Ta Hsüeh and Chung Yung: The Highest Order of Cultivation and On the Practice of the Mean 0140447849, 9780140447842

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sueh and Chung Tung est Order o f Cultivation and On e Practice o f the Mean)

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UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH LIBRARIES

TA HSUEH AND CHUNG YUNG A n d r e w p l a k s h a s b e e n Professor o f East Asian Studies o f Prince­ ton University since earning his doctorate there in 1973. He is concurrently a faculty member in the Department of Comparative Literature at Princeton, where his teaching and research focuses upon the interpretation of classic texts from a cross-cultural per­ spective. His major publications include: Archetype and Allegory in the Dream ofthe Red Chamber, Chinese Narrative： Critical and Theoretical EssaysyThe Four Masterworks of the Ming Novel and numerous articles on early, medieval, and late Imperial Chinese Literature.

T a H s iie h a n d C h u n g Y u n g (The Highest Order of Cultivation and On the Practice of the Mean) Translated with an Introduction and Notes by ANDREW PLAKS

Preface by

x in z h o n g yao

PENGUIN BOOKS

Published by the Penguin Group Penguin Books Ltd, 80 Strand, London WC2.R o r l , England Penguin Putnam Inc., 375 Hudson Street, New York, New York 10014，USA Penguin Books Australia Ltd, 150 Camberwell Road, Camberwell, Victoria 3124, Australia Penguin Books Canada Ltd, 10 Alcorn Avenue, Toronto, Ontario, Canada M 4 V 3B2 Penguin Books India (P) Ltd, n Community Centre, Panchsheel Park, New Delhi - 110017，India Penguin Books (N Z) Ltd, Cnr Rosedale and Airborne Roads, Albany, Auckland, New Zealand Penguin Books (South Africa) (Pty) Ltd，14 Sturdee Avenue, Rosebank Z196, South Africa Penguin Books Ltd, Registered Offices: 80 Strand, London w

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, England

www.penguin.com This translation first published 1003

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Translation, Introduction and Notes copyright © Andrew Plaks, 1003 Preface copyright © Xinzhong Yao, Z003 All rights reserved The moral right of the author has been asserted Set in 10.25/12.z j pt PostScript Adobe Sabon Typeset by Rowland Phototypesetting Ltd, Bury St Edmunds, Suffolk Printed in England by Clays Ltd, Sr Ives pic Except in the United States of America, this book is sold subject to the condition that it shall not, by way of trade or otherwise, be lenr, re-sold, hired out, or otherwise circulated without the publisher’s prior consent in any form of binding or cover other than that in which it is published and without a similar condition including this condition being imposed on the subsequent purchaser

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Contents

Preface vii Chronological Table of Chinese History xxii Introduction xxv Further Reading xxxiii A Note on the Translations xxxv

Ta Hsiieh

i

The Highest Order of Cultivation

Chung Yung

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On the Practice of the Mean Notes Ta Hsiieh Structural Analysis The Integral Argument Reader's Notes Chung Yung Structural Analysis The Integral Argument Reader's Notes Appendix I. Further Discussion of Basic Concepts Appendix II. Use of Proof-texts Appendix III. Textual History of the Ta Hsueh and Chung Yung

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Preface

Ever since the publication of the Mencius (1970) and Confucius5 Analects (1979) by Penguin Books, readers have been waiting for the last two parts of the so-called Four Books of Confucian tradition to be included in Penguin Classics, namely, the Ta Hsiieh (here translated as The Highest Order of Cultivation， but generally known as the Great Learning) and the Chung Yung (here On the Practice of the Mean, though often translated as Doctrine of the Mean). I am so pleased that this expectation has been fulfilled by the diligent work ojf Andrew Plaks. In this preface I shall revisit the central themes of these two ‘books’ as unveiled in Professor Plaks’ introductory remarks and delicate translations, and examine their value for scholars and students of Chinese studies as well as for the general reader interested in the history of ideas and keen to pursue comparative studies of philosophy, religion and culture. The Texts Two of the ‘Four Books， ，the Ta Hsiieh and the Chung Yung, are not really ‘books， in a strictly literal sense. They were origin­ ally two sections or essays (the forty-second and the thirty-first respectively) of a loosely compiled anthology of treatises on rituals (the Li Chi3 Records on Rites or Book of Rites) that probably acquired its current form sometime around the first century bce . Of the forty-nine essays brought together in the received version of the Li Chi, the topics of which range from ‘comprehensive discourses， ，‘mourning vestments，and ‘sacri­ fices’ to Auspicious activities5, most scholars agree that a sig­ nificant number were composed before the Ch’in dynasty

(221-Z06 bce), while the rest belong to the early stage of the

Former Han dynasty (2.06 bce-8 ce). The Ta Hsiieh and the Chung Yung are among the Comprehensive discourses， ，but scholarly opinion varies greatly concerning the dates of compo­ sition and authorship. It has been traditionally contended that these two treatises were transmitted or recorded or even com­ posed respectively by Confucius’ disciple Tseng Tzu (c. 505436 bce) and his grandson K’ung Chi (better known as Tzu Ssu， c . 483-c. 40Z bce), or by their immediate disciples. Ssu-ma Ch， ien (c. 145-c. 86 bce), for example, stated clearly that Tzu Ssu composed (fso) the Chung Ywwg’ in his renowned Records of the Historian, and Chia K， uei (30-101 ce) of the Latter Han dynasty (25-220 ce) extended Tzu Ssu’s authorship also to the Ta Hsueh, holding that both treatises were essential links of the transmission of Confucius，‘family learning5. Scholars of the much later Sung dynasty (960-1279) such as Ch’eng I (1033— 1107) and Chu Hsi (1130-12.00) modified this view and advo­ cated that the core teaching of the Ta Hsiieh was the words of Confucius as transmitted by Tseng Tzu and that its commentaries reflected Tseng Tzu， s understanding as recorded by his disciples, while the text of the Chung Yung was formalized at the hands of Tzu Ssu. These verdicts have been scrutinized and challenged, however, since the Ch’ing dynasty (1644-1911) when scholars, enthusiastically embracing a number of the methods of textual criticism, contended that the Ta Hsiieh and the Chung Yung were not composed until as late as the Ch’in (221-206 bce) or even the Former Han period (zo6 bce-8 ce), and that they were the

works of a group of anonymous Confucian philosophers rather than a single hand. Bamboo strips excavated at Kuo-tien (Guodian) in 1993 and dated to around 300 bce provide some

evidence for an earlier date of their composition and for the view that these two texts might have been closely related to the so-called 'school，of Tzu Ssu and Mencius (c. 382-300 bce). Some scholars have therefore even argued that their composition should be placed at a point between these two Confucian masters, but studies of the strips to ascertain the dates and determine the authorship of the Ta Hsileh and the Chung Yung have not yet yielded any definitive conclusion.

The difficulties in determining the dates of composition and possible authors have a considerable effect on how these two texts should be read and their relation to other early Confucian texts. These issues have been debated for hundreds of years and are examined and revisited by our translator in his detailed studies. Having considered various propositions arising from textual criticism and historical evidence, Andrew Plaks is con­ vinced that these two treatises belong to the emerging Confucian synthesis in the Warring States and early Han periods, and takes the unconventional view that they were probably "written after the Ch5in period and before the end of the first century bce ， (p. 121). However uncertain we are about the dates of com­ position, we can assure ourselves that from the Han dynasty onwards the Ta Hsiieh and the Chung Yung gradually became important pieces of work in the broadly defined ‘corpus of ritual texts’ and attracted more and more attention from Confucian scholars. Distinguished figures such as Ch'eng Hsiian (127-200) and K， ung Ying-ta (574-648) edited and commented on them as part of their commentaries on the Li Chi, while the citation from them as ‘profound teachings，by Han Yu (768-824) and Li Ao (774-836) signified the beginning of their ascendancy in the ‘hierarchical ladder’ of Confucian classical texts. Strictly speaking, however, these two texts did not gain the status of canonic supremacy among classical writings and were not par­ ticularly emphasized by leading Confucian scholars until the Sung dynasty (960-1229) when, in order to confront Buddhist and Taoist metaphysics and ethics, Neo-Confucians paid far more attention to the 'spiritual5meaning and ‘transcendental， implications of Confucian social and moral ideals than their predecessors, investing these two highly philosophical treatises with great importance and value. Chu Hsi，for example, edited them, re-arranged the order of the Ta Hsiieh, and established them as two independent ‘books’ listed alongside the Analects and the Mencius to form the so-called Four Books. It was Chu Hsi’s commentary edition of the Four Books that found its way into the official line of the ‘orthodox’ Confucian transmission. Since then, until the beginning of the twentieth century, these books were the most important and formative texts for

education and for the civil service examinations, and they played a key role in shaping and reshaping the mentality of Confucian intellectuals with regard to the implementation of Confucian moral codes in personal and social life. In the words of the translator, they *have exerted an influence on the hearts and minds of men so profound and far-reaching as to bear compar­ ison with none but the greatest monuments of the world's major scriptural traditions’ (pp. xxvi-xxvii). Short as they are, the Ta Hsueh and the Chung Yung occupied a central position in the educational and political infrastructure of the ‘Confucian’ countries, notably China, Korea and, to a lesser extent, Japan. They were taken, rightly or wrongly, as the initial stage of Confucian education, the key to unlocking Confucian ‘mystical philosophy5and ‘moral metaphysics5as well as the underlying ideas of Confucian social and political programmes. There are sufficient reasons for the translator and the pub­ lisher to put the Ta Hsiieh and the Chung Yung together as one unit. These two treatises have been viewed historically as an inseparable pair and continue to be studied today as closely related canonic sources. On the surface, they seem to have different agendas and to be aimed at different audiences. The Ta Hsiieh concentrates on the social and political dimensions of human experience, drawing upon ancient and contemporary practices to establish an idealized political programme, based on individuals， moral cultivation, that is believed to bring about peace and harmony naturally in the world. The Chung Yungy on the other hand，focuses on how unity and harmony between the human self and the universe can be reached mainly by pioneering psychological and metaphysical paths, in order that the "inner moral force5(te) should permeate the self as well as the cosmos. These two texts do, however, have a great deal in common. Examining the logic of their arguments and the literary styles employed, we can easily see that the seemingly different goals attempted in the two treatises are actually approached by a similar method. As the translator rightly points out, while the Ta Hsiieh and the Chung Yung share many features with other written texts of early China, they show their own distinctive structure. Each begins with a clearly demarcated opening section

of a few paragraphs setting forth in densely packed propositions the central tenets of the text, followed by further expansion and deliberation by quoting passages either from established texts such as the Book of Poetry and the Book of Documents or from historically revered sages, primarily Confucius. The Themes Apart from the uncertainties in dating and interpreting the Ta Hsiieh and the Chung Yung、 there are many other important issues to be clarified if we intend not only to investigate the evolution of Confucian ideas, but also to examine the more far-reaching implications and meanings that these two ancient texts may hold for a reader of the twenty-first century. What was the real purpose of their authors in composing these texts and how do the two treatises convey the messages they are

supposed to deliver? The fact that they are included in the collection of the writings on rites suggests that they are primarily discourses on ritual and its function. However, it is clear that the Ta Hsiieh is not really concerned with higher educational institutions as some contend, nor is the Chung Yung exclusively about ‘harmonious balance， . They deal mainly with moral culti­ vation and its effect on individuals，society and the cosmic order. Why are they in the collection if their core concepts are concerned primarily with reaching out from the cultivation of the self to the political principles that govern the state, and from one， s moral way of life to the way of Heaven, which is the metaphysical foundation of the Confucian world and not, like many other treatises in the Li Chi，with purely ritual or insti­ tutional matters? Though entangled with many philosophical, ethical and metaphysical issues，these kinds of questions can reasonably be answered by going through the texts thoroughly and attentively reinterpreting the messages conveyed in typically Confucian language. We are also frequently confronted with other questions when we come to evaluate the texts. What is the primary contribution that these two ‘Confucian’ discourses have made? A careful reader can easily sense a strongly syn­ cretic spirit throughout both texts. How much were they composed under the influence of other schools such as Taoism

that prevailed in the period? By setting the two texts against the background of philosophical interaction, will we be able to see how the Confucians of two thousand years ago responded to the needs of the time and, particularly, how they reconstructed Confucian moral and political doctrines from a synthesis of different ideas and ideals, fashioning a ‘new brand5of Confu­ cianism? By carefully examining the effect and impact the texts had on later exchanges between Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism in Chinese history, shall we be able to identify univer­ sal values in the Confucian agenda which have been delicately established by the authors of these texts? To consider questions such as these, we must go beyond the traditional boundaries of Confucian discourse and place the texts in the context of both historical and contemporary dialogues between faiths and philosophies of life. At the centre of the Confucian Four Books is an investigation of how the deeper meaning and loftier value of human life and activities can be manifested and strengthened. Based on and yet different from the wisdom passages of Confucius， Analects and from the ethical reasoning in the Mencius， the Ta Hsiieh and the Chung Yung explore more philosophically the central theme of the Confucian tradition, namely the interaction between the internal and the external, between particular and universal, and between moral self and metaphysical reality. In this way these two essays have injected ‘transcendental，meanings into what seem purely profane matters, and have effectively delivered a profoundly ethical and political message encoded in quasi­ religious terms. They pay particular attention to the questions of how to initiate such interactions through cultivating one’s innate nature and how to promote, rather than demean, the spiritual and moral dignity of human beings by following the Way of Heaven. They set a guideline for ethical discourses on human nature and destiny and on the way to the ‘transcendental’ sagehood that is believed to come naturally from learning and moral cultivation. The themes the treatises discuss are similar, though cast in different terminologies. The Ta Hsiieh，the shorter of the two, purports to teach people how to learn about, and practise, £the

Great Way5, or the ‘Way of Great Learning’， which is composed of the three so-called 'cardinal principles， (kang) that we find at the very beginning of the treatise: ‘causing the light of one’s inner moral force (te, virtue) to shine forth， , ‘bringing the people to a state of renewal’ and ‘coming to rest in the fullest attainment of the good5(p. 5). It is subsequently argued through quoting, and deliberating on, canonic sayings that it is necessary to follow these three principles if one wants to govern the whole world well. Through various analogies and quotations the treatise expands upon the fundamental Confucian belief that the peace and harmony of the world cannot be achieved by force of arms, nor by power of Iaw3 but only by moral virtues and moral influence. The Confucian message of the Ta Hsiieh is primarily delivered around the concept of hsiieh. In its literal usage hsiieb means ‘learning’ as a noun or ‘to learn5or ‘to study， as a verb. However, Confucian learning has a far broader scope than the conven­ tional definition. Firstly, Confucian learning is a life-long process of personal transformation. Confucius once said, meta­ phorically, that he set his mind on learning when fifteen years old, gained the knowledge of Heaven’s Mandate at fifty, and achieved the highest possible goal at seventy (Analects, 11.4). Later Confucian educators divided learning into two stages: elementary learning (hsiao hsiieh，starting at eight years old, using elementary texts to train children in reading, writing, calculating, etc.) and adult learning (ta hsiiehystarting at fifteen, for intellectual and moral training in dealing with ethical and political matters). Since the Ta Hsueh deals with the content and process of learning as a preparation for adults or, more precisely, for the sons of the ruling class (chiin tzu) who were their political representatives, to take on responsibilities as ‘gentlemen’ in ordering the world, Confucian commentators of the Han (2.06 b ce - zzo ce) and the Pang (618-907) dynasties defined it as the ‘broad learning (po hsueh) to enable one to participate in government’. Secondly, the chief purpose of Confucian learning is to accom­ plish the perfection of individual character, or to make indi­ viduals great. The Confucian political agenda draws upon the

cultivation of personal virtues because it is believed that virtues are the foundation or the root， while political acts are the shoots or branches. The 'cultivation of the root’ is believed naturally to achieve harmony between the individual and the state, and the unity between the self and the universe, while ignoring the root is believed to lead to the decay of the state. Confucian learning therefore lays emphasis on self-cultivation rather than the building of institutions. To Confucius, learning should be taken as the means for improving moral integrity, not as a way to gain social recognition or to earn the praise of others (Analects, xiv.24). By diligent learning, the inner virtues are cultivated and undesirable instincts and tendencies corrected. This is echoed by the message from the Mencius that The way of learning is nothing else but to seek for the lost mind’ (v i.a .ii ). Ironically, the moral procedure and purpose of learn­ ing advocated by early Confucian masters became obscure at a later stage when Confucian learning was used as a way to select civil servants for the state, and many of the ‘learners’ took the study of Confucian doctrines merely as a stepping-stone to entering the ranks of the civil service. Thirdly, the greatness of Confucian learning lies in its combi­ nation of personal achievement and universal application. According to Confucian thought, learning is mainly a process of becoming mature in a social and political sense through mastering such subjects as poetry and rites, as indicated in Confucius’ advice to his son： ‘unless you study the Poetry^ you will be ill-equipped to speak . . . unless you have studied the Rites，you will be ill-equipped to take your stand’ (Analects, x v i.13). While still emphasizing the reading of the Confucian classics, the Ta Hsueh extends significantly the boundaries of Confucian learning through philosophical enquiry and political deliberation. Confucian ‘learning’ thus proceeds in both inward and outward directions and is manifested as the cultivation of our moral virtues, the development of our ability to understand moral and political issues and the improvement of our capacity to govern the state. With this focus on the personal cultivation of moral character (hsiu shen), a Confucian learner is expected to undertake such internal tasks as 'setting straight the seat of

their emotive and cognitive faculties’ (cheng hsin, or ‘rectifying the mind’)，‘achieving a state of integral wholeness in the inner depths of their consciousness5(chseng~iyor ‘making the will sin­ cere5), ‘expanding to the utmost their range of comprehension’ (chih-chihy ‘extending knowledge’)，and finally reaching the point of ‘extending to all things in the objective world the correct ^conceptual grid’ [ko-um，usually translated as ‘investigating things’). Externally Confucian learning evolves from ‘cultivating one’s character’ (hsiu-shen) to ‘regulating one’s own family’ (ch’i-chia)，to ‘establishing orderly rule in one’s kingdom’ (chih kuo) and ultimately to ‘bringing peace and harmony to the whole world’ {p'ing tien-hsia). These are the so-called ‘eight specific points’ or ‘eight steps5elucidated in the Ta Hsiieh. It is argued that a learner who has successfully followed these steps can realize perfect harmony between the inner self and the external world and thus bring about world peace by the influ­ ence of his own moral power. This is the work of the Confucian sage-ruler, in which personal virtues perfectly correspond to external achievement. As in the Ta Hsiieh， where the Confucian message is delivered through expanding the key concept of hstieh as ‘learning，or moral cultivation, the focus of the Chung Yung is also revealed in its title, which extends the ideal of the Mean both internally and externally. The two themes are actually of the same kind: 'learning5 or Cultivation5 in the Ta Hsueh and the ‘practice of the Mean’ in the Chung Yung are employed in parallel, if not in exactly the same sense, and the one who ‘loves learning’ (the Analects, xi.7) and the one who ‘chooses the practice of the Mean’ (Chung Yungyvm ) refer to the noble character of the same person. The ideals set out in the two texts, ‘the fullest attainment of the good’ (chih-shan) of the Ta Hsiieh and the 'attainment of perfect wholeness， {chih-ch， eng) in the Chung Yung, share the same spirit. However, in contrast with the Ta Hsiieh，where hsueh has an unambiguous origin and exten­ sion, the interpretation of the two characters chung and yung became controversial as early as the Han era. One of the earliest appearances of chung is in the Book of Documents where it is recorded that when passing the throne to Shun, the sage-ruler

Yao admonished his successor that he must 'sincerely hold fast to the due Mean (chungY (quoted in Analects, xx.i). Drawing upon the understandings and practices of earlier ages, Confucius promoted the mean to be the "highest virtue，(chih-te) but deplored that Tong time its practice has been rare among the people!， (Analects, VI.Z7). He interpreted the virtue of the mean as ‘not going beyond and yet not falling short， (xi.15). From a metaphysical reading of various expressions of the mean employed in Confucian texts, the Chung Yung developed a philosophical ideal, the way of centrality and harmony (cbung ho), as the foundation for the Confucian reconstruction of the world. Though central to the Confucian understanding of human life and the world, chung and yung were not explained particularly clearly either in Confucius or in the Chung Yung, This opened up a wide range of possible interpretations for later commentators. Cheng Hslian of the Han era, for example, interpreted yung as the constant, and chung yung as the practice and application of the Way. Ch’eng I of the Sung dynastyexplained chung as cnot leaning to one side’ and yung as ‘not to change， ；for him chung is the right Way of the world, while yung is its definitive principle. For Chu Hsi, cbung is ‘not leaning to either side，and cnot going beyond and not falling short’，while yung refers to being Ordinary with constancy’. As far as the text is concerned, we can see that chung yung as a noble principle functions in three interrelated realms. In the ethical realm, it refers to a virtuous character that enables its possessor to behave correctly according to the situation or to act in proportion to what is required, to make a right decision in its context and to be moderate. In the political realm, it is the manifestation of the sage-king’s rule，which is the extension of personal virtue to the governing of the state. In the metaphysical realm, it is the foundation of the idealized universe, the ultimate reality and the fundamental principle by which all things and beings come and go. On the Practice of the Mean is an attempt to explore these three dimensions of the Mean，to forge an unbroken chain between them and to make each of them the condition and prerequisite for the others. This is clearly demon­ strated in the opening section of the text, where a series of key

concepts - Heaven, the Mandate of Heaven, human nature, the cultivation of human nature, the Way, the cultivation of the Way, and education or moral instruction - are shown in close association： ‘By the term “nature” we speak of that which is imparted by the ordinance of Heaven; by the “Way” we mean that path which is in conformance with the intrinsic nature of man and things; and by “moral instruction” we refer to the process of cultivating man’s proper way in the world， (p. 25). The Way is both cosmic and moral, and the cultivation of the Way must start with one’s self, in which we achieve the virtue of chung or the mean or centrality when our emotions remain as themselves and we obtain the virtue of ho or harmony when the emotions remain in balance and in due proportion as they emerge into reality. On the premise that the self is none other than a miniature of the universe, the Chung Yung defines the mean or centrality as ‘the all-inclusive ground of being of the universe as a cosmic whole’，and Harmony as ‘the unimpeded path of fullest attainment in the world of human experience’ (p. 25). In the thirty-two chapters that follow, discussion is focused on why this is possible and how it can actually be realized, through further deliberation on the Way and the mean (Chapters z-19), on the transition from the mean to ch'eng or sincerity or ‘integral wholeness， (Chapter 2.0), and on the nature and power of integral wholeness as the manifestation of the Way (Chapters 21-33). The Way Briefly stated, both the Ta Hsueh and the Chung Yung are intended to illustrate the Way, the ‘"Way of Great Learning5in the former case and the ‘Middle Way1or the cWay of Centrality and Harmony’ in the latter. It is clear that their enquiries into moral and social matters reveal to us the fundamentally Confu­ cian view of life and of the world. But it also appears that the authors of the Ta Hsueh and the Chung Yung were aware of other philosophical and religious propositions, as evidenced by the traces of inter-textual influence not only from various Confucian strains, but also from Taoist，Mohist and syncretic writings of the time. The content and method of the texts’

enquiries equally tell us that these are more than purely ethical and political dialogues and that they are indeed searching for the metaphysical foundation of ethical and political issues. The investigation of the deeper layers of human existence in the treatises echoes in one way or another the Taoist view of the world and would have a significant effect on the mutual sup­ plementation and mutual interpretation of Confucian, Taoist and Buddhist spiritual currents in a later age. What is the Way? More specifically, what is the Confucian Way? Tao or the Way is commonly known as the cornerstone of philosophical and religious Taoism which, according to its famous text, the Tao Te Ching, is the mystical source from which all things and all phenomena come into being. It exists before and after the formation of Heaven and Earth, standing alone and never changing, and yet functions as the way guiding humans to their destiny. The Way is also central to the Confu­ cian construct of the universe and is taken as the source of human nature and moral virtues. The Way discussed in these two Confucian treatises is reminiscent of the Taoist understanding, especially in the Chung Yung where the Way, when identified with ‘centrality and harmony*, appears to be something like an ontological substance, representing the hidden and secret ultimate reality which, when realized to the full, can establish the foundation of the cosmic order and sustain ‘the regenerative processes of all the myriad creatures， (Chung Yung， Chapter i). It is reminiscent of the Taoist Way also when it is identified with the Way of Heaven and Earth as that which is broad, massive, lofty, brilliant, unbounded in distance and in time, and which engenders £all existing things [_. •]with unfathomable fecundity’ (Chapter 26). However, there are fundamental differences between the Taoist Way and the Confucian Way. In Taoist philosophy, the Way is independent of humans, existing and functioning by itself and for itself. To reach the Way one must pursue the path of non-activity (wu wei). For all its subtlety and transcendence the Confucian Way cannot be separated from the human realm because，if separated, it can no longer be regarded as the Way at all. The Way can be fully manifested only in the cultivation of our own innate nature as endowed by Heaven.

A distinctive feature of the Ta Hsiieh and the Chung Yung is that both attempt to establish a universal framework within which human individuals and the cosmos interact. In terms of the ontological order, the Way precedes human life and activities and it is only by following the Way that humans can meaning­ fully pursue social and political ends and become an integral part of the universe. However, in terms of the epistemological order, the Way can be known and understood only if humans gain true knowledge of their own nature. The Way is never perceived as something that exists outside human beings, nor can human beings ever live and act independently of the Way. Every human being has the presence of the Way in his or her nature which, if fully understood, gives an understanding of the ultimate reality of Heaven and Earth. It is in this sense that Confucius pointed out that *It is not the Way that makes humans great; but humans who make the Way great’ {Analects, xv.29). In the same sense Mencius argued that CA11 things are already complete in myself5 (Mencius, vii.A.4)，and the Ta Hsueh defines the first manifestation of the Way of Great Learning as ‘causing the light of one’s inner moral force to shine forth， ， while the Chung Yung contends that cthe Way indicates a path that one sets for oneself’ (Chapter 25). To understand fully and practise the Way, therefore, individuals must first understand their own nature, and set their own path to moral perfection, in which the self and others, individuals and society, human beings and the cosmos are integrated into a unity. This is what is meant by ‘learning’，‘moral instruction or education， ， and the ‘practice of the mean5in a Confucian context. Both the Ta Hsiieh and the Chung Yung are intended not only to illustrate the universal Way and its values, but also to explain how the Way can be practised in general human activi­ ties and how the values of the Way are to be realized in particular contexts. In the Ta Hsueh the practices of the Way are primarily manifested as a political and moral process through which the moral potential of human beings is fully realized. Therefore the focus is on personal cultivation； one is close to the Way if one knows what is first and what is last. Penetrating all human activities from the governing of the state and the regulating

of the family to such social and economic activities as the ‘engendering of wealth’，the 'Great Way，can be obtained only through personal virtues such as【 human kindness’ and ‘a sense of humour’ (Chapter 10). The Chung Yung also offers a full discussion of the moral and practical implications of the Way, in which it is described as the Way of the ‘man of noble char­ acter1(chiin-tzu chih tao)^ the ‘Middle Way5or the Way of the mean (chung-tao) or simply centrality and harmony (chung ho). The Chung Yung argues that all human faults and baseness of character are caused by failure to practise the Way, and that the Way is not fully understood and properly practised since the wise and worthy often overshoot it，while the less intelligent and the unworthy fail to reach it. To overcome such weaknesses or bad tendencies, the Chung Yung calls for the cultivation of character on the basis of the Way and the cultivation of the Way on the basis of the virtue of human kindness (Chapter 20). The Chung Yung contends that by understanding the roots of goodness in human nature, and by choosing what is good and holding fast to it, we can follow the path to attainment of the virtue of integral wholeness (ch3engy usually translated as ‘sincerity’). In social and political areas, the cultivation of integral wholeness follows the route of extending one’s self to the state. Starting with the understanding of the good, one proceeds to attain the virtue of integral wholeness, to become obedient to one’s parents, to win the trust of friends and the support of superiors, and finally to bring the people as a whole under one’s orderly rule. Through the concept of integral wholeness, the Chung Yung provides the reader with a Confu­ cian illustration of a micro-macro cosmic unity. Believing that the virtue of integral wholeness is the Way of Heaven and its attainment is the way of humans, the Chung Yung contends that those who possess integral wholeness achieve what is right without effort, understand without thinking, and can naturally and easily embody the Way. This is not as mystical as it appears. The teaching is firmly rooted in learning and understanding, and grounded in the cultivation of inborn nature and the effects of moral instruction {Chung Yung^ Chapter 21). Although all humans are endowed with a moral ‘nature， ， only

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'

I *

those who have attained the highest degree of integral wholeness will have the capacity to bring their nature to full realization. The Chung Yung further argues that having fully realized their own nature, they can realize the nature of other people; having fully realized the nature of others, they are able to realize the nature of all things; and having fully realized the nature of all things they can partake in the transformative and generative processes of Heaven and Earth. In the eyes of Confucians, this is the work and, ultimately, the sign of the sage who has achieved perfect integration with the Way. With the attainment of the highest degree of integral wholeness the sage is capable of fore­ knowledge and can divine the good or ill fortune of the state. Therefore, he is identified as a spiritual being who stands together with Heaven and Earth, forming a ‘triad， . By con­ necting the cultivation of temporary human nature with the eternal sage, the Confucian discourses on the Way take on a religious character and establish the spiritual foundation for， and impart transcendental values to, seemingly mundane mat­ ters such as regulating the family and governing the state as well as purely moral issues such as self-examination and pacifying the will. The Ta Hstieh and the Chung Yung both attempt to tackle the same issues as scriptural texts in other world traditions, that is, the position of humans in the universe, the part humans play in the transformative evolution of the world and the ultimate destiny of human beings as a whole and as individuals. In contrast with the theistic understandings of the religious traditionSj however, the two Confucian texts are not content to leave human destiny in the hands of spiritual beings or tran­ scendental powers. Rather, they are determined to demonstrate what humans themselves can do to fulfill their own providential destiny. This is, to my mind，the ultimate message they deliver to us today. Xinzhong Yao Professor of Religion and Ethics University of Wales, Lampeter

Chronological Table of Chinese History

Standard DatesAof Dynastic Periods:

Texts Associated with Confucian Learning and Major Confucian Thinkers

Hsia (legendary) 3rd-2nd m i ll e n n iu m b c e

Shang c. 1570-1045 BCE Chou c. 1045-256 BCE Western Chou: 1045-771 b c e ‘Spring and Autumn’ period: 770-481 b c e 2

‘"Warring States' period; 481-221 b c e 4

Shih Ching， Shu Ching andI Ching： (earliest layers of texts believed to date from Western Chou) Confucius (551-479 b c e )3 Tseng Tzu and Tzu Ssu (5th c e n t, b c e )

Mencius (4th c e n t, 1.

z.

3. 4.

bce

)

Dates for early periods are based on the Cambridge History o f Ancient China (1999). Years given for start and end of periods may vary in different sources due to varying methods of defining the beginning and end of dynastic regimes. Western Chou ends with death of King Yu in 771 b c e and ‘Spring and Autumn’ period begins with installation of King P’ing in 770 bce. In many sources ‘Springand Autumn， period begins and ends with first and last years recorded in Springand Autumn Annals (Cb'un-cb V«): 722-481 bce. Traditional dates for the life of Confucius, as well as for Mencius (c. 382-300) and for Hsiin Tzu (c. 310-215), are based on biographical information in Ssu-ma Ch， ien*s Records o f the Historian (Shih Chi). Warring Statesperiod continues until the Ch， in unification, 35years beyond the final demise of the nominal Chou state. In some sources Warring States period is dated from the tripartite division o f the Chin state in 4 5 3

bce.

