Structure and Analogy in the Playful Lexicon of Spanish 9783110935516, 3484522100, 9783484522107

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B E I H E F T E ZUR Z E I T S C H R I F T FÜR R O M A N I S C H E PHILOLOGIE BEGRÜNDET VON GUSTAV GRÖBER FORTGEFÜHRT VON WALTHER VON WARTBURG HERAUSGEGEBEN VON KURT BALDINGER

Band 210

David A. Pharies

Structure and Analogy in the Playful Lexicon of Spanish

MAX NIEMEYER VERLAG T Ü B I N G E N 1986

CIP-Kurztitelaufnahme der Deutschen Bibliothek Pharies, DavidA.: Structure and analogy in the Playful lexicon of Spanish / David A. Pharies. -Tübingen : Niemeyer; 1986. (Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie ; Bd. 210) NE: Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie / Beihefte ISBN 3-484-52210-0

ISSN 0084-5396

© Max Niemeyer Verlag Tübingen 1986 Alle Rechte vorbehalten. Ohne Genehmigung des Verlages ist es nicht gestattet, dieses Buch oder Teile daraus auf photomechanischem Wege zu vervielfältigen. Printed in Germany. Satz: Bernhard Walter, Tübingen. Druck: Becht-Druck, Ammerbuch 2 (Pfäffingen). Einband: Heinrich Koch,Tübingen.

Table of Contents

C H A P T E R ONE:

Convergences, Templates, and Etymology

1

C H A P T E R TWO:

TRÁPALA

30

CHAPTER THREE:

QUIQUIRIQUÍ

54

CHAPTER FOUR:

CHIQUIRRITICO

94

C H A P T E R FIVE:

PERENDENGUE

118

C H A P T E R SIX:

BOMBORÓN

139

C H A P T E R SEVEN:

BULLEBULLE

144

C H A P T E R EIGHT:

RIFIRRAFE

165

C H A P T E R NINE:

TROCHEMOCHE

190

CHAPTERTEN:

TIMBIRIMBA

211

C H A P T E R ELEVEN:

REQUILINDORIOS

224

References

239

Index of Words

249

Index of Topics

269

V

Acknowledgment Part of the research for this book was done with the support of the Division of Sponsored Research, University of Florida, and the National Endowment for the Humanities, Fellowship FA-22145-82.

VI

Abbreviations

AFA ASNS ArL Aut. BH BRAE BSLP DARE DEEH DRAE EUI FEW HR LgLingI Litblatt MLN MLR NRFH RDTP REW RF RFE RLR RPH PliR SL VKR ZRPh

Archivo defilologíaaragonesa Archiv für das Studium der neueren Sprachen Archivum Linguisticum Autoridades (See Real Academia Española in «References») Bulletin Hispanique Boletín de la Real Academia Española Bulletin de la Société de Linguistique de Paris Dictionary of American Regional English Diccionario etimológico español e hispánico Diccionario de la Real Academia Española Enciclopedia universal ilustrada Französisches Etymologisches Wörterbuch Hispanic Review Language Linguistic Inquiry Literaturblatt für germanische und romanische Philologie Modern Language Notes Modern Language Review Nueva revista de filología hispánica Revista de dialectología y tradiciones populares Romanisches etymologisches Wörterbuch Romanische Forschungen Revista de filología española Revue des langues romanes Romance Philology Revue de linguistique romane Studio Lingüistica Volkstum und Kultur der Romanen Zeitschriftfür romanische Philologie

vil

CHAPTER ONE

Convergences, Templates, and Etymology

The subject of this book is lexical structure and its relation to lexical change.

Lexical Structure Owing to its function of providing a link between language and extralinguistic reality, the lexicon is relatively unstructured compared to the other components of language. It is far from amorphous, however. Its structure derives from the bipartite nature of linguistic signs, each of which comprises a form and a corresponding meaning. On the basis of FORM we can discern innumerable structural categories, based on, for example, shared phonetic sequences (e.g., all words in pr-), length (e.g., all monosyllables), or internal structure (e.g., palindromes), to name a few. Departing from the SEMANTIC aspect of linguistic signs, we discover structures based on similarity (of denotation, connotation, or function) or contiguity (the relation that holds between, for example, hunger and poverty, or power and corruption). The more concrete of these lexical structures or «paradigms» - e. g., words with identical initial clusters, synonyms, and the like - are not mere accidents, according to recent neurolinguistic theories, but the very basis of the brain's mechanism for lexical search and retrieval. G. W. Hughes, for example, hypothesizes that the most significant factor that led to the development of the phonemic organizational system in language was this system's adaptability to efficient retrieval, because «as vocabulary size increases, probably, beyond a couple of thousand words, it is disadvantageous unless it is accompanied by a highly efficient word-filing system.»1 Summarizing the current research on these systems, he says: Despite the differences of opinion on the precise mechanisms and processes involved in word-recognition, decoding, storage, and retrieval, there seems to be general agreement that the human brain possesses one or more < mental lexicons>, in which vocabulary items are entered in systematic fashion, and that probably the mental search proceeds according to initial and then successive sounds or syllables . . . (p. 154)

1

G. W. Hughes, «The Invention of Phonemically-Based Language», Glossogenetics: The Origin and Evolution of Language, E. de Grolier, ed. (NY: Harvard), 1983,153-4.

1

In an article directed precisely at this question, K. I. Forster 2 conceives of the lexical access system as the combination of a master lexicon and several peripheral access files. Forster suggests that actual searches must take place in these peripheral files, which are organized according to phonetic and semantic similarity into what Forster calls «bins». Once an item has been identified or found, he reasons, it must then be referred to the master lexicon for interpretation. These «bins», which I am calling «paradigms», are one-dimensional. The focal point of the present study is a more complex kind of lexical structure - a type not as yet envisioned by neurolinguists but whose reality is convincingly demonstrated in the pages that follow - which is two-dimensional. These structures I will term «convergences», since they occur where formal and semantic paradigms converge or intersect. The most important kinds of convergences are morphemes, which may be defined as highly localized convergences of form and meaning (though many theorists would add to this the requirement that members of such convergences be genetically related, in order to prevent analyses that would make a single morpheme of items that are only accidentally convergent, e. g., often and off and on).3 A second type, nonmorphemic convergences (which will constitute the primary object of study in this book), are often much larger but always less well defined than morphemic convergences. Below I adduce an example of a nonmorphemic convergence. Abridged dictionaries of English commonly list about 90 different words that share the formal property of beginning with the cluster gl-. In the following table you see some of these words, shown, for clarity's sake, in a vertical column. From a thesaurus we obtain a list of the words that share the semantic property of referring in some way to light, presented here on the horizontal plane. 4

light ray beam blaze shimmer veil

2

3

4

radiant luster shine flash color blurred

lamp blink murk somber nebula spark

gladiator glacial glib glean glint gleam glance glitter glow glimmer gloat glob glove glue gluteus

glass glandular glide glee glisten glare gloom glade glimpse gloss globe glottal glucose glut glutton

opalescent transparent luminosity gaze beacon corona

eclipse crepuscular shade aurora phosphorescence sun

K. I Forster, «Accessing the Mental Lexicon», Explorations in the Biology of Language, ed. E. Walker (Montgomery VT: Bradford), 1978,149-51. This subject is treated at length by D . Bolinger in his «Rime, Assonance, and Morpheme Analysis», Word 6 (1950), 117-36. Clearly, this little example is greatly simplified. Other words could be added to it, the

2

The schematic presentation is meant to call attention, of course, to the twelve words that occur at the convergence of the two larger paradigms, i. e., to the class of words that refer to light AND begin with g/-. This particular type of convergence, by the way, comprising etymologically unrelated but semantically similar words that also share some segment or segments in a particular wordposition, is very common in the lexicon of English. 5

Structurally Motivated Change We have seen that the existence of lexical paradigms and convergences is an inevitable effect of the bipartite nature of the linguistic sign. The next step is to ask what broader repercussions, if any, these structures might have, a question which brings us to the second principal theme of this book, analogical change. The capacity and propensity to seek out similarities and to organize data accordingly is one of the defining features of human intelligence. It comes as no surprise, therefore, to find that the kinds of lexical structures described above sometimes acquire sufficient power, through the collective suggestive force of the many constituents of a given structure, to influence lexemes outside of their immediate sphere. The active principle in such cases is called analogy, defined as the process whereby correspondences between sets of forms are taken as the basis for the creation or attraction of new forms. Although individual paradigms may occasionally inspire analogical change as when two synonyms «blend» into a single form with characteristics of both the usual sites of analogical attraction are convergences, especially the morphemic variety. Analogy, as a matter of fact, is most closely identified with morphemic convergences such as verb conjugations and nominal declensions. In these it accounts for the well-known phenomenon of regularization, for ex-

5

lists themselves could be organized grammatically, alphabetically, etc. Above all, it could be modified to show other correspondences, such as that between fl- and 'light' {flash, flicker, flare, flame, fleck, fluorescence, flush), or, for that matter, other structures containing some of these same gl- words (e.g., the correspondence between -itter and 'quick, repeated action' - glitter, flitter, titter, twitter, chitter). D. Bolinger, «The Sign is Not Arbitrary», Thesaurus 5 (1949), 61-2, cites the following remark made by Maurice Bloomfield in 1895: «The question as to how much plasticity may have been imparted to the lexical value of words by the cloud of formally assonant words, with meanings not too far removed, that hover about them, would form one of the most fruitful and profound investigations in linguistic history.» More than a score of these structures have been identified in the English lexicon, and they have received various names, including «root-forming morpheme» (L. Bloomfield, Language NY: Holt, Rinehart, p. 245), «psycho-morph» (N. Market, E. Hamp, «Connotative Meanings of Certain Phoneme Sequences» Studies in Linguistics 15 (1960), 47), and, most commonly, «phonestheme», a term invented by Firth (Speech London, p. 184) and adopted by Householder («On the Problem of Sound Meaning: An English Phonestheme», Word 2 (1946), 83-4), Bolinger (Aspects of Language, 2nd ed. NY: Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich p. 219), and others.

3

ample, the replacement of lit, drug, and swum by lighted, dragged, and swimmed, and the substitution of pea for pease. Analogical changes also occur with some frequency in fixed series of words, cf. the pronunciation of February as Febuary (through the influence of January), the rise of dialectal Italian ottembre (following setiembre, novembre)6, and the change citano > zutano in the Spanish phrase fulano, zutano, y mengano 'Tom, Dick, and Harry'. 7 The analogical effects of nonmorphemic convergences are notoriously difficult to trace and prove. On the one hand, the combined suggestive force of the members of a convergence may create the impression that their form and meaning are especially appropriate for each other, an impression termed a «feeling tone» by Stankiewicz.8 Thus, presumably, the speaker of English feels that words such as glint, glitter, and gleam are especially well suited to denote light phenomena. On the other hand, it is often difficult to pin down any specific changes that may have been motivated by a nonmorphemic convergence. Sturtevant 9 claims that glimmer arose through the attraction of shimmer by gleam, but the existence of Swedish glimra casts doubt on this. Firth 10 traces twirl to the combined action of two nonmorphemic convergences that suggest twisting motion, tw- (twist, tweak, twiddle, twitch) and -irll-url (whirl, purl, knurl, furl), but twirl could as easily be a blend of twist and whirl alone. Owing to its greater degree of homogeneity, the lexicon of Spanish does not favor the formation of structures such as gl- 'light'.11 Nevertheless, it does contain some nonmorphemic convergences of enormous size and power, whose defining characteristic is that their formal parameters are expressible as structural configurations of segments rather than as concrete strings of segments. An example follows. Consider the following data from Chapter 3, presented here in skeletal form: 1. titiritar 'to tremble' < tiritar 'id.' 2. pipiritaña 'cane flute' < pipitaña 'id.' 3. pipirigaña 'pinching game' < pizpirigaña 'id.' 4. cucurubá 'game played with marbles' < Cucunubá 'id.', 'town in Colombia' 5. paparrasolla 'bogeyman' < paparresolla 'id.' Each of the five equations illustrates a different kind of change. In (1) some kind of partial reduplication has evidently taken place, in (2) the insertion of 6

7

8

9 10 11

This and many other examples are cited by Y. Malkiel, «Diachronic Hypercharacterization in Romance», ArL 9 (1957), 79-113,10 (1958), 1-36. This case is presented in detail in D. Pharies, «A New Etymology for Spanish zutano 'so-and-so'», RPh 31 (1977-8), 211-20. E. Stankiewicz, «Problems of Emotive Language», Approaches to Semiotics, T. A. Sebeok, et al. eds. (The Hague: Mouton), 1964, 244. Edgar H. Sturtevant, An Introduction to Linguistic Science (New Haven: Yale), 112. J. R. Firth, The Tongues of Men and Speech (London: Oxford University Press), 186. D. Bolinger, p. 59 in «The Sign is Not Arbitrary», op. cit., tentatively identifies the Spanish «phonesthemes» -ajar 'cut' (as in tajar, rajar, ajar, majar) and derr- 'destroy, bring down' (as in derribar, derramar, derrengar, derrumbar).

4

-ri-, in (3) consonant loss, in (4) consonant substitution, and in (5) vowel change. Viewed in isolation, each of the changes appears to be more or less arbitrary and sporadic. To be sure, it could be proposed that (1) is a product of a reduplication rule in Spanish (but see Chapter 7), and (2-5) could be ascribed to individual lexical blends or folk etymologies. Considering the semantic categories represented, it might even be claimed that the motivating force was some kind of sound symbolism, but most linguists would agree that this claim would bring us no closer to an explanation. The hypothesis to be defended in this book is that these changes are not arbitrary, but clearly motivated by analogical forces of an abstract nature. The new insight derives from the observation that the forms cited share a complex consonant-vowel configuration, formulable as follows: Q Vj Q Vj L Vj C

V ...

(where C = consonant, V = vowel, L = liquid consonant, and subscripts denote identity within a particular word). To state the parameters in words, each of the five begins with a sequence of three C V syllables, in which all vowels and the first two consonants are identical, and the third consonant is a liquid. This is followed by yet another C V syllable, the locus of word-stress. Given this highly complex correspondence, the natural conclusion is that the five different changes had a single motivation. I will maintain that this motivation was the C V pattern itself. It is true that the various changes could be formulated as a series of rules, but these rules, apart from the pattern, would be completely unexplainable. By all appearances, the pattern motivates the rules on an individual or ad hoc basis, determining additions, deletions, or quality changes as needed to bring a specific word into conformity with the pattern's own specifications. Thus, the five rules illustrated form a «conspiracy»; all are quite different, but all are working toward the same goal. I have chosen to call these patterns «templates» because this term is uniquely suited to capture the conspiratorial nature of the process. A template is a pattern or gauge, such as a thin metal plate with a cut pattern, used as a guide in making something accurately, as in woodworking, or in replication of a standard object. The term accurately describes the nature of the process involved in the cited examples, in that a template, e . g . , for cutting wood, can accept a large variety of input shapes and sizes of boards, while on the other hand, some boards - those that are too small, too thick, too round, etc. - will not be moldable by the template. The parallel with the type of analogical process I have been describing is obvious. A formal description of the concept of «template» must begin with the fact that a template is a product of a lexical convergence. Indeed, it is a kind of skeletal synopsis of a convergence, portraying the formal and semantic commonalities of the two paradigms in the most general terms. Thus, titiritar et al. are members of a convergence whose semantic paradigm could be broadly described as «playful» in connotation, in denotation leaning heavily toward 5

infantile concepts, and whose formal paradigm is not a particular set of phonemes in sequence, but a configuration of only partially specified segments. To summarize, a template is a formal configuration of partially specified segments, descriptive of the formal paradigm of a convergence, linked with an element of meaning descriptive of the corresponding semantic paradigm. This mechanism, through analogical attraction, modifies input forms in whatever respects are necessary in order to bring them into conformity with its own properties. 12

Historical Development of the Concepts of «Convergence» and «Template» I do not wish to create the impression that I have discovered some heretofore unrecognized principles. As a matter of fact, several scholars have utilized analytical tools similar or identical to these. I am not even the first to use the terms «convergence» and «template»: they appear in several works of recent vintage. In order to show the background of the concepts, and to trace my debts to earlier researchers, I include here a survey of some of the more significant steps that have led to the present state of development. With the reorientation of linguistic studies from the philological, humanistic approach to that of the social sciences, the study of the relatively unstructured lexicon fell into disrepute; it is, after all, much easier to generalize about, and write rules for the phonological and syntactic components than for the lexicon. As a result, the concept of lexical convergence has been slow to develop, and slower still to catch on. Nevertheless, it is possible to trace the series of events that have led to our present understanding of lexical convergences. Not surprisingly, the great majority of these events transpired in Europe, where the tendency toward empiricism and concentration on the most systematic parts of language never completely strangled the older tradition, which continues to accept the study of the lexicon - lexicology - as a worthwhile part of linguistics. Summarizing beforehand, I would say that the important stages, often overlapping, in the development of the concept of lexical convergence are (1) the adoption of the «word-history», as opposed to the «word-origin», approach to etymology, (2) the realization that one of the determining factors in the history of a word is its lexical environment, (3) the identification and mapping of convergences, for the purpose of tracing interlexical influences, and (4) the discovery of the template change mechanism. The discovery and utilization of lexical structures such as convergences could not have taken place but for a broad shift in etymological methodology - one is 12

I admit that I have concentrated in this book almost exclusively on formal change, although from time to time in the individual notes I comment on specific semantic changes that s e e m to have been motivated by the template. This task, it seems to m e , is a large one, and I hope to return to it in a later publication.

6

even tempted to say «ideology» - that took place over a period of decades at the beginning of the 20th century. I am referring to the shift from the concept of etymology as the art of identifying word origins, called «étymologie-origine», to the idea that the etymologist's task is to trace the entire biography of words. This approach, termed «étymologie histoire du mot», was described early on (1888) by Gaston Paris, in a review of the origin-focused Dictionnaire général:13 Cette question que se posent les gens du monde et même les savants en présence d'un mot: «D'où vient-il?» et qui, dans le nouveau dictionnaire comme dans les autres, trouve sa réponse dans le petit compartiment spécial intitulé Etymologies, est en réalité mal formulée. Elle doit être remplacée par celle-ci: «Jusqu'où pouvons-nous poursuivre dans le passé l'histoire de ce m o t ? » . . . Il faudrait donc, en réalité, remplacer la rubrique Etymologie par la rubrique Histoire du mot.

Paris' comment could be interpreted narrowly to mean that etymologies should include complete lists of intermediate forms all the way back to the earliest etymon. It is also subject to a much broader interpretation, one that seems to have been accepted by many of the next generation 14 of etymologists. Under this view, the history of a word cannot be told in terms of etyma alone. It must also answer the question of when (chronology and dates), where (dialectal development), and more significantly, why the word developed as it did. It would also place emphasis on semantic change, a factor almost completely ignored in earlier works. (REW2292 does not bother, for example, to note that the French reflex of Latin coxa 'hip' - namely cuisse - means 'thigh'.) A n early and impassioned plea for a more explanatory etymology came from the pen of Lazare Sainéan, in his Les sources indigènes de l'étymologie française, published in 1925. Strangely enough, the main irritant that led Sainéan into this position was the same one that had bothered Paris, namely, the Dictionnaire général, whose etymological material was written, in that era, by the very traditionalist Antoine Thomas. Sainéan argued that it is absurd to expect to find, for each word in the modern lexicon, either a Latin or a borrowed etymon, because languages contain within themselves the means to create any number of new words, using as prime material principally the existent lexicon. These dynamic processes could be uncovered, Sainéan argued, by tracing in detail the history of each word, considering not only form - almost the exclusive criterion of the Dictionnaire général - but also meaning, sociolinguistic information, chronology, i . e . , first and early attestations with careful note of form and meaning change, and geographic distribution. His third chapter (pp. 26-33) is a 13 14

Cited from G. Paris, Mélanges linguistiques (Paris: Champion), 379-80. Although, not unexpectedly, the omniscient and innovative Hugo Schuchardt, a contemporary of Paris, was already articulating the structural aspect of this new approach before the turn of the century: «Was wir eine Etymologie nennen, ist nichts als eine mehr oder weniger abgekürzte Wortgeschichte, und eine Wortgeschichte wiederum bildet keinen festen Ausschnitt aus der gesamten Sprachgeschichte, sondern verfließt ohne bestimmte Grenzen in andere Wortgeschichten.» Quoted from Hugo Schuchardt-Brevier, ed. L. Spitzer (Halle: Niemeyer), 105. The quotation was originally published in 1897.

7

detailed model study, with consideration of all these factors, of the word goinfre. Sainéan came close to deducing the concept of lexical convergence from his wide-ranging theoretical approach. This is evident principally in his treatment of what he called «créations spontanées», i . e . , onomatopoeic and infantile words. 15 O n e convergence he mentions, for example, is at the intersection of the formal paradigm of reduplicative words and the semantic paradigm of onomatopoeias. Another apparent convergence combines disyllabic words whose syllable-initial consonants are labial with the semantic paradigm of words associated with eating: bafler, befler, brifer, briber, marper, morfer, morper. The defect which most adequately explains the failure of Sources to usher in the age of lexical structuralism - a probable by-product of its missionary zeal is that, ironically, most of Sainéan's actual etymological work was slipshod. The book's reviewers leveled harsh criticism at this deficiency: Richter 16 said that Sainéan had entered extremely difficult etymological terrain without the ability or the tools to deal with it. Shears 17 chided him for almost completely ignoring traditional methods, including much that was of great value. Meillet, for his part, said that most of Sainéan's etymologies were untestable, and that those that were testable were demonstrably false. As regards Sainéan's theoretical stance, however, the reviewers were considerably more friendly. Spitzer 18 was especially complimentary, calling the work a «turning point in Romance etymological investigation». Even Meillet admitted begrudgingly that the book had value: the suggestion of a methodology for a later, more competent investigator. The first clear-cut, unambiguous, and complete statement of what I have called stage two, the proposition that one of the principal factors in word histories is their membership in formal or semantic paradigms, is found in the writings of W. von Wartburg. Early on, in his introduction to the FEW ( l : v ) , Wartburg had stated his support of «étymologie histoire du mot», and the tremendous amounts of every kind of documentation built into the format of the FEW prove the sincerity of his remarks. It is in an article published in 1931, however, «Grundfragen der etymologischen Forschung» 19 , where the passages in question occur. The first hint comes in his list of the many factors that should enter into the study of a word's history, in a process he calls «innere Etymologie» (p. 138): 15

16 17 18 19

As Meillet's review of Sources (BSLP 27 (1927), 114-7) suggests, these would hardly qualify for the term «indigenous» in its normal sense. It is even less appropriate for designating most of Sainéan's material, which comprises semantic changes brought about by metaphorical association and cultural identifications. ASNS 154 (1928), 107-11. MLR 22 (1927), 472-4. Litblatt 48 (1927), 27-36. Reprinted in and cited from Riidiger Schmitt, ed., Etymologie (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft), 1977, 135-55. Orig. in Neue Jahrbiicher filr Wissenschaft und Jugendbildung 7 (1931), 222-35.

8

Im Gegensatz zur äusseren Etymologie... die innere Etymologie... studiert das Leben der Wörter, die Stelle, die sie im Ganzen der Sprache einnehmen; sie verfolgt ihre Verschiebungen, ihre allmähliche semantische Umdeutung, den Einfluss anderer Wörter, in deren lautliche oder semantische Nähe sie rücken. Citing, a m o n g o t h e r s , t h e loss of L a t . vulnerare ' w o u n d ' a n d t h e s u b s e q u e n t n e e d to replace it as t h e e x p l a n a t i o n f o r t h e c h a n g e of m e a n i n g olferire 'strike' (cf. Sp. herir ' w o u n d ' ) , o r t h e b o r r o w i n g of Frankish blettian (cf. Fr. blesser ' w o u n d ' ) , W a r t b u r g r e m a r k s (p. 149): Die vorigen Beispiele haben uns gezeigt, in welchem Maße die Wörter miteinander zusammenhängen, wie die geringste Modifikation eines Wortes seine Nachbarn in Mitleidenschaft zieht. W a r t b u r g concludes by saying ( p . 154): Die Erforschung der Radix eines Wortes oder einer Wortgruppe ist heute nicht mehr die einzige Aufgabe der Etymologie. Sie hat die zu betrachtende Wortgruppe in ihrer vielfachen Verästelung und mit all ihren Beziehungen zu anderen Gruppen während der ganzen Zeit, da sie einer Sprache angehört, zu verfolgen, ohne jemals die etymologisierende Fragestellung aufzugeben. T h e w o r k of B a l d i n g e r (a s t u d e n t of W a r t b u r g ' s ) a n d G u i r a u d brings us t o s t e p t h r e e , t h e actual study of c o n v e r g e n c e s . T h e t w o scholars s e e m to h a v e d e v e l o p e d t h e idea in a m o r e or less parallel a n d i n d e p e n d e n t f a s h i o n (judging f r o m t h e i n f r e q u e n c y with which they cite e a c h other's w o r k ) . A s t h e t h e o r y receives its m o s t detailed t r e a t m e n t in G u i r a u d ' s writings, I will review B a l dinger's c o n t r i b u t i o n first. I n his seminal 1959 article «L'étymologie hier et a u j o u r d ' h u i » 2 0 , B a l d i n g e r lists t h r e e principles t h a t should p r o v i d e t h e t h e o r e t i c a l f o u n d a t i o n f o r m o d e r n structural etymological investigation. T h e first (p. 218) is t h e a d o p t i o n of t h e «histoire d u m o t » a p p r o a c h , w h i c h , p r o p e r l y a p p l i e d , will result in actual w o r d b i o g r a p h i e s , c o m p l e m e n t i n g « é t y m o l o g i e origine» e i t h e r by c o n f i r m i n g t h e latter's findings, o r by leading to an e t y m o n w h e r e traditional m e t h o d s h a v e failed. A s e c o n d principle (p. 237, actually listed third by B a l d i n g e r ) is recognition t h a t etymology, m o r e t h a n any o t h e r aspect of linguistic study, is tied t o extra-linguistic f a c t o r s of h u m a n c u l t u r e - t o realia, to social o r g a n i z a t i o n , t o beliefs a n d c u s t o m s , a n d so o n . T h e m o s t interesting of t h e t h r e e etymological principles, f o r p r e s e n t purp o s e s , a n d t h e o n e m o s t fully d e v e l o p e d in t h e article, is «l'orientation struct u r a l e d e la r e c h e r c h e é t y m o l o g i q u e » ( p . 223), a n e w o r i e n t a t i o n deriving f r o m t h e s a m e t r e n d in g e n e r a l linguistics. T h e basis of etymological s t r u c t u r e is, as I d e s c r i b e d a b o v e , t h e bipartite n a t u r e of t h e linguistic sign. In a n o t h e r article 2 1 , B a l d i n g e r calls t h e resulting f o r m a l a n d s e m a n t i c p a r a d i g m s « m a c r o s t r u c t u r e s » (p. 104):

20

21

Also cited from Schmitt, Etymologie (see note 19), 213-46. Orig. in Cahiers de l'association internationale des études françaises 11 (1959), 233-64. «La pesadilla de los etimólogos», RFE 48 (1965), 95-104. 9

. . . existen dos macro-estructuras: la macro-estructura en el nivel de la forma (parentesco fonológico entre las palabras de una lengua) y la macro-estructura en el nivel de los conceptos (parentesco entre los conceptos de una l e n g u a ) . . .

The importance of these macrostructures for the etymologist is that they may begin to exert pressures on each other, affecting individual words. Un cambio en una de las estructuras puede tener repercusiones en las demás. No se trata, pues, de algunos casos aislados, sino más bien la regla.

Baldinger has collected literally dozens of examples where form affects meaning and meaning affects form. Many are cited in the articles cited above, and an even longer list may be found in his account of folk etymology: «A propos de l'influence de la langue sur la pensée: étymologie populaire et changement sémantique parallèle»22. It is not by accident that Baldinger's efforts in this field led him to a lengthy study on folk etymology. All of his examples, in effect, focus on the constellation of individual forces that affect particular words, «ce réseau complexe d'associations» («étymologie», 236). This is precisely the kind of analysis that would lead, eventually, to recognition of template change. Guiraud's Les structures étymologiques du lexique français23 is probably the most complete description of the nature of lexical structures of many types. Like his predecessors, Guiraud takes as his point of departure the dichotomy between «étymologie origine» and «étymologie histoire du mot», though he uses terms reminiscent of Wartburg's: «étymologie externe» vs. «étymologie interne». L'étymologie est donc tributaire de deux types d ' a n a l y s e . . . la première est essentiellement analytique, diachronique, externe; la seconde, systématique, synchronique, interne, (p. 5)

Obviously, internal, or systematic etymology is his object of study. He approaches it by breaking the lexicon down into series of convergences, variously called «convergences», «champs morpho-sémantiques», «matrices», «macrosignes», and «catégories lexicales»: U n e catégorie lexicale est formée par l'ensemble des mots qui ont des caractères lexicaux communs. Or le mot est double, signifiant et signifié; les mots formant la catégorie lexicale auront donc en commun, à la fois des caractères sémantiques ( . . . ) et des caractères m o r p h o l o g i q u e s . . . 2 4 (p. 191) 22 23

24

RLiR 37 (1973), 241-73. Paris: Larousse, 1967, as well as his briefer «Que sais-je?» contribution, L'étymologie, published in 1964 (2nd ed. 1967), which is actually more concise than the magnum opus. On this last subject, I should warn the reader that I am greatly simplifying Guiraud's arguments, not so much for reasons of brevity as of clarity. His presentation is marred by a lack of structure, the habit of writing one- or two-sentence paragraphs, and by an overabundance of poorly distinguished terminology. By «morphologiques» (as in «champs morpho-sémantiques»), Guiraud means sometimes «morphological», but other times just «formal». H e goes out of his way to affirm that words need not be etymologically related in order to form a convergence. This confusing term has probably put off more than one reader.

10

The lexicon: apparaît alors comme une matrice, ou plus exactement un corps de matrices: séries de synonymes, chaînes de dérivés, champs d'onomatopées, familles d'emprunts, etc. (p. 80)

As this latter quotation shows, Guiraud takes the concept of paradigm beyond the formal and semantic planes to include both morphological and etymological categories. As I remarked above, morphemes constitute convergences by definition, since they stand at the intersection of form and meaning paradigms. An etymological paradigm is composed of words that have the same type of origin (e. g., a list of borrowings) or even grammatical structure (compounds). These may become part of convergences when they intersect with other types of paradigms (e. g., semantic, as in all loanwords having to do with animals). Not mentioned in this quotation, but central to Guiraud's arguments, are nonmorphemic convergences such as gl- 'light'. Guiraud, then, conceives of the lexicon as a grand matrix of paradigms and convergences. On the basis of this theory he designs a tool of etymological analysis. La contribution de notre étude est dans l'exigence, que nous posons en principe, d'effectuer des inventaires exhaustifs y compris dans le cas de type de dérivation en apparence très simple et à priori sans histoire. Une telle méthode peut amener à la découverte de paradigmes jusque-là insoupçonnés. Elle consiste à réunir tous les mots construits à partir d'un même modèle f o r m e l . . . et à déterminer le ou les sémantismes correspondants... Il s'agit finalement d'établir la convergence entre la forme des catégories signifiantes et celle des catégories signifiées, convergence qui fonde l'étymologie. (p. 33)

Structure is composed primarily of etymological problems worked out through the application of this methodology, of which I present two below. First, Guiraud (p. 13) uses an etymological paradigm to analyze the problem of Fr. baliverne 'sottise', a word that is usually traced to Prov. baioverno 'étincelle' or else listed as of unknown origin. Guiraud attacks the problem by collecting the entire set of words in French which mean 'sottise'. He discovers that many of them belong to an etymological paradigm as well, that of compound words, e . g . , billevesée, faribole, calembour, calembredaine. Accordingly, he tries out the compound hypothesis on baliverne and produces the suggestion that it is composed of bailer and dialectal verner. A much more interesting case, one similar to several Spanish examples I cite in the following chapters, is that of chiquer (p. 126). In the meaning 'execute skillfully', a painting term, it is generally considered to be the French realization of Germ. Schick, Geschick 'skill, dexterity'. Guiraud asks WHY the word was borrowed from German, and seeks an internal etymological explanation, rather than an external pretext, such as evidence of cultural influence. His arguments are again based on information gleaned from the study of paradigms. What he discovers is that there exists a series of word pairs in French, differentiated only by tonic vowel, in this case / i / and l o i . Thus, he compiles a list as follows 11

(étymologie 104, also Structure 141): piquer 'petit coup' tiquer 'petit coup'

póquer 'gros coup' toquer 'gros coup' choquer 'gros coup' Here the semantic paradigm is the idea of a blow, often as applied to painting (piquer 'highlight light areas with touches of white'). Obviously, before the arrival of chiquer, choquer lacked a counterpart in this convergence. Could this have been a factor - a decisive factor - in the borrowing of Schick? Guiraud believes that this is indeed the case. Lexical convergences, and even isolated paradigms alone, may have the power to bring about the introduction of new words, or the modification of old words. This power comes from their numbers and the similarity which binds them. They cease being isolated words and become lexical structures which tend to add to their numbers by serving as models for new words. Guiraud points out that this is the principle behind even the simplest of word-formation rules (p. 9): C'est dans ce mode de création verbale que la notion de structure est la plus évidente. En fait elle a toujours été implicitement reconnue. Le lexicologue (ou le sujet parlant) qui analyse danseur, le réfère à une série chanteur, penseur, laveur, etc., c'est-à-dire à un paradigme d'où il tire sa signification. Car, disons-le en passant, un tel mot est construit moins par l'adjonction du suffixe que par analogie avec une série de formes qui lui servent de modèle.

A lexical structure . . . c'est en effet un modèle dans la mesure où elle permet de construire analogiquement de nouveaux mots. Ce paradigme peut être considéré comme une matrice, dans la mesure où il est dynamique et générateur de nouveaux mots qui sont précipités dans les cases vides, (p. 192)

Chiquer is an example of a word which was created - in this case by being drawn into the language - in order to fill an empty slot in a convergence. On the whole, we will find, borrowing only rarely performs this function. However, Guiraud stresses that models do not make words out of thin air; new words are almost always traceable to elements pre-existing in the lexicon. I will expand on this point later in this chapter. Suffice it to say that Guiraud's account of the nature and functions of lexical structures provides a solid theoretical explanation of the bizarre kinds of phenomena that I will be describing in the following chapters. The reviewers of Structure agreed, on the whole, with this positive assessment of Guiraud's contribution to etymological theory. The only negative evaluation of this aspect of the book, in fact, came from the pen of Harri Meier 2 5 , who is almost alone among modern etymologists in calling for a return to «etymologie-origine». However, though Meier's point of view is biased, it must be admitted that another of his complaints about the book is justified. Almost unanimously, the reviewers characterize Guiraud's actual etymological formulations as unfounded, incomplete, misleading - in short, slipshod. (In fact, the 25

RFS1 (1969), 595-600

12

only review from which this criticism is missing is Malmberg's26, and he states expressly that his review omits consideration of individual etymologies.) Meier (p. 600) complains of Guiraud's «souveräne Ignorierung der Fachliteratur», which would have revealed to him that his ideas were not totally without precedent. Höfler 27 argues that while the study of lexical structures is a useful tool, it is not sufficient in and of itself to produce valid etymologies. It merely suggests possibilités, which must then be subjected to scrutiny by more traditional methods. Schlyter28 feels that Guiraud, in his enthusiasm, perhaps cheats a bit in some of the inventories of his paradigms. In summary, the reviews of Structure parallel almost precisely those of Sainéan's Sources forty years earlier. The attacks to which these very similar books have been subjected should serve as a grim warning to anyone who contemplates doing a project of this type: The study of lexical structure may be an indispensable part of word history, but it is not the only part. We may now proceed to the fourth and final stage of the theoretical development I am tracing, the formulation of the template hypothesis. Most of Guiraud's examples of lexical and etymological structures do not involve template processing as I have defined it. He is more interested in proving the existence of paradigms and tracing their extension throughout the vocabulary, and to this end produces pages-long lists of words with similar forms (e. g., the dozens of dialectal forms in m- denoting tomcats, pp. 142-54), meanings (e.g., of words denoting spots on animals, pp.31-50), or morphological makeup (e. g., tautological compounds such as baliverne, pp. 10-26). In reality, the only authentic template he discusses is that of chiquer, described above, where an empty slot in an apophonic pattern is filled with a borrowed root. His discussion of the apophonic series tic, tac, toc (pp. 67-80) provides an excellent opportunity to present still more examples of the same ilk, but he never really makes this argument for any particular word in the convergence. Several of the etymological explanations in Devoto/Oli's Vocabolario illustrato della lingua italiana29 undeniably presuppose a clear, if tacit, understanding of the template principle. Take the vocalic apophony template, which is operant in Italian as well as in French and (as we shall see in Chapter 8) in Spanish. He provides the following etymological explanations: cosi cosà < cosà, voce foggiata per servire di riscontro talvolta a così, sul modello di qui-quà, li-là. (1:686a) zig-zag < fr. zigzag, inserito in una serie onomatopeica del tipo tictac, viavai. (2:1575a) ghirigoro forma fonosimbolica della serie gr...gr... e i... o, cf. zigzag. (1:1156a) 26 27 28 29

SL 24 (1970), 64-9. ZRPh 84 (1968), 489-92. Moderna Spràk 63 (1969), 416-8. (Milano), 1981. 2 vols.

13

All three of these etymologies have as their cornerstone reference to a convergence, which, it is implied, motivated the creation of the word or root in question, either through apophonic elaboration (ghirigoro), borrowing (zigzag), or compounding (così cosà). I will argue later on in this chapter against the use of onomatopoeic roots such as ghirigoro's gr... gr..but at this point I stress Devoto's evident recognition of template processing. Simple reduplication, whose structure openly invites abstract descriptions, has been so treated by a number of investigators. Matthews 30 , for example, characterizes complete reduplication with the formula 0

0 + o

where o represents an indeterminate number of segments of indeterminate quality. To account for partial reduplication, as in Latin cu-curri 'I ran', mor-mordi 'I bit', fe-felli 'I deceived', he formulates C 1 (V 1 ) . . . - C2 V 2 C 1 (V 1 ) where C 2 = C1, V2 = V 1 Likewise, Pohl31 renders several types of reduplicating formulae, the first two of which are syllable-based: (ABC) x 2 ( A x 2) + ( B x 2) C j A i + Q Ai C2 (Ci Ai C2) + ( Q A 2 C2)

Lomongo folotofoloto Sp. Titicaca Fr. fofolle (where A = vowel) Fr. tictac

Marchand, Haas, and Malkiel have all recognized that apophonic reduplicatives in English involve template processing. Marchand 32 lists 23 ablaut reduplicatives based on the first element, 5 based on the second, and 12 based on both (i. e., compounds). Haas' 33 explanatory comment is a beautifully complete and explicit description of the essence of the template process: In both English and Thai it is difficult and often impossible to isolate a basic form from which a qualitatively ablauting reduplicated word may be said to be derived. And even in cases where this is possible it is sometimes the first element and sometimes the s e c o n d . . . The essential point in both languages, then, is that the speakers prefer to have the resulting reduplicated form fit one of the patterns already established for ablauted words.

Malkiel 34 also shows that he understands perfectly the conspiratorial nature of the English process: 30

31

32

33

34

P. H. Matthews, Morphology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), 1974, 128. I have simplified this rule slightly, leaving out problematic cases. Jacques Pohl, «Hocus pocus, hurluberlu, tutu, Tutur et tictac», Revue de l'Université de Bruxelles 17 (1964-5), 219. H. Marchand, The Categories and Types of Present-Day English Word-Formation (Alabama), 1966, 347. M. Haas, «Types of Reduplication in Thai», Studies in Linguistics 1:4 (1942), separate paging. Y. Malkiel, «Studies in Irreversible Binomials», Essays on Linguistic Themes (Berkeley: University of California Press), 1968, 337.

14

. . . the desired measure of jocose variation is achieved by the prefixing (dilly-dally) or suffixing (whimsey-whamsey) of fanciful by-forms in harmony with a pre-existent vocalic schema.

In view of Malkiel's mastery of both the Spanish lexicon and diachronic methods, it should come as no surprise to anyone to learn that he anticipated template analysis in every detail in an article published almost 25 years ago 35 , where he focuses on a convergence in Spanish that has apparently increased its numbers through template processing. Malkiel lists a total of 26 Spanish adjectives that form a convergence that consists in the form C o (N) C V and a narrow set of pejorative denotations of personal characteristics: ungainly, silly, deranged, lazy, foolish. Some of the forms, he remarks (p. 351), either had these features already in Latin or acquired them through regular phonetic change: cojo 'lame' < coxu 'id.', corto 'short' < curtu 'id.'. Others, however, «acquired this shape through a variety of transformations», including «supervenient saltatory shift» (ñoño, rather than *noño, from nonnu 'granddaddy' 36 ), «morphological adjustment» (i. e., loss of prefix in soso 'insipid' < ensosso < insulsu), and lexical amalgam, i. e., blending (ronco 'hoarse' < raucu 'id.' X rhoncu 'snoring, croaking'). Malkiel, like Haas, summarizes (p. 352) with an admirable synthesis of the cause and means of these changes 37 : In sum: a few Late Latin leader words sharing - one wonders whether fortuitously several salient phonemic, syllabic, accentual, and semantic features, have become, through gradual rapprochement, the central section of a magnetic field toward and into which lexical items less neatly tailored, hence more isolated, are almost irresistibly attracted.

The first scholar that I know of who employed the term «template» was McCarthy, most notably in an article synthesizing the findings of his dissertation 38 . The most relevant part of the study is a discussion of Arabic reduplication. However, McCarthy is not concerned with the growth of convergences through the occurrence of analogically motivated transformations. Instead, he employs the term «template», or more precisely «prosodic template», to designate a particular way of analyzing morphological processes. Briefly, he claims that reduplication and other processes are . . . not a consequence of a transformational rule but rather of the spreading of a particular melodic element to fill up the available slots of the template, (p. 407) 35

36

37

38

Discussed in «Fuentes indígenas y exóticas de los sustantivos y adjectivos en -e», RLR 24 (1960), 221-33, and, my own source here, «Genetic Analysis of Word-Formation», Current Trends in Linguistics, T. A. Sebeok, ed. (The Hague: Mouton) III, 1966, 305 - 64. Actually, the change *ñoño > ñoño was not needed to make the word a constituent of the convergence as described, but of a subgroup of the convergence comprising identical repeated segments. Malkiel notes this. For obvious reasons, i.e. the completeness with which Malkiel has assessed this particular convergence/template, I have omitted it from my own list. LingI 12 (1981), 373-418. 15

The terms «melodic element», i. e., phones, and «slots» (on a segmental tier) pertain to McCarthy's theoretical framework, which is called autosegmental phonology. In essence, then, the article is a proposal for a more elegant theoretical account of synchronic Arabic morphology. 39 As I note in Chapter Two (fn 2), McCarthy's proposal is relevant to the way in which the template changes are conceptualized. Since I am more interested in the lexical rather than the phonological import of these structures, however, I do not take up this issue. Yip argued many of the same theoretical points in a subsequent article, «Skeleta in Chinese Secret Languages», where the term «CV skeleton» is equivalent to McCarthy's «prosodic template» 40 . On the surface, Yip's contribution appears to be more relevant to the present study since it deals with secret languages, an aspect of language play. However, it is not. Yip's point is simply that it is theoretically more correct to analyze a playful, pig-latin type change such as Fuzhou syog > lyor) seyg as the spreading of phonemic melodies over a template CGVGC CVGGC rather than as a transformational rule of the form 1234 12341ey4.1 cannot judge whether Yip is correct on this point, but I should mention that the type of configurative transformations that Yip describes has been appearing in descriptions of secret languages for years. Conklin41, for example, displays a dizzying array of such rules, corresponding to the many variants of Nanun6o (Philippines) courtship languages. He formulates them as individual rules, e. g., rignuk 'tame' becomes nugrik through the application of a rule 123456 453126. Sherzer42, among the many rules operating in secret languages around the world, lists the following syllable reordering rule from Cuna (p. 21): St

S 2 S 3 . . . S n -> S 2

S3 . . . S n Si

e.g., determining the changes osi 'pineapple' > sio, and ipya 'eye' > yaip. Undoubtedly Yip would reformulate these in terms of CV skeleta.

The Playful Vocabulary The subject of this book, as I said at the beginning, is structure in the lexicon: paradigms, convergences, templates. But it is also a book about etymology, word-formation, language change, and last but not least, about all these topics 39

40 41

42

James W. Harris has authored a study of Spanish plural formation in which the concept of template as McCarthy defined it is utilized: «Nonconcatenative Morphology and Spanish Plurals», Journal of Linguistic Research 1 (1980), 15-31. It is not relevant to the present study. LingI 13 (1982), 637-61. H. C. Conklin, «Linguistic Play in its Cultural Context», Language and Society, Dell Hymes, ed. (NY: Harper and Rowe), 295-300. J. Sherzer, «Play Languages: Implications for (Socio)Linguistics», Speech Play, B. Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, ed., (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press), 1976, 1936.

16

as they apply to the Spanish language. Before setting out on our search for templates, therefore, a few words need to be said about the terrain we will be covering, the special types of hazards it contains, and why it was chosen as the hunting grounds. A general description of the search methods employed is also called for. The final three sections of the chapter are devoted, accordingly, to (1) circumscribing and defining the «playful» vocabulary, (2) outlining the special etymological principles that apply to playful words, and (3) describing and justifying the methods I employed in my investigation. It is necessary to address the question of what constitutes the «playful» vocabulary for the simple and inescapable reason that it is there that templates occur. This is explained, in turn, by the fact that analogy occurs only under certain conditions, viz., where there is a greater than usual amount of lexical cross-referencing. Analogy is perhaps most active, for example, in morphological paradigms. Synonyms, antonyms, and words that often appear together in a series are other common candidates for analogical change. Playful words, as I shall explain below, fall into this category because they are manipulated, i. e., played with, on a massive scale, by being compared, concatenated, juxtaposed, and otherwise correlated. The sector of the vocabulary that I am talking about has in the past usually been termed «expressive» or «affective», both of which are actually too general. If «expressive» means 'forcefully representing the meaning or feeling meant to be conveyed', then it follows that any word whatsoever can be expressive when uttered forcefully. The term «affective», defined as 'relating to, arising from, or influencing feeling or emotions' represents something of an improvement over «expressive» in this regard, since it contains the proviso that the emotion conveyed must be context-independent. «Affective» is still unsatisfactory, however, because many words that convey emotional connotations by nature are nevertheless not «playful». The difference between the specifically playful affective connotation and other kinds of affect can be inferred from the two groups of word-pairs listed below. (1) policeman/pig (2) fool!nincompoop

homosexual!queer gibberish!mumbojumbo

athlete/jock failure/flop

The difference between the pairs of words in (1) is simply that the second is derogatory, while the first is value-neutral. This cannot be the differentia in (2), however, because there both constitutents of each pair are derogatory. Instead, the difference is the presence, in the second word of each pair, of the suggestion of an attitude of levity, such that the overall tone of the word is changed from serious moral condemnation to facetious or burlesque humor. Other examples that could be added to (2) include red tape/rigamarole, haphazardly/helter-skelter, hesitate/shilly-shally, and excrement!poop. This attitude of levity or lightness can be added not only to derogatory concepts, in which a speaker «makes light of» (i. e., laughs AT) someone or some17

thing, but also to more positive concepts, thus adding a connotation of «lightheartedness», merriment, and gaiety (i.e., laughing WITH). This can be observed in the pairs in (3). (3) small!teeny-weeny quicklyllickety-split

somersault/flip-flop contraption!thingumbob

many/jillions candylyummies

The concept of «playfulness» can be easily inserted into this pattern. One can play with another person in two different ways, either in a spirit of cooperation, to the mutual enjoyment of both parties, or by making the person the object or butt of one's play through ridicule, in the same sense that a cat «plays» with a mouse before killing it. The concept of playfulness also takes us to the very heart of the matter of analogy and template processing in the affective vocabulary, for they are a form of play as well, of the variety that is sometimes called «speech play»43. Play has been defined 44 , rightly I think, as a behavioral mode whose primary biological purpose is to allow young organisms (mammals and birds) to practice, through manipulation and repetition, certain crucial survival functions (e.g., fighting, fleeing, hunting, etc.) without suffering the consequences of the ineptness of the initial learning period. The young are genetically pre-wired to engage in play, and this is why it is most characteristic of them. On the other hand, play behavior does not disappear altogether in human adults; it merely becomes more sophisticated, as in sports, social games such as gambling, and, above all, speech play. Speech play has many manifestations, including, especially during childhood, imitation, secret languages, use of rhyme, alliteration, and other syntagmatic effects (tongue twisters), nonsense, and distortion. Among adults, punning and duels in which speakers exchange witticisms, insults, or proverbs, are popular. The manifestation most important to the subject at hand, however, appearing in both infantile and adult speech, is playful word-formation, in which forms and meanings alike are manipulated. This brings us to the point to be made: Play that is focused on the lexicon is based on the manipulation of paradigms and convergences - on a radical process of lexical cross-referencing and systematization. This is precisely the sort of activity that favors the development of complex analogical formations such as templates. In principle, I suppose, almost any concept could be embellished with a connotation of «playfulness» or «levity», but in practice, words that carry this connotation fit into a surprisingly small number of denotative categories. The major ones are described below.

43

44

See my article: «The Role of Speech Play in Word-Formation», The Linguistic Connection, J. Casagrande, ed. (Lanham, MD: University Press of America), 207-14. P. C. Reynolds, «Play, Language, and Human Evolution», Play - Its Role in Development and Evolution, J. S. Bruner et al., eds. (NY: Basic), 627. 18

Onomatopoeias. Words which are synchronically interpreted as being imitative of, thus acoustically similar to, sounds occurring in nature are invariably playful, both because they are used mostly in infantile contexts, and because form-meaning correlation, being by definition absent in the overwhelming majority of lexical items, displays by its presence a degree of playful semantic manipulation. As will become immediately apparent in later chapters, onomatopoeias are perhaps more susceptible than any other category to template modification. Infantile. Taken in its broadest possible sense, this category subsumes perhaps 75 % of the words I cite. As I noted above, play is characteristic of children, and so it is only natural that many of the words associated with them in some way tend to suggest playfulness, especially of the positive type. Neither is it surprising that, so interpreted, they tend to undergo playful manipulation. Among the numerous subcategories of infantility are (1) infants (baby) and their caretakers (mama), (2) body parts (tummy) and functions associated with them (poop), (3) terms of basical social interaction (bye-bye), (4) games (peeka-boo), (5) comic movements or postures (piggy-back), and (6) sounds, which for several reasons merit their own category. The tremendous extension of the category is due to the fact that there are a large number of words used only by adults that are characterized by a playful connotation of infantility. These subcategories, however, in contrast to those just named, tend to be distinctly negative in effect. The explanation for this is that while infantile behavior and characteristics are considered tolerable if not endearing in children, in adults who should have outgrown them these same qualities are openly ridiculed. 45 This distinction is captured in the different attitudes conveyed by the words «child-like», on the one hand, and «childish», on the other. I can recall being puzzled by some scholars' (e.g., Morin 46 ) characterization of this semantic effect as «diminution», but in actuality the term is fairly appropriate. The one central property of babies is smallness, and this smallness pervades all aspects of their being, not only their (7) physical size, but also their (8) strength, (9) intelligence, (10) social power, and (11) self-control. Derogatorily playful words that correspond to these defects IN A D U L T S include respectively pint-sized, crotchety, dodo, wimp, and tubby. The last example is especially revealing, for although tubby persons are larger than usual rather than more diminutive, the playful connotation serves to diminish them in a social sense: it B E L I T T L E S them. Finally, it should be noted that categories 4—6 are also represented in adult vocabulary, but often without the usual negative slant. Thus, adult games, especially those connected with gambling, are often playful (acey-deucy, a game similar to blackjack), as are comic movements (bassackwards) and onomatopoeias of sounds other than those made by domestic animals. 45

46

This connection was first explained, so far as I know, by R. Kocher, Reduplikationsbildungen im Französischen und Italienischen (Aarau: Sauerländer), 107, 112. «The Phonology of Echo-Words in French», Language 48 (1972), 97. 19

Diagrammatical concepts. This is another numerically important category. As the name suggests, it includes words whose meanings in some way suggest patterns, degrees of some variable, or movements that can be described in terms of spatial or geometric relations. Among the basic subcategories are (1) actions that are repeated (yo-yo), continuous (jabber-jabber), or intensified (looky-looky), (2) intensified qualities (abso-god-damned-lutely), (3) visual alternations (zigzag), (4) disorder (hodge-podge), (5) low quality (helter-skelter) or untrustworthiness (riffraff). This last category is the result of associative extension of two types. First, the visual alternation of hanging tatters is very closely associated, in Hispanic culture, with poverty or slovenliness, cf. chipicharpa And. 'individuo que tiene poco que perder, pelavaras, ropa suelta'. Secondly, as explained by Marchand (Categories, 347), when the concept of alternation is applied to qualities, it metaphorically suggests ambivalence or duality, i . e . , a two-ness (compare this connotation in the derogative English words suggesting untrustworthiness: two-timer, -faced, double-faced, -dealer, -tongued, etc.).

Templates and Etymology Just about everyone would agree that «playful» words, as I have identified them, tend to present on the whole a greater degree of etymological difficulty than any other semantic type. Malkiel 47 , for example, offers this commentary on the terms «sound symbolism», «onomatoopeia», and «expressivism»: These three key terms presumably mark that aspect of etymological research which is fraught with the greatest number of intrinsic difficulties (sometimes called 'intangibles'), increased by a heavy accumulation of haziness on the part of generations of analysts.

The problem is that playful words often seem to require a completely separate set of assumptions and methods. It can usually be safely assumed, for example, that the link between the form and meaning of a word will be entirely arbitrary, yet imitative words require unaccustomed examinations of this link. A corollary problem is cross-language correspondence. In most etymological investigation, cross-language correspondence can be counted on as a sure indicator of either genetic relatedness or borrowing, but many sound imitations seem to be similar in widely scattered and demonstrably unconnected languages. Yet another problem characteristic of the playful lexicon is a frequent abundance of obviously related variants, whose differences appear to be chaotic and arbitrary. The analyst is often reduced to merely listing these, without explanation, thereby giving the impression that in fact there is no explanation. Finally, a great 47

«Etymology and General Linguistics», Word 18 (1962), 218. Malkiel goes on to say that «this entire range of problems clamors for cool-headed reexamination». The present study is intended to fulfill this need in part.

20

number of playful words simply seem to lack etyma; that is, application of the usual methods of etymological investigation uncovers no clear-cut, previously attested source. Someday I may gather the courage (or foolhardiness) to try to address all of these issues. In the meantime, I have carefully limited my topic here so that this mammoth task would not be necessary. However, I would like to summarize at this early stage some themes that will recur often in the individual chapters, with the goal of showing the value of the tempate hypothesis in partially overcoming at least some of these problems. I will discuss two in particular, (1) the problem of missing etyma, together with the question of «Urschópfung» or «spontaneous creation» of words, and (2) the problem of variation. I cannot overstate the usefulness of the concept of template formation to the etymologist in search of etyma of playful words. Above I cited a few words {titiritar, et al.) from what I shall henceforth call the Q U I Q U I R I Q U Í class, and extracted the template from them. It should be obvious that this same process, when reversed, yields an etymological method or tool: Knowledge of the parameters of a given template enables one to produce with little effort highly probable hypotheses about what sort of input forms could have undergone the limited range of modifications that could have produced any given member of a convergence. Take the Andalusian word repompolonisimo 'slightest' (as in «no me da la repompolonísima gana»), whose bizarre form, to the average speaker of Spanish, is probably suggestive of pompa 'pomp' or even Polonia 'Poland'. At any rate, the word is sufficiently opaque to occasion any number of dead-end etymological hypotheses. I do not mean to boast, but I arrived at the correct etymon in less than two minutes, because I knew two things: (1) that the word is a constituent of the Q U I Q U I R I Q U Í convergence, and ( 2 ) that the two most common transformations that lead to this form are reduplication (tiritar > titiritar) and -L Vj- insertion (pipitaña > pipiritaña). Accordingly, I sought in my Andalusian dictionary the forms polón and pompón, and was immediately rewarded with pompón 'little bit' («su capital es de medio millón de pesos y pompón»), a truly admirable etymon which obviously underwent the latter change. In like manner I traced bulburutera, a Navarrese infantile word from the phrase «a la bulburutera» 'into the air', to bulbul 'bird nightingale'. Where Coraminas was reduced to alleging «Urschópfung», this same method allowed me to trace ringorrango 'excessive flourish in handwriting' (called an «onomatopoeia of the scratching of the pen» by Coraminas) to a reflex of Frankish hring 'ring'. Similarly, where Coraminas, DRAE, Monlau, and García de Diego all attributed chiquichaque 'sound of loud chewing' to spontaneous onomatopoeic origin, my knowledge of the potential effects of the R I F I R R A F E template led me to trace it to a much more realistic source, the verb chascar 'chew loudly'. I am keenly aware, on the other hand, that this new etymological tool is not sufficient alone to prove etymological equations. It must be accompanied by 21

rigorous application of all the more traditional methods, which should serve to winnow out the cases of fortuitous similarity of form. At first glance, for example, it would appear that Col. fafarachar 'talk idly', 'boast' is based on Arag. farachar, in the same way that titiritar is based on tiritar. But the pairing is quickly proven impossible by semantic comparison: farachar means 'to crush hemp'. Indeed, applications of template analysis alone can occasionally lead to something akin to folk etymology. Cuban tenguerengue 'ramshackle hut', for example, could be analyzed, on the basis of the TIMBIRIMBA template, as a reflex of Cub. tengue, the name of a tree whose wood is used as supports in houses. Actually, however, the 'house' meaning is only a particularization of the more general meaning of the expression en tenguerengue 'unstable', which has nothing to do with tengue trees. Another case of this sort is recounted under cucurutiar, in the QUIQUIRIQUÍ chapter. The template hypothesis is also subject to a second kind of overextension. Analogy often occurs where the modifying force is a single word rather than an entire convergence. Thus, it is probable that some analogical change that might appear to be due to template processing is actually due to the influence of only one or two members of a convergence, or even of a word outside the paradigm. For example, one could argue - perhaps not cogently - that the change tiritar > titiritar was conditioned not by what I have been calling the QUIQUIRIQUÍ template, but by the single word títere 'puppet'. One scholar who would probably be inclined to pursue the individual analogy hypothesis is Lázaro Carreter, who attacked Malkiel's claim that there are systematic anti-hiatic consonants in Spanish (as in te-t-era and bosque-r-iiys. Lázaro Carreter claimed that these consonants were not systematic but sporadic, each explainable as a product of an isolated cause, in these cases borrowing (from Fr. thétiére) and multiple suffixation (-ero + -if). I deal with this objection with special care in the REQUILINDORIOS chapter, because I also claim the existence of systematic hiatus-preventing consonants and consonant clusters in Spanish. In the meantime, I say only that (1) in all of my etymologies, I try to note cases in which individual analogy may have been involved, and (2) I believe this is a small number of cases: Most of the time, the template is the only possible cause of the changes illustrated. The examples of ringorrango and chiquichaque, cited above, demonstrate my distrust of any and all claims of «Urschópfung». 49 My complaint with this hypothesis is not that it presupposes that nonlinguistic reality can sometimes affect lexical form - I have stated on more than one occasion that I recognize that this does sometimes happen. Rather, I object to the notion that words so 48

49

F. Lázaro Carreter, «¿Consonantes antihiáticas en español?», Homenaje a Antonio Tovar (Madrid: Gredos), 1972,253-64. Y. Malkiel, «Los interfijos hispánicos: Problema de lingüística histórica y estructural», Estructuralismo e historia: Miscelánea homenaje aAndré Martinet (Univ. de la Laguna) II, 1958, 106-99. A concept defined by F. Rauhut («Probleme der Onomatopöie» VKR 1 (1928), 124) as «Schöpfung ohne irgend ein zugrunde liegendes Etymon, ohne Analogie an ein anderes Wort».

