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English Pages [187] Year 1967
RESEARCH SERIES
Pacts for Peace * UN * NATO * SEATO * CE TO * OAS Monro MacCloskey
Brig. Gen. USAF (ret.)
Pacts for Peace
UN, NATO, SEATO, CENTO and OAS by Monro MacCloskey
Brig. Gen. USAF (rel.)
With the hope of achieving world peace, inter national organizations with member nations cooperating to solve their problems seem to be the only reasonable solution. The UN, United Nations, with its many member na tions is well known, but the regional alliances affecting those in given areas are less known. General MacCloskey has written a thorough study of each of these organizations, their his tory, members, problems, and the provisions of their agreements. Understanding these pacts is essential to understanding world affairs of today.
About the Author
Brigadier General Monro MacCloskey, USAF (Ret.), a command and jet pilot, began his career in 1920 as a West Point cadet. Not long after the outbreak of World War II, he was ordered to England as a member of the staff charged with organizing the 12th Air Force and planning the invasion of North Africa. He participated in the first assault landing in North Africa, and later became Deputy to the Assistant Chief of Staff for Operations of the 12th Air Force, with head quarters in Algiers. In the course of the war, General Mac Closkey held a wide variety of posts, includ ing those as Chief of Organization, Training, and Equipping Section, Operations Division, Northwest African Air Force; a member of the Joint Planning Staff of the Mediterranean Air Command; and Assistant Director of Plans for the Mediterranean Allied Air Force. He organized, equipped, trained, and com (Continued on back flap) $3.78 /l('f This is a Granite Lihrary Binding
ALSO BY MONRO Mac CLOSKEY
Your Future in the Air Force How to Qualify for the Service Academies Reserve Officer Training Corps NATO You and the Draft Secret Air Missions
Pacts For Peace UN, NATO, SEATO, CENTO and OAS MONRO MAcCLOSKEY, BRIG. GEN. USAF (ret.)
I•
RICHARDS ROSEN PRESS, INC., NEW YORK 10010
Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 67-10036 Published in 1967 by Richards Rosen Press, Inc. 29 East 21st Street, New York, N.Y. 10010 Copyright 1967 by Monro MacCloskey All rights reserved, no part of this book may be reproduced in any form without permission in writing from the publisher, except by a reviewer. • FIRST EDITION
Manufactured in the United States of America
To my wife, Betty.
About the Author Brigadier General Monro MacCloskey, USAF (Ret.), a command and jet pilot, began his career in 1920 as a West Point Cadet, grad uating in 1924. Shortly after the outbreak of World War II, he was ordered to England as a member of the staff charged with organizing the 12th Air Force and with planning the invasion of North Africa. He participated in the first assault landing in North Africa, and later became Deputy to the Assistant Chief of Staff for Operations of the 12th Air Force, with headquarters in Algiers. In the course of the war, General MacCloskey held a wide variety of posts, including those as Chief of Organization, Training and Equipping Section, Operations Division, Northwest African Air Force; a member of the Joint Planning Staff of the Mediterranean Air Com mand; and Assistant Director of Plans for the Mediterranean Allied Air Force. He organized, equipped, trained, and commanded the 885th Bomb Squadron (H) Special of the 15th Air Force, which engaged in the night dropping of resistance personnel and supplies into Southern France, Northern Italy, and the Balkans, and the 15th (later redesignated the 2641 st) Special Group, which performed similar functions throughout Europe. In addition, General Mac Closkey flew fifty combat missions. After the war, General MacCloskey attended the National War College and upon graduation was appointed Chief of the Air Intel ligence Policy Division at AF Headquarters. He served as Air Attache to France, Belgium, and Luxembourg, and at the time of his retire ment was the Commander of the 28th Air Division of the Air Defense Command. His World War II decorations include the Silver Star; Legion of Merit with Cluster; Distinguished Flying Cross; Air Medal with seven Clusters; EAME (Europe-Africa-Middle East) Medal with nine Stars 7
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and one Arrowhead; Army Commendation Medal with Cluster; two French Croix de Guerre with Palm and two with Gold Star; two French Legion of Honor, one Degree of Officer and one Degree of Commander; Order of the Partisan Star; and Decoration of the Sultan of Morocco. General MacCloskey has also written Your Future in the Air Force, How to Qualify for the Service Academies, Reserve Officers Training Corps, You and the Draft, Secret Air Missions, and NATO, Guardian of Peace and Security, all published by the Richards Rosen Press, and The United States Air Force, Its Roles and Missions, pub lished by Frederick A. Praeger, Inc.