Hsun Tzu (3rd cent, b c e ) Ch’in zzi-zo6

Lu-shih Ch'un-ch'iu (c. 2 3 ^

BCE

bce)

Han 2 0 6 b c e - 2 z o c e Western (Former) Han 206 bce-8 ce5

Hsin interregnum 9-25

ce

Tung Chung-shu (179-104 b c e ) Huai-nan Tzu (2nd c e n t, b c e ) Ssu-ma Ch’ien (c. 145-86 b c e ) Redaction of Li Chi (1st c e n t, b c e )

Eastern (Later, or Latter) Han 2 5 - Z Z O CE

Cheng Hsuan (127-200)

Wei, Chin, and ‘Northern and Southern Dynasties’ （ ‘Six Dynasties') 220-581 Sui 581-6186 T’ang 618-907

K’ung Ying-ta (574-648) Han Yu (768-824) Li Ao (774-836)

‘Five Dynasties， 907-960 Sung 960-1279 Northern Sung 960-1127 Southern Sung 1x27-1279

Ch’eng I (1033-1107) Chu Hsi (1130-1200)

Yuan 1279-1368 Ming 1368-1644

Wang Yang-ming (1472-1529)

Ch’ing 1644-1911

Wang Fu-chih (1619-1692)

Republican period 1912People’s Republic 1949-

5. 6.

Han period technically begins with the coronation of Liu Pang as Emperor o f Han in 2 0 2 b c e . Some sources date the beginning of the Sui period from the reunification o f th e e m p ir e in 5 8 9 .

Introduction

Early on in the premier work of traditional Chinese fiction, the eighteenth-century novel of manners A Dream of Red Mansions (Hung-lou mertg, translated by David Hawkes under the alter­ native title The Story of the Stone), the young heir of a great house strolls off one languorous spring day into the opulent garden his family has recently built, carrying an armful of books designed more for the delight of the body than of the mind. A little while later he is surprised in the midst of his furtive reading pleasures by the sudden appearance of the object of his budding affections, a girl whose cleverness and sensitivity surpass even his own. To her barbed query about the nature of his reading matter for the day, he replies: ‘Oh! It’s nothing but Ta Hsiieh and Chung Yung. You know, The Highest Order o f Cultivation and On the Practice o f the Mean\ This not-so-innocent remark is heavily laden with cultural assumptions about the unchal­ lenged canonic status and the edifying moral contents of these two texts. It is all the more loaded because only a short time before this the youth’s sweet and solicitous maidservant, already on intimate terms with him and assumed by all to be his eventual concubine, had taken advantage of his excessive concern over her insecure status to extract from him a curious promise. Along with a few more predictable requests that he at least make a show of attention to his studies and renounce some of his more depraved and desultory habits, she also begs him to stop praising 'that book about “causing the light of one’s inner moral force to shine forth” ’ at the expense of more salubrious scholarly works. Her obvious allusion to The Highest Order of Cultivation9 and her plea that he stop talking about it so much, may

strike the reader as rather odd, given its place as one of the ‘Four Books’ of orthodox Confucian learning. That is, unless we understand that this prime canonic source for the Confucian doctrine of moral self-cultivation, with all its talk about letting one’sinner light shine forth, was also susceptible to a nearly oppo­ site reading： one in which the ‘cultivation of the self5could come perilously close to Buddhist ideas of detached enlightenment, Taoist notions of worldly transcendence, or even less spiritual forms of 'polishing one’s own m irror， . In Confucian eyes, of course，all such forms of self-indulgent escapism represented nothing less than a criminal abdication of one， s heaven-ordained mission as a human being: to instil and maintain moral order in all the world through the observance of ritual propriety and participation in the enterprise of benevolent rulership. This little vignette serves as a fitting introduction to the pre­ sent volume of translations of our young hero’s pretended read­ ing matter for at least two important reasons. First, The Highest Order o f Cultivation and On the Practice o f the Mean are inseparably yoked as the core texts of Confucian education, books which would have accompanied the upright young man from his earliest schooling to the destiny that awaited him in the imperial examination halls and then in high-minded government service. At the same time, though they are virtually synonymous with the entire edifice of Confucian moral order, these are also texts of ambiguous implications. They contain a number of obscure expressions and uncertain passages as well as deeper layers of significance that lend themselves to a broad range of conflicting interpretations, some of which I will attempt to sort out in the structural and interpretive analyses, reader’s notes and appendices that follow the translated texts in this volume. The historical and cultural significance of the pair of Confu­ cian canonical writings presented here is starkly disproportion­ ate to their physical size as literary artefacts. These are not massive tomes - a dense printing of each of the original Chinese texts could be squeezed into the space of barely a few pages. Yet the Ta Hsueh and the Chung Yung have exerted an influence on the hearts and minds of men so profound and far-reaching as to bear comparison with none but the greatest monuments

of the world’s major scriptural traditions. Given the nearly unparalleled continuity and broad diffusion of traditional Chinese learning over at least the past two millennia, one may well claim that these treatises —in their capacity as written texts for formal study - may surpass even their much weightier counterparts in Biblical, Koranic and Vedic scripture in terms of the sheer cumulative number of minds they have engaged over the centuries. As Dr Xinzhong Yao outlines in his Preface to this edition, the ‘scriptural’ status of the Ta Hsiieh and the Chung Yung was set in stone not once, but twice: first when they were incorporated into the Classic of Ritual (Li Chi) toward the end of the first century bce, and then again over a thousand years

later when they came to be numbered alongside the Analects of Confucius and the Mencius as two of the so-called ‘Four Books， [Ssu Shu) of the orthodox Confucian canon. From this point on they were raised to a level of pre-eminence as close to the authority of divine revelation as one can get within what many observers regard as the stubbornly secular world of Confucian learning. Their putative authors were granted pride of place among the 'sages* of high antiquity and they were revered as crucial links in the so-called ‘lineage of the Way5 {Tao-fung)^ the unbroken chain of transmission from the ancient paragons of virtue and wisdom down to the latter-day bearers of the

mantle of Confucian sagehood. Through the remaining thou­ sand years of Chinese dynastic history, these slim volumes occu­ pied the vital core of the intellectual patrimony shared by all members of the vast empire’s educated elite. They dominated

the formative experience of childhood instruction； they consti­ tuted the primary curriculum of study in preparation for the all-important imperial civil service examinations; they formed the textual basis of an extensive body of erudite commentaries;

and they provided the central focus, and even the terms of discourse, for much of later Confucian philosophical writing. Even when generations of reformers and revolutionaries in the twentieth century turned their wrath and contempt on these books as embodiments of the old order and its 'feudal thinking’， this served only to reaffirm their place at the heart of traditional

Confucian life and values, leaving the treatises intact and ready for the rekindled intellectual attention they have enjoyed in recent decades throughout the Chinese-speaking world. The idea that the Ta Hsiieh and the Chung Yung stand at the very centre of traditional Chinese thought may be understood in a number of more specific ways. The first of these is a simple matter of textual chronology. Though the precise dating of the original composition of these works remains a subject of scholarly dispute (see Appendix III for a review of the evidence and controversies regarding their textual history), there is little question that this must fall somewhere between about 300 and 100 bce —that is, within the core period of th e 【 classical age’

of early Chinese thought spanning the three or four centuries from the late Warring States period through the first half of the Han Dynasty. They also stand at the epicentre of early Chinese writings by virtue of the web of intertextual links that tie them

to so many of the other seminal texts of the ancient philosophical tradition. In one direction they look back to the venerable foundational texts of the canonic corpus —notably the Shih Ching (Book of Songs) and the Shu Ching (Book of Documents), from which they present a variety of scriptural citations in

support of their own primary arguments (see Appendix II on the use of ‘proof-texts’ in these works), as well as to the primary

fountainheads of the Confucian textual heritage：the Analects and the Mencius. A large portion of their teachings are framed as pronouncements - some real and some fabricated —purportedly

heard from the mouth of Confucius, the ‘Master’ himself (though it is uncertain whether or not our own received text of the Analects would have been in circulation by the time these works were composed), and a number of formulations unmis­ takably reproduce or paraphrase passages in the Mencius. Still other passages clearly echo a variety of Warring States writings, notably those compiled under the names of Kuan Tzu, Mo Tzu and, most visibly, Hsun Tzu- despite the fact that some of these thinkers5ideas are commonly held to be at sharp variance with those of Mencius. There are also a number of expressions sug­ gesting notions of quietism, inaction and spiritual cultivation that may strike modern readers as decidedly Taoist in tone.

Whatever one’s final judgment may be on the vexed question of the authors' precise ideological affinities, it is not as represen­ tatives of partisan disputation that these works take their place in the emerging Confucian synthesis of China’s Late Antiquity, but rather as central voices in the broad-ranging discourse of early Han political and intellectual life. Scholars describe this lively arena of debate as (syncretic、in the sense that it drew upon virtually all of the strains of pre-Ch’in and contem­ porary thought in the construction of a comprehensive world­ view for a new age. Once we cross over into the most likely time-frame for the composition of the Ta Hsiieh and the Chung Yung, we encounter at virtually every step traces of intertextual influence linking the treatises to the major syncretic writings of their day. Even after they had been firmly ensconced in their first textual home in the Li Chiythese treatises continued to send forth ripples of resonance easily observed in some of the most important texts of the middle and late Han period. When we read the Ta Hsueh and the Chung Yung with an eye to this welter of textual connections tying them, on the one side, to the pre-Han classics and, on the other, to the philosophical corpus of the entire Han period, we have the strong impression of viewing a dense tapestry of interlocking threads, one in which virtually every line calls up associative links within a network of parallel writings. This sense of the centrality of the Ta Hsueh and the Chung Yung within the fabric of early Chinese thought takes on even deeper significance when we place full weight on their intellec­ tual content as documents in the history of ideas. What is most important from this perspective is the manner in which they give expression to a remarkable transition away from the primarily ethical and political teachings of the first generations of the Confucian school toward the far-ranging philosophical inquiry that culminated in the gradual consolidation, by the late T， ang and Northern Sung periods, of what has come to be known in Western Sinological writings as the ‘Neo-Confucian， synthesis. In a very real sense it is Mencius who deserves the primary credit for first looking beyond the resolutely "this-worldly* orientation of Confucius and his immediate followers, to glimpse some of

the more transcendent implications of what often seem to be predominantly secular doctrines. But it is the Ta Hsiieh and the Chung Yung that first open up the doors of the Confucian edifice to new lines of enquiry, leading inevitably to confrontation with far-reaching speculative issues on both the inner substance and the external fulfilment of the self. As we step out and explore the new vistas spread before us in these two treatises, we can see points at which their authors begin to come to grips with the implications of their propositions on the scope and signifi­ cance of human attainment. We can feel their palpable excite­ ment as they reach out from the confines of the original Confucian project and lift their eyes to a higher vision of man’s place in the universe. From this point on, to be a £man of noble character5 meant not only enacting the perennial virtues of kindness, filial respect, ritual propriety and the like, but de­ manded the inner cultivation, and the interpersonal realization, of the moral capacity intrinsic within the essential humanity of every individual. It is precisely to the Ta Hsiieh and the Chung Yung that we must look for the first full articulation of the terms of discourse, the modes of argumentation, and the substantive vision that gradually matured into this rich tradition of Confu­ cian philosophical enquiry, as it probed into the profound relationship between the cultivation of the self and the ordering of the world. For all these reasons our two treatises can be taken as the central ground of orientation，the ‘home-port，within the vast ocean of traditional Chinese learning. But they are frequently misunderstood - and not only by sensual young heirs in opulent gardens. Many students, I suspect, having made their way duti­ fully through the initial blasts of moral truth and then having noticed that the remaining pages of the texts consist largely of scriptural citations and learned commentary, may decide that they have seen enough and that they need not punish themselves by pressing on. For the reader who does press on, however, the rewards are great. For these books are as profound as they are subtle. By an unexpected turn of phrase here, a puzzling use of scriptural allusion there, they manage to evoke a sense of the vast vision of the world, and man’s place as a moral agent within

it, that has always been at the heart of the Confucian view of things. I first came to glimpse some of the implications of these two texts through the prism of the ‘classic’ Chinese novels of the Ming and Ch’ing periods. Inspired by the sheer weight of the cultural and spiritual significance they clearly had for writers and readers of late-imperial China, I embarked upon years of study of the texts, gradually making my way through their large corpus of attached commentaries and related treatises, the considerable body of scholarly research on their textual background and the rich treasury of materials concerning their impact upon the intellectual history of both China and Europe. It is my hope that the present volume of translations - together with the interpretive analysis, notes and appendices —will con­ vey to both students and general readers at least a small portion of the immense intellectual and cultural freight of these texts. Together the Ta Hsiieh and the Chung Yung constitute the formative core of high Confucian civilization, both defining the central values of the tradition and providing many of the perennial topics of philosophical and political debate that occu­ pied the best minds in China for more than two thousand years. What is the ideal course of moral cultivation and what are the lower and upper limits of individual self-perfection? Are the ‘principles， that govern the meaning of concrete existence intrin­ sic to the 'things* of objective reality or are they grounded within the subjectivity of human consciousness? How can one extrapolate from internal self-realization to the proper ordering of society and the world? It is to the texts themselves that we now turn to seek answers to these eternal questions of Confucian intellectual enquiry. In preparing this volume, I have benefited immeasurably from the erudite assistance and the patient criticism of a large number of teachers, colleagues and friends. I would like to single out the following individuals, in alphabetic listing, for a special note of appreciation： Andras Hamori, Christoph Harbsmeier, Martin Heijdra, Yu-kung Kao, Martin Kern, Li Wai-yee, Frederick W. Mote, Michael Nylan, Willard Peterson，Michael Reeve, Hai-t， ao T’ang, Thomas Wilson and Yli Ying-shih. All of the

errors and infelicities that remain in this book probably mark those points where I have obstinately resisted their learned advice. I should also like to thank Lindeth Vasey, Laura Barber and Ellah Allfrey at Penguin for their highly professional and unfailingly patient advice and assistance.

Further Reading

Confucius, The Analects， trans. D. C. Lau (London: Penguin, 1979 )

Gardner, Daniel K., Chu Hsi and the Ta Hsiieh: Neo-Confucian Reflection on the Confucian Carton (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1986) Graham, A' C.，Disputers of the Tao： Philosophical Argument in Ancient China (La Salle, Illinois: Open Court, 1989) Henderson, John B., Scripture, Canon, and Commentary： A Comparison of Confucian and Western Exegesis (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991) Loewe，Michael, Early Chinese Texts：A Bibliographical Guide (Berkeley: University of California, Institute of East Asian Studies, 1993) Mencius, Mencius, trans. D. C. Lau (London： Penguin, 1970) Mote, Frederick W., Intellectual Foundations of China (New York： McGraw-Hill, 1989) Nivison, David S., The Ways o f Confucianism (La Salle, Illinois: Open Court, 1996) Nylan, Michael, The Five cConfucian，Classics (New Haven： Yale University Press, 2001) Riegel, Jeffrey, The Four Tzu Ssu Chapters of the Li Chi： An Analysis and Translation (Stanford: Stanford University dis­ sertation, 1978) Schwartz, Benjamin I., The World of Thought in Ancient China (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1989) Tu Wei-ming, Centrality and Commonality： An Essay on Chung Yung (New York： State University Press, 1989)

Wilson, Thomas, Genealogy of the Way: The Construction and Uses of the Confucian Tradition in Late Imperial China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1995)

A Note on the Translations

The translations in this volume are based on the texts of the Ta Hsiieh and the Chung Yung available in various modern printings of Chu Hsi’s twelfth-century commentary edition of the Four Books, under the general title Ssu Shu Chi-chu (Col­ lected Commentaries on the Four Books). There are two princi­ pal reasons for choosing these, rather than the earliest known versions of the texts (i.e. those preserved as chapters in the canonic Li Chi compiled in the late first century bce). The first is that Chu Hsi’s edition - with his insertion of what have become the standard chapter divisions into the originally undivided text, as well as his reordering of a few sections of the argument to match the sequence of chapters - makes it much easier for the reader to follow the structural logic of the work. An even stronger justification arises from the immense impor­ tance of Chu Hsi’s versions of the two works in the broader context of Chinese cultural and intellectual history. It is a simple fact that the texts in his Four Books recension, or critical edition, have stood almost exclusively as the authoritative standard versions in traditional Confucian learning ever since they first

went into circulation over eight hundred years ago. These are the editions that served as textbooks for early and advanced education; they are the ones that provided the source quotations used as essay topics in the imperial civil service examinations;

and they became the primary focus for serious philosophical disputation in China down to the present day. Chu Hsi’s texts continue to be the basis for the great majority of modern Chinese editions of the works and, therefore, the working texts for virtually all European translations as well.

The new renderings offered here rest upon three main prin­ ciples of composition. On the most general level, I aim to repro­ duce what may be termed ‘equivalent utterances5, that is, approximations of semantic and syntactic values in context rather than strict matching of lexical units. With this end in mind, I frequently allow myself considerable leeway in my for­ mulations, for example, inserting additional words to convey loaded Chinese concepts, or combining Chinese stylistic redun­ dancies into single propositions where I feel this is how a given idea would normally be expressed in English. To give only one of the most conspicuous examples, the tripartite opening statement of the Ta Hsiieh in my version: The Way of self-cultivation, at its highest level, is a three-fold path: it lies in causing the light of one’s inner moral force to shine forth, in bringing the people to a state of renewal, and in coming to rest in the fullest attainment of the good was generated from only sixteen characters in the classic text. My aim here is to take advantage of the wealth of Chinese scholarship, both traditional glosses and modern commentaries, in attempting to draw out the multiple layers of meaning packed into the passage in ways in which bare word-for-word render­ ings such as the familiar: The Way of the Great Learning lies in shining with one’s bright virtue, in renovating the people, and in resting in the highest good seem to me grossly inadequate. Where interpolations of this type are made, I try both to explain and justify them at the relevant points in the Notes and in my extended discussions of the key terms in Appendix I, but recognizing that they come at the price of verbosity, I regularly abbreviate them in subsequent repetitions of the same expressions. Thus, for example, ‘to set straight the seat of their emotive and cognitive faculties’ (p. 5) becomes £to set these faculties straight，in the following line. I also invoke this principle of translation in those places where

the logical connectives between clauses in the Chinese text are either vague or left unexpressed, and so I add phrases such as £by definition’ and ‘so to speak’ to make the argument clearer. In instances where a Chinese term is repeated unchanged in a series of parallel clauses, I often choose a set of different syn­ onyms to avoid monotony. I also pay special attention to the use of conjunctions and markers of subordination in the original text (all the 'therefores* and 'if-then5constructions, for example) with an eye toward adjusting my English usage to the particular rhetorical thrust in any given occurrence. • In the same spirit, I try to maximize grammatical and syntactic flexibility at the level of sentence structure as a means of finding equivalents of Chinese modes of expression. For example, rhet­ orical questions may be shifted into negative assertions and strong assertions into rhetorical questions; the sense of a Chinese modal particle may be captured with a parenthetical phrase . I fear， ，*•. • long may we .. •， ）or other device. In the common Chinese pattern of coordinated clauses linked with the conjunction erh (conventionally rendered as ‘moreover’，or simply ‘and’)，I usually prefer to treat one of the clauses in the fashion of an adverbial phrase of manner or condition modifying the other. For example, in the opening chapter of the Ta Hsiieh、 I take my inverted rendering: Tor one to put the peripheral “branches” of one， s behaviour into order, while the “roots” at its core are yet in a state of chaotic entanglement5, (p. 6) to be a more accurate representation of the sense of line than the literal: ‘When the roots are entangled and the branches are in order.5 Finally, I attempt to capture the multiple Voices5of the ori­ ginal Chinese texts: the wise teachings of the sage，the use of proof-texts (that is, the citation of purportedly ancient canonic lines to prove a point), and the learned discourse of philosoph­ ical argumentation, through different registers of expression. In doing so, I may occasionally employ a deliberately pedantic or pseudo-archaic style in English, particularly where the elevated style of a canonic source seems to me to demand this sort of treatment. Though many of these examples of 'creative adjust­ ment3may strike the reader familiar with the original language

as unwarranted liberties, they represent in every instance the result of much study, thought and, inevitably, a great deal of agonizing over final choices. Technical Matters The Chinese proper names and terms given in this book are transcribed in accordance with the rWade-Giles’ system of Romanization, to match that used in D. C. Lau's earlier Penguin Classics editions of the Analects and Mencius. This system is quite distinct from the Pinyin spelling, officially promulgated in China a few decades ago, that has become by far the predomin­ ant way of transcribing Chinese both in official contexts and in the media, and has gradually been adopted by librarians and scholars all over the world as the standard for Sinological writings. For the purpose of this volume, however, the aim of eventually issuing a single uniform Penguin set of the Four Books was felt to outweigh the advantages of conforming to the irreversible trend toward Pinyin usage. To give a few examples of the differences between the two systems, the Chinese title of ‘The Highest Order of Cultivation' would be Daxue in Pinyin， as opposed to Ta Hsiieh in Wade-Giles; ‘On the Practice of the Mean， ，here spelled Chung Yung^ would become Zhongyong. One of the most conspicuous stylistic features of the Ta Hsiieh and the Chung Yung is the tendency of their writers to slip into sequences of parallel clauses. This is a literary phenomenon observed in nearly all texts of classical Chinese expository prose, as it is in passages of ‘elevated style’ in classical Hebrew, Arabic, Sanskrit and, to a lesser extent, Greek and Latin. In some examples this may represent little more than an occasional rhetorical flourish; in others strict parallelism of various types -

lexical, semantic, metrical - may govern the structural organiza­ tion of an entire composition. In our two texts, we see in almost every section what would be called 'parallel periods，in Western rhetorical analysis, with sequences of this type typically alternat­ ing with passages of ‘straight， prose. It is important that we understand this parallelistic mode of expression not simply as a cosmetic device of literary aesthetics, but as an embodiment of the essential structure of Chinese philosophical discourse. To

make it easier for the reader to follow this crucial feature of the texts, a system of indentation has been adopted to set off parallel sequences 一whether separate clauses or complete sentences 一 on the model of the setting of lines of verse in books of poetry. This has meant using variable margins to avoid conflicting with the conventional indentations of paragraph heads, quotations and the like-particularly in those cases where one set of parallel clauses comes in the middle of another parallel sequence. A second potentially confusing aspect of these texts is the way in which they shift back and forth between different levels of discourse： from the voice of the author, to the simulated voice of the sage in canonical citations, to what we may call the voice of the 'implied commentator’. Where pronouncements are attributed to an earlier sage, but without known sources, it is frequently difficult to determine where the sagely voice ends and that of the author or the implied commentator picks up the thread. My placement of quotation marks in such spots may therefore be rather subjective. The Structural and Interpretive Analyses and Notes that fol­ low the two translations are designed both to explain and to justify specific renderings, as well as to provide linguistic and cultural information that may be helpful to readers in making sense of the substance of the texts themselves. The reader is strongly encouraged to have at least a preliminary look at the analytical frameworks before plunging into the words of the ancient texts. Source-identifications for canonic passages cited in proof-texts, as well as entries identifying proper names from Chinese history and Confucian lore, have also been included here, with more extended discussions reserved for the final Appendices.

T a H su eh The Highest Order o f Cultivation

E X P L I C A T I O N O F T H E TITL E The traditional title of this treatise - taken simply from the first two

words of the text —is almost always given in Western translations as a variation, in one form or another, on the expression ‘great learning5. Not only is this rendering inadequate on general philological grounds but it also fails to describe the specific contents of the book. Even a cursory reading of the text makes it immediately apparent that the

educational process enjoined by the second word bsiieh through its paradigm of moral fulfilment in every phase of human capacity is of an order that can only partially and misleadingly be expressed in the

narrow sense of the English ‘learning， . Rather, the word hsiieh in Confucian discourse covers a full spectrum of personal accomplish­ ment from the active to the contemplative spheres, centring upon the core concept of the perfection of the individual character, a notion that precisely matches the scope and meaning of the central ideal of ‘self-cultivation， . Both for reasons of euphony, and to avoid raising here the problematic status of the individual self in Confucian thought, I condense this to the single word ‘cultivation， . The difficulty with the standard translation of the first word in the title lies not in its literal meaning (‘large， or ‘great， )， but in the particular conception of greatness to which it refers. By far the predominant gloss on this expression is that of Chu Hsi, who, a bit inventively, explains th e w h o le p h r a s e as a n a b b r e v ia t io n f o r

ta-jen chih hsueh (‘th e

le a r n in g

of the great person， ). He goes on to define the ‘great one，in ways that clarify the higher order of learning he envisions: either the higher status conferred by age, specifically the age (fifteen years) at which a young student moves up to a more advanced level in his intellectual and moral training, or, more compellingly, the greatness of the highest degree of cultivation, that of the Confucian ‘sage， . At first glance, Chu Hsi’s reading seems to clash with that of Cheng Hsiian and K’ung Ying-ta, the leading earlier commentators on the text of the Ta Hsiieh preserved

in the canonic Li Chi. Their gloss of the two words of the title as po-hsiieh (‘broad cultivation’) seems to emphasize simple breadth of learning - until they go on to qualify their understanding of this capaciousness of mind as applying specifically to the capacity to govern, a sense not far removed from Chu H si， s explication of the ‘great one'

as the sage-ruler. Once Chu's dominant interpretation was in place, subsequent commentators, many of them at pains to revise or even overturn some of the basic assumptions of Sung orthodoxy, continued to accept this essential reading. To give only the most conspicuous example, Wang Yang-ming, the famous exponent of the so-called ‘philosophy of mind’ (bsin-bsiieh) in the sixteenth century, explained the ‘greatness* of the title as an allusion to the man who embraces the ‘ultimate unity of all things* (wan-wu i-fi). The title of my translation, The Highest Order of Cultivation， ，has been adopted in order to cover as much of this semantic ground as possible. It is designed to allow for interpretations of the phrase tahsiieb ranging from the more advanced levels of instruction, in the narrowest sense of the expression, to the broader spheres of personal fulfilment and, ultimately, the highest levels of Confucian attainment - consistent with the hierarchy of degrees outlined and illustrated in the course of the text.

The Way of self-cultivation, at its highest level, is a three-fold path: it lies in causing the light of one’s inner moral force to shine forth,1 in bringing the people to a state of renewal,2 and in coming to rest in the fullest attainment of the good.3 Only when one comes to understand this point of rest can one reach a state of unwavering stability. Having reached this unwavering state, one can then enjoy an unruffled quietude; having attained this state of quietude, one can then achieve an inner calm; once one has achieved this inner calm, one is then in a position to exercise one， s capacity to deliberate clearly. And it is the capacity of deliberation that provides the basis for all moral attainment.4 Just as all existing things have, by definition, both a funda­ mental core and peripheral aspects - their ‘roots’ and ‘branches’5 —so too, all human affairs have their endings as well as their beginnings. To grasp fully the grounds for the proper sequential ordering of things, from first to last, is a precondition for coming

closer to the Way. Those men of old who wished to cause the light of their inner moral force to shine forth before the entire world had first to establish orderly rule in their kingdoms.6 Wishing to establish orderly rule in their kingdoms, they had first to put their royal houses into proper balance; wishing to put their families into proper balance,7they had first to cultivate their own moral character as individuals; wishing to cultivate their own character as indi­ viduals,8they had first to set straight the seat of their emotive and cognitive faculties;9 wishing to set these faculties straight, they had first to achieve a state of integral wholeness in the inner depths of their consciousness;

wishing to achieve a state of wholeness in their inner­ most consciousness, they had first to expand to the utmost their range of comprehension. And the key to this desire to maximize their range of comprehen­ sion lay in extending to all things in the objective world the correct conceptual grid.10 Only once all things in the objective world have been reached through the correct conceptual grid can one’s range of compre­ hension be expanded to the utmost; only once one’s range of comprehension has been maximized can one’s innermost consciousness be brought to a state of wholeness； only once one’s innermost consciousness has been made whole can one’s cognitive and emotive faculties be set straight; only once the seat of these faculties has been set straight can one’s character as an individual properly be cul­ tivated; only once one’s moral character has been cultivated can one’s family be put into proper balance; only once one’s family has been put into proper balance can one’s kingdom be brought to a state of orderly rule; and only once one， s own kingdom is in a state of orderly rule is it possible for the entire world to enjoy enduring peace.11 From the Son of Heaven down to the simplest commoner, all are guided by a single principle： that the cultivation of one’s individual character constitutes the core of all attainment. For one to put the peripheral ‘branches’ of one’s behaviour into order, while the ‘roots’ at its core are yet in a state of chaotic entanglement, would be a contradiction in terms, in the same way that treating as insubstantial that which is generally regarded to be of weighty significance, or according great sig­ nificance to that which is generally taken lightly, is entirely unacceptable.12

I

It is said in the ‘Announcement to the Lord of K ，ang，：‘[King Wen] succeeded in causing the light of his moral force to shine forth， .1 It is said in the ‘Admonition to T， ai-chia’： ‘[King Tang] set his eyes upon affirming the shining decree of Heaven’.2 It is said in the ‘Canon of the Great Ancestor， ：‘[Yao] suc­ ceeded in causing the light of his towering moral force to shine forth’.3 Each of these canonic sources bespeaks one whose capacity to shine forth comes from within his own self.

2

On the bathing basin of King T’ang1were engraved the words： ‘Would that one renew oneself daily, ever newer from ^day to day, and new again with each passing day.5 It is said in the ‘Announcement to the Lord of K’ang， ： .. and thou shalt bring about the renewal of the people， .2 It is said in the Songs: Though the house of Chou be a kingdom of long-standing antiquity, its mandate is ever renewed， .3 It follows from these sources that the man of noble character exercises his faculties to the utmost in all circumstances.4

3

It is said in the Songs： The royal demesne measures one thousand leagues around,1 and within its bounds the people are at rest.1 In the words of the Songs： cMin-man chirps the yellow bird,2

as it comes to rest in the hollow of the hill•’ The Master has stated:3eWhen it alights, it knows upon what it rests. Can it be that the understanding of a man should fall short of that of a bird?’ In the words of the Songs： sHow august and splendid was King Wen; yea, he caused the light of his virtue to shine without surcease; he found his point of rest in deepest reverence.54 Thus we see that he who fulfils his role as a ruler of men finds his point of rest in human kindness; he who fulfils his role in his ruler’s service rests in reverential devotion; he who fulfils his role as his father’s son rests in filial respect; he who fulfils his role as a father to his children rests in parental love; and he who properly conducts his dealings with all his countrymen rests in the virtue of trustworthiness.5 In the words of the Songs: Took upon the winding banks of the River Ch， i， luxuriant with their green thickets of bamboo. And behold that prince among men in all his elegance, like a jewel that has been cut and polished, like ivory that has been carved and ground.6 . Imposing and awe-inspiring, resplendent and magnificent.7 Behold that elegant prince among men, he shall remain unforgettable，from now and evermore.， ‘Cut and polished5: these words refer to the process of cul­ tivation； ‘carved and ground， ：these words refer to the perfection of the individual self. The words ‘imposing and awe-inspiring5 bespeak fear and trembling; the words ‘resplendent and magnificent5describe the deport­ ment of authority.

‘That elegant prince among men, he shall remain unfor­ gettable . . . ， comes to say： 8with his bounteous moral force and his consummate goodness, he is such that the people can never forget his example. In the words of the Songs: £A11hail the Former Kings, never shall they be forgotten.’9 Thus, where the man of mean character takes his delight only in his own delights and his profit only from what profits himself, the man of noble character honours those of honourable worth and treats as kin those of kindred spirit around him.10It is for this reason that he remains unforgotten, though the generations come and go.

