Old Nubian Grammar (Languages of the World) 3895868930, 9783895868931

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In the Middle Ages, Old Nubian was the principal language of the Sudan and the southern part of Egypt. The direct ancestor of the Nubian still spoken in that area, it is the only indigenous African language whose development we can follow for over a millennium.

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The corpus of Old Nubian, which occupies fewer than one hundred pages of continuously printed text, extends from the eighth to the fifteenth century of our era, though most of the material is from the tenth to the twelfth. About half of the texts are of religious content, comprising translations of the Greek New Testament, the Septuagint and other Christian writings; the rest are documentary, consisting of public contracts, private letters and similar material.

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Nubian Grammar

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Belonging to the Nilo-Saharan language family, Old Nubian is written in a modified form of the Greek uncial alphabet, with extra characters taken from Coptic and Meroitic. The general characteristics of the language emerge from the following formula (after Hawkins): SOV I POST I GEN + N I N +ADJ.

Gerald M. B rowne

The author, Professor of the Classics and Linguistics at the University of Illinois (Urbana/Champaign), has published fourteen books and over seventy articles on Old Nubian; he is regarded as the World's leading authority on that language. ISBN 3 89586 893 0

Titel:Lincom: Languages of the Autor:Browne, Gerald H. Art . :421620 ISBN:3-89586-893University of Toronto Library KdNr . :611230 Auf.Nr.:115064 Lief.:81218, 020951 23 .09.2003 52,00 letter of 15.05 .1991 FOR Versand :SPED

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Languages of the World/Ma terials 330 LlNCOM EUROPA

Old Nubian Grammar Gerald M. Browne Languages of the World/Materials 330

2002 LlNCOM EUROPA

PREFACE

Published by LlNCOM EUROPA 2002.

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ISBN 3 89586 893 0

30 November 200 I Depal1ment of the Classics University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign 4090 Foreign Languages Building 707 S. Mathews Avenue Urbana IL 61801-3676 USA

LlNCOM EUROPA Freibadstr. 3 0-81543 Muenchen

Printed on chlorine-free paper

This work builds upon and greatly expands the blief grammatical sketch that I presented in my Introduction to Old Nubian, Meroitica 11, Berlin 1989 (now out of print and virtually unobtainable). I am grateful to Dr. Troy Sagril10 for designing the Nllbian font here utilized, and to Mr. James Inman for reading through the text and removing numerous errors.

CONTENTS

o

INTRODUCTION .......................................................................... 1

0.1

Prefatory remarks .............................................................................. 1 Previous studies ............................................................................... 2 Texts utilized .................................................................................. .4 Modem dialects ................................................................................ 5 Editorial sigla ................................................................................... 5

o. 2 ().3 0.4 0.5

ORTHOGRAPHy ............................ ""."." ........ ",."", ........... "", ... 7 1.1 1.1.1 1.1.2 1.2 1.2.1 1.2.2 1. 2.3 1.3 1.3.1 1.3.2 1.3.3 1.3.4 1.3.5 1.3.6 1.4 1.5 1.6

Alphabet ................................................................ , .... , ...... , ...... , .. ,. 7 Table of letters ............................... , ............. , ...... " ..... ' ......... , .... , ...... 7 Phonetic Equivalents .......................................................................... 9 Punctuation ........................................................ , ., "" "' ... , .... "" ' "" 10 Raised point ....... ,., ... , ........ ,', ....... , .......................... ',.,.' ............. ' .. IO Other marks of punctuation ................................................................. 11 Numerical signs ................................. " ................. ,., ... , ................... 12 Supraliteration ........ , ... , ...... , ............................... , ...... ".". , ........... , .. , 12 Syllable-forming vowel ....................................... , ... , ......................... 12 Consonant + A. II. I' or Ii + vowel. ........................................................ , 12 Consonant with stroke = 1ifC. .............................................................. 12 Occasionally consonant with stroke = lilCli1 ............................................. 13 Phonemic stroke vs, non-phonemic stroke ............................................... 13 Traces of different system ................. , ..... , .................. , ....................... 13 Abbreviations"".,." ......... , .. , ................... ,', ................ " ........... ,"', .. 13 Division of words between lines ........................................................... 13 Word demarcation ., ................. , ......... , ..... , .. " ............ , ... " , .... , ........ , .. 13

2

PHONOLOGY ., .... , ................ ' .............. " ............ , .... , ....... , ......... , 15

2.1 2.1.1 2.1.2 2.1.3 2.2

Vowel phonemes , .. ' ... ' , ....... , , , , , .............. , ... , , , ........... , , , ' , . , .. , .......... , .. 15 Vocalic length nonnally unmarked., ................ " .................. , .......... " ... '. 15 Vocalic alternation ..... ,.,., ......... , .......... , .................. , ......... , ... , ........... 15 Diphthong phonemes .......... ,., ............................................ "., ........... 16 Consonant phonemes, ... , .. , ...... , ................. , , ......... " .. , .... , .... , ..... , .... , .. 17 Distribution of sonorants ........ ,'.', ........... , ... ,', ............ ',.,." ... ' ........ "'" 17 Consonantal altemation ....... , ... , , " , , , ......... , ,.,' , ......... ' , ..... ' ............... , .. , 17 Assimilation of sonorants., .. ,., ...... , ............. , .......... " .... , .. , .. ,., ... , ..... , .... 18 Regressive assimilation .. , ............................ , .............. , ........... , ..... , .. ,. 19 Progressive assimilation ..................................... , .............................. 19 Anomalous assimilations ......... , ................ , .................. , ..................... 20 Assimilation of other consonants, , " ' .............. " , ............... ' . , , ............... , , 20 Elision ........... , .................... , ....................... , ......... , .......... , ... ,., ..... 20 Prevocalic elision of "- between words .................................................... 20 Other cases of loss 01'''- between words .................................................. 20 Loss of "- within word ...................................................................... 21 Elision of other vowels, .. " .... ,"'" ' ............ , .. ",. , ........... ,", , ..... , , .... , .' ". 2 I ,,-.,,- > "-Y"-. etc ................................................................................ 21

2.2.1 2.2.2 2.3 2.3.1 2.3.2 2.3.3 2.4 2.5 2.5.1 2.5.2 2.5.3 2.5.4 2.5.5

OLD NUBIAN GRAMMAR

VI

Replacement and loss of A and /'..... ............. . .. .... ....... .. ........................ 21

2.5.6 2.6 2.7 2.8 2.9 2.10 2.11 2.12 2.13

CC > C ................................................ ··· ..................................... 22 C > CC ................................................ ··· ..................................... 22 A + postposition .............................................................................. 22 Juncture vowel........................................ ............. . ..................... 22 Vowel harmony ............................................................................. 23 Metathesis...... . . ....... . ... . ..... . ... . ... .... . .... . . . . . 23 Accentuation ................................................................................. 23

3

MORPHOLOGy .......................................................................... 25

3.1 3.2 3.3 3.3.1 3.3.2 3.3.3 3.3.4 3.3.5 3.3.6 3 . .t 3.4.1 3.4.2 3.4.3 3.4.4 3.5 3.5.1 3.5.2 3.6 3.6.1 3.6.2 3.6.3 3.6.4 3.6.5 3.6.6 3.7 3.7.1 3.7.2 3.7.3 3.7.4 3.7.5 3.7.6 3.7.7 3.8 3.8.1 3.8.2 3.8.3 3.8 ..t 3.9

Lack of gender .......................................... , .. . ........ . ....................... 25 Definiteness vs. indefiniteness ............................................................ 25 Substantives ................................................................................. 25 Simple substantives ......................................................................... 25 Cumpound substantives .......................................... . ....... 26 Multiple suffixation .......................................................................... 28 Compounds of multiple bases .............................................................. 28 Loan words ................................................................................... 28 Proper names ................................................................................. 28 Adjectives ..................................................................................... 28 Simple adjectives....................................... ............... . ........... 28 Compound adjectives ....................................................................... 29 Adjective equivalents ........................................................................ 29 Substitutes for comparative and superlative .............................................. 30 Plural formation .............................................................................. 30 General plural .............................................................................. 30 .. ........................ 31 Predicative plural......... ............................ 'Case inf1ection' ............................................................................. 32 Subjective: -A ............•.....•.............................................................. 33 Genitive: -ttc... ott ................................................................ _............ 33 Directive: -Kc.. ................................................................................. 35 Predicative: -c.. ................................................................................ 36 Annective -oy ................................................................................ 37 Phrase-terminal specification ............................................................... 39 Pronouns ................................................................................... 40 Personal pronouns ........................................................................... 40 Reflexive pronouns .......................................................................... 41 Reciprocal pronoun .......................................................................... 41 Demonstrative pronouns .................................................................... 42 Interrogati ve pronouns ...................................................................... 42 Indefinite pronouns .......................................................................... 43 Lack of relative pronoun. ..... ..................... ........ ............. . .. 44 Numbers ...................................................................................... 44 Cardinals ...................................................................................... 44 Ordinals ....................................................................................... 4S Multiplicatives .............................................................................. 45 Fractions ...................................................................................... 45 Verbs .......................................................................................... 45

-A> /'- ................................................ .............

.. ......................

22

OLD NUBIAN GRAMMAR

vn

3.9.1 3.9.2 3.9.3 3.9.4 3.9.5 3.9.6 3.9.7 3.9.8 3.9.9 3.9.10 3.9.11 3.9.12 3.9.13 3.9.14 3.9.15 3.9.16 3.9.17 3.9.18 3.9.19 3.9.20 3.9.21 3.9.22 3.10 3.11 3.12 3.13

Monosyllabic sterns ....................................................................... 46 Polysyllabic stems ........................................................................... 46 Reduplicated stems .......................................................................... 47 Verbal loan words .......................................................................... , 47 Verbal suffixes ............................................................................... 47 Synopsis of verb ............................................................................. 49 Notes on tenses ........................................... ·· .. · .... · ... · ................ · .... 55 Reduced verbid .............................................................................. 57 Expanded verbid ............................................................................. 58 Affirmative ................................................................................... 58 Periphrastics .................................................................................. S9 Verbs used in periphrastics ................................................................. 59 Verbid periphrastic ......................................................................... 60 Predicative peliphrastic ..................................................................... 61 Indicative periphrastic ....................................................................... 61 Other periphrastic formations .............................................................. 62 Imperative .................................................................................... 62 Vetitive ....................................... '" .............................................. 63 Adjunctive .............................................................. ' ..................... 64 Negative in -Tb. .............................................................................. 66 Intenogative sentences ..................................................................... 66 Position of verbal elements ................................................................. 67 Postpositions ................................................................................. 67 Conjunctions ................................................................................. 76 Adverbs ......................... , ............................................................. 76 Interjections .................................................................................. 77

4

SYNTAX ................................................................................... 79

4.1 .t.1.1 4.1.2 ·L1.3 4.2 4.3

Simple sentences ............................................................................ 79 Nominal sentences ........................................................................... 79 Verbal sentences ............................................................................. 79 Sentences with adverbial predicate ........................................................ 81 Intenogative sentences ...................................................................... 81 Complex sentences .......................................................................... 81 Compound sentences ........................................................................ 81 Substantival cOllversion ..................................................................... 82 Subject conversion .......................................................................... 82 Predicate conversion ........................................................................ 83 Adjectival conversion ....................................................................... 83 Adverbial conversion ........................................................................ 85 Subject/object clauses ....................................................................... 86 Comparative clauses ......................................................................... 86 Circumstantial/temporal clauses ............................................................ 87 Causal clau5es ................................................................................ 87 Conditional clauses (closed neutral and open neutral) ................................... 88 Conditional clauses (closed hypothetical) ................................................. 89 Final clauses .................................................................................. 89 -c.. of direct discourse ........................................................................ 91 Word order ................................................................................... 91

.t.4 4.5 -L5.1

.t.5.2 4.6 4.7 4.7.1 4.7.2 4.7.3 4.7.4 4.7.5 .t.7.6 4.7.7 4.8 4.9

VIII

OLD NUBIAN GRAMMAR

4.9.1 4.9.2 4.9.3 4.9.4 4.9.5 4.9.6 4.10 4.11

SOY 1 POST 1 GEN + N 1 N + ADJ ....................................................... 91 Relatively fixed word order ................................................................ 92 Position of adverbs .......................................................................... 92 Pret. of nEG- + -rA..I.8 ...................................................................... 92 Hyperbaton ................................................................................... 92 Frontal extraposition ........................................................................ 92 Asyndeton .................................................................................... 92 Ellipsis ........................................................................................ 93

5

SAMPLE TEXTS ........................................................................ 95

5.1 5.2

John 11:20-41.. ............................................................................. 95 Psalm 103: 15-30 ............................................................................ 103

6

BIBLIOGRAPHy ...................................................................... . 107

INTRODUCTION

O.t Prefatory remarks (based on Browne 1999a) O.l.l In the Middle Ages, O(ld) N(ubian) was the principal language of the kingdoms of Nobadia, Makuria and Alodia, roughly the area of the modern Sudan and southern Egypt, and it is the direct ancestor of the Nubian still spoken in that area. Of the modern dialects, it is most closely akin to Nobiin (also known as Mahas/Fadidja: Werner 1987.18-24). Belonging to the Nilo-Saharan family, Nubian is the only indigenous African language whose development we can tracc for over a millennium. O.l.2 The corpus of O.N. extends from the eighth to the fiftecnth centuries: the oldest dated text consists of O.N. insertions in a Greek epitaph of A.D. 797 (see Lajtar 1997.117; as Lajtar notes, the Coptic Nubian papyrus published as Browne 1993.29-32, might he earlier, but it is dated only on palaeographical grounds: at any rate the text previously thought to be the earliest, Griffith's graffito 4, can now be shown not to contain a date: see Browne 1996g), and the latest is a document dated in 1484 (see Adams 1977.533 with n. 85). But most of the texts, both literary and documentary, come from the tenth to the twelfth centuries.

0.1.3 The language is written in a modified form of the Greek alphabet, with extra characters taken from the Coptic and Meroitic scripts 1.1.1. Previous researchers have assumed that the orthography is based on that of Coptic. While it is true that several O.N. letters are modelled on the latter script, which is also the source of O.N. supraliteration 1.3, it is nonetheless the case that the ductus litteratum is Greek, not Coptic. Specifically, the writing-at least of the literary texts-is similar to the Greek sloping majuscule style of the seventh to the ninth centuries, as noted in Browne 1990b.124-125, where I give a reproduction of a Sinai Greek manuscript (8th/9th cent.), similar in style to the O.N. manuscript most conveniently illustrated on the covers of Browne 1988a and 1998a.

0.1.4 The unmistakably Greek appearance of the O.N. script has a practical application: it has allowed the excavators at Qasr Ibrim to distinguish easily between O.N. and Coptic fragments, even without knowledge of the languages. And failure to recognize the fundamental difference between Coptic and O.N. scripts has contributed at least once to a mistaken identification of an O.N. text as Coptic: the Sunnarti fragment (Sunn. 20.3), assumed by its original editor to be a Coptic document, should-on the basis of the writing alone-have been recognized as O.N. Unfortunately, all editors of O.N. texts, including the present author, have used the Coptic alphabet for our publications, but this is simply a matter of convenience-because O.N. employs certain Coptic letters-and it should not blind us to the essentially Greek appearance of the script. 0.1.5 If printed in a modern edition, the corpus of O.N. would occupy fewer than 100 pages of continuous text. Of the material preserved, about half is of religious content, consisting of translations of the Greek New Testament, the Septuagint, and other Christian writings, while the remainder is documentary, comprising public contracts, private letters, and similarly ephemeral material. For many of the religious texts we are fortunate in having the Greek Vorlage, a crucial resource for explicating the language. Having no underlying Greek original, the documentary material is natllrally more difficult to elucidate.

0.1.6 Until recently, all research on O.N. was based on the collection assembled in Griffith 1913. But the material available to Griffith amounted to only about 20 pages of continuously

OLD NUBIAN GRAMMAR

2

printed text. Now, thanks in large part to excavations undertaken in response to the UNESCO campaign to save the monuments threatened by the Aswiln Dam, many new texts have come to light, and the corpus has more than quadrupled. The new material has also allowed significant improvement in understanding the language, and consequently many of the interpretations proposed by Griffith must now be abandoned. 0.1.7 Of the new texts, particularly important is the O.N. translation of Ps.-Chrysostom, In venerabilem crucem sermo, discovered by the University of Chicago in the course of its excavations at Serra East. It is by far the longest O.N. text extant, and direct comparison with the surviving Greek model has permitted us greatly to enhance our understanding of the language. In addition, a substantial body of material-both literary and documentary-has been uncovered at Qasr Ibrim by the Egypt Exploration Society. The bulk of these texts have been published in Plumley-Browne 1988 and Browne 1989b and 1991a. 0.1.8 Except for some exiguous fragments (see Zyhlarz 1928.188-192), the texts display a uniform dialect, apart from the following deviations: an archaism in the pronominal system appears in translations of Old Testament texts (chiefly poetic) 3.7.1a, and the language of the documents avails itself of a periphrastic preterite 3.9.19.1; also mainly restricted to the documents is the nominal syntagma described in 3.6.6b ftn. 20. Some vocalic alternations may be dialectal in origin: 2.1.2.2 and 2.1.2.3. Recently, M. Becchaus-Gerst (2000.20-23) has suggested that certain features of the language of IN III 36 (for the siglum see 0.3) may be cognate with modern Dongolawi/Kenzi. 0.1.9 The general characteristics of Nubian appear in the following formula, based on Hawkins 1979.626, Type 24:

OLD NUBIAN GRAMMAR

literary texts then available (M., K. and St. 0.3) and a comprehensive glossary. Unfortunately the work is fundamentally flawed, as the following list of its more glaring defects reveals: (l) whenever Griffith restored a passage, using the appropriate brackets and dots 0.5, Zyhlarz printed the text without editorial sigla, thereby at times providing false information: e.g. in L. 0.3 106.16 Griffith printed [TI](i(i[IKlloYb.I, an unparalleled form which Zyhlarz took over without the brackets and dotted letters and presented to the reader as a legitimate construction (*§ 195 and 339) (autoptic examination of the passage led me to propose the normal form [TIJ,5;:iIlKOIIIIO~ [Browne 1979.250 and 1989c.19J); (2) Zyhlarz assumed that -,I, was the definite article (§§61, 75 and p. 178); it is in fact the marker of the subjective case (Hintze 1975b and 3.6.1); (3) the plural pronouns 01'- and Gp- Zyhlarz interpreted as inclusive and exclusive, respectively (§94), thereby reversing their roles (VycichI1958.172-173; 1961 and 3.7.1); (4) Zyhlarz posited two future tenses (§§164-166). but the language has only one (Stricker 1940.455; Browne 1982b §4b and 3.9.7b); (5) his description of the' Partizipien' (~§141-151) must be totally discarded (Hintze 1971.287-291 and 3.9.6); and (6) his section on "genera verbi" (§§ 128-139) also requires extensive rcvision (Hintze 1975a).