Contents Foreword
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Chapter I. Evolution of Collective Security II. The United Nations III. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization IV. Collective Security Agreements in the Far East v. The South-East Asia Treaty Organization VI. The Central Treaty Organization VII. The Organization of American States VIII. Problems of Partnership Appendix I. Article 51 of the United Nations Charter II. North Atlantic Treaty III. ANZUS Treaty IV. South-East Asia Collective Defense Treaty Protocol to the Treaty Pacific Charter v. Pact of Mutual Co-operation (CENTO) Bilateral Agreements of Co-operation (CENTO) VI. Charter of the Organization of American States (Excerpts) Charts United Nations and Related Agencies North Atlantic Treaty Organization SEATO Civilian Structure SEATO Military Structure CENTO Organization OAS Organization Pan American Union Organization 9
Page 13 25 51 75 93 115 131 156 172 173 177 180 186 191 30 55 99 101 118 139 146
Foreword The war in Vietnam has become a major test of the United States' readiness to honor a commitment to aid an ally. Vietnam support, however, is only one of many U.S. commitments that practically cover the world. Altogether, there are more than forty nations to which the United States has pledged support in case of attack in various mutual assistance agreements. In the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, an attack on one member is considered an attack on all. The South-East Treaty Organ ization signatories are pledged to consult immediately in case of aggression in order to agree to measures which should be taken for common defense. Although not a signatory of the Central Treaty Organization, the United States has agreed to co-operate fully in mutual defense. Under the provisions of the Rio Treaty, the United States agrees to provide assistance on request in case of aggression against any member. The United States is a signatory to the Japanese Treaty, Korean Treaty, Nationalist China Treaty, Philippine Treaty, and the ANZUS Treaty. Under al! these pacts, the United States is in general required to provide assistance in case of attack. Only South Korea, Australia, and New Zealand have sent combat troops to aid the United States in Vietnam. The United States is left virtually alone, in the final analysis, to act as a world policeman against Communist aggression. Perhaps the time has arrived when this nation should re-examine these alliances that have proved to be so one-sided in the hour of need. The purpose of this book is to describe the United Nations, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, the Southeast Asia Treaty Organ ization, the Central Treaty Organization, and the Organization of American States, which are treated in separate chapters. The origin, structure, functions, and achievements of each are included. One of 11
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the most important of the pledges of the United States results from membership in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Because of the great significance of this Atlantic Alliance, it was made the subject of an entire book entitled The North Atlantic Treaty Organization, Guardian of Peace and Security, by this writer, published by the Richards Rosen Press. Chapter VIII reports problems confronting the alliance described in the previous chapters in their efforts to establish world-wide peace and security and to achieve their political, economic, and social goals. These issues must be considered in reaching an estimate of the future value of the alliances and their impact on the United States. The views expressed in Chapter VIII are solely those of the author. Much of the material in this book has been obtained from govern ment historical records, U.S. Department of State sources, and from the various Organization headquarters in New York, Paris, Bangkok, Ankara, and Washington. Special thanks are due many Foreign Service officers of the U.S. Department of State for their generous co-opera tion. Monro MacCloskey Brigadier General, USAF (Ret.)
