory. The poems in Poetry were composed in an age of steady peace and development. At the time, government offices were responsible for selling wine, and everyday people were satisfied with its quality, allowing both parties to reap benefits. In the Analects, Confucius faced the time of Zhou’s decline. At the time, the responsibility for selling wine fell on the shoulders of everyday people, so its quality was dissatisfactory due to their negligence. Confucius did not consume wine that people sold out of his distrust of it.”171 As for the line under discussion, Master Zhu commented that it conveys the same teaching as a remark that Confucius did not taste the medicine that had been sent by Ji Kangzi (see Lun yu jizhu, 10:11, 10.22 in Noneo gogeum ju). Han shu’s explanation, which says that Confucius did not consume wine that people sold out of his distrust, might be correct. Changes says, “When eating tough meat, one is exposed to poison.”172 These days many people die after eating meat bought from the market. How could the sage not be careful about that? 5) Tong ya contends, “Being ugly and disgusting is called ku 苦.173 ‘Sangfu zhuan 喪服傳’ says, ‘The cap [ for the mourning clothes qi cui 齊衰] should be made in the same way they make the mourning clothes da gong 大功 [沽 功] [because the head is more precious than other parts of the body]’ (Yi li zhushu, 11:27a).174 Thus the term gu jiu 沽酒 [in the Analects] refers to bad wine [苦酒]” (see Tong ya, 6:33a–​b). I would disagree with this claim. 6) Xing Bing argued, “In descriptions of the consumption of wine, the word yin 飮 (to drink) is usually used. The main passage says [Confucius] did not consume [不食] [adopting the word shi 食, which is used to refer to the consumption of food] because the remark also connotes the consumption of dried meat.”175 I would refute this as follows: “Yu Dingguo zhuan 于定國傳” in Han shu says, “Dingguo drank [食] several shi 石 of wine but avoided intoxication” (Qian Han shu, 71:8b). 7) Kong Anguo argued, “Food with strong flavors should be shunned in one’s purification. However, ginger does not exude an odor despite its pungent flavor. So Confucius did not remove it.” Xing Bing added, “The passages that appear before the sentence ‘Confucius did not eat more than was proper

This remark was made by Lu Guang 魯匡 (fl. 8–​23), who occupied the office of the celestial orders and calendar (see Qian Han shu, 24B:29b–​30a). 172 This is a remark from a comment on the third bar, the yin bar, of the hexagram Shi he 噬嗑 (see Zhou Yi zhushu, 4:32a). 173 Shi ji says, “None of the pottery [made on the shore of the Yellow river where Shun made pottery] was ugly or deformed” (Shi ji, 1:28a). 174 Gu 沽 is here interchangeable with ku 苦. 175 He continued, “Changes says, ‘The myriad things are made prosperous by wind and rain’ (Zhou Yi zhushu, 11:2b); Zuo’s Commentary says, ‘The horses and cattle amount to one hundred heads’ (Zhou zhuan zhushu, 29:8a); ‘Yu zao’ says, ‘The great officials are not allowed to make horse carriages [in bad years]’ (Li ji zhushu, 29:13a). All of these remarks show how to make a statement succinct by taking one example among many.” 171

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[不多食 in this context]’ all regard when one stays calm for purification. In general, what Confucius did not eat is harmful to people. Also purification is a subject that Confucius was concerned about.” As I  understand, Lun yu zhushu lumps together into one chapter all passages from the one that says “When staying calm for purification, Confucius always changed his food” to the one that says, “Confucius always offered a sacrifice [瓜祭 in Dasan’s reading:  see 10.18 in Noneo gogeum ju].” Kong and Xing might have made their claims because of this chapter division. Isn’t this an error? Putting aside other remarks, how can the remark that says “Confucius did not define set limits with wine” be pertinent to issues of purification? 8) Kong Anguo argued, “The expression bu duo shi 不多食 means not to eat more than is proper.” Gu Linshi agreed, saying, “This sentence is not related to the previous one that mentions ginger” (unknown source). I would refute these claims as follows: One of the previous chapters says, “When dining beside a bereaved person, the Master never ate to the full” (Lun yu jizhu, 7:9). This record seems to imply that even the sage might have eaten to the full when he was not dining beside a bereaved person. In harmony with this speculation, “Za ji” says, “When I [Confucius] had a meal at Xiaoshi shi’s 小施氏 place, I ate to the full” (Li ji zhushu, 43:23b). The case in which Confucius ate to the full is articulated in the classic. How can one insist that Confucius did not eat more than was proper? Confucius said, “The noble person does not seek satiety in eating” (Lun yu jizhu, 1:14). Because of this remark, early Confucians used to feel restrained from eating too much and attempted to justify indirectly their tenets with the three characters bu duo shi: it is a mistake. The sentence that consists of these three characters undoubtedly follows the previous one that mentions ginger. It is only natural for ginger to harm one’s vitality when eaten in excess. Only at times, it helps clear out indigestion. Thus Confucius did not push it away, but also did not eat it in excess.176 * * * One of the definitions Korean researchers have given of the nature of Dasan’s scholarship focuses attention on the elements of empiricism and rationalism in Dasan’s thought. In this chapter, he reveals the foundation of his scholarship through a few remarks that suggest another interesting interpretation of several ambiguous lines. First, his rational understanding of the identity of the sage was crucial for his innovative reading of a line that pertains to Confucius’s attitude toward drinking:  Confucius was also a human. In the traditional reading of this line, which scholars have accepted almost unanimously, Confucius appears as a “soaker”; the line is accordingly rendered as Ji Pengshan 季彭山 (1485–​1563) explained, “The expression bu duo shi is germane to the sentence that mentions ginger” (unknown source). 176

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follows:  “Confucius never got drunk, although he did not set limits on the amount of wine he would drink.” Uncertain whether there was any ethical import in this reading, Dasan cast doubt on this conventional reading that Confucius never got intoxicated, even when drinking like a whale, since Dasan wanted to remind readers that Confucius was merely human. This skeptical view perfectly matches his other rational viewpoints, such as his consistent denial of one’s moral or epistemological perfection at the moment of one’s birth. Given that rational reflection on traditional views was necessary for divesting historical sages of mystic auras, Dasan’s unique interpretation here shows that he was escaping from notions that were impermissible in modern rationalism. Second, in regard to Dasan’s speculation on the reason Confucius did not eat meat that people sold, Dasan’s experiences of real deaths caused by the consumption of bad food seem to have led him to agree with Zhu Xi, rejecting other interpretations that give way to religious admiration for Confucius. Having witnessed such deaths, of which everyone should be wary, he inferred that the sage might also have wished to avoid an unfortunate incident of this kind, since he was also a human who definitely had concerns about his health. Even though he merely followed Zhu Xi’s interpretation in this respect, his choice invites readers to focus attention on the empirical aspect of his thought. Third, his experiences of Korean culinary culture, in which people used to eat ginger snacks to help with digestion, might have informed another unprecedented interpretation he gave of a sentence that is otherwise hard to decipher, bu che jiang shi 不撤薑食. Despite their disagreement about most explanations of the sentence, commentators and translators have agreed about basic aspects of its formulation, which appear in the following translation: “Confucius did not remove ginger from his meal.” In this translation, jiang shi is rendered as a gerund, literally meaning “eating ginger.” This interpretation, however, does not explain why the term is worded jiang shi, not shi jiang. In contrast, Dasan sees this term as a compound noun, probably because he discovered an analogy between it and other Korean terms that refer to snacks, such as da sik 茶食 and yak sik 藥食, a unique Korean snack that Koreans have believed functions like a medicine. On the basis of this experience, and also of the similarity between che 撤 and che 徹, he insisted that this sentence concerned when the dishes were removed after Confucius finished his meal. Fourth, Dasan’s understanding of the sentence bu duo shi is also distinct from that of other commentators. Whereas many commentators have read it as independently indicating Confucius’s moderate attitude, which helped curb his natural desire for satiety in eating, Dasan contended that it should be linked to the previous sentence: Confucius did not eat the ginger snack in excess. To him, this interpretation sounds more reasonable because no one would eat it in excess due to its pungent taste and, more important, Confucius might also have pursued satiety in eating, since he was only human. Dasan found a passage from Record of Rites that could buttress his argument but dismissed another passage in the Analects, which appeared to be a general guideline for eating food. Thus this is one of the cases in which he allowed his “reasonable” judgment to override his general principle in

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dealing with Confucian classical texts when they contradicted, for, according to his principle, the Analects took precedence over any other classical texts. Of all these unique interpretations, he listed in his “Original Meanings” the one that concerns the ginger snack. While his choice (if it was indeed his) is understandable, as a matter of fact, the more inventive interpretation, which defies all transmitted interpretations, has to do with Confucius’s general attitude toward drinking. This assessment is justified because this topic is further discussed in his arguments with some grounds in Confucian texts, while the chosen interpretation is not mentioned in them. Thus this chapter corroborates my assertion that the “Original Meanings” might not have been prepared by Dasan himself.

10.16 After assisting at a sacrifice at his lord’s place, Confucius would not keep his portion of the sacrificial meat overnight; as for the sacrificial meat from a sacrifice at his place, he would not keep it for more than three days; if it had been kept for more than three days, he would not eat it. 祭於公, 不宿肉. 祭肉不出三日. 出三日, 不食之矣. 10.16.1 Grounds 1) Xing Bing commented, “Su 宿 (‘keep [his portion of the sacrificial meat] overnight’) means to keep something overnight.”177 Zhou Shenglie commented, “One’s portion of the sacrificial meat that he received after assisting at a sacrifice for his lord should immediately be dispensed with to avoid detaining the grace of the spiritual beings.”178 2) Master Zhu commented, “The sacrificial meat from a sacrifice at his house was dispensed with before three days passed. In comparison with the sacrificial meat that his lord granted, one could take more time [in dispensing with the meat].” 3) I supplement as follows: That Confucius would not eat the meat if it had been kept for more than three days was intended to stop his retainers from keeping it to offer later again without sharing it with others. 10.16.2 Arguments 1) Zheng Xuan argued, “The reason one does not eat the sacrificial meat when it has been kept for more than three days is that it is an act of insulting what the spiritual beings have left.”179 “Wang zhi” says, “For those in their sixties, meat should be kept near them overnight” (Li ji zhushu, 13:25a). 178 According to my investigation, Master Zhu altered the term sheng ti 牲體 (flesh of the sacrifice) [in Zhou Shenglie’s comment] to zuo rou 胙肉 (sacrificial meat). 179 Master Zhu added, “If meat is kept for more than three days, it decays, and thus people do not eat it: this is an act of insulting what the spiritual beings have left.” 177

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As I understand, he who did not eat the meat was Confucius, not others. Some kinds of meat, such as dried meat, could resist decomposition even after three days.180 Confucius did not eat the meat in order to bind his retainers to a specific guideline, so that they would not dare to keep it for a long time, without sharing.

10.17 When eating, Confucius did not have a discussion; when lying down, he did not speak. 食不語, 寢不言. 10.17.1 Grounds 1) I  supplement as follows:  Having a discussion is called yu 語 (“have a discussion”);181 speaking to a person directly is called yan 言 (“speak”).182 2) Fan Zuyu commented, “The sage kept in his mind the following: when it was proper to eat, he ate; when it was proper to lie down [in Dasan’s reading], he lay down. Having a discussion and speaking are not appropriate actions that are harmonious with these periods of time” (Lun yu jizhu, 5:12b). 10.17.2 Arguments 1) Xing Bing argued, “Speaking to a person directly is called yan; responding to others’ talk is called yu.” Ogyu disagreed, saying, “Rites include acts of having a discussion on music [樂語] and having a harmonious discussion [合語] (see Zhou li zhushu, 22:3b and Li ji zhushu, 20:9b). Also in ancient times, people had a discussion [語] during the postsacrifice drinking ritual [旅] (see Yi li zhushu, 5:86b). Confucius did not have a discussion when eating in order to show his respect for this Way. Suppose that a person asks me a question. How can I not respond to his question even when eating?” “Da ya” says, “Here, he speaks to people [言言]; here, he has a discussion with people [語語]” (Mao Shi zhushu, 24:72b). A comment on this line says, “Speaking to a person directly is called yan;183 having a debate [論難: 答難 in all editions of Noneo gogeum ju] is called yu” (24:72b).184 Xing’s interpretation is based on this comment. However, on receiving a question, one cannot help but respond to it, as argued by Ogyu. “Za ji” says, “During the three-​ year mourning, one speaks but has no discussions” (Li ji zhushu, 42:9a). A comment on this remark explains, “Yan implies that one speaks about

During the winter, even meat on the ritual vessels can last for ten days. This is Xu Xuan’s 徐鉉 (916–​991) definition (see Shuo wen jie zi, 3A:5b). 182 This is a definition from a comment on “Da ya” (see Mao Shi zhushu, 24:72b). 183 This means that a person speaks without interacting with others. 184 This means that two people converse with one another. 180 181

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his topics by himself; yu implies having discussions with others” (42:9a). In his comment on Shuo wen, Xu Xuan also explained, “having a debate is called yu” (Shuo wen jie zi, 3A:5b).185 [Owing to these records] the difference between yan and yu becomes clear. 2) Xing Bing argued, “One is not allowed to have a discussion when eating, since it is disgusting to speak with one’s mouth full and everyone should stay quiet when sleeping and taking a rest. So Confucius did not speak.” Yang Shi supplemented, saying, “The liver is in charge of managing one’s breath [氣], with which people make sounds. When sleeping and eating, the breath is put on hold, not making any moves [不通: 通 in all editions of Noneo gogeum ju]” (Lun yu jizhu, 5:12b). Ogyu argued, “Qin 寢 (‘lying down’ in Dasan’s reading) here refers to the inner quarter. One should not talk about affairs of government in the inner quarter, in order to show respect for the responsibilities endowed by Heaven.” I would disagree with all these claims.