0.2A A little over a decade later appeared B. H. Stricker's excellent 'Study in Medieval Nubian', which treated orthography, phonetics, morphology. syntax and vocabulary (Stricker 1940). Especially noteworthy are his discussion of the supraliteral stroke (440-441), the fundamental observation that the suffix -.~, 'when syllable-opening, ... appears as '1" (443) and the section on the -b. of oratio recta (447-451). His treatment of these topics has greatly furthered my own analysis of the language (see below, 1.3,2.6 and 4.8). 0.2.5 Starting in the fifties, W. Vycichl brought out three brief but expert studies (Vycichl 1956, 1958 [of which part b is of fundamental importance for understanding the relationship between the subjunctive and the indicative: see Browne 1982b §22 with 3.9.6J and 1961).

SOY I POST I GEN + N I N + AD) In other words, the word order is Subject Object Verb, the language employs postpositions instead of prepositions, and the genitive tends to precede its noun, while the adjective follows it; see further below, 4.9.1. 0.2 Previous studies (based on Browne 1991b) 0.2.1 Scientific investigation of O.N. began in 1913, when F. Ll. Griffith published his edition of the texts then available and included a brief grammatical sketch as well as a glossary (Griffith 1913). Assisted by the Africanist, H. Schafer, to whom was due the listing of cognates from the modern language, Griffith produced a work which still remains fundamental. 0.2.2 Eight years later appeared H. Abel's study of the Nubian verbal system, a careful analysis which compared the verbal morphology of the ancient language with the evidence of the modern dialects (Abel 1921). As the basis of his work, Abel prepared a concordance of the texts in Griffith; never published, this concordance-recorded on several thousand index cards-is lodged in the Akademie der Wissenschaften in Berlin, where I had the opportunity to consult it in 198617, when I was Visiting Professor of Egyptology and Sudan Archaeology in the Humboldt-Universitlit zu Berlin; it has proved to be extremely helpful in preparing my own O.N. dictionary (Browne 1996a). 0.2.3 In 1928 E. Zyhlarz published the first comprehensive treatment of O.N. (Zyhlarz 1928). The work contains a detailed grammatical analysis, an edition of three of the main

0.2.6 The excavations in Nubia in the sixties renewed interest in O.N. and prompted F. Hintze to undertake a magisterial series of 'Beobachtungen wr altnubischen Grammatik' (Hintze 1971, 1975a and b, 1977 and 1986). In these studies Hintze radically revised the grammar of Zyhlarz and proposed new models for viewing the language. When in 1978 I began to work on O.N., Hintze kindly provided me with offprints of his 'Beobachtungen', thereby giving me the necessary corrigenda to Zyhlarz and the means to develop my own ideas. 0.2.7 My own rescarch proceeded against the background of the new textual material, and I was especially fortunate in being allowed to edit the Serra East Chrysostom and a large number of literary and documentary texts from Qasr Ibirm 0.1.7. These texts were especially important in improving my understanding of the O.N. verbal system. concerning which my preliminary study appeared in 1982 (Browne 1982b). In particular, the new material revealed: (l) that the preterite II infinitive (or verbid, as I now prefer to call it 3.9.6 ftn. 43) ends in -CIA (Browne 1982b §4e and 3.9.8); (2) that there is only one future tense, as Stricker had once assumed 0.2.3; (3) that formations like SC 18.3 Kb.I'COIIIII\ effectively demonstrate the origin of the verbal system as expansions of the infinitive/verhid (Browne 1982b §~5 [especially note fj and 29, 1988a I and 3.9.6); and (4) that the language has an impressive array of periphrastic formations, some of which were not attested in the texts previously known (Browne 1982b *~34-45, with 3.9.11-3.9.16). Although I do not claim that my analysis of the verbal system is correct in all its details, it is gratifying to sec that at least thc broad outline has won acceptance: see especially Werncr 1987.143: "Brownes Darstellung des Entstchungsprozesses des altnubischen Vcrbalsystems ist clurch seine Schllissigkeit und die Reduzierung auf wenige

OLD NUBIAN GRAMMAR

4

Grundformen und wenige Regeln Uberzeugend"; see also Smagina 1986a.ll, Vycichl 1990.123, Werner 1993.48 and Bechhaus-Gerst 1996.119 and 232-234. 0.2.8. To conclude this survey, mention should be made of the publications of the Russian scholar, E. B. Smagina. Her first paper (1979) is a careful assessment of O.N. orthography and phonology, to which I have added some comments (Browne 198Ic.67). In 1983 appeared her reconstruction of fI. I 0.3, a text that she and I independently assigned to part of an O.N. version of Revelation (Smagina 1983; Browne 1981d; 1984b.30-36 and 1989c.76-79), and in 1985 she published a useful comparative study on loan words in Coptic and O.N. 1986 saw publication of a paper summarizing her research on morphological problems (1986b) as well as her brief synopsis of O.N. grammar (l986a): this lucid and well-argued presentatIon should be made available to all Nubiologists and ought therefore to be translated into a western language.

0.3 The present grammar is based on the following texts, most of which were also utilized in my Old Nubian Dictionary, Browne 1996a (note that items marked with * arc to be found in Browne 1989c): *M. *K. *L. *St. *SC *IN I *IN II IN III *Dong. *Ben. *Sunn. I *Sunn. 2 *FE *SE Sale fI. * I, 2 ostr. gI. 1-16 WN

Nauri Kanarti Tamit Sabagura Faras Kordofan el-Scheima CM IN A INQ KG

Miracle of Saint Menas Nicene Canons Lectionary Stauros-Text Ps.-Chrysostom, In venerabilem crucem sermo Old Nubian Texts from Qasr Ibrim I Old Nubian Texts from Qasr Ibrim II (only 13-20 are in Browne 1989c; for 21-29 see Browne 1989b) Old Nubian Texts from Qasr Ibrim III (Browne 1991a) Two Old Nubian Texts from Old Dongola The Qasr el-Wizz Benedicite The Sunnarti Mark The Sunnarti Luke The Faras Martyrdom of Epimachus Ps.-Chrysostom, In quattuor animalia Griffith 1913.53-55 + Browne 1992a Griffith 1913.55-56 Griffith 1913.56 Griffith 1913.57-68 Griffith 1928.118-128 (note that I have modified some readings on the basis of a photograph provided by T. J. Logan, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York) Griffith 1928.128-130 Donadoni 1965 + Browne 2002d Donadoni 1967 Donadoni 1962 Altheim-Stiehl 1971 + Jakobielski 1978 Arkelll951 Bietak-Schwarz 1987 Browne 1992c.35-37; 1994e.31-32 Browne 199Ib.289-291 Browne 1994a.l0 Browne 1998d

OLD NUBIAN GRAMMAR

5

Browne 2000d Browne 200lg Browne 200lb Browne 2001a

KD DP CE CL

Other, more fragmentary texts, published as well as unpublished, are occasionally utilized; they are cited with pertinent bibliography. 0.4 Even though the present book is a synchronic grammar of O.N., I occasionally cite the modern dialects, using N. for Nobiin (fonnerly known as Mahas) as well as D. for Dongolawi and K. for Kenzi. Unless otherwise indicated, the source of infonnation for the modern dialects is Murray 1923, occasionally supplemented by Almkvist 1911; Armbruster 1960, 1965; Bcchhaus-Gerst 1996; Khalil 1996; Lepsius 1880; Massenbach 1933, 1962; Reinisch 1879; Werner 1987.

0.5 In presenting the texts, I employ the following editorial sigla:


}

n

= lacuna = addition by editor = deletion by editor = deletion by scribe b. is uncertain ;,. is added above line by scribe

1 ORTHOGRAPHY 1.1 Alphabet 1.1.1 The O.N. alphabet consists of 30 letters, of which 24 are Greek, three ([9. 2 and ~ [the last = 6: see below]) are Coptic, and three (c. Xl and J) are enchoric. derived-with varying degrees of probablity--from Meroitic. The O.N. names of the letters have not been preserved; presumably they corrcsponded, at least roughly, with those used in Greek and Coptic, where the names of the three letters mentioned above are reconstructed as .(ai, hare! /z) and kyima, respectively: see Layton 2000 §8. Where the enchoric letters precisely stood in the O.N. alphabet cannot be recovered; their sequence at the end is a modern scholarly convention. The following table gives the lellers, their transliteration (recommended for citing O.N. words in linguistic, lexical or historical studies which do not presuppose familiarity with the ancient alphabet) and their broad phonetic value or pronunciation (see 1.1.2 as well as the phonemic inventory presented in Chapter 2). Note that the transliteration does not always correspond with the phonetic value. Transliteration

Letter

Phonetic Valuc

a

a

b

b

g

g

d

d

e

e

z

z

th

III (Eng!. thin)

k

k

II

m

III

II

n

II

x

ks

0

a

a

n

p

p

II

K A

., (sic), 3,

~

OLD NUBIAN GRAMMAR

8 p

r

C

s

OLD NUBIAN GRAMMAR

9

2. In the ostracon ~ appears in the position of the letter normally written in (Sahidic) Coptic as o. Elsewhere I'> is found in O.N. instead of S only in Kanarti 2 6611- and Ben. 8 "oyIlIA-. (Griffith 1913.72 draws the ~ in K. 19.15 in such a way that it resembles 6, but the plate in Budge 1909 suggests that we probably have merely a badly formed 6.)

T

3. Coptic

which appears in the ostracon, occurs in an O.N. context only in Ben. 17, 1I0.C\6AGC, i.e. V£.n- 'fowl' .•\OYC1'T-/AO)TOYTT- 'blind'. KIIII-/KOYllll- 'to knock (upon)', KOYC-!KC(C)- 'to looscn'. 11I.\-/II01'A- (under IIG_\- 'to run') amI cOYllnoYT-!CllnIT'foundation'. See also 4.7.7d nn. liS (.1111~ vs. -I"oy~/-oy"oy;;;;).

2.1.2.2 O.N. also shows other vocalic alternations, for which I note examples below. Of these alternations, those between ~ and 8, G and I, and 0 and 1 may be dialectal in origin (cf. Werner 1987.46, and sec my note below on 0 vs. I); the variation between 0 and 0'1', though perhaps dialectal, may simply reflect a lack of precision on the part of the writer in transcribing the sound, as does also probably that between" and 0 (cf. also 2.2.2). The uncommon variation between 0 and 8 may be only the result of scribal error.

t At times oy = fowl: 2.5.5 and 3.9.7b, and cr. f'tnn. 3 and 4. Sec also 2.1.2.1. 2 Throughout this chapter, all attestations-unless specifically marked-are to be found in Browne 1996a. For the dialect sigla sec 0.4.

OLD NUElAN GRAMMAR

]6

;,. VS. 8: not common, found only in ;"CC8-/t~CCI- 'water', -r(;,.)p-/-rEp- causative verb (-rep- only in IN III 33.10), rfL\;"TTe-/rilAGTTG- 'thorn', E';I;,.p-/elep- 'to know'; perhaps also in the predicative plural -e-roy-e-, a variant of the normal -~-roy-e- 3.5.2a. See also 3.6.4e. ;,. vs. 0: except for the regular replacement of -0,1. (preterite I verbid) by -;,.p- 2.6 as well as the occasional appearance of K;"- for KO- in the conditional 4.7.5 and final 4.7.7, this alternation is found only in K;,.n-/KO[l- 'to eat' (the variant with 0 only in SC 22.8 and IN III 36 ii 2), -KOIIO/-KOII;" 'after' (-KOII;" only in IN III 53.3); possibly also in IN I 5 ii 13-/4 IlCC;"II;"C;" = ncc;"II;"CW (-;"II;"C,\, in the construction described in 4.7.7c could occur here only through scribal inadvertence). See also 3.10 ftn. 88 sub fin. e vs. I: very common, e.g. M-;II-/~""- 'to give' (to me/us), eil-/EII- (three different words are so spelled: 'to be', 'this', and 'mother'), flGA-/IIlA- 'to run'. See also 3.9.6. o vs. 8: found only inIlOI'III;"-/llepPIII;"- a wine measure, opwe8-/op8C8- 'praise'. o vs. I: only in or6-/oro)\- 'man' (the variant with 0 only in IN III 41.5; cf. K.D. ogij/ogoj), TOKillI;,.ye-/TwKolIlI;,.ye- 'peace' (the variant with 0 only in K. 24.2-3, where there is evidence of scribal adjustment: see Browne 1998a.2). o vs. oy: very common, e.g. roy)O-/ro)O- 'to build', KO-/KOy- 'to have,' KOll-/Koyllid., 011-/01'11- 'to love'; also in two loan words: CT;"YPOC-/CT;"YPOYC- 'cross' (only in St. 12.5-6) and TOI'I-/TOypl- 'axle' (Sah. TWP(~).

2.1.2.3 On a different level may belong the variation between;,. and I observed in certain verbs: -;"P-/-If'- causative, -;"C-/-IC- inchoative, -,;,.p-/-rip- causative, K;,.n-/Kln- 'to eat', K;"P-/KIP'to come', and e;"A-/DA- 'to see'; it is also found in n;,.nc-, an occasional variant of the Greek loan word n;"[I;"c- 'bishop' as well as in the plural of A;,.C- 'spring', which varies between A;"CPI- and AICpl-. In the Nobiin verb khl 'to come' (descended from O.N. KIf'-), the variation between Ia! and Iii mirrors a distinction between plural and singular (Well1er 1987. 146 and 174175). In O.N., however, this distinction is not in evidence, for we find e.g. L. 113.4 KIC;,.tl;" 'they came' vs. 113.7 K;"CCO- 'we came' vs. IN II 15 ii 9-10 K;"AAilll;" 'he will come', and M. 9.8 K"nKo'i6~ 'in order that I may eat' vs. 12.3 KilcA 'which he ate' vs. K. 20.5 KilfiCCO- 'we ate' vs. 21.1 KM116i'''- 'they eat'; cf. also IN I 5 ii 31 eAAoYKoy[K;"] (i.e. CA-coy-,OY-K,,) 'the things that you saw' vs. 7 ii 17-18 e;,.Alloy[ttc]Coy 'the things that we did not see' vs. II 18 iv 8-9 e;"Atl6t1T;"AO 'he cannot see' vs. 24.8 ;"IOY CAllillH (i.e. eA-HilA) 'without my perceiving'. Unless conditioning factors as yet unknown are involved, in O.N. the variation between Ia! and Iii may be dialectal in origin (cf. 2.1.2.2); its particular distribution in Nobiin could be due to secondary development. 2.1.3 The diphthong phonemes of O.N. are:

17

OLD NUBIAN GRAMMAR

N.B. Although in the late Greek on which O.N. orthography is based at is lei-as its frequent interchange with E shows-, in O.N. ;"1 is never confused with 6 and is therefore a true diphthong. Similarly, 081/06 does not alternate with I, though in late Greek 0\ = Iii. Nor does O.N. share the late Greek tendency to regard au as lav/-/aff and E1) as lev/-/eff: i.e. ;,.y and Gy are nevcr written as ;,.~ and GR, respectively (although they may be realized as lawl and lew/: see ftnn. 3 and 4). 2.2 The consonant phonemes of O.N. are displayed in the following chart. Of the letters given in 1.1.1, I have omitted R, Z, -&, and ;X , which are found almost exclusively in loan words 1.1.2: the occasional appearance of some of them in enchoric words is probably due to imprecision on the part of the writer to transcribe the sound accurately. Also excluded is the illonogram l' (=/ps/). Note that the phonetic representation which is given below is only :Ipproximate 1.1.2. Bilabial Plosive

vs.

p (n)

Labiodental

Alveolar

Palatal

t (T)

k (K) g (,)

vd. Fricative

VelarlGlottal

s (e)

vs.

S (IY)

vd. Affricate

vs.

j (6)

vd. Nasal (sonorant)

III

(tt)

n (II)

Lateral (sonoram)

I (A)

Vibrant (sonorant)

r (p)

Approximant (semivowel)

w (];, oy)

Ii ()O)

it (c)

Y (I, 61)

2.2.1 The sonorants (i.e. nasal, lateral and vibrant in the above chart) have the following dist.ribution:

lail (.xl, ;,.\. ;"GI, ;,.e 1.3.3 ;''If;l) laul (;,.y, ;,.oy, ;,.yoy)3 leul (6Y, 6YOy)4 liul (8101', Ily, IIOY, lOY) (rare; e.g.

~CI1yC-/~CIOYC-

'offering', eAAlloyroy- [plural of

131,1.- 'woman'], GIOY- [under GI];- 'grain'], IIITP- 'to hide', IIHY- 'to dissolve')

loil (061,

o~

1.3.3)

luil (01'(';1) (perhaps only in ['oyer- 'shield') At times;,. y =/aw/: see 2.5.5, 3.9.7b, and cf. ftnn. I and 4. 4 At times f,'( = lew/: see 3.9.7b, and cf. ftnn. 1 and 3.

.l. and Il are restricted to Inlaut and Auslaut: e.g. ~A8- 'truth' and S:,f-;t1A- 'blessed' 3.4.1 ftn. 10; 6-1. 'now' and ott 'and'. fI and e are restricted to Anlaut and Inlaut: e.g. 11;,.t\G- 'sinner' and [;"C,II;,.'(6'denial'. p and)O arc restricted to Inlaut: e.g. Op)OOA- 'tric1iniaris'(?)

2.2.2 Consonantal alternation. Most of the following seem to be due to imprecision on the part of the writer to represent the sound accurately (cf. 0 vs. 01' 2.1.2.2). The exceptions are

18

OLD NUBIAN GRAMMAR

A vs. II and A vs. p, for which see my remark belows, ad locc., and p vs. simply a scribal error.

