Old Master, The A Syncretic Reading of the Laozi from the Mawangdui Text A Onward 9781438440118, 1438440111, 9781438440132, 1438440138, 9781461904021, 1461904021

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Kim offers several original and thought-provoking arguments on the Laozi, including that the work was compiled during the Qin, which has traditionally been viewed as typical of Legalist states, and that the Laozi should be recognized as a syncretic text before being labeled a Daoist one. Hongkyung Kim is Associate Professor of East Asian Thought and Religions at Stony Brook University, State University of New York. A volume in the SUNY series in Chinese Philosophy and Culture Roger T. Ames, editor

State University of New York Press www.sunypress.edu

The Old Master

This unique, highly contextualized translation of the Laozi is based on the earliest known edition of the work, Text A of the Mawangdui Laozi, written before 202 BCE. No other editions are comparable to this text in its antiquity. Hongkyung Kim also incorporates the recent archaeological discovery of Laozirelated documents disentombed in 1993 in Guodian, seeing these documents as proto-materials for compilation of the Laozi and revealing clues for disentangling the work from complicated exegetical contentions. Kim makes extensive use of Chinese commentaries on the Laozi and also examines the classic Chinese texts closely associated with the formation of the work to illuminate the intellectual and historical context of Laozi’s philosophy.

Kim

EASTERN THOUGHT / RELIGIOUS STUDIES

The Old Master A Syncretic Reading of the Laozi from the Mawangdui Text A Onward

Hongkyung Kim

THE OLD MASTER

SUNY series in Chinese Philosophy and Culture —————— Roger T. Ames, editor

THE OLD MASTER A Syncretic Reading of the Laozi from the Mawangdui Text A Onward

HONGKYUNG KIM

Published by State University of New York Press, Albany © 2012 State University of New York All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written permission. No part of this book may be stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means including electronic, electrostatic, magnetic tape, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise without the prior permission in writing of the publisher. For information, contact State University of New York Press, Albany, NY www.sunypress.edu Production by Eileen Meehan Marketing by Michael Campochiaro Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Kim, Hongkyung. The old master : a syncretic reading of the Laozi from the Mawangdui text A onward / Hongkyung Kim. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 978-1-4384-4011-8 (hardcover : alk. paper) 1. Laozi. Dao de jing. I. Laozi. Dao de jing. English. II. Title. III. Title: Syncretic reading of the Laozi from the Mawangdui text A onward. BL1900.L35K5 2012 299.5'1482—dc23

2011021203 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

CONTENTS

Acknowledgments / vii Introduction / 1 Part I: Virtue / 21 Part II: The Way / 157 Chinese Glossary / 267 Notes / 281 Selected Bibliography / 297 Index / 307

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

In the received editions, the Laozi says, “Many words lead to an early misery.” This passage appears differently in this book because the Mawangdui texts, the base texts of my translation, contain a different wording. I would like to cite it here, however, because my foremost acknowledgements go to the invaluable accomplishments of the studies on the traditional Laozi. The classic texts, the ancient commentaries, and the historical researches of the Laozi were my true companions through the long course of this project. I cite the passage also because I respect and follow its teaching at least here in the acknowledgments: I used many words for my interpretation of this poetic classic. Notwithstanding, I need to engrave the names of supporters on this book, without whom this book would not have come out. I have always been grateful for their help: to my editors, Nancy Clough and Rachel Moore Jenkins, for their meticulous proofreading; to my colleagues Sung Bae Park, Sichun Kim, Gregory Ruf, and Chris Filstrup for their reading of and invaluable advice on my manuscript; to the unknown reviewers of my manuscript for their productive comments; to the Center for Korean Studies at SUNY at Stony Brook for both tangible and intangible supports; to Nancy Ellegate and Eileen Meehan from the SUNY Press for their incalculable help; and to my family for being with me all the time.

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INTRODUCTION

Four main characteristics distinguish this book from other translations of Laozi. First, the base of my translation is the oldest existing edition of Laozi. It was excavated in 1973 from a tomb located in Mawangdui, the city of Changsha, Hunan Province of China, and is usually referred to as Text A of the Mawangdui Laozi because it is the older of the two texts of Laozi unearthed from it.1 Two facts prove that the text was written before 202 bce, when the first emperor of the Han dynasty began to rule over the entire China: it does not follow the naming taboo of the Han dynasty;2 its handwriting style is close to the seal script that was prevalent in the Qin dynasty (221–206 bce). Second, I have incorporated the recent archaeological discovery of Laozi-related documents, disentombed in 1993 in Jishan District’s tomb complex in the village of Guodian, near the city of Jingmen, Hubei Province of China. These documents include three bundles of bamboo slips written in the Chu script and contain passages related to the extant Laozi.3 Third, I have made extensive use of old commentaries on Laozi to provide the most comprehensive interpretations possible of each passage. Finally, I have examined myriad Chinese classic texts that are closely associated with the formation of Laozi, such as Zhuangzi, Lüshi Chunqiu (Spring and Autumn Annals of Mr. Lü), Han Feizi, and Huainanzi, to understand the intellectual and historical context of Laozi’s ideas. In addition to these characteristics, this book introduces several new interpretations of Laozi. For example, I assert that Laozi should be recognized as a syncretic text before being labeled as a Daoist one, that it must have been completed sometime between 286 bce and the time when Text A was written, and that Laozi was compiled in the Qin, which many have viewed as typical of Legalist states. Also, I see Laozi as basically a political text, fitting to answer the prevailing question among intellectuals when it was completed, “How does one rule?” Of course, this book could reach out to a broader scope of audience by switching the question to, “How does one live?” Despite the possible self-propagation of the question of this sort, Laozi, in my perspective

1

2 / The Old Master of textual interpretation, will remain as a text practical and thereby conforming to the Chinese “practical reason.”4 These are the results of my research over the past few years, which began with the encouragement of a respected scholar of the Qing philological studies, Dai Zhen (1724–1777), who said, “Neither being dominated by others’ ideas nor by their own ideas is the true attitude of people who want to learn.”5

MAWANGDUI LAOZI Among extant editions of Laozi deemed “ancient” are the Wang Bi (226–249), the Heshanggong (“the old man by the river”), the Yan Zun (ca. 53–24 bce), and the Fu Yi (553–639) editions.6 These texts are all vital to understanding of Laozi and have uniformly been dated before the Tang dynasty (618–907). In this book, I use all of these texts as critical references too. However, none of them is comparable to the texts from Mawangdui (Mawangdui texts hereafter) in their antiquity.7 More important, the Mawangdui texts precede the emergence of the “old texts” from which the intricate philological debates of the Chinese classic texts arise. The “old texts” came on the scene during the Western Han (206 bce–9 ce) after most ancient classics had perished through the Book Burning in the Qin dynasty. Written in a more ancient script than that used in the Western Han, they have been called the “old texts.” According to the two following records in Hanshu (Book of Han), two princes of Emperor Jing (r. 156–141 bce), King Gong of Lu and King Xian of Hejian, collected them: The old text of the Documents was discovered in a wall in Confucius’s old residence. At the end of Emperor Wu’s rule, King Gong of Lu wanted to expand his court by demolishing Confucius’s house, and happened to obtain several dozens of texts, including the old text of the Documents, the Record of Rites, the Analects, and the Classic of Filial Piety. They were all written in ancient scripts. When the king entered the house, he heard the sounds of drums, bells, lutes, zithers, and stone chimes in the air. (30: 1706) King Xian of Hejian whose name was De was anointed as king in the second year of Emperor Jing’s reign. . . . [W]hen he obtained an excellent edition from the people, he certainly copied it well, and gave the copy back to the people, keeping the original. . . . [T]he books he obtained were all written in ancient scripts as old as those preceding the Qin dynasty, such as Zhouguan (Offices of Zhou), the Documents, the Rites, the Record of Rites, Mencius, and Laozi. All of

Introduction / 3 them represent what is recorded in the classics, their commentaries, and what Confucius’s seventy disciples discussed. His study included the six Confucian disciplines, and he established the positions of the Erudite for Mao Shi (Poetry of Mr. Mao) and Zuozhuan (Mr. Zuo’s Commentaries on the Spring and Autumn Annals). (53: 2410) The books listed in these two records pertain to the “old texts” in the philological controversy of the Chinese classic texts. In addition to these books, Feishi Yi (Changes of Mr. Fei), the base text for the extant Changes, also belongs to the “old texts” because its name appears only in “Rulin zhuan” in Hanshu, the record of Confucian tradition written in the Later Han (25–220), not in “Rulin liezhuan” in Shiji (Records of the Historian) composed in the Former Han (206 bce–8 ce). Thus, almost all of the significant Chinese classic texts are classified as the “old texts.” This is because the tradition of the “new texts,” which once dominated the Han academia, was initially suppressed by Wang Mang (45 bce–23 ce), the usurper and the only emperor of the Xin dynasty (9–23 ce), and nearly became extinct after the “old texts” gained official support from the Wei and Jin dynasties (220–420). Even though the “old texts” have prevailed ever since, their origins are questionable, so the disputes over the classics have continued. Interestingly, the earlier quote lists Laozi as one of the “old texts” beside many Confucian classics. Although the very text King Xian of Hejian obtained is not transmitted to us, scholars have sometimes called it the “old” Laozi, to distinguish it from the other received texts. The term “old texts” in this context implies that they were extant prior to the Book Burning, once kept secret in order to elude the first Qin emperor’s order to burn them, and later recovered. However, the two texts of Laozi from Mawangdui were transcribed in the Qin and the early Han respectively, and thus Laozi was neither destroyed in the Book Burning nor later recovered by King Xian. In line with this, Hanshu states that Empress Dowager Dou, mother of Emperor Jing, favored sayings from Huangdi (Yellow Emperor) and Laozi (67: 3945). If a powerful dowager favored it, getting a copy of Laozi in 131 bce when King Xian reportedly obtained it from the people might not have been difficult. Considering that the Mawangdui tomb was built for a son of the marquis Li Cang (d. 186 bce), who ruled the region of Dai, I believe that Texts A and B were two of many copies of Laozi circulated among the Han aristocrats.8 No matter how persuasive my idea is, in contrast to the obscurity of the “old” Laozi, the Mawangdui texts undoubtedly stayed available before the full-scale disputes over the integrity of the Chinese classic texts began. The four transmitted “ancient” editions of Laozi are also subject to many philological controversies. For example, the genuine features of the Wang Bi edition prior to 1170 when Xiong Ke initially printed its extant version, or of the Heshanggong edition before Xiaozong’s reign (1162–1189) of the Song dynasty

4 / The Old Master have remained concealed;9 scholarly conjectures for the possible latest date of the Heshanggong edition vary, spanning the second through sixth centuries;10 the relationship between historic Yan Zun and the Yan Zun edition, Daode zhigui, is still misty; the Fu Yi edition is closer to Text B than to Text A, despite the claim that it was taken in 574 from the tomb of Xiang Yu’s concubine, whose time almost corresponds with the time of Text A.11 Questions of this kind also challenge the transcribed texts of Laozi found in Dunhuang, such as Xiang’er and the Suodan Manuscript. For example, an affinity is clear between Xiang’er and the stele editions of Laozi from Daoist monasteries established during the Tang dynasty, although Rao Zongyi argued that Zhang Lu (?–216) wrote Xiang’er at the end of the Han;12 the alleged date of the Suodan Manuscript, that is, 270 ce, is hardly acceptable because it appeals for its plausibility only with the manuscript’s self-note about the reign year of the state of Wu, which was too far away from the site of the discovery to enable us to imagine its linkage to the manuscript.13 Because the Mawangdui texts are fresh sources in the study of Laozi despite their antiquity, understandably, some have raised questions about their nature, value, and affiliation. First, their preservation was not satisfactory: they have scribal errors as well as missing, overlapping, eroded, and erased characters. Fortunately, however, we have at our disposal two texts, Texts A and B, which mutually supplement one another. If one text is found with scribal errors or missing characters, the other text usually corrects or supplements them. With further reference to the Guodian documents,14 there are fewer than one hundred characters that we cannot redeem. Even these characters have not caused major philological disputes, because the various extant editions mostly provide substituting characters without variation. Similitude between the Mawangdui texts and the extant editions may frustrate some scholars’ ambitious plans to scrutinize them: there is no passage in the Mawangdui texts or the later editions that does not appear in the other. Only a few differences have been reported: different phrases and words are sometimes used, the order of the passages is different in three cases, and in the Mawangdui texts the second part of the later editions precedes the first part. In the study of Laozi, however, mere alteration of a character can compel us to rewrite the introduction of Laozi’s thought. For example, gu 篴 (“ancient”) in all the later editions appears as jin 細 (“present”) in Texts A and B in chapter 14,15 and zuo 褤 (“left”) in all the later editions appears as you 虠 (“right”) in Text A in chapter 79. These simple switches necessitate discussions in this book. Due to this subtlety, when studying Laozi it is imperative not to overlook even a slight discrepancy in the use of words. An understanding of their affiliation may occasion a more serious distrust of the Mawangdui texts: they derived from the Huang-Lao tradition, and thus are not orthodox. Since the coexcavated eight texts interposed between

Introduction / 5 Texts A and B, especially the four texts before Text B, convey the teaching of the Huang-Lao tradition, it is persuasive to align them with this tradition.16 In this context, the Huang-Lao tradition is a mixture of Legalism and Daoism, a political adaptation of the concept of no-action (wuwei 肚蚾).17 In my view, however, this affiliation causes no harm to Laozi’s reputation. In fact, Laozi had haunted the tradition of Huang-Lao before the term Daoism (daojia 纊竖) was coined as a bibliographic label in the Later Han. Laozi, like other Chinese classic texts, demonstrated the political concerns of that time for which Legalists also explored solutions, so it seems natural that Laozi came to have a binding link to Legalism. The political ideas in Laozi can easily veer to a theory of self-cultivation if they bear upon individuals as well as states. Instillation of the metaphysics of the Way into Laozi’s teaching is also available if its discussion of the Way is augmented. Following that, expansion of this metaphysical view into mysticism may occur with highlighting of the mysterious union between human spirituality and the Way.18 Then, the Daoist hygiene practices for longevity or immortality would loom through amalgamation of various concepts, such as vital force (qi 絥), essential vitality (jing 袲), spirit (shen 葃), yin-yang, and five phases, with Laozi’s pursuit of a long, peaceful life. If one integrates the ideas of the early alchemists from the states of Yan and Qi with these practices, Laozi will become an alchemistic text. However, Laozi, as a historical product, is bound to the prevalent orientation among Chinese classic texts toward political discourses. When Sima Tan, Sima Qian’s father, first classified ancient Chinese thoughts into six schools, that is, the Yin-Yang School (yinyang 蜭蓪), Confucianism (ru 蛎), Mohism (mo 肥), the Logicians (ming 聐), the Legalists (fa 腟), and the School of the Way and Virtue (daode 纊繥), he claimed that “all these thoughts concentrated upon how to rule” (Shiji, 130: 3288–3289). In consensus with this claim, Zhang Xuecheng (1738–1801), one of the prominent scholars in Qing philological studies, described ancient Chinese academia as follows: “None of the ancient people wrote books, nor did they discuss principles, disregarding the practical matters.”19 Ancient Chinese thinkers were eminently practical, and they were basically political advisors attempting to influence the ruling powers and help them govern their countries as effectively as possible.20 Du Daojian (1237–1318) stated, “Laozi that the Han people discussed was Laozi of the Han dynasty; Laozi that the Jin people discussed was Laozi of the Jin dynasty; and Laozi that the Tang and Song people discussed was Laozi of the Tang and Song dynasties.”21 This remark reveals that Laozi has been susceptible to such varying interpretations over centuries because it is so spacious and symbolic. The time of its first introduction, however, was not one of metaphysics and mysticism, but rather of political discourses that established the Huang-Lao tradition. If trying to approach the original Laozi to a feasible

6 / The Old Master extent, one will not concede a preference for the Laozi of the Tang and Song at the expense of the Han Laozi. Despite some differences between Texts A and B in their use of characters, wording, and phrasing, they represent the same edition. The correspondence in the order of passages in both texts supports this claim. To be more particular, the order diverges from that of the later editions in three places: chapters 40 and 41 are reversed, chapters 80 and 81 are located after chapter 66, and chapter 24 is placed between chapters 21 and 22. Texts A and B are identical in these changes. This correspondence would not have occurred unless they represented the same edition. The disparity between Texts A and B may merely reflect the evolvement of Chinese characters because when Texts A and B were transcribed, Chinese characters were evolving.22 Accordingly, some linguistic variations between Texts A and B is natural. Indeed, the first ramification in the Laozi’s edition seems to have happened between the times of King Xian and Ban Gu (32–92) at earliest, after the transcription of Texts A and B. Recording that Laozi was recovered and dedicated to the court by King Xian, Ban Gu in Hanshu listed four books regarding Laozi: Laozi Linshi jingzhuan (Mr. Lin’s Commentaries on the Classic of Laozi), Laozi Fushi jingshuo (Mr. Fu’s Discussion of the Classic of Laozi), Laozi Xushi jingshuo (Mr. Xu’s Discussion of the Classic of Laozi), and Liu Xiang shuo Laozi (Liu Xiang’s Exposition of Laozi) (30: 1729). This may attest that when Ban Gu made this record, based on Liu Xiang’s Qilüe (Seven Categories), four understandings of Laozi existed. And these four understandings might have resulted in four editions of Laozi because in the Han classical studies each school tended to form its own text rather than sharing standard editions, as seen in the Han study of the Confucian classics. However, this ramification could have happened only after King Xian’s “recovery” of the book. Besides the linguistic variations, two more differences between Texts A and B have been noted: Text B divides the book into two parts by putting memos at the end of the first and second parts, and Text A does not; Text A has marks for separating chapters, and Text B does not.23 The memos in Text B say, “de 繥 (“virtue”), 3,041” and “dao 纊 (“way”), 2,426,” respectively. However, Text A also divides the text into two parts by changing a line at the end of the first part. Because this practice does not befall to other places of Text A, it is evidently meant to show the demarcation of parts. According to “Laozi Han Fei liezhuan” (“Biographies of Laozi and Han Fei”) in Shiji, Laozi was originally comprised of two parts (63: 2141), and Jiang Xichang argued that ancient books were generally compiled in two parts.24 Mawangdui texts have three types of marks: black dots, double lines as dittos, and clamp-shaped marks as commas. The double lines and clamp-shaped marks are extensively used in Texts A and B, and their functions should cause no suspicion. Black dots appear in the first part of Text A and nowhere else.

Introduction / 7 The argument that Text A is chaptered is contingent on the presence of these dots, which are put at the ends of passages in most cases. These dots, however, can hardly prop the argument. Above all, only the first part of Text A uses them and only in eighteen places. In addition, these dots sometimes appear twice in a single passage equivalent to a chapter in the extant editions, as in those passages equivalent to chapters 51 and 75, and they are sometimes placed in the middle of a passage, as in those equivalent to chapters 52, 72, and 81. If the marks divide chapters, these instances would not have occurred. In my view, the scribe of Text A used them when he wanted to note that the following sentences or phrases had distinctive origins. Supporting this point, the passage in the Guodian documents related to chapter 52 contains only a part of it, which corresponds to the part following the black dot in Text A. Also, before the excavation of the Mawangdui texts Gao Heng had pointed out inconsistency in chapter 81 between the two parts separated by the black dot in Text A.25 In this understanding, Text B presumably did not use the black dots because the Laozi passages had been finalized prior to its transcription. As a matter of fact, chaptering Laozi is quite expedient. How the division of the book into eighty-one chapters, a division adopted by most of the later editions, originated is not clear. Wang Yinglin held that it was initiated by Heshanggong,26 whereas Xue Hui (1489–1539) speculated that Liu Xiang (77–6 bce) and Liu Xin (50 bce–23 ce) began the practice when they were in charge of extensive editing of the ancient Chinese classic texts.27 Wang’s opinion is somewhat assertive because the presumption of Heshanggong’s historical existence is vulnerable to modern skepticism. The latter suggestion is also the subject of critical investigations because Xue Hui further explained that the two Lius rearranged the original 143 chapters into 81 chapters, drastically reducing the volume of the book: this is disproved by the fact that the structure of the Mawangdui texts is consistent to that of the later editions. Shao Ruoyu (fl. 1135) from the Song dynasty argued that this practice might be associated with certain concepts in the Changes. According to him, in the tradition of perceiving the Changes as a complex of numerological symbols, that is, xiang shu Yi 芻莡蔩 (the Changes in view of image and number) tradition, the number nine conceived perfectness, so that people created eighty-one chapter divisions (nine times nine) in the hope of securing a more auspicious meaning for Laozi.28 On the other hand, Wu Cheng (1255–1330) stated that the Zhang Junxiang edition comprised seventy-two chapters,29 and the preface to the Yan Zun edition reveals that it also had seventy-two chapters before the loss of the first half. This preface gives the reason for the seventy-two chapters as follows: “The Way of yin is number eight, while the Way of yang is number nine. Since nature enables yang to move with reference to yin, therefore there are seventy-two heads (chapters).”30 Wu Cheng, seeing that this kind of explanation was irrational, claimed that the chapters should

8 / The Old Master be separated based on context and finally rearranged the text into sixty-eight chapters. Lu Deming (ca. 550–630) also noted, “The main text of the Virtue part consists of forty-four chapters, but some editions contain only forty-three chapters.”31 Thus, in his time there was an edition with eighty chapters. Although it is extinct, the Emperor Taizu (r. 1368–1398) edition of the Ming dynasty is known to have sixty-seven chapters.32 More recently, Ma Xulun expanded the number of the chapters into one hundred and fourteen,33 and Yan Lingfeng condensed it to fifty-four.34 Even though chaptering passages of Laozi might spontaneously have occurred in reflection of their distinctive provenances, the Mawangdui texts features no numbers or marks for chaptering.35

LAOZI-RELATED GUODIAN DOCUMENTS Guodian was a thriving center of the state of Chu in the Warring States period, only nine kilometers north of its capital Ying, and accordingly many tombs of the important personages of the state were constructed there. In October 1993, the provincial government authority launched an excavation in reaction to repeated tomb robberies, which resulted in an unexpected discovery of a large number of bamboo slips, more than seven hundred of which were covered with writing. After the excavation, these slips were divided into six groups, chiefly depending on their length. Three of them contained writings related to Laozi and have been labeled A, B, and C. Specifically, on thirty-nine slips in group A, which are each 32.3 cm long, passages related to nineteen chapters of Laozi were found; on eighteen slips in group B, which are each 30.6 cm long, passages related to eight chapters were found; and on fourteen slips in group C, which are each 26.5 cm long, passages related to five chapters were found. Because two of the passages relate to chapter 64, in sum, the passages found in Guodian relate to thirty-one chapters of the extant Laozi. It is noteworthy, for my argument, that fifteen of these thirty-one chapters were partially transcribed, and the three groups of bamboo slips contained not only writings related to Laozi but also other writings such as “Wuxing” (“Five Conducts”) and “Ziyi” (“Black-Dyed Robes”) in group A, “Lu Mugong wen Zisi” (“Duke Mu of the State of Lu’s Questions to Zisi”) in group B, and “Taiyi sheng shui” (“Great One Bears Water”) in group C.36 These groups of bamboo slips differ from each other in many aspects. First, they differ in length37 due to the conventional practice of using longer slips to transcribe more significant writing.38 This means that the compiler(s) of the Guodian documents regarded “Wuxing” and “Ziyi,” written on the longest slips, as more significant than “Lu Mugong wen Zisi” or “Taiyi sheng shui.” In fact, only “Wuxing” and “Ziyi,” two out of sixteen writings found in Guodian, had been known before the excavation: “Wuxing” is part of the writing with the same title excavated in Mawangdui, and “Ziyi” is a chapter of the Record of

Introduction / 9 Rites. Also, they differ in their shapes because the slips in group A have beveled ends, whereas those in groups B and C have straight ends. In addition, they differ slightly in handwriting style, and the spaces between characters are also inconsistent. More important, the distances between holes used for binding the bamboo slips together also differ: the distance in groups A and B is 13 mm, while that in group C is 10.8 mm. These differences imply that they do not comprise a single coherent book because a book in ancient times indicates a group of bamboo or wooden slips that are massed together. As certain writings from these three mutually different groups of bamboo slips are now found together in a single book called Laozi, they must have been assembled at some point. For example, the first half of chapter 64 is written in group A slips 24–27, whereas the second half appears twice, in group A slips 10–13 and group C slips 11–14. Thus, chapter 64 in the extant edition is a product of combining these two components. Here, one might wonder if the slips 24–27 and 10–13 in group A are consecutive because they are found in the same group. Each group of the bamboo slips actually consists of some subgroups, which were formed by the continuation of each slip. If a slip begins with any character in the middle of a passage in Laozi, we can determine which slip should be placed before this slip, based on the book. However, if the first character of a slip coincides with the first character of a passage in Laozi, determining which slip should be placed in front is impossible because the order of passages is inconsistent with that of the extant Laozi. The string used to hold together the slips has vanished, and there is no mark telling the right order. As a result, the thirty-nine bamboo slips in group A have been rearranged into five subgroups: slips related to chapters 66, 46, 30, 64 (second half ), 37, 63, 2, and 32; to chapters 25 and 5; to chapter 16; to chapters 64 (first half ), 56, and 57; and to chapters 55, 44, 40, and 9. The eighteen slips in group B have been rearranged into three subgroups: slips related to chapters 59, 48, 20, and 13; to chapter 41; and to chapters 52, 45, and 54. Finally, the fourteen slips in group C have been rearranged into four subgroups: slips related chapters 17 and 18; chapter 35; chapter 31; and chapter 64 (second half ). The order of the subgroups is arbitrary. As seen here, the two subgroups in group A, which are related to chapter 64, are not consecutive. The scribe transcribed the first half of chapter 64 after the passage related to chapter 30, and then transcribed the passage related to chapter 37 after that, whereas the second half of the passage was transcribed in other slips. In conclusion, chapter 64 was not originally one passage.39 The Guodian documents have as many as fifteen passages of this nature.40 Therefore, the Guodian documents do not correspond with Laozi. Rather, they are writings that were integrated into the book at a later date. Those who call the Guodian documents “Guodian Laozi” tend to see it as one of the earliest editions.41 Their presumption is that many editions of Laozi existed at the time the Guodian documents were transcribed, and the Guodian

10 / The Old Master documents were one of them. According to this view, the various editions were reputedly transmitted by different sages: the gatekeeper Yin Xi, who allegedly met Laozi and received his dictation of the book; Guan Yin, introduced in early sources as having a close relationship with Laozi, especially in “Tianxia” (“All under Heaven”) in Zhuangzi; Laolaizi, who died at Mt. Meng located in Jingmen; and Grand Historian Dan, introduced by Sima Qian as one of the possible authors of Laozi. All of these suggestions are, however, awaiting verification. On the other hand, quite a few scholars have argued that Laozi was compiled. Kimura Eiichi claimed that it had not necessarily existed as a single volume before its final completion in the early Han; D. C. Lau asserted that it was an anthology of the teachings of many masters of the Warring States period, including Yang Zhu, Song Xing, Yin Wen, Guan Yin, Liezi, and Shen Dao; Chad Hansen concluded that Laozi “consisted of sayings from the oral tradition of a Warring States shih school” and that “these sayings have been deliberately arranged in artfully composed of collages of sayings,” based on his understanding of the current textual theory. More recently, some scholars continue to persuade their readers of the theory that the sayings in the book had been orally transmitted, implying that they must have been compiled into the book.42 The Guodian documents seem to provide a critical reference in establishing a date for such compilation. In this respect, Tomb no. 1, where the bamboo slips were found, has been tentatively dated between the mid–fourth century bce and the early third century bce, based on comparisons between archaeological artifacts,43 whereas 278 bce may be the latest date for it, suggested with consideration of the historical developments.44 However, textual analysis should not be dismissed. In this analysis, it is intriguing to see that some texts from Guodian, such as “Xing zi ming chu” (“The Inborn Nature Comes from Necessity”), “Zun deyi” (“Respecting Virtue and Rightness”), “Tang Yu zhi dao” (“The Way of Tang and Yu”), and “Qiongda yi shi” (“Misery and Prosperity Depend on Time”), all display a strong connection to Xunzi’s thought.45 For example, “Qiongda yi shi” states, “There are heaven and human beings, and they are distinctive from each other. Through understanding the differences between heaven and humans, you come to know what should be done.”46 This apparently stems from the idea of Xunzi, who states, “If one knows the difference between heaven and humans, he can be called the Perfected” (Xunzi, 695: 218d). Another passage in the same sheaf also has a counterpart in Xunzi. It states, “Whether you can be recognized or not depends on heaven.”47 Correspondingly, Xunzi says, “Whether you can be recognized or not depends on time” (695: 296b). There are many conjectures about Xunzi’s dates. Primary materials dealing with his life and activities show as wide as 140 years’ difference in dating his time.48 Within this time range, records related to the state of Chu include the following: in 286 bce Xunzi moved to Chu due to the downfall of the Jixia academy caused by the mischief of King Min of Qi;49 in 255 bce he was

Introduction / 11 appointed as governor of Lanling by Prince Chunshen.50 Because the Guodian documents include passages influenced by Xunzi’s thought, and 286 bce is the earliest time that Xunzi was possibly known to Chu, I believe that the Guodian documents were written after that date. Accordingly, I assert, Laozi was compiled after 286 bce and before the writing of Text A of the Mawangdui Laozi. The Guodian documents supplement the Mawangdui texts, enabling us to explore Laozi’s origin. In particular, they show how source materials might have been modified when the book was compiled. My translation, however, adheres to the Mawangdui texts, especially Text A, because the Guodian documents do not comprise Laozi. Even when the context in the Guodian texts seems more comprehensible, in every case that they do not conform to the Mawangdui texts, I follow the latter. Robert Henricks has summarized the philosophical tendency among all the passages in the Guodian documents: the frequently discussed concepts in the Guodian documents are no-action, no-commitment, simplicity (“uncarved wood”), and self-sufficiency; only one of nine chapters appears that discuss the metaphysics of the Way; all sentences related to the metaphysical concept “One” are omitted; only one of six chapters appears that discuss the Way of heaven; chapters after chapter 66 do not appear; passages articulating the symbolism of infants and babies are missing; and passages uttering the symbolism of water and female rarely occur.51 In short, the Guodian documents lack a metaphysical perspective because core concepts in its metaphysics of the Way, such as the Way, One, and the Way of heaven, are not present. This aspect may need to be highlighted because I primarily view Laozi as a political text.

THEORY ON LAOZI’S RELATIONSHIP TO THE QIN The state of Lu dominated academia in ancient China after its center shifted from the Zhou’s court to private schools in the Spring and Autumn period. It originated from the enfeoffment of the Duke of Zhou and was praised as “having all the rituals of the Zhou within Lu” (Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhushu, 144: 269a) even before the time of Confucius (551–479 bce). More important, it was the birthplace of the two great masters of Confucianism and Mohism, Confucius and Mozi.52 These were the only two schools referred to as “prominent schools” in “Xianxue” (“Prominent Studies”) in Han Feizi during the late Warring States period. Though they competed with one another, they had much in common: both respected the Way of Yao and Shun and admired humaneness and rightness. As Xiao Gongquan pointed out, “Mozi is a common people-oriented Confucius and Mohism is a common people-oriented Confucianism.”53 A new academic challenge against Confucianism and Mohism began within the Jixia Academy in the state of Qi. This academy, as an assembly of

12 / The Old Master minor schools represented by Zou Yan, Chunyu Kun, Tian Pian, Jie Yu, Shen Dao, and Huan Yuan, neither displayed a single philosophical proclivity nor explicitly opposed Confucianism or Mohism. Quite a few philosophers from the schools of Confucianism and Mohism, including Xunzi, also traveled to Jixia for study and debate. Therefore, the Jixia Academy was a sort of clearinghouse for a variety of thoughts and ideas, which functioned through the mixing of traditions and naturally tended to espouse syncretism. After its decline, its tradition was upheld by the academy of the Four Princes: Prince Mengchang from the state of Qi, Prince Pingyuan from the state of Zhao, Prince Chunshen from the state of Chu, and Prince Xinling from the state of Wei. Although the Jixia Academy was responsible for generating syncretism at that time, the true challenge against Confucianism and Mohism came from the schools in the three states from Jin: the states of Han, Wei, and Zhao. They gave birth to the Legalists, Militarists, Diplomatists, and Logicians, and uniformly reformed the transmitted political systems in order to eliminate the degenerating legacy of the rituals of the Zhou. In contrast with Confucianism and Mohism, which valued moral principles such as humaneness and rightness, the schools in these three states were inclined to embrace utilitarianism.54 Whereas Confucianism and Mohism respected the past, they valued the present. It was also these states’ utilitarian academia that greatly influenced the state of Qin, following its emergence as a supreme power in the late Warring States period.55 Lü Buwei (291?–235 bce) is accredited with introducing a new academic impetus to Qin’s sweeping utilitarian tradition. Before Qin’s unification, he felt ashamed that Qin trailed behind the Four Princes in academic accomplishments, so he invited many scholars to his place, providing them with warm hospitality. In doing so, his academy succeeded that of the Four Princes, which itself succeeded the Jixia Academy. Consequently, Lü Buwei’s academy revived the vanished Jixia Academy. Following the syncretic philosophical tendency of the Jixia Academy, it also tended to be syncretic, embracing diverse ideas, the accomplishment of which was crystallized into Lüshi Chunqiu. For the completion of this book, Lü Buwei invited writers and philosophers from all the states to record what they heard and as a result, it came to contain the stories and theories collected from the Chinese world, both past and present. Proud of his book, he displayed it at the gate of the city of Xianyang in front of the public, boastfully declaring that anybody who could improve it by adding or deleting even one character would win one thousand pieces of gold.56 The book was completed either in the seventh year (240 bce) or the eighth year of the rule of Ying Zheng of the state of Qin, who later became the First Emperor of the Qin dynasty. As Gu Jiegang states, approximately two-thirds of the teachings of Laozi are found in Lüshi Chunqiu.57 First, this firm connection between Lüshi Chunqiu and Laozi attests to my theory that Qin is Laozi’s birthplace. Laozi must have come into existence through someone who had intimate knowledge of Lüshi

Introduction / 13 Chunqiu. Also, Laozi is a syncretic text like Lüshi Chunqiu. In this discussion, it is seminal to confirm an affinity between two definitions: one on Daoism (daojia 纊竖) in the “Lun liujia yaozhi” (“Discussion of the Essence of the Six Schools”) by Sima Tan and the other on Syncretism (zajia 蟟竖) in “Yiwenzhi” in Hanshu. Sima Tan wrote, “The tactics of Daoism followed the great order of the Yin-Yang School, adopted good points from Confucianism and Mohism, and embraced the essences of the Logicians and Legalists.”58 Meanwhile, “Yiwenzhi” defines Syncretism as “including Confucianism and Mohism and integrating the Logicians and Legalists” (30: 1742). As seen here, Daoism defined by Sima Tan is almost identical to the Syncretism characterized in “Yiwenzhi.” More important than these parallel definitions is the fact that a large number of the Many Masters’ ideas are found in Laozi. In fact, much research construes Laozi’s relationship with the Many Masters. For example, Cui Shu maintained that Yang Zhu’s idea of “valuing life” was associated with Laozi.59 Qian Mu argued that the concept of “the Way” in Laozi was derived from Zhuangzi and that Zhan He was the most likely author of Laozi.60 P. M. Thompson analyzed the affinity between the ideas of Shen Dao and Laozi.61 H. G. Creel pointed out that Shen Buhai was responsible for creating the idea of no-action, one of the core teachings in Laozi.62 Takeuchi Yoshio claimed that Laozi was stimulated by Legalists such as Shen Dao and Han Fei.63 Harold Roth stated that four chapters of Guanzi, especially “Neiye” (“Inward Training”), exhibited its close relationship with Laozi.64 Mark Lewis observed the trace of Militarist thought in Laozi, as noted earlier by Wing-tsit Chan.65 Guo Moruo discussed the connection between Song Xing, Yin Wen, and Laozi.66 Also, as mentioned earlier, D. C. Lau defined Laozi as an anthology of the teachings of the Many Masters such as Guan Yin, Liezi, Shen Dao, and Gu Jiegang investigated the similarities between Lüshi Chunqiu and Laozi. In addition, as this book will show, Laozi’s way of life is fermented out of many teachings from the ancient classics such as the Documents, the Poetry, and the Changes, not to mention the Confucian texts such as the Analects, Mencius, and Xunzi. Lüshi Chunqiu introduces ten prominent thinkers at that time as follows: “Lao Dan valued softness, Confucius valued humaneness, Mo Di valued uprightness, Guan Yin valued purity, Master Liezi valued emptiness, Chen Pian valued evenness, Mr. Yang valued self, Sun Bin valued power, Wang Liao valued taking initiative, and Er Liang valued standing behind. These ten persons are all the prominent figures of all under heaven” (848: 421d–2a). Among these ten leaders in the ancient intellectual world, at least seven people—Lao Dan, Guan Yin, Liezi, Tian Pian, Yang Zhu, Sun Bin, and Er Liang—are tied with Laozi. All these strata of thoughts eventually dissolved into Laozi in varying degrees. Even though nothing is wrong with the traditional perception of Laozi, its philosophical webs naturally point to its syncretic nature prior to being defined with Daoism.67

14 / The Old Master Concerning the relationship between Lüshi Chunqiu and Laozi, many see the former as a sort of commentary of the latter. However, it is required to pay attention to Lü Buwei’s boastful and confident announcement that anyone who could add to or delete even one character from the book to make it better would win one thousand pieces of gold. If Lüshi Chunqiu were a commentary or a quasi-copy of Laozi, he would have not boasted of it as such. Lüshi Chunqiu was attributed to a man who reigned supreme in the state of Qin, which was about to unify China for the first time. On the contrary, Laozi had rarely been known among scholars and politicians at that time. How could Lüshi Chunqiu possibly be a commentary on Laozi? Moreover, trying to collect as many ideas and stories with various provenances as possible, Lüshi Chunqiu usually noted its references.68 Nevertheless, it never mentions Laozi on any page. If Lüshi Chunqiu knew of Laozi but deliberately did not mention it, this would exhibit an attitude of disrespect. Lüshi Chunqiu, however, illustrates Lao Dan, who Sima Qian introduced as one of the possible authors of Laozi, as one of the masters teaching Confucius. It would be the first source to single out Lao Dan as such save some dubious narrations in Zhuangzi in this respect. The book also lauded Lao Dan as one of the three great sages.69 Nevertheless, the name of Laozi is absent in this book starring Lao Dan as one of the teachers of Confucius. No explanation but the one that those involved in the completion of the book did not know about Laozi would suit with this situation. The political doctrine of Qin, a powerful legalism, does not please the teaching of Laozi. Lüshi Chunqiu, however, also criticizes political hegemony and supremacy as Laozi does. Gao Sisun (1158–1231) diagnosed that Lüshi Chunqiu aspired to criticize the First Emperor’s hegemony.70 Fang Xiaoru (1357–1402) also observed, “This book often talks about the faults of the previous kings of Qin, but did not receive punishment by the laws of Qin. This means that the laws of Qin were more generous than we think they were.” He also added that what Lüshi Chunqiu discussed in such chapters as “Dayu” (“Elimination of Obstructions”) and “Fenzhi” (“Division of Work”) was “perfectly pertaining to the problems of the First Emperor.”71 Echoing these views, Guo Moruo explained that Lüshi Chunqiu demonstrated a political stance distinguished from that of Qin politics.72 If Lüshi Chunqiu was tolerated in Qin, compilation of Laozi would have been possible there as well. Whether the Qin policy was aligned with its teaching is another issue. Let’s look back at what happened to Lü Buwei, who directed the publication of Lüshi Chunqiu. Shiji does not detail his last moment. Sima Qian, who was fond of collecting unusual and odd stories, recorded that he was divested of power by the First Emperor after being implicated in an improper relationship between the disguised eunuch Lao Ai and the Empress Dowager Di, his onetime concubine. He left the government post in the tenth year of Ying Zheng’s reign and committed suicide two years later in 235 bce (Shiji, 85: 2512–2513).73 Lü

Introduction / 15 Buwei’s life came to a miserable end. His funeral was held secretly, and among those who attended it, those from the state of Jin were all expelled out of the state, and those from Qin were punished depending on the degree of their involvements (Shiji, 6: 231). When the project of Lüshi Chunqiu was under way, three thousand guests stayed in Lü Buwei’s academy, a prosperous number compared to that of the Jixia Academy, which had seventy guests in its early years and reached only one thousand during its heyday. Lü Buwei’s academy was much greater in size and number, but eventually most of its guests perished from the state, with only a few remaining in Qin. As a matter fact, in the history of Laozi, the name of Qin has not been brushed aside as much as many people believe because one of the possible authors of Laozi in the record of “Laozi Han Fei liezhuan” of Shiji, that is, Great Historian Dan, supposedly visited Duke Xian of Qin and predicted Qin’s unification of China.74 Of course, the cynosure of “Laozi Han Fei liezhuan” is Lao Dan, not Great Historian Dan. According to it, he was originally from the state of Chu,75 later became a librarian at the Zhou’s court, left the Zhou when it was about to decline, and eventually dictated Laozi on the request of the gatekeeper, Yin Xi, when he reached Hangu Pass. This is one of the two main narratives in the Laozi’s biography recorded in “Laozi Han Fei liezhuan.” Another narrative features Confucius asking Laozi about rituals. Because of the apparent distinction between the ideas of Confucius and Laozi as well as the criticism of ritual in Laozi, few academics today see this story free from fabrication. However, in a recent trend of the Chinese classical studies, scholars tend to discover some historical fragments in this story, rather than entirely dismissing it. In this perspective, Confucius is believed as having asked a “senior,” the literal meaning of “Laozi,” about rituals.76 This understanding is plausible because many widely circulated stories in ancient China were reproduced by simply changing the protagonists and settings from those of the original stories. In the same manner, we can insert some names in place of the originals seen in another part of Lao Dan’s story, which is that he left the Zhou in anticipation of its fall. Laozi’s departure from the Zhou has been understood as his departure for the west by passing through Hangu Pass. However, Shiji does not mention any specific direction, except that he “left” and “reached the Pass.” Thus, we may assume that the compiler of Laozi, not Lao Dan, moved from Qin, not Zhou, in the west toward Hangu Pass in the east, instead of moving from the east to west, anticipating the downfall of Qin, not Zhou again. As a matter of fact, this is the trail traveled by Lü Buwei’s expelled guests after his death. If predicting Qin’s fall immediately following Lü Buwei’s death and the deportation of his guests is premature, consider the Book Burning. The First Emperor unified China in 221 bce, the twenty-sixth year of his reign, and fourteen years after Lü Buwei’s death. In 213 bce, the thirty-fourth year

16 / The Old Master of his reign, the First Emperor ordered that all the useless books be burned. Contrary to the historical prejudice that sees the Qin dynasty as a mere regime of violence, seventy masters (boshi) were working in the Qin’s court at the time this incident occurred, and they were teaching a wide range of subjects from the ideas of the Many Masters to the classics. Among these masters of the Qin were Fu Sheng from the state of Qi, later known as the transmitter of the “new text” of the Documents, the Confucian Chunyu Kun from the state of Qi, who advocated the old tradition, and Shusun Tong, who became a prominent Confucian scholar during the early Han dynasty (Shiji, 99: 2720). Non-Confucian scholars also showed up in the list of the “masters.” For example, “Yiwenzhi” in Hanshu cataloged Huanggong (The Elder Huang) as a work of the Logicians, noting that its author was a master from the Qin (30: 1736). Some of these masters moved from other states to the Qin after the unification in 221 bce, but others emerged from Qin, who had probably been Lü Buwei’s guests. According to “Baiguan gongqing biao” (“Table of the Lords and Ministers in the Hundred Offices”) in Hanshu, these masters were high-ranking officials of the Qin in charge of “things of the past, present, and future” (19A: 726). Similarly, “Lü Buwei liezhuan” (“Biography of Lü Buwei”) in Shiji describes Lüshi Chunqiu as a book about “things of the past, present, and future” (85: 2510). Thus, if the Qin had people supervising things of the past, present, and future in its court, those involved in Lüshi Chunqiu were second to none for these positions. These masters did not fade immediately after the Book Burning. Instead, all of the seventy masters kept their positions for a while. The following year of the Book Burning, the thirty-fifth year of the First Emperor, Daoists Housheng and Lusheng complained, “Even though there are seventy masters, they are merely filling the positions, but are never used” (Shiji, 6: 258). In fact, it was their soothsaying of the fall of the Qin that infuriated the First Emperor that he reportedly buried the Confucian scholars and Daoists alive. This tells that since the outbreak of the Book Burning, even the Daoists sensed the dynasty’s decline. Thus, some of the seventy masters, if not all of them, must have been aware of it as well. Though pinpointing who the person was is not possible, if someone predicted the fall of the Qin instead of the fall of the Zhou, left the Qin, and reached Hangu Pass, and if that person was also engaged in completion of Lüshi Chunqiu, then that person could be the compiler of Laozi. This theory will ascribe the description of Lao Dan’s leaving the Zhou, not the Qin, in “Laozi Han Fei liezhuan” to an effort to bring consistency to the whole narration wherein Laozi from the Zhou taught Confucius. Affiliating Laozi with the Chu culture is generic among scholars. Truly, neither the states of Lu nor Qi could usher in Laozi’s ideas because the state of Lu was the hub of Confucianism and Mohism and the state of Qi, the neighbor of Lu, was also greatly influenced by these traditions. These predominant

Introduction / 17 traditions would neither fertilize the burgeoning idea nor allow it to abnegate humaneness and rightness. An etymological example in Laozi buttresses this point. In chapter 67 Laozi states, “All under heaven say that I am great but look unwise (67).” “Unwise” here is a translation for bu 膻 (“not”) xiao 誠 (“to resemble”). According to Fangyan, xiao was used in the provinces of western Chu, Liang, and Yi, while in the state of Qi its synonym lei 羯 was more often used for the same meaning.77 These provinces fell under the territory of the three states from Jin (Zhao, Wei, and Han), the state of Chu, and the state of Qin during the Warring States period. Meanwhile, Laozi was not solidly receptive to the new academic orientation of the three states from Jin. Although militated by the Militarists, Legalists, and Logicians, Laozi was not utterly eclipsed by their utilitarianism, nor was it as aggressive as these schools in its pursuit of the utilitarian goal. It not only considered the well-being of a state but also addressed the issue of the salvation of the world, topics seldom discussed in the traditions of the three states from Jin. If Laozi belongs neither to Qi nor to Lu, nor to the three states from Jin, only the states of Qin and Chu remain. They were two of the seven leading states in the Warring States period, but scholars have revolved around the state of Chu in weighting the origin Laozi thus far. This was a conventional practice in the Chinese academia dating back thousands of years because when Laozi gained reputation in the early Han period, the Qin was branded as a dynasty of enmity and tyranny, and accordingly it was part of a baleful history. Associating Laozi with the Qin has been inauspicious ever since. However, some scholars have disputed on the conjugation of the Qin with a mere tyrant dynasty that conducted the burning of books and burying of Confucian scholars. Zheng Qiao (1104–1162) wrote: Liu Jia was a great Confucian of the Qin; Li Yiji was a Confucian from the Qin; and Shusun Tong, with his understanding of literature, was invited by the Qin to the position of Erudite (boshi) and stayed in that office for several years. When Chen Sheng’s revolt erupted, the Second Emperor of the Qin summoned about thirty Erudite and Confucian scholars to inquire into the reason for the rebellion, and they responded to his inquiry based on the meanings of the Spring and Autumn Annals. This indicates that the Qin never abandoned the intelligence of the Confucian scholars or the study of the Confucian classics. Moreover, Shusun Tong nurtured more than one hundred disciples from the beginning of the Han, so the tradition of the states of Qi and Lu had not vanished yet. . . . [W]e can notice that the Confucian tradition was never abolished during the Qin, and that the people buried by the First Emperor were at odds with him in their opinions at that time.78

18 / The Old Master Before Zheng Qiao, Wang Chong (27–ca. 97) also questioned the Han scholars’ criticism of the Qin’s Book Burning, stating, “the Qin was quite cruel but did not burn the books of the Many Masters.”79 These estimations suggest that the Qin’s image as a state of tyranny and atrocity was to a large extent created and sustained by the rivaling Han. Sima Qian believed that the Qin’s unification began with the achievements of the Marquis of Rang, who became the states’ prime minister in 295 bce, the twelfth year of King Zhao’s reign (Shiji, 72: 2330). Although military superiority does not always entail cultural effulgence, from that time on, the state of Qin was apparently able to enjoy the finest of Chinese culture. The First Emperor was the first emperor in Chinese history, and he was received with the highest protocol, as seen in his ritual of Feng-Shan. Such protocol is a window to the rich culture of the Qin. It was also the protocol that inspired the first emperor of the Han dynasty to change his attitude and begin to treat Confucian scholars with respect, even though he had previously abhorred even the color of their costumes.80 Most institutions of the Han in its early period “by and large succeeded those of the Qin” (Shiji, 23: 1159). Then, the Qin was most likely more than a tyrannical dynasty. Emperor Wu’s reign in the Han dynasty had only seven masters, whereas the Qin’s court had seventy masters. Gu Yanwu (1613–1682) maintained that the Qin dynasty did not culturally lag behind, stating, “The First Emperor erected six steles in order to commemorate each of the six states he conquered. Upon examining them, we come to know that the punishment system in the Qin seemed to be excessive, but its intention to guide its people and rectify customs was the same as that of the three sage kings.”81 Modern scholarship, for example, that of Xiao Gongquan and Kanaya Osamu, has also refuted such bias against the Qin dynasty, and more recently, Martin Kern expressed “doubt about notion of extreme legalist harshness for which the short-lived Chin dynasty has been notorious for over two millennia.”82 Despite all of these rebuttals, however, the negative impression of the Qin has remained unaltered. This would be the main reason why scholars have not investigated Laozi in light of its relationship with the Qin so far. In contrast to the Qin, the first Han emperor was born in the state of Chu, so we may reasonably assume that various attempts were made in the early Han to connect Laozi with the state of Chu. The endurance of the Han dynasty for more than four centuries would have solidified some plausible allegations from those attempts into “facts” that were not challenged for two millennia. Mawangdui texts, however, may help us not hastily conclude that Laozi is a product of Chu culture. Here lies another of the Mawangdui texts’ contributions. First, one of the oldest arguments that conjoin Laozi with Chu pertains to its use of the rhyming particle xi 賚, which helps streamline a phrase. Because this particle frequently appears in Chu writings such as Chuci, one could champion the close

Introduction / 19 relationship between Laozi and Chu. The archaeological documents, however, invalidate this argument because the Mawangdui texts use the particle a 竒 in place of xi, and the Guodian documents use hu 賣83 instead of xi. Interestingly, Lüshi Chunqiu also used hu in place of xi in general. In addition, whereas Text B of the Mawangdui Laozi and the later editions of Laozi use shuang 花 (“spoiled” in the context), a word from the Chu dialect, in chapter 14, Text A uses an obsolete but utterly different character in place of shuang. Second, a passage in Laozi reads, “Those who are good at locking gates do not have crossbars and bolts, but no one can open the gates (27).” In the later editions, “crossbars and bolts” appears as guan 籟 jian 签, while it appears as guan 籟 yue 閭 in the Mawangdui texts. According to Fangyan, yue in guan yue was used in the area to the west of Hangu Pass, which belonged to the Qin.84 Third, the term “right tally” (you 虠 xie 篟) in Text A in chapter 79 appears in Text B and the later editions as “left tally” (zuo 褤 xie 篟). This change from “right tally” to “left tally” mirrors the Han culture, which prioritized the left side over the right side, compared to the more common practice in the Warring States period, which valued the right side over the left. However, the state of Chu valued the left side more even during the Warring States period. If Laozi is related to the state of Chu, it should have stated “left tally” from the beginning. Finally, in chapter 14, Texts A and B state, “Hold on to the Way of the present in order to manage the actualities of the present, thereby to understand the ancient beginning.” In the later editions, “The Way of the present” has changed into “The Way of the past.” This is yet another case of a later modification of the text. The reason for this change is that the expression, “Hold on to the Way of the present in order to manage the actualities of the present,” did not match the notion of “respecting the past,” which initially prevailed in the states of Qi and Lu and remained prevalent even until the Han stabilized its political system. However, during this period, the state of Qin or the Qin dynasty unyieldingly contradicted the tradition of “respecting the past” and espoused learning from the present. Thus, if neither the states of Qi and Lu nor the three states from Jin, the possible place where Laozi could have originated is Qin, not Chu.85 The origin of Laozi has remained veiled and the Qin has also remained forgotten from the history as well. Therefore, if Laozi originated in Qin, it was perhaps destined for a life of mystery. The title of this book is “The Old Master,” which is a literal translation of Laozi. I do not call it “Dao De Jing,” or “De Dao Jing,” the terms favored today. Jiao Hong (1540–1620) held that not until Emperor Jing’s reign of the Han (157–141 bce) did this book begin to be called “jing,” a classic. Because “Yiwenzhi” in Hanshu recorded three interpretations of the classic of Laozi, it was probably dubbed as a classic in the Han dynasty. The Mawangdui texts, however, existed before the reign of Emperor Jing. Thus, calling it Laozi would

20 / The Old Master be more appropriate, which was the name used by other earlier classic texts. While no other suggestions than reading zi in Laozi as meaning “master” is presented, the meaning of Lao is still disputable. I am inclined to agree with Zheng Xuan’s (127–200) opinion, who contended that it “indicated an aged person in ancient times.”86 I believe that this view exposes the spirit of the book well because its teachings have derived from a deep, old experience of both historical and personal “changes.” In this book, the Chinese texts following my translations primarily come from the Mawangdui Text A, which has been supplemented throughout the book by Text B for the missing characters in it. When a wording of Text B overrides that of Text A due to the obvious errors in Text A, it is noted at the end of the Chinese texts. All wordings coming from sources other than the Mawangdui texts are also noted as such. All obsolete characters in the Texts A and B have been replaced with their parallel characters in current use with meticulous investigations.

PART I

VIRTUE

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38.

The man of superior virtue is not concerned about virtue; for this reason, he has virtue. The man of inferior virtue is concerned about virtue; for this reason, he has no virtue. The man of superior virtue neither takes action nor intends to accomplish anything through it. The man of superior humaneness takes action, but does not intend to accomplish anything through it. The man of superior rightness takes action, and intends to accomplish something through it. The man of superior ritual takes action, and when people do not respond to it, he rolls up his sleeves and pulls them toward it. Therefore, he loses the Way. After people lose the Way, virtue arrives. After people lose virtue, humaneness arrives. After people lose humaneness, rightness arrives. After people lose rightness, ritual arrives. Now, ritual is the thin expression of sincerity and trust and the first sign of disorder. Foreknowledge is the flower of the Way and the first sign of foolishness. For this reason, the great man dwells with the thick, not with the thin; dwells with the fruit, not with the flower. Therefore, he discards that, and takes this. 芟繥膻繥SG 萙蝋蛞繥UG 谨繥膻葐繥SG 萙蝋肖繥UG 芟繥肖蚾蝢肖 蝋蚾蒺SG 芟蝹蚾襺蝢肖蝋蚾蒺SG 芟蝂蚾襺蝢蛞蝋蚾蒺SG 芟罜蚾 襺蝢翿襺蜴蒺SG 謡蓖舥蝢ᡵ襺UG 篿葐纊UG 葐纊蝁蝢趒繥SG 葐繥

23

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

24 / The Old Master 蝢趒蝹SG葐蝹蝢趒蝂SG葐蝂蝢趒罜UG臄罜螿SG諬萺襺胨蒺, 蝢绤 襺菊蒺. 衔萴螿, 纊襺贫蒺, 蝢虤襺菊蒺. 萙蝋繗蟠臄筥絋趌, 蝢 膻筥絋胨, 筥絋葒, 膻筥絋贫. 篿筤谕諵觧. There are other ways to interpret the first line, including, “The man of superior virtue does not regard virtue as virtue” by Wang Bi and, “The man of superior virtue is not virtuous” by Heshanggong. I base my translation on Su Zhe (1039–1112) and Wu Cheng because their interpretations best show that the man of superior virtue takes no action, the obvious teaching of this passage.1 A few texts, including “Jie Lao” (“Explication of Laozi”) of Han Feizi, the Fu Yi, the Yan Zun, and the Fan Yingyuan (fl. 1246–1248) editions, use a different wording for this sentence. Their version reads, “The man of superior virtue takes no action, but there is nothing left undone.” By changing the latter part of this sentence, they convey an intriguing manifestation of Laozi’s unique way of life. Including this passage, however, the Mawangdui texts never use the expression “there is nothing left undone (wu bu wei 肚臺蚾),” whereas the later editions have it in four chapters at most (chapters 3, 37, 38, and 48), as in the Fan Yingyuan edition. Zheng Liangshu insisted that this expression was interpolated by later Daoists.2 The Guodian documents, however, disprove Zheng’s argument. In the passage related to chapter 48, they use this expression, whereas the passages related to chapters 3 and 38 are missing, and a passage related to chapter 37 employs a different wording. “The thin expression of sincerity and trust” in line 12 is a puzzling phrase because “sincerity and trust” (zhong xin 諬萺) are Confucian virtues and Laozi never uses them in other passages. Moreover, Zhuangzi introduces this sentence differently, as “Now, ritual is the flower of the Way and the first sign of disorder” (1056: 107d). Facing this problem, the Imperial Commentary of Emperor Xuanzong (685–762) suggested rectifying bao 胨 (“thin expression”) into bu 臒G (“register” or “sign”). Similarly, “The great man” in line 14 is a key concept in Mencius, indicating a man of invincible dedication to moral virtue. This concept also does not fit into Laozi’s thought, which prefers softness and pliability to strength and firmness. This kind of inconsistency sometimes occurs in Laozi. As seen in this passage, especially in the first two sentences, Laozi often uses paradox to great effect. Paradox in general contains contradictions that puzzle readers at first and then, in successful cases, interest them in the idea implied. In Laozi, many passages begin with a proposition containing paradoxical statements to attract the reader’s attention to its teaching. In almost all passages, a relatively lengthy explanation follows. This recurrent arrangement would make readers feel that each passage in Laozi can be divided into two parts: a paradoxical proposition and a commentary of it. In the “commentary” parts, Laozi attempts to convince readers of verisimilitude of the proposition by providing relevant examples that stem from a keen observation of human life and nature, instead

Part I: Virtue / 25 of convincing them through logic. And, most extant editions of Laozi add a commentary to the main text. Thus, in my view each passage in the extant editions of Laozi has three layers: a proposition, an original commentary of it, and a commentator’s commentary on the main text. Each of these may be distinguishable from one another functionally or chronologically. Laozi affirms the use of paradox as a rhetorical skill, stating, “Correct words seem contradictory” (78),3 and “By taking the opposite way against things, it reaches the great compliance” (65). As a matter of fact, this skill is not exclusive to Laozi but shared by many philosophers in ancient China who discussed the matter of name (mingG 聐) and substance (shiG 葒), a fashionable subject at that time. For instance, “White horses are not horses” (Gongsun Longzi, 848: 249c), a renowned proposition in this name-substance discussion, is identical in rhetorical structure to the leading proposition of this passage. Gongsun Long here, similar to Laozi, pronounces that the substance of white horses (“superior virtue” in this passage) should be discerned from that of common horses (“inferior virtue” in this passage) so that their different names are legitimized. Earlier, Confucius discussed this matter, and later thinkers such as Mencius, Zhuangzi, Shen Buhai, and the Logicians, all arduously participated in this discussion. Thus, we should not be surprised to find a parallel between the leading proposition in this passage and the following lines in “Renshu” (“Depending on Numerical Necessity”) in Lüshi Chunqiu: “Therefore, the man of superior wisdom abandons wisdom; the man of superior humaneness forgets humaneness; and the man of superior virtue is not concerned about virtue” (848: 416b). In fact, this quotation inextricably pertains to the philosophy of Shen Buhai, a Legalist, as “Renshu” overall discusses “the tactic (shuG 菵) of the rulers,” Shen Buhai’s main subject. An examination of the political implication of “taking no action” (wuwei 肚蚾), a core concept in Laozi, also verifies the connection between Shen Buhai and Laozi. Although wuwei is here translated as “taking no action,” it does not mean literally doing nothing, but rather not doing anything against the natural order. In respect of this, Huainanzi and Guanzi, two influential texts in the interpretation of Laozi, provide the most enlightening definitions for the term, as in the following: “What is called ‘taking no action’ indicates not leading things to do anything” (Huainanzi, 848: 513a). “The Way of taking no action means to follow; to follow means neither adding nor subtracting” (Guanzi, 729: 148a). In other words, “taking no action” means to take no initiative and thereby to comply with the given circumstances, nature, or the Way. In a political application, wuwei can help rulers sustain power without defiance from the ruled. Rulers can, by complying with ministers or public opinion, devolve some of their responsibilities to their subjects, along with a limited administrative authority. “Renshu” further explains this political strategy of “taking no action” as follows: “The ancient kings took initiative action in few cases, and followed

26 / The Old Master [others] in many cases. To follow is the tactic of the rulers; to take initiative action is the way of the ruled.” H. G. Creel argued, based on his redemptive research of the missing sources concerning Shen Buhai’s thought, that this was the very implication of “taking no action” in the “purposive Daoism,” and suggested that this use of the term was initiated by Shen Buhai.4 Even though he seems to reserve some alternate definition for this term, wuwei, especially for what he called the “contemplative Daoists,” my interpretation would rather center on this political implication of wuwei.

39.

Of those in ancient times that attained the One: The sky became clear by attaining the One; The earth became steady by attaining the One; The spirits became mysterious by attaining the One; The valleys became full by attaining the One; The lords and kings became the masters of all under heaven by attaining the One. When I take precaution regarding this saying: If the sky remains clear without pause, I say, I fear that it would rip apart; If the earth remains steady without pause, I say, I fear that it would be shaken; If the spirits remain mysterious without pause, I say, I fear that they would be irresponsive; If the valleys remain full without pause, I say, I fear that they would run dry; If the lords and kings remain noble and high without pause, I say, I fear that they would topple. Therefore, if you wish to be noble for sure, take humility as the root; If you wish to be high for sure, take lowliness as the foundation. Now, for this reason, the lords and kings refer to themselves as “the Man in Solitude,” “the Man with Scant Virtue,” and “the Man with No Goodness.” Is this not taking the humility as the root? Is it not? Therefore, if you count honors, no honor will arrive. And because of this, the sage wishes to be neither glittering like jade, nor drab like stone. 苭襺织螐螿, 詏织螐蝋詿, 襽织螐蝋緖, 葃织螐蝋罗, 簠织螐蝋薔, 越蘌织螐蝋蚾詏谨袢. 絋講襺蒺, 蛈詏肖蝒詿蟧簵罁, 蛈襽肖蝒 27

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

15 16 17 18

28 / The Old Master 緖蟧簵脊, 蛈葃肖蝒罗蟧簵貙, 蛈簠肖蝒薔蟧簵笏, 蛈越蘌肖蝒 糿蝋簙蟧簵糴. 篿谞糿蝢蝋詘蚾膩, 谞簙蝁蝢蝋谨蚾結. 臄萙蝋 越蘌蟀蛈篺籀膻簟, 觧絋詘襺膩蔛舭蒺. 篿講莡蔛肖蔛. 萙篿膻 蘽緫緫蓉藛, 硌硌蓉苳. Following line 5, most of the later editions add a line about the myriad things. Texts A and B have omitted both the additional line and its parallel line in the following part. Although the Heshanggong edition contains the line, its commentary talks about only “five things,” which makes sense when the redundant line is taken away. According to Liang Qichao, the expression “the lords and kings (houwang 越蘌)” in line 6 was only in use in the Warring States period because in the Spring and Autumn period no major lords of the enfeoffed states had claimed themselves as kings.5 This argument was originally a theory of Saito Setsudo (蠔绍褏繊: 1797–1865).6 Wang Guowei disproved this theory, however, insisting that feudal lords commonly called themselves kings in their own country.7 In the same line, many of the later editions use zhen 袷 (“rightness,” “standard”) instead of zheng 袢 (“masters”) in Texts A and B. Only the Heshanggong edition uses zheng. However, the phrase “masters of all under heaven” (tian xia zheng 詏 谨袢) is used at least two times in Lüshi Chunqiu, and Gao You, the primary commentator for the classic, rendered it as in my translation.8 “Without pause” in lines 8–12 is a translation for wu 肖 (“not”) yi 蝒 (“to pause”) in Texts A and B. These words are exclusively found in the Mawangdui texts, while all the later editions have the homonyms wu yi 肚蝋. In the later editions, line 8 would be translated as, “If the sky remains without clearness, I say, I fear that it would rip apart.” The Chinese research team for MWD favored the Mawangdui texts in this, considering Heshanggong’s comment.9 Zhang Zhengliang, who participated in the research, noted that the expression similar to the one in Texts A and B was seen in the Oracle Bone Inscriptions and meant “without pause.”10 This translation clarifies the core idea of the passage without bringing up contradictions. The “fear” of Laozi here is fear of the potential danger caused by incessant clearness, steadiness, mysteriousness, fullness, and, most of all, nobleness and highness. Especially when considering the eventual teaching at the end of this passage, “if you wish to be noble for sure, take humility as the root,” the Mawangdui texts are more consistent. Among the ancient commentaries, that of Wang Zhen (fl. 809) tailors to this interpretation; among recent scholarly works, William Boltz’s sees the phrase the way I do.11 Many variations of line 17 exist among the later editions, and Texts A and B also differ from each other. Most texts read this line either as “Therefore, if you want to count chariots part by part, there will be no chariot,” or as in my translation. The former group includes the Heshanggong, Lu Xisheng (fl. ca. 890), Su Zhe, Xue Hui, and Deqing (1545–1623) editions, and Text B

Part I: Virtue / 29 also belongs to this group as it contains yu 蔞 for “chariot.” On the contrary, Text A has a different yu 蔛, which is interchangeable with yu 薳 (“honor”) adopted in editions other than those listed above. Before the excavation of the Mawangdui texts, Luo Yunxian argued that yu in the Heshanggong edition should be replaced by yu in Text A and that it means “honor.”12 Five chapters in Laozi, 10, 14, 22, 42, and 39 (this passage), discuss the “One” as having special implications. The One is surely an abstract notion here, but I believe that all of its connotations have thrived from a simple definition of the term: the number one. First, number one is either the first or the last number, depending on the direction of counting. Wang Bi’s definition in his commentary on this passage, “The One is the beginning of numbers and the limit of things,” expresses this characteristic of the number one. Second, one is the only number that cannot be divided by any integral numbers except itself, so it is substantial, independent, and has no counterpart in that sense. When Han Feizi defines the One, stating, “the Way has no counterpart, so it is called the One,” it addresses this aspect of the number one. Third, considering that “one, two, and many” is the earliest set of numbers and that they correspond symbolically to “I, you, and we,” the number one could signify “myself ” or the “real nature of myself.” Thus, the One can imply the beginning, the last, the substance, human nature, self, and so forth, or all of them. Anything having at least one of these connotations can be called the One. This multifaceted idea of the One probably came into extensive use among philosophers during the late Warring States period because most of the sources emphasizing this notion, such as Han Feizi, Xunzi, and Lüshi Chunqiu, were products of that period. The trend might have been provoked by the imminent historical process in China, the unification, as it meant to merge the divided political powers into one. Mencius possibly initiated the use of this notion in this context because he anticipated China’s future, saying, “It will be set into one” (Mengzi jizhu 1A: 7; 197: 96b). In fact, the variety of philosophies during the late Warring State period was the result of intellectuals’ diverse responses to a crucial question brought up by the unification: how to make all under heaven “set into one.” Responses to this question include Zhuangzi’s contemplative vision: “Things, no matter whether they are completed or perished, are to be connected and become one. Only a thoroughly acquainted man knows how to be connected and become one” (1056: 13c). On the other side, Xunzi reacted to all the diversified answers with a sweeping criticism: “Now, one may be concerned about being covered by one corner and thereby being obscure about the great principle” (695: 248c). And finally, this competition over the way to become “one” seems to have stimulated ambitious scholars to suggest a tougher concept, “the Great One” (tai yi: 譭螐). According to “Tianxia,” the syncretic chapter of Zhuangzi, “Guan Yin and Lao Dan. . . . base their ideas on the Great One” (1056:164c). Lüshi Chunqiu, however, uses the Great One most frequently and significantly:

30 / The Old Master The Great One brings about the Two Standards, and the Two Standards bring about yin-yang. (848: 309bc) The Way is so extremely exquisite that it cannot be shaped and named. Therefore, I unwillingly name it the Great One. (848: 310b)13 Of virtue of the sage kings . . . its mysterious power becomes connected with the Great One. (848: 417bc) These three passages in Lüshi Chunqiu have parallels in Laozi. The Way brings about the One; The One brings about two. (42) I do not yet know its name; I style it “the Way”; I unwillingly name it “great.” (25) The lords and kings became the masters of all under heaven by attaining the One. (39) With respect to the last pair of parallel sentences, one more passage in “Zhiyi” in Lüshi Chunqiu is strikingly similar to line 6 of this passage: “Kings grasp the One, and become the masters of myriad things” (848: 422b). “Zhiyi,” meaning “grasping the One,” is solely dedicated to pointing out the significance of grasping the One in governance, which implies monopolizing political power and thereby sustaining the unity of society. With this reference to Lüshi Chunqiu, the political implication of “attaining the One” in Laozi becomes explicitly clear. Lüshi Chunqiu’s use of the Great One in its cosmology seems to contribute to a trend of that period because the Han text Huainanzi elaborately adopted this concept, and “Liyun” (“Operation of Rites”), a chapter in the Record of Rites written sometime between the late Warring States and the early Han periods, also employed it as follows: “Now, the rite is rooted in the Great One. When disintegrated, it becomes heaven and earth; when transformed, it becomes yin-yang; when changed, it becomes four seasons” (Liji zhushu, 115: 473c). One more text indispensable in this discussion is “Taiyi sheng shui,” a text excavated from Guodian. Describing how the universe was created, it starts with the Great One, then proceeds to water, heaven, and earth; mysteriously bright power; and yin-yang, in that order.14 The One and the Great One have the same political implications. Xunzi and Han Feizi (ca. 280–233 bce) also noticed the political significance of “grasping the One” in their arguments in “Yaowen” (“King Yao’s Inquiry”) in Xunzi and “Yang quan” (“Elevating the Power”) in Han Feizi.15 Meanwhile, Mencius (372–289 bce), who was active prior to Xunzi and Han Feizi, had criticized this political strategy, saying, “The reason why I hate grasping the One is that it brings damage to the Way” (Mengzi jizhu 7A: 27; 197: 187a).

