A Reference Grammar of Old Nubian (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta) 9042941855, 9789042941854

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O R I E N TA L I A L OVA N I E N S I A A N A L E C TA A Reference Grammar of Old Nubian

by VINCENT W.J. VAN GERVEN OEI

P E E T ERS

A REFERENCE GRAMMAR OF OLD NUBIAN

ORIENTALIA LOVANIENSIA ANALECTA ————— 299 —————

A REFERENCE GRAMMAR OF OLD NUBIAN

by

VINCENT W.J. VAN GERVEN OEI

PEETERS LEUVEN – PARIS – BRISTOL, CT 2021

A catalogue record for this book is available from the Library of Congress. © 2021 Peeters Publishers, Bondgenotenlaan 153, B-3000 Leuven/Louvain (Belgium) All rights reserved, including the rights to translate or to reproduce this book or parts thereof in any form. ISBN 978-90-429-4185-4 eISBN 978-90-429-4186-1 D/2021/0602/32

CONTENTS

Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

XIX

Acknowledgments

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XXI

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XXIII

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Sigla, Symbols, and Abbreviations 0.1. Textual Sigla . . . . . 0.2. Editorial Symbols . . . 0.3. Language Abbreviations .

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1. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1. Rediscovery and Grammatical Description 1.2. Edition of Texts . . . . . . . . 1.3. Linguistic Context and Language Contact 1.3.1. Pre-Nubian Substrate . . . . . 1.3.2. Egyptian/Coptic . . . . . . 1.3.3. Bedawiye/Beja . . . . . . . 1.3.4. Greek . . . . . . . . . . 1.3.5. Arabic . . . . . . . . . 1.3.6. GeꜤez . . . . . . . . . . 1.3.7. Midob . . . . . . . . . 1.3.8. Old Dongolawi . . . . . . . 1.4. Periodization . . . . . . . . . . 1.4.1. Early Old Nubian . . . . . . 1.4.2. Middle Old Nubian . . . . . 1.4.3. Archaizing Old Nubian . . . . 1.4.4. Late Old Nubian . . . . . . 1.5. About This Grammar . . . . . . . 2. Orthography . . . 2.1. Origin . . . . 2.2. Characters . . 2.3. Diacritics . . . 2.3.1. Supralinear 2.3.2. Supralinear 2.3.3. Diaeresis . 2.3.4. Circumflex 2.4. Numbers . . .

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XXIII XXVII XXXI

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1 2 10 13 18 19 20 21 23 24 24 25 25 27 27 28 28 29

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33 33 33 38 38 38 39 39 40

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2.5. Abbreviations . . . . 2.5.1. Nomina Sacra . . 2.5.2. Ciphers . . . . 2.5.3. Other Abbreviations 2.6. Punctuation . . . . . 2.6.1. Colon . . . . . 2.6.2. Apostrophe . . . 2.6.3. Question Mark . . 2.6.4. Double (Back)slash 2.7. Spacing . . . . . . 2.8. Color . . . . . . .

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40 40 41 41 45 45 46 47 47 48 48

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51 52 52 53 54 54 56

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57 57 58 61

3. Word Order . . . . . . . . 3.1. Topicalization . . . . . . 3.2. Verb Second . . . . . . . 3.3. Scrambling . . . . . . . 3.4. Extraposition . . . . . . 3.4.1. Attributive Relative Clauses 3.4.2. Coordinated Constituents . 4. Sentence Types . 4.1. Declarations . 4.2. Commands . 4.2.1. Requests

5. Topic and Focus . . . . . . . . 5.1. Topic Marker -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ . . . . . 5.2. Focus Marker -ⲗⲟ . . . . . . 5.2.1. New Information . . . . 5.2.2. Formulaic Language . . . 5.2.3. Nominal Predicates . . . 5.2.4. Negative Verbal Predicates . 5.3. Affirmative Marker -ⲙ . . . . . 5.4. Emphasis Marker -ⲥⲚ . . . . . 5.4.1. Antecedent Raising . . . 5.4.2. Wh-Movement . . . . . 5.4.3. Causal Clauses . . . . . 5.4.4. Literary Leftward Movement 5.4.4.1. -ⲁⲡⲡⲁ ‘for’ . . .

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63 63 66 66 71 72 74 75 76 80 82 83 83 84

6. Questions and Direct Discourse . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.1. Questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

87 87

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CONTENTS

6.1.1. Question Marker -ϩⲁ . . . . . 6.1.2. Question Words . . . . . . 6.1.2.1. Question word ⳟⲁⲓ(ⲉⲓ) . 6.1.2.2. Question word ⲙⲚ . . . 6.1.2.3. Question words based on Ⲥ6.1.3. Yes/No Questions . . . . . . 6.1.4. Tag Questions . . . . . . . 6.2. Direct Discourse Marker -ⲁ . . . . . 6.2.1. Quotations . . . . . . . . 6.2.2. Indirect Speech with -ⲙⲁ . . . 6.2.3. Commands in Direct Discourse . .

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87 88 88 89 89 92 92 93 94 95 96

7. Predication . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.1. Nominal Predicates . . . . . . . . . . 7.2. Verbal Predicates . . . . . . . . . . 7.2.1. Organization of the Verbal Complex . . 7.2.2. Main Verbs . . . . . . . . . . 7.2.3. Converbs . . . . . . . . . . 7.2.3.1. Applicative Verbs ⲧⲢ and ⲇⲉⲛ

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99 100 102 103 104 108 111

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113 113 113 116 118 119 119 121 121 122 123 123 124 127 128 128 132 133 134 135 137 139

8. Subordination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.1. Temporal Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.1.1. Bare Temporal Clauses . . . . . . . . . 8.1.2. Temporal Clauses with Locative or Postposition . 8.1.3. Temporal Clauses with Conjunction . . . . . 8.1.3.1. ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱ ‘as’ . . . . . . . . . . 8.1.3.2. ⲡⲁⲩⲟⲩ ‘until’ . . . . . . . . . 8.2. Conditional Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.2.1. Bare Conditional Clauses . . . . . . . . 8.2.2. Coreferential Conditional Clauses . . . . . . 8.2.2.1. Coreferential Conditional Clauses with -ⲛⲓ 8.2.2.2. Coreferential Conditional Clauses with -ⲕⲟ 8.2.3. Non-coreferential Conditional Clauses . . . . 8.3. Final Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.3.1. Coreferential Final Clauses 8.3.1.1. Coreferential Final Clauses with -ⲛⲓ/ⲛⲟⲩ 8.3.1.2. Coreferential Final Clauses with -ⲕⲟ . . 8.3.2. Non-Coreferential Final Clauses . . . . . . 8.3.2.1. Non-Coreferential Final Clauses with -ⲕⲟ 8.3.2.2. Non-Coreferential Final Clauses with -ⲥⲁ 8.4. Causal Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.5. Complement Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . .

VIII

CONTENTS

9. Coordination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.1. Coordinated Noun Phrases . . . . . . . . 9.1.1. Asyndeton . . . . . . . . . . . 9.1.2. ⲟⲛ ‘and’ . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.1.3. -ⲇⲉ…-ⲇⲉⲕⲉⲣ ‘and’ . . . . . . . . 9.1.4. ⲉⲛⲕⲁⲛ … ⲉⲛⲕⲁⲛ ‘either … or’ . . . . 9.1.5. ⲙⲉⲛⲉⲛ … ⲙⲉⲛⲉⲛ ‘either … or’ . . . 9.1.6. -ⲉⲛⲇⲉ … -ⲉⲛⲇⲉ ‘neither … nor’ . . . 9.1.7. -ⲉⲛⲕⲱ ‘but’ . . . . . . . . . . 9.2. Coordinated Nominal Predicates . . . . . . 9.3. Coordinated Converbs . . . . . . . . . . 9.4. Coordinated Clauses . . . . . . . . . . 9.4.1. ⲟⲛ ‘and’ . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.4.2. ⲙⲉⲛⲉⲛⲛⲟⲛ ‘or’ . . . . . . . . . 9.4.3. ⲙⲁⲅⲣ- ‘but’ . . . . . . . . . . . 9.4.4. -ⲕⲟⲛ ‘and’ . . . . . . . . . . . 9.4.5. -ⲙⲟⲛ ‘and’ . . . . . . . . . . . 9.4.6. -ⲇⲉ ‘and’ . . . . . . . . . . . 9.4.7. -ⲉⲛⲇⲉ ‘and not’ . . . . . . . . . 9.4.8. Contrastive Constructions . . . . . . 9.4.8.1. Weak Contrastive -ⲇⲉ … -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ . 9.4.8.2. Strong Contrastive -ⲗⲟ … -ⲉⲛⲕⲱ 9.4.8.3. Strong Contrastive -ⲥⲚ … -ⲉⲛⲕⲱ 9.5. -ⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗ ‘also’ . . . . . . . . . . . .

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143 143 144 145 145 150 150 152 153 155 157 158 158 158 160 161 166 167 167 169 169 172 173 173

10. Person . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.1. Pronouns and Clitics . . . . . . . . . 10.1.1. Long Personal Pronouns . . . . . . 10.1.1.1. Emphasis . . . . . . . 10.1.1.2. Address . . . . . . . . 10.1.1.3. Qualification . . . . . . 10.1.1.4. Dative and Locative . . . . 10.1.1.5. Long Genitive . . . . . . 10.1.2. Short Personal Pronouns . . . . . 10.1.2.1. Topicalized Subject . . . . 10.1.2.2. (Subject of) Nominal Predicate 10.1.2.3. Subject of Verbal Predicate . 10.1.2.4. Other Cases . . . . . . . 10.1.3. Kinship Possessors . . . . . . . 10.1.4. Declarative Subject Clitics . . . . . 10.1.4.1. Topicalized Subjects . . . . 10.1.4.2. Pro-Drop . . . . . . . 10.1.4.3. Clitic Doubling . . . . .

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177 177 179 179 180 181 183 184 185 186 187 187 188 189 190 191 192 193

IX

CONTENTS

10.1.4.4. Default Second/Third Singular Person 10.1.5. Imperative Subject Clitics . . . . . . . 10.1.6. ‘Old’ Subject Clitics . . . . . . . . . 10.1.6.1. Appeals . . . . . . . . . . 10.1.6.2. Questions . . . . . . . . . 10.2. Reflexivity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.2.1. Reflexive Suffix -ⲟⲛⲟ . . . . . . . . 10.2.2. Other Strategies . . . . . . . . . . 10.3. Reciprocity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10.4. Honorifics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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195 196 198 198 190 200 200 201 202 203

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207 208 208 210 212 215 216 218 220 220 221 223 225 226 227 228 229 230 231

12. Affirmation and Negation . . . . . . . . . . . 12.1. Affirmative -ⲙ . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12.1.1. Greetings and Appeals . . . . . . . . 12.1.2. Apodosis of Conditional Clause Construction . 12.1.3. Imitating Greek Word Order . . . . . . 12.1.4. Disappearance of Second-Person Affirmatives . 12.2. Negation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12.2.1. Negative -ⲙⲓⲛ/ⲙⲉⲛ . . . . . . . . . 12.2.2. Negative -ⲙⲉⲛ-ⲧⲁ . . . . . . . . . 12.3. Jussive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12.4. Vetitive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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233 233 234 235 236 237 240 240 242 243 246

11. Aspect and Tense . . . . . . . . . . . . 11.1. Aspect . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11.1.1. Perfective Suffix -ⲉ . . . . . . . 11.1.1.1. Divine Actions . . . . . 11.1.2. Perfective Suffixes -ⲟⲥ and -ⲉⲧ . . . 11.1.3. Perfective Particle ⲧⲁ . . . . . . . 11.1.4. Habitual . . . . . . . . . . . 11.1.5. Intentional . . . . . . . . . . 11.2. Tense . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11.2.1. Present . . . . . . . . . . . 11.2.1.1. Default Present Tense . . . 11.2.2. Past . . . . . . . . . . . . 11.2.2.1. Past 1 . . . . . . . . 11.2.2.2. Past 2 . . . . . . . . 11.2.2.3. Past Tense in Negative Contexts 11.2.2.4. Past Tense in Relative Clauses . 11.2.2.5. Past Tense and Subject Clitics . 11.2.2.6. Development of Past 2 . . . 11.2.3. Perfect . . . . . . . . . . .

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X

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13. Pluractionality and Valency . . . . . . . 13.1. Pluractionality . . . . . . . . . . 13.1.1. Plural Subject . . . . . . . 13.1.2. Plural Direct Object . . . . . 13.1.3. Plural Indirect Object . . . . . 13.1.4. Plural Event . . . . . . . . 13.2. Valency . . . . . . . . . . . 13.2.1. Transitive . . . . . . . . 13.2.2. Causative . . . . . . . . 13.2.3. Passive . . . . . . . . . 13.2.3.1. Passive with -ⲧⲁⲕ . . 13.2.3.2. Impersonal Third Plural .

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247 247 247 248 250 251 253 254 255 257 257 259

14. Auxiliary and Modal Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . 14.1. Auxiliary Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14.1.1. Causative Auxiliary ⲅⲁⲣ . . . . . . . . . 14.1.2. Negative Auxiliary ⲙⲓⲛ/ⲙⲉⲛ . . . . . . . 14.1.3. Inchoative Auxiliary ⲁⳟ . . . . . . . . . 14.1.4. Progressive Auxiliary ⲇⲟⲩⲣ . . . . . . . 14.1.5. Copular Auxiliary ⲉ(ⲓ)ⲛ . . . . . . . . . 14.1.5.1. Right-Edge Morphology . . . . . 14.1.5.2. Complement Clauses . . . . . . . 14.1.5.3. Conditional Clauses . . . . . . . 14.1.5.4. Focus Marking . . . . . . . . . 14.1.5.5. Remainders of a Copular Suffix -ⲉⲛ/ⲓⲛ . 14.2. Modal Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14.2.1. ⲉⲓⲣ ‘Can’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14.2.2. ⲇⲟⲗⲗ ‘Want’ . . . . . . . . . . . . 14.2.3. ⲇⲟⲗⲗⲓⲧⲁⲕ ‘Need’ . . . . . . . . . . 14.2.4. ⲙⲟ(ⲩ)ⲛ ‘Not Want’ . . . . . . . . . .

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261 261 263 264 266 270 271 271 272 272 274 274 277 277 279 282 283

15. Cases and Postpositions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15.1. Structural Cases . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15.1.1. Nominative -∅ . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15.1.1.1. Subject . . . . . . . . . . . . 15.1.2. Genitive -ⲛ(ⲁ) . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15.1.2.1. Dependent Genitive . . . . . . . . 15.1.2.1.1. Inverted Genitive . . . . . 15.1.2.2. Headless Genitive . . . . . . . . . 15.1.2.3. Genitive Subjects . . . . . . . . . 15.1.2.3.1. Subject in Non-Coreferential Attributive Relative Clauses . . . 15.1.2.3.2. Subject in Subordinate Clauses .

285 286 286 288 289 291 292 295 296 296 297

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15.1.2.4. Dropped Genitive . . . . . . . 15.1.3. Accusative -ⲕⲁ . . . . . . . . . . . 15.1.3.1. Direct Object . . . . . . . . 15.1.3.2. Animate indirect object . . . . . 15.1.3.3. Duration . . . . . . . . . . 15.1.3.4. Incorporation of Indefinite Objects . 15.1.4. Dative -ⲗⲁ . . . . . . . . . . . . 15.1.4.1. (In)animate Indirect Object . . . . 15.1.4.2. Location . . . . . . . . . . 15.1.4.3. Partitive . . . . . . . . . . 15.1.4.4. Idiomatic Expressions . . . . . 15.2. Lexical Cases . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15.2.1. Locative -ⲗⲟ . . . . . . . . . . . 15.2.2. Allative -ⲅⲖ(ⲗⲉ) . . . . . . . . . . 15.2.3. Superessive -ⲇⲟ . . . . . . . . . . 15.2.4. Subessive -ⲇⲟⲛ . . . . . . . . . . 15.2.5. Comitative -ⲇⲁⲗ . . . . . . . . . . 15.2.6. Adessive -ⲇⲉ . . . . . . . . . . . 15.2.7. Suffix -ⲗⲉ . . . . . . . . . . . . 15.2.8. Vocative . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15.3. Postpositions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15.3.1. Denominal Postpositions . . . . . . . 15.3.1.1. ⲁⲩⲰ/ⲁⲩⲀ ‘within’ . . . . . . 15.3.1.2. ⲕⲁⲗⲟ ‘downstream, after’ . . . . 15.3.1.3. ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲓⲕⲁ/ⲕⲉⲉⲕⲕⲁ ‘as, according to’ 15.3.1.4. ⲙⲁⲗⲟ ‘according to’ . . . . . . 15.3.1.5. ⲙⲟⲗ ‘near’ . . . . . . . . . 15.3.1.6. ⲛⲁⲣⲟ/ⲛⲁⲣⲉ ‘beside (lit. the side of)’ 15.3.1.7. Ⲟⲣⲟ ‘upstream, before’ . . . . . 15.3.1.8. ⲧⲁⲩⲟ ‘under’ . . . . . . . . 15.3.1.9. ⲧⲟⲩ ‘inside’ . . . . . . . . 15.3.1.10. ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲟⲩ ‘before’ . . . . . . 15.3.1.11. ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲓ ‘about, because of’ . . . 15.3.2. Deverbal Postpositions . . . . . . . . 15.3.2.1. ⲕⲤⲕⲖ ‘until, up to’ . . . . . . 15.3.2.2. ⲕⲟ ‘by, through’ . . . . . . . 15.3.2.3. ⲕⲟⲛⲟ/ⲕⲟⲛⲁ ‘after’ . . . . . . 15.3.2.4. Ⲧⳝⲟ ‘with, from’ . . . . . . . 15.3.2.5. ⳝⲱⲀ ‘through, by, because of’ . .

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298 299 300 301 301 302 304 305 306 306 307 307 307 310 312 314 315 316 317 318 320 320 321 322 323 324 326 326 327 329 330 331 332 335 336 338 340 341 342

16. Determination and Quantification . . . . . . . . . . 345 16.1. Determiner -ⲗ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 345 16.2. Demonstrative Pronouns . . . . . . . . . . . . 347

XII

CONTENTS

16.2.1. Attributive . . . . . . . . . . 16.2.2. Independent . . . . . . . . . . 16.2.3. Demonstrative ⲉⲓⲛ as Relative Pronoun . 16.3. Number . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16.3.1. Singular . . . . . . . . . . . 16.3.2. Dual . . . . . . . . . . . . 16.3.3. Plural . . . . . . . . . . . . 16.3.3.1. Plurals in -ⲓ . . . . . . 16.3.3.2. Plurals in -ⲅⲟⲩ . . . . . 16.3.3.3. Irregular Plurals . . . . . 16.3.3.4. Plural Nominal Predicates . . 16.4. Numerals . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16.4.1. Cardinals . . . . . . . . . . . 16.4.2. Ordinals . . . . . . . . . . . 16.4.3. Multiplicatives . . . . . . . . . 16.5. Quantifiers . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16.5.1. Predicative Quantifiers . . . . . . 16.5.2. Nominal Quantifiers . . . . . . . 16.5.3. Adjectival Quantifiers . . . . . . 16.5.4. Independent Quantifiers . . . . . .

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

347 348 349 352 352 352 353 353 354 355 355 356 356 358 358 358 359 360 360 361

17. Qualification and Adjuncts . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17.1. Adjectives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17.2. Relative Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17.2.1. Verbal Nouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17.2.2. Attributive Relative Clauses . . . . . . . . 17.2.2.1. Coreferential Attributive Relative Clauses . 17.2.2.2. Non-Coreferential Attributive Relative Clauses 17.2.2.3. Attributive Relative Clauses of Place, Time, and Manner . . . . . . . . . . . 17.2.3. Free Relative Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . 17.2.3.1. Coreferential Free Relative Clauses . . . 17.2.3.2. Non-Coreferential Free Relative Clauses . 17.3. Comparison . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17.3.1. Comparison with -ⲉⲛⲟⲕ . . . . . . . . . 17.3.2. Comparison with ⲅⲟⲉⲓⲁ . . . . . . . . . . 17.3.3. Comparison with ⳝⲟⲩⲛ . . . . . . . . . . 17.4. Adjuncts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17.4.1. Adverbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17.4.1.1. Adverbs of Time and Manner . . . . . 17.4.1.2. Adverbs of Place . . . . . . . . . 17.4.1.3. Adverbs in -Ⲛ . . . . . . . . . .

365 365 367 367 370 370 371 374 376 376 377 377 377 379 381 381 381 381 383 384

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CONTENTS

17.4.1.3.1. Adverb ⲁⲗⲉⲥⲚ 17.4.1.3.2. Adverb ⲉⲓⲥⲥⲚ . 17.4.1.3.3. Adverb ⲧⲔⲕⲚ . 17.4.1.4. Adverbs in -ⲅⲣⲁ . . . . 17.4.2. Adjunct Noun Phrases . . . . .

. . . . .

. . . . .

. . . . .

. . . . .

. . . . .

384 386 387 388 389

. . . . . . . . . . . . .

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. . . . . . . . . . . . .

391 391 391 391 394 395 395 395 396 396 396 397 398

19. Phonology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19.1. Phonemes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19.1.1. Consonants . . . . . . . . . . . 19.1.2. Vowels . . . . . . . . . . . . 19.2. Syllables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19.3. Roots . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19.4. Prosody . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19.4.1. Prosodic Words . . . . . . . . . 19.5. Epenthesis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19.5.1. End of Prosodic Words . . . . . . . 19.5.2. Adaptation of Greek Loanwords . . . . 19.5.3. C Suffixes . . . . . . . . . . . 19.5.4. CV-Suffixes . . . . . . . . . . 19.5.5. Prosodically Sensitive CV Suffixes . . . 19.6. Assimilation and Deletion . . . . . . . . . 19.6.1. Progressive Assimilation . . . . . . . 19.6.1.1. Locative -ⲗⲟ and Dative -ⲗⲁ . . 19.6.1.2. Topic Marker -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ . . . . . 19.6.1.3. Present Tense -ⲗ . . . . . . 19.6.2. Regressive Assimilation . . . . . . . 19.6.2.1. Complete Regressive Assimilation 19.6.2.1.1. Weak Roots . . . .

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

399 399 399 400 400 401 402 404 405 405 406 407 407 408 409 409 409 411 411 411 412 412

18. Derivation . . . . . . . . 18.1. Noun Formation . . . . 18.1.1. Prefixation . . . 18.1.2. Suffixation . . . 18.1.3. Zero Nominalization 18.2. Verb Formation . . . . 18.3. Adjective Formation . . . 18.4. Adverb Formation . . . 18.5. Composita . . . . . . 18.5.1. Compound Nouns . 18.5.2. Compound Verbs . 18.6. Reduplication . . . . . 18.7. Intensifying Suffix -ⲫⲓ/ⲫⲟⲩ

. . . . . . . . . . . . .

. . . . . . . . . . . . .

. . . . . . . . . . . . .

. . . . . . . . . . . . .

. . . . . . . . . . . . .

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XIV

CONTENTS

19.6.2.1.2. Verbal Suffixes in -ⲗ . . . . 19.6.2.1.3. Determiner -ⲗ . . . . . . 19.6.2.1.4. Negative Suffix -ⲙⲓⲛ . . . . 19.6.2.1.5. Causative Suffix/Auxiliary -ⲅⲁⲣ 19.6.2.2. Partial Regressive Assimilation . . . . 19.6.2.2.1. Palatalization before Pluractional -ⳝ . . . . . . . . . . 19.6.2.2.2. Sandhi . . . . . . . . 19.7. Gemination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

415 416 416 416 416 416 416 417

20. Concordances with DBMNT

.

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. 419

INDEX OF MORPHEMES

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. 421

INDEX OF EXAMPLES .

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. 423

INDEX OF BIBLE QUOTATIONS

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. 431

BIBLIOGRAPHY .

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. 433

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.

LIST OF TABLES

2.1. 2.2.

Old Nubian character inventory . . . . . . . . . . . Coptic numbers used in Old Nubian . . . . . . . . . .

7.1.

The verbal complex .

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. 105

8.1.

Subordinate + subject clitic + locative .

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.

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. 124

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35 40

10.1. Personal pronouns and suffixes . . . . . . . . . . . 177 10.2. Declarative subject clitics . . . . . . . . . . . . . 190 10.3. Imperative subject clitics . . . . . . . . . . . . . 197 11.1. 11.2. 11.3. 11.4.

Etymology of tense–aspect morphemes . . . . . . . . . 207 Present + subject clitic + predicate marker . . . . . . . . 220 Past 1 + subject clitic + predicate marker . . . . . . . . 225 Past 2 + subject clitic + predicate marker . . . . . . . . 226

12.1. Affirmative suffixes .

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. 236

16.1. Cardinals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 356 16.2. Ordinals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 358 16.3. Multiplicatives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 358 19.1. Old Nubian consonant inventory . . 19.2. Old Nubian vowel inventory . . .

. .

. .

. .

. .

. .

. .

. .

. .

. 400 . 400

LIST OF FIGURES

1.

Map of the Middle Nile Valley .

1.1. 1.2. 1.3. 1.4. 1.5. 2.1. 2.2. 2.3. 2.4. 2.5.

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. xxx

Inscription in Old Nubian, Wādī es-SebūꜤ Inscription in Old Nubian, Abu Oda . . Fragment from the Old Nubian Lectionary Inscription in Old Nubian, Ibrīm . . . Eastern branch of Northern East Sudanic

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3 3 5 5 15

Fragment from the Old Nubian Lectionary Fragment from the Old Nubian Lectionary Fragment from the Attiri Book of Michael Fragment from the Stauros text . . . Fragment from the Stauros text . . .

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

39 48 49 49 49

PREFACE

Nubiology is a discipline that has its double origin in colonialism and nationalism. The first wave of Western exploration and exploitation of the Middle Nile Valley, before Aswan, coincides with the end of the Funj Sultanate of Sennar after the Ottoman occupation of Nubia in 1821. In 1834, Giuseppe Ferlini, an Italian combat medic employed in the Ottoman–Egyptian invasion army, destroyed most of the pyramids of Meroe with dynamite, hunting for imaginary treasure. Muhammad Ali Pasha, the Ottoman–Albanian commander who ruled Egypt, allowed German Karl Richard Lepsius, the leader of the Prussian expedition to Egypt (1842–1845), to take home original artifacts from the region, which are now housed in Berlin. The result of this theft is his monumental publication Denkmäler aus Aegypten und Aethiopien, a foundation stone of the field of Nubiology. Following the Mahdi uprising against the Ottoman–Egyptian occupation, the British forces occupied Sudan in 1898, after they had invaded Egypt in 1882. The entirety of the Nubian lands was now under British control. It was precisely the British occupying forces that started the construction of the first dam in the Nile, the Aswan Low Dam, leading to the first forced relocations of the Nubian people. Subsequent raising of the dam under British rule further swallowed up large swaths of the Nubian heartland and the cultural heritage buried underneath its dunes. After the Egyptian Revolution of 1952 and the subsequent independence of the country, the Aswan High Dam became an Egyptian nationalist enterprise that inflicted further, incalculable damage on the Nubian people, leading to a massive forced relocation campaign on both sides of the Egyptian–Sudanese border, removing them from the shores their ancestors had inhabited for thousands of years. After the first 19th-century wave of colonialism, the ensuing UNESCO Nubia Campaign can be regarded as the second crucial moment in the development of Nubiology as a separate scientific discipline, as cities and civilizations, soon to be washed away by the water that had once nourished them, were ‘salvaged’ in a desperate race against the rising tide. What has been lost will forever be unknown to humankind, but many of the tokens of Nubian material culture that were uncovered then still await publication and proper study or are kept away from the current guardians of Nubian tradition. Yet, against the backdrop of this immeasurable loss of cultural heritage and the deracination of hundreds of thousands of lives, an established scholar is able to muse: ‘Das Versinken einer vieltausendjährigen Kulturlandschaft hatte

XX

PREFACE

immerhin — ein kleiner Trost? — letzlich das Entstehens einer eigenen historischen Disziplin “Nubiologie” zur Folge’ (Satzinger 1986, 104). Note how Nubia has been emptied of human life — ‘cultural landscape’ — and how Nubiology is considered, meekly, as a ‘small consolation’ for the destruction of Nubia itself. It is a delusion to think that a field of scholarly inquiry by itself could offer any form of consolation for the past tragedies that shaped it. These can only be addressed by the ethos of our scholarship: with whom we choose to work, whom we choose to support, and how we make our scholarship available. Scholarship can never be disinterested, but it can certainly show disinterest, or even neglect. I choose to believe in a Nubiology that works in tandem with the Nubian community and diaspora and that, armed with the knowledge it has been able to produce, advocates actively for their right of return, self-determination, and preservation of their culture, a rich and complex culture that the present work ventures to describe a small part of.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This grammar could not have existed without the inexhaustible work of Gerald M. Browne, Old Nubian’s caretaker from the late 1970s until his untimely death in August 2004. The wealth and virtuosity of his textual (re)editions, dictionary, and grammar, as well as his early encouragement of my work, provided a foundation that was indispensable for my own journey through Nobadian, Makuritan, and Alwan written culture. Different stages of the development of this publication were presented at Old Nubian workshops. The first one was organized by Abeer Bashir, El-Shafie El-Guzuuli, and Angelika Jakobi at the University of Khartoum (2016), the second by Alexandros Tsakos at the University of Bergen (2017). The final draft of this grammar was also used during a course in Old Nubian during the Leiden Summer School for Languages and Linguistics, Leiden University (2019), organized by Sasha Lubotsky, and at an intensive two-week course organized by Robin Seignobos, Artur Obłuski, and Maher Eissa at the IFAO and PCMA in Cairo (2019). I thank the organizers and the participants of these workshops for their hospitality, attention, and invaluable input. Parts of the research contained in this publication have been previously presented at the following scholarly gatherings: 2nd Biennial Babel Conference, Northeastern University, Boston (2012); 11th Nilo-Saharan Linguistics Colloquium, University of Cologne (2013); Philology and the Futures of Humanism, Dartmouth College (2013); International Medieval Congress, University of Leeds (2016); 13th Nilo-Saharan Linguistics Colloquium, University of Addis Ababa (2017); International Medieval Congress, University of Leeds (2018); 14th International Congress for Nubian Studies, Musée du Louvre and Université Paris-Sorbonne (2018); 14th Nilo-Saharan Linguistics Colloquium, University of Vienna (2019). This work is indebted to many teachers, colleagues, and friends without whom it would not have come to fruition. In particular, I would like to thank Abeer Bashir, El-Shafie El-Guzuuli and his wonderful family, Włodzimierz Godlewski, Maher Habbob, Joost Hagen, Marcus Jaeger, Kyle Johnson, Eileen A. Joy, Verena Krebs, Vincent Laisney, Adam Łajtar, René Mahieu, Dimah Mahmoud, Sō Miyagawa, Artur Obłuski, Grzegorz Ochała, Claude Rilly, Robin Seignobos, Adam Simmons, Jonas Staal, Alexandros Tsakos, Kerstin Weber-Thum, Petra Weschenfelder, and Dobrochna Zielińska. My valued colleagues and collaborators Angelika Jakobi and Giovanni Ruffini painstakingly reviewed the final draft of this grammar, offering many astute observations and pointing out embarrassing mistakes. Should any remain, these

XXII

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

are of course my full responsibility. Special gratitude is also due to Jacques van der Vliet, who first introduced me to Old Nubian and who shepherded this work to publication. I also thank my publisher Peeters in Leuven and their attentive staff, in particular Bert Verrept, for taking care of the material manifestation of this work. Finally, I am much indebted to Elvis Hoxhaj, whose love and support have created the vital conditions to nurture this work to completion. This work is dedicated to the Nubian people of the present.

SIGLA, SYMBOLS, AND ABBREVIATIONS

0.1. Textual Sigla Gerald M. Browne introduced a set of sigla for Old Nubian texts, which have become generally accepted. I have supplemented these with new sigla for publications that appeared in recent years. A partial concordance between these sigla and the identifiers used in the Database of Medieval Nubian Texts (DBMNT), which contains additional details and references for most of the texts, can be found in §20. Approximate locations of the sites are indicated on fig. 1. (1) Askut = Letter from Askut: Van Gerven Oei and Tsakos (2018); Aswan = Bilingual graffito from Aswān: Griffith (1928, 18–30); AW = Two Inscriptions from Akasha West: Łajtar and Van Gerven Oei (2019); Ben = The Qaṣr el-Wizz Benedicite: Barns (1974); other editions: G. M. Browne

(1989b, 1994b); CE = Martyrdom of Saint Epimachus from the Coptic Museum: G. M. Browne (2002b); CP = Bilingual Coptic–Old Nubian Papyrus: G. M. Browne (1993); DC = Censer from the Cathedral in Old Dongola: Wyżgoł (2018); DD = Inscriptions on a Painting from Old Dongola: Van Gerven Oei (2017); DF = Texts from the Funerary Complex in Old Dongola, Monastery on Kom H, Northwest Annex: Łajtar and Van der Vliet (2017), DF II = DP 1; Dong = Two Old Nubian Texts from Old Dongola (Warsaw Nat. Mus. Dep. 640 ab): G. M. Browne (1987d); other editions: G. M. Browne (1989b), and Dong 1 in G. M. Browne (1994b); commentary in G. M. Browne (1989c, 1992c, 1995b, 2000c). DP = Bilingual Greek – Old Nubian Psalms from Old Dongola: DP 1 in G. M. Browne (2006); other edition Łajtar and Van der Vliet (2017, 22–25); DP 2, 3, 4 in Van Gerven Oei and Łajtar (2020); DW = Graffito from Old Dongola, Prayer of a Woman: Łajtar and Van Gerven Oei (2018); El-Sheima = Graffito from Nag’ el-Sheima: Bietak and Schwarz (1987); Faras = Inscriptions from Faras: Altheim and Stiehl (1971); other editions: Jakobielski (1978); commentary in Łajtar (2009); FC = Curse from the Faras Cathedral: Van Gerven Oei (2019a);

XXIV

SIGLA, SYMBOLS, AND ABBREVIATIONS

Figure 1: Map of the Middle Nile Valley with the approximate locations of the sites were Old Nubian texts have been found.