10.18 Even with coarse rice and vegetable soup, he always offered in sacrifice, and always with solemnity.186 雖疏食菜羹, 瓜祭, 必齊如也. 10.18.1 Grounds 1) Master Zhu commented, “In the Analects of Lu, gua appears as bi.187 When having a meal, the ancient people took out a little from each dish and placed it on the ground between the vessels,188 in order to offer in sacrifice for those who were the first to produce food and drink long ago. This is an act of remembering the root. Confucius always offered in sacrifice, even when eating paltry things, and did so always with a sense of great respect. This demonstrates the sage’s sincerity.” 2) Kong Anguo commented, “Qi 齊 (‘with solemnity’) is a word used to describe one’s solemnity and respect.”189

Yu is synonymous with wu 午 (to communicate), which means to communicate with each other. Lu Deming explained, “In the Analects of Lu, gua 瓜 is read as bi 必 (always)” (Jingdian shi wen, 24:14b). 187 Chen Li added, “The adoption of gua in the main passage follows the Analects of Qi [齊論].” 188 Gu Linshi added, “According to a comment on Record of Rites, the ancient people placed the wine they offered in sacrifice directly on the ground and the food between the vessels. They used a wooden plate to put food [between the vessels] and removed it when they were finished with the meal” (unknown source). 189 A line in “Shao nan” reads, “It is this respectful [齊] young lady” (Mao Shi zhushu, 2:14a). 185

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10.18.2 Arguments 1) Kong Anguo argued, “Although the three things are humble, Confucius was always solemn when offering them in sacrifice.”190 Xing Bing supplemented, saying, “ ‘Yu zao’ says, ‘Only in the case of having drinks does one not offer in sacrifice’ (Li ji zhushu, 29:21b). It also says, ‘When offering a cucumber in sacrifice, one uses its stalk end’ (30:25a). It can be inferred from these records that, although the three things are humble, one has to offer them in sacrifice to commemorate progenitors.”191 I would refute these claims as follows: Cucumbers cannot be paired with the two other things mentioned in this chapter, and the word ji 祭 (“offered in sacrifice”) alone cannot constitute a full sentence in light of the principle of writing. Their understanding is incorrect. 2) Niu Chunyu 牛春宇 (fl. Ming dynasty) argued, “The term gua ji 瓜祭 means that Confucius offered in sacrifice using cucumbers. Rites says, ‘When offering cucumbers in sacrifice, one uses the stalk end.’ Poetry says, ‘Although they [cucumbers] are sliced and pickled, I offer them in sacrifice to our great ancestors’ (Mao Shi zhushu, 20:67a–​b). On what grounds do they change gua to bi?” (unknown source)192 I would refute this as follows: Indeed, there is evidence in the classics that the term gua ji was used. However, [in Niu’s reading] the two characters that constitute this term in combination should be separated into two different sentences in order to make sense. If they are separated, what support can be provided for this claim? 3) For a classical text that is relevant to this discussion, see Gongyang zhuan, which says, “When having a meal, the lords pray [by offering in sacrifice]” (Chunqiu Gongyang zhuan zhushu, 21:16b). In his comment on this passage, He Xiu adopted gua, when quoting the Analects.193 In relation to this point, Dazai Jun argued, “[Owing to this record] we can understand that gua was not regarded as an erratum during the Han dynasty.” According to my investigation, Nan shi contains a record, in which Gu Xianzhi 顧憲之 (fl. 479)  quoted the Analects of Lu when he was about to end his ritual mourning, saying, “[The Analects says] ‘Even when offering in sacrifice with vegetable soup and cucumbers, Confucius was solemn.’ This passage teaches that one’s sincerity and respect should be honored. How can one seek a perfect preparation of things?” Xing Bing added, “Coarse rice, vegetable soup, and cucumber [瓜]—​although these three things are humble, Confucius was always solemn when he offered in sacrifice before having his meal.” 191 This is an act of offering a sacrifice to those who made contributions long ago. 192 The sacrifice under discussion in this chapter does not refer to the one performed in the ancestral shrine: it pertains to the sacrifice for those who were the first to produce food and drink long ago. It is an act of honoring the root. 193 This passage appears in the record of the twenty-​ninth year of the reign of Duke Xiang (see Chunqiu Gongyang zhuan zhushu, 21:16b). 190

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(Nan shi, 35:23b).194 Indeed, there are more than a few examples of the use of the term gua ji. However, what can be expected when the main passage does not make sense [with this reading]? Also in my view, Gu’s remark seems to concern the sacrifices for his ancestors,195 and it is therefore inappropriate. I have never heard that a person, even a poor one, offered coarse rice in sacrifice to his ancestors. “Coarse” is here equivalent to “unpolished.” If coarse rice is polished, it easily turns into fine rice. Who will insist on using coarse rice [ for the ancestors]?

10.19 If his mat was not set right, Confucius would not sit on it. 席不正, 不坐. 10.19.1 Grounds 1) Huang Kan commented, “According to the old commentary, [this passage means that] Confucius would not sit unless his mat was properly placed.”196 10.19.2 Arguments 1) Xing Bing argued, “According to ritual propriety with regard to setting mats, the mat for the Son of Heaven had five layers; the one for the feudal lords had three layers; the one for the great officials had two layers. When a mat was placed along the north-​south direction, its west side was regarded as superior; when a mat was placed along the east-​ west direction, its south side was regarded as superior. These examples show the correctness that results when conforming to ritual propriety [in this subject]. If his mat was not set right, Confucius would not sit.” Ye Shaoyun 葉少蘊 (1077–​1148) supplemented, saying, “When a mat was placed along the north-​south direction, its west side was regarded as superior. In this case, the correctness hinges on the direction. When one’s parent falls ill, he sits on a single mat [having no other mats that are usually coupled with it], and when one’s parent passes away, he sits on a single layer mat. In this case, the correctness hinges on the nature of a case” (Lun yu jizhu daquan, 10:24a–​b). I would refute these claims as follows:

Mao Qiling argued, “The Analects of Lu, which is quoted by Gu Xianzhi, does not use bi as well” (Lun yu jiqiu pian, 4:17a). 195 Several later scholars also proposed this view. 196 Xie Liangzuo 謝良佐 (1050–​1103) added, “The sage felt comfortable with things set right. Thus he did not take a position that was not set right, even when it only concerned a small matter” (Lun yu jizhu, 5:13a). 194

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The sage’s mind-​heart is markedly subtle, so he could not overlook things that fail to acquire correctness. He could help those things—​giant, delicate, big, and small—​be managed properly only because he could not overlook them. Since early Confucians suspected that this passage concerned a small matter, they came to have this misunderstanding. He who knew the sage’s mind-​heart was Master Zhu.197

10.20 When attending village drinking ceremonies, Confucius left only after elderly people had left. 鄕人飮酒, 杖者出, 斯出矣. 10.20.1 Grounds 1) Kong Anguo commented, “Zhang zhe 杖者 (‘elderly people [who carry the walking sticks]’) refers to old people.198 2) Master Zhu commented, “Those sixty-​and-​older seniors can carry walking sticks in their village.199 If they do not leave, no one is supposed to dare to leave first.” 3) As I understand, zhang zhe refers to those sixty-​and-​older seniors.

10.21  When the villagers performed the exorcising ritual, Confucius was dressed in ceremonial garments for the court audience and stood at the eastern stair.200 鄕人儺, 朝服而立於阼階. 10.21.1 Grounds 1) Kong Anguo commented, “Nuo 儺 (‘the exorcising ritual’) here [refers to the ritual that is aimed at] driving out pestilential ghosts.201 Afraid that

Master Zhu commented, “The sage’s mind-​heart did not allow even a little distortion to exist. Thus he required people to follow what should be followed in dealing with businesses.” 198 The ritual of village drinking revolves around elderly people. So when they left at the conclusion of the ritual, Confucius also left following them. 199 “Wang zhi” says, “Those who are fifty years old can carry walking sticks in their homes; those who are sixty years old can carry them in their villages; those who are seventy years old can carry them everywhere in the country [except at court]; those who are eighty years old can carry them even in the court” (Li ji zhushu, 13:25b). 200 In the Lu Deming’s edition, the character jie 階 [which is synonymous with zuo 阼] is omitted. It is omitted in “Jiao tesheng,” as well. 201 Master Zhu added, “Fang xiang shi 方相氏 [who was responsible for driving out the ghost Fang xiang] was in charge of this event.” 197

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the ancestors would be frightened by this event, Confucius was dressed in ceremonial garments for the court audience and stood at the eastern stair in the ancestral shrine.”202 Xing Bing supplemented, saying, “When attending the sacrificial rituals, the great officials were dressed in ceremonial garments for the court audience. So Confucius wore them to comfort the spiritual beings.”

10.21.2 Arguments 1) Han Yu argued, “The main passage does not contain the word miao 廟 (the ancestral shrine) [so it is unclear whether Confucius stood at the eastern stair in the ancestral shrine].” He continued, “I suspect that Kong’s comment, which says, ‘Confucius was afraid that the ancestors would be frightened with this event,’ was made with his far-​fetched interpretation. It may not deliver the original meaning.” Master Zhu agreed, saying, “Although the exorcising ritual was included in the ancient rituals, it is rather close to a play. Nevertheless, Confucius attended it with ceremonial garments for the court audience. This shows that he never failed to uphold the virtues of sincerity and prudence.” As I understand, Kong’s comment was based on “Jiao tesheng”: it cannot be altered.203 2) For a classical text that supports my argument here, see “Jiao tesheng,” which says, “When the villagers performed the exorcising ritual [禓], Confucius was dressed in ceremonial garments and stood at the eastern stair, in order to protect the spiritual beings in the main chamber” (Li ji zhushu, 25:25a–​b).204 On this passage Zheng Xuan commented, “Shang 禓 here refers to a formidable ghost. The villagers were driving out that ghost” (25:25a). As I understand, this interpretation that gives the meaning of protecting the spiritual beings in the main chamber can be corroborated by the classic. 3) For a classical text that is relevant to the exorcising ritual, see “Yue ling 月令,” which says:  “In the late spring, the Son of Heaven orders the performance of the exorcising ritual nationwide. This is intended to put an end to the [chilling] spring energy by means of tearing apart a sacrifice at the nine gates; in the midautumn, the Son of Heaven himself performs the exorcising ritual in order to receive the autumn energy; in the late winter, the Son of Heaven orders the staff of ritual administration to perform the great exorcising ritual to drive out the cold energy by means of tearing apart a sacrifice at the four gates and making an earthen Xing Bing added, “Since the spiritual beings [ancestors] rely on the living, Confucius hoped that they felt safe, relying on him.” 203 Cai Qing also disagreed with Kong Anguo on this issue (see Si shu meng yin, 6:107b–​108a) probably because he did not check “Jiao tesheng.” 204 Shang 禓 is here pronounced as shang 傷. 202

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bull” (Li ji zhushu, 15:22a; 16:33a; 17:30a).205 In this regard, Huang Kan argued:  “Of the three exorcising rituals, two are aimed at driving out the yin power, and another one is aimed at driving out the yang power. Despite this difference, all of the rituals are performed in fulfillment of the order of the Son of Heaven. Spring is the first season of the year. Accordingly, people are more wary of calamities during this season. Therefore the Son of Heaven orders all of the people to perform the exorcising ritual from house to house. The exorcising ritual performed in the eighth month is aimed at driving out the yang power, which is under the jurisdiction of the Son of Heaven. Consequently, the subjects and the people are not allowed to perform it during this time. Reflecting this point, the classic says, ‘The Son of Heaven himself performs the exorcising ritual.’ Although what is to be driven out with the exorcising ritual performed in the twelfth month is the yin power, it is not an urgent task in the year. Therefore the people are not allowed to perform the ritual, assisting the staff of ritual administration. The exorcising ritual performed by the villagers and mentioned in the main passage refers to the one that occurred in the third month.” On this discussion Lu Jiashu commented: “The exorcising ritual that is performed by the villagers is usually held in late winter” (unknown source). In my view, Lu’s understanding seems correct. 4) For a classical text that supports my argument here, see “Xia guan 夏官” in Rites of Zhou, which says, “Fang xiang shi masquerades with bear skin that is decorated with four golden eyes and wears the black upper garment and red lower garment, holding a halberd and a shield: he is in charge of performing the exorcising ritual, leading one hundred officials who search the main chamber for the pestilent ghosts and drive them out” (Zhou li zhushu, 31:16b).206 As I understand, the exorcising ritual is usually held in late winter.

10.22  When making inquiries after someone in another state, Confucius bowed twice before sending off the messenger. When Kangzi sent a gift of medicine, he bowed and received it, saying, “Not knowing its nature, I cannot dare to taste it.” 問人於他邦, 再拜而送之. 康子饋藥, 拜而受之, 曰; 丘未達, 不敢嘗.