41.

When great men hear the Way, they diligently practice it. When mediocre men hear the Way, they preserve or sometimes lose it. When lesser men hear the Way, they laugh at it out loud. If they do not laugh at it, it would not be sufficient to be regarded as the Way. Therefore, there is a series of established sayings that states: The way that is bright seems dim; The way that stretches forward seems to retreat; The way that is level seems uneven; The superior virtue seems like a valley; The great purity seems blotted; Vast virtue seems insufficient; Vigorous virtue seems indolent; Upright from the beginning seems to change; The big square has no corners; The big vessel is late in completion; The big sound makes little tone; The images in the sky have no form. If the Way is great, it would have no name. Only with the Way, you can have a good beginning and a good achievement. 芟艐肯纊, 索縑貇襺. 襦艐肯纊, 蓉褌蓉耛. 谨艐肯纊, 繗荢襺. 臼荢, 膻褊蝋蚾纊. 萙蝋筸蔀蛞襺蘇: 聒纊蔒耫, 覿纊蔒讍, 蝏 纊蔒羯. 芟繥蔒簠, 繗腅蔒虁, 籩繥蔒膻褊. 筸繥蔒讏, 觐袷蔒 馦, 繗脙肖虷. 繗絎耈茶, 繗蜮跖茿, 詏芻肖賊, 纊诵肖聐. 臄 蛑纊, 苻萐觟苻茶G (“艐肯,” “膻褊,” “袷蔒馦” from Guodian; “ 讏” from Wang Bi).

31

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19

32 / The Old Master Texts A and B are uniform in placing this passage, equivalent to chapter 41, before the following passage, equivalent to chapter 40, although Text A contains only two characters from this passage. In the Guodian documents, the two passages related to chapters 40 and 42 are transcribed separately as well. Text B has jin 紪 for “diligently” in line 1, while Text A has a lacuna in its corresponding space. D. C. Lau, considering the following character neng 縑 (“to be able to”) where the later editions use the connective particle er 蝢, sees that jin may mean “barely.”16 However, jin means “diligently” in two other passages in the Mawangdui texts, equivalent to chapters 6 and 52, so it appears to be a synonym for qin (“diligently”). According to Yu Shengwu, in the bronze inscriptions, jin also indicated “diligently.”17 A passage from Zhuangzi complements line 3: “Isn’t it sorrowful? The great voices do not enter people’s ears, while people smile upon listening to fun songs with good performances. For this reason, dignified words do not attract common people’s minds” (1056: 67d). Xi Tong insisted that jianyan 筸蔀 (“established sayings”) in line 5 was the title of an ancient book.18 Gao Heng elaborated on this argument, providing a list of ancient books with yan 蔀 (“sayings”) in their titles.19 If this were an ancient book, it would be a collection of valuable ancient sayings. Four bundles of bamboo slips from Guodian are also collections of admonitory sayings. The Chinese research team that initially interpreted the Guodian documents (the Chinese research team for GD, hereafter) titled these collections Yucong (Collection of Words), and Rao Zongyi, in the preface of Wei Qipeng’s book, argued that the collection might be the zhongyan 襩蔀 (“significant sayings”) mentioned in Zhuangzi.20 As people now regard this collection of sayings from Guodian as a book with the title above, jianyan would also have been recognized as a book, following its upgrade from a simple collection of ancient sayings. As regards line 15, since Text B has mian 聂 (“to evade”) instead of wan 耈 (“late”) in the later editions, this famous saying could be translated differently: “The big vessels are not completed.” Chen Zhu suggested this interpretation before the excavation of the Mawangdui texts because the neighboring phrases all have negative forms.21 However, the relevant passages in Guodian documents have man 耉 (“slow”) in place of mian, reviving the traditional translation. In line 17, Text B conforms to the Guodian documents in using tianxiang 詏芻 (“image in the sky”) in place of daxiang 繗芻 (“great image”) in all the later editions. Their implications are corresponding because the images in the sky are “great” as expressed in “Xici” (“Appended Words”) in the Changes: “In the matter of emulating the images, heaven and earth are the greatest” (Zhouyi zhushu, 7:542d). In line 18, I base my translation on Text B, which uses bao 诵 (“great”) instead of yin 蜨 (“implicit,” “to hide”) in all the later editions. This line in the later editions can be read as either “The Way is implicit, so it has no name,”

Part I: Virtue / 33 or “The Way hides itself in no-name.” The Chinese research team for MWD gave attention to Yan Zun’s Daode zhigui, which contains a similar phrase to Text B in its commentary: “With this, we know that if ‘the Way is flourishing it would have no name,’ if virtue is abundant it would have no honorable title, and if merit is grand it would have no volume.”22 Here Lüshi Chunqiu again shows an analogy with Laozi: “The great wisdom is not exposed; the big vessel is late in completion; the big sound makes little tone” (848: 404c). The last two phrases are the same as lines 15–16, while the first one is not seen in Laozi. These three phrases begin and summarize a chapter titled “Le cheng” (“Rejoicing Accomplishments”). Among these three, the first is more crucial because the rest of the chapter relates that the great wisdom of the ancient sages, such as King Yu, Confucius, and Gongsun Zichan, was not easily noticed by common people. This means that Lüshi Chunqiu did not refer to Laozi’s use of the two shared phrases. Also, it did not mention that these phrases derived from the so-called “established sayings.” In contrast, the related passage in the Guodian documents contains nearly the same wording as Laozi, and it says that the phrases in question derived from the “established sayings.” Some may take this as counterevidence to Gu Jiegang’s claim that Lüshi Chunqiu is honest in noting the provenance of its quotations. However, Zhuangzi also shows some sayings similar to this series of “established sayings,” without mentioning the “established sayings.” “Now, the great Way is not discussed; the great speech does not talk; the great humaneness is not humane; the great uprightness is not humble; and the great bravery does not bring harm” (1056: 15d). Thus, concluding that the “established sayings” was the only possible repository of the “sayings” is not necessary.

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40.

Reversal is the movement of the Way; Weakness is the function of the Way. All things under heaven are born from something with shapes, yet it is born from something with no shapes.

1 2 3

胮蒺螿纊襺纨蒺, 蓅蒺螿纊襺虑蒺. 詏谨襺肵苇蓯蛞, 蛞苇蓯 肖 (“苇” from Guodian). A more popular interpretation for fan 胮 (“reversal”) in line 1 is “returning.” In this interpretation, many symbols in Laozi can sit in the place of the destination to which myriad things return, such as “roots” (16), “an ancient saying” (22), “baby,” “untrimmed log,” “no-limit” (28), or “brightness” (52). All these symbols, however, eventually imply the Way. Thus, in this interpretation, line 1 is paraphrased as, “Returning to the Way is the movement of the Way.” This interpretation, however, might divert readers from this line’s subject, the “movement of the Way,” because it emphasizes the eventual submission of every being to the Way rather than the phenomenal movements of the Way. Heshanggong’s commentary, introduced in the Gu Huan edition, has an interesting comment on this passage: “This [passage] illustrates the expedient measure. Reversal indicates the reversal of the constant way in order to make one’s conduct conform to rightness.”23 Lu Xisheng and the Imperial Commentary of Emperor Xuanzong also adopt this understanding. In this comment, the “constant way” indicates prescribed methods for maintaining good values, say, studying hard or being respectful to seniors. This is the “constant way” because most people have continuously followed it. This way, however, will not always bring good results in Laozi’s perspective because “If the lords and kings remain noble and high without pause, I say, I fear that they will topple” (39). Therefore, people are advised to reverse the constant way and to take an expedient measure for accomplishing the eventual goal in Laozi, that is, having a “long life and long-lasting vision” (59). This art of living more comports with the Way because “Reversal is the movement

35

36 / The Old Master of the Way.” Wang Bi’s comment displays the same understanding: “The high takes lowliness as the foundation, the noble takes humility as the root, and the tangible takes the intangible as the usage. This is the reversal.” Therefore, the first line discusses the incessant changes of life and nature that occasion the movements of turning to the opposite side (“reversal”), as mentioned in the following quotation: “Everything once completed will necessarily become flawed; everything once gone to the limit will necessarily turn back; and everything once full will necessarily wane” (Lüshi Chunqiu, 848: 488a). D. C. Lau argued, in his rebuttal of Feng Youlan and Yang Kuan’s interpretations, that the process of changes in Laozi is not circular.24 What this argument implies is that Laozi always favors one virtue or quality when discussing two opposites, in this case weakness over strength. His argument is persuasive if one focuses on the literal expressions of Laozi, which show a preference for abandoned or underappreciated values. This point of view, however, would be contradictory to the leading proposition in this passage, “Reversal is the movement of the Way.” If everything reverses, weakness or softness cannot be perpetually better than strength. Being aware of this topic, Su Zhe commented, “The world doesn’t know that tranquility turns to movement, and that weakness turns to strength. Therefore, Laozi tells us how things are being brought about.” In Su Zhe’s view, Laozi’s teaching is a response to the given reality in which people overwhelmingly favor strength and power over weakness and softness. Only within this reality was the teaching of Laozi asserted and accordingly inclined toward specific values in order to balance out people’s common bents. “Something with shapes” and “something with no shapes” in the last sentence are the translations for you 蛞 (“to have”) and wu 肚 (“not to have”), respectively. These words are often translated as “being” and “nonbeing.” In this respect, one should note that although the philosophy of Laozi is frequently defined as the philosophy of wu, this character wu appears to have more meaning than the negative in only three passages of the book: this passage and chapters 2 and 11.25 Conclusively speaking, wu in Laozi seems to always indicate something that has no shapes or no names. First, chapter 2 discusses the relationship between opposites, and wu is paired with you. As each of the neighboring pairs has a practical quality, such as difficult and easy, long and short, high and low, tone and voice, and front and back, you and wu must have played in the same dimension. At least, wu here does not connote the ontological nonbeing in that it depends on you to exist, and thus it is not substantial. Also, in chapter 11, wu obviously indicates the physical status of having no shapes or names. Line 3 in this passage is most foundational in the metaphysical and ontological interpretation of wu, nonbeing. In my interpretation, however, they are a paraphrasing of the preceding line, “Reversal is the movement of the Way.” In other words, they are a re-formation of the general statement regarding the

Part I: Virtue / 37 movement of the Way, which aims to create an integral understanding of the origin of things. A supposed reality in this re-formation is that everything under heaven is thought of as born from something with shapes, as stated in the beginning of line 3. In Laozi’s philosophy, this remark is fragmentary because it overlooks the inevitable “reverse” development of nature. If this “reversal” occurs, cause and effect are reversed: something with no shapes causes something with shapes to exist. Of course, this does not mean that something with no shapes alone is fundamental and substantial whereas something with shapes is consequential and dependent because their relation will be reversed again in the persistent movement of the Way. Wu, in Laozi, is not equal to the Way but one of the many descriptions of the Way. In particular, it is used to assert that the Way embraces not only the well-recognized, visible, and tangible, but also the neglected, invisible, and intangible. I agree with Feng Youlan’s argument that the Way includes both you and wu.26 Nevertheless, Laozi’s philosophy deserves to be called the philosophy of wu. This is primarily because Laozi puts more stress on wu than on you to balance out the inclination in reality that favors something with shapes over something with no shapes. In addition, in Laozi’s art of living, having no shapes or no names is instrumental for compliance with given circumstances. Sima Tan pointed out, “The strategy [of Daoism] takes being empty and having no shapes as the root, and being compliant and following others as the function” (Shiji, 130: 3292).

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42.

The Way gives birth to the One; The One gives birth to two; Two gives birth to three; Three gives birth to the myriad things. The myriad things carry the shadow on their backs, hold the light in their arms, and take the mean force as harmonious. What all under heaven hate is only to be in solitude, with scant virtue, and with no goodness. Yet kings and princes refer to themselves thus. Things often become reduced in an attempt to increase and increased in an attempt to reduce. Therefore, when you teach others, you will also have to teach them using this meaning. Therefore, the strong and the fierce cannot reach a natural end. I will take this as the father of my learning.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

纊苇螐, 螐苇蝊, 蝊苇芓, 芓苇耎肵. 耎肵臛蜭蝢诨蓪, 襦絥蝋蚾 责. 詏谨襺荓葹, 蛑篺籀膻簟, 蝢蘌簰蝋蚾蟀聐蒺. 肵贍荼襺蝢蝳, 蝳襺蝢荼. 篿蝸襺荓粊, 蔥蝂蝋粊蝸. 篿笶缎螿, 膻织絋艠. 葩 蟧蝋蚾谷臐G (“耎肵臛蜭蝢诨蓪,” “襺荓,” “织” from Wang Bi). As mentioned earlier, the concept of the One and its cosmogony were prevalent among philosophers by the late Warring States period. In line 1, Laozi shows that the Way is more sublime than the widely conceived origin of the universe, the One, by saying, “The Way gives birth to the One.” For this claim, it adopts the same tactic as the one for attacking the widely conceived values of Confucianism: “After people lose the Way, virtue arrives; after people lose virtue, humaneness arrives; after people lose humaneness, rightness arrives” (38). This view, however, did not immediately penetrate into the philosophers at that time, who must have found the numerological cosmogony revolving

39

40 / The Old Master around the One more persuasive than the metaphysics of the Way because many classics from the Han dynasty were still heavily influenced by the concept of the One. In this respect, one should note that Huainanzi in two places omits the phrase “The Way gives birth to the One” when it quotes this passage: “The Way begins at the One. However, the One does not engender something. Therefore, it is divided to become yin and yang. Yin and yang become harmoniously united and engender the myriad things. Therefore, it is said that ‘One gives birth to two, two gives birth to three, three gives birth to the myriad things’ ” (848: 537d–8a). Huainanzi here says, “The Way begins at the One,” and not, “The Way gives birth to the One.” In the other place, it states, “Now, the spirit is received from heaven, and the body is bestowed by earth. Therefore, it is said that ‘One gives birth to two, two gives birth to three, three gives birth to the myriad things’ ” (848: 575a). Again, it does not include, “The Way gives birth to the One.” Shuowen jiezi by Xu Shen (ca. 58–ca. 147) takes the same stance as that of Huainanzi regarding this issue: “Only in the era of the Great Beginning was the Way established in the One. It is divided into heaven and earth and fostered the myriad things” (223: 72d). These quotations do not accept Laozi’s cosmogony in which the Way precedes the One. Among the ancient classics, only Wenzi quotes the phrase in question without omission: “Now, the spirit is received from heaven, and the body is bestowed by earth. Therefore, it is said that ‘The Way gives birth to the One, the One gives birth to two, two gives birth to three, three gives birth to the myriad things’ ” (1058: 318a). Wenzi here repeats Huainanzi’s idea quoted above, but it adds, “The Way gives birth to the One,” probably deliberately. The extant Wenzi is not a reliable source because it copied Huainanzi to the extent that it is just a mere collection of sayings from Huainanzi. More important, the extant Wenzi was modified later. This modification becomes clear when one compares the bibliography of Hanshu with the extant Wenzi. According to “Yiwenzhi,” Wenzi uses dialogues between Wenzi and King Ping of the Zhou dynasty (30: 1729), whereas the extant Wenzi features dialogues between teacher Laozi and his student Wenzi.27 Interestingly, one ancient edition of Wenzi emerged from Bajielang of Ding County, Hebei Province, in 1973, and it contains dialogues between Wenzi and King Ping of the Zhou as noted in “Yiwenzhi.”28 In brief, the extant Wenzi has downgraded Wenzi from a teacher to a student and replaced King Ping with Laozi, making Laozi a teacher. The purpose of this modification is apparent, that is, making Laozi who was supposedly unfamiliar to readers at that time more authoritative.29 With this backdrop, only the extant Wenzi quoted the phrase in question: it meant to disseminate the metaphysics of the Way, challenging the more popular worldview of the One. The number “three” in line 4 seems to have a specific ontological implication. Even in a passage in Zhuangzi, it plays a similar role in its numerical

Part I: Virtue / 41 explanation of the universe: “The One and the language become two, and two and the One become three. From this point on, the man of skillful computing cannot calculate, and it is more so for the man of mediocre skill. Therefore, things proceed from nothing to something and arrive at three” (1056: 15b). The early documents of the Chinese chronicles such as “Lüshu” (“Documents of Cadence”) in Shiji and “Lüli zhi” (“Documents of Cadence and Chronicle”) in Hanshu uniformly give special meanings to the number three. For example, “Lüshu” claims that “Numbers begin at one, are finished at ten, and are accomplished at three” (25: 1251). This implies that the number “three” nests in the Chinese perception of time. The Chinese agricultural civilization subscribed to the notion that one generation consists of thirty years, one year consists of four seasons, each of which consists of three months, one month consists of three ten-day periods, and one day consists of three meal times. Accordingly, many cultural performances, institutions, and events used the number three. This situation would have given “three” the numerological power to engender the myriad things. “The shade” and “the light” in line 5 are translations of yin 蜭 and yang 蓪. These are their primary meanings. “Taiyi sheng shui” illustrates a cosmogony wherein the Great One engenders water, heaven, earth, bright spirits, yin and yang, four seasons, cold and heat, humidity and dryness, and a year—in that order. Here yin and yang seem to signify merely “shade” (darkness) and “light” (brightness) as well, which implies that these terms had not been fully conceptualized when Laozi was compiled. “Mean force” in the same line is a literal translation for zhong 襦 (“mean” or “middle”) qi 絥 (“vital force”) in Text A. In all the later editions, this term appears as chongqi 諭絥, which many see as signifying either “empty qi” or “blended qi,” depending on the interpretation of chong (“empty” or “to blend”). However, Text A uses zhong instead of chong. (The corresponding part is damaged in Text B.) Because Text A distinguishes zhong from chong as in the passage equivalent to chapter 45, I translated it literally. In fact, “empty qi,” “blended qi,” and “the mean force” have the same implication because “the mean force” here indicates a force that is inclined to neither shadow nor light and thus “blended” or “empty.” “The strong and the fierce cannot reach a natural end,” in line 11 is one of the best-known verses from Laozi. Shuoyuan (Collection of Discussions) by Liu Xiang, however, quotes this verse as being not from Laozi but from the “Inscription on the Bronze Statue” (jinren mingG紼蝸聜). According to the book, Confucius found the “Inscription” when he visited the capital city of the Zhou. It was inscribed on the back of a bronze statue placed in front of the stone steps to the right of the royal shrine of Zhou (696: 91b). This “Inscription” has so many passages similar to those in Laozi that researchers have examined the relation between them. However, according to “Rujiazhe yan” (“Words from

42 / The Old Master the Confucians”), unearthed from Bajielang in 1973, this “Inscription” contains a very brief teaching: “Be cautious, be cautious! . . . [T]he more words, the more faults. The more commitments, the more disasters.”30 This is all. Even though there is one more phrase of five characters, not translated here due to one missing character, this brevity is surprising to scholars because it does not contain even a passage related to Laozi. This “forged” “Inscription” introduced in Shuoyan also shows the later efforts to elevate Laozi’s authority.31 “The father of my learning” in the last line is a translation for xue 谷 (“to learn”) fu 臐 (“father”) in Text A. The Fu Yi and the Fan Yingyuan editions have the same expression as Text A, although many of the later editions have jiao 粊 (“to teach”) instead of xue. According to Fan Yingyuan, the Wang Bi and Yan Zun editions originally used “xue,” and the Heshanggong edition used “jiao” in place of “xue” for the first time. There is not much difference between their meanings.

43.

The softest thing under heaven penetrates the hardest thing under heaven. Things with no form enter things with no space. Through this, I know the benefit of taking no action. The wordless teaching, the benefit of taking no action, few under heaven can reach these.

1 2 3 4 5

詏谨襺覓蛠, 謟艁蓯詏谨襺覓箘. 肖蛞螤蓯肖笋, 薿萙蝋覌肖 蚾襺蛞蝳蒺. 膻蔀襺粊, 肖蚾襺蝳, 詏谨跖縑紿襺蝁 (“襺蛞,” “蔀襺,” “詏” from Wang Bi). Some commentaries suggest the Way or qi as the model of “the softest thing” in line 1, yet the manifest example is water. The “things with no form” in line 2 parallel “the softest thing,” “the wordless teaching,” and “taking no action.” In Lin Xiyi’s view, qi and light are the examples of things that enter things with no space. The Fu Yi and the Fan Yingyuan editions have a different wording for line 2, which reads, “It comes from no form and enters no space.” In Shuoyuan, Shuxiang, a nobleman from the state of Jin who was active earlier than Confucius, quoted this passage from Laozi (696: 87ab). This is noteworthy because if Shuxiang knew of Laozi, then it would have antedated Confucius. However, because he also quoted a passage from “Tuan” (“Judgment”) section of the qian hexagram in the Changes, which undoubtedly followed Confucius,32 this story as well seems to have been interpolated later.

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44.

Name or person, which is dearer? Person or property, which counts for more? Gain or loss, which makes you more anxious? Excessive frugality must entail great spending. Heavy hoarding must entail great losing. Therefore, if you know contentment, you will not be disgraced; if you know when to stop, you will not be endangered. In this way, you can be long and lasting.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

聐蔛葌菐謤, 葌蔛贮菐縘, 织蔛耛菐膂. 葛蒨谞繗舫, 趌蟿谞縘 耛. 篿覌褊膻虁, 覌覈膻議, 竑蝋蠃粜G (“蒨谞繗舫, 趌蟿谞縘” from Guodian). Wang Bi’s answer to the question in line 3 is that loss makes people more anxious because “gain” here means to gain property while “loss” means to lose one’s life. This idea of valuing one’s life the most was initiated by Yang Zhu, as stated in Huainanzi, “What was established by Yang Zhu is to maintain one’s life, to preserve one’s nature, and to prevent one from hurting his body with external things” (848: 653d). According to Huainanzi, Yang Zhu proposed this idea to repulse the Mohists’ excessive concern for community, and his idea was in turn rebuked by Mencius who minded that excessive individualism would destroy community. Correspondingly, Mencius saw Yang Zhu as an egoist, but his evaluation does not represent the true nature of Yang Zhu’s thought. Indeed, Han Feizi approaches his thought from a different perspective: “Here is a man who does not enter a dangerous city no matter whether or not it is righteous, who is not involved in military affairs, and who does not exchange a hair on his leg with the greatest benefit for all under heaven. The lords of the world . . . [r]egard him as a man of belittling things and valuing life” (729: 785a). Thus, Laozi’s idea in this passage was most likely influenced by Yang Zhu. Impressed

45

46 / The Old Master with this visible connection between Yang Zhu and Laozi, Cui Shu (1740–1816) argued that Laozi was entrusted to Lao Dan by people from the Yang Zhu school in order to castigate Confucius’s teaching.33 The thoughts of Yang Zhu and Laozi, however, are not indistinguishable because they part in their perception of life, and accordingly their ways of preserving it also differ. Yang Zhu’s way to preserve one’s life is to submit to one’s nature, which naturally tends to prefer good sounds, good appearances, and good tastes: “For this reason, the sages, with respect to sound, appearance, and taste, accept it if it is good for one’s nature, and discard it if it is bad for one’s nature” (Lüshi Chunqiu, 848: 281a). On the contrary, Laozi says, “The five colors make one’s eyes blind; . . . the five flavors make one’s palate spoiled; the five tones make one’s ears deaf ” (12). Although these two teachings can still blend when one sees the five colors and their parallels in Laozi above as not good for one’s nature, Laozi’s teaching is more yielding and passive than Yang Zhu’s. This is because Yang Zhu’s primary goal is to enjoy natural vitality, while Laozi’s is to preserve one’s life without being endangered. Also, Yang Zhu teaches compliance with one’s own nature, while Laozi teaches compliance with circumstances. This account should not create an impression that Laozi espouses religious asceticism. Laozi never belittles the body, whereas religious asceticism ultimately asserts the denial of the body. Although Laozi here teaches people to distance themselves from the vain pursuit of name, property, and gain, it is not because such desires are detrimental in themselves but because they endanger our peaceful preservation of life, in other words, the lasting preservation of our body. What Laozi essentially teaches in this context is to discern which way of life creates good fortune in our secular life. People usually see securing good reputation, property, and gain as fortunate, but Laozi denies this. “No crime is greater than lavish desire; no disaster is greater than not knowing contentment; no blunder is more miserable than desire for gain” (46). Laozi also pursues good fortune, but the greatest fortune in Laozi is being “long and lasting,” as mentioned at the end of this passage. In this sense, the art of living in Laozi is condensed in lines 6–7. Lin Xiyi (b. 1193) exclaimed that the teaching in these three lines would “not be totally used up, although we use it for thousands of years.” Laozi contains teachings of both contentment and self-effacement so that people may enjoy an enduring life free of danger. Thus, it surely is songs of the old people or of old civilizations that endured many dangers throughout the course of their existence.34

45.

Great completion seems defective yet its use is never exhausted. Great fullness seems empty yet its use is never straitened. Great straightness seems bent. Great skill seems clumsy. Great surplus seems deficient. Moving swiftly will overcome cold; Remaining calm will overcome heat. Only with pure tranquility can one become the lord under heaven.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

繗茶蓉箧, 絋虑膻诘. 繗薔蓉盅, 絋虑膻糘. 繗覜蔒酏, 繗粈蔒褏, 繗阂蔒絀. 趮萆谻, 裀萆蕣, 詿裀竑蝋蚾詏谨袢. “Fullness” in line 2 is a translation for ying 薔 in Texts A and B. The Fu Yi and the Fan Yingyuan editions use man 耊 instead of ying, which has the same meaning. Because ying is the first name of Emperor Hui (r. 194–188 bce), some understand that the above-mentioned later editions followed the naming taboo practice by changing the original ying to man and that accordingly Texts A and B must have been completed before Emperor Hui’s ascension to the throne. This argument is disputable because all the later editions, including the Fu Yi and the Fan Yingyuan editions, use ying in other passages just as the Mawangdui texts do. The relevant passage in the Guodian documents offers a more comprehensible wording for lines 3–5, which Wei Qipeng renders as “Great skill seems clumsy; great music sounds interrupted; great trees look warped.”35 The Guodian documents also alters the first line of this passage as, “Big vessels seem to have flaws,” an interpretation originally proposed by Ma Xulun who saw cheng 茶 (“completion”) as vessels in an altar used for sacrificial rituals.36 In contrast, my translation for line 5 refers primarily to Daode zhigui. With regard to lines 6–7, at least one or two more interpretations are possible. First, one may read them as, “When moving swiftly culminates

47

48 / The Old Master [sheng 萆], it will turn to cold; when remaining calm culminates, it will turn to heat.” This interpretation was adopted by Cheng Xuanying, Lin Xiyi, and Fan Yingyuan. Second, one can read these lines based on the same sentence structure I use, but with a different connotation, as Su Zhe and Dong Sijing (fl. 1246) did: “Moving swiftly will only overcome cold; Remaining calm will only overcome heat.” The Guodian documents have a different wording from any of the transmitted editions, including the Mawangdui texts, which reads, “Heat overcomes cold; Chill overcomes flame.” My translation above refers to Yan Zun, Lu Xisheng, and Wu Cheng’s commentaries. Praise for the virtue of tranquility, an expression of no-action, is consistent in Laozi and the other related classics, as seen in the following quotations: “Tranquility is the lord of haste.” (Laozi: 26) “If you make a move, you will lose your position. Thus, only with tranquility can you attain all by yourself.” (Guanzi, 729: 145d) “When the lords of people remain calm and do not make a swift move, the hundred offices will become arranged in order.” (Huainanzi, 848: 597bc)

46.

When the Way prevails under heaven, people abandon galloping horses and go farming. When the Way does not prevail under heaven, war-horses breed on battlefields. No crime is greater than lavish desire. No disaster is greater than not knowing contentment. No blunder is more miserable than desire for gain. If you know that contentment is enough, you will constantly be content.

1 2 3 4 5 6

詏谨蛞纊SG竪襈翸蝋臵UG詏谨肖纊SG蜝翸苇蓯粗UG褧翿繗蓯竑蘽, 质 翿 繗 蓯 膻 覌 褊 , 粥 翿 颃 蓯 蘽 织 . 覌 褊 襺 蚾 褊 , 豣 褊 蝁G G (“覌褊襺蚾褊” from Guodian). Depending on the interpretation of que 迧 (“to abandon”), the first sentence can alternately be translated as either “. . . people drive [que] galloping horses to farm” or “. . . people retire [que] galloping horses to farm.”37 The Wu Cheng edition adds che 觬 (“cart”) after fen 臵 (“farming”), which changes the first sentence into the following: “. . . people abandon galloping horses and draw manure carts.” Zhu Xi (1130–1200) quoted this sentence in the same manner,38 and Wu Cheng argued that “Dongjing fu” (“Rhapsody of the East Capital”) by Zhang Heng (73–139) was Zhu Xi’s source for this passage. Yi Shunding has supplemented Wu Cheng’s account of the variations of this sentence by speculating that Zhang Heng mistakenly read fen che in Wenzi as one word when they were supposed to be separated.39 The extant edition of Wenzi is somewhat of a replica of Huainanzi and accordingly the same passage from Wenzi appears in Huainanzi, but with the conjunctive er 蝢 between the two characters. Thus, Zhang Heng could not possibly have misread fen che as one word in case he referred to Huainanzi. If he did misread it, he would have referred to Wenzi. Provided all these speculations are correct, one can place the date

49

50 / The Old Master for the completion of Wenzi somewhere between Huainanzi and Zhang Heng. This is a common way to estimate the dates of the Chinese classic texts. The recent archaeological discoveries in China, however, have significantly simplified the painstaking dating process. The tomb from which archaeologists unearthed the Han edition of Wenzi was constructed for Liu Xiu, a royal aristocrat of the state of Zhongshan, sometime before 55 bce, the year in which he died.40 “Lavish” in line 3 is a translation for ke 竑 (“–able”), which Ma Xulun argued was equivalent to duo 縘 (“much”). I follow his suggestion, as well as Han Shi waizhuan, in which ke has been switched to duo. This passage clearly advises abstinence from desire. The earliest Chinese proponent of this idea was Song Xing, a little before the time of Mencius (372–289 bce). For example, Xunzi criticizes him as follows: “Obscured by the matter of desire, he did not understand obtainment” (695: 250b). The syncretic chapter of Zhuangzi, “Tianxia,” also introduces “lessening man’s desires” as one of his core arguments (1056: 163c). Guo Moruo, believing that Confucius did not teach his students about the abstinence of desire, contended that Mencius’s thought about it might have come from Song Xing.41 There is not much difference between this line’s teaching and Mencius’s in the following: “Nothing is better than diminishing one’s desires in order to cultivate one’s mind” (Mengzi jizhu, 7B: 36; 197: 196a).

47.

Without going out the door, one may know all under heaven. Without looking out the window, one may know the Way of heaven. The farther one goes out, the less one knows. For this reason, the sage knows without traveling, names without looking, accomplishes without doing.

1 2 3 4

膻諨蓯賫, 蝋覌詏谨. 膻紉蓯雂, 蝋覌詏纊. 絋諨蒺肺蚫, 絋覌 肺荑. 萙蝋茾蝸膻貇蝢覌, 膻箟蝢聐, 臼蚾蝢茶 (“荑. 萙蝋茾蝸 膻貇蝢覌, 膻箟” from Wang Bi). Ancient Chinese thinkers commonly enhanced their teachings by mentioning sages, as seen in line 4. For instance, Confucius did this by honoring the Duke of Zhou, Mozi by exalting King Yu, and Mencius by praising King Yao and King Shun. Their sages all have names. However, the sages in Laozi have no names. Part of the master plan for Laozi seems to be not to expose any trace or evidence regarding its historicity. Sometimes too much awareness of the potential contradiction between ming 聐 (“name”) in the same line and the general stress on “no name” in Laozi allowed commentators such as Ma Xulun to produce an alternative for the interpretation of this word: ming (“name”) here should be read as the interchangeable ming 聒 (“bright” or “understand”).42 Laozi, however, does not entirely exclude contradictions. Czikszentmihalyi pointed out that the early commentaries did not “explain” the contradiction embedded in Laozi but “embraced” it.43 The teaching of this passage, which asserts that one can grasp great knowledge without exploration of the world, is seen in other sources prior to Laozi, especially in those of Confucianism. First of all, in the Analects: “Is humaneness far away? If I want it, it will arrive” (Lunyu jizhu, 7: 29; 197: 41a). Mencius also shared Confucius’s point of view and said, “The Way is near,

51

52 / The Old Master but people seek it in a remote place” (Mengzi jizhu, 4A: 11; 197: 141d–2a). Unquestionably, this idea reflects a worldview: “The myriad things are all preserved in me” (ibid., 7A: 4; 197: 183a), and “The ways are different, yet all return to the same destination. Deliberations are different, yet what they try to achieve is the same” (Zhouyi zhushu, 7: 555c). Lüshi Chunqiu also combines Confucius’s saying with what appears to be related to lines 1–2: “The best thing is to return to myself to find it, and the next is to seek it from others. The farther one goes out to seek it, the more distanced one will be from it; the more forcefully one seeks it, the more one will lose it” (848: 298d). The first sentence in this quotation is barely distinctive from a passage in the Analects: “The noble man seeks it in himself while the small person seeks it in others” (Lunyu jizhu, 15: 20; 197: 74d). In another story in Lüshi Chunqiu, Confucius gives the following advice to Lord Ai of the state of Lu: “Only a person who can orderly rule all under heaven without going out the door is the one who knows how to return to himself ” (848: 298cd). Similarly, Han Shi waizhuan links “sincerity” and “reciprocity,” vital notions in Confucius’s teaching, with the phrases above (89: 803a). Thus, in the eyes of some thinkers in the late Warring States period, the Confucian teachings were inscribed in lines 1–2. Two more facts reinforce the probability that this idea originated in the Confucian tradition. First, although the same phrases as lines 1–2 appear twice in Han Shi waizhuan (89: 803a; 89: 818a) and once in Lüshi Chunqiu (838: 413d), neither remarks that they are from Laozi. Second, Laozi here uses the phrase “the Way of heaven” (tiandao: 詏纊), prevalent in Confucianism but rarely used in Laozi.44 “Yu Lao” (“Illustrations of Laozi”) in Han Feizi interprets this passage with an emphasis on the contemplative concentration for self-cultivation. According to it, lines 1–2 state that “the bright spirit does not leave its substance” and that the orifices in our body, that is, the organs of sensibility, resemble the doors and windows in a house (729: 664b). Therefore, “without going out the door” or “without looking out the window” means in this context that one should stay calm without having our spirits travel through the orifices. “Daoying xun” (“Responses of the Way”) in Huainanzi adopts the same interpretation as that of “Yu Lao” (848: 645d). So, this interpretation was most likely accepted by some thinkers who diverted attention from the political interpretation in Lüshi Chunqiu and Han Shi waizhuan. Another chapter in Huainanzi, “Zhushu xun” (“Strategy of the Lords”), follows not the interpretation of the “Daoying xun” but that of Lüshi Chunqiu and Han Shi waizhuan (848: 597d), although the two chapters are in the same book. This fact demonstrates that Huainanzi was compiled by various groups with distinctive political and philosophical propensities, the groups Wang Yi (ca. 89–158) called “small mountains” and “big mountains” in his commentary of Chuci (1062: 73a).

48.

Those who are learning build up day after day. Those who have heard the Way take away day after day. By taking away and taking away, one can reach taking no action. If you take no action, nothing will be left undone. If you want to acquire all under heaven, you must always have no commitments. If you become committed, it is not sufficient for acquiring all under heaven.

1 2 3 4 5 6

蚾谷螿螔蝳, 肯纊螿螔荼. 荼襺虞荼, 蝋覓蓯肖蚾蒺. 肖蚾蝢 肖膻蚾. 蟧蘽諵詏谨, 豣肖艃. 紿絋蛞艃蒺, 虞膻褊蝋諵詏谨 蝁 (“蚾蒺. 肖蚾蝢肖膻蚾” from Guodian; “蟧蘽,” “虞膻,” “谨 蝁” from Fu Yi). Heshanggong confined the subject of “learning” in line 1 to politics, ideology, Confucian ritual, and music, and the subject of “taking away” in the second line to emotional desires and cultural ornamentation. On the contrary, “Zhi beiyou” (“Zhi’s Wandering in the North”) in Zhuangzi saw these lines warned of the substantial futility of all kinds of learning and knowledge (1056: 107d). In the former perspective, Li Rong (fl. 650–683) commented, “Unless knowledge culminates, the work of taking away cannot be fulfilled. Therefore, building up day after day is the practical method for taking away day after day.” In the latter stance, Kumarajiva (344–413), one of the earliest Buddhist scholars and missionaries to China from Kucha, commented, “Evil is a bad thing, and goodness is a good thing. Since the bad thing has already been taken away and the good thing is also being taken away, it says ‘taking away and taking away.’ Right and wrong have been obliterated and the emotional desires have been disconnected. Therefore, virtue and the Way come to be united and reach no-action.” Laozi has a delicate duality in this topic because it apparently aspires

53

54 / The Old Master to break off with learning but contains highly intellectualized teachings. One of its passages mirrors this duality well: “[The sage] learns not to learn” (64). In line 2, every later edition and the Guodian documents use wei 蚾 (“to act”) instead of wen 肯 (“to hear”) in Text B. However, wen is more relevant because Laozi uses the same expression in chapter 41. In addition, adopting this wording resolves the discrepancy between the persistent teaching of wuwei (“no-action”) in Laozi and the wei in the later editions. Line 4 was supplemented by the Guodian documents because the relevant part in Texts A and B is damaged. I rendered the conjunctive er 蝢 in this line in the Guodian documents as functionally same as the conditional ze 謡, based on the Fu Yi and the Fan Yingyuan editions. An excellent explanation for the well-known phrase in this line, “nothing will be left undone,” is found in Huainanzi: “The so-called ‘no-action’ implies not to do something before things act. What is called ‘nothing is left undone’ indicates following what things do” (848: 513a). In other words, in perfect compliance to the changes of nature, one can enjoy everything that occurs with the natural changes. Thus, “nothing will be left undone” is a rephrasing of “no-action.” Line 5 is compatible with chapter 57: “Acquire all under heaven with no commitment.” This is Laozi’s answer to the prevalent question put to political advisors during the late Warring States period: how to acquire all under heaven. Laozi now recommends that those who want to acquire all under heaven take no action until winning full support from the people.

49.

The sage always has no mind of his own; He takes the mind of common people as his mind. Treat well those who are good; Treat well those who are not good; Then, virtue is goodness. Trust those who are trustful; Trust those who are not trustful; Then, virtue is trustfulness. The sage, in his dealing with all under heaven, keeps his mind mingled with others for the sake of all under heaven, like sorting feathers evenly. All the common people fix their eyes and ears on him, yet he treats them all as children.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

9 10

茾蝸豣肖葖, 蝋腆茲襺葖蚾葖. 苻螿苻襺, 膻苻螿蔥苻襺, 繥苻蒺. 萺螿萺襺, 膻萺螿蔥萺襺, 繥萺蒺. 茾蝸襺蠇詏谨, 髭髭蓿蚾詏谨贒葖. 腆茲答荲蝣聺蓿, 茾蝸答豱襺 (“茾,” “襺,” “繥” from Wang Bi). In all the later editions the first line appears as, “The sage has no constant mind.” Text B, by switching two words in this sentence, heng 豣 (“always,” “constant”) and wu 肖 (“not”), shows a different meaning. “Like sorting feathers evenly” in line 9 is a translation for xixiyan 髭髭蓿. Some editions have different words for this phrase, but the characters in Texts A and B are closer to xixi than to any alternative. This term “xixi” signifies a bird sorting out unarranged feathers by folding them into its wings. In this passage it is an allegory for the lack of distinction between “good/ trustful” and “not good/not trustful.” Laozi repeatedly values “indistinction,” as seen in chapters 27, 62, 63, and this passage. In Han Shi waizhuan, however, the same teaching is introduced

55

56 / The Old Master by Yan Hui, the most beloved disciple of Confucius: “Zilu said, ‘If people treat me well, I will treat them well; if people treat me badly, I will treat them badly.’ Zigong said, ‘If people treat me well, I will treat them well; if people treat me badly, I will go forward or backward with them [depending on the situation].’ Yan Hui said, ‘If people treat me well, I will treat them well; if people treat me badly, I will still treat them well’ ” (89: 847d–8a). Disharmony among the disciples was so obvious that they went to Confucius to be judged. Wisely, Confucius approved all their attitudes by saying, “Zilu’s words can be applied to the relation between barbarians; Zigong’s words can be applied to that between friends; Yan Hui’s words can be applied to that between family members” (ibid.). If this episode reflects the very thought of Confucius, as shown in a dialogue between Confucius and the Duke of Ye regarding uprightness (Lunyu jizhu, 13: 18; 197: 65a), Laozi now tries to expand family relations to all under heaven. Noticing Yan Hui’s frequent appearance in Zhuangzi as a fictionalized messenger who delivers Daoist ideas, Guo Moruo argued that the school of Zhuangzi stemmed from the Yan Hui school, one of the eight Confucian schools formed following Confucius’s death.45 The Analects depicts Yan Hui as not losing his joy for the Way in spite of destitution, a conventional representation of the Daoist sage.

50.

When coming out into life and entering into death, three out of ten are companions of life, three out of ten are companions of death. 1 The people contrive to live and live, so those who proceed towards the realm of death are three out of ten. 2 Why is this so? 3 It is because they contrive to live and live. 4 Indeed, I have heard that one who is good at holding on to life does not avoid tigers and rhinos even when traveling in the high hills, and does not put on armor and weapons even when charging into an army. 5 The rhinos, however, have no place to jab their horns; 6 The tigers, however, have no place to put their claws; 7 The weapons, however, have no place to admit their blades. 8 Why is this so? 9 It is because there is no realm of death in him. 10 諨苇螤艠, 苇襺繲葟蛞芓, 艠襺繲葟蛞芓, 蝢胐苇苇, 纨答襺艠 襽襺葟蛞芓. 臄谩篿蒺. 蝋絋苇苇蒺. 筘肯苻觖苇螿, 縓貇膻谚 锵贄, 螤糛膻谙第腹. 锵肖荓讒絋竲, 贄肖荓裡絋製, 腹肖荓虈 絋蝺. 谩篿蒺. 蝋絋肖艠襽蓿G (“諨,” “繲葟,” “芓,” “艠,” “絋蝺” from Wang Bi). The first phrase, “when coming out into life and entering into death,” indicates the entire period of life from birth to death, as seen in “Jie Lao” in Han Feizi: “People’s life begins with birth, and ends with death. Beginning is called coming out, and ending is called entering” (729: 657c). The same usage of chu 諨 (“to come out”) and ru 螤 (“to enter”) is found in “Gengshangchu” in Zhuangzi (23: 6, 1056: 118cd).

57

58 / The Old Master “Three out of ten” in line 1 is a translation for shi 葟 (“ten”) you 蛞 (“to have”) san 芓 (“three”). Commentaries differ in rendering this phrase, but their understandings fall largely into two groups: “thirteen” and “three out of ten.” In the former interpretation, one will have to choose one of the various views concerning the meaning of “thirteen,” for example, the complicated explanation by Fan Yingyuan. There are three sets of “three out of ten” in this passage, so the sum becomes “nine out of ten.” This has also invited some meticulous commentators to speculate on what the hidden “one of ten” could imply. For instance, Su Zhe insisted that the “one of ten” was reserved for the Way of immortality; Wu Cheng argued that it would be assigned for the Uppermost True Man; and Xue Hui suggested that it might serve for the “one who is good at holding on to life” a few lines down. In my view, however, shi you san is a simplified expression for shi 葟 fen 臧 zhi 襺 you 蛞 san 芓 (“having three out of divided ten”), and it represents an approximate counterpart of one-third. The first third of people (“companions of life”) are destined to live with any cause, and the second third (“companions of death”) are destined to die. The rest are the target audience of this passage. The first phrase in line 2, “The people contrive to live and live,” is a translation of er 蝢 (conjunctive er), min 胐 (“people”), sheng 苇 (“to live”), and sheng 苇 (“to live”). The Fu Yi edition, the Fan Yingyuan edition, and the quotation of “Jie Lao” in Han Feizi are closer to Texts A and B than the other later editions because they have two shengs in this phrase. In these editions the phrase has been traditionally read with a different punctuation by separating the two shengs because the other editions have only one sheng in this phrase. However, the same expression (sheng sheng) appears in the following line, and it is surely one consecutive phrase. Fan Yingyuan suggests that one reads the two shengs consecutively. The most crucial teaching in this passage appears in line 4: those who only contrive to live have no distance from those who proceed toward the realm of death by themselves. A parallel teaching is found in “Dazongshi” (“The Great Pivotal Master”) in Zhuangzi: “The True Man of ancient times knew neither how to delight in birth, nor how to hate death. He was neither pleased with coming out into life nor reluctant in entering into death. He merely went away as if having no obstacles and came back as if having no obstacles” (1056: 36bc). Liezi also has a relevant passage: “Life cannot be preserved by valuing it” (1055: 630b). In addition to the analogy between their teachings, “Dazongshi” presents an idealistic figure similar to the “one who is good at holding on to life” in this passage: “Such a man [as the True Man] does not tremble even when climbing high peaks, does not get drenched even when entering into waters, and does not feel hot even when entering into fire” (1056: 36a).

Part I: Virtue / 59 Lines 5–8 limn the physical superiority of sages. The depiction of this physical type for ideal figures also appears in passages in Zhuangzi (1056: 17a; 1056: 94a; and so forth), alongside the previous quotation, and in chapter 55 of Laozi. At the beginning, this was probably a dramatization of the sages who had compelling virtues. These qualities of the sages, however, later became real goals for religious Daoists. In the middle of this transition, Zhuangzi functioned as a bridge: “Master Liezi asked Guan Yin, ‘The Perfect Man does not choke even when walking in water, does not feel hot even when stepping on fire, and does not tremble even when wandering above the myriad things. Please let me know how he has attained this quality.’ ‘That is,’ said Guan Yin, ‘due to his preservation of pure vitality [qi]. It is not what can be achieved with knowledge, technique, boldness, or valor” (1056: 94a). The Daoist practice for longevity or immortality springs from this idea of the preservation of pure vitality, supplemented by more specific practices. Although Zhuangzi provides no details of practice here, there is a clue. In the same passage, Guan Yin continues to explain what keeps people safe from injury and death: “Now, although they fall on the ground with a thud from a fast-running chariot, those who are drunk will not be killed. The reason why they are different, with regard to getting hurt, from those in a normal condition, even though they all are the same in their bones and joints, is because their spirits are not obstructed. They do not know what they are doing whether climbing or leaving their chariots. Fear as to the matter of life and death does not intrude into their minds” (ibid.). This is exactly what the last line of this passage tries to teach: those who have “no realm of death” are not immortal but do not mind death.

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51.

The Way gives birth to them and virtue rears them, so things take shape, and vessels are completed. For this reason, myriad things revere the Way and value virtue. The reverence for the Way and the value of virtue are not conferred but constantly so of themselves. The Way gives birth to them, rears them, fosters them, accomplishes them, gives them shape, constitutes them, nurtures them, and protects them. It gives birth to them but does not possess, acts on behalf of them but does not presume, and fosters them but does not command. This is called mysterious virtue.

1 2 3

4

5 6

纊苇襺蝢繥諚襺, 肵賊襺蝢絎茶襺. 萙蝋耎肵褍纊糿繥. 纊襺褍 繥襺糿蒺, 臄翿襺蟎蝢豣蟀蕇蒺. 纊苇襺諚襺蠃襺莿襺, 袎襺纏 襺蓬襺膤襺. 苇蝢臼蛞蒺, 蚾蝢臼萗蒺, 蠃蝢臼蠈蒺. 觧襺蛈貧 繥G (“襺. 苇蝢” from Wang Bi). In every later edition, qi 絎 (“vessels”) in line 1 appears as shi 荄 (“tendencies” or “circumstances”). Texts A and B both use qi instead of shi. “Vessels” here represent social institutions or civilizations, because people were able to accumulate their resources and thereby develop a society through the ownership of vessels. “Xici” in the Changes depicts creating vessels as one of the four Ways of the sages (Zhouyi zhushu, 7: 583d). While the first line says, “virtue rears them,” line 4 says, “the Way rears them.” There are two black dots in Text A before both lines 1 and 4. As mentioned in the introduction of this book, these dots are most likely the editor’s marks indicating that difference sources were used in completing a passage. This theory could explain the inconsistency between lines 1 and 4.

61

62 / The Old Master “Mysterious virtue” in the last line is a translation for xuan 貧 (“dark”) de 繥 (“virtue”). Here, xuan can carry other compatible expressions such as obscure, insensible, unfathomable, and undetermined. Gu Jiegang argued that the use of the word “xuan” to indicate these “profound” meanings might have begun with Laozi and that Laozi must have been produced at the time of Xunzi, based on Xunzi’s identical usage of the word.46 The leading proposition in this passage, “The Way gives birth to them and virtue rears them,” shows a similar structure to other cosmological ideas in the late Warring States period in that they all evoke the roles of the father and mother: “Male force (qianG 筴) is in charge of the great beginning and female force (kunG 簣) completes things” (“Xici,” Zhouyi zhushu, 7: 522b); “Heaven and earth give birth to them and the sages complete them” (Xunzi, 695: 173a); “That which is empty, intangible, with no shape is called the Way, and that which rears the myriad things is called virtue” (Guanzi, 729: 145a). As seen here, many philosophers at the time used a foundational pair in their cosmologies. This trend contrasts with the earlier traditions, for example, that of the Shang dynasty in which people conjured up a single highest power, such as High God (Di) as the ultimate foundation of the universe. In this passage Laozi displays the two contrasting worldviews by proposing the Way and virtue as the foundational pair in line 1 and the Way alone in line 4.

52.

There is a beginning for all under heaven; It is regarded as the mother of all under heaven. If you once attain the mother, thereby know the children, and again abide by the mother, you will not be in danger to the end of your life. If you block up your mouth and cover up your ears, you will not be in trouble to the end of your life. If you open your mouth and carry on affairs, you will not be saved until the end of your life. Seeing what is small is called bright sight; Abiding by softness is called strength. Using the light but returning to brightness, thereby leaving no disaster on one’s body, this is called cloaking and veiling.

1 2

3 4 5 6 7 8

詏谨蛞萐, 蝋蚾詏谨聪. 絝织絋聪, 蝋覌絋螲, 膝莗絋聪, 聿葌 膻議. 苂絋蕦, 诜絋肱, 褚葌膻索. 篝絋蕦, 裌絋艃, 褚葌膻粮. 箟荐蘇聒, 莗蛠蘇笶. 虑絋籦, 臊糾絋聒, 肙蛿葌蒡. 萙蛈萂芩G (“蛿” from Text B). There is a black dot at the end of line 3, implying that the passage may consist of two parts. Indeed, the relevant passage in the Guodian documents omits lines 1–3 and contains only lines 4–8. The character for “mouth” in line 4 is more frequently pronounced as yue 蕦 (“to oversee”), but the Chinese research team for MWD suggested reading it as dui, seeing it as the synonym of dui 譫.47 Here, dui can mean mouth, or hole, or pleasure. Certainly, these definitions are interrelated because the mouth is a hole and eating something with the mouth is a pleasure. According to Xi Tong, “mouth” is the original meaning of the character. If dui signifies mouth, it is more appropriate to translate men 肱 (primarily “gate”) as “ears,” as I did based on Su Zhe.

63

64 / The Old Master Wang Bi explains that the mouth and ears are routes that convey personal desires. Thus, “block up your mouth and cover up your ears” in line 4 teaches the renunciation of desires. This teaching can also serve politics, in that a ruler in the Huang-Lao tradition was expected to block up his mouth and cover up his ears in order to conceal from the subjects his true intention. “Daoying xun” in Huainanzi records the story of a king of the state of Qi who eventually became controlled by his subjects after exposing his preference for one concubine over another and concludes as follows: “Once the lord’s intentions and desires become revealed outside, he will become controlled by his subjects. Therefore, Laozi says, ‘If you block up your mouth and cover up your ears, you will not be in trouble to the end of your life’ ” (848: 644b). Similarly, many chapters in Laozi promote either self-cultivation or good politics. “Yu Lao” in Han Feizi introduces two historical examples that evoke the teaching in lines 6–7.48 The first example revolves around the notorious King Zhou of the Shang dynasty and his loyal minister Jizi. In the story, Jizi foresaw the downfall of the Shang dynasty after witnessing the king’s order for a set of chopsticks out of ivory because once the chopsticks were completed, the king would ask for more luxuries to match them, such as a vessel of rhino’s horn, a dainty of leopard’s placenta, an elegant garment, or a jeweled palace. “Therefore, Jizi foresaw the calamitous result upon eyeing the chopsticks made out of ivory. Therefore, it is said, ‘Seeing what is small is called bright sight’ ” (729: 663c). The second example recalls the stories of Jujian, the tenacious king of the state of Yue, and King Wen of the Zhou dynasty. According to these stories, both kings were persecuted by their rivals when the kings’ powers were not strong enough to compete with them. However, they endured their hardships with temporary submissiveness in order to finally obtain a chance for revenge. “Therefore, it is said, ‘Abiding by softness is called strength’ ” (ibid.). A similar interpretation appears in “Daoying xun” in Huainanzi. In this case, the protagonist is Confucius. Confucius is said to have anticipated the deterioration of a virtuous custom of the state of Lu upon hearing that his disciple Zigong refused to receive a reimbursement from the government for the money he spent to free a man who was detained as a slave in the state of Qi. Zigong rejected the reimbursement in order to show that his behavior had been morally motivated. Confucius reasoned that people would become reluctant to pay to free the slaves for fear of being morally condemned when they were reimbursed for doing so. “Daoying xun” concludes that “Confucius also understood the ritual. Therefore, Laozi says, ‘Seeing what is small is called bright sight’ ” (848: 637b). This anecdote in particular was widely circulated: it also appears in many other sources such as Lüshi Chunqiu (848: 406d), Kongzi jiayu (695: 20cd), Shuoyuan (696: 62cd), and another chapter in Huainanzi (848: 622c). Among these sources, only “Daoying xun” and Shuoyuan combine this anecdote of Confucius with the teaching of Laozi. Because “Daoying

Part I: Virtue / 65 xun” antedates Shuoyuan, “Daoying xun” was the first to combine the story of Confucius with Laozi’s teaching. In contrast, Lüshi Chunqiu and the other chapter in Huainanzi end the story with their own conclusions, rather than the passage from Laozi: “Confucius foresaw the result from a small clue and observed the changes from a longer perspective” (Lüshi Chunqiu, 848: 406d). “With his bright sight, Confucius knew what was great based on what was small and knew what was far away based on what was near. Thus, he was a person capable of discerning” (Huainanzi, 848: 622c). These conclusions deliver the same teaching as that of Laozi, and it may be why “Daoying xun” put the anecdote of Confucius with the saying from Laozi together. Essays in “Daoying xun” are mainly composed in this manner. Their goal is to convince readers of the truthfulness of the teachings of Laozi, using historical examples. These historical examples are often imported from Lüshi Chunqiu, sometimes from Zhuangzi or Han Feizi, and few stories appear exclusively in “Daoying xun.” In this sense, “Daoying xun” is a commentary of Laozi. Another earlier commentary of Laozi, “Yu Lao” in Han Feizi, shares this nature of “Daoying xun.” In other words, they are an anthology of historical examples of Laozi’s teaching. This is the main feature of the earliest commentaries of Laozi. The teaching of “using the light but returning to brightness” in the last sentence may seem contradictory to another teaching in chapters 56 and 4, “Softens the light, mingles with the dust.” As obviously claimed in this phrase, however, the wisdom of Laozi is the wisdom of brilliance and of “using the light,” although it is described as obscure in many passages. Indeed, the Way is “luminous but not glittering” (58). A large number of commentaries and all the English translations interpret chang 芩 (“constant,” “steadiness,” “eternal,” “norm,” and so forth) in the last line as a philosophical concept as this word is frequently used in Laozi. For example, as many as thirty changs appear in the Wang Bi edition and some of them are conjoined with philosophical notions such as the Way (1), the name (1), virtue (28), and mind (49). As explained earlier, however, chang appears as heng 豣 (“always”) in the Mawangdui texts in most cases. Except for this passage, chang refers to philosophical notions in only two passages (chapters 16 and 55). This compels us to seek another way to interpret this passage. In this respect, the Ye Mengde (1077–1148) edition of the Song dynasty uses another chang 芸 (“skirt”) in place of the previous chang for this phrase. Actually, these two characters are interchangeable because the previous chang originally indicates a towel used for covering the lower half of a man’s body and the latter chang means a skirt, which also covers the same part of the body. Thus, they share the meaning of covering or veiling. The word xi 萂 preceding chang also has a similar meaning because it indicates to put a coat over a garment to cover the body more tightly. This interpretation may well demonstrate the teaching of this passage, because Laozi here persuades people to “block up your mouth and

66 / The Old Master cover up your ears” as well as to cover up the light inside in order to prevent it from being noticed outside. This point is supported by chapter 27, which uses xi for the phrase, “cloaking brightness (xi ming 萂聒).” Jiao Hong argued that xi chang in this passage was a parallel expression to xi ming, and it meant keeping something tightly within in order not to expose it outside.

53.

If I were to have slight knowledge and practice the great Way, I would only fear becoming boastful. The great Way is very level, but the people are quite fond of bypaths. The courts are well swept, while the fields are very weedy; While the granaries are all empty, they [rulers] wear clothes with rich patterns and brilliant colors, carry fine swords at their waist, and are sated with food with excessive accumulation of possessions and goods. This is called making a boast of thievery. Making a boast of thievery is not the Way.

1 2 3 4

5 6 7

艈葩筈蕇蛞覌蒺, 貇蓯繗纊, 蛑萘萙蘕. 繗纊葛蝏, 胐葛賨箺. 裧葛裕, 衤葛肠, 訓葛貓, 膞肫訳, 繚翈箅, 蕧萶蝢蟅蠒蛞蔡, 萙蛈繿郂. 繿郂, 舭纊蒺 (“蕇” from Wang Bi; “蛞蔡, 萙蛈繿郂. 繿郂,” “纊” from Fu Yi). Different readings are possible for the first sentence, depending on the understanding of jieran 筈蕇 (“slightly”), zhi 覌 (“to know”), and shi 萘 (“to be boastful”). Heshanggong read this sentence as follows: “If I were to vastly (jieran) govern (zhi) the world and practice the great Way, I would only fear being artificial (shi).” I follow Wu Cheng here, especially with regard to shi. “Making a boast of thievery” in line 6 is a translation for tao 繿 (“thievery”) kua 郂 (“making a boast”). “Jie Lao” in Han Feizi substitutes a different word, yu 隌, a musical instrument like a pipe with a big resonator, for kua, and it may mean a head or a chief as it leads other musical instruments in an ensemble.49 Using this interpretation, this term is translated as “chief of thieves,” which is also acceptable. A passage in Mencius, probably related to the first sentence here, reads, “Even though the space between the small roads of the mountain bypaths (jingG

67

68 / The Old Master 箺) is slight (jieran),50 it will turn to a way if people frequently use it. If people do not use it for a while, however, weeds will block the way. Now, weeds are blocking your mind” (Mengzi jizhu, 7B: 22; 197: 193a). “Bypaths” and “slight” are used identically in this passage of Laozi, and “way” and “weeds” are also comparable. It is rare to see this sort of parallel in two totally separate sentences. The quotation from Mencius conveys his criticism of Gaozi, who appears in the book as a polemicist debating with Mencius about human inborn nature. According to Zhao Qi, the most authoritative commentator of Mencius, Gaozi was from the state of Qi and once taught by Mencius but finally began to study “the other idea” (Mengzi zhushu, 195: 316c). Even though Zhao Qi introduced him as a disciple of Mencius, he would have been a senior scholar at that time, considering that Mencius himself once called Gaozi “the old Gao” (Mengzi jizhu, 6B: 3; 197: 175c). They met to discuss many topics when Mencius visited the state of Qi, but they eventually failed to reconcile their disagreements, so Mencius began to criticize Gaozi as above. “The other idea,” mentioned in Zhao Qi’s comment, probably indicates studies from the Jixia academy because when Mencius visited the state of Qi, the Jixia academy was flourishing there, and many scholars in the academy were related to Laozi, as Shiji narrates (46: 1895; 74: 2346). Laozi in this passage criticizes people who are fond of bypaths because they inevitably miss the great Way, which is level and easily found everywhere. Comparably, Mencius, in the quotation above, finds value in expanding bypaths to a way. In Mencius’s idea, the narrow bypaths mean the subtle psychological foundation for morality, whereas Daoists can see them as hindrances to the great Way. Mencius criticizes those who do not have concerns with the subtle foundation, whereas Laozi criticizes those who do. These two passages from Laozi and Mencius seem to exchange attacks. Comparing the following passages in the two books is more interesting. In Mencius, the passage in question is followed by this: “ ‘King Yu’s fondness for music surpasses King Wen’s fondness for music,’ said Gaozi. Mencius replied, ‘What are your grounds for saying that?’ Gaozi said, ‘The rope to which the King Yu’s bell was attached was about to be worn out’ ” (197: 193a). King Yu is in Confucian tradition an incarnation of frugality, but Gaozi here depicted him as indulging in the enjoyment of music. This represents Gaozi’s criticism of the Confucian inclination toward ritual and music. Undoubtedly, this criticism was widely shared among Daoists. Of course, Mencius rebuked him for his criticism, and the dialogue between them comes to an end there, indicating that Mencius’s logic prevailed. In Laozi, however, Daoist criticism of Confucian luxury holds sway, as seen in lines 3–7 in this passage. In these lines, Laozi reprimands the selfish and corrupt rulers. In the eyes of Laozi, the selfishness and corruption of the rulers are inevitable because these rulers are inclined to be more concerned with their courts, clothes, swords,

Part I: Virtue / 69 and food than with the daily exigencies of the people. This excoriation may be directed toward the degenerate rulers, not the sage kings such as King Yu. Nevertheless, courts, clothes, swords, and food are indispensable components of Confucian ritual and music as well, and the criticism of early Confucianism by the thinkers of the pre-Qin period mainly focuses on its extravagance entailed by its practices involving ritual and music, as seen in Yan Ying’s criticism of Confucianism recorded in the “Kongzi shijia” (“Family Pedigree of Confucius”) of Shiji (47: 1911) and the criticism from a chapter of Mozi, “Fei Ru” (“Reprobation of Confucianism”) (848: 92c–95b). If Gaozi could attack even King Yu for his alleged fondness for music, he must have seen the corrupt behaviors of common rulers as malicious and vicious. Thus, as Laozi says, they are no more than thieves.

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54.

What is firmly established cannot be uprooted; What is steadily preserved cannot be taken away. Thus, the sacrificial offerings will not come to an end from generation to generation. If you cultivate your body with this, the virtue is that of genuineness; If you cultivate your family with this, the virtue is that of affluence; If you cultivate your village with this, the virtue is that of growth; If you cultivate your state with this, the virtue is that of abundance; If you cultivate all under heaven with this, the virtue is that of extensiveness. Observe the body through the body; Observe the family through the family; Observe the village through the village; Observe the state through the state; Observe all under heaven through all under heaven. How do I know that all under heaven is so? Through this.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

苻筸螿膻脆, 苻膈螿膻譞, 螲荺蝋裍艨膻衿. 莐襺葌, 絋繥緇観. 莐襺竖, 絋繥蛞蔡. 莐襺貌, 絋繥緇蠃. 莐襺脩, 絋繥緇谒. 莐襺詏谨, 絋繥緇胚. 蝋葌籝葌, 蝋竖籝竖, 蝋貌籝貌, 蝋脩籝 脩, 蝋詏谨籝詏谨. 薿谩蝋覌詏谨襺蕇蠆. 蝋觧G(“苻膈螿膻譞,” “蝋” from Guodian; “觧” from Wang Bi). According to Wang Bi, “Because one is concerned with trivial things only after making the roots durable, therefore it cannot be uprooted. Because one

71

72 / The Old Master does not crave for many talents but attempts to realize what he is capable of, therefore it cannot be taken away.” The leading proposition in lines 1–2, then, is a teaching of cultivating “the root” and being self-sufficient with given conditions, which still requires some action. In contrast, these lines can also connote the teaching of “no-action,” as Wu Cheng explained: “Those who are good at establishing things establish them with no establishment. Because of this, [what is established by them] will not be uprooted forever. Those who are good at preserving things preserve them with no preservation. Because of this, [what is preserved by them] will not be taken away forever.” If something is established artificially, it will be uprooted sometime, for change is inevitable. On the contrary, if one submits to the natural flow of time and therefore follows the teaching of no-action, thinking that everything has been well established by nature, then one can always be with what is established, that is, nature. Nature will not die. Su Zhe shows the same understanding, and “Zhushu xun” in Huainanzi also quotes this saying in the same context, but politically, as the book usually does: If the lords do not commit affairs of state to the able men and like to take charge of them, their wisdom will be depleted day by day and they will have to assume the responsibilities. If they are frequently embarrassed in front of their subjects, they will not be able to achieve what they feel is right. If their activities become blemished before the public domain of state, they will not be able to assume their exclusive privilege. . . . [B]ecause of this, the lords take no action but abide by the Way, and even when taking action, they show no preferences. . . . [T]herefore what is firmly established cannot be uprooted. (848: 604a) This is an excellent explanation of “no-action politics.” The goal of this politics is, as portrayed in the following lines, to ensure that “sacrificial offerings not come to an end from generation to generation.” The character for “state” in line 7 is a critical clue for determining when Texts A and B were written. In Text A, the character bang 脩 is used, while Text B uses guo 糑 for the same meaning. The use of guo instead of bang observes the naming taboo because Emperor Gaozu’s personal name was Bang. It was Wu Cheng who first found that this practice caused the shift in the later editions. There are a few possibilities for the different translations concerning the series of parallel sentences in lines 4–8, especially with regard to the meaning of chang 蠃 (“growth”) in line 6. My translation is based on the comment of “Jie Lao” in Han Feizi (729: 659d). The paradigm seen in lines 4–13, containing the centrifugal development from the body, through family and state, to all under heaven, is not unfamiliar.