0.1. TEXTUAL SIGLA

XXV

FE = The Faras Martyrdom of Epimachus: G. M. Browne (1992a); FP = Prayers from the Faras Cathedral: FP 1 in Łajtar and Ochała (2017b, 307, no. 2); FP 2 in Łajtar and Ochała (2018, 595, no. 2); fr = Griffith’s fragments: Griffith (1913, 55–56); other editions: fr 1 (Berlin

Museum P. 13998) in G. M. Browne (1981a, 1984b, 1994b); with commentary in G. M. Browne (1995b, 2000c); fr 4 in Zyhlarz (1928); GAB = Two Old Nubian Burial Shrouds from Gebel Adda: Unpublished; GAL = An Old Nubian Lunarion from Gebel Adda: Unpublished, described in Łajtar (2014b, 193; fig. 3); GAS = An Old Nubian Sale from Gebel Adda: Unpublished; gr = Griffith’s graffiti: Griffith (1913, 57–68); other editions: gr 2.5–9 in G. M. Browne (1994b); gr 4 in G. M. Browne (1995a), with commentary in Jakobielski (1995); gr 17 is published in Sayce (1910, nr. 2); and gr 18 in Griffith (1928, 29); I.Bang = Inscriptions from the Upper Church in Banganarti: Łajtar (2020); I.Bang 670 previously published in G. M. Browne (2004a); for I.Bang 67, 276, and 718, see also Łajtar (2011); for I.Bang 669, see also Łajtar and Płóciennik (2011); I.Khartoum Copt. = Coptic Inscriptions from the Sudan National Museum: Van der Vliet (2003); I.Khartoum Greek = Greek Inscriptions from the Sudan National Museum: Łajtar (2003); I.QI = Greek and Coptic Inscriptions from Qaṣr Ibrīm: Łajtar and Van der Vliet (2010); I.ST = Inscriptions from the Sonqi Tino Church: Deptuła et al. (In preparation). The numbering follows the page numbering in Sergio Donadoni’s notebook; K = Pseudo-Nicene Canons (British Museum Or. MS. 6805): Budge (1909); other editions: Griffith (1913), Zyhlarz (1928), and G. M. Browne (1989b, 1983c); commentary in G. M. Browne (1989c); Kanarti = Document from Ab Kanarti: Donadoni (1965); other editions: G. M. Browne (2003f); KD = Document from Kulubnarti: G. M. Browne (2000b); KG = The Martyrdom of Saint George from Kulubnarti: G. M. Browne (1998b); commentary in G. M. Browne (2000a, 1999); Kordofan = Inscription from Gebel Abu Negila: Arkell (1951); commentary in Ochała (2011a); L = Lectionary (Berlin, Kgl. Bibl. MS. Or. Quart 1019): Griffith (1913); other editions: G. M. Browne (1989b, 1982b, 1987b); commentary in G. M. Browne (1981c, 1982c, 1984b, 1985b, 1989c, 1992c, 1995b, 2000c, 2001c); fragments in Schäfer and Schmidt (1906, 1907) and G. M. Browne

XXVI

SIGLA, SYMBOLS, AND ABBREVIATIONS

(1994b); available online at the Digital Collections of the German National Library; M = The Miracle of Saint Mina (British Museum Or. MS. 6805): Budge (1909); other editions in Griffith (1913), Zyhlarz (1928), Zabadovskij and Smagina (1986), G. M. Browne (1989b), G. M. Browne (1983b), G. M. Browne (1994d), and Van Gerven Oei and El-Guzuuli (2013); commentary in Griffith (1909), Zaborski (1996), and Santos (2009); Meinarti = Two Old Nubian ostraca from Meinarti: Ruffini (2012b, nos. 1, 3); Nauri = Legal document from Nauri: Griffith (1928, 12–18); other edition: Zyhlarz (1932); ostr = Griffith’s ostracon: Griffith (1913, 56); P.Attiri = Manuscripts from Attiri: Van Gerven Oei et al. (2016); P.QI 1 (also IN I) = Texts from Qaṣr Ibrīm I : Plumley and Browne (1988); P.QI 1 9 in Plumley (1980); P.QI 1 10 in G. M. Browne (1982a, 1990b); P.QI 1 11 in G. M. Browne (1988a, 1990a, 1996a); commentary in G. M. Browne (1989c, 1992c, 1995b, 1998a, 2000c); fragments in G. M. Browne (1994b); P.QI 2 (also IN II) = Texts from Qaṣr Ibrīm II : G. M. Browne (1989d); P.QI 2 13 in G. M. Browne (1981d); P.QI 2 15 in G. M. Browne (1980b); P.QI 2 16 in G. M. Browne (1985a); commentary in G. M. Browne (1989c, 1992c, 1995b, 1998a, 2000c); fragments in G. M. Browne (1994b); P.QI 3 (also IN III) = Texts from Qaṣr Ibrīm III : G. M. Browne (1991b); commentary in G. M. Browne (1996b); P.QI 4 = Texts from Qaṣr Ibrīm IV : Ruffini (2014c). P.QI 4 63 was previously published in Łajtar and Ruffini (2011); preliminary presentation of part of the corpus in Ruffini (2014b); P.QI A (also IN A) = Text from Qaṣr Ibrīm: G. M. Browne (1991a); P.QI B = Qaṣr Ibrīm burial shroud: Ruffini (2015); P.QI C (also IN AP) = Apocryphal text from Qaṣr Ibrīm: G. M. Browne (2001a); P.QI J (also CM) = Qaṣr Ibrīm fragment of John 20: G. M. Browne (1992c); commentary in G. M. Browne (1995b); P.QI L (also CL) = Lectionary fragment from Qaṣr Ibrīm: G. M. Browne (2001b); P.QI P = Psalms 149–150 from Qaṣr Ibrīm: Ruffini (2009); P.QI Q (also IN Q) = Text from Qaṣr Ibrīm: G. M. Browne (1994a); P.QI T (also TN) = Text from Qaṣr Ibrīm: C. S. Browne (2004). The authenticity of this text is disputed (Van Gerven Oei, 2020); 6DEDJŗUD = Graffiti from the Sabagūra Church: Donadoni (1962); sale = Griffith’s sale (Berlin Museum P. 11277): Griffith (1913); other editions: Khalil (1990) and G. M. Browne (1992b); commentary in G. M. Browne (1989e);

0.2. EDITORIAL SYMBOLS

XXVII

Soba = Inscriptions from Sōba: Zyhlarz (1928, 190–192); SC = Ps.-Chrysostom, In venerabilem crucem sermo, from Serra East:

G. M. Browne (1984a); other editions: G. M. Browne (1989b); commentary in G. M. Browne (1983a, 1984b, 1985b, 1986a, 1988b, 1989c, 1995b, 1995c, 1998a) and Van Gerven Oei and Tsakos (2019b); Greek Vorlage in G. M. Browne (1996d); see also Van Gerven Oei and Tsakos (2019a); SE = Ps.-Chrysostom, In quattuor animalia, from Serra East: G. M. Browne (1988c); other editions: G. M. Browne (1989b); commentary in G. M. Browne (1989c); St = The Stauros Text from Serra East (Berlin, Kgl. Bibl. MS. Or. Quart 1020): G. M. Browne (1983d): other editions: Zyhlarz (1928) and G. M. Browne (1989b); commentary in G. M. Browne (1989c, 1992c, 1994c, 1995b, 2000c); fragments in Schäfer and Schmidt (1906, 1907); comparison with the Coptic Stauros text from Qasr el-Wizz in Nagel (2013); rubrication discussed in Van Gerven Oei and Tsakos (2019a); available online at the Digital Collections of the German National Library; Sunn 1 = The Sunnarti Mark: Müller (1978); other editions: G. M. Browne (1981b, 1986c, 1989b, 1994b); commentary in G. M. Browne (1983e, 2000c); Sunn 2 = The Sunnarti Luke: Müller (1978); other editions: G. M. Browne (1980a, 1989f, 1989b, 1994b); commentary in G. M. Browne (1983e, 1989c, 1989g); Sur = Documents from Sur: Tsakos (2018); Tamit = Inscriptions from Tamit: Donadoni (1967); WN = The Memorial for King George from Wādī an-Naṭrūn: Griffith (1928); other editions: Zyhlarz (1932), White (1933), and Van Gerven Oei (2011). 0.2. Editorial Symbols In this grammar, different levels of analysis are discerned: interpretation, transcription, transliteration, glossing, translation, and phonology. On each of these levels we will use a constrained set of symbols described below. Much of the Old Nubian textual material is damaged or in one way or another partially illegible. This material fact influences all levels of interpretation. In order to give a very broad indication of the certainty with which the overall interpretation has been established, I have included in each example a symbol indicating whether the transcription, glossing, or translation of the morpheme or construction exemplified is clear or not.1 1 I have adapted this system indicating the relative certainty and clarity of the readings from a series of sigla invented by J. Diggle in his edition of Iphigenia at Aulis, treated in Gurd (2005, 157–164).

XXVIII

SIGLA, SYMBOLS, AND ABBREVIATIONS

(2) CERTAINTY OF INTERPRETATION SYMBOLS ᫥ ᫦ ᫧ ᫡ ៷

= = = = =

Both context and form are clear; Context is clear, form is unclear or damaged; Context is unclear or damaged, form is clear; Both context and form are unclear or damaged; Analysis uncertain.

The transcription level involves rendering the Old Nubian letters from an inscription or document into the standardized set of Unicode characters used for digital typesetting. The characters used to render Old Nubian are encoded in the Greek and Coptic Unicode block (0370–03FF) and the Coptic block (2C80–2CFF). They are treated in §2. (3) TRANSCRIPTION SYMBOLS [---] [2-3] [. .] [ⲁ] [ⲁ(?)] ⟦ⲁ⟧ ᲟⲁᲠ {ⲁ} ⲁ ⲁⲃ …

= = = = = = = = = = =

lacuna of undefined length; lacuna of 2–3 characters; lacuna of 2 characters; ⲁ reconstructed; uncertain reconstruction of ⲁ; ⲁ deleted by the scribe; ⲁ added by the editor; ⲁ deleted by the editor; ⲁ uncertain; ⲃ written above ⲁ; transcription omitted.

The transliteration level involves the encoding of the transcribed Old Nubian characters into the Latin alphabet and the introduction of morpheme boundaries. The character set used for transliteration is treated in §2 and is always in italics. (4) TRANSLITERATION SYMBOLS (a) ∼ …

= = = =

a is a resolved abbreviation or a suggested epenthetic vowel; morpheme boundary; morpheme boundary of a reduplicated morpheme; transliteration omitted.

The glossing level gives the interpretation of the different morphemes distinguished on the transliteration level. This interpretation can either be a dictionary entry (lexeme) (G. M. Browne 1996c) or a glossing symbol in small caps indicating the pertinent morpheme. Most of the abbreviations follow the conventions of the Leipzig Glossing Rules:

0.2. EDITORIAL SYMBOLS

XXIX

(5) GLOSSING SYMBOLS ∼ . 1 2 3 ACC ADE ADJ ADV AFF ALL CAUS COM COMM COMP CONJ COP DAT DD DEM DET DIST DU EMP EXCL FOC FIN GEN HAB IMP INCL INF INTEN JUS LE LOC NEG NOM NMLZ PASS

= = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = =

morpheme boundary; morpheme boundary of a reduplicated morpheme; composite morpheme/morpheme, morpheme/lexeme, or lexeme/lexeme; first person; second person; third person; accusative; adessive; adjectivizer; adverbial; affirmative; allative; causative; comitative; command; comparative; conjunction; copular; dative; direct discourse; demonstrative; determiner; distal; dual; emphatic; exclusive; focus; final; genitive; habitual; imperative; inclusive; infinitive; intentional; jussive; suffix -ⲗⲉ; locative; negative; nominative; nominalizer; passive;

XXX PRF PFV PLACT PL POSS PRED PROP PROX PRS

PST1 PST2 PTC Q REFL SG SUBE SUBORD SUPE TOP TR VOC WH

(?) ?? …

SIGLA, SYMBOLS, AND ABBREVIATIONS

= = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = =

perfect; perfective; pluractional; plural; possessive; predicate; property; proximal; present; past 1; past 2; particle; question; reflexive; singular; subessive; subordinate; superessive; topic; transitive; vocative; question word; glossing uncertain; glossing unknown; glossing omitted.

The translation tries to give an accurate rendering in English of the Old Nubian. Translations are enclosed between single quotation marks. (6) TRANSLATION ‘(?)’ ‘(…)’ ‘(a)’ ‘…’

= = = =

SYMBOLS

translation uncertain; translation unknown; translation completed with the word ‘a’ based on other sources; part of the full sentence omitted.

The phonological representation gives an indication of the possible pronunciation of the Old Nubian by means of phonemes. Old Nubian phonemes are discussed in §19.1. Phonological representations are enclosed between forward slashes. (7) PHONOLOGICAL SYMBOLS /./ /ˈ/

= syllable boundary; = subsequent syllable is marked/stressed;

0.3. LANGUAGE ABBREVIATIONS

XXXI

*/a/ = /a/ is reconstructed; /a/ ∼ /b/ = /a/ varies with /b/; /a/ < /b/ = /a/ derives from /b/. 0.3. Language Abbreviations The following abbreviations are used for frequently cited languages: (8) LANGUAGE ABBREVIATIONS Ar. Copt. D. Dem. Eg. Gr. K. Mer. N. NES ON PN Sah.

= = = = = = = = = = = = =

Arabic; Coptic; Dongolawi/Andaandi2; Demotic; Egyptian; Greek; Kenzi/Mattokki; Meroitic; Nobiin; Northern East Sudanic; Old Nubian; Proto-Nubian; Sahidic (Coptic).

2 For a full overview of endonyms and exonyms used for Nubian languages see Jakobi and Kümmerle (1993, 21–24).

1. INTRODUCTION

Old Nubian is the modern designation for the language attested in texts from the Nubian1 kingdom of Makuria between the 8th and 15th c. CE. The kingdom of Makuria (ON ⲇⲱⲧⲁⳣⲟ, ⲇⲱⲧⲁⲩⲟ2; Gr. Μακούρια; Ar. al-Maqurra) encompassed the original kingdom of Makuria in Upper Nubia with its capital at Dongola (ON ⲧⲟⲩⲅⲅⲟⲩⲗ; Gr. Τιμικλέος3; Ar. Dunqulā al-ꜤAjūz) and the kingdom of Nobadia (ON ⲙⲓⲅⲓ, ⲙⲓⲅⲓⲧⲚ ⲅⲟⲩⲗ; Gr. Νοβαδία) in Lower Nubia with its capital in Faras (ON ⲡⲁⲣⲁ, Gr. Παχώρας), which had merged with Makuria in the 7th–8th c. CE and was incorporated as an eparchate ruled by a soŋoj. The border between Lower and Upper Nubia is usually drawn between the 2nd and 3rd Cataracts of the Nile, in the Batn el-Hajar (‘Belly of Stones’). The first references to the language of Makuria date back to the period in which it was used, to the 10th and 11th c. CE. The historian Eutychius (Sa̓ id Ibn Batriq), who became Melkite Patriarch of Alexandria in 933 CE, mentions the existence of a Nubian alphabet (Vantini 1975, 108). Muslim scholar Ibn alNadim reports in his Kitāb al-Fihrist (published in 987 CE) that ‘the Nūba make use of the Syriac (suryānīyya), Greek (rūmiyya) and Coptic (qubtīyya) in their religious documents’ (Vantini 1975, 179).4 And Abu al-Makarim (Abu Salih) the Armenian writes around 1200 CE about King Solomon (Salamūn) of Nubia: It is said that among [King Solomon’s] letters there was found a letter (kitāb) written in his own hand and in Nubian characters (al-qalam an-nūbī) which proved

1 The term ‘Nubian’ ultimately derives from the Meroitic derogatory term Nob ‘slave’ used for the ethnic group Mẖo, which is a reflex of the proto-Nubian self-name *magur, sg. *magur-ti, as preserved in the Greek toponym Μακούρια and possibly the Old Nubian toponym ⲙⲓⲅⲓ (Rilly 2014, 1178–1179). The Meroitic Nob is probably cognate with Dongolawi ⲛⲟⲩⲕⲟⲩⲧ (Rilly 2011, 218). 2 For an overview of Nubian toponyms in Makuritan sources see Pierce (2017). The selfdesignation ⲇⲱⲧⲁⳣⲟ < ⲇⲱ ‘above’ and ⲧⲁⳣⲟ ‘below’ (first proposed by Osman (1982, 194)) appears to be a calque from the well-known Ancient Egyptian prenomen nswt-bjtj ‘(King of) Upper and Lower Egypt’, a title that might have survived into Meroitic times before being transmitted to Makuria. The earliest datable attestation is in P.QI 3 35.4 ᫥ ⲇⲱ⳿ⲧⲁⲩⲟ- from 1188, thus after the suggested union between the ruling families of Makuria and Alwa (ON ⲁⲣⲟⲩⲁ; Gr. Ἀρωαδία, cf. Seignobos (2015, 179–180)) in the mid-11th c. (Godlewski 2011, 273). It may therefore be possible that the name Dotawo does not refer to the Kingdom Makuria as comprising Nobadia–Makuria post-8th c., but to the ‘two dominions’ of Makuria and Alwa (cf. Van Gerven Oei 2011, 253–255) after the union of their respective royal families. I will therefore use ‘Makuria’ rather than ‘Dotawo’ for the geographical area in which Old Nubian literacy has been mainly located. For further discussion of the geographical location of Dotawo see Plumley (1978) and Ruffini (2013). 3 See Łajtar (2015). 4 Also mentioned in Budge (1909, 18, n. 1), the editio princeps of M and K.

2

1. INTRODUCTION

his learning and his religion and his asceti[ci]sm; and he was designated the ‘holy king’. (Vantini 1975, 332)5

The textual record of the Old Nubian language covers a timespan of several centuries and a geographical area that is considerably larger than the one in which the present-day Nile Nubian languages were spoken before the construction of the Aswan dams.6 The northernmost attestation of the language is the monumental plaque for Saint George in the Wādī an-Naṭrūn (WN) in Lower Egypt, the southernmost inscription of a Nubian-like language has been found in Soba, close to Khartoum (Soba), while toward the west an inscription has been found in Kordofan (Kordofan). However, both in geographical and linguistic terms, these texts are outliers. The great majority of the Old Nubian material derives from the Nubian ‘heartland’ along the Nile between the 1st and 4th Cataract. The earliest datable text in Old Nubian from Lower Nubia is a graffito from Es-SebūꜤ (gr 4) from 795 CE,7 while the oldest attestation from Upper Nubia is a Greek tombstone of Stephanos Eiñitta (Łajtar 1992, 112–129, no. 1) from 797 CE, containing several Old Nubian terms.8 The latest dated document is a letter on leather from Gebel Adda (Łajtar 2014a, 951) from 1483,9 with much of the (mostly unpublished) material found in Gebel Adda dating to the same period. We thus have an attested period of seven centuries in which Old Nubian was used as language for written communication. 1.1. Rediscovery and Grammatical Description The first reproductions of Old Nubian inscriptions are made by the French archeologist François Gau in 1819 in Wādī es-SebūꜤ (fig. 1.1) and Abu Oda (fig. 1.2), published in Gau (1822, 44, 62) and later edited by Griffith (1913, 60–62, 64–65).10 Unfamiliar with the language, Gau describes the graffiti at the side of the entrance to the sanctuary as consisting of ‘caractères cophtes’.

5

See Quatremère (1811, 37). See Ochała (2014a, 38–40). 7 See Jakobielski (1995) for discussion. An even earlier attestation may be the office ⲥⲁⲙⲁⲧⲁ attested in the Coptic foundation inscription from Dendur (DBMNT 517). See Ochała (2014a, 8) for discussion. It may, however, be possible that this term is borrowed into Coptic from the same substrate language from which it has been borrowed into Old Nubian. 8 DBMNT 74. See also Jakobielski and Ostrasz (1967–1968, 133, pl. XXVI), Jakobielski (1972, 47n64), and G. M. Browne (1993, 29–30). Although these are the oldest datable texts, it appears that Old Nubian textual production was already well underway in that period. See Van Gerven Oei and Tsakos (2019b). 9 DBMNT 700. See Adams (1977, 533n85). 10 For a previous and more limited historical outline of the development of Old Nubian studies and its influence on the work of Browne, see G. M. Browne (1991a, 286–289). 6

1.1. REDISCOVERY AND GRAMMATICAL DESCRIPTION

3

Figure 1.1: Inscription in Old Nubian, Wādī es-SebūꜤ (gr 4, DBMNT 1397) from Gau (1822, 44). Retrieved from General Research Division, The New York Public Library. “Essabua [el-Sebua]. A. Aufriss der Pilonen nach dem Hofe zu; B. Durchschnitt der im Felsen gehauenen Seitenkammern; C. Bildsäulen von Granit am Eingange der Pilonen; D. Coptische Schrift, beim Eingange des Sanctuariums. = Essaboua. A. Pilones, du côté de la cour; B. Coupe du vestibule et des chambres taillés dans le roc; C. Statues de granit, placées à l’entrée des pilones; D. Caractéres cophtés, à côté de l’entrée du sanctuaire.” New York Public Library Digital Collections. Accessed May 19, 2019. http://digitalcollections.nypl.org/items/510d47dd-fdea-a3d9-e040-e00a18064a99.

Figure 1.2: Inscription in Old Nubian, Abu Oda (gr 10, DBMNT 682) from Gau (1822, 62). Retrieved from General Research Division, The New York Public Library. “Balanje [Abahuda]. Im felsengehauenes Monument. = Balagne [Abahuda]. Monument taillé dans le roc.” New York Public Library Digital Collections. Accessed May 19, 2019. http://digitalcollections.nypl.org/items/510d47dd-fe7b-a3d9-e040-e00a18064a99.

4

1. INTRODUCTION

During his 1842–45 expedition through Egypt and Nubia, Richard Lepsius (1849–1859, vol. VI, pl. 12) uncovers several inscriptions in Soba, the capital of the Nubian kingdom of Alwa. In a discussion of the inscriptions, Adolf Erman (1881) guesses that the unknown language found on the Soba inscriptions is in fact a form of Nubian, and conjectures that ⲉⲛⲁ matches Coptic ⲉϥⲉϣⲱⲡⲉ ‘it happened’, that the suffix -ⲇⲉ is the conjunction ‘and’, and the word ⲁⲉⲓ ‘I’. However, he discards this idea for lack of evidence: ‘Dies letztere aber etwa zu Nubisch ai zu stellen, ist ein leere Spielerei, so lange seine Bedeutung nicht besser erwiesen ist’ (112).11 Karl Schmidt rediscovers a similar language when inspecting a couple of parchment manuscripts at an antique dealer in Cairo, who assumed that they contained late Coptic texts from Upper Egypt. Convinced, however, that they are not of Afroasiatic (‘semitische’) nature (Schäfer and Schmidt 1906, 775), Schmidt locates the key to their decipherment in a phrase on one of the manuscript pages, L 113.2 ⲏⲣⲱⲇⲏ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩ, assuming that the first word is the proper name Herod and the second word ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩ related to the modern Nobiin word uru ‘king’ (775). He thus confirms Erman’s intuition of 25 years earlier. Heinrich Schäfer supports and elaborates ‘die schöne Entdeckung des Hrn. Schmidt’ (777), and attempts a first linguistic analysis of Old Nubian by considering the context of the phrase deciphered by Schmidt (fig. 1.3): [ⲓⲎⲥⲟⲩⲥⲓ ⲟ]ⲩⲛⲛⲟⲩⲧⲁⲕⲟⲛ ⲃⲏⲑⲗⲈⲙⲏ ⲓⲟⲩⲇⲁⲓ[ⲛ]ⲛⲟ· Ⲏⲣⲱⲇⲏ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩⲛⲁ ⲟⲩⲕⲣⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲱ ‘[Jesus] wurde in Bethlehem Juda geboren, in den Tagen des Königs Herodes’. Thus the birth of Jesus in Bethlehem coincides with the birth of the Old Nubian language as an object of linguistic inquiry, a philological object that is from the beginning explicitly linked to contemporary, living Nile Nubian languages. Aided by the work of Lepsius (1880), Schäfer proceeds by listing a number of present-day Nile Nubian cognates of Old Nubian morphemes, such as genitive -in/-na, plural suffix -gū, and an analysis of [ⲟ]ⲩⲛⲛⲟⲩⲧⲁⲕⲟⲛ as the third person singular passive past. He even produces a Nobiin (Mahas– Fadicca) translation of the Old Nubian sentence, substantiating his claim that ‘Der Satz wäre wohl noch heute jedem Berberiner ohne weiteres verständlich’ (Schäfer and Schmidt 1906, 778). In spite of the impressive concordance between Old and present-day Nile Nubian, Schäfer is careful not to stretch the comparison: ‘So evident die Vergleichung des Modernen mit dem Alten an dieser Stelle ist, so muß man sich doch vor Augen halten, daß das nur ein besonders glückliches Zusammentreffen ist. Tausend Jahre sind, wie die folgenden Beispiele zeigen, auch an der nubischen Sprache nicht spurlos vorübergegangen’ (778). Furthermore, Schäfer correctly determines the phonetic values of the nonGreek letters of the Old Nubian orthographic inventory: the Coptic characters 11

The Soba inscriptions were later fully published by Zyhlarz (1928, 191–192).

1.1. REDISCOVERY AND GRAMMATICAL DESCRIPTION

5

Figure 1.3: Kgl. Bibl. NS. Or. Quart 1019, 2r. The fragment from the Old Nubian Lectionary containing the first Old Nubian sentence translated by Schäfer. Retrieved from Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Germany. “Altnubisches Lektionar.” Orientalische Handschriften digital. Accessed May 19, 2019. http://resolver. staatsbibliothek-berlin.de/SBB0000DDB900000000.

ϣ, ϩ, and ⳝ, and the ‘enchoric’ characters ⳡ and ⳟ. However, he omits the enchoric character ⳣ, which is absent from both the St and L manuscripts. He also applies Schmidt’s insight to a series of inscriptions from Upper Egypt that hitherto have remained undeciphered, such as an inscription in a rock chapel near Ibrīm (fig. 1.4), published by Lepsius (1849–1859, Abth. 6, Bl. 96, a). From this inscription, Schäfer correctly extracts the words ⲧⲁⳟ[ⲥ] ‘name’, ⲡⲁⲡ ‘father’, ⳟⲁⲗ ‘son’, and ⲥⲉⲩⲁⲣⲧⲟⲩ ⳟⲤⲥ ‘holy spirit’, forming the well attested Trinitarian invocation ‘In the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit’. Moreover, he confirms Erman’s (1881) intuition that a marble inscription from Soba is also written in a Nubian language, based on the reoccurrence of a word previously encountered in L, ⲟⲩⲅⲣⲓⲅⲟⲩ ‘days’. Later that year, Junker (1906) gives a brief overview of the discoveries so far.

Figure 1.4: Inscription in Old Nubian, Ibrīm (DBMNT 1541) from Lepsius (1849–1859, Abth. 6, Bl. 96, a). Retrieved from General Research Division, The New York Public Library. “Griechische Inschriften. 390-431, Dem.187: Dakkeh [el-Dakka]. Maharaka [el-Maharraqa]. Anibe [’Aniba]. Derr. Ibrim. (390-416. Dakkeh; 417-428. Maharraka; 429. Anibe; 430. Derr; 431. Ibrim; a. Christlich Aethiopische [?] Felseninschrift von Ibrim.)” New York Public Library Digital Collections. Accessed May 19, 2019. http://digitalcollections.nypl.org/items/510d47d9-5b55-a3d9-e040-e00a18064a99.

6

1. INTRODUCTION

Referencing the pioneering work of Schäfer and Schmidt, Ernest A. Wallis Budge, in his description of British Museum Or. MS 6805, describes the language as ‘a Nubian dialect akin to the modern Nûba’ (Budge 1909, Preface), ‘a language which is not akin either to that of the ancient Egyptian hieroglyphics, or to its later representative, Coptic’ (1). However, a bit later he professes that ‘The language in which the manuscript is written is, at present, unknown’ (17). Budge also notices the single ⳣ in K 31.15 ⳣⲉⲓⲁⲗⲟ, but is uncertain about its phonetic value (16). The British Egyptologist Francis Ll. Griffith, in ‘Some Old Nubian Christian Texts’, has less reservations and asserts that both the Berlin manuscripts of Schäfer and Schmidt and the manuscript from the British Museum described by Budge are written in the same language, ‘a strongly marked variety or rather prototype of the Mahass dialect of Nubian, spoken in the centre of the Barabra country between the Second and the Third Cataracts. […] Although the grammatical forms are now greatly changed, the language remains fundamentally the same as in the Christian period, genderless, agglutinative, working by means of suffixes’ (Griffith 1909, 545). Griffith is also the first to conjecture that ‘the horizontal line drawn over letters represents an ⲓ: e.g., ⲇⲠⲡⲟⲩ- varies with ⲇⲓⲡⲡⲟⲩ- “village” M. diffi, ⲁⲗⲉⲥⲚ “verily”, “if” with ⲁⲗⲉⲥⲓⲛ’ (547). In his Nubian Texts of the Christian Period, Griffith produces a first grammatical outline of the rediscovered language (Griffith 1913, 68–85), aided by Schäfer’s earlier sketches and comparative evidence from the studies of Nile Nubian languages by Reinisch (1879), Lepsius (1880), and Almkvist and Zetterstéen (1911). This publication is also the first to use the term ‘Old Nubian’ for the language in which the hitherto discovered texts are written. The outline includes an overview of Coptic and Greek loanwords, an exposition of the Old Nubian alphabet, including the rare letter ⳣ, which he assigns the same phonetic value as ⲟⲩ. The other sections treat nominal cases and postpositions, pronouns, and clitics. And although ‘the verbal forms seem confused and are not very intelligible’ (Griffith 1913, 82), he proposes several morphemes that have persisted in Old Nubian scholarship until today: the ‘plural object’ (pluractional), passive, inchoative, causative, and ‘consuetudinal’ (habitual) markers, the concept of ‘periphrastic’ (auxiliary) constructions, while also correctly discerning the present, and past tenses, as well as future (intentional), final, imperative, and participial forms. Moreover, he adds a vocabulary of forty-five pages. Around the same time, the first Russian overview of Old Nubian appears in Turaev (1914), which ‘introduces the history of the finding and decipherment of ON texts to Russian philologists and provides the basics of their contents’ (Smagina 2017 [1986], 19). A first comparative account of the Nubian verbal system is drawn up by Abel (1921) based on the work of Reinisch (1879), Lepsius (1880), and Almkvist and Zetterstéen (1911) for Nile Nubian and the then available Old Nubian texts. He significantly improves Griffith’s account

1.1. REDISCOVERY AND GRAMMATICAL DESCRIPTION

7

of the verbal system and introduces the distinction between ‘indicative’ and ‘subjunctive’ verbal paradigms. The first extensive grammatical description of Old Nubian is produced by Zyhlarz (1928) under a rather pessimistic motto from Eccl. 9:5: ‘The dead know not any thing, neither have they any more a reward; for the memory of them is forgotten.’ Zyhlarz notes that owing to the paucity of the extant material, a full grammar of Old Nubian remains out of reach. However, ‘eine grammatikähnliche Zusammenfassung der sprachlichen Erscheinungen jedoch gestatten die außerordentlich begünstigenden erwähnten Begleitumstände ohneweiteres’ (x). Zyhlarz’s grammatical outline contains chapters on orthography, phonetics, nominal and verbal morphology, and syntax. A curious aspect of Zyhlarz’s approach to the grammar of Old Nubian is that he insists that ‘Nubisch keine agglutinierende Sprache ist’ such as, for example, Turkish (4). This unfortunate assessment has serious repercussions on the way in which Zyhlarz chooses to describe Old Nubian grammar. His terminology is based on flectional (i.e., non-agglutinative) Indo-European languages, including different ‘genera verbi’, conjugations, and various types of participles, obscuring most of the underlying morphological structures. His approach has also had a lasting influence on Browne’s paradigmatic approach in his Old Nubian Grammar (G. M. Browne 1996c). Zyhlarz is, however, the first to correctly conjecture that -ⲗ is a determiner, an idea rejected by later authors (G. M. Browne 1991a, 286), but readopted in the present grammar.12 B.H. Stricker (1940) provides an extensive treatment of the supralinear stroke and gives a first account of Old Nubian syllable structure. He also further develops the analysis of the morpheme -ⲗ as a determiner and offers a comparative account of the finite verb forms, while also presenting a discussion of Coptic loanwords. Taking up the work of Zyhlarz, Werner Vycichl publishes three articles in the journal Kush dealing with various topics in Old Nubian grammar: plural formations (Vycichl 1956), person suffixes on the verb (Vycichl 1958), and the pronominal system (Vycichl 1958, 1961b). In the 1970s and ’80s, Fritz Hintze, noticing that very little progress has been made since Zyhlarz’s call to develop a full-fledged Old Nubian grammar, embarks on a series of articles under the title ‘Beobachtungen zur altnubischen Grammatik’, revisiting and correcting many of Zyhlarz’s claims and assumptions (Hintze 1971, 1975a, 1975b, 1977, 1986). Moreover, he publishes a first attempt to systematically compare Old Nubian with the much older, and undeciphered, Meroitic language in order to prove the hypothesis that they belong to the same language family (Hintze 1989). Owing to a lack of precise data on Meroitic, and the fact that the East Sudanic language group at that 12

For a bibliography of Zyhlarz, including his work on Old Nubian, see Post-Zyhlarz (1985).

8

1. INTRODUCTION

point remained an unproven theoretical construct, he rejects the hypothesis for want of sufficient evidence.13 In the Soviet Union, we find a parallel effort in the work of Smagina (Smagina 1979a, 1979b, 1980, 1983, 1985, 1986; Zabadovskij and Smagina 1986), which, however, has found little resonance in the West due to the language barrier. Only recently was Smagina’s grammar The Old Nubian Language translated into English (Smagina 2017 [1986]), showing a clarity of exposition that in Browne’s influential work was sometimes lacking. Based on the work of his predecessors, Mokhtar Khalil publishes in 1988 a little cited grammatical outline of Old Nubian (Khalil 1988). Although most of the grammatical analyses are dated at best, the work is valuable as it is the only one written by a native speaker of a contemporary Nubian language, and Khalil’s frequent comparisons with his mother tongue Nobiin and related languages are most instructive. Hintze’s work is of specific importance to the most prolific scholar of Old Nubian to date, Gerald M. Browne (G. M. Browne 1991a, 287), serving as a basis for his work on Old Nubian grammar, which comprises a series of ‘Notes on Old Nubian’ (G. M. Browne 1979, 1980c, 1980d, 1981e, 1985c), ‘Notes on Old Nubian Texts’ (G. M. Browne 1984b, 1985b, 1989c, 1992c), and ‘Miscellanea Nubiana’ (G. M. Browne 1994c, 1995b, 1998a), as well as separate articles on the verbal system (G. M. Browne 1982d), scribal practices (G. M. Browne 1985d), colometry (G. M. Browne 1986b), conditional clauses (G. M. Browne 1987c), and translation (G. M. Browne 1987a). These investigations culminate in his Old Nubian Dictionary (G. M. Browne 1996c, 1997) and Introduction to Old Nubian (G. M. Browne 1989a), expanded as Old Nubian Grammar (G. M. Browne 2002c), which remain until today indispensable tools for any student of the Old Nubian language. They are the condensation of much of the knowledge accumulated about Old Nubian during the twentieth c. CE. After the publication of his grammar, Browne devoted a variety of smaller articles to grammatical and other textual issues in Old Nubian (G. M. Browne 2002a, 2002d, 2003c, 2003b, 2003d, 2003a).14 Browne’s groundbreaking work has been facilitated by the discovery of the Qaṣr Ibrīm material (P.QI 1, 2, 3) and the Serra East codex (SC), leading to a remarkable expansion of the available primary sources. That having been said, Browne’s background as a classicist and textual critic makes his approach to the language slightly unwieldy. Clarity of presentation is often sacrificed for 13

The possible genetic relation between Meriotic and Old Nubian has been a topic of debate since the suggestion of Griffith (1911, 22) that ‘without being at all decisive, the analogies [of Meroitic] to Nubian both in structure and vocabulary are sufficiently striking to be worth mention.’ 14 For a scholarly bibliography of Browne’s work, including his work on Old Nubian, see Bay (2006).

1.1. REDISCOVERY AND GRAMMATICAL DESCRIPTION

9

a proliferation of notes and references, which remain unanalyzed, and his approach remains strongly influenced by Zyhlarz’s erroneous insistence that Old Nubian is not agglutinative. And whereas previous scholars have been able to adduce comparative evidence from Nile Nubian languages in order to limn or reconstruct certain Old Nubian grammatical features, Browne pushes this fruitful comparative approach far to the background. Satzinger (1990) provides a systematic overview of Old Nubian relative clause constructions, and this text is a valuable addition to Browne’s rather minimal discussion of the subject. Satzinger (1992a) discusses the onomastic element -ⲕⲟⲩⲇⲁ, while Satzinger (2006b) offers a discussion of Old Nubian influences on Coptic and Greek epigraphy from Nubia. Satzinger (2001, 262– 263) provides a brief sketch of the verbal system based on Browne’s analysis. More recent studies, such as Satzinger (2010), a condensed overview of Old Nubian grammar, Satzinger (2017) on the ‘predicative state’, and Satzinger (2018) on the ‘absolutive genitive’, unfortunately contain a combination of Brownian and Egyptological terminology that has little use in the description of Nubian languages. Marianne Bechhaus-Gerst’s publications Sprachwandel durch Sprachkontakt am Beispiel des Nubischen im Niltal (1996) and The (Hi)story of Nobiin: Thousand Years of Language Change (2011) have picked up on Schäfer’s aim when first describing the Old Nubian language, to provide ‘zum ersten Male für eine afrikanische Negersprache, die das Nubisch nach Lepsius’ trefflicher Beweisführung ist, eine tausendjährige Entwicklungsgeschichte’ (Schäfer and Schmidt 1906, 783).15 In her comparative account, Bechhaus-Gerst follows the ideas of Griffith (1913, 68) and Zyhlarz (1928, 4) that Old Nubian is a Nile Nubian language most akin to Nobiin, even going as far as renaming the language ‘Old Nobiin’.16 Even though her work is important in terms of reorienting the focus of Old Nubian studies toward an Africa-centered diachronic and comparative approach, the emphasis in The (Hi)story of Nobiin remains on contemporary Nubian languages, with the rather uncritical incorporation of Browne’s analyses sometimes leading to questionable comparisons. A recent impetus to Old Nubian studies has been the foundation of the journal Dotawo: A Journal for Nubian Studies and two volumes of Nubian Voices in the Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement series, in which a new generation of Old Nubian scholars brings collaborative and interdisciplinary research to bear on the corpus of Old Nubian texts. This has resulted in a series of new reflections on grammar (Van Gerven Oei 2011, 2015b, 2015a; 15 The theme of a ‘thousand years’ is a recurring trope in German descriptions of the Old Nubian language, cf. Zyhlarz (1928, ix, 5)’s ‘der einzigen tausendjährigen Sprache Innerafrikas’. 16 Bechhaus-Gerst’s terminological gesture confuses spoken with written language. Below I make a distinction between ‘Old Nobiin’, the presumed direct ancestor of Nobiin, and Old Nubian as the written language derived from (an early stage of) Old Nobiin.