It is called “the great exorcising ritual [大儺]” because all people, even the masses at the lowest level, could receive the benefits of driving out the pestilent ghosts. 206 In his comment on this passage, Jia Gongyan [孔 (Kong Yingda) in all editions of Noneo gogeum ju] annotated, “The remark in ‘Xiang dang,’ which says, ‘When the villagers perform the exorcising ritual,’ was made on the basis of the ritual performed in the twelfth month” (Zhou li zhushu, 31:17a). 205

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10.22.1 Grounds 1) Xing Bing commented, “Wen 問 (‘making inquiries’) is here synonymous with yi 遺 (to send).”207 2) Kong Anguo commented, “Bowing before sending the messenger is an expression of one’s respect.” 3) I supplement as follows: For one’s relationships with others in other states, the level of one’s respect should be raised. Therefore Confucius bowed twice. 4) Xing Bing commented, “Kangzi refers to Ji Kangzi, a minister of Lu.” 5) I  supplement as follows:  Kui yue 饋藥 (“sent a gift of medicine”) means to send a gift of finished medicine.208 Since the prince of the Jisun family was a transgenerational minister, Confucius showed his respect for him by bowing to receive his gift.209 6) I supplement as follows: Da 達 (“knowing its nature”) is here synonymous with tong 通 (to understand). [The relevant line states that] Confucius was unable to know the nature of the medicine.210 7) Xing Bing commented, “In general, when receiving something edible that is sent by others, one should taste it first before receiving it.” 8) Master Zhu commented, “Not tasting what is sent when receiving it would negate the meaning of the gift. So Confucius addressed what was addressed.” He continued, “Not daring to taste the medicine when having no knowledge of its nature is an act of dealing with issues of illness with prudence.”211 10.22.2 Arguments 1) Huang Kan argued, “Wen here refers to making inquiries through an envoy’s visitation, which was made in response to another person’s inquiries. Ta bang 他邦 (‘another state’) here refers to the lord of another state.” I would refute this as follows: One cannot make inquiries after a lord, personally. 2) Xing Bing argued, “Inquiries of this kind can be made by looking for advice from someone when one encounters a problem or by asking about a problem that another person encounters when hearing about it. In both cases, one delivers his intention through a gift. Thus ‘Qu li’ says, ‘A messenger who makes inquiries after someone—​with a gift of a bow, a sword, fish and meat in a glass container, or rice contained in bamboo baskets—​holds the gift to receive orders, as though he has become an official envoy’ (Li ji zhushu, 2:43a–​b).” In my investigation, “Pin li” does not contain a clear instruction that the lord should bow twice when the envoy receives his orders. [According to

He continued, “Taking advantage of making inquiries after someone, one can send him things.” For example, it is similar to pills or herbal plaster today. 209 The word kui here informs us that the prince had someone to deliver it to Confucius. 210 This is because he could not take a look at the prescription. 211 Hu Yin added, “What Confucius did not know about includes both what ingredients were used and what disease it could cure” (Lun yu jizhu daquan, 10:26a). 207

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“Pin li”] on the envoy’s return, however, the lord comforts him. And when the envoy takes two bows by touching his forehead to the ground in return, the lord also bows twice as a response. It can be inferred from this record that the act of bowing twice occurs even when the envoy receives the lord’s orders. The classics merely lack passages that prove this point.212 3) Kong Anguo argued, “[Confucius did not taste the medicine] according to ritual propriety because he did not know why Kangzi sent it to him.”213 I would refute this as follows: Sending a gift of medicine is generally motivated by a good intention. How is it worthwhile to question the intention? Confucius did not taste it merely because he did not know the nature of the medicine. Kong Anguo did not touch upon the nature of the medicine probably because he believed that it would have been indecent for Confucius to suspect that the gift was toxic. He did not understand, however, that any medicine inadequate for a disease brings harm to people without exception. Confucius did not taste it for this reason. No further, redundant examination of this topic is required. Also according to my investigation, “Yu zao” says, “When Confucius dined at Jisun’s place, he did not say any words of appreciation. He put water in his rice bowl even without eating meat” (Li ji zhushu, 30:26a).214 This act must have been related to the previous sentence, which says, “Those who are anxious about their parents’ illness . . .” It should not be ascribed to any other reasons.215 4) Master Zhu argued, “Long ago, when receiving a gift of a carriage, people stepped aboard the carriage and bowed; when receiving a gift of clothes, they dressed themselves in the clothes and bowed;216 when receiving a gift of food and drink, they tasted the food and drink and bowed.” As I understand, this record in “Yu zao” is pertinent to a gift from the lord [not a minister, such as Kangzi]. In addition, it does not mention “food and drink.” Master Zhu included it here merely because one of the following chapters says that [when the lord sends a gift of food and drink] one should set his mat right and taste them (Lun yu jizhu, 10:12; 10.24 in Noneo gogeum ju). 5) Master Zhu argued, “The host bows toward the messenger’s back as he leaves before sending him off.”217

Wang Yutai 王宇泰 (1549–​1613) explained, “Bowing twice before sending off the messenger was not an act for the messenger: it was an act for the person whom one makes inquiries after by sending the messenger” (unknown source). 213 Xing Bing added, “He did not understand what caused Kangzi to send the medicine to him.” 214 Confucius mixed rice with water to eat it. 215 Ji Kangzi assumed his position in the third year of the reign of Duke Ai, when Confucius was sixty years old. At the time, Confucius was already a great official. Nevertheless, he bowed and received Kangzi’s gift. 216 On these two cases, see “Yu zao” (Li ji zhushu, 30:26a) 217 Dazai Jun agreed, saying, “One takes two bows after the messenger departs.” 212

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As I  understand, when the host’s gifts are displayed [in the court], he bows to send them away. The messenger bows to receive them. This is ritual propriety. I  do not know how the claim that one bows toward the messenger’s back as he leaves is grounded. * * * All of the members of the Jisun family were vicious because they were disloyal, pompous, and ignorant of ritual propriety, most Confucian scholars, including neo-​Confucians, have concluded. Dasan also expressed his criticism of their violations of ritual propriety in his discussions of their arrogant implementation of the rituals and performance of music for the Son of Heaven in various chapters, including 3.1 or 3.2 in Lun yu jizhu. Unlike others, however, Dasan tolerated some of their behavior and admitted that they had the privilege of paying homage to their origin in their family shrine—​an act that many other Confucian scholars deemed contradictory with ritual propriety. In this chapter, Dasan again recognizes the social status of Ji Kangzi, one of the princes of the Jisun family: above all, Dasan considers Kangzi a transgenerational minister, not a transgressor of Confucian rituals. In line with this, what may attract the reader’s attention is that Dasan denies any malicious intention on the part of Kangzi concerning his gift to Confucius, saying, “Sending a gift of medicine is generally motivated by a good intention.” Confucian scholars have suspected that the “alleged villain” Kangzi might have wished to get rid of Confucius, since the master, a protector of rightness, was a great obstacle to him. Dasan scoffs at these suspicions: how is it worthwhile to question the intention? His relative tolerance of Kangzi here leads eventually to his contentious denial of the implications of Confucius’s manners (as they were recorded) at a dinner held at Kangzi’s place. Almost all commentators have agreed that in the evening, Confucius put water in his rice bowl (which is the last thing one does at a formal dinner) without eating meat as an expression of his discontent with Kangzi’s violations of ritual propriety. Dasan disagrees. In his interpretation, Dasan relates this detail to a short phrase, “those who are anxious about their parents’ illness,” which appears before the record of events at the dinner. Dasan, however, does not clarify how these two were related. This void of explanation may be understandable when one confirms that the short phrase is regarded by Zheng Xuan as lacking its predicate (see Li ji zhushu, 30:25b). Indeed, it surely seems an incomplete sentence. Thus Dasan’s mention of this phrase above cannot but be considered evidence that shows that he attempted to nullify the vicious image of Kangzi at any cost. The reader may not be able to find the reason Dasan somewhat advocates Kangzi here without paying attention to the fact that Kangzi was an authority in the state of Lu, however problematic. As Dasan notes, Confucius bowed when he received a gift from this high-​profile figure. Confucius’s behavior seems to indicate that he also acknowledged the dignity of Kangzi, which was entrenched in his social rank, though not in his personality. This may be one

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of the grounds for the assertion that Dasan supported a reproduction of the Joseon social hierarchy.

10.23 The stable was burnt down. On his return from the court, Confucius asked, “Was anyone hurt?” He did not inquire after the horses. 廐焚. 子退朝曰; 傷人乎? 不問馬. 10.23.1 Grounds 1) Xing Bing commented, “Jiu 廐 (‘the stable’) here refers to Confucius’s stable.”218 2) Zheng Xuan commented, “[This passage evinces that] Confucius valued humans and regarded animals as humble.”219 3) Wu Yu commented, “Confucius was afraid that people were hurt in the course of rescuing the horses, so he asked about people” (Lun yu jizhu daquan, 10:26b). 10.23.2 Arguments 1) For a classical text related to this discussion, see Yan tie lun 鹽鐵論, which says, “The state stable of Lu caught on fire. Confucius retired from the court and asked about people, not the horses. This demonstrates his attitude of valuing humans and humble animals” (Yan tie lun, 11:24a–​b). Wang Bi 王弼 (225–​ 249) agreed, saying, “Jiu here refers to the state stable. When this incident occurred, Confucius was the Head Minister of Crimes and Punishments. When he retired from the lord’s court and went to the site of fire, he did not inquire after the horses. This was intended to rectify the tendency of valuing horses at the time.”220 Wu Yu disagreed, saying, “Jia yu also contains this story, remarking that it was related to the state stable. I am afraid that it is not the case. If it were to be related to the state stable, the horses should have been inquired after. In case they were the horses for the royal carriage, they should have been treated with more care” (Lun yu jizhu daquan, 10:26b–​27a). I would refute the claims by Yan tie lun and Wang Bi as follows: This passage does not concern the state stable. 2) For a classical text that supports my argument here, see “Za ji,” which says, “The stable was burned down. Confucius bowed to the villagers who visited him due to the fire: he bowed once to the shi-​officials and twice to

Shi wen says, “[Jiu here refers to] the stable at Confucius’s house” (Jingdian shi wen, 24:14b). Master Zhu added, “Although it cannot be said that Confucius did not care about the horses, he could find no time to ask about them, since he was occupied with concerns about people’s injuries.” 220 For this, see Huang Kan’s comment. 218

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the great officials. This follows the way of visits of condolence” (Li ji zhushu, 43:15b). On this Zheng Xuan commented, “According to his stipulated responsibilities, Zongbo 宗伯 expresses his sorrow about calamities and disasters with the ritual of visits of condolence” (43:15–​16a). As I  understand, the villagers made visits of condolence to Confucius because his stable had burned down. 3 ) Jingdian shi wen by Lu Deming argued, “In another reading, a pause is placed after bu 不” [to make the relevant sentence read, “Confucius asked, ‘Was anyone hurt or not?’ Then he inquired after the horses”].221 Wang Yangming agreed, saying, “The word bu should be read as part of the sentence that it follows. This passage states that Confucius asked if anyone was hurt or not and then his inquiries reached the horses. This is because the sage loves people and cherishes things” (unknown source). I  would disagree with these claims.

10.24 When his lord granted him a gift of food, Confucius set his mat right and tasted it first; when his lord granted him a gift of raw meat, he always had it cooked and offered it to his ancestors; when his lord granted him a gift of a living animal, he always reared it; when having a meal in attendance on his lord, he ate first while the lord offered in sacrifice. 君賜食, 必正席先嘗之. 君賜腥, 必熟而薦之. 君賜生, 必畜之. 侍食於君, 君祭, 先飯. 10.24.1 Grounds 1) Xing Bing commented, “Ci shi 賜食 (‘granted him a gift of food’) means that the lord presented him with cooked food. 2) Master Zhu commented, “Even if one’s mat has been set right, he again sets it right to deal with the lord’s gift. It is ritual propriety.” 3) Xing Bing commented, “Confucius tasted various kinds of food one by one [品] first.222 This is an act of showing respect for the benevolence of the lord.223” 4) Kong Anguo commented, “After tasting the food, Confucius immediately dispensed it to others.”224 5) Xing Bing commented, “Xing 腥 (‘raw meat’) refers to raw meat. Offering it to the ancestors is an act of honoring the lord’s gift.225 One does not offer cooked food from others to his ancestors because it might be unclean.”

In this reading, bu 不 is read as equivalent with fou 否. A comment on “Shanfu 膳夫” says, “[Pin 品 means] to taste every dish” (Zhou li zhushu, 4:4a). 223 This is Kong Anguo’s comment. 224 This is his interpretation of what was meant by “first” in the relevant sentence. 225 Master Zhu added, “Confucius offered it to his ancestors.” 221

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6) Xing Bing commented, “Sheng 生 (‘a gift of a living animal’) refers to a sacrifice that has not been butchered.” 7) I supplement as follows: Rearing a living animal that has been granted by the lord is an expression of one’s desire to see it grow, which is formed out of his love of the gift from his lord. 8) I supplement as follows: That “his lord offered in sacrifice” means that he offered a little of the food between the vessels in sacrifice. 9) Kong Anguo commented, “Xian fan 先飯 (‘he ate first’) pertains to an act of tasting food first in favor of the lord.” 10.24.2 Arguments 1) “Yu zao” says, “When the lord, treating the subject like a guest, grants him food,226 he offers it in sacrifice only after the lord orders him to do so.227 The subject tastes the food first,228 trying all [辯] of the dishes.229 If the official in charge of tasting food is present,230 the subject starts eating after the lord starts to eat231“(Li ji zhushu, 29:18b–​19a). Xing Bing supplemented, saying, “ ‘Qu li’ says, ‘The host, leading his guest, offers food in sacrifice’ (2:26a).232 If the guest holds the same rank, he is allowed to offer in sacrifice first. If he holds a lower rank, he offers in sacrifice after the host does.233 Thus the statement in the main passage, which says, ‘He ate first while the lord offered in sacrifice,’ is not pertinent to rituals of treating guests. Eating first without offering in sacrifice is by nature analogous with an act of tasting food first in favor of the lord.” Gu Linshi agreed, saying, “ ‘Yu zao’ says, ‘When having a meal in attendance on the elderly people234 or those who hold a rank different from one’s own,235 one offers in sacrifice after they do but eats first’ (30:24a). According to Kong Yingda’s scholium on this line, offering in sacrifice later was intended to show that the meal was not prepared for him, and eating first was intended to show that he tasted food in favor of the more honored people. The case of having a meal in attendance on the lord can be understood on the basis of these records” (unknown source). This means that the lord treats the subject to rituals of treating guests. The lord offers food in sacrifice first, and the subject, who is having a meal in attendance on the lord, offers it in sacrifice again. 228 He who holds a lower social rank tastes the food first. 229 Bian 辯 is here synonymous with bian 徧 (all around). The sentence with this word states that the subject tastes all of the dishes around them. 230 Shanfu is responsible for tasting food for the lord. 231 This means that the subject waits for the lord to eat, without tasting all of the food around him. In this case, he does not eat first. 232 On this Zheng Xuan commented, “This means that the host offers food in sacrifice to the ancestors” (Li ji zhushu, 2:26a). [Xing Bing explained that] the noble person takes out a little from each dish and places it on the ground between the vessels, in order to offer in sacrifice to those who were the first to produce food and drink long ago. 233 Or he is allowed to offer in sacrifice only after the lord orders him to do so. 234 These are people older than I am. 235 These are people who hold a higher rank than mine. 226 227