Chapter I
Evolution of Collective Security Collective security is one of the oldest concepts in human and inter national relations. When danger threatened primitive man, he seized his weapon and fought the enemy single-handed. As society devel oped, he and his neighbors joined forces, each with his own weapon, to combat a common danger. Man learned ultimately that there was greater security for all if he and his neighbors pooled their strength and resources in a community force to preserve law and order before a crisis developed. Whenever nations have felt themselves to be threatened by hostile forces or ideologies, they have tended to band together for their com mon defense. Over the course of centuries, alliances and coalitions evolved as a transitory means of waging war or of negotiating peace. This evolution resulted in the modern concept that stability and peace can be assured only through permanent associations of independent nation-states. The emergence of collective security arrangements following World War II marks a milestone in the history of international rela tions. Growing out of the circumstances peculiar to the age, they are of a unique character in the records of international politics. The prin cipal organizations in the Free World which have been set up under these arrangements are the United Nations (UN) (which also in cludes the USSR and many of its satellites), the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), Southeast Asia Treaty Organiza tion (SEATO), Central Treaty Organization (CENTO), and the Organization of American States (OAS). With warfare being waged on political, economic, and social levels which are concurrent to the military struggle, these organizations represent a considerable ad vance over the previous efforts of nations to safeguard their inde pendence, their free institutions and their way of life. Now there is continuous consultation on matters affecting the se13
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curity and well-being of the member countries. The area of co-opera tion is not limited solely to the requirements of military defense. It also includes co-operative action in dealing with non-military subver sion and the strengthening of economic and cultural relations. The origin of these security pacts can be traced through the evolution of world society. Early History Along the banks of the Tigris, Euphrates, and Nile Rivers in the Near East, tribes of the various kingdoms were linked together by conquest, with subservience and regular tribute demanded of subject peoples. The international relations which existed at the time de pended upon military alliances between friendly princes and elimi nation of potential enemies. The first actual measures toward international security occurred in early agreements between two rulers. Over 4700 years ago, a treaty between two cities in Sumeria amicably established an inter national boundary line. Approximately 1500 years later, the detailed peace treaty between Rameses II of Egypt and Hattusili of the Hit tites provided for the renewal of peaceful relations, mutual guarantees against invasion, and the extradition of fugitives. Twenty-six centuries ago, several small states in China formed a league for mutual defense when threatened by the Chu Kingdom. In Greece, several city-states formed amphictyonic councils (religious leagues) and political federations; while in Italy, the Latin city-states formed leagues for defensive purposes before being united into the Roman Empire. Ancient Rome imposed its authority over a great expanse of ter ritory which extended as far south as the Red Sea and as far east as the Persian Gulf for several centuries before the Middle Ages. After the collapse of the Roman Empire, the Roman Catholic Church re mained the sole unifying force throughout Europe. The Eastern Orthodox Catholic Church exerted its influence from Constantinople. Europe, politically, was in a feudal period. Feudal lords and their vassals operated as a unit for self-preservation against hostile forces. The most famous confederation of medieval times was the treaty between Swiss cantons in 1291. Following pacts of mutual defense
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between Berne, Glaris, Lucerne, Zug, and Zurich, the league became the nucleus of present-day Switzerland. It was not until the 16th century that the medieval feudal estates, monastic institutions, and city governments were unified in a system of nation-states. With it, international relations in the modern concep tion emerged. During the 17th and 18th centuries, statesmen con ferred repeatedly to settle disputes and provide for continuing rela tions. Such conferences paved the way to collective organization at the international level. The provisions of the Peace of Westphalia, in 1648, which termi nated the Thirty Years' War involving German, Austrian, Spanish, Danish, Swedish, and French soldiers, served as important precedents in international regulation. Likewise, the Peace of Utrecht, in 1713, thwarted imperial aspirations within Europe and furthered the crea tion of independent sovereignties. During the 17th and 18th centuries, several proposals were made for a form of international organization. At Utrecht, the Abbe de Saint-Pierre invited the sovereigns to submit their differences to judi cial decision with a provision that refusal to abide by the decision would be cause for the use of unified military force. Henry IV of France advocated a federal association of States of Europe to be gov erned by a common council. In 1693, William Penn suggested a