10

1. INTRODUCTION

Weber-Thum and Weschenfelder 2015; Weschenfelder 2015; Van Gerven Oei 2018). Unfortunately, the Old Nubian language remains poorly understood outside the sphere of Nubiology, as witnessed by outdated representations such as Campbell (2004). 1.2. Edition of Texts The systematic editing and publication of Old Nubian materials starts with two manuscripts – ‘die erste Bruchstücke’ – acquired for the Prussian Royal Library, described by Heinrich Schäfer and Karl Schmidt in the Sitzungsberichte of the Royal Prussian Academy of Sciences in Berlin from 1906 and 1907 (Schäfer and Schmidt 1906, 1907). The two manuscripts in question, of which only fragments are published, are determined to be a ‘Lektionar’ and a ‘Schrift über das Kreuz Christi’ (Schäfer and Schmidt 1907, 602), currently known under the respective sigla L and St. Schäfer and Schmidt’s Berlin publication is followed two years later by E.A.W. Budge’s facsimile edition of Oriental MS. 6805 from the archives of the British Museum, containing two different texts that ‘relate to Saint Mêna, an Egyptian soldier who suffered martyrdom in Phrygia early in the fourth century, and to certain of the Canons of Nicaea’ (Budge 1909, Preface), usually indicated with the respective sigla M and K. Francis Ll. Griffith (1909) offers a first full, albeit tentative, translation of both. In ‘Some Old Nubian Christian Texts’, Griffith promises ‘a complete edition of the known writings in Old Nubian’ (1909, 550) in collaboration with Schäfer. This edition is published eventually without the co-authorship of Schäfer as Griffith (1913)’s Nubian Texts of the Christian Period, which contains the texts that until Browne’s publication of new materials from Qaṣr Ibrīm and Serra East in the 1980s and early ’90s would define the contours within which Old Nubian scholarship operates. Nubian Texts of the Christian Period fully incorporates and translates the material previously published by Schäfer and Schmidt (1906, 1907) and Budge (1909), as well as the larger inscription published by Adolf Erman (1881), while adding a significant amount of hitherto unpublished materials: a sale written on leather (sale); three small manuscript fragments (fr 1–3); an ostracon (ostr); and fifteen additional graffiti from Aswān (gr 1), Medīk (gr 2–3), Es-SebūꜤ (gr 4), Amada (gr 5–7), Aniba (gr 8), Gebel Adda (gr 10–15), and Gemmai (gr 16), while also mentioning the Nubian graffito from Sai published by A.H. Sayce (1910) (gr 17). To his Old Nubian grammar, Zyhlarz (1928) appends updated editions of M, K, St, and gr 4. Unfortunately, these editions omit many of the uncertain readings in Griffith, giving the false impression of relatively well-preserved manuscripts. Griffith (1928)’s ‘Christian Documents from Nubia’ provides a few additional texts: the monument for King George from Wādī an-Naṭrūn

1.2. EDITION OF TEXTS

11

(WN), a legal document from Nauri (Nauri), and two graffiti, of which one a bilingual Old-Nubian–Greek, from Aswān (Aswan). The next fifty years see only the sporadic publication of new material: an Old Nubian graffito from Kordofan (Kordofan) (Arkell 1951); three graffiti from the Sabagūra church (6DEDJŗUD) (Donadoni 1962, b, f, m); a letter from Ab Kanarti (Kanarti) (Donadoni 1965, 24–27); inscriptions in the Church of Raphael in Tamit (Tamit) (Donadoni 1967, 1, 8, 14, 15); inscriptions from the Cathedral in Faras (Faras) (Altheim and Stiehl 1971); a bilingual Greek–Old Nubian inscription of the Benedicite in the church of Qaṣr el-Wizz (Ben) (Barns 1974); and two texts that can be identified as fragments from the Gospels of Mark and Luke from Sunnarti (Sunn 1, 2) (Müller 1978). But from the early 1980s onward, Gerald Browne’s steadily swelling stream of publications on Old Nubian shows a remarkable increase in the available textual material. This is mostly the result of the Egypt Exploration Society’s excavations in Qaṣr Ibrīm, which in 1978 yielded an unheard-of number of about 85 new texts (G. M. Browne 1980b, 16). In two publications, G. M. Browne (1980b) and J. Martin Plumley (1980) offer a first glimpse of this large find, Browne’s text presenting an excerpt from Jude later published as P.QI 2 15, while Plumley’s contains several verses of Revelation later published as P.QI 1 9. Prior to the publication of the first set of Qaṣr Ibrīm texts (Plumley and Browne 1988), Browne continues to publish material from the excavations: a leaf from a bilingual psalter (P.QI 2 13) (G. M. Browne 1981d); a fragment of a Pseudo-Chrysostomian encomium on the archangel Raphael (P.QI 1 10) (G. M. Browne 1982a); and the homily In Quattuor Animalia, attributed to Cyril of Jerusalem (P.QI 2 16) (G. M. Browne 1985a). The second and third installments of the Old Nubian Qaṣr Ibrīm materials include 62 texts (G. M. Browne 1989d, 1991b), while other selected fragments are published in separate articles (G. M. Browne 1991a, 1994a, 2001a, 2001b; C. S. Browne 2004). In the same period, Browne takes up reediting all the previously published Old Nubian texts, starting with fr 1 (G. M. Browne 1981a) and Sunn 1 (G. M. Browne 1981b), followed by updated editions of L (G. M. Browne 1982b); K (G. M. Browne 1983c); M (G. M. Browne 1983b); St (G. M. Browne 1983d); and Sunn 1 and 2 (G. M. Browne 1983e). Browne announces a major new find at the 5th congress of the International Society for Nubian Studies in 1982, the so-called Serra East codex, unearthed in the winter of 1963–64 by an expedition of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago to Serra East. The manuscript appears to be ‘by far the longest and in some respects the most important Old Nubian text known: it is a translation of a Greek homily attributed to St. John Chrysostom and usually referred to as In venerabilem crucem sermo’ (G. M. Browne 1986a, 219). Browne furnishes an editio princeps under the title Chrysostomus Nubianus (SC)

12

1. INTRODUCTION

(G. M. Browne 1984a). Through fortuitous overlaps the find also allows the reconstruction of several lacunae in St. In the following years, Browne publishes a variety of addenda and corrigenda to hitherto published Old Nubian texts and prepares various editiones principes: two texts from Old Dongola, discovered by Polish excavations in 1972 (Dong) (G. M. Browne 1987d); a fragment of the Pseudo-Chrysostomian homily In quattuor animalia (SE) (G. M. Browne 1988c); a reedition of the document from Ab Kanarti (Kanarti) (G. M. Browne 2003f); two Old Nubian versions of the martyrdom of Saint Epimachus, one uncovered in Faras by the excavations conducted by Kazimierz Michałowski (FE) (G. M. Browne 1992a), and another lodged at the Coptic Museum (CE) (G. M. Browne 2002b), excavated by the University of Kentucky; two texts relating the martyrdom of Saint George (KG) (G. M. Browne 1998b); a contract found in Kulubnarti (KD) (G. M. Browne 2000b); and an inscription from the Upper Church in Banganarti (Banganarti) (G. M. Browne 2004a). After his untimely death in 2004, Browne’s edition of a psalm from Old Dongola located above the funerary stela of Bishop Georgios is posthumously published (DP 1) (G. M. Browne 2006). Meanwhile, Bietak and Schwarz (1987) publish a graffito from the church in Nag’ el-Sheima (El-Sheima). Browne publishes an overview of the Old Nubian textual material (except the finds from Qaṣr Ibrīm) in G. M. Browne (1989b). An unpublished revision of all the texts can be found in G. M. Browne (2004c). Furthermore, Browne gathers all main Bible translations in a single volume (G. M. Browne 1994b).17 Satzinger publishes a series of short review articles of Browne’s work (Satzinger 1986, 1995a, 1995b, 2006a). Over the last decade, a new generation of Nubiologists has started to produce editions of heretofore unpublished Old Nubian texts. This is also the result of a broader attempt within Nubian studies to develop interdisciplinary collaborations, bringing together specialists of the various languages, historians, archeologists, and anthropologists. This in turn has led to a deeper understanding of both context and content of the Old Nubian material. Giovanni Ruffini continued Plumley and Browne’s work on the materials from the Qaṣr Ibrīm excavations (Ruffini 2009; Łajtar and Ruffini 2011; Ruffini 2014c, 2015), while we have also seen the publication of Old Nubian materials from Akasha West (Łajtar and Van Gerven Oei 2019); Askut (Van Gerven Oei and Tsakos 2018); Attiri (Van Gerven Oei et al. 2016); Banganarti (Łajtar 2019); Faras (Łajtar and Ochała 2015; Makowski 2016; Łajtar and Ochała 2017b, 2018; Van Gerven Oei 2019a); Gebel Adda (Łajtar 2014b); Old Dongola (Łajtar and Van der Vliet 2017; Van Gerven Oei 2017; Łajtar and Van 17 See Metzger and Ehrman (2005, 123–124) for the situation of Old Nubian Bible fragments in the context of New Testament studies.

1.3. LINGUISTIC CONTEXT AND LANGUAGE CONTACT

13

Gerven Oei 2018; Wyżgoł 2018; Van Gerven Oei and Łajtar 2020); Qaṣr el-Wizz (Tsakos, Forthcoming); Sonqi Tino (Laisney 2012; Deptuła et al., In preparation); and Sur (Tsakos 2018, 314–327). Additionally, new editions of WN (Van Gerven Oei 2011) and M (Van Gerven Oei and El-Guzuuli 2013) have been produced. This wealth of new textual materials, as well as the slow digestion of the large number of texts and fragments published in the 20th century, has led to a deepening and expansion of our understanding of fields as varied as translation practices (Van Gerven Oei and Tsakos 2019b), toponymy (Pierce 2017), record keeping (Ochała 2014b), calendars (Ochała 2011b), idiomatic expressions (Ruffini 2014a), and land sales (Van Gerven Oei 2019b), and they have, more broadly, provided new insights into Makuria’s economic and social history (Ruffini 2012a, 2016) and monastic communities (Obłuski 2019). This list of recent scholarly work is by no means exhaustive. Old Nubian scholars are also increasingly employing the internet as a tool to facilitate collaborative work and pool resources. Ruffini maintains the Medieval Nubia website, which contains a regularly updated bibliography of Old Nubian studies, maintained in collaboration with Grzegorz Ochała. Ochała also maintains the Database of Medieval Nubian Texts (DBMNT), which has indexed over 700 texts found in Nubia. 1.3. Linguistic Context and Language Contact Old Nubian belongs to Nilo-Saharan, a language phylum first proposed by Greenberg (1963, 130–148), which functioned as a catch-all group for those languages that could not be categorized under the ‘established’ Afroasiatic, Niger-Congo, and Khoisan phyla. Although Greenberg asserted the genetic unity of the Nilo-Saharan phylum, the details of his proposal remain a matter of debate (see Dimmendaal 2008, 843–844), while Starostin (2016) has questioned the genetic relationship between the main Eastern Sudanic and Central Sudanic branches based on lexicostatistical arguments. Much of this uncertainty, however, seems to be the result on the poor state of linguistic description of the many languages assumed to belong to the Nilo-Saharan phylum. Within the Nilo-Saharan phylum, which sprawls from the Niger river to eastern Ethiopia and northern Tanzania, sandwiched between the Niger-Congo family in the south and the Afroasiatic phylum in the north, Old Nubian is a member of the Nubian language family, which is part of the Northern East Sudanic subgroup of East Sudanic. The Northern East Sudanic subgroup comprises the Nubian languages, as well as Tama and Nara, whereas the inclusion of Nyimang remains a matter of debate. Ehret (2001, 88) excludes Nyimang from Northern East Sudanic (‘Astaboran’), whereas Bender (1997, 39) (‘Ek type’) and Rilly (2010, 158) include it.

14

1. INTRODUCTION

Rilly (2011, 2014) proposes a tripartite split of proto-Northern East Sudanic into Proto-Taman, Proto-Nyima, and an eastern branch, which concerns us here (fig. 1.5). This eastern branch would further split into proto-Nubian, Meroitic, and a Nile-Atbara branch containing the ancestor language to current Nara and the C-Group or Pre-Nubian language, which is responsible for a number of non-Meroitic borrowings into Old Nubian and Nobiin (§1.3.1). The inclusion of Meroitic in Northern East Sudanic is not uncontroversial, but the evidence presented by Rilly (2003) and all of his subsequent work, most notably Rilly (2010), remains in my view unassailable. Within the eastern branch of proto-Northern East Sudanic, Old Nubian is part of the Nubian language family, which is divided into two main branches: Nile Nubian is spoken along the Middle Nile Valley, and can be further subdivided into one branch including the currently spoken languages Mattokki (Kunuz/Kenzi) in the Aswan region (Abdel-Hafiz 1988)18 and Andaandi (Dongolawi) around Dongola (Armbruster 1960, 1965). The split between Mattokki and Andaandi can be dated to the withdrawal of Dongola king Kanz el-Dawla to the region near Aswan at the end of the 14th c. CE (Fernea 1979, 43; Adams 1982, 38; Thelwall 1982, 50; Rilly 2010, 161). Between the Mattokki- and Andaandi-speaking regions lies the area in which the other branch of Nile Nubian is spoken, which includes Nobiin (Werner 1987; Khalil 1996), previously known as Fadicca and Mahas until Bell (1974) proposed the new term. This branch of Nile Nubian also includes the (in)direct ancestral language of Nobiin, Old Nubian, and Shaiqi, an extinct language that appears morphologically and lexically close to Nobiin and Old Nubian (Spaulding 1990). The second main branch of the Nubian language family comprises the West Nubian languages, which include the (nearly?) extinct language Birgid from Darfur (MacMichael 1920), and Midob from the region of Gebel Meidob (Werner 1993). Finally, there is the large and varied group of closely related Kordofan Nubian languages in the Nuba mountains (Junker and Czermak 1913; Czermak 1919; Kauczor 1920), which unfortunately remain relatively understudied. The now extinct language Haraza (Bell 1973, 1975) was probably closely related to the Kordofan Nubian languages (Rilly 2010, 166). Comparative work on reconstructing the lexicon of the Proto-Nubian ancestor to the Nubian language family, which forms the backbone of the Old Nubian lexical inventory, dates back to Zyhlarz (1949–50). More recent advances have been made by Bechhaus-Gerst (1984, 1989), Jakobi (2006), Rilly (2010), and Starostin (2017). This particular way of organizing the Nubian language family is not uncontroversial. The main point of contention is the lexical distance between Nobiin 18 I cite only the major sources concerning each language. For a detailed overview of the literature until 1993, see Jakobi and Kümmerle (1993), and further Rilly (2010, 169–173).

1.3. LINGUISTIC CONTEXT AND LANGUAGE CONTACT

15

Figure 1.5: The eastern branch of Northern East Sudanic, with influences on Old Nubian. Based on Rilly (2011, 213, fig. 2; 2014, 1169, fig. 1). Nodes with an asterisk are proposed reconstructed earlier stages, nodes with a dagger are extinct. Uninterrupted lines indicated genetic relations, dashed lines with arrows indicate language contact with Old Nubian resulting in lexical borrowing.

on one hand and Andaandi and Mattokki on the other. Taking up Thelwall (1982), Bechhaus-Gerst (1984, 1989, 1996) argues that Nobiin and Andaandi/ Mattokki are only distantly related, the latter being much closer to Kordofan Nubian. The main argument is the large amount of lexemes unique to Old Nubian and Nobiin. Rilly (2010, 274–278) and Starostin (2017, 2020), however, independently argue that Nobiin and Andaandi/Mattokki are in fact closely related, and that the lexical differentiation between Nobiin and the other Nubian languages is the result of the former’s contact with a pre-Nubian substrate language. Furthermore, there appears to exist no archeological evidence for a second, later migration of Andaandi/Mattokki speakers into the Middle Nile Valley after the settlement of the Nobiin speakers that would be implied by Thelwall’s and Bechhaus-Gerst’s proposal. There are also two different theories regarding the ancestry of the Nubian language group, which besides the Nile Nubian languages also includes the Kordofan Nubian languages, Birgid, and Midob. According to the first hypothesis, the origin of the Nubian languages is along the Nile, which implies that Kordofan Nubian, Birgid, and Midob speakers arrived in their homeland through westward migration. The second hypothesis claims that the Nubians originate in the western savannahs, with the Nile Nubians having moved eastward (Rilly

16

1. INTRODUCTION

2019, 137–139). According to Rilly (2010, 167), the great dialectal variety found in the Western languages strongly supports the second hypothesis. It may be assumed that Nubian languages were widely spoken in the entire Middle Nile Valley up to Khartoum until a few centuries ago (Adams 1982, 12–13, 35), when a process of language shift that continues until today replaced them with Arabic. Within the Nile Nubian language group, Old Nubian is closest and indirectly ancestral to Nobiin and Shaiqi. Main points of evidence are the Old Nubian and Nobiin accusative case in -ga, where Andaandi and Mattokki have -gi, and postpositions (with a few exceptions) following a locative case, where Andaandi and Mattokki prefer the accusative case (Jakobi and El-Guzuuli 2016). Furthermore, there are a large number of pre-Nubian substrate words that are part of the Old Nubian and Nobiin lexicon but which do not appear in Mattokki or Andaandi. The genetic relationship between Nobiin and Old Nubian, however, tells us little about the linguistic reality of the Makuritan kingdom, where, besides Old Nubian, Greek, Coptic, and Arabic were in use as written languages, while traces of Old Dongolawi19 in Old Nubian texts suggest it was a spoken language in the region even when Old Nubian was used in written communication. At the same time, we should not conflate the written Old Nubian with the ‘Old Nobiin’ that was no doubt spoken by the inhabitants of the Kingdom and later Eparchate of Nobadia. In the first linguistic description of Old Nubian, Schäfer already remarks, ‘Ob in früheren Jahrhunderten das ganze Nubian eine einheitliche Schriftsprache besaß, oder ob die gewiß schon vorhandenen Dialekte sich in der Schrift bemerkbar machten, muß die Zukunft lehren’ (Schäfer and Schmidt 1906, 780). The question how close the relatively uniform Old Nubian written language was to the vernacular(s) remains open for speculation. Many of the aspects of the written language appear to be either conservative or innovations to fit certain formal ideals, and it stands to reason to think that in its later phases written Old Nubian already diverged considerably from spoken ‘Old Nobiin’. Rilly speaks in this regard of Old Nubian as a ‘koinè littéraire’ (Rilly 2010, 166). It remains a matter of debate as to why an ancestral language to Nobiin managed to become the language of the unified Makuritan kingdom with its capital at Touggoul (Old Dongola). Adams (1982, 28–35) suggests that because the current language border between Nobiin and Andaandi does not coincide with any clear geographic border, it must be of a later date than the split between the two languages. He thus suggests that the geographical distribution of Nobadians and Makuritans during the formative period of the Makuritan kingdom may have been different from the current distribution of Nobiin and Andaandi speakers. Thus the capital of Old Dongola may have been more ‘central’ to the kingdom than current distribution of Nubian speakers may suggest. Ali Osman 19

Here I use Old Dongolawi to signify the ancestral language of both Andaandi and Mattokki.

1.3. LINGUISTIC CONTEXT AND LANGUAGE CONTACT

17

has also cautioned that the current size and distribution of Nubian-speaking communities should not be confused with the distribution of Old Nobiin, Old Dongolawi, and perhaps other Nubian-speaking communities in the Makuritan period and that demographics may have looked considerably different (Spaulding 1990, 288). However, excavations at Banganarti and Touggoul clearly show onomastic and lexical evidence of Old Dongolawi users in the region by the time Old Nubian was used as written language (Łajtar 2020). A solution may perhaps be found in the realm of sociolinguistics. It appears that Old Nubian literacy developed earliest in Nobadia through its contact with the monastic culture of Upper Egypt. It may therefore be that upon incorporating Nobadia as eparchate around 700 CE, the elite of the Makuritan kingdom adopted Old Nubian as the language of culture and religion, and therefore prestige (cf. Thelwall 1982, 48). A parallel could be found in the Qing dynasty, where Manchu speaking Jurchen overtook the much larger and more developed Chinese empire and adopted Chinese as an official language.20 The Old Nubian language did not develop in isolation, but was the result of and affected by both the slow and unstoppable change that is inherent to any language and the context of that change: the languages that surround it and the tradition in which it is used. In the case of Old Nubian, this was a remarkably varied linguistic environment, which included representatives from the NiloSaharan (Meroitic, C-Group, Old Dongolawi), Indo-European (Greek), and Afroasiatic phyla (Egyptian–Coptic, Arabic). As systematic comparative grammatical accounts of the Nubian language family are still a desideratum, the best way to explore the different interactions and developments is through the composition of its lexicon. Makuritans lived in a multilingual and multiliterate society in which various languages were written and most likely spoken on a daily basis (Shinnie 1974; Ochała 2014a, 2016). Makuritan society was exposed to and interacted with the broader world, as may be gathered from evidence as varied as Italian traces at Qaṣr Ibrīm (Ruffini 2012a, 262), Axumite bishops in Sonqi Tino (Łajtar and Ochała 2017a), Syriac ostraca (Van Ginkel and Van der Vliet 2015), Provençal graffiti at Banganarti (Łajtar and Płóciennik 2011), a Rechenpfennig from Nuremberg in Touggoul (Idzikowska 2018), records of Nubians visiting Santiago de Compostela and Jerusalem (Seignobos 2012; Simmons 2019), and Chinese travel accounts (Schmidt 2001). Makuria was anything but the ‘cultural wasteland’ imagined by Browne (1985d, 296). Several layers of external influence can be distinguished in the Old Nubian language in terms of its lexical inventory. Its foundation is the inherited proto-Nubian lexicon, with cognates in the other Nubian languages. Rilly (2010, 285) proposes a ‘pre-Nubian’ substrate layer comprising material from 20

The details are of course more complex. See, e.g., Li (1995).

18

1. INTRODUCTION

at least two related languages, Meroitic and a language close to Nara, referred to as ‘C-Group’. Furthermore, we can distinguish four main non-Nubian languages from which Old Nubian has borrowed words: Egyptian–Coptic, Blemmyan/Beja, Greek, and Arabic.21 Finally, there are also a number of ‘loans’ from Old Dongolawi – lexical items which are only found in contemporary Andaandi/Mattokki, but not in Nobiin. 1.3.1. Pre-Nubian Substrate The Old Nubian script contains three characters derived from the cursive Meroitic alphasyllabary: ⳡ, ⳣ, and ⳟ.22 Meroitic survived as a written language in Nobadia at least until the fifth c. CE (Rilly 2008, 192), where it was contemporaneous with Greek and Coptic. It thus stands to reason that the Old Nubian alphabet was developed in the context of the Christianization of the region, while Meroitic literacy was still present. Meroitic didn’t only leave traces in the Old Nubian writing system, but also in its vocabulary. Rilly (2010, 286; 2011, 221; 2014, 1180) proposes a ‘preNubian’ substrate which consists of at least two languages, Meroitic and another Northern East Sudanic language perhaps related to modern Nara. Among the few Meroitic loanwords that have been proposed for Old Nubian, we find: ⲙⲁϣⲁⲣ ‘sun’ < Mer. ms-l (Rilly 2010, 514), ⲙⲉⲧⲉ ‘generation’ < Mer. mte (135), Ⲁⳟⲏⲩⲥ, ⲁⳟⲓⲟⲩⲥ ‘offering, sacrifice’ < Mer. ns(e) (135), ⲥⲓⲗⲉ, ⲥⲏⲗⲉ ‘every’ < Mer. -se-l (138), and ⲡⲟⲩⲣ ‘prince’ < Mer. pqr (Van Gerven Oei and Tsakos 2017b) (possibly a cognate rather than a loanword). Moreover, Rilly (2010, 285–288) identifies a number of non-proto-Nubian lexemes in Old Nubian, which are all plausible candidates for loans from the pre-Nubian ‘C-Group’ substrate. Some of these have synonyms deriving from the proto-Nubian lexical stock. This substrate vocabulary contains a relatively large number of lexical items related to warfare and politics: ⲅⲟⲩⲉⲓ ‘shield’; ⲧⲓⲣⲤⲥⲓ ‘iron implement (weapon)’; ⳝⲱⲛ ‘strike’; ⳝⲟⲙⲓⲧ ‘blow’; ⲡⲁⲇⲁⳡ ‘sword’; ⲁⲗⲗ ‘to bind’; ⲕⲟⲛⲧⲟⲛⲧ ‘impious, left’; ⲥⲟⲕⲟⲙⲡ ‘crown’; ⲅⲟⲣⲧ ‘old, Elder’, cf. Midob kòoré, Proto-Nyima *gor-. We should probably include here several official titles which look phonologically ‘un-Nubian’ such as ⲭⲟⲓⲁⲕ ⲉⲔϣⲓⲗ (and variants) ‘title of an official’; ⲅⲟⲩϣ ‘title of an official’; ⳟⲉϣϣ ‘title of an official’; ⲥⲟⳟⲟⳝ ‘title of an official (eparch)’. 21

An additional Berber substrate has been proposed from which a very limited and semantically divergent set of words would have been borrowed (cf. Vycichl 1961a). See Rilly (2010, 187–188) for a discussion of this hypothesis. 22 ‘Alwa Nubian’ inscriptions of unknown date from Wādī es-Sofra and Soba, both within the borders of the southernmost Nubian kingdom of Alwa, show a Greek-based script that may have incorporated additional signs from Meroitic (Erman 1881).

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19

Words for natural phenomena: ϩⲁⲣⲙ ‘sky’; ⲕⲟⲉⲢ ‘tree’; ⲅⲚⲇⲁⲧⲧⲉ, ⲅⲚⲇⲉⲧⲧⲉ ‘thorn’; Ⲟⲁⲣ, ⲟⲁⲇⲉ ‘night’, cf. Proto-Taman *or-; ⲙⲓⲧ, ⲙⲓⲈⲧ ‘snake’. The body and family life: ⲅⲁⲇ ‘body, flesh’; ⲅⲓⲥⲣⲓ, ⳟⲓⲥⲣⲓ ‘bone’, cf. ProtoTaman *kei-ti, pl. *kei-ŋ; Nara ketti; ⲇⲓⲥ ‘blood’; ⲇⲚⲇⲟⲉⲓ-ⲅⲟⲩ, ⲇⲟⲩⲛⲇⲟⲉⲓ ‘child(ren)’; ⲟⲩⲛⲛ ‘to bear’; Ⲁⲣⲁⲕ ‘to bear’, cf. Mer. erike; ⳟⲟⲅ ‘house’; ϣⲁⲁⲣ ‘door, gate’; ⲕⲁⲡ ‘to eat’; ⲞⲉⲔⲕ ‘to be thirsty’; ⲙⲁⲇⲉ ‘millet’; Ⲉⲙⲉⲗ, ⲉⲓⲙⲖ ‘millet’; ⲕⲟⲩⲙⲡⲟⲩ ‘egg’, cf. Proto-Taman *kube, sg. *kubi-ti; ⲧⲁⳟⲤ ‘name’; ⲙⲓⲣⲓ(ⲉⲓ) ‘new’; ⳟⲟⲩⲗ(ⲟⲩ) ‘white’; ⲙⲉⲕⲕ ‘to be small’, cf. Nara nik-ko; ⲡⲤⲥ ‘rejoice’, cf. Nara bes; ⳟⲉⲉⲓⲣ ‘thing’, cf. Nara gar. There may have also been a number of grammatical features of Old Nubian that might be attributed to the pre-Nubian substrate, such as the focus marker -ⲗⲟ (Rilly 2010, 386) and the accusative -ⲕⲁ/ⲅⲁ, widely attested in NiloSaharan languages (Dimmendaal 2010, 30, t. 2), in contrast with proto-Nubian *-gi (Rilly 2010, 390). This ‘regular’ Nile Nubian accusative may be reflected in several documentary texts, e.g., P.QI 4 69.10 ᫥ ⲕⲟⲩⲣⲧⲉⲕⲏ ‘to Kourte’ (§1.3.8). 1.3.2. Egyptian/Coptic Egyptian, and later Coptic, was the language written by the downstream neighbors of the Nubian kingdoms and their Kushite predecessors. It is therefore not unlikely that the prolonged contact between Egyptian and Nubian users has left traces in both languages. Indeed, the Old Nubian alphabet is, except for the three Meroitic characters, entirely borrowed from Coptic. Several studies have been devoted to the shared lexicon between Egyptian and Nubian, first of all Old’erogge (1929) and more recently Zibelius-Chen (2011, 2014), although the overall chronology and precise linguistic definition of both ‘Egyptian’ and ‘Nubian’ in these contexts remains uncertain. Sahidic Coptic has been attested in Nubia from the 5th c. until the late 12th c. CE (Van der Vliet 2010, 765). Overall, the Egyptian–Coptic loanwords seem to have undergone more sound changes than the Greek loanwords (§1.3.4). This suggests that the stratum of Egyptian–Coptic loanwords predates the stratum of Greek loans, and has thus been part of the Old Nubian language for a longer period. There appear to be a few early loanwords from Egyptian: ⳟⲁⲡⲢ < Eg. nb ‘gold’; ϣⲟⲣ ‘book’ (and perhaps ⲥⲟⲣ-ⲧⲟ ‘priest’) < Dem. šꜥ.t (both ⳟⲁⲡⲢ and ϣⲟⲣ are weak roots (§19.6.2.1.1)); ⲥⲉⲩ ‘to blow, breathe’, ⲥⲉⲩ-ⲁⲣⲧ ‘spiritual’ < Eg. šw ‘Air’; ⲥⲠⲡⲓ ‘nation’ < Eg. sby ‘enemy’; ⲙⲁⲛ ‘that’ (and perhaps ⲙⲚ ‘what?’) < Eg. mn ‘something’: *man is reconstructed for Eastern proto-Nubian, where it has replaced proto-NES *te, which became the 3SG pronoun (Rilly 2010, 429). So if this is indeed a loanword, it dates back to the

20

1. INTRODUCTION

proto-Nubian stage. In the stratum of Coptic loans, several semantic fields can be distinguished. Time keeping. ⲡⲟⲩϣ ‘week’ < Sah. ⲡⲟⲩⲱϣ(?); ⲥⲟⲩⲀⲉⲓ ‘month’ < Sah. ⲥⲟⲩⲁ ‘first day of the month’. Agriculture. ⲟⲣⲡ, ⲉⲣⲡ ‘wine’ < Sah. ⲉⲣⲡ; ⲙⲁϣⲉ ‘measure, bushel’ < Sah. ⲙⲁϣⲉ ‘balance’; ⲥⲁⲓⲧⲉ ‘olive tree’ < Sah. ϫⲁⲉⲓⲧ; and perhaps ⲧⲟ(ⲩ) ⲣⲉ ‘horizontal axle’ < Sah. ⲧⲱⲣⲉ (Satzinger 1986, 108); ⲉⲓϣϣ ‘moisture, dew’(?) < Sah. ⲓϣ ‘urine’. Religious terms. ⲁⲣⲡⲁⲈ, ⲁⲣⲫⲁⲈ ‘temple’ (Roquet 1971); Ⲉⲙⲉⲛⲧⲉ ‘underworld, hell’ < Sah. ⲁⲙⲚⲧⲉ, Achm. ⲉⲙⲚⲧⲉ; ⲙⲁⲧⲁⲣ ‘witness’ < Sah. ⲙⲉⲧⲣⲏ; ⲧⲟ(ϩⲟ)ⲛⲇⲉ ‘altar’ (Roquet 1971); ⲥⲁⲭⲭ ‘anchorite’ < Sah. ⲥⲁϩ ‘writer’ (Satzinger 1986, 108). Although Coptic texts have been attested throughout the Old Nubian language area, there are only a few attested bilingual Coptic–Old Nubian texts: I.Khartoum Copt. 19 and P.QI 4 102, whose address is in Coptic; and an unpublished bilingual Coptic letter from Qaṣr Ibrīm.23 P.QI 1 4, containing a translation of Jn 11:20–41, is of particular interest both because of the double occurrence of the perfective particle ⲧⲁ (§11.1.3) and the appearance of two Coptic loanwords that are both reduplicated roots: P.QI 1 4.ii.19 ᫥ ⲅⲉⲗ-ⲅⲉⲗ- ‘to roll’ < ⲕⲉⲗⲕⲱⲗ ‘to be round’ (Crum 1939, 103a); P.QI 1 4.ii.16 ᫥ ⲥⲓⲣⲘ-ⲥⲓⲣⲘⲙ- ‘to groan’ < Sah. ⲥⲣⲙⲣⲱⲙ ‘to be obscured, dazed, stupefied’ (356a). Worth mentioning is also a Nubian–Coptic ostracon purchased by Karl Schmidt in Qeneh (DBMNT 1148), published in Erman (1897), which contains traces of non-Nile Nubian influences. It lists four Nubian words with Coptic translations: ⲁⲡⲉⲛⲧⲓ ⲃⲩⲛⲉ | ⲉⲣⲡⲉⲕⲉ ⲏⲣⲡ | ⲁⲥⲕⲟⲩ ⲡⲟⲉⲓⲕ | ⲉⲧⲧⲱ ⲙⲟⲟⲩ ‘date, wine, bread, water’. ⲁⲡⲉⲛⲧⲓ is cognate with N. fenti, K.D. benti and ⲉⲣⲡⲉⲕⲉ with ON ⲟⲣⲡ. The final -ⲕⲉ appears to be an accusative case. ⲁⲥⲕⲟⲩ has not been attested elsewhere. ⲉⲧⲧⲱ, cognate with ON ⲉⲥⲥⲓ is especially intriguing, because of the geminated /t /, which has been preserved in Kordofan Nubian, as already noted by Erman. 1.3.3. Bedawiye/Beja The Beja, which antique sources refer to as Blemmyes, are pastoral nomads from the Eastern Desert. Contact between the Beja and the inhabitants of the Middle Nile Valley possibly dates back to the Egyptian Old Kingdom and has left its traces in the Egyptian language (El-Sayed 2004). There are a few 23 It is doubtful whether the Coptic–Old Nubian papyrus CP, which Browne claims to be the oldest witness to Old Nubian, indeed contains that language (Tsakos, p.c., see also Van Gerven Oei (2020, 56 n 60)).

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21

sources of Old Bedawiye, the predecessor of the contemporary Beja language (tu-beɖawiɛ), written in Greek characters (Satzinger 1992b; G. M. Browne 2003e, 2004b; Satzinger 2004, 2014). In Egyptian, the Blemmyes can be identified with the people called mḏ’j.w (Medjayu), possibly the same people that may be associated with the ‘PanGrave’ culture (Näser 2012). Perhaps this ethnonym is associated with ON ⲙⲉⲇⳝⲟⲩ ‘servant’.24 For the ending -ⲟⲩ, compare also another possible ethnonym, ⲥⲟⲩⲗⲟⲩ (Weschenfelder 2015). There are two candidates for Beja loanwords in Old Nubian: ⲇⲟⲩⲧⲣⲁⲡ, ⲇⲉⲓⲧⲣⲁⲡ ‘fowl’, which has undergone a metathesis in Nobiin dirbād that is uncharacteristic for non-loanwords, and ⲕⲁⲡⲟⲡ ‘pearl’. Both feature an ending /-Vb/ that is uncharacteristic for Nubian roots, but corresponds to the indefinite plural in Beja (Wedekind, Wedekind, and Musa 2007, 42). The word ⲕⲁⲡⲟⲡ ‘pearl’ may very well have ended up in Old Nubian through the trade routes for pearls from the Red Sea to the Mediterranean. 1.3.4. Greek The study of the development of the Greek language and literacy in Medieval Nubia and the contact between Greek and Old Nubian has in recent years gained increasing attention (Hägg 1991; Burstein 2008; Hägg 2010a, 2010b; Łajtar 2010). The first documented attention of Greek in Nubia dates back to 593 BCE (Hägg 2010b, 755), while Łajtar (2010, 759) suggests that there must have been Nubians with competence in written Greek as late as the 13th–14th c. CE. Unlike Coptic, which was the result of an intense interaction between living Greek and Demotic users,25 the first significant influence of Greek on Old Nubian must be dated to the Christianization of Nobadia in the 6th c. CE (Obłuski 2014, 169–178), when a large set of loanwords relating to the sphere of Christianity was imported into the language. Old Nubian has mainly borrowed nouns from Greek, and very few verbs. Coptic, by contrast, incorporated elements from the entire grammatical spectrum of the Greek language. Greek loanwords are commonly adapted to Old Nubian phonological restrictions: • The phonological distinction between ⲡ/ⲃ and intervocalic ⲕ/ⲅ is absent, cf. P.QI 1 9.ii.7 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲕⲟⲛ- វ P.QI 1 9.i.17 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲅⲟⲛ- < Gr. εἰκών; SC 1.2 ᫧ ⲁⲣⲭⲏⲈⲡ[ⲓ]ⲥⲕⲟⲃⲟⲥ- < Gr. ἀρχιεπισκόπος.