22

affected simply spring into existence, oblivious to the lexical conditions into which they are born. Pohl (p. 210) shares my sentiments. L'étymologie des mots formés de façon expressive est une des moins accessibles, mais ce n'est pas une raison pour que les lexicographes se jugent la conscience en repos quand ils ont écrit dans une parenthèse, à côté d'un mot: 'onomatopée' ou 'création expressive'.

Pohl is only one of many linguists who have realized that new words - imitative or not - must always suit not only the phonological 50 structure, but also the lexical structure of the language in which they are forged. One of the earliest and most striking formulations of this axiom was Rauhut's («Problème», 126) dictum: «Auch in der Sprache stammt jedes Ovum von einem Ovum ab.» Marchand (Categories, 317) states this in equally concise, if less clever terms: Onomatopoeias are not coined haphazardly. Their composition is determined by the system of the language to which they belong, which partly accounts for the differences of words for the same concept in different languages.

Finally51, Guiraud's statement of this principle (Structure 196) clearly evidences his recognition that not only single words, but also whole lexical structures may determine new creations: «Créer un nouveau mot c'est faire passer un mot déjà existant dans un autre paradigme.» In the case of template formation, obviously, this «other paradigm» is the template itself. The task of the etymologist, thus, is to locate both (1) the pre-existing word, or phonic source (what I am calling the I N P U T F O R M = IF) , and (2) the pattern through which this pre-existing word was passed in order to produce the target lexeme, or TEMPLATE FORM (=TF). This is the basic methodology I have followed in this book. The guiding principle of lexical continuity enunciated above also explains why I have rejected the time-honored system - used by Meyer-Lubke, Wartburg, Spitzer, Corominas, and many others - of citing hypothetical expressive roots as etyma, e. g., as when FEW! : 192 traces Fr. babines 'animal lips or chops' to BAB- 'lips', or when Corominas (1:3:33a—5a) explains Sp. lapa 'overhanging rock' as a reflex of (K)LAPP- 'cover violently'. My objection to the procedure is not only that it has led to some serious abuses 52 , but that it tends to propagate the idea that new words need not arise out of old words, that instead they may be pulled out of thin air, from a grab-bag of quasi-universal molds existing on some abstract plane. To be sure, there is nothing wrong with using schematic root forms to refer to cross-language morphemes, but it must always 50

51

52

There are, of course, a small number of words that fail to conform completely to phonological criteria, e . g . , English phew and y ecch, pronounced with phones that are not part of the standard inventory ([ chorroborro 'abundance of something'. It should now be clear why I began my history of template scholarship with the «histoire du mot» approach to etymology, for not only did this movement make the discovery of templates possible, but it now adds template analysis to the list of tools available to carry out its goal of EXPLAINING rather than just cataloguing. I would hope that this volume, with its description of templates and application of the methodology inherent in them, will serve to make this method available to all etymologists, and to encourage them to utilize it in their own studies.

Preliminaries The structure of this work is, in broadest terms, two-part, comprising this chapter, in which all the necessary concepts are introduced, and the remaining ten chapters, in which these concepts are illustrated in the lexicon of Spanish. The ten chapters, in turn, are divisible into three parts, two very broad and one very narrow. The first five chapters (2-6) are devoted to a series of templates which are all characterized semantically by playful overtones, and formally by the presence, in varying phonetic environments, of a sequence -Vj L Vj-, i.e., a sequence comprising a liquid consonant bordered on both sides by identical vowels. As one would expect, the five templates are closely related historically as well, some being outright variants or even offshoots of others, and all being traceable to two or three original sources. To some extent, the existence of each has favored the developmental prospects of the others. For convenience, I refer to the chapters and the templates studied therein by the name of one of their conspicuous constituents. In this part, the chapters are T R Á P A L A , Q U I Q U I R I Q U Í , CHIQUIRRITICO, P E R E N D E N G U E , and B O M B O R Ó N . The second broad section comprises templates based on some form of reduplication, either simple (BULLEBULLE), vocalically apophonic (RIFIRRAFE), or consonantally apophonic (TROCHEMOCHE, TIMBIRIMBA). For reasons discussed in the chapters themselves, diagrammatic concepts are common in all of these three types, while B U L L E B U L L E is often infantile as well. Onomatopoeias are common in practically every template. Unlike the liquid-based convergences, those based on reduplication seem to have separate sources and histories, with little cross-fertilization or borrowing. They are also much less peculiarly Spanish. Since their form is easily recognizable, only TIMBIRIMBA had escaped the prior notice of scholars. The last of the three sections comprises a single chapter, entitled REQUILINDORIOS, whose defining feature is the sequence -NCV-. This structure is very different from the others, and its status as a template formation is perhaps more than the others subject to theoretical objections. Yet I am convinced that it is a template, and I so argue. One of the noticeable characteristics 25

of the REQUILINDORIOS chapter is that many of the template-altered forms discussed there occur in previous chapters as well. Indeed, there is considerable overlap between all of the chapters, there being several words that fit more than one convergence, e. g., dingolondango, which appears in three chapters (RIFIRRAFE, CHIQUIRRITICO, REQUILINDORIOS).

At this point I should say how I went about identifying the templates and gathering together the words that had been affected by them. I first became aware of the existence of complicated lexical structures in the playful lexicon several years ago when studying reduplication in Spanish. The first fruit was my article on the QUIQUIRIQUÍ pattern (Pharies «titiritar»).55 I suspected then that there might be other, similar patterns, and so I launched a mammoth project of data-gathering. My method - admittedly primitve, and arduous enough to make me wish a thousand times that the Spanish lexicon were available in computerized form - was to search dictionaries, page by page, writing down any and all words that seemed to be formally noteworthy. My conception of «formally noteworthy» was based on my considerable acquaintance with the Spanish lexicon, and the experience I had gained in my work on reduplication and the «titiritar» paper. In this initial period I perused some 25 general and dialectal dictionaries. I then paused to analyze the data, and eventually came up with well over a dozen suspected patterns, which I gradually reduced, through elimination and merger, to the final ten. The next nine months were spent in etymological research, during which I had occasion to consult and check for additional data another 75 dictionaries at the least. To this day I am still finding new grist for my mill, but I have despaired of ever being able to include it all. Chapter organization. Since the ten chapters all have similar content and the same purpose, I have written them using a uniform tripartite format comprising (1) a synchronic characterization of the convergence 56 , (2) etymologies of these words, and (3) a history of the origin and development of the convergence and its template. One of the major tasks of the synchronic analysis is to arrive at a formulaic depiction of the convergence's cv structure. Aside from the symbols C, V, L and subscripts, I also have occasion to use B (bilabial consonant), N (nasal consonant), G (glide), X (any number of segments, also represented, wherever possible, by suspension points), and S (any segment, or, where noted, stop consonant). Parentheses, of course, denote optionality, and structures such as C, read «any number of consonants ranging from one at the least to three at the most». Following this formulation there is a statistical analysis of the frequency of certain types of vowels and consonants (whose theoretical significance is interpreted in the QUIQUIRIQUÍ chapter), and a semantic breakdown. 55

56

«Expressive Word-Formation in Spanish: T h e Cases of titiritar 'tremble', pipiritaña 'cane flute', etc.» RPh 36 (1983), 347-65. Actually, the characterization is limited, for practical reasons, to convergence m e m b e r s that have undergone template processing.

26

In the second section I have arranged the etymologies into groups, according to the nature of the change the input forms underwent to produce the new convergence members, e.g., all those that underwent metathesis in one group, vowel raising in another, and so on. Whenever I am unable to decide between two different possibilities, I so note. Prior to the listing of etymologies in each group, I comment on the nature of the change, justify my belief that it was template caused, and list any previous etymological attempts - both successes and failures - that are of interest. Most are failures, which helps me in my efforts to show the utility of the template hypothesis. An important aspect of these lists of etymologies is that within each group they are listed in an intentional order corresponding roughly to my degree of certainty that I have located the correct IF (input form) and that the template hypothesis is appropriate. The few exceptions to this broad rule are due to the need to list related etymologies together. Beyond this, I have not made any systematic effort to show the precise degree of my certainty or lack of it, though I often remark on this factor in the individual etymologies. However, the fact that I reserve a special section (discussed below) for «difficult cases» indicates that in general I have tried to reserve the main lists for equations I am fairly sure about. The etymologies themselves are as exhaustive as I could make them, and also follow a set format. First, I cite the convergence member, or template form (TF) being studied, fully identifying it in terms of dialect, meanings, bibliographic sources, and where available, first attestation date. The definitions here as elsewhere are in Spanish; translating them would have caused no end of problems and misunderstandings, or else necessitated an intolerable number of notes for clarification and disambiguation. Next, where appropriate, I list derivatives ( = DER) and variants ( = VAR), also fully identified. Under the rubric IF I cite the input form that I believe underwent template modification to produce the TF, together with cognates or suspected cognates. Occasionally I list more than one IF, when it appears that several may have contributed to the phonetic material modeled on the pattern. I should emphasize that I do not normally etymologize the IF in turn, since my purpose is only to establish the correctness of the template hypothesis for the particular change involved. At any rate, most of the IFS are common words that present no special etymological difficulties. The final component of the etymological article is «commentary» ( = COM), in which I clarify any obscure points about the precise nature of the template's effects, list alternative hypotheses, account for the variants, and discuss previous etymological attempts. This section may be anywhere from several pages in length (e.g., niquenaque) down to nothing at all, where the derivation seems entirely straightforward (e.g., pegapega < pegar). Immediately following the last change category in each chapter I list several «difficult cases», i.e., those in which (1) template action seems plausible but cannot be established to my satisfaction, (2) my search for an IF was utterly frustrated, or (3) the appear27

ance of convergence membership is misleading. Categories 1 and 2 can be taken as calls for help. The history section of each chapter also has a number of components, whose order is relatively fixed but subject to some modification as required by the nature of the data and proofs to be considered. For example, one of the components, consideration of the template's relation to other templates, may come first when the template is in fact derivative, but only much later where the relationship is weak. The examination of first attestation dates, which might be expected to loom large in a historical analysis, usually does not, because no dates are available for the majority of the words studied. The reason for this is that almost all of these convergences, as far as I have been able to learn, are fairly recent creations, or else only recently acquired significant numbers of constituents and began template processing. Over 80% of the template-derived words, in fact, seem to have arisen in the 19th and 20th centuries. Couple this with the fact that standard reference works usually list first attestation dates only for relatively old words - usually those attested before 1800 - and it is easy to see why definite judgments of chronological order of appearance for most words in my corpus are impossible. The lack of attestation dates would seem to provide grounds for contesting some of my etymological equations, since I am sometimes unable to prove conclusively that the IF appeared, as it had to, before the TF. My counterarguments are that (1) in most cases the IF is demonstrably ancient, making its chronological primacy over the undated TF a foregone conclusion, (2) in the many cases where both IF and TF can be dated, the IF is always earlier or only slightly later, and (3) the template hypothesis provides a clear explanation for the change IF > TF, while no credible justifications for the reverse process are usually available. Another significant factor in determining the origin and development of a convergence / template is the degree to which it exists in nearby and cognate languages, since parallel existence may indicate origin at some proto-stage. Hence the inclusion, in each chapter, of a comparative section, containing evidence that I gathered from nearby languages, including French, Portuguese, Catalan, Provençal and Gascon / Béarnais, Italian, and Basque. Other languages are cited when needed. Again, my methodology was to systematically comb dictionaries for relevant forms. I typically picked one large standard work for this purpose. Obviously, I was not able to maintain the level of microscopic scrutiny I demanded of myself for Spanish, but I am convinced that my summaries give accurate if not totally complete pictures of the situation in each language. In evaluating these lists, one must always consider the possibilities that (1) the pattern spread from one language to another through bilingualism or heavy borrowing of convergence members, (2) the mother language contained the potential for such a development, and this potential was realized after differentiation in the daughter languages through «drift», or (3) the pattern 28

is such that it is realized universally or almost universally in playful lexicons, reduplication being the classic example. 51 After placing the convergence in time, it is also possible to place it in space, by tracing the dialectal distribution of its constituents, particularly their dialects of origin. Most of the patterns I have studied have very marked and idiosyncratic distributional patterns in which regions of considerable activity contrast with other zones where the pattern is all but unknown. This information is sometimes useful in trying to determine the local conditions that might have contributed to the rise of a particular pattern. It also serves to highlight the fact that the great majority of the words in my corpus pertain only to local dialects. At first I thought this might be due to the notorious conservatism of the DRAE and other dictionaries of standard Spanish with regard to the inclusion of regional words, but conversations about the corpus with native speakers has convinced me that the words are truly local, since they are practically never recognizable to people from outside their dialect area. The primary reason for this is no doubt the words' recent vintage. They simply have not had time to spread. Also, due to their semantic nature, they are more likely to remain oral, thus dependent on person-to-person transmission. Written down in literature, newspapers, and other printed media they might stand a better chance to catch on in distant dialects or in the standard. By far the most unconventional source of information about the history and especially the productivity of templates is infantile literature. But since infantility is one of the key semantic areas involved, it is not surprising that the chants and songs of children would reflect in a very vivid way the formational processes I am studying. I discovered the value of this source early on and eventually went through 25 collections of children's literature in search of convergence forms. I was rewarded with information of several types. First, I saw which patterns are still active (e.g., QUIQUIRIQUÍ), which are not (TROCHEMOCHE), and which may be in the future (i / o apophony seems to be gaining ground). Second, I got still more examples to place in my lists of template derivatives. Third, I compiled lists of nonsense words whose peculiar condition of being semantically unencumbered makes them ideal for reflecting the aesthetic tastes of their users, who are free to modify them with no loss of communicative power. Not surprisingly, these modifications often move in the direction of template specifications. Accordingly, I list such words in the historical section to provide a unique barometer of the vigor of the individual patterns in the contemporary infantile mind.

57

I beg indulgence for citing Galician with Spanish. I do so because the playful lexicons of Galician, Asturian, and Leonese form a coherent cluster which has evidently played a major role in the development of some convergences.

29

CHAPTER TWO

TRÁPALA

I. Description of the Convergence and Template All words in this convergence are characterized by a final sequence of the form . . . V (C) C Vj L Vj i.e., where the word ends with an atonic sequence of two syllables, whose vowels are identical and whose final consonant is a liquid. The optional consonant appears in 11 (N = 7, /r/ = 4) of the 25 convergence members studied here. Vj is /a/16 times, /i/ 4, /el 3, /o/ once, and a combination of /i-a/ (zípirri-záparra) twice. Initial consonants tend to be stops or affricates (17 of 25) and unvoiced (16 of 25). 1 The denotative categories exhibited are primarily infantile: (1) games and toys: bailara, bréchalas, cíngala, títere, zagala, zúmbala, zánzala, (2) sounds: cháchara, chípala-chápala, gárgara, górgoro, guasángara, taratántara, típilitápala, trápala (3) animals: tíguere, dúrmili-dúrmili, rechárchara. The remaining words have humorous connotations: ajilimójili, díceres, quimbámbaras, trácala, trínquilis, as well as the three words (cháncharras máncharras, zángallamángalla, zíquirri-zácarra) which are denotatively aligned with other apophonic words (see R I F I R R A F E , T R O C H E M O C H E ) .

II. Template Change Categories A. - L V r Suffixation 2 (18 items) . . . V (C) C Vj 1 2 3 4

1

2

3

4

L Vj

Numerically the most important, this category could also be called the most characteristic and the most drastic, since it involves the outright addition of both of the defining features of the formal pattern. Few of these words have received any etymological treatment at all, the major exception being trápala, which Coraminas explains through one of his alternating expressive roots - T R A P - , 1 2

These parameters are interpreted in Chapter Three. McCarthy would say that the Vj «spreads» to the post-liquid position in the template.

30

Since ajilimójili (orig. ajilimoje) illustrates primarily the action of the template, it is analyzed there, though its final form, which shows the concomitant action of the T R A P A L A template, justifies its mention here. Note that I include forms such as chipala-chápala (< chipachapa) but not zímbili-zámbala (< zúmbala) because only the former shows original template processing. The latter is only an elaboration of an already expanded derivative.

TRAPL-.

CHIQUIRRITICO

1.

Nav. 'voz onomatopéyica, para indicar caída a trompicones, a golpes' (Iribarren 493a). 3 IF: tipi-tapa Nav. 'Expresión onomatopéyica muy corriente para indicar paso ligero. Expresa también labor continuada, el esfuerzo metódico y constante' (Iribarren). COM: Basque tipitapa 'onom. del paso cortito y ligero' (L. Múgica 506b) is probably the source of Spanish tipi-tapa, as apophony of all vowels is characteristic of Basque and not otherwise known outside of the NE Spanish dialects. TÍPILI-TÁPALA

2.

C H Í P A L A - C H Á P A L A Arag. 'Voz significando el ruido que se hace con los pies andando entre charcos o moviendo el agua con las manos' (Pardo Asso 120). IF: chipa-chapa 'id.' (Pardo Asso); cf. Basque txipi-txapa 'andar descalzo en el agua', txipli-txapla 'patullar dentro del agua' (López M. 560a). COM: Pardo Asso actually writes chipala-chapala, without paroxytonic stress, which I assume is an error. The Spanish forms may very well have been borrowed from Basque, as the expansion typical of this template does occur in Basque with significant frequency. The root form might have been chipli-chapla (cf. Bilb. chiplischaplas 'se hacían cogiendo piedras planas y arrojándolas con violencia sobre la superficie del río, de manera que dieran saltos en el agua del euskera onomatopéyico Arriaga 81), in which case the change is not - L Vj addition, but pre-liquid vowel insertion.

3.

ZÍQUIRRI-ZÁCARRA Nav. 'expresión onomatopéyica para indicar movimiento de un lado para otro' (Iribarren 539a). IF: zigzag m. 'serie de líneas que forman alternativamente ángulos entrantes y salientes' ( D R A E 1368a); cf. Basque zikirri-zakarra 'de cualquier manera, a la ligera' (López M. 627a). COM: This formation may have taken place within Basque, judging from the strong development of this type, including the related zirriki-zarraka 'hacer algo desgarbadamente' (L. Múgica 575b) and other, similar forms: zirriki-marraka 'dando vuletas' (López M. 675b), zipirri-zaparra 'andar sin garbo' (López 3

As is usual in lexicological works of this sort, I have adopted a system of documentation which differentiates between dictionaries, word lists, and other heavily used material (such as primary sources of infantile words) on the one hand, and interpretive works on the other. While the latter are cited in footnotes, the former are referred to by author and page only. This shortcut is necessitated by the frequency with which these works are cited. Corominas 1 and 2 refer to the edition numbers of his magnum opus. Other conventions are established in individual chapters. 31

M. 633a), zirriparra 'ruido, alboroto' (López M. 636a), some of which appear in Iribarren also. See zigzag for further etymological analysis. 4.

Z Á N G A L L A M Á N G A L L A Gal. s. f. 'chácharas máncharas, rodeos y pretextos para dejar de hacer una cosa' (Carré Alvarellos 752). IF: zangamanga 'treta, ardid' (DRAE 1365a - attest. 1726), hacer la zangamanga Leon, 'andar de un lado para otro sin realizar cosa de provecho' (Alonso Garrote 350), zangomango 'treta, ardid', propiamente 'ardid para no trabajar' (Corominas 1:4:828a-attest. Cervantes).

5. Z A N Z A L A N a v . 'columpio' (Iribarren 534b). IF: zanza 'id.' (Iribarren). COM: Contrary to expectation, there is no similar Basque equivalent. 6.

TRÍNQUILIS

And.

VAR: trinquiliforte

M.

'trinquis' (Alcalá Venceslada 626a).

(q.V.)

IF: trinquis m. fam. 'trago de vino o licor' (DRAE 1299c); trincar 'beber vino o licor' (Alonso 4043a, Pichardo 660b), Arg. estar en trinque 'estar ebrio' (Abad de Santillán 946b). COM: Corominas 1:4:546b—7a adds: «En catalán - quizá también alguna vez en castellano - ha tomado, gracias a su valor onomatopéyico, el valor de 'brindar, chocando los vasos'. De ahí trinquis 'trago'.» I assume that he is suggesting, as I would, that brindis explains the -s on trinquis. The ultimate etymon, Germ. trinken 'drink', is noted by Corominas, Alonso 4043a, and DEEH no. 6856, but missed by DRAE 1299c, which derives it from trincar 'atar fuertemente' < trinca 'junta de tres cosas de la misma clase' < Lat. trim 'tres', 'triple'). 7.

T Í T E R E m. 'figurilla de pasta u otra materia, vestida y adornada, que se mueve con alguna cuerda o introduciendo una mano en su interior' ( D R A E 1270b - attest. 1605), Sant. 'agalla del roble' (García Lomas 337). VAR: títare Salm. 'figurilla' (Lamano 642), títaro Val. 'id.' (Corominas 1:4:463b -attest. 1656). IF: Prov. titè, titèi 'poupée, petite fille, petite personne fort parée', 'pupille de l'oeil', vars. peteto, piteto, petèto, petoto, poutoto 'id.' (Mistral 2:559a—b), cf. petito, peteto 'pupille de l'oeil', 'paquet de tripes cuites, entortillé en forme de poupée' (Mistral 2:559c) < petit, pitit 'petit' (Mistral 559c). Compare also Gasc. tite 'aphérèse de petite', 'cri pour appeler les poules', titi 'terme d'amitié pour dire petit, mignon' (Palay 960a), Cat. titella 'el putxinel-li', 'home ridicul' (Griera 14:101b). COM: The only problem here is locating precisely which of the derivatives of petit listed actually served as the input which produce títere. Both Provençal and Gascon provide promising forms, of which Prov. titè is best semantically, and Gascon tite is best formally. Corominas cites several of these forms but does not consider the idea that they may have served as the IF for Spanish. Instead, he becomes obsessed with the alleged onomatopoeic character of the words (as denounced, he says, by their variability), and searches for a common etymon

32

for them all. Thus, following Covarrubias, he claims: «Es probable que se trate de una imitación de la voz aguda ti-ti que con su lengüeta presta el titerero a sus muñecos.» I should mention as well that A. Castro 4 had argued that títere is a reflex of Fr. titre, O. Fr. titele 'title' «en el sentido especial de 'iglesia, monumento'» (p. 507, a meaning not actually attested), which became 'retablo de muñecos' as a result of the frequent use of puppets in shows ridiculing religion. Given the excellence of petit as an etymon, these hypotheses can now be definitively dispensed with. 8.

Z A G A L A And. m. 'En los juegos infantiles, el que hace el cuarto para saltar, tirar la chapa, etc.' «Tú eres el zágala y yo soy el mano.» (Alcalá Venceslada 657b - attest. 1585). DER: zagalaporra (q. v.) IF: zaga 'el postrero en el juego', a la zaga 'atrás o detrás' (Alonso 4227b attest. 1726), Cast, zaguero 'último, trasero' (Craddock 5 ). COM: Zágala is very early, casting doubt on its status vis-à-vis the template. On the other hand, its expressive nature, overtly infantile, is unquestionable. Another problem, probably not significant, is the fact that zágala is attested 150 years before zaga. Note that there is also a word zagala f. 'muchacha soltera', 'pastora joven', Leon, Sant. 'niñera' ( D R A E 1363a), paroxytonic, unrelated.

9.

Arg. adj. 'dormilón', m. 'pájaro pico', 'capullo plateado de una mariposa' (Neves 234b). VAR: duerme-duerme Arg. 'dormilón' (Neves 234a). IF: dormilón 'muy inclinado a dormir', Cent. Am. y S Am. m. 'ave de los caprimúlgidos' ( D R A E 494c). COM: A dormilón, besides being a sleepyhead, is a night-jar or goatsucker, such as a nighthawk or whippoorwill. They sleep all day. The tonic vowel of dúrmilidúrmili is also seen in other forms of the verb dormir 'sleep', e. g., durmiendo, present participle, and durmió, third person singular perfect. DÚRMILI-DÚRMILI

10. z Á M B A L A N a v . 'columpio' (Iribarren 533b). VAR: címbili-zúmbala Nav. 'id.' (Iribarren 127b). IF: zambo Nav. «En Navarra, contrariamente a la acepción del Diccionario, llaman zambo al individuo que por mala configuración tiene las rodillas distantes y las piernas arqueadas en forma de paréntesis. Y al que anda con los pies torcidos y las puntas hacia adentro» (Iribarren 533b); cf. Basque zanbulu 'columpio' (L. Múgica 564a). COM: The connection between the physical defect described and a swing is the fact that persons thus afflicted sway noticeably from side to side when walking. The variant is zámbala processed through the R I F I R R A F E template. Since 4 5

A. Castro, «La palabra títere», MLN 57 (1942), 505-10. J. R. Craddock, «Las categorías derivacionales de los sufijos átonos: picaro, páparo y afines», Studia Hispánico in honorem R. Lapesa (Madrid: Gredos), 1975,111:226. Hereafter referred to as Craddock «picaro». 33

zambo has a plausible Latin etymon, strambus (Coraminas 1:4:816b), and since there seems not to be such a Basque etymon, the Basque form must be borrowed. 11.

AJILIMÓJILI

(see the

CHIQUIRRITICO

chapter).

12. BRÉCHALAS Argot '¿brechador?', '¿cargador de brechas?' (Hill 30 - attest. 1609). IF: brecha Argot 'dado', 'el que entra por tercio en el juego' (Hill); cf. brechar Argot 'meter dado falso en el juego' ( D R A E 202a). COM: The word comes from Juan Hidalgo XXIII, 65-8: «Lindo contraste de dupas, bréchalas muy mejor; y también sirve de tercio si le viene a conclusión.» The word does seem to refer to a person (with dupa and tercio), although the many examples of -LVj addition where the meaning is unaffected argue for an interpretation as simply 'dice'. 13. GUASÁNGARA Dom. 'bullicio, escándalo' (Alonso 2197b). IF: guasanga Cent. Am., Cub., Col., Mex. 'bulla, algazara, barahúnda' ( D R A E 684c, Pichardo 355a). COM: That guasángara is the template-expanded form of guasanga I am quite certain. I do not list this with the many «sufijo átono» additions to indigenous roots because of its obvious semantic playfulness, which suggests template action was probably involved. There are several other words seemingly related to this: guángara Cub. 'broma, alegría bulliciosa' (Ortiz Afronegr. 230, Pichardo 348b), Col. f. 'cualquier vasija ancha y honda' (Neves 290a), guasábara, guazábara Col., P. Rico, Dom. 'motín, algarada, gritería', Ven. 'la pelusa áspera de las tunas y otros vegetales', P. Rico 'árbol de madera fuerte, compacta, y de color encarnado' ( D R A E 684c, Henríquez Ureña Dom. 124, Revollo 133a), 'guerra en que intervienen indios' (Alonso 2200b). Coraminas 2:3:251b thinks guasanga is a blend of the synonyms guasábara and bullanga, which may be true. Ortiz Catauro has a much more convenient approach to this impossible problem (s. v. guángara 27b): «Procede claramente de guasa, guasanga, guasángara, guángara, por procedimiento lingüístico que no necesitamos explicar, subsistiendo aún las cuatro voces con el mismo significado, como fases sucesivas de la evolución de una expresión fonética.» 14. QUIMBÁMBARAS Cuba pl. 'lugar muy lejano, allá en lo más remoto' (Pichardo 572). VAR: quimbambas Cuba 'id.', quimbámbulas Cuba 'id.' (Pichardo). IF: quimbambas (see above). COM: There is a plethora of supposed African etyma to choose from, some of which suggest wholesale borrowing, others needing template remodeling. Pichardo suggests Bámbara 'comarca más allá del Senegambia', while Ortiz 34

Afronegr. 398-9 counters with Congolese Quimbambí 'alta cordillera de montañas en el interior del Congo', Kimbambala 'región conga', Cambamba 'población de Angola'. Another notable piece of evidence that confirms beyond suspicion the African provenience of the word, and further confuses the question of the form of the etymon, is Ptg. quimbamba 'ave africana' (Moráis 1965b). In summary, we assume that either quimbambas is the original form in Cuba, or that quimbámbaras was imported whole cloth, perhaps with a variant quimbambas. 15.

B É I L A R A Ast. 'especie de perinola que hacen los niños con las agallas del roble. La agalla redonda del roble que sirve para hacer esas perinolas' (Acevedo 34). VAR: báilara Ast. 'id.' (Menéndez Pidal 6 ). IF: beila(r) 'bailar' (Acevedo). COM: Tempate formation on the basis of beila '(he) dances' is here an alternative hypothesis to Craddock's («picaro» 222) assertion that béilara is a secondary derivative from bailarín 'id.'. Since the concepts 'agalla' and 'perinola' are closely associated (cf. Sant. bailarina 'agalla del roble' Penny 201), the variant agállara may have played a large role in the production of béilara. I cite béilara rather than báilara as the primary form since Menéndez Pidal gives no source for the latter, and may have assumed its existence.

16. R E C H Á R C H A R A Ast. s. f. 'alondra arborícola' (Vigón 393). VAR: charchabelare Nav. 'Die. de una clase de alondra pequeña que anda por las cercanías de las poblaciones y que suele anidar en los sembrados' (Alonso 1336a), charchalear And. 'hablar vanamente, sin fundamento' (Alonso 1336a). IF: char, char Ast. 'onomatopeya del canto del tordo' (Vigón 141). 17.

'ruido, movimiento, y confusión de gente' (attest. XV), 'ruido acompasado del trote o galope de un caballo' (attest. XVI), 'ruido de voces o movimiento descompuesto de los pies' (DRAE 1288b - attest. XVII), 'embuste, engaño', 'flujo o prurito de hablar mucho y sin substancia', 'persona que habla mucho y sin substancia', 'persona falsa y embustera', Argot 'cárcel' (Alonso 4015a, DRAE). VARS. and D E R I V S : trípala-trápala Arag. 'onomatopeya significando el hablar mucho' (Pardo Asso 364), trípili-trápala Nav. 'se dice de la persona atalantada, atropellada, de la que hace las cosas de prisa y de cualquier manera, salga lo que saliere' (Iribarren 506a), trípili 'tonadilla cantada en los teatros de España desde el último tercio del s. XVIII' (Alonso 4046a), trapalandaina Arag. 'trapalón, embustero' (Pardo Asso 361). IF: trapa 'ruido de los pies o vocería grande y alboroto de gente' (Alonso 4014b - attest. 1614); cf. Cat. trap-trap 'el soroll del cavall que galopa', 'el soroll deis 6

TRÁPALA

R. Menéndez Pidal, «Sufijos átonos en español», Bausteine zur romanischen Philologie (Festgable für Mussafia) (Halle: Niemeyer), 1905 , 389. Hereafter referred to as Bausteine.

35

peus' (Griera 14:139a), Ptg. trápala s.f. term. cast. ant. 'barulho' (Moráis 2386b), Ital. trappola 'dispositivo impiegato nella caccia per la cattura di animali' (Devoto 2:1392b), Basque trapala 'galope', trapa 'palpitación del corazón', 'onomatopeya del acto de caminar' (Azkue Dicc. 288a). COM: Everyone (Coraminas 1:4:537b, Monlau 1098a, DEEH 533a, DRAE) agrees that trapa and trápala are related, but no one actually derives the latter from the former; rather, they say that they are two of a series of related onomatopoieas. So much for the onomatopoeic meanings. The problem is what to do with trápala 'embustero'. As trapa does not have this meaning, there are three possible approaches to the problem. (1) To consider them, with Alonso, Monlau, DRAE and Menéndez Pidal (Bausteine 395) as separate words with separate origins, (2) to assume that the onomatopoeic trapa is also the source of the meaning associated with deceit, having reached that stage through the intermediary 'prurito de hablar mucho y sin substancia', which suggests both sound and deceit, (3) to combine the two trápalas (as Coraminas does) in an alternating «onomatopoeic root» T R A M P - , T R A P P - , the former variant having produced trampa 'artificio para cazar' ( D R A E 1285b), the latter trápala in its various forms. As I have indicated, I believe that hypothesis (2) is correct, but I would add that the semantic change cited may have been aided by contamination by trampa. As for the variants, both trípala-trápala and trípili-trápala are derived from trápala, the former evoking confused sound, the latter confused movements. Trípili 'tonadilla' is a back-formation from trípili-trápala, as shown by the following rime (Falange 283): «Con el trípili, trípili, trápala / esta tonadilla se canta y baila». According to EUI (25:764), the trípili was popularized by the actor and singer Manuel Garcia (1775-1832). Compare trompilipitrómpili 'canción popular del tiempo de Moratín' (Alonso 4055a), var. trómboli trómboli (both attest. XVIII), from trompa 'instrumento músico de viento' (DRAE 1301c). 18.

Méx., P. Rico, Ven. 'trampa, ardid, engaño' (DRAE 1283a), Cub., Ec. 'matracalada, cáfila' (Neves 555b). V A R S : trícala-trácala, trícolo-traco (vid. triquitraque). IF: traca 'serie de traques' (Alonso 4001b), 'artificio de pólvora que se hace con una serie de petardos colocados a lo largo de una cuerda' (DRAE 1283a). COM: Trácala and trápala are parallel not only in form and derivation but also in meaning. Both, apparently, are sound imitations which have developed a secondary acceptation 'trick, ruse'. In the case of trápala I explain this as a result of the intermediate stage 'excessive talk' and the influence of trampa. Perhaps trácala developed this way because a string of firecrackers is an excellent tool for practical jokes. Since trápala and trácala are similar in so many ways, the former, the most widely used, may have influenced the latter. TRÁCALA

36

B. Pre-Liquid Vowel Epenthesis (2 items) . . . V (C) C L Vj 1 2 3 4 5 +

1 2 3

Vj

4 5

This change parallels similar epentheses registered in the C H I Q U I R R I T I C O and P E R E N D E N G U E convergences, and is open to the same alternative explanations (i.e., syllable simplification, emphasis). Since the process is quite rare in TRÁPALA-type words, I postpone the discussion of the alternatives to those chapters, the former in particular. In the meantime, I will only say that I favor the template hypothesis over all others in both of the following cases. 19.

T Í G U E R E Méx., Dom. 'tigre' (Henríquez Ureña «Méjico» 317, Alv. Nazario Arcaísmo 67), Dom. 'el más valiente de su barrio' (Patín Maceo 190a). VAR: tíguiri P. Rico (Alvarez Nazario, Elemento Afro. 127, 160). IF: tigre 'mamífero carnicero... parecido al gato' (DRAE 1265a). COM: «En Vz. de Guevara y otros varios, con anaptixis, tenemos la forma bastante común una tíguere (La serrana de la Vera, v. 2522)» (Coraminas 1:4:446a). The template explains the anaptyxis.

20. CÍNGALA Nav. 'columpio' (Iribarren 128a). IF: cinglarse Nav. 'vencerse, tambalearse, balancearse, columpiarse' (Iribarren 128b). COM: The primary meaning of cinglar is 'hacer andar un bote, canoa, etc., con un solo remo puesto a popa' (Alonso 1070a), an action that is here associated with a zigzag movement, or with the act of propelling oneself. C. Stress Shift and Vj Addition (2 items) C Vj C C Vj L . . . 1 2 3 4 5 6 + l V 3 4 5 6

Vj

21.

G Á R G A R A f. 'acción de mantener un líquido en la garganta, con la boca hacia arriba, sin tragarlo y arrojando el aliento, lo cual produce un ruido semejante al del agua en ebullición' ( D R A E 655b - attest. 1581). IF: gargarizar 'hacer gárgaras' (1555), gargarismo 'acción de gargarizar' ( D R A E - a t t e s t . 1513). COM: Coraminas 2:3:95a lists gárgara as a back-formation from the IFS shown above, which are borrowings from Greek.

22.

Sal. 'trago o sorbo' (Alonso 2159b, Lamano 475), Méx. 'burbuja, gorgorita, pompa' (Alonso). IF: gorgor 'gorgoteo, ruido de un líquido en la garganta del que lo bebe' (Alonso). GÓRGORO

37

COM: Coraminas 2:3:174b lists gorgor and górgoro as «en parte creaciones según esta raíz onomatopéyica (GURG-) y en parte verdaderos derivados de gorga o gorja.» The derivation górgoro < gorgor is formally elegant, and there are no major semantic objections. However, this explanation may be incomplete without mention of the entire gor...gor... 'throaty sound' convergence, which I explore more fully at gorigori. D. Blend (1 item) 23.

D Í C E R E S Amer. m. pi. 'enredos, chismes, dimes y diretes' (Fern. Naranjo 61, Neves 231a, Alonso 1548b - attest. 1899). IF: decires 'dichos notables por la sentencia, por la oportunidad, o por otro motivo' ( D R A E 423c) X dice, third person sg. of decir. COM: Coraminas 2:2:433a, after dismissing Cuervo's blend hypothesis (decires X dicen - § 940) and Henríquez Urefia's ( B D H A 4, 262; 5, 72) proposal that it is a Latinism, settles on a long-shot suggestion of analogy with retráeres 'id.' (from Prov. retraire 'proverbio'), which appears in J. Ruiz: «¿Podríamos suponer que según el modelo de este retráeres se formó un díceres, relacionado semánticamente? Sin duda, aunque la distancia entre el siglo XIV y el XIX, en que aparece díceres, es muy grande. Mientras no se haya hecho una búsqueda acerca de la antigüedad de esta expresión nada se podrá asegurar.» This is clearly outlandish. Díceres is no doubt of modern creation, having arisen with the modern abundance of T R Á P A L A formations. According to Corominas, «cuesta comprender cómo la forma nominal los decires pudo combinarse con la puramente verbal dicen», but I do not find it at all hard to understand, expecially when the T R Á P A L A template's ancillary existence encouraged the final form as well as the burlesque shift in meaning. Note that one could argue for a derivation dice > díceres, but this would be absurd given that the primary meaning is that of decires. Quite simply, the template made the blend more natural, thus more likely to occur.

E. Borrowing (2 items) It might seem unusual to have a «borrowing» category of template change. The point is, precisely as in Guiraud's case chiquer, that if the borrowing of a particular item is at least partially due to its fitness for membership in a convergence, then it can be listed among the words attracted by the template. Cháchara actually belongs to another category as well, vowel change, since the final vowels of the actual etymon were probably (given the phonetic evolution of Italian) -era. Taratántara is a crass Latinism, also borrowed, cf. the list of borrowed words in -ara in sect. 3, which are, however, not playful in meaning. 24.

T A R A T Á N T A R A m. 'ruido de tambor' (Alonso 3893b), m. 'toque de la trompeta' ( D R A E 1255c). V A R S : tarantántara m. 'ruido de tambor' (Alonso 3893a), tantarán, tantarantán 'id.' (Corominas 1:4:370b - attest. 1726).

38

IF: Lat. taratantara 'toque de la trompeta' ( D R A E 1244c). COM: Ital. taratántara «voce onomatopeica, foggiata dal poeta Ennio, per imitare el clangore delle trombe» (Devoto 2:1273d). Devoto calls this word «literary», and the same is obviously true in Spanish. 25. CHACHARA f. fam. 'abundancia de palabras inútiles', 'conversación frivola', 'baratijas, cachivaches' ( D R A E 402c - attest. 1551), Arg. adj. 'ocioso, despreocupado', Ec. 'broma, burla', Chil. and Méx. 'baratija chuchería, cachivache' (Neves 170b, Lenz elementos 1:237). VARS: chécheres Cent. A m . , Col., 'trastos, cachivaches, trebejos' (Neves 185b, Tobón 63, DRAE 408b, Valle 80, Gagini 211); chérchere Perú adj. 'malo, mal hecho, de aspecto feo y pobre', Pan. m. pl. 'trebejos' (Neves 186b); féferes Cent. A m . , Col., Cub. 'bártulos, trastos, baratijas' (Neves 262b, Gagini 328, Suárez 223b), Cub. 'alimentos' (Sánchez-Boudy Dicc. 169), buscar los féferes Col., C. Rica, Cub., Ec. 'ganarse el sustento' (Espina Pérez 80b); juíjeres Col. 'trebejos, cachivaches' (Tascón 177). IF: Ital. chiacchiera 'il conversare animatamente e confusamente, in m o d o piacevole', 'parole futili', cf. ciáccia Tuse, 'chi si da da fare a chiacchierare a s p r o p o s i t o . . .degli affari degli altri' (Battaglia 3:105a), far cicere e ciácere Trent, 'id.' (Morawski 7 ). COM: DRAE and Coraminas 2 : 2 : 3 9 0 b agree that Italian is the source of this word, though only Coraminas bothers to mention that chiacchiera is «pronunciado dialectalmente ciáccera», and even he doesn't identify the dialect. They also agree that chiacchiera is onomatopoeic. DEEH § 2084 passes over the Italian word and goes straight to an onomatopoeic root char, whence charlar, charada, etc. The meaning 'baratijas' is d u e to the natural connection between jumbles of words and jumbles of objects. The Ec. acceptation is probably d u e to the influence of chancha 'id.'. A s for chécheres, Suárez (s. v. chévere 178, also Alvarez Nazario Elementos 245) proposes Cub. cheche 'bravatero, perdonavidas' as the etymon, but this is unlikely for semantic and geographic reasons. T h e only viable 8 hypothesis is that it is a variant of chácharas, which can also refer to 'baratijas'. ( D R A E 402c places no dialectal limitations on this acceptation, though Neves places its use in Mexico and Chile, an unlikely combination.) T h e question is, why the change /a/ > /e/? Cuervo § 795 lists the equation chácharas > chécheres as an example of vowel raising by a palatal consonant. This is, however, the only tonic vowel in his list, a difference which casts grave doubt on the explanation. Also, all the other examples show an /e/ > ¡M

1 8

J. Morawski, «Les formules apophoniques en espagnol et en roman», RFE16 (1929), 351. W. Megenney, «Common Words of African Origin Used in Latin America», Hispania 66 (1983), 5, without any supporting evidence whatever, traces chéchere < Tsopi (a language in S. Zimbabwe) tsetse 'a suckling child'. His commentary on this formula is ludicrous: «This is certainly a case of a word the meaning of which has been extended about as broadly as possible.» 39

change. The only other possible motivating force I can think of is analogy. The problem is that, though there are several ch- words suggesting 'baratijas', they tend to contain tonic l\I rather than Id : chalchihuite Guat., Salv., chilindrina, chisme, chichería, Amer. var. of chuchería, (cosa de) chicha y nabo. Since I can hardly believe that /e/ was adopted as a compromise vowel between /a/ and /i/ , I must admit to failure in my attempt to localize the source of the analogy (but see below). As for chérchere, the word shows signs of having been modeled on chécheres, but its root, I believe, is probably chercha Hond., Pan., Ven. 'chacota, burla'. I presume that the word became confused with chécheres to produce the straightforward Panamanian form. In Perú the negative connotations must have become dominant and a new adjectival use initiated. Col. cherche 'planta venenosa' (Neves 186b) does not figure into the equation. Of course it might be hypothesized that this explanation is backwards, and that chércheres came before chécheres, the latter merely being a variant of the former, having been influenced by chácharas to give up its liquid consonant, and to shift its meaning slightly. This would have the virtue of explaining the use of /e/ , but runs aground of the much greater geographic extention of chécheres. As for féferes, Neves includes Mexico in the distribution of the word, a contention hotly denied by Santamaría 521a. Ortiz Afronegr. 203-4 cites two African hypotheses: (1) Malinké/e o fe 'todas las cosas', from fe 'cosa', and (2) Carabalí mfefere 'cosa ligera', either of which would be plausible were it not for the extraCaribbean extension of the word, and, more importantly, the parallel existence of chácharas and chécheres. Since there is no record of a chlf variation in Spanish, the only route of explanation is, once again, analogy, with chécheres as the starting point. Among the possible influences we may count ferretreque Cub. m. 'barullo, lío, desorden', ferretretes Col. m. pi. 'bártulos, avíos', fervellón Ven. m. 'bullanga, tumulto' (Neves), and, most important, friolera and fruslería. The meaning 'food' is probably derivative, and at any rate I find no important food names in /-. Finally, I assume thatTascón has accidently omitted the accent mark on the form juijeres. Were the form jéjeres I would simply cite the f / j alternation discussed under fafaratina - this alternation may be involved at any rate. Otherwise I am stumped.

F. Difficult Cases - dulcemele 'salterio' (Corominas 2:2:535a - attest. 1843) is identified by Corominas as a reflex of «lat. dulce mel 'miel dulce', por lo agradable de su sonido». This appears correct, but leaves open the questions of (1) why someone was making up a Latinized name for this instrument in the 19th century, and (2) why the stress is placed on the antepenultimate syllable. Corominas cites also dulcema, var. of dulzaina, which would be an excellent IF for the TRAPALA template, were it not for the fact that a psaltery is a stringed instrument, while a «dulzaina» is a wind instrument. 40

- bábara 'tañido, baile, o contradanza', 'cierto género de coche, cuya hechura es como la de las estufas' occurs in Aut. 1:525b and, as far as I have been able to learn, nowhere else. Aut. remarks «es voz francesa», but that route proved unfruitful as well for me. - trúfala Bol. 'picaro, bribón, sinvergüenza', deriv. trafalería 'picardía' (Fernández Naranjo 134). Apparently this word is invariant, the form in -a sufficing for men as well (an interpretation which, if it is true, lends credence to my arguments below on the status of -aro words in this family). I suspect that this is a distortion of trápala (cf. trapalón 'embustero', 'hablador'), since both /p/ and /f/ are unvoiced labials, but I know of no parallel cases which might confirm this suspicion. chévere Cub., P. Rico 'excelente, bueno' (Espina Pérez 60), 'elegante, guapo', 'petimetre', 'presumido' (Ortiz Afronegr. 167-8), 'valentón' (Neves 187a). Var. cheveré (Ortiz Afronegr.). Suárez 177 adds: «Otros dicen chévere cantúa.» Sánchez-Boudy Dicc. 129 states: «Muchas veces lleva el sentido de persona que no dice que n o . . . chévere mancunchévere, cheverongo.» There is no lack of etymological hypotheses: (1) cheche 'id.' + Lucumí egberi 'con la cabeza alzada', (2) Calabar sebede 'adornarse profusamente' (Ortiz Afronegr.), (3) cheche (Suárez 177), (4) Haitian Fr. chevalier (Ortiz Catauro 196), (5) «Guillermo de Croy, Señor de Chiévres (sic), personaje influyente en la corte de Carlos V» (Ortiz Catauro 196-7), (6) «es la letra de una canción» (SánchezBoudy), (7) «es vocablo de origen africano que ha pasado ya al lenguaje vulgar de Cuba, aunque todavía con tono familiar y festivo» (Rodríguez Hererra 1:428b). Hypothesis 5 was originated by José Juan Arrom (Hispanic Studies in Honor of Nicholson B. Adams), who presents historical information alleging that Sr. de Chiévres (1458-1521) was so «chévere» that he motivated a new name for the concept. I find none of these compelling. It is true that the limited extension of the term suggests African origin, but as usual I am left cold by the grab-bag methodology of the Africanophiles. - (de) bóbilis bóbilis 'gratis', 'sin esfuerzo' (attest. 1726), var. de vobis vobis 'id.' (attest. Cervantes), de vóbilis vobis (attest. Tirso) (Coraminas 2:1:602a). Coraminas is right on target: «deformación del lat. vobis 'para vosotros', expresión del que reparte dinero a otra g e n t e . . . es la forma común la deformada por una especie de hiperlatinismo burlesco, como el que ha producido la terminación -íbilis del español chulesco y vulgar: flamenquíbilis, cursíbilis, boquíbilis, blanquíbilis... Después se ha escrito con b- (Aut.) como si fuese derivado de bobo.» Coraminas cites M. L. Wagner9 for the -íbilis forms, where -íbilis is the Latin form corresponding to Mod. Sp. -ible (cf. boquíbilis 'mangeaille' vis-à-vis

9

M. L. Wagner, Notes linguistiques sur l'argot barcelonais (Barcelona: Institut d'estudis catalans), 1924, 18.

41

Sant. boquible 'comida' García Lomas 87). The only effect of the T R Á P A L A template in these cases, if any, was to heighten the humor of the incongruous use of Latin. - guáchere Cub. 'el golpe dado en la oreja con uno o más dedos' (Pichardo 337b, Suárez 257a, Rodríguez Herrera 2:45b, who lists a var. guácharé). Both Pichardo and Rodr. H. remark that the word is antiquated, but the former and Suárez affirm that it is of indigenous origin. DRAE 680b lists a guache Col., Ven. 'villano, canalla' which has a promising form but not meaning or geographic extension. - guángara Cub., Dom., 'bulla de muchas personas, algazara' (Pichardo 348b, Neves 290a). Neves also lists a meaning in Col. 'cualquier vasija ancha y honda', which suggests that there are two separate lexemes. I find no likely etyma and no previous etymological discussion, other than Ortiz' extraneous remark recorded in guasángara. - ñácara Leon. f. 'fluxión nasal o moco seco, pegado al interior de los tabiques de la nariz' (Alonso Garrote 277). This is not really a «difficult case», nor am I uncertain about its origin: it merely belongs to a category which I am not covering systematically in this book, namely, semantic change. Alonso Garrote's etymological hypothesis makes this clear: «¿Proviene de nácara, nácar (pronunciado con ñ- leonesa) por semejanza de aspecto entre las hojuelas o escamas del nácar y las concreciones nasales?» Alonso Garrote lists several words that illustrate the palatalization of initial n- in Leonese: nadar 'nadar', nalgadas 'azotes en las posaderas' (277), ñebrina 'neblina', ñon 'no' (278). The burlesque change from 'mother of pearl' to 'nasal effluvium' serves to place ñácara squarely in the T R Á P A L A convergence.

III. History of the Convergence and Template have placed TRAPALA first in order among the five - L Vj- convergences because, though it is smaller than most of the others and even, to an extent, more recent in its development, its origins involve and illustrate most directly the historical factors that made all of them possible. The T R A P A L A convergence occurs at the intersection of two paradigms, the semantic paradigm comprising »playful» meanings, and the formal paradigm characterized by the configuration described in section I. The crucial fact that shapes our approach to the history of this convergence is that the formal paradigm contains dozens of words that fall outside the convergence, i.e., dozens of words that are not semantically playful. Below I list many of these, arranged according to the origin of the characteristic -L Vj- sequence. I

42

1. Analogy. Espinosa 1:258, 2:116 cites several feminine words in -ar that have, through hypercharacterization, acquired the final -a typical of feminine nouns: azucara Dom., Sant., Cádiz, Astorga, Leon (Alonso Garrote 153), asúcara New Méx. (azúcar has always vacillated between masculine and feminine gender), ánsara, almibara Dom. 2. Paragogic -e. Paragoge is the addition of a sound (usu. a vowel) to the end of a word, without any etymological justification, often for euphony or ease in pronunciation. Many authorities have noted this tendency in Spanish, especially in its older stages. Menéndez Pidal10 notes that conservation of -e after r, rr, ss, and nd was the rule in the early glosses, perhaps, he believes, because the glosses were produced in learned situations. Alonso Garrote 178 identifies Leon, cáncere 'cáncer' as an «ejemplo dialectal de e paragógica». This might also be the case of arrecájele Salm. 'vencejo, avión' (Lamano 249), a var. of arrecájel, as well as in arricángele, arricángel 'id.' of which Lamano 253 says: «Corren estas dos palabras, con o sin paragoge, en tierra de Ciudad Rodrigo». (Note the blend with ángel or arcángel.) 3. Direct Transmission. Of the many Latin words in -ara, only cámara 'sala o pieza principal de una casa' (DRAE 234a), it seems, has retained this form throughout the process of transmission to modern Spanish. 4. Borrowing. A. Latin, including Hellenisms passed through Latin: célere 'pronto, rápido' (< celer, -eris) congénere 'del mismo género' (< congener -eris) fárfara 'planta herbácea' (attest. 1555 < farfarus) sámara 'fruto seco' (< samara 'simiente del olmo') cítara 'instrumento musical semejante a la lira' (attest. 1440 < cithara). B. Greek: fósforo 'cerilla' < phosphórus 'que lleva luz'. C. Arabic: alcándara 'percha donde se ponían las aves de cetrería' (< kandará) guájara 'fragosidad, lo más áspero de una sierra' (< watyara 'lugar donde pasan fieras') máscara 'antifaz' (< mas\¡ara 'bufón') támara 'dátil' (< tamra 'id.') nácara 'copa interna de la concha' (< náqar) címbara 'guadaña corta' (< zebbára). 10

R. Menéndez Pidal, Orígenes del español, 2» ed. (Madrid: RFE Anejo 1), 1929, 38.1, hereafter referred to as Orígenes. 43

D. Hebrew: cúbala 'tradición o r a l . . . del antiguo testamento' (< qabbalab 'tradición'). E. Amerindian languages:11 guáchara Cub. 'mentira', C. Rica 'instrumento músico' (voz india - Pichardo 337b) tucúquere 'buho de gran tamaño' jicara 'vasija pequeña de madera' (< Méx. xicallí 'vaso') chácara 'arisco' (< Quech. chucru 'duro') acatéchili 'pájaro americano' chácara 'granja' (< Quech. chakra 'id.', Coraminas 2:2:309a) chácara Col. 'monedero' (< Quech, DRAE 402a, Alvarado Glos. 111) chácara Cent. Am., Col., Chil. 'llaga, úlcera' (< Quech. chakara 'divieso, ántrax', Malaret Dicc. 289) guasábara Col., P. Rico, Dom. 'motín' (< lengua indígena antillana, Coraminas 2:3:251b) guásara Dom. 'nombre de vegetal' (< orig. taino, Henríquez Ureña Dom. 127). 4. Suffixation. The following will serve as a reference list for the extended discussion of the 'sufijo átono' to follow: 12 alicántara 'víbora' < alicante 'id.' lizázara Bierzo 'cemento' < alizace 'id.' abollágara 'agalla' < *abogállara < bogalla 'id.' cáscara 'corteza de los huevos, de varias frutas, y de otras cosas' < casca 'id.' gállara, agállara (Menéndez Pidal Orígenes, 61 bis), algállara Salm. (Lamano 211) 'agalla' < agalla támara Cast, 'paja', támbara Soria 'leña muy delgada' < tamo 'paja' pitara 'pito' < pitar báilara, béilara Ast. 'perinola' < bai-, beilar áscuara Ast. 'ascua' < ascua aviéspara Ast. 'avispón' < aviespa cucara Ast. 'agalla' < cuco 'astuto' gájaras Trasm. 'food offered to mowers in excess of their wages' < gajas llámpara Trasm. 'pala' < lapa pómpara13Trasm., Ast. 'burbuja' (Rato 99, Vigón 370) < p o m p a 11

12

13

Corominas «toponomástica» lOln calis guácharo Ec., Chil. < guacho and guámparo Arg. < guampa 'cuerno' American manifestations of the sufijo átono. Also, some of these are definite convergence members, but I can't tell how to classify them. Taken, unless otherwise noted, from Y. Malkiel «The Rise of the Nominal Augment in Romance», RPh 26 (1972-3), 312. This word could be regarded as a template-processed member of the TRÁPALA convergence, if one were to decide that the meaning 'burbujas' has automatic playful overtones.

44

ándaras Ast. 'andas para llevar los muertos' (Rodríguez-Cast., 298) < andas gándara Ast., Gal. 'terreno inculto y llano . . . con agua y pantanoso' (Carré Al. 461b, Corominas 2:3:71b), Gal. vars. gandra, granda (< * ganda 'id.') güévara Ast. 'hueva' (Vigón 257) < hueva páparo Ast. 'papilla' (DEEH 4789) < papa cáncharas Dom. 'breñales, malezas', 'lejanía' (Neves 102b) < cancha 'terreno llano y desembarazado' tárjara Sant. 'tarja' (García Lomas 333) < tarja. One cannot overemphasize the significance of the fact that the formal paradigm which contains the T R Á P A L A convergence also comprises a subdivision of the so-called «sufijos átonos». The connection is fairly obvious, since some of the template changes I have discussed are clearly suffixoid in nature. As we shall see, the correspondences between the two groups go even deeper. The «sufijos átonos» have attracted the attention of the greatest Hispanic linguists of this century to a greater degree than any other topic I discuss in this book. This offers me the rare luxury of standing on someone else's shoulders. I will depend primarily on the three articles Menéndez Pidal devoted to the subject 14 , on several contributions by J. R. Craddock, and especially on Malkiel's «The Rise of the Nominal Augments in Romance», which provides a contemporary overview of the major avenues of inquiry, and offers, in my opinion, the correct explanation for the rise and survival of both the sufijos átonos and the T R Á P A L A convergence/template. Readers who are interested in a broad survey of the problem are referred to these works, as I limit my purview below to the points crucial to the history of the T R Á P A L A template. My examples in Category 4 all share the precise form -ara, but though this is a common type of sufijo átono, it is not the only one. Most cases, in fact, lack vowel harmony, and /a/ as well as /e o ii are found with a variety of consonants, including (1) -/-: O. Sp. murciégalo 'murciélago' (< murciegó), bonítalo 'pez' (< bonito), pezpítalo 'pezpita' ( *xixistrón > xixilistrón. Xistrón and vars. must be back-formations. Xixa is the local realization of chicha, cf. «cosa de chicha y nabo» 'cosa insignificante'. 9. C H I N C H I R I R Í N Nav. 'columpio' (Alvar 271b). VAR: chichirirín chompelá 'balancearse' (Alvar). IF: chinchilín Nav. 'columpio' (Iribarren 126b). COM: After the addition of the additional -L Vj- syllable, the resulting *chinchirilin became chinchirirín. The var. chichirirín may be due to the influence of Basque txilin '(sonido de) campanilla' (López M. 556b), txitxilikatu 'colarse' (López M. 563a), or merely to back-formation on the R E Q U I L I N D O R I O S pattern. Chompelar Nav. 'columpiar' (Iribarren 180a). 10.

(A LA) B U L B U R U T E R A Nav. 'al alto, al aire'. Lo dicen los chicos cuando lanzan al aire piedras, monedas, etc. «A la bulburutera / que la coja el que quiera» (Iribarren 92a). IF: bulbul m. 'pájaro de la familia de los picnonótidos, parecido al ruiseñor' (Alonso 795b), Nav. 'mentira, trola' (Iribarren), Rioja interj. 'voz para asustar a los niños' (Magaña 275). COM: Clearly, if you throw something into the air, you may imagine that you are throwing it to the inhabitants of the air, specifically to birds. Note that some of the meanings of bulbul are already infantile.