diet of states, including Moscovy (Russia) and Turkey, with voting weighted according to the foreign trade of the states. The peacemaking conference at Carlowitz, in 1698, was another significant event of the period. Russia and Turkey for the first time were parties to a general European congress whose purpose was to end the wars between the Ottomans and Venice, Poland, Austria and Russia. They also accepted for the first time the practice of negotiat ing settlements among sovereign states as well as the rightful interests of other powers in such international agreements. Russia then joined the coalition in Northern Europe against Swe den and, by 172 1, Tsar Peter had acquired possession of four areas on the eastern bay of the Baltic. This opened a Russian window to Europe. By driving Sweden back and crushing Poland between them Prussia and Russia won their places in the new European state sys tem. With the major dominions in Europe established by dynastic sov-
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ereigns, the 18th century reflected the competing desires of the dynas ties to secure or increase their possessions. As trade and commerce began to flourish between the European states and the territories they claimed around the world, there arose a controversy over the freedom of the seas. The dispute was resolved by the Armed Neutrality Agree ment of 1780 in which neutral rights were asserted by a multilateral convention binding on all members. The transitory military alliance to repel a hostile force, common to all history, had by then entered a new phase. Now there were agreements to respect religions, navigation, and commerce; and under the provisions of the Armed Neutrality Agreement, there was a con vention to protect a roughly sketched international law. International relations achieved a new level of development in Europe early in the 19th century. Three European coalitions against Napoleon Bonaparte had disintegrated in the face of his advance across Europe, and the Continent had been at war for almost twenty years when the Treaty of Chaumont was signed in 18 14. This treaty bound the Quadruple Alliance of Austria, Prussia, Russia, and Great Britain to make a common cause of the defeat of the French army. Twenty-one days after it was signed, the Allied armies entered Paris and hostilities were terminated. From September 18 14 to June 18 15, representatives of France and the Allied Powers met in the Congress of Vienna. This was the first time in history that such a congress was held after war had ended. Convening to resolve the problems raised by the long period of wars, the Congress represented a great advance in its political set tlements, its approach to social and economic problems, and its method of procedure. During the Congress of Vienna, Napoleon made an attempt to regain power. He re-entered France on March 1st, assumed com mand and ruled for one hundred days. He was defeated at Waterloo on June 18th by the British Duke of Wellington, the Prussian Count von Blucher, and the Allied armies. The ensuing Second Peace of Paris opened another area of inter national co-operation: the new Quadruple Alliance planned periodic meetings to pursue common interests for the peace of Europe-an entirely new motivation. Further, the 150,000-man Allied army in occupied France was composed of national forces, each having its own
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commander. However, all commanders were under the supreme com mand of Wellington. Organization and composition of the Allied force were co-ordinated by means of an Allied ambassadorial conference. Another development in the field of international relations occurred in 1 8 1 8 when representatives of the Quadruple Alliance met at Aix la-Chapelle to examine and discuss the problems of the European community. The period of peaceful coexistence was short-lived, for in subse quent conferences at Troppau in 1 820, Laibach in 1 82 1 and Verona in 1 822, there was marked disagreement between the four powers. When Great Britain's policy diverged from the others, the concept of consultative meetings began to disintegrate. In 1 824, Russian foreign policy called for support of the Greeks' rebellion against their Turk ish rulers. The other powers were reluctant to support this policy and the Alliance ended. Although the first legal mechanism for consultation among great powers failed, a precedent was established. Even in the absence of a permanent organization, the practice of holding international confer ences during peacetime to regulate political views and interests among the European nations continued. The period following the collapse of the Quadruple Alliance was marked by the rise of the middle class and by rapid industrialization, accompanied by the rumblings of nationalism and revolution. Yet, consultations among the nations served to settle disputes by peaceful negotiation. In 1 853, a severe international crisis developed between Russia and Turkey. European diplomats resorted to the consultative procedure and called the Con ference of Vienna. This was the first occasion when an international conference of non-belligerents met in an effort to end a struggle be tween two major nations. The conference was unsuccessful and the Crimean War continued. A second Vienna Conference, in 1 855, also failed. The war was finally concluded by the Conference of Paris in 1 85 6. During the latter half of the 1 9th century, nations continued to submit their international problems to conferences of delegates of other nations. The war between Denmark on one side and Austria and Prussia on the other was ended by a conference in 1 8 64. Agree ments were reached at the London Conference of 1 8 7 1 which pre vented the outbreak of hostilities over the small nation-state of Lux-