4

The Master has stated： ‘As a judge hearing litigation，one should put oneself in the place of others.1As a matter of categori­ cal principle, however, one should act so as to eliminate litiga­ tion altogether.，In this way, men who are bereft of the truth2 will be in no position to present arguments interminably and one can, accordingly, instil awe for justice in the hearts of the people. This is what is called: Understanding the fundamental core of moral cultivation9.3

5

This is what is called: ‘understanding the fundamental core of moral cultivation’. This is what is known as: ‘the fullest attainment of understanding’. [Commentary by Chu H si，in place of missing text] The fifth chapter, above, explains in summary fashion the meaning of the expressions Extending to all things in the objec­ tive world the correct conceptual grid，and ‘maximizing one’s range of comprehension’. This section, however, is no longer

extant today. In recent days, I have taken the liberty of piecing in this missing section, basing myself upon the views of Master Ch’eng， as follows:1What is expressed in the statement： ‘the key to this desire to maximize their range of comprehension lay in extending to all things in the objective world the correct conceptual grid’ is that, should one wish to maximize one’s range of comprehension, this lies in the exhaustive pursuit of the intrinsic principles of things,2 through strict adherence to the concrete reality of the objects themselves. This is because, while the innate intelligence of the human mind is never devoid of the capacity of understanding, and, moreover, there are none among all the material objects in the universe that do not embody principles within them, still, with respect to these under­ lying principles, there may remain that which lies beyond the reach of full apprehension. Consequently, there may be areas in which one’s comprehension has not been developed to its fullest extent. For this reason, at the initial stages of moral instruction directed towards the highest order of cultivation, one must lead those engaged in this process of cultivation to adhere to the concrete reality of all things in the world, basing their under­ standing, in each case, upon those intrinsic principles already within their grasp and then going on to pursue these principles exhaustively, striving to reach their ultimate conclusions. After this exertion of effort has proceeded for a long time，the day will come when they experience a completely unobstructed flash of penetrating insight. From this point on, no aspect of all the myriad phenomena of the world, from the manifest to the intrinsic and from the minute to the gross, will remain beyond their reach and there will be no workings of the individual mind, both in its comprehensive substance and in its broad applications,3that will not become absolutely lucid. This is what is meant by "extending to all things in the world the correct conceptual grid， ，and this is the meaning of ‘expanding one’s range of comprehension to the utmost’.

6 What is meant by the words： 1 ‘achieving a state of integral wholeness within one’s innermost consciousness’ is that one must avoid all manner of self-deception, just as spontaneously as one feels distaste for a distasteful smell, or takes delight in a delightful sight.2This is what is meant by the expression ‘being at ease with oneself5.3 For this reason, it is imperative that the man of noble character pay great heed to the core of his own individuality.4 The man of mean character, by contrast, dwells in idleness and acts in a manner contrary to the good; in this there are no lengths to which he will not go. Only when he finds himself in the presence of a man of noble character will he feel a sense of revulsion and attempt both to conceal his failure to do good and to publicize his more positive acts. But to what avail, when he finds himself under the scrutiny of other men, who see through him as if to his very lungs and liver? This is the meaning of the dictum： ‘that which takes on its true form in one’s inner self is certain to be manifested in one's outer demeanour5. That is why the man of noble character must always pay great heed to the core of his own individuality. As the disciple Tseng Tzu stated:5 ‘One is subjected to the disapproving gaze of ten eyes, to the pointing fingers of ten hands. Is this not a sign of severe reproach?* Just as wealth lends lustre to a house, so does inner moral force lend lustre to one’s personal bearing. The heart waxes in breadth as the body grows sleek.6That is why it is said： ‘the man of noble character must achieve a state of wholeness in his innermost consciousness， .

7

The meaning of the statement: *the cultivation of one’s moral character as an individual is predicated upon setting straight the seat of one’s emotive and cognitive faculties' is that: when one’spersonal relations are governed by animos-

ity and resentment, then one is incapable of achieving this straightness of mind; when one is possessed by fear and trepidation, one is incapable of achieving straightness of mind； when one’s consciousness is occupied by feelings of fondness and delight, one is incapable of achieving straightness of mind; and when one is obsessed with anxiety and grief,1 one is, likewise, incapable of achieving straightness of mind. In cases such as these, one’s mental capacity is, in effect, absent: one looks but does not see, listens but does not hear, eats but is not aware of the flavour of his food. This is what is meant by the statement: ‘the cultivation of one’s moral character as an individual is predicated upon setting straight the seat of one， s emotive and cognitive faculties， .

8 The statement: ‘putting one’s family into proper balance is predicated upon the cultivation of one’s moral character as an individual’ refers to the fact that people are drawn to those for whom they feel kinship and affection, and they unthinkingly incline toward them;1 their attention is drawn to those for whom they feel disdain and distaste, and they incline away from them; they are drawn to those whom they hold in awe and respect, and they incline toward them; they are drawn to those for whom they feel pity and compassion, and they incline toward them； and their attention is drawn to those whom they regard with arrogance or indifference, and they unthinkingly turn away from them. From this we see that in all the world it is rare, indeed, for a person to feel fondness for another while he is yet fully aware of his faults or, conversely, to feel antipathy toward another

while yet recognizing that person's finer qualities. The prov­ erbial expression captures this idea well, when it says: ‘No man is ever fully aware of the faults of his own son, just as none can appreciate the eventual size of grain sprouts while they are yet in the bud/2 This is what is meant by the statement: *He whose moral character as an individual has not been properly cultivated will never be in a position to put his family into proper balance•’

9

The statement: ‘Wishing to establish orderly rule in their kingdoms, they had first to put their royal houses into proper balance5refers to the fact that it is inconceivable1for one who is unable to provide moral instruction to his own family to be capable of providing such instruction to other people. One concludes from this that the man of noble character accom­ plishes the moral instruction of his entire country without so much as stepping out of his own house. For filial respect provides the basis for serving one， s sovereign； brotherly devotion provides the basis for serving one’s superiors; and parental love provides the basis for commanding all of one’s subordinates. It is said in the ‘Announcement to the Lord of K， ang’： ‘… as one watches over a newborn babe’.2 As long as one seeks to fulfil this in the true depths of one’s heart， 3though he miss the mark, he will not be far off. For there has never been a woman who first learns to nurture children, and only then is given in marriage. When a single family evinces the ideal of human kind­ ness, then human kindness will be promoted in the entire realm； when a single family evinces a deferential spirit, then a spirit of deference will be promoted in the entire realm.

And， conversely, should the members of a single family be greedy and recalcitrant, this will give rise to a state ■of anarchy throughout the entire kingdom. Such is the hinge upon which all human affairs revolve. This is what is meant by the dictum： 4 ‘a single word can undermine a great undertaking, just as a single man can bring peace to an entire kingdom’. Yao and Shun marshalled the forces of the entire world by the virtue of human kindness, and the people all followed their lead. Chieh and Chou, on the other hand, marshalled the forces of the world through violence, but the people followed in their path just as well. It is only when the contents of the rulers’ commands are in evident contradiction to that which they themselves desire that the people will refuse to follow their lead.5 It follows from this that the man of noble character must first possess a quality within himself before he can demand it of other men, and he must himself be free of a certain undesirable trait before he can censure it in others. For it is inconceivable that one be able to give edifying instruction to others, when within one’s own breast one harbours a glaring lack of mind­ fulness for the concerns of one’s fellow man. That is why the establishment of orderly rule within one’s kingdom is predicated upon putting one’s family into proper balance. It is said in the Songs: ‘Lovely is the flowering peach, its leaves thick and green. Yon maiden is in her wedding procession,6 she will surely bring goodness to all the members of her new household.， 7 Only when one ‘brings goodness to the members of one’s house­ hold5is one in a position to provide moral instruction to all the people in the realm. It is said in the Songs: ‘He brings goodness to his brothers,8elder and younger alike•’ Only when one 'brings goodness to his brothers，is one in a

position to provide moral instruction to all the people of the realm. It is said in the Songs： ‘His deportment showed no error of excess,9 bringing rectitude to all the lands between the four corners of the world.， Only when one’s behaviour as father, as son and as elder or younger brother is worthy of emulation will the people take one as a moral exemplar. This is what is meant by the statement: 6the establishment of orderly rule in one’s kingdom is predicated upon putting one’s family into proper balance*.

10 The statement that 'bringing peace to the entire world is predicated upon establishing orderly rule in one’s own kingdom， may be illustrated by the following： when those in superior positions treat the aged as befits those of venerable age， 1then the virtue of filial respect will be promoted among the people at large.. Likewise, when those in superior positions treat their elders as befits those of older years, then the virtue of respect for elder brothers will be promoted among the people at large; and when those in superior positions show compassion toward defenceless orphans, then the people will refrain from rebellious behaviour. This is the basis for the dictum that the man of noble character possesses the way of ‘measuring by the carpenter’s square， .2 What this means is that: behaviour of the sort one abhors in one’s superiors ought not be practised in commanding one’s subor­ dinates; and behaviour that one abhors in one’s subordinates ought not be practised in serving one’s superiors. Behaviour that one finds abhorrent when observed in

those with greater precedence ought not be practised as a basis for taking precedence over one’s inferiors; and behaviour that one finds abhorrent when observed among those of inferior status ought not be practised in following the lead of those in more advanced positions. Behaviour that one finds abhorrent when observed in others, on one’s right or on one’s left, ought not be practised in one’s dealings with those on the other side. This is what is meant by ‘measuring with the carpenter’s square， . It is said in the Songs: ‘Joy be unto that prince among men, for he is the father and mother of the people.， 3 That is, what the people are fond of, he, too, is fond of, and what the people despise, he, too, despises. This is what is meant by the expression 'father and mother of the people， . It is said in the Songs: ‘Lofty is that southern peak,4 its rocks piled up in towering crags. And towering, too, is thy authority. Marshal Yin. All the people look up to thee in desperate supplication.’ He who holds sway in a kingdom cannot but take heed. For whosoever goes astray will surely be cut down by all under Heaven. It is said in the Songs: ‘Before the Yin rulers lost the support of their multitudes, they had the power to stand as equals before the Supreme Lord of Heaven. It behoves one to reflect upon the example of the Yin, for the holding of the great Mandate is not a matter of ease.， 5 If one’s way gains the confidence of the multitudes, then he will gain sway over the realm; but should he lose the confidence of the multitudes, he will surely lose his kingdom. For this reason, the first concern of the man of noble character is for his inner moral force.

If he possesses the requisite moral force, this means he will hold sway over the people. As long as he holds sway over the people, this means he will be in control of the land. As long as he is in control of the land, this means he will have ownership of the wealth it produces. And with the wealth of the land in his possession, he will then be in command of its use. In all this, one’s inner moral force constitutes the fundamental core，with respect to which one’s wealth may be considered merely peripheral branches. When one treats the core as ex­ traneous and the outer branches as central, this leads the people into contentiousness and pushes them to rapaciousness. Thus it is that whenever wealth is concentrated in the hands of the few, the people will be scattered; and when wealth is dispersed widely, then the people will be brought together. And thus it is that when one’s words are issued with antagonism, they will be brought back with antagonism, and when one’swealth is gathered in antagonism, then it will surely be expended in antagonism as well. It is said in the ‘Announcement to the Lord of K ， ang’： Tor the mandate is not conferred in perpetuity5. He who is guided by goodness will gain its possession, and he who embodies not the good will see it slip from his grasp. In the Book ofCh’ti6it is said: ‘The kingdom of Ch， u possesses nothing to be treasured, save its good works，these alone are its treasure. The imperial kinsman Tzu-fan7stated: ‘Our exiled duke pos­ sesses nothing to be treasured, save his qualities of human kindness and affection for kin, these alone are his treasures.5 In the cOath of the Duke of Ch’in，it is said: 'Would that our realm be blessed with a single officer steadfast and true, though he be bereft of any other arts, save a kind and gentle spirit, visibly predisposed to be tolerant of others.8 Should any other individual possess a certain skill，he would act just as if it were his own. Should any of his men be of particularly refined cultivation, his heart would take delight in that person, truly

able to abide his presence，not merely as one whose words of praise come tripping from his lips. Such a man would show thereby his capacity to safeguard our descendants for all their generations, all the black-haired people of our race.9Long may we enjoy the benefits of such a one. Tor if, out of mean spirit and jealousy, he should conceive ill-will toward any man possessing manifest talents, or, there being a man of refined cultivation, should he attempt to counter him and take steps to block his advancement, then he would surely be lacking in this capacity of tolerance. He would thereby show himself incapable of safeguarding our descendants for all their generations, all the black-haired people of our race, bringing us closer to ruin day by day.， It remains for the man who embodies human kindness to send such a one into exile, to banish him to the uncivilized tribes in all the four quarters and suffer him not to live among us in the lands of the Central States. This is what is meant by the dictum： eNone but he who embodies human kindness is capable of both loving men and of hating men.’ For when one observes worthy men yet remains unable to employ them, or perhaps employs them but remains unable to grant them precedence, the fault is due to sheer negligence.10 If, however, one observes men who act contrary to the good yet remains unable to remove them from office， or perhaps removes them from office but remains unable to distance them from power, this is a grave error. To show a fondness for that which all men despise, or con­ tempt for that which all men love: this is what is known as ‘casting off one’s essential human nature’.11 Should one act in such a way, calamity is sure to touch one’s own personal life. From this we see that the man of noble character possesses a path of immense value: single-minded devotion and good faith toward others are required to master it, while just as surely, arrogance and self-aggrandizement will cause one to lose it. By the same token, there is also a path of great value in the engendering of wealth, to wit: when those who produce it are many and those who consume it are few,

when those who create it work rapidly and those who use it are relaxed, then the wealth will be more than ample. A man motivated by human kindness uses his wealth to develop his personal character, whereas a man who lacks human kindness will expend all his personal capacities in amassing wealth. Whenever a ruler holds dear the virtue of human kindness, it is inconceivable that his subordinates should fail to hold their own sense of honour dear；just as it is inconceivable that the deeds of one who cherishes his sense of honour should not reach their desired end. For when one conserves his wealth in storehouses and treasuries, it is unthinkable that this wealth should ever be denied to him.12 In the words of Meng Hsien-tzu： ‘One who is of sufficient status to raise riding horses and chariot-teams does not look after chickens and pigs； 13 in a great house where ice-blocks are hewn one does not raise cows and sheep； and a house of a hundred chariots does not keep in its hire officers for collecting tax levies.’ For, rather than keeping their own officers for collecting taxes, they should sooner keep a staff of appointed robbers. This is what is meant by the dictum: ‘a proper kingdom does not hold material benefit to be its primary advantage, but rather holds a sense of honour as its true advantage*. One who exercises authority over a kingdom or a family and devotes all his energies to wealth and consumption must eventually come under the influence of men of mean character.14 Even if they be skilled in such matters, should he entrust to these petty men positions of authority over his kingdom or house, wrack and ruin will surely come hand in hand. And then, even one who possesses the requisite virtue will be of no effect. This is what is meant by the statement: £a proper kingdom does not hold material benefit to be its primary advantage, but rather holds a sense of honour as its true advantage*.

Chung Yung On the Practice of the Mean

E X P L I C A T I O N O F T H E T IT LE Along with the many other points on which the Chung Yung exhibits a shared destiny with the Ta Hsueh, it, too, has suffered from misleading renderings of the name of the work in Western translations. This title is not drawn from the opening words of the text as in the case of the

Ta Hsiieh，but represents an expression appearing prominently at a later point - one whose literal translation gives us the conventional ‘Doctrine of the Mean' by which the book is almost universally known in Western writings about China. The problem with this formulation is not, as one might imagine, its implied analogy to the concept of the ‘mean，in Aristotelian thinking. The notion of dynamic equilibrium developed in this text is, in fact, sufficiently close to that of Aristotle,

both in its basic sense and in its more complex application, to warrant what might otherwise be considered a questionable transfer of a Greek term to the Chinese context. Even amateur etymologies based upon th e e a rly g r a p h ic f o r m o f th e c h a r a c te r

chung

(a v e r tic a l lin e p a s s in g

through the center of a circle) - as captured in the inspired title of the otherwise dubious translation by Ezra Pound, ‘the unwobbling pivot’ -do not automatically invalidate the use of the emean， as an equivalent expression. The principal problem with the standard ‘Doctrine of the Mean，is that it simply ignores the second term of the equation. The word yung is typically glossed in the traditional commentaries either by its near homophone meaning ‘to use， ，or by another character meaning ‘common’，readings that can be easily combined to yield the sense of 'common practice， . Among those Western translators who have paid proper attention to this philological point, most have still run foul of the relationship between the two words in the title, either treating them as coordinate terms ((A and B， )，or taking the second as a modifier of the first. All of these attempts lose sight of two central facts about this book. First，while it opens with significant reference to the concept of the mean，this is clearly not the primary theme of the work as a whole and the word drops almost entirely out of the text after the first quarter of its length. On the other hand，the Chung Yung is deeply concerned with the philosophical implications of transposing the unattainable ideal of perfect balance to the praxis of human existence - putting it

into practice, so to speak, in modes of behaviour that trace from the lowest to the highest the entire range of human capacity. When construed in this way, ‘On the Practice of the Mean’ may accurately describe one of the main conceptual threads unifying the broad vision that takes shape in the pages of this treatise.

I

By the term ‘nature’ we speak of that which is imparted by the ordinance of Heaven;1 by *the Way’ we mean that path which is in conformance with the intrinsic nature of man and things;2 and by 'moral instruction5we refer to the process of cultivating man’s proper way in the world.3 What we take to be ‘the Way，does not admit of the slightest degree of separation therefrom, even for an instant.4 For that which does admit of such separation is thereby disqualified from being the true Way. Given this understanding, the man of noble character exercises utmost restraint and vigilance towards that which is inaccessible to his own vision, and he regards with fear and trembling that which is beyond the reach of his own hearing. For，ultimately, nothing is more visible than what appears to be hidden, and nothing is more manifest than matters of imperceptible subtlety. For this reason, the man of noble character pays great heed to the core of his own individuality.5 It is only to that state of latency within which the four archetypal markers of human experience: joy, wrath, grief, and delight6have not yet emerged into concrete manifestation that may properly attribute the perfectly centred balance of the mean • Once these markers have emerged into reality, in such manner that they remain in balance and in due proportion，we may then speak of them as being in a state of ‘harmony， .7What is here termed the mean constitutes the all-inclusive ground of being of the universe as a cosmic whole, whereas the term ‘harmony， refers to the unimpeded path of fullest attainment in the world of human experience.8 When the attributes of both the balanced mean and harmony are realized to their fullest extent， 9 then Heaven and Earth assume on this ground their proper cosmic positions and the regenerative processes of all the myriad creatures are sustained therein.

Our Master Chung-ni has stated：The man of noble character embodies the ideal of the mean in common practice, whereas the man of base character behaves in a manner contrary to this ideal， .1 When we speak of the practice of the mean as attributed to the man of noble character, it is understood that such a person, by virtue of his very status as a man of noble character，maintains a state of moral balance unfailingly at all times.2 By contrast, when we speak of the practice of this ideal in the context of men of base character, it is clear that such men, by virtue of their very baseness, are devoid of any moral aversions and inhibitions whatsoever.

3

The Master has stated: Tutting the mean into practice rep­ resents the highest degree of human attainment. Few, indeed, are those among the common run of men who are capable of sustaining it for any appreciable length of time.51

4

The Master has stated：The reason why the Way is not practised is clear to me: it is because men of wisdom tend to overshoot it, while those of lesser intelligence fail to reach the bar] Likewise, the reason why the Way is not fully under­ stood is also clear to me: it is because men of worth tend to overshoot it, while those of imperfect character fail to reach the bar.’2 For though no man can dispense with the acts of eating and drinking, few are they who can truly appreciate the flavour of what they eat.

5

Tpe Master has stated: ‘The Way, I fear，will never again be put into practice.，

6 The Master has stated：cThe great sage Shun was a man of supreme wisdom， was he not? Shun had a penchant for learning by enquiry,1 and for probing the deeper meaning of things expressed in everyday speech. He would keep men’s evil deeds discreetly hidden from view， 2while elevating the good for all to see. His way of putting the balanced mean into practice in the world of men was simultaneously to grasp both ends of the moral spectrum.3 Was it not by virtue of this principle that he took his place as the great sage Shun?， 4

7

The Master has stated: ‘People always say： “I know all there is to know•” But when pursued and trapped in the snares and pitfalls of life, none ever know how to extricate themselves from their plight.1 And people always say：“I have complete understanding•， ’ Yet，though they profess to choose the practice of the mean as their guiding principle, they are unable to sustain this choice for as long as a single month of days/ 2

8

The Master has stated: (Yen H ui， s character as a man consisted in just this: in his choice of the practice of the mean as his guiding principle. Whenever a single act of goodness came to

hand,1he would clasp it tightly to his breast, refusing to relin­ quish the opportunity it afforded.，

9

The Master has stated: £It is possible for one to impose uniform rule on a family, on a kingdom,1 or even on the entire world; it is possible for one to renounce official titles and emoluments; it is even conceivable for one to tread upon the naked blade of a sword. But to put the mean into practice may be beyond the capacity of any individual.5

10 Tzu-lu posed a set of queries on the subject of power. The Master stated: eDo you mean the power of the southern regions or the power of the northern regions?1Or is it rather the topic of your own strength that is the point of your question? To proffer moral instruction in a generous and tolerant spirit, without exacting retribution for unjust treat­ ment: this is the “power of the south”. It is in this quality that the man of noble character fixes his own moral abode.2 To bed down in one’s armour and face death without revulsion: this is the “power of the north”. It is in this quality that the man of strength fixes his moral abode.， From this we learn that the man of noble character is of an accommodating disposition, yet is not swept along by the current. How strong is his unbending resolve! He takes a balanced stand without leaning in any one direction.3

How strong is his unbending resolve! As long as the Way prevails in his state,4he faces adversity unswervingly. How strong is his unbending resolve! And when the Way no longer prevails in his state, he remains steadfast even unto death. How strong is his unbending resolve!

11 The Master has stated: To persist in a life of reclusion or to engage in eccentric behaviour in order to gain renown thereby among generations to come:1 these are things that I simply will not do.2 For a man of noble character to conduct himself in accordance with the Way; but then to desist from these efforts in mid-course: this is something I simply cannot do. For a man of noble character to take the practice of the mean as his moral underpinning，and to face a life of with­ drawal, unrecognized by his peers, without a moment of regret： these are things that none but the man of sagely perfec­ tion is capable of doing.’3

12

The Way practised by the man of noble character is of great breadth in its application, yet its subtle essence remains hidden from view.1And so, though some understanding of its workings can be imparted even to men and women of limited intelligence, still, at the other extreme, there remains that which is beyond the ken of even the most perfectly cultivated of men.2 By the same token, though the most unworthy of common men and women may be capable of practising it to some extent,

still, at the other extreme, there remains that which is beyond the capacity of even the most perfectly cultivated of men. For within the unbounded vastness of Heaven and Earth, there still remains that which leaves the human spirit dissatisfied. For this reason, when the man of noble character discourses on the vastness of the Way, nothing in the world is able to contain its full scope； and when he discourses on its most minute aspects, then nothing in the world can penetrate to its subtlest meaning. As it is said in the Songs, The hawk in the sky soars up to meet the very heavens;3 the fish in the sea dart down into the unfathomed depths.5 That is to say: from the most lofty heights to the lowest depths， all approach their outermost limits.4 And so, though the Way of the man of noble character takes its point of origin in the cardinal relations between men and women, yet at its furthest reaches it extends to the very edges of Heaven and Earth.

13

The Master has stated: The Way is not far removed from man. On the contrary, any man who would remove himself from other men in seeking to practise the Way renders himself, by that very attempt, incapable of putting the Way into practice.51 As it is said in the Songs, ‘Here we hew the axehandle, here we hew the axehandle. Its pattern lies near at hand.， But if, in gripping one axehandle in order to hew another axehandle, one should peer at it from the wrong angle, one may still regard the pattern as far from view.2 From this it follows that the man of noble character bases himself on his own human

qualities when he comes to regulate those of other men.3 He effects their moral transformation and goes no further.4 One who is both single-minded in his devotion to duty and mindful of the concerns of others will never stray far from the Way.5That which one finds undesirable when applied to oneself should assuredly never be brought to bear in dealings with one’s fellow man. The Way of the man of noble character is fourfold, but I, K’ung Ch，iu，have been unable to fulfil even one of these precepts. To apply what one expects from one’s son when it comes to serving one’s father： this has remained beyond my capacity.6 To apply what one might expect from one’s own sub­ ordinates when it comes to serving one's sovereign: this has remained beyond my capacity. To apply what one expects from one’s younger brother when it comes to serving one’s older brother: this has remained beyond my capacity. And likewise，to take the initiative and apply to one’s peers what one expects, in return, from them: this is also a virtue that has remained beyond my capacity. It is a matter of putting common moral qualities into practice and exercising vigilance in one’s use of common speech.7 Should there be any area of insufficiency in one’s behaviour, one dares not but redouble one’s efforts; but should there be any area of excessiveness in one’s behaviour, one dares not carry on to the end un­ checked. In uttering one’s words one looks toward one’s deeds, and in performing one， s deeds one keeps an eye on one’s words. Is it conceivable, then, for a man of noble character to act with anything less than anxious concern?

The man of noble character occupies his preordained station in life and acts accordingly; he covets nothing that goes beyond his due. He whose station is one of riches and honour acts as appropriate to a life of riches and honour. He whose station is one of poverty and lowliness acts as appropriate to a life of poverty and lowliness. He whose station is among the border peoples acts as appropriate for the border peoples. He whose station is one of suffering and hardship acts as appropriate to a life of suffering and hardship. In sum, the man of noble character is fully self-possessed, no matter in what circumstances he finds himself.1When he is in a superior position he refrains from oppressing those beneath him. When in an inferior position, he does not clamber upward in an unseemly way.2He corrects his own behaviour rather than placing demands upon others. And thus he is free of rancour:3 he neither rails at Heaven above, nor assigns blame to his fellow men here below. In this way, the man of noble character abides in a state of ease as he awaits his destiny,4unlike the man of mean character, who acts precipit­ ously in his vain hope for undeserved fortune. The Master has stated：‘The archer can be taken as an analogy, in some respects, for the man of noble character.5For when he fails to strike his target squarely, he turns his gaze inward and seeks the cause in his own individual capacity•’

15

The Way of the man of noble character may be likened to travelling a long distance, in that one must, of necessity, set out from what is near at hand;1

or it may be likened to ascending a height, to which end one must always begin from a lower position. As it is said in the Songs, Thy wife and children, all in plaisance and concord, like the harmonious strumming of zither and lute. Only when thy brothers, of all ages, are in complete accord， 2 sharing in amity their joy and contentment, canst thou bring goodness upon thy noble house and home, and joy upon thy wife and babes.’ The Master has stated: If so, then one， s father and mother shall surely be gratified by one’s filial compliance.5

16 The Master has stated：‘Bounteous，indeed, is the moral force exerted by ghosts and spirits.， 1One turns one’s eyes to them but sees them not; one hearkens to their voices but hears them not. Yet they inform the substance of all things so completely that their presence can never be ignored.2 They motivate all the people in the world to undergo fasting and purification and to 3in order to carry on the tradition of the don splendid garments， sacrificial rites. Their vital force billows like a great sea, as if overspreading the world from above, as if compassing the world about on every side. As it is said in the Songs: The advent of the spirits, yea, it is beyond all reckoning. How much more unthinkable that one might ever tire of their presence!54 Thus it is that the hidden subtleties of things are ultimately revealed, for their true form cannot long remain obscured.

The Master has stated: (Was not Shun a paragon of supreme filiality?， By virtue of his moral force he was the embodiment of sagely perfection； his honoured status was such that he ruled as the Son of Heaven;1 the measure of his wealth was his command of all the world within the Four Seas. Sacrifices were presented to him in the ancestral shrine,2 and generations of descendants preserved his sacrificial rites. It is ever thus that those endowed with great moral force must surely accede to their rightful station； they will surely obtain their fitting recompense; they will surely gain their destined renown； and they will surely enjoy their well-earned length of days. From this it is seen that Heaven, in generating all beings, will always shed its grace upon them in accordance with the capacity of each individual.3 That is why Heaven nurtures that which has been properly planted and overturns that which is destined to fall. As it is said in the Songs, *Grace and joy be upon our noble lord； for he is resplendent in his imposing moral force,4 bringing goodness upon his subjects and his people. His recompense is bestowed by Heaven, extending to him the Mandate in all its succouring grace, for his dominion is redoubled by Heaven’s power.5 From this we learn that the Mandate will surely be bestowed upon men of supreme moral force.

18

The Master has stated：£None was like unto King Wen， a man free of all woe.’ With King Chi for his father and King Wu as his son, it was his forebear that gave rise to his dominion and his own offspring that carried on his rule. King Wu continued the line of the Grand Progenitor, King T，ai， the Royal Sire， King Chi and the dynastic founder King Wen.1 He cut down the mighty Yin and took possession of All-under-Heaven, never， for as long as he lived, suffering the loss of his glorious fame throughout the world. His honoured status was such that he ruled as the Son of Heaven. The measure of his wealth was his command of all the world within the Four Seas. Sacrifices were presented to him in the ancestral shrine and generations of descendants preserved his sacrificial rites. It was at the end of his days that King Wu received the Mandate. It was then that the Duke of Chou brought to completion the rightful power of King Wen and King Wu, post­ humously conferring the title of £King，upon the Grand Progenitor and the Royal Sire and sacrificing to the Former Dukes with the ancestral rites proper to the Son of Heaven. This ritual system was then extended to the Lord of All the States, to the Grand Councillors, and even as far down as the untitled officers and the common people.3In this system, were a father to be counted among the Grand Councillors and the son an untitled officer, the funeral rites would be observed according to the rank of Grand Councillor and the sacrificial rites thereafter according to the rank of untitled officer. If, conversely, the father were an untitled officer and the son a Grand Councillor, then the funeral rites would be observed according to the rank of untitled officer and the subsequent sacrificial rites according to the rank of Grand Councillor. The institution of the one-year mourning period was observed as far up as the Grand Councillors，with the three-year mourning period extended up to the

Son of Heaven. The mourning period for one’s father and mother was uniformly observed, irrespective of the honoured or the mean status of the bereaved.

19

The Master has stated: ‘King Wu and the Duke of Chou, were they not paragons of consummate filiality?’ The man of true filial piety is one who proves most successful in carrying forward the aspirations, and in carrying on the undertakings, of his forebears. In the spring and autumn ritual seasons, such men repair the ancestral shrines, set out in proper array the imple­ ments of ancestral worship, display the ritual garments, and offer the sacrificial foods of the season. The rites in the ancestral shrines provide the occasion1 for setting in proper order the iIluminated and the shaded tablets, respectively, on the two sides of the temple. The hierarchical ordering of official ranks in the service provides the occasion for distinguishing the higher or lower status of the participants. The graded performance of ritual acts provides the occasion for distinguishing the moral worth of the celebrants. The ceremonial toast presented rank by rank to the entire assembly, in which those of lower status are given precedence， 2 provides an occasion for granting equal participation to those of lower status. And in the ceremonial banquet, the preferential treat­ ment of elder participants provides an occasion for proper ordering based on age. In all of these ancestral rites, one stands in the place of one’s forebears, one conducts their ceremonial observances, one performs their music, one pays respect to those whom they honoured, and one extends affection to those whom they treated as kin.3

To serve the dead as one serves the living, to serve the departed just as one serves those still in this world: this is the perfect fulfilment of one’s filial obligations. The ceremonies conducted in the Outer Precincts and at the Altar of the Soil provide the occasions for the sacrificial worship of the Supreme Lord of Heaven.4 The rites in the ancestral shrines provide the occasion for sacrificing to one’s forebears. For one who is well versed in the ceremonies of the Outer Precincts and the Altar of the Soil, as well as in the meaning of the dynastic Ti and Ch， ang sacrifices,5 the secret of ruling a kingdom is as plain as if displayed like a finger in the palm of one’s hand.6

zo In response to the queries posed by Duke Ai of Lu on the subject of proper rulership， 1 the Master stated: The principle of rulership as practised by King Wen and King Wu is spread upon the wooden tablets and the bamboo strips.2 It tells that insofar as the requisite human capacity is present,3 one’s rule will be successful; lacking this, one’s rule will quickly fade away•’ Just as the ‘Way of the Earth， infuses a quickening vitality into trees, so，too, the Way of Man’ provides the vital force of rulership. In this sense, the art of rulership is likened to a quick-growing reed.4 From this we conclude that the proper conduct of government rests upon human capacity； the ground for selecting human capacity lies in the ruler’s own individual character;5 the cultivation of one’s own individual character pro­ ceeds on the basis of the Way; and the cultivation of the Way is grounded in the virtue of human kindness. Now，the term 'human kindness’ is derived from the word human’， 6 and its greatest expression is in the treatment of ?ne， s kin with the proper degree of affection, just as the term ‘rectitude， is derived from the root meaning ‘correct， ， its greatest

manifestation being in the honouring of the worthy. The main­ tenance of proper gradations in the affectionate treatment of one’s kin and the observance of appropriate ranking in the honouring of the worthy7constitute the ground from which the entire system of ritual propriety springs. For as long as those in inferior positions are unable to gain the support of those above them, one can never bring the people as a whole under one’s orderly rule. It follows that the man of noble character must never cease to perfect his own individual self. He who aspires to perfect his own individual character must never cease to serve his parents; he who sets his mind upon serving his parents cannot do so unless he appreciates the subtleties of human relations; and he who seeks fully to appreciate human relations cannot do so without understanding the workings of Heaven. The path of fullest attainment in the world is fivefold,8 and the qualities required for putting it into practice are three. These are the cardinal relations between ruler and subject，between father and son, between husband and wife, between elder and younger siblings and between peers：these five relations consti­ tute the path of fullest attainment in the world; while the three virtues of wisdom，human kindness and courage represent the fullest expression of one’s inner moral force.9Yet, there is but a single basis for putting these into practice. There are those who possess an understanding of these principles from birth； 10 there are those who acquire an understanding of them through learning; and there are those who gain this understanding through adversity. But once one has reached this point of understanding, then it is all one. Likewise, there are those who practise these principles with equanimity； there are those who practise them for personal advantage;

and there are those who practise them with concerted effort. But once this practice has been successfully accomplished, then it is all one. The Master has stated: ‘Love of learning is not far removed from wisdom； rigorous practice brings one close to human kindness； and a sense of shame is nearly tantamount to courage.， He who fully grasps these three virtues will understand thereby the essential grounding of self-cultivation; He who grasps the grounding of self-cultivation will understand thereby the basis for instilling order among men. He who grasps the basis for ruling men will thereby understand the ground for establishing order in his family，in his kingdom and in the entire world. There are，in all, nine cardinal principles for maintaining order in the world as a whole and in all the states therein. These can be summarized as follows: Cultivating the individual character Honouring the worthy Treating one’s kin with proper affection Conferring respect upon the greater officers Empathizing with the concerns of the official rank and file11 Treating the common people as one’s own children Drawing artisans of all trades to flock to one’s rule Dealing with remote subjects in a gentle manner Embracing the Lords of All the States under one’s sway. When one achieves the cultivation of one’s individual charac­ ter, then one’s Way stands firm. When one honours the worthy, then one will never lose one’s bearings. When one treats one’s kin with proper affection, then among all one’srelations, from one’sfather to one’selder and younger brothers, none will ever feel resentment.