24

Zyhlarz (1932, 195) proposes a loan from Mer. mde, mda. There is a continued discussion among coptologists as to whether Coptic is a ‘bilingual language variety’ (Reintges 2004, 3) and a ‘strongly Hellenized idiom’ (Richter 2010, 403), or a ‘deliberately constructed literary idiom’ (Zakrzewska 2015, 188). 25

22

1. INTRODUCTION

• Several Greek endings are reanalyzed as morphemes. For example, SC 7.15 ᫥ ⲑⲁⲗⲁⲥⲟⲩ, where the original -ⲁ has been reanalyzed as predicate marker -ⲁ.26 In K 29.5–6 ᫥ ⲉⲩⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗ-ⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲕⲁ < Gr. εὐαγγέλιον, St 3.8 ⲙⲩⲥⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ < Gr. μυστήριον, and P.QI 3 30.4 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲗⲁⲅⲓ (read ⲡⲁⲗⲁⲧⲓ) < Gr. παλάτιον, -ιον has been reanalyzed as the topic marker -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ. The same phenomenon has been attested with (Hebreo-)Greek names. For example, P.QI 1 4.ii.1 ᫥ ⲙⲁⲣⲓ-ⲟⲛ, where the original ending -ⲁ has been reanalyzed as predicate marker -ⲁ; DP 4.13 ᫧ ⲙⲓⲭⲁ-ⲛⲇⲉ, where the regular ending -ⲏⲗ has been reinterpreted as the determiner -ⲓⲗ and dropped before the genitive. • Word-initial consonant clusters are not tolerated, cf. St 1.8 ᫥ Ⲥⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲟⲩ < Gr. σταυρός; P.QI 2 19.C.i.9 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲥⲧⲖ-ⲕⲁ < Gr. στήλη (§19.5.2). There are few indications of Greek loans predating the adoption of Christian terminology. Possible candidates are ⲇⲟⲇⳝ ‘gazelle’ < Gr. δορκάς (Van Gerven Oei and Tsakos 2017a); ⲕⲠⲧ ‘people’ < Gr. Αἰγύπτιος; ⲁⲛⲤⲧ ‘resurrection’ possibly < Gr. ἀνάστασις, though the context of such a presumably pre-Christian loan is unclear. The majority of the attested Greek loanwords relates to the sphere of Christianity and are found in Coptic as well: ⲁⲃⲃⲁ ‘abba, father’ < Gr. ἀββά (from Aramaic); ⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ ‘angel’ < Gr. ἄγγελος ; ⲁⲗⲗⲟⲫⲩⲗⲟⲥ ‘gentile’ < Gr. ἀλλόϕυλος; Ⲁⲡⲁⲣⲭⲉ ‘first portion’ < Gr. ἀπαρχή; Ⲁⲡⲟⲕⲁⲗⲓⲯ(ⲓ) ‘apocalypse’ < Gr. ἀποκάλυψη; Ⲁⲡⲟⲥⲧⲟⲗⲓⲕⲟⲛ, ⲀⲡⲟⲥⲧⲟⲗⲓⲅⲚ ‘apostolic epistle’ < Gr. ἀποστολικόν; Ⲁⲡⲟⲥⲧⲟⲗⲟⲥ ‘apostle’ < Gr. ἀπόστολος; ⲁⲡⲥⲓⲟⲛ ‘wormwood’ < Gr. ἀψίνθιον; ⲁⲣⲧⲟⲥ ‘bread’ < Gr. ἄρτος; ⲁⲣⲭⲏⲉⲡⲓⲥⲕⲟⲃⲟⲥ ‘archbishop’ < Gr. ἀρχιεπισκόπος; (ⲁⲣⲭⲏ)ⲓⲈⲣⲉⲟⲥ ‘(high) priest’ < Gr. ἀρχιερεύς, ἱερεύς; ⲇⲓⲀⲃⲟⲗⲟⲥ ‘devil’ < Gr. διάβολος; ⲇⲓⲀⲕⲟⲛ, ⲇⲓⲀⲅⲟⲛ ‘deacon’ < Gr. διάκων; ⲉⲗⲗⲏⲛⲟⲥ ‘heathen, non-Christian’ < Gr. ἐλλήνος; ⲉⲩⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗ ‘gospel’ < Gr. εὐαγγέλιον; ⲉⲡⲓⲥⲧⲟⲗ(ⲓ) ‘epistle’ < Gr. ἐπιστολή; ⲑⲁⲗⲁⲥ ‘sea’ < Gr. θάλασσα; ⲑⲣⲞⲛⲟⲥ ‘throne’ < Gr. θρόνος; ⲓⲀⲧⲟⲣⲟⲥ ‘doctor’ < Gr. ἰατρός (perhaps also used as proper name: P.QI 3 44.14 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲞⲧⲟⲣⲟⲥⲁ); ⲉⲓⲕⲱⲛ, ⲉⲓⲅⲱⲛ ‘image’ < Gr. εἰκών; ⲓⲟⲩⲇⲁⲓⲟⲥ ‘Jew’ < Gr. ἰουδάιος; Ⲥⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥ ‘cross’ < Gr. σταυρός; ⲕⲁⲣⲧⲉ ‘letter, document’ < Gr. χάρτης; ⲕⲩⲣⲓⲀⲕⲉ ‘Sunday’ < Gr. κυριακή; ⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥ ‘world’ < Gr. κόσμος; ⲗⲁⲓⲕⲟⲥ ‘layman’ < Gr. λαικός; ⲗⲓⲭⲭⲓⲛⲇⲓⲛ ‘lampstand’ < Gr. λυχνίδιον; ⲙⲁⲑⲏⲧⲏⲥ ‘disciple’ < Gr. μαθητής; ⲙⲁⲣⲧⲏⲣⲟⲥ ‘martyr’ < Gr. μάρτυρος; ⲙⲩⲥⲧⲏⲣ ‘mystery’ < Gr. μυστήριον; ⲟⲩⲥⲧⲖ ‘pillar’ < Gr. στήλη; ⲡⲁⲗⲁⲅ (read ⲡⲁⲗⲁⲧ) ‘palace’ < Gr. παλάτιον (Hagen 2013; Van Gerven Oei 2011, 255); ⲡⲁⲡ(ⲡ)ⲁⲥ, ⲡⲁⲡⲤ ‘bishop’ < Gr. παπᾶς; ⲡⲁⲣⲁⲇ(ⲉ)ⲓⲥⲟⲥ ‘paradise’ < Gr. παράδεισος; ⲡⲁⲣⲑⲉⲛⲟⲥ ‘virgin’ < Gr. παρθένος; 26

The -ⲟⲩ is phonological; ON words are not allowed to end in a voiceless consonant (§19.2).

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23

ⲥⲁⲧⲁⲛⲁⲥ ‘Satan’ < Gr. Σατανᾶς; ⲧⲓⲙⲓⲀⲧⲢ ‘censer’ < Gr. θυμιατήριον; ⲧⲣⲀⲡⲤ, ⲧⲣⲀⲡⲏⲥ ‘altar’ < Gr. τράπεζα; ⲭⲣⲓⲥⲧⲓⲀⲛⲟⲥ, ⲭⲢⲓⲥⲧⲓⲀⲛⲟⲥ ‘Christian’ < Gr. χριστιανός; ⲯⲁⲗ(ⲗ) ‘to sing’ < Gr. ψάλλω. Note that the presence of a large stock of Greek loanwords related to Christianity does not imply that the religion necessarily came with the language. For a few loanwords there are Old Nubian synonyms, such as ⳝⲁⲩⲈ ‘gospel’ < ⳝⲁⲩ ‘to proclaim’; ⳟⲁⲓⲉⲣⲣⲉ ‘resurrection’; ⲡⲁⲗ-ⲕⲓⲧ ‘sea’ < ⲡⲁⲗ ‘wide’. Greek loanwords can adopt Old Nubian morphology, such as ⲡⲟⲣⲛⲉ-ⲕ ‘fornication’ < Gr. πόρνη and ⲧⲁⲡⲛⲟⲥ-ⲕ ‘humility’ < Gr. ταπεινός with the nominalizer -ⲕ, and ⲡⲤⲧⲉⲩⲉ-Ⲧ ‘faith’ from ⲡⲤⲧⲉⲩ(ⲉⲓ) ‘to believe’ < Gr. πιστεύω. ⲕⲉⲗⲉⲩⲉ-Ⲣ ‘to command’ < Gr. κελεύω consistently appears with a transitive suffix. After the first phase of Christianization, in which Old Nubian incorporated loanwords through the process of translating Christian literature, both homilies and parts of the New Testament (G. M. Browne 1987a; Van Gerven Oei and Tsakos 2019b), Greek continued to play an important role in Nubian religious life (see Burstein 2008, 54–60). This is evidenced by a series of fully and partially bilingual Greek–Old Nubian poetic texts from the Old Testament: the Psalms (P.QI 1 2, 3; P.QI 2 12, 13; P.QI P; Dong 1; DP 2, 3, 4, and the book of Daniel (Ben; Dong 2). A possibly late calque may be ⲑⲉⲅⲛⲁ < Gr. τέκνον ‘tot (title of an official)’ (see Łajtar 2020, sub no. 45). As Greek fell into disuse as a living language, its influence on the Old Nubian language can be mainly witnessed in the many ‘hybrid’ graffiti on church walls, such as those described by Łajtar (2020). It remains unlikely that this was also a reflection of the developments in the vernacular languages, which instead adopted a wide variety of Arabic loanwords and remain spoken until today. Finally, two Latin loanwords may have entered Old Nubian through Greek: P.QI 1 1.ii.7 ᫥ ⲙⲟⲩⲗⲉ ‘mule’, from Gr. μοῦλος < Lat. mulus, which is a hapax but with a certain meaning and attestations in Greek papyri, and P.QI 3 34.ii.10 ᫥ ⲥⲓⲅⲉⲣⲚ ‘certified document’ from Gr. σιγίλλιον < Lat. sigillum, which is more frequently attested in legal texts and has attestations in both Greek literary texts and papyri. 1.3.5. Arabic The influence of Arabic on Old Nubian most probably started with the signing of the baqṭ in 652 CE and the development of trade relations between the Muslim world and the Nubian kingdoms. We can also see this reflected in Old Nubian documents through the appearance of Arabic names such as P.QI 4 109. re.17 ᫦ Ⲁⲗⲓ; I.Bang 935.1 ᫦ ⲁⲗⲗⲁⲇ; P.QI 4 74.re.7 ᫥ ⲁⲗϩⲉⲕⲕⲓⲙⲟⲩ; P.QI 3 52.9 ᫥ ⲁⲙⲙⲉⲧⲧⲓ; P.QI 2 22.1 ᫥ Ⲁⲡⲟⲩⲥⲁⲗⲁⲙⲁⲛⲕⲟⲩⲇⲓ; P.QI 3 38.13 ᫥

24

1. INTRODUCTION

Ⲁⲥⲁⲛ; P.QI 3 42.1 ᫥ ⲙⲟⲩϩⲟⲩⲙⲉⲧⲓ-; P.QI 3 32.15 ᫥ ⲛⲁⲥⲣⲓ-; and P.QI 3 35.11 ᫥ ⲣⲁⲙⲖ.27 Its effect on the Old Nubian language, however, is marginal. While there are no known bilingual Arabic–Old Nubian texts, several documents found in Qaṣr Ibrīm feature Arabic writings (P.QI 4 97, 106, 110, 117, 121). These appear to be of a later date, and are supposedly the result of the recycling of writing materials. Furthermore, there seems to be an Arabic signature or word at the end of the Serra East codex (SC). Arabic loanwords are largely restricted to non-literary texts, and appear mostly in legal documents. Considering the commercial contact between Nubia and Egypt through Muslim merchants, which under the baqṭ were allowed to move freely through the Nubian realm, this is not surprising. Only a few etymologies are certain: P.QI 3 36.i.32 ᫥ ⲕⲁⲙ ‘camel’; P.QI 3 35.16 ᫥ ⲥⲁⲅ ‘tariff’, ‘charge’ < Ar. sāg; P.QI 3 36.i.32 ᫥ ⲥⲔⲓ ‘ornament’< Ar. ṣīġa  ; P.QI 3 61.1 ᫥ ⲧⲓⲣⲁⲙ ‘dirham’ < Ar. dirham < Gr. δραχμή; P.QI 3 36.ii.3 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲀⲧⲓ ‘wadi’. Others less so: P.QI 2 23.11 ᫥ ⲁⲗⲅⲟⲩⲛ- ‘inlet, bay’(?) < Ar. al-jūn(?); P.QI 3 60.12 ᫥ ⲅⲉⲧⲧⲓ ‘cornfield’(?) < Ar. gēt(?); P.QI 1 1.i.9 ᫥ ⲕⲟⲩⲣⲁⲫⲉ ‘disgust, deceit’(?) < Ar. qaraf  ; P.QI 1 7.i.12 ᫥ ⲥⲓⲣⲓⲡ ‘to drink’(?) < Ar. šariba(?). In return, Nubian languages have had a lasting influence on the lexicon and phonology of Sudanese Arabic (Gasim 1965). 1.3.6. GeꜤez About the extent of the linguistic contact between the Nubian Christian kingdoms and the Aksumite kingdom and its successor states little is known.28 So far, only one tentative loanword from GeꜤez has been proposed: P. Attiri 3.ii.13 ᫧ ϣⲉϣϣⲓⲧⲁⲛ ‘sixty times/of sixty’(?), possibly from GeꜤez səssā. 1.3.7. Midob The relation between Midob and Old Nubian remains understudied, even though this appears to have been the only non-Nile Nubian language bearing traces of Old Nubian. This is visible in Old Nubian loanwords in Midob such as pàssàr < ON ⲙⲁϣϣⲁⲣ ‘sun’; pòrìnyì < ON ⲙⲟⲩⲣⲧⲓ ‘horse’; téssí < ON ⲧⲓⲣⲤⲥⲓ ‘(iron) equipment’; fudar < ON ⲡⲁⲇⲁⳡ ‘sword’; and the rather spectacular loanword téllí < ON ⲧⲖⲗ ‘God’, which has been lost in Nile Nubian. Furthermore, Midob is the sole Nubian language to retain elements of the proto-NES pronominal system (Rilly 2010, 466), which is also partially preserved in the Old Nubian subject clitics (see §10.1.4).

27 28

See Ochała (2019) for a full reassessment of the onomastics in the Qaṣr Ibrīm material. But see Hatke (2013) and Łajtar and Ochała (2017a).

1.4. PERIODIZATION

25

1.3.8. Old Dongolawi With the conquest of Nobadia by Makuria around 700 CE (Adams 1996, 6), it appears that Old Nubian became used throughout the kingdom as a written language, covering both contemporary Nobiin and Andaandi language areas. There are several putative Old Dongolawi ‘loans’ in Old Nubian. It is, however, still unclear whether these were part of the original Nubian stock of lexical items that were later replaced by loans from the pre-Nubian substrate (which did not affect Old Dongolawi), or whether these are direct loans form Old Dongolawi. According to Bechhaus-Gerst (2000, 20–23), P.QI 3 36 shows features that could be ascribed to the influence of Old Dongolawi: Ⲉⲅⲉⲧⲓ, cf. K. egedii ‘kettle’; ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲕⲖ, cf. K. duski ‘to chew s.th. hard’; ⲕⲁⲗ, cf. K.D. kal ‘to eat’; ⲧⲉⳣⲓⲧⲓ, cf. K.D. déew ‘bake stone’. In recent years, several new Old Dongolawi words in Old Nubian texts have been found by Adam Łajtar, through his work on the inscriptions found in Dongola and Banganarti (Łajtar 2020): ⲡⲁⳝ ‘to write’, cf. K.D. baj (sub I.Bang 442); ⲛⲟⲩⲕⲟⲩⲧ ‘slave, servant’, cf. K.D. nugud (sub I.Bang 43); ⲧⲢ ‘Lord’, cf. K.D. ar-tii (sub I.Bang 70). Also in other texts Old Dongolawi cognates have been found: ⲧⲓⲕⲁⲛ, cf. D. tīgan ‘sheep’ (G. M. Browne 1996c, 171); ⲟⲩⲣⲕ, cf. K.D. órig ‘to be/get hungry’ (Van Gerven Oei et al. 2016, 52); ⲧⲟⲩⲥ, cf. K.D. tuus ‘curse’ (Van Gerven Oei 2019a). Many of these Old Dongolawi words have ‘Old Nobiin’ counterparts in Old Nubian: ⲉⲥⲥⲓ វ ⲁⲙⲁⲛ ‘water’; ⲕⲁⲗ វ ⲕⲁⲡ ‘to eat’; ⲡⲁⳝ វ ⲡⲁⲣ ‘to write’; ⲛⲟⲩⲕⲟⲩⲧ វ ⲕⲟⲩⲇⲏ ‘servant’; ⲧⲢ វ ⳟⲟⲇ ‘lord’; ⲟⲩⲣⲕ វ ⲡⲁⳡⳡ ‘hungry’; ⲧⲓⲕⲁⲛ វ ⲉⲕⲧⲟⲩ ‘sheep’ (Van Gerven Oei et al. 2016, 95). However, it is important to note that these words were not necessarily restricted to the area in which nowadays Andaandi is spoken. Qaṣr Ibrīm, Serra East, and Attiri all lie in what currently is a Nobiin-speaking area. Finally, we have the occasional appearance of accusatives and genitives in -i, which is characteristic for contemporary Andaandi and Mattokki. Accusative: gr 14.1 ᫦ ⲁⲓⲕⲓ; P.QI 4 69.10 ᫥ ⲕⲟⲩⲣⲧⲉⲕⲏ; P.QI 4 65.1 ᫦ ⲧⲢⲉⲕⲕⲓ; I.Bang 358.1 ᫥ ⲣⲁⲫⲁⲏⲗⲕⲓ. And genitive: P.QI 4 65.1 ᫥ ⲧⲟⲩⲇⳟⲓⲧⲓⲛⲓ; P.QI 471.1 ᫥ Ⲙⲁⲥⲓⲛⲓ; and perhaps also I.Bang 99.3 ᫥ ⲕⲟⲣⲣⲉⲛⲟⲩ. This may show that although Old Nubian was the literary language of Makuria, its users may have had a variety of linguistic backgrounds, including Old Dongolawi. 1.4. Periodization Browne (1991a, 289) gives a short list of ‘desiderata’, which include a ‘diachronic grammar’ that ‘would treat not only the relationship between Old

26

1. INTRODUCTION

Nubian and the modern dialects but also diachronic patterns within Old Nubian’. Although a full-fledged Nubian diachronic grammar remains a project for the future, I believe that a first step can be made in discerning different stages of development of Old Nubian as witnessed by the extant documents and inscriptions based on linguistic analysis. This periodization should, however, be understood with the important caveat that it is still very unclear to what extent these different stages of Old Nubian are temporally ordered in a strictly linear fashion and to what extent regional variation plays a role. Furthermore, the study of these different stages should be distinguished from any paleographical analysis. It appears that many extant documents and inscriptions are copies from earlier manuscripts that now have been lost. This means that documents that on paleographical or archeological grounds should be dated to similar periods, may record variants of the language several centuries apart. Although it may be considered that a measure of normalization happened during the copying process, it appears that any such correction to the contemporary standards of Old Nubian has not erased all distinction between different phases of the written language. This first attempt at a periodization is based on shared linguistic features, enriched with the little contextual evidence that we have in terms of the spread of literacy, archeological dating, and the direction of grammatical development based on the present-day Nile Nubian languages. Overall, the schematic and preliminary periodization proposed below is based on the idea that in terms of overall direction of language change, Nile Nubian languages moved from a subject clitic to an agreement system and from an analytic tense–aspect system to a more syncretic one in which aspect marking was taken over by innovative morphemes. Comparison between Old Nubian and present-day Nile Nubian languages also shows a tendency toward widespread assimilation patterns, which suggests that unassimilated forms are either older or archaizing. Finally, there are several present-day Nile Nubian morphemes that only exist in a subset of the Old Nubian material, while there is also a subset of the Old Nubian material that contains morphemes no longer attested in presentday Nile Nubian. These data points may also tell us something about relative chronology. Based on the presence of Meroitic characters the Old Nubian alphabet (§2), it may be conjectured that the alphabet predates the Christianization of Nubia in the 6th c. CE, and therefore that Old Nubian was written before Coptic centers of literary production close to Lower Nubia introduced the characteristic slanted majuscule script in the 7th/8th c. CE (§2.1). The texts produced in this transitional period, of which no originals remains, must have facilitated the Christianization of Nubia. A prominent example of a copy of such ‘Early Old Nubian’ texts is SC, which must be dated to this early period (cf. Van Gerven Oei and Tsakos 2019b).

1.4. PERIODIZATION

27

Materials yielded in excavations held during and after the UNESCO campaign, especially in the Makuritan heartland, allow us to establish relatively secure dating for a compact corpus of hymnal texts, which exhibit a number of striking linguistic features, including an extreme faithfulness to the word order of the Greek Vorlage and a genitive that is constructed on the basis of the so-called long form of the personal pronoun. These texts have been grouped together as ‘Archaizing Old Nubian’. Documentary texts sometimes include dates and frequently show closer proximity to the spoken language. A number of morphological and phonological innovations in these texts and epigraphic materials place them closer to presentday Nile Nubian languages and may generally be grouped as ‘Late Old Nubian’. This leaves us with a main group of large texts (K, L, M, St), which cannot be archeologically dated as they were all acquired on the market, outside their archaeological context. These texts lack some of the morphemes which do not belong to the early group, do not exhibit archaizing features, but also show comparatively little innovation in the direction of present-day Nile Nubian. These texts have been grouped together as ‘Middle Old Nubian’, and are the corpus of classical literary texts that underpinned most of the early description of the language. 1.4.1. Early Old Nubian Early Old Nubian comprises the texts produced during first wave of Old Nubian literacy spreading from Coptic monastic environments. The main representative of this stage is SC (Van Gerven Oei and Tsakos 2019b). Distinguishing features are the use of the comparative morpheme -ⲉⲛⲟⲕ (§17.3.1); a functional distinction between past and present tense in 2SG/2PL affirmative suffixes (§12.1.4); unassimilated pronominal forms; and what appears to be a relatively higher occurrence of auxiliaries. Other possible candidate texts for this stage are P.QI 1 7 (Lectionary); P.QI 1 10 (Ps.-Chrysostom, In Raphaelem Archangelum); P.QI 2 16 (Cyril of Jerusalem, In quattuor animalia); and P.QI 2 18 (Florilegium). 1.4.2. Middle Old Nubian Middle Old Nubian is the term given to the language in which the main texts discovered at the dawn of the study of Old Nubian are written. Despite forming the backbone of our knowledge of Old Nubian grammar, the definition of Middle Old Nubian itself is mainly a definition ex negativo. It comprises all those texts that exhibit neither the characteristics of Early Old Nubian, nor the innovations of Archaizing and Late Old Nubian. Other features are a broader usage of conditional clauses with -ⲕⲟ/ⲕⲁ (§8.2); loss of contrast between past and

28

1. INTRODUCTION

present tense in 2SG/2PL affirmative suffixes (§12.1.4); assimilated personal pronouns; development of progressive auxiliary ⲇⲟⲩⲣ (§14.1.4); and the developent of the conjunction -ⲕⲟⲛ (§9.4.4). This stage comprises the large majority of literary texts, such as K, L, M, and St, as well as P.QI 1 4, 5, 8. Further internal distinctions remain to be made. 1.4.3. Archaizing Old Nubian Archaizing Old Nubian comprises a closely knit set of translations of hymnal texts, whose production was most probably centered around the Makuritan capital of Touggoul. Features include the innovation of the extended genitive pronouns (§10.1.1.5), already called an ‘archaism’ by G. M. Browne (2002c, §0.1.8); the reappearance of old comparative -ⲉⲛⲟⲕ (in Dong 2.i.4); inverted genitives (§15.1.2.1.1); bilingual texts; and a word order rigidly based on the Greek original. At least the following texts can be included in this phase: Dong 1, 2; DP; gr 2; P.QI 1 2, 3; P.QI 2 12, 13; P.QI P. The fact that all four psalms of DP have been executed on walls allows us also to set a terminus post quem for their execution. DP 1 was most likely executed in the context of the entombment of Bishop Georgios, who died in 1113 CE (Łajtar and Van der Vliet 2017, 22). For Dong 1 Browne cites a terminus ante quem of the thirteenth century (G. M. Browne 1987d, 76). This would tentatively date the production of these translations to the turn of the 12th c. CE.29 1.4.4. Late Old Nubian Late Old Nubian comprises the materials from the 12th c. onward, including the bulk of the attested non-literary texts. These texts are characterized by a language that more closely approaches the spoken language, such as FP 3.3 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲕ- instead of Middle Old Nubian ⲟⲩⲗⲅ ‘ear’, cf. N. ukki (Łajtar and Ochała 2018, 560), and the development of the innovate perfect with -ⲕⲟ (§11.2.3). As both the language and broader context of these Late Old Nubian texts remain at times difficult to understand, more study is needed to clearly trace the internal developments. The following Late Old Nubian texts can be securely dated: (9) DATED TEXTS a. P.QI 3 30: 29 Mesori 871 AM (August 23, 1156) b. WN: 20 Thōth 874 AM (September 17, 1157) c. P.QI 3 35: 6 Mesore 903 AM (July 31, 1188) 29

See Van Gerven Oei and Łajtar (2020) for further discussion.

1.5. THIS GRAMMAR

d. e. f. g. h. i. j.

P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI

3 3 3 4 4 4 4

29

36: 5 Hathyr 907 AM (November 1, 1191) 38: 4 Tobi 915 AM (December 30, 1199) 40: 23 Mesori 915 AM (August 16, 1200) 70a: Choiak 997 AM (November/December 1280) 64: 4 Athyr 1003 AM (October 31, 1286) 68: 14 Choiak 1050 AM (December 10, 1333) 63: 17 Athyr 1180 AM (November 14, 1463)

1.5. About This Grammar This reference grammar of the Old Nubian language updates and expands the pioneering work of Francis Ll. Griffith and previous grammatical studies of Ernst Zyhlarz, Fritz Hintze, Eugenia Smagina, and Gerald M. Browne with data gathered from the large amount of new texts that have been published in recent years, while proposing an approach that is grounded in modern linguistics and grammatography (grammar writing) rather than oriental studies or classical philology. It is targeted at two groups of readers who may have inherently conflicting interests and approaches to a work such as this: on one hand linguists working on African and, in particular, Nilo-Saharan languages, who want to explore one of the very few recorded pre-modern languages from the African continent; and on the other the various archeologists, epigraphists, historians, and anthropologists involved in the study of ancient, medieval, and modern Nubia, who do not necessarily have a linguistic background, but may be familiar with some of the previous literature on Old Nubian. Both the structure and terminology used in this grammar are intended to serve both groups. The grammatical description deployed does not openly adhere to a single, all-encompassing theoretical framework, but has been largely formulated in the assemblage of descriptive language that has become known as ‘Basic Linguistic Theory’ developed by Bob Dixon, which ‘takes as much as possible from earlier traditions and only as much as necessary from new traditions’ (Dryer 2006, 211). The result is a descriptive language that is conservative, but hopefully both compatible with extant grammatographical traditions and accessible to those without a theoretical linguistic background. Even though my own linguistic training is anchored in generative grammar and Optimality Theory, I feel that explicit reference to these theoretical frameworks may be unhelpful to the average reader. Nevertheless, these approaches to linguistic theory have often informed my attention to certain aspects of Old Nubian grammar that have remained unanalyzed in the past, such as topic– focus constructions, subject clitics, and epenthesis. As a result, this grammar has disposed as much as possible of the idiosyncratic nomenclature used in prior descriptions of the language, which were

30

1. INTRODUCTION

largely moulded in a tradition of descriptive grammar that takes the paradigm rather than the morpheme as its fundamental descriptive unit, imposing a Eurocentric linguistic model on a non-European language. Thus previous terminology closely associated with verbal paradigms, such as ‘indicative’, ‘subjunctive’, and ‘future tense’, is absent. Similarly, I have tried to avoid opaque terminology such as ‘verbid’ and ‘adjectival conversion’, which have not become part of basic linguistic vocabulary. Instead, this grammar takes largely a semasiological or analytic approach, which means that it departs from specific grammatical constructions and morphemes. The grammar has been set up in a descending structure, moving from larger structures such as the sentence to smaller ones such as the phoneme. Such an order also reflects the current state of our knowledge of Old Nubian. While its morphology is relatively well understood, much of the intricacies of its phonology – compounded by issues of a non-standardized orthography – are less well known. Moreover, the Old Nubian linguistic materials that continue to be uncovered at different excavation sites are often fragmentary or damaged. This means that a good sense of the global structure of a text is essential for reconstructing individual words and forms. Certain grammatical aspects and tendencies of Old Nubian are better understood when placed in the context of language change or compared with present-day Nile Nubian languages. I will therefore occasionally refer to these in my explanations to clarify a certain grammatographical point. In order to facilitate an understanding of Old Nubian grammar that is not solely based on schematic analysis, over a thousand examples have been included with a full glossing and translation. This will allow the reader to see the connection between the structure or morpheme under discussion and its broader context in the sentence. At the same time, these examples hopefully show the stubborn quality of the Old Nubian corpus while also highlighting its richness and breadth, stimulating further reading and investigation of this African language. I am well aware that many examples may raise more questions than give answers, but it would be futile to claim that any grammatical description could be the final word on the structure of any language. This grammar certainly isn’t. A final word on transcription. Old Nubian manuscripts do not display uniform usage of white space to mark word divisions, and in the literature there is quite some variation as to how white spaces are introduced in transcriptions and transliterations. There are two traditions: the ‘intuitive’ convention established by Griffith, Zylharz, and Browne and the convention used by Smagina that overall treats complex noun phrases as single, agglutinated ‘words’ (cf. Smagina 2017 [1986], 59–62). The use of white spaces in this grammar by and large follows the former convention, which, however, has never been explicitly formulated. Griffith and others divided the running text into prosodic words,

1.5. THIS GRAMMAR

31

the unit that on a phonological level is considered a whole (§19.4.1). Since the determination of prosodic words belongs to a realm – phonology – that is perhaps least understood, my transliteration and glossing reflect a different rule, based on the unit of a syntactical word. A syntactical word always consists of a word-initial lexeme, followed by zero or more suffixes. In practice, prosodic words and syntactical words frequently coincide. Notable exceptions are the incorporation of indefinite objects into verbs (§15.1.3.4), auxiliary constructions (§14.1), and postpositions (§15.3). Whereas my predecessors usually write these as one word, I consider incorporated indefinite objects, auxiliaries, and postpositions as separate lexical items and therefore the heads of separate syntactical words.

2. ORTHOGRAPHY

2.1. Origin The Old Nubian alphabet contains letters deriving from the Greek and Coptic alphabets and the Meroitic alphasyllabary. The presence of Meroitic letters and the relative proximity of their phonetic values in Old Nubian to their suggested Meroitic pronunciation tells us that the alphabet must have been formed in a period when Meroitic literacy was still present, that is, not too long after the collapse of the kingdom of Kush in the 3rd/4th c. CE. The alphabet thus predates the Christianization of Nubia in the 6th c. CE. This is also reflected in the Old Nubian language, which contains relatively few Greek loanwords (in contrast with Coptic), nearly all related to the sphere of Christianity (§1.3.4). Considering the proximity of important Coptic centers of literary production to Lower Nubia, it may be argued that the Old Nubian alphabet was based on the Coptic alphabet, and that the Meroitic characters used to write sounds not present in the Coptic language were added by those who had mastered all three languages. Most attested Old Nubian material has been written in the ‘Nubian-type majuscule’, a slanted majuscule letter that has its origins in the White Monastery in Panopolis, near the present-day Sohag in Upper Egypt. In Sahidic Coptic manuscripts, the script appears in the 7th/8th c. CE and was usually featured in titles, citations, and legends of illustrations in order to distinguish them from the main text (Boud’hors 1997, 127). Similarly, this letter may have been used by scribes in monasteries in Upper Egypt to differentiate Coptic from Old Nubian, after which this script spread to Nubian lands. Throughout the period of its attested usage, between the 10th and 15th c. CE, the Nubian-type majuscule shows a remarkable stability, making paleographic dating of Old Nubian texts highly problematic.1 2.2. Characters Table 2.1 lists the characters found in manuscripts or inscriptions determined to be Old Nubian, together with the transliteration that will be used

1 As regards the Coptic usage of the script, Boud’hors (1997, 128) speaks of ‘une remarquable stabilité dans les habitus graphiques: entre un papyrus du VIIe siècle et une lettre sur papier du XIe siècle […] la ressemblance des écritures est grande’. See also Ruffini (2014c, 44–46).

34

2. ORTHOGRAPHY

throughout in the examples, as well as an approximate phonetic value.2 Their sequence, starting with the Greek, then the Coptic, and finally the Meroitic characters follows the scholarly convention.3 Notes to table 2.1: (10) ⲁ

Vowel length may be indicated with gemination: St 36.3 ᫥ ϣⲁⲕⲕⲁ ∼ M 12.15 ᫥ ϣⲁⲁⲕⲕⲁ.

ⲃ

Usually /b/, but occurs rarely (see ⲡ). On two occasions, ⲃ is used to represent a bilabial (or perhaps labiodental) approximant /w/, following the Greek pronunciation: DP 4.9 ᫧ ⳟⲟⲇⲕⲉⲩⲃⲖ ∼ DP 4.2 ᫡ ⳟⲟⲇⲉⲩⲟⲩⲗ; FC 4 ⲁⲃ (for ⲁⲟⲩ).

ⲅ

Geminated ⲅⲅ most probably had the phonetic value /ŋg/ following the Greek orthographical convention, as is suggested by the variant spellings P.QI 4 109.re.16–17 ᫥ ⲁⲅⲅⲉϣⲟⲩⲇⲁ ∼ Sale 14 ᫥ ⲁⲛⲅⲉϣⲟⲩⲇⲁ. Similarly, ⲅⲕ was probably /ŋk/, cf. P.QI 3 51.re.3 ᫥ ⲉⲅⲕⲁ < ⲉⲛ-ⲕⲁ ‘mother-ACC.’

ⲇ

Before dental, palatal, and velar stops and nasals, the character ⲇ was most probably pronounced /r/: P.QI 1 11.i.4 ᫥ ⲡⲆⲧⲁ /birta/; I.Bang 413.1 ᫦ ⲧⲆⲛⲟⲩⲕⲟⲩ[ⲧ] /tirnuɡut/ ∼ I.Bang 211.1 ᫥ ⲧⲢⲛⲟⲩⲕⲟⲩⲧ; P.QI 2 5.ii.9 ᫥ ⲙⲉⲇⳝⲟⲩ /merɟu/ ∼ I.Bang 831.1 ᫥ ⲙⲉⲣⳝⲟⲩ; L 108.4 ⲉⲓⲇⳡⲓⳝⲉⲥⲱ /irɲiɟeso/ ∼ I.Bang 35.6–7 ᫥ ⲉⲢⳡⲉⲥⲱ, cf. N. irn; P.QI J i.3–4 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲇⲅⲖⲗⲉ /tarɡille/; P.QI 2 9.ii.10 ᫥ ⲧⲉⲇⲕⲟⲛ /terkon/. Rilly (p.c.) suggests that intervocalic ⲇ was also pronounced /r/, but no orthographic alternations have been attested so far.

ⲉ

Vowel length may be indicated with gemination: SC 15.14 ⲙⲉⲉⲣⲧⲗⲟⳝⲟⲩⲛ. Part of the digraph ⲉⲓ /i, i+, j/.

ⲍ

Only in loanwords. Pronunciation was /s/: P.QI 3 36.i.10 ∼ sale 16 ᫥ ⲥⲁⲅⲁⲣⲓ /saɡari/.

ⲏ

Vowel length is generally not indicated. ⲏ alternates frequently with ⲉⲓ, ⲓ, and the supralinear stroke (§2.3).

ⲑ

It seems unlikely that ON had a dental fricative as in Byzantine Greek, which is a phoneme that seems to be wholly absent from the

᫥

᫥

ⲍⲁⲭⲁⲣⲓ

2 A slightly modified form of the alphabet has in recent decades been revived for the orthography of Nubian languages. See Bell (2014). 3 G. M. Browne (2002c, 8) suggests that ostracon Meinarti 3 contains the Old Nubian alphabet. Ruffini (2012b, 53), however, describes the alphabet as ‘Coptic in essence’, owing to the absence of the enchoric characters and the presence of Coptic letters ϥ, ϫ, and ϯ, the latter two of which are completely absent from the Old Nubian corpus. The Coptic character ϥ is found once in a bilingual Greek–Old Nubian inscription (§1.3.4) instead of a phi in a Greek word: Ben 17 ᫥ ⲛⲁϥⲉⲗⲉⲥ, and in the cipher ⲑϥ (§2.5.2).