Part I: Virtue / 73 This is, above all, shared by the Great Learning: “After the body is cultivated, the family becomes organized; after the family becomes organized, the state becomes orderly; after the state becomes orderly, all under heaven come to exist in peace. From the son of heaven to the common people, all uniformly take the cultivation of the body as the foundation” (Daxue zhangju, 197: 5ab). Song neo-Confucian scholars claimed that Zengzi, a disciple of Confucius, had written the Great Learning. In contrast, Feng Youlan argued that Xunzi’s disciples wrote it, while Guo Moruo insisted that it originated in Mencius’s academy.51 Despite the diversity of suggestions of its origin, Mencius is closer to the Great Learning at least in the current discussion, as Mencius displayed an analogous idea with that of the Great Learning as follows: “The foundation for all under heaven is in the state; the foundation for the state is in the family; the foundation for the family is in the body” (Mengzi jizhu, 4A: 6; 197: 139d). The Poetry shows a similar way of thinking as well: “By leading his wife to an exemplary way and thereby reaching his brothers with it, [King Wen] ruled his family and the state” (Mao Shi zhushu, 69: 721d–2a). Thus, this paradigm of centrifugal development permeated among many thinkers in ancient times. Among them, however, Zhan He might attract our attention the most in this regard. Lüshi Chunqiu narrates that Zhan He once gave the following advice to a prince from the state of Zhongshan: “Value your life. If you value your life, you will come to belittle profit” (848: 466c). He is a proponent of valuing life, like Laozi. In addition, Lüshi Chunqiu in another passage praises Zhan He’s superior virtue along with that of Tian Zifang and Lao Dan: “The sages hear from what has no sounds and see from what has no forms. Zhan He, Tian Zifang, and Lao Dan are those sages” (848: 426C). Sima Qian pointed out Lao Dan as a possible author of Laozi. Therefore, we can safely say that Zhan He had some connection to Laozi. This connection becomes evident again by comparing this passage to what the early classics introduced as Zhan He’s idea. For example, Lüshi Chunqiu presents an intriguing story of Zhan He: A king of the state of Chu asked Master Zhan about how to rule a state. Master Zhan replied, “He [Zhan He] has heard about how to rule our body, but has never heard about how to rule a state.” [However,] how could Zhan He merely think that there was nothing to act on for a state? It means that he thought that the foundation of ruling a state is in the body. If the body is ruled, the family will be ruled. If the family is ruled, the state will be ruled. If the state is ruled, all under heaven will be ruled. (848: 422bc) Liezi also records this dialogue between Zhan He and a king of the state of Chu, but it adds Zhan He’s comment: “I never heard that a state falls into

74 / The Old Master chaos while the body [of the ruler] is well cultivated and that a state brings order while the body [of the ruler] is not cultivated. Therefore, the foundation is in the body” (1055: 645bc). The same story is found in “Daoying xun” in Huainanzi (848: 638c) and “Shang ren” (“Praising Humaneness”) in Wenzi (1058: 356b). In conclusion, this observation of the relationship between self-cultivation of the body and success in politics was attributed to Zhan He, and this passage shares that point of view. Qian Mu insisted that Laozi derived most likely from Zhan He.52 Even though whether Zhan He is a historic figure like Lao Dan is unclear, his name can grab a seat in the long list of potential authors of Laozi. According to Wang Bi, the idea seen in the last two lines is compatible with that of another passage: “Without going out the door, one may know all under heaven” (47). Impressed by the plausibility of Laozi’s perspective represented in this passage, Zhu Xi, the great theorist of neo-Confucianism, differentiating Laozi from Yang Zhu, admitted that Laozi excelled at other heretic writings: I think that the theory of favoring self by Yang Zhu may come from the idea of Laozi, but it only succeeds a biased aspect of the idea. When looking at the book Laozi, we come to know that those sayings in the book, for example, what is being told in this chapter, cannot be summarized with the theory of favoring self. . . . [T] hose who are learning should be discerning, noting the fact that Mencius did not denounce the idea of Laozi. Then they will come to understand the way of Laozi. You should not discuss it carelessly. (Quoted from Xue Hui’s commentary)

55.

One who conserves the fullness of virtue can be likened to a ruddy infant. Wasps, poisonous insects, vipers, and snakes do not sting him; Clawing raptors and fierce beasts do not attack him. His bones are weak and his muscles are soft, yet his grasp is tight; He does not know the union of male and female, yet his organ becomes aroused. This is the perfection of vital essence. He screams all day, yet does not become hoarse. This is the perfection of harmony. Harmony is called steadiness, and to know harmony is called brightness. Striving to increase one’s life is called ominousness, and controlling the vital force by the mind is called forcing. When things become robust, they soon get old. This is called being contrary to the Way. Being contrary to the Way will lead to an early end.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13

豌繥襺趌螿SG 舔蓯衈螲UG 膷⽫髕色臼⼲SG 贲複耼莩臼胜UG 簮蓅 紨蛠蝢葻篸SG肼覌船聭襺赬蝢餟緜SG袲襺覓蒺UG褚螔贅蝢膻嚘SG 责襺覓蒺UG责蘇芩SG覌责蘇聒SG蝳苇蘇芵SG葖艈絥蘇笶UG肵蟥襪 緢SG 蛈襺膻纊UG 膻纊製蝒G (“蟥” from Guodian). “Ruddy infant” (chizi 衈螲) in line 1 is a common term indicating a just-born baby who is not able to smile. Mencius (197: 147a; Mengzi jizhu, 4B: 11) and Zhuangzi (1056: 116d) also idealize infants, as well as chapters 10 and 20 of Laozi. Concerning lines 2–3, many variants appear again in the later editions, and Text A, Text B, and the Guodian documents are also not the same, although their meaning is identical. Su Zhe replied to a supposed question regarding how

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76 / The Old Master an infant can be safe from these wild beings, as follows: “People who have the mind that does not mind anything cannot be dueled with. With what can we hurt them? Now, the reason why ruddy infants can reach this state is that they do not mind anything.” Text B differs from Text A regarding line 9. Although the part related to the first phrase in Text B is partially damaged, the remaining space for lacunae is suited for four characters rather than three in Text A. The later editions also have four characters in the first phrase, and the second phrases in Text B and the later editions are the same. In the later editions, this sentence reads, “To know harmony is called steadiness [or “constant” as in many English translations], and to know steadiness is called brightness.” However, the relevant passage in the Guodian documents conforms to Text A. According to Wang Bi, “steadiness” here indicates “something neither bright nor dark, neither warm nor cool.” In other words, something between the extremes is steady because things on the edges or the extremes will receive the impact of natural change before anything else. This “steadiness” is the feature of nature because it preserves equilibrium. It is indeed the secret of nature with which things in it maintain prosperity and harmony with each other. Thus, “Harmony is called steadiness.” Only those who follow this virtue of nature will live for a long time in peace and will be remembered as “bright” people. Thus, “To know harmony is called brightness.” Of course, many people do not sincerely accept this teaching. They are depicted in the latter part of this passage as “striving to increase one’s life,” “controlling the vital force by the mind,” and so on. The Chinese word for “ominousness” in line 10, xiang 芵, usually signifies auspiciousness, the opposite meaning. According to Lin Xiyi, however, it is often used to mean “ominousness.” The idea of considering deliberately striving to extend life harmful was introduced in an earlier passage (50). Wang Bi affirms that “Life cannot be extended. Therefore, if you attempt to extend it, you will come to an early death.” An alternative translation for the last line is, “Things contrary to the Way should be abandoned earlier.” I base my translation on the commentaries of Heshanggong, Wu Cheng, and other scholars. The same expression appears in chapter 30, but the Guodian documents contain it only in the passage related to this one. Zhu Qianzhi, an excellent commentator of Laozi, argued that lines 2–3 provided adamant evidence for the assumption that the Heshanggong edition antedated the Wang Bi edition because the commentary of line 2 in the Heshanggong edition is reused as the main text in the Wang Bi edition.53 This argument was originally proposed by Yu Yue.54 According to the Mawangdui texts, however, this understanding should be reversed because the Wang Bi edition

Part I: Virtue / 77 is generally on a par with the Mawangdui texts, and the Heshanggong edition seems to integrate the main text of the Wang Bi edition into its commentary. Including this passage, Zhu Qianzhi offered six indications that the Heshanggong edition was older than the Wang Bi edition. However, some of them are insufficient, and others even refute his argument when we refer to the Mawangdui texts. For example, as in this passage, the Wang Bi edition is closer to the Mawangdui texts than to the Heshanggong edition in chapters 13 and 51, which Zhu Qianzhi suggested as proof for his argument. Alan Chan also insisted that the Heshanggong edition was available at the end of Eastern Han at the latest, so that it predated the Wang Bi edition.55 His conclusion, however, may raise questions concerning the credibility of the materials he used for his logic. Among scholars who understood the Heshanggong edition differently is Kusuyama Haruki, who saw the text as cumulative, consisting of many layers originating from different sources and periods.56 Wing-tsit Chan also argued that the Heshanggong edition was not completed in the Han dynasty, stressing that more than ten chapters in the edition contain terminology from religious Daoism.57 Determining which text is precedent is impossible unless some new decisive evidence is found, mainly because these two primary received editions of Laozi were intermittently revised until twelfth century.

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One who knows does not speak; 1 One who speaks does not know. 2 Block up the mouth; 3 Cover up the ears; 4 Soften the light; 5 Mingle with the dust; 6 Blunt the sharpness; 7 Untie the tangles. 8 This is called “mysterious mingling.” 9 Therefore, you cannot get close to him, nor can you stay away from him; 10 You cannot benefit him, nor can you harm him; 11 You cannot value him, nor can you debase him. 12 Therefore, he becomes valued by all under heaven. 13 覌螿臼蔀SG 蔀螿臼覌UG 苂絋譫SG 诜絋肱SG 责絋籦SG 纩絋覣SG 褦絋 薶SG豻絋臶UG萙蛈貧纩UG篿膻竑织蝢謤SG蔥膻竑织蝢荟UG膻竑织 蝢蝍SG蔥膻竑织蝢豵UG膻竑织蝢糿SG蔥膻竑织蝢詘UG篿蚾詏谨糿. Wang Bi and Heshanggong uniformly relate the leading proposition in lines 1–2 to the precarious nature of words. According to them, speaking always “sets up the beginning of bad affairs” (Wang Bi), and “the more words, the more worries” (Heshanggong). Therefore, “those who know value practice, and not words” (Heshanggong). With this understanding, one can find a long list of sayings similar to this passage. Even Confucius once confessed that he did not want to speak because nature (heaven) abides in perfect harmony without speaking (Lunyu jizhu, 17: 19; 197: 82ab). Nevertheless, readers would feel more familiar with an interpretation from Fan Yingyuan’s comment: “The Way is inconceivable and ineffable. Those who know know that it is inconceivable and ineffable, so they do not speak.” The focus

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80 / The Old Master of this interpretation lies in revealing the transcendental nature of the Way. This reading may originate in Zhuangzi because in two places it quoted this saying to assert the superiority of intuition over verbal and logical understanding. For example, it says, “Speaking has something which can be valued; what is valued is meaning. Meaning has something which can be followed; what is followed cannot be transmitted by words. . . . [O]ne who knows does not speak; one who speaks does not know” (1056: 73a). Wing-tsit Chan, translating xuanG 貧 (“dark”) tong 纩 (“the same”) in line 9 as “profound identification,” introduced various scholarly renderings of the term, such as “mysterious leveling” (Waley), “mysterious equality” (Duyvendak), “mystic unity” (Lin Yutang), “profound unity” (Au-young Sum Nung), “absolute equality” (Ch’u Ta-kao), “union with the dark one” (Erkes), “the Deep’s identity” (Heysinger), and so forth.58 Among more modern translations are “dark identity” (Lau), “profound union” (Henricks), “mysterious identity” (Mair), and “mysterious merging” (Lafargue). My translation for the term is “mysterious mingling.” Wu Cheng’s comment supports this: “This passage is talking about living in this world and responding to things. By means of blunting the sharpness by oneself, one unties people’s tangles using no sharpness; by means of making the light obscure by oneself, one merges with people’s dust and obscurity using no light. There is no distinction among sharpness, bluntness, light, and darkness, regardless that they belong to him or others; thereby one becomes equal and harmonious with the world. The mysterious effect of this way cannot be measured. Therefore, it is called mysterious mingling.” Huainanzi also seems to choose this interpretation when it states, “Pursuing neither beauty nor ugliness, thereby coming to have neither beauty nor ugliness, this is called mysterious mingling” (848: 692b). The result of this “mysterious mingling” is described in the last few lines in this passage. People in general want to be popular, benefited, and valued by others rather than to be rebuffed, harmed, and debased. This is a common desire of all human beings. However, the realization of these desires rather brings about dangerous situations in Laozi’s view because “if someone can get close to you, he can also stay away from you; if someone can benefit you, he can also harm you; if someone can value you, he can also debase you” (Wang Bi). Thus, Laozi shows how to let nobody get close to you: “neither considering receiving fame as a pleasure nor regarding standing alone as a sorrow.” It shows how to let nobody benefit you: “neither craving to be rich and noble with your body nor desiring to have the five tastes with your mouth.” It shows how to let nobody value you: “neither becoming the lord of the disorderly world nor placing yourself in the position of stupid kings” (Heshanggong). Laozi is aware of what qualities should be abandoned for a better life, even though they are the subjects of common desire. Indeed, the legendary Laozi whom Confucius admired was the person who appeared to be fond of either this thing or that thing, who appeared either noble or humble, who appeared

Part I: Virtue / 81 either wise or stupid, who appeared either brilliant or obscure, and above all who was elusive and mysterious, according to Sima Qian’s record: “When it comes to dragons, I cannot understand them. They soar to the sky, riding on the wind and clouds. Upon my encounter with Laozi today, I feel that he is like the dragon” (Shiji, 63: 2140). The last line may seem contradictory to the preceding line because it says that the person who follows Laozi’s way eventually becomes valued, whereas the preceding line says “you cannot value him.” In this line, however, the person is valued not by a limited number of people but by all under heaven, meeting the ultimate goal of Laozi.

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Rule the state with correctness; Command the troops with strangeness; Acquire all under heaven with no commitment. How do I know that this is so? Now, the more taboos and prohibitions under heaven, the poorer the people; The more good devices for people, the more disordered the state and the clan; The more knowledge people have, the more deceptive things will appear; The more developed legal matters, the more numerous robbers and thieves. For this reason, in the words of the sage it is said: “I take no action, yet the people become cultivated themselves; I love tranquility, yet the people become upright themselves; I have no commitments, yet the people become rich themselves; I desire not to desire, yet the people become artless themselves.”

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13

蝋袢謐脩, 蝋絓虑腹, 蝋肖艃諵詏谨. 薿谩蝋覌絋蕇蒺蠆. 臄詏谨縘絚趮蝢胐肺舻, 胐縘翈絎蝢脩竖螺贐, 蝸縘覌蝢絓肵 螺綀, 腟肵螺訙蝢繿衇縘蛞. 萙蝋茾蝸襺蔀蘇: 葩肖蚾蝢胐蟀财, 葩賨裀蝢胐蟀袢, 葩肖艃蝢胐蟀臈, 葩蘽膻蘽蝢胐蟀胟G (“腟,” “縘蛞,” “茾” from Guodian). The Fu Yi edition and some other editions contain the homophonic zheng 袚 (“politics”) in place of zheng 袢(“correctness”) in line 1. This should not interrupt the reading of this line because according to Confucius, politics is nothing but making things correct: “Politics means making things correct. If your Majesty leads people with correctness, who can dare to be not correct?” (Lunyu jizhu, 12: 17; 197: 60c). Thus, the first line is to address the Confucian

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84 / The Old Master notion of politics. In a different way, Yin Wenzi links “correctness” in line 1 to social regularity and law, instrumental in Legalist politics (848: 189bc). Wu Cheng, apparently adopting the latter point of view, suggested that Guanzi and Shang Yang, the founding figures of Legalism, were historical examples of ruling a state with “correctness,” and that Sunzi and Wuzi, representatives of Militarism, exemplified how to command the troops with “strangeness.” The following quotation supports Wu Cheng’s interpretation: “Therefore, those who are good at making a strange plan will not be depleted, like heaven and earth, and will not run dry, like rivers and streams” (Sunzi, 726: 48d). To Laozi, this Militarist strategy, along with the Confucian or the Legalist politics, basically lacks the true wisdom because “These two [correctness and strangeness] can merely relieve people from a disaster but cannot be enough to last for a long time and to extend boundlessly” (Lu Xisheng). Laozi displays the same disapproval of “strangeness” in another passage, saying, “If the people ever fear death but still behave in strange ways, I will catch and kill them” (74). Nevertheless, the teaching of Laozi at first glance seems strange. Its strategy for acquiring all under heaven, that is, no commitment, seems counterintuitive to many people. Surely, the book is full of “strangeness” from the first page to the last. The power of this book primarily stems from its frequent surprising attacks on common sense, not distinctive from effective maneuvers commanded by excellent military strategists. The strategies of Laozi and Militarists are not as different as they seem in Laozi’s criticism of Militarists. Reflecting this connection, Wang Zhen, in his commentary Daodejing lunbing yaoyi shu (Narration of the Essence of the Discourses of Military Affairs in Daodejing),59 states that Laozi is discussing command of troops. Zhang Taiyan also insisted that Laozi epitomized the essence of the ancient Militarists’ classics, such as Jinban and Liutao.60 Other scholars such as Wing-Tsit Chan and Mark Lewis more or less agree, confirming the connection between Laozi and Militarists with various analyses.61 On this subject Fukunaga Mitzuji remarked: “The Dao philosophy of Daoism, which was formulated during the Warring States period, discusses the wisdom of living in the world which enables people to neither suffer loss nor be destroyed, and which allows them to survive as eventual victors, and this may be no more than a sophistication of the wisdom based on the metaphysics of the Way. . . . [T] he philosophy of the Way, in its substance, apparently preserves the nature of a Militarists’ classic which sees our lives as struggle.”62 In line 3 a recurrent issue in Laozi reappears: how to acquire all under heaven. The same expression, “to acquire all under heaven,” has already been used before (48) and will appear again later (29). The persistent strategy of Laozi to achieve this goal is to take no action contrary to the natural flow, that is, public opinion in the court or in the world, in order to gain popularity and to lessen potential resistance, to the extent that all under heaven seem to support the “sage” in his undertaking of political control. This strategy has an

Part I: Virtue / 85 affinity with Mencius’s reply to a question by King Hui of the state of Liang, concerning who could unify all under heaven: “Those who are not fond of killing people will unify all under heaven” (Mengzi jizhu, 1A: 6; 197: 96b). Note that Mencius’s conclusive explanation for the way things must develop is that it is natural, a perspective similar to that of Laozi: “If there is a man who is not fond of killing people, all the people under heaven will stretch out their necks and look up to him. If the situation is really like this, the people will return to him like water running toward a lower place. Who can hinder the clouds in gathering [for rain]?” (ibid.). The symbolism of water running down to a lower place appears often in Laozi, and there is a passage in Laozi similar to the one quoted from Mencius earlier: “Now, those who are fond of the killing of people cannot have their way before all under heaven” (31). Laozi regarded the various ways of other schools as artificial, thus contrary to the Way, whereas to Mencius, the rule of might was the equivalent of artificial action. In other words, the no-action politics of Laozi relies on the echoing response of the people to produce a good society, whereas the kingly politics of Mencius depends on the original goodness of the people to produce a moral world. Both views unfold an awareness of the enlightening power of the sage as a symbol of society as well. No-action politics and kingly politics do not, of course, perfectly match. This is primarily because no-action politics attacks the historical implications of kingly politics, criticizing it as another form of artificiality. Nevertheless, their systems remain obviously analogous. Thus, not surprisingly, King Shun is introduced as an example of practicing no-action politics in the Confucian tradition: “Would it be King Shun who took no action and brought order to the world? What would he act on? He merely arranged himself in sincerity and sat facing south” (Lunyu jizhu, 15: 4; 197: 73a). In the latter part of this passage, Laozi’s strategy for acquiring all under heaven is reasserted by citing “the words of the sage.” Identification of this sage is not an easy task. Laozi, however, also refers to “the words of the sage” in chapter 78, and with regard to that passage one can ascertain whom the sage most likely represents. The passage reads, “Therefore, in the words of the sage, it is said: those who take upon themselves the disgrace of the country are called the lords of the deities of earth and grain; those who take upon themselves the ominousness of the country are called the kings of all under heaven” (78). Owing to the syncretic chapter in Zhuangzi, “Tianxia,” which provides accounts of many masters in ancient China, one can confirm that the phrase “Taking upon the disgrace of the country” comes from Lao Dan (1056: 164d). This means that by the time “Tianxia” was compiled, these words were ascribed to Lao Dan. Based on this assumption, a couple of conjectures may be drawn. First, if these words are really ascribed to Lao Dan and if Laozi quotes them as the words of the sage, it cannot be a book by Lao Dan. It is hardly possible in ancient China, where the sentiment of respecting the ancient sages

86 / The Old Master prevailed, that an author of a book could praise his own words as the words of the sage in his book. Second, the point of view considering Lao Dan as a sage was not discovered prior to the late Warring States period. Although Zhuangzi features Lao Dan twice in its Inner Chapters, which are extensively believed to be the earliest chapters in the book, he is merely described as a person who “escapes from heaven and betrays spontaneity” (1056: 21c) or as one who simply narrates the rule of a bright king (1056: 45c). Lao Dan, however, suddenly emerged and was spotlighted as a sage during the late Warring States period, for example, in Lüshi Chunqiu and in the Outer Chapters and the Miscellaneous Chapters of Zhuangzi. In particular, Lüshi Chunqiu introduces Lao Dan as one of the masters from whom Confucius had learned: “Confucius had learned from Lao Dan, Meng Su, and Kui Jingshu” (848: 291c). This is the first instance in which Lao Dan was laurelled as the master of Confucius. Thus, Laozi, which indirectly features Lao Dan as a sage, could not have been completed before the late Warring States period. The gist of the strategy claimed by “the words of the sage” is to take no action, to love tranquility, to have no commitments, and to desire not to desire. Lüshi Chunqiu contains some passages worth reading for understanding this strategy: “Heaven is greatly tranquil. If you become tranquil and comfortable [with your circumstances], you will become the lord of all under heaven” (848: 413d). The secret of success using this strategy ultimately lies in the way of heaven, that is, nature. Thus, in the project of acquiring all under heaven, understanding the nature of heaven, which is fond of tranquility, and “attempting” to learn it is crucial. It is not a mystery but a strategy that taking no action results in the people becoming cultivated themselves, that loving tranquility results in the people becoming upright themselves, that having no commitments results in the people becoming rich themselves, and that desiring not to desire results in the people becoming artless. In that sense, the people are not becoming themselves as such. The criticism of the Legalist politics of prescribing “taboos,” “prohibitions,” and “legal matters” for the sake of social order is also observed in this passage. This criticism was initiated earlier by Confucius and succeeded by Mencius (Lunyu jizhu, 2: 3; 197:17; and Mengzi jizhu, 1B: 2; 197: 100d–1a). In line with this, in a story from Lüshi Chunqiu, Di Qian features himself as an opponent to the Legalistic devices for ruling, which according to this story were established by Hui Shi (848: 430d–1a). Hui Shi is generally recognized as a Logician, but in reality he was a reformist as well who attempted to establish the legal system in the state of Wei. Logicians and Legalists seem contradictory, but they are similar in challenging Confucianism. This story in Lüshi Chunqiu is quoted in “Daoying xun” in Huainanzi with the addition of this passage of Laozi at the end of the story, and Wenzi replaced Di Qian with Laozi when copying the same story from Huainanzi. This is a recurring pattern in these classics: Lüshi

Part I: Virtue / 87 Chunqiu initially introduces a story; “Daoying xun” in Huainanzi quotes it with an additional passage from Laozi; and Wenzi copies it with the final touch of replacing its protagonist with Laozi.

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When the administration is loose, the state becomes sincere; When the administration is discerning, the state becomes ruinous. Disaster is that upon which good fortune depends. Good fortune is that in which disaster lurks. Who knows the end? There is no correctness. The correct turns into the strange; The good turns into the ominous. People’s delusion, it has been going on for so long now. For this reason, the sage is square but not cutting, edged but not stabbing, straight but not displaying, luminous but not glittering.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

10

絋袚胊胊, 絋脩纚纚. 絋袚訅訅, 絋脩箧箧. 质膟襺荓蜸, 膟质 襺荓膘, 菐覌絋紞. 絋肖袢蒺. 袢膝蚾絓, 苻膝蚾蘜. 蝸襺胆蒺, 絋螔篸粜蝁. 萙蝋脙蝢膻豉, 罂蝢膻螮, 覜蝢膻铌, 籦蝢膻蘲G G (“絋,” “膝蚾蘜. 蝸” from Wang Bi). The same usage for minmin 胊胊 (“loose”) in line 1 is found in chapter 20. “The state” (bang 脩P in this line appears as “the people” (min 胐P in Text B, while the relevant part is damaged in Text A. The Chinese research team for MWD, considering that bang appears in the next parallel line in Text A, saw that “the state” was original but later was switched to “the people” due to the naming taboo. All the later editions have “the people” instead of “the state” in this sentence. “Discerning” in line 2 is a translation of chacha 訅訅, which originally means that everything becomes revealed bright. This expression also appears in “Yufu” (“Fishman”), a famous poem from Chuci, but with no negative connotation: “How can I take upon myself the stains of things with my body being pure [chacha]?” (1062: 54c). The poet Qu Yuan (ca. 340–278 bce) here

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90 / The Old Master was proud of his purity (brightness), which would become more distinctive as everything in his life became revealed, while Laozi is fearful of government being discerning (bright) because it would thoroughly reveal people’s faults and thus disrupt the harmony of society. In other words, Qu Yuan approves of brightness, while Laozi praises obscurity. Qu Yuan, after being abandoned by King Huai of the state of Chu, attempted to prove his innocence by revealing his purity, whereas Laozi sought the way of “mysterious mingling” in the mundane world where pure persons were usually neglected. Finally, Qu Yuan drowned himself in the raging waves of a river, whereas the sage of Laozi left no traces of his or her whereabouts. In lines 3–4, Laozi shows again its keen awareness of the ceaseless change in life. These two lines also appear in Lüshi Chunqiu, where it introduces the story of King Tang of the Shang dynasty (848: 319bc). There is no discrepancy between the two books’ uses of this saying, apparently well-known at the time. “Jingshen” (“Being Sincere and Prudent”) in Shuoyuan also quotes this saying, ascribing it to Laozi. The quoted Laozi’s saying reads, “If a man does a good thing, heaven will reward him with good fortune. If a man does a bad thing, heaven will respond to him with disaster. Therefore, it is said that disaster is that upon which good fortune depends, and good fortune is that in which disaster lurks’ ” (696: 87a). Interestingly, the first two sentences in this quotation are recorded in Xunzi as part of a dialogue between Confucius and his disciple Zilu, which occurred when Confucius confronted a harsh situation during his peregrination somewhere between the states of Chen and Cai. Zilu, complaining of the tough fate of Confucius and his followers including himself, asked Confucius why they had to endure it: “I have heard that ‘if a man does a good thing, heaven will reward him with good fortune. If a man does a bad thing, heaven will respond to him with disaster.’ Now you, my great master, have accumulated virtue, amassed rightness, and embraced beauty in your heart, and you have practiced these for a long time. Then, how can you live in such a poor condition?” (Xunzi, 695: 296a). This is one of the most widely circulated stories about Confucius’s life because it contains the typical theme of many epics, trial and tribulation. Note that in his defiant question, Zilu quoted an apparently ancient saying that “Jingshen” introduced as the words of Laozi. If this saying, as introduced in “Jingshen,” comes from Laozi, it would surely have preceded the time of Confucius.63 This exposes the continuous efforts to elevate Laozi using various tactics. Note that Text B, in line 6, has the ending ye 蒺 instead of the questioning ye 蓂 found in many of the later editions. Thus, this line is connected to the previous lines. Many commentators’ suggestion of reading the ending ye as xie 艺 (“evil”) is also not acceptable if following Text B. In the last sentence Laozi warns against showing off one’s authority, which might provoke danger later, as claimed in lines 7–8. According to

Part I: Virtue / 91 Wang Bi, “square but not cutting” pertains to another expression in the book, “the big square has no corners” (41); “straight but not displaying” pertains to “great straightness seems bent” (45); and “luminous but not glittering” to “the way that is bright seems dim” (41). Wang Bi did not provide a comparable expression for “edged but not stabbing,” but Xunzi has similar phrases: “The noble man is generous but not arrogant, edged but not hurting, reasoning but not contending, discreet but not instigating, standing along but not conquerable, firm and strong but not violent, tender and harmonious but not following . . .” (695: 130a). Xunzi believed that these expressions represented a comment on a poem in the Poetry: “Gentle and reverent man! He is the substance of virtue” (Mao Shi zhushu, 69: 821b).

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In ruling men and serving heaven, there is nothing as good as being sparing. Now, by only being sparing, for this reason, one can be prepared earlier. Preparing earlier is called greatly accumulating virtues. If you greatly accumulate virtues, there is nothing that you cannot overcome; If there is nothing that you cannot overcome, no one knows your limits; When no one knows your limits, you can obtain the state. When there is the mother of the state, the state can be long and lasting. This is called having deep lateral roots and firm taproots. It is the way of long life and long-lasting vision.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

謐蝸艃詏翿蓉苁. 臄蛑苁, 萙蝋製膞. 製膞萙蛈襩血繥. 襩血繥謡肖膻紙, 肖膻紙謡翿覌絋紞, 翿覌絋紞, 竑蝋蛞糑. 蛞糑襺聪, 竑蝋蠃粜. 萙蛈葙紥篸靭, 蠃苇粜萣襺纊蒺G(“膻紙,” “膻紙謡,” “紞” from Guodian; “繥,” “血繥謡肖,” “肖” from Wang Bi). In contrast to other commentaries, Heshanggong assigned the matter of “serving heaven” in line 1 to the individual practice of sparing the “essence of vitality” (jingqi 袲絥P. Thus, according to Heshanggong, one is expected to preserve the essence of vitality because it is a present from heaven. In this reading, this passage can function as a canonical basis for the Daoists’ practices for longevity because sparing the vital force (qi) becomes pivotal in it. “Being sparing” in the same line is a translation for se 苁. Wang Bi sees this word as a homophonic se 苃 (“farming”), saying that “farming” completely abides by the natural order and thus symbolizes the best way “in ruling men

93

94 / The Old Master and serving heaven.” As a matter of fact, “being sparing” and “farming” are interlocked because when farming, people need to be sparing with their resources. Therefore, this sentence displays the common emphasis on the frugality of rulers in their governance in early politics. “Being sparing” conduces to “serving heaven” because realizing a virtuous rule is the mandate of heaven (Wang Bi), or sparing resources in sacrificial rituals for heaven is a beneficial way to serve it (Xue Hui). “One can be prepared earlier” in line 2 is a rendition of zao 裣 (“early”) fu 膞 (“to be prepared”). Only “Jie Lao” in Han Feizi contains the same wording as Text B for this expression, while in Text A, the relevant part is damaged. Other editions show various phrasings. With regard to this expression, the traditional commentaries never interpret it as I do because fu primarily means “to submit,” and not “to be prepared.” With the primary meaning for fu, this phrase can be translated as “one can submit [to the Way] earlier” as by Wang Bi, or “one can have other people submit to him earlier” as by Cheng Xuanying, Su Zhe, and others. This phrase, however, appears as zao 裣 (“earlier”) fei 舆 (“to be prepared”) instead of zao fu in the Guodian documents, and fei and fu were interchangeable in ancient times.64 “Long-lasting vision” in the last line is another expression for “long life” because not losing one’s eyesight even in old age represents longevity. This, that is, having “long life and long-lasting vision,” is the final goal of Laozi. It may mean a long, peaceful life, or securing power, or both. In fact, people living under dangers and threats, like ones in the Warring States period, would naturally come to pursue this goal. So, the same expression as this is interspersed in the Chinese classic texts from the period, for example, in Xunzi and Lüshi Chunqiu. Even though the Confucian philosopher Xunzi linked this value solely to the commoners’ wish as it was not noble enough (695: 135a), in reality it was a common wish for all people as described in Lüshi Chunqiu: “The lords and princes of the world, no matter if they are wise or stupid, uniformly want to have a long life and long-lasting vision” (848: 282d). However, no other philosophers in ancient China discussed this goal as explicitly and exquisitely as Laozi. Even though the Legalists and Militarists, among the Hundred Schools of Thought, most overtly approved of this goal, they did not profess “long life and long-lasting vision” as their final destination. Moreover, Laozi’s suggestion was distinctive: be compliant rather than dominating. With Laozi’s manifestation, this common wish came to surface, so that people became free to talk about it. This would be one of the reasons for Laozi’s popularity in early China.

60.

Ruling a large state is like cooking a small fish. If you deal with all under heaven through the Way, even ghosts will not wield their mysterious power. It is not that the ghosts do not wield their mysterious power, but that the mysterious power does not harm men. Not only does the mysterious power not harm men, but also the sage does not harm the ghosts. Now, since neither harms the other, they interchange their virtues and return to their places.

1 2 3 4 5

謐繗糑, 蓉证荐茗. 蝋纊錆詏谨, 絋紀膻葃. 舭絋紀膻葃蒺, 絋葃膻芠蝸蒺. 舭絋葃膻芠蝸蒺, 茾蝸蔥臼芠蒺. 臄蓐膻芴芠, 篿繥粂糾蓿. The character for “cooking” in line 1 appears as heng 賆 in Text B, which is interchangeable with peng 证 in most later editions.65 Heshanggong provides a standard understanding of this line, “When cooking a small fish, people do not take away its gut and scales and do not stir it, as they are fearful of spoiling it. If one rules a state with instability, the people will become turbulent.” In most other editions, the phrase “but also the sage does not harm the ghosts” in line 5 appears as “but also the sage does not harm people.” Texts A and B, however, omit “people” (ren 蝸) and do not clarify the object of the verb, “to harm,” leaving the possibility of other interpretations open. For translation, I referred to the last line, which seems to discuss the relationship between the ghosts and the sage (or people). On the last sentence, Heshanggong commented, “People can bring order to the realm of the male force [yang 蓪], while the ghosts can bring order to the realm of the female force [yin 蜭]. People can accomplish their nature, and the ghosts can preserve their mysterious power. Therefore, it is said that ‘they interchange their virtues and return to their places.’ ”

95

96 / The Old Master A story homiletically similar to this passage is found in “Jinteng” (“Bronze Bound Coffer”) in the Documents. This essay introduces the story of the Duke of Zhou, who once vowed in writing to sacrifice himself for his elder brother, King Wu, who contracted a fatal condition from a sickness. This vow was not known to the people at that time because it was immediately concealed in a bronze-bound coffer after the court divination by the Duke of Zhou. Thus, the other members of the Zhou court came to suspect his loyalty, opened the coffer after the death of King Wu, and realized the true devotion of the Duke of Zhou. Many ominous natural phenomena created by this “mysterious power” disappeared because the Duke of Zhou dealt with all under heaven through the Way, which in this case was the Confucian way.

61.

A large state is like the lower part of a river, so it is the female of all under heaven and the assembling point for all under heaven. The female always overcomes the male with tranquility. Because she is tranquil, therefore she fittingly places herself low. If a large state places itself below a small state, it can take over the small state; If a small state places itself below a large state, it can be accepted by the large state. Thus some, by placing themselves low, take over, and some, by placing themselves low, are accepted. Therefore, the large states wish only to annex and nurture others, while the small states wish only to join and serve others. Now, everybody gets what they wish for, so the large states should place themselves low.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

繗脩螿谨羦蒺, 詏谨襺船, 詏谨襺粂蒺. 船豣蝋裀萆聭, 蚾絋裀 蒺. 篿蜺蚾谨. 繗脩蝋谨荐脩, 謡諵荐脩. 荐脩蝋谨繗脩, 謡諵 蓯繗脩. 篿贍谨蝋諵, 贍谨蝢諵. 篿繗脩螿膻籉蘽箩諚蝸, 荐脩 螿膻籉蘽螤艃蝸. 臄答织絋蘽, 謡繗螿蜺蚾谨. In line 6, Texts A and B add one particle yu 蓯 (“by”) before qu 諵 (“to accept”), which is missing in all the later editions. This addition changes the interpretation of this line dramatically because with the particle, the verb (“to accept”) should be translated as passive (“to be accepted”). This wording creates more consistency between this sentence and the following, which states that “some, by placing themselves low, are accepted.” Su Zhe seemed to be aware that this interpretation was more plausible because his commentary was compatible with Texts A and B: “If a large state can place itself low, small states will cooperate with it. If a small state can place itself low, the large state will accept it.”

97

98 / The Old Master Translation of line 6 relies on Yi Shunding’s view in which two particles, er 蝢 and yi 蝋, bear different meanings even when they are conjugated with the same verb qu (“to accept”), as in this sentence.66 “The lower part of a river” (xialiuG谨羦) is a place toward which all small waters run, so it is likened in this passage to a large state to which all small states submit. The alleged nature of the female in Laozi is passive, receiving rather than leading. “The lower part of a river” has the same quality in that it also calmly receives waters. Therefore, both can be the assembling point of the world. The Analects has the same expression, “the lower part of a river,” in two passages but its conception of the place contrasts to that of Laozi: “For this reason, the noble man dislikes staying in the lower part of a river. This is because all the filthy things will gather there” (Lunyu jizhu, 19: 20; 197: 87d). “A noble man dislikes those who stay in the lower part of a river, blaming people in the upper part” (ibid., 17: 24; 197: 83a). From another angle, the Analects and Laozi both require that the political power be humble enough to merit people’s respect, so in this respect an analogy between the two books is observed. For example, when Confucius said, “I will use the court attire from the Zhou dynasty” (ibid., 15: 10; 197: 74a), his intention was to persuade rulers to be humble because the royal hat of the Zhou dynasty in particular had a lower front than the rear, thereby symbolizing humility. A passage in the Changes also verifies the affinity between Confucianism and Laozi: “A noble one places himself below an ignoble one. He will greatly acquire people for his rule” (7: 335b). Laozi, succeeding the Confucian idea on the one hand, but on the other hand refutes the Confucian distinction between moderate and reckless humility. Another affinity between Confucianism and Laozi exists in the diplomatic strategy addressed in lines 4–8: attempting to create an advantage by showing humility in relationship with other states. Mencius pronounced the same idea: “Those who serve a small state with a large state are delighted with heaven. Those who serve a large state with a small state are afraid of heaven. Those who are delighted with heaven will preserve all under heaven. Those who are afraid of heaven will preserve their states” (Mengzi jizhu, 1B: 3; 197: 101b). In Mencius’s eyes, King Tang of the Shang dynasty and King Wen of the Zhou dynasty were examples of serving a small state with a large state, and King Tai, grandfather of King Wen, and Goujian of the state of Wu, were examples of serving a large state with a small state. This means that serving a small state with a large state, to Mencius, is more virtuous than the reverse because the former two kings stand out in the pedigree of Confucian sage kings. Laozi shares this perspective by mentioning only the large state in the last line, concerning what needs to be done. In Mencius, however, those kings are praised as humane and wise, whereas in Laozi, as tranquil and artless.

62.

The Way is the master of all under heaven. It is the treasure of the good man and what the bad man should treasure. Even with fine words, one can trade; Even with respectful deeds, one can excel above others. The bad ones among men, how can we abandon them? Because of this, the son of heaven is established and the three ministers are installed. Though there exists a team of four horses preceded by an armful of jade disk, it is not as good as sitting and progressing toward this [Way]. The reason why the ancients valued this, what was that? Did they not say, “Those who seek shall have it, and those who have committed a crime [among those who seek] shall be acquitted”? Therefore, it becomes the most valued thing under heaven.

1 2 3 4 5 6

7 8

9 10

纊螿, 耎肵襺褨蒺, 苻蝸襺膋蒺, 膻苻蝸襺荓膋蒺. 胃蔀竑蝋萕, 褍貇竑蝋竐蝸. 蝸襺膻苻蒺, 谩絢襺蛞. 篿翰詏螲, 謚芓箶. 菇蛞簷襺腦蝋苺艼翸, 膻苻褣蝢覿觧. 篴襺荓蝋糿觧螿谩蒺. 膻蛈粵蝋织蛞褧蝋聂蔛. 篿蚾詏谨糿G (“襺” from Wang Bi). In line 1, Texts A and B are identical in using zhu 褹 (“to pour”) instead of ao 藄 (“prestigious place”) in all the later editions. The Chinese research team for MWD suggested reading this word as the homophonic zhu 褨 (“master”).67 This suggestion is cogent, as ao indicates the southwestern corner of a main bedroom, where the master of a household usually sits and accordingly may mean “master.” In line 2, Text B uses “preserve” (bao 膈P in place of “treasure” (bao 膋P in Text A. Lines 1–2 conclusively depict the significance of abiding

99

100 / The Old Master by the Way. It is the main message of this passage, and the following lines paraphrase it. Interpretations of lines 3–4 vary, and their implications remain indeterminate. Presumably due to this ambiguity, Huainanzi in two places slightly modified these lines (848: 642a; 848: 717c), but such a change is not consistent with the Mawangdui texts. For translation, I follow the imperial comment of Emperor Xuanzong and Lu Xisheng. They argued that these sentences were meant to show that fine words and respectful deeds were rewarding but still trivial when compared to the potential magnificent effect of abiding by the Way. On the contrary, Wang Bi, Su Zhe, and Fan Yingyuan argued that the object of the fine words and respectful deeds was the Way, so that these sentences described the extensive effect of abiding by the Way. If one follows this comment, lines 3–4 will read: “If you praise it with beautiful words, you can trade; if you act on it with respectful deeds, you can excel above others.” Heshanggong and Cheng Xuanying viewed that the fine words and respectful deeds were valued only in the secular world so that people should discard those values and follow the Way. If one follows these comments, the lines read, “With fine words, one can only trade; with respectful deeds, one can only excel above others.” The spirit of tolerance for the wicked as seen in line 5 exists in other passages as well, including chapter 27: “For this reason, the sage is always good at saving others and never abandons them.” Many English translations separate line 5 from line 6, seeing that line 6 lumps with line 7. The ancient commentaries, however, are almost uniform in associating lines 5–6 together. In other words, “the son of heaven is established and the three ministers are installed” because rulers should tolerate the wicked. As Cheng Xuanying commented, a team of four horses and an armful of jade disk in the last sentence were courtesy items usually presented to worthy men who were pursued by rulers. In this sentence, the subject of “sitting and progressing toward this [Way]” is unclear. Thus, reading these items as simple examples of precious things, which are still less valuable than the Way, would be better.

63.

Practice taking no action; Commit yourself to no commitment; Taste what has no taste. Regard the big as though it is small, the many as though few, and repay resentment with virtue. Plan for the difficult while it is easy; Act on the big while it is minute. The difficult things under heaven arise from what is easy; The big things under heaven arise from what is minute. For this reason, the sage never attempts to be great all the time. Therefore, he can accomplish his greatness. Now, rash promises are unavoidably short of trust; Things too easy to do will undoubtedly become things too difficult to do. For this reason, the sage rather regards things as difficult. Thus, he ends with no difficulty.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

蚾肖蚾, 艃肖艃, 肶肖肶, 繗荐縘荑, 膊蚞蝋繥. 繪綮賣絋蝖蒺, 蚾繗賣絋草蒺. 詏谨襺綮蟇蓯蝖, 詏谨襺繗蟇蓯草. 萙蝋茾蝸 褚膻蚾繗, 篿縑茶絋繗. 臄篕綤谞籀萺, 縘蝖谞縘綮. 萙蝋茾蝸 蛫綮襺, 篿褚蓯肖綮G (“絋蝖蒺, 蚾繗賣” from “Yu Lao” of Han Feizi; “茶絋繗,” “谞籀” from Wang Bi). If one understands “taking no action” (wuwei), one of the core teachings of Laozi, in a literal sense, the first sentence may seem contradictory as practicing something is an action. However, “taking no action” refers to compliance with the given circumstances, including nature. This requires an intensive practice of diminishing one’s desires and a high awareness of the natural order. Lines 2–3 paraphrase this line.

101

102 / The Old Master The original text for “Regard the big as though it is small, the many as though few” in line 4 is da 繗 (“big”) xiao 荐 (“small”) duo 縘 (“many”) shao 荑 (“few”). Following are some possible translations for these four words: Whether it is big or small, many or few. . . . (Wang Bi) If you want to be big, you will become small. If you want to have many, you will come to have few. . . . (Heshanggong) The big is based on the small. The many starts from the few. . . . (Wenzi, 1058: 315d) Regard the small as though it is big, the few as though many. . . . (Sima Guang) If you can make it big, you can also make it small. If you can make it many, you can also make it few. . . . (Lü Huiqing) The big, the small, the many, the few, all these things [cause resentment]. . . . (Fan Yingyuan) Regard it as small even though it is big. Regard it as few even though it is many. . . . (Wu Cheng) The crucial reference for my translation of this problematic phrase is the Guodian documents. Even though the related passage there is not identical to this passage, it contains a decisive clue for the translation because the first two words (da xiao) in this phrase appear as three words in the Guodian documents with the demonstrative pronoun zhi 襺 after xiao. With this addition, the grammatical pattern of the words has become clear as in my translation. Wu Cheng’s interpretation is relatively compatible with the wording in the Guodian documents. In the related passage in the Guodian documents, a considerable part of this passage, from “the many as though few” in line 4 to line 13, does not appear. This may suggest that the missing part was interpolated later. In putting this assertion forward, I have paid attention to the fact that in the missing part a philologically significant phrase, “repay resentment with virtue,” is included. The phrase, “repay resentment with virtue,” was the strongest evidence for dating Laozi before the Analects in philological discussions of these books. In line with this, the Analects records a conversation between Confucius and an anonymous person as follows: “Someone asked Confucius, ‘If I repay resentment with virtue,68 how do you evaluate that?’ Confucius replied, ‘In that case, what are you going to repay virtue with? Repay resentment with uprightness, and

Part I: Virtue / 103 repay virtue with virtue’ ” (Lunyu jizhu, 14: 36; 197: 70d). In this conversation, what the anonymous person asked Confucius is identical to the phrase from Laozi in question. Because a saying, seemingly quoted from Laozi, was already circulated at the time of Confucius, Laozi preceded the Analects. In the Guodian documents, however, that phrase is omitted. The significance of this phrase is too great to regard its absence as the result of a simple mistake. Guo Yi insisted that even the saying “repay resentment with virtue” should be attributed to Confucius,69 based on Shuoyuan: “Confucius said, ‘The sage changes calamity to good fortune, and repays resentment with virtue’ ” (696: 117d). As discussed earlier, the virtue of leniency observed in this saying functions well in Confucianism in the relationship between family members. Confucius’s remark in Shuoyuan, however, has nothing to do with the family relationship: it stems from an episode concerning Duke Huan (r. 685–643 bce) of the state of Qi and his minister Guan Zhong (ca. 716–645). In fact, there is a clue to examine why Shuoyuan ascribes this saying from Laozi to Confucius. Prior to Shuoyuan, Xinshu (New Book) by Jia Yi (200–168 bce) of the early Han dynasty, apparently stating that it was from Laozi, cited this saying in a story about Song Jiu from the state of Liang (695: 436ab). The same story is carried in “Zashuo” (“Multifarious Discussions”) of Xinxu (New Prefaces) by Liu Xiang (696: 214d–5b), who compiled Shuoyuan as well. Interestingly, when Xinxu introduces the story, it mentions another book along with Laozi, which provides an aphorism related to the story. The book’s title is noted as merely Yu 蓳 (Talks): “Yu advises, ‘change losses to merits, and retrieve good luck from a calamity.’ Laozi similarly asserts, ‘repay resentment with virtue.’ Both of these texts seem to refer to this case [of Song Jiu]” (696: 215b). Despite the vague identity of the book Yu, it is likely that the recorder of the Song Jiu’s story in Shuoyuan70 thought that Yu referred to Lunyu, that is, the Analects, as it was a common practice in ancient times to condense the titles of books into a single word. Accordingly, he would have believed that the first aphorism derived from Confucius and would have dared to ascribe even the saying from Laozi to Confucius. The saying in question is attributed to Confucius in the Record of Rites as well. “Confucius says, ‘It is a matter of a humane person who is cultivated with tolerance to repay resentment with virtue. It is a matter of the people who are the subject of punishments and executions to repay virtue with resentment’ ” (116: 385cd). I suspect that this is concatenated with the description of Laozi in the Record of Rites where Laozi is featured as a specialist of the Confucian rites. According to D. C. Lau, the Han Confucians had to admit, due to its vast infiltration among people, the legend where Confucius once visited Laozi to inquire about the Confucian rites, so that they attempted to preserve the purity of Confucianism even at the expense of featuring Laozi as an expert of the Confucian rituals.71

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64.

When stable, it is easy to hold; 1 When revealing no sign, it is easy to plan on. 2 What is fragile is easy to break; 3 What is minute is easy to scatter. 4 Work on it before it begins to exist; 5 Put it in order before it turns to disorder. 6 A tree as large as a span of both arms grows from the tip of a tiny thing; 7 A nine-story high terrace arises from a basketful of dirt; 8 A one-hundred-fathom height begins under your feet. 9 Those who act on it will fail; 10 Those who try to grasp it will lose. 11 The sage takes no action, so he does not fail; 12 He has no grasp, so he does not lose. 13 In their pursuit of affairs, people always fail when the affairs are about to be completed. 14 Therefore, “If one cares about the end as sincerely as he does about the beginning, there will be no failed affairs.” 15 For this reason, the sage desires not to desire, does not value goods that are hard to obtain, learns not to learn, and follows where all others pass through. 16 He can assist the naturalness of myriad things, so he does not dare to act on it. 17 絋蒃蒺蝖覀蒺, 絋肼裛蒺蝖聴蒺. 絋諽蒺蝖讨蒺, 絋肻蒺蝖 芅蒺. 蚾襺蓯絋肼蛞蒺, 謐襺蓯絋肼绤. 豗诨襺職, 蟇蓯賯耖. 粝茶襺繟, 蟇蓯縄讀. 腆霍襺簙, 萐蓯褊谨. 蚾襺螿讷襺, 觖襺 螿葐襺. 茾蝸肖蚾蒺篿肖讷蒺, 肖觖蒺篿肖葐蒺. 胐襺褓艃蒺, 豣蓯絋茶艃蝢讷襺. 篿蘇萾褚蓉萐, 謡肖讷艃蝁. 萙蝋茾蝸蘽膻 蘽, 蝢膻糿綮织襺贮, 谷膻谷, 蝢臊襨蝸襺荓籉. 縑膗耎肵襺蟀

105

106 / The Old Master 蕇, 蝢臼笝蚾G (“絋肼裛蒺,” “蒺,” “絋諽蒺蝖讨蒺, 絋肻蒺蝖芅 蒺. 蚾襺蓯絋肼蛞蒺, 謐襺蓯絋肼绤. 豗,” “襺,” “篿,” “蒺” from Guodian; “诨襺” from Wang Bi; “蘇” from Text B). Except for two words, lines from 2 to 6 are missing in both Texts A and B, which were supplemented by the relevant passage in the Guodian documents. The relevant passage may be read in several ways, including two suggestions that possibly lead readers to translate the first line as, “When stable, it is easy to be exhausted” (kun 簢P, and the third line as “What is fragile is easy to betray” (pan 胸P. Specifying what “it” indicates in the first six lines is not easy. It may have respect to self-cultivation and religious practices as much as to administration and politics. The Buddhist monk Deqing (alias Hanshan) commented on lines 1–2 as follows: Being stable and revealing no signs roughly indicates the moment when even a thought has not emerged, when the emotions of pleasure and sorrow have not formed, when the substance of our mind stays still without moving, and when the auspice and the bad omen have not been revealed. This is the predecessor of calamity and good luck, and it is called the beginning of portent. The word for “hold” is solely intended to mean the capacity of utilizing our mind. This is to say that the sage in his daily life always practices thinking and meditating, by which he becomes insightful to what exists even before a thought has yet sprouted, and holds it tightly so as not to lose it. In this circumstance, if a thought begins to move, he will immediately proceed toward it and understand it. If it turns out to be good, he will embrace it; if it turns out to be bad, he will stop thinking about it. This is called “being prepared earlier” [in Laozi (59)] and what is meant by Confucius’s saying “Isn’t knowing the omens mysterious?” [in the Changes]. Working on this in this circumstance is so easy that there will be created a large store of merit even with a small investment of our effort. Therefore, it is said “When stable, it is easy to hold.” In contrast, Lu Xisheng commented on the first line as follows: “When all under heaven is stable, it is easy to maintain peace. When a state has already been put in danger, however, it is difficult to return the chaotic situation to normal.” Because Laozi is poetic and symbolic, one can choose either of these commentaries to understand the line in question. Of course, the latter is easier to understand, and the early comments of Laozi usually adopt practical interpretations. For example, “Jie Lao” introduces the stories of the vengeful

Part I: Virtue / 107 prince Zhonger from the state of Jin and the fallen fate of the state of Guo when explaining the first two sentences (729: 663ab). In the same manner, for line 5, “Work on it before it begins to exist,” one can refer to a passage in the Documents: “Arrange the rule when it is not yet chaotic, and preserve your state when it is not yet put in a danger” (Shangshu zhushu, 54: 384a). This passage contains one of the famous sayings in Laozi, “A journey of a thousand li starts from where one stands,” but it is quite twisted in both Texts A and B, as appears in line 9 in Text A. Xunzi has a similar passage: “Therefore, if not accumulating small steps, one has no way to reach one thousand li; if not accumulating small streams, there is no way to make rivers and oceans. . . . [I]f not stopping walking even with narrow paces, a crippled turtle can reach one thousand li; if not stopping accumulating even with a basketful of dirt, a high hill can be completed” (695: 121d). Laozi and Xunzi commonly teach that minute things are worthy of our concern, but they differ in their warnings. Laozi recommends that people be cautious of tiny things because they can develop into large dangers, while Xunzi persuades people to be sincere at the beginning and to endure through the development of things. This illustrates a fundamental difference between Daoism and Confucianism. Daoism challenges the given ethics and complies with the given circumstances, while Confucianism advocates the reverse. Almost the same phrase as lines 10–11 appears in chapter 29: “If those who wish to obtain all under heaven act on it, I see that it is impossible. Now, all under heaven is a mysterious vessel, not something that can be acted on. Those who act on it will ruin it; those who try to grasp it will lose it.” Supported by this passage, I understand that lines 10–11 imply the way to obtain and sustain all under heaven. In Laozi, the only way to obtain all under heaven, that is, to become a ruler, is to be acclaimed as such by the people. In other words, a man can become a king only in the situation in which “All under heaven pleasantly hold him up and never tire of him” (66). Once this situation is established, one does not need to take action in order to obtain power but must merely follow the will of the people, that is, the circumstances or nature. This tactic gains strength from a principle phrased as “If you want to acquire all under heaven, you must always have no commitments” (48). This is because “All under heaven is a mysterious vessel, not something that can be worked on” (29). Laozi’s strategy for sustaining all under heaven is that first of all, a ruler must achieve merits, which rest on the practical living standard of the people. The rulers should make it possible that “The people relish what they are eating, beautify what they are wearing, feel satisfied with their customs, and feel comfortable with their dwellings” (80). However, even a successful ruler can be at stake if he is boastful of his accomplishments because “The reason why the common people are not ruled is because those in authority intend to

108 / The Old Master accomplish something through it” (75). Therefore, “The sage acts on behalf of them but does not possess, and accomplishes merits but does not dwell with them” (77). Owing to this, “Although the merits are accomplished and the affairs are completed, all the common people say ‘It happened to us by nature’ ” (17). This “is called cloaking and veiling” (52), or “This is called cloaking brightness” (27). In Laozi, this is the only way to enjoy power for a long time and to be praised by the people forever. Therefore, “precisely because he does not dwell with them, merits cannot be removed” (2). Laozi concludes as follows: “For this reason, the sage never attempts to be great all the time. Therefore, he can accomplish his greatness” (37, 63). The citation in line 15 is apparently an old saying because similar ones appear in quite a few ancient sources, including the following: “Care about the end and consider the beginning” (Shangshu zhushu, 54: 166a; 264b). “If caring about the beginning and considering the end, one can end up with no difficulties. If having no consideration of the end, one will end up with difficulties” (ibid., 176bc).72 “Be sincere of the beginning and consider the end” (Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhushu, 144: 301d). “The noble man in ancient times cared about the beginning and the end when he worked on a big affair” (Liji zhushu, 115: 439c). Thus, this saying must have been extensively circulated at the time that Laozi quoted it. Xunzi contains the most analogous wording: “You should deliberate before working on things and add to this with sincerity. One cares about the end as sincerely as he does about the beginning, thereby the beginning and the end become consistent: this is called the great auspice” (695: 207d–8a). According to Xunzi, one should care about the beginning and the end because “In general, the success of a hundred affairs must hinge on how sincere we are about them, and the failure on how negligent we are about them.” Laozi shares this understanding, but it considers this as “assisting the naturalness of myriad things,” whereas Xunzi sees it as the way to overcome nature. There are different suggestions for translating the last phrase in line 16, “. . . and follows where all others pass through.” Wing-tsit Chan translated this as “. . . and returns to what the multitude has missed [Tao].”73 Chan’s translation echoes that of the majority of the commentaries. Meanwhile, Ma Xulun argued that guo 籉 in this phrase indicated “to pass,” not “to miss.”74 Thus, this phrase teaches that one should not lead but follow. I believe that this better delivers the teaching of this passage. Wu Cheng insisted that chapters 63 and 64 should be merged because both eventually discuss wuwei, “taking no action.” Although “taking no action” is the gist of the passages, according to the Guodian documents, even this passage should be separated into two parts: lines 1–9 and the rest of the passage. For more on the significance of the division, refer to the introduction of this book.

65.

Therefore, it is said that: Those who practice the Way do not enlighten the people, but make them dull. The reason why the people are difficult to rule is because of their knowledge. Therefore, ruling a state with knowledge is disaster for the state, and ruling a state with no knowledge is a blessing for the state. Always understanding these two is also the ideal of everyone. Always understanding the ideal of everyone is called mysterious virtue. How profound and remote is the mysterious virtue! By taking the opposite way against things, it reaches the great compliance.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

篿蘇蚾纊螿, 舭蝋聒胐蒺, 蟧蝋虤襺蒺. 胐襺綮謐蒺, 蝋絋覅蒺. 篿蝋覅覌脩, 脩襺衇蒺. 蝋膻覅覌脩, 脩襺繥蒺. 豣覌觧蓐螿, 蔥篫萫蒺. 豣覌篫萫, 觧蛈貧繥. 貧繥葙蝁蚫蝁. 蔛肵胮蝁, 緇覓繗菲. In line 1, I literally translated the phrase in Text A. Text B instead says “In ancient times,” as in all the later editions. According to Han Feizi, line 4 is a criticism against Zichan, the eminent minister from the state of Zheng who is older than Confucius: “The subjects are many and the lords are few. Since the few cannot overcome the many, the dictating lords cannot entirely know their subjects. Therefore, they should try to know people through people. . . . [L]aozi says, ‘Ruling a state [guo 糑] with knowledge is hurting the state.’ This saying is directed at Zichan” (729: 750d–51a). This citation comes from “Nansan” in Han Feizi, which has assumed an important role in philological discussions estimating the latest possible date of Laozi. In fact, many believe that Laozi antedates Han Feizi

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110 / The Old Master because, first, the latter carries two chapters solely designed to explain Laozi, “Yu Lao” and “Jie Lao,” and second, it contains quite a few passages with sayings from the extant edition of Laozi. However, the two chapters just mentioned have provoked many suspicions concerning their authenticity. Also, most of the Laozi-related sayings quoted by Han Feizi are introduced in the book as originating from Lao Dan, another disputable figure, and not the book Laozi. Besides those quotations, Han Feizi only once directly mentions the book Laozi in its quotations of the Laozi-related sayings. Actually, the earlier citation from “Nansan” is the only instance of this, and fortunately, the Mawangdui texts provide us with a crucial clue for estimating when it was written. In this citation the character guo 糑 (“state”) is used instead of bang 脩 (“state”), even though Text A uses bang in the same passage. These two characters have the same meaning, but as discussed earlier, the practice of replacing bang with guo occurred due to the naming taboo, in this case the personal name of the first emperor of the Han dynasty, Liu Bang. Indeed, Text B uses guo instead of bang because it was transcribed after the first emperor began to rule the entire China in 202 bce. Thus, the passage from “Nansan” in question must have been written after that time, so it does not prove the existence of Laozi when Han Feizi was active. If the extant edition of Han Feizi uniformly uses guo instead of bang, one could insist that this change may have been caused by an extensive revision of the book, regardless of the real date of its completion. In many places, however, Han Feizi uses bang. “These two” in line 5 indicates the two policies with regard to using knowledge in ruling people and their different results. There are a few ways to interpret ji shi 篫萫 (“the ideal of everyone”). I have based my translation on the Wang Bi and Fu Yi editions. Among other possibilities are “paragons and models,” as suggested in numerous commentaries including one by Heshanggong, “the standard for understanding the ancient times” by Lu Xisheng, and “to learn humility” by Wu Cheng. The last sentence can be translated as, “It returns (fan 胮) to its origin with all other things . . .” as in the Wang Bi edition. However, I would rather render this as emphasizing the difference between the sage’s rule and that of the common rulers, as explained by Wu Cheng: “Everyone wants to be knowledgeable, but I alone want to be dull. This is what ‘By taking the opposite way against things’ means.” Dong Sijing and Xue Hui also adopt this rendering. This passage is an example of Laozi’s obscurantism. Due to the sinister impression this passage may convey, commentators have attempted to relegate this passage to an allegorical alert against the devastating nature of cleverness. For example, Wang Bi commented: “Being dull means to be genuine with no-knowledge and to be compliant with nature.” This interpretation is somewhat convincing because cleverness is the foundation of manipulation in general. Any kind of obscurantism, however, has a counterpart to this sort of justification.

Part I: Virtue / 111 When Li Si, the prime minister of the First Emperor of the Qin dynasty, proposed burning all the books of ancient knowledge with only a few exceptions, he justified his suggestion stating, “Now, Your Majesty has acquired all under heaven and established a single dignified standard by distinguishing the white from the black. Nevertheless, some people are privately studying and holding discussions with each other in order to condemn the laws and teachings. When the people hear that an edict has been put into practice, they contend against it with their own theories. . . . [I]f this practice is not prohibited, the power of the lords will decline in the upper part of society, and gangs and factions will be formed in the lower part” (Shiji, 6: 254–255). This is the very moment at which the theoretical background for the Book Burning was created. Of course, Laozi disagreed with this type of tyrannical measure, but it shares the viewpoint of rejecting “privately studying” and “contend[ing] against it with their own theories.” If we insert “the Way” in place of “laws and teachings” in Li Si’s justification above, it can serve as a commentary on this line from Laozi. Echoing this alignment of Laozi’s teaching with the obscurantist policy, Wu Cheng placed on Laozi the responsibility for the historical Book Burning, even though he admitted that the idea of obscurantism in Laozi derived from the chaotic period during which common people were exploited by the clever. As he diagnosed, the Legalists’ and Laozi’s perceptions of enlightenment are on a par with one another, regardless of their discrepancy in adopting practical measures.

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66.

The reason why rivers and oceans can be the kings of hundreds of valleys is that they are good at placing themselves low. For this reason, they can be the kings of hundreds of valleys. For this reason, when the sage wants to be above the people, he must, through his words, place himself low; When he wants to be ahead of the people, he must, in his person, put himself behind. Therefore, though he sits in front, the people do not regard it as harmful; Though he sits above, the people do not regard it as weighty. All under heaven pleasantly hold him up and never tire of him. Is it not because he is not contentious? Therefore, no one under heaven can contend with him.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

笹豸襺荓蝋縑蚾腆簠蘌螿, 蝋絋苻谨襺, 萙蝋縑蚾腆簠蘌. 萙蝋茾蝸襺蘽芟胐蒺, 谞蝋絋蔀谨襺, 絋蘽苺胐蒺, 谞蝋絋葌 趒襺. 篿筥衔蝢胐臼豵蒺, 筥芟蝢胐臼襩蒺. 詏谨綟諄蝢臼蕧 蒺, 舭蝋絋肖蠖蔛. 篿詏谨翿縑蔛蠖. According to Shuoyuan, a similar passage to line 1 is found in the “Inscription on the Bronze Statue.” “The noble man knows that all under heaven cannot be totally contained. Therefore he puts himself behind and places himself low so that the people can adore him. He holds on to the feminine and preserves the low position, so nobody can contend with him. . . . [N]ow, the reason why rivers and oceans can be the chiefs of hundreds of valleys is because they place themselves low” (696: 92b). The word “kings” (wang 蘌) in Laozi has changed to “chiefs” (chang 蠃) in this “Inscription.” This was presumably meant to avoid the hint of disloyalty in the expression “can be the kings.” The same practice to change wang to chang occurs in Han documents such as “Shuoshan xun” (“Discourses on Mountains”) in Huainanzi (848: 690b) and “Nan Xiongnu

113

114 / The Old Master zhuan” (“Records of the Southern Xiongnu”) in Hou Hanshu (Book of Later Han) (89: 1951). This may help date the “Inscription.” The Documents introduces the exemplary political leaders who realized the virtue described in lines 3–4: “When I look at all under heaven, I see the unintelligent husbands and wives as better than me” (Shangshu zhushu, 54: 148c). “After examining the many, discard my opinion and follow the people” (ibid., 54: 79c). Guoyu further expounds this Confucian political idea embedded in the Documents: “The Document says, ‘The people can be made favorable toward you, but they cannot be lowered.’ . . . [T]his means that the sage knew that the people could not be controlled. Therefore, those who want to be the king of all under heaven must put the people ahead and thereafter protect them” (Guoyu, 406: 27ab). A parallel passage with lines 8–9 also appears in “DaYu mo” in the Documents: “Only because you are not boastful, no one under heaven can contend with you for capability; only because you are not bragging, no one under heaven can contend with you for merits” (Shangshu zhushu, 54: 84a).

80.

Regard the state as though it is small, and regard the people as though they are few. Let those who have multiples of dozens and hundreds as much talent as the people not be used; Let the people take death seriously and distance themselves from moving elsewhere. Though they may have boats and carriages, they have no occasion to ride; Though they may have armor and weapons, they have no occasion for displaying them; Let the people again knot cords and use them. The people relish what they are eating, beautify what they are wearing, feel satisfied with their customs, and feel comfortable with their dwellings. Neighboring states are in sight of one another, and the sounds of dogs and chickens might be overheard, yet till they die of old age, they never visit one another.

1 2 3 4 5 6

7

8

荐脩籀胐. 艈葟腆蝸襺絎肙虑, 艈胐襩艠蝢蚫莇, 蛞筰襄肖荓 萄襺, 蛞第腹肖荓观襺, 艈胐膝箦萊蝢虑襺. 笡絋萶, 胃絋膞, 綟絋荱, 蒃絋筥. 螋脩芴耟, 篳粸襺茿芴肯, 胐覓緢艠, 膻芴蘈缃. This passage represents chapter 80 of the extant editions. Both Texts A and B place this passage here. The first line has long been understood as describing an ideal society. In that understanding, it should read, “Let there be a small country with few people” (Wing-tsit Chan). However, the commentator who wrote the earliest commentary to initiate this understanding is Wu Cheng from the Yuan dynasty: “Laozi wanted to revive the declining Zhou dynasty and initiate a return to the great ancient times. If the size of a state is large, the people will become many

115

116 / The Old Master and difficult to rule. Therefore, he wanted to obtain a small state with few people and rule it.” In contrast, the commentaries prior to that of Wu Cheng held different views. Moreover, what Laozi seems to be concerned about throughout book is how to rule a large state or all under heaven, not a small state. Indeed, “all under heaven” (tianxiaG 詏谨) is one of the most frequently used terms in the book: it appears as many as fifty-seven times in my translation and sixty-two times in the Wang Bi edition. Surely, Laozi is enthusiastic to discuss the rule of a large state in passages, such as “Ruling a large state is like cooking a small fish” (60) and “A large state is like the lower part of a river, so it is the female of all under heaven and the assembling point for all under heaven” (61). In this respect, Heshanggong said, “Even though he rules a large state, the sage rather regards it as though it is small, and thereby remains frugal and thrifty without being extravagant and arrogant. Even though there are a great number of people, he rather regards them as though they are few, and thereby does not dare to burden them.” Wang Zhen also commented, “This chapter discusses the way of becoming a ruler. Even with the strength of a large state, he should always take a position of humility by himself. Even with the power of a great number of people, he should always show the virtues of insufficiency and weakness by himself.” In short, this sentence neither describes the ideal of Laozi’s world nor suggests a plausible goal for rulers. Rather, it espouses through metaphor the book’s recurrent political tactics of humility and self-effacement. The community depicted in the latter part of this passage, from which people neither need nor want to move away, symbolizes a self-sufficient agricultural society. Mencius’s description of the society sustained by his well-field system shows an analogy to it: “Even in the events of funerals and relocating, let the people not leave their hometowns, and let the households in a village share the same well. In the case of going out and returning home, let them accompany each other. In the case of keeping vigil, let them help each other . . .” (Mengzi jizhu, 3A: 3; 197: 126d). Lüshi Chunqiu also portrays the positive dynamism that an agricultural society can induce, where economic success, the purification of people’s desires, and the peaceful and self-sufficient life of the people are all guaranteed: “If the people serve by farming, they will become artless. If they become artless, they will become easy to mobilize. If they become easy to mobilize, the border areas will become stable, and the position of the lords will become supreme. . . . [I]f the people serve by farming, the product will become multiplied. If the product becomes multiplied, they will not take moving lightly. If they do not take moving lightly, even if they die in the place of their birth, they will have no other schemes” (848: 499cd). The extant editions have many variants for line 2, and their interpretations vary as well. Some of the possible and somewhat favored interpretations view qi 絎 (“talent”) as indicating “tools” (Wu Cheng) or “weapons” (Fan Yingyuan and

Part I: Virtue / 117 Jiao Hong). Even when referring to the Mawangdui texts, the former interpretation is still possible. The latter is, however, inappropriate because they add ren 蝸 (“people”) after shi bai 葞腀, indicating that the term shi bai designates not a military unit but “ten people” (shi) and “one hundred people” (bai), as explained by Su Zhe. Dong Sijing also agreed with Su Zhe’s interpretation. “Knotted cords” in line 6 were used before the invention of letters for marking the number of items in trade or the significance of social affairs according to “Xici” in the Changes: “In the ancient times, society was ruled by knotting cords. In later generations, the sage replaced them with letters” (Zhouyi zhushu, 7: 552a). Because suggesting that the ruler not use letters is unrealistic, this line is likely to carry another metaphor for Laozi’s inclination toward obscurantism. In line 7 the order of the third and fourth phrases is reversed from that of the later editions. “Quqie” in Zhuangzi recorded the same sentence without identifying the source, and the order of the phrases there is the same as that of the Mawangdui texts (1056: 54b).