When one confers proper respect upon the greater officers, then none of them will ever bedazzle him with blandishments. When one empathizes with the concerns of the official rank and file, then the untitled officers will repay the courtesy many times over. When one treats the common people as one's own children, then the entire populace will gain proper incentives. When one draws artisans of all trades to flock to one's rule， then one’s wealth and resources will be more than ample. When one deals with remote subjects in a gentle manner, then people will gravitate to one’s rule from all quarters. When one embraces the Lords of All the States under one’s sway, then the entire world will regard him with awe. What are the means to accomplish these ends? By undergoing fasting and purification and donning splendid garments, making no move that is not in accord with ritual propriety： 12 that is the means whereby one achieves the cultivation of the individual character. By repelling flatterers and keeping sensual temptation at a safe distance, treating material goods lightly while placing great store upon moral force：that is the means whereby one provides proper incentives to the worthy.13 By elevating official positions and granting liberal re­ compense, taking the likes and dislikes of one’s people as one’s own: that is the means whereby one provides incentives for the affectionate treatment of kin. By expanding the authority of their offices and empowering them to carry out their missions:14 that is the means whereby one provides incentives to the greater officers. By fulfilling one’s commitments and keeping one’s

word，while also granting them liberal recompense： that is the means whereby one provides incentives to the untitled officers. By assigning work missions at opportune intervals, while lightening burdensome tax levies: that is the means whereby one provides incentives to all of the general populace. By instituting daily inspections and monthly examin­ ations, measuring out grain allowances in accordance with services rendered:15 that is the means whereby one provides incentives to the artisans of all trades. By providing escorts for those departing and recep­ tions for those arriving in one’s territory, celebrating competent behaviour while showing indulgence toward those of limited ability： 16 that is the means whereby one deals with remote subjects in a gentle manner. By fostering the continuity of lineages facing extinction and propping up falling states, by instilling order in times of upheaval and upholding those undergoing periods of crisis，by requiring court audiences accord­ ing to a reasonably fixed calendar, sending subjects off with liberal grants and receiving them with light exactions：that is the means whereby one embraces the Lords of All the States under one’s sway. There are, in all, nine cardinal principles for maintaining order in the world as a whole and in all the states therein. Yet, there is but a single basis for putting these into practice. In the sphere of human affairs, those actions based on prior consideration will ultimately stand, and where there is no prior consideration, they are bound to come to naught. When one， s words are set upon a pre-existing founda­ tion, then one will not stumble; when one’s deeds are set upon a pre-existing founda­ tion, they will not lead into adversity； when one’s actions are set upon a pre-existing founda­ tion, they will not result in discomfiture;

and when one’s Way is firmly set upon pre-existing foundations, one will not fall into desperate straits. As long as those in inferior positions are unable to gain the support of those above them，then one can never bring the people as a whole under one’s orderly rule. For gaining the support of one’s superiors there is a clear guideline:17 he who fails to keep faith with his peers will never gain the support of his superiors. For keeping faith with one’s peers there is a clear guideline: he who is not properly deferential toward his own kin will never keep faith with his peers. For maintaining proper deference toward one’s own kin there is a clear guideline：he who turns inward toward his own self and finds his character wanting in integral wholeness will never be properly deferential toward his kin. There is a clear guideline for making one’s character whole: he who does not have a clear grasp of the principle of goodness will never attain a state of integ­ ral wholeness in his own character. A perfect state of integral wholeness can only be attributed to the Way of Heaven； the process of making oneself whole is, however, within the province of the Way of Man.18 'Integral wholeness’ means a state of centred balance requiring no striv­ ing, complete attainment requiring no mental effort. To strike the mean with absolute effortlessness is the mark of none but those of perfect cultivation. The process of ‘making oneself whole’，by contrast, requires choosing the good and holding fast to it with all one’s strength.19 Study it extensively, question its meaning precisely, ponder it with full vigilance, scrutinize its distinctions with clarity of vision, practise it in all earnestness. If there should remain that which has not been studied, or that has been studied but has not yet led to full mastery, do not desist!20 Should there remain that which has not been ques-

tioned, or that has been questioned but has not yet led to full comprehension, do not desist! Should there remain that which has not been pondered, or that has been pondered but has not yet led to a complete grasp, do not desist! Should there remain that which has not been scrutin­ ized, or that has been scrutinized but has not yet led to clear distinctions, do not desist! Should there remain that which has not been put into practice, or that has been practised but not in full earnestness, do not desist! What other men may master in a single try, you yourself must strive to attain with efforts increased a hundredfold; and what others may master in ten tries, you must strive to attain a thousand times over. For，one whose efforts reach fruition in the mastery of this path,21 be he of limited intellectual capacity, he will perforce gain clear understanding; and be he of weak disposition, he will perforce enjoy great strength.

zi When one’s path of cultivation proceeds from integral whole­ ness to conscious understanding, this can be attributed to the predisposition of inborn nature； if，however， it proceeds from conscious understanding to integral wholeness， 1this must be attributed to the effects of moral instruction. Yet once one has attained integral wholeness, then clarity of understanding follows automatically therefrom; and once one has attained perfect clarity of under­ standing, then integral wholeness is its necessary consequence.2

None but those who have attained the highest degree of integral wholeness in the entire world have the capacity fully to realize their inborn nature.1 One who is able fully to realize his inborn nature can thereby bring to full realization the nature of other people； one who is able to bring to full realization the nature of others is thereby able to bring to full realization the nature of all existing things;2 and one who is able to bring to full realization the nature of all existing things can partake thereby in the transformative and generative processes of Heaven and Earth. He who can partake in the transformative and generat­ ive processes of Heaven and Earth can stand, by virtue of this capacity, as a third term between them in the cosmic continuum.3

23

At the next level of attainment are those who achieve fulfil­ ment within the realm of concrete particulars.1 Once one has fulfilled the concrete particulars, one then acquires the capacity to attain integral wholeness.2 That which is integrally whole takes on concrete form； concrete form is the precondition for visible manifestation, visible manifestation gives rise to clear perception, clear perception leads to motive force, motive force engenders the capacity to effect change, the capacity to effect change results in the power of moral transformation.3 None but those who have attained the highest degree of in­

tegral wholeness in the world are capable of inducing moral transformation.

24 The Way of those who have attained the highest degree of integral wholeness in the world is such that they have the capacity of foreknowledge.1When the fortunes of a state or a family are about to rise, there will of necessity appear auspicious signs and omens; just as，when a state or family is on the verge of ruin, there must appear evil and malevolent creatures. These are revealed in the prophetic signs of the yarrow stalks and the tortoise plastrons.2 They cause a prophetic quickening of the four limbs of the sacrificial victims, indicating the imminent onset of good fortune or ill. Be the signs to the good or for ill, one thus endowed will surely have foreknowledge of the eventual outcome. It is in this sense that he who has attained the highest degree of integral wholeness is as one endowed with divine prescience.3

2-5

The term ‘integral wholeness， refers to a process of becoming complete through one， s own agency,1 in the same way that ‘the Way，indicates a path that one sets for oneself. Integral wholeness represents the beginning and end of all things, for without this wholeness nothing in the world would truly exist.2 For this reason, the man of noble character places the highest value on the attainment of wholeness. Integral wholeness signi­ fies not merely the process of making oneself complete and nothing more; rather, it constitutes the ground for bringing to completion all things with which one interacts in the phenomenal world. Making whole the individual self is the substance of man’s essential humanity, just as the completion of all other things constitutes the ground of wisdom.3This is the moral force inherent in one’s inborn nature, the Way that unites the external

and the internal aspects of being. And so, it behoves one to put it into practice unceasingly.4

z6 From this we learn that the state of integral wholeness, at its highest degree, must be of inextinguishable constancy. Being inextinguishable, it is of long duration. Given its long duration, it is subject to objective verification. On the grounds of this objective verification, it extends to unbounded distance. Unbounded in extent, it expands in breadth and mass. And by virtue of this great expansion, it shines with lofty brilliance. 'Breadth and mass5: these are the attributes whereby all things are borne up from below. £Loftiness and brilliance’：these are the attributes whereby all things are overspread from above. cUnbounded extension’ in time and distance: this is the capacity whereby all things are brought to their fullest real­ ization.1 The attributes of breadth and massiveness correspond to the power of Earth，and the attributes of loftiness and brilliance correspond to the power of Heaven；while "unbounded extension， in time and distance signifies cosmic infinitude. These states of being are invisible to the eye yet revealed to all; they are unmoving yet they effect far-reaching changes; they bring all things to full realization, but not through active agency.

In this light, the Way of Heaven and Earth can be completely subsumed within a single expression, defining the cosmological relation b e t w e e n them - in their capacity as material entities - as: ea seamless state of non-dualism2whereby all existing things are generated with unfathomable fecundity'. The Way of Heaven and Earth, as we have said, is broad, it

丨

i 1 I I J i ; \ \ i ^ I j

is massive, it is lofty, it is brilliant, it is unbounded in distance and in time. Let us consider, by way of illustration, the vastness of Heaven: it consists, in effect, of a multiplicity of single points of lumines­ cence. But when these are taken to the extent of infinitude, then the sun, the moon and the stars hang suspended therein and all the myriad things of the world are overspread thereby. Now let us consider the Earth：it consists of nothing more than a multiplicity of single pinches of soil. But when these are taken to their fullest extent of breadth and mass, then they can bear up the sacred peak of Mount Hua3as if it were weightless; they can shore up the great rivers and seas without shedding a drop of water; and all the myriad things of this world are borne upon them. Or consider the high mountains: they consist of noth­ ing more than a multiplicity of single handfuls of stones. But when these are taken to their fullest extent of breadth and vastness, then trees and grasses grow upon them in untold profusion, all manner of birds and beasts dwell within them and hidden treasures emerge from their midst. Or shall we take the seas: they consist of nothing more than a multiplicity of single spoonfuls of water. But when these are taken to their fullest extent of unfathomed depth, then great tortoises of all sorts, horned and scaly dragons, and all manner of fish and water creatures abound therein, while goods and prod­ ucts of every description are increased by traders ply­ ing their lanes.4 As it is said in the Songs, ‘The Mandate that is Heaven’s， 5yea, its glory is ever­ lasting.5 That is to say: it is by virtue of this power that Heaven assumes its heavenly glory. And it is said： ‘How vast and resplendent was the undiluted greatness of King Wen’s moral force.’

That is to say: it was by this force that King Wen, the eMagnificent， ，assumed his true magnificence.6 Truly his greatness is everlasting!

2-7

Great, indeed, is the Way of the perfectly cultivated indi­ vidual! Vast and billowing as the mighty seas, it gives life to all existing things；it reaches unto the very heavens in its loftiness. How benign and all-embracing! The ceremonial rites are three hundred in number, and the prescriptions of etiquette1as many as three thousand. But they all must await the requisite human capacity before they can be performed properly.2That is why it is said: "Absent the utmost moral force, the fullest attainment of the Way will never take on concrete form’. For this reason, the man of noble character places the highest value upon his inborn moral nature, and takes the path of enquiry and cultivation as his guide. He brings breadth of vision and magnanimity to their greatest fulfilment, and takes refinement and subtlety to their furthest extent. He raises lofty perspicacity to its highest point, while treading the path of the mean in common practice. He keeps alive the wisdom of the ancients, while yet apprehending the knowledge of recent days. He is sincere and courteous in his elevation of the rites. Given these qualities, he can occupy a superior position without displaying haughtiness, or he can assume a subordinate role just as well, without exhibiting intransigence. As long as the Way prevails in his state, his words suffice to ensure his success; but should the Way no longer prevail in his state, then his very silence may suffice to gain him a protective haven.3 As it is said in the Songs,

‘With perspicacity and sagaciousness,4 he protects his own person.5 Is it not to such qualities that these words apply?

28

The Master has stated: ‘A man who, though of inferior intellect, is yet fond of promoting his own services, one who, though of low standing, is yet inclined to rely exclusively upon his own abilities, one who, though born into the present age, reverts stubbornly to the ways of the past:1 such a man is bound to be touched by calamity in his personal life.， Thus, one who is not in the position of the Son of Heaven does not discourse upon the rites, nor does he issue regulations regarding standard measures or conduct enquiries into the form of the written script. In all the world today, all carriages run on wheels of uniform gauge， 2 all official documents use uniform script, and all customary practices follow uniform ethical standards. One who is wanting in the requisite moral force, though he may occupy a position of authority, ought not dare to institute rituals and music. Likewise, one who is deprived of a position of auth­ ority, though he may possess the requisite moral force, should also not dare to institute rituals and music. The Master has stated: *We may discourse upon the rites of the Hsia kings, but the surviving usages of the state of Ch’i are insufficient to provide evidence of their nature. We can study the rites of the Shang kings, of which certain remnants survive for our examination in the state of Sung. Or， we can study the rites of the Chou kings, for these

are still taken as standards of practice in our own day. As for myself, therefore, I choose to follow the rites of Chou.， 3

2-9

He who would reign as king in all the world, were he to treat the following three points with proper gravity, might well expect his errors to be few.1 Of greatest weight is the observation that if a king is of excellent character but wanting in objective valida­ tion of his legitimacy, then for want of this validation he will not inspire trust and as a result of this lack of trust the people will not follow his rule. Of lesser weight is the observation that if a king is of excellent character but does not maintain the proper dignity, then by failing to maintain his dignity he will not inspire trust and as a result of this lack of trust, again, the people will refuse to follow his rule. From this we see that the Way of the man of noble character is grounded in his own individual character; it must be objectively validated in the eyes of the common people; it must be examined in light of the attributes of the Three Sage Emperors and not be found wanting; it must be established on the foundations of Heaven and Earth with no contradictions; and it must be submitted to the judgment of the ghosts and spirits and prove free of all uncertainty.2 For such a perfectly cultivated ruler one may wait a hundred generations without falling into confusion. ‘To submit one’s Way to the judgment of the ghosts and spirits and prove free of all uncertainty’ refers to an understanding of the workings of Heaven; while 'waiting a hundred generations without falling into confusion，means knowing the ways of man. From this we see that the man of noble character, with his

every movement, sets the path for the world for generations to come； 3 with his every action he sets the patterns of behaviour for the whole world for generations to come; and with his every word he sets the standards of judg­ ment for the whole world for coming generations. And so, those who look up to him from afar have, in him ，a paragon of virtue; while those who view him from close proximity never tire of his moral example. As it is said in the Songs， ‘Be it here in our court or yonder in his own land， 4 there are none that despise him, none that weary of his presence. May his praise be everlasting, night and day without end.， For, the man of noble character, he who enjoys in good season the praise of the world, must ever be thus.

30

The Master, Chung-ni, carried forward the ancestral patri­ mony of Yao and Shun;1 he emblazoned for all to see2 the principles embodied by King Wen and King Wu; he took his regulating precepts from the seasonal cycles in the heavens above; and drew upon the patterns of the land formations and the watercourses in the world below. He may be likened to the all-embracing fulness of Heaven and Earth, within which there is none that is not held firm and borne up, none not overspread by the celestial canopy. Or he may be likened to the overlapping procession of the four seasons, to the alternating brightness of the sun and the moon, by virtue of which all things are nurtured in concert, free of all mutual injury,

and all things proceed in their parallel courses, free of any conflict among them. Their lesser forces flow on like a mighty river，while their greater forces effect profound and gentle transformations.3It is by virtue of these powers that Heaven and Earth exercise their unparalleled greatness.

None but the most perfectly cultivated of individuals in all the world have a capacity of clear perception and keen understand­ ing sufficient to watch over all things with a providential view， 1 a capacity of broad tolerance and warm gentleness sufficient to embrace all things, a capacity of burgeoning strength and steadfast integ­ rity sufficient to hold the world firmly in their grasp， a capacity of restrained decorum and balanced recti­ tude sufficient to evince deep reverence, a capacity of refined correctness and minute perception sufficient to attain great power of discrimination. Such a one is as all-embracing and deep as the deepest well springs, yet he exhibits these attributes at all times.2 As sallembmcing’ as Heaven, as ‘deep as the wellsprings’ of the deepest waters, he reveals himself and there is none among the people who fails to revere him； he speaks and there is none among the people who fails to accord him full trust; he acts and there is none among the people who fails to be gladdened. With this, his fame spreads far and wide over all the lands of the Central States, extending its influence as far as the tribes of the southern and northern borderlands,3 as far as ship and cart can travel, to the furthest reaches of the works of man. Wherever Heaven spreads its protective canopy, wherever the Earth bears up its charge,

wherever the sun and moon shine and the frost and dew descend,4 there is none with blood and breath within him that does not respond with respect and affection. That is why it is said: ‘He stands as the equal of Heaven， .5

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None but those who have attained the highest degree of integral wholeness in the entire world are capable of putting into perfect order the great cardinal principles of the universe, of erecting the great foundations of the world order， 1 and of fully comprehending the transformative and regenerative processes of Heaven and Earth. On what other power, pray, need such a one rely for support?2 Earnest of disposition, he exemplifies the virtue of human kindness, fathomless in his profundity, he plumbs the deepest wellsprings, vast of spirit, he embodies the attributes of Heaven itself.3 What man, save he who is securely endowed with the clarity of perception and understanding of the most perfectly cultivated individuals, he who has fully developed the moral force imparted to him by Heaven, can possibly appreciate the greatness of these attributes?4

33

It is said in the Songs: cHer robe was of brocade, her outer cloak of plainweave.’ This means she eschewed all display of refinement.1 It is in this sense that the Way of the man of noble character, though held in obscurity, will yet be revealed more brightly with every passing day;

while the Way of the man of mean character, though patently visible, will yet wane from day to day. The Way of the man of noble character is understated, but not tiresome;2 it is plain, yet refined， warmly compelling, yet well-reasoned. Only one who recognizes, while yet close at hand, the signs of distant developments, who knows from whence fresh winds are bound to blow, and foresees the eventual revelation of things now imperceptible, can join with such a man in penetrating the profound depths of inborn moral force.3 It is said in the Songs: Though it lies submerged on the bottom of the sea， 4 its light shall surely shine forth with great clarity/ This shows that the man of noble character looks within himself and finds no blemish, for he has no iniquity upon his conscience. That quality in which the man of noble character is unmatched, one may say, is precisely that which remains unseen in the eyes of his fellow man. It is said in the Songs: (Cast an appraising eye about you,5 as you sit in your inner chamber. Have you, even here, no cause for shame in its hidden corners?5 This shows that the man of noble character embodies reverence while making not a single move; he inspires trust uttering not a single word. It is said in the Songs: ‘The offerings are presented without a single caution­ ary word， 6 for there is no contention in this assembly.’ This shows that the man of noble character proffers no rewards, yet his people take admonition; he shows no wrath, yet the people stand before him in greater awe than before the battle-axe or executioner’s blade.

It is said in the Songs: ‘How great and glorious in his moral power, all the noblemen of the realm take him as their model.’7 This shows that the man of noble character behaves with integ­ rity and respect, and all the world is at peace. It is said in the Songs： ‘I cherish your shining moral force,8 though you display it not in resounding words and imposing demeanour.’ The Master has stated: ‘To rely upon resounding words and imposing demeanour in effecting the moral transformation of the people is surely a secondary path.， It is said in the Songs： ‘Moral force is as light as a hair.59 Even a single hair has that to which it can be likened. Yet it is also said there:10 ‘The works of Heaven above have neither sound nor scent.5 This is what is meant by ‘perfect attainment5.11

Notes

Ta Hsiieh Structural Analysis1 The text of the Ta Hsiiehyeven in its earliest version with no editorial divisions, breaks very neatly into an opening ‘chapter， ，setting forth the primary tenets upon which its argument is based, and the remain­ ing sections, what I call the ‘expansion chapters’，each elaborating upon one of the points of the initial outline. In Chu Hsi’s chang-chii recension, the first chapter (unnumbered in his version) is labelled the ‘canonic core’ (ching), and the following chapters (numbered consecu­ tively) are called the ‘commentarial traditions' (chuan). The opening chapter can further be subdivided into several constitu­ ent units. The first is the initial statement enumerating the threefold path of the highest order of cultivation, expressed in the pithy phrases (much pithier in the original Chinese): ‘causing the light of one’s inner moral force to shine forth’，'bringing the people to a state of renewal， and ‘coming to rest in the fullest attainment of the good， . These are known in traditional Confucian learning as the *three cardinal principles，(san kang-ling). This introductory burst of moral admon­ ition is followed by a chain of terms outlining a path through more and more internalized modes of self-containment towards ultimate moral attainment. These begin with an unexpected turn away from the note of solid balance (‘unwavering stability*) sounded at the point where the opening tripartite statement leaves off, and end provocatively ） with an expression of fulfilment (‘the basis for all moral attainment， that suggests to some commentators a return to the notion of ‘inner i.

Numbering of chapters follows the standard divisions of the Four Books recension.

moral force* with which the chapter began. The final part of this first segment asserts the absolute importance of the proper sequential ordering of one， s course of self-cultivation, expressing this in a set of metaphoric terms: core (or ‘roots’） and periphery (or ‘outer branches'), which significantly combine notions of both temporal sequentiality and spatial interrelation. This brings us to what is generally considered the core passage of the entire text. It is presented in the form of a long chain argument taking us through a series of eight phases, or levels，of human attain­ ment: what are referred to by Confucian scholars after Chu Hsi as the ‘eight specific points' (pa fiao-mu). Though the logical direction of the chain moves steadily backward from each stage to its prior condition (*if one wishes to do this, one must first do that， ), its rhetorical direc­ tion propels us forward through a series of concentric circles, from the broadest realms of the world and the kingdom, through the narrower interpersonal frame of the family to the bounds of the individual person. From this point it continues on and plunges into the interior strata of selfhood: first the faculties of the ‘heart，(or ‘mind， ) that interact directly with the outside world, then the deeper layers of consciousness and finally the capacities of knowledge and conception lying at the core of one's inner self. The significance of this conceptual chain is then reinforced by returning us back up the ladder, in a rhetorically inverse direction through the successive levels of attain­ ment, each constituting a precondition for the fulfilment of the sub­ sequent, ever broader, phases of cultivation. On this confident note, the opening chapter moves towards its con­ clusion with a series of seemingly self-evident, but in fact problematic, assertions. First, we are told that, for all human beings regardless of status, this chain of separate phases can be reduced to a single core of cultivation: that focused on the perfection of the individual character. This leaves uncertain whether the individual character is posited as the central sphere of self-cultivation by virtue of its position at the intersection of external and internal experience - as commentators sometimes argue - or if it is to be understood as subsuming within it all of the other phases of the paradigm. At this point, the chapter closes with an inconclusive final statement, supported by a weak analogy, on the imperative of proper ordering as a general principle. This, in outline, contains the entire philosophical burden of the Ta Hsueh. However, the text embodies within it a number of unresolved intellectual issues that are left for the subsequent chapters to elucidate. These open questions - disregarding the difficulty in translating some of the basic terms themselves - centre upon fundamental uncertainties

about the respective links in the logical chain of the argument. Are these stages that progress in a straight line? Should the links be viewed as rungs on a ladder, or rather as interdependent parts of an integral whole? Are they continuous or discontinuous? Do the ‘eight specific points’ correspond, either on a one-to-one basis or in a looser corre­ lation, with the ‘three cardinal principles’ ？Does the boundary between external interaction and internal faculties falling at the intersection of the ‘body’ and the ‘mind’ divide the paradigm into two symmetrical ‘halves， ？If so，how are we to understand the idea expressed in the controversial phrase ‘extending to all things the correct conceptual grid’ that seems to emphasize that an externally directed understanding of reality lies at the innermost core of selfhood? Despite the fact that the explanatory sections are placed in different order in the various recensions, they all follow the same basic principle of organization. With certain minor variations, each begins with the enunciation of a single formulation from the opening chapter as its topic and then, after expounding upon and illustrating this concept, usually with the aid of canonic 'proof-texts*, it restates the same line as its conclusion. In the majority of cases the proof-texts cited, typically presented in sets of three, do little to prove the points at issue - beyond simply attesting the occurrence of the terms in canonic sources. Rather, the ‘argument， of each of these chapters is given its concrete articulation in what I call its ‘operative clause', a succinct phrase or single expression that encapsulates the author’s understanding of the particular phase of cultivation under discussion. In Chapter i, the explication of the first of the *three cardinal principles’ ('causing the light of one’s inner moral force to shine forth') is packed into two spare words stating that this capacity to ‘shine forth’ must be generated from within the inner self of the cultivated individual. Chapter z then expands ‘the renewal of the people' into a sweeping final exhortation to exercise one’s faculties to the utmost, understood by the traditional commentators to mean ‘extrapolating from the individual self to all other people*. Chapter 3 explains the operative clause ‘coming to rest in the fullest attainment of the good’ as ‘resting，in the dynamic equilibrium of each of the paradigmatic Confucian virtues. After the brief interlude of the anomalous fourth chapter (to be reconsidered shortly) and the missing fifth, the author returns to this pattern of ‘expanding， the words of the opening section through the citation of proof-texts and the concise presentation of his own conclusions in one or more ‘operative clauses’. In Chapter 6，the ideal of ‘achieving a state of wholeness in one’s innermost conscious­ ness' is crystallized in the crucial injunction to epay heed to the core of

one's individuality， . This is explicated by means of a negative illustra­ tion of the behaviour of the man of less-than-noble character. Chapters 7and 8continue the expansion of ‘settingstraight’ one’smental faculties and ‘cultivating one’s individual character* respectively through a set of negative descriptions of behaviour incompatible with these ideals. The elaboration in Chapter ^ of the relation between personal moral­ ity and the ability to exercise moral leadership (eputting the family into proper balance’）is anchored in the key phrase of admonition: ‘demanding from oneself what one expects from other people， . Finally, Chapter 10 ties its more extended discussion of various political and economic aspects of virtuous rulership to the central argument of the text in two key phrases: the metaphor of ‘measuring by the carpenter's square，used to express the grounding of one’s interaction with other men on the foundation of one’sown moral behaviour, and the condem­ nation of the failure to empathize with, and act in conformance to， the feelings of others as ‘casting off one’s essential human nature， . The Integral Argument When one re-examines the overall flow of ideas in this treatise from the perspective of the ‘operative clauses，in each of its component chapters, a fairly well focused central argument begins to come into view. The three expansion chapters corresponding to the opening tripartite sequence of the first chapter tell us that moral cultivation must be self-generated, it must be extended to others and it must be fulfilled by reaching a point of dynamic equilibrium. Chapters 6 through io add to this the teaching that true cultivation is predicated upon paying heed to one’s innate moral predisposition, avoiding the destabilizing pull of emotional impulses and affective inclinations and seeking the ground of moral interaction within oneself - measuring one's responses to others by one’s own internal yardstick, yet never cutting oneself adrift from the universal anchor of one’s essential humanity. What this all adds up to is a compelling statement of the solid ground of cultivated selfhood upon which Confucian commitment to the various spheres of external human engagement must rest. This is a view of human capacity frequently paraphrased in the well-known Chinese ideal: ‘sagely qualities in one’s inner self and kingly virtues toward the outside world* (nei shengywai wang)， or, in words that will find expression in the Chung Yung: ‘bringing oneself to completion, and thereby bringing to completion one’s fellow man and all existing things, (ch3eng-chi •.. chseng-wu). Having arrived at this understanding of the trajectory of cultivation

traced through the five final phases of the paradigm, we may now return to the two central ideas left glaringly unexplained in the earlier sequence of ‘expansion chapters’. The uncertain expression ko~wu, used to define the innermost core of selfhood in the eight-point chain (that would have been elucidated, one assumes, in the missing fifth chapter), can now be construed in terms of the Confucian (read: Mencian) faith that, at the point of maximum introversion, what the true seeker of cultivation finds within himself is his own inalienable integration into the universal patterns of men and things. The process of individual attainment then becomes a matter of extrapolating out from this inner core, extending the grid of conception outward to define and realize one’s place in the world of objective fulfilment. This redefinition of the locus of selfhood may help us to reinterpret the puzzling citation of the passage from the Analects that makes up most of Chapter 4，announced as an illustration of the idea that the 'cultivation of individual character， constitutes the ‘root， of the whole system. Given the general lack of respect accorded in early Chinese writings to the entire sphere of legal disputation - in sharp contrast to the more honoured position of principled advocates and wise judges in，say, Platonic or Mishnaic contexts - it may be difficult to see why our author chose this as an elucidation of the ‘fundamental core’. The solution, I believe, lies in recognizing that this proof-text is cited not for what Confucius reportedly said about his own experience as a magistrate, but rather as a canonic attestation of one particular formu­ lation: the words ‘one should put oneself in the place of others.， Whereas in the original source the Master spoke in the first person: *1 am like other men’， in the application of this citation to the argument of the Ta Hsueh it is raised to the force of a general proposition on the proper ordering of Self and Other.

1.

2.