11.

JUIRIPAGO

Guat. 'voz de los campesinos que demuestran júbilo, alegría' (Alonso 2453b). IF: jijear Salm. 'lanzar el grito jubiloso ¡ji, ji, ji!' (DRAE 767c, Lamano 504), jirijear 'id.' (Lamano); pago 'satisfacción' ( D R A E 948c), cf. Basque kikirikai 'Jubelschrei' (Lópelmann 698). COM: The only questions here are whether the element pago is correctly identified, and whether there is any connection between Basque and Spanish. 12.

TUTURULEGA

Leon, (inf.) «Pin, pin, / zaramagallín, / la pega, la mega, / la tuturulega; / el hijo del rey / por aquí pasó, / tolas damas / convidó, / menos una / que dejó.» (Alonso Garrote 292). VAR: «Pin zoropín / la ceca, la meca / la tuturubeca» (Rodríguez Marín 49); Ptg. «pinpín, sarracotín / la pega, la meda, / la torta llega» (Cadilla juegos 75). IF: torta 'masa de harina, de figura redonda' ( D R A E 1280b). COM: Another possibility is tórtola 'paloma' ( D R A E 1280c). The endings -ega, -eca are clearly determined by rhyme - Rodríguez Marín remarks (1:114) of tuturubeca: «el segundo y tercer verso parecen referirse a la frase proverbial de ceca en meca». 13.

(A) C U C U R U M I L L O Mure. mod. adv. fam. 'a hombros'. Se emplea ordinariamente refiriéndose a niños' (García Soriano 36). VAR: en cuncurumbillos Gran. m. adv. 'en bomborombillos' (DRAE 398a). IF: Basque kukubillo 'en cuclillas' (López M. 382b).

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COM: All the discrepancies can be explained. (1) In the expressive vocabulary of Basque, bilabials alternate freely - zurruburru / zurrupurru / zurrumurru 'ruido confuso' (López M. 562, L. Múgica 582); (2) the meaning 'en cuclillas' is naturally associable with 'a hombros', since the person riding 'a hombros' must naturally squat, (3) the insertion of -b- after -m- is not without parallels (see the many examples in R E Q U I L I N D O R I O S ) , and the synonym bomborombillos may have encouraged this as well. See cuzculubita for a general comment on words in cucu.ru-, cuculu-. 14.

P I M P I R I M P I M Ast. 'voz onomatopéyica usada en una rima popular' (Vigón 363). IF: pin, pin Leon, 'juego de muchachos. En castellano, pizpirigaña' (Alonso Garrote 292). COM: In spite of the incompleteness of Vigon's identification of pimpirimpim, there's little doubt that it is a template derivative of pin, pin. The derivation pin pin > *pimpirim > pimpirimpim, with the addition of another identical syllable at the end, is parallel to the development of tintirintín.

15.

P I P I R I G A L L O s. m. 'planta herbácea, vivaz, leguminosa, de flores en espiga, encarnadas y olorosas. Es común en España' (Alonso 3289b - attest. 1843), 'planta leguminosa de flores encarnadas, olorosas, cuyo conjunto semeja la cresta y carúnculos del gallo' (Alemany Bolufer Dicc. 1045a), Mure, 'salto, corcobo, corveta', «Domingo de pipirigallo» 'domingo de carnaval, así dicho probablemente por la antigua costumbre de celebrarlo matando una gallina y un gallo. Hay un cantarcillo infantil popular, que empieza: «Mañana, domingo, / de pipirigallo, / montao en mi caballo / me iré a p a s e a r . . . » (García Soriano 101a), Col. 'pizpirigaña, juego de chicos' (Alonso 3289b). V A R S : pempirigallo, pimpirigallo Arag. 'planta' (Coraminas 1 : 3 : 7 8 3 b ) . IF: (TWO hypotheses) (1) perigallo 'cinta de color llamativo, que llevaban las mujeres en la parte superior de la cabeza' (Alonso 3228b), (2) pipigallo 'planta' (Asín Palacios 232); cf. Cat. pipirigall 'la trepadella' (Griera 11:318a). COM: There are two complex hypotheses for pipirigallo (Engl, 'sainfoin'), each presupposing a different type of template modification. Corominas argues strongly for both of them (1:3:782a—3b). According to the first scenario, the starting point was Sp. perigallo 'pellejo que con exceso pende de la barba o de la garganta' (Alonso 3228b), a word which, according to Corominas, acquired the meaning 'brightly colored hair ribbons' through contamination by perifollo 'id.' «por una etimología popular que vio en el vocablo una alusión a las carúnculas del gallo, a las que recuerdan las flores de esta planta, y así el vocablo fue adaptado al tipo onomatopéyico quiquiriquí» (782b). As proof that the folk identification described has in fact taken place, I can cite Cub. pirigallo 'cresta o penacho' (Alonso 3292b). The second hypothesis begins with a form written down by a Hispano-Musulman botanist of the 11th and 12th centuries, namely pipigallo (or as Corominas transcribes it, bibigállo) 'acederilla' ('wood sorrel'). «Si esta planta es semejante al pipirigallo, esto parece oponerse a esta

60

etimología e indicar que es realmente un compuesto del nombre del gallo, con el elemento onomatopéyico pipiri- (paralelo a quiquiriquí, comp. cat. piperepips 'amapola').» The late attestation date of pipirigallo, as well as the absence of pipigallo during the intervening years, weighs against this identification. While the Col. meaning 'pizpirigafla' is clearly due to a confusion of the two similar words, and domingo de pipirigallo probably correctly explained by Garcia Soriano as a popular etymology, I am not able to explain the acceptation 'salto, corcobo'. As for the Arag. forms, the nasal addition could either be spontaneous, or as Coraminas (783b) would have it, a result of the influence of pimpinela, another plant-name. DRAE\ (1029c) etymology of pipirigallo «de la onomat. pipiri y gallo» is similar to Coraminas' second hypothesis, though it lacks the starting point of pipigallo. I will show in sec. i that the first three syllables of this template have indeed acquired quasi-morphemic status. 16.

D O N D O R O N D Ó N Mure, 'despectivo, personaje fastuoso y ridículo' (García Soriano 44). IF: Cf. Cat. dondejar-se 'és caminar amb moviment afectat de balanceig' (Griera 5:210a), Fr. dondon 'grosse femme' (Petit Robert 506b), Ital. dondirillone 'dondolone', dondolare 'mandar di quá e di lá cosa che sia sospesa' (Battisti-Alessio 2:1380b). C O M : A S FEW 138b states: «Die Silbe D O N D - malt das Hin- und Her-schwanken, das Aufschnellen.»The French and Murcian forms can be traced to the fact that fat people tend to sway when walking. Arag. dorondón 'niebla espesa y fría' (Pardo Asso 131, Borao 212) is not related, as farachar is unrelated to fafarachar.

B. Reduplication (11 items) Q

% (C) L

1 2 3 4 5

VJ

...

- > - 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5

Since reduplication occurs elsewhere in the Spanish lexicon for different reasons (see B U L L E B U L L E ) , these changes could be mistaken for the more generalized phenomenon. Seen together with the other change categories here, however, it is obvious that this one is just another manifestation of the Q U I Q U I R I Q U Í template. Although very few of these words have attracted any etymologist's attention, the ones that have seem to have proven difficult. The pair of titiritaña and titiritaina, which to me could not be more transparently related, are completely separated by Coraminas, who derives the former from tiretaine (correct, but in a way he does not recognize) blended with tarlatana (wrong), while associating the latter with tararear! Indeed, the biggest story here is the new etymology for tiritar, which is not an onomatopoeia as maintained by REW, DRAE, Spitzer, and Coraminas, but rather a verbal derivative of tiritaña. 17. T A N T A L A N T O I R A Ast. 'tarabilla del molino' (DEEH no. 6561). IF: talantoria Ast. 'tanobia' (Rato 113b). 61

COM: Tanobia means 'tablón delantero de la puerta de las paneras u orros, donde desde la subidora se encarama el que sube y se desliza el que baja' (Rato 114a), a concept that I do not fully understand. My impression is that the onomatopoeias talán ('sonido de la campana' DRAE 1238c), and possibly tantán ('sonido del tambor' Alonso 3886a) are involved, as a millclapper is comparable to both bell and drum. It is possible, of course, that tantalán is the base form (cf. tantarantán), and that talantoria is a back-formation. The suffix -oira, for -oria is preserved in Asturias, as shown by these words from García Suárez: barredoiras 'ramas de uces o folletos' (291), feridoira 'molinillo que se emplea para hacer la manteca' (294), sacadoira 'pieza de las carretas' (299). 18.

( E N ) B O M B O R O M B I L L O S And. 'coger por debajo de los brazos a un muchacho entre dos y llevarlo en vilo' (Alcalá Venceslada 94b), 'a horcajadas, sobre los hombros de una persona' (DRAE 193c). IF: en borombillos 'en bomborombillos' (Alcalá Venceslada 96d). COM: There is a chance that bombo And. 'tonto' (Alcalá Venceslada 94a) is the key word here, and that borombillos is a back-formation from bomborombillos made on the basis of the template.

19. M A M A R R A M I Á U Nav. 'onomatopeya del maullido del gato' (Iribarren 317a). VAR: marramamiáu Nav. 'id.' (Iribarren 324a). IF: marramiáu Nav. 'id.' (Iribarren 324a), Gen. Sp. marramao, -u 'id.' ( D R A E 849c); cf. Ital. maramèo, -ào 'id.' (Devoto 2:42b), cat. marranyau 'id.' (Griera 10:111b). COM: The unreduplicated form, widely used, is clearly primary. Marramamiáu is a product of the P E R E N D E N G U E template, based on mamarramiáu. 20.

C H I C H I R I N A D A m. 'voz de capricho, equivalente a «nada»' (Alonso 1346b), «a la noche, chichirimoche, a la mañana, chichirinada» 'expresión jocosa con que se moteja a los inconscientes que cada día mudan de parecer, y no están en la palabra dada' (Alonso 1346b). IF: chirinada Arg. 'suceso en que sale ridiculamente frustrado el intento' (EUI 17:546b), 'algarada, revolución insignificante y descabellada' (Corominas 1:2:61b). COM: Chirinada < chirinola (attest. 1662) 'disputa', 'cosa de poco momento', 'juego de muchachos' (DRAE 412a), And. 'charla continuada' (Alcalá Venceslada 203a) < Cerignola 'battle of 1503 in which Spanish men boasted of having participated' (Corominas). Apparently a failure to take these exploits seriously resulted in the meaning 'insignificant thing', which set the stage for the conversion of -noia into -nada 'nothing'. The facts admit a second hypothesis here, that chirinada is a back-formation from chichirinada < chichirinabo. Both are excellent hypotheses, and I would need more dialectal and chronological information to choose between them.

21.

C H I C H I R I M O C H E m. fam. 'cúmulo de propósitos, de designios, de promesas sin fundamento' «A la noche, chichirimoche, a la mañana, chichirinada»

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'expresión jocosa con que se moteja a los inconscientes que cada día mudan de parecer y no están en la palabra dada' (Alonso 1346b), Ec., Perú 'el juego que hacen los muchachos que quitan a otros algún objeto, pasándola de mano en mano entre varios individuos y diciendo: «¡chichirimoche! ¡chichirimoche!» escamotean dicho objeto' (EUI 17:273). IF: chirimoche 'montón de cosas, multitud informe de objetos' (EUI 16:546b); cf. Prov. chichilimochi 'mascaron, masque grotesque' (Mistral 1:545a). COM: Chirimoche presumably also (see chichirinada) belongs to the chirinola family, -moche < mochar 'cut, lop off' (Coraminas 1:4:614b) is a quasi-morpheme occuring also in trochemoche 'helter-skelter' and sacrismoche 'one who goes about dressed in black'. It is also highly suggestive of mucho 'much', which, along with the fact that it rhymes with noche, accounts for its use in the jocular expression. Again as in the case of chichirinada, we cannot wholly discount the possibility that chichirimoche is a modern variant of chichirinabo, chirimoche being a back-formation on the basis of the template. The Provençal form I cannot explain; it must have some other origin. 22. T I T I R I T A R 'temblar de frío o de miedo' (Alonso 3968b - attest. XVII). VAR: titiritear Bilb. 'id.' (Arriaga 169). IF: tiritar 'id.' ( D R A E 1269b - attest. 1607). COM: The connection between the two words is uncontested. Cuervo § 815 notes that the reduplication serves a nonarbitrary function in this case: «la duplicación se mira oportuna para denotar intensidad o para ponderar». The interesting story here is that of tiritar. It is attributed to onomatopoeic or expressive creation by REW (8664 terit(s)- 'Schallwort'), DRAE (1269b «de la onomat. tir del temblor»), Spitzer (Lexikalisches 129-30), and Coraminas (1:4:462a «creación expresiva»). In fact, however, it is a verbal derivative of tiritaña, tiritaina (see titiritaña) whose meanings range from the original 'tela endeble de seda', through the more general 'cosa de poca sustancia o entidad' ( D R A E 1269b) to Salm., Nav. 'temblor producido por el calofrío de la fiebre' (Lamano 643, Alonso 3965a), the obvious semantic common denominator being the tendency to shake, ripple, or shiver. I mentioned in the introductory chapter that there is a slight possibility that the word títere might have favored this change, provided that shaking was considered characteristic of puppets. 23.

( D E ) T I T I R I T A Ñ A Nav. 'de mala calidad, de poca duración, o mal resultado, que se rompe en seguida', 'por extensión, todo lo que es de mala calidad, de mal resultado' (Iribarren 494b—5a), Hond. 'cosa de poca sustancia' (Membreño 160), Ast. 'tela floxa, mal urdía' (Rato 116b). VARS: titiritaina 'Nav. 'id.', desp. 'informal, títere' (Iribarren), Gen. Sp. 'ruido confuso de flautas u otros instrumentos', 'cualquier bulla alegre o festiva sin orden' (Alonso 2968b - attest. 1726), (compañía de) titiritaina 'pipirijaina' (Iribarren 494), titirritaina Nav. 'diarrea, cagalera' (Iribarren). IF: tiritaña 'tela de seda delgada' (Aut. 3:282a), 'cosa de poca sustancia o entidad' ( D R A E 1269b); tiritaina 'cosa de poca importancia' (Alonso 3965a -

63

attest. 1726), Salm. 'temblor producido por el calofrío de la fiebre' (Lamano 643). COM: AS explained by Corominas 1:4:386a and A. Castro 4 , tiritaña was a type of cloth imported from France, where it was known as tiretaine 'étoffe grossière en laine ou en laine et coton' (Petit Robert 1786b), traceable to «tire 'ètoffe de soie' du bas latin tyrius 'étoffe de Tyr'» (Robert 6:556a). Ignorant of the template formation involved, Corominas invokes the influence of both tarlatana 'tela endeble de seda' and titiritar to explain the change. More surprisingly, he lists titiritaina 'cosa de poca sustancia o entidad' as a derivative of the onomatopeia tararear (Corominas 1:4:379a), an obvious lapse. The acousticoriented meanings of titiritaina are perhaps explainable as having resulted from confusion with pipiritaña 'cane flute', cf. pipiritar 'titiritar' (Garcia Soriano 101a). The Navarrese acceptation 'informal' illustrates semantic contamination by títere 'puppet', which also means 'sujeto informal, necio o petulante' in general Spanish ( D R A E 1270b). As for titirritaina, it is titiritaina modified through the influence of several Basque words having to do with a less pleasing kind of noise: tirriteri, tirriñeri 'diarrea', tirritarra 'onomatopeya de la ventosidad' (López M. 544), cf. the burlesque Nav. rime reported by Iribarren (494b): Mañana comer / pitarra beber / tirriti tarrata / no poder tener!» 24. C U C U R R U C Á U Nav. 'en cuclillas' (Alvar 269b). IF: acurrucarse 'encogerse para resguardarse del frío o con otro objeto' ( D R A E 23a), cf. currucau Arag. 'avaro' (Badia Margarit 68). COM: One of the inevitable results of squatting, of course, is to gather one's body into a small area, i. e. 'encogerse'. The Arag. form probably originally meant 'en cuclillas' as well, having developed the meaning 'avaro' from the metaphorical comparison of the drawing inward of one's body parts and the act of refusing to «open up» and give of one's possessions. Actually, a very large matrix of words is involved here, going considerably beyond acurrucarse. A detailed discussion of its origins can be found at cucurubico, and the even larger context of all cucuru- words in Spanish is outlined at cuzculubita. 25.

C H U C H U R U M B É And. 'expresión que se emplea meciendo a los niños en el aire' (Alcalá Venceslada 208b). V A R S : chuchurumbela Nav. 'columpio' (Alvar 272b, Cadilla juegos 109), chuchurumbel 'personaje y sitio famoso en las tradiciones populares españolas' (Cadilla juegos 108), chuchuruvía Extr. 'juego infantil; cuando hace mucho frío, los muchachos se refugian en el hueco de una puerta, oprimiéndose y empujándose hasta entrar en calor. Cantan estos versitos: «La chuchuruvía - la gata paría, - la chuchuruvía - la gata y el pez»' (Zamora Vicente Mérida 90). IF: churumbela 'género de instrumento músico que se tañe con la boca, en forma de chirimía. En toscano se llama ciarambela' (Covarrubias 438b).

4

A. Castro, «Unos aranceles de aduanas del siglo XIII», RFE 10 (1923), 129-30. 64

COM: Beginning with churumbela 'musical instrument', it is no great distance to 'expression used while swinging children in the air', thence to Nav. 'swing'. As for the folkloric meaning, Cadilla cites «castillo de Chuchurumbel» and «Rey de Chuchurumbel». The name also appears frequently in infantile songs in the phrase «ollitas de Chuchurumbel»: «Comadre / ¿han dado las doce? / - dando están; / talán-talán / - Ollitas de Chuchurumbel, / que están llenitas de miel» (Celaya 110). Another song: «Chinita dulce, / chuchurumbel, / le das una nalgá / y echas a correr» (Cadilla poesía 248). This also derives from churumbela, as shown by the variant form churumbé, which appears in the chant that accompanies «pizpirigaña»: «churumbé, churumbé / tira un pellizquito / y escapa a correr» (Celaya 19, also Baraíbar 374). The ending of chuchuruvía is probably due to rhyme. 26. P I M P I R I N O L A Leon, 'perinola' (Alonso Garrote 224). IF: perinola F. 'peonza pequeña que baila cuando se hace girar rápidamente con dos dedos un manguillo en la parte superior. El cuerpo de este juguete es a veces un prisma de cuatro caras marcadas con letras y sirve entonces para jugar a interés' (DRAE 1008c), pirindola Gal. 'pene' (Carré Alvarellos 603a), And. 'perinola' (Alcalá Venceslada 490); pirinola Col. 'perinola' (Tascón 311), Ptg. 'rapa' (Moráis 1829a). COM: For nasal epenthesis, see R E Q U I L I N D O R I O S . 27.

Q U I Q U R I B Ú Cub. 'usado generalmente sólo para con el negro recién llegado de Africa en el sentido de «morir»' (Pichardo 574a). IF: quiribó (no def.) (Ortiz Afronegr. 403). COM: Obviously the final form of quiquiribú owes much to the Spanish template. Since the word was used only among black slaves, however, we may provisionally accept, for once, one of Ortiz' African etymologies (403-4). Citing quiquiribú mandinga 'morir, murió, muerte', he adduces the following line parodying a baptismal cermony: «La madrina no tiró - quiribó, quiribó, quiribó», commenting «nos recuerda el vocablo quiquiribú, que lógicamente debe de ser mandinga». In the supplement to Afronegrismos (553-4), he proposes as the etymon of quiribó Mandingo kerebú 'piedra de fusil': «El quiquiribú mandinga, de los criollos, ha debido aludir al 'fusil', al 'fusilamiento', a la 'muerte'.»

C.

COMPOUNDING

(6 items)

Q V¡ (C) Q V¡ L Vj . . . + C V . . . In this section I list compound words whose two constituents were brought together in part through the influence of the Q U I Q U I R I Q U Í template. In other words, the idea is that the union was favored by the fact that the compound product would satisfy the convergence requirements. The formulation of the rule above is somewhat misleading, since in the typical case the first element of the compound undergoes some sort of transformation to assume the indicated 65

form, thus títere > titiri-, tataratiar > tatara-, chinchilín > chinchili-. A few of these etymologies are rather tentative, but I believe firmly on the right track. See category G for paparrasolla, another compound. 5 28. TITIRIVAINA Soria adj. 'informal, títere', 'juego infantil que consiste en marcarle a uno un puesto junto a la pared' (Alonso 3968b). VAR: titirimbaina Mure. m. 'chisgarabís, mequetrefe, persona despreciable' (García Soriano 125b), tirimbaina And. m. fam. 'títere, persona informal' (Alcalá Venceslada 608b), chirimbaina 'chisgarabís' (Alonso 1357b). IF: títere 'sujeto informal, necio, o petulante' ( D R A E 1270b) + vaina 'apelativo aplicado, como majadero, mequetrefe' a un hombre a quien se desprecia por su falta de discreción o buen sentido' (Moliner 2:1434a—b). COM: Titirivaina is one of the few words whose ending -aina is not a suffix. Titirimbaina has merely suffered nasal epenthesis (see REQUILINDORIOS). Tirimbaina is a back-formation on the basis of this template, with concomitant influence from PERENDENGUE. Chirimbaina, copied by Alonso from a 1935 novel by the Spaniard S. González Anaya, probably owes its initial ch- to a paradigm including chisgarabís 'zascandil' ( D R A E 412b), chiquilicuatro 'chisgarabís' ( D R A E 411b), chichiribaile And. 'hombre de ruin presencia' (Alcalá Venceslada 198a). 29. TITIRIBAILE Gran. m. 'hombre muy entremetido' (Alonso 3968b). VARS: chichiribaile And. 'hombre de ruin presencia', chichiribay And. m. 'juego infantil' (Alcalá Venceslada 198a). IF: títere 'sujeto informal, necio, o petulante' ( D R A E 1270b) + baile Argot 'ladrón' ( D R A E 156c); cf. ciquiribaile Argot 'ladrón' (Alonso 1074a-attest. 1609). COM: In actuality, ciquiribaile is most likely the model here, títere having replaced ciqui- < cica 'bolsa de dinero'. Also, the specific meaning 'thief' is replaced by that of títere. Chichiribaile, like chirimbaina (s.v. titirivaina) is explained by a whole paradigm of pejorative ch- words, including chisgarabís, chiquilicuatro (cited in titirivaina), and chipicharpa And. 'individuo que tiene poco que perder, pelavaras, ropa suelta' (Alcalá Venceslada 201a) and its base, charpa 'casta despreciable', 'barro que se recoge con los bajos de la falda o de los pantalones' (Alcalá Venceslada 194b). I take chichiribay to be some sort of clipping of chichiribaile. 30. TETELEMENE Chil., Perú 'bobo, memo' (Neves 544), 'tonto' (Palma 268). VAR: tetelemeque Perú 'id.' (Neves). 5

I suppose that this category should also include mamarrastrar Sant. 'mamar el ternero arrastrado por la madre' (Alonso 2675a). I omit it because I doubt that the template was involved in its formation, since it is etymologically transparent. Template action is usually indicated by some concomitant phonetic change (e. g., títere > titirivaina), but none is needed here, so this evidence is not available. I have also omitted from the template-changed (though certainly not from the convergence), for the same reason, the derivative mamarrachada f. fam. 'conjunto de mamarrachos', 'acción desconcertada y ridicula' (Alonso 2675a).

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IF: Basque tetele 'charlatart', 'apático', 'bobo' (López M. 543a) + perhaps memo 'tonto, simple' ( D R A E 864c). COM: Tetelemene seems to be quite ancient. Palma 268 writes: «tiene ya siglos de existencia, pues a uno de los primeros obispos de Huamanga, a quien entontecieron con una yerba, lo obsequiaron sus feligreses con el apodo Tetelemene. Así está impreso en las crónicas, y la palabra es hoy de uso corriente en la conversación familiar.» In Basque, tetele covaries with several forms, including totolo 'gordinflón', 'tonto, bobalicón' ( < pottolo 'id.') (López M. 545b), tutulu 'bobo, tonto' (López M. 547b), ttottolo 'regordete' (López M. 548b), ttuttulu 'acerico para alfileres', 'bobalicón' (López M. 548b), txotxolo 'chocho, lelo, inútil, insustancial' (López M. 566a). Tetelemene could be unrelated to these, but I doubt it. Basque men(e), on the other hand, means 'poder, dominio' (López M. 534b), so it must be unconnected. I am unable to identify -mene with any certainty, unless it has to do with memo. For the suffixoid -eque, see tejemaneje. 31.

(LLEVAR A OTRO) CHINCHILIPIERNAS Nav. 'llevarlo sobre los hombros' (Iribarren 173b). IF: chinchilín 'columpio' (Iribarren 126a s. v. cibirín) + pierna 'en las personas, parte del miembro inferior entre la rodilla y el pie' ( D R A E 1023b). COM: The semantic connection is the commonality of the idea of dangling, and of involving two different sides of something. For the Basque origin of chinchilín, s. v. The idea of 'playful or ridiculous physical posture' is heavily represented in this convergence, cf. cucurrucau, cucurrumico, cucurumico, -bico 'squatting', bomborombillos, cuncurumbillos 'carry someone under the arms', cucurumillo 'riding on someone's shoulders', and tataratá 'in the headstand position'. A similar formation, though more blend-like, is zancarrapaldo q. v.

32.

PIPIRIPAO s. m. 'convite espléndido y magnífico; entiéndese regularmente entre los que se van haciendo un día en una casa y otro en otra', «tierra de pipiripao» 'aquel lugar o casa donde hay opulencia y abundancia' (Aut. 3:281a - attest. 1726), Chil. 'cualquier comida, baile u otra reunión casera que está por debajo de lo corriente en su especie' (Medina 292a), «de pipiripao» Col., Chil., Guat., Ven., Nic. 'sin ningún valor, de ninguna importancia' (Neves 456, Valle 230). VAR: pipiripavo Chil. 'cosas de escasa importancia, insignificantes' (Rodríguez 377). IF: pipiritada, piperetada, peperetiño, piperete, pipirete Gal. 'especie de platillo, o guiso delicado, con motivo de alguna festividad' (Valladares Núñez 443b—6a, Carré Alvarellos 602b) (cf. Gasc. piperade s. f. 'salade de piments' (Palay 778c)) + perhaps Ptg. pao 'pan', or Sp. pavo 'ave del orden de la gallináceas' ( D R A E 992a). COM: The many variants of Gal. pipirete that I have gathered here confirm Coraminas' (2:4:562b) suspicion that the Gal. root based on Lat. piper 'pep-

67

per' is involved in pipiripao. My earlier impression (Pharies 6 ), that a quasi-morphemic pipiri- might be involved, did not take these forms into account; moreover, since pipiripao is the earliest of all the pipiri- words, it could not have been formed wholesale. The other hypotheses listed by Corominas (e. g., < opipare pavit) are also improbable. Since this much of the word is Galician, it is only natural to suppose that the latter part is as well, which leads to pao (actually to Gal. [pan]) through a process akin to compounding. There is a chance that Chil. pipiripavo is a relic rather than a recent folk etymology, but this leaves unexplained the loss of -v- (Ptg. paváo 'pavo'). 33.

C U C U R U B E L A S Rioja s. f. 'pequeñas bolas amarillas que salen en el roble' (Magaña 280). IF: cucarras, cucarrones Rioja 'id.' (Magaña) + Ptg., Gal. belo, a adj. 'que tem fermosura' (Moráis 340a). COM: At first glance this word seems to group with the many words meaning 'agalla del roble', both because of its form and the fact that specifically oak trees are involved. However, even given that both gallnuts and oak catkins are parts of a single type of tree, it must be admitted that they are different enough in appearance not to be confused. Another good guess would be to invoke cucurucú, on the assumption that this is yet another (vid. quiquiriquí, cucurrucu, cucurucallo) identification of flowers with the crest of the cock. The fact is, though, that cucurubelas are not red and are not flowers in the sense that poppies are, occurring as they do on oak trees. I have, accordingly, associated cucurubelas with its more elemental variant cucarra, a word which I am unable to identify further. (I find no similar Basque words except kukulu 'cáliz de la flor' (López M. 382b), which is unsatisfactory because the calyx or sepal is usually green and outside the petals, whereas the yellow oak catkins have no calyxes at all.) The identification with belo, a is also shaky at best, for geographic reasons. See cuzculubita for a complete exposition on the sources for cucuru- in Spanish.

D. Borrowing (6 items) The astonishing fact is that there exists in Basque a convergence, and by all appearances a corresponding template, very similar in form to QUIQUIRIQUÍ. I will postpone to section III the consideration of this fact in the history of the template, but here I present an important part of that discussion, the by no means negligible number of Basque convergence members that have been borrowed outright by Spanish. This section also contains cuzculubita, where I attempt to organize and summarize the complicated set of etymological and semantic factors that have contributed to the creation of a sizable paradigm of 6

D . Pharies, «Expressive Word-Formation in Spanish: T h e Cases of titiritar 'tremble', pipiritaña 'cane flute', etc.», RPh 36 (1982-3), 355. This article will henceforth be referred t o as Pharies «expressive».

68

words in cucuru-. My results at this stage are rather tentative, since the topic clearly merits its own article-sized study. 34. PIMPILIPAUSA Nav. 'mariposa' (Iribarren 399a). IF: Basque pinpilinpauxa, -pausa 'id.' (López M. 512). COM: According to Lópelmann (2:1014) the Basque is itself a loan compound: «pinpilinpauxa L (cuncunubá > cucurubá, pez pecigaña > pizpirigañá), but at other times the -L Vj- sequence is not involved (as in faja > fafa-). Then there is the astonishing case of pipiripao > fifirifao, where total substitution takes place. The only case presented here that I am unsure of is cacarañar, where, contrary to my usual practice, I follow Coraminas. 48.

C U C U R U B Á Col. 'juego de bolas que han de introducirse por las casillas de un tablero perteneciente a cierta armazón colocada a distancia' (Revollo 82a, Neves 158). VAR: cucurubaca 'id.' (Malaret Dicc. 274). IF: cucunubá Col. 'id.' (Malaret). COM: I hypothesized in Pharies «expressive» 358 that the primary form must have been Cucunubá, the name of a municipality in Colombia. Revollo states: «Juzga Sundheim que es diversión exótica traída por los botoganos y cuyo verdadero nombre es Cucunubá, que lo es de una población de Cundinamarca. En Riohacha dicen bárbaramente cucurubaca.» I am unable to explain the variant.

49.

Cub. 'en oriente, confusión, barullo, escándalo' (Ortiz Catauro 249). IF: fajatina Cub. 'acción y efecto de fajarse' (Ortiz), cf. fajar Can., Chil., Cub., Perú 'pegarle a uno, golpearle' (Alonso 1952a), fajarse Cub. 'pelearse' (Coraminas 2:2:835b). COM: Espinosa 1:162 notes that sometimes / replaces j in American Spanish: Fuán (Juan),fuez (juez), Bogotano fe fe (jefe). See funfurruñar for the opposite case. FAFARATINA

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50.

F A F A R A C H A R Col. 'charlar (ofrecer mucho y no cumplir nada),' 'fanfarronear' (Tascón 205, Neves 260, Tobón 86a). DER: fafarachero Col. 'gárrulo, fanfarrón' (Tobón), Nic. 'presuntuoso, fatuo, farsante' (Valle 122a). IF: fajar Can., Chil., Cub., Perú 'pegarle a uno, golpearle' (Alonso 1952a) X farfante m. 'hombre hablador, jactancioso, que se alaba de pendencias y valentías, ( D R A E 609a) + -acho 'sufijo que se añade a sustantivos... dándoles significación despectiva con cierto matiz aumentativo' (Alemany Bolufer formación 7). COM: Current examples of -acho include hombracho 'hombre grueso y fornido' (DRAE 715b), libracho m. desp. 'libro despreciable' ( D R A E 802a), vulgacho m. desp. 'ínfimo pueblo o vulgo' ( D R A E 1355b). Farfante is obviously the semantic source here, but as the phonetic difficulties implied by the change farfante > fafarachar are insuperable, I assume that fajar, with the / > / change I cited under fafaratina, is the phonetic source. DRAE (s. v. fafarachero - 604a) proposes « < ital. farfaro 'fanfarrón'», from a root listed in REWi\9A as Turkish farfar 'babbler, gossip'. This form does not exist in Standard Italian (farfara 'coltsfoot', farfaraccio 'butterbur'), but is suggested by some dialectal forms\farfarello 'spirito infernale', rom. 'ragazzo troppo vispo', fárfaru Sic. 'furbo' (Battisti-Alessio 2:1598b), farfaricchiu Calabr. 'ragazzo irrequieto', fárfaru 'diavolo furfante' (Rohlfs 292). However, these cannot be the direct progenitors of fafarachar because the latter is attested only in Colombia. The similarity, I assume, is due to the wide geographic extension of the farfante family. Note that farachar Arag. 'espadar' ( D R A E 608b) would be, formally at least, an excellent candidate for fafarachar. For reasons of meaning and dialect, however, this is out of the question.

51.

P I Z P I R I G A Ñ A f. s. 'juego con que se divierten los muchachos pellizcándose suavemente en las manos unos a otros' (Alonso 3304b - attest. Quevedo ca. 1620). V A R S : pipirigaña (DRAE 1029c), piciligaña Col. (Tascón 224), picingaña Col. (Tascón 224, Tobón 146b), picicaña Chil. (Neves 448a), pipirigallo Col. (Tobón 146b), pizizigaña Nic. (Valle 231b), pipizigaña Am. Cent. (Salazar García 290, Sandoval 2:250a), pizpicigaña Guat. (Sandoval), pipisigallo Cub. (Ortiz Afronegr. 83, Catauro 404), picipicigaña Hond., C. Rica (Membreño 131, Gagini 496), pisigayna Cast., pechigaña Ast., pecigaña, pimpitigallo Chil. (Cadilla juegos 91), pirigaña Am. Cent. (Alonso 3292b), pichi-pichigaina (Calaya 68), «ojos de pispiligaña» Judeo-Sp. 'ojos muy pequeños' (Corominas 1:3:725a). IF: pez pecigaña (Celaya 68, Cadilla juegos 91 - attest. XVI). COM: According to Corominas Breve 419a, «del dialectal y cat. pecigar deriva el valenc. pessiganya y, con reduplicación, su sinónimo cast, pizpicigaña (Cuba), comúnmente cambiado en pizpirigaña». Cadilla supplies a form, pez pecigaña (Memorial de un pleito, XVI), that modifies this in showing that compounding

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(pez + pecigar), not reduplication, is involved (a more likely reduplicated form would have been *pepecigar anyway). The image was apparently one of little fishes biting the hands. The conciousness of this origin soon having been lost, however, a bewildering array of variants was free to spring up. Notable examples include Guat. pizpicigaña, which is among the most archaic, Col. pipirigallo, completely confused with pipirigallo 'sainfoin', and Cent. Am. pirigaña, a back-formation, or else a new formation based on PERENDENGUE. 52. FIFIRIFAO Hond. 'mediano, corriente, expresa lo contrario de pipiripao, término del que es una alteración' (Membreño 82), m. fam. 'convite escaso o malo' (Alonso 1996a, Morínigo 263b, Neves 263). IF: pipiripao 'convite espléndido y magnífico' (Aut. 3:281a) + the convergence / - 'despectivo' (e. g., fofo 'de poca consistencia' (DRAE 626c), feo 'que causa aversión' ( D R A E 613b), fu 'interj. de desprecio' ( D R A E 639b), fo 'interj. de asco' ( D R A E 626a)). COM: Actually this word should be listed as a variant of pipiripao, since the change that has created it actually had nothing to do with the QUIQUIRIQUÍ template. It is such a splendid example of paradigmatic analogical force, however, that I did not wish to relegate it to a list of variants. Note that some scholars (e.g., Bolinger 9 ) would probably argue that/- inherently involves the spitting gesture (cf. English phooey), and so is nonarbitrarily suited to meanings associated with disgust. 53. CACARAÑAR Guat., Perú 'ocasionar cacarañas la viruela', Guat., Méx. 'arañar, pellizcar una cosa blanda dejándola llena de hoyos semejantes a las cacarañas', Guat. 'escribir mal' (Neves 85b), Nic. 'rayar con pluma o lápiz disparatadamente un papel, una mesa y otros objetos', 'escribir con letra ininteligible' (Valle 41b) DER: cacarañoso Col. 'picoso' (Revollo 41a), cacarañado C. Rica, Gal. 'picoso, picado de viruelas' (Gagini 102, Carré Alvarellos 216b), cacarañau Ast. 'picado de viruelas' (Rato 27a). VARS: cascarañado R Rico 'cacarañado' (Neves 119b), carcarañado Arg. 'id.', cancareñado W. Ast. 'id.' (Corominas 2:1:720a). IF: *cararañado 'id.' COM: Corominas 2:1:719b—20a writes: «cacarañado 'picado de viruelas', amer., ast., vizc., alteración de *cararañado, compuesto de cara y arañado, prop, 'arañado de la cara', I a doc. 1836.» Since I am unable to improve on this etymology, I will accept it at face value, and hypothesize that the QUIQUIRIQUÍ template explains the consonant change. As for the variants, cancareñado has probably suffered the influence of cancaneado 'picado de viruelas' {DRAE 241a), cascarañado that of cáscara 'corteza' ( D R A E 272c). I am at a loss to explain carcarañado. All this presupposes, of course (see Corominas 720a), that cacaraña and cacarañar are back-formations from cacarañado. 9

D . Bolinger, Aspects of Language, 2nd ed. (NY: Harcourt Brace, Jovanovich), 1975,323.

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G. Vocalic Change (3 items) V -

Vj

All three of these words would fit under other categories (titiritero, suffixation, titirimundi, borrowing, and paparrasolla, compounding), but I have placed them here to indicate that vowel change seems to me to be the most significant effect of the template. 54. TITIRITERO s. 'persona que trae o gobierna los títeres' (Alonso 3968b), Nav. 'informal, voluble' (Iribarren 495a). VARS: titeretero 'id.' (Alonso - attest. Cervantes), titerero 'id.' ( D R A E 1260b), tirititero And. 'id.' (Alcalá Venceslada 609a). IF: títere 'figurilla, vestida y adornada, que se mueve con alguna cuerda o introduciendo una mano en su interior' ( D R A E ) \ cf. Ptg. titeritero 'id.' (Moráis 2347b) + -ero, agentive suffix. COM: According to A. Castro10: «El antiguo titerero ha sido sustituido por titiritero por haberse cruzado con titirimundi 'cosmorama portátil, figuras de movimiento exhibidas en un cajón', es decir, also parecido a los antiguos retablos de muñecos.» This seems plausible, but is disproved by the earlier titeretero, which is clearly títere plus the agentive suffix -ero, separated by a hiatusobstructing stop interfix (see REQUILINDORIOS). Vowel raising was effected by the template. 55. TITIRIMUNDI s. m. 'mundonuevo, cajón que contiene un cosmorama portátil o una colección de figuras de movimiento' (Alonso 3968b - attest. 1899), Nav. 'teatrillo de los muchachos', 'lío y confusión de objetos' (Iribarren 494a). VARS: tutilimundi Chil., P. Rico 'todo el mundo, la generalidad de las personas' (Alonso 4076a), totilimundi, titilimundi (Cuervo §802), chichirimundi Extr. 'pequeño, minúsculo, se aplica a los niños' (Zamora Mérida 88), Extr. 'todo el mundo' (Alemany Bolufer «extrem.» 665). IF: Dial. Ital. tutti li mundi 'lit., todos los mundos', 'nombre de un retablo más moderno' (Coraminas 1:4:464b). COM: Both Coraminas and Castro11 agree that tutilimundi became titirimundi through the influence of títere. This is most probably the explanation for the consonantal change I > r, and perhaps titiritero accounts single-handedly for the vowel change, though I would not rule out the more general influence of the template, which at any rate explains titeretero > titiritero as well. The Nav. acceptation 'confusión de objetos' hints at association with chichiribichis 'id.', while Chil., P. Rico 'todo el mundo' shows that the Italian phrase was intelligible enough for some Spanish speakers to recapture its literal meaning. This leads us to chichirimundi, about which Alemany says: «Este vocablo, que no es más que 10 11

A . Castro, «La palabra títere», MLN 57 (1942), 509. A . Castro, ibid.

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alteración del cast, titirimundi... se emplea precedido del adj. too, en la expr. too chichirimundi, para significar 'todo el mundo, todo zurriburri'.» The question is, why t > chl The solution, in my opinion, is to be found in a convergence in which initial ch- intersects with diminutive, including belittling, connotations: e.g., chico 'pequeño' (DRAE 408c), chichirinabo Salm. 'nadería' (Lamano 372), chichiribaile And. 'hombre de ruin presencia' (Alcalá Venceslada 198a), chirinola 'cosa de poco momento' ( D R A E 412a), etc. 56. PAPARRASOLLA f. s. 'ente imaginario con que se amedrenta a los niños a fin de que callen cuando lloran' (Alonso 3131a - attest. 1519). VARS: paparresolla, paparesolla, paparesollo, paparrasoya, papa vasolla 'id.' (Coraminas 2:4:393b). IF: paparresolla (attest. 1588). COM: Everyone agrees that paparresolla is the basic form, and that it is a compound containing resollar «'respirar de lo hondo', en el sentido de 'roncar, rugir' (amenazando al niño)» (Corominas). Opinions differ as to the identity of papa-. Coraminas begins with the infantile «root» PAPP- 'comida en general' and papo 'vilano', whence 'bogeyman'. Aut 3:113a elects for papo 'parte abultada del animal entre la barba y el cuello' ( D R A E 974a). H. Metathesis (2 items) Both of the following words have undergone changes that resulted in the relocation of the liquid consonant, but since the changes are not precisely the same they cannot be formulated in a single rule (unless the var. curcutear led to cucurutiar). The cucurutiar example shows the danger of applying the template methodology without thoroughly exhausting all other types of analysis, since I was guilty in previous articles of assuming that a category A change was involved. 57. CUCURUTIAR Col. 'esculcar, rebuscar' (Alonso 1293b, Neves 159). IF: curucutear Col., Ven. 'rebuscar, registrar' (Revollo 86a, Neves 166a). COM: In my article «expressive» 353 and again in «creación»12, I associated cucurutiar with Nav. cucutiar 'curiosear, fisgonear', 'chismear', 'hablar callado' (Iribarren 154b), assuming that -L Vj- epenthesis was involved. Unfortunately, I now see that in this case I fell victim to the pitfall to which users of the template methodology are susceptible, that of creating one's own folk etymology. I do not know what connection cucutiar may have with cucurutiar and other variants, or with the Arag. expression hacer el cucú 'asomarse y retirarse curioseando sin querer ser visto' (Alonso 1293a), but I am sure that the ultimate source of cucurutiar is esculcar 'espiar, inquirir, averiguar con diligencia y cuidado', 'registrar para buscar algo oculto' (DRAE 564a). Among the derivatives of esculcar listed by Corominas 2:2:719a are Ast. escucar, esclucar 'atisbar, espiar', Dom. 12

D . Pharies, «What is 'creación expresiva'?» HR 52 (1984), 179.

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escurcutear, curcutear, and Ven. curucutear. The probable derivation of cucurutiar was curcutear > curucutear ( P E R E N D E N G U E template) > cucurutiar ( Q U I Q U I R I Q U Í template). For a full exposition on the many sources of cucuruin Spanish, see cuzculubita. 58. C U C U R U B A C H A Alava 'agalla del roble' (Baraíbar 357). IF: corcubacha 'id.' (Baraíbar 353). COM: Baraíbar continues (s. v. corcubacha): «Del vase, cucurr 'agalla' (vid cucurro, cucumele) y bacha, de guchi 'pequeño', con la mudanza de g en b, normal en la fonética éuskera.» I assume that Baraíbar knows much more than I do about Basque, so I will not press the case for another source for bacha, nor worry that López M. does not list kukurr, since several similar words, all meaning 'agalla', are listed there, e. g., kukubala, kutil, kuskulu. I. Quasi-Morphemic Q Vj Q Vj L Vj - (4 items) It was probably inevitable that the basic CV sequence from this convergence would acquire a life of its own, in view of (1) the size of the paradigm, and (2) the correspondence with T R Á P A L A and related patterns. That this has in fact occurred is made clear by tatarasi etc. I am 99 % sure it is seen in pipiricojo as well. The other two would rate confidence levels of 50 % (pipirijaina) and 25 % (pipiricanda). 59. TATARASÍ 'si' (Aicardo 242 - attest. Lope). IF: tátara- < tatarabuelo 'tercer abuelo' ( D R A E 1256c), tataranieto 'tercer nieto' (DRAE 1247a), etc. + sí. COM: Quoted from Lope by Aicardo: «Sí, resí, tatarasí.» Other examples, cited without definitions by Coraminas 1:4:550b: tátara gallina, tátara Pilatos, tátara malo, tátara lindo. In all these, tátara- is best interpreted as an equivalent of requete-, as in requetebién 'muy bien'. 60.

P I P I R I C O J O s. m. 'juego con que los muchachos se divierten, llevando un pie en el aire y saltando con el otro' ( D R A E 1029c). IF: pípiri- < pipirigaña 'juego de pellizcarse las manos, pizpirigaña' ( D R A E 1029c) etc. + cojo 'que cojea' (DRAE 319a). COM: Pipirigaña is only the oldest and most influential of the many infantile words in pi(m)piri- that must have worked together to cause the formation of pipiricojo. As parallels to this process of semi-composition, I can cite the infantile pipirigorda 'gorda' (Celeya 166), and pipiripingo (so ended to rhyme with domingo) (Llorca 193, Carvalho-Neto 184).

61.

s. f. 'compañía de cómicos de la legua' (Alonso 3289b - attest. 1884), Arag. «Se dice compañía de pipirijaina a la tropa de malos comediantes, y reunión de pipirijaina a la de poco pelo o menor importancia de la que conviene» (Borao 288), Dom. 'id.' (Henríquez Ureña Dom. 53), Nic. 'cosa sin valor' (Valle 230a). PIPIRIJAINA

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VAR: Nav. «Se dice compañía de titiritaina a la tropa de malos comediantes» (Iribarren 494b). IF: pípiri- < pipiripao 'convite espléndido' (Alonso 3289b), pipirigaña 'juego de pellizcarse las manos' ( D R A E 1629c), pipiritaña 'flautilla' (Alonso 3289b), etc. + -j- < jácara 'junta de gente que de noche anda metiendo ruido y cantando por las calles', jacarandaina Argot 'rufianesca o junta de rufianes' ( D R A E 764b) + -aina, sufijo festivo. COM: Coraminas 1:3:725b says «quizá se explica por alguna alteración d e p i z pirigaña.» I agree, only I would like to explain the alteration. Pipirijaina, as far as I can tell, is the only word in the Spanish language that ends in -jaina. -aina, with rare exceptions (usually borrowings), is a suffix whose meanings are well suited to pipirijaina. Since it is a matter of principle to me to find lexical explanations for almost everything, I suggest jácara and its large number of derivatives, especially jacarandaina, whose meaning closely parallels that of pipirijaina. In Navarre, titiritaina 'bulla alegre' has been substituted for pipirijaina. This is parallel to the confusion that has resulted between pipirigallo and pipirigaña in Colombia. The Nic. usage possibly shows confusion with the expression de pipiripao 'sin ningún valor' (Neves 456). 62. P I P I R I C A N D A Nav. 'lagartija'(Iribarren 401a). VAR: chichicanda Nav. 'id.' (Iribarren). IF: pípiri- (see above) 4- canda 'un sustrato pre-romano que significa piedra o canto rodado, y que subsiste en multitud de topónimos, vgr. Candamo, Candás, Candanchú, Candaráiz' (Iribarren 471a). COM: If the above interpretation of canda is correct, then it seems that the concept of 'lizard' is inalterably meshed with that of 'rocks'. Múgica Berrondo 1079a cites the following among the dozens of Basque words for 'lizard': subekandela, xuxkandera, sugekandela, suskandera, saskandela (all meaning 'under the rocks'?). As for pípiri-, the picture is much more blurred, and I do not even pretend to be sure that it is really a quasi-morpheme here as it is in pipiricojo. The reason: I have no long list of parallel cases of pípiri- 'animal' as I did for 'infantile'. True, pimpilipausa 'butterfly' could be cited, but the connection between butterflies and lizards is tenuous at best. Chichicanda, cited by Iribarren as a variant, could be a starting place, but I cannot justify the changes implied. Navarrese has pipi 'quinto, soldado, novato' (Iribarren 400b), which suggests the metaphor of the lizard as a 'soldier of the rocks', but I have no independent reason for positing this as the semantic bridge. J. Miscellaneous (7 items) As I have indicated, many of the words listed in Categories A-I underwent more than one change. I have left for «Miscellaneous», therefore, only those cases where the change from IF to TF is highly idiosyncratic and difficult to characterize. All of them, however, involve the addition or insertion of something, whether an epenthetic vowel (tataranieto), a suffix, often with other material 82

(carcaratiar, tataratancho, tataratiar, cocorotina), a blended element (paparajote), or a reduplicated part of the word itself (tantarantán). Under tataratiar I once again amend some earlier speculation. 63. T A T A R A N I E T O 'tercer nieto' (Alonso 3901b - attest. 1591). DER: tatarabuelo 'tercer abuelo' (Alonso - attest. 1615), tartarabuelo Nav. 'id.' (Iribarren 486b), tataradeudo 'pariente muy antiguo' (Alonso - attest. XVII). IF: trasnieto 'biznieto' (Coraminas 1:4:550b - attest. Berceo); cf. Ptg. tataraneto, tataravó (Moráis 2300a), Cat. tartaraiaio 'el besavi' (Griera 14:31a), titiritons 'el néts quarts, descendents en la sexta generació' (Griera 14:101b). COM: Several etymological explanations have been proferred for tatarabuelo et al. Monlau (1073b) makes the halting speech of a doddering old person his starting point in suggesting < tartamudear. This runs aground of the fact that greatgreat-nephews, whose denomination appeared first, do not dodder. On the other hand, tartamudear may explain the Navarrese variant. REW 8596 also departs from tatarabuelo, suggesting tata 'father' as the first element. Again, tataranieto's earlier date gets in the way. Synchronically, however, tata may figure in the popular reading of the word. According to Bustos Tovar (261n5), «desde el punto de vista expresivo actual, que es el que nos importa ahora, es evidente que existe una conexión inmediata entre tata y abuelo.» Alonso's «Grk. tetartos 'cuatro' and DEEITs (p. 518a) *tritaviolus may be dismissed without discussion. Malkiel13, meanwhile, has argued that ter-ter 'twice three-times removed' may be the starting point. Corominas' explanation, which I am provisionally adopting here (all of the hypotheses involved would be incomplete without reference to the QUIQUIRIQUÍ template) departs from tataranieto-. «Trasnieto ant. 'bisnieto', de donde *tranieto (reducción como la de tramontana, trabucar)-, de ahí *tra-tranieto 'hijo del biznieto' de donde, con disimilación y anaptixis, tataranieto, o bien con transposición; por analogía de tataranieto se creó tatarabuelo, que no se explicaría fonéticamente.» It is obviously much easier, and much more cogent, to say that *tratranieto was adapted to the pattern of quiquiriquí, titiritero, pizpirigaña, and other early members of the group, than it is to list, without justification, the various changes that had to be effected to arrive at tataranieto. I assume, by the way, that Corominas chooses tataranieto as the starting point because there would be no explanation for the loss of -s- in a *trasabuelo. As I have no detailed chronological information on the Portuguese and Catalan forms, I cannot specify with certainty how they might have arisen. Considering the relative strength of this template in the three languages involved, however, I lean strongly to the opinion that Spanish is the source for both.

13

Y. Malkiel, «Problems surrounding the Numerals One through Ten», Papers in Romance Suppl. II, Vol. 3 (1981), 1-23.

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64. C A R C A R A T I A R Nav. 'cacarear' (Alvar 265a). IF: cacarear 'dar voces repetidas el gallo o la gallina' ( D R A E 219b), cf. Ptg. carcarear 'carcarejar' (Moráis 461a). COM: -iar is a frequentative suffix, -t- a hiatus avoiding interfix (see REQUILINDORIOS).

65. TATARATANCHO Am. 'el trompo que al girar va saltando' (Espinosa 2:244). IF: tataratiar (tataratear) Cent. Am., Méx., Ven. 'hacer algo con dificultad tropezando', 'tentalear, trompicar, tartalear' (Alonso 3901b), Ven. 'trastabillar, se dice del trompo' (Tamayo 295b). COM: The best candidate for the residue left when the root tatarat- is removed is the suffix -ancho (See Alemany Bolufer Formación 110-11), as in garrancho 'parte dura, aguda y saliente del tronco o rama de una planta' ( D R A E 656b), from garra, marrancho Nav. 'cerdo' ( D R A E 849c), from marrano, rodancho Germ, 'broquel, escudo pequeño' ( D R A E 1153a), from rueda. The word ancho 'wide', is also a remote possibility, since a top might be said to jump in wide circles. No other words in -ancho are suggestive. Espinosa notes that Bayo had identified tataratancho as being Quechuan, but the former, to his credit, adds that «tátara - de tatarabuelo etc.», could be involved. 66.

Cent. Am., Méx. 'tartalear, trastrabillar, tartajear, tartamudear' (Neves 537b), Méx. 'trastabillar, die. del trompo', 'tartamudear' (Santamaría 1015a), Hond. 'tartalear' (Membreño 156), Ven. 'trastabillar, se dice del trompo' (Tamayo 295b). DERIVS: tataratoso Méx. 'tartamudo' (Alonso 3901b), tatarate Hond. adj. 'se dice de los trompos que se mueven mucho cuando bailan' (Membreño 156, Neves), tataratero Méx. 'id.' (Santamaría). VARS: tataratiar Cent. Am., Méx., Ven. 'id.' (Alonso 3901b, Neves), tataretear Ven. 'id.' (Tamayo 296a, Neves), tatarata Guat. 'trompo saltón' (Alonso), tataratá Arag. 'posición inversa a la que tiene el hombre cuando está derecho, es decir, la posición vertical que toma una persona poniendo los pies en alto y teniendo la cabeza y manos apoyadas en el suelo' (Borao xlviii). IF: (1\VO Hypotheses) (1) tartalear 'moverse sin orden o con movimientos trémulos, precipitados y poco compuestos', 'turbarse uno de modo que no acierta a hablar', tartajear 'hablar pronunciando las palabras con torpeza', tartamudear 'hablar o leer con pronunciación entrecortada y repitiendo las sílabas' ( D R A E 1246a), cf. Gasc. tartalhá 'piailler', 'trembler' (Palay 939a), Ptg. tartaranho adj. 'trémulo dos membros ou da fala', 'vacilante' (Moráis 2298b); (2) andar a tatas 'empezar a andar el niño con miedo, y recelo, cuando le van soltando a andar' {DRAE 1247a). COM: A series of words which, though evolved in America, have near equivalents in languages spoken on or near the Iberian peninsula. The first hypothesis I have identified is probably the stronger of the two, though it presupposes a complex series of developments. The starting point must have been tarta-, which was expanded to tátara-. An infixal -t- to avoid hiatus was then inserted before TATARATEAR

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infinitive ending -ear or -iar. Tatarata and tatarate must have been back-formations from the verbal form. The second hypothesis, tatas > tátaras > tataratear is no more complex formally, and semantically equally well suited, but tatas lacks the convergence of similar words that surround tartalear. (Tato Arag., Chil., Rioja 'voz de cariño con que se designa al hermano pequeño o al niño en general, tato, a 'tartamudo que vuelve la c y la s en f (Alonso 390ab) are insufficiently focused on infantile movement to provide much lexical support.) There are other, less cogent ideas about the etymology of tataratear. Santamaría notes that Ferraz identified tatarate as a «nahuatlismo». According to Espinosa 2:244, Membreño derives tataratear from tatarear, a word which I have been able to find only in Portuguese (Moráis 2298b 'tartamudear'). If it exists in Spanish as well, it would make a good starting point, if only in form. As for tatarata, I stated in Pharies «expressive» 363nll that it seemed to be a stress-altered version of tatarata 'toy top'. I now question that explanation for reasons referred to above, and lean toward the hypothesis that it is a derivative of the tartalear paradigm. Either way there are significant problems. If tataratá < tatarata or tataratear, how did the form travel from Central America to Aragón? On the other hand, if not, how did the meaning 'in the headstand position' come about without the reference to toy tops? Also, why are there no other peninsular forms in tatarat-1 To be sure, there are many Q U I Q U I R I Q U Í convergence forms describing unusual and / or jocose physical position that could have served as models, e.g., Nav. cucurrucau, cucurrumico, cucurumico, -bico, all 'squatting', Mure. cucurumillo 'riding on someone's shoulders', and And. bomborombillos 'carried from under the arms'. 67.

Cub. vulg. 'parte superior de la cabeza' (Neves 134b, Ortiz Catauro 149). IF: cocorote Col. 'coco, fantasma' 'copa de árbol' (Neves), 'coronilla de la cabeza' (Coraminas 2:2:122b), 'ave de las montañas... su nombre es onomatopeya de su canto' (Neves), cf. cocorota Col. 'especie de peine' (Neves), cucuruta Ast. 'coronilla de la cabeza' (Coraminas). COM: The idea is that the addition of -ina to cocorote occurred, in part, because it qualified this word for inclusion in the convergence. Coraminas says of cocorote: «su parentesco con cogote es evidente». Cogote, in turn, is a derivative of coca 'cabeza'. COCOROTINA

68.

P A P A R A J O T E ( S ) Mure. pi. 'cierta fruta de sartén compuesta de harina, huevo, y azúcar' (García Soriano 95a), And. m. sing, 'guiso de panecillos de huevo en salsa' (Alcalá Venceslada 451b). IF: paparote(s) 'hombre simple y crédulo' (DRAE 972b), Gal. 'castaña blanda y mustia muy dulce' (Coraminas 2:4:383a), Gal. 'grumo, bolita de harina que se deshace al cocer', W. Ast. 'individuo que se espanta con cualquier cosa', 'caldo de castañas' (Craddock «picaro» 221), cf. Cat. paparotes 'les farinetes' (Griera 11:121a), Ptg. paparrotada s. f. 'comida própria para porcos, comida mal cozinhada' (Moráis 1722a).