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81.

Sincere words are not beautiful; Beautiful words are not sincere. Those who know are not erudite; Those who are erudite do not know. Those who are good are not praised; Those who are praised are not good. The sage accumulates nothing. He already does for others, yet he has even more; He already gives to others, yet his own possessions increase even more. Therefore, the Way of heaven benefits but does not harm; The Way of man acts but does not contend.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

萺蔀膻胃, 胃蔀膻萺. 覌螿膻胚, 胚螿膻覌. 苻螿膻縘, 縘螿膻苻. 茾蝸肖血, 絝蝋蚾蝸, 絘蛚蛞, 絝蝋蔍蝸, 絘蛚縘. 篿詏襺纊, 蝍蝢膻豵. 蝸襺纊, 蚾蝢臼蠖. This passage is relevant to chapter 81. In the Mawangdui texts, however, it is placed before the passage relevant to chapter 67. Thus, in Texts A and B, the passages relevant to chapters 80 and 81 are inserted between chapters 66 and 67. They are identical in this regard, implying that both texts represent the same edition. Lines 1–2 address the same concern about the incredibility of words as seen in chapter 56: “One who knows does not speak; one who speaks does not know.” This distrust of words and verbal expressions has deep and firm roots in the Chinese tradition, and most thinkers in ancient China shared this understanding. Prior to Laozi, Confucius had denounced those who were deceitfully skillful in maneuvering words, saying, “Among those who use skillful words and have beautiful faces, I rarely see a humane person” (Lunyu jizhi, 1: 3), and “I hate [the fact] that fluent mouths can overthrow states and families” (ibid., 17: 17).

119

120 / The Old Master Lines 5–6 are slightly different from the later editions, which have bian 腱 (“to argue”) instead of duo 縘 (“to praise”) in Text A. In the Wang Bi edition, the related lines read: “Those who are good do not argue; those who argue are not good.” At the end of line 6, there is a black dot in Text A, probably implying that the following lines can be separated from it. Indeed, there have been arguments that lines 1–6 seem inconsistent with the rest of this passage.75 According to “Tianxia” in Zhuangzi, in ancient times there was a way of life that “regarded accumulation as being insufficient.” When Guan Yin and Lao Dan heard of that, “they were delighted.” Thus, “they established a theory of having nothing all the time, and based their ideas on the Great One. They adopted being weak and placing themselves low as their slogan, and viewed it as a practical way to leave the myriad things behind, using emptiness, with no damage” (1056: 164bc). Between the two sages, when based on “Tianxia,” Lao Dan would be more closely associated with this phrase because he specifically said, “Because of having no accumulation, one can have abundance” (1056: 164d). Meanwhile, Lüshi Chunqiu recorded a story about King Wu of the Zhou dynasty. According to the story, the virtuous king decided, after conquering the Shang dynasty, to open the gate of the Bright Hall in order to show that he had accumulated nothing for himself. “Therefore, in the Zhou dynasty they did not keep the outer gate of the Bright Hall locked. This was to show all under heaven that they accumulated nothing. Precisely because they accumulated nothing, they could preserve the most precious items” (848: 387a). The title of the essay that recorded this story in Lüshi Chunqiu is “Shenda,” that is, “being cautious about greatness.” The same title can be granted to this passage in Laozi. D. C. Lau argued that a few chapters at the end of the received Laozi were added later because those chapters repeatedly used Confucian terms, including “the Way of heaven” and “the Way of man” in chapter 77.76 Lau did not pay attention to this passage because in the later editions “the Way of man,” a Confucian notion, in the last line appears as “the Way of the sage.” He should have mentioned this passage if he could refer to the Mawangdui texts for the theory. This passage also corresponds to a teaching of the Analects: “The noble man is proud of himself, but does not contend with others” (Lunyu jizhu, 15: 21; 197: 74d).

67.

All under heaven say that I am great but look unwise. Yet now, precisely because I am great, I look unwise. If I were clever, I would long since have been of little worth. I always have three things and treasure them. The first is benevolence; The second is frugality; The third is not daring to be ahead of all under heaven. Now, because of benevolence, one can be courageous; Because of frugality, one can be extensive; Because of not daring to be ahead of all under heaven, one can be the head of government offices. Now if you abandon benevolence and try to be courageous, and if you abandon standing behind and try to be ahead, then you will die. Now, benevolence is that through which if one fights he will win, and through which if one defends he will stand firm. If heaven establishes a state, you should enclose it with benevolence.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

11 12 13

詏谨答蛈葩繗膻誠, 臄蛑繗篿膻誠. 蓉誠, 草粜蝁. 葩豣蛞芓, 膋襺. 螐蘇螶, 蝊蘇箄, 芓蘇膻笝蚾詏谨苺. 臄螶篿縑虅, 箄篿縑籩, 膻笝蚾詏谨苺, 篿縑蚾茶艃蠃. 細良絋螶觟虅, 良絋趒觟苺, 謡谞艠蝁. 臄螶蝋衝謡萆, 蝋莗謡篸. 詏蟧筸襺, 蔖蝋螶蚚襺 (“詏谨答蛈葩繗膻誠” from Jinglong; “繗” from Wang Bi). Line 1 is completely missing in Text A and the blank in Text A does not have space for all the words in Text B. Considering this, I have supplemented Text A with the parallel phrase in the stele edition of Jinglong, which reads as above. Text B delivers the same meaning, although its wording is grammatically better. This may imply that Text B is a result of the copyediting of Text A.77 The later

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122 / The Old Master editions have many variants, and most of them add dao 纊 (“the Way”) after wo 葩 (“I”), compelling us to read this line as, “All under heaven say that my Way is great but looks unwise.” Lin Xiyi pointed out that this was an error, and Fan Yingyuan also commented that the original Fu Yi edition and the edition from the Western Jin dynasty omitted “the Way” as in his own edition. Their opinions are in accordance with Text B. “Unwise” in the same line is a translation for bu 臺 (“not”) xiao 誠 (“to resemble”). This term often indicates a son who does not resemble his father’s or ancestor’s virtue, with the connotation that he is inferior morally or intellectually. In this line, it connotes intellectual inferiority, in people’s eyes, rather than a moral disposition. Most English translations interpret this term as “not resembling the ordinary people.” Heshanggong interpreted the word xiao in this term as “good,” commenting that it meant being good at arguing. According to Fangyan (Vernacular Words) by Yang Xiong of the Han dynasty, this word xiao was used in the regions of Western Chu, Liang, and Yi, while the synonymous word lei 羯 was used in the state of Qi.78 These regions fell under the western part of China proper, where the state of Qin and the state of Chu prevailed during the Warring States period. This is one piece of evidence that Laozi was completed in either the states of Qin or Chu. According to Lin Xiyi, the second line must have been widely circulated at that time. In relation to this view, this line may pertain to the well-known Ningwuzi’s behavior (Lu Xisheng). The Analects describes it as follows: “Ningwuzi was wise when there was the Way in the state and stupid when there was not the Way in the state. His wisdom can be sought, but his foolishness is not attainable” (Lunyu jizhu, 5:20). The idea of “not daring to be ahead of all under heaven” in lines 7 and 10 turns up in chapters 7 and 66 as well. This idea can be rephrased as “valuing standing behind,” the quintessential strategy in Er Liang’s way of life. “Buer” in Lüshi Chunqiu remarks: “Lao Dan valued softness, Confucius valued humaneness, Mo Di valued uprightness, Guan Yin valued purity, Master Liezi valued emptiness, Chen Pian valued evenness, Mr. Yang valued self, Sun Bin valued power, Wang Liao valued taking initiative, and Er Liang valued standing behind. These ten persons are all the prominent figures of all under heaven” (848: 421d–2a). Among the values proposed here by many masters, Laozi honors those of softness, standing behind, emptiness, evenness, self, and in a sense purity and humaneness. Contrastingly, only the value of softness is ascribed to Lao Dan, the alleged author of Laozi, while the value of “standing behind” is attributed to Er Liang. Ascertaining Er Liang’s identity to our satisfaction is a hard task. “Yiwenzhi” in Hanshu includes a book, Er Liang, in its catalog. According to it, the book was compiled in one volume and belonged to the Militarists (30: 1757). This classification seems adequate because one more passage in Laozi discusses the idea

Part I: Virtue / 123 of “standing behind,” and Laozi itself associates it with the Militarists: “There is a saying among strategists: I don’t dare take the offensive, but would rather assume the defensive; I don’t dare advance an inch, but would rather retreat a foot” (69). Thus, Er Liang was probably a military strategist who valued the defensive more than the offensive for successful military maneuvers. “The head of government offices” in line 10 is a translation for cheng 茶 (“vessels filled with offerings”) shi 艃 (“affairs”) chang 蠃 (“head”). Text B uses qi 絎 (“vessels”) instead of shi as in most of the later editions, but their connotations remain the same. Because the duty of placing ritual vessels for offerings on the altar exclusively fell to the head of government offices in ancient times, this term came to connote the ruler of a state.

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68.

Those who are good at being a commander of troops do not focus on military might; Those who are good at fighting are not angry; Those who are good at defeating the enemy do not compete; Those who are good at utilizing men place themselves low. This is called the virtue of non-contending; This is called utilizing others; This is called coupling with heaven—the utmost teaching of the ancients.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

苻蚾艐螿膻肘, 苻衝螿膻緜, 苻萆蠻螿臼蔛, 苻虑蝸螿蚾襺谨. 萙蛈膻蠖襺繥, 萙蛈虑蝸, 萙蛈脾詏, 篴襺紞蒺. The teaching of the first three sentences is germane to the previous passage: “do not focus on military might” and “not angry” pertain to “because of benevolence, one can be courageous” in the previous passage, and “do not compete” pertains to “not daring to be ahead of all under heaven.” This affinity stems from the fact that they are all dealing with Militarist ideas. The previous passage is associated with Er Liang, a Militarist, and this passage obviously carries an admonition to military officers. Reflecting this correlation, Text B has gu 篿 (“therefore”) at the beginning of this passage. The scribe must have assumed a connection between the two passages. Because the next passage also deals with the words of Militarists, Robert Henricks contends that “chapters 67, 68, and 69 should be read together as a unit.”79 Sunzi, the core classic of the Militarists, attests that this passage is relevant to the Militarist ideas: “Lords are not supposed to raise troops with anger, and the generals are not supposed to engage in a battle with resentment” (726: 55d). “For this reason, the way which wins one hundred battles out of one hundred battles is not the best of bests; the way which defeats the troops of other lords

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126 / The Old Master without a battle is the best of bests” (726: 47c). This passage seems to paraphrase the teachings of Sunzi, or vice versa. In the last sentence, Text A is missing pei 脾 (“to couple”). Thus, the literal translation of this line in Text A would read: “This is called heaven—the utmost teaching of the ancients,” or “This is called the utmost teaching of heaven and the ancients.” I have supplemented this line with pei, based on Text B and the later editions, because the concept of “coupling with heaven” pervades the ancient classics so broadly that it deserves to be labeled as “the utmost teaching of the ancients.” Naming an ancient classic that is totally foreign to the concept “coupling with heaven (or High God)” is difficult. Among those classics are Doctrine of the Mean and Zhuangzi. These two works, however, adopt this concept in different contexts. In Doctrine of the Mean, the virtues that enable the sage to couple with heaven are brilliance and insightfulness: “Only the greatest sage under heaven can become brilliant and insightful, so that he is sufficient to rule in front of the people. . . . [H]e makes all the people who have blood and vital forces revere their parents without exception. Therefore, it is called coupling with heaven” (Zhongyong zhangju, 197: 213ab). Meanwhile, Zhuangzi posits the same virtues, brilliance and insightfulness, as hindrances to coupling with heaven: “Nie Que’s character is brilliant and insightful. . . . [C]an he be coupling with heaven? He is just taking advantage of artificiality and negating heaven” (1056: 63a). These different contexts reflect the difference between Confucianism and Daoism, the one revering the men of letters and the other affronting them.

69.

There is a saying among strategists: “I don’t dare take the offensive, but would rather assume the defensive; I don’t dare advance an inch, but would rather retreat a foot.” This is called: Though trying to march, I see no enemy’s camp; Though trying to roll up the sleeves, I see no arms; Though trying to hold, I see no weapons; Though trying to grasp, I see no enemies. Of disasters, none is greater than having no enemy. Having no enemy is close to losing my treasures. Therefore, when well-matched forces clash, the one who mourns will win.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

虑腹蛞蔀蘇: 薿膻笝蚾褨蝢蚾筝, 薿膻覿誰蝢讍詀. 萙蛈貇肖貇, 蓖肖舥, 觖肖腹, 螩肖蠻蝁. 质翿繗蓯肖蠻, 肖蠻紭耛薿膋蝁. 篿謳腹芴蓉, 謡蒥螿萆蝁. “The offensive” and “the defensive” in line 2 are translations of zhu 褨 and ke 筝. The primary meanings of these words are “host” and “guest.” According to Wang Zhen, “In military affairs, those who mobilize the troops first become the hosts, and those who react to this later become the guests.” Here, Laozi adopts Er Liang’s idea of valuing standing behind. According to Wang Bi, lines 5–8 allegorizes that “there is no way to fight with them.” Similarly, Lin Xiyi commented that “this is a strategy of Militarists which causes enemies to misjudge the situation by showing cowardice and weakness.” Another translation is still possible by rendering the same strategy from the view of the defensive, as in Wu Cheng. In Wu Cheng’s interpretation, these sentences read, “When marching, there is no formation; when rolling up the sleeves to fight, there are no arms; when holding weapons, there are no

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128 / The Old Master weapons; when trying to grasp, there are no enemies.” I followed Heshanggong because his interpretation matches an explanation of the same strategy in Guanzi: “When an excellent strategist commands the troops, the person makes the enemies feel as if they have stepped into an empty place, or as if they have grasped shadows. Since there are no settings and forms, nothing will be unaccomplished. Since there are no forms and commitments, nothing will be unchanged. This is called the Way” (729: 74c). This chapter in Guanzi is titled “Bingfa” (“Military Strategies”). In lines 9–10, Text A repeats yu 蓯 (“than”) and wu 薿 (“my”), which are obvious errors of the scribe,and they are rectified here based on Text B. The reference to “my treasures” in line 10 could vary depending on interpretations. Most commentaries see them as indicating the “three treasures” in chapter 67: benevolence, frugality, and not daring to be ahead of all under heaven. In contrast, they signify the body to Heshanggong, and the body and social status to Wang Zhen. Also, line 10 can be compared to a passage in Mencius: “Outside of the state, if there are no enemy states and foreign troubles, the state will necessarily be destroyed. Thereafter, I know that we can live with anxieties, and will die in comfort” (Mengzi jizhu, 6B: 15; 197: 181d). This anxiety around danger is one of the pervasive elements in the ancient Chinese civilization. Zhang Sicheng (fl. 1325), the thirty-ninth patriarch of the Way of the Celestial Master tradition, attached a song to each chapter of Laozi while commenting on the main texts: thus, his book is titled Daode zhenjing zhangju xunsong (Admonishing Hymns of the Chaptered Genuine Scripture of the Way and Virtue). The song dedicated to this passage reads: “Laozi discusses the matters of the Militarists in three out of eighty-one chapters.80 If you know the exquisite wisdom of military strategy, you will enjoy longevity.” This song unveils the very reason Laozi professes an interest in the ideas of the Militarists. No one would ponder the effective tactics for survival as seriously as those who are bound to go to battle. As long as people are concerned about how to survive in this chaotic world, the Militarists can provide much wisdom. In battles, however, the chances for victories and losses are usually equal. This is the given condition, that is, the circumstances of our life. With this condition, the Militarists tend to seek better tactics for elevating the probability of winning. In contrast, it is the primary principle of Laozi to be compliant to the given circumstances. Thus, it first accepts the reality, but at the same time examines the way of not being completely annihilated, even when a loss is imminent. When people are ruthlessly annihilated, it is because they are pursuing victory by annihilating others.

70.

My words are very easy to understand and very easy to practice. Yet no one can understand them and practice them. Words have a master; Affairs have a patriarch. Yet only no one understands that. For this reason, they do not understand me. If those who understand me are few, I will be of great value. For this reason, the sage wears hemp cloth and carries jade within his bosom.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

薿蔀葛蝖覌蒺, 葛蝖貇蒺, 蝢蝸翿襺縑覌蒺, 蝢翿襺縑貇蒺. 蔀蛞糗, 艃蛞褒, 絋蛑肖覌蒺, 萙蝋膻葩覌. 覌螿跖謡葩糿蝁. 萙蝋茾蝸谙笓蝢赪藛. In a sense, the words in Laozi are easy to understand and practice as described in line 1. As Wang Bi expounded, one can know the truth of Laozi “without going out the door and without looking out the window,” and one can practice it simply “by taking no action.” The only obstacle is that “we can be easily confused by hasty desires” and “tempted with fame and benefits.” Thus, if a person is not agitated by these obstacles, being compliant to the given circumstances, nothing will be easier than knowing and practicing the words of Laozi. As a matter of fact, many thinkers of the Warring States period preached to their audience in the same manner, saying their own words were easy to understand and practice. Even Mencius, in his discussion of moral politics, which was not palatable to the warring lords, attempted to persuade them to believe that his idea was as easy to practice as snapping a branch off a tree (Mengzi jizhu, 1A: 7; 197: 98a). In a contrasting manner, however, Laozi also says, “Those who were good at practicing the Way in ancient times were delicately subtle, mysteriously insightful, and so deep that they couldn’t be recorded” (15), and “Though trying to look at it, we cannot see it. . . . [T]hough trying to listen to

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130 / The Old Master it, we cannot hear it. . . . [T]hough trying to touch it, we cannot do it” (14). According to Wu Cheng, line 5 expresses a feeling of lamentation over people’s ignorance of being unaware that Laozi’s teaching of softness, weakness, humility, and placing oneself below is the master of all words and the patriarch of all affairs. In line with this, he continued to comment on line 7, “A feeling of lamentation was expressed earlier, and Laozi possibly feels consoled here (line 7). However, what this line describes is not a consolation but a deeper lamentation.” When the world scoffs at one’s way of life out of ignorance, the person’s feeling of isolation would bring about a gritty sense of one’s own dignity, or grief, or both. In ancient China, literati’s awareness of this perpetual indifference of the world over what they think to be right is called “regretting the world” (fenshi 臮荃). Their remarks, accordingly, usually convey this consciousness of fenshi, as seen in numerous thinkers. For example, Confucius mourned: “Alas! No one understands me. . . . [H]owever, I do not resent heaven, and do not blame people. I have learned from below, and have reached for the above. Wouldn’t it only be heaven that understands me?” (Lunyu jizhu, 14: 37; 197: 70d–71a). According to Sima Qian, this consciousness is the solid foundation for many literati’s accomplishments because they understand that the only way to wash out their grief is to leave invaluable and imperishable writings. In his eyes, the Changes by King Wen, Chunqiu by Confucius, Chuci by Qu Yan, Zuozhuan by Zuoqui Ming, Sunzi by Sunzi, Lüshi Chunqiu by Lü Buwei, and Han Feizi by Han Fei are all the examples of the accomplishments of this kind: “These people [who wrote the classics] could not get their ways reached to people due to the barriers and obstructions of unraveling their ideas. Therefore, they stated the past history, and expected people who would come in the future.” Laozi also has a parallel passage about this consciousness: “All the others have more than enough; I alone am abandoned. Mine is the mind of a fool—silly and stupid. Common folks are bright; I alone seem dark. Common folks are smart; I alone seem ignorant” (20). Heshanggong explained the last line, “Wearing hemp cloth means not to mind the outer world, and carrying jade within his bosom means to decorate the inner world beautifully.” A similar expression is seen in Kongzi jiayu, “Zilu asked Confucius, ‘Let’s assume a man here. How do you evaluate him if he wears hemp cloth and carries jade in his bosom?’ Confucius replied, ‘If there is no Way in the state, it is acceptable to retire from the world. If there is the Way in the state, however, one should wear the gun 簪 and mian 聃, the costumes for the high government officials, and hold jade in his hands” (695: 23a). This is evidently the Confucian reaction to this line in Laozi, based on Confucius’s teaching in the Analects: “When there is the Way in the state, being poor and ignoble is humiliating. When there is no Way in the state, being rich and noble is humiliating” (Lunyu zhushu, 8: 13; 197: 44a).

71.

To know that you do not know is the best; Not to know that you do not know is a disease. Therefore, the reason why the sage has no disease is because he regards disease as disease. For this reason, he has no disease.

1 2 3 4

覌臺覌芧蝁, 臺覌臺覌膂蝁. 萙蝋茾蝸襺膻膂, 蝋絋膂膂, 萙蝋膻膂. Text B and all the later editions have omitted the second bu 臺 (“not”) in line 2, leaving the rest of the sentence, bu 臺 (“not”) zhi 覌 (“to know”) zhi 覌 (“to know”) bing 膂 (“disease”), open to various interpretations. For example, Wang Bi read these lines as, “To know that you do not know is the best;81 not to know the incredibility of knowledge is a disease”; Heshanggong as, “Even though you know the Way, to say that you don’t know, it is the best; even though you do not know the Way, to say that you know, it is a disease”; and Xue Hui as, “Those who know return to ignorance. That is the best; those who do not know are attached to knowledge. That is a disease.” I base my translation on Text A with reference to a passage in Lüshi Chunqiu: “To know that you do not know is the best. The disease of the people with wrong deeds is that they believe that they know even though they do not know” (848: 491b). The title of this essay in Lüshi Chunqiu is “Bie lei” (“Discerning Similar Things”), which discusses how one can be discerning of things that are analogous in shapes but mutually distinctive in qualities. Following a discussion of the topic, the essay concludes, “There is something that we cannot see with our eyes; there is something that we cannot know with our knowledge; there is something that we cannot reach with our principles; there is something that we do not understand in terms of what makes a theory true, but it is still true. Thus, the sage becomes compliant and creates a system. He does not commit himself to his mind” (848: 492a). Now, with this additional reading of Lüshi Chunqiu,

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132 / The Old Master the meaning of this passage becomes clearer: it urges people to realize that they are limited in understanding of their life and the universe and to be compliant with what is happening around them. The philosopher who initially maintained this pseudo-agnosticism in ancient China is Shen Dao, according to “Tianxia” in Zhuangzi: “For this reason, Shen Dao abandoned knowledge, discarded self, and followed the irresistible course. He regarded it as the Way and principle to be compliant with things, saying, ‘Know that you do not know (zhi bu zhi 覌膻覌).82 Only after not valuing knowledge can you discard it.’ He acted randomly, depending on nothing, committed himself to nothing, and laughed at all under heaven, which exalted the man of excellence” (1056: 163d). In all the later editions, one more line is added after the second line. According to the Mawangdui texts, however, it should be removed, as Yu Yue insisted earlier.83 “Daoying xun” in Huainanzi cites lines 1–2 differently, adding two consecutive ers 蝢 in an attempt to make the meaning clear. This addition has caused people to read lines 1–2 as Heshanggong did. Despite this slight difference, its wording is basically identical to Text B, and not Text A.

72.

When the people do not fear what deserves to be feared, great fear will arrive. Do not obstruct their dwelling; Do not oppress their living. Now, precisely because you do not oppress them, they do not abhor you. For this reason, the sage knows himself but does not exalt himself; He loves himself but does not value himself. Therefore, he discards that, and takes this.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

胐襺膻蘕蘕, 謡繗蘕蟧覓蝁. 肙蒛絋荓筥, 肙蕧絋荓苇. 臄蛑 臼蕧, 萙蝋膻蕧. 萙蝋茾蝸蟀覌蝢膻蟀貱蒺, 蟀蒨蝢膻蟀糿蒺. 篿筤谕諵觧. My translation of the first line is consistent with most of the authoritative commentaries. My understanding of its connotation, however, differs from that of the sources with respect to the matter of who will face the “great fear” when “the people do not fear what deserves to be feared.”84 Most commentaries tend to see that the people will experience the fear because they ignore “what deserves to be feared,” that is, the rulers. A reference to this interpretation is a passage in the Documents: “You should think of danger when you are receiving a good favor, and do not let yourself be fearless. If you do not fear, fear will fall on you” (Shangshu zhushu, 54: 388b)85. Because this saying from the Documents obviously directs a warning to the subjects, those who will face the “great fear” in line 1 could be the people. This is why many commentaries have adopted this interpretation. However, Laozi itself carries another reference: “If the people never fear death, how can you threaten them with death?” (74). With the incorporation of two passages from Laozi, I assert that “what deserves to be feared” in line 1 indicates death. If the people suffer from a harsh politics, they will not fear their death and will instead rise to revolt, confronting the rulers.

133

134 / The Old Master This was a perpetual concern and fear of the rulers in the past. The following lines, accordingly, discuss what the rulers should be cautious about. There are three identical yans 蕧 in lines 3–4, which have multiple meanings: the first and the second yans mean “to oppress,” whereas the third one means “to abhor.”86

73.

Those who are brave in daring will die; Those who are brave in not daring will survive. Of these two, sometimes there is benefit, and sometimes there is harm. Who knows why heaven dislikes what it dislikes? Therefore, the Way of heaven does not fight but is good at winning. It does not speak but is good at receiving responses. It does not summon but people come of themselves. It is at ease but is good at making plans. Heaven’s net is large and vast; Its meshes are wide, yet it misses nothing.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

虅蓯笝螿謡芐, 虅蓯膻笝螿謡赇. 觧蓐螿贍翈贍豵, 詏襺荓藈, 菐覌絋篿. 篿詏襺纊, 膻衝蝢苻萆, 膻蔀蝢苻蜴, 膻荌蝢蟀缃, 繟蝢苻聴. 詏耠赨赨, 荟蝢膻葐 (“觧” from Wang Bi). “Renjian xun” (“The World of Man”) in Huainanzi explicates the leading proposition in lines 1–2 in connection with a story of Niu Que from the state of Qin. When bandits robbed him on a mountain path, he showed no fear and was at ease, even smiling. Perplexed, the bandits asked him why. He replied, “The sage never imperils what he wants to cultivate [his body] in order to save what is used for its cultivation [materials that the robbers wanted].” Upon hearing this, the bandits talked to each other: “[H]e must be a sage in the world. If he has an audience with the king after this incident, the king will no doubt try to arrest us.” Finally, they killed Niu Que in order to conceal what they had done to this “sage.” “Renjian xun” concludes that Niu Que was a man who “can be brave in daring, but cannot be brave in not daring” (848: 722bc). As in many cases, this episode in Huainanzi was taken from Lüshi Chunqiu, which narrates the same story. In Lüshi Chunqiu, however, Niu Que’s story is

135

136 / The Old Master one of several tales that are combined to demonstrate a larger conclusion. After telling Niu Que’s story, it narrates another episode about Meng Ben, who was famed for his strength. In this episode, he is trying to cross a river, rudely cutting in line to board a boat. He did not let people know who he was because he thought that he was a renowned man and deserved to behave in such a way. Enraged by his ill-mannered behavior, the people killed him without knowing who he was. According to this book, Meng Ben was killed because he did not let people know who he was, whereas Niu Que was killed because he did let people know who he was. Then, which way should one follow? Lüshi Chunqiu concludes this series of episodes as follows: “The noble man always practices only what belongs to him, but does not intend to achieve what belongs to other people. If you certainly practice what belongs to you, you will not encounter any mishap” (848: 384d). The title of this essay in Lüshi Chunqiu is “Pi ji,” “always practicing what belongs to me.” Actually, the teaching of “Pi ji” is presented earlier in Zhuangzi, with a well-known parable in “Shanmu” (“A Tree in a Mountain”). In this parable Zhuangzi contrasts a useless tree with a useless goose: the former enjoyed its given life span without being chopped down because it was useless, whereas the latter was butchered because it was useless. Upon beholding the two fates, a disciple of Zhuangzi asked which way his master would follow, being useful or useless. Zhuangzi replied, “Only be with the Way and virtue” (1056: 98d). These two writings are definitely related because “Pi ji” quotes the parable of the tree and the goose from Zhuangzi. Liezi also introduces the Niu Que’s story with the identical conclusion to that of Lüshi Chunqiu (1055: 645d–6a). As Heshanggong explained, “these two” in line 3 indicate the two attitudes of daring and not daring. The interpretation of the following part is disputable because what huo 贍 (“sometimes”) means is not clear. I rendered it as “sometimes,” but it can also mean “something.” Most English translations have adopted the latter meaning, possibly buttressed by Wang Bi, Heshanggong, Fan Yingyuan, Lu Xisheng, We Cheng, and others. In this understanding, “something” beneficial indicates the way of being brave in not daring, and “something” harmful signifies the way of being brave in daring, making “something” fixed to certain categories. Contrastingly, Su Zhe commented, “even though it is the right principle that those who are brave in daring will die and those who are brave in not daring will survive, ‘sometimes’ those who are brave in daring survive and those who are brave in not daring die.” He rendered huo as “sometimes,” and this is adopted by Lü Huiqing (fl. 1078), Dong Sijing, and others. More important, this understanding corresponds to Liezi’s interpretation of lines 3–4: “Life is not what can be preserved by valuing it, and our bodies are not what can be strengthened by caring for them. Life is also not what can lead to an early death by disrespecting it, and our bodies are not what can be weakened by disregarding them. Therefore, regardless of valuing life, sometimes we cannot

Part I: Virtue / 137 live; regardless of disrespecting life, sometimes we do not die; regardless of caring for our bodies, they do not come to be strengthened; regardless of disregarding our bodies, they do not come to be weakened. . . . [T]herefore, Lao Dan told Guan Yin, ‘Who knows why heaven dislikes what it dislikes?’ ” (1055: 630bc). This interpretation, however, is not impeccable because it explicitly delivers Zhuangzi’s philosophy of relativism, whereas Laozi does not proclaim the idea of the relativism in the same extent. Above all, while Zhuangzi repudiates the distinction between death and life, Laozi is inclined to valuing life more than death. If one says that Laozi utterly admits the uncertainty resulted from the perspective of relativism, the philosophy of Laozi will derail. I have adopted “sometimes” for huo simply because it allows both possible interpretations. Slight variations in translation are possible with respect to lines 6–7 because the original text does not clarify the subjects of such actions as speaking, responding, summoning, and coming. Commentaries also partially vary. I referred here primarily to Heshanggong and Lu Xisheng. Most English translations render the second of these two lines as in Mair, “The Way of heaven is not summoned yet comes of itself,” making the Way of heaven the object to be summoned.87 I have not found a proper ground for this translation from the ancient commentaries. By and large, this passage shows an inspiration from the influential Confucian concepts, heaven or the Way of heaven. A clear distinction hardly can be manifest between this passage and a passage from the Documents: “Because the High God [in heaven] has no constant preference, he will send down a hundred auspices onto those who do good things and a hundred calamities onto those who do bad things” (Shangshu zhushu, 54: 171a). As discussed earlier, the frequent use of Confucian terms, especially in the later part of the received editions, including this passage, has caused researchers to suspect its linkage to Confucianism.

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74.

If the people never fear death, how can you frighten them with killing? If the people ever fear death, I will grab and kill those who behave in strange ways. Who would dare to do so? If the people always fear death, there will always be someone in charge of killing. Now, killing people in place of the one in charge of killing is like hewing wood in place of the master carpenter. Now, those who are hewing wood in place of the master carpenter rarely escape cutting their own hands.

1 2 3 4 5 6

蓉胐豣觟膻蘕艠, 緊谩蝋芐粬襺蒺. 蓉胐豣蘕艠, 謡蝢蚾絓螿, 薿蟧织蝢芐襺, 臄菐笝蝁. 蓉胐豣觟谞蘕艠, 謡豣蛞艌芐螿. 臄 織艌芐螿芐, 萙織繗蟢顳蒺. 臄織繗蟢顳螿, 謡跖膻芠絋莝蝁 (“絓” from Text B). Xue Hui cited in his comment the preface to the Imperial Commentary of Emperor Taizu (r. 1368–98) edition of the Ming dynasty. According to him, the first Ming emperor Taizu, one of the ruthless monarchs in the Chinese history, came to feel remorse for his cruelty and changed his attitude toward his subjects after reading this passage. Taizu’s understanding of this passage may coincide with Yin Wenzi’s explanation: “The reason why people do not fear death is that the penalties and punishments are excessive. If the penalties and punishments are excessive, people expect nothing from their lives. If there is no expectation from their lives, they will view the authority of the lords with indifference. If the penalties and punishments are proper, people will fear death. Fearing death arises through the joy in their lives. Because they perceive their lives as enjoyable, the lords can frighten them with death” (848: 190d). Confucius also held that a legalistic rule could not bring enduring order to a

139

140 / The Old Master society: “If you lead people with government orders and organize them with punishments, they will become evasive with no embarrassment” (Lunyu jizhu, 2: 3; 197: 17c). Thus, Emperor Taizu of the Ming, Yin Wenzi, Confucius, and now Laozi all share the same understanding of the problems of legalistic rule. This should not mean that all these people, including the compiler of Laozi, refuse to use any violence. Not to mention Emperor Taizu, even Confucius did not rule out the need to activate legal power in order to accomplish social harmony. The first measure that he took as the Minister of Law was to execute an aristocrat who was suspected of disturbing the social order. Laozi holds the same stance. It is not a book written by or intended for an idealistic pacifist, but one that gives practical advice to rulers and imports wisdom for survival to its readers. Designed to function as such, it somewhat sanctions legimate violence. For example, in the following lines it states, “If the people ever fear death, I will grab and kill those who behave in strange ways,” and in another passage, “Though sharp weapons are excellent, do not beautify them” (31).88 The main point of this passage is, however, rather to urge the rulers to set up livable circumstances for the people before activating harsh measures of punishment. Especially in lines 4–6, Laozi warns of the danger that can derive from various types of autocracy or from taking initiative in daily affairs.

75.

The reason why people starve is because the rulers collect so much in food and taxes. Because of this, they starve. The reason why the common people are not ruled is because those in authority intend to accomplish something through it. Because of this, they are not ruled. The reason why the people neglect death is because they so desirously pursue life. Because of this, they neglect death. Now, only acting for nothing in order to live, this is wisely valuing one’s life.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

蝸襺綃蒺, 蝋絋諵萶荇襺縘蒺, 萙蝋綃. 腆茲襺膻謐蒺, 蝋絋芟 蛞蝋蚾蒺, 萙蝋膻謐. 胐襺篕艠, 蝋絋粵苇襺趌蒺, 萙蝋篕艠. 臄蛑肖蝋苇蚾螿, 萙貲糿苇. Because the later editions use shang 芟 (“people in authority”) instead of qu 諵 (“to collect”) in line 1, some commentators read shi 萶 as a verb indicating “to eat.” This reading, however, is inconsistent with the Mawangdui texts. “Food and taxes (shi shui 萶荇)” can signify “grain-tax,” as in Gao Ming.89 I base my translation here on Fan Yingyuan’s comment. China did not institutionalize tax collection until 594 bce. Laozi, which discusses problems of grave taxation, did not exist before that year. In the later editions, the phrase “intend to accomplish something through it” in line 3 appears as “take action” by simply omitting the word yi 蝋 (“through it”). In spite of the difference in translation between the two phrases, their connotations remain the same. Robert Henricks read this phrase in Texts A and B as “have their reasons (yi 蝋) for acting,” but the same phrase is found in chapter 38, rendered as in my translation above.90 According to Wang Zhen,

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142 / The Old Master what “those in authority intend to accomplish” is to mobilize troops to conquer the entire world. Most of the later editions add yu 蓯 (“than”) before gui 糿 (“to value”) in the last line to make an alternative translation possible, as in Lin Xiyu, Su Zhe, and so forth. “. . . This is wiser than valuing one’s life.” Texts A and B, however, omit yu. Heshanggong’s interpretation matches the wording of Texts A and B, although it adds yu before gui. The Mawangdui texts use three similar terms in this passage: people (renG 蝸), the common people (baixing 腆茲), and the people (minG胐). The Chinese research team for MWD argued that ren indicated those who were fed with tax as the ruling class and that it was distinguished from the other two terms. Earlier, Jiang Xichang insisted that “people” (ren) in Laozi often indicated the lords, and Zhao Jibin suggested that “the people” in the Analects meant slaves.91 In this passage, however, those words seem to have no different connotations. Moreover, according to researches on the bamboo slips of the Qin dynasty excavated from Yunmeng County of Hubei Province in 1975, min (“the people”) was assigned to the lower class of landowners and independent farmers, who owned a small number of slaves.92 Actually, because Text A places the small black dots at the head of this passage and the start of line 5 respectively, lines 1–4 and lines 5–7 would comprise separate passages. As discussed earlier, this idea of valuing life stems from Yang Zhu’s thought but they are still mutually distinctive. Zhuangzi holds a more analogous idea with that of Laozi: “Don’t do good things to get yourself close to fame, and don’t do bad things to get yourself close to punishment. If you take ‘following the way with no extreme’ as your principle, you can maintain your body, preserve your life, nurture your parents (or your body), and completely enjoy your life span” (1056: 20b). “Following the way with no extreme” in Zhuangzi means following the way of nature, which perfectly matches the way of Laozi. “Only acting for nothing in order to live” in the last line represents that way.

76.

When people are born, they are soft and weak; When dead, they are stiff and strong. When myriad things, grasses and trees are born, they are soft and frail; When dead, they are withered and dried. Therefore, it is said, “The stiff and the strong are companions of death, and the soft, the weak, the subtle, and the delicate are companions of life.” If an army is strong, it will not win; If a tree is strong, it will be broken. The strong and the big will occupy a lower position; The soft, the weak, the subtle, and the delicate will occupy a higher position.

1 2 3 4

5 6 7 8 9

蝸襺苇蒺蛠蓅SG 絋艠蒺篊肕箘笶UG 耎肵誣職襺苇蒺蛠諽SG 絋艠 蒺簂簃UG 篿蘇箘笶螿艠襺繲蒺SG 蛠蓅肻草苇襺繲蒺UG 腹笶謡膻 萆SG 職笶謡簱UG 笶繗筥谨SG 蛠蓅肻草筥芟U “Stiff and strong” in line 2 is a translation of ying 篊 (“stiff”) ren 㠎 (“stiffed muscle”) jian 箘 (“rigid”) qiang 笶 (“strong”) in Text A. Text B has a parallel expression, but all the later editions omit ying ren, which must have occurred during copyediting. Similarly, the phrase in Text A, “the soft, the weak, the subtle, and the delicate” in line 5, has been simplified into “the soft and the weak” in Text B and all the later editions. This must also have happened over the course of copyediting. The expression, “therefore, it is said” (guyueG 篿蘇) in line 5, customarily occurs when Laozi quotes old sayings. And, according to “Buer” in Lüshi Chunqiu, one of the ancient thinkers, who valued “softness,” is Lao Dan: “Lao Dan valued softness, Confucius valued humaneness, Mo Di valued uprightness, Guan Yin valued purity, Master Liezi valued emptiness . . .” (848: 421d–2a).

143

144 / The Old Master “Tianxia” in Zhuangzi also links the idea of valuing softness to Lao Dan: “They [Guan Yin and Lao Dan] adopted being weak and placing themselves low as their slogan, and viewed it as a practical way to leave the myriad things behind, using emptiness, with no damage” (1056: 164c). In line 7, Text A has heng 豣 (“constantly”) in place of gong 簱 in most of the later editions, whereas Text B has jing 絆 (“to refrain”). The literal meanings of these words in Texts A and B do not suit the context of this line. These words must be interchangeable with gong because they have similar sounds. The Wang Bi edition uniquely uses bing 腹 (“weapon”), but it is also interchangeable with gong. The problem is that even the meaning of gong is not clear, and commentaries present various views in this regard. They are uniform, however, in seeing gong as indicating something related to lumber. For example, Fan Yingyuan and Dong Sijing contended that this word meant to cut down a tree “altogether” (gong); Su Zhe and Lin Xiyi claimed that it implied the fact that a tree bigger than “a handful” (gong) was often cut down; and Lü Huiqing insisted that it signified that people lift up the wood “altogether” after lumbering. In line with this, Huainanzi and Liezi use zhe 衺 (“to break”) instead of gong, when quoting this saying (Huainanzi, 848: 513c; Liezi, 1055: 596b). Referring to this chapter, Huang Maocai of the Song dynasty insisted that zhe was original, and later it changed to bing and gong. In the Mawangdui texts, this argument becomes disproven because the sounds of the words in the Mawangdui texts are close to gong, not zhe. However, Liezi’s quotation provides good grounds to finalize the meaning of gong. In this passage, one can read an ingenious observation of natural phenomena and an excellent metaphor for Laozi’s philosophy. It challenges the reader with simple and persuasive examples of the dominant value system of the world in which the strong and the powerful are more highly valued. Upon reading this passage, many readers would become resonant with Laozi’s observation. Indeed, it is a brilliant discovery, and the book is full of such brilliant discoveries, although it occasionally says that showing brilliancy is disastrous. So, it says, “the sage . . . [l]uminous but not glittering” (58). “Yuandao xun” (“Searching Out the Way”) in Huainanzi adds two findings to this keen observation: “When leather becomes stiff, it is torn apart. Because teeth are more rigid than the tongue, they are ruined before it is” (848: 513c). A question may arise after reading the last part of this passage: is being soft and weak a means for occupying a higher position? In Laozi, being soft and weak always represents following the Way. Of course, as a result of that, one will enjoy a good time in his present life, as in “occupy[ing] a higher position,” “being noble for sure” (39), “get[ting] what they wish for” (61), and so forth. These good things are so secular that if readers are familiar with a dichotomy strictly separating the sacred from the secular, they may ask how such noble deeds can lead to such secular concerns. However, Laozi has no such

Part I: Virtue / 145 dichotomy. There are many “good things” to experience in secular life: wealth, prosperity, health, longevity, safety, dignity, high rank, and so on. Laozi never teaches us to pursue these good things because pursuing them is not a good strategy. However, it does not refuse them when they are given as a “result” of a diligent practice of following the Way. This is why this famous blessing circulates among even sincere Daoists: “I humbly wish that you may have a lot of money” (gong xi fa caiG 簶跑脊蠒).

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77.

The Way of all under heaven is like the bending of a bow. 1 It presses down the high; 2 It lifts up the low; 3 It takes away from those with surplus; 4 It supplements those in shortage. 5 Therefore, the Way of heaven takes away from those with surplus and supplements those in shortage. 6 The Way of man is not like that. 7 It takes away from those in shortage and serves those with surplus. 8 Who can model themselves on heaven while having a surplus? 9 Only the one who has the Way! 10 For this reason, the sage acts in favor of others but does not possess, and accomplishes merits but does not dwell on them. 11 In this way, he does not want to display his excellence. 12 詏襺纊絋蛫蟪糢螿蒺UG 簙螿蓹襺SG 谨螿筪襺SG 蛞蔡螿荼襺SG 臺 褊螿膔襺UG 篿詏襺纊荼蛞蔡蝢蝳臺褊UG 蝸襺纊謡膻蕇SG 荼臺褊 蝢膬蛞蔡UG 菐縑蛞蔡蝢蛞蝋諵膬蓯詏螿賣UG 蛑蛞纊螿賣UG 萙蝋 茾蝸蚾蝢臼蛞SG 茶簲蝢臼筥蒺UG 蓉觧絋膻蘽箟貲蒺G Oˈ襺” from Text B; “纊絋蛫蟪糢螿” from Fu Yi). “All under heaven” (tianxia 詏谨) in line 1 appears as “heaven” (tian 詏) in Text B. As the passages before and after this one discuss the “Way of heaven,” and not the “Way of all under heaven,” the wording in Text B seems more coherent. Let’s compare lines 2–5 to a passage in Zhuangzi, which warns of artificial action: Therefore, the right person does not consider the toe attached to the normal five toes as superfluous and the finger split from the

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148 / The Old Master normal five fingers as useless. He does not consider long things as those with surplus and short things as those in shortage. For this reason, even though a duck’s legs are short, if we put them together, it is disastrous; even though a crane’s legs are long, if we cut them off, it is tragic. Therefore, what is long in its nature is not a subject for cutting off, and what is short in its nature is not a subject for putting together.” (1056: 48bc) In the eyes of Zhuangzi, Laozi here is advocating something dangerous because it is contrary to naturalness or no-action. Interestingly, Xunzi said that “taking away from those with surplus and supplementing those in shortage” is the spirit of the Confucian ritual: “Ritual is to cut off what is long and to put together what is short. It is to take away from those in surplus and to supplement those in shortage” (Xunzi, 695: 239a). Xunzi was a proponent of humanity and attempted to persuade people to act both in society and in nature with the specific purpose of developing human culture and civilization. Nevertheless, his view and that of Laozi in this passage are hardly distinguishable. Han Fei, a disciple of Xunzi, also said, “The ruler who supplements those in shortage with those in surplus and who puts together what is short using what is long is called a bright lord” (Han Feizi, 729: 675b). Han Fei was a representative of the Legalists. Therefore, we come to know that there were two schools of thought about supplementing those in shortage with those in surplus. One group was in favor of art, as in Xunzi and Han Fei, and the other was in favor of nature, as in Zhuangzi. The Documents, the Confucian classic, says, “What is filled up can lead to being taken away, and humility receives the benefits. This is the Way of heaven” (Shangshu zhushu, 54: 87d). This statement conjoins the “Way of heaven” with the policy of taking away from what is filled up, as in Laozi. In contrast, the Changes says, “Taking away means taking away what belongs to the lower people in order to add to what belongs to the upper people” (Zhouyi zhushu, 7: 446c). This is an explanation of the hexagram “Sun,” meaning “taking away.” It also says, “Adding means taking away what belongs to the upper people in order to add to what belongs to the lower people” (ibid., 7: 449c). This is an explanation of the hexagram “Yi,” meaning “adding.” As seen in the following lines, Laozi names what is explained in the hexagram “Sun” as the “Way of man,” the opposite of the “Way of heaven.” Thus, the Changes does not express the same perspective as Laozi in the matter of “supplementing those in shortage with those in surplus” because it alternates between choosing the “Way of man” and favoring the “Way of heaven.” Line 9 appears in the later editions as, “Who can serve heaven with their surplus?” Texts A and B, however, are consistent with one another in this regard. “Model themselves” is a translation for qu 諵 (“to take”) feng 膬 (“model”). I followed Gao Ming in reading feng as meaning “model.”93

78.

Nothing under heaven is softer and weaker than water; Yet nothing is better for attacking the stiff and the strong. This is because nothing can replace its nature. That the soft overcomes the hard and that the weak overcomes the strong, no one under heaven does not know this, but no one practices it. Therefore, in the words of the sage, it is said: “Those who take upon themselves the disgrace of the country are called the lords of the deities of earth and grain; those who take upon themselves the ominousness of the country are called the kings of all under heaven.” Correct words seem contradictory.

1 2 3

4 5

6 7

詏谨翿蛠蓅蓯莤SG 蝢簹箘笶螿翿襺縑萆蒺SG 蝋絋肖蝋蔩襺蒺UG 蛠襺萆笰SG 蓅襺萆笶SG 詏谨翿臼覌蝢翿縑貇蒺UG 篿茾蝸襺蔀蚃 蘇aG 莑脩襺鄺SG 萙蛈艧覞襺褨UG 莑脩襺膻芵SG 萙蛈詏谨襺蘌UG G 袢蔀蓉胮G (“蝢簹,” “萆,” “蛠,” “翿縑” from Wang Bi). In Xisheng jing (Classic of Ascension in the West), “water” here has changed to “vital force” (qi 絥).94 This change seems to have been made to associate qi practices in the Daoist monasteries with this text. This passage presents the well-known metaphor of water in Laozi. Water is no doubt the most significant symbol of the Way of Laozi. Heshanggong explained as follows: “When it is placed in a round vessel, it becomes round; when it is placed in a square vessel, it becomes square. If someone blocks it, it stops; if someone makes a way for it, it flows. Water can embrace the mountains and run through the hills, and nothing is better than that in accomplishing merits in the matters of wearing down iron and melting bronze.” As explained here, water is first of all compliant. In addition, it is soft like the skin of babies;

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150 / The Old Master it runs downward, placing itself low; it washes out stains while embracing all the filthy things in it; and, importantly, it can accomplish many merits. A passage that successfully and beautifully develops the image of water in Laozi is in “Yuandao xun” in Huainanzi: Among things under heaven, nothing is softer and weaker than water. However, its size does not allow people to assess it completely, and its depth does not allow people to measure it. . . . [T]he myriad things cannot live without it, and the hundred affairs cannot be accomplished without it. It greatly embraces many lives, but has no private preference; its grace reaches even to small insects, but it does not seek rewards; its wealth can afford all under heaven, but it is never exhausted; its virtue applies to the common people, but it is not used in vain. No one can know its final destination, because it keeps running, and no one can grasp it, because it is delicate. Even if you bang it, it will not be lacerated; even if you stab it, it will not be hurt; even if you try to cut it, it will not break into pieces; even if you try to burn it, it will not be burnt. . . . [T]he reason why water can accomplish its complete virtue under heaven is because it can get anything wet, sunken, soaked, and permeated. In this essay from Huainanzi, water is so passionately beautified that it is conceived as the origin of the universe. The third line can be translated differently. For example, according to Wu Cheng and Xue Hui, this reads, “This is because nothing can replace [yi 蔩] water,” which most English translations have followed. According to Heshanggong and Lin Xiyi, this reads, “This is because nothing is easier [yi 蔩] than water to use [for attacking the stiff and the strong].” I followed Lü Huiqing and Dong Sijing in this respect because their interpretations better match the description of water in Huainanzi above. According to Dong Sijing, “the nature of water, which is good at placing itself low, soft and weak, cannot be replaced, so that it never loses its substance and thereby can overcome other things.” In this interpretation, the demonstrative pronoun zhi 襺 indicates the nature of water. As discussed in chapter 57, “Tianxia” in Zhuangzi ascribed the idea of “tak[ing] upon themselves the disgrace of the country” in line 6 to Lao Dan, and according to Lüshi Chunqiu, Lao Dan was a sage at that time. Thus, if line 6 is really a saying from a sage, it can be ascribed to him. However, some earlier sources also contain similar ideas: “If you, the myriad states, commit crimes, those crimes will fall onto me; if I commit crimes, they will have nothing to do with you, the myriad states” (Shangshu zhushu, 54: 167d). “Streams and ponds embrace filthy things; mountains and marshes hold vermin; a beautiful jade has a blemish on it; a lord of a state keeps taints of the state in his mind.

Part I: Virtue / 151 This is the Way of heaven” (Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhushu, 143: 516d–7a). The first quotation also appears in the last chapter of the Analects, and the second one mentions the Way of heaven, which is also frequently mentioned in the passages neighboring this one in Laozi. Laozi also has some comparable passages to this “saying”: “For this reason, the lords and kings refer to themselves as ‘the Man in Solitude,’ ‘the Man with Scant Virtue,’ and ‘the Man with No Goodness’ ” (39), and “If you know the pure but abide by the stained, you will become the valley of all under heaven” (28). The final line countervails reader’s potential suspicion of the verisimilitude of this teaching. People usually regard “taking upon themselves the disgrace of the country” and “taking upon themselves the ominousness of the country” as humiliating: therefore they would not trust the teaching of Laozi here until they understand that “Correct words seem contradictory.” Putting forth its “correct words,” which seem contradictory to people’s common sense, is one of the Laozi’s dialectics. Its words are striking and shocking because they contradict our common sense, but they are plausible because they are “correct.” In Laozi, this type of pedagogy is used so frequently that a list of phrases containing it, even only in Part I, is quite long: The man of superior virtue is not concerned about virtue, for this reason, he has virtue.” (38) The way that is bright seems dim; the way that stretches forward seems to retreat. . . . (41) Great completion seems defective yet its use is never exhausted. Great fullness seems empty yet its use is never straitened. . . . (45) One who knows does not speak; one who speaks does not know. (56) Sincere words are not beautiful; beautiful words are not sincere. . . . (81) Yet now, precisely because I am great, I look unwise. (67) Those who are good at being a commander of troops do not focus on military might; those who are good at fighting are not angry. (68) Those who are brave in daring will die; those who are brave in not daring will survive. (73) Laozi is full of these awkwardly correct sayings.

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Part I: Virtue / 153

79.

Even when great resentments are appeased, there must be remaining resentments. How could this be considered good? For this reason, the sage holds the right-hand tally yet does not make demands of others. Therefore the man of virtue inquires into the tallies; The man without virtue inquires into other people’s histories. Now, the Way of heaven has no favorites; It is always with the good person.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

责繗蚞SG 谞蛞蔡蚞SG 蓿竑蝋蚾苻UG 萙蝋茾蝸觖虠篟SG 蝢膻蝋訸 蓯蝸UG 篿蛞繥艌篟SG 肖繥艌詢UG 臄詏纊肖謤SG 豣蔛苻蝸 (“蝸觖” from Text B). My translation of the first line represents the general understanding of the commentators, including that of Wang Bi. According to Wang Bi, “Great resentments have been made by dealing with contracts inappropriately. Because they have already arisen, even if you try to appease (he 责) them with virtue, the damage can never be retrieved.” Different readings are also possible: Heshanggong read this line as, “If you try to retaliate (he 责) great resentments, there must be remaining resentments”; Su Zhe as, “If you only try to appease great resentments [and not try to solve the problem fundamentally], there must be remaining resentments”; and Wu Cheng as, “Even if the great person tries to appease great resentments, there must be remaining resentments for the small person.” These translations are all possible, and the differences between them do not undermine the original meaning of this passage because it primarily teaches that one should cause no resentments under any circumstances. There is an intriguing discrepancy between Texts A and B regarding line 3: Text B has “left-hand tally” instead of “right-hand tally” in Text A. All the

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154 / The Old Master later editions have “left-hand tally” as in Text B. This discrepancy is significant because it could provide a clue for the origin of Laozi. “Tally” (xieG 篟) here indicates a wooden strip on which contractual arrangements were written in order to later remind the concerned parties of the contents of the contract. Once the arrangements were recorded on the strip, it was broken into two pieces, the right-hand tally and the left-hand tally, and each piece was preserved by one party to prevent the other from forging the contract. This was a general practice in ancient China among various businesses, including both private agreements between debtor and creditor and more official contracts or orders between the subjects and the lords. Prior to the Han dynasty, in most states the superior party conventionally held the right-hand tally. The following quotations could prove this point: Those who contribute grains hold the right-hand tally. (Liji zhushu, 115: 61b) Prince Ancheng was revered by the state of Wei in the east and valued highly by the state of Qin in the west. He held the right-hand tally and asked the lords of the States of Qin and Wei for virtue. (Zhanguo ce, 406: 428d) Minister Yu now holds both rights. If the business is accomplished, he will ask for rewards, holding the right-hand tally. (Shiji, 76: 2369–70)95 With respect to the first quotation, Zheng Xuan from the Eastern Han, the primary commentator of the Record of Rites, commented that the right side was considered superior to the left (Liji zhushu, 115: 61c). Regarding the second quotation, Bao Biao from the Song dynasty, a commentator of Zhanguo ce (Strategies of the Warring States), explained that only the right-hand tally could let its holder make demands (406: 687a). Line 3 states that the sage does not demand that people pay him what they should pay, even though he is entitled to do so, in order to prevent great resentments. Thus, the sage should hold the right-hand tally, not the left-hand tally, as seen in Text A. In other words, Text A correctly reflects the ancient tradition, whereas Text B and all the later editions do not. Even though the Chinese research team for MWD endorsed the same understanding, they explained that later Daoists who were more familiar with the phrase “left-hand tally” must have changed the word “right-hand” to “left-hand.”96 This explanation does not seem convincing, because even Text B shows “left-hand tally,” and at the time of Text B, Daoist groups had not yet formed. Gao Ming also pointed out that the right-hand tally would be correct, but he believed the change as a mere mistake caused by the similarity of the

Part I: Virtue / 155 words “left” and “right.”97 Robert Henricks was also aware of this issue but did not suggest a reason for the change. After the Han dynasty, the left-hand tally came to be reserved for the superior party in a contract. This echoed a Han conception, which regarded the left side as a superior position in general. In short, the original wording in Text A did not match Han people’s general practice. Thus, if they had a chance to edit this book, they certainly would have wanted to change the wording into what we now read in both Text B and the later editions. More important, a passage in Zuo’s Commentaries says, “People of the state of Chu value the left side more, so their lord must be in the left-wing army” (Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhushu 143: 150d). This means that the state of Chu uniquely regarded the left side as a superior position even during the Warring States period. One can assume that the Han conception of valuing the left side may be related to the Chu tradition because the founder of the Han dynasty was from the state of Chu. Although whether the state of Chu maintained a different tradition from the other countries in the matter of preserving the tallies is not clear, I believe so based on their general conception of right and left. If my reasoning is persuasive, this implies that Text A was not the product of the state of Chu as it does not reflect the Chu practice. Many contemporary commentaries see che 詢 (“histories”) in line 5 as indicating the tax system of the Zhou dynasty, expanding its meaning to indicate “taxation” or “exaction.” With this understanding, this line can be translated as, “The man without virtue attends to his exaction” as in Mair.98 Among traditional commentators, Wu Cheng may have initiated this interpretation: before him, no commentaries interpreted the line in this manner. Even though the commentaries before Wu Cheng also vary in this regard, they are uniform in seeing che as the interchangeable che 詧 (“trace of a cart”). The Mawangdui texts provide more evidence for this view: in the Mawangdui texts these two ches in the later editions, the one in this passage and another in the passage equivalent to chapter 27, have the same shape. Wang Bi commented, “Inquiring into the trace (si che 艌詢) means to inquire into people’s faults,” and Heshanggong explained, “The lord without virtue betrays people’s trust in the practice of tallies, and inquires into people’s mistakes.” Lines 6–7 appear in the “Inscription on the Bronze Statue.” As discussed earlier, the “Inscription” has been forged. Regardless, this point of view is not unique in the ancient world of thought. At least two passages from the Documents hold similar views: “Because only heaven has no favorite, it only favors those who can be sincere” (Shangshu zhushu, 54: 175d). “Because the great heaven has no favorite, it helps only those who are virtuous” (ibid., 54: 362a). This viewpoint of heaven is traditional. With these sayings, the argument that the traditional Confucian concept of the Way of heaven is observed in the later part of the extant editions of Laozi becomes more convincing.

156 / The Old Master At the end of this passage, Text B adds the following memo: “de 繥 (‘virtue’) 3,401.” This memo most likely indicates that the first part of Text B, which is usually called the “Virtue part,” is comprised of 3,041 characters. As a matter of fact, this memo is not clearly seen, but it is obvious that Text B has another memo at the end of the second part, usually called “The Way part,” stating, “dao 纊 (‘way’) 2,426.” Thus, if all the damaged parts in Text B were correctly restored, it would consist of 5,467 characters. This number somewhat exceed the customary amount for this book, which is “Five Thousand Characters.” I will discuss this issue in the next part.

PART II

THE WAY

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1.

If the Way can be spoken of, it is not the constant Way; If the name can be named, it is not the constant name. The nameless is the beginning of the myriad things; The named is the mother of the myriad things. Therefore, always without desire, you see the subtlety [of the nameless]; Always with desire, you see the brightness [of the named]. These two emerge from the same; They are different in name but the same in designation. Being obscure and obscure, they are the gate of all subtleties.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

纊竑纊蒺, 舭豣纊蒺. 聐竑聐蒺, 舭豣聐蒺. 肖聐, 耎肵襺萐蒺. 蛞聐, 耎肵襺聪蒺. 篿豣肖蘽蒺, 蝋籝絋肅. 豣蛞蘽蒺, 蝋籝絋 荓皦. 缌螿纩諨, 蝝聐纩蛈, 貧襺虞貧, 襨肅襺肱. Probably because of the naming taboo, in this case to avoid using the personal name of Emperor Wen in the Han dynasty, Liu Heng (r. 179–157 bce), the later editions have uniformly changed four hengs 豣 (“constant”) in Texts A and B here to four changs 芩. One of the characteristics of the Mawangdui texts is that they use many more ending yas 蒺 than the other editions. For example, in lines 1–2, Text A has four ending yas, which do not appear in any of the later editions. Text B has a lacuna in these lines, but it also shows an ending ya in the undamaged part. Excluding the damaged parts, Text A has 119 yas, and Text B has 131 yas. Among the later editions, the Fu Yi edition, one of the oldest of the later editions, uses yas most frequently: it has fifty-one yas. In contrast, the Wang Bi and Heshanggong editions use as few as thirteen yas. With respect to this, “Shuzheng” (“Evidences in the Books”) in Yanshi jiaxun (Family Precepts of the Yan Clan) from the Liang dynasty (502–557) states, “Ya is a word which

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160 / The Old Master completes a sentence and sometimes helps create a phrase. Therefore, almost all books have it. The classical books circulated in the north of the Yellow River [Hebei] frequently omit this word, but there are some cases wherein you can never omit it” (848: 977b). Thus, the original Laozi was most likely copyedited with the intention of removing the ya when it arrived in the core region of the ancient Chinese civilization, north of the Yellow River. In the exegesis of Laozi, the frequent usage of ya in the Mawangdui texts is quite advantageous because it tells us exactly where a sentence ends. In contrast to the Mawangdui texts, such Daoist editions as Xiang’er, the transcribed editions from Dunhuang, and the various stele editions from Daoist monasteries rarely use the ending ya. This is probably because Sima Qian mentioned, in Shiji, that Lao Dan dictated five thousand words to the gate keeper Yin Xi (Shiji, 63: 2141), and the later Daoists wanted to fit the classic into his narration. Since most editions of Laozi have more than five thousand words, the Daoists had to omit some particles such as ya to make the book having five thousand words. The first project to reproduce Laozi as Five Thousand Words, another name for the book, seems to have been attempted by Zhang Lu (?–216), the leader of the Teaching of the Five Pecks of Rice from the Eastern Han. In line with this, one of the transcribed editions from Dunhuang contains a memo that states, “Five Thousand Words, two volumes, by Administering Master [xishiG 篬艗: Zhang Lu].” Maoshan zhi (Annals of Mt. Maoshan) by Liu Dabin (fl. 1317–28) also states, “The True Man Yang, the Profound Master [xuanshiG 貧艗: Yang Xi], copied an old edition of general Zhang, the General of Subduing the South [zhennanG 觀網: Zhang Lu]. It was called Five Thousand Words, and consisted of five thousand words.”1 “The nameless” and “the named” in lines 3–4 are translations for wuming 肖聐 (“not to have name”) and youming 蛞聐 (“to have name”), respectively. Prior to the Song dynasty, there was no alternative rendition for these terms, and commentators uniformly read them as in my translation. Wang Anshi (1021–1086), however, for the first time suggested reading ming as a verb, using pauses between wu and ming, and between you and ming. In his rendering, these sentences would read, “Nonbeing (wu) is what is named the beginning of the myriad things; being (you) is what is named the mother of the myriad things.” The point of this reading is to highlight a pair of metaphysical concepts, nonbeing and being. This interpretation was followed by Sima Guang (1019–1086) and greatly welcomed by later scholars because it made the book more philosophical. However, it does not seem to present the way this sentence was genuinely read. First of all, when Shiji quoted this saying, it added the nominalizing particle zhe 螿 to ming, vouching that ming is a noun.2 Also, the Mawangdui texts indirectly invalidate Wang’s reading. When scholars choose the reading by Wang Anshi, they also use pauses between wu (“nonbeing”) and yu 蘽 (“desire”), and between you (“being”) and yu (“desire”), for the terms wuyu 肖蘽 (“not to have

Part II: The Way / 161 desire”) and youyu 蛞蘽 (“to have desire”) in the following line, reading yu as a verb. The Mawangdui texts negate this reading because they add the ending ya 蒺 to each yu, ensuring that it should be read as a noun.3 Jiang Xichang, despite the prevalence of Wang’s reading among his contemporaries, preserved the traditional interpretation and argued for its validity by providing some evidences from Laozi itself, for example, those from chapters 32, 37, and 41.4 Yu 蘽 in line 5 literally means “desire,” but it is closer to the meaning of “volition” or “resolution” rather than “greed” or “selfishness.” Mencius and the Record of Rites show a similar usage of the word: “What deserves to be desired is called the good” (Mengzi jizhu, 7B: 26, 197: 193d). “What is tranquil when people are just born is the inborn nature from heaven. What moves after being affected by things is the desire of the inborn nature” (Liji zhushu, 116: 100c). The world of the nameless is so subtle that having a desire to observe it is rather obstructive, whereas the world of the named becomes bright if one desires to see it clearly. In other words, if you want to see the nameless, you need to close your eyes, but when you want to see the named, you need to open your eyes. Scholars have discussed what “these two” in line 7 indicates, proposing various interpretations. For example, Wang Bi insisted that “two” implied the “beginning” and the “mother,” while Heshanggong suggested that it indicated “desire” (with desire) and “no desire” (without desire). Those who tended to interpret this passage with the metaphysical perspective argued that they meant “being” and “nonbeing,” and some contended that they were germane to “the nameless” and “the named.” In my view, “two” indicates all these pairs of contrasting concepts, the beginning and the mother, desire and no desire, and the nameless and the named. Because these pairs of mutually distinctive concepts derive from the same root, they are called “obscure.” The primary meaning of xuan 貧 (“obscure”) in line 9 is “black.” As to this word’s connotation Su Zhe explained, “What is so far away that there is no ultimate limit must be black in color. Therefore, Laozi always appends the character xuan in reference to the limit[less].” Based on this expression “being obscure and obscure,” later Daoists created the idea of “doubling the obscurity” (chongxuan 襩貧).5 Cheng Xuanying, one of the early commentators of Laozi, played an important role in the development of this idea. In his commentary on this passage, he explicated the concept as follows: “People who have desire are stuck to being, and men who have no desire are also stuck to nonbeing. Therefore, by discussing one ‘obscurity,’ Laozi urges people to discard both attachments. It fears, however, that practitioners will be stuck to this ‘obscurity,’ and so by saying ‘and obscure,’ it drives out the latter problem [of practitioners]. This way, people can remain stuck to neither where they are stuck to nor where they are not stuck to. This means ‘discarding and discarding.’ Therefore, it says, ‘obscure and obscure.’ ” This profound explanation, however, seems related more to the prajñā teaching of Buddhism than to Laozi.6 In contrast, Xue Hui commented

162 / The Old Master on this phrase with a sense of simplicity: “By saying ‘obscure and obscure,’ it deeply exclaimed that they could not be measured.” This passage used to be what first appeared when readers opened this book before the Mawangdui excavation, and it still begins many translations, even those published after the excavation. The first word of this passage, that is, the first word in the later editions of the book, is “the Way” (dao 纊), the true identity of which is ineffable in the main text. Liu Xiaogan summarized that the Way in Laozi has been defined in four levels of understandings. The Way is the substance or the principle of the universe; the Way is the base of all ideal behaviors; the Way is the subjective perception of the world; the Way penetrates all the definitions.7 Unfortunately, however, these efforts to define the Way do not really help us understand its meaning because “if the Way can be spoken of, it is not the constant Way,” as asserted in this passage. Qian Mu argued that Laozi succeeded Zhuangzi in its employment of the concept “the Way” as he saw that the Inner Chapters of Zhuangzi antedated Laozi. In this view, Zhuangzi initially developed it to replace Heaven, the predominant concept in the worldview of ancient China, as seen in the following: “The great Way cannot be mentioned; the great speech cannot be spoken; the great humaneness cannot be humane; the great uprightness cannot be rigid; the great braveness cannot be fierce. If the Way is revealed, it does not deserve to be called the Way . . .” (1056: 15d). “Now, the Way is actual and practical. However, it has no action and form. It can be transmitted, but cannot be handed over; it can be obtained, but cannot be seen” (1056: 38cd). Here, an analogy between Zhuangzi’s passages and this passage in Laozi is clearly observed. Thus, Qian Mu concluded, the early Daoist tradition should be called Zhuang-Lao, not Lao-Zhuang.8 Meanwhile, the structure of the leading proposition in this passage seems to be germane to the propositions of the Logicians, especially the one by Gongsun Long: “A white horse is not a horse” (Gongsun Longzi, 848: 249c). This proposition may seem awkward due to its logical invalidity. However, it was created to impressively appeal against what Gongsun Long saw to be the distorted relationship between a name and its reality at that time: A white horse should be distinguished from horses in general because it has the distinctive quality of being white in color. Thus, if someone says that a white horse is a horse, that perception should be rectified. This was a repeated debate during the Warring States period. For example, to Mencius, vicious lords or virtuous lords should be distinguished from lords in general because they have distinctive moral qualities. Thus, Mencius could have said that the immoral lord is not a lord. In this passage, Laozi participates in the discussion of the name and its reality: “An effable Way is not the Way.” Lines 3–4 could be more clearly understood by a slight twist of the sentences as follows: “Everything is nameless at the beginning of the myriad

Part II: The Way / 163 things; everything is named when the myriad things are mothered by nature.” Rephrased in this way, these sentences address that things have no name before they emerge and come to have names as they get nurtured. People are normally attached to the world of the named. All the values that they pursue have names—wealth, fame, power, morality, and so forth—so naturally they are stuck to this world of the named, often paying no attention to the world of the nameless even though it has as much value as the named. Also, things that currently have a name once had no name. Thus, the nameless precedes the named. Things that have a name will perish and become nameless too. In Laozi this process in which the named turns into the nameless is called “returning.” “We cannot name it and it returns to nothing” (14). “Things under heaven abound, but all return to their roots, which is called ‘tranquility’ ” (16). “You will return to [the state of the] baby. . . . [Y]ou will return to the untrimmed log. . . . [Y]ou will return to the state of no-limit” (28). From this perspective, the nameless is more fundamental than the named, so that the world of the Way can relate exclusively to the nameless. On the other hand, claiming that the Way indicates the entire natural process where the nameless turns into the named, and vice versa, is also possible. These two perspectives represent the two interpretations of the Way in this passage. One view sees that the Way concerns both the nameless and the named, whereas the other tends to link it exclusively to the nameless. I believe that both perspectives are acceptable. First of all, this passage itself deals equally with both worlds, that is, of the nameless and the named, as decisively stated in lines 7–8: “These two emerge from the same; they are different in name but the same in designation.” The structure of this passage is to discuss the pair of the nameless and the named first, then the next pair of desire and no desire, and finally “these two” together. Sometimes Laozi hints that the Way exclusively pertains to the world of the nameless; at other times it seems to include the world of the named. Note that Laozi describes the Way as a “formless form” (14). It is “formless,” meaning it is the nameless, but it is a “form,” meaning it is the named. However, by means of discussing both worlds equally, Laozi consequently puts more value on the nameless. This is because its discussion of the nameless is conditioned with the almost universal tendency to disregard the nameless. Considering how frequently Laozi warns against the danger of having fame, that is, names, the value of being nameless becomes elucidative. “Rizhe liezhuan” (“Biography of Diviners”) in Shiji introduces the saying, “The nameless is the beginning of the myriad things,” in this context and comments, “The more profound your realization of the Way, the safer you will be; the stronger your power, the more dangerous you will be. If you dwell in remarkable power, the day when you are devastated will come soon. . . . This is why Laozi says, ‘The nameless is the beginning of the myriad things’ ” (127: 3220).