Reader's Notes Opening chapter causing the light ... to shine forth: Note the repetition of the character ming 明 (‘to be bright, to shine， )，first as a transitive verb and then as an adjective modifying one’s ‘inner moral force， ('te'} referring to the source of this shining quality. bringing the people to a state of renewal: In the ‘original， version of the Ta Hsiieh in the Li Chi (and in some of those later editions that claim to restore the text to its pristine state) the word hsin 新 (*to be new， ，‘to renew*) is replaced by the graphically similar (and similarly pronounced) character cb'in 讀 (*to be intimate， ，

‘to treat as kin， ). The insistence of Ch’eng I and Chu Hsi on correcting the received text by changing ch'in to bsin would at first glance appear to be brazen tampering with their sacred Confucian patrimony but, as soon as we read up to Chapter z, we discover that the exegetical expansion on this line given there deals solely with the concept of renewal, with no hint of the idea of intimacy or kinship. Faced with this unequivocal self-exegesis on the part of the work itself, proponents of the opposite view can only fall back upon a few occurrences of the expression ‘treating the people as kin’ in Mencius and certain other earlier texts to support their position. In my view， the structural logic by which this treatise is divided into a series of ‘expansion chapters’ ， each anchored in the precise wording of its topic in the opening chapter, leaves little room for doubt that hsin must be the correct reading here. coming to rest in the fullest attainment of the good: Literally, ‘stopping’，but here, and as elaborated in Chapter 3, in the sense of reaching a point of dynamic equilibrium. unwavering stability .. ■unruffled quietude .. • inner calm • ■. capacity to deliberate clearly ... moral attainment: Each link in this chain of degrees of cultivation is expressed in the original Chinese with a single word, conveying both descriptive attributes and nominal states of being. The final word in the chain: te 得 (‘attainment’）is frequently glossed in the traditional commen­ taries with its homophone te 德 （ ‘moral force， ). a fundamental core ... and peripheral ... (branches， : Strictly speaking, the word pen means the trunk of a tree or plant, not its underground roots. But since the combination with the upper extremities {mo) of the tree is so commonly described as its ‘roots and branches’， I retain this metaphor, alongside the more neutral terms ‘core’ and ‘periphery’，in order to convey both the image of entanglement presented here and the broader sense of these crucial conceptual poles in Chinese philosophical writing. Those men of old ... had first to establish orderly rule in their kingdoms: The single character ku (‘of olden days， ）- clearly an abbreviation here for ku-jen (‘men of old’) - must refer in the context of the opening lines of this rhetorical sequence to the sage rulers of the misty past. With this in mind I translate the word for ‘families， (chia) in its first occurrence below astheir 'royal houses， . The word kuo is translated variously throughout this work as ‘kingdom， , ‘realm， ，‘land， , ‘state， ，or ‘country， ，as the sense of a given context requires. Mencius uses the same pattern of des­

cendingspheresof cultivation: ‘kingdom， family, person’ (iv.A. 5). Put 咖eir families into proper balance: Literally, to stabilize or to 'put on an even keel， . Almost every link in this chain syllogism revolves around a different verb with the sense of ‘putting into order’. 8. cultivate their own character as individuals: Or, as some would prefer, to perfect one’s own ‘person， . The character shen (in its simplest sense, ‘body， ） refers in this usage to the zone of interface straddling the inner and the outer aspects of what is today called ‘the Self， . This is the primary locus for what we speak of as Confucian 'self-cultivation5. 9. the seat of their emotive and cognitive faculties'. The particular object of inner cultivation dealt with in this phase of the paradigm, hsin (literally ‘heart’ or ‘mind， )，is to be distinguished from the deeper layers of interiority and intentionality indicated by the word i 意 in the following line. 10. And the key to this desire … lay in ... the correct conceptual grid: The controversial term ko-wu presented in this clause forms the object of a vast body of Confucian philosophical debate (see Appendix 1). 11. Only once all things... is it possible for the entire world to enjoy enduring peace: Though this reprise of the chain argument is presented in reverse sequential order, its logical thrust remains unchanged：it stresses, in each of its concentric spheres, that the given phase of cultivation is a precondition for the next. Here, however, the inverted word order delineates a series of prerequi­ site acts, rather than accomplished states，of the cultivation pro­ cess, thus raising the entire process to the level of a more universal behavioural model. 12.. is entirely unacceptable: This conventional formula of Chinese philosophical prose (literally, ‘there has never been such a case • ..’) is more expressive of disapprobation than of disbelief. 7-

1.

1 causing the light of his moral force to shine forth: This citation is taken from the ‘Announcement to the Lord of K’ang， ， preserved in the Book ofDocuments (Shu Chingyalso known as Shang-shu). This particular document is traditionally held to be a speech of investiture delivered by the semi-legendary Duke of Chou to his younger brother Feng, upon the latter’sinstallation as feudal ruler over an area populated by surviving subjects of the newlydefeated Shang state. In it, the Duke enjoins his brother —the new

Lord of K’ang - to uphold the principles of virtuous rule held sacred by their father King Wen, the establisher of the Chou dynastic enterprise, and their older brother King Wu, who brought the Chou conquest to completion. These events are believed to have taken place during the latter half of the eleventh c e n tu r y b c e .

2.

3.

set his eyes upon affirming the shining decree of Heaven: The source-text for this citation is a document in the Book of Docu­ ments entitled the4Admonition to T'ai-chia*, purportedly a speech by the famous sage adviser of the early Shang dynasty, I Yin, to the new ruler T， ai-chia then under his regency, giving words of stern warning to the wayward young king to return to the virtuous example of his glorious forebear King T’ang，the founder of the Shang state. Though later classified as a forgery, this chapter was an important part of the canon. causing the light of his towering moral force to shine forth: The ‘Canon of the Great Ancestor’ cited in this proof-text is better known as the ‘Canon of Yao’ (lYao-tien>). This is the first among the opening chapters in the canonic Book of Documents^ tra­ ditionally believed to be the repository of inscriptional records on the attributes and accomplishments of the earliest of the esage-kings’. Yao is held up for reverence in Confucian lore as a legendary founder father of the ageless Chinese historical order. 2

x.

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3.

On the bathing basin of King Tang: This vessel (of bronze, one imagines) remains unidentified in extant sources; but it can be assumed to have existed in fact or in memory at the time of our text’s composition. Were the inscription a mere fabrication, its redundant exhortation to daily ritual cleansing - rendered here literally —might well have been presented more succinctly. Judg­ ing by the size of existing Shang bronzes, this would probably be more on the order of a wash basin than a bathtub. thou shalt bring about the renewal of the people: In this prooftext, according to the traditional commentaries, the Lord of K， ang is specifically charged with rehabilitating the remnant of the Shang population placed under his feudal control. its mandate is ever renewed: The source of this citation is the poem entitled 'King Wen，(iWen-wang>)^ number 235 in the ‘Major Odes，(Ta-ya) section of the canonic Book of Songs (Shih Ching). The poem is ostensibly an encomium to the glories of the Chou dynastic founder King Wen by his adoring subjects. The

4*

words *a kingdom of long-standing antiquity* would thus seem to be anachronistic, unless one understands them as referring to the pre-dynastic Chou polity. exercises his faculties to the utmost in all circumstances: The traditional commentators read into this neutral line the compel­ ling Confucian principle of ‘extrapolating outward from one’s individual self to one， s fellow man’ (fuei-chi chi-jen 推己及人)• 3

i.

i.

The royal demesne measures one thousand leagues around: This line is from the Book of Songs, poem number 303: (Hsiian-niao、 ， from the *Shang Hymns* (Shang Sung) section, believed to have been preserved by the descendants of the people of Shang during Chou times in the small state of Sung. It is taken to be a song of praise to the glory and prosperity of Shang rule in its heyday. The Chinese land measure li is equated here with the much larger English ‘league’ primarily in the interest of literary effect. If one calculates this area by the conventional equivalent of a third of an English mile per " ，one arrives at a space that seems to reflect more the restricted territory of the Chou royal domains in the Spring and Autumn period (770-481 bce) than the great expanse of ‘all-under-Heaven’ which the Shang were imagined by the Chou to have ruled (and which the Chou people themselves had ceased to rule, in all but name and ritual prerogatives, centuries before this poem was incorporated into the canon). Still, the conventional expression ‘one thousand li around，conveys the poetic image of a spacious domain；this is evidently the sense in which it is to be taken here, the yellow bird: Commentators and translators, using their poetic imagination rather than any textual evidence, tend to identify this bird as an oriole. Its chirp is represented by a different character (mien 綿）in the standard texts of the Book of Songs, and so the sourcetext, poemnumber 23o in the ‘Minor Odes’ (Hsiao-ya) sec­ tion, is belter known by the traditional title iMien-man\Thepoem presents the plaint of a downtrodden conscript soldier, for which the trilling of the bird serves simply as an introductory image, The Master has stated: Needless to say, the ‘Master， whose auth­ ority is dutifully cited here and throughout is none other than Confucius. Only a portion of these citations, however, can be identified as direct quotations, or even echoes, of statements by the historical Confucius as we know them from the Analects (Lurt-yii), traditionally regarded as the more or less authentic

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

repository of his teachings. It is uncertain, however, how much of our received text of the Analects would have been in circulation by the time these treatises were composed. Most of the remainder of the examples appearing here may be taken as extra-canonical dicta attached to the body of oral and written learning transmitted by Han scholars, especially those that eventually found their way into the ‘ritual corpus’. There, the ubiquitous formula ‘the Master has stated’ often seems to be more a literary device than a mark of scriptural authority. In a few instances, one even suspects these may be outright fabrications by the compilers of some texts. he caused the light of his virtue to shine ... in deepest reverence: This line is from the poem ‘King Wen， (number 235 in the ‘Major Odes’ section of the Book of Songs), here put to an entirely different use than in its canonic context where the word chih 止 ('to stop, to rest’）is nothing more than a final grammatical particle. be who fulfils his role ... the virtue of trustworthiness: This semantically-charged use of the common classical Chinese verb ‘to be，(wei) invokes the sense of ‘being’ a ruler, a father, etc. in the proper manner. Through this entire parallel sequence and in a number of other key passages in our texts, this locution takes on special weight with respect to the Confucian concept of selfrealization (often expressed as wei-jen: ‘being a man’)_ The verb ‘to rest’ [chih), as explained earlier, far from indicating the end of one’slabours, bespeaks in this context the attainment of a very active state of dynamic equilibrium. like a jewel ■•. like ivory • •. carved and ground: The original diction of the source-text (poem number 55: lCh 'i~yu\in the ‘Airs of Wei，[Wei Feng] section of the Songs) speaks only in general terms about the elegance of one who appears eas if’ cut and polished, carved and ground. The traditional assignment of these acts of decorative enhancement to objects made specifically of jade and or bone, respectively, is universally accepted by the commentators. Imposing and awe-inspiring, resplendent and magnificent: The glosses on these four terms vary widely from commentator to commentator, in both premodern and modern editions. The gen­ eral consensus, followed here，associates the first two attributes with commanding dignity and the latter two with elegant bearing, as the following lines of self-exegesis seem to suggest. these words refer to … bespeak .. • describe •. • comes to say: Here the author slips into a commentarial mode, using a formulaic

convention for defining terms to explicate the proof-text he has just cited. 9- never shall they be forgotten： In the source-text, in poem number 269: ‘Lieh-wen， ， in the ‘Chou Hymns’ (Chou Sung) section of the Book of Songs, this line is sometimes interpreted to mean: 'they (th e an c e s to rs ) s h a ll n e v e r fo r g e t

us\

10, honours those of honourable worth and treats as kin those of kindred spirit around him： In these two expressions, the key words, ‘honourable，(hsien) and *kin, (ch3in)，are each repeated twice - first as a transitive verb and then as its own direct object. 4

i.

, 2..

3.

one should put oneself in the place of others: The word wu, a first-person singular (or sometimes plural) pronoun, is occasion­ ally used to single out any lone individual in oblique third-person reference as well. In the presumed source-text for this citation in the Analects (xn.13)，Confucius is usually understood to be speaking self-referentially. I believe, however, that our author wishes to use this as a proof-text to drive home the general principle of extrapolation from self to other. men who are bereft of the truth: As a term of classical Chinese philosophical discourse the word ch， ing 情，despite its more common usages in the sense o f 【 feelings’，or sometimes ‘love’ ， usually comes to express the notion of concrete reality, or even material circumstances. For the unrestrained litigants described here，it is the reliable presentation of the facts, rather than impassioned pleas for their case，that is found wanting. The use of the word chih 志 in this sentence also diverges from its more familiar reference to one， s ‘intentions， or ‘aspirations， . Here, and in Chapter 32 of the Chung Yung，for example, it clearly refers to the seat of one’s moral consciousness. This is what is called ... the fundamental core of moral culti­ vation： The reprise of the topic here (‘understanding the funda­ mental core’） is not drawn directly from the words of the opening section of the treatise. Note the apparent repetition of this same line at the head of the missing Chapter 5. 5

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I have taken the liberty of piecing in the missing section ... as follows: The great twelfth-century scholar Chu Hsi (1130-1 zoo) makes no attempt to conceal the fact that this ‘chapter， is his own latter-day interpolation, inspired by the ideas of his intellectual

forebear Ch， eng I (1033-1107) a century earlier. He does not even make a claim, like so many others before and after him, of having fortuitously discovered, or received by esoteric trans­ mission, a lost manuscript. the exhaustive pursuit of the intrinsic principles of things: These words, and their elaboration in the following lines, are clearly influenced by what we recognize to be the central tenets of NeoConfucian thought from Sung times on. However, the notion Chu Hsi expresses here of extrapolating from one’s inner experience of reality to a comprehensive understanding of the intrinsic prin­ ciples governing all things in the world is fully consonant with the original vision of both the Ta Hstieb and the Chung Yung, comprehensive substance ... broad applications: The dualistic thinking underpinning the use of this familiar pair of Chinese philosophical terms: t， i (‘body， ，‘substance， ) and yung fuse’, ‘function， ) reflects the late date of this interpolated passage. 6

What is meant by the words: The topical statement at the head of this chapter takes the form of a definition of its central term, rather than a reprise of the relevant principle as enunciated in the opening outline (as occurs, with some variations, in all the remaining chapters). This divergence in formulation may help to explain the placement of this section at an earlier position in the presumed ‘original， version of the text in the Li Chi compendium (at a point corresponding to Chapter 3 of the later standard text), outside the numerical sequence of the remaining ‘expansion chapters’. distaste for a distasteful smell ■■• delight in a delightful sight: The slightly awkward repetition in my translation aims to convey the common rhetorical pattern of redundant use of the same word in different syntacticpositions within asinglephrase. This isa stylistic feature that is customary, even prized, in classical Chinese prose. being at ease with oneself: The commentators arrive at this sense by reading the common character ch， ien 謙（ ‘humility’}in this line as a graphic substitute for the less common ch'ieh 慊. pay great heed to the core of his own individuality: The repetition of this line twice in this chapter，and once again in Chapter 1 of the Chung Yung, marks it as one of the central concepts of these two texts (in Appendix 1). As the disciple Tseng Tzu stated: This mention of the name of the putative author of the Ta Hsiieh within the text itself is often

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cited as ‘proof， ， either that he must have written it or, with equally strong conviction, that he could not have written it. The heart waxes ... the body grows sleek: Here, at the inter­ section of external and internal cultivation, the author quotes an apparently proverbial expression to emphasize the inner core of outer well-being. 7

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governed by ... possessed by • •. occupied by … obsessed with anxiety and grief: In each of these verbal phrases the author makes creative useof the same neutral Chinese formulation (yu~so • • * 有所•. .）to indicate that the heart of the person in question

‘has that to which it responds5in the given manner. 8

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people are drawn to those for whom they feel •. • and incline toward them: The highly unusual formula repeated in each of these parallel statements can be translated as: 'they go to those for whom . •. and incline with respect to them， . I understand this to mean that one’s heart ‘goes out to， those one feels good about and，in a rhetorically parallel sense, one’s attention, at the very least, is drawn to those one finds repellent. The final verb pi (or P， i), repeated in each line, has two nearly opposite conventional readings: eto be biased toward’ and ‘to avoid’，both of which express one’s spontaneous tendency to incline either toward or away from certain individuals. none can appreciate the eventual size of grain sprouts ... in the bud: Here the author cites an apparent folk expression to make vivid the way in which impatience， greed or unrealistic hopes may cloud the judgment of even the most seasoned farmer. 9

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it is inconceivable: The original expression ‘no such thing exists5 {u^u chih 無之）parallels the more common formula ‘it has never happened that. • •， (wei-yu, literally, *there has never been such a case， ) encountered earlier. Here, and in a very similar statement later in this chapter, it is，indeed, quite inconceivable - not simply untenable - that one whose own family is in disarray should effectively preach moral order to the world. Judging by the author’s use of the same formula a few lines hence, teaching young girls how to bear and raise children prior to their marriage would be equally unthinkable.

as one watches over a newborn babe: These words fit the present context of benevolent rulership so well that one need not look too closely at the precise application in their source-text in the Book of Documents, where they describe the compassionate behaviour of lesser officials toward the people under their charge. in the true depths of one’s heart: The author’s use of the word ch'eng here in its more common sense provides an important verbal echo of its highlighted usage elsewhere in our treatises as a key term for the inner process of self-cultivation. the dictum: It is unclear whether this line is presented as an authoritative teaching, or simply as a piece of proverbial wisdom. when the contents of the rulers’ commands are in ... contradic­ tion . . . the people will refuse to follow their lead: The meaning of this line remains quite enigmatic. At first glance, it would make good sense to reshuffle the syntax and have it say: ‘when one orders the people to go against their own wishes … ’ This reading, however, is problematic on philological grounds and, more tell­ ingly, goes against common logic：we have just been reminded that the people can be compelled to follow the lead of even the most despicable tyrants in history. It may seem somewhat puzzling at first to suggest that the people could be incited to rebel by their leaders’ lack of personal consistency, until one reflects upon the political truth that psychological uncertainty is often a stronger incentive to active resistance than sheer oppression alone. The ancient sage emperors and paragons of virtue, Yao above, and Chapter and Shun, are identified in notes to Chapter t ， 6 of the Chung Yung. The names of Chieh and Chou, the 'bad last rulers' of the legendary Hsia and the (largely) historical Shang dynasties, respectively, are synonymous with evil. Yon maiden is in her wedding procession: The source-text for these lines is poem number 6: 'T^ao-yao/ in the ‘Airs from the South of Chou* (Chou-nan Feng) section of the Songs. The demonstrative function of the character chib 之at the head of this line (normally a common marker of subordination, an accusative pronoun or a simple verb ‘to go， ）is quite unusual, hence the choice of the non-standard yon in my translation. she will surely bring goodness to … her new household: The common expression i 宜 (to be ‘fitting， ，‘appropriate’）is usually glossed in its formulaic usage in the poetry of the Book of Songs as ‘to beautify', (to shed grace or goodness upon， . In the present chapter of the Ta Hsiieh, this makes of the canonic citation an appealing paraphrase of the principle of ‘putting the family into

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proper balance* (my thanks to Professor Martin Kern for pointing out this correspondence). He brings goodness to his brothers: The source of the citation is poem number 173，iLu~hsiao\in the ‘Minor Odes’ section of the Songs, another unambiguous proof-text on the image of the virtuous bride. His deportment showed no error of excess: The source-text is poem number 152: ‘Shih-chiu,, in the ‘Airs of Ts， ao’ (Ts’ao Feng) section of the Songs, a well-known canonic expression of the theme of virtuous mores. 10 treat the aged as befits those of venerable age: This redundancy, like the one in the following line, is intended to convey once again the stylistic effect of the typical Chinese rhetorical pattern.亍his line echoes a passage in Mencius (1.A.7). measuring by the carpenter’s square: This crucial term is used metaphorically to express the taking of one’s own moral measure and then using this as the basis of one’s interactions with others (see Appendix 1). father and mother of the people: The source-text for this line is poem number 172.: 'Nan-shan yu fai\in the ‘Minor Odes’ section of the canon. In the language of later Chinese imperial adminis­ tration, this expression was regularly applied to officials serving as local magistrates, those expected, in theory at least, to care for their charges with paternalistic solicitude. Lofty is that southern peak: This citation is taken from poem number 191：'Chieh nan-shan\ in the ‘Minor Odes’ section of the canon. The source-text is a plea in verse to the shadowy chief minister, Marshal Yin, to save the people from their desperate plight caused by the misrule of the proverbially dissolute Emperor Yu. reflect upon the example … the holding of the great Mandate is not a matter of ease: This proof-text is yet another line taken from the poem ‘King Wen* in the Songs. This verbal use of the classical term for ‘mirror，(cbien), as in the case of its Latin counterpart speculum, implies taking history as a mirror of truth. This ‘truth’ about the Mandate of Heaven is enunciated in several seminal speeches in the Book of Documents. The men of Yin described here are, by another name, the people of the Shang dynasty. For an explication of the loaded term ‘Supreme Lord of Heaven’， see Appendix I.

the Book of Ch*u： It has been suggested that this unidentified early text may have contained a body of historical narrative associated with the state of Ch’u， from which some of the anec­ dotal material recorded in the relevant sections of the geographi­ cally arranged compendium Discourses of the States (Kuo-yii) is believed to be drawn. 7. The imperial kinsman Tzu-fan: Tzu-fan (personal name Hu Yen) is usually identified as a maternal uncle of the fugitive prince, Ch’ung-erh (later to rule as Duke Wen of Chin), whose story of exile is grippingly related in the fragmentary narratives of the canonic historical commentary, the Tso Cbuan. This speech is also recorded in the "Tan-kung，chapter of the Li Chi. The Tzu-fan mentioned here should be distinguished from another historical figure of the same name, an important statesman and general in the state of Gh’u during this period. 8. visibly predisposed to be tolerant of others： Literally，eas if pos­ sessing the virtue of tolerance， . As indicated, this entire passage is taken, with minor graphic variants, from the last chapter (Cb'in-sbih3) of the standard recension of the Book ofDocuments, 9. the black-haired people of our race: Whether this conventional epithet for the common people should be taken as apposite to the speaker’s 'sons and grandsons*, or as a separate rhetorical afterthought, depends upon one’s sense of the speech as a whole, essentially an apology for an ill-advised and disastrous campaign. In light of the generally contrite tone of the Duke’s words, I opt for the first reading. 10. the fault is due to ... negligence: The word ming 命 in this line is commonly glossed as a graphic substitute for the unrelated character man 慢 (£lax， ). This revised reading makes the telling point that such a lapse in rulership, while execrable in its own right, is an error of a lesser order than that of failure to banish the wicked. 11. casting off one's essential human nature: The implication in this expression that one， s moral disposition, though innate, is yet subject to being sloughed off, goes to the heart of the Mencian view of human nature so profoundly explored in these two treatises. iz. it is unthinkable that this wealth should ever be denied to him: This cryptic line is usually understood to mean that one’sproperlyaccumulated resources, be they material wealth or moral stock, can never be alienated (literally, ‘negated’） from one’spatrimony. It is in the second sense, that of ‘moral’ capital, that the fervour 6.

expressed in this line by the familiar formula ‘there has never been such a case’ rings true. 13. horses and chariot-teams . •. chickens and pigs: In this idealized picture of the ‘feudal，order, the keeping of horses and chariots was restricted to holders of the official rank of *Grand Councillor' (tai-fu 大夫) and higher; only families of great wealth could afford the luxury of ice-houses; and none but the ‘Lords of All the States* (chu-hou 諸侯）could be authorized to appoint bailiffs to collect the revenues on their landholdings. Here the point is to devalue all of these signs of status with respect to the true ‘treasure’ of moral worth. The figure Meng Hsien-tzu, to whom these words are attributed, appears at a few points in the Tso Chuan as a minor official of the state of Lu. 14. must •. • come under the influence ofmen of mean character. The majority of commentators read the word tzu 自 as a full verb derived from its prepositional usage (*from3) with the meaning 'to follow the lead’ of someone.

Chung Yung Structural Analysis The rough structural outline of the Chung Yung appears at first glance to match that of the Ta Hsueh in all respects. It also divides neatly into an initial chapter with a summary presentation of its primary points here the consecutive numbering begins with the very first chapter, also dubbed by Chu Hsi its ‘canonic core’ (cbing). This is again followed by a sequence of ‘expansion’ chapters devoted to the elaboration and illustration of these ideas —in Chu Hsi， s designation, its ‘commentarial tradition' (chuan). In this case，however, the function of these later chapters takes us in a different direction, as they do not literally expand upon the specific terms of the opening section but, rather, develop the argument along a number of separate tracks before bringing them back together for its powerful conclusion. The internal structure of Chapter 1 itself suggests another parallel to the opening chapter of the Ta Hsueh: it also begins with a complex tripartite statement of far-reaching issues and then, after inserting a few transitional lines, presents its core philosophical propositions, followed by a final passage of conclusions. This argument also deals in a profound sense with the process of Confucian self-cultivation, but the primary components of these opening passages do not lay out the

sequential stages, or complementary phases, of such a process, as in the *three cardinal principles* and the ‘eight specific points，in the Ta Hsiieh. Rather, they set forth the logical ordering that forms its conceptual underpinning. We see this at the very outset in the trio of formal definitions that makes up the opening lines of the book. The first two, those explicating the key philosophical terms "nature5and *the Way*, immediately catch the eye of the student of traditional Chinese thought. But it is the third, the redefinition of the word ‘moral instruction*, that constitutes the real point of the opening passage. For here we are told that the Confucian act of moral instruction, the other side of the coin of self-cultivation, is to be understood as a process of perfecting (literally, ‘repairing’ or ‘restoring， ) the Way - as if the Tao, the ‘Way，that has been defined immediately before this as immanent in the very nature of things imparted by the 'ordinance* of Heaven, could be in need of any such repair. This is our first indication that the Chung Yung will not be concerned with the ineffable substance of the cosmic Way —important as this may be for the ontological grounding of the Confucian ethical system - but, instead, with the concerted efforts required on the part of man to attain a more accessible kind of ‘Tao’， that is, to perfect his own way in the world. A similar logic emerges when we take a closer look at the transitional passage that follows. Here the author's apparent indulgence in the language of paradox, sufficient to suggest to some modern readers the possibility of Taoist influence on the text, is clearly subordinated to the following description of the ‘man of noble character* as one who, far from being lulled by the contradictions of existence into a mood of resignation or detachment, responds with caution, fear and vigilance. The object of all this anxious concern experienced by the seeker of cultivation, his own ‘singularity’ - the core of his own individual selfhood —is allowed at this point to remain indeterminate. But we immediately perceive that the common reading of these words in the simple sense that one ‘watches over his behaviour even when alone， will not be commensurate with the gathering force of the argument. This is given concrete focus as soon as we plunge into the core passage coming directly after this. The meaning of these lines is initially more than a little opaque, but once one has perceived their essential logic, their sense becomes clearer within the overall structural outline of the treatise. In simplest terms, the parallel definitions of the two expressions ‘the mean’ and ‘harmony’ presented here are to be under­ stood as ideal properties of two separate orders of being, respectively. The first is pointedly defined as that realm in which the empirical markers of human existence ('joy, wrath, grief and delight*) remain

latent (they have ‘not yet emerged， )，as opposed to our own familiar world in which these markers ‘have already emerged’，and are all too movingly in place. By the logic we have already begun to grasp in the two opening passages, this puts the primary weight on man's efforts to reach and maintain a degree of compensatory harmony —with the ideal of perfect equilibrium left as an attribute of the cosmic sphere alone, by definition beyond the reach of human striving. The essential distinction between these two planes is then reinforced by invoking two loaded expressions of overlapping significance: on one hand, the static totality of the ‘great foundation’ of the universe and, set against this, the ‘path of attainment’ - the Way that, alone, provides a model for the painstaking temporal process of man’s moral development. Finally, the opening chapter of the Chung Yung concludes with an early glimpse of the metaphysical consequences that flow from the greatest conceivable fulfilment of these ideals. It frames the outer reaches of this vision in images of cosmic creation and universal fecund­ ity that will fill the final chapters of the text with lyric expressions of supreme Confucian spirituality. The remaining thirty-two chapters of the Chung Yung can con­ veniently be treated as comprising three large structural movements. The first of these divisions, running from Chapter 2 through Chap­ ter 11，consists of a set of brief entries, all of which are presented as statements or dialogues of ‘the Master5, and all of which take the ‘practice of the mean， as their central focus - or at least make minimal use of the word chung. This section of the text conveys a fairly consist­ ent message regarding the extreme difficulty, if not the impossibility, of putting the mean into practice in concrete human affairs. In Chap­ ter 4, for example, the author states the discouraging conclusion that even the best of men, not merely the less worthy, remain by definition unable to attain this ideal. At the same time, he begins to lay the groundwork at certain points for his exploration later in the text of the different degrees of conceivable fulfilment. In Chapters 6 and 8， he puts aside his general pessimism for a moment to describe two canonic examples of successful practice：that of the legendary sage-king Shun and that of the leading Confucian disciple Yen Hui, respectively. Significantly, the attainment of such balance by these figures is described not as a state of spontaneous equilibrium, but rather as the result of vigorous effort to grasp the mean by holding fast to one or both ends of the moral spectrum. This reflects an idea already introduced in Chapter 2 at the start of this section of the text, specifying that the attainment of the mean must necessarily entail ceaseless exertion in an unending process of moral rebalancing (shih-chung).

In the second major structural division of the text, from Chapter 12 through the greater part of Chapter 2.0, the focus of discussion is no longer on the realization of the mean per se, but on a variety of degrees and contexts of moral balancing effected through concrete Confucian practice. Chapters iz through 15 take up, in their separate ways, a central principle underlying both the Ta HsUeh and the Chung Yung： that all higher orders of external accomplishment must spring from a firm foundation in what is closest to the elemental roots of human nature. A number of crucial passages in this part of the book express variations on the same theme, supported by the frequent citation of proof-texts taken primarily from the Book of Songs. In Chapter 12 this is put in terms of the biological and social origins of human behaviour: ‘the Way of the man of noble character takes its point of origin in the cardinal relations between men and women’ ；in Chapter 13 we are told that ‘the Way is not far removed from man， ；and in

Chapter 15 we are reminded of the common-sense truth that every journey or ascent must start from what is close at hand. In this light,

thecitation in Chapter 13 of a formulation of the golden rule apparently borrowed from the Analects teaches us the important lesson that one’s interactions with one’s fellow man must grow out of one’s own sense of self. This idea is put in more concrete terms in Chapter 14 with the common Confucian exhortation to look within oneself，like the proverbial archer, for the true measure of one’s capacity. This is summed up in another key clause in Chapter 14 about the ideal quality of unshaken 'self-possession*, a term that looks ahead to the introduction of the central concept of 'integral wholeness，to be explored in the final division of the text. From this point on, the remainder of this second structural division is devoted to a series of concrete illustrations of the paradigmatic areas of Confucian fulfilment: filial piety, ritual propriety and benevolent rulership. A number of examples are cited of supreme paragons of virtue and ritual perfection among the ‘sages’ of the distant past. At certain moments here we may lose sight of the central thread of the argument, until the detailed presentation of the principles of Confucian statecraft in Chapter 20 once again ties its discussion to formulas familiar to us from the Ta Hsiieh, expressing the need to ground one’s external ordering of the world in the prior internal ordering of one’s own individual character. At a point about two thirds of the way through Chapter 20, the author uses an extended paraphrase of a passage in Mencius to intro­ duce the primary theme of the final structural movement of his argu­ ment. He isolates at the centre of one’s various circles of interpersonal

relations the notion of the ‘integral wholeness， of the self. This concept had remained unarticulated up to this time, though it was implicit in a number of propositions stated earlier. The brief passage defining this concept in Chapter zo takes us back to the basic logical framework introduced in the first chapter of the book. In accordance with this logic, a vital distinction is drawn between the ‘Way of Heaven， and the *Way of Man’，such that - as we saw in the treatment of the parallel concepts of the mean and harmony in Chapter i - a state of unqualified perfection is attributed to the cosmic order alone, leaving in the hands of man the arduous pursuit of a lesser degree of integral wholeness. This argument is then extended, in line with its source in Mencius, to contrast the spontaneous embodiment of equilibrium in the cosmic dimension with the concerted discipline required in the human realm, as man strives to grasp and hold the ground on which to construct his own lower order of self-completeness. Through the final thirteen chapters of the Chung Yung the author leads us to envision ever higher planes of fulfilment. The conceptual foundations of this progression are gradually expanded in a series of key passages: first in Chapter zz, where the discipline of pursuing the wholeness of the selfthrough moral instruction is restated as a function of conscious understanding；then in Chapter z}, where the ‘full realiz­ ation of one’s inborn nature' is posited as but the first step toward bringing to realization the separate natures of all other people and things. In Chapter 25， the attainment of integral wholeness is redefined, through a conventional exercise in amateur etymology, as a self­ directed process, but this is immediately turned around to assert with even greater force that the fulfilment of the self is meaningless unless it leads to the fulfilment of others. From here to the end of the book the metaphysical implications of individual fulfilment first broached in the opening chapter, and revisited in Chapters 23 and Z4, are explored through a series of proof-texts and lyric expressions of cosmic perfection. The highest conceivable degree of the attainment of integral wholeness, that of the ‘perfectly cultivated individual’ - known conventionally as the ‘sage’ (sheng-jen) - is now said to make him the virtual equal of Heaven, a full partner among the agents of cosmic creation. Whether such words are taken as solemn conviction or a bit of poetic licence, this hyperbole is leavened with restatements of more concrete modes of moral fulfil­ ment in matters of ritual and rulership in Chapters 28 and 29. The final chapter of the work takes the form of a litany of proof-texts from the Book of Songs that reassert the grounding of all this celestial attainment in the bedrock of individual character.