85

COM: AS Corominas surmises, paparote < papa (inf.) 'comida en general'. I am contending here that the basic motivation for the change paparotes > paparajotes was the Q U I Q U I R I Q U Í template. As to identifying the sources for the new -aj- sequence, I am unsure, though ajo 'garlic' is an obvious candíate. 69.

m. 'sonido del tambor o atabal, cuando se repiten los golpes', 'golpe que hace oscilar o tambalearse dado a una persona o cosa' (DRAE 1242), Ast. 'golpes que da el que está molesto al que le incomoda y que suenan y no dañan' (Rato 114a). IF: tantarán 'tantarantán' (DRAE), tantán 'campana de a bordo' (DRAE), 'sonido del tambor' (Alonso 3886a), tantalantoira Ast. 'tarabilla del molino' (DEEH 6561), tarantán And. 'nombre que recibe una canción particular de Navidad' (Alcalá Venceslada 597). COM: Onomatopoeias such as this are extremely plastic, thus particularly vulnerable to template modification. It is therefore very difficult to determine with certainty the starting point for any particular form, although here tantarán seems most likely. A complicating factor is the existence of similar forms, especially onomatopoeias of other sounds: taratántara 'toque de la trompeta' (DRAE), tarantantán Nav. 'nombre que dan al juego del escondite' (Iribarren 484b), tintirintín 'sonido agudo y penetrante del clarín y otros instrumentos' (DRAE 1267b). The repetition of -tán at the end is similar to that of -pim in pimpirimpim. TANTARANTÁN

K. Outright Generation (1 item) 70. T A N T A R A N - T A N T A N 'tan' (Celeya 183). IF: tan adv. 'apócope de tanto' DRAE 1241a. COM: Actually, there are several items for this category, all appearing in an amazing infantile rime cited by Celaya: «Una niña regando, susuru-susu, susuru-su, su jardincito, en la mano derecha, lelere-lele, lelere-le, le picó un bicho. El doctor que la ve, lelere-lele, lelere-le, le ha recetado que se lave la mano, concoron-concon, concoron-con, con sublimado.

Que no vaya ni venga, lalara-lala, lalara-la ala botica, que ese mal que ella tiene nonoro-nono, nonoro-no no se te quita. Si la niña no fuera, tantaran-tantan, tantaran-tan, tan descuidada, nonoro-nono, nonoro-no, no la picara.

In each case, a new word of the Q U I Q U I R I Q U Í pattern is simply generated out of a monosyllabic root, usually the first word in the next line (su, le, con, la, etc.). Obviously, this is the ultimate proof of the reality of this template. 86

L. Difficult Cases - chichirimico Ec., Perú 'juego de niños que consiste en tomar una cosa ajena y esconderla', Ec. 'cierto juego de naipes' (Neves 191), hacer chichirimico Perú 'burlarse de alguien', 'derrochar, malgastar una fortuna o perderla por cualquier causa' (Alonso 1346b). EUI 17:546b lists a word chirimica 'chirigota, chilindrina, chicota, chirinola', attested in Moreto (1662), that would provide a nice IF for a category B change, but of the definitions listed for chirimica, only 'chirinola' refers to a game, and it is more like bowling than a hiding game. Also, chirimica has been out of circulation a long time to appear suddenly as chichirimico. All attempts to isolate a -mico, in order to relate the word with chichirinabo, failed. - no chichirigar Leon 'no decir ni pío' (Alvarez 281). I can only suggest chirigota 'cuchufleta, burla' (Alonso 1357b) as a possibility, cf. chiriga Col. 'burla'. - cascaramaches Nav. 'tapaculos' (Alvar 265b) probably has something to do with cascarache 'rosal silvestre' (Alvar), but I cannot identify the rest, cf. cascaramuza, reminiscent of escaramuza, in an infantile rime (Rodríguez Marin 1:101). - chinchirrinchina And. 'juego infantil que consiste en montarse unos muchachos en otro que tiene los ojos tapados y al que se pregunta: «¡Chinchirrinchina! ¿Qué tienes encima?» (Alcalá Venceslada 200a), Sal. 'covachuela', 'casa pequeña' (Lamano 373), would appear to derive from And. chirinchina f. 'barraca de feria, en la que se atrae al público a golpes de platillos' (Alcalá Venceslada 203a) as per change category B. I am, however, unable to grasp the semantic change mechanism involved. Chirinchina is undoubtedly related to the many words in chin- denoting clashing sounds.

III. History of the Convergence and Template14 With the exception of French, where oxytonic stress and heavy vowel losses through syncope made the development of a c v structure like that of QUIQUIRIQUÍ unlikely, all of the major Romance languages in the Southern and Western European areas show signs of developing or having developed an equivalent convergence: Italian (Devoto): carcarazzeda s. f. 'nom. reg. dell'uccello muscicapa striata (pigliamosche)', 'nom. reg. dell'uccello pica pica (gazza)' carcaràzza 'id.' (1:455a); chicchirichì s. m. 'voce imitativo del canto del gallo', 'crestina da camariera' (1:535b), cinciribino s. m. 'nom. reg. dell'uccello parus ater (cincia mora)' (1:560d), cuccurucù 'voce imitativa del verso del galletto' (1:718c), pol14

This history agrees in essence with my analysis in Pharies «expressive», but supersedes it in all details.

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vere di pimpirimpì (pimperimpèra, pimperimpara, pirimpimpino) 'sostanza cui vengono attribuite proprietà magiche' (deformazione onom. del lat. med. diatrionpepèreon, la sostanza «delle tre spezie») (2:504d), zuzzurullone (zuzzerelone, zuzzerulloné) s. m. fam. tose, 'giovanetto o anche adulto di proporzioni fisiche considerevolmente sviluppate, ma che conserva, nella spensierata fanciulaggine del comportamento, un'impronta puerile' (2:1584d), Neap. «i denari de nfinferenfi se ne va col fanfaranfà» 'ce qui vient de la flûte s'en va au tambour' (Morawski15). Provençal (Mistral): babarachoun 'petit bruche, larve qui ronge les légumes' (var. of babaroutoun -coun) (1:200b), cocoroco 'coquerico', cacaraquejà 'chanter coquerico' (1:407c), cacaralado 'ragoût d'escargots' (1:408a), chacharrouneà 'caqueter' (1:522b), chichiribèli (chichibèli) 'lambeau de chiffon ou de papier qu'on suspend au dos de quelqu'un pour faire rire à ses dépens' (1:545a), chichilimochi 'mascaron, masque grotesque' (1:545a), chichirinèlli 'jeu d'enfants qui consiste à repousser à l'aide d'un bâton un morceau de bois qu'un des jouers cherche à introduire dans un cercle tracé à terre' (1:548b) (cf. faire chichinello 'se dit d'un enfant qui brise son jouet et le jette en l'air'), coucouloumouchou 'chignon' (1:591c), coucouluchoun, cucuruchoun 'petit comble' (1:592a), coucouroumasso, coucoumbrasso, coucoumourasso, coucoumoulasso, coucoumasso 'concombre ou calebasse dont les pâtres se servent en guise de trompe' (1:592a), coucourouloun (coucourelet) 'petit coquemar' (1:593a), coucourougnon 'têtard' (1:593c), tantaravèu, tantaravèl, tantarevèl 'houblon', 'asperge sauvage' (2:952b). Gascon / Béarnais (Palay): cacaraquet, cacaracâ 'coquelicot', 'onom. du chant du coq' (180b), cucuruquét, cucuroû, cuqueroû s. m. 'point culminant', 'monticule' (296a), cucurucú 'se dit du chant de certains oiseaux' (296a), quiquiriquí s. m. 'cocorico, onom. du cri d'un très jeune coq dont la voix n'a pas encore muée' (825b), quiquiriquí 'mot sans signification bien précise et dont on se sert quand on parle de quelque chose de peu de prix, de petite espèce, de situation modeste, mais prenant bien la vie' (var. riquiqui, requiqui 'en style plaisant') (825b), tountouroulét s. m. 'jeu d'enfants où les mains fermées se superposent et où on compte les doigts en les appelant tountouroulét, sauf le pouce que l'on nomme pousét' (965c). Catalan (Griera): guingueringuet 'guingaire' (7:232b), xut-xurumbeo 'joc' (9:53b), piperepip 'la rosella', pipirigall 'la trepadella' (11:318a), quec-queraquec 'el cant del gali' (12:15b), quiquiriquejar 'cantar el gali', quiquiriquí 'part mengívola de les nous', quiquiriquíes 'el gallarets o flor de la rosella', 'el cant del gali' (12:24a), tantarantena (inf.) (14:21a), tartaraiaio 'el besavi' (14:31a), titiritons 'el néts quarts, descendents en la sexta generació' (14:101b), xinxirinxina 'ball accompanyat d'una repicadissa de mans sota les barres fent pentar les dents, el bailen les gitanes', xinxirinxons 'planta de flor groga' (14:326a). 15

J. Morawski, «Les formules apophoniques en espagnol et en roman», RFE 16 (1929), 352.

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Portuguese (Moráis): de cacaracá 'sem valor, sem préstimo' (406a), co-coro-có 'voz imitativa do canto do galo' (568a), chinchar(r)avelho 'crianza traquinas ou intrometida' (530b), chuchurrubiú Bras, desús, 'maroto, tunante' (536b), tataranhar 'tartamudear', 'acanharse' (2300a), titeriteiro 'titereiro' (2347b), toturubá s. f. 'nome vulgar de urna árvore frutífera dos sertóes brasileiros' (2369a), tuturubá s. m. 'árvore brasileira' (2433b), tataraneto 'tetraneto', tataravó 'tetravò' (2300a), trastalatrás interj. 'voz imitativa do som das castanholas' (2390b). Obviously, a correspondence of this magnitude cannot be coincidental. It clearly indicates something in the proto-stage of the group of languages, either (1) an incipient convergence, (2) a shared word or set of words that could have served as the impetus for the creation of the convergence in each language, or, at the least, (3) a «drift» in the direction of the convergence, in the form of rhythmic and syllabic tendencies, development of a healthy infantile vocabulary, etc. Since none of the documents that are early enough to shed light on this question contain playful words, we must rely on the comparative method, application of which leads inexorably to the conclusion that the common stage did contain the beginnings of a convergence, but in the form of a single word. This word is the onomatopoeia of the cry of the cock, which, judging from the forms cited (Sp., Gasc., Cat. quiquiriquí, Ital. chicchirichì, Ptg.16, Prov. cocoroco), had the form k Vj k Vj r Vj k Vj where Vj was probably I'll. While the appearance of this form in all these languages and the subsequent development of identical convergences in all of them is the strongest argument for its primacy, all the other facts we know about quiquiriquí support this conclusion as well. First, obviously existent since the earliest stages of the languages, it is attested in Spanish (I lack dates for the others) in 1611, about as early as a word of this sort could be expected to appear. Second, it is part of perhaps the single most active semantic field of the playful lexicon, onomatopoeia. Third, it has engendered numerous variants of itself in several of the languages: Ital. cuccurucù, Gasc. cacaracá, cucurucá, Ptg. quiquiriquí17, cocoricó, Cat. quec-quera-quec, Sp. cucurucú, cocorocó, cocoroco, cucurucu, quiriquiqui, quiquirrique as well as the many similar words applied to other birds (e.g., titiriji). Fourth, a majority of the earliest convergence forms favor the vowel lil : titiritero (1600), titiritar (XVII), pizpirigaña (1620), titiritaina (1640). Fifth, it explains the complexity of the convergence's phonetic structure. The polysyllabicity and vowel and consonant harmonies are due to the speakers' perception of the crowing of a cock as a multi-segmented cry of more or less identical parts. 18 16 17 18

As I indicate below, Ptg. also has a dialectal form quiquiriquí. Buarque 1186 Many more similar forms are listed in Chapter Three of my book Charles S. Peirce and the Linguistic Sign (Amsterdam: Benjamins), 1985.

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I have of course not searched the lexicons of these other languages as intensely as I did that of Spanish, but the overwhelming numerical superiority of the Spanish convergence suggests that the pattern has been far more productive in Spanish than in any other language. I attribute this lopsidedness to the presence of concomitant factors in Spanish that tended to increase the attractiveness of the pattern or add directly to its numbers. These factors are, respectively, the preference in Spanish for «esdrujulismo», and the presence of similar or identical patterns in Basque and Amerindian languages. As I mentioned in the preceding chapter, I would include QUIQUIRIQUÍ words among those that satisfy the Spanish speaker's preference for proparoxytonic playful words, because the initial three-syllable structure of the convergence is an embedded or secondary proparoxytone. This analysis is of course based on patterns of secondary stress in Spanish. Under the heading «acento rítmico», Navarro Tomás19 confirms the reality of secondary stress in Spanish, calling it «propiamente una cuestión de ritmo». He remarks on the insufficiency, in 1926, of information on secondary stress, a situation which has seen little or no change by 1984.20 Admitting the complexity of the problem, however, he presents a pair of rules which, in his judgment as well as mine, seem to hold true most of the time. The general principle is «un movimiento alternativo de aumento y disminución, en virtud del cual las sílabas débiles, a partir de la sílaba fuerte de cada grupo, se distinguen entre sí, destacándose u oscureciéndose sucesivamente». Employing the numbers 1 (least stress), 2 (secondary stress), and 3 (primary stress), he illustrates this principle with the following words: 2-1-3 (repetir, comparar), 1-3-1-2 (retórica, fonética), 2-1-3-1 (abadesa, cariñoso), 2-1-2-1-3-1 (contraproducente, significativo). The second principle, which qualifies the first, is that in four- and five-syllable words whose primary stress falls on the fourth syllable, secondary stress falls on the initial syllable rather than on the second as the alternating principle would dictate. Thus, the stress patterns of the words entremetido, sacrificado, emperador is 2-l-l-3-(l) rather than l-2-l-3-(l) 21 . The point is, of course, that to this last group can be added all members of the QUIQUIRIQUÍ convergence. Rhythmically, then, such words are composed of an initial proparoxytone (e. g., quiquiri-quí, bómborom-billos), plus a stressed syllable and anything that follows. This same phenomenon may be observed in compounds whose first three syllables comprise an actual proparoxytonic word, e.g., trapalandaina, zagalaporra, cascaramaches, as well as the derivative titeretero. It is hard to imagine a stress-pattern *titéretéro or * quiquiriquí.

19

20 21

Manual de pronunciación española 3 ra ed. (Madrid: Centro de Estudios Históricos) 1926, pp. 189-90. See D . Bolinger, «'Secondary Stress' in Spanish», RPh 15 (1962), 273-9. I have heard such words as emperador, conversación pronounced with the alternating pattern. Judging from the performances of my native Spanish-speaking colleagues, however, this possibility does not exist for QUIQUIRIQUÍ.

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The second factor that favored the development of the Q U I Q U I R I Q U Í convergence is, as I said, the presence of similar or identical patterns in nonRomance languages with which Spanish has had extensive contact. The first of these is Basque, whose evidence is listed below, together with variants and any other etymological evidence I could find. Basque: kakaraka, karkaraka 'a carcajadas' (López M. 364, 368), kikirriki 'canto de los pollos' (López M. 373), ttutturrutu 'canto de los pollos' (López M. 548), kikirikai 'ein baskischer Jubelschrei' (Lópelmann 1:698), kukurupikotu 'acurrucarse' (López M. 383 < pikoxka 'ponerse en cuclillas' + some form with the meaning 'en cuclillas', e.g., kukulumixo, kukulumuxu, kukulumotxio, kukulumutxa (Azkue Dicc. 1:506b)), kukurruku 'canto del gallo' (LM 383), pinpilinpauxa 'mariposa' (López M. 512 < pinpirin 'id.' + pausa ( < Sp. posa Lópelmann 2:1014)), titiritari 'titiritero' (L. Múgica 506 < Sp.), tuturutera 'adorno que a guisa de penacho de aves llevan las mujeres en la cabeza' (Azkue Dicc. 2:300b), tuturutu 'corneta' (López M. 547 < Sp.), ttuttulukatu 'acoquinarse' (López M. 548), txantxalangorri, txantxalingorri, txantxangorri 'petirrojo' (López M. 551 < txantxan 'charlatán' + gorri 'rojo'), txutxurrutxu 'canto de los pollos' (Azkue Dicc. 2:340a). Clearly, the similarity to the Spanish (and Romance) situation is uncanny: (1) the Spanish formal pattern is descriptive of all the Basque words as well, (2) the same denotative categories are represented, along with the hint of playfulness, (3) some of the same change processes seem to have occurred, incl. compounding (pinpilinpauxa) and -L Vj- epenthesis (txantxalangorri), (4) there is an abundance of words descriptive of the cries of various types of chickens (kikiriki, ttutturrutu, kukurruku, txutxurrutxu).22 This last point is crucial to the question of the origin of the class in Basque, because it appears to be the case, here as in Romance, that the 'cock-a-doodledoo' onomatopoeia originated the convergence. This leads us to a choice between two hypotheses: (1) Basque «borrowed» the pattern from the languages of Spain and Southern France, or (2) the similarity of the onomatopoeia is a coincidence, and the Basque convergence developed independently. 22

I have unable to reach a final conclusion on yet another parameter in terms of which the two convergences can be compared, viz. rhythmic pattern. Navarro Tomás notes («pronunciación guipuzcoana», 646) that the Guipuzcoan dialect has no fixed word-accent other than a tendency to make isolated words slightly oxytonic, as in French. This is apparently not true in all dialects, especially those in French territory, and Izaguirre even includes accent marks in his dictionary, which covers an area in Guipuzcoa. It may even be the case that the normally arhythmic nature of Basque is superseded, in infantile songs, by the need for musical rhythm. I have been unable to question any trustworthy informants on this matter, but Celaya, who is Basque and includes numerous Basque songs in his La voz de los niños, often puts in accent marks precisely where they would be were the words Spanish: «Arréngula, perréngula, cincirincín» (26), «Urra lábiru, lábiru, lábiru, / lábiru l e n a . . . » ( 2 6 ) . Regarding the latter, he remarks: «Esto se advierte en los sones que parecen puramente rítmicos». On p. 47, he says « . . . en vasco, señalando con las palamadas el juego rítmico / 'Txálopin txalo, / txálopin txalo'». More examples: «kikirrikí» (53), «txípiritona» (63), «kínkirriñera» (186). 91

Though it is against my natural inclination, I am forced by the facts to conclude that hypothesis (2) is closer to the truth, though of course (1) may have figured in some way. These facts are (1) that of the 14 words cited only two (titiritan, tuturutu) are definite loanwords from Spanish - not enough to initiate a whole convergence, and (2) that the basic form of quiquiriquí is found in distantly related and unrelated languages all over the world, indicating that the nonarbitrary factor of imitation is sufficient to explain the coincidence, e. g., Finnish kukkukiekuu, Hindi kukuru:ku, Indonesian kukurukuk, Malayalam kokarako, Germ, kikeriki, Russ. kukareku, Turkish kokoriko. Thus, though the Basque and Spanish processes may have complemented each other (cf. the heavy concentration of forms in Navarre, and the borrowed words cited in category D above), I conclude that their origins are unconnected. I am at a loss to explain the presence of words in Amerindian languages which fit the formal if not always the semantic Q U I Q U I R I Q U Í paradigms. Several of the words cited in the change categories are probable borrowings from indigenous languages, including cucurucú Col., Bras, 'poisonous snake', perhaps Col., Ven. 'owl', titiribí Col. 'cardinal', 'town in the province of Antioquia', and tilirijí Ven. 'large owl'. Other, obviously indigenous place names gleaned from EUI include Chichirridó 'mountain pass in Colombia', Chichiriviche 'town in Venezuela', and Cucurupi 'river in Colombia' (cf. also Cuncunubá 'town in Colombia', changed to cucurubá when referring to the game originated there). Given the complex linguistic situation of the area and my lack of expertise in the subject, I dare make no attempt to account for these forms. It is indisputable, however, that there has been an indigenous American contribution to the Spanish convergence. Dialect Distribution. It is not possible to determine the precise dialectal provenience of every headword and variant in this class, since many are found in a number of (not necessarily contiguous) areas, and others have undoubtedly passed into the standard from specific non-Castilian dialects. My inventory of words whose place of origin is fairly clear is as follows: Navarre 27, Astur-Leon 9, Aragón 2, Murcia 5, Extremadura 3, Andalusia 7, Soria 1; Cuba 3, Colombia 6, Central America 7, with 1 each in Venezuela, Argentina, Chile, Perú, and Ecuador. In general use I find another 21. The Navarrese figure is nothing less than shocking, and constitutes powerful evidence that the bilingual SpanishBasque speakers of the region have a single template through which they generate forms in both languages. At the very least, it appears that the Basque situation has encouraged the use of the template in Navarrese Spanish. This topic cries out for further investigation. The rest of the distribution is typical of these playful convergences, though Aragón is weaker than might be expected. Infantile Rime Evidence. The Q U I Q U I R I Q U Í pattern is very common in infantile rimes. I have included a few of these in the change categories, where an obvious IF was available (tuturulega, pimpirimpim). There are several other categories: (1) words created in order to rhyme with another line of a song: tuturubeca, from the «pizpirigaña» song, to rhyme with «meca» (Rodríguez 92

Marín 1:49), pipiripingo, to rhyme with Domingo (Rodríguez Marín, Llorca 193, Celaya 136), pinpirinpeo, pinpirinpito, to rhyme with Mateo and Juanito (Sánchez-Boudy, coco 7), titiritones, to rhyme with nones (Hernández de Soto 156), (2) onomatopoeias, legitimate and ad hoc: cucurucú (Córdova de F. 380), quiquiriquí (Rodriguez Marín 1:176, Celaya 57 - quiquiricón as well), tintirintín (Rodríguez Marín 4:319), cocorocó (Celaya 146, Córdova y Oña 141), cacaracá (Córdova y Oña 349), fáfara-fa 'sound of a trumpet', tán-talan-tan 'sound of bells' (Celaya 67), tunturuntún, tunturuntela, chinchirinchín (Falange 55), tantarantán (Falange 207), (3) other nonsense words: cascaramuza (Rodriguez Marín 1:101), cucurruchaca (Celaya 165), (4) change category K, cited above.

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CHAPTER FOUR

CHIQUIRRITICO

I. Description of the Convergence and Template The CHIQUIRRITICO convergence, and its corresponding template, may be formulated as follows: (C)(L) V (C) C V, L Vj (C) C (S) V . . . i. e., where each member of the convergence contains a sequence comprising a liquid consonant flanked on both sides by identical vowels, this sequence occurring in the second and third syllables between primary and secondary stress. The formula is obviously quite complex but can be greatly simplified with the excision for clarity's sake of a few exceptional constituents. The initial consonant, for example, is shown as optional, despite the fact that it occurs in all but two constituents - arfilitero and ajilimójili (but cf. the variant jilimoje). The optional liquid consonant shown second occurs in only two constituents as well, both in tr- (trambuluquearse, trinquiliforté). The optional consonant after the first vowel is nasal in 17 of the 22 cases in which it is realized, exceptions being /s/ (chispirritilla, gustalanchorri, mosquilindrón) and /r/ (gorgorotada, arfilitero). The optional consonant directly after Vj is nasal in all but one (zaparrastroso) of the 18 cases in which it is realized. Finally, the optional segment before the stressed vowel is present in only 8 cases out of the total 50, and in 5 of these it is merely another liquid (chimiriflautis, chiquilindrín, mosquilindrón, zapalagreña, zaparrastroso). The remaining three have either a glide (chambiriniado, rebiritiar) or a vowel (trambuluquear), which is probably realized as a glide in normal speech. In short, underlying the complex formulation that takes account of all idiosyncrasies, there is a simpler, basic structure of the form C V (N) C Vj L Vj (N) C V . . . i. e., the form of chiquirritico, or with the nasal consonants, dingolondango. Statistical analysis of the -C Vj L Vj- portion of the structure reveals, in the initial consonant, an overwhelming preponderance of stops - 46 of 50,31 of these being unvoiced (/p/12, Dd 16, lil 3). The nonstop consonants are /£/ 2, and /x 0 m/, with one each. The vowels are /i/ 27, /a/ 12, /o/ 7, /u/ 2, Id 0. One form, zíquirri-zácarra, has both /!/ and /a/. Finally, the liquid consonant is hi 12, /rr/ 94

10, and IV 32. The predominance of 71/ in this convergence distinguishes it from most other liquid-based convergences, and must be taken into account in tracing the history and development of the pattern. As I have already noted, stop consonants, especially unvoiced, as well as extreme vowels, are both highly characteristic of infantile lexemes. It is therefore not surprising that infantile semantic categories predominate in this convergence. Among the significant infantile areas are (1) small size-chiquilindrin, chiquirribujo, chiquirrindín, chiquirritico, chispirritilla, piquirriñín, (2) games and toys - linzili-lanza, zagalaporra, tutilimundi, (3) insignificance - singuilindango, (4) low mental capacity - chiquilindrin, tontilindango, zapalagreña, (5) physical weakness - chimiriflautis, (6) moral weakness: jangalandón, (7) sounds - chacarrachaca, rufalandaina, trambuluquearse, zaparapanda, cotolovía, gorgorotada, (8) infantile postures - zancarrapaldo. As in the P E R E N D E N G U E template, there are a number of words in the category of untrustworthiness, low quality, etc.: ciquiribaile, ciquiricata, dingolondango, mentirijicas, repilingueos, requilindorios, trapalandaina, zaparrastroso, bamborotero, zambiricuco, zamborotudo, to which can be added words for dangling things: ropilindango, cingolondango, dingolondango, rebilicoque, zaparrastroso.

11. Template Change Categories Herein I describe eight types of processes whose effect is to add to the constituents of the C H I Q U I R R I T I C O convergence. They are obviously highly varied, indicating that this particular template is one of the more powerful ones, an observation borne out by the large number of examples I have been able to find. A. -L Vj- Epenthesis (25 items) ... C V j ( N ) C ... 1 2 3 4 - 1 2 L V j 3 4 As might be expected, one-half of the changes the template has determined have consisted of the insertion of the characteristic -L Vj- sequence. Reviewing previous scholarship on the words involved, we find mixed results. On the positive side, three analysts have definitely focused on this sequence as a separate element. Wagner 1 , for example, focuses on the «diminutive» element -irri«ebenfalls scherzhaft und mit Vokalharmonie» found in chiquirritín, -tico, -tito, chirriquitico, -tin, and poquirritillo. Malkiel 2 focuses on a similar set: «-irr- actúa de legítimo interfijo en esp. fam. chiqu-irr-it-ín, colocado entre el radical y una cadena de sufijos diminutivos. Merced a su extraordinario expresivismo (siendo 1 2

M. L. Wagner, «Iberoromanische Suffixstudien», ZRPh 63 (1943), 360. Y. Malkiel, «Los interfijos hispánicos: Problema de lingüística histórica y estructural», Estructuralismo e historia: Miscelánea homenaje a André Martinet (Universidad de la Laguna), 1958,2:148.

95

i la vocal y rr la consonante de mayor valor simbólico en español), -irr- llega a desintegrar, como verdadero 'infijo', el radical de ciertos primitivos disilábicos en un subdialecto extremeño, pero sólo si anda acompañado de un grupo de sufijos diminutivos

de alta afectividad: po-rri-qu-in-ino (depoco), mia-rri-j-ina (de miaja).»

Finally, in his explanation of chisgarabís (which may or may not have been affected by the template), Coraminas gives strong indications that he understands, at least intuitively, the nature of the -V¡ L Vj- sequence: The apophony in chis-gara-bis, he states, is complemented by «la mayor longitud del segundo elemento (obtenida, como es costumbre, prolongando el vocablo por medio de la consonante intervocálica -r-)...» On the negative side, it is clear that in many cases Coraminas' intuition fails him. More often than not he simply ignores the sequence altogether - as in dingolondango, zamborotudo, zamborondón. His most usual alternative course of action is to propose lexical blends, as in ciquiricata < cerimonia X acato, or, more bizarre, ciquiribaile < cicarazate, itself a blend of *caraçate (a blend of Arab, saraqi and saqqât) and cicatero, all this combined with baile. (DRAE's blend hypothesis, cigarra X baile, is only slightly less ludicrous.) In one other case, ajilimójili, Coraminas takes the route of suggesting analogy to explain the «añadidura jocosa de la sílaba -/i-», but cites bóbilis bóbilis and the latinizing tendency it demonstrates, rather than any of the true members of the C H I Q U I R R I T I C O convergence. Finally, one must admire Rodriguez Marin's ingenious though erroneous idea that chiquirritico might be a metathesized version of rechiquititico. 1.

AJILIMÓJILI 'especie de salsa o pebre para los guisados', 'agregados' ( D R A E 46a), Cub. fig. 'barullo, mescolanza' (Ortiz Catauro 40). VAR: ajilimoge 'id.' (Aut. 1:145b), jilimoje Mérida 'ensalada de tomate, pepino, y pimiento' (Zamora Vicente Mérida 107). IF: ajo m. ' p l a n t a . . . el bulbo se usa mucho como condimento' (DRAE), moje m. 'salsa de cualquier guisado' ( D R A E 887a). COM: We may suppose that ajilimoge was preceded by an unattested *ajimoje, cfr. ajiaceite m. 'composición hecha de ajos machacados y aceite' ( D R A E 46a < ajo + aceité), ajicola f. 'cola que se hace de retazos de piel cocidos con ajos' (DRAE 46a < ajo + cola), etc. As for the inter- and suf-fixal-(i)li, there are two hypotheses on record. (1) Morawski3 feels that both were added to achieve internal rhyme: «Mais le procédé le plus simple pour obtenir la rime consiste à munir les deux membres d'un même suffixe.» This explanation fails to account for ajilimoge. (2) Coraminas 2:1:96 says «la añadidura jocosa de la sílaba li en las dos componentes debe explicarse como la ocurrida en bóbilis bóbilis, anteriormente vobis vobis, y después bóbilis bobis.» Aside from the fact that the C H I Q U I R R I T I C O and T R Á P A L A templates are a much better alternative explanation, the macaronic Latin hypothesis has some inherent problems. First, there are no other highly Latinate words in Spanish ending in -ili; they all end 3

J. Morawski, «Les formules rimées de la langue espagnole», RFE 14 (1927), 118.

96

in -ilis: sífilis, bilis, atrabilis, filis, busilis. Second, the many Latin words ending in unstressed -ilis (e.g., amicabilis, habilis, stabilis, similis, gracilis) are all adjectival. Third, there is no clear connection between garlic sauce and any Latinizing context, such as the church. 2. C O T O L O V Í A And. f. 'cobujada, cogujada' (Alcalá Venceslada 670b). IF: cotuvia And. 'id.' (Alcalá Venceslada); cf. totovía 'id.' (Alonso 3998a attest. 1726). COM: Alcalá Venceslada continues: «Las cobujadas, a quien (sic) dicen vulgarmente cotuvia o cotolovía, por la semejanza de la voz de su canto . . . dicen 'Tío P e p e . . . hay p i p a s . . . / lío . . . lío . . . l í o . . . cotoloví, cotoloví.'» The vowel change, as shown by the variant, is inconsequential. 3.

'diminutivo de chico' (DRAE 411b). chiquirritito, -tillo, -tin (Alonso 1356b), chirriquitico (q.v.), rechiquirrititillo And. 'id.' (Alcalá Venceslada 202a). IF: chiquitico Dom. 'id.' (Henríquez Ureña Dom. 194). COM: The fact that I find the precise liquid-less counterpart of this item in Dominican Spanish only is insignificant, given the absolute freedom of Spanish speakers to manipulate the various diminutive suffixes -ico, -ito, -in etc. Rodríguez Marin 1:10 suggests that metathesis of the intensifying prefix re- is involved: «chiquirrititillo o re-chiquititillo», a clever solution but clearly a stab in the dark. CHIQUIRRITICO

VARS:

4.

C H I S P I R R I T I L L A And. f. 'archidiminutivo de chispa' (Alcalá Venceslada 204b). V A R S : chispirrititilla And. f. 'el summum de rediminutivo de chispa', chispirritita (Alcalá Venceslada). IF: chispititilla And. 'id.'; cf. chispa And. 'espacio breve de tiempo' (Alcalá Venceslada). COM: The precise input form, *chispitilla, is not listed by Alcalá Venceslada, but clearly underlies chispititilla.

5.

C H U P A L A N D E R O Mure. 'die. del caracol que se cría en los árboles y en las hierbas' (Alonso 1376a). IF: chupadero And. 'díc. de un caracol pequeño terrestre' (Alonso 1375b), chupando, pres. part, of chupar 'sacar con los labios el jugo o substancia de una cosa' ( D R A E 416a); cf. chupandina Arg., Gal., And. 'festín donde se bebe mucho' (Coraminas 2:2:409b). COM: The precise IF needed, *chupandero, is missing, but easily derivable from chupadero and chupando. Both Coraminas and Monlau (570b) content themselves with listing chupalandero as a derivative of chupar.

6.

DINGOLONDANGOS

(see

RIFIRRAFE

chapter).

7. ( A N D A R A L A ) P A T i L i c o j A Sant. 'andar a la pata coja' (Penny 345). IF: paticojo adj. fam. 'cojo' (Alonso 3174 - attest. 1726). COM: Compare patituerto, patizambo, patitieso (Coraminas 2:4:424b). 97

8. PIQUIRRIÑÍN Ast. 'pequeño' (Canellada 300). VARS: piquirrichín, piquirrisquín, pequerriñín, pequirrisquín, pequirriñín Ast. 'id.' (Canellada 293). IF: pequeñín 'dim. de pequeño' (DRAE 1004b). COM: The only thing that is not perfectly straightforward here is the frequent vowel-raising, possibly a result of the relation between the vowel /i/ and 'smallness', or to be less abstract, of the influence of chico and the diminutive suffixes in -(-. According to Craddock «picaro» 221, -icho (and thus, presumably -ichiri) is a diminutive suffix in Portuguese, so it is not surprising that it should appear as such in Asturias. Alternatively, it could have been adopted from words such as parlanchín, hablanchín. Malkiel4 divides piqu-irr-isqu-in, indicating that he discerns the suffix -isco in another variant. 9. POQUIRRITÍN Nav. 'dim. de poquito, de poquitín' (Iribarren 408b). IF: poquitín 'id.' (Iribarren) COM: Compare the less perfect template adaptation in poquerriñín Ast. 'id.' poquiñín 'id.' (Canellada 303), evidently blended with pequeño 'small'. 10. REBILICOQUE Ast. s. m. 'adorno muy cargado' (Vigón 391). rebiriscoque Ast. 'adorno recargado' (Alonso 3628), rebiricoque Gal. 'id.' (Carré Alvarellos 632b). IF: bicoca 'cosa de poca estima y precio', 'cosa de mucha estima y precio', Nav. 'ganga, cosa de valor que se adquiere a poca costa' (Alonso 695b); cf. bicoque Sal. m. 'recipiente muy pequeño' (Alonso 696a). COM: There being no lack of words meaning 'adorno de poco valor', e.g., perendengue, guilindujes, miriñaque, it is not surprising to find two related words, one of which means 'adorno' and the other 'cosa de poco valor' (although the derivative might be expected to have the more general meaning). Galician also has a verb rebirichar 'retorcer' (Carré Al. 633a) which may be related in some way. VARS:

11. REBIRITEAR Ast. 'ribetear'(Canellada 391). IF: rebitiar Ast. 'id.' (Canellada 314). COM: For the accentual anomaly here, see my comment at trambuluquearse. 12. ROPILINDANGO And. adj. 'astroso, desaseado' (Alcalá Venceslada 555a), 'muchacho o muchacha grandullonesa quienes (sic) les queda la ropa curta (sic)' (Wagner 5 ). IF: ropa 'tela que sirve para el adorno de las personas' ( D R A E 1157b) + -ango, sufijo festivo. COM: Following the analysis I set down in Chapter 11 (REQUILINDORIOS), I would segment this word ropi- (from ropa, cf. mosca-, mosqui-lindrón) -li4

5

Y. Malkiel, Patterns of Derivational Affixation in the Cabraniego Dialect of East-CentralAsturian, 1970, 14. M . L. Wagner, op. cit., 323.

98

(added by CHIQUIRRITICO) -n- (nasal consonant epenthesis) -d- (hiatus preventing consonant) -ango (suffix). As usual, however, I have the strange feeling (probably due to the existence of Engl, dangle) that -dango is a quasi-morpheme, borrowed from Arag. dingolondango 'balanceo', Nav. cincilindango 'colgajo'. But as none of the several Andalusian words in -dango refer to tatters and rags (singuilindango 'cosa baladí', mamindango 'dulces', palandango 'haterillo', tontilindango 'tontucio' - Alcalá Venceslada 577b, 373a, 444a, 613b), I will stick to the more complicated assessment. 13.

And. adj. 'tontucio, a' «La hija es una tontilindanga que casi no sabe hablar» (Alcalá Venceslada 613b). IF: tontin And. adj. 'dim. de tonto, a' (Alcalá Venceslada). COM: The structure here is tont-il-in-d-ango (see REQUILINDORIOS). Several other words may have influenced the formation, including tontilucio And. adj. 'persona de pocas luces, simple' (Alcalá Venceslada, who suggests that it is a compound of tonto and luz); singuilindango And. 'cosa baladí' (Alcalá Venceslada 577b), etc. TONTILINDANGO

14.

T R A M B U L U Q U E A R S E P. Rico, Dom. 'entre campesinos, trabucarse la lengua al hablar' (Alonso 4007a). IF: tra(m)bucar tr. 'trastornar, descomponer el buen orden o colocación que tiene alguna cosa', 'pronunciar o escribir equivocadamente unas palabras, sílabas o letras por otras' ( D R A E 1282c - attest. 1726, Coraminas 1:4:522b). COM: Strictly speaking, the infinitive does not comply completely with the requirements of the template, since secondary stress falls on one of the Vj vowels: trámbulúqueárse. This defect is remedied when the -ear is converted into a diphthong (trámbuluquiár), common in standard pronunciation (cf. tataratear -iar), and in some conjugated forms, e. g., trámbuluquéa.

15. Z A N C A R R A P A L D O Nav. 'a horcajadas sobre la espalda de otro' (Iribarren 534). IF: zanca f. 'pierna del hombre o de cualquier animal, sobre todo cuando es larga y delgada' ( D R A E 1364c) + espalda f. 'parte posterior del cuerpo humano' {DRAE 568a). COM: Actually, I imagine there is some explanation for the choice of /rr/ here, rather than the more common /r/ or even IV. Perhaps the fact that this is Navarre is sufficient explanation, cf. Navarre quiquirriqui vs. standard quiquiriquí. One could argue that the first element is zancarrón, except that in Navarre this means 'nombre que dan al tallo de las patatas y de las berzas' (Iribarren 534b) rather than (or perhaps in addition to?) the standard 'cualquiera de los huesos de la pierna' ( D R A E 1364c). On the other hand, perhaps the formula is zanca + respaldo 'parte de la silla o banco, en que descansan las espaldas' ( D R A E 1139a). In any case, a large measure of template remodeling has occurred. 16. BAMBOROTERO Arag. adj. 'bambollero' (Pardo Asso 47). IF: bambollero adj. fam. 'die. de la persona que gasta mucha bambolla' ( D R A E 161a) X borbotar 'nacer o hervir el agua impetuosamente' (Alonso 746a). 99

COM: Of borbotar, Alonso says «de borbollar, por cruce con brotar», a reasonable conjecture, although it may be too much to expect two blends to have contributed to the formation of a single word. The alternative would be to posit a stage *bambotero, with a dental hiatus-preventing consonant replacing the original -11-. The semantically and formally similar bravatero Argot, 'grupo que echa bravatas y fieros' ( D R A E 201a) may have set the stage for this change. 17.

Z A M B O R O T U D O And. 'vino peleón', 'aplícase a la persona gruesa, ventruda y de color encendido' (Alcalá Venceslada 659a), 'tosco, grueso y mal formado' (Coraminas 1:4:818a - attest. 1726). VAR: zamborondón 'zamborotudo' (Alonso4231b-attest. Quevedo, ca. 1620). IF: zambo 'díc. de la persona que por mala configuración tiene juntas las rodillas y separadas las piernas hacia afuera' (Alonso 4231b - attest. 1611), 'bizco' (Coraminas). COM: Both Coraminas and Monlau (1147b) derive zamborotudo and zamborondón from zambo, but do not hazard guesses as to how the change in form came about. I would point my finger at the C H I Q U I R R I T I C O and R E Q U I L I N D O R I O S templates, and at the various hiatus-preventing devices available in Spanish, including -t-. In spite of all expectation, zamborotudo seems to be etymologically unrelated to zamborotear, zamburutazo.

18.

m. s. 'ladrón' (Alonso 1074a - attest. 1609). ciquibaile 'id.' (Coraminas 1 : 1 : 7 8 9 b - attest. XVI), ciquirable 'id.' (EUI 13:346), chiquiribaile Argot, 'id.' (Alonso 1356b). IF: cica Argot, f. 'bolsa para el dinero' ( D R A E 298a) + baile 'ladrón' (Alonso 1356b). COM: This derivation is perfectly straightforward. The combination of cica and baile into ciquibaile is paralleled by ajicola < ajo + cola, gallipavo < gallo + pavo, and others. Ciquiribaile arose through template processing, and when blended with some form of chico produced chiquiribaile. Ciquirable is inexplicable, unless it is a misprint. Previous etymological commentary on ciquiribaile is disappointing. DRAE 304b, attempting to account for the interfixal -r-, suggests «de cigarra 'bolsa' y baile 'ladrón'». Coraminas comes close on ciquibaile «de cicatero y baile», but fails to recognize that ciquibaile is the more basic form. Thus, his etymology of ciquiribaile is hopelessly complicated. He begins with a supposed derivative of cicatero, viz. cicarazate 'ladrón de bolsas' (which is a blend of *caragate and cicatero, the former being a blend of Arab. saraqi and saqqát): «de ahí por cruce con baile 'ladrón', ciquiribaile.» CIQUIRIBAILE

VARS:

19.

C I Q U I R I C A T A f. fam. 'ademán o demostración con que se intenta lisonjear a alguno' (Alonso 1074a - attest. 1786). IF: (TWO hypotheses) (1) cica Argot 'bolsa para el dinero' ( D R A E 298a) + catar 'mirar', 'tener por fin una cosa', ant. 'buscar, procurar, solicitar' {DRAE 277c), (2) cicalar 'pulir, adornar, aderezar o componer a una persona' (Alonso 1053b - attest. 1594) + catar.

100

COM: According to Coraminas 1:1:773b: «De un cruce de cerimonia con acato puede salir *cericata, y de aquí ciquiricata.» I expressed doubt about this in Pharies «expressive» p. 352n, and now I definitively reject it, since I can suggest two more plausible hypotheses. The first connects the word with the earlier (1609) Argot ciquiribaile, so similar in form that it is hard to imagine that ciquiricata might have arisen uninfluenced by it. According to this theory, under the influence of ciquiribaile, cica and catar were wittily combined to mean 'tener por fin una bolsa' and to attempt to procure this object through flattery. The second hypothesis, semantically more satisfying but seemingly unconnected with ciquiribaile, is based on the perfectly straightforward comparison of fixing up a person physically (acicalar) with flattering him or her, this root then being combined with some form of catar, perhaps acato. 20.

GUSTALANCHORRI

Nav. 'nombre que dan en Artajona y Añorbe al pájaro llamado chata blanca, culiblanco, y coliblanco' (Iribarren 260b). IF: Basque buztantzuri 'albicaudo' (L. Múgica 148a). COM: This etymology is indicated by Iribarren, who further dissects it «del vasco buztana 'cola' y txuri 'bianco'». 21.

JANGALANDÓN

'muy zángano' (Alonso 2442b - attest. 1577, Bartolomé de Villalba). IF: zangandongo 'persona inhábil, holgazana' ( D R A E 1365a); cf. zángano 'hombre holgazán' ( D R A E 1365a), zangón 'muchacho alto, desvaído y que anda ocioso' ( D R A E 1365b); cf. Ptg. jangana m. Chul. 'homem desajeitado' (Moráis 1327b). COM: Little is known of the life of Bartolomé de Villalba. One of the missing items, apparently, is his regional provenience. Jangalandón could be merely a witty creation of his own, unattested elsewhere, but in any case it LOOKS Andalusian, cf. zarrapastroso / And. jarapastroso (Coraminas 1:4:1851a). 22.

R E Q U I L I N D O R I O S Nav. m. pi. 'requilorios', 'impertinencias, importunidades, evasivas', 'die. del objeto que no tiene ningún valor' (Iribarren 444b). IF: requilorio 'requisito', pl. 'adornos o accesorios en los objetos materiales', 'preámbulos, circunloquios, rodeos o atavíos en la conversación' (Iribarren, DRAE 1136b). COM: This is one of the more striking changes brought about by this template, one that is combined with the effects of REQUILINDORIOS. The only parallel, and possibly influential case I can cite is that of And. reparandoria f. 'admonición', and more especially Mure, repalandoria 'ambage, zalamería', a synonym whose form (< reparando) is justifiable.

23. R U F A L A N D A R I O 'estrafalario' (Alonso 3665a - attest. 1726). VAR: rufalandaina 'chacota, burla' (Alonso - attest. 1726). IF: rufo, a 'rubio, rojo', 'que tiene el pelo ensortijado', Leon, 'tieso, robusto', Arag. 'rozagante, vistoso' (Alonso - attest. 1607), Gal. 'sano, robusto', 'colorado, de buen aspecto' (Carré Alvarellos 662a) 101

COM: Both rufalandario and its variant apparently failed to survive to the 19th century. The connection with rufo is only evident for rufalandario, the semantic development having been 'red' ->- 'gaudy' ->- 'outlandish'. As for the acoustic meaning of rufalandaina, it is probably the result of a synesthetic metaphor from visual to acoustic brilliance. Also, -aina often evokes excessive noise, cf. titiritaina, chuflaina, churritaina. An alternative, less plausible, source of acoustic meaning is the And. verb rufar 'gruñir sordamente un animal enojado' (Alonso 3665a), 'echar roncas una persona' (Alcalá Venceslada 557b), whose origin I do not know. 24.

TRÍCOLO-TRACO

(s. v. triquitraque, in

RIFIRRAFE).

25.

Z A M B I R I C U C O Perú 'die. del mestizo zambo que a pesar de haber ascendido a cierta posición social denota en algunos modales su humilde origen' (Neves 587a). IF: zambo Am. adj. y s. 'hijo de negro e india o indio y negra' (Neves) + cuco, -a 'pulido, mono' (Alonso 1293a). COM: For the underlying form *zambicuco 'zambo pulido', cf. zambiloco Mex. 'die. del trompo que no baila reposado sino a saltos' (Cuervo 947).

Several more words also pertain to this rich category, but are analyzed, for various reasons, in other chapters. One group comprises words which are demonstrably elaborations on T R Á P A L A convergence constituents. These words accrued the -L Vj- sequence in word-final position, only to add material after it, such that it became interfixal rather than suffixal. Examples are trapalandaina Arag. 'trapalón, embustero' (Alonso 4015a) and trípili-trápala Nav. 'se dice de la persona atalantada, atropellada' (Iribarren 560a), both derivatives of trápala 'embuste, engaño' (DRAE 1288b), címbili-zámbala Nav. 'columpio' (Iribarren 127b), from zámbala Nav. 'id.' (Iribarren 533b) and dúrmili-dúrmili Arg. 'dormilón' (Neves. 234b), from *dúrmili, cf. duerme-duerme Arg. 'id.' (Neves). A second group arguably added the -L Vj- sequence simultaneously in both intertonic and posttonic position: chípala-chápala Arag. 'voz significando el ruido que se hace con los pies andando entre charcos', from chipa-chapa Arag. 'id.' (Pardo Asso 120), zíquirri-zácarra Nav. 'expresión onomatopéyica para indicar movimiento de un lado para otro' (Iribarren 539a), from zigzag, típilitápala Nav. 'voz onomatopéyica para indicar caída a trompicones' (Iribarren 493a), from tipi-tapa Nav. 'expresión onomatopéyica muy corriente para indicar paso ligero' (Iribarren 493a), and trícala-trácala Arag. 'voz expresando el ruido que producen las cosas cuando golpean entre sí', from trica-traca 'id.' (Pardo Asso 363-4). B. Pre-Liquid Vowel Epenthesis (2 items) . . . C L Vj (N) C . . . 1 2 3 4 5 ->- 1 Vj 2 102

3

4

5

26.

c i N G O L O N D A N G O s. m. 'cosa pequeña que cuelga meneándose, meciéndose' (Ortiz Afronegr. 443 - attest. Quevedo). VAR: singuilindango And. m. 'cosa baladí, sin importancia' (Alcalá Venceslada 477b). IF: cinglar 'hacer andar un bote, canoa, etc., con un solo remo puesto a popa' (DRAE 303b), Sant. 'zarandear al niño en la cuna' (Penny 342). COM: Anyone who has ever propelled a canoe with a single paddle at the rear knows that the result is an inevitably zigzag course. This is the point of contact with the Santander meaning, which is transparently related to that of cingolondango. Small things that hang, such as rags and tatters, often develop generalized negative meanings such as that of the Andalusian seseante singuilindango (cf. guirindanga Col. f. 'cosa despreciable' (Alonso 2207b), guindar And. 'colgar, quedando al aire lo colgado' (Alonso 2206a)). Chance must account for the difference -olon-l-ilin- in the two version of the word, both being analyzable as cing(o)-lo-n-d-ango (see R E Q U I L I N D O R I O S ) .

27. Z A M B U R U T A Z O And. 'golpe fuerte' (Alcalá Venceslada 659a). DER: zamborotear Arag. 'golpear, tundir, ajetrear, azacanar' (Pardo Asso 381). IF: zambrazo Arag. 'el golpe que se da tundiendo', 'cimbrazo, mimbrazo' (Pardo Asso). COM: Although I am very confident of this identification (the dialectal difference is insignificant), I cannot explain the choice of vowels. The -t- must be hiatus-obstructive or else derived from -ote. As indicated, I believe the verbal form is derived. N. B.: In spite of the almost identity of form, these words are etymologically unrelated to zamborotudo et al. C. Vowel Harmony (5 items) ... C V L ... 1 1 2 ^

1 Vj 3

... L V C ... 1 2 3

1 Vj 3

28. C H A M B I R I N I A D O Mex. adj. 'chamberinado, emperejilado' (Neves 174a). IF: chamberinado Mex. adj. 'emperejilado, peripuesto' (Neves). COM: There is also a chamberí(n) Méx. m. 'adorno relumbrado, pero de poco valor', Perú 'persona ostentosa, lechuguino' (Neves). Corominas 2:2:316b derives chamberinado from chamba 'chiripa'. 29.

R E P I L I N G U E O S Nav. 'monadas, melindres, dengues, cortesías' (Iribarren 443a). IF: repelinguearse Nav. 'componerse o acicalarse excesivamente' (Iribarren 442b). COM: The semantic development 'to preen' 'affected actions' 'flattery' is quite straightforward. As for the origin of repelingueos, I am unsure. Could it

103

have something to do with repelado And. 'mondo y lirondo' (Alcalá Venceslada 541b)? If so, whence -inguearsel Another candidate is pingo Nav., Arag. 'persona desaseada', also pinganilla Bol., Chil., Ec., Cub., Cent. Am. 'persona pobre con pretensiones de elegante' (Alonso 3281b). If a justification for the about-face in meaning could be found, we could posit a development pingo > repingo > repilingueo. Repelinguearse would then be a variant, contaminated by repelado, perhaps. What is the relation between these words and ropilindango (q. v.)? 30.

'vuelto loco' (Corominas 1:4:835a - attest. Cejador). IF: zape a la greña, no def. (Corominas). COM: Corominas does not define this phrase, but one gathers that it has the same figurative meaning as zapalagreña, which is very similar to that of andar a la greña 'reñir dos o más personas, tirándose de los cabellos', 'altercar descompuesta y acaloradamente', itself based on greña 'cabellera revuelta y mal compuesta' (Alonso 2176a). For the connection between zape and blows, cf. zipizape. (ANDAR BUSCANDO A L G O A LA) Z A P A L A G R E Ñ A

31. A R F I L I T E R O Leon, 'alfiletero' (Alonso Garrote 146). VAR: fufilitero Sant. 'id.' (Alonso 2070b). IF: alfiletero 'acerico, almohadilla' ( D R A E 60a). COM: The variant probably is a blend with fofo 'esponjoso, blando y de poca consistencia' ( D R A E 626c), since pincushions have this quality. The change o > u is perhaps a result of the predominance of extreme vowels in infantile and playful words. 32. C H I Q U I R R I B U J O 'chiquito' (DEEH 208b). IF: chico, a 'pequeño' ( D R A E 408c) + rebujo 'envoltorio que con desaliño y sin orden se hace de papel, trapos u otras cosas' ( D R A E 1110c). COM: This is García de Diego's hypothesis, and as I find no other plausible source for the sequence -bujo I accept it. For the metaphor 'small bundle' 'child', cf. English bundle of joy 'baby'. As usual DEEH does not mention dialect. D. Blend (5 items) I have perhaps seemed hostile to the lexical blend hypothesis in general, particularly when I thought it was being promoted as an ad hoc explanation for changes that are in actuality systematic template modifications. Having worked extensively in playful vocabularies, however, I am quite aware that lexical blending is a major form of playful word-formation. Consequently, I have no qualms about stating that the lexical blend hypothesis is by far the most compelling solution for the five words that follow. The distinctive factor that separates my appeal to the phenomenon of blending from that of many analysts is that I am proposing an explanation for why this unusual development occurred, the explanation 104

being that it was favored by the template. In each case, the words blended in such a way as to produce a final form in harmony with the C H I Q U I R R I T I C O pattern. 33.

Sant. adj. 'chilindrín', 'hombre pequeño y de poco seso', 'chiquilindrón, muchacho como de unos 14 años' (Alonso 1356a). VAR: chiquilindrón Sant. 'id.' (Alonso), chipilindrín Sant. adj. 'muchacho pequeño' (Lamano 373). IF: chilindrín 'id.' (Alonso) X chico 'niño' ( D R A E 408c), cf. chilindrón Sant. 'muchacho como de unos 14 años' (Lamano 373). COM: The blend shifts the -Vj L Vj- sequence according to template specifications. Chipilindrín (< chipilín s. v.) is modeled on chiquilindrín. CHIQUILINDRÍN

34. M O S Q U I L I N D R Ó N Nav. 'tozudo, terco, testarudo' (Iribarren 348a). VAR: moscalindrón Salm. adj. 'moscón' (Lamano 546). IF: moscón Nav. 'pelma, molesto como un moscón. Lo dicen las mujeres de los hombres pesados, de los que andan siempre alrededor de ellas, de los que las importunan o asedian' (Iribarren 348a) X chiquilindrón Sant. 'muchachuelo como de unos catorce años' (Alonso 1356a). COM: A case could be made for leaving out chiquilindrón altogether, using as the starting point either moscón (moqui-il-in-dr-ón, where -dr- < the series chiquilindrón, tolondrón, baladrón); or mosquilón 'moscón' (Alonso 2903b mosquil-in-dr-ón). The uncanny similarity to chiquilindrón leads me to favor the blend hypothesis. In any case, the var. moscalindrón merely shows the effects of identification with mosca, and is not necessarily primary. 35.

ZAPARAPANDA

Ven. f. 'zarabanda, cualquier cosa que causa ruido estrepitoso, bulla o molestia repetida' (Alonso 4236a), 'cantidad grande' «le dieron una zaparapanda de palos» (Tamayo 326a). IF: zarabanda 'danza picaresca y de movimientos lascivos', 'música alegre y ruidosa de esta danza', 'cualquier cosa que causa ruido estrepitoso' ( D R A E 1366b), zape 'golpe' (see below). COM: The meaning 'cantidad grande' may derive from the noise made by a large number of objects such as sticks or poles. For zape 'golpe' see zipizape.

36.

GORGOROTADA

37.

MENTIRIJILLAS

f. 'porción de cualquier líquido que se bebe de un golpe' (Alonso 2160a - attest. 1852). IF: górgoro m. Sal. 'trago o sorbo', Méx. 'burbuja, gorgorita, pompa' (Alonso 2159b) X gorgoteo 'ruido producido por el movimiento de un líquido o un gas en el interior de alguna cavidad' ( D R A E 670c) + -ada (see chiquilinada). 'de mentirillas', 'de burlas' ( D R A E 867c, Iribarren 332a). mentirijicas Nav. 'id.' (Iribarren), mentirijucas Sant. 'id.', mentirucas Sant. 'id.' (García Lomas 241). IF: mentirilla 'dim. de mentira', «de mentirillas» 'de burlas' (DRAE) X mentijoso Guad. adj. 'entrometido' (Alonso 2791b). VARS:

105

COM: AS evidenced by its position last in this category, this etymology inspires little confidence. As all other combinants are recognizable, the big question is, whence -//-? It appears as a suffix in acertijo (< acertar), amasijo, amasadijo (< amasa(do)), revoltijo (< revuelto), escondrijo (< esconder), etc., and seemingly in mentijoso, which appears to derive from mentir, though its meaning suggests meter. Assuming this is the case we posit a hypothetical *mentirijas parallel to Sant. mentirucas, no more unusual than all these other derivatives in which the infinitive ending is intact, and then add one of several endings, most diminutive. I speculate that the template may have made such complicated creations more likely to arise. E. Metathesis (4 items) . . . C Vj L Vj C Vj . . . 1 2 3 4 5 6 ->-1

2

5

6

3

4

38.

C H I M I R I F L A U T I S Nav. 'apocado, asimplado y de débil constitución física' (Iribarren 173a). IF: chirimía 'instrumento músico de viento, hecho de madera, a modo de clarinete' ( D R A E 411c) + flauta 'instrumento músico de viento, en forma de tubo con varios agujeros circulantes' ( D R A E 623b). COM: There are other candidates for the first half of this compound, all presupposing metathesis as well: Basque txiribiri 'persona ligera' (L. Múgica 522b), Nav. chirimiquillas 'mequetrefe', chirimbolo 'individuo gracioso' (Iribarren 175b—6a), but since flautis makes the musical metaphor perfectly recognizable, I favor chirimía. The ending -is suggests illness and physical weakness: elefantíasis, bilis, sífdis, satiriasis, etc., cf. perdis 'hombre de poco asiento y moral laxa' ( D R A E 1006a), a synonym of perdido.

39.

Z A P A R R A S T R O S O Arg. 'zarrapastroso' (Alonso 4236a, Abad de Santillán 997b). VAR: zapayrrastroso Bol. 'id.' (Fernández Naranjo 142). IF: zarrapastroso 'desaseado, andrajoso' (Alonso 4242b). COM: Abad de Santillán claims that the metathesis was motivated by «el insulto frecuente sapo arrastrado». I prefer the template hypothesis. I cannot explain the glide in the Bolivian form.