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embourg. The Berlin Congress of 1878 resulted in terminating a Russian-Turkish conflict and in establishing a relationship among the nations in the Balkans which endured for many years. The defects in the consultative system of the 19th century became apparent, however, during the Cretan crisis of 1897 and the ensuing war between Greece and Turkey. The faults are not difficult to deter mine. The six major European powers had no permanent consulta tive body. Their relationships were defined only in bilateral agree ments or in joint announcements, as circumstances arose. The opin ions of small disinterested states were not considered pertinent to the resolving of the political conflicts of the major powers. Lastly, the system of consultation failed to prevent the growing antagonism be tween the large nations. The Triple Alliance, composed of Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy, was created in 1882 for mutual defense. This prompted the for mation of the Triple Entente-France, Great Britain, and Russia early in the 20th century. The balance of power was not great enough to prevent war and tensions mounted rapidly. In 1908, Austria-Hun gary formally annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina, which it had been occupying since 1878 . In 191 1, the Italian-Turkish War began when Italy attacked Turkey. War in the Balkans ( 19 12-1913) began when Montenegro, Bulgaria, Serbia, and Greece attacked Turkey, then later fought among themselves. In June, 1914, the assassination of Archduke Francis Ferdinand, heir to the Austrian throne, by a Bosnian Serb terrorist touched off World War I. All diplomatic efforts to prevent hostilities failed. Aus tria declared war on Serbia on July 28th. Germany declared war on Russia, which supported Serbia, on August 1st and on France on Au gust 3rd. Shortly thereafter, Germany invaded Belgium and France. On August 4th, Britain declared war on Germany and joined France and Belgium. The war was not confined to Europe but spread to many corners of the globe. On April 6, 1917, the United States de clared war on Germany. On November 11, 1918, the "cease fire" order was given and the victorious Allies prepared to make a peace. The League of Nations
The death and destruction resulting from World War I shocked the world into a realization of the necessity for establishing an inter-
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national instrument for peace. Various forms of international legis lative and administrative agencies had been attempted during the 1 9th century. The Hague Peace Conferences of 1 899 and 1 907 had in fact proposed permanent tribunals for the arbitration of interna tional disputes, but no permanent standing body was ever established. It was the devastation and casualties of World War I to all belligerents --over thirty-five million-that spurred man to work out a security system that would attempt to prevent another world catastrophe. The result was the creation of an international body for world-wide peace. In 1 9 1 9, the League of Nations was proposed to the peace confer ence in Paris. An integral part of the Versailles Treaty, it was the first serious attempt to transfer the responsibility for collective secu rity to the community of nations. President Woodrow Wilson had set forth his Fourteen Points as the peace program of the United States, in his address to the U.S. Congress on January 8, 1 9 1 8. Five of these points-open diplomacy, freedom of the seas, restoration of Alsace-Lorraine to France, inde pendence for Poland and Austrian minorities, and "a general associa tion of nations" to guarantee political and economic independence were included in the Covenant of the League of Nations. The League was intended to stave off war and to replace arbitrary aggression with an unbiased examination of the causes of war. The League of Nations commenced operations at Geneva, Switz erland, on January 1 0, 1 920. It functioned through three major or gans. A Council was set up consisting of the principal Allies and asso ciated powers of World War I, together with representatives of four smaller states to he designated by the Assembly from time to time. The number of non-permanent members was later increased to eleven. A permanent Secretariat was headed by a Secretary-General who was nominated by the Council and approved by a majority of the Assembly. The Assembly was composed of representatives of all the member states. Each was entitled to one vote. While beginning with rather uncertain authority, within ten years the Assembly be came the policy-making body of the organization. The structure of the League was based on the experience of the assemblies of the 1 9th century, except that one of its goals was per manence. The Covenant required the Council to meet at least once a year and the Assembly to convene at stated intervals. The heart of the League of Nations was the provision for chan-