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As I understand, these interpretations convey the correct meaning of this passage. When having a meal in attendance on the lord, however, one does not offer in sacrifice even after the lord does so.236 2) Master Zhu argued, “Rites of Zhou says, ‘The king has a rich meal [擧] once a day.237 Shanfu provides him with food for sacrifice238 and tastes all dishes one by one.239 Then the king starts to eat’ (Zhou li zhushu, 4:3b–​4a). The act of eating first when having a meal in attendance on the lord, in the same manner that one tastes food first in favor of the lord, is taken because one cannot endure being treated as a guest by the lord.” Gu Linshi disagreed, saying, “The excerpt from Rites of Zhou regards the rituals for the Son of Heaven. In contrast, Confucius had a meal in attendance on a feudal lord. Thus Zhu Xi’s explanation may not illustrate the correct meaning” (unknown source).240 3) Master Zhu argued, “Confucius did not offer the cooked food presented by his lord in sacrifice because he suspected that it was leftovers. ‘Qu li’ says, ‘Leftovers [餕餘] are not offered in sacrifice’ (Li ji zhushu, 2:35b).”241 The word jun 餕 includes two different types of leftovers: leftovers from one’s sacrifice242 and leftovers from one’s meal.243 If the main passage had mentioned leftovers from the sacrifice, the word zuo 胙 (meat offered in sacrifice) might have been adopted in place of shi 食:  it is not proper to adopt shi in this case. If one were to insist that it mentioned leftovers from one’s meal, I  would counter that argument:  it is nonsensical that Duke Ding or Duke Ai granted Confucius leftovers from their meal because both of them respected Confucius. The reason Confucius did not offer in sacrifice the food granted by his lord has nothing to do with his suspicion. It is precisely because the process of cooking the food took place in the royal kitchen, now allowing Confucius to oversee it. It cannot be said that it was impure, but it is also not allowable to offer in sacrifice food of this kind. In his comment, Xing Bing stated this implication with one word, “unclean.” No more debates should be added to his comment. 4) Xing Bing explained, “When the lord grants the subject a living animal, one feeds and rears it to use it as a sacrifice in a sacrificial ritual to come.” Master Zhu disagreed, saying, “The living animal that has been presented with the lord’s benevolence cannot be butchered without a specific reason.”244 “Shao yi” says, “When having a meal in attendance on the lord, one eats first and finishes eating after the lord does” (Li ji zhushu, 35:28b). 237 A rich meal is called ju 擧. 238 He provides the king with food that will be offered in sacrifice. 239 This act shows that there is no poison in the food. 240 Cai Xuzhai 蔡虛齋 (蔡淸) and Zou Yishan 鄒嶧山 (fl. Ming dynasty) also related Confucius’s eating in attendance on his lord with the case in which the king had a rich meal once a day. Until the moment they made this comment, both of them might not have read Tong yi. 241 On this line from Record of Rites, Zheng Xuan commented, “Leftovers are called jun 餕” (Li ji zhushu, 2:35b). 242 See “Ji tong” (49:10a). 243 See “Nei ze” (27:8b). 244 “Yu zao” says, “The lord does not kill cattle without a reason; the great officials do not kill sheep without a reason; the shi-​officials do not kill dogs or pigs without a reason” (Li ji zhushu, 29:12a). On 236

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10.25 When he was ill and his lord came to visit him, Confucius had his head laid to the east, his body covered with ceremonial garments for the court audience, and his girdle drawn across them. [This chapter opens the seventeenth roll of Noneo gogeum ju in traditional book binding.] 疾, 君視之, 東首, 加朝服, 拖紳. 10.25.1 Grounds 1) Bao Xian commented, “When Our Master was ill, he had his body laid under the southern window, having his head face east.”245 2) I supplement as follows: Dong shou 東首 (“Confucius had his head laid to the east”) means to make one’s head to face east. The ceremonial garments for the court audience consisted of the black upper garment and the white lower garment. 3) I supplement as follows: Tuo 拖 (“drawn across”) is here synonymous with ye 曳 (to pull). Confucius did not fasten his girdle but had it drawn across his garments. 4) Bao Xian commented, “Shen 紳 (‘his girdle’) here refers to a big girdle.” 5) Master Zhu commented, “He who falls ill cannot put on a dress or fasten his girdle by himself. However, it is also not allowable to see the lord in casual wear. Thus Confucius covered himself with his ceremonial garments for the court audience and, in addition, his big girdle drawn across them. 10.25.2 Arguments 1) According to my investigations, “Shi sang li” says, “When sleeping, a sick person had his head laid to the east under the northern wall [北墉:  the comments and corrections made in relation to this topic in the Established edition and Yi Ji-​hyeong edition are unnecessary]” (Yi li zhushu, 13:47b–​ 48a).246 In his comment, Xing Bing replaced “northern wall” with “northern window” by mistake. 2) Huang Kan argued, “The sick hope to live, and the east is the direction in which the yang energy is generated. Therefore their head is laid to the east.”247 As I understand, “receiving the vital energy [by having one’s head laid to the east]” is a comment [by Zhu Xi, which appears in a note below] that

this Zheng Xuan commented, “The reason here includes the needs for the sacrificial rituals and so on” (29:12a). 245 Xing Bing added, “Sick people always stay under the northern window [北牖]. Since the lord came to visit at the time, however, Confucius had his body temporarily moved under the northern window. By having his head face east, he could help his lord face south while observing him.” 246 “Sang da ji” [in Record of Rites] uses ‘northern window’ in place of ‘northern wall’ by mistake (see Li ji zhushu, 44:1b). 247 Jizhu agreed, saying, “Having one’s head laid to the east is aimed at receiving the vital energy.”

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is based on Zheng Xuan’s interpretation. However, “Yu zao” says, “When the noble person stays in his personal residence, he always faces the door and, when sleeping, lays his head to the east” (Li ji zhushu, 29:15a). Thus laying one’s head to the east represents the constant ritual during his stay in his personal residence. Only with regard to the wedding rituals, when the attendant prepares bedding in the southwest corner of the room, one lays his head to the south and his legs toward the north (see Yi li zhushu, 2:29a). 3) Yuan Liaofan argued, “According to ritual propriety, when a subject receives his lord, he should stand at the eastern stairs. Now having one’s head laid to the east, while he cannot stand up due to his illness, has the same implication as standing at the eastern stairs” (unknown source). I  would refute this as follows: Rites says, “When the lord approaches his subject [during his visit to the subject’s place], he ascends the eastern stairs, in order to show that the people cannot dare to possess their main chambers.”248 How can there exist a person who stands at the eastern stairs? 4) For a classical text that supports my argument here, see “Gong Sheng zhuan 龔勝傳” in Han shu (72:27b, 8–​28a, 3).

10.26 When his lord summoned him with an order, Confucius moved without waiting for the horses to be yoked to his carriage. 君命召, 不俟駕行矣. 10.26.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Having horses yoked to a carriage is called jia 駕 (“for the horses to be yoked to his carriage”).249 Only after two front horses and two supporting horses are prepared can a carriage be set between them. This may cause one to drag one’s feet. 2) Zheng Xuan commented, “When Confucius hurried to follow his lord’s order, his carriage followed him.”250 10.26.2 Arguments 1) For a classical text related to this discussion, see “Yu zao,” which says, “The lord issues summons with three jade tallies. When summoned with two tallies [out of the three tallies], a subject gallops; when summoned with one tally [out of the three tallies], a subject walks fast. If he is in the court, “Fang ji” (Li ji zhushu, 51:31a). This definition comes from Shuo wen (see Shuo wen jie zi, 10A:3b). I supplement, saying, “When one is in a hurry, he can ride a litter to set off. Then his carriage will reach him later.” 248

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he does not wait until he finishes putting on his shoes; if he is outside the court, he does not wait for his carriage” (Li ji zhushu, 30:16b). As I  understand, when a state encounters an urgent issue, the lord summons his subjects with the jade tallies. When summoned by the tallies, a subject does not wait for his carriage or his shoes. When summoned without the tallies, he waits for his carriage to move.

10.27 When entering the Great Shrine, Confucius asked about everything.251 入太廟, 每事問. 10.27.1 Grounds 1) Zheng Xuan commented, “This passage concerns when Confucius gave assistance to his lord for the sacrificial rituals. The Great Shrine refers to the shrine dedicated to the Duke of Zhou.”252 10.27.2 Arguments 1) Xing Bing argued, “Although Confucius knew about everything required in the shrine, from the rituals and protocols to the ritual vessels, he asked about everything again. This demonstrates the utmost form of sincerity.” This topic has already been discussed.253 If Xing’s interpretation were true, Confucius would have conducted himself in the same manner at all of the shrines. Why should it be confined to the shrine dedicated to the Duke of Zhou?

10.28 When a friend died, who had no place to return, Confucius said, “Set up a mortuary at my place.” 朋友死, 無所歸, 曰; 於我殯. 10.28.1 Grounds 1) Kong Anguo commented, “Having no place to return means having no family and relatives.”254

This passage has already appeared in “Ba yi 八佾” (Lun yu jizhu, 3:15). For this, see Huang Kan’s comment. 253 See “Ba yi.” 254 Hu Yin added, “When one is survived by no one who can oversee his funeral—​having no paternal relatives, maternal relatives, and in-​laws—​he is said to have no place to return” (Lun yu jizhu daquan, 10:28b). 251

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2) I supplement as follows: To place a coffin into a pit that is temporarily made is called bin 殯 (“set up a mortuary”).255 3) For a classical text that is relevant to the main passage, see “Tangong” (Li ji zhushu, 8:21b, 7–​8).

10.29 When a friend sent him a gift even as valuable as a carriage or a horse, Confucius did not bow unless it was the sacrificial meat. 朋友之饋, 雖車馬, 非祭肉, 不拜. 10.29.1 Grounds 1) Kong Anguo commented, “Confucius did not bow because there exists a doctrine of sharing properties between friends.” 2) Xing Bing commented, “Confucius bowed when a friend sent him the sacrificial meat in order to show his respect for the benevolence of the spiritual beings.” 10.29.2 Arguments 1) “Yu zao” says, “When a great official gives a gift to a shi-​official in person, he bows and receives it. He again bows in the main chamber of his house [when he returns to his place with the gift]. If it is a gift of clothes, he bows [and receives it] without wearing it. If the recipient is not at home when a man of the same rank sends him a gift, he bows in the main chamber [later]” (Li ji zhushu, 30:28a). As I understand, the rituals for people of the same rank should be applied to relationships between friends.256 Thus if a friend presents a gift, the recipient should bow. Since it is inadequate to bow at the site where he receives it, however, he should bow in his main chamber [later]. After saying that, Confucius acted differently from others by not bowing when a friend sent him a gift.257

10.30 When lying down, Confucius did not lie like a corpse; when staying at home, he did not assume a formal deportment. 寢不尸, 居不容.

Xing Bing commented, “Confucius said, ‘Set up a mortuary at my place for the funeral. I will play the role of the chief mourner.’ ” 256 Friends are roughly of the same age, the same rank, and the same level of virtue. 257 Cai Qing explained, “He who did not feel the maximum of gratitude when receiving a gift from his friend during ordinary days—​even when receiving a gift of a carriage or a horse—​hoped to set up a mortuary, when a friend died, who had no place to return” (Si shu meng yin, 6:110b–​111a). 255

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10.30.1 Grounds 1) I  supplement as follows:  Qin 寢 (“when lying down”) is here synonymous with wo 臥 (to lie down). 2) Xing Bing commented, “Shi 尸 (‘lie like a corpse’) refers to a dead person.”258 3) I supplement as follows: Ju 居 (“when staying home”) here means to stay at one’s personal residence; rong 容 (“assume a formal deportment”) refers to one’s deportment, for example, the six deportments that are described in Rites of Zhou.259 4) Kong Anguo commented, “Confucius did not assume a formal deportment because it is difficult to maintain a sense of prudence at home for a long time.” 10.30.2 Arguments 1) Fu Guang argued, “Even when one stays at home, deportments exist that one should keep. For example, Confucius talked gently and had a kind disposition [when staying at home]” (Lun yu jizhu, 7:4). I would refute this as follows: The ancient people strictly adhered to given deportments, so that a distinguishable deportment was required in the royal shrine, at the court, for handling military affairs, and for dealing with state guests. When one was about to attend the court audience, he should master the appropriate deportment;260 when one was about to attend the sacrificial rituals, he should preview the appropriate deportment.261 Thus the “deportment” in the main passage does not refer to simple appearances. In contrast to its remarks about the deportments for the military affairs, for the mourning rituals, for the sacrificial rituals, and for the official trip, “Yu zao” does not adopt the word rong, when its discussion reaches the case in which one stays at home, merely saying, “When staying at home, one has to utter mildly” (Li ji zhushu, 30:34a). 2) Ogyu argued, “Qin here refers to the inner quarter. ‘Qu li’ says, ‘One sits like a corpse’ (1:6a). One does not need to follow this instruction, however, when staying in his inner quarter.” I would disagree with this claim.

Bao Xian commented, “[Shi means that] one lays down his four limbs and stretches his arms and legs to the full, like a corpse.” Xing Bing added, “Confucius bent his body, when lying down [in Dasan’s reading].” 259 According to “Di guan 地官,” Bao shi 保氏 was responsible for teaching the royal offspring the six deportments: first, the deportment for the sacrificial rituals; second, the deportment for dealing with state guests; third, the deportment for attending the court audience; fourth, the deportment for mourning and commemorating in anniversaries; fifth, the deportment for handling military affairs; sixth, the deportment for riding on a carriage or horse (see Zhou li zhushu, 14:7a–​b). 260 “Yu zao” says, “He [who will proceed toward the lord’s court] practices the appropriate deportment and examines the sounds made by his jade pendants” (Li ji zhushu, 29:16a). 261 “She yi 射儀” says, “[When a feudal lord recommends a shi-​official] the Son of Heaven examines him in the archery hall. If his deportments are harmonious with ritual propriety, he is allowed to attend the sacrificial rituals” (62:5a). 258

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10.31 On seeing a person in the mourning clothes qi cui or zhan cui, even someone close to him, Confucius always changed his countenance; on seeing a person in the ceremonial cap mian, or a blind person, even someone he was familiar with, he always treated the person in a courteous manner; to a person carrying any mourning clothes, he always showed respect by leaning his body forward; to a person bearing the official registers, he always showed respect by leaning his body forward. 見齊衰者, 雖狎, 必變. 見冕者與瞽者, 雖褻, 必以貌. 凶服者, 式之. 式負 版者. 10.31.1 Grounds 1) Kong Anguo commented, “Xia 狎 (‘close to him’) means having been acquainted with someone.”262 2) Zhou Shenglie commented, “Xie 褻 (‘familiar with’) means encountering someone frequently on ordinary days.” 3) I  supplement as follows:  To change one’s countenance is called bian 變 (“changed his countenance”);263 interacting with someone with ritual propriety is called mao 貌 (“treated him in a courteous manner”).264 4) Xing Bing commented, “Mian 冕 refers to the ceremonial cap for the great officials.” 5) I supplement as follows: Xiong fu 凶服 (“any mourning clothes”) is a term that refers to the five types of mourning clothes altogether.265 6) Xing Bing commented, “Shi 式 (‘showed respect by leaning his body forward’) refers to the crossbar in a carriage.266 When a man, while riding a carriage, comes across a case in which he has to show his respect, he bends himself and leans toward it. Thus it eventually comes to signify the value of showing respect.” 7) Kong Anguo commented, “Fu ban 負版 (‘bearing the official registers’) means carrying maps or registers of a state.”267 Master Zhu added, “Showing respect to a person who bears them is an act of placing much value on the number of people.”