The Integral Argument In the space of just a few dozen pages the Chung Yung deals with a very wide range of philosophical issues. It begins by positing a relation between human cultivation, the Way, and the intrinsic nature of things; it considers the cosmic condition of the perfectly balanced mean with respect to the human ideal of harmonious rebalancing; it surveys the range of possibilities for translating the abstraction of the mean into concrete practice; it asserts the grounding of all the spheres of human relations in the roots of individual experience and the anchoring of all external accomplishment in the perfection of individual character；it explores the significance of the paradigmatic Confucian acts of ritual propriety and benevolent rulership; it contemplates the achievement of integral wholeness on both the cosmic and the individual levels; it affirms the necessity of extending individual self-realization to the realization of all other beings; and it envisions the metaphysical implic­ ations of the highest imaginable attainment of these ideal states of being. In the eyes of a number of traditional and modern readers, this breadth of enquiry into so many separate topics has given rise to the suspicion that the treatise as we have it may be a composite compilation rather than a single integral text. Having reviewed the structural move­ ments and specific chapters that make up this sweeping scope of discussion, we can now reconsider the degree to which the separate topics taken up fall into a coherent unified argument. The key to integrating the disparate elements of the text lies in grasping and consistently applying the reasoning implied at the very outset and reinforced in each of the subsequent contexts of discussion. This is the essential distinction between the cosmic and the sublunar planes of being and the assigning of primary significance to the con­ certed acts of human striving required for the ordering and perfect­ ing of the latter realm. Understanding this point lends greater depth to the expression taken as the title of the received text: ‘putting the mean into practice’，once one construes it not in its narrow sense, but as the translation of an abstract universal ideal into concrete human realization. In this light, each of the textual divisions takes its place in the gradually rising scaffold of this compact but elegant intellectual edifice. After positing the logical limits of human self-perfection in the defi­ nitions of moral instruction (with its mirror image: cultivation) and harmony in the opening section, the text goes on to explore the full range of attainment to which the active and contemplative human faculties are directed. In the first of the major structural divisions that

follow we begin our survey at the low end of the scale, observing the prevailing condition of zero-degree accomplishment of the mean in practice -this set off even more starkly byglimpses of sagelycultivation reserved for the most perfect of human exemplars. We then turn in the second movement to a more detailed examination of finite degrees of Confucian cultivation in varying circumstances. After first consolidat­ ing the conceptual foundation for such activities by asserting the pro­ position that the roots from which all such accomplishment springs must lie close to, indeed are intrinsic within, the fundamental par­ ameters of individual existence, the text then goes on to reaffirm this through the classic Confucian paradigms of moral action in ritual observance and benevolent rulership. This culminates, at the start of the final textual movement, in the redefinition of the highest state to which man can aspire in terms of the central concept of ‘integral wholeness’. Here， again， the recurrent logic of the treatise is invoked to reassert the fundamental distinction between perfect cosmic wholeness and that degree of proximate wholeness attainable only through con­ certed human striving. This conception is further deepened in sub­ sequent sections by the corollary that this pursuit requires both external acts of cultivation and an internal state of conscious understanding, and by the even bolder assertion that this so-called ‘wholeness’ remains incomplete until it is extended beyond the self to effect the realization of other men and things. In the final chapters, the author lifts his eyes to the highest conceivable plane of individual fulfilment, envisioning consequences of human perfection that bring us to the upper limit of the trajectory of attainment traced in the text. Even as we contemplate these glowing images at the height of the Confucian vision, we are reminded in the final chapter that none of this perfection can be separated from the fundamental roots of moral consciousness.

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Reader's Notes i By the term ‘nature， we speak of that which is imparted by … Heaven： Our text opens with a series of laconic definitions of three of the most highly charged terms of Chinese philosophical discourse. These are presented by the conventional formula for defining terms: ‘that which we speak of as at is y* (. . . chih wei . . . 之謂)• In this first line, the word ming 命 （ ‘to give orders’ ） combines the two meanings of the term: issuing a command (as in the familiar ‘Mandate of Heaven’）and conferring a name or distinction.

the intrinsic nature of man and things: As a central term of Confucian philosophical vocabulary, the word hsing 性 is almost automatically construed as a s h o r t h a n d reference to human nature, specifically to man’sinnate moral disposition (see Appen­ dix I). In light of the crucial extension of this concept later in Chapter 22 to include the ‘fullest realization of the nature of things’，I believe that the emendation here to include all ‘things’ as well as ‘man’ is justified. This line, with only slight variation, is matched at the start of Chapter n ^Ch'i-su') of the secondcentury bce syncretic compendium Huai-nan Tzu (‘The Master of Huai-nan， )， and echoes a similar usage in Chapter 77 of Tung Chung-shu， s Ch'un-ch'iu Fan-lu (‘The Luxuriant Dew of the Spring and Autumn Annals'). cultivating mans proper way in the world: The rather neutral original expression ‘cultivating the Way’ cries out for emendation. The traditional commentators agree that the universal Way, the Way that is immanent in all men and things by their intrinsic natures， requires no further cultivation on the part of man. That which man does need to cultivate through the discipline of ‘moral instruction9is, rather, the correct Confucian way of ordering the self and world. ‘the Way3does not admit of the slightest degree of separation ... even for an instant: This, and the following lines (up to 'For this reason， )，with their intimations of the omnipresence and the unseen power of the Way, strike many readers as more akin to the mystical paradoxes of the Lao Tzu and other Taoist texts than to the supposedly unambiguous moral perspective associated with Confucian thinking. They therefore suggest to some the possibility of textual contamination or, at best, inconsistency. I am convinced, however, that this passage - along with similar Taoist-tinged moments in thefinal chapters of the text-represents nothing more or less than the pursuit of the essential Confucian vision to its ultimate metaphysical, or cosmological, conclusions. As scholars of Early China have come to appreciate in recent decades, any simplistic division of the spectrum of ancient Chinese philosophy into narrowly-defined competing ‘schools of thought’ loses sight of the very deep fount of issues, assumptions and common lore shared - and freely exchanged - by pre-Ch， in thinkers of virtually every ideological stripe. For this reason, the man of noble character pays great heed to the core of his own individuality: The repetition of this line, twice in the Ta Hsueh and once again here, signals its centrality to the

entire intellectual project of our two texts (see Appendix I). The occurrence of almost the same formulation in section 7 of the Five Modes of Conduct (Wu-hsing p’ien)，one of the ‘lost’ early texts recovered amidst the astoundingiy rich finds unearthed in recent years at the archaeological sites of Kuo-tien and Ma-wangtui, would show this idea to be attested at least as early as the late fourth century bce . This, together with its appearance in the th ird - c e n tu r y b c e w r it in g s o f th e s e c o n d m o s t in f lu e n t ia l e a rly

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Confucian thinker, Hstin Tzu, indicates that this idea was broadly current in the generations, or even centuries, before the time our texts were compiled in their final form. The conjunction ku at the head of this line often functions in a much looser connective sense than its nearly automatic translation as therefore5would imply. joy, wrath，griefs and delight: This enumeration of the four archetypal emotional states is common enough in early Chinese texts to be considered nearly proverbial. See, for example, Hsun Tzu，chapters 17 and zz. I go beyond the original text and summarize them as ‘markers of human experience’ in order to sharpen the focus of the argument on the fundamental contrast it draws between the conception of perfect balance that holds only when these states remain in hypothetical latency (‘not yet emerged ■• •’)，and the condition of harmony that may apply in the world of actual manifestation (‘once they have already emerged， ). These two frames of ontological reference were later extracted from this passage and used to mark the division of philosophical discourse into the ‘metaphysical， and the ‘phenomenal* spheres, respectively. a state o f‘harmony’: The philosophical term ho 和for ‘harmony， ， as in the case of its Greek equivalent, is based on a metaphor of consonance derived from the musical context. the all-inclusiveground of being • • . the unimpeded path offullest attainment in ... human experience: My expansion of this pair of two-character expressions, literally ‘the great foundation' (tapen 大本）and £the fully-extended path’ (ta-tao 達道)，is intended to clarify the important conceptual difference between them: on one hand, the infinite spatial extension of cosmic totality - that to which the attribution of the perfect ‘mean， isexclusively relevantand on the other，the temporally-based notion of linear pro­ gression implicit in the ‘"Way’， construed as a path leading to the highest degree of human attainment. When . . . both the balanced mean and harmony are realized to their fullest extent: Coming on the heels of repeated explicit

assertions that the mean and harmony are attributes relating to entirely separate orders of being，this statement of their joint fulfilment sounds like a contradiction in terms. It follows from the same premise, however, that the simultaneous fulfilment of both cosmic and human perfection - assuming this to be attain­ able - would entail ‘metaphysical，consequences of the sort described here and in fuller detail in Chapters 26, 30，31 and 32*. 2. The man of noble character embodies ... this ideal： Despite the attribution of these and the following lines to Confucius - here

honoured in the first such occurrence by the use of his formal name Chung-ni —the syntax in this line is obscure. My renderings attempt to make some syntactic sense out of the first assertion: that the man of noble character (or his opposite) embodies — literally is - the practice of the mean (or its converse), and the confusing statement that follows to the effect that, given the practice of the mean attributed to the one or the other, the description provided holds true. The ‘contrary’ behaviour of the man of ‘mean* character seems to echo an expression in the Analects x u.i 6. 1change the word ‘mean， to ‘base’ here to avoid c o n f u s io n w i t h its o th e r sense in th is p as sa g e .

maintains a state of moral balance unfailingly at all times: The interpretation of this central concept of Confucian ethics hinges upon the reading of the adverb of time shih 時 governing this act of ‘maintaining balance*. A significant number of modern commentators and translators reject the more common use of this word (‘always， ) and insist upon taking it to mean, here and

elsewhere, ‘in proper time， ，‘at due intervals’ (as, for example, in the first line of the Analects). Though this latter usage does, in fact, appear further on in our text (Chapter 20), I am convinced that the overall thrust of the argument of the Chung Yung requires that it be understood in this passage as emphasizing the unceasing process of counterbalancing demanded by the pursuit of a degree of harmony in human experience - itself but an approximation of the balanced ‘mean’ of the cosmic order. Putting the mean into practice ■.. for any appreciable length of time: This line is quoted faithfully from our received text of the Analects (vi.29).

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2.

men of wisdom tend to overshoot it … to reach the bar: The rhetorical force of this line and the line that follows in parallel construction rests upon the somewhat startling assertion that not only the base and the stupid, but even the wise and the good, must， of necessity, fail to fulfil the Way. The point, clearly enough, is to reiterate the contention that the fulfilment of the perfect mean is beyond the capacity of any imperfect individual. The figure of overshooting and falling short echoes passages in the Analects (see for example v .2 i3xi.i6), and it is used in a positive sense in the chapter of the Li Chi entitled Tour Determinants of Mourning Dress，(lSang-fu ssu-chih'). men of worth tend to overshoot it ... to reach the bar: Coming to the parallel restatement of this quasi-metaphorical formula­ tion, we discover a further anomaly: whereas it was the wise and the stupid who fail to practise the Way in the previous line, now it is the worthy and base who fail to understand it. Could this be a deliberately provocative inversion on the part of our author? 6

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h

以penchant for learning by enquiry: The Confucian paradigm of ‘posing queries，as a method of advancing one’s self-cultivation is exemplified in Chapter 10 (Tzu-lu’s questions about the mean­ ing of power) and Chapter 20 (Duke Ai， s set of queries on rulership). Shun is the second of the legendary sage-emperors, following Yao, cited frequently in Confucian texts as a paragon of filiality and humility. He would keep men，s evil deeds discreetly hidden from view：This contrasts with the self-promoting attempts of the man of mean character in Chapter 6 of the Ta Hsiieh to ‘conceal his failure to do good and publicize his more positive acts’. simultaneously to grasp both ends of the moral spectrum: This means something like ‘embracing’ the entire spectrum of moral choice from end to end, as a step toward locating the functional mean that may then serve as a basis for proper judgment and action. The apparent contradiction of seeking the mean by grasp­ ing the ends is readily resolved when one considers, in a compara­ tive light, the words of teachers of ethics the world over. Aristotle, for one, insists that the variable mean of human behaviour can only be determined for any moral quality by weighing the dis­ tances relative to the given extremes (see Nicomachean Ethics,

Books II and III), while Confucius (the Analects ix.8) proclaims the value of ‘striking at both ends， ，and Mencius (vii.A.26) pointedly censures a thinker who is said to have stubbornly ‘seized the midpoint， . In a famous pseudo-archaic line cited in the Analects (xx.i), however, Shun is also described as ‘grasping，the mean, not the extremes. In the syntax of the present passage, Shun’s grasping of the two ends is presented as the condition for ‘putting the mean into practice， ， a logical relation best translated by inverting the order of the two clauses (in the original: ‘he grasped the two ends and put the mean into practice .. .’)• he took his place as the great sage Shun: This is simpler in the Chinese original: ‘it was by this that [Shun] was Shun， . In a later example of this pattern in the text (at the end of Chapter 26), the author indulges in a patent play on the name in question (King Wen). 7

to extricate themselves from their plight: For this common g lo ss on the character pi 辟with a homonym meaning ‘avoid， , see note to Chapter 8 of the Ta Hsiieb. Clearly, however, it is too late for the hapless fellows of our example to avoid falling into these metaphorical traps. choose the practice of the mean ... as long as a single month of days: More precisely, they ‘make their choice on the basis of the mean， ， the same exercise of good judgment attributed to Yen Hui in the next chapter. 8

Whenever a single act o f goodness came to hand: Or, perhaps: ‘Whenever he could do good in an unequivocal manner’. Yen Hui (formal name: Yen Yuan) is one of the principal disciples of Confucius, favoured by the Master above all the others for his quick mind and his lifelong embodiment of the virtue of human kindness. His impassioned embrace of the good end of the moral spectrum seems to contrast with Shun’sgrasp of ‘both ends’， until we recall that Shun too ‘elevated the good’ in a one-sided manner. In a crucial passage in Chapter 20, we learn that the quintessential act of ‘making oneself whole5depends upon ‘choosing the good and holding fast to it with all one’s strength’. So much for moral relativism 一as long aswe remember that the true ‘mean’ is always, by definition, located at a point off dead centre.

9

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a family … a kingdom: In early Chinese texts the two-character expression kuo-chia usually functions as a combined reference to two separate realms of action, unlike the single compound term for ‘country’ in later Chinese usage.

10 1. the power of the southern regions • • • the northern regions： Among the original disciples who gathered around Confucius, Tzu-lu (personal name: Chung-yu) is known more for his bold spirit than his intellectual prowess. Thus, both his query about the exercise of force, and Confucius* apparent pitching of the answer in the direction of his personal qualities, fit the common picture of his character. The following distinction between gentle and forgiving southerners and stalwart unflinching northerners, a staple of later Chinese regional stereotypes, is not unknown in this early period - even though the geographical parameters of North and South China had yet to reach their eventual positions. The sense of the third clause of the Master’s initial response is a bit uncertain. The character erh 而， in its usage as a second-person pronoun, seems to require the rendering given here. Were it to be read in a different sense, as a weak suffix attached to the preceding conjunction i (‘or’)， then the line might mean: ‘Or is it the general topic of strength that you are asking about?， 2. fixes his own moral abode: The verb chu (‘to dwell’) is here used transitively in the sense of ‘occupying， a particular mode of behaviour, that is, taking it as one’s moral frame of reference. A similar idiom is used in the Analects (iv.i), where we are told that the man of noble character ‘dwells in human kindness， . 3■ without leaning in any one direction: The verb i (倚) usually means ‘to lean on’, or ‘to lean in one direction， . Here it is clearly a state of centred balance without deviation that is described. 4. As long as the Way prevails in his state: This pair of conditional clauses presents a common rhetorical pattern, aswell as an encap­ sulation of the eternal dilemma of Confucian commitment: to serve or not to serve in a corrupt age. Other examples are readily found in the Analects (v.2, v .z i, vm .i3, xiv.3 andxv.7)， and later in the present text (Chapter 27).

To persist in a life of reclusion ... to gain renown ... among generations to come: Here and in Chapter 14 we encounter an uncommon verbal use of the word su 素’ normally signifying, among other things, a prior condition, one with lingering influ­ ence upon one’s current behaviour. In order to convey this semantic value, I emphasize the sense of persistence in this occur­ rence, and the idea of predisposition (one’s‘preordained station， ) in Chapter 14. In some contexts ‘eccentric behaviour’ (kuai) a m o u n t s t o fu ll- b lo w n ‘s ig n s a n d w o n d e r s * .

I simply will not do: Theintensive negative markerfu 弗used in this sentence conveys the speaker’s moral fervour. things that … the man of sagely perfection is capable of doing: The conventional translation of the word sheng 聖 as esage’ is sometimes seriously misleading since it is the perfect cultivation of Confucian virtue, rather than wisdom, that this ideal figure embodies. 12

great breadth in its application， yet. • • bidden from view: This unfamiliar reading of the word fei 費 (normally ‘to exhaust*, or ‘to waste’）as ‘broad’ - following a comment by Chu Hsi - is in line with the paradox of communicability that is the main theme of this section. though some understanding . • • can be imparted ... beyond the ken o f even the most perfectly cultivated of men: In giving voice once again to his plaint voiced in Chapter 4 regarding the virtual impossibility of striking the golden mean in actual human prac­ tice, the author goes a step further this time to deny perfect under­ standing and performance even to those of the highest conceivable degree of moral cultivation. Small wonder that this elicits in the lines that follow a cri de coeur on the unfulfilled longings of the human soul. The hawk in the sky soars up to … the very heavens: This line is taken from poem number 239: cHan4u\ in the ‘Major Odes， (Ta-ya) section of the Book of Songs. The idea of reaching one’s limits that our author extracts from the poem is entirely extraneous to this courtly song of praise. Most dictionaries ident­ ify this swooping bird of prey (yuan) as the kite, but the prospect of confusion with the child’s toy of the same name led me to replace it here with the more generic hawk. It is probably more

4*

than coincidence that the same word also indicates both the bird and the toy in Chinese. “U approach their outermost limits: It is common to read the character ch，a 察as a substitute for its graphic ‘cousin， chi 際: 'boundary, outer limit’. Setting the ‘lower iimit，of the human condition at ‘the cardinal relations between men and women’ may refer either to biological reproduction, or to the roots of character formation within the domestic cradle of the family. 13

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3.

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any man who would remove himself from other men in putting the Way into practice: The verb yuan may be construed as ‘to be distant* or ‘to keep at a distance5. Either way, the semantic gap between keeping one’s own distance and distancing others is not too great. peer at it from the wrong angle ... far from view: In the present context, the verb ni 睨 does not describe the usual angry or scornful glance, but expresses, instead, a failure to observe the manifest pattern of form and function squarely. bases himself on his own human qualities.. .to regulate those of other men: Any initial impulse to read this as simply 'uses some men to rule other men，must be modified in light of the central point of this chapter about the grounding of one’s relations with others in the essential attributes of the self. He effects their moral transformation and goes no further. This cryptic line is best understood in light of the ideas that immedi­ ately precede and follow it. On the assumption that the moral foundation for the Confucian ordering of human relations is ingrained in the primary matter of the individual self, like the intrinsic functionality of the proverbial axehandle, it follows that the ruler who seeks to guide the moral transformation of his people must adhere strictly to this underlying model, and literally (stop，there, doing no more and no less than required. By this endeavour, he can ‘come to rest， in the balanced state of fulfilment visualized in Chapter 3 of the Ta Hsueh. One who is... single-minded ■• ■and mindful.. •will neverstray fciTfrom the Way: In this and the following paraphrase of the negative formulation of the ‘golden rule，known to all from the Analects (iv.15, v.xz and xv. 24 )， the author pointedly reconsti­ tutes the apparent source-text to make of these two words (chung 忠 and shu 恕 、often translated in their simple modern senses as Royalty* and ‘reciprocity*) not the ‘single thread1

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running through all of the Master’steachings, but - more compellingly in this context - a guideline to keep from 'distancing oneself* from the Way. For explication of my treatment of these terms here and in Chapter 9 of the Ta Hstieh, see Appendix I. this has remained beyond my capacity: This litany of personal inadequacy is not taken verbatim from the Analects^ but it does echo a number of passages in which Confucius bemoans his inability to attain all of his ideals and goals. The use of his own personal name，Ch’iu, in this speech is apparently intended to express humility. Another statement attributed to the Master in the writings of Hsun Tzu, Chapter 20 ("Tzu-tao')y also comes close to the formulation presented here. common moral qualities . .. common speech: These expressions seem to echo a passage in Hsiin Tzu’ Chapter 3 ^Pu-kou'), itself a possible paraphrase of other sources. This is taken as textual support for the direct link drawn by some scholars between our treatises and Hsun 丁zu， s strain of Confucian thought. In the present context, the use of the key term (‘common practice’) to refer to the common ground of speech and action is clearly intended to signify closeness to the ingrained patterns of the Way. Such patterns, by their very nearness to us may be, paradoxically, harder to grasp, giving rise in the final words of the chapter to the anxiety ascribed to the seeker of their guidance. 14

t

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fully self-possessed} no matter in what circumstances he finds

himself: The contemporary English expression ‘self-possession’ comes remarkably close to the literal sense of this Chinese term 以況-尨自得， with the important difference that what is ‘possessed， here refers not to the social graces but to the essential components of one’s moral character. In later contexts of Chinese Miterati' culture, where ideals of personal authenticity may sometimes loom larger than moral commitment, the term is frequently trans­ lated as ‘self-containment， . The term thus serves as a suggestive analogue for the notions of ‘integral wholeness’ and ‘full realiz­ ation of one’s nature5that become the prime focus in the conclud­ ing sections of the treatise. he does not clamber upward in an unseemly way: The verb yuan 援，literally ‘to assist， ，may convey the image of giving someone a boost up a tree or a hill, extended here in a passive sense to taking whatever help one can get in climbing up the ladder of success.

3.

he is free of rancour: Elsewhere in the text (Chapter zo, for example), this expression means that one is not resented by others, but in this instance it cannot but describe the subjective attitude of the individual himself. Though Confucius gives voice to a very similar sentiment at one point in the Analects (xiv.35), one cannot help but sense the irony present in a number of other passages where he hims.elf seems to express something quite like resentment toward both Heaven and man. 4- abides in a state of ease as be awaits his destiny: These words would seem to provide a comforting illustration of the quality of eself-possession5 praised a moment earlier. This attitude is reflected at certain points in the Analects (xiv.36，for example), but some commentators find the implication of fatalistic resig­ nation in such formulations shockingly at odds with the Confu­ cian commitment to relentless striving toward the improvement of self and world. Some even conclude that the presence of this line in the text must betray a later interpolation by a writer of Taoist leanings. 5- The archer can be taken as an analogy … for the man of noble character. The use of the archer as an emblematic figure for the proper attitude of the seeker of cultivation is a staple of Confucian discourse, with a conspicuous example in Mencius (ii.a.7), and a very close echo of this line in a chapter devoted entirely to the ‘Significance of Archery Practice，( She-i,、in the Li Chi. The leitmotif of ‘seeking it in oneself* is succinctly expressed in the Analects (xv.21). 15

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set out from what is near at hand: In this and the following line, the point of the comparison is that the fullest cultivation of one’s moral character must begin *nearer to home’，that is, with the ordering of one’s inner self, before one extends it outward and upward to higher degrees of attainment. Only when thy brothers ... are in complete accord: Taken out of their original context (poem number 164: ‘Ch’ang-ti,* in the ‘Minor Odes’ section of the Songs), the canonic lines cited here seem to describe a general condition of family harmony. In view of this poem’spronounced focus on the theme of concord among brothers, however, the adverb of time in the third line, chi 既， denoting completed action, seems to imply that it is only after this particular condition (harmonious relations among brothers) has been met that the other familial joys so lovingly described

here can be forthcoming. This, then, brings us back to the central idea of the chapter: beginning the cultivation of one’s character, so to speak, sat home’. 1.

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3. 4.

16 ghosts and spirits: Anyone whose schooling in Confucian doctrine is rooted in the familiar injunction to ekeep the gods at a distance， enunciated in the Analects (vi.zz) and, in an expanded formula­ tion, in the ‘Record of Deportment’ ('Piao-chP) chapter of the Li Chi，must find this chapter and Chapter 24 further on discon­ certing. Some modern commentators attempt to excuse the appar­ ent lapse in ‘this-worldly’ rigour by insisting that the ‘gods and spirits，here are mere figures of speech for the spiritual presence of the ancestors. At the very least, the pointed focus on the ‘moral force' of these beings in the opening line reminds us that it is their charismatic power, and not their divine substance, that is at issue in this treatise. they inform the substance of all things ... can never be ignored: The meaning of this elusive expression can be deciphered in light of the context. It seems to be telling us that the disembodied spiritual power of the ancestors, though invisible and inaudible, still embodies (as the Chinese word puts it literally) everything in the world without exception. to undergo fasting and purification and to don splendidgarments: This reading is based upon common technical glosses in commen­ taries on the ritual corpus. The advent of the spirits ... how much more unthinkable that one might ever tire of their presence: This line is taken from poem number 256: 7 ’，in the ‘Major Odes，section of the canon. The use of the verb ko 格 here in the sense ‘to come’ or ‘to reach’ puts into even sharper focus the new layers of meaning attached to the word when it is extended, in the crucial passage in the opening chapter of the Ta Hsiiehyto signify a kind of ‘reaching’ that can only be accomplished by the extrapolating movement of the mind (see discussion of ko-wu in Appendix 1). 17

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By virtue of his moral force … he ruled as the Son of Heaven: The honorific designation ‘Son of Heaven’ for the emperor is a standard term of reference that, with the exception of certain • ritual contexts, is for the most part devoid of religious sig­ nificance.

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in the ancestral shrine-. The general term tsung-miao 宗廟indicates the site of sacrificial rites either in the central dynastic cult, as here, or in ancestral temples of separate lineage communities. The alternate term tsu-miao 族廟 in Chapter 19 seems to be a simple variant expression for the same thing. Heaven, in generating all beings ... in accordance with the capacity of each individual: At this point one may argue defens­ ively that what is described here is not cosmic genesis but merely natural regeneration, thus keeping intact the cherished tenet of European Sinology ascribing to classical Chinese thought a com­ plete lack of interest in the creation of the universe. When we come to Chapters z6 and 30-32 it will be harder to maintain this view. he is resplendent in his imposing moral force: This line is from poem number 249：‘Chia-lo，in the ‘Major Odes’ section of the Songs. 18

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the Grand Progenitor .. • the Royal Sire • • • and the dynastic founder King Wen： The descriptive titles I interpolate here are loosely based on the semantics of the Chinese honorific names T’ai and Chi. The ‘Former Dukes’ mentioned below apparently refer to the line of Chou ancestors leading up to the time of these figures. He cut down the mighty Yin: This translation is based on rather curious, but universally accepted, traditional glosses on these three words in the source-text, the 1Announcement to the Lord of K， ang，(see Ta Hsiieh, Chapter 1，note 1). In the flow of the passage here, it sounds as if these deeds are being attributed to King Wu，but in the canonic source it is still King Wen who is charged with carrying out the victorious campaign. Note the use of the same liturgical lines in praise of Shun in the preceding chapter. This ritual system was then extended ... as far down as … the common people: The observances described here as instituted by the Duke of Chou, younger brother of King Wu and later regent for his nephew King Ch’eng，are attested in a variety of texts in the ritual corpus, including almost verbatim repetition in the ‘Minor Record of Mourning Dress，(lSang-fu hsiao-cbi') and ‘Royal Regulations， (tWang~chihi)chapters of the Li Chi. In order to make senseof the respectiveranks of this idealized retrospective view of the Chou aristocratic order, I opt for *Grand Councillor，

to convey the attribution of egreatness* (ta or tai) in the loose official title Tai-fu 大夫，and I invent a new locution, ‘the untitled officers’， to specify the shih 士， a diverse stratum of individuals at the lower end of the hierarchy of privilege who conventionally ，‘scholars’ ， appear in English translations as ‘warriors’，‘knights， ^cholar-officials* or ‘literati’. These men enjoyed, at least to a limited extent, such things as education, the right to bear arms, and mobility，but they were not, generally speaking, the holders of official titles. My rendering ‘Lords of All the States' is based on the literal meaning of the term chu-hou (‘all the feudal lords’), that by the late Warring States had come to designate a social as well as a political status. 19

provide the occasion: In this series of parallel statements, the ‘empty’ words suo-i 所以 (literally，‘， •. are that whereby. . . ’) carry a very substantive message, indicating the precise efficacy of each ritual procedure. The ceremonial toast .. • those of lower status are given pre­ cedence: This practice is attested elsewhere in the ritual corpus, for example in the chapter entitled ‘Significance of Banquets’ (‘Yew-f’） in the Li Chi, but the commentators differ on the precise nature of the ‘precedence’ given on such occasions to those of inferior rank. According to some, the lower-ranking celebrants are actually called forward to stand in for their superiors in performing the toasting rite; in other versions, it is simply that the sequential order of recipients is reversed, so that they are honoured first in the presentation of the toast. respect to those whom they honoured, and . •. affection to those whom they treated as kin： Here one is enjoined to honour and love, not anyone deserving of such respect, but specifically those held in high esteem by one’s forebears, in contrast to the purport of the same formulation in Chapter 3 of the Ta Hsiieh• the Outer Precincts ... Supreme Lord of Heaven: The ritual terms chiao 郊 and she 社 mark the most sacred venues of the dynastic sacrificial cult. The precise nature of these sacrifices varies in different accounts. The first term may refer to the rites conducted on the equinoxes at the Altar of Heaven and the Altar of Earth, both located outside the limits of the imperial capital. Hence the common translation as Suburban Sacrifice， . The word she refers to a wide variety of ritual mounds or platforms, some­ times associated with the earth-gods of local culture, but here

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apparently indicating one particular imperial shrine, just inside the bounds of the capital, where dynastic sacrifices were offered. The sacrifices at the chiao altars, in particular, were dedicated in early imperial times to the Supreme Lord of Heaven (Hao-t， ien shang-ti). See Appendix I for further discussion. the dynastic Ti and Ch*ang sacrifices: These rituals are variously described in different sources and commentaries, but the supreme importance accorded them here stems from their association with the cult of dynastic legitimacy. as plain as if displayed ... in the palm of one's hand: This formulation seems without question based upon a passage appearing in our received text of the Analects ( iii.ii) ，where

Confucius makes the same gesture in response to a query about the meaning of the Ti sacrifice. The passage is repeated in the chapter ‘Confucius at Home in Yen’ (‘Chung-ni Yen chiV) in the Li Chi. 20

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queries posed by Duke Ai ofLu on... rulership: Since these same opening words mark the beginning of a number of passages in the Analects (including 11.19, vi.3 and xii.9)， they may be taken to indicate a recurring literary formula as much as any pedagogi­ cal experiences that actually occurred. A whole series of such interrogatories by Duke Ai is presented in Hsiin Tzu, Chapter zo. This entire long passage making up the bulk of the present chap­ ter, from the first line up to folding fast to it with all one’s strength， ，is reproduced almost verbatim in section 17 of the late-Han compilation Family Sayings of Confucius (K， ung Tzu Chia-yu). Duke Ai ruled in Confucius* home state of Lu during the latter part of his life. the wooden tablets and the bamboo strips: These two types of writing surfaces, restricted by custom and authority to specified sizes，were reserved for documents of varying orders of ritual or political significance. These ‘strips，of the outer shell of the bamboo are often called ‘bamboo slips’. insofar as the requisite human capacity is present: Out of context this could mean ‘as long as the right person is in charge1. The ensuing lines turn the discussion to the abstract issue of selecting human capacity, not simply choosing the right person. a quick-growing reed: Wild guesses by the traditional comment­ ators about the meaning of this unfamiliar image range from a fragile reed to a strong wasp.