II,

which may be

r vs. K: Inlaut; very common, e.g. S:rGliA-/S:K6I1A- 'blessed' 3.4.1 ftn. 10, cr6A/GK6A 'still' (adv.), -AorO/-AOKO 'through'; also in loan words, e.g. AIS:KOIl-/AIS:roll'deacon'. r vs.)): Anlaut; only in rGlI-/))GtI- 'year', rAA-/))IA(A)- 'to consider', rp-/))rp- 'to throw'; cf. (Inlaut) SC 13.4-S, if nl(?)j:l6111S: = [lr(p)mllS: 2.5.6a 'in order to make to drink'. r vs. [: Anlaut; only in r·o.l'-/[o.p- 'side', rICf'I-/[ICPI- 'bone'; cf. (lnlaut) [MT-/[o.r['to deny' ([ conditioned by preceding r). A vs. T: Anlaut and Inlaut; only in Ao.nn- 'to perish' vs. To.llP- 'to lose', AOY-/TOOY'to seek' (but the variant with T occurs only in IN III 47 i 7; its association with AOY- is not entirely certain), 61T-/6.:\- 'to take'; cf. also SC 13.IS, if o.IOAAIIIS:: = o.lOPTI T(p)CIIIS: 'in order to give compassion'. K vs. c: Inlaut; only in TIK-/TI[- 'to sit'. A vs. A: Inlaut; only in rOYA-/roYA- 'earth', [o.A-/[o.A- 'son' (but not in [o.A- 'to see'), and perhaps in -AOKO-I-AOKO 'through': see 3.10 s.vv. A vs. II: Inlaut; only in 6IAo.IIT6-/6IAo.AT6- 'fulness'; cf. also (Auslaut) IN I S ii 8 o.tlllA for o.tH1I1, St. 24.11 and 12-2S.I CTo. ypocii for (;To. ypOCA as well as the not infrequent interchange of TAAA and TAAii (e.g. K. 22.S and IN lSi 10). We may have here scribal confusion between two letters similar in shape: so Browne 1998a.2 ad K. 22.S, where other instances are cited. A vs. p: Inlaut; instances include OY6A-/OYCp- 'one, a', OYKA-/OYK(OY)p- 'day', CIr6pFi-/CIr6,J.,ii-/clr(;;AH- 'sealed document' (Lat. sigillum'!), 190A-/COp- 'book', [0.'i6pp(C)/[o.A6AA- 'resurrection', [o.A-/[o.p- 'to save'. This is related to the widespread phenomenon discussed in 2.6. n vs. K: see 1.1.2 under K. n vs. 1': see 1.1.2 under 1'. I' vs. A: Inlaut; instances include o.p-/o.A- 'to seize' (note also -o.P-Io.A- as future morpheme 3.9.7b), 61P-/HA- 'you' (sg.), Oo.p-/OS:A6- 'night', -Of'(UI-O~'o 'before', To.p-/To.A'he/shelit', T6P-/T6A- 'they'. I' vs. II: Inlaut; only in Ao.P-/Aq.II- 'to be' (if Dong. Iii 6-7 A011po. = Ao.pp.'>.); cf. IN 14 i S [.'>.8~\.6Iipo. = -A6p-Ao. 'in the resurrection'. Cf. 2.3.3. C vs. 19: Anlaut and Inlaut; only in rOYI9-/f'OYC-? official title, C8Y(CI)A-/!y8YA'boundary', COrrL\-/Il}orrlA- 'silver', COP-/lVOA- 'book'. T vs. -e-: see 1.1.2 under -e-. [ vs. II: Inlaut; only in T,,[G-/To.IIC- 'name' (the variant only in M. 16.1), [:"1'-/-110.1''side' (the variant with II occurs in IN I 6 i 6 [sim. KG I ii 9J T61111.'>.I'O-, i.e. TEll [= TCA-IIJ [o.p-AO- 'beside the tomb'). [ vs. IIr: Inlaut; only in IN I 10 A ii 12 n.:>.,5;-IIIr-I-IICIIAiill.'>.· 'they will not become separated' (-(I)IIf'- = -(1)[- inchoative 3.9.5a); see 1.1.2. 2.3 Assimilation of sonorants (A. II and 1'). N.B. The assimilation is not always graphically indicated (see further Hintze 1986.291: 'Es ergibt sich deutlich, daB die Schreibung tmiisiddo mehr von der phonetischen oder phonologischen OberfHichenform beeinfluBt ist, die Schreibung tmiisildo aber mehr von c1er zugrundeliegenden morphophonologischen Form. Traditionellerweise nennt man dies auch "etymologische" Schreibung. In der Aussprache waren beide Formen gewiB identisch'). Sometimes the assimilation or its absence appears to be lexically determined: I give some instances in the annotations to the examples in 2.3.1 (under I' + r > fT and I' + T > TT).

19

OLD NUBIAN GRAMMAR

2.3.1 Regressive asssimilation (much more common than progressive assimilation 2.3.2). In each of the following I list two examples, of which the former shows the assimilation, while the latter does not. A + ,- > IT: L. 106.10 nooITo.po., IN I 4 ii 27I)o,\,(~P0. A + A> AA: SC 2.3 TOpl,\""o., S.14 TOPo.~\O. A + K > KK: SC 19.14 CCKIT.'>.l\cBIi~, SE Ai 12 AOAAICAK~. A + II> 1111: L. lOS.1 AOY,-,11II1I16-, K. 22.8-9 G",-!'''L~iillo.-. A + II> 1111 (or AA 2.3.2): L III.S -~\eK6t1.1l0. (no instance of -All.). A + I' > PI' (or AA 2.3.2): SI. 17.6-7 AOY,>..!,o., IN 14 i 10 Co.A6,>.p.'>.-. A + C > Cc (or AA 2.3.2): IN II 21 i 27 AOYC2.C20, 16 iii 3 nA(;.'>._,,,rilll[6j. A + T > TT: K. 20.IS Oy6TI'A (i.e. OY6I-IPA from o.YGA-TFA 2.7), 19.5 oYG~-IpA. II + K > KK: CE 160 B 12 [~15"-- (sim. SC 1.3 ["nRII\O-), IN I 10 A ii S -e-60Ilo.CI6cfir:\.:>. (lack of assimilation here is normal). II + II> 1111: K. 2S.4 Clllil61116(;0, IN I 9 ii S 611ILr.QC"II"-. II + C > cc: M. 2.7 61~Qo.llo.. IN I 5 i 3 Ec;fi~IIS:. II + S > S,5;: IN II 16 v 10 [0,5;t.6IP"11 (partial assimilation in SC 10.11 [0)9.E..:>.1'-), M. I 0.6 [Oll~.'>.p,,· I' + r > IT: K. 33.14 Toyrr.:>.A-, SC 11.14 Oy8POY61'I..:AA6 (N.B. personal pronouns in -I' 3.7.1 do not assimilate: e.g. L. IOS.12 61'.[IAA6-). I' +~, > "\A: M. 8.2 I'",,&\IU, SC S.II r.:>.~\o. I' + K > KK: SC 22.17 -IS o.PIIGKL\Glllio., 12.S "I'IICKL'CPJi~. I' + A> AA (or PI' 2.3.2 or pi 2.5.6b): SC IS.9 To.AAO (no instance of -1',1.-). p + II> till: SC 12.141·npT.'>.llilGIIKOOYO-, IN I 2 j S T8El'!l'COII.'>.CLU. I' + II> 1111: IN I 3 i IS T"tillo.CIU. 9 ~">r'!lo.CW. Cf. 2.5,3. I' + c > cc: SC 22.IS TIQC8. M. 7.6 T1!..ACPo.lI-, partial assimilation in SI. 7.1-2 mS:pAr"ASE:IIKo. (no instance of '1',5;-). 2.3.2 Progressive assimilation (much less common than regressive 2.3.1). In each of the following, the first example shows assimilation, the second does not. K + I' > KK: IN I 9 i 22 :\PIICT:\Iili"-. SC 9.IS "IIKIT.'>.!iI'~. A + II> AA (or 1111 2.3.1): SC 18.2 eA},.o.- (less likely from [A-po.- [pres. pred.], since the latter would not indicate the contextually required subject; no instance of -AII-). A + P > AA (or PI' 2.3.1): IN I S ii S cl~c->- , IN I 4 i 10 ["A6~0.-. A + C > AA (or cc 2.3.1): IN I S ii 31 r:~~oy-, M. IO.IS [ACII':>'. II + A > 1111: K. 31.11 GiiIlO, 22.12 KOYppo.l.1\-O. II + (' > lin: St. 3.9 n6(;11I1l1l0.1I- (no instance of -lIP')' fI + I' > fm: CE IS9 B 9 f-ilD.~ (no instance of -np-: in gr. 4.S KIn('l· = Ikipir-ri-/: Browne 1996g.20). P + A > pp (or AA 2.3.1, or PI 2.5.6b): SC 19.17 Ko.6Pl'OKO (no instance of -('A-) C + A > cc: M. 8.11-12 S::ro('GC_Ko. 2.5.6a (no instance of -CA-: in IN II 22.7 II"eCA':>'- = l1.:>.p-CI·A.:>.- 1.3.2). C + I' > cc: IN I 9 i 16 6GCo.ll" (no instance of -cp-: in IN I S ii IS nGQI'G· = /pesirel

1.3.2). 'D

+ P > lOlO: IN II 12 ii I 8jlQJQ AA: IN I 9 ii 14 COAAOKW vs. nonnal COAAOKO in 5 ii 14. II + K > Hr: IN III 47 i I no.no!!Co. = no.n0I.L~o. (sim. line 5), 7 tl0!!Co.yo.IIHGAO tI0~o.yo.N-A6-AO (note also II + A > nil: cf. Browne 1991a.98). .. P + A > np (contrast 2.3.1 and 2.3.2): IN 14 i 8 Co.6A611£o. from -A6P-Ao., Dong. I II 6-7 Aq.lli'o., i.e. Ao.p-Po.·

2.4 Assimilation of other consonants (infrequent). In each of the following, the first example shows assimilation, the second does not. r + K > KK: IN III 58.8 no.KKo. (2nd K inserted above the line; no instance of -'-K-: in IN III 51.1 and 3 6rKo. = 6nKo.). K + r > rr-: SC 8.5 Toyrroy-. 7.18 TOYKroy-. K + r > KK: St. 9.8 OKKPS:. IN I 5 ii 31 (?)oY]!$[o.ccoy-. K + T > TT: SC 9.19 o.K[Ajo.:CIoy, 17.4 o.KAo.KTOY· Ii + K > 1m: -To.IIK6 (plural vetitive 3.9.18; no instance of -IIK-). n + K > rill: K. 32_2-3 Ko.nno.llIlO, M. 9.8 Ko.nKo·ios:. n + ft > tHI: K. 20.5 KfiIlCCO-. IN II 28.9 Ao.0l!61111o.tlll. T + K > TT: SC 11.9 COYHnoyrro.. IN II 13 i 28 CfinTKo.. T + c > cc: IN III 44.4 .slW6CCo."o.-, SC 23.24 61c:o.1lo.. T + ~ > ~S: IN II 24.8 6QEICo.IlIlo.-. SC 13.19 6T~ICIlo.. S + r > ~.sl: L. 114.7 n"Il.slo.III.I["CW. SC 10.1 AI~roYK". Il + K > S.sl: St. 13.11-12 TIl~"6lfOYA-, SC 15.12 TI~Ko.6lf9YIlo.. 2.5 Elision (based on Browne 1985c.6-8). It is not always graphically indicated and was apparently optional (Hintze 1986.289). Most of the examples conce.rn the vowel 0. and fall under definite categories 2.5.1-2.5.3. Sporadically ('; and 0 suffer eIIslOn but not frequently enough to categorize 2.5.4. 2.5.1 Prevocalic elision of 0. between words. It is not found with the genitive in -110. 3.6.2, the predicative in -0. functioning as vocative 3.6.4b, the postposition -Ao. 3.10, and the indicative terminations in -0. 3.9.6. The elision appears in the following environments: a) Predicative, both nominal 3.6.4 and verbal 3.9.6. Nominal: e.g. SC 17.15 Co.A: 611- (vs. 17.19-20 TOT,). 611-), verbal: e.g. 10.11 cO)OSo.P:6111- (vs. 10.6 oyS:oyS:p~ 6111-); cf. 2.5.2a. b) Adjunctive 3.9.19. E.g. SC 2.6 K611:0YTP:OC- (vs. 18.13 2.S.2b.

n(,;61~

oc-); cf.

c) Directive 3.6.3. E.g. SC 19.15 S:no.pX6\i 6T- (vs. 24.4 "n"pX6!$_~ 6T-). N.B. Directive -Ko. + -011 'and' 3.10> -K-OII, never -Ko.-61011: see Browne 1995a.455, where M. 2.1 C6yo.TTK-011 (directive) is contrasted with IN I 4 i 17 TOK,,-61011 (adjunctive) and 9 i 22-ii 1 o.PIICTo.KKo.-61011 (i.e. predicative -To.Kpo.- 2.3.2). 2.5.2 Other cases of loss of 0. between words:

OLD NUBIAN GRAMMAR

21

a) Predicative -0. frequently vanishes after a vowel: e.g. IN I 5 ii 25 "A(C';tllijl9,,1I- (vs. 51. 8.5-6 crG]GI~ Hll)U)o.II- 3.6.4c). N.B. Proper names ending in -13.3.6 suppress predicative -" 3.6.4b. b) Perhaps on the analogy of prevocalically elided adjunctives 2.S.1b, O.N. occasionally employs desinenceless adjunctives before consonants: e.g. SC 19.16-17 ~(,II: 1'0"\1)111-. In K. 32.2-3 " terminating an adjunctive before a consonant is deleted by the scribe: cm-6ro. ~ol'o. KI[o.] K",mo.IIIIO; cf. M. 13.1-2 tllAX KI' 19"o.KKo. ,-o.AAICIL\. 2.5.3 Loss of 0. within a word. The vowel may vanish between two sonorants: e.g. SC 5.7 _II,;IIII"CW = -IIGII"II"C(\), 18.11-12 cOYllnoYTppo. = coyttn0Yl'ji"p" 3.9.7a (contrast IN 19 i 21-22 Co.t·Io.PP"P0. which-if rightly read [the second p is uncertainJ-shows that the loss of" is blocked after a doubled sonorant). Assimilation of the sonorants may occur after 0. is suppressed: e.g. SC 18.17 Til II 0.11 II o.C 0. = Tfillo.PIlo.Co. 2.3.1'= Tfillo.po.Ilo.Co. (cf. L. 101.15-16 To.po.[lto.cw); for absence of assimilation note IN I 3 i 9 A6PIto.ClU. 2.5.4 Other vowels may occasionally be elided, but the evidence is too meager to permit setting up general rules. Some examples: K. 23.2-3 116ISp"ro1'(6) (C';II- (vs. IN II 16 vi 4-5 C(cOllIl"rOY6 GIIIX). SC 11.16 KII1I"\(6) CIA6 (vs. SI. 13.11-13 TSIl;\.6lfOYAAG C"IlGK"f;lr01'AM;K6A-), SC 6.15-16 6Attll (twice), presumably for 6AH-61011 (cf. IN I 4 i 21 "iiicoycl,,;1011); possibly similar is IN II 14 i 2, where To.1'KIA196111 = To.YKA06101l. but the appearance or To.1'KAOCIOII in SC 21.9 (sim. 5.9-10) suggests a scribal error, -611\: Browne ]998a.20. Note also M. 3.4 OYIII\GC'(W) 6X- as well as the final construction with -co. 4.7.7c, which seems to stand for -C(w)-,,: cf. Stricker 1940.449. See further 2.S.6a. 2.5.5 The vowel sequences 0.-0.. 0.-0 and 0-" may be replaced by 0.1'0.. o.yo and 01'0., respectively: cf. K. 31.7 -Ko.yo.IltIO (from -K,,·o.ItIlO 4.7.Sa; note -Ko.o.II- in IN III 51.8, after -K"Y"I1- in the preceding line), IN III 36 i 16 T"YOIl (from To.POII, with P deleted2.5.6a), II 16 vii 5-6 -Koyo.III1Wo. (from -KO-"IIIILUo. 4.7.7a), M. 7.16 ~opoyo.lI- (from o80I'0A-o.II-, with A deleted 2.S.6a and 3.9.6). Phonologically, "Y". "yo and 01''' represent lawai, lawol and lowa/. respectively: cf. IN III 48.4 S:};I = o.Y61(A) 2.S.6a and II 16 iv 4-5 CWPTW};GICWI'TW-I- 3.6.5; note also 00.1'- 'night'. i.e. lowar/, comparable to its N. cognate awar. 2.5.6 Replacement and loss or A and p. This is a very widespread phenomenon in O.N., especially in the context described below in (a). It is also found in the modern language: Werner ]987.47-48. a) When preceded by a vowel, A and p may be replaced by 61 (also written II or I), which phonologically is /il before a consonant and Iyl before a vowel: e.g. SC 8.20-211·oyt:J O1'"TTO- (from rOYA-: contrast 14.21-22 S:6X A"y-), 25.6 no.§.!o. (from no.po.: contrast L. 113.3 To.Po.). In the verbal system, the sequence -OA-o.Il invariably becomes -01'0.11: cf. M. 7.16 ~opoyo.lI- (cf. 2.5.5 and 3.9.6); note also IN III 36 i 32 TOPOl'S: = TOP-OPo. from TOpOA-", 2.5.5,2.6 (instead of TOp-OA-" > TOp-o.p" > TOPP" 3.9.7a: Browne 1991a.88). Postvocalic A and P may also disappear totally: e.g. SC 14.12 61S:PI(A) AOAA-, 9.13 61S:PI(A) in clause final position, IN I 7 ii 21 -r"CCO)T01'- = -r"p-cl(A)-C'OY- (sim. SC 9.13-14 6rrccoy 'il\coycl), SC 8.8 TO(p)"Po.II. The vowels preceding A and I' may also vanish, further obfuscating the structure of the language: e.g. SC 3.23 0YTp(IA) AOAA-, 7.13 T("p)" (possibly also in IN I 6 i 7 COIIS("p)", which would correspond more appropriately than the adjunctive to the Greck dcr'tllKft fln 20: 11 J); the same loss can occur in Greek loan words: St. 20.5 ·i(CP)Eocp·ir-oy-. Similarly, subjective -A 3.6.1, together with the preceding juncture vowel

22

OLD NUBIAN GRAMMAR

2.10, can disappear: e.g. M. 10.8·9 TI'ICS::f101l(A) KI~cii-, SI. 15.6-7 TWGK(A) 1'GKK')', SC 22.10 Accii(A), IN I 5 i 2 ,),C(1:) TOAK')'TT')'. 10 Ai 4-5 .).f1'GfAOCj [OAilIIO = [OAii-A-AO 2.3.2. In the preterite II verbid 3.9.6, sometimes the vowel before -.\. drops out, with -A assimilating to the preceding C 2.3.2: d. e.g. M. 8.11-12 S::ropCc-K.). < S::r0I'IC-A-K,\, < S::roplcIA-K.).; see also 3.9.8. b) When A is preceded by p and followed by a vowel, it may be replaced by 1 (i.c. Iyl): e.g. SC 12.18 T')'PI')' (from 1'.).P-A.).). If there is no replacement, assimilation occurs, and the resuft is either AA 2.3.1 or PI' 2.3.2. 2.6 As a suffix (see 3.6.1 and 3.9.6), syllable-closing A regularly becomes p when it opens a syllable; in addition, -OA (preterite I verbid) in this environment is replaced by -.).1'- 2.1.2.2 (except that -OA-')'Il > -0)',),11 2.5.5): e.g. SC 16.14 rc.;nrI'Ep"- (i.e. rEllrp(>A-.).- 3.3.2), 11.2 nGc')'p')'- (i.e. n6coA-.).-): see also 3.9.6.1 under Preterite I Verbid, and cf. Stricker 1940.4430.2.4. In the case of AO),A-A (present verbid of ..... O)'A.), -A is maintained even when it opens a syllable: e.g. L. 108.2 AOYA-A.).I1". Note Ihal the -,\' of direcl discourse 4.8 does not trigger the change: SC 7.12 1'AAAS::. Elsewhere too A may be replaced by 1': cf. SI. 3.8-9 t;lI'.). (i.e. 6IA-.)., which appears in IN I 7 i I), and note also the examples presented in 2.2.2. 2,7 Geminate contiguous consonants occurring in the same syllable are regularly simplified: e.g. K. 33.6 S::)OiI (i.e. S::)Oilll from S::)OA.Il): see Stricker 1940.442. Simplification of geminates may also occur between syllables: e.g. SC 24.8-9 Ao)'~.).rGIIIS:: (i.e. AOYA~.).r6111S::, as in 19.19), M. 7.7-8 rfipTlcll')' vs. 8.5 rfiPTcctl')' « rrlpTc-A-II-.).; cf. 2.5.6a). Here also belongs the occasionally found reduction whereby the sequence -K"-KCT')'A is replaced with -K;':T.)..\.: IN I 7 ii 24 TAollro),(K')')KC[T')'Al and 1Il 58.4-5 Cil(K')')KCT')'\. A somewhat similar phenomenon appears in Classical Arabic: fischer 1987 *49c. Simplification may also occur between two words when the first ends in II and the second begins with c: e.g. WN 9 6COKKIl')'),C- = Oil [OKKII')'),C- (sim. IN 110 B ii 8 [Browne 1994c.95J and CE 160 12).