Xing Bing added, “Zuo’s Commentary says, ‘Hua Ruo 華弱 and Yue Pei 樂轡 [樂輿 in all editions of Noneo gogeum ju] from Song were close [狎] to each other since childhood’ (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 30:8a). ‘Qu li’ says, ‘The worthy man is intimate [狎] with others but at the same time respects them’ (Li ji zhushu, 1:3a).” 263 Xing Bing commented, “[This means that Confucius] changed his countenance in consideration of the person’s situation.” 264 Zhou Shenglie commented, “[This means that Confucius] treated others with ritual propriety through his manners” [以貌禮之: 以禮貌之 in all editions of Noneo gogeum ju]. 265 The mourning clothes si 緦 and xiao gong 小功 also belong to this category. 266 The word shi 軾 is used today for this object. 267 Xing Bing added, “According to a description of Xiao zai, he was responsible for adjudicating the affairs in streets or towns with family registers and maps [版圖]” (see Zhou li zhushu, 3:7a). 262

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10.31.2 Arguments 1) Cai Qing argued, “Xie here means to meet in person. [The main passage states that Confucius treated a person in a courteous manner] even when he met the person in a place other than the public venues for performing rituals or for people’s gatherings” (Si shu meng yin, 6:111b–​112a). I  would refute this as follows: How could one meet a blind person in the public venue for performing rituals? 2) Kong Anguo argued, “Xiong fu here refers to apparel or materials needed in the activities of sending off the dead.” I would refute this as follows: The clothes [ for the deceased] in the activities of sending off the dead are called lian yi 斂衣 or sui yi 襚衣, not xiong fu. “Qu li” says, “Neither a person who wears mourning shoes made of grass, nor a person who tucks his robe into the belt [as a mourner], nor a person who wears a mourning cap is allowed to enter the gate to the lord’s court” (Li ji zhushu, 4:13b).268 The mourning garments mentioned here represent xiong fu. 3) Huang Kan explained, “With regard to shi, when the ancient people rode a carriage that had no canopy,269 they usually stood at its center leaning on something. Since it was hard to keep riding the carriage in this pose, they installed a crossbar inside the carriage so that the rider could lean slightly on it with his hands. This crossbar was called jue 較.270 They also installed another crossbar in the space between the jue and the carriage floor, and it was called shi 軾. When, riding the carriage, they encountered a case in which they needed to show respect, they leaned on the shi with their hands to bend their body. The expression shi zhi 式之 is adopted in the main passage due to this practice. This explanation provides details. 4) Xing Bing explained, “In his comment on the responsibilities of Xiao zai, Zheng Xuan said, ‘Ban 版 refers to the family register; tu 圖 refers to maps [版戶籍圖地圖: 版是戶籍圖 in all editions of Noneo gogeum ju]. The official who is authorized to lead a lawsuit makes a decision with the family register and maps. The description of the responsibilities of Si shu 司書 also makes clear that ban refers to the registers of a state and tu, the land maps’ (3:7b). They are materials that supplement each other.” In relation to this topic, “Qiu guan,” in Rites of Zhou says, “Si min 司民 is responsible for entering the number of the population in the register. He records in the register [版] all people older than those who start cutting their teeth. . . .271 Following the great settlement that occurs once every three years, he reports the number of the whole population to Si kou 司寇, who will relay the number to the It also makes clear that a person in the mourning clothes cui was not allowed to enter the gate (see Li ji zhushu, 4:13b). 269 It is the same kind as the carriage with a dragon banner today. 270 Poetry says, “The noble person relies on the heavy crossbar [較]” (Mao Shi zhushu, 5:5b). 271 Zheng Xuan commented, “Boys start to cut their teeth from when they are eight months old; girls, from when they are seven months old. Ban here refers to the family register today” (Zhou li zhushu, 35:19b). 268

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king after the sacrificial ritual that is held on the date in early winter when the people are inspected. Then the king bows and receives the number and enters it in the heavenly repository” (Zhou li zhushu, 35:19b–​20a). On this, Master Zhu commented, “Even the king bows when he receives it. Then how could those in the lower ranks dare to be disrespectful?” 5 ) Ogyu argued, “Bu fan here refers to the back hood [負版], which is part of the mourning garments. Only the mourning clothes zhan cui or qi cui is equipped with this: the mourning clothes lighter than that of da gong [in terms of the duration of the mourning period] does not have this part. It might be certain that the main passage originally ended with a remark, ‘To a person carrying any mourning clothes, he always showed respect.’ In his annotation on this remark, a commentator might have explained, saying, ‘[The remark means that] Confucius showed respect for a person who put on the back hood of the mourning clothes [式負版者].’ This may help explain why the term xiong fu in the main passage refers to the heavy mourning clothes [zhan cui or qi cui].272 If the main passage were composed in accord with the comments of many commentators, its wording would have been fu ban zhe shi zhi 負版者式之 [not 式負版者].” I would refute this as follows: Originally, no type of mourning garments had a back hood. Zheng Xuan conceived of this notion [because it does not appear in the main texts of the Confucian classics of rites]. Then how could the compiler of the Analects know of this term? In addition, the three things—​the frontal patchwork [衰], the round neck collar [適], and the back hood [負]—​all appear, without exception, in the five types of mourning clothes. Moreover, even the attire for auspicious events has these three components. Cui 衰 here refers to the frontal patchwork; shi 適 refers to the round neck collar; fu 負 refers to the drape on one’s back.273 Only the names that refer to each of them differ according to whether they belong to the attire for auspicious events or inauspicious events. In contrast, Shu yi 書儀 [溫公書 儀] written by Duke Wen [溫公, 司馬光: 1019–​1086] argues that only the mourning clothes zhan cui and qi cui adopted these three components, and Zhuzi jia li 朱子家禮 also insists that mourning clothes lighter than that of da gong did not include them. Since then, Mianzhai 勉齋 (黃榦, 1152–​1221) and Xinzhai 信齋 (楊復, fl. thirteenth century) took up this theory and developed it to completion. Later, Qiu Zhongshen 丘仲深 (丘 濬, 1421–​1495), Wan Sitong 萬斯同 (1638–​1702), and Kim Sagye 金沙溪 (金長生, 1548–​1631) in my country all pointed out its errors. Now Ogyu contends that Confucius’s manner in showing respect by leaning his body

This implies that Confucius did not show respect by leaning his body forward for a person who wore mourning clothes lighter than that of da gong. 273 The ceremonial garments for the court audience and the sacrificial rituals today also have these three components. 272

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forward is only applicable to those in the mourning clothes zhan cui or qi cui. Isn’t this an error, too?

10.32 On seeing a sumptuous feast, Confucius always changed his countenance and rose up; when there was a sudden clap of thunder, or a violent wind, he always changed his countenance. 有盛饌, 必變色而作. 迅雷風烈, 必變. 10.32.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Zhuan 饌 (“feast”) refers to an array of dishes. 2) Kong Anguo commented, “Zuo 作 (‘rose up’) is here synonymous with qi 起 (to rise).” 3) I supplement as follows: When experiencing fragrances and dazzling sights from the numerous qualities of food—​the beauty of alcoholic drinks and sweet wine, the richness of flesh and meat, the fullness of various vessels, the harmony among dishes of birds, animals, fish, and grains—​the noble person changes his countenance in order to show his respect for the gifts from Heaven. 4) Master Zhu commented, “Xun 迅 (‘sudden’) is here synonymous with ji 疾 (haste); lie 烈 (‘violent’), with meng 猛 (furious).” 5) Dazai Jun commented, “Since an unexpected disaster may occur during a storm or thunder, people are afraid during this time. Thus the noble person always sits up straight and changes his countenance, waiting for the situation to end.” 10.32.2 Arguments 1) Kong Anguo argued, “[Confucius changed his countenance because] he wished to show his respect for the host’s treatment.”274 I would refute this as follows: The main passage does not contain any clues about the allegation that he was presented with a feast as a guest. If he had been treated to a feast during the ritual of treating guests, the main passage should have read, “When attending the ritual of treating guests, Confucius always changed his countenance.” In this case, it is absurd to merely use the term “a sumptuous feast” to describe Confucius’s attitude. If the main passage simply reads, “On seeing a sumptuous feast, Confucius always changed his countenance,” the main passage should be understood as saying that Confucius changed his countenance due to the sumptuous feast itself,

Chen Li added, “Out of respect for his guests, the host sets up a sumptuous feast” (Lun yu jizhu daquan, 10:30b). 274

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irrespective of whether it was a banquet, the ritual of treating guests, a gift of food, or an event of relieving people with food. 2) Zheng Xuan argued, “Confucius was prudent about the rage of Heaven. Lie is a word to describe a wind with a sudden clap of thunder [see Huang Kan’s comment].”275 On this topic, Wang Chong contended [according to Dazai Jun’s statement on Wang Chong’s idea], “In general, wind is a vocal expression of Heaven, and thunder is a means to display the might of Heaven. The myriad things uniformly rely on these elements in the course of birth, growth, fruition, and conclusion. Changes says, ‘As Heaven and Earth disassemble, thunder and rain arise; as thunder and rain arise, one hundred fruits and plants sprout. The time of disassembly is great, indeed!’ (Zhou Yi zhushu, 7:11b) It also says, ‘[Heaven and Earth help] the myriad things wake with thunder and disperse with wind’ (13:6b) and ‘Nothing is faster than thunder in waking up the myriad things; nothing is faster than wind in agitating the myriad things’ (13:8b). Overall, how can it be caused by a vocal expression of enraged Heaven that one hundred fruits and plants sprout? How can it be necessary to understand that Heaven’s rage leads to waking up and agitating the myriad things? On the basis of this reflection, it was a mistake of later Confucian scholars to consider wind and thunder [an expression of ] Heaven’s rage” [ for this remark, which should be ascribed to Dazai Jun, see Rongo kogun gaiden]. In my view, this theory is illuminating and correct.276 3) For a classical text related to the discussion here, see “Yu zao,” which says, “When there is a violent wind, clap of thunder, or torrential rain, one has to change one’s countenance. Even when sleeping at night, one should rise up. And one should be dressed in proper attire with a cap and sit down” (Li ji zhushu, 29:15b).277 According to my investigations, Changes says:  “When it thunders, one becomes fearful. [This means that] one’s fear leads to good fortune” (Zhou Yi zhushu, 9:2b); “Thunder frightens all within one hundred li miles. It frightens even people far away but makes them fearful of nearby things” (9:2b); “If it thunders not in my place, it thunders in the neighborhood. There will be no fault.  .  .  . Be fearful of thunder in your neighborhood” (9:5b–​9:6a); “After a series of rumbling sounds, thunder arrives. Thus the noble person becomes fearful and contemplative, reflecting on himself” (9:3a). Although thunder is not derived from Heaven’s rage, it may result in a disaster when people experience it. Therefore the noble person becomes fearful of it. Thunder is truly a means for Heaven to evoke people’s fear.

Xing Bing added, “The energy of yin and yang becomes disorderly when Heaven is enraged.” Xue Jingxuan 薛敬軒 (薛瑄, 1389–​1464) supplemented, saying, “The noble person has a fear of the blotless sky but is not frightened when hearing a clap of thunder” (Si shu jiangyi kunmian lu, 15:9b). Confucius’s change of his countenance had nothing to do with Heaven’s rage. 277 Cai Qing supplemented, saying, “For a correct understanding of this remark, it should be read in conjunction with another remark, which says, ‘The great Shun was not perplexed even when there was a violent wind or rain with thunder’ (Shang Shu zhushu, 2:3a)” (Si shu meng yin, 6:112b). 275

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4) Wang Yinglin argued, “A disarrangement in the word order exists in the sentence ‘When there was a sudden clap of thunder or a violent wind, he always changed his countenance’ [because it should have been arranged as either lei xun feng lie 雷迅風烈 or xun lei lie feng 迅雷烈風].”278 Dazai Jun agreed, saying, “In my investigations, the same disarrangement is found in the sentence ‘Flowers are yellow, and fruits are red’ in Shan hai jing (Shan hai jing 山海經, 2:14a), and the sentence ‘The day is auspicious, and the time is beneficial’ in Chu ci (Chu ci zhangju, 2:2a).” * * * What Dasan quotes as Wang Chong’s argument here appears in Dazai Jun’s statement, which Dazai made in agreement with Wang’s opposition to the so-​ called theory of calamities (災異說)—​a powerful theory that adopted natural disasters as a barometer to gauge the success of human politics. Lun heng does not contain any part of the quotation. Dazai made it clear that he was in tune with Wang Chong on this topic, saying, “With regard to the point that wind and thunder are not expressions of Heaven’s rage, Wang Chong already left a discussion.” Then he began to state what was quoted by Dasan, a supplementary explanation of Wang’s idea:  in Wang’s view, wind and thunder are natural phenomena that are merely caused by the flow of qi energy. This was a counterargument from Wang Chong, a rationalist with a scientific and critical mind, against the theory that had been proposed by Dong Zhongshu, a Confucian synthesizer who wished to rely on it for the purpose of checking the power of the supreme political authority. It is understandable that Dasan accepted Wang’s and Dazai’s criticisms of the theory, since he also seems to have possessed a rational and critical mind. As a matter of fact, similarities exist between the thought of Dasan and that of Wang Chong:  first, they both denied the myth of the inborn knowl­ edge of sages; second, they both focused on empirical grounds in evaluating any claims; third, they both tended to explain natural phenomena using the notion of qi; finally, they both criticized the theory of calamities despite its time-​tested influence. However, a crucial difference also exists between them, which concerns their perception of Heaven. To Wang Chong, Heaven is a collective name for natural phenomena and thus is affected by qi movement, like other natural occurrences. In regard to the relationship between Heaven and humans, Wang Chong followed Xunzi, who professed that the realms of human beings and Heaven (nature) should be distinguished. Indeed, Wang’s refutation of the theory of calamities was derived from this separation:  natural disasters belong to the realm of nature, whereas politics belongs to the realm of human beings. In contrast, Dasan posits a close connection between

278

For this argument, see Kun xue ji wen (Kun xue ji wen, 20:26b).