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the ground . .. lies in the ruler's own individual character: This line could be rendered with equal justice as ‘depends upon that person’s (i.e. the candidate’s) character’. In accordance with the ‘integral argument’ of both the Ta Hsiieh and the Chung Yung, the point here is, once again, the need for all men - not rulers alone - to begin from the cultivation of their own inner selfhood and only then proceed outward to their judgment of and inter­ action with others. the term 'human kindness，is derived from the word ‘human，: This form of argument by etymology is a familiar feature of early Chinese philosophical writing. See Mencius (vi.A.3) for a major example of this type. proper gradations . •. appropriate ranking in the honouring o f

the worthy: For an explication of this uncommon use of the word sha 殺，see Jeffrey Riegel，The Four Tzu Ssu Chapters of the Li Chi (Stanford, California, Stanford University dissertation, 1978), ‘Additional Notes， . The path offullest attainment... is fivefold: This and the follow­ ing lines closely parallel a passage in a memorial submitted to the Han throne in 122 bce by an official named Kung-sun Hung, as

recorded in the Records of the Historian (Shih Chi), Chapter 112. However, this sort of listing of five cardinal principles is too commonplace in early Chinese thought to be attributed to any single source. 9. the three virtues of wisdom，human kindness and courage ... expression of one's inner moral force: This particular triad of virtues is well attested in a variety of early texts, including the Analects (ix.29, xiv.z8). The expression ‘path of fullest attain­ ment1 (ta-tao) reminds us of an identical usage in the opening chapter of the Ta Hsueh. 10. those who possess an understanding .. . from birth: This line seems to be taken directly from the Analects (xvi.9； see also echo in v il.20). The verb hsiieh in the next line seems to indicate learning per se, not the broader sense of cultivation which I have ascribed to it throughout most of this volume. 11. thegreater officers. .. the official rank and file: The term ta-ch， en used here seems to me more general than the tai-fu translated as Grand Councillor earlier. The ‘rank and file’ (literally, ‘the massed officers’）are replaced by what I have called the Entitled officers’ {shih) in the elaboration of this point below. 12. making no move . .. not in accord with ritual propriety: This is another direct quotation from the Analects (xii.i), assuming,

once again, that our received text of the Analects was current by the time the Chung Yung was composed. 13. one provides proper incentives to the worthy: In the expansion upon this and the following five principles of good government, the effectiveness of one’s rule is measured by the power to motiv­ ate the particular virtue named, or to give incentives to the rel­ evant group of subjects. In this first instance, however, what one seems to motivate is neither the virtue nor the performers, but rather the recipients of the virtuous behaviour in question (‘the worthy*). There is good reason to believe this passage may be corrupt. 了4.

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expanding the authority o f their offices . . . to carry out their

missions: This may mean promoting them to higher positions, granting them greater powers, or perhaps providing more material resources. measuring out grain allowances • •. services rendered: This read­ ing of an otherwise unintelligible line hinges upon a gloss of the character chi 既 as kai 概，in the unfamiliar sense of a ‘striclde， ，a wooden paddle used for levelling off measures of grain. celebrating competent behaviour. . . indulgence toward those of limited ability: The contrast with ‘those of limited ability* in the parallel clause requires reading the word shan 善as ‘competence， ， rather than ‘goodness’. For gaining the support of one's superiors there is a clear guideline: With this repeating formulaic pattern (‘for ... there is a way: if one does not. •. then one cannot.. •， )， we return to the discourse on preconditions for each stage of cultivation encoun­ tered in the opening chapter of the Ta Hsueh. This line is almost identical to a passage in Mencius (iv.A.12). the Way of Heaven ... the Way of Man: This paragraph marks the seminal core of the vision of moral cultivation set before us in the Chung Yung, The power of its message is embodied in its subtle alteration of the passage in Mencius (the continuation of iv.a.12) upon which it is evidently based. Where Mencius contrasted the ineffable wholeness of the Way of Heaven with man’scontemplation of that perfect state (ssu-ch， eng)， our author defines the Way of Man as the never-ending process of ‘making it whole’ (ch3eng-chih). This is clearly reflected in the converse description here of the cosmic balance as ‘attainment requiring no mental effort*. The character chung 中 in the following line is used verbally: ‘to hit the centre3of a target - in this case the centre of the Way.

19. choosing the good and holding fast to it with all one’s strength： As we have seen in Chapters 6 and 8, the apparent paradox of seizing and ‘holding fast to’ what has been defined as a ceaseless process of weighing and counterbalancing is resolved in light of the redefinition of the mean, in Mencius and the Chung Yung， as an ever-variable point of equilibrium. 20. do not desist: The verb ts， o can mean either ‘to set in place’ ， thereby taking effective action, or ‘to set aside* and desist from further action. It is clearly the latter sense that is relevant here, and the former in a later occurrence in Chapter 2.5. zi. one whose efforts reach fruition in the mastery of this path: The character kuo 果 (‘fruit， ) is usually construed here in its familiar adverbial sense: ‘ultimately， ，‘as expected， . I believe, however, that as a conclusion to this long coda on incessant striving, it must be rendered with at least a hint of the original metaphor of ‘reaching fruition’. 1.

x.

zi from integral wholeness to conscious understanding .. • from conscious understanding to integral wholeness: The word ming appears throughout our two texts in a variety of meanings, from the ‘shining’ quality of inner moral force to clarity of perception. When it is contraposed to ‘integral wholeness， ， however, I believe it must refer to the essential contrast drawn in the Chung Yung between spontaneous embodiment of the equilibrium of perfect wholeness - such as is ascribed to the Way of Heaven (or to perfect ‘sages， ）alone, on one side of the equation, and the con­ scious striving of Confucian man to approximate this wholeness through the deliberate acts of a life of moral cultivation, on the other. clarity of understanding follows . . . integral wholeness is its necessary consequence: The closing lines of Chapter 21 seem to dismiss with a wave of the hand the essential contrast between effortless perfection and active cultivation, using the simple for­ mula of equivalence ‘if A then B， if B then A’ to deny the distinc­ tion. The contradiction is mitigated, to a certain degree, when we recall that the two terms brought forward here as the ultimate grounding of these two different trajectories of self-perfection, ‘inborn nature’ and ‘moral instruction， ，respectively, were posed in the first chapter of the text as two ends of a single logical continuum, organically linked yet conceptually separate.

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ZZ None but those who have attained the highest degree of integral wholeness ... realize their inborn nature: This formula lifts our sights to the higher plane of attainment highlighted in the opening lines of five of the remaining nine chapters in the book. fully to realize their inborn nature •.. the nature of other people ... of all existing things: The concept of the *full realization’ of one's inborn nature is，by all accounts, derived from Mencius (vii.a.i )• Mencius, however, only went so far as to elucidate his notion of the ‘full realization of the heart， ， meaning in his system the seat of the rudimentary moral consciousness that is inherent, at least in nascent potentiality, in every human being. It remained for the author of the Chung Yung to go on to the more radical assertion, expressed here and in Chapter that by actualizing one’s own innate potential, one gains the capacity to bring other people, even all things in the objective world around one, to a parallel degree of fully-realized being. partake in the … generative processes of Heaven and Earth . •. stand ... as a third term ... in the cosmic continuum-. This enunciation of the supreme metaphysical consequences of the most perfect degree of cultivation - already hinted at toward the close of Chapter i - hinges upon the conspicuous use of two uncommon verbal expressions. The first, tsan 贊 (4to assist in5), introduces the idea of participation —presumably as more than a peripheral observer 一in the continuous creation of the cosmic order. We can only speculate about how literally our author wishes us to understand these words. We gain at least a glimpse of his intended meaning when we are told, in Chapter 25， that in the absence of a state of integral wholeness nothing in the world can be said truly to exist. The second unfamiliar usage is even more striking: it takes the numeral *three5(in a stylized classical written form) and turns it into an intransitive verb meaning something like ‘to join as a third term’. In this way, the previous implication of potential ‘participation’ in the cosmic process is raised to an even higher power， making man a full partner, so to speak, in the dynamic structure of the universe. 2-3

1.

At the next level of attainment •., concrete particulars: From the empyrean heights of the cosmic order, we suddenly descend to the bedrock of concrete human action. The wording here is very

problematic, since we are told that this is just ‘the next level down’，not the opposite end5of the universal chain of being. The commentators insist that the word chsii 曲 in this position should be construed in the sense given here, reminding us that from the Confucian perspective God is’ indeed, in the details. Once one has fulfilled the concrete particulars, one then acquires . . . integral wholeness: Through the same rhetorical pattern we saw in the opening chapter of the Ta Hsiieh, what at first seems to be defined as ‘complete fulfilment5 (in this case, the correct performance of all the detailed acts of cultivation, leading ulti­ mately to the attainment of the long-sought state of ‘integral wholeness， ）is suddenly reduced to but the initial link in an ongoing chain of further stages of development. Here, however, the direction of movement through this chain takes us, not as before into deeper and deeper layers of interiority, but rather to more and more externalized spheres of moral activity. the power ofmoral transformation: The verb hua (‘to transform， ) conveys multiple meanings: it can be used both intransitively (‘to undergo transformation， ) and transitively (‘to effect transformation， )，and it can refer to transformations of either a physical or a moral nature. In the previous chapter it was clearly the transformative processes of cosmic regeneration that were at issue, but coining now at the end of a chain of terms of increasing visibility and effectiveness, it can only be understood with respect to the idea of the moral transformation of all mankind. 24

the capacity offoreknowledge: Once again (as in Chapter 16) we are forced, by the unabashed introduction of this topic, to allow at least minimal space in our picture of classical Confucian thought for the occasional irruption of the supernatural. tortoise plastrons: This refers to the tortoise shells used for divi­ nation in ancient China by applying heat to the surfaces and ‘reading’ the resulting cracks. as one endowed with divine prescience: Two philological points may help us to defend our author against suspicions of covert piety. First, the insertion of the comparative preposition ju 如 (‘as， ，‘as if’）before the term sben (‘god’，‘spirit， ）immediately softens the blow, allowing us to maintain that the Confucian ‘sage’ only appears to embody divine attributes. One should note that early Confucian discourse, from the Analects to the ritual corpus, makes liberal use of the ‘as if’ trope in dealing with

delicate issues of pious observance. Moreover, there are good grounds for arguing that the term shen in early texts refers as often to divine attributes, notably prescience or perspicacity, as it does to divine beings. In this light, one could sanitize the present line and have it mean something as innocuous as: ‘he appears to be endowed with a god-like capacity'. To do so, however, would obviously require closing our eyes to the soaring metaphysical perspective our author has set before us in the final sections of the treatise. i.

2..

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25 The term (integral wholeness，refers to ... becoming complete through one’s own agency'. We have already seen the use of this type of argument by etymology in Chapter 20. Here the primary point istheexplication ofthecrucial termch， eng， and theappended etymology of theword tao (‘theWay*)issimply added to corrobor­ ate the method of the argument. In presenting this exercise, how­ ever, our author is not contending that the word ch'eng literally means ‘self-completion’. Rather, he is asserting his view that the process of cultivating a state of integral wholeness, to becomplete, must flow from the inner resources of the individual self. without • •. wholeness, nothing in the world would truly exist: This sweeping proposition may also be understood more nar­ rowly：‘for the person who has not attained inner wholeness, nothing in the world truly exists’. Statements to the effect that everything in the world exists only by virtue of one's own exist­ ence crop up in many early Chinese philosophical texts, their meaning ranging from the mystical autonomy of the self (in the writings of Chuang Tzu, for example) to the absolute inter­ dependence of self and other (as in Mencius). man’s essential humanity . . . the ground of wisdom： In this line3 the author once again confounds our expectations. Surely, one would think, the quintessential Confucian virtue of ‘human kind­ ness* (jen) - that defined by traditional etymology as the paradig­ matic relation between man and man - should be posited as the underpinning of ‘bringing to completion all other things’， not as a means of perfecting the autonomous self alone. But here the alternative definition of jen brought forth in Chapter zo, as the expression of one’sessential humanity rather than in the narrower sense of one particular virtue, takes on its full force in the pro­ position that only when a man is complete unto himself can he relate to others in a manner that is fully *human， .

to put it into practice unceasingly： The use of the adverb shih here, in a context where it can only mean 'at all times， echoes its similar usage in Chapter 2. z6 the capacity whereby all things are brought to their fullest realiz­ ation: It is unclear whether the expression ‘completing all things' in this line reflects backward to the personal ideal of fulfilling the existence of others, as explored in the preceding chapter, or ahead to the undeniably cosmic perspective of the ‘generation of things， ， a few lines hence. a seamless state of non-dualism ... : This is my best attempt to make sense of a very cryptic formulation: literally, ‘in being things (or, perhaps, ein making things’)， they are not double, and so they create all things inexhaustibly’. In this reading, the power of Heaven and Earth is grounded in their position as integral components of the material continuum of existence. the sacred peak of Mount Hua: It has been suggested by scholars that the identification of Mount Hua, in modern Shensi province, as one of the five ‘sacred peaks’ (yiieh 嶽）provides a piece of internal evidence that our text could not have been compiled before the early Han period, when this designation reportedly first became current. traders plying their lanes: This interpolation about seafaring merchants seems to me the most plausible visualization of the bare original: ‘goods are increased thereon*. The Mandate that is Heaven's: This line is taken from poem number z6y: 'Wei fien chih ming\ in the ‘Ghou Hymns5section of the canon. Note the unusual insertion of the possessive marker chih in this occurrence between ‘Heaven’ and its ‘Mandate， . King Wen . •. assumed his true magnificence: Here the author apparently indulges in a mild pun on the name wen 文 (based on one meaning of the word: ‘resplendent， )，in line with the redun­ dant usage of the ‘heavenly glory’ of Heaven a few lines earlier. The word 純一meaning in most contexts ‘purity， - has been glossed by commentators here and elsewhere as greatness*, hence my double rendering in this line. 27 The ceremonial rites ... the prescriptions of etiquette: This categorization of the ritual prescriptions is found in other pass­ ages in the Li Chi: see, for example, the chapter entitled ‘The

2. 3. 4.

Rites as Vessels of Character’ (‘Li C办V). There，the distinction between the two groupings separates acts of solemn ritual from less weighty observances of etiquette. theyall must await the requisite human capacity.. .be performed properly: Or, perhaps, one must await the proper person. may suffice to gain him a protective haven: Or, perhaps, may enable him to maintain the capacity to tolerate and protect others. With perspicacity and sagaciousness: The citation is taken from poem number 260: tCheng~min\ in the *Major Odes' section of the Songs. 28

x. 2..

one who •.. reverts stubbornly to the ways of the past: This critique of narrow-minded antiquarianism is unexpected, but not unprecedented in Confucian texts. all carriages run on wheels ofuniform gauge: This and the follow­ ing points are frequently assumed to reflect certain draconian changes in standard weights and measures, authorized script and legal statutes instituted during the short-lived unification under the late third-century bce Ch’in regime. On this basis, these lines

3.

are sometimes cited as evidence that our text could not have been composed before that period. We may discourse upon ... we can study . . . I choose •.. the rites of Chon: In this semi-parallel sequence apparently borrowed from the Analects (111.9 and 111.14), the first two occurrences of the first-person pronoun wu make best sense rendered in the plural; but in the well-known final line Confucius seems to be declaring his own individual choice. The local customs of the minor states of Ch， i and Sung were believed in Confucius* time to preserve the vestiges of Hsia and Shang practices. 2-9

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the following three points ... might well expect his errors to be few: This chapter does not deliver on its initial promise of provid­ ing three clear and simple guidelines for error-free rule. In what follows we are first offered a piece of wise counsel labelled as of ‘top priority5 among the three and then one designated as of lowest priority,. But we are never told which of the subsequent points of wisdom constitutes the missing third guideline. For that matter, while legitimacy of rule may well carry more weight than dignity of office, one still wonders why these are divided so starkly

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into matters of ‘uppermost， and ‘lesser’ importance. One can only speculate where the remaining points fall within this ranking. submitted to the judgment of the ghosts and spirits. . . and prove free of all uncertainty: This appeal to the supramundane must be understood in light of earlier passages on the spirits in Chapters 16 and 24. One submits one’s actions to their judgment, it would appear, through the medium of divination. This entire discussion seems to echo a well-known passage in the Mo Tzu, Chapter 36. for generations to come: The hyperbolic expression ‘waiting a hundred generations， provides a clear echo of a passage in Men­ cius (II.A.2).

Be it here in our court or yonder in his own land: The line is from poem number 278: *Chen-lu\in the (Chou Hymns’ section of the Songs. The original poem is usually taken as a diplomatic song of praise for an honoured envoy from the rump Shang state visiting the Chou court. In its citation as a proof-text here that context is ignored. 30 carried forward the ancestral patrimony of Yao and Shun: It is not certain whether Confucius is said here to be the continuer of the ancestral line of the ancient sage-kings (he is, indeed, called the descendant of Yao in some texts), or, rather, the transmitter of their doctrine, a role he himself claims in certain well-known passages in the Analects (v ii.i，for example). emblazoned for all to see: This use of the word chang 章 (or its cognate 彰)， like the English equivalent ‘standard， , is derived from the sense of emblazoning an emblem upon a banner. Their lesser forces • • • their greater forces effect • •. transforma­ tions: Aside from a vague echo here of a passage in the *Annals of the First Ch’in Emperor' in the Records of the Historian (Shih Chi), where the word for inner power, He\is associated with the great force of the Yellow River, these terms remain unidentified. 3工

x. 2.

watch over all things with a providential view: In this context, the verbal expression lin 臨 ‘to make an appearance*, ‘to watch over’， has a distinctly liturgical ring. he exhibits these attributes at all times: I believe that the spare Chinese words ‘He brings these things forth continually’ must mean that he unceasingly manifests the profound spiritual quali­ ties just enumerated.

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the tribes of the southern and northern borderlands: The desig­ nation Man represents the virtually eponymous indigenous peoples of the gradually receding southern frontier, while the corresponding Mo in the north are an obscure ancient tribe. The lands of the Central States’ is, of course, a cautious rendering of what in later texts and speech simply means ‘China， . Wherever Heaven spreads its protective canopy... wherever the sun and moon shine and the frost and dew descend: This moving encomium provides another clear echo of a passage in the ‘Annals of the First Ch’in Emperor* in the Records of the Historian {Shih Chi). Taken together with the other echoes of that text, it lends support to speculation that the Chung Yung must have been compiled, as we have it, either after the appearance of Ssu-ma Ch’ien’sShih Chi or, at the very earliest, subsequent to the compo­ sition of such panegyrics for the First Emperor. He stands as the equal of Heaven： See note 3 on Chapter zz. 32.

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the entire world ... the universe . •. the world order: All of these locutions translate the same Chinese fien-hsia, the familiar ‘All-under-Heaven’_I vary my renderings both to avoid monotony and to adjust the nuance to each specific context. On what other power ... need such a one rely for support: For alternate readings of the verb i see above, note to Chapter 10. Earnest of disposition ... he embodies the attributes of Heaven itself: These three lines are formally parallel but semantically divergent. Each begins with a poetic attribute, followed by an indication of the quality or thing so described. But where the first clause praises a particular virtue ('human kindness*), the second modifies (redundantly) a figure of comparison (‘plumbs ... the wellsprings9), and the third uses a conventional epithet to describe the universal vastness of Heaven. One can only indulge in a bit of syntactic flexibility to try to capture all of this. What man, save he who is ... can possibly appreciate the great­ ness of theseattributes: A literal rendering would yield something like: ‘If one is not in securepossession of [thefollowing superlative attributes], then who can know him' The key to unravelling this confusing syntax lies in grasping that the superior qualities of perception and cultivation given here are all necessary precon­ ditions for recognizing the man of perfect cultivation, the one who is the subject of the chapter.

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It is said in the Songs ... This means ... refinement: This entire chapter is composed of a series of proof-texts, accompanied by the author’s explicit exegesis and further comments upon the themes presented. In at least two cases，his pointed use of the canonic sources diverges markedly from what he must have known to be their original sense. See my discussion of this phenomenon in Appendix II. The first citation can be taken at face value. It is from poem number 57: lShuo-jen\ in the ‘Airs of Wei* section of the canon; it describes, without any apparent double meanings, a beautiful and virtuous lady. The same for­ mulaic line appears in a different context, with graphic variation, in poem number 88. understated’ but not tiresome: The Chinese word tan 淡 (‘bland， , ‘colourless’）describes what is in lyric poetry, monochromatic painting and spare calligraphic styles, as well as in the unsenti­ mental restraint of cultivated manners, a highly prized quality. These aesthetic values are explored in Francois Jullien’s Eloge de la fadeur (Paris and Arles, Picquier，1991). In this occurrence, however, it seems to be put forward a bit apologetically: ‘The man of noble character exhibits this quality, but he is not tiresome about it.* Only one who recognizes •.. canjoin with such a man in penetrat­ ing the profound depths of inborn moral force: This passage presents a number of problems of interpretation, even after one has duly noted (as we did in Chapter 32) that the profound capacities described here represent but the mental preparation for further progress in spiritual cultivation. In the first and third of the three parallel clauses, it is not too difficult to infer that knowing ‘the proximity of the distant’ and ‘the manifestation of the subtle* means something like the renderings given here. The decipherment of the intervening line, however, rests upon a very unusual reading of the character tzu 自in an intransitive verbal function - different in sense from the comparable occurrence we saw in Chapter 10 of the Ta Hsueh. Here it seems to mean ‘to come from， , and thus, by a kind of reverse nominalization, ‘the place from whence it comes’. We are told, in conclusion, that one who has attained these requisite levels of perspicacity is therefore qualified to ‘join with’ (yii 與）the man of true cultivation in his unending progress toward more and more profound degrees of fulfilment. This statement leaves us morally uplifted, but still

unsure of the precise hierarchy of degrees embracing the sage， the man of perfect attainment, the man of noble character, the seeker of integral wholeness and the rest of us within the author’svision of the ladder of self-cultivation. Though it lies ... on the bottom of the sea: This line, from poem number tCheng~yiieh\ in the ‘Minor Odes，section of the Book of Songs, is a prime example of the author’s occasional practice of disregarding the original sense of canonic passages he wishes to apply to the force of his own argument. What is here the irrepressible light of one’s shining virtue was, in the context of the poem, the life-threatening glint of the scales of a fish as it desperately dives down to the murky depths to escape the sight of a predator. For more examples of this compositional method see Appendix II. Cast an appraising eye about you: In the use of this proof-text (taken from poem number 256: T)，the original sense of a stern warning against dissolute behaviour is fully preserved in the present context. The initial word in the line, hsiang 相 （ ‘to appraise， )，is sometimes taken here as a passive verb with the more chilling message: 'you are being watched’. The offerings are presented without a single . ■. word: In the source for this line, poem number 392，lLieh-tsu\ in the ‘Shang Hymns’ section of the canonic Songs, the silent performance of the court rituals seems to mark only the solemn decorum of the occasion. In citing it as a proof-text here, our author seems to read into these lines an example of his principal theme in this section: the wordless projection of authority. The word cbeng 爭 (‘contentiousness， ） has also been explained as a graphic substitute for a homophonous musical term, as appropriate to the cer­ emonial context of the original poem. all the noblemen . •. take him as their model: The line is from poem number 269：tLieh~wen\ This is the first time in our texts that the character pi 辟 （ ‘nobleman’）occurs in one of its own meanings, not as a graphic substitute for another word. I cherish your shining moral force: In the canonic source (poem number 241： "Huang-P, in the ‘Major Odes’ section of the Sortgs)^ these words of praise are explicitly addressed to King Wen by the Supreme Lord of Heaven. Moral force is as light as a hair. The puzzling attribution to moral force of extreme ‘lightness of being’, rather than its normal gravity, is easily clarified upon closer examination of the sourcetext. Within the poem itself (number 160、 iCheng-min'>)sit is only

the exemplary sage-minister Chung-shan Fu who can wield his moral power effortlessly; for all others it remains an unmovable weight. 10. Yet it is also said there: Perhaps as a variation to close the final sequence of illustrative citations, the author (or could it be a weary scribe?) omits mention of the canonic text from which this line comes. It is poem number Z35: lWen Wang9in the Book of Songs, evidently one of his favourites. 11. This i$ what is meant by 'perfect attainment': The text concludes with a fine sense of closure, in a two-character utterance: the single word 'attainment* encapsulates the entire progression of the book from the despair of non-fulfilment to the heights of perfect wholeness, and the sentence-ending particle / 矣 closes the bracket on a remarkable expression of the human spirit.

Appendix I Further Discussion of Basic Concepts

ch， eng: integral wholeness The traditional Chinese commentators, along with the majority of Western translators, tend to treat this word in accordance with its common meanings ‘truthfulness’ or ‘sincerity’，but our authors apply the term to far more nuanced syntactic and semantic uses. In Chap­ ter 6 of the Ta Hsueh and Chapter zo of the Chung Yung, the placement of the word ch’eng in a transitive verbal slot makes it awkward to translate it as ‘sincerity， ， and in both of these contexts it is the integrity of the inner self, rather than its faithful representation to others, that is at issue. 丁his might make the word ‘authenticity，a better choice. But the Chung Yung itself sets its own guidelines for the desired interpretation of the term, in the self-exegesis it provides in Chap­ ter 25 linking the word ch*engto its homophone, and apparent cognate, meaning ‘completion， . On this basis, I have rendered it more or less consistently wherever its substantive meaning is highlighted in this volume - excluding those few passages where it is employed in its common sense - with the slightly redundant expression ‘integral wholeness*. My aim is to put into relief the special significance attached to this word in the context of arguments regarding the inner core of selfhood. One should note those parallel passages in the final sections of the Cbung Yung (Chapters 22, 24, z6, 31，32) in which the expression ‘one who has attained perfect wholeness' (chih ch’eng) functions virtually interchangeably with ‘the man ofperfect cultivation’ (chib sheng).

chung; the mean The word chung is functionally equivalent, in its philosophical usage, to the Western concept of ‘the mean'. Its range of semantic values (‘centre， , ‘midpoint， ，eto hit a target， ) corresponds rather neatly to the different sets of terms applied by Aristotle and other Greek thinkers in their seminal discussions of this concept. Moreover, the important Aristotelian stipulation that the mean of moral behaviour never coincides with the simple midpoint between opposing ethical poles is also matched in early Confucian thinking on the subject. In the Chinese context, however, we may add a more abstract sense of the word brought out in certain compound expressions common in philosophical discourse. For example, in the important expression shih-chung in Chapter 2 of the Chung Yung, the word chung is used in the secondary verbal sense of maintaining a persistently balanced position; hence my expanded translation: ‘unceasing effort to maintain a state of moral balance’. In the same spirit, yung-chung, given in Chapter 6 as ‘putting the concept of the mean into use5, expresses the notion of bringing the abstract ideal of equilibrium to concrete realization. chung-shu；singleminded devotion to duty and mindfulness of the concerns of others D. C. Lau’s translation of these terms in their apparent source-text in the Analects (iv.15) as ‘doing one’s best，and ‘using oneself as a measure to gauge others9shows that the semantic value of these words is much richer than their common colloquial sense of ‘loyalty’ and ‘consideration’ (or ‘reciprocity， ）would indicate. In rendering them here as ‘single-mindedness’ and ‘mindfulness， ， I attempt to capture the reading of certain commentators who stress the significance of the graphic element hsin (‘heart, or ‘mind’) incorporated into the written form of the two characters. This play on words attempts to convey the strong implication in Chapter 13 of the Chung Yung of the Mencian view on moral consciousness: that the realization of the Way of man is contingent upon projecting outward, from the innate moral core of selfhood whose seat is the human ‘heart， ，to the external fulfilment of one’s commitments to his fellow man.

chiin-tzu; the man of noble character My replacement of the conventional renderings of this ubiquitous Confucian term (‘the gentleman， ， ‘the superior man， ， and the like) with ‘the man of noble character* is based upon the multiple layers of meaning embraced by the original. The two-word expression chun-tzu refers literally to the son of a ruler, that is to a ‘prince， in the Renaissance sense: a royal heir undergoing practical and moral training leading to the assumption of kingship. This is transferred, within the context of the idealized Confucian vision, to every person who by his ongoing moral and personal cultivation is rendered fit, hypothetically at least, to participate in the great enterprise of ordering the world. My transla­ tion is intended to capture in one expression the two semantic values: nobility of birth and nobility of spirit. hsieh-chli: measuring by the carpenter's square The second character in this unique combination of terms borrows the image of the carpenter’s ‘try square’ so often seen in iconographic representations of ancient Chinese sages, who wield this and the accom­ panying compasses - in a manner reminiscent of Masonic emblems as signs of their profound mastery of cosmic truths. This is evidently the basis for the expression kuei-chu (‘compasses and try square’） used in praise of ‘regulations’ or ‘order，in common speech. The first word in the compound expression hsieh-chii is an obscure verb meaning eto tie’，possibly a graphic substitute for a near homophone meaning ‘to grip’. In either case, this double term is universally understood in the sense of measuring, explained in Chapter 10 of the Ta Hsiieh in the deeper sense of ‘taking the moral measure，of one’s proper role in the ordering of the world, as gauged by the ‘compasses and try square， of one’s own inner capacity. hsing；the nature of men and things Both etymologically and semantically, the word ‘nature， is the virtually unquestioned equivalent for the Chinese philosophical term hsing. Like the Latin natura, it, too, is derived from a root word meaning ‘birth， (though it is never used in the secondary sense of the ‘natural，world). More significant nuances emerge when we examine the use of this term as the object of certain Verb-object* expressions, such as: 'to preserve one’snature* {ts'un hsing、 ， ‘to cultivate one’s nature，(yang-hsing) and, most conspicuously, in Chapter zz of the Chung Yung^ 'fully to realize

one’s nature' (chin-hsing). In such combinations, the point at issue is often the innate predisposition or potential of a person or a thing to behave in a certain manner. As a rule, the single character hsing in such discussions must be read as a shorthand term for jen-hsing, that is, human nature. But both the pointed application of the idea in the final sections of the Chung Yung) and the initial definition presented at the start of Chapter 1，require broadening its scope of reference to cover all existing things. jen-i；human kindness and rectitude The central Confucian concept jen is translated here as ‘human kind­ ness*, rather than with the equally serviceable ‘benevolence， ，human­ ity5, and other equivalent expressions, for two practical reasons. First, translating the exercise in etymology presented in Chapter 20 of the Chung Yung requires using some word meaning ‘man’ or 'human5for the double sense of the Chinese syllable jen to come across. Many Sinologists have made effective use of words such as ‘humanity’ or ‘humaneness’ in this context, but this becomes rather awkward in certain syntactic positions. This has led to the use of the two-word expression given here, the second half of which is intended to convey that the basic capacity of ^kindness’ - as the etymology of the English word suggests —can be attributed to all of humankind. In rendering the term most often paired with jen in Confucian discourse, i, I have opted for the neutral ‘rectitude’ rather than various usages common in other contexts: ‘righteousness， ，‘justice’，‘generosity’ and ‘valour， .I depart from this and render it as ‘a sense of honour* in Chapter 10 of the Ta Hsiieh where it refers more to subjective standards of value than to objective criteria of behaviour. ko-wu; extending to all things the correct conceptual grid This most difficult and controversial of Confucian terms is best under­ stood as being governed by two separate semantic elements expressed by the first character: ko. One of these comes to light in the standard glosses on various occurrences of the word in the Book of Songs and the Book of Documents, where it is regularly treated as an archaic verb meaning ‘to come’ or ‘to arrive*. The second is the use of the same character to represent a particular concrete image: that of a grid-like window frame. The combined rendering ('extending ... the grid， ) assumes that the author of the Ta Hsiieh was familiar with the prevail­ ing glosses on ko (the compiler of the Chung Yung most certainly was,

since in Chapter 16 he cites a line with this usage from the Book of Songs), in which case we must read it in some sense of ‘arriving at’ or ‘reaching，all things (wu). But in this context it is clearly the reach of the mind, rather than any material grasp, that is intended. Drawing upon the alternate sense of the same word as ‘grid， , the expression can be understood to mean something like ‘reaching out to，all things in the world through a mental process of extrapolation by analogy, i.e. what Sinologists like to call ‘correlative thinking’. In other terms, understanding the place and meaning of all things in the world in accordance with their positions in the universal grid of interrelated categories and individual correspondences. This seems far closer to the idea of grasping the inalienable ‘interelatedness’ of self and other posited at the absolute centre of inner selfhood than anything the conventional translation ‘investigation of things， can possibly convey with the picture it conjures up of a naturalist with a butterfly-net. In some occurrences, I have expanded the simple ‘things’ of the Chinese tvu to ‘all things in the objective world， , based on the standard contra­ position of wu to wo (‘myself， ，hence ‘subjective reality， ）in Chinese philosophical discourse. shang-ti; the Supreme Lord of Heaven This combination of the words shang (‘supreme， ）and ti (standard usage: 'emperor*; root meaning: ‘prime ancestor， ) has been current as the equivalent of *God， ever since it was adopted as the official transla­ tion for this term by Protestant missionaries in nineteenth-century China. But the compound Chinese term has a venerable past history, going back to archaic usage in the Shang and Chou periods as early as the mid and late second millennium b c e . Prevailing scholarly opinion has long identified the words ti or shang-ti as indicating the deified progenitor of the Shang royal house, and thus the object of the Shang dynastic cult, in contrast to the position of Pien (‘Heaven’）at the apex of the Chou dynastic pantheon. More recently, however, scholars of early China have revised this strict interpretation, noting that the terms Tien and Ti frequently appear side by side, or even interchangeably, in Chou texts. Here we are concerned with the use of this locution as a technical term of the Warring States and Han ritual corpus. In such contexts, it often refers specifically to the recipient of the major Chou dynastic sacrifices, as it clearly does in Chapter 19 of the Chung Yung. As such, the figure in question is customarily identified with the ‘deity’ Hao-t， ien shang-ti (‘Supreme Ancestor of Radiant Heaven1), the name that has inspired the rendering given

here. To avoid any misconceptions, it should be emphasized that, as far as we can judge by extant Chou texts, this was a *deiry* with no theological superstructure, and with very little surviving mythological infrastructure, making it little more than a ritual expansion of the term Heaven. shen-tu；to pay great heed to the core of one’s own individuality In the contexts where this locution appears in Chapter 6 of the Ta Hsiieh and Chapter i of the Chung Yung，it can easily be understood as an injunction to ‘watch over your behaviour when you are alone， . Such a reading，however, is grossly inadequate to convey the strong emphasis given to this idea through its repetition in the two texts, and, more tellingly, is insufficient to elucidate the specific contexts of interior cultivation to which it is here applied. A number of scholars have read the word tu as referring not simply to one’ssolitude, but more pointedly to one’s singularity, that is, to the uniqueness of one’s individual self. My translation is based on these interpretations with the interpolation of the words ‘the core of， ， to make it clear that， in this context, it is not one’s personal quirks and selfish impulses that one is asked to hearken to, but rather that which lies at the very centre of one’s selfhood. In line with the predominantly Mencian drift of these passages - though the proximate source of the term itself was apparently from the Hsiin Tzu - what one finds at the core of one’s individual self is precisely the universal ground of innate moral predisposition. te: inner moral force Ever since the great British translator Arthur Waley, among others, pointed out the etymological similarity between the Chinese word te and its conventional equivalent in Western translations, Virtue* - based on the semantic value of manly force in the Latin root vir - renderings such as ‘power’ or ‘potency’ have become the most common substi­ tutes. This is also supported by the important use of this term in early philosophical discourse in contexts related to natural, political or cosmological forces，and its frequent association with the language of the yin-yang and five phases5 theories. In discussions of moral philosophy it can of course mean simply virtuous behaviour. But it takes on a heightened meaning in Confucian thought as a figure for the sweeping power of moral influence - like wind blowing through a field of grain in the conventional metaphor. The regular addition of

the word ‘inner， in this translation aims to highlight the Mencian sense of the innate moral power present, at least in principle, within every human being.