164 / The Old Master Being nameless is very attractive because it remains undefined. The reason to become nameless in the world of the named should be found in the world of the nameless, but this can hardly be affirmed: it is the nameless. In the background of Laozi’s teaching, there is always something intangible and indescribable. When Laozi has power, it will become a sword; when it is disrespected, it will become a shield.

2.

If all under heaven only know that the beautiful is beautiful, it is ugly. If they only know the good [is good], it is not good. Things with shapes and things with no shapes give birth to each other; Difficult and easy accomplish each other; Long and short form each other; High and low reveal each other; Tone and voice harmonize with each other; Front and back follow each other. These are ever thus. For this reason, the sage remains in the affairs of no-action and practices the wordless teaching. Although the myriad things begin to move, he does not take it as the beginning. He acts on behalf of them but does not presume; He accomplishes merits but does not dwell on them. Precisely because he does not dwell on them, merits cannot be removed.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

詏谨答覌胃蚾胃, 葹蝒. 答覌苻, 艜膻苻蝁. 蛞肖襺芴苇蒺, 綮蝖襺芴茶蒺, 蠃縦襺芴賊蒺, 簙谨襺芴薔蒺, 蜮茿襺芴责蒺, 苺趒襺芴菆蒺, 豣蒺. 萙蝋茾蝸筥肖蚾襺艃, 貇膻蔀襺粊. 耎肵蟇蝢臼萐蒺, 蚾蝢臼萗蒺, 茶簲蝢臼筥蒺. 臄蛑臼筥, 萙蝋臼筤 (“臼” from Text B). In line 6, Texts A and B use ying 薔 (“to fill”) instead of qing 箲 (“to slant”) in the later editions, the meaning of which is ambiguous in the context. The Chinese research team for MWD suggested reading ying as the interchangeable

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166 / The Old Master ying 闼 (“to reveal”), and this suggestion was proven correct when the Guodian documents were found using the same ying (“to reveal”) in this line.9 In most of the later editions, shi 萐 (“to take as the beginning”) in line 11 appears as ci 艹 (“to turn away”). The Guodian documents, however, support Text A by using a character interchangeable with shi in this regard. (The relevant part in Text B is damaged.) Even though the Wang Bi edition uses ci in the main text, when it quotes this saying in its comment on chapter 17, it uses shi, implying that the main text originally used shi. The Gu Huan edition also uses ci in the main text, but Cheng Xuanying made a comment about shi, not ci, saying, “shi means to lead.” With Cheng Xuanying’s comment, this line would alternatively read, “Although the myriad things begin to move, he does not lead.” However, Text A uses the negative particle fu 臼, which usually implies a hidden object of a verb in a sentence, instead of the negative particle bu 臺 as in the later editions, so shi should be translated as a transitive verb with an object. This reading gains support from a comparable passage in Lüshi Chunqiu: “Heaven and earth are great! They give birth to the myriad things, but do not have them as their sons; they accomplish merits, but do not possess them. The myriad things are all benefited and obtain profits by virtue of them, but they do not know where the process begins” (848: 283d). The wording in the Fu Yi and Fan Yingyuan editions, bu 臺 (“not”) wei 蚾 (“to take”) shi 萐 (“beginning”), leads to the same translation as mine. Most of the later editions have an additional line after this that reads, “He gives birth to them but does not possess them.” This additional line must have been interpolated later, influenced by phrases in chapters 10 and 51 similar to these last four lines. Commentators have believed that this passage puts forward Laozi’s relativism. For example, Wu Cheng says, “The names of beauty, ugliness, the good, and the not-good exist dependently. As there is ugliness, beauty comes into being. As there is the not-good, the good comes into being.” However, Laozi’s relativism is not as thorough as that of Zhuangzi. Although it addresses that “Reversal is the movement of the Way” (40), the world of the Way itself stands alone. In addition, throughout the book, Laozi apparently favors one of each pair of comparable opposites: for example, darkness over brightness, softness over strength, female over male, and so on. Of course, this is because the discourses of Laozi are conditioned with reality, which is full of bias, and Laozi attempts to make the reality balanced out. Consequently, its advice is prone to place more value on the neglected side. The necessity for such a balance no doubt derives from the ontological and epistemological foundation of our universe, that is, the world and our life are comprised of these two opposites, as seen in this passage. This foundation, however, is mainly used to uphold the credibility of its teaching, which stresses one of the two opposites.10

3.

Do not exalt the man of excellence, so as to keep people from contending; Do not value goods that are hard to obtain, so as to keep people from stealing; Do not display the desirable, and so as to keep the people from being disorderly. For this reason, through his rule the sage empties their minds but fills their bellies, and weakens their wills but strengthens their bones. By this, he always causes the people to be without knowledge and desires. Now, if you keep the man of knowledge from daring and acting, there will be nothing left unruled.

1 2 3

4 5 6

膻芟貲, 艈胐膻蠖. 膻糿綮织襺贮, 艈胐膻蚾繿. 膻箟竑蘽, 艈胐 膻绤. 萙蝋茾蝸襺謐蒺, 貓絋葖, 葒絋膠, 蓅絋西, 笶絋簮, 豣艈 胐肖覌肖蘽蒺. 艈臄覅膻笝臼蚾蝢蝒, 謡肖膻謐蝁. Some commentators have rendered xian 箟 (“to display”) in line 3 as jian 箟 (“to see”). In this rendition, lines 2–3 read, “Do not value goods that are hard to obtain, and thus keep yourself from stealing; do not see the desirable, and thus keep yourself from being disorderly.” This reading was possible because some of the later editions did not clarify who should be kept from the undesirable activities. Text B, however, allows no alternative reading in its wording. In line with this, one should note that most of the later editions add xin 葖 (“mind”) to min 胐 (“the people”), making “the people’s mind” the subject of discussion in this line. Only the Zhao Bingwen (1159–1232) edition has the same wording as Text B in this regard. The phrase in question is missing in Text A. Wu Cheng pointed out that the four qis 絋 (“their”) in line 4 indicate the people because, in his view, this passage purported to be advice for good

167

168 / The Old Master politics. According to him, “The later Daoist practitioners for longevity used this passage to develop their theories. Even though the theories are elaborate, they do not deliver the true meaning of Laozi.” He further explained that “empties their minds” meant to make people unaware of profits, “fills their bellies” meant to feed the people properly, “weakens their wills” meant to diminish people’s contending minds, and “strengthens their bones” meant to make the people diligent. Most of the later editions omit fu 臼 (“not”) in the first part of the last sentence and add wei 蚾 (“to practice”) wu 肚 (“not”) wei 蚾 (“to act”) to the latter part. Therefore, this line has customarily read, “Now, if you keep the man of knowledge from daring to act, and if you practice no-action, there will be nothing left unruled.” With respect to the first part, Zhu Qianzhi argued that it should be interpreted in a manner similar to Text B;11 with respect to the latter part, Ma Xulun argued, before the excavation of the Mawangdui texts, that “and if you practice no-action (wei wu wei)” should be eliminated.12 Respect for the man of excellence pervaded the teachings of the many masters in the Hundred Schools of Thought because they were indeed the men of excellence. Similarly, many commentaries are reluctant to take literally line 1. For example, Wang Bi says, “It is fine to put talented people in charge of affairs. But why should we exalt them?” Following Wang Bi, many commentators such as Cheng Xuanying, Wang Zhen, Su Zhe, and Lü Huiqing uniformly argued that the first line only criticized the excessive employment of meritocracy. In support of this interpretation, Lin Xiyi suggested rendering shang 芟 (“to exalt”) in line 1 as “to boast,” reading the whole line as “Do not boast of your excellence, so as to keep people from contending.” However, the idea of antimeritocracy is evident in line 1. As a matter of fact, Laozi’s criticism of meritocracy is recurrent throughout the book, as seen in chapter 80: “Let those who have multiples of dozens and hundreds as much talent as the people not be used.” “Tianxia” in Zhuangzi introduces Shen Dao as the representative of this idea: “For this reason, Shen Dao abandoned knowledge, discarded self, and followed the irresistible course. He regarded it as the Way and principle to be compliant with things, saying, ‘To know is not to know. Only after not valuing knowledge can you discard it.’ He acted randomly, committed himself to nothing, and laughed at all under heaven which exalted the man of excellence” (1056: 163cd). Shen Dao is also depicted in the same chapter as saying, “If the worthy and the sage are not made use of, the great earth does not lose the Way” (1056: 164a). Thus, when “Tianxia” was written, Shen Dao was recognized as opposing the practice of exalting the man of excellence. Other early thinkers seem to have shared this recognition, for Xunzi also pointed out the problem of Shen Dao’s thought, based on the same evaluation of it: “Shen Dao’s understanding was obscured by his stress on law, and thus he did not recognize the man of excellence” (Xunzi, 695: 250b).

Part II: The Way / 169 Shen Dao’s personal history is not clear. The fragmented information concerning his life from relatively credible sources can barely comprise an outline. He was from the state of Zhao (Shiji, 74: 2347); he was a contemporary of Mencius (Mengzi jizhu, 6B: 8, 197: 178b); he was admitted to the Jixia academy and famed for his study (Shiji, 46: 1895); he left the Jixia academy when it declined under the rule of King Min (Yantie lun, 695: 517a); and “Yiwenzhi” in Hanshu included forty-two volumes of Shenzi in its list, categorizing him as one of the Legalists (30: 1735). Among the sources that introduce his thought, “Tianxia” in Zhuangzi, “Fei shier zi” (“Criticizing the Twelve Masters”) and “Jie bi” (“Dissolving the Obscurities”) in Xunzi are relatively credible. Shenzi and Shenzi’s alleged lost works (yiwenG螖肫)13 are sources of questionable authenticity. As to his criticism of meritocracy, however, there is a good source that provides its details and background: “Nan shi” (“Criticism of Power”) in Han Feizi. “Nan shi” here means to criticize Shen Dao’s theory of power (shiG荄), his representational theory. This writing begins with an introduction of his thought: If a man of excellence succumbs to the man of stupidity, it demonstrates that his privilege is little and his status is low. If a man of stupidity subdues the man of excellence, it demonstrates that his privilege is great and his status is high. If King Yao had been merely a husband, he must have been unable to rule even three people. Because King Jie was the son of heaven, he could put all under heaven in disorder. With these facts, I know that power and political position are what we can depend upon, and that excellence and wisdom are not what we can yearn for. . . . [I]f we consider this, we can conclude that excellence and wisdom are not enough to subdue people, and power and political position are enough to make them kneel down. (729: 756bc)14 As seen here, Shen Dao opposed exalting the man of excellence because intellectual excellence and wisdom were not enough to rule a state effectively. This thought might appear unrelated to the idea of Laozi in this passage, or even to Shen Dao’s idea introduced in “Tianxia” in Zhuangzi: “Shen Dao abandoned knowledge, discarded self, and followed the irresistible course.” The “power” in Shen Dao’s thought, however, embraces not only political power but also the determining force over a given situation, which is rephrased as the “irresistible course” in “Tianxia.” When the determining force or “irresistible course” is stressed, people’s subjective role becomes greatly limited. In this perception, people can hardly redirect the natural developments of the situation, and they even should not attempt to do this as human effort to find the solutions will be proven meaningless or even harmful. Accordingly, human knowledge, wisdom, and desire are disrespected in this theory. This provides

170 / The Old Master an underlying current that connects different elements in Shen Dao’s thought, such as his Legalist emphasis on power, his strong reservation on the man of excellence, the introduction of his thought in “Tianxia,” and the current passage from Laozi. They are all related. In “Fei shier zi,” Xunzi criticized Shen Dao’s idea as “being submissive to the lords in the upper realm and following the custom of the age in the lower realm” (Xunzi, 695: 145a). This estimation also reflects Shen Dao’s idea because “being submissive” and “following the custom of the age” are attitudes possibly adopted by those who are well aware of the irresistibility of power and the natural course of developments. Like Shen Dao, Laozi in the first line opposes exalting the man of excellence. In the following lines, it recommends to “caus[e] the people to be without knowledge and desires” and “keep the man of knowledge from daring and acting,” echoing Shen Dao again. Takeuchi Yoshio initially viewed Shen Dao as one of the undeniable sources of Laozi, and P. M. Thompson agreed with that.15

4.

The Way uses itself through the mean, and remains without flowing over. Abysmal, it is like the patriarch of the myriad things. It blunts the sharpness, unties the tangles, softens the light, and mingles with the dust. Submerged, it seems to perhaps exist. I do not know whose child it is; Yet it appears to even precede the High God.

1 2 3 4 5 6

纊諭蝢虑襺, 蛞膻薔蒺. 蕃竒艇耎肵襺褒. 㗂絋薶, 豻絋臶, 责絋籦, 纩絋覣. 縹竒艇贍褌. 薿膻覌莼襺螲蒺, 芻裇襺苺 (“薶,” “襺” from Text B). The first line is often translated as, “The Way is empty; yet when it is used, it never overflows.” The earlier commentators such as Wang Bi, Heshanggong, and Chen Xuanying, however, uniformly interpreted it as above. The pivotal word that produces the difference in interpretation is chongG諭. I rendered it as “mean” or “harmony,” based on earlier commentaries. Heshanggong commented, “Chong means the middle (zhongG 襦). Because the Way conceals its name and keeps its honor a secret, its function depends on keeping the middle.” Gu Huan passed on a similar comment made by an unknown person who said, “The Way takes harmony (chongheG 諭责) as its function.” Cheng Xuanying also consentingly paraphrased Heshanggong’s comment: “Even though there are many methods that the sage can use to show charity towards people and to enlighten them, nothing can precede the middle way (zhongdao 襦纊) among the absolutely correct words. Therefore, it is said, ‘The Way uses itself through the mean.’ This signifies that it takes the mean as its function.” Thus, chong is originally interchangeable with zhongG 襦G (“middle”). Text A further verifies this point in the passage equivalent to chapter 42 as it adopts zhong in place of chong in the later editions.16 The understanding of this line in “Daoying xun”

171

172 / The Old Master in Huainanzi also corresponds to my translation because it sees this line as a teaching for maintaining reconciliation even when one enjoys great power and fortune (848: 636b). Furthermore, my translation better caters to the following lines, in which Laozi claims, “it blunts the sharpness, unties the tangles, softens the light, and mingles with the dust.”17 Nevertheless, “being harmonious” and “being empty” share the same spirit in the matter of the art of living in that harmonious relationships can only be guaranteed by emptying oneself of selfishness. In another passage Laozi says, “Great fullness seems empty yet its use is never straitened” (45). In this sense, the character chong can concurrently signify “mean” and “emptiness.” In chapter 45, accordingly, the Mawangdui texts use chong for “emptiness.” “Abysmal” in line 2 is a translation for xiao’a 菓竒 in Text A and yuan’a 蕃竒 in Text B.18 Although the exact pronunciation of a is the subject of discussion, here it is certainly a rhyming particle, which helps streamline a phrase. The later editions use another rhyming particle, xi 賚, instead of a. Since this particle xi frequently appeared in the writings of that state of Chu, such as Chuci, scholars had thought that it could evince Laozi’s relationship with the Chu culture. The Mawangdui texts, however, do not use xi but a. In line with this, Yan Lingfeng insisted that xi had two pronunciations in the ancient times, a and xi, and that a in the Mawangdui texts was one of them whereas the other pronunciation was used in the later editions.19 He himself did not provide evidence for such a possibility. The Guodian documents use another rhyming particle, hu 賣, in place of a or xi. The Way is here dubbed as “the patriarch of the myriad things” because maintaining harmony and remaining without flowing over are features of the myriad things in nature. A heavy rain is usually followed by the shining sun and a menacing drought by nurturing rainfall. That is the nature that Laozi understands here. The Way can also be described as being “submerged” as in line 4 because the sage maintains harmony with his surroundings so that he becomes hardly distinctive under any situation. Sometimes huo 贍 (“perhaps”) in line 4 can mean “always,” as mentioned by Huang Kan in his commentary of a passage (13: 22) in the Analects (195: 463a). Some English translations have adopted this rendering.

5.

Heaven and earth are not humane; They regard the myriad things as straw dogs. The sage is not humane; He regards the common people as straw dogs. The space between heaven and earth, how it is like a bellows! It is empty but never exhausted; If it moves, the more emerges. Hearing much leads to an early misery; That is not as good as abiding by the mean.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

詏襽膻蝹, 蝋耎肵蚾請粸. 茾蝸膻蝹, 蝋腆茲蚾請粸. 詏襽襺笋, 絋蛫饽閭蔛. 貓蝢膻糞, 纨蝢蛚諨. 縘肯莡糤, 膻蓉莗蓯襦. Wang Bi and Heshanggong literally rendered chugou 請粸 (“straw dogs”) in line 2 as “hay and dogs.” This interpretation is rarely adopted today because Zhuangzi decisively elucidates this term as follows: “When a straw dog (chugou) is not yet offered for a sacrifice, it is preserved in a bamboo box and wrapped with a patterned towel, which is carried by the incarnator and the reciter of the written prayer for the ritual, who have performed their ablutions. When the ritual is over, however, the passersby step on its head and spine, and people take it to a fireplace and burn it” (1056: 75cd). According to the biography of Zhou Xuan in Sanguo zhi (History of the Three Kingdoms), after the straw dogs had been used for sacrifices (for rain, according to Wu Cheng), they were discarded, trampled by carriages, and finally burnt (29: 811). Thus, in any sense, the straw dogs were not favorable objects. According to most commentaries, lines 1–2 mean that heaven and earth do not care for people purposively and leave them under natural changes. For example, Su Zhe says, “Heaven and earth have no favorites and follow the naturalness of the myriad things. Therefore, the myriad things come into life by

173

174 / The Old Master themselves, and enter into death by themselves. Deaths are not caused by my cruelty, and lives are not caused by my humaneness.” He further explains that people care for straw dogs not out of love but out of needs; they discard them not out of hate but because it is the time to discard them. Even though Wang Bi rendered chugou differently, his interpretation held the same understanding of the lines. In a sense, Xunzi’s scientific observation on natural phenomena, including life and death, also delivers this spirit of insouciance: “Heaven replaces winter not because people hate the cold. Earth blocks the vastness of plains [with mountains and rivers] not because people hate the distance. . . . [T]here is a constant Way in heaven, and there is a constant principle in earth” (695: 220b). Xunzi, however, distinguishes nature from the human being and, accordingly, natural phenomena from human endeavor in order to focus on the development of a society. Consequently, in the matter of human culture, he praised human art rather than natural order. In line 5, Laozi likens the virtues of heaven, earth, and the sage to a bellows. Their virtues will not be exhausted because they are not attached, that is, they are empty, even to the practice of loving people, in the same manner bellows are never exhausted because they are empty. “Hearing much” (duowen 縘肯) in line 8 appears in many editions as “saying much” (duoyan 縘蔀). The stele edition in the Longxing Daoist monastery in Suizhou introduced by Jiao Hong has “hearing much,” like Texts A and B. “Daoyuan” (“Origin of the Way”) in Wenzi also quotes this passage using “hearing much” (1058: 309a). Although “Daoying xun” in Huainanzi quotes this passage with the expression “saying much,” the story narrated there is more relevant to “hearing much,” as it discusses the uselessness of learning (848: 639ab). Another translation for duowen, “being widely famed,” is also possible.

6.

The spirit of the valley never dies; It is called the obscure female; The gate of the obscure female is called the root of heaven and earth. Continuously, it seems to exist. In using it, you can never make it exhausted.

1 2 3 4 5

簠葃膻艠. 萙蛈貧船. 貧船襺肱, 萙蛈詏襽襺紥. 鍉鍉竒蓉褌, 虑襺膻索. In line 1, the character for “valley” (gu 簠) in Texts A and B is yu 蘾, the primary meaning of which is “to bathe.” According to Lu Deming, the Heshanggong edition originally used yu instead of gu, and according to Ma Xulun, the stele inscription of Laozi erected by Bian Shao (fl. 147) in the Later Han also used yu.20 Yu Yue contended that gu and yu both meant “to nurture,” as seen in Heshanggong and Wang Zhen.21 In chapter 39, Text B, however, uses yu and gu without distinction to indicate “valley,” not “to nurture.” Thus, in the ancient times these two characters were probably interchangeable, and the alleged original Heshanggong edition and the stele inscription of Laozi by Bian Shao reflected this practice. As for the phrase “the spirit of the valley,” Sima Guang commented, “it is called the valley because its middle is empty; it is called the spirit because it cannot be investigated.” Similarly, Jiao Hong explained, “The spirit of the valley is a metaphor. Because it is receiving although it is empty, because it does not possess although it is receiving, and because it is delicate and immeasurable, it is called the spirit of the valley.” The most important qualities of “the spirit of the valley” are thus emptiness, inclusiveness, and immeasurability. Emptying ourselves in order to be harmonious with others is a crucial teaching for a good life in Laozi. As the valley shows that same virtue, “The superior virtue seems like a valley” (40), and “If you know the pure but abide by the stained,

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176 / The Old Master you will become the valley of all under heaven” (28). The saying, “the spirit of the valley never dies,” in the first line is an expression for the effect of the Laozi’s way of life. The “obscure female” in the following line has exactly the same connotation. One of the unique features of Laozi is its accentuation on femininity. No other Chinese classics place as much value on femininity as Laozi. Laozi’s elevation of femininity ascribes to its understanding of the way of life, which stresses such values as compliance, harmony, self-sufficiency, softness, and so on, because Laozi conceives these values as representing the generic character of female. Of course, this perception was formed under the historical circumstances and obstacles Laozi could not overcome. Notwithstanding, at the time when women were considered unequal to men, Laozi’s assertion of the beneficial aspects of femininity, however stereotyped the list, was a mark of progress. Scholars’ critical responses reflect the bilateral aspects of Laozi’s perception of femininity: Joseph Needham, Chen Marie, and Roger Ames evaluated it positively, while H. G. Creel devaluated it as a tool for maintaining male power.22 An interesting point in this respect is that even Huainanzi, a work of Daoist syncretism, did not follow Laozi’s idea of femininity: “Mountains accumulate virtues, whereas streams accumulate punishments; what is high is for life, whereas what is low is for death; hills are equivalent to male, whereas valleys are to female” (848: 547a). This saying displays the typical worldview based on the yin-yang theory in the Han. Zhang Songru claimed that the concept of “the obscure female” stemmed from primitive religions that worshipped female reproductive organ for fertility. Earlier than this, Guo Moruo maintained that the right radical of the character bin 船 (“female”), biG與, symbolized the shape of female genitalia.23 In my view, however, Laozi is distinguished from primitive religions because it contains a civilized and refined perspectives on human life.24 “Tianrui” (“Omens from Heaven”) in Liezi quotes this passage from Huangdi shu (Book of the Yellow Emperor), not from Laozi. As to Huangdi shu, Dong Sijing said, “This book probably existed in the ancient times, and Laozi must have transmitted it. According to Gexiangong neizhuan (Inner Transmission from the Immortal Gexian), when the Yellow Emperor ruled, the Lord Lao (Laozi) was called Guangchengzi, and he dictated this scripture (Laozi) for the Yellow Emperor. Therefore, when the Yellow Emperor wrote his books, he quoted this chapter.” Gexiangong neizhuan is another title of Laozi Daodejing xujue (Incantatory Preface of Laozi’s Scripture of the Way and Virtue) by Ge Xuan (164–244). This book is suspected apocryphal, however, primarily because it introduces the writings of Baopuzi (Master Embracing Simplicity) by his grandson Ge Hong (283–343). In other words, in the book a grandson’s writing is introduced by his grandfather.

Part II: The Way / 177 “Yiwenzhi” of Hanshu lists many books of “Huangdi,” such as Huangdi sijing (Four Classics of the Yellow Emperor), Huangdi ming (Inscriptions of the Yellow Emperor), Huangdi junchen (Lords and Ministers of the Yellow Emperor), and so on (30: 1730–1731). All of these books are not extant, and Huangdi shu is not recorded in it. Nevertheless, Huangdi shu still might have been existent and this passage of Laozi might have originated in it, as stated in Liezi. Counterarguments for this allegation also exist: Liezi was completed in the Jin dynasty (265–420); the practice of attributing books to “Huangdi” became a trend after the Huang-Lao tradition gained support from the Han dynasty; Daoists often conjoined Laozi with an alleged ancient record or document such as the “Inscription on the Bronze Statue.” On the other hand, contending that Laozi itself was Huangdi shu, or one of the books of Huangdi, following the efflorescence of the Huang-Lao tradition, is also a possibility.

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7.

Heaven is long, earth is lasting. The reason why heaven and earth are long and lasting is because they do not themselves contrive to live. Therefore, they can be long and lasting. For this reason, the sage puts himself behind yet finds himself in the fore, and puts himself outside yet finds himself preserved. Is this not because he has no personal interest? Therefore, he can accomplish his personal interest.

1 2 3 4 5 6

詏蠃襽粜. 詏襽襺荓蝋縑蠃觟粜螿, 蝋絋膻蟀苇蒺. 篿縑蠃苇. 萙蝋茾蝸讍絋葌蝢葌苺, 蘑絋葌蝢葌褌. 膻蝋絋肖艪蔛. 篿縑 茶絋艪. “Long” and “lasting” in line 1 are expressions for endurance. Usually, “long” is associated with shape and “lasting” with time. Because heaven has no shape and earth is rarely associated with time, one might wonder why it is said that “heaven is long and earth is lasting.” Lü Huiqing makes an interesting comment about this: “Heaven moves with time, so people might suspect that it does not have enough shape. Therefore, it is described as ‘long.’ Earth moves with shape, so people might suspect that it does not have enough time. Therefore, it is described as ‘lasting.’ ” Line 4 is a paraphrase for the preceding lines. “Puts himself behind” and “puts himself outside” are specification of “not contriving to live.” Heaven and earth move along this way, so they can become “long and lasting.” The sage follows the same way, so he “finds himself in the fore” and “finds himself preserved.” This saying is linked with chapter 66: “For this reason, when the sage wants to be above the people, he must, through his words, place himself low; when he wants to be ahead of the people, he must, in his person, put himself behind. Therefore, though he sits in front, the people do not regard it

179

180 / The Old Master as harmful; though he sits above, the people do not regard it as weighty.” Text B has one more parallel expression after “in the fore,” which seems redundant. Pursuing “personal interest” (siG 艪) was considered evil to most ancient thinkers in China. Even though Legalists saw it natural that everyone pursued personal interest, they did not allow the subjects to do so. Here, Laozi suggests that people can accomplish their personal interest by discarding the desire for it. This saying has the same structure as that of chapters 1 and 38. For example, each of the two Ways (daoG 纊) in chapter 1 is distinctive from one another, although they use the same character. When it is said in chapter 1, “If the Way can be spoken of, it is not the constant Way,” the first Way is not the true Way, so it is different from the “constant Way.” When it is said in chapter 38, “The man of superior virtue is not concerned about virtue,” the first virtue is true virtue, so it is different from the second virtue exalted by common people. Similarly, the two “personal interests” in this passage are distinguishable because “this personal interest [the second one] was told from the perspective of one’s life, and does not indicate the personal interest which is contrasted with a public goal” (Lin Xiyi). What most ancient thinkers in China criticized was the personal interest contradictory to the larger good. Thus, Laozi is saying nothing new here. However, that Laozi here overtly sanctions the worldly goal of accomplishing personal interest, no matter what its real implications, is noteworthy. For those who are not acutely aware of the dissimilarity between the two “personal interests,” this saying will function as a scriptural foundation for their pursuit of a secular goal, such as making a lot of money. This is how “spiritual” Daoism has often melded into Chinese secularism.

8.

The highest good is like water. 1 Water is good at benefiting the myriad things and yet does not contend. 2 And it places itself where all others feel dislike. 3 Therefore it is close to the Way. 4 The good thing in dwelling is [a lowly place like] the land; 5 The good thing in minding is [deep thinking like] a pond; 6 The good thing in associating is trust; 7 The good thing in governing is orderly rule; 8 The good thing in handling affairs is capability; 9 The good thing in making a move is timeliness. 10 Now only because it does not contend, therefore it has no blemish. 11 芟苻艇莤. 莤苻翈耎肵蝢膻蠖, 筥襨襺荓葹. 篿絙蓯纊蝁. 筥苻襽, 葖苻蕃, 蔛苻萺, 袚苻謐, 艃苻縑, 纨苻萚. 臄蛑膻蠖, 篿肖虣 (“膻蠖” from Wang Bi). The characters in Texts A and B for “does not contend” in line 2 seem to be scribal errors. Text A has you 蛞 (“to have”) jing 裀 (“tranquility”), whereas Text B has you 蛞 (“to have”) zheng 蠖 (“contention”). Jing in Text A must be interchangeable with zheng, as seen at the end of this passage in Text A. Thus, Texts A and B are identical with respect to this phrase, based on which this line can be translated as, “Water is good at benefiting the myriad things and contends.” Of course, this is not acceptable in Laozi’s philosophy because “do not contend” is one of the outstanding teachings in the book. Chapters 3, 22, 66, 73, and 81 articulate the significance of this teaching. All the later editions have “does not contend (wuzheng 肖蠖),” which I have adopted for translation here. This is the only case where I follow the later editions in the finalization of the main text despite the concurrence of Texts A and B.

181

182 / The Old Master Text A differs from Text B and all the later editions in that it omits one line after “The good thing in associating is trust” in line 7. In my view, the last Chinese character of this line in Text A, that is, “xin 萺 (“trust”),” was broken into two characters, ren 蝸 (“human,” “humaneness”) and yan 蔀 (“to speak”), when Text A was copyedited. This was possible because the character xin was comprised of the two radicals, ren and yan. As a result, the later editions came to have two lines instead of line 7 in Text A, which read, “The good thing in associating is humaneness; the good thing in speaking is trust.” This wording in the later editions has caused exegetical problems because it contradicts Laozi’s criticism of humaneness (chapters 5 and 18) and its endorsement of wordless teaching (chapters 2 and 43). In Text A, this problem becomes eliminated. Text B is largely identical to the later editions in this respect, except that it uses “heaven” (tian 詏) instead of “humaneness” (ren 蝹) in the later editions. The meaning of “heaven” in this context is not clear, although tentatively interpreting it as “to model after heaven” is possible Or, this character may have been a scribal error. The six lines from lines 5 to 10 have the same grammatical structure. There are three ways of reading each line. My translation represents one of them and corresponds to that of Wu Cheng. In other alternative readings, the penultimate can be translated as either, “Make a move at a good time,” or “When making a move, regard timeliness as good.” However, the difference in these three readings does not alter the connotation of this teaching. Many ancient Chinese thinkers lauded the virtue of water. First of all, “Tianxia” in Zhuangzi likened Guan Yin to water: “Guan Yin said, ‘If we are not attached to ourselves, the form of things will be revealed naturally.’ When he made a move, it was like water; when he stayed tranquil, it was like a mirror; when he responded, it was like an echo in the mountains. Vaguely, he seemed not to exist; silently, he seemed lucid. Arguing that merging with other people would lead to harmony, and acquiring something would lead to loss, he never led people, but always followed them” (1056: 164c). Guan Yin’s way of life described here impeccably matches the virtue of water. In other words, in the world of “Tianxia,” Guan Yin represents the idea of learning the virtue. On top of “Tianxia,” “Hongfan” (“Great Models”) in the Documents placed water at the beginning of its creation cycle as well (Shangshu zhushu, 54: 241a). “Shuidi” (“Water and Earth”) in Guanzi also proclaimed, “What is water? It is the origin of the myriad things and the root of all life” (729: 156b). Furthermore, “Shuidi” correlated the virtue of water with such moral values as humaneness, purity, uprightness, rightness, humility (Guanzi, 729: 154cd). In parallel, “Youzuo” (“The Vessel Sitting on the Right Side”) in Xunzi associated the virtue of water with rightness, the Way, valor, lawfulness, uprightness, discretion, enlightenment, and resolution (Xunzi, 695: 295bc). “Youzuo” recorded that this praise of water was asserted by Confucius, and “Quanxue” (“Recommendation of Learning”) in Da

Part II: The Way / 183 Dai Liji (Record of Rites by Elder Mr. Dai), “Sanshu” (“Three Reciprocities”) in Kongzi jiayu, and “Zayan” (“Various Sayings”) in Shuoyuan (128: 476d; 695: 21d; 196: 154ab) all affirmed the record. Although none of these narrations, including that of “Tianxia,” are historical, these sources are sufficient to show how closely the ancient thinkers shared the same perception of water. Among many writings in the ancient classics that describe the virtue of water, the one from Sunzi, the classic of the Militarists, would best match its description in Laozi: “Now, the form of troops resembles water. When it moves, water avoids a higher place and proceeds toward a lower place; in their form, troops avoid the enemy’s solid point and attack its weak point. Water manages its flow depending on the geographical configuration, and troops manage their victory depending on their enemies. Therefore, troops have no constant tendency, and water has no constant form. Winning a victory by making changes depending on enemies is called mysteriousness” (726: 50b).

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9.

To hold and fill it is not as good as to quit. If you pound it out and make it sharp, it cannot be long preserved; If gold and jade fill your rooms, you cannot keep them safe; To be arrogant when rich and noble causes blame for oneself. To retire when you accomplish merits is the Way of heaven.

1 2 3 3 4

覀蝢薔襺, 膻蓉絋蝒. 饆蝢薶襺, 膻竑蠃鏠襺. 綎藛薔葑, 翿襺 莗蒺. 糿臈蝢粙, 蟀蛿粥蒺. 簲莿葌讍, 詏襺纊蒺. An alternative reading is possible for the first line, depending on how the first character is deciphered. If it is rendered as shi 萯 (“to make money”), this line will read “To make money and accumulate it is not as good as stopping.” I see this character as interchangeable with chi 覀 (“to hold”), which appears in most later editions.25 Wang Bi said, “ ‘To hold’ means attempting not to lose virtue. As one has already attempted not to lose virtue, and moreover tries to fill it, naturally the person will face collapse and danger.” Jiang Xichang argued that the phrase, “To hold and fill it” derived from an ancient saying, “Hold what is filled” (chi ying 覀薔 or chi manG 覀耊), which is seen in various classics.26 Although Jiang Xichang did not mention it, this ancient saying is related to Confucius. According to Xunzi, when he saw the “vessel sitting on the right side” (youzuo qiG 蛔褣絎) in the shrine of Duke Huan, which was designed to be turned over in case either completely filled or empty, Confucius admired the delicate structure of the vessel and extricated a moral teaching of moderation from it: Confucius exclaimed with a sigh and said, “Alas! Is there anything that is not overthrown when it is filled?” Zilu asked, “I dare to ask you if there is a way to hold what is filled.” Confucius replied, “Even when you have brilliance and sacred wisdom, abide by obtuseness; even when your contribution can cover all under heaven, abide by

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186 / The Old Master humility; even when your courage and strength can control the entire world, abide by cowardice; even when your wealth can buy the oceans in the four directions, abide by humbleness. This is the way of taking away some water from the dipper when dipping water out.” (695: 293d) By and large, Confucius’s teaching here is compatible with Laozi’s teaching in this passage, in that both of them warn against excessive and lavish desire. Laozi says, however, “To hold and fill it is not as good as to quit,” whereas Confucius advocates being moderate and criticizes being both filled and empty. The first line is quoted by “Daoying xun” in Huainanzi in its introduction to a story about a historic figure, Duke Bai, whose first name was Sheng (848: 635bc). This story first appeared in Lüshi Chunqiu and had no apparent connection to Laozi (848: 494a). As has been recurrently observed, “Daoying xun” added a related saying from Laozi at the end of the story, which was imported from Lüshi Chunqiu. Meanwhile, Wenzi briefly reintroduced the story from “Daoying xun” and aggressively attributed all of the narration to Laozi (1058: 343d–4a). This is a typical example of the reproduction of certain well-known ancient stories, which initially had no relation to Laozi, but later came to be understood as historical evidence of its teaching. The translation for the second line is also debatable. The wording in Text B (the questionable part of this line is largely damaged in Text A) and in the Guodian documents do not seem to correspond. Gao Ming claimed no significant difference between Text B and the later editions in terms of their wording.27

10.

While carrying your body and embracing the One, can you be not separated? While calming your vital breath and reaching for softness, can you be like a baby? By cleaning and wiping the obscure mirror, can you make it free of stain? While loving your people and enlivening your state, can you do so with no knowledge? When the gate of heaven opens and shuts, can you play the role of the female? While reaching out with lucid understanding to the four quarters, can you do so with no knowledge? It gives birth to them and rears them. It gives birth to them but does not possess them; It fosters them but does not command them. This is called obscure virtue.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

繜薎腇诨螐, 縑肙翟賣. 衙絥覓蛠, 縑闻葥賣. 莶裕貧笣, 縑肙 螼賣. 蒨胐赇糑, 縑肙蝋覌賣. 詏肱篝豜, 縑蚾蟆賣. 聒腅艏縲, 縑肙蝋覌賣. 苇襺諚襺, 苇蝢臼蛞, 蠃蝢臼蠈蒺, 萙蛈貧繥. The first phrase in this passage must be one of the most hermeneutically debatable in Laozi. Countless discussions of how to interpret this phrase have arisen, but none of them has elicited an unequivocal consent, and the situation remains the same today. In this case, however, the Mawangdui texts again help arrange the existing discussions so as to make some progress. For the first word of this phrase, Text B presents a character different from that of all the later editions, which is dai 繜G (“to carry”). In all the later editions, dai appears as zaiG蠓G(“to carry” or “to load”). Prior to the excavation of the Mawangdui texts, the use of zai had provoked many considerations due

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188 / The Old Master to the ambiguity of this phrase, among which the one from the scholars in Emperor Xuanzong’s court was the most creative. Faced with the difficulty of clearly understanding this character, they separated it from this passage and pasted it to the end of the previous passage (chapter 9), insisting that it was interchangeable with the exclamation particle zai 蠆. This clever suggestion, which was once deemed as solving the one-thousand-year-long question, is not compatible with the Mawangdui texts because Text B uses dai, not zai. Because both characters in Text A and the later editions share the same meaning, “to load” or “to carry,” we do not need to hesitate in adaptation of the meaning. A more problematic expression in this phrase is ying 薎 (“to operate” or “a place to station armies”) bo 腇 (“physical body”), which is translated as “your body” above. Especially concerning the meaning of ying, there have been several interpretations: the soul (Heshanggong, Lin Xiyi, Fan Yingyuan), a word describing bo (Su Zhe, Dong Sijing, Wu Cheng), “bright” (Xue Hui), and “to operate” (Lu Xisheng). I followed the second one. In this interpretation, ying specifically indicates a place where our soul can stay, that is the body (Wu Cheng), similar to a military camp for soldiers. This interpretation can be further validated by two sources—a poem by Lu Ji (261–303) from the Western Jin, where the term “ying bo” indicates our body, as compared to the soul (Wenxuan zhu, 1329: 429c), and a line in “Yuanyou” (“Far Traveling”) in Chuci: “I carry my body (zai ying bo 蠓薎腇) and ascend to the height of the clouds” (1062: 50b). Actually, this line in “Yuanyou” was adopted by Liu Shipei as evidence for the third suggestion, which regards ying bo as indicating the soul.28 It was because Wang Yi, the primary commentator of Chuci, noted that “this means that the poet carries his holy soul (linghun 薠贔) and ascends to the heights.” However, the person who first read this line from “Yuanyou” to interpret ying bo was not Liu Shipei but Xue Hui, and his introduction of the commentary by Wang Yi is different from what appears in the extant edition of Chuci. According to Xue Hui, Wang Yi originally commented, “this means that the poet carries his holy body (lingbo 罗腇) and ascends to the heights.” Following this introduction, Xue Hui added, “This, in general, only signifies that ying bo means the body.” The implication of “the One” in this phrase may also be subject to discussion. Commentators have proposed various interpretations, including “the essential vital force of the Great Harmony” (Heshanggong), “the essence of the yang force” (Wang Zhen), “the descendents of the Way” (Lu Xisheng), “the Oneness of the Way” (Fan Yingyuan), “the union” (Su Zhe and Lin Xiyi), “the concentration” (Xue Hui), “the soul” (Zhu Qianzhi), and “the body” (Gao Heng). This is a very flexible concept that embraces certain qualities, and thus anything that embodies those qualities may reciprocate “the One.” For example, “Zaiyou” (“Embracing What Exists”) in Zhuangzi sees “the One” as indicating the spirit (shen 葃): “If you carry your spirit with tranquility, your body will

Part II: The Way / 189 become straight by itself. If you remain tranquil and pure by not agitating your body and not disturbing your essential vital force, you can enjoy longevity” (1056: 57d). This understanding later affected Daoist practitioners aspiring for longevity and has become one of the foundations of their theory. In line with this, line 2 unfolds a basic foundation for Daoist hygiene practices, and even today’s practitioners in the various fields of religious Daoism hold onto this saying. Recovering the pristine condition of our body by preserving qi 絥G(“vital breath”) is a universal goal of the Daoist practices. Laozi, however, neither recommends people to strive for longevity nor has interests in the strengthening of the body. Although Laozi is concerned about preservation of healthy physical condition, it does not recommend people to invest their time in strengthening their bodies. Of course, it teaches them to overcome the obstacles to enjoying natural and given life. These obstacles are, however, created not by physical conditions but by worldview and value system. As a matter of fact, it continually warns against artificial endeavors to prolong one’s life span, as seen in chapters 50, 55, and 75. Wang Bi simply understood this line as teaching people to follow natural changes and accomplish harmony.29 “Obscure mirror” in line 3 is a translation for xuan 貧 (“obscure”) jian 笣 (“mirror”). This term appears as xuan (“obscure”) lan 绷 (“to observe”) in the later editions. Due to the ambiguity of its meaning, at least three interpretations have been available. Heshanggong, Wang Zhen, and Lu Xisheng presented one of them, and they understood this term as symbolizing the mind. Gao Heng supplemented this view, contending that lan was interchangeable with jian, and that “obscure mirror” was a metaphor for the mind.30 Congruent with Gao’s argument, Text B uses jian. An obscure mirror differs from a bright mirror because the bright mirror symbolizes lucid wisdom, whereas the obscure mirror symbolizes a mind “empty” (3) and deep “like a pond” (8). “Enlivening [huo 赇] your state” in line 4 appears as “ruling [zhi 謐] your state” in the later editions. According to Lu Deming, the original Heshanggong edition used huo as in Text B.31

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11.

Thirty spokes converge on one hub. Only with nothing [inside the hub], there comes use of the carriage. People mold vessels out of clay. Only with nothing [inside the vessels], there comes use of vessels. People cut out doors and windows. Only with nothing [inside the doors and windows], there comes use of the rooms. Therefore, something can be beneficial because nothing makes use of it.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

钎诿纩螐邠, 繐絋肖, 蛞筰襺虑蒺. 闛萩蚾絎, 繐絋肖, 蛞萩絎襺 虑蒺. 觳賫雂, 繐絋肖, 蛞葑襺虑蒺. 篿蛞襺蝋蚾翈, 肖襺蝋蚾虑. Texts A and B use a single character, sa 钎, for “thirty” in line 1, whereas most of the later editions use two characters, san shi 芓葟, for the same meaning. Xiang’er corresponds to the Mawangdui texts in this regard. Rao Zongyi asserted that Xiang’er was the legendary Five Thousand Words, and that in fact it used only 4,999 characters because it employed sa instead of san shi, like the ancient texts.32 Heshanggong commented, “A wheel had thirty spokes in ancient times. This was modeled after the days of a month.” “Kaogongji” (“The Artificers’ Record”) in the Rites of Zhou also stated, “The body of a carriage is square; this is modeled after earth. Its canopy is round; this is modeled after heaven. The number of spokes is thirty; this is modeled after the sun and the moon” (90: 733d). An alternative translation is possible for the second line: “With nothing [inside the hub] and something [that is, the hub], there comes use of the carriage.” This reading seems to have begun with Bi Yuan (1730–1797).33 In my translation, “nothing” is vital in generating the use of a carriage, whereas

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192 / The Old Master in Bi Yuan’s interpretation, both “nothing” and “something” mutually function. Even though Laozi preserves the idea of the interrelation of the opposites, in practical teachings it always accentuates “nothing” over “something” because our dominating value system is prejudiced toward “something,” or “being strong, prominent, and knowledgeable.” Laozi tends to retrieve the values ignored by people because in doing so it can balance out the two opposites. Xue Hui says, “In general, everyone knows that ‘something’ is beneficial, but they disregard the point that ‘nothing’ can make use of something. Because of this, Laozi explained that point by using some examples.” Of course, this does not mean that Laozi dismisses the world of “something.” Laozi always embraces or faces the world of “something,” the secular world. In explaining this passage, Gu Huan commented: “If the Way is solely of nothing, what benefit can it bring to things?” Some translate the third line as “People mold vessels by firing clay.”34 This is possible because Text A uses ran 蕇 in place of shan 闛 (“to knead”)35 in the later editions, which might be interchangeable with ran 蕊 (“to fire”). Xunzi, however, uses shan for the same expression (695: 266c), and ran in Texts A and B is interchangeable with shan in the ancient phonetics. Thus, the conventional reading is still available. The last line can also be translated differently, as in Henricks: “Therefore, we regard having something as beneficial; but having nothing as useful.”36 Cheng Xuanying, Wang Zhen, Lu Xisheng, and Dong Sijing proposed this interpretation, whereas those of Wang Bi, Heshanggong, Li Xiyi, and Fan Yingyuan are the same as mine.

12.

The five colors make one’s eyes blind; Galloping and hunting make one’s mind go rabid; Goods that are hard to obtain pose an obstacle to one’s activities; The five flavors make one’s palate spoiled; The five tones make one’s ears deaf. For this reason, by his rule the sage is for the belly and not for the eyes. Therefore, he discards that, and takes this.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

薺苅艈蝸聺耽, 謟艁衤罇艈蝸葖脊籭, 綮织襺贮艈蝸襺貇脓. 薺肶艈蝸襺粣花, 薺蜮艈蝸襺蝣緵. 萙蝋茾蝸襺謐蒺, 蚾膠膻 蚾聺. 篿筤谕諵觧. The “five colors” in line 1 are green, red, yellow, black, and white. These are the basic colors that people daily experience, but enjoying all of them at the same time is not natural, but rather artificial. It could only happen at some kind of extravagant event, and it is the target of Laozi’s criticism here. The “five flavors” and the “five tones” in the following lines are the same. The character for “spoiled” in line 4 is shuang 花. Referring to Zhongjing Yinyi (Sounds and Definitions of the Multiple Classics), Yi Shunding claimed that this character was used in the state of Chu to indicate a soup becoming spoiled.37 Accordingly, Laozi’s usage of this character was considered as evidence for its association with the state of Chu. Text A, however, uses an obsolete character, whose pronunciation would be xiang, whereas Text B used shuang as in the later editions. In line 6, the reason why “the sage is for the belly and not for the eyes” is that the desires of the belly are satiable, whereas the desires of the eyes are not, according to Li Yue (fl. ca. 810). Or, as Wang Bi commented, it is because “those who are for the belly nurture themselves with things, whereas those who are for the eyes torture themselves for things.” As seen here, Laozi

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194 / The Old Master encourages people to pursue the desires of the “belly,” such as wanting to eat when feeling hungry, wanting to sleep when feeling sleepy, and wanting to take a rest when feeling tired. Pursuing these desires reflects the natural order. Contrastingly, the desires of the “eyes” burgeon out through comparison, that is, through “eyeing” the differences between “the good” and “the bad.” “Tiandi” (“Heaven and Earth”) in Zhuangzi defines these desires as destroying our life: “Now, there are five things that make people lose their nature. First, the five colors make one’s eyes disordered, and accordingly the eyes lose their brightness. Second, the five tones make one’s ears disordered, and accordingly the ears lose their genuine capability. . . . [T]hese five things bring destruction to our life” (1056: 68ab). “Xuyi” (“Introduction”) in Lüshi Chunqiu defines these desires as relating to a private purpose: “Now, seeing with a private purpose makes the eyes blind; hearing with a private purpose makes the ears deaf; thinking with a private purpose makes the mind go rabid” (848: 361b). Similarly to Laozi, these two classics bind the detrimental desires to those that destroy our life (Zhuangzi) or that relate to a private purpose (Lüshi Chunqiu). Lüshi Chunqiu concludes: “Therefore, in the matter of dealing with tones, colors, and flavors, the sage takes something if it is beneficial to his nature, and discards it if it is harmful to his nature” (ibid., 848: 281a).

13.

Behave as if startled when receiving favor or disgrace; 1 Be afraid of big worries as if being afraid of your body. 2 What is meant by behaving as if startled when receiving favor or disgrace? 3 Favor is of little worth, so when obtaining it, behave as if startled, and when losing it, behave as if startled. 4 This is what is meant by behaving as if startled when receiving favor or disgrace. 5 What is meant by being afraid of big worries as if being afraid of your body? 6 The reason why I have big worries is that I have a body. 7 If I had no body, what worries would I have? 8 Therefore, to those who value caring for their bodies more than caring for all under heaven, you can entrust all under heaven; 9 To those who love their bodies as much as caring for all under heaven, you can give all under heaven. 10 誶虁蓉篚, 糿繗贻蓉葌. 谩蛈誶虁蓉篚. 誶襺蚾谨, 织襺蓉篚, 葐襺蓉篚. 萙蛈誶虁蓉篚. 谩蛈糿繗贻蓉葌. 薿荓蝋蛞繗贻螿, 蚾薿蛞葌蒺. 紿薿肖葌, 蛞谩贻. 篿糿蚾葌蓯蚾詏谨, 蓉竑蝋譑 詏谨蝁. 蒨蝋葌蚾詏谨, 蒃竑蝋絕詏谨. This passage, chapter 13, appears in the Guodian documents. Both archaeological texts from Mawangdui and Guodian are similar to one another with respect to this passage, except that in the Guodian documents one additional character comes into view at the beginning of this passage, which is ren 蝸 (“people”). So, in Guodian documents the first line would read, “The sage (ren) behaves as if startled when receiving favor or disgrace.” Upon noticing this character, Peng Hao came up with an intriguing argument: In the Guodian documents, a passage related to the beginning of

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196 / The Old Master chapter 20 precedes this passage. Interestingly, Text B also has additional ren right after the beginning of chapter 20. (The relevant part in Text A is damaged.) After speculation about the reason for the additional character in Text B, Peng insisted that the compiler of Laozi must have referred to the Guodian documents, been confused with where he should punctuate, and finally misplaced ren at the end of the first part of chapter 20, when it should be placed at the beginning of this passage.38 In this respect, the Guodian documents put a specific sign, which is used for marking the place of punctuation, before ren. If the compiler had directly referred to the Guodian documents that we now have at our disposal, he would not have made the mistake of misplacing punctuation because the Guodian documents clearly indicate where the first part of chapter 20 should stop. Thus, another document that contained at least part of what we now see in the Guodian documents and was referred to by the compiler probably did exist. Commentators’ opinions vary concerning whether or not the first line is associated with the sage. Cheng Xuanying and Lu Xisheng noted that being “startled” was not a feature of the sage. This understanding, however, is not compatible with the following lines. Moreover, the sage is described here as not really “startled” but “behav[ing] as if startled.” On the contrary, Su Zhe commented, “The Completed Man in ancient times was startled when receiving favor as much as when receiving disgrace because he knew that favor would be followed by disgrace.” Heshanggong’s alternative reading of the second line is: “Be afraid if big worries reach your body.” Similar to many other commentators, he sees gui 糿 in this line as implying “to be afraid of,” but his interpretation is unique in that he sees ruo 蓉 as meaning “to reach.” The later editions exhibit at least three wordings of the phrase in line 4: “Favor is of little worth” (Wang Bi, Gu Huan, Lu Xisheng, and so forth); “Disgrace is of little worth” (Heshanggong, Wu Cheng, and so forth); and “Favor is of worth, and disgrace is of little worth” (Zhang Sicheng, and so forth). The related passage in the Guodian documents corresponds to the Mawangdui texts, which I have adopted here. In line 7, Laozi says, “The reason why I have big worries is that I have a body.” Interpreters have become divergent on how to cope with this reality. The first group argues that people should try to “preserve the body undamaged (baoshenG 膈葌).” This is because, as seen in Wu Cheng’s comment, people are destined to have a body until they die, and thus it is best to protect it from dangers that usually stem from the excessive desires for fame, wealth, and so on. In this understanding, this passage becomes connected to Yang Zhu’s idea of “valuing life.” The second group argues that people should find a way to “forget the body (wangshenG 耝葌).” This is because, as seen in Heshanggong’s comment, the best tactic for overcoming a given problem is always to annihilate its root, that is, the body in this case. In this understanding, religious practices

Part II: The Way / 197 are needed that are aimed at “forgetting the body and nurturing the spirit (wushenG 肚葌).” Emperor Xuanzong of Tang, the Daoist emperor, chose the latter interpretation: “If we understand that all the phenomenal changes in heaven and earth are not the true substances, and through this if we separate ourselves from the body, abandon wisdom, realize that our body is not the true body, and identify with the great Way, what kind of worries can there be?” This interpretation, however, seems incongruent to the other part of the passage. In particular, in lines 9–10, Laozi obviously emphasizes a way of life in which people do not jeopardize their body, even though they have a strong desire to care for all under heaven. As Wang Bi summarized, in my view, this passage teaches that “all under heaven can be entrusted to those who do not damage and do not belittle the body due to favors, disgraces, honors, and worries.” The idea of valuing life more than caring for all under heaven permeates into many stories in the classic texts. For example, “Yang wang” (“Relinquishing the Kingship”) in Zhuangzi is full of anecdotes about such ancient sages, including Prince Sou, Yan He, Xu You, and Zizhou Zhifu (1056: 143c). With consideration of these stories, Guan Feng viewed “Yang wang” as written by “Yangists.”39 In addition to “Yang wang,” “Gui sheng” (“Valuing Life”) in Lüshi Chunqiu is also a crucial source for understanding the Yangist idea. All the anecdotes in “Yang wang” are featured in that chapter. In particular, after introducing the anecdote about Xu You and Zizhou Zhifu, it concludes, “All under heaven is a very precious thing, but even with it, the sage did not endanger his life. How much more will he not do with other trivial things! Only to those who do not endanger their bodies, even with all under heaven, we can entrust all under heaven” (848: 287cd).

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14.

Though trying to look at it, we cannot see it. We name it “indistinct”; Though trying to listen to it, we cannot hear it. We name it “inaudible”; Though trying to touch it, we cannot do that. We name it “inappreciable.” These three cannot be inquired into; Therefore, they merge together to become one. Of this One, it is not bright above it; it is not dim below it. Incessant! We cannot name it and it returns to nothing. This is called the formless form; This is called the image with nothing. This is called the elusive and evasive. Though trying to chase it, we cannot see its back; Though trying to greet it, we cannot see its head. Hold on to the Way of the present in order to manage the actualities of the present, thereby to understand the ancient beginning. This is called the thread running through the Way.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

16 17

萣襺蝢臼箟SG 聐襺蘇肻UG 誀襺蝢臼肯SG 聐襺蘇跖UG ᡮ贐襺蝢臼 织SG 聐襺蘇蝏UG 芓螿膻竑講跣SG 篿贑蝢蚾螐UG 螐螿SG 絋芟膻 皦SG 絋谨膻耫SG 葕葕竒膻竑聐蒺SG 臊糾蓯肖肵UG 萙蛈肖芳襺芳SG G 肖肵襺芻SG 萙蛈贕赏UG 菆蝢膻箟絋趒SG 薛蝢膻箟絋菊UG 觖細襺 纊S蝋蓮細襺蛞SG 蝋覌篴萐SG 萙蛈纊絷U In general, “it” in this passage is deemed as indicating the Way because “it” is not sensible. However, in “Zhi beiyou” in Zhuangzi, “One Who Does Not Exist” (wuyou 肚蛞) is depicted in the same manner (1056: 111cd), and in “Tianyun” from the same book, heaven’s music is described similarly (1056: 68bc).

199

200 / The Old Master It should also be possible to understand “it” as implying the One because an additional phrase found in Texts A and B in line 9, “Of this one,” tells us that this whole passage discusses the One. All the later editions omit this phrase, except the Fu Yi edition. In his explanation regarding the One in this passage, Jiang Xichang offered an interesting opinion: Therefore, the One here equals “the nameless” and “darkness” (xuan 貧) in chapter 1, “the Way” in chapter 4, “the mean” in chapter 5, “the constant” in chapter 16, “the untrimmed log” in chapter 19, “mother” in chapter 20, “the great” (da 繗) in chapter 25, “constant virtue” (changedG 芩繥), “no-limit” in chapter 28, “the Constance of the Way” in chapter 32, “great Way” in chapter 34,40 “great image” (daxiangG 繗芻) in chapter 35, “the nameless untrimmed log” in chapter 37, and “nonbeing” (wuG 肚) in chapter 40. These names above can mesmerize those who begin to study Laozi. But in fact, these are not different from each other, and their names and realities are not altered despite the changes. Laozi just uses these terms occasionally. As it was difficult to create names at that time, he therefore created these names as prompted by his thoughts, and as he created them, there arose occasions to change the terms.41 Most commentators agree that “these three” in line 7 indicates “indistinct,” “inaudible,” and “inappreciable.” They are three aspects of the One, and none of them allows us to inquire into them because they are commonly imperceptible. However, they are not different from each other because they are merely three aspects of the One. According to Lin Xiyi, “because interpreters rather try to distinctively understand them, although Laozi himself said that we cannot inquire into them,” it is said, “they merge together to become one.” In all the later editions, “the Way of the present” in line 16 appears as “the Way of the past.” Texts A and B, however, use “the Way of the present.” This is a significant variation because in my view, it is evidence for my argument that Laozi was compiled on the Qin soil. During the late Warring States period, a new intellectual trend emerged that challenged the enduring tradition of “respecting the past.” This could be anticipated because China was experiencing a new historical phase and as such was compelled to create many new establishments, including the first united empire in its history. Reflecting this historical circumstance, in the world of the intellectuals a series of new thought originated outside the center of ancient Chinese academia, and the series was called the Hundred Schools of Thought. Whereas the intellects from Zou and Lu and the masters with vermillion sashes (Zhuangzi, 1056: 161b), who were versed in the ancient classics, continued to

Part II: The Way / 201 respect the ancient traditions, many thinkers started turning their eyes to the changes occurring, which drew challenges from the traditional intellectuals. The first prominent thinker who advocated learning from the present was Xunzi from the state of Zhao. He urged the rulers to model themselves on later kings as much as they did on the previous sage kings: “The beginning of heaven and earth lies in the present. The Way for a hundred kings can be found in later kings” (Xunzi, 695: 131d). “They, the later kings, are the lords of all under heaven. If we discuss ancient times and put aside later kings, it is the same as serving the lords of others and putting aside my king” (ibid., 695: 142a). After Xunzi had introduced this idea, his disciple from the state of Han, Han Fei, also supported it: “Now, ruling the people in the contemporary world with the politics of the previous kings is similar to those who are waiting by a tree trunk in order to catch a hare” (Han Feizi, 729: 778d–9a). “Therefore, the state of a brilliant ruler does not rely on writings from the wooden and bamboo slips but teaches people with laws. It does not use the sayings of the previous kings but regards the government officials as teachers” (ibid., 729: 782d). It was Qin’s court, however, that culminated this trend of valuing the present and applied it to practical politics. Li Si, another disciple of Xunzi from the state of Chu, aggressively criticized the old tradition of respecting the past in front of the First Emperor and persuaded him to pronounce an edict prohibiting people from studying the ancient classics: “Now, your Majesty has attained the great accomplishments and established merits for one hundred thousand generations. This is beyond what the obtuse Confucians could understand. Now, Chunyu Yue mentions the affairs of the previous kings whenever he speaks, but how can they be sufficient model for us?” (Shiji, 6: 254–5). Interestingly, this trend continued even after Qin’s collapse. According to Sima Qian, “Aspiring after the Way of ancient times while living in the present world aims for self-retrospection, but the ancient and the present are not necessarily identical on every level. Emperors and kings have different rites and their own agendas, and regard accomplishing merits as the principle. How can they be mixed?” (ibid., 18: 878). The same perspective is found in Huainanzi: “There is a constant principle in ruling a state, which is to consider benefiting the people as the basis; there is a perpetual standard in administration and education, which is to consider making people follow laws and ordinances as the best. If it is really beneficial to the people to do so, we should not necessarily model ourselves after the past. If it is helpful for managing affairs to do so, we should not necessarily follow the old traditions” (848: 650cd). Even Shusun Tong, a representative Confucian scholar in the early Han, proposed the same idea: “The five emperors in ancient times had different music and the three kings’ rites were not identical. Rites can be completed by appropriatization and actualization, based on people’s common sentiments in the present world” (Shiji, 99: 2722).

202 / The Old Master This was the intellectual trend that prevailed when Laozi was completed. Although on the one hand it succeeded the old tradition of respecting the past, Laozi was not solely oriented toward it because it was a syncretic text that integrated many new ideas from the Hundred Schools of Thought. Laozi itself presented fresh concepts and a unique way of life. Wenzi, which was dedicated to elevating Laozi’s historical status and disseminating its ideas, identified the saying from Huainanzi above as coming from Laozi (1058: 350d). This means that even Wenzi did not see it unfitting to conjoin Laozi with the idea of learning from the present. Moreover, in the historical context, modeling one’s customs on the past signifies adopting the ancient rituals, whereas Laozi frequently criticized them and urged the rulers to be compliant with the given circumstances. Its commitment to the ancient sages and sayings merely reflects its contemporary academic atmosphere in which “those who discuss the Way were allowed to preach to the rulers only after entrusting their theories to the ancient sage kings Shennong and the Yellow Emperor because people in the mundane world mostly respect the past and disrespect the present” (Huainanzi, 848: 735b). Thus, the alteration from “the Way of the past” in all the later editions to “the Way of the present” in the Mawangdui texts is significant because it may show the difference between the traditions of the Qin and those of the later dynasties, which placed a higher value on “the present” and “the past” respectively. In this regard, note that Wang Mang (r. 9–23 ce), the only emperor of the Xin dynasty, ruled China during the interval between the Western and Eastern Hans and fiercely favored the ancient things. Because he usurped the throne while serving the court of the Western Han as a regent he used to compare himself to the Duke of Zhou. The Duke of Zhou established the ancient traditions of the Zhou dynasty as a faithful regent, so Wang Mang also wanted to preserve or create the ancient tradition at any expense. The person who played a decisive role in this task was Liu Xin (ca. 46 bce–23 ce), who left his own handprints on almost all of the Chinese classics, including Laozi, after succeeding his father Liu Xiang’s imperial project of arranging all the ancient books. Even though some books completed after the Xin dynasty, for example Baopuzi, intermittently championed the value of “the present” (1059: 195d), not until the Qing dynasty did this idea resurface as a representative trend of the time. Many commentators see “nothing” (wu 肖) in line 10 as indicating the Way. However, decisively defining it is practically impossible, although scholars may agree that “nothing” here represents one of the many concepts in Laozi to which something returns, such as “roots” (16), an ancient saying (22), “baby,” “untrimmed log,” “no-limit” (28), and “brightness” (52). “Actualities” in line 16 is one of the possible translations for you 蛞 (“to exist”), which is based on Wang Bi’s comment. Alternative translations include “named things” (Wang Zhen), “every being” (Li Yue), “names of artificial doings”

Part II: The Way / 203 (Lu Xisheng), and “territory” (Liu Shipei, Laozi jiaobu, 21). Alternative translations are also possible for dao ji 纊絷 (“the thread running through the Way”) in the last line, such as “the essential body for acquiring the Way” (Heshanggong, and others), “the foundation for practicing the Way” (Wang Zhen), and so on.

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15.