40. L Í N Z I L I - L A N Z A Nav. 'columpio' (Iribarren 304a). IF: Basque zintzilikatu 'colgar' (López M. 630b). C O M : Línzili-lanza appears, at first glance, to be a derivative, through the R I F I R R A F E template, of lanzar 'arrojar' ( D R A E 787a), since a swing must be launched, so to speak. This is, however, only part of the story, though perhaps the part that determined the final form of the word. The starting-point, instead, was the cited Basque word for 'colgar', which also appears in the form zilintzika 'colgando suspenso' (López M. 628a). 106

41. Z A G A L A G A R D A f. 'zalagarda' (Alonso 4228a - attest. 1589). IF: zalagarda f. 'emboscada dispuesta para coger descuidado al enemigo y dar sobre él sin recelo', 'escaramuza', 'lazo que se arma para que caigan en él los animales', 'astucia maliciosa', 'alboroto repentino de gente' ( D R A E 1363c attest. XIV). COM: Coraminas 1:4:809b notes that zalagarda appears «en Juan de Castellanos, con la variante zagalagarda, por reduplicación expresiva». There certainly has been some sort of reduplication here, but the most notable development is the transposition of syllables (i. e., the distant placement of the derived reduplicated syllable) such that the -V¡ L Vj- sequence is postponed to a purely atonic position. There are two possible explanations for this curiosity: It was either determined by the CHIQUIRRITICO template or else by some particular word. The template hypothesis is weakened by the early date of the word, though to be sure there are parallels even at that early date: jangalandón 1577. Candidates for analogical influence include zágala And. m. 'en los juegos infantiles, el que hace el cuarto para saltar, tirar la chapa, etc.' (Alcalá Venceslada - attest. 1585) < zaga 'id.' < Arab, saqa 'retaguardia' (Alonso 4227b), or zagal m. 'muchacho que ha llegado a la adolescencia', 'mozo fuerte, animoso y gallardo', 'pastor mozo' ( D R A E 1363a). Of these, the former, whose etymon at least suggests military action, is somwhat plausible. F. L Change (1 item) 42.

R E P A L A N D O R I A Mure. f. rúst. 'ambaje, etiqueta, zalamería' (García Soriano Illa). IF: reparandoria And. 'reconvención, admonición' (Alcalá Venceslada 541a). COM: The change I am describing here cannot be formulated in terms of consonant-vowel configuration, as most of the others can, since the C H I Q U I R R I T I C O pattern does not specify choice of liquid consonant for any particular word. Nevertheless, the change r > I in this case is attributable to the existence, if not the action of the template, since only the indeterminacy of the liquid in the template can explain why the perfectly transparent reparandoria would have become the etymologically opaque repalandoria. The common confusion of I and r cannot be the cause, both because it is most characteristic of Andalusian, not Murcian, and because usually only syllable-final liquids are subject to the confusion.

G. Derivation (4 items) Both derivation and compounding, which I will exemplify in section H, are normal processes of word-formation. The question therefore arises as to why I would attribute them to the action of a template. The answer, of course, is that I believe that the particular derivational and compositional processes listed below were favored by the fact that their products would conform to the CHIQUIRRITICO pattern. Had this added impetus not existed, in other words, 107

these words might never have been produced, or else not had sufficient appeal to become accepted lexical items in their respective dialects. Thus, though in principle any or all of these cases might be merely fortuitous constituents of the convergence, chances are good that at least some were produced by it. 43. C H I Q U I R R I N D Í N Arag. 'chiquirritín' (Borao 207, Pardo Asso 120). IF: chiquirrín And., Arag. 'dim. de chico' (Alcalá Venceslada 202a, Pardo Asso) + -in, sufijo diminutivo. COM: See the REQUILINDORIOS chapter for a fuller explanation of this derivation. 44.

C H I Q U I L I N A D A Arg. 'acción propia de chiquilines', 'muchedumbre de chiquilines' (Abad de Santillán 146a). IF: chiquitín And., Am. 'pequeñín' (Alcalá Venceslada 201b), -ada 'sufijo que denota acción propia de cierta clase de personas, agrupación de muchas cosas o individuos' (Alemany Bolufer formación 9).

45.

R I N G U I L I N E R A Leon, 'ringlera, línea de objetos puestos en fila' (Alonso Garrote 312). VARS: ringuleira Gal. 'id.', rinculerà Alav. 'id.' (Alonso Garrote), ringuilón Gal. 'renglón' (Carré Alvarellos 654a). IF: ringuileira Ast. 'ringlera' (Acevedo 195). COM: The -n-, which acts as a hiatus-preventing consonant, is probably the diminutive suffix -in, cf. ringuilón, equipped with the corresponding augmentative.

46.

'muy pequeño' (Monlau 565, Corominas 2:2:351b). chicorrotillo, chicorrotín (Monlau). IF: chicorro m. fam. 'chicote, persona de poca edad, robusta y bien formada' (DRAE 408c), chicote 'id.' (DRAE 409a). COM: As Alemany formación 76 very astutely points out, «en chicorrotico, de chico, vemos este sufijo -ico combinado con el despectivo -orro y el aumentativo -ote, así; chic(o) + orr(o) + ot(e) + ico.» Since all parts of the word are independently justifiable, the only effect the template could have had here is to favor their combination. There are several other words in the playful lexicon of Spanish that share almost the precise mode of formation of chicorrotico, i. e., in containing -orro or one of its variants (-arra, -urru - See Alemany formación 29, 113 - or else the unidentifiable -olo-), but which I hesitate for various reasons to present separately. The words are the following: pintorrotear Arag. 'pintorrear, pintarrajear' (Pardo Asso 289),pinturrutear Arag., Nav. 'pintarsede mala traza' (Pardo Asso, Iribarren 400a), pinturrujeado Nav. 'pintorreado' (Iribarren), pintarrajear 'id.' (Alonso 3284a - attest. 1726) < pintorrear 'id.' (Alonso - attest. XVIII), chisporrotear 'despedir chispas reiteradamente' (Alonso 1367b - attest. XVIII) < chisporrear 'id.' (Alonso - attest. XIX), baburruteo And. 'baboseo' (Alcalá Venceslada 75b) < baburrear 'babosear' (Alonso 606b - attest. XV), chacolotear 'hacer ruido la herradura por estar floja CHICORROTICO

VARS:

108

o faltarle clavos' (Alonso 1320b - attest. 1726) < chacotear 'burlarse, chancearse, divertirse con bulla, voces y risa' (Alonso - attest. 1604), chapalatear Salm. 'pisar en el lodo', 'chapotar' (Lamano 369) < chapatar 'id.' (Lamano), revolotear 'volar haciendo turnos o giras en poco espacio' (Alonso 3623b attest. 1790) < revoltear 'id.' (Alonso - attest. 1606) < revolear 'id.' (Alonso attest. XVI), mombolonear Arag. 'hablar a media voz', 'protestas que se hacen en voz baja' (Borao: xxxv, Pardo Asso 242). Note that the infinitive forms here do not fit the template specifications exactly, in that they contain a secondary stress on one of the VjS, e . g . , pln-ta-rrá-je-ár. All the words that do not have this problem, however, e . g . , baburruteo, chisporroteo, chacoloteo, are derivatives from verbal stems, while chicorrotico is not. H. Composition (2 items) Note that several other words I have listed previously could also be included here: chiquirribujo, zambiricuco, zapalagreña. 47. ZAGALAPORRA And. m. 'en los juegos infantiles, el que sigue en orden al zágala' (Alcalá Venceslada 657b). IF: zágala And. m. 'en los juegos infantiles, el que hace el cuarto para saltar, tirar la chapa, etc.' (Alcalá Venceslada-attest. 1585) + porra And., 'sorteo que se hace de muchas maneras entre varios para ver a quién toca pagar el convite do todos' (Alcalá Venceslada 500b). COM: Porra has several other meanings ('majado', 'ensalada', 'látigo'), but this one appears to be the correct one, since the idea of taking turns is paramount. For further etymological analysis, see zágala. 48. TRINQUILIFORTE And. m. fest. 'trinqui, trago de vino o licor' (Alcalá Venceslada 626a). IF: trínquilis And. m. 'trinquis' (Alcalá Venceslada). COM: For further etymological analysis, see trínquilis. I. Reduplication (1 item) 49. CHACARRACHACA f. fam. 'ruido molesto de disputa o algazara' (Alonso 1320a). IF: chácarra 'charla' (Coraminas 2:309b - attest. 1604). C O M : This case is reminiscent of tintirintín andpimpirimpim in the Q U I Q U I R I Q U Í chapter, where the initial syllable is reproduced at the end of the -V L V- sequence. J. Borrowing 50. TUTILIMUNDI m. 'mundonuevo' ( D R A E 1309), Chil., P. Rico 'todo el mundo, la generalidad de las personas' (Alonso 4076a). IF: Dial. ital. tutti li mundi 'todos los mundos'. 109

COM: DRAE and Corominas (1:4:480b) agree on this identification, though only the latter notes that the form must be of dialectal origin, since Standard Italian would be tutti i mundi. Corominas does not name this dialect. He does affirm, however, that in addition to its literal meaning, the Italian phrase also meant 'nombre de un «retablo» más moderno'. K. Difficult Cases - trompilipitrómpili m. 'canción popular del tiempo de Moratín' (Alonso 4055a - attest. XVIII), var. trómboli trómboli 'id.' (Alonso), a probable derivative of trompa 'instrumento músico de viento' ( D R A E 1301c), does not precisely, because of its extra syllable -pi-, fit the C H I Q U I R R I T I C O pattern. It is relevant to T R Á P A L A , however. - chisgarabís m. 'el hombrecillo de poca sustancia, mequetrefe', 'chico' (Alonso 1360b - attest. 1601). This is a very common popular term whose origin I hope someday to discover. Most etymological suggestions preferred to date amount to «popped out of thin air», e. g., DRAE 412b «voz imitativa», Alonso «voz de creación expresiva», Corominas 2:2:375b—6a «voz de creación expresiva, según la fórmula rimada chis... g... bis, que sugiere persona movediza, que va y vuelve sin cesar.» The hypotheses of Correas and Schuchardt, discussed by Corominas, are more concrete but still somewhat fanciful. My present, and I hope not final contribution to the puzzle is to alert the interested community to the possibility that the -ara- portion of the word may be explained by the C H I Q U I R R I T I C O template. This may help forestall any effort wasted in trying to justify the sequence in other ways. - cinguirillete And. m. 'juego infantil que consiste en colocarse tres muchachos «en borriquete» contra la pared, el primero y los dos siguientes apoyadas las cabezas en las posaderas del anterior. El primero de otros que saltan, ha de montarse en el que está en la pared, salvando los otros, el segundo detrás, y así sucesivamente' (Alcalá Venceslada 152a). This is a nice long description, but it still leaves me in doubt about what the game is like. Could it be related to cingolondangol - chapuciritiar Sant. 'contar chismes' (Penny 368) has the variants chapuciriar, chapucidiar, all derivatives of chapuzar 'hacer trabajos sin esmero', chapuz 'labor de poca importancia', 'embuste' (Alonso 1334b - the latter attested 1726), cf. chapucero Nav. 'entremetido, que curiosea' (Alonso 1334a). The problem, here again, is rhythm, since the word would probably be pronounced cha-pu-ciri-tiar. - iscuchiritiar Sant. 'hablar bajo, sobre todo en un grupo de personas que no quieren que oigan los demás' (Penny 367) < hablar al escuchi Sant. 'dar un recado al oído' (Alonso 1824b). My objections to inclusion of this word parallel 110

those to chapuciritiar. However, I must admit that if they were not template altered, I cannot imagine how they acquired their present form. - supiritar Ven. 'verbo usado en El Tocuyo para expresar que se destaca, principalmente, en altura o en ínfulas'. Ej. «Allá hay una caña que supirita a los demás» (Tamayo 289b), var. superitar Antil., Col., Chil. 'superar, sobrepujar, aventajar' (Alonso 3854a) < superar. This infinitive form qualifies technically for inclusion in the list of template-processed words. The question is, was the -L Vj- sequence added to the infinitive, with automatic acceptance of the vowel as the stressed vowel of the conjugated form? Another potent objection is provided by superitar, which seems to indicate that vowel harmony took place at a later stage, perhaps for reasons other than the template. - suspiritar Ec. 'provocar escándalos' (Alonso 3860a) appears to be derived from suspirar, in the sense 'suspirar por una persona, amarla en extremo' (Alonso 3859b), but this explanation runs into the same problems as it did in the case of supiritar. - chiquilicuatro m. fam. 'chisgarabís' ( D R A E 411b), var. chivilicuatro Mure, 'id.' (Garcia Soriano 39a). These forms are probably true template products, but a pair of difficulties prevent me from presenting them as such. First, I suspect that the underlying structure is chiquitín + cuatro, much like that of chiquilinada, but I do not understand why the nasal should have been deleted. Second, I am unable to identify cuatro. The only affective uses of the word I can locate are 'shooting marbles in the game of chirinola', 'middle square in the game of rayuela', and Méx. 'disparates' (Alonso 1289a). One of these must provide a starting point for chiquilicuatro. The var. chivilicuatro is obviously a blend with chivo, which can be applied to persons, as proven by the Arg. adj. chivo 'die. de las personas muy inquietas, juguetonas, saltarinas' (Abad de Santillán 148b), Ec., Guat. 'muchacho necio, travieso' (Alonso 1363b), cf. English kid. - pitilibombo Nav. 'el número 10 en la lotería de cartones' (Iribarren 403a). I have spent many hours searching in vain for the etymon of this word. Bombo, according to Dicc. Mod. Larousse Sp. - Engl. 140b means 'lottery drum'. Basque and Northern Spanish words of the approximate form of pit- have such meanings as 'penis (inf.)', 'small', 'wine jar', and 'glass ball in soda bottles', any of which could be the source for pitilibombo, but none of which imposes itself. The search may be impossible: I have found that these game pieces have highly obscure names. For example, in the Dominican Republic, there is pijín lorán 'entre jugadores de lotería el número 1' (Patín Maceo 156); in Guat. tata chepe 'el no. 19 en la lotería casera o de cartones. Alude a que el 19 de marzo es el día de San José' (Sandoval 2:487a). - similindruño Dom. 'voz de formación inexplicable. Nombre de un juego infantil que consiste en presentar un muchacho a otro el puño y entre éste una o más semillas de cajuil (anacardio) diciendo: « - Similindruño / - Abreme el puño / -

111

¿sobre de cuántas? / - sobre de una (dos, tres)». Si atina, gana, y si no, debe darle al otro un número de semillas igual al que tiene entre el puño.' (Patín Maceo 181b—82a). My first reaction is to say that this is a derivative of semilla, combined with a sequence -druño whose principal function is to rhyme with puño, all this run through the CHIQUIRRITICO template. This leaves so many things unexplained, however (e.g., why -dr-1), that I present it here only as a plausible hypothesis. - zinguilitarra Nav. 'lagartija' (Iribarren 538b), var. sanguilitarra Nav. 'id.' (Iribarren 461b). As in the case of gustalanchorri, we have here an unquestionable Basque root (cf. the following Basque words for 'lizard': sugalindara, zirringillo (Múgica Berrondo 1079a), sugandila (L. Múgica 315b)) that may have undergone CHIQUIRRITICO template processing in Spanish. -pepirigate Arag. m. 'picadillo, capolado de lo que compone el menudo, todo junto. El guisado hecho con esto' (Pardo Asso 274). This word is formally quite similar to several Catalan words meaning 'poppy', e. g., pipirigall, peperigall 'la trepadella' (Griera 11:319a, 260a), but semantically ties in more closely with pipiripao and paparajotes (v. the Q U I Q U I R I Q U Í template). Relative to pipiripao Corominas 1:4:562b lists Gal. pipirete, peperete 'platillo especial que se sirve en una festividad', perhaps from Lat. piper 'pimienta, pebre', and this could be the basis of pepirigate as well, although this leaves -igate to explain. Could this stew have often contained liver (hígado)? Or is there some involvement of higate m. 'potaje q u e . . . se hacía de higos sofreídos primero con tocino, y después cocidos con caldo de gallina y sazonados con azúcar, canela, y otras especias finas' (DRAE 708b)? - guaparrandón Ven. 'guachamarón, guapetón' (Alonso 2190a) would appear to be guapa + -rra- ( C H I Q U I R R I T I C O ) + -nd- (see R E Q U I L I N D O R I O S ) + -ón. This is clouded by the existence of guaparra Méx. 'cuchillo grande, algo curvo' (Alonso) which contains an authentic suffix -arra, cf. pequeñarra 'persona pequeña y desmedrada' ( D R A E 1004b), cegarra 'cegato' ( D R A E 285b).

III. H i s t o r y of t h e C o n v e r g e n c e a n d T e m p l a t e The first thing to say regarding the CHIQUIRRITICO convergence and template is that the two are coterminous. That is, all convergence members seem to be template altered. There are indeed a few other words that meet the structural requirement, but their semantic nature makes it obvious that this correspondence is fortuitous. These words fit into a narrow set of categories, including scientific names (capiliforme bot. 'que tiene la forma de cabello' Alonso 918a, cotiliforme bot. 'die de la carola que tiene un tubo cilindrico ensanchado y limborrecto' Alonso 1254b, sifilicomio 'hospital para sifilíticos' Alonso 3771a, pistiliforme 'que tiene la forma de un bacilo' Alonso 608b), geographical terms 112

(catilinario 'concerniente o relativo a Catilina' Alonso 994a), or obviously borrowed terms (matitísguates Guat. 'árboles corpulentos de madera durísima' Alonso 2744b). This condition suggests strongly that the pattern was derived, and in fact a detailed investigation reveals that much of the history of the C H I Q U I R R I T I C O pattern is inextricably intertwined with that of QUIQUIRIQUÍ. After all, the two convergences are strikingly similar in almost every respect. Semantically, the two are essentially indistinguishable, with infantile denotations dominating the scene. Formally, C H I Q U I R R I T I C O is like Q U I Q U I R I Q U Í 6 in that it contains the crucial -Vj L Vj- sequence, and in that this sequence occurs under identical stress conditions. Additionally, both patterns tolerate consonant (especially nasal) epenthesis, and in the same places. As the following comparison of formulas shows, the only significant structural differences are that, in the case of CHIQUIRRITICO, the first two syllables are not identical, and the vowel harmony is limited to the vowels contiguous to the liquid consonant: (C)(L) V (C) C Vj L Vj (C) C (S) V . . . c i k i rr i t i ko Q Vj (C) Q Vj L Vj (C) C (S) V . . . k i k i r i k i When we look at the formal correspondences under a microscope, however, a nagging problem appears, particularly among the earliest forms of the convergences: This is the predominance of L = IV. In the matrix as a whole, as I stated earlier. L = IV in 32 of 50 cases, or 6 4 % of the time, while in Q U I Q U I R I Q U Í the number is only 8 of 70 or 11.4%. The importance of this discrepancy is heightened by the chronological facts: QUIQUIRIQUÍ

CHIQUIRRITICO

16th century

tataranieto 1591

17th century

titiritar tatarasí ca. 1625 quiquiriquí 1611 pizpirigaña 1620 paparrasolla 1611 titiritero ca. 1600 titiritaina 1640 pipiripao 1726

jangalandón 1577 zagalagarda 1589 cingolondango ca. 1620 ciquiribaile 1609 zamborondón ca. 1620 dingolondango ca. 1620

18th century

6

ajilimoje 1726 ciquiricata 1786 rufalandario 1726 zamborotudo 1726

So alike that in my original article on the QUIQUIRIQUÍ template (Pharies, «express i v e » ) , I i n c l u d e d 9 m e m b e r s o f t h e CHIQUIRRITICO c o n v e r g e n c e .

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This table shows that the two convergences began developing at roughly the same time, and that template production proceeded at about the same pace though the QUIQUIRIQUÍ pattern may have been stronger at the earliest stages, with a surge in the CHIQUIRRITICO pattern in the 18th century. It also shows that of the 9 earliest members of the QUIQUIRIQUÍ matrix, exactly zero had L = N, while in the 10 earliest CHIQUIRRITICO forms, this proportion is 6 of 10, including the first 4. Another discrepancy that forces us to qualify our estimation of the interrelatedness of the two patterns is the early appearance in the latter of the mid-vowel /o/ - in 3 of the earliest 10 forms, including one ca. 1620 - compared to its total absence in QUIQUIRIQUÍ. When I include all the data that is available to me, these problems are compounded. I have to this point omitted mentioning two forms which are very likely legitimate members of the CHIQUIRRITICO convergence, and perhaps among the earliest products of an incipient template. Yet they are in some ways so unusual that I have held them back. The words are: - indulugencia 'indulgencia', found all over the Spanish speaking world, including Ast. (Corominas 2:3:448b), Cast., Arag., Nav. (Espinosa 1:245-6), Col. (Cuervo §812), P. Rico (Alv. Naz. arcaísmos 67), Bol. (Fern. Naranjo 82), C. Rica (Gagini 388), Arg., Chil., Ec., Nic., and Méx. (Espinosa). Corominas places the first attestation of indulugencia at 1604. - Ingalaterra 'Inglaterra', also found in Castille and in Arg., Chil., Guat., Sant., and C. Rica (Espinosa, Gagini), and in the form Ingalatierra in Vizcaya and Chile (Espinosa). According to Gagini, this word appears in the Celestina, or 1499. As I state in my historical analysis of the QUIQUIRIQUÍ pattern, I believe that its existence is due primarily to the headword quiquiriquí itself. I further state there that though the earliest attestation of this word is 1611, the Romance parallels (e.g., I tal. chicchirichì), not to mention the many equivalents different only in vowel quality, prove conclusively that quiquiriquí belongs to a proto-stage. I do not believe, however, for the reasons cited above, that quiquiriquí alone can explain the appearance, at such early dates, of Ingalaterra, jangalandón, zagalagarda, indulugencia, and cingolondango. Notice that I say that quiquiriquí is insufficient ALONE: I would still maintain that it constitutes an important, and not necessarily secondary factor in their formation. What is the remaining part of the explanation? I believe it is aptly characterized by Menéndez Pidal (Orígenes 213-18) in his broad discussion of vowel epenthesis in Spanish. According to this greatest of Hispanic philologists, vowel epenthesis has occurred throughout the history of Latin (Pompeyan sacerem ~ sacrem, pateres ~ patres) and Spanish. In Spanish, the process has had three principal causes: (1) In medieval Spanish, it occurred as a hypercorrection in reaction to the loss of intertonic vowels (egelesias 1092, aforrontaciones 1196); (2) since Arabic phonotactic rules do not permit CL- clusters, mozarabic also 114

tended toward epenthesis (Jaraneo < franco, fabalar < fablar), (3) «por los demás, la epéntesis en los grupos es una tendencia enfática que puede manifestarse en cualquier época ( . . . ) , sin influjo de las dos causas históricas apuntadas . . . coránica, indulugencia, álamo, calavera.»1 Menéndez Pidal's concrete example of «emphasis» is declamatory speech. Now, this feature of declamatory speech, as we will see in the PERENDENGUE chapter, has been openly satirized, and may be considered a legitimate example of language play. I believe that the same explanation holds for indulugencia and Ingalaterra. The former, for example, appears in Quevedo's romances in the following rime (Gagini 388): «Una rueda de cuchillas / iba tras su indulugencia / que él y Santa Catalina / diz que andan en esta rueda», where it applies playfully to some satyrized person. I do not have any concrete contextual quotations of Ingalaterra, but in light of the historical relations between Spain and England, it seems more than likely that the intent here must be burlesque as well. I see no such probabilities for coránica and álamo, so we will ascribe them to the emphatic tendency in the broader sense, apart from the natural emphasis which characterizes playful speech. In actuality, the «emphatic tendency» explanation of the origin of the explanation rather well, since this word, as an onomatopoeia, is semantically emphatic by nature, and in fact incorporates the c v structure that epenthesis achieves. I advance emphasis, therefore, as the explanation for the earliest members of the CHIQUIRRITICO class, and for the use of IV as L: Note that many of Menéndez Pidal's examples of epenthesis occur contiguous to /l/, thus providing ample precedent. Finally, as usual, it must be noted again that the success of this convergence as well as that of QUIQUIRIQUÍ and TRÁPALA, is probably due to a large extent to the vigor of the proparoxytonic pattern in Spanish, for CHIQUIRRITICO, just as QUIQUIRIQUÍ, contains a secondarily stressed initial sequence which acts, rhythmically speaking, as an embedded proparoxytone: thus, chiquirri-tico, cdtolo-via, etc. Comparative Evidence. Compared to the impressive cross-linguistic extension of the QUIQUIRIQUÍ pattern, CHIQUIRRITICO is hardly represented at all. French, of course, is completely devoid of correspondences, as it is for all the templates of this type. I found a single Provençal onomatopoeia of the requisite form: cachilicacho 'onomatopée du chant du rossignol' (Mistral 1:409b), but this is obviously insufficient to suggest the existence of a convergence. Even Gascon / Béarnais, usually very close to Spanish in its expressive tendencies, shows only tintarantan 'onomatopée du chant des cloches' (Palay 936c), which CHIQUIRRITICO convergence complements the quiquiriquí

7

Navarro Tomás «cantidad» 374 says that vocalic epenthesis in words such as these is quite natural: «en los grupos de oclusiva más líquida se introduce entre ambos un elemento vocálico de timbre semejante al de la vocal siguiente, cuya duración normal es, en mi caso, 2 es; un pequeño desarrollo de este elemento puede convertirle fácilmente en vocal: Ingalaterra, tarabilla ...»

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is obviously derived from Latin patterns such as taratantara. The real surprise, however, is that Italian, so strong in the Q U I Q U I R I Q U Í pattern and the elements needed for such a convergence (a tolerance for proparoxytones, a good store of liquid consonants), yielded no example at all to my searches. I must say that I suspect a close study of Italian dialects would yield much more fruit. Things are somewhat more lively on the Iberian peninsula. My search yielded the following items from Griera for Catalan: cucalabela 'caiguda, tombarella' (4:275), fllarangany 'tros de broma, parrac de núvol' (7:134a - a word whose playful status is questionable), quicaraquic 'el cant del gall', 'nom d'una flor' (12:20a), xaparrandina 'escándol, bullanga' < xaparro 'el que camina carnes endins' (14:309b). Ferraz y Castán 87 mentions Cat. pinchirigall 'colgajo', and on p. 112 cites the word encancaramillada, undefined, in a tongue twister. As for Portuguese, there is considerable activity, though again only enough to arouse one's suspicions: chinchar(r)avelho 'crianza traquinas ou intrometida' (Moráis 530b), dongolodrom 'palavra onomatopeica imitativa do som dos adufes' (835a), jangalamaste Bras, 'certa brincadeira infantil' (1327b), pechiringar Bras, 'dar qualquer coisa con mesquinhez', 'arriscar pouco dinheiro no jogo', cf. pechingado 'un tanto perturbado por bebida alcoólica', pechar 'pedir dinheiro' (1762a), toturubá 'nome vulgar de urna árvore frutífera dos sertóes brasileiros' (2369a), sucurujú 'árvore da Amazónia' (2255a), trastalatrás 'voz imitativa do som das castanholas' (2390b). Basque, as always an enigma, would be expected not to have forms of this sort, at least in the dialects that lack word-internal stress. One finds, nevertheless, txikirritedi 'chiquillería, turba de niños' < txikiteri 'conjunto de cosas menudas' (López M. 556), tximirrikatu 'despedazar' < tximarrikatu 'id.' (Lópelmann 2:1307), and a whole series of words like those I listed at the end of Section A in pt. II of this chapter: dingilin-dangolo 'cojo' (Azkue morf. 405), pinpili-panpala 'caer rodando' < pinpi-panpa 'ruido del golpe y del tiroteo' (López M. 512), tinkili-tankala 'andar torpemente' < tinki-tanka 'onomatopeya del martilleo' (Azkue Dicc. 2:278b, López M. 543). As I explain in the T R Á P A L A chapter, I am not sure what to do with these. Infantile Lexical Evidence. Again, the representation of the CHIQUIRRITICO convergence in infantile literature pales in comparison with that of Q U I Q U I R I Q U Í , but there is no total lack. In Celaya's onomatopoeic song (67), for example, where most of the imitations are of the Q U I Q U I R I Q U Í type (e. g., «fá-fara-fa, el trompeteiro»), there is «dinguilin-din, el arpeiro», a word reminiscent of Ptg. dingolodrom, cited above. Vigón 142 lists Ast. chinpirinchin 'voz onomatopéyica usada en algunas rimas infantiles', and Celaya 165 adds chibiringorda 'gorda', in the rime «Erase una vieja / teca, meca / ¡chibiringorda! / vieja y s o r d a . . . » , etc. Lastly, there is the word matalagañas, with its many variants, that occurs in the «pizpirigaña» chant (Celaya 72): «Pípirigaña, / matalagañas, / un cochinito / bien peladito.» This same line is rendered mata lagaña by Rodríguez Marín 1:48, who wonders (p. 114) if it is «¿la araña?», as some child must have, judging by Llorca's 114 «mata la araña». This kind of 116

extreme variability is reminiscent of that of zaramagullón (discussed at the end of the P E R E N D E N G U E chapter), and of tuturulega ( Q U I Q U I R I Q U Í chapter). The point is that when inserted into infantile rimes, which are sung by speakers (children) who are accustomed to not understanding big words, these kinds of items become subject to such amounts of analogical manipulation, deformation, and other forms of linguistic play that trying to trace them back to a coherent original is very risky business. Dialectal distribution. The C H I Q U I R R I T I C O template is weak in America. There are only 6 American products, and even these are widely distributed, indicating no focus of activity: We find one each in Mexico, Venezuela, and Perú, while Argentina has two, and Puerto Rico and the Dominican Republic share another. This is not to say that the pattern is unknown in America, since there are a considerable number (probably 5-7) of C H I Q U I R R I T I C O types in general Spanish. As for Spain, the points of activity are again the extreme North (especially Navarre), and Andalusia. The figures, as precise as possible given the difficulty of localizing some forms, are: Navarre 7, Aragón 2, Asturias 3, Leon 2, Murcia 1, and Andalusia 9.

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CHAPTER FIVE

PERENDENGUE

I. Description of the Convergence and Template The P E R E N D E N G U E convergence's formal paradigm, and its corresponding template, may be formulated as follows:

(1)

... C

Vj L Vj ... V ...

i.e., where each member of the convergence contains a pretonic sequence comprising a single unspecified consonant, followed by a vowel, a liquid consonant, and a second vowel identical to the first. More microscopic analysis reveals that in the great majority of cases the first consonant of the template is also word initial (exceptions: alparragatas, azurumbado), and that in approx. 75 % of the cases, the tonic syllable follows immediately after the last syllable of the template (exceptions: currucuquear, tirititero, quiriquiqui, etc.). Thus, were we to omit these exceptions (which we are not justified in doing since they have all undergone obvious template processing), we could formulate a more completely specified template, viz., (2)

C Vj L Vj (N) C

V ...

Phonetic analysis of the relevant portion of the 43 headwords I list in this chapter shows a vowel distribution of: /i/ 27, /a/ 6, M 4, loi 3, /e/ 3. The liquid distribution is /r/ 28, /rr/ 9, and /l/ 6. The initial consonant is a stop or affricate in 32 of the forms, and unvoiced in 31, though the two sets are not coterminous. This consonant is never a liquid. Semantic analysis reveals a decided tilt in the direction of infantility or diminution in the broad sense I explained in Chapter I. Among the significant infantile areas are (1) games, toys, and playing - birijita, chirinola, pirinola, tirintintera, tirititero, chiriquillo, (2) small size - chiriquillo, chirriquitico, (3) low mental capacity - azurumbado, borrombón, chiriquillo, (4) physical weakness -jirimiquear, tiritaina, (5) moral weakness - cirigallo, guirindanga, golotón, (6) sounds - currucuquear, marramamiáu, tarantán, zurrumbún, don dilindón, querequetey, quiriquiqui, (7) sweet foods - chiribico, chiriquillote, morocotón, (8) insignificance - borrombón, chirinola, (9) infantile postures and movements - chirigüeltear, zilimpurdi. The few remaining words tend to fall under the dia118

grammatic category of low quality, untrustworthiness, etc., e. g., pirijigua, zarrapatiesta. Words for tattered clothes and other dangling items such as cheap jewelry are especially well represented: guilindrajo, pilindrajo, piringayo, zarrapastroso, guilindujes, miriñaque, perendengue.

II. Template Change Categories Five main types of changes have been effected by the

PERENDENGUE

template.

A. -L Vj-Epenthesis (17 items) . . . C Vj . . . V 1 2 3 -

1

2

L Vj 3

So far as I know, there is no competing explanation for this, the most drastic of the rules determined by the P E R E N D E N G U E template. As a matter of fact, only 6 (chiribitil, guirindola, jeremiquear, miriñaque, perendengue, zarrapatiesta) of the 17 words cited in this section have received any previous etymological treatment at all. Analysis of these treatments shows that, faced with the problematic -L Vj- sequence, analysts have tended to employ (1) analogy, as when Corominas attributes the change gemir > jeremiquear to association with Jeremías, (2) an etymon containing a liquid consonant, as when Monlau traces guirindola to Mallorcan garangola, (3) evasion, as when DRAE, Alonso, and Bolufer all agree that perendengue < pender, without specifying how or why the change might have occurred, or when Corominas explains that zapatiesta occurs «ampliado en» zarrapatiesta. To be fair, it must be stated that Corominas occasionally comes close to recognizing this particular template process. H e describes the difference between chivitil and chiribitil, for example, as the «-rde prolongación, como en cucurucho» (not a completely apt comparison, since cucurucho does not meet the requirements of the template). More impressive are his comments on perendengue and pelendengue, in which he states that they incorporate «una prolongación -er-, -el- q u e . . . no costaría mucho ejemplificar». I consider such near misses as these, where Corominas' Sprachgefühl suggests to him things that he cannot substantiate, to be convincing evidence of the psychological reality of the convergence, and of the template associated with it. 1.

P E R E N D E N G U E m. 'pendiente, adorno mujeril de poco valor' (Alonso 3222b), 'requilorios, dificultades' ( D R A E 1007a), Extr. 'testículos' (Alemany «voces extremeñas» 99), Col. 'nene, chiquitín' (Tascón 221), Ven. 'trasto u objeto inservible' (Tamayo 248a). VAR: pelendengue Arag. «llevar una cosa o asunto pelendengues» 'ser ridicula, enojosa y también dificultosa' (Pardo Asso 272), Mure, 'perendengue' (García

119

Soriano 97a), Nav. 'par de cerezas' (Alonso 3198a), Col., And., Vizc., Valenc. 'perendengue' (Corominas 2:4:489a—90a). IF: pendengues trasm. 'pendientes, brincos', trasm. pelindrengas 'id.', W. Ast. prindengas 'pendientes grandes', Gal. pendrengues 'id.' (Corominas 2:4:48990a), Leon, pendenga 'mujer perdida' (Alonso Garrote 288); cf. Ptg. perendengue 'penduricalhos para ornato, berloques' (Moráis 1787b), Cat. parendengues, perendengues 'coqueteries', 'totxeries, ridiculeses' (Griera 11:271b). COM: Alonso 3222b, DRAE, and Bolufer formación 111 all state that perendengue < pender, although of course they stop there, leaving the expansion into perendengue unexplained. Ortiz Afronegr. 392 also cites pender, but fails to recognize the suffix -engue, dragging in instead Angolan -ndenge 'sufijo diminutivo o despectivo'. Wagner1 gets nowhere at all: «Herkunft?» Schuchardt 2 discards the connection with pender to concentrate on dengue, which means 'melindre mujeril que consiste en afectar delicadeza, males, y a veces disgusto de lo que más se quiere o desea', 'cierta prenda de mujer' (Alonso 1422a), Nic. 'movimiento afectado de las caderas (de las mujeres)' (Valle 97a), Leon, 'pañuelo de pecho'. 3 The adornment cited by Alonso is probably Rato's (p. 43) 'pelerina muy airosa'. I regard this acceptation as secondary, but in the qualification 'airosa' I see proof that, in the popular imagination, perendengue can be analyzed as peren- + -dengue. Corominas wisely rejects this folk etymology, and, passing over pendengue, departs from pendrengues. «Bien puede ser que esta última sea la más próxima al origen, y que en todas partes debamos partir de *penderengues, derivado de pender, con el sufijo -engue, que aunque no frecuente en castellano, no carece completamente de ejemplos (blandengue, perrengue...), y con una prolongación -er-, -el-, que tampoco es frecuente pero no (sic) costaría mucho ejemplificar.» Obviously, Corominas' native intuitions have taken him to the very brink of recognizing the template. Note that prindengas and possibly pendrengues (even, admittedly, perendengues), probably show the effects of prenda, while pelindrengas and possibly pelendengues show the effects of pelo-, the meaning 'mujer perdida' (pendenga) probably results from the fact that such women normally wear 'adornos mujeriles de poco valor'. Compare Engl, skirt 'woman' where an item of clothing is extended to the person. 2. G U I L I N D R A J O Venez. 'colgajo' (Alonso 2204b, Tamayo 168b). IF: guindajo Col., Cent. Am., Nic. 'colgajo' (Alonso 2205b, Valle 138) X andrajo 'jirón' ( D R A E 86a); cf. guindar 'ahorcar', 'descolgarse de una parte por medio de cuerda', And. 'colgar, quedando al aire lo colgado' (Alonso 2206a), Argot 'maltratar', 'coger', 'engañar' (Hill Germ. 100), guindalejo Nic. 'colgalejo' (Valle 138), guindandejo Hond. 'colgadura (desp.)' (Membreño 89). 1 2 3

M. L. Wagner, «Iberoromanische Suffixstudien», ZRPh 63 (1943), 337. H. Schuchardt, «Span, dengue», ZRPh 14 (1980), 174-7. F. Krüger, El dialecto de San Ciprián de Sanabria: Monografía leonesa. RFE, Anejo IV, 121.

120

COM: Guindar is the root of at least four words in this template. In this case, probably, guindajo picked up an -r- from its synonym andrajo, to produce guilindrajo. Cf. pilindrajo, which suffered a similar fate. 'Colgar' is a secondary, though important meaning of guindar, whose etymological sense is 'subir una cosa que ha de colocarse en alto' ( D R A E 687a - attest. 1430) < Fr. guinder 'id.' < Scand. vinda 'envolver', 'devanar', 'izar' (Corominas 2:3:267b). 3.

G U I L I N D U J E S Arag. 'adornos superfluos en la mujer' (Pardo Asso 194, Borao 243, DRAE 686b), Nic. 'adornos que cuelgan de la cabeza y del traje' (Valle 137b), Hond. 'arreos con adornos colgantes' (Membreño 89). IF: guindar (see guilindrajo for complete characterization) X dijes 'joyas y otras alhajas que suelen llevar las mujeres' ( D R A E 478a). COM: Borao goes on to say: «Rosal define dingandujes por 'dijes', de donde probablemente se ha derivado la voz guilindujes.» This may be a more accurate equation than the one shown above, though I am certain that dijes is the ultimate source. The change dijes > dujes is due to the influence of the pejorative Sp. suffixes with stressed -«-, e.g., -udo, as in barbudo 'thickly bearded', testarudo 'obstinate', cabezudo 'large-headed', 'pig-headed', patudo 'big-footed'.

4.

Col. 'cosa despreciable' (Alonso 2207b), 'cosa sin valor' (Neves 301a). IF: Chile guinda 'cosa de poca importancia' (Neves 300b), guindar (see guilindrajo) + -anga (see Wagner4). COM: The difference in choice of liquid consonant (cf. guilindujes) is probably entirely arbitrary. GUIRINDANGA

5.

G U I R I N D O L A 'chorrera de la camisola' (Alonso 2207b), Ast. 'adorno superfluo y de poco valor' (Alonso 2207b, Rato 69a). IF: guindar (see guilindrajo). COM: In the search for the source of -ola, we probably need go no further than camisola, cited in the definition above. Monlau's comments 752b are, I believe, off target: «guirindola. Por otro nombre chorrera: este vocablo conduce a relacionar guirindola con el mallorquí garangola, con el cast, gárgola, s. v. garganta.»

6.

And. f. 'juego de la pídola, en el cual cada uno de los que saltan dice «tirintintera.» Cuando salta el último sale el que hace de burro en persecución de los otros hasta que coge a alguno'; tintintera (Alcalá Venceslada 608b). IF: tintintera And. 'id.' (Alcalá Venceslada 607b) COM: TWO names for the game of leapfrog. There is probably a perfectly obvious etymon for tintintera (tintín 'sonido de la campanilla' DRAE 1267b is probably irrelevant), but I confess to ignorance of it.

4

TIRINTINTERA

M . L . Wagner, o p . cit., 3 2 1 - 3 7 . 121

7. C H I R I B I T I L 'desván, rincón, o escondrijo bajo y estrecho' (Alonso 1357b attest. Moratín, Aut. 1726). IF: chivitil m. ant. 'chivetero', 'corral o aprisco donde se encierran los chivos' (DRAE 413b). COM: Uncharacteristically, Corominas (2:382b, s. v. chivo) is right on target this time, although he fails to generalize, «chiribitil... viene seguramente de chivitil ('lugar do recogen los chivos'), con -r- de prolongación («Zerdehnung»), como en cucurucho...». Monlau 567a, basing his arguments on spelling of all things, takes the opposite view: «Es conjetura muy flaca suponer que pudo decirse de chivitil, por su semejanza a un establo de chivatos, nombres que hoy se escriben con v.» 8.

C H I R I Q U I L L O Bilb. 'chiquillo', 'ligero de cascos', 'se llama también así a un juego que se hace con unos palos cortos arrojados a distancia' (Arriaga 81). IF: chiquillo 'chico', 'nifio' ( D R A E 411b). COM: The action of the template is obvious here, but quite likely a chiri- 'small' paradigm contributed as well: Navarre also has chiribillas 'de baja estatura', chiribitas 'chispas', 'cría de pájaro en general' (Iribarren 175b), ni chiripita 'nada' (Iribarren 176a).

9. J E R E M I Q U E A R And., Amer. 'lloriquear, gimotear' (DRAE 768c). VAR: girimiquear Cent. Am. 'gimotear, gemir con frecuencia' (Salazar García 143), gemecar, gemequear Mure, 'gimotear' (García Soriano 62b), jerimiquear, jirimiquear Can., Cub., P. Rico, Méx., Guat., Nic. 'id.' (Corominas 2:3:143a, Valle 153b). IF: gemiquear And., Chile 'id.' (DRAE 660c, Corominas), jimiquiar D o m . , 'id.' (Corominas). COM: The ultimate source is gemir. Corominas explains jeremiquear, jirimiquear «por influjo de Jeremías» ('persona que continuamente se está lamentando' Alonso 2450b). I think Jeremías may have influenced the spelling of these variants, but as for the insertion of -L Vj- the template is a much more likely source. For one thing, the derivation gemiquear > jeremiquear parallels so many others in this template. For another, the initial g- of Cent. Am. girimiquear may indicate that it retains synchronically transparent links to gemir. Third, if identification with Jeremías is of primary importance, why do most of the variants show high vowels where those of Jeremías are mid? Lastly, the initial consonant of Dom. jimiquear indicates that identification with Jeremías must have been a result, rather than a cause, of the spelling change. 10.

( D O N ) D I L I N D Ó N Nav. 'onomatopeya de Tudela que imita el toque de las campanas de la catedral llamando a la novena de Santa Ana' (Iribarren 197a). IF: din, don 'toque de campanas' (Morawski 5 - attest. Cervantes). 5

J. Morawski, «Les formules apophoniques en espagnol et en román», RFE 16 (1929), 357.

122

COM: Strictly speaking, if the first don is taken as inseparable here, this word could be considered part of the CHIQUIRRITICO template. 11.

C H I R R I M I S T A Nav. 'llaman así al rayo, la centella y la exhalación. También al relámpago' (Iribarren 176b). IF: Basque tximista 'relámpago, centella, rayo' (López M. 557). COM: The etymology is suggested by Iribarren himself. There is no Basque *txirrimista, and no likely Spanish source. Chirriar, whose meanings are acoustic, might be suggested as the cause of the change.

12.

Z A R R A P A T I E S T A Mál. 'trifulca', Arag. 'desaguisado, travesura, algo anormal o inesperado' (Corominas 1:4:835a). IF: zapatiesta Extr., Arag. 'id.' (Corominas) COM: Corominas got these forms, respectively, from RLiR 11, 68 and RH 49, 640. Zapatiesta, he says, was «ampliado en» zarrapatiesta. He derives both from zape a tiesta 'zape a la cabeza'.

13.

Z U R R U M B I A R Nav., Arag. 'zumbar', 'voltear la bramadera o zurrumbiadera' (Iribarren 543b, Pardo Asso 386). IF: zumbar 'hacer una cosa ruido continuado, seguido y bronco' ( D R A E 1370b); Basque zurru 'ronquido', 'estertor' (Azkue Dicc. 2:477b), zurru-murru 'rumor' (López M. 652a), zurrupurru 'id.' (L. Múgica 582). COM: The -iar infinitive suffix is probably frequentative (quite appropriate for the second meaning), and the derivation seems quite straightforward. I cite the Basque because it (as well as Sp. zurriar, cited by Corominas 1:4:874b - attest. Quev.) may have tipped the balance in the direction of the template (or perhaps vice versa). I am stumped by Iribarren's further comment: «En otras localidades, zurrundiar.» Nav. zundo 'tajo para partir sobre él la carne' (Alonso 4255a) seems unrelated.

15. A Z U R U M B A D O Hond. 'azumbrado', 'tonto, idiota' (Membreño 21). IF: azumbrar 'medir o trasegar por azumbres', 'emborracharse' (Alonso 602b attest. XVI), azumbre 'medida de capacidad para líquidos' (Alonso-attest. XIV). COM: The probabley sequence here was azumbrado > *azurumbrado (-L Vjepenthesis) > azurumbado (loss of liquid by dissimilation). Could this also be the origin of zurumbático Col. 'aturdido' (Tascón 291)? 16.

BORROMBÓN

Nav. adj. 'sin sustancia. Api. al individuo simple y sin fundamento' (Alonso 753a). IF: And. bombo adj. 'tonto' (Alcalá Venceslada 94a), 'aturdido', Cub. 'soso, tonto' (Alonso 740b), Cub. 'tibio', 'insípido', 'reblandecido' (Ortiz, Catauro 81). COM: I have some reservations about this derivation (bombo 'tonto' > *bombón 'id.' > borrombón 'sin sustancia') chiefly because of the absence of bombo in Navarre. 17.

TARANTÁN

And. 'nombre que recibe una canción particular de Navidad' (Alcalá Venceslada 597a—b). 123

IF: tantán 'sonido de tambor' (Alonso 3886a), tantarán, tantarantán (Corominas 1:4:370b), tarantantán 'id.' ( D E E H 516a). COM: Alcalá Venceslada cites the song, which invokes the ringing of bells, a sound comparable to that of a drum. «Tarantán, que ha dado la u n a . . . » Tarantán could have been derived (1) through -L V¡- epenthesis, with a base tantán, (the most likely solution, though this may be a case of multiple causation), (2) through back-formation, from tantarantán, where the initial tan- would be omitted, or from tarantantán, where the final -tán would be omitted. B. Metathesis (9 items) C Vj C V L Vj . . . 1 2 3 4 5 6 ->-1

2

5

6

3

4

A sporadic change if there ever was one, metathesis is often regarded as purely accidental, on the same level as spoonerisms and other occasional speech errors. This being the case, I find the template hypothesis particularly significant, as it represents not an alternative explanation but the only explanation available to us. The most significant etymology in the group is that of charamá et al., since, in showing the relation to chamará and other reflexes of flamma, it allows us to discard DRAE's ad hoc onomatopoeic root char. Most of the other metatheses have been recognized as such, though not explained, as I note in the individual articles. 18. TIRITITERO And. m. y f. 'titiritero' (Alcalá Venceslada 609a). IF: titiritero 'id.' ( D R A E 1270c). COM: Alcalá's actual words are «metátesis de titiritero». Could tiritar have helped determine this change? 19. Q U I R I Q U I Q U Í Col. 'quiquiriquí' (Revollo 227b). IF: quiquiriquí 'voz imitativa del canto del gallo' ( D R A E 1095a). COM: Revollo remarks: «Lo malo es que el vulgo dice quiriquiquí, una metátesis o conmutación de sílabas medias.»

cometiendo

20.

M A R R A M A M I Á U Nav. 'onomatopeya del maullido del gato en celo' (Iribarren 324a). IF: mamarramiáu Nav. 'id.' (Iribarren 317a). COM: Marramiáu Nav. 'id.' (Iribarren 324a), comparable to Cast, marramao, -u (DRAE 849c) is the basic source, but it is easy to see that, since we lack any sort of precedent for the insertion of -ma-, after marra-, what has actually happened is a metathesis, determined by the template, on the basis of mamarramiáu.

21.

Nic., Col. 'cucurruquear, arrullar la paloma', 'mimarse, acariciarse los enamorados' (Valle 71a, Alonso 1313b, Tascón 92). IF: cucurruquear Nic., Col. 'id.' (Valle, Tascón), cf. Bol. currucutear 'id.' (Fernández Naranjo 48), Col. currucucu 'arrullo (de las palomas)' (Tascón). CURRUCUQUEAR

124

COM: Celaya lists some typical onomatopoeias of the sound made by pigeons: «a la rorro, rorro, rorro» (257), «al run, run» (262), «a la ro-ro» (264). This cooing sound is one of at least seven sources for words in cucuru- in Spanish. See cuzculubita for a complete exposition of this group. See the Q U I Q U I R I Q U Í chapter for the origin of cucurruquear. Col. currucucu is probably a back-formation from the verb. 22.

C H I R R I Q U I T I C O Dom., Hond., Col. 'chiquirritico' (Patín Maceo 59b, Membreño 59, Revollo 95a, Tascón 101). VAR: chirrisquitito C. Rica 'muy pequeño' (Gagini 225). IF: chiquirritico 'dim. de chico' (DRAE 411b) COM: Patín Maceo says chirriquitico is a «bárbara metátesis de chiquirritico». Though I did not find this form in my Cuban dictionaries, a Cuban colleague informs me that he has only heard chirriquitico, never chiquirritico. This points up the fact that there is a possibility at least that this word belongs in the previous category (L V¡ epenthesis), with chiquitico as the starting point. Patín Maceo obviously believes otherwise, and the very broad geographic extension of chiquirritico supports his opinion, although Tascón's citation of chirriquitico on the peninsula, by F. Caballero, does complicate this somewhat. As for the Costa Rican form, a diligent search might reveal the factor that caused the epenthesis of -5-,

23.

C H A R A M Á Sant. f. 'Cubierta de brasas y ramascos que se pone sobre la borona al cocerla' (Alonso 1325a). VAR: charamasca 'id.' (Alonso), charamada f. 'llamarada del fuego' ( D R A E 406c). IF: chamará 'cubierta de brasas' (Alonso 1325a, García Lomas 131), cf., chamarasca 'leña menuda que levanta mucha llama sin consistencia ni duración', Ptg. chamarada 'llamarada' (Coraminas 2:2:320-21). COM: DRAE derives both charamada and charamusca «de la onom. char», despite the obvious connection with Ptg. chama, Sp. llama 'flame'. Coraminas 2:2:321a s. v. chamuscar, simply lists chamarasca, charamasca, and chamará as derivatives. Although template processing suffices to explain a change of this sort, possible analogy to ramasco cannot be ruled out as a contributing factor.

24.

Cub. f. 'una de las clases más pequeñas de cometas o barriletes', 'mote burlesco que se dice a los cubanos', 'chico, diminutivo' (Malaret Dicc. 147), Cub. 'pajarito tamaño del canario' (Pichardo 96b). IF: bijirita 'id.' (Malaret, Ortiz Catauro 76, Suárez 65b, Pichardo). COM: Writes Pichardo (96b—7a): «bijirita (algunos birijita)... Tal vez será más propio el nombre bijirita-, hay alguna confusión en la radical jiri o riji de varias voces, que todas tienen cierta relación con las cosas pequeñas, y no sabemos si es bijirí o birijí (sic), pijirigua o pirijigua, pero nosotros siempre anteponemos la más usual.» Quoting Herrera: «Bijirita o birijita como dicen algunos, por metátesis, es el nombre más común de este inocente pajarillo, bastante bien conocido también como chinchilita.» BIRIJITA

125

25.

Cub. 'especie de pastelillo, hecho de harina, con azúcar, manteca, etc.' (Neves 187b, Ortiz Catauro 198, Pichardo 250b, Ortiz Afronegr. 168), Col. 'arácnido' ( D R A E 411c), Cub. 'pez pequeño' ( D R A E , Pichardo). IF: chibirico Cub. 'id.' (same bibliographic sources as for chiribico), Cub. chivirico 'chiribico' (Ortiz Catauro 211). COM: Ortiz Afronegr. incorrectly states that Suárez 182a claimed chiribico to be the original, and opposes the idea: «Nosotros preferimos decir: vice-versa: chiribico, metátesis de chibirico, por razón de su etimología. En la lengua h a u s a . . .chibirí significa 'algo redondo', 'montoncito', 'pequeña porción de algo'». Pichardo disagrees and proposes an equally unprovable alternative: «Yo estoy por la radical chiri del antiguo imperio mexicano». CHIRIBICO

26. (DE) piRijiGUA Cub. 'despreciable' (Pichardo 97a). IF: de pijirigua Cub. mod. vulg. 'despreciable, de baja condición o inferior'. Api. más comúnmente cuando se habla de lugar o puesto. «Barrio de pijirigua» (Pichardo 545a, Ortiz Catauro 402), 'cosa ridicula y despreciable. Api. especialmente hablando de bailes o de los barrios de una ciudad' (Alonso 3273a). COM: Pichardo states (s.v. bijirita (97a)) «no sabemos si e s . . . pijirigua o pirijigua...» Herrera, in Pichardo, adds that pijirigua may be a corruption of pijinigua 'chico que imita a los hombres'.

C. Change in Vowel Quality (11 items) V

Vj

In this section are displayed the examples I found in which V became Vj. In all but two cases (chirriquillote, tiritaña), the vowel that changes is the first. Morocotón differs from all other cases in that it involves a change other than /e/ > /i/. By and large, then, we are talking about a very common change from /e/ to l\l in the initial syllable of words whose second vowel is already HI. Change in vowel quality, as well as the two vowel epenthesis rules I will discuss in sections D and E, are more controversial as examples of template processing than were A and B. The problem is that there are good alternative explanations for the changes listed. Rather than retreating entirely from the template hypothesis, or worse still, ignoring the alternatives, I will maintain that these are probable cases of multiple causation. Given the complexity of interlexical relations - which I think our study of convergences has illustrated well - the assumption that several factors may occasionally happen to favor a single development is reasonable. The complication in interpreting the vowel quality change is that there is a large number of cases of atonic /e/ > lil in words that could not possibly form part of the PERENDENGUE template. Cuervo § 802 lists, among others: aviriguar < averiguar, dibilidad < debilidad, difinitivo < definitivo, ligítimo < legítimo, 126

pírico < perico, pinitencia < penitencia. These are, for the most part (exception: pírico), singularly unplayful in meaning, and though some are quite ancient (Cuervo says ligítimo «data de la baja latinidad»), most are probably not, and even so they are too similar to the alleged template change to ignore. Cuervo explains all these as «asimilación de vocales separadas». 6 Apparently he thinks there is some kind of vowel harmony rule at work. The problem with this is that the change /iI > Id, the exact opposite of the change cited above, is even more common, cf. Cuervo's (§804) list: adevinar < adivinar, deligencia < diligencia, escrebir < escribir, melitar < militar, prencipal < principal, and 15 others. I admit that I am completely at a loss to explain these contradictory phenomena. Still, I would maintain that the vowel harmony hypothesis, at least as applied to the convergence words I will cite, should not be discarded entirely, because there is a universal tendency in infantile language toward vowel harmony. The use by language-learning children of a single vowel in disyllabic words is primarily a result of the simplification strategy that pervades all aspects of their early speech. Since, as I commented earlier, the P E R E N D E N G U E convergence is heavily characterized by infantile semantic tendencies, this must be considered a major justification for positing the influence of the template in the changes listed in this section. 27.

C H I R I N O L A f. 'reyerta, pendencia', 'disputa, discusión', 'conversación larga', 'juego de muchachos', 'cosa de poco momento, friolera' ( D R A E 4 1 2 a - a t t e s t . 1760). IF: cherinola f. Argot, 'junta de ladrones o rufianes' ( D R A E 408b, Hill Germ. 61 - attest. 1609); cf. Ptg. chirinola 'armadilha', 'trapalhada' (Moráis 532a). COM: T h e undisputed etymology of this word shows the primacy of the rare form in -e-: the etymon is Cerignola, site of a famous battle of the year 1580, which Spanish soldiers boasted of having participated in.

28.

P I L I N D R A J O Mure, 'andrajo que cuelga' (García Soriano 100a), Arag. 'andrajo, harapo' (Pardo Asso 282). IF: pelindrajos Soria, Rioja 'harapos' (Alonso 3199b, Magaña 293). COM: Pelindrajo < pelo X andrajo. The latter blends with any number of roots: Garcia Soriano notes that Arag. has filindrajo, from filo, and this is also cited by Coraminas 2:1:263a, who adds Nav. falandrajo (falda) and cilindrajo (equated by Iribarren 127b with Basque zinzilin 'colgar'). Cf. as well guilindrajo.

29.

6

P I R I G A L L O Cub. 'cresta o penacho', 'soporte en que se coloca la estrella de la espuela' (Alonso 3292b).

Cuervo intimates that some cases, e. g., siminario, revulucidn, are caused by vocalic assimilation to the consonants /s/ and lb/. I do not understand this explanation, since I do not perceive any [+ high] feature in these consonants.

127

VAR: piringayo Ast. m. 'andrajo, mujer despreciable' (Acevedo 175). IF: perigallo 'pellejo que con exceso pende de la barba o de la garganta', 'cinta de color llamativo que llevaban las mujeres en la parte superior de la cabeza' (Alonso 3228b). COM: Under pipirigallo I discuss in detail how perigallo 'pellejo' became semantically contaminated by gallo and others. In pirigallo this is particularly clear, as the cock's comb is the primary meaning. Ast. piringayo, on the other hand, is uncontaminated: The connection between 'hanging skin' or 'double chin' and 'mujer despreciable' is either the idea of a dangling thing (cf. 'andrajo'), which is almost always pejorative, or perhaps merely a contiguous association between fatness or age and worthlessness in women. 30.

P I R I N O L A Nav., And. 'peonza con cuatro caras y un manguillo, que se hace bailar con dos dedos' (Iribarren 401b, Alcalá Venceslada 490a). VAR: pirindola Nav., And., Mure, 'id.' (Iribarren, Alcalá Venceslada 490a, García Soriano 101a), Gal. 'pene' (Carré Alvarellos 603a), perindola 'id.' (.DRAE 1008c). IF: perinola 'id.' (DRAE - attest. 1626), cf. Ptg. pirinola 'id.' (Moráis 1829a). COM: The etymology of perinola is disputed. For pirindola see R E Q U I L I N DORIOS.

31. PIRIPICIOS Nav. 'peripecias' (Iribarren 401b). IF: peripecia 'mudanza repentina de situación', 'accidente imprevisto, accidente de este tipo en la vida real' (Alonso 3231a - attest. Moratín). 32.