Appendix II Use of Proof-texts

The mode of discourse represented by the Ta Hsueh and the Cbung Yung、for the most part, falls unexceptionally within the para­ meters of Warring States and Han expository prose. Their dominant patterns of argumentation, including the presentation of propositions in ‘chain syllogism，form (‘if a then b, if b then c， )，the use of verselike parallel sequences and the strategic placement of ‘operative’ phrases and clauses need no further discussion. Their characteristic citation of ‘proof-texts’ from the Confucian canonic corpus is fre­ quently counter-intuitive, however, and may warrant a few additional words of explanation. The citation of canonic sources as a type of ‘proof’ is, in itself, a common feature of formal discourse known the world over —practised with as much fervour in appeals to the authority of Homer and Hesiod in classical Greek philosophy as it is in the pious quotation of sacred texts in the great scripture-based intellectual traditions of West and South Asia. This mode of argumentation is noted and analysed in much of modern scholarship on classical works of theology and speculative philosophy, though the term ‘proof-text’ itself is of uncertain prov­ enance. In the majority of these cases, it is not the dubious power of such citations to ‘prove’ a given proposition that is behind their widespread use, but rather their capacity to lend scriptural authority to a rhetorical position, or simply to attest to the canonic usage of a particular word or phrase. In the Ta Hstieh and the Chung Yung the use of proof-texts is an obtrusive feature of their common rhetorical style. Putting aside the numerous passages that are framed as direct quotations of the words of Confucius (only a portion of which appear in our received text of the Analects)t there are thirty-seven separate scriptural citations in these works, twenty-nine from the Book of Songs and eight from the Book of Documents, in addition to three or four references in the Ta Hsueh to unidentifiable source-texts. The favoured pattern gives a

triplet of proof-texts followed by a succinct statement of their Con­ clusion', presented in the voice of the author speaking in his ‘commentarial mode， . Not all of these ‘proof-text’ citations function in the same way. In a number of such instances, the primary purpose of the quote seems to be the simple attestation of canonic usage. This is apparently the case in the two triplets of citations that comprise the bulk of Chapters x and z of the Ta Hsiieh, providing no visible support for their respective arguments beyond demonstrating the use of the expressions ‘shining moral force1and ‘renewal’ in scriptural sources. In other examples, however, such citations are, in fact, brought forward to ‘prove， a given line of argument. For instance, the words of praise from the Book of Songs poems ‘Ch， i-yiV and ‘Wert-wang, quoted in Chapter 3 of the Ta Hsiieh give positive corroboration of the attributes of sagely cultivation under discussion, as do the words of admonition quoted from the poem T in Chapters 16 and 33 of the Chung Yung. The most compel­ ling example of this type is found in Chapter 15 of the Chung Yungy where lines from the poem ‘Ch’ang-ti’ give scriptural support to the author’s point regarding the anchoring of ideal family harmony in the specific virtue of brotherly love. Sometimes citations of this sort may­ be basically apt， but they ignore the purport of a given figure of speech in its original context. This is true, for example, in the conspicuous use of the ‘axehandle， motif (from the poem ‘Fa-k， 。， 、 in Chapter 13 of the Chung Yung, in disregard of the dominant theme of matchmaking in the original poem. Most striking are those examples in our treatises where the argu­ ments to which certain proof-texts are applied are sharply at odds with what they clearly mean in their original scriptural contexts. In my introduction to this translation I discussed the remarkable reversal of significance that emerges in the citation of the entire text of Analects vi •29 as ‘proof of ‘understanding the fundamental core’ of cultivation in Chapter 4 of the Ta Hsueh. Another striking example of this sort occurs in Chapter 33 of the Chung Yung, where the line *its light shall surely shine forth， ，cited here in support of the idea of irrepressible moral force, is taken from a source (the poem 'Cheng-yueb' in the Book of Songs) in which it is used in an opposite sense, to describe a situation of life-threatening visibility to predators. A third instance is seen in Chapter 3 of the Ta Hsiieh, where the words 4he caused the light of his virtue to shine ... he found his point of rest in deepest reverence* (from the poem iWen-wangy) are cited as a proof-text for the concept of ‘coming to rest’ - this in flagrant disregard of the function of the word chih in the original poem as a simple grammatical

particle, with no visible relation to the idea of ‘stopping， . Once the author has deconstructed the last two words in the line to meet his needs, he is then forced to introduce a radical reinterpretation of the first two words in the line, whose original meaning is simply ‘shining， ， in the new sense of Extending its glow’ forever.

Appendix III Textual History of the Ta-Hsiieh and Chung Yung The textual histories of the Ta Hsiieh and the Chung Yung are so deeply intertwined that， in many ways, they constitute a single, indivisible pair of writings. They stand apart from other examples of Warring States/ Han expository writing on a number of points regarding their size and shape as texts: they are both longer than the usual chapter-length essays in the major philosophical collections of the period and they share the unique structural feature of beginning with a clearly-demarcated opening section of a page or so setting forth in densely packed prop­ ositions the central tenets of each work as a whole. These common elements in the bibliographical contours of the two texts are matched by the basic profiles of their textual histories, particularly with respect to th e ir special position among ritual texts collected in the Li Chi, their connection to the strains of Confucian thought associated with Mencius and Hslin Tzu, and their paramount influence on later Chinese intellectual history. j. Dating and authorship According to the received wisdom of traditional Confucian teaching, the Ta Hsueh and the Chung Yung are attributed, respectively, to Tseng Ts'an (alternate pronunciation, Tseng Shen) - better known, in his role as one of the leading disciples in Confucius’ original circle, by the honorific title Tseng Tzu ('Master Tseng*) - and K， ung Chi, a younger disciple who was Confucius* own grandson, commonly referred to by the honorific title Tzu Ssu. These attributions did not go unchallenged in traditional Chinese textual scholarship，with its prevailing scepticism, and they are largely rejected in modern studies. But a consideration of the arguments both for and against these assignments of authorship can still shed much light on the place of these works within the development of the Confucian intellectual tradition.

The practice of crediting Tseng Tzu with the composition of the Ta Hsiieh is a relatively recent development, coming about only through the advocacy of Ch’engl (1033-1107) and Chu Hsi in the Sung period. The most authoritative earlier commentaries on the Li Chi recension, that of Cheng Hsuan (127-200) at the end of the Han period, and its expansion by K’ung Ying-ta (574-648) in the early T'ang, make no mention of this theory. Even the Sung masters were careful to hedge their bets. Ch*eng I described the text loosely as the ‘posthumously transmitted* writing of Confucius, and Chu Hsi asserted only that Tseng Tzu had recorded the Master’s words in the opening section, what he called the original ‘scriptural，core of the work (ching), and had himself composed the remaining ten chapters, the ‘commentary， portion (chuan) later transmitted by other, unnamed ‘disciples，{menjen). Once this attribution had become a part of orthodox learning, loyal scholars felt obliged to find textual support to back it up. But beyond pointing to Tseng Tzu’s special role in the Analects as a spokesman for Confucius’ primary teachings (Tseng Tzu is the disciple who enunciated the ‘single thread' of Confucian doctrine in the Analects iv. 15)， noting that Tseng Tzu is quoted by name in Chapter 6，or citing parallel passages in the Mencius as ‘proof’ of the earlier disciple’s mark on the later philosopher, no convincing evidence has been brought forward to support the traditional claim. The case of the Chung Yung is noticeably different on this point, in that a number of early bibliographical references provide concrete evidence of at least a wide-spread belief in the role of Tzu Ssu in its genesis. Hsua Tzu pointedly mentions, on a less than complimentary note, the relation between Tzu Ssu and Mencius, and a number of Han a u t h o r s , f r o m th e g re a t s e c o n d - fir s t c e n tu r y b c e h is t o r ia n Ssu-m a

Ch’ien, just a few generations before the time of the Li Chi redaction, to Wang Su, putative compiler of the K， itng Family Masters’ Anthology at the close of the dynasty, identify him explicitly as the author of the text. Cheng Hsuan also tersely confirms Tzu Ssu as the author of this treatise, and various sources name him as the writer of three related chapters in the Li Chi. These laconic notices are further supported by a number of bibliographical entries from as early as the mid-Han, with the Treatise on Literature，of Pan Ku， s History of the Former Han Dynasty^ for example, testifying to the existence of one or more books with either the compound term Chung Yung or the name Tzu Ssu in their titles. However, the specific details given in these references such as the number of chapters they reportedly contained - leave in

doubt whether these could actually have been early versions of the same text. And so the case for attributing the Chung Yung to Tzu Ssu

is only marginally more convincing than the arguments for Tseng Tzu’s authorship of the Ta Hsiieh, The situation is further clouded by uncertain evidence regarding other texts purported to contain the writings of Tseng Tzu and Tzu Ssu. Examples of this sort crop up in a variety of places, the earliest including dialogues ascribed to these figures appearing among the ‘lost’ texts unearthed recently in China at the extremely rich archaeological sites at Kuo-tien, Ma-wang-tui and elsewhere. Titles such as Tseng Tzu and Tzu Ssu Tzu are also cited in the various Han bibliographical references and in fragments preserved in other books, but these works themselves have come down to us today only in Sung period reconstruc­ tions. To the extent that these rediscovered and reconstructed texts contain passages similar in wording and in spirit to parts of our received versions of the Ta Hsiieh and the Chung Yung, such references have fuelled considerable speculation about their possible bearing upon the question of authorship. But, in the end, these materials also provide no solid grounds for determining the original form, or for fixing the earliest appearance, of the two canonic works. The unresolved attribution of the texts bears direct relation to the problem of dating their original composition. The only firm date we have as a benchmark is the redaction of the Li Chi shortly after z6 bce. Neither the Ta Hsiieh nor the Chung Yung is mentioned by title in extant sources prior to the Han. But it is assumed that what the general editor of the Li Chi， Liu Hsiang, gathered together in his great compendium were copies of ritual texts already in existence before his own time. These included works believed to have been destroyed in the alleged ‘burning of the books’ during the Ch， in reign， or otherwise lost in the wars and upheavals that attended the transition to Han rule. Some of these books had been restored or reconstructed in the intervening period, and these were later collected and recombined byvarious imperially-commissioned schools of ritual learning, notably that associated with the name of Tai Sheng. This means that our texts - even if put into their final form only towards the end of the first century bce -could conceivably have been derived from prior writings going back to earlier Han, Ch’in， or even Warring States provenance. Though the evidence currently available provides little support for any theories of authorship beyond the traditional attribution to the fifth-century b c e disciples of Confucius, and that less than convincing, there are still several ways in which scholars have attempted to narrow down the time-frame of the composition of these works. One such approach is to scrutinize more closely the linguistic medium in which they are presented, with an eye toward isolating stylistic indicators

that might identify them as products of a particular time or place. Unfortunately, current methods of linguistic analysis for early Chinese prose do not permit sufficient fine-tuning to distinguish the character­ istic marks of Ch*in and Han style with any precision. At the level of diction the conspicuous absence here of the specific terms of yin-yang and *five-phases，lore might suggest a pre-Ch*in writing, as some his­ torians of Chinese thought date the emergence of this pervasive form of discourse no earlier than the latter part of the Warring States period. On the other hand, the innovative use here of a few unique expressions, notably ko-wu and hsieh-chii (see Reader’s Notes and Appendix I for explication of these and other terms) may well indicate a later time of composition. In the final analysis, however, it is difficult to say anything more precise about the language of these writings than that it falls squarely within the stylistic parameters of the expository prose current from the late Warring States period through the Han Dynasty. A second line of enquiry seeking to isolate datable factors in our two texts focuses attention upon those points where textual parallels with other writings from these centuries allow us to posit a direct or indirect path of influence from one work to another. Scholars pursuing this line of reasoning have emphasized those apparent instances of borrowing discussed earlier. Among these, the most compelling are sources in Mencius, especially an entire paragraph in the "Li-lou，chapter (iv .a . i z ) that is matched almost verbatim in three linked passages in

Chapter 20 of the Chung Yung, and Chapter 3 (Tw-feow， ）of the Hsiin Tzu, where the expression ‘pays great heed to the core of his own individuality* exactly parallels a key phrase repeated three times in our treatises. Moving on to the later phases of the most likely time-span for the composition of the works, some have suggested that the intro­ duction of the central terms chung (‘the mean， ）and ho (‘harmony， ）in the opening chapter of the Chung Yung may reflect an important discussion of these concepts by Tung Chung-shu (179-104 b c e ) , in Chapter 77 of his Ch’un-ch’iu Fan-lu. The problem with this type of evidence, however, is that it can reflect in either of two directions: that is, in such cases of apparent textual borrowing, there is no way to determine unequivocally who borrowed from whom. Failing in these two approaches to dating the texts3scholars have grasped at a few shreds of ‘internal’ evidence that offer a faint hope of fixing the time-frame of their composition. One of these possible clues is found in Chapter z8 of the Chung Yung, where references to the standardization of wheel gauge, written script and customary law - an apparent allusion to late third-century

bce

developments under the

repressive unification of Ch5in rule -would set this as the period before

which the text as we have it could not have been written. This would also seem to be supported by a strong echo in Chapter 31 of a wellknown monumental inscription datable to the Ch， in period, and, in a looser sense, by the Ch’in liturgical style reflected in some of the more eulogistic passages in Chapters x6 and 30. The difficulty with examples such as these is that the presence in a text of one small topical reference here, or a few stylistic echoes there, in no way guarantees that the work - as a whole or in part - could not have been composed at an earlier time, with such details interpolated at a later point in the redaction process. And even if such ‘evidence’ were taken as conclusive, that would still leave a time gap of roughly two hundred years between the reign of the First Emperor of Ch’in and the first material evidence of the existence of the text as we know it, in the exemplar preserved in the Li Chi. This somewhat circular reasoning may seem to bring us back to the point from which we started. It is true that for want of clearly identifi­ able details of social history, precisely determined indicators of linguis­ tic usage or unequivocally datable textual borrowings the most we can say is that our treatises were in all probability compiled and eventually put into their final versions after the Ch’in period and before the end of the first century b c e . But in spite of the inconclusive character of these findings, the scant information we do have about the textual origins of the Ta Hsiieh and Chung Yung is not irrelevant to our appreciation of the subtleties of their expression and the profundity of their message. The very indeterminacy of their language and style betrays a con­ sciously-crafted mimesis of the voice of the ‘numerous masters5(chu-

tzu) of Warring States disputation. In one of its registers, this ‘voice’ reaches back to the archaic diction of the early canons, both in the explicit citation of ancient proof-texts and in the insertion of deliberate archaisms into the commentarial discourse of the authors themselves. At the same time, it adopts the erudite tone of the ‘modern’ (that is, the Han) synthesizer who gathers many threads of philosophical argumentation from writings closer to his own time and weaves from them a dense web of textual allusions, borrowings and - on occasion - even reversals of meaning. This multilayered voice of the sage, the disputer and the commentator lends stylistic depth and substance to the expression, in these texts, of the syncretic vision at the heart of Han Confucianism. Or, to put it another way: the non-exclusive breadth of this Confucian discourse itself renders any narrowly conceived division of elements under the labels of Taoism, Legalism or other ‘schools’ of early Chinese philosophy largely immaterial.

There is one more implication of the disappointing evidence on authorship that, meagre as it may besis still of considerable importance for our understanding of the texts themselves. This concerns the place of their putative creators, Tseng Tzu and Tzu Ssu, in the orthodox ‘lineage of the Way*. The notion of a direct chain of transmission of sagehood was, historically speaking, a late addition to Confucian doctrine (it is not known before the twelfth century when it emerged in political circumstances having more to do with partisan polemics at the Sung court than with establishing the sagely perfection of individual thinkers). With respect to the programmatic re-canonization of the Ta Hsueh and the Chung Yung as two of the revered Four Books, this was a kind of self-fulfilling prophecy: it was clearly designed, among other things, to validate and sacralize the new elevation of these two long marginalized disciples into the pantheon of supreme Masters of the Confucian line. Veneration of Tseng Tzu and Tzu Ssu in this role never took on the same aura and trappings of popular worship as it did, occasionally, in the case of the ‘uncrowned king’ Confucius (and more rarely, Mencius). But once established, this traditionally sanctioned view succeeded in shedding an inescapable historical logic on the generation-by-generation transmission of the Confucian Way. Regard­ less of whether or not one subscribes to this belief in a Heaven-ordained line of succession as a fact of universal history, the notion of unbroken continuity in the transmission of Confucian learning is central to our appreciation of these treatises, because it defines their pivotal position in the gradual transformation of Confucianism from the wisdom litera­ ture of the Analects into the comprehensive tradition of scholasticism

and philosophical enquiry that has stood at the core of East Asian civilization for the last two millennia. 2. Later textual history Neither the definitive redaction of the Ta HsUeh and the Chung Yung and their inclusion in the canonic Li Chi nor their second elevation to scriptural status as key components of the Four Books brought the story of their textual development to an end. They continued to go through a process of revision that produced a series of variant recen­ sions and numerous commentary editions. Through all the centuries from the Han Dynasty to the last generations of the imperial era, the classic commentary of Cheng Hsuan, together with its inseparable, much longer, ‘sub-commentary， by K， ung Ying-ta, held an inalienable position as basic readings of the texts as represented in the Li Chi. Their status as prime commentarial authorities was eventually enshrined in

the massive Ch’ing compendium The Thirteen Classics， with Commen­ taries and Sub-Commentaries (Shih-san Ching Chu-shu) compiled byJuan Yuan (1764-1849) that still stands as the definitive version of the Li Chi and the rest of the Confucian canon for most contemporary scholars. With the shift of the two works to the centre of Confucian intellectual life from Sung times onward, these were joined by a steady flow of new commentary editions and separate interpretive essays. The editors and commentators who produced thesecritical writings number among them some of the most famous players on the stage of lateimperial Chinese intellectual history. Students of Ming and Ch’ing thought will recognize here many familiar names, including leading figures such as Hu Kuang (1370-1418)， Wang Shou-jen (better known as Wang Yang-ming，1472-1528)，Chan Juo-shui (1466-1560), Li Chih (1527-1602), Kao P， an-lung (1562-1602)，Liu Tsung-chou (1578-1645)’ Wang Fu-chih (1619—1692)，Mao Ch， i-ling (16231716)， Hu Wei (1633-1714), Li Kuang-ti (1642-1718) and K， ang Yu-wei (1858—1927)’ to name just a few of the best known. Each of these thinkers used the mode of exegetical discourse supported by close readings and editorial emendations of the texts of defend his own views on the true meaning of the works, especially on such hotly contested issues as 'extending the conceptual grid’ (ko-wu) in the Ta Hsiieh and the attainment of ‘integral wholeness’ (cb^ng) in the Chung Yung. When one reviews the large corpus of competing commentary edi­ tions of the two texts a few specific points come into focus on which they take sharply divergent paths of development. Looking at the different recensions of the Ta Hsiieh, one is struck by the cavalier attitude with which many of the Sung and post-Sung commentators apparently introduced editorial changes, each to promote his own interpretive stance. These variants include not just minor emendations, but even radical shifts of segments of the text from one position to another. By way of a Western analogy, it is as if a post-classical Biblical scholar were to put the Book of Ecclesiastes, or, say, the Book of Job, ahead of the Book of Genesis in a new version of the Old Testament designed to bring out his own sceptical philosophical leanings. To appreciate the significance of this sort of editorial reshuffling, one must note that in the Li Chi recension the Ta Hsiieb is presented as a continuous whole, without any formal demarcation of separate sec­ tions. The division into what we now refer to as the numbered 'chap­ ters' of both of our treatises was essentially an innovation of Chu Hsi, though his so-called ‘chapter-and-verse，(chang-cbu) arrangement of

the text only formalized what were already clear units in the structure of the argument. Despite the name, Chu’s chang-chii edition distinguishes

only the chapter divisions, and makes no attempt to insert any number­ ing of individual lines as ‘verses’. When Chu Hsi, following Ch’eng I’s lead, shifted a number of the textual elements around to form his canonic editions of the Four Books, he apologized for his audacity in tampering with the sacred patrimony of his forebears and claimed that he had acted only to correct the erroneous order of the Li Chi recension that had resulted from an unfortunate tumbling of the bamboo-strips，(ts'o-chien). This is a pitfall in the reconstruction of ancient Chinese texts， originally written on parallel strips of bamboo placed side by side and tied with perishable cords, that is as much the bane of contemporary archaeologists as it was of the Han erudites charged with restoring the ‘lost，Confucian corpus. By invoking this claim for his own version, Chu Hsi also provided a ready-made excuse for virtually any other textual revisions that his later rivals could, and often did, introduce. This habitual tinkering with the shape of the authentic text of the Ta Hsueh -yielding upwards of twenty major variant recensions - could be justified on a number of different grounds. Where Chu Hsi and others adopted the stance of correcting regrettable errors occurring in the original process of redaction, other commentators gave no defence of their editorial liberties more elaborate than simply claiming that such modifications yielded a superior text. In certain instances, notably the influential edition championed by Wang Yang-ming, the rejection of Chu Hsi’s text was hailed as a return to the pristine form of the ‘ancient recension* (ku~pen) as preserved in the Li Chi. The most notorious case of deliber­ ate textual manipulation is that of a hitherto unknown version engraved upon an old stone stele that was reported to have been unearthed in the mid-sixteenth century. This so-called ‘stone stele edition’ commanded a broad following until it was unmasked as a forgery some time later, and it continues to figure among the important variant recensions collated in modern Chinese textual scholarship. In all of these examples’ the editorial changes introduced - from the more superficial to the more weighty - consisted primarily of what we might today call a ‘cut and paste’ function. That is, they involved the removal of passages of varying length from their given positions and their reinsertion at different points in the text with the aim of lending new emphasis thereby to one or another of the ideas under discussion. One of the most conspicuous instances of this practice is seen in the excision of the section elucidating the concept of ‘making whole one’s inner consciousness’ from (what appears to have been) its earlier location， following immediately after the chain arguments of the opening sec­ tion, and shifting it to a new position where it now constitutes

Chapter 6 of the chang-chii recension. This has the effect of stripping this notion of its paramount position among the eight phases of selfcultivation set forth in the first chapter and making it, instead, but one link in the logical chain of the entire sequence. With the multiplication of competing editions and commentaries by the late-Ming and Ch’ing periods, it gets progressively more difficult to follow this game and the arguments defending each shift of a line here, a paragraph there, become more tendentious as time goes by. Looking over the entire corpus one has the impression that it had become something of a badge of honour for every late-imperial Confucian scholar to propose his own bold revision of the canonic text. It is remarkable, therefore, that this tangle of conflicting revisions and emendations has had remarkably little impact on the overall meaning of the text for us today, thanks to the clear, point-by-point logic inherent in its opening argument about the sequential phases of the self-cultivation process, and the forceful coherence of its elaboration of these ideas in the remaining sections. When we come to the Chung Yung， we observe the exact opposite situation. Here, the standard text remained almost perfectly stable despite the fact that the vexed philosophical issues of innate human capacity and the range of conceivable attainment that it deals with are， if anything, even more controversial than those of the Ta Hsueh. With the minor exceptions of occasionally combining Chapters 17 and 18 into a single unit, or splitting the long Chapter 20 into two, there are no significant textual variants to speak of in all of its competing commentary editions. The only exceptions are those reportedly con­ tained in certain alternate recensions of the Li Chi dating from the end

of the Han, but these are known to us only from fragmentary citations in other writings. There is one other point of analysis on which the Chung Yung diverges evenmore sharply from its sister-text. This concerns the degree to which each of these works constitutes a single well-integrated textual whole in its internal structural arrangement. As I have argued in the structural and interpretive analysis that follows each of the translated texts, the inner structural logic of the Ta Hsueh is of such power that all of its divergent recensions can do little to obviate its sense of unity. The opening section lays out a set of propositions in clear formal sequence and the remainder of the text proceeds systematically (though in varying sequential order, according to the different versions) to elaborate the central concepts that form its well-wrought argument, as framed in the neat outline of what are traditionally known as theethree cardinal principles’ and the ‘eight specific points， . This does not mean that the Ta Hsiieh does not have a number of textual anomalies of its

own, some of them quite obtrusive. But to my knowledge not a single scholar, ancient or modern，has ever expressed doubt about the assumption that the text represents one integral composition. In a superficial glance at its structural arrangement, the Chung Yung appears identical to the Ta Hsueh. Here again, Chu HsiJs canonic cbang-chii version identifies the first section as the original ‘classic， and the following sections as its attached ‘commentary，(though this may be a bit confusing for the reader to follow, since in this case he counts the opening chapter as number one in the overall sequence, rather than beginning, as in the Ta Hsiieh, only from the first ‘commentary’ chapter). But here the precise relation between the two parts isdifferent. In the Chung Yungythe expansion chapters are not framed as a pointby-point elucidation and illustration of the primary propositions set forth at the outset: the conferral of human nature by Heaven, the conformance of the ‘Way’ to the intrinsic nature of things and the grounding of the process of moral instruction in the Way. Instead, they pick up certain threads of the banner argument and trace their implications, through three or four distinct lines of development, to conclusions only partially adumbrated in the initial statement. This rhetorical structure has led many scholars over the centuries to ask whether the Chung Yung may not represent a composite rather than an integral work. As early as the Sung dynasty a learned Confucian named Wang Po (1194-1274) stated unequivocally that the text con­ tains two independent sections, and a number of modern scholars have

also reached the conclusion that it is a patchwork of two or more separate writings: some parts expressing Confucian faith in potential human perfection, others perhaps revealing a yearning for spiritual fulfilment that seems more Taoist in character. Some have even specu­ lated that it may reflect the fragmentary record of a formal disputation between irreconcilable philosophical positions. But such views have for the most part remained marginal in traditional and modern studies of the Chung Yung. It is the guiding assumption of the translations and the interpretive analyses presented in this volume that both the Ta Hsueh and the Chung Yung offer up their most profound insights about the cultivation of human potential only when they are read as carefully constructed expositions of a unitary philosophical vision. This is a necessary pre­ sumption if one is to appreciate the intensity of philosophical scrutiny and the persistence of intellectual discourse that have been lavished upon both works over the last thousand years of traditional Chinese history. From the consolidation of Neo-Confucian orthodoxy in the late T*ang and Sung Dynasties on down through the Yuan, Ming and

Ch’ing periods and into the modern era, the procession of leading thinkers who have presented major philosophical arguments in terms of the teachings of the Ta Hsueh and the Chung Yung reads like a roster of the most famous names in pre-modern Chinese thought. In recent generations as well, pre-eminent Chinese intellectuals and lead­ ing spokesmen of Confucian revival have continued to place the Chung Yung and the Ta Hsueh at the heart of their attempts to explore and to keep alive the deepest issues of traditional Confucian learning.

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T / ie

ma n o f n o b l e c h a r a c t e r p o s s e s s e s a p a th of immense v a l u e '

To Hsueh and Chung Yung are two of the central texts of e arly Chinese thought, encapsulating Confucian philosophy on the W a y of moral cultivation and spiritual attainment. Traditionally held to be the w ork of two of Confucius' closest disciples, the books w ere com piled in their present form late in the second or first century BCE and have occupied a central position in educational and political life for almost a thousand years throughout the East A sian cultural sphere. The texts focus on the connection between internal self-cultivation and the external real­ ization of one's moral core in the fulfilment of the practical aims of Confucian life: the observance of ritual, the proper conduct of person­ al relationships, and the grand enterprise of maintaining order in the state and the world. A ndrew Plaks's superb new translation is accom panied by an intro­ duction discussing the significance and influence of the two texts, with a preface by Xinzhong Y a o exploring the development of Confucian ideals. This edition also includes a chronological table, notes, guides to interpretation and appendices.

T r an s la te d wi th an i n tr o du c ti o n a n d notes by A N D R E W wi th a p r e f a c e by X I N Z H O N G Y A O

PLAKS