Those who were good at practicing the Way in ancient times were delicately subtle, obscurely insightful, and so deep that they could not be recorded. Now, only because they could not be recorded, therefore I am describing them arbitrarily: Hesitant, like crossing a river in the winter; Reluctant, like fearing all neighbors of the four quarters; Reserved, like a guest; Supple, like ice melting; Artless, like an untrimmed log; Mixed, like muddy water; Extensive, like a valley. Muddy, but they gradually become clear by making themselves calm; Steady, but they gradually become rejuvenated by moving. Those who preserve this Way do not want to be full. Now, only because they do not want to be full, for this reason, they can cloak themselves and remain incomplete.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13

篴襺苻蚾纊螿, 肻肅貧縲, 葙膻竑西. 臄蛑膻竑西, 篿笶蚾襺虈 蘇: 蔛竒絋蓉约茮莤, 蛫竒絋蓉蘕艏翧, 蔆竒絋蓉筝, 赀竒絋蓉 縎苶, 纛竒絋蓉胟, 贑竒絋蓉譍, 籪竒絋蓉簠. 譍蝢裀襺苐詿, 蒃蝋纨襺苐苇. 膈觧纊螿, 膻蘽薔. 臄蛑膻蘽薔, 萙蝋縑诘蝢膻 茶 (“螿” from Guodian). The Guodian documents does not have the first phrase in line 2, “Now, only because they could not be recorded,” whereas all the later editions have this phrase. “Now, only because” (fuwei 臄蛑) is an idiomatic phrase in Laozi, which connects a succinct proposition in the beginning of a passage to a more descriptive explanation of it following the proposition. “Therefore” (gu 篿) and

205

206 / The Old Master “for this reason” (shiyi 萙蝋) play the same role in Laozi. With the use of these connective phrases, the entire passage comes to appear as originally connected. This intention is so evident that the recurrent use of these idiomatic phrases may suggest that these passages are comprised of phrases that were initially derived from different sources. Line 3 may pertain to a similar expression in the Poetry: “Trembling and fearful, I behave like one approaching the edge of a deep pond and stepping onto thin ice” (Mao Shi zhushu, 69: 551d). Also, in nine hexagrams out of sixty-four, the Changes uses the expression “like crossing a big river” with the same connotation as in Laozi. “Hesitant” in line 3 is a translation for yu 蔛, which possibly indicates an elephant, and “reluctant” in line 4 for you 蛫, which possibly indicates either a monkey or a dog. Because the ancient people believed that these animals were distrustful and frequently paced about, seemingly without destination, they came to symbolize an attitude of being hesitant and reluctant. According to Zhu Qianzhi, you as indicating a dog was a vernacular word used in the region to the west of Long,42 which fall under the area occupied by the state of Qin. “Shang ren” in Wenzi paraphrased lines 3–8 as follows: “Hesitant, like crossing a river in the winter” means not to dare to act; “Reluctant, like fearing all neighbors of the four quarters” means to fear getting hurt; “Reserved, like a guest” means to be humble and respectful; “Supple, like ice melting” means not to dare to accumulate; “Artless, like an untrimmed log” means not to dare to be sharp; “Mixed, like muddy water” means not to dare to be lucid and clear; “Extensive, like a valley” means not to dare to be filled (1058: 360b). These are just “arbitrary descriptions” of those who are good at practicing the Way, as the main text says. Thus, they are not necessarily interpreted strictly. Similar descriptions to these are found in Lüshi Chunqiu (848: 389cd). Some editions use the homophonic character of bi 诘 (“to cloak”) in line 12, which signifies “old things.” This variation usually entails another variation, which adds xin 萿 (“new things”) at the end of this sentence, accordingly altering the meaning of this sentence into “. . . for this reason, they can be with the old things and do not try to accomplish the new things.” I followed Wang Bi and Heshanggong who interpreted bi as “to cloak,” referring to the interpretation of this passage in “Daoying xun” in Huainanzi (848: 647d–8a). “Practicing the Way” (wei dao 蚾纊) in line 1 appears as “acting as one who practices the Way” (wei shiG 蚾艐) in all the later editions except the Fu Yi edition. As to this term, the wording in the Guodian documents is identical to that in the later editions. “Insightful” (daG 縲) in the same line appears as “penetrating” (tongG 讈) in all the later editions, and the character in the Guodian documents is identical to that in Text B, while the relevant part in Text A has been damaged. Zhi 西 for “Be recorded” in the same line appears as an interchangeable zhi 萴 (“to record”) in all the later editions except the Fan

Part II: The Way / 207 Yingyuan edition, and the character in the Guodian documents is identical to that in Texts A and B. Thus, the Guodian documents are sometimes identical to the Mawangdui texts and sometimes to the later editions. Of course, they remain closer to the Mawangdui texts overall, but there are some exceptions as seen here. These exceptional concurrences between the Guodian documents and the later editions enable us to argue ancient editions of Laozi existed before the Mawangdui texts were written. This argument is an attempt to prove that Laozi was completed far in advance of the Mawangdui texts. On the other hand, these concurrences may echo later revisions or editing. In other words, they may reflect a situation in which later people revised the original wording of the Mawangdui texts, referring to some proto-materials of Laozi such as the Guodian documents, which were available to them at that time. We do not know when the Guodian documents were no longer available.

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16.

Reach emptiness to the limit; Abide by tranquility very firmly. When the myriad things are about to arise, I see by this their return. Things under heaven abound, but all return to their roots. This is called “tranquility.” Tranquility, this means returning to the destiny; Returning to the destiny is the constant; To understand the constant is brightness. Not to understand the constant is to be reckless; Recklessness entails ill-omen. To understand the constant leads one to be tolerant; Tolerance to be impartial; Impartiality to be kingly; Kingliness to be heavenly; Heavenliness to be with the Way; Being with the Way to be long-lasting. Thus, you will not be in danger to the end of your life.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17

覓貓紞蒺, 莗裀纖蒺. 耎肵脙蟇, 薿蝋籝絋臊蒺. 詏肵蚎蚎, 竫臊糾蓯絋紥. 蘇裀, 裀萙蛈臊聑. 臊聑芩蒺, 覌芩聒蒺. 臺覌 芩耜, 耜蟇趺. 覌芩虈, 虈緇簰. 簰緇蘌, 蘌緇詏, 詏緇纊, 纊緇 粜. 聿葌膻議 (“粜” from Wang Bi). Another translation was possible for the first sentence: “Reach the limit of emptiness.” The Guodian documents, however, disprove this reading. The relevant passage in the Guodian documents reads, “Reach emptiness all the time; abide by the mean very firmly.” As seen here, “all the time” (hengG豣) and “the mean” (zhongG 襦) in the Guodian documents have changed into “to the limit” (ji 紞) and “tranquility” (jing 裀), respectively, in the Mawangdui texts. The change

209

210 / The Old Master from heng to ji probably occurred as a result of the compiler’s misreading of heng, whose ancient form was similar to that of ji, as the investigation of the Chinese research team for GD explained.43 Contrastingly, the change from zhong to jing seems to have been intentional because jing has become the core concept of this passage through the later addition of lines 5–17, which must have occurred simultaneously with the change of the character. Lines 5–17 do not appear in the Guodian documents. “Emptiness” and “tranquility” are crucial concepts in Daoism. Simply speaking, “emptiness” connotes “having no desire,” and “tranquility” implies “taking no action.” Because one can take no action after having no desire, and one can have no desire by taking no action, they are interconnected. As values for self-cultivation, these concepts have been greatly emphasized not only in Daoism but also in Lüshi Chunqiu (848: 419a, 493a), in “Xinshu shang” (“Practice of Mind: Upper Part”) in Guanzi (729: 145d), and even by neo-Confucian scholars such as Zhou Dunyi (Zhou Yuangong ji, 1101: 419b). However, Xunzi was the one who developed these concepts for the first time in relation to self-cultivation: “How can a man come to know the Way? It is through mind. How can mind come to know it? It is through emptying, concentrating, and being tranquil” (Xunzi, 695: 251b). According to Xunzi, emptying is to make room in our mind for later understanding, so that our prejudices do not harm it; concentrating is to clearly distinguish contradictory ideas, so that neither overrides the other; and being tranquil is to calm our random thoughts, so as to prevent them from disturbing our comprehension. Xunzi claimed that by practicing these values we could come to know the Way and exclaimed, “Now this kind of person deserves to be called the great man. How can there be blindness?” (695: 252a). The title of the essay having this quotation is “Jie bi” (“Dispelling Blindness”), and thus this represents its highlight. Since Xunzi here suggests approaching the Way by enhancing intellectual insight and Laozi is generally known as valuing no-knowledge, their ideas regarding “emptiness” and “tranquility” may seem incompatible. Laozi in this passage, however, also teaches people to enhance intellectual insight by saying, “Returning to the destiny is the constant; to understand the constant is brightness.” Meanwhile, it was Lüshi Chunqiu that evidently applied these values to politics: “Therefore, the lord who grasps the Way follows others and does not act himself; he asks others to assume responsibilities and does not command them; by discarding his own thought and volition, he involves himself with others using emptiness and tranquility” (848: 419a). “Now every lord should place himself in emptiness, embrace plainness, and discard wisdom. By doing so, he can use the wisdom of others. . . . [N]o knowledge, no capability, and no action: these are what the lords should hold on to” (848: 493ab). Here the political implication of Laozi’s advice becomes clear.

Part II: The Way / 211 In the aspect of self-cultivation, four chapters in Guanzi (chapters 36–39), which yield an intricate but influential self-cultivation theory, promoted and developed these concepts. These chapters confirm the superiority of emptiness and tranquility over practicality and movement in promoting our spirituality: “If you empty your desire, the spirit will enter the house [of mind]; if you clean what is filthy, the spirit will reside there” (729: 145d). “Heaven is empty; earth is tranquil. Because of this, they are not distorted. If you eliminate your private concerns and do not discuss anything by cleaning your palace [of mind] and by opening the gate [of mind], your spirituality will be preserved” (729: 146b). Referring to these four chapters, especially to “Neiye,” Harold Roth insisted that the ancient Chinese theory of self-cultivation emerged as early as the fourth century, because in his estimation “Neiye” was completed at that time. In my view, however, the four chapters do not antedate Laozi.44 Many terms in Laozi, for example “the wordless word,” “the thread running through the Way,” and “the beginning of all under heaven,” are used in these chapters. In addition, the first sentence in “Xinshu shang,” which states, “The mind in the body is like a lord,” was evidently related to Xunzi’s idea of “heavenly lord” (tianjunG 詏糗), the mind. On the other hand, Su Zhe and Lu Xisheng asserted that this passage was compatible with one of the essential ideas of the Changes, which stated, “Investigate the principle and thoroughly practice the inborn nature; by doing so, reach the destiny” (Zhouyi zhushu, 7: 571c). In this understanding, “all return to their roots” pertains to the investigation of the principle; “reach emptiness to the limit; abide by tranquility very firmly” corresponds to the thorough practice of the inborn nature; and “returning to the destiny” means attaining the destiny. I view Laozi as a syncretic text and, therefore, some ideas from the Changes must have infiltrated the book. Lu Xisheng often compared the ideas of both books in his commentaries as in the case above, providing us with valuable references for further research. In fact, the Changes and Laozi have several commonalities in their motivations, tactics, and goals: both of them advocate avoiding disasters rather than aggressively seeking good luck; they both believe that there exists a destiny or inevitability that penetrates life and nature; they both attempt to understand that destiny for securing a peaceful life without danger; they also share a certain anxiety, as such a destiny cannot be easily grasped; their mutual intent is to teach the art of living; and both are later developed into philosophical texts. If the Changes was used to foretell fate because of these characteristics, Laozi may also have functioned as such. In fact, in the early history of Laozi, it was connected to the diviners. “Things under heaven” (tianwu 詏肵) in line 4 appears in the later editions as “Now, things” (fuwu 臄肵). In the Guodian documents this term turns out to be tiandao 詏纊G O“Way of heaven”). According to Kong Yingda’s

212 / The Old Master comments on a passage in the Documents, “things under heaven” indicates the myriad things, excluding human beings (Shangshu zhushu, 54: 230d). All the later editions have one more gui gen 糾紥 (“return to their roots”) in the beginning of line 5, altering its translation to “Returning to their roots is called tranquility.” Texts A and B, however, are identical in eliminating it. “Constant” in line 7 is a translation for chang 芩, one of the core concepts in Daoist metaphysics. Even though it looses its significance in the Mawangdui texts as mentioned earlier, in this line it preserves its metaphysical connotation. As defined succinctly in “Yu Lao,” chang refers to something “that does not die or decline even until heaven and the earth are melted down and dispersed.” In this passage what is not disappearing forever is the fact that everything returns to emptiness and tranquility. “Impartial” in line 12 is a translation for gong 簰. Jiang Xichang argued that this word indicated a duke because other characters in consecutive lines could also indicate political positions: king and heaven (son of heaven).45 According to Gu Jiegang, not until the time of Xunzi and Lüshi Chunqiu did gong come to imply “impartial.”46 A sense of ascension in values is observed in the last seven lines, from the practical with limited scope to the universal with unlimited scope. It is interesting to note that the Way is placed after heaven, the utmost value in traditional thought. The pinnacle of this ascension, however, is the assurance of safety in our life: “you will not be in danger to the end of your life.” Therefore, even the Way, not to say heaven, is a bridge to help us reach the final destination: a peaceful life without danger.

17, 18.

The best thing is that the people below know only that the ruler exists; 1 The next is that they love and praise him; 2 The next is that they fear him; 3 The worst is that they despise him. 4 When trust is insufficient, no trust will arrive. 5 Reluctantly, spare your words. 6 Although the merits are accomplished and the affairs are 7 completed, all the common people say, “It happened to us by nature.” 8 Therefore, when the great Way vanishes, humaneness and rightness arrive; 9 When knowledge and wisdom appear, great deceit arrives; 10 When the six relations are not in harmony, filial piety and benevolence arrive; 11 When the state and the clan are in chaos and disorder, upright subjects arrive. 12 譭芟谨覌蛞襺, 絋触謤薳襺, 絋触蘕襺, 絋谨聟襺. 萺臺褊, 蓿蛞膻萺, 蛫竒絋糿蔀蒺. 茶簲莿艃, 蝢腆茲答蛈葩蟀蕇. 篿 繗纊诗, 蓿蛞蝹蝂. 覅賝諨, 蓿蛞繗蚵. 蜄謤膻责, 蓿蛞赿螶. 脩竖贐绤, 蓿蛞袷葆. “The best thing” (taishang 譭芟) in line 1 can also be translated into either “the best ruler” as in Heshanggong or “during the best period,” as in Lin Xiyi. In the Wu Cheng edition, xia 谨 (“the people below”) in the same line appears as bu 臺 (“not”), creating a variation in the translation. This variation, however, is not supported by either the Mawangdui texts or the Guodian documents. The wording for line 5 extensively varies in the later editions. Wang Niansun examined the variations and arranged them in a manner compatible

213

214 / The Old Master with Texts A and B. Especially he suggested reading the particle yan 蓿 in the original sentence as yushi 蓯萙 (“because of this”). The Chinese research team for MWD accepted Wang’s view in their interpretation of this line.47 The wording of the Guodian documents also supports Wang’s conclusion.48 An alternative translation of the sentence “spare your words” (guiyan 糿蔀) in line 6 is “they value words” as in Wang Zhen, Lu Xisheng, and Lin Xiyi because gui has multiple meanings (“to spare” or “to value,” in this case). If we adopt this translation, it delivers a negative implication. The later editions usually separate lines 9–12 from the preceding lines, creating a different chapter. Texts A and B, however, use “therefore” (gu 篿) at the beginning of this line with the obvious purpose of combining the two parts, and the relevant passage in the Guodian documents is identical to them. In context as well, the following one paraphrases the preceding part. “Six relations” in line 11 indicates the relations between a subject (or a person) and his or her father, mother, elder brother, younger brother, wife, and children, as explained in Lüshi Chunqiu (848: 299d). As Wang Bi noted, they may also signify the six major components in a family: father, mother, elder brother, younger brother, husband, and wife. In the last line, Text A uses bang 脩 for “state,” whereas Text B uses guo 糑. “Upright subjects” is a translation for zhenshen 袷葆 in Texts A and B. In the Guodian documents, the interchangeable zheng 袢 for zhen is used, whereas the Fu Yi and Fan Yingyuan editions among the later editions are identical to the Mawangdui texts here. In “Nansan” of Han Feizi, the best politics described in this passage in which “the people below know only that the ruler exists” is combined with a legalistic rule, because under an effective legalism the people are rewarded or punished not by the ruler’s arbitrary judgment but based on their deeds. Living in such legalistic circumstances, they neither expect a benevolent amnesty from the ruler nor worry about a tyrannical exploitation of their merits, and accordingly they do not need to know anything about their ruler (729: 749cd). “Zhushu xun” in Huainanzi (848: 597b) and “Ziran” in Wenzi (1058: 348ab) succeeded this legalistic interpretation. The policy of legalistic no-action exists to safeguard a ruler’s power by shifting the executive authority along with the contingent responsibility from the ruler to a system or his subjects. In other interpretations, this politics is related to the virtue of the ruler. In particular, the legendary king Yao’s reign was believed to be exemplary of this political ideal. A widely circulated story in Lunheng (Balance of Discourses) features an old man being extremely delighted with his peaceful life under King Yao’s reign. When a traveler remarked on the excellence of King Yao’s rule, the old man refuted it, saying, “I get up when the sun rises; I take a rest when the sun goes down; I dig a well and drink; I plow a field and eat; what has Yao contributed to this?” (862: 69b). “Yizeng” in the same book links this

Part II: The Way / 215 story to a passage in the Analects in which the virtue of King Yao is praised: “How great is it for Yao to become a king! It is so magnificent that the people cannot even name it!” (862: 106c). This passage was infamous among Confucians because of its explicit degradation of the Confucian values, especially humaneness and rightness. Thus, those who advocated this book in the Confucianism-dominated society attempted to deny its anti-Confucian implications. For example, Su Zhe insisted that when everything was in harmony, such Confucian values were perfectly embedded in people’s lives, so that they did not need to extol specific individuals for their virtuous behaviors and that the Confucian values came to be recognized only after the social scruples of the ancient times began to decline. This seems to have been an endeavor to effect reconciliation with Confucianism, and many commentators such as Heshanggong and Lu Xisheng have adopted the same interpretation.

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19.

Break off with sagehood and throw away wisdom, then the people will benefit a hundredfold; Break off with humaneness and throw away rightness, then the people will return to filial piety and benevolence; Break off with cleverness and throw away benefit, then thieves and bandits will be no more. These three sayings are still not enough to be regarded as lessons. Therefore, I would like to let something be appended to them: Display the unpainted canvas and embrace the untrimmed log; Lessen self-interest and reduce desires.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

衿茾絢覅, 胐翈腆脬. 衿蝹絢蝂, 胐膝赿螶. 衿粈絢翈, 繿衇肖蛞. 觧芓蔀蒺, 蝋蚾肫肼褊. 篿蕺襺蛞荓荲, 貱荥诨胟, 荑艪蝢籀蘽 (“艪” from Guodian). In line 4, the Mawangdui texts and the Guodian documents use “these three sayings” (sanyan 芓蔀) instead of “these three things” (sanzhe 芓螿) in the later editions, which possibly indicates the three pairs of values that should be abandoned: sagehood and wisdom, humaneness and rightness, and cleverness and benefit. If it is “these three sayings,” it must point to the three previous sentences. Also, in the same line the controversial wen 肫 (“lessons”) appears as a different character (bian 腰 or shi 艈) in the Guodian documents, whose meaning is unclear. The Chinese research team for GD suggested reading it as bian, which means “to be discerned,” and Wei Qipeng saw it as interchangeable with another bian 腭, which means “to take model.”49 Similar to the previous passage, this passage was provocative to Confucian scholars due to the expressions used in the first three sentences.50 In a sense it seems more aggressive in refuting Confucian values. In addition, it contradicts other teachings of Laozi because it criticizes “sagehood” while valuing filial piety and benevolence. Fortunately, an investigation of the Guodian documents

217

218 / The Old Master answers questions about this contradiction. The relevant passage in the Guodian documents reads as follows: “Break off with wisdom and throw away distinction, then the people will benefit a hundredfold; break off with cleverness and throw away benefit, then thieves and bandits will be no more; break off with dishonesty and throw away deceitfulness,51 then the people will return to filial piety and benevolence.” As seen here, the Laozi’s expressions, which are severely defiant against Confucianism, do not appear in the Guodian documents. On reading this passage in the Guodian documents, no Confucian would be provoked. However, the Guodian documents should be distinguished from Laozi, a compiled book that referred to many ancient writings, including the Guodian documents in my view. With this distinction, rectifying the wording of the book using its proto-materials is not appropriate, and saying that no anti-Confucian sentiment existed in the original Laozi is not reasonable. In fact, the intention of the complier is evident: a presentation of obvious confrontation with Confucianism and Mohism. To differentiate Laozi’s teaching from that of the existing influential thoughts by waging impressive attacks on them was, I believe, what the compiler aimed to accomplish. This attack is a typical tactic frequently used by later intellectual challengers. Naturally, in many masters’ works in the late Warring States period, for example in Zhuangzi and Han Feizi, similar attempts are observed: “If the Way and virtue did not decline, how could people take humaneness and benevolence into consideration; if human nature and sentiments did not separate, how could people use ritual and music?” (Zhuangzi, 1056: 51bc). “For this reason, in a decaying tradition the learned people rely on humaneness and rightness with the pretext of the Way of previous kings, and decorate distorted theories with grand gestures and costumes; in doing so, they distrust the law of the contemporary world and distract the minds of the lords” (Han Feizi, 729: 784b). This “edited” criticism of Confucianism and Mohism may counter the alleged relationship between Laozi and the Zhou court.

20.

Break off with learning, then you will have no worries. Between “yes, sir” and “hey, you,” how much distance is there? Between beauty and ugliness, how much distance is there? What others fear, I cannot but fear it also. How evasive! There is no end to it. All the others are joyful, like feasting on the great sacrificial oxen and climbing a pavilion in spring. I alone am still and show no sign, like an infant who has not yet smiled, and seem to exhaustedly have no place to return. All the others have more than enough; I alone am abandoned. Mine is the mind of a fool—silly and stupid. Common folks are bright; I alone seem dark. Common folks are smart; I alone seem ignorant. Elusive, it seems darkened; Evasive, it seems to have no place to stop. All others have their functions; I alone am foolish and uncouth. I want to be different from others, so I value the nourishing mother. 衿谷肖虥. 蛑蔛葰絋芴筤絙谩, 胃蔛葹絋芴筤谩蓉. 蝸襺荓蘕, 蔥膻竑蝋膻蘕. 赏竒絋肼蒞蠆. 襨蝸跜跜, 蓉貏蓯譭羂蝢諥绋繟. 葩胠蓿肼裛, 蓉闻葥肼豱. 羜竒蔒肖荓糾. 襨蝸答蛞蔡葩纓蛿, 葩虤蝸襺葖蒺陻陻竒. 荱蝸荖荖, 葩纓蓉贐竒. 荱蝸訅訅, 葩纓胊胊竒. 贕竒絋蓉赫, 赏竒絋蓉肖荓覈. 襨蝸答蛞蝋, 葩纓蘆蝋般. 薿蘽纓蝝蓯蝸蝢糿萶聪.

219

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19

220 / The Old Master The relation between the first line and the other lines is unclear, so that until the Guodian documents were discovered the first line was sometimes cut and pasted to the previous passage, based on its meaning, rhyme, and writing style. The Guodian documents, however, clearly place an ending mark at the end of the previous passage, after which another passage related to chapter 66 follows. “Learning” in line 1 can either broadly indicate the entire gamut of activities of learning or limitedly signify specific activities germane to the meaningless learning of ritual, political ideology, and so on. Emperor Xuanzong related it to only the learning of artificiality, and Lu Xisheng also linked it to the learning of the mundane world. With this understanding, this passage may have a connection to a similar saying in Zuo’s Commentaries, which recorded a conversation in 524 bce between an aristocrat from the Zhou, Lu Yan, and an unknown emissary: “It is fine not to learn. Even if we do not learn, there will be no disaster” (Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhushu, 144: 415d). The learning in this quotation implies that of Confucian ritual because Min Zima, rebuking this saying, anticipated that the people would disrespect their seniors once this saying was allowed to be circulated, and that the Zhou court accordingly would fall into disorder (ibid., 415c). In the same manner that the saying by Lu Yan was refuted by Min Zima, who seems to have a relation to the early Confucians at that time, the first line of this passage has been rejected by later Confucians. In line 2, most of the later editions use a 葰 (“yeah”) in place of he 竣 (“hey, you”) in Text A. The latter is an expression that a person of superior position can use in order to chide his inferior counterpart, whereas the former is used by the inferior in an impolite and insincere reaction. The characters adopted by Text B and the Guodian documents are interchangeable with he. Before the excavation of the Mawangdui texts, Liu Shipei had suggested this reading.52 Line 4 displays the crucial psychology embedded in this passage. Because there is no much distance between “yes, sir” and “hey, you,” or between beauty and ugliness, those who have particularly situated themselves in a superior position fear that their inappropriate deeds might cause a change in their status. Also, one who is respected with “yes, sir” and praised for his beauty can at times be chided with “hey, you” or condemned for his ugliness. Thus, the best way is always to be cautious of “what others fear.” In this sense, “Daoying xun” in Huainanzi combined this saying with political advice from Yin Yi for King Cheng of the Zhou: “In between heaven and earth and within the four oceans, if I care for people, they will become my friends; if I leave them uncared for, they will become my enemies. . . . [H]ow can there be no fear [in your position]?” (848: 643a). As those loyal can always turn into enemies, lords should learn to fear to become lords. This is the teaching of this passage that “Daoying xun” paraphrased. Then line 4 complements another teaching of Laozi, “For this reason, the sage rather regards things as difficult. Thus, he ends with no difficulty” (68). This teaching mirrors the perpetual Chinese anxiety around

Part II: The Way / 221 danger, which is explicitly illustrated in a poem in the Poetry: “Trembling and fearful, I behave like one approaching the edge of a deep pond and stepping onto thin ice” (Mao Shi zhushu, 69: 551d). Lines 6–19 describe how people who follow Laozi’s way of life look different from the ordinary people. They may seem quiet, hesitant, lonely, shabby, and stupid, but their true identity may be discovered as something quite different. For example, they may look “abandoned,” but because of that they do not attract people’s attention; thus, they are not criticized. They may look “stupid,” but because of that, they are not envied. In short, they may look unfortunate, but in reality they are safe from dangers. If a sunny spot becomes shady, those who are there will feel chilly, but those who have been in the shade will have nothing to deplore. Thus, one should neither consider the sunny spot superior nor view the shady place as disadvantageous. Lastly, despite various opinions about the meaning of simu 萶聪 (“nourishing mother”) in the last line, most agree that it is related to the nourishment of our life. Zheng Xuan understood this term as indicating “wet nurse” in his interpretation on Records of Rite (Liji zhushu, 115: 583a), and Wu Cheng and Jiao Hong followed him. “Nourishing mother” is a woman who nurtures babies despite her lower and abandoned social status. Laozi’s strategy becomes clear here: it values a nourishing mother rather than a noble lady who might feel harassed by her luxurious but confined life. Interestingly, Laozi tries to make it outstanding by revealing its mentality in the closing line. One may wonder if the sayings, “What others fear, I cannot but fear it also” in line 4 and “I want to be different from others” in the last line, derive not only from the same book, but also from the same passage. The Guodian documents have no sentences from line 5 onward. The former of the two contradictory sayings is included in the Guodian documents, whereas the latter is not. Thus, we can assume that this inconsistency occurred during compilation.

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21.

The feature of magnificent virtue is to only follow the Way. The characteristic of the Way is nothing but evasive and elusive. Elusive and evasive, yet there are images within it. Evasive and elusive, yet there are things within it. Shady and dark, yet there are actualities within it. The actualities are sincere, so there are trusts within it. From the present back to the ancient, its name has never been eliminated. Through it one is compliant with all things. How do I know that all things are thus? Through this.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

簳繥襺虈, 蛑纊萙褓. 纊襺肵, 蛑赏蛑贕. 贕竒赏竒, 襦蛞芻竒. 赏竒贕竒, 襦蛞肵竒. 蛖竒聏竒, 襦蛞袘竒. 絋袘葛観, 絋襦蛞 萺. 蟀細紿篴, 絋聐膻筤, 蝋菲襨臐. 薿谩蝋覌襨臐襺蕇. 蝋觧. My translation of the first line represents the general interpretation of this line. Wang Bi and Heshanggong suggested different readings as follows: “The movement [rong 虈] of virtue accompanied by emptiness [kong 簳] only follows the Way” (Wang Bi). “Those who have magnificent virtue are inclusive [rong]; they follow the Way” (Heshanggong). As the point of this line lies in asserting the interconnection of the Way and virtue, these two alternative interpretations are also acceptable. Xiang’er, on the contrary, sees kongde 簳繥 as “virtue of Confucius,” which seems far-fetched. With respect to the wording of lines 3–4, the most compatible with the Mawangdui texts among the later editions is the Fan Yingyuan edition, although it has some variant characters interchangeable with those in the Mawangdui texts. According to Fan Yingyuan, the Wang Bi and Sima Guang editions that he referred to had the same wording as his. Li Yue and Lu Xisheng explained that huang (“evasive” 赏) differed from hu (“elusive” 贖) because the former

223

224 / The Old Master referred to something indistinctive as if it existed, whereas the latter meant something indistinctive as if it does not exist. Notwithstanding this rhetorical ambiguity, the Way is eventually cognizable because “there are images within it” and “there are things within it,” and it exists because “there are actualities within it.” Xue Hui commented, “even though it [the Way] is said to have no form, there is substantiality in the middle of it. . . . [T]hus, the manner in which Laozi describes the Way distinctively asserts that the substance of the Way certainly exists.” The character used in Texts A and B for “actualities” in line 5 literally means “to request” (qing 誂). This character is interchangeable with qing 袘, which means “actualities.” In contrast with Texts A and B, the later editions use jing 袲 (“essence of vitality” by Heshanggong and “pureness” by Lu Xisheng) in place of qing. In the context of this passage, “actualities” better couples with the parallel expressions, such as “images” and “things.” Gao Heng initially suggested reading jing in the later editions as qing, as in Texts A and B.53 One of the Inner Chapters in Zhuangzi also has a similar description to that in line 6: “Now, in the Way there exist actualities and trust, while action and form do not exist there” (1056: 38c). The two descriptions from Zhuangzi and Laozi share the same understanding of the Way: it is not sensible but it exists. Lines 3–5 introduce these two aspects of the Way at the same time. “Elusive and evasive,” “evasive and elusive,” and “shady and dark” in each line are descriptions of the insensibility of the Way, whereas “images,” “things,” and “actualities” are of its substantiality. “All things” in line 8 is the translation for zhong 襨 (“multitude”) fu 膒G (“guys”). Texts A and B use a different fu 臐 (“father”), but they are interchangeable. According to Su Zhe and Lü Huiqing, zhong fu means the myriad existences or the myriad things, whereas Heshanggong interpreted it as “beginning of things.”

24.

One who is on tiptoe cannot stand steadily. One who examines by himself cannot be discerning; One who looks by himself cannot be bright. One who boasts about himself has no merits; One who brags about himself has no excellence. In the Way, these are called “leftovers and extra flesh.” Things often dislike them, so even the man of desires does not dwell with them.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

絉螿膻翰. 蟀萣螿膻蟶, 蟀貱螿膻聒, 蟀腒螿肖簲, 蟀絇螿膻 蠃. 絋蠇纊蘇: 蔡萶諴貇. 肵贍藈襺, 篿蛞蘽螿臼筥 (“螿” from Text B). This passage is equivalent to chapter 24. In the Mawangdui texts, however, it is placed between the passages equivalent to chapters 21 and 22. In this respect, lines 2–5 in this passage are utterly parallel with lines 8–11 in the following passage (chapter 22), and the latter may have been composed in response to the former. Texts A and B use chui 諺 (“to cook”) in line 1 for qi 絉 (“to be on tiptoe”) in the later editions, making the meaning in this sentence unclear. Gao Ming saw it as interchangeable with qi.54 Another possible interpretation is to see chui as interchangeable with chui 諶 (“to blow” or “to be boastful”).55 The later editions have one more parallel line after this line: “One who walks with long strides cannot keep going.” The Chinese research team for MWD interpreted shi 萣 (“to examine”) in line 2 as “to show off oneself,” probably because its synonym jian 箟 (“to look”) again appears in the following line.56 The later editions have altered this character into the homophonic shi 萙 (“to authorize”). Among many possible interpretations, I see chang 蠃 in line 5 as meaning “excellence” as in Cheng Xuanying. “Shanmu” in Zhuangzi espouses a similar

225

226 / The Old Master teaching to lines 4–5: “I learned this from one who made a great accomplishment in the ancient times: one who boasts about himself has no merits; one who has achieved merits will decline; one who has achieved fame will wane” (1056: 100b). In Zhuangzi, this saying is attributed to Confucius, who was suffering between the states of Chen and Cai. According to it, Confucius finally parted with his disciples in order to live with the birds and wild animals, whereas in the Analects he apparently claimed, “we cannot herd together with the birds and wild animals” (Lunyu jizhu, 18: 6; 197: 84b). “Leftovers” in line 6 is a translation for yu 蔡 (“to be left”) si 萶 (“meal”), which indicates the leftovers from a party, while “extra flesh,” which signifies a wart, is the rendition for zhui 諴 (“extra”) xing 貇 (“flesh”). My interpretation of xing as “flesh” is based on the commentaries by Sima Guang, Su Zhe, Wu Cheng, and Jiao Hong. Some commentators rendered it as “actions.” “The man of desires” in the last line appears as “the man of the Way” in the later editions, through changing yu 蘽 (“desires”) into dao 纊 (“the Way”). Texts A and B commonly use “desires” in this regard. The expression “even the man of desires does not dwell with them” appears again in Text A in another passage equivalent to chapter 31 (Text B has a lacuna in the corresponding place), and the later editions have also altered it as in this passage, using “the man of the Way” in place of “the man of desires.” Although tiptoeing enables one to be temporarily taller than others, such an artificial posture cannot last long. When back down to normal height, people will feel uncomfortable because of having been on tiptoe, which let them see further. Thus, tiptoeing in order to be taller will eventually disrupt peace. Any artificial endeavor to help one reach a higher position can be compared to tiptoeing. “Leftovers” and “extra flesh” in line 6 symbolize the fate of those who were boastful and once received recognition from others because the leftovers were initially delicious food and the wart was previously a functioning part of the body, which became unnecessary and would be eventually abandoned.

22.

If it is bent, it will be preserved as whole; If it is warped, it will become straight; A sunken place will be filled; A threadbare cloth will be refurbished; Having little leads to gain; Having much leads to confusion. For this reason, the sage embraces the One and becomes the model of all under heaven. He does not examine by himself, therefore he is bright; He does not look by himself, therefore he is discerning; He does not boast about himself, therefore he has merits; He does not brag about himself, therefore he has excellence. Now only because he does not contend, therefore no one can contend with him. The saying “If it is bent, then it will be preserved as whole” of the ancients, how come it is a mere saying? Truly, he will be preserved as whole and return to it.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

簝謡衒, 蘊謡袢, 陋謡薔, 駕謡萿, 荑謡织, 縘謡贌. 萙蝋茾蝸 觖螐蝋蚾詏谨聹. 膻蟀萣篿聒, 膻蟀箟篿蟶, 膻蟀腒篿蛞簲, 臼絇篿縑蠃. 臄蛑膻蠖, 篿翿縑蔛襺蠖. 篴襺荓蛈簝衒螿, 絙蓳蠆. 荁衒糾襺. Although wa 陋 (“sunken place”) in line 3 is often translated as relating to emptiness, it originally indicates a “puddle,” and most of the ancient commentaries maintain this meaning in their interpretations. For example, Heshanggong commented, “As a sunken place on the ground is low, all waters run toward it; if a person is humble, placing himself low, virtues will return to him.” Bi 駕 (“threadbare cloth”) in line 4 has also been translated with a specific designation. Fan Yingyuan commented, “Bi indicates a threadbare cloth. For this

227

228 / The Old Master character, other editions use the homophonic bi 诘, which means ‘difficulties,’ but it should be this character.” Text A uses the same bi as the one in the Fan Yingyuan edition. The first six lines employ different expressions, but they share the same viewpoint represented by the first line: “If it is bent, it will be preserved as whole.” People usually dislike lowering (bending) themselves due to their self-esteem. According to Laozi, however, the practice of humility will eventually lead them to a safer and more peaceful life. This mentality is also seen in Zhuangzi. One of the most well-known parables in “Renjianshi” (“In the World of Man”) discusses a useless tree in order to show how it can be beneficial: “The small branches up there are so twisted and bent that they cannot be used for making pillars and rafters, and the big trunk down there has no dense texture, as seen in the sparse growth rings, so that it cannot be used for making inner and outer coffins. . . . [T]ruly, this is a useless tree; that is why it has successfully grown for this long time” (1056: 27ab). Similar parables to this appear elsewhere in the book, for example, in “Xiaoyaoyou (Free Wandering),” “Shanmu,” and again in “Renjianshi.” Despite the abundance of the similar parables in Zhuangzi, however, “Tianxia” in Zhuangzi ascribed this teaching to Lao Dan, not to Zhuangzi, mentioning the first line of this passage: “While all people sought good luck, he [Lao Dan] alone argued that if it was bent, it would be preserved as whole, and said, ‘those [who choose this way] would be safe from harm’ ” (1056: 165a). This unusual attribution may allude to the later insertion of “Tianxia” into the earlier segments of Zhuangzi. “The model of all under heaven” in line 7 can alternately be translated as “the shepherd of all under heaven” because Texts A and B use mu 聹 (“shepherd”) in place of shi 萫 (“model”). The two characters’ meanings are interchangeable.

23.

To be sparing of words is [the feature of ] nature. Fierce winds do not last a whole morning; Torrential rains do not last a whole day. What causes them? If even heaven and earth cannot last, how much truer is this for man? Therefore, in their pursuit of affairs, those who are with the Way will be one with the Way; Those who are with [the way of ] obtaining will be one with obtainment. Those who are with [the way of ] losing will be one with loss; Those who are with obtainment will obtain the Way as well; Those who are with loss will lose the Way as well.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

跖蔀蟀蕇. 谌谓膻褚裧, 读虸膻褚螔, 菐蚾觧. 詏襽蝢膻縑粜, 虞赖蓯蝸賣. 篿褓艃蝢纊螿纩蓯纊, 繥螿纩蓯繥, 葐螿纩蓯葐. 纩蓯繥螿, 纊蔥繥襺. 纩蓯葐螿, 纊蔥葐襺G(“蝸” from Wang Bi; “葐” from Text B). Alternative translations are possible for the first line. In particular, it can be rendered as revealing nature’s transcendental aspect, considering that xi 跖 (“be sparing of ”) means “inaudible” in chapter 14 to describe the transcendentality of the Way. In my view, however, this line seems not merely describing the feature of nature but warning of the disastrous potential of talking too much by disclosing that nature rarely talks. While most ancient comments, including that of Wang Bi, do not contradict this interpretation, Wu Cheng relates this line more directly to the prudent behavior of people who follow the way of nature. In that sense, this passage was usually paralleled with an expression in chapter 5 in the later editions, “many words lead to an early misery.”

229

230 / The Old Master For “torrential” (bao 读) in line 2, most of the later editions use a different character, zhou 謁. An example of the placing of “fierce winds” and “torrential rains” together is found in Lüshi Chunqiu, which uses bao for “torrential” as in the Mawangdui texts instead of zhou as in the later editions (848: 332d). “Those who are with the Way” in line 6 is a translation for er 蝢 (“with”) dao 纊 (“the Way”) zhe 螿 (“those”). In later editions, er appears as the propositional particle yu 蓯. Accordingly, many translations have rendered this expression differently. For example, Wing-tsit Chan translated it as “Therefore he who follows Tao. . . .”57 Texts A and B identically use er instead of yu. Xiang’er also uses er and comments that er in this line means “to be with (ru 蔒).” “Obtaining” in line 7 is a translation for de 繥, which usually means “virtue” in Laozi. The original meaning of de is “to obtain” or “to be obtained,” and with this meaning, it can be paired with “losing” in the following line.

25.

There is a thing confusedly formed, born before heaven and earth. Soundless and shapeless, it stands alone and does not change. It can become the mother of heaven and earth. I do not yet know its name; I style it “the Way”; I unwillingly name it “great.” Once being great, it goes away; Once gone away, it is far away; Once far away, it returns. Therefore, the Way is great, heaven is great, earth is great, and the king is great as well. There are four greats in a state, and the king is one of them. Man models himself on earth; Earth models itself on heaven; Heaven models itself on the Way; The Way models itself on nature.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

蛞肵贑茶, 苺詏襽苇. 荨竒蘞竒, 纓翰蝢膻筐, 竑蝋蚾詏襽聪. 薿肼覌絋聐, 螳襺蘇纊, 薿笶蚾襺聐蘇繗. 繗蘇若, 若蘇蚫, 蚫蘇胮. 篿纊繗詏繗襽繗蘌蔥繗, 糑襦蛞艏繗, 蝢蘌筥螐蓿. 蝸腟襽, 襽腟詏, 詏腟纊, 纊腟蟀蕇. Unlike the later editions, Texts A and B use kun 簥 for “confusedly” in line 1. The Chinese research team for MWD suggested reading kun as “simultaneously.”58 The character used in the relevant passage in the Guodian documents, however, is interchangeable with hun 贑 (“confusedly”) in the later editions. There are many explanations regarding the relationship among the terms “being great,” “gone away,” “far away,” and “returning” in lines 7–9. According to Lin Xiyi, because the drawback of a specific term is always realized as soon

231

232 / The Old Master as it is adopted, people attempt to supplement it with another term, and such efforts have resulted in this series of different terms. In line 11, Texts A and B and the Guodian documents all uniformly use guo 糑 for “state,” whereas the later editions use yu 蔧 (“state”). Thus, even though Text B substituted guo for bang 脩 due to the naming taboo, Text A still uses not only bang but also guo to indicate “state.” This passage portrays the greatness of the Way and thus the greatness of Laozi’s way of life. According to it, the Way is a priori, transcendental, imperceptible, independent, constant, substantial, and creating: all these attributes makes the Way greater than people can experience, think, and even imagine. Even the term “the Way” (dao 纊) does not define the true identity of this great thing because it is not a real name but a “style,” an alternative name. In ancient China, an individual received a “style” at the coming of age ceremony, and it was a substitute for the regular name. Because granting a style to a young adult shows a sense of respect for the real name, styling “it” as “the Way” is a way to honor the true identity of “it.” The character dao (“the Way”) is the style for “it” because “heaven and earth and the myriad things are all hinged on it,” a function comparable to that of the ways by which people come and go (Wu Cheng). Its real name, however, is still unfathomable. Thus, Laozi says, “I unwillingly name it ‘great.’ ” “It” is named “great” since “it does not leave anything abandoned.” (Heshanggong) However, it is not a satisfactory name, as the true identity of “it” remains forever veiled. Thus, confusion still exists even after “it” is given its style and name. Even though Laozi states, “[It is] born before heaven and earth” in line 1, in line 10 it equates the Way with heaven, earth, and the king, as one of the four “greats.” Interestingly, in Shuowen jiezi only heaven, earth, and the king are conceived of as representatives of “great.” In its exposition of the character da 繗 (“great”), it says, “Heaven is great, earth is great, and the human is great” (223: 177b). Thus, Laozi now attempts to reveal the greatness of the Way by placing it alongside the obviously great beings. This means that the “greatness of the Way” was under construction when this passage was composed. In line with this, worth noting is that this line also appears in the Guodian documents, but with a different word sequence: “Heaven is great, earth is great, the Way is great, and the king is great as well.” The change of the sequence in Laozi is perhaps part of the effort to spotlight the Way.59 Reading the last line of this passage, “The Way models itself on nature,” would cause confusion because nature here seems more fundamental than the Way. Wang Bi understood the four “greats” as having specific qualities and eventually stratified them. According to him, “wisdom” is an attribute men have, which is inferior to the “ignorance” of earth; “form and body” are attributes earth has, which are inferior to the “essence of vitality and images” found in heaven, which is again inferior to “no-form” in the Way; “principle” is another

Part II: The Way / 233 attribute of the Way, which is inferior to the “no principle” of nature. This reasoning is appealing, but admitting nature’s superiority to the Way would undermine Laozi’s philosophy. Heshanggong explained, “The nature of the Way is natural. Thus, there is nothing [for the Way] to model after.” This is the standard understanding of the relationship between the Way and nature. The Way and nature should not be separated in Laozi’s philosophy, but the issue of whether they are identical to each other is still debatable because the Way is substantial whereas nature is holistic.60 Regardless, the core message of this passage lies in the point that a man should model oneself on nature. Modeling ourselves on nature means learning no-action or complete compliance with the given circumstances. Wang Bi commented, “Those who model themselves on nature attempt to resemble a square shape when they are placed in something square, and attempt to resemble a round shape when they are placed in something round.” Because this passage is intended to impart a teaching to people, rather than to discuss the relationship between the Way and nature, Li Yue from the Tang suggested an interesting way of reading the last four lines: “The king models himself on the fact that earth is earth, models himself on the fact that heaven is heaven, models himself on the fact that the Way is the Way, and models himself on nature.”61

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26.

The heavy is the root of the light; Tranquility is the lord of haste. For this reason the noble man, in traveling all day, does not leave his luggage cart. Even though there are luxurious buildings and harems, he rests without any concern. How can the king of ten thousand chariots take thoughtless actions with his body before all under heaven? In being light, you will lose the root; In being hasty, you will lose the lord.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

襩蚾篕筩, 裀蚾趮糗. 萙蝋糗螲褚螔貇, 膻翟絋謝襩. 菇蛞赂籠, 蕋証謡誦蕇. 蓉谩耎萄襺蘌, 蝢蝋葌篕蓯詏谨. 篕謡葐膩, 褁謡葐糗. Line 3 implies that the noble man does not move lightly or hastily in order to be ahead of people although he could do so. A luggage cart is usually laden with belongings, so it is relatively heavy compared to a carriage containing either passengers or soldiers. “Luxurious buildings” in line 4 is a translation of huanguan 赂籠, and “harems” is yanchu 蕋証. In the later editions, huanguan appears as rongguan 薅籝, usually rendered either “luxurious buildings” or “spectacles.” Considering that guan in Texts A and B can only be related to the former, I have followed the comments of Heshanggong, Cheng Xuanying, and Wang Zhen. The Chinese research team for MWD suggested reading it as “hostels,” but the reason for this speculation is not clear.62 Similarly, there are other interpretations for yanchu. For example, Xue Hui saw it as indicating an abode where government officials could rest privately. I have followed Heshanggong in this regard because his interpretation matches “luxurious buildings.”

235

236 / The Old Master Liang Qichao argued that using “ten thousand chariots” to indicate a big state as seen in line 5 was not possible before the Warring States period because no state was large enough to mobilize “ten thousand chariots.”63 If he knew that the character for “king” in the Mawangdui texts is wang 蘌, not zhu 褨 as in the later editions, he would have been very excited because it was not until the Warring States period that wang began to be used for the lords of the feudal states. During the Spring and Autumn period, wang was used exclusively for the Zhou king. The idea that being prudent is better than taking imprudent actions pervades in the earlier classics, such as the Analects: “If the noble man is not prudent, he cannot have dignity; even if he learns, his understanding will not be firm” (Lunyu jizhu, 1: 8; 197: 15c). Lüshi Chunqiu, like Laozi, recommends that the king aspire to this common wisdom in order to obtain a more secure rule: “It is the means for the king to preserve his family securely to use the big to direct the small, to use the heavy to direct the light, and to use the many to direct the few” (848: 420a). The chapter containing this quotation is titled “Shen shi,” being aware of power. This chapter advises rulers on the importance of maintaining power for a stable rule. “Investigating the light and the heavy, examining the big and the small, and increasing the enfeoffed are the means to develop power. Kingship means to have power; it means to have no rivals in power” (848: 421a). The original proponent of this political idea is the Legalist Shen Dao, as “being aware of power” represents his thought well. As discussed earlier, “Nan shi” in Han Feizi also introduces Shen Dao’s thought. “Yu Lao” in Han Feizi related the teaching of this passage to the story of King Wuning of the state of Zhou, whose name was Zhufu. He was a brilliant ruler who greatly expanded the state’s territory, but eventually died of starvation due to his early abdication to one of his sons, which caused a power struggle among his princes: “Zhufu, as the king of ten thousand chariots, performed a thoughtless action before all under heaven. The state of having no power is called lightness, and the state of leaving one’s position [earlier] is called haste. For this reason, he died after begetting his son You. Therefore, it is said, ‘In being light, you will lose the root; in being hasty, you will lose the lord.’ This saying is about Zhufu” (729: 662ab). This interpretation is compatible with Shen Dao’s thought.

27.

Those who are good at traveling leave no wheel tracks or horse traces; Those who are good at speaking leave no blemishes or flaws; Those who are good at calculating do not use counting sticks. Those who are good at locking gates do not have crossbars and bolts, but no one can open the gates; Those who are good at tying do not have cords and ropes, but no one can untie what they have tied. For this reason, the sage is always good at saving others and never abandons them. As for things, he never abandons useful goods. This is called cloaking brightness. Therefore, the good people are teachers for the good people; The not-good people are resources for the good people. If you do not value your teacher and do not love your resources, though you are wise, you will be greatly deluded. This is called the subtle essential.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

苻貇螿肖詢行, 苻蔀螿肖谯衍, 苻莡螿膻蝋襀訷. 苻诜螿肖籟閭 蝢膻竑篝蒺, 苻箦螿肖⧫蓈蝢膻竑豻蒺. 萙蝋茾蝸豣苻粮蝸蝢 肖絢蝸, 肵肖絢蠊. 萙蛈萂聒. 篿苻蝸苻蝸襺艗, 膻苻蝸苻蝸襺 蟅蒺. 膻糿絋艗, 膻蒨絋蟅, 菇覅賣繗胆, 萙蛈肅蘶. “Crossbars and bolts” in line 4 is a translation for guan 籟 (“crossbars”) and yue 閭 (“bolts”). In all the later editions, yue appears as jian 签, meaning “bolts” in this context as well. This variation is intriguing because as Fangyan noted, “For bolts used in houses, in the regions east of Hangu Pass and in between the states of Chen and Chu, jian is used. To the west of Hangu Pass, yue 閮 is used (in place of jian)” (318d–9a). Even though the yue in Texts A and B is different from the yue in Fangyan, as the former uses the zhu 襐 (“bamboo”) radical

237

238 / The Old Master whereas the latter uses the jin 紼 (“metal”) radical, they are interchangeable. This indicates that the Mawangdui texts came from the area west of Hangu Pass where the state of Qin was located. Most of the later editions have a different wording for line 7, which can be translated as “He is always good at saving things and thus never abandons them.” The quotations in “Daoying xun” in Huainanzi and “Ziran” in Wenzi use the same syntax as seen in the Mawangdui texts. “Cloaking brightness” in line 8 is a translation for xi 萂 (“to cloak” in my view) ming 聒 (“brightness”). Various renditions are possible for this term, three of which are notable: (1) “succeeding the brightness,” as in the comments of Cheng Xuanying, Wang Zhen, and Deqing; (2) “doubling the brightness,” as in the comment of Xue Hui; and (3) my translation, “cloaking brightness,” as in the comments of Lin Xiyi and Wu Cheng. Ren Jiyou, among modern commentators, also adopted the last idea.64 In all the later editions, “for the good people” in line 9 appears as “for the not-good people.” “Yu Lao” in Han Feizi takes the relationship between Lü Xiang, the well-known wise advisor, and King Wen of the Zhou, as an example of “the good people are teachers for the good people,” whereas the impurely motivated dedication of Fei Zhong, the notorious minister of King Jie of the Shang, to the establishment of King Wen’s rule is taken as an example of “the not-good people are resources for the good people” (729: 665bc). This explanation is in accord with the Mawangdui texts. A quite different understanding of line 11 is possible by eliminating “If you.” Some commentators, such as Wang Zhen, Su Zhe, Lu Xisheng, and Wu Cheng, have read it that way because they thought, for example, that “the sage does not have an intention to teach people, therefore he does not love his resources; he does not have an intention to learn, therefore he does not value his teacher” (Su Zhe). In this understanding, the following clause would read, “Though you are wise, you will be greatly deluded [in understanding this teaching].” “Subtle essential” in the last line is a translation for miao 肅 (“subtle”) yao 蘶 (“essential”). In later editions the order of these two characters is reversed, and interpretations of the term also vary. I have followed Heshanggong’s interpretation. Wang Zhen explained that line 1 described a good strategist who could sneak into the enemy’s camp without being detected. In particular, he saw a connection between this line and a sentence in chapter 69, “Though trying to march, I see no enemy’s camp,” which Laozi itself introduced as stemming from strategists. According to Wang Zhen, the following lines are also related to excellent strategies: “leave no blemishes or flaws” means to defend the middle; “not use counting sticks” means to win every war; “no one can open the gates” means to tightly defend; and “no one can untie what they have tied” means to leave no clues for the enemy.

Part II: The Way / 239 Tracks, blemishes, counter sticks, crossbars, cords, and the other similar expressions in the main text are symbols of artificiality. Thus, such action as leaving no tracks or using no counter sticks becomes feasible only when following natural changes. The use of artificial devices to acquire what is desired will cause either the grudges of people or the waste of natural resources. On the contrary, following natural changes will create no “remaining resentments” (79), and the resources will also be saved. Similarly, the reason that “you do not value your teacher and do not love your resources” is because “you” (referring mainly to rulers) are proud of “your” brightness and think that nobody can teach “you.” This is an arrogant attitude and the opposite of “cloaking brightness.” This type of ruler will eventually be ruined due to his reliance on brightness because when “loving your people and enlivening your state,” rulers should do so without knowledge or wisdom (10).

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28.

If you know the male but abide by the female, you will become the ravine of all under heaven. 1 If you become the ravine of all under heaven, virtue will never leave you. 2 If virtue does not leave you, you will return to [the state of ] the baby. 3 If you know the pure but abide by the stained, you will become the valley of all under heaven. 4 If you become the valley of all under heaven, virtue will always be sufficient. 5 If virtue is sufficient, you will return to [the state of ] the untrimmed log. 6 If you know the white but abide by the black, you will become the model of all under heaven. 7 If you become the model of all under heaven, virtue will never be perverted. 8 If virtue is not perverted, you will return to [the state of ] no-limit. 9 When the untrimmed log is chopped up, it becomes tools; 10 When the sage is used, he becomes the chief of the officials. 11 Now, a great system has no cracks. 12 覌絋蚔, 莗絋蟆, 蚾詏谨篱. 蚾詏谨篱, 豣繥膻翟. 繥膻翟, 臊糾 蓯闻葥. 覌絋腅, 莗絋虁, 蚾詏谨簠. 蚾詏谨簠, 豣繥緇褊. 繥緇 褊, 臊糾蓯胟. 覌絋腅, 莗絋趾, 蚾詏谨萫. 蚾詏谨萫, 豣繥膻馩. 繥膻馩, 臊糾蓯肖紞. 胟芅謡蚾絎, 茾蝸虑謡蚾籒蠃. 臄繗裃肖 豉 (“繥,” “腅” from Text B; “蓯” from Wang Bi). To “know the male” in line 1 means to understand the nature of the male but not to follow it (Lin Xiyi). The nature of the male in Laozi is having ambition

241

242 / The Old Master to be ahead of all under heaven, whereas that of the female tends to follow (Wang Bi). Thus, to “abide by the female” means not to seek victory (Lin Xiyi). The natures of the male and the female can also be contrasted using different sets of values, for example, being noble or humble (Heshanggong) or being strong or soft (Cheng Xuanying). Three more sources use the expression “return to [the state of ] the untrimmed log” in line 6: “I [Beigong She] have heard that ‘After being cut and polished, it returns to the untrimmed log . . .’ ” (Zhuangzi, 1056: 99d); “The Book says, ‘After being cut and polished, it returns to the untrimmed log . . .’ ” (Han Feizi, 729: 707c); “Therefore, if a person understands that he needs to understand the One, he will return to the untrimmed log” (Lüshi Chunqiu, 848: 298). Note that the saying cited by Beigong She in Zhuangzi is introduced by Han Feizi as originating from the Book (shu 苗). “No-limit” in line 9 is a translation for wuji 肖紞, which later became a quintessential concept in both Daoism and neo-Confucianism. However, even Wang Bi, who initiated a metaphysical interpretation of Laozi by focusing on the concept of nothingness or nonbeing (wu 肚), did not give special attention to this concept. In his commentary, wuji signifies a state of “no deficiency.” As a historical illustration of lines 1–3, “Daoying xun” in Huainanzi narrates a story centering on Viscount Xiangzi and the powerful aristocrat Zhibai from the state of Zhao. This story is impressive because of Xiangzi’s striking form of revenge on his opponent’s arrogance: he decided to use the skull of the deceased Zhibai as his personal vessel for drinking water. Xiangzi came to have an opportunity to make this cruel revenge because he endured Zhibai’s insults and remained humble when his power was not strong enough to stop Zhibai. “Daoying xun” concludes, “Thus Laozi says, ‘If you know the male but abide by the female, you will become the ravine of all under heaven’ ” (848: 635cd). In the same manner, “Daoying xun” relates lines 4–6 to the story of King Wen in the Zhou dynasty. When King Zhou of the Shang dynasty suspected him of causing a rebellion, King Wen, indulging himself in music and women, pretended his inaptness for doing so with hope to dissuade King Zhou’s suspicion. According to the essay, King Wen eventually paved the way for the establishment of the Zhou dynasty specifically because he endured humiliation by King Zhou. Thus, the essay concludes, “Laozi says, ‘If you know glory but abide by humiliation, you will become the valley of all under heaven’ ” (848: 642d). “Tianxia” in Zhuangzi presents that these teachings derive from Lao Dan: “Lao Dan says, ‘If you know the male but abide by the female, you will become the ravine of all under heaven; if you know the pure but abide by the stained, you will become the valley of all under heaven.’ While all the people try to be ahead, he himself alone tries to be behind” (1056: 164cd). Lao Dan’s thought is epitomized in “Buer” in Lüshi Chunqiu as “valuing softness” (848: 421d), which is concurrent with these teachings. “Tianxia,” however, does not mention the

Part II: The Way / 243 last of the three sets of comparable values in this passage, “the white (bai 腅)” and “the black” in line 7. “The male” and “the female” in line 1 and “the pure (baiG 腅)” and “the stained” in line 4 are the two other sets. In contrast, the later editions changed one bai (“the pure”) in the Mawangdui texts into rong 薅 (“glory”), and rearranged the order of the three sets of comparable values. Consequently, the three sets in the later editions have become “the male” and “the female,” “the white” and “the black,” and “glory” and “the stained.”65 This editing must have occurred in the early Han dynasty because “Daoying xun” in Huainanzi uses the same wording as that in the later editions in this respect. This also means that “Tianxia” precedes “Daoying xun” because this editing did not occur in “Tianxia.” If “Tianxia” preserves the original saying of Lao Dan with respect to this passage and the last set of comparable values was added later, this emphasis on “the black” may reflect the fact that the Qin valued the color black, based on the Theory of the Circulation of the Five Virtues by Zou Yan: “The First Emperor investigated the commentaries on the circulation of the five virtues, and concluded that the Zhou dynasty had acquired the virtue of fire. Since the Qin dynasty followed the Zhou, he thought that the virtue of the Qin would embody what the virtue of the Zhou could not overcome, and thus that it was time for the virtue of water to emerge. He changed the beginning of the year, thus receiving the subjects’ celebration on October 1, and valued the color black in costumes and various banners” (Shiji, 6: 237). Finally, some have questioned whether the idea in lines 10–11 is compatible with Laozi’s teaching in general. Xue Hui commented, “making the untrimmed log chopped up to make tools is neither the pure spirit of heaven and earth nor the great essence of the ancient people. . . . [H]owever, if the sage uses [a person with] the quality of this log, he will make him into a chief of officials [who has integrated all the responsibilities of the officials], rather than a low official [who has a specific job to which he is bound].” This comment shows an effort to resolve the seeming contradiction between the utilitarian perspective presented in these lines and Laozi’s idealism. This comment was possible because in the later editions the particle zhi 襺 was attached after yong 虑 (“to use”) so that line 11 would read: “When the sage uses it [the untrimmed log], it will become the head of officials.” In the Mawangdui texts, however, this reading is not available. As a matter of fact, these lines do not contradict Laozi’s teaching. The sage, in this book, always appears as a ruler who can rescue the world, and thus it is natural that he is used for that purpose. If the untrimmed log merely remains intact in a recluse’s home, people would feel no need to discuss it. “Even if one has the volition to rule the people, this will not be accomplished unless there are proper tools” (Liji zhushu, 116: 311b). Every ruler should prepare “proper tools,” and the sage in Laozi is no exception. The difference between the good rulers in the Record of Rites and Laozi is that the tools prepared by

244 / The Old Master Laozi’s sage mirror the nature of the untrimmed log, whereas those used by the Confucian ruler are ornate with rituals and proprieties. In Laozi’s view, those Confucian tools are eventually detrimental to people’s lives. And, those who have used detrimental tools for ruling people will, in their defiance of the given circumstances, also be detrimental. In Laozi’s eyes, this artificiality will result in creating huge cracks, while sage leaves no cracks by being completely compliant with the natural changes and circumstances. Thus, it concludes in the following line; “Now, a great system has no cracks.”

29.

If those who wish to obtain all under heaven act on it, I see that it is impossible. Now, all under heaven is a mysterious vessel, not something that can be acted on. Those who act on it will ruin it; Those who try to grasp it will lose it. Things sometimes go forward, sometimes follow behind; Sometimes are hot, sometimes cold; Sometimes are stiff, sometimes broken; Sometimes are piled up, sometimes fallen. For this reason, the sage rejects the extreme, the excessive, and the extravagant.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

蟧蘽諵詏谨蝢蚾襺, 薿箟絋膻织蝒. 臄詏谨葃絎蒺, 舭竑蚾螿蒺. 蚾螿讷襺, 觖螿葐襺. 肵贍貇贍菆, 贍蕣贍諶, 贍笷贍頑, 贍脯贍謸. 萙蝋茾蝸筤葛筤譭筤艑 (“諶, 贍笷” from Fu Yi). How to obtain all under heaven is one of the major questions in Laozi. Its answer to this question has already been presented in chapters 48, 57, and 66: “If you want to acquire all under heaven, you must always have no commitments” (48). “Acquire all under heaven with no commitment” (57). “When the sage wants to be above the people, he must, through his words, place himself low” (66). In brief, all under heaven cannot be obtained by ambitious commitments, which usually entail coercive measures. So, you should endure the given circumstances until all under heaven, impressed with your virtue of endurance and self-effacement, call you to become their leader. In other words, you should wait for the natural change of public opinion. This is Laozi’s tactic for obtaining all under heaven without conflict or struggle. Confucianism also emphasizes harmony with ones’ surroundings. In an intriguing passage, Mencius describes his master Confucius as a person who

245

246 / The Old Master “can serve the country when it is the right time, and can stop serving when it is the right time” (Mengzi jizhu, 2A: 22; 197: 112d). Confucius himself also said, “When there is the Way in a state, it is humiliating to be poor and ignoble; when there is not the Way in a state, it is humiliating to be rich and noble” (Lunyu jizhu, 8: 13, 177: 44a). Confucians, however, leave the perverted country whereas Daoists stay because they are better than Confucians at waiting for natural changes. In that sense, Daoists are more enduring, whereas Confucians are more responsive. According to Su Zhe, because of “the naturalness of things and the inevitability of things’ development” opposite qualities alternatively appear as narrated in lines 5–8. No standard or center is endorsed in Laozi. Thus, an attempt to secure a fixed position is “the extreme, the excessive, and the extravagant” in the last line. Similar teachings are found in chapters 2 and 58, and in the Changes: “There is regret for the dragon [who soars to] the utmost place” (Zhouyi zhushu, 7: 4a).

30.

Assist the ruler of men with the Way; Do not domineer over all under heaven with weapons. Such deeds will deeply receive retribution; In places where armies have stationed, thorns and brambles will grow. Those who are good [at fighting] just gain a victory, but do not seize strength from it. Gaining a victory, but not arrogant, gaining a victory, but not boastful, gaining a victory, but not bragging, gaining a victory, but not by force, these are called “gaining a victory but not domineering.” Things become tough, then soon grow old. This is called being contrary to the Way. Being contrary to the Way will lead to an early end.

1 2 3 4 5

6 7 8 9

蝋纊褢蝸褨, 膻蝋腹笶蓯詏谨. 絋艃賨资. 艗襺荓筥, 誗紝苇襺. 苻螿籂蝢蝒蝁, 膻蝋諵笶蓿. 籂蝢膻粙, 籂蝢膻絇, 籂蝢膻腒, 籂蝢膻织蝒筥. 萙蛈籂蝢膻笶. 肵蟥蝢緢, 萙蛈襺膻纊. 膻纊製 蝒 (“艃賨资. 艗襺” from Wang Bi). Most of the characters in line 3 are missing in Texts A and B, and in the Guodian documents, this line appears at the end of this passage without huan 资 (“to receive retribution”). The precise meaning of the phrase in the Guodian documents is still in question. I have here supplemented the missing characters, based on the later editions that do not display variances serious enough to discuss. A slightly different translation is possible for this line as seen in Wang Bi. My translation is in accordance with the comments of Xiang’er and Li Rong of the Tang dynasty. Line 4 appears in both the Mawangdui texts and the later editions, although it is missing in the Guodian documents. The later editions add another line after

247

248 / The Old Master this one, rendered as “In the wake of a huge army, there must be a bad harvest.” It is missing in both the Mawangdui and Guodian texts. Interestingly, in Liu An’s memorial to the Han emperor introduced in the biography of Yan Zhu in Hanshu, only this line is quoted as derived from Laozi, whereas the additional line in the later editions is referred to as a saying circulated among the people (64A: 2780 and 2784). Thus, the edition of Laozi Liu An (179–122 bce) referred to did not contain the additional line, so it must have been added to Laozi sometime after Liu An’s death in 122 bce. “Gain a victory” in line 5 is a translation for guo 籂. This character can also mean “to act resolutely” (Cheng Xuanying, Su Zhe, Lin Xiyi, Wu Cheng, and so on) or “to be bold” (Heshanggong), which seem incompatible with Laozi’s teaching: “Those who are brave in daring will die; those who are brave in not daring will survive” (73). Lü Huiqing reads guo as “to beat enemies,” which is also congruous with the comments of Wang Anshi and Dong Sijing. The philosophers of early China often advised rulers not to rely on military power for social integration. The exemplary sage kings in the ancient times were uniformly virtuous, suppressing their subjects’ ambition for military strength. Many masters were also not generals but theorists, so naturally emphasized the initiative role of administrative excellence rather than military superiority in stabilizing a society. Echoing the universality of this idea, even Guan Zhong, a proponent of Legalism, offered a similar idea: “Guan Zhong says, ‘The lords of the feudal states should not be greedy for territory. Once they are greedy for territory, they will labor to build military power, and this causes harm to people’s lives. If people’s lives are harmed, many deceptions will arise. . . . [F]or this reason, those who understood the Way of the former kings in the ancient times did not contend in military power”66 (Guanzi, 729: 81a). Thus, the pacifism in Laozi is not unique. While Laozi claims, “Such deeds will deeply receive retribution,” Mencius stated, “Those who are good at fighting will receive great punishment” (Mengzi jizhu, 4A: 14; 197: 142d). Compared to the fierce antagonism against war in Mohism, Laozi’s pacifism is rather self-limited and conditional. The next passage discusses the inevitability of using weapons, although such use is advised only as a last resort.

31.

Now, weapons are instruments of ill omen; Things [people and ghosts] often dislike them. Therefore, even the man of desire does not dwell with them. The noble man values the left on ordinary days, the right when commanding troops. Therefore, weapons are not instruments of the noble man; Weapons are instruments of ill omen and are only used when there is no other choice. Though sharp weapons are excellent, do not beautify them. If you beautify them, it is to delight in the killing of people. Now, those who are fond of the killing of people cannot have their way before all under heaven. For this reason, we honor the left on auspicious events, the right in mourning. For this reason, the deputy general stands on the left, and the chief general stands on the right. This is to say that they are arranged according to funeral rites. When multitudes of people are killed, you should proceed with sorrow and grief; When winning a war, you should arrange occasions with funeral rites.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

臄腹螿, 膻芵襺絎蒺. 肵贍藈襺, 篿蛞蘽螿臼筥. 糗螲筥謡 糿褤, 虑腹謡糿虠. 篿腹螿舭糗螲襺絎蒺, 腹螿膻芵襺絎蒺, 膻织蝒蝢虑襺. 铒萂蚾芟, 肳胃蒺. 蓉胃襺, 萙葼芐蝸蒺. 臄綟 芐蝸, 膻竑蝋织西蓯詏谨蝁. 萙蝋綋艃芟褤, 芤艃芟虠. 萙蝋诅 蟧糛筥褤, 芟蟧糛筥虠, 蔀蝋芤罜筥襺蒺. 芐蝸襨, 蝋舍蒥錆襺. 衝萆, 蝋芤罜証襺. Lines 1–3 may provoke some philological questions. The first line appears again in the following part of this passage, and lines 2–3 already appeared 249

250 / The Old Master in chapter 23. In the Guodian documents, these three lines are missing.67 In Text A, the scribe crossed out the first line and then rewrote it. Lines 4–6 may also bring up a philological question. Line 4 narrates a similar idea to that of line 11; line 5 is almost identical to line 1; and the first half of line 6 repeats line 1. This passage and chapter 66 are the two writings that have no comment in the Wang Bi edition. Based on this, Chao Yuezhi (1059–1129), in the preface of the Wang Bi edition, argued that Wang Bi himself knew that this passage did not entirely originate with Laozi. The perception that weapons are instruments of ill-omen percolates other sources as well, for example, in Fan Li’s saying in Guoyu: “Now bravery is something which opposes virtue; weapons are instruments of evil” (406: 181a). Lüshi Chunqiu also presents a similar idea: “Now weapons are instruments of evil in all under heaven; bravery is the power of evil in all under heaven. Holding instruments of evil and practicing the power of evil is derived from having no other choice” (848: 330d). As in this writing, Laozi is resigned to using weapons only in a situation wherein there is no other choice (see line 6). The expression “weapons are instruments of ill-omen” in line 1 is also seen in at least two passages in Shiji (111: 2954; 122: 3141). “Sharp weapons” in line 7 is a translation for xianxi 铒萂. In the later editions, this word usually appears as tian 緓 (“to remain calm”) dan 縸 (“to have plainness”), and the Chinese research team for MWD also suggested reading this word as tiandan.68 In that case, the translation of the related part will become as follows: “. . . and are only used when there is no other choice. However, remaining calm and having plainness is the best.” The Mawangdui texts and the Guodian documents, however, use xianxi, which signifies weapons (Zhang Songru) or a pair of long and short sharpened spears (Wei Qipeng).69 Before the excavation of the archaeological documents, Lao Jian suggested reading tiandan in the later editions as “sharpness of weapons.”70 “Auspicious events” and “mourning” in line 10 were the categories used to divide “the five great rites of state” into two. Among them, the rites of coronation, of marriage in the royal family, and of meeting with other rulers were auspicious, whereas the rites of military affairs and of national mourning were of mourning. Thus, in the great rites the right and the left were equally important, and either one was chosen according to the occasion. Therefore, line 10 does not inform us which side was generally valued more. Rather, it informs us which side was respected on a specific occasion. This point is buttressed by some sources attesting that people in ancient times valued the left on ordinary days and the right during mourning: “Confucius was standing with his disciples. As he pressed his hands together [as a token of respect], he placed the right hand over the left. The disciples also placed their right hand over the left. Confucius said, ‘You guys really like to learn. I did so because I am in mourning for my sister.’ The disciples then all placed their left hand

Part II: The Way / 251 over the right” (Liji zhushu, 115: 153c). “The Way of heaven values the left, so the sun and the moon move leftward; the way of earth values the right, so the waters flow rightward. . . . [I]n the rite of auspicious events, people move around to the left. This is in order to follow heaven and thereby benefit the root. In the rite of military affairs, people move around to the right. This is in order to follow earth and thereby benefit the army” (Yi Zhoushu, 370: 22c).