'alhajuela de poco valor' (attest. 1726), 'zagalejo interior de tela rígida' (Alonso 2848b - attest. 1869). V A R S : meriñaque 'zagalejo interior' (Alonso 2798b - attest. XVIII), 'falda interior amplia y rígida, miriñaque' ( D R A E 869b, DEEH 379a - attest. 1884), medriñaque 'tejido filipino hecho con las fibras del abacá', 'especie de zagalejo corto' (Alonso 2766a, Corominas 2:4:86a - attest. 1884), mendriñaque Phil, 'tela hecha con abacá' (attest. 1609), mendreñaque isla de Cebú 'tela hecha con abacá' (attest. 1663), miñaque, meñaque Chile 'encaje o randa' (Alonso 2842a), Col. mirriñaca 'pizca, minucia' (Coro). IF: meriñaque (see above); cf. Cat. mirinyac 'pega de vestir que antigament duien les dones sota les faldilles' (Griera 10:183a). COM: Both DRAE and DEEH agree that medriñaque must have preceded meriñaque and miriñaque, despite the late attestation date of the first of these (which is counterbalanced by the early dates of the very similar mendriñaque and mendreñaque). Corominas, mesmerized by medriñaque's date, and unaware of the template explanation for a change meri- > miri-, states (86b): «Quizá sea la forma meriñ-, miriñaque la primitiva, y las de consonantismo más complicado tal vez se deban a una alteración fonética o a una contaminación.» Chil. me-, miñaque probably represents a back-formation from me- miriñaque MIRIÑAQUE

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(on the basis of the template), rather than a further decomposed form. The Cat. must have been borrowed from Catilian. 33. T I R I T A Ñ A 'tela endeble de seda' ( D R A E 1269a). IF: Fr. tiretaine 'étoffe grossière en laine, ou en laine et coton, et lin' (Petit Robert 1786b) COM: Almost everyone agrees that the French form was borrowed into Spanish (Corominas 1:4:386a, DRAE; Monlau 1085a has it backwards, however). The change from tire- to tiri- could be completely arbitrary, but perhaps it is not, cf. Prov. tirintin 'tiretaine' (Mistral 2:995b). 34.

Nav. rust, 'melocotón' (Iribarren 346a). Nav. malacatón, molocotón (Iribarren 346a), Arag. maragatón, maracatón (Corominas 2:4:26b). IF: melocotón 'drupa de olor agradable' ( D R A E 863b). COM: Evidently folk etymology is running wild here. The probable influence of moro and malo, at least, is discernible. The template may be credited with the fact that all the variant forms have vowel harmony. MOROCOTÓN

VARS:

35. C H I R I Q U I L L O T E Bilb. 'dulce llamado cabello de ángel' (Arriaga 81). IF: chilacayote, cidracayote 'variedad de sandía con cuyo fruto se hace el dulce llamado cabello de ángel' (Corominas 2:1:932a, s. v. cayote). COM: Corominas continues: «cayote... abreviación del antiguo chilacayote, procedente del náhuatl tzilakayútli 'calabaza blanca y muy lisa', compuesto de ayútli 'calabaza' prim. doc. 1644... Por etimología popular se deformó chilacayote en cidra cayote (Terr).» Arriaga states that the etymon of chiriquillote is cidracayote, although a departure from the older version would require less serious template modification. I doubt that chiriquillo is involved here. 36. x i R i G O N C i A Ast. 'jerigonza' (Vigón 473) VAR: cirigoncia, sirigonza 'id.' (Corominas 2:3:509a). IF: xerigonza Ast. 'id.' (Rato 71b), jerigonza 'jerga' (DRAE 768c). 37.

m. 'persona que pasa el tiempo yendo y viniendo, sin hacer cosa de provecho' (Alonso 1077a). IF: cerigallo Arag. 'atadijo de trapo, trozo de tela que cuelga de un roto' (Alonso 1039b), Gal. ciringallo 'guiñapo, andrajo' (Carré Alvarellos 264b). COM: The semantic connection between 'tatter' and 'person who comes and goes' is the visual image of back and forth movement. There may be some semantic contribution from association with gallo, since cocks strut and accomplish nothing (cf. pirigallo). Corominas 1:4:809b-10 fails entirely to cite cerigallo, associating cirigallo with Ptg. sirigaita 'mujer bulliciosa', 'cierto pájaro pequeño', serigaita 'pessoa inquieta', related to Sp. zaragata 'algazara'. «Es posible, pero incierto, que de ahí (Ptg.) vengan, por cambio de sufijo o por cruce con otras p a l a b r a s . . . cast, cirigallo (Acad., falta aún 1884)... cirigallo a su vez CIRIGALLO

129

podrá relacionarse con el and. cirigaña 'adulación'.» I place this equation last in this section to indicate my uncertainty about the relatedness of ceri- and cirigallo. D. Pre-liquid Vowel Epenthesis (2 items) C L V 1 2 3 -

1 Vj 2

3

This change, in which a vowel identical in quality to the post-liquid vowel is inserted between the initial and liquid consonant, is one of the most interesting I have catalogued, even though numerically it is not of great significance. The complication is the fact that the breaking up of consonant clusters, resulting in simpler syllable structure, is a well known natural phonological process. Many languages, in fact, barely tolerate clusters, Japanese 7 perhaps being the most notable. Navarro Tomás has observed incipient vowels in such clusters in Spanish 8 . Thus, the few sporadic examples I cite here could be direct results of this tendency. The fascinating factor that discourages eliminating the template hypothesis altogether is that the change has been documented in overtly playful speech situations. Many are cited, for example, by Menéndez Pidal9, who gleaned them from operettas or zarzuelas in which declamatory speech was being satirized: «peretenedo dar la muerete sin teregua ni taradar al vil que me deshonorra gobarade y guiriminal», «peremetidme pereciosa pirincesa que os peregunte si en veredad os perecisa marachar a Garatagena», «Mis queridos heremanos de mi álama», «¿qué perensar?», «tarataré de averiguarlo». As Menéndez Pidal notes, the most common groups broken up in this way are C + r, C + /, and r or / + C. In fact, the small remainder («peretenedo») seems definitely out of place. Obviously, the passages I have cited here contain more than a dozen words that could be listed among the members of the P E R E N D E N G U E template. The curious thing is that so few of the template creations have survived to become permanent lexical items. In fact, my list below totals only two, neither of which has received previous etymological treatment. 38. G O L O T Ó N Méx. 'glotón' (Henríquez Ureña «México» 317). IF: glotón adj. 'que come con exceso y con ansia' (DRAE 667b). 7

8 9

In pronouncing the English word truck, for example, a Japanese would say [toroku]. A more pertinent language where epenthesis between stops and liquids occurs is Basque, the classic example being liburu < libro. R. Menéndez Pidal Orígenes 216 also lists aderalla < ladrillo, guirisellu < crisuelo, kiristo < Cristo, guiristiño < cristiano. However, a cursory glance at any Spanish-Basque dictionary shows that CL- almost always survives in loanwords: bloke < bloque, brigada < brigada, etc. Lafon «vasca» 73 agrees, noting that the change «no tiene nada de absoluto». T. Navarro Tomás, «Cantidad de las vocales inacentuadas», RFE 4 (1917), 374. See the CHIQUIRRITICO chapter for Menéndez Pidal's explanation of this tendency.

130

COM: I would not discount the importance of goloso 'dominado por el apetito de alguna cosa' ( D R A E 669b) in this change. 39. QUEREQUETEYCub., P. Rico 'crequeté' (Neves 477b, Ortiz Afronegr. 398). VAR: caracatey 'id.' (Neves). IF: crequeté Cub. 'pájaro parecido al chotacabras. Es el caprimulgus carolinensis' (Alonso 1263b). COM: In English, this bird is known as the chuck-will's-widow. I take the form crequeté to be primary because (1) it is used by Neves to define the other two forms, and (2) only the dialect dictionary lists the two forms in C Vj L Vj-. This is yet another example of the increased susceptibility of onomatopoeias to the modifying force of templates. It also illustrates the importance of interlexical relations, beyond nonarbitrary imitation, in the determination of onomatopoeic form. E. Post-liquid Vowel Epenthesis (3 items) C Vj L 1 2 3

C 4

1

2 3

Vj4

That vowels are occasionally inserted to break up LC groups (as opposed to CL, as in the previous section) in playful speech is illustrated by many of the words cited above from Menéndez Pidal, e.g., muerete < muerte, taradar < tardar, gobarade < cobarde, etc. The justifications are precisely those listed above, and again, there are relatively few lexicalized examples to adduce, though they are in general more convincing than those of section D. Especially notable is the new explanation for the change zarpastroso > zarrapastroso, which Coraminas described (as anaptyxis) but did not attempt to account for. 40. A L P A R R A G A T A S Sant. 'alpargatas' (García Lomas 165). IF: alpargatas 'calzado de cáñamo, en forma de sandalia, que se asegura con cintas a la garganta del pie' ( D R A E 70a). COM: On the playful potential of the concept 'hemp sandals', compare English flip-flops 'type of sandal'. 41. C U R U C U T E A R Ven., Col. 'rebuscar, registrar' (Neves 166a, Revollo 86a). DER: curucutero, a Ven. 'curioso, escudriñador' (Alonso 1315a). IF: curcutear Dom. 'id.' (Coraminas 2:2:719a). COM: These are all derivatives of esculca 'espía, vigía, explorador', which has extensive dialectal transformations: Coraminas lists Ast. escucar, esclucar 'atisbar, espiar', whence Dom. escurcutear, curcutear, Ven. curucutear. Another product is Col. cucurutiar (q. v.) 42.

adj. fam. 'desaseado, andrajoso' (Alonso 4242b - attest. 1611). VAR: Cub. zorrapastroso, zoparrastroso 'id.' (Coraminas 1:4:851), zopayrrastroso Bol. 'id.' (Fern. Naranjo 142), zaparrastroso Arg. 'id.' (Alonso 4236a), ZARRAPASTROSO

131

And. jarapastroso (Corominas), Dom. salapastroso 'rastrero andrajoso' (Corominas). IF: garpastroso 'id.' (Corominas 1:4:850b - attest. 1611). COM: The ultimate sources are zarpa 'lodo o barro que se queda en la parte baja de la rapa, cazcarria' ( D R A E 1367b - attest. 1570), and astroso 'desaseado o roto' ( D R A E 135b). Already Covarrubias lists the alternate form garrapastroso. Corominas calls this expansion «anaptixis», comparing it to that of zarapa, a word not cited elsewhere. The conversion of the flap to a trill, a subject not broached by Corominas, is due either to the fact that /rr/ and /r/ occasionally alternate pre-consonantally, or to the influence of Basque: Garcia de Diego (DEEH 561a10) lists a Basque zarrpa 'andrajo', a word I do not find in my regular sources. The anaptixis is explained, in my opinion, by the P E R E N D E N G U E template tendency. By the way, zarrapastro 'id.' must be a back-formation if astroso is actually involved here. As for the variants, zaparrastroso and zapayrrastroso are metathesized, to conform to the CHIQUIRRITICO template; zorrapastroso and its metathesized counterpart were apparently contaminated by zorra. Jarapastroso was associated with harapo 'andrajo'; salapastroso remains, to me, a mystery. F. Compounding (1 item) C Vj L

Vj + C . . .

V...

As I maintain in the discussion of several templates, one of the legitimate effects that a template may have is to cause, or help to cause, the union of two independent elements, such that the resulting whole becomes part of a given convergence. Such, I believe, is the case of chirigueltear. 43. C H I R I G C E L T E A R - I A R Nav. 'dar vueltas, rodar' (Iribarren 175b). IF: giieltear Nav. 'voltereta' (Iribarren 266b), (cf. giielto 'vuelto' (Iribarren 266b)) + (estar) chiri (una cosa) Nav. 'estar de perfil o en posición de equilibrio inestable' (Iribarren 175b). COM: The shared idea of unstable equilibrium is sufficient to explain the compounding of these two words. G. Difficult Cases Later on when I undertake the difficult task of tracing the origins of the PEREND E N G U E convergence, one of the more important factors I will bring up is the large number of words it contains. This, of course, made the search for template processed words a difficult affair, so difficult in fact, that I do not claim to have come anywhere near a complete assessment. Many, probably scores, of the words I found seemed to me to be etymologically opaque, especially those that had a strong Amerindian or African flavor. Dozens more appeared to be legiti10

Also in V. García de Diego, «Cruces de sinónimos», RFE 9 (1922), 135. 132

mate template products, but presented one or two difficulties too severe to warrant inclusion in my lists. Of these, I list some of the more promising below, in schematic form, in hopes that by doing so I will alert subsequent investigators to the existence and nature of the problems associated with them. - caracumbé Col., Chil., Cub. 'baile de negros', Perú 'apodo festivo del negro' (Neves Illa, Ortiz Catauro 182). There are two variants: cumbé 'id.' (same sources) suggests that compounding of some sort might be involved in caracumbé. The second variant, paracumbé 'id.' (Catauro 183) throws this in doubt. - churruputear Nav. 'churrupetear, chupetear' (Alonso 1378b), churripitear Sant. 'intensivo de churrupear' (García Lomas 135) seems to be chupar > churrupear > churrupetear > churruputear, as suggested by Baist RF 4, 418, who mentioned an onomatopoeic interfix -rru-. Coraminas 2:2:412b—3b objects to this for geographic reasons, starting instead with Cat. xarrupar 'sorber'. - morondo adj. 'pelado y mondado de cabellos o de hojas' (Alonso 2897b) could be a derivative of mondo adj. 'limpio y libre de cosas superfluas, mezcladas, añadiduras o adherentes' ( D R A E 890a), as Alonso (2897b) suggests. Monlau 871b and Meyer-Lübke (/?£W5438) suggest moro, while Wagner11 departs from the expression mondo y lirondo 'limpio'. Corominas 2:4:126a vacillates between moro and orondo 'hinchado'. The problem with the template hypothesis (mondo > morondo) is that the fit is imperfect: the second vowel of morondo is stressed. - burundanga Col., Cub., Perú, P. Rico, Dom. 'trastajo' (Neves 81a), morondanga 'conjunto de cosas insignificantes' (Corominas 2:4:126a - attest. Aut.), borondanga 'id.' (Corominas - attest. 1625) are all derived by Corominas from morondo, but I find the semantics of the implied change hard to swallow. - cirirí Col. 'benteveo, pájaro' (Neves 131a), and curucú Amer. 'ave trepadora de hermoso plumaje, quetzal' (Neves 166a), both appear to be onomatopoeias formed on the basis of the PERENDENGUE template. However, I need further information on the nature of the sounds the birds make, plus information on similar bird-names in the same dialects to make an educated judgment about the accuracy of this interpretation. - chilindrina f. 'cosa de poca importancia', 'anécdota ligera' (Alonso 1349a), cf. chilindrín C. Rica 'cascabel, campanilla' (Alonso 1349a), chiquilindrín, etc. (q. v.). Chilindrina is an old word (attest. 1635), apparently widely used. The only problem is that I am at a total loss to etymologize it. - chirimbolo m. fam. 'utensilio', Cub. 'juego de azar' (Alonso 1357b - attest. XIX) seems to correspond formally but not semantically to chimbolo Cent. Am. 'cabezón, renacuajo', 'pescadillo', Cub. 'pez' (Alonso 1350b). 11

M. L. Wagner, op. cit, 331. 133

- chiripón And. 'el que gana el juego o ejecuta cualquier cosa por casualidad y no por destreza' (Alonso 1358a) could very well be a template expansion of chepa, as in de chepa Col., Dom. 'de casualidad' (Alonso 1342a, Patín Maceo 59a). The problem with this is a form chiripa 'suerte favorable en el juego, casualidad favorable', cited by Corominas 2:2:371a, which presents an intermediate stage not derivable through the template. - chulubita Nav. 'flauta de seis agujeros' (Alonso 1374a), churubita Nav. 'carámbano de hielo' (Alonso 1379a) are probably related to each other, but not to chubita Col. f. 'especie de ostra' (Alonso 1371a). -parrampán Pan. m. 'máscara grotesca', 'payaso, tonto' (Neves 431b) strongly suggests a *pampán (cf. pimpán Arg. inter. 'Usase para significar rapidez en la acción', «en un pimpán» (Abad de Santillán 651a), but I find none. - taratana Mure. f. rust, 'telaraña' (García Soriano 123b), tararaina Arag. 'id.' (Arnal Cavero 29), cf. Cat. tiratanya, teraranya 'id.' (Corominas 1:4:411a), tiraranya (Griera 14:99a), teranyina (Griera 14:64a), taranyana (Griera 14:26b), titarany (Griera 14:101b). Something has caused considerable deformation of telaraña, in spite of the fact that the word is etymologically transparent (< tela aranea). One could trace the -ara- of taratana (and possibly of Cat. taranyana) to the action of the template. There may also be involvement of tirar {tiratanya). As for the interfixed -t- and the prevalent -aña, -anya ending, I surmise that there has occurred a fairly complete identification (and possibly blending) with tiritaña 'tela endeble de seda' (DRAE 1269b). This element is so strong, in fact, it may be the sole agent.

III. History of the Convergence and Template Unlike CHIQUIRRITICO, the P E R E N D E N G U E pattern does not appear to be a direct derivative of another template. This is not to say that it has been independent of the other liquid-based templates - obviously they form a close-knit family, and their destinies are deeply intertwined. I will try to show the place of the P E R E N D E N G U E template within the group at the end of this chapter. To return to the main point, the template is most likely not a derivative because there existed, at the time it became active, an already significant convergence of words from which it might have arisen. A cursory search of Corominas' Breve, for example, yields the following: (1) 10th century: calabaza ' f r u t o . . . grande, redondo y con multitud de pipas' (attest. 978), (2) 12th century: barragán 'mozo, valiente' (1140), (3) 13th century: chirivía 'hortaliza parecida al nabo' (1220), (4) 14th century: golondrina 'pájaro' (1300), barahunda 'desorden, confusión, griterío' (1330), caramillo 'flautilla' (1330), tarabilla 'citóla de molino' (1335), (5) 15th century: calamar 'molusco' (1495), caracol 'molusco' (1400), chirimía 'instrumento músico a modo de clarinete' (1461), chirriar 'emitir un 134

sonido agudo (1438), zarandajas 'cosas menudas y de poco valor' (begin, of XV), (6) 16th century: barajar 'revolver, confundir', 'mezclar los naipes' (beg. XVI), calabriada 'mezcla de varias cosas' (1539), tolondrón 'chichón' (1551), salamandra 'especie de saurio' (1555), zarapito 'ave zancuda' (1586), (7) 17th century: carambola orig. 'enredo, trampa' (1601), caramelo orig. 'carámbano' (1601), malandrín 'bribón' (1605), farabustear 'hurtar con mañas' (1609), chilindrina 'burla', 'cosa de poca importancia' (1615).12 Complicating this picture are the many PERENDENGUE-type words that have been borrowed into the Spanish of America from various indigenous languages: chiricaya Hond. 'dulce de leche y huevos', chiriguare Ven. 'ave de rapiña', guaraguao Col., Cub., Ven. 'especie de gavilán', maracaná Arg. 'guacamayo', miriquiná Arg. 'cierto mono pequeño'. Clearly, words such as these could be included in the present chapter under a «borrowing» heading, if it could be shown that they were borrowed at least in part because speakers appreciated them for their correspondence with the PERENDENGUE convergence. I am not prepared to argue thus, however, for two reasons. First, they are almost all plant and animal names of questionable playful semantic status, and second, many topographic terms also belong to the formal paradigm: Carapé 'sierra del Uruguay', Caratasca 'lago de Honduras', Curupaití 'lugar del Paraguay', Charalá 'población de Colombia', Chiriquí 'golfo de Panamá', Chirripó 'río de Costa Rica', Miriñay 'río de la Argentina', Puruándiro 'mina de México', Quiriguá 'estación arqueológica maya en Guatemala', Tarapacá 'region de Chile', Tarazá 'río de Colombia'. In my opinion, these kinds of words, especially the latter, simply do not belong to the PERENDENGUE convergence. One wonders, however, whether they might not have substantially altered the perception that Spanish-American speakers have of the convergence. It could be that, to them, words of the form of PERENDENGUE seem not so much playful as exotic or foreign. Attestations. First attestation dates are available for very few words I discussed in section II of this chapter, which leads me to infer that the development of this template, as with most of the liquid-based templates, is quite recent. I cut off the list of convergence-constituents at the early 17th century because it is precisely at this point that the earliest manifestations of analogical change become evident - i . e . , the change zarpastroso > zarrapastroso. The next change is pendengue > perendengue (1674), then there are three in the 18th century: chivitil > chiribitil and medriñaque > miriñaque, both in Aut., and cherinola > chirinola, from Terreros. Comparative evidence. The comparative evidence bears out the conclusion that the PERENDENGUE template developed indigenously in Spain out of the convergence I described above. As with the other liquid templates, there are no correspondences at all in French. My search of Palay's Dictionnaire du Béarnais et du Gascon modernes yielded no correspondences at all with Spanish, a highly 12

I omit such words as militar (1440), from Latin militaris, for obvious semantic reasons. 135

unusual situation, while at the same time the evidence from Provençal (Mistral) is exiguous enough to be attributable to chance: tirintin 'tiretaine' (2:995b), parapatapan, var. of patapatapan 'onom. du bruit du tambour' (2:478c). The few Catalan words I noticed are suspiciously Castilian: guilindaina 'distracció' (García Soriano 228b), and from Griera guirigai 'guirigall' (7:233b), mirinyac 'miriñaque' (10:183a), and parperendengues 'totxeries, ridiculeses' (11:271b). Two others, xaramandanga 'soroll, gresca' (14:311a) and xerramendinga (14:319b) 'xerrada de coses que no tenen importància' are perhaps more indigenous. Portuguese shares a number of template processed words with Spanish, a situation which suggests possible influence in one direction or the other, e. g., chirinola 'armadilha, trapalhada, confusâo' (Moráis 532a), jeremiar 'fazer lamúria' (1332b), perendengues 'penduricalhos para ornato', 'berloques' (1787b), pirinola 'rapa' (1829a). There are sporadic additional cases, but not enough to indicate the development of a true template: chilique < chelique 'desmaio nervoso' (529b), chirimóia < cherimóia 'homem de nenhuma importància' (532a), pirimpimpim Bras, 'jogo no mole' (1829a), turumbamba Bras, 'altercaçâo', 'desordem', 'balbúrdia' (2432b). The evidence of similar derivations in Basque is almost nonexistent, a situation that contrasts sharply with some of the other liquid-based templates. Txilibitu 'chiflo, silbato' (L. Múgica 521) undoubtedly derives from silbido, but no template is required to explain the change. On the other hand, Basque is very rich in words of this form, if not this derivation: tzurruntzuntzun 'ruido de carro destartalado' (López M. 569b), txirikonkila 'llevar a un niño a horcajadas' (López M. 560b), which suggests that it may have an equivalent convergence. I do not have the necessary expertise to determine this matter fully. The Italian situation, lastly, comes closest to matching that of Spanish. Italian, like Spanish, has no lack of old C V L V - W o r d s , and there is some evidence that template-like changes have occurred: biricoccola (vars. bericoccola, bricoccola) 'nome regionale dell'albicocca' (Devoto 1:333a), cirimbràccola < cimbràccola 'donna volgare' (l:571b), maramaglia < marmaglia 'quantità di gente socialmente degradata' (2:42b), polvere di pirimpimpino (vars. pimperimpera, pimperimpara, pimpirimpi) 'sostanza cui vengono attribuite proprietà magiche' (2:504d). Other cases, less neatly silhouetted etymologically, include barabuffa 'scompiglio (provocato da un alterco)', perhaps from baruffa «forse incrementata con baraonda» (l:281b), biribissi (2:332d), burububù 'gufo commune' (l:393d), ghiribizzo 'improvvisazione bizarra' («forse dall'alto tedesco antico krebiz 'gambero'») (1:1156a), maramèo -ào 'interi, scherzosa... che si pronuncia imitando il verso del gatto' (2:42b), tarabaralla (var. tarabarà) 'espressione per denotare un'idea di approssimazione valutativa o di scarsa attribuzione d'importanza' (2:1273a), taratàntara 'voce onom. foggiata dal poeta Ennio, per imitare il clangore delle trombe (lett.)' (2:1273d). Dialectal distribution. Having explored the origins of the P E R E N D E N G U E template, we may now follow its production patterns through to the present by tracing the dialectal distribution of this chapter's corpus. What we find, in 136

essence, is a concentration of activity in NE and SE Spain, and in Central America and the Caribbean. Of the 44 entry words 13 , 16 arose in the Navarre / Aragón (14) or Santander (2) dialects, with 2 more in Asturias. SE Spain has seen the development of 6 more, 5 in Andalusia, and 1 in Murcia. Another 5 a significant number - seem to have arisen in Central Spain, although this is only an approximation since once a word is included in the DRAE its dialectal origins tend to become obscured. In America, the Caribbean, particularly Cuba, accounts for 5, while Central America and Mexico have seen the development of 4. South American dialects are evidently weak in this regard, though Venezuela and Colombia, whose coastal areas are arguably aligned with the Caribbean - account for two each. In general, this dialectal survey holds no surprises at all, it being comparable to the general pattern for all but a few of the templates studied in this volume. Infantile lexical evidence. From all appearances, the P E R E N D E N G U E pattern in alive and well and productive in Modern Spanish. One indication of this is its popularity in strictly infantile, mostly nonsense, lexemes found in children's songs and chants. I would place these in several categories. First, there are authentic convergence constituents which seem to show up in infantile rimes with uncanny regularity. The classic example is caracol. I remember being puzzled at the omnipresence of this word in infantile rimes when I first began looking into the matter, in light of the absence of the snail from equivalent English literature. I am now convinced that the word's popularity is due more than a little to its form. Again and again it occurs, often with a new template creation, e. g., «caracol, miricol» (Celaya 33), «caracol, telebol» (Llorca 71), or even in playful blends, as in «caracolá» (Celaya 49), where it means 'cola'. A second category comprises real words that have been slightly distorted, e. g., mirrimiáu (Llorca 39), maramiáu (Cordova y Oña 79), both vars of marramiáu, and zaramagallín (Alonso Garrote 292), evidentely a deformation of zaramagullón 'grebe', which appears in the pin, pin chant elsewhere as salamacatin (Serra Boldú 559), zaramacatín (Celaya 69), zorra macatín (Celaya 69), and in Ptg. as sarramacotín (Rodríguez Marin 1:49) and sarracotín (Cadilla juegos 75). Finally, there are the completely unidentifiable (by me, at least) creations such as pin, zoropín (Rodriguez Marin 1:49), burubán (Sánchez-Boudy Ekue 29), chiribiú (Carvalho-Neto 76), and carabí, carabá (Celaya 159), which is based on the R I F I R R A F E template as well. Having considered all other factors, we are now in a position to characterize the P E R E N D E N G U E template's relationships with the other -VjLVj- templates. Several facts stand out. First, judging by attestation dates, it is a more recent phenomenon than most of the others, even though some of the earliest constituents of its convergence are quite ancient. Second, it is apparently one of the most peculiarly Hispanic of the lot. Notably lacking are correspondences in Catalan and the dialects of Southern France. Finally, we must note that it is 13

These figures are slightly artifical, since in some cases the exact dialect of provenience is unknown.

137

quite similar in form to the others, the only difference being the word-position of the Vj L Vj sequence. From these facts I conclude that the rise of the PEREND E N G U E template was favored and in part conditioned by the pre-existence of the T R Á P A L A , QUIQUIRIQUÍ, and CHIQUIRRITICO templates. With the path so completely prepared by these structures, it was practically inevitable that the incipient convergence would begin to increase its own numbers through template processing.

138

C H A P T E R SIX

BOMBORÓN

I. Description of the Convergence and Template The eight members of the B O M B O R Ó N convergence share formal properties formulable as C Vj (N) C Vj L Vj N where L = /\J 6 times and /r/ twice, Vj = /i/ 4 times, /o/ twice, /u/ and /a/ once each, and where the initial C is a stop or affricate in all but one case (foforón) and unvoiced in all but one {bomborón). In five of the words {bomborón, chanchalán, chinchilín 'swing', chinchilín 'bird', foforón), the first two consonants are identical as well, and thus they are formulable as Cj Vj (N) Q Vj L Vj N The semantic range is neatly infantile: (1) diminutives - chipilín, chiquitín, (2) birds - chinchilín, chanchalán, (3) toys - chinchilín, (4) sounds - chupulún, (5) parts of body - foforón. A braggart (chanchalán) is ridiculous in an infantile way. Bomborón and foforón are both augmentative by reason of their suffix, but still playful in tone.

II. Template Change Categories A. -L Vj (N) Addition (7 items) C Vj (N) C Vj (N) 1 2 3 4 5 6 ^ 1 2 3 4 5 L V j N Seven of the eight words seem to have assumed their present form through the suffixation, or, in a few cases, interfixation, of the characteristic -L Vj (N) sequence. Although Pardo Asso identified the etymon of foforon, he did not attempt to explain its transformation. None of the other words has received etymological treatment. 1. F O F O R O N Arag. 'el ano' (Pardo Asso 177). IF: fo-fo Arag. 'voz con que se expresa el ventosear sin ruido y repetidamente' (Pardo Asso). COM: Pardo Asso remarks of foforon: «de fo-fo». To this was added an augmentative suffix. The input form is probably just a jocose semantic alteration oifofo 139

'esponjoso, blando y de poca consistencia' ( D R A E 626c), though at a late date I find boforón in the new ed. of Iribarren, which complicates matters. 2. B O M B O R Ó N And. 'ágape, comilona' (Alcalá Venceslada 94b). IF: bombón And. 'borrachera' (Alcalá Venceslada), cf. a bombón Cuba 'en abundancia' (Alonso 741a), bombo And. 'harto, repleto' (Alcalá Venceslada). COM: Bombo is the probable root of this series of words denoting abundance and excess of various things, esp. ingestion, -ón is the augmentative suffix. 3.

Nav. 'fanfarrón', 'hablador, simple, de poco fundamento', 'petirrojo' (Iribarren 165b). IF: Basque txantxan 'campana menor de la torre', 'charlatán' (Azkue Dicc. 2:311a); cf. Basque txantxalangorri 'petirrojo' (López M. 551b). COM: 'Charlatán' is the semantic bridge connecting 'bell' and 'robin', which I take to be the etymological meaning of chanchalán, especially in view of txantxalangorri. CHANCHALÁN

4. C H I N C H I L Í N Nav. 'columpio' (Iribarren 173a). VAR: chinchilín-chinchilán Nav. 'id.' (Iribarren). IF: Basque txintxin 'campanita' (López M. 559b); cf. chincha Nav. 'cencerro parecido a una campanilla' (Iribarren). COM: I do not know what to do with the following apparently related words: chilingar Nav. 'colgar, balancearse o columpiarse, estando pendiente de un asidero, v. gr. de la rama de un árbol' (Iribarren 172b), chilingorda Nav. 'columpio' (Iribarren 172b). Perhaps they also derive from txintxin, or perhaps chinchilín derives from them more directly than from txintxin. Another question is the relation of this word to no. 5, chinchilín Dom. 'pájaro de color negro'. I maintain that they are unrelated, though the two concepts are perhaps associable through the concept of a bell, which both hangs and makes an acute sound as birds do. If there is a relation, the Navarrese form would be primary. 5.

C H I N C H I L Í N Dom. m. 'pájaro de color negro que no hace nido, sino que pone sus huevos en nidos ajenos' (Alonso 1352b, Patín Maceo 59a). IF: (Two hypotheses) (1) chinchín 'sound of music' (Simon and Schuster 1103b), (2) chinchín Dom. 'chin, pizca' (Alonso 1353a). COM: Cf. Nav. chanchalán 'petirrojo' (q. v.), derived from an onomatopoeia. I do not have much confidence in either of these identifications, since I do not know if the bird called chinchilín (1) makes a characteristic, acute sound, or (2) is small. Could the bird be a pest, like a chinche? Is there a connection with Ptg. tíntirrim 'pássaro do Brasil (Moráis 2341b)?

6. CHiPiLÍNAnd. adj. 'chiquitín' (Alcalá Venceslada 201a).

IF: chipi Nav. 'adjetivo vasco que significa «pequeño»' (Iribarren 174b); Basque txipi 'pequeño' (López M. 560a). COM: L. Múgica (515) lists Basque txipirrin 'pequeñín', whose similarity is certainly striking. I am of course supposing that this form traveled south from Navarre, even though it is not recorded in my Navarrese sources. 140

7.

C H I Q U I L Í N , iNAAnd. adj. fam. 'pequefiín'. U. t. en Am. hisp. (Alcalá Venceslada 201b). DER: chiquilinada Arg. 'acción propia de chiquitínes', 'muchedumbre de chiquitínes' (Abad de Santillán 146a). VAR: chiquilino, a And. 'id.' (Alcalá Venceslada 202a); chiquirrín And. 'adj. dim. de chico, pequeño', 'chiquilín' (Alcalá Venceslada 202a), chiquirrín Guat. 'insecto semejante a la cigarra, pero de canto más agudo y fuerte' ( D R A E 411b). IF: chico 'pequeño' ( D R A E 408c).

B. Pre-Liquid Vj Epenthesis (1 item) C V¡ C L Vj N 1 2 3 4 5 6 ^ 1 2 3

Vj

4 5 6

8. C H U P U L Ú N Dom., Hond., C. Rica 'chuplún' (Patín Maceo 61a, Membreño 62, Gagini 234). VAR: chuculún Cub. 'voz onomatopéyica. Ruido que hace un objeto o ser viviente al sumergirse de golpe en el agua' (Ortiz, Catauro 213). DER: chupulunear Hond. 'chapotear' (Membreño 54). IF: chuplún Dom. 'Onomatopeya del ruido causado por una persona al caer en el agua' (Patín Maceo). COM: One could argue, from its greater geographic extension and the form of the variant, that chupulún is the variant and chuplún the derivative. I resist this argument for two, more significant, reasons: (1) the dictionaries cited use the latter to define the former, revealing their own feeling on the matter, and (2) we have an explanation for the change chuplún > chupulún (the B O M B O R Ó N template), but not for the opposite case. As for chuculún, perhaps it shows the influence of chocar. C. Difficult Cases - chirrín chirrán Cub. frase jocosa 'Da a entender que uno desea que se termine una conversación u otra cosa que resulta molesta' (Espina Pérez 61b). In R I F I R R A F E I trace this phrase to the verb chirriar, used to designate unpleasant sounds. This presupposes a stage *chirri-in not unlike that I posit (see section III) for words in the B O M B O R Ó N convergence. The word does not have the requisite form for B O M B O R Ó N , but the fact that its stressed-syllable-initial consonant is a liquid makes it quite similar. It may well be a sporadic offshoot of the pattern. - mamarán And. m. 'en los juegos del reloj y del monte, distribuir entre varias personas la ganancia obtenida en una' (Alcalá Venceslada 377b). This is the nominalization, I believe, of mamarán, third person plural future form of mamar, which can have the figurative meaning 'obtener, alcanzar, generalmente sin méritos para ello' ( D R A E 832c). I doubt that the template affected the 141

nominalization process. Also to be excluded from the convergence are other verbs in future tense, e. g., calarán, hablarán, etc. - coscorrón m. 'golpe en la cabeza, que no saca sangre y duele' ( D R A E 372b) < cosque 'id.' ( D R A E 373a). The appearance of -s- rather than a nasal is insignificant, and the derivation appears to be very similar to those listed in category A above. The factor that casts doubt on the template hypothesis for this change is the early attestation of coscorrón - 1535, at least three centuries before the modern template became active. The word could be an isolated case spun off by the emerging T R Á P A L A template, but is much more likely to be a derivative of cosque through the addition of the suffixes -orro (as in abejorro, aldeorro, cabezorro, see Bolufer formación 113) and -ón.

III. History of the Convergence and Template I will state flatly here at the beginning that I believe the B O M B O R Ó N convergence / template to be an incipient variant or derivative of T R Á P A L A . The history of the convergence is simply an explanation of how this occurred. Both the -Vj L Vj- sequence, as well as the types of changes the IFS of these words have undergone, are very similar and sometimes identical to those of T R Á P A L A and the other convergences of this group. Here again, as in P E R E N D E N G U E , the main difference is accentual - this is the only one of the group where Vj is stressed. In my estimation, the B O M B O R Ó N template very recently arose out of the well-rehearsed recourse to the -Vj L Vj- sequence, in conjunction with the use of stressed diminutive and augmentative suffixes, whose semantic effects by nature impart a connotation of playfulness. Thus, bomborón began as bombón, a transparent augmentation of bombo, and foforón < *fofón < fofo. In like manner, chiquitín must have begun as *chiquín (< chico), and chipilin as *chipín (< chipi). The -L Vj- element, as always unstressed, would have been inserted into these base forms, producing an intermediate stage C Vj (N) C Vj -

L Vj -

Vj N

e.g., bombo-ro-ón, chiqui-li-ín, after which the identical final vowels, one stressed and the other unstressed, fused into the single stressed vowel, as is typical of Spanish vowel behavior, even between words, e.g., [labre] la abre, [bamosadarleste] vamos a darle éste, etc. This first step must have occurred very recently, as I have no first attestation dates for any of the words in the convergence . This set the stage for the similar expansion of words ending in nonsuffixal -in (chinchilín 'pajaro' < chinchín, chinchilín 'swing' < txintxin), and, the third stage, the expansion to other vowels, e.g., chupulún, chanchalán. The latter extension was favored by the preexistence of the Spanish suffix -án, particularly as it appears in vocalic apophonic reduplicatives, e.g., codín-codán, aserrín-aserrán, cf. here chinchilín-chinchilán. 142

My tentative search of the relevant Romance languages uncovered no evidence that this pattern is other than purely Hispanic, a result that would be expected given the purely Hispanic nature of the parent T R Á P A L A convergence / template. There are, however, parallels in Basque, a language which has light oxytonic word-stress in some dialects: pinpirin 'mariposa' (Lopelmann 2:1014), tirtirin 'presumido' (L. Múgica 506), ttinttirrin 'licor' (López M. 548), ttipirrin 'pequeñín' (L. Múgica 515), txikirrin 'pequeñín' (Azkue Dicc. 2:3490a), txintxirrin 'sonajero' (Azkue Dicc. 2:324c). Since I cite Basque etyma for three of the headwords, these types of words loom large, perhaps suggesting yet another word-formational correspondence between the two languages (as in QUIQUIRIQUÍ a n d TROCHEMOCHE).

Of the headwords and major variants, 4 seem to have arisen in Andalusia, 3 in Navarre, and 1 in Aragón. America has seen the birth of 4 more, 3 of which are Caribbean, and one Central American. Notably, none of these has been adopted into standard Spanish, yet another indication of the very recent origin of the convergence. I admit to being surprised at the lack of activity of this template in infantile literature, since I would think it would be very sensitive to new tendencies. I find only Rodriguez Marin's (1:176) «cocorrón, cocorrón, / ¿Está aquí tu señor? / Esotro lo sabe», where cocorrón is an evident variant of coscorrón, the sound of knocking at the door. Perhaps this dearth indicates that the pattern will not flourish.

143

CHAPTER SEVEN

BULLEBULLE

I. Description of the Convergence and Template In this chapter I study 49 template-processed words belonging to a convergence whose canonical form may be formulated as ... X X ... where X is a sequence of syllables, either one (e. g., lele and 15 others), two (e.g., manchamaticha and 31 others), or three (ciérrate-ciérrate and a var. of duerme-duerme - dúrmili-dúrmili). The syllables are typically of the form cv, but may also be c v c (bisbis) or CGV (ciérrate-ciérrate). Both syllables in frío-frío are unique: CLV-V. Semantically, the words are classifiable as either infantile or diagrammatic or both. Words which are equally apt for either category are marked below with an asterisk, INFANTILE: (1) caretakers: *mamamama, yaya 'grandmother', (2) games and toys: bisbis, *coxcox, *chupa-chupa 'toy', *fríofrío 'game', *tocatoca, *trastrás, *pilla-pilla, *pasapasa, (3) sounds: *gorigori, *rute-rute, *zampazampa, *tole-tole, *guiriguirigay, refunfuñar, (4) diminutive: *chiquichico, *chinchin, (5) sweet food: *tiratira, *fríofrío 'snowcone', (6) insignificance or worthlessness: chacha, cochocho, soso, yaya 'hurt', (7) mental deficiency: lele, papapa, chuchulo, ñoño, (8) moral weakness: *bullebulle; D I A G R A M M A T I C (1) repeated actions (including most of the asterisked forms above), in (a) plants: chupachupa 'plant', manchamancha, pegapega, picapica 'plant', pintapinta, rasca-rasca, ciérrate-ciérrate, come-come, (b) animals: chupachupa 'insect', duerme-duerme , picapica 'insect', zunzún, (c) other: correcorre, lame-lame, tirotiro, tocatoca 'in turns', 'in cash', vira vira, moromoro, pinchi-pinchi, tutubiar, (2) intensified actions, qualities, etc.: andanda,fitofito,furrisfurris, tepe tepe.

II. Template Change Categories A. Complete Reduplication (33 items) X 1

1

1

Among the various morphological processes that occur in natural languages, reduplication is certainly among the most enigmatic. The process that trans144

forms, for example, bulle to bullebulle or chulo to chuchulo, can be and has been compared to both compounding and derivation. Complete reduplication, of course, is most similar to simple compounding, and both can be described as syntactic strings at the word level. Several scholars stress the equivalence of complete reduplication and syntactic repetition (e. g., «a red red rose»), including Bloomfield 1 , Henzen 2 , Sapir 3 , Weise4. Partial reduplication is reminiscent of prefixation, and in fact several scholars see all types of reduplication as most akin to derivation, though of course derivation of a very special kind. 5 Thompson 6 , for example, describes Vietnamese reduplication as the addition of «chameleon affixes», i.e., affixes which change form according to their surroundings. Robins7 remarks that «reduplication is describable either as a process or an addition», echoed by Trager's8 characterization of the moneyshmoney type as a phenomenon where «a prefix is also a process» and McCarthy's9 comparison of reduplication to autosegmental spreading, where segmental «melodies» are mapped out on a prosodic c v skeleton. All of the words listed in categories A-D have undergone a process of reduplication, but I must stress that «reduplication» as such is not the primary subject of this chapter. The message I wish to communicate is that there is a convergence of words in Spanish where the semantic paradigm of playful meanings and the formal paradigm . . . X X . . . meet, and that new members have been produced for this convergence through a variety of processes and accidents, ONLY O N E of which is the actual operation of reduplicating all or part of an IF: The convergence pattern has also been attained through quality changes (vowel and consonant quality, F and G), and deletions (apheresis and back-formation, E and H). Having pinpointed our conceptual target, we are thus free to leave the taxonomic problems of reduplication to the experts, and to proceed with our lists. Though few of the following etymological equations are controversial, none has received previous attention. The slight irregularities exhibited by two of them are inconsequential: andanda shows fusion of identical vowels, common in Spanish, while chiquichico exhibits the remnants of what is probably an underlying copulative y 'and' (cf. trochimoche / troche y moche). 1 2 3 4

5

6 7

8 9

L. Bloomfield, Language (NY: Holt, Rinehart and Winston), 1933, 235. W. Henzen, Deutsche Wortbildung (Halle: Niemeyer), 1947, 263. E. Sapir, Language (NY: Harcourt, Brace), 1921, 79. O. Weise, «DieWortdoppelung im Deutschen», ZeitschriftfiirdeutscheWortforschung 2 (1902), 12. Though Marantz «RE Reduplication» takes as his slogan that reduplication is «merely affixation», and Koziol Handbuch 211 merely remarks that reduplication is a «type of derivation». L. Thompson, A Vietnamese Grammar (Seattle: Univ. ofWashington Press), 1965,139. R. Robins, General Linguistics: An Introductory Survey, 3rd ed. (Longman: London), 1980, 163. G. Trager, Language and Languages (San Francisco: Chandler), 1972, 55. J. McCarthy, «A Prosodic Theory of Nonconcatenative Morphology», LingI 12 (1981), 407.

145

1.

A N D A N D A Leon, 'interjección formada por anda más anda, cuya duplicidad imprime energía a la frase: «¡Andanda con el mocoso, que ya fuma!» (Alonso Garrote 141). IF: anda 'interj. que sirve para expresar admiración o sorpresa, y también para excitar o animar' ( D R A E 85b). COM: Fusion of identical vowels, only one of which is stressed, is normal in Spanish pronunciation, e. g., [no lentra] no le entra.

2.

B U L L E B U L L E com. fig. y fam. 'persona inquieta, entremetida y de viveza excesiva' ( D R A E 208c). IF: bullir 'agitarse una persona con viveza excesiva' ( D R A E 209a).

3. C I É R R A T E - C I É R R A T E Col. 'planta' (Revollo 56a). IF: ciérrate, familiar imperative of cerrarse 'tratándose de flores, juntarse unos con otros sus pétalos sobre el botón o capullo' (DRAE 295b). 4. C O M E - C O M E Cub. 'comezón' (Ortiz, Catauro 152). IF: comer 'tomar alimento' (DRAE 328a). COM: An alternative hypothesis would posit a clipped version of comezón 'picazón' (DEEH 177a) as the etymon. In either case, the idea of 'eating' is obviously implied. 5. C O R R E C O R R E Cub., P. Rico 'huida desordenada de gente' (Neves 149a). IF: correr 'ir de prisa' (DRAE 367c). 6. C H I N C H Í N Dom. 'chin' (Patín Maceo 59a). IF: chin D o m . , P. Rico m. 'pequeña porción de una cosa tanto material como inmaterial: un chin de dulce; no me tiene un chin de cariño' (Patín Maceo, Neves 195b). COM: Henríquez Ureña Dom. 189 speculates on the etymon of chin 'porción ínfima': «¿de cachín, que se usa en el noroeste de España?» I do not find such a form. Chinchín has several different meanings and origins. Chile, Arg. (bot) 'arbusto' (DRAE 410b); Cub., P. Rico, Ven. 'calabobos, llovizna'; Hond. 'sonajera' (Membreño 58), Ven. 'algo fastidioso, pesado' (Alonso 1352b), Ven. pagar chinchín 'en efectivo' (Tamayo 114a). While I cannot speculate on most of these, it is clear that 'sonajera' and 'en efectivo' («onomatopeya de las monedas») are both onomatopoeias. There is even a chance that (chin)chin 'pizca' is a semantic derivative of the onomatopoeic meaning. If so, chin is probably a back-formation, on the basis of the B U L L E B U L L E template. 7. C H I Q U I C H I C O Chil. 'diminutivo caprichoso de chico' (Neves 201a). IF: chico 'pequeño' (DRAE 408c). 8.

C H U P A C H U P A Arg. 'juguete de niños consistente en un redondel de suela con un cordel en el medio, del cual se tira'; Col. 'apéndice terminal del eje principal del racimo de bananas', Cub. 'especie de chinche grande' (Neves 216b); Col. 'fruta grande y olorosa producida por un árbol corpulento' (Revollo 97b).

146

IF: chupar 'sacar con los labios el jugo de una cosa' ( D R A E 416a). COM: The various meanings obviously derive from the central idea of 'sucking', but their wide geographic separation suggests that they were all formed independently of each other. 9. D U E R M E - D U E R M E Arg. 'dormilón, ave' (Neves 234a). VAR: dúrmili-dúrmili 'id.' (Neves). IF: dormir 'estar en suspensión de los sentidos' {DRAE 494c). 10.

F I T O - F I T O Arag. m. adv. 'constante, sin interrupción, equivale a de hito en hito' (Pardo Asso 176). IF: fito a fito Mure. loe. adv. 'de hito en hito' (García Soriano 57b), Cast, mirar de hito en hito 'fijar la vista en un objeto sin distraerla a otra parte' (DRAE 713c); cf. Cat. de fit a fit, Gal. fite a fite, fit'a fite 'id.' (Coraminas 2:3:371b). COM: Coraminas explains: «De la locución en hito viene la posterior más desarrollada de hito en hito (Sta. Teresa)». Hito means 'mojón', but was at one time an adjective meaning 'clavado' (Coro), thus the expression en hito. Actually, fito-fito is probably just a reduction of fito a fito or some such, rather than being a reduplicated form of fito.

11.

Cub. 'juego de niños que consiste en buscar un objeto perdido', Dom. 'hielo raspado y mezclado con un jarabe' (Neves 278a). IF: frío, a 'Aplícase a los cuerpos cuya temperatura es muy inferior a la ordinaria del ambiente', 'voz que se emplea para advertir a una persona que está lejos de encontrar un objeto escondido' (DRAE 6 3 9 b - c ) . COM: The Cuban entry should read «objeto escondido». The Dominican form means 'snow cone'. FRIOFRÍO

12.

F U R R I S F U R R I S And. adj. 'cascarrabias, de mal genio' (Alcalá Venceslada 285b). IF: furris Arag. 'tramposo, embrollón' (Pardo Asso 181), Alava 'mal hecho, imperfecto' (Baraíbar), Al., Arag., Méj., Nav., Ven. 'malo, despreciable, mal hecho' (DRAE 643a). COM: Both Baraíbar («voz imitativa») and DRAE («de la onomat. furr») suppose that this word is onomatopoeic. Pardo Asso, on the other hand, derives it from Latin fur 'ladrón'. This has possibilities. Fur, furis would have been adopted as a humorous Latinism, first to mean 'tramposo', then generalizing to 'bad in general'. This hypothesis also has the merit of explaining the final -s, cf. de bóbilis, bóbilis).

13. L A M E - L A M E And. 'adulador' (Alcalá Venceslada 355a). IF: lamer 'pasar repetidas veces la lengua por una cosa' (DRAE lameojos P. Rico 'adulador' (Malaret Dicc. 337).

784b), cf.

14. M A M A M A M A Perú 'abuela' (Neves 360a). VAR: mamama Hond. 'id.' (Neves, Membreño 107). IF: mama 'madre' (DRAE 832c). 147

COM: A logical compound comparable to trastrás. The paroxytonic form mama is still dominant over mamá in rural Spanish. 15. M A N C H A M A N C H A Col. 'manchador, árbol gutífero' (Neves 362b). IF: manchador Col. vulg. 'árbol resinoso' (Neves), manchar 'poner sucia una cosa' ( D R A E 834b). 16.

'danza filipina' (Alonso 2897a), 'danza característica de Filipinas . . . Es danza típica de los moros, y los indios no la bailan con tanto primor como ellos' (EUI36:1140b). IF: moro 'perteneciente a la parte del Africa septentrional, frontera a España, donde estaba la antigua provincia de la Mauritania' ( D R A E 896c). COM: It is not clear to me whether the Philippines themselves use this word, or whether only they use it. MORO-MORO

17. P A S A P A S A 'juego de prestidigitation' (Moliner 2:653b - attest. 1492). IF: pasar 'cruzar de una parte a otra' (DRAE 984b). COM: Coraminas 2:4:420b s. v. paso: «Pasapasa . . . comp. pasa non pasa en Alex.; cat. ant. joc depassa-passa . . . ; fr. passe-passe». The early date of attestation is probably not sufficient to discount the possibility of an outright borrowing. 18.

P E G A P E G A Amer. f. 'cadillos y otras plantas que tienen la propiedad de adherirse a la ropa' (Neves 439a, Revollo 204a). IF: pegar 'adherir' {DRAE 996b).

19.

P I C A P I C A Bol. 'insecto tropical cuya picadura es ponzoñosa' (Fernández Naranjo 112), f. 'polvos vegetales que causan comezón' ( D R A E 1018c, Tascón224), Cub. 'personade persistencia enojosa' (Corominas2:4:519b). IF: picar 'herir leve y superficialmente con un instrumento punzante', 'causar comezón' ( D R A E 1019a). COM: Coraminas lists picapica as a compound oí picar. Again as in chupachupa, these seem to be several independent creations with the same starting point.

20.

P I L L A P I L L A And. m. 'juego infantil que consiste en coger un muchacho a otros que huyen', a pilla-pilla And. m. adv. 'perseguir a uno sin lograr cogerlo' (Alcalá Venceslada 483b). IF: pillar 'coger, agarrar' (DRAE 1025b).

21. P I N C H I - P I N C H I Ven. 'al contado, contante y sonante' (Alonso 3280b). IF: pinchar 'picar, punzar o herir con una cosa aguda', 'mover, excitar, estimular' (Alonso 3280a). COM: From a hypothetical *pincha y pincha, the idea being that actual cash, i. e., coins, excite or stimulate the hand as they are grasped in it, cf. al tocatoca Méx. 'al contado' (Alonso 3972b). 22. P I N T A P I N T A Col. f. 'planta fitolacácea' (Neves 455a). IF: pintar 'cubrir con un color la superficie de las cosas' (DRAE 1027c). 148

COM: pintadillo Salv. m. 'árbol de las leguminosas' (Neves 455a) proves the cogency of the identification. 23.

R A S C A - R A S C A Col., (bot.) 'cierto bejuco que posee propiedades hemostáticas' (Revollo 231a). IF: rascar 'refregar o frotar fuertemente la piel con una cosa aguda o áspera, y por lo regular con las uñas' ( D R A E 1104b).

24. R U X E - R U X E Gal. 'runrún, rumor' (Carré Alvarellos 662b). VAR: rute-rute Sant. m. 'el decir de las gentes, clamoreo' (Alonso 3670a). IF: ruxir Gal. 'chirriar, rugir' (Carré Alvarellos); rute Sant. 'rumor, susurro', rutar Ast., Burg., Pal., Sant. 'murmurar, rezongar' ( D R A E 1163c), 'zumbar' (DEEH 486b). COM: Gal. ruxir, at least, is from Lat. rugiré. DRAE lists two different verbs rutar, deriving the one listed here from «la onomatopeya rut», and the other, Ast. 'eructar los gases del estómago', from Lat. ruciare. Coraminas 2:2:660a agrees on this point, but it is unclear whether he is aware of the meaning 'rumor'. DEEH does connect 'zumbar' with Lat. *rugitare, but for phonetic reasons this seems doubtful. Probably rutar in all its meanings is from eructar. 25. ESTAR T E P E T E P E P. Rico 'de bote en bote' (Alonso 3928a). IF: tepe m. 'pedazo de tierra cubierto de cesped y muy trabado con las raíces de esta hierba' (Alonso 3927b). COM: The simile is: packed in as tight as the earthen bricks in a wall. 26.

Col. f. 'melcocha, dulce elástico', 'ligamento cervical del ganado vacuno', 'cosa difícil de masticar' (Alonso 3964). IF: tirar 'estirar' (DRAE 1269a); cf. Ptg. puxa-puxa Bras, 'diz-se da calda de acucar, quando comega a solidificar-se' (< puxar 'estirar') (Moráis 1946a), tiraque-tira loe. adv. 'en movimento rápido e prolongado', 'pertinazmente' (Moráis 2343b). TIRATIRA

27. TIRO-TIRO m. 'tiroteo' (Fernández Naranjo 133). IF: tiro 'acción y efecto de tirar', 'disparo de un arma de fuego' (Alonso 3965a). 28.

Chil. m. 'juego de chicos en que se tiran unos a otros una pelota', a toca-toca Chil. m. adv. 'por turno, por vez, a su vez' (Neves 550b), al toca toca Méx. 'al contado' (Alonso 3972b). IF: tocarle a uno 'corresponderle' ( D R A E 1272a) COM: The Mexican form, like Ven. pinchi-pinchi, refers to the «feel» of cash in the hand. TOCATOCA

29.

T O L E T O L E Arg. 'confusión y gritería, tole', Col. 'tema, porfía', Ven. 'vida de holgazán' (Neves 551b). VAR: tolitoli Ven., Col. 'id.' (Alonso 3976a). IF: tole 'confusión y gritería popular' (Alonso 3975b - attest. 1726).

149

30.

TRASTRÁS

m. fam. 'el penúltimo en algunos juegos de muchachos' (Alonso 4025a - attest. XIX). IF: tras 'después de' ( D R A E 1289b). COM: The logic here is patent, cf. mamamama. This item is not to be confused with the onomatopoeia tras, tras 'expressión familiar con que se significa el golpe repetido' ( D R A E 1289b), cf. Ptg. trastalatrás interj. 'voz imitativa do som das castanholas' (Moráis 2390b). 31.

VIRA VIRA

P. Rico m. fig. 'reunión, baile o fiesta muy animada' (Neves 576a), 'vocablo festivo que se usa en la expresión «es una vira vira» para denotar que la fiesta es animada' (Alonso 4180a). VAR: vira-y-vira 'id.' (Neves). IF: virar 'mudar de dirección' (DRAE 1345b). COM: Another viravira Am. Merid. 'varias plantas herbáceas', is unanimously traced to Quech. huira-huira (Neves, DRAE, Alonso, Coraminas 1:4:748b, Alvarado Glosario 306). 32.

Z A M P A - Z A M P A Nav. 'loe. adv. equiv. a la de zimpi-zampa ('expresión onomatopéyica para significar tunda o paliza')' (Iribarren 533b-4a, 538b). IF: zampar 'meter una cosa en otra de prisa' ( D R A E 1364b), Basque zanpa 'ruido de golpe' (López M. 613a). COM: Quite clearly, the word has at least passed through Basque. The question is whether Basque zanpa (pronounced [sampa]) derives from Sp. zampar, a strong possibility, though Lópelmann 2:1067, who calls zanpa imitative, does not mention zampar. Since the origin of zampar is disputed (Coraminas 1:4:820a says it is of «origen incierto», Monlau 1148a < High German zapfo, DEEH 560 < zamp, raíz onom.), it could be that it too is simply a realization in Spanish of the Basque root.

33.

REFUNFUÑAR

(see funfurruñar).

B. Clipping, Followed by Complete Reduplication (4 items) (W) X (Y) 1 2 3

2

2

This category is like C and D, partial reduplication, in that only part of the original word is reduplicated, but whereas in C and D the unreduplicated residue is retained, here it is deleted. 34.

Cub. m. 'pajarillo, especie de colibrí' (DRAE 1370b). zumzum 'id.' (Pichardo 7 0 9 a - l l b ) , sunsún Ven. 'es nombre de un juego infantil que se efectúa con un instrumento . . . que . . . gira velozmente y produce un sonido' (Tamayo 289a). IF: zumbar 'hacer una cosa ruido o sonido continuado, seguido y bronco' (DRAE 1370b), cf. Ptg. zao-záo 'som monótono' (Moráis 2560b). COM: Rodríguez Herrera, in Pichardo 710b, writes: «El nombre de esta curiosa y simpática avecilla es completamente onomatopéyico, porque zumba, zumba ZUNZÚN

VARS:

150

constantemente, y de ahí que debiera llamársele zumbazumba, o, simplificando la palabra compuesta, zumzum, como en este artículo aparece. La Academia parece que ha querido simplificar aún más la palabra para adaptarla a nuestra fonética . . . zunzún.» The change m > n here is dictated by the homorganic nasal rule in Spanish. Coraminas 1:4:874b also hints at this etymology. 35. A c o x c o x m. adv. ant. 'a la pata coja', Mure, 'juego de la coxcojilla' (García Soriano 34b). VAR: a coxcojita 'a coxcox' (Coraminas 2:2:130b, Monlau 514a). IF: coxcojilla f. 'juego de muchachos que consiste en andar a la pata coja y dar con el pie a una piedrecita para sacarla de ciertas rayas que a este efecto se forman en el suelo' ( D R A E 375b - attest. Calderón). COM: Unless I am lacking some crucial bit of information, this is a curious reduplication on the basis of cox-, derived from coxcojilla, and traceable ultimately to Lat. coxus 'cojo'. DRAE 375b actually cites coxus coxus 'cojo, cojo', a phrase I think they made up. Coraminas and Monlau merely list the forms as derivatives of cojo. 36.