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Heaven and humans. To him, Heaven is the ultimate source of lives, the ontological ground of all beings, and the origin of human morality. Dasan’s philosophy significantly hinges on the notion of Heaven, especially when it comes to genealogy or ontology, although he seldom spoke on the notion with logical details. In this line of thinking, Dasan’s philosophy was closer to that of Dong Zhongshu rather than Wang Chong. Dasan’s viewpoint of Heaven definitely had something to do with his unique understanding of the beginning part of this passage:  according to him, Confucius here presented his gratitude toward Heaven because all edible sources were ultimately bestowed by Heaven: “The noble person changes his countenance in order to show his respect for the gifts from Heaven.” This kind of appreciation for the “grace” of Heaven is not frequently seen among Confucian scholars, let  alone Wang Chong, unless they were influenced by certain Christian ideas, although it could be made by Confucians within the frame of Confucianism.

10.33 When mounting a carriage, Confucius always stood upright, holding the mounting cord; in the carriage, he did not turn his head to look back, nor did he speak hastily, nor did he point with his finger. 升車, 必正立執綏. 車中, 不內顧, 不疾言, 不親指. 10.33.1 Grounds 1) Xing Bing commented, “Sui 綏 (‘the mounting cord’) refers to the cord that people hold when mounting a carriage.”279 2) Zhou Shenglie commented, “Holding the mounting cord is aimed at helping a person feel comfortable.” 3) Xing Bing commented, “Nei gu 內顧 (‘turn his head to look back’) means looking back;280 not speaking hastily and not pointing with one’s finger are intended to avoid confusing others. 10.33.2 Arguments 1) “Qu li” says, “When riding a carriage, one does not clear his throat loudly,281 nor point with his finger without reason;282 he fixes his gaze at a spot as distant as five rolls of a wheel [五嶲] when standing in the

“Qi li” says, “According to ritual propriety, the official in charge of grooming the royal horses [僕人] is supposed to hand a mounting cord to people who are about to mount a carriage” (Li ji zhushu, 3:28a). 280 He continued, “If one turns his head to look back, it may intrude upon others’ privacy.” 281 One has to be cautious about whether his voice is disruptive to others’ hearing. 282 One has to be cautious about whether his hand gesture is disruptive to others’ sight. 279

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carriage;283 he fixes his gaze on the horse’s tail when showing respect by leaning his body forward;284 when turning his head, he prevents his eyes from passing the point of a wheel hub.”285 As I understand, “Xiang dang” is a record of activities that are adequate to ritual propriety. 2) Bao Xian explained, “The range of one’s view of the front does not exceed the point of the yoke; the range of one’s view of the side does not exceed the point of a wheel hub.”286 Xing Bing supplemented, saying, “ ‘Qu li’ says, ‘One fixes one’s gaze at a spot as distant as five rolls of a wheel when standing in the carriage.’ Bao explains, ‘The range of one’s view of the front does not exceed the point of the yoke.’ What is described in Rites [‘Qu li’] concerns regulations for ordinary people; what is described in this passage concerns activities of the sage.” As I understand, the main passage contains only three characters, bu nei gu. The discussion of the fixation of one’s gaze on a spot as distant as five rolls of a wheel and the discussion of the range of one’s view of the front, which should not exceed the point of the yoke, are not topics relevant to this passage.287 3) Huang Kan explained, “Nei is here synonymous with hou 後 (back). The reason [Confucius did not turn his head to look back] is that those who serve either me or others cannot always behave correctly. If one turns one’s head to look at them, it may divulge their personal behavior when they are not prepared. This is not an act that a man of great virtue commits. Thus Confucius did not do so. As I understand, this explanation is spot on. 4) For a classical text that is relevant to the main passage, see Baihu tong, which says, “The measurement that is adopted for the production of carriages is human paces. Thus people stand in the carriage. This is the reason Confucius always stood upright when mounting a carriage” (unknown page).

10.34 Startled, the bird rose up and alighted again after hovering around. Confucius said, “The hen-​pheasant on the mountain bridge, it is time, it is time!” Zi Lu offered it. Confucius rose after smelling it thrice.288 色斯擧矣, 翔而後集. 曰; 山梁雌雉, 時哉時哉! 子路共之, 三嗅而作. Xi 嶲 is here synonymous with gui 規. The distance covered by one roll of the wheel constitutes one gui. Thus the range of one’s view, while riding a carriage, does not exceed a distance of sixteen and a half paces. 284 When leaning on the crossbar in a carriage, one cannot direct one’s gaze to a farther spot. 285 This is what is meant by bu nei gu 不內顧 in the main passage. 286 Xing Bing added, “A comment on an article regarding the responsibilities of the official of carriages [輿人] says, ‘Jue 較 refers to the crossbar that rises from two sides of a carriage’ [according to Lun yu zhengyi].” 287 Some argue that the ancient edition of the Analects might have contained a few more words. 288 In Zheng Xuan’s edition, the expression “it is time” is not repeated. For this, see Shi wen by Lu Deming (Jingdian shi wen, 24:15a). 283

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10.34.1 Grounds 1) I  supplement as follows:  Se 色 (“startled”) is a word that describes one’s startlement. In the sixth year of the reign of Duke Ai, Gongyang’s Commentary says, “On seeing the scene, all the great officials were startled and changed their countenances [色然]” (Gongyang zhuan zhushu, 27:20a).289 Xiang 翔 (“hovering around”) means that the bird flies round. 2) I supplement as follows: Ju 擧 (“rose up”) is here a word that describes a bird’s soaring;290 ji 集 (“alighted”) is a word that describes how the bird comes down and settles.291 The sentence that contains these two words might represent an ancient saying. With a metaphor of the bird that attempts to avoid harm and heeds potential disasters, it states that it is easy for the noble person to retire but difficult to proceed. 3) I supplement as follows: Shan liang 山梁 (“the mountain bridge”) refers to a small bridge installed in the mountain ravine. Shi zai shi zai 時哉 時哉 (“it is time, it is time”) means that it is time to leave. Confucius, on seeing a hunter head for the mountain bridge,292 recited an ancient adage and gave an alarm, saying, “The hen-​pheasant, the hen-​pheasant! It is time, it is time!” Feeling pity for the bird that was about to be killed, Confucius here wished that it would escape from harm by rising up at its startlement. 4) I supplement as follows: Gong 共 (“offered it”) is here interchangeable with gong 拱 (to offer);293 xiu 嗅 (“smelling it”) means to inhale a smell with one’s nose.294 5) He Yan commented, “Zuo 作 (‘rose’) is here synonymous with qi 起 (to rise).” 6) I supplement as follows: The hen-​pheasant must have been killed. Zi Lu, hearing Confucius’s remark “it is time,” conjectured that Confucius hoped to have a dish of hen-​pheasant because it was the right time to eat it. As a result, he must have prepared himself for an offer of it. It was not what Confucius intended to say. Since Confucius could not have it, he rose after smelling it thrice.295

On this He Xiu commented, “Se ran is here a term to describe one’s startlement” (Gongyang zhuan zhushu, 27:20a). 290 A line in one of the Han poems reads “The bird flies one thousand li miles in one flight [一擧]” (unknown source). 291 Zhou Shenglie commented, “After making a thorough examination of the site, while hovering around, the bird comes down and settles.” 292 Changes says, “When shooting a pheasant [射雉], one loses an arrow” (Zhou Yi zhushu, 9:31a). 293 According to Rites of Zhou, the official in charge of the royal kitchen offers [共] meats of six animals and six fowls (see Zhou li zhushu, 4:9a). 294 This is Xing Bing’s explanation. 295 Xing Bing commented, “On the other hand, Confucius could not thoroughly ignore Zi Lu’s offer, so he smelled it thrice.” 289

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10.34.2 Arguments 1) Ma Rong argued, “[The main passage states that] on seeing a person’s foul countenance [色], one leaves.”296 I would refute this as follows: The phrase se si ju is intended to portray the great, godlike sensitivity in understanding what is to come.297 And the word se is here synonymous with hai 駭 (to terrify). The hint one catches of an imminent horror that arrives all of a sudden comes in a flash. It cannot be described in a time sequence. Isn’t it a dull reaction that one inspects the evilness of another person only after looking at his countenance? A poem composed by Su Shi reads, “A wild goose, on seeing a man, changes what it will do even before it flies away” (Dongpo quan ji 東坡全集, 14:17a). This poem conveys a meaning close to that of se si ju. 2) Xing Bing argued, “Liang 梁 (‘bridge’) is here synonymous with qiao 橋 (bridge).” Someone disagreed, saying, “Usually, there are no bridges in the mountains.298 Shan liang here refers to the mountain spine” (unknown source).299 In my view, someone’s argument here has no ground. 3) He Yan argued, “[The main passage states that] the hen-​pheasant on the mountain bridge enjoyed a good time, whereas a man was not able to. Thus Confucius lamented over the difference. Zi Lu prepared a dish of pheasant for Confucius, thinking that it was a good time to eat it. Since it was not what Confucius intended to say; he did not try to have it. Thus he smelled it thrice and rose.”300 Huang Kan agreed, saying, “Confucius expressed lament here because a man, living in a disorderly world, could not find a proper place to soar or to settle. He was different from the hen-​pheasant on the mountain bridge, which could peck every ten paces and drink every one hundred paces, enjoying a good time.” Similarly, Gu Huan 顧歡 (c. 425–​c. 488) commented, “Pheasants nestle and stay on the same hill, so their way is moderate. Also it is the female’s virtue not to disrupt nature with the pursuit of strength and martial excellence. Confucius’s lamentation was made in the wake of his recitation of the poem due to his understanding of this aspect. Coincidently, Zhong You prepared a dish of pheasant for Confucius, which did not suit what he had lamented over. If he had eaten it immediately, the reality might have been incongruous with his message. If he had rejected it, his act might have implied that Zhong You had made a mistake. Thus Confucius smelled it thrice and rose. By taking this course of action, Confucius could reconcile his message with reality.”301 Xing Bing This represents Ma’s interpretation of se si ju 色斯擧. Changes says, “How magnificent! The noble person knows what is to come!” (Zhou Yi zhushu, 12:18b–​19a). 298 Long ago, all types of bridges [梁]—​including bridges for ponds, bogs, moats, rivers, and streams—​ were bridges that were built over water. 299 The roof spine is also called liang. 300 Lun yu bijie by Han Yu states that this comment is ascribed to Zhou Shenglie. 301 For this, see Huang Kan’s comment. 296 297

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agreed, saying, “On his way to the mountain bridge, Confucius saw the hen-​pheasant, which was pecking and drinking. Thus he lamented the fact that its time had come.” As I understand, the two phrases, “Startled, the bird rose up” and “alighted again after hovering around,” were addressed in conjunction with the hen-​ pheasant. Thus the sentence that follows the expression “the mountain bridge” should convey the implication of the phrase “startled, the bird rose up.” Only in this way can the two parts [the poem and Confucius’s remark] be smoothly related to one another. In the comments introduced above, the bird’s startlement and soaring seem to have been mentioned out of context, and that the bird’s time had come seems to have been stated out of context, making this passage awkward. Shi zai here means that it is time to leave. 4) Zheng Xuan argued, “On his way to a mountain, Confucius saw a pheasant that was taking grains of millet [梁].” As I understand, Zheng Xuan rendered liang as conveying the meaning of liang in dao liang 稻粱 (rice and millet). This is an incorrect rendition. In this rendition, the term shan liang does not make sense. 5) In his exposition of the Analects, Yu shi 虞氏 (?)  argued, “The remark ‘Startled, the bird rose up and alighted again after hovering around’ is a statement that was made to compare human affairs with the life of a pheasant. Pheasants, by nature, are quite sensitive and hard to domesticate. In a metaphor, this passage states that people in a disorderly world should behave like a pheasant when attempting to evade danger and finding safety and security. The remark, ‘The hen-​pheasant on the mountain bridge, it represents this [according to Yu shi’s reading],’ was made for the purpose of explaining the aforementioned metaphor. Shi 時 is here interchangeable with shi 是 (this). Meanwhile, gong is here synonymous with she 設 (to install). The main passage states that Zi Lu, on seeing the hen-​pheasant on the mountain bridge, installed a bait to capture it. Being brilliant by nature, the pheasant noticed an unusual sign and flew away after smelling it thrice, without eating what was installed.”302 I would refute this as follows: Dogs can sniff things, but not pheasants. In general, animals can sniff, but not fowl. 6) Han Yu argued, “It is inappropriate to understand this passage in conjunction with Zi Lu’s offering of food. I believe that xiu here should be replaced with wu 嗚 (to sob) seen in the term wu wu 嗚嗚, which represents the sound of a pheasant’s crying.” Chao Shuozhi agreed, saying, “In the stele edition, wu in the main passage appears as jia 戞, meaning the pheasant’s crying” (Lun yu jizhu, 5:15a). Similarly, Liu Mianzhi 劉勉之 (1091–​1149) argued, “Xiu here should be replaced with ju 狊,303 which means that a bird spreads its two wings” (5:15a). Master Zhu supplemented, saying, “If the interpretations For this, see Huang Kan’s comment. The sound of this character is a combination of gu 古 and ju 闃 in fanqie [so it was probably pronounced gu, not ju, its sound in modern Chinese]. 302 303