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neling international disputes into judicial or conciliatory processes. The Covenant was also drafted to extend beyond military deterrence. It aimed at eliminating abuses of the colonial-mercantile period of European history by instituting a mandate system for non-self-govern ing territories. A permanent Court of International Justice was cre ated. Efforts were made to remove the causes of war by meeting the economic and social problems of the world community. Attempts were also made to establish an international civil service. But in spite of its achievements, the League failed to fulfill its major objective of preventing war. There were a number of reasons for the League's failure. To begin with, it had no binding jurisdiction; but, more importantly, it required unanimity for settling disputes. In the event that unanimity could not be achieved, the disputing members retained freedom of action and could initiate hostilities after three months. The League was also un able to gain the support of public opinion ; consequently, it could mobilize little moral support. Further, the League not only suffered from an incomplete mem bership, but it was also denied the full support of some of the mem bers it did have. President Wilson played a leading role in drawing up the Versailles Treaty; and, actually, it was he who conceived the idea of the League and persuaded the rest of the world of its validity. Yet, the United States was unprepared politically to accept membership in an international organization such as the League of Nations. Despite the energetic efforts of President Wilson and many other Americans, the U.S. Senate rejected the League Covenant be cause it considered that American sovereignty was not properly safe guarded in the League. Germany was not admitted to the League un til 1 926, and the Soviet Union not until 1934. The League was weakened by the failure of nations which had been members from the beginning to agree on major political questions such as admitting new members, but minor disputes were normally settled satisfactorily. Furthermore, efforts were made to strengthen the provisions of the Covenant. The League adopted the Geneva Protocol of 1 924 in an effort to outlaw war, but the organiza tion shied away from it, leaving the major powers to work out their own guarantees through the Locarno Treaties of 1 925. The failure of the peace plans of 1 9 1 9 was due in some degree to a lack of comprehension of world conditions in the 20th century. Un-
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employment was high; people were hungry and restless. Many turned to the false promises of dictators for a better life. Although the League strongly protested the moves of aggressor nations, it failed to act de cisively by refusing or by being unable to apply appropriate sanctions which might have prevented war. Japan overran and occupied Manchuria in September, 1931. The League condemned the operation and reaffirmed Chinese sovereignty over Manchuria. Japan's answer was to withdraw from the League, but not from Manchuria. Another test of international collaboration occurred in December, 1934, when Italy refused to arbitrate disputes on the Italian Somaliland border between Italian and Ethiopian troops, and demanded reparations and an apology. Ethiopia apealed to the League, but nevertheless was invaded by Italy in October, 1935. Economic sanctions went into effect against Italy in the follow ing month, supported by fifty-two League member-nations and one non-member, Egypt. Premier Mussolini of Italy proclaimed the end of the war and the annexation of Ethiopia in May, 1936. The sanc tions against Italy ended in July, 1936. Military authorities have since concluded that Mussolini's conquest in Africa would have been stopped had sanctions in oil, steel, and use of the Suez Canal been invoked, and military force employed. Mus solini threatened an expanded war if such sanctions were imposed and the League compromised. The League failed to understand-or refused to recognize-that to be effective, such sanctions would ulti mately have to be backed up by armed force. Even before the Ethiopian crisis, the League's failure as a body to prevent war had become obvious, and its influence declined rapidly with the rise of Nazi Germany. Germany left the League in October, 1933, and withdrew from the disarmament conferences. Following the death of President von Hindenburg of Germany in August, 1934, Hitler consolidated the offices of president and chancellor and became the Fuehrer. With his rise to power, the League could no longer main tain the international status of Danzig, a self-governing territory con stituted by the Treaty of Versailles, and it became Nazified. In March, 1935, Hitler rejected the Versailles Treaty and the Locarno Pacts and ordered conscription in Germany. In March, 1 936, German troops began the reoccupation of the demilitarized Rhine land zone. With little or no effective opposition, Hitler's troops invaded Austria, Czechoslovakia, and Memel. It was not until German troops
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invaded Poland in September, 1 939, that the other nations of Europe realized, the necessity for immediate action if they were to survive. It was too late to rely on the League. Italy had withdrawn in Decem ber, 1 937, and China and Japan had been engaged in an undeclared war since 1 93 7. One of the last actions of the League was to expel the Soviet Union in December, 1 939, for its attack on Poland. On April 1 8, 1 946, the League of Nations concluded its work and gave its phys ical assets in Geneva, Switzerland, to the United Nations. As this book is written, in 1 966, it is still impossible to make an objective appraisal of "what might have been" had the United States Senate and American public opinion espoused President Wilson's idealistic dream of a united world. But at least the goal was enunciated and world peace recognized as man's only hope of survival.