MITIMITI

Chil. adj. 'mitad y mitad, por partes iguales', adj. fig. 'hermafrodita' (Alonso 2854b). IF: mitad 'cada una de las dos partes iguales en que se divide un todo' ( D R A E 883a). COM: AS usual, the -i- transition derives from y 'and'. 37.

GORIGORI

m. fam. 'voz con que vulgarmente se alude al canto lúgubre de los entierros' (DRAE 671a - attest. 1726). IF: gorgorito 'quiebro que se hace con la voz en la garganta' (XVIII), gorgoritear 'hacer quiebros con la voz' (Alonso 2159b - attest. XVIII); cf. Cat. gori-gori 'onomatopeia del llatí dels cants funerals' (Griera 8:154b). COM: According to Coraminas 2:3:174a: «De una forma abreviada de la onom. gorg- procede por reduplicación gorigori...» By gorg- he problably means one of his ethereal onomatopoeic entities. Were I to cite *gorg-1 would mean the convergence of words containing this element and referring to throaty noises, e.g., gorgor 'gorgoteo', górgoro Sal. 'trago' (Alonso 2159b), gorgoteo 'ruido producido por el movimiento de un líquido o de un gas en el interior de alguna cavidad' (Alonso 2160a). I single out the two IFS cited above because (1) they refer to voice sounds, like gori-gori, and (2) they contain an element -gori- (cf. also the conjugated forms gorgoriteo, gorgoritea, etc.), that could have provided the input for a reduplication. C. Partial Reduplication: Initial (3 items) X + Y 1 2 -»• 1

1

2

A large set of words which could be added here, but for our knowledge of the Q U I Q U I R I Q U Í template, is listed in sec. A of that chapter, e. g., tiritar > titiritar. 151

38.

G U I R I G U I R I G A Y m. fam. 'lenguaje oscuro de dificultosa inteligencia', 'gritería y confusión' (Alonso 2209b - attest. XVII), 'cierto baile' (L. Vélez de Guevara, El diablo cojuelo, Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, p. 15-16). V A R S : guiriguí, guirigay (Quevedo), giriguirigay (Benavente), guirigaya, grigirigay (Lope) (Ortiz Afronegr. 246). IF: guirigay 'gritería', 'lenguaje confuso' (Coraminas 2:3:175a - attest. 1632), 'baile popular del siglo XVI, en España' (OrúzAfronegr. 247); cf. Cat. guirigai, guirigall 'escándol', 'gatzara' (Griera 7:233b). COM: According to Corominas, guirigay is an «onomatopeya semejante a gorigori». Monlau 752b has two hypotheses, the latter of which is probably on the right track: «voz del lenguaje familiar formada por onomatopeya; o de formación análoga a la de jerga y jerigonza.

39.

Nav. «(lo pronuncian shushulo) 'hombre simple, corto, asimplado'» (Iribarren 182b). IF: chulo, a 'que hace y dice las cosas con chulada ('acción indecorosa', 'dicho 0 hecho gracioso)', 'individuo del pueblo bajo de Madrid' (DRAE 415c). COM: There is also chulo Nav. 'agujero pequeño', traced by Iribarren (183b) to Basque zulo, and glossed also as 'pocilga o cochiquera', 'juego infantil', prob. irrelevant. Considering the typical Spanish provincial attitude toward Madrid and its inhabitants, the hypothesis that 'simpleton' derives from chulo 'lower class inhabitant of Madrid' is strong. CHUCHULO

40. P A P A P A Guat., Hond. 'bobería, tontería' (Neves 427b, Alonso 3130b). IF: papa 'sopas blandas que se dan a los niños' (Alonso 3129b), papada Guat. 'tontería, bobada' (Sandoval 2:191a, Alonso 3130a). COM: The base is papa. I cite papada because it proves that the extension from 'infantile food' to 'stupid act' is perfectly straightforward. It is also possible that papapa < papada, with change of consonant. I must also admit, however, that 1 see no way to be sure that what has occurred here is initial reduplication rather than final. D. Partial Reduplication: Final (1 item) X + Y 1 2 ->- 1 2 41.

2

C O C H O C H O Nav. 'comistrajo, guiso mal aderezado', 'chapucería, cosa mal hecha' (Iribarren 133a). V A R S : cochucho Nav. 'id.', cochoflito, cochuflito Nav. 'id.' (Iribarren). IF: cocho 'part. pas. irreg. de cocer' (DRAE 315c), 'cocido, pan cocho se lee en documentos del siglo XV' (Iribarren). COM: Compare bizcocho 'pan sin levadura, que se cuece segunda vez para que se enjugue y dure mucho tiempo' (from Lat. bis 'twice' + coctus 'cooked') (DRAE 185a). The variant cochucho has adapted to the pejorative suffix -ucho (animalucho, casuchá). I am unable to explain cochoflito.

152

E. Apheresis (2 items) W X X 1 2 3 ^ 2 3 42. C H A C H A f. fam. 'niñera' {DRAE 402c). IF: muchacha 'niña que no ha llegado a la adolescencia' {DRAE 901b). COM: DRAE (also Corominas 2:4:177b, Monlau 874a) correctly identifies this as «aféresis de muchacha». There is also a bigeneric chacho, a 'voz de cariño', m. 'puesta que se hace en el juego del hombre' ( D R A E 402c). I list chacha because it is completely lexicalized. 43. s o s o adj. 'que no tiene sal', 'agua sosa', fig. 'die. de la persona, acción, o palabra que carecen (sic) de gracia y viveza' ( D R A E 1221a - attest. 1492). IF: ensoso Leon 'soso, sin substancia', 'díc. de la persona falta de gracia' (Alonso Garrote 214); cf. Ptg. ensósso 'que tem pouco sal', 'desenxabido, sem paladar, insulso' (Moráis 1:909b). COM: Corominas 1:4:291b explains the apheresis thus: «el vocablo perdió su primera sílaba en combinaciones como manjar ensoso, donde se tomó en por una preposición». An alternative explanation (Malkiel 10 ) would trace the loss to alignment of soso with a matrix of derogatory adjectives having the form C o (N) C V, as zonzo, tonto, bobo, chocho, fofo, Gal. lolo 'vacío', ñoño, zozo, which may be regarded as a variant of the B U L L E B U L L E convergence. This explanation has the added merit of explaining the lol and the retention of s in insulsas > ensoso in light of the regular development pulsare > pujar.

F. Vowel Change (2 items) 44. L E L E Cent. Am., Arg., Chil. 'lelo, simple' (Neves 340a). IF: lelo, a 'fatuo, simple y como pasmado' ( D R A E 794b). COM: The etymology of lelo is disputed, but need not concern us here. 45. T U T U B I A R Am. vulg. 'titubear' (Neves 565a). IF: titubear 'oscilar', 'tropezar o vacilar en la elección o pronunciación de las palabras' (Alonso 3969a).

G. Consonant Change (3 items) 46.

Ñ O Ñ O , A adj. fam. 'Die. de la persona sumamente apocada y de corto ingenio', 'dicho de las cosas, soso, de poca consistencia', ant. 'caduco, chocho' ( D R A E 929c). IF: Lat. nonnus 'anciano, perceptor, ayo' {DRAE 929c). COM: The antiquated meaning survives, in slightly altered form. I stated in 10

Y. Malkiel, «Fuentes indígenas y exóticas de los sustantivos y adjetivos en -e», RLiR

24 (1960), 223.

153

the introductory chapter that Malkiel11 had included this change in his list of words having the form C o (N) C V. 47.

Cent. Am., Col. 'llaga', Col., Cub., Perú, Chil. 'dolor insignificante', 'herida pequeña, cicatriz' (Alonso 4217a). IF: llaga f. 'úlcera de las personas y animales' (DRAE 819a). COM: The motivating factor here is the tendency, on the part of both adults and children, to simplify infantile language. A word with a single consonant repeated is simpler than one involving a change. Considering the high level of acoustic equivalence between [g] and [y], children may even hear [yaya] for llaga. Alonso lists two more meanings, Pan. 'tormento, situación difícil en que uno juega la última', arguably a semantic extension of 'sore, pain', and Cub. 'palo usado a manera de bastón', which must be unrelated. YAYA

48. Y A Y A A l b a c . , Arag. 'abuela' ( D R A E 1359b). IF: aya 'persona encargada en las cosas principales de custodiar niños o jóvenes y de cuidar de su crianza y educación' ( D R A E 150a - attest. XV). COM: Actually, this is consonant addition rather than change. The ultimate etymon is Lat. avia 'grandmother', to which there was no corresponding masculine. A masculine developed in Spanish - ayo - and by accident it is attested before (1107) the reflex of the Latin original. Zamora Vicente (Dialectología 344) hints that yaya may owe something to Catalan, where the reflex is jaia (Griera 9: 3b), but the infantile tendency to prefer structurally repetitive forms is probably explanation enough for the change. H. Back-Formation (1 item) 49. BISBÍS 'especie de juego de azar semejante a la ruleta' (Alonso 710b). IF: biribís 'bisbís, juego totalmente de fortuna' (Alonso 708b - attest. XVIII). COM: Alonso, DRAE (183c), and Monlau (426b) all agree that biribís < Ital. biribisso 'id.' (Devoto 1:332d). Alonso further derives bisbís from biribís, without specifying why this might have occurred, though a back-formation on the B U L L E B U L L E template could explain it. DRAE (184b) does not even associate biribís and bisbís, describing the latter as a «voz onomatopéyica». I. Difficult Cases - cachanchán Cub. 'alcahuete, hombre de confianza' (Alonso 828a, Ortiz Catauro 101), 'hombre de confianza; úsase en la jerga de los politicastros' (Ortiz Afronegr. 81). Deriv. canchanchana Cub. 'concubina' (Ortiz Catauro 119), 'querida' (Sánchez-Boudy Cubanismos 75). The only possible etymon I have located is cachan Ast. 'cachani, el diablo' (Alonso 828a), and this is very weak. Complicating matters is canchánchara Cub. 'terrones de azúcar prieto, muy duros, que se pueden mascar y se chupan', 'refresco hecho con agua de río y 11

Y. M a l k i e l , ibid.

154

miel' (Ortiz Catauro 119), which in spite of its semantic similarity to cachanchán must be unrelated. Ortiz (Afronegr.) traces canchánchara to West Af. catjang 'soup'; cáncharas Dom. 'breñales, malezas' (Neves 102b) is a great phonetic fit, but fails miserably on the semantic side. - burla-burlando m. adv. fam. 'sin advertirlo o sin darse cuenta' «burla burlando hemos andado ya dos leguas» ( D R A E 210a), 'cuando se hace algo sin intentarlo' (Correas 542a). Obviously from burlar 'engañar' (DRAE 210a), the only «difficult» thing about this case is categorizing it. I would call attention to the similarity of this case to the malin-maleando type, studied in the R I F I R R A F E chapter, and to parallels in related languages: Ptg. zomba-zombando 'a pouco e pouco' (Moráis 2560a), Mid. Fr. flot-flottant (Morawski «apophoniques» 352-3), Ital. chetón chetoni 'piano piano' (Devoto 1:531c), Prov. flóu-flóuta 'chapoter lourdement, balloter' (Mistral 1:1147c). One gets the feeling that all of these represent reductions of fully reduplicated forms, e.g., burlando-burlando > burla-burlando. -ala birla birlonga And. m. adv. 'buena vida' (Alonso 708b). This appears, at first blush, to be a compound consisting of birla And. 'juego infantil que consiste en lanzar un palito' (Alonso 708b) + birlonga (< O. Fr. beslonc 'oblongo') 'modo aventurado de jugar al juego del hombre' (Corominas 2:1:589b - attest. 1726). However, considering the expression a la birlonga 'al descuido, a la ventura', from which birla-birlonga surely derived, reduplication of the IF birlonga on the pattern of birlibirloque (on which see R I F I R R A F E ) may be a more attractive hypothesis. -chipichipi, chibichibiCan. 'llovizna suave, pero persistente' (Pérez Vidal 189), vars. chipichipe, chibischibis Can., chipichape Mure., chivachiva Can., chuvichuvi Can. (Pérez Vidal 189-91). With excellent insight into the semantic effect of reduplication, Pérez Vidal remarks (182): «Esta repetición que en cada una se hace del elemento constitutivo pretende expresar la monótona persistencia de la lluvia.» Chipichipi is, he says, onomatopoeic (189), a hypothesis which is incomplete but upon which I cannot improve. The verbs chibichar, chibiriscar (189) etc. are probably derivative, rather than vice versa. Contamination accounts for chivachiva (Can. chivar 'molestar, fastidiar' (189), influenced by chivo), and chuvichuvi (Ptg. chuv- 'rain' < P L O V E R E ) . - chocho, a adj. 'que chochea', 'lelo de puro cariño' (DRAE 413c). A much-disputed case (See Corominas 2:2:388a for 7 different hypotheses), which if Schuchardt is right (Roman Etym. II, 190-1, cited in Coro.), is akin to clueco 'id.', Ptg. chocho '(huevo) huero', where the second consonant is due to template change, as in *noño > ñoño. - Several words appear to be Spanish reduplicatives, but semantic analysis indicates that their similarity to Spanish morphemes is fortuitous, leading to the conclusion that they are borrowed: locoloco Phil, (bot.) 'albahaca' (Alonso 2595a), macho-macho 'urraca azul' (Neves 354a), rica-rica Arg., Bol., Chile 155

'planta aromática medicinal' (Neves 496b). Of course if it could be shown that basil produces insanity, that the macho-macho is masculine in behavior, or that the smell of rica-rica is described as «rico», then these would be added to sec. A of this chapter.

III. History of the Convergence and Template In comparison with the others studied in this volume, the BULLEBULLE template has generated a medium-sized corpus of new convergence forms. The BULLEBULLE CONVERGENCE, however, is one of the largest. Among the contributing sources, the following stand out: 12 (1) Borrowing: Usually I include a «borrowing» template change category, where it seems probable that the template was in part responsible for the attraction and absorption of a foreign term. This may be the case for some of the words listed below, but the sheer numbers involved discouraged me from trying to include them in the template corpus. The heaviest concentration by far is in Spanish America, where local Spanish dialects have picked up scores of words from indigenous languages, many of which, judging by Neves' orthography (e.g., ppucu-ppucu, r'aqui-r'aqui, shishi, plant names) are at best partially adapted to the Spanish phonological system. Since Neves alone records more than 40 pertinent American plant names, a number almost matched by the combination of Pichardo and Alonso, and since the categories of animals (especially birds), insects, minerals, and food names also contain sizable numbers, I list only a few of each. (a) French: bombón 'pieza de chocolate' (Alonso 741a), bebé 'niño de tierna edad' (Alonso 671b). (b) English Cub., P. Rico guasi-guasi 'lavar o limpiar' (Pichardo 355b, also in Alvarez Nazario Elemento Afronegr. 185, who also lists all the following), lukuluku P. Rico 'to look', pisi-pisi P. Rico 'to piss', meri-meri P. Rico 'estar borracho' (< merry), tifi-tifi P. Rico 'to steal'. A Cuban colleague adds foqui-foqui, said by native prostitutes to American visitors. (c) Amerindian languages (all from Neves): barabara Ven. 'árbol indígena' (62a), chigüechigüe Col., Ven. 'planta bromeliácea' (191b), quelénquelén Chil. 'planta herbácea' (476a), chapi-chapi Perú 'planta rubiácea indígena' (180a), chirichirí Arg., Bol., Perú 'planta herbácea medicinal' (202a), yauri-yauri Perú 'planta invasora' (583a), chiru-chiru Arg. 'chirra, pájaro' (204a), jiajía Ven. 'especie de loro' (326a), teruteru R. de la Plata 'tero, ave zancuda' (543b), puipuy Ven. 'osito' (471b), tucu-tucu Bol., Chil., R. de la Plata 'roedor semejante al topo' (561b), shishi Arg. 'hormiga' (515a), maremareVe n. 'baile indígena' (369b). 12

Coco 'bogeyman', became a convergence member through semantic change. Corominas 2:2:110b identifies it as a semantic derivative of 'coconut', the bizarre and head-like shape of the fruit being the point of departure.

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(2) Onomatopoeia. Again, had the numbers been smaller I might have tried to incorporate some of the following into the template change categories. This would have entailed finding the sound-meaning convergences that determined the particular selection of segments for each word (e.g., the paradigm of onomatopoeias in t- denoting blows), an exercise which is sometimes pointless, given the strong nonarbitrary factor in elemental onomatopoeias such as these (references are to Alonso): bisbisar 'musitar' (710b - attest. XVI), borbor 'burbujeo que se produce al hervir' (746a - attest. XVII), cacarear 'dar voces el gallo o la gallina' (825a - attest. XVI), ceceo 'pronunciar la s como c o z ' (1010b - attest. XVII), cío cío 'voz de la gallina clueca' (1095b), cucú 'voz para imitar el canto del cuclillo' (1293a), cuchichiar 'cantar la perdiz' (1294b - attest. XVII), runrún 'rumor' (3668b - attest. 1616), gorgor 'gorgoteo' (2159b - attest. 1515), tac tac 'ruido que producen ciertos movimientos acompasados' (3868a attest. XVII), tan tan 'sonido . . . del tambor' (3883a - attest. 1726), tintín 'sonido de la campanilla o timbre' (3959b), tras tras 'voz con que se significa el golpe repetido' (4018a). (3) Feminine forms of -a- stem adjectives and nouns. Disyllabic adjectives and bigeneric nouns whose vowel is /a/ and whose syllables are otherwise identical assume the form of the B U L L E B U L L E convergence when feminine. These are fully as appropriate as the many adjectives with stem -o-, since these become unsuited to the pattern in the feminine, e. g., boba, (references are to Alonso): gago, a 'tartamudo' (2086a - attest. 1233), nano, a 'enano' (2939b), ñaño, a Amer. 'hermano', 'muy amigo', 'ñoño' (3003a), tato, a 'tartamudo que vuelve la c y la s en f (3901b - attest. 1726), zazo, a 'zazoso, tartajoso' (4244b - attest. XVI). (4) The QUIQUIRIQUÍ convergence. I already remarked (under C) that partial reduplication is a major change category effected by the Q U I Q U I R I Q U Í template. It remains to be said, however, that almost the entire Q U I Q U I R I Q U Í convergence stands as a kind of subclass of B U L L E B U L L E , since its formal paradigm includes a sequence . . . X X . . . (omitting words, such as cuscurrusquinos, with intrusive consonants). (5) There is one final, and particularly important, source of B U L L E B U L L E convergence members, and this is Latin. Indeed, Latin possessed its own small lexical convergence of repetitive form and playful meaning, mostly infantile words and onomatopoeias. Of course, many of these failed to survive, or at least to retain their repetitive structure to the Spanish stage, 13 e. g., baubor 'to bark', bubo 'owl', cucus 'daw', lalla 'lullaby', tax-tax 'sound of the crack of a whip', titio 'to twitter (of a sparrow)', turtur 'turtle-dove', tutu 'hoot of an owl', ulula 'owl', upupa 'hoopoe'. Many others, however, did live on in their repetitive form (cited from Alonso): baba 'saliva . . . que fluye . . . de la boca del hombre' (604b - attest. 1495 < Lat. *baba 'drivel' /?£W853), bárbaro 'individuo 13

The source here is H. T. Peck, «Onomatopoetic Words in Latin», Classical Studies in Honor of Henry Drisler (NY: MacMillan), 1894, 226-39.

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. . . poco civilizado' (641b - attest. XIII < Lat. barbarus 'id.'), caca 'excremento humano y especialmente de los niños pequeños' (825a - attest. 1517 < Lat. cacare 'cagar'), mama 'madre' (2674a - attest. XI < Lat. mamma 'id.'), papa 'sopas blandas que se dan a los niños' (3129b - attest. 1495 < Lat. pap(p)a 'id.'), papa 'padre' (3129b - attest. XVI < Lat. papa 'id.'), susurro 'ruido suave y remiso' (3861a - attest. 1607 < Lat. susurrus 'id.'), tata 'padre' (3901a - attest. 988 < Lat. tata 'id.'). To this list may be added those words that were not structurally repetitive in Latin but which became so in Spanish. I mentioned two of these, soso and ñoño, in the change categories, because their erratic development shows signs of template intervention. The one form which has resulted from perfectly regular phonetic change is bobo 'die. del que tiene poco entendimiento y capacidad' (723a - attest. 1490 < Lat. balbus 'tartamudo'). In this last category we have a well-defined core of words that provided the point of departure for the rapid expansion that has occurred over the past few centuries. As for the precise timing of the expansion, it clearly began very early, especially in the realm of onomatopoeias, which, as indicated above, began appearing as early as the 15th century. Also very ancient are the feminine forms gaga (1233) and zaza (XVI). Among the words studied in the change categories, soso (1475) and pasapasa (1492) are by far the earliest. They were followed in the 17th century by bisbis, guiriguirigay, and burla-burlando, and in the 18th by gori-gori. The true explosion of template activity, we deduce, has occurred in the last 200 years, a time corresponding to the influx of borrowings and the strong development of the QUIQUIRIQUÍ convergence. Besides the Latin convergence and the influx of foreign words, there is one other factor which has conditioned the development of BULLEBULLE as a convergence. This is the fact that the use of repetitive word structure to represent diagrammatic and infantile concepts is a universal, nonarbitrary phenomenon. The concept of nonarbitrariness in form-meaning relations is, in my view, unnecessarily controversial. At issue is a very simple question which has unfortunately become confused with other problems, and worse, become the object of some absolutist doctrine-making. As a result, many linguists now consider the purity of their «belief» in one doctrine or the other to be a point of honor, thus effectively excluding reason from the arena. In order to prepare myself fully for the bold forays I am now making into the terra incognita of the playful vocabulary, I had to confront the question of arbitrariness seriously. The results of my investigation are presented in my book Charles S. Peirce and the Linguistic Sign. Below I present my findings in summary form. Our topic is the relation between the form of a linguistic sign (which I will subsequently call «word») and the meaning that it conveys. The question is: Is this relation arbitrary? That is to say, is there no REASONABLE explanation why a particular form should be attached to a particular meaning? The arbitrariness question should not be confused with the conventionality question, which is: Is the form of words related to their meaning by convention, 158

i. e., an agreement among speakers of a particular language to assign specific meanings to specific forms? The answer to this question is unequivocally yes: All words signify primarily and indispensably by means of convention. The answer to the arbitrariness question, on the other hand, is less absolute: The form-meaning relation is USUALLY, but N O T ALWAYS arbitrary. For most form-meaning pairs (words), no reasonable a priori justification can be found to explain why the particular form should be associated with the particular meaning. A word such as birdhouse is semantically motivated (i. e., its form is related to its meaning nonarbitrarily) a posteriori - once the English language is assumed - since it denotes a house for a bird. Viewed from outside the English language, however, the relation between the form birdhouse and the concept 'birdhouse' is utterly inexplicable. Convention is the only link. What would constitute a reasonable justification for the pairing of a form with a meaning? There are two types: First, the relation would be nonarbitrary if the two entities were interpreted as being similar in some significant way, i.e., as sharing certain significant properties. The key word here is «interpreted». Any two things share an infinite number of insignificant properties: pen and 'pen', for example, both appear on this page. Only if the word's interpreter notices the shared properties and considers them germane to the word's meaning do they constitute a reasonable justification for the pairing. The second type of reasonable justification is contiguity, by which I mean any natural association other than similarity, as smoke is related to fire, bluegrass is associated with Kentucky, or diapers are associated with babies. A natural relation is one that is determined by the nature of things, the way things happen to be in this universe of ours, for whatever reason. We may now consider an example, say cock-a-doodle-doo, which means 'cry of the cock'. The first step is to say that this form designates this meaning primarily and indispensably because the two are the subject of a convention among speakers of English which so legislates. Without this convention cock-a-doodledoo would be uninterpretable, i. e., nonsense. The second step is to say that, given that this form and this meaning are linked in English, further analysis reveals that two types of reasonable justification can be found to explain why the one should be associated with the other. The first is similarity, primarily of a structural type: the conspicuous polysyllabicity of this form corresponds to the multi-segmented nature of actual cock-cries. The relationship of contiguity is more difficult to explain, but it rests on the concept of imitation. Imitation is used to produce likenesses, but the likenesses are produced through association by contiguity. This is illustrated by photographs. A photograph is of course similar to the thing it represents, as cock-adoodle-doo is similar to a cock's cry (only moreso, of course). But the photographic likeness is produced in a cause-and-effect (i.e., contiguous) manner through the workings of the laws of optics, which operate to cause the molecules of the film to arrange themselves in certain patterns corresponding to the patterns of light that entered the lens. Since a camera - a mechanical device 159

mediates in the making of a photograph, we would not normally call this imitation. However, the production of a painting by a painter follows precisely the same sequence of events, except that the painter acts as the mediator, producing on canvas an imitation of what he sees. The only remaining step in the explanation is to change media, from visual to acoustic. Thus, an onomatopoeia is a kind of acoustic painting, produced by imitating, through the medium of speech-sounds, a nonspeech sound, usually one occurring in nature. This is the second reasonable explanation for the pairing of cock-a-doodle-doo with its meaning. We may now proceed to the nonarbitrary relationships between repetitive form and diagrammatic and infantile meanings. There are two separate relationships, the first primarily based on similarity, and the second completely based on contiguity. We normally think of diagrams as visual constructs, but sound may also represent relationships in a geometric manner, as when the loudness of the sound produced by a blow acts as an indication of its force, or as the pitch produced by blowing air across the top of a bottle covaries with the amount of liquid inside. More germane to the present topic is that the countability of separate sound units also allows diagramming. If I hear the sound of two footsteps, I infer that someone took two steps. This is precisely the effect of repetitive word structure. By incorporating in themselves a repetition, repetitively structured words are automatically similar to meanings which involve the concept of repetition in some way. When they are bound in form-meaning pairs with such concepts, therefore, they represent them nonarbitrarily. As I stated in Chapter One, where I traced the semantic domain of diagrammatical concepts, this includes actions that are repeated (rasca-rasca), continuous (duerme-duerme), or intensified (toletole), as well as intensified qualities (friofrío), and plurality (tac tac). 1

The contiguous connection between infantility and repetitive word-structure is based on the a priori fact that young language-learning children tend to produce such structure. Again, the link between the two is imitation. «Baby-talk is an imitation by an adult of child speech, which is itself an imitation of adult speech.» 14 «Thus one talks in child-fashion to the child, and attempts to imitate the phonological, grammatical, and lexical peculiarities of his speech . . . In short, the child is an imitator who himself is imitated.» 15

I already mentioned in Chapter Three that among the effects of this imitation is the predominance, in infantile words, of stop and nasal consonants, extreme vowels, and cv syllable structure. Repetitive word structure is simply one more phenomenon to add to this list. I will not cite examples here because this entire book is literally filled with them. 14 15

A. Kelkar, «Marathi Baby Talk», Word 20 (1964), 41. R. Jakobson, Child Language, Aphasia and Phonological Mouton), 1968, 16.

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Universals (The Hague:

I have been explaining why these form-meaning relations arc nonarbitrary, but I also characterized them as universal. Becausc nonarbitrary form-meaning relations arc based on similarity and associations imposed by real-world relationships, and because human beings as a group expcricncc and perceive the fundamental aspects of reality in the same way, these nonarbitrary relationships could be and in fact have flic potential to be realized in any natural language whatever. In the third chapter of Peirce I list structurally repetitive words from 6 - 8 totally unrelated languages for each of the categories listed above; Sapir"' finds diagrammatic examples in perhaps a dozen more, and Ferguson's 17 survey of baby talk in six unrelated languages shows that repetitive word structure is one of the common denominators. But two qualifications arc required. First, nonarbitrary form-meaning relations arc only potentially, not actually universal. There may be any number of languages that do not employ repetition to denote diagrammatic or infantile concepts. Unfortunately I know of none, but I do not doubt their existence, since both Japanese and the Bantu languages lack vocalic apophony, which is also universally potential. Second, I must stress that nonarbitrary potentialities arc realized only sporadically. On the one hand, plenty of diagrammatic and infantile concepts arc represented by forms which arc not repetitive in structure: repeat, again, recur, gun fight, lamentations-, diaper, crib, toy, pablum, hide and seek. In addition, not all words that happen to be repetitive in structure arc necessarily associated with these concepts. In Latin, for example, reduplication occurred as a marker for the perfect tenses, c. g., cecidi 'I fell' vis-a-vis cado 'I fall'. Examples from Spanish include (al)cuzcuz 'Arabic pastry', coco 'coconut', 'worm', bebe 'drinks' (3rd person sing.), nono 'ninth', cese 'cease' (1st and 3rd pcrs. sing, subjunctive, scscantc pronunciation). I have taken the trouble to explain this complex problem because I believe that the nonarbitrary potentiality attached to the form of the BUi.i.muji.i.ii convergence has played a decisive role in its development. How else, indeed, to explain the remarkable concentration of the words in this convergence in the diagrammatic and infantile categories? True, the convergence core inherited from Latin already showed this concentration, but it is only too clear that this is not accidental cither. The reasonable conclusion is that the universal connection favored the continued development in Spanish of the already initiated convergence. Comparative cvidcncc. Given the universality of the form-meaning complexes I have been describing, and the considerable extent of the structure in Latin, it is not at all surprising that the other Romance languages arc also fully equipped with their own convergences.

17

E. Sapir, op. cit., 80-82 C. Ferguson, «Baby Talk in Six Languages», The Ethnography of J. J. Gumperz and D. Hymcs, cds. (Spccial publication of American vol. 66 (1964), no. 6, pt. 2), 103-14.

Communication, Anthropologist,

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I have already mentioned that two Spanish members - bebé and bombón are Gallicisms. This convergence is, in fact, the only one which has a significant counterpart in French. True, there are a small number of cases parallel to RIFIRRAFE, TROCHEMOCHE, and REQUILINDORIOS, but the -Vj L Vj- convergences, as I have indicated repeatedly, are completely missing in French, and there is no sign of TIMBIRIMBA either. On the whole, however, one would have to say that what French lacks in variety it makes up in quantity, as its stock of BULLEBULLE equivalents is truly phenomenal. As a matter of fact, Morin 18 claims that reduplication is a highly productive synchronic rule that may be applied to almost any mono- or di-syllabic semantically playful root. This rule, which he formulates (p. 100) as Q

V

1

2

C0

3 -

1 2

1 2

3

thus determines such derivations as bébête 'silly' < bête 'id.', chouchou 'favorite, teacher's pet' < chou 'endearment', cucul 'silly' < cui 'arse', foufou, fofolle 'a little bit crazy' < fou, folle 'crazy', blabla 'unnecessary, insignificant talk', boubouler 'to hoot (owl)', coin-coin 'quack-quack', cuicui 'peep-peep (of small birds)'. Of course French also inherited many of the same words from Latin that we found in Spanish: maman, caca, papa 'father', susurrer, and has borrowed words from English (bébé) and Arabic (kif-kif 'identical'), among others. I will not attempt to make a full catalog. Well over 100 are listed by Morin, and Kocher 19 adds many more with special attention to French dialects. For Italian, Kocher is again an excellent source, particularly as regards dialectal production. Membership is again ample, though not as exuberant as in French, in both semantic areas: (1) infantile: bebé 'baby' (< Fr.), nini 'small child', tata 'nursemaid', 'papa', popo 'excrement', nanna 'sleep', totò 'spanking', pappo 'mush', cocco 'teacher's pet', (2) diagrammatic: trantran 'routine', à gogo 'without limit' (< Fr.), cancan 'cancan dance' (< Fr.). The remaining three Romance groups I have surveyed (with the exception of Gascon) show approximately equal numbers of convergence members. In Basque, reduplication is apparently a productive synchronic rule as in French, used especially for the production of intensified adjectives, e.g., berobero 'very hot' (L. Mugica 126) < bero 'hot'. Portuguese (cited from Moráis): chape-chape s. m. 'ruido que faz un corpo batendo noutro, especialmente quando líquido . . . terreno duro e seco' (520b), puxa-puxa adj. Bras, 'diz-se da calda de açucar, quando começa a solidificar-se' (1946a), quiquiqui adj. e s. m. Bras, 'individuo gago', 'o que fala ou pronuncia mal' (1970b), ningres-ningres s. m. pop. 'individuo acanhado, timido', 'individuo sem valor' (1620a), tepe-tepe s. m. 'onomatopeia que traduz o andar mais ou menos lèpido' (2318b), teque-teque s. m. Bras, 'nome dado ao vendedor de 18 19

«The Phonology of Echo Words in French», Language 48 (1972), 97-108. R. Kocher, Reduplikationsbildungen im Französischen und Italienischen Sauerländer), 1921.

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(Aarau:

fazendas e objectos da amarinho, em virtude de substituir o pregáo pelo bater de réguas ou varas', 'passarinho' (2318b), tira-que-tira loe. adv. 'em movimento rápido e prolongado', 'pertinazmente' (2343b), funfungagà 'fungagá', 'filarmónica ordinária, reles' (1124a), zomba-zombando loe. adv. 'por zombaria, por chalaça, como quem nao quer', 'a pouco e pouco' (2560a). Catalan (cited from Griera): bitllo-bitllo 'de pressa', 'expressió que val dir pagar . . . immediatament' (2:162b), coixeu-coixeu adv. 'ranquejant' (4:96a), gori-gori 'onomatopeia del llatí dels cants funerals' (8:154b), mitjó-mitjó 'ni bo ni dolent' (10:193b), nyam-nyam 'es diu en contemplar una persona que manja amb molta gana o golafreria', 'nom infantí del menjar' (10:318b), raurau 'remordiment de consciència' (12:67a), rinxo-rinxo 'gairebé, una mica mes' (12:184b), terrús-terrús (anar) 'navegar prop de terra' (14:78a), trap-trap, traptrap 'el soroll del cavall que galopa, deis peus' (14:139a), xano-xano (caminar) 'poco apoco' (14:308b). Provençal (cited from Mistral): chanchan 'en clopinant' (1:529a), dindin, tintín, drindrin, trintrin, din-delin 'tintín de clochette, verre, argent' (1:803b), flan-flan s. m. 'clinquant', 'colifichet' (1:1143a), flou-flou s. m. 'personne grasse et avachie', 'négligent, paresseux' (1:1147b), flou-flou 'frôlement, bruit léger d'une étoffe, froufrou' (1:1147b), floun-floun adv. et s. m. 'a gros bouillons', 'flonflon, refrain de chanson' (1:1147c), plan-plan 'bien doucement' (2:590b), rico-rico loc. adv. 'ric-à-ric' (2:790b), tenguen-tenguen 'donnant-donnant, de la main à la main' (2:975a), zounzoun 'onom. du son du violon' (2:1148a). Gascon / Béarnais: choubát-choubát adj. s. 'qui tête sans cesse' (Palay 237a). Basque (only a few of dozens) : bala-bala 'correr una noticia' (López M. 121), bananbanan 'por separado' (L. Múgica 112), barra-barra 'profusamente' (L. Múgica 114), barren-barrendik 'profundamente' (L. Múgica 114), barrubarruko 'intrínseco' (L. Múgica 115), berobero 'muy caliente' (L. Múgica 126). Dialectal Distribution. The B U L L E B U L L E and T I M B I R I M B A templates are the two whose activity has been most heavily concentrated in America. The proportion, in fact, is 27 American to 20 Spanish, where the latter number includes the 9 words used in Spanish universally (excluding moromoro, which is not universally known, and guiriguirigay, antiquated). Dialectal peninsular forms have originated in Galicia (1), Leon (1), Navarre (3), Aragon (2), and Andalusia (3). In America, the situation is confused by (a) words whose recorded distribution suggests wider extension, e. g., lele, registered in Central America, Chile and Argentina, but not for the intermediate areas, (b) single entries which have meanings different enough to constitute different words, e.g., chupachupa, which is a toy in Argentina, a plant in Colombia, and an insect in Cuba. Registering both types of forms as simply American, for simplicity's sake, we find 9 general American terms, 5 Cuban, with one each in the Dominican Republic and Puerto Rico, one in the Guatemala-Honduras area, 5 in Colombia, 2 in Chile, and one each in Perú, Argentina, and Bolivia. Cuba and Puerto Rico are particularly strong when the English borrowings, e.g., guasi-guasi, are included. The popularity of the convergence in America is no doubt connected 163

to the apparent omnipresence of such forms in Amerindian languages, and their acceptance in substantial numbers into the local Spanish dialects. Infantile evidence. With what I have said about repetitive word structure and infantility it should come as no surprise that these words appear in great numbers in infantile poetry and songs. Some of my citations constitute real words, e . g . , pimpiti 'pizpirigana' (Rodriguez Marin 1:115, Cadilla juegos 75, Serra Boldu 559, Celaya 68), lata, lata 'lullaby' (Caro 2:240), gorigori (Cordova y Ona 279), pompon (Cordova y Ofia 122); caracol, col, col (Serra Boldu 580) is an interesting variation on a real word. Quite a few of the repetitive structures are combined with other elements, e. g., pin zoropin (Rodriguez Marin 1:49), matarile, rile, rile (Llorca 107, Cadilla juegos 179, Celaya 95, Mendoza 9, Cordova y Ona 26a), saca saquilla (Cadilla juegos 95), tra lara lara lito (Cadilla poesia 267), tiro-tiro-la (Carvalho-Neto 76), poli-politana (Celaya 15). Other, purely repetitive examples, include: triqui triqui (Cordova dc F. 263, Rodriguez Marin 1:45), which rhymes with Rique, truque truque (Rodriguez Marin 1:45), which rhymes with duque, and chin-chin (Llorca 74, Carvalho-Neto 76).

164

CHAPTER EIGHT

RIFIRRAFE

I. Description of the Convergence and Template The basic structure of the

RIFIRRAFE

convergence / template is

(1) Xi V, Yj X¡ V 2 Yj i. c., two sequences identical or almost identical except for tonic vowels. In all but two cases I cite (barquín-barcón, zipizopo), these vowels are I'll and /a/: (2) Xj

i

Yj X¡ a Yj

A basic division may be made according to whether the tonic vowel occurs in the first or last syllable. The former variety (which includes 29 of the 49 i/a headwords I cite here) can be formulated as (omitting, for convenience, subscripts): (3) C (L) i (N) C ( V ) . . . C (L) a (N) C ( V ) . . . e. g., bimba-bamba. (Zipizopo also shows this stress pattern.) The oxytonic variety takes a number of forms. First, 10 of the words cited seem to incorporate a dual stressed suffix -in -án: (4) X-ín X-án e. g., aserrín aserrán. (Barquín-barcón is closely related.) Another 6 are based on a variant of this pattern, in which the second sequence is verbal in form, either gerundive as in (5) (5) X-in e. g., tontin-tonteando (6)X-i(n)

X-eando (and 3 others), or participial as in (6) X-ado

e . g . , colorín colorado (and one other). Jijí jajá is the sole example of yet another variant of the pattern. Analysis of initial consonants shows the usual preponderance of stops (19), affricates (10), and unvoiced (32) consonants. Liquids (6), nasals (4) and the segment lb/ (4) are also well represented. The semantic uniformity of the class is truly impressive. Every word, with the possible exception of colorín colorado, fits neatly into one of the diagrammatic categories described in Chapter One. Six of the words (chipichape, 165

chipichapa, ñique-ñaque, rifirrafa, bolín-bolán, zimpi-zampa) carry a connotation or denotation of worthlessness or untrustworthiness. The entire remainder suggests some type of alternation, e. g., aserrín aserrán the visual alternation of sawing, así que asado vacillation between two choices, cojín-cojeando the swaying of a cripple, zis zas the sound and sight of blows delivered from two sides, and so on.

II. T e m p l a t e C h a n g e Categories The categories include (A) reduplication based on the /i/ stem (11), (B) reduplication based on the /a/ stem (15), (C) compounding (4), (D) borrowing (2), (E) i/o reduplication (2), and (F) suffixation or suffixoidation i/a (16). A. Reduplication Based on the /i/ Stem (11 items) C í (N) C V . . . 1 2 3 4 5 6 - > - 1 2 3 4 5 6 1 á 3 4 5 6 In Chapter One, I remarked that several scholars had recognized the template nature of apophonic reduplication in English. Marchand (Categories 347), for example, compiled a list of 23 based on the first sequence, 5 on the second, and 12 compounds. Not surprisingly, these are the first three categories for Spanish as well, though the /i/ and /a/ categories are more nearly balanced, with 10 and 14 respectively. Aside from the words in this section that are etymologized for the first time here (zinguizangue, pincho-pancho, gila-jala, china-chana, cimba-zamba), my principal contribution is to the histories of rifirrafe and especially ringorrango and ñiqueñaque. Following my principle of lexical continuity, outlined in Chapter One, I reject the «creation» hypotheses that had become attached to these words: Corominas had described ringorrango as the «onomatopeya del chirrido de la pluma», and rifirrafe as a compound of the «alternating roots» rifand raf-, while Morawski called ñiqueñaque an onomatopoeia. In each case, I identify a concrete word - based on /i/ - as the root morpheme or IF. 1.

R I F I R R A F E m. fam. 'contienda o bulla ligera sin transcendencia' (Alonso 3630a-attest. 1726). IF: rifar 'efectuar el juego de la rifa' (attest. 1726), 'reñir, contender' (attest. 1605); cf. Mid. Fr. ne laisser ni rifni raf, ni riffle ni raffle 'rien du tout', Mod. Prov. de riflo e de raflo 'de quoi que ce soit', rifou-rafou, Mid. Fr. riffe-raffe 'jeu de dés' (Morawski 1 ); Fr. rafle 'jeu de dés oü d'un seul coup on peut enlever toutes les mises', rafler 'piller', Germ. Raffel < raffen 'emporter vivement' (Petit Robert 1450a). 1

J. Morawski, «Les formules apophoniques en espagnol et en roman», RFE 16 (1929), 354; hereafter referred to as «apophoniques». 166

COM: Alonso'S hypothesis «de rifar» is accepted here, although it is of course incomplete without reference to the i/a template. On the other hand, the existence of Fr. rafter makes the compound hypothesis highly plausible as well. Coraminas 1:4:21a and Monlau 1009a both posit a different type of compounding, the former stating that rif- and ra/- are variants of an «expressive root», and the latter citing Germanic roots for both parts of the compound: Bav. riffen 'arañar' and Germ, raffen 'llenarse por fuerza'. DRAE 1149b says simply «voz onomatopéyica». 2.

R I F I R R A F A f. s. 'vendedora, vivandera' (Alonso 3630a - attest. 1884), 'tahura cantinera de ejército' (Coraminas 1:4:21b). IF: rifar (see preceding article). COM: Coraminas rejects as «inverosímil» the widely held view that this word is an Arabism, from rafrafa 'dulces, golosinas' (Alonso, Morawski «apophoniques» 354, DRAE 1149a). The connection with gambling is sufficient to justify derivation from rifar. An obvious defect in the Arabism hypothesis is the word's late date of appearance.

3.

f. fam. 'sujeto o cosa despreciable' (Alonso 3004b - attest. 1726). V A R S : niquinaca And. f. 'cosa o asunto sin importancia' (Alcalá Venceslada 427b), ñiquiñaca And. 'niquinaca' (Alcalá Venceslada 431b), Nav. 'expresión que se usa para denotar las tiradillas, punzadas, reproches, pullas, indirectas, etc., de los que molestan a otro o tratan de armar pelea o discusión' «Todo el día ñiquiñaca» 'discutiendo, riñendo' (Iribarren 361b), «no andar uno con ñique y ñaca» Chile 'no proceder con doblez, no tener dos caras' (Alonso 3004b). IF: Late Latin nichil < nihil 'nothing'; cf. Sicil. nnícchitti nnícchitti 'per ischerzo quando vuolsi negare una cosa', O. Fr. niquenoque 'chiquenaude', M. Fr. nicquenocquer 'faire des niaiseries, faire le niguad', niquenoque 'jeu oü l'on se donnait des chiquenaudes', (Morawski «apophoniques» 363-4), Cat. nyic-i-nyoc 'baladí', 'mal fet', nyigui-nyogui 'baladí, feble' (Griera 10:319b), Prov. gnicgnac, gnigo-gnago 'reproches que l'on se fait dans une altercation' (Mistral 2:62c). ÑIQUEÑAQUE

COM: The Pan-Romanic extension of this root, combined with complicating factors such as palatalization, semantic contaminations, and back-formation, led Morawski, who is alone in having speculated on the etymology of the group, to assume that an onomatopoeia is involved. I do not think there can be any doubt that the actual source is nichil, since it appears in more pristine form in almost all if not all the Western Romance languages: Prov. niquet m. 'un rien, une bagatelle', 'petite monnaie' (Mistral 2:409c, and derived by him from nichil), Cat. nyic 'xic, petit, migrat' (Griera 10:319a), Mid. Fr. niquet 'petit monnaie de cuivre', 'chose de peu de valeur' (Morawski «apophoniques» 363), Sp. cómo ñique Chil. 'cómo no, es locución humorística y de burla' (Alonso 3004b), blended with other elements in niquiscocio 'negocio de poca importancia' (at167

test. 1726 - Corominas 2:4:261b says this is a blend of negocio and quisquilla, rejecting Spitzers MLN 72 (1957) suggestion of nichil), niquitoso Arag. 'dengoso, minucioso', niquelrefe Sant. 'mequetrefe' (Alonso 2978b), Log. nikéle 'unbestimmte Sache, Dingsda', 'männliches Glied' (REW 488 s.v. nihil), Ptg. nica 'ninharia', 'melindre exagerado' (Moráis 1617b). Now for the complications: (1) As to the palatalized ñ-, several Spanish dialects have this as a more or less generalized phenomenon, Nav. ñabaxa 'navaja', ñudo 'nudo' (Iribarren 361), And. nube 'nube' (Alcalá Venceslada 431b). More important is the existence in Spanish of a small playful convergence involving ñ-: cf. ñaña Chil. 'criada', ñaño, a Col. 'consentido', ñoño, a 'die. de la persona apocada' ( D R A E 929). (2) Once the nichil root had entered the arena of linguistic playfulness, it became susceptible to the kinds of severe formal and semantic modifications that commonly occur there. Formally, it was altered by the R I M R K A F U template, cither i/a or i/o, depending on the language. (3) Most of the meanings represented arc natural developments from 'nothing', e. g., to 'thing of little importance', 'negation in general', 'weak and sickly'. The meanings 'punzadas, reproches' and 'no tener dos caras' arc common developments in apophonic words, since apophony nonarbitrarily represents back and forth movements, hence verbal jabs and also two-facedness. Morawski failed to recognize this, and instead hypothesized that nic-nac-noc were «sons produits par Ic claqucment des dents ou des doigts servant commc interjection pour exprimer lc dédain» (362). (4) One very puzzling feature of this set of words, one that kept me off the track for a while, is the existence of Sp. naque, ñaque 'conjunto o montón de cosas inútiles o ridiculas', 'compañía antigua de cómicos que constaba sólo de 2 hombres' (Alonso 3(X)3b - attest. 1646, 1786), ñaco Rioj. Nav. 'pequeño, despreciable' (Iribarren 361a, Magaña 291). The early attestation dates suggest that ñique-ñaque might be a compound. However, the lack of a convincing etymon for ñaque, along with the fact, suggested by the PanRomanic extension of the form, that ñique-ñaque and vars. arc probably much older in Spanish than their first attestations indicate (1726), arc sufficiently convincing to me to justify the identification of ñaque as a back-formation. 4.

C H I N A C H A N A Arag. m. adv. 'poco a poco, con alguna pena, pero sin parar' (Pardo Asso 119), 'andar despacio', 'pasear', 'andar con cuidado' (Arnal Cavcro 14). IF: china Nav. 'juego de chicas que consiste en empujar, saltando sobre un solo pie, una piedra, un tejo, o un tacón de goma' (Iribarren 173a), Gen. Sp. 'piedra pequeña y a veces redondeada' ( D R A E 410b). COM: Most likely the game is responsible for the concept of precarious walking, though the expression poner chinas a uno 'suscitarle dificultades' (Alonso 1351b) suggests that this intermediate step may be unnecessary. The game called china in most of the Spanish-speaking world is quite different: «metiendo en el puño una piedrecita u otra cosa semejante, y presentando las dos manos cerradas, después de preguntar: «¿En qué mano está?», el que acierta dirige el

168

juego.» (Scrra Boldú 546). What is called china in Navarre is a kind of hopscoteh called unillo by Scrra Boldú (577). Parallel to china chana is Fr. cahincaha 'd'une maniere précaire' (Petit Robert 212b). 5.

Mure, 'llovizna persistente' (García Soriano 39a, Pérez Vidal 189). IF: chipichipi 'id.' (Garcia Soriano, Perez Vidal). COM: Perez Vidal «Nombres de la lluvia menuda en la isla de la Palma (Canarias)» 189 lists Mure, chipichape along with the following Canarian forms: chipichipi, chibichibi, chipechipe, chibischibis. Could there be a connection between these and Basque txipi 'pequeño' (López M. 560a)? Cf. the apparently unrelated gente de chipichape < chape, and chipa-chapa. CHIPICHAPE

6.

R I N G O R R A N G O m. fam. 'rasgo de pluma exagerado e inútil' (attest. 1726), 'cualquier adorno superfluo y extravagante', Ar., Nav. 'boato, lujo, ostentación', Sant. 'cintajos y alamares en vestidos de mucho vuelo y llamativos' (Alonso 3232b), Ast. 'pitarronsoña, juguete que se forma cubriendo media cáscara de nuez con un pedazo de pergamino o badana, en cuyo centro se inserta una crin larga, llevando los extremos a un palito con mortaja. Al moverla, describiendo un círculo, produce un ruido algo parecido al del abejorro' (Acevedo 195, 175). V A R S : ringundango Salm. 'adorno de mal gusto', 'alamar', 'cintajo' (Lamano 618), rinrán Mure., rímram Val. m. 'fritada, especie de pisto compuesto de pimientos, tomates, patatas, bacalao o atún' (García Soriano 113b), rangaranga Bol. 'tripicallos de vaca condimentados con ají y otros ingredientes' (Alonso 3504b), ringuilón, ringrón Gal. s. m. 'renglón' (Carré Alvarcllos 654a). IF: Frankish hring 'círculo, como de personas' (Coraminas 2:5:26a), cf. Cat. anar ringo-rango 'anar de mal borrás' (Griera 12:184a), Prov. ríngo-rango, dringo-drango loe. adv. 'exprime le bruit et le mouvement de deux corps qu'on fait successivcmcnt monter et dcscendrc' (Mistral 2:793c), Germ. Ringelrangel 'Ringelreihen der Kinder; dazu singen die Mädchen: «Ringelrangel Rosen, schöne Aprikosen»' (Grimm 8:999a).

COM: The etymon quoted is citcd by Coraminas, not for ringorrango (which he explains, to my astonishment, as «onomatopeya del chirrido de la pluma» 1:4:28b), but for ringlera f. 'fila o línea de cosas', ringlero m. 'cada una de las líneas del papel pautado en que aprenden a escribir los niños' ( D R A E 1149c), etc., which are in turn reflexes of Cat. renguera < reng 'hilera', with contamination by regla. Elsewhere 2 ,1 understated the complexity of this problem. I must add that, though hring is the ultimate etymon of ringorrango, and thus apparently qualifying it for inclusion in this template, there are strong indications that the latter was borrowed. 3 The problem is that I am unable to determine the 2 1

D. Pharics, «What is 'creación expresiva'?» HR 52 (1984), 177. Of course ringar, an Andalusian variant of derrengar (Alonso 3632b), and rango 'clase, categoría', 'situación social elevada' (DRAE 1103a), which did not appear until 1879, arc excluded from consideration.

169

trajectory of the borrowing. First, the form of Germ. Ringelrangel seems to indicate direct wholesale borrowing, but this seems unlikely in view of the rarity of modern German-Spanish transmission and the semantic shift involved. Second, neither the Prov. nor the Cat. forms are semantically associable with ringorrango. Only ringlero, in fact, which refers to handwriting, approximates the meaning sought. This suggests that Cat. reng may be the immediate source, and that *ringlo-ranglo was simplified because of an overabundance of liquids, or perhaps ring- was separated out from a form like Gal. ringuilón. But this leaves the problem of Prov. and Cat. ringo-rango. The var. ringundango, it seems to me, must be a later derivative of ringorrango, judging from its generalized meaning. At any rate, I am fairly sure that rinrán and all its equivalents are offshoots of this same lexical branch; the meaning 'mishmash of food' is obviously easily derivable from any of the others cited, and has parallels in apophonic words from many unrelated languages, cf. Malay sajoeur-majoeur 'edible greens of all sorts', Basque azur-mazurrak 'leftovers'. 7.

P I N C H O - P A N C H O Dom. m. 'entre muchachos dominicanos, juego que se efectúa con una semilla de cajuil (anacardio) entre el puño. Pincho es la parte opuesta a la que va adherida (pancho) a la fruta. Si un muchacho a quien le dice otro que le muestre el fruto: ¿pincho-pancho? responde «pincho» y la semilla está con la parte corva o superior hacia arriba, gana; si no, pierde y tiene que dar una semilla' (Patín Maceo 156b—7a). IF: pinchar 'picar, punzar o herir con una cosa aguda' (Alonso 3280a - attest. 1726). COM: Although the description of the game does not make clear how the concept of 'piercing' is involved, pinchar is elected here by default. There is no candidate for a pancho etymon; one finds only 'cría del besugo', 'panza', Hond. 'mono, mico' (Alonso 3120b). Compare Ven. pinchi-pinchi 'al contado, contante y sonante' (Alonso 3280b), where pinchar refers to the «feel» of cash in the hand.

8.

G I L A - J A L A Arag. 'voz con que se significa el parloteo o conversación animada entre mujeres' (Pardo Asso 188). IF: gilar And. 'tontear' (Alcalá Venceslada 299b). COM: Complicating matters are jalar 'tirar de un cabo, de un remo', Sant. 'tener querencia o afición' (Alonso 2439b), Nav. 'comer' (Iribarren 285b), jalear And. 'halear, ojear, espantar la caza', jaleo 'ruido grande, algarabía' (Alcalá Venceslada 337c), since they show that gila-jala may be a compound, or else perhaps a derivative of jalar alone. Any of these meanings could be extended figuratively to speaking, but the fact that no such extension is recorded is a deficiency in the hypothesis. The problem with the gilar hypothesis is that the proposed IF is Andalusian rather than Aragonese.

9.

( E S T A R E N E L ) T Í B I R I - T Á B A R A Cub. 'estar pasándola' (Sánchez-Boudy Dicc. 316), 'estar contento, estar bien' (Espina Pérez 191b).

170

IF: tíbiri n. d. (Alvarez Nazario Elem. afronegr. 390). COM: Sánchez-Boudy adds that «surgió el cubanismo con una canción». The word, or part of it, does appear (though without the appropriate accent marks) in a song included by R. C. Caballero in his 1892 play «la juega de gallos o el negro bozal» (Alvarez Nazario): «Ay, tibiri corona inguaco. / Ay, tibiri, biri qui ne . . . / Ay, tibiri que negro fuá / . . . de branco que tan diablá.» The language here is obviously part Spanish, part African (Alvarez Nazario speculates that it may be «la lengua ki-mavia, de Mozambique», 184n). Failing to find the apophonic extension here, I hypothesize (admittedly on flimsy evidence) that it took place later in Spanish, under the influence of the R I F I R R A F E template. The word tábara has an independent but unrelated existence: f. 'lugar de corrupción' (Alonso 3863b), 'municipio de la provincia de Zamora', 'río de la República Dominicana' (EUI58:1368b). 10.

C I M B A Z A M B A Arag. 'voz excitando a dar más pegando, la acción de golpear' (Pardo Asso 92). IF: (1) cimbrar 'dar a uno con una vara o palo' (Alonso 1064a), cimbrazo Arag. m. 'golpe dado con una cosa larga y flexible' (Pardo Asso). COM: There are two more hypotheses. First, the root may be zambalear Nav. 'tambalear' (Alonso 4231a), zambombazo 'porrazo, golpazo' (Alonso 4231b). Second, the word could be a compound of cimbrar and zambalear. Obviously, I favor cimbrar alone.

11. Z I N G U I Z A N G U E Argot, 'terciado o machete' (Hill 48 - attest. 1609). IF: (Two hypotheses) (1) Gal. cinguir 'ceñir', 'apretar la cintura' (Carré Alvarellos 264a), (2) cinglar Sant. 'zarandear al niño en la cuna' (Penny 342). COM: Both possible etyma have their merits and demerits. Ceñir espada means 'wear a sword', but the very limited dialectal extension of cinguir, and the phonetic unacceptability of the antiquated var. cingir (DRAE 303b) cast doubt. Cinglar has the merit of referring to a back and forth movement, which one might suppose is suggested by the apophony of zinguizangue, as in chischás 'ruido de la espadas al chocar unas con otras en la lucha' (Alonso 1360a). The problem here is -I- (but compare cingolondango, also from cinglar), and the pragmatic difference between the infantile milieu of cinglar and the swashbuckling bravado of argotic zinguizangue. B. Reduplication Based on the /a/ Stem (14 items) C (L) á (N) C (V) 1 2 3 4 5 6 - ^ 1 2

Í

4 5 6 1 2 3 4 5 6

The highlight in this section is chiquichaque, since, as with ñiqueñaque and ringorrango in the previous section, my account represents a distinct advance in the method of dealing with onomatopoeic words. Granted that chiquichaque is imitative, it still remains to be explained WHY it took precisely this form rather than another. As shown below, I find the answer in the lexical structure of Spanish. 171

12.

CHIQUICHAQUE s. m

*ci ruido que se hace con las quijadas cuando se masca fuertemente' (attest. 1638), 'el que tenía por oficio aserrar piezas gruesas de madera' (Alonso 1356a - attest. 1726). IR chascar 'mascar ruidosamente' (Alonso 1338b - attest. XVII). COM: Coraminas 2:2:368a, DRAEAUb, Monlau 566b, and DEEH 208 all consider chiquichaque to be of onomatopoeic origin, a hypothesis which, in my opinion, explains very little. I do not deny that the word is synchronically onomatopoeic, nor that imitation played a role in motivating its formation. I merely hold that its properties were not chosen at random, but taken from chascar, of the same meaning and attested in the same century, with the subsequent loss of -s- in the process of template formation. 13. B I M B A - B A M B A Nav. 'columpio' (Iribarren 81b). IF: bamba 'columpio' (Alonso 629b), Cub. 'silla o asiento de columpio' (Pichardo 129b). COM: Most etymologists attribute bamba to an onomatopoeic root of some sort (Corominas Breve 8 2 a - b , defined as 'bobo', DEEH S 911, REW\i 922). Monlau 401a however, cites Greek bambalizein 'tartamudear, vacilar' as well as equivalent expressions in French and Italian, which seem to establish a much more concrete history. Bamba is actually probably a derivative of bambolear, bambolear 'moverse una persona o cosa a un lado y otro sin perder el sitio en que está' ( D R A E 161a). Bimbi Nav. 'columpio' (Iribarren 81b) must be a back-formation from bimba-bamba, as it is not otherwise attested in this meaning (cf. bimba 'sombrero de copa' DRAE 183b). 14.