35

2.2. CHARACTERS

Character

Transliteration

Pronunciation

ⲁ

a

[a, a+]

ⲃ

b

[b, w]

ⲅ

g

[ɡ]

ⲇ

d

[d, r]

ⲉ

e

[e, e+]

ⲍ

z

[s]

ⲏ

ē

[i, i+]

ⲑ

th

[t]

ⲓ

i

[i, i+]

ⲕ

k

[k, ɡ]

ⲗ

l

[l]

ⲙ

m

[m]

ⲛ

n

[n]

ⲝ

x

[(k)s]

ⲟ

o

[o, o+]

ⲡ

p

[b]

ⲣ

r

[r]

ⲥ

s

[s]

ⲧ

t

[t]

ⲩ

u

[i, u]

ⲫ

ph

[b, f]

ⲭ

kh

[k, ɡ, h]

ⲯ

ps

[(p)s]

ⲱ

ō

[o, o+]

ϣ

š

[ʃ]

ϩ

h

[h]

ⳝ

j

[ɟ]

ⳟ

ŋ

[ŋ]

ⳡ 

ñ

[ɲ]

w

[w]

Table 2.1: Old Nubian character inventory

36

2. ORTHOGRAPHY

Nubian language group. The pronunciation of ⲑ was most probably equivalent to ⲧ, as we can gather from several at tested variations: P.QI 3 32.14 ᫥ ⲙⲁⲧⲧⲟ ∼ P.QI 3 36.i.22 ᫥ ⲙⲁⲑⲧⲟ; P.QI 3 41.10– 11 ᫥ ⲧⲓⲙⲁⲕⲓⲥⲖⲗⲟ ∼ P.QI 3 33.13 ᫥ ⲑⲓⲙⲁⲕⲓⲌⲓ; P.QI 3 34.i.3 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲣⲧⲁⲕⲟⲛⲁ ∼ P.QI 3 30.1 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲣⲑⲁⲕⲟⲛⲁ. Tsakos (2017) suggests that for the orthographical alternation between ⲑ and ⲧ there may have been an underlying religious reason. Rilly (p.c.) suggests that intervocalic ⲧ was pronounced /d/, but no orthographic alternations have been attested so far. ⲓ

Vowel length is generally not indicated. Part of the digraph ⲉⲓ /i, i+, j/. ⲓ alternates frequently with ⲉⲓ, ⲏ, and the supralinear stroke (§2.3).

ⲕ

Voiceless velar stop /k/ is voiced to /ɡ/ between vowels: P.QI 3 ᫥ ⲇⲓⲀⲕⲱⲛ ∼ P.QI 3 49.i.6 ⲇⲓⲀⲅⲱⲛ /diaɡon/; P.QI 1 9.ii.7 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲕⲟⲛⲕⲁ ∼ P.QI 1 9.i.17 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲅⲟⲛⲕⲁ /iɡonka/; P.QI 3 36.i.10 ᫥ ⲍⲁⲭⲁⲣⲓ ∼ P.QI 3 40.10 ᫥ ⲍⲁⲕⲁⲣⲓ ∼ sale 16 ᫥ ⲥⲁⲅⲁⲣⲓ /saɡari/; P.QI 1 11.i.1 ᫥ ⲙⲓⲭⲁⲏⲗⲓ- ∼ P.QI 4 70a.4 ᫥ ⲙⲓⲅⲁⲗⲕⲟⲩⲇⲁ, I.Bang 473.1 ᫦ⲙⲓⲅⲁⲗⲛⲟⲩⲕⲟⲩⲧ /miɡa(i)l-/; P.QI 4 63.2 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲣⲧⲁⲕⲟⲛⲁ ∼ P.QI 4 67.2 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲣⲧⲁⲅⲟⲛⲁ- /partaɡona/; SC 1.3 ᫥ ⲁⲕⲖ ∼ gr 2.5 ᫦ ⲁⲄⲗ- /aɡil/; P.QI 1 11.i.4 ᫥ ⲁⲕⲉⲛⲇⲁ- ∼ SC 6.21 ᫥ Ⲁⲅⲉⲛⲇⲁ/aɡenda/.

ⲝ

Only in loanwords. The Old Nubian character for Greek ksi is sometimes difficult to distinguish from a zeta, as in M 1.7 ᫥ Ⲁⲗⲉⲝⲁⲛⲇⲣⲉⲛ, though it can usually be identified by a closed loop attached to the right of or below the upper horizontal stroke: gr 4.8 ᫥ ⲉⲧⲁⲝⲁ, Meinarti 3.2 ᫥ ⲝ, and a marginal note on SC 1 ᫥ ⲣⲁⲝⲟⲙⲉ. Pronunciation is uncertain, as Old Nubian has strong phonological restrictions on consonant clusters.

o

Vowel length may be indicated with gemination: M 2.5 ᫥ ⳟⲟⲅ- ∼ M 7.1 ᫥ ⳟⲟⲟⲅ-. ⲟ alternates frequently with ⲱ. Part of the digraph

ⲟⲩ /u, u+, w, wu/. ⲡ

Always the bilabial stop /b/. Alternation with ⲃ is only witnessed in two native words: K 29.12–13 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲁⲡⲡⲁ ∼ K 31.13 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲛⲁⲃⲃⲁ and P.QI 3 34.1.29 ᫥ Ⲁⲛⲁⲡⲓⲧⲓ ∼ P.QI 3 36.ii.3 ᫥ Ⲁⲛⲁⲃⲓⲧⲓ, as well as in loanwords from Greek: SC 1.2 ᫧ ⲁⲣⲭⲈⲡ[ⲓ]ⲥⲕⲟⲃⲟⲥ- /arkebiskobos/ and St 1.11 ᫥ Ⲁⲡⲟⲥⲧⲟⲗⲟⲥ- /abostolos/; DBMNT 2927 15 ᫥ ⲓⲁⲕⲟⲩⲡⲏ /jaɡubi/ (Łajtar and Ochała 2015, 76); from Coptic: M 13.16 ᫥ ⳟⲁⲡⲉⲅⲟⲩⲛ /ŋabeɡun/ < Copt. ⲛⲁⲃⲉ.

ⲩ

Mainly occurs as part of the digraph ⲟⲩ /u, u+, w, wu/. Vowel length may be indicated with gemination of the digraph: P.QI 2 26.4 ᫥ ⳝⲟⲩⲟⲩⲣⲉⲥⲚ. Also appears in the dipthongs ⲁⲩ /au/, ⲉⲩ /eu/, and

2.2. CHARACTERS

ⲏⲩ /iu/. In Greek loanwords in isolation always /i/: SC 3.14 ⲙⲩⲣⲟⲥ < Gr. μύρον.

37 ᫥

ⲫ

Because ⲫ is a rather uncommon character in Old Nubian texts, there is uncertainty as to how it was pronounced. In certain Old Nubian contexts, such as the intensifying suffix -ⲫⲓ/ⲫⲟⲩ (§18.7) and the verb ⲟⲩⲫ ‘to blow’ (Van Gerven Oei et al. 2016, 46) it was pronounced /f/. In the bilingual Greek–Old Nubian text Ben 17 ᫥ ⲛⲁϥⲉⲗⲉⲥ (with Coptic ϥ!) appears for Gr. νεφέλαι, suggesting again the phonetic value /f/. However, I.Bang 94.1 ᫥ ⲥⲟⲅⲣⲁⲡⲏ for Gr. ζώγραϕος suggests that a pronunciation /b/ may also have been current, as does the alternation in the name P.QI 3 32.13 ᫥ ϣⲣⲉⲫⲏ, P.QI 3 30.12 ᫥ ϣⲓⲣⲉⲫⲓ ∼ P.QI 3 34.i.16 ᫥ ϣⲣⲉⲡⲓ, I.Bang 411.1 ᫥ ϣⲉⲣⲉⲡ.

ⲭ

Only in loanwords, such as M 2.12–13 ᫥ ⲭⲣⲓⲥⲧⲓⲀⲛⲟⲥ- < Gr. χριστιανός; SC 16.3 ᫥ ⲥⲁⲭⲭⲛⲓⲅⲟⲩⲛⲁ < Sah. ⲥⲁϩ. Pronunciation is uncertain.

ⲯ

Only in loanwords. Pronunciation is uncertain, as Old Nubian has strong phonological restrictions on consonant clusters.

ⲱ Vowel length is generally not indicated. ⲱ alternates freely with ⲟ. ϣ Coptic character. ϩ

Coptic character. Rare, possibly only in loanwords. Attested in the pre-Nubian loan word St. 14.7 ᫥ ϩⲁⲣⲙ- (cf. Rilly 2010, 433) and the rare question marker -ϩⲁ.

ⳝ

Coptic character. The glyph shape ⳝ derives from Coptic ϭ. The Coptic letter shape appears to have been preserved in manuscripts from Sur (Tsakos 2018), Ben 8 ᫥ ⲁⲩⳣⲁⲥⲓⲛϭⲟⲩⲓⲗⲇⲉ, and Kanarti 2 ᫥ ϭⲉⲙⲟⲩ. Single ⳝ was pronounced /ɟ/, geminated ⳝⳝ was most probably devoiced /cc/.

ⳟ

Character derived from the cursive Meroitic character with phonemic value /xa, ŋa/ (Rilly 2017, 28–29).

ⳡ

Character derived from the cursive Meroitic character with phonemic value /ne, nə, n/.

ⳣ

Character derived from the cursive Meroitic character with phonemic value /wa/. The curl of the ⳣ usually curls clockwise, although counterclockwise curls have been found, for example in manuscripts from Sur (Tsakos 2018).

In the literature there are a few other transliterations present. Browne transliterates ⲭ as the Egyptological ḫ; ⳟ as ṅ or ń. Satzinger transliterates ⳝ as ǵ; ⳟ as ṅ; and the supralinear stroke with ’. Smagina (2017 [1986]) follows the transcription above, except for her treatment of the digraphs and supralinear diacritics.

38

2. ORTHOGRAPHY

2.3. Diacritics Old Nubian features several diacritical marks, which appear to have developed out of Coptic scribal practices. The supralinear stroke, dot, and diairesis are by far the most frequent, although not always written systematically, especially in non-literary texts. The circumflex is not as frequent. The only diacritical marks rendered in transliterations are the supralinear stroke or dot when representing the vowel /i/. 2.3.1. Supralinear Stroke over Consonants A supralinear stroke over a consonant generally indicates a preceding /i/:4 L 113.5 ᫥ Ⲥⲗⲟ /islo/; L 112.11 ᫥ ⲧⲖⲗⲚ /tillin/. This use of the supralinear stroke has a clear antecedent in Coptic writing, where it indicates a syllable with the reduced vowel /ə/ (Reintges 2004, 31–32). Spellings with a supralinear stroke or ⲓ seem to alternate freely, although some scribes appear to prefer consistency throughout a single text, as a correction in M 15.5–6 ᫥ {ⳟⲓ} ⳟⲤⲥⲟⲩ shows. An exception to this rule are syllables ending in the consonant ⳝ, in which case the supralinear stroke is written over the preceding consonant: K 22.3 ᫥ ⲦⳝⳝⲔⲕⲁⲥⲓⲛ /ticcikasin/; M 11.15–16.1 ᫥ ⲞⲄⳝⲕⲁ /ogiɟka/. Browne suggests that in rare cases a stroke over a consonant implies both a preceding and subsequent /i/: St 12.1 ᫥ ⲤⲕⲦⲛ /iskit(i)n/; P.QI L 241.10 ᫡ ⲧ[ⲟⳟⲦⲧⲁⲕⲓ]ⲙⲤ /toŋattaɡimis(i)/. Considering the rarity of these cases, it is difficult to say whether this is a general aspect of Old Nubian orthography. The supralinear stroke over consonants varies in length. When it indicates an /i/ in a syllable /CiC/, it usually starts ahead of the second consonant, (partially) bridging the gap between the two: L 100.6 ᫥ ⲈⲥⲚ. It may have a downward hook either on the right side, or on both the left and the right side: L 100.6 ᫥ ⳟⲟⲇⲚ (fig. 2.1). When the supralinear stroke indicates an /i/ in a syllable /iC/, it is shorter in length, comparable in length to the stroke over a vowel: L 112.4 ᫥ Ⲣⲕⲁⲛⲉⲗ (fig. 2.2). 2.3.2. Supralinear Stroke or Dot over Vowels Over a vowel, the supralinear stroke or dot indicates that the vowel should be read as the beginning of a new syllable: L 112.4 ᫥ Ⲟⲕⲉⲛ /oɡen/; L 112.10 ᫥ ⳝⲁⲛⲞⲥⲓⳝⲉⲥⲁ /ɟan.osiɟesa/. This is evidenced by Greek loanwords such as M 10.8–9 ᫥ ⲧⲣⲓⲥⲀⲅⲓⲟⲛ /tris.aɡion/ and Greek written by Nubian scribes: 4

It is possible that in certain phonological contexts it may have represented the vowel /u/.

2.3. DIACRITICS

39

P.QI 2 13.ii.15 ᫥ Ⲩⲯⲓⲥⲧⲟⲥ; P.QI 2 13.ii.24 ᫥ Ⲉⲁⲩⲧⲟⲛ. It is uncertain whether

supraliteration is connected with vowel length. Endings in -CⲗV, -CⲛV, -CⲣV, and -CⳝV sometimes feature supraliteration over the vowel. This implies an epenthetical /i/ between the first and second consonant: L 111.9 ᫥ ⲟⲕⲧⲁⲕⲛⲀ /oktaɡina/; L 101.14 ᫥ ⲡⲓⲥⲥⲣⲈ /bissire/. Evidence is found in the following orthographical variations: L 107.3 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲣⲓⲞⲧⳝⲰ ∼ K 33.13 ᫥ ⲭⲣⲓⲥⲧⲟⲥⲓⲞ-Ⲧⳝⲟ; L 113.3 ᫥ ⲙⲁϣⲁⲗⲟⲥⲕ-ⲗⲞ ∼ L 113.7 ᫥ ⲙⲁϣⲁⲗⲟⲥⲕ-ⲓⲗⲟ; L 107.4–5 ᫥ ⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥ-ⲗⲞ ∼ L 109.2–3 ᫧ ⲕⲟⲥⲙ[ⲟ]ⲥⲓⲗⲟ. Above a vowel, the supralinear stroke is generally shorter than over a consonant: L 100.7 ᫥ ⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥⲛⲀ /aŋɡelosina/. It is often shortened to a dot: L 100.6 ᫥ ⲓⲰⲥⲏⲫⲓⲉⲓⲟⲛ. In L, it is sometimes written as a circumflex: L 100.6 ᫥ ⲈⲥⲚ; L 100.8 ᫥ ⲁⲩⲀ (fig. 2.1) (see also §2.3.4).

Figure 2.1: Kgl. Bibl. NS. Or. Quart 1019, 1r. Retrieved from Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Germany. “Altnubisches Lektionar.” Orientalische Handschriften digital. Accessed May 19, 2019. http://resolver.staatsbibliothek-berlin. de/SBB0000DDB900000000.

2.3.3. Diaeresis Over the vowel iota, the supralinear stroke is realized as a diaeresis: L 100.6 ⲓⲰⲥⲏⲫⲓⲉⲓⲟⲛ (fig. 2.1). It may indicate that /i/ is to be treated as an independent syllable, cf. P.QI 1 7.i.5 ᫥ ⲕⲓⲕⲟⲉⲓⲞ /-o.jo/ and M 9.8 ᫥ ⲕⲁⲡⲕⲟⲓⲞ/-o.i.o/. ᫥

2.3.4. Circumflex The circumflex is rare in Old Nubian, and often a graphical variant of the supralinear stroke over a vowel. In M, however, it also appears over a consonant: M 14.10 ᫥ ⲟⲛ; M 12.12 ⲉⲚⲇⲱ. Following G. M. Browne (2002c, §1.3.6), this particular sign can be traced back to late Sahidic manuscripts (Budge 1913, Pl. V).

40

2. ORTHOGRAPHY

2.4. Numbers Old Nubian numbers, often used to mark page numbers and amounts,5 follow the Copto-Alexandrian system and are often marked with a supra-linear stroke. Not all of the following numerals have been attested. Char.

Value

Char.

Value

Char.

Value

ⲁ

1

ⲓ

10

ⲣ

100

ⲃ

2

ⲕ

20

ⲥ

200

ⲅ

3

ⲗ

30

ⲧ

300

ⲇ

4

ⲙ

40

ⲩ

400

ⲉ

5

ⲛ

50

ⲫ

500

ⲋ

6

ⲝ

60

ⲭ

600

Ⲍ

7

ⲟ

70

ⲯ

700

ⲏ

8

ⲡ

80

ⲱ

800

ⲑ

9

ϥ

90

ⲑ

900

Table 2.2: Coptic numbers used in Old Nubian

The usage ⲑ for 900 is found in P.QI 4 70a.1 ᫡ ⲑϥⲍ ‘997’.6 The supralinear stroke does not always cover all signs in a number: L 112.3 ᫥ ⲅ ‘3’; L 112.3 ⲕⲏ ‘28’ (fig. 2.2). 2.5. Abbreviations Abbreviations in Old Nubian texts can be divided into three categories: nomina sacra, which are abbreviations of sacred names or titles (§2.5.1); ciphers that encode names by means of the sum of the numerical values of their component characters (§2.5.2); and other abbreviations, often found in lectionary headers or in enumerations of goods in letters and sales (§2.5.3). 2.5.1. Nomina Sacra The following nomina sacra have been attested. They are generally marked by a long supralinear stroke over some or all of the letters. But note the spelling of ⲓⲥⲥⲓ and ⲭⲥⲥⲓ, which include the phonologically mandatory final -ⲓ and doubling of the sigma. Nomina sacra are not always used in their ‘sacred’ meaning, cf. P.QI 2 22.ve.1 ᫥ ⲩⲥ in the address of a letter. 5 6

For another use see Tsakos (2014, 58–60). In his edition, Ruffini (2014c, 98) suggests a reading ϡϥⲍ.

41

2.5. ABBREVIATIONS

(11) • P.QI 1 2.ii.31 ᫥ ⲁⲛⲟⲥ = ἄνθρωπος ‘human’; • P.QI 2 23.ve.1 ᫥ ⲅⲃⲗ = Γαβριήλ ‘Gabriel’; • P.QI 3 32.7 ᫥ ⲇⲁⲇ(ⲧⲓ) = Δαυίδ ‘David’; • P.QI 1 2.ii.3 ᫥ ⲑⲥ = Θεός ‘God’; P.QI 2 12.ii.6 ᫥ ⲑⲩ = Θεοῦ ‘God.GEN’; P.QI 2 13.ii.12 ᫥ ⲑⲱ = Θεῷ ‘God.DAT’; P.QI 1 2.i.26 ᫥ ⲑⲛ = Θεόν ‘God.ACC’; • P.QI 2 21.i.16 • P.QI 2 18.i.6

᫥

᫥

ⲓⲏⲗ = ᾿Ισραήλ ‘Israel’;

ⲓⲥ; SC 11.11 ⲓⲥⲥⲓ = ᾿Ιησούς ‘Jesus’;

• P.QI 1 12.i.13 ᫥ ⲕⲥ; P.QI 1 3.ii.22 P.QI 1 2.ii.1 ᫥ ⲕⲉ = Κύριος ‘Lord’; • P.QI 2 12.i.12

᫥

᫥

ⲕⲩ; P.QI 1 12.i.31

᫥

ⲕⲛ;

ⲙⲏⲣ = Μήτηρ ‘Mother’;

• P.QI 2 12.i.12 ᫥ ⲡⲏⲣ = Πατήρ ‘Father’; P.QI 3 32.1 ᫥ ⲡⲣⲥ = Πατρός ‘Father.GEN’; • P.QI 3 32.2

᫥

• P.QI 2 12.i.9

ⲡⲛⲥ = Πνεύματος ‘Spirit.GEN’;

᫥

ⲥⲏⲣ = Σωτήρ ‘Savior’;

• P.QI 2 22.ve.1 ᫥ ⲩⲥ = ῾Υιός ‘Son’; P.QI 3 32.2 ᫥ ⲩⲩ = ῾Υιοῦ ‘Son.GEN’; • SC 10.3 ‘Christ’.

᫥

ⲭⲥ; P.QI 2 18.i.6

᫥

ⲭⲥ; SC 11.11

᫥

ⲭⲥⲥⲓ = Χριστός

2.5.2. Ciphers Ciphers are representations of the sum of the values of all the characters in a word. The value is always based on the Greek spelling of the name. (12) • P.QI 3 32.2

᫥

ⲑϥ (for correct ϥⲑ) = ἀμήν ‘amen’;

• Meinarti 3.4

᫥

ⲣⲛⲃ = Μαρία ‘Mary’;

• Meinarti 3.4

᫥

ⲭⲙ = ᾿Ραφαήλ ‘Raphael’;

• St 1.2 ᫥ ⲭⲡⲑ = Μιχαήλ ‘Michael’. 2.5.3. Other Abbreviations Most other abbreviations consist of 2–4 letters, usually the beginning of a word, with the next letter written above the initial group. Many of these abbreviations are found in documentary texts. The lists below are not meant to be exhaustive, but give an indication of the extent of this phenomenon. Some spellings suggest that there may have been a tendency to pronounce Greek abbreviations in Nubian, e.g., ⲉⲓⲥⲧ /istawrosi/ instead of /stavros/ and ⳦ⲧⲟ- /sorto/ instead of /presviteros/.

42

2. ORTHOGRAPHY

(13) GREEK TERMS % P.QI 3 49.ii.6 ᫥ ⲁⲛⲑⲉⲡⲁⲣⲭ = ἄντεπαρχος ‘deputy eparch’; % P.QI 4 64.2 ᫥ ⲁⲡⲟⲙ; P.QI 4 63.2 ᫥ ⲁⲡⲟ ⲙⲁⲣⲧ = ἀπὸ μαρτύρων ‘of the martyrs’, in dating formulas; % L 100.13 ᫥ ⲁⲡⲟⲥⲧ = ἀπόστολος ‘apostle’; % P.QI 4 95.ve.2 ᫥ ⲁⲣⲭ = ἀρχη- ‘arch-’;

% P.QI 3 30.37

᫥

ⲁⲣⲭⲙⲁⲛⲇ = ἀρχιμανδρίτης ‘archimandrite’;

% P.QI 4 113.ve.1 ᫥ ⲃⲗⲥ = βασιλεύς ‘king’; % P.QI 4 71.4

᫥

ⲇⲓⲁⲕ = διάκονος ‘deacon’;

% P.QI 4 94.ve.1 ᫥ ⲇⲱⲙ; P.QI 2 24.ve.1 ᫥ ⲇⲏⲙ = δομέστικος ‘domestikos’; % P.QI 3 30.36

᫥

ⲉⲓⲥⲧ = σταυρός ‘cross’;7

% P.QI 4 87.ve.1 ᫥ ⲉⲡⲁⲣⲭ = ἔπαρχος ‘eparch’;

% P.QI 4 101.re.28 ᫥ ⲉⲡⲇ = ἐπιδιάκονος ‘epideacon’;

% P.QI 4 87.ve.1 ᫥ ⲉⲡⲓⲥⲕ = ἐπίσκοπος ‘bishop’; % P.QI 4 101.ve.1 ᫥ ⲕⲣⲁⲧ; P.QI 4 116.1.ve.1 ᫥ ⲕⲣⲁⲧⲥ = κράτης ‘great’;

% P.QI 1 1.i.4

᫥

ⲕⲩⲣⲓⲁⲕ = κυριακή ‘Sunday’;8

% P.QI 4 111.re.3 ᫥ ⲙⲉⲅ = μέγας ‘great’;

% P.QI 4 95.ve.2 ᫥ ⲙⲏⲌ = μείζοτερος ‘meizoteros’; % P.QI 1 1.i.4

᫥

ⲛⲎⲥⲧ = νηστεία ‘fast’;

% P.QI 2 22.ve.1 ᫥ ⲛⲟⲃ; P.QI 4 107.ve.1 ⲛⲟⲃⲁⲇ = Νοβαδία;

᫥

ⲛⲟⲃⲇ; P.QI 4 87.ve.1

᫥

% P.QI 4 90.ve.1 ᫥ ⲛⲟⲧ = νοτάριος ‘notary’;

% P.QI 4 105.ve.1 ᫥ ⲟⲣⲑ = ὀρθό- ‘ortho(dox)’;

% P.QI 4 87.ve.1 ᫥ ⲟⲣⲇ; P.QI 3 57.ii.7 ᫥ ⲟⲣⲇⲟϨ = ὀρθόδοξος ‘orthodox (bishop)’;

% P.QI 3 34.ii.12 ᫥ ⳦; P.QI 4 90.ve.1 ᫥ ⳦ⲉ = πρεσβύτερος ‘priest’, but also P.QI 3 32.23 ᫥ ⳦ⲧⲟ- = ⲥⲟⲣⲧⲟ ‘priest’; % P.QI 4 63.13

᫥

ⲡⲣⲟⲧ; P.QI 4 82.1

᫥

ⲡⲣⲱⲧ = πρώτης ‘first’;

% P.QI 1 7.i.18 ᫥ ⲥⲁⲃⲃ = σάββατον ‘Saturday’;

% P.QI 2 26.re.1 ᫥ ⲥⲩⲛⲑ = συν Θεώ ‘in the name of God’;

For initial ⲉⲓ- see §19.2. This Greek word lives on as a loan in Kordofan Nubian kirege (Kauczor 1920, 364), possibly the southernmost loanword from Byzantine Greek. 7 8

43

2.5. ABBREVIATIONS

% L 112.4 ᫥ ⲧⲉⲗ (fig. 2.2); P.QI 1 7.i.21

᫥

ⲧⲉⲗⲗ = τέλος ‘end’;

% P.QI 4 95.ve.2 ᫥ ⲧⲣ = τρίκλινος ‘triklinos’; % P.QI 2 26.ve.1 ᫥ ⲫⲓⲗ = ϕίλο-; % P.QI 1 1.i.5

᫥

ⲯⲁⲗⲙ = ψαλμός ‘psalm’.

(14) OLD NUBIAN TERMS % P.QI 3 53.ve.1 ᫥ ⲅⲟⲣⲧ = ⲅⲟⲣⲧⲓ ‘elder’;

% P.QI 3 30.37 ᫥ ⲅⲟⲩⲕⲕ = ⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁⲣⲕⲟ(ⲗ) ‘goukarko(.DET)’ (title of an official);

% P.QI 4 102.re.7 ᫥ ⲇⲁⲟⲩⲙⲙ = ⲇⲁⲟⲩⲙⲙⲉⲗⲟ ‘I greet’;

% P.QI 4 119.4 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲙ; P.QI 4 123.10 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲘ; P.QI 4 114.re.16 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲗⲟ = ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲘⲙⲉⲗⲟ ‘I worship’;

% P.QI 3 60.3 ᫥ ⲕⲁⲗ = ⲕⲁⲗⲟ ‘north, downstream’;

% P.QI 4 68.13 ᫥ ⲕⲁⲣⲧ = ⲕⲁⲣⲧⲉ(ⲕⲁ) ‘letter(.ACC)’;

% P.QI 4 71.6 ᫥ ⲕⲟⳡⲡ = ⲕⲟⳡⲡⲁⲅⲁ ‘at face value’(?); % P.QI 4 64.9

᫥

ⲙⲁⲣⲧ = ⲙⲁ(ⲣ)ⲧⲁⲣ(ⲁ) ‘witness’;

% P.QI 3 60.2 ᫥ ⲙⲁⲧⲧ = ⲙⲁⲧⲧⲟ ‘east’;

% P.QI 4 63.13 ᫥ ⲟⲣⲡ = ⲟⲣⲡⲁ ‘wine.PRED’;

% P.QI 3 60.4 ᫥ ⲟⲥⲕ = ⲟⲥⲕⲁⲗⲉ ‘water-wheel’;

% P.QI 3 30.37 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲣⲙ = ⲟⲩⲣ ⲙⲓⲭⲁⲎⲗⲓ ‘archangel Michael’;

% P.QI 3 44.14

᫥

ⲟⲩⲣⲛ = ⲟⲩⲣⲁⲛ ‘chief’;

% L 112.5 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲣⲧ (fig. 2.2) = ⲡⲁⲣⲧⲁⲕⲟⲛⲁ vel sim. ‘it has been written’ (G. M. Browne 1982b, 79); % P.QI 3 60.3 ᫥ ⲥⲉⲩⲇ = ⲥⲉⲩⲇⲓ ‘boundary’;

% P.QI 4 62.ii.6 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲕⲧ = ⲡⲁⲕⲕⲁⲧⲧⲓ ‘half’;

% P.QI 4 95.ve.1 ᫥ ⲥⲟⲩⲧ = ⲥⲟⲩⲧⲁⲙⲚⲛⲁ vel sim.; P.QI 4 104.ve.8 ᫥ ⲥⲟⲩⲧⲙⲉⲛⲧ = ⲥⲟⲩⲧⲁⲙⲉⲛⲧⲁⲗⲟ ‘(it) is not empty’ (Ruffini 2014a, 222);

% P.QI 3 48.1 ᫥ ⲥⲟⳟ = ⲥⲟⳟⲟⳝ ‘eparch’;

% P.QI 3 30.36 ᫥ ⲥⲩⲅ = ⲥⲩⲅⲉⲣⲚ vel sim. ‘document’; % P.QI 4 73.3 ᫥ ⲧⲣⲁⲙ = ⲧⲓⲣⲁⲙⲓ ‘dirhem’.

(15) TITLES,

PROPER NAMES, AND PLACE NAMES

% P.QI 4 105.ve.1 ᫥ ⲁⲃⲃ = ⲁⲃⲃⲁ ‘Abba’;

% P.QI 4 112.ve.1 ᫥ ⲁⲡⲁⲭ; P.QI 4 107.ve.1 ⲡⲁⲭⲱⲣⲁ = ⲡⲁⲭⲱⲣⲁⲥ ‘Faras’;

᫥

ⲡⲁⲭ; P.QI 2 26.ve.1

᫥

44

2. ORTHOGRAPHY

% P.QI 4 111.re.3 ᫥ ⲇⲁⲣⲙ = ⲇⲁⲣⲙⲉ ‘Darme’;

% P.QI 4 87.ve.1 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲩⲅ = ⲇⲟⲩⲅⲥⲓ(ⲛ) ‘Dougsi(.GEN)’;

% P.QI 4 100.ve.1 ᫥ ⲅⲉⲱⲣⲅ = ⲅⲉⲱⲣⲅⲓⲟⲥ ‘Georgios’; % P.QI 3 58.ve.1 ᫦ ⲓⲩⲕⲇ = ⲓⲎⲥⲟⲩⲥⲓⲛⲕⲟⲩⲇⲁ ‘Iēsousinkouda’;

% P.QI 4 114.ve.1 ᫥ ⲕⲁⲕⲧ = ⲕⲁⲕⲧⲓⲛⲉ ‘Kaktine’;

% P.QI 3 32.9 ᫥ -ⲕⲟⲩⲇ = -ⲕⲟⲩⲇⲁ ‘-kouda’ (onomastic element, lit. ‘servant (of)’);

% P.QI 4 41.9

᫥

ⲕⲟⲩⲣⲧ = ⲕⲟⲩⲣⲧⲉ ‘Kourte’;

% P.QI 4 105.ve.1 ᫥ ⲗⲟⲩⲕ = ⲗⲟⲩⲕⲁⲥⲓ ‘Loukasi’; % P.QI 4 67.4 koudda’;

᫥

ⲙⲁⲣⲧⲕⲟⲩⲇⲇⲁ = ⲙⲁⲣⲧⲩⲣⲟⲕⲟⲩⲇⲇⲁ ‘Marturo-

% P.QI 4 104.ve.9 phoros’; % L 112.3

᫥

᫥

ⲙⲁⲣⲧⲫⲟⲣⲟⲩ = ⲙⲁⲣⲧⲩⲣⲟⲫⲟⲣⲟⲥ ‘Marturo-

ⲙⲁⲧⲑ (fig. 2.2) = ⲙⲁⲧⲑⲉⲟⲥ ‘Matthew’;

% P.QI 3 53.ve.1 ᫥ ⲙⲁϣϣⲟⲩⲇ = ⲙⲁϣϣⲟⲩⲇⲁ ‘Maššouda’; % P.QI 4 64.8

᫥

% P.QI 3 48.1

᫥

ⲙⲉⲣⲕⲞⲥ = ⲙⲉⲣⲕⲩⲣⲓⲟⲥⲓ ‘Merkurios’; ⲥⲓⲙ = ⲥⲓⲗⲙⲓ ‘Ibrīm’;

% P.QI 4 94.ve.1 ᫥ ⲧⲉⲣⲡ = ⲧⲉⲣⲡⲉⲕⲕⲖ ‘Terpekkil’. (16) UNKNOWN ABBREVIATIONS: % P.QI 4 94.ve.1 ᫥ ⲁⲛⲧ; % P.QI 4 94.ve.1 ᫡ ⲇⲁⲣ·;

% P.QI 4 71.re.4 ᫥ ⲇⲁⲣⲧ;

% P.QI 2 26.re.8 ᫦ ⲇⲟⲩⳡⳡⲉⳟ, proper name;

% P.QI 3 30.36 % P.QI 4 98.6

᫥

᫥

ⲉⲓⲥⲧⲗⲟⲕ ‘cross-?’;

ⲕⲟⲛⲧ;

% P.QI 2 22.ve.1 ᫥ ⲕⲟⲩⲙⲘⲇ; % P.QI 3 44.13

᫥

ⲕⲟⲩⲣⲕ, place name;

% P.QI 4 111.re.3 ᫥ ⲙⲁⲑ; % P.QI 4 68.4

᫥

ⲙⲉⲣⲕ;

% P.QI 4 94.ve.1 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲣⲁⲭ;

% P.QI 4 90.ve.1 ᫥ ⲡⲉⲣⳟ; % P.QI 4 114.ve.1 ᫥ ⲑⲉⲗ, title;

᫥

ⲧⲉⲗ; P.QI 4 116.2.ve.1

% P.QI 4 101.re.28 ᫥ ⲧⲟⲛⲕ.

᫥

ⲧⲉⲗⲗ; P.QI 4 116.1.ve.1

45

2.6. PUNCTUATION

2.6. Punctuation There are several attested punctuation marks in Old Nubian manuscripts. (17) PUNCTUATION MARKS % % % %

Colon or raised point (§2.6.1); Apostrophe (§2.6.2); Question mark (§2.6.3); Double (back)slash (§2.6.4).

The use of punctuation marks varies considerably from text to text, literary texts generally displaying more consistency than non-literary texts. The occurrence of the apostrophe and the question mark is constrained to literary texts only. 2.6.1. Colon The main punctuation mark is the colon, consisting of a raised point, or two small backward slashes (in L). Its general usage in Old Nubian derives from Greek practice, where it was used to mark the boundaries of sentences, subordinate clauses, and constituents (G. M. Browne 1986b, 7), particularly ‘heavy’ constituents. Browne gives several examples of cola marking heavy constituents, of which I select a few representative ones below. (18) Heavy subject: M 12.2–7 ᫥ ⲕⲟⲩⲙⲡⲟⲩ ⲉⲚ ⲧⲁⲛ⳿ⲛⲁ ⲕⲠⲥⲖ· ⲇⲟⲩⲙⲁⲗ ⲇⲟⲩⲧⲣⲁⲡ⳿

Ⲁⳡⲣ ⲁⳟⲁ ⲧⲁⲛⲛⲁ ⲧⲁⲩⲞⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗ ⲥⲟⲩⲕⲕⲁ ⲡⲁⲗⲁ ⲕⲟⲩⲧⲧⲁ ⳟⲟⲛⳝⲁ ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲕⲟⲛⲟ ⳝⲁⲩⲉⲓⲥⲛⲁ· koumpou ein egg

añ-r

DEM.PROX

aŋ-a

tan-na

kip-sil-∅

tan-na

tauo-ketal soukk-a

live-PRS become-PRED 3SG-GEN under-also

koutt-a

ŋonj-a

doumal doutrap

3SG-GEN eat-PST2.DET-NOM suddenly fowl

tous-kono

pal-a

descend-PRED come.out-PRED

jau-eis-n-a

rise-PRED stand-PRED before-after squawk-PST2-2/3SG-PRED ‘The egg which he had eaten suddenly came to life as a fowl, also came out from under him, stood up and squawked at once.’

In (18) the subject is heavy because of the relative clause dependent on it. Moreover, note that the subject is very far removed from the main verb of the sentence, ⳝⲁⲩⲉⲓⲥⲛⲁ, separated by a long string of converbs (§7.2.3).

46

2. ORTHOGRAPHY

(19) Heavy object: M 1.8–11 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲣⲟⲛ ⲙⲓⲣⲁ Ⲁⲅⲉⲛⲇⲉ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲁⲣⲁ ⲙⲉⲛⲛⲁⲗⲱ· ⳟⲁⲕ⳿ⲉⲛⲇⲉ

ⲁⲥⲕⲉⲛⲇⲉ· tar-∅-on

mir-a

aɡ-ende

ounn-ar-a

3SG-NOM-TOP barren-PRED sit-NEG.CONJ bear-PST1-PRED

men-n-a-lō

ŋa-k-ende

as-k-ende

not.be-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-FOC son-ACC-NEG.CONJ daughter-ACC-NEG.CONJ ‘She, being barren, did not bear either son or daughter.’