The United Nations Headquarters Buildings in New York
Chapter II
The United Nations Only two major Allied powers were involved at the beginning of World War II-France and the British Commonwealth. They de clared war on Germany in September, 1 9 39, on Italy in June, 1 940, and on Japan in December, 1 94 1 . The Soviet Union, even while negotiating a mutual assistance pact with Great Britain and France, signed a ten-year non-aggression treaty and a trade agreement with Nazi Germany in August, 1 939. The treaty was broken by Germany in June, 1 94 1 , when Germany invaded Russia. The Soviet Union then joined the Allied coalition. The United States entered the war on the side of the Allies on December 7, 1 94 1 , when Japan attacked the U.S. fleet at Pearl Harbor. The foundation of post-war collective security actions grew out of the joint wartime effort. Prior to Pearl Harbor, President Franklin D. Roosevelt of the United States and Prime Minister Winston Churchill of Great Britain met on August 1 4, 1 94 1 , aboard the Brit ish battleship Prince of Wales off Newfoundland. This meeting re sulted in the Atlantic Charter, an eight-point declaration of principles setting forth a program of peaceful purposes. The declaration rejected territorial expansion of the two nations, acknowledged the rights of peoples to choose their own form of gov ernment, and emphasized the need for economic co-operation. It envisioned world-wide disarmament pending the establishment of a wider and permanent system of general security. In December, 1 94 1 , a declaration of the nations at war with Ger many, Italy or Japan was drafted. It pledged joint co-operation in the war effort but, more importantly, it adopted the common purposes and principles set forth in the Atlantic Charter. The document was entitled "Declaration of United Nations," at President Roosevelt's suggestion. On January 1, 1 942, it was signed by representatives of twenty-six nations. On December 1, 1 943, President Roosevelt, Prime Minister Churchill, and Premier Stalin of Russia, meeting in Tehran, 25
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declared : " we are sure that our concord will win an enduring peace. We recognize fully the supreme responsibility resting upon us and all the United Nations, to make a peace which will command the good will of the overwhelming masses of the peoples of the world and banish the scourge and terror of war for many generations." On October 30th of the same year, a declaration was signed in Moscow by representatives of the United States, Great Britain, China, and the Soviet Union. Clause 4 of the Moscow Four-Nations Declaration on General Security proclaims that: They ( the four governments) recognize the necessity of estab lishing at the earliest practicable date a general international or ganization, based on the principle of the sovereign equality of all peace-loving states, and open to membership by all such states, large and small, for the maintenance of international peace and security. The first blueprint of the United Nations was prepared at a con ference in a mansion known as "Dumbarton Oaks" in Washington, D.C. The first phase of the conference was between representatives of the USSR, the United Kingdom, and the United States, from Au gust 2 1 to September 28, 1944. The second phase between repre sentatives of the United States, the United Kingdom, and China took place from September 29 to October 7, 1 944. At the end of the con ference, proposals for the structure of a world organization were pub lished. According to the Dumbarton Oaks proposals, the key body in the United Nations for preserving world peace was to be the Secu rity Council on which the "Big Five"-the United States, the United Kingdom, France, China, and the USSR-were to be perma nently represented. Voting procedure in the Council, however, was not specified. This was discussed at the Yalta Conference between President Roosevelt, Prime Minister Churchill, and Premier Stalin. On February 1 1, 1945, it was announced at the conference that this point had been settled and the three leaders declared : We are resolved upon the earliest possible establishment with our Allies of a general international organization to maintain peace and security . . .