B

2.8 Occasionally simple consonants are unnecessarily doubled: e.g. IN III 60.15 KO)O)OIA" against regular KO)OAS::· in SI. 9.2-3, and SI. 32.9 6f-I;;;~OY against regular or~oy in SC 24.20. 2.9 Certain postpostions-see the tabulation in 3.10 and cf. Hintze 1975b §5.3-may join to a preceding noun through the intervention of A, which at times is assimilated 2.3.1: e.g. SC 10.12 n"fl-X-A.).A. 2.3 TOI'I-"\,-AO. 8.4 .).p[clrrc-~T.).y6. ~ 2.10 A word terminating in two consonants regularly inserts Iii as a juncture (or epcnlhetic) vowel, normally written I. before a suffix beginning with a consonant: e.g. SC 3.7 n-;Y"I'T-1c K')' (vs. IN I 10 Ai 16-17 cEfyj.).PT-.).; the vowel is not written-though presumably still pronounced- in Dong. I ii 24 CC)'.).PT-K"). The juncture vowel is also often found bet\\een two consonants: e.g. M. 14.6 AOY1'p.).fl-[-roy- (vs. 13.5 AO)Tp"n-[·oy-). It is so pervasive in O.N. that Iii is not alwa~s orthograpl~ically indicated even when it is phonemically relevant: e.g. IN II 18 v 5 T')'llIIOCKA- (= 'ra1t£\VO~ + ·K- 3.3.2) and FE ii 6-7 6flll"fXOCI- (= 6fllll')'XOCI-; note that the stroke over . 3.9.6 is 'he/she/it is'. Natural gender in the case of animate beings may be lexically expressed: e.g. 6rS· 'man' : E:fT. 'woman', and TOT· 'son' : .'>.c· 'daughter'. With animals we find 1I0ypT 0YII(II).'>.e. (lit. 'bearing horses' [the unattested sg. would be tlOypT 0YtHl.'>. TT· 3.4.2, 3.5.1e]) for 'mares' and K.'>.lIii Otl~'I· 'male camel' (cf. Werner 1987.82); otherwise bivalency prevails: e.g. AO'yTI'.'>.n· 'fowl' is 'hen' in M. 2.9 but 'cock' in 12.3-4 (cf. 6/~ UAEK1PUWV in Greek). 3.2 The language lacks a definite article; it allows definiteness to be contextually detelTl1ined or else marked by a demonstrative: e.g. M. begins with reference to E:fToy 0YE:A· 'a woman' (1.5-6), subsequently referred to either as E:TTA 'the woman' (e.g. 4.9 [.,1. is the marker of the subjective 3.6.1]) or 11.'>.11' E:TTA 'that woman' (e.g. 2.12 [for the demostrative see 3.7.4]). For the indefinite article O.N. employs either 0 (e.g. M. 10.6 KCCE:AAO COII~.'>.P.'>. 'there stood a church') or 0YE:A· lit. 'one' 3.7.6a (e.g. M. 1.5-7 E:fToy 0YE:AAO Annoy oYE:AA.'>. ~\oyS:p.'>. 'a woman lived in a village'; the appearance of oyeA· is especially common in M., where it regularly translates cl~ or lt~ltt in the Vorlage: see Browne 1994b.3). Absence of oytl(II).'>.e·/otlAI· 3.1 may indicate bivalency (e.g. AOYTp.'>.n· is 'hen' in M. 2.9 but 'cock' in 12.3-4 3.1). 3.3 Substantives are either simple or compound. The simple are either monosyllabic or polysyllabic. Substantives of three or more syllables are often reducible to their components, but two-syllable substantives are either synchronically irreducible 6 or compound and in some cases cannot be accurately classified without further evidence. Note that I normally regard the /i/ often found between substantive and suffix as the juncture vowel 2.10 and therefore omit it in citing the word 7 ; in this detail my methodology differs from that of Werner (1987), who lists e.g. dfjff 'Festung' (345) as a 'Non-Pausafornl' (79); its cognate I record as Alnn·. 3.3.1 Simple substantives. O.N. displays several patterns, the most common of which I here list, each with a representative example. (N.B. Further refinement would be possible if the orthography consistently indicated vocalic length 2.1.1 or if it marked intonation 2.13.) Monosyllabic

Disyllabic

V

ve vee ev eve evee vev veve

G1. 'man' or'· 'breast' .'>.I'T- 'island' 1'1· '(maternal) uncle' r.'>.A· 'body' K.'>.IlA· 'thorn'

6CE:·

'country' 'water'

S:II.'>.II·

N.B. Unless otherwise indicated, the addresses of the forms in this chapter are to be found in Browne 1996a. 6 Typically O.N. lexemes, whether nominal or verbal, have a monosyllabic (C)V(C)·shaped root, which may be extended by one or more suffixes. Diachronically it might be possible to analyze all disyllabic lexemes as originating from a monosyllabic nucleus, but synchronically this does not appear practical. 7 Note, however, that the I which terminates many proper names is an integral part of the word 3.3.6.

OLD NUBIAN GRAMMAR

26

TrisyJlabic

VCVCC VCCV VCCVC CVVC8 CVCV CVCVC CVCVCC CVCCV CVCCVC

~I·onn· 'sailor' I>.CC6· 'watcr' CKT· 'earth' nU6K· 'power' 1'1>.11>.· 'servant' AI>.HI>.P- 'bow' COKOI1I1· 'crown' KOYlln0Y· 'egg' AOYTpl>.n· 'fowl'

VCVCV VCCVCV CVCVCV CVCVCVC CVCCVCV CVCCVCCV CVCVCCVC

elr6· 'branch' I>.rTOYPG· 'lupine' flOp,,"'· a wine measure C"Y~TI>.II. (i.e. Isawatanl 2.5.5) 'waJl' COYIITOY-];8· 'scribe' rllAI>. TT6· 'thorn'9 TIAI>.TTII· 'bosom',!

3.3.2 Compound substantives display various expansions attached as suffixes, which I here list, with a representative sample for each; for a full list see the reverse index in Browne 1997.48-69. Note that some of the suffixes are also adjective formants 3.4.2. The following treatment is modeJled on Browne 1989a §3.3.2, with addenda and corrigenda, mainly from Bechhaus·Gerst 1996.222-231. . 1>.11. denominative substantive formant, only in 0yp·I>.II· 'chief, leader' (from oyp· 'head'). In literary texts, oyp·l>.tI· appears only in the plural, Oyp·I>.IH·[·OY·, while the singular deletes ·1>.11· (e.g. IN I 10 A ii 3); were it not for the fact that 0yp·I>.II· is used in the singular in the documentary material (e.g. IN III 32.18), it would be tempting to regard ·1>.11- as a plural marker exclusively; see further 3.5.lf. Cf. also below, under ·I>.IIT6·. .""T6. abstract substantive formant, only in 6IA·l>.tlT(:> 'fulness' and TOYCK·I>.IIT6'beginning' (in the postpositional phrase TOYCKI>.IITt5AO '(at) first' 3.12b); it is perhaps a composite of ·1>.11· and ·T6-. ."T(T). deverbative substantive formant, either abstract or concrete: Tl>.lln·I>.TT· 'destruction' (from "\"nfl· 'to perish'; cf. Tl>.np. 'to destroy') and CGY·I>.TT· 'heir' (from c.oy· 'to inherit'); also in compound adjectives 3.4.2. . rpSA. deverbative agent.substantive formant, formed from present verbid (see 3.9.6 fln. 43) of ·r(l>.)p, (causative 3.9.5a); rell·rp6A· 'benefactor' (from rell· 'to be good'). .A"T(T). deverbative agent·substantive formant: 0YAI·eA·AI>.T· 'listener' (from 0YM'CP), 'to hear'); the suffix is derived from Al>.p· 'to be' 3.9.12,3.9.13. "\(':1" deverbative abstract·substantive formant: TOK(CI)·"\Cp· 'forgiveness' (from TOK· 'to forgive'); note also [1>.'iep.p(H). as a variant of [1>.·iep·AEI" 'resurrection'. .e. abstract·substantive formant, both denominative and devcrbative: (';1·6· 'mankind' (from el· 'man') and tll>.'iK·e· 'affliction' (from t11>.'iK· 'to be aftlicted'); once as a concrete substantive: KI>.CK .... c·e· 'baptistery' 3.3.2.1 (perhaps also in GAM> 'wheat', Keee· 'church'

8 Possibly CYCYC if a non· graphically represented sOllnd (e.g. a glide or a glottal stop) intervened between the vowels; cf. below, 3.9.2 ftnll. 31-33. 9 The word may he a compound, with the same final element (,CH, with C assimilated) in TOYIL\6· 'fig tree' and ~oy.uc· 'acacia'.

OLD NUBIAN GRAMMAR

27

and Tepe· 'key' -so Zyhlarz 1928.19-, but it is not certain that ·e· is here the suffix: it Illay be an integral part of the word). . -I- deverbative agent:substantive formant: HeYA·I· 'beggar' (from Iley.\· 'to beg'; the entry III Browne 1996a.11615 to be corrected). Cf. ·oy· as an adjective formant 3.4.2. ·IC, deverbative abstract·substantive formant: 01'11·(3- 'love' (from Oll·/OYII. 'to love'); also used in compollnd adjectives 3.4.2. ·IT· substantive formant, both denominative and deverbative: [I>.AOY·6IT· 'sleep' (from r:"AOY· id.), oA·1'· 'illness' (from OA(A)· 'to be ill') and TC61·61'· 'hope' (from T6EI· 'to hope'); spelled ·IA· 2.2.2 in ~['·IA· 'seat' (from 1>.['. 'to sit'). For its use in ordinals see 3.8.2. The formant also appears as ·T· (see below). ·ITT· abstract·substantive formant, both denominative and deverbative: ~poy·eTT. 'irrigation' (from ~poy· 'rain') and CKEA·ITT· 'request' (from CKGA(l>.p). 'to beg'; note also agential HICKfT· 'suppliant', comparable to N. isk(t(i) 'Gast' [Khalil 1996.48]: the form (5ICKTT'" in Browne 1996a.77 [only in IN III 39.31] terminates in predicative·1>. and should be filed as 6ICKTT·); also used to form compound adjectives 3.4.2. ·K· (·KG.) abstract·substantive formant, both denominative and deverbalive: E-;f.K. 'mankind' (from 61T· 'man'), tll>.lY,\,AOC·K· (.KE:' Dong. 1 i 22) 'east' (lit. 'rising of the sun': Browne 1996a.112) and TOyp·K· 'setting' (from Top·rroyp· 'to enter': see Browne I 984a.l16 ad SC 18.10); also in Greek loan words: flOpIIG·K· 'fornication' (from 1tOpv~) and Tl>.nIlOC·K. 'humility' (from 't· abstract·substantive formant. both denominative and deverbative: TOT·KMI8. 'sonship' (from TOT· 'son') and rIlC·KI>.IIG· 'joy' (from flee· 'to rejoice'). ·K~ TT· agent·substantive formant, both denominative and deverbative: CI>.I [6-KI>. TT· 'sinner' (from Cl>.n8- 'sin') and 0YK·K"TT·/Oyp·KI>.TT· 'oppresssor, enemy' (from oyp. 'to oppress'); also used to form compound adjectives 3A.2. For n .... K·K"TT· 'half see 3.8.4 . ·Kl'· abstract·substantive formant, hath denominative and deverbative: TI>.Cc·K'r· 'naming' (from T.).[e· 'name') and .\OA·KIT· 'wish' (from AOAA· 'to wish'). .1I"y6. ~bstract.substantive formant, both denominative and deverbative; it may be preceded by ·KII· (from ·K8· 3.9.5a): oycPoyc.lIl>.ye. 'share' (from oYE-:pOYl-';p· 'one another' 3.7.3), [OK·Kfi·lI~y8. honor' (from [OK· 'glory') and TO(K)·KII·II")',::;. 'peace' (from TOK· 'to cease'); it appears as .111>.1" in L. 101.5 I'I>.C KII 1>.)',1.1>. 'in the midst'. ·tlE· denominative abstract·substantive formant; securely attested only in IN III 30.21 IIG~;;;OY·'16. 'servitude' (from 1l6Aiioy. 'servant'), but it may also appear in the concrete substantives AI>.I'[1I16· 'offering' and nprtle. 'incense' (cf. Zyhlarz 1928.22). '1" deverbative substantive formant, often preceded by a lexically conditioned vowel: .1.1· I>.p. 'death' (from AI· 'to die') and ["·8P· 'salvation' (from [1>.1" 'to save' 2.5.6a) . .-peA. deverbative agent·substantive formant, in origin the present verbid of .(1).)1'' (causatIve 3.9.5a): AO)O·I·p8A· 'nurse' (from AO)O· 'to nourish') . ·T· substantive formant, both denominative and (predominately) deverbative: iioYII· ~Oyp·T. 'beginning' (literally 'cause of going'), 61I>.p·T· 'knowledge' (from EIl>.p· 'to know') and rOYT·T· 'shame' (from royI" 'to be shameful'). It may also designate the agent: Tli)'KA6p· T· 'helper' (from TIIYKIAP· 'to help'); cf. ·ii· below. In I>.C·T· 'daughter', 61IC.T· 'sister' and .~ abstract deverbativc fonnant: only illll .... T·T"· 'affliction' (from 11"T· 'to amict'). . . ·TE· .deverbati\:e substantive formant: AOY·T6· 'place' (from AOYA· 'to be'); it appears tWIce III clesignatlllg bIrds: AOCA·T6 'dove' (with .A marking a verbid?) and K" yp·T8 'bird'. Cf. above, under ~I>.IITG·. .t.. probably an allomorph of ·T·, found after A. II, ;;; and )0: TOYA·1)· 'hunting' (from TOY"\· 'to hunt'), 011.;;;. 'love' (from 011./0'1'1. 'to love'; without assimilation in 0YII·T· id.).

OLD NUBIAN GRAMMAR

28

OLD NUBIAN GRAMMAR

vcvcc evev

'office of soiloj' and .).)O-li- 'life, savior' (from .).)0- 'to live'; without assimilation in id.); the same suffix may also occur in TS- 'justice' (if from TP- 'to give': i.e. l'Ni- > TSIi- 2.3.1 > TS- 2.7); contrast with TT-T- 'gift, grace' (i.e. Tp-T-). The formant also appears as -IT- (see above). cocoS-S-

')')O-T-

29

'blessed' to; S:KOCC- 'evil' (cL KOC(C)- above) 'new' (or under VCV with I as juncture vowel

S:r6111>.IlIp(I)-

2.10) 'impious'

CVCCVCC

KOIITOtlT-

CVCVCV

COYU6- 'ashamed'? (of only one occurrence. IN II 21 ii 8, where its interpretation is not certain: see Browne 1989b.58 ad loc.)

3.3.2.1 Reduplicated substantives appear (with or without one of the formants listed above) in 84'-64'-T- 'greediness' (cf. .).Il(n)- 'to grasp'), Kb.C-Kb.C-6- 'baptistery' (cf. K.D. kas 'to draw water') and 30yp-30yp- 'strong current' (from Soyp- 'to go').

Trisyllabic

3.3.3 Some words display more than one suffix: e.g . .).l'tl-C-K-I-A61'- 'judgment' (where the juncture vowel 2.10).

N.B. For points of the compass (i.e. 'south' etc.) see 3.12a.

-1-

is

3.3.4 O.N. also displays compounds composed of more than one base: e.g. AOytl-b.P-T'power, continence' (from Aoytl(tl)- 'to take' and b.p- id., joined in adjunction 3.9.19), C6yb.pT-OY-KOtl-K- 'spirituality' (lit. 'quality of having spirit', where -oy- is the juncture vowel 2.1.2.1,2.10) and r.).p-K6t1CO- 'earth' (lit. 'four sides', comparable to the dvigu compound in Sanskrit catur-anta '[possessing] four sides', i.e. 'earth': Bohtlingk-Roth 1855-1875 11.928). 3.3.5 Loan words are mainly Greek (e.g . .).rr6AOC- 'angel'), but they are much less numerous than in Coptic, where they account for approximately 20% of the lexical stock (contrast the Coptic loan nlI6YH.). 'spirit' with O.N. enchoric C6yb.PT-: in both cases the base means 'to blow'). Arabic, Coptic, Pre-Coptic Egyptian and Meroitic also provide loan words: e.g. Cb.XX- 'anchorite', Cb.n6- 'sin', opn- 'wine' and H6ASOY- 'servant', respectively. Possible Cushitic derivatives (e.g. cln- 'mud, clay') are discussed in Becchaus-Gerst 1989 (with a summary in 1996.38). Note that in borrowings from Greek the ending -lOV is deleted, possibly because of its superficial resemblance to -61011, an allomorph of -011 'and' 3.10: e.g. 6Yb.rr6A- from EuayyEAlOv. For more on loan words in O.N. see Smagina 1985. 3.3.6 Proper names frequently end in -1-: see the listing in Browne 1997.71-73. That this is not merely a juncture vowel 2.10 but an integral part of the name is clear from such cases as L. 106.9, where Hicoyci occurs in clause-final position. In the vocative, proper names suppress predicative -b. 3.6.4b: e.g. the vocative of 'iiicoyci is 'jfjcoyci (as in CE 160 B 8 'icoyc'i). 3.4 Like substantives 3.3, adjectives are either simple (mono- or polysyllabic) or compound. They regularly follow the word that they modify 0.1.9, and they may function as substantives: e.g. CCC- is 'holy' as well as 'saint', comparable to Greek aylO.oyc- 'blind', KOA- 'alone'; 'pure, holy', 'barren', nb.p- 'old', COYT- 'empty', COyT- 'best' 3.4.4.2, co(p)- 'small', COYA- 'white' (see further below, 3.4.2-under -oy-) ropT- 'old', .A.6CC- 'green', KOC(C)- 'evil' (cf. S:KOCCbelow), nTT- 'sweet', i131i- 'wide', c')'cc- 'high', CCC'holy' r6AHIp-

CVCC

Disyllabic

vcv

uw-

'white'