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32.

The Way always has no name. Though an untrimmed log is small, no one under heaven dares to make it a servant. If a princely king can abide by this, the myriad things will submit to him of themselves. Heaven and earth unite to send down sweet dew; The people on their own share equally without being ordered. When a system was established for the first time, there emerged names. Once names emerge, now, you should know to stop. Knowing to stop is the way to not be in danger. The Way to all under heaven is like a small valley to rivers and seas.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

纊豣肚聐, 胟菇荐蝢詏谨臼笝葆. 越蘌蓉縑莗襺, 耎肵蟧蟀舼. 詏襽芴豗, 蝋莾笡罭, 胐翿襺罈蝢蟀紒蓿. 萐裃蛞聐. 聐蔥絝蛞, 臄蔥蟧覌覈. 覌覈荓蝋膻議. 航纊襺蠇詏谨, 蛫荐簠襺蔛笹豸蒺. In line 2, Hu Shi suggested reading pu 胟 (“untrimmed log”) as associated with the first line. In his suggestion, the beginning of this passage would read, “The Way always has no name and is like an untrimmed log. Though it is small. . . .” It is acceptable in the context. In the same line, “it” virtually means one who is like an untrimmed log. In chapter 37, lines 1 and 3 are repeated with an approximately identical wording: “The Way always has no name. If a princely king can abide by this, myriad things will become cultivated by themselves.” The metaphor of the untrimmed log also appears in the passage. In contrast, chapter 37 begins as follows: “The Way always takes no action, yet there is nothing left undone. . . .” The Guodian documents contain both passages related to chapters 32 and 37

253

254 / The Old Master and their wording is on a par with that of the Mawangdui texts. However, the passage related to chapter 37 in the Guodian documents begins with a similar wording to that of the later editions: “The Way always takes no action. . . .” How the Mawangdui texts became distinctive in this respect, however, is not clear. In the last line, the Way is compared to a small valley, and all under heaven to rivers and seas. Because Laozi says “rivers and oceans can be the kings of hundreds of valleys” (66), this comparison may seem incompatible with the notion of the Way in the book. This inconsistency has caused some to contend that “small valley” and “rivers and the sea” should switch places. The Mawangdui texts and the Guodian documents, however, are identical in this phrasing. Since an untrimmed log has no specific use, people usually think that it is useless. All vessels and tools, however, are made from an untrimmed log, so it is the base of the myriad things. “When the untrimmed log is chopped up, it becomes tools” (28). Since it is the base, the myriad things will eventually return to it. “If virtue is sufficient, you will return to [the state of ] the untrimmed log” (28). In contrast with things having a particular use or name, the untrimmed log (the Way) itself has no use or name, so it is not used by anyone. Being able to generate specific usages but not being used or consumed, this is the ideal feature of the ruler, which comes after taking no action or having no name. Thus, Laozi says, “If a princely king can abide by this [way], the myriad things will submit to him of themselves.” Lines 4–5 seem to describe an ancient time when these ideal rulers existed. Whereas lines 4–5 depict an autonomous society, line 6 represents the later society where institutions and systems became necessary for social integration and people accordingly came to distinguish names, that is, social standings and responsibilities. Wang Bi commented, “ ‘When a system was established for the first time’ indicates the moment the untrimmed log was chopped up and [a man similar to it] became the chief of the officials. As the chief of the officials came to be established for the first time, it became inevitably necessary to build people’s social standings and thereby distinguish the noble from the humble.” Laozi teaches that in this institutionalized society, it is crucial to be self-sufficient, to avoid danger, because “no disaster is greater than not knowing contentment” (46), and “if you know contentment, you will not be disgraced; if you know when to stop, you will not be endangered” (44). A passage in the Great Learning is compatible with this teaching: “Only after knowing when to stop, can you be established; only after being established, can you be tranquil; only after being tranquil, can you be at ease; only after being at ease, can you contemplate; only after contemplating, can you have an attainment” (Daxue zhangju, 197: 4d).

33.

One One One One One One One One

who who who who who who who who

knows others is wise; knows himself is bright; overcomes others has power; overcomes himself is strong; knows contentment is rich; practices fiercely is resolute; does not lose his place endures; is not forgotten when dead is long lived.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

覌蝸螿覅蒺, 蟀覌螿聒蒺. 萆蝸螿蛞缩蒺, 蟀萆螿笶蒺. 覌褊 螿臈蒺, 笶貇螿蛞西蒺. 膻葐絋荓螿粜蒺, 艠膻耝螿莕蒺 (“螿” from Wang Bi). Xiang’er, Wang Bi, Heshanggong, and many other commentators saw that lines 1 and 3 were being contrasted with lines 2 and 4, and that they represented inferior, if not negative, virtue. For example, Wang Bi commented, “Knowing others is no more than wisdom, so it cannot be equal to knowing oneself and thereby being able to transcend wisdom. Overcoming others is no more than power, so it cannot be equal to overcoming oneself and thereby being protected from being overpowered by things.”71 It is true that in Laozi’s hierarchy of values “brightness” (mingG 聒) in line 2 excels “wisdom” (zhi 覅) in line 1 as seen in chapters 55 and 19: “Harmony is called steadiness, and to know harmony is called brightness” (55). “Break off with sagehood and throw away wisdom; then the people will benefit a hundredfold” (19). On the other hand, in other chapters Laozi never embraces such values as “power” in line 3 and “strong” in line 4. Although in chapter 52 it seems to compromise with “strength,” its contextual message is to clarify the merits of abiding by softness. Chapters 30, 36, 42, 55, 76, and 78 apparently warn against ambition to be strong. Moreover, in line 6, “One

255

256 / The Old Master who practices fiercely” is positively evaluated as “resolute.” Zhan He, one of the source thinkers for Laozi, evidently opposed this idea: “If you cannot control yourself, you’d better follow your desires. Even though you follow them, the mysterious power will not abhor you. Trying fiercely not to follow them despite it being out of your control is called gravely hurting life; those who gravely hurt their life rarely enjoy longevity” (848: 466c). It is obvious that “valuing life,” the idea that Zhan He attempted to deliver to his student here, constitutes one of the indispensable components of Laozi. Understanding of Laozi as a compiled, rather than single-authored, book may lessen some onus of explaining this incongruence in the book. In the later editions, the last line reads, “One who does not perish even when dead is long-lived.” This reading is possible because they use wang 耛 (“to perish”) instead of the homophonic wang 耝 (“to be forgotten”) in Texts A and B.72 This alteration diminishes the significance of some comments by Xiang’er, Heshanggong, and Cheng Xuanying, which focus on the phrase “not perish” in the later editions in order to link this passage to the Daoist practices for immortality. For example, Xiang’er commented, “If a Daoist practices the Way on ordinary days, the God of the Way will return to him. If he walks through the Great Yin, leaving the world behind and committing the matter of death [to the Way], then he will be resurrected and will not perish. Because of this, Laozi stated that they would be long-lived.” In the Mawangdui texts, however, this line delivers a simple statement that is easy to understand.

34.

Traveling, the Way can go left or right. It accomplishes merits and completes its tasks, yet does not have a name; Myriad things return to it, yet it does not become their lord. It has no desires, so it may be called “small.” Myriad things return to it, yet it does not become their lord, so it may be called “great.” For this reason, the sage can accomplish greatness because he does not work toward greatness. Therefore, he can accomplish greatness.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

纊腚竒絋竑褤虠蒺. 茶簲莿艃蝢臼聐蛞蒺, 耎肵糾蓿蝢臼蚾褨, 謡豣肖蘽蒺, 竑聐蓯荐. 耎肵糾蓿蝢臼蚾褨, 竑聐蓯繗. 萙蝋茾 蝸襺縑茶繗蒺, 蝋絋膻蚾繗蒺. 篿縑茶繗. “Traveling” in line 1 is a translation for fan 腛, the primary meaning of which is “to float.” This meaning can be extended to signify “to travel everywhere” (Wang Bi, Lu Xisheng), “great” (Wu Cheng), or “to have no obstruction” (Lin Xiyi, Dong Sijing). “Qiwu lun” (“Discussion of Sorting which Evens Things Out”) in Zhuangzi describes the Way similarly to this line: “Now the Way has no boundaries from the beginning, and words have no constant principle. Only because of ‘this,’ there emerges a distinction [between this and that]” (1056: 15b). Because the Way has no boundaries, it can travel around without obstruction, as phrased in this line. According to line 4, the Way is “small.” Of course, it is “small” not in size but in perceptibility, which means that it is evasive and subtle. It is called “small” because, as noted in line 4, “it has no desires.” Because “it has no desires,” the Way gets to have no name and nothing distinctive by which it can be perceived. Laozi states, “Though an untrimmed log is small, no one under heaven dare make it a servant” (32). An untrimmed log is called “small” here

257

258 / The Old Master as well because it has no name. Even though the Way “accomplishes merits and completes its tasks,” it “does not have a name” in relation to its merits and the accomplishments, and even though “myriad things return to it,” “it does not become their lord.” Thus, the Way has no desires. In terms of its merits, however, it is “great.” Thus, “small” and “great” coexist as aspects of the Way. It may appear evasive to the logical mind querying about the seeming contradiction between “small” and “great.” The sage is one who follows the Way. Thus, lines 6–7 say, “the sage can accomplish greatness because he does not work toward greatness. Therefore, he can accomplish greatness.” Su Zhe commented, “[The Way is] Great, but if it has the ambition to be great, it will become small.” To become “great,” be “small” first. This is the strategy of Laozi.

35.

When the great characters are announced, all under heaven come [to the palace to see them]. If they come and meet with no harm, then the world will enjoy calm and peace. Food and music make the passerby stop. Therefore, the Way, appearing through words, says: Plain, it has no taste. Though we try to look at it, it is not enough for us to see it; Though we try to listen to it, it is not enough for us to hear it. Yet when we put it to use, we cannot use it up.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

觖繗芻, 詏谨蘈. 蘈蝢膻豵, 蒃诐譭. 葼蔛蝯, 籉筝覈. 篿纊 襺諨蔀蒺蘇: 縸竒絋肖肶蒺. 萣襺膻褊箟蒺, 誀襺膻褊肯蒺, 虑襺膻竑絝蒺. “Great characters” in line 1 is a translation for da 繗 (“great”) xiang 芻 (“images” literally). This term has usually been translated as the “great image,” implying the Way. The excavation of the Guodian documents, however, brings up a new interpretation of this term with consideration on its relationship to a practice of the Zhou court. According to this theory, every January in the lunar calendar the Zhou court announced its primary laws and regulations in the form of large notices on the main palace gate in order to attract people’s attention, and these written laws and regulations were called “great images.” In this case, images (xiang) signify writings and letters. This was an important event for the entire state, so when the court announced the “great images,” that is, characters, people usually came to the gate to see them. The Chinese classics call this practice “to announce [she 茡] the [great] characters.” In Laozi, she appears as zhi 觖 (“to hold on to”), but the related passage in the Guodian documents uses she, an obsolete character homophonic with she, in place of zhi in the Mawangdui texts and the later editions. In fact, zhi in the Mawangdui texts is similar in shape

259

260 / The Old Master to she in the Guodian documents, and due to this similarity she may have been changed to zhi in the Mawangdui texts.73 With this interpretation the meaning of the following expressions, such as “all under heaven come” and “Food and music make the passersby stop,” may become clear. In particular, “Food and music” in line 3 may mean the commodities or entertainment offered or sold to the people who gathered in front of the gate for this event.74 In the second line, “then” is a translation for an 蒃, which usually indicates “stability.” In contrast to the ancient commentaries, Wang Yinzhi read this character as “then.” This view gains support from many usages of an with the same meaning in the Mawangdui texts and especially in the Guodian documents. The implication of this line, in my view, is that if the people who come and see the great characters agree with the current politics, the entire country will experience no disorder or conflict. Thus, this line is a description of a presumed peaceful society. The ideas in line 5–8 are found elsewhere in Laozi. Line 5 is related to “Practice taking no action; commit yourself to no commitment; taste what has no taste” (63); lines 6–7 to “Though trying to look at it, we cannot see it. We name it ‘indistinct’; though trying to listen to it, we cannot hear it. We name it ‘inaudible’ ” (14); and line 8 to “In using it, you can never make it exhausted” (6).

36.

If you wish to make it recoiled, you must first stretch it. If you wish to make it weak, you must first strengthen it. If you wish to eliminate it, you must first promote it. If you wish to take from it, you must first give to it. This is called being bright at subtlety; The soft and the weak overcome the strong. Fish should not escape from a pond. The state’s good tools should not be shown to others.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

蟧蘽跍襺SG 谞篸蟪襺UG 蟧蘽蓅襺SG 谞篸笶襺UG 蟧蘽筤襺SG 谞篸 筪襺UG 蟧蘽譝襺SG 谞篸蔍襺UG 萙蛈肻聒UG 蛠蓅萆笶UG 蓵膻竑譞 蓯蕃SG 脩翈絎膻竑蝋萟蝸 (“竑” from Text B). The connotation of “fish,” “pond,” and “good tools” in lines 7–8 is not clear. “Yu Lao” in Han Feizi states that “fish” and “pond” respectively symbolize “lords” and “power”: “Great power is a pond to lords. The lord of people is the person who exerts great power amongst subjects. If he loses it, he won’t be able to recover it” (729: 662b; a similar idea is also seen in 729: 694b). On the contrary, Fan Yingyuan sees “fish” and “pond” as symbolizing people and the Way respectively. Although most commentators agree with Fan Yingyuan on this, some early sources, such as “Daoying xun” in Huainanzi (848: 639a), Han Shi waizhuan (89: 831c), and “Jundao” (“The Way of Lords”) in Shuoyuan (696: 13cd), follow the translation in “Yu Lao.” Suggestions for the meaning of “good tools” also vary. In the context of “Yu Lao,” it implies “rewards and punishments.” On the other hand, it means “political technique of ruling the subjects” to Wang Bi, “the Way of circumstantial judgment” to Heshanggong and Lu Xisheng, “troops” to Wang Zhen, “the Way” to Lin Xiyi, “sharp weapons” to Fan Yingyuan, and so on. Noting a hint of conspiracy in this passage, the pioneering neo-Confucian scholar Cheng Yi (1033–1107) once said, “The words in the book Laozi have

261

262 / The Old Master some ideas that we cannot endorse, just as ice and coal cannot abide with each other. In the beginning, it seems to intend to discuss the obscurely subtle aspect of the Way, but later it proceeds to machination and fraudulence, an example of which can be seen in its saying ‘If you wish to take from it, you must first give to it’ ” (quoted from the Xue Hui edition). To those deontologists who emphasize moral principles rather than consequence and utility, this strategy for making others recoiled, weak, eliminated, and taken will surely seem to be a theory of machination. In fact, a few early sources relate the tactic presented here to some historical cases of machination as follows: “If Your Majesty concedes land to Zhibai [on his request], he will be insolent and will then denigrate his rivals. Accordingly, the neighboring countries will fear him and become allied with us. If we confront a country which denigrates its rivals, using a closed allied military force, Zhibai’s life won’t last long. Zhoushu [Documents of Zhou] says, ‘If you wish to defeat it, you must temporarily support it; if you wish to take from it, you must temporarily give to it.’ Thus, it was better for Your Majesty to transfer the land in order to make Zhibai arrogant” (Han Feizi, 729: 666b). This was Ren Zhang’s explanation of his advice to Lord Xuanzi of the state of Wei whom Zhibai had asked to concede him a certain territory. As anticipated, Zhibai was consequently annihilated by the allied force of his neighboring countries. A similar case is introduced in Lüshi Chunqiu, transferring the roles of the protagonists in the previous episode to the king of the state of Yuan, the wise advisor Fan Yao, and the arrogant lord Min of the state of Qi. It reads, “Shi [Poetry] says, ‘If you wish to destroy it, you must first pile it up; if you wish to eliminate it, you must first promote it.’ Does this saying discuss this case [between the king of the state of Yuan and Lord Min of the state of Qi]? Only those who are with the Way won’t be destroyed while being exalted, and won’t be eliminated while being promoted” (848: 458b). Interestingly, these two sources quote the same teaching as that of this passage from other unknown sources, Zhoushu and Shi respectively.75 In “Wei ce” (“Intrigues of the State of Wei”) in Zhanguo ce, a story nearly identical to the one in Han Feizi also identifies Zhoushu as its source (406: 387cd). These three sources, Han Feizi, Lüshi Chunqiu, and Zhanguo ce were all completed sometime between the late Warring States period and the early Han. This may support my argument that Laozi was compiled after 286 bce. In contrast with the harsh criticism by Cheng Yi, some justifications are also found in the old commentaries. For example, Fan Yingyuan insisted that the genuine teaching of this passage was distorted by some commentators, such as Heshanggong, Han Feizi, and Wang Pang (1042–1076), who were convinced with the existence of political implication of this passage. In Fan Yingyuan’s view, this passage merely presents that “only the sage can see the obvious consequences with obscure subtlety.” Another defense by Lu Xisheng argued

Part II: The Way / 263 that even though this passage discussed the matter of circumstantial judgment, it eventually asserted that the sage’s practice of it was not a departure from the Way. Su Zhe also claimed that although this passage might seem to convey the Legalist idea, they differed in that the sage in Laozi relied on the natural development of things whereas common rulers used their cleverness. In my view, Su Zhe’s comment gets more to the point. Above all, Laozi never promotes manipulations, false alarms, and deception. It indeed pursues a good consequence, but only through the virtue of comprehending the penetrating truth of natural changes. For comparison, read a passage in Sunzi: “Strategies in military affairs is the Way of deceiving others. Therefore, military strategists pretend to be incapable of doing something which they are capable of; they pretend not to make use of something while they make use of it; they make others believe that something is far away while it is near; they make others believe that something is near while it is far away” (726: 46bc). This is nothing but the machination. Whereas Sunzi allows deceiving people, Laozi presents the principle embedded in natural changes. Thus, this is not a machination, but an art of living. This art of living is based on a worldview that says, “Reversal is the movement of the Way” (40), and adopts a theory of practice summarized as, “By taking the opposite way against things, it reaches the great compliance” (65). Only after grasping the principle of natural changes and complying with it can people ensure a peaceful preservation of life. In this sense, Laozi teaches us in this passage to start by abandoning the desire to stretch, be strong, and so forth, and to wait for the change of things until “it” becomes recoiled, weak, and so forth, in its natural course of development. It does not encourage people to manipulate situations because “the Way of heaven, the principle of things, and affairs in human life contain nothing unrelated to this teaching” (Lü Huiqing) and because “when stretching comes to its extreme point, it turns and becomes recoiled . . . is the inevitability of the principle” (Dong Sijing). In other words, Laozi teaches here to “let those stuffs [which are stretching, strong, and so forth] perish by themselves according to the nature of things” (Wang Bi). When things are declining, anticipating that they will perish is easy. Foreseeing the same result when things are growing is difficult because then the symptoms of decline are subtle. Understanding the process of growth and decline with its subtle signs is called here “being bright at subtlety (weiming 肻 聒)” in line 5. This term may be related to an old saying in Xunzi: If you wish to see affairs which will occur in a thousand years, you must count today’s events; if you wish to know millions and billions of things, you must inquire into one or two; if you wish to know the ancient world, you must inquire into the Way of the Zhou; if you wish to know the Way of the Zhou, you must inquire into the noble men who were respected by the Zhou people. Therefore,

264 / The Old Master there is a saying which says, “I know about events which occur far away by observing nearby occasions; I know ten thousand things by observing one; and I know brightness [ming 聒], by observing subtlety [wei 肻].” This saying was uttered in that sense. (695: 142a)

37.

The Way always has no name. If a princely king can abide by this, myriad things will become cultivated by themselves. Having become cultivated, should their desires arise, I will subdue them with the nameless untrimmed log. If I subdue them with the nameless untrimmed log, they will not have desires. When they do not have desires and stay tranquil, heaven and earth will be correct by themselves.

1 2 3 4 5

纊豣肚聐SG越蘌蓉莗襺SG耎肵蟧蟀财UG财蝢蘽蟇SG薿蟧觀襺蝋肚 聐襺胟UG 觀襺蝋肚聐襺胟SG 臄蟧膻蘽UG 膻蘽蝋裀SG 詏襽蟧蟀袢. The first line appears in the later editions as “The Way takes no action, but there is nothing left undone.” This verse in the later editions is one of the most well-known in Laozi. However, at least from the evidence of the Mawangdui texts, the existence of this verse in the book can hardly be assured. The relevant passage in the Guodian documents states, “The Way takes no action” in place of the first line. In line 4, Texts A and B use ru 虁 (“disgrace”) in place of yu 蘽 (“desire”) in the later editions. Xu Kangsheng suggested reading ru literally, but I read it as interchangeable with yu in the later editions.76 This passage is another manifestation of Laozi’s obscurantism. “Daoying xun” in Huainanzi relates it to the obvious obscurantist policy of Lü Xiang, the advisor to King Wu of the Zhou dynasty: “If you wish to secure power for a long time, block up the people’s mouths and lead them into indulgence in entirely useless affairs and tedious teachings. . . . [I]f you can change the custom in this direction, you can seize the entire world without losing it. Therefore, Laozi says, ‘Having become cultivated, should their desires arise, I will subdue them with the nameless untrimmed log’ ” (848: 648bc).77 Of course, other

265

266 / The Old Master interpretations are also possible, of which Heshanggong may represent a typical one: “If the people wish to promote artificiality and dishonesty, lords and kings themselves should subdue them with the Way and virtue.” Text B adds a note at the end of this passage that says, “Dao 纊 (the Way), two-four-two-six.” This evidently indicates that the second part of the book was titled “Dao” with 2,426 characters. Since Text B already mentioned that the first part consisted of 3,041 characters, Text B consequently comprises of 5,467 characters altogether.

CHINESE GLOSSARY

Ai 蒥 Ancheng 蒃茶 Bai 腅 Bai Qi 腅綀 Baiguan gongqing biao 腆籒簰箶谉 Bajielang 讱竲绻 Ban Gu 胷篸 Bao Biao 诹谂 Baopuzi 诨胞螲 Baoshan 诟芄 Beigong She 臦糡艑 Bian Shao 腲药 Biaoji 谉絽 Bie lei 腳羯 Bingfa 腹腟 Boxue 胚谷 Buer 臺蝊 Cai 訲 Cangxie 訨跣 Chang 訜 Changsha 蠃艡 Chao Gongwu 裤簰肘 Chao Yuezhi 裤茢襺 Chen 观 Chen Pian 观鏐 Chen Sheng 观萆 Cheng 茶 Cheng Xuanying 茶貧薙 Chongning 菸緖

267

268 / Chinese Glossary Chu 誗 Chuci 誗艹 Chunshen 諥葂 Chunyu Kun 菣虚邫 Chunyu Yue 菣虚蚱 Cui Shu 諀菶 Da Dai Liji 繗繜罜絽 Dai ㌹ Dai Zhen 繜觃 Dan 釿 Dao De Jing 纊繥篏 Daodejing gubenbian 纊繥篏篴膩诈 Daode zhenjing jijie 纊繥観篏觛豻 Daode zhenjing jizhu zashuo 纊繥観篏觛褹蟟茢 Daode zhenjing kouyi 纊繥観篏粣蝂 Daode zhenjing zhangju xunsong 纊繥観篏蟶粤趟莈 Daode zhenjing zhu 纊繥観篏褹 Daode zhenjing zhuan 纊繥観篏衑 Daode zhenjing zhushu 纊繥観篏褹荟 Daode zhigui 纊繥要糾 Daodejing lunbing yaoyi shu 纊繥篏緰腹蘶蝂菶 Daoying xun 纊蜴趟 Daoyuan 纊蚖 Daozang 纊蟿 Dayu 縲蚑 DaYu mo 繗虭聵 Dazongshi 繗褒艗 Deqing 繥詿 Di 裇 Di Qian 衄鞙 Ding 袓 Ding Yidong 袌蔩纫 Dong Sijing 纴艙袿 Dongjing fu 纫箯臜 Dou 纻 Du Daojian 纸纊箘 Dunhuang 纛赚 Er Liang 葥缓 Ershisi shi 蝊葟艏艋 Fan Li 腞銌 Fan Yao 腖蘰 Fan Yingyuan 腞蜴蚕

Chinese Glossary / 269 Fang Xiaoru 脙赿蛓 Fangyan 脙蔀 Feishi Yi 舫葢蔩 Fei Ru 舭蛎 Fei shier zi 舭葟蝊螲 Fei Zhong 舫襧 Feng-Shan 膭茈 Feng Youlan 谔號绪 Fenzhi 臧覠 Fengsu tongyi 谓荱讈蝂 Fu Sheng 膛苇 Fu Yi 膾貜 Fucha 臄觥 Gao Sisun 簙艇荺 Gao You 簙蛸 Gaozi 篶螲 Gaozu 簙裲 Ge Hong 笒贜 Ge Xuan 笒貧 Gengsangchu 箹芮誗 Gexiangong neizhuan 笒苸簰緉衑 Gong 簱 Gongsun Long 簰荺羔 Gongsun Zichan 簰荺螲芈 Goujian 粤詙 Gu Huan 簘贽 Gu Jiegang 簘跣笰 Gu Yanwu 簘蕭肘 Guan Yin 籟蜎 Guan Zhong 籚襧 Guangchengzi 籩茶螲 Guanzi 籚螲 Guanzi 籚螲 Gui sheng 糿苇 Guo ⹳ Guo Moruo 籏耗蓉 Guodian 籏袂 Guoyu 糑蓳 Han 豈 Han 豀 Han Fei 豈舭 Han Shi waizhuan 豈营蘑衑

270 / Chinese Glossary Han Feizi 豈舭螲 Han Feizi 豈舭螲 Hangu 豋簠 Hanshan 适芄 HanshuG豀苗 Hejian 谮笋 Henan 谮網 Heshanggong 谮芟簰 Hongfan 贜腝 Hou Hanshu 趒豀苗 Housheng 越苇 Hu Wujing 贀肙箾 Huai 赪 Huainanzi 赮網螲 Huaiyang 赮蓪 Huan 贿 Huan Kuan 贿籓 Huan Yuan 赂蕃 Huangdi 赣裇 Huangdi shu 赣裇苗 HuanggongG赣簰 Huangdi junchen 赣裇糗葆 Huangdi ming 赣裇聜 Huangdi shu 赣裇苗 Huangdi sijing 赣裇艏篏 Huang-Lao 赣緢 Hubei 賲臦 Hui 賜 Hui Shi 賜萘 Huixue 趨谷 Hunam 賲網 Hunyuan shengji 贑蚕茾絷 Jia Yi 竤蝇 Jiao Hong 誚竑 Jie 箃 Jie Yu 袉蔍 Jie bi 豻诛 Jiejie 衾豻 Jie Lao 豻罨 Jin 覦 Jin 紼 Jinban 紼讫

Chinese Glossary / 271 Jing 箿 Jinglong 箿羔 Jingmen 賓肱 Jingshen 箾萾 Jinteng 紼鉛 Jixia 覞谨 Jizi 絶螲 Jujian 粤詙 Jundao 糗纊 Junzhai dushu zhi 糜蠔纘苗西 Kong-Mo 簳肥 Kongzi jiayu 簳螲竖蓳 Kongzi shijia 簳螲荃竖 Ku 簍 Kui Jingshu 醬袿菍 Lanling 維翆 Lao Ai 嫪毐 Lao Dan 緢總 Laojun shilü 緢糗葒罵 Laolaizi 緢缆螲 Laozi 緢螲 Laozi 緢螲 Laozi Daodejing guben jijie 緢螲纊繥篏篴膩觛豻 Laozi Daodejing jie 緢螲纊繥篏豻 Laozi Daodejing xujue 緢螲纊繥篏苎箨 Laozi Fushi jingshuo 緢螲膾葢篏茢 Laozi Han Fei liezhuan 緢螲豈舭蕝衑 Laozi jijie 緢螲觛豻 Laozi Linshi jingzhuang 緢螲螋葢篏衑 Laozi Xushi jingshuo 緢螲苐葢篏茢 Laozi yi 緢螲蝶 Laozi yinyi 緢螲蜮蝂 Le cheng 綟茶 Li 銅 Li Cang 翈訨 Li Rong 蝗薅 Li Si 蝗艜 Li Xi 翈髹 Li Yiji 銔蔩絋 Li Zehou 蝗譻趌 Liang 蓙 Liang Qichao 蓙篝誦

272 / Chinese Glossary Liezi 蕝螲 LieziG蕝螲 Lin Xiyi 螞跖螖 Liutao 蜄鈤 Liu An 蛐蒃 Liu Dabin 蛐繗舲 Liu Heng 蛐豣 Liu Xiang 蛐貉 Liu Xin 蛐跉 Liu Xiu 蛐莐 Liu Ying 蛐薔 Liuxiang shuo Laozi 蛐貉茢緢螲 Liyun 薰蚌 Long 鋍 Lu 置 Lu Deming 蜊繥聒 Lu Ji 蜊絣 Lu Jia 蜊竤 Lu Xisheng 蜊跖茿 Lu Yan 編蓿 Lu Mugong wen Zisi 編聼簰肪螲艙 Lun liujia yaozhi 緰蜄竖蘶西 Lunheng 緰賕 Lunru 緰蛎 Lunyu 緰蓳 Lusheng 緡苇 Lü Buwei 蔐臺蛊 Lü Huiqing 蔐賜箶 Lü Xiang 蔐芧 Lü Buwei liezhuan 蔐臺蛊蕝衑 Lüli zhi 蜘缪西 Lüshi Chunqiu 蔐葢諥諊 Lüshu 蜘苗 Ma Xulun 翸苔羴 Maoshan zhi 聳芄西 Mawangdui 翸蘌讉 Meng 肂 Meng Ben 耺臸 Meng Su 耺荩 Mengchang 耺芥 Meng Su 耺荩 Mengzi 耺螲

Chinese Glossary / 273 Mengzi Xunqing liezhuan 耺螲菫箶蕝衑 Mengzi jizhu 耺螲觛褹 Min 鎋 Min Zima 胕螲翸 Minben 胐膩 Ming 聒 Mo Di 肥衄 Mozi 肥螲 Mozi 肥螲 Nansan 綮芓 Nan shi 綮荄 Nan Xiongnu zhuan 網趻線衑 Neiye 緉蔋 Neize 緉謡 Nie Que 茤箧 Ningwuzi 緗肘螲 Niu Que 虧箧 Peng Si 访耜 Ping 诐 Pingyuan 诐蚖 Pi ji 谞絘 Qi 絖 Qi 裙 Qian Mu 衲聼 Qilüe 謥缉 Qin 覵 Qing 詿 Qiongda yi shiG糤縲蝋萚 Qi wu lun 裙肵罸 Qu Yong 粻虘 Qu Yuan 糞蚖 Quanmao 糮聴 Quanxue 糩谷 Qunshu zhiyao 糙苗謐蘶 Quqie 逮驞 Quren: 簝蝹 Rang 蓢 Ren Zhang 螙蟶 Renjianshi 蝸笋荃 Renjian xun 蝸笋趟 Renshu 螙莡 Rizhe liezhuan 螔螿蕝衑

274 / Chinese Glossary Rizhi lü 螔覌罵 Ruan Ji 蘅衂 Ruan Yuan 蘅蚕 Rujiazhe yan 蛎竖螿蔀 Rulin liezhuan 蛎翪蕝衑 Rulin zhuan 蛎翪衑 Sanshijia Daodejing jijie 芓葟竖纊繥篏觛豻 Sanshu 芓苑 Shang 芣 Shang Yang 芣閌 Shang ren 芟蝹 Shanmu 芄職 Sanguo zhi 芓糑西 Shao Ruoyu 荭蓉虤 She 蕹 Shen Buhai 葂臺豵 Shen Dao 萾繩 Shen shi 萾荄 Shen wei 葔蚾 Shenda 萾繗 Sheng 萆 Shenghuang 苊赞 Shennong 葃緷 Shi Dan 苳縺 Shiji 艋絽 Shuidi 莤襽 Shuihudi (Shui-hu-ti) 莭贄襽 Suizhou 莿褳 Shun 菪 Shuomu 茢聺 Shuoshan xun 茢芄趟 Shuowen jiezi 茢肫豻螳 Shuoyuan 茢蚨 Shusun Tong 菍荺讈 Shuxiang 菍貉 Shuzheng 苗襸 Sibu beiyao 艏臠舆蘶 Sibu congkan 艏臠誴竵 Siku weishou shumu tiyao 艏篼肼莠苗聺裊蘶 Sima Guang 艌翸籦 Sima Qian 艌翸詚 Sima Tan 艌翸繁

Chinese Glossary / 275 Song 莁 Song Xing 莁㖨 Song Jiu 莁諹 Sou 莟 Su Zhe 荩詧 Sun 荼 Sun Bin 荺鑛 Sun Deng 荺绋 Sun Wu 荺肘 Sunzi 荺螲 Suodan 苄紞 Tai 譭 Taiwang 譭蘌 Taishi 譭艋 Taiyi sheng shui 譭螐苇莤 Taizu 譭裲 Tang 繉 Tang 譨 Tang Xuanzong yuzhu Daode zhenjing 繉貧褒蓮褹纊繥観篏 Tian Pian 衤膇 Tian Wen 衤肫 Tian Zifang 衤螲脙 Tiandi 詏襽 Tianrui 詏苛 Tianxia 詏谨 Tianyun 詏蚌 Tongzhi 讈西 Tuan 縠 Waichushuo zuoshang 蘑蠜茢褤芟 Wang Anshi 蘌蒃苳 Wang Bi 蘌谝 Wang Chong 蘌諫 Wang Guowei 蘌糑蛴 Wang Liao 蘌羋 Wang Mang 蘌耤 Wang Pang 蘌㞻 Wang Yi 蘌螖 Wang Yinglin 蘌蜴翩 Wang Zhen 蘌観 Wang Zhong 蘋襦 Wei 蚹 Wei 蛋

276 / Chinese Glossary Wei Mou 蛋聬 Wei ce 蛋訷 Weide 蚹繥 Wen 肫 Wenxuan 肫茓 Wenzi 肫螲 Wu 藀 Wu 肘 Wu Cheng 藀觞 Wuling 肘罗 WuxingG薺貇 Wuzi 藀螲 Wuzi zhi ge 薺螲襺竛 Xi Kang 嵇笵 Xian 貗 Xianxue 貴谷 Xiang Yu 豮虯 Xiang’er 芭蝚 Xiangzi 蓦螲 Xianyang 豍蓪 Xiao Gongquan 荨簰糮 Xiaoyaoyou 荫蘸蛽 Xiaozong 赿褒 Xici 篭艹 Xie Shouhao 艶莗賷 Xin 萿 Xinling 萺翆 Xinshu 萿苗 Xinshu shang 葖菵芟 Xinxu 萿苎 Xinyu 萿蓳 Xiong Ke 蚓紙 Xisheng jing 苣萉篏 Xu Shen 貔萾 Xu You 貔蛯 Xuan 苽 Xuanzi 苽螲 Xuanzong 貧褒 Xue Hui 茟賟 Xunzhizhai ji 荾西蠔觛 Xunzi 菫螲 XunziG菫螲

Chinese Glossary / 277 Xunzuan 趟觼 Xuyi 苎蝂 Yan 蕋 Yan He 蒋豜 Yan Hui 蒋赥 Yan Lingfeng 蔆薠膯 Yan Ying 蒆闻 Yan Zhu 蔆裝 Yan Zun 蔆襢 Yang Xi 蓚跢 Yang Xiong 蓕蚔 Yang Zhu 蓚褶 Yang quan 蓕糮 Yang wang 蓨蘌 Yantie lunG蕵詨罸 Yao 蘚 Yaowen 蘚肪 Ye Mengde 蕹肀织 Yi 蝳 Yin Wen 蜎肫 Yin Xi 蜎跑 Yin Yi 蜎螑 Ying 阃 Ying Shao 蜴飱 Ying Zheng 闺袚 Yinwenzi 蜎肫螲 Yiwenzhi 薮肫西 Yizeng 薮襯 Youli ⩁翝 Youzuo 蛔褣 Yu 蓳 Yu 虭 Yu 虲 Yu Lao 蛒罨 Yu Yue 蛏ᶢ Yuandao xun 蚖纊趟 Yuanli 蚥缫 Yuanyou 蚫蛽 Yucong 蓳誴 Yue 蚱 Yufu 蓰臐 Yulei 蓳羯

278 / Chinese Glossary Yunmeng 蚎肀 Yupian 藛诈 Zaiyou 蠇蛔 Zashuo 蟟茢 Zayan 蟟蔀 Zengzi 襱螲 Zhan He 話谩 Zhang Chunyi 蟪菨螐 Zhang Daoling 蟪纊翆 Zhang Heng 蟪賕 Zhang Junxiang 蟪糗芴 Zhang Lu 蟪置 Zhang Sicheng 蟪艎茶 Zhang Taiyan 蟶譭蕭 Zhang Xuecheng 蟶谷荁 Zhanguo ce 衝糑訷 Zhao 褀 Zhao 荖 Zhao Gao 褀簙 Zhao Qi 褀絖 Zheng 袚 Zheng 袸 Zheng Qiao 袸誘 Zheng Xuan 袸貧 Zhibai 覌腀 Zhi beiyou 覌臦蛨 Zhiyi 觖螐 Zhonger 襩蝣 Zhongshan 襦芄 Zhou 褯 Zhou 襁 Zhou Dunyi 褯纛㢇 Zhou Xuan 褯苽 Zhu Qianzhi 褶箬襺 Zhu Xi 褶距 Zhuang 蟻 Zhuangzi 蟻螲 Zhuangzi 蟻螲 Zhufu 褨臐 Zhuozhuan 褤衑 Zhushu 褯苗 Zhushu xun 褨菵趟

Chinese Glossary / 279 Zhusi kaoxin lü 莥艢簊萺罵 Zichan 螲芈 Zigong 螲簽 Zilu 螲罫 Zilüe 螲缉 Ziran 蟀蕇 Zisi 螲艙 Ziwei 螾胄 Zixia 螲谫 ZiyiG謘蝆 Zizhou Zhifu 螲褳覃臐 Zou 諐 Zou Yan 諐蕕 Zun deyi 褍繥蝂 Zuoqiu 褤粛

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NOTES

INTRODUCTION 1. The tomb was built in 168 bce. This date is based on a note on an excavated wooden strip that records, “twelfth year; the second month; the day of yisi 蜩艖, the first day of the month,” with “twelfth year” referring to the twelfth year of Emperor Wen’s reign in the Han dynasty, that is, 168 bce. Hunansheng Bowuguan, “Changsha Mawangdui 2, 3 hao Hanmu fajue jianbao,” Wenwu 218 (1974. 7), 39–48. After the excavation, many English translations of Laozi have referred to these ancient texts, but only Robert Henricks’s Lao Tzu: Te-Tao Ching (New York: Ballantine Books, 1989) adopted Text B, the later one, as its base text. 2. This text used the Chinese character representing the first Han emperor’s name, bang 脩, which means “state.” Text B, on the other hand, avoided using the character and replaced it with its synonym guo 糑. This practice is evident throughout Text B without exception, so there must have been a specific reason for the switch from Text A’s wording. Because Text A does not follow the naming taboo for the first emperor of Han and Text B does, it was most likely transcribed before 202 bce when Liu Bang assumed the title “emperor” after attaining his object of annihilating his rival Xiang Yu’s army to rule the entire China. Sima Qian (ca. 145–86 bce), active during the Western Han, also replaced bang with guo in quoting a passage from the Analects. See Sima Qian, Shiji, 67: 2207. (All references to the official histories of the Chinese dynasties in this book are based on Ershisi shi [Beijing, China: Zhonghua shuju, 1982].) Notwithstanding the facts noted here, the Chinese research team (zhengli zu 袛翓裹) that initially interpreted the Mawangdui texts (the Chinese research team for MWD, hereafter) argued that this text was transcribed during the first emperor’s reign (206–195 bce). See Guojia Wenwuju Guwenxian Yanjiushi ed., Mawangdui Hanmu boshu (Beijing, China: Wenwu chubanshe, 1980), 1. Whereas the Chinese research team for MWD interpreted the handwriting style as “close” to the seal script, Yan Lingfeng claimed that it was indeed the seal script. See Yan Lingfeng, Laozi yandu xuzhi (Taibei, Taiwan: Zhengzhong shuju, 1992), 68–69. Meanwhile, all the later editions have uniformly changed heng 豣 (“constant”) in Texts A and B to its synonym chang 芩 to avoid using the personal name of Emperor Wen in the Han dynasty, Liu Heng (r. 179–157 bce).

281

282 / Notes to Introduction Thus, because Text B does not follow the naming taboo for Emperor Wen, we can infer that Text B was transcribed before 179 bce. 3. Concerning the basic information and the original script of these texts, refer to Jingmenshi Bowuguan, Guodian Chumu zhujian (Beijing, China: Wenwu chubanshe, 1998), and Sarah Allan and Crispin Williams ed., The Guodian Laozi: Proceedings of the International Conference, Dartmouth College, May 1998 (Berkeley: Society for the Study of Early China and Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, 2000). 4. Li Zehou argued that human rationality in ancient China, after overcoming the theocratical tradition of the Shang dynasty, developed neither abstract thought as in ancient Greece nor religious ideas as in ancient India. Rather, he insisted, the ancient Chinese tended toward practical research that would help people obtain useful knowledge for their lives. He has defined this Chinese rationality as shiyong lixing 葒虑蝜茴, translated here as “practical reason.” See Li Zehou, Gudai sixiangshi lun (Beijing, China: Renmin chubanshe, 1986), 303–306. 5. Dai Zhen, Dai Dongyuan ji (xia), in vol. 329 of Guoxue jiben congshu, ed. Wang Yunwu (Taibei, Taiwan: Taiwan shangwu yinshuguan, 1968), 32. 6. Despite the obscurity of the historic Yan Zun’s relation to Daode zhigui, I will tentatively call it the Yan Zun edition. Some may want to add the Gu Huan (420–483) edition here. Although it contains early commentaries, presumably including those by Gu Huan, the origin of this edition is questionable. Referring to its introduction of Tang commentaries such as those of Cheng Xuanying (608–?), Ruan Yuan (1764–1849) attributed it to Zhang Junxiang (fl. 756–?) of the Tang dynasty, who is recorded in Junzhai dushu zhi by Chao Gongwu (985–1042) of the Song dynasty as having published Sanshijia Daodejing jijie. See Ruan Yuan, Siku weishou shumu tiyao, in vol. 5 of Guoxue jiben congshu, 8–9. However, according to Peng Si (fl. 1229), Zhang Junxiang’s book was once revised and finally disappeared in the reign year of Chongning (1102–1106). See Peng Si, Daode zhenjing jizhu zashuo I, in vol. 13 of Daozang, 155–156. Thus, we cannot confirm even Ruan Yuan’s estimation. 7. The excavated texts from Mawangdui include many other manuscripts besides the two texts of Laozi, such as part of the Changes and Zhanguo ce (Strategies of the Warring States). My use of the “Mawangdui texts,” however, refers exclusively to the Laozi texts, unless noted otherwise. 8. Some debate whether this tomb was built for Li Xi, the successor of Li Cang, or his other son, or another relative. See Gao Heng and Chi Xizhao, “Shitan Mawangdui Hanmu zhong de boshu Laozi,” Wenwu 222 (1974. 11), 1–7. 9. The standard of the Wang Bi edition is in Sibu beiyao (Complete Essentials from the Four Sections of Literature), and that of the Heshanggong edition in Sibu congkan (Collection from the Four Sections of Literature). According to the prefaces by Chao Yuezhi (1059–1129) and Xiong Ke (ca. 1111–1189), which are attached to the extant Wang Bi edition, it was initially printed by Xiong Ke in 1170, based on Chao Yuezhi’s transcription of the original. The extant Heshanggong edition was printed in Xiaozong’s reign, according to Qu Yong, who preserved the original. See Alan Chan, “The Daodejing and Its Tradition,” in Daoism Handbook, ed. Livia Kohn (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 2000), 9–10. 10. William Boltz investigated the various later modifications observed in the Wang Bi and Heshanggong editions. See Boltz, “The Lao Tzu Text that Wang Pi and

Notes to Introduction / 283 Ho-shang Kung Never Saw,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 48 (1985), 493–501. Regarding the discussion of the possible date of the Heshanggong edition, see Alan Chan, Two Visions of the Way (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1991), 3. 11. This claim appears in Laojun shilü by Xie Shouhao, a book included in Daozang under the title Hunyuan shengji. See Hunyuan shengji, in vol. 17 of Daozang, 815. 12. See Rao, Laozi Xiang’erzhu jiaojian (Hong Kong: Dongnan shuju, 1956), 1–5. 13. William Boltz argued that Suodan Manuscript was not produced in the third century and was similar to the Fu Yi edition. See Boltz, “Notes on the Authenticity of the So Tan Manuscript of the Lao-Tzu,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 59 (1996), 508–515. 14. Hereafter, “Guodian documents” refers to the Laozi-related texts found in Guodian unless noted otherwise. 15. Chapter divisions in this book are based on the two popular editions of Laozi, the Wang Bi and the Heshanggong editions. 16. Gao Heng claimed that the practice of placing in front the second part of the later editions, which contains more political discussion than the first part, also stemmed from the Legalist tradition, basing his argument on the affinity in this sequence between the Mawangdui Laozi and Han Feizi, a Legalist text. See Gao Heng and Chi Xizhao (1974). I suggest that Laozi is equally concerned with the concepts of virtue (de: title of the second part) and the Way (dao: title of the first part). Like Confucius’s teaching, which can be considered a teaching of either humaneness or ritual, Laozi has two wings. Regardless of which section I place first, the spectrum of Laozi’s teaching remains consistent. 17. The term “Huang-Lao” is a combination of the first syllables of Huangdi and Laozi, who represent the Legalist and Daoist ideas, respectively. Regarding this term, see Leo S. Chang and Yu Feng, The Four Political Treatises of the Yellow Emperor (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1998), 74; and Robin Yates, Five Lost Classics: Dao, Huanglao, and Yinyang in Han China (New York: Ballantine Books, 1997). 18. Cziktzentmihalyi, rejecting the classification of Laozi as a mystical text, argued that Laozi advocated the “theoretical” possibility of the existence of mystical experience. See Cziktzentmihalyi, “Mysticism and Apophatic Discourses,” reprinted in Religious Philosophical Aspects of the Laozi (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1999), 33–58. Livia Kohn also rejected the designation of Laozi as “a mystical document”; Kohn, Early Chinese Mysticism: Philosophy and Soteriology in the Taoist Tradition (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1992), 40. 19. Zhang Xuecheng, Wenshi tongyi I, in vol. 363 of Guoxue jiben congshu, 1. 20. Lafargue also sees Laozi as a text for the art of governing and prolonging lifespan. See Michael Lafargue, The Tao of the Tao Te Ching (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1992), 190–216. 21. Du Daojian, Xuanjing yuanzhi fahui, in vol. 12 of Daozang, 773. 22. China’s writing system was not unified until the Qin dynasty. Before that, each state had its own characters. Realizing the need to unify the characters, Li Si, Zhao Gao, and Hu Wujing published three books of characters: Cangxie, Yuanli, and Boxue, respectively. According to “Yiwenzhi” (“Bibliographical Records of Fine Literatures”), in the early Han these three books were integrated into one book, Cangxie, with fifty-five

284 / Notes to Introduction chapters, and thus the number of characters included in the book was 3,300 (each chapter had sixty characters). This number was not sufficient for writing and recording, so Yang Xiong (53 bce–18) complemented it by writing Xunzuan and adding it to Cangxie to create eighty-nine chapters. Later, Ban Gu added some characters, mainly from the “old texts,” and rearranged the book so that it came to have 102 chapters (Hanshu, 30: 1721). Thus, at the time of Ban Gu (32–92), the government acknowledged approximately 6,000 characters as standard. At the end of the Han dynasty, Xu Shen (ca. 58–ca.147) published Shuowen jiezi (Explaining Simple and Analyzing Compound Characters), the first extant Chinese dictionary, which contained 9,353 characters. 23. This argument was addressed by, for example, Xu Kangsheng. See his Boshu Laozi zhuyi yu yanjiu (Hangzhou, China: Zhejiang renmin chubanshe, 1982), 123. 24. Jiang Xichang, Laozi jiaogu (Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1937), 1. 25. See Gao Heng, Chongding Laozi zhenggu (Taibei, Taiwan: Xinwenfeng chuban gongsi, 1940), 152. 26. Wang Yinglin, Hanshu Yiwenzhi kaozheng in vol. 675 of Wenyuange siku quanshu (Taibei, Taiwan: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1983; SKQS hereafter), 61b. In this book, most references to the original passages in the Chinese classics are based on Wenyuange siku quanshu. The numbers preceding the colon indicate the volume number and those following it refer to the page number, followed by the quadrant notes from a to d. 27. This theory is based on Liu Xiang’s Qilüe, which is introduced in Hunyuan shengji. See Hunyuan shengji, in vol. 17 of Daozang, 814. 28. See Shao Ruoyu, Daode zhenjing zhijie, in vol. 12 of Daozang, 236. 29. See Wu Cheng, Daode zhenjing zhu, in vol. 12 of Daozang, 820. 30. Yan Zun, Daode zhengjing zhigui, in vol. 12 of Daozang, 342. 31. Lu Deming, Laozi Daodejing yinyi, in Jingdian xiwen (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1985), 1401. 32. See Wing-tsit Chan, The Way of Lao Tzu (Indianapolis, IN: Bobbs-Merrill, 1963), 76. 33. See Ma Xulun, Laozi hegu (Taibei, Taiwan: Yiwen yinshuguan, 1924). 34. See Yan Lingfeng Laozi zhangju xinbian (Taibei, China: Zhonghua wenhua chuban shiye weiyuanhui, 1954). 35. For the convenience of readers, however, I have placed the equivalent chapter’s number at the head of each passage. 36. On the Guodian documents, see Jingmenshi Bowuguan (1998), 1–2; Peng Hao, Guodian Chujian Laozi jiaodu (Wuhan, China: Hubei renmin chubanshe, 2000), 1–21; and Robert Henricks, Lao Tzu’s Tao Te Ching (New York: Columbia University Press, 2000), 1–22. 37. In relation to the six groups, group A is the longest, group B is the third longest, and group C is the fifth longest. 38. Cui Renyi, Jingmen Guodian Chujian Laozi yanjiu (Beijing, China: Kexue chubanshe, 1998), 26. 39. Referring to the two repeating passages appearing in groups A and C, Xu Shaohua also concluded that “there are too many variations for these two copies to have originated from the same source-text.” See Sarah Allan and Crispin Williams ed. (2000), 133. 40. Wang Bo claimed that the Guodian documents represented a selected edition of Laozi. See Sarah Allan and Crispin Williams ed. (2000), 154. See also Qiu Xigui,

Notes to Introduction / 285 “Guodian Laozi jian chutan,” Daojia wenhua yanjiu 17 (1999), 25–63. In this theory, a question remains unanswered: why were the selected passages divided among the three groups of bamboo slips? 41. For example, see Li Xueqin, “Jingmen Guodian Chujian suojian Guan Yin yishuo,” Zhongguo wenwubao 1998, 4; and Xing Wen, “Lun Guodian Laozi yu jinben Laozi buzhu yixi,” Zhongguo zhexue I (1998), 165–186. 42. See Kimura Eiichi, Roshi no shinkenkyu (Tokyo: Sobunsha, 1959), 164; D. C. Lau, Lao Tzu: Tao Te Ching (Harmondsworth, England: Penguin, 1963), reprinted in Tao Te Ching, D. C. Lau (Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1982), xl; Chan Hansen, Tao and Method (Albany: State University of New York Press), 301; Victor H. Mair, Tao Te Ching (New York: Bantam Books, 1990), 119–130; Michael LaFargue (1992), 196–199. See also Mark Czikszentmihalyi and Philip Ivanhoe ed. (1999), 4. 43. See Jingmenshi Bowuguan, “Jingmen Guodian yihao Chumu,” Wenwu 494 (1997. 7), 35–48. Scholars who attended the international conference at Dartmouth College (Hanover, NH) in 1998 to discuss the Guodian documents seem to have agreed that the tomb was constructed no later than 300 bce. See Sarah Allan and Crispin Williams ed. (2000), 120. 44. Taking 278 bce as the latest possible time for the transcription is based on the fact that Qin general Bai Qi downed Chu’s capital city of Ying in that year to drive the King Qingxiang out to Chen, which falls in today’s Huaiyang, Henan Province. According to this theory, the Guodian Tomb no. 1 could not have been built after 278 bce because the local burials after the Qin’s occupation of Ying exhibit a clear Qin influence, whereas the Guodian tomb artifacts exhibit no Qin influence. 45. See Li Zehou, “Chudu Guodian zhujian yinxiang jiyao,” Daojia wenhua yanjiu 17 (1999), 412–22; Paul Goldin, “Xunzi in the Light of the Guodian Manuscripts,” Early China 25 (2000), 113–46. For the various attempts to link the Guodian texts with Zisi, see Li Xueqin, “Jingmen Guodian Chujian zhong de Zisizi,” Zhongguo zhexue 20 (1999), 75–80. 46. Jingmenshi Bowuguan (1998), 145. 47. Ibid. 48. “Mengzi Xunqing liezhuan” in Shiji recorded that Xunzi, at age fifty, visited the Jixia Academy to “study abroad,” without mentioning the date (74: 2348). With reference to another chapter in Shiji, we can assume that his visit occurred when the Jixia Academy flourished under the rule of King Wei (r. 356–320 bce) and King Xuan (r. 319–301 bce), probably during the late years of King Xuan (121: 3116). According to “Huixue” in Yantie lun, however, Xunzi learned before his death that Li Si, one of his disciples, was appointed prime minister by the Qin court; this occurred in 213 bce. See Huan Kuan, Yantie lun, in vol. 695 of SKQS, 540b. Because of this huge time difference, You Guoen insisted that the “fifty” in the record of Shiji should be read as “fifteen,” based on Fengsu tongyi’s record by Ying Shao (ca. 153–196). See You Guoen, “Xunqing kao” (1923), reprinted in Gushi bian 4, ed. Luo Genze (Hong Kong: Taiping shuju, 1962/1933), 94–103. 49. In 286 bce, King Min conquered the state of Song and became even more boastful of his power. On witnessing his insatiable desire for expansion, all of the scholars in the Jixia Academy remonstrated with him about the evil consequences of incessant wars, but the king ignored them. It was at this time that Xunzi left the state of Qi for the state of Chu. See Yantie lun, 695: 518cd. Qian Mu, in contrast, argued that Xunzi’s

286 / Notes to Introduction departure from the state of Qi took place in 294 bce, based on Wang Zhong’s assumption regarding the date of Tian Wen’s resignation from the position of prime minister of Qi. See Qian Mu, XianQin zhuzi xinian (Beijing, China: Shangwu yinshuguan, 2002/1935), 490–491. However, in my view, the situation surrounding Tian Wen’s resignation is not clear enough to disprove Yantie lun’s record. 50. See Shiji, 78: 2395. In fact, these two records also contradict each other because the position of governor of Lanling does not seem appropriate for Xunzi, who allegedly had assumed presidency of the Jixia academy three times. 51. See Henricks (2000), 17–19. 52. Shiji does not have a separate chapter for Mozi; it has only a twenty-four-character biography (74: 2350). This record said Mozi was from the state of Song. He was considered one of the two great masters, along with Confucius, until the late Warring States period and even during the Han, when the two were normally ranked together and referred to as Kong–Mo. Therefore, it is unusual that Shiji does not spare a chapter for Mozi. In contrast to Shiji, in the commentaries on a passage in Lüshi Chunqiu, Gao You describes Mozi as a man from the state of Lu (848: 290b). Zhang Chunyi studied each chapter of Mozi thoroughly and argued that he was from the state of Lu. See Xiao Gongquan, Zhongguo zhengzhi sixiangshi (Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1948), 115. 53. Ibid., 97. 54. “Utilitarianism” is here used in the context that it is contrasted with deontological ethics and virtue ethics. It does not imply the pursuit of “greatest good for greatest number” stressed in its various modern forms. 55. As for the intellectual changes in this period, see Qian Mu, Qin Han shi (Beijing, China: Sanlian shudian, 2004/1957), 3–14. 56. As for Lü Buwei’s academic contribution to the state of Qin narrated hereto, see Shiji, 85: 2510. 57. Gu Jiegang, “Cong Lüshi Chunqiu tuice Laozi zhi chengshu niandai” (1932), reprinted in Gushi bian 4, 461–519. 58. Shiji, 130: 3289. Daoism here mainly indicates the teaching of Laozi because most of the characteristics of Daoism Sima Tan stated in this essay were from Laozi. 59. Cui Shu, Kaoxin lü, in vol. 363 of Guoxue jiben congshu, 428. 60. See Qian Mu, “Guan yu Laozi chengshu niandai zhi yizong kaocha” (1930), reprinted in Gushi bian 4, 383–410; Qian Mu, Xian Qin zhuzi xinian, 256. 61. Thompson, The Shen Tzu Fragments (New York: Oxford University Press, 1979), 527. 62. Creel, What Is Taoism? And Other Studies in Chinese Cultural History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970), 48–78. 63. Takeuchi, Roshi no kenkyu (Tokyo: Kaizosha, 1927), 114–120. 64. Roth, Original Tao (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995), 187–190. 65. Lewis, Sanctioned Violence in Early China (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 124. Wing-tsit Chan (1963), 222–223. 66. Guo Moruo, “Song Xing Yin Wen yizhu kao” (1944), in Qingtong shidai in vol. 1 of Guo Moruo quanji (Beijing, China: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1982–1985), 547–572. 67. In fact, the syncretic tendency of thought is one of the common features found in many philosophies in the late Warring States period. Kanaya Osamu stated

Notes to Introduction / 287 that Han Feizi, Lüshi Chunqiu, and even the Xinyu by Lu Jia were examples of such a syncretic conflation. See Kanaya Osamu, Shin Kan shisoshi no kenkyu (Tokyo: Nihon Gakujutsu Shinkokai, 1969), 21. In this understanding, the syncretic nature of Laozi is a reflection of the philosophical trend of the time. 68. Regarding this, Hu Shi argued that Lüshi Chunqiu made some exceptions in mentioning exact references and that Laozi must have been one of these cases. See Hu Shi, “Pinglun jinren kaoju Laozi chengshu niandai de fangfa” (1933), reprinted in Gushi bian 6, ed. Luo Genze (Hong Kong: Taiping shuju, 1962/1936), 387–409. 69. Refer to the passages in Lüshi Chunqiu below. “Confucius had learned from Lao Dan, Meng Su, and Kui Jingshu” (848: 291c). “The sages hear from what has no sounds and see from what has no forms. Zhan He, Tian Zifang, and Lao Dan are those sages” (848: 426c). 70. Gao Sisun, Zilüe, in vol. 674 of SKQS, 517ab. 71. Fang Xiaoru, Xunzhizhai ji, in vol. 1235 of SKQS, 136b. 72. See Guo Moruo, Shi pipan shu (Beijing, China: Dongfang chubanshe, 1996, 1947), 415–420. 73. Qian Mu doubted the assertion that his involvement in the eunuch’s scandal was the main cause for his downfall and instead insisted that he was expelled because he cherished a desire to rule the state. See Qian Mu, XianQin zhuzi xinian (Beijing, China: Shangwu yinshuguan, 2002/1935), 563. Guo Moruo also pointed out that the eunuch and Lü Buwei were political rivals. Guo Moruo (1947), 417. 74. A. C. Graham understood this as an effort to connect Laozi with Qin. See A. C. Graham, “The Origins of the Legend of Lao Tan,” in Lao-tzu and the Tao-te-ching, ed. Livia Kohn and Michael Lafargue (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1998), 31–33. 75. At the time of the legendary Laozi, the area from which he allegedly came, the prefecture of Ku, the district of Li, and the hamlet of Quren, belonged to the state of Chen, and not Chu, despite the record of Shiji, which states he is a native of the state of Chu. 76. For example, see Wing-tsit Chan (1963), 44. 77. Yang Xiong, Fangyan, in vol. 221 of SKQS, 328a. 78. Zheng Qiao, Tongzhi, in vol. 374 of SKQS, 480ab. The chapter that includes this saying is “Qin bujue ruxue lun” (“An Argument Denying that the Qin Destroyed the Confucian Tradition”). 79. Wang Chong, Lunheng, in vol. 862 of SKQS, 332b. 80. In the early Han, Shusun Tong initiated and implemented the practice of ritual. He established a system of protocol by referring to ancient protocol and the practices of the Qin dynasty. He could not help but refer to the Qin’s protocol because ancient references did not provide information on the protocol for an emperor. Refer to Hanshu, 36: 1968. 81. Gu Yanwu, Rizhilü, in vol. 17 of Guoxue jiben congshu, 39. 82. Martin Kern, The Stele Inscriptions of Ch’in Shih-huang: Text and Ritual in Early Chinese Imperial Representation (New Haven, CT: American Oriental Society. 2000), 188. 83. The original character, a composition of hu 贄G (“tiger”) for the sound and kou 粣 (“mouth”) for the meaning, is no longer in use, but it can be substituted here. 84. See Yang Xiong, Fangyan, in vol. 221 of SKQS, 318d–9a.

288 / Notes to Part I 85. All these discussions of the etymological and philological evidence for my argument will be more deliberately examined in my comments on the passages in question. 86. Zheng Xuan and Kong Yingda, Liji zhushu, in vol. 115 of SKQS, 395a.

PART I: VIRTUE 1. In this book, I do not note the pages of the editions of Laozi in which the commentaries in discussion appear; for the pages, refer to the chapter numbers. 2. See Zheng, Zhujian boshu lunwenji (Beijing, China: Zhonghua shuju, 1982), 7–8. 3. In this book, numbers in parentheses after my quotations from Laozi signify the chapter numbers in the two popular received editions, the Wang Bi and Heshanggong editions. 4. H. G. Creel, What Is Taoism? And Other Studies in Chinese Cultural History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970), 48–78. 5. See Liang, “Lun Laozi shu zuo yu Zhanguo zhi mo,” reprinted in Gushi bian 4, 305. 6. See Takeuchi, Roshi no kenkyu (Tokyo: Kaizosha, 1927), 407–411. 7. See Wang, Guantang bieji in Guantang jilin (Beijing, China: Zhonghua shuju, 2004/1959), 1152–1153. 8. See vol. 848 of SKQS, 305b and 413d. 9. See Guojia Wenwuju Guwenxian Yanjiushi ed. (1980), 7. 10. See Zhang, “Yinxie xietianjie,” in Jiaguwen yu Yin Shang shi, Hu Houxuan ed. (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1983), 1–12. 11. See Boltz, “The Lao Tzu Text that Wang Pi and Ho-Shang Kung Never Saw,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 48 (1985), 493–501. 12. See Luo, Laozi yuyi, in vol. 22 of Wuqiubeizhai Laozi jicheng xubian, 14. 13. In SKQS yi 螐 (“one”) appears as its homonym yi 蜩 (“second”), but it seems to be an error, as the other editions uniformly use yi (“one”). 14. See Jingmenshi Bowuguan (1998), 123–126. 15. See Xunzi, 695: 303bc, and Han Feizi, 729: 616b. 16. See Lau, Tao Te Ching (Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1982), 172–173. 17. See Yu Shengwu, Laozi xinzheng, in vol. 28 of Wuqiubeizhai Laozi jicheng xubian. 18. Xi, Laozi jijie, in vol. 21 of Wuqiubeizhai laozi jicheng xubian, 73. 19. Gao, Chongding Laozi zhenggu (Taibei, Taiwan: Xinwenfeng chuban gongsi), 93. 20. See Wei, Chujian Laozi jiandu (Taibei, Taiwan: Wanquanlou tushu youxian gongsi, 1999), i–iii. 21. Chen, Laozi jixun (Shanghai: Shanghai shudian, 1996/1928). See his comment on chapter 41. 22. See Guojia Wenwuju Guwenxian Yanjiushi ed. (1980), 93. 23. In the extant Heshanggong edition, this comment does not appear. 24. Lau, “The Treatment of Opposites in ‘Lao Tzu,’ ” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 21: 3 (1958), 349–353. 25. Before the excavation of the Mawangdui texts, scholars who gravitated toward a metaphysical interpretation of the book insisted that readers could find a philosophical usage of wu in chapter 1. This view was initiated by Wang Anshi (1021–1086), who

Notes to Part I / 289 separated wu (“not to have”) from ming 聐 (“name”) and from yu 蘽 (“desire”) in his interpretation of the passage, making ming and yu verbs. The Mawangdui texts, however, have an ending postposition ye 蒺 right after yu, so wu-ming and wu-yu obviously should be read as conjoined. Therefore, only three passages remaining have wu as an independent term. 26. See Feng, Zhongguo zhexue shi (Taibei, Taiwan: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1990, 1930), 220. 27. The only passage featuring a dialogue between Wenzi and King Ping of the Zhou is seen in vol. 1058 of SKQS, 333b–c. 28. See Hebeisheng Wenwu Yanjiusuo, “Hebei Dingxian 40 hao Hanmu fajue jianbao” Wenwu 303 (1981. 8), 1–10; and Dingxian Hanmu zhujian zhenglizu, “Dingxian 40 hao Hanmu chutu zhujian jianjie,” ibid., 11–12. 29. For more discussion regarding this issue, see Zeng Dahui, “Jinben Wenzi zhenwei kao,” Daojia wenhua yanjiu 18 (2000), 251–263. 30. For “Rujiazhe yan” and the original script of this quotation, see He Zhigang, “Rujiazhe yan lüeshuo,” Wenwu 303 (1981. 8). 31. Kongzi jiayu (Confucius’s Family Annals) also mentions the Inscription. In a sense, it adopts a more audacious way to discuss the Inscription because the story of the Inscription in the book is bracketed by another suspicious story regarding the connection between Laozi, the alleged author of Laozi, and Confucius, wherein Confucius is described to have audience with Laozi in order to ask about the rites, the Confucian ritual decorum. See Kongzi jiayu, in vol. 695 of SKQS, 26c–28a. For more on this issue, see A. C. Graham, “The Origins of the Legend of Lao Tan,” in Studies in Chinese Philosophy and Philosophical Literature (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990/1986), 111–124. Gu Jiegang initially proposed the same view as Graham’s, insisting that the story was forged by later Daoists. See Gu, Qin Han de fangshi yu rusheng (Shanghai: Qunlian chubanshe, 1955), 38–42. 32. Even the most conservative evaluations of the “Ten Wings” (shiyi: 葟蝶), one of which is “Tuan,” insist that Confucius wrote it. 33. See Cui Shu, Zhusi kaoxin lü, in vol. 4 of Cui Dongbi yishu (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1983), 428. 34. Confucianism also advocates being “long and lasting,” but not in terms of the body. Legalism approves of being “long and lasting,” but not by means of self-sufficiency or self-effacement. 35. See Wei (1999), 52. 36. See Ma (1924), 419. 37. Lines 1–2 are not in the Guodian documents. The quotation in Han Shi waizhuan (The Outer Commentary of the Poetry by Mr. Han) for this passage also omits them (89: 851a). Moreover, the two black dots in Text A before the first line and the second line imply the existence of two original passages. 38. See Li Jingde, Zhuzi yulei (Beijing, China: Zhonghua shuju, 1986), 2998. 39. See Yi, Du Lao zhaji, 104. 40. See Hebeisheng Wenwu Yanjiusuo (1981), 1–10. 41. See Guo Moruo, “Song Xing Yin Wen yizhu kao,” Qingtong shidai, in vol. 1 of Guo Moruo quanji (Beijing, China: Renmin chubanshe, 1982), 547–572. 42. See Ma (1924), 434.