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proposed by Chao Shuozhi and Liu Mianzhi prove true, gong here should convey the meaning of gong zhi 拱執 (to spread one’s arms to capture something).” Dong shi 董氏 (?)  also argued, “Gong is here synonymous with xiang 向 (to face). Gong in some sentences, for example, zhong xing gong zhi 衆星共之 [“all stars move together with it” in Dasan’s reading: see Noneo gogeum ju 2.1] and Zi Lu gong er li 子路拱而立 [“Zi Lu stood, keeping his hands folded” in Dasan’s reading: see Noneo gogeum ju 18.7], means to face” (unknown source). I would refute these claims as follows: All of the interpretations suggested by Han Yu, Chao Shuozhi, Liu Mianzhi, and Dong shi are unacceptable. The bird that makes the wu wu sound is a crow. Have pheasants ever made such a sound? Jia is a word that describes a howling sound, for example, the one made by cranes. Can pheasants make that sound? Ju is a word that describes a bird stretching its body.304 Only when feeling tired and exhausted does one stretch one’s body.305 Then can a frightened bird stretch its body? In addition, gong means to keep one’s hands folded. The ancient texts provide no grounds for rendering it as “to spread one’s arms to capture something” or “to face.” Can one adopt these suggestions for the meaning of gong? 7) For a classical text related to the discussion here, see Lüshi Chunqiu, which says, “Zi Lu attacked a pheasant and captured it. But he released it later” (Lüshi Chunqiu 呂氏春秋, 9:9a). On this Wang Yinglin argued, “This story might have been recorded on the basis of the sentence in the main passage, Zi Lu gong zhi [so gong should be read as meaning ‘to spread one’s arms to capture something’]” (Kun xue ji wen, 7:21a). In relation to Wang’s view, Wu Cheng 吳澄 (1249–​1333) argued, “The sentence ‘The hen-​pheasant on the mountain bridge’ should be placed before the sentence ‘Startled, the bird rose up and alighted again after hovering around.’ Also zuo in the sentence san xiu er zuo 三嗅而作 should be replaced with tan 歎 (to deplore). These are errors made in the course of transcribing the text” (unknown source). I would disagree with all these claims. 8) Zhen Xishan 眞西山 (眞德秀, 1178–​1235) argued, “A fu poem composed by Jia Yi reads, ‘The bird feng flies high away in the air; she truly pushes herself to a far distance to leave’ (Qian Han shu, 48:3b). This line conveys the meaning of the sentence ‘Startled, the bird rose up.’ It also reads, ‘The bird feng hovers as high as one thousand fathoms; it comes down to a place after examining the light of virtue’ (48:4b). This line conveys the meaning of the sentence ‘[It] alighted again after hovering around.’ The ancient people took three bows when proceeding toward an office; they retired with one remark of resignation” (Lun yu jizhu daquan, 10:33a). Xu Xuanhu 徐 玄扈 (徐光啓, 1562–​1633) argued, “The sage’s mind-​heart was united with the myriad things without distinction. So the bird was not frightened even

304 305

It means that a bird spreads its two wings. This notion appears in a comment in Er ya (see Er ya zhushu, 1:15b).

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when the sage pointed at it, looked at it, and lamented over it. On seeing Zi Lu who installed a bait, the bird smelled the bait thrice and eventually flew away, for his actions and mood could not escape from the dimension that caused conflict with the myriad things. This demonstrates the case in which the interaction of subtle clues leads to a result, the cause of which is not perceived by people” (unknown source). I would refute these claims as follows: Confucius also fished with a line, shot at birds with a corded arrow, and put on display what he captured from hunting. Although the sage is a man of virtue, fish will hide in deep water and birds will fly away, when seeing him. Confucius and Zi Lu are no different in this regard. Xu’s theory is absurd. * * * Dasan explicates in this chapter one of the most notorious passages in the Analects, which has agonized commentators who have tried to propose good interpretations by combining many questionable expressions. Aware of the uncertainty that surrounds this obscure passage, Zhu Xi concluded that he would wait for a man of knowledge to extract a message from it. Aspiring, like other commentators, after recognition as men of knowledge, Dasan offered his speculations, which were guided by his pursuit of the “original meanings.” His speculations revolved around a claim about the context of the remarks in this chapter—​remarks that seemed to have no direct relationships with one another. Dasan suggested that Confucius, on his way to the mountain, felt pity for a pheasant that a hunter was going to kill and wished to save its life by alarming it. So the phrase shi zai shi zai, in his interpretation, should be read, “it is time to leave, it is time to leave (my pheasant)!” Indeed, this is a brilliant and even rational interpretation, in that he attempted to explain the context in a way everyone could understand by means of removing all mystical suggestions, as seen in his arguments above. Thus it may have been worthy of inclusion in his “Original Meanings.” However, this brilliant explanation is different from many of the other arguments in the list because the classical text provides no grounds for it. While his unique reading of the beginning part of the previous chapter also lacks firm grounds in the classics, it may contribute to a demonstration of his philosophical perspective. So questions about the authority responsible for arranging the list still linger.

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CHINESE GLOSSARY

Baihu tong 白虎通 Bai Yi 白夷 Bao shi 保氏 Bao Xian 包咸 Ba yi 八佾 Bei feng 邶風 Beihai 北海 Bi 畢 Bian shi 弁師 Bo Xi 伯姬 Bo Yi 伯益 Cai 蔡 Cai Qing 蔡淸 Cai Xuzhai 蔡虛齋 Cai Ze zhuan 蔡澤傳 Cang Jie pian 蒼頡篇 Ceng 鄫 Chao Shuozhi 晁說之 Chen 陳 Chenghuang 乘黃 Cheng Yi 程頤 Chen Hao 陳澔 Chen Li 陳櫟 Chen shi Li ji ji shuo 陳氏禮記集說 Chen Xian 陳咸 Chi Yi 赤夷 Chong 崇 Chong rang lun 崇讓論 Chu ci 楚辭 Chu ci bianzheng 楚辭辯證

Chu ci jizhu 楚辭集注 Chu ci zhang ju 楚辭章句 Chun guan 春官 Chunqiu fanlu 春秋繁露 Chunqiu Gongyang zhuan 春秋公羊傳 Chunqiu Guliang zhuan zhushu 春秋穀梁傳註疏 Chunqiu zhengyi 春秋正義 Chunqiu Zuo zhuan zhushu 春秋左傳註疏 Chunyu Kun 淳于髠 Chuo geng lu 輟耕錄 Chu zhen xun 俶眞訓 cui 衰 Da Dai Li ji 大戴禮記 da gong 大功 Da Hangren 大行人 Dan 旦 Da she li 大射禮 Da Si tu 大司徒 Da Si yue 大司樂 Daxiang 達巷 Da xue 大學 Da ya 大雅 Dazai Jun 太宰純 Deng 鄧 Di 帝 Diao Yi Qi wen 弔夷齊文 Di guan 地官 Dong shi 董氏 Dongtu 東屠 Dong Yi zhuan 東夷傳 Dong Zhongshu 董仲舒 Duan 彖 Dui ce 對策 Du Yu 杜預 Er ya 爾雅 Er ya zhushu 爾雅註疏 Eunsongdang jip 恩誦堂集 Fa mu 伐木 Fang ji 坊記 Fang yan 方言 Fang Yi 方夷 Fang xiang shi 方相氏 Fan Ning 范寗 fanqie 反切 Fan Zuyu 范祖禹

188   |  Chinese Glossary

Fa yan 法言 Feng sheng 逢盛 Feng Yi 風夷 Feng Yi 馮椅 Fuchai 夫差 Fu Guang 輔廣 Fu Sheng 伏勝 Fu wen 服問 Fu Xi 伏羲 Fuyu 鳧臾 Gan Luo 甘羅 Gangjin 康津 Gaoli 高麗 Gao Qumi 高渠彌 Gao Yao 皐陶 Gao zhi 誥志 Gao Zhongxuan 高中玄 Getan 葛覃 Gong Bo Liao 公伯寮 Gong Sheng zhuan 龔勝傳 Gong si dafu li 公食大夫禮 Gongsun Ao 公孫敖 Guanju 關雎 Guan Qi 觀起 Guan Zhong 管仲 Guanzi 管子 Gu Huan 顧歡 Guliang 穀梁 Gu Linshi 顧麟士 Gu ming 顧命 Guo 過 Gu ren 賈人 Guo Pu 郭璞 Guo yu 國語 Gu Xianzhi 顧憲之 Gu Yanwu 顧炎武 Han Kangbo 韓康伯 Han Yu 韓愈 He tu 河圖 He Xiu 何休 He Yan 何晏 He Yisun 何異孫 Hong bi 弘璧 Hong Xingzu 洪興祖 Hong Yao 閎夭

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Hou Han shu 後漢書 Hou Tuo 后槖 Hou Zhongliang 侯仲良 Hua Ruo 華弱 Huainan honglie jie 淮南鴻烈解 Huainanzi 淮南子 Huan Tui 桓魋 Huan 桓 Huang Kan 皇侃 Huang Yi 黃夷 Huang Yuan 皇瑗 Huangyi 皇矣 Hu Bingwen 胡炳文 Hui 翬 Hun li 昏禮 Hun Liangfu 渾良夫 Huo Guang 霍光 Hu Yin 胡寅 Hu Yunfeng 胡雲峰 Jeongjo 正祖 Jeong Yak-​jeon 丁若銓 Ji 冀 Ji 稷 Jia Gongyan 賈公彦 Jia Yi 賈誼 Jiang Xi 江熙 Jiao gong 角弓 Jiao tesheng 郊特牲 jiao 郊 Ji Huanzi 季桓子 Ji Kangzi 季康子 Ji Li 季歷 Jin ju 巾車 Jin Lüxiang 金履祥 Jin shu 晉書 Jin yu 晉語 Jing 荊 Jingdian shi wen 經典釋文 Jin teng 金縢 Ji Pengshan 季彭山 Jisun 季孫 Ji tong 祭統 Ji yi 祭義 Ji yun 集韻 Ji Zha 季札

190   |  Chinese Glossary

Ji Zhong 祭仲 Jizi 箕子 Juaner 卷耳 Kai yuan 開元 Kangxi 康熙 Kao gong ji 考工記 Kim Sagye 金沙溪 Kong Anguo 孔安國 Kong Ning 孔寧 Kong Wenzi 孔文子 Kong Yingda 孔穎達 Kongzi jia yu 孔子家語 Kongzi shi jia 孔子世家 Kun 困 Kun 坤 Kun xue ji wen 困學紀聞 Lai 賚 Lao 牢 Laozi dao de jing 老子道德經 Lelang 樂浪 Liang shi 梁史 Liang 梁 Li Chong 李充 Liezi 列子 Li Fang 李昉 Li Gongtong 李崆峒 Li Hongzu 李閎祖 Li ji ji shou 禮記集說 Li ji zhushu 禮記註疏 Li lun 禮論 Li qi 禮器 Li shi 隷釋 Li shu 禮書 Liu Mianzhi 劉勉之 Liu Shi 劉寔 Liu Shi 柳識 Liu Yuanfu 劉原父 Li yue zhi 禮樂志 Li yun 禮運 Li zheng 立政 Lu 陸 Lu 魯 Lü ao 旅獒 Lu Bian 盧辯 Lü Dalin 呂大臨

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Lu Guang 魯匡 Lu Jiashu 陸稼書 Lu ming 鹿鳴 Lun heng 論衡 Lun tihuan Li Chulin zhuang 論替換李楚琳狀 Lun yu bijie 論語筆解 Lun yu jijie yishu 論語集解義疏 Lun yu jiqiu pian 論語稽求篇 Lun yu jizhu daquan 論語集注大全 Lun yu jizhu kaozheng 論語集注考證 Lun yu tong 論語通 Lun yu wei 論語緯 Lun yu yishu 論語義疏 Lun yu zhengyi 論語正義 Lun yu zhushu 論語註疏 Lu shi 路史 Lüshi Chunqiu 呂氏春秋 Lu Xu 陸續 Lu Zhi 陸贄 Manjie 滿節 Mao Heng 毛亨 Ma Rong 馬融 Mei Ze 梅賾 Meng Jingzi 孟敬子 Meng Kang 孟康 Mengsun 孟孫 Meng Wubo 孟武伯 Meng Zhuangzi 孟莊子 Mengzi jizhu 孟子集注 Mianzhai 勉齋 Miao Xia 繆協 Min Zi Qian 閔子騫 Mingtang wei 明堂位 Mu shi 牧誓 Nan gai 南陔 Nangong Kuo 南宮适 Nan shi 南史 Nei ze 內則 Niu Chunyu 牛春宇 Noneo gogeum ju 論語古今註 Ogyu Nabematsu 荻生雙松 Pangeng 盤庚 Pi 丕 Pi 嚭 Pin li 聘禮

192   |  Chinese Glossary

Qi 岐 Qi 淇 Qi 齊 Qian Han shu 前漢書 qi cui 齊衰 Qin cao 琴操 Qin feng 秦風 Qing 靑 Qin Lao 琴牢 Qin Zhang 琴張 Qiu guan 秋官 Qiu Zhongshen 丘仲深 Qi yu 齊語 Quan Yi 畎夷 Qu li 曲禮 Ran You 冉有 Rao Lu 饒魯 Re zhi lu 日知錄 Rong 榮 Ruan Xiaoxu zhuan 阮孝緒傳 Sang da ji 喪大記 Sangfu ji 喪服記 Sangfu zhuan 喪服傳 Sangrye sa jeon 喪禮四箋 Sangseo gohun 尙書古訓 Sang ui gwang 喪儀匡 San Yisheng 散宜生 Shanfu 膳夫 Shang 商 Shang Shu daquan 尚書大傳 Shang Shu zhushu 尙書註疏 Shan hai jing 山海經 Shan mu 山木 Shao 召 Shao lao 少牢 Shao nan 召南 Shao Xinchen 召信臣 Shao yi 少儀 Shen 莘 She yi 射儀 Shen Hongye 沈虹野 Shi 奭 Shi gu 釋詁 Shi guanli 士冠禮 Shi he 噬嗑

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193  

Shi huo zhi 食貨志 Shi ji 史記 Shi ji suo yin 史記索隱 Shi ji zhengyi 史記正義 Shi lin 石林 Shi mai 時邁 Shi qi 釋器 Shi sang li 士喪禮 Shi xiangjian li 士相見禮 Shi yi jing wen dui 十一經問對 Shu Dazhuan 書大傳 Shujing jizhuan 書經集傳 Shun 舜 Shuo wen 說文 Shuo wen jie zi 說文解字 Shuo yuan 說苑 Shusun 叔孫 Shusun Muzi 叔孫穆子 Shu yi 書儀 si 緦 si cui 緦衰 Si fu 司服 Si gong 司空 Siku quanshu 四庫全書 Si ma 司馬 Sima Niu 司馬牛 Sima Qian 司馬遷 Sima Zhen 司馬貞 Si shu 司書 Si shu gai cuo 四書改錯 Si shu jiangyi kunmian lu 四書講義困勉錄 Si shu mengyin 四書蒙引 Si shu shengyan 四書賸言 Si shu tong 四書通 Si tu 司徒 Song 宋 Song Xian 宋咸 Su Shi 蘇軾 Sun Chuo 孫綽 Suojia 索家 Tai 太 Tai bao 太保 Tai Bo 泰伯 Tai Dian 太顚 Taigong 太公

194   |  Chinese Glossary

Taiping yu lan 太平御覽 Tai shi 太史 Tai shi 泰誓 Tai Si 太姒 Tai zai 太宰 Tai zong 太宗 Taoyu 檮杌 Teng Wengong shang 滕文公上 Tianbi 天鄙 Tianguan 天官 Tian qiu 天球 Tiaolangshi 條狼氏 Tong ya 通雅 Tong yi 通義 Tou hu li 投壺禮 Tuogao 槖臯 Wang 望 Wang Bi 王弼 Wang Chong 王充 Wang Chongjian 王崇簡 Wang Guantao 王觀濤 Wang Mang zhuan 王莽傳 Wang Shu 王肅 Wan Sitong 萬斯同 Wang Wencheng quanshu 王文成全書 Wang Yangming 王陽明 Wang Yi 王逸 Wang Yinglin 王應麟 Wang Yutai 王宇泰 Wang zhi 王制 Wan yan 琬琰 Wei 衛 Wei feng 衛風 Wei Linggong 衛靈公 Weiren 倭人 Weisheng 尾生 Wei Zhao 韋昭 Weizi 微子 Wen 文 Wen Kong 問孔 Wu 吳 Wu 武 Wu Cheng 吳澄 Wu Cheng 吳程 Wu Ding 武丁

Chinese Glossary 

| 

195  

Wu Qi 吳起 Wu Yu 吳棫 Wu Yue Chunqiu 吳越春秋 Wu za zu 五雜組 Xia 夏 Xiafu Fuji 夏父弗忌 Xia guan 夏官 Xian 憲 Xiang 象 Xiang dafu zhi 鄕大夫職 Xiang dang 鄕黨 Xiang fu 喪服 Xiang ge 鄕歌 Xiang she 鄕射 Xiang she li 鄕射禮 Xiang Tuo 項槖 Xiang yin li 鄕飮禮 Xiang Yu benji 項羽本紀 Xian jin 先進 xiao gong 小功 Xiao ji 小記 Xiaojing zhushu 孝經註疏 Xiao min 小旻 Xiaoshan 蕭山 Xiaoshi shi 小施氏 Xiao Si gong 小司空 Xiao Si kou 小司寇 Xiao Si ma 小司馬 Xiao Si tu 小司徒 Xiao ya 小雅 Xiao zai 小宰 Xiao Zongbo 小宗伯 Xi ci 繫辭 xi cui 錫衰 Xie 契 Xie Liangzuo 謝良佐 Xie Zhaozhi 謝肇淛 Xing Bing 邢昺 Xinzhai 信齋 Xiong zhi 雄雉 Xiu shen 修身 Xu 徐 Xuan Yi 玄夷 Xuantu 玄菟 Xue er 學而

196   |  Chinese Glossary

Xu Fenpeng 徐奮鵬 Xun 巽 Xunzi 荀子 Xu Shen 許愼 Xu Xuan 徐鉉 Xu Xuanhu 徐玄扈 Xue ji 學記 Xue Jingxuan 薛敬軒 Xue Weizhai 薛畏齋 Yan 兗 Yang 揚 Yang Hu 陽虎 Yang Shi 楊時 Yang Xiong 揚雄 Yang Yi 陽夷 Yangzi fa yan 揚子法言 Yan Ke 顔剋 Yan li 燕禮 Yan Ruoqu 閻若璩 Yan Shigu 顔師古 Yan tie lun 鹽鐵論 Yan yi 燕義 Yan Yuan 顔淵 Yanzi 晏子 Yao 堯 Yao dian 堯典 Ye Shaoyun 葉少蘊 yi cui 疑衰 Yi Hangfu 儀行父 Yi Jiang 邑姜 Ying 郢 Ying Ziyan 穎子嚴 Yin Tun 尹焞 Yi Sang-​jeok 李尙廸 Yong 雍 Yong ye 雍也 You geng 由庚 Yu 禹 Yu 豫 Yuan Cangru 袁滄孺 Yuan Liaofan 袁了凡 Yuan Si 原思 Yu Dingguo zhuan 于定國傳 Yu ding Kangxi zidian 御定康熙字典 Yu ding peiwen yunfu 御定佩文韻府

Chinese Glossary 

| 

197  

Yue 越 Yue ji 樂記 Yue ling 月令 Yue Pei 樂轡 Yuezhengzi 樂正子 Yuezhuo 鸑鷟 Yu li 魚麗 Yun hui 韻會 Yun 鄖 Yu shi 虞氏 Yu Yi 于夷 Yu zao 玉藻 Za ji 雜記 Zangsun He 臧孫紇 Zeng Dian 曾點 Zeng Hua 曾華 Zeng Yuan 曾元 Zengzi wen 曾子問 zhan cui 斬衰 Zhan Ganquan 湛甘泉 Zhang Nanshi 張南士 Zhang Shoujie 張守節 Zhang Yi 張儀 Zhao Shuai 趙衰 Zheng 鄭 Zheng feng 鄭風 Zheng he 政和 Zheng Kangcheng 鄭康成 Zheng kaofu 正考父 Zheng Sinong 鄭司農 Zheng Xuan 鄭玄 Zhen Xishan 眞西山 Zhenzi 貞子 Zhi 摯 Zhi zong 秩宗 Zhong Gong 仲弓 Zhong Ni yan ju 仲尼燕居 Zhongsun Jie 仲孫捷 Zhongtong 中統 Zhong Yong 仲雍 Zhong yong zhang ju 中庸章句 Zhong zai 冢宰 Zhou 周 Zhou 紂 Zhou li zhushu 周禮註疏

198   |  Chinese Glossary

Zhou nan 周南 Zhou Shenglie 周生烈 Zhou Yi zhushu 周易註疏 Zhou yu 周語 Zhuangzi 莊子 Zhuangzi zhu 莊子注 Zhurong 祝融 Zhu Xi 朱熹 Zhuzi jia li 朱子家禮 Zi Chan 子産 Zi Gong 子貢 Zifu Jing Bo 子服景伯 Zi Kai 子開 Zi Lao 子牢 Zi lin 字林 Zi You 子游 Zi Zhang 子張 Zou ben 奏本 Zou Yishan 鄒嶧山 Zuo zhuan zhushu 左傳註疏

Chinese Glossary 

| 

199  

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205  

INDEX

Bao Xian 8, 15, 17, 18, 25, 33, 41, 53, 55, 58, 66, 68, 69, 72, 79, 80, 81, 108, 113, 169, 173, 181 benevolence 8, 166, 168, 172 Cheng Yi 46, 98 constant mean 95, 96, 98 Dao-​mind 44, 81 Dazai Jun 19, 21, 23, 35, 38–​41, 50, 51, 61, 74, 78, 79, 92, 123, 130, 148, 150, 157, 163, 177–​179 Duke of Zhou 8, 17, 22, 34, 37, 54, 57, 171 filial piety 8–​12, 20, 66 five classics 120, 133 five phases 124 Han Confucianism 40 Han Yu 33, 52, 71, 96–​98, 141, 160, 183–​185 He Yan 7, 16, 21, 30, 31, 43, 62, 63, 81, 83, 86, 88, 93–​96, 98–​100, 145, 161, 169, 182, 183 Heaven 1, 13, 32, 33, 36, 52–​54, 57–​60, 64, 71, 82, 85, 86, 94, 95, 121, 158, 177–​180

mandate of 43, 44, 54, 59, 64, 65, 95, 101 Son of 64, 65, 106, 107, 116, 118, 122, 139, 140, 158, 160, 161, 164, 168, 173 principle of 85 the Way of 79, 95 and Earth 11, 12, 19, 55, 79, 80, 85, 178 High Lord 31 Huang Kan 4, 5, 7, 12, 14, 21, 28, 31, 49, 60, 66, 73, 78, 80, 87, 100, 104, 107, 110, 113, 117–​121, 123–​126, 128, 134, 139, 140, 146, 148, 150, 158, 161, 162, 165, 169, 171, 175, 178, 181, 183, 184 human desires 44 human inborn nature 85, 95 human moral order 86, 97 humanities 6, 8, 9, 17, 33, 34, 43–​45, 57, 94, 95 human mind 44, 81 incantational and apocryphal texts 65, 66 inner virtue 40, 92 Jeongjo 9 Jin Lüxiang 35, 38, 50, 51, 109

Kong Anguo 16, 22, 23, 26, 29, 33–​35, 37–38, 41, 44, 47, 48, 51, 53, 54, 58, 60, 62, 64, 65, 69, 70, 84, 87, 89–​92, 96, 104, 110–​113, 119, 120, 123–​126, 128, 129, 131, 136, 138, 139, 143, 144, 146, 151, 152, 156, 157, 159, 160, 162, 163, 166, 167, 171–​175,  177 Kong Yingda 76, 127, 137, 161, 167 Laozi 66, 104, 106 Lu Deming 3, 23, 34, 36, 38, 39, 73, 74, 110, 113, 115, 123, 156, 159, 166, 181 Ma Rong 7, 13, 15, 34, 41, 53, 54, 72–​74, 81, 87, 90, 104, 105, 148, 183 Mao Qiling 19, 20, 26, 53, 55, 59, 60, 83, 99, 105, 129, 146, 147, 158 Master Zhu 3, 5, 7, 13, 14, 16, 18, 20, 22, 23, 25, 26, 29, 30, 35, 41, 47, 50, 51, 54, 58, 64, 66, 72, 80–​82, 84, 90, 94, 95, 99, 100, 104, 108, 109, 111, 112, 116, 117, 119, 125, 129–​131, 134, 141, 143–​151, 154, 156, 159, 160, 162, 163, 165, 166, 168, 169, 174, 176, 177, 184 Mei Ze 36, 38, 39, 82, 103 mind-​heart 11, 20, 54, 95, 100, 159, 185 moderation 1, 93, 95, 96, 97 mourning rituals 4, 69, 96, 98, 132–​134, 141, 144, 173

nonaction 31, 32 normative actions 96, 98 Ogyu 21, 44, 59, 60, 67, 72–​74, 78, 79, 91, 104, 106, 121, 149, 155, 156, 173, 176 outer merits 40, 92 principle 19, 21, 23, 27, 36, 37, 44, 50, 52, 56, 57, 65, 85–​88, 91–​94, 97, 113, 115, 124, 125, 130, 131, 142, 153, 154, 157 heavenly 44 moral 86, 88 practical 85, 92, 122, 124, 125 refined expressions 5, 49, 54, 57, 96, 98 rightness 18, 20, 34, 43, 47, 93, 95, 97, 144, 164 ritual propriety 4–​8, 14, 15, 18, 20, 47, 48, 67–​71, 90, 97, 98, 115, 117, 118, 136, 139, 142, 147, 158, 163, 164, 166, 170, 173, 174, 180, 181 sacrificial rituals 4, 41, 47, 51, 66, 121, 132–​136, 139, 141, 142, 144, 148, 160, 169, 171, 173, 176 sage kings 34, 35, 38 scholars-​in-​the-​court  24,  74 scholars-​in-​the-​forest  24,  74 self-​cultivation  93 Song Confucianism 40 trustworthiness 13

natural substance 57 neo-​Confucianism 40, 85, 94 neo-​Confucian scholars 46, 56, 71, 72, 74, 85, 86, 92, 124 new commentaries 9, 12, 40 noble person 6, 8, 11, 13, 14, 16, 19, 23, 26, 44, 53, 58, 73–​75, 95, 118, 119, 121, 131, 152, 167, 170, 175, 177, 178, 180, 182, 183

208   | Index

universality 21, 22, 40 utilitarianism 98 Wang Yinglin 27, 36–​40, 46, 49, 76, 80, 120, 132, 179, 185 Wang Chong 31, 65, 75, 87, 178–​180 Wang Shu 3, 52, 102, 119, 132 wholeheartedness 8

Xing Bing 4, 7, 10, 12–​14, 16, 17, 21, 22, 25, 26, 28, 30, 34, 47, 56, 58, 59, 61, 62, 64, 66, 68, 72, 74–​76, 78–​80, 83–​86, 88–​91, 102–​104, 108–​113, 117, 119–​122, 124–​126, 130, 131, 134, 136, 140, 143–​151, 154–​158, 160, 162, 163, 165–​169, 171–​175, 178, 180–​183 Yangming 87, 166

Zheng Xuan 4–​6, 10, 11, 14–​16, 23, 26–​28, 34, 45, 47, 49, 58, 60, 61, 69, 71, 73, 76, 78, 80, 82, 88, 91, 92, 101, 108, 110, 113, 114, 116, 117, 119, 120, 123, 126, 130, 132, 133, 135, 136, 140, 143, 144, 146, 148, 150, 154, 160, 164, 165–​170, 175, 176, 178, 181, 184 Zhuangzi 25, 29, 34, 38, 56, 105, 144

Index 

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