Old Nubian is an SOV language, which means that in neutral word order the object precedes the verb. In (19) it follows the verb and is heavy, because of the coordination. (20) Postpositional phrase: M 1.5–8 ᫥ ⲉⲦⲧⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲗⲟ ⲇⲠⲡⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲗⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲀⲣⲁ· Ⲁⲗⲉⲝⲁⲇⲣⲉⲛ

ϣⲔⲅⲟⲩⲗⲁ· eittou

ouel-∅-lo

dippou ouel-la dou-ar-a

woman one-NOM-FOC village

one-DAT

EXIST-PST1-PRED

alexandre-n Alexandria-GEN

šik-ɡou-la district-ground-DAT ‘There was a woman living in a village, in the district of Alexandria’

As in (19) we find that the constituent following the main verb is marked by a colon. Whereas M is a very well written manuscript with consistent interpunction and orthography, many other Old Nubian documents do not follow the same standards. Especially in non-literary texts, interpunction may be very frequent, and less bound to syntactical structures than in the above examples. 2.6.2. Apostrophe The apostrophe only appears in a few manuscripts. It generally seems to have two functions: 1) indicate word or syllable boundaries, especially when the following syllable starts with a vowel; and 2) mark a morpheme boundary after a syllable of two or more phonemes. This behavior appears to be in accordance with similar usage of the apostrophe in Coptic described by Layton (1973, 191). (21) M 8.6–13 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲕⲣⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲱ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲗⲟⲉⲓⲟⲛ · ⲀⲡⲟⲅⲅⲖ ⲙⲁⲛ ⲕⲟⲩⲙⲡⲟⲩⲕⲁ Ⲁⲟⲩⲛ⳿ ⲀⲥⲚ ⲧⲟⲩⲛⲁ ⲕⲁⲡⲡⲁ ⲥⲉⲩⲈⲗⲁ ⲡⲓⲉⲚ ⳟⲁⲗⲉⲛ· ⲏⲛ⳿ ⲧⲁⲛ⳿ ⲟⲩⲥⲕⲣⲁ ⲀⲅⲟⲣⲤⲥⲕⲁ· ⲡⲉⲥⲥⲛⲁ ⲧⲁⲛ ⳟⲁⲗⲅⲖⲗⲉ·

47

2.6. PUNCTUATION

oukr-iɡou-lō ouel-lo-eion apoɡɡ-il-∅

man

koumpou-ka

day-PL-LOC

DEM.DIST

egg-ACC

aoun

one-LOC-TOP boatsman-DET-NOM

as-in

tou-na

kapp-a

seue-la

pi-ein

boat.GEN keel.box-GEN belly-GEN food-PRED other-DAT lie-PRS.2/3SG

ŋal-en

ēn

tan

see-PFV.PRS.2/3SG

DEM.PROX

3SG.GEN place-PRED forget-PST2-ACC

pes-s-n-a

tan

ouskr-a

aɡor-iss-ka

ŋal-ɡille

speak-PST2-2/3SG-PRED 3SG.GEN son-ALL ‘On one of the days, when the boatsman saw that egg, which he had placed and forgotten, lying among the other food inside the keel box of the boat, he said to his son.’

2.6.3. Question Mark Occasionally, questions are marked by a question mark consisting of two points, one on the line and a raised point above, sometimes extending into a diagonal line toward the upper and/or lower left. (22) SC 18.2–4 ᫧ ⳟⲖⲗⲁⲓ⳺ ⲥⲁⲗⲗⲟ [ϩⲁ]ⲣⲙⲓⲕ[ⲁ] ⲕⲁⲣⳟⲟⲛⲛⲁ ⲧⲁⲣ ⲉⲛⲉⲛⲕⲁ⳺ ŋil-l-a-i

sal-lo

harmi-ka

karŋ-on-na

tar-∅

see-PRS-PRED-2SG word-LOC heaven-ACC hold-PST1.2/3SG-GEN 3SG-NOM

en-en-ka be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-ACC ‘Do you see that it is he who held the heaven with the Word?’

2.6.4. Double (Back)slash The double (back)slash is often used to distinguish verses, but may also be used instead of the colon (§2.6.1). (23) P.QI 2 13.i.19–22 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲥⲥⲚ ⲁⲗⲗⲟⲫⲩⲗⲟⲥⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇⲉ ⲧⲩⲣⲟⲥⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇⲉ ⲟⲩⲇⲙⲓⲛ ⲕⲠⲧⲟⲩⲅⲟⲩⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗ ⲉⲛⲏⲛⲅⲟⲩⲗ ⲙⲁⲛⲛⲟⲗⲱ ⲕⲓⲣ ⲁⳟⲓⲥⲁⲛⲁ⳼ eissin allophulos-ɡou-l-de turos-ɡou-l-de

oudm-in

behold gentile-PL-DET-CONJ

darkness-GEN

Tyrus-PL-DET-CONJ

kipt-ouɡou-ɡou-l-dekel-∅ en-ēn-ɡou-l-∅ people-PL-PL-DET-CONJ-NOM

kir

man-no-lō

DEM.PROX-PL-PL-DET-NOM DEM.DIST-LOC-FOC

aŋ-is-an-a

come.PRS become-PST2-3PL-PRED ‘Behold, the gentiles, the Tyrians, and the people of darkness, these had come into being here.’ (Ps 86:4)

48

2. ORTHOGRAPHY

(24) L 100.3–6 ᫧ ⳟⲁⲕⲕⲟⲛ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲓⲛⲟ⳹ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲧⲁⳟⲤⲕⲁ ⲉⲙⲙⲁⲛⲟⲩⲎⲗⲁ ⲟⲕⲁⲣⲣⲁⲣⲁⲛⲁⲀ⳹ ⲉⲓⲅⲣ[ⲓ]ⲉⲓⲥⲚ ⲧⲓⲗⲗⲓⲗⲗⲱ ⲉⲇⲇⲁⲗ ⲡⲉⲗⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲗⲗ [ⲁ]ⳟⲁⲣⲣⲁ ⲈⲥⲚ⳹ ŋak-k-on

ounn-in-no

tan

taŋis-ka

emmanouēl-a

son-ACC-TOP bear-PRS.2/3SG-LOC 3SG.GEN name-ACC Immanuel-PRED

ok-ar-r-an-a-a

eiɡriei-sin till-il-∅-lō

call-INTEN-PRS-3PL-PRED-DD

WORD-EMP

ed-dal

God-DET-NOM-FOC 1PL.EXCL-COM

pel-a

doul-l

aŋ-ar-r-a

come.out-PRED

EXIST-PRS

become-INTEN-PRS-PRED say-EMP

e-sin

‘“And when she bears a son, they will call his name Immanuel”, a word which means “God will be with us.”’ (Mt 1:23)

2.7. Spacing Spacing rarely marks word divisions in a clear and consistent way. The spacing used in transcriptions is based upon scholarly convention (see §1.5). 2.8. Color Old Nubian manuscripts are usually written in black ink, but occasionally employ a second color, red. This color is generally used to mark contrast and

Figure 2.2: Kgl. Bibl. NS. Or. Quart 1019, 2v. Rubrication and abbreviations in L 112.2–6, the header of a lectionary. Starting on the second line, the rubricated sequence ⲭⲟⲀⲕⲚ:ⲕⲏ:ⲙⲁⲧⲑ:ⲅ: specifies the date ‘Choiak 28’, followed by the pertinent reading, ‘Matthew 3’ (Mt 1:18). The rubricated word ⲧⲉⲗ in the next line indicates the ‘end’ of the reading. Retrieved from Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Germany. “Altnubisches Lektionar.” Orientalische Handschriften digital. Accessed May 19, 2019. http://resolver.staatsbibliothek-berlin.de/SBB0000DDB900000000.

2.8. COLOR

49

as such appears in headers (fig. 2.2), important phrases (fig. 2.5), and the names of holy figures (fig. 2.3), and is referred to as ‘rubrication’. It is also used to decorate individual letters, especially the lobes of the ⲫ (figs. 2.1, 2.4), interpunction (fig. 2.1), and diacritics (fig. 2.4).

Figure 2.3: Sudan National Museum SNM 23045, fr. 1r. Rubrication used in P.Attiri 1.i.13–14 to highlight the name ⲙⲓⲭⲁⲎⲗⲓ ‘Michael’. Photo by the author.

Figure 2.4: Kgl. Bibl. MS. Or. Quart 1020, fr. 1r. Rubrication used in St 9.3–5 to color the lobes of the letter phi, supralinear strokes, and cola. Retrieved from Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Germany. “Stauros-Liturgie.” Orientalische Handschriften digital. Accessed May 19, 2019. http://resolver.staatsbibliothekberlin.de/ SBB00009FAD00000000.

Figure 2.5: Kgl. Bibl. MS. Or. Quart 1020, fr. 1v. Rubrication used in St 10.3–5 to mark an important phrase. Retrieved from Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Germany. “Stauros-Liturgie.” Orientalische Handschriften digital. Accessed May 19, 2019. http://resolver.staatsbibliothek-berlin.de/SBB00009FAD00000000.

50

2. ORTHOGRAPHY

According to Tsakos (2018) the coloring of the lobes of the ⲫ is a Coptic invention dating to the end of the first millennium CE, ‘with the most plausible sources of inspiration being either Esna or the White Monastery at Sohag’. This would be congruent with the origin of the slanted majuscule in which Old Nubian is usually written (§2.1). Color may also have had a usage beyond mere decoration (see Van Gerven Oei and Tsakos 2019a).

3. WORD ORDER

This chapter gives a basic overview of Old Nubian word order and the different types of movement occurring in the sentence. Although a considerable part of the Old Nubian corpus consists of running texts, they are often incomplete or fragmentary. More often than not, only a few leaves of a codex remain or entire margins are lost, making it difficult to determine where one sentence starts and another ends. Other types of texts, such as letters or graffiti, are also seldom complete or completely legible. In order to create a first, general image of a text and its main constituent parts, sentences, a grasp of Old Nubian basic word order and syntax is useful. This chapter will only provide a small set of examples, not only because many more examples will be treated in the following chapters, but also because our knowledge of Old Nubian syntax is still considerably limited. This not only has to do with the literary tradition, which sometimes clearly favors literal translations that imitate Greek word order, but also because the syntax of documentary texts has not yet been sufficiently studied. That being said, we can make a few general observations. Old Nubian is an SOV language, which means that the predicate tends to come at the end of a sentence. Also, subjects tend to precede objects. This is, however, by no means always the case. Consider the following example: (25) St 5.1–4 ᫥ ⲉⲖⲗⲟ ⲙⲩⲥⲧⲏⲣⲁ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲡⲖⲗⲓⲅⲣⲀ ⲇⲉⲛⳝⲁⲣⲁ· eil-∅-lo

mustēr-a

miššan-ka ou-ka

2SG-NOM-FOC mystery-PRED all-ACC

pill-iɡir-a

1PL.EXCL-ACC shine-CAUS-PRED

den-j-ar-a give>1-PLACT-PST1-PRED ‘You have revealed to us every mystery.’

In (25) we find the canonical Old Nubian word order, starting with subject ⲉⲖⲗⲟ, followed by direct object ⲙⲩⲥⲧⲏⲣⲁ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲕⲁ, indirect object ⲟⲩⲕⲁ, and verbal predicate ⲡⲖⲗⲓⲅⲣⲀ ⲇⲉⲛⳝⲁⲣⲁ. This type of ‘ideal’ sentence is, however, rare. Topicalization and other types of movement that we will discuss below often lead to very different word orderings, and both subordination and converbs may complicate the syntax considerably. Topicalization involves the movement of a topic-marked constituent to the first position in the sentence (§3.1), verb second (§3.2) involves the movement of the main verb to a position after the first constituent, while scrambling (§3.3) is the rearrangement of word order, mainly to approximate Greek prototypes.

52

3. WORD ORDER

These three types of movements are associated with three different morphemes: the topic marker -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ (§5.1), the affirmative marker -Ⲙ (§12.1), and the emphasis marker -ⲥⲚ (§5.4), respectively. Finally, we will also discuss extraposition (§3.4), in which (part of) a constituent is moved after the right edge of the predicate. 3.1. Topicalization Topicalized constituents move to the first position in the sentence. Old Nubian allows the topicalization of any noun phrase, as well as subordinate clauses. Topics are consistently marked with the topic marker -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ (§5.1). (26) M 16.11–15 ᫥ ⳝⲘⲙⲖⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲟⲛ ⲉⲚ ⳟⲟⲕⲕⲟⲣ ⲇⲁⲩⲈⲕⲕⲁ ⳟⲁⲗⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲗⲅⲣⲉⲛ· ⲧⲖⲗⲓⲕⲁ ⳟⲟⲕ ⲧ[Ⲥ]ⲥⲁⲛⲁ jimmil-ɡou-l-∅-lon

ein

everyone-PL-DET-NOM-TOP

DEM.PROX

oulɡ-r-en

till-ika

ŋokkor daueik-ka ŋal-ou ŋok

miracle great-ACC

see-PRED(?)

tis-s-an-a

ear-TR-PFV.PRS.2/3SG GOD-ACC glory give>2/3-PST2-3PL-PRED ‘When everyone saw and heard about this great miracle, they gave glory to God.’

(27) M 10.4–6 ᫥ ⲙⲁⲛ ⲇⲠⲡⲓⲗⲁⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲡⲁⲣⲑⲉⲛⲟⲥⲟⲩ ⳟⲤⲥⲟⲩ ⲙⲁⲣⲓⲁⲛ ⲕⲤⲥⲉⲗⲗⲟ ⳟⲟⲛⳝⲁⲣⲁ· man

dipp-ila-eion

DEM.DIST

village-DAT-TOP virgin

kisse-l-∅-lo

parthenosou ŋissou maria-n holy

Mary-GEN

ŋonj-ar-a

church-DET-NOM-FOC stand-PST1-PRED ‘In that village stood the church of the Holy Virgin Mary.’

(28) SC 17.19–20 ᫧ ⲧⲖⲗⲚ ⲧⲟⲧⲁ Ⲉⲛⲉⲛⲛⲟⲛ· ⲁⲩⳝⲉⲥⲚⲛⲟ [ⳝ]ⲱⲀⲗⲱ· till-in tot-a en-en-non au-j-es-in-no God-GEN son-PRED be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-TOP make-PLACT-PFV.PST2-2/3SG-LOC

jōa-lō because-FOC ‘When he is the son of God, (it is) because he created repeatedly.’

3.2. Verb Second Although Old Nubian verbal predicates typically appear at the end of a sentence, verbs marked with the affirmative marker -Ⲙ (§12.1) consistently appear in verb-second position, that is, directly after the slot for a topicalized constituent. In case there is no topic, the verb surfaces as first constituent of the sentence.

53

3.3. SCRAMBLING

(29) SC 7.2–3 ᫧ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲗⲟⲛ ⲡⲉⲥⲘⲙ[ⲁ ⲙ]ⲓⳝⲓⲣⲕⲖ ⲇⲓⲁⲣⲕⲁ[ⲗ]ⲟ ⳟⲉⲕⲛⲁⲁ ouel-lon pes-im-m-a

mij-ir-k-il-∅

di-ar-ka-lo

speak-AFF-PRS.3SG-PRED disobey-TR-NMLZ-DET-NOM die-PST1-ACC-FOC

one-TOP

ŋek-n-a-a produce-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-DD ‘Again he says: “Disobedience produces death.”’

(30) P.QI 2 13.i.8–10 ᫥ ⲟⲛⲣⲘⲙⲁ ⳟⲟⲇⲖ ⲥⲓⲰⲚ ϣⲁⲗⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲓⲁⲕⲱⲃⲓⲛ ⲇⲟⲩⲉⲣ ⳝⲓⲙⲙⲖⲗⲱ ⲅⲱⲉⲓⲁ on-r-im-m-a

ŋod-il-∅

siōn-in

šal-ɡou-ka iakōb-in

want-TR-AFF-PRS.3SG-PRED lord-DET-NOM Sion-GEN door-PL-ACC Jacob-GEN

douer

jimmil-lō ɡōeia

dwelling all-LOC

than

‘The Lord loves the gates of Sion more than every dwelling of Jacob.’ (Ps 86:2)

(31) L 104.5–8 ᫡ ⲕ[Ⲙ]ⲙⲁ ⲥⲓⲰⲛⲓⲀⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗ ⲁⲩⲗⲉⲗ⳹ ⲅⲠ[ⲣ]ⲧⲉⲛⲓⲁ ⲧⲗⲗⲓⲕⲓⳡⲕⲁⲛⲉⲕⲁ ⲓⲀⲕⲱ[ⲃⲓⲞ⳹ kim-m-a

sioni-a-ketal aul-el-∅

come.AFF-PRS.3SG-PRED Sion-DAT-also save-PFV.PRS.DET-NOM

ɡipirt-eni-a

till-ikiñ-kane-ka

iakōbi-o

turn-SUBORD.SG-PRED God-NEG.ADJ-NMLZ-ACC Jakob-LOC ‘There comes also from Sion the one who saves, to turn godlessness away from Jakob.’ (Rom 11:26)

3.3. Scrambling In Old Nubian, scrambling is mainly used as a translation device to approximate the word order of a (Greek) prototype. As Old Nubian has a basic SOV order and Late Antique Greek SVO (Taylor 1994), a literal translation requires the Old Nubian verb to appear to the left of its object. The translation tradition associated with Archaizing Old Nubian (§1.4.3) has repurposed the emphasis marker -ⲥⲚ to indicate such scrambling. More examples are discussed in §5.4.4. (32) P.QI 2 13.ii.24–28 ᫥ ⳟⲁⲥⳝⲁⲣⲁⲥⲚ ⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲧⲖⲗⲖ ⲧⲁⲣⲚ ⲥⲉⲩⲀⲉⲅⲁⲣⲁ⳼ … ⲓⲁⲕⲱⲃⲓⲛ ⲅⲁⳝⳝⲟⲩⲣ ⲏⲛ⳿ ⲟⲩⲥⲥⲚⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲕⲁ ŋas-j-ar-a-sin

ou-ka

till-il-∅

tari-n

choose-PLACT-PST1-PRED-EMP 1PL.EXCL-ACC God-DET-NOM 3SG-GEN

seuae-ɡar-a

iakōb-in ɡajjour ēn

heir.PL-CAUS-PRED Jacob-GEN beauty

DEM.PROX

ous-s-in-dekel-ka want-PST2-2/3SG.PRED-CONJ-AC

‘God chose us, making us his heirs, and the beauty of Jacob that he loved.’ (Ps 46:5)

54

3. WORD ORDER

3.4. Extraposition Extraposition is a syntactic phenomenon in which a ‘heavy’ constituent is moved to the right edge, after the main verb. In Old Nubian, heavy constituents comprise those with attributive relative clauses and coordinated constituents. 3.4.1. Attributive Relative Clauses A constituent containing an attributive relative clause (§17.2.2) may be completely or partially extraposed to the right of the main verb of a sentence. It may be extraposed leaving its antecedent behind in its original position, or the entire constituent may be moved to the right. In the following example, the antecedent has been left ‘stranded’ in its original position. The extraposed attributive relative clause repeats the case marking on the antecedent: (33) M 8.6–13 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲕⲣⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲱ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲗⲟⲉⲓⲟⲛ · ⲀⲡⲟⲅⲅⲖ ⲙⲁⲛ ⲕⲟⲩⲙⲡⲟⲩⲕⲁ Ⲁⲟⲩⲛ⳿ ⲀⲥⲚ ⲧⲟⲩⲛⲁ ⲕⲁⲡⲡⲁ ⲥⲉⲩⲈⲗⲁ ⲡⲓⲉⲚ ⳟⲁⲗⲉⲛ· ⲏⲛ⳿ ⲧⲁⲛ⳿ ⲟⲩⲥⲕⲣⲁ ⲀⲅⲟⲣⲤⲥⲕⲁ· ⲡⲉⲥⲥⲛⲁ ⲧⲁⲛ ⳟⲁⲗⲅⲖⲗⲉ· oukr-iɡou-lō ouel-lo-eion apoɡɡ-il-∅

man

koumpou-ka

day-PL-LOC

DEM.DIST

egg-ACC

aoun

one-LOC-TOP

as-in

boatsman-DET-NOM

tou-na

kapp-a

seue-la

pi-ein

boat.GEN keel.box-GEN belly-GEN food-PRED other-DAT lie-PRS.2/3SG

ŋal-en

ēn

tan

see-PFV.PRS.2/3SG

DEM.PROX

3SG.GEN place-PRED forget-PST2-ACC

pes-s-n-a

tan

ouskr-a

aɡor-iss-ka

ŋal-ɡille

speak-PST2-2/3SG-PRED 3SG.GEN son-ALL ‘On one of the days, when the boatsman saw that egg, which he had placed and forgotten, lying among the other food inside the keel box of the boat, he said to his son.’

Complete extraposition has also been attested, in which the antecedent is extraposed together with the attributive relative clause. (34) P.QI 2 14.i.7–11 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲣⲓⲁ ⲧⲟⲣⲁ ⲕⲓⲉⲛⲛⲟⲛ ⲇⲟⲩⲙⲁⲕⲕⲟⲛⲟ ⲉⲇⲇⲣⲱ ⲕⲁⳝⲕⲁ ⲉⲚ ⲇⲓⲅⲖ: ⲉⲖ ⲧⲁⲇⲟⲩ ⲉⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲁ [ⲟ]ⲩⲉⲛⲛⲁ ⲧⲁⲇⲇⲱ ⲁⲕⲓⲙⲤⲥⲓⲕⲁ· tari-a

tor-a

ki-en-non

doumak-kono

3SG-DAT enter-PRED come-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-TOP immediately-after

ed-d-r-ō

kaj-ka

find-INTEN-PRS-1/2PL.PRED colt-ACC

ein

diɡ-il

DEM.PROX

bind-PRS.DET now 3SG

eil

tadou

55

3.4. EXTRAPOSITION

ei-ɡou-na

ouen-na tad-dō

ak-imis-s-ika

man.PL-PL-GEN one-GEN 3SG-SUPE sit-NEG-PST2-ACC ‘When you enter it, you will immediately find a colt that is bound, upon which no one amongst men has yet sat.’ (Mk 11:2)

(35) P.QI 1 4.i.15–17 ᫥ ⲡⲉⲥⲕⲟⲛ ⲉⲚⲥⲛⲁ Ⲉ ⳟⲟⲇⲁ ⲁⲒ ⲧⲁ ⲡⲤⲧⲉⲩⲉⲘⲙⲉ ⲉⲓⲣ ⲉⲛⲉⲛⲕⲁ· ⲭⲣⲓⲥⲧⲟⲥⲓ ⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥⲗⲁ ⲕⲣⲟⲗ· pes-kon

ein-s-n-a

e

ŋod-a

ai

ta

speak-CONJ be-PST2-2/3SG-PRED oh lord-PRED 1SG

pisteue-im-m-e

eir-∅

PTC.PFV

en-en-ka

khristosi

believe-AFF-PRS-1SGPRED 2SG-NOM be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-ACC Christ

kosmos-la kr-ol-∅ world-DAT

come-PST1.DET-NOM

‘And she said: “Oh Lord, I believe that you are the Christ who came into this world.”’ (Jn 11:27)

(36) P.QI 1 5.i.4–6

᫥

ⲥⲓⲙⲱⲛ· ⲡⲉⲧⲣⲟⲥⲓⲅⲖⲗⲉⲉⲓⲟⲛ· ⲙⲟⲩⲇⲖ ⲕⲓⲥⲛⲀ·

ⲉⲚ ⲙⲁⲑⲧⲏⲥⲟⲩ ⲏⲛ ⲓⲥⲥⲓⲛⲁ ⲟⲛⲕⲉⲥⲅⲖⲗⲉ ki-s-in-a

simōn petrosi-ɡille-eion moud-il-∅ Simon Peter-ALL-TOP

run-PRS.DET-NOM come-PST2-2/3SG-PRED

ein

mathtēsou ēn

DEM.PROX

disciple

i(ē)s(ous)si-∅ on-ke-s-ɡille

DEM.PROX

love-HAB-PST2-ALL

Jesus-NOM

‘Running, she went to Simon Peter (and?) this disciple that Jesus used to love.’ (Jn 20:2)

Complete extraposition of a constituent is less frequent. Note in (37) the emphasis marker -ⲥⲚ on the extraposed object ⲧⲱⲈⲕⲁⲅⲟⲩⲈⲥⲚ. (37) M 2.11–3.1 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲕⲣⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲱ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲗⲟⲉⲓⲟⲛ· ⲙⲁⲛ⳿ ⲉⲦⲧⲖ ⲭⲣⲓⲥⲧⲓⲀⲛⲟⲥⲓⲅⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲓⲗⲏⲩⲅⲟⲩⲗ ⲡⲉⲥⲣⲁⲛ ⲟⲩⲗⲅⲣⲁ· ⲧⲱⲈⲕⲁⲅⲟⲩⲈⲥⲚ ⳟⲤⲥⲟⲩ ⲙⲏⲛⲁⲛⲁ ⲙⲁⲣⲉⲰⲧⲚ ⲕⲤⲥⲉⲗⲁ ⲁⲩⳝⲖⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ· ⲧⲁⲣⲓⲀ ⲡⲉⲥⲥⲛⲁ· oukr-iɡou-lō ouel-lo-eion man

eitt-il-∅

day-PL-LOC

woman-DET-NOM Christian-PL-GEN

eilēu-ɡou-l-∅

one-LOC-TOP

DEM.DIST

pes-r-an

oulɡ-r-a

khristianos-ɡou-n tōek-a-ɡoue-sin

wife.PL-PL-DET-NOM speak-PRS-3PL ear-TR-PRED power-PRED-PL.PRED-EMP

ŋissou mēna-na mareōt-in holy

kisse-la

au-j-il-ɡou-ka

tari-a

Mina-GEN Mareotis-GEN church-DAT do-PLACT-PRS-PL-ACC 3SG-DAT

pes-s-n-a speak-PST2-2/3SG-PRED

56

3. WORD ORDER

‘On one of the days, that woman heard the wives of the Christians speaking about the miracles performed by Saint Mina in the church of Mareotis and said to herself.’

3.4.2. Coordinated Constituents The second part of coordinated noun phrases (§9.1) can also be extraposed. ⲉⲚ ⲙⲉⲇⳝⲟⲩⲛⲚ ⲧⲁⲉⲓⲅⲟⲩⲕⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗ ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲁⲇⲘⲙⲁⲛⲁ Ⲟⲛ ⲉⲚ ⲧⲟⲩⲉⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗ·

(38) M 13.11–14 ein

᫥

medjou-ni-n

taei-ɡou-k-∅-ketal

kellō-∅

2SG.GEN servant-PL-GEN girl.PL-PL-DET-NOM-also all-NOM

ounn-ad-im-m-an-a

on ein

touei-ɡou-l-∅

bear-INTEN-AFF-PRS-3PL-PRED and 2SG.GEN cow.PL-PL-DET-NOM ‘Also the girls of your servants will all give birth, and your cows.’

(39) P.QI 2 13.ii.2–5

᫦

[ⳟⲟⲇⲖ] ⲡⲉⲥⲁⲇⲘⲙⲁ ⲡⲁⲁⲣⲧⲗⲁ ⲕⲠⲧⲟⲩⲅ[ⲟ]ⲩ[ⲗ]ⲇⲉ/

ⲟⲛ⳿ ⲉⲓⲛⲚⲅⲟⲩⲛ ϣⲓⲕⲉⲣⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲅⲟⲩⲗ ⲙⲁⲛⲛⲱ ⲕⲁⲉⲓ ⲇⲟⲩⲗⲗⲁⲛ ŋod-il-∅

pes-ad-im-m-a

paar-t-la

Lord-DET-NOM

SPEAK-INTEN-AFF-PRS.3SG-PRED

write-NMLZ-DAT

kipt-ouɡou-l-de

on

ein-in-ɡou-n

šike-ri-ɡou-l-dekel-ɡou-l

people-PL-DET-CONJ and be-PRS.2/3SG-PL-GEN ruler-PL-PL-DET-CONJ-PL-DET

man-nō

kaei

DEM.DIST-LOC

first.born.PL exist-PST1.GEN

doull-an

‘The Lord will speak in the writing of those who are the people and the rulers who were first born there.’ (Ps 86:6)

(40) P.QI 1 9.ii.8–11 ᫥ ⲉⲛⲛⲟⲗⲟ· ⲇⲟⲩⲛⲛⲁⲛⲁ ⳟⲤⲥⲓⲅⲟⲩⲛⲁ ⲀⲉⲥⲕⲓⲧⲖ· ⲧⲖⲗⲚ ⲧⲉⲇⲕⲟⲛ ⲉⲆⳡⲟⲗⲅⲟⲩⲛⲖ· ⲟⲛ ⲓⲎⲥⲟⲩⲥⲚ ⲡⲤⲧⲉⲩⲉⲦⲕⲁ· en-no-lo

doun-n-an-a

DEM.PROX-LOC-FOC

exist.COP-PRS-3PL-PRED holy-PL-GEN

till-in

ted-k-on

ŋiss-iɡou-na aeskit-il-∅

edñ-ol-ɡou-n-il-∅

on

patience.NMLZ-NOM

iēsous-in

God-GEN law-ACC-CONJ keep-PST1-PL-GEN-DET-NOM and Jesus-GEN

pisteue-it-ka believe-NMLZ-ACC ‘Here are the patience of the holy ones and that of those who have kept the law of God and the faith of Jesus.’ (Rev 14:12)

4. SENTENCE TYPES

Old Nubian is an SOV language, which means that in regular word order, the verb may be found at the end of a sentence. Like many other agglutinative SOV languages, the verb also carries most of the morphological burden. The main verb of a sentence may express sentence type, person, tense, aspect, negation, valency, pluractionality, and several other features that will be discussed in the following chapters, as we work our way from the right edge of the verb inward toward the root, which is found at the left edge of the verb. Nubian sentences can be broadly divided into two, mutually exclusive types: declarations and commands. Whereas declarations feature no explicit morphological marking, commands often feature a specific morpheme. This distinction is mirrored in the subject marking on the verb. Declarative sentences generally feature declarative subject clitics (§10.1.4), whereas commands generally feature imperative subject clitics (§10.1.5). (41) SENTENCE TYPES Declaration No overt marking (§4.1); Command Marked with -ⲥⲟ/-ⲥⲱ (§4.2). 4.1. Declarations Declarations are the most frequently occurring sentence type in Old Nubian. They have no special sentence type marking at the right edge of the verb. Most commonly, the main verb of a declarative clause is found to end in the predicate marker -ⲁ (§7), while a nominal predicate usually ends in the predicate marker, followed by focus marker -ⲗⲟ (§5.2). Declaration with a verbal predicate: (42) M 4.16

᫥

ⲀⲡⲟⲅⲅⲖ ⲡⲉⲥⲁⲣⲁ·

apoɡɡ-il-∅

pes-ar-a

boatsman-DET-NOM speak-PST1-PRED ‘The boatsman said.’

Declaration with a nominal predicate: (43) St 22.8–10

᫥

ⲤⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲖ ⳟⲁⲡⲉⲕⲁⲉⲓⲅⲟⲩⲛⲁ ⲧⲟⲕⲇⲉⲣⲁⲗⲟ·

istauros-il-∅ ŋape-kaei-ɡou-na tok-der-a-lo cross-DET-NOM sin-NMLZ.PL-PL-GEN forgive-NMLZ-PRED-FOC ‘The cross is the forgiveness of the sinners.’

58

4. SENTENCE TYPES

4.2. Commands The command marker -ⲥⲟ marks sentences that are commands, and may be attached to imperative, vetitive, and sometimes declarative verb forms. Old Nubian imperatives are marked by a special set of subject clitics (t. 10.3, see also §10.1.4): (44) P.QI 2 18.vi.6–7 ᫥ ⲙⲁⲑⲧⲁⲕⲁⲛⲁⲥⲱ· ⲇⲓⲁⲣⲕⲤⲕⲖⲗⲟ· mathtak-ana-sō

di-ar-kiskil-lo

testify-IMP.2/3PL.PRED-COMM die-PST1-until-LOC ‘Testify until death!’

(45) M 13.3–6 ᫥ ⲉⲦⲧⲁ ⲉⲚ ⲇⲉⲓⲧⲣⲁⲡⲕⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲙ⳿Ⲉⲧⲁ· ⲉⲚ ⲇⲟⲩⲧⲣⲁⲡⲅⲟⲩⲗⲟ ⲡⲉⲗⲓⲣⲉⲥⲱ· eitt-a

ein

deitrap-ka doum-et-a

woman-PRED

DEM.PROX

fowl-ACC

ein

take-PFV-PRED 2SG.GEN

doutrap-ɡou-lo pel-ir-e-sō fowl-PL-LOC

come.out-TR-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM

‘Woman, take up this fowl and release it among your fowls!’

(46) SC 9.16–18 ᫥ ⲭⲤⲥⲘ ⲉⲓⲕⲁ· ⲟⲩⲗⲅⲣⲉⲛ ⲧⲁⲩⲕⲗⲟⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲧⲖⲗⲔ ⲁⲩⲣⲟⲩⲧⲕⲁ ⲁⲛⲕⲓⲙⲓⲛⲉⲥⲟ· kh(risto)ss-im ei-ka Christ-AFF

oulɡ-r-en

tauk-lo-eion till-ik

say-ACC ear-TR-PFV.PRS.2/3SG time-LOC-TOP God-ACC

aurout-ka anki-min-e-so alone-ACC

think-NEG-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM

‘When you hear (people) saying “Christ,” do not think only of God!’

The command marker also follows vetitive forms (§12.4): (47) gr 4.2–3 ᫥ ⲁⲛⲛⲁ ⲁⳡⲉⲛ ⲟⲩⲕⲟⲩⲣⲣⲱ· ⲁⲓⲕⲁ ⲙⲁⲧⲧⲁⲕⲁ ⲕⲓⲡⲣⲁ ⲅⲦⲧⲁⲙⲓⲥⲱ· an-na

añe-n

oukour-rō ai-ka

1SG-GEN life-GEN day-LO

matta-ka

kip-r-a

1SG-ACC affliction-ACC eat-PRS-PRED

ɡit-ta-mi-sō cause-NEG-JUS.SG-COMM ‘May you not cause affliction to consume me in the days of my life!’

The command marker -ⲥⲟ normally attaches to the last verb in a sequence of verbs when they are all commands.

59

4.2. COMMANDS

(48) P.QI 1 9.i.4–5 till-ik

᫥

ⲧⲖⲗⲓⲕ ⲉⲩⲀⲛⲁ ⲧⲁⲕⲕⲁ ⳟⲟⲕ ⲧⲚⲛⲁⲥⲱ·

eu-ana

tak-ka

ŋok

tin-na-sō

God-ACC fear-IMP.2/3PL.PRED 3SG-ACC glory give>2/3-IMP.2/3PL.PRED-COMM ‘Fear God, give him glory!’ (Rev 14:7)

(49) P.QI 2 26.5–7 ⲁⲕⲁⲛⲁⲥⲟ·

᫥

ak-ana

ⲁⲕⲁⲛⲁ ⲁⲛ ⳝⲱⲉⲛ ⲁⲉⲕⲟⲛ ⲟⲥⲁⲧⲁⲛⲕⲉ ⲁⲗⲗⲓⳝⲓⲗ an

jō-en

ae-k-on

sit-IMP.2/3PL.PRED 1SG.GEN go-PFV.PRS.2/3SG heart-ACC-TOP

os-a-ta-nke

all-ij-il

ak-ana-so

take.out-PRED-NEG-JUS.PL bind-PLACT-DET sit-IMP.2/3PL.PRED-COMM ‘Sit, and do not be emotional (lit. take out your heart) when I go, sit together!’

(50) M 6.11–14 ᫥ ⲉⲦⲧⲁ· ⲉⲆⲇⲉ ⲀⲉⲦⲧⲁⲕⲁⲧⲁⲙⲏ· ⲙⲁⲅⲢⲕⲟⲛ⳿ⲉⲛⲇⲉ ⲉⲚ ⲕⲟⲩⲙⲡⲟⲩⲕⲟⲛ ⲁⲒⲕⲁ ⲇⲓⲛⲉⲥⲱ· eitt-a

eid-de

aeit-tak-a-ta-mē

maɡirkonende

woman-PRED 2SG-ADE insult-PASS-PRED-NEG-JUS.SG but

ein

koumpou-k-on ai-ka

DEM.PROX

egg-ACC-TOP

din-e-sō

1SG-ACC give>1-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM

‘Woman, may you not be insulted, but give that egg to me!’

(51) K 27.12–28.4 ᫥ Ⲁⲗⲉⲥⲓⲛ ⲉⲓⲣⲟⲛ ⲕⲤⲥⲉⲗ ⲙⲟⲣⲓⲙⲓⲛⲓⲛ ⲡⲁⲧⲧⲁⲙⲏ· … ⲉⲓⲛ ⲧⲁⲣⲁⲧⲉⲓ ⲙⲉⲕⲕⲉⲓⲛⲛⲓⲗⲉ ⳝⲟⲩⲛ· ⲉⲗⲗⲉ ⲉⲓⲓⲟⲩⲇⲁⲇⲁⲗ ⲙⲆⲇⲉⲓⲧⲁⲕⲉⲓⲛⲏ ⲉⲓⲙⲙⲉⲓⲛⲉⲥⲟ· alesin eir-∅-on

kisse-l-∅

mor-imin-in

pat-ta-mē

2SG-NOM-TOP church-DET-NOM end-NEG-PRS.2/3SG come.out-NEG-JUS.SG

if

… ein DEM.PROX

taratei mekk-ein-n-ile joun hour

small-be-PRS-LE

midd-eitak-ein-ē

el-le

eiiouda-dal

because now-INT Judas-COM

eim-mein-e-so

condemn-PASS-PRS.2/3SG(?)-2SG(?) be-NEG-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM ‘You, if the church is not dismissed, may you not come out…. Because of this short period, do not be condemned forever with Judas!’