3.4.2 Compound adjectives are formed by attaching as a suffix one of the following (N.B. except for -K0()O)-. -KOA!-KOIIA, these suffixes are also found as substantive formants 3.3.2; for a full listing of the words to which the suffixes are attached see the reverse index in Browne 1997.48-69): -')'TT- only in KCtl-b.T(T)-"TT- 'wrathful' (from KCtI-"TT- 'wrath', with -b.TT· as substantive formant 3.3.2) and in OYII(II)b.8- (pl.) 'bearing' 3.1. -IC- only in TOYAA-IC- 'strong, secure' (from TOYAA- 'to be strong, secure'); for its employment with substantives see 3.3.2. -ITT- only in IiCK-TT- 'estranged' (perhaps from *tI-ICK- 'not to be able': Browne 1996a.118; cf. 3.9.5a ftn. 38); for its use with substantives see 3.3.2. -Kb.TT- (common; also with substantives 3.3.2): e.g. S:A6-K')'TT- 'truthful' (from S:A6'truth'). -K0()O)- (privative; common): e.g. €lb.PT-I-K0)O- 'without knowledge' (from 61b.PT'knowledge'). -KO'\' (from KO- 'to have', with unstable -A 2.5.6a; common): e.g. Glb.PT-I-KOA 'with knowledge, knowledgeable' (from EIb.pT- 'knowledge'). N.B. -KOIIA (from KOII- 'to have') is somewhat similar in use to the adjective fOlwant -KO'\' but is less common and is generally used only as a non-negated, present plural verbid with infixed -S- in reference to a non-specific object 3.9.5b (Browne 1988a.21-22): e.g. IN II 16 iv 6 COOK-I.)p3.9.5a has one object, it is in the predicative: e.g. St. 34.7-8 CI>.[6jpp-l>.-rpS: 'making salvation' and SC 10.5 opn-'\'-['p61111i 'making wine' (if -r(l>.)p- has two objects, the first is in the directive, the second in the predicative 3.6.3a; see also below, section e). The predicative may be found in dependence upon a noun or pronoun: e.g. St. 16.13-17.1 I>. lOS Ii CtIl16pP-.\. SlllliK.\. 'these things (which are) the message of the Savior' and SC 1.1-5 "jW.\.IlCri --I>.PXtIGQ[11CKOROC-.\.-A8II.: e.g. L. 100.4 6tt".\.1I0yfiA . .\.; cf. below, section b. b) It marks the vocative: e.g. L. 108.3 n'\'fl-'\' ecc-.\. 'holy Father' and SC 13.16-17 TOT-'\'-S: OKNtl.\.lI.\.rsllIS: 'in order to have them call you "Son of God'" (for oS: see 4.8). Personal names ending in -I· 3.3.6 suppress the .;>.. (cf. above, section a sub fin.; the corpus has no examples of vocatives of personal names not ending in +): e.g. St. 5.9-10 ,\,11 flXT-'\'

OLD NUBIAN GRAMMAR

37

neTpOCI 'my chosen Peter' and SC 21.17 .\.AI>.HII tttl.\.COII.\. 'Adam, where are you?' (cf. 2.5.2a). Note also n.\.no '0 father' (e.g. SC 13.21), from n.\.n.\.·o, and 61io '0 woman' (IN I 6 ii 10), from 6IA-.\.·(I) 2.5.6a. c) It appears before ".\.uc.;· 'all, every' and tllljlV:'>.II- 'all' 18: e.g. K. 23.11-12 61i K('c:T. ",\,UE'> 'in all this way' 3.12b and L. 106.13 r.\.A·" Itiijll)l>.lIt1,). no. yOYK'\' 'power over all flesh'. Cf. 3.7.6d, e. ;>..

d) Occasionally, instead of the predicative, we find the subjective: e.g. IN I 10 C ii 3-4 i'1>..rr-6AOC·OY CCCWloYAAI>oA 'with the holy angels' vs. 8 I>.rre.l.oc cCcwoY.l.lopw'before the holy angels' and St. 7.12-13 KOCtlO(;·1 OYI>.TTO.l.I>. 'to the entire world' vs. 11.4·5 KOCIIOC 0YI>.TTOKI>. 'the entire world'. The so-called 'rules' set up in Browne 1985c (B) show merely when the juncture element is not required: they have nothing to do with a postposition syntactically comparable lO those discussed above. I must here formally reject the criticism that Hintze (in Browne 1989a.vi) levels against the present treatment: hIS insistence upon a formal appositive morpheme, marked by -01', cannot withstand scrutiny, for thIS so·called morpheme has a disquieting habit of unpredictably vanishing. In addition to the examples quoted above cf. also St. 11.3-4 -&POIIOC'OY COKliAW 'upon the throne of glory' WIth Ben. 21>.rr6AOC COAlllrOYA 'the angels of the Lord'; St. 6.2 oyp.oy-elo (i.e. O1'I'-OY-'\'O 2.5.6a)

38

OLD NUBIAN GRAMMAR

in two consonants and is optional elsewhere (but rare if the first word ends in a vowel and the second begins with one, as e.g. in L. 113.5-6 0'1'1'0'1'-0'1' oYlllloyn,KoA 'the king who has been born'). The categories of words so bound together include the following (N.B. I add examples which lack the juncture vowel): a) Apposition: e.g. SC 7.5 [OA-OY 'illCOY- 'Lord lesus', K. 21.12 n,p-oy [OAA'the Lord himself' (lit. 'he, the Lord' 3.7.1), IN II 13 i 27-28 n.A AWAOYfI-IIOIl 'and the high one himself' (T.l-A- = T.l-I'- 2.2.2), M. 11.3-4 1'AAK 0YIIIIOA 11.1-1'1.1-11 'of Mary who gave birth to God', i.e. 'of Mary Theotokos'; here belong cases of nominal asyndeton 4.10 like M. 1.11-12 6I)01'T-OY [OYK1'AW 'in wealth and abundance' (see Browne 2000e.139-140 for the meaning of [OYKT-) and L. 101.11-12 ~j.l-U-I ~[t.lyCIAAW 'upon the service and offering'. b) Attribution: e.g. SC 4.11-12 CGY.l-P1'-Oy [GC-oy C6Y~ A611~IKK.I- 'the Holy Spirit blowing upon us', M. 4.4-5 KGG6 Ii.l-P€(UTlW [OIl:lAA.l-rA 'to the church standing in Mareotes', St. 11.3-4 and Ben. 2, both quoted above in ftn. 19. c) Binding of postposition to preceding: e.g. St. 6.2 0'1'1'-0'1'-810 'from you' vs. 8.5 0'1',1.-,1.0 'you', IN II 12 i 19-20 TAnoy 1'SK.l-118IH-A.I- 'in the path of justice' vs. 13 ii 14 A .I-'ir.l-SK.l-1l61l-AW 'in a voice of exultation'. See further above, fnt. 19. d) Binding of pronoun to rest of sentence: e.g. M. 8.16-9.1 Etp-Oy 8iiK.I- [.).1.1] .l-IIKIHNII"'V. 'don't you remember this?' and IN I 4 ii 4 P f-;iiIlO AOY~P8I1K.'>. 'if you had been here' (cf. i 2, where the same phrase appears with 6ip-l: see above, fln. 19). e) Binding of a clause terminating in a pronoun to the following clause: e.g. L. 105.6-7 .l-N TOT.l-11l1 Glp-OY .l-Ll.o eAt! 8K 0YIIII.l-P.'>. 'you are my Son, I have begotten you today' (here the O.N. translator has imitated Greek word order: ut6~ !lou d 1I 'if you had been here' with ii 4 P (i.e. €IP) Blina AaY~I'€IIK~ id. (with €1P·ay, €ip·1 and GIP in the same phonological sctting); cf. also SC 2.5-6 raYA [aYTacACf1(?)jllayX (i.e. -n-aY-A.'>.) KCf1aYTpocaAK.> 'one who has beached (his ship) in a place of safety', 8.1-2 r·ay.>. aYTaGAEIIII·l-A~ KElIaYTaYPO[CHII1I';;: 'to beach (his ship) in a place of safety', IN" 12 i 19-20 TAnay TSK~IIGII·I-A'> 'in the path of justice' and 13 ii 14 A ~'ir~SK~IIGII·AW 'in a voice of exultation': i.e. -1I-aY-A'> vs. -n·I·A~ vs. -II-AOJ. Note also the appearance of -ay where it can only be anaptyctic: e.g. L. 107.1 [aK·a), AlIlGClI! 'give glory', where -ay is morphologically irrelevant (cf. IN I 9 i 5 caK Tlill~CW 'give glory'); sim. SI. 1.112.1 T'>II ~flacTaAacp'i cccwaYK-ay 61~pAr.>pIG'>Aa 'which he caused his holy apostles to know', where -ay is needlessly attached to -K- (elided from -K.> 2.S.1c); similarly unnecessary is the adherence of -a)' to desinenceless adjunctives 3.9.19 ftn. 78. In addition, Hintze's observation that -0'1' is found 'nur an Morphemgrenzen, nicht aber an Komplexgrenzen' is contradicted by 3.6.Se. See further Browne 1991 b.288.

OLD NUBIAN GRAMMAR

39

upon it in the flesh'. Of these two passages, the former corresponds to an attributive ('restrictive') relative clause, the latter to one that is appositional (,non-restrictive'); but the predicativc is also found when attribution is involved: e.g. S1. 12.3-7 )liiIIA·~-r·oy-G-cli TGll ~GA 0'1''>1'1'0.1.0 GT.I-YPoycA.'>.rAA6 nLCT8YOArOYA- 'all who have believed in the cross with their whole heart'. Cf. below, 4.6a, with fin. 100. 3.6.6 Phrase-terminal specification a) If a phrase consists of two or more words, it is normal for its syntactic relation to the rest of the sentence to be marked at the end of the phrase: e.g. IN I 7 ii 15 COAOY [OKN-K.I- 'the Lord of Glory', where ·K'> shows that the phrase functions as object 3.6.3a, and SC 4.11-12 CGy.>PT-Oy eGG-oy CGY~ A6tISIK-K.'>. 'the Holy Spirit blowing upon us'. where the first -oy marks the juncture of C6Y'>PT- with [GG-, the second that of (;6Y'>I'TOY eGG- with c!c;y~ ACll,l)IA- 3.6.Sb, 3.9.6 and 4.6a, and the terminal -K~ indicates that the entire phrase is the object of the sentence in which it stands. b) In the case of substantive + adjective, the latter alone shows the relation of the complex to the rest of the sentence (e.g. IN II 18 v 11-12 (90.1. eGc·A- 'the holy book': here -Amarks the complex as subject 3.6.1a). If, however, the predicative is involved,2o both substantive and adjective regularly bear -.I- (e.g. L. 108.3 n.l-n-.I- [GC-'> 'holy father);21 occasionally, the substantive is unmarked in this environment: e.g. IN II 17 ii 8- IO [GGI AlrpTi II'>'>I'AACC:· [IlIWIGAAGK6U.> A~P'> IIlijI9['>lIjrOYA 'all the saints who are in the Old and New Testament' (sim. 16 i 5-6 and K. 3I.l1-13). If the substantive is in the predicative and is l1Iodified hy the genitive of the personal pronoun 3.7.1a, the latter is generally in the long forl1l (e.g. T.>IIII.>) if it follows, in the short form (e.g. T.'>.II) if it precedes: cf. S1. 4.7-8 [OA-.I- TAA.> 01'-11'> 'our Lord and God' and IN II 12 i IO T1IYKA91'T-~ .1-1 I-I 1.I--[9C(I) 'become my helper' (sim. ii 13-14) vs. IN I II i 4'>11 flAT-.'>. .>nocToAoc-.>·roy-6-K6 'my chosen apostles' and II 12 ii I I ~II 1'.1-11.'>.1111-"-1 I" you are my helper'. Similarly, the vocative of ~noA- 'my father' 3.7.1a sub fin. is .>11 n.>p.> (IN II 25.6). If the substantive-adjective complex is plural, then the plural marker -r-o)'- is regularly added only to the adjective (e.g. K. 19.3-4 n'>[1.>C-1 [:(;CIrOY-II.'>. 'of the holy fathers');22 plural markers other than -roy- remain on the substantive (e.g. St. 1.11-12 ~noGToAoc-p'i [GCI-roY-K- 'holy apostles' 3.S.1d and L. 101.3 TO)')O-G ~.). yOYKI\O)O-"-roy-e 'guiltless(?) children' 3.S.2e). Occasionally (mostly in non-literary texts) we find this pattern extended-non-obligatorilyto the genitive and directive. For the genitive d. e.g. IN 1lI 30.10 C'>-II [aKKa-1i (gen. of the toponym C'>A caKKa(A)-), 34 i 19 cAIL-fi 1'.>ya-11 'of Lower Ibrim' (but 30.18 CALLI Tllla-li 'of Ibrim West'), 39.10 ';;:no-II' fl6C-1i 'of my father Pesi', 18-19 ~lIn~·1I [.1--11- 'of Abba Nal'. 22 X~IHI cacaS",,·1I (gen. of the personal name X.>IIA caca~.>-; the gen. is the normal X.>IIA caca~'>-II elsewhere [e.g. 34 ii 20]); the pattern is also found twice in St., but in the colophon and therefore not necessarily indicative of pure literary Nubian: 32.7-8 (;T~ypac-Ii ~+\DKK€-II'> (yaKK.> 'the book of the life-giving cross' and 34.11-35.1 cepp€-II II.>TTa·1I mcayccl~ 'in the Jesus-Church of Serra East' (it is also possible that €AA€(II) KET.'>.UG(II)- 'eternity' -for examples see Browne 1996a.57-optionally preserves this construction}. For the directive note SC 9.18 TAA-K ~ ypay1'K~ 'only God' (replaced by the normal TAA-ay .l-ypaYT-K.> in 17.2-3), IN I 2 i 12-13 (if correctly restored) fiIIlItLraY-K.> ay[aY-K~ 'these two things' and" 21 i 2-3 (non-literary) caYII·Tay'j;€-K.>· ,h.'>Y·K.> 'to the Great Scribe'. See also Browne 1996f.131 ad IN III 30.10. 21 Note also the modifiers listed in 3.6.4c. which require their noun to be in the predicative. 22 Note, however, that in relative clauses whose plural referent is introduced by -cli 3.6.4a, we find both -i\royecli .-. verbid/subjunctive with -ray- (e.g. SI. 4.10-13) and -';;:ray€cli vcrbid/subjunctive without -ray- (IN I JO A i 13-15). 20

OLD NUBIAN GRAMMAR

40

OLD NUBIAN GRAMMAR

3.7 Pronouns

Note the special possessive .J::nOA- 'my father' (see further Browne 200Ic):

3.7.1 The personal pronouns are as follows (cf. Vycichl 1961):

I Sg. .)..'j-

2 3

61f'-

1'.)..1'-

PI. 61'- (inclusive of 2nd pers.) oy- (exclusive of 2nd pers.)23 oyp1'61'-

2 3

These forms, with or without the juncture vowel -oy- 2.10, function as the subject of a clause or in apposition to it: see the examples cited in 3.6.5a, d and e.

2 3

For -K6-, a special form for the 2nd pers. pI., see 3.10 S.v. The 'int1ectional' elements 3.6, including postpositions, arc attached directly to the pronoun. Two cases require comment:

Sg. ,),,11, ;).tlll.).. 8i1,6i1N;)' T;)'II,T')"IlIl')"

PI. EN, 8NN.).. (incl.) OYtl, OYNtl')" (excl.) Oyll, Oyllll')" 1'811, T81m.)..

The forms with -II tend to be simply possessives (e.g. SC 7.8 ,),,11 C.)..ArOYK.).. 'my words'); those with -H')" may be objective genitives (e.g. SC 22.17-18 T81nl;). ,)"PIICKLI.6KK')" 'judgment auainst them') or in subsequent dependence upon a substantive in the predicative (e.g. St. 4.7-"8 1'AA.).. 0YII;). 'our God')-to be contrasted with precedent dependence, which prefers the short form 3.6.6b-or the subject of a verbal noun (e.g. M. 12.2-3 6i1 1',),,1111;), KFicA 'this which he ate' 4.6a); -tl')" may also be used in an admirative sense: see K. 25.4-8 (cited above in 3.6.2a). But, as with substantives 3.6.2a, at times the distinction between -II and -11,)" is blurred: e.g. IN II 18 vi 7-8 81ltl.)..· ~8PK- 'our tribe', SI. 12.12-131',),,11 OPWC€II 'in praise of it' and M. 8.11-12 HIl' T.l..tI' OYCKp')" .J::ropccK')" 'this which he had deposited and forgotten'; see also 3.6.1a sub fin. At times-chiet1y in translations of the O.T.-we find uncontracted forms: e.g. T.)..pil in IN I 2 i 20 (Ps 61:13) and in II 15 ii lO-where 1'.)..1" CCGstands for '1'.)..pN CGC- 2.7-(an allusion to Deut 33:2 in Jude 14); it is perhaps a conscious archaism. Note also the fusion of MI- etc. with -H-I- 3.6.2e: e.g. M. 11.13-14 COAOY "11-11-1AOCNII"AO 'through my Lord' and IN II 13 i 4 GtinToy T"pfi-II-A 'his foundation' (Ps 86:1). An expanded genitive 1'.)..pfii1I" appears-if correctly restored-in IN I 3 ii 10-11: '1';).l'filli" T~IJAOKW 'though his justice'; it is comparable to -111'1" found occasionally with substantives 3.6.2a and may be a back-formation from T.)..pN-tl-A (as in IN II 13 i 4 quoted above). 23 For the distinction between 61'- and 0)'- cf. e.g. M. 9.1-3 81'Toy 0)'61111;), £~KK" A611~[;K/>' 'which a woman gave to us' (i.e. to me and you) vs. St. 5.6-7 OYK;). n:C.. irp.J:: A8)o~8CO 'reveal to us' (i.e. to me and them); note also 28.3-9, where 8p Silrf:i:roYA 'all of us' includes everyone, and OY81lU 'in us' refers only to the elect: see Vycichl 1961.287-288. 24 The -II in the short form is very occasionally doubled before a word beginning with a vowel: e.g. IN II 16 iii 5 "1111 0Ylle- and vi 1 T81111 .... WO)'-.

Sg . .J::noA· 'my father': see Browne 1996a.16 for examples (e)lnOA- 'your father': in IN I 10 A ii 4 (8lnorl gen.) and II 28.21 (ino '" GlnOA-) '1'MlnI>.IlA- 'his father': in KD 16 and SC 14.8 T.)...'i.81-K', wirh .E!. represenling the juncture vowel 2.10: cf. "i-EI for ,,'i-o)' in IN 1lI 35.18 and 54 i I (see Browne 1994b.34). 25

OLD NUBIAN GRAMMAR

42

another's feet'. Note also oycpoyctl.).)'c- 'one-anotherness, share' in IN I 7 ii 4-5 Gj'PI\ClIJTIrOYAO 0),6pOY611')'Y.yelraYA.'>. 'in the high places alone' and IN III 31.9 ,).yay T,),POII 'and he himself' (possibly also in II 24.5: see Browne 1996a.13); cf. the preceding entry. n) Il)a81-roy- 'some, others', used absolutely: e.g. SC 8.5 ll)aelrOYAAOII 'and some .. .' (as subject of clause). 3.7.7 Relative pronouns do not occur in O.N. For expressing relative-clause equivalents see 4.6. 3.8 Numbers 3.8.1 Cardinals; the following are attested:

1 2

3 4

5 6 7

8

aYGp-, OyGA-, ];8,1.- (cf. aY6A- as indefinite pronoun 3.7.6a) oya(y)-, 0YTj;O- (note also S::AliK,).II-ray- 'both') TaycKo(y)-, TOYCKI-, TOCKaIIH-? (Tamit 8.2) KGIICOAI))ro.~.8o-

KOAOT'iAO_28 (IN III 43.2)

28 1..\0.'161, listed in Browne 1989a §3.8.1, is an incorrect reading of Sale 9 (see also next ftn.): see Browne I 992a.455-457 .