The United Nations
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We have agreed that a conference of United Nations should be called to meet at San Francisco . . . on the twenty-fifth April 1 945, to prepare the charter of such an organization, along the lines proposed in the informal conversations of Dumbarton Oaks. Between April 25 and June 2 6, 1 945, delegates of fifty nations met at San Francisco. Working on the Dumbarton Oaks proposals, the Yalta Agreement, and amendments proposed by various govern ments, the conference agreed upon the Charter of the United Nations and the Statute of the new International Court of Justice. The Charter was passed unanimously and signed by all representatives. It came into force on October 24, 1 945, when the United States, the United Kingdom, France, the Republic of China, the USSR, and a majority of the other signatories had filed their instruments of ratifica tion. October 24th is now observed as United Nations Day. Preamble to the Charter
The Preamble to the United Nations Charter expresses the ideals and common aims of all the peoples whose governments joined to gether to form the United Nations. It states : We the peoples of the United Nations determined to save suc ceeding generations from the scourge of war, which twice in our lifetime has brought untold sorrow to mankind, and to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the hu man person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small, and to establish conditions under which justice and respect for the obligations arising from treaties and other sources of international law can be maintained, and to promote social prog ress and better standards of life in larger freedom, And for these ends to practice tolerance and live together in peace with one another as good neighbors, and to unite our strength to maintain international peace and security, and to ensure, by the acceptance of principles and the institution of methods, that armed force shall not be used, save in the common interest, and to em ploy international machinery for the promotion of the economic and social advancement of all peoples, Have resolved to combine our efforts to accomplish these aims.
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Pacts for Peace Accordingly, our respective governments, through representatives assembled in the city of San Francisco, who have exhibited their full powers found to be in good and due form, have agreed to the present Charter of the United Nations and do hereby establish an international organization to be known as the United Nations. Purposes and Principles
The purposes of the United Nations are: To maintain international peace and security; To develop friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples; To co-operate in solving international problems of an economic, social, cultural or humanitarian character, and in promoting respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms for all; and To be a center for harmonizing the actions of nations in attaining these common ends. To fulfill the purposes for which it was established, the United Nations acts in accordance with the following principles : The Organization is based on the sovereign equality of all of its members. All members are to fulfill in good faith the obligations they have assumed under the Charter. They are to settle their international disputes by peaceful means. They are to refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force in any manner inconsistent with the purposes of the United Nations. They are to give the United Nations every assistance in any action it takes in accordance with the Charter, and to refrain from giving assistance to any state against which the Organization is tak ing preventive or enforcement actions. The United Nations is to ensure that non-members act in accord ance with these principles so far as is necessary for maintaining international peace and security. The Organization is not to intervene in matters essentially
The United Nations
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within the domestic jurisdiction of any state. This provision does not, however, prejudice the application of enforcement action with respect to threats to the peace, breaches of the peace, and acts of aggression. The official languages of the United Nations are English, French, Russian, Spanish, and Chinese. Its working languages are English and French. Spanish is also a working language of the General Assembly and of the Economic and Social Council. Membership in the United Nations is open to all peace-loving na tions which accept the obligations of the United Nations Charter and, in the judgment of the Organization, are able and willing to carry out these obligations. The original members of the United Nations are those countries that signed the Declaration by United Nations of January 1, 1942, or took part in the San Francisco Conference, and that signed and rati fied the Charter. Other countries can be admitted by the General Assembly upon the recommendation of the Security Council. Members may be suspended or expelled by the General Assembly on the recommendation of the Security Council. They may be sus pended if the Security Council is taking enforcement action against them, or expelled if they persistently violate the principles of the Charter. The Security Council can restore rights to a suspended mem ber. The Principal Organs
The United Nations has six principal organs: the General Assembly, the Security Council, the Economic and Social Council, the Trusteeship Council, the International Court of Justice, and the Sec retariat. Subsidiary organs may be set up as required. GENERAL AssEMBL y
The General Assembly is the main deliberative organ of the United Nations and is composed of all member states. As of January 1, 1966, there were 1 17 members. Each member has not more than five representatives in the Assembly, chosen according to each country's method.
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