The command marker -ⲥⲟ/-ⲥⲱ is also attested following regular 3SG/PL forms. In these cases, the verb seems to acquire a jussive interpretation (G. M. Browne 2003c).

PST1/2

(52) P.QI 1 5.ii.19–20 ⲉⲓⲁⲣⲧⲁⲕⲟⲛⲁⲥⲱ

᫥

ⲤⲕⲟⲉⲓⲧⲗⲞⲇⲁⲗ ⲟⲩⲛ ⲥⲉⲛⲧⲖ· ⲧⲖⲗⲓⲅⲖ·

60

4. SENTENCE TYPES

iskoeit-lo-dal

oun

sent-il-∅

till-iɡil

thank.NMLZ-LOC-COM 2PL.GEN request-DET-NOM God-ALL

ei-ar-tak-on-a-sō know-TR-PASS-PST1.2/3SG-PRED-COMM ‘Let with thanksgiving your request be known to God!’ (Phil 4:6)

(53) DP 1.6–7 ᫧ ⲧⲉⲉⲓⲟⲛⲁⲥⲟ· ⲓⲥⲣⲁⲏⲗⲏ ⳟⲟⲇⲕⲁ· ⲁⲥ ⲅⲟⲩ ⲧⲟⲣⲁ Ⲟⲁⲣⲓ[ⲛ]Ⲁ ⲕⲓⲉⲚ ⲡⲁⲩⲟⲩ· teei-on-a-so

israēlē-∅

ŋod-ka

as

ɡou-∅

hope-PST1-2/3SG-COMM Israel-NOM lord-ACC morning ground-NOM

tor-a

oar-ina

ki-ein

pauou

enter-PRED night-GEN come-PRS.2/3SG until ‘Let Israel hope in the Lord, from the morning time until night comes!’ (Ps 129:6)

(54) P.QI 1 7.i.5–6 ᫧ ⲉⲓⲀⲣⲟⲩⲀⲛⲁⲥⲱ· ⲟⲩⲣⲅⲗⲗⲉ [ⲡⲁⲉⲓⲁ?] ⲧⲉⲣⲓⲕⲁ· ⳟⲟⲇⲚ ⲧⲉⲇⲉⲛⲟⲕⲕⲁ· ei-ar-ou-an-a-sō

our-ɡille paei-a

know-TR-PST1-3PL-PRED-COMM 2PL-ALL

teri-ka ŋod-in

write-PRED 3PL-ACC Lord-GEN

ted-enok-ka law-COMP-ACC ‘Let them know what I write to you to be the highest law of the Lord!’ (1 Cor 14:37)

And following a first person singular: (55) L 109.8–9 ten

᫧

ⲧⲉⲛ [ⳝ]ⲟⲩⲣⲓⲀⲙⲟⲛ ⲁⲓ ⲁⲓⲕⲟⲛⲟ ⳟⲤⲥⲁⳟⲣⲉⲥⲱ

jouri-a-mon

ai

ai-k-ono

ŋiss-aŋr-e-sō

3PL.GEN cause-DAT-CONJ 1SG 1SG-ACC-REFL holy-CAUS.PRS-1SG.PRED-COMM ‘And because of them I hallow myself!’ (Jn 17:19)

In non-literary texts, the command marker is sometimes dropped. Compare: (56) I.Bang 35.5–7 ᫥ ⲣⲁⲫⲁⲏⲗ ⲁⲓⲕⲁ ⲉⲢⳡⲉⲥⲱ raphaēl ai-ka

eirñ-e-sō

Raphael 1SG-ACC guard-IMP.2/3/SG.PRED-COMM ‘Raphael, guard me!’

(57) I.Bang 706.1 ᫥ ⲣⲁⲫⲁⲏⲗ ⲧⲖⲗⲁ ⲉⲢⳠⲉ raphaēl till-a Raphael

eiriñ-e

God-PRED guard-IMP.2/3/SG.PRED

‘God (of) Raphael, guard!’

61

4.2. COMMANDS

4.2.1. Requests The command marker may be dropped in (polite) requests. (58) M 11.6–9 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲣⲓⲰ ⲙⲁⲗⲱ ⲧⲖⲗⲔ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲁⲣⲁ ⲙⲁⲣⲓⲀ ⲁⲓⲕⲁ ⲁⲩⲗⲟⲥⲉ· ⳟⲁⲡⲉⲕ⳿ ⲁⲩⲈⲥⲓⲗⲟ ⳝⲟⲩⲛ· eiri-ō

malo

till-ik

ounn-ar-a

mari-a

ai-ka

2sg-LOC according.to God-ACC bear-PST1-PRED Mary-PRED 1SG-ACC

aul-os-e

ŋape-k au-es-i-lo

joun

save-PFV-IMP.2/3SG.PRED sin-ACC do-PFV.PST2-1SG-LOC because ‘By you, Mary Theotokos, please save me, because I have committed sin!’

(59) CE 160.A.11–13 ⲁⲩⲗⲟⲥⲉ

᫥

ⳟⲤⲥⲟⲩ ⲈⲡⲓⲙⲁⲭⲟⲥⲚ ⲧⲖⲗⲁ ⲉⲚ ⲧⲁⲛⲧⲓⲗⲁ ⲁⲓⲕ

ŋissou epimakhos-in till-a holy

Epimachus-GEN God-PRED

ein

tant-ila

DEM.PROX

storm-DAT 1SG-ACC

ai-k

aul-os-e SAVE-PFV-IMP.2/3SG.PRED

‘God of Saint Epimachus, please save me from this storm!’

Note that in both (58) and (59), the aspectual marker -ⲟⲥ with the imperative may indicate a polite request (§11.1.2). The command marker -ⲥⲱ may also be combined with the direct discourse marker -ⲁ to form the final clause marker -ⲥⲁ (§8.3.2.2).

5. TOPIC AND FOCUS

Old Nubian has a topic–focus marking system that determines the information structure in the sentence. The topic marker -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ (§5.1) sets the ‘stage’ for a sentence, signaling what the sentence is about. Often, the topic coincides with the grammatical subject of the sentence, but this need not be the case. The focus marker -ⲗⲟ (§5.2) introduces new information and is often obligatory, for example on negative verbal predicates and nominal predicates. Both the topic and focus marker are always the rightmost suffix on a noun or verb phrase. Besides these two main information structure suffixes, there are three other suffixes that are mutually exclusive with the focus marker -ⲗⲟ: the contrastive suffix -ⲉⲛⲕⲱ (§9.1.7), which may be translated as ‘but’ and functions basically as a sentence coordinator (cf. §9.4); the rarely used affirmative marker -ⲙ (§5.3); and the emphasis marker -ⲥⲚ (§5.4), which appears to signal syntactic movement and plays an important role in certain Old Nubian translation traditions. 5.1. Topic Marker -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ The suffix -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ marks the topic of the sentence.1 The underlying form of the suffix is not entirely clear. G. M. Browne (2002c, 73) assumed that the base form should be cited as -ⲟⲛ, but two facts seem to point into a different direction. First, the assimilation pattern on the left edge of -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ suggests the presence of an underspecified sonorant /j/ (§19.6.1.2). Second, the reanalysis of the ending -ion in Greek loanwords as not belonging to the root suggests that -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ and not -ⲟⲛ was perceived as the main morphological unit: K 29.5–6 ᫥ ⲉⲩⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗ-ⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲕⲁ < Gr. εὐαγγέλιον (§1.3.4). It appears that the suffix -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ may have at an earlier stage developed from -ⲗⲟⲛ. For example, we find the forms P.QI 2 18.iv.8 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲉⲣⲕⲉⲛⲇⲉ-ⲗⲟⲛ and P.QI 3 41.6 ⲟⲩⲉⲕⲕⲉⲛⲇⲉ-ⲗⲟⲛ for the more common form L 105.1 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲉⲛⲇⲉ-ⲉⲓⲟⲛ. The ending -ⲗⲟⲛ also appears to be retained after the old locative -ⲟ (see §15.3.1): P.QI 3 36.18 ᫥ ⲕⲁⲗⲟ-ⲗⲟⲛ. However, -ⲗⲟⲛ could also be innovative. The topic is that which the sentence is ‘about’. It provides information that is already known to both speaker and listener, the common ground of the 1 Browne frequently translates the topic marker -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ with the sentence coordinator ‘and’, because -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ frequently appears in places where Greek has second-position particles such as δέ. -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ, however, clearly has a significant role in the information structure of a narrative, and can therefore not be ‘blindly’ translated with an English coordinator that is structurally unrelated to the topic of an English clause.

64

5. TOPIC AND FOCUS

discourse. In narrative sequences, the topic is frequently a constituent that has been introduced or mentioned in the previous sentence and is therefore known to the audience. An illustrative example is the following sequence from M: (60) M 9.16–10.8 ᫥ ⲕⲩⲣⲓⲀⲕⲉⲛ ⲟⲩⲕⲟⲩⲣ ⲉⲓⲛⲚⲛⲟⲛ· ⲀⲡⲟⲅⲅⲖ ⲇⲠⲡⲆⲇⲱ ⲕⲉⲇⲁ ⲕⲓⲥⲛⲁ· ⲕⲟⲣⲉⲕ⳿ ⲉⲦⲛⲓⲁ· ⲙⲁⲛ ⲇⲠⲡⲓⲗⲁⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲡⲁⲣⲑⲉⲛⲟⲥⲟⲩ ⳟⲤⲥⲟⲩ ⲙⲁⲣⲓⲁⲛ ⲕⲤⲥⲉⲗⲗⲟ ⳟⲟⲛⳝⲁⲣⲁ· ⲧⲁⲣⲓⲀⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲧⲟⲣⲁ ⲕⲓⲥⲛⲁ· ⲕⲟⲣⲉⲕ⳿ ⲉⲦⲛⲓⲁ· kuriake-n

oukour ein-in-non

Sunday-GEN day

ked-a

dipp-id-dō

apoɡɡ-il-∅

be-PRS.2/3SG-TOP boatsman-DET-NOM village-DET-SUPE

ki-s-n-a

kore-k

eit-ni-a

ascend-PRED come-PST2-2/3SG-PRED sacrament-ACC receive-SUBORD.SG-PRED

man

dipp-ila-eion

DEM.DIST

village-DAT-TOP virgin

kisse-l-∅-lo

parthenosou ŋissou maria-n

ŋonj-ar-a

holy

Mary-GEN

tari-a-eion tor-a

church-DET-NOM-FOC stand-PST1-PRED 3SG-DAT-TOP enter-PRED

ki-s-n-a

kore-k

eit-ni-a

come-PST2-2/3SG-PRED sacrament-ACC receive-SUBORD.SG-PRED ‘As it was Sunday, the boatsman went up to the village to receive the sacrament. In that village stood the church of the Holy Virgin Mary. There he entered to receive the sacrament.’

In the first sentence, the topic is the subordinate clause ⲕⲩⲣⲓⲀⲕⲉⲛ ⲟⲩⲕⲟⲩⲣ ⲉⲓⲛⲚⲛⲟⲛ ‘as it was Sunday’, providing the occasion for the boatsman to go up to the village. This village has already been introduced to the audience in the preceding part of the narrative, so it is not new information. As a result it receives no special focus marking. In the second sentence, the village itself, ⲙⲁⲛ ⲇⲠⲡⲓⲗⲁⲉⲓⲟⲛ, becomes the topic, and we learn that it has a church. This is indeed new information to the audience, and we find it marked with a focus marker -ⲗⲟ. In the final sentence, the topic shifts to this church, referred to by the anaphor ⲧⲁⲣⲓⲀⲉⲓⲟⲛ, which the boatsman enters to receive the sacrament. As can be clearly seen, the topic marker shifts, like a discursive spotlight, our attention to different scenes: Sunday activities, the village, and the village church. In this way the topic marker -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ structures the information conveyed in the narrative. As may be noticed in (60), the topic usually appears as the left-most constituent of a sentence, with the topic marker marking its right edge. Topicalized constituents can only be preceded by certain adverbs (§17.4.1.3). If the topicalized constituent is a subject, it will always leave an empty subject position which triggers the presence of a subject clitic on the verbal predicate (Van Gerven Oei 2018). This explains the following minimal pair (cf. §10.1.4.1):

65

5.1. TOPIC MARKER -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ

(61) M 4.16

᫥

ⲀⲡⲟⲅⲅⲖ ⲡⲉⲥⲁⲣⲁ· pes-ar-a

apoɡɡ-il-∅

boatsman-DET-NOM speak-PST1-PRED ‘The boatsman said.’

(62) M 5.14–15

᫥

ⲀⲡⲟⲅⲅⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⲡⲉⲥⲥⲛⲁ·

apoɡɡ-il-∅-lon

pes-s-n-a

boatsman-DET-NOM-TOP speak-PST2-2/3SG-PRED ‘The boatsman said.’

As the topic marker is associated with leftward movement of constituents to the highest position in the sentence, it is also frequently encountered on constituents including a universal quantifier (§16.5), which move overtly to a leftmost position: (63) St 14.4–12 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲇⲇⲟ ⲡⲓⲥⲧⲉⲩⲉⲓⲣⲁ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲟⲛ· ⲧⲁⲕⲕⲁ ⲉⲣⲅⲖⲗⲟ ϩⲁⲣⲙⲓⲅⲟⲩⲛ· ⲢⲕⲁⲛⲉⲗⲁⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲕⲉⲇⲁ ⳝⲟⲇⲇⲚⲛⲁⲛⲁ· ⲁⳡⳝ ⲉⲗⲗⲉⲛ ⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗⲗⲉⲛⲕⲁ ⲥⲉⲩⲉⲦⲛⲟⲩⲀ· tad-do

pisteue-ir-a

miššan-ɡou-l-∅-lon tak-ka

3SG-SUPE believe-PRS-PRED all-PL-DET-NOM-TOP

erɡ-il-∅-lo

harm-iɡou-n

3SG-ACC

er-kane-la-ɡille

ked-a

follow-PRS.DET-NOM-FOC heaven-PL-GEN king-NMLZ-DAT-ALL ascend-PRED

jod-d-in-n-an-a

añj ellen ketallen-ka seueit-nou-a

go-INTEN-COP-PRS-3PL-PRED life eternal-ACC

inherit-SUBORD.PL-PRED

‘All who believe in it and follow it will ascend to the kingdom of the heavens in order to inherit eternal life.’

The topic marker is a frequent feature of literary Old Nubian, where its presence facilitates several syntactical operations that allow the Old Nubian constituent order to approximate the one in Greek. However, it has also been signalled in documentary texts, most prominently in land sale P.QI 3 36, where it introduces the individual fields of land that are being sold (Van Gerven Oei 2019b): (64) P.QI 3 36.i.25–27 ᫥ ⲕⲁⲗⲟⲗⲟⲛ Ⲉⲛⲟⲛ ⲁⲥⲧⲓⲛⲖⲗⲟ· ⳝⲟⲕⲟⲥⲗⲀ ⲡⲁⲣⲣⲉ ⲕⲟⲉⲓⲉⲛ ⲡⲁⲣⲕⲖⲗⲟ ⲁⲛⲛⲁ ⲙⲁⲗⲗⲉⲗⲟ Ⲟⲣⲱⲇⲉ Ⲁⲛⲓⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲁⲥⲧⲓⲛⲖⲗⲟ· kalo-lon

eno-n

ast-in-il-∅-lo

jokos-ila

downstream-TOP ENO-GEN daughter-GEN-DET-NOM-FOC cotton(?)-DAT

parre-∅

koeie-n

park-il-lo

field-NOM

TREE-GEN

valley-DET-LOC 1SG-GEN-PRED everything-FOC

orō-de

anieio-n

an-n-a

malle-lo

ast-in-il-∅-lo

upstream-ADE Anieio-GEN daughter-GEN-DET-NOM-FOC

66

5. TOPIC AND FOCUS

‘As regards the north (the land) of the daughter of Eno: the field for cotton(?) in the valley of the woods is entirely mine; to the south the (land) of the daughter of Anieio.’

5.2. Focus Marker -ⲗⲟ The focus marker -ⲗⲟ, extensively treated by Satzinger (1990, 200–205) and G. M. Browne (1997, 1–27), usually only appears once in a declarative sentence, and will always mark a constituent of the main (i.e., non-embedded) clause. Generally speaking, its function is to mark new or relevant information, thus keeping track of shifts of focus in the conversation. It is morphologically distinct from the locative marker -(ⲗ)ⲟ, as can be gathered from the following minimal pair: (65) P.QI 1 1.ii.4–5 ᫧ ⲧⲟⲩⲅ(?)]ⲅⲁⲇⲇⲣⲉ· ⲇⲁⲩ ⲉⲚ ⲧⲁⲣⲓⲟ ⳝⲱⲉⲛⲛⲱ· touɡɡad-d-r-e

dau ein

enter.CAUS-INTEN-PRS-1SG.PRED path

DEM.PROX

tari-o

jō-en-nō

3SG-LOC go-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-LOC

‘I will make you enter the path on which you go.’ (Ps 31:8)

(66) SC 18.10–12 tal-∅-lo

᫥

ⲧⲁⲗⲗⲟ ⲤⲕⲦⲕⲁ Ⲁⲙⲁⲛⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇⲱ ⲥⲟⲩⲙⲡⲟⲩⲧⲢⲣⲁ·

iskit-ka

aman-ɡou-l-dō

soumpout-ir-r-a

3SG-NOM-FOC earth.NMLZ-ACC water-PL-DET-SUPE foundation-TR-PRS-PRED ‘He founds the earth upon the waters.’

In (65) we find the locative suffix -(ⲗ)ⲟ attached to the 3SG personal pronoun ⲧⲁⲣⲓ; in (66), the focus marker -ⲗⲟ is attached to the same pronoun. As may be clear, the locative doesn’t trigger regressive assimilation, whereas the focus marker does. The focus marker -ⲗⲟ occurs in the following contexts: (67) OPTIONAL FOCUS MARKING • New information (§5.2.1); • Fixed formulas (§5.2.2). (68) OBLIGATORY FOCUS MARKING • Nominal predicates (§5.2.3); • Negative verbal predicates (§5.2.4). 5.2.1. New Information When used to mark new information in a sentence, the focus marker -ⲗⲟ always attaches to a constituent in a declarative main clause. It never occurs in

67

5.2. FOCUS MARKER -ⲗⲟ

a subordinate clause. Constituents are always marked in situ, which implies that focus-marked constituents cannot move. As a result, the presence of a focus marker on a subject correlates with the absence of a subject clitic (§10.1.4) on the main verb. A good example of the usage of the focus marker is provided by the opening of M. First, the subject of the story is announced, which is of course new information at that point: (69) M 1.1–3 ᫥ ⳟⲟⲕⲕⲟⲣⲁ ⲭⲣⲓⲥⲧⲟⲥⲚ ⲙⲁⲣⲧⲩⲣⲟⲥⲟⲩ ⳟⲤⲥⲟⲩ ⲙⲏⲛⲁⲛⲁ ⲁⲩⲥⲁⲗⲱ· ŋokkor-a

khristos-in marturosou ŋissou mēna-na

miracle-PRED Christ-GEN

martyr

holy

Mina-GEN

au-s-a-lō make-PST2-PRED-FOC ‘This is a miracle that Saint Mina, the martyr of Christ, performed.’

And then, when the story begins, we are introduced to our main character: (70) M 1.5–8 ᫥ ⲉⲦⲧⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲗⲟ ⲇⲠⲡⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲗⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲀⲣⲁ· Ⲁⲗⲉⲝⲁⲛⲇⲣⲉⲛ· ϣⲔⲅⲟⲩⲗⲁ· eittou

ouel-∅-lo

dippou ouel-la dou-ar-a

woman one-NOM-FOC village

alexandre-n

one-DAT exist-PST1-PRED Alexandria-GEN

šik-ɡou-la district-ground-DAT ‘There was a woman living in a village, in the district of Alexandria.’

So in both cases, the focus marker -ⲗⲟ makes us attentive to new information, first announcing the story and then the protagonist. A similar, more extensive construction can be found in St 1.1–2.1. In the same way that -ⲗⲟ can introduce the subject or main characters of a story, it can be used to identify the authors of a letter: (71) P.QI 3 31.7–8 ⲡⲁⲉⲓⲁⲣⲁ· ai-ou tri-de 1SG-J

᫥

ⲁⲓⲟⲩ ⲧⲣⲓⲇⲉ ⲉⲛⲟ ⲁⲛⲛⲓ ⳟⲁⲉⲗⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲗⲟ· ⲉⲚⲕⲁ

eno an-ni

ŋael-dekel-lo ein-ka

Tri-CONJ Eno 1SG-GEN son-CONJ-FOC

DEM.PROX-ACC

paei-ar-a write-PST1-PRED

‘I, Tri, and Eno, my son, have written this.’

Let’s return to ⲧⲁⲗⲗⲟ in (66), which is found in a long list of God’s actions, beginning with an invocation from the beginning of the Gospel of John in which the topic is shifted several times. I provide an analysis of the discourse

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5. TOPIC AND FOCUS

structure of these opening phrases, because they provide a clear example of how the focus marker -ⲗⲟ is employed: (72) SC 17.22–23 ᫧ ⳝⲟⲩⲛⳝⲟⲩⲣⲧⲗⲟ ⲥⲁⲗⲗⲱ ⲇⲟⲩⲀⲣⲁ· ⲥⲁ[ⲗⲗⲟⲛ] ⲧⲖⲗⲓⲗⲁⲗⲟ [ⲇ]ⲟⲩⲞⲛⲁ· sal-∅-lō

joun∼jour-t-lo

dou-ar-a-∅

sal-l-∅-on

cause∼INT-NMLZ-LOC word-NOM-FOC exist-PST1-PRED word-DET-NOM-TOP

till-ila-lo

dou-on-a

God-DAT-FOC exist-PST1.2/3SG-PRED ‘In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God.’ (Jn 1:1)

In the first sentence ⲥⲁⲗⲗⲱ is the new information, whereas in the second it has shifted to ⲧⲖⲗⲓⲗⲁⲗⲟ. Note also how in the second sentence, the topic is ⲥⲁ[ⲗⲗⲟⲛ], marked with topic marker -ⲟⲛ. As in (66) and (70), the verb never features a subject clitic (§10.1.4), when its subject is marked with the focus marker. At the moment that in (72) the focus shifts to ⲧⲖⲗⲓⲗⲁⲗⲟ, we find a subject clitic on [ⲇ]ⲟⲩⲞⲛⲁ, which is obligatory when the subject of a clause is marked with a topic marker. In the final sentence from the citation from John we find a negative verbal predicate, which is always marked with the focus marker (§5.2.4): (73) SC 17.25–18.2 ᫧ ⲏⲛ ⲁⲩⲧⲁ[ⲕⲟ]ⲗⲗⲁ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲉⲛⲇⲉ ⲧⲁⲣⲓⲟ ⲙ[ⲟⲣ]Ⲛ ⲁⲩ[ⲧ]ⲁⲕⲙⲉⲛ[ⲛⲁ]ⲗⲟ· ēn

au-tak-ol-la

DEM.PROX

make-PASS-PST1-DAT one-NOM-NEG.CONJ 3SG-LOC

mor-in

ouel-∅-ende

tari-o

au-tak-men-n-a-lo

be.without-PRS.2/3SG make-PASS-NEG-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-FOC ‘Without him nothing was made into that which has been made.’ (Jn 1:3)

After the citation from the Gospel of John, the author of SC continues with a question: (74) SC 18.2–4 ᫧ ⳟⲖⲗⲁⲓ⳺ ⲥⲁⲗⲗⲟ [ϩⲁ]ⲣⲙⲓⲕ[ⲁ] ⲕⲁⲣⳟⲟⲛⲛⲁ ⲧⲁⲣ ⲉⲛⲉⲛⲕⲁ⳺ ŋil-l-a-i

sal-lo

harmi-ka

karŋ-on-na

tar-∅

see-PRS-PRED-2SG word-LOC heaven-ACC hold-PST1.2/3SG-GEN 3SG-NOM

en-en-ka be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-ACC ‘Do you see that it is he who held the heaven with the Word?’

Because ⲧⲁⲣ, the anaphor referring to God, is embedded within a relative clause dependent on ⳟⲖⲗⲁⲓ, it cannot be marked with the focus marker -ⲗⲟ.

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5.2. FOCUS MARKER -ⲗⲟ

So instead we find another, syntactical, method to mark the topic of conversation, namely the cleft sentence ⲧⲁⲣ ⲉⲛⲉⲛⲕⲁ. We find such cleft sentences when a focused constituent cannot be marked with -ⲗⲟ. The constriction of the focus marker to declarative main clauses, in which the main verb is marked with the predicate suffix -ⲁ can be illustrated by the following pair: (75) SC 7.2–3 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲗⲟⲛ ⲡⲉⲥⲘⲙ[ⲁ ⲙ]ⲓⳝⲓⲣⲕⲖ ⲇⲓⲁⲣⲕⲁ[ⲗ]ⲟ ⳟⲉⲕⲛⲁⲁ ouel-lon pes-im-m-a one-TOP

mij-ir-k-il-∅

di-ar-ka-lo

speak-AFF-PRS.3SG-PRED disobey-TR-NMLZ-DET-NOM die-PST1-ACC-FOC

ŋek-n-a-a produce-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-DD ‘Again he says: “Disobedience produces death.”’

(76) K 24.4–7 ᫥ ⲧⲔⲕⲚⲛⲟⲛ ⲘⳝⲢⲕⲗⲟ ⲡⲁⳝⲁⲛⲁⲥⲱ· ⲘⳝⲢⲕⲖ ⲇⲉⲓⲁⲣⲕⲁ ⳟⲉⲅⲣⲁ Ⲉⲛⲉⲛⲛⲉ ⳝⲟⲩⲛ· tikkin-non mij-ir-k-lo

paj-ana-sō

finally-TOP disobey-TR-NMLZ-LOC cease-IMP.2/3PL.PRED-COMM

mij-ir-k-il-∅

dei-ar-ka

ŋeɡ-r-a

en-en-ne

disobey-TR-NMLZ-DET-NOM die-PST1-ACC produce-PRS-PRED be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-LE

joun because ‘Finally, cease from disobedience, because disobedience produces death!’

Another typical use of the focus marker is in the indication of contrast. At a certain moment in SC, God discovers that Adam and Eve have eaten from the Tree of Knowledge. Trying to shift the blame, Adam blames Eve, and Eve, in turn, blames the serpent. The contrast between Eve and the serpent is marked as a shift in focus through -ⲗⲟ: (77) SC 22.9–13 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲗⲟⲛ ⲡ[ⲉ]ⲥⲥⲛⲁ ⲧⲖⲗ[ⲓ]ⲅⲖⲗⲉ· ⲉⲦⲧⲟⲩ ⲁⲓⲕⲁ ⲇⲤⲥⲚ ⲧⲁⲗⲗⲟ ⲁⲓⲕⲁ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲉⲢⲣⲁ· ⲉⲚⲛⲟ [ⲕ]ⲁⲗⲱⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲡⲉⲥⲥⲛⲁ ⲉⲩⲀⲅⲖⲗⲉ· ⲙⲁⲛⲟⲛ ⲡⲉⲥⲥⲛⲁ· ⲙⲓⲧⲖⲗⲟ ⲁⲓⲕⲁ ⲈⲧⲟⲩⲉⲢⲣⲁ· ouel-l-∅-on

pes-s-n-a

till-iɡille eittou

one-DET-NOM-TOP speak-PST2-2/3SG-PRED God-ALL

dis-s-in

tal-lo

ai-ka

etoueir-r-a

en-no

give>1-PST2-2/3SG 3SG-FOC 1SG-ACC deceive-PRS-PRED

kalo-eion

pes-s-n-a mit-il-∅-lo

DEM.PROX-LOC

eua-ɡille man-on

downstream-TOP speak-PST2-2/3SG-PRED Eve-ALL

pes-s-n-a

ai-ka

woman 1SG-ACC

ai-ka

DEM.DIST-TOP

etoueir-r-a

speak-PST2-2/3SG-PRED serpent-DET-NOM-FOC 1SG-ACC deceive-PRS-PRED

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5. TOPIC AND FOCUS

‘The one [sc. Adam] said to God: “The woman you gave to me, she deceived me.” And he spoke to Eve, and the latter said: “The serpent deceived me.”’

Similar usage of -ⲗⲟ can also be found in question–answer sequences: (78) M 4.13–5.4 ᫥ ⲉⲦⲧⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⲡⲉⲥⲥⲛⲁ· ⲀⲗⲉⲥⲚ ⲉⲚⲛⲟ ⲧⲟⲩⲕⲣⲉⲛ ⲤⲅⲖ ⳝⲱⲇⲚ· ⲀⲡⲟⲅⲅⲖ ⲡⲉⲥⲁⲣⲁ· ⲀⲗⲉⲥⲚ ⳟⲟⲇⲖ ⲁⲓⲕⲁ ⲙⲟⲩⲇⲟⲩⲟⲩⲕⲟⲛⲛⲟ⳿ ⲫⲓⲗⲟⲝⲉⲛⲓⲧⲏⲅⲖⲗⲉⲗⲱ ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲉ· eitt-il-∅-lon

pes-s-n-a

alesin ein-no

woman-DET-NOM-TOP speak-PST2-2/3SG-PRED if

DEM.PROX-LOC

toukr-en

is-ɡil

jō-d-in

apoɡɡ-il-∅

depart.TR-PFV.PRS.2/3SG

WH-ALL

go-INTEN-PRS.2/3SG boatsman-DET-NOM

pes-ar-a

alesin ŋod-il-∅

speak-PST1-PRED if

ai-ka

moudou-ouko-n-no

Lord-DET-NOM 1SG-ACC guide-SUBORD-2/3SG-LOC

philoxenitē-ɡille-lō jou-r-e Philoxenite-ALL-FOC

go-PRS-1SG.PRED

‘The woman said: “If you depart from here, where will you go to?” The boatsman said: “If the Lord guides me, I am going to Philoxenite.”’

And in contrastive constructions: (79) SC 11.15–20 ᫥ ⲉⲗ ⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥⲗⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲈⲣⲟⲩⲗⲱⲇⲉ ⲕⲓⲡⲓⲇ ⳟⲓⲇⲉ· ⲥⲟⲗⲗⲓⲧⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲛⲕⲟⲩⲛⲕⲉⲗⲅⲟⲩⲗⲱ ⲕⲟⲗⲟ ⲁⲗⲗⲓⲧⲁⲕⲣⲟ· ⲉⲗⲗⲉⲕⲗⲟⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲁⲣⲙⲤⲕⲓⲇⲉⲗⲇⲉ ⲟⲩⲕⲕⲟⲩⲧⲧⲖⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱ ⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲡⲉⲗⳝⲓⲗ ⲡⲓⲣⲁ· el

kosmos-la dou-er-ou-lō-de

kip-id

ŋi-de

now world-DAT exist-PFV.PRS-1/2PL-LOC-CONJ eat-CONJ drink-CONJ

soll-itou

oun-koun-ke-l-ɡou-lō

ko-lo

all-itak-r-o

abandon-NMLZ love-have-HAB-PRS-PL-LOC with-FOC bind-PASS-PRS-1/2PL.PRED

elle-k-lo-eion

armis-k-idel-de

ouk-koutt-il-dekel-∅-lō

now-ACC-LOC-TOP judge-NMLZ-NMLZ.DET-CONJ oppress-NMLZ-DET-CONJ.DET-NOM-FOC

ek-ka

pel-j-il

pi-r-a

1PL.INCL-ACC come.out-PLACT-PRS.DET remain-PRS-PRED ‘And when we exist in the present world, we are bound by eating and drinking and lovely diversions, but hereafter judgment and oppression are coming out for us.’

(80) M 1.11–2.2 ᫥ ⲉⲓⳡⲦⲧⲟⲩ ⳟⲟⲩⲕⲧⲗⲱ ⲇⲓⲉⲓⲕⲟⲛ ⲕⲟⲀⲗⲟ Ⲉⲛⲟⲛⲁ· ⲥⲉⲩⲁⲧⲧⲕⲟⲛ ⲕⲟⲛⲙⲉⲛⲛⲁⲗⲱ· eiñittou ŋoukt-lō wealth

diei-k-on

ko-a-lo

abundance.NMLZ-LOC be.many-ACC-TOP have-PRED-FOC

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5.2. FOCUS MARKER -ⲗⲟ

en-on-a

seu-att-k-on

kon-men-n-a-lō

be-PST1.2/3SG-PRED inherit-NMLZ-ACC-TOP have-NEG-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-FOC ‘In abundant wealth she possessed much, but she had no heir.’

Note that in the auxiliary construction (80) ⲕⲟⲀⲗⲟ Ⲉⲛⲟⲛⲁ, the focus marker appears on a converb, which is a hapax. The topic marker on ⲇⲓⲉⲓⲕⲟⲛ triggers the presence of a subject clitic (§5.1), but as the focus marker usually does not attach to a non-negative verb form with a subject clitic, the author is forced to use an auxiliary construction with the auxiliary verb ⲉⲛ (sim. M 2.5–7; P.QI 1 9.ii.21) (§14.1). Attested exceptions to the rule that the focus marker cannot attach to a verb with a subject clitic are P.QI 2 16.i.2 ⲡⲉⲥⲥⲓⲛⲁⲗⲱ ‘he/it said’ (sim. 16.i.7; 18.i.7; 18.v.10), used in an opening formula, and P.QI 3 44.5 ⲙϢⲕⲟⲛⲁⲗⲟ and 44.6 ⲙϢⲕⲓⲥⲁⲛⲁⲗⲟ with unknown meaning (perhaps related to quantifier ⲙϢϣⲁⲛ?), used in a sale. Browne lists several sentences that seemingly violate the limitation of one focus-marked constituent per main clause. However, in the large majority of cases we are dealing with only one constituent that is focus-marked, the other(s) being locative suffixes. One attested exception should perhaps be amended: (81) P.QI 3 35.17–18 ᫥ ⲉⲚⲕⲁ ⲁⲛⲛⲁ ⲥⲓⲙⲉⲣⲣⲓⲇⲁⲗ ⳟⲁⲅⲅⲁⲣⲖⲗⲟᲟⲛᲠ ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲕⲟ ⳟⲤⲥⲖⲇⲁⲗ ⳟⲁⲅⲅⲓⲣⲁⲗⲟ ein-ka

an-na

DEM.PROX-ACC

1SG-GEN statement-COM deny-INTEN-DET-NOM-TOP three

simerr-idal

ŋaɡɡ-ar-il-∅-lon

tousko

ŋiss-il-dal

ŋaɡɡ-ir-a-lo

holy-DET-COM deny-PRS-PRED-FOC ‘Whoever will deny this, together with my statement, denies also the Holy Trinity.’

G. M. Browne (1997, ex. 31) reads ⳟⲁⲅⲅⲁⲣⲖⲗⲟ, but based on the parallel P.QI 3 31.15–16 ᫥ ⲉⲚⲕⲁ ⳟⲁⲅⲅⲁⲇⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⲧⲖⲗⲖⲇⲁⲗ ⳟⲁⲅⲅⲓⲣⲁⲗⲟ ‘whoever will deny this, denies God’ (sim. P.QI 3 30.30–31; P.QI 3 43.4) we should treat the absence of the ⲛ in ⳟⲁⲅⲅⲁⲣⲖⲗⲟᲟⲛᲠ as a scribal error. 5.2.2. Formulaic Language Old Nubian letters frequently open with a formulaic greeting marked with the affirmative (§12.1), and often the focus marker. ‘I greet you’ (to a person of same or lower rank): P.QI 4 96.re.1 ᫥ ⲇⲁⲟⲩⲙⲙⲉⲗⲟ (sim. P.QI 2 23.re.1, 24.re.1 28.re.1; P.QI 3 50.1, 52.1, 54.i.1, 58.re.1, 59.i.1; P.QI 4 85.re.1, 86.v.3, 87.re.1, 89.re.1, 90.re.1, 91.re.1, 99.re.1, 100.re.1, 107.re.1, 115.re.1, 117.re.1, 119.re.1, 120.re.1, 121.re.1, 122.re.1,

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5. TOPIC AND FOCUS

123.re.1, 124.re.1); Askut v.1 ᫥ ⲇⲁⲟⲩⲙⲙⲉⲗⲱ; P.QI 3 56.i.1 ᫥ ⲇⲁⲟⲩⲙⲉⲗⲟ; P.QI 4 119.v.2 ᫦ ⲇⲁⲩⲘⲙⲉⲗⲟ; P.QI 4 102.re.1 ᫥ ⲇⲁⲟⲩⲙⲗⲟ; P.QI 4 106.re.1 ᫥ ⲇⲁⲟⲩⲙⲙⲉ (sim. P.QI 2 22.re.1); P.QI 3 55.i.1 ᫥ ⲇⲁⲟⲩⲙ. ‘I worship you’ (to a person of high(er) rank): P.QI 4 86.re.1 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲘⲙⲉⲗⲟ (sim. P.QI 2 29.1; P.QI 3 49.i.1, 51.re.1, 57.i.1; P.QI 4 93.re.1, 94.re.1, 95.re.1, 97.re.1, 101.re.1, 103.re.1, 104.re.1, 110.v.1, 112.re.1, 114.re.1, 118.re.1); P.Attiri 11.1 ᫥ ⲇⲁⲩⲕⲟⲩⲙⲉⲗⲟ. P.QI 4 110.v.1 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲘⲙⲉ (sim. P.QI 2 25.re.1); P.QI 3 53.1 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲟⲩⲙⲙ. The focus marker -ⲗⲟ further appears in a small set of fixed formulas encountered in letters: P.QI 2 22.1 ⲉⲓⲁⲣⲖⲅⲣⲘⲙⲉⲗⲟ ‘I inform (you)’ and P.QI 2 28.14–15 ៷ ⲉⲓⲉⲙⲙⲉⲗⲟ ‘I say/know(?)’. Additionally, the focus marker appears in graffiti in the Upper Church of Banganarti on the verb ⲡⲁⲉⲓⲥⲉⲗⲟ ‘I wrote (this)’: I.Bang 20.1 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲉⲓⲥⲉⲗⲟ; I.Bang 43.2 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲓⲥⲉⲗⲟ; I.Bang 286.4 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲈⲥⲉⲗⲟ. 5.2.3. Nominal Predicates Nominal predicates of a main clause are mandatorily marked with the focus marker -ⲗⲟ. (82) SC 14.15–16

᫥

ⲤⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲖ ⲭⲣⲓⲥⲧⲓⲀⲛⲟⲥⲅⲟⲩⲛ ⲧⲉⲉⲓⲧⲁⲗⲟ

istauros-il-∅ khristianos-ɡou-n teeit-a-lo cross-DET-NOM Christian-PL-GEN

hope-PRED-FOC

‘The cross is the hope of Christians.’