45

OCK01'o.- (IN III 54 i 4 :-&T.'>., ii 3 ~'Ka(T')'» AltlGA- 3.8.2 S::AW_29 8pKGIC-, PKIC(GpIAaY)6- K. 19.7 (n'6TOye: cf. Zyhlarz 1928 Text II Oberschrift Anm.8) AOYA81'ITo.y(ay)pl-

Cardinals are adjectives and follow their substantives, which are in anneetion 3.6.5b; the cardinals may also be marked as to plural and may be used absolutely: e.g. IN I 8 i 15-16 ')'IT€':AOCOY KOAOTraYK,). 'the seven angels', ii 8 nOTOTI KOAo.T- 'the seven trumpets', SC 23.23 T[ayc]!. 'the three' and 5t. 24.7-8 r,).p-KGIICO-II-Il,). 'of the world' (lit. 'of the four sides' 3.3.4); for the plural markers see 3.5.1c and d. 3.8,2 Ordinals; the [allowing are attested: 1st 2nd 3rd 4th 7th 12th

TOYCK,).N1'8- (translates 1tP((11:0; in IN I 5 i 14.25 and 8 ii II) OYeATOYCKT(T)KGIfCf(T)· (restored in fr. I i 3 and appearing as A'rl>. in IN III 38.2) KOAOTITAlII6A(OY) OyGIT-

Like cardinals, ordinals follow their substantives; the latter arc regularly in the genitive: e.g. St. 12.2 nK1'fi TaycKTK,). 'the third share' and IN I 8 i 11-12 Tp')'n')' Tfi Ko.Ao.TITK')' 'the seventh seal'. When years of age are involved, annection is employed: K. 32.7-8 ret lOY '1If''the 12th year', 9-10 ~elfoy ·.IF- 'the 13th year' and IN II 20 i 9-10 ~eHoy TOyq1:£POV Ka1:a1tba.C- 'to become flesh', 14.16 ;;;:tlCT-P- 'to effect resurrection' (sim. 10.10 :I.[IIIf;'T-",p-), 10.5 Oplll>.-rp'to make (it) wine' and IN I 10 A i 16-18 C6[YII>.PTI>. iil>.AAIKI>.8 -_. Hfitll>.tl:l. 'are they not ministering spirits ... 1'. Note that occasionally -(I>.)c-, -(I>.)p- and -r(:I.)p- appear to interchange: e.g. M. 2A tI:I.·iKI>.P-ICIII>. 'she became afflicted', L. lOlA -1"110'1';;;: 'in order to become' (i.e. -rip-II 10'1';;;: 2.S.6a [see also Browne 1982d.12]), 109.9 I>.'i :I.'iKOtiO cce-:l.c·I'~ClU 'I make myself hallow' (vs. T8KKI>. cl(;c,,-rl>.p-€ClU 'make them hallow' in 109.5: see Browne 1988a 11 §2.a fln. 2), and cf. also IN I 8 ii 9-10 T€KKOIIO 116AAA-C-IC"'II" 'they made themselves ready' (il'Wtllacrav i:aU'tou. YOII" 'he made'. The form here given in the paradigm, AOAA· 'to wish', shows the juncture vowel I, which can also appear as 8 2.1.2.2. It is required only after a stem ending in two consonants; elsewhere its use is optional: e.g. SC 8.16 118C-8Ct-, but 22.8 IC-Ct-; M. 1.3 "'Y-C"'-, but IN I 10 A ii 9 Aoy-6cfi.

This arrangement has won acceptance amongst those who work on Nilo-Saharan linguistics: see especially Werner 1987.142-143 and 1993.48 as well as Bechhaus-Gersl 1996.119 and 232234. 43 The term 'verbid' I borrow from Jespersen 1924.87; it signifies a verbal noun and, as such, includes bolh verbal substantives (i.e. infinitives) and verbal adjectives (i.e. participles). It is therefore a morc suitable term for the bivalent O.N. form and is to be preferred to 'infinitive' in 13rOIVl1e 1982b and 19873. Hintze (in Browne 1989a. vii) objects to my bringing togelher under the heading 'verbid' the two categories of infinitive and participle. He formally segregates the two and believes that the infinitive ends in -s and the participle in ·1.1. (present) and ·0>. (preterite). But-as I show in Browne 199Ib.288-289-the form in -6 is simply a reduction of -./·IA: cf. e.g. IN II 13 ii 8-9 ~III1IAr'oYII'" AOY8pii SIAIO~W'" SII·6A·K'" '(how true it is) that the habitation of all '" is with you' (for the syntax see 4.7.1.3a) and 4 i 25-26 I13..PI~tI'" coni n3..>'''' ~0~-6-K'" '(seeing) that Mary was going forth from the house' (see 4.7.1.2a): here the parallel syntax shows clearly that !lOp·6-K:I. is simply a reduction of ~Op-6A·K". (i.e. SOp·6,>.-K'" ) SOP-6K-K3.. 2.3.1 , ~op-s­ K.I. 2.7). Note also IN I I I i 13 [:olll~A '(whose lot it would be) to stand .. .' (see Browne 1996c.132) and 1Il 48.3-4 ,IIPI'If-I-lOYIIII'" (= ~ppA.lfO)'lIll.l.) '(why) are you reluctant to approach ... '1' (see Browne 1996f.l29· 130). Although she agrees with my argufllent, Bechhaus-Gerst (J 996.233) still prefers to use the traditional term participle. If 'participle' is to be preferred, it must-within the confines of O.N.-be understood to include both verbal substantive and verbal adjective: see especially 4.6a N.B. 44 In the 1st pers. sg. (AO,>.>.IPI +.3..) _\OA,>.tpe), the phonology, though strange, may be supported: see Browne 1996f.129. 42

OLD NUBIAN GRAMMAR

50

Subjunctive

Indicative

Sg.1 2/3 PUI2 3

1>.OAAIPI 1>.0,1.,1.111 AOAAip°Y AOAAIP.'>.11 46

1>.OAAIPC 1>.0,1.,1.111" 45 AOAAIPO .,1.0,1. AiP.'>. II.'>.

Sg.1 2/3 PI. 112 3

AOAA"PI AOAAOII AOAA"pOY AOAAOY.'>.11 48

AOAA.'>.I'6 AOAAOII" 47 L\OAA.'>.PO AOAAOyZ;:tl.'>.

Sg.1 2/3 Pl.ll2 3

AOAAICI AOAAIClll AOAAICOY 1>.OAAIC.'>.1151

AOAAICf-: AOAAICltl.'>.50 AOAAICO AOAAIC"II.'>.

Predicative

Verbid Present

AOAAIA

Preterite I

1>.0,1.,1.0,1.

OLD NUBIAN GRAMMAR

. There is als.o a rare future preterite: see 4.7.3c and 4.7.6. For the special conjugation of the so-called affIrmative, see 3.9.10, and for the various periphrastics, see 3.9.11. 3.9.6.1 As stated in 3.9.6, a) the subjunctive can be derived from the verbid throu"h th additionof persOl~al endings, and b) the indicative from the subjunctive through fusio~ Wit~ predlcatIve .". Slllce the paradigm presented above is based on these mechanisms, it is convenient to present them here in detail: a) Derivation of subjunctive from vcrbid (based on Browne 19t\2b.13 §5 and 1988a.9-

10): Present ·GA, ·1,1.

Preterite II

Future 52

AOAAICIA

(.\OAAICIP") (AOAAIC.'>.)49

AOAA.'>.AIA

Sg.l AOAA"I'I'I AOAA.'>.II 2/3 PI. 112 AO'\"\'''PpOY AOAU,PP.'>.1I 55 3

AOAA.'>.PPf-: AOAA.'>.II II" 54 AOAA"PPO AOAA"I'P.'>.II"

Sg.1 2/3

Vetitive Sg.2/3 Pl.2

AOAA"T"I H1(CW) AOAA"T.'>.IIK6(CW)

Preterite r ·0,1.

Preterite II -CIA Imperative 56

PI.l 2/3

AOAAC(CW) AOAA.'>.IICW AOAA.'>.tl"(CW)

45 Or 1>.0,1.,1.811". 46 G may replace I in the verbid, predicative and subjunctive: AOAA8A. _\OAA8P", AOAA8PI etc. 47 "may replace 0 2 in AOAAOA (1).0.1..1.1>..1.) and AOAAOIII>. (AOAAI>.III>.); cf. below, fln. 58. 48 See 2.5.5 and 2.S.6a. 49 The form 1>.O,\.,\.ICII'I>. is not attested (pace SC 7.19, for which see Browne 1996a.23); its reduction to AOAAICI>. 2.S.6a is found only in attributive constructions (cf. 4.6). 50 Also written AOAAICII;;;: 1.3.2. 51 e may replace I in the verbid and subjunctive: AOA8CIA, AOAA8CI etc. 52 Herewith the future with the allomorph .1>.. 3.9.7b; the verb is Kip· 'to come': Predicative

KI1>.1>.IA

KI1>.1>.tpl>.

+·1 Sg.1

> .(1)1'1,

+ ·11 2/3

> *·1,1.11 > ·(1)11

+ ·01' PI. 112 + ·.'>.11 3

·Gpi 2.6 2.5.6a; *+;1'11 > ·GII > .(1)1'01'. ·GI'OY > ·(1)1'''11. ·GI'''II

+ ,I Sg.! + ·112/3 + ·01' PI. 112 + .0.t1 3

'''1'1 2.6 *·0,1.11 > 011 2.5.6a > '''poy , *,OA"t1 > ·01'.'>.11 2.5.5

+·1 Sg,! + .112/3 + .01' PI. 112 + ."113

>

> *,CIP.'>.tl > ·C.'>.II

+·1 Sg.1 +·11 2/3 + ·0)' PU!2 + ·.'>.113 +·1 Sg.l +·11 2/3 + ·01' PI. 1/2 + . .'>.113

2.6 > '.'>.pl'l (.1. is unstable); ·.'>."\Gpi *,o.l'lPll > *·0.1'11 > "II 2.5.6a; ·.'>.AEr·1 > '*'.'>.PlPoy > '''1'1'01'; ·o,.A.Gpoy > *,0.1'I{'0,11 > '''1'1'''11; '''o\t>PI>.II > ·Alpl. ·Aepi > *·AIAII > ·Altl 2.5.6a > ·Aip0Y, .~\EpOy > ·AIP.'>.II, ,"V>I'I>.II

>

>

*·Ctpl 2.6 > ·CI 2.5.6a

> *·Cipll > ·CIlI

> *.ctpoy > ·coy

Adjunctive Future ,00"\lA/'.'>.PIA; ·.'>.AGA [ftn. 53 and 55)

Verbid

51

Sg.l 2/3 Pl.!!2 3

Subjunctive

Indicative

KIA1>.tpl KI"\1>.1I1 KL\1>.lpOY KI1>.Atpl>.lI

KL\.\Ip8 KI1>.AIIII>. Kt'-"\ipO KIAAtp"II"

(N.B. 6 may replace I in the verbid and subjunctive: KI1>.1>.6A, KIl>.1>.81'1 etc.; also with the indicative KI1>.1>.1I 11>.: KI1>.1>.811.'>.; the indicative pI. 3 is realized as KI1>.AItIlII>. 2.5.3.) 53 Also AOAAI>.1>.8A, AOAAI>.PIA (verbid), "\OAAI>.1>.tpl>. (predicative). 54 Also 1>.OAAI>.1>.EIII>.. 55 Also "\OAAI>.1>.EI'I, 1>.0,1.,1.1>."\811, 1>.OAAI>.1>.EI'OY, '}"OAA"-"6PI>.II (and with ·1· for ·8·). 56 For additional formations see 3.9.17.

·AI,\,/·AGA

> *·"pipi

>

b) Derivation of indicative from verbid (based on Vycichl 1958.173· 17,,); c1'. Browne 1981c.61 and 1982b.21 §§22-23): Subjunctive Suc·

PI.

Indicative

1 2/3

·1 ·11

+ . .'>. +."

1/2 3

·oy ·.'>.11

+ ." +-(\.

.{C;

·11" -0 . " " 0,

N.B. For the mechanism in Sg,1 (·1 + ." > ·c), cf. IN III 36 i 14, where CEYCICG 11(919.'>.11. 'all that I inherited' is to be analyzed as C6,(81CI· [subjunctive] + ." 11(1)191>.11. 3.6.4c: see Browne 1996f.129.

52

OLD NUBIAN GRAMMAR

3.9.6.2 The paradigm presented in 3.9.6 is an idealized schematization based on the O.N. corpus and is meant to be merely illustrative. The verb AOU- does not display the full panoply set forth above, and I have restored by analogy the forms that are not attested. To supplement the paradigm, I here offer a representative selection of O.N. verbs for each of the endings in 3.9.6. Note that for all of the verbids, the terminal -..I. is unstable 2.5.6a, 3.9.8; only the forms with -..I. are here represented.

Present Verbid (-(1)..1., -6..1.): M. 12.9 S:K-A, L. 104.6 I>. y..l.-E..I., 103.3..1.1>.-..1.-, 115.11 AO'(-..I.-, IN II 24.2 III>.C-6..1., St. 20.3 OAA-A- (but SC \6.14 OAA-6..1.-), SC 25.13-14 0,(..1.['+;..1.-, K. 26.2-3 O'(U-A-, IN I 4 i 13 nCTc'(-..I.- (but Ill1c.-1'1>. (i.e. AI>.p-PI>. 2.7), 14 i 15 AOUlpl>._, SC 15.1 GCKISP-6Pl>.-, K. 32.8-10 KI>.II-11l>. (i.e. KI>.II-PI>. 2.3.2), IN II 16 iii II HO,(KKlpl>., K. 30.16 n6C-IPI>.-, IN III 36 i 16 Hi-PI>. (i.e. T6P-PI>.)

OLD NUBIAN GRAMMAR

Preterite I Verbid (-0..1. [N.B. Sporadically-under int1uence of the phonology described in 2.6o is replaced by I>. (cf. also 2.1.2.2): see IN I I ii 13 and II 16 v 7-S cited bclow 57 ; here also belong the adverbial formations described in 3.12b]): IN I 9 ii 20 S:K-O..l.-, K. 29.11 I>. Y-O..l.-, IN 14 ii 15 -rl>.p-o..l., Sale 10 rnl1-o..l.-, K. 29.2 AGI-O..l., IN I I ii 13 crr-I>...I.-, 5 ii 10-11 81TI'-O..l.-, 4 i 17 KI'-O..l. (but 5 i 26 KI-O..l.), St. 27.10 OU-O..l.-, 12.6-7 I1ICT6,(-O..l.-, IN II 16 v 7-S ];C..I.CC1>...1.Predicative (-I>.PI>. 2.6, -pI>. after a stem ending in a single -I' 2.5.3): K. 27.10-11 "II"AHIS-"pl>.-, SC IS.13 -rl>.p-pl>., M. 1.7 AOY-S:P", SC 22.13 6TOY6P-p", IS.7 K"PC-"P", L. 106.11 KP-Pl>., M. 11.70,(1111-"1''', IN 19 ii 22-23 1lI-S:Pl>., i 21-22 C"HI>.I'P-"P-l- (stem ends in -PI' lifthe second I' is securely read], with no loss of 1>.), M. 10.6 LOIlS-"p" Subjunctive Sg. 1 (-1>.1'1): no example; the fOlm is modelled on -3-pOY (pI. 1/2). 2/3 (_011 58 ): M. 3.10 I>.YTI>.K-Oll-, IN III 41.3-4 AOYIIII-OII, 35.23 KC..I.6Y-01l, II 21 i 20 KGII-OIl, FE i 6 O..l.-Oll-, Dong. 1 i 16 OYCKP-WIl, K. 27.10 1'01'-011

Subjunctive Sg. 1 (-(1)1'1, -61'1): IN II 21 i 19 S:K-IPI, 18 vi 4-5 ell-6pl-, St. 13.11 nl>.S61'1, SC 8.18 n6c-pI, IN I 7 i 6 T6-pI- (i.e, Tep-PI- 2.7), III 53.2-3 TOp-G['1 2/3 (-(1)11, -611): St. 3.1 S:K-fi, IN II 18 vi 13 AI>.P-6t1 (but III 36 i 16 AI>.p-fi), SC 19.23 AO'(-tl- (but WN II AOY-t?II), K. 24.6-7 61l-61l- (but M. 10.1 et passim Gltl-fi-), IN III 39.14 KO-II (but II ii 5 )\W-611-), K. 30.12 OU-Gltl, SC 14.3 9[Y..l.]rP-611-, L. 100.3 OY""-I"-, SC 12.9 nCC-611 (but 17.21-22 n6c-fi), St. 3.5 COILS-ILL PI. 112 (-(l)poy. -6pOY): SC 11.15 AOy-6pOY-, St. 5.5-6 erIA-poy-, IN I 7 ii 6 -6116pOy-, FE ii 1 6SSi'-POy, IN II 23.10 0Y..I.r-GPoy-

53

PI. 112 (-3-1'0), 2.6): St. 3.7-S Tttll-3-POy (the only example) 3 (-0'(1>.11 2.5.5): IN II 21 i 26 K611-0'(3-11-, 28-29 7.16 SOP-O'(3-II-

K",~'-O'(3-II,

14 ii 25 OC-OY3-II-, M.

Indicative Sg. 1 (-3-pc): no example; the form is modelled on -I>.poy (subjunctive, pI. 112).

2/3 (-0113-, -3-111>.): IN 14 i 1 S:K-OIl3-, SC 3.14 3-IIK-I>.II3--, 19.11 I>.Y-OIIl>., IN 1 7 i 10 --'C-3-II:1..-, SC 12.17 -rp-otll>., 13.IS ACII$-OIl3-, M. 1.12-2.1 et passim 61l-0113-, IN I 7 i 2 1.II): L. 103.5 I>.YTI>.K-Gpl>.11 (but SC 8.7 TOYK-PI>.II), IN III 30.16 AI>.pl>.tl- (i.e. AI>.p-pI>.11 2.7), II 13 ii 5 AOy..l.-..I.I>." (i.e. AOY..I.·pl>." 2.3.2), K. 2S.11 6K6tp+;Pl>.II-, L. 107.15-16 611-GpMI- (but SC 4.16 -Gfi-II1>.II- = -Gfi-pl>.l1- 2.3.2), K. 20.17 KCIIS-Pl>.II-, Dong. 2 ii 5 K6TC-tpl>.II-. K. 28.7 KGln-pMI, IN III 30.16 or-tpl>.ll, M. 2.13 n6C-pI>.11 (but IN I 9 ii 17 C6C-6Pl>.II-), SC S.13 IlI-PI>.l1, IN lSi 16 COS-6Pl>.11 (but II 16 v 10 co)\,Il-Clf'I>.II)

PI. 1-2 (-3-1'0): no example; the form is modelled on -I>.poy (subjunctive, pI. 112). 3 (-OYS:II:I..): IN I 7 i 5 61S:P-OYS:II,,- 3.9.17 (the only example).

Preterite II Indicative Sg. 1 (-(1)1'6): IN III 55 i 4 S:K-IP6-, 110 C ii 2 I>.lIr-p6, III 33.10 rG-p6 (i.e. r-Gp-p6 2.7; cf. 42.5 T6-pC-), SC 3.5 AOU-Ip6, IN I 4 i 10 6fi-IiG (i.e. Gfi-p6 2.3.2), IN A i 1 CKG..I.-..I.e- (i.e. CK6..1.-pe-), SC 2.13 f1eC-PG, L. 101.14 IlIcc-pe 2/3 (-(1)111>.. -GIII>.): K. 33.6 et passim 6111-111>.-, SC 9.3 Glp-61.1I>.. IN III 57 i 7 KO-"I>., II 28.8 HI>.C-61ll>. (but SC 21.10 HI>.[C!-tll>.-), III 47 i 6 HOYII-tll>. (but 55 ii 2 1I01l-11II>.), 12 ii 27 01l-6NI>. (but K. 22.3-40'1'11-111>.-), L. 113.5 rH·"I>.