CHIPA-CHAPA

Arag. 'voz significando el ruido que se hace con los pies andando entre charcos y moviendo el agua con las manos' (Pardo Asso 120). VAR: chípala-chápala Arag. 'id.' (Pardo Asso). IFS: chapalear 'sonar el agua batida por las manos y los pies' ( D R A E 405c), chapotear 'id.', chapullar 'id.', chapuzar 'meter a uno de cabeza en el agua' (DRAE 406b). COM: Pardo Asso's etymon is chapaleta Arag. f. 'lodo y agua en los caminos y calles'. This may be correct, but although I prefer to cite individual etyma for onomatopoeic words, in this case I feel that the best we can do is narrow the field down to the convergence chap- 'sounds made by water', listed above. 15.

TRIQUITRAQUE

m. 'ruido como de golpes repetidos y desordenados', 'los mismos golpes', 'rollo delgado de papel con pólvora y atado en varios dobleces, de cada uno de los cuales resulta una pequeña detonación' ( D R A E 1300b), 'dízese denotando importunidad de aldabadas i mucho hablar i golpear, en oficios komo el texedor i herreros' (Correas 739). V A R S : trica-traca, trícala-trácala Arag. 'voz expresando el ruido que producen las cosas cuando se golpean entre sí, yendo de un lado a otro en el lugar en que se llevan' (Pardo Asso 363—4), trícolo-traco 'voz significando el movimiento de vaivén que hace el cojo al andar' (Pardo Asso), siquitraque Cub. 'cohete que 172

salta y revienta con detonaciones repetidas' (Ortiz, Catauro 448), ostriquitraque Nav. 'ostri, interjección que se emplea para avisar de algún peligro', ostriquitrique Nav. 'golpe, bofetada'. Lo dicen los chicos (Iribarren 369b). IF: traque 'estallido que da el cohete' (Alonso 4016b - attest. 1490); cf. Ptg. trique/raque s. m. desús, 'jogo do gamâo', 'peça de fogo de artificio que dá estalos repetidos' (Moráis 2412b), Fr. trictrac 'jeu de des' (Petit Robert 1833b), Ital. tricch'e tracche 'voce imitativa di rumore dei soccoli' (Morawski «apophoniques» 362), Cat. tric-trac 'cl soroll acompassat de fustes agut i baix sucessivament' (Griera 14:164b), Prov. trico-traco, trique-traque 'allure ordinaire de l'âne', 'en trottant' (Mistral 2:1047a), Basque triku-traku 'baturrillo', trikulu-trakulu 'a trancas y barrancas' (LM 546a). COM: It is truc that trique can be used individually as 'estallido leve' (Alonso 4047b), but this usage must have arisen as a back-formation from triquitraque. Coraminas 1:4:550a realizes this apparently (he lists triquetraque as a compound with traque), but REW§ 8902a, Monlau 2207a, and DRAE 1300b all depart from a two-part «root» *trik trak, probably because of the presence of equivalents in many Romance languages. Since all the languages mentioned share a trak- 'blow, explosion' morpheme which can be used alone and an apophonic reduplication template, this must account for the correspondence. The Basque equivalents are obviously borrowed. Siquitraque evokes the pair sequemeneque < tejemeneje. Finally, ostriquitraque and its var. arc blended with ostri, which is probably akin to Basque osti, ots 'grito, ruido', '¡ea!' (López M. 502b, 504b). 16. zis, ZAS fam. 'voces con que se expresa el ruido de los golpes que se dan o se reciben o los mismos golpes' (Alonso 4246a). VAR: chischás 'ruido de las espadas al chocar unas con otras en la lucha' (Alonso 1360a - attest. 1627). IF: zas 'voz expresiva del sonido que hace un golpe o el golpe mismo' (Alonso 4243b - attest. XVI), cf. Mid. Fr. sip-sap, Prov. zist e zast 'id.' (Morawski «apophoniques» 355). COM: The only thing to prove here is that zas is primary and zis is derived. As Alonso does not define zis separately, and DRAE 1368a defines zis, zas as 'zas, zas', I consider this certain. As for chischás (1) there is also a chaschás 'ruido de palmada o dado sobre una puerta' (Alonso 1338b - attest. 1726), (2) the alternation z ~ c is well attested: zapuzar ~ chapuzar, zurriburri ~ churriburri, zangolotear ~ changolotear, etc. 17. C H I P I C H A P E P. Rico 'Díc. de la gente de mediopelo' (Neves 200a). IF: chape Arg., Chil. 'trenza de cabello'; gente de chape 'gente rica, gente de pro' (Neves 179b). COM: Abad de Santillán 134a identifies chape as a «voz araucana» 4 meaning 'trenza', fig. 'hombre bisoño, que no conoce el país'. He also explains that «fue 4

I cannot verify this etymology. Lunfardo chapar ( A b a d d e Santillán 634a < Ital. chiappare 'coger') 'prender, tomar a una persona', 'fastidiar' s e e m s irrelevant.

173

un apodo injurioso que se aplicó al español». The connection with Spaniards, who were rich, must have reversed the connotation in the phrase gente de chapa. I cannot explain the migration of the term to Puerto Rico, or alternatively its absence in the rest of Spanish America, but the despective semantic shift is a typical effect of apophony. Note that there is apparently no etymological connection between this item and chipichape 'llovizna', q. v. 18.

CHIPICHARPA And. m. 'individuo que tiene poco que perder, pelavaras, ropa suelta' (Alcalá Venceslada 201a). IF: charpa And. f. 'reunión de gente maleante', 'casta despreciable', 'barro que se recoge con los bajos de la falda o de los pantalones' (Alcalá Venceslada 194b). COM: Charpa is plainly a deformation of zarpa 'lodo o barro que se queda en la parte baja de la ropa, cazcarria' ( D R A E 1367b. The derivation of chipicharpa from the ideal form *chirpicharpa may be explained by the presence in Andalusia of chipichape 'golpe repetido' (Alcalá Venceslada 221), the connection perhaps being the idea of 'pisar lodo o agua' attested for chipichape in Corominas 2:2:331a-b). The similarity in both form and meaning to P. Rico gente de chipichape 'gente de mediopelo' is striking, and the two may be related.

19. NINA N A N A f. nana, canto con que se arrulla a los niños' (Alonso 2976b). VAR: nini nana 'id.' (Alonso 2977a - attest. 1726). IF: nana 'canto con que se arrulla a los niños' (Alonso 2939a - attest. XIX), cf. Ptg. nana 'canto para acalentar', nina 'nana' (Moráis 1597b, 1619b), Ital. ninna nanna 'id.' (Devoto 2:237b), Prov. nina 'dormir' (Mistral 2:409a), Gasc. niná 'le berceau, dodo' (Palay 702a). COM: There are some problems here. First, nana 'canto' does not appear until at least 74 years after nini nana. I do not consider this decisive, however, since nana, in the meaning 'madre', is very old - attested in Berceo (XIII). The identical Italian and Portuguese forms are also disturbing. REW § 5817 sets up a common Lallwort root - NINNA, N A N N A to account for this. As in the case of triquetraque, however, I would argue that the correspondences are due to the shared root morpheme and the apophonic reduplication rule. This is supported by the fact that neither the Spanish nor the Italian form appears until the 17th century (Ital., attest. 1643; Battaglia 2:444b-c). DEEH §4539a also considers nina nana to be a compound, in which the first element is from NINNA, which also produced niña. But if niña was already attested in the Cid, it is difficult to see how nina could have arisen so much later. 20.

Arag., Nav. 'voz con que se significa el ruido de la sierra al cortar' (Alonso 3636b). IF: a ras 'casi tocando' (DRAE 1104b), rascar 'refregar o frotar fuertemente la piel con una cosa aguda o áspera', 'arañar' (Alonso 3509b), rasguñar 'arañar o rasgar con las uñas' (DRAE 1104c), raspar 'raer ligeramente con una cosa quitándole alguna parte superficial', raspear 'correr con aspereza y dificultad la pluma' (DRAE 1105a). RIS-RAS

174

COM: This is one of several words in this template meaning 'sound of sawing', cf. aserrín aserrán, sirrín sirrán, zirri-zarra. As none of the cited source words provides an exact semantic model, it is impossible to choose among them. The most obvious formal candidate, ras, is also the least satisfactory in the semantic aspect, since it is exclusively adverbial and thus less likely than a verb to motivate an imitative word. More than likely it was the combined associative force of this entire mini-convergence, ras- 'movement causing friction', that gave rise to ris-ras. 21.

Nav. 'expresión onomatopéyica para indicar tunda o paliza' adv. 'de prisa, atropelladamente, con torpeza' (Iribarren 538b). VAR: zimpli-zampla, zampa-zampa Nav. 'id.' (Iribarren 538b, 533b). IF: zampar Nav. 'pegar una paliza' (Iribarren 534a). COM: As for zimpli-zampla, cf. zampla, zamplá Nav. 'interjección que expresa caída o talegazo' (Iribarren 534a). I attribute the forms with -/- to Basque influence (cf. zipli-zapla 'a bofetadas' López M. 613a); zanpa-zanpa also occurs in Basque (López M. 613a). ZIMPI-ZAMPA

22.

T I P I - T A P A Nav. 'expressión onomatopéyica muy corriente para indicar paso ligero, expresa también la labor continuada, el esfuerzo metódico y constante' (Iribarren 493a, Arriaga 169). VAR: típili-tápala Nav. 'voz onomatopéyica, para indicar caída a trompicones, a golpes' (Iribarren). IF: tapa-tapa Nav. 'expresión para indicar la labor constante, el esfuerzo metódico y continuado, y el andar seguido' (Iribarren 483b), cf. Basque tipitapa 'onomatopeya del paso cortito' (López M. 544a), tapa-tapa 'a pasitos', 'pulsación (López M. 541a), Gasc. tape-tape 'a pas comptés et sans trop de bruit' (Palay 935b), Sic. típpiti e táppiti 'id.', Mid. Fr. tip et tap 'id.' (Morawski «apophoniques» 355). COM: Of the two parts of this form, only the latter can be used independently, leading to the conclusion that it is etymologically primary. This is no doubt true in the other languages cited as well, cf. English tap, tap, but not *tip, tip.

23.

• 'pendular movement' ->• 'endearment, compliment' was probably mediated by a stage cited only by Morawski 358 'colifichets de femme'. Coraminas 2:2:442b apparently failed to appreciate Morawski's comment, as he lists dingolondango under dengue. REW§ 2469a lists the word under D A N D 'hin- und herbewegen', a poor substitute for an actual etymon. It is easy to see that he is on the right track, however, by his remark: «Der Ausgangspunkt scheint das Geräusch der Glocken zu sein.» 27.

expr. fam. 'tras, tras', fig. y fam. 'repetición enfadosa y porfiada del que está siempre diciendo lo mismo' (Alonso 4048a). IF: tris 'leve sonido que hace una cosa delicada al quebrarse, como vidrio, etc.', 'golpe ligero que produce este sonido' (Alonso - attest. XVII), tras 'voz con que se imita un golpe con ruido' (Alonso 4018a). COM: Tras, tras means 'golpe repetido, especialmente el que se da llamando a una puerta' (Alonso 4018a). I do not have a first attestation date for tras, but I suspect that it is at least as early as tris. In fact, I also suspect, but cannot prove, that tris is a derivative of tras. TRIS, TRAS

28.

J I J Í J A J Á Nav. adv. 'denota muchas risas' «Habéis pasado toda la tarde jijí jajá» (Iribarren 287b). IF: ji, ji 'interjección con que se denota la risa' (Alonso 2453b), ja, ja 'interjección para expresar la risa franca' (Alonso 2439a). 29. LÍNZILI-LANZA ( s e e CHIQUIRRITICO).

D. Borrowing (2 items) Zigzag is of course the classic example of a playful word that has caught on almost everywhere. Another word that is definitely borrowed, but adapted to the pattern of section F, is patatín patatán. As I noted earlier, ringorrango is another probable borrowing. 30.

Z I G Z A G m. s. 'serie de líneas que forman alternativamente ángulos entrantes y salientes' (Alonso 4245a - attest. 1884). VAR: zíquirri-zácarra Nav. 'expresión onomatopéyica para indicar movimiento de cosas de un lado para otro' (Iribarren 539a). IF: Fr. zigzag 'id.' (Petit Robert 1936a). COM: According to Coraminas 1:4:858a, DEEH p. 561, and Alonso, the ultimate source is Germ. Zickzack < Zacke 'punta, diente'. Sainéan, however, insists that the word arose first in French (3:156). Nav. zírriqui-zárraca 'sin cuidado, za-

177

rrapastrosamentc' (Iribarren 539b) is probably a metathesis of ziquirri-zâcarra, thus another variant of zigzag. Basque zikirri-zakarra 'dc cualquier mancra' (Lopez M. 627) indicates that this metathesis may have occurred outside Spanish. 31.

R I Q L I I R R A Q U E Sant. m. 'carraca o triquitraque' (Garcia Lomas 305), 'informal' (Alonso 3635b). VAR: riquirriqui Vcn. 'canturria o juego infantil' (Alonso 3635b). IF: cf. Gasc. rigo-ràgo, rigue-rague 'onomatopée du bruit d'un crécelle', 'crécelle' (Palay 863c), Prov. rigo-rago 'crécelle, mauvais violon' (Mistral 2:792b), rico-raco, rico-rico loc. adv. 'ric-à-ric' (Mistral 2:790b), Cat. ric-rac 'soroll que es fa en csparracar', ric-ric 'cl grill' (Griera 12:181b), Fr. rie à rac, rie à rie 'avec une exactitude rigoureuse' (Morawski «apophoniques» 361). COM: Had I to choose between the many possible foreign sources for this word, I would lean toward Gascon, for semantic and geographic reasons.

E. The i/o Pattern (2 items) The i/o pattern is usually considered to be derived from a three part sequence i/a/o, cf. Morawski's («apophoniques») roots din-dan-don (357), tric-trac-lroc (361), nie-nac-noc (362), nif-naf-nof {364). Reduplicatives and compounds of this form show up in almost all the Romance languages in the Western and Southern European area, but in numbers far inferior to those of i/a: Fr. melimelo 'mélange très confus et désordonné' (Petit Robert 1066a), brelique-breloque 'au hasard, en confusion' (Littré 1:415a), niquenoque O. Fr. 'chiquenaude'. Mid. Fr. 'espèce de jeu de tric-trac' (Morawski «apophoniques» 363, FEW7:141b), Ital. tieehe(te) toeehe(te) 'piccoli colpi o battuti' (Zingarclli 1826a), ghirigoro 'intreccio capriccioso dc linee curve fatto senza intenzioni di disegno' (Devoto l:1156a), far berlicche e berlocche 'fare una voltafaccia' (Morawski »apophoniques» 358), din don 'voce imitativa del suono delle campane" (Devoto 1:796c). Cat. barlica-barloca (barliqui-barloqui) 'persona tarambana, home xerrairc, poca-solta' (Griera 2:64b), tarit-tarot 'home poc formai' (Griera 14:28a), Béarnais barlic(o)-barloc(o) 'bavard inconséquent' (Palay 105c). The pattern is also attested in Basque, again in insignificant numbers: hala-hoia 'vagamente, mâs o menos' (L. Mugica 269), kili-kolo 'de forma ¡nestable, inseguro' (L. Mugica 346). In contrast to the pattern's exiguous representation in the standard Spanish lexicon, it seems to be quite productive in infantile contexts, a possible sign that its fortunes arc on the rise. Rodriguez Marin (1:85) records the following triplets, apparently based on Dora and zona: «Dona Diriga, Dâriga, Dóriga . . . /irriga, zârriga, zórriga». Celava cites piti/foto (29) and din don dan (258). I also found plim-plom 'sound of a cannon shot' (Cordova y Ona 107), and a whole series of nonsense words which may owe their -ó- to the augmentative suffix -on: levitili levitón (Llorca 46),saqnilla sacón (Cadilla juegos 95), latarimbarimbarón (Carvalho-Neto 76), vacalin vacalón (Mendoza 64), oritin oritón 178

(Falange 494), tilín-tilón (Córdova y Oña 209), Pachín-pachón (Córdova y Oña 220). This latter category might also subsume barquín-barcón, listed below, though barco ends with -o in any case. Both barquín-barcón and zipizopo are based on the -o- stem. 1\vo more words which could be listed here are flin-flón, explained under «Difficult Cases», and birlibirloque, which must have derived from *birlique birloque (Morawski «apophoniques» 358), borrowed from some part of France. 32. Z I P I Z O P O Bilb. 'fatuo, mentecato, necio' (Arriaga 180). IF: zopo, a 'die. del pie o mano torcidos o contrahechos', 'die. de la persona sumamente desmañada' (Alonso - attest. XV); cf. zopas 'persona que cecea demasiado' (Alonso - attest. 1726), zopenco 'tonto y abrutado', 'lerdo, tardo' (Alonso 4250). COM: The change 'clumsy' 'foolish' is clearly well-motivated. 33.

B A R Q U Í N - B A R C Ó N Sant. 'movimiento brusco y repetido, de un costado a otro, de cualquier cuerpo flotante: Díc. también del juego de niños, que consiste en balancearse dos o más chicos montados en los extremos de un madero puesto en equilibrio sobre otros a conveniente altura' (García Lomas 166c). IF: barcón m. 'embarcación menor que se llevaba a remolque o sobre cubierta en los galeones' ( D R A E 166c). COM: Actually, barcón here is probably just a fresh application of the augmentative suffix to barco. Barquín 'fuelle grande' (Alonso 515b) is irrelevant.

F. Suffixal or Suffixoid i/a (16 items) The analysis in this section follows the division I established earlier, based on the three types aserrín aserrán, cojín cojeando, and colorín colorado. The defining feature of these categories is that they became R I F I R R A F E convergence members by (1) reduplicating, and (2) attaching endings containing -i- and -árespectively to the two sequences created. I have called this section «suffixal or suffixoid i/a» because the endings employed to effect the apophony are true suffixes in only some of the cases, -eando (e. g., cojín-cojeando) is an indisputably legitimate suffix, but so is -ado, though presumably not when adjoined to adverbs (así que asado), -in has several sources (See Alemany Bolufer formación 82-3). As a true suffix, it is usually diminutive when attached to nouns (probably chiquilín-chiquilán), and when deriving nouns from verbs (aserrín) and adjectives (clarín). It is also clearly imitative in tintín, tilín, and occurs in borrowings from various languages. In most of the cases included in this section, however, its origin and fuction seem merely to create an apophony, e.g., borrachín, borrachán; codín, codán; de bolín, de bolán; cojín-cojeando, etc. Finally, the apophonic function is the only explanation for -án, though the apo179

copated -án (< -ano) provided a few model words: capellán, guardián, holgazán, alemán. Type -in, -án. In most of these cases, the entire /i/ sequence had independent existence, then underwent apophonic reduplication, but in others both sequences were created at the same time. Patatín, patatán was borrowed, then adapted to this pattern. 34.

« A S E R R Í N A S E R R Á N , / maderitos de San Juan, / los del rey sierran muy bien, / los de la reina también, / los de Pepe, lepe, lepe» (Córdova y Oña 78, also Córdova de F. 263, Rodríguez Marín 1:45, Cadilla juegos 119, Celaya 51). V A R S : sirrinsarrán Nav. 'sonsonete del juego de hilos, sobre todo cuando se llega a hacer la sierra' (Arriaga 159), zirrís-zarrás Nav. 'expresión onomatopéyica parecida a ris ras o ris rías' (Iribarren 539b). IF: aserrín 'serrín, conjunto de partículas de madera que resultan al aserrarla' (Alonso 526b). COM: Córdova y Oña remarks that as they chant this song, «las niñas hacen que sierran a compás». Arriaga thinks sirrinsarrán is «del euskera onomatopéyico zirrinzarran», but it is obvious that the opposite is the case. Zirrís zarrás may be something of a blend of aserrín aserrán and ris ras.

35.

Extr. 'juego infantil. Se pone uno de bruces encima de las piernas de otro, que le golpea suavemente la espalda diciendo «Codín codán, - a la vera-vera van, - del palacio a la cocina, - dime ahora - cuántos dedos tienes encima»' (Zamora Vicente Mérida 83, also Rodríguez Marín 1:120, Cadilla juegos 119-20, Llorca 113, Serra Boldú 556, Mendoza 9, Celaya 104). V A R S : recotín-recotán 'id.' (Alonso 3539b, Alcalá Venceslada 531b), recotónrecotán And. 'id.' (Cadilla juegos). IF: codo m. 'parte posterior y prominente de la articulación del brazo con el antebrazo' {DRAE 316b). COM: Rodríguez Marín comments: «Se llama este juego recotín, recotán (re-cotán) de codo, porque se dan en las espaldas del niño una vez con la mano y otra vez con el codo.» The devoicing of -d- is perhaps explainable as a change in the direction of greater infantile form (see Q U I Q U I R I Q U Í , sec. I). Recotín And. 'azotaina, paliza' (Alcalá Venceslada 531b), according to Alcalá, «proviene del juego» and not vice versa. CODÍN CODÁN

36.

B O R R A C H Í N , B O R R A C H Á N «Fui al mar, / vine del mar; / mis telitas, sin hilar. / ¿Qu'has hecho en tó'l año? / ¿Yo? Borrachín, borrachín, borrachán» (Rodríguez Marín 1:62). IF: Borrachín adj. fam. 'borracho consuetudinario, díc. en español del que no es de baja condición social' (Ortiz Catauro 87). COM: As with barquín barcón, this new creation may have nothing to do with the pre-existent borrachín, but instead be a new derivation based entirely on borracho.

180

37.

(ESTAR E N U N ) TILÍN-TILÁN Ven. 'encontrarse en una situación crítica, en un disparadero, inseguro de su situación' (Tamayo 299b). VAR: estar en un tilín 'id.' (Tamayo 299b). IF: tilín 'sonido de la campanilla', «en un tilín» Col., Chil., Ven. m. adv. fig. y fam. 'en un tris' (Alonso 3954b).

38.

PATATÍN-PATATÁN 'onomatopeya con que se significa el ruido que produce la caballería al galopar' (Alonso 3173a), Arag., And. 'machaconeo hablando o insistiendo siempre sobre lo mismo', «que si patatín que si patatán» fr. fam. 'argucias, disculpas del que no quiere entrar en razones' (Pardo Asso 268, Alcalá Venceslada 459a—b). IF: French et patati, et patata (patatin patata, 1524) fam. 'évoque un long bavardage' (Petit Robert 1248b), Cat. patatim-patatum 'soroll fort degut al trancament sobtat de portes, finestres, etc.' (Griera 11:198b), patatrip patatrap 'els passos del caminar dels animals de peu rodó' (Griera 11:199a), Gasc. patati, patatà 'et patati et patata', 'ceci et cela', 'un bavardage', patatric-patatràc 'pêle-mêle, sans grace' (Palay 737c), Prov. patati(n) 'onomatopée du bruit des coups' (Mistral 2:499b). COM: I have no information on the attestation date of this word in Spanish, but its long history in French and Catalan, and especially the shared meaning of 'long bavardage' prove that it is a loan-word slightly fixed up to fit the -in -án variant of this template.

39. C H I N C H I L Í N - C H I N C H I L Á N Nav. 'columpio' (Iribarren 173a). IF: chinchilin Nav. 'id.' (Iribarren 126b, S. v. cibiriri). COM: The ultimate source is a root of the form chin-, which we find in several words in both Spanish and Basque, all referring to bells or the pendular movement characteristic of bells: Spanish - chinchín Bilb. 'antiguo instrumento de banda militar, lleno' de campanillas' (Arriaga 79), chincha Nav. 'cencerro pequeño parecido a una campanilla' (Iribarren 173a), chilingar Nav. 'colgar, balancearse o columpiarse, estando pendiente de un asidero, v. gr., de la rama de un árbol' (Iribarren 172b); Basque - txilin '(sonido de) campanilla' (López M. 556b), txintxil 'campanilla' (López M. 559a), txintxin 'campanita' (López M. 559). 40.

C H I Q U I L Í N - C H I Q U I L Á N And. 'ruido que hace la llave al cerrar o abrir' (Alcalá Venceslada 201b). IF: tilín 'sonido de la campanilla' ( D R A E 1265c), cf. Basque txilin 'sonido de campanilla' (López M. 556b), Nav. chinchilín-chinchilán 'columpio' (Iribarren 173a). COM: Bells are associated both with metallic sounds and dangling, the former being the primary explanation for chiquilín-chiquilán. It is impossible, really, to tell whether the word began as *chilín-chilán and was contaminated by chico, or whether chiquitín 'pequeñín' (q. v.) underwent a semantic shift through

181

association with tilín. This seems to be Alcalá Venceslada's hypothesis, as he claims that chiquitín chiquilán «imita los chiquillos en el juego». 41.

C H I R R Í N , C H I R R Á N Cub. fr. jocosa 'da a entender que uno desea que se termine una conversación u otra cosa que resulta molesta' (Espina Pérez 61b). IF: chirriar 'chillar los pájaros que no cantan con armonía', 'cantar desentonadamente' (Alonso 1359a). COM: Chirrín, chírran is very close in meaning to cháncharras máncharras (q.v.).

42.

m. fam. adv. 'inconsideradamente, sin reflexión' (EUI 8:1404a, Morawski «apophoniques» 356). VAR: rebolín rebolán 'word in an infantile rime' (Rodríguez Marín 1:100). IF: bolín 'boliche, bola pequeña del juego de bochas' (Alonso 735b, attest. 1786); cf. en bola Méx. 'en montón, desordenadamente', «está de bola» D o m . 'muy borracho' (Alonso 732b), Ptg. rebolir 'bambolear, andar muito depressa' (Moráis 2003a). COM: EUI advances this etymology, which seems unimpeachable, especially in view of the semantic similarity shown by the Mexican and Dominican forms. Rodríguez Marín (1:169) says of rebolín rebolán: «voces sin significación averiguada». D E BOLÍN DE BOLÁN

43. C H I M P L Í N C H I M P L Á N Nav. 'columpio, columpiarse' (Alvar 271b). IF: Basque txintxilis eon 'está colgando' (Izaguirre 230), txingili 'colgando' (López M. 558b), chompelar Nav. 'columpiar' (Iribarren 180a). COM: I assume that the cited form is basically chompelar, influenced by Basque txingili 'colgando', cf. chinchirirín chompelá Nav. 'balancearse' (Alvar 271b). Chirrimplín Bil. 'un tente-en-pie con acompañamiento de alguna libación, tomado entre horas' (Arriaga 82) is formally suggestive, but must be unrelated. Type -i(n) -eando.5. The existence of this type in Spanish has been remarked on by Lloyd (139) and Morawski («apophoniques» 352-3), the latter pointing out its similarity to formations in French: clopin-clopant, faire le galin gallant, moquin-moquant. This list can be expanded considerably, when other neighboring languages are taken into account: Gasc. piche-pichànte 'abondamment, en parlant d'un liquide' (Palay 771a), tranlin-tranlàn 'cahin-caha' (Palay 976c), Cat. coixin-coixant 'fent el coix' (Griera 4:97a), Prov. balandrin-balandrant 'en se brimbalant, en se balançant' (Mistral 1:213a), balin-balant 'en balançant de côté et d'autre' (Mistral 1:214c), bra(n)din-bra(n)dant 'en branlant, en s'agitant de ça et de là' (1:360b), calin-calant 'cahin-caha' (1:428b), palanquin-palancant

5

Also to be included here is garrigarrear Nav. 'andar a trancas, renqueando', 'mover las piernas con dificultad' (Alonso 2114a), from garriar, -ear Nav. 'andar, mover las piernas' (Alonso 2114a). I did not find the word cited in the adverbial form, though obviously it is possible.

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'en desordre, pelc-mclc' (2:463a). I have even located evidence of the existence of this pattern in Basque, where -ka is the gerundive suffix corresponding to -(e)ando in Spanish: txinkin-txankinka 'cojeando' (López M. 559a) < Ixingili 'hinken' (Lopelmann 2:1307). 44. C O J Í N - C O J E A N D O Arag. 'andar cojeando' (Pardo Asso 97). VAR: cojicojear Nav. 'cojear, renquear' (Iribarrcn 134a). IF: cojear 'andar inclinando el cuerpo más a un lado que a otro' ( D R A E 309a); cf. Cat. coixin-coixant 'fent el coix' (Griera 4:97a), Basque txinkin-txankinka 'cojeando' (López M. 559a). COM: The correspondence with Basque here (-ka 'sufijo de acción que se traduce por un gerundio o con la preposición a" López M. 363b) is striking, cf. also ilun-milunka 'al atardecer', isil-misilka 'cuchicheando' (Azkue Morf. 402). 45.

M A L Ì N - M A L E A N D O Arag. m. adv. 'andar aún no repuesto de una enfermedad' (Pardo Asso 223). VAR: malimaliar Nav. 'estar enfermo a menudo' (Iribarrcn 546b). EF: malear Sal. 'enfermar' (Alonso 2665a).

46.

T O N T Í N - T O N T F A N D O Arag., Nav. loe. adv. 'haciendo el tonto' (Pardo Asso 356), 'haciendo la dcsccha, afectando bonhomia, obrando a lo simple' (Borao 320). IF: tontear 'hacer o decir tonterías' (Alonso 3981b).

47.

M O Q U I - M O Q U F . A N D O Nav. 'Expresión parecida a la de «moqueando», en el sentido de 'verter lágrimas por vía nasal" (Iribarrcn 344a). IF: moquear Nav. 'verter lágrimas por las narices, llorar por vía nasal, sonándose a menudo' (Alonso 2889a); cf. O. Fr. moquin-moquant (Morawski «apophoniques» 353).

Type así que asado. While así que asado is certainly a morphological anomaly, it is anything but unusual in the contcxt of the other Romance languages, as shown by the list below. Colorín colorado, on the other hand, is unique. 48.

ASÍ Q U E A S A D O expr. fam. con los verbos ser, dar, y tener, 'lo mismo importa de un modo que de otro' (Alonso 5 2 8 - a t t e s t . Oucvedo). VARS: así o asá, así que asá 'id.' (Morawski «apophoniques» 347), ansí que ansa 'id.' (attest. Correas), así o asao Col. (Tascón 36). IF: así 'de esta, o de esa, suerte o manera' ( D R A E 130c); cf. Fr. comme cicomme - 1 2 3 4 L V j 5 6 8.

Nav. Arg. 'entrometido, meticón, que se mete donde no le llaman' (Iribarren 334a, Neves 381a). IF: (Two hypotheses) (1) mete(r) 'tratándose de chismes, enredos, etc., promoverlos' ( D R A E 873a), (2) metete Nav., Rioja, Cent. Am., Chile, Perú 'entrometido, métomentodo' (Iribarren, Magaña 289, Neves). COM: Under the first hypothesis, the starting point would be mete, not meter, the liquid being supplied by the template. As for the metete (an accentually distorted version of métete?) hypothesis, which I am favoring here, I would not attach too much importance to the fact that Argentina is missing from Neves' list of dialects. By the way, the Navarre-Argentina connection here is striking. I would assume that meterete was imported into Argentina, chiefly because the T I M B I R I M B A template is strong in Navarre. METERETE

C. Rhyme Completion (4 items) C Vj C Vj L Vj 1 2 3 4 5 6 - 1 2 3 4 5 6 3 4 A process that applies to words that already contain the requisite liquid, rhyme completion merely copies, at the end of the word, the syllable immediately preceding the liquid. Three of the four words discussed also undergo stress change, from proparoxytonic to paroxytonic (cf. section D, where the change is from oxytonic to paroxytonic). The only previous etymological discussion in this group, reviewed under chacharacha, is disappointing. 9.

Chile, f. pi. 'adornos ridículos, baratijas, cachivaches' (Neves 170b, Alonso 1321b, Malaret Dicc. 291, Acad. Chilena 83); 'frase de cajón con que se da principio a los cuentos' (Alonso 1321b). VAR: chicharachas Chile 'id.' (Lenz Dicc. 1:238). IF: chácharas Méx., Chile 'cachivaches' (Alonso 1321b). COM: Almost everyone identifies chacharachas as Quechuan (Neves, Malaret, Acad. Chilena, Rodríguez Chilenismos 139), totally ignoring, in spite of its CHACHARACHAS

215

striking affinities, chácharas. More than likely, this practice was initiated by Lenz (Dicc. 238): «La existencia de la forma chacharachas impide derivar el significado chileno de la palabra castellana chachara - abundancia de palabras inútiles. En todo caso hay fusión con la voz quechua M I D D E N D O R F 375: ch'achara 'andrajoso, desarreglado'. De los adjetivos se derivan por medio de cha verbos que significan convertir en el estado correspondiente, así como de sumaj 'bello' > sumajchay 'embellecer' (MIDDENDORF, Gr. 138), ch'achara > ch'acharachay - 'hacer andrajoso, poner andrajos'.» Actually, Lenz lists chácharas and chacharachas as co-variants, and hints strongly that there may be a connection with Cast, chácharas. His objection that the meaning 'cachivaches' could not have derived from 'abundancia de palabras inútiles' is off track, since in Mexico chácharas means 'baratijas', and since both fit the semantic category of 'plurality of worthless things'. Lenz then sets out to account for the shift chácharas > chacharachas within the Quechuan language, settling on a verbal form, even though chacharachas is not a verb. His derivative - ch'acharachay it should be pointed out, is purely hypothetical. Of course, I maintain that the true cause of the shift chácharas > chacharachas was the T I M B I R I M B A template. Coraminas 2:2:309b—310a lists chacharachas as a derivative of chácharas, with no explanation. 10.

CHECHERECHES Ec. m. pi. 'esmeraldas, chécheres' (Neves 185b, Malaret Dicc. 310). IF: chécheres Cent. Am., Bol., Pan. 'trastos, baratijas' (Alonso 1341a); cf. chacharachas Chile 'id.' (Neves 170b). COM: Since chácharas preceded chécheres (q.v.), it seems probable that chacharachas influenced the development of chechereches as well. I am unable to account for the meaning 'esmeraldas', unless it is being used as a burlesque equivalent of 'perendengues'.

11.

Nav. 'apelativo cariñoso que dan a los muchachos y, más generalmente, a los muchachos de 14 o 15 años'; «de pichirichi» 'de pie' (Iribarren 396a). VAR: pichiri Nav. 'pichirichi' «Quedar pichiri la moneda en el juego de las chapas» 'quedar en posición vertical o de equilibrio' (Iribarren 396a); pichiruche Chil. 'dícese de la persona insignificante' ( D R A E 1020c). IF: (3 hypotheses) (1) Basquepitxi 'lindo', 'dije, alhaja, perla', 'gala' (López M. 513b), (2) pichi And. m. 'botijo', Sant. adj. 'guapo, mono' (Alonso 3265a), (3) pichiri (see above), also pichincho Nav. 'apelativo cariñoso que suele aplicarse a los chicos', pichichos Nav. 'nombre que aplican a las cabras', (ojos de) pichirri Nav. 'díc. de los ojos pequeños' (Iribarren), pichicho Arg. Chil. 'nombre cariñoso que suele darse a los perros pequeños y mansos. En el norte argentino también picho, a' (Neves 449b) COM: There are three hypotheses, all of which nevertheless presuppose decisive template action. (1) Basque pitxi, with highly positive meanings, is reduplicated PICHIRICHI

216

and made into an endearment in Navarrese. Problem: Whence the meaning 'de pie'? (2) An identical process derives pichirichi from pichi 'botijo'. Botijo also means 'small plump child'. For the use of pottery names as endearments, compare pichorrondón Nav. 'nombre que se aplica a las personas a las que se quiere mucho' < pichorro 'pitorro' (Iribarren 396b). Once again 'de pie' is a problem: Is standing up (precariously?) a notable property of jugs? (3) My favored hypothesis, according to which the IF was pichiri and a matrix of words incorporating pichi- (add pichilingo Méx. 'niño de corta edad', Chile pichi(n)tún m. vulg. 'pizca, porción muy pequeña', pichiñique Chile adj. 'hombre insignificante' (Neves 450a)), all of which hint at diminution. Is Basque pitxin 'poquitín' (López M. 513b) somehow involved? 12.

Q U E Q U E R E Q U E Guat., Méx. f. 'querida' (Alonso 3463b, Santamaría 904b). IF: (Two hypotheses) (1) queque Cent. Am., Col., Perú, Ven. 'panqueque, cierta torta' (Alonso 3463b, Neves 477b, Malaret Dicc. 692, Membreño, Hond. 140, Sandoval 2:308b), (2) quequier pron. ant. 'uno indeterminado, sea el que fuere, cualquiera' ( D R A E 1090c). COM: Both hypotheses can be justified semantically. The change 'cake' -> 'sweetheart' is paralleled by words in many languages in which names of sweet foods are used as endearments: Sp. caramelo, mango, merengue, bombón, Engl, sweetie-pie, honey, sugar-dumpling, etc. It could be argued that quequier is the etymon, on the idea that one could refer to a sweetheart as his or her 'somebody' 3 . This would be the equivalent of calling one's sweetheart fulana, cf. Bol. fulano, a 'amante, die. del querido o querida de alguien' (Fernández Naranjo 72). The antiquated status of quequier weakens this theory. Meanwhile, there is yet another factor, Dom. quéquere 'raquítico, desmedrado' exemplified in Sandoval 2:164a in the sentence «tu novio es un quéquere». A derivation quéquere > quequereque would parallel those of cháchara > chacharacha and chéchere > chechereche, but it is hard to imagine calling one's sweetheart 'sickly'.

D. Stress Change (5 items) Listed in this subsection are five words which all appear, in only slightly altered form, in the Q U I Q U I R I Q U Í template. Thus, in all five, consonant harmony is complete. It also happens that all five are either onomatopoeias or semantically derived from one. I find no previous etymological treatment of these words. 13.

3

C O C O R O C O Bol., Chil., Ec., Guat., Perú, P. Rico 'voz imitativa del canto del gallo', Chile 'arrogante, orgulloso, engallado', P. Rico 'persona de grandes influencias' (Neves 134b, Malaret Dicc. 243).

Santamaría 904b argues that queque < quequier, since queque used to mean 'cualquier cosa'.

217

VAR: cocoroca Nic. 'voz onomatopéyica, así llamamos el tecolote (sic) o lechuza montera' (Valle 58b). IF: cocorocó 'quiquiriquí' (Celaya 146, Córdova y Oña 141, Palés Matos Ven. 143), cf. Prov. cocoroco 'chant de la poule' (Mistral 1:407c), cucurrucu Alav. 'amapola' (Iribarren 154b), quiquirrique Nav. 'id.' (Alonso 3480b). 14.

P. Rico, Perú, Dom. 'onomatopeya del canto del gallo' (Malaret Dicc. 274). IF: cucurucú Ast. 'voz onomatopéyica usada en varias canciones y rimas infantiles' (Vigón 135), Ven. 'canto del gallo' (Palés Matos, 143). COM: It is impossible to tell whether cucurucu or cocoroco arose first in America (though the broader geographic extension of the latter is suggestive), but whichever came first, it undoubtedly helped determine the rise of the second. CUCURUCU

15. C U C U R R U C U Nav. 'amapola' (Iribarren 154b). VAR: cucurrucallo Nav. 'id.' (Iribarren 154a). IF: Basque kukurruku 'amapola' (Múgica Berrondo 106b). COM: The etymon is lightly oxytonic, at least in Guipúzcoa: «Hay una leve tendencia, en la pronunciación de las palabras sueltas, a destacar la última sílaba de cada palabra.» 4 The metaphor involved here, likening the flower of the poppy to the crest of a cock, is a commonplace in Western Romance, cf. Fr. coquelicot 'poppy' < coquerico 'cock-a-doodle-doo'. See cuzculubita for a complete exposition on the cucuru- sequence. 16.

Q U I Q U I R R I Q U E Nav. 'quiquiriquí, voz imitativa del canto del gallo' (Alonso 3480b). IF: quiquiriquí Nav. 'id.' (Iribarren 424a); Basque kikirriki 'canto de los pollos' (López M. 373b), kukurruku 'canto del gallo' (López M. 383a), cf. Prov. quiquiriquí 'id.' (Mistral 2:677c), Ptg. quiqueriqui s. m. 'Voz imitativa do canto do galo ou do frango' (Moráis 1970b). COM: The trilled liquid reveals the influence of Basque. The Cuban SánchezBoudy (Ekué 37) writes: «Gallo que galla kikiriki y janazo.»

17.

Q U I Q U I R R I Q U I S Nav. 'nombre que dan a los lazos que suelen llevar las chicas en el pelo' (Iribarren 424b). IF: quiquirrique Nav. 'quiquiriquí' (Alonso 3480); cf. Cat. cucurracu 'el manyoc de cabells que les mares lliguen amb una cinta de colors' (Griera 4:276b). COM: AS in Nav. cucurrucu 'amapola', the comparison here is between the red crest of a cock and something else, here the bright bindings in girls' hair. Alonso erroneously lists this item as quiquirriquis.

4

T. Navarro, «Pronunciación guipuzcoana», Homenaje Pidal (Madrid: Hernando) 3:646.

218

ofrecido a Ramón

Menéndez

E. Consonant Change (1 item) C V, N k C, Vj C Vj N k C, Vj 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 +

1

2

3

4

5

L

7

8

9

10

Actually, the above represents only one step (*tenguenengue > tenguerengue) in the complex derivation proposed by Corominas for tenguerengue, which begins with tángano + -engue. Obviously, quite a few other changes, including vowel harmony, had to occur, presumably also under template influence. 18.

m. adv. fam. 'sin estabilidad, en equilibrio inestable' (DRAE 1254b); Cuba. m. 'Bohío de mal aspecto' (Neves 541). VAR: en tengueré And. 'en tenguerengue' (Alcalá Venceslada 602a); tenguedengue Méx. m. En el estado de Campeche, 'dengue, remilgo' (Santamaría 1029a). IF: en tanganillas m. adv. 'con poca seguridad o firmeza: en peligro de caerse' (DRAE 1241b - attest. 1726). COM: The admittedly problematic etymology adopted here is that of Corominas (1:4:369b): «En tanganillas (Aut.), por la posición insegura del tángano. En tenguerengue (< *tanganengue) and. 'en tanganillas'.» Assuming that the second half of the word was template generated, what is lacking is a good explanation for why tanga- > tengue-. Tengue appears only 5 in Cuba, as the name of a tree, and as 'horcón, el palo g r u e s o . . . que se fija . . . para servir de apoyo . . . principalmente en los ángulos a esquinas de las casas de madera.' (Pichardo 383a) The latter may help explain the semantic change in Cuba to 'bohío', although the instability of huts is sufficient in itself. Avery strong possibility, hinted at by Corominas, is that -engue is indeed the suffix -engue (as in perendengue, blandengue, perrengue) and that tanga- > tengue- in analogy with it. The development in this scenario must have been tanganillo (or simply tángano) > tanganengue > tenguenengue > tenguerengue, the latter step being template motivated. And. tengueré would have to be a later product of clipping. On tenguedengue I agree with Toro Gisbert 6 , who calls it an «alteración» oí tenguerengue. Apparently the acoustic equivalence of /r/ and /d/ led some speakers in Mexico to mistake tenguerengue for an expanded version of dengue. I should add that Toro Gisbert and Ortiz (Afronegr. 452) think tenguerengue was borrowed from some African language, Gisbert citing an African phrase tenguer ente '¿niegas tú?', and Ortiz arguing for Pongüé teguaregua 'inclinar mucho', 'ser fácilmente agitado' (453). (EN) T E N G U E R E N G U E

F. Back Formation (1 item) 19.

T A T A R A T A Guat. 'trompo saltón' (Alonso 3901b), m. 'trompo que cabecea y cambia de sitio, por ser mal hecho o por no tener bien centrada la púa o clavo' (Sandoval 2487b).

5

Ortiz (Afronegr. 452) says Quevedo mentions a short-lived dance called the tengue. This is undoubtedly irrelevant to the Cuban form, though it is suggestive as to en tengueren-

6

gue.

«Reivindicación del americanismo», BRAE 7 (1920), 616. 219

IF: tataratear Cent. Am., Méx., Ven. 'tartalear, trastrabillar' (Neves 537b). COM: Sandoval says of tatarata: «Este nombre dio origen al verbo tataratear o tataratiar.»This cannot be the case, because tatarata is found only in Guatemala, while tataratear and obvious cognates are found not only throughout the Central American area, but also in and around the Iberian peninsula: Sp. tartalear 'moverse sin orden o con movimientos trémulos, precipitados y poco compuestos' ( D R A E 1246a); Ptg. tartaranho adj. 'trémulo dos membros ou da fala' (Moráis 2298b); Gasc. tartalhà 'trembler' (Palay 939a). Tatarata must therefore be a back-formation from tataratear, on the model of the T I M B I R I M B A template. G. Borrowing (1 item) The fact that tiroriro and vars. are borrowed explains the presence of another liquid in the stem. Only tiroriro and chi(n)chiririn (from the Q U I Q U I R I Q U Í template) defy the rule that, in liquid-based convergences, no other liquids are permitted. 20.

T I R O R I R O m. 'sonido de los instrumentos músicos de boca' (Alonso 3966b - attest. XIX). VAR: tiruliru Sant. m. 'hombre sin fundamento' (Alonso 3967a); tirulirulino Ast. 'nombre usado en una rima popular infantil' (Vigón 443). IF: Fr. tirelire (XIII J. de Meung) «Prob. le même mot que tire-lire, sorte de refrain, usité au moyen âge, qui aurait été dit par plaisanterie pour désigner une tirelire»7; cf. Cat. tiririro 'id.' 8 , tirotlirot 'el tarambana, home que no té carácter ni té criteri' (Griera 14:100b, 26a); Basque txiruliru 'gorjeo de pájaros' (L. Múgica 522); Gasc. tirelire 'sorte de refrain', 'chant du flûte ou de clarinette', 'boîte a monnaie' (Palay 958b), turelure 'ritournelle', 'petit bêtise, 'flûte d'enfant' (Palay 996c). COM: Speaking of the Old Fr. refrain (now 'piggybank'), Petit Robert (1785a) notes that tirelire was an «onomatopée désignant le chant de l'alouette». Tirulirulino retains the ancient status as a refrain; the development of the meaning 'hombre sin fundamento' (tiruliru), 'tarambana' (Cat. tirotlirot) is paralleled by that of English ding-a-ling, also both an onomatopoeia and an equivalent of 'fool, jerk'. The Basque form was borrowed from Spanish or French, but, we surmise, blended with txirula 'flauta' (Azkue Dicc. 2:329a); Lôpelmann 2:1309 cites only txirula as the etymon.

H. Difficult cases -ala tracalaca Chil. m. adv. fam. 'a horcajadas' (Neves 555b). In Chile, a tracal is a 'vasija grande de cuero que usan los viñadores para llevar la uva al lagar' 7

8

Oscar Bloch and Walther von Wartburg, Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue française (Paris: Presses universitaires de France), 5th éd., 635a. Josep Miracle, Diccionari Català-Castellà, Castellà-Català (Barcelona: EDHASA), 1049b.

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(Neves). There is a chance that the two are connected in the same way pichiri and pichirichi are, provided that the viñadores sling those large leather containers across their backs in a way reminiscent of carrying someone piggyback. I find no similar pretext that would justify proposing Chil. tracalada 'muchedumbre, cáfila' (Rodríguez 460) as the etymon. - tintolorinto And. m. 'juego infantil cogiéndose de las orejas uno a otro' (Alcalá Venceslada 607b). This word seems to be constructed from a base *tinto, from which *tintorinto, by the TIMBIRIMBA template, then tintolorinto by the C H I Q U I R R I T I C O template. The only problem is, there is no plausible tinto to start from. Tinto is 'rojo oscuro' in And. (Alcalá Venceslada 607b) and other dialects, and often denotes 'dye' as well. I do not see a connection with pulling ears. The rime, quoted by Alcalá Venceslada, is as follows: «Tintolorinto, / saca una vaca / de veinticinco. / - ¿De qué lugar? / - De Portugal. / - ¿De qué calleja? / - Tirón, tirón / de las orejas.» - tuturuta Chil. 'tercero, alcahuete' (Rodríguez 466, also listed as Chilean in Salazar Garcia 278 andTascón 277). There is also a tuturuto, a Col., C. Rica, Ec., Ven. adj. 'turulato, lelo' (DRAE 1309c, Tascón). Rodríguez is positive that tuturutu is Quechuan: «Sin duda ninguna que (sic) esta palabra es de origen quichua. Desgraciadamente no hemos podido hallarla en los diccionarios que tenemos a la mano.» I suspect strongly that its absence from all those Quechuan dictionaries is due to the fact that it is a template-altered form (a new category - vowel change) of tuturuto, a. Though the concepts 'simpleton' and 'go-between' are not entirely compatible, I find the idea that two such similar playful words could be unrelated much harder to swallow. As for tuturuto, it could be some kind of extract from turulato, a adj. 'alelado, sobrecogido, estupefacto' (DRAE 1308c) or else a stress-shifted form of tuturutú 'sonido de la corneta' {DRAE 1309c), on the model of cucurucú > cucurucu.

III. History of the Convergence / Template In considering the history of the TIMBIRIMBA template, one crucial fact stands out and shapes our approach: The TIMBIRIMBA convergence is coterminous with the words processed by the TIMBIRIMBA template. That is to say, my exhaustive search of dictionaries has yielded no list of liquid-apophonic words whose form is explainable independently of the modifying force of the template itself.9 Since the very essence of a template is that it is the product of an already established convergence, this is puzzling indeed. 9

Catarata (< Lat. cataracta - attested 1570) is an apparent exception to this statement, but I believe that it is not a true member of the convergence for semantic reasons.

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The solution to this unusual set of circumstances, I believe, is that the TIMconvergence / template is derivative. The key to the problem is the highly restricted formula (3) that I cited at the beginning of this chapter, which describes 11 of the 20 forms. A careful comparison of this formula with those of other templates described in this book will yield the insight that it is identical, but for the position of the stressed vowel, to a large subgroup of the Q U I Q U I R I Q U Í convergence - a subgroup which includes, among others, quiquiriquí, cocorocó and cucurucú, which are practically identical to quiquirriquis / quiquirrique, cocoroco, and cucurrucu / cucurucu, the same five words I described in section D as having been template-modified in terms of stress. That prognosis can now be qualified and corrected. The TIMBIRIMBA template, I believe, is a kind of genetic mutation of the Q U I Q U I R I Q U Í template. For reasons unknown, someone somewhere (in Navarre, Central America, or both), found it esthetically pleasing to shift the stress in a crucial cock's-cry onomatopoeia - probably quiquiriquí - to the penultimate syllable. Quite naturally, the first new converts to this innovation were synonyms of quiquiriquí. These were then sufficiently powerful to provide the basis for a new convergence / template. The early avenues of development were probably limited to the highly restricted formula - in terms of vowel and consonant harmony - which cocoroco et al., as transfers from the Q U I Q U I R I Q U Í convergence, naturally satisfied. Only later would the more divergent forms arise where either consonants (meterete) or both consonants and vowels (chingolingo) could vary within the basic apophonic frame. BIRIMBA

The first attestation dates of the words in question bear out this analysis, if in a negative way. Quite simply, there are no first attestation dates available10, a circumstance which indicates that all the members of this convergence are of very recent coinage, probably no earlier than 1800 or so. What better explanation for this late appearance than the derivative status of the convergence itself? The comparative evidence supports this view as well. The one liquidapophonic root that shows up with some regularity in Western Romance is that of tiroriro, which I classified earlier as a Gallicism. Though missing entirely in Italian, it shows up in French, Gascon, Catalan 11 , and Basque (v. tiroriro). The slim gleanings left over after tirelire include: Ptg. cucurucu s. m. Ant. 'individuo palrador', 'serpente do Brasil' (Moráis 687b) (the latter a stress-shifted equivalent of Sp. cucurucu), and patarata adj. 'pessoa que diz pataratas ou mentiras', 'pessoa tola, pretensiosa, fútil' (Moráis 1751a); Prov. cacaraco, cacalaca 'coquerico', 'coquelicot', 'noix dépouillée de sa coquille' (Mistral 1:407c). 1(1

11

Tiroliro is dated 19th century by Alonso, a fact which only helps confirm my hypothesis. Cat. turururu 'una de les passades que es fan en espigar' (Griera 14:183) does not seem playful semantically, and must have acquired this form fortuitously.

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Dialect distribution. Of all the convergences studied in this volume, this one comes closest to being characteristically Spanish American. True, Navarre, as usual, seems to have been a, if not THE starting place, as evidenced by Nav. quiquirrique, quiquirriquis, and cucurrucu. Navarre also has forms representing the two subsequent stages in the evolution of the template: from stage 2 (expansion beyond quiquiriquí) pipirripi, and from stage 3 (loss of vowel and consonant harmony) meterete, a form which is shared, strangely enough, with Argentina. The only other peninsular representatives fall in stage 3: Sant., And. chacalaca, and Gen. Sp. patarata,peteretes, tenguerengue, timbirimba, and tiroriro. The exuberant spread of the pattern in Spanish America seems to have been led by cocoroco and cucurucu, both widely dispersed. Guatemala alone boasts of three constituents, two from stage 2 - quequereque, tatarata - and one, shared with Mexico, from stage 3 - chingolingo. Cuba adds only rebambaramba. Finally, South America has seen the production of chacharachas (Chile) and chechereches (Ec.). The striking strength in Spanish America of T I M B I R I M B A derivations can be counted as yet more supporting evidence for the hypothesis that this template is derivative: Its late start gave expansion dialects equal opportunity to utilize it for the production of new forms. Infantile lexical evidence. Finally, I should add that the T I M B I R I M B A convergence seems not yet to have made its way into the hearts and minds of children, as I find no new words at all, and only very light representation of extant words, in infantile rimes. Though cocoroco and its cousins are heard with some regularity, Rodriguez Marin's (1:49) attestation of entenguerengue (sic) is one of the rare examples of other words appearing there. Neither do fixed phrases, which play such a large part in the T R O C H E M O C H E convergence, occur with a higher than random frequency: de tomo y lomo 'de mucho bulto y peso' ( D R A E 1275), and de cabo a rabo 'de principio al fin' ( D R A E 218a).

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CHAPTER ELEVEN

REQUILINDORIOS

I. Description of the Convergence and Template Included in this chapter are 50 headwords containing a template-processed sequence which, is most general terms, is ... N

S (L) V . . .

where S is a stop consonant, and N is a nasal consonant homorganic to the stop. Further analysis yields the following generalizations: 1. V is usually stressed (38 of 50). 2. The optional L occurs only as -dr-, four times in the template forms but also in the convergence (e. g., chilindrina). 3. S is usually voiced (39 of 50), occuring as either -nd- (23), -ng- (10), or -mb- (6). Semantically, of course, all of the words in the convergence are «playful». In terms of denotational categories, this is one of the most clearly infantile of any convergence I have studied. Thus, the headwords fit neatly into the categories of (1) endearments: pichorrondón(go), marindón, (2) body parts: fondongo, florondón, chinchón, (3) games and toys: canchinflín, chinchirirín, pirindola, (4) playful or ridiculous movements and postures: en cunclillas, zambullir, trompezar, zampuzar, zarambutear, (5) sweet foods: carambelo, (6) sounds: tarantántara, (7) smallness: chiquirrindin, chipilingo, (8) low intelligence: trambucar, zompo, tontilindango, chafandín, (9) insignificance or worthlessness: moñinga, titirimbaina, fulandango, carrindanga, chequendengue, mandilandinga, ropilindango, cingolondango, filindrajo, pilindrajo, cilindrajo, falandrajo, zamborondón, (10) moral weakness: demongo, perenzoso, jeringonza, cocolinche, mendingar, requilindorios, piringayo, guaparrandón, zangandungo, trapalandaina, rufalandario. Of the remainder, millongón is playfully outlandish, pimpirigallo denotes a bright flower, and procindanga 'scolding' clearly pertains to the infantile world.

II. Template Change Categories A. Homorganic N Epenthesis (20 items) ... S V ... 1 2 224

N

1

2

The phenomenon of nasal consonant epenthesis in expressive or playful words has long been recognized. Corominas (1:4:861b), remarking on the relationship between zopo and its variant zompo, states: «Esta alternancia con y sin nasal es muy propia de las palabras onomatopeyicas y expresivas.» Malkiel 1 describes as «urgently needed .. .an unabridged study of the insertion . . . of a nasal before a word's central consonantal pillar.» Though for practical reasons I could not gather extensive comparative data for this phenomenon as for the other templates studied, I do know, courtesy of Guiraud 2 , that a parallel development, involving not the insertion of a nasal consonant but the nasalization of a vowel, occurs in French, as shown by the variants bibelot / bimbelot, fafelu / fanfelu, bobance / bombance, laper / tamper, tapon / tampon, and griper / grimper. Guiraud further notes that this process occurs most commonly in «expressive» words, before a labial consonant, and with the vowel /a/. The process also evidently exists in Basque, as indicated by taka-taka / tanka-tanka ' a pasitos' (Lopez M. 53SM0), ttapa-ttapa / ttanpa-ttanpa 'a pasitos' (L6pez M. 548a), txilipurdi, zilipurdi / Nav. chilimpurdi, zilimpurdi 'voltereta' (L6pez M. 556b, Iribarren 172a - where the Spanish forms show an epenthesis that I assume occurs in Basque as well). In the historical section of this chapter I will identify epenthesis as the starting point for a whole series of phenomena. A corollary of this is that this change is more primitive than the others, as shown by the fact that it is not so tightly limited in the type of segments that may participate - a mark of a lower evolutionary stage. This accounts for the presence here of unvoiced stop consonants, not found elsewhere, and the insertion of an interdental [n] before [0], and of palatal [n] before [£]. As to the question of why nasal epenthesis is so popular in the playful vocabulary of Spanish, I hypothesize that it is attributable to esthetic, essentially musical, factors. First, the nasal consonant provides added resonance. Second, it lengthens the syllable in which it occurs, changing the rhythm of the word in a way that may be pleasing to Spanish speakers. Third, where the stop is voiced, as is usual, the nasal consonant contributes to the intensity of the rhythm, by causing the lb d g/ to be realized as explosive stops rather than as fricatives. The effects of these factors are clearly detectable in pairs such as maridon / marindon, pirigallo / piringayo, and trabuca / trambuca. Since Basque /bdg/ are also spirantized between vowels, the same considerations hold true in that language, while in French apparently only the resonance factor obtains. 1.

M A R I N D O N Ast. (inf.) 'marido' (Celaya 56) < marido 'hombre casado, con respecto a su mujer' ( D R A E 847c) + -on.

2.

T A R A N T A N T A R A 'ruido de tambor' (Alonso 3893a - attest. 1917) < taratdntara 'id.' (DRAE 1244c).

1

Y. Malkiel, «Etymology and Modern Linguistics«, Lingua 36 (1975), 119. P. Guiraud, Structures étymologiques du lexique français (Paris: Larousse), 1967,81-2.

2

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3.

PERENZOSO

Sant. 'perezoso' (Penny 218)