290 / Notes to Part I 43. See Czikszentmihalyi and Ivanhoe ed. (1999), 43. 44. See Lau (1982), xx–xxi. Only two passages, this one and chapter 79, use the term in Laozi. 45. See Guo Moruo (1996/1947), 194–197. 46. See Gu (1932), 483. 47. See Guojia Wenwuju Guwenxian Yanjiushi (1980), 4. 48. Heshanggong reads yue 蘇 (“to be called”) in line 9 as ri 螔 (“day after day”), translating this line as “If you abide by softness, you will be stronger day after day.” Cheng Xuanying and Wu Cheng agreed and read even the first yue as ri. Texts A and B, however, both use yue. The Mawangdui texts, through these minor contributions, dissolve many philological, exegetic obstacles in the study of Laozi. 49. See Chen, Han Feizi jishi (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2000), 427. 50. Regarding jieran in Mencius, I follow Sun Shi’s commentary. On the contrary, Zhu Xi sees it as meaning “abruptly.” 51. See Feng, Zhongguo zhexueshi (Taibei, Taiwan: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1990/1930), 438–439 and Guo (1999/1947), 131. 52. See Qian (2002/1935), 258. 53. As to Zhu’s arguments introduced here, refer to Zhu (1957), i–iii. 54. See Yu Yue, Laozi pingyi in vol. 13 of Wuqiubeizhai Laozi jicheng xubian, 25. 55. See Chan (1991), 107–118. 56. See Kusuyama, Roshi densetsu no kenkyu (Tokyo: Sobunsha, 1979), 21, 160. 57. See Chan (1963), 79–81. 58. Ibid., 200. 59. In its English translation, this book has been renamed Tao of Peace. See Wang Zhen, Tao of Peace, translated by Ralph D. Sawyer (Boston: Shambhala, 1999). 60. Zhang Taiyan, “Rudao,” in Zhang Taiyan xueshushi lunji, ed. Fu Jie (Beijing, China: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1997), 239. 61. See Chan (1963) 222–223, and Lewis, Sanctioned Violence in Early China (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), 121–135. 62. Fukunaga Mitsuji, Chūgoku no tetsugaku shūkyō geijutsu (Kyoto, Japan: Jinbun Shoin, 1988), 35. 63. On the contrary to “Jingshen,” Kongzi jiayu, reflecting its affiliation with Confucius, asserted that Zilu heard this saying from Confucius himself (695: 49d). Of course, due to the unreliability of Kongzi jiayu, the saying is not definitely attributable to Confucius. 64. See Wei (1999), 41–42. 65. See Jiang (1937), 367. The relevant part is damaged in Text A. 66. See Yi, 81–82. 67. See Guojia Wenwuju Guwenxian Yanjiushi ed. (1980), 8. 68. The original wording for this expression appears in the Analects as bao 膊 yuan 蚞 yi 蝋 de 繥, which is different from that in Laozi, yi 蝋 de 繥 bao 膊 yuan 蚞. They have the same meaning. 69. See Guo, Guodian zhujian yu xianQin xueshu sixiang (Shanghai: Shanghai jiaoyu chubanshe, 2001), 86. 70. Because Shuoyuan is a collection of writings from multiple authors, we cannot pinpoint the creator of the modified story in “Quanmao.”

Notes to Part I / 291 71. See Lau (1982), 130. 72. This saying is also quoted in Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhushu. See vol. 144 of SKQS, 159d. 73. See Chan (1963), 214. 74. See Ma (1924), 550–551. 75. See Gao (1940), 152. 76. See Liu Dianjue (D. C. Lau), “Mawangdui Hanmu boshu Laozi shitan,” Mingbao yuekan 201 (1982. 9). 77. For example, in line 2, Text B reverses the order of the words in Text A, stating, “Yet now, precisely because I look unwise, I am great.” In line 4, Text B adds some words so that the line reads: “I always have three treasures. I hold on to and treasure them.” This wording also corresponds to the received editions. These changes may have been intended to clarify the meaning of these lines, which is typical in copyediting. Another example is that Text B is identical to the later editions in adding a phrase between the first and second phrases in the sentence in line 11 to make it parallel to the “three treasures.” This can also be considered a result of the copyediting of Text A. 78. See Yang, Fangyan, in vol. 221 of SKQS, 328a. 79. See Henricks (1989), 160. 80. The “three chapters” mentioned in Zhang’s song refers to chapters 30, 31, and 68, that is, this passage. As I have already discussed, however, the preceding passages representing chapters 67 and 68 are also related to the Militarists’ idea. In addition, chapters 36, 57, and 76 have been regarded as relating to the Militarists. 81. Because no Wang Bi’s comment leads us to a specific translation for this phrase, other translations are possible. For example, “To know how to pretend to not know is the best.” 82. “Know that you do not know” in this quotation is more popularly translated as “To know is not to know,” but here I have used my translation for the same phrase (zhi bu zhi 覌膻覌) in Laozi above in order to highlight the relationship between the two. 83. See Yu, Laozi pingyi (1889), 38. 84. The second and the third weis 蘕 (“to fear” or “fear” here) in line 1 appear as the synonymous wei 蚹 in the later editions. They are interchangeable, according to Jiao Hong. 85. Note that there are three weis 蘕 (“fear”) in this saying as in the passage in earlier discussion. 86. See Zhu (1957), 183–184. 87. See Mair (1990), 48. 88. Due to this aspect, Ren Jiyu felt that this passage exposed the deception of the feudal lords. See Ren, Laozi xinyi (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1985, 1978), 220. 89. See Gao, Boshu Laozi jiaozhu (Beijing, China: Zhonghua shuju, 1996), 193. 90. See Henricks (1989), 176. 91. Refer to Guojia Wenwuju Guwenxian Yanjiushi ed. (1980), 9; Jiang (1937), 172; and Zhao, Lunyu xintan (Beijing, China: Renmin chubanshe, 1959). 92. See Wu Shuping, Qinhan wenxian yanjiu (Qinan: Qilu shushe, 1988), 6–8. 93. See Gao (1996), 206. 94. See Xisheng jing, in vol. 11 of Daozang, 508. 95. These three pieces of evidence were initially proposed by Xue Hui. 96. See Guojia Wenwuju Guwenxian Yanjiushi ed. (1980), 94.

292 / Notes to Part II 97. See Gao (1996), 214–217. 98. See Mair (1990), 55.

PART II: THE WAY 1. Rao Zongyi mentioned these facts. See Rao (1956), 3–4. Rao argued that this first edition of the Five Thousand Words was Xiang’er. 2. See “Rizhe liezhuan,” Shiji (127: 3218). 3. William Boltz also discussed this issue in the same manner. See Boltz (1985), 493–494. 4. See Jiang (1937), 3–4. His argument in this issue succeeded Shi Dan’s (fl. 1268: alias Ding Yidong) view, which was introduced in the Jiao Hong edition. 5. According to Du Guangting (850–933), this idea was initially proposed by the Daoist Sun Deng (ca. 220–280). See Du Guangting, Daode zhenjing guangchengyi, in vol. 14 of Daozang, 341. 6. In this regard, Judith Boltz argued that some commentaries made after the time of Wang Bi were obviously influenced by the teaching of Buddhism. See J. Boltz, A Survey of Daoist Literature (Berkeley: Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, 1987), 216–217. 7. See Liu, “Laozi zhi Dao,” Daojia wenhua yanjiu 15 (1999), 85–109. For Western academic responses to this topic, see Isabelle Robinet, “The Diverse Interpretations of the Laozi,” reprinted in Czikszentmihalyi and Ivanhoe ed. (1999), 127–159. 8. Emphasizing this aspect, Qian Mu entitled the collection of his writings on Zhuangzi and Laozi “Zhuang Lao tongbian.” See Qian, Zhuang Lao tongbian, in vol. 7 of Qian Binsi xiansheng quanji (Taibei, Taiwan: Sanmin shuju, 1971). Also see Qian (1930), 411. 9. The change from ying in the Mawangdui texts to qing in the later editions might have been attempted due to the naming taboo, in this case the personal name of Emperor Hui, Liu Ying (r. 195–188 bce). 10. Gao Heng insisted that this passage should be broken into two parts, the first part from the first line to line 9 and the second part to the end of the passage because in the first part Laozi employs a perfect perspective of relativism while in the other part it displays a specific orientation concerning the “affairs of no–action” and the “wordless teaching.” See Gao (1940), 6. 11. See Zhu (1957), 10–11. 12. See Ma (1924), 109. 13. Shenzi’s lost works were collected by Qian Xizuo mainly from Qunshu zhiyao complied in 631. He attached them to the standard edition of Shenzi to create his edition of Shenzi, which Sibu congkan adopted as its base text for Shenzi. 14. “Shen shi” (“Being Prudent of Power”) in Lüshi Chunqiu also contains similar introductions to Shen Dao’s thought narrated here. 15. See Takeuchi (1927), 114–120; Thompson (1979), 527. 16. Although Wang Bi seems to interpret chong as “to empty,” the widely adopted translation for this line does not suit to the Wang Bi’s commentary because he did not place a pause after chong. In Wang Bi’s interpretation, this line will read, “The Way uses itself through emptying.”

Notes to Part II / 293 17. Because line 3 seems to have no relation to the phrase, “The Way is empty” in most translations, some scholars insisted that the following lines should be separated from this first line. To support their argument, commentators such as Liu Shipei, Ma Xulun, Gao Heng, and Chen Guying pointed out, paying attention to the fact that this sentence also appeared in chapter 56, that this sentence was a duplication caused by the disarrangement of bamboo slips on which the ancient writings were transcribed. For example, see Chen, Laozi jinzhu jinyi (Taibei, Taiwan: Taiwan Shangwu yinshuguan, 1970). In the Mawangdui texts, however, this sentence appears in both passages. 18. Because Text A uses the same xiao, in a passage equivalent to chapter 8, instead of yuan in the later editions, the two words seem to have been interchangeable. 19. See Yan, Mawangdui boshu Laozi shitan (Taibei, Taiwan: Heluo tushu chubanshe, 1976). 20. See Lu, Laozi Daodejing yinyi, 1395; Ma (1924), 122–123. 21. See Yu, Laozi pingyi, 5. 22. See Catherine Despeux, “Women in Daoism,” in Daoism Handbook, ed. Livia Kohn (Leiden, Netherlands; Boston, MA: Brill, 2000), 401. 23. See Zhang (1987), 50; Guo, Jiagu wenzi yanjiu, in vol. 8 of Jiagu wenxian jicheng (Chengdu, China: Sichuan daxue chubanshe, 2001), 10–11. 24. Sometimes the “gate of the obscure female” in line 3 is distinguished from the “obscure female.” Regarding this, Xue Hui made an interesting remark: “Since Laozi overall uses rhymes, in its usage of language it often changes the phrases to fit them into the rhymes. Therefore, it is not proper to observe a specific meaning from one character or so. . . . [W]hen it comes to the gate of the obscure female, this merely repeats the expression [of the obscure female] to fit it into to the rhyme of the following phrase.” 25. This passage appears in its entirety in the Guodian documents, but the first character needs to be deciphered with care. 26. See Jiang (1937), 50. 27. See Gao (1996), 259–260. 28. See Liu, Laozi jiaobu. 15–16. 29. In this line, I see tuan 槫 in Text B as interchangeable with zhuan 衙 (“to calm”), which means “to become tranquil, stable, and not agitated” (Fan Yingyuan). 30. See Gao (1940), 24. 31. See Lu, Laozi Daodejing yinyi, 1395. 32. See Rao (1956), 4. 33. Bi Yuan, Laozi daodejing kaoyi, in vol. 9 of Wuqiubeizhai laozi jicheng xubian, 72. 34. For example, see Xu (1982), 78. 35. The pronunciation of this character is shan, and not yan, according to Lu Deming, Fan Yingyuan, and Jiao Hong. 36. See Henricks (1989), 208. 37. See Yi, Du Lao zhaji, 27. 38. See Peng (2000), 83. 39. See Guan, “Zhaungzi waizapian chutan,” in Zhuangzi zhexue taolun ji, ed. Zhexue yanjiu bianjibu (Beijing, China: Zhonghua shuju, 1962), 61–98. A. C. Graham also followed Guan in this respect. See Graham (1989), 55. 40. “The Constance of the Way” and “great Way” do not appear in my translation because I have based it on the Mawangdui texts whereas Zhang referred to the later editions.

294 / Notes to Part II 41. Jiang (1937), 78. 42. See Zhu, 37. 43. See Jingmenshi Bowuguan (1998), 116. 44. In his estimation of the four chapters, Ross seems to rely on a series of assumptions that include the following: Laozi was completed in the fourth century; the yin-yang and five phases theory emerged in the third century; and the use of some particles used in the four chapters, such as ru 蔒, yu, 蓯 and wu 肳, also occurred in the fourth century. See Roth (1995), 24–25, and related footnotes. Putting aside the first two points, yu 蓯 as a locative particle appeared later than another locative particle yu 虚, which is used in the Mawangdui texts. On precedence between the two yus, refer to Zhang Shoulin, “Laozi Daodejing chu yu Ru hou kao,” (1927) in Gushi bian 4 (1962/1933), 317–332. 45. See Jiang (1937), 105. 46. See Gu (1932), 483. 47. See Guojia Wenwuju Guwenxian Yanjiushi (1980), 14. 48. For more on the usage of the particle yan in the Mawangdui texts and the Guodian documents, refer to Paul Goldin, “The Old Chinese Particle yan 蓿 and an 蒃,” Journal of American Oriental Society 123.1 (2003), 169–173. 49. See Jingmenshi Bowuguan (1998), 113; Wei (1999), 3–4. 50. Henricks argued that this passage should be combined with the previous one. See Henricks (1989), 224. In the Guodian documents, however, the passage related to chapter 35 follows the previous passage. 51. Whether the character for “deceitfulness” should be translated as such or as “thinking” is not clear. Qiu Xigui, who played a crucial role in deciphering the Guodian documents, later changed his interpretation from “deceitfulness” to “thinking.” See Guo Yi, Guodian zhujian yu xianQin xueshu sixiang (Shanghai: Shanghai jiaoyu chubanshe, 2001), 66. Also, the characters for “filial piety and benevolence” could be read differently to mean “infant.” In that case, the last phrase would be translated as “the people will return to the state of an infant.” 52. See Liu, Laozi jiaobu, 24. 53. See Gao (1940), 53. 54. See Gao (1996), 335–336. 55. See Lau (1982), 299; Henricks (1989), 230. 56. See Guojia Wenwuju Guwenxian Yanjiushi (1980), 12. 57. See Chan (1963), 141. 58. See Guojia Wenwuju Guwenxian Yanjiushi (1980), 15. 59. With regard to the appearance of the king in this set of “greats,” Xue Hui commented that, “even though these three things (the Way, heaven, and earth) stand on their own, there will be no way to rule the myriad things without the king.” 60. Scholars who are aware of the current environmental issues seem to move the focus of the philosophical interpretation of Laozi from the Way to nature. For example, see Liu Xiaogan, “Naturalness, the Core Value in Taoism: Its Ancient Meaning and Its Significance Today,” in Lao-tzu and the Tao-te-ching, 211–230. 61. Li Yue changed the original “man” into “king.” 62. See Guojia Wenwuju Guwenxian Yanjiushi (1980), 15. 63. See Liang (1922), 307.

Notes to Part II / 295 64. See Ren (1978), 118. 65. If “the pure” changes into “glory,” “the stained” (ru 虁) should be translated as “humiliation” in order to make the two values comparable because ru has multiple meanings. Yi Shunding argued that the wording in “Tianxia” was original and must have been edited by later people into that of the later editions because they did not know the ancient usage of ru in which it could also be used for “the stained.” Thus, Yi Shunding continued to explain, they would have felt that bai (“the white”) could not be compared to ru (“humiliation”), so they eventually would have changed bai into rong (“glory”). See Yi, Du Lao zhaji, 99–100. 66. Even though Guanzi is composed of many fragments from different times, the chronological narrations related to the history of the state of Qi, such as this writing, are generally estimated as comprising the earliest part of the book. 67. The Guodian documents provide a more organized and simple wording of this passage in which lines 1–3 do not appear and one of two redundant expressions in line 5 and the first half of line 6 is missing. Due to the damaged condition of the Guodian documents, which expression should be deleted is not clear. 68. See Guojia Wenwuju Guwenxian Yanjiushi (1980), 15. 69. See Zhang (1987), 211; Wei (1999), 62–63. 70. See Lao, Laozi guben kao, 87. 71. In its explanation of this passage, “Yu Lao” in Han Feizi discusses several stories about King Zhuang of the state of Chu, as well as about Confucius’s disciple Zixia, to emphasize the value of knowing and overcoming oneself for success (729: 665ab). Lüshi Chunqiu presents a similar teaching about knowing and overcoming oneself (848: 298ab). 72. The two wangs are interchangeable with each other in the ancient usage according to Gao Ming. See Gao (1996), 404–405. 73. See Wei (1999), 60–61. 74. Whether line 3 conveys positive meaning is not clear. Wang Bi commented: “That with which people listen to the words of the Way cannot be equal to that with which food and music make people’s mind [temporarily] delighted at times.” Wang Zhen, however, believed that the situation in which people are well treated with food and music was a metaphor for an idealistic society where people are delighted with the Way. 75. The extant Poetry does not include the saying introduced in Lüshi Chunqiu; therefore, it must be one of the missing poems from the Zhou dynasty. 76. See Xu (1982), 117. 77. Interestingly, Sima Qian considered Lü Xiang a master of schemes and machinations: “After the Duke of the West from the Zhou dynasty, whose name was Chang (King Wen), escaped from Youli and returned to his place, he secretly schemed with Lü Xiang to overthrow the polity of the Shang dynasty by cultivating his virtue. Thus, Lü Xiang’s businesses were mainly related to circumstantial judgments in military affairs and unexpected schemes. Therefore, those who later discussed military affairs and the obscure measures taken by the Zhou uniformly pointed out that he based his businesses on machinations” (Shiji, 32: 1478).

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NON-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES Collections Taiwan shangwu yinshuguan 繟而芣肏蝻苗籠. Wenyuange siku quanshuG 肫蕃竳艏篼 衒苗. Taibei, Taiwan: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1983. Wang Yunwu 蘌蚎薺. Guoxue jiben congshu 糑谷結膩誴苗. Taibei, Taiwan: Taiwan shangwu yinshuguan, 1968. Wenwu chubanshe 肫肵諨讫艧 et al. DaozangG 纊蟿. Beijing, China: Wenwu chubanshe; 1988. Yan Lingfeng 蔆薠膯. Wuqiubeizhai Laozi jicheng chubian 肚粵舆蠔緢螲觛茶誏诉. Taibei, Taiwan: Yiwen yinshuguan, 1965. ———. Wuqiubeizhai Laozi jicheng xubian 肚粵舆蠔緢螲觛茶荶诉. Taibei, Taiwan: Yiwen yinshuguan, 1970. Zhonghua shuju 襦贫苗糒. Ershisi shi 蝊葟艏艋. Beijing, China: Zhonghua shuju, 1982.

Before Twentieth Century Ban Gu 胷篸. Hanshu 豀苗 in Ershis ishi. Bao Biao 诹谂. Baoshi Zhanguo ce zhu 诹葢衝糑訷褹 in SKQS 406: 469–729. Bi Yuan 谡蚡. Laozi daodejing kaoyi 緢螲纊繥篏簊蝝, in vol. 9 of Wuqiubeizhai Laozi jicheng xubian. Chen Jingyuan 观箿蚕. Daode zhenjing zangshi zuanhuibian 纊繥観篏蟿葑觼肻诈, in Daozang 13: 631–652. ———. Xishengjing 苣萉篏 in Daozang 11: 489–512. Chen Qiyou 观絓蛬. Han Feizi jishi 豈舭螲觛苶G Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2000. Chen Shou 观莕. Sanguo zhi 芓糑西, in Ershis ishi. Chen Zhu 观褷. Laozi jixun 緢螲觛趟, in vol. 22 of Wuqiubeizhai Laozi jicheng xubian. Cui Shu 諀菶. Kaoxin lü 簊萺罵, in vol. 363 of Guoxue jiben congshu.

297

298 / Selected Bibliography Dai De 繜繥. Dadailiji 繗繜罜絽, in SKQS 128: 399–539. Dai Zhen 繜觃. Daidongyuan ji (xia) 繜纫蚖觛 (谨), in vol. 329 of Guoxue jiben congshu. Deqing 繥詿. Laozi Daodejing jie 緢螲纊繥篏豻, in vol. 18 of Wuqiubeizhai Laozi jicheng chubian. Dong Sijing 纴艙袿. Daode zhenjing jijie 纊繥観篏觛豻, in Daozang 12: 821–861. Du Daojian 纸纊箘. Xunjing yuanzhi fahui 貧篏蚖覄脊趫, in Daozang 12: 758–779. Du Guangting 纸籦袕. Daode zhenjing guangchengyi 纊繥観篏籩茾蝂, in Daozang 14: 309–566. Fan Yingyuan 腞蜴蚕. Laozi Daodejing guben jijie 緢螲纊繥篏篴膩觛豻, in vol. 14 of Wuqiubeizhai Laozi jicheng chubian. Fang Xiaoru 脙赿蛓. Xunzhizhai ji 荾襺蠔觛, in SKQS 1235: 43–724. Fu Yi 膾貜. Daodejing guben bian 纊繥篏篴膩诈, in Daozang 11: 482–489. Gao Sisun 簙艇荺. Zilüe 螲缉, in SKQS 674: 491–523. Gao You 簙蛸. Zhanguo ce 衝糑訷, in SKQS 406: 239–729. Ge Hong 笒贜. Baopozi neiwaipian 诨胞螲緉蘑诈, in SKQS 1059: 1–251. Gongsun Long 簰荺羔. Gongsun Longzi 簰荺羔螲, in SKQS 848: 245–256. Kong Anguo 簳蒃糑. Shangshu zhushu 芧苗褹荟, in SKQS 54: 1–450. Kong Chao 簳裤. Yi Zhoushu 螖褯苗, in SKQS 370: 1–64. Gu Huan 簘贽. Daode zhenjing zhushu 纊繥観篏褹荟, in Daozang 13: 274–356. Gu Yanwu 簘蕭肘. Rizhi lü jishi 螔覌罵觛苶, in vol. 17 of Guoxue jiben congshu. Guan Zhong 籚襧. Guanzi 籚螲, in SKQS 729: 1–274. Guo Xiang 籏芻. Zhuangzi zhu 蟻螲褹, in SKQS 1056: 1–167. Han Fei 豈舭. Han Feizi 豈舭螲, in SKQS 729: 597–793. Han Ying 豈闻. Han Shi waizhuan 豈营蘑衑, in SKQS 89: 775–861. Heluo tushu chuban songsi 谮绛繪苗諨讫簰艌. Suodan Laozi boshu Laozi 苄⣱緢螲 腂苗緢螲. Taibei, Taiwan: Heluo tushu chuban songsi, 1975. Heshanggong 谮芟簰. Daode zhenjing zhu 纊繥観篏褹, in Daozang 12: 1–23. Huan Kuan 贿籓. Yantie lun 蕵詨罸, in SKQS 695: 475–665. Huang Kan 赜竴. Lunyu jijie yishu 緰蓳觛豻蝂荟, in SKQS 195: 333–523. Jai Yu 竤蝇. Xinshu 萿苗, in SKQS 695: 387–474. Jiao Hong 誚❬. Laozi yi 緢螲蝶, in Daozang 36: 530–599. Li Jingde 蔤袿繥. Zhuzi yuleiG 褶螲蓳羯. Beijing, China: Zhonghua shuju, 1986. Li Longji 蝗蜡結. Tang Xuanzong yuzhu Daode zhenjing 繉貧褒蓮褹纊繥観篏 in Daozang 11: 716–749. Li Rong 蝗薅. Daode zhenjing zhu 纊繥観篏褹, in Daozang 14: 37–56. Li Yue 蝗蓈. Daode zhenjing xinzhu 纊繥観篏萿襆, in Daozang 12: 323–341. Lie Yukou 蕝蓲粩. Liezi 蕝螲, in SKQS 1055: 573–649. Lin Xiyi 螞跖螖. Daode zhenjing kouyi 纊繥観篏粣蝂, in Daozang 12: 696–724. Liu An 蛐蒃. Huainan honglie jie 赮網贡罀豻, in SKQS 848: 505–758. Liu Xiang 蛐貉. Shuoyuan 茢蚨, in SKQS 696: 1–186. ———. Xinxu 萿苎, in SKQS 696: 187–268. Lü Buwei 蔐臺蛊. Lüshi Chunqiu 蔐葢諥諊, in SKQS 848: 271–504. Lu Deming 蜊繥聒. Laozi Daodejing yinyiG 緢螲纊繥篏蜮蝂, in Jingdian xiwen 篏術 苶肫G 1393–1406. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1985. Lü Huiqing 蔐賜箶. Daode zhenjing zhuan 纊繥観篏衑, in Daozang 12: 147–184. Lu Xisheng 蜊跖茿. Daode zhenjing zhuan 纊繥観篏衑, in Daozang 12: 115–147.

Selected Bibliography / 299 Mao Heng 聫賆. Mao Shi zhushu 聫营褹荟, in SKQS 69: 43–991. Mo Di 肥衄. Mozi 肥螲, in SKQS 848: 19–148. Peng Si 访⪙. Daode zhenjing jizhu zashuo 纊繥観篏觛褹蟟茢 I, in Daozang 13: 1–106. Qiang Siqi 笶艙裙. Daode zhenjing xuande zuanshu 纊繥観篏貧繥觼荟, in Daozang 13: 357–538. Qu Yuan 諐蕕; Wang Yi 蘌螖. Chuci zhangju 誗艹蟶粤, in SKQS 1062:1–114. Ruan Yuan 蘅蚕. Siku weishou shumu tiyao 艏篼肼莠苗聺裊蘶, in vol. 5 of Guoxue jiben congshu. Shao Ruoyu 荭蓉虤. Daode zhenjing zhijie 纊繥観篏觛豻, in Daozang 12: 236–262. Shen Dao 萾繩. Shenzi 萾螲, in SKQS 848: 193–197. Sima Qian 艌翸詚. Shiji 艋絽, in Ershisi shi. Beijing, China: Zhonghua shuju, 1982. Su Tong 荨讇 and Li Shan 蝗苻. Wenxuan zhu 肫茓褹, in SKQS 1329: 1–1043. Su Zhe 荩詧. Daode zhenjing zhu 纊繥観篏褹, in Daozang 12: 291–322. Sun Wu 荺肘. Sunzi 荺螲, in SKQS 726: 43–56. Wang Bi 蘌谝. Daode zhenjing zhu 纊繥観篏褹, in Daozang 12: 272–291. Wang Bi 蘌谝 and Kong Yingda 簳薕縲. Zhouyi zhushu 褯蔩褹荟, in SKQS 7: 282–601. Wang Chong 蘌諫. Lunheng 緰賕, in SKQS 862: 1–347. Wang Guowei 蘌糑蛴. Guantang jilinG 籝繊觛翪. Beijing, China: Zhonghua shuju, 2004/1959. Wang Niansun 蘌緒荺. Dushu zazhi 纘苗蟟西. Taibei, Taiwan: Shijie shuju, 1870/1963. Wang Su 蘌菗. Kongzi jiayuG 簳螲竖蓳, in SKQS 695: 1–113. Wang Yinglin 蘌蜴翩. Hanshu Yiwenzhi kaozheng 豀苗薮肫西簊襸, in SKQS 675 Wang Zhen 蘌観. Daodejing lun bing yaoyi shu 纊繥篏緰腹蘶蝂菶, in Daozang 13: 631–652. Wei Zhao 蛊荖. Guoyu 糑蓳, in SKQS 406: 1–185. Wu Cheng 藀觞. Daode zhenjing zhu 纊繥観篏褹, in Daozang 12: 780–820. Xie Shouhu 艶莗賷. Hunyuan shengjiG 贑蚕茾絷, in Daozang 17 Xin Xing 葍㖨. Wenzi 肫螲, in SKQS 1058: 305–370. Xu Shen 貔萾. Shuowen jiezi 茢肫豻螳, in SKQS 223: 63–383. Xue Hui 茟賟. Laozi jijie 緢螲觛豻, in vol. 17 of Wuqiubeizhai Laozi jicheng chubian. Xun Huang 菫赖. Xunzi 菫螲, in SKQS 695: 115–306. Yan Zhitui 蒋襺諄. Yanshi jiaxun 蒋葢竖趟, in SKQS 848: 937–989. Yan Zun 蔆襢. Daode zhenjing zhigui 纊繥観篏要糾, in Daozang 12: 341–395. Yang Xiong 蓕蚔. Fangyan 脙蔀, in SKQS 221: 281–381. Ye Mengde 蕹肀织. Laozi jie 緢螲豻. Yin Wen 蜎肫. Yin WenziG 蜎肫螲, in SKQS 848: 181–192. Yu Yue 蛏ᶢ. Laozi pingyi 緢螲诐蝈, in vol. 13 of Wuqiubeizhai Laozi jicheng xubian. Zhang Sicheng 蟪艎茶. Daode zhenjing zhangju xunsong 纊繥観篏蟶粤趟莈, in Daozang 12: 626–641. Zhang Xuecheng 蟶谷荁. Wenshi tongyi 肫艋讈蝂 I, in vol. 363 of Guoxue jiben congshu. Zhao Bingwen 褀膃肫. Daode zhenjing jijie 纊繥観篏觛豻, in Daozang 12: 546– 584. Zhao Qi 褀絖. Mengzi zhushu 耺螲褹荟, in SKQS 195: 1–331. Zheng Qiao 袸誔. Tongzhi 讈西, in SKQS 372: 1–381. Zheng Xuan 袸貧 and Kong Yingda 簳薕縲. Liji zhushuG 薰絽褹荟, in SKQS 115: 1–116: 535.

300 / Selected Bibliography Zheng Xuan 袸貧 and Jia Gongyan 竤簰蓾. Zhouli zhushu 褯罜褹荟, in SKQS 90: 1–795. Zhou Dunyi 褯纛㢇. Zhou Yuangong ji 褯蚕簰觛, in SKQS 1101: 415–501. Zhu Xi 褶距. Daxue zhangju 繗谷蟶粤, in SKQS 197: 1–13. ———. Lunyu jizhu 緰蓳觛褹, in SKQS 197: 14–89. ———. Mengzi jizhu 耺螲觛褹, in SKQS 197: 90–198. ———. Zhongyong zhangju 襦虉蟶粤, in SKQS 197: 198–214. Zuo Qiuming 褤粛聒 and Du Yu 纸薹. Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhushuG 諥諊褤衑褹荟, in SKQS 143:1–144: 677.

Twentieth Century and Later Chen Guying 观簚蜴. Laozi jinzhu jinyi 緢螲細襆細蔮. Taibei, Taiwan: Taiwan Shangwu yinshuguan, 1970. Chen Zhu 观褷. Laozi jixun 緢螲觛趟. Shanghai: Shanghai shudian, 1996/1928. Cui Renyi 諀蝹蝂. Jingmen Guodian Chujian Laozi yanjiu 賓肱籏袂誗笆緢螲蕍粽. Beijing, China: Kexue chubanshe, 1998. Feng Youlan 谔號绪. Zhongguo zhexueshi 襦糑詠谷艋. Taibei, Taiwan: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1990/1930. Fukunaga Mitsuji 膟薆籦艌. Chūgoku no tetsugaku shūkyō geijutsu 襦ᅜ襦荃࿾褒粊࿸ 肫财. Kyoto, Japan: Jinbun Shoin, 1988. Gao Heng 簙賆. Chongding Laozi zhenggu 襩袵緢螲袢邕. Taibei, Taiwan: Xinwenfeng chuban gongsi, 1940. Gao Ming 簙聒. Boshu Laozi jiaozhu 腂苗緢螲粋褹. Beijing, China: Zhonghua shuju, 1996. Gu Jiegang 簘跣笰. Qin Han de fangshi yu rusheng 覵豀蠿脙艐蔛蛎苇. Shanghai: Qunlian chubanshe, 1955. Guo Moruo 籏耗蓉. Qingtong shidai 誃纵萚織. Beijing, China: Kexue chubanshe, 1957. ———. Shi pipan shu 葟舐讨苗. Beijing, China: Dongfang chubanshe, 1996/1947. Guo Yi 籏絧. Guodian zhujian yu xianQin xueshu sixiang 籏袂襐笆蔛苺覵谷菵艙芭. Shanghai: Shanghai jiaoyu chubanshe, 2001. Guojia Wenwuju Guwenxian Yanjiushi 糑竖肫肵糒篴肫貗蕍粽葑. Mawangdui Hanmu boshu 翸蘌讉豀肄腂苗. Beijing, China: Wenwu chubanshe, 1980. Hu Houxuan 贀趌苽, ed. Jiaguwen yu Yin Shang shi 第簮肫蔛蜥芣艋. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1983. Huang Zhao 赣莏. Boshu Laozi zhuxi 腂苗緢螲褹苯. Taibei, Taiwan: Taibei xuesheng shuju, 1991. Hubeisheng Jingsha Tielu Kaogudui 賲臦茼賓艡詨罫簊篴繢. Baoshan chumu 诟芄誗 肄. Beijing, China: Wenwu chubanshe, 1991. Hunansheng Bowuguan 賲網茼胚肵籠. Changsha Mawangdui yihao hanmu 蠃艡翸蘌 讉螐贅豀肄, 2 vols. Beijing, China: Wenwu Press, 1973. Jiang Xichang 蟽苷訜. Laozi jiaogu 緢螲粋邕. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1937. Jingmenshi Bowuguan 賓肱萕胚肵籠. Guodian Chumu zhujian 籏袂誗肄襐笆. Beijing, China: Wenwu chubanshe, 1998. Kanaya Osamu 紼簠謐. Shin Kan shisōshi kenkyū 覵豀艙芭艋࿾蕍粽. Tokyo: Nihon Gakujutsu Shinkokai, 1969.

Selected Bibliography / 301 Kimura Eiichi 職課薙螐. Rōshi no shinkenkyū 罨螲࿾萿蕍粽. Tokyo: Sobunsha, 1959. Kusuyama Haruki 綵芄諥莢. Rōshi densetsu no kenkyū 緢螲衑茢࿾蕍粽. Tokyo: Sobunsha, 1979. Lao Jian 緙筶. Laozi gubenkao 緢螲篴膩簊, in vol. 31 of Wuqiubeizhai laozi jicheng xubian. Li Zehou 蝗譻趌. Gudai sixiangshi lun 篴織艙芭艋罸. Beijing, China: Renmin chubanshe, 1986. Liu Shipei 蛐艗脯. Laozi jiaobu 緢螲᩶膔, in vol. 16 of Wuqiubeizhai laozi jicheng xubian. Lu Guolong 緡糑羔. Zhongguo chongxuanxue 襦糑襩貧谷. Beijing, China: Renmin Zhongguo chubanshe, 1993. Lou Yulie 縁虡蕢. Wangbi ji jiaoxi 蘌谝觛粋苶. Beijing, China: Zhonghua shuju, 1980. Luo Genze 継紥譻, ed. Gushi bian 篴艋腰 4. Hong Kong: Taiping shuju, 1962/1933. ———. Gushi bian 篴艋腰 6. Hong Kong: Taiping shuju, 1962/1936. Luo Yunxian 継蚌貲. Laozi yuyi 緢螲蔡蝂, in vol. 22 of Wuqiubeizhai laozi jicheng xubian. Ma Xulun 翸苔羴. Laozi hegu 緢螲騼邕. Taibei, Taiwan: Yiwen yinshuguan, 1924. Meng Wentong 肂肫讈. Laozi zhengwen 緢螲觜肫. Taibei, Taiwan: Wanquanlou tushu youxian gongsi, 1998. Peng Hao 访賰. Guodian Chujian Laozi jiaodu 籏袂誗笆緢螲粋纘. Wuhan, China: Hubei remin chubanshe, 2000. Qian Mu 衲聼. Qin Han shi 覵豀艋. Beijing, China: Sanlian shudian, 2004/1957. ———. XianQin zhuzi xinian 苺覵裒螲篭総. Beijing, China: Shangwu yinshuguan, 2002/1935. ———. Zhuang Lao tongbian 蟻罨讈腰 in vol. 7 of Qian Binsi xiansheng quanji 衲舼艏苺苇衒觛. Taibei, Taiwan: Sanmin shuju, 1971. Rao Zongyi 蘻褒㢇. Laozi Xiang’erzhu jiaojian 緢螲芭蝚褹粋衩. Hong Kong: Dongnan shuju, 1956. Ren Jiyu 螙篮蛚. Laozi Xinyi 緢螲萿蔮. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1985/1978. Shanghai Bowuguan 芟豸胚肵籠. Shanghai Bowuguan zang Zhanguo Chu zhushu 芟豸 胚肵籠蟿衝糑誗襐苗. Shanghai: Shanghai Guji chubanshe, 2000. Shima Kunio 繯脩綸. Roshi kosei 緢螲粋袢. Tokyo: Kyuko Shoin, 1973. Takeuchi Yoshio 肘緉蝂蚔. Rōshi no kenkyū 緢螲࿾蕍粽. Tokyo: Kaizosha, 1927. Wang Xing 蘌垶. Laozi xinbian jiaoshi 緢螲萿诉粋苶. Shenyang: Liaoshen shushe, 1990. Wei Qipeng 蛋篝舄. Chujian Laozi jiandu 誗笆緢螲竾苶. Taibei, Taiwan: Wanquanlou tushu youxian gongsi, 1999. Wu Shuping 藀莢诐. Qinhan wenxian yanjiu 覵豀肫貗蕍粽. Jinan, China: Qilu shushe, 1988. Xi Tong 豳鈼. Laozi jijie 緢螲觛豻, in vol. 21 of Wuqiubeizhai laozi jicheng xubian. Xiao Gongquan 荨簰糮. Zhongguo zhengzhi sixiangshi 襦糑袚謐艙芭艋. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1948. Xu Kangsheng 貔豤苇. Boshu Laozi zhuyi yu yanjiu 腂苗緢螲褹蔮蔛蕍粽. Hangzhou, China: Zhejiang renmin chubanshe, 1982. Yan Lingfeng 蔆薠膯. Laozi yandu xuzhiG 緢螲蕍纘菉覌. Taibei, Taiwan: Zhengzhong shuju, 1992. ———. Mawangdui boshu Laozi shitan 翸蘌讉腂苗緢螲萤譟. Taibei, Taiwan: Heluo tushu chubanshe, 1976.

302 / Selected Bibliography ———. Laozi zhangju xinbianG緢螲蟶粤萿诉. Taibei, China: Zhonghua wenhua chuban shiye weiyuanhui, 1954. Yi Shunding 蔩菲裂. Du Lao zhaji 纘緢訇絽, in vol. 16 of Wuqiubeizhai Laozi jicheng xubian. Yu Shengwu 虚茼薿. Laozi xinzhengG 緢螲萿襸, in vol. 28 of Wuqiubeizhai Laozi jicheng xubian. Yunmeng Shuihudi Qinmu bianxie zu 蚎肀莭贄襽覵肄诉艓组. Yunmeng Shuihudi Qinmu 蚎肀莭贄襽覵肄. Beijing, China: Wenwu Chubanshe, 1981. Zhang Taiyan 蟶譭蕭. Zhang Taiyan xueshushi lunji 蟶譭蕭谷菵艋緰觛, ed. Fu Jie 膾箂. Beijing, China: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1997. Zhang Songru 蟪莃蔒. Laozi shuojie 緢螲茢豻. Jinan, China: Qilu shushe, 1987. Zhao Jibin 褀絷舲. Lunyu xintan 緰蓳萿譟. Beijing, China: Renmin chubanshe, 1959. Zhu Qianzhi 褶箬襺. Laozi jiaoshi 緢螲粋苶. Hong Kong: Taiping shuju, 1957.

Articles Cui Renyi 諀蝹蝂. “Shilun Jingmen zhujian Laozi de niandai 萤罸賓肱襐笆緢螲蠿 蔷織.” Jingmen daxue xuebao (1997. 2): 38–42. Dingxian Hanmu zhujian zhenglizu 袓貮豀肄襐笆袛翓裹. “Dingxian 40hao Hanmu chutu zhujian jianjie 袓貮40贅豀肄諨讀襐笆笆筈.” Wenwu 303 (1981. 8): 11–12. Gao Heng 簙賆 and Chi Xizhao 覉跛裧. “Shitan Mawangdui Hanmu zhong de boshu Laozi 萤繁翸蘌讉豀肄襦蠿腂苗緢螲.” Wenwu 222 (1974. 11): 1–7. Gu Jiegang 簘跣笰. “Cong Lüshi Chunqiu tuice Laozi zhi chengshu niandai 褓蔐葢諥 諊諄謇緢螲襺茶苗蔷織.” (1932) Reprinted in Gushi bian 4: 461–519. Guan Feng 籟膹. “Zhaungzi waizapian chutan 蟻螲蘑蟟诉誏譟.” In Zhuangzi zhexue taolun ji 蟻螲詠谷讁罸觛, ed. Zhexue yanjiu bianjibu 詠谷蕍粽诉觙臠. Beijing, China: Zhonghua shuju, 1962, 61–98. Guo Moruo 籏耗蓉. “Song Xing Yin Wen yizhu kao 莁鈃蜎肫蛿蠭簊.” Qingtong shidai 誃纵萚織. In vol. 1 of Guo Moruo quanji 籏耗蓉衒觛. Beijing, China: Renmin chubanshe, 1982, 547–572. ———. “Jiagu wenzi yanjiu 第簮肫螳蕍粽.” In vol. 8 of Jiagu wenxian jicheng 第簮 肫貗觛茶. Chengdu: Sichuan daxue chubanshe, 2001, 10–11. Hebeisheng Wenwu Yanjiusuo 谮臦茼肫肵蕍粽荓. “Hebei Dingxian 40 hao Hanmu fajue jianbao 谮臦袓貮40贅豀肄脊糟笆膊.” Wenwu 303 (1981. 8): 1–10. Hebeisheng Wenwu Yanjiusuo Dingxian Hanmu zhujian zhengli xiaozu 谮臦茼肫肵 蕍粽荓袓貮豀肄襐笆袛翓荐裹. “Dingxian XiHan Zhongshan Huaiwang mu zhujian Wenzi xiwen 袓貮苣豀襦芄赪蘌肄襐笆肫螲苶肫.” Wenwu 475 (1995. 12): 27–34. ———. “Dingxian XiHan Zhongshan Huaiwang mu zhujian Wenzi jiaokan ji 袓貮苣 豀襦芄赪蘌肄襐笆肫螲粋笖絽.” Wenwu 475 (1995. 12): 35–37. He Zhigang 谩覜笰. “Rujiazhe yan lüeshuo 蛎竖螿蔀蓇茢.” Wenwu 303 (1981. 8). Hu Shi 贀衍. “Pinglun jinren kaoju Laozi chengshu niandai de fangfa 诓罸細蝸簊筩 緢螲茶苗蔷織蠿脙腟.” (1933). Reprinted in Gushibian 6: 387–409. Hubeisheng Jingmenshi Bowuguan 賲臦茼賓肱萕胚肵籠. “Jingmen Guodian yihao Chumu 賓肱籏袂螐贅誗肄.” Wenwu 494 (1997. 7): 35–48. Hunansheng Bowuguan 賲網茼胚肵籠. “Changsha Mawangdui 2, 3 hu Hanmu fajue jianbao 蠃艡翸蘌讉 2, 3 贅豀肄脊糟笆膊.” Wenwu 218 (1974. 7): 39–48.

Selected Bibliography / 303 Li Xueqin 蝗谷索. “Jingmen Guodian Chujian suojian Guan Yin yishuo 賓肱籏袂誗 笆荓箟籟蜎蛿茢.” (1998). Zhongguo zhexue 20 (2000): 160–164. ———. “Jingmen Guodian Chujian zhong de Zisizi 賓肱籏袂誗笆襦蠿螲艙螲.” Zhongguo zhexue 20 (1999): 75–80. ———. “Xin faxian jianbo yishuji dui xueshushi de yingxiang 萿脊販笆腂螑衂繘谷 菵艋蠿薀貍.” Daojia wenhua yanjiu 18 (2000): 1–10. Li Zehou 蝗譻趌. “Chudu Guodian zhujian yinxiang jiyao 誏纘籏袂襐笆蝻芻絽蘶.” Daojia wenhua yanjiu 17 (1999): 412–422. Liang Qichao 蓙篝誦. “Lun Laozi shu zuo yu Zhanguo zhi mo 緰緢螲苗蠭虚衝糑襺 耖.” (1922). Reprinted in Gushi bian 4: 305–307. Liu Dianjue 蛐衟蟎. “Mawangdui Hanmu boshu Laozi shitan 翸蘌讉豀肄腂苗緢螲 萤譟.” Mingbao yuekan 201 (1982. 9) Liu Xiaogan 蛐荢笝. “Laozi zhi Dao 緢螲襺纊.” Daojia wenhua yanjiu 15 (1999): 85–109. Peng Hao 访賰. “Guodian Yihao mu de niandai ji xiangguan de wenti 籏袂螐贅肄蠿 蔷織紿芴籟蠿肪裘.” In Benshiji chutu sixiang wenxian yu Zhongguo gudian zhexue yanjiu lunwen ji 膩荃絷諨讀艙芭肫貗蔛襦糑篴術詠谷蕍粽緰肫觛, ed. Chen Fubin 观膟舷 et al. Taibei, Taiwan: Furen Daxue, 1999, 357–364. ———. “Guodian Yihao mu de niandai yu jianben Laozi de jiegou 籏袂螐贅肄蠿蔷 織蔛笆膩緢螲蠿箦粱.” Daojia wenhua yanjiu 17 (1999): 13–15. Qian Mu 衲聼. “Guan yu Laozi chengshu niandai zhi yizong kaocha 籟虚緢螲茶苗蔷 織襺螐褙簊訅.” (1930). Reprinted in Gushi bian 4: 383–411. Qiu Xigui 鄸苷紃. “Guodian Laozi jian chutan 籏袂緢螲笆誏譟.” Daojia wenhua yanjiu 17 (1999): 25–63. Tang Lan 繉绪. “Manwangdui chutu Laozi yiben quanqian guyishu de yanjiu 翸蘌讉 諨讀緢螲蜩膩糪衔篴螖苗蠿蕍粽.” Kaogu xuebao 42 (1975. 1): 7–38. Xing Wen 賗肫. “Lun Guodian Laozi yu jinben Laozi buzhu yixi 緰籏袂緢螲蔛細膩 緢螲.” Zhongguo zhexue 20 (1998): 165–186. You Guoen 蛨糑蜣. “Xunqing kao 菫箶簊.” (1923). Reprinted in Gushi bian 4: 94–103. Zeng Dahui 襱縲趯. “Jinben Wenzi zhenwei kao 細膩肫螲観蚵簊.” Daojia wenhua yanjiu 18 (2000): 251–263. Zhang Shoulin 蟪莕翪. “Laozi Daodejing chu yu Ru hou kao 緢螲纊繥篏諨蓯蛎趒 簊.” (1927). Reprinted in Gushi bian 4: 317–332. Zhang Zhengliang 蟪袚缐. “Yinxie xietianjie.” In Jiaguwen yu yinshangshi 第簮肫蔛 蜥芣艋, ed. Hu Houxuan 贀趌苽. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1983: 1–12.

EUROPEAN LANGUAGES Books Allan, Sarah, and Crispin Williams, ed. The Guodian Laozi: Proceedings of the International Conference, Dartmouth College, May 1998. Berkeley: Society for the Study of Early China and Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, 2000. Ames, Roger, and David Hall. Dao de jing. New York: Ballantine Books, 2003. Bokenkamp, Stephen R. Early Daoist Scriptures. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997.

304 / Selected Bibliography Boltz, Judith. A Survey of Daoist Literature. Berkeley, CA: Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, 1987. Chan, Alan. Two Visions of the Way. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1991. Chan, Wing-tsit. The Way of Lao Tzu (Tao-te ching). Indianapolis, IN: Bobbs-Merrill, 1963. Chang, Leo. S., and Yu Feng. The Four Political Treatises of the Yellow Emperor. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1998. Chen, Ellen. The Tao Te Ching: A New Translation with Commentary. New York: Paragon House, 1989. Chen, Guying, Rhett Young, and Roger Ames. Lao Tzu: Text, Notes, and Comments. San Francisco, CA: Chinese Materials Center, 1977. Creel, H. G. What Is Taoism? And Other Studies in Chinese Cultural History. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970. Czikszentmihalyi, Mark, and Philip Ivanhoe, ed. Religious Philosophical Aspects of the Laozi. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1999. Fung Yu-lan. A History of Chinese Philosophy. Translated by Derk Bodde. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1983. Graham, Angus Charles. Disputers of the Tao. La Salle, IL: Open Court, 1989. Girardot, Norman J. Myth and Meaning in Early Taoism. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983. Hansen, Chan. A Daoist Theory of Chinese Thought. New York: Oxford University Press, 1992. ———. Tao and Method: A Reasoned Approach to the Tao Te Ching. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994. Henricks, Robert. Lao Tzu: Te-Tao Ching. New York: Ballantine Books, 1989. ———. Lao Tzu’s Tao Te Ching. New York: Columbia University Press, 2000. Hucker, Charles. A Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial China. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1985. Ivanhoe, Philip J. The Daodejing of Laozi. New York: Seven Bridges Press, 2002. Kaltenmark, Max. Lao Tzu and Taoism. Translated by Roger Greaves. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1969. Kern, Martin. The Stele Inscriptions of Ch’in Shih-huang: Text and Ritual in Early Chinese Imperial Representation. New Haven, CT: American Oriental Society, 2000. Knoblock, John, and Jeffrey Riegel. The Annals of Lü Buwei: A Complete Study and Translation. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2000. Kohn, Livia. Early Chinese Mysticism: Philosophy and Soteriology in the Taoist Tradition. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1992. Kohn, Livia, ed. Daoism Handbook. Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 2000. Kohn, Livia, and Michael Lafargue, ed. Lao-tzu and the Tao-te-ching. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1998. LaFargue, Michael. The Tao of the Tao Te Ching. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1992. Lau, D. C. Tao Te Ching. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1982. Lewis, Mark. Sanctioned Violence in Early China. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990. Lin, Paul. A Translation of Lao Tzu’s Tao Te Ching and Wang Pi’s Commentary. Ann Arbor: Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan, 1977.

Selected Bibliography / 305 Lynn, Richard John. The Classic of the Way and Virtue: A New Translation of the Tao-te ching of Laozi as Interpreted by Wang Bi. New York: Columbia University Press, 1999. Mair, Victor H. Tao Te Ching. New York: Bantam Books, 1990. Moeller, Hans-Georg. The Philosophy of the Daodejing. New York: Columbia University Press, 2006. Peerenboom, R. P. Law and Morality in Ancient China: The Silk Manuscripts of Huang-Lao. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993. Robinet, Isabelle. Taoism: Growth of a Religion. Translated by Phyllis Brooks. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1997. Roberts, Moss. Dao De Jing: The Book of the Way. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001. Roth, Harold. Original Tao. New York: Columbia University Press, 1995. Thompson, P. M. The Shen Tzu Fragments. New York: Oxford University Press, 1979. Waley, Arthur. The Way and Its Power: A Study of the Tao Te Ching and Its Place in Chinese Thought. New York: Grove Press, 1958. Wagner, Rudolf. The Craft of a Chinese Commentator: Wang Bi on the Laozi. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2000. Yates, Robin. Five Lost Classics: Dao, Huanglao, and Yinyang in Han China. New York: Ballantine Books, 1997.

Articles Ames, Roger. “Taoism and the Androgynous Ideal.” In Women in China: Current Directions in Historical Scholarship, ed. Richard Guisso and Stanley Johannesen. Youngstown, NY: Philo Press, 1981, 21–45. Baxter, William H. “Situating the Language of the Lao-tzu: The Probable Date of the Tao-te-ching.” In Lao-tzu and the Tao-te-ching, ed. Livia Kohn and Michael LaFargue. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1988, 231–253. Boltz, William. “Lao tzu Tao te ching.” In Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographical Guide, ed. Michael Loewe. Berkeley: Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, 1993, 269–292. ———. “Notes on the Authenticity of the So Tan Manuscript of the Lao-Tzu.” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 59 (1996): 508–515. ———. “Textual Criticism and the Ma-wang-tui Lao Tzu.” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 44, no. 1 (1984): 185–224. ———. “The Fourth-Century b.c. Guodian Manuscripts from Chuu and the Composition of the Laotzyy.” Journal of the American Oriental Society 119, no.4 (1999): 590–608. ———. “The Lao Tzu Text that Wang Pi and Ho-Shang Kung Never Saw.” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 48 (1985): 493–501. Chan, Alan. “The Essential Meaning of the Way and Virtue: Yan Zun and ‘Laozi Learning’ in Early Han China.” Monumenta Serica 46 (1998): 105–127. Chen, Ellen Marie. “Tao as the Great Mother and the Influence of Motherly Love in the Shaping of Chinese Philosophy.” History of Religions 14 (1974): 51–65. Despeux, Catherine. “Women in Daoism.” In Daoism Handbook, ed. Livia Kohn. Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 2000: 384–412.

306 / Selected Bibliography Goldin, Paul R. “Xunzi in the Light of the Guodian Manuscripts.” Early China 25 (2000): 113–146. ———. “The Old Chinese Particle yan and an.” Journal of American Oriental Society 123.1 (2003), 169–173. Graham, Angus Charles. “The Origins of the Legend of Lao Tan.” In Studies in Chinese Philosophy and Philosophical Literature. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990/1986, 111–124. Henricks, Robert G. “On the Chapter Divisions in the Lao-Tzu.” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 45(1982): 501–524. Kohn, Livia. “The Lao-Tzu Myth.” In Lao-Tzu and the Tao-Te-Ching, ed. Livia Kohn and Michael LaFargue. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1998, 41–63. Lau, D. C. “The Treatment of Opposites in ‘Lao Tzu.’ ” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 21: 3 (1958): 344–360. Liu, Xiaogan. “Naturalness, the Core Value in Taoism: Its Ancient Meaning and Its Significance Today.” In Lao-Tzu and the Tao-Te-Ching, ed. Livia Kohn and Michael Lafargue. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1998, 211–230. Loewe, Michael. “Manuscripts Found Recently in China.” T’oung Pao 63, no. 2–3 (1977): 99–136. Puett, Michael. “Forming Spirits for the Way: The Cosmology of the Xiang’er Commentary.” Journal of Chinese Religions 32 (2004): 1–27. Robinet, Isabelle. “The Diverse Interpretations of the Laozi.” Reprinted in Religious Philosophical Aspects of the Laozi. ed. Mark Czikszentmihalyi and Philip Ivanhoe. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1999, 127–159. Roth, Harold. “Who Compiled the Chuang Tzu?” In Chinese Texts and Philosophical Contexts: Essays Dedicated to Angus C. Graham, ed. Henry Rosemont Jr. LaSalle, IL: Open Court, 1991, 115–118.

INDEX

Bajielang, 40 Baopuzi, 176, 202 Bian Shao, 175 Book Burning, 2, 3, 15, 16, 18, 111 Changes, 3, 7, 13, 32, 43, 61, 98, 106, 117, 130, 148, 206, 211, 246 Chao Yuezhi, 250 Cheng Xuanying, 48, 94, 100, 161, 166, 168, 171, 192, 196, 225, 235, 238, 242, 248, 256 Cheng Yi, 261 chongxuan, 161 Chuci, 18, 52, 89, 130, 172, 188 Chunqiu Zuozhuan, 11, 108, 151, 155, 220 Chunyu Yue, 201 Confucianism, 5, 11, 12, 13, 16, 39, 51, 52, 69, 86, 98, 103, 107, 126, 137, 215, 218, 245 Confucius, 11, 13, 14, 15, 16, 25, 33, 41, 43, 50, 51, 52, 56, 64, 65, 69, 73, 79, 80, 83, 86, 90, 98, 102, 103, 109, 119, 122, 130, 139, 140, 143, 182, 185, 186, 223, 226, 245, 246, 250 Cui Shu, 13, 46 Da Dai Liji, 183 Daoism, 5, 13, 26, 37, 77, 84, 107, 126, 180, 189, 210, 242

Deqing, 28, 106, 238 Doctrine of the Mean, 126 Documents, 2, 13, 16, 96, 107, 114, 133, 137, 148, 155, 182, 212, 262 Dong Sijing, 48, 110, 117, 136, 144, 150, 176, 188, 192, 248, 257, 263 Duke of Zhou, 11, 51, 96, 202 Dunhuang, 4, 160 Er Liang, 13, 122, 123, 125 Fan Yingyuan, 24, 42, 43, 47, 48, 54, 58, 100, 102, 116, 122, 136, 144, 166, 188, 192, 206, 214, 223, 227, 228, 261, 262, 268, 293 Fangyan, 17, 19, 122, 237 First Emperor, 12, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 111, 201, 243 Five Thousand Words, 160, 191 Fu Yi, 2, 4, 24, 42, 43, 47, 53, 54, 58, 67, 83, 110, 122, 147, 159, 166, 200, 206, 214, 245 Gao You, 28 Gaozi, 68, 69 Ge Hong, 176 Ge Xuan, 176 Gongsun Long, 25, 162 Gu Huan, 35, 166, 171, 192, 196 Guan Yin, 10, 13, 29, 59, 120, 122, 137, 143, 144, 182

307

308 / Index Guanzi, 13, 25, 48, 62, 84, 128, 182, 210, 211, 248 Guodian, 1, 3, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 19, 24, 30, 31, 32, 33, 35, 45, 47, 48, 49, 53, 54, 63, 71, 75, 76, 83, 93, 94, 102, 103, 106, 108, 166, 172, 186, 195, 196, 205, 206, 207, 209, 210, 211, 213, 214, 217, 218, 220, 221, 231, 232, 247, 248, 250, 253, 254, 259, 260, 265 Han Feizi, 1, 11, 24, 29, 30, 45, 52, 57, 58, 64, 65, 67, 72, 94, 101, 109, 110, 130, 148, 169, 201, 214, 218, 236, 238, 242, 261, 262 Han Shi waizhuan, 50, 52, 55, 261 Hangu Pass, 15, 16, 19, 237, 238 Hanshu, 2, 3, 6, 13, 16, 19, 40, 41, 114, 122, 169, 177, 248 Heshanggong, 2, 3, 4, 7, 24, 28, 29, 42, 53, 67, 76, 77, 79, 80, 93, 95, 100, 102, 110, 116, 122, 128, 130, 131, 132, 136, 137, 149, 150, 153, 155, 159, 161, 171, 173, 175, 188, 189, 191, 192, 196, 203, 206, 213, 215, 223, 224, 227, 232, 233, 235, 242, 248, 255, 256, 261, 262, 266 Huainanzi, 25, 30, 40, 45, 48, 49, 50, 52, 54, 64, 65, 72, 74, 80, 86, 87, 100, 113, 132, 135, 144, 150, 172, 174, 176, 186, 201, 202, 206, 214, 220, 238, 242, 243, 261, 265 Huang Kan, 172 Huang Maocai, 144 Huangdi shu, 166, 167 Huang-Lao, 4, 5, 64, 177 Hui Shi, 86 Inscription on the Bronze Statue, 41, 113, 155, 177 Jiao Hong, 19, 66, 117, 174, 175, 221, 226 Jie Lao, 24, 57, 58, 67, 72, 94, 106, 110 Kongzi jiayui, 64, 130, 183

Kumarajiva, 53 Lao Dan, 13, 14, 15, 29, 46, 73, 74, 85, 86, 110, 120, 122, 137, 143, 144, 150, 160, 228, 242, 243 Laozi Daodejing xujue, 176 Legalism, 5, 84, 248 Li Rong, 53, 247 Li Si, 111, 201 Li Yue, 193, 223, 233 Liezi, 10, 13, 58, 73, 136, 144, 176, 177 Liji zhushu, 30, 108, 154, 161, 221, 243, 251 Lin Xiyi, 46, 48, 76, 122, 127, 144, 150, 168, 180, 188, 200, 213, 214, 231, 238, 241, 242, 248, 257, 261 Liu An, 248 Liu Bang, 110 Liu Heng, 159 Liu Xiang, 7, 15, 41, 103 Liu Xin, 7, 202 Logicians, 5, 12, 13, 16, 17, 25, 86, 162 Longxing Daoist monastery, 74 Lu Deming, 8, 175, 189 Lü Huiqing, 102, 136, 144, 150, 168, 179, 224, 248, 263 Lu Ji, 188 Lu Xisheng, 28, 35, 48, 84, 100, 106, 110, 122, 136, 137, 188, 189, 192, 196, 203, 211, 214, 215, 220, 223, 224, 238, 257, 261, 262 Lunheng, 218 Lüshi Chunqiu, 1, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 19, 25, 28, 29, 30, 33, 36, 46, 52, 64, 65, 73, 86, 87, 90, 94, 116, 120, 122, 130, 131, 135, 136, 143, 150, 166, 186, 194, 197, 206, 210, 212, 214, 230, 236, 242, 250, 262 Mao shi zhushu, 73, 91, 206, 221 Mao shi, 9 Maoshan zhi, 160 Mawangdui, 1, 2, 3, 4, 6, 7, 8, 11, 18, 19, 20, 24, 28, 29, 32, 47, 48, 65, 76, 77, 100, 110, 117, 119, 120, 132, 141, 142, 144, 155, 159, 160, 161,

Index / 309 162, 168, 172, 187, 188, 191, 195, 196, 202, 207, 210, 212, 213, 214, 215, 220, 223, 225, 230, 236, 238, 243, 247, 248, 250, 253, 254, 256, 259, 260, 265 Mencius, 2, 13, 24, 25, 29, 30, 45, 50, 51, 67, 68, 73, 74, 75, 85, 86, 98, 128, 129, 161, 162, 169, 245, 248 Militarists, 12, 17, 84, 94, 122, 123, 125, 127, 128, 183 Mohism, 5, 11, 12, 13, 16, 218, 248 Mozi, 11, 51, 69 neo-Confucian(ism), 73, 74, 210, 242, 261 Oracle Bone Inscriptions, 28 Poetry, 13, 73, 91, 206, 221, 262 Qu Yuan, 89, 90 Record of Rites, 2, 30, 103, 154, 161, 183, 243 Rites of Zhou, 191 Sanguo zhi, 173 Shang Yang, 84 Shangshu zhushu, 107, 108, 114, 133, 137, 148, 150, 155, 182, 212 Shen Buhai, 13, 25, 26 Shen Dao, 10, 12, 13, 132, 168, 169, 170, 236 Shenzi, 169 Shiji, 3, 5, 6, 14, 15, 16, 18, 37, 41, 68, 69, 81, 111, 154, 160, 163, 169, 201, 243, 250 Shuowen jiezi, 40, 232 Shuoyuan, 41, 43, 63, 64, 65, 90, 103, 113, 183, 261 Shusun Tong, 16, 17, 201 Sima Guang, 102, 160, 175, 223, 226 Sima Qian, 10, 14, 18, 73, 130, 160, 201 Sima Tan, 5, 13, 37 Song Xing, 10, 13, 50 Su Zhe, 24, 28, 36, 48, 58, 63, 72, 76, 94, 97, 100, 117, 136, 142, 144, 153,

161, 168, 173, 188, 196, 211, 215, 224, 226, 238, 246, 248, 258, 263 Sunzi, 84, 125, 126, 130, 183, 263 Taiyi sheng shui, 8, 30, 41 Taizu, 8, 139, 140 The Analects, 2, 13, 51, 52, 56, 98, 102, 103, 120, 122, 130, 142, 151, 172, 215, 226, 236 the stele edition of Jinglong, 121 the Way of the Celestial Master, 128 Tianxia, 10, 29, 50, 85, 120, 132, 144, 150, 168, 169, 170, 182, 183, 228, 242, 243 Wang Anshi, 160, 248 Wang Bi, 2, 3, 24, 31, 39, 42, 43, 51, 55, 57, 61, 64, 65, 67, 71, 74, 76, 77, 79, 80, 89, 91, 93, 94, 99, 100, 101, 102, 106, 110, 116, 120, 121, 127, 129, 131, 135, 136, 144, 149, 153, 155, 159, 161, 166, 168, 171, 173, 174, 181, 185, 189, 192, 193, 196, 197, 206, 209, 214, 223, 229, 232, 233, 241, 242, 247, 251, 254, 255, 257, 261, 263 Wang Mang, 3, 203 Wang Pang, 262 Wang Yi, 52, 188 Wang Zhen, 28, 84, 116, 127, 128, 141, 168, 175, 188, 189, 192, 202, 203, 214, 235, 238, 261 Wenzi, 40, 49, 50, 74, 84, 86, 87, 102, 174, 186, 202, 206, 214, 238 Wu Cheng, 7, 24, 49, 58, 67, 72, 76, 84, 102, 108, 110, 111, 115, 116, 127, 130, 150, 153, 155, 166, 167, 173, 182, 188, 196, 213, 221, 226, 229, 232, 238, 248, 257 wuwei, 5, 25, 26, 54, 101, 108 Xi Tong, 32, 63 Xiang’er, 4, 191, 230, 247, 256 Xinshu, 103 Xinxu, 103 Xisheng jing, 149 Xu Shen, 40

310 / Index Xuanzong, 24, 35, 100, 197, 220 Xue Hui, 7, 28, 58, 94, 110, 131, 139, 150, 161, 188, 192, 224, 235, 238, 243, 262 Xunzi, 10, 11, 12, 13, 29, 30, 50, 62, 90, 91, 93, 97, 98, 148, 168, 169, 170, 174, 182, 185, 192, 201, 210, 212, 263 Yan Hui, 56 Yan Zun, 2, 4, 7, 24, 42, 48 Yang Xiong, 122 Yang Zhu, 10, 13, 45, 46, 74 Yangists, 197 Yanshi jiaxun, 159 Ye Mengde, 65 Yin Wenzi, 84, 139, 140 Yin Xi, 10, 15, 160 Yucong, 32

Yunmeng, 142 Zhan He, 13, 73, 74, 256 Zhang Heng, 49, 50 Zhang Lu, 4, 160 Zhang Sicheng, 128, 196 Zhanguo ce, 154, 162 Zhao Bingwen, 167 Zheng Xuan, 20, 154, 221 Zhou Dunyi, 210 Zhu Xi, 49, 74 Zhuangzi, 1, 10, 13, 14, 24, 25, 29, 32, 33, 40, 50, 53, 56, 57, 58, 59, 65, 75, 80, 85, 86, 117, 120, 126, 132, 136, 137, 142, 144, 147, 148, 150, 162, 166, 168, 169, 173, 182, 188, 194, 197, 199, 200, 218, 224, 225, 226, 228, 242, 257 Zou Yan, 12, 243

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Kim offers several original and thought-provoking arguments on the Laozi, including that the work was compiled during the Qin, which has traditionally been viewed as typical of Legalist states, and that the Laozi should be recognized as a syncretic text before being labeled a Daoist one. Hongkyung Kim is Associate Professor of East Asian Thought and Religions at Stony Brook University, State University of New York. A volume in the SUNY series in Chinese Philosophy and Culture Roger T. Ames, editor

State University of New York Press www.sunypress.edu

The Old Master

This unique, highly contextualized translation of the Laozi is based on the earliest known edition of the work, Text A of the Mawangdui Laozi, written before 202 BCE. No other editions are comparable to this text in its antiquity. Hongkyung Kim also incorporates the recent archaeological discovery of Laozirelated documents disentombed in 1993 in Guodian, seeing these documents as proto-materials for compilation of the Laozi and revealing clues for disentangling the work from complicated exegetical contentions. Kim makes extensive use of Chinese commentaries on the Laozi and also examines the classic Chinese texts closely associated with the formation of the work to illuminate the intellectual and historical context of Laozi’s philosophy.

Kim

EASTERN THOUGHT / RELIGIOUS STUDIES

The Old Master A Syncretic Reading of the Laozi from the Mawangdui Text A Onward

Hongkyung Kim