Verbid (-(I)CI..I.. -6CI..I.): IN III 50.2 A"C-cA-, SE A i 12 ~\O..l...l.-ICA-, IN III 30.29 clTeeX-. M. 12.3 Kn-cA, WN 15-16 O'(IIlIlT:l..K-CCI..I.- (but SC 19.14 6CKIT:l..K-eR-K3- [i.e. -T:l..I(-CAK,,), IN II 21 i 6 n6C-CA Predicative (-(I)elp3- rabove, n. 49], reduced to -(I)C3- 2.5.6a): M. 1.3 3-Y-C3--, St. 2.1 ·r "P-IC3--, IN III 31.15 nl>.CI-C:I..-, St. 1.10-11 n6C-CI>.-, 29.11-12 T3-POYl>.C-CI>.-

PI. 112 (-(1)1'0): SC 11.17 I>...I...I.ITI>.K-PO, 12.S KIO!II-IIO- (i.e. KOII-pO- 2.3.2), IN I 5 ii 1 nGc-pw 3 (-(1)1'1>.111>.): L. IOS.2 AOy..l.-..I.I>.III>. (i.e. AOy..l.-PI>.III>. 2.3.2), K. 19.1 et passim 6111III>.lII>. (i.e. Glll-Pl>.III>.), Dong. 1 i 9, ii 10 -KG-pILI>. (i.e. -KG-pl>.llI>. 2.5.3)

Possibly also SE A i 9 r·TT:I..,!. (so Browne 1982b.12 §4c), but see now Browne 1996a.31. The variant -:l..tI (comparable to -:1..11" in the indicative-see below) is not attested, except perhaps as an ossified relic in ..I.GKK:l..1I 'secretly' and €yerMI- 'fearful', where it appears to be attached to a verb; -:1..11 also generates adverbs with no obvious verba! base 3.12a.

57

58

54

OLD NUBIAN GRAMMAR

Subjunctive Sg. 1 (-(I)CI, -eCI): IN III 48.6 .'>..'>.C-CI-, M. 11.8-9.'>. Y-GCI-, IN III 49 i 2 AOYKK-ICI-, SC 6.22 8)T-8CI-, IN 1124.10 6ITC-CI-, SC 8.16 neC-Gel (but gr. 4.61l(~cc.l-), L. 107.9 TI~~-GCI- (but 108.15 TI~~-ICI.) 2/3 (-(I)CIII, -GCIII): SC 12.5 .'>.Y-Gcii-, 17.20 .'>.y~+;cil- (but WN 12-13 .'>.yel;)-lclIl-), IN I II i 2 [rJ0pT.'>.K-Gcil- (but SC 14.6 -6lOlOIT[.'>.)K-ciI-), SC 23.17 A.'>.P-6CiI-, 21. 17-U; AA6eii, IN I 10 C i 2 6f1-GCf1- (but 4 i 20 -Gtl-Cf1-), M. 10.9 KI-8Cf1- (but IN II 25.5 K);:-ciI), SC 23.19 Kil-cf1-, M. 14.16 nee-ccil (but IN 1116 i 1-2 IICC-CIII-)

55

OLD NUBIAN GRAMMAR

Subjunctive Sg. I (-.'>.1'(1')1, -I>.Aepl; allomorph in -A- not attested: for its reconstruction, _"\(1)1'1_, -.\61'1, see above, fin. 52): IN III 56 ii 2 IIS_'--.'>.PI-, St. 11.5-6 1l6U)l~-.'>.Af-:f'I-, SC 5.17 TI~t.--"PPI-

2/3 (-.'>.11 [not attested; the form is modelled on --"1111.'>., indicative. sg. 2/3], _AGII): St. 7.1 -1·.'>.A!l-,),AGIl-, M. 4.15 Sw-"\f1, IN 14 i 8-9 [I-AGII-

-.'>.~\GII;

-Alii,

PI. 1/2 (-.'>.p(p)oy, -.'>.Aepoy; -Aepoy): St. 28.11 6A,I)--"AEPOY-, 29.9-10 OYAf'oy~,-­ .\(;l'oY-, IN I 11 i 5-6 nG(9 l9IKIS--"POY-

PI. 112 (-(I)COY, -6COY): IN I 7 ii 2 GlOlOIT.'>.K-COy-, St. 6.1 8rIA-lcoy, IN I 5 ii 30 e1';)-lcoy-, SC 21.3,13 KMI-E-:COY-, IN I 5 ii 30 KOJYUI~-COY-, 7 ii 18 -IIC-COY, SC 2.14-15 OYAI·.'>.C-COY-, IN III 34 i 28 TC-COY

__ \11'''". -~\GP-"II]): IN II 18 v 2-3 -r.'>.~;;;-.'>.Aep-"II-

3 (-(I) C.'>.II , -6C.'>.II): St. 8.9 .'>.YGI6-C.'>.II-, IN II 14 i I "\.'>.-C.'>.II, St. 9.8 ~\C-C.'>.II-, L. 111.5-6 AOy-8(;.'>.II, IN I 7 ii 15 el-C.'>.II-, II 25.2-3 116A-C.'>.II-, III 44.11 IH1)K-IC"II, St. 8.12 ou'ip-ec.'>.II-, IN II 20 ii 14 OY""-IC"II-, 15 i 14 n.'>.;)-GC"II- (but St. 9.1-2 rlfC>CI,'l-IC,'>.II-)

Indicative Sg. 1(-.'>.1'1'6; -A(I)p6 [cf. also ftn. 59]): M. 1l.i2 -"Y--"I'P6, IN III 52.7 6TT-.'>.I'pe-, St. 10.4-5 Kx-Ape, 6.5 et passim -liell-Ape-, SC 1.7 OKI;)-"l'l'e, IN II 16 iii 11-12 11-".1.-.\611'(;-, K. 32.5 rI.'>.CK-.'>.ppe, IN JJI 42,7 ney-.'>.['pE:, SC 1.7 11..\611.'>.; -A(I)II,)" -A611:\" [ef. ftn. 59]): St. 11.l2 .'>.1'01'O)'A-AII';;:, SC 23.3 .\oyA-AII.'>., K. 21.13-14 6T-.'>.IIII.'>., IN I 9 ii 1 6i1-.,-"';;:, St. 7.9 Kx-Alli, SC 23.7-8 Knll.'>.1111-",201'1111-.'>.1111.'>., IN III 47 i 8 n.'>.A-_\III.'>.-, 55 ii 2 TOA-AGII.'>., L. 103.4 [OK-.'>.M'II.'>.

2/3 (-(I)C(I)II"): SC 13.5 iK-ICII.'>., M. 13.1-2 r.'>.U-ICII.'>., SC 12.17-18 -r"I'-ICII,)" M. 8.5 rnpTc-clI.'>. (but 9.10-11 eITp-cll"), IN I 11 ii 9 rOlOT.'>.K-CII" (but K. 22.14 n"pT')'KICII,),), St. 3.10-11 AGII.li-IClli, SC 13.1 AI-CII,)" M. 8.14 GIC-CII"- (but IN I 4 i 15 et passim 6ii-Clli), IN II 16 ii I KOlOl;»-ICIII", t\1. 10.15 [A-CII.'>. (but IN 16 ii 6 l:AA-'iClli) PI. 112 (-(I)CO): IN II 21 i 27 AOYC-CO, 24.6 Ui)t,-ICO-, St. 17.4 'i-cw, L. 113.71\')'(:CO°, IN I 11 ii 60Y.'>.A-lco 3 (-(I)C,),I1.'>.): IN 110 CiS -rp-i·c.'>.lI.'>. (sec Browne 1994c.96; but III 53.6 rC-c,,".'>.-), M. 16.3-4,7-8 Aoyip-IC.'>.tl.'>., IN II 14 i 17-18 EA-C,),II.'>.-, SC 22.17 ept:PPI,'l-C,),II.'>., M. 2.7 "';IC-C')'II.'>., SC 23.24 e1'-c.'>.II.'>., M. 9.14 et passim KI-C.'>.H.'>., IN lSi 12 IIOY"\-IC.'>.II')' (but II 21 i 14 tl0YC-C.'>.II.'>.), M. 10.11 Till1-IC.'>.II.'>., IN I 8 ii 15-16 ;»OYKT.'>.K-IC.'>.II.'>. (but 17, 18 -'I'M· C.'>.II.'>.) Future Verbid (-.'>.~\lA, -"AeA. _.'>.1'1.1. 59 ; -AlA, -AGA): IN II 18 ii 3 [,),Y]-';;:A6A, K. 33.14-15 -r.'>.AAGA, IN 110 A ii 18 AOYA-AGII (i.e, -AGA-II, but II 16 vi 3 AOYA-Af1 [i.e. -AlA-II]), L. 114.2 [6]YA-AIA, IN II 18 i 5-6 8collr,,!l-.'>.AA, Dong. 1 ii 13 8T-.'>._\A (but IN 110 Ai 19 8T-.'>.pA-), IN I I i 8 -IIGII-AGA (but WN 8 -11811-AA-), III 30.30 [.'>.rr-,),AA- (but 35.17 [,),rr-,),pA-)

3 (--"A6p.'>.tI [the only form attested; by analogy we could generale --"1'['.'>.11, --"AIP.'>.II;

PI. 112 (-.'>.I'PO; -A(I)PO): St. 28.6-7 (-;.I-APO-, IN 110 B i 108'1'-.'>.1'1'03 (·.'>.PP-""-"; -.'-IP.'>.II.'>., always collapsed to -Af1I1.'>. 2.5,3, which appears also as -.\iill,),lI-" in St. 14.9-10 and SC 11.6: see 4.1.2 fIn. 95): St. 12.8 Ao1'-.\f1I1.'>., K. 22.8-9 -1It':II-ol.illI"-, L. 100.4 Ol\--"PP.'>.II.'>.Imperative (for full documentation see Browne I 997.38-40; selection follows) Sg. I --- (perhaps not part of the language) 213 (-G ± -cm 3.10): IN I 2 ii 16 royt..'>.-G-cm, M. 13,1 I OK-6-ClIJ, 6IlGAlp-G-ClU, 4.10 IlCC-c-CtO, 5.9 -~oy-G-cm ; 11.8.'>.YAOC-f>, IN Iii 4 oYArp-G, St. 33.7-8 T.'>.I'-G

PI. 1 (-.'>.11 ± -cm): K. 24.3-4 Aoy--"II·CtO, 2 KOII-.'>.tI-CW, 30.2-3 T.\I'Oy--"II-CO; no instance without -CtO 2/3 (-.'>.11" ± oCto): K. 33.5 ey-,,",,-CO, St. 30.1 ET-.'>.II.'>.-ClIJ, 15.13-16.1 -f;;,1)-.'>.I1"e(l); for IN I 3 i 9 "\E:p-II.'>.-CtO, St. 29.10 T.'>.IIII,),-cm et sim., see 2.5.3; IN 9 i 5 eY-.'>.II,)" II

26.5.'>.K-.'>.II.'>. Vetitive (for full documentation see Browne 1997.40; selection follows)

Predicative (-,),1'1'.'>., -.'>.A(I)P.'>.; -A(I)p,)" -1'1'.'>.): L. 100.2,6 .(.'>.) [-.'>.1' P,),-, IN II 12 ii 21 (-;:.IK-"Ap-"- (see Browne 1995a.454), WN 7 K"\-Ap-", IN I 2 ii 29 -IICII-AP-"-, M. 13.9 0Y""-.'>.I'I'.'>.-, K. 28.1 n.'>.CK-.'>.pp')'-, IN I 9 i 20 [:E:-PI',)" II 12 ii 8 [OY-.'>.PI'''-

59 The _1'_ may be doubled, if L. 101.12 EY.'>.PT0[K-I>.I'PI\- is correctly restored: cf. M. 6.2 ,\, yI>.pl'iI-1I1>. and 5-6 -AOYK,-"pI'A-\G with my note ad lac. (Browne 1994b.35). See also below, .~,9.9 ftn. 65.

Sg. 2/3 (-T.'>.IIH ± -cw): IN II 24.9 TOT-T-"IIII-CO; M, 6.121':(-;1'-T.'>.K-"-T-"11I1 PI. 2 (-T.'>.IIKE: ± -cw): gr. 4.4 TOKI>.-T.'>.IIKG-CO; IN II 26.6 OC.'>.-T.'>.IIKG 3.9.7 Notes on tenses:

56

OLD NUBIAN GRAMMAR

a) The difference between preterite I and preterite II appears to be aspectual in the indicative, where I tends to be either a descriptive imperfect or a resultative perfect, and II is regularly a punctiliar past: e.g. IN 14 i 1 b:KOtl" 'he was sitting' (EKa8£sf'to), L. 111.6 nE,CT"KOII" 'it is called' (AEyf'tat) and IN I 4 i 9 Il€CCIIb: 'he said' (cirrEv). At times, however, the distinction is blurred: e.g. in SC 12.17-18, whcre prct. I 118AAArpolI" is followed by pret. II 118AAAr"plcll", both rendering ~TOlllCl.aEv. Similarly, in K. 22.14 Il"PT"KICII" clearly means 'it is written', for which one would expect pret. I n"I'T"KOII" (as in IN III 30.1 ct passim: Browne 1996a.145);60 in SC 13.18, AEm601l", which is preceded and followed by preterites II, must mean 'he gave' (EOWK£V); in the text in Lajtar-van der Vliet 1998.51.25-26 118cope" i'r AO A"1l1l011,,, we should render 'on Mesore 13 she died'. Further instances of apparent interchange of the two preterites include L. 106.8, where €CKICercnders V£vlK11Ka, and St. 2.9-10, where "YTMOII" means 'it happcned' (sim. IN II 16 v 3; cf. I 8 i 13 "YOYT"KICII5:).

-"1'''

In the predicative, we find only pret. I (where -P" appears instead of after a stem ending in a single -p: e.g. SC 22.6 Tpp.\ 2.5.3):61 it corresponds to a descriptive imperfect, resultative perfect or-as a replacement for pret. II-a punctiliar past: e.g. SC 17.22-23 AOYS:P" 'it was' (~v), L. 105.7 ,,'jAO --- OYIIII"p" 'I have begotten' (EYw '" YEY£VVIlKa) and SC 19.1 "yeI6"p" 'he made' (rrot11aa~). The aspectual distinction between the two preterites vanishes with the verbid and the subjunctive: with the former pre!. II is required only when the subject of its clause is in the genitive 4.4; otherwise pret. I is used: cf. M. 12.2-3 eii T"IIII" KFicA 'this which he ate' 4.6a and 11.3-4 0YlltlOA 11"1'1,,- 'Mary who gave birth' 4.6d. 62 With the subjunctive, pret. I is adverbial (i.e. equivalent to a circumstantial/temporal clause 4.7.3c, without an immediately following postposition except for the connecting particle -Oil 'and' and -AO as emphasizer63 3.10), while pret. II is adnominal (i.e. attached directly to postpositions or equivalent to a relative clause) or nominal (i.e. equivalent to a substantive): e.g. M. 3.9- 10 0YKOYP AleA' "YT"KOIH101l 'and when many a day had passed' 4.7.3c, 10.8-9 Tplc5:rloll KleCNtloKOlloelOIl 'and when the Tris-hagion had come' 4.7.3b, L. 111.4-6 lTO.plf);? --- AOY6C,,11 'in which they were .. .'. and IN I 9 i 13- 14 Alc"pKIKeC.\II lit. 'the fact that they have fallen' 4.5.1b. 64

60 Consequently the resolution of n.\,pT in L. 112.5 remains uncertain: either n.\pT(.\KOJl.\) or n,,-pT(.\KICJI:i:). 61 In such cases only context determines whether we are dealing wilh pret. I or present: e.g. in Dong. I i I3 IlIKA8p.\rpp'\AII is pre!. I, while in St. 21.6 O)iiil-,\e and 9.13 HIS:PI (clause-final position). Further reductions include IN I 4 i 15 neC-KOIi EilcllS: (ef. ii 9-10 n~.,CI-KOII eilcllb: and 9 ii 5 [GCpEA-KOII 81111ICC"II,\', 3.9.13); note also SC 9.13, where f~ITCCOY = CIT(;CI 2.1.2.1 = EI1("';CI.\. For the loss of I and A in these forms sec 2.5.6a. 3.9.9 Expanded verbid. There is also a verbid terminating in -II instead of -A (usually spelled -Gil, at times [e.g. IN 14 ii 7] -Ii). It interchanges at times with the regular verbid: e.g. IN 1 4 i 16 GIIEtI,K" and II 13 ii 9 eIiEA-K,,; its chief use, however, is to mark a conditional/temporal clause 4,7.3c, 4,7.5b. In shape it is often identical with the 2nd13rd pers. sg. of the present subjunctive but may usually be distinguished from the latter in terms of distribution: -f;1I as expanded verbid has the same subject as the main clause, while -Ell as subjunctive has a different subject; cf. e.g. M. 11.3-6 ["Aell --- nECCII" 'when he saw ... , he said' (same subject in main clause: hence ["Aell is expanded verbid) vs. SC 12.8-9 --- K[Ojlltlocii , __ TlGCE';11 K6AAW 'we have ... , as he says' (different subject in main clause: hence the form is subjunctive). It should also be noted that both forms of the verbid may occur together, e.g. in IN 19 i 10 EprX KpGII, where it appears that the fonner is subordinate to the latter, i.e. 'when he came [KpGII] following [eprX]': cf. 4.7,3c. The expanded verbid can at times be discerned in some of the verbal forms usually built upon the verbid in -A: e.g. SC 1.6'XAiI-IIG (from XAiIp6 [expanded verbid) 2.3.2), followed by rleC,'-ppf-; (from neC,",pl\-I-,), [noll-expanded] 3,9.6.1,3.9.6.2: see also Browne 1982b §22). [n forms like XAilllE from AAiI-pe, the I' is no longer regarded as derived from the verbid but is now simply part of the ending. 65 3.9.10 The affirmative 66 3.9.5a is attested only in the present and in the fUllire (in both allomorphs 3.9.7b); it is formed by suffixing -11- (see below) to the verbid, which is always assimilated 2.3.1. The personal endings arc those of the indicative: b7 Present Sg.

3 PI.

I

3 Future Sg.

1

3 ----

OLD NUBIAN GRAMMAR

59

PI.