(83) P.QI 2 21.ii.9–11 ᫥ ⲓⲱⲥⲏⲫⲓ ⲥⲟⲩⲧⲟⲩⲉ ⲇⲁⲩⲟⲩⲗ ⲙⲁⲧⲁⲣⲁⲗⲟ Iōsēphi soutoue dauoul-∅ Iōsēphi

scribe

matar-a-lo

great.DET-NOM witness-PRED-FOC

‘Iōsēphi, the Great Scribe, is witness.’

(84) L 104.10–11 ᫧ ⳝⲁⲩⲉⲛ [ⲕⲉ]ⲅⲁⲅⲣⲀⲇⲉ ⲟⲩⲕⲕⲁⲈⲅⲟⲩⲈⲗⲱ ⲟⲩⲣⲓⲞ ⳝ[ⲱⲀ] jau-e-n

keɡraɡira-de

proclaim-NMLZ-GEN

according.to.PRED-CONJ enemy.NMLZ.PL.PRED-PL.PRED-FOC

ouri-o

oukkae-ɡoue-lō

jōa

2PL-LOC through ‘And according to the Gospel they are enemies through you.’ (Rom 11:28)

Sometimes the focus marker appears twice in a sentence, once as an obligatory marker of the nominal predicate, and once in its regular function as a marker of new information:

73

5.2. FOCUS MARKER -ⲗⲟ

(85) K 28.12–29.4 ᫥ Ⲁⲗⲉⲥⲓⲛ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲧⲢⲗ ᲝⲁᲞ ⲕⲤⲥⲉⲗ ⲅⲁⲗⲗⲉⲓⲙⲓⲛⲉⲓⲛ ⲕⲁⲡⲉⲛ ⲁⲣⲙⲤⲕⲓⲣⲉ ⲇⲁⲩⲉⲖⲗⲟⲗⲟ ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲕⲟⲀⲗⲟ ᲝⲧⲁⲓᲞ ⲁⲗⲉⲥⲚ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲧⲆⲣ ⲕⲁⲡⲁ ⲕⲟⲣⲉⲕⲁ ⲉⲧⲉⲛ ⲇⲉⲓⲟⲗ ⲕⲁⲡⲖⲇⲁⲗⲗⲟ ⲡⲓⲕⲦ ⲕⲟⲩⲛⲛⲁ· kisse-l-∅

alesin oueltir-l-∅ if

ɡall-eimin-ein

any-DET-NOM church-DET-NOM open-NEG-PRS.2/3SG

kap-en

armiskire

daueil-lo-lo

jour-ko-a-lo

alesin

eat-PFV.PRS.2/3SG punishment great-LOC-FOC cause-ADJ-PRED-FOC if

oueltid-r-∅

kap-a

kore-ka

et-en

dei-ol-∅

any-DET-NOM eat-PRED sacrament-ACC receive-PRS.2/3SG die-PST1.DET-NOM

kap-il-dal-lo

pikit koun-n-a

eat-PRS-COM-FOC share have-PRS.2/3SG-PRED ‘If anyone eats when the church is not open, he is guilty to great punishment. If anyone receives the sacrament and eats, having died, he has a share with the Eater.’

So we have in the first sentence the nominal predicate ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲕⲟⲀⲗⲟ and topic ⲇⲁⲩⲉⲖⲗⲟⲗⲟ, whereas in the second, parallel, sentence we have a verbal predicate without -ⲗⲟ and a new topic, ⲕⲁⲡⲖⲇⲁⲗⲗⲟ. Nominal predicates are not marked with -ⲗⲟ in case they are part of an embedded clause or converb construction: (86) SC 12.8–13 ᫥ ⲇⲁⲩⲧⲓ ⲙⲁ[ⲧⲁ]ⲣ ⲁⳟⲁ ⲡⲉⲥⲉⲛ ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱ[·] ⲧⲖⲗⲖ ⲀⲙⲤⲕⲁⲇⲁ· Ⲁⲗⲉⲕⲁⲧⲧⲁ[·] ⲧⲱⲉⲕⲕⲁⲧⲧⲁ· Ⲁⲉⲥⲕⲁⲧⲧⲁ· ⲧⲁⲛ ⳟⲁⲕⲧⲉⲣⲕⲟⲛ ⲟⲩⲕⲟⲩⲛ ⲇⲟⲩⲣⲧⲁⲗⲗⲱ Ⲟⲥⲁ ⲇⲉⲣⲣⲁ ⲙⲚⲛⲁⲗⲱ· dauti-∅

matar aŋ-a

pes-en

kellō

till-il-∅

David-NOM witness become-PRED speak-PFV.PRS.2/3SG as.LOC God-DET-NOM

amiskad-a ale-katt-a

tōek-katt-a

aesk-att-a

tan

judge-PRED true-ADJ-PRED power-ADJ-PRED patient-ADJ-PRED 3SG.GEN

ŋakter-k-on

oukou-n dourtal-lō os-a

anger-ACC-TOP day-GEN each-LOC

der-r-a

take.OUT-PRED apply-PRS-PRED

min-n-a-lō NEG-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-FOC

‘As David becomes a witness and says that God is a judge, truthful, powerful, patient. And he does not apply his anger each day.’

(87) SC 17.19–20 ᫦ ⲧⲖⲗⲚ ⲧⲟⲧⲁ Ⲉⲛⲉⲛⲛⲟⲛ· ⲁⲩⳝⲉⲥⲚⲛⲟ [ⳝ]ⲱⲀⲗⲱ· till-in

tot-a

en-en-non

au-j-es-in-no

God-GEN son-PRED be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-TOP make-PLACT-PFV.PST2-2/3SG-LOC

jōa-lō because-FOC ‘When he is the son of God, (it is) because he created repeatedly.’

74

5. TOPIC AND FOCUS

In (86), the nominal predicates ⲀⲙⲤⲕⲁⲇⲁ, Ⲁⲗⲉⲕⲁⲧⲧⲁ, ⲧⲱⲉⲕⲕⲁⲧⲧⲁ, and Ⲁⲉⲥⲕⲁⲧⲧⲁ are not marked with -ⲗⲟ because they are not the main predicate, which is found a few lines down: SC 12.13 ⲙⲚⲛⲁⲗⲱ. Similarly in (87), the nominal predicate ⲧⲟⲧⲁ is not marked with -ⲗⲟ because it is part of an embedded clause under the main verb [ⳝ]ⲱⲀⲗⲱ. Note that in both cases the main verb is marked with the focus marker. The only other exception suggested by Browne is at the end of the list of witnesses introduced by (83): (88) P.QI 2 21.ii.16–17 ᫥ ⲕⲟⲥⲙⲁ ⲙⲁⲧⲁⲣⲁ ⳝⲘⲅⲟ kosma matar-a

jim-ɡo

Kosma witness-PRED all-PL ‘Kosma (and) all witnesses.’

Although the interpretation of the morphology on the quantifier ⳝⲘⲅⲟ is uncertain, the predicate marker -ⲁ on ⲙⲁⲧⲁⲣⲁ should most probably be interpreted as dependent on it (§16.5.1), and not as a nominal predicate. As P.QI 2 21 is a testimony of Kosma and this is the final sentence, perhaps we are dealing here with some type of signature. 5.2.4. Negative Verbal Predicates The focus marker -ⲗⲟ also always appears on declarative negative verbal predicates with -ⲙⲉⲛ/-ⲙⲓⲛ (§12.2.1). (89) St 5.12–6.3 ᫥ ⲥⲁⲗⲟⲩ ⲁⲓⲕⲁ Ⲉⲅⲓⲇⲓⲥⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲉⲕⲕⲉⲛⲇⲉ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩⲉⲓⲞ ⲇⲉⲕⲕⲓⲅⲢⲙⲤⲥⲉⲗⲟ· salou ai-ka word

eɡid-is-ou

ouek-k-ende

our-ou-eio

1SG-ACC ask-PST2-1/2PL one-ACC-NEG.CONJ 2PL-J-LOC

dekk-iɡir-mis-s-e-lo conceal-CAUS-NEG-PST2-1SG.PRED-FOC ‘I did not conceal from you any word which you asked me.’

(90) SC 14.6–8 ᫧ {ⲉⲚ}ⲉⳡⳡⲓⲧ[ⲁ]ⲕⲥⲚⲕⲟⲛ ⳟⲟⲇⲟⲩ ⲉⲛⲛⲖ ⲧⲁⲣⲓⲞ ⳝⲟⲩ[ⲛ ⲉ]ⳡⳡⲓⲧⲁⲕⲙⲉⲛⲛⲁ[ⲗ]ⲱ· eññ-itak-s-in-kon

ŋodou en-n-il-∅

suffer-PASS-PST2-2/3SG-CONJ Lord

joun

tari-o

1PL.INCL-GEN-DET-NOM 3SG-LOC

eññ-itak-men-n-a-lō

because suffer-PASS-NEG-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-FOC ‘And if he suffered, our Lord did not suffer because of himself.’

5.3. AFFIRMATIVE MARKER

75

-ⲙ

The initial ⲉⲚ- of ⲉⲚⲉⳡⳡⲓⲧ[ⲁ]ⲕⲥⲚⲕⲟⲛ is possibly a scribal error, carried over from the previous line. A negative verbal predicate in a question or command or in a subordinate clause is not marked with focus marker -ⲗⲟ: (91) M 8.16–9.3 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲡⲟ ⲉⲓⲣⲟⲩ ⲉⲚⲕⲁ ᲝⲁⲛᲞ ⲁⲛⲕⲓⲙⲚⲛⲁⲒ: ⲉⲦⲧⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲉⲛⲛⲁ ⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲇⲉⲛⳝⲤⲕⲁ· pap-o

eirou ein-ka

father-VOC 2SG

DEM.PROX-ACC

ouen-na ek-ka one-GEN

ank-imin-n-a-i

eittou

think-NEG-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-2SG woman

den-j-is-ka

1PL.INCL-ACC give>1-PLACT-PST2-ACC

‘Father, don’t you remember this, which a woman gave us?’

(92) SC 21.20–21 ᫥ ⲉⲔⲕⲁ ⲧⲉⲇ ⲘⲙⲤⲥⲉ⳺ ⲉⲛ ⲕⲟⲉⲢⲣ[ⲱ] ⳝⲱⲟⲕⲕⲁ ⲕⲁⲡⲁⲧⲁⲙⲏⲀ⳺ eik-ka

ted im-mis-s-e

2SG-ACC law bring-NEG-PST2-1SG.PRED

en

koeir-rō jō-ok-ka

DEM.PROX

tree-LOC go-PST1-ACC

kap-a-ta-mē-a eat-PRED-NEG-JUS.SG-DD ‘Did I not set you the rule: “Do not eat that which came from this tree!”?’

(93) K 27.12–28.1

᫥

alesin eir-∅-on if

Ⲁⲗⲉⲥⲓⲛ ⲉⲓⲣⲟⲛ ⲕⲤⲥⲉⲗ ⲙⲟⲣⲓⲙⲓⲛⲓⲛ ⲡⲁⲧⲧⲁⲙⲏ· kisse-l-∅

mor-imin-in

pat-ta-mē

2SG-NOM-TOP church-DET-NOM end-NEG-PRS.2/3SG come.out-NEG-JUS.SG

‘You, if the church is not dismissed, do not come out!’

The same holds for negative verbal predicates in embedded clauses, cf. ⲅⲁⲗⲗⲉⲓⲙⲓⲛⲉⲒⲛ in (85). 5.3. Affirmative Marker -ⲙ The affirmative is the suffix -ⲙ, called ‘indicative copulative’ by G. M. Browne (2002c, §3.9.16b), which may appear after any word marked with a predicate marker suffix -ⲁ. This is a special usage of the affirmative suffix, which is treated more broadly under §12.1. It appears in a complementary distribution with focus suffix -ⲗⲟ on nominal and verbal predicates: (94) SC 6.10–15 ᫥ ⲁⲓⲟ[ⲛ] ⲕⲓⲉⲓⲥⲧⲖⲇⲉ ⲡⲁⲗⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲕⲁ ⲡⲖⲗⲁ ⲙⲚⲛⲉⲙ· … ⲫⲟⲩⲣⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲫⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩⲅⲟⲩⳝⲣⲁ ⲙⲚⲛⲉⲙ· ⲅⲚⲇⲁⲧⲧⲉⲕⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲕⲓⳝⲞⲥⲓⳝⲕⲉⲛⲇⲉ ⲙⲚⲛⲉⲗⲟ·

76

5. TOPIC AND FOCUS

ai-∅-on

kieist-il-de

pa-l-dekel-ka

pill-a

1SG-NOM-TOP winter-DET-CONJ summer-DET-CONJ-ACC come.out.TR-PRED

min-n-e-m

mašan-na kakkan-ni-k-ende

not.be-PRS-1SG.PRED-AFF sun-GEN

phourɡ-ouka phourouɡ-ouj-r-a furrow-ACC

asse-k-ende

ray-PL-ACC-NEG.CONJ water-ACC-NEG.CONJ

min-n-e-m

ɡindatte-ka

plough-PLACT-PRS-PRED not.be-PRS-1SG.PRED-AFF thorn-ACC

doukk-ij-os-ij-k-ende

min-n-e-lo

uproot-PLACT-take.out-PLACT-HAB-NEG.CONJ not.be-PRS-1SG.PRED-FOC ‘I do not experience winter and summer, nor the rays of the sun nor water, nor do I plough furrows nor am I uprooting thorns.’

(95) SC 2.13–15 ᫥ ⳝⲁⲣⲣⲓⲙⲓⲛⲖ ⲡⲉⲥⲁ ⲧⲓⳝⳝⲓⲇⲉ ⲁⲛⲛⲁⲙ· ⲟⲩⲗⲅⲁⲥⲥⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲧⲟⲩⲇⲅⲁⲣⲓⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲁⲗⲱ· jarr-imin-il

pes-a

tij-j-i-de

an-n-a-m

reluctant-NEG-PRS.DET speak-PRED give>2/3-PLACT-INF-CONJ 1SG-GEN-PRED-AFF

oulɡ-as-s-ouka toud-ɡar-i-eion

oun-n-a-lō

ear-TR-PST2-ACC secure-CAUS-INF-TOP 2PL-GEN-PRED-FOC ‘Whereas it is mine to speak to you without reluctance, it is yours to make the listeners secure.’

We find the affirmative marker -ⲙ used in graffiti from Banganarti instead of the regularly attested focus marker -ⲗⲟ (§5.2.2): (96) I.Bang 442.1 ᫥ ⲉⲙⲉ ⲇⲟⲗⲗⲏ ⲓⲥ ⲙⲉⲅ ⲇⲓⲀⲕⲟⲛ ⲭⲙ ⲇⲓⲀⲕⲟⲛ ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲕⲟⲛⳟⲤⲥⲏ ⲙⲉⲣⳝⲟⲩ ⲡⲁⳝⲥⲩⲙ eme

dollē i(ēsou)s meɡ(as) diakon 640

1SG(Gr.) Dollē Jesus

diakon

great(Gr.) deacon Raphael deacon

touskon-ŋissē merjou paj-s-u-m three-holy

servant write-PST2-1SG-AFF

‘I, Dollē, deacon of the Great (Church of) Jesus, deacon of (the Church of) Raphael, servant of (the Church of) the Holy Trinity, wrote (this).’

The same form appears in I.Bang 524.4 ᫧ ⲡⲁⳝⳝⲥⲙ. These types of forms are the basis for the survival of the affirmative -ⲙ in Nobiin 2SG/PL agreement suffixes (Werner 1987, 147, 149, 157). 5.4. Emphasis Marker -ⲥⲚ The emphasis marker -ⲥⲚ is used in a variety of contexts. Its general usage is to mark a constituent or entire sentence with emphasis. As such, it is employed on interjections and as a discursive marker of elocutions that have a certain weight, often at the end of a section, argument, or story. Because of its

77

5.4. EMPHASIS MARKER -Ⲥⲛ

frequent appearance in conclusions of sorts, it tends to carry a causal meaning, cf. G. M. Browne (1997, 34), who stated that -ⲥⲚ ‘often has a causal implication, but this is presumably to be inferred from the context’. Within literary contexts, it has also become the marker for leftward-moving constituents, often in the context of interjections, antecedent raising, relative clause antecedents, and constituents moved leftward to better approximate the word order of a Greek Vorlage (§3.3). The emphatic marker -ⲥⲚ can provide emphasis on an entire sentence by marking the predicate: (97) P.QI 1 4.ii.20–22 ᫧ ⲇⲓⲟⲛ ⲈⲛⲤⲧⲖ· ⲙⲁⲣⲑⲁ[(?)] ⳟⲟⲇⲁ ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲕⲟⲛⲟⲧⲓⲗⲟ ⲧⲟⲩⲕⲙⲁⲣⲓ ⲉ[ⲛ(?)]ⲇⲛⲀ· Ⲉⲗⲓ ⲕⲉⲙⲥⲟⲥⲚ· di-on

enist-il-∅

martha-∅

ŋod-a

tous-kono-ti-lo

die-PST1.GEN sister-DET-NOM Martha-NOM Lord-PRED before-after-NMLZ-LOC

toukm-ari en-d-in-a

eli

kemso-sin

be-INTEN-PRS.2/3SG-PRED now four-EMP

stink-TR

‘Martha, sister of the deceased, said: “Lord, he will already stink; today is the fourth.”’ (Jn 11:39)

(98) P.QI 3 33.7–9 ᫥ ⲁⲓⲟⲩ ⲥⲖⲙⲚ ⲕⲁⲡⲟⲡⲖ ⲉⲚ ⲟϢϣⲁⲛⲛⲟⲩ Ⲁⲡⲁⲕⲁ Ⲉⲥⲟⲅⲅⲁ ⳟⲟⲡⲁ ⲅⲣⲁ ⳟⲁⲣⲕⲁⳝⲁⲥⲚ ⲉⲚ ⲇⲟⲗⲗⲉⲛⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲱ ⲇⲟⲩⲈⲗⲗⲁ· ai-ou silmi-n 1SG-J

kapopi-l-∅

Ibrim-GEN Kapopi-DET-NOM

esoɡɡ-a

ŋop-a

release-PRED Nubian-PRED

doll-en-ɡou-l-lō

ein

oššannou apa-ka

DEM.PROX

slave

Apa-ACC

ɡr-a

ŋar-kaj-a-sin

ein

CAUS-PRED

keep-hold-PRED-EMP

DEM.PROX

dou-eil-la

want-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-PL-DET-LOC exist-PRS-DAT ‘I, Kapopi of Ibrim, holding and keeping this slave Apa, release him and cause him to be Nubian, to be with his loved ones.’

(99) SC 21.19–20 eihi

᫧

ⲉⲓϩⲓ ⲕⲁⲡⲁⲣⲁⲥⲚ ⲉⲓⲧⲓⲛⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⲇⲟ[ⲩ]Ⲉⲥⲱ·

kap-ar-a-sin

eit-in-il-∅-lon

dou-e-sō

behold eat-PST1-PRED-EMP man-be-PRS.DET-NOM-TOP exist-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM ‘Behold, you ate. Now exist as a man!’

It can also mark both the subject and the predicate: (100) P.QI A i.1–5 ᫥ ⲤⲕⲉⲗⲗⲉⲥⲚ ⲡⲁⲡⲁ ⳟⲟⲕⲕⲟⲀ· ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩⲉⲓⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲅⲟⳡⲁ ⲇⲉⲛⳝⲉⲥⲟ · ⲑⲣⲞⲛⲟⲥⲖⲥⲚ ⲇⲱⲢⲕⲖⲕⳠⳡⲓⲗⲟ ⲥⲟⲩⲁⲉⲓ ⲅⲟⲇⳝⲟⲕⲁ ⲡⲓⲀⲣⲁⲥⲚ·

78

5. TOPIC AND FOCUS

iskel-l-e-sin

pap-a

ŋok-ko-a

ourou-eika ou-ka

beg-PRS-1SG.PRED-EMP father-PRED glory-ADJ-PRED king-ACC

ɡoñ-a

den-j-e-so

1PL.EXCL-ACC

thironos-il-sin

establish-PRED give>1-PLACT-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM throne-DET-EMP

dōirk-il-kiññ-ilo

souaei ɡodjo-ka pi-ar-a-sin

occupant(?)-DET-NEG.ADJ-FOC month

six-ACC

remain-PST1-PRED-EMP

‘I beg (you), glorious Father, establish a king for us! The throne has remained without occupant(?) for six months.’

The emphasis marker can also mark the object and the predicate: (101) K 22.1–4 ᫧ ⲧⲖⲗⲕⲁ [ⲁⲓⲟⲩⲖ(?)] ⲧⲦⲧⲁⲙⲏⲀ· ⲕⲟⲩⲣⲁⲗ ⲦⳝⳝⲔⲕⲁⲥⲓⲛ ⲧⲖⲗⲖ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲁⲥⲓⲛ till-ika

aiouil-∅

tit-ta-mē-a

koural

God-ACC grudging.PRS.DET-NOM give>2/3-NEG-JUS.SG-DD joyfully

tij-j-ik-ka-sin

till-il-∅

oun-n-a-sin

give>2/3-PLACT-PRS-ACC-EMP God-DET-NOM love-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-EMP ‘“Do not give grudgingly to God! God loves whomever gives joyfully.”’

Or an adjunct and the predicate: (102) L 108.2–3 ai-∅-on

᫧

ⲁⲓⲟⲛ ⲉⲓⲇⲅⲓⲗⲗⲉⲥⲚ ⲕⲓⲣⲉⲥⲚ ⲡⲁⲡⲁ ⳟⲤⲥⲁ eid-ɡille-sin ki-r-e-sin

pap-a

ŋiss-a

1SG-NOM-TOP 2SG-ALL-EMP come-PRS-1SG.PRED-EMP father-PRED holy-PRED ‘I am coming to you, holy Father.’ (Jn 17:11)

Related to this usage as an emphatic marker, we find -ⲥⲚ also marking the main predicate at the end of a section of discourse, closing off a sequence of verbs marked with focus marker -ⲗⲟ: (103) P.QI 3 49.ii.1–2 ៷ ⲧⲁⲛⲛ ⲓⲛⲚ ⲉⲤⲥⲉⲗⲱ ⲉⲥⲥⲓ ⲇⲁⲣⲟⲕⲕⲟⲛ ⲁⳝⳝⲉⳝⲓⲛⲁ ⲉⲤⲥⲁⲛⲁⲗⲟ ⲉⲖⲗⲉ ⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲤⲥⲖⲗⲱ ⲉⲤⲕⲟⲛ ⲟⲩⲛ ⳟⲤⲥⲁ ⲙⲚⲛⲁⲥⲓⲛ· tan-n

in-in

eis-s-e-lō

essi

dar-ol-k-on

3SG-GEN be-PRS.2/3SG receive-PST2-1SG-PRED-FOC water exist-PST1-ACC-TOP

ajjeji-na

eis-s-an-a-lo

eille

oun

eis-s-il-lō

Ajjeji-GEN receive-PST2-3PL-PRED-FOC wheat 2SG.GEN receive-PST2-DET-LOC

eis-k-on

oun

ŋiss-a

min-n-a-sin

other-ACC-TOP 2SG.GEN clean-PRED not.be-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-EMP ‘I received what is his, and they received Ajjeji’s present supply of water; the rest of the wheat that you received does not require your cleaning.’

79

5.4. EMPHASIS MARKER -Ⲥⲛ

The emphasis on the conclusion may be reinforced with the suffix -ⲁⲡⲡⲁ (§5.4.4.1): (104) SC 3.10–13 ᫥ [ⲧ]ⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲫⲉⲫⲧⲚ ⲕⲟⲛⳝⲓⲛ ⲙⲁⲕϣⲉ ⲕⲟⲩⲗⲗⲁ ⲙⲚⲛⲁⲗⲱ· ⲥⲁⲗⲁⲡⲡⲁ ⲥⲉⲩⲁⲣⲧⲓ ⲕⲟⲛⲕⲓⲛⲁ ⲙⲚⲛⲁⲥⲚ· tou-n

eph~eph-t-in

kon-j-in

makše koull-a

belly-GEN greedy~INT-NMLZ-GEN have-PLACT-PRS.GEN table

min-n-a-lō

sal-∅-appa

be.like-PRED

seuarti kon-k-in-a

not.be-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-FOC word-NOM-for spirit

have-HAB-PRS.2/3SG-PRED

min-n-a-sin not.be-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-EMP ‘It is not like the table of one who has greediness of belly. For the word does not have spirit.’2

(105) P.QI 3 51.3–5 ᫥ Ⲁⲛ ⲉⲅⲕⲁ Ⲧⳝⳝ[Ⲥ]ⲓⲛⲁ ⲁⲛⲛⲁ ⲉⲓⲈⲣⲁⲗⲟ ⲁⲓⲉⲓ ⲕⲆⲇⲓⳣⲓ ⲧⲁⲛⲛⲓⲕⲁ ⲧⲓⲣⲓ ⲙⲟⲛⲁ ⲡⲉⲧⲧⲓⲕⲁ ⳟⲟⲗⲁ ⲉⳝⳝⲁⲣⲁⲥⲚ an

eɡ-ka

tij-j-is-in-a

an-na

1SG.GEN mother-ACC give>2/3-PLACT-PST2-2/3SG-PRED 1SG-GEN

eie-ir-a-lo

aiei-∅

kiddiwi tann-ika

tir-i

know-TR-PRED-FOC 1SG-NOM dress(?) 3SG.GEN-ACC give>2/3-INF

mon-a

petti-ka ŋol-a

ej-j-ar-a-sin

not.want-PRED date-ACC gulp-PRED take-PLACT-PST1-PRED-EMP ‘You gave them to my mother, which I know. Not wanting to give (her) her dress(?), I took the dates and gulped them down.’

Both sequences of phrases in (104) and (105) are followed by a command. So based on the above examples we can establish a discursive pattern of (argument) -ⲗⲟ → (conclusion) -ⲥⲚ → (command) -ⲥⲱ. Naturally, there may be several arguments marked with -ⲗⲟ preceding the conclusion with -ⲥⲚ, and there are many cases in which no command follows. Other discursive patterns have been attested as well, e.g., L 106.6–8 ᫥ ⲕⲟⲛⲕⲟⲀ-ⲗⲱ → ⲧⲟⲩⲗⲗⲓⳟⲁⲛⲁ-ⲥⲱ → ⲉⲥⲕⲓⲥⲉ-ⲥⲚ; P.QI 1 5.ii.17–18 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲁⲣⲧⲁⲕⲟⲛⲁ-ⲥⲱ → ⲇⲁⲗⲗⲁ-ⲥⲚ. These patterns give us an indication of how Old Nubian discursively structures lines of arguments, relying on the different discourse markers it has at its disposal. Observe a final example:

2 For a discussion of the remarkable negation in the second clause, see Van Gerven Oei and Tsakos (2019b).

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5. TOPIC AND FOCUS

(106) P.QI 2 18.iii.8–iv.5 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲧⲟⲩ· ⲕϢⲕϢⲕⲁⲧ ⲕⲤⲙⲁⲧⲁⲧⲧⲖⲇⲉ· ⲕⲉⲗⲕⲁ ⲉⳟⳟⲁⲅⲣⲁ· ⲕⲟⲩⲛⲖ· ⲙⲓⲧⲟⲩ· Ⲟⲁⲣ ⲕⲟⲥⲕⲟⲕⲁ· ⲉⳟⳟⲁⲕⲕⲁ ⲕⲟⲩⲛⲛⲁⲗⲟ ⲧⲓⲕⲕⲚ· ⲅⲉⲛⲁⲗⲟ· ⲏⲛⲛⲁ· ⲕⲟⲗⲇⲉ· ⲙⲓⲧⲚ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩ Ⲁⳟⲁ· ⲏⲣⲕⲁ ⲇⲉⲣⲕⲉⲗⲗⲟ· ⲅⲉⲛⲕⲦⲕⲁ· ⲟⲛⲕⲉⲗ· ⲁⲡⲡⲁ· ⲧⲖⲗⲚ· ⲟⲩⲛⲧⲖⲇⲁⲗ· ⲡⲉⲗⲚ· ⲟⲩⲈⲣⲁⲥⲚ· ⲉⲚⲛⲁⲥⲚ· eitou kiškiš-kat kismat-att-dekel-ka man

envy-ADJ

koun-il-∅

eŋŋa-ɡr-a

wrath.NMLZ-ADJ-CONJ-ACC brother-CAUS-PRED

mitou

oar kos-ko-ka

eŋŋak-ka

have-PRS.DET-NOM serpent fluid evil-have-ACC brother-ACC

koun-n-a-lo

tikkin ɡen-a-lo

ēn-na

have-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-FOC finally good-PRED-FOC

ko-l-de

mit-in

ourou aŋ-a

have-PRS.DET-CONJ serpent-GEN king

der-k-el-∅-lo

DEM.PROX-GEN

ēr-ka

become-PRED power-ACC

ɡen-kit-ka

on-k-el-∅-appa

apply-HAB-PFV.PRS.DET-NOM-FOC good-NMLZ-ACC love-HAB-PFV.PRS.DET-NOM-for

till-in

oun-t-il-dal

pel-in

ouer-a-sin

God-GEN love-NMLZ-DET-COM come.out-PRS.GEN one-PRED-EMP

ein-n-a-sin be-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-EMP ‘The man who has someone envious and wrathful as a brother has a poisonous serpent as brother. However, he is good who, having such (a brother), becomes king of the serpent and controls it. For whoever loves goodness is someone who is in God’s love.’

Apart from the usages discussed in §5.4, -ⲥⲚ can also signal leftward movement of a constituent out of its regular position in the sentence. We find it specifically in the following contexts: (107) FUNCTIONS OF EMPHASIS MARKER -ⲥⲚ • • • •

Antecedent raising (§5.4.1); Wh-movement (§5.4.2); Causal clauses with -ⲁⲡⲡⲁ ‘for’ (§5.4.3); ‘Literary’ leftward movement under topic marker -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ (§5.4.4).

5.4.1. Antecedent Raising The emphasis marker -ⲥⲚ is also attested on antecedents of relative clauses. Under regular circumstances, relative clauses precede universal quantifiers (§16.5.1):

81

5.4. EMPHASIS MARKER -Ⲥⲛ

(108) M 2.5–7 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲛ ⳟⲟⲅⲗⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲀⲣⲁ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲅⲟⲩⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗⲗⲉⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲙⲉⲓⲣⲁⲅⲟⲩⲈⲗⲱ ⲉⲓⲥⲥⲁⲛⲁ tan

ŋoɡ-la

dou-ar-a

miššan-ɡou-ketalle-eion

3SG.GEN house-DAT exist-PST1-PRED all-PL-also-TOP

meir-a-ɡoue-lō

eis-s-an-a

barren-PRED-PL.PRED-FOC be-PST2-3PL-PRED ‘Also all who lived in her house were barren.’

In (108) the relative clause, marked with the predicate marker -ⲁ, precedes the quantifier ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲅⲟⲩⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗⲗⲉⲉⲓⲟⲛ. However, it frequently occurs that such a quantifier is raised to the left edge of its clause, being marked by -ⲥⲚ. In these cases, the relative clause thus follows the quantifier: (109) P.QI 1 4.i.12–14 ᫥ Ⲁⳡⲓⲣⲁ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲁ{Ⲁ}ⲥⲚ· ⲁⲓⲀⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲡⲓⲥⲧⲉⲩⲗⲟⲛ ⲇⲓⲙⲉⲛⲧⲁⲗⲟ ⲉⲗⲗⲉⲛⲅⲟⲩⲗⲟ ⲕⲓⲥⲕⲓⲗⲗⲟ· añ-ir-a

miššan-a-sin ai-a-ɡille

live-PRS-PRED all-PRED-EMP

di-men-ta-lo

pisteu-l-∅-on

1SG-DAT-ALL believe-PRS.DET-NOM-TOP

ellen-ɡou-lo

kiskillo

die-NEG-NEG-FOC eternity-PL-LOC until.LOC ‘All living beings who believe in me do not die until eternity.’ (Jn 11:26)

(110) St 2.3–8 ᫥ ⳝⲘⲙⲖⲀⲅⲟⲩⲈⲥⲚ ⲧⲉⲛ ⲀⲉⲖ ⲟⲩⲁⲧⲧⲟⲗⲟ ⲤⲧⲁⲩⲣⲥⲗⲁⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲡⲓⲥⲧⲉⲩⲟⲗⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲟⲛ ⲧⲁⲩⲰⲗⲟ ⳟⲟⲛⳝⲖ ⲇⲟⲩⲇⲚⲛⲁ· jimmil-a-ɡoue-sin

ten

aeil

ouatto-lo istauros-la-ɡille

everyone-PRED-PL.PRED-EMP 3PL.GEN heart whole-LOC cross-DAT-ALL

pisteu-ol-ɡou-l-∅-lon

tauō-lo

ŋonj-il

dou-d-in-n-a

believe-PST1-PL-DET-NOM-TOP under-LOC stand-PRS exist-INTEN-COP-2/3SG-PRED ‘Everyone who wholeheartedly believed in the cross will stand beneath it.’

Note in (110) the mismatch between the plural subject and the singularmarked verb ⲇⲟⲩⲇⲚⲛⲁ. Antecedent raising with -ⲥⲚ only brings the quantifier to the left of the constituent of which it is part, not the left edge of the entire clause, as is shown by the following example of antecedent raising inside an object: (111) SC 7.14–16 ᫥ ⲕⲟⲗⲁⲧⲕⲘⲙⲁ ⲧⲖⲗⲖ· ⲉⲓⲧⲁ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲧⲓⲇⲁⲥⲚ· ⲟⲩⲈⲣⲖⲇⲱ Ⲁⲕⲁ ⲑⲁⲗⲁⲥⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲁⲧⲧⲟⲕⲁ ⲅⲖⲗⲁ ⳟⲔⲕⲔⲕⲁ· kolat-k-im-m-a

till-il-∅

eit-a

oueltid-a-sin

like-HAB-AFF-PRS.3SG-PRED God-DET-NOM man-PRED any-PRED-EMP

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5. TOPIC AND FOCUS

ouer-il-dō

ak-a

thalasou ouatto-ka ɡill-a

mountain-DET-SUPE sit-PRED sea

entire-ACC consider-PRED

ŋik-k-ik-ka see-HAB-PRS-ACC ‘God is like any man, who, sitting upon a mountain, is considering the entire sea.’

Sometimes, also antecedents other than quantifiers may be marked with predicate marker -ⲁ and -ⲥⲚ. It is unclear under which conditions this is grammatical: (112) St 27.7–28.1 ᫥ ⲤⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲖ ⲁⲇⳡⲓⲕⲉⲣⲁⲗⲟ· ⲧⲖⲗⲁⲥⲚ ⲅⲁⲇⲗⲟ ⲧⲁⲇⲇⲱ ⲟⲗⲗⲟⲗⲗⲟ ⳝⲱⲀ· ⲉⲥⲕⲓⲧⲁⲕⲁ ⲇⲉⲛⳝⲟⲗⲗⲟ ⳝⲟⲩⲛ· ⲧⲱⲕⲚⲛⲁⲩⲈⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲀⲉⲖⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ istauros-il-∅ adñiker-a-lo

till-a-sin

ɡad-lo

tad-dō

cross-DET-NOM life.giving-PRED-FOC God-PRED-EMP flesh-LOC 3SG-SUPE

oll-ol-lo

jōa

esk-itak-a

den-j-ol-lo

hang-PST1-LOC through conquer-PASS-PRED give>1-PLