The Analects of Dasan, Volume II: A Korean Syncretic Reading 0190686219, 9780190686215

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The Analects of Dasan, Volume 2

The Analects of Dasan, Volume 2 A Korean Syncretic Reading

Translated with Commentary by

Hongkyung Kim

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1 Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and certain other countries. Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press 198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America. © Oxford University Press 2018 First Edition published in 1996 First Edition published in Paperback 2001 Second Edition published in 2018 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, by license, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reproduction rights organization. Inquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above. You must not circulate this work in any other form and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer. CIP data is on file at the Library of Congress ISBN 978–​0–​19–​068621–​5 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Printed by Sheridan Books, Inc., United States of America

Dasan composed Plum and Birds, the artwork on the cover, to encourage his daughter to be loyal to her family-in-law. It was 1813, the thirteenth year of his eighteen-year exile, when he completed Noneo gogeum ju. The poem in its entirety (including the part obscured in the design of the cover) reads: Two birds, fluttering, rest on a plum tree in my garden They flew in, mesmerized by its permeating fragrance, and Would stay and nestle here to please your family Full-blown flowers should lead to an abundance of fruit According to Dasan’s explanation of the image, the “canvas” he painted it on was made out of a faded red silk skirt that his wife, Lady Hong, sent to him one day in the midst of his exile. This image was provided by the Korea University Museum. This project of publishing Noneo gogeum ju in English was supported by The Academy of Korean Studies (Korean Studies Promotion Service) grant funded by the Government of the Republic of Korea (Ministry of Education) (AKS-2013-KCL-2230002).

CONTENTS

An Overview of the Original Meanings in Volume 2  1 BOOK 4  For One’s Dwelling, Humanity Is 里仁  5 BOOK 5  Gongye Chang 公冶長  51 BOOK 6 Yong 雍也  123 BOOK 7 I Transmit 述而  193

Chinese Glossary  257 Bibliography  281 Index  287

An Overview of the Original Meanings in Volume 2

26. The saying li ren wei mei 里仁爲美 (“For one’s dwelling, humanity is beautiful”) is an admonition regarding one’s dwelling in humanity and does not convey the meaning of wisely selecting one’s abode. (4.1) 27. The phrase de zhi 得之, in relation to poverty and lowliness, means that one has come to avoid poverty and lowliness. (4.5) 28. The saying “My Way is penetrated by one thing” regards the correlation of minds [恕], which involves measuring another’s mind through my mind, and has nothing to do with presenting the secret word about transmitting the Way. (4.15) 29. One’s understanding of rightness is derived from Dao-​mind; one’s understanding of profit is derived from human-​mind. (4.16) 30. The phrase xian zhi bu cong 見志不從 means to make it apparent that you intend not to follow your parents. (4.18) 31. Nangong Tao, Nangong Yue, and Nangong Kuo are three different people. (5.1) 32. The remark “I would have to get on a small raft and float about on the sea” is intended to describe Zi Lu’s volition. (5.6) 33. In respect of the sentence, “Both you and I  are not equal to him,” one should follow Bao Xian’s interpretation. (5.8) 34. Kong Wenzi was a substantially evil man. The remark “he was not ashamed to ask questions to his inferiors” was expediently made. (5.14) 35. “Keeping the augural tortoise in his house” constitutes one separate occasion. And “making the pillar tops in the shape of mountains and painting water chestnuts on the short pillars above the crossbeams” constitutes another. They should not be considered sequential in our discussion. (5.17) 36. The expression “If one thought twice, one would be fine” is intended to show that Ji Wenzi was not able to think three times from the beginning. (5.19) 37. The remark “When his state lacked the Way, he was foolish” implies that Ning Wuzi dared to confront difficulties, being unconcerned about his own person. (5.20)

38. The expression fei ran cheng zhang 斐然成章 (“already made beautiful patterns on silk”) originally used silk as a metaphor. (5.21) 39. The remark “They did not keep old hostilities in mind” is pertinent to Bo Yi’s and Shu Qi’s relationship with their father and brother. (5.22) 40. Weisheng Gao’s dishonesty pertains to a remark he made to his neighbor, not to the fact that he begged his neighbor for vinegar. (5.23) 41. Zuoqiu Ming is a single person. (5.24) 42. The expression nei zi song 內自訟 (“inwardly struggle to overcome them”) is pertinent to the conflict between the mandate of Heaven and human desires. (5.26) 43. The phrase bu er guo 不貳過 (“nor did he vacillate over his mistakes”) implies that Yan Hui was not committed to two different things [with regard to correcting his mistake.] (6.2) 44. Zi Hua’s crime lies in the fact that he was not concerned about food for his mother. (6.3) 45. “The son of a black ox” is a metaphoric expression that means that the father was better than the son. (6.5) 46. The expression re yue zhi 日月至 (“[The others] reach this state for days or for a month”) is identical in meaning to the expression “Only a few people could practice it for a long time.” (6.6) 47. The phrase zhong dao er fei 中道而廢 (“collapse in the middle of the road”) means that one’s body collapses due to his strength being exhausted, not that one gives up his study. (6.11) 48. The phrase xing bu you jing 行不由徑 (“does not take a byway when coming to the government office”) means that he took the right path to come to work at the government office. (6.13) 49. There has existed a wrong understanding of refined expressions [文] and natural substance [質]. (6.17) 50. The chapter, which starts with the phrase “If a gu 觚 has no edges,” is dedicated to a discussion of names and reality. (6.24) 51. The phrase jing you ren 井有仁 should be read as jing you ren 阱有仁 (“humanity is in a pitfall”). (6.25) 52. The Master visited Nan Zi in order to overcome Wei’s political disorder and restore the grace between the parents and children. (6.27) 53. There originally existed rituals in which the great officials could meet with the lesser lords. (6.27) 54. Wei 爲 (“do”) in the question “Will Our Master do [爲] like the lord of Wei did” should be read as wei in the sentence “Zeng Xi would not do [爲] like Guan Zhong did.” (7.15)

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55. The “plain water” in the expression “having plain water to drink” refers to one of the six drinks that are introduced by Rites of Zhou. (7.16) 56. Regarding the expression wu shi er xue yi 五十以 [而 in all editions of Noneo gogeum ju] 學易 (“Study Changes at fifty”), one should follow the old commentary. (7.17) 57. The phrase san ren xing 三人行 (“Even when walking in a party of three people”) means that I walk along with a couple of people only. (7.22) 58. The remark “Allow people to come; do not allow them to withdraw” is an old saying. (7.30)

An Overview of the Original Meanings in Volume 2 

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BOOK 4

For One’s Dwelling, Humanity Is 里仁

4.1 The Master said, “For one’s dwelling,1 humanity is beautiful. If one does not embrace humanity when he has a choice, how can he be considered wise?” [In Noneo gogeum ju in traditional bookbinding, this chapter opens the sixth* roll.]2 子曰; 里, 仁爲美. 擇不處仁, 焉得知? 4.1.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Li 里 refers to where people stay.3 For the place where people stay, only humanity is beautiful. This is what was meant by a passage in Mencius, which says, “Humanity is a comfortable house for people” (Mengzi jizhu 孟子集注, 2A:7). If one does not embrace humanity when he has a choice, how can he be considered wise? 4.1.2 Arguments 1) Zheng Xuan 鄭玄 (127–​200) argued, “Li here refers to where humane people live.4 [This passage means] to reside in a neighborhood of humane people is beautiful.5 If one chooses where to live but does not reside in a neighborhood of humane people, he cannot be regarded as having wisdom.” [All of Zheng Xuan’s comments in this book appear in Lun yu jijie 論語集解 A pause should be placed here. * The Analects of Dasan, volume 1, contains errors in introducing the roll division in the traditional bookbinding. I correct them as follows: 3.3, not 3.1, opens the fourth roll, and 3.16, not 3.3, opens the fifth roll in the traditional bookbinding. This division is based on the Kyujanggak edition of Noneo gogeum ju. 2 This book contains twenty-​six chapters. 3 “Xingfa zhi 刑法志” records, “A residential place that is located in the fields is called lu 廬; a residential place that is located in a town is called li” (Qian Han shu 前漢書, 24A:4b). 4 Xing Bing 邢昺 (932–​1010) added, “A residential place where humane people live is called li ren 里 仁.” [All of Xing Bing’s comments in this book appear in Lun yu zhengyi 論語正義 in Lun yu zhushu, unless otherwise noted.] 5 Xing Bing’s interpretation is the same as this. 1

in Lun yu zhushu 論語註疏, unless otherwise noted.] I would refute this as follows: According to my investigation, when the Master wished to go and live among the nine Yi 夷 tribes, he asked, “A noble person used to live there, what meanness can there be?” (Lun yu jizhu 論語集注, 9:13; 9.14 in Noneo gogeum ju) He also said, “If your speech is full of trust that comes from your wholeheartedness [忠] and your deeds are full of prudence in a convincing manner, your inculcation will work even in the countries of Man Mo 蠻貊 barbarians” (15:5). The development of the Way of the noble person depends on himself, so it can work everywhere no matter where he lives. If you recommend that one choose to live in a neighborhood of humane people, it means that you blame others before assuming your own responsibilities. This is not a proper teaching. The meaning of this passage should be understood in the context of what Mencius and Xunzi 荀子 state. 2) For a classical text that supports my interpretation here, see Mencius, which says, “Arrow-​makers are by no means less humane than armor-​makers. Yet the only concern of arrow-​makers is that men should not be hurt, while the only concern of armor-​makers is that men should be hurt. Shamans and coffin-​makers are the same. Thus one has to be careful about his expertise. Confucius said, ‘For one’s dwelling, humanity is beautiful. If one does not embrace humanity when he has a choice, how can he be considered wise [in Dasan’s interpretation]?’6 Now, humanity is the most honorable official status conferred by Heaven and the most comfortable house for people. A  person who is inhumane even when no one prevents him from being humane is unwise” (Mengzi jizhu, 2A:7). In my view, if one applies Zheng Xuan’s interpretation of this chapter to the passage from Mencius above, Mencius’s remarks lose consistency in that he seems to go on a tangent—​abruptly quoting Confucius’s teaching on how to choose a place to live, immediately after the initial discussion of what expertise one has to choose. Mencius straightforwardly compares humanity to a comfortable house, not a neighborhood of humane people to a comfortable house. If readers pay attention to this point, they will understand that Zheng’s comment was invalid. 3) For another classical text that supports my interpretation here, see Xunzi, which says, “Humanity bears a place for one to stay; rightness bears a gate for one to go through. Humanity is in conflict with ritual propriety when it stays [虛] in places inappropriate for it;7 rightness is in conflict with ritual propriety when it goes through gates inappropriate for it.”8

Zhao Qi 趙岐 (108–​201) argued [incorrectly], “Li 里 here is synonymous with ju 居 (to stay)” (Mengzi zhushu 孟子註疏, 3B:12b). 7 Yang Jing 楊倞 (fl. 800) commented, “Xu 虛 in this sentence was mistakenly adopted in place of ju 居 (‘to stay’), because of the similarity of their sounds” (Xunzi 荀子, 19:5a). 8 This quotation is from “Da lüe 大略” (19:5a). 6

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In my view, humanity is where one can stay, so Xunzi says, “[Humanity] bears a place”; rightness is what one can go through, so it says, “[rightness] bears a gate.” If humanity stays in places inappropriate to humanity, it is not humanity; if rightness goes through gates inappropriate to rightness, it is not rightness. When Xunzi read the Analects, he also placed a pause after li (“For one’s dwelling”), treating ren wei mei 仁爲美 (“humanity is beautiful”) as a separate sentence. 4) For classical texts that disagree with my interpretation here, see “Si xuan fu 思玄賦” by Zhang Heng 張衡 (78–​139), which says, “If not the humane place [里], where can one live [宅]?9 If not the right path, what can one follow?”10 (Wen xuan zhu, 15:1b); Mao Chang’s 毛萇 (fl. 150 bce) gloss on a local song from Zheng 鄭, which says, “Li 里 is here synonymous with ju 居 [as a verb]” (Mao Shi zhushu 毛詩註疏, 7:6a);11 Cheng Bozi’s 程伯子 [程 顥, 1032–​1085] comment, which says, “Li here is synonymous with ju. It states that to choose humanity and dwell in it is beautiful;”12 Hu Zhitang’s 胡致堂 (胡寅, 1098–​1156) comment, which says, “Li here is synonymous with ju. If one dwells in humanity as though living in a town, he must be a person who feels comfortable with humanity (quoted in Kun xue ji wen 困學紀聞, 7:12a)”; Wang Yinglin’s 王應麟 (1223–​1296) argument, which says, “Shi lin 石林 presents a comment [on the ‘Si xuan fu’ that is quoted above], saying, ‘The poem adopts the character zhai 宅 in place of ze 擇. This proves that li 里 [in this passage] is synonymous with zhai.’ This is a practice in ancient writings, which should be regarded as conveying the correct meaning [of li]” (7:12a).13 In my view, the meaning of this passage becomes clear when a pause is placed after li. If the phrase li ren wei mei constituted just one sentence [as in the readings of most commentators], the sentence that follows it should have gone “If one does not dwell in humanity [里仁] when he has a choice,” not “if one does not embrace humanity [處仁] when he has a choice” [as in the main passage]. Han Confucians habitually misunderstood the meaning of li here, rendering it “to stay [居].” Also in my view, the character ze 擇 (“when he has a choice”) is vital in this passage. If one were to translate it as “to live [宅],” why would Mencius quote this passage as evidence for his argument on choosing a line of expertise? That interpretation was incorrect, too.

Li Shan 李善 (630–​689) commented, “Both li 里 (‘place’) and zhai 宅 (‘live’) in this line are synonymous with ju 居 (to stay)” (Wen xuan zhu 文選注, 15:1b). 10 “Xijing fu 西京賦” by Zhang Heng also contains a line, that says, “Qin 秦 stays [里] in the north.” On this, Xue Zong 薛綜 (d. 243) commented, “Li here is synonymous with ju” (2:2b). 11 It is a comment on the poem “Jiang Zhongzi 將仲子.” 12 See Er Cheng quanshu 二程全書 (Er Cheng waishu 二程外書, 6:6b). 13 Su Zixi 蘇紫溪 (蘇濬:  1542–​1599) also argued, “The rendering of the passage under discussion should be based on Mengzi zhushu [in which li is regarded as synonymous with ju]. Then it means that unwillingness to dwell in humanity when choosing an agreeable way is tantamount to ignorance of the comfortable place in one’s mind-​heart” (unknown source). 9

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According to my investigation, in ancient times those officials who lived in towns alongside the people were named si li 司里 or li ren 里人. In accordance with this practice, “Zhou yu 周語” says, “Si li accommodates guests with lodging” (Guo yu 國語, 2:15a). “Lu yu 魯語” also says, “Hui bo 惠伯 (d. 609 bce) received an order [to stay in an inn] from si li . . .. Those offenders should follow the orders from li ren” (4:12b). * * * The beginning part of this passage is daunting for most commentators to translate due to its strange syntax. In Zheng Xuan’s reading, which Lun yu jijie adopted, li ren is a compound noun, meaning a place where humane people live. Thus, in his rendition, the beginning part would read, “A town where humane people live is beautiful.” Dasan did not believe that this interpretation correctly delivers Confucius’s teaching because it recommends people to be capricious in selecting their abode although a real humane person can cultivate his virtue regardless of the physical location. Dasan felt that Confucius would never give his students advice on such a humble topic as choosing one’s residential place. Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130–​1200) accepted Zheng Xuan’s view in terms of the syntax of the sentence under discussion, but he developed the extension of the concept li ren by suggesting that it means “a neighborhood that preserves in humanity.” Accordingly, in his reading, the beginning part of this chapter reads, “A neighborhood preserved in humanity is beautiful.” Since James Legge’s adoption of Zhu Xi’s reading, his interpretation of the phrase became the standard in English translation. Another reading of this passage, which had been widely adopted by commentators before Zhu Xi, however, argues that li here should be understood as a verb synonymous with ju, meaning “to stay” or “to dwell,” whereas Dasan sees it as a gerund. Although Dasan grouped these commentators as “Han Confucians,” a wider range of scholars accepted this rendition, including Cheng Hao, Hu Yin, and Wang Yinglin. In this interpretation, the part reads, “To dwell in humanity is beautiful.” Especially Wang directly criticized Zheng Xuan’s rendition of li ren and, in doing so, rebutted Zhu Xi’s interpretation as well. Yet prior to Zheng Xuan and all other commentators, two influential scholars left comments on this puzzling phrase, and Dasan mentions both of them to buttress his interpretation: Mencius and Xunzi. Mencius quotes the entire passage of this chapter in his discussion of what expertise one has to be dedicated to, which in Dasan’s view has nothing to do with one’s choice of physical living space. By saying that “humanity is a comfortable house for people,” Mencius revealed that li is not an actual abode but a spiritual mainstay, argued Dasan. An excerpt from Xunzi reinforces this understanding because it also sees humanity a due place only symbolically related to one’s good will. Thus, finally, Dasan argued that a pause should be placed after li. This is an opinion unheard of before Dasan. Thinking that this was the “original meaning” of this passage, Dasan listed it in his “Original Meanings.”

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4.2 The Master said, “An inhumane person cannot endure adversity for long, nor remain joyful for long. A  humane person feels comfortable with humanity; a wise person considers humanity beneficial.” 子曰; 不仁者, 不可以久處約, 不可以長處樂. 仁者安仁, 知者利仁. 4.2.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Yue 約 (“adversity”) means to tie.14 Experiencing trouble and anxiety in a destitute circumstance resembles being tied up, so it is called yue.15 Le 樂 signifies comfort and riches.16 2) Bao Xian 包咸 (7 bce–​65) commented, “Only those who are humane in their disposition naturally understand the value of humanity, so they feel comfortable with humanity.”17 [All of Bao Xian’s comments in this book appear in Lun yu jijie, unless otherwise noted.] 3) Wang Shu 王肅 (195–​256) commented, “A wise person knows the beauty of humanity, so he practices humanity, considering it beneficial.” [All of Wang Shu’s comments in this book appear in Lun yu jijie, unless otherwise noted.] 4) Master Zhu commented, “An inhumane person goes astray18 when abiding long in adversity and licentious when abiding long in joy.” [All of Zhu Xi’s comments in this book appear in Lun yu jizhu or Lun yu jizhu daquan 論語 集注大全, unless otherwise noted.] 5) As I understand, humanity is the accomplished virtue of the human moral order. Humanity hereafter conveys this meaning. 4.2.2 Arguments 1) Xing Bing argued, “Those who are clever and shrewd crave benefit and thereby practice humanity. They practice humanity when it is beneficial; they stop practicing humanity when it is not beneficial. Their practices are not derived from their true affiliation with humanity.” I would refute this as follows: Nothing is more detrimental to anyone under heaven than inhumanity. A wise person knows how to discern benefit from harm so that he practices humanity out of his solid understanding of its benefit for him. Therefore, distress or disorder cannot agitate him, nor can riches or honors spoil him. Is Xing Bing’s theory compatible with the principle?

This is a definition from Shuo wen (Shuo wen jie zi 說文解字, 13A:3b). “Fang ji 坊記” says, “In poverty, a petty person feels restricted [約]” (Li ji zhushu 禮記註疏, 51:11b). 16 These are what people happily enjoy. 17 Xing Bing added, “People humane in their inborn nature naturally understand the value of humanity no matter if it brings benefit or harm.” 18 This means that he does not check himself with morals when abiding in adversity. 14 15

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2) For classical texts that support my interpretation here, see “Biao ji 表記” (Li ji zhushu, 54:6a, 6; 51:11a, 7), Da Da Li ji (Da Dai Li ji 大戴禮記, 4:13b, 1–​14a, 2).19 * * * Dasan provides here his basic definition of ren, humanity. In his opposition to the neo-​Confucian internalization of this utmost virtue, he attempted to rid it of abstractness and ambiguity so that more people would adopt it: it is a virtue accomplished through practice, neither inherited nor conceptually embedded in human inborn nature. He agreed with neo-​Confucian theorists that it is exceptional among all Confucian virtues and distinguished it from others, but only in terms of its scale. In other words, to Dasan, it is the sum of all Confucian virtues. It should not be thought of as more than the sum since, by positing an extra quality in the integral virtue, one risks the type of mystification found in neo-​Confucianism and other “heretical” ideas. Thus, ren is great, but this does not mean that it is superior to other virtues. It is contingent upon the accomplishment of other virtues and associated with them horizontally, not hierarchically. Dasan’s rebuttal of Xing Bing’s argument clarifies this point.

4.3 The Master said, “Only a humane person can like or dislike others.” 子曰; 惟仁者, 能好人, 能惡人. 4.3.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: One can accomplish humanity only after he loves the good in the manner he favors beautiful figures and loathes evil in the manner he abhors bad smells. Thus he deeply admires the goodness or dislikes the evil of others. 4.3.2 Arguments 1) Kong Anguo 孔安國 (fl. 156–​74 bce) argued, “Only a humane person is able to recognize what other people like or dislike.”20 [All of Kong Anguo’s comments in this book appear in Lun yu jijie, unless otherwise noted.] I would refute this as follows: Since his mind-​heart is full of humanity, a humane person deeply admires humane people when meeting them or deeply dislikes inhumane people See “Zengzi li shi 曾子立事.” Xing Bing supplemented this, saying, “A humane person keeps no prejudice on objects that is able to recognize the goodness and the evil of others.” 19

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when seeing them. In general, human psychology bears this tendency. When they see people of comparable virtue, they cannot be happier; when they see deviant people, they cannot be more resentful. Only after experiencing this psychological phenomenon can a person truly admire or dislike others. 2) For a classical text that supports my interpretation here, see Great Learning (Daxue zhangju 大學章句, 12a, 6–​8). * * * Kong Anguo’s comment here is so brief that what it means is unclear. Some scholars later tried to explain it: for example, Jiao Xun 焦循 (1763–​1820) believed that Kong was arguing that a humane person tends to like what people like or dislike what people dislike (see Liu Baonan, Lun yu zhengyi, 95). Xing Bing slightly modified Kong’s comment to make it more relevant to the main passage, and Dasan referred to Xing Bing’s elaboration for his understanding of Kong’s comment. According to Xing Bing’s comment, the humane person knows who is good and evil. This comment, however, does not explain what action he will take upon people after his recognition of the goodness and the evil of others. If he does not take any actions, remaining unagitated even after he becomes aware of the presence of evil, his attitude may evoke the image of a sage who is tolerant of evil deeds conducted by the feeble-​minded. Dasan might have rejected Kong’s and Xing’s comments because he was wary of this reading. In contrast, Dasan believed that the humane person in Confucianism does not uphold religious tolerance. He is rather closer to an active administrator: he punishes villains and awards prizes when necessary. Problems usually arise when an official wields his given administrative power unjustly. The humane person’s use of power, or expression of his emotion, is always proper because his actions are guided by his mind-​heart, more precisely Dao-​mind [道心], according to Dasan.

4.4 The Master said, “If one truly sets his mind upon humanity, he will do no evil.” 子曰; 苟志於仁矣, 無惡也. 4.4.1 Grounds 1) Kong Anguo commented, “Gou 苟 (‘truly’) is here synonymous with cheng 誠 (sincerely).” 2) Master Zhu commented, “If one’s mind-​heart is truly inclined towards humanity, he will not engage in evil affairs.”

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3) I  supplement as follows:  Humanity is the comprehensive name for filial piety, respect for elders, wholeheartedness, and trustworthiness.21 If one truly sets his mind upon humanity, there will be no evil in him. 4.4.2 Arguments 1) In my view, making a mistake and doing evil are different from one another. Even he who has set his mind upon humanity cannot but make mistakes sometimes before he attains humanity.22 Therefore Confucius said, “Observe them and you will know if they are humane” (Lun yu jizhu, 4:7). If his mind is firmly settled, however, there should be no evil deed. * * * In line with his comment on 4.2, Dasan here reaffirms that humanity is the virtue comprehensive of all human morals: it embraces all Confucian virtues including filial piety, respect for elders, wholeheartedness, and trustworthiness. His last remark on the possibility for a person inspired by humanity to make a mistake was intentional because this chapter gave Dasan a crucial entry point for his creative reading of the passage 4.7.

4.5 The Master said, “Riches and honor are what men desire, but unless you have obtained them in the right way, do not dwell in them. Poverty and lowliness are what men dislike, but unless you have avoided them in the right way, do not avoid them. If the noble person abandons humanity, how can he merit his name? The noble person does not depart from humanity even for the space of a meal. In moments of haste, he always adheres to it; in instances of stumbling, he always adheres to it.” 子曰; 富與貴, 是人之所欲也, 不以其道得之, 不處也. 貧與賤, 是人之所 惡也, 不以其道得之, 不去也. 君子去仁, 惡乎成名? 君子無終食之間違仁, 造次必於是, 顚沛必於是. 4.5.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Riches and honor are what men desire. However, unless you have come to dwell in them in the right way, do not dwell in

Being filial when serving parents, respectful when serving elders, wholehearted when serving the lord, and trustworthy when holding relationships with friends—​this is called humanity. 22 Master Zhu [Yang Shi 楊時 in Lun yu jizhu] commented, “It could hardly be said that he will have no fault.” 21

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them.23 Poverty and lowliness are what men dislike. However, unless you have come to avoid them in the right way, do not avoid them. The use of de 得 here is intended to show that something has already been accomplished. One’s avoidance of poverty and lowliness belongs to affairs that have been accomplished. 2) I supplement as follows: Humanity refers to one’s adherence to the Way in his human relationships. A child acquires the name of filial child after serving the parents; a young person acquires the name of respectful person after serving the older people; a subject acquires the name of loyal subject after serving his lord; a local magistrate acquires the name of benevolent magistrate after caring for the people. Then how can a person merit his name when abandoning humanity? 3) Master Zhu commented, “Zhong shi 終食 (‘the space of a meal’) refers to the duration of a meal.” 4) I  supplement as follows:  Wei 違 (“depart”) means to leave;24 zao ci 造次 (“in moments of haste”) refers to the name of a thatched house;25 dian pei 顚沛 (“in instances of stumbling”) describes a scene in which trees are uprooted.26 These expressions are adopted to address that even in the midst of great haste and collapse, one should not forsake humanity. 4.5.2 Arguments 1) He Yan 何晏 (c. 190–​249) argued, “In one’s life, there are good times and bad times. Therefore, noble people often become poor and lowly when practicing the Way. This means that they acquired poverty and lowliness not in the usual way such things are acquired. Even though this is what men dislike, they are not allowed to resist and avoid such things.” [All of He Yan’s comments in this book appear in Lun yu jijie, unless otherwise noted.] I would refute this as follows: If He Yan’s interpretation is accepted, the noble person cannot avoid experiencing moments of poverty and lowliness eventually. If he, on principle, resigns himself to poverty and lowliness once he experiences them, although there is a right way to avoid them, how can this be compatible with the notion of the propriety of any given moment? Only if one has come to avoid them not in the right way, he should not avoid them. 2) Wang Chong 王充 (27–​97) explained, “This chapter teaches us that one has to acquire fortune [得] through the moral principle, so one is not allowed to

“The right way” here refers to the way through which one’s achievement corresponds with the correctness of the moral principle. 24 In other words, it means being at odds with something. 25 Xing Bing commented, “Zao ci is interchangeable with cao ci 草次.” In my view, cao ci refers to a field-​tent that was quickly made out of grass. 26 “Da Ya 大雅” contains a poem, which reads, “Even when a tree is uprooted [顚沛], branches and leaves are not yet damaged” (Mao Shi zhushu, 25:10a). Mao Chang commented on this poem: “Pei 沛 means to be uprooted” (25:10a). 23

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obtain things in a pathetic manner; this chapter teaches us that one has to maintain his morality, feeling comfortable with poverty, so one is not allowed to avoid them in an indiscreet manner ... [I]‌n my understanding, when it comes to poverty and lowliness, people dislike them. However, if one cannot avoid them in the right way, he should not avoid them. In this reading, the main passage should adopt the character qu 去 (to avoid) instead of de 得 (to acquire) [in its discussion of one’s adherence to the moral principle in the midst of poverty]. Then why is the character de used in the discussion of the avoidance of poverty and lowliness? It is because when one acquires [得] riches and honor, he naturally avoids poverty and lowliness. When one obtains a position and salary from the state by cultivating his person and practicing the Way, poverty and lowliness disappear. Extremely worn down by poverty and lowliness, one dares to become a wicked thief; or one arbitrarily administers government offices, accumulating his fortune: these do not result from the right way (Lun heng 論衡, 9:4a–​b).” I  would [partly] refute this explanation as follows: Wang Chong insisted that when one acquires riches and honor, poverty and lowliness naturally disappear. He rendered the two des as both meaning one’s acquirement of riches and honor. This interpretation is better than that in Lun yu jijie. In his interpretation, however, the main text’s grammar becomes so coarse that I  would not dare to accept it. The use of de here is intended to show that something has already been accomplished. This character does not necessarily refer to one’s acquirement of riches and honor.27 3) For classical texts on the meaning of zao ci and cao ci, see “Wu zong shi jia 五宗世家” in Shi ji (Shi ji 史記, 59:1b, 6–​7), “Wu Han zhuan 吳漢傳” in Hou Han shu (Hou Han shu 後漢書, 48:2b, 1), Zheng Xuan’s comment on a passage from “Pin li 聘禮” (Yi li zhushu 儀禮註疏, 8:27a, 8), Du Yu’s 杜預 (222–​284) comment on a passage from Spring and Autumn (Chunqiu Zuo zhuan zhushu 春秋左傳註疏, Zuo zhuan zhushu hereafter, 2:20b, 7–​8), and “Chen Zetian xing Sanyanggong biao 陳則天幸三陽宮表” by Zhang Yue 張說 (667–​730) (quoted in Yu ding Peiwen yunfu 御定佩文韻 府, 63–​10:57b, 6). In my view, although cao ci denotes hurriedness, the term originally referred to a house made out of grass. Thus Zhang Yue also thought that cao ci was related to “lodging that is surrounded by reeds.” Zao ci is the same as this. * * *

When one acquires a position, it is usually said that he has come [得] to acquire a position; when one recovers from an illness, it is usually said that he has come [得] to recover from an illness. The main passage should be understood in the same sense. 27

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As I explained in my comments on ­chapters 2.3 and 2.13 in Noneo gogeum ju, Dasan tended to value active contributions to government over mere preservation of one’s moral purity. Confucians believe that these two values should be in harmony because each is necessary to complete the other, but the values contradict each other in practical circumstances so frequently that Confucians all face the dilemma of sustaining a balance between the two. In Confucian tradition, this issue has often been discussed as a choice between the ways of Bo Yi 伯夷 and those of Yi Yin 伊尹, ever since Mencius compared these two figures. Bo Yi died of starvation while refusing regular meals to show his opposition to King Wu’s 武 (r. 1046–​1043 bce) revolution (or usurpation), whereas Yi Yin was an esteemed minister of King Tang 湯 under circumstances similar to Bo Yi’s (see Mengzi jizhu, 5B:10 and 2B:11). While neo-​Confucians did not hesitate to express their inclination toward Bo Yi, Dasan, if asked, would have chosen Yi Yin. Indeed, he did not even trust Sima Qian’s 司馬遷 (145?–​86 bce) account of Bo Yi’s life (see his argument on 5.2). Dasan’s adherence to the values of meritorious ministers (that is, scholars-​ in-​the-​court [朝臣], as opposed to scholars-​in-​the-​forest [士林]) is here evident even in his minor supplementary note (the second comment) on “how to merit one’s name.” In this note, Dasan claims that merit concerns the achievement of reputation rather than the preservation of inner virtue. Dasan’s stance on this issue becomes more evident in his refutation of He Yan’s argument: a life of poverty is not an ideal way to show one’s moral purity. Rather, the noble person should try to avoid such a dire situation as much as possible unless he deviates from his method. Wang Chong proposed a specific way to do so: you get a government post and salary from the state by cultivating your person and practicing the Way. Dasan would not have been able to agree with this more. As a matter of fact, it would be more accurate to say that, for Dasan, both self-​cultivation and active participation in government are required. This is the reason Dasan offered for the Joseon society both ethical guidelines and political suggestions, which were based on his studies of the Confucian classics and his management of state affairs. However, the late Joseon society in which Dasan delineated his philosophy was predominantly neo-​Confucian. This caused Dasan to gravitate toward the perspectives of meritorious ministers rather than those of orthodox neo-​Confucians. Dasan ultimately sought the propriety of his era through his philosophy. Accordingly, in a society heavily entrenched in ideology, he stated his views defiantly in order to achieve eventually a balance. Dasan’s debt to Wang Chong for his creative reading is visible in this chapter. Dasan says that he rejects Wang Chong’s views because he does not accept Wang’s rendition of de, the most crucial term in his reading: Dasan sees it as an auxiliary verb that renders the tense of the sentence present perfect—​an interpretation that is listed in the “Original Meanings.” However, given that Dasan acknowledges the excellence of Wang’s interpretation over that of the old commentary (with which the new commentary also agreed), his understanding of this passage appears to have been deeply influenced by Wang’s annotation.

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Readers should also note that Dasan here gives another definition of ren, saying, “humanity refers to one’s adherence to the Way in his human relationships.” This definition is consistent with his definitions of it in the previous two chapters: humanity is the comprehensive virtue of the human moral order. It is also unique, and indicative of his life-​long conviction, that good local administrations are necessary to resolve social problems, that he placed the local administrator’s moral obligation of caring for the people, alongside filial piety, respect for elders, and loyalty, as examples of specific Confucian virtues.

4.6 The Master said, “I have never met a man who loves humanity, nor one who abhors inhumanity. A man who loves humanity cannot be surpassed; one who abhors inhumanity, in his practice of humanity, never allows inhumane affairs to impose obligations on him. Is there anyone who can use, even for a single day, his power for humanity? I have never met a man whose power is insufficient. There probably are such people, but I have never met them.”28 子曰; 我未見好仁者, 惡不仁者. 好仁者, 無以尙之, 惡不仁者, 其爲仁矣, 不使不仁者加乎其身. 有能一日用其力於仁矣乎? 我未見力不足者. 蓋有 之矣, 我未之見也. 4.6.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Hao 好 (“loves”) here means to love humanity itself;29 e 惡 (“abhors”) means to abhor inhumanity itself;30 shang 尙 (“be surpassed”) is interchangeable with 上 (to place something on top of something), so “cannot be surpassed” means that one’s personality is supreme; jia 加 (“to impose obligations on”) is here synonymous with shi 施 (to apply),31 so the phrase containing this character means that one does not allow inhuman affairs to impose obligations on him.32 2) Xing Bing commented, “Virtue is as light as a strand of hair, and practicing humanity is extremely easy. If I want humanity, it arrives. Thus Confucius says, ‘I have never met a man whose power is insufficient.’ ” 3) Master Zhu commented, “Gai 蓋 (‘probably’) is a word that expresses doubt.”

In the stele edition, the first zhe 者 (“a man”) is omitted. It does not mean to love humane people. 30 It does not mean to abhor evil people. 31 In one of the following chapters, the Analects says, “What I do not wish others to do [加] onto me, I also do not wish to do onto others” (Lun yu jizhu, 5:11). 32 Master Zhu commented, “He is able to reject inhumane affairs.” 28

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4) I supplement as follows: The expression “there. . . are such people” implies that there are people who love humanity or abhor inhumanity.33 Kong Anguo commented, “Confucius used this expression out of his humility, for he did not wish to criticize all his contemporaries.” 4.6.2 Arguments 1) I question Master Zhu as follows: The expression “I have never met” was used three times in this passage. However, the last one should be understood in conjunction with the first one, not the second one. As regards the insufficiency of one’s power to practice humanity, Confucius, by drawing inferences in principle, already knew that there never could be such a case. Then, what does his question “Is there anyone . . .” concern? He simply questioned whether there were such people who loved humanity, abhorred inhumanity, or could use their power for humanity even for a single day [and not whether there were such people whose power was insufficient]. Confucius once said, “Those whose strength is insufficient collapse in the middle of the road.”34 This passage may lead one to think that there exist people whose power is insufficient. This passage discusses the Way, however, whereas the main passage above discusses humanity. Since the substance of the Way is hard to grasp, there are people who admire it but lack sufficient power to practice it. As for humanity, however, one’s practice of it depends on oneself. How can there be people whose power is insufficient for it? This is the difference between the two passages under discussion. 2) Huang Kan 皇侃 (488–​ 545) argued, “Li Chong 李充 (fl.  305–​352) commented, ‘If one loves humanity only, nothing else can affect him.’ ” [All of Huang Kan’s and Li Chong’s comments in this book appear in Lun yu jijie yishu 論語集解義疏, Lun yu yishu hereafter, unless otherwise noted.] I would refute this as follows: The supreme virtue is to love humanity, and to abhor inhumanity follows it. Thus the main passage says, “One who abhors inhumanity, in his practice of humanity, never allows  .  .  .” He who practices humanity shows that his personality is next to that of the one who loves humanity. In contrast, Huang Kan’s comment suggests that even riches and honor cannot agitate him. It is not the true meaning of the passage. 3) Huang Kan argued, “If one is already able to abhor inhumanity and thereby is not associated with it personally, inhumane people cannot impose unreasonable and inhumane affairs on him in an insulting manner.”35 I would refute this as follows:

This expression is related to the beginning part of this passage. See Lun yu jizhu, 6:12 (6.11 in Noneo gogeum ju). Dazai Jun 太宰純 (1680–​1747) supplemented this, saying, “Jia 加 is here synonymous with ling 陵 (to insult).” [All of Dazai’s comments in this book appear in Rongo kogun gaiden 論語古訓外傳.] 33

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This chapter consists of an adage on self-​cultivation. What does loving the humanity of others, or abhorring the inhumanity of others, have to do with the agenda of self-​cultivation? In the sense that this passage contains the phrase “in his practice of humanity,” it explicitly discusses self-​cultivation. Master Zhu said, “Like loving a beautiful face and abhorring bad smells, this teaching is germane to the issue of one’s personality.36 It does not talk about loving the humanity of others, or abhorring the inhumanity of others.” 4) For a classical text that supports my interpretation here, see “Fang ji” (Li ji zhushu, 54:5b, 8–​6a, 1). As I  understand, this chapter encourages people to love humanity or abhor inhumanity. Both pertain to the study of self-​cultivation. Huang’s interpretation is not acceptable. * * * Dasan’s firm belief that humanity is easy to achieve, which is itself based on the teachings of the Analects, here leads him to suggest a creative reading of this chapter: Confucius only suspected that in his time there might have been people who loved humanity or abhorred inhumanity—​not that there might have been people whose power was insufficient for humanity. When other commentators explained that Confucius voiced suspicions in order to show discreetly his awareness of potential misperceptions of his remarks, they regarded it as primarily having rhetorical significance. Dasan did not take the same stance because doing so would undermine one of the fundamental principles of his moral philosophy: humanity is no more than the comprehensive virtue of the human moral order. To Dasan, it is a collective term that refers to the sum of everyday life’s ethical acts. These acts are by no means transcendental, so observing them is not at all challenging. This perception naturally leads to the conclusion that there should be no one whose power is insufficient for it. In this line of thought, Dasan distinguished humanity from the substance of the Way [道體]. This understanding is contrasted from the neo-​Confucian worldview in which humanity appears the substance of the Way. In this regard, readers should note that Dasan distinguished humanity from the substance of the Way, not the Way itself, because in Dasan’s philosophy, humanity is the integral virtue that is generated from one’s abidance with the Way: they should not be segregated. However, the substance of the Way is conceptually distinct because it stretches to the realm of Heaven in his philosophy. Dasan also paid serious attention to the use of simple diction to express the concern, “I have never met.” To maintain the integrity of this chapter in harmony with his interpretation, he combined the last “I have never met” only with the first one, which pertains to the possible absence of those people who love humanity and abhor inhumanity, not the second one. He proposed this 36

This is basically a study of making one’s thoughts sincere [誠意].

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fresh understanding through his question to Zhu Xi, who meticulously investigated even a single character in the classical texts to make his philosophy more grounded. Dasan was also a meticulous reader. The stele edition of the Analects provided Dasan with significant support for his rejection, in this chapter, of Huang Kan’s comment: omitting the first zhe in the main text was in line with Dasan’s exegetical inclination to relate this passage to the issue of self-​cultivation. As in this case, whenever Dasan notes a different wording from a different edition, it tends to buttress his position.

4.7 The Master said, “People’s faults reflect their kind. Observe them and you will know if they are humane.” 子曰; 人之過也, 各於其黨. 觀過, 斯知仁矣. 4.7.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Guo 過 (“faults”) here is synonymous with qian 愆 (errors),37 and dang 黨 (“kind”), with pian 偏 (leaning).38 When an intelligent person commits faults, they always stem from his intelligence;39 when a brave person commits faults, they always stem from his bravery.40 This is so because people’s faults “reflect their kind.”41 Faults derived from humanity are the same. Thus, “Observe them and you will know if they are humane.” 4.7.2 Arguments 1) Kong Anguo argued, “Petty people cannot carry out the practices of noble people.” I would refute this as follows: I do not know whose theory he based this comment on. 2) Mao Qiling 毛奇齡 (1623–​1716) argued, “People are accused of their faults [過] because of their relationships with their kind. For example, the Duke of Zhou assigned [his brother] Guan Shu 管叔 the task of governing the old territory of Yin 殷 [regarding which the Duke of Zhou was often accused] because the brothers are of the same kind. Confucius responded by saying that Duke Zhao [魯昭公, r.  541–​510 bce] knew ritual propriety [regarding which Confucius was often accused] because the lord and the subject are of the same kind. Sun Xing 孫性 (fl. 150) personally collected taxes from the people to buy his father clothes from a market [regarding which he was often accused] because the father and the son are of the same kind. Zi

They have not developed into crimes or evils. All lean toward things that reflect their kind. 39 With too much intelligence, he often ends up being deceitful. 40 With too much bravery, he often ends up being disorderly. 41 They reflect what a person leans toward. 37

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Lu 子路, when he mourned his sister’s death, could not endure taking off his mourning dress at the appropriate time [regarding which he was often accused] because the sister and the brother are of the same kind. All these cases were caused by the utmost humanity and love: one does not regret that one has been given responsibility in cases of this sort” (Lun yu jiqiu pian 論語稽求篇, 2:14a). I would refute this as follows: This chapter does not focus on the phrase “reflects their kind” but discusses the way to understand one’s humanity through observation of one’s faults. The notion that people’s faults pertain to their kind broadly concerns the principle of committing faults. How can all of the faults people commit stem from earnestly following the human moral order? Those who love rightness commit faults out of their bond to rightness;42 those who love ritual propriety commit faults out of their bond to ritual propriety;43 those who love trustworthiness commit faults out of their bond to trustworthiness.44 By observing their faults, people come to know what they have held onto. The main passage, which says that you come to know if a person is humane upon observing his faults, also conveys this method.45 3) For a classical text on the discussion here, see “Biao ji,” which says, “Confucius said, ‘There are three ways to practice humanity. They are identical [同] to one another in terms of the merits they bear in association with [與] humanity but different in their motivations. A person’s humanity cannot be revealed by paying attention to their merits in association with humanity. Only through one’s faults in association with humanity can his humanity be revealed. A humane person feels comfortable with humanity; a wise person considers humanity beneficial; a person who is afraid of punishment forces himself to practice humanity’ ” (Li ji zhushu, 54:6a). In my view, the person who forces himself to practice humanity out of fear of punishment, although he bears merits in association with humanity, cannot be regarded as practicing humanity. Thus if you wish to know one’s humanity, you should observe him when he commits faults. This is how you acquire the actual state. When one bears merits in association with humanity, he sides with humanity.46 4) For classical texts for the examples of committing faults out of one’s association with a virtue, see “Waiqi zhuan 外戚傳” in Han shu (Qian Han shu, 97A:23a, 2–​4), “Wu You zhuan 吳祐傳” in Hou Han shu (Hou Han

For example, Zi Lu died in the state of Wei 衛 [in 480 because he tried to protect his lord Kong Kui 孔悝]. 43 For example, Bo Xi 伯姬 (d. 543 bce) did not descend from her resident hall [and was killed in a fire because she tried to abide by a Confucian norm]. 44 For example, Weisheng 尾生 [who appears in Zhuangzi 莊子] was drowned while holding a bridge pillar [in keeping his promise with a lady]. 45 Greed, depravity, murderous impulses, and so on—​these belong to criminality and evil. They should not be included in this discussion of mistakes and faults. 46 Yu 與 and tong 同 [which appear in the passage from “Biao ji”] can be regarded as words to explain the meaning of dang 黨 (“kind”) in the main passage of this chapter. 42

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shu, 94:3a, 4–​8), and Nan shi 南史 [宋史 in all editions of Noneo gogeum ju: Dasan referred to Lun yu jiqiu pian for these three examples] (31:5b, 6–​8). 5 ) Chen Gongmao 陳公懋 (fl. 1480)47 argued, “The character ren 仁 (‘humane’) in the phrase ‘if they are humane’ should be read as ren 人 (man). The same use of this character for ‘man’ is found in a passage in which Zai Wo 宰我 asks if ‘there is a man [仁] in the well’ (Lun yu jizhu, 6:24; 6.25 in Noneo gogeum ju). [Dasan’s reading of this phrase is different from Zhu Xi’s reading.] The replacement of ren 人 with ren 仁 occurred because they are homophones. ‘Xi ci 繫辭’ in Changes says, ‘How can a king preserve his position? It is through humanity [仁]’ (Zhou Yi zhushu 周易註疏, 12:2b). On this passage, Chao Yidao 晁以道 (1059–​1129) insisted that in the ancient edition discovered from the wall of Confucius’s old house, ‘humanity’ appeared as ‘man [人]’ ” (quoted in Si shu shengyan 四書賸言, 1:3a). I would refute this as follows: All chapters of this book (Book Four “Li ren”), from the first chapter up to this chapter, uniformly discuss humanity. * * * Kong Anguo read this chapter as in the following: “People’s faults reflect their kind. Observe one’s dealings with people’s faults and you will know if he is humane.” According to Kong, since petty people cannot commit the deeds of noble people, a humane person should tolerate their faults. His humanity will be revealed when he stays calm upon encountering others’ faults. Zhu Xi did not accept this reading, and Dasan basically followed Zhu Xi’s interpretation. He supplemented it, however, with evidence from “Biao ji” in Record of Rites that was crucial to its validation. Discovering the original meaning of passages in this classic through his references to other classics is a method Dasan used consistently for reading the Analects. In relation to this chapter, both of the basic editions of Noneo gogeum ju—​ the Sinjo edition and the Kyujanggak edition—​contain two errors. In both of them, Nan shi (History of the Southern Dynasties) appears as Song shu (History of Song), and Chao Gongmao is introduced as a Qing scholar instead of a Ming scholar. The first error was noted in the Korean translation of Noneo gogeum ju by Yi Ji-​hyeong and the recently revised editions of Yeoyudang jeonseo 與猶堂全 書 by the Foundation of Dasan’s Scholarly and Cultural Heritages, but was mistakenly replaced with Nan Qi shi 南齊書, instead of Nan shi. The second error has not been noted in any revised editions, including the one from the Institute for Translation of the Korean Classics. As I remarked in the “Introduction,” I have pointed out only those editorial errors that were mentioned in none of the recently revised editions. The two errors that appear in this chapter might have been caused by editorial mistakes, or by Dasan’s misreading of the source materials—​in this case, Lun yu jiqiu pian and Si shu shengyan, written by Mao Qiling. 47

He is a Ming 明 [淸 in all editions of Noneo gogeum ju] scholar.

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4.8 The Master said, “If you hear about the Way in the morning, you may not anguish even when dying in the evening.” 子曰; 朝聞道, 夕死可矣. 4.8.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: “What Heaven mandates is called human inborn nature; to follow human inborn nature is called the Way” (Zhong yong zhangju 中庸章句, 1b). 2) Master Zhu commented, “If one truly hears about it, he will be at peace with his life and at ease with his death, having no remaining regrets. The phrases ‘in the morning’ and ‘in the evening’ are intended to describe dramatically the immediateness of the time to come.” 4.8.2 Arguments 1) He Yan argued, “This passage conveys Confucius’s lamentation that he never heard, even during his final moments, that the world upheld the Way.”48 I would refute this as follows: Confucius seldom discussed human inborn nature and the Way of heaven. Thus Zi Gong 子貢 said, “I could not listen to him talking about them” (Lun yu jizhu, 5:12). From whom could the masses of the world have an opportunity to hear about them then? Confucius here complains that the people of the world did not aspire after it. 2) Hu Yunfeng 胡雲峰 (胡炳文, 1250–​1333) explained, “If one, though named human, is obscure about the principle that causes him to be human, he will live and die in the same manner animals and plants do. Is this fine or not?” (Lun yu jizhu daquan, 4:14a) * * * In ­chapter  4.6, Dasan epistemologically distinguishes the substance of the Confucian Way from humanity: humanity is easy to understand and achieve, but the substance of the Way is hard to grasp. Now, he gives a little more explanation regarding this topic: “What Heaven mandates is called human inborn nature; to follow human inborn nature is called the Way.” As readers may know, this is Dasan’s quotation of the first passage of Constant Mean, which was originally a chapter of Record of Rites until Zhu Xi separated it from the classic to canonize it as one of the Four Books of the neo-​Confucian tradition. Given that this passage was pivotal for establishing neo-​Confucian philosophy, its citation here corroborates the claim that Dasan attempted to absorb neo-​Confucianism in order to synthesize all Confucian traditions transmitted to him. 48

Xing Bing added, “This chapter is a lamentation on the world lacking the Way.”

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Dasan’s theory of human inborn nature was unique and practical: he concluded, paying attention to various everyday cases in which the character for human inborn nature (xing, 性) was used, that it refers to one’s natural favor, or inclination. For example, people usually say, “It is because of my [inborn] nature that I like to eat rice rather than noodles.” The definition of xing should harmonize with people’s natural uses of the term because it would otherwise become irrelevant to our practical lives. To satisfy readers’ curiosity about what Dasan thought human inborn nature favors or is inclined toward, his aforementioned conclusion should be supplemented with another conclusion (which he suggested through a series of convoluted arguments) that it refers to one’s natural favor of the good. Understandably, many questions may arise from his definition of human inborn nature. First of all, how does it become inclined toward the good, and not anything else? Dasan explains:  when people are born, Heaven endows them with a “spiritually insightful but invisible body [靈明無形之體].” This body is a priori determined to favor the good and dislike the evil because it is given by Heaven, a morally absolute entity. Actually, this body is the so-​called “substance of the Way.” Since it is invisible, it is hard for people to grasp as mentioned above. It does not perish, exerting its power over one’s choice of actions no matter how successful or unsuccessful one’s actions are. This body sometime appears as the foundation for Dao-​mind. Dao-​mind, in Dasan’s theory, plays a spiritual role as an intermediary between humans and Heaven because what people hear from their Dao-​mind is what Heaven tells them. In Dasan’s philosophy, human inborn nature is a combination of this spiritually insightful body and the bodily element (氣質), from which human bodily desires rise. Dasan differentiated human inborn nature from that of other sentient beings, in his response to King Jeongjo’s 正祖 (r. 1776–​1800) inquiry about their relationship, because other sentient beings do not benefit from Heaven’s endowment of the spiritual body. Since human inborn nature simultaneously stretches the spiritual body and the bodily element, Dasan denies the concept of “human nature of original thus-​ness [本然之性]” as well as “human nature of vital and physical forces [氣質之性]”—​kernel concepts in neo-​Confucian ontology—​criticizing the fact that they originated from Buddhist scriptures. This spiritual body always keeps one’s mind-​heart, one’s subjective capacity to make decisions, in check to prevent it from going astray, so one’s “natural” inclination is always oriented toward the good. Of course, there may be certain unnatural functions of human psychology, especially when the spiritual body is clouded or dominated by bodily desires. It is in such a moment that a man decides to do something immoral. However, this action should not be regarded as “natural” because his spiritually insightful body did not function at all. Therefore human inborn nature, a “natural” psychological proclivity, refers to one’s favor of, or inclination toward the good. On the one hand, Dasan’s understanding of human inborn nature as one’s favor is reminiscent of Gaozi’s 告子 (420–​350 bce) theory, which argues that human inborn nature refers to one’s natural inclinations. They differ, however, in

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that Dao-​mind prescribes the orientation of one’s natural inclinations in Dasan’s philosophy, whereas, for Gaozi, one’s inclinations appear open to various lines of development. On the other hand, Dasan’s discussions of human inborn nature borrow from the neo-​Confucian ontological paradigm because it is predicated on the syntax of its correlation with Heaven, Dao-​mind, the bodily element of human psychology, and so on. However, they differ in that, in Dasan’s view, it is good for people to follow their inborn nature, whereas the neo-​Confucians recommend people to follow their inborn nature of original thus-​ness only, not the one of vital and physical forces. The difference between the philosophies of Dasan and neo-​ Confucians derives, in large part, from his unswerving belief in what is recorded in the Confucian classics: Constant Mean says, “to follow human inborn nature [not the human inborn nature of original thus-​ness] is called the Way.” In Korean scholarship, there has been a speculation that Dasan’s philosophy was affected by Christian notions of human spirituality, conscience, and god. With regard to this debate, one should take into consideration at least three facts:  firstly, Dasan once studied Christianity seriously; secondly, he eventually denied any affiliation with it when he wrote his own epitaph; thirdly, he made clear that the concept of Heaven in his philosophy stemmed from certain Confucian classics. Unfortunately, even when these three facts are considered, conclusions on the influence of Christian theology on Dasan’s philosophy may vary.

4.9 The Master said, “A scholar who pursues the Way but is ashamed of poor clothes and poor food is not qualified to discuss it with.” 子曰; 士志於道, 而恥惡衣惡食者, 未足與議也. 4.9.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: He who is to take a government post [仕] is called a scholar [士].49 A man learns the Way in order to take a government post in the future. Thus, even when he has not yet assumed a position, he is called a scholar. 2) I supplement as follows: “To discuss it” here implies to discuss the Way;50 to “pursue the Way” implies to cultivate his mind-​heart and tend his inborn nature. If a person is not concerned about the great body51 but craves the beauty of the small body,52 how can he be qualified to discuss the Way?

This refers to the one in the social classification—​scholars, farmers, artisans, and merchants. Xing Bing commented, “[This passage states that] such a person is not worth having a discussion of the Way with.” 51 One’s mind-​heart and inborn nature are the great body. 52 One’s mouth and physical body are the small body. 49 50

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4.9.2 Arguments 1) Wang Yangming 王陽明 (王守仁, 1472–​1529) argued, “Due to this, it is necessary to be apart from the dangerous areas of human-​mind as early as possible; it is necessary to enlarge the subtle areas of Dao-​mind as purely as possible” (unknown source). As I understand, human-​mind rises [發] from the small body; Dao-​mind rises from the great body. * * * As explained in ­chapter 2.18, Dasan’s interesting association of one’s learning of the Way with obtaining a government post appears in Noneo gogeum ju at least four times: this chapter and c­ hapters 13.20, 13.28, and 19.13. This utilitarian perspective according to which one’s learning of the Way serves as a means to an end—​that is, taking a government post, in this context—​ explicitly demonstrates Dasan’s affiliation with the scholars-​in-​the-​court (朝 臣) rather than with the scholars-​in-​the-​forest (士林). Dasan defies Confucian tradition, in this regard, because even Han scholars, not to mention Song neo-​Confucians, considered the learning of the Way a great joy that scholars have to take up without any expectation of reward. It is possible that this view echoes the spirit of “engagement” in the teachings of Confucius, who also ardently wished to engage in statecraft, risking suspicions that he was helping rebels. Greatly assisting the brilliant King Jeongjo in his projects to resuscitate Joseon society, Dasan held onto this dream for all his life, though he was never to achieve it. Dasan’s thoughts on the origins of human-​mind and Dao-​mind above are also interesting, not because they are creative, but because they prove that Dasan was sometimes involved in neo-​Confucian ontological discussions on the causes of certain human psychological orientations. Human-​ mind in his philosophy refers to the element of the human psyche that is shaped by secular desires, whereas Dao-​mind refers to the element that is shaped by the spiritually insightful body endowed by Heaven. Since, in his view, secular desires emerge from one’s physical body, which is the small body in Mencius, he says that “human-​mind rises from the small body”; since the spiritually insightful body is entrenched in human inborn nature, which is the great body in Mencius, he says that “Dao-​mind rises from the great body.”

4.10 The Master said, “A noble person, in dealing with all under heaven, neither approves of nor disapproves of anything in advance. He examines things through rightness.” 子曰; 君子之於天下也, 無適也, 無莫也, 義之與比.

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4.10.1 Grounds 1) I  supplement as follows:  Zhi yu tian xia 之於天下 (“In dealing with all under heaven”) means to respond to all things under heaven. 2) Master Zhu commented, “Shi 適 means to follow something exclusively.” Xie Shangcai 謝上蔡 (謝良佐, 1050–​ 1103) commented, “Shi means to approve of; mo 莫 means to disapprove of”53 (Lun yu jizhu daquan, 4:16a). 3) I supplement as follows: Bi 比 “ ( examines”) is here synonymous with jiao 較 (to examine).54 This passage states that the noble person examines things through rightness to take certain actions if they are right and reject them if they are not right. 4.10.2 Arguments 1) Xing Bing argued, “Shi refers to abundance; mo refers to paucity; bi refers to intimacy.”55 I would refute this as follows: Zuo’s Commentary says, “Now one state has three lords. Whom should I follow exclusively [適]?”56 “Wei feng 衛風” says, “For whom, exclusively [適], should I adorn myself?” (Mao Shi zhushu, 5:33b) “Xiao Ya 小雅” also says, “With whom, exclusively [適], should I speak?” (19:87a) In these passages, shi means to follow something exclusively. Meanwhile, “Bei feng 邶風” says, “I should not [莫] go against my virtuous name” (3:40a). “Lu song 魯訟” says, “No [莫] one dares to withstand our troops” (29:39a). In these passages, mo means to disapprove of. Rites of Zhou says, “[Zaifu 宰 夫 helps] Xiao zai 小宰 examine [比] ritual items prepared at government branches”57 (Zhou li zhushu 周禮註疏, 3:20b). “Da she yi 大射儀” says, “Eventually, compare [比] the three pairs”58 (Yi li zhushu, 7:37b). “Xue ji 學記” says, “In comparing [比] things, scholars in ancient times took up things similar to one another” (Li ji zhushu, 36:24a). In these passages, bi means to examine. A noble person, in dealing with the myriad things and affairs, does not have anything that he must do or that he must avoid. He examines things only through rightness. If they conform to rightness, he takes action; if they betray rightness, he stops being involved in them. This is what the so-​called “the propriety of the moment [時中]” means. 2) Fan Ning 范寗 (c. 339–​401) argued, “Shi refers to abundance; mo refers to paucity; bi refers to intimacy. A noble person, in forming relationships with others, has no preference for wealthy people or prejudice against poor people. This was originally Han Yu’s 韓愈 (768–​824) rendition. See the following discussion for more details. In other words, Xing Bing insists that a noble person, in dealing with all under heaven, has no preference for wealthy people or prejudice against poor people: he mingles with only those right people. 56 See the fifth year of the reign of Duke Xi [魯僖公, r. 659–​627 bce] (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 11:30b). 57 An annotation of this passage says, “[Bi means here] to examine and arrange the prepared items” (Zhou li zhushu, 3:20b). 58 An annotation of this passage says, “Bi means to compare” (Yi li zhushu, 7:37b). 53

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He remains close only to humane and right people” (Lun yu yishu, 2:30a). Han Yu agreed, saying, “Wu shi 無適 means not to have anything that you approve of in advance; wu mo 無莫 means not to have anything that you disapprove of in advance. He only keeps close to [比] those who are right” (Lun yu bijie 論語 筆解, A:7a–​b). [All of Han Yu’s comments in this book appear in Lun yu bijie, unless otherwise noted.] I would disagree with these claims.59 3) I explore the textual differences as follows: Lu Deming 陸德明 (556–​627) explained, “In the Zheng Xuan edition, shi appears as di 敵 (to oppose). . . [m]o is synonymous with mu 慕 (to yearn for). So this passage states that the noble person does not have anything to [oppose or] yearn for” (Jingdian shi wen 經典釋文, 24:5b). In my view, di must have mistakenly replaced shi due to their similarities in sound and shape. 4) For a classical text that supports my interpretation here, see Hou Han shu (Hou Han shu, 110B:8b, 8–​9a, 2). 5) “Li Xie zhuan 李燮傳” says, “Li Xie (134–​186), in his social relationships, paid attention not to others’ weaknesses but to their strengths and, in doing so, wished to help them attain merit. At the moment, both Jia Biao 賈彪 (fl. 169) and Xun Shuang 荀爽 (128–​190) from the prefecture Yingchuan 穎 川 became renowned but could not get along with each other. Xie mingled with both of them, distinguished by neither abundance nor paucity [適莫] in his manner towards them” (Hou Han shu, 93:19a). On this, Mao Qiling commented, “Shi refers to abundance or intimacy; mo refers to paucity or being indiscernible; bi refers to being close to or mingling with . . ..[T]‌he interpretation of this passage by Han and Wei scholars persists in all cases” (Lun yu jiqiu pian, 2:15b—​16a). As I  understand, however, some Han and Wei scholars rendered shi and mo as being intimate and unfriendly, while others translated them as (opposing and) yearning for. Their theories were entangled complicatedly, and they eventually failed to come to an agreement. How can it be said that the interpretation “persists in all cases?” 6) Ogyu Nabematsu 荻生雙松 (1666–​ 1728) argued, “According to my investigation, the Infinite Life Sūtra says, ‘[All bodhisattvas] do not have anything that is intimate with [適] or distant from [莫] them.’60 On this, Huiyuan 慧遠 (334–​416) commented, ‘[This means that] they bear neither the intimacy that comes from advancing towards something [適適之親] nor the alienation that comes from fading away from something [莫莫之 疎].’61 An annotation of a comment quoted from Han shu in Huiyuan’s 慧苑 (b. 673) Huayan yin yi 華嚴音義 reads, ‘Shi is synonymous with zhu 主 (to focus),’ while an annotation in Er ya 爾雅 reads, ‘Mo is synonymous with ding 定 (to

Han Yu’s understanding [of wu shi and wu mo] was correct, but his rendition of bi was incorrect. Flower Garland Sūtra also contains this remark. Gyeongheung 璟興 (fl.  681–​691) also glossed, “Shi refers to intimacy; mo refers to remoteness” [according to Ogyu]. 59

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determine).’ All in all, the remark in Infinite Life Sūtra means that all bodhisattvas stretch their concerns toward all beings and thereby have no one whom they feel exclusively intimate with nor anyone whom they feel determinedly distanced from. In line with this passage, Chengguan 澄觀 (738–​839), in his Huayan jing shu 華嚴經疏, commented, ‘[Bodhisattvas in dealing with things are] neither intimate nor distant in ways that are exclusively or determinedly prescribed. According to “Shu zhi 蜀志,” Zhuge Liang 諸葛亮 (181–​234) said, “In handling affairs, it is beneficial to end a remote relationship and allow one’s opinions to be altered easily; it is peaceful when one has neither intimacy [適] with nor distance [莫] from others. People, however, emotionally tend to stay close to those whom they are intimate with and keep distant from those with whom they are not. Due to this, the way of life of one who lacks both intimacy and distance loses its appeal. People want others to follow their opinions and do not want them to follow other peoples’ opinions. As a result, the dictum that one should allow one’s opinion to be altered easily loses its significance.” ’ These pieces of evidence show that in the ancient definition, shi and mo meant intimacy and distance.”62 [All of Ogyu’s comments in this book appear in Rongo kogun gaiden, unless otherwise noted.] As I  understand, the Chinese Buddhist scriptures were not based on the ancient writings prior to the Qin dynasty (221–​206 bce):  they were completed by the Confucian scholars from the Jin dynasty (266–​420). At the time, the rendition according to which shi and mo mean intimacy and distance was circulated among them. Accordingly, those who explained the Buddhist scriptures and those who annotated them adopted the rendition without investigating the matter themselves. How can it be honored as conveying the ancient meanings of the terms? As regards the meanings of shi and mo, Han Yu overcame the clumsiness of the old commentaries. One should follow Han’s annotation. * * * Dasan presents a unique reading of this chapter, part of which is based on Han Yu’s understanding of shi (“approves of”) and mo (“disapproves of”). Dasan rejected, however, Han Yu’s interpretation of the closing sentence, which for Han reads, “He only keeps close to those who are right.” The majority of modern English translations also accept Han’s reading. To validate his interpretation, Dasan quotes many passages from Poetry, Spring and Autumn, and Record of Rites. These sources comprise three of the five Confucian classics, the most ancient and authoritative Confucian scriptures. In contrast, Ogyu Nabematsu mainly relied on Buddhist scriptures to justify his rendition, a reading compatible with those by Fan Ning and Xing

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Dazai Jun said, “The remark by Zhuge Liang that Chengguan quoted does not appear in ‘Shu zhi.’ ”

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Bing. Upon introducing Ogyu’s argument, Dasan seems to scoff at it: the Chinese Buddhist scriptures cannot be taken as a source to understand correctly the passages of the Analects, for they were completed later. Yet I do not believe that this cynical reaction accurately reflects Dasan’s feelings about Ogyu’s scholarship, since he quotes Ogyu’s argument at length, which would have been unnecessary were he not deeply impressed with it. As a matter of fact, he did not hesitate to express his admiration for the Japanese scholars’ achievements in his other writings (see “Ilbon ron 日本論,” 251b and “Si yi-​a 示二兒,” 453c). Regardless, Dasan appears to distrust the Buddhist documents and philosophy. It is unclear whether Dasan knew of the Buddhist sources that Ogyu quoted, since he merely summarizes and introduces Ogyu’s argument here without commenting on its context. One piece of evidence, however, may lead the reader to conclude that Dasan did possess some understanding of these canonical Buddhist texts: whereas Ogyu simply noted Chengguan’s commentary on the Flower Garland Sūtra as “Chengguan’s commentary,” Dasan clarified in his quotation that it refers to his commentary on the Flower Garland Sūtra. Considering that Dasan maintained a close relationship with Hyejang 惠藏 (1772–​1811), a Korean Buddhist monk, during his exile, it would be not far-​fetched to assume that he had a degree of knowledge of Buddhist scriptures. It is also interesting that Ogyu mentions Gyeongheung, a Korean Buddhist monk from the Silla dynasty, who commented on the Infinite Life Sūtra. Ogyu’s reference suggests that this Korean Buddhist monk was well-​known even in Japan. Dasan did not comment on this intriguing fact, so any curiosity the reader may have about whether Dasan was aware of Gyeongheung’s work must remain unappeased.

4.11 The Master said, “The noble person is concerned about virtue; the petty person is concerned about land. The noble person is concerned about punishment; the petty person is concerned about charity.” 子曰; 君子懷德, 小人懷土. 君子懷刑, 小人懷惠. 4.11.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Huai 懷 (“is concerned about”) means to hold something in one’s mind;63 junzi 君子 (“the noble person”) refers to a person who has assumed a government post; xiaoren 小人 (“the petty person”) refers to a common person working in the field.

In other words, huai means that one continues to think about something and thereby does not forget about it. 63

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2) I  supplement as follows:  “Virtue,” “land,” “punishment,” and “charity” uniformly derive from the lord. When the lord practices filial piety and respect for elders before anyone else does, it is called “virtue”; the basis for the lord’s distribution of fields and granting of residences is called “land”; the basis for the lord’s sentencing of subjects to exile or execution is called “punishment”; when the lord tries to relieve the people’s miseries with food, it is called “charity.” The noble person understands the Way, so he is concerned about virtue; the petty person values food, so he is concerned about land; the noble person keeps his body in line, so he is concerned about punishment; the petty person loves good fortune, so he is concerned about charity. Confucius gave this teaching because he wished to help the lord of people know about this fact. 4.11.2 Arguments 1) Kong Anguo argued, “That the petty person is concerned about land implies that he considers it a grave matter to leave his land;64 that the noble person is concerned about punishment implies that he feels comfortable with punishment.65 “I would disagree with this interpretation. 2) Yin Tun 尹焞 (1071–​1142) argued, “To love the good and hate evil66—​this is how one becomes a noble person; to seek comfort in a pathetic manner and try to gain profit—​this is how one becomes a petty person” (Lun yu jizhu, 2:12a). I would refute this as follows: Master Zhu rendered huai xing as being afraid of laws. In contrast, Yin Tun rendered it as disliking evil. How can “being afraid of laws” be compatible with “disliking evil” in their sentiments? 3) Langya daizui bian 琅琊代醉編 says, “ ‘Being afraid of laws’ is not a correct interpretation of huai xing. Xing here is the same word that appears in the line ‘I imitate, follow, and treat as a model [刑] the statutes of King Wen’ (Mao Shi zhushu, 26:26a), in the line ‘He became the model [刑] for his wife’ (23:73b), in the line ‘There are still statutes and laws [刑]’ (25:9a), and in the line ‘A hundred princes will model [刑] themselves on it’ (26:15a). In general, the noble person is concerned about ritual and constitutional models. If they appear fine, he emulates them. The petty person holds onto only whatever directly brings him benefit”67 (quoted in Rongo kokun gaiden). I would disagree with this interpretation. 4) For a classical text that supports my interpretation here, see Guo yu 國語 [管子 in all editions of Noneo gogeum ju], which says, “Fearing the authority of the lord as though they were encountering a disease—​this is an attitude the best people take; following what they desire in their minds as though

Xing Bing added, “The petty person feels comfortable with his current residence.” Xing Bing added, “The noble person enjoys guiding the people with laws and institutions.” This is Yin’s comment on huai xing 懷刑 (“[The noble person] is concerned about punishment”). 67 Yuan Huang 袁黃 (1533–​1606) also suggested a theory similar to this. 64 65

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they were drifting down a stream—​this is an attitude the worst people take; thinking about the authority of the lord when seeing his generosity—​this is an attitude the middling type of people take.”68 In my view, while this excerpt is worded differently from its counterpart in the Analects, its meaning is identical to that of this chapter. * * * Dasan’s definitions of junzi and xiaoren here should be supplemented with the one he provides in ­chapter 1.1: “Junzi is an appellation for those who have virtues. . . junzi initially referred to the offspring of legitimate princes in the same way kings were called Sons of Heaven. In ancient times, only those who had virtues could assume higher positions so that, in later periods, the virtuous came to be called junzi even without such positions.” In ­chapter 4.16, he also provides a complementary explanation of these terms: “Junzi refers to good people; xiaoren refers to evil people. In ancient times, those who assumed government positions were mostly good people. Therefore, the honored came to be called junzi, while the lowly people, xiaoren. In later periods, this distinction no longer conformed with reality. So, the term junzi was adopted just for good people, while the term xiaoren, just for evil people.” Although Dasan still associates the terms with one’s morality, it is unique that he here simply defines junzi as “a person who has assumed a government post.” It is all the more so in light of the fact that assuming a government position was not always an honor for neo-​Confucian scholars. His assumption that all officials in ancient times were good people also demonstrates in a unique way his strong support for the “ancient times.” An exegetical debate here revolves around the term huai xing (“[the noble person is] concerned about punishment”). Dasan rebuts all of the arguments he cites about this term, which do not follow Zhu Xi’s understanding of it. All in all, for Dasan, it concerns the good person’s “due” fear of his lord’s authority. In contrast, other commentators often understood this term in light of the good person’s confidence in his own morality, which could enable him to feel no fear of being punished by the lord. Thus, according to Kong Anguo, “he feels comfortable with punishment.” I cannot help but relate Dasan’s interpretation of the term here to his own experiences: King Jeongjo chastised him when his involvement in a coterie meeting for learning Catholic doctrines was revealed, and King Sunjo 純祖 (r. 1800–​ 1834) exiled him for eighteen years. This passage must have touched a nerve because it was “punishment” by lords that he and his family suffered so much from. Enduring all of the hardships caused by “punishment,” he had every reason to be cautious about them. According to his interpretation,

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being afraid of punishment is an attitude that the great teacher Confucius advised “good people” to adopt. There are two errors regarding this chapter in all editions of Noneo gogeum ju: in them, Guo yu mistakenly appears as Guanzi, and “Jin yu,” as “Qi shu.” They pertain to the source of a passage that Dasan greatly relied on to validate his interpretation of huai xing. They are probably not editorial errors given their incompatibility in terms of shape and sound with the corrections above. The passage quoted from “Jin yu” concerns the advice that a lady, feeding a silkworm, gives to Chong’er 重耳 (679–​628 bce), the fugitive prince of the state of Jin, who would later become one of the meritorious lords during the Spring and Autumn period. In this conversation, the lady recalls a remark she believes Guan Zhong 管仲 (725–​645 bce) made (as quoted above), to encourage Chong’er to take the way of the middling type of people, not that of the best. This remark is also introduced as Guan Zhong’s in Lun yu jizhu daquan (Lun yu jizhu daquan, 4:17a)—​a clue to why the mistakes appear in all editions.

4.12 The Master said, “Acting in pursuit of profit will incur much resentment.” 子曰; 放於利而行, 多怨. 4.12.1 Grounds 1) Kong Anguo commented, “Fang 放 (‘in pursuit of’) is here synonymous with yi 依 (in reliance on). Taking actions always with consideration of profit is a way of arousing resentment.”69

4.13 The Master said, “If a man abides by ritual propriety and deference, what difficulty will he have in participating in government? If a man cannot participate in government with ritual propriety and deference, what can he do to ritual propriety?”70 子曰; 能以禮讓, 爲國乎何有? 不能以禮讓爲國, 如禮何?

Mao Qiling supplemented this, saying, “ ‘Tangong 檀弓’ says, ‘If the ridgepole breaks, whom shall I seek [依]?’ (Li ji zhushu, 7:17b) On this passage, Zheng Xuan provided an annotation: ‘A ridgepole is what all timbers rely on. Rafters and crossbeams rely on the ridgepole to stay in place’ ” (Si shu shengyan, 1:18a—​b). 70 In the Han commentaries, the quotation of the first li rang wei guo 禮讓爲國 is followed by three more characters, yu cong zheng 於從政 [to make it clear that a pause should be placed after guo]. 69

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4.13.1 Grounds 1) He Yan commented, “The phrase he you 何有 (‘what difficulty will he have’) suggests that there will be no difficulty.”71 2) Bao Xian commented, “The expression ‘what can he do to ritual propriety’ suggests that he cannot make use of ritual propriety.”72 3) I supplement as follows: When the lords of states usurp the king’s thrones and the great officials violate ritual propriety—​this is a case in which a man cannot participate in government with ritual propriety and deference. What can these kinds of people do to ritual propriety, even when they wish to put ritual propriety to practice? This means that they have nothing to do with ritual propriety. 4.13.2 Arguments 1) Xing Bing argued, “Wei 爲 (‘in participating’) is synonymous with zhi 治 (in ruling).” I would refute this as follows: Wei guo 爲國 (“in participating in government”) here is equivalent to wei zheng 爲政 (to be part of government). Can wei in the expression wei zheng yi de 爲政以德 be replaced with zhi? 2) Xing Bing argued, “The remark ‘If a man rules a state with ritual propriety and deference 能以禮讓爲國乎 [in Xing Bing’s reading]’ supposes that the lord of people can rule his state with ritual propriety and deference. The phrase he you suggests that there will be no difficulties.” I would refute this as follows: As I understand, Xing Bing regarded he you as a separate phrase to make this passage consist of two parallel sentences. The first sentence in his reading, however, contains one more character, hu 乎 (particle), and thereby bears a meaning distinct from that of the following sentence. Xing’s understanding is not acceptable. 3) For classical texts pertinent to the textual difference mentioned above, see Hou Han shu (Hou Han shu, 114:5, 5–​6) and Jia Kui’s 賈逵 (30—​101) memorial (69:14, 1). According to my investigation of these two texts, this chapter must have contained three more characters, yu cong zheng, in the ancient edition circulated in the two capitals of the Han dynasty. If these characters are added to the main text, however, this passage becomes awkward.73 Today’s edition would be correct.

An expression related to this phrase, yu cong zheng he you 於從政何有 (what difficulty does he have in governing), appears in two of the chapters that follow (Lun yu jizhu, 6:6 and 13:13; 6.7 and 13.13 in Noneo gogeum ju). 72 In one of the previous chapters, it says, “If a man is not humane, what can he do to ritual propriety?” (Lun yu jizhu, 3:3) 73 This is because the phrase cong zheng does not make sense. 71

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* * * The interpretation that commentators almost universally accept renders the expression wei guo in accordance with Xing Bing’s comment: it means that a ruler rules a state. Then, this passage is intended to give advice to the ruler. In Dasan’s interpretation, it primarily concerns ministers or Confucian bureaucrats like Dasan himself:  it means that ministers participate in governance. Xing Bing’s interpretation of this passage may seem unique to those who are familiar with Zhu Xi’s reading. Xing renders the beginning part of this chapter as follows: “If a man rules a state with ritual propriety and deference, there will be no difficulties.” Dasan rejects his interpretation and eventually follows Zhu Xi’s, even though Dasan’s rendering of wei guo is independent from all prior interpretations.

4.14 The Master said, “Do not worry about lacking a position; worry about what allows you to have one. Do not worry about being unknown; look for what allows you to be known.” 子曰; 不患無位, 患所以立. 不患莫己知, 求爲可知也. 4.14.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Wei 位 (“position”) refers to spots on which one hundred officials stand at court.74 Unless one occupies an office, he has no position. “What allows you to have one” refers to the expertise needed to rectify the lord and nurture the people. 2) Master Zhu commented, “The phrase ‘what allows you to have one’ refers to what enables one to stand on the position; the phrase ‘what allows you to be known’ refers to the substantial quality that enables you to be known.”

4.15 The Master said, “Shen! My Way is penetrated by one thing.” “Yes,” replied Master Zeng. The Master left, and the other disciples asked, “What did the Master mean?” Master Zeng replied, “Our Master’s Way is wholeheartedness and the correlation of minds, nothing more.” 子曰; 參乎! 吾道一以貫之. 曾子曰; 唯. 子出, 門人問曰; 何謂也? 曾子曰; 夫子之道, 忠恕而已矣.

According to Shuo wen, “An array of spots that forms a row on either side of the middle court is called wei” (quoted in Yu ding Kangxi zidian 御定康熙字典, 2:17a). 74

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4.15.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: “Way” here refers to the Way of the human being. Confucius made mention of it as “My Way” because he himself undertook it as his mission. “One thing” refers to shu 恕 (“the correlation of minds”); guan 貫 (“penetrated”) is here synonymous with chuan 穿 (to pierce).75 The practice of the correlation of minds can occur through wholeheartedness, so Confucius just mentioned the correlation of minds, whereas Master Zeng connected it with wholeheartedness. A comment on Rites of Zhou reads, “To act in accordance with one’s mind is wholeheartedness; to link one’s mind with another’s is the correlation of minds.”76 In general, serving others in accordance with one’s mind is called wholeheartedness;77 being considerate of another’s mind as though it were my mind is called the correlation of minds.78 Wei 唯 (“Yes”) is a word used to express affirmation. 2) I  supplement as follows:  “My Way” is the human moral order, nothing more. Those things that help reveal the human moral order—​such as the five teachings, nine constant methods, three hundred essential rituals, and three thousand detailed rituals—​are uniformly practiced through the one virtue, the correlation of minds. It resembles a string penetrating thousands or hundreds of coins. This is what the expression “[My Way] is penetrated by one thing” means. 3) Xing Bing commented, “Guan is here synonymous with tong 統 (to pervade); zhong 忠 (‘wholeheartedness’) means to act in full accordance with one’s mind; shu means to be considerate of things in light of my mind. This passage states that Our Master’s Way is pursued through wholeheartedness and the correlation of minds, nothing more. In taking control of all the principles behind the myriad things under heaven, there is no other method than holding onto these values. So it says, “nothing more.” In my view, this comment gets to the point. It cannot be altered. 4) For a classical text on the discussion here, see the Analects, which says, “Zi Gong asked, ‘Is there one word that enables a person to practice morals for his entire life?’ The Master replied, ‘It must be the correlation of minds! What you do not wish done to you, do not do to others’ ” (Lun yu jizhu, 15:23; 15.24 in Noneo gogeum ju). As I understand, given that it says “[the correlation of minds] enables a person to practice morals for his entire life,” all occasions in which people form relationships—​including those of serving one’s parents, serving one’s

According to Shuo wen, “Wu 毋, the upper part of this character [貫], symbolizes the penetration of one thing by another” (Shuo wen jie zi, 7A:11a). Changes contains the phrase “as though one penetrates [貫] the fish with a thread” (Zhou Yi zhushu, 5:4a). Zuo’s Commentary also contains the phrase “[The sin of Shang 商] penetrates [貫] and pervades all” (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 22:4b). 76 This comment appears in a passage concerning the six virtues in “Da Si tu 大司徒” (Zhou li zhushu, 10:36a). 77 In serving others, I should be wholehearted; in serving the lord, I should be wholehearted. 78 Shuo wen changjian 說文長箋 explains, “To link one’s mind with another’s is correlating minds” (quoted in Yu ding Kangxi zidian, 10:22a). 75

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lord, dealing with brothers, mingling with friends, nurturing the people, and mobilizing the masses—​are morally managed through this virtue, the correlation of minds, without exception. How else can this situation be described than with “[My Way is] penetrated by one thing?” The meaning of being penetrated with one thing is self-​evident in Master Zeng’s explanation. There should be no other discussions. 5) For a classical text on the discussion here, see Constant Mean, which says, “If one practices wholeheartedness and the correlation of minds, he is not far away from the Way. What you do not want applied to you, do not apply to others” (Zhong yong zhangju, 8b).79 As I  understand, Our Master initially stated, “[My Way is] penetrated with one thing,” whereas Master Zeng explained it with two virtues—​ wholeheartedness and the correlation of minds. Due to this fact, scholars have suspected that the Way concerned two things, not one thing. As seen above, however, when Constant Mean explains the meaning of the phrase, “If one practices wholeheartedness and the correlation of minds, he is not far away from the Way,” it only focuses on the correlation of minds. Having said that, wholeheartedness and the correlation of minds can be reworded as just the correlation of minds: they do not need to be separated. The one thing that penetrates [Confucius’s Way] is the correlation of minds; that which helps one practice the correlation of minds is wholeheartedness. 6) For a classical text on the discussion here, see the Analects, which says, “The Master said, ‘Ci! Do you regard me as someone who learns extensively and thereby knows much?’ ‘Indeed I do. Is that not so?’ replied Zi Gong. The Master said, ‘No. I penetrate all with one thing’ ” (Lun yu jizhu, 15:2; 15.3 in Noneo gogeum ju). In my view, the one thing with which Confucius penetrated all was also the correlation of minds. Details appear in the relevant chapter. 4.15.2 Arguments 1) Xing Bing argued, “The ‘disciples’ here refer to Master Zeng’s disciples.” I would refute this as follows: The Analects contains a passage, which says, “The disciples did not respect Zi Lu” (Lun yu jizhu, 11:14; 11.15 in Noneo gogeum ju). Does this mean that Zi Lu’s disciples did not respect Zi Lu? 2) I question Master Zhu as follows: This chapter does not present the secret word for transmitting the Way. Confucianism does not have a formula for transmitting the Way [unlike Buddhism]. However, if one were to approach the Analects, Constant Mean, It continues, “The Way of noble people contains four things, none of which Qiu 丘 [Confucius] has mastered: serving the parents with what one seeks from his children—​I have not mastered this; serving the lord with what one seeks from his subjects—​I have not mastered this; serving the elder brothers with what one seeks from his younger brothers—​I have not mastered this; offer first what one seeks from his friends—​I have not mastered this” (Zhong yong zhangju, 8b). 79

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Great Learning, and Mencius through this notion, the correlation of minds, he would realize that all the discussions and sayings contained in them are interpretations of it, nothing more. Indeed Our Master’s Way was nothing but this one notion, of which there are countless examples. In relation to this point, [Dasan’s disciple] Goengbo 紘父 (李綱會, b. 1789) also held that “ ‘My Way’ in the main passage refers to the way I measure another’s mind through my mind.” 3 ) I question Master Zhu as follows: It is said that following one’s mind is wholeheartedness and that linking one’s mind with the minds of others is the correlation of minds [in Zhu Xi’s comment]. However, wholeheartedness and the correlation of minds are not parallel concepts because the latter is foundational whereas the former is a virtue that helps the act of correlating minds to occur. The virtue of wholeheartedness can be brought into place only after one serves others. One cannot accomplish the virtue alone and without relationships. Even when one wishes to practice the virtue of following his mind first, he will have no place to start. Today, in their pursuit of the Way, people tend to think that one should practice wholeheartedness first and then proceed toward the correlation of minds—​they have been greatly led astray. I  am certain that by the time one practices wholeheartedness, he will have practiced correlating minds for a long time. * * * Dasan’s second question to Zhu Xi epitomizes his views on the discussion of wholeheartedness (忠) and the correlation of minds (恕). In contrast to Zhu Xi, who saw the former as the primary element in one’s moral cultivation, Dasan prioritized the latter over the former. Obviously, Dasan’s reservations about the neo-​Confucian focus on one’s inner cultivation led him to posit this assumption. In Noneo gogeum ju, he persistently advocates the perspective that moral virtues cannot be accomplished without practice and accordingly argues here that wholeheartedness cannot be fulfilled without one’s engagement in human relationships. In his view, wholeheartedness is a psychological attitude of sincerity in one’s linkage of his mind with the minds of others—​a virtue somewhat quantitative but not qualitative. Thus it is contingent upon one’s acceptance of the virtue of the correlation of minds. This view forms a clear contrast with the neo-​Confucian belief that wholeheartedness is a decisive factor in guiding a person to abide by the virtue of the correlation of minds. In order to legitimize the implicit stratification between wholeheartedness and the correlation of minds, neo-​Confucians adopted the theory of substance-​ utility, ti-​yong 體用, assigning wholeheartedness and the correlation of minds to substance and utility, respectively. In neo-​Confucian philosophy, this theory has often served to highlight the substantial entity before its utilitarian partner, although it was also designed to preclude a clear-​cut dichotomy between the two. Dasan opposed all neo-​Confucian theories that were formed through the notion

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of ti-​yong, probably because it stemmed from Buddhist philosophy. He likewise looked askance at neo-​Confucian efforts to discover the single-​most important teaching of the Confucian Way because they were reminiscent of Buddhist attempts, especially those of Zen Buddhists, to transmit their esoteric understanding to the next patriarch. Dasan might have wanted to make it clear that Confucianism is a teaching of extensive learning, not a precise concentration on some secrecy, as this point is listed in the “Original Meanings.” In this chapter, Dasan completely endorses Xing Bing’s comment, which is rare in Noneo gogeum ju. Interestingly enough, Xing Bing’s comment derived from a comment by Huang Kan, which in turn referred to a comment by Wang Bi 王弼 (225–​249). Zhu Xi’s views on wholeheartedness and the correlation of minds, on the other hand, were indebted to Cheng Yi’s 程頤 (1033–​1107) views, which were introduced in Lun yu jizhu, as well as Li Gao’s 李翺 (774–​836), which appear in Lun yu bijie. So in this chapter, Dasan follows the old commentary. In this regard, Huang Kan also clearly spelled out that the “one thing” that penetrates all of Confucius’s teachings is the correlation of minds. Dasan agrees with this interpretation: Confucius said that “one thing” penetrates his Way—​not two, wholeheartedness and the correlation of minds.

4.16 The Master said, “The noble person understands rightness; the petty person understands profit.” 子曰; 君子喩於義, 小人喩於利. 4.16.1 Grounds 1) Kong Anguo commented, “Yu 喩 (‘understands’) is here synonymous with xiao 曉 (to understand).”80 2) I  supplement as follows:  Junzi 君子 (“the noble person”) refers to good people; xiaoren 小人 (“the petty person”) refers to evil people.81 3) Master Zhu commented, “ ‘Rightness’ refers to what ought to be done out of the heavenly principle; ‘profit’ refers to what one desires to have out of human sentiment.” 4) I  supplement as follows:  Rightness is what Dao-​mind follows82; profit is what human-​mind pursues.83

When one acquires an understanding of something, the words from the mouth [口] acquiesce [兪] to it. Thus the character yu [喩] is comprised of kou [口] and yu [兪]. 81 In ancient times, those who assumed government positions were mostly good people. Therefore, the honored came to be called junzi, while the lowly people, xiaoren. In later periods, this distinction no longer conformed to reality. So, the term junzi was adopted just for good people, while the term xiaoren, just for evil people. 82 The character yi 義 (“rightness”) bears the meaning of shan wo 善我 (to improve myself). 83 The character li 利 (“profit”) resembles a sickle [刀] harvesting rice [禾]. 80

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4.16.2 Arguments 1) Lu Xiangshan 陸象山 (陸九淵, 1139–​1192) argued, “What a man is familiar with constitutes what he is versed with, and what he aspires to constitutes what he is familiar with. If one aspires to rightness, what he becomes familiar with must be rightness. Hereupon, he becomes versed with rightness; if one aspires to profit, what he becomes familiar with must be profit. Hereupon, he becomes versed with profit” (Xiangshan ji 象山集, 23:1b—​2a, or Lun yu jizhu daquan, 4:29b). I refute this as follows: In general, after one understands something, his aspiration for it becomes determined; after one’s aspiration for something becomes determined, he becomes familiar with it. Xiangshan seems to hold that one’s aspiration precedes one’s understanding, which is invalid. Back in the day, Master Zhu and Xiangshan met at the Ehu 鵝湖 Academy to discuss this chapter. It is said that all of the audience members sitting along the four directions were moved to tears. I regret that I could not attend the meeting! Imagine that there are two people who are naturally of the same kind in that they both lack understanding of the difference between rightness and profit. However, assume that one day one of them becomes firmly resolute, as though he were greatly alarmed, saying, “Once we are born, we humans should focus on rightness, nothing more. How can this poverty of having only a small bamboo basket to hold rice possibly bring harm to my rightness?” Provided that he gives up a basket of rice today and is thereby prompted to act by one good thing tomorrow, he will gradually understand rightness. From this point on, if he diligently moves toward the good, his understanding of rightness will be improved steadily as he continues to move forward, and he will eventually discern the mandate of Heaven so that nothing can agitate him. This is the noble person. Assume that, in contrast, one day the other person becomes firmly resolute, as though he is greatly alarmed, saying, “Once we are born, we humans should focus on profit, nothing more. Even a small bamboo basket to hold rice is a resource to increase my profit.” Provided that he takes a basket of rice today and is thereby prompted to act by one bad thing tomorrow, he will gradually understand profit. From this point on, if he diligently moves toward evil, his understanding of profit will advance steadily as he continues to move forward, and he will eventually satisfy human desires so that nothing can agitate him. This is the petty person. In the beginning, they were hardly distinct from one another. In the end, however, there comes to be a world of difference between them, like the sky and the earth. One person becomes Shun 舜, while the other becomes Daozhi 盜蹠; and one remains a human, while the other becomes an animal—​they are now totally different species. In my personal experience, I  once met a person who understood profit. When it came to his property and gain and loss, his scrupulous analyses never failed to prove correct even in their minor details. The delicacy and subtlety

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of his actions could not be easily conveyed to onlookers. Yet it was clear that he firmly held onto something that was not susceptible to intimidation. Even if the Duke of Zhou and Confucius had preached to him, he would have stretched himself with a yawn; even if Zhang Yi 張儀 (d. 310) and Gongsun Yan 公孫衍 (fl. 333–​319 bce) had tried to persuade him, he would have fallen asleep. He believed that even the entirety of beautiful virtues and the utmost morals under heaven was not worth exchanging a single dime for. When he encountered a person who liked talking about humanity and rightness even during a long period of poverty, he did not hesitate to deride him for his stupidity. How could the difference between Shun and Daozhi frighten him? This case exemplifies what this classic says about a person who understands profit. Accordingly, his Dao-​mind will perish, allowing his human-​mind to dominate. His great body, which his small body distorts, will be suffocated. These are the effects of understanding profit. Isn’t it necessary to discern rightness and profit as early as possible? * * * Interestingly, Dasan here introduces his personal experience of witnessing an incarnation of one’s pursuit of profit. To the best of my knowledge, Dasan offers no hints about the identity of the person in his writing. It is still intriguing, however, to read Dasan’s words of admiration for the person’s delicate and subtle techniques for handling his assets. Dasan nevertheless chastises him for his inclination toward profit—​a move consistent with neo-​Confucian moral rigorism. The philosophical discussion of this chapter revolves around the priority of knowledge or psychological orientation in one’s moral cultivation—​the very topic that caused a rift at the well-​known academic meeting held at Zhu Xi’s White Deer Academy, not to be confused with the meeting held at Ehu, when Lu Jiuyan 陸九淵 (Xiangshan) visited Zhu Xi. As is expressed in Dasan’s quote above, Lu claimed that one’s psychological orientation toward morality would eventually lead him to amass knowledge of morality, whereas Zhu Xi asserted that holding a proper amount of knowledge was a prerequisite for psychological concentration on a topic, a view consistent with his theory of “knowledge first, then practice.” Lu optimistically thought that one’s interest in a topic naturally increases his knowledge of it, and thus he urged people to focus on inner cultivation, which helps them have the right interest in morals. In contrast, Zhu Xi was relatively skeptical about the durability of one’s motivation for morals, which in his view easily becomes vulnerable unless one enhances it every day through reading and learning. Lu Jiuyan was optimistic in another respect in that he believed that nature grants everyone innate knowledge of what is wrong and what is right, which is ineffaceable because it is ingrained in one’s mind-​heart. Dangers emerge, in Lu Jiuyan’s view, only when this innate knowledge is covered over by one’s desires or one’s interest in personal gain. Thus what mattered in his

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philosophy was to keep one’s mind-​heart untainted by renewing one’s motivation all the time. In contrast, Zhu Xi did not agree that knowledge of right and wrong is realized naturally in one’s mind. Since lack of knowledge causes one to be bewildered among many possible choices, in his view, one should understand what is right before adopting the right agendas. Accordingly, he urged people to contemplate external things to discover the principles without which they would not exist. What mattered in his philosophy was to continue to study until one could “discern the mandate of Heaven” in Dasan’s expression. As a matter of fact, Zhu Xi was also optimistic because he believed that it was possible for a student to attain a holistic understanding of the universe through what his opponents usually characterized as a “tedious” learning process. Dasan was also simultaneously optimistic and skeptical in the same way Zhu Xi was. Dasan’s comment that relates rightness to Dao-​ mind and profit to human-​mind is listed in the “Original Meanings.” Given that this comment is not unique and that Dasan did not give a good deal of space to the topic in this chapter, his listing of the comment in the “Original Meanings” suggests that he accepted the neo-​Confucian dichotomy between the heavenly principle and human desires, which Dasan wished to supplement with the comment.

4.17 The Master said, “On seeing the worthy, think how you may rise to equal to him; on seeing the unworthy, examine yourself inwardly.” 子曰; 見賢思齊焉, 見不賢而內自省也. 4.17.1 Grounds 1) I  supplement as follows:  Qi 齊 (“to rise to equal to him”) denotes how things become even in their height.84 2) Dazai Jun commented, “The expression ‘think how you may rise to equal to him’ can be linked to a scene in which a short person, standing by a tall person, tries to be equal to him in height by standing on his tiptoes.” 3) Xing Bing commented, “[The second sentence states that you should] examine yourself inwardly to see whether you have the same problems as those the unworthy have.”85

According to Shuo wen, “Qi denotes the height that stalks of rice achieve even as they ripen” (quoted in Yu ding Kangxi zidian, 1:30b). 85 Master Zhu added, “That one thinks about how he could rise to equal to the worthy suggests that he wishes to have the same goodness as the worthy have; that one examines himself inwardly suggests that he is afraid of having the same vices as the unworthy have.” 84

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4.18 The Master said, “When serving your parents, remonstrate with them implicitly. Make it apparent that you intend not to follow your parents, but remain respectful and do not disobey them. Even when weary, do not bear resentment.”86 子曰; 事父母, 幾諫. 見志不從, 又敬不違, 勞而不怨. 4.18.1 Grounds 1) Bao Xian commented, “Ji 幾 (‘implicitly’) is here synonymous with wei 微 (subtly).” 2) I supplement as follows: Ji jian 幾諫 (“remonstrate with them implicitly”) is not to dare to remonstrate directly with one’s parents but to help them realize their mistakes by pointing them out in a covert fashion. The character xian should likewise be read as meaning to reveal or expose something. While showing that you do not concur with your parents’ orders, you should remain respectful and follow their orders, waiting for them to realize their mistakes on their own. If one adopts this method, he will feel weary. Even when weary, however, one should not bear resentment. 4.18.2 Arguments 1) Bao Xian argued, “Even when observing signs that your parents do not intend to heed your remonstrations, you should remain respectful and not attempt to make them accept your remonstrations by disobeying their will.” I would refute this as follows: If one immediately follows his parents’ orders upon seeing that his parents dismiss his remonstrations just once, it is tantamount to pushing one’s parents into evil. What is the meaning of remonstration in this case? Confucius might have wished to say, “On the one hand, you implicitly show that you intend not to follow your parents; on the other hand, you expediently remain compliant with their orders and obedient to them, hoping that your parents understand your thoughts and, if they do, that it will hinder them from taking the wrong actions as though they were distraught.” The second sentence in the main passage perfectly illustrates the sincerity that makes one gently considerate of all variables and details, as well as one’s emotions of reverence, compliance, commiseration, and grievance, so it indeed conveys the way of implicitly remonstrating with one’s parents. In Bao Xian’s interpretation, when one sees that his parents do not intend to heed his remonstrations, he immediately submits himself to them and allows them to make mistakes. This act consists of examining his parents’ intentions in order to foster their vices. Can this way of remonstrating with his parents exist under heaven? On the one hand, one does not follow; on the other hand, one does 86

The character xian 見 (“make it visible”) should be read as xian [not jian (to see)].

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not disobey—​this is how one puts in his utmost effort to do his best and how one allows nothing to escape his attention. Will there be any parents who stubbornly remain unenlightened even after seeing such efforts? How sacred it is, the way of remonstrating with one’s parents!87 2) I question Master Zhu as follows: The way of remonstrating with one’s parents, which is introduced in “Nei ze 內則,” also involves the notions that I explained above. Its message about one’s gentle compliance and attention, however, is less effective than that of this chapter is. Its wording and concomitant connotations are also not perfectly harmonious with this chapter. Thus they should be placed side by side so that one may grasp the meaning of each passage. 3) For a classical text on the discussion here, see “Nei ze,” which says, “When your parents make a mistake, you should remonstrate with them in a tender tone after composing yourself and gaining a good complexion. If they do not accept your remonstration, continue to be respectful and filial to them. And when they are pleased with your actions, you can proceed with remonstrating again. Even if they are not pleased with your actions, it is still better to remonstrate with them repeatedly than to let them commit sins against the village and town. Even if your remonstrations enrage and displease your parents to the extent that they flog you until you bleed, do not bear any grudges and resentment and continue to be respectful and filial” (Li ji zhushu, 27:13b). In my view, this passage reveals the invalidity of Bao Xian’s interpretation. 4) For a classical text on the discussion here, see “Fang ji,” which says, “Follow your parents’ orders without blaming them; implicitly remonstrate with them without being tired; when weary, do not bear resentment—​this can be called filial piety” (51:23b). As I  understand, “following your parents’ orders” here corresponds to “remaining respectful and not disobeying your parents” in the main passage, and “implicitly remonstrating with your parents,” to “making it apparent that you do not intend to follow them.” Xunzi also quotes [a lost passage in] Documents and says, “Follow your parents’ orders but do not complain; implicitly remonstrate with them but do not feel tired” (Xunzi, 9:5b). This passage also teaches the same meaning. In my view, Wanzhang’s 萬章 remark—​which reads, “If your parents love you, be delighted and do not be oblivious to their grace; if your parents dislike you, do not feel resentment even when weary”88 (Mengzi jizhu, 5A:1)—​also originates from an ancient classic.89

“Ji yi 祭義” says, “When one’s parents make mistakes, he remonstrates with them but does not disobey them” (Li ji zhushu, 48:7b). 88 In “Ji yi,” this sentence appears as “Be anxious but do not feel resentment” (Li ji zhushu, 48:7b). 89 “Qu li 曲禮” says, “When serving your parents, if they do not accept your remonstrations three times, you should follow them, weeping [over your fate]” (5:20b). 87

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5) For a classical text that supports my interpretation here, see Da Dai Li ji (4:25a, 7—​25b, 4). * * * Confucian scholars may agree that the way of remonstrating with one’s parents should be different from that of remonstrating with one’s ruler. As regards to the latter, they recommend boldness. Confucius once instructed his disciple Zi Lu, who was concerned about how to serve his lord, to “confront him” (Lun yu jizhu, 14:23). And in the Analects, Bigan 比干 (d. 1063 bce), who was executed due to his repeated remonstrations with King Zhou 紂 (r. 1075–​1046 bce), is honored as one of the three men of humanity in the late Shang dynasty (see Lun yu jizhu, 18:1). This boldness is allowed in the relationship between the ruler and the subject because when the ruler does not accept a loyal subject’s remonstrations, the subject can quit his position and leave the state. However, when one remonstrates with his parents, she should be careful not to allow their relationship to be seriously damaged because it is indispensable. A more subtle issue arises when one’s parents do not accept one’s right remonstrations. This is an issue of making a correct choice among many moral imperatives because one’s espousal of one of the two values—​filial piety and rightness—​possibly brings harm to the other. Thus, Confucian thinkers either show their inclination toward one of the two values or attempt to find a felicitous middle ground between them. As a matter of fact, this chapter of the Analects has conventionally been regarded as gravitating toward filial piety because Bao Xian interpreted it as giving more attention to one’s moral obligation of respecting his parents. In Mencius, the portrayal of King Shun, a reincarnation of filial piety in the Confucian tradition, stresses filial piety over rightness when the two collide in a situation that brooks no compromise. Out of apparent apprehension over the abusive application of the teaching in this chapter to many real cases, later Confucians tried to mitigate the effects of Confucius’s and Mencius’s teachings on this subject by adding their explanation of the next steps to take after one’s parents refuse the right remonstrations:  one should follow one’s parents temporarily, but never give up rectifying one’s parents’ mistakes. “Nei ze,” “Fang ji,” Xunzi, and Da Dai Li ji contain the results of their deliberations over the repercussions of superficial readings of this chapter. Dasan was more creative in dealing with this issue. He was the first in the Confucian classical tradition to propose an interpretation in which the character xian 見 was rendered as “to make it visible” or “to show” and zhi 志 (“you intend”) was understood as referring to the remonstrator’s intention, not the parents’ intention. In doing so, Dasan successfully compiled passages from various classical texts, especially those from Record of Rites, to form a good commentary on this chapter, bringing in a sense of consistency between the teachings of this chapter and those of other texts. Predictably, his inventive

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interpretation of this chapter is listed in the “Original Meanings.” Zhu Xi, in his explanation of the true message of this chapter, simply rephrased what is recorded in “Nei ze.” As mentioned above, the passage from “Nei ze” was intended to help prevent the teaching of this chapter from being misused in reality, so Zhu Xi’s reliance on “Nei ze” in his comment might have derived from the same concern as that seen in “Nei ze.” However, Zhu Xi did not suggest an innovative reading in the way Dasan did.

4.19 The Master said, “When your parents are alive, do not travel far; when you go out, you must have a stated destination.” 子曰; 父母在, 不遠游, 游必有方.

4.19.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: You 游 (“travel far”) refers to certain travels, such as study abroad and work abroad; the second you (“go out”) refers to going out to a close destination; fang 方 (“a stated destination”) here refers to a place. 2) Xing Bing commented, “When you go out, you must have regular destinations. This is for the purpose of letting your parents know your whereabouts when they want to summon you.”90 3) As I understand, you is related to businesses in which you can disengage yourself. This teaching cannot be applied to some cases, as when your lord assigns you to a delegation to a remote country. * * * Despite the dearth of refutations of others’ arguments here, Dasan here presents a new interpretation. Whereas all other major commentators saw no difference between the first and the second instances of you, he distinguishes them from one another:  the first you refers to traveling far, and the second you, to going out to a nearby destination. In other words, whereas commentators usually read the second sentence of this chapter as discussing what to do in a situation in which one unavoidably travels far, Dasan holds that it gives instructions about a situation different from that depicted in the first sentence. For example, Legge’s translation of this chapter reads, “While his parents are alive, the son may not go abroad to a distance. If he does go abroad, he must

If you already reported that you would visit a place, you cannot change your destination. This is because you should be concerned that your parents become anxious when they, regardless of their call, fail to find you at the place. 90

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have a fixed place to which he goes” (Legge, 171). Regardless of how persuasive it is, Dasan’s new interpretation is acceptable and creative. Another interesting point here is that Dasan claims that the reader should make an exception for themselves when applying this teaching to their own reality: when they are committed to take on a state’s affair, this teaching is not applicable. Actually, Dasan likely would not have felt obligated to clarify this point, unless he believed that he bore a heavy responsibility for the state’s government. This may lend support to an important point about Dasan and his scholarship: he was closer to the tradition of the scholars-​in-​the-​court.

4.20 The Master said, “If one, for three years, does not change his father’s ways, he deserves to be called filial.” 子曰; 三年無改於父之道, 可謂孝矣. 4.20.1 Grounds 1) Xing Bing commented, “This chapter is identical to a passage in Book One, ‘Xue er 學而.’ It must have been duplicated here.”

4.21 The Master said, “You should know your parents’ age. On the one hand, you feel happy; on the other hand, you feel anxious.” 子曰; 父母之年, 不可不知也. 一則以喜, 一則以懼. 4.21.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Zhi 知 (“know”) is here synonymous with ren 認 (to acknowledge). 2) Kong Anguo commented, “When you observe that they enjoy a long life, you feel happy; when you observe that they are getting old, you feel anxious.”

4.22 The Master said, “In ancient times, people did not utter words thoughtlessly because they felt ashamed when their actions did not match their words.” 子曰; 古者言之不出, 恥躬之不逮也. 4.22.1 Grounds 1) Master Zhu commented, “By mentioning ancient times, Confucius showed that people act differently today.”

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2) Bao Xian commented, “The ancients’ utterances never came out of their mouths rashly because one’s actions sometimes do not measure up to their words.”

4.23 The Master said, “It is rare that a reserved man errs.” 子曰; 以約失之者鮮矣. 4.23.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Yue 約 (“reserved”) means to tie up.91 Thus when one does not dare to go astray by controlling his person, it is called yue.92 Those who are reserved seldom make errors.

4.23.2 Arguments 1) Kong Anguo argued, “Both frugality and extravagance fail to hit the mean. With extravagance, however, one can become arrogant and loose, which causes error. If one is frugal, there are no worries.” I would refute this as follows: If the character yue is adopted without a liaison with another character, it does not necessarily refer to frugality.

4.24 The Master said, “The noble person wishes to be slow in speech but fast in action.” 子曰; 君子欲訥於言而敏於行. 4.24.1 Grounds 1) Bao Xian commented, “Ne 訥 (‘slow’) means to be slow-​moving and dull. The noble person wishes to proceed slowly in his utterances but fast in his actions.”

4.25 The Master said, “A man of virtue is not alone—​he surely has neighbors.” 子曰; 德不孤, 必有鄰.

This is a definition from Shuo wen (Shuo wen jie zi, 13A:3b). Xie Shangcai commented, “Yue means that one does not become insolent recklessly” (Lun yu jizhu, 2:14a). 91

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4.25.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Standing alone as though one has no arms [孑] is called gu 孤 (“alone”). 2) He Yan commented, “Since things of the same kind always gather together and men with the same aspirations look for one another, a man of virtue surely has neighbors.” 3) For a classical text that is related to the main passage, see the “Wenyan 文 言” commentary on the hexagram “Kun 坤” (Zhou Yi zhushu, 2:10a, 4–​5).

4.26 Zi You said, “In serving the lord, frequent demands lead to dishonor; between friends, frequent demands lead to disaffection.”93 子游曰; 事君數, 斯辱矣. 朋友數, 斯疏矣. 4.26.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Shuo 數 (“frequent demands”) is here synonymous with fan 煩 (to be frequent), cu 促 (to importune), or mi 密 (to be intimate).94 Having an audience with the lord at random times, continuously expressing one’s opinion without pause, and seeking something without hesitation—​ these all pertain to “frequent demands.” It is unnecessary to pinpoint one thing to which this notion can be applied. 2) I supplement as follows: “dishonor” refers to being blemished, ashamed, or degraded. The relationship that is created through rightness [such as the ones between the lord and the subject and between friends] cannot endure long without expressing reverence. 4.26.2 Arguments 1) He Yan argued, “Shuo assumes the meaning of shuo in the expression shu shuo 束數 (fast and rapidly).”95 Huang Kan supplemented this, saying, “In ritual propriety, intimacy is not valued. Thus there should be protocols for proceeding towards the lord and holding yourself back. If a subject tries to have an audience with the lord at improper times, this must lead to the dishonor of shame; if friends come and go at improper times, this must lead to the dishonor of disaffection.” Han Yu added a comment, saying,

Shuo 數 here should be read in the checked tone [入聲]. The sound of the character shuo varies according to its contextual meaning [since it has three different pronunciations: shuo, shu, and shu in a different tone]. The meanings are somewhat distinct from one another, too. However, this character primarily belongs to the category of phonetic loan characters in the six writings. So their meanings are related to each other. 95 According to the Huang Kan edition, this is Kong Anguo’s comment; according to Lun yu bijie by Han Yu, this is Bao Xian’s comment. 93

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“When the lord orders you to present yourself in the court, rush to the court without waiting for your cart to be ready—​this is to take action fast [數]. How can being fast lead to dishonor? I  believe that shuo should be rendered as having the same meaning as shuo in the expression fan shuo 煩 數 (incessant and frequent).” Dazai Jun also participated in the discussion, saying, “Zuo’s Commentary says, in the sixteenth year of the reign of Duke Wen [魯文公, r.  626–​609 bce], ‘[Song prince Bao 鮑] frequently visited [數] the six ministers’ houses without skipping even a day’ ”96 (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 20:6b). I would refute Huang’s argument as follows: Applying the teaching of this chapter only to a specific case is not acceptable. ) According to Jingdian shi wen by Lu Deming, “[He Yan] read the character 2 [數] as shuo. In contrast, Zheng Xuan read it as shu, meaning that one counts [數] his contributions or efforts. Emperor Wu of the Liang dynasty [梁武帝, r. 502-​549] also read it as shu” (Jingdian shi wen, 24:5b-​6a). Huang Kan supplemented this, saying, “Shu here means to count how many or how much. If one counts [how many contributions he has made] in the relationship between the lord and the subject, it must lead to the dishonor of danger; if one counts [how much effort he has made] in the relationship between friends, it must lead to the dishonor of disaffection.” I  would disagree with these claims. 3) I question Master Zhu as follows: An unexpected remonstration with the lord may cause him to be irritated and angry. Even when this brings an end to life, however, the noble person does not regard it as a dishonor. Only after you make a mistake and thereby receive another’s chastisement and belittlement should you feel dishonored in your admission of the shamefulness of what you have done. * * * The character under discussion (數) has three different pronunciations and four different meanings in modern Chinese: shu with a falling tone, meaning “number”; shu with a falling-​rising tone, meaning “to count”; shuo with a falling tone, meaning either “fast” or “frequent.” Zheng Xuan and two readers from Liang, Emperor Wu and Huang Kan, read it as shu with a falling-​rising tone, and He Yan, shuo with the meaning of “fast.” Dasan adopted the last meaning, “frequent.” Han Yu was a proponent of this reading, and Zhu Xi later adopted it. Actually, all of the interpretations of this character are acceptable. So it is interesting that Dasan was so confident in his understanding. His strictness is also evident in his question to Master Zhu above.

96

On this passage, Du Yu commented, “Shuo here means to build intimacy.”

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BOOK 5



Gongye Chang 公冶長

5.1 The Master said of Gongye Chang, “He deserves to be wived. Although he was bound in black ropes, it was not his fault.” Then he gave his daughter to him in marriage. The Master said of Nan Rong, “He will not be ignored when the state follows the Way; he will manage to avoid punishment and execution when the state does not follow the Way.” Then he gave his brother’s daughter to him in marriage. [In Noneo gogeum ju in traditional bookbinding, this chapter opens the seventh roll.]1 子謂公冶長; 可妻也. 雖在縲絏之中, 非其罪也. 以其子妻之. 子謂南容; 邦有道不廢, 邦無道免於刑戮. 以其兄之子妻之. 5.1.1 Ground 1) Kong Anguo commented, “[Gongye] Chang was one of Confucius’s disciples from the state of Lu. His family name was Gongye, and his personal name, Chang.”2 2) Xing Bing commented, “Giving a man one’s daughter to wife is called qi 妻 (‘to be wived’).”3 3) Kong Anguo commented, “Lei 縲 (‘black ropes’) refers to black ropes;4 xie 絏 (‘bound’) means to tangle something.5 This is the way that criminals are put in bonds.” 4) Wang Shu commented, “Nan Rong was one of Confucius’s disciples, Nangong Tao 南宮縚 from the state of Lu. His adult name was Zi Rong 子容.6 Bu fei 不廢 (‘not be ignored’) means that he will be hired by the government.”

This book contains twenty-​seven chapters. Shi ji says, “Gongye Chang was a man of the state of Qi” (Shi ji, 67:19a). Jia yu says, “[He was] a man of the state of Lu” (Kongzi jia yu 孔子家語, 9:4b). Xing Bing explained, “Kong Anguo’s comment here derives from Jia yu.” 3 Zuo’s Commentary says, “When Zhong’er arrived the state of Qi, Duke Huan of Qi [齊桓公, r. 685–​643 bce] gave him his own daughter to wife [妻]” (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 14:14a). 4 According to Ji yun, it refers to big ropes (Ji yun 集韻, 3:43a). 5 It means to bind one’s hands behind his back to lock him. 6 According to Xing Bing, this comment also derives from Jia yu. 1

2

5.1.2 Arguments 1) Xing Bing argued, “According to an outdated theory, [Gong]ye Chang could understand the language of birds and because of that came to be bound in black ropes. This theory is nonsensical, however, so I do not adopt it here.”7 I would refute this as follows: If the outdated theory were true, how could Confucius say that “it is not his fault”? Rites of Zhou stipulates that Yi li 吏隸 was in charge of handling the matter of conversing with birds, while Mo li 貉隸 was in charge of handling the matter of conversing with beasts (Zhou li zhushu, 35:43b). However, it is unclear what exactly this stipulation concerns. “Cai Yong zhuan 蔡邕傳” says, “Bo Yi 柏翳 [伯益] could meaningfully arrange the language of birds; Ge Lu 葛盧 (fl. 702 bce) could discern meaning in the lowing of oxen” (Hou Han shu, 90B:9b).8 It is also said that Bai Guinian 白 龜年 [a legendary figure] in Tang could interpret the language of birds.9 All these are tricks that deviate from and jar with the right principle. If Gongye Chang’s trick drove him to imprisonment, how can one say, “It is not his fault,” although it is not comparable with murdering people?10 2) Xing Bing argued, “According to Shi ji, Nangong Kuo’s 南宮適 (fl. 5th century) adult name was Zi Rong (Shi ji, 67:19b); according to Zheng Xuan’s comment on ‘Tangong,’ Nangong Tao was Nangong Yue 南宮閱, Meng Xizi’s 孟僖子 (d. 524 bce) son (Li ji zhushu, 6:29a). Whereas, in the seventh year of the reign of Duke Zhao, Zuo’s Commentary says, ‘At the last moment, Meng Xizi summoned his great officials and asked them to have [Nangong] Yue and Heji 何忌 (d. 481 bce) serve Confucius’ (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 44:24b). This record shows that Zuo’s Commentary regarded Nangong as a family name. Thus Shi ben 世本 [the original of which has not

Huang Kan also argued, “Another book tells Gongye Chang’s story as follows: When Gongye Chang, on his way back to Lu, arrived at the border between the states of Wei and Lu, he heard several birds having a conversation. They said they were about to go to the Green Stream to peck at a person’s corpse. Soon after, he met an old lady weeping on the road. [Gong]ye Chang asked her the reason, and she replied, ‘My son went out yesterday but still has not come back.’ [Gong]ye Chang said, ‘I heard birds saying to one another that they were going to the Green Stream to peck at a person’s corpse. I  am afraid that the dead person might be your son.’ The old lady recovered her son and reported the incident to the chief of her town. The chief interrogated [Gong]ye Chang and eventually put him behind bars. The prison officer ridiculed him, saying, ‘If you can truly interpret the language of birds, I will immediately release you.’ Sixty days after he was put in prison, [Gong]ye Chang told him, ‘Upon hearing the twittering of sparrows, I surmise that there is a cart overturned, spilling grains, by the river White Lotus. The cart ox’s horns are broken, and the owner cannot collect all the grains. The sparrows were talking about going there to peck at the grains.’ The officer sent a man to visit the site, who found that the situation there was exactly as [Gong]ye Chang had described. Later, he proved that he could understand the languages of boars and swallows as well. So he was released.” 8 Zuo’s Commentary says, “Ge Lu from Jie 介 [介葛盧], upon hearing the lowing of oxen, knew that three calves would be sacrificed” (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 16:4a). 9 Yiwen lu 異聞錄 says, “Guinian gave a book to Li Bai 李白 (701–​762)” [according to Yu ding Peiwen yunfu, 36A:5b]. 10 Jia yu says, “Gongye Chang tended to endure humiliation by virtue of his personality” (Kongzi jia yu, 9:4b). However, this claim also concerns the fact that he was released alive from prison, and thus there must be no actual evidence for it. Jia yu is a forged book. 7

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been passed down] says, ‘Zhongsun Jue 仲孫貜 [Meng Xizi] begot Nangong Tao.’ In conclusion, Tao, Kuo, and Yue are names for the same person. His adult name was Zi Rong, and his family name, Nangong. He was originally a descendent of the Meng clan.” Refuting this claim, Mao Qiling argued, “[Nan] Rong and [Nangong] Tao seem to refer to the same person. Jia yu attributed the practice of reciting the poem ‘Bai gui 白圭’ three times a day to Nangong Tao. ‘Tangong’ also shows that since Tao’s wife was Confucius’s brother’s daughter, Confucius taught her how to dress her hair during the funeral [when her mother-​in-​law passed away]. I am not certain who Nangong Kuo was. Insensitively, Kong Anguo [probably Xing Bing, since Kong Anguo did not comment on the identity of Nan Rong, although Dasan did not correct this error] regarded him as [Nan] Rong, and Shi ji suo yin 史記索隱 commented that [Nan] Rong was [Meng Xizi’s son Nangong] Jingshu 敬叔. They are groundless comments. Jingshu, who belonged to an aristocrat family from the beginning, was ordered by Meng Xizi to learn rituals from Confucius along with his elder brother Meng Yizi [Zhongsun Heji]. But he could not join the ranks of Confucius’s disciples” (Si shu shengyan bu 四書賸言補, 1:19b). He continued, “Confucius’s remark, ‘He will not be ignored when the state follows the Way,’ cannot be applied to Jingshu no matter what. Jingshu was a great official. If he was not hired, they must have placed a state deputy in the position of an acting great official. This means that there was a law related to this case. Thus the question of whether he will be ignored or not must not have been the subject of one’s conjecture” (1:21a). As I understand, Tao, Yue, and Kuo refer to three different people. For more details, see the following book.11 3) I question Master Zhu as follows: Lun yu jizhu explained, “Nan Rong. . . resided at Nangong, [the literal meaning of which is] the south palace. . . [H]‌is posthumous title was Jingshu, and he was Meng Yizi’s elder brother” (Lun yu jizhu, 3:1b). On this Mao Qiling countered, “Jingshu resided at the south palace [so he was called Nangong, the south palace, Jingshu]. As for [Nangong] Rong, Nangong merely refers to one of the old surnames, as seen in Nangong Mao 南宮毛 (fl. 11th century bce) and Nangong Changman 南宮長萬 (d. 682 bce). They did not have a south palace to reside in. Also, a record from the eleventh year of the reign of Duke Zhao attests to the fact that a woman from Quanqiu 泉丘 gave birth to [Meng] Yizi and later to Jingshu. If one opens the book, he will immediately confirm this fact” (Si shu shengyan bu, 1:21b). 4) Huang Kan explained, “In the past, people insisted that Confucius gave his own daughter to Gongye Chang in marriage and his brother’s daughter to Nan Rong because Nan Rong excelled Gongye Chang in virtue. I  believe See Book Fourteen, “Xian wen 憲問” [in which Dasan argues, “According to the theories of Han Confucians, the person under discussion has four personal names, Yue, Yue, Tao, and Kuo, and two adult names, Zi Rong and Jingshu. Does there exist such a case as this under heaven?”]. 11

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that there was no such difference of superiority and inferiority between them. One’s slumps and prosperity depend upon time, so what one should really be concerned about is encountering his lord who recognizes him. And even sages cannot avoid accusations of committing crimes based on distorted evidence. Thus it is invalid to say that Gongye Chang [who was allegedly implicated in a crime] was inferior to Nan Rong. The marital arrangements must have been made in consideration of their ages. Also, they did not occur at the same time. Any further conjecture is needless.” * * * Dasan’s handling of Kongzi jia yu is here quite interesting: He confirms that both Kong Anguo’s identification of Gongye Chang and Wang Shu’s identification of Nan Rong, which Dasan accepted, derived from this book. Consistent with his unrelenting stance on the dubiousness of this book, however, Dasan did not accept the claim that Confucius’s endorsement of Gongye Chang was related to the latter’s virtue of endurance. Although classical texts of this kind were vulnerable to accusations of forgery from modern scholars, Dasan was capable of assessing it in this manner, for he was adept at discerning useful information amidst the text’s groundless arguments. Since he did not accept the claims about Gongye Chang’s virtue in the text, he surely would have valued more explanation for why Confucius endorsed Gongye Chang. Dasan himself could not explain it in a more elaborate manner because no trustworthy narratives about Gongye Chang were recorded in the classical text. One narrative about Gongye Chang that was passed down through tradition concerned his alleged talent to understand animal speech. Xing Bing rejected this narrative because it sounded absurd. As seen in the argument above, Dasan refuted Xing Bing again. This may cause a misunderstanding that Dasan accepted the “outdated” theory that Xing Bing opposed. As a matter of fact, however, Dasan also rejected the narrative. The reason he refuted Xing Bing’s comment was that Xing Bing merely revealed its ridiculousness, but was unaware that Confucius would have never endorsed an individual who performed the kinds of eccentric tricks described in Huang Kan’s comment. In Dasan’s view, the narrative is unacceptable because Confucius undeniably endorsed Gongye Chang, which would have not occurred had the narrative been true. In comparison with Xing Bing’s view, this is a more severe rejection of the narrative in that it reveals his resolution to abandon any theory that does not harmonize with the “right principle.” Even though he believed that Confucius would have not endorsed Gongye Chang on the basis of the virtues exemplified in the ridiculous story, the tenet of rationality or reasonability would have enabled Dasan to criticize even Confucius if he had endorsed Gongye Chang out of his admiration for his unique talent. Here, Dasan’s solid stance toward “principles,” or rationality, can be corroborated again.

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It is unusual that, in order to criticize Zhu Xi’s interpretation, Dasan simply introduces Mao Qiling’s views as above without offering his own argument, even listing this simple introduction in the “Original Meanings.” It is also unusual that he simply quotes Huang Kan’s comment above to refute a certain theory, without offering his own argument. The only plausible explanation is that Dasan completely agreed with Mao Qiling and Huang Kan on these matters: Mao Qiling believed that Nan Rong was the same person as Nangong Tao and that the other Nangongs must have been different people. Huang Kan believed that it was overreaching to attempt to decipher Confucius’s hidden intention from the marriages he arranged for his daughter and niece. There may have seemed something beautiful about giving greater consideration to others than to one’s own family members when such consideration did not substantially undermine the family relationship, but Huang Kan would have thought that such a notion was idealistic since its normalization would have meant the relegation of familial obligations. Dasan would have agreed with Mao Qiling and Huang Kan simply because their interpretations sounded more reasonable to him. No matter whose theory it is, adopt the one that is most reasonable: this was the grand principle in Dasan’s reading of the Analects. Huang Kan’s comment, “even sages cannot avoid accusations of committing crimes based on distorted evidence,” might have further encouraged Dasan to introduce his interpretation solely as a refutation of Zhu Xi’s because the comment partly mirrored Dasan’s perception of his situation.

5.2 The Master said of Zi Jian, “How noble a person like this man is! If Lu had no noble person, where could this man have attained such virtue?” 子謂子賤; 君子哉若人! 魯無君子者, 斯焉取斯? 5.2.1 Grounds 1) Kong Anguo commented, “Zi Jian, a man of the state of Lu, was Confucius’s disciple Fu Buqi 宓不齊.”12 2) Bao Xian commented, “Ruo ren 若人 means ‘like this man.’ ” 3) Master Zhu commented, “In this passage, the first si 斯 means ‘this man,’ and the second si, ‘this virtue.’13 He must be the kind of person who is able to respect the worthies and mingle with esteemed fellows and thereby accomplish his virtue.”14 Jia yu says, “[He was] a man of Lu and forty-​nine years younger than Confucius” (Kongzi jia yu, 9:4a). Bao Xian commented, “[It asks] how could Zi Jian have learned to master and practice them?” 14 According to Shuo yuan, “When Zi Jian was the chief administrator of the town Danfu 單父, he had three people whom he served as though they were his father, five people whom he served as though they were his brothers, and eleven people whom he served as his friends. All of them taught Zi Jian how to rule the others” (Shuo yuan 說苑, 7:11a). 12 13

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5.2.2 Arguments 1) For a classical text on the discussion here, see “Zhengli 政理” in Shuo yuan, which says, “Kong Mie 孔蔑 was one of Confucius’s disciples 弟子 [兄子 in all editions of Noneo gogeum ju]. He was appointed to a government office at the same time as Fu Zi Jian was. When Confucius visited Kong Mie, he asked, ‘Since you were hired, what have you acquired and what have you lost?’ Kong Mie replied, ‘There are three things that I have lost.’15 Confucius was displeased with his answer. When he visited Zi Jian, he asked him the same question. Zi Jian replied, ‘There are three things that I have acquired. What I learned by recitation—​I now can put to practice. This means that my learning has become more illuminated; my ability to feed others through my salary has now extended to my relatives. This means that my clan relationships have become more intimate; although this fact stems from my public businesses, I now can condole bereaved families and visit sick people. This means that my relationships with friends have become closer.’ Confucius exclaimed in awe and said of Zi Jian, ‘How noble a person like this man is! If Lu had no noble person, where could this man have attained such virtue?’ ”16 (Shuo yuan, 7:12a-​b) As I  understand, when Confucius passed away, Zi Jian was in his twenties.17 The story told above is not believable. * * * It was an academic trend in Han Confucianism to provide information about historical events and individuals related to Confucius (who was often portrayed as a godly figure during the period) in order to decorate him with a flawless biography. Indebted to this trend, many Han writings such as Shuo yuan contains anecdotes Confucius supposedly told but did not appear in more ancient texts. If an anecdote was judged to be legitimate and plausible, it was circulated and reproduced in other writings, such as Kongzi jia yu. Dasan’s basic attitude toward these “interpolated” stories was “distrust” because most of them, if not all, did not sound reasonable. In fact, the verdict he repeated about the invalidity of the information Han Confucian scholars supplied led to his reservations about Han scholarship. As seen in his short argument above, he refuted what was recorded in Shuo yuan and Kongzi jia yu for the same reason. He thought it reasonable not to attempt to give detailed accounts about such ancient figures as Gongye Chang, Nan Rong, and Zi Jian when credible information about these figures was lacking. As Dasan points out, the same anecdote about Kong Mie and Zi Jian attributed to Confucius appears in both Shuo yuan and Kongzi jia yu. While the

This reply is contrasted with that of Zi Jian as seen in what follows. “Zi Lu chu jian 子路初見” in Jia yu also contains this anecdote (Kongzi jia yu, 5:6b–​7a). 17 This is a comment by Hu Yin 胡寅 (1098–​1156). 15

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stories from the two classical texts mostly overlap, there is one difference: in Shuo yuan Kong Mie is introduced as one of Confucius’s disciples, whereas in Kongzi jia yu he is announced as one of Confucius’s brother’s sons. In all editions of Noneo gogeum ju, Dasan notes that he was one of Confucius’s brother’s sons, which is consistent with the record in Kongzi jia yu. Dasan, however, mentions that his source for the story he quotes was Shuo yuan. In contrast, Dazai Jun’s note tells us he used the correct source for his quotation, Kongzi jia yu, with which he introduces Kong Mie as one of Confucius’s nephews.

5.3 Zi Gong asked, “How do I, Si, look to you?” The Master replied, “You are a vessel.” Zi Gong asked, “What type of vessel do you mean?” The Master replied, “You are a hu or a lian.” 子貢問曰; 賜也何如? 子曰; 女, 器也. 曰; 何器也? 曰; 瑚璉也. 5.3.1 Grounds 1) Master Zhu commented, “Zi Gong witnessed Confucius’s endorsement of Zi Jian as a noble person, so he asked Confucius a question about himself.” 2) I  supplement as follows:  The hu 瑚 and lian 璉 were ritual vessels for containing grains and were used at the royal ancestral shrine. In the Xia, the vessel was called lian, in the Shang, hu, and in the Zhou, fu 簠 and gui 簋.18 They were made of bamboo and decorated with jade.19 Zi Gong had become knowledgeable about the three dynasties through his studies, so Confucius endorsed him by comparing him metaphorically to the ancient vessels from the Xia and the Shang. 5.3.2 Arguments 1) Bao Xian argued, “In the Xia, the vessel was called hu, and in the Shang, lian.”20 Huang Kan disagreed, saying, “The comment that the vessel was called hu in the Xia and lian, in the Shang is incorrect. Regarding this, Luan Zhao 欒肇 (fl. 266–​285) commented, ‘This topic cannot be further investigated.’ ” In my view, this is an error that occurred in the middle of transmitting the earlier comment.21 For a detailed explanation, see “Mingtang wei 明堂位” (Li ji zhushu, 31:24b). This is Master Zhu’s comment. 20 Xing Bing disagreed, saying, “According to ‘Mingtang wei,’ the Xia called the vessel lian, and the Shang, hu. Bao Xian’s and Zheng Xuan’s comments on the Analects and Jia Kui’s, Fu Qian’s 服虔 (fl. 168), and Du Yu’s comments on Zuo zhuan uniformly state that in the Xia, the vessel was called hu. It is unclear whether they had different sources or the later view was mistakenly adopted in the course of learning about the earlier one [ from ‘Mingtang wei’].” 21 In the tenth year of the reign of Duke Ai [魯哀公, r. 494–​468 bce], Zuo’s Commentary says, “Kong Wenzi 孔文子 (d. 480 bce) intended to attack Taishu 太叔 (fl. 484 bce) and met with Confucius for 18

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2) I question Master Zhu as follows: Confucius, pairing Zi Gong with Yan Hui 顔回, once asked him which of them was more advanced. This shows that Confucius greatly endorsed Zi Gong. Thus, no longer should he be played down and regarded as having limited learning like a small vessel. Confucius also said, “Guan Zhong’s capacity [as a vessel] was small indeed.” This remark, however, does not necessarily suggest that he considered Guan Zhong a vessel having a limited use and disdained him for his small capacity. Zi Gong was versed with the three dynasties through his learning, so Confucius here endorsed him with a metaphor of the vessels from the Xia and the Shang. The saying, “The noble person does not limit himself to being a tool [or a vessel]” (Lun yu jizhu, 2:12), conveys a teaching, but I am afraid that it is unnecessary to unduly relate this passage to it. 3) Wang Linzhou 王麟洲 (王世懋: 1536–​1588) explained, “The vessels used in the Xia and the Shang were simple and plain. At that time, only the ritual vessels for the royal ancestral shrines were lavishly decorated. Confucius implied, by endorsing him with a metaphor of the ritual vessels, that Zi Gong had the brightness of the objects of ancient institutions” (unknown source). * * * Dasan raises a question about Zhu Xi’s evaluation of Zi Gong here because Zhu Xi said, “Zi Gong could not reach the stage of ‘not limiting himself to being a tool [or a vessel],’ ” although he admitted that Zi Gong was “indeed the most precious of vessels” (Lun yu jizhu, 3:2a). Dasan’s sensitivity in countering Zhu Xi’s evaluation stemmed from his efforts to dilute the rigid neo-​ Confucian consciousness of the Confucian legitimacy. In fact, neo-​ Confucianism rearranged the lineage of Confucianism by narrowly giving credit to those who they thought displayed unswerving dedication to its Way, not its utility, to form a hierarchy among Confucius’s students. Consequently, in their understanding of the Confucian pedigree, Yan Hui was believed to excel all of Confucius’s other direct disciples including Zi Gong, and Mencius was believed to excel all later followers including Xunzi. Their stingy recognition of the accomplishments made by later followers lead to a claim that the legitimate Confucian lineage suffered discontinuity after Mencius until the emergence of the five masters from the Northern Song, who laid the foundation for Zhu Xi’s completion of the neo-​Confucian ideas. In Dasan’s eyes, it was excessive to dismiss completely the Han-​Tang scholarship because his agenda was to build a syncretic structure for Confucian philosophy that embraces all Confucian legacies. In fact, the faction of Patriarchs, rivals to advice. Confucius said, ‘I have learned about the matters of hu and fu but have not heard about the matters of armors and weapons.’ Then he ordered his disciples to prepare his carriage and left the state of Wei” (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 58:40a).

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the Southerners with which Dasan was affiliated, more strictly adhered to the neo-​Confucian notion of Confucian legitimacy. Probably in his awareness of his rival faction’s stance, Dasan always fought against neo-​Confucian discrimination, whenever it surfaced, as when Confucius’s disciples were removed from the lists of legitimate Confucian pedigree or when certain historical figures went unrecognized in the tradition—​such as, Zi Lu, Guan Zhong, and Zi Gong in this chapter. In another argument, Dasan approves of a comment from Record of Rites on hu and lian at the cost of dismissing multiple contrary comments from other sources. Even though he seeks support for his view from Huang Kan’s comment and a passage from Zuo’s Commentary (to be more precise, Kong Yingda’s 孔穎達 (574–​648) comment on the passage), it is questionable how appealing they were to him because they resembled comments Dasan did not adopt. Thus, his approval here seems to have had more to do with his generic preference for the Confucian classics over authoritative comments on related classical texts.

5.4 Someone said, “Yong is humane but is not adept in speech.” The Master said, “What is the use of being adept in speech? Dealing with others with a loose tongue often leads to reception of their dislike. I do not know about him being humane, but what is the use of being adept in speech?” 或曰; 雍也仁而不佞. 子曰; 焉用佞? 禦人以口給, 屢憎於人. 不知其仁, 焉 用佞? 5.4.1 Grounds 1) Ma Rong 馬融 (79–​166) commented, “Yong is the name of Confucius’s disciple Zhong Gong 仲弓. His family name was Ran 冉.”22 [All of Ma Rong’s comments in this book appear in Lun yu jijie, unless otherwise noted.] 2) I  supplement as follows:  Ning 佞 (“being adept in speech”) refers to the swiftness seen in most married women;23 ji 給 means to continuously supply;24 kou ji 口給 (“with a loose tongue”) means that words continuously flow. 3) Kong Anguo commented, “Lü zeng 屢憎 (‘reception of their dislike’) means to frequently become the target of people’s dislike.”

Zheng Xuan supplemented this, saying, “He was a man of the state of Lu.” Xu Xuan 徐鉉 (916–​991) commented, “Trustworthiness among women pertains to their swiftness in speech” (Yu ding Kangxi zidian, 2:20b–​21a). 24 The same use of ji appears in a passage, which says, “Xiao He 蕭何 (257–​193 bce) supplied [給] military provisions to feed soldiers” (Lidai mingchen zouyi 歷代名臣奏議, 261:23b). 22 23

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4) Master Zhu commented, “[This passage conveys that] although Confucius did not know Zhong Gong being humane, he was not adept in speech, so he could become a worthy. Thus there was nothing to worry about him.” 5.4.2 Arguments 1) Xing Bing argued, “Zuo’s Commentary contains a remark, ‘This man of loneliness [rulers’ self-​designation] is not adept [佞]’25 (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 13:8a). So ning originally referred to one’s swiftness in speech and does not imply any good or evil in it. But there is a distinction between good swiftness and evil swiftness in one’s speech. For example, the litanist Tuo’s 鮀 (fl. 506 bce) swiftness exemplifies the good one; the swiftness of a person seen in a passage of the Analects, ‘Avoid any person who is adept in speech’ (Lun yu jizhu, 15:10; 15.11 in Noneo gogeum ju), exemplifies the evil one.” I would refute this as follows: In general, being adept in speech evokes unpleasant feelings. 2) I question Master Zhu as follows: Humanity is the name of the utmost good in the human moral order. However, it is said that “If I  desire humanity, it will arrive” (7:29), and “If one acts while thoroughly applying the principle of the correlation of minds, nothing is closer than this to the attainment of humanity” (Mengzi jizhu, 7A:4). How can humanity consist of lofty and profound actions? Confucius did not frivolously endorse his disciples with the name of the utmost good merely because they were learning under his knee. This is the reason Confucius always said that he did not know [that his disciples were humane]. Insisting that humanity cannot be achieved unless a person holds Yan Hui’s virtue because the Way of humanity is utterly great—​I am afraid that this is not the original meaning. * * * “Hui did not depart from humanity in his mind-​heart for three months” (Lun yu jizhu, 6:5; 6.6 in Noneo gogeum ju). As far as we know, this remark about Yan Hui was the most favorable assessment from Confucius on one’s accomplishment of humanity. He was truly reluctant to endorse people with humanity, so inquirers were often embarrassed by Confucius’s stern disapproval when they asked if a person embodied humanity. In this matter Confucius was bitter not only about others but also about himself:  “As regards sageness and humanity, how dare I  lay claim to them?” (Lun yu jizhu, 7:33; 7.30 in Noneo gogeum ju). This strictness impressed Zhu Xi so much that he gave the following explanation for why Confucius did not endorse Zhong Gong, despite his worthiness: “The Way of humanity is utterly great. Nobody is suitable to

25

On this, Fu Qian commented, “Ning here refers to one’s talents” (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 13:8a).

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be acknowledged with this value unless he preserves the essential body [of his inborn nature] all the time” (Lun yu jizhu, 3:2b). In Dasan’s view, Zhu Xi’s perception would make humanity nearly unattainable through everyday behavior. If this perception were to be accepted, it would imperil his philosophical standpoint that Confucian morals are by no means hard to achieve and thus the metaphysical sophistication of Confucian ethics should be restrained in order to persuade people to embark on their practical agenda of moral cultivation. Moreover, Dasan argues as introduced above, it is disharmonious with other passages on humanity from the Analects, in which Confucius preaches that it could certainly be attained through somewhat simple efforts. Given that even today’s readers tend to regard humanity as a lofty ideal, not a term to collectively refer to human morals as Dasan posits in his comment on c­ hapter 1.2, probably under the influence of various modern metaphysics, his question to Zhu Xi here may give rise to reflection on the genuine nature of Confucian morals. It was indeed Dasan’s tenacious effort to remove conceptual obstacles to achieving moral actions of filial piety, respect for elders, and benevolence, which he thought derived from Confucian scholars’ excessive dramatization of their ethical guidelines.

5.5 The Master wished to have Qidiao Kai take office. He replied, “I am not yet able to be confident about this.” The Master was pleased. 子使漆雕開仕. 對曰; 吾斯之未能信. 子說. 5.5.1 Grounds 1) Kong Anguo commented, “Kai was one of Confucius’s disciples. Qidiao was his family name, and Kai, his personal name.”26 2) I  supplement as follows:  Since Confucius knew that Kai’s talent and knowledge were solid enough for him to assume responsibility for a government office, he wished to have Kai take office.27 Si 斯 (“this”) refers to the matter of taking office. Kai thought that he was not sure if his talent and knowledge were solid enough for him to take responsibility for an office. 3) I  supplement as follows:  “The Master was pleased.” In other words, he was pleased to see that Kai was not satisfied with his current talent and knowledge.

According to Shi ji, “Kai’s adult name was Zi Kai 子開” (Shi ji jijie 史記集解, 67:17a). On this, Zheng Xuan commented, “he is a man of Lu” (67:17a). 27 At the time, Confucius was the Head Minister of Crimes and Punishments and acted as the prime minister. He could have his disciple take office through his authority. With regard to this, Mao Qiling commented, “Si 使 (‘have’) is here equivalent to si as used in a passage that says, ‘Zi Lu had [使] Zi Gao 子羔 take the office of local magistrate in the town of Fei 費’ ” (Si shu shengyan, 4:3b). 26

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5.5.2 Arguments 1) Kong Anguo argued, “Kai said that he was not yet able to be confident [信] about the way of serving the state because he had not mastered it.” Huang Kan supplemented this, saying, “Kai had not mastered [the way of serving the state] due to the immaturity of his learning, and thereby he could not yet be trusted [信] by the people. So he could not dare to take office.”28 Han Yu agreed, saying, “[This passage means that] Kai was not yet trusted [信] by his contemporaries, so he could not take office.” I would refute these claims as follows: All interpretations introduced here are unacceptable. 2) Zheng Xuan argued, “The reason ‘the Master was pleased’ was that he admired Kai’s unswerving dedication to the Way.” Han Yu agreed, saying, “[The reason was that] he admired Kai for being able to reflect upon himself and understand the change of time.” I would refute these claims as follows: All interpretations introduced here are unacceptable. 3) For a classical text on the discussion here, see Jia yu, which says, “Qidiao Kai was a man of Cai, whose adult name was Zi Ruo 子若, and eleven years younger than Confucius. He studied Documents and was not inclined to take office. Confucius said, ‘In consideration of your age, you can take office. Otherwise, the time will pass.’ Zi Ruo reported his intention in a piece of writing, saying, ‘I am not yet able to be confident about this.’ Confucius was pleased” (Kongzi jia yu, 9:5a). In my view, Jia yu is a forged text. * * * Dasan did not refute any of the points made about the three topics here probably because they stem from the topics discussed previously. Indeed, to Dasan, it is presumptuous to claim that Confucius’s disciples were not ready to take office due to their lack of understanding of proper administration. He already took issue with the belittlement of those disciples of Confucius who were not listed as legitimate members of Confucian pedigree in his comment on ­chapter 5.3, and the interpretation suggested by his first argument falls under that category. From a different angle, Zheng Xuan conjectured that Qidiao Kai had no interest in taking office probably because he was deeply engaged in the inner cultivation of the Way. On this, Dasan already stressed, in his comment on ­chapter 4.9, that the purpose of learning Confucian subjects is to support one’s pursuit of a position as a state official. In this regard, it should be again noted that he was aligned with the position of the scholars-​in-​the-​court. Lastly, the episode recorded in Kongzi jia yu seems nonsensical because in Dasan’s understanding, Confucius would

According to another interpretation which Huang Kan reports, “Since the rulers of the time were not trustworthy, one could not take office under their rule.” 28

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never have recommended a person to take office based on his age. It might have mirrored the post-​Han bureaucracy in which seniority was considered in the promotion of an individual to a government office, an element that cannot be applied to Confucius’s time. Dasan’s adherence to reasonability, therefore, would not have allowed him to accept the record in Kongzi jia yu.

5.6 The Master said, “The Way does not prevail! I would have to get on a small raft and float about on the sea. And the one who follows me—​would it be Zi Lu?” Zi Lu, on hearing this, was pleased. The Master said, “You is a man who exceeds me in his love for bravery, so that he lacks discreetness in following me.” 子曰; 道不行. 乘桴浮于海. 從我者其由與? 子路聞之喜. 子曰; 由也好勇 過我, 無所取材. 5.6.1 Grounds 1) Ma Rong commented, “Fu 桴 (‘a small raft’) is made by tying bamboo poles and other pieces of wood together. The bigger one of this kind is called fa 栰, and the smaller one, fu.29 2) I supplement as follows: The phrase “Zi Lu, upon hearing this” suggests that Zi Lu was not present and later came to hear this. That he was pleased suggests that he was pleased with Confucius understanding him.30 3) I  supplement as follows:  Cai 材 (“discreetness,” originally meaning ‘talent’) is here interchangeable with cai 財 (wealth),31 which is, in turn, interchangeable with cai 裁 (to judge).32 Qu cai 取材 (“discreetness [in following me]”) thus means to consider whether things fit the principle of affairs. Confucius knew that Zi Lu would be pleased with his remark. So he clarified his reason for endorsing Zi Lu alone in this chapter, in a like manner as in the following: “A small raft can get across a small river, but it cannot travel around a big ocean. Therefore, those who tend to consider whether things fit the principle of affairs must follow me not in this regard. Only Zi Lu exceeds me in his love for bravery and tends to rush forward whenever he is engaged in affairs, without having discreetness. Due to this, I  here specifically endorse Zi Lu that he might follow me in this regard. I  did not mean that only Zi Lu is worthy among my disciples.” In this chapter, Confucius’s second remark is intended to explain the connotation

According to Er ya, “Fang 舫 (boat) is synonymous with fu 泭 (桴, raft)” (Er ya zhushu 爾雅註疏, 2:18a). On this, Guo Pu 郭璞 (276–​324) commented, “Fang refers to rafts on the water” (2:18a). 30 For more details, see the following discussion. 31 See Mencius, which says, “There are some whose talents [財] he helps realize” (Mengzi jizhu, 7A:40). 32 See the hexagram “Tai 泰,” which says, “[Heaven and Earth] accomplish the way of Heaven and Earth in discreetness [財]” (Zhou yi zhushu, 3:23b). 29

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of his first remark. It should not be understood as dismissing Zi Lu after praising him in the first remark. 5.6.2 Arguments 1) Zheng Xuan argued, “Zi Lu truly believed that Our Master wished to put a raft on the ocean. So Confucius remarked that he exceeded him in his love for bravery. Wu suo qu cai 無所取材 means that there was nowhere Confucius could find suitable materials for the raft. This remark was intended to tease Zi Lu because he did not understand the subtle implications of Confucius’s first remark.”33 Mao Qiling supplemented this, saying, “Confucius’s aversion to getting on a small raft was originally intended to be understood metaphorically. [Zhu Xi] abruptly turned this remark into a serious message and maintained that it was intended to ridicule Zi Lu for lacking discreetness about the principle of affairs. This does not at all correspond with the original meaning that Our Master wished to convey in this chapter. . . [S]‌ince Zi Lu could not understand the subtle implications of the first remark, Confucius infused another subtle implication into the second remark to make a light joke at the expense of Zi Lu, saying, ‘Given the ocean’s vastness, it is extremely hard to obtain suitable materials for the raft’ ” (Lun yu jiqiu pian, 2:17b–​18a). I would refute these claims as follows: In the writings of the early Confucian scholars, Zi Lu appears a stupid person who does not understand things. This directly leads readers to ridicule and mock him as though they were dealing with a madman. This is a great disturbance. Confucius once endorsed Zi Lu, saying, “You [Zi Lu] can administer taxes in a state of one thousand chariots” (Lun yu jizhu, 5:7). The position for which Confucius endorsed Zi Lu fell under the supervision of the head of the Ministry of Taxation with a co-​appointment to the head of the Office of Management of Budget in my country. The responsibility of administering and supervising the business in these offices requires one’s ability to examine details meticulously. Then how can Zi Lu become the target of insults and mockery from the later, corrupt Confucians, who merely play around with sentences and phrases? Even a one-​foot tall child knows that one cannot get on a small raft to float around on the sea. Nevertheless, they argued that Zi Lu did not understand the subtle implications of Confucius’s remark and that he truly wished to accompany Confucius in this regard. Doesn’t this exaggerate the actual situation? Confucius must have intended to say the following:  “Crossing an ocean of one thousand li by boarding a raft as small as a leaf—​this constitutes an adventure of dangers and eventual death. If it is planned in order to make the Way prevail, however, I will take it on alone. The man, You—​he Xing Bing added, “By saying that there was nowhere he could find suitable materials for the raft, Confucius wished to let Zi Lu know that he merely deplored the world for not following the Way, with no real desire to float about on the ocean.” 33

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must follow me in this regard.” On the one hand, Confucius endorsed Zi Lu’s passionate volition to practice the Way; on the other hand, Confucius knew that Zi Lu would follow him even at the expense of his own life. One sage and one worthy here encourage one another through their ideas and resolutions—​this picture touches people even one thousand years later. How could Zi Lu not be pleased? He was pleased, which meant that he was pleased because Confucius recognized him.34 To argue that Zi Lu did not understand the subtle implications of Confucius’s remark and that he was pleased because he would be able to accompany Confucius—​is this compatible with the principle? This interpretation can only be applied to those who cannot distinguish barley from beans and those who are so numb that they feel no pain in their bodies. How does it fit the person who administers taxes in a state of one thousand chariots? 2) Kong Anguo argued, “[Zi Lu was] pleased because he would be allowed to accompany Confucius on this trip.” I would refute this as follows: Zai Wo asked, “The humane person—​even if someone were to tell him that humanity is in a pitfall—​would he pursue it [in Dasan’s reading of this passage]?”35 The line under discussion is analogous to Zai Wo’s question here in its implications. It can be paraphrased as saying, “If I  were to propose to board a small raft to get to the sea, Zi Lu must accompany me if he can practice the Way by doing so.” Zi Lu was not a one-​foot child. Is it compatible with the principle to say that Zi Lu was pleased because he would be allowed to accompany Confucius on this trip? 3) Xing Bing argued, “Since Confucius could not put into practice the Way in China, he wished to travel across the sea and live in the land of Nine Yi, in the hope that he could practice the Way there.” I  would refute this as follows: If this were the case, Confucius would have said that he would board a boat and get to the sea. He then would have had no reason to say, “I will get on a small raft.” He said that he would get on a small raft, however, because he probably wanted to show that, despite the project’s dangers and the prospect of eventual death, Zi Lu would follow him. Zi Lu had it in mind to practice the Way regardless of the situation. In addition, he vowed to give up none of Confucius’s agendas, even when they demanded him to rush into fire and water or walk on heated charcoals. Confucius, with his one remark, made evident Zi Lu’s volition and put it on display for others. This is the reason Zi Lu was deeply moved by Confucius’s understanding of his mind and extremely pleased with it. Zi Lu’s joy—​how can this be a subject of mockery? Confucius’s second remark in this chapter was not intended to ridicule Zi Lu as well—​it is an explanation of the meaning of his first remark. However, Zi Lu exceeded Confucius in his love for bravery and Confucius knew that Zi Lu cherished sincerity in practicing the Way and assisting the sage. The meaning of this passage is explained in the relevant chapter (see Lun yu jizhu, 6:24; 6.25 in Noneo gogeum ju). 34 35

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also tended to rush ahead when he was engaged in his projects, sometimes lacking discreetness. Confucius therefore endorsed Zi Lu only insofar as Zi Lu could accompany him. 4) He Yan argued, “Upon hearing that Confucius wished to float about on the sea, Zi Lu was immediately pleased with no further consideration. Thus Confucius regarded his bravery with wonder, saying, ‘He exceeds me in his love for bravery.’ Wu suo qu zai 無所取哉 [originally 無所取材] means that Zi Lu must have acquired his bravery from Confucius.36 In the past, cai 材 was interchangeable with zai 哉.” I would disagree with this interpretation. 5) Shi wen by Lu Deming says, “In an interpretation of this passage, a pause is placed after guo 過 (‘exceeds’) and thus wo 我 (‘me’) becomes integrated into the following sentence” (Jingdian shi wen, 24:6b). I would disagree with this interpretation. 6) In Lun yu bo 論語駁, from the Jin dynasty, Luan Zhao argues, “Cai 材 refers to being used properly. [Thus the line under discussion means that] You excessively loves bravery, so he cannot be used properly” (quoted in Lun yu jiqiu pian, 2:16a). I would disagree with this interpretation. * * * Dasan challenges the traditional reading of this chapter in two ways:  firstly, he rejects the perspective that this chapter in any way conveys a criticism of Zi Lu’s excessive inclination toward bravery; secondly, he suggests a creative reading of the most problematic expression in this chapter, wu suo qu cai, after rejecting all transmitted renderings of it. The first dispute is undoubtedly linked to Dasan’s advocacy of those direct disciples of Confucius who were not listed in the legitimate Confucian pedigree, as already discussed in the previous chapters. Having said that, however, Dasan here seems to be trying more ardently to protect Zi Lu. If this is true, his motivation for doing so must be related to the “great disturbance” that Dasan addresses in his comment above. In other words, Confucian scholars tended to disrespect Zi Lu so much that he became in their tradition a symbol of stupidity and rash actions. They often contended that Zi Lu possessed a character of “excessive” bravery that deserved humiliation of this kind. Indeed, Zi Lu was courageous enough not only to follow his teacher’s orders but also to dare to question Confucius’s attitudes and ideas. Some anecdotes about Confucius and Zi Lu, in which Zi Lu appears somewhat defiant to his teacher, might have provoked later Confucian scholars who wished to remain respectful toward Confucius all the time. Beyond doubt, Zi Lu’s bravery was a virtue of military officials. He appeared to be an exemplary figure for those in military uniform because they are required to take swift actions upon receiving orders from their superiors and

Xing Bing added, “That Zi Lu must have acquired his bravery from Confucius suggests that he would have not been able to acquire his bravery from people other than Confucius.” 36

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above all should be brave. Unfortunately for them, Confucian societies usually disregarded military prowess, which reflected the bureaucratic nature of such societies and the historical context of their formation. These societies were established after certain historical experiences of the abusive adoption of military might. The cynicism with which Confucian scholars regarded Zi Lu might have found support in the obvious connection between Zi Lu and the military officials. Distinct from them, Dasan here attempts to protect Zi Lu in a passionate manner. With regard to this, it is interesting that Dasan was versed in military strategy and that his brother once suggested that he assume military responsibilities rather than a civil office. Actually, one of the highest positions to which he was appointed involved dealing with the dynasty’s military affairs. Thus his eloquent advocacy of Zi Lu in this chapter might have stemmed not only from his awareness of the irrationality entrenched in the cynicism of Confucian scholars against Zi Lu but also from his political vision to cure the country’s chronic military weakness and his personal engagement in military affairs. The second dispute is obviously related to the first one because all transmitted readings of this controversial passage imply ridicule of Zi Lu. Dasan needed to render it differently as he here advocates Zi Lu. Actually, in this respect, he was assisted by Zhu Xi’s interpretation because it was Zhu Xi who initially regarded cai 材 in the original script as interchangeable with cai 裁. While Zhu Xi did so in order to highlight one of Zi Lu’s defects, a lack of discreetness, Dasan utilized Zhu Xi’s view to bring out Zi Lu’s positive qualities: Zi Lu was so loyal to Confucius and the Way that he was prone to take immediate action upon learning Confucius’s intention. Although this imprudence must have been a flaw even in Dasan’s eyes, he depicted it as touching, for it allows us to see the dedication to the Way that a teacher shares with a student. This unique interpretation is listed in the “Original Meanings.”

5.7 Meng Wubo asked, “Is Zi Lu humane?” The Master replied, “I do not know.” When he asked again, the Master replied, “You can administer taxes in a state of one thousand chariots. But I do not know whether he is humane.” “What about Qiu?” The Master said, “Qiu can become the chief administrator in a town of one thousand households or of a family of one hundred chariots. But I do not know whether he is humane.” “What about Chi?” The Master replied, “Chi, girded with his sash and standing in a court, can converse with the guests. But I do not know whether he is humane.” 孟武伯問; 子路仁乎? 子曰; 不知也. 又問. 子曰; 由也, 千乘之國, 可使治 其賦也, 不知其仁也. 求也何如? 子曰; 求也, 千室之邑, 百乘之家, 可使爲 之宰也, 不知其仁也. 赤也何如? 子曰; 赤也, 束帶立於朝, 可使與賓客言 也, 不知其仁也.

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5.7.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Fu 賦 (“taxes”) refers to what is described in a passage in Rites of Zhou, which says, “[The responsibilities of the chief minister Tai zai 太宰 include] securing revenue by nine taxes [賦].”37 It also refers to the kind of tax referred to in the expression “Soldiers are provisioned with a land tax [賦].”38 Yi 邑 (“town”) here refers to a town owned by the ruler;39 jia 家 (“family”) refers to the families of ministers and great officials, who could support their soldiers through their taxes. Becoming the chief administrator of a town or a family means to take control of certain affairs. 2) Ma Rong commented, “Chi is Confucius’s disciple Gongxi Hua 公西華.40 Since he had features suitable for rituals, one could appoint him to the position of Hangren 行人.”41

5.8 The Master said to Zi Gong, “Who is better, you or Hui?” Zi Gong replied, “How dare I expect to be compared to Hui? Upon hearing one thing, Hui understands ten. Upon hearing one thing, I understand two.” The Master said, “You are not equal to him. Both you and I are not equal to him.” 子謂子貢曰; 女與回也孰愈? 對曰; 賜也何敢望回? 回也聞一以知十, 賜也 聞一以知二. 子曰; 弗如也, 吾與女弗如也. 5.8.1 Grounds 1) Kong Anguo commented, “Yu 愈 (‘better’) is here synonymous with sheng 勝 (superior).” 2) Xing Bing commented, “By saying ‘Upon hearing one thing, I understand two,’ Zi Gong made it clear that he accomplished only two-​tenths of what Hui accomplished. This is a great difference.” 3) Bao Xian commented, “Confucius again uttered, ‘Both you and I are not equal to him,’ after saying that Zi Gong was not equal to Hui because he wished to comfort Zi Gong.”42 This passage appears in “Zhong zai 冢宰” (Zhou li zhushu, 2:15b). The nine taxes here include taxes related to the imperial city, to gates and markets, to mountains and reservoirs, and to remaining funds budgeted for public projects. On this passage, Zheng Xuan commented, “People pay taxes based on the poll” (2:15b). 38 In the eighth year of the reign of Duke Xiang [魯襄公, r. 572–​542 bce], Zuo’s Commentary also says, “We completely collected our taxes [賦]” (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 30:24a). 39 For example, the towns of Zhongdu 中都 and Wucheng 武城 belong to this category. 40 According to Shi ji, “His adult name was Zi Hua 子華” (Shi ji jijie, 67:19a). On this Zheng Xuan annotated, “He was a man of the state of Lu and forty-​four years younger than Confucius” (67:19a). 41 Xing Bing added, “Rites of Zhou defines the responsibilities of the great Hangren and the lesser Hangren. They were in charge of handling guest-​related rituals, guests’ meetings with the lord, and guests’ visitations to the court.” 42 Xing Bing added, “Being concerned that Zi Gong might feel humiliated, Confucius again uttered, ‘Both you and I are not equal to him.’ ” 37

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5.8.2 Arguments 1) Huang Kan argued, “According to Qin Daobin 秦道賓 (?), yu 與 (‘and’ in Dasan’s reading) appears to be synonymous with xu 許 (to endorse) in Er ya. In other words, Confucius endorsed the view that Zi Gong was not equal to Hui.” As I understand, yu was sometimes interpreted this way in ancient times. This interpretation corresponds with that of Zhu Xi in Lun yu jizhu. 2) For classical texts that support my interpretation of yu, see “Wen Kong 問 孔” in Lun heng (Lun heng, 9:5b, 5–​6) and the funeral ode for Qiao Xuan 橋 玄 (109–​183) written by Cao Cao 曹操 (155–​220), which is introduced in Hou Han shu, alongside a comment on it (Hou Han shu, 81:15b, 6–​7). According to my investigation, Kao yi by Wang Yinglin also introduces this interpretation (Lun yu kao yi 論語考異, 11a).43 3) For other classical texts that support my interpretation of yu, see a quotation from “Zheng Xuan bie zhuan 鄭玄別傳,” which is introduced in [Liu Jun’s 劉峻] comment [on a passage concerning Zheng Xuan] in Shi shuo xin yu (Shi shuo xin yu 世說新語, IA:11a, 2–​3) and Wei zhi (San guo zhi Wei zhi 三 國志魏志, 9:7a, 1). According to my investigation, Jia yu contains a passage that reads, “Confucius said to Master Yan [Yan Hui], ‘If you should possess many assets, I am willing to become your chief administrator to manage them.’ ”44 This passage also shows that Confucius assumed that he was not equal to Yan Hui. 4) Xing Bing argued, “One is the beginning of numbers, and ten is the end of numbers. Since Yan Hui was a sage only next to Confucius, he understood the end upon hearing the beginning.” Someone disagreed, saying, “Ten already includes nine in it, whereas two does not stretch to three. So there was a big difference between the two disciples. [Regardless] if this passage means that Yan Hui immediately understood the end upon hearing the beginning [as argued by Xing Bing], it implies that his understanding only concerned the beginning and the end of one affair. In contrast, Zi Gong could infer ‘that’ from ‘this.’ This means that he, poring over them, was concerned with two affairs. If so, it means, in the end, that Zi Gong far excelled Yan Hui.”45 5) For classical texts that support my interpretation of “one” and “ten,” see Shi shuo (quoted in Lun yu jiqiu pian 2:19a, 4–​6) and “Yanzi bei wen 顔子碑文” written by Mi Heng 禰衡 (173–​198) (2:19a, 7). * * *

Also see Langya daizui bian [introduced in Rongo kokun gaiden]. See “Zai e 在厄” (Kongzi jia yu, 5:11a). This is a theory of a Confucian scholar from the Qing dynasty. But his name is not known [according to Mao Qiling] (Lun yu jiqiu pian, 2:18b). 43

44 45

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Dasan listed his acceptance of the old commentary on the meaning of yu (“and”) here in the “Original Meanings.” In this reading, Confucius admitted that he was inferior to Yan Hui. This reading must have seemed nonsensical to Zhu Xi since Yan Hui was considered a sage next to Confucius. Therefore, Zhu Xi rendered yu as a verb, meaning “to endorse,” and interpreted the sentence under discussion as “I endorse the view that you are not equal to him.” Dasan disagreed with Zhu Xi because his interpretation was very twisted and because there were many classical texts that supported the ancient commentary. Dasan here relied heavily on texts by his rivals, Mao Qiling and Dazai Jun, especially for his quotations from the classical texts. Almost all of Dasan’s quotations in this chapter are mentioned either in Mao’s Lun yu jiqiu pian or in Dazai’s Rongo kokun gaiden: the quotation from Lun heng appears in both Lun yu jiqiu pian and Rongo kokun gaiden, as does the one from Hou Han shu; the one from “Zheng Xuan biezhuan” that is introduced in Shi shuo xin yu appears in Rongo kokun gaiden; the one from Wei zhi appears in Lun yu jiqiu pian; the one from Kongzi jia yu appears in Rongo kokun gaiden; the argument by an unknown scholar from the Qing dynasty is also introduced in Lun yu jiqiu pian; and the second quotation from Shi shuo xin yu appears in Lun yu jiqiu pian as well, alongside “Yanzi bei wen (Epitaph for Master Yan).” It is a recurrent pattern that Dasan uses others’ quotations in his attempt to provide classical texts that support his interpretations. He does this when he wishes to extend his reach beyond the Confucian classics and other frequently cited texts for his sources. Given that he was handicapped by his exile, which allowed him only limited access to libraries, it seemed inevitable for this ambitious commentator to acquire information that assisted him in his interpretations even from his rivals’ books. Although he greatly relied upon Mao’s and Dazai’s texts for his quotations of the classical texts in this chapter, Dasan did not merely copy and paste their quotations. When he discovered an interesting quotation in their books, he tried to confirm it in the original source and supplement it by providing another source. A good example that shows Dasan’s endeavor in this regard is his quotation from Hou Han shu. He might have become interested in Cao Cao’s “Funeral ode for Qiao Xuan” through his reading of Mao’s and Dazai’s comments. However, Dasan explains that the ode was from Hou Han shu, whereas Dazai does not. Mao also notes that it was from Hou Han shu, but his quotation of the comment on the writing is different from Dasan’s in its format. This may lead readers to conclude that Dasan directly referred to the relevant part of Hou Han shu in providing the quotation. In addition, he found through his own research that Lun yu kao yi contains the same interpretation and added it to his quotations.

5.9 Zai Yu lay during the daytime. The Master said, “Rotten wood cannot be carved, nor can a wall of dung and mud be finished with a trowel. Of what should I reprimand Yu?” The Master said, “At first, in dealing with people,

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I trusted their deeds upon hearing their words. In dealing with people, I now observe their deeds upon hearing their words. I have changed this because of Yu.”46 宰予晝寢. 子曰; 朽木不可雕也, 糞土之牆不可杇也. 於予與何誅? 子曰; 始吾於人也, 聽其言而信其行, 今吾於人也, 聽其言而觀其行.  於予與改 是. 5.9.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Qin 寢 (“lay”) is here synonymous with wo 臥 (to lie).47 2) Bao Xian commented, “Xiu 朽 (‘rotten’) is synonymous with fu 腐 (decayed); diao 彫 (‘carved’) means to carve patterns.”48 3) I supplement as follows: Qiang 牆 (“wall”) is here synonymous with yong 墉 (small wall).49 4) Wang Shu commented, “Wu 杇 (‘trowel’) is here synonymous with man 鏝 (trowel).”50 5) Master Zhu commented, “Yu 與 here is a particle.”51 6) Kong Anguo commented, “Zhu 誅 (‘reprimand’) here is synonymous with ze 責 (to upbraid).” 7) I supplement as follows: “Rotten wood cannot be carved, nor can a wall of dung and mud be finished with a trowel.” In the same manner, lazy people cannot be reprimanded. This means that one can hardly help lazy people overcome their problems. 8) I supplement as follows: Gai shi 改是 (“I have changed this”) means that Confucius changed his previous attitude in dealing with people. 5.9.2 Arguments 1) Xing Bing argued, “Zhou 晝 (‘daytime’) is here synonymous with re 日 (day); qin 寢, with mei 寐 (to sleep).” I would refute this as follows: Ancient texts offer no ground for Xing Bing’s rendition of qin. A poem in “Xiao Ya” reads, “May he lie [寢] and rise up [興].” As seen here, qin is coupled with xing, whereas mei is usually coupled with wu 寤 (to awake). Qin should not be confused with mei. The Analects says, “When lying down [寢], Confucius did not speak” (Lun yu jizhu, 10:8; 10.17 in Noneo gogeum ju).

In the Huang Kan edition, wu 杇 (“trowel”) appears as wu 圬 (trowel). On this, Wang Shu commented [in the Huang Kan edition], “Wu 圬 is synonymous with man 墁 (to plaster).” 47 This is a definition from Shuo wen (Shuo wen jie zi, 7B:6a). 48 Xing Bing added, “One cannot carve patterns on rotten wood to make vessels.” 49 This is a definition from Er ya (Er ya zhushu, 4:4a). Protocols and Rites also says, “[The shi-officials should] lie under the north wall, with their heads facing east” (Yi li zhushu 儀禮註疏, 13:47b–​48a). 50 According to Xing Bing, “ ‘Shi gong 釋宮’ says, ‘Man 鏝 is synonymous with wu 杇.’ ” On this, Guo Pu commented, “It refers to the trowel for mud” (Er ya zhushu, 4:4a). 51 Goengbo also commented, “Yu here is equivalent to hu 乎.” 46

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If qin meant “to sleep,” [this saying does not teach anything because] no one speaks while sleeping even without Confucius’s virtue. In the second year of the reign of Duke Xi, Gongyang’s Commentary says, “This man who lacks virtue [Duke Xi] cannot get to sleep even when lying [寢] at night” (Chunqiu Gongyang zhuan zhushu 春秋公羊傳註疏, 10:12b). Isn’t it clear that qin and mei are not identical to one another? An animal’s lying is also described as qin, as seen in a poem in Poetry: “Some sheep are lying down [寢], some are moving about” (Mao Shi zhushu, 18:41a). Qin, as in the expression “Lay [寢] the fish to the right” in Protocols and Rites (Yi li zhushu, 64:42b) and the expression “Lay the fish to the left” [which Dasan might have coined] also means to lie or to lay something down. Xing Bing in his commentary rendered qin as “to sleep,” probably because he wished to represent Zai Yu’s fault as so heavy that he seemed deserving of Confucius’s castigation: in his view, one’s sleeping during the daytime is a fault heavier than one’s lying down. When one feels extremely exhausted, however, having a restful nap during the daytime is still fine. If one lies down without proper reasons during the daytime, his fault will be heavier. 2) Han Yu argued, “Zhou 晝 should be corrected so that it reads hua 畫 (drawings). It might have been a scribal error. Zai Yu was one of the ‘ten brilliant disciples’ in Confucius’s academy, related to its four disciplines. How could he be subjected to Confucius’s castigation for sleeping during the daytime? Although he lay down to rest, he would not have been deeply reprimanded.” I would refute this as follows: Ancient people were frugal and simple, so that even the court buildings were only plastered but not decorated with drawings. Documents says, “[When building a house] one plasters and paints timbers red” (Shang Shu zhushu 尙書註疏, 13:38b). Spring and Autumn also says, “Paint the pillars in the shrine for Duke Huan red” (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 9:2b). How is this passage related to drawings? The character hua originally belonged to the category of phonetic loan characters. “Dian si 典絲” in Rites of Zhou contains a passage on “setting the fu pattern and drawing patterns [畫] [ for the upper ritual garment]” (Zhou li zhushu, 8:7b). “Xiang she 鄕射” in Protocols and Rites also records how to draw the targets for ritual archery. However, the character hua was never applied to the case of painting the court buildings in red and blue. Han Yu’s interpretation might be invalid. 3) In Yeke congshu, Wang Mao 王楙 (1151–​1213) from the Song dynasty argues, “In this chapter, qin refers to one’s bedroom. In general, one should stay outside the inner quarter during the daytime and inside the inner quarter only at night. Zai Wo stayed inside the inner quarter during the daytime and in doing so showed that he was not resolute in his studies. Thus Confucius criticized him. This chapter does not concern Zai Wo’s sleeping during the daytime. Is it reasonable to think that those who studied in Confucius’s academy were sleeping during the daytime?” (Yeke congshu 野客叢書, 30:3a) According to my investigation, Record of Rites says that the noble person does not stay inside the inner quarter all day. “If he stays inside the inner

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quarter during the daytime, it should be fine to ask about his sickness; if he stays outside the inner quarter at night, it should be fine to express condolences to him” (Li ji zhushu, 7:13a). Wang Mou’s theory might have been based on this passage from Record of Rites. Confucius and Zai Wo, however, did not share their rooms. Even if Zai Wo stayed inside the inner quarter, Confucius would certainly have not known it. Moreover, at the time, Zai Wo was following and studying with Confucius. How could he have stayed all the time inside the inner quarter? It is not a serious crime to go in and out of the inner quarter sometimes.52 4) Hu Yin argued, “[The second] zi yue 子曰 (‘The Master said’) should be omitted.” In my view, it is not necessarily so. * * * In the end, the character qin as it is used in this chapter can be given three different possible definitions: to sleep, to lie, and to stay inside the inner quarter or bedroom. The majority of commentators, including all of the authors of the English translations, accepted the first definition. Dasan refuted this prevalent view because many classical texts prove the second definition to be correct and because falling asleep during the daytime out of extreme fatigue should not be greatly blamed. He might have had this thought because he knew that even Confucius could not prevent himself from sleeping during the daytime when he felt extremely tired in his experience of adversity somewhere between the states of Chen and Cai. What is more deserving of criticism for Dasan is one’s fragile resolution, which becomes observable when one lies during the daytime for no reason. Although Dasan listed this interpretation in the “Original Meanings,” the interpretation of qin as “to lie” was first suggested by Zheng Xuan. Following him, Han Yu also briefly mentioned it as one of the possible interpretations of the character. Dasan seems to have directly referred to Lun yu bijie as he rejected Han Yu’s unique understanding of zhou qin (“to sleep in a colorfully decorated room” in his reading). But it is uncertain whether he was aware of Zheng Xuan’s comment. In the context of his discussion in this chapter, Dasan approves of the rigid criticism of Zai Wo. However, he does not attempt to highlight Zai Wo’s fault here, and that attitude is compared with the neo-​Confucian scholars’ excoriation of him: “When studying, the noble person should be diligent every day. Even when he abides by this teaching until his death, he should worry that his study may not be completely accomplished. In contrast, Zai Wo slept during the daytime—​who could be worse than him in giving up his studies?”

Wang Mao also based his theory here on a passage about [Confucius’s] sleeping during the day time in “Ren shu 任數” in Lü shi Chunqiu (Lü shi Chunqiu 呂氏春秋, 17:11a). 52

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(Lun yu jizhu, 3:4a) Dasan would have disagreed with this harsh criticism because, as already stated, he advocated the direct disciples of Confucius who were not listed in the legitimate Confucian pedigree and because, in another comment, he made it clear that “As one of the ten brilliant disciples of Confucius, Zai Wo was not a person who can be easily ignored” (see Dasan’s comment on 15:22 in Lun yu jizhu, or 15.23 in Noneo gogeum ju).

5.10 The Master said, “I have not seen a person who is resolute.” Someone replied, “There is Shen Cheng.” The Master said, “Cheng is full of desires. How can he be said to be resolute?” 子曰; 吾未見剛者. 或對曰; 申棖. 子曰; 棖也欲, 焉得剛? 5.10.1 Grounds 1) Bao Xian commented, “Shen Cheng is a man of Lu.”

5.10.2 Arguments 1) Kong Anguo argued, “Yu 慾 (‘desires’) means that he had a lot of emotional desires.”53 According to my investigation, the “Great Image” of the hexagram “Sun 損” says, “[The noble person] calms his anger and curbs his desires” (Zhou Yi zhushu, 7:17b). This implies that the hexagram Kun is substantially empty [as it consists of six disconnected bars] and thus connotes having many desires and that when it changes to the hexagram Sun,54 one curbs the desires with his resolution. The hexagram Kun carries an image of total complacency, and accordingly its image connotes having many desires. In conclusion, a person of desires cannot be resolute. 2) Xing Bing argued, “According to Zheng Xuan, ‘Shen Cheng refers to Confucius’s disciple Shen Xu 申續.’ Shi ji says, ‘Shen Tang’s 申棠 adult name was Zhou 周.’ And Jia yu says, ‘Shen Xu’s adult name was Zhou 周.’ ” On this, Wang Yinglin explained, “The extant edition of Shi ji records tang 棠 as dang 黨 (Shi ji, 67:27a), and the extant edition of Jia yu records xu 續 as ji 績 [which is not confirmed in the extant edition of Kongzi jia yu]. These are scribal errors. ‘Hou Han wang zheng bei 後漢王政碑’ says, ‘He has the purity of water, deer, and sheep but has no desires of Shen Xing Bing added, “If one is full of emotional desires, he is often tempted to personally flatter others. How can a man of this type be pronounced resolute?” 54 This change is made when the third bar [of the hexagram Sun] moves to the position of the upper trigram [to replace the sixth bar of the hexagram Kun]. 53

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Tang.’ In this passage, Cheng also appears as Tang, so Shen Cheng and Shen Tang may refer to the same person. During the Kaiyuan 開元 era (713–​741) of the Tang dynasty, the court posthumously appointed Shen Tang the duke of Zhaoling 召陵 and again appointed Shen Cheng the duke of Lu. Our dynasty, when its capital was located in Xiangfu 祥符 [開封], posthumously appointed Shen Cheng the viscount of Wendeng 文登 and again appointed Shen Tang the viscount of Zichuan 淄川, allowing sacrifices to be offered to both of them. However, Shen Tang [棠] is the same person as Shen Dang [黨]. This error of making one person seem like two people might have been caused by overlooking the textual investigations of Lun yu shi wen 論語釋文. According to Shi ji suo yin, the images of Wenyong 文翁 (文黨, 156–​101 bce) contains both the names of Shen Cheng and Shen Tang; the images of the Hall of Rituals, which has been transmitted to us, contains the name Shen Tang, but not Shen Cheng” (Kun xue ji wen, 7:13a–​b). * * * Dasan here analyzes the meaning of the main passage using his knowledge of two hexagrams in Changes. Since it is abridged above, I provide, in what follows, a much fuller account of his explanation as it appears in Juyeok sajeon (see Juyeok sajeon 周易四箋, 531c). The hexagram Sun consists of two trigrams, Gen 艮 and Dui 兌, symbolizing mountain and pond respectively. In Changes, this hexagram is coupled with the hexagram Tai 泰 as Tai’s “changed hexagram,” because swapping the third and the sixth bars of the hexagram Tai yields the hexagram Sun, as Dasan explained in a footnote in this chapter. The hexagram Tai consists of other two trigrams Qian 乾 and Kun 坤, symbolizing heaven and earth. In the yin-​yang paradigm, heaven represents pure yang, whereas Kun represents pure yin. Again in the yin-​yang paradigm, yang is full of energy that easily develops into anger, whereas yin is of complacency. This complacency is understood by the commentators of Changes as relating to desires because they conjectured that those in great need might have had this psychological tendency. Thus it can be said that a person symbolically associated with the hexagram Tai may have anger and desires. However, if he changes the Tai psychology of anger and desires, then he will enter the psychology of Sun and thereby “calm his anger and curb his desires.” In this explanation, Dasan argues that it was an error to translate cheng 懲 in the saying from the Great Image of “Sun” as “to punish” because it should be rendered as “to calm.” Putting aside the question of whether this complicated explanation is necessary to understand the main passage, it appears to show that Dasan was conversant with Changes due to his earlier research on the classic and that even Dasan, with his deep sense of rationality, rarely defied the traditional knowledge contained in Changes.

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5.11 Zi Gong said, “What I do not wish others to do onto me, I also wish not to do onto others.” The Master said, “Ci! That is not something you can reach.” 子貢曰; 我不欲人之加諸我也, 吾亦欲無加諸人. 子曰; 賜也, 非爾所及也. 5.11.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Jia 加 (“to do”) is here interchangeable with shi 施 (to apply);55 wo 我 (the first “I”) is a word that is used in contrast to others; wu 吾 (the second “I”) refers to Zi Gong himself.56 What Zi Gong mentioned concerns the correlation of minds. It is said, “If one acts while thoroughly applying the principle of the correlation of minds, nothing is closer than this to the attainment of humanity” (Mengzi jizhu, 7A:4). Therefore, Confucius said, “The Way of noble people contains four things, none of which Qiu 丘 [Confucius] has mastered.”57 The difficulty of accomplishing the Way lies here. Zi Gong, however, mentioned it in a lighthearted manner, so Our Master discouraged him.

5.11.2 Arguments 1) Ma Rong argued, “Jia is here synonymous with ling 陵 (to disdain).” Meanwhile, Kong Anguo argued, “[Confucius’s remark means that] one cannot stop others from applying wrong things to him.” I would disagree with these claims. 2) I question Master Zhu as follows: Humanity [仁] is the accomplished virtue of the human moral order, and the correlation of minds [恕] is a means to accomplish humanity. The assertions that humanity refers to a full-​blown virtue and that when it is not fully developed, it turns to be the correlation of minds might be wrong. The relationship between humanity and the correlation of minds is not analogous to the one between bamboo shoot and bamboo or the one between lotus bud and lotus. The saying, “What you do not wish others to apply to you, do not apply to others,” perfectly matches what this chapter teaches. I am afraid that it is unnecessary to distinguish humanity from the correlation of minds, assigning them to two different dimensions. * * *

See the saying “What you do not wish others to apply [施] to you, do not apply to others” (Zhong yong zhangju, 8b). Mencius also said, “Hold this mind and apply [加] it to others” (Mengzi jizhu, 1A:7). 56 A similar use of these two characters appears in Zhuangzi, which says, “I [吾] have forgotten about the self [我]” (Zhuangzi zhu 莊子注, 1:11b). 57 See Constant Mean (Zhong yong zhangju, 8b). 55

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Dasan again disagrees with the neo-​Confucian idea that is intended to abstractly define the virtue of humanity because it does not encourage people to follow Confucian norms. Rather, in his view, it makes the virtue and accordingly all Confucian teachings so lofty that no common people would be inspired to be loyal to them. As evident in ­chapter 4.2, he was persistent in defining humanity as the accomplished virtue of the human moral order:  although it is not attainable without effort, humanity should be a virtue that can be realized through people’s practices in their real lives. The same definition of humanity was stated in ­chapter 3.3 and will be seen in the other chapters as well (for examples, ­chapters 9.1, 13.12, 15.36, and 19.12).

5.12 Zi Gong said, “Our Master’s ideas about literature and culture—​I could listen to him talking about them. His ideas about inborn nature and the Way of Heaven—​I could not listen to him talking about them.” 子貢曰; 夫子之文章, 可得而聞也, 夫子之言性與天道, 不可得而聞也. 5.12.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Wen zhang 文章 (“literature and culture”) refers to theories on Poetry, Documents, Rites, and Music.58 Inborn nature and the Way of Heaven are topics that are discussed, for example, in Constant Mean.59 One can discuss inborn nature and Heaven only after recognizing a person’s ability to understand subtle issues. Thus there were few who could listen to Confucius talking about his ideas about inborn nature and Heaven.

5.12.2 Arguments 1) He Yan argued, “Cultural decorations and external expressions are observable, so Confucius’s disciples could witness them.” I  would refute this as follows: If this reading were correct, the wording of the main passage would be something like “I could witness them.” This reading does not match the use of the character wen 聞 (“listen to”) in the main passage. 2) Kong Anguo argued, “Inborn nature refers to what is endowed to man when he is born; the Way of Heaven refers to the Way of primality [元] and prosperity [亨] that is renewed every day.” Han Yu disagreed, saying, “Kong’s theory is not sophisticated and displays no subtlety or The Analects says, “What the Master usually discoursed on are Poetry, Documents, and executive rituals” (Lun yu jizhu, 7:17; 7.18 in Noneo gogeum ju). 58

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profundity. In my thought, inborn nature and Heaven correspond with one another. If one regards them as separable, how can he explain that Confucius’s disciples could not listen to him talking about what they were endowed with when they were born?” I would refute these claims as follows: In “Zhou yu,” the duke of Shan 單 says, “How can I  know the Way of Heaven, when I am neither the Great master of music nor the Great master of scribes?” (Guo yu, 3:2a) This conveys well the common understanding of the Way of Heaven at the time. Then how could Our Master talk about it? * * * As is well known, Han Yu laid a foundation for neo-​Confucianism by attacking what he considered to be the secular style of post-​Han literature and heretical ideas. His argument here that human inborn nature and the Way of Heaven correspond with one another, which stemmed from his attention to the first passage in Constant Mean, also paved the way for an influential neo-​Confucian claim that human inborn nature represents the universal principle. The reason Dasan refuted both Kong Anguo’s and Han Yu’s theories is probably that their views are liable to hinder one’s clear understanding of this passage: Confucius did not talk about the Way of Heaven simply because at the time people’s range of vision, including that of Confucius’s disciples, did not develop sufficiently to discuss it. Notwithstanding Dasan’s assumption that Confucius must have had some thoughts on human inborn nature and the Way of Heaven, which contradicts modern narratives about Chinese intellectual history, his endeavor to save Confucius’s teachings from overindulgent neo-​Confucian metaphysics is conspicuous here, as it is everywhere else in Noneo gogeum ju. In this regard, Dazai Jun also criticizes Zhu Xi, who argues, “Inborn nature refers to the principle of Heaven that was endowed to man. The Way of Heaven refers to the essential body of the principle of Heaven and nature. Thus, as a matter of fact, they are identical to one another” (Lun yu jizhu, 3:5a). Dasan’s view, however, differs from Dazai Jun’s because he repudiates Kong Anguo’s definition of inborn nature as well as Zhu Xi’s definition. In contrast, Dazai professes that Kong’s understanding of human inborn nature is “a transmitted theory in Confucius’s academy” and represents “the ancient meaning of the term.” Dazai aimed to overcome the neo-​Confucian interpretation of the Confucian classics by discovering “the ancient meaning of terms,” whereas Dasan tried to synthesize both the old and new commentaries. Lun yu bijie, which presents Han Yu’s comments, also contains Li Ao’s 李翺 (774–​836) interesting interpretation of the second sentence of this passage, which reads, “Our Master’s ideas that inborn nature and the Way of Heaven correspond [與] with one another—​I could not listen to him talking about it.” Dasan might have deemed this interpretation too twisted.

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5.13 When Zi Lu had learned something but had not been able to carry it into practice, he was only afraid that he would learn something else. 子路有聞, 未之能行, 惟恐有聞. 5.13.1 Grounds 1) Kong Anguo commented, “Since he had not been able to carry into practice what he had learned, he became worried that he would not be able to practice both lessons when he learned something else.”

5.14 Zi Gong asked, “Why was Kong Wenzi granted the title ‘Wen’?” The Master said, “He was receptive and liked learning; he was not ashamed to ask questions to his inferiors. He was granted the title ‘Wen’ because of this.” 子貢問曰; 孔文子何以謂之文也? 子曰; 敏而好學, 不恥下問, 是以謂之 文也. 5.14.1 Grounds 1) Kong Anguo commented, “Kong Wenzi refers to the great official Kong Yu 孔圉 (d. 480 bce) from the state of Wei;60 Wen 文 (cultured) is a posthumous title;61 ‘inferiors’ here refers to anyone who is inferior to ‘me’.”62 2) I  supplement as follows:  Kong Yu is an evil man. Since this evil man was granted a beautiful posthumous title, Zi Gong asked the reason. As Confucius could not blame the state’s great official [when he stayed in the state], he based his reply to Zi Gong’s question simply on the laws of granting posthumous titles. In doing so, he showed that Kong Wenzi had nothing to admire and thus indirectly condemned him. 5.14.2 Arguments 1) Su Shi 蘇軾 (1037–​1101) argued, “Kong Wenzi provoked Taishu Ji 太叔疾 (fl. 484 bce)63 to get rid of his first wife and arranged his second marriage.64 When Taishu Ji later fornicated with his first wife’s sister, Kong Wenzi was enraged and wished to attack Ji. At the time, he visited Confucius to get advice. Confucius, however, did not reply to his inquiries and ordered his Kong Ji 孔姞 was his daughter. Xing Bing added, “According to Shi fa, those who were diligent in learning and liked making inquiries were given the title ‘Wen.’ ” 62 In my view, this refers to my inferiors in terms of age, or social status, or virtue. 63 He was a prince from the state of Wei. 64 Kong Wenzi gave his daughter [Kong Ji] to Taishu Ji in marriage. 60 61

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disciples to prepare his carriage to leave the state of Wei.65 When Taishu Ji eventually fled Wei to Song, Kong Wenzi had Ji’s younger brother Yi 遺66 marry Kong Ji.67 Since he was granted the title ‘Wen’ despite such evil, Zi Gong became suspicious of the reason and asked the question.68 Confucius did not conceal Ji’s excellence, saying that he deserved the title ‘Wen’ for it. However, this ‘Wen’ does not refer to the culture that penetrates Heaven and Earth” (Lun yu jizhu, 3:5b). [All of Su Shi’s comments in this book appear in Lun yu jizhu, unless otherwise noted.] I would refute this as follows: Suppose that Kong Yu were truly receptive and liked learning, unashamed of asking questions to his inferiors. Then why did Zi Gong, who was also Kong Yu’s contemporary, raise a question about his title? He asked “why” probably because Kong Ji’s evil deeds were so conspicuous that no one could see his excellence. Zi Gong’s question of “why” shows that Kong Wenzi’s personality did not match the posthumous title. Nevertheless, Dongpo 東 坡 [Su Shi] insisted that Confucius did not conceal his excellence. How irrelevant his reading was! * * * Dasan listed his unique perception of Confucius’s implicit denunciation of Kong Wenzi here in the “Original Meanings,” although it did not result in a unique interpretation of the main passage. As a matter of fact, it is not difficult to see Kong Wenzi’s defects. His story, which Su Shi introduces here, is the only episode that is recorded in Zuo’s Commentary in relation to his personality, and he was apparently not an exemplary person. However, stories of this kind pervade Zuo’s Commentary: Kong Wenzi was just one of the evil people. This point may encourage the reader to think about what led Dasan to consider Kong Wenzi in a more derogatory manner and to point out an obscure element of this passage that had not been noticed by other commentators. In this respect, it should be noted that Kong Wenzi wanted to take revenge on a prince of his state when he was a great official. As discussed earlier, Dasan tended to protect the social hierarchy and thus in Dasan’s eyes, Kong’s arrogant defiance to his superior must have constituted a substantial addition to his crimes. Also intriguing is that by rejecting Su Shi’s view, Dasan quite clearly reveals his perspective on Confucian sages: whereas Su Shi asserts that this chapter discloses Confucius’s inclusiveness, to Dasan the sages were more ethically rigorous than they were tolerant.

In Zuo’s Commentary, it is said that “Confucius stopped him from attacking Taishu Ji” (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 58:39a). 66 He was prince Yi from the state of Wei. 67 He compelled prince Yi to take his elder brother’s wife. 68 This story appears in the eleventh year of the reign of Duke Ai in Zuo’s Commentary (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 58:38b–​39a). 65

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5.15 The Master said of Zi Chan, “He had four qualities of the noble person’s Way. In his conduct of himself, he was deferential; in serving his superiors, he was prudent; in nourishing the people, he was benevolent; in ordering the people, he was right.” 子謂子産; 有君子之道四焉, 其行己也恭, 其事上也敬, 其養民也惠,  其 使民也義. 5.15.1 Grounds 1) Kong Anguo commented, “Zi Chan refers to Gongsun Qiao 公孫僑 (d. 522 bce), a great official from the state of Zheng.”69 2) I  supplement as follows:  Being carefully obedient is called gong 恭 (“deferential”);70 being attentive to and diligent on behalf of those whom one deals with is called jing 敬 (“prudent”);71 being caring and charitable is called hui 惠 (“benevolent”);72 acquiring competence in handling affairs is called yi 義 (“right”).73 Anyone who is able to put these four qualities into practice is a person who has accomplished virtue. 5.15.2 Arguments 1) Wu Yu 吳棫 (c. 1100–​1154) argued, “That one criticizes another by citing a number of errors implies that the criticized person has many points to praise. Confucius criticized Zang Wenzhong 臧文仲 (d. 617 bce) for three ways in which he was out of harmony with humanity and three ways in which he was out of harmony with wisdom [“knowledge of rituals” in Dasan’s reading]—​this is the case. That one praises another by citing a number of merits implies that the praised person is lacking on many points. Confucius praised Zi Chan for his four qualities of the noble person’s Way—​this is the case.” [All of Wu Yu’s comments in this book appear in Lun yu jizhu, unless otherwise noted.] I would refute this as follows: Confucius’s criticism of another by citing a number of errors [to eventually show that he had many points to praise] is indeed found in Guan Zhong’s case—​Guan Zhong married three women and had a stand for returning drinking cups but still had many praiseworthy points. Confucius’s praise of another by citing a number of merits [to eventually show that he had many points to criticize] is indeed found in Wangsun Jia’s 王孫賈 and the litanist

Xing Bing added, “Zi Chan was a grandson of Duke Mu [鄭穆公, r. 627–​606 bce] and a son of prince Fa 發 (d. 563 bce).” 70 This is a definition from Shi ming. [No similarity exists between this definition of gong and that in Shi ming 釋名. See Shi ming, 4:1b.] 71 One cannot practice jing when he has no one to deal with. 72 This means that he has a compassionate mind. 73 This is a definition from Shi ming. [A definition of yi similar to this definition is found in Shi ming, 4:1a-​b]. 69

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Tuo’s cases—​Wangsun Jia put the affairs of the royal ancestral shrine in order, and the litanist Tuo put the military affairs in order; however, they still had many evil deeds. As regards Zang Wenzhong, Confucius listed six points in relation to his disharmony with humanity and knowledge of rituals. However, he had nothing more to discuss. Zi Chan from the state of Zheng was successful in realizing his potential and accomplishing things, and he displayed four praiseworthy points. This means that he was a person who accomplished virtue. Does not the feeling of favor and disfavor embedded in Wu Yu’s theory contradict the constant principle? ) Wang Caodang 王草堂 (王復禮, fl. 1682)  explained, “When Zi Chan 2 governed the state of Zheng, guidelines were implemented in both the country’s capital and rural areas, upper and lower classes abided by the classification of their clothing, villages were organized, and fields were rearranged according to clear divisions. In addition, he achieved successes in granting the state of Jin a reduction of its tributes for Zheng, in burning documents of unjust oaths, and in leading the country to be more careful in storing resources for the court. He also did not allow the state of Jin to perform an incantational ritual for curing its lord, nor did he demolish the village schools. One year after his assumption of the position of prime minister, the unmarried came to refrain from hedonism, the old carrying their luggage came to be unseen, and children came to be free from laboring on the field. In two years, merchants at markets did not manipulate the prices, house owners did not bar their gates, people did not pick things up off the street, and the farmers did not need to take their farming tools back home in the evening. In five years, soldiers were not controlled by registers, and people followed norms regarding the duration of funerals without orders. These facts show that the qualities of the noble person’s Way held by Zi Chan were countless. Nevertheless, they argued that Zang Wenzhong had many praiseworthy points whereas Zi Chan rather had certain things that remained unaccomplished. This means that Zang Wenzhong, who violated humanity and knowledge of rituals by possessing the augural tortoise Cai 蔡 and by stealing his position, receives honor and that Zi Chan, whose politics were cited and admired as such, receives condemnation. What else could be more incongruous?” (Si shu jizhu bu, 4:16b–​17a) * * * Many reliable classical texts, including the Analects, Spring and Autumn, and Shi ji, to name only a few, attest to Zi Chan’s outstanding accomplishments that Wang Fuli describes in detail here. He was one of the cultural and political heroes who were widely recognized and revered by people in ancient times, including Confucius. In at least three texts—​the Analects, Spring and Autumn, and Kongzi jia yu—​Confucius left obviously positive comments on his personal virtue, enhancing the exemplarity of his life. So it is surprising that some of Confucius’s students later expressed reservations about his accomplishments,

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as seen in Wu Yu’s comment, which is introduced in Zhu Xi’s Lun yu jizhu. It stemmed from their identification of Zi Chan as a politician rather than a scholar, and they elaborated on their views by concentrating their evaluation on Zi Chan’s moral virtues. They tended to see that an aspiration for accomplishing social merits generally entailed one’s negotiation with the secular and thus wished to diminish its significance. Korean neo-​Confucians also adopted this perspective, in a more rigid form, which allowed their philosophical grounds to legitimize their disdain for the country’s meritocracy and the scholars-​in-​the-​court. As was already discussed, Dasan hoped to rectify this excessive internalization of Confucian morals and accordingly remained theoretically proactive in helping the Confucian meritocrats—​such as, King Wu, Yi Yin, Guan Zhong, and Zi Chan—​regain honor. In that sense, his comments in this chapter serve to disseminate further his viewpoint. Given that Zi Chan’s reputation had long been undeniable, the reservations of the neo-​Confucians were exceptional, while there were many who agreed with Dasan’s attempt to reinstate the ancient acknowledgement of Zi Chan’s accomplishments.

5.16 The Master said, “Yan Pingzhong was good at associating with others. Even after associating with them for a long time, he still treated them with reverence.”74 子曰; 晏平仲善與人交, 久而敬之. 5.16.1 Grounds 1) Zhou Shenglie 周生烈 (fl. 220)  commented, “Pingzhong (d. 500 bce) refers to a great official from the state of Qi, whose family name was Yan 晏. Ping was his posthumous title, and his personal name was Ying 嬰.”75 [All of Zhou Shenglie’s comments in this book appear in Lun yu jijie, unless otherwise noted.] 2) Xing Bing commented, “Normally, people give little weight to the relationships they make and easily break them. Pingzhong rather became more reverent towards others even after a long period of acquaintance.” 5.16.2 Arguments 1) I explore the textual difference as follows: In the Huang Kan edition, the second sentence [that contains one more character ren] reads, “Even after a long period of association, people treated

The Huang Kan edition contains one more character ren 人 (people) between er 而 and jing 敬. Xing Bing added, “Ying was a son of [Yan] Huanzi 桓子 (d. 556 bce). According to Shi fa, those who caused no harm while ruling a state were granted the title ‘Ping.’ ” 74 75

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him with reverence.” In relation to this, Huang Kan argued, “This passage concerns the consequences of having good relationships with others. Since Yanzi [Yan Pingzhong] was good at associating with others, people became more reverent towards him as their acquaintance continued.”76 In my view, Huang Kan’s [and Dazai’s] claim is not necessarily true.

5.17 The Master said, “Zang Wenzhong kept the augural tortoise Cai in his house; [ for his ancestral shrine] he also made the pillar tops in the shape of mountains and painted water chestnuts on the short pillars above the crossbeams. How can he be recognized as knowing rituals?” 子曰; 臧文仲居蔡, 山節藻梲, 何如其知也? 5.17.1 Grounds 1) Bao Xian commented, “Wenzhong refers to Zangsun Chen 臧孫辰 (d. 617 bce), a great official from the state of Lu. ‘Wen’ was a posthumous title granted to him.”77 2) I supplement as follows: Ju 居 (“kept”) is here interchangeable with zang 藏 (to house). 3) Bao Xian commented, “Cai 蔡 refers to the augural tortoise preserved by the lord of states. Since it is a regional product of the state of Cai, it was named that way.78 It is one point two Chinese feet long.79 That one keeps the augural tortoise is a violation of ritual propriety.”80 4) Bao Xian commented, “Jie 節 (‘the pillar tops’) here synonymous with er 栭 (a structure on top of the pillar);81 Zang Wenzhong carved the pillar tops into the shape of mountains;82 zhuo 梲 (‘the short pillars above the crossbeams’)

[Dazai Jun agreed with Huang Kan, saying that] in the standard edition in which the character ren is omitted, the remark “Even after a long period of association, he still treated them with reverence” already attests to Yanzi’s excellence in making relationships with others. Then the character shan 善 (“good”) in the first sentence becomes redundant. In addition, if he merely treated others with reverence even after a long period of association, he may not present the utmost excellence in mingling with others. Rather, that people treated him with reverence even after a long period of association presents it. Confucius’s specific praise for him might have derived from this point [so that the Huang Kan edition would be correct.] 77 Xing Bing added, “He was a great-​grandson of Zang Xibo 臧僖伯 (d. 718 bce).” 78 Xing Bing added, “Zheng Xuan and Bao Xian agreed on the fact that it was a regional product of the state of Cai.” 79 According to “Shi huo zhi 食貨志” in Han shu, “Those tortoises that are less than one Chinese foot [“half a Chinese foot” in the extant Han shu, “one Chinese foot” in Xing Bing’s comment] long are not regarded as precious things” (Qian Han shu, 24B:26b). 80 Xing Bing added, “Since Zang Wenzhong kept the augural tortoise that should be kept by the lord of states only, Bao Xian said ‘it is a violation of ritual propriety.’ ” 81 This is a definition from [Xing Bing’s comment on] “Shi gong” in Er ya (Er ya zhushu, 4:6b). 82 According to “Shi gong,” “Er is synonymous with jie 楶 (pillar tops)” (4:6a). On this, Guo Pu commented, “[Jie is synonymous with] lu 櫨 (pillar tops)” (4:6a). [On the meaning of zhuo 梲, not on the meaning of jie] he also commented, “[Zhuo means] the short pillars above the crossbeams” (4:6a). 76

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refers to the pillars above the girders. Zang Wenzhong painted the pattern of water chestnuts on it.”83 Regarding this, Xing Bing added, “They are decorations reserved for the royal ancestral shrine.” 5) I  supplement as follows:  Confucius placed the expression “How can [何 如]” at the beginning of the sentence probably because he had doubts about Zang Wenzhong’s reputation. In other words, he was suspicious that Zang’s reputation for knowing rituals did not match the reality. It is a violation of ritual propriety for a private household to keep the great precious tortoise. It was also a violation of ritual propriety for one’s ancestral shrine to use decorations for the royal ancestral shrine.84 If Zang Wenzhong violated ritual propriety, it means that he did not know it. Although he did not know ritual propriety, he obtained a reputation for knowing rituals. Due to this, Confucius raised a question here. 5.17.2 Arguments 1) I question Master Zhu as follows: If one, as a great official, violates ritual propriety by appropriating rituals reserved for the Son of Heaven, it signifies that he knows neither rituals, nor his moral obligations, nor the laws. It is unnecessary [ for Zhu Xi] to mention “flattering ghosts” to understand Zang Wenzhong’s ignorance. In ancient times, sages took heed of the matters of the augural tortoise. The related rituals, such as those of capturing the tortoise and inscribing incantational charges onto its shell, were also strictly followed. How could he not know of these rituals? Confucius once said, “How can Zang Wenzhong be said to know rituals?”85 Therefore, Zang Wenzhong’s ignorance, which Confucius noted here, originally concerned rituals. 2) I question Master Zhu as follows: That Zang Wenzhong “made the pillar tops in the shape of mountains and painted water chestnuts on the short pillars above the crossbeams” does not regard his hall dedicated to the preservation of the augural tortoise. His crime lay in the fact that he kept the tortoise, not in his possession of the hall. To be more precise, his crime lay in the fact that he kept the augural tortoise Cai, not in the fact that he merely kept an augural tortoise. Cai was a great tortoise, which was sometimes called precious tortoise [寶龜], prime tortoise [元龜], or preserved tortoise [守龜]. Its grade was apparently distinct from that of other, trivial tortoises. Due to this, “Yu gong 禹貢” says, “The great tortoise was offered from the region of Nine Rivers when the royal edict was released” (Shang Shu zhushu, 5:23b); “Da gao 大誥” says, “The king who brought peace to the world [King Wen] bequeathed to us

According to “Shi gong,” “Mangliu 杗廇 (a large beam crossing pillars) is called liang 梁 (girder). The pillars above it are called zhuo” (4:6a). 84 These two violations concern two different occasions. 85 See “Li qi 禮器” (Li ji zhushu, 23:27b). 83

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the great precious tortoise” (12:22b); [the lost] Xia shu 夏書 says, “Then he proceeds towards the prime tortoise for the divination” (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 60:19a); “Jin teng 金縢” says, “I immediately proceed to the prime tortoise for the divination” (Shang Shu zhushu, 12:11b);86 in Zuo’s Commentary, Jueyou 蹶由 (fl. 537 bce) from the state of Wu says, “Our lord performed a divination with the preserved tortoise” (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 43:20a). In these quotations, the tortoise refers to the augural tortoise. In ancient times, only the Son of Heaven and feudal lords were allowed to keep this tortoise. Therefore Rites contains such passages as the following: “The banners which are rimmed with green and black are likened to the precious tortoise of the Son of Heaven;”87 “The feudal lords regard the tortoise as a treasure;”88 and “Families of the ministers and great officials cannot maintain the practice of valuing the tortoise, nor can they preserve the jade tablet, nor can they build their house gates in a form of a pavilion.”89 On the last quotation here, Kong Yingda commented, “When it says that ministers and great officials cannot follow the practice of valuing the tortoise because their status is relatively lower and less significant than that of the feudal lords, the tortoise refers to the great tortoise.” “Shi huo zhi” in Han shu says, “The prime tortoise is called Cai. Those tortoises that are less than one Chinese foot [“half a Chinese foot” in the extant Han shu, “one Chinese foot” in Xing Bing’s comment] long are not regarded as precious things”90 (Qian Han shu, 24B:26b). Huainanzi 淮南子 says, “The great Cai, the mysterious tortoise, emerged from ditches and drains”91 (Huainan honglie jie 淮南鴻烈解, 16:18b). One should not confuse normal augural tortoises with Cai. As regards various types of augural tortoises, all subjects and the people could obtain them for their use. Thus when Shi Daizhong 石駘仲 (fl. 630 bce) died, his family consulted the augural tortoise to decide his heir and eventually received an omen from it;92 when Siqi 駟乞 (fl. 523 bce) asked for Zi Chan’s tortoise, Zi Chan did not accept the request;93 when Chen Wuyu 陳無宇 (田無宇, fl. 571–​532 bce) consulted the augural tortoise about his mother’s illness, he wept for his mother, holding the tortoise.94 Although in these three cases they all kept the tortoise, Confucius did not blame them [because it was allowed for all people to possess normal augural tortoises].

The terms, prime tortoise and great sea shell [大貝] also appear in “Lu song” [although the term “great sea shell” does not appear in “Lu song” in the extant edition of Mao Shi zhushu] (Mao Shi zhushu, 29:23b). 87 See “Yue ji 樂記” (Li ji zhushu, 38:21a). 88 See “Li qi” (23:7a). 89 See “Li qi” (23:7a). 90 It also says that the prime tortoise was not what the people in four classes were allowed to keep. 91 On this, Gao You 高誘 (fl. 205) commented, “The great Cai refers to the prime tortoise” (Huainan honglie jie, 16:18b). 92 See “Tangong” (Li ji zhushu, 10:2a–​b). 93 See the nineteenth year of the reign of Duke Zhao (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 48:34b). 94 See the twenty-​eighth year of the reign of Duke Xiang (38:38b). 86

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The great officials consulted the augural tortoise to select the graveyard for their ancestors and auspicious dates;95 the shi-officials consulted augural stalks to select the graveyard for their ancestors and the augural tortoise to select auspicious dates.96 The ignorant commoners also consulted the augural tortoise and the augural stalks.97 Even wives of men on travel consulted the augural tortoise and the augural stalks.98 The practice of consulting the augural stalks followed the practice of consulting the augural tortoise, so that the latter was a universal practice. Only the usage of Cai was exceptionally forbidden. It seems that only the Zang family possessed this great tortoise Cai. So according to Zuo’s Commentary, Zang Wuzhong 臧武仲 [Zang Wenzhong’s grandson, fl. 587–​550 bce] had a messenger report to Zang Jia 臧賈 [Zang Wuzhong’s brother] and gave him the great Cai, whereupon he received it after making two bows.99 Again according to Zuo’s Commentary, when Zang Zhaobo 臧昭伯 [Zang Jia’s nephew] went to the state of Jin, Zang Hui 臧會 [Zang Zhaobo’s brother] stole his precious tortoise to consult it for divination, whereupon Zang Hui received an omen and eventually said, “Lügou 僂句 [the name of the precious tortoise] has never deceived me.”100 These records present real cases that show the fact that the Zang family possessed the great tortoise Cai. Scholars today do not know the difference between a normal augural tortoise and the great tortoise Cai, so they think that Zang Wenzhong could only be condemned when consideration is given his wrongdoing of having the decoration of mountains and water chestnuts in the hall for preserving the augural tortoise. This is because they think that keeping the great tortoise Cai does not constitute a crime. As a matter of fact, however, it is itself a great crime for one to keep Cai. Also the augural tortoise was originally preserved in one’s ancestral shrine, so it is unnecessary to build a separate hall to preserve it. Thus “Chunguan 春官, Guiren 龜人” says that after the official of the tortoise captures tortoises, he “places them in niches prepared for the tortoise.”101 Rites also says, “When they consult the augural tortoise for the Jiao ritual, [they report the divination] at the royal ancestral shrine and set it on fire at the shrine for the current king’s father”102 (Li ji zhushu, 26:6a). In line with this, “Guice zhuan 龜筴傳” [龜策列傳] in Shi ji says, “There is a niche prepared for the tortoise in the shrine of Emperor Gaozu 高祖 (r. 202–​ 195 bce).103 They preserved the tortoise inside the niche, regarding it as See “Za ji 雜記” (Li ji zhushu, 40:16a). See “Shi sang li 士喪禮” (Yi li zhushu, 12:69a). 97 See “Wei feng” (Mao Shi zhushu, 5:17b). 98 See “Xiao ya” (16:58b–​59a). 99 See the twenty-​third year of the reign of Duke Xiang (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 35:26a–​b). 100 See the twenty-​fifth year of the reign of Duke Zhao (51:32a–​33a). 101 On this, Zheng Xuan commented, “He places each of the tortoises in a separate niche” (Zhou li zhushu, 24:29b). 102 This is to show that they respect their ancestors and remain close to their father. 103 It also says, “The niche is installed in the northwest corner of the shrine” (Shi ji, 128:6a). 95

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a mysterious treasure.”104 This tradition is compatible with the practices of having a stone niche for preserving the spiritual tablets of ancestors [祏室] in ancient times,105 of having a hollow niche for preserving the spiritual tablets of ancestors [陷室] in the Tang dynasty,106 and of having a tabernacle [龕室] in the Song dynasty.107 These niches were purported to have preserved the spiritual tablets, while the niche that is related to this chapter was purported to have preserved the augural tortoise. All the niches were made in the shape of a square by hollowing out the wall and fit the cases [of the tortoise and the spiritual tablet] just right. If a family separately builds a hall to preserve the tortoise, this means that they have a tortoise shrine besides their ancestral shrine. Although Zang Wenzhong was ignorant, he must not have done such a thing as this. In ancient times, the bore in the graveyard to place the coffin was called “the empty chamber [室]”108 and the sheathe, “the sword chamber [室].”109 The use of the character shi 室 for the niches of the augural tortoise and stalks follows the same customary practice. As regards the matters of making the pillar tops in the shape of mountains and painting water chestnuts on the short pillars above the crossbeams, no clear understanding has been transmitted to us. I believe that they concern the decorations for the ancestral shrine of the Zang family. Even if the so-​ called great tortoise was preserved in this shrine, it was basically designed to keep the spiritual tablets of one’s ancestors and father. Thus it would be inappropriate to say that the family kept the tortoise Cai in the shrine, to which the decorations were applied. 3) For classical texts that support my interpretation here, see “Mingtang wei” (Li ji zhushu, 31:15a, 1–​2); “Li qi” (23:24a, 3); “Za ji” (43:7a, 4–​5); “Shi huo zhuan” in Han shu (Qian Han shu, 91:3b, 3); “Yu fu zhi 輿服志” in Hou Han shu (quoted in Lun yu jiqiu pian, 2:20b, 1–​2). 4) Mao Qiling argued, “There is a rule to use patterns in the shape of mountains, dragons, water chestnuts, and fire. Therefore ‘Mingtang wei’ says, ‘Great Yu [King Shun] wore a leather knee-​pad during the sacrificial rituals, and the sovereign of the Xia [King Yu] added the mountain pattern

This is a supplementary explanation by Zhu Xiaosun 褚少孫 (fl. 49–​7 bce, 128:6a). On a passage in the fourteenth year of the reign of Duke Zhuang, Du Yu commented, “A stone niche for preserving the spiritual tablets of ancestors is installed in the north wall of the shrine” (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 8:13a). 106 “Li yue zhi 禮樂志” in Tang shu says, “The official in charge of the imperial ancestral shrine places the ancestral tablet of the great-​grandfather of the current emperor in the hollow niche for preserving the spiritual tablets of ancestors” (Xin Tang shu 新唐書, 20:19b). 107 The character kan 龕 refers to a chamber located beneath the pagoda. The shape of the stone niche in ancient times was similar to that of kan, so it is called kanshi 龕室 in Jia li 家禮. 108 Poetry says, “After a lapse of one hundred years, I will return to his chamber.” On this, Zheng Xuan commented, “ ‘Chamber’ here means the empty chamber” (Mao Shi zhushu, 10:31b). 109 “Jing Ke zhuan 荊軻傳” says, “[Jing Ke] grabbed the sheathe because the sword was too long” (Shi ji, 86:20b). “Chunshen jun zhuan 春申君傳” also says, “[An envoy from the state of Zhao 趙] decorated the sheathe of his sword with beads and jades” (78:8b). 104 105

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to the pad’ (Li ji zhushu, 31:25b). The other ancient kings sometimes added the water chestnut pattern or sometimes the fire pattern to it. Also, ‘Yu fu zhi’ in Hou Han shu says, ‘Earls could use the mountain pattern and the ones lower than that. . . [V]‌iscounts and barons could use the water chestnut pattern and the ones lower than that’ (Hou Han shu, 40:2a). This shows that there existed an apparent distinction in establishing thresholds for the adoption of things” (Lun yu jiqiu pian, 2:21a). As I understand, making the pillar tops in the shape of mountains and painting water chestnuts on the short pillars above the crossbeams are themselves rituals reserved for the Son of Heaven. [Zang Wenzhong’s adoption of these rituals] was a violation of ritual propriety in the same manner the Ji family’s adoption of the eight rows of dancers and the three families’ adoption of the Yong 雍 ode were. It has nothing to do with the Zang family’s preservation of Cai. 5) For a classical text on the discussion here, see Jia yu, which says, “Qidiao Ping 漆雕平 [Ping 憑 in the extant edition of Kongzi jia yu; Ping 平 in Lun yu jiqiu pian] replied to Confucius, ‘The Zang family keeps the preserved tortoise, named Cai. Wenzhong acquired one auspicious omen from it in three years, and Wuzhong acquired two auspicious omens from it in three years” (Kongzi jia yu, 2:15b–​16a). In my view, Jia yu is a forged text. 6) On the passage regarding how “[Zang Wenzhong] created an unsubstantial vessel” in Zuo’s Commentary, Du Yu commented, “This passage concerns his keeping of Cai and adoption of the decorations. He possessed the vessel but had no appropriate position. So it is described as ‘unsubstantial’ ” (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 17:21b). According to my investigation, the comments of Du Yu and Kong Yingda on the passage under discussion suggest that they also did not think that the decorations of mountains and water chestnuts were adopted for the hall of preserving the augural tortoise. As regards the “unsubstantial vessel,” however, there must have been a specific occasion related to the description. Unfortunately, it cannot be further investigated.110 7) Huang Kan argued, “At the time, even the feudal lords did not have the decorations of mountains and water chestnuts in their rooms. Wenzhong, however, adopted them regardless. It constitutes extravagance.” I  would refute this as follows: They were decorations for the ancestral shrine, not for one’s room. * * *

According to “Lu yu,” when the state of Lu encountered a famine, Zang Wenzhong suggested that Lu asked the state of Qi for provisions in exchange with its valuable vessels. He carried the fragrant plant-​ornate jade tablet and the jade chimes to Qi and asked for provisions. The lord of Qi provided him provisions, returning the jade vessels to Lu (Guo yu, 4:5a–​b). Someone suspects that at the time the state of Lu newly forged the jade items, introducing them the ancient vessels. 110

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In order to understand Dasan’s point in this long discussion, which is listed in the “Original Meanings,” it is crucial to know how Zhu Xi interpreted this passage because Dasan’s arguments basically dispute Zhu Xi’s view: Zhu Xi thought that Zang Wenzhong decorated his hall of preserving the great tortoise Cai with the pillar tops in the mountain shape and the water chestnut patterns on the short pillars above the crossbeams and that it displayed Zang Wenzhong’s ignorance because he must have wished to flatter the spiritual being by having the luxurious decorations. Dasan rebutted almost all points in Zhu Xi’s interpretation here. Firstly, he opposed connecting what he regarded as two occasions, which are preserving the tortoise Cai and having the luxurious decorations. Secondly, Dasan believed that the occasions demonstrated Zang Wenzhong’s violation of ritual propriety and thus his ignorance of rituals, not the stupidity out of which he wished to flatter the spiritual being. Thirdly, in line with the second point, in Dasan’s view, preserving the tortoise Cai and installing the luxurious decorations were rituals reserved for the Son of Heaven and the feudal lords. Lastly, Dasan believed that the Zang family did not have a separate hall for preserving the tortoise and that instead a small niche must have been installed in the north wall of the family’s ancestral shrine to keep it. In the history of the exegesis of this passage, interestingly, Zhu Xi’s interpretation is unique. In other words, it is different from that of the old commentaries and also opposed by later commentators, such as Mao Qiling, Ogyu Nabematsu, Dazai Jun, and Dasan. The idea that preserving the tortoise Cai and installing the luxurious decorations should be considered two different occasions was first proposed by Zheng Xuan and taken up by Huang Kan, Xing Bing, Mao Qiling, Ogyu Nabematsu, and Dazai Jun. The idea that both occasions exhibited Zang Wenzhong’s violation of ritual propriety was presented by Mao Qiling and Ogyu Nabematsu. In contrast, in the old commentaries, preserving the tortoise Cai is also deemed a violation of ritual propriety but the case of having the luxurious decorations is consistently regarded as evidence of Zang Wenzhong’s extravagancy. The idea that the tortoise Cai and the luxurious decorations were reserved for the Son of Heaven and the feudal lords was suggested by Mao and Ogyu . The idea that the Zang family must have not possessed a separate shrine for the tortoise Cai was articulated by Mao and Ogyu. Thus, Dasan’s comments here were greatly indebted to commentators other than Zhu Xi, especially Mao Qiling in this respect. Dasan shared most of Mao Qiling views, except for certain minor interpretations, such as how the Zang family kept the tortoise Cai in their ancestral shrine:  Mao Qiling insisted that it must have been kept in a case, whereas Dasan conjectured that it must have been preserved in a small niche in the north wall of the shrine. Therefore what is unique about Dasan’s comments in this chapter is the fact that, unlike other commentators, Dasan reserves some space to state how widely the tortoise divination was performed in ancient times. As a matter of fact, Zhu Xi’s distinct interpretation in this chapter was intended to convey the

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neo-​Confucian view that scholars should concentrate on nothing but issues of moral obligation. Zhu Xi stated his philosophical perspective on this passage as follows: “Confucius here states that Zang Wenzhong failed to do his best for rightness of the people and instead attempted to flatter ghosts by adopting the luxurious decorations. In doing so, he made it clear that it was not appropriate to call Zang Wenzhong wise” (Lun yu jizhu, 3:6a). According to Zhu Xi, Zang Wenzhong did not align himself with the primary moral duties because he was in the thralls of the delusive power of the incantational performances. This was an implicit condemnation of the ancient practice of the tortoise divination. Dasan, however, obviously advocates this practice:  “Although in these three cases they all kept the tortoise, Confucius did not blame them.” If one regards the most ancient form of divination in East Asian civilization as riddled with superstition, Dasan’s advocacy of the practice may appear to contradict his adherence to reasonability or rationality. In fact, neo-​Confucian scholars tended to eradicate from the Confucian classics and traditions all of the seemingly superstitious ideas and legacies that had been invoked by Han-​Tang scholars. Consequently, they were able to sustain a more rational philosophy in pre-​modern East Asia. Dasan also carried on the legacy of this philosophical orientation with his adoption of the notion of li—​that is, principle or reason. In this chapter, however, he intended to advocate the practice. What motivated him to do so might have been the fact that the practice permeates the Confucian classics. Dasan was as loyal to the Confucian classics as he was to his principle of reasonability, for which he did not reject the convention of the tortoise divination.

5.18 Zi Zhang asked, “Prime Minister Zi Wen thrice took office as the prime minister but never showed a sign of pleasure. He thrice retired from the position but never showed a sign of resentment. Also, he never failed to inform the incoming prime minister of the outgoing prime minister’s administration. What do you think of him?” The Master replied, “He was wholehearted.” “Was he humane?” “I do not know,” said the Master, “But how can he be considered humane?” “When Cuizi assassinated the lord of the state of Qi, Chen Wenzi abandoned his fortune of ten chariots and left the country. On arriving in another country, he said, ‘This man is just like our great official Cuizi,’ and left it. On arriving in another country, he again said, ‘This man is just like our great official Cuizi,’ and left it. What do you think of him?” “He was clean.” “Was he humane?” “I do not know,” said the Master, “But how can he be considered humane?” [In Noneo gogeum ju in traditional bookbinding, this chapter opens the eighth roll.] 子張問曰; 令尹子文三仕爲令尹, 無喜色, 三已之, 無慍色, 舊令尹之政, 必以告新令尹. 何如? 子曰; 忠矣. 曰; 仁矣乎? 曰; 未知, 焉得仁? 崔子弑 齊君, 陳文子有馬十乘, 棄而違之, 至於他邦, 則曰; 猶吾大夫崔子也, 違

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之. 之一邦, 則又曰; 猶吾大夫崔子也, 違之. 何如? 子曰; 淸矣. 曰; 仁矣 乎? 未知, 焉得仁? 5.18.1 Grounds 1) Master Zhu commented, “Lingyin 令尹 (‘prime minister’) is the name of a government post, which was given to the upper minister who took control of administration.111 Zi Wen’s family name was Dou 鬪,112 and his personal name was Guyutu 穀於菟.”113 2) I supplement as follows: Yi 已 (“retired”) is here interchangeable with she 舍 (to abandon).114 3) Master Zhu commented, “Cuizi refers to a great official from the state of Qi, whose name was Zhu 杼 (d. 546); the lord of Qi in this chapter refers to Duke Zhuang [齊莊公, r.  553–​548 bce], whose name was Guang 光;115 Chen Wenzi’s name was Xuwu 須無;116 ten chariots amount to forty heads of horses.”117 4) I supplement as follows: The character wei 違 (“left”) was usually used in the case of leaving a country.118 5) Kong Anguo commented, “During the Spring and Autumn period, every subject was like Cuizi in ignoring their lords. So Chen Wenzhong could find nowhere to stay.” 6) I supplement as follows: Serving others in accordance with one’s mind is called being wholehearted; keeping one’s person pure to have no blot is

Xing Bing commented, “In the Zhou system, Tai zai 太宰 was the head of six ministers. Lingyin in the state of Chu 楚 was also called ‘zai,’ one example of which is seen in the twelfth year of the reign of Duke Xuan [魯宣公, r. 608–​591 bce] in Zuo’s Commentary: ‘Wei Ao 蒍敖 (孫叔敖, fl. 601 bce) became the prime minister [宰] of the state of Chu’ (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 23:7b). Yin in Lingyin means to rectify things.” 112 He was Dou Bo Bi’s 鬪伯比 (fl. 699) son. 113 The character gu 穀 in Guyutu is interchangeable with gu 㝅 (to suckle an infant). He was fed by a tiger for which he obtained this personal name. Since tigers have stripes, he received his adult name, Wen 文 (patterns). 114 According to “Chu yu 楚語,” “[Dou Zi Wen 鬪子文] thrice quit the position of the prime minister” (Guo yu, 18:8a). 115 According to a record in the twenty-​fifth year of the reign of Duke Xiang in Zuo’s Commnetary, Cui Zhu, upon meeting with Tang Jiang 棠姜 (d. 546 bce), felt that she was beautiful and eventually made her his wife. Duke Zhuang of Qi [齊莊公, r. 553–​548], however, had an improper relationship with her and often visited Cuizi’s house. [During their interaction the duke’s retainer who had been flogged by the duke] locked the gate of the inner room [so that the duke’s guards could not enter the inner room]. Cuizi’s armored guards gathered to kill the duke, whereupon the duke attempted to climb over the wall. Cuizi again discharged an arrow at him to hit his thigh. The duke fell and was murdered by Cuizi (see Zuo zhuan zhushu, 36:6a–​7a). 116 [According to Lun yu jizhu daquan] in the twenty-​fifth year of the reign of Duke Xiang, [Du Yu’s comment on] Zuo’s Commentary says, “Chen Wenzi fled the state of Qi” (Lun yu jizhu daquan, 5:29b). 117 Jin Lüxiang 金履祥 (1232–​1303) explained, “In ancient times, chariots and horses for the country were procured through taxes on fields. Usually, one dian 甸 acre could supply one chariot. So an asset of ten chariots was equal to ten dian acres of land. This suggests that Chen Wenzhong possessed a big fief” (Lun yu jizhu kaozheng 論語集註考證, 3:5b). 118 “Za ji” says, “[When officials] leave [違] a feudal lord to serve a great official . . . [when they] leave [違] a great official to serve a feudal lord” (Li ji zhushu, 41:8b). 111

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called being clean. Humanity is the name for accomplishing the utmost good. This name can be obtained only after one’s success in thoroughly acting out of love for the human moral order in the relationships between the ruler and the subject and between the parents and the children. Or, it can be obtained only after one’s success in benefitting all people under heaven with his virtue. This is the reason why one can hardly be recognized with it. 5.18.2 Arguments 1) Xing Bing argued, “Zi Wen was thrice removed from the position but never showed any sign of resentment or anger.” I would refute this as follows: The original script contains the character yi 已 (“retired”), which cannot be arbitrarily replaced with tui 退 (to dismiss). 2) I question Master Zhu as follows: Jizhu states, “When Zi Wen served the state of Chu as the prime minister, what they intended to achieve was nothing more than violating the king’s authority and slighting the Zhou court.119 When Wenzi served the state of Qi, he failed in view of rightness of rectifying the lord’s defects and punishing the disloyal.120 Also he returned to the state of Qi a few years after he had left.121 His inhumanity is disclosed here” (Lun yu jizhu, 3:7a). As I understand, the state of Chu already assumed the king’s title in violation of ritual propriety in the eighth year of the reign of Duke Huan of Lu [魯桓公, r. 711–​694 bce]. From this moment to the thirtieth year of the reign of Duke Zhuang [魯莊公, r. 693–​662 bce] of Lu, forty-​one years passed. Thus Zi Wen could not retroactively rectify Chu’s violation in this respect.122 Rightness between the ruler and the subject hinges upon whether the subject is wholeheartedly committed to his duties or not. It is unnecessary to regard “slighting the Zhou court” a crime. King Wen

This concerns Chu’s military expeditions to the states of Chen, Zheng, and Sui 隨, its destruction of the states of Xian 弦 and Huang 黃, its siege of the state of Xu 許, its detainment of the lord of Song, etc. 120 [According to Lun yu jizhu kaozheng] when Cuizi assassinated the lord of Qi [in 548 bce], even the duke’s retainer Shen Xianyu 申鮮虞 blamed Lüqiu Ying 閭丘嬰 [ for his selfishness]. Chen Wenzi at the time served Duke Zhuang as a great official. How can he be guilt-​free? 121 In the twenty-​fifth year of the reign of Duke Xiang, when Cuizi assassinated the lord of Qi, Chen Wenzi left the country. In the twenty-​seventh year, Xiang Shu 向戍 (fl. 546 bce) attempted to help cease the war among the feudal lords. Chen Wenzi asked the lord of Qi to join in the plan and received his approval. This shows that by the time of this event, three years after Cuizi’s assassination, Wenzi had already returned to the state of Qi and participated in the country’s politics. Later when Wenzi died, his son Wuyu 無宇 (fl. 539 bce) took part in the administration of Qi, and his grandson also received hospitable treatment from the country. Later his descendant Heng 恒 [田恒] assassinated Duke Jian [齊簡公, r. 484–​481 bce]. 122 Jin Lüxiang explained, “The state of Chu assumed the title of king in violation of ritual propriety from the reign of Xiong Tong 熊通, King Wu of Chu [楚武王, r. 740–​690 bce]. Zi Wen became the prime minister of the country in the thirtieth year of the reign of Duke Zhuang” (Lun yu jizhu kaozheng, 3:5b–​6a). 119

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originally arose from the western Rong 戎 and came eventually to possess two-​thirds of all under heaven. Hong Yao 閎夭 and Tai Dian 太顚 [who were loyal subjects of King Wu], however, did not regard King Wen as inhumane; Qu Bo Yu 蘧伯玉 (c. 585–​c. 484 bce) learned that Ning Zhi 寗 殖 (d. 546 bce), like a regicide, schemed to expel his lord from the state of Wei but simply refused to answer Ning Zhi’s question and left [taking no actions against him]. Confucius, however, frequently honored him as a noble person; prince Ji You 季友 (d. 644 bce) fled the state of Lu and later returned to the country. His behavior is not criticized, however, in Spring and Autumn. The reason Zi Wen and Wenzi were not endorsed with humanity in this chapter is that they simply did not have visible accomplishments of the utmost good. Is it necessary to seek out misdeeds from those who had no misdeeds? 3) Li Chong argued, “When promoted, he [Zi Wen] showed no signs of pleasure; when retiring, he showed no signs of resentment; when administering the affairs of a state, he took charge of whatsoever was entrusted to him. In this manner, he proved himself the utmost example of a loyal subject.”123 I would refute this as follows: Zhong 忠 (“wholehearted”) refers to wholeheartedness and trustworthi­ ness. It does not exclusively concern one’s loyalty in serving the lord. ) Cui Shu 崔述 (1740–​1816) argued, “Zi Wen was initially appointed to the 4 position of prime minister in place of Zi Yuan 子元 (d. 664 bce). This event is recorded in Zuo’s Commentary. Later he conceded the position to Zi Yu 子玉 (d. 632 bce). This event is also recorded in Zuo’s Commentary. Between these two events, how could Zi Wen have found the opportunity to retire from the position, to be appointed to the position for a second time, to retire from the position for a second time, and to be appointed to the position for a third time? If so, how can Zuo’s Commentary contain not a single word about the events? Zuo’s Commentary does not fail to introduce any of the prime ministers of Chu, from the reign of King Cheng of Chu [楚成王, r.  671–​625 bce] onwards. Why does it not mention who succeeded Zi Wen? In addition, the reason Zi Wen retired from the position for the first time was that he wished to hand the authority over to Zi Yu. This means that from the beginning, no one forced him to retire from the position. In conclusion, this affair about Zi Wen that is introduced in the Analects lacks evidence. During the Spring and Autumn period, as a matter of fact, there were no such cases in which ministers who took charge of the administration of various states were abruptly dismissed or hired. The situation at the time was different from that of later generations, in which people thought it natural to repeatedly resign from and return to a position. Then how could Zi Wen alone experience this case? The entire period of Zi Wen’s service for the country as the prime minister occurred during

123

See Huang Kan’s comment.

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the reign of King Cheng of Chu. During this period, Zi Wen never lost his loyalty to the state of Chu. Then on what grounds would the lord of Chu have dismissed him? On what grounds would he have hired him later? Even in an investigation based on the principle of the human relationship, the narrative of the Analects appears distorted and faulty” (Shang Kao xin lu 商考信錄, 1:36b–​37a). According to my investigation, Zuo’s Commentary sometimes leaves out some records. Had Zi Zhang’s question here contained errors, Confucius would have corrected them. 5 ) I explore the textual differences as follows: “Xunli zhuan 循吏傳” in Shi ji says, “Sunshu Ao 孫叔敖 (c. 630–​593 bce) thrice acquired the position of the prime minister but never showed a sign of pleasure. . . [h]‌e thrice lost the position but never showed a sign of regret” (Shi ji, 119:2b). On this, Wang Yinglin made a comment, saying, “This record is similar to that of Prime Minister Zi Wen. I am afraid that they concern the same event” (Kun xue ji wen, 7:26a). In my view, Shi ji contains many errors. In “Chu yu,” Dou Qie 鬪且 [Zi Chang 子常, fl. 560 bce] says, “In the past, Dou Ziwen thrice resigned as prime minister but did not amass a fortune even as large as he could in a day” (Guo yu, 18:8a). This record is more reliable. * * * Dasan’s defense against neo-​Confucians who harshly criticized certain politicians for political actions’ possible deviation from their moral principle continues into this chapter. Although the two historic figures discussed in this chapter did not achieve anything that gained them recognition as noble people, in Dasan’s eyes, they were fine overall: the flaws on which neo-​Confucian scholars focused their appraisal are negligible given that the two figures’ acts of self-​indulgence did not interrupt the routine workings of real politics. It is still intriguing that Dasan attempted to protect Zi Wen, the prime minister of Chu, by saying that “it is unnecessary to regard slighting the Zhou court a crime.” This advocacy undoubtedly stemmed from his commendation of King Wu, who sanctioned the use of violence for a moral and political revolution, and his consistent claim about the importance of achieving social merit. While both renderings of yi 已 that appear above are acceptable, Dasan interpreted it as “to retire” rather than “to be removed,” in order to clarify that Zi Wen was not dismissed from the position due to a certain crime. Sensitive readers may be astonished that Dasan quotes Cui Shu’s comment in this chapter. Cui Shu, one of the most ardent critics of the narratives in the Chinese classical texts, wrote a remarkable series of texts called Kao xin lu 考 信錄 (A Record of Credibility through Investigations) and died in 1816. He contributed to the rise of intellectual skepticism in Qing China and remained influential on the critical minds of later periods and on modern scholarship. The comment of his that Dasan quotes here also appears in Shang Kao xin

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lu, part of the series and a critical essay on Shang history. Due to his financial problems and his radical approach to the authority of the classical texts, his books were neither printed nor widely circulated among his contemporaries when he was alive. It was not until the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries that Chinese scholars started paying attention to his writings because a collection of his entire works, Cui Dongbi yishu 崔東璧遺書 (Bequeathed Books of Cui Dongbi, that is, Cui Shu), had been hitherto unavailable, for the most part. The first and the last quotations that Dasan provides in this chapter are surprisingly from Cui Shu’s works. As stated in “Introduction,” Noneo gogeum ju was finished in 1813. Although Dasan tried to revise his first manuscript following the termination in 1818 of his eighteen-​year-​long exile, he had less than twenty years for the revision, since he died in 1836. At the time Dasan died, the printing project of Cui Shu’s writings, which was conducted by one of his students, was not concluded, and above all he was not well known even in Chinese academia, not to mention the Joseon academia. Thus it is questionable that Dasan had access to Cui Shu’s writings: the quotation under discussion may have been included by a later hand, sometime between the mid-​eighteenth and the early-​nineteenth century. I suspect that this is not the only case of later additions of relevant comments to the original manuscript of Dasan’s Analects. Comments that are not easily identified with their source are scattered throughout this book (for example, see his comments on 9.14 in Noneo gogeum ju). When it is impossible to identify them, it is also impossible to say whether their writings were really composed of Dasan’s references.

5.19 Ji Wenzi thought three times and then took action. On hearing this, the Master said, “If one thinks twice, he would be fine.” 季文子三思而後行. 子聞之曰; 再斯可矣. 5.19.1 Grounds 1) Zheng Xuan commented, “Wenzi refers to Jisun Hangfu 季孫行父 (c. 651–​568 bce), a great official from the state of Lu. ‘Wen’ was his posthumous title.”124 2) I  supplement as follows:  Hangfu assumed the position of hereditary minister under the reign of Duke Wen.125 That Confucius heard it suggests that he came to hear from his contemporaries the story transmitted even to his time. 3) I  supplement as follows:  That Ji Wenzi “thought three times” signifies reflecting deeply.126 People commit crimes and evil deeds only because they

He was a grandson of prince Ji You. This occurred in the sixth year of the reign of Duke Wen. 126 It does not necessarily have to be three times. 124 125

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do not think. If Ji Wenzi had been able to reflect sincerely once or twice, how could he have formed a gang of villains to work off a grudge? Thinking thrice is not easy, so if one thinks twice, one should be fine. 5.19.2 Arguments 1) Zheng Xuan argued, “Wenzi was wholehearted and worthy in his conduct, so he made few mistakes in handling his affairs. [The main passage teaches that] thinking thrice is not always required.” Xing Bing agreed, saying, “According to Spring and Autumn, Jisun Hangfu went to the state of Jin in the sixth year of the reign of Duke Wen. On this, Zuo’s Commentary says, ‘When Ji Wenzi made an official visit to the state of Jin, he wished to leave after having his inferiors prepare materials for funeral rituals. One of the envoys asked, ‘What are they for?’ Wenzi replied, ‘Being prepared for unexpected incidents—​this is a teaching from ancient times. If we cannot obtain something that we need, it would cause real trouble. Would there be any harm in preparing too much?’127 (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 18:13a)” I would refute these claims as follows: Zheng Xuan’s comment is not acceptable. The so-​called “worthy conduct” that Zheng Xuan mentions here is related to the record that Wenzi’s wife did not wear silk clothes and his horses were not fed with grains.128 However, Confucius replaced “three times” with “twice” when people extolled him for thinking three times. Therefore, this is apparently a remark that expresses disapproval, not praise. Zheng Xuan’s theory is not acceptable as well for the following point: Suppose that Wenzi was not satisfied with his achievements, so that he sometimes reflected three times. Again suppose that Confucius, irritated by it, says, “With your worthy virtues, why is it necessary to think three times [as in Zheng Xun’s reading].” This means that Wenzi was a noble person of humility and sincerity, whereas Confucius was a secular person who tended to be arrogant, pointless, frivolous and silly. Can Zheng’s interpretation be accepted?129 2) Ji Biao 季彪 (fl. Eastern Jin) argued, “In his conduct, the noble person has a plan for the beginning, takes the middle into consideration, and reflects upon the end. Only after doing so can he truly match the natural mechanism of affairs, leaving no further variables in his actions. Due to this, Zengzi examined himself three times [‘on three things’ in Dasan’s reading: see his comments on 1.4 in Noneo gogeum ju], and Nan Rong recited the poem ‘Bai gui’ three times, both of whom Confucius regarded as worthy of his praise. When sincerely and carefully dealing with the essential body of ancient teachings, sages only add more sincerity and carefulness.

On this passage, Du Yu commented, “This concerns Wenzi thinking thrice.” See “Lu yu” (Guo yu, 4:18b). Ji Wenzi acquired the reputation of thinking three times due specifically to the one event of preparing materials for funeral rituals. The other events related to him are not worth mentioning. 127

128

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There should be no principle for reducing and removing [sincerity and carefulness] without proper reasons. At the time, people extolled Jisun to such an extent that his reputation was greater than what he deserved in reality. Accordingly, Confucius here rectifies the error, saying that it would be enough to acknowledge that he thought twice because his handling of his affairs resulted in many flaws. In Confucius’s view, it was groundless to praise him for thinking three times.”130 In my view, this theory nearly reveals the fact. However, it is still not compatible with the principle. Thinking twice is not much different from thinking three times. Is it plausible to say that Confucius endorsed him for thinking twice, but not for thinking three times?131 3 ) Li Zhi 李贄 (1527–​1602) explained, “Wenzi served two lords as prime minister. When he died, however, his wife did not wear silk clothes, nor were his horses fed with grains, nor were precious vessels inherited. Zuo Qiuming 左丘明 (fl. 5th century bce) extremely commended him [in the fifth year of the reign of Duke Xiang in Zuo’s Commentary] because of that. Huang Dongfa 黃東發 (黃震, 1213–​1281) says, ‘Hangfu nursed a grudge against [Gongsun] Guifu 歸 父 (fl. 594 bce), who wished to eradicate the three families [Jisun, Shusun, and Mengsun], and even summoned soldiers from the four great officials to attack the state of Qi [to which Gongsun Guifu fled]. When prince Sui 遂 (d. 601 bce) assassinated his lord and had Duke Xuan ascend the throne, Hangfu was not able to suppress him and instead went to the state of Qi twice to bribe its lord to favor him. He also mobilized soldiers to construct the walls of two towns, Zhu 諸 and Yun 鄆, in the state of Ju 莒, making them his own fiefs in order to amass a fortune. In fact, his wife and horses were provided with a lot of gold and jade’ (Huang shi re chao, 11:52a). This is paralleled by the condescending humility that Wang Mang 王莽 (45 bce–​23) put on display. At the time, everyone trusted him and said, ‘Ji Wenzi thought three times and then took action.’ Confucius did not agree with this and said, ‘If he had thought twice, he would have been fine.’ In other words, Confucius said, ‘He could not think even twice—​how could he be acknowledged for thinking three times?’ If he had been able to think twice, he would not have arbitrarily formed his gang, nor have bribed the state of Qi, nor have appropriated political power, nor have summoned soldiers, nor have amassed a fortune through the fiefs to fatten himself. Wengong 文公 [Zhu Xi] could not understand the context of this remark and eventually commented that, if one thinks three times, he would be all the more bewildered by private

See Huang Kan’s comment. In line with this, Dazai Jun argues that in this chapter Confucius states that “thinking twice” would better match Wenzi’s conduct. He says, “When Wenzi served the state of Lu as prime minister, his handling of affairs often derailed as though he did not think about anything from the beginning. Thus Our Master only endorsed him for thinking twice, not allowing him to enjoy the honor of thinking three times.” 131 Huang shi re chao 黃氏日鈔 [by Huang Zhen 黃震, whose theory is introduced in Li Zhi’s following argument] also contends for this theory, which is compatible with Ji Biao’s. 130

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intentions that arose from excessive thought. If his understanding were true, such passages would turn meaningless as in the following: ‘Sages are those who do not stop reflecting when they do not comprehend what they have reflected on’ from Constant Mean (Zhong yong zhangju, 18b); ‘Reflect on it, reflect on it, and again reflect on it. [The extant edition of Guanzi just says, “Reflect on it.”] If you do not comprehend what you have reflected on, the ghosts will teach you’ (Guanzi, 13:8a). It is also wrong that Zhuge Ke 諸葛恪 (203–​253) thought ten times [before taking action].”132 As I  understand, this theory is genuinely correct and clearly reveals a point that deeply harmonizes with the meaning of this passage. I feel no need to explain more. ) Cai Qing 蔡淸 (1453–​1508) explained, “Thinking three times means that one 4 deeply reflects on something, without ceasing to reflect even at night. It does not necessarily mean to think three times” (Si shu mengyin 四書蒙引, 5:99a). In my view, this interpretation is also correct. * * * Dasan derives a unique understanding of this chapter, which is listed in the “Original Meanings,” from two postulations: firstly, Ji Wenzi, although some classical texts attest to his virtues, was engaged in acts of dishonesty too frequently to be recognized as an exemplary person. Thus, the old commentary that was represented by Zheng Xuan is not acceptable because, according to their interpretation, Confucius unconditionally praises Ji Wenzi here. Secondly, the Confucian tradition always encourages people to reflect on things as deeply as possible. Zhu Xi’s reading does not harmonize with this tradition because he believed that it was better to think twice than to think thrice. In a sense, however, Zhu Xi helped Dasan arrive at his interpretation as his reading deviated sharply from the old commentary’s positive evaluation of Ji Wenzi by centering on Wenzi’s documented shortcomings. Like Zhu Xi, Dasan belittles Ji Wenzi probably out of his awareness that he was one of the patriarchs of the lawless Jisun family. As stated in Dasan’s comment, of course, Dasan’s interpretation was largely inspired by Ji Biao’s interpretation and was in almost complete agreement with Li Zhi’s understanding. The fact that Dasan quotes Li Zhi here may elicit the reader’s interest. Li Zhi, who represents for many scholars the left wing of Wang Yangming’s school, devoted his entire life to shaking neo-​Confucians’ seemingly unshakable ethical rigorism by writing turbulent and defiant messages. Given that Li Zhi’s radical ideas preclude the possibility for Dasan to absorb it as one of the ingredients of his syncretic philosophy, in which a form of the Confucian deontologist attitude still functions, one may wonder what Dasan’s perception See Li Zhi’s Fen shu (Fen shu 焚書, 218–​219). Langya daizui bian also contains this theory [according to Rongo kogun gaiden]. 132

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of the nature of Li Zhi’s philosophical and cultural visions would be. While it is likely that Dasan took this quotation from Rongo kokun gaiden, Li Zhi’s books became circulated among Joseon intellectuals by the time of Yi Ui-​hyeon 李 宜顯 (1669–​1745), who says, “The distortion and eccentricity that are found in Zhuowu’s 卓吾 [Li Zhi] writings stem from Yangming but excel it in its indiscreetness” (“Dohyeop chongseol 陶峽叢說,” 438a).

5.20. The Master said, “When his state upheld the Way, Ning Wuzi was wise; when his state lacked the Way, he was foolish. Others may be able to reach his wisdom, but none can reach his foolishness.” 子曰; 寗武子邦有道則知, 邦無道則愚. 其知可及也, 其愚不可及也. 5.20.1 Grounds 1) Ma Rong commented, “Wuzi refers to Ning Yu 寗兪 (fl. 632 bce), a great official from the state of Wei. ‘Wu’ was his posthumous title.”133 2) I  supplement as follows:  Upholding the Way means to bring a state to order;134 lacking the Way means to bring a state to disorder. The state of Wei experienced social disorder in the third year of the reign of Duke Cheng [衛 成公, r. 634–​632, 632–​600 bce], in which its lord fled the country, but this turmoil was settled within three years.135 And the state did not experience any disorder for the following twenty-​seven years until Duke Cheng died.136 The time “when his state lacked the Way” refers to the three-​year long period; the time “when his state upheld the Way” refers to the period afterward. 3) I  supplement as follows:  Preserving one’s person by hiding the traces of one’s presence is called zhi 知 (“wise”);137 daring to confront difficulties by being unconcerned about one’s own person is called yu 愚 (“foolish”).138 Ning Wuzi dared to confront difficulties by being unconcerned about his own person for three years.139 This is why Confucius says, “when his state lacked the Way, he was foolish.” After the turmoil was settled, Wuzi hid all traces of his presence. Kong Da 孔達 (d. 595) instead took control of the state’s administration and eventually ruined his person.140 In contrast, Wuzi

Xing Bing added, “According to Shi fa, those who were uncompromising and straightforward are given the title ‘Wu.’ ” 134 In other words, the state possesses the way of bringing order and peace. 135 The social disorder occurred in the twenty-​eighth year of the reign of Duke Xi and was concluded in the thirtieth year. 136 Duke Cheng died in the ninth year of the reign of Duke Xuan. 137 This means that one is wise enough to avoid the dangers. 138 This means that one does not care about keeping his person safe. 139 See the following discussion for more details. 140 Kong Da strangled himself to death. 133

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enjoyed peace without being involved in political affairs, which eventuated in a calm end as he kept his body intact. This is why Confucius says, “When his state upheld the Way, Ning Wuzi was wise.” Being wise when one’s state upholds the Way is still challenging but achievable to others. Being foolish when one’s state lacks the Way, however, cannot be pursued by others by force unless they conserve the utmost level of wholeheartedness and love. Therefore, it says, “none can reach his foolishness.” 5.20.2 Arguments 1) Kong Anguo argued, “[Wuzi] pretended to be foolish as though he were truly foolish. Therefore, it says, ‘none can reach [his foolishness].’ ”141 Xing Bing supplemented this, saying, “In the fourth year of the reign of Duke Wen, Zuo’s Commentary says, ‘Ning Wuzi made an official visit to the state of Lu. The lord of Lu threw a banquet and ordered his musicians to perform the odes Zhan lu 湛露 and Tong gong 彤弓. Wuzi neither refused [to being treated that way] nor responded to the performance. The lord of Lu sent his official in charge of guest’s affairs to Wuzi and asked the reason. “I humbly thought that they were performing for practice,” replied he’142 (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 17:30b–​31a).” I would refute these claims as follows: In the third year of the reign of Duke Cheng, Wei’s state of lacking the Way culminated in political turmoil. At the time, Wuzi, disregarding his own life, did his best to propose considerate and wise ideas. This fact is not at all compatible with the comment that he pretended to be foolish and hid himself from people’s view during that time. Both the Analects of Lu and Zuo’s Commentary are credible sources. How can one base one’s understanding of this passage on arbitrary interpretations of ambiguous stories? The teaching in this chapter greatly pertains to the way of the changing world. Poetry says, “Bright and brilliant, he preserves his own person” (Mao Shi zhushu, 25:83a). This poem conveys how Zhongshanfu 仲山甫 (fl. 790 bce) could successfully serve his lord by gathering worthies together143 and thereby neither lost his beautiful name nor lived a life of crime. Today, those subjects who pursue the safety of their own person and family tend to cover their mouths and fold their hands behind their backs, following trends and powerful people. They justify their behavior all the time by saying, “Preserve your own person by being bright and brilliant.” Even when facing a situation in which the lord is in danger and the country

Xing Bing added, “When he encountered a time when the Way was upheld, he revealed his wisdom and visions; when he encountered a time when the Way was missing, he hid himself from people’s view and pretend to be foolish.” 142 On this, Du Yu commented, “This shows that ‘none can reach his foolishness’ ” (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 17:31b). 143 Understanding others well is referred to as “brilliance.” 141

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is about to perish, they do not give such matters serious consideration and say, “This is the way to emulate the foolishness of Ning Wuzi.” Alas! Has Wuzi ever done that? In this chapter, the sage intended to teach people to resign from political power by hiding themselves when the country experiences no trouble and to sacrifice themselves for the country without being concerned about themselves when it encounters great disorder. Do not refrain from showing wisdom in this situation, and do not denigrate the foolishness in the other situation—​only when one understands this teaching can he attain the ideal in both situations. If subjects aspire to enjoy their fortunes by tightly holding onto their salaries in a peaceful time and avoid dangers by preserving themselves in a national crisis, whom does the lord of people rule the country with? The saying “Do not enter a dangerous state, and do not stay in a disorderly state” (Lun yu jizhu, 8:13) aims to teach either people in lower positions or visitors. The subjects who have been paid by the country for generations and those who are close to the court through their blood ties—​how can they accept the misinterpretation of this chapter? The common interpretation of this passage utterly contradicts what Confucius taught here. Then can people understand the real meaning of this passage, even if they want to? Only Master Zhu discovered it thus far. Again in my view, the story [in Zuo’s Commentary] regarding the odes Zhan lu and Tong gong is meant to convince people that Wenzi comprehended rituals, social duties, and philosophical statements. How can it be related to his foolishness? Both Du Yu and Xing Bing rashly arrived at their conclusions. 2) I question Master Zhu as follows: Master Zhu said, “Wuzi served the state of Wei under the reigns of Duke Wen [衛文公, r.  659–​635 bce] and Duke Cheng. When Duke Wen ruled the country, the Way prevailed, but Wuzi failed to gain recognition for his achievements. This demonstrates that ‘others might be able to reach his wisdom’ ” (Lun yu jizhu, 3:7b). Du shi [杜氏, 陸稼書 in all editions of Noneo gogeum ju] refuted this explanation, saying, “In the twenty-​fifth year of the reign of Duke Xi, Duke Wen of Wei died, so his son Duke Cheng succeeded to the throne. In the twenty-​sixth year, Ning Shu 寗速144 made an oath at Xiang 向. In the twenty-​eighth year, Ning Wuzi made an oath with the people of Wei at Wanpu 宛濮. This year was the third year under the reign of Duke Cheng. It may be inferred on the basis of these facts that Ning Zhuangzi died around the third year of the reign of Duke Cheng, following which Wuzi assumed the position of great official, and that Wuzi never served Duke Wen. Nevertheless, Jizhu states, ‘Wuzi served the state of Wei under the reigns of Duke Wen and Duke Cheng.’ It is not consistent with the facts” (Lun yu jizhu daquan, 5:32b–​33a).

144

He was Ning Zhuangzi 寗莊子, the father of Ning Wuzi.

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As I understand, the main passage first mentions the time when the state of Wei upheld the Way. Due to this, Master Zhu might have sought an era of upholding the Way in the period prior to the reign of Duke Cheng. One of the dukes of Wei, Duke Wen was known to wear coarse hemp clothes and diligently worked on the country’s finances and agriculture:145 he was surely a worthy lord. Master Zhu might have related him to the main passage this way. During the Spring and Autumn period, however, it was a matter of ritual propriety for the sons of great officials and hereditary ministers not to gain government posts until their fathers passed away.146 Ning Zhuangzi went to Xiang to make an oath in the first year of the reign of Duke Cheng. Thus it is obvious that Wuzi was not entitled to serve Duke Wen. Due to this, Master Zhu said that Wuzi’s wisdom was indiscernible when his state upheld the Way, although his foolishness was visible when the state lacked the Way. Wuzi, however, is a wise person. When Duke Cheng fled to the state of Chu, he held the horse’s rein for his lord and accompanied him. For three years afterward, he went through winds and frost and tasted all types of difficulties. He was eventually successful in protecting his lord and returned home with him. In a discussion of one’s loyalty and devotion, he might be considered to have excelled Bao Shu 鮑叔 (d. 661 bce) of Duke Huan from the state of Qi or Gu Yan 孤偃 (d. 629 bce) of Duke Wen from the state of Jin [晉文公, r. 636–​628 bce]. In addition, who acquired the political hegemony of Wei [after Wuzi’s return]? In the first year after his return to Wei, he only once remonstrated with Duke Cheng concerning a plan to offer a sacrifice to King Xiang 相 of the Xia dynasty.147 Following this case, he retired from his position and let Kong Da assume responsibility for the state’s administration. The description in Zuo’s Commentary of Wei’s military expedition to the state of Jin in the first year of the reign of Duke Wen of Lu (626 bce) pertains to Kong Da; the description of the lord of Chen’s act of taking a person of Wei hostage in order to persuade the state of Jin, in the following year, pertains to Kong Da;148 it was Kong Da who was released two years later from the state of Jin as it regarded him a good subject of Wei;149 the description of Wei’s betrayal, ten years later, of the alliance among the states of Jin, Wei, and Song, which had been formed shortly before the incident, in order to save the state of Chen when it was attacked by Song pertains to Kong Da;150 the description of Wei’s execution, fifteen [“two” in all editions of Noneo gogeum ju] years later, of one of its great officials to please the state of Jin

See the first year of the reign of Duke Xi (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 10:22a). Zuo’s Commnetary says, “What do the children know?” (28:10a) 147 This occurred in the thirty-​first year of the reign of Duke Xi (16:14a–​b). 148 The state of Chen was saved, though in a humiliating way. 149 See the fourth year of the reign of Duke Wen (17:29a). 150 See the seventeenth year 十七 [十二 in all editions of Noneo gogeum ju] of the reign of Duke Wen (20:10b). 145

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pertains to Kong Da.151 One can infer from these facts that for thirty-​six years [“eighteen years” in all editions of Noneo gogeum ju], following Duke Cheng’s return to Wei, Kong Da took charge of the administration of the country. When else could Ning Wuzi have retired from his position and hidden himself but during this period? Then does Confucius’s remark, “When his state upheld the Way, he was wise,” not reflect the actual facts? Contrary to the sage who considered one’s humble retirement and self-​ effacement as expressive of genuine wisdom, people today regard such acts as mere shows of foolishness. Is this not an error? Also a discussion of his foolishness unfolds as follows: At the time, the state of Jin wished to take revenge on the state of Wei.152 When the lord of Wei fled to the state of Chu, Wuzi held the horse’s rein for his lord and accompanied him. This was the first case in which he was unconcerned about his own person;153 when the lord of Wei returned to his country, Wuzi gathered the people of Wei at Wanpu to make an oath.154 This was the second case;155 when his lord hurriedly made his way to Wei,156 Wuzi led the way.157 This was the third case;158 when the feudal lords had a meeting at Wen 溫 during winter,159 the lord of Wei was caught up in a dispute with Yuan Xuan 元咺 (d. 630 bce).160 At the time, Wuzi was of a great assistance to his lord.161 This was the fourth case;162 when the state of Jin captured the lord of Wei and escorted him to its capital, Wuzi accompanied him. This was the fifth case; when the lord of Wei was put in a dungeon,163 Wuzi assumed responsibility for supplying him with food and clothes.164 This was the sixth case; when the lord of Jin ordered his court medic to poison the lord of Wei with the venom of a peacock’s feather, Wuzi bribed the medic to dilute the poison. This was the seventh case.165 See the fourteenth year of the reign of Duke Xuan 宣 [文 in all editions of Noneo gogeum ju] (24:3a). When Chong’er [later Duke Wen of Jin] passed the state of Wei during his wanderings, Duke Wen of Wei did not treat him to rituals relevant to his princely blood. He also experienced the humiliation of receiving a clod of dirt [instead of food] from a fieldworker at Wulu 五鹿. Therefore Chong’er must have wished to take revenge on the state of Wei. 153 This occurred in the fourth month, during summer [in the twenty-​eighth year of the reign of Duke Xi] (see 15:38a). 154 This was because he had concerns about the people of Wei, who did not help Duke Cheng and were accordingly worried about being punished upon his return. So he went to Wanpu and made an oath with them. 155 This occurred in the sixth month, during summer [in the twenty-​eighth year of the reign of Duke Xi] (see 15:41a). 156 This was because Duke Cheng did not trust Shu Mu 叔武 (d. 632 bce) [Duke Cheng’s younger brother]. 157 He wished to calm the people down and give them instructions. 158 He dared to confront the prospect of being murdered (see 15:42a). 159 Duke Wen of Jin presided over the meeting. 160 This dispute regarded the event in which Shu Mu was murdered. 161 He took over the dispute for his lord (see 15:44b). 162 The state of Jin executed [the jailer] Shi Rong 士榮 and exonerated Wuzi because it was impressed with his loyalty to his lord. 163 They imprisoned Duke Cheng. 164 He wished to save his lord from starvation (see 15:44b). 165 Refer to “Lu yu” (Guo yu, 4:6b; also see Zuo zhuan zhushu, 16:6a). 151

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His sincerity in protecting his lord by being unconcerned about his own person, which he showed for three years, could cause the ghosts to weep and Heaven and Earth to move. And he was finally successful in his return to his country with his lord.166 Following this, Duke Cheng enjoyed his throne for twenty-​seven years. How could Wenzi dream of such success? When he was in great trouble, all of the people of Wei secretly mocked him for his foolishness. This is what is meant by the expression “when his state lacked the Way, he was foolish.” Hiding oneself from people’s eyes to avoid trouble is a delicate technique of the noble person. How can “foolishness” be applied to such a case? Bigan was also a very foolish person. Due to his foolishness, however, he could attain humanity. If one insists that the entire reign of Duke Cheng cannot be associated with “a state upholding the Way” because he committed an evil deed in murdering his younger brother in order to return to his country, it should be noted that he did not actually murder his brother. He merely suspected that his brother planned to cause catastrophic turmoil. He could not anticipate that his brother, holding his hair in his hand, would rush out from the bath to greet him. It was also not by Duke Cheng’s command that Chuanquan 歂犬 (fl. 630 bce) shot an arrow to kill Shu Mu. There were only unresolved suspicions in their relationship,167 so a petty person [Chuanquan] tried to fathom his mind and murdered Shu Mu. Duke Cheng, embracing his brother’s corpse on his knees, wept over his death and subsequently sentenced Chuanquan to death. This could not have stemmed from feigned pity.168 In conclusion, it is unclear what crime the lord of Wei committed at the time. Furthermore, the situation in which the state of Wei was defeated [by Jin] and its lord had to flee was not triggered by his malice. In fact, Duke Wen of Jin, out of a little grudge that could have easily been overcome, wished to devastate the countries and ruin the lord of other people. If not the state of Jin, who else could be held accountable for the mishap? When the state of Jin set the conditions for it, why should the state of Wei be blamed for it? Heaven already regretted the calamity in Wei, and Chong’er also died. So it allowed Duke Cheng of Wei to enjoy his throne for twenty-​seven years. Although the state was vulnerable and surrounded by powerful countries, having no time to indulge in rituals and music, it did not again experience any fissures among brothers during the period. Given the troubles that it experienced during the early years of the reign of Duke Cheng, the state apparently entered a new era in which it upheld the Way. Then is it necessary to dismiss its progress by recalling the old ugliness? Du Yu and According to a record in the thirtieth year of the reign of Duke Xi, “The duke of Lu [Duke Xi] wished to offer jades, ten pairs of twin jades, to the king of Zhou and the lord of Jin on behalf of Duke Cheng of Wei. The King of Zhou approved his request, and the state of Jin released Duke Cheng in autumn” (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 16:6a). 167 Duke Cheng returned to his country earlier than expected because of this. 168 For this event, see the twenty-​eighth year of the reign of Duke Xi (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 15:42a–​b). 166

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Kong Yingda also left records of their fair-​minded discussions on this topic, in which they put themselves in Duke Cheng’s shoes,169—​discussions that may attract immediate attention upon one’s reading of them. 3) Jin Lüxiang argued, “Ning Wuzi was unsuccessful in correcting his lord and made mistakes in remonstrating with his lord. When Duke Wen of Wei did not treat Chong’er to proper rituals, he already could not remonstrate with his lord; when Duke Cheng followed the state of Chu, betraying the Zhou court, he could not remonstrate with his lord; when Duke Cheng was suspicious of Shu Mu, he could not remonstrate with his lord; when Duke Cheng returned to his country earlier because he had come to harbor suspicions about his younger brother even after the oath, he could not remonstrate with his lord; when Duke Cheng, upon his second return to his country, bribed Zhou Chuan 周歂 to murder Yuan Xuan and Zi Xia 子瑕 (d. 632 bce), he could not remonstrate with his lord as well. In general, keeping both one’s lord and oneself safe by remaining silent when one’s lord does not abide by the Way is not a goal that everyone can achieve easily. When a noble person works in the world, however, it is also unacceptable to value foolishness blindly. Therefore [Master Cheng] brought up a discussion that Bigan had to supplement the teaching of this chapter” (Lun yu jizhu kaozheng, 3:8a–​b). I would refute this as follows: When Duke Wen did not treat Chong’er to proper rituals, Wuzi was just born. How could he remonstrate with his lord? Also, at the time, Ning Zhuangzi remonstrated hard with Duke Wen, a record of which appears in “Jin yu.”170 The reason the lord of Jin did not execute Wuzi [Zhuangzi’s son] later must have been related to this occurrence. Regardless, Jin Lüxiang argued that he did not remonstrate with his lord at the time. Isn’t this difficult to agree on? Duke Cheng’s alliance with the state of Chu and his betrayal of the Zhou court was not ill-​advised.171 For what should Wuzi have remonstrated with his lord? When Duke Cheng returned to his country earlier than expected, Ning Wuzi took the lead. For what should Wuzi have remonstrated with his lord? If Duke Cheng had not eliminated Yuan Xuan, he would have not been able to enter the country. Thus any such subject of a lord would be busy supporting his plan. When with so little time to spare could he remonstrate with his lord? A crucial strategy should be kept secret, and one should not make any mention of it even when one knows about it. Nonetheless, Jin Lüxiang here blames Wuzi for not disclosing it. Isn’t it a false accusation? He also argued that Master Cheng’s comment on Bigan was intended to supplement this chapter. This would imply that Confucius’s remark inevitably has certain flaws influential enough to make the way of the world ill. Thus, according to him, Master Cheng posted a discussion Bigan See their comments in the thirtieth year of the reign of Duke Xi. I do not quote the record because it is quite long (Guo yu, 10:5a–​10:9a). 171 At the time, only the state of Chu could confront the state of Jin. 169 170

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had to inculcate all the subjects under heaven. I am not convinced by this argument. Confucius in this chapter originally considered Ning Wuzi’s sacrifice for his country foolish. Renshan 仁山 [Jin Lüxiang] could not understand this point and eventually had doubts about Confucius’s remark, attempting to rectify it with a supplementary explanation. Is this not an excessive concern? 4) For a classical text on the discussion here, see Jin shu, which says, “When Wei Guan 衛瓘 (220–​291) was appointed to the position of Zhongshu liang 中書郞, subjects of the hegemony arbitrarily wielded power. Guan managed to mingle with them, having neither intimacy nor distance, and thereby was respected by Fu Jia 傅嘏 (209–​255). At the time people called him Ning Wuzi” (Jin shu 晉書, 36:1b). As I understand, this perception bears analogy with that of Hu Guang’s 胡廣 (1369–​1418) proverbial moderation and of Feng Dao’s 馮道 (881–​ 954) brilliance. When Confucian scholars make mistakes in reading the classics, it brings harm to all under heaven and injects poison into future generations in this way. The classics are the foundation of education for the world and the origin of people’s customs. Thus the noble person should be prudent in dealing with them. * * * Dasan’s stance on two crucial issues is based on a unique understanding of this chapter, which is listed in the “Original Meanings.” The first issue concerns the times when the state of Wei lacked or upheld the Way. In line with this, the old commentaries specified when Ning Wuzi’s foolishness was revealed: it was when he made an official visit to the state of Lu in 623 bce. In the history of the state of Wei, it was the fourteenth year of the reign of Duke Cheng. By that time, seven years had passed since Duke Cheng of Wei returned to his country in 630 bce to reinstate his rule, following the great turmoil that began in 632 bce. In other words, the year 623 bce marked the very middle of Duke Cheng’s reign. As the main passage says that Ning Wuzi was foolish when the state of Wei lacked the Way, this year represents the period in which the state of Wei lacked the Way, according to the old commentaries. In contrast to its clear specification of the year 623 bce, the old commentaries suggests nothing about the period in which the state upheld the Way. Zhu Xi, adopting the views expressed in the old commentaries in this respect, extended the period of disorder to the entire reign of Duke Cheng. In his view, Duke Cheng was an inefficient ruler at best, if not an immoral duke. He believed this not simply for the many failures of Duke Cheng’s administration, but above all because he murdered his innocent, younger brother, who wished enthusiastically to greet his older brother upon hearing he was returning earlier than expected. In contrast, Zhu Xi found a relative merit in the reign of Duke Wen, Duke Cheng’s father. Finally, he designated it as the period in which the state of Wei upheld the Way and thus when Ning Wuzi revealed his wisdom.

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Dasan rejected these perceptions of the time periods. To put it briefly, for Dasan, the third years of the reign of Duke Cheng until his return to his country in 630 bce comprised a period of disorder, whereas all the following years under Duke Cheng’s reign comprised a period of peace. He drew this conclusion from decisive evidence that Ning Wuzi started serving the state of Wei after Duke Cheng ascended the throne. Inspired by the comment by Du shi [not Lu Jiashu] in Lun yu jizhu daquan, he keenly pointed out that Zhu Xi’s identification of the period of peace with the reign of Duke Wen was unacceptable because the main passage mentions both periods only in relation to Ning Wuzi’s service for the country. Ning Wuzi’s service for the country was conspicuous during the period of political turmoil, especially during the three years of Duke Cheng’s tribulations, but the historical record of his involvement in the politics of Wei after those years was scant except in two cases: his one-​time remonstration with Duke Cheng in 629 bce and his official visit to the state of Lu in 623 bce. Dasan interpreted this paucity as implying his retirement. Although it is unclear how Ning Wuzi’s life ended up, the beginning years of the reign of Duke Cheng were obviously more turbulent than those after 630 bce. If one were compelled to locate both periods, of social order and disorder, in the reign of Duke Cheng, therefore, the period following 630 bce should be considered the one of upholding the Way. This means that the views expressed in the old commentaries about the year 623 bce were unacceptable. The second crucial issue concerns the “original meaning” of wisdom and foolishness. In this regard, Dasan’s views were partially anticipated by Zhu Xi. As noted by Dasan, only Zhu Xi could understand that to be foolish meant to dare to confront difficulties without being concerned about one’s own person. A noble person of this sort is foolish because he does not have regard for his own life. Dasan adopted this understanding. He, however, disagreed with Zhu Xi on the meaning of wisdom. Whereas Zhu Xi attempted to confirm one’s wisdom on the basis of visible achievements, Dasan considered it wise for one to retire, to enjoy a peaceful life. In conclusion, in Dasan’s eyes, Ning Wuzi was foolish from 634 bce to 630 bce, or 629 bce, but wise afterward because the stabilized rule of Duke Cheng allowed him to retire. According to the old commentaries, this chapter appears to convey a Daoist perspective:  what made Ning Wuzi special was his pretended foolishness, which is also valued in the Daoist classics. In Zhu Xi’s commentary, this chapter does not harmonize with the historical facts. This does not necessarily mean, of course, that Dasan’s interpretation is alone faithful to Confucius’s ideas and the historical facts. According to many of today’s scholars, the Analects presents Confucius’s disciples, such as Yan Yuan, with life attitudes that can be aligned with Daoism. Also, one may feel hesitant to acknowledge Duke Cheng’s rule after 630 bce as representing the era of upholding the Way. It is undeniable, however, that Dasan conducted extensive research to stand out among all of the influential commentaries in his endeavor to announce the “original” meaning of this classic. As a banished scholar, he likely felt the need to conduct such research in order to prove that he had the requisite historical

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knowledge (particularly, about Spring and Autumn) to achieve a major work of lasting importance on the central text of Confucianism. Given that his adamant spirit of self-​sacrifice, apparent in this chapter, served in the end to give great assistance to the lord, his philosophical orientation here may be linked again with his unswerving loyalty to his lord, King Jeongjo: Dasan protected Duke Cheng even though he was responsible for the murder of his younger brother. In this long discussion of the history of Spring and Autumn, Dasan actually makes mistakes. As noted in the relevant brackets above, he confuses Kong Da’s betrayal of the alliance, which occurred in the seventeenth year of the reign of Duke Wen of Lu (610 bce), with an event in the twelfth year of the reign of Duke Wen (615 bce); he also confuses the execution of Kong Da, which occurred in the fourteenth year of Duke Xuan of Lu (595 bce), with an event in the fourteenth year of Duke Wen of Lu (613 bce); accordingly he miscalculates the duration of the period in which he argues Kong Da remained responsible for Wei’s administration, thinking that it was eighteen years (630–​613 bce) when it was actually thirty-​six years (630–​595 bce). The question why he introduced Lu Jiashu 陸隴其 (1630–​1693) as the author of the comment crucial for his examination, whereas it appears as Du shi’s in Lun yu jizhu daquan that was compiled by Hu Guang 胡廣 (1369–​1418), also remains unanswered. In this regard, it may be worth to note that Dazai Jun also incorrectly attributed the comment to Zheng Weiyue 鄭維岳 (fl. late 16th century), more accurately to his book Zhi xin re lu 知新日錄 [四書知新日錄].

5.21. When the Master was in the state of Chen, he said, “Let us go home! Let us go home! The young fellows in my school are ambitious and steady, and they have already made beautiful patterns on silk. They, however, do not know how to cut the cloth.” 子在陳曰; 歸與! 歸與! 吾黨之小子狂簡, 斐然成章, 不知所以裁之. 5.21.1 Grounds 1) I  supplement as follows:  Chen is the name of a state that was given to descendents of the great Yu 虞.172 Confucius visited Chen three times. The time “when the Master was in the state of Chen” is related to his last visit.173 Five hundred households constitute one dang 黨 (“school”);174 “the young fellows in my school” refer to Confucius’s students in the state of Lu; kuang 狂 (“ambitious”) is here synonymous with zao 躁 (hasty) or si 肆 (arbitrary). King Wu of Zhou enfeoffed the land of Chen to Man 滿 [陳滿], that is, Duke Hu 胡 [胡公]. His last visit to Chen was the longest. Jin Renshan based his comment on this fact (see Lun yu jizhu kaozheng, 3:8b). 174 Five dangs constitute one zhou 州; five zhous constitute one xiang 鄕. 172 173

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It describes a trait of a scholar who is dedicated to making progress. Jian 簡 (“steady”) is here synonymous with lüe 略 (succinct) or sheng 省 (concise). It describes a trait of a scholar who keeps himself from doing certain things.175 2) I  supplement as follows:  Fei 斐 (“patterns on silk”) refers to the patterns on silk;176 zhang 章 (“beautiful patterns”) originally referred to a unit of measurement for the level of elaboration in embroidering patterns. For instance, people used the terms “seven zhang” or “nine zhang” for the patterns of mountains, dragons, water chestnuts, and fire.177 Cai 裁 (“cut the cloth”) means to make clothing.178 The studies of Confucius’s students can be likened to silk clothing that has not been completely woven, although the patterns have been embroidered on the cloth. Thus Confucius wished to return home and eventually teach them, so that they could accomplish virtue. 5.21.2 Arguments 1) Kong Anguo argued, “Jian is here synonymous with da 大 (the great).” I would refute this as follows: “Yu Taixue zhusheng shu 與太學諸生書” by Liu Zihou 柳子厚 [柳宗 元] (773–​819) says, “Nanguo 南郭 [南郭惠子] poked fun at the fellows in Confucius’s school for their ambitiousness [狂] and stubbornness [狷]” (Liu Hedong ji 柳河東集, 34:3b or Kun xue ji wen, 7:27a).179 This essay shows that the ancient people considered kuang jian 狂簡 to be the same as kuang juan 狂狷. For a classical text that supports my interpretation here, see Mencius (Mengzi jizhu, 7B:38). 2) Kong Anguo argued, “The young fellows in Confucius’s school wished to accomplish elegant beauty [文章] through wild and arbitrary attempts.” I would refute this as follows: How can one accomplish elegant beauty through wild and arbitrary attempts? Each of Confucius’s disciples already acquired a certain degree of virtue. They just could not fully reach the status of a sage. 3) I question Master Zhu as follows: Jizhu states, “Confucius worried that they would become immoderate and be led astray and thereby seduced by heretic ideas” (Lun yu jizhu, 3:7b). On this, Wang Caodang explained, “Confucius tried to discipline his disciples so that they might avoid the hesitation of Qiu 求, the boldness of

The meaning of jian here is similar to that of juan 狷 (resolute). Poetry says, “Such patterns are colorful and beautiful! They are made to decorate shells” (Mao Shi zhushu, 19:85b). 177 Poetry says, “Passing all day through the seven stages of the day . . . [t]‌hey could not complete even one zhang一章 [報章 in the original script]” (20:18b). 178 This is a definition from Shuo wen (Shuo wen jie zi, 8A:17a). 179 In relation to this passage, “Fa xing 法行” in Xunzi says, “Nanguo Huizi asked Zi Gong, ‘The students in your master’s school—​why do they have so little in common?’ ” (Xunzi, 20:13a or Kun xue ji wen, 7:27a) 175

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You 由, the excessiveness of Shi 師, and the shortcomings of Shang 商”180 (Si shu jizhu bu 四書集註補, 4:20b). * * * Dasan’s general view on Confucius’s direct disciples is revealed here: they were just a little less qualified to be called sages. Since they already mastered at least one subject that Confucius regarded as important, however, they should not be belittled in the way they were by later scholars. Due to this general perspective, Dasan here rejects the old commentary in which “the young fellows” appear reckless and imprudent. Also as seen here, Dasan did not rank Confucius’s disciples based on a specific focus on certain values. In contrast, the favoritism neo-​Confucians showed for the disciples who were of legitimate pedigree, such as Yan Yuan and Zeng Shen, derived from their focus on “virtuous deeds” (one of four disciplines in Confucius’s academy:  virtuous deeds, debates, politics, and literature). In that sense, Dasan tried to restore the old legacy by dismissing distorted views about the reputations of many of Confucius’s direct disciples. In the same line of thinking, Dasan negates the connection neo-​Confucians drew between this passage and the heretical ideas because the intimidation of heretical ideas was not a pending issue in Confucius’s old academy, while they posed a threat to neo-​Confucian scholars. Dasan listed his reading of this chapter in the “Original Meanings” because, in contrast to other commentaries, he adopted the literal meaning of cai (“to cut the cloth”) for it, regarding fei ran cheng zhang 斐然成章 (“already made beautiful patterns on silk”) as a metaphoric expression.

5.22 The Master said, “Bo Yi and Shu Qi did not keep old hostilities in mind and hence their resentment was little.” 子曰; 伯夷叔齊不念舊惡, 怨是用希. 5.22.1 Grounds 1) Kong Anguo commented, “Bo Yi and Shu Qi were the sons of the Lord of Guzhu 孤竹.”181 2) I supplement as follows: Bu nian jiu e 不念舊惡 (“did not keep old hostilities in mind”) means that they did not keep in mind the old hostilities that

In other words, Confucius never worried that his disciples were seduced by heretical ideas in their ambition to attain beauty. 181 Xing Bing added, “According to ‘Dili zhi 地理志,’ there was the fortress of Guzhu in the Lingzhi 令 支 prefecture in Liaoxi 遼西. Ying Shao 應劭 (153–​196) explained, ‘It was Bo Yi’s state in the past’ (see Qian Han shu, 28B:12b).” 180

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stemmed from their relationships with their father and brother; xi 希 (“little”) is here synonymous with wei 微 (tiny).182 5.22.2 Arguments 1) For a classical text on the discussion here, see the Analects, that says, “Ran You said, ‘Will Our Master do like the lord of Wei?’ Zi Gong said, ‘Alright! I will ask him.’ Upon entering, he said, ‘What sort of men were Bo Yi and Shu Qi?’ ‘They were ancient worthies,’ said the Master. ‘Did they bear grudges?’ The Master replied again, ‘They sought humanity and attained humanity. What grudges did they bear?’ After coming out, Zi Gong said, ‘Our Master will not’ ” (Lun yu jizhu, 7:14; 7.15 in Noneo gogeum ju). As I understand, the questions and answers seen in the quoted passage apparently regard whether Bo Yi and Shu Qi bore grudges against their father or brother. If so, how can the expression “their resentment was little” pertain to other people’s resentment toward them? The facts related to Bo Yi and Shu Qi are limited to three key stories:  they yielded the country to one another, they ran away from King Zhou 紂, and they remonstrated with the king of Zhou 周 [武王]. Thus there is no firm evidence for the claim that they did not keep old hostilities in mind. However, [in the quoted passage from the Analects] Zi Gong attempted to pry into Our Master’s mind by comparing the affair between Kuaikui 蒯聩 (r. 480–​478 bce) and prince Zhe 輒 (r. 493–​481 bce, 477–​470 bce) with that between Bo Yi and Shu Qi. [Since Kuaikui was Zhe’s father] this obviously implies that their resentment lay in their family relationships, not in other kinds of relationships. In addition, in his discussion of Bo Yi, Mencius said that he behaved as though he were going to be tainted.183 However, this is a [metaphoric] description of his cleanness, which was projected from the fact that he ran away from King Zhou:  it should not be taken to inform real situations. The tone of the passage from Mencius is also not in tune with this passage, which says that he did not keep old hostilities in mind. Also Bo Yi and Shu Qi were political exiles,184 so nothing has been heard about their relationships with friends or their involvement in government. To whom could they harbor their resentment toward? 2) For a classical text that supports my argument here, see Da Dai Li ji, which says, “Confucius said, ‘They bore no passion to defeat other people [their father and brother in Dasan’s reading] nor disdain for them. They did not keep old hostilities in mind—​this is how Bo Yi and Shu Qi conducted themselves.”185 It is the same as saying that they had almost no resentment. Mencius says, “Bo Yi would not stand at the court of an evil person, nor did he talk to an evil person. If he happened to stand with a villager whose cap was not properly adjusted, he walked away without so much as looking at him as though he were going to be tainted” (Mengzi jizhu, 2A:9). 184 They were running away from their country. 185 See “Wei jiangjun 衛將軍 [文子]” (Da Dai Li ji, 6:17b). 182 183

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As I understand, “Bo Yi zhuan” in Shi ji conveys Bo Yi’s hatred of the Zhou, using a lost poem. However, the ancient texts provide no evidence for it. * * * Kuaikui was a son of Duke Ling of Wei 衛靈公 (r. 534–​493 bce) and the father of prince Zhe. He later endured exile because his scheme to kill his own mother to punish her for her licentiousness failed. During Kuaikui’s exile, prince Zhe ascended the throne and later refused to abdicate it for his father when he returned to Wei. In a chapter in the Analects (see Lun yu jizhu, 7:14; 7.15 in Noneo gogeum ju), Zi Gong solicits Confucius’s opinion on Bo Yi and Shu Qi in order to find out if he would act like prince Zhe did (according to Dasan’s reading of the chapter). Dasan believed that Zi Gong brought up the affair of Bo Yi and Shu Qi because of the compatibility between the two affairs. And he concludes, as evident in the “Original Meanings,” that this chapter is pertinent to Bo Yi’s and Shu Qi’s relationships with their father and brother. In other words, Bo Yi and Shu Qi did not harbor resentment toward their father (and brother), who initially caused their tragedies. This interpretation is distinct from Zhu Xi’s, which sees that Bo Yi and Shu Qi did not harbor resentment toward any others.

5.23 The Master said, “Who says Weisheng Gao is honest? When someone begged him for vinegar, he then begged a neighbor for it and gave it to that person.” 子曰; 孰謂微生高直? 或乞醯焉, 乞諸其鄰而與之. 5.23.1 Grounds 1) Kong Anguo commented, “Weisheng was his surname, and Gao, his personal name. He was a man of the state of Lu.”186 2) I  supplement as follows:  “Who says” is an idiomatic expression used to ridicule someone whose reality does not match his reputation.187 3) Xing Bing commented, “Xi 醯 (‘vinegar’) here means vinegar.”188 4) I  supplement as follows:  When he begged his neighbor for vinegar, Weisheng Gao must have said he would use it. This shows his dishonesty.189

“Yan ce 燕策” in Zhanguo ce uses wei 尾 in place of wei 微 for his name (see Zhanguo ce 戰國策, 29:15b). 187 In one of the previous chapters, the Analects says, “Who says the son of the man of Zou knows the rituals?” (Lun yu jizhu, 3:15) “Tangong” also says, “Who says Zi Lu does not know rituals?” (Li ji zhushu, 24:25a) 188 Shi ming says, “When fermented fish becomes moister than usual, it turns into vinegar” (Shi ming, 4:7b). 189 He was probably afraid that his neighbor would not have given him vinegar if he had said that someone else was looking for it. 186

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Although Confucius ridiculed Weisheng Go for a small discrepancy between his reputation for honesty and certain minor remarks, it was not a serious accusation of crime. 5.23.2 Arguments 1) Kong Anguo argued, “Since Weisheng Gao responded to someone’s begging him for vinegar by begging a neighbor for it [not by honestly saying that he did not have it], his attitude was distorted. Thus he cannot be regarded as an honest person.”190 Imagine that a man is now begging me for medicine because his parents are ill. I do not have it, but my neighbor does. I have a good relationship with my neighbor, but he has no relationship with him. Then should I beg it of my neighbor? Or, should I refuse his request and turn him away? This happens every day and is also a fine custom. I  am afraid that by raising one’s voice to censure Weisheng’s [alleged] crime, one does not present the original meaning. In general, the noble person should not adhere to minor tenets in a rigid manner. Since Weisheng was self-​assertive, saying that he committed no errors, Confucius here lightly brings up this case to demonstrate that his honesty was not perfect. In other words, Weisheng Gao must have inevitably said that he would use the vinegar when he begged his neighbor for it—​he was regarded as dishonest because of this. 2) I explore the textual differences as follows: In “Gu jin ren biao 古今人表” in Han shu, both Weisheng Gao and Weisheng Mu 微生畝 appear as Weisheng 尾生, a man who kept a promise to a lady [risking his life].191 In my view, this case is derived from the similarity of sounds of the names. * * * This is one of the more confusing chapters of the Analects: without comments, it is a challenge to understand why Confucius criticizes Weisheng Gao. Kong Anguo attempted to help grasp the point of Confucius’s criticism: he lied to someone who begged him for vinegar. Neo-​Confucian scholars adopted this commentary and rendered his “lie” a more serious crime. This explanation did not satisfy Dasan, however, and he could not understand whether

Master Cheng argued, “Although the distortion was minor, the fact that he was at all dishonest is serious” (Lun yu jizhu, 3:8a); Fan Zuyu 范祖禹 (1041–​1098) supplemented this, saying, “The sage came to understand the great matters by observing one’s dealings with small things” (3:8a); Master Zhu agreed, saying, “[Weisheng Gao showed that] he distorted his mind and placed stress on objects and that he fabricated his beauty and tried to put his virtue on display,” 191 Wang Yinglin argued, “This man is the same person as Weisheng, who appears in Zhuangzi. Dongfang Shuo 東方朔 (154–​93 bce) once made reference to ‘Such trustworthiness as the trustworthiness of Weisheng’ ” (Kun xue ji wen, 7:27b). 190

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Weisheng Gao deserved the criticism, especially as it was interpreted by the neo-​Confucian scholars. Kong Anguo assumed that Weisheng Gao lied to the borrower. However, it is unclear whether he told the borrower that he did not have vinegar but could obtain it from his neighbor. If Kong’s assumption proves false, the reader must find another reason for Confucius’s criticism. Dasan offered an explanation: he lied to his neighbor. This “reason” is listed in the “Original Meanings.” In fact, Dasan’s explanation also stemmed from an assumption. Despite Dasan’s comment, therefore, the question of what drove Confucius to make this criticism still remains unresolved. We understand, however, why Dasan replaced Kong Anguo’s conjectures with his own conjectures: Kong’s were combined with neo-​Confucian moral rigorism, which had gone extreme in Dasan’s eyes. In order to overcome the neo-​Confucian perspective and teach people the idea that “the noble person should not adhere to minor tenets in a rigid manner,” Kong’s explanation should be negated.

5.24 The Master said, “Achieving respectfulness through artful words and a charming countenance—​Zuoqiu Ming considered it shameful; I, Qiu, also consider it shameful. Befriending a man by concealing one’s resentment toward him—​Zuoqiu Ming considered it shameful; I, Qiu, also consider it shameful.”192 子曰; 巧言令色足恭, 左丘明恥之, 丘亦恥之. 匿怨而友其人, 左丘明恥 之, 丘亦恥之. 5.24.1 Grounds 1) Xing Bing commented, “Zu 足 (‘achieving’) is here synonymous with cheng 成 (to achieve).193 The relevant expression means that one achieves respectfulness through artful words and a charming countenance in order to flatter others.”194 2) Kong Anguo commented, “Zuoqiu Ming (c. 556–​c. 451 bce) was the Grand Historian of Lu.195 Ni yuan 匿怨 (‘concealing one’s resentment toward him’) means to keep one’s resentment deep in one’s mind but to pretend on the outside to be friendly.”

Zu 足 (“achieving”) in the main passage should be read with the departing tone [去聲]. It is a combination of jiang 將 and shu 樹 in fanqie 反切 [a traditional way to note tones]. 194 Master Zhu added, “Zu means to add something to what is organized naturally, but is thought to be insufficient, in order to make it sufficient. Thus the character zu is adopted in this part of the main passage.” 195 He is one of the historians who created the historical record [策書] of Lu [that was used when Confucius wrote Spring and Autumn.] 192 193

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5.24.2 Arguments 1) Kong Anguo argued, “Being respectful by gesturing with one’s foot [足] is an improper attitude.”196 I would disagree with this interpretation. 2) I question Master Zhu as follows: Master Zhu doubted that Zuoqiu Ming wrote a commentary of Spring and Autumn.197 This was because the divination performed by Jing Zhong 敬仲 (fl. 707 bce) from the state of Chen, which used the augural tortoise,198 and the divination performed by Bi Wan 畢萬 (fl. 650 bce), which used the augural stalks [that are recorded in Zuo’s Commentary],199 were obviously made after the usurpations that occurred in the states of Qi [in 404 bce] and Wei [in 445 bce]. This was also because that Zuo’s Commentary adopted the posthumous title of Viscount Xiang of Zhao [趙襄子, d. 425 bce] in advance [of his death] when it described the incident surrounding the state of Han, the state of Wei, and Zi Bai 智伯 [d. 453 bce], which none of Confucius’s contemporaries could have known.200 This assertion is clear and indisputable, which should remind the reader of the saying, “It is difficult to deceive the noble person with what is unharmonious with the Way” (Mengzi jizhu, 5A:2). Even with my foolishness, I do not stop at merely agreeing that this is the case. In fact, in its explanations of the meaning of the main text, Zuo’s commentary includes many invalid statements, self-​ contradictions, departures from the right principle, and disharmony with the ancient rituals. These cases are countless. Among them, those related to funerary and sacrificial rituals are discussed in my Chunchu gojing 春秋考 徵. The remaining cases, which carry no meaningful discussions, I cannot discuss individually. How can the fact that it was not a text from the pre-​Qin period be completely addressed through words? A redeeming quality of the commentary on the main text, however, is that it contains statements and facts that seem classical, refined, and fully compatible with existing protocols and rituals. It is surely not something Xing Bing supplemented this, saying, “This means that one considers following manners by merely gesturing with one’s foot as sufficient to show respectfulness.” He contintued, “Zu should be read as having its primary meaning of foot. This means that one considers mastering certain gestures of the foot as sufficient to show respectfulness.” 197 [According to Lun yu jizhu daquan] “Someone asked, ‘Isn’t Zuoqiu Ming the person who wrote a commentary on Spring and Autumn?’ Master Zhu replied, ‘I am not assured of it. Deng Mingshi 鄧名 世 (fl. 1141), my father’s friend who held the government post of Zhuzuo 著作, wrote Xing shi shu 姓 氏書 [古今姓氏書辨證; 氏姓書 in all editions of Noneo gogeum ju] and argued, “The surname of this person was Zuoqiu, and his personal name was Ming. The man who wrote a commentary on Spring and Autumn went merely by the name of Zuo.” ’ ” 198 The result of this divination predicted, “After five generations the family will begin to prosper, so that they will sit in the rank of the primary minister. After eight generations, no one will be able to compete with them” (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 8:35b). 199 The result of this divination predicted, “The descendants of the duke and the viscount will return to their initial status” (10:6b–​7a). 200 Viscount Xiang died eighty years [approximately sixty years] after the incident in which a giraffe was captured [the last recorded event in 481 bce in Spring and Autumn]. If Zuoqiu Ming was Confucius’s contemporary, he must not have been able to write a commentary like the one in Zuo’s Commentary seventy-​eight [fifty-​four] years after Confucius’s death. 196

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that a person from the late Qin or the early Han period could have possibly forged. Following repeated deliberations on this issue, I came to know that Zuoqiu Ming’s text was originally a historical record related to Spring and Autumn and contained no commentaries. During the transitional period from Qin to Han, the record might have been clandestinely transmitted to a single person, so that it remained unknown to people. Under these circumstances, Gongyang’s Commentary and Guliang’s Commentary were first adopted in mainstream academia. This situation might have compelled the man who was keeping the record to supplement it with a commentary covertly, in the hope that the forged book would excel Gongyang’s Commentary and Guliang’s Commentary and give him certain benefits. Accordingly, his edits and reactions to it might have been excessive. As a result, affairs related to the states of Qi, Wei, Han, and Zhao were unnecessarily added to it. Although the historical record was genuinely ancient, it could have been treated as the same as Guo yu or Zhanguo ce if there had existed no commentary on it. If it was treated so, it could hardly be said that it replaced Gongyang’s Commentary and Guliang’s Commentary in the Han academia. In other words, a man made use of the genuine historical record to help create this forged commentary. This is analogous with a fox exploiting the tiger’s power and a fly riding on a swift horse. This theory perfectly ties in with the principle and is also backed by obvious evidence. Why is it necessary to become entangled in debates on this issue? 3) For a classical text on the discussion here, see the preface for “Shi er zhuhou nianbiao 十二諸侯年表” by the Grand Historian [Sima Qian], that says, “Since Confucius discussed the historical record and arranged Spring and Autumn, his seventy-​two disciples orally received his teaching. Zuoqiu Ming, a noble person from the state of Lu, was afraid that they could not grasp the true meaning due to their arbitrary understanding of them and finally wrote Zuo shi Chunqiu 左氏春秋 by having exhaustive discussions on the passages.201 In line with this, “Yiwen zhi 藝文志” in Han shu says, “Zuoqiu Ming was the Grand Historian of Lu” (Qian Han shu, 30:11a). For a classical text on the same discussion, see “Rulin zhuan 儒林傳” in Han shu (Qian Han shu, 88:33a, 6–​33b, 8). According to my investigation, when Emperor Wu of Han [漢武帝, r. 141–​87 bce] established the system of the Erudite on the Five Classics, the official institutions did not adopt Zuo’s Commentary. When Wang Mang 王 莽 (45 bce -​23 ce) gave assistance to Han’s government under the reign of Emperor Ping 平 (r. 1 bce–​5 ce), the official institutions did adopt it. When Emperor Guangwu 光武 (r. 25–​57) became the hegemon, however, it was “Shen shi 沈氏 (?) says, ‘According to Yan shi Chunqiu 嚴氏春秋, which quotes “Guan Zhou 觀周” [in Kongzi jia yu], when Confucius planned to compile Spring and Autumn, he went to Zhou together with Zuoqiu Ming to take a look at documents in Zhou’s office of history. Upon returning to the state of Lu, he compiled the classic Spring and Autumn, and Qiuming [Zuoqiu Ming] wrote a commentary on it. They supplement one another, constituting the two faces of the classic’ ” (“Chunqiu Zuo zhuan xu 春秋左傳序”: Zuo zhuan zhushu, 0:15a). 201

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immediately removed from them. If the history of its transmission is as clear as it appears in the quoted sources, why did it waver between adoption and removal for hundreds years? In conclusion, such wavering can simply be attributed to the enmeshment of truths and falsehoods and pros and cons within the text. Zuoqiu Ming was Confucius’s contemporary202 and wrote a historical record related to Spring and Autumn. The completion of Guo yu [which was traditionally regarded as a work of Zuoqiu Ming] and the interpolation of the commentary of the main text of Spring and Autumn into the historical record obviously occurred in the early Han. This understanding cannot be concealed. * * * As quoted by Dasan, the earliest mention of the authorship of Chunqiu Zuo shi zhuan (Zuo’s Commentary in this book) appears in Shi ji, which argues that the book was written by Zuoqiu Ming, Confucius’s contemporary. This account remained authoritative for centuries until certain scholars, including Zhu Xi, began to examine it with suspicion. The most dubious aspect of Zuo’s Commentary, when one assumes that it was written by Zuoqiu Ming, is that it mentions certain historical events related to the history of the Warring States period. For example, as Dasan points out, it contains stories of Chen Jingzhong 陳敬仲 (陳完), which would have only been possible if the author already knew that his descendants were to become primary ministers in the state of Qi and that one of his descendants would become the ruler of Qi in 404 bce. In the same manner, Zuo’s Commentary seems to have predicted that the descendants of Bi Wan would later become the ruler of Wei—​a state that branched out from the state of Jin, following its division into three states in 403 bce. In the history of textual studies on Zuo’s Commentary, Zhu Xi helped divest the classic of the ancient authority that originated from its linkage to Zuoqiu Ming, whom Confucius praises in this chapter: Zuoqiu Ming was not the author of Zuo’s Commentary because his family name was Zuoqiu, not Zuo. Although he credited Deng Mingshi, a friend of his father’s, for making this discovery, some intellectuals at the time already had reason to suspect Sima Qian’s record on the authorship of Zuo’s Commentary, thanks to early research conducted by Dan Zhu 啖助 (fl. 750) and his student Zhao Kuang 趙匡 (fl. 766–​779), which is still available through Lu Chun’s 陸淳 (d. 805) writings. According to this view, two different people existed: one was Zuoqiu Ming, who is discussed in this chapter, and another was the author of Zuo’s Commentary. Dasan accepted this view in the sense that he also regarded Zuo’s Commentary as compiled by a person other than Zuoqiu Ming. At the same time, he disagreed with Zhu Xi, contending that Zuoqiu Ming’s text, the earliest record

He might have been Confucius’s senior. The argument that he was Confucius’s disciple is not persuasive. 202

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of the history of Lu, was integrated into Zuo’s Commentary. According to his theory, someone supplemented Zuoqiu Ming’s historical record by interpolating his own commentary into it. The textual problems found in the extant edition of Zuo’s Commentary are all related to this interpolated content, Dasan argued, but Zuoqiu Ming’s original record is invaluable to read and study. When he listed this argument on the origin of Zuo’s Commentary in the “Original Meanings,” he summarized it as “Zuoqiu Ming is a single person” because Zhu Xi did not understand that the historical record found in Zuo’s Commentary was written by Zuoqiu Ming, the same person as the one whom Confucius praises in this chapter. As is well known to experts in this field, Liu Fenglu 劉逢祿 (1776–​1829) staged a full-​scale assault on the authority of Zuo’s Commentary, arguing that Liu Xin 劉歆 (46 bce–​23) forged the work in support of Wang Mang. Since he was trained in the school of the New Script (which was tied to Gongyang’s Commentary in relation to Spring and Autumn), his attack on Zuo’s Commentary, a text in the Old Script tradition, was widely adopted by later scholars who aligned themselves with the New Script. In particular, Kang Youwei 康有爲 (1858–​1927) took up its legacy and led a campaign for political reforms based on a philosophy informed by Gongyang’s Commentary. Dasan was as aggressive as Liu Fenglu, who was born later than he was, in that he also suggested that Zuo’s Commentary was compiled in the Han dynasty. Although this appraisal is today considered somewhat too aggressive, it is interesting to read that a Korean Confucian took this radical stance earlier than a representative scholar did in the school of the New Script in Qing. Dasan’s theory on the composition of Zuo’s Commentary is creative and worth examining even today.

5.25 Yan Yuan and Ji Lu were in attendance. The Master said, “Why don’t you each tell me your aspirations?” Zi Lu said, “I wish to share my carriages, horses, ritual garments, and light fur clothing with my friends and, even if they are worn out, to bear no regret.” Yan Yuan said, “I wish never to boast of my own goodness and never to impose onerous works on others.” Zi Lu said, “I wish to hear your aspirations, Master.” The Master said, “I wish to comfort the old, be trustworthy to friends, and cherish the young.” 顔淵季路侍. 子曰; 盍各言爾志? 子路曰; 願車馬, 衣輕裘, 與朋友共, 敝 之而無憾. 顔淵曰; 願無伐善, 無施勞. 子路曰; 願聞子之志. 子曰; 老者 安之. 朋友信之. 少者懷之. 5.25.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Although Ji Lu was older than Yan Yuan, Yan Yuan is placed first in the passage because he passed away before this dialogue was recorded.

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2) I supplement as follows: Yi 衣 (“ritual garments”) refers to the ceremonial dresses for attending the court audience and sacrificial rituals. 3) Kong Anguo commented, “[Yan Yuan stated that] he did not wish to boast his own goodness,203 nor did he wish to impose tedious tasks on others.” 4) I  supplement as follows:  Comfort the old through nourishment;204 be trustworthy to friends through trust;205 and cherish the young through love.206 5.25.2 Arguments 1) Huang Kan argued, “Yan Yuan aspired to practice goodness but never to honor it on his own. In other words, he wished to put it into practice without being noticed, so that the people did not know of it in their everyday lives. He also wished never to create any projects of public labor under heaven, so that swords and halberds could be melted into farming tools. In this way, he wished to prevent Zi Gong from presenting his arguments and Zi Lu from wielding his braveness.”207 I would refute this as follows: The excerpt from Jia yu does not explain the original meaning of this passage.

5.26 The Master said, “Leave it now! I have never seen a person who is able to find his own faults and inwardly struggle to overcome them.” 子曰; 已矣乎! 吾未見能見其過而內自訟者也. 5.26.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Song 訟 (“struggle to overcome”) refers to debates held at the public courts. Since the mandate of Heaven and human desires fight one another in one’s mind, overcoming bodily desires is analogous to winning a legal suit. However, humans are able to find their faults and allow the mandate and the desires to have a dispute within their minds. They must be able to perceive the right and wrong and understand how to rectify their faults.

5.26.2 Arguments 1) Bao Xian argued, “Song is here synonymous with ze 責 (to reprove).” I would refute this as follows: The hexagram Song 訟 consists of the upper trigram Qian 乾, symbolizing the mandate of Heaven, and the lower trigram Kan 坎, symbolizing faults. Xing Bing added, “Being boastful of one’s merits is called fa 伐 (‘to boast of’).” Xing Bing commented, “Comforting the old is achieved by my filial and respectful service to them.” 205 Xing Bing commented, “Being trustworthy to friends is achieved by my honest relationship with them.” 206 Xing Bing commented, “Cherishing the young is achieved by my benevolent charity for them.” 207 The remark after “so that swords” appears in “Zhi si 致思” in Jia yu (see Kongzi jia yu, 2:2a). 203

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In observing this hexagram, those who are deeply familiar with Changes will understand that the mandate of Heaven and human desires are enemies to each other. This is what was meant by the expression “inwardly struggle to overcome them.” * * * Although song here is rendered as “to blame” in both the old and new commentaries, rarely will one find outside this chapter the word used in such a sense. In fact, song came to have that meaning, owing to Bao Xian’s definition of it in this chapter, which Zhu Xi adopted as well. Dasan did not accept this new definition, however, probably because it did not appear in the dictionary. Therefore he rendered it literally, as “legal disputes.” Dasan listed this interpretation in the “Original Meanings” and summarized it thus: “the expression nei zi song 內自訟 is pertinent to the dispute between the principle of Heaven and human desires.” The argument that the principle of Heaven and human desires form an adversarial relationship in one’s mind and that one should overcome human desires by animating the innate mandate is a signature theory of neo-​Confucianism. Even a glimpse at this argument would help divulge the falsehood of the claim that Dasan rejected neo-​Confucian philosophy.

5.27 The Master said, “In a hamlet of ten households, there must be people who are as wholehearted and trustworthy as myself. However, even they must not be my equal in the love of learning.” 子曰; 十室之邑, 必有忠信如丘者焉, 不如丘之好學也. 5.27.1 Grounds 1) I  supplement as follows:  Yi 邑 (“hamlet”) is where people gather. Five families constitute one neighborhood [隣], so two neighborhoods contain ten households. So yi is a small area. This passage mentions a small hamlet in order to show that Confucius’s wholeheartedness and trustworthiness are not at all extraordinary and can exist anywhere. 2) I  supplement as follows:  Wholeheartedness and trustworthiness concern natural substance [質]; the love of learning concerns refined expression [文]. This means that one cannot become a noble person only by means of securing natural substance. 5.27.2 Arguments 1) Wei Guan argued, “Those who are not as wholehearted and trustworthy as Confucius will accordingly not be his equals in the love of learning. If

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one truly loves learning, he will be able to become as wholehearted and trustworthy as Confucius.”208 In line with this, Mao Qiling explained, “In the national academy edition of Bei shi 北史, Su Chuo 蘇綽 (498–​546) quotes this passage without the character yan while issuing an imperial edict containing six stipulations in favor of Emperor Wen of the Zhou [北周 文帝, r. 581–​604]. I have found, however, that the other editions do not give any account of this. I do not know whether the national academy edition mistakenly omitted yan or the other editions added it to the passage. This matter cannot be further investigated” (Lun yu jiqiu pian, 3:8a-​b). In my view, there is no problem to read this passage smoothly even when yan is combined with the previous sentence. Wei Guan’s reading is not acceptable.

See Huang Kan’s comment. Xing Bing supplemented this, saying, “In Wei Guan’s reading, yan 焉 (a particle in the standard reading that Dasan adopts above) is combined with the following sentence. Then yan is synonymous with an 安 (how).” 208

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BOOK 6 Yong 雍也 6.1 The Master said, “Yong could be made to sit facing south.” Zhong Gong [Yong] once asked about Zi Sang Bozi. The Master replied, “Not bad because he is simple.” Zhong Gong asked, “If one dwells in prudence, acts with simplicity, and thereby proceeds toward the people, it is not bad, is it? If one dwells in simplicity and acts with simplicity, is it not excessively simple?” The Master said, “Yong’s remarks are right.” 子曰; 雍也可使南面. 仲弓問子桑伯子. 子曰; 可也簡. 仲弓曰; 居敬而行 簡, 以臨其民, 不亦可乎? 居簡而行簡, 無乃太簡乎? 子曰; 雍之言然.1 6.1.1 Grounds 1) Master Zhu commented, “Nan mian 南面 (‘to sit facing south’) refers to occupying a ruler’s position to listen to affairs of state;2 Zi Sang Bozi was a man of the state of Lu;3 jian 簡 (‘simple’) means uncomplicated.”4 2) I  supplement as follows:  Ju 居 (“dwells”) means to have one’s person checked by something in one’s conduct; xing 行 (“acts”) means to announce administrative orders to govern people; jing 敬 (“prudence”) refers to being diligent for those whom one deals with;5 jian 簡 (“simple”) refers to overlooking trifling matters.6 If one dwells in prudence, he becomes thoroughly considerate. Although his actions are simple, there is nothing left that is uncared for. If one dwells in simplicity, he becomes heedless. Although his actions are simple, they will end up bringing disorder. 3) Master Zhu commented, “Bozi was a type of man who is excessively simple.”

This book contains twenty-​nine chapters. Changes says, “The sages sit facing south to listen to opinions from all under heaven. This implies that they govern while facing brightness” (Zhou Yi zhushu, 13:7a). 3 Hu Yin suspected that he was Zi Sang Hu 子桑戶 (see Lun yu jizhu, 3:9b). “Dazong shi 大宗師” in Zhuangzi says, “Zi Sang Hu, Mengzi Fan 孟子反, and Zi Qin Zhang 子琴張—​these three people mingled with one another as friends” (Zhuangzi zhu, 3:12b). 4 Kong Anguo commented, “Confucius said ‘Not bad’ because he was able to be simple.” 5 One cannot practice jing when having no one to deal with. 6 If one makes things simple, no complicatedness arises. 1

2

6.1.2 Arguments 1) Bao Xian argued, “That one could be made to sit facing south means that one could be made to occupy the position of the feudal lords to rule.” Liu Xiang 劉向 (77–​6 bce) insisted, “In Confucius’s time, there was no brilliant Son of Heaven. Thus Confucius said that Yong could be made to sit facing south. Those who could sit facing south were the Sons of Heaven.”7 Yuan Liaofan 袁了凡 (袁黃, 1533–​1606) proposed a different view, saying, “In ancient times, all positions reserved for ruling people faced south. Even today, local magistrates’ offices adopt this tradition. Is there any reasonability in the argument that Our Master allowed one of his disciples to become the lord?” (unknown source). I would refute these claims as follows: All three theories above are unacceptable. Changes says, “The sages sit facing south to listen to opinions from all under heaven… .[T]‌his is derived from the hexagram Li 離.”8 Rites says, “The purpose of the lord’s facing south is to respond to yang; the purpose of the subject’s facing north is to respond to the lord.”9 Accordingly, the lord faces north, in dealing with the subject, if the subject plays the role of surrogate body of the ancestor; he also faces north if the subject plays the role of teacher.10 The subject faces south, in dealing with the lord, when he holds the augural tortoise in addition to the cases in which he plays the roles of surrogate body and teacher.11 Therefore, Yuan’s theory that argues that facing south and facing north are terms firmly established to indicate the lord and the subject respectively was greatly mistaken. Bao associated facing south exclusively with the feudal lords, and Liu, exclusively with the Son of Heaven. So their theories were also incorrect. Rites says, “When the sages occupy their positions facing south, all under heaven enjoy great order.”12 Zhuangzi says, “Even if one becomes a king facing south, his pleasures cannot exceed this one.”13 2) Wang Shu explained, “Bozi does not appear in books and transmitted documents.” In line with this Xing Bing argued, “According to Zheng Xuan, Bozi was a great official from the state of Qin because Zuo’s Commentary introduces Gongsun Zhi 公孫枝, a Qin official, whose adult name was Zi Sang. However, I am afraid that he was mistaken.” In my view, Zheng Xuan’s comment was incorrect. 3) For a classical text that supports my reading of the main passage, see Shuo yuan.14 As I understand, this story is not reliable because it must have developed out of this passage in the Analects. However, Liu Xiang here seems to say See Shuo yuan (Shuo yuan, 19:17a). See “Da zhuan 大傳 [that is, Xi ci zhuan 繫辭傳. But this passage appears in Shuo gua zhuan 說卦 傳]” (Zhou Yi zhushu, 13:7a). 9 See “Jiao tesheng 郊特牲” (Li ji zhushu, 25:24b). 10 See “Xue ji” (36:19b). 11 See “Ji yi” (48:20a). 12 See “Li qi” (24:10b). 13 This is a fable about a skeleton (Zhuangzi zhu, 6:23b). 14 See “Xiu wen 修文” (Shuo yuan, 19:16b, 7–​17b, 3). 7

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that Confucius first came to hear about Zhong Gong’s theory of dwelling in prudence and then endorsed him for facing south. This interpretation is fairly good. Although Zhong Gong had the king’s ambience, in principle Confucius would never have suddenly supported the notion that “he could be made to sit facing south.” Confucius would have done so merely because the theory of dwelling in prudence and acting with simplicity deeply shows Zhong Gong’s understanding of the essence of government, allowing him to proceed toward the masses to lead them. The person who recorded this passage placed Confucius’s words of endorsement first before revealing the reason why Zhong Gong received the endorsement. * * * To those who value the conservation of the existing social hierarchy, like neo-​ Confucian scholars and Dasan, this passage is controversial because it seems to approve the notion that Ran Yong 冉雍 [冉仲弓] can actually assume the ruler’s position. Yuan Huang’s argument is pertinent to this concern and is intended to dispel it. Although Dasan refutes Yuan’s argument above, it should not be taken as rebutting Yuan’s interpretation of the main text: Dasan’s refutation simply targets Yuan’s incorrect definition of a term, nan mian. Zhu Xi explained that this passage purports to convey Confucius’s approval of Yong’s personality, reading the expression “he could be made to sit facing south” as a metaphor. In the argument Dasan makes about Shuo yuan, one can notice that Dasan accepted Zhu Xi’s explanation because, according to him, Yong’s theory “deeply shows his [Zhong Gong’s] understanding of the essence of government.”

6.2 Duke Ai asked, “Which of your disciples loves learning?” Confucius replied, “There was Yan Hui, and he loved learning. He did not become angry over his poverty, nor did he vacillate over his mistakes. Unfortunately, his allotted span of life was brief, so he died before his time. Since he perished, I have never heard of a person who loves learning.”15 哀公問; 弟子孰爲好學? 孔子對曰; 有顔回者好學, 不遷怒, 不貳過. 不幸 短命死矣, 今也則亡, 未聞好學者也. 6.2.1 Grounds 1) I  supplement as follows:  Qian 遷 (“become”) is here synonymous with yi 移 (to move). That one does not harbor a grudge out of his destitute life conditions conforms to not becoming angry over his poverty. In line

15

Shi wen says, “Some of the other editions have no wang 亡 (‘perished’)” (Jingdian shi wen, 24:7a).

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with this, the Master said, “[Living in a narrow place] with one bamboo basket of rice and one gourd of drink; people cannot endure the sight of his misfortune [in Dasan’s reading]. However, Hui never altered his joy” (Lun yu jizhu, 6:9; 6.10 in Noneo gogeum ju). 2) I supplement as follows: Er 貳 (“vacillate”) is here synonymous with qi 歧 (to bifurcate) or xie 攜 (to drag). That one bravely corrects mistakes without hesitation conforms to not vacillating over mistakes.16 In line with this, the Master said, “[Yan Hui] never failed to be aware of it when he did something wrong and never did it again after he became aware of it” (Zhou Yi zhushu, 12:20b). 3) Xing Bing commented, “Yan Hui died at the age of thirty-​two.”17 4) I supplement as follows: Since people are destined by Heaven to have early deaths or long lives, one’s life span is called ming 命 (destiny). 5) Dazai Jun commented, “Wang 亡 (‘perished’) should be rendered in its literal sense. [The relevant phrase means that] Yan Hui does not exist in this world anymore.”18 6.2.2 Arguments 1) He Yan argued, “Yan Hui’s anger is harmonious with the principle, so he did not transfer it to others.” I would refute this as follows: Master Zhu also insisted that “not transferring the anger that someone causes one to feel to another person” was the meaning of the expression bu qian nu 不遷怒 (“he did not become angry over his poverty”). People today regard the case as a specific example of “transferring the anger,” in which Guanfu 灌夫 (d. 131 bce) ranted at Cheng Bushi 程不識 (fl. 157–​141 bce) when he was enraged by Tian Fen 田蚡 (d. 131 bce). However, it is an error. Only a mad man could commit an act of that kind. Is it necessary to become someone like Master Yan for not committing such an act? The noble person unresistingly accepts poverty, humility, worries, and anxiety, and he never harbors a grudge against Heaven nor blames others. This is what the expression bu qian nu means. 2) Also in my view, the meaning of er should be defined straightforwardly [ focusing on its literal meaning, “two”], not indirectly. Dragging something with both hands is called er; when something belongs to two different people, it is called er; but I  have never heard that doubling or repeating is called er. “Da ya” says, “Do not carry two [貳] minds” (Mao Shi zhushu, 23:32a–​b); “Qu li” says, “Even if one is served with two dishes of the same kind [貳], one does not refuse” (Li ji zhushu, 2:36a); Zuo’s Commentary says,

Having no remaining attachment is bu er 不貳 (“nor did he vacillate”). He continued, “It is fortunate for one to gain something when he is supposed to lose; it is unfortunate for one to lose when he is supposed to gain something. It is simply normal if an evil man dies young. Although Yan Hui was supposed to enjoy longevity, he died early. Therefore it says, ‘Unfortunately.’ ” 18 Poetry says, “The man of my adoration is no more [亡] here” (Mao Shi zhushu, 10:30b). 16 17

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“Taishu ordered the regions of the western border and the northern border to have two minds [貳] in favor of him”19 (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 1:24b); it also says, “The Zhou king wished to split the power of Zheng into two [貳] in favor of the state of Guo 虢”20 (2:8b). The meaning of er can be acquired through these examples. Is it then acceptable to use the expression er guo 貳過 (“vacillate over his mistakes”) for repeating the previous mistake? The human-​mind is dangerous, and Dao-​mind is subtle. Thus one often wishes to stop trying to correct his errors even when one has already wished to correct them. One mind is split into two minds, the human-​mind and Dao-​ mind—​this is what er guo means; cutting in two with one blade and having no regrets once one is determined to go and thereby leaving no remaining reluctance in mind—​this is required for not vacillating over one’s mistakes. 3) Xing Bing argued, “Wang is here interchangeable with wu 無 (not), meaning that now there is no person who loves learning.” Dazai Jun disagreed, saying, “In this interpretation [by Xing Bing and Zhu Xi], the sentence containing the character wang is duplicated with the following sentence.” In my view, Confucius’s remark, “I have never heard of a person who loves learning,” basically repeats the remark that precedes it: “Now there is no person who loves learning.” 4) For a classical text on the discussion here, see Lun heng, which asks, “Why did Confucius mention that Yan Hui neither transferred his anger nor made the same mistake twice [in Wang Chong’s reading]? It is because Confucius, taking advantage of Duke Ai’s question, wished to chastise his superior’s shortcomings. In doing so, Confucius could evade punishment. Duke Ai, in his temperament, tended to transfer his anger and to make the same mistake twice”21 (Lun heng, 9:9b). As I understand, the expression bu qian nu is germane to the fact that Yan Hui “never altered his joy”; the expression bu er guo 不貳過 is germane to the fact that Yan Hui “never did it again.” In his remarks on Yan Hui, Confucius primarily mentioned these two things. Thus this passage is not intended to be a satire on Duke Ai. However, Duke Ai’s question was initially related to the studies of Poetry, Documents, Rites, and Music. Confucius ascribed the two things to the love of learning and in doing so showed that he wished to teach Duke Ai by means of satire that learning for oneself does not hinge upon the learning of letters. 5) For a classical text that shows the conventional understanding of bu qian nu, see a record of Zuo’s Commentary and Du Yu’s comment on it (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 57:27b, 8–​28a, 1). * * *

Du Yu commented, “It means to belong to two different parties.” Du Yu commented, “He wished to divide the political authority.” Xing Bing also argued, “Since Duke Ai tended to transfer his anger and make the same mistake twice, Confucius satirized him here, exploiting his question.” 19

20 21

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A unique interpretation of this passage, which is listed in the “Original Meanings,” is drawn from Dasan’s efforts to bring consistency among Confucius’s remarks on Yan Hui. Dasan believed that the two descriptions of Yan Hui in this chapter pertained to others that appear in the classical texts. He noticed an analogy between them and two other instances in which Confucius mentions Yan Hui—​ one from the Analects and another from Changes—​and he created an unprecedented reading of this chapter. An element that drove him to embark on this small project was his realization that the deed of “not transferring the anger that someone causes one to feel to another person,” an almost universal understanding of bu qian nu, is too easy to be exclusively attributed to Yan Hui: only a mad man will transfer his anger to others. Thus the undercurrent of his creative reading was his independent estimation of the reasonability of the conventional reading. Indeed, this was a factor that consistently led Dasan to seek out a new interpretation. When he could not reasonably accept the transmitted reading, he attempted a new one, based on his knowledge of the classical texts. Such efforts of his may meet with doubts on the part of the reader. His rendition of qian and er in this chapter may need to be supplemented with more evidence, unless a liberal interpretation is allowed. Dasan actually tried to supplement his rendition of er with his theory of the human-​mind and Dao-​mind. Without this supplementary explanation, it would be difficult to accept his rendition. In that sense, this was a rare case in Dasan’s interpretation of the Analects because he mainly wished to understand the Analects within the context of the classic.

6.3 Zi Hua went on a mission to the state of Qi. Master Ran requested grain for his mother. The Master said, “Give her a fu.” When he requested more, the Master said, “Give her a yu.” Master Ran gave her five bing. The Master said, “When Chi [Zi Hua] left for Qi, he was riding a fat horse and wearing a light fur robe. I have heard that the noble person relieves people in urgent need but does not help the rich inherit their wealth.22 [This chapter opens the ninth roll of Noneo gogeum ju in traditional bookbinding and its third volume in the Sinjoseon-​sa edition, which corresponds to the ninth volume of the collection of classics in Yeoyudang jeonseo.] 子華使於齊, 冉子爲其母請粟. 子曰; 與之釜. 請益. 曰; 與之庾. 冉子與之 粟五秉. 子曰; 赤之適齊也, 乘肥馬衣輕裘. 吾聞之也, 君子周急, 不繼富. 6.3.1 Grounds 1) Ma Rong commented, “Zi Hua is the adult name of Confucius’s disciple Gongxi Hua Chi 公西華赤.”23 Yi 衣 (“wearing”) in the main text should be read in the departing tone. Xing Bing added, “According to Shi ji, Gongxi Chi’s adult name was Zi Hua. On this Zheng Xuan introduced, ‘He was a man of the state of Lu and forty-​two years younger than Confucius’ (see Shi ji, 67:24b).” 22 23

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2) Xing Bing commented, “Master Ran refers to Ran You 冉有. At the time, Zi Hua occupied an office in the state of Lu and went on a mission for Lu to the state of Qi. Ran You requested grain for his mother because her son left home on a mission and her family was poor.” 3) I supplement as follows: Our Master was occupying the office of the Head Minister of Crimes and Punishments at the time. Master Ran was the chief administrator in Confucius’s family and managed its assets. 4) Ma Rong commented, “Six dou 斗 and four sheng 升 amount to one fu.”24 5) Bao Xian commented, “Sixteen dou amount to one yu.”25 6) Ma Rong commented, “Sixteen hu 斛 amount to one bing.”26 7) I supplement as follows: Zhou 周 (“relieves”) is here interchangeable with zhou 賙 (to give to charity). Master Zhu commented, “Zhou means to supplement a deficiency; ji 繼 (“inherit”) means to help one enjoy a surplus continually.” 8) I  supplement as follows:  Being inconsiderate of nourishing his parents, Zi Hua adorned himself with a horse and fur robe. This does not fit the Way of children. His possession of a beautiful horse and robe allowed one to conjecture that he was rich. Thus Confucius said, “[the noble person] does not help the rich inherit their wealth.” Zi Hua was actually poor, so he was supposed to worry about how to nourish his parents, making do with a shabby robe and an emaciated horse. Since Zi Hua was not worried, Confucius deeply chided him. 9) Goengbo commented, “The amount of one fu or one yu is really small, so that it cannot be sent to one’s mother. Master Ran noticed that Our Master’s replies, such as ‘Give her a fu’ or ‘Give her a yu,’ were intended merely to criticize Zi Hua implicitly. So he did not follow his Master’s orders and eventually sent Zi Hua’s mother five bing of grain. By doing so, he took care of this case in harmony with Confucius’s intent. He did not arbitrarily give her the amount.” 6.3.2 Arguments 1) Zheng Xuan argued, “[Confucius] denounced Ran You for giving her too much.”27 I would refute this as follows: In principle, Master Ran would have not requested grain if Zi Hua had been truly rich, would he? Confucius might have intended to say that Zi

Xing Bing added, “According to Du Yu’s comment on a passage in Zuo’s Commentary, four sheng amount to one dou; four dou amount to one qu 區; four qu amount to one fu” (see Zuo zhuan zhushu, 42:14a). 25 Xing Bing added, “According to ‘Pin li,’ sixteen dou amount to one shu 籔. On this Zheng Xuan annotated, ‘Today, shu and yu 逾 are interchangeable. Thus, yu 庾, shu, and yu 逾 have the same quantity’ (see Yi li zhushu, 8:135b).” 26 Xing Bing added, “According to ‘Pin li,’ ten dou amount to one hu; ten shu amount to one bing. On this Zheng Xuan annotated, ‘One bing is equal to sixteen hu’ (see 8:135b).” 27 Xing Bing added, “Despite Zi Hua’s ample fortune, Ran You sent his mother a lot of grain. It was an act intended to help the rich inherit their wealth. Thus Confucius denounced Ran You.” 24

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Hua’s fortune must have been sufficient because his horse and robe were beautiful and that then there was no reason for him to help Zi Hua inherit his wealth: no one in the world adorns himself with a horse and robe first before he cares about food and drink. Our Master’s anger derived solely from the fact that Zi Hua adorned himself with a horse and robe before caring about food and drink [ for his mother]. It did not pertain to the large amount of grain (five bing) that was to be sent to Zi Hua’s mother. He initially specified one fu, and by doing so he first showed his intention; he later specified one yu, and by doing so he showed his intention again. Master Ran, receiving Confucius’s teaching inwardly, already understood Confucius’s intention, so he must have wished to have a discussion about it after Zi Hua’s return. His outward behavior, however, consisted of increasing the amount of Confucius’s subsidy and thereby guarding his ritual dignity. This is an affair of the worthy disciple. Considering that five bing was really too much, some early Confucians insisted that no grain should have been given, while others insisted that an excessive amount should not have been given:  their contentions over the moral principle revolved around the amount of grain. Isn’t this an error? In general, five bing of grain turns into no more than several dozen hu when polished into rice. Although readers of the classics were small-​minded, they regarded this trifling amount of grain a big thing. How could they be such misers? 2) I question Master Zhu as follows: Fu Guang 輔廣 (fl. 1201–​ 1204) argued, “The great officials should maintain no private relationships. Thus this must have occurred before Confucius became a great official. In addition, when Confucius planned to visit the state of Chu, he dispatched Zi Lu first and then again Ran You. They were also emissaries of this kind” (Lun yu jizhu daquan, 6:11b). In my view, it is uncertain whether Zi Hua was on an official mission or private mission. However, if he was on a private mission, riding a fat horse and wearing a light fur robe would be more incompatible with the principle. 3) Jin Lüxiang explained, “It was Master Ran who both requested grain and gave it to Zi Hua’s mother. This suggests that Master Ran was in charge of managing Confucius’s assets. This allegation is confirmed by the fact that Master Ran, carrying a bolt of silk, rode a horse to participate in Bo Gao’s 伯 高 funeral.”28 4) Huang Kan argued, “In my investigation, Bao Xian’s comment that sixteen dou amount to one yu is identical to Jia Kui’s 賈逵 (174–​228) comment on Guo yu. However, it is not harmonious with Rites of Zhou. ‘Fangren zhi 旊 人職’ in Rites of Zhou says, ‘Filling the dou vessel thrice leads to one hu [觳, which is synonymous with 斛];’29 also ‘Taoren zhi 陶人職’ says, ‘One yu

See Tongyi 通義. [Si shu tongyi 四書通義 written by Liu Yan 劉剡 (fl. 1452), which contains Jin Lüxiang’s comments. The same remark is seen in Lun yu jizhu kaozheng, 3:11b.] 29 On this Zheng Xuan commented, “The dou 豆 vessel can contain four sheng” (Yi li zhushu, 41:17b). Thus one hu is one dou and two sheng. 28

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amounts to two hu’ (Yi li zhushu, 41:17a). In the two chapters from Rites of Zhou, one yu amounts to two dou and four sheng. According to Bao Xian, however, sixteen dou amount to one yu. One yu in his comment is the same as one shu in ‘Pin li’ because it says, ‘Sixteen dou amount to one shu. It is uncertain whether Bao Xian or Jia Kui could have obtained a different source.”30 In my view, Rites of Zhou should be taken as the authentic source in this regard.31 * * * Dasan’s advocacy of Confucius’s direct disciples other than those sheltered as members of the orthodox Confucian pedigree continues in this chapter. As a matter of fact, Ran Qiu was one of the few disciples of Confucius who are introduced in the main text of the Analects as “master.” Although this apparently hints at his reputation in Confucius’s academy, he has been disrespected by scholars, especially neo-​Confucian scholars, because of his later service for the Jisun family and his failures in rectifying their misdeeds. Notwithstanding later denunciations, Ran Qiu actually had the most successful political career among Confucius’s disciples and contributed to the formation of the Confucian academy by helping Confucius return to the state of Lu following his long journey. The critics usually bring up this chapter alongside two other chapters, 11:16 and 16:1 in Lun yu jizhu, when they attempt to impress upon readers the nature of Ran Qiu’s evil because in the common reading of this chapter, he ignored Confucius’s order not to “help the rich inherit their wealth.” However, this interpretation may raise a question: how could this haughty disciple be accepted and even honored as “master” in Confucius’s academy? Dasan seems to have found an answer to this question, which is listed in the “Original Meanings”: Confucius also wished to give Zi Hua’s mother as much as Ran Qiu actually did but at the same time teach Zi Hua of the priority in one’s spending by showing his reluctance in aiding Zi Hua’s mother. This reading dramatically changes the nature of this chapter because in Dasan’s reading the chapter comprises a beautiful story between a teacher and a student. The psychology that Dasan understood was behind their relationship is observable in the Confucian human relationship. However, no evidence for his claim is available except that his interpretation is more compatible with the principle, as Dasan

Fang 旊 is a combination of fang 方 and wang 往 in fanqie; hu 觳 is read as the same as hu 斛. Mao Qiling argued, “According to ‘Pin li,’ the emissary of the feudal lords obtains ten carts of grain and displays them outside the guesthouse. According to a comment in Rites, each cart can carry one bing and five shu. This suggests that the amount of grain stacked outside the guesthouse was fifteen bing. Based on this protocol, Ran You sent one third of the grain to Zi Hua’s house. The act was taken in accordance with ‘Pin li’ ” (Si shu shengyan, 4:6a). In my view, Mao’s theory was also incorrect. The protocol in ‘Pin li,’ whose purpose is to feed the emissary, is held by the host state. How can it be related to this case? 30 31

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mentions in his comment. Thus his creative interpretation in this chapter was again indebted to his philosophy, which was in turn based on the “practical principle.” Dasan quotes Jin Lüxiang’s argument above in order to strengthen his account of how Ran Qiu was engaged in the matter of expending Confucius’s resources. In fact, unlike Dasan, who explains that the event described in the main text occurred when Confucius occupied the office of Head Minister of Crimes and Punishments, Jin Lüxiang believed that it was an event that occurred prior to Confucius’s assumption of the position (see Lun yu jizhu kaozheng, 3:11a). Dasan notes that he quoted the argument, which also appears in Lun yu jizhu kaozheng, from Si shu tongyi, as Dazai Jun did, whereas he usually provides Lun yu jizhu kaozheng as the source of other quotations of Jin Lüxiang’s arguments. He uses Si shu tongyi in three comments in Noneo gogeum ju for three arguments by Jin Lüxiang, which all appear in Lun yu jizhu kaozheng, and Dazai Jun also offers comments in relation with the three arguments.

6.4 Yuan Si was made the chief administrator of Confucius’s appanage. Confucius gave him nine hundred measures of grain, but he declined them. The Master said, “Don’t!32 You may give them to people in your neighborhoods, hamlets, towns, and villages.”33 原思爲之宰, 與之粟九百辭. 子曰; 毋! 以與爾鄰里鄕黨乎! 6.4.1 Grounds 1) Bao Xian commented, “[Yuan Si refers to] Confucius’s disciple Yuan Xian 原憲. His adult name was Si.34 When Confucius was the Head Minister of Crimes and Punishments, he appointed Yuan Xian the chief administrator of his appanage.”35 2) Kong Anguo commented, “ ‘Nine hundred’ here means nine hundred dou.” 3) Xing Bing commented, “Wu 毋 (‘don’t’) is a word of prohibition.” 4) Zheng Xuan commented, “Five households constitute one lin 隣 (‘neighborhood’); five lin constitute one li 里 (‘hamlet’); twelve thousand five hundred households constitute one xiang 鄕 (‘town’); five hundred households constitute one dang 黨 (‘village’).”

A pause should be placed after wu 毋 (“don’t”). In Lun yu jizhu, this chapter and the previous chapter are lumped together to form one chapter. 34 Xing Bing added, “According to Shi ji, Yuan Xian’s adult name was Zi Si 子思. On this Zheng Xuan commented, ‘He was a man of the state of Lu’ (see Shi ji, 67:18b).” 35 Xing Bing added, “Each of the great officials owns an appanage.” 32 33

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6.4.2 Arguments 1) Kong Anguo argued, “One should accept one’s level of income according to the law of official salaries; he should not decline it.” I would refute this as follows: My second elder brother [丁若銓, 1758–​1816] said, “Grain is not something one should obtain as part of one’s regular salary. If it had been part of one’s regular salary, the expression ‘gave’ cannot be used. Also Yuan Si might have been unable to decline it regardless of his integrity.” As I understand, even though Yuan Xian was extremely poor, Confucius let him give the grain to people in his neighborhoods, hamlets, towns, and villages. This suggests that he already had a regular salary besides the nine hundred measures of grain, with which he could feed his family.

6.5 The Master said of Zhong Gong, “Should the calf of a black ox have a red coat and regular horns, no one would wish to use it. However, would mountains and rivers abandon it?” 子謂仲弓曰; 犂牛之子, 騂且角, 雖欲勿用, 山川其舍諸? 6.5.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Li niu 犂牛 (“black ox”) refers to the black ox.36 “Muren 牧人” in Rites of Zhou says, “The sacrificial rituals in the yin category involve black [黝] sacrifices”37 (Zhou li zhushu, 12:25b). The sacrificial rituals in the yin category include the ones for Earth and spirits, for the land god and the grain god, for the five sacrificial rituals [ for the gods of the five phases], and for the five mountains.38 Even though the sacrificial rituals in the yang category involve red sacrifices,39 the ox that is used for the sacrifices to Heaven and Earth should have horns as little as chestnuts or silkworm cocoons.40 Thus the ox with a red coat and regular horns cannot be used for sacrifices for Heaven and Earth either.41 However, “Muren” in Rites of Zhou also says, “For extra rituals in which sacrifices are hacked to pieces, the brindled sacrifices [尨] can be adopted” (12:26b). Rituals with hacked sacrifices include the ones for local areas

Shi ji suo yin says, “Li is synonymous with hei 黑 (black)” (Shi ji suo yin, 25:8b). You 黝 here is synonymous with hei 黑. 38 See “Da Zongbo 大宗伯.” [Probably Zheng Xuan’s comment on “Muren,” not “Da Zongbo”. See Zhou li zhushu, 12:25b.] 39 The sacrificial rituals in the yang category refer to the ones for the heavenly gods. 40 See “Wang zhi 王制” (Li ji zhushu, 12:30a). 41 The ox that is used for rituals in the ancestral shrine should have horns as long as one grip. One grip is as long as four fingers pressed against each other. Thus if an ox’s horns are fully grown, it cannot be used even for rituals in the ancestral shrine. 36 37

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and those intended to dispel ill omens.42 They follow the blood rituals in importance, so rituals for mountains, forests, rivers, and ponds belong to this category.43 Mang 尨 (“brindled”) here is synonymous with za 雜 (mottled).44 In these rituals, they use various animals regardless of their hair color. “Should the calf of a black ox have a red coat and regular horns,” it cannot be used for rituals for either Earth45 or Heaven. However, should it be abandoned even in rituals for mountains and rivers? Zhong Gong was the son of a worthy father.46 People at the time often said that Zhong Gong was less worthy than his father and that accordingly he could not be employed. Confucius responded to them by saying, “If he is less worthy than his father, he would be unable to be responsible for a big project. However, would it also be impossible to employ him in occasions less important than that?” In general, an ox with a red coat is easily obtainable, whereas a black ox is difficult to acquire. Thus, Confucius compared a worthy father to a black ox. 2) Dazai Jun commented, “Zhu 諸 here stands in for zhi hu 之乎 (a suffix used to form a question).”47 6.5.2 Arguments 1) He Yan argued, “Li 犂 (‘black’ in Dasan’s reading) refers to brindled patterns; jiao 角 (‘regular horns’ in Dasan’s reading) refers to well-​formed horns, with which an ox is suitable for sacrifices.” I would refute this as follows: Li is interchangeable with li 𤛼.48 The second li literally means a black ox because li 黎 means “black”49 [and its radical niu 牛 means ox]. Characters that contain diao 䄪, such as li 鵹 (nightingale) or li 黧 (black), all carry the meaning “black.” I have never heard that li 犂 may mean “brindled.” Guo yu says, “Now the king is abandoning the old with li 犂” (Guo yu, 19:9a). Here “the old with li” refers to the old people with black age spots [in Dasan’s rendition]. Then isn’t it already obvious that li refers to “black”? Also, Confucius just mentioned “horns.” How could He Pingshu 何平叔 [He Yan] know that the term “horns” implies “well-​formed horns, with which an ox is suitable for sacrifices”? There is no ground for this interpretation to stand on.50 For these rituals, sacrifices are hacked in order to be used. Zheng Xuan commented [on the quoted passage from Rites of Zhou], “The king performs extra rituals for the mountains and rivers that he passes by” (Zhou li zhushu, 12:26b). 44 This is Zheng Xuan’s definition of the character (12:27a). 45 They include rituals for the land god and the grain god, the five sacrificial rituals [ for the gods of the five phases], and rituals for the five mountains. 46 For more details, see the following discussion. 47 This definition comes from Xiao Er ya 小爾雅 [according to Dazai Jun]. This character is analogous with he 盍, which stands in for he bu 何不 (why not). 48 See the dictionary of Chinese characters [the name of which Dasan did not provide]. 49 See “Yao dian 堯典” (Shang shu zhushu, 1:6b). 50 Yun hui 韻會 says, “Li refers to brindled patterns on an ox” (Gu jin yun hui ju yao 古今韻會擧要, 2:22a). However, this definition stems from He Yan’s comment on this chapter, which is insufficient as evidence. 42 43

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2) He Yan argued, “Although people do not wish to employ him due to his origin from a brindled ox, how can mountains and rivers be willing to abandon him?” I would refute this as follows: Should people truly abandon him, the gods of mountains and rivers also cannot help but abandon him. Would they ask people to save him in their dreams? Also if Pingshu’s interpretation were true, not only mountains and rivers but also one hundred gods will not abandon him. 3) He Yan argued, “Even though his father was not good, it did not mar his beauty.” I would refute this as follows: Even if Zhong Gong’s father was not good, it does not befit a noble person to point a finger at one’s father, castigate him, and say, “He is the son of a brindled ox.” How can Confucius be such a person? In Lun heng, Wang Chong thought that Bo Niu 伯牛 was Zhong Gong’s father. He must have had some ground for it. Bo Niu stood comparison with Yan Yuan and Min Zi Qian 閔子騫 and entered the domain of virtuous deeds together with them. When he was sick in bed, Confucius felt deep regret and said, “That such a man should have such a disease!” (Lun yu jizhu, 6:8; 6.9 in Noneo gogeum ju) This suggests that he was a worthy man.51 4) Jia yu says, “Ran Yong’s adult name was Zhong Gong, and he was from Bo Niu’s family. He was born to an asinine father but later became famous for his virtuous deeds.”52 “Dizi zhuan 弟子傳” in Shi ji also contains the same information.53 I would refute these claims as follows: The official academy of the former Han harbored a misunderstanding of Zhong Gong’s father from the beginning, and thus someone said that he was asinine while others said that his deeds were crude. However, all their assertions are groundless.54 5) “Fan Li zhuan 樊酈傳” in Han shu says, “Zhong Ni said, ‘Should the son of a brindled ox have a red coat and well-​formed horns, although people do not wish to use it, would mountains and rivers abandon it?’ This implies that the shi-​scholars are not bound to secular categorization in the world” (Qian Han shu, 41:20b). In my investigation, Han Confucians passed this misunderstanding down for generations. 6) In Lun heng, Wang Chong argues, “There is no harm in using a red calf born from a black ox for sacrifices. Clean descendants of dirty ancestry should face no obstacles in gaining recognition as outstanding heroes. Gun 鮌 was evil but his son Yu 禹 was a sage; the old blind man was wicked but his son Shun was holy; Bo Niu was sick in bed but Zhong Gong [his son, as Dasan understood] stayed pure and integral; Yan Lu 顔路 was mediocre but his son Yan Hui excelled and gained prominence;

Like Zeng Zhe 曾晢 and his son, he studied with his son in the same academy. See “Qi shi er dizi jie 七十二弟子解” (Kongzi jia yu, 9:1b). It says that his father was crude (Shi ji, 67:4b). 54 Jia yu is a forged book. 51

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7)

8)

9)

10)

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the ancestors of Confucius and Mozi were stupid but Kong Qiu 孔丘 and Mo Di 墨翟 are remembered as sages and worthies” (Lun heng, 30:13b). As I understand, “Wang Chong was from the Han dynasty and famous for his erudition in the ancient documents from the era of the three kings and five emperors” (Si shu shengyan, 1:2b). He must have secured some ground for his claim that Zhong Gong was Bo Niu’s son. Of course, his record parallels the old commentary of the Analects in that it shows an inferior father paired with a superior son. Bo Niu’s shortcoming, however, was nothing more than that he was sick in bed. Is being sick in bed an evil deed? If Zhong Gong was genuinely Bo Niu’s son, he was the son of a worthy father. Xu Dongyang 許東陽 (許謙, 1270–​1337) argued, “The rendition of li as brindled patterns has no ground. It must refer to a plough-​ox, not one for sacrificial rituals. The interpretation of the expression xing qie jiao 騂且角 (‘to have a red coat and well-​formed horns’ in the common reading), which focuses on the connotation of xing, is also biased” [Not seen in Xu’s Du Si shu congshuo 讀四書叢說 or Du Lun yu congshuo 讀論語叢說]. I would refute this as follows: Xu’s theory was incorrect but he proved perceptive for drawing attention to the problems of the old commentary in raising this question. Mao Qiling argued, “[Geng 耕 and li 犂 are interchangeable with each other. For example] Sima Niu’s 司馬牛 original name was Geng 耕. However, Kong Anguo [in his comment on a passage in the Analects] introduced that his name was Li 犂, and his adult name, Zi Niu 子牛, seeing that geng is interchangeable with li. Thus, Bo Niu’s original name might have been Li [because his name was Geng]. The reason that the main passage of the Analects mentions ‘the son of a plough-​ox [犂牛之子; in Mao’s reading]’ was that Confucius wished to satirize Bo Niu’s personal name and clan name implicitly by discussing a plough-​ox. The comment about li meaning ‘brindled’ was flawed” (Si shu shengyan, 1:2b). I would refute this as follows: Satirizing a father’s personal name and clan name does not comport with the manner of sages. Wu Cheng 吳程 (?)  argued, “Li 犂 is interchangeable with li 黧. They indicate a black-​yellow color pattern” (quoted in Rongo kogun gaiden). [The same explanation is found in Shujing jizhuan 書經集傳, 4:5b.] I  would refute this as follows: Li 黧 is interchangeable with li 鵹 since li huang 鵹黃 is sometimes worded li huang 黧黃. In general, nightingales have some black spots, which are deeply black, and some yellow spots, which are clearly yellow. Is it possible to describe them as black-​yellow? Yichuan 伊川 [程頤] argued, “This passage unnecessarily has the character yue 曰 (‘said’).”55 Jin Lüxiang disagreed, saying, “This passage bears analogy with a passage that begins with the phrase ‘The Master said of Yan Yuan’ in

This pertains to the expression “The Master said of Zhong Gong.”

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‘Zi han 子罕’ (Lun yu jizhu, 9:20; 9.21 in Noneo gogeum ju). I suspect that the character yue does not cause any problems.”56 In my view, it is unnecessary to remove one yue from this passage. Its structure is similar to that of such phrases as “The Master said of Nan Rong” (Lun yu jizhu, 5:1) and “The Master said of Zi Jian”57 (5:2). * * * Dasan here suggests an inventive reading again, which is listed in the “Original Meanings.” It is supported with two crucial discoveries: firstly, li 犂 refers to “black,” so li niu 犂牛 means “black ox,” which can be used for all sacrificial rituals in the yin category; secondly, Ran Bo Niu, who is considered one of the greatest of Confucius’s disciples, might have been Ran Zhong Gong’s father. In conclusion, according to Dasan, Confucius can now be understood as saying that Zhong Gong is inferior to his father but should not be abandoned. Dasan’s contention here was based on the aforementioned discoveries, which will jeopardize his argument if they prove invalid. This is because, above all, the common interpretation of li niu (a brindled ox) and Ran Zhong Gong’s father (a bad father) appears to be on solid grounds as well. In addition, the discoveries are somewhat insecure. One of the crucial pieces of information that led to the first discovery was Sima Zhen’s 司馬貞 (d. 732) comment on a record in Shi ji. Although it surely supported Dasan’s interpretation, his comment from the Tang period cannot easily supersede the pre-​Tang comment by He Yan. Dasan also attempts to strengthen his argument by defining li 犂 as being “interchangeable with li 𤛼 [black ox].” Dasan says that he obtained this definition from a dictionary but does not provide the exact source. Another detail that possibly validates Dasan’s argument comes from Guo yu’s adoption of the term li lao 犂老 (“The old with black [犂] age dots” in Dasan’s reading). On the term, however, Wei Zhao 韋昭 (204–​273) commented that it refers to the old people with crooked backs. In contrast, li 犂 is normally rendered “brindled” in the old and new commentaries, a definition widely accepted in dictionaries and by other commentators. This common rendition also conveys the secondary meaning of the character, that is, to plough, because brindled oxen were regarded as inadequate for solemn rituals but were employed for farming. In line with this, Mao Qiling argued that li originally carried the meaning of farming [耕]. Meanwhile, Lun heng is the only source that supports the second discovery: in a discussion, Wang Chong lists Ran Bo Niu and Ran Zhong Gong in parallel with others who apparently had father-​son relationships. An inference from this record that Ran Zhong Gong was Ran Bo Niu’s son may be sound.

See Tong yi. [The same remark is seen in Lun yu jizhu kaozheng, 3:11b.] The phrase “The Master said of Yan Yuan” in Book Nine, “Zi han,” also does not imply that Confucius directly talked to Yan Yuan. 56 57

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However, a dominant number of other sources claim that they just belonged to the same clan and that Ran Zhong Gong’s father was crude. Mao Qiling, who also quotes the passage from Lun heng, concludes that it was a dubious record. Moreover, Wang Chong seems to name them in the context of a discussion on bad father-​good son relationships. Since Dasan was aware of the discrepancy between his conclusion and Wang Chong’s narrative, he insists that their relationship could not simply be compared with that of others in the record. Actually some of Dasan’s remarks in this chapter may disclose Dasan’s true motivation to dare an examination of the “original meaning” of this chapter. In Dasan’s eyes, the most problematic aspect of the common reading of this chapter is that it suggests Confucius disrespected fathers. Following his principles, Dasan would have felt it hard to accept that the great teacher verbally abused anyone’s father, the kind of behavior that no noble person should tolerate. Since no commentators read this passage in accordance with the general Confucian norm of respecting fathers, he needed to find a new interpretation. His suspicion that the transmitted understanding failed to convey the “original” meaning might have been doubled when he paid attention to the character jiao 角 in the main text because, as agreed to in all comments, it refers to horns that have fully grown. Versed in the Confucian rituals, Dasan noted that an ox that had them could not be adopted for significant rituals because “the ox that is used for the sacrifices to Heaven and Earth should have horns as little as a chestnuts or silkworm cocoons.” Dasan understood this issue about the size of horns in such a way, despite other ongoing discussions. Dasan was greatly indebted to Mao Qiling’s and Dazai’s works again for his argument in this chapter. His speculative insight, however, was genuinely independent.

6.6 The Master said, “Hui did not depart from humanity in his mind-​heart for three months. The others reach this state for days or for a month.” 子曰; 回也, 其心三月不違仁, 其餘日月至焉而已矣. 6.6.1 Grounds 1) Master Zhu commented, “ ‘Three months’ implies a long period.”58 2) I supplement as follows: Wei 違 (“depart from”) is here synonymous with li 離 (to leave);59 humanity is love for people. The son and the father, the younger brother and the older brother, the subject and the lord, and the local magistrate and the people—​the love that one warm-​heartedly feels in his reciprocal relationship is called humanity. If one does not depart from

It does not imply that he departed from humanity after three months. In one of the previous chapters, the Analects says, “The noble person does not depart from humanity even for the space of a meal” (Lun yu jizhu, 4:5). 58

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it in his mind, it is not only observed in actual deeds but also substantially fills his mind-​heart. 3) I  supplement as follows:  “The others” refers to the other disciples. The phrase re yue zhi 日月至 (“reach this state for days or for a month”) means that the state of not departing from humanity lasts for one month or days. 4) According to my investigation, Constant Mean says, “Only a few people could practice it for a long time [in Dasan’s reading]” (Zhong yong zhangju, 3b). If someone can practice humanity for a long time, he must be a sage. Master Yan could not help but sometimes make mistakes as well. So the Analects says, he “did not vacillate over his mistakes” (Lun yu jizhu, 6:2). If one cannot avoid making mistakes, there must be a period in which he halts his practice of humanity. However, it must be very brief. Thus, it says, “Hui did not depart from humanity in his mind-heart for three months.” 6.6.2 Arguments 1) He Yan argued, “[The main passage means that] the others had a brief moment in which they reached humanity.”60 I would refute this as follows: If one leaves this state immediately after reaching it for a brief moment, he likely cannot avoid doing evil. How could Confucius’s disciples have been inhumane to this extent? Xiaoshan 蕭山 [毛奇齡] argued, “The three characters re yue zhi suggest that they reached the state for a day or for a month. It does not imply that they reached it once a day or once a month. Misplacement of a character may lead to a great distortion” (Si shu gai cuo 四書改錯, 21:15b). This opinion is correct. On this Li Nanli 李南黎 (李文纘, fl. 1573–​1620) remarked, “The expression re yue zhi means that someone remained in a state of humanity for one day, while others remained for one month. It does not imply that they reached the state once a day or once a month” (unknown source). * * * Dasan’s advocacy of Confucius’s direct disciples is succinctly expressed in this chapter with the question, “How could Confucius’s disciples have been inhumane to this extent?” As quoted by Dasan, Mao Qiling also attempted to protect them in the same context. He actually prepared a short section in his Si shu gai cuo, a book solely dedicated to disclosing Zhu Xi’s exegetical errors, in which he discusses “the errors of degrading the sacred [Confucius’s] academy.” Thus, Dasan’s defiance to the neo-​Confucian “prejudice” in this regard parallels Mao Qiling’s project. His argument is listed in the “Original Meanings.” It is also intriguing to see that Dasan placed the status of local magistrate in parallel with that of the son, the younger brother, and the subject, probably in

60

Xing Bing’s interpretation is identical to this.

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line with the idea that local bureaucrats should serve the people as public servants. This idea is fully discussed in his Mongmin simseo 牧民心書 (Treasured Book of Nurturing the People).

6.7 Ji Kangzi asked, “Can Zhong You be employed for governing?” The Master replied, “You is resolute; what difficulty does he have in governing?” Ji Kangzi asked, “Can Ci be employed for governing?” The Master replied, “Ci is perceptive; what difficulty does he have in governing?” Ji Kangzi asked, “Can Qiu be employed for governing?” The Master replied, “Qiu is gifted; what difficulty does he have in governing?” 季康子問; 仲由可使從政也與? 子曰; 由也果, 於從政乎何有? 曰; 賜也可 使從政與? 曰; 賜也達, 於從政乎何有? 曰; 求也可使從政也與? 曰; 求也 藝, 於從政乎何有? 6.7.1 Grounds 1) I  supplement as follows:  Cong zheng 從政 (“governing”) here means to occupy an office to conduct administrative affairs.61 2) Master Zhu commented, “Guo 果 (‘resolute’) means decisiveness;62 da 達 (‘perceptive’) means to understand the principle of human relationships;63 yi 藝 (‘gifted’) means to have many talents.”64 3) I supplement as follows: He you 何有 (“What difficulty . . . have”) implies that there is no difficulty. 6.7.2 Arguments 1) Ogyu argued, “Those who take responsibility for political affairs [爲政] are great officials; those who conduct political affairs [從政] are the shi-​ officials.”65 I would refute this as follows: Jieyu 接輿 the Crazy from the state of Chu once said, “Those who conduct political affairs today are in danger.”66 Zuo’s Commentary says, “Those who were conducting political affairs in the state of Jin were newly hired, so that their orders have not been followed yet.”67 In “Jin yu,” Viscount Xuan of Zhao [趙宣子, d. 601 bce] says, “If subjects form a faction when serving the Cong is here the same as cong as in the expression “Be engaged [從] in this affair.” Bao Xian’s comment conveys the same definition. 63 Kong Anguo’s comment conveys the same definition. 64 Kong Anguo’s comment conveys the same definition. 65 Dazai supplemented this, saying, “During the Spring and Autumn period, those who took responsibility for political affairs [爲政] in the feudal states, without exception, had positions as primary ministers.” 66 See one of the following chapters (Lun yu jizhu, 18:5). 67 See the eleventh year of the reign of Duke Xuan (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 23:15b). 61

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lord, how can I conduct political affairs successfully?” (Guo yu, 11:3b) These quotations all indicate the fact that the great officials took charge of political affairs. There is even a passage that says, “One year after Zi Chan from the state of Zheng started conducting political affairs, the public extolled his accomplishments.”68 Zi Chan was exactly the type of person Dazai meant when he described primary ministers. Dazai always wished to oppose Master Zhu’s theories at any cost, derogatorily saying here, “Those who take responsibility for political affairs are great officials; those who conduct political affairs are the shi-​officials.” Wasn’t a malady in his mind-​heart that caused him to insist this point? “Za ji” says, “In the one-​year period of mourning, one can be engaged in conducting political affairs after the ritual of ending one’s ritual weeping; in the nine-​month period of mourning, one can be engaged in conducting political affairs after the interment”69 (Li ji zhushu, 42:23a). “Wang zhi” says, “Those who wish to move from the appanage of the great official to the domain of the feudal lord should not be engaged in conducting political affairs for three months; those who wish to move from the domain of the feudal lord to the appanage of the great official should not be engaged in conducting political affairs for one month”70 (13:29b). These were the common rituals that the great officials and the shi-​officials practiced. Thus, the term cong zheng in the main text cannot be properly understood when its discussion is fixated on a specific rank. The talents of the three disciples were greatly applauded and honored at the time. It may be unnecessary to relate them to a position of lower ranking and small office. Master Zhu’s interpretation ought to be considered right. * * * They had a malady in their mind-​hearts—​this is Dasan’s verdict on the tenacious opposition of Japanese scholars to neo-​Confucian interpretations of this classic. In his eyes, they failed to learn from the genuine spirit of neo-​ Confucianism because they narrowly focused on its philosophical defects—​ that is, its metaphysical approach to Confucian norms. In doing so, they lost balance and fairness. What Dasan wished to accomplish in Noneo gogeum ju was to restore the balance, while acknowledging the many dangers to which neo-​Confucianism may lead. Dasan still thought that he could make a compromise with it through his synthesis of all transmitted Confucian traditions. In fact, he adopted the same expression xinshu zhi bing 心術之病 (a malady in one’s mind-​heart) in revealing what he thought was a subtext of Mao

See the thirtieth year of the reign of Duke Xiang (40:17b). “Wang zhi” also says, “In mourning the loss of one’s parents, one should not be engaged in conducting political affairs for the entire period [three years]; in the mourning of qi cui 齊衰 and da gong 大 功, one should not be engaged in conducting political affairs for three months” (Li ji zhushu, 13:29b). 70 For more discussion on this topic, see my Ye jeon 禮箋 (Sangrye sajeon 喪禮四箋, 94a). 68

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Qiling’s criticism of Zhu Xi in one of the following chapters (Lun yu jizhu, 7:17; 7.18 in Noneo gogeum ju) and finally pointing out the endemic shortcomings of his contemporary scholars in another chapter (12:1). His remarks on the shortcomings conveys his principal idea on this issue: Today’s scholars wish to correct the problems of the Song and Yuan Confucians who discussed li and qi under the guise of Confucianism but with an inward inclination towards Zen Buddhism. In their interpretations and explanations of the classics, accordingly, they persistently tend to follow the theories of Han and Jin Confucianism. As regards the moral principles that are derived from Song Confucians, such scholars are committed to opposing them consistently, regardless of their content. This attitude has given way to a malady in the mind-​hearts of some people (Noneo gogeum ju, 267a).

6.8 The Ji family wished to employ Min Zi Qian to serve as the chief administrator of Bi. Min Zi Qian said, “Please politely deliver my message for me. If anyone calls on me for this, I will definitely be north of the Wen River.”71 季氏使閔子騫爲費宰. 閔子騫曰; 善爲我辭焉. 如有復我者, 則吾必在汶 上矣. 6.8.1 Grounds 1) Master Zhu commented, “Min Zi Qian was Confucius’s disciple, whose name was Sun 損.”72 2) I supplement as follows: Bi is the name of a rural area east of Lu.73 The Ji family took ownership of it. In the seventh year of the reign of Duke Xiang, Nan Yi 南遺 (fl. 566–​537 bce) was appointed chief administrator of Bi and asked the Ji family to build a fortress for the town. In the thirteenth year of the reign of Duke Zhao, Nan Kuai 南蒯 [Nan Yi’s son] rose in rebellion in Bi.74 Gongshan Furao 公山弗擾 (fl. 502–​487 bce) rose in rebellion in Bi as well.75 In the twelfth year of the reign of Duke Ding [魯定公, r. 509–​495 bce], Confucius had Zhong You 仲由 take the office of the chief administrator for the Ji family.76 Zhong You captured [墮] three towns and confiscated their armor and weapons. Bi was one of the towns.

Fu 復 (“calls on”) here should be read in the checked tone. He was a man of the state of Lu. Bo Qin 伯禽 [the founder of the state of Lu] swore a military oath in Bi, and Fei Qinfu 費庈父 was a great official of Lu. See the second year of the reign of Duke Yin [魯隱公, r. 722–​721 bce] (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 1:42b). 74 He rose against the Ji family. 75 He also rose against the Ji family. 76 At the time, Confucius was the Head Minister of Crimes and Punishments. 71

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3) Kong Anguo commented, “Since the Ji family experienced several rebellions led by the chief administrator of Bi, they wished to employ Zi Qian upon hearing about his worthiness.” 4) I supplement as follows: The statement “Please politely deliver my message for [爲] me” means that Min Zi Qian asked the messenger to explain well his message to the Ji family;77 fu 復 (“calls on”) means to come and go;78 Wen is the name of a river, which is located in the border area between the states of Qi and Lu.79 5) Kong Anguo commented, “That Min Zi Qian wished to go north of the Wen River implies that he wished to go northward to the state of Qi.80 6.8.2 Arguments 1) Kong Anguo argued, “The Ji family did not follow the norms of the subject.” He continued, “Min Zi Qian did not want to be the chief administrator for the Ji family.”81 As I understand, Bi was the heavily armed town of Lu and at the same time the stronghold of the Ji family.82 If the Ji family occupies Bi, the state’s orders will not be followed; if the state occupies it, it will be unable to quell the rebellions. This situation comprises a dilemma. If the Ji family employs a worthy person to be the chief administrator of Bi, it is an advantage to the Ji family but disadvantage to the royal house. A noble person is always wholehearted when he works for others. So if he already receives the responsibility, he cannot avoid being wholehearted in ruling the town. If he is wholehearted for Bi, however, it would bring harm to the state of Lu. This is the reason Min Zi Qian declined the offer. Therefore, when Confucius was appointed to the position of the Head Minister of Crimes and Punishments, he had Zhong You take the office of the chief administrator for the Ji family so as to capture Bi first and then assist the Ji family from the outside. His real purpose was to help sustain the state of Lu. Even though it is unclear when the Ji family offered Zi Qian the position, it must have preceded the event of Zi Lu’s capturing of Bi. Nevertheless, if one argues that Zi Qian did not wish to be the chief administrator due to the Ji family’s disloyalty, this implies that Confucius and Zi Lu mindlessly fell into bad company together

Wei 爲 here should be read in the departing tone. This is the definition from Shuo wen (Shuo wen jie zi, 2B:8a). Xing Bing commented, “According to ‘Dili zhi,’ the Wen River rises in the southwestern area of Laiwu 萊蕪 prefecture near Mt. Tai and enters the state of Qi. It runs through the area south of Qi and north of Lu.” 80 Chen Li 陳櫟 (1252–​1334) added, “Although his words were soft, he was firmly resolute in his decline” (Lun yu jizhu daquan, 6:19b). 81 Xing Bing added, “They violated the principle of ritual propriety and music and expelled Duke Zhao. By doing so, they did not follow the norms.” 82 In “Chu yu,” Fan Wuyu 范無宇 (fl. 540–​529 bce) says, “States have never benefitted from having big fortresses. In the past, the state of Zheng had Jing 京 and Li 櫟 . . . [a]‌nd the state of Lu had Bian 弁 and Bi” (Guo yu, 17:11b). 77

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despite their observation of Zi Qian’s keeping company with the upright. Is this compatible with the principle? Taking office for the Ji family was not shameful in Confucius’s academy. 2) Mao Qiling explained, “Many in Confucius’s academy served the Ji family. Even Our Master had earlier taken the position of scribe and also the lower position of overseeing their livestock. For example, Mencius describes how Confucius ‘became an accountant  .  .  . [a]‌nd an official who oversaw the maintenance of their gardens and ranches’ (Mengzi jizhu, 5B:14). One cannot revile these things as servitude to dogs and boars” (Si shu gai cuo, 20:6a). Mao Shuzhai 毛述齋 (毛遠宗, Mao Qiling’s son) supplemented this, saying, “Our Master not only approved of You’s and Qiu’s service for the Ji family but also wished to put the Way into practice through it. When he witnessed that Gong Bo Liao 公伯寮 accused Zi Lu before the Jisun family, Our Master implicitly rejected Liao by saying, ‘It is the destiny of the Way to prevail; it is the destiny of the Way to perish.’ This is addressed in the Analects fairly obviously” (20:7a). 3) In its explanation of the character fu, Lun yu jizhu says, “It is a combination of fu 扶 and you 又 in fanqie.” As I understand, unless fu is read in the checked tone, fu wo 復我 in the main text does not form a sentence. Mencius says, “Suppose a man states [復] to your Majesty that ‘My strength is sufficient for lifting one hundred jun 鈞… .’ It is not true that the character fu [with the checked tone] is only adopted for the case in which a man is supposed to make a statement [復] after receiving orders. Fu here refers to making a statement after one is called. 4) “Zhi pei 執轡” in Jia yu says, “Min Zi Qian became the chief administrator of Bi, so he asked Confucius about ruling. Confucius said, ‘Ruling is comparable with driving’ ”83 (Kongzi jia yu, 6:3b). In my view, it is compatible with the principle to infer from his reaction to the offer here that Min Zi Qian must have remained unchanged from his first resolution until later moments. Jia yu is a forged text.84 * * * Xie Liangzuo 謝良佐 (1050–​1103) is quoted by Zhu Xi as saying, “Min Zi Qian considered that the unrighteous honor and wealth of the Ji family consisted of nothing more than what was reserved for dogs and boars” (Lun yu jizhu, 3:13b). This clearly displays the uncompromising spirit of neo-​Confucian moral rigorism. Mao Qiling regarded Zhu Xi’s comment as a distortion and tried to reveal that aspect under a short section that is dedicated to discussing Zhu Xi’s

The dialogue is quite long, so that I omit it here. Yang Jianyu 楊見宇 (?) argued, “Bi was the heavily armed town of Lu. Zi Lu ruled it for three months, leaving behind no accomplishments; Zi Gao ruled it for nine months, achieving nothing of merit. Master Min must have not wished to take it” (unknown source). 83

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defilement of Confucius’s academy. Mao Qiling, however, did not explain the reason Min Zi Qian declined the offer from the Ji family. Accepting Mao’s and his son’s remarks, Dasan accounts this matter as follows: Min Zi Qian did not take the offer because it left him in a dilemma. This explanation is appealing in that it also explains the connotation of his statement that he would run away from the state of Lu, if they continued to press him on this issue. Furthermore, Dasan draws a general conclusion that may surprise anyone who is familiar with the neo-​Confucian interpretation of this classic, that “taking office for the Ji family was not a shame in Confucius’s academy.” This generalization cannot be understood apart from his tendency to support the stance of the scholars in the court, as aforementioned. Experts in Korean history may sense that Dasan (who said that “if he already receives the responsibility, he cannot avoid being wholehearted in ruling the town”) was somewhat familiar with the views of the scholars in the court under King Taejong 太宗 (r. 1400–​1418) and King Sejo 世祖 (r. 1455–​1468), who can be easily compared to Taizong 太宗 of Tang (r. 626–​649) and Chengzu 成祖 of Ming (r. 1402–​1424). Dasan also uniquely rendered ci 辭 (“my message”) in the main text as “statements [辭命],” whereas all other commentators have read it as “to decline.” Although his unique rendition of the character does not lead to the excavation of a different meaning in the said passage, it again shows his independent mind alongside his uncommon reading of the character fu.

6.9 Bo Niu fell ill, and the Master went to visit him. Holding his hand through the window, the Master said, “We shall lose him. It is fate! That such a man should have such a disease! That such a man should have such a disease!” 伯牛有疾, 子問之, 自牖執其手曰; 亡之, 命矣夫! 斯人也而有斯疾也! 斯 人也而有斯疾也! 6.9.1 Grounds 1) Ma Rong commented, “Bo Niu refers to Confucius’s disciple Ran Geng 冉 耕.”85 2) Master Zhu commented, “You 牖 (‘the window’) refers to the southern window.86 According to ritual propriety, a sick person should lie under the northern window.87 However, when the lord visits him, he should be moved to the southern window so that the lord may look at him, facing south.88 At

Xing Bing added, “According to Shi ji, ‘Ran Geng’s adult name was Bo Niu’ (Shi ji, 67:4a). On this, Zheng Xuan commented, ‘He was a man of the state of Lu’ (67:4a).” 86 Shuo wen says, “The window that was made by boring the wall is called you” (Shuo wen jie zi, 7A:14a). 87 In “Shi sang li,” you appears as yong 墉 (wall; see Yi li zhushu, 13:47b–48a). 88 This knowledge was first conveyed through Kong Anguo’s comment on “Sang daji 喪大記” (see Li ji zhushu, 44:1b). 85

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the time, Bo Niu’s family showed respect for Confucius by adopting this ritual. Confucius, however, could not receive it. So he did not enter the room and held Bo Niu’s hand through the southern window.” 3) I  supplement as follows:  Wang zhi 亡之 (“We shall lose him”) is an expression equivalent to shi zhi 失之 (to lose it). It means that we shall lose our worthy colleague. 4) Master Zhu commented, “Ming 命 (‘fate’) here refers to the mandate of Heaven.” 5) I supplement as follows: “Such a man” here signifies a man who cannot be easily acquired; “such a disease” signifies a disease that certainly leads to one’s death.89 6.9.2 Arguments 1) Bao Xian argued, “Since Bo Niu had a bad disease, he did not want to expose himself to others’ view.”90 Mao Qiling supplemented this, saying, “To ancient people the bad disease usually meant leprosy. According to ritual propriety, if a wife contracts a bad disease, she is sent to her parents’ home. This is because the disease is leprosy. Thus, in its explanation of the poem ‘Fuyi 芣苢,’ Han Shi 韓詩 [韓詩外傳] says, ‘The wife of a man from the state of Cai was saddened by her husband’s bad disease. Although she wished to avoid leprosy, she could not endure abandoning him.’ According to ‘Bian ming lun 辨命論’ written by Liu Xiaobiao 劉孝標 (462–​521), Ran Geng performed the song ‘Fuyi.’ This directly pertains to his disease” (Si shu shengyan, 2:1a). In my view, when he mentions “such a man” or “such a disease,” Confucius seems to be filled with compassion. Impressed with this, Han Confucians merely fabricated a story based on this chapter. If it were leprosy, Confucius would not have even held the hands of his loved ones, although he loved them like his family members. Probably, it was just a mortal disease but does not seem to have been leprosy. Again in my view, if Bo Niu’s family had guided Confucius to enquire about his illness from the other side of the wall because of the bad disease, Confucius would never have held his hand. If Confucius already so cherished Bo Niu that he held his hand, why did he not enter the room to solace the patient? He must have had a reason he could not. So he held Bo Niu’s hand through the southern window. Zhu Xi’s explanation cannot be altered. 2) For a classical text on the discussion here, see “Gong Sheng zhuan 龔勝傳” in Han shu, that says, “With the excuse of having a serious illness, Sheng made a low wooden bed and placed it at the left side of a door under the southern window. He laid his head eastward and had his body covered with

89 90

Bao Xian commented, “Confucius repeated his remark out of his deep regret.” Xing Bing added, “According to Huainanzi, Bo Niu was afflicted with leprosy.”

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ceremonial garments for the court audience, on top of which he added the ceremonial belt. The messenger announced the imperial edict, standing and facing south” (Qian Han shu, 72:27b–​28a). According to my investigation, the comment on the expression jia chaofu 加朝服 (“[Confucius had] his body covered with ceremonial garments for the court audience ”) from “Xiang dang 鄕黨” (see Lun yu jizhu, 10:13, 10.25 in Noneo gogeum ju) corresponds to Kong Yingda’s comment on “Sang da ji” 3) For a classical text on the discussion here, see “Jingshen xun 精神訓” in Huainanzi, which says, “Zi Xia lost his sight; [Ran] Bo Niu was afflicted with a plague”91 (Huainan honglie jie, 7:16a). In line with this, Lun heng by Wang Chong says, “Bo Niu was sick in bed but Zhong Gong stayed pure and integral” (Lun heng, 30:13b). As I  understand, [Wang Chong’s remark that] “Zhong Gong stayed pure and integral” was intended to imply that Bo Niu had leprosy. When sacrifices remain intact, it is described as “integral [牷].” This shows that Wang Chong implicitly made use of the discussion of “an ox with a red coat and regular horns” for this record. What benefit is there in one’s false accusation of the ancient worthies through ridiculous remarks that were made out of his misunderstanding of the Analects? 4) Mao Qiling argued, “[According to ‘Jiao tesheng’] only the Bo 亳 altar of the land god was installed beside the northern window… .[S]‌o Zhu Xi’s comment that a sick person usually lies under it is incorrect” (Lun yu jiqiu pian, 2:22b). As I understand, a room has no window on its northern side. So the term “the northern window” [in “Sang daji”] should be changed to “the northern wall,” and that is that. Why does Mao Qiling here furiously censure Master Zhu? The error made in “Sang daji”—​how is this ascribed to Master Zhu? * * * Dasan’s attempt to protect Confucius’s direct disciples unfolds again in this chapter with his excoriation of the arguably evil intention that he insisted informed the records of Huainanzi and Lun heng. He also seems to criticize Mao Qiling, especially in the last argument, to show his respect for Zhu Xi’s scholarship. However, his last argument has a subtle connotation. In fact, Mao Qiling and Dasan agree on the fact that a room has no northern window because it was the ancient standard that a room had one door and one window, the southern window. Mao Qiling found, however, that the Bo altar for the Yin dynasty was, unusually, installed beside the northern window because the ruling Zhou dynasty wished to allow the shrine for its predecessor to absorb only yin energy, not yang power. Since Mao Qiling already believed that the term

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The plague here refers to leprosy.

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“the northern window” seen in “Sang daji” might have been a scribal error (and that the correct term was “the northern wall”), he concluded that Zhu Xi’s comment was incorrect. Thus what Dasan really pointed to in his criticism of Mao Qiling was his attitude, not his knowledge or interpretation. The attitude gave way to what Dasan described in the previous chapter as “a malady in his mind-​heart.” On the other hand, his last argument reveals the fact that Zhu Xi did not notice the problem of the term “the northern window.” Dasan shielded Zhu Xi because he felt that it was not Zhu Xi’s fault.

6.10 The Master said, “What a man of worth was Hui! Living in a narrow place with one bamboo basket of rice and one gourd of drink—​people cannot endure the sight of his misfortune. However, Hui never altered his joy. What a man of worth was Hui!” 子曰; 賢哉, 回也! 一簞食, 一瓢飮, 在陋巷, 人不堪其憂, 回也不改其樂. 賢哉, 回也! 6.10.1 Grounds 1) I  supplement as follows:  Dan 簞 (“bamboo basket”) refers to a bamboo basket;92 piao 瓢 (“gourd”) refers to a dried gourd shell;93 shi 食 refers to rice; yin 飮 includes various kinds of water and drinks;94 lou (“narrow”) 陋 is here interchangeable with ai 隘 (confined); xiang 巷 (“place”) refers to town streets. 2) Xing Bing commented, “Upon observation, people cannot endure the sight of Yan Hui’s misfortune. However, he did not alter his aspiration for enjoying the Way.”95 3) Dazai Jun commented, “Mencius says, ‘While tilling in the field of You Shen 有莘, Yi Yin enjoyed the Way of Yao and Shun’ (Mengzi jizhu, 5A:7). Master Yan was similar to him.” 6.10.2 Arguments 1) Zhang Nanxuan 張南軒 (張栻, 1133–​1180) argued, “The poverty of having one bamboo basket and one gourd is something people cannot endure” (Lun yu jizhu daquan, 6:24b).

“Shi guan li 士冠禮” says, “The ornamental hairpins are contained in a bamboo basket [簞]” (Yi li zhushu, 1:24b). 93 It is made by splitting a gourd into two. Zhuangzi says, “If one splits it into two to make a gourd [瓢]…” (Zhuangzi zhu, 1:9a). 94 “Jiangren 漿人” in Rites of Zhou says, “Six drinks for the king include water, light soup, sweet rice drink, cold porridge, sweet wine, and millet wine” (Zhou li zhushu, 5:25b). 95 Kong Anguo also explained that he enjoyed the Way. 92

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In my view, Xing Bing understood that others came to have concerns for Yan Hui when they witnessed his poverty. Nanxuan understood that others could not endure it when they were in Yan Hui’s place. I am not sure which interpretation is better. I will follow the old commentary for the time being. 2) Wang Caodang argued, “Yu lei [朱子語類] contended that one should eliminate [壞] joy if one is truly engaged in a discussion of enjoying Heaven and understanding the mandate of Heaven (Zhuzi yu lei, 30:27a). This is what is pursued by Zen Buddhist monks” (unknown source). As I  understand, the Zen school practices a meditation technique of focusing on a head word [話頭] that a master projects to lead people to contemplate a certain topic. In this practice, they never present a clear statement.96 This is a quality embraced by the so-​called Zen Buddhist monks. In contrast, when Zhou Maoshu 周茂叔 (周敦颐, 1017–​1073) asked people to find out where Confucius’s and Yan Hui’s joy existed, he provided a clear way to find it by mentioning affairs one could enjoy. How can this be identical to the meditational technique? Wang Caodang must be a follower of Lu Jiuyuan’s 陸九淵 (1139–​1192) philosophy. 3) For a classical text on the discussion here, see “Rang wang 讓王” in Zhuangzi, which reads: “Yan Hui says, ‘I have a fifty-​wu-​acre field outside of the fortress, which is enough to provide me with food; I have a ten-​wu-​acre field in the interior of the fortress, which is enough to make threads and hemp-​cloths; I can entertain myself with the drum and the Chinese lute; I can be content myself with what I have learned of Our Master’s Way’ ” (Zhuangzi zhu, 9:18b–​19a). As I understand, the Analects says that Yan Hui had a bamboo basket because he had no vessels and basins; it says that he had a gourd because he had no cups and jars. How could he possess sixty wu acres? I am afraid that this record is incorrect. * * * Dasan’s confidence in his understanding of people (the implication of his pen name Sa’am) enabled him to say that Zhou Dunyi’s well-​known question about Confucius’s and Yan Hui’s joy, which is usually compared with “the head word” in Zen meditation, was definitely answerable. To Mao Qiling and Dazai Jun, however, his question was not far different from the enigmatic questions of Zen Buddhism. This discussion is here triggered by an argument by Wang Fuli from the Qing dynasty, whose pen name was Caodang. As a matter of fact, his Si shu jizhu bu 四書集註補 is one of the hidden references that Dasan relied on for his interpretation of the Analects: in a number of chapters, Dasan made use of

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For example, the head word can be “a cypress in the front yard.”

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comments of his that were aimed at deleting, supplementing, or changing Zhu Xi’s comments on the Four Books, including the Analects. In this chapter, Dasan quotes his comment and concludes that his idea bears affinity to that of Lu Jiuyuan, whom Zhu Xi’s students tended to associate with Buddhism due to his focus on the notion of mind-​heart and human subjectivity. In his discussion of this chapter, however, Wang Fuli, quoting Feng Shaoxu 馮少墟 (馮從吾, fl. 1589–​1592), suggests that readers delete part of Zhu Xi’s comment because it can lead Confucian learners astray, to Zen Buddhism. His assertion goes as follows: “That the moral principle can please the mind-​heart obviously indicates that the [Confucian] Way is enjoyable. However, later Confucian scholars always asked what things Confucius and Yan Hui enjoyed and by doing so moved toward the learning of Zen Buddhism. Even our Confucian scholars cannot easily escape from this danger. Accordingly, I delete this part [of Zhu Xi’s comment]” (Si shu jizhu bu, 5:12a). This remark can hardly be said to bear any affinity with Lu Jiuyuan’s philosophy. It is uncertain whether Dasan referred to another book written by Wang Fuli for this chapter.

6.11 Ran Qiu said, “It is not that I do not delight in your Way, but my strength is insufficient.” The Master said, “Those whose strength is insufficient collapse in the middle of the road, but now you limit yourself.” 冉求曰; 非不說子之道, 力不足也. 子曰; 力不足者, 中道而廢, 今女畫. 6.11.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Zhong dao 中道 (“in the middle of the road”) implies that one is walking along the road;97 fei 廢 (“collapse”) means to fall and collapse;98 and hua 畵 (“limit yourself”) means to draw a line to make a boundary. Master Ran had many talents, so by saying in advance that his strength was insufficient, he limited himself. 6.11.2 Arguments 1) Rao Lu 饒魯 (1193–​1264) argued, “The expression zhong dao er fei 中道而廢 refers to a situation in which a man, who is taking a long trip with a heavy burden on his shoulders, gets halfway and at last puts it down because his energy and strength were exhausted, without hope for continuing the trip.” I would refute this as follows:

The hexagram “Fu 復” says, “Waking in the middle of the road, it returns to the start” (Zhou Yi zhushu, 5:9b). 98 [According to Yu ding Kangxi zidian] Shuo wen says, “The collapsing of a house is called fei” (Yu ding Kangxi zidian, 9:28b). 97

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By saying “[he] puts it down,” [Rao insisted that] fei meant that he stopped and gave it up. According to this rendition, fei is the same as fei in the expression “One gives up [廢] a great project.” Isn’t this an error? Fei should be rendered as fei in the expression “the collapse [廢] of Jing Ke 荊軻.” It means that one collapses out of lack of strength.99 How can it mean to stop one’s travel? 2) For a classical text on the discussion here, see Constant Mean, which says, “The noble person walks along the Way and collapses [廢] in the middle of the road. However, I cannot stop walking”100 (Zhong yong zhangju, 6b). In my view, Zheng Xuan’s comment on this passage [seen in the footnote below] was incorrect. If a noble person dies at the age of eighty, it is equivalent to collapsing in the middle of the road. Collapsing in the middle of the road implies one’s death caused by his body’s collapse out of lack of strength and energy. This remark from Constant Mean is the utmost expression of one’s resolution that one will not stop even on the verge of death. Its voice is full of woe and passion. How can it be rendered as “giving up and stopping”? 3) For a classical text on the discussion here, see “Biao ji,” that says, “A poem in ‘Xiao ya’ reads, ‘The high mountain is looked up to; the broad road is easy to travel along’ (Mao Shi zhushu, 21:50a). Confucius said, ‘The love for humanity embedded in Poetry is clearly seen here. Those who walk toward the Way and collapse [廢] in the middle of the road forget about their aging bodies and are not aware of the insufficiency of time. They diligently work on humanity every day and are stopped only after their deaths’ ” (Li ji zhushu, 54:11b–​12a). On this Zheng Xuan commented, “Fei here means that one stops working on humanity when he cannot continue to work due to his strength being totally exhausted” (54:12a). In my view, Zheng Xuan’s comment above is incorrect. The character fei has the an 广 (house) radical and originally referred to a house that is collapsing. Regardless, Zheng Xuan always renders it as “giving up and stopping.” Isn’t this an error? There is, however, a little discrepancy between the remarks of “Biao ji” and Constant Mean, on the one hand, and this passage in the Analects, on the other, because the former sees the expression zhong dao er fei as implying that one walks toward the Way until his death whereas the latter, implying that one collapses due to his insufficient strength. 4) For a classical text that supports my interpretation here, see the record of Master Yang’s [揚雄] remark in Fa yan.101 * * *

In the third year of the reign of Duke Ding, Zuo’s Commentary says, “The viscount of Zhu 邾 stormed forward from the light wooden bed and collapsed [廢] onto the charcoal of the furnace” (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 54:12b). Fei here means to fall and collapse. 100 On this Zheng Xuan commented, “Fei here means to give up and stop” (Li ji zhushu, 52:9b). 101 See “Xue xing 學行” (Fa yan 法言, 1:10a, 6–​7). 99

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Dasan listed his rendition of fei (“to collapse”) in the “Original Meanings” probably because he wished to diminish the importance of Zheng Xuan’s comment on the character. He might have been aware that Dazai Jun also had the same stance in this regard: “In this context, fei is not pertinent to one’s intention [to stop]. It is an error for commentators to explain that it implies one’s intention.” While Dazai Jun drew his understanding from Zhanguo ce, Dasan mainly based his interpretation on Shuo wen because according to him, it offers a definition beneficial for his reading: “The collapsing of a house is called fei.” Strictly speaking, however, this definition is not for fei but for dian 㝪 (to collapse) in Shuo wen (Shu wen jie zi, 7B:7a). It is Kangxi zidian that introduces this definition for fei, saying that it accords with Shuo wen (quoted in Yu ding Kangxi zidian, 9:28b). Fortunately, this inaccuracy does not yield a negation of Dasan’s interpretation of fei because in its definition of the character ti 替, Shuo wen explains that fei conveys the meaning of leaning to one side to collapse [一偏下], a meaning somewhat similar to that of dian (Shu wen jie zi, 10B:10a).

6.12 The Master said to Zi Xia, “You be a scholar modeled on the noble person, not a scholar modeled on the petty person.” 子謂子夏曰; 女爲君子儒, 無爲小人儒. 6.12.1 Grounds 1) Master Zhu commented, “Ru 儒 (‘scholar’) is an appellation given to scholars.”102 2) Kong Anguo commented, “The noble person becomes a scholar in order to illuminate the Way; the petty person becomes a scholar because he wants to honor his name.”103 6.12.2 Arguments 1) Wang Caodang argued, “The great person and the petty person are divided here according to the magnitude of their mindfulness” (Lun yu jizhu bu, 5:13a). I would refute this as follows: Ru refers to those who study the Way. They all learn Poetry, Documents, Rites, Music, institutions, decrees, laws, and regulations. In their learning, however, if their mind-​ hearts proceed toward the Way, they become scholars modeled on the noble person; if their mind-​hearts proceed toward reputation, they become scholars modeled on the petty person. Although the explanation in the transmitted commentaries is quite plain, it plumbs “Zhong zai” in Rites of Zhou says, “Ru scholars acquire the people through the Way” (Zhou li zhushu, 2:21a). 103 In the Huang Kan edition, this comment is attributed to Ma Rong. 102

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deep into the original meaning. Lun yu jizhu makes a distinction between them in accordance with the difference between rightness and profit and between the public and the private. This explanation is also clear. How can this passage deal only with the magnitude of one’s mindfulness?

6.13 Zi You became the chief administrator of Wucheng. The Master said, “Have you employed any worthy person?” Zi You answered, “There is Dandai Mieming: he does not take a byway when coming to the government office and has never visited Yan’s [my] office without having public projects.” 子游爲武城宰. 子曰; 女得人焉耳乎? 曰; 有澹臺滅明者, 行不由徑, 非公 事, 未嘗至於偃之室也. 6.13.1 Grounds 1) Bao Xian commented, “Wucheng was a lesser town of the state of Lu.” 2) I  supplement as follows:  De ren 得人 (“employed any worthy person”) means to acquire a worthy person as his deputy.104 3) Kong Anguo commented, “Yan 焉, er 耳, and hu 乎 are all particles in this passage.”105 4) Bao Xian commented, “Dandai was his family name, and Mieming, his personal name. His adult name was Zi Yu 子羽.” 5) I supplement as follows: He later became Confucius’s disciple.106 6) I supplement as follows: The expression xing bu you jing 行不由徑 (“does not take a byway when coming to the government office”) means that he took the right path to come to work at the government office.107 “Public projects” here refers to those related to the affairs of the Lu royal house,108 which include nurturing the people and serving the public. “My office” here is equivalent to the hall of administration today. 6.13.2 Arguments 1) Xing Bing argued, “[Dandai Mieming] took the broad road when travelling and has never taken a short cut.” I would refute this as follows: Broad roads are usually winding, while byways are straight. So those in humble positions who had to walk in order to travel were allowed to take

Their positions were similar to those of local aides today. In my view, the recorder of this passage might have wished to describe how Our Master talked softly. Xing Bing says, “According to Shi ji, ‘Dandai Mieming was from Wucheng. His style was Zi Yu, and he was thirty-​nine years younger than Confucius’ (Shi ji, 67:17b).” 107 In other words, he did not take a narrow byway to report his presence at the government office in the morning. 108 Wucheng belonged to the Lu royal house, not to the families of the three Huan. 104 105

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byways. That Dandai Mieming did not take a byway is here a metaphor that he did not make any private visits.109 2) Yang Shi 楊時 (1053–​1135) said, “In governing, obtaining talented people is a priority” (Lun yu jizhu, 3:14a). On this, Cai Qing argued, “Hearing that he became the chief administrator of a certain place, Confucius asked him if he already found a good person who was resolute in his moral practices. It is unnecessary to say that ‘in governing, obtaining talented people is a priority.’ Zi You did not intend to employ Mieming to assist him in his administration” (Si shu mengyin, 6:12a–​b). I would refute Cai’s claim as follows: The main passage says that Dandai never visited Yan’s office without having public projects. This signifies that he had discussions with Yan about public projects. What else is this, if not giving an assistance to Yan’s administration? 3) Wang Yinglin contended, “Among Confucius’s disciples, only Yan Yan 言 偃 was from the state of Wu. And Dandai Mieming once arrived at the Yangzi River area in his trip south. According to Shi ji zhengyi 史記正義, Lake Dandai is five li miles away from Suzhou 蘇州. In line with this, ‘Rulin zhuan’ says, ‘Dandai Mieming resided in the state of Chu’ ” (Kun xue ji wen, 7:24a). For a classical text that pertains to Wang’s argument here, see a record in the eighth year of the reign of Duke Ai in Zuo’s Commentary (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 58:19a, 6–​19b, 5). As I  understand, Dandai Zi Yu’s family resided in Wucheng for generations. * * * Dasan’s unique understanding of one character shi 室, “[my] office,” was critical to his creative reading of this passage. Agreeing that it refers to Yan Yan’s room in his house, no commentators were able to imagine that it could mean the chief administrator’s office. Since the main passage suggests that Dandai Mieming sometimes had discussions of public projects with Zi You, Dasan thought, if it occurred in a public space, he must have held an official position to give assistance to Zi You’s administration. This is another unprecedented reading of this passage, which is listed in the “Original Meanings.” Whereas the common reading tries to show Confucius’s deep interest in discovering worthy and virtuous people, in this new interpretation this passage suggests Confucius’s deep interest in the effectiveness of administration. That said, Dasan’s interpretation of this chapter confirms his interest in government, an interest the scholars-​in-​the-​court held as well. “Ji yi” says, “The noble person takes the right path, not byways” (Li ji zhushu, 48:10b); “Bo Yi zhuan 伯夷傳” says, “[Dandai Mieming] did not take a byway” (Shi ji, 61:5b). In Jia yu, Gao Chai 高柴 says, “The noble person never takes a byway.” [This remark is recorded in Xiao xue jizhu by Zhu Xi, not Guo yu. See Yu ding Xiao xue jizhu 御定小學集註, 4:15a. Zhu Xi quoted Guo yu for his description of Gao Chai in his Lun yu jizhu, not in relation to the remark above. See Lun yu jizhu, 6:4b–​5a.] All these sayings stemmed from this passage. 109

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Dasan’s assertion that “broad roads are usually winding” may seem to contradict common sense, but it remains true in certain topographical settings where many barriers exist, such as in Korea.

6.14 The Master said, “Meng Zhi Fan was not boastful. In retreat, he stayed in the rear. When entering the gate, he whipped his horse and said, ‘I did not dare to take up the rear. My horse did not go forward.’ ” 子曰; 孟之反不伐. 奔而殿, 將入門, 策其馬曰; 非敢後也, 馬不進也. 6.14.1 Grounds 1) Kong Anguo commented, “Meng Zhi Fan refers to Meng Zhi Ce 孟之側, a great official of the state of Lu.”110 2) Master Zhu commented, “Fa 伐 (‘boastful’) means to brag about one’s merits.” 3) I supplement as follows: Fa is here interchangeable with ming 鳴 (to clang).111 4) Master Zhu commented, “Ben 奔 (‘retreat’) refers to being routed; dian 殿 (‘stayed in the rear’) refers to guarding the rear of the army; ce 策 (‘whipped’) is here synonymous with bian 鞭 (to whip). When the army is defeated and flees, staying in the rear is a contribution. Meng Zhi Fan, in retreat, stayed in the rear. So he tried to cover his merit by making the remarks above.” 6.14.2 Arguments 1) According to a record in the eleventh year of the reign of Duke Ai in Zuo’s Commentary, the state scribe of Qi lead an army to attack the state of Lu. At the time, Meng Ruzi 孟孺子 [ from the Mengsun family] was in command of the right army [of Lu] and Ran Qiu was in command of the left army [of Lu]. The Qi army and the Lu army were engaged in battle at the suburban area of Lu. Eventually the right army [of Lu] was routed. When the Qi people chased them, Meng Zi Ce took up the rear guard and entered the gate lastly. He drew an arrow out of his quiver to whip his horse and said, “My horse did not go forward” (see Zuo zhuan zhushu, 58:30b–​32b). On this Ai Qianzi 艾千子 (艾南英, 1583–​1646) explained, “At the time, it was the Jisun family who utilized pikes to rush into the Qi army and who encouraged soldiers thrice with decrees to cross a water; it was the Mengsun family who felt inspired by the act of the Jisun family and then collected chariots and who began to follow the Lu army only five days after. Wuren 務人 [公爲] shed tears Du Yu introduced, “Zhi Ce belonged to the Mengsun family. His adult name was Fan” (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 58:32b). 111 Battles in which soldiers are encouraged by bells and drums are called fa. Thus encouraging oneself is called fa. 110

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because of it, and Ruzi fled because of it. This situation allows one to guess what the mindsets of the members of the Mengsun family were. It sounds as if Meng Zhi Fan were doubling the number of his faults by making his remark, unless he did so because he wished for as much recognition as was given the head of the Jisun family; it sounds like withering expression of dissatisfaction, unless he wished to be distinct from others in his family. Observing the difficulties in his time, Our Master investigated an incident in the history of Lu and commented, ‘If everyone emulates Meng Zhi Fan’s deference, what worries would the state of Lu have?’ If not, why is Meng Zhi Fan, who had as many merits as demerits because he fled but took up the rear guard, mentioned here?” (Ai Qianzi xiansheng jigao 艾千子先生集 稿, 223–​224)

6.15 The Master said, “Those who have neither the adept speech of the litanist Tuo nor the beauty of Chao from Song will have difficulty avoiding dangers in this world!” 子曰; 不有祝鮀之佞, 而有宋朝之美, 難乎免於今之世矣! 6.15.1 Grounds 1) Master Zhu commented, “Zhu 祝 (‘litanist’) is the title of an official for the royal ancestral shrine.”112 2) Kong Anguo commented, “The litanist Tuo refers to Zi Yu 子魚, a great official from the state of Wei.”113 3) I supplement as follows: Ning 佞 (“the adept speech”) refers to being adept at speech like most married women. 4) Master Zhu commented, “Chao from Song was the prince of Song and good looking.114 In a declining world, people are fond of receiving flattery and pleased with good-​ looking faces. Without these assets, therefore, it is difficult to avoid danger. This remark basically conveys Confucius’s lamentation.” 5) I supplement as follows: Er you 而有 is here interchangeable with huo you 或有 (or).115 The phrase “[they will] have difficulty avoiding danger” means that they will easily encounter disasters.

In one of the chapters that follows, the Analects says, “The litanist Tuo put the affairs of the royal ancestral shrine in order” (Lun yu jizhu, 14:20). 113 Zi Yu promoted the status of the lord of Wei in the meeting at Gaoyou 臯鼬. See the fourth year of the reign of Duke Ding (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 54:21b). 114 In the fourth year of the reign of Duke Ding, Zuo’s Commentary says, “The marquis of Wei summoned Chao from Song for his wife Nan Zi 南子” (56:25b). On this Du Yu commented, “Nan Zi was a lady from Song, and Chao was the prince of Song. They had sexual intercourse earlier” (56:25b). 115 In this passage, one negative adverb bu is applied to the verb you 有 twice. 112

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6.15.2 Arguments 1) Kong Anguo argued, “[This passage means that] one should emulate the adept speech of the litanist Tuo. If he instead has the beauty of Chao from Song, he will have difficulty avoiding danger in this world.”116 I would refute this as follows: According to this interpretation, Confucius’s remark is imbued with admiration for the eloquence of the litanist Tuo and pity for Chao for his encounter with disaster. Is this compatible with the principle? Since the main text only contains er you [without a negative adverb] as though certain words have been omitted, their arbitrary conjecture developed to this extent. The phrase er you, however, is equivalent to huo you. Confucius is here basically saying, “If people today inherently have neither the adept speech of the litanist Tuo nor the beauty of Chao from Song, they will have difficulty avoiding disasters and danger.” What doubts are necessary? 2) Mao Qiling argued, “This remark is metaphorical. It teaches that if one merely cherishes beautiful dispositions while lacking the rare ability to mingle with people, he can hardly avoid being ruined by the world. The main passage compares adept speech to flattery of the world and beauty to good substance” (Lun yu jiqiu pian, 3:8b–​9a). I would refute this as follows: This is an attack on Master Zhu through a bizarre discussion. He has some trouble. 3) Jin Lüxiang explained, “Er 而 in the phrase er you is here interchangeable with yu 與 (‘and’). In ancient texts, a word that was applied to two different terms was usually replaced with er for the second term” (Lun yu jizhu kaozheng, 3:14b). In my view, this theory is also acceptable. * * * Dasan’s refutation of the old commentary follows Zhu Xi’s interpretation. Whereas Zhu Xi does not explain how the problematic phrase er you works in the sentence, Dasan gives an explanation of it, which was probably inspired by Jin Lüxiang’s theory. Dasan’s explanation in this respect is also refutable, of course, because he did not provide enough evidence for it. That said, his comment on the phrase might have come out from his reasoning, rather than a philological investigation, about the compatibility of the message in this chapter with Confucius’s teachings in other chapters. Confirming this aspect, he uses the expression again: “Is this compatible with the principle?” Dasan’s criticism of Mao Qiling’s argument—​strictly speaking, an argument by Shi Runzhang 施潤章 (1619–​1683) that Mao quoted—​is somewhat ambiguous because firstly, it is not necessarily related to an attack on Zhu Xi

Xing Bing supplemented this, saying, “It is difficult to avoid danger in this world if one has the beauty of Chao from Song without the adept speech of the litanist Tuo.” 116

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and secondly, if one adopts the old commentary, this argument does not seem “bizarre.” As Dasan notes, the biggest problem in the old commentary was the incongruity between Confucius’s general stances against ning—​that is, being adept at speech—​and his seeming approval of it in this chapter according to the old commentary. Understanding that Confucius’s remark in this chapter contains a sarcastic metaphor, Shi Runzhang attempted to resolve this problem: Confucius lamented over his world, in which only those who were skilled at rhetoric survived, and not those who simply embraced internal beauty. Shi’s understanding might have also caused some problem because in this metaphor Confucius endorses the beauty of Chao from Song, who had an improper relationship with Nan Zi. It was likely that Dasan’s concern about this problem led him to conclude that Mao’s argument was bizarre.

6.16 The Master said, “Who can go out but by the door? Why do men not pass through this Way?” 子曰; 誰能出不由戶? 何莫由斯道也? 6.16.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: In the ancient layout, a room had no exit on its north and west sides.117 It had a window to receive light on its south side,118 and a door was made only on its east side119 to allow people to enter and exit. To go out from a room, there was no other way except by the door. 2) I supplement as follows: “What heaven mandates is called human inborn nature; to follow human inborn nature is called the Way” (Zhong yong zhangju, 1b). The Way is what one passes through when moving throughout his entire life. 3) I supplement as follows: He mo 何莫 (“why . . . not”) is an expression that conveys a heightened state of anxiety. It can be adopted when a person, who knows a road very well, becomes anxious about others walking in danger of falling into a pitfall in it. 6.16.2 Arguments 1) Kong Anguo argued, “This passage states that one should pass through the Way for his promotion and success.” I would refute this as follows: The Han Confucians did not understand the Way and tried to acquire honor by playing around with sentences and phrases. They commented as above because of that. Only earthen walls stood there. They created a window by boring through the wall, so no one could go in and out through it. 119 To be more specific, the southern end of the east wall was reserved for the door. 117

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2) For a classical text that contains a passage similar to the main passage, see “Li qi” (Li ji zhushu, 23:3a, 6).

6.17 The Master said, “When natural substance overwhelms refined expressions, one will be like a rustic; when refined expressions overwhelm natural substance, one will be like a scribe. Only when natural substance and refined expressions are well blended, can one become a noble person.” [In Noneo gogeum ju in traditional bookbinding, this chapter opens the tenth roll.] 子曰; 質勝文則野, 文勝質則史, 文質彬彬, 然後君子. 6.17.1 Grounds 1) I  supplement as follows:  Zhi 質 (“natural substance”) signifies taking virtuous deeds as one’s mainstay;120 wen 文 (“refined expressions”) signifies refining a person with rituals and music.121 2) Bao Xian commented, “Ye 野 (‘rustic’) here means to become similar to uncivilized people—​uncouth and ignorant.” 3) I supplement as follows: Shi 史 (“scribe”) takes charge of documents and books. In its statement on the installment of offices, Rites of Zhou introduces the fact that there existed a certain number of lesser officials and scribes. On this Zheng Xuan commented, “Shi takes charge of books” (Zhou li zhushu, 1:8b). 4) Master Zhu commented, “Bin bin 彬彬 (‘well blended’) is here interchangeable with ban ban 班班 (well mixed). It describes how various things are distributed evenly to strike a balance.” 6.17.2 Arguments 1) Fu Guang argued, “The scribe here refers to the kind of the Great Scribe and the Lesser Scribe introduced in Rites of Zhou” (Lun yu jizhu daquan, 6:31a–​b). I would refute this as follows: The Great Scribe and the Lesser Scribe were responsible for such things as documents and books.122 Each of the three hundred offices in Zhou’s officialdom held lesser officials and scribes. Scribes were, by nature, responsible only for transcribing and recording, but usually lacked knowledge of the moral principle. This is the reason they were considered humble. “Jiao tesheng” says, “Merely stating procedures

A man of wholeheartedness and trustworthiness can learn rituals. In other words, it means to learn the Way of the former kings. 122 The Great Scribe belonged to the rank of the low-​level great official. 120 121

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without understanding their meaning was the job of litanists and scribes” (Li ji zhushu, 26:22b). In comparison, the responsibilities given to the Great Scribe and the Lesser Scribe were extensive. They were not necessarily ignorant of the meaning. 2) Fu Guang argued, “Being rustic is rather closer to the root; being like a scribe is just to approach the tips of the branches” (Lun yu jizhu daquan, 6:33a). Mao Shuzhai disagreed on this, saying, “Refined expressions and natural substance cannot be compared to the root and the tips. If so, it means that the Shang valued the root, whereas the Zhou valued the tips. This must not be compatible with the principle” (unknown source). I would refute these claims as follows: The theory that the Xia, the Shang, and the Zhou respectively valued wholeheartedness, natural substance, and refined expressions in that order is an impure argument derived from Han Confucians’ interest in the incantational and apocryphal texts. Although neither Confucius nor Mencius discussed it, Confucian scholars have been affected by this distortion for two thousand years but still do not know how to escape from it. How will they be able to have a discussion of natural substance and refined expressions? Suppose that the Yin people valued natural substance. This would suggest that they were rustic due to the prevalence of natural substance over refined expressions; suppose that the Zhou people valued refined expressions. This would suggest that they were like scribes due to the prevalence of refined expressions over natural substance. With this one theory, people are making King Yu, King Tang, King Wen, King Wu, Yi Yin, and the Duke of Zhou either uncouth people or lesser officials-scribes. How could Confucians address this remark without regret? In his teachings, the sage distinguished natural substance from refined expressions in order to enlighten later learners. He merely placed natural substance before refined expressions because refined expressions could not become applicable unless natural substance already existed: it does not suggest that one can become an accomplished person only through natural substance. When a person of natural substance lacks refined expressions, he will hardly be immune to becoming an uncouth man; when a state of natural substance lacks refined expressions, it will hardly be immune to becoming a state of humane barbarity. However, the accomplishment of refined expressions is contingent upon a solid natural substance. Accordingly, if it is not ready, refined expressions can find nowhere to stand. If a dynasty is recognized as having refined expressions, therefore, it is certain that it essentially possesses natural substance. Let us make a comparison of this topic with painting. Even when the colors, red and green, are not applied, there exists a silk canvas. Without a silk canvas, where can one apply the colors? Then why are the colors [which are not applied to a silk canvas yet] themselves not recognized as refined expressions? It is because they are not blended well with natural substance [a canvas].

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We can deduce from this point that the Zhou had a firm hold on natural substance with its accomplishment of refined expressions. Even though the Yin must have been in an analogous position as the Zhou, however, Confucius always sided with the refined expressions of the Zhou presumably because the Yin’s expressions were not yet perfectly beautiful. It cannot be true that the Yin people chose the pursuit of natural substance as their mission. Refined expressions flourished in the eras of King Wen, King Wu, King Cheng 成, and King Kang 康; refined expressions declined in the eras of King You 幽, King Li 厲, King Ping 平, and King Nan 赧. Nevertheless, misguided Confucians today always say that refined expressions prevailed in the last years of the Zhou. Isn’t this an error? If refined expressions had truly prevailed in the last years of the Zhou, the dynasty would have found the momentum it needed for its restoration. Reflecting its nature, refined expression must have flourished in the Western Zhou but declined in the Eastern Zhou; it was annihilated in the Qin; it was extinguished in the Han; it slackened in the Tang. The lessons of virtue, rituals and music, institutions and decrees, and laws and regulations were never revived during these times precisely because refined expressions had been destroyed. Subsequently, the ruler does not act like a ruler; the subject does not act like a subject; the father does not act like a father; the son does not act like a son; the Jiao sacrifice is not performed like a Jiao sacrifice; the Di sacrifice is not performed like a Di sacrifice; the king with the posthumous title “zhu 祖” does not possess the virtue that corresponds to the title “zhu”; the king with the posthumous title “zong 宗” does not possess the virtue that corresponds to the title “zong.” They have been ravaged and obscured to the extent that no one can revisit them. These are the consequences of the annihilation of refined expressions and its concomitant annihilation of natural substance. In ancient times, those who wished to accomplish refined expressions had to work on their natural substance first, but today no one does. Thus anyone who wishes to restore natural substance today ought to polish refined expressions first. Why is this so? It is because without becoming enlightened about the Way of the former kings, no one will be able to find a way to return to natural substance. Their mutual reliance becomes clear here. Nevertheless, Confucian scholars today swiftly attempt to suppress refined expressions as soon as they join discussions of this topic. How can they be considered men who understand the proper mission of our times? In general, people who support the theory that the Yin valued natural substance and the Zhou valued refined expressions seem stuck in a deadlock deeply impacted by the distortion.123 3) For a classical text on the discussion here, see “Biao ji,” which says, “The Master said, ‘Natural substance in the Yu and Xia and refined expressions 123

This theory stemmed from a misreading of a passage in “Biao ji.”

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in the Yin and Zhou were superb. Refined expressions in the Yu and Xia did not overwhelm their natural substance; natural substance in the Yin and Zhou did not overwhelm their refined expressions” (Li ji zhushu, 54:25a). According to my investigation, the various developments of the theory on natural substance and refined expressions by Han Confucians are without exception rooted in this record in “Biao ji.” However, if “refined expressions [in the Yu and Xia] did not overwhelm their natural substance,” it suggests that refined expressions and natural substance were well blended; if “natural substance [in the Yin and Zhou] did not overwhelm their refined expressions,” it suggests that refined expressions and natural substance were well blended. That refined expressions did not overwhelm natural substance does not mean that natural substance overwhelmed refined expressions;124 that natural substance did not overwhelm refined expressions does not mean that refined expressions overwhelmed natural substance either. Confucius had already mentioned King Yao as sovereign, saying, “How brilliant he was in his culture and regulations” (Lun yu jizhu, 8:19). Then refined expressions must have flourished throughout the Yu [which succeeded King Yao’s rule]. Confucius had also mentioned that “The rituals of the Yin are too unadorned” (Li ji zhushu, 9:22b). Then natural substance must have remained solid during the Yin. Although the Yu was regarded as having brilliant literature and culture, it did not overwhelm natural substance. This was because refined expressions and natural substance were well blended at the time. Although the Yin was regarded as purely unadorned, it did not eventually destroy refined expressions. This was because refined expressions and natural substance were well blended at the time. Indeed, Confucius summed up his judgment of the four dynasties as a whole by saying that they all had refined expressions and natural substance was well blended in them. Only because the nuances in his remarks differ from one another did the Yu and Xia become associated with natural substance, and the Yin and Zhou, with refined expressions. In addition, Confucius lumped together the Yin and Zhou when he recognized their refined expressions. This shows that the argument that the Yin valued natural substance and the Zhou valued refined expressions was a groundless fabrication by Han Confucians. In conclusion, the values of refined expressions and natural substance concern the evaluations by later commentators who specifically focused on accomplished merits. How can a state be committed to valuing refined expressions or natural substance right after its establishment? Also, according to my investigation, the passage preceding the one under discussion from “Biao ji” reads, “The Way of the Yu and Xia entailed few grudges from the people; the Way of the Yin and Zhou had numerous defects”

Sheng 勝 (“overwhelm”) is a term that is applicable to cases in which one wins while another loses. Thus bu sheng 不勝 (“did not overwhelm”) is an expression that describes how two remained well matched until the end. 124

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(54:25a). However, this passage pertains to whether they relied on spirits, which has nothing to do with the discussion of refined expressions and natural substance. * * * Zhi 質, “natural substance” in my translation or “natural disposition,” is a term that refers to internal virtues, such as wholeheartedness and trustworthiness. This term is usually coupled and compared with wen 文, “refined expressions” in my translation or “cultural expressions,” in Confucian philosophy. They constitute one of many pairs that can hardly be satisfied simultaneously, due to the strictures of one’s person, time and life (such as the pairs of practice and knowledge, spontaneity and discipline, political participation and self-​ contentment). Indeed, by prioritizing one of the coupled values, a person effectively allies herself with one of the major philosophical figures in Confucian intellectual history, who are often paired (for example: Mencius vs. Xunzi, and Zhu Xi vs. Wang Yangming). According to tradition, only sages—​ such as ancient sage kings and Confucius himself, but not Confucius’s disciples—​can overcome this dilemma and eventually accomplish both goals in their lives. Reflecting his accomplishment, in this chapter Confucius teaches the ideal of maintaining balance between natural substance and refined expressions. Dasan believed that this ideal was materialized by not only Confucius but also the ancient sage kings. Their ancient dynasties, accordingly, must have enjoyed perfect harmony between the two values: all theories that suggested that any dynasty had an inclination toward one of the two values were distortions of Confucian history. These distortions were initiated by Han Confucians, Dasan argued. However, his criticism was mainly aimed at “Confucians today,” that is, neo-​Confucian scholars, because they took their biased favoritism for natural substance to an extreme. As a matter of fact, the Confucian tradition cannot distinguish itself from ritualism, a quality that has provoked defiance from its philosophical and cultural opponents. The fierce neo-​Confucian embracement of natural substance does seem reminiscent of minimalist Daoist and Buddhist perspectives, and Dasan’s argument for his project to “re-​discover” the genuine Confucian spirit seems legitimate. Although he claims that he wanted to restore the balance, his stance here bears affinity with “ritualists” and “the-scholars-in-thecourt” because they also struggled to advocate the necessity of having expertise on rituals, music, institutions, decrees, laws and regulations. In this line of thinking, Dasan was a proponent of human civilization, who warned people about the dangers of infusing excessive naturalism into “civilized” tradition. Although Mao Shuzhai, Mao Qiling’s son, was on the same page with Dasan in that he tried to place equal value on both natural substance and refined expressions, Dasan here refutes his opinion because he accepted the assertion that the Zhou valued refined expressions while the Yin valued natural substance. This distinction has long been cited by Confucian scholars because

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“Biao ji” contains passages that validate it under Confucius’s name. One of them is the passage that Dasan quotes above at the end of his long argument. Commentators often see that it conveys a clear statement on the defects of the Zhou that were caused by its excessive inclination toward refined expressions. Aware of a potential contradiction between his argument and the record of “Biao ji,” Dasan explains that it has nothing to do with the topic he discusses in this chapter. He might have wished to explain “Biao ji” more because it surely seems to contradict Confucius’s general perception that especially endorses the Zhou for its cultural achievements. Predictably, his argument here is listed in the “Original Meanings.”

6.18 The Master said, “Man lives for honesty. If one lives by deception, he would avoid danger by luck at best.” 子曰; 人之生也直, 罔之生也, 幸而免. 6.18.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Wang 罔 (“deception”) is here synonymous with qi 欺 (to deceive) or wu 誣 (to defame).125 People can live through mutual rectification only owing to the virtue of the upright Way.126 If anyone is able to survive through accusation and deception, he would manage to avoid disasters by luck at best. Indeed, sometimes a person is able to survive by accusation and deception when involved in a legal dispute, whereupon people often endorse the behavior. Confucius, however, made it clear that it is unacceptable. 2) According to my investigation, Constant Mean says, “The noble person dwells in simplicity, waiting for the mandate of Heaven; the petty person risks dangers in the hope of being lucky” (Zhong yong zhangju, 9b). Dwelling in simplicity pertains to honesty; risking danger pertains to deception. 6.18.2 Arguments 1) Ma Rong argued, “A man is able to have a natural end in his life on his own, if he is honest.”127 I would refute this as follows: Having longevity or an early death is not the topic here.

Mencius says, “The noble person can hardly be deceived [罔] with what is contrary to the Way” (Mengzi jizhu, 5A:2). 126 The Master said, “These are the people who enabled the three dynasties to follow the Way in their practices” (Lun yu jizhu, 15:24; 15.25 in Noneo gogeum ju). 127 Xing Bing supplemented this, saying, “A man is able to enjoy his life to the end on his own owing to his honesty.” 125

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2) Han Yu argued, “Zhi 直 (‘honesty’) here should be read as interchangeable with de 悳 (virtue).”128 I would disagree with this interpretation.

6.19 The Master said, “Those who know it are not equal to those who love it; those who love it are not equal to those who enjoy it.” 子曰; 知之者不如好之者, 好之者不如樂之者. 6.19.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Those who know it perceive its excellence upon hearing of it; those who love it are delighted with its taste upon acting on it; those who enjoy it relish its completion after acquiring it. 2) Zhang Nanxuan commented, “Those who know it understand that it is edible; those who love it come to prefer it after eating it; those who enjoy it feel full while preferring it” (Lun yu jizhu, 3:15a–​b).

6.20 The Master said, “To people above the average man, one can teach high-​ level subjects; to people below the average man, one cannot teach high-​ level subjects.” 子曰; 中人以上, 可以語上也, 中人以下, 不可以語上也. 6.20.1 Grounds 1) Master Zhu commented, “Yu 語 (‘teach’) is here synonymous with gao 告 (to tell).”129 2) Wang Shu commented, “Shang 上 (‘high-​level subjects’) refers to what the people with supreme intelligence know.130 The average man is mentioned twice here because he can reach upward or downward.” 3) Xing Bing commented, “There are nine levels of human intelligence. At the very highest are sages, and at the lowest and most humble are stupid people. They cannot be switched. People who range from the middle of the highest level to the upper portion of the middle level are subject to education. The ‘average man’ refers to the very middle level, the fifth level. By saying ‘above,’ Confucius meant to include the middle of the highest level, the lower portion of the highest level, and the upper portion

See Han Yu’s Lun yu bijie. As far as education is concerned, one should take the recipient’s talents into consideration when instructing them. 130 This is an explanation of shang in the expression yu shang 語上 (“teach high-​level subjects”). 128

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of the middle level. Since their intelligence is excellent, one can teach them what the people with supreme intelligence know. ‘People below the average man’ include those at the lower portion of the middle level, at the upper portion of the lowest level, and the middle of the lowest level. Since their intelligence is inferior, one cannot teach them what the people with supreme intelligence know. The average man can learn high-​level subjects if his intelligence is a little better. However, he cannot learn high-​ level subjects if his intelligence is a little worse. Thus, it is said that he can reach upward or downward.” 6.20.2 Arguments 1) Rao Lu argued, “People below the average man are not permanently excluded from being taught high-​level subjects. If they continue to make sincere inquiries and contemplate things nearby so as to proceed toward the middle level from the lower level, they can gradually learn high-​level subjects” (Lun yu jizhu daquan, 6:37a). In my view, an adoption of the theory of three levels in this regard will be the only option unless one accepts the theory of nine levels. According to the discussion of three levels, however, the people at the middle level can hear about the Way or not. How can they straddle the fence? One may insist that, with the exclusion of those at the middle level, only the people at the upper level and the lower level matter. This means that the people at the upper level learn what the people in the upper level know, inspiring no advancement. It is more nonsensical to teach plain subjects to those who are on par with sages. The nine-​level theory by Xing Bing is accurate and articulate and deeply befits the teaching of this passage. It cannot be altered. Given that Gao Yao 皐陶 once established nine categories of moral deeds, it can be inferred that the Tang and the Yu selected talented people according to a stratification of nine levels; given that the Zhou operated according to a law of differential salary rates for medical officials, it can be inferred that the Zhou people examined their achievements according to a stratification of nine levels. [The categorization of people into nine levels that appeared in] “Gu jin ren biao” must have not been created by Ban Gu 班固 (32–​92). Then “the average man” mentioned by Confucius unquestionably refers to a man at the fifth level in the nine-​level system. 2) For a classical text that is related to the main passage, see “Feiyou xiansheng lun 非有先生論” by Dongfang Shuo 東方朔 (Qian Han shu, 65:25a, 5–​7).

6.21 Fan Chi asked about wisdom. The Master said, “To devote yourself to rightness of the people and to revere ghosts and spirits while keeping them at a distance is called wisdom.” He asked about humanity. The Master said,

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“The man of humanity confronts difficulties before anyone else does and obtains profit after everyone else does—​this is called humanity.”131 樊遲問知. 子曰; 務民之義, 敬鬼神而遠之, 可謂知矣. 問仁. 曰; 仁者先 難而後獲, 可謂仁矣. 6.21.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: To act for the good and to remove evil is called yi 義 (“rightness”).132 Wu 務 (“to devote yourself to”) here means to concentrate one’s power. 2) Bao Xian commented, “[It means that] one reveres the ghosts and spirits without being insolent.” 3) I  supplement as follows:  Nan 難 (“confronts difficulties”) here refers to adversity and pains; huo 獲 (“obtains profit”) refers to acquiring profit. To take the lead in matters of adversity and pain and to defer to others in matters of acquiring profit—​this is the correlation of minds [恕]. “If one acts with a thorough application of the correlation of minds, nothing is closer than this to the attainment of humanity” (Mengzi jizhu, 7A:4).133 6.21.2 Arguments 1) Wang Shu argued, “[‘To devote yourself to rightness of the people’ means] to devote yourself to the duty of guiding and enlightening the people.” I would refute this as follows: Mencius teaches that having a mind-​heart of shame and dislike is the beginning of rightness.134 This implies that rightness is a name reserved for one’s action for the good and removal of evil. Among the proper deeds that one should act on, nothing is more urgent than removing evil. This is what is regarded as proper in the Way of humans, according to Zhu Xi’s statements. To know that nothing is more urgent under heaven than removing evil is wisdom. 2) Kong Anguo argued, “To work on laborious tasks first and to receive rewards later—​this is how one practices humanity.” I would refute this as follows: Humanity is love for others. In contrast, receiving rewards after laborious work concerns one’s own business. It is not different from the case in which one wakes up when a cock proclaims the dawn and works diligently for profit. How can this be pertinent to humanity? Tillers do their best at enriching the soil and weeding the field, and merchants risk danger in the

Zhi 知 (“wisdom”) and yuan 遠 (“to keep them at distance”) here should be read in the departing tone. In other words, the rightness means to abide by what is proper so as to benefit oneself. 133 When Fan Chi accompanied the Master on an excursion to the altar Wuyu 舞雩, he said, “To serve first and to obtain later—​isn’t this what it means to elevate virtue?” (Lun yu jizhu, 12:21) This also conveys the same teaching. 134 “Shame” means to be ashamed of my vice, and “dislike” means to dislike others’ vices. 131

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midst of storms and surging waves. All these actions show that they perform laborious tasks first and receive rewards later. Should they be called acts of humanity? Humanity is accomplished through the correlation of minds. This is what Confucius taught all the time. 3) Goengbo explained, “If one acts before anyone else does in sanitizing and cleaning, it is humanity; if one defers to others in obtaining wines and meats, it is humanity.” 4) For a classical text that pertains to the main passage, see “Biao ji” (Li ji zhushu, 54:22a, 3; 54:22b, 7; 54:23b, 3). * * * Dasan uniquely reads the expression xian nan er hou huo 先難而後獲 (“[The man of humanity] confronts difficulties before anyone else does and obtains profit after everyone else does”), which is usually translated, in accordance with both the old and new commentaries, as “[The man of humanity] confronts difficulties first and receives rewards later.” His reading reflects his uncompromising stance on how to achieve humanity: humanity is accomplished through the correlation of minds. This alerts us to the fact that, in Dasan’s philosophy, one’s deeds (whose practical outcome is improvement in other people’s lives) are sometimes insufficient to be honored with the name of humanity unless they are triggered by one’s concern for others. In other words, humanity consists of a humane motivation, humane means, and humane consequences. This rigorous ethics is paralleled by stoic neo-​Confucian ethics and allows for little room for a modern work-​ ethic, as apparent above in his downgrading of the diligence of common workers. However, he remains loyal, in expressing his views, to Confucian idealism and accordingly to his project to restore the true Confucian philosophy, which he might have hoped can complement modern pragmatist ethics.

6.22 The Master said, “A wise person finds pleasure in water; a humane person finds pleasure in a mountain. A wise person moves; a humane person stays calm. A wise person lives in joy; a humane person lasts long.” 子曰; 知者樂水, 仁者樂山. 知者動, 仁者靜. 知者樂, 仁者壽. 6.22.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Yao 樂 (“finds pleasure”) is to enjoy something.135 In its nature, water is compliant with the principle when in motion.136 In its nature, a mountain benefits things with its bountiful virtue.137 That is the In fanqie, it is a combination of wu 五 and jiao 敎. Master Zhu said, “It flows everywhere meeting no blockage.” 137 Plants and trees grow there, and animals find a home there. 135

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difference. Since a wise person never fails to acquire an understanding of any topic that he learns, the corresponding image is to move and live in joy. Since a humane person mingles with others, causing no contention with them, the corresponding image is to stay calm and last long.138 6.22.2 Arguments 1) Bao Xian argued, “A wise person finds pleasure in using his intelligence to rule the world just as water is not aware of itself when running.” I would refute this as follows: “A humane person feels comfortable with humanity; a wise person considers humanity beneficial” (Lun yu jizhu, 4:2). Although their aspirations differ from one another, the merits that they achieve through their accomplishments are the same. It is not true that a person reputed to be wise would establish his own domain that is distinguished from putting humanity into practice. What a wise person seeks out is nothing more than accomplishment of his virtue. It is a great error for Bao Xian to think that wisdom deals with ruling the world. 2) Kong Anguo argued, “[A humane person stays calm] because he has no desires.” I would refute this as follows: A humane person acts by thoroughly applying the principle of the correlation of minds. Thus, he serves his parents with what he looks for from his son, serves his older brothers with what he looks for from his younger brothers, serves his lord with what he looks for from his subjects, and offers first to his friends what he looks for from his friends. Each of these actions consists of offering something first on one’s own without expecting it from others. These acts evoke an image of things receiving the bounties of virtue. Thus, it is said, “[A humane person] stays calm.” 3) Zheng Xuan argued, “A wise person fulfills his aspirations through his own efforts. Thus, he lives in joy.”139 I would refute this as follows: This explanation regards the kind of wisdom that underlay the machinations and stratagems of people like Su Qin 蘇秦 (380–​284 bce), Zhang Yi 張儀 (c. 370–​310 bce), Shen Buhai 申不害 (395–​337 bce), and Han Fei 韓非 (c. 281–​233 bce), not the wisdom of the sage’s academy. The wisdom referred to in the sage’s academy regards dwelling with humanity when one reflects upon one’s choices and abiding by principles in taking actions. It helps one clearly distinguish benefits from harms, having no point of blockage.140 A wise person never fails to acquire an understanding of a topic that he learns, so he lives in joy.

Laozi says, “Those who understand others are wise; those who know self-​content are rich; those who do not perish upon death last long [in Dasan’s reading]” (Laozi Dao de jing 老子道德經, A:38b–​39b). 139 Xing Bing supplemented this, saying, “He uses his intelligence in his efforts to accomplish his merits and fulfill his aspirations. Thus, he is pleased and joyous.” 140 Nothing is more beneficial to oneself than dwelling with humanity. 138

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4) Bao Xian argued, “Those who have calm temperaments often enjoy longevity.”141 I would refute this as follows: This explanation regards the regimen of nourishing one’s life in the school of medicine. How can it concern a discussion of the Way? Shou 壽 (“lasts long”) here is synonymous with jiu 久 (long time).142 If a wise person encounters a funeral, he cannot be joyous; if a humane person dies young, he cannot enjoy longevity. Practicing humanity does not pertain to the elixir of life or anything else of the same kind. Humanity, as the Way, can last long. Even without moving, a wise person can transform all under heaven. Since his august mien can last long, it says above that “a wise person lasts long.” 5) For a classical text on the discussion here, see Han Shi waizhuan.143 In my view, this discussion is nonsensical. 6) For a classical text on the discussion here, see Kong congzi (Kong congzi, A:8b, 1–​5). In my view, Kong congzi is a forged book. * * * Dasan here seems to announce his legitimist point of view by rejecting all of the major commentators’ interpretations from the old commentary. In his view, they were inclining toward other masters’ ideas and not Confucius’s:  Kong Anguo’s comment appears influenced by Daoism; Zheng Xuan’s tends toward Legalism; Bao Xian’s leans toward the school of medicine. He reinforces this legitimist perspective through his claim about the collaterality of zhi 知, wisdom or knowledge—​a notion that failed to gain significance among Confucian legitimists in the past. However, he also quotes a short passage from Laozi here to show his relative leniency toward the Daoist teaching. In fact, he often adopts Daoist classics, especially Laozi and Zhuangzi, to buttress his ideas, not to make explicit their philosophical “flaws.” Though he was basically aligned with the Confucian legitimists in dealing with the “heretic” ideas, he exemplifies, yet again, the syncretic aspect of his philosophy through this leniency.

6.23 The Master said, “By one change, Qi could become a Lu; by one change, Lu could reach the Way.” 子曰; 齊一變, 至於魯. 魯一變, 至於道.

Xing Bing supplemented this, saying, “They contain their thought and desires. By nature, they tend to be calm and tranquil. Thus they often enjoy longevity.” 142 This is the definition in Shuo wen (Shuo wen jie zi zhuanyun pu 說文解字篆韻譜, 4:48b). 143 See volume three (Han Shi waizhuan, 3:14b, 4–​15a, 6). 141

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6.23.1 Grounds 1) Master Zhu commented, “The Way here refers to the Way of the former kings.” 2) I supplement as follows: At the time of Confucius, both the states of Qi and Lu were declining. However, the state of Lu was closer to the Way. 6.23.2 Arguments 1) Bao Xian argued, “The states of Qi and Lu were still affected by the achievements of Taigong 太公 [who helped found the Zhou] and the Duke of Zhou. Taigong was a great, worthy person, and the Duke of Zhou was a sage. [The main passage suggests that] although the politics and social discipline of the two states were in decline, if a bright lord had risen he could have transformed Qi to an equivalent of Lu and Lu to the standard of the time when the great Way prevailed.” In my view, even though they were both sages, Taigong and the Duke of Zhou were distinct from one another from the beginning in respect of their methods in establishing their institutions. Accordingly, their master plans for founding a state were utterly different. When Taigong was enfeoffed to Qi, he employed the worthy and valued social merits. In comparison, when the Duke of Zhou ruled Lu, he abided by the principle of keeping one’s family members close to one another and respecting those who deserved to be respected. In addition, the state of Lu purely adopted the Zhou institutions because they were created by the Duke of Zhou, just as the Lu institutions were. In contrast, the state of Qi implemented their own laws, a fact that may be corroborated through one’s reading of Guanzi and “Qi yu 齊語” [in Guo yu]. They were Qi’s old laws that had been transmitted over several generations to Guan Zhong, who instituted them after an amendment. For example, they did not allow anyone to override the system of seniority in villages and the system of official ranks in the court. They also did not allow a depraved man to be included in any village’s regular register of five people and a depraved woman to be married. These are all the old laws that Taigong adopted. Other examples include how in the state of Qi, a hamlet of ten households constituted one pawn-​hamlet [卒]; ten pawn-​ hamlets constituted one county [縣]; three villages [鄕] constituted one county; ten counties constituted one prefecture [屬]. This system neither followed Rites of Zhou nor was created by Guan Zhong. Therefore, Shi ji says, “When Duke Huan acquired Guan Zhong, he again amended the laws adopted by Taigong” (Shi ji, 32:10a). Thus, Master Cheng’s remark that Duke Huan completely altered the laws of Taigong (see Lun yu jizhu, 3:16b) was made out of his lack of thorough investigation. Confucius, however, referred to the distorted customs of the two states in their last days when he spoke about Qi’s one change and Lu’s one change. He did not mention it in relation to the roots of their systems. In discussing their roots, it is fine to

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say that Qi could become a Lu by one change. However, isn’t it unacceptable to say that Lu could reach the Way by one change? Even though the state of Lu was given to Bo Qin 伯禽 [the eldest son of the Duke of Zhou] for the first time, the master plan for establishing it came completely from the Duke of Zhou. How is it necessary for it to pass through one change to reach the Way?

6.24 The Master said, “If a gu has no edges, is it a gu? Is it a gu?” 子曰; 觚不觚, 觚哉! 觚哉! 6.24.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: The first gu 觚 (“gu”) refers to a wine vessel; 144 the second gu 觚 (“edges”) refers to having eight edges.145 The wine vessel gu obtained its name because of its eight edges. If the edges of a wine vessel have been rounded off but it is still called gu, its name and reality do not match one another. Confucius uses the wine vessel gu as a metaphor here probably because when he had a discussion about names and reality with a person, it happened to be placed in front of him. 2) Master Cheng commented, “If the wine vessel gu has lost its standard, it is no more a gu. Confucius here mentions just one thing, but all things under heaven are without exception subject to the same idea. Thus, if the lord loses the Way of the lord, he is not like a lord; if the subject loses the Way of the subject, he assumes his position in vain” (Lun yu jizhu, 3:16b). As I understand, all tools and vessels have their own names. For example, the names for ritual vessels, such as for the bamboo basket gui 簋, the cauldron xing 鉶, the bamboo container bian 籩, and the wooden board zu 俎, are not made up of phonetic loan characters. Only the wine vessel gu obtained its name because it has edged corners. Due to this trait, it could become the best metaphor for a discussion on names and reality. 6.24.2 Arguments 1) Ma Rong argued, “[This passage conveys] a metaphor about how a government that lacks the Way is unable to achieve its goals.” I  would disagree with this interpretation.

Ma Rong commented, “The wine vessel containing one sheng liter is called jue 爵; the one containing two sheng liters is called gu.” Xing Bing added, “According to ‘Tesheng li 特牲禮 [特牲饋食禮],’ [the host offers to his guest] a jue of wine twice and a gu of wine twice” (Yi li zhushu, 15:54b). 145 “Jiaoshi zhi 郊祀志” says, “The eight edges [觚] are spread widely apart, symbolizing the eight directions” (Qian Han shu, 25B:14b). 144

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2) Xing Bing argued, “According to Han Shi shuo 韓詩說, the wine vessel containing one sheng liter is called jue, which is synonymous with jin 盡 (to drink up); the wine vessel containing two sheng liters is called gu, which is synonymous with gua 寡 (less). [The main passage means that] one should drink less wine.” Mao Qiling agreed on this interpretation, saying, “The expression gu bu gu 觚不觚 (‘If a gu has no edges’ in Dasan’s reading) is a warning against drunkenness. Gu here means ‘less.’ However, people usually drink too much, regardless of the fact that the vessel’s name means ‘less.’ How does it deserve its name when its reality does not match it?” (Lun yu jiqiu pian, 3:9b) I would refute these claims as follows: [Adopting the character gu but not gua] Confucius says, “If a gu has no edges [觚],” not “If a [session of drinking with] gu is not less [寡].” 3) Yao Lifang 姚立方 (姚际恒, 1647–​c. 1715) argued, “Gu refers to a wine vessel. In ancient times, horns [角] were frequently used to make vessels. Thus, the character has the jiao 角 radical, and its sound came from the other part of the character, gua 瓜 (melon). It started to be molded in bronze during the three dynasties, but its shape was originally square. Due to its shape being square, it had four corners that ran down to its four feet. Its center section again had four projected edges,146 which were also placed across the vessel horizontally. Tongsu wen 通俗文 says, ‘The corner of a timber is called an edge [稜]; having eight edges is called gu.’ This record is related to the vessel” (quoted in Si shu shengyan, 2:10a). I would refute this as follows: The reason the character gu has the jiao radical is that the vessel has edged corners. From the fact that it also has gua (melon) in it, one can infer that its shape must have resembled the seed of melon. The issue of whether it has four edges or eight edges [稜: 觚 in all editions of Noneo gogeum ju] cannot be further investigated now.147 4) I question Master Zhu as follows: Jizhu explained, “The expression bu gu 觚 (‘no edges’) implies that at the time all under heaven lost its proper standard and thereby became undisciplined” (Lun yu jizhu, 2:16b). According to my investigation, “Kuli zhuan 酷吏傳” in Han shu says, “[The Han dynasty] broke the edges [觚] of the imperial system to make it round” (Qian Han shu, 90:2a). This sentence is related to the expression gu bu gu. However, that the wine vessel gu did not meet its standard has nothing to do with the trend of the world in Confucius’s time. How could Confucius’s lamentation concern it? 5) Yan Shigu 顔師古 (581–​645) argued, “Gu refers to a tablet used for studying texts, on which one can record events sometimes. It is made by chipping away at a piece of wood. As for its shape, it has six facets or sometimes eight

People usually call these projected edges “flying halberds.” People of the Han dynasty employed a math formula called the six-​edge [觚]. See “Lü li zhi 律歷志” (Qian Han shu, 21A:2b). 146 147

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facets. One can use all of the facets for writing. Confucius expresses lament here because of that” (Lun yu jizhu daquan, 6:45a). Feng Yi 馮椅 (fl. 1193) disagreed with Yan, saying, “The rendition of gu as a wooden tablet appears in Ji jiu zhang 急就章 from the Han dynasty. I believe that this definition was made after the Qin and Han dynasties but not known in Confucius’s time. Gu as a wooden tablet appears in today’s literature as hu 䉉 (a writing tablet)” (6:45a). 6) Hong Xingzu 洪興祖 (1090–​1155) argued, “In ancient times, people used the wine vessel jue for offering wine; they used the wine vessel gu for receiving wine” (6:45a). I would disagree with this interpretation. 7) Dazai Jun argued, “A gu had edges in the same way one’s behavior can have edges. Rituals are purported to encourage people to polish and train themselves to have edges in their behavior.” I would disagree with this interpretation. * * * Modern archeologists assert that the gu was one of the most widely used bronze vessels in ancient China for sessions of drinking that, for the most part, bore no religious implications. In contrast to many commentators’ views here, including Dasan’s, the majority of excavated gu show no edges:  it is a wine vessel that is basically round, long, and slender, with a wide base and an even wider mouth. Some of them, however, have edges at the top, the base, and more frequently at the center. The greater number of the former does not invalidate the traditional interpretation of this passage, on which Dasan also agreed, because Confucius here laments the reality of his time, in which many gu appeared to have no edges—​a violation of the standards for gu. This passage suggests that those with edges were relatively antique, compared with those without edges—​a fact that may be of interest to archeologists—​although, aside from this passage, there is no firm evidence of it. Dasan’s comment here is listed in the “Original Meanings” not because his rendition of the character gu differs from that of others but because his understanding of the metaphor of this passage is comparable with that of other major commentators: he assumed that this passage was dedicated to a pure discussion of the relationship between names and reality, rejecting all attempts to link it to political and cultural criticism of the reality of the late Zhou period. His motivation for this denial is not clearly stated in his comment, but he might have believed that by doing so, this passage could gain permanent philosophical significance even when the historical problems that provoked the political and culture criticism were nonexistent. In addition, it is worth noting that Dasan did not agree on any claim that was intended to degrade the Zhou civilization.

6.25 Zai Wo asked, “The humane person—​even if someone were to tell him that humanity is in a pitfall, would he pursue it?” The Master said, “How

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could this be so? The noble person may be made to go away but cannot be made to fall; he may be deceived but cannot be confused.”148 宰我問曰; 仁者, 雖告之曰; 井有仁焉. 其從之也? 子曰; 何爲其然也? 君 子可逝也, 不可陷也. 可欺也, 不可罔也. 6.25.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: In ancient writing, jing 井 (“a pitfall,” commonly rendered ‘a well’) here is interchangeable with jing 穽 (pitfall).149 Also, in ancient writing, jing 阱 (pitfall) is interchangeable with jing 汬 (pitfall with a puddle).150 So the four jing are all interchangeable with one another: jing here refers to a pitfall. Shi 逝 (“go away”) here means to depart from somewhere to avoid dangers;151 xian 陷 (“fall”) means to fall somewhere with the expectation of gaining profit;152 qi 欺 (“deceived”) means to deceive someone with a reasonable excuse;153 wang 罔 (“confused”) means to entrap someone with what is regarded absurd from the perspective of the Way.154 2) I supplement as follows: As regards the noble person, there is a teaching about accomplishing humanity through sacrificing one’s life. Zai Wo had a doubt about it and asked, “Suppose that a territory, like a pitfall, leads one to death without fail but simultaneously brings him the honor of accomplishing humanity through sacrificing his life. Then does the humane person also reach out for it in greedy expectation of the honor?” So Confucius replied, “It is not so. The noble person may be made to go away to avoid danger but cannot be made to fall with the expectation of gaining profit; he may be deceived with a reasonable excuse but cannot be entrapped by what is regarded absurd from the perspective of the Way. How can there be a person, among the humane, who pushes himself into a territory of unavoidable death with the greedy expectation of receiving the honor of humanity?” 6.25.2 Arguments 1) Kong Anguo argued, “Zai Wo thought that the humane person would save people from worries and adversity at any expense. So he asked Confucius, ‘If a humane person should fall into a well, another humane person will

In the Huang Kan edition, an additional character zhe 者 (person) appears at the end of the expression jing you ren 井有仁 [to make it clearer that ren here refers to a person]. In his comment, Kong Anguo said, “[even if someone were to tell him that] a humane person has fallen into a well.” The wording of the Huang Kan edition was based on it. 149 A pit [穴] where water collects into a puddle is called a pitfall. 150 This character is identical to jing 穽. 151 Poetry says, “I will go away [逝] and leave you, and go to the land of joy” (Mao Shi zhushu, 9:16a). 152 For example, animals fall into pitfalls [ for the lure]. 153 It is said, “The noble person may be deceived with a reasonable excuse” (Mengzi jizhu, 5A:2). 154 For example, birds and fish enter a net out of confusion. 148

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jump in to rescue him, will he not?’ In doing so, he wished to examine in an extreme way the bounds of the humane person’s anxieties and pleasures.” He continued, “Shi here is synonymous with wang 往 (to go). The main passage states that the noble person may be made to go to the well to inspect it, but he won’t be willing to throw himself down to follow the man in the well.” Ma Rong supplemented this, saying, “That the noble person may be deceived means that he may be made to go there; that he cannot be confused means that he cannot be made to throw himself down through deception.” I would refute these claims as follows: When a humane person falls into a well, another humane person will save him. Then when a commoner falls into a well, will the humane person not save him? If one tries to save a person from a well, he should drop a rope attached to a bucket. Also, is there any benefit in giving of oneself by following another who fell into a well? Who refuses to go to the well for an inspection, even if he is not a noble person? In fact, even evil people cannot be deceived in this respect. Is it reasonable to say that only the humane person cannot be deceived to throw himself down? Their interpretations have no place to stand. 2) I question Master Zhu as follows: Liu Mianzhi 劉勉之 (1091–​1149) argued, “Ren 仁 in the expression you ren 有仁 (‘There is a man’ in the common reading) should be changed to ren 人 (man)” (Lun yu jizhu, 3:17a). Master Zhu also argued, “Shi here means to go to save him” (3:17a). In my view, if a person falls into a well, everyone will go to save him; if one follows another to die, everyone will shake their head. This case does not allow one to examine one’s humanity. Also, in my view, shi should be rendered as “going away to avoid danger.” When Zi Chan [Zi Chan’s pond-​keeper said that he] released the fish, “they went away [逝] in joy.”155 Yan tie lun says, “Although fragrant baits are not tasteless, tortoises and dragons dive deeply into the water when smelling them, and the birds luan 鸞 and feng 鳳 fly high away [逝] when seeing them” (Yan tie lun 鹽鐵論, 5:9b). “Diao Qu Yuan fu 弔屈原賦” by Jia Yi 賈誼 (200–​168 bce) reads, “The bird feng flies high away [逝] in the air; she truly pushes herself to a far distance to leave” (Qian Han shu, 48:3b). “Guhong fu 孤鴻賦” by Lu Sidao 盧思道 (531–​582) also reads, “Lonely wild geese fly high away [逝] in a row” (Sui shu 隋書, 57:4a). * * * The common interpretation of this chapter, which is accepted by almost all commentators, supposes a dramatic situation: someone tells the humane person that a man fell into the well. Will he go down to save the man, risking danger? In the common reading, unfortunately, Confucius’s answer appears quite ambiguous

155

See Mencius (Mengzi jizhu, 5A:2).

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because he did not answer the question directly. Rather, he conjectured that the man who was reporting the situation was lying. What if the report was true? Will the humane person sacrifice his life in order to accomplish humanity, out of love for others? In contrast to the ambiguity that resulted from what Dasan regarded as a misunderstanding of Confucius’s idea by all other commentators, in Dasan’s interpretation Confucius clearly answers the question: no. In Dasan’s eyes, if one risks danger to go down into the well in order to save a person, it is an act that stems not only from irrationality but also greed because the only way to explain his decision is to say that he must have been eager to gain the honor of humanity. Indeed, Confucius once taught that one should accomplish humanity through sacrificing one’s life (Lun yu jizhu, 15:8; 15.9 in Noneo gogeum ju). It does not necessarily mean, Dasan would have thought, that it is fine for one to die a futile death even with a good motivation to save others. It teaches, Dasan explains, that one should not undermine the great body, that is, humanity, in pursuit of the small body, that is, bodily desires (Noneo gogeum ju, 316b). Thus, according to Dasan’s view, the person who went down to the well to save another will not gain even the honor of humanity because he took a rash action out of his misunderstanding of Confucius’s teaching. Dasan’s unique renditions of some of the terms in this chapter (e.g., the one of jing), were made to detach the main passage from the predominant commentaries of the time. Although his rendition of shi is not much different from the one in the old and new commentaries, he emphasized that he could not accept it for the same reason. Dasan’s unique interpretation here, which is listed in the “Original Meanings,” is interesting, in a different angle, because it suggests that he did not like supposing overly dramatic situation.

6.26 The Master said, “The noble person extensively studies literature but composes himself through ritual propriety, and he will be able to keep himself from straying.” 子曰; 君子博學於文, 約之以禮, 亦可以弗畔矣夫. 6.26.1 Grounds 1) Bo 博 (“extensively”) means to comprehend some topic greatly;156 yue 約 (“composes”) means to bind something into a smaller volume.157 2) Xing Bing commented, “Wen 文 (‘literature’) here refers to the literature transmitted from the former kings.”158

This definition comes from Shuo wen (Shuo wen jie zi, 3A:5a). It means to tie up something. 158 For example, “the Three Collections, the Five Canons, the Eight Investigations and the Nine Records [八 索九丘: 九丘八索 in all editions of Noneo gogeum ju]” in Zuo’s Commentary belong to this category (see Zuo zhuan zhushu, 45:53b). 156 157

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3) I supplement as follows: That the noble person composes himself through ritual propriety means that he does not see, hear, speak, or move unless doing so is compatible with ritual propriety.159 Pan 畔 (“straying”) is here synonymous with bei 背 (to betray) or jie 界 (to limit);160 it means to betray the Way and distinguish oneself from it.161 6.26.2 Arguments 1) Han Yu argued, “Pan here should be read in the same way as pan in the expression pian pan 偏畔 (biased and inclined). If one is not inclined, he can obtain the middle path.” I would refute this as follows: Extensive learning cannot help but drive a person toward an overabundance of knowledge that easily causes him to be unfaithful to the Way of the former kings. Therefore, Confucius wished to help restrain him with the laws of ritual propriety. 2) For a classical text that supports my interpretation here, see a passage in the Analects.162

6.27 The Master met with Nan Zi, and Zi Lu was displeased. Our Master swore to him, saying, “If I did not visit her, Heaven would dislike me! Heaven would dislike me!” 子見南子, 子路不說. 夫子矢之曰; 予所否者, 天厭之! 天厭之! 6.27.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Nan Zi (d. 481 bce) was the wife of Duke Ling of Wei [衛靈公, r. 534–​493 bce].163 She often mingled with Chao from Song164 and summoned him to her residence to have sexual intercourse, so the people of Song derided them. Kuaikui, the heir prince of Wei, felt shame for his mother’s fornication and wished to kill her. His scheme failed, however, and he fled to the state of Song.165 In the second year of the reign of Duke Ai [of Lu], Duke Ling of Wei passed away. Thereupon, Nan Zi wished to have prince Ying 郢 succeed the throne,166 but Ying declined the suggestion. So

Xing Bing commented, “He restrains himself with ritual propriety on his own.” Shuo wen says, “[Pan refers to] a boundary of the field” (Shuo wen jie zi, 13B:15a). 161 Zheng Xuan commented, “Fu pan 弗畔 (‘keeps himself from straying’) means not to depart from the Way.” 162 It appears in one of the following chapters (Lun yu jizhu, 9:10; 9.11 in Noneo gogeum ju). 163 She was from the state of Song; her family name was Zi [so her name should be noted as Nan Zi, not Nanzi]. 164 He was the prince Chao from Song. 165 This occurred in the fourteenth year of the reign of Duke Ding. 166 He was also a son of Duke Ling of Wei. 159

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Nan Zi wished to have Zhe, a son of the person in exile [Kuaikui], succeed the throne. At the time, Confucius stayed in the state of Wei.167 Upon witnessing that the human moral order and discipline [in the state of Wei] were about to enter a state of weariness and decline, foretelling the social disorder of Wei, Confucius met Nan Zi since he wished to have Kuaikui back in Wei in order to prevent future troubles from happening. 2) Master Zhu commented, “In ancient times, there was a ritual in which those who served a state had an audience with the lesser lord [the wife of a lord].”168 3) I supplement as follows: Zi Lu was displeased because Kuaikui, who plotted to murder his mother and was consequently expelled by his father, was not entitled to take control of Wei again in light of rightness. He was unhappy with what Confucius did. 4) Master Zhu commented, “Shi 矢 (‘swore to him’) is here synonymous with shi 誓 (to swear);169 suo 所 here is a word for opening an oath. It is placed before the oath, as in the phrase, ‘[所不] Those who are aligned with Cui Zhu 崔杼 (d. 546 bce) and Qing Feng 慶封 (d. 538 bce)… .’170 5) I supplement as follows: Fou 否 (“did not visit her”) here is interchangeable with bu jian 不見 (not to see); yan 厭 (“dislike”) is synonymous with wu 惡 (to hate). Confucius met Nan Zi with an intention to restore the mercy among family members and benefit the country. Therefore, he said, “If I did not visit her, Heaven would dislike me!” He repeated the same remark in order to make it clear that Heaven would certainly do so. 6.27.2 Arguments 1) The preface about Confucius [in Lun yu jizhu] introduces the fact that when Confucius first visited the state of Wei, he kept close to the family of Yan Zhuozou 顔濁鄒; when he went to Wei again, he kept close to the family of Qu Bo Yu; at the time he met with Nan Zi and addressed an oath to Zi Lu. As I understand, the time when Confucius visited the state of Wei first occurred in the thirteenth year of the reign of Duke Ding (497 bce).171 In the fall of the following year, Kuaikui plotted to murder Nan Zi but fled to

See Gangmu qian bian 綱目前編 (Yu pi Zizhi tongjian gangmu qian bian 御批資治通鑑綱目前編, 17:45a). 168 See Zuo’s Commentary (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 9:6b). 169 “Pangeng 盤庚” says, “[Pangeng] began to swear an oath [矢]” (Shang Shu zhushu, 8:3b). “Yong feng 鄘風” also says, “I swear [矢] that I will have no other” (Mao Shi zhushu, 4:2b). 170 See the twenty-​fifth year of the reign of Duke Xiang in Zuo’s Commentary. Cui Zhu swore an oath, saying, “[所不] Those who are aligned with Cui Zhu and Qing Feng ‘will be with the High Lord’ ” (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 36:9b). [The wording within the single quotation marks does not appear in the main text of Zuo’s Commentary. Du Yu commented that it was originally in the oath but not addressed due to Yan Ying’s 晏嬰 interruption.] The same usage of suo is found in Chong’er’s (of Jin) oath: “[所不] Those who have the same mind-​heart as my maternal grandfather’s will be like clean water” (14:20b). 171 See Qian bian (Yu pi Zizhi tongjian gangmu qian bian, 17:14b–​15b). 167

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the state of Song after his plot failed. Due to this incident, Nan Zi’s crime of fornication became widely known. Then how could she have had such audacity that she wished to face Confucius [in the years after the incident]? Confucius visited Wei again in the second year of the reign of Duke Ai (493 bce). That year Duke Ling of Wei passed away. Confucius must have been expected to enter the court to express his condolences, which was in accord with ritual propriety. Taking that opportunity, Confucius met with Nan Zi and took part in a discussion on selecting the next lord. Shi ji also says that Confucius met Nan Zi and swore an oath at the time. I  am certain that Confucius met Nan Zi while on his visit to the court for mourning. 2) “Kongzi shi jia 孔子世家” says, “When Confucius arrived in the state of Wei, Nan Zi had a messenger say to Confucius: ‘All noble people from the four cardinal directions, who do not consider it humiliating to harbor a desire to establish a brotherly relationship with my lord of lesser virtue [Duke Ling], always come by to see this lesser lord of lesser virtue. This lesser lord of lesser virtue hopes to see you.’ Although Confucius declined her request, he could not help but eventually visit her. The lady was waiting inside, behind a fine linen curtain. After he entered the gate, Confucius faced north and bowed. The madam responded to him with two bows from the other side of the curtain. Her jade ornaments made a tinkling sound. The Master said: ‘I initially intended not to visit her. I met with her out of courtesy, in response to her invitation’ ” (Shi ji, 47:14b). In my view, this is a story to protect Confucius by a manipulation. 3) Kong Anguo argued, “According to the old theory, Nan Zi was promiscuous and tempted Duke Ling, and Confucius met with her because he, taking advantage of the meeting, wished to persuade Duke Ling to practice the Way of government. Although practicing the Way does not concern women at all, one of Confucius’s disciples was displeased, and Confucius swore an oath. This interpretation is subject to skepticism.” I  would refute this as follows: Although Confucius was eager to employ the Way, the assumption that Confucius attempted to do so by means of flattering Nan Zi is a remark that only an uncouth person would make.172 4) Luan Zhao argued, “Confucius met with Nan Zi because he could not help but do so at the time in the same way King Wen was detained in Youli 羑 里. ‘Heaven dislikes me’ means [in Luan Zhao’s reading] means that his blockage [否塞] resulted from falling into disfavor in the eyes of Heaven.”173 In line with this, Miao Bo 繆播 (d. 309) also argued, “Pi [pi 否, not fou as all other commentators introduced in this argument rendered it] here is interchangeable with bu 不 (not). The main passage states that Confucius, who was essentially a sage, could not act on the kinds of matters that concern

172 173

Xing Bing also said, “[The old theory is] not harmonious with people’s common psychology.” See Xing Bing’s comment.

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a sage because Heaven suppressed [壓] him and blocked his Way.”174 Wang Bi agreed on this interpretation, saying, “Blockage [否] and prosperity hinge upon the mandate of Heaven. Confucius here said that he was not employed in the world, experiencing indignity, because the mandate of Heaven suppressed [壓] him. It means that his status could not be altered by human endeavors.”175 Li Chong also agreed on it, saying, “When the Way diminishes and luck is blocked [否], sages also face blockage. Thus, the Analects says, ‘I am now blocked because Heaven suppressed [壓] me [in Li Zhong’s reading].’ Ya 壓 (to suppress) here is synonymous with pi. This shows that sages are in parallel with Heaven and Earth in their encounters with blockage and prosperity. How could Confucius’s teaching narrow-​ mindedly aim at giving an explanation to Zi Lu only?”176 Han Yu participated in this discussion, saying, “Pi here should be read as pi in the term pi tai 否泰 (blockage and prosperity); yan 厭 here should be read as yan in the term yan luan 厭亂 (to dislike disorder). Later Confucians considered shi 矢 synonymous with shi 誓, and yan 厭, with ya 擫 (to suppress)—​that was a mistake worse than the previous interpretation. In my view, Confucius saw that Nan Zi took control of Wei’s affairs and thus wished to explain to her the principle of government for Wei. So he said to Zi Lu, ‘My Way is blocked and I cannot find my proper place, which must please you. When Heaven dislikes this disordered world, how can it make my Way prosperous?’ ”177 Yang Shen 楊愼 (1488–​1559) also took part in this discussion, saying, “Pi sounds like pi in the term pi sai 否塞 (to be blocked). In ancient times, when a person served a state he was expected to have an audience with the lesser lord. Although Confucius did not serve the state of Wei, he met with the wife of Duke Ling. Thus, Zi Lu assumed that Confucius sought a position. He was displeased with the fact that Confucius sought a position in Wei but not with the fact that he met with Nan Zi. So Confucius straightforwardly stated [矢] to Zi Lu, ‘My Way has been blocked because Heaven abandoned me. How could Nan Zi bend what was abandoned by Heaven? That I met with her was no more than my response to her act of courtesy.’ According to this interpretation, the sage’s mind-​heart should raise no suspicions, and accordingly people like Wang Fu 王符 (c. 85–​c. 163) find no opportunity to raise their voices.”178 I would refute these claims as follows: In “Wen Kong” in Lun heng, Wang Chong rendered fou 否 (‘pi’ in Wang Chong’s reading; ‘fou’ in Dasan’s reading) as synonymous with bi 鄙 (destitute)179 and yan 厭, with ya 壓 (Lun heng, 9:11a). Commentators, such as Luan Zhao and so on, who are mentioned here were all lesser followers of Wang Chong. When one cannot understand the classics, he ought to stop See Huang Kan’s comment. See Huang Kan’s comment. 176 See Huang Kan’s comment. 177 See Lun yu bijie. 178 See Danqian yulu (Danqian yulu 丹鉛餘錄, 9:10a). Wang Fu here should be changed to Wang Chong. 179 The definition of this character is “destitute.” 174 175

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stating about what he does not understand. Nevertheless, they distorted Confucius’s teaching here and made a big mess to this extent. Han Yu’s interpretation is more disharmonious with the principle. 5) Cai Mo 蔡謨 (281–​356) argued, “Shi is here synonymous with chen 陳 (to state). The preface of Documents [the preface of ‘Yu shu 虞書’ in Documents] says, ‘Gao Yao stated [矢] his ideas’ (Shang Shu zhushu, 3:1a). Our Master here stated the mandate of Heaven for Zi Lu.”180 Han Yu agreed on this interpreation, saying, “Shi is here synonymous with chen;”181 Yang Shen also agreed, saying, “Shi here means to state straightforwardly, not to swear an oath.” In line with this, Mao Qiling argued, “Shi is here synonymous with zhi 指 (to point). Our Master here said, ‘How could I dare not visit Nan Zi,’ pointing to the sky. This implies that Confucius thought that Nan Zi was taking control of Heaven’s power” (Lun yu jiqiu pian, 3:13a). I would refute these claims as follows: It was originally a way of forming an oath to place suo at the head of a sentence and to follow it with a conclusive charge, as in the sentence: “Heaven will definitely punish it.” This point was already made clear in Master Zhu’s quotation of the oath by Cui Zhu. For what reason did Yang Sheng’an 楊升 菴 [Yang Shen, who was born after Zhu Xi] follow the old comments? 6) Shi er bian 示兒編 by Sun Yi 孫奕 (fl. 1190) from Song argued, “Nan Zi was Nan Kuai 南蒯. Nan Kuai aspired to elevate the royal house and thereby revolted against the Jisun family. In fact, this was in parallel with Confucius’s wish to reach Bi Xi 佛肸. Zi Lu was displeased, however, so Confucius swore an oath” (quoted in Lun yu jiqiu pian, 3:13b). Zhang Sui 張燧 (fl. late sixteenth century) supplemented this, saying, “Nan Kuai, a man of the state of Lu, took the position of the chief administrator in the town of Bi for the Jisun family. In the twelfth year of the reign of Duke Zhao, he rebelled in Bi. Our Master met with him [according to Zhang’s interpretation of the main passage] just as he wished to go to Gongshan 公 山 [Furao 弗擾] and Bi Xi.”182 I would refute these arguments as follows: Bi Xi cannot be called Bizi. Then can Nan Kuai be called Nanzi [Nan Zi in my translation]? Wang Yinglin said, “In my examination of Zuo’s Commentary, Nan Kuai rebelled in the twelfth year of the reign of Duke Zhao, when Confucius was twenty-​two. Since Zi Lu was nine years younger than Confucius, he was thirteen at the time. Their theory sounds far-​fetched and implausible.”183 7) Li Chong argued, “Drawing a distinction between males and females is one of the great norms in our country. Sages are responsible for teaching the righteous lessons and rectifying the relationship between the sexes. Nevertheless, Confucius met with a licentious married woman, ignoring

See Huang Kan’s comment. See Lun yu bijie. The title of the book that contains this remark is Qianbai nian yan 千百年眼 (unknown source). 183 This is Wang’s refutation of Cheng Ziming’s 陳子明 (?) theory (see Kun xue ji wen, 7:27b–​28a). 180 181

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codes of morals and ritual propriety. Although he must have done so with a circumstantial judgment due to some reason, it was duly in accord with the rightness that Zi Lu was displeased.”184 In line with this, Dazai Jun argued, “Zhu Xi’s remark that there once existed a ritual of having an audience with the lesser lord cannot be examined now but he might have based it on conjecture.” I would refute these claims as follows: Toiling all year, they still do not know that in ancient times there existed rituals in which a great official would have an audience with a lesser lord. It is inconvenient to see that they, without regard for the facts, hoped to discuss the classics clamorously. Among the five rituals in ancient times, participants could see lesser lords in rituals that involved auspices, ill omens, guests, and celebration. As for rituals for military affairs only, there is no way to examine the relevant facts. Rites says, “When the time to offer a sacrifice has come . . . [t]‌he chief administrator of the palace alerts [宿] the lady of the lord eleven days in advance of the date” (Li ji zhushu, 49:6a–​b).185 Su 宿 (“alerts”) here is equivalent to putting someone on alert today, and it is not compatible with the principle to assume that one could do so without seeing the person. Rites also says, “The lord and his wife meet in the Great Shrine. The lord wears the black ceremonial cap mian 冕 and stands at the top of the eastern steps; his wife wears the hui 褘 ceremonial gown with her hair in coils and stands in the eastern chamber. When they receive sacrifices, ministers and great officials also enter the Great Shrine. The lady of the lord presents the purified water; she also prepares to offer sacrifices by placing them on the rituals vessels” (49:6b–​7a). At this moment, it was unavoidable for the great officials to see the lady of the lord. In addition, when the surrogate body of an ancestor returns the wine cup to the lady of the lord, he holds its handle186 and the lady of the lord holds its legs.187 This shows that the surrogate body and the lady of the lord handed over things to each other, which implies that their relationship was closer than that between a husband’s older brother and a younger brother’s wife. Who else would play the role of the surrogate body, if not the great officials? These are examples of the great officials’ seeing the lesser lord during rituals involving auspices [ancestral rituals]. Rites says, “In the mourning ritual for the feudal lord, when the corpse is correctly placed [under the southern window], his son188 sits at the east, and ministers and great officials stand also at the east. The lady of the lord [widow] kneels at the west, and the royal ladies stand also at the west.”189 That “the corpse is correctly placed” concerns the time when the corpse is still in the chamber before the lesser ritual of dressing the deceased is See Huang Kan’s comment. See “Ji tong 祭統.” 186 The handle refers to the tail part of the cup [in the shape of a sparrow]. 187 See “Ji tong” (Li ji zhushu, 49:18b). 188 This refers to the heir prince. 189 See “Sang daji” (44:7b–​8a). 184 185

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finished. In other words, the great officials and the lady of the lord, separated only by the corpse, face one another from the east or west in the same chamber. At this time, their intimacy resembles that between a mother and a son. Then should a dispute over whether they could see each other even be allowed? Rites says, “In general, for the mourning of the son of Heaven, his subjects wear the mourning clothes zhan cui 斬衰 [unhemmed sackcloth] and for the queen, the mourning clothes qi cui 齊衰 [hemmed sackcloth with even edges].”190 A comment [by Zheng Xuan on a passage in Record of Rites] says, “The subjects wear the mourning clothes zhan cui for the son of Heaven, since they respectfully accept that their relationship to him is analogous to their relationships with their fathers; the subjects wear the mourning clothes qi cui for the queen, since they respectfully accept that their relationship to her is analogous to their relationships with their mothers.”191 Is there in the world any case in which those who have a relationship like that between a mother and a son cannot see one another? These are examples of great officials seeing lesser lords in rituals involving ill omens [mourning rituals]. “Pin li” says, “The envoy receives an order in the court from his lord… . [W]hen he receives a zhang 璋 jade tablet from the lady of the lord, which is to be used for her courteous inquiry to the state that the envoy will visit, and a cong 琮 jade ornament as a present to the state, the protocols are the same as those at the beginning” (Yi li zhushu, 8:10a–​b).192 That “the protocols are the same as those at the beginning” here means that they followed the protocols adopted when the envoy received an order from the lord.193 Was only a subject in a state able to see the lesser lord? Even subjects of neighboring states could come to see her. Thus, according to “Pin li,” when an envoy arrived in a neighboring state, he used a zhang jade tablet for the wife of the lord he visited for his courteous inquiry to the state and a cong jade ornament as a present for the wife. At this time, the protocols were the same as those at the beginning.194 That “the protocols were the same as those at the beginning” here means that they adopted the protocols used for the courteous inquiry to the lord. It also says, “In the evening, the lady of the lord sends a low-​ranking great official in a red leather cap to perform a ritual of feeding the guests in return” (8:81b).195 These are examples of the great officials’ seeing lesser lords in rituals that involve guests.

See “Chunguan, Si fu 司服” (Zhou li zhushu, 21:16b). See “Hun yi 昏義” for the relevant passage (Li ji zhushu, 61:14a). 192 On this Zheng Xuan commented, “The reason the lady of the lord also makes a courteous inquiry to a neighboring state and gives it presents is because she, as having one body with the lord, is the lesser lord of a state” (Yi li zhushu, 8:11a). 193 When Duke Jing of Song [宋景公, r. 516–​469 bce] wished to kill Huan Tui 桓魋, he had his wife invite Huan Tui frequently to banquets. This is one example of this case. 194 As soon as guests arrived in the suburbs, she sent a low-​ranking great official to comfort them. 195 Zheng Xuan commented, “In her acknowledgement, she is supposed to use the term ‘this lesser lord of lesser virtue’ ” (8:82a). 190 191

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[The great official] Lie Xu 裂繻 (fl. sixth century bce) from the state of Ji 紀 was on a mission to greet Bo Xi 伯姬 [a bride of Duke of Gong of Song 宋 共公, who ruled the state from 588 to 576 bce] from the state of Lu;196 Duke Ji of Zhou [周祭公, one of three ministers in Zhou] was also on a mission to greet Ji Kang 季姜 [a bride of King Huan of Zhou 周桓王, whose reign years range from 719 to 697 bce] from the state of Ji.197 In these cases, they could not help but see each other. As Ai Kang 哀姜 (d. 660 bce) arrived, [her husband] Duke Zhuang of Lu [魯莊公, r. 693–​663 bce] had the great official offer their presents to her.198 On this, Du Yu commented, “According to ritual propriety, when the lady of the lord newly arrives in a state, the great officials carry their presents and have an audience with her. This is to articulate the Way of the subject” (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 9:5a). The record of Gongyang’s Commentary is also harmonious with that of Zuo’s Commentary. Thus, He Xiu 何休 (129–​182) commented, “According to ritual propriety, when the lady of the lord newly arrives in a state, all the great officials greet her in the suburbs (Gongyang zhuan zhushu, 8:17b). Only Guliang’s Commentary is narrow-​minded, asserting that the great officials were not supposed to see the lady of the lord. However, how can this be solid evidence for the counter-​argument? These are examples of the great officials’ seeing lesser lords in rituals that involve celebration [royal weddings]. Although no passages are found in the classics in respect of rituals for military affairs, there is a story of Mi shi 芈氏 [竿氏 in all editions of Noneo gogeum ju] and Kang shi 姜氏, the wives of Duke Wen of Zheng [鄭文公, r.  673–​628 bce]:  when they consoled the viscount of Chu 出 at Keze 柯 澤, he had the head court musician Jin 縉 show them the captives and booty.199 This was inconsistent with ritual propriety, of course. However, it exemplifies the routines of their lives at the time with regard to the topic under discussion. Indeed, it is obvious that the great officials could see the lesser lords, as seen above. However, the commentators unfairly characterized Confucius’s visit to Nan Zi as bizarre, busily blurring, distorting, covering, and manipulating the story, as though Confucius greatly erred here and created a blemish that can hardly be cleared away. Don’t they provoke great laughter when they attempt to bedeck the story with a variety of suggestions and interpretations? Early Confucians contended that Confucius should not have visited Nan Zi since she was licentious. However, the licentiousness and faithfulness of a lesser lord is largely not subject to a great official’s bold inquiry. Despite the fact that many wives of the feudal lords, such as Ai Kang, Wen Kang 文姜 (d. 673 bce), and Mu Kang 穆姜 (d. 564 bce), without exception disrupted virtues, Confucius always showed respect for them

See the second year of the reign of Duke Yin (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 1:40b). See the eighth year of the reign of Duke Huan (6:3b). See the twenty-​fourth year of the reign of Duke Zhuang (9:6b). 199 See the twenty-​fourth year of the reign of Duke Xi (14:7a). 196 197

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when he addressed situations pertinent to them in his writing of Spring and Autumn: “The lady of the lord who was born into a certain clan passed away,” “Our lesser lord who was born into a certain clan was interred.” These cases clearly show that the lesser lords’ promiscuousness is not subject to a great official’s bold inquiry. Though Nan Zi’s misdemeanor was certainly not worse than that of the three ladies from Kang family, they considered one compatible with ritual propriety, giving it their full trust, but regarded the other as bizarre, holding it in suspicion. Isn’t this confusing? Shi ji contends that Our Master could not help but meet with Nan Zi, although he initially declined her suggestion when she wished to see him. In fact, this is a manipulative story. At the time, Confucius stayed in the state of Wei and came to witness Duke Ling’s death. Consequently, the state’s affairs of Wei were unstable. Under these circumstances, bringing Kuaikui back to the state of Wei to restore the grace between parents and children might have been a plan better than enthroning Zhe at the risk of causing disorder. Nan Zi’s suggestion to see Confucius and Confucius’s visit to her must have pertained to this discussion about establishing the next reign. Zi Lu was displeased probably because Kuaikui, whose plot insulted his mother and who was thereby expelled from the state by his father, did not deserve to take control of the state of Wei again. Confucius and Zi Lu could not come to an agreement on this issue from the beginning. By virtue of this chapter, in fact, we are now able to know that due to the difference, Confucius regarded Bo Yi and Shu Qi as having acquired humanity [according to one of the following chapters, 7:14 in Lun yu jizhu; 7.15. in Noneo gogeum ju], whereas Zi Lu came to die, as time passed, while rejecting Kuaikui. Confucius could not resolve the suspicion of Zi Lu, so he swore an oath here: their disagreement on and their unwillingness to defer to another on this issue, which drove Confucius to swear an oath before Heaven, both pertain to the issue of royal succession in Wei. The issues of whether Nan Zi was licentious or whether it was appropriate for him to visit Nan Zi—​how can they be related to this passage? Confucius said that “Heaven will dislike me” because the humane person cannot endure a situation in which he remains reluctant to give advice to save a state from impending turmoil and collapse that he can predict while he stays in the state. It would cause Heaven to dislike him for sure. If there were no such situation as that which I just described, why would Heaven have disliked Confucius even when he did not meet Nanzi? [Without such a situation] why would Confucius have felt an obligation toward Zi Lu to swear an oath eventually before Heaven, in a poor and perplexing way, in order to reveal his true mind? Had there existed no such situation, Our Master would have become a person who not only was ignorant of ritual propriety but also insulted Heaven. Then how could he become a sage? Since this is a big issue, I am not allowed to evade a discussion here. ) I question Master Zhu as follows: 8

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Jizhu contends, “Fou here means to be incompatible with ritual propriety, not being based on the Way.” In my view, the single character fou does not connote all that is described here [by Zhu Xi]. Zi Lu’s displeasure is described in this passage in conjunction with one character jian 見 (“meet”). Similarly, Our Master’s explanation must have been uttered in conjunction with the same character jian. Thus, fou here means “not to visit.” Changes contains a passage that reads, “Should a man see [見] an evil person, he will have no error” (Zhou Yi zhushu, 7:2b). This passage conveys a teaching whose essential points a noble person will follow. Had Confucius not visited Nan Zi, he would have marred humanity and ruined the rightness, greatly disobeying high Heaven’s mind. Confucius made his remark in the way it appears in the main passage. I am afraid that the issue of whether his visit was compatible with ritual propriety did not deserve an explanation from Confucius. 9) “Ru fu 儒服” in Kong congzi says, “The lord Pingyuan 平原 (c. 308–​251 bce) asked Zi Gao 子高, ‘I heard that your noble ancestor [Confucius] willingly visited Nan Zi, the lady of Wei, and that he exchanged a few words with a washerwoman when he arrived in Yagu 阿谷 during his trip south. Did these things really occur?’ Zi Gao replied, ‘The shi-​scholars, with their mutual trust, often do not take rumors about them as true. This is because they can predict what their fellows would do, based on their past actions. When my noble ancestor stayed in the state of Wei, the lord inquired about certain military affairs. My noble ancestor did not respond to the question, refusing to get involved in the discussion, and immediately ordered his disciples to prepare a carriage to leave. Even when the lord of Wei wished to have a meeting with him, it did not happen. How could the lady of Wei meet with him? In ancient times, the royal ladies could join a big banquet. In my view, therefore, if the lady of the lord held a banquet for Our Master, he could not help but accept it”200 (Kong congzi, B:6b–​7a). In my view, Kong congzi is a forged book. It was created by Mei Ze 梅 賾 (fl. 4th century) alongside the forged Documents. Master Zhu clarified this point. * * * Dasan here refutes many interpretations by major commentators. Firstly, he refutes Sima Qian’s account of the reason Confucius met with Nan Zi. Sima Qian believed that his visit was inevitable, groundlessly suggesting that Confucius surrendered to political power. Secondly, he refutes Kong Anguo’s view, according to which Confucius wished to make use of his meeting with

Zi Gao refers to a member of the sixth generation of Confucius’s descendants, whose personal name was Chuan 穿. 200

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Nan Zi to rectify Wei’s politics, for it merely reflected a utilitarian perspective. In actuality, Kong Anguo introduced this view as an old theory about which he also had reservations, but Dasan simply regarded it as Kong Anguo’s own position. Thirdly, he refutes an interesting reading of two key characters in this chapter—​fou and yan in Dasan’s reading, but pi and ya in the rendition he here opposes. According to this rendition, the relevant part of the main passage reads:  “I have been in trouble [否] because Heaven suppresses [壓] me.” Although in this interpretation, Confucius’s hardships are taken into consideration, Dasan would have thought that it barely touches upon the situation under discussion. Fourthly, all commentators who translate shi (“swore an oath” in Dasan’s reading) as “to state” are also refuted here because the format of Confucius’s remarks in this chapter follows the one typically seen in oaths in classical texts, such as Documents. Fifthly, certain minor theories that suggest that Nan Zi refers to Nan Kuai and that Confucius’s act in this regard was indeed subject to his disciple’s suspicion, are refuted because their suggestions do not match what Dasan believed to be the original meaning of this passage. Lastly, Zhu Xi is also questioned here because according to his interpretation, Confucius here swears to his disciple that he did not behave inappropriately in his meeting with Nan Zi. As a matter of fact, this chapter has induced such speculation precisely because in none of the interpretations does its context allow for an easy understanding of the teaching supposedly embedded in it. For example, Zhu Xi’s comment appears somewhat contradictory: he initially insisted that Confucius did not wish to visit Nan Zi, which was consistent with Sima Qian’s account, but later claimed that sages did not worry about meeting with evil people as the former are immune to the latter’s influence. Among the transmitted interpretations of this chapter, Zhu Xi’s reading is the one closest to Dasan’s, but in his view it is not satisfactory. In other words, Dasan’s skeptical and critical mind could not accept any of the existing comments, so he needed to give an explanation of this chapter on his own. First of all, Dasan believed that the meeting occurred in 493 bce, when Duke Ling of Wei died. According to his explanation, that year Confucius visited the state of Wei for the second time and happened to stay in the country to witness its instability in the wake of the death of a long-​reigning lord. Confucius might have felt compelled, Dasan conjectured, to give some advice to the widow, who presumably felt the need to have a meeting with Confucius, a wise person. His description of this historical context was intended to show that Confucius’s meeting with Nan Zi was official, not personal, and even moral in light of the noble person’s obligation of helping a country overcome dangers it faces. A quite serious problem in this explanation is its total divergence from Shi ji’s narration of Confucius’s life. According to “Kongzi shi jia,” Confucius visited the state of Wei several times before Duke Ling died, and, although it occurred when he visited the country for the second time, Confucius met with Nan Zi when Duke Ling was alive. That is to say, Dasan accepted and utilized a small part of Shi ji’s record with regard to Confucius’s visit to Wei for his theory, ignoring the majority of it.

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As is widely known today, Shi ji is abundant with self-​contradictions and vulnerable to modern historical and textual skepticism. It is an aspect of this important source, which allows a bold negation of its record to emerge. However, Shi ji is still highly regarded as a history of China that provides the most details about the pre-​Sima Qian period. Dasan in this chapter, like all other critics of the document, could not provide an integral alternative narrative. Another critical understanding that props Dasan’s interpretation here is that in his view, it was compatible with ritual propriety in ancient times that the great officials met with the “lesser lord.” On this matter, it seems Dasan became as passionate as he did whenever he proved certain points about ancient rituals: his long argument in this chapter mostly concerns this discussion. In brief, he concluded that the great officials could meet with the lesser lord in all state rituals except for the one for military affairs, which could not be further examined. Actually, the most decisive but hidden understanding that elicits Dasan’s creative reading of this chapter, uniquely represented in the “Original Meanings” by two separate items, revolves around certain historical facts: Bo Yi and Shu Qi risked their lives to give advice to King Wu, who ousted their king to establish a new dynasty, and Zi Lu was killed by a soldier in Kuaikui’s army. By praising Bo Yi and Shi Qi as humane people, Confucius alluded to his choice of their way; by refusing to run away from the predominant forces of Kuaikui, who later became Duke Zhuang of Wei, Zi Lu gave reason to suspect that his recalcitrance against Kuaikui might have begun when he plotted to murder his mother before Confucius’s meeting with Nan Zi. If the two people—​Confucius and Zi Lu—​related to these historical facts appear to be engaged in an enigmatic talk here, how can the mystery be resolved, especially when no commentators have been successful in revealing the original meaning? This was Dasan’s question, and he answered it in a quite impressive way. His long argument in this chapter presents more intriguing points: firstly, although he basically agrees with all other’s opinion that Nan Zi was a promiscuous lady, he still recognizes her as a legitimate authority, a fair partner in political negotiations. He furthermore deemphasizes her wantonness by saying that she probably gained more notoriety than she deserved; secondly, Dasan seems to endorse or tolerate women’s participation in Confucian rituals, based on the fact that it was an ancient convention. This is a point of view recurrently addressed in Dasan’s arguments. It is worth discussing again later.

6.28 The Master said, “The virtue of the constant mean is supreme indeed! Only a few people practice it for a long time.”201 子曰; 中庸之爲德也, 其至矣乎! 民鮮久矣.

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Constant Mean says, “Only a few people could practice it for a long time” (Zhong yong zhangju, 3b).

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6.28.1 Grounds 1) Master Zhu commented, “Zhong 中 (‘the mean’) is the name for an immunity to both excess and insufficiency; yong 庸 (‘constant’) refers to the constant principle in everyday life;202 zhi 至 (‘supreme’) is here synonymous with ji 極 (utmost), and xian 鮮, with shao 少 (little).” 2) I supplement as follows: That “only a few people practice it for a long time” means that they cannot practice it even for a month.203 6.28.2 Arguments 1) He Yan argued, “With the decline of the world, the Way of the former kings has diminished to nothing. It has been long since the days when only a few people could practice this Way.” I would refute this as follows: In “Gao Yao mo 皐陶謨,” the standard to employ people appears to be whether the three virtues [of the nine virtues that Gao Yao previously addressed] are demonstrated every day and whether the six virtues [of the nine virtues] are strictly respected every day. In its conclusion about this issue, it says, “If one manifests these virtues constantly, is it not auspicious?” (Shang Shu zhushu, 3:26a) The Duke of Zhou, when he wrote “Li zheng 立政,” introduced various offices one by one and in conclusion said, “All are auspicious men with constant virtue” (16:29b). As seen above, the virtue of the people is based on the values of perpetuation and constancy. Thus, Changes says, “He is trustworthy in his everyday words; he is diligent in his everyday practice” (Zhou Yi zhushu, 1:19a); Constant Mean says, “When people choose the way of the constant mean, they cannot practice it even for a month” (Zhong yong zhangju, 5a); Confucius said, “Hui did not depart from humanity in his mind-​heart for three months” (Lun yu jizhu, 6:5; 6.6 in Noneo gogeum ju). All these remarks pertain to this meaning. In Constant Mean, the relevant line reads, “Only a few people can [能] practice it for a long time” (Zhong yong zhangju, 3b). I believe that this chapter omits one character [能]. 2) For a classical text that supports my interpretation here, see “Chunguan, Da Si yue 大司樂” in Rites of Zhou and Zheng Xuan’s comment on it (Zhou li zhushu, 22:3a, 8–​3b, 1).

6.29 Zi Gong said, “If a person extensively benefits the people and is able to relieve the multitudes, how good is he? Can he be called a man of humanity?” The Master said, “Why only relate him to humanity? He must be a sage! Even Yao and Shun had concerns about such a task. In

202 203

He Yan commented, “The mean and harmony are virtues that deserves one’s constant practice.” See Constant Mean (3b).

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general, the man of humanity establishes others where he wishes to be established; he helps others reach where he wishes to reach. The ability to base an analogy with others on a point close at hand—​this can be called the way to humanity.” 子貢曰; 如有博施於民, 而能濟衆, 何如? 可謂仁乎? 子曰; 何事於仁? 必 也聖乎! 堯舜其猶病諸! 夫仁者, 己欲立而立人, 己欲達而達人, 能近取 譬, 可謂仁之方也已. 6.29.1 Grounds 1) I  supplement as follows:  Bo 博 (“extensively”) is here synonymous with guang 廣 (broad) or pu 普 (widespread); conferring benefits is called shi 施 (“benefits”);204 relieving people from calamities is called ji 濟 (“relieve”).205 When they are extensively applied, one’s benefits tend to be light, so they are useless for relieving the multitudes. It is difficult to realize both of the values.206 “Humanity” refers to love for others;207 “sage” is the one who has reached the virtue of Heaven; bing 病 (“had concerns about”) is here synonymous with huan 患 (to worry about). 2) I supplement as follows: Establishing one’s person by obtaining a position is called li 立 (“establish”);208 realizing one’s inborn nature to have no obstruction is called da 達 (“reach”);209 applying first to others what you wish others to apply to you is called shu 恕 (the correlation of minds). 3) Master Zhu commented, “Pi 譬 (‘an analogy with others’) is here synonymous with yu 喩 (example), and fang 方 (‘the way’), with shu 術 (method). [The last sentence states that] one bases an analogy with others on his own person, which is close at hand, and thereby understands their desires on the basis of his own desires.” 4) I  supplement as follows:  “The ability to base an analogy with others on a point close at hand” refers to “measuring another’s mind through my mind [絜矩].” It means to find an analogy with others at the bottom and thereby serve the top, and to find an analogy with others at the left side and thereby communicate with the right side. Confucius said, “If one acts with a thorough application of the correlation of minds, nothing is closer than this to the attainment of humanity” (Mengzi jizhu, 7A:4).

Changes says, “Heaven benefits things; Earth gives life to things” (Zhou Yi zhushu, 7:22b). It originally referred to helping others to cross a body of water. Chen Li commented, “Relieving the multitudes is more difficult than extensively benefitting others” (Lun yu jizhu daquan, 6:53a). 207 The lord and the magistrate [牧, 收 in all editions of Noneo gogeum ju] should give love to the people. 208 It is identical to what is commonly referred to as “establishing one’s person and making one’s name outstanding.” 209 Moving from this point to another is called da. 204 205

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BOOK 7 I Transmit 述而 7.1 The Master said, “I transmit and do not create. I trust in and love antiquity. So I humbly compare myself with our old Peng.” [In Noneo gogeum ju in traditional bookbinding, this chapter opens the eleventh roll.]1 子曰; 述而不作, 信而好古, 竊比於我老彭. 7.1.1 Grounds 1) I  supplement as follows:  Shu 述 (“I transmit”) means to convey what is given;2 zuo 作 (“create”) means to create something on one’s own;3 xin 信 (“trust in”) means to have deep trust in the Way of the former kings; qie bi 竊比 (“I humbly compare”) is an expression to show one’s humility. 2) Bao Xian commented, “The old Peng was a worthy great official of the Yin.”4 3) I  supplement as follows:  Confucius was a descendent of the Yin.5 So he mentioned “our old Peng.” 4) Master Zhu commented, “Our Master edited Poetry and Documents, completed Music and Rites, explained Changes of Zhou, and revised Spring and Autumn. These consist of a transmission of the teachings of the former kings from antiquity. He has never created.” 7.1.2 Arguments 1) [As for the meaning of “lao Peng 老彭”] Zheng Xuan argued: “Lao 老 (‘old’ in Dasan’s reading) refers to Lao Dan 老聃; Peng refers to Peng Zu.”6 Li Gui 李軌 (d. 619): “The old Peng, whose name was Keng 鏗, was a subject of King Yao. The area of Pengcheng 彭城 was enfeoffed to him. He also This book contains thirty-​nine chapters. When the chief mourner prepares a prayer for the mourning ritual, the stalk-​diviner reads it accordingly. This is called transmitting the prayer [述命]. See Zheng Xuan’s comment on a passage in “[Shi] sang li 喪禮” (Yi li zhushu, 12:70b). 3 “Yue ji” says, “Those who create are called sages; those who transmit are called the brilliant” (Li ji zhushu, 37:20b). 4 Xing Bing added, “He is the man who is called Peng Zu 彭祖 in Zhuangzi.” 5 See “Tangong” (7:18a). 6 See Huang Kan’s comment. [But Zheng’s comment appears in Shi wen. See Jingdian shi wen, 24:9a.] 1

2

served the dynasties of Yu, Xia, and Shang. Since he reached the age of seven hundred years, he was famed for his longevity.”7 Shi ben 世本: “The family name of the old Peng was Jian 籛,8 and his personal name was Keng. Under the Shang, he was a historian for the archive of the court library. Under the Zhou, he was a historian in attendance under the court pillars. He reached the age of eight hundred years. Another theory argues that he was Laozi.”9 Cui Zhuan 崔撰 (fl. Eastern Jin): “The old Peng was a subject of King Yao. He also served the Yin. He enjoyed a long life of no more than seven hundred years.”10 Wang Bi: “Lao refers to Lao Dan, and Peng, to Peng Zu. Laozi [Lao Dan] was from the hamlet of Quren 曲仁 in the town of Li 厲, which belonged to the county of Ku 苦 in the state of Chu. His family name was Li 李, and personal name, Er 耳. His adult name was Bo Yang 伯陽, and his posthumous title was Dan. He served as a historian for the archive of the Zhou court.”11 Yang Guishan 楊龜山 (楊時, 1053–​1135): “Laozi took naturalness as his mainstay. So it is fine to say that he did not create”12 (Guishan ji 龜山集, 14:6b; Kun xue ji wen, 7:14a–​b). [Wang] Yinglin: “[Lao] Dan was a historian from the Zhou. Since he managed the dynasty’s documents and texts as well as the books of the three emperors and the five lords, he was able to transmit ancient records, for which he had trust and love. For example, the Five Thousand Words [Laozi] contains many ancient sayings and transmits them. Liezi 列子 also quotes a passage from the Book of Yellow Emperor [黃帝書], which corresponds to the chapter [in Laozi] whose first line reads, ‘The valley god never dies.’ Although Lao Dan was versed in rituals, he wished to annihilate them because people usually go against them in their actions. ‘Li yun’ says, ‘Machinations arise due to them [rituals]; military affairs are generated due to them’ (Li ji zhushu, 21:6a). This passage also conveys the same teaching” (Kun xue ji wen, 7:14b). 2) For a classical text that pertains to the discussion on the old Peng, see “Yu dai de 虞戴德” in Da Dai Li ji (Da Dai Li ji, 9:12b, 2–​5). * * * Dasan’s reading of this chapter follows Zhu Xi’s, which is only slightly different from that of the old commentary: in Bao Xian’s interpretation, the last sentence of this chapter reads, “I humbly compare myself with the old Peng.” Thus Dasan’s long introduction of various arguments on the term “lao Peng” is not indispensable for his interpretation of this chapter. Given that he already

See Xing Bing’s comment [which quotes Jingdian shi wen, 26:3a]. His family name is pronounced the same as jian 翦 (to sever). See Xing Bing’s comment [which quotes Jingdian shi wen, 26:3a–​b]. 10 See Xing Bing’s comment [which quotes Jingdian shi wen, 26:3b]. 11 See Xing Bing’s comment. 12 Master Zhu supplemented this, saying, “With an investigation of the discussion of rites [between Confucius and Lao Dan] in ‘Zengzi wen,’ the remark ‘[Lao Dan] transmitted and did not create; he trusted in and loved antiquity’ can be verified” (quoted in Kun xue ji wen, 7:14b). 7

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approved of Bao Xian’s identification of “lao Peng,” a worthy great official in the Yin, it may pique one’s curiosity to know Dasan’s intention in this respect. This curiosity is doubled when one notes that Dasan did not comment on them, refraining from rebutting any other arguments. This is an extraordinary case. In the first article in “Arguments” above, the first five opinions, from Zheng Xuan’s to Wang Bi’s, appear in Jingdian shi wen. Dasan, however, did not mention the original source at all: making a mistake or with an editorial error, he stated that Zheng Xuan’s argument came from Huang Kan’s Lun yu yishu, whereas in reality it appears only in Jingdian shi wen. This “error” has been rectified in the recent editions of Noneo gogeum ju. On the other hand, as correctly confirmed by Dasan, the rest of the five arguments are found in Lun yu zhengyi by Xing Bing who simply quoted Jingdian shi wen for all except Wang Bi’s argument. The remaining opinions from Yang Shi, Zhu Xi, and Wang Yinglin are all found in Wang’s Kun xue ji wen. These commentators conclusively suggest that the term “lao Peng” may refer to Laozi and Peng Zu, and that Peng might have enjoyed such an astonishingly long life. This theory of Peng’s longevity obviously sounds irrational. Having said that, Dasan might not have been willing to accept this theory because, as discussed earlier, Dasan’s philosophy gravitated toward such concepts as reason, rationality, and principle. However, he did not leave any comments that pointed to its tenuousness. This reluctance might have been caused by the fact that this “nonsensical” story about Peng’s longevity was connected to another mysterious figure, Laozi, whose historic existence was attested to in many classical sources (including a Confucian classic, that is, Record of Rites). Record of Rites features Laozi as an expert on Confucian rituals and a senior to Confucius. With no knowledge of the works of modern scholars, who have often suggested that Laozi was neither a historic figure, nor a senior to Confucius, nor an expert on Confucian rituals, and was not correctly portrayed in Record of Rites, Dasan might have found it hard to refute the conventional narrative of Laozi and eventually decided to stop discussing both figures.

7.2 The Master said, “Holding inside and thereby memorizing, learning without weariness, instructing others without negligence—​which of these is found in me?”13 子曰; 默而識之, 學而不厭, 誨人不倦, 何有於我哉? 7.2.1 Grounds 1) I  supplement as follows:  Mo 默 (“holding inside”) refers to a state of holding something inside and not letting it out;14 zhi 識 (“memorizing”)

13 14

Zhi 識 (“memorizing”) should be read in the departing tone. This state is depicted in Changes as “holding the beauty inside” (Zhou Yi zhushu, 8:4b).

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is here synonymous with ji 記 (to record). Changes says, “[The noble person] memorizes [識] the words and deeds of former men and thereby accumulates his virtue” (Zhou Yi zhushu, 5:17b). Holding something inside is a means to accumulate it. 2) I  supplement as follows:  Xue 學 (“learning”) here means to investigate documents and texts. 3) I  supplement as follows:  The expression he you yu wo 何有於我 (“which of these is found in me”) is intended to convey how Confucius was able to practice these things, allowing no question of whether he was able to or not. 7.2.2 Arguments 1) Zheng Xuan argued, “[This passage states that] no one showed me how to practice these things, but I alone keep them in practice.”15 Huang Kan supplemented this, saying, “This passage states that since no one practices these things, all under heaven hold only me in high regard. If everyone practices them, why do they extol my preservation of these actions?” Mao Qiling agreed on this interpretation, saying, “He 何 here is synonymous with shui 誰 (who). The related expression is not designed to show one’s humbleness. Instead, it is purported to encourage people”16 (Lun yu jiqiu pian, 3:14b). I would refute these claims as follows: I do not understand their points. 2) For classical texts that support my interpretation here, see a chapter in the Analects that reads:  “Learning without weariness and instructing others without negligence, however, could be said to lie in me. That is all.”17 Also see Mencius, which says, “I learn without weariness and instruct others without negligence” (Mengzi jizhu, 2A:2). In my view, learning without weariness and instructing others without negligence were what Our Master already endorsed himself in his routine dialogues. It is unacceptable to think that he did not dwell in them, out of his humility, in this chapter. In addition, such precepts as appearing in the line “not to be affected by drinking” [which is followed by the same expression he you yu wo in one of the following chapters, 9:15 in Lun yu jizhu or 9.16 in Noneo gogeum ju] are easy to abide by. Thus this expression he you yu wo must not have been intended to show one’s humility. It suggests that Confucius’s practice of them should not be questioned. 3) Dazai Jun argued, “The song of Ji rang 擊壤 from ancient times reads, ‘what relationship [何有] does the power of the lord have with this?’ Zuo’s Commentary contains such passages as the following: ‘Even regarding the old people, we have to take their lives when capturing them. What favor [何

Xing Bing supplemented this, saying, “[This passage states that] others have never applied these things to me, but I alone keep them in practice.” 16 Mao followed Zheng Xuan’s interpretation. 17 See “Shu er 述而” (Lun yu jizhu, 7:33; 7.35 in Noneo gogeum ju). 15

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有] can we give to them?’18 ‘What concerns [何有] do I have with the people of the Pu 蒲 fortress and the Di 翟 tribe?’19 ‘When subjects are in great trouble, what consideration [何有] will they have for the lord?’20 ‘What cares [何有] should you have about the You 游 family?’21 Guo yu also contains such passages as the following: ‘Now we intend to take over the state. What worries [何有] should we have about wives?’22 ‘What respect [何有] do the people from the barbarian domain of Jing 荊 have for the royal house of Zhou?’23 All these passages share the same syntax, implying that the phrase he you means to have nothing to do with.” In my view, some of the excerpts here cannot be placed with others in the same context. It is impossible to draw a general conclusion from them. 4) I question Master Zhu as follows: Wang Yinglin argued, “Regarding the expression ‘holding inside and thereby memorizing,’ Master Zhu commented, ‘[It means that] one preserves it in his mind without speaking of it.’ However, he did not accept the theory of emptying one’s mind-​heart that was suggested in conjunction with this phrase, because he was worried that in doing so his comment would lead people to heretical ideas” (Kun xue ji wen, 7:12b–​13a). As I  understand, Master Zhu himself explained his comment on this chapter [in Lun yu jizhu daquan], saying that it conveys the same meaning as that of the following passage:  “Whenever obtaining what is good, Yan Hui cherished it in his bosom as though he grasped it firmly” (Zhong yong zhangju, 5a). Thus, the way of learning in this chapter is different from sitting in meditation. Wang’s account was invalid. * * * Despite its plausibility in light of Chinese syntax, Zhu Xi’s reading of the expression under discussion here [何有於我] could not win consent, despite his authority, even from today’s translators of the classic into English: Zhu Xi insisted that this passage demonstrates the sage’s humility. Dasan’s interpretation may appear the same in translation as the one that follows Zhu Xi but is actually different because, in Dasan’s reading, the expression consists of a question asked in response to a hidden question to him: “Which one of these is found in you?” Like many other commentators, Dasan did not accept Zhu Xi’s reading here because it contradicted Confucius’s description of his own adamant dedication to learning and teaching. Zhu Xi apparently wished to highlight Confucius’s virtue of humility at the expense of a simple recognition

See the twenty-​second year of the reign of Duke Xi (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 14:5b–​6a). See the twenty-​fourth year of the reign of Duke Xi (14:22a). 20 See the twenty-​third year of the reign of Duke Xiang (35:19b). 21 See the first year of the reign of Duke Zhao (41:23b). 22 See “Jin yu” (Guo yu, 10:13a). 23 See “Wu yu 吳語” (19:13a). 18

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of Confucius’s reality. Dasan points out, however, that if Zhu Xi’s rendition is accepted here, commentators need to explain how Confucius’s “humble remark about his inability” could apply even to “not being affected by drinking,” because in one of the following chapters the same expression is used. Dazai Jun, who found examples of the phrase he you [何有] in classical texts, read it in the same manner as Zhu Xi did. His reading differs from Zhu Xi’s, however, in that he believed that this passage testifies to Confucius’s efforts to examine himself with respect to the topics that are discussed in the main passage and encourage his disciples to examine themselves in turn. Dasan refuted this interpretation as well, since it led to an overly broad generalization of the term.

7.3 The Master said, “To fail to restore the virtue, to fail to illuminate the learning, to be unable to move to rightness upon hearing it, and to be unable to overcome defects—​these are what causes me concern.” 子曰; 德之不修, 學之不講, 聞義不能徙, 不善不能改, 是吾憂也. 7.3.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: “The virtue” refers to a state in which one’s original mind-​heart stays upright and honest, and “the learning” regards the Way and arts of the former kings. To restore something when it has been destroyed is called xiu 修 (“to restore”), and to shed light on something again when it has become obscure is called jiang 講 (“to illuminate”).24 A similar adoption of these characters appears in the expression “[They] illuminate [講] the value of trust and restore [修] harmony among people.”25 Xi 徙 (“to move”) means to proceed toward the good. 2) I supplement as follows: Wu 吾 (“me”) here is equivalent to ji 己 (my). By saying so, Confucius here warns the scholars of these things. 7.3.2 Arguments 1) Kong Anguo argued, “Our Master always treated these four things as a source of worry for him.” I would refute this as follows: Scholars, when they gather, worry about the world or the people. They also worry that the utmost rule cannot be restored or that rightness in the human moral order has been annihilated. In contrast, inferior people worry over poverty, lowliness, hunger, and the cold. Confucius heard of their worries and reacted, saying, “Your worries all concern leisure. Do you want 24 25

According to Shuo wen, “Jiang is synonymous with jie 解 (to explain)” (unknown place). See “Li yun” (Li ji zhushu, 21:3b).

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to hear what you should truly be worried about? To fail to restore virtue, to fail to be enlightened by one’s learning, to fail to move towards the good, to fail to overcome defects—​these are what causes me concern.” * * * In parallel with his unique interpretation of the previous chapter, Dasan’s exegetical inclination to highlight Confucius’s moral accomplishments before his humility continues in this chapter: according to him, Confucius here discusses scholars’ general worries which often drove him to have concerns about his disciples. In contrast, according to the old and new commentaries, this passage shows how Confucius was worried about himself. Although not listed in the “Original Meanings,” this was another unprecedented interpretation that would have been unheard of had Dasan not wished to display the originality of his understanding of the Analects. This agenda is also evident in his unique rendition of the characters xiu and jiang, which took into consideration the historical context of the time of Confucius.

7.4 When staying at home at leisure, the Master talked gently and had a kind disposition. 子之燕居, 申申如也, 夭夭如也. 7.4.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Yan 燕 (“at leisure”) is here synonymous with an 安 (to relax). This passage regards the moment when Confucius retired from the court and relaxed at his personal residence.26 The term shen shen 申申 (“talked gently”) was used to describe the gentle way Confucius talked,27 and the term yao yao 夭夭 (“had a kind disposition”) was used to describe the kindness of his disposition. 7.4.2 Arguments 1) Ma Rong argued, “The terms shen shen and yao yao are used to describe Confucius’s kindness.” I would refute this as follows: The qualities of one’s way of talking and behaving should be separately recorded. Book Ten “Xiang dang” adopts such terms as kan kan 侃侃 (“congenially”) and yin yin 誾誾 (“appropriately”) for Confucius’s manner Regarding the title of a chapter [in Record of Rites], “Zhong Ni yan ju 仲尼燕居,” Zheng Xuan commented, “Staying at one’s personal residence after retiring from the court is called yan ju 燕居 (‘staying at home at leisure’)” (Li ji zhushu, 0:18a). 27 Shen is here synonymous with chong 重 (repeatedly). 26

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of talking and other terms, such as yi yi 怡怡 (“pleased”) and yu yu 愉 愉 (“pleased”), for his appearance. Is there any reason this chapter alone depicts his appearance only? Documents says, “He again [申] commanded his brother Xi 羲” (Shang Shu zhushu, 1:9b); Changes says, “By using the same trigram Xun 巽 twice, [the hexagram Xun] is intended to gently [申] give commands” (Zhou Yi zhushu, 9:33a); Chu ci says, “He chastises me repeatedly [申申]” (Chu ci zhangju, 1:10b). Especially here in Chu ci, the term shen shen indicates that a remark has been made repeatedly. Confucius, in the village, “looked submissive, as though unable to speak” and, in the court, “expressed himself articulately, though always with prudence” (Lun yu jizhu, 10:1). In his stay at home for leisure only, however, he repeated his lecture to make every point clear when he had discussions with his disciples. For example, he repeatedly said, “what is the use of being adept in speech” (Lun yu zhushu, 5:4) and “what a man of worth was Hui” (6:9). All the instances above regard repeated remarks, which are worded here as shen shen. 2) Huang Kan argued, “The term shen shen depicts one’s mind-​heart being agreeable, and the term yao yao, one’s appearance being relaxed.” In line with this, Sun Chuo 孫綽 (320–​377) contended, “Since he had no business when staying at home at leisure, he felt harmony in his mind-​heart and seemed relaxed in his appearance” (quoted in Huang Kan’s comment). I would refute these claims as follows: One’s harmony in his mind-​heart is not something that can be recorded. The term yao yao refers to one’s kindness, which is slightly different from being relaxed.

7.5 The Master said, “How extreme my decline is! Long indeed since I last met with the Duke of Zhou in my dream!” 子曰; 甚矣吾衰也! 久矣吾不復夢見周公! 7.5.1 Grounds 1) Kong Anguo commented, “During the years full of passion, Confucius met with the Duke of Zhou in his dream and wished to practice his Way.” 2) Master Zhu commented, “Having arrived at a period of senescence, Confucius could not maintain the same mind and thus could not have the same dream.” 3) For classical texts that are relevant to the main passage, see “Bu gou lun 不苟 論” in Lü shi Chunqiu (24:10b, 2–​3)28 and Qian fu lun 潛夫論 by Wang Fu.29

28 29

The comment on this passage quotes the main passage from the Analects. See “Meng lie 夢列” (Qian fu lun, 7:1b, 2–​3).

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7.6 The Master said, “Aspire to the Way; hold onto virtue; adhere to humanity; play in the arts.” 子曰; 志於道, 據於德, 依於仁, 游於藝. 7.6.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: What helps a person reach that place from here is called the Way;30 a state in which one’s mind-​heart remains upright and honest is called virtue;31 humanity is love for others. 2) He Yan commented, “The arts here refer to the six arts.”32 3) Master Zhu commented, “Zhi 志 (‘aspire to’) refers to aspiration in one mind-​heart.” 4) I supplement as follows: To hold something firmly without being agitated is called ju 據 (“hold onto”);33 to adhere to something in the same way as clothes adhere to one’s body is called yi 依 (“adhere to”);34 to play in something in the same way as fish play in water is called you 游 (“play in”). In my view, the act “hold onto virtue” pertains to self-​cultivation, and the one “adhere to humanity” pertains to having relationships with others. 7.6.2 Arguments 1) He Yan argued, “Yi is here synonymous with yi 倚 (to rely). Since people receive benefits that are created by the humane person, he is reliable [so that the phrase yi yu ren 依於仁 should be read as ‘rely on humane people’].” I would refute this as follows: Ogyu explained, “Yi is opposite to wei 違 (to depart), which means that one does not depart from something. For example, the phrase ‘Five sounds of music adhere [依] to the recitation of lyrics’ (Shang Shu zhushu, 2:36b) implies that the sounds from the bamboo instruments and string instruments adhere to one’s recitation of lyrics and do not depart from one another, though they vary. This phrase adopts the same meaning of yi as this passage does.” 2) For a classical text that is relevant to the main passage, see “Shao yi 少儀” (Li ji zhushu, 35:15b, 2). 3) Zheng Xuan argued, “The virtue here refers to the three virtues [that appear in Rites of Zhou]:  the virtue of the utmost principle, the virtue of swift practice, and the virtue of filiality.”35 In my view, Zheng Xuan’s comment is not necessarily correct. “Biao ji” says, “One walks toward the Way” (Li ji zhushu, 54:11b). Thus, the character for “virtue” is formed by combining zhi 直 (honest) with xin 心 (mind-​heart). 32 Xing Bing added, “They include rituals, music, archery, driving, writing, and calculation.” 33 “Zhao She zhuan 趙奢傳” says, “Anyone who first holds onto the top [上: this character is omitted in all editions of Noneo gogeum ju] of the southern mountain will gain victory” (Shi ji, 81:9a). 34 Master Zhu commented, “This means not to depart from it.” 35 Shi shi 師氏 mentioned the three virtues (see Zhou li zhushu, 14:1a–​b). 30 31

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7.7 The Master said, “Never have I refused to instruct anyone who came to me with a bundle of ten pieces of dried meat or more.” 子曰; 自行束脩以上, 吾未嘗無誨焉. 7.7.1 Grounds 1) Xing Bing commented, “Shu xiu 束脩 (‘a bundle of ten pieces of dried meat’) refers to ten pieces of dried meat.36 This present was used for the most humble rituals. Since jades or silk were used for well-​prepared rituals, it says ‘or more,’ to include them.” 7.7.2 Arguments 1) According to my investigation, the term shu xiu has three different meanings. Details will be provided in the following discussions. 2) For classical texts that adopt shu xiu for “a bundle of ten pieces of dried meats,” see “Tangong” (Li ji zhushu, 8:12a, 3), “Shao yi” (35:23b, 4), Guliang’s Commentary (Guliang zhuan zhushu, 1:10a, 7–​8), “Xunli zhuan” in Han shu (Qian Han shu, 89:13b, 2),37 Kong congzi (Kong congzi, A:35b, 2–​3), “Murong Hui zhuan 慕容廆傳” in “Zai ji 載記” of Jin shu (Jin shu, 108:5b, 1–​2), Yeke congshu by Wang Mao 王楙 (1151–​1213) which quotes Bei shi (Yeke congshu, 17:12a, 4), “Rulin zhuan” in Bei shi (Bei shi, 81:30b, 8), “Zhou Wudi ji” in Bei shi (10:7b, 2), and “Liu Zhuo 劉焯 [劉炫 in all editions of Noneo gogeum ju; Mao Qiling also made the same mistake when he quoted this passage from Sui shu, see Si shu shengyan, 2:9a, 5] zhuan” in Sui shu (Sui shu, 75:18b, 7–​19a, 2). As I understand, the term shu xiu in all of the sources above refers to a bundle of ten pieces of dried meat. This represents the first meaning. 3) For classical texts that adopt shu xiu for a bolt of silk [shu] and dried meat [xiu], see Tang liudian (Tang liudian 唐六典, 21:7a, 1) and “Baiguan zhi 百 官志” in Tang shu (Xin Tang shu 新唐書, 48:32b, 3). In line with this, Han Yu argued, “According to certain commentators, shu here refers to a bolt of silk, and xiu, a bundle of dried meat. [Then the main passage means that] whenever anyone showed him respect by offering a bolt of silk and a bundle of dried meat, Confucius without exception instructed the person. However, this interpretation fails to convey the true meaning of this passage.” As I understand, in the examples above, the term shu xiu refers to a bolt of silk and a bundle of dried meat, which represent its second meaning. However, in the context of this passage, this definition is not acceptable.

As a supplementary explanation, Record of Rites says, “A group of ten pieces of things is called shu” (Li ji zhushu, 8:7a). 37 Also see “Di Wulun zhuan 第五倫傳” in Hou Han shu (Hou Han shu, 71:4b, 3). 36

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4) For classical texts that adopt shu xiu for the age of fifteen, see Du Shi’s 杜詩 (d. 38) memorial of recommending Fu Zhan 伏湛 (d. 37), which is found in “Fu Zhan zhuan” in Hou Han shu (Hou Han shu, 56:4a, 7),38 Man lu 漫錄 by Wu Zeng 吳曾 (fl. 1162),39 and Jiao Hong’s 焦竑 (1540–​1620) comment.40 As I understand, in the examples above, the term shu xiu is related to the fact that at the age of fifteen, people started decorating themselves [修飾] by wearing waistbands [束帶]. This is the third meaning of shu xiu. However, the remarks by Liang Shang 梁商 (d. 141)  and Jia Jian 賈堅 (d. 358)  [that appear in Jiao Hong’s comment] do not convey the meaning of the age of fifteen. 5) For classical texts that adopt different renditions of shu xiu, see the imperial edict during the reign year of Yuanhe 元和 (84–​87) by the emperor Zhangdi 章帝 (r. 75–​88) in the Later Han (Hou Han shu, 57:18b, 4–​5), “Denghou ji 鄧后紀” in Hou Han shu (10A:32a, 3–​4),41 “Liu Ban zhuan 劉般傳” (69:12a, 2–​3), “Zheng Jun zhuan 鄭均傳” (57:18b, 4), “Feng Yan zhuan 馮衍傳” (58A:12b, 8), and San guo zhi 三國志 (quoted in Si shu shengyan, 2:9b, 3–​4). As I understand, the examples above show another meaning of shu xiu, which is to strictly control and neatly compose oneself. This meaning is distinguished from the third one, wearing a waistband at the age of fifteen, so it suggests another meaning.42 6) Han Yu argued, “Zhong Ni here teaches that although the tasks for young learners, such as sprinkling and sweeping the ground, advancing and receding, and decorating oneself by wearing a waistband [束脩], are minor subjects, he never failed to teach the greater topics to anyone who diligently practiced these things.”43 I would refute this as follows: This just follows the third meaning of shu xiu, wearing a waistband at the age of fifteen. In conclusion, Confucius gave instruction to people only after he received a present of a bundle of ten pieces of dried meat or more. Since this practice provoked suspicions that he was selling the Way out of greed, Han Yu here attempts to beautify Confucius’s [incorrectly alleged] “mistakes,” manipulatively protecting Confucius by means of theory. On this, Li Xian 李賢 (654–​684) commented, “The expression zi xing shu xiu 自行束脩 [‘To anyone who came to me with a bundle of ten pieces of dried meat’ in Dasan’s reading of the main passage but ‘From the age he himself practiced the ritual of shu xiu onwards’ in the context of Hou Han shu’] signifies that one is fifteen or more years old” (Hou Han shu, 56:4a). [Dasan’s quotation does not accord with Li Xian’s comment.] 39 See Yeke congshu by Wang Mao (Yeke congshu, 17:11b, 6–​12a, 4). 40 See Bi sheng (Jiao shi bi sheng 焦氏筆乘, 1:27a–​b). 41 On this, Li Xian commented, “[The term shu xiu here means] to control [shu] and compose [xiu] oneself” (Hou Han shu, 10A:32a). 42 According to Xu Fenpeng 徐奮鵬 (c. 1560–​1642), “A memorial from the Han dynasty [漢疏] says, ‘By placing oneself under strict self-​control [束] and cultivating [修] oneself, one proceeds toward officialdom.’ This remark is the same as saying, ‘People should keep themselves pure and thereby proceed’ ” (unknown source). In my view, han shu 漢疏 here refers to a memorial from the Han dynasty. 43 See Bijie [Lun yu bijie]. 38

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However, he did not know that the ancient practice of rituals was quite different from their practice. [In the ancient rituals] when people met with others with whom they were not related by blood for the first time, they were expected to bring a present. The relationships between the ruler and the subject, between the husband and the wife, and between friends were formed through rightness.44 In these relationships formed through rightness, if there was no present, no meeting was held. Due to this, the subject was expected to carry presents when they departed from one country [in seeking a position in another country]. In wedding rituals, wild geese were generally used as presents:  in addition, men prepared a bolt of silk and a pair of matching hides while women prepared dates, chestnuts, fresh meat, and dried meat.45 The meetings intended to establish relationships of moral order among people without blood ties were also not held unless they were mediated through presents. Thus, in the record of rituals at the meetings of the shi-​scholars, the first passage of the first chapter reads, “As regards presents, a pheasant is used in the winter, and the dried meat of a pheasant is used for the summer” (Yi li zhushu, 3:1a). When they come to meet, the host says, “You, my friend, have brought a present, but I  dare to refuse it” (3:3b). Then the guest says, “I cannot dare to meet with you without offering a present”46 (3:4a). After three refusals of the present and three requests for the recipient to accept it, the guest would carry his present and enter the gate; when the great officials met with each other, they brought a wild goose, which was wrapped with a linen cloth that was tied up with a string;47 when the high-​ranking great officials met with each other, they brought a lamb, which was wrapped with a linen cloth that was tied up around the lamb’s face; when the shi-​scholars or the great officials met with the lord for the first time, they conducted rituals of carrying and offering presents and of taking two bows to bring their foreheads to the ground. Then the lord was expected to respond to their shows of obedience. Although ancient rituals have perished, texts and documents related to them still exist. They show that Confucius did not intend to satisfy his greed. How could a student be allowed to ask a worthy teacher, without offering a present, for instructions on establishing eventually the rightness of “living three different lives but offering the same service [to parents, the lord, and the teacher]”? Liu Zhuo 劉焯 (544–​610) and Liu Xuan 劉炫 (c. 546–​c. 613) were the ones who received trivial slander when they wished to follow the ancient way. 7) Goengbo commented, “A ritual performed by a teacher and a student without a present is analogous to a wedding without presents. A marriage

In other words, they did not have blood ties with one another. The bride and her parents-​in-​law also have no blood ties. The guest again says, “I cannot dare to meet with you without bringing a present” (Yi li zhushu, 3:4b). 47 This manner was also applied to cases in which the shi-​scholars would bring a pheasant. 44 45

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made without an exchange of presents is regarded as an illicit connection—​ the couple is illegitimate.” * * * All of the discussions above regard the meaning of shu xiu. As a matter of fact, there is agreement among all of the major commentaries—​Lun yu jijie, Lun yu yishu, Lun yu zheng yi, and Lun yu jizhu—​on its meaning, and Dasan also accepted their definition: it means a bundle of ten pieces of dried meat. Dasan’s long arguments here were triggered by later commentators, especially Mao Qiling and Dazai Jun, who searched through historical documents to suggest alternative readings of the term shu xiu. All in all, this term may convey four meanings: a bundle of ten pieces of dried meat, a bolt of silk and a bundle of dried meat, the age of fifteen, and self-​control and self-​composure. Actually, Mao Qiling and Dazai Jun also did not reject the first meaning, while they certainly denied one or two of the other three meanings: Mao Qiling did not accept the fourth meaning for sure, whereas Dazai Jun rejected the second and third meanings. Since Dasan’s arguments here were basically prompted by these two later commentators, his investigation on the classical texts introduced above was also indebted to their examination. In line with this, one point that is interesting and worth noting concerns all three commentators’ quotation of “Liu Zhuo zhuan” in Sui shu. Mao Qiling mistakenly stated that it was from “Liu Xuan zhuan,” a biography next to “Liu Zhuo zhuan;” Dazai Jun mistakenly stated that “Liu Zhuo zhuan” was found in Bei shi, not Sui shu; Dasan repeated Mao’s error when he quoted the relevant passage but later referred to both people, Liu Zhuo and Liu Xuan, probably in his awareness of Dazai Jun’s different record.

7.8 The Master said, “I do not clear the way for anyone who is not bothered; I do not enlighten anyone who is not saddened. When I hold up one corner, and he does not return with the other three, I  do not instruct him again.”48 子曰; 不憤不啓, 不悱不發. 擧一隅, 不以三隅反, 則不復也. 7.8.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Fen 憤 (“bothered”) refers to anger in one’s mind;49 fei 悱 (“saddened”) refers to sorrow in one’s mind;50 qi 啓 (“clear the way”)

Fu 復 (“instruct him again”) here should be read in the checked tone. Zhuangzi says, “Plants and trees grow up angrily [憤]” (Zhuangzi zhu, 9:7a–​b). 50 I suspect that this character is synonymous with fei 悲 (sad). 48

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is to break up obstructions;51 fa 發 (“enlighten”) is to remove obscurity;52 yu 隅 (“corner”) refers to a sharp edge;53 fan 反 (“return”) is here synonymous with huan 還 (to return); fu 復 (“instruct him again”) means to instruct again.54 When learners feel anger about their own inability to break up obstructions, teachers clear the way; when they feel sorrow about their own ignorance, teachers enlighten them. This is the way to instruct people. If one has been endowed with a low intelligence, making it difficult to help him acquire understanding, however, it is unnecessary to instruct him again even when he feels anger and sorrow. 2) I supplement as follows: Upon hearing about the rituals performed during King Shun’s tour of inspection in the east, one does not understand that during his tours in the west, south, and north, he must have adopted the same rituals; or, upon hearing that one should serve his parents with what he looks for from his children, he does not understand that this principle is applied to relationships between younger and older brothers, between the lord and the subject, and between friends—​these are cases in which “I hold up one corner, and he does not return with the other three.” 7.8.2 Arguments 1) Zheng Xuan argued, “Confucius enlightened people only after they showed eagerness to know in their minds and to express with their mouths.” I would refute this as follows: When a person perceives something clearly in his mind, he should be able to address it with his mouth. When he lacks understanding in his mind, how can he be accepted even when he shows eagerness to express with his mouth?

7.9 When dining beside a bereaved person, the Master never ate to the full. 子食於有喪者之側, 未嘗飽也. 7.9.1 Grounds 1) I  supplement as follows:  “A bereaved person” here refers to the chief mourner of a household that has not performed the ritual of interment yet.

“Xue ji” says, “[The noble person] opens the way but does not carry one” (Li ji zhushu, 36:16a). The hexagram “Meng 蒙” contains an expression “Enlighten one’s obscurity [發蒙]” (Zhou Yi zhushu, 2:21a). 53 Each of the four corners of a room is called yu. 54 Mencius says, “Suppose a person instructs [復] your Majesty… .” (Mengzi jizhu, 1A:7). Min Zi Qian said, “If anyone calls on [復] me for this” (Lun yu jizhu, 6:7; 6.8 in Noneo gogeum ju). 51

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Since he deeply sympathized with the mourner in his sorrow, he did not eat much. 2) For a classical text that contains the same passage, see “Tangong” (Li ji zhushu, 8:7a, 8).

7.10 When the Master performed the ritual weeping on a certain day, he did not sing.55 子於是日, 哭則不歌. 7.10.1 Grounds 1) Master Zhu commented, “Ku 哭 (‘performed the ritual weeping’) here refers to performing the ritual weeping to condole with mourners.” 2) I supplement as follows: Ge 歌 (“sing”) refers to the recitation of a poem in a slow movement. That one shuns experiencing sorrow and joy on the same day concerns wholeheartedness. However, there is no harm in singing first and then performing the ritual weeping. 7.10.2 Arguments 1) He Yan argued, “Performing the ritual weeping and singing on the same day ruins the dignity of ritual propriety.” In my view, this explanation is also acceptable. However, those who sing first and then perform the ritual weeping cannot help but do both things on the same day. Thus, it is not perfect. 2) For a classical text that is relevant to the main passage, see “Tangong,” which says, “On the day he condoled with mourners, Confucius did not enjoy music, nor drank wine, nor ate meat” (9:6b). In my view, that “Confucius did not enjoy music” that day suggests that he neither listened to nor played music.

7.11 The Master said to Yan Yuan, “ ‘When employed, go forward; when abandoned, stay out of sight.’ Only you and I are capable of this.” Zi Lu said, “If you, Master, were to lead the three armies, whom will you have with you?” The Master said, “Anyone who beats a tiger with his bare hands or dares to cross a river without a boat and dies without regret—​I would not have him with me. It must be someone who handles affairs with care, who is fond of forming plans and thereby capable of making it through.” 55

In the Huang Kan edition, as well as in Jizhu, this chapter is combined with the previous chapter.

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子謂顔淵曰; 用之則行, 舍之則藏, 惟我與爾有是夫! 子路曰; 子行三軍, 則誰與? 子曰; 暴虎馮河, 死而無悔者, 吾不與也. 必也臨事而懼, 好謀而 成者也. 7.11.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: The first line, which contains the expressions “go forward” and “stay out of sight,” is an ancient saying.56 If one does not go forward even when employed, he is a man who disturbs the moral order while trying to keep his person pure; if one does not stay out of sight even when abandoned, he is a man who seeks a salary shamelessly. 2) Kong Anguo commented, “A large state controls the three armies.”57 3) I  supplement as follows:  Shui yu 誰與 (“whom will you have with you”) here is an expression equivalent to shui yu gong 誰與共. Beating beasts with one’s bare hands is called pu 暴 (“beats”);58 crossing a body of water without a boat is called ping 馮 (“dare to cross”).59 4) Master Zhu commented, “This chapter is aimed at restraining Zi Lu’s courage.” 7.11.2 Arguments 1) Kong Anguo argued, “The expression ping he 馮河 (‘dares to cross a river without a boat’) is here equal to tu she 徒涉 (to wade across a stream).”60 I would refute this as follows: Er ya also erred in this respect. The term tu she means to wade across shallow waters. In contrast, ping refers to mounting and ignoring raging waves to proceed toward a domain of eventual death. The poem “Xiao min 小旻” reads, “They dare not beat a tiger with their bare hands; they dare not cross a river without a boat” (Mao Shi zhushu, 19:55b). On this, Mao Heng 毛亨 (fl. Western Han) commented, “Ping is here synonymous with ling 陵 (to ignore)” (19:55b). Changes also says, “[Anyone with this virtue] will cross a river without a boat [馮河]” (Zhou Yi zhushu, 3:24b). On this, Kong Yingda commented, “The term ping he means to cross a river without a boat” (3:25a).

The two characters for “go forward” and “stay out of sight,” xing 行 and zang 藏, form a harmonized rhyme [叶韻]. 57 Master Zhu added, “Twelve thousand five hundred men constitute one army.” 58 A poem in “Zheng feng 鄭風” reads, “With his bare hands, he beat [暴] a tiger” (Mao Shi zhushu, 7:10a). 59 Ping here means to mount or to ignore. 60 Xing Bing argued, “This explanation comes from ‘Shi xun 釋訓’ in Er ya. In line with this, Guo Pu commented, ‘It means to cross a river without a boat or an oar’ ” (see Er ya zhushu, 3: 23a).

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7.12 The Master said, “When wealth can be pursued, I will take even the position of a whip-​holding official; when it cannot be pursued, I will follow what I love.”61 子曰; 富, 而可求也, 雖執鞭之士, 吾亦爲之. 如不可求, 從吾所好. 7.12.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: In ancient times, officials’ salaries were regulated according to the distribution of the fields, so one could not become wealthy without taking an office. Thus, the main passage mentions only wealth, but it is also related to nobility. 2) I supplement as follows: The time when wealth can be pursued pertains to the world in a state of order;62 the time when it cannot be pursued pertains to the world in a state of disorder.63 3) Xing Bing commented, “ ‘Qiu guan 秋官’ in Rites of Zhou says, ‘Tiaolang shi 條狼氏 is in charge of holding a whip to clear away passers-​by along the road [趨辟]. When the king goes in and out, eight of them are assigned both sides of the road; for dukes, six of them; for marquises and earls, four of them; for viscounts and barons, two of them’64 (Zhou li zhushu, 36:12b). According to ‘Xu guan,’ Tiaolang shi was a low-​ranking shi-official. He held a humble position.” 4) Kong Anguo commented, “ ‘What I love’ here refers to the Way of ancient people.” 7.12.2 Arguments 1) Zheng Xuan argued, “[The main passage means that] wealth and nobility cannot be acquired by seeking them. One ought to cultivate virtue to acquire them.” I would refute this as follows: The sage already sufficiently taught the principle of what can be pursued and what cannot. [If Zheng’s interpretation were correct] why is it necessary for Confucius to say here, “I will take even the position of a whip-​holding official’ [when wealth and nobility cannot be pursued]?” If the early Confucians’ theory were true, Confucius should have said, ‘I will take the position of the prime minister in the offices of Heaven [because the position of a whip-​holding official does not guarantee wealth and nobility].’ Why should the position of a whip-​holding official be taken as an example? Confucius teaches a lesson here, saying, “In a world in which one can serve

“Bo Yi zhuan” contains a phrase, which says, “When wealth and nobility can be pursued [富貴如可 求]…” (Shi ji, 61:6a) 62 “[Such a person as Confucius] takes an office when it is proper to take an office” (Mengzi jizhu, 2A:2). 63 “[Such a person as Confucius] retires from an office when it is proper to retire from an office” (2A:2). 64 On this Zheng Xuan commented, “Qu bi 趨辟 here means to clear away passers-​by along the road” (Zhou li zhushu, 12:36b). 61

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in government by taking an office, I should take even a humble office with less responsibility. In a world in which one cannot serve in government, however, cultivating the Way to have self-​contentment is better than any other option, even when I am invited to assume the position of one of the three ministers.” Isn’t this interpretation more natural in light of the tone of the passage?

7.13 The matters that the Master exercised care over were staying calm for purification, war, and sickness. 子之所愼, 齊戰疾. 7.13.1 Grounds 1) Master Zhu commented, “Qi 齊 (‘staying calm for purification’) literally means to bring something into alignment [齊]. When the time to offer a sacrifice has come, one brings his thoughts into alignment so as to communicate brilliantly with the mysterious beings.” 2) I  supplement as follows:  That weapons clash with one another is war.65 Ancient people entered a state of staying calm for purification when they caught a sickness. This suggests how careful they were. 3) For a classical text that is relevant to the main passage, see Record of Rites (Li ji zhushu, 23:26a, 1).66

7.14 When the Master was in Qi, he heard the Shao and for three months did not remember the taste of meat. He said, “I never imagined that creating music could reach this level.” 子在齊聞韶, 三月不知肉味. 曰; 不圖爲樂之至於斯也. 7.14.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Confucius’s stay in the state of Qi occurred when Duke Zhao fled to Qi in the twenty-​fifth year of his reign. At the time, Confucius was thirty-​five.67 This year he also went to Qi and stayed there for a few years. “The Shao” was a piece of music from King Shun’s era. 2) Zhou Shenglie commented, “The Shao was abundant in beauty, so Confucius forgot all of a sudden the taste of meat.”

Zuo’s Commentary says, “That both sides set up military positions is war” (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 8:2a). This passage is in “Li qi.” “Jiao tesheng” also has a passage similar to this (Li ji zhushu, 25:34a, 5). 67 Duke Zhao was ousted by the Ji family. 65

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3) I supplement as follows: Bu tu 不圖 (“never imagined”) is here equivalent to bu yi 不意 (never thought).68 The expression “reach this level” implies that the music was immaculate and spotlessly beautiful. 7.14.2 Arguments 1) Wang Shu argued, “Wei 爲 (‘creating’ in Dasan’s reading) here is synonymous with zuo 作 (to perform). [The main passage states that] Confucius could not imagine that the performance of the Shao music had reached this. ‘This’ here refers to the state of Qi.” Huang Kan supplemented this, saying, “When Confucius was in Qi, he heard the Shao that was played in Qi’s court and understood its perfection. At the time, he felt pain in his mind and came to forget the taste of meat. Their performance of the Shao was stopped after one season passed. One season consists of three months. What caused Confucius to feel pain? Qi was a state ruled by a lord who lacked the Way. Since he abused the music of a sage king, giving the impression that the apparatus was preserved by the wrong person, Confucius lamented it.” In Shi er bian, Sun Yi from the Song agreed on this interpretation, saying, “Confucius was angry about the fact that the music was played in Qi. Thus, he forgot the taste of meat” (quoted in Si shu shengyan, 2:3b). Yang Shen also agreed, saying, “Confucius could not imagine that Qi’s performance of the music had reached this extent” (Danqian yulu xuji 丹鉛餘錄續集, 1:46b). I would refute these claims as follows: Qi was a state given to Taigong and cannot be underestimated. Furthermore, the fact that their sounds, intelligence, culture, and materials flourished amidst the four seas was a consequence of the sages’ utmost merits. If a state without the Way truly played the Shao music, it was an honor to Shun. For what would Confucius have become angry? 2) Han Yu argued, “San yue 三月 (‘three months’) is a misprint of yin 音 (sound)” [according to Cheng Yi’s quotation of Han Yu’s comment, which does not appear in the extant edition of Han Yu’s Lun yu bijie but suspected to be such in Lun yu jiqiu pian] (quoted in Lun yu jiqiu pian, 4:1a). Zhong Heqing 仲和卿 (?)  argued, “In some editions, san yue appears as yin.”69 I would refute these claims as follows: Shi ji says, “[Confucius] heard the sounds [音] of the Shao and learned it for three months [三月]” (Shi ji, 47:6a). In this passage, the terms yin and san yue are used in the same sentence. How could a typographical error, stemming from their resemblance, be made? 3) Xing Bing argued, “During the Spring and Autumn period, prince Wan 完 (b. 706 bce) from the state of Chen fled to Qi. Chen was a state ruled by the descendants of Shun. Due to this, the Shao was preserved in the state of

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Tu here is synonymous with yu 虞 (to guess). This comment is said to have come from Si shu bei kao 四書備考 [according to Rongo kokun gaiden].

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Qi.” Feng Yi 馮椅 (fl. 1193–​1209) agreed with Xing Bing, saying, “Chen was enfeoffed to the descendants of Shun, and because of this they could use their ancestor’s music, generation after generation. Since Chen Jingzhong 陳敬仲 [prince Wan] fled to Qi, the Shao could be known in the state. Even though the state of Lu preserved the music of the four dynasties at the time, I  am afraid that their version was hardly free from certain discrepancies with the originals. The Shao was the oldest music, and the state of Qi alone obtained its orthodox transmission.” I would refute these claims as follows: According to Guo yu, among the descendants of the great Yu [Shun] was Yu Si 虞思. After him, Shun’s descendants became untraceable for a while until the reign of King Wu of the Zhou, when Yu Efu 虞閼父, one of the chief descendants of the emperor Shun, served the Zhou as Taozheng 陶正. Since King Wu benefitted from him, he gave in marriage his first daughter Da Xi 大姬 to Man 滿 (1071–​986 bce), Yu Efu’s son, to whom Chen was enfeoffed. He was the Duke of Hu [胡公, the first ruler of Chen]. This history is attested to by “Yue ji [in Record of Rites],” “Zhou ben ji 周本紀 [in Shi ji],” “Tian Jingzhong shi jia 田敬仲世家 [in Shi ji],” and Zheng Xuan’s Shi pu 詩譜 (毛詩譜). Now Xing Bing’s and Feng Yi’s arguments above assume that the history of Shun’s descendants continued for generations without interruption from Shangjun 商均 [Shun’s son] through Chen Jingzhong. Aren’t they farfetched? The states of the feudal lords cannot function without [court] music. Due to this fact, learning the music and dances has become an indispensable ritual for us. Imagine that only the state of the Son of Heaven could adopt the music of the former kings. [In opposition to this assumption] “Nei ze 內則” says, “At the age of thirteen, one performs the dance Shao; when he becomes a young adult, he performs the dance Xiang 象; when he partakes in the capping ritual at the age of twenty, he performs the dance Da Xia 大 夏” (Li ji zhushu, 28:28a–​b). If anyone argues that only the Zhou people could perform the dances that appear in “Nei ze,” whereas the others could not master them over a period of several years, does it sound persuasive? Aren’t the dances, Shao, Xiang and Da Xia, comparable to the music of the Son of Heaven? The Marquis Wen of Wei [魏文侯, r. 445–​396 bce] asked Zi Xia, “When I listen to ancient music in my black ceremonial robe and big crown, I am afraid to say that I lie down [to fall asleep]” (38:25b). If he lay down, it was his misbehavior. However, the fact that he enjoyed ancient music cannot be denied. King Hui of Liang [梁惠王, r. 369–​319 bce] said, “This man of lesser virtue is unable to love the music of the former kings” (Mengzi jizhu, 1B:8). That he was unable to love it was his misbehavior. If he was not permitted to love the music of the former kings due to his princely status, however, why was he ashamed of his indifference to it, to this extent? Chu ci says, “I play the song Jiu ge 九歌 and perform the dance Shao; I set aside days to enjoy music” (Chu ci zhangju, 1:24a–​b). The Shao was a dance that the people of Chu always enjoyed, so Qu Yuan 屈原 (343–​278 bce) wished to

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have it, as portrayed in this poem. Also a poem in “Bei feng” reads, “With his large figure, a man of great talent performs the dance Wan 萬 in the ducal court” (Mao Shi zhushu, 3:57a). It also reads, “With my left hand, I perform the dance Yue 籥 (in Dasan’s reading); with my right, I hold a pheasant’s feather” (3:59b). Here, the Wan dance was part of the Da Wu 大武 dance, and the Yue dance was part of the Da Xiang 大象 dance. Had the music of the former kings been absent in the feudal states, how would the jesters of Wei have performed the Wan and Yue dances? “Yue ji” says, “The Qi 齊 music was the sound inherited from the three dynasties. Since the people of Qi could recognize it, it was called Qi” (Li ji zhushu, 39:31b). This passage explicitly shows that the state of Qi was solidly acquainted with the music from the three dynasties. How could it be absent in the state of Qi, even without Jingzhong’s contribution? According to my inference based on these facts, every state preserved the music of the four dynasties and used it for their ancestral shrines and beyond. In a later period, the number of enlightened Confucian scholars decreased. So people only knew that King Cheng granted the state of Lu the privilege of using the music of the Son of Heaven and accordingly conjectured that only Lu preserved the music of the four dynasties. They also thought that only the three states—​Qi [杞], Song, and Chen—​could obtain ancient music because they were established by the descendants of the Son of Heaven. How obscure is this perception? 4) For a classical text that supports my argument here, see Shuo yuan.70 * * * If yin were to be adopted in place of san yue in the main passage, its first sentence would read, “When the Master was in Qi, he heard the sound of the Shao and did not remember the taste of meat.” Dasan assumed that Han Yu initially suggested this interpretation probably because Mao Qiling “suspected” that it derived from Han Yu, based on some source that he did not specify in his Lun yu jiqiu pian. Du shu fu zhi 讀書附志, written by Zhao Xibian 趙希弁 (fl. 1249), might have been the source because it asserts that Han Yu adopted yin instead of san yue in Lun yu zhuan 論語傳 (that is, Lun yu bijie) and that “those who learn Cheng Yi’s philosophy all accept this revision” (see Lun yu bijie). In line with this, it is recorded in Lun yu jizhu daquan that Cheng Yi changed san yue to yin in his reading of this passage (see Lun yu jizhu daquan, 7:22b). Cheng Yi did so because in his view it was nonsensical for a sage to be so immersed in a “thing” (a piece of music in this context) that he could not remember the taste of meat for three months, no matter how beautiful the thing was. It was Cheng Yi’s firm position that sages are not attached to external things. Thus it is confirmed that Cheng Yi’s revision of san yue to yin was philosophically motivated. It is not confirmed, however, that Han Yu first proposed this revision, because

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See “Xiu wen 修文” (Shuo yuan, 19:17b, 4–​8).

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Cheng Yi does not say that he referred to Han Yu when he made the change, and the extant edition of Lun yu bijie does not contain any comments on this passage. Dasan paid careful attention to Shi ji, which contains a sentence that shows the two terms under discussion, and rejected this revision. His refutation suggests that he declined Cheng Yi’s rigid deontologist position as well. In another argument, Dasan insisted that all feudal states preserved the music of the sage kings in order to use it for the court ceremonies (see Noneo gogeum ju, 3.1). Dasan’s arguments, in which he grants the feudal states more dignity and authority in their statecraft than Confucian legitimists would, are consistent with one another. As was mentioned above, this view shows that he wished to enhance the sovereignty of Joseon, one of the princely states of the Chinese imperial system, by remaining loyal to his lord, King Jeongjo.

7.15 Ran You said, “Will Our Master do like the lord of Wei?” Zi Gong said, “Alright! I will ask him.” Upon entering, he said, “What sort of men were Bo Yi and Shu Qi?” “They were ancient worthies,” said the Master. “Did they bear grudges?” The Master replied again, “They sought humanity and attained humanity. What grudges did they bear?” After coming out, Zi Gong said, “Our Master will not.” 冉有曰; 夫子爲衛君乎? 子貢曰; 諾, 吾將問之. 入曰; 伯夷叔齊, 何人也. 曰; 古之賢人也. 曰; 怨乎? 曰; 求仁而得仁, 又何怨? 出曰; 夫子不爲也. 7.15.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: The question “Will Our Master do [爲] like the lord of Wei did” asks whether Our Master would assume the position of the lord of Wei if he were in the same situation as Kuai Zhe 蒯輒 was.71 Ran You asked this question out of curiosity. Kuaikui 蒯聩, the heir prince of Duke Ling of Wei, plotted to murder his mother Nan Zi but failed, whereupon he fled to the state of Song. When Duke Ling died, Nan Zi wished for prince Ying to assume the throne. He refused it and instead suggested that Zhe 輒, Kuaikui’s son, be crowned. Zhe eventually seized the position. 2) I supplement as follows: The reason Zi Gong asked a roundabout question about Bo Yi and Shu Qi when he wanted to know Confucius’s intention on another affair was that, if he had placed Our Master under the same circumstances as Zhe’s when he formed his question, it would have been insulting and insolent. Thus, he referred to a case that was analogous with the one in which he was interested for his question, so that he could examine how Confucius would confront a situation of this sort.

Wei 爲 (“do”) here should be read as wei in the sentence “Zeng Xi 曾西 would not do [爲] like Guan Zhong did” (Mengzi jizhu, 2A:1). 71

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3) I supplement as follows: The question “Did they bear grudges” asks whether they bore grudges against their father and against their brother. Humanity is the utmost good in the human moral order. Bo Yi sought to fulfill his moral obligation in his relationship with his father, and Shu Qi sought to fulfill his moral obligation in his relationship with his elder brother. This is what was meant by the expression “They sought humanity.” And they eventually accomplished what they intended to accomplish. This is what was meant by the expression they “attained humanity.” Humanity is the utmost good in all under heaven. Attainment of humanity is more precious than attainment of a state. Then “What grudges did they bear?” 4) I supplement as follows: Our Master concluded that Bo Yi and Shu Qi sought humanity and attained humanity. This proves that, even when he was in the same kind of circumstances that Zhe of Wei was in, he must have yielded the state and hid himself in order to safeguard the love between father and son and accomplish humanity. Thus, Zi Gong knew that Our Master would not do what Zhe of Wei did.72 7.15.2 Arguments 1) Zheng Xuan argued, “Wei here is synonymous with zhu 助 (to assist). At the time, Zhao Yang 趙鞅 (d. 458 bce) of Jin attempted to send Kuaikui back to Wei from the town of Qi 戚, so Shi Mangu 石曼姑 (fl. 492 bce) of Wei led troops to besiege the town. Zi Gong here asks about whether Confucius intended to give assistance to Zhe or not.” I would refute this as follows: In the fourth month of the second year of the reign of Duke Ai, during the summer, Duke Ling of Wei died and the people of Wei enthroned Zhe. In the sixth month, the people of Jin attempted to send Kuaikui back to Wei. Although Confucius went to Wei this year, he did not stay long and headed for the states of Cao and Song right away. Shi Mangu besieged the town of Qi in the following year, a long time after Confucius departed from Wei. This year, Confucius travelled to visit the state of Zheng from Song and also arrived in the state of Chen.73 By that moment, it was long since Confucius’s mind was occupied with other agendas than that of Wei. Then how could a discussion of whether to give assistance to Zhe or not be brought in again? The so-​called “assistance” that Zheng Xuan mentioned involves bearing one’s left arm [to show his support], not giving assistance by mobilizing forces. Kuai Zhe, however, seized the lord’s position without being emotionally stirred, like a corpse, sitting and observing Shi Mangu’s confrontation with his father, in order to protect his position. This was an action of great shame. In all under heaven, is there anyone who is willing to bear his left arm for Kuai Zhe? Ran You’s question regarded the moment Zhe of Wei confronted his father and did not accept him. This fact demonstrates that the father and the son bore grudges against each other. 73 All these journeys occurred in the third year of the reign of Duke Ai. 72

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Zhe initially succeeded Duke Ling and became the lord of Wei because the succession was subject to an inquiry about whether Zhe’s choice was harmonious with the moral principle or not. Master Zhu argued, “When one stays in a state, he does not censure the great officials of the state. Thus, Zi Gong did not directly dismiss the lord of Wei and instead referred to Bo Yi and Shu Qi in his question.” In the year when Kuai Zhe confronted his father, however, Confucius was apparently not in the state of Wei. Thus, it is untrue that he “stayed in the state.” In addition, asking whether to give assistance or not greatly differs from criticizing the lord or the father. How could Zi Gong’s roundabout question be triggered by this concern? Ran You’s question only regarded whether Zhe’s resignation from the position was needed in light of moral principle. He did not inquire into whether his confrontation with his father was right or not. If some argue that Zi Lu died in the midst of his confrontation with Kuaikui and that it is evidence for Confucius’s assistance to Zhe, I would counter it because, to begin with, Confucius and Zi Lu could not come to an agreement on their perspectives on rightness in this matter. Therefore, Zi Lu was disappointed when the Master met with Nan Zi, although he was trying to help Kuaikui overcome certain difficulties.74 Confucius attempted only to resolve Zi Lu’s suspicion, to no avail, which led him to swear an oath. Why should Confucius be suspected of giving implicit assistance to Zhe due to Zi Lu’s unwise behavior? ) Gongyang’s Commentary asks, “ ‘In light of rightness of Zhe, was he allowed 2 to assume the lord’s position?’ ‘He was.’ ‘How could it be so?’ ‘A person is not allowed to decline his grandfather’s command to follow his father’s command, whereas he is allowed to decline his father’s command to follow his grandfather’s command. This is because the father dominates the son. A person is not allowed to decline royal projects to follow family projects, whereas he is allowed to decline family projects to follow royal projects. This is because the superior dominates the inferior’ ” (Gongyang zhuan zhushu, 27:6b–​7a). As I understand, this discussion from Gongyang’s Commentary distorts the principle and disrupts the constant practice of morality, so it is not worth mentioning. When he was alive, Duke Ling said to prince Ying, “Since I have no heir prince [as Kuaikui ran away from Wei], I will have you succeed the throne.” He gave the same command twice, but prince Ying refused it twice. When Duke Ling died, his widow said, “I order that prince Ying be the heir prince. This is an order from the [deceased] lord.” However, prince Ying refused the order, saying, “The lord passed away in my arms.75 If he had given a command, I  would have been able to hear it.” He also said, “Here is a son of the man in exile,” and then had Zhe

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For this discussion, see one of the previous chapters (Noneo gogeum ju, 6.27). Prince Ying was holding Duke Ling’s body [when he died].

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assume the throne.76 This record comes from the historical record [策書] of Lu, so there should be no falsity in it. The discussion from Gongyang’s Commentary regarding the command of the grandfather is in the first place a groundless fabrication. Even though there were some cases compatible with it, they are not reliable enough to be quoted here. Why is it so? In the cases of Bo Yi and Shu Qi, they did not follow their father’s commands, although they obviously received them. Confucius, however, judged that they sought humanity and attained humanity. Thus, the crime committed by Kuai Zhe has no place to hide between Heaven and Earth. 3) Mao Qiling argued, “Through an examination of the main texts of Spring and Autumn as well as the historical records from Zuo’s Commentary, it can be known that both people of Wei and Our Master were substantially supportive of the agenda and plans of the lord of Wei [Zhe]. Zhao Yang, based on Yang Hu’s plot, wished, under the pretext of sending Kuaikui back to Wei, to attack it eventually when it was in a period of mourning. Accordingly, he mobilized troops and entered the town of Qi [which belonged to Wei]. This move of attacking a state in a period of mourning should be rejected. Their serpentine intention to take revenge on Wei for old grudges, under the pretext of sending back its lord, should be rejected as well. Also, the state of Jin bore grudges against Duke Ling. When his corpse was still in a coffin in the funeral hall, avengers emerged at the border. Even without taking into consideration their intention to send back its lord [denying the authority of the lord of Wei], there must have been no one who folded his hands to listen to their plans. Thus, their move should be rejected. Furthermore, Jin was a common enemy to the states of Qi, Lu, and Wei. Nevertheless, Qi and Lu did not thwart the heir prince [Kuaikui], whereas Wei attempted to thwart him. So their move should be rejected. Accordingly, at the time, people of Wei without exception believed it best to repel Jin’s power. In fact, Our Master’s intention to give assistance to Zhe can be clearly revealed. In the second year of the reign of Duke Ai [in Zuo’s Commentary], he recorded that Zhao Yang from Jin led a number of troops and arrived at the town of Qi to send back the heir prince Kuaikui to Wei. In the third year, he recorded that Guo Xia 國夏 (fl. 502 bce) from Qi and Shi Mangu from Wei led a number of troops to besiege the town of Qi. Thus, the fact that he abhorred Zhao Yang and Kuaikui and denounced Jin as he attempted to protect Wei is apparent in his writing. Later, in the eighth year of the reign of Duke Ai, Our Master returned to Wei and had discussions with Duke Chu 出 [who literally was “the duke who was expelled,” that is, Zhe] to arrange certain matters. This also corroborates the claims made earlier about his intention” (Si shu shengyan, 3:9b–​10a). I would refute this as follows: The people of Wei repelled Kuaikui because of the given circumstances, not rightness. When Kuaikui fled Wei, Duke Ling expelled all of his

76

See the second year of the reign of Duke Ai (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 57:12b–​13b).

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supporters as well.77 So those who evaded excommunication were without exception not in the party of Kuaikui. Such people as Shi Mangu and Kong Kui 孔悝 were only concerned about the return of the heir prince, trembling and quivering. How could there have been any possibility they were concerned in their minds about the altars of the land god and the grain god of the state? The altars of the land god and grain god of Wei were not stabilized with Zhe in position; they were not endangered with Kuaikui’s return either. Then why would observers who had fair minds have bothered to give assistance to Zhe and reject Kuaikui? The principle behind the writing of Spring and Autumn was to base its record on actual facts. If something occurred, it was written about; if nothing occurred, it was not written about. Confucius wrote that the state of Jin attempted to send Kuaikui back to Wei and that troops from Wei besieged the town of Qi—​how could this be evidence for Confucius’s assistance to Zhe? Confucius visited and stayed in Wei several times after Zhe seized the lord’s position.78 At the time, however, Confucius had to travel around in an especially intense manner, visiting the states of Song, Chen, Cao, Zheng, Cai, and Chu. He did not enjoy a warm chimney and heated floor for even a day. If the fact that he arrived in a certain place could be taken as evidence for his implicit support, Confucius could be said to have given support to various people. With what power could Confucius have intervened in the affairs of so many countries to this extent? Xiaoshan’s defamation of the sage always reaches this level. 4) I question Master Zhu as follows: Jizhu commented, “Yuan 怨 (“bear grudges”) is here synonymous with hui 悔 (to regret).” In my view, in the relationship among the three lords of Wei, a father bore grudges against his son, and a son bore grudges against his father. Zi Gong already knew that these occurrences were unacceptable in light of humanity, even without asking Our Master about it. Thus he specifically adopted the character yuan to ask Confucius a question. In its nature, it directly refers to hate or hostility. How could it mean “to regret” only? 5) Sima Qian, quoting a lost poem, suspected that Bo Yi and Shu Qi bore grudges. This is an error. That one attains humanity and bears no grudges implies that he does not bear grudges against his father, his son, and his brothers.79 However, it cannot be denied that the lost poem reveals their grudges against King Wu.80 * * * This occurred when Gongmeng Kou 公孟彄 fled to the state of Zheng. Confucius arrived in Wei in the second, the third, and the fourth years of the reign of Zhe. 79 Mencius says, “When a man of humanity deals with his younger brothers, he neither gives in to anger nor cherishes grudges” (Mengzi jizhu, 5A:3). 80 Master Zhu explained, “Although Bo Yi and Shu Qi were worthy, their actions sprang from somewhat emotional and thus non-​moderate behavior. Due to this, they could not help but cherish the mind 77

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In this chapter, Dasan again presents an unprecedented reading of an important line of the main passage by rendering wei as “to do,” not “to assist”—​the latter of which almost all other commentators accepted. When a reader follows Zheng Xuan’s authoritative interpretation of wei, “to assist,” it is unavoidable to regard this chapter as a discussion of whether Confucius was to give assistance to Zhe or not. Dasan was displeased with this interpretation because, in his view, no one would “bother to give assistance to Zhe and reject Kuaikui,” if she had a fair mind. Thus, he needed to change the nature of the main passage by defining wei differently, and if he did so successfully, the passage would turn into a general discussion of filial duties. The ethical message that the reader could discover from Dasan’s analysis here is obviously an accentuation of the love between the father and the son, and accordingly the obligation to preserve it, over any other moral deeds. His position contrasts well with a passage from Gongyang’s Commentary, introduced above, in which a grandfather’s order takes precedence over a father’s order. More intriguing than his creative reading of this passage, which is listed in the “Original Meanings,” is that Dasan’s viewpoint here recalls the entangled disputes on the royal succession related to King Jeongjo. Well known to many, King Yeongjo 英祖 (r. 1724–​1774) executed the crown prince Sado 思悼 (1735–​1762), his own son, by placing him in a rice chest in 1762. This disturbance, called the calamity in the year of Imo (1762), was understandably one of the most startling events of the dynasty. Following this tragic turmoil, Yi San 李祘 (1752–​1800), prince Sado’s son, was named crown prince, and later became King Jeongjo. These three kings, one of whom posthumously received the king’s title, were Joseon’s counterparts to the three dukes in the state of Wei under discussion in this chapter. In contrast with the relationship between Kuaikui and his son Zhe, however, King Jeongjo loved his father and accordingly sought measures to restore his dignity as far as the dynasty’s respect for the former king’s edicts allowed. Jeongjo did so by reinstating his father’s princely status and establishing the Hwaseong fortress, which UNESCO designated a World Cultural Heritage Site. Since Joseon’s bureaucratic society was already absorbed with factional strife when King Yeongjo made the brutal decision, factional disputes on the right action in this respect preceded and followed the royal edict and continued even after King Jeongjo’s ascension to the throne, especially in relation to his tenacious efforts to resurrect his father from dishonored punishment. Regardless of the political developments on this issue, which are too complicated to be explained here, Dasan always remained supportive of his lord, King Jeongjo, in this regard. One may suspect that his stance on the matter might have motivated his creative interpretation of this passage, in which he implies that the son Zhe should have resigned from his position when his father was about to return to Wei. of indignation and complaint. From the same perspective, the struggle over the throne of Wei did not necessarily lead to serious crimes against the principle of Heaven” (Lun yu jizhu daquan, 7:26b). In my view, this explanation is most accurate.

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As a matter of fact, Dasan’s position here is somewhat contradictory, given his emphasis on royal authority over familial lineage, which was already discussed in the previous chapters (for example, see Noneo gogeum ju, 1.9). It was a clear reflection of the genuine proclivity of the Southerners, Dasan’s faction. Dasan, however, here implicitly advocates King Jeongjo’s endeavors to elevate his own father’s honor at the expense of following the former king’s decisions. One interesting term that Dasan “creatively” coins in this chapter is also worth noting: he frequently refers to Zhe as Kuai Zhe. This term is unique because Zhe cannot be called so since his family name was Xi 姬, a surname naturally shared by Kuaikui and Zhe. Despite a reasonable assumption that Dasan knew that Kuai was part of the father’s personal name, he intentionally adopts the term Kuai Zhe, meaning Zhe of Kuaikui, when he mentions the son probably because he wished to emphasize the fact that they were related as father and son.

7.16 The Master said, “Using coarse rice to fill the ritual vessel, having plain water to drink, and lying down on a bent arm for a pillow—​I still have joy amidst these. Wealth and honor acquired through unrightness are to me like floating clouds.”81 子曰; 飯疏食飮水, 曲肱而枕之, 樂亦在其中矣. 不義而富且貴,  於我如 浮雲. 7.16.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Fan 飯 (“to fill the ritual vessel”) means to fill the gui 簋 ritual vessel; yin 飮 (“to drink”) is a word that is pertain to drinks like “the six drinks for the king;”82 su 疏 (“coarse”) is here interchangeable with cu 麤 (coarse).83 That he used coarse rice to fill the ritual vessel indicates that he did not have meat or fine rice; that he had plain water to drink indicates that he did not have sweet wine or millet wine. 2) I supplement as follows: Floating clouds drift in the sky, so they have no use for people, even though people look up at them. Thus they are insufficient to move people’s minds. 7.16.2 Arguments 1) In my view, Confucius might have been inspired to address this topic by the previous dialogue concerning Bo Yi and Shu Qi.

In the Huang Kan edition, su 疏 (“coarse”) appears as su 蔬 (vegetables). This term appears in “Jiu zheng 酒正” (Zhou li zhushu, 5:25b) and was already discussed earlier [in Noneo gogeum ju, 6.10]. 83 For more on this term, see Zheng Xuan’s comment on “Shang fu 喪服” (Zhou li zhushu, 11:10a). 81

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2) Zheng Xuan argued, “Floating clouds cannot be mine.” In Xiaojing zhuan 孝經傳, Kong Anguo proposed a similar opinion, saying, “Floating clouds offer no benefits to the myriad things. Thus the noble person does not pursue them” (Guwen Xiaojing Kong shi zhuan 古文孝經孔氏傳, 13a). I would disagree with these claims. 3) Kong Anguo argued, “Su shi 疏食 (‘coarse rice’) refers to rice mixed with vegetables.” As I understand, Kong Anguo made this comment because su shi appears as su shi 蔬食 in an ancient edition. * * * Dasan’s reading of this chapter is unique, although his comments may not make it immediately apparent. Here Dasan seems to have related Confucius’s remark on abject living conditions to a certain situation involving Confucian rituals, in which a person, out of scarcity of resources, had only coarse rice to fill the ritual vessel with and only plain water to drink, among the various kinds of drinks. This unprecedented reading might have been inspired by the fact that eating “coarse rice” and drinking “plain water” are necessary components of the Confucian mourning ritual. For example, a passage on the mourning rituals from Record of Rites explains that people mourning the death of a lord—​ including princes, great officials, and the lord’s widow—​should eat coarse rice and drink plain water for a certain period (see Li ji zhushu, 44:30b). Dasan did not insist that this reading alone shows the original meaning of this passage, nor did he list it in the “Overview of the Original Meanings.” Nevertheless, the fact that he offers a new interpretation here—​despite general acceptance of the inherited interpretation of this chapter—​attests to his penchant for creative reading. It is apparent that Dasan requoted Kong Anguo’s argument above from Dazai’s commentary, Rongo kokun gaiden, since the so-​called Xiaojing zhuan—​ that is, Classic of Filial Piety in Old Script with Kong Anguo’s Commentary in its full translated title—​had been restored in Japan, owing to Dazai’s successful compilation of certain lost texts, and was later included in Siku quanshu (see Guwen Xiaojing Kong shi zhuan 古文孝經孔氏傳, 0:1a–​b). Of all the many commentators on this chapter, Dazai and Dasan, thus, might have been the only ones who quoted Kong’s argument.

7.17 The Master said, “If I were to borrow a few years to ‘Study Changes at fifty,’ I could be immune to major faults.”84 子曰; 加我數年, 五十以學易, 可以無大過矣.

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In Shi ji, jia 加 (“borrow”) appears as jia 假 (to borrow) (Shi ji, 47:29b).

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7.17.1 Grounds 1) He Yan commented, “Changes is a book that helps ‘reach the mandate of Heaven by investigating principles and fulfilling human inborn nature.’85 In addition, Confucius understood the mandate of Heaven at the age of fifty. He read the book of understanding the mandate of Heaven at the age when one can understand the mandate of Heaven, so he would have no major faults.”86 2) I supplement as follows: In this passage, jia 加 should be replaced with jia 假.87 The phrase that contains this character may mean “I hope that Heaven lends me a few more years.”88 “Study Changes at fifty” must be a saying from ancient times. In line with this, “Nei ze” says that a person studies writing and calculation at ten, music at thirteen, and rituals at twenty (Li ji zhushu, 28:28a–​b). This shows that a preset period exists for each subject of study. The saying, “Study Changes at fifty,” suggests a period of this kind. 3) I supplement as follows: By nature, Changes is centered on notions of regret and reluctance. Regret leads one to correct one’s faults, and reluctance leads one to resist correction of one’s faults.89 Thus a person, when studying Changes, could be immune to major faults.90 7.17.2 Arguments 1) I question Master Zhu as follows: Liu Anshi 劉安世 (1148–​1125) argued, “I have read a different edition of the Analects and found that it uses jia 假 in place of jia 加 and zu 卒 (at last) in place of wu shi 五十 (‘fifty’). Jia 加 in the main text seems to have mistakenly replaced jia 假 due to their similarity in sound; wu shi in the main text seems to have mistakenly been used, as the result of breaking up the character zu [into two characters wu shi], due to their similarity in shape” (Lun yu jizhu, 4:5a). Mao Qiling refuted this, saying, “The characters lu 魯 (the name of a state) and yu 魚 (fish), as well as the characters hai 亥 (one of the twelve terrestrial branches) and shi 豕 (pig), can definitely be paired, owing to their similarity in shape. In these cases, it is possible to argue that an error of using a wrong character occurred due to the similarity. However, zu and wu shi are not close to one another in their shapes. According to Shuo wen, wu 五 (five) is synonymous with hu 互 (mutually), which consists

For this passage, see “Shuo gua zhuan” (Zhou Yi zhushu, 13:2a). Xing Bing added, “He would become fifty if he were to borrow a few years. This suggests that he made this remark at the age of forty-​seven.” 87 This correction is based on a passage in Shi ji. 88 Emperor Guangwu of Han said, “How can a person make a promise about something ten years into the future?” (unknown source). It seems that this remark stemmed from his awe over the mandate of Heaven. 89 When a person truly regrets his faults, he comes to bear no reluctance in correcting them. 90 Qin Tashi 秦他石 (?) argued, “The faults here concern notions of regret, reluctance, and ill fortune in Changes” (unknown source). 85

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of two different characters—​er 二 (two) and wu 㐅 (five). So wu embodies the notion that yin and yang take turns between the two great things [Heaven and Earth]. Meanwhile, zu primarily refers to a servant or an errand man. In ancient times, people’s ranks were made visible by dyeing in a specific color the clothes that they wore. Thus the character zu consists of yi 衣 (clothes) and shi 十 (ten) in order to show that their clothes had a unique color. Then let’s examine the shapes of the characters wu and yi in the current literature. Are they similar to each other? Let’s examine them in the old literature. Are they similar to each other? [They are not.] Following the Song dynasty, zu was written in cursive script like zu 卆 (at last, servant), which is a combination of jiu 九 (nine) and shi. Since jiu is similar to wu in shape, some argued that wu shi in the main text might mistakenly have been adopted in place of zu” (Lun yu jiqiu pian, 4:4b–​5a). As I understand, Confucius must have studied Changes even before he made this remark. As he approached fifty, he might have been inspired by the saying “Study Changes at fifty” in an ancient classical text and, consequently, made this remark, in which he quoted the ancient saying. The use of wu shi should not be considered an error. 2) “Kongzi shi jia” in Shi ji says, “Confucius grew fond of Changes when he became old. So he wrote ‘Tuan 彖,’ ‘Xi ci,’ ‘Xiang,’ ‘Shuo gua,’ and ‘Wenyan’ [to explain its teachings]. When he read Changes, the leather string that was used to bind the bamboo slips of the book together was so worn out that it snapped three times. Confucius lamented, ‘Let me borrow a few years. If I thereby can do such things [according to Dasan’s interpretation], I would be faultless concerning Changes’ ” (Shi ji, 47:29b). In line with this, Master Zhu argued, “Confucius had already become seventy by the time he made this remark. It is absolutely an error to use wu shi (‘fifty’) in the main passage” (Lun yu jizhu, 4:5a). In my view, however, what is recorded in Shi ji is less reliable than the passages in the Analects; thus, it is unnecessary to edit the Analects on the basis of Shi ji. Moreover, Shi ji says, “If I thereby can do such things [若 是],”91 whereas this chapter says, “If I do ‘Study Changes.’ ” Although the expression “Let me borrow a few years” is used in both texts, its context in Shi ji must be different from that in this classic. Studying Changes, being fond of Changes, reading Changes, and writing about Changes are all distinguishable matters. At any moment from the age of fifty to seventy, a person can borrow a few years. One must not, in adhering to a specific point, give up another point.92 * * *

“[S]‌uch things” here may be equivalent to “read Changes” [not “study Changes”]. Su Zixi explained, “The main texts says, ‘Study Changes at fifty.’ This remark was apparently made before Confucius became fifty” (unknown source). 91

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“Overview of the Original Meanings” refers to Dasan’s argument that one should follow the old commentaries regarding the phrase wu shi er xue yi 五 十以學易 (“Study Changes at fifty”) in this chapter. Indeed, all three major old commentaries—​Lun yu jijie, Lun yu yishu, and Lun yu zhengyi—​agree that this chapter concerns the merit of reading a classic about understanding the mandate of Heaven at the age when one can understand the mandate of Heaven. No old commentary, however, suggests that the saying “Study Changes at fifty” might have come from an ancient classic. Dasan’s suggestion about the provenance of this saying was necessary because the old commentaries make it sound as though Confucius started studying Changes, one of the must-​read books for all Confucian students, only when he became fifty. Confucius must have studied Changes earlier, argues Dasan, but as he approached fifty he must have been inspired by an ancient saying to make this remark. Dasan surely would have rejected the interpretations given in Zhu Xi’s comment even more obstinately, since they allude to the possibility that Confucius did not finish his study of Changes even at the age of seventy. In opposition to Zhu Xi’s comment, Confucius clearly mentions that he understood the mandate of Heaven at fifty, and Changes helps a person understand the mandate. So Zhu Xi’s reading was unacceptable. One obstacle to Dasan’s innovative reading here was the record of Shi ji, for it also leaves readers with the impression that Confucius started reading Changes at fifty. To deal with this challenge, Dasan invokes his general principle in dealing with contradictory records among classical texts: what is recorded in the Analects reigns supreme over all records in other texts, including Shi ji, at least in efforts to understand the Analects. Again, the Analects says that Confucius understood the mandate of Heaven at the age of fifty, which might have been impossible without the learning he gained from Changes. Although the record of Shi ji informs readers of another aspect of Confucius’s study of Changes, its wording is different from that in this chapter: according to Shi ji, Confucius “became fond of” Changes and “read” it [讀易]; he did not “study” it [學易]. Contrary to what is stated in the “Overview of the Original Meanings,” as a matter of fact, Dasan’s reading here does not entirely follow the old commentaries. Dasan did agree with them about when Confucius made this remark—​a point criticized in Zhu Xi’s comment, as well as in Mao Qiling’s argument. However, Dasan believed that Confucius must have studied Changes earlier than is stated in the old commentaries, which is one reason he could not fully accept them. Thus his suggestion of the provenance of the saying “Study Changes at fifty” plays a crucial role in his discussion of this chapter. Nevertheless, the “Overview” fails to note Dasan’s creativity in this chapter and summarizes his discussion as a mere reiteration of points made in the old commentaries. If the “Overview” had truly been prepared by Dasan, this loose summarization would have not occurred. Lastly, Dasan’s discriminating judgment when referring to Shi ji is also noticeable. He based on Shi ji his contention that jia 加 in the main text should be replaced with jia 假, but he did not appear to validate any of the claims

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made in Shi ji about Confucius’s study of Changes. This demonstrates again that he only accepted what appeared reasonable and that his sturdy adherence to reasonability sometimes precluded consistent acceptance of the reliability of a classical text.

7.18 What the Master usually discoursed on are Poetry, Documents, and executive rituals. These are what he usually discoursed on. [This chapter opens the twelfth roll of Noneo gogeum ju in traditional bookbinding.] 子所雅言, 詩書執禮, 皆雅言也. 7.18.1 Grounds 1) Master Zhu commented, “Ya 雅 (‘usually’) here is synonymous with chang 常 (always).” 2) I supplement as follows: Zhi li 執禮 (“executive rituals”) refers to the rituals that a person executes in various affairs. The records in Protocols and Rites comprise a part of these rituals that have been transmitted to us.93 7.18.2 Arguments 1) Kong Anguo argued, “Ya yan 雅言 (‘usually discoursed on’) means to use the correct pronunciations [正言].” In this regard, Zheng Xuan also argued, “When reading the institutional laws of the former kings, people should correctly pronounce the words so as to prevent them from being misunderstood. Therefore, avoidance of certain pronunciations [that are mainly related to the authorities’ personal names] is not allowed in this case.”94 Mao Qiling participated in this discussion, saying, “Rendering ya yan as ‘usually discoursing on’ has no grounds. It rather means to utter words in a solemn way [正言 in Mao’s understanding]” (Lun yu jiqiu pian, 4:5b). I would refute these claims as follows: Is it acceptable to relate the line that says, “A person does not avoid any pronunciations when dealing with literature [of the former kings]” (Li ji zhushu, 3:18a–​b), to the expression ya yan here? Although Zheng Xuan’s theory proved out of harmony with principle to this extent, people still wished to use it; weren’t they greatly confused? “Zhang Er zhuan 張耳 傳” in Shi ji contains the statement “Zhang Er usually [雅] made trips” (Shi ji, 89:10b–​11a);95 “Wudi benji 武帝本紀,” the statement “His Majesty

They are of the same kind as what is recorded in today’s ritual tablets [that are used for various rituals]. 94 Xing Bing accepted this theory as well. 95 On this, Wei Zhao commented, “Ya here is synonymous with su 素 (usually)” (Shi ji, 89:11a). 93

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usually [雅] respected the Confucian strategies” [‘ya’ is not seen in “Wudi benji”] (12:2a); “Chen Wudi ji 陳武帝紀” in Nan shi, the statement “[The emperor] usually [雅] valued frugality” (Nan shi, 9:24b); “Sima Lang zhuan 司馬朗傳” in Wei zhi, the statement “Lang usually [雅] appreciated the human moral order and books” (Wei zhi, 15:7a); “Liang Jianwendi ji 梁簡 文帝紀” in Nan shi, the statement “[The emperor] usually [雅] showed a liking for the fu 賦 poems” (Nan shi, 8:5a);96and “Douhou ji 竇后紀” in Hou Han shu, the statement “Emperor Zhang 章 (r. 75–​88) eventually saw Empress Dou. He regarded her as beautiful, as usual [雅]” (Hou Han shu, 10A:18b).97 As seen in these examples, ya is synonymous with chang (always) and su (usually).98 How dare a person argue that rendering ya yan as “usually discoursing” has no grounds? When it came to Master Zhu’s theories, Xiaoshan made it his mission to oppose them blindly. This was a malady in his mind. 2) Mao Qiling argued, “Ya yan may mean to keep one’s voice calm, to examine meticulously where to have a pause, and to utter words in a solemn manner. This attitude is distinct from what is observed in everyday conversations, so it is called ya yan” (Lun yu jiqiu pian, 4:5b). I would refute this as follows: If a person is obliged to utter words in a solemn manner only concerning Poetry, Documents, and executive rituals, would he be allowed to make remarks in an insolent manner regarding other subjects?99 3) Cheng Yichuan argued, “Many inappropriate words exist in the mundane world. For example, words from the states of Wu and Chu lose propriety because they are excessively frivolous. Words from the states of Zhao and Wei lose propriety because they are excessively high-​minded. When these words actually circulate among people, the noble person attempts to rectify the extremely distorted ones but cannot reject them all. However, he ought to rectify the words that concern Poetry, Documents, and executive rituals” (Lun yu jingyi 論語精義, 4A:29a). According to my investigation, the two Chengs’ interpretations of this issue disagree with one another. Master Zhu, however, adopted the one Mingdao 明道 (程顥, 1032–​1085) suggested on the grounds that Our Master only rarely shared his ideas about human inborn nature and the Way of Heaven and that he usually discoursed on Poetry, Documents, and executive rituals. A person can perceive interesting implications in this passage only when following Mingdao’s theory.

“Xue Daoheng zhuan 薜道衡傳” in Bei shi also contains the statement “Jiangdong 江東 [Xue Daoheng, 540–​609] usually liked chapters in Poetry” (Bei shi, 36:19b). 97 This means that he always regarded her as beautiful. 98 The meaning of ya becomes clearer by integrating the definitions of the two characters, chang and su. 99 In “Chu shi biao 出師表,” Zhuge Liang says, “[Your Majesty] should examine commonplace utterances [雅言, according to Dasan’s interpretation] and accept them” (Shu zhi, 5:12b). This implies that a person can examine and accept suggestions that are proposed in humble everyday conversations. 96

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4) Zheng Xuan argued, “Rituals are not recited. So the Analects says, ‘conducting rituals’ [執禮 in Zheng Xuan’s interpretation].” Xing Bing supplemented this, saying, “A person does not memorize rituals to recite them. He merely conducts them with detailed protocols on record. Therefore, it says, ‘conducting rituals.’ ” Wang Yinglin also participated in this discussion, saying, “Shi lin presents a comment on the term zhi li, saying, ‘The syntax of this term is similar to that of zhi she 執射 (conducting archery) and zhi yu 執御 (conducting a carriage drive).’ Record of Rites also contains a line that says, ‘In autumn, [the crown prince and others from noble families] learn rituals. Those who conduct rituals [執禮] teach them.’100 In ancient times, those who commanded people in accordance with the manuals for rituals were normally identified with the character zhi. ‘Tai shi 太史’ in Rites of Zhou says, ‘For big sacrificial rituals, the Great Historian [太史] reads the manuals for rituals . . . on the eve of the event; he holds the manuals to assign people to the right positions…on the date of the event; for the archery event…he conducts [執] all related rituals’ (Zhou li zhushu, 16:4b–​ 6b). This attests to the fact that rituals were recorded in manuals” (Kun xue ji wen, 7:17b–​18a). According to my investigation, aids for the current royal family’s sacrificial rituals read protocols out loud, holding the ritual tablets. Among them, those who stand at the top of the stairs are called Ritual Conductors in the Hall [堂上執禮], while those who stand at the bottom of the stairs are called Ritual Conductors below the Hall [堂下執禮]. The line [in Record of Rites], “Those who conduct rituals teach them,” merely concerns this practice. Every chapter of Protocols and Rituals is a record in the ancient ritual tablets. * * * Zhu Xi is widely believed to have been the main source for the “standard” reading of the Analects among English translators. The majority of English translations, however, follow the ancient commentaries for this chapter:  Legge’s and Soothill’s are among those that do not. This trend seems to have occurred because Record of Rites offers plausible reasons to favor the old commentaries (which Dasan explains, in part, above): it says, “A person does not avoid pronouncing anything when reciting Poetry and Documents, nor avoids pronouncing anything when dealing with the literature [of the former kings], nor avoids pronouncing anything [when conducting rituals] in the ancestral shrines” (Li ji zhushu, 3:18a–​b). This particular passage is about cases that are exempt from the practice of avoiding straightforwardly pronouncing certain characters, which applies mainly to the personal names of authorities, in order to prevent an accidental calling of their names. This practice could be suspended only

100

This line appears in “Wenwang shizi 文王世子” (Li ji zhushu, 20:6b).

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when the authorities assume as many responsibilities as their subjects do, to show respect for even greater authorities. The passage in Record of Rites introduces these specific cases. Dasan, however, accepts Zhu Xi’s interpretation, denying the significance of the passage from Record of Rites. Rather, he focuses on other passages in the Analects for this chapter: “Zi Gong said, ‘Confucius’s ideas about inborn nature and the Way of Heaven—​I could not listen to him talking about them’ ” (Lun yu jizhu, 5:12); “The Master seldom spoke about benefits, the mandate of Heaven, and humanity” (9:1). Dasan believed that passages in the Analects on topics Confucius rarely discussed indicated the presence of other passages that informed the subjects he frequently discussed. This chapter plays that role: it contains an interpretation that Cheng Hao initially presented and Zhu Xi followed. Thus Dasan’s understanding of this chapter again shows one of his principles in reading the Analects: reading the Analects through the Analects. Though Dasan disagreed with Zheng Xuan’s comment on the term zhi li, he did not say so explicitly. A translation that conformed with Zhu Xi’s and Zheng’s comments for this chapter would read: “What the Master usually discoursed on were Poetry, Documents, and the issue of conducting rituals.” Dasan might not have favored this translation because what is referred to as “the issue of conducting rituals” seems ambiguous. He knew that the Joseon court culture generated numerous volumes of tablets for their ritual performances and that Joseon Confucian scholars usually had discourses on the records in the tablets. To diminish the significance of the term zhi li in Rites of Zhou, Dasan simply considered it as relating to certain court titles for the aids for the Joseon court rituals. None of these arguments are listed in “Overview.”

7.19 The Duke of She asked Zi Lu about Confucius, and Zi Lu did not reply. The Master asked, “Why did you not say something like this? ‘He is a man who, with an aspiration to advance, forgets his meals; who, in the joy of the Way, forgets his anxiety; who does not know that old age is coming on.’ ” 葉公問孔子於子路, 子路不對. 子曰; 女奚不曰; 其爲人也, 發憤忘食, 樂 以忘憂, 不知老之將至云爾? 7.19.1 Grounds 1) Kong Anguo commented, “The personal name of the Duke of She was Zhuliang 諸梁. He was a great official in the state of Chu, having an appanage at She. He took the title ‘Duke’ in violation of ritual propriety.”101

101

This comment was based on Zuo’s Commentary and Shi ben.

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Xing Bing added, “His adult name was Zi Gao, and he was appointed the magistrate of the county She. Since the viscounts of the state of Chu had taken the title ‘King’ in violation of ritual propriety, all magistrates in the state appropriated the title ‘Duke’ in violation of ritual propriety.”102 2) Kong Anguo commented, “Zi Lu did not reply because he did not know how to.”103 3) I supplement as follows: Fa fen 發憤 (“with an aspiration to advance”) refers to an attitude of valiant ambition to advance. That Confucius wanted Zi Lu to describe him according to his fondness for learning and the joy he felt for the Way may imply that he wished to make the Duke of She recognize his lack of specific needs. 4) “Chu yu” introduces the following story: Zi Xi 子西 (d. 479 bce) wished to hire Sheng 勝,104 a royal descendant. Shen Zhuliang 沈諸梁105 tried to stop it, but Zi Xi did not listen to him. Zi Gao pretended to be ill and stayed at Cai at his leisure. During the rebellion of the duke of Bai [Sheng], Zi Xi and Zi Qi 子期 (d. 479 bce) were killed. On hearing of the incident, Zi Gao said, “I blame him for rejecting my advice but praise him for his accomplishments in ruling the state of Chu.” He then entered Chu and killed the duke of Bai, to stabilize the royal court. He buried with rituals the family members of Zi Xi and Zi Qi (see Guo yu, 18:14a–​17a). In my view, the duke of She had a skill in understanding others.

7.20 The Master said, “I am not one who had knowledge at birth, but one who loves antiquity and promptly seeks it.”106 子曰; 我非生而知之者. 好古, 敏以求之者也. 7.20.1 Grounds 1) Master Zhu commented, “Min 敏 (‘promptly’) here is synonymous with su 速 (fast).” 2) I  supplement as follows:  That one “promptly seeks it” means to seek knowledge with the mind of taking actions promptly. 3) Zheng Xuan commented, “This saying is intended to encourage people for learning.”107

Lu Deming originally presented this explanation in Jingdian shi wen (see Jingdian shi wen, 24:10a). Master Zhu commented, “The sage’s virtues are not easy to describe in words.” 104 This refers to the duke of Bai 白 [芈勝, d. 479 bce]. 105 He was the duke of She, Zi Gao, who was a son of the Left Minister of Military Affairs. 106 A pause should be placed after hao gu (“loving antiquity”). 107 Xing Bing added, “Confucius made this remark because he worried that people, regarding Confucius a person with innate knowledge, considered Confucius’s knowledge unattainable through learning.” 102 103

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7.20.2 Arguments 1) Yin Tun commented, “Although Confucius was a sage who had knowledge at birth, he always introduced himself as one who loved learning. This was not merely intended to encourage people to learn. In general, what one knows at birth is the moral principle and nothing more. As for rituals, music, information about things, and historical changes in the past and today, one can attain true understanding of the facts only after learning” (Lun yu jizhu, 4:6a). According to my investigation, Da Dai Li ji says, “The Yellow Emperor.  .  .  was so mysteriously enlightened at birth that he was able to speak in infancy” (Da Dai Li ji, 7:1b); “Emperor Ku 嚳 was.  .  .  so mysteriously enlightened at birth that he was able to say his name” (7:3a). These are samples of the uncouth stories from the east side of the state of Qi. Confucius edited Documents so that it had no records of this kind. “One who had knowledge at birth” refers to a person who is able to make his behavior in self-​cultivation and regulation of his actions perfectly tuned with laws of ritual propriety throughout his life, without learning. Confucius did not know where his father’s grave was and asked Zou Manfu’s 郰曼父 wife about it. Then how can he be considered one who was mysteriously enlightened at birth? Is it not so, that he was not one who had knowledge at birth? * * * Dasan persistently claims in his philosophy that virtues, as well as knowledge of moral principles and facts, can only be attained a posteriori through learning and practices. The first thesis listed in “Overview of the Original Meaning” is that “the virtues of humanity, rightness, ritual propriety, and wisdom are accomplished through practices.” This thesis was aimed at criticizing neo-​ Confucian transcendentalism, which Yin Tun’s argument above exemplifies, in part: Confucius was one who knew the moral principle and the Way at birth, but that does not mean he knew everything when he was born. Yin Tun professes this view here in order to reconcile the neo-​ Confucian conception of the transcendental wisdom of sages, including Confucius, with Confucius’s confession in this chapter:  according to him, the knowledge Confucius eagerly sought through learning was all factual, not about inner virtues. Dasan, with his rational mind, simply scoffed at this reconciliation: Confucius did not know even the place where his father was buried. In seeking to recover Confucian rationality, Dasan assumed an empirical stance that might be viewed as a succession, or development, of a neo-​ Confucian perspective, insofar as neo-​ Confucianism attempted to overcome Buddhism, Daoism, and Han-​Tang Confucianism (previously predominant modes of thought that, in their eyes, were excessively shaped by mysticism and transcendentalism).

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7.21 The Master did not speak of unusual things, physical strength, insurgencies, and mysteries. 子不語怪力亂神. 7.21.1 Grounds 1) Kong Anguo commented, “Guai 怪 (‘unusual things) refers to things that are strange and extraordinary; li 力 (‘physical strength’) refers to the kind of thing found in the stories of Ao 奡, who was able to move a boat, or Wuhuo 烏獲, who was able to lift a weight that measured one thousand jun 鈞; luan 亂 (‘insurgencies’) refers to such things as regicide and patricide; and shen 神 (‘mysteries’) refers to things related to ghosts and spirits. Some of them are useless for enlightening people, while others are unbelievable.”108 2) Xie Liangzuo commented, “The sage did not speak of unusual things but of normal ones; he did not speak of physical strength but of virtues; he did not speak of insurgencies but of government; he did not speak of mysteries but of humans” (Lun yu jizhu, 4:6a).109 3) In my view, examples of such unusual things include a speaking stone, a flying tree, a person who understands bird’s words, one who swallows a sword, and one who belches forth fire.110 7.21.2 Arguments 1) Li Chong argued, “If a discussion of physical strength is not compatible with principle, it constitutes unusual physical strength [怪力]; if a mystery does not accord with correctness, it constitutes disorderly mystery [亂神]. The unusual physical strength and the disorderly mystery pertain to the wicked: they are not helpful for education. Thus Confucius did not speak of them.” I would disagree with this interpretation. 2) For a classical text that supports my interpretation here, see Da Dai Li ji.111

7.22 The Master said, “Even when walking in a party of three people, I can surely find my teachers. Choose their merits to follow and their demerits to correct.” 子曰; 三人行, 必有我師焉. 擇其善者而從之, 其不善者而改之. In the Xing Bing edition, this comment is attributed to Wang Shu, while in the Huang Kan edition, to Kong Anguo. I follow, here, the Huang Kan edition. 109 Wang Yinglin added, “This comment initially derived from Wang Wujiu 王无咎 (1024–​1069)” (Kun xue ji wen, 7:21b). 110 Zhou Bogeng 周伯耕 (fl. Qing dynasty) explained, “One can infer that the sage valued virtues in his discussions because he did not speak of physical strength. That the sage did not speak of mysteries gives substance to his ethical remark, ‘I cannot serve men yet’ ” (unknown source). 111 See “Zengzi li shi” (Da Dai Li ji, 4:7b–​4:8a). 108

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7.22.1 Grounds 1) I  supplement as follows:  San ren xing 三人行 (“Even when walking in a party of three people”) means that I walk along with a couple of people only. The teachers in the phrase “I can surely find my teachers” do not refer to the masters for the learning of the Way. Anyone who is versed with local customs from any area, who is knowledgeable in the skills of one hundred artisans, or who possesses even one merit can be my teacher. 2) I supplement as follows: Ze qi shan 擇其善 (“Choose their merits”) means that I choose the good words or good deeds from either of the two people walking along with me. There is no reason one has to choose one person and ignore the other. 3) I supplement as follows: Confucius here mentions “their demerits” in the hopes that he might encourage people to examine themselves inwardly on seeing the unworthy, in harmony with his teaching in one of the previous passages (see Lun yu jizhu, 4:17). His remark should not be understood as saying that both the good and the evil can serve me as my teachers. 7.22.2 Arguments 1) Xing Bing argued, “On examining the words and deeds of two people, a person is bound to find that one person is good while the other is evil.” I would refute this as follows: How can a person, when walking in a group of three people, always find a good person and an evil person in the group? When noble people walk together, all three may be good; when thieves walk together, all three may be evil. Commentators today insist that a person should respect the good one of two other people and exert control over the evil another:  this way of thinking is difficult to accept. In addition, “my teachers” does not refer to those who have perfected their virtue. A  person may have experience, knowledge, a skill, or a capability. Contrarily, a person may have a fault, an error, a flaw, or a malady. Regardless, a person chooses their merits to follow; as for their demerits, he should examine himself inwardly to correct them. * * * Zhu Xi accepted Xing Bing’s interpretation that a person, when walking in a group of three people, can find a good person and an evil person in the group. He also added that even the evil one can serve me as my teacher. Thus Dasan’s counterargument here is essentially targeted on Zhu Xi, rather than Xing Bing. Dasan counters Zhu Xi’s point of view here because it does not seem reasonable that a person will always find a good person and an evil person in a group of three people. So Dasan tries to make Confucius’s conclusion about the situation more reasonable:  a person can learn even in a small group of people. To make this teaching truly agreeable, it was necessary for Dasan not to limit the subjects of learning. By doing so, he acknowledged that all things, from 232   |  The Analects of Dasan, Volume 2

local customs to specific skills, could be subjects of learning in the Confucian academy. This perspective demonstrates that the scope of his philosophy was much wider than that of neo-​Confucianism—​reaching, aggressively, beyond moral principles to the principles underlying all things. His argument that San ren xing means that I walk along with a couple of people only is listed in “the Original Meanings.”

7.23 The Master said, “Heaven has conferred virtue on me. What can Huan Tui do to me?” 子曰; 天生德於予, 桓魋其如予何? 7.23.1 Grounds 1) Bao Xian commented, “Huan Tui was Minister of Military Affairs in the state of Song.” Master Zhu added, “His real name was Xiang Tui 向魋. Since he was a descendant of Duke Huan, he was called Huan Tui.”112 2) Xing Bing commented, “According to ‘Kongzi shi jia,’ in the middle of traveling from the state of Cao to the state of Song, Confucius held a learning session on ritual propriety with his disciples under a big tree. Sima Huan Tui from Song, trying to kill Confucius, uprooted the tree. As Confucius departed, his disciples urged him to leave faster. So Confucius made this remark.” 3) Master Zhu commented, “The question ‘what can Huan Tui do to me?’ means that Huan Tui could bring no harm to Confucius in opposition to Heaven.” 4) Xing Bing commented, “This chapter demonstrates that Confucius had neither worries nor anxiety.”

7.24 The Master said, “My young friends, do you think I am concealing something from you? I am not concealing anything from you. There is nothing I do that I do not share with you. That is the real Qiu.” 子曰; 二三子以我爲隱乎? 吾無隱乎爾. 吾無行而不與二三子者, 是丘也. 7.24.1 Grounds 1) Bao Xian commented, “Er san zi 二三子 (‘my young friends’) refers to the disciples.” Jin Lüxiang supplemented this, saying, “Members of his family assumed the position of Minister of Military Affairs [司馬] for many generations. So he also adopted Sima 司馬 as his clan name. Sima Niu was his younger brother” (Lun yu jizhu kaozheng, 4:6a). 112

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2) Bao Xian commented, “Due to the extensiveness of the sage’s knowledge and profundity of his Way, the disciples could not grasp all that he said, despite their learning, so they came to think that their teacher did not reveal everything to them. This passage is an explanation intended to allay their suspicions.” 3) I supplement as follows: Xing 行 (“do”) here regards one’s practical actions, which involve teaching without using words. Since there was nothing Confucius did not show to his young disciples, they were expected to learn from his actions when beholding them. Confucius here urges them not to think of him as secretive. 4) I supplement as follows: “That is the real Qiu” is a statement of self-​testimony and self-​explanation. By mentioning his personal name, Confucius was trying to show that everything regarding this issue was resolved.113 7.24.2 Arguments 1) Bao Xian argued, “[The main passage states] it was the intention of Qiu’s mind-​heart that there would be nothing that he did not share with his disciples.” I would refute this as follows: Reading the passage with the addition of one word, mind-​heart, does not present the original meaning. 2) Someone argued, “  ‘Young friends’ refers to the worthies among Confucius’s disciples, such as ‘the ten brilliant disciples’ in the four disciplines of Confucius’s academy” (unknown source). I would refute this as follows: “Er san zi” was a term that was conventionally adopted at the time, when referring to unspecified people. Guo yu contains many examples of this usage, including:  “Gonghua 共華 said, ‘Although we [二三子] stayed in the state, the accusation did not extend to us’ ” (Guo yu, 9:4a); “Lüsheng 呂甥 said, ‘The lord had his messenger to address you [二三子]’ ” (9:9a); “Zi Fan 子犯 said, ‘It is a present from Heaven. You [二三子] should record this event’ ” (10:2a); “The earl of Qin addressed his great officials, saying, ‘You ministers [二三子] show your respect for this teaching’ ” (10:14a); “Ning Wuzi said, ‘You do your best to follow those people [二三子]’ ” (11:5b); and “Wei Jiang 魏絳 said, ‘Our state [state of Jin] was able to unify the feudal lords seven times, owing to the efforts of many people [二三子]’ ” (13:9a). Examples of this sort are too numerous to be counted. However, in a passage from “Tangong”—​“Confucius’s disciples [二三子] wore the hempen waistband [worn by mourners] when they went out” (Li ji zhushu, 7:25b)—​the term “Er san zi” refers to the worthies among Confucius’s disciples.

113

Similar cases include writing a contract or a check, for which a person should write his personal name.

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7.25 The Master taught four things: literature, virtuous deeds, wholeheartedness, and trustworthiness. 子以四敎, 文行忠信. 7.25.1 Grounds 1) Xing Bing commented, “Wen 文 (‘literature’) refers to the literature that has been transmitted from the former kings, and xing 行 (‘virtuous deeds’) refers to virtuous deeds. Virtues accumulate in one’s mind-​heart and lead to virtuous deeds when one takes action. Harboring no dishonesty in one’s mind-​heart constitutes wholeheartedness, and betraying none of one’s own words constitutes trustworthiness. 2) I  supplement as follows:  Literature and virtuous deeds concern external aspects; wholeheartedness and trustworthiness concern internal aspects; being filial at home and showing respect for elders in the community regard virtuous deeds; treating people with sincerity is called wholeheartedness; and betraying no one with whom one has a relationship is called trustworthiness. 7.25.2 Arguments 1) Ogyu argued, “ ‘Four things’ in this passage refers to the four disciplines [virtuous deeds, debates, politics, and literature] in Confucius’s academy. Literature here is in parallel with literature in the disciplines; virtuous deeds here match virtuous deeds in the disciplines; wholeheartedness can be applied to politics; and trustworthiness can be applied to debates.” I would refute this as follows: This is a strained comparison. Is it acceptable to couple politics and debates with wholeheartedness and trustworthiness?

7.26 The Master said, “A sage—​I will never be able to meet one. If I could see a noble person, I would be content.” 子曰; 聖人, 吾不得而見之矣, 得見君子者, 斯可矣. 7.26.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Those who are great and, at the same time, make contributions to the improvement of the world are called sages, and those who cherish both refined expressions [文] and natural substance [質] are called noble people. Since a person can rule others only after properly maintaining both refined expressions and natural substance, in ancient times those who possessed the virtues that were required to rule others

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could have the position of ruler. Thus when they acquired the position they were called junzi 君子 [noble person], meaning “a son of the great lord,” in the same way that the highest imperial authority was called the Son of Heaven.114

7.26.2 Arguments 1) The ancient editions of the Analects separated the content of this chapter from that of the following chapter, forming two different chapters. I here follow them. If they had formed one chapter, the following chapter should have read: “A noble man [not ‘A good man’]—​never will I be able to meet one. If I could see a good man [not ‘a man of constancy’], I would be content.” Now the remark about a “noble man [in this chapter]” does not smoothly connect to the remark about a “good man [in the following chapter].” Also, the phrase “The Master said [at the beginning of the following chapter]” serves to separate the two chapters, so one can clearly see that they form two different chapters. The compiler of this book might have placed these two chapters next to each other merely because their sentence structures are analogous. 2) He Yan argued, “[Confucius here] lamented that no bright lords existed at that time.” I would refute this as follows: I suspect that this implication is not evident in the passage. * * * The “ancient editions” Dasan mentions in his argument on the division of this chapter from the following chapter refer to neither Lun yu jijie by He Yan nor Lun yu yishi by Huang Kan. All extant editions of the Analects, old and new, including Dazai’s Rongo kokun 論語古訓, incorporate the two chapters under discussion into one. Jingdian shi wen by Lu Deming is the only source I have found that could have served as the grounds for Dasan’s argument here. Dasan quotes Lu Deming in the following chapter for the same argument, and Lu’s account is also quoted in Lun yu zhengyi. However, even Lu Deming did not suggest that the two chapters be read separately: he simply stated that “in the past this chapter [the following chapter] constituted a separate chapter,” arguing that “it should be combined with the previous chapter [this chapter]” (Jingdian shi wen, 24:10a). Since Dasan’s assertions here ultimately lack exegetical significance, readers may regard them as expressions of his eagerness to maintain his independence in his reading of the Analects.

Someone argued [as seen in many sources], “The term junzi implies that a person assumes rulership over the state [君國] and tends to the needs of the people [子民].” However, this understanding is unacceptable. 114

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It is also worth noting that Dasan’s explanations of the provenance of the term junzi are scattered throughout this book:  in the past, only those who were morally qualified could assume ruling positions, so junzi was used to refer to the morally “noble person.” This understanding was not unique but reflected the long-​standing esteem Confucians had for “ancient times,” which they could draw from, at any time, to criticize their present moment. The abuses of political power that Dasan witnessed at the Joseon court at the time might have led him to repeat the same explanation of the term throughout this book.

7.27 The Master said, “A good man—​never will I  be able to meet one. If I could see a man of constancy, I would be content. A man who has not yet affects to have, who is empty yet affects to be full, and who is stricken yet affects to be opulent—​he can hardly possess constancy.” 子曰; 善人, 吾不得而見之矣, 得見有恒者, 斯可矣. 亡而爲有, 虛而爲盈, 約而爲泰, 難乎有恒矣. 7.27.1 Grounds 1) I  supplement as follows:  Shan ren 善人 (“good man”) is an appellation given to a person who has accomplished virtues. There is no evil in his actions, so he has thus attained goodness. The man of constancy is inferior to the good man in his virtues. However, he takes advantage of neither distortions of the truth nor deception in his actions, remaining constant and unchanged. 2) I supplement as follows: Yue 約 (“stricken”) means not to possess much;115 tai 泰 (“opulent”) means to fill something fully.116 3) I supplement as follows: Wu 亡 (“has not”) pertains to the state of having neither form nor quality; xu 虛 (“empty”) pertains to the state of having a container without contents; and yue pertains to the state of having only a little. 7.27.2 Arguments 1) Lu Deming argued, “In the past, this chapter constituted a separate chapter. Now, it should be combined with the previous chapter” (Jingdian shi wen, 24:10a). Master Zhu agreed with this, saying, “I suspect that the phrase ‘The Master said’ [which opens this chapter] should be omitted.”

Yue literally means to bundle something up to make it smaller. The hexagram Tai contains three connected bars, each of which symbolizes the yang force, in its inner trigram. So this word, tai, signifies the substantiality of inner structure. 115

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According to my investigation, the Xing Bing edition also combines these two passages into one chapter. However, the “noble person” and the “good man” are distinguished not only by their names but also by their accomplishments. I suspect that the ancient editions hold true. 2) Xing Bing argued, “[Yue er wei tai 約而爲泰 means] possessing a little in internal substantiality yet being extravagant in external spending.” I would refute this as follows: One’s constancy or inconstancy is judged on the basis of virtuous deeds. What does one’s frugality or extravagance have to do with this topic? However, a person who is poverty-​stricken yet affects to be opulent is like a poor person spending recklessly in that neither case is conducive to constancy. Thus Xing Bing’s argument would only be acceptable if it was metaphorical in nature. 3) Wang Yinglin argued, “The ‘good man’ corresponds with the ‘auspicious shi scholars [吉士],’ and the ‘man of constancy,’ with the ‘constant people [常 人],’ whom the Duke of Zhou spoke of” (Kun xue ji wen, 7:27b). According to my investigation, a passage from “Gao Yao mo” reads, “Prove that this constancy [常] exists! You will receive auspices [吉]!” (Shang shu zhushu, 3:26a). “Li zheng” also contains the phrase, “All the auspicious [吉] shi-scholars with constant virtues [常]” (16:29b). I have not seen a case in which ‘auspices’ and ‘constancy’ are assessed in this manner.

7.28 The Master fished with a line, but not with a net. He would shoot with a corded arrow, but did not shoot at roosting birds. 子釣而不綱, 弋不射宿. 7.28.1 Grounds 1) Huang Kan commented, “Diao 釣 (‘fished with a line’) refers to fishing with a hook attached to a pole. 2) Master Zhu commented, “Gang 綱 (‘net’) refers to fishing by pitching a net, made of rough cords, across a stream. 3) Kong Anguo commented, “Yi 弋 (‘shoot with a corded arrow’) refers to shooting with a corded arrow.”117 4) Xing Bing commented, “Although Our Master shot birds with a corded arrow, he did that only during the daytime, abstaining from shooting roosting birds at night. This is because the dark environment would give him an unfair advantage, allowing him to surprise the birds and hit them without fail.”

Xing Bing added, “According to an annotation of a passage from ‘Si gong shi 司弓矢,’ ‘An arrow tied with a string is called a corded arrow [矰]’ ” 117

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7.28.2 Arguments 1) Kong Anguo argued, “Gang refers to the act of setting up across a stream a big rope that carries dangling hooks tied to it by strings.”118 This appears to me the same device fishermen in my hometown often use at the riverbanks of the Yeol Water [the Han River]. They call it ‘fishing with myriad hooks.” However, was it really used even in ancient times? This comprises an erratum in which gang was substituted for wang 網 (net) due to the similarity of their shapes.119 Therefore, Master Zhu understood gang only in relation to wang, proposing no theory of dangling hooks.

7.29 The Master said, “There are people who, in general, write without knowing what they write about. I have no such fault. Listening to much and choosing what is good to follow; looking at much and making notes about it—​this is next to knowing it.” 子曰; 蓋有不知而作之者, 我無是也. 多聞, 擇其善者而從之, 多見而識 之, 知之次也. 7.29.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Zuo 作 (‘write’) means to create something. For instance, to write a book is called zuo.120 Those who write books without knowing the Way infect the world for ten thousand generations, so the sage came to have a deep anxiety about it. The expression, “in general,” is used to show the speaker’s humility. 2) I  supplement as follows:  The phrase, “I have no such fault,” is used to express pleasure in oneself. When one says, “I have not committed this kind of crime,” the same feeling is expressed. 3) I supplement as follows: Choosing what is good is an act of rearranging by elimination [刪]. This is the reason Poetry and Documents are believed to have been rearranged by elimination. Zhi 識 (‘make notes’) is here synonymous with ji 記 (to record). The additional notes attached to the commentary on Changes, the preface to Documents, and numerous chapters in Protocols and Rituals might have been made through this practice of writing notes. 4) I  supplement as follows:  The two acts—​listening to much and looking at much—​are not as good as writing a book in a knowledgeable manner. However, they are next to it. The worst is writing without knowledge.121 Huang Kan also argued, “It is the act of setting up across a wide stream a big rope that has numerous hooks, so as to fish.” 119 Ogyu also suggested this view. 120 For example, Laozi wrote Dao de jing 道德經. 121 Mao Qiling commented, “In the Spring and Autumn period, various schools of ideas sprang up, and their books covered everything under heaven” (Si shu gai cuo, 12:15a). 118

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7.29.2 Arguments 1) Bao Xian argued, “Since some people were recklessly writing books with interpolated arguments [穿鑿] at the time, Confucius made this remark.” I would refute this as follows: The claim that they made “interpolated arguments” derives from an arbitrary judgment. 2) Kong Anguo argued, “People who listen to much and look at much are next to those whom Heaven endows with knowledge at birth.” I would refute this as follows: Throughout history, there has never existed a person whom Heaven endowed with knowledge at birth. 3) I question Master Zhu as follows: Lun yu jizhu contends, “Confucius here says that he never wrote recklessly. This is a humble remark” (Lun yu jizhu, 4:7b). In my view, this is not a humble remark. “Transmitting without creating” is a beautiful virtue of the noble person. 4) For a classical text that contains a passage relevant to this chapter, see “Zhu Yun zhuan 朱雲傳” in Han shu (Qian Han shu, 67:19b, 5–​6). * * * One interesting though short argument in this chapter concerns Dasan’s rejection of Bao Xian’s comment, which was obviously targeted at the alleged shortcomings of the Many Masters’ writings. By rebutting Bao’s claim, Dasan gives readers the impression that he was more tolerant of the Many Masters’ thoughts than the neo-​Confucian legitimists. This point is corroborated by one of his footnotes here, which concedes that “Laozi wrote a book.” In light of the fact that Dasan regarded “writing a book with knowledge” the most intelligent kind of activity and that Confucius here confesses that he never wrote a book (without knowledge), this acknowledgement may inadvertently confuse the reader, even though it mirrors Dasan’s general respect for the classical texts Laozi and Zhuangzi.

7.30 The people of Huxiang were difficult to converse with. When a young fellow from there was received by the Master, the disciples were perplexed. The Master said, “It says, ‘Allow people to come; do not allow them to withdraw.’ Why be so harsh? When a person purifies himself to come forward, I  endorse his purification and do not keep in mind his past.” 互鄕難與言, 童子見, 門人惑. 子曰; 與其進也, 不與其退也, 唯何甚? 人 潔己以進, 與其潔也, 不保其往也.

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7.30.1 Grounds 1) Zheng Xuan commented, “Huxiang 互鄕 is the name of a village.”122 I supplement as follows: this place is roughly within the territory of Wei. 2) Master Zhu commented, “The people of the village were so habituated to immoral ways that they were hard to discuss the good with.” 3) I supplement as follows: The remark, “Allow people to come; do not allow them to withdraw,” is an old saying. Yu 與 (“allow”) here is synonymous with xu 許 (to approve). According to the law of how to treat others, you welcome people who come to you and stop them when they go away. This is to approve of people’s coming and disapprove of their going. By quoting this old saying, Confucius made clear that he could not reject the young fellow. 4) I supplement as follows: The expression wei he shen 唯何甚 (“Why be so harsh”) means that one’s dislike of evil people should not be extreme. Bao 保 (“keep in mind”) is here synonymous with shou 守 (to keep); wang 往 (“his past”) refers to his evil deeds in the past.123 7.30.2 Arguments 1) Zheng Xuan argued, “The people of Huxiang focused only on their interests when they spoke, failing to understand what was required for the current situations.” I would refute this as follows: Not knowing what is required for the current situations is a quality that one who admires antiquity possesses. 2) Zheng Xuan argued, “Wang is here synonymous with qu 去 (to go). [This chapter states that] you can approve of one’s coming but cannot be sure about his deeds after he goes away [去後之行].”124 I  would refute this as follows: Xing Bing knew that Zheng Xuan’s interpretation here was incorrect, so he interpreted the main passage according to his own views. However, how can their two interpretations overcome the mutual contradiction? 3) Gu Huan 顧歡 (c. 425–​c. 488) explained, “Wang here refers to deeds one committed in earlier days. In general, people’s deeds cannot always be consistent. In some cases, they build a plan in the beginning but later yield no results; in other cases, they are befuddled in the beginning but eventually cope with their problems to achieve success. [The main passage states that]

Wang Wujiu added, “There is Huxiang fortress near Lu yi 鹿邑. Lu yi belongs to Bo 亳 county [the capital town of Shang]” (quoted in Kun xue ji wen, 7:15a). 123 Wang Guantao 王觀濤 (fl. Ming dynasty) contended [seeing bao as meaning ‘to guarantee’], “The expression bu bao qi wang 不保其往 means that no one can guarantee that all deeds in the past were flawless” (unknown source). This comment is also acceptable. 124 Xing Bing proposed a different view, saying, “The phrase qu hou zhi xing 去後之行 refers to the deeds in the past. Those deeds have become part of a past that is already gone [去].” 122

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in light of the way of teaching people, I approve of his purification. One’s deeds thereafter is not what I should keep in mind.”125 In my view, this theory is mostly correct. However, the sentence “in some cases, they build a plan in the beginning but later yield no results” should be deleted. 4) Sir Lin [琳公] argued, “The first eight characters should be combined together when reading [which would result in the following translation of the beginning of the main passage: ‘When a young fellow from the village of Huxiang, who was difficult to converse with, was received by the Master’].”126 I would refute this as follows: This interpretation might have stemmed from the idea that everyone in a village cannot be evil without exception. However, the entire city of Meibang 妹邦 was known for its fondness for drinking, and the people in Sangzhong 桑中 craved to have licentious relationships. As seen in these cases, evil customs gradually corrupt people. No argument that counters the common reading of the phrase in question is necessary. Sir Lin was a Buddhist monk. 5) I question Master Zhu as follows: The order of the bamboo slips for this chapter was not erroneously altered.127 * * * In Noneo gogeum ju, Dasan provides many supplementary comments to illuminate Confucius’s teachings more clearly. Sometimes, however, his comments and arguments also need to be supplemented for a clear understanding. In the first argument, Dasan rejects Zheng Xuan’s comment not because he did not accept Zheng’s reading of the part under discussion but because he disagreed with Zheng’s explanation of the reason the people of Huxiang were deemed wicked. Whereas Zheng Xuan believed that they were difficult to converse with due to their fixation on certain topics, which lead them to show no flexibility when facing a pending situation, Dasan considered it a sign of virtue, not vice. However, Dasan accepted Zheng’s view that everyone in the village of Huxiang lacked discernment. In the second argument, Dasan criticizes both Zheng Xuan and Xing Bing but for different reasons: according to Dasan, Zheng Xuan incorrectly associated qu with what is to come (not what has passed), while Xing Bing arbitrarily misrepresented Zheng’s views despite his obligation to explain them. Dasan, however, accepted Xing Bing’s rendering of the character qu. In the third argument, Dasan suggests without offering a clear reason that a

See Xing Bing’s comment. See Xing Bing’s comment. 127 Li Zhuowu 李卓吾 (李贄, 1527–​1602) explains [against Zhu Xi’s argument], “The order of the fourteen characters in the second half of this chapter has not been botched up. The way they constitute a sentence [the last sentence in this chapter] seems archaic” (Si shu ping 四書評, 70). 125

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phrase in Gu Huan’s comment be deleted. One may not be able to understand why Dasan makes this suggestion when overlooking the fact that the phrase in question leads to negative consequences and thus discourages learning. Nevertheless, Dasan explicitly praises the accuracy of Gu’s observation. In the fourth argument, Dasan cites a unique reading of the beginning part of this passage, which he immediately refutes. It is interesting that Dasan introduces the author of this reading as a Buddhist monk, arousing curiosity about who exactly this monk was. Neither Huang Kan, who was the first to record this comment in Lun yu yishu, nor Xing Bing, whose comment Dasan seems to have referred to, nor Dazai Jun, who also quoted it, identified who he was. The mystery only deepens when we consider the fact that Dasan used an honorific—​gong 公 (“sir”)—​with the names of a man he considered a Buddhist monk, while he was commissioned to protect the Confucian legacies from Buddhist encroachments. According to Yi Jihyeong, a Japanese commentator speculated that “Sir Lin” referred to Huilin 惠琳 (433–​?), who is more widely known as Huilin 慧琳 (See Yak-​yong Jeong, Ji-​hyeong Yi trans., Noneo gogeum ju 2, 240: they are the same person). Huilin was one of the earlier, influential commentators on Laozi, though his commentary, unfortunately, is not extant. Thus, it is likely that this speculation holds true. But many other people might have been called “Sir Lin [琳公],” owing to the recognition they earned of their academic contributions: as a matter of fact, anyone whose personal name is Lin can be honored with this special term. It would therefore be more objective to say that the identity of “Sir Lin” in this chapter is uncertain. While Xing Bing quoted “Sir Lin” just once throughout his commentary, Huang Kan did so four times but still left no additional information about the commentator. (“Sir Lin” was not included in the list of the fourteen major contributors to Huang Kan’s Lun yu yishu). All in all, the question still remains unanswered: could Dasan have identified who he was? Lastly, the fifth argument concerns Zhu Xi’s revision of the main passage: Zhu Xi suggests that this passage be revised because in his view the compiler of the Analects got the order of bamboo slips for this chapter wrong, causing serious confusion. In his revision, Confucius’s remark would read: “The Master said, ‘When a person comes forward after purifying himself, I approve of his purification and do not keep in mind his past deeds; I approve of his coming but do not approve of his withdrawal. Why be so harsh?’ ” Dasan rejected this revision and proposed a solution that cleared up the apparent confusion: the remark, “Allow people to come; do not allow them to withdraw [in Dasan’s reading],” was an old saying. This solution is listed in the “Overview of Original Meanings.”

7.31 The Master said, “Is humanity far away? If I desire humanity, it arrives right away.” 子曰; 仁遠乎哉? 我欲仁, 斯仁至矣.

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7.31.1 Grounds 1) I  supplement as follows:  Humanity is love for people. Fulfilling one’s obligations when dealing with the human moral order constitutes humanity.128 One’s practice of humanity hinges on oneself. So the passage says that humanity is not far away.

7.32 The minister of crime of Chen asked, “Did Duke Zhao know ritual propriety?” Confucius answered, “He knew ritual propriety.” When Confucius retired, he approached Wuma Qi, keeping his hands folded, and said, “I have heard that the noble person is not factional. Is the noble person also factional? The duke took a wife from the state of Wu, and because she shared his family name, she was called Wu Meng Zi. If the duke knew ritual propriety, who does not know ritual propriety?” Wuma Qi reported this, and the Master said, “Qiu is fortunate! If I make a mistake, people are sure to know it.” 陳司敗問; 昭公知禮乎? 孔子曰; 知禮. 孔子退, 揖巫馬期而進之曰; 吾聞 君子不黨, 君子亦黨乎? 君取於吳, 爲同姓, 謂之吳孟子. 君而知禮, 孰不 知禮? 巫馬期以告, 子曰; 丘也幸! 苟有過, 人必知之. 7.32.1 Grounds 1) Kong Anguo commented, “Si bai 司敗 (‘the minister of crime’) was the title for a government post that was assigned to the great officials of Chen.129 Duke Zhao refers to Duke Zhao of Lu.130 Wuma Qi was Confucius’s disciple, whose name was Shi 施.131 2) I supplement as follows: Wuma 巫馬 was the title for a government post. Since the Wuma’s family would continue to assume the post for generations, it eventually became their family name.132 Qi 期 in the main passage should be replaced with Qi 旗. This is an error that stemmed from the phonetic similarity of the two characters. 3) I  supplement as follows:  Dang 黨 (“factional”) is here synonymous with pian 偏 (partial).133

The same definition was introduced earlier (see Noneo gogeum ju, 6.6) Xing Bing added, “In a passage from Zuo’s Commentary, Zi Xi of Chu said, ‘I would leave my life at the hand of Si bai.’ On this Du Yu annotated, ‘In the states of Chen and Chu, Si kou 司寇 was called Si bai’ (see Zuo zhuan zhushu, 18:36a)”. 130 Master Zhu introduced that his name was Chou 稠. 131 According to Shi ji, “Wuma Shi’s adult name was Zi Qi 子旗, and he was thirty years younger than Confucius” (Shi ji, 67:24b). On this Zheng Xuan commented, “He came from the state of Lu” (67:24b). 132 According to “Xia guan 夏官,” in Rites of Zhou, the Wuma was in charge of “caring for diseased horses” (Zhou li zhushu, 33:9b). 133 Kong Anguo commented, “Helping one another to conceal their wrongdoings is called dang.” 128

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4) Kong Anguo commented, “The states of Lu and Wu shared the family name Ji 姬.”134 Conforming to ritual propriety, people who shared a family name did not marry each other.135 However, the duke took a wife who had the same family name. Although she was supposed to be called Wu Ji 吳姬 [a lady of the Ji family from the state of Wu], they avoided calling her this, instead calling her Meng Zi 孟子 [the first children from the Zi family].”136 5) Master Zhu commented, “They called her Meng Zi in order to make her appear to be a lady from the state of Song, whose royal family name was Zi.” 6) Kong Anguo commented, “It is ritual propriety for a person to avoid revealing [to people of other states] his own state’s evil practices. [Nevertheless] the sage’s Way was generous, so Confucius received the blame, pretending that it was his fault.” 7) I provide the relevant facts [事實] as follows: In the twelfth year of the reign of Duke Ai, Meng Zi passed away. Zuo’s commentary explains, “Duke Zhao took a wife from the state of Wu. Thus this record does not introduce her family name, simply calling her Wu Meng Zi” (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 59:2a). “Fang ji” also records, “The Master said, ‘When taking a wife, a man is not allowed to take a lady who has the same family name, in order to promote the notion of distinction between sexes. Therefore, when he acquires a concubine, whose family name is unknown, through a purchase, he performs a ritual of divination [to decide whether to take her or not] for the benefit of preventing his people from committing evils. Spring and Autumn of Lu once erased the family name of a lady, simply calling her Wu 吳 [a lady from Wu]. The record of her passing away says, “Meng Zi passed away”‘” (Li ji zhushu, 51:36a–​b). 7.32.2 Arguments 1) Zheng Xuan argued, “‘Si Bei’ was a man’s name. He was a great official of Qi.” I would disagree with this interpretation. 2) The Preface of Feng su tong 風俗通 [or 風俗通義] by Ying Shao 應劭 (140–​206) says, “Confucius mentioned, ‘Fortunately, when I make a mistake, people are sure to know it’ ” (Feng su tongyi, 0:2b).137 I would refute this as follows: “Wang pei jie 王佩解” in Zhou shu 周書 says, “Bad luck follows when a person does not hear about his faults; fortunes follow when a person receives remonstrations” (Yi Zhou shu 逸周書, 9:7a). The Master’s comment, “Qiu is fortunate,” must have been alluding to this remark. * * *

Xing Bing added, “The state of Wu was ruled by the descendants of Tai Bo 泰伯 [King Wen’s great uncle].” 135 See “Qu li” (Li ji zhushu, 2:20a). “Da zhuan” also explained that banning same-​family-​name marriages was the way of Zhou (34:10b). 136 For this event, see the twelfth year of the reign of Duke Ai (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 59:2a). 137 In this record, xing 幸 (“fortunate” in the main passage) is read as part of the sentence that follows it. 134

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As a rationalist, Dasan denied all supernatural attributes that extreme admirers later conferred on Confucius, such as an inborn knowledge endowed by Heaven at his birth and a mysterious power to predict events that would occur in following generations. Moreover, for Dasan, Confucius was not the greatest sage because he could not make real political contributions to his community. However, he regarded Confucius as a human individual who was morally faultless in his everyday life. Like other commentators, he defends Confucius in this chapter, leaving a question unanswered: instead of “generously” admitting his mistake, why did Confucius not teach one of his disciples that ritual propriety would thrive when a person tried to keep his state’s evils unspoken? Dasan might have provided “the relevant facts” here in order to show why Duke Zhao’s improper actions could not be examined in a dialogue with his disciple. “Providing the relevant facts [事實]” is one of the aims of his commentary, which entails knowledge of the historical context that is required to understand the main passage. A dozen other “relevant facts” appear throughout this book after this first one. The second argument was prompted by Ying Shao’s unique reading of this chapter. Dasan insisted that he based his argument on Ying’s omission of the first two characters, Qiu ya 丘也 (“Qiu is”), in his quotation of Confucius’s last remark. However, the extant edition of Feng su tongyi contains the two characters in question, simply quoting Confucius’s last remark unaltered. Dazai Jun seems to be the only commentator who cited Ying Shao’s unique reading and re-​quoted Ying’s quotation from Feng su tongyi with its omission of the two characters. Dazai also featured a passage from “Wang pei jie” to show his approval of Ying’s presumably unique reading, whereas Dasan, interestingly, used the same passage to dispute the reading.

7.33 When the Master was singing in the company of others and considered a song good, he always had them repeat it before joining in. 子與人歌而善, 必使反之, 而後和之. 7.33.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: “Singing” here refers to the recitation of a poem in a slow movement.” 2) Master Zhu commented, “Fan 反 (‘repeat’) is here synonymous with fu 復 (to repeat).138 Confucius always had people sing the song again because he wished to know its details and thereby absorb what maked it good.”139

138 139

Fu here has the same pronunciation as fu 覆 [so it means ‘to repeat,’ not ‘again’]. Dazai Jun commented, “Fu here means to have it sung again from the beginning.”

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7.33.2 Arguments 1) Xing Bing argued, “Fan is here synonymous with chong 重 (again).”140 I would refute this as follows: Xing Bing’s interpretation is fine. However, his rendering of the character does not match its original meaning.

7.34 The Master said, “In literature, how can I not be equal to others? In the practices of a noble person, I have accomplished nothing as yet.” 子曰; 文莫吾猶人也? 躬行君子, 則吾未之有得. 7.34.1 Grounds 1) Master Zhu commented, “Mo 莫 (‘How can…not’) here is a word used to form a question.141 You ren 猶人 (‘equal to others’) means that he reached the standard of others, although he could not be said to have excelled them.” 2) I supplement as follows: Our Master himself said, “In literature, how can I not be equal to others? Regarding the virtues in the practices of a noble person, I  have not achieved anything yet.”142 The Master once said, “In a hamlet consisting of ten households, there must be people who are as wholehearted and trustworthy as I am. However, even they must not be my equals in the love of learning” (Lun yu jizhu, 5:27). He usually approved of himself in the realm of literature; he usually did not approve of himself in the realm of virtuous deeds. 7.34.2 Arguments 1) He Yan argued, “Mo is here interchangeable with wu 無 (nothing). The expression wen mo 文莫 is equivalent to wen bu 文不 (incapability in literature), an expression that was used then by lay people.”143 Luan Zhao, in Lun yu bo 論語駁, also argued, “In the regions of Yan and Qi, people use the expression wen mo to refer to one’s efforts. The character mo evolved to have the sound of wu 務 (to exert effort) and evolved again to have the sound of mao 楙 (to flourish); meanwhile the character mian 黽 (to make an effort) evolved to have the sound of min 暋 (to make an effort) [so that they are all interchangeable]. Therefore, Er ya says, ‘Mao 茂 (to flourish) is synonymous with mian 勉 (to make an effort); wu 務 and min 暋 are He Yan also argued, “Since Confucius liked the song’s good nature, he had people sing it again [重] before joining in.” 141 As I understand, this word conveys the same meaning as qi bu 豈不 (how not). 142 This remark was made out of humility. 143 He continued, “The phrase wen bu wu you ren 文不吾猶人 means that Confucius did not excel others in literature.” 140

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synonymous with qiang 强 (to endeavor)’ ” (quoted in Rongo kokun gaiden). I would refute these claims as follows: He Yan and Xing Bing, regarding wen mo as an idiomatic expression, interpreted the remark under discussion as saying that Confucius did not excel others in literature. This argument derives from an arbitrary judgment. Luan Zhao’s interpretation is also unacceptable. 2) Yang Xiong, in Fang yan, says, “The phrase mou mo 侔莫 conveys the meaning of qiang 强. In the rural regions north of the state of Yan, people encourage each other in their toils. When they wish to say, “put in more effort,” they use this phrase mou mo” (Fang yan, 7:3a). Chen Kui 陳騤 (fl. 12th century) accepted this claim, saying, “According to Fang yan, mou mo is interchangeable with qiang. When people encouraged each other in their toils, they often used the phrase mou mo for ‘putting in more effort’ ” (quoted in Lun yu jiqiu pian, 4:8a). Fang Yizhi 方以智 (1611–​1671), in Tong ya, argued, “The phrases—​min mian 閔勉, min mian 閔免, and min mian 僶勉—​carry the same meaning. They have evolved to mi wu 密勿 and mi mei 蠠沒 and again evolved to mou mo and wen mo [which appears in the main passage]” (Tong ya 通雅, 7:4b). Dazai Jun also participated in this discussion, saying, “A poem reads, ‘How diligent King Wen is! His beautiful reputation is extolled without end’ (Mao Shi zhushu, 23:10b). So even King Wen valued making an effort. What would the noble person in a later generation [Confucius] be like then?” I would refute these claims as follows: The Analects does not consist of arcane vocabulary [like the terms commentators used above]. When reading books, people should understand the writing styles in the books first in order not to be bewildered by these kinds of impure theories.

7.35 The Master said, “As regards sageness and humanity, how dare I  lay claim to them? Learning without weariness and instructing others without negligence, however, could be said to lie in me. That is all.” Gongxi Hua said, “This is precisely what we disciples are not able to learn.” 子曰; 若聖與仁, 吾豈敢? 抑爲之不厭, 誨人不倦, 則可謂云爾已矣. 公西 華曰; 正唯弟子不能學也. 7.35.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Wei zhi 爲之 (“learning”) here concerns learning, which is a means to achieve sageness; hui ren 誨人 (“instructing others”) here concerns teaching, which is a means to promote humanity.144 The four

Mencius says, “Learning without weariness corresponds with wisdom; instructing others without negligence corresponds with humanity” (Mengzi jizhu, 2A:2). 144

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words—​yun 云, er 爾, yi 已, and yi 矣—​are all particles. That Confucius spoke in so circumlocutious a manner here that he used the particle four times shows that he had an uneasy and reluctant mind, although he approved of himself for the two qualities. ) I supplement as follows: [Gongxi Hua states that] the two qualities are what 2 the disciples are eager to learn but fail to. 7.35.2 Arguments 1) Ma Rong argued, “[Gongxi Hua asks] how dare we, the disciples, aspire after sageness and humanity, when we are unable to learn even what the Master just mentioned [to approve of himself ]?” In my view, this comment is not agreeable. When Confucius refused to lay claim to the utmost virtues and instead claimed the qualities next to them, Gongxi Hua praised Confucius, saying, “I am unable to learn even what Our Master assigned to the second tier.” His remark expressed his intention to applaud Confucius, not to aspire after a lofty goal. 2) Mao Qiling argued, “ ‘Xiang yin jiu yi 鄕飮酒義’ records, ‘[When the Son of Heaven stands] he faces humanity and places sageness at his left-​hand side [“he places sageness at his left-​hand side and faces humanity” in “Xiang yin jiu yi”]’ ” (Li ji zhushu, 61:27b).145 According to my investigation, “Biao ji” also contains a relevant passage, which says, “Humanity is left; the Way is right” (Li ji zhushu, 54:6a). This passage simply carries a metaphor146 and contains no practical principle [實理]. The remark from “Hong fan”—​“If one’s thinking were thoughtful, it would lead to sageness”—​merely demonstrates the original meaning of sheng and cannot be applied to this classic [the Analects]. Being great and, at the same time, making contributions to the improvement of the world is called sageness. No further interpolated discussion is needed here. * * * Dasan’s comments in this chapter present the concept silli 實理, “practical principle” here, for the first time in Noneo gogeum ju. Since I  suggest that Dasan’s philosophical ideas should be conceptualized as the Learning of Practical Principle, not the Practical Learning, it is necessary for me to provide more explanation of the term here.

Shi Yushan 施愚山 (施閏章, 1619–​1683) argued, “Sheng 聖 (‘sageness’) is synonymous with tong 通 (to permeate). It refers to a state in which all sounds permeate one’s mind-​heart when they flow in. Thus the character sheng consists of er 耳 (ear) and cheng 呈 (to submit) “ (quoted in Si shu shengyan bu, 1:2a–​b). [In disagreement with Shi’s theory] Mao Qiling countered, “ ‘Hong fan 洪範’ says, ‘As for one’s thinking, it should be thoughtful… . [I]‌f one’s thinking were thoughtful, it would lead to sageness’ (Shang Shu zhushu, 11:10a). This is different from saying: ‘As for one’s hearing, it should be sharp’ (11:10a)” (Si shu shengyan bu, 1:2b). 146 It means that humanity and the Way should accompany one another. 145

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In Noneo gogeum ju, Dasan uses this term four times: 10.6, 17.2, 17.17, and this chapter. In these chapters, the term typically functions as a basis for rebutting certain arguments. In this chapter, he considers Mao Qiling’s argument unacceptable because it overlooks the fact that the multifarious assumptions about sageness and humanity contain no silli; in 10.6, Dasan rejects the relationships of mutual subjugation in the theory of five phases because they contain no silli; in 17.2, Dasan repudiates the notion of the human nature of original thus-​ness, a crucial notion in Zhu Xi’s philosophy, because it is not compatible with silli; and in 17.17, Dasan criticizes Huang Kan’s attempt to associate the theory of five phases with various colors because it does not match silli. The number of such cases, in which Dasan adopts silli as a categorical concept to examine the validity of given arguments, will substantially increase in Dasan’s writings in Yeoyudang jeonseo as he searches for valid arguments. As a matter of fact, in the Introduction to the first volume, I assert that the concept li 理, “principle,” is categorical in Dasan’s philosophical paradigm and criterial in his reasoning and that Dasan’s discussions can easily be thought of as examinations of the compatibility of given topics to “principle.” This implies that the concept silli plays the same role as the concept li in his philosophy: in brief, silli ontologically exists a priori, paired with silsim 實心, literally meaning “practical mind-​heart,” which is also endowed by nature. Dasan’s philosophy posits that one of the goals in learning is to understand silli (practical principle) through silsim (practical mind-​heart). To a certain extent, this paradigm recalls the epistemological implications in neo-​Confucianism: neo-​Confucian scholars also pursue the completion of their learning by grasping li (principle) through xin 心 (mind-​heart). Dasan’s philosophy, however, should be distinguished from neo-​Confucian li philosophy: as seen in his discussion in 17.2, he did not accept its core elements (such as, the theory of the human nature of original thus-​ness), arguing that it is not compatible with silli. In fact, neo-​Confucian scholars also used this concept, silli, considerably. For example, Zhu Xi states, “The principles of Heaven and Earth are truly practical, displaying not even the slightest sign of distortion. Therefore, there has never existed a single thing that is not practical, from ancient times to today. Everything and all events, from the beginning to the end, are without exception the result of the work of practical principles [實理]” (Si shu huo wen, 5:6a). Dasan derived the concept “practical principle” from this neo-​Confucian lexicon. He raised a question, however, about the last sentence of Zhu Xi’s remarks above because it seems to suggest that “practical principle” determines the existence of all beings. In other words, Zhu Xi argues here that the events that involve all things in existence occur because practical principle exists and orders things as such. Zhu Xi addresses this neo-​ Confucian notion of practical principle more explicitly in another one of his writings: If this principle exists, then this thing exists; if this principle does not exist, then this thing seems as though it does not exist even when it exists. In general, all

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events involving everything in existence are the result of the work of the practical principles. (Zhuzi yu lei, 64:33b)

To Dasan, this idealistic ontology of the neo-​Confucian “practical principle” has no grounds and thus is not compatible with his “practical principle.” He believed that it was not practical that this “principle,” a mere concept, could yield influence on the generation or the existence of things. Indeed, Dasan made it clear that his theory had nothing to do with this kind of neo-​Confucian “principle,” which causes the myriad things to exist and be generated. When he interpreted a well-​known proposition from Constant Mean—​“Sincerity is the end and the beginning of things [誠者物之終始]” (Zhong yong zhangju, 21a)—​he refused to interpret it as containing a genealogical paradigm and rather asserted that the concept zong shi 終始 (“the end and the beginning”) merely indicated the end and the beginning of one’s practices or learning in her life. His conclusions on the neo-​Confucian attempt to interpret this proposition as containing the genealogical li and qi paradigm are evident in the following: “What connection can the principle of causing the myriad things to be generated find in me?” (Jungyong gangui bo, 87b) In contrast, Dasan’s philosophy contends that principle is no more than a regularity that is recurrently observed in human relationships [事理], in natural phenomena [物理], and in the human moral order [義理]:  “[All these concepts of principle] have derived from regularity of pulses [脈理], regularity in governing [治理], or regularity of laws [法理]” (Maengja yo-​ui, 139d). In Dasan’s eyes, his principle is truly “practical,” although it is invisible. I insist that Dasan’s scholarly achievements revolve around his investigations on this practical principle.

7.36 The Master was gravely ill, and Zi Lu asked for permission to pray for him. The Master said, “Is there such a practice?” Zi Lu replied, “Yes, there is. A eulogy states, ‘We pray for you to the spiritual beings above and below.’ ” The Master said, “My praying has been long.”147 子疾病, 子路請禱. 子曰; 有諸? 子路對曰; 有之. 誄曰; 禱爾于上下神祗. 子曰; 丘之禱久矣. 7.36.1 Grounds 1) I supplement as follows: Falling gravely ill is called bing 病 (“gravely ill”).148 You zhu 有諸 (“Is there such a practice”) is a question that asks whether there is such a practice in ritual propriety.

147 148

The editions of Zheng Xuan, Huang Kan, and Lu Deming do not contain bing 病. Bao Xian commented, “See ‘Zi han’ for this word.”

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2) Master Zhu commented, “Lei 誄 (‘eulogy’) refers to a document that contains an account of one’s life given in grief upon his death.”149 3) I supplement as follows: Zi Lu quoted a sentence from an ancient eulogy to prove that there was such a practice of praying for a person over his grave illness. 4) Master Zhu commented, “The spiritual beings in heaven are called shen 神 (‘spiritual beings’); the spiritual beings on earth are called zhi 祗 (‘spiritual beings’).” 5) Kong Anguo commented, “Confucius’s usual actions were harmonious with the brightness of the spiritual beings. So he said, ‘My praying has been long.’ ”150 7.36.2 Arguments 1) I explore the textual differences as follows: Many editions from various schools contain no bing in this chapter. Dazai Jun explains this as follows, “Lun yu jijie’s first annotation on the character bing in ‘Zi han’ says, ‘It refers to a grave illness.’ In consideration of the fact that Lun yu jijie does not offer any comments on bing in this chapter, bing should be omitted here for sure.” 2) Kong Anguo argued, “Lei refers to the title of a litany.”151 I would refute this as follows: According to “Tangong,” [Duke Zhuang of Lu] fought a battle [with the lord of Song] at Shengqiu 乘丘. When Xian Bifu and Fu Guo died in the battle, the duke wrote a eulogy, saying, “It is not their fault” (Li ji zhushu, 6:24a).152 When Confucius passed away, Zuo’s Commentary also recorded, “Duke Ai wrote a eulogy, saying, ‘Alas! How sorrowful! My old Ni!’ ” (Zuo zhuan zhushu, 60:3a) Kong Anguo regarded lei as the title of a litany, not knowing of the law of writing eulogies. The specialized studies in Han were sluggish to this extent. 3) I question Master Zhu as follows: The remark in Rites of Zhou [that Zhu Xi quoted], “Pray to [the recipients of ] the five sacrificial rituals” (Zhou li zhushu, 13:49b), primarily concerns the moment that follows ritual examination of the sick person’s breath with a cotton ball. Zi Lu’s request to pray is not pertinent to this kind of prayer. When King Wu was ill, Duke of Zhou prayed to the three kings. Changes also says, “[This yang bar symbolizes that] a person is humble and furthermore stays below a wooden bench. If he uses a scribe and a diviner Rites of Zhou says that Da Zhu 大祝 assumed responsibility for six documents. The sixth was a eulogy. (See Zhou li zhushu, 25:12a) 150 Xing Bing added, “A person whose usual actions depart from the brightness of spiritual beings may pray to them when he confronts disasters.” 151 Xing Bing supplemented this, saying, “Lei is here interchangeable with lei 累 (to heap). It helps when seeking a good fortune to heap one’s achievements and virtue up on it.” 152 The practice of writing a eulogy for the shi-​officials began with this event. 149

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[to show his humility], much good fortune will arrive” (Zhou Yi zhushu, 9:34b). These cases show that there existed a ritual of praying to spiritual beings when a person was ill. 4) For classical texts that contain passages relevant to the main text here, see Taiping yu lan 太平御覽, which quotes Zhuangzi and says, “When Confucius was ill, Zi Gong wanted to go out to conduct a divination. Confucius said, ‘You stay there! I have never seated myself before the elderly take a seat; I have stayed home at my leisure as though to purify myself; and I have always had food and drink as though I  were performing a ritual. I  have conducted divinations for a long time” (quoted in Kun xue ji wen, 7:17b). On this record, Wang Yinglin explained, “To understand Zi Lu’s request to make a prayer, one can refer to this record” (7:17b). 5) An old man from Yingbo 瀛波 said, “Whereas Zi Lu prayed before altars, Our Master prayed in his room; whereas Zi Lu prayed with scribes and diviners, Our Master prayed with his spirit” (unknown source).

7.37 The Master said, “Extravagance leads to insolence; frugality leads to obstinacy. However, obstinacy is preferred to insolence.” 子曰; 奢則不孫, 儉則固. 與其不孫也, 寧固. 7.37.1 Grounds 1) Xing Bing commented, “Sun 孫 (no ‘insolence’) here is synonymous with shun 順 (complying); gu 固 (‘obstinacy) is synonymous with lou 陋 (stubborn).”153 2) Kong Anguo commented, “Both qualities failed.154 Extravagance leads to one’s ignorance of his superiors in violation of ritual propriety; frugality leads to one’s negligence in meeting the standard of ritual propriety.” 7.37.2 Arguments 1) Chao Shouzhi 晁說之 (1059–​1129) argued, “Confucius was compelled to make this remark, unwillingly, in order to remedy the chronic problems of his time” (Lun yu jizhu, 4:9b). I would refute this as follows: Due to Guan Zhong’s violation of ritual propriety, during his time it was difficult to take superior positions; due to Yan Ying’s exploitations, during his time it was difficult to live as lowly people. However, exploiting one’s inferiors is better than ignoring one’s superiors in violation of ritual propriety. This is a universal rule from ancient times to today. It is untrue

In my view, lou refers to a situation in which all roads are blocked. In other words, it means to have no communication. 154 Xing Bing added, “Both extravagance and frugality failed.” 153

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that, in giving his teaching, Confucius was motivated to remedy only the chronic problems of his time.

7.38 The Master said, “The noble person is large-​hearted; the petty person is anxious.” 子曰; 君子坦蕩蕩, 小人長戚戚. 7.38.1 Grounds 1) Zheng Xuan commented, “Tan dang dang 坦蕩蕩 (‘large-​hearted’) is a phrase that describes one’s generosity and broad-​mindedness; chang qi qi 長戚戚 (‘anxious’) is a phrase that describes one’s worries and anxiety.” 2) I supplement as follows: Since the noble person acts in accordance with his position, his mind-​heart is always full of generosity and joy; since the petty person is worried about gains and losses, his mind-​heart is always full of anxiety and worries.

7.39 The Master was temperate and yet stern, awe-​inspiring and yet not intimidating; respectful and yet easy. 子溫而厲, 威而不猛, 恭而安. 7.39.1 Grounds 1) I  supplement as follows:  Li 厲 (“stern”) means strict;155 meng 猛 (“intimidating”) means frightening and harsh.156 Those who pretend to be respectful cannot feel at ease.157 If a person is respectful and feels at ease, he is truly respectful.

7.39.2 Arguments 1) Dazai Jun argued, “Wen 溫 (‘temperate’) here concerns his complexion; li concerns his voice. So Zi Xia said, ‘When approached, he appears temperate; when listened to, he sounds awe-​inspiring’ (Lun yu jizhu, 19:9).” I would refute this as follows:

In Changes, the character li is interpreted as equivalent to wei 危, which refers to a high cliff. When a bird is frightening, it is called zhi 鷙 (hawkish); when a beast is frightening, it is called meng. 157 In this case, his facial expressions and bodily motions do not eventually show sincerity and maturity. 155

156

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Is there not a phrase, “Possessing an awe-​inspiring complexion but being indecisive inwardly” (Lun yu jizhu, 17:12, 17.11 in Noneo gogeum ju), in the Analects?158 2) Lu Deming, in Shi wen, argued, “In a certain edition, zi yue 子曰 (the Master said) is adopted [instead of zi 子 (‘the Master’)], and li is replaced with li 例. In Huang Kan edition, zi is replaced with junzi (noble person)” (Jingdian shi wen, 24:10b). In my view, this book [述而] is dedicated to portraying Confucius’s virtuous deeds. It would be better to follow the wording in the extant edition.

“Wei feng” contains a poem, which reads, “[A fox is] at the steep ford [厲] of the Qi waters” (Mao Shi zhushu, 5:36b). A dangerous place on a shore is called li. 158

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CHINESE GLOSSARY

Ai Kang  哀姜 Ai Qianzi  艾千子 Ao  奡 Bai gui  白圭 Bai Guinian  白龜年 Baiguan zhi  百官志 Ban Gu  班固 Bao Shu  鮑叔 Bao Xian  包咸 Bei feng  邶風 Bei shi  北史 Bi  費 Bian ming lun  辨命論 Bian  弁 bian  籩 Biao ji  表記 Bigan  比干 bing  秉 Bi sheng  筆乘 Bi Wan  畢萬 Bi Xi  佛肸 Bizi  佛子 Bo  亳 Bo Gao  伯高 Bo Niu  伯牛 Bo Qin  伯禽 Bo Xi  伯姬 Bo Yang  伯陽 Bo Yi  伯夷 Bo Yi  柏翳

Bo Yi zhuan  伯夷傳 Bu gou lun  不苟論 Cai  蔡 Cai Mo  蔡謨 Cai Qing  蔡淸 Cai Yong zhuan  蔡邕傳 Cao  曹 Chao  朝 Cao Cao  曹操 Chao Shouzhi  晁說之 Chao Yidao  晁以道 Chen  陳 Cheng  成 Cheng Bozi  程伯子 Cheng Bushi  程不識 Chengguan  澄觀 Chen Gongmao  陳公懋 Cheng Yi  程頤 Cheng Ziming  陳子明 Chengzu  成祖 Chen Jingzhong  陳敬仲 Chen Kui  陳騤 Chen Li  陳櫟 Chen Wan  陳完 Chen Wenzi  陳文子 Chen Wudi ji  陳武帝紀 Chen Wuyu  陳無宇 Chen Zetian xing Sanyanggong biao  陳則天幸三陽宮表 Chi  赤 Chong’er  重耳 Chou  稠 Chu  出 Chu  楚 Chuan  穿 Chuanquan  歂犬 Chu ci  楚辭 Chu ci zhang ju  楚辭章句 Chunchu gojing  春秋考徵 Chunguan  春官 Chunqiu Gongyang zhuan zhushu  春秋公羊傳註疏 Chunqiu Zuo zhuan xu  春秋左傳序 Chunqiu Zuo zhuan zhushu  春秋左傳註疏 Chunqiu Zuo shi zhuan  春秋左氏傳 Chunshen jun zhuan  春申君傳 Chu shi biao  出師表

258   |  Chinese Glossary

Chu yu  楚語 Chu zhi  蜀志 Ci  賜 [子貢] cong  琮 Cui Dongbi yishu  崔東璧遺書 Cui Shu  崔述 Cui Zhu  崔杼 Cui Zhuan  崔撰 Cuizi  崔子 Da Dai Li ji  大戴禮記 Da gao  大誥 da gong  大功 Da Hangren  大行人 Da lüe大略 Danbo  單父 Dandai Mieming  澹臺滅明 Danfu  單父 Danqian yulu xuji  丹鉛餘錄續集 Danqian yulu  丹鉛餘錄 Dan Zhu  啖助 Dao de jing  道德經 Daozhi  盜蹠 Dap Jo Byeongdeok  答趙秉悳 Da she yi  大射儀 Taishu Ji  太叔疾 Taishu  太叔 Da Si tu  大司徒 Da Si yue  大司樂 Da Wu  大武 Da Xi  大姬 Da Xia  大夏 Da Xiang  大象 Daxue zhang ju  大學章句 Da Ya  大雅 Tai zai  太宰 Dazai Jun  太宰純 Da Zhu  大祝 Da zhuan  大傳 Da Zongbo  大宗伯 Dazong shi  大宗師 Denghou ji  鄧后紀 Deng Mingshi  鄧名世 Di  狄 Di  禘 Di  翟

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Dian si  典絲 Diao Qu Yuan fu  弔屈原賦 Dili zhi  地理志 Di Wulun zhuan  第五倫傳 Dizi zhuan  弟子傳 Dongfang Shuo  東方朔 Dongpo  東坡 dou  斗 dou  豆 Dou  鬪 Dou Bobi  鬪伯比 Dou Qie  鬪且 Douhou ji  竇后紀 Dui  兌 Du Shi  杜詩 Du shu fu zhi  讀書附志 Du Si shu congshuo  讀四書叢說 Du Yu  杜預 Ehu  鵝湖 Er  耳 Er Cheng quanshu  二程全書 Er Cheng waishu  二程外書 Er Cheng yishu  二程遺書 Er ya  爾雅 Er ya zhushu  爾雅註疏 Fa  發 Fang ji  坊記 Fang Yizhi  方以智 Fangren zhi  旊人職 Fan Li zhuan  樊酈傳 Fan Ning  范寗 fanqie  反切 Fan Wuyu  范無宇 Fan Zuyu  范祖禹 Fa xing  法行 Fa yan  法言 Fei  費 Fei Qinfu  費庈父 Feiyou xiansheng lun  非有先生論 feng  鳳 Feng Dao  馮道 Feng Shaoxu  馮少墟 Feng su tong  風俗通 Feng Yan zhuan  馮衍傳

260   |  Chinese Glossary

Fen shu  焚書 Feng Yi  馮椅 Fu  復 fu  釜 Fu Buqi  宓不齊 Fu Guang  輔廣 Fu Guo  卜國 Fu Jia  傅嘏 Fu Qian  服虔 Fuyi  芣苢 Fu Zhan zhuan  伏湛傳 Fu Zhan  伏湛 Gangmu qian bian  綱目前編 Gan shi  竿氏 Gao Chai  高柴 Gao Yao mo  皐陶謨 Gao Yao  皐陶 Gao You  高誘 Gaoyou  臯鼬 Gaozi  告子 Gaozu  高祖 Ge Lu  葛盧 Gen  艮 Goengbo  紘父 Gong Bo Liao  公伯寮 Gonghua  共華 Gongmeng Kou  公孟彄 Gongshan Furao  公山弗擾 Gong Sheng zhuan  龔勝傳 Gongsun Qiao  公孫僑 Gongsun Yan  公孫衍 Gongsun Zhi  公孫枝 Gongxi Hua  公西華 Gongyang  公羊 Gongyang zhuan  公羊傳 Gongye Chang  公冶長 gu  觚 Guan Shu  管叔 Guan Zhong  管仲 Guan Zhou  觀周 Guanfu  灌夫 Guang  光 Guangwu  光武 Gu Huan  顧歡

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Guhong fu  孤鴻賦 gui  白圭 gui  簋 Guice liezhuan  龜策列傳 Guice zhuan  龜筴傳 Guifu  歸父 Guiren  龜人 Guishan ji  龜山集 Gu jin ren biao  古今人表 Gu jin xing shi shu bianzheng  古今姓氏書辨證 Gu jin yun hui ju yao  古今韻會擧要 Guliang zhuan zhushu  穀梁傳註疏 Guliang  穀梁 Gun  鮌 Guo  虢 Guo Pu  郭璞 Guo Xia  國夏 Guwen Xiaojing Kong shi zhuan  古文孝經孔氏傳 Gu Yan  孤偃 Guo yu  國語 Guyutu  穀於菟 Guzhu  孤竹 Gyeongheung  璟興 Han Fei  韓非 Hangren  行人 Han Shi shuo  韓詩說 Han Shi waizhuan  韓詩外傳 Han shu  漢書 Han Yu  韓愈 Heji  何忌 Heng  恒 He Pingshu  何平叔 He Xiu  何休 He Yan  何晏 Hong Jik-pil  洪直弼 Hong Xingzu  洪興祖 Hong Yao  閎夭 Hou Han shu  後漢書 Hou Han wang zheng bei  後漢王政碑 hu  斛 Hu  胡 Huainan honglie jie  淮南鴻烈解 Huainanzi  淮南子 Huan  桓 Huan Tui  桓魋

262   |  Chinese Glossary

Huang  黃 Huang Dongfa  黃東發 Huang Kan  皇侃 Huang Zhen  黃震 Huang shi re chao  黃氏日鈔 Huanzi  桓子 Huayan jing shu  華嚴經疏 Huayan yin yi  華嚴音義 Hu Guang  胡廣 hui  褘 Hui  惠 Hui bo  惠伯 Hu Guang  胡廣 Huilin  惠琳 Huilin  慧琳 Huiyuan  慧遠 Huiyuan  慧苑 Hun yi  昏義 Huxiang  互鄕 Hu Yin  胡寅 Hu Yunfeng  胡雲峰 Hu Zhitang  胡致堂 Hwaseong  華城 Hyejang  惠藏 Jeongjo  正祖 Jiao Hong  焦竑 Ji Biao  季彪 Ji jiu zhang  急就章 Ji Kang  季姜 Ji Kangzi  季康子 Ji Lu  季路 Ji rang  擊壤 Ji tong  祭統 Ji Wenzi  季文子 Ji yi  祭義 Ji You  季友 Ji yun  集韻 Ji  紀 Jia Biao  賈彪 Jia Jian  賈堅 Jia Kui  賈逵 Jia li  家禮 Jian  簡 Jian  籛 Jiangdong  江東

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263  

Jiangren  漿人 Jiang Zhongzi  將仲子 Jiao  郊 Jiao tesheng  郊特牲 Jiao Xun  焦循 Jiao shi bi sheng  焦氏筆乘 Jiaoshi zhi  郊祀志 Jia Yi  賈誼 Jie  介 Jieyu  接輿 Jin  晉 Jin  縉 Jing  京 Jing  景 Jing  荊 Jingdian shi wen  經典釋文 Jing Ke  荊軻 Jing Ke zhuan  荊軻傳 Jingshen xun  精神訓 Jingshu  敬叔 Jingzhong  敬仲 Jin Lüxiang 金履祥 Jin shu  晉書 Jin teng  金縢 Jin yu  晉語 Jisun Hangfu  季孫行父 Jiu ge  九歌 Jiu zheng  酒正 Ju  莒 jue  爵 Jueyou  蹶由 jun  鈞 Juyeok sajeon  周易四箋 Kaiyuan  開元 Kan  坎 Kang  康 Kang shi  姜氏 Kang Youwei  康有爲 Kao xin lu  考信錄 Kao yi  考異 Keng  鏗 Keze  柯澤 Kong Anguo  孔安國 Kong Da  孔達 Kong Ji  孔姞

264   |  Chinese Glossary

Kong Kui  孔悝 Kong Mie  孔蔑 Kong Qiu  孔丘 Kong Wenzi  孔文子 Kong Yingda  孔穎達 Kong Yu  孔圉 Kongzi jia yu  孔子家語 Kongzi shi jia  孔子世家 Ku  嚳 Ku  苦 Kuaikui  蒯聩 Kuai Zhe  蒯輒 Kuli zhuan  酷吏傳 Kun  坤 Kun xue ji wen  困學紀聞 Laiwu  萊蕪 Langya daizui bian  琅琊代醉編 Lao Dan  老聃 Laozi Dao de jing  老子道德經 Laozi  老子 li  里 Li  厲 Li  李 Li  櫟 Li  離 Liang  梁 Liang Jianwendi ji  梁簡文帝紀 Liang Shang  梁商 Li Ao  李翺 Liaoxi  遼西 Li Bai  李白 Li Chong  李充 Lidai mingchen zouyi  歷代名臣奏議 Lie Xu  裂繻 Liezi  列子 Li Gui  李軌 Li ji zhushu  禮記註疏 Li Nanli  李南黎 Ling  靈 Lingyin  令尹 Lingzhi  令支 Li qi  禮器 Li Shan  李善 Liu Anshi  劉安世 Liu Ban zhuan  劉般傳

Chinese Glossary 

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265  

Liu Fenglu  劉逢祿 Liu Hedong ji  柳河東集 Liu Jun  劉峻 Liu Mianzhi  劉勉之 Liu Xiang  劉向 Liu Xiaobiao  劉孝標 Liu Xin  劉歆 Liu Xuan  劉炫 Liu Yan  劉剡 Liu Zhuo zhuan  劉焯傳 Liu Zhuo  劉焯 Liu Zihou  柳子厚 Li Xian  李賢 Li Xie zhuan  李燮傳 Li yue zhi  禮樂志 Li yun  禮運 Li zheng  立政 Li Zhi  李贄 Li Zhuowu  李卓吾 luan  鸞 Luan Zhao  欒肇 Lu Chun  陸淳 Lu Deming  陸德明 Lu Jiashu  陸稼書 Lu Jiuyuan  陸九淵 Lun heng  論衡 Lun yu bijie  論語筆解 Lun yu bo  論語駁 Lun yu jijie yishu  論語集解義疏 Lun yu jijie  論語集解 Lun yu jingyi  論語精義 Lun yu jiqiu pian  論語稽求篇 Lun yu jizhu kaozheng  論語集註考證 Lun yu jizhu  論語集注 Lun yu jizhu daquan  論語集注大全 Lun yu kao yi  論語考異 Lun yu shi wen  論語釋文 Lun yu yishu  論語義疏 Lun yu Zheng shi zhu  論語鄭氏注 Lun yu zhengyi  論語正義 Lun yu zhuan  論語傳 Lu Sidao  盧思道 Lu song  魯訟 Lu Xiangshan  陸象山 Lu yi  鹿邑

266   |  Chinese Glossary

Lu yu  魯語 Lü li zhi 律歷志 Lügou 僂句 Lüqiu Ying 閭丘嬰 Lüsheng 呂甥 Lü shi Chunqiu 呂氏春秋 Maesan seonsaeng munjip  梅山先生文集 Man  滿 Man lu  漫錄 Ma Rong  馬融 Mao Chang  毛萇 Mao Heng  毛亨 Mao Qiling  毛奇齡 Mao Shi zhushu  毛詩註疏 Mao Shuzhai  毛述齋 Meibang  妹邦 Meng  蒙 Meng lie  夢列 Meng Ruzi  孟孺子 Mengsun  孟孫 Meng Wubo  孟武伯 Meng Xizi  孟僖子 Meng Yizi  孟懿子 Meng Zhi Ce  孟之側 Meng Zhi Fan  孟之反 Mengzi Fan  孟子反 Mengzi jizhu  孟子集注 Mengzi zhushu  孟子註疏 mian  冕 Miao Bo  繆播 Mi Heng  禰衡 Mingtang wei  明堂位 Mi shi  芈氏 Min Zi Qian  閔子騫 Mo Di  墨翟 Mo li  貉隸 Mongmin simseo  牧民心書 Mozi  墨子 Mu Kang  穆姜 Mu  穆 Muren  牧人 Murong Hui zhuan  慕容廆傳 Lu yi  鹿邑 Nan  赧 Nangong Changwan  南宮長萬

Chinese Glossary 

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267  

Nangong Kuo  南宮適 Nangong Mao  南宮毛 Nangong Tao  南宮縚 Nangong Yue  南宮閱 Nanguo Huizi  南郭惠子 Nanguo  南郭 Nan Kuai  南蒯 Nan Qi shi  南齊書 Nan Rong  南容 Nan shi  南史 Nan Yi  南遺 Nan Zi  南子 Nei ze  內則 Ning Shu  寗速 Ning Wuzi  寗武子 Ning Yu  寗兪 Ning Zhi  寗殖 Ning Zhuangzi  寗莊子 Noneo gogeum ju  論語古今註 Ogyu Nabematsu  荻生雙松 Pangeng  盤庚 Pengcheng  彭城 Peng Zu  彭祖 Pin li  聘禮 Ping  平 Pingyuan  平原 Pu  蒲 Qi  乞 Qi  戚 Qi  杞 Qi  齊 Qian  乾 Qianbai nian yan  千百年眼 Qian fu lun  潛夫論 Qian Han shu  前漢書 Qiao Xuan  橋玄 Qidiao Kai  漆雕開 Qidiao Ping  漆雕平 qi cui  齊衰 Qin  秦 Qin Daobin  秦道賓 Qing Feng  慶封 Qin Tashi  秦他石 Qi shi er dizi jie  七十二弟子解 Qi shuo  齊說

268   |  Chinese Glossary

Qiu  求 Qiu  丘 Qiu guan  秋官 Qi yu  齊語 qu  區 Quanqiu  泉丘 Qu Bo Yu  蘧伯玉 Qu li  曲禮 Quren  曲仁 Qu Yuan  屈原 Ran  冉 Ran Geng  冉耕 Rang wang  讓王 Ran Yong  冉雍 Ran You  冉有 Rao Lu  饒魯 Renshan  仁山 Ren shu  任數 Rong  戎 Ru fu  儒服 Rulin zhuan  儒林傳 Sado  思悼 San guo zhi Wei zhi  三國志魏志 Sang daji  喪大記 Sangrye sajeon  喪禮四箋 Sangzhong  桑中 Sejo  世祖 Sejong  世宗 Shan  單 Shang  商 Shang fu  喪服 Shangjun  商均 Shang Kao xin lu  商考信錄 Shang Shu zhushu  尙書註疏 Shao  勺 Shao  韶 Shao yi  少儀 Shen Buhai  申不害 Shen Cheng  申棖 Sheng  勝 sheng  升 Shengqiu  乘丘 Shen shi  沈氏 Shen Tang  申棠 Shen Xianyu  申鮮虞

Chinese Glossary 

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269  

Shen Xu  申續 Shen Zhuliang  沈諸梁 shi  士 Shi  師 Shi ben  世本 Shi Daizhong  石駘仲 Shi er bian  示兒編 Shi er zhuhou nianbiao  十二諸侯年表 Shi fa  諡法 Shi gong  釋宮 Shi guan li  士冠禮 Shi hua zhi  食貨志 Shi huo zhi  食貨志 Shi ji  史記 Shi ji jijie  史記集解 Shi ji suo yin  史記索隱 Shi ji zhengyi  史記正義 Shi lin  石林 Shi Mangu  石曼姑 Shi ming  釋名 Shi pu  詩譜 Shi Rong  士榮 Shi Runzhang  施潤章 Shi sang li  士喪禮 Shi shi  師氏 Shi shuo xin yu  世說新語 Shi wen  釋文 Shi xun  釋訓 Shi Yushan  施愚山 shu  籔 Shujing jizhuan  書經集傳 Shu Mu  叔武 Shun  舜 Shuo gua zhuan  說卦傳 Shuo wen chang jian  說文長箋 Shuo wen jie zi zhuanyun pu  說文解字篆韻譜 Shuo wen jie zi  說文解字 Shuo yuan  說苑 Shu Qi  叔齊 Shusun  叔孫 Shu zhi  蜀志 Si bai  司敗 Si fu  司服 Si gong shi  司弓矢 Si kou  司寇

270   |  Chinese Glossary

Sima Lang zhuan  司馬朗傳 Sima Niu  司馬牛 Sima Qian  司馬遷 Sima Zhen  司馬貞 Siqi  駟乞 Si shu bei kao  四書備考 Si shu gai cuo  四書改錯 Si shu jizhu bu  四書集註補 Si shu mengyin  四書蒙引 Si shu shengyan  四書賸言 Si shu shengyan bu  四書賸言補 Si shu tongyi  四書通義 Si xuan fu  思玄賦 Song  宋 Song  訟 Su Chuo  蘇綽 Sui  遂 Sui  隨 Sui shu  隋書 Sun  損 Sun Chuo  孫綽 Sunjo  純祖 Sunshu Ao  孫叔敖 Sun Xing  孫性 Sun Yi  孫奕 Su Qin  蘇秦 Su Shi  蘇軾 Su Zixi  蘇紫溪 Tai  泰 Taejong  太宗 Tai Bo  泰伯 Tai Dian  太顚 Taigong  太公 Taiping yu lan  太平御覽 Tai shi  太史 Tai zai  太宰 Taizong  太宗 Tang  唐 Tang  湯 Tang Jiang  棠姜 Tang liudian  唐六典 Tangong  檀弓 Tang shu  唐書 Taoren zhi  陶人職 Taozheng  陶正

Chinese Glossary 

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271  

Tesheng li  特牲禮 Tian Fen  田蚡 Tian Jingzhong shi jia  田敬仲世家 Tian Wuyu  田無宇 Tiaolang shi  條狼氏 ti-yong  體用 Tong gong  彤弓 Tongsu wen  通俗文 Tong ya  通雅 Tong yi  通義 Tuo  鮀 Waiqi zhuan  外戚傳 Wan  完 Wan  萬 Wang Bi  王弼 Wang Caodang  王草堂 Wang Chong  王充 Wang Fu  王符 Wang Fuli  王復禮 Wang Linzhou  王麟洲 Wang Mang  王莽 Wang Mao  王楙 Wang pei jie  王佩解 Wang Shu  王肅 Wangsun Jia  王孫賈 Wang Wujiu  王无咎 Wang Yangming  王陽明 Wang Yinglin  王應麟 Wang zhi  王制 Wan Mo  蠻貊 Wanpu  宛濮 Wanzhang  萬章 Wei  衛 Wei  魏 Wei Ao  蒍敖 Wei feng  衛風 Wei Guan  衛瓘 Wei Jiang  魏絳 Wei jiangjun  衛將軍 Weisheng  尾生 Weisheng Gao  微生高 Weisheng Mu  微生畝 Wei Zhao  韋昭 Wei zhi  魏志 Wen  文

272   |  Chinese Glossary

Wen  汶 Wen  溫 Wendeng  文登 Wengong  文公 Wen Kang  文姜 Wen Kong  問孔 Wenwang shizi  文王世子 Wen xuan zhu  文選注 Wenyan  文言 Wenyong  文翁 wu  畝 Wu  吳 Wu  武 Wu  虞 Wucheng  武城 Wu Cheng  吳程 Wudi benji  武帝本紀 Wu Han zhuan  吳漢傳 Wuhuo  烏獲 Wu Ji  吳姬 Wulu  五鹿 Wuren  務人 Wu You zhuan  吳祐傳 Wuyu  無宇 Wuyu  舞雩 Wu Yu  吳棫 Wu yu  吳語 Wu Zeng  吳曾 Wu zong shi jia  五宗世家 Xi  僖 Xi  姬 Xi  羲 Xia  夏 Xia guan  夏官 Xian  弦 Xiang  向 Xiang  相 Xiang  襄 Xiang  象 Xiang Bifu  縣賁父 Xiang dang  鄕黨 Xiangfu  祥符 Xiang she  鄕射 Xiang Shu  向戍 Xiang Tui  向魋

Chinese Glossary 

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273  

Xiang yin jiu yi  鄕飮酒義 Xiangshan ji  象山集 Xian wen  憲問 Xiao Er ya  小爾雅 Xiao Hangren  小行人 Xiao He  蕭何 Xiaojing zhuan  孝經傳 Xiao min  小旻 Xiaoshan  蕭山 Xiao Ya  小雅 Xiao zai  小宰 Xia shu  夏書 Xi ci  繫辭 Xie Liangzuo  謝良佐 Xie Shangcai  謝上蔡 Xijing fu  西京賦 xing  鉶 Xing Bing  邢昺 Xingfa zhi  刑法志 Xin Tang shu  新唐書 Xiong Tong  熊通 Xiu wen  修文 Xu  許 Xuan  宣 Xu Dongyang  許東陽 Xue Daoheng zhuan  薜道衡傳 Xue ji  學記 Xue xing  學行 Xue Zong  薛綜 Xu Fenpeng  徐奮鵬 Xu guan  序官 Xun  巽 Xunli zhuan  循吏傳 Xun Shuang  荀爽 Xunzi  荀子 Xunzi  荀子 Xu xiu Siku quanshu  續修四庫全書 Xu Xuan  徐鉉 Xuwu  須無 Yagu  阿谷 Yan  偃 Yan  晏 Yan ce  燕策 Yang Guishan  楊龜山

274   |  Chinese Glossary

Yang Hu  陽虎 Yang Jianyu  楊見宇 Yang Jing  楊倞 Yang Shen  楊愼 Yang Sheng’an  楊升菴 Yang Shi  楊時 Yan Hui  顔回 Yan Lu  顔路 Yan Pingzhong  晏平仲 Yan shi Chunqiu  嚴氏春秋 Yan Shigu  顔師古 Yan tie lun  鹽鐵論 Yan Yan  言偃 Yan Ying  晏嬰 Yan Yuan  顔淵 Yan Zhuozou  顔濁鄒 Yanzi bei wen  顔子碑文 Yanzi  晏子 Yao  堯 Yao dian  堯典 Yao Lifang  姚立方 Ye jeon  禮箋 Yeke congshu  野客叢書 Yeongjo  英祖 Yeoyudang jeonseo  與猶堂全書 Yi  夷 Yi  遺 Yichuan  伊川 Yi li zhushu  儀禮註疏 Yi li  吏隸 Yin  殷 Ying  嬰 Ying  郢 Ying Chuan  穎川 Ying Shao  應劭 Yingbo  瀛波 Yingchuan  穎川 Yin Tun  尹焞 Yi San  李祘 Yi Ui-hyeon  李宜顯 Yiwen lu  異聞錄 Yiwen zhi  藝文志 Yi Yin  伊尹 Yi Zhou shu  逸周書

Chinese Glossary 

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275  

Yong  雍 Yong feng  鄘風 You  幽 You  游 You  由 Youli  羑里 You Shen  有莘 yu  庾 Yu  禹 Yu  虞 Yuanhe  元和 Yuan Huang  袁黃 Yuan Liaofan  袁了凡 Yuan Si  原思 Yuan Xian  原憲 Yuan Xuan  元咺 Yu dai de  虞戴德 Yu ding Kangxi zidian  御定康熙字典 Yu ding Peiwen yunfu  御定佩文韻府 Yue  籥 Yu Efu  虞閼父 Yue ji  樂記 Yu fu zhi  輿服志 Yu gong  禹貢 Yu lei  語類 Yun  鄆 Yun hui  韻會 Yu pi Zizhi tong jian gangmu qian bian  御批資治通鑑綱目前編 Yu shu  虞書 Yu Si  虞思 Yu Taixue zhusheng shu  與太學諸生書 Zai e  在厄 Zai ji  載記 Zai Wo  宰我 Zaifu  宰夫 Za ji  雜記 Zang Hui  臧會 Zang Jia  臧賈 Zang Wenzhong  臧文仲 Zang Wuzhong  臧武仲 Zang Xibo  臧僖伯 Zang Zhaobo  臧昭伯 Zangsun Chen  臧孫辰 Zeng Shen  曾參 Zeng Xi  曾西

276   |  Chinese Glossary

Zeng Zhe  曾晢 Zengzi  曾子 Zengzi li shi  曾子立事 Zengzi wen  曾子問 zhan cui  斬衰 Zhan lu  湛露 zhang  璋 Zhangdi  章帝 Zhang Er zhuan  張耳傳 Zhang Heng  張衡 Zhang Nanxuan  張南軒 Zhang Sui  張燧 Zhanguo ce  戰國策 Zhang Yi  張儀 Zhang Yue  張說 Zhao  趙 Zhao Kuang  趙匡 Zhaoling  召陵 Zhao Qi  趙岐 Zhao She zhuan  趙奢傳 Zhao Xibian  趙希弁 Zhao Yang  趙鞅 Zhe  輒 Zheng  鄭 Zheng feng  鄭風 Zheng Jun zhuan  鄭均傳 Zhengli  政理 Zheng Xuan  鄭玄 Zheng Xuan bie zhuan  鄭玄別傳 Zheng Weiyue  鄭維岳 Zhi Bai  智伯 Zhi pei  執轡 Zhi si  致思 Zhi xin re lu  知新日錄 Zhongdu  中都 Zhong Gong  仲弓 Zhong Heqing  仲和卿 Zhong Ni  仲尼 Zhong Ni yan ju  仲尼燕居 Zhongshanfu  仲山甫 Zhongshu liang  中書郞 Zhongsun Jue  仲孫貜 Zhong yong huo wen  中庸或問 Zhong yong zhang ju  中庸章句 Zhong You  仲由

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277  

Zhong zai  冢宰 Zhou  周 Zhou  紂 Zhou ben ji  周本紀 Zhou Bogeng  周伯耕 Zhou Chuan  周歂 Zhou li zhushu  周禮註疏 Zhou Maoshu  周茂叔 Zhou Shenglie  周生烈 Zhou shu  周書 Zhou Wudi ji  周武帝紀 Zhou Yi zhushu  周易註疏 Zhou yu  周語 Zhu  杼 zhu  祖 Zhu  諸 Zhu  邾 Zhuang  莊 Zhuang  藏 Zhuangzi zhu  莊子注 Zhuge Ke  諸葛恪 Zhuge Liang  諸葛亮 Zhuliang  諸梁 Zhuowu  卓吾 Zhutuo  祝鮀 Zhu Xi  朱熹 Zhu Xiaosun  褚少孫 Zhu Yun zhuan  朱雲傳 Zhuzi yu lei  朱子語類 Zhuzuo  著作 Zi Bai  智伯 Zi Chan  子産 Zi Chang  子常 Zichuan  淄川 Zi Fan  子犯 Zi Gao  子羔 Zi Gao  子高 Zi Gong  子貢 Zi han  子罕 Zi Hua  子華 Zi Jian  子賤 Zi Kai  子開 Zi Lu chu jian  子路初見 Zi Lu  子路 Zi Niu  子牛

278   |  Chinese Glossary

Zi Qi  子期 Zi Rong  子容 Zi Ruo  子若 Zi Si  子思 Zi Wen  子元 Zi Wen  子文 Zi Xi  子西 Zi Xia  子夏 Zi Xia  子瑕 Zi You  子游 Zi Yu  子玉 Zi Yu  子羽 Zi Yu  子魚 Zi Yuan  子元 Zi Qin Zhang  子琴張 Zi Sang Bozi  子桑伯子 Zi Sang Hu  子桑戶 Zizhi tong jian  資治通鑑 zong  宗 Zou Manfu  郰曼父 zu  俎 Zuo Quiming  左丘明 Zuoqiu Ming  左丘明 Zuo shi Chunqiu  左氏春秋

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279  

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INDEX

Bao Xian 9, 33, 42–​44, 47–​48, 55, 57, 68, 71, 74, 84, 120–​121, 124, 129, 130, 131–​132, 140, 146, 153, 159, 167, 169–​171, 193–​195, 233, 240, 251 benevolence 61 Buddhism 37, 142, 149–​150, 230 Catholic doctrines 31 Cheng Yi 38, 211, 213–​214, 226 Christianity 24 correlation of minds 34–​38, 60, 76, 167–​169, 191 Daoism 107, 180, 230 Dao-​mind 1, 11, 23–​25, 38, 40–​41, 127–​128 Dazai Jun 17, 28, 41, 49, 57, 70, 78, 84, 90, 98, 109, 126–​127, 132, 134, 140–​ 141, 148–​149, 152, 174, 186, 196, 198, 205, 221, 243, 246, 248, 252, 254 Duke of Zhou 19, 40, 171–​172, 190, 200, 238, 252 factional strife 219 filial piety 12, 16, 30, 43–​44, 61 five phases 133–​134, 250 forged book 52, 117, 135, 170, 187 former kings 159, 161, 171, 177–​178, 190, 193, 198, 212–​213, 225, 227, 235

Goengbo 37, 71, 129, 168, 204 great body 24–​25, 40, 177 Han Confucians 7–​8, 53, 135, 146, 158, 160, 162–​163 Han Yu 27–​28, 48–​49, 62, 72–​73, 77–​78, 165, 178, 181–​182, 202–​203, 211, 213–​214 He Yan 13, 22, 33, 48–​49, 66, 77, 126, 134–​135, 137, 139, 190, 201, 207, 222, 236, 247–​248 Heaven 6, 18, 22–​25, 63, 77–​78, 80, 105, 126, 133–​134, 138, 149, 178–​182, 186, 188, 191, 209, 217, 222, 233–​234, 240, 246 mandate of 39, 41, 77, 120–​121, 146, 149, 164, 181–​182, 222, 228 Son of 31, 85–​86, 89–​90, 124, 184, 212–​213, 236 principle of 78, 121, 220, 250 the Way of 63, 77–​78, 226, 228 Huang Kan 17, 38, 48–​49, 52–​53, 55, 57, 62, 69, 71, 83–​84, 89–​90, 120, 130, 152, 175, 196, 200, 207, 211, 220, 231, 236, 238–​239, 243, 251 human desires 39, 41, 120–​121 human inborn nature 22–​25, 78, 158, 222, 226

human moral order 9, 16, 18, 20, 35, 60, 76–​77, 93, 179, 198, 215, 226, 244, 251 human nature of original thus-​ness 23–​24, 250 humanity 5–​13, 15–​22, 40, 44, 60–​61, 65, 75–​77, 81–​82, 93–​94, 105, 112, 138–​139, 151, 166–​170, 174–​177, 186–​187, 190–​191, 201, 214–​215, 217–​218, 228, 230, 243–​244, 248–​250 human-​mind 25, 38, 40–​41, 127–​128 inborn knowledge 246 Jeongjo 25, 31, 109, 214, 219 Jin Lüxiang 92–​93, 106–​107, 130, 132, 136, 157, 233 Kong Anguo 10–​11, 17, 19, 21, 30–​32, 38, 46–​47, 51, 53, 55, 59, 61–​62, 65, 68, 71, 74, 76, 77, 79, 81, 92, 101, 110–​111, 113–​116, 120, 123, 132–​133, 136, 143, 148, 152–​153, 155–​158, 167, 169, 175, 180, 188, 198, 200, 208–​209, 221, 225, 228–​229, 231, 238–​240, 244–​245, 252–​253 Kong Yingda 86, 89, 106, 208 Laozi 169–​170, 194–​195, 239–​240, 243 learning of the Way 25, 232 legitimist 170, 214, 240 Lu Deming 27, 49, 66, 229, 236–​237, 251 Ma Rong 59, 63, 68, 76, 100, 128–​129, 145, 152, 164, 172, 176, 199, 249 Mao Chang 13 Mao Heng 208 Mao Qiling 19, 21, 27, 32, 53, 55, 61, 64, 69–​70, 88, 90, 122, 131, 136–​139, 144–​149, 157, 173, 182, 196,

288   | Index

202, 205, 213, 217, 222, 225–​226, 239, 249 Master Cheng 106, 114, 171–​172 Master Zhu 9, 11–​13, 16–​18, 22, 26, 30, 34, 36–​39, 41, 43, 46, 49, 53, 55, 57–​58, 60, 71, 76, 85, 92–​93, 102–​103, 110, 114–​116, 123, 126, 129–​130, 138, 140, 142, 145–​147, 152, 155–​157, 159, 165, 168, 171, 173, 176, 179, 186–​187, 190–​191, 193–​194, 197, 201, 207–​208, 210, 216, 218, 223, 225–​226, 229, 233, 237–​242, 244–​247, 252 the mean 47, 190 Mei Ze 137 mind-​heart 7, 10–​11, 23–​24, 40–​41, 60, 138–​139, 141, 148, 150, 167, 179, 181, 190, 197–​198, 200–​201, 234–​235, 249–​250, 254 mourning ritual 183, 193, 221 natural substance 121, 159–​163, 235 neo-​Confucianism 10, 22, 58, 78, 121, 141, 230, 233, 250 refined expressions 159–​163, 235 noble person 6, 12–​13, 15, 25–​27, 29–​31, 38–​39, 47, 49, 55–​58, 72–​74, 94, 97, 105–​108, 114–​116, 121, 126, 128–​129, 135, 138, 143, 151–​152, 154, 159, 164, 175–​178, 187, 196, 206, 221, 225–​226, 236–​238, 240, 244, 247–​248, 254–​255 Ogyu 27–​29, 90, 140, 201, 235, 239 Patriarchs 58, 99 petty person 9, 29–​30, 38–​39, 105, 152, 164, 254 Practical Learning 249 principle 9, 13, 17, 20, 22, 52, 54–​55, 60, 63–​65, 76, 91, 95, 98, 116–​117, 125–​126, 129, 130–​131, 140, 143–​144,

157, 160, 168–​169, 171, 182, 183, 195, 206, 209, 216, 218, 224–​225, 231, 250–​251 constant 82, 190 of government 181 of Heaven 78, 121, 220 heavenly 38, 41 moral 13–​14, 95, 130, 150, 159, 216, 230 practical 132, 249–​251 universal 78 utmost 201 respect for elders 12, 16, 30, 61, 235 rightness 6–​7, 20, 25–​26, 38–​41, 44, 48, 91, 93, 153, 166, 167, 179, 183, 187, 193, 204, 216–​217, 230 ritual propriety 6, 19–​20, 32–​34, 48, 84–​85, 89, 90, 93, 103, 143, 145–​146, 177–​178, 180, 183, 185–​187, 189, 207, 228–​230, 233, 244–​246, 251, 253 sageness 60, 248–​250 scholars-​in-​the-​court 25, 46, 62, 83, 154 scholars-​in-​the-​forest 15, 25 self-​cultivation 15, 18–​19, 201, 230 Sima Qian 117, 187, 189, 218 small body 24–​25, 40, 177 Southerners 59, 220 spiritual body 23 substance of the Way 17–​18, 22–​23 ti-​yong 37 trustworthiness 12, 20, 59, 94, 114, 121, 159, 163, 235 Wang Chong 13–​15, 135–​138, 147, 181

Wang Shu 9, 51, 71, 124, 165, 167, 211, 231 Wang Yinglin 8, 69, 74, 95, 114, 154, 182, 194–​195, 197, 227, 231, 238, 253 the Way wholeheartedness 6, 12, 34–​38, 94, 101, 121, 159–​160, 163, 207, 235 wisdom 5, 81, 100–​104, 107–​108, 166–​167, 169–​170, 230, 248 Xing Bing 5, 9, 10–​11, 13, 16, 22, 24, 26, 29–​30, 33, 35, 36, 41, 45–​46, 51–​54, 57, 60, 64–​66, 68–​69, 71–​72, 74, 79, 81, 83–​85, 90, 92–​93, 97, 100, 101–​102, 111, 113, 115–​116, 120, 122, 124, 126–​129, 132, 143, 145–​146, 148–​149, 153, 157, 164–​166, 169–​170, 172–​173, 177–​178, 180, 193, 195–​196, 201–​202, 208–​209, 211–​212, 222, 225, 227, 229, 231–​233, 235, 238, 241–​245, 247–​248, 252–​253 Yangming 25, 100, 163 yin-​yang 75 Zheng Xuan 5, 8, 32, 49, 59, 61–​62, 64, 68–​70, 73–​74, 84, 87–​88, 90, 96–​97, 99, 124, 128–​130, 132, 134, 145, 151, 159, 169, 178, 184, 193, 196, 199, 201, 206, 209, 215, 221, 225, 227, 229, 241–​242, 244–​245, 251, 254 Zhuangzi 20, 76, 102–​103, 106, 114, 123–​124, 148–​149, 170, 193, 205, 240, 253 Zuoqiu Ming 115–​119

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