1 3

AOA'\'')'AiiIIO AOA'\'"AilfI"tl')'

KIA~\ilIIO

KIA"\lf II.). II "

Regarding the suffixed -fl" I follow Werner's explanation for the con'esponding fonn in Nobiin (see above, ftn_ 66) and assume that it represens a collapsed negative: i.e. i.e. AOAA-ilIIC-; derives from AO'\'A-IA Itil-pe, and the original negative turns into an emphatic affirmative: 'Ocr Prozel3 dieser Bedeutungsverschiebung ist einsichtig, aus ciner negativen Frage (,'du schlagst doch wohl nicht?") wird leicht die BekrMtigung ("du schLigst doch sichel"')': loco cit. This derivation explains why there is no negative; if a negative verb requires emphasis, ,,1.0 3.10 is added; e.g. 3rd pel's. sg.:

Indicative Emphatic

Positive ,,1,0,1.,1.111.). (pres.), .'OU"IIII" (future) _\OUUII", ~\O'\'A"Afill')'

Negative "\OAAlflfilt". AOA,\,IIIi1AIIS: "\'OAAlilfill.).~2, ,,\,OAAllliI,\IIb: A068

The formation seems (0 emphasize the personal involvement of the subject or the significance of the act: e.g. IN I 4 i 6-7 Eli EL:[')'A [L\illI", 'your brother will rise', 12 S:Xl')'Aill I" 'he will live' (both passages concern Lazarus) and St. 6.12-7.2 AOAAilfiO 0YK" GI')'pXr"AS"M-;IIK" 'we wish that you will reveal to us' (said by the apostles to Jeslls after the latter's resurrection). 3.9.11 Pcriphrastics are formed by attaching GlII- 'to be' or its equivalent 3.9.12 to a verbid, predicative or indicative, which normally precede. The formations may be illustrated as follows: Verbid periphrastic Predicative periphrastic Indicative periphrastic

"\OUtA GIII- 3.9.13 ,\ouip" mlt- 3.9.14 AOUIII" 6tll- 3.9.15

3.9,12 The syntactic equivalents of ell 1- used in the periphrastic constructions include:

~\OUilIIG

,),y, 'to do' (verb[idJ p[eriphrastic])

AOAAilll" Ao,uilllO AOAAillI"II"

-(,,)[- inchoative (verb.p., pred.p., ind.p.) -r(,,)p- causative (verb.p., pred.p., ind.p.) A"P- 'to be' (verb.p., pred.p.) AOYA- 'to be' (verb.p., pred.p.) K(.).)II- 'to be' (verb. p.) -K6-/-KI-/-K- consuetudinal (denoting customary action; verb.p.) K0(Xl)- 'to be without' AOYII- 2.3.1,2.7 + -1'''11'' > AOYIIII,),II" 2.3.2. Here we should also note M. 6.5-6 K€IL\OYK'''PPAAE, which reveals the base form of the verbid (from -"I'I'IA-I'€,with I' as part of the ending, as in AAillI!> discussed above). Sim. M. 14.4 [CCII')' "' CI-C':IAII" 2.3.2 (and Browne 1994b ad lac.). See also above, 3.9,6.2 ftn. 59. 66 Called admirative in Browne 1989a *3.9.10, but I now prefer to designate it the affirmalive in conformity with Werner's term 'Affirmativ' for the corresponding structure in modern Nobiin (Werner 1987 §6.2.9): sec the discussion below after the paradigm. 67 Note that for the secant! person singular and plural, the prcdicative copulative is used 3.9.16a. Dong. Iii 24-25 AOYKT"K"".iift" is not an exception; the translation in Browne 1989c.74 'you Will be worshipped' is incorrect: the preceding -KOIIiIO (2nd pers. sg.) implies change of subject 4.7.5a, and e, and so we should render 'it will be worshipped' (cf. also the Greek, which here has K'tw91l0'0v'tm): see Browne 1995a,458. 65

Notes:

68 From Browne 1994b.36-37. except that for '2nd/3rd pers. sg.' (for which I cited Dong. I ii 24-25), I now write '3rd pers. sg.': see the preceding ftn. 69 The reference to pred.p. in Browne 19893 §3.9.12 should be deleted: see Browne 1998c.237, 238, where it is also pointed out that the verb.p. appears in only one passage, SC 11.20, which is not securely read. See further below, 3.9.19.1 S.V. TlI-.

60

OLD NUBIAN GRAMMAR

a) Of the periphrastic formations 70, that of the indicative has two functions: i) if the indicative clause depends upon 61t1- or fl611-, the latter puts it into focus: *6ITA cor AS: S:KIII.pPI>.AK8- 'you will actually become like (God)'. Cf. also -K8 in vetitive formations 3.9.18. In the present pI. there is one case where the ending appears to be -I>.AKG, attached directly to the stem: IN 15 ii 4-5 GfiETI>.AKE 'you must take up' (O. oYArpltl811''-KG 'What? Do you not hear ... 7' Both -I>.AKe and -I>.KG can be derived from -PI>.AKG through application of 2.5.6a. But not so derivable is SC 7.4-5 b:W8]IIA .... IIKG (sim. 7 and IN I II i 4-5) 'you are blessed', where -Ke is suffixed to the inchoative -.... c- (assimilated to -.... 11); cf. also CL 240.1, where GIE-:P81IK6 'you know' appears to stand for 8IGp(p .... ) or elE-:p(A) 611- (predicative or verbid periphrastic 3.9.13-14), to which -K6 directly adheres. b) Indicative copulative. The postposition -tl .... , in which I>. may be deleted, functions as a copula with a preceding noun in the predicative: see 3.10 S.v. It is found attached to the indicative in the following cases: K. 20.5-6 Klillcco-tt r:eItICCO-II .... 'is it (the case that) we did not eat, is it (the case that) we did not drink ... 7', WN 4811110-11 .... 'we are', SC 6.11,13-14 nAA.)- Hfi116-tI --- 1,oypoyroy.sJpl>. tlfillG-1I '[ do not experience ... , I do not trace' and perhaps Kanarti 5 flI>.K .... AAO-tl, which may stand for 111>.K-I>.PpO-fi 'we will suffice' (see Browne 2002d. ad loc.). In each of these instances -11( .... ) appears to topicalize the preceding verb. 3.9.17 Imperative. See the forms listed in the synopsis in 3.9.6. Note that -ew (also spelled -co) is rarely omitted: as I noted in Browne 1997.41-42, 'there are about 220 instances of imperative + -co as opposed to only 15 without the particle ... it appears that -co may be deleted if an imperative + -co follows': e.g. IN I 9 i 4-5 TAAIK Gyb:lI .... TI>.KK~ [OK Tfilll>.CW 75 To be articulated either as rHAA· .... AA-~cKe (with loss of -1'-) or as rIIH-2\A-A-2\CKE: (with -Aassimilated from -1'- 2.3.21: cf. I>.A- in IN I II i 9 and ii 6 and see Browne 1996a.9.

63

OLD NUBIAN GRAMMAR

'fear God; give glory to him' (sim. Sunn. 1 ii 3-9 [= IN II 14 ii 2-6J, IN II 26.5-7, 1lI49 ii 3 .GKItI OCC6 'speak ... let Askim(?) come out'). This type of conjunction reduction is not required: note e.g. the series of imperatives, all with -co, in K. 25.6-14 and 26.8-27.4. Elsewhere, we find -co deleted in a heading or rubric: e.g. IN I I i 4 oYAq>e and 5 i I neIG~I.I.)-, both of which introduce the ensuing text. Other instances of deletion occur with 3rd pers. sg. imperatives: e.g. SC 33.8 Tl>.pe (sim. SC 25.3, IN II 20 ii 13 lboth restoredJ and possibly Griffith 1928.145.4), but we also find -co in St. 3(i.9 T2\poyecw (sim. Ben. 18). Of the two remaining cases where -co is absent, in IN II 21 i 13-14 t1T~tll>. seems to depend upon ';;:..1.0 (literally 'saying: receive') in the construction described in 4.7.7c, where the particle may be omitted; and in M. 11.8 l>.·iKI>. ~ YAOC6 'save me!', the words are repeated verbatim in CE 160 A 13; the phrase may idiomatically delete -co; note also that the CE passage occurs in a syntactic setting similar to that described in 4.7.7c. Herewith some further examples of the imperative, all with -cw: SC 17.21 OYArpecw 'hear', Ben. 18 Tl>.poyeclU 'Iet it praise', SC 24.9-10 COK Tpl>.tlCW 'let us give glory', L. lUl.l I>.YEI,I;I>.II~CW 'do' and Ben. 4 T .... poY .... n .... cUJ 'let them praise' (eL Browne 1979.1l). See also 4.7.7c. There are also additional formations for the third person singular and plural: Singular AOAAOII .... CW. -.... III>.CW (pret. I) AOAA,,11t1 (see below)

Plural AOAAoyb:III>.CW (pret. l) ~\OAAICi--111>.1 III (pret. II)

In tbe forms identified as pret. I and pre!. II, we apparently bave the indicative 76 + -cw or -11113.10, resulting in ajussive: e.g. IN I 5 ii 20 GIi--pT .... KOII"CW 'let it be known', SC 3.14 .... IIKi--II .... CW 'let him remember' (I>. for 0: 2.1.2.2), IN I 7 i 5 81b:POYS:III>.CW 'let them know' and St. 31.11-12 Tl>.poyC .... 1Ii--I II I 'let him be blessed' (literally 'let him be [the one whomJ they blessed': cf. Sunn. I ii 4 T .... pOyC .... IIAiv 'blessed is .. .'). Note also IN II 24.4 [ .... "'"'OIlI>.IIIICO 'let him rejoice': here both copulative particles adhere to the pret. I indicative. In the case of the remaining form, AOAA .... IItI, -1111 seems to be added to the stem through the intervention of predicative -I>. (which may be preceded by semantic or syntactic morphemes 3.9.53 and b): e.g. K. 19.14 rll>.Al>.llI1 'let him come fortb', SC 25.15 .... YTI>.K"llfl 'let it be done' and IN I 5 ii 23 EO};:)!)I)) .... I III 'let him keep (them)'. Note also that the negative of the present indicative with -Iltl is found twice (once 2nd pers. sg., once 3rd pers. sg.): IN II 24.15 I>.lttlGlltll>.ll1I 'do not say' (Browne 200lb ad CE 160 A 13) and 28.9 A.... ntIGIIII. 'wishing'. at sentence-end. Notes: a) Occasionally. the adjunctive is coordinated with the main verb by 011 'and' 3.11: gr. 2.6-7 oyArp~ :\I,.I,~ 011 nCc€:yo.tl~Cw 'let them. hearing, considering, rejoice' (cf. Browne 1979.II) and Dong. I i 22-23 Til II I>. elA~ 011 Tcpfi KOYAI>.ylij ntCICo.11~ 'assembling together, An elided or desinenceless adjunctive may display a L':;ncturc vowel 3.6.5: e.g. M. 16.13-14 oy.\,rp€tI 'when they. seeing, heard'. L. 114.4 nlA OK-I t!e~1il>. 'being ... , standing' and SC 22.23-24 K~C·I rt~~[f'81t1"(?)I'-o 'wiping, taking away'. Note that such formations may be ambiguous: the juncture vowel can also stand for a reduced verbid 3.9.8 (e.g. 81TCCOY 'iiiCOYCI for 81TCCIA Yoeoyc;1 4.6d), and a desinenceless formation may derive from either the adjunctive or the verbid (for the latter cf. M. 5.9 KO!iOY8C;W for KO,- ~oy€ew on the analogy of SI. 7.9 KOYIlA KAAII3:: cf. 4.7.3c). 78

c~,-.oy

OLD NUBIAN GRAMMAR

65

they slept within their cave' (see Browne 1987c ad loc.). A postponed adjunctive may also be linked to the verb by -Ott: SC 7.17-19 ~y€roy€cfj T~PI.i ,5;Oy~eAroYKI>.· TOYKfoytl.l. el~I/'K.l.II€:AOKOeIOIl COYPT~K~ 'the boats going upon it [i.e. the sea], and it being disturbed by the force of the winds'. b) In gcneral. the adjunctive is coordinating, while the verbid (in circumstantial/temporal clauses 4.7.3c) is subordinating: c.g. M. 12.16-13.2 l13.tl €:'rTAAoll mAA KI' (V~~KKI-. r I>.AAI(; II " 'and that woman, running (r IIAA: present verbid I. coming [KI: desinenceless adjunctive 2.5.2b], opened the door', i.e. ' ... came running and opened the door'. But at times the adjunctive appears to be subordinating: e.g. SC 10.19-20 oyi~plc,\ n€:(;To.Kfilf"ll~ 'they arc s. , Pl>.CK6 'for you have become prepared for instruction' (rrpor; + acc.), IN I LO A ii STAA'i-rh6 '(having set it) before God' and SC 12.4 -AI>.-rAA6-11 [3.6.2e] Giilll>.- 'it is (one that is) against .. .' (rrpor; + acc.). For -(A)Aw-rA.l.6 see under -(A)AW. -(A)A3.A 'with', at times 'against': SC 10.12-13 nl>.n-AA"A S:n~6IKo 6111ii 'sitting with the Father' and IN II 15 ii 11-12 )';IHtlAroY-AA3.A S:[IIC1~ ~Y"tllS: 'to make judgment against all' (KU'tCx rruv'tUlv). -(,1.),,1.6 'and, but': at times alone (e.g. M. 5.15-6.2 6.I-A6 6AMilIOC' 61tlAAII KCC6AI>. lliiK I>. Y"PPNII" 'but since you are a pagan, what will you do in the church?' [the Greek Vorlage might have had au OE: Browne 1994b ad lac.]), but usually balanced by following particles, in particular by -(A)A6K6A, which concludes a series of one or more preceding instances of -(A)A6 and to which is attached the inflection relating the complex to the sentence: SC 6.5 n"-AA6 KICT-AA6K6"'-K" 'summer and winter' and M. 15.12-15 T.lo.A-A6 T"II orSAA6' T"II C"A'-A6' T.lo.N 116A)';oyttlrOY-... A6KGK-K" nCT"pIC-tt.lo. 'he baptized her, her husband, her son and her servant girls'. Other combinations include -..1.6 --- -..1.6 011 --- -AGK6A (e.g. IN II 16 ii 3-8), -"\'6 --- -K6T.'>..I. (29.3-4), -AG --- fI"rpKOtt(ttOJ6I1A6 (M. 6.12-13), -,,1.6 -. - .oll-enclitic-(SC 23.9-10), -A6 (_ .. ) oll-non-enclitic-(St. 17.(0), -A6 011 _.. -~\6 ... -A6K6A (IN III 33.1), -AG 011 --- (-A6 011 .. -J ·AGK6A (M. 15.16-17). Formations in ·A611"'" and -..1.61 lOY occur rarely in isolation (IN III 40.12 and 30.6), but chiefly in combination with other balancing particles: -A611~~ 011 ... ·..1.611",1. (only in SC I. 1-5 3.6.4a, but the first -A6tl"A could be read as -A6NOY), ·A6110Y -.. ·A6N"A (L. 101.4-5), -A6NOY --- (-A6110Y .. _) -A6NOY (SI. 28.4-6), -A6110Y 011 .. - -AGIIOl' (IN I 2 i 23).83 For -A6 introducing the second of two relative clauses see Browne 1988a III § 1ge. It also appears attached to the second of two nouns in gr. 6.8-9 "fI,,1I n.lo.pp"-AG-II011 'wie Nil und Festland' (so Zyhlarz 1928 §234). '(A)AW 'upon, at, to, for, over', occasionally 'from, in, against': SC 7.15 oyep.AAw S:K" 'sitting upon a mountain', M. 9.15-16 r"A-AW K61100CC.'>.II" 'they beached [the boat1 at the harbor', 15.12 T6A·AW CIA6A" 'praying for them', SC 13.5-6 6K[K.lo.I x6POyRGUlrOy~AW OYCK611[1S: 'in order to place you over [1l1!£PUVW) the Cherubim', IN II 15 ii 7-8 S:AI>.fIAW TOP" KO[AOTtT6JIlNIIO 'being seventh from [(mo] Adam', K. 22.5-6 TA.l.A (i.e. TAAN) T"CC-AAO "YO'yTOYA 'those who act in God's name' and IN III 33.11-12 1I0AOY KOAO[TJTA T"A-AW n"A"IIH 'may the seventh seal(?) come forth against him' .84 Note also -(A)AlU-rAA6 82 Griffith believed (1913.90) that -... .l.r:>: is used before vowels, -.l."rAAE'; before consonants, but the newly discovered texts show that this is not the case: cf. IN III 57 ii I r.lo.ii:>: ... .l.r:>: tl.'>.)DIKOII and I 5 i 15 T8.1..I..l.r:>:vo· 8AGA8N-. Griffith's view is expressed in his index, presumably made before his edition received its final form, for in restoring St. 8.8-9 he printed .'>.Y[.l.jrAA8 .lo. Y8IiiC.lo.II-. 83 The combination -1101' --- ·AGII.lo..I., listed in Browne 1989a §3.1O for IN I 4 i 10-11, should be emended to -1 lOY --- -A811".I.: see Browne 1998a.13. 84 Note that with 118G:>: (lit. 'acting in Opposilion') ·AW also has an adversative sense: SC 5.14 TOpO-.l.AO 1188:>: II0YKKOAf'OY· 'who rage against the master'.

-AOKO 'through, for the sake of: perhaps simpy a variant of ·.l.OKO (see below, s.v. and

cf. 2.2.2), put note that both appear at times in the same text: e.g. IN II 28.5-6 OpOCfillGKOl1 KOIIKA . .l.OKO 'and I praise (you) through (our) relationship' and 9-11 6X-AOKO' '}"OIHI" oYCKpGCO 'for your sake, take (him) and put (him) away'. .( ... )AOII '(down) from': usually associated with 'Jerusalem', either (1) attributive 3.6.2e: e.g. K. 20.6-7 2"PII-AAOti 'i6POYC"AHIIGI" 'in heavenly Jerusalem' (aIS~~lttributive, if rightly restored, in IN II 29.3 2"pHlroY'A[AOIi nIKTIt- 'of h:ave~ly li~ht' '): (2) as a nominalized attributive 3.6.2e (with ftn. 17): IN II 19.11-12 CKJTAAWlitt (= -AW·tt-I-II) OYGCKI[T811Ifi 2.lo.PfI·AAIWII+K.'>. (= ·AWII-II-I-KoI. 2.7) 'the heavenly instead of ~he eat1hly' ,.SI. 3.11-12 2-"1'"i'i-ALOII.I-roy.K" (= .AWII.II.I-roY-K,,) 'the heavenly'; (3) adverbJaIly: KG 111 7 2"PillrOY-.l.AOII '(there is great joy) from heaven', Faras 3.1.1-2 2.lo.Pllr0Y·AWII 'from~leaven (bless and protect ... ),86, gr. 14.3-if correctly interpreted: see Zyhlarz 1928.l89-6"'E;:II.lo.T. TWII (assimilated from -AWII) [IIA" 'sending from llenat' and-if rightly restorcd--SC 13.2324 2.l.P[II-AAWN KICIII>. '(a voice) came from heaven' (another restoration, b~tter SUIted to the space and supported by parallel phraseology in SC 19.21-22 an~ IN I 11 I 7-8, I~ 2"P[HAO '1'''1''' KICII.lo. [same translation]: Browne 2002e). ~n K. 31.7-10 ~K6J.. T.'>.PO: .'>.)OIIIIO·AW":~:>: 2"pfI-A~\WII(?» 'i6POYC"AI1IIli.lo. T"II T"CCK" [1-,,(';11111" while he hImself yet lIves, inscribes his name in Jerusalem', if the passage is rightly restored, -.1.0· .\WII adheres to a present subjunctive; the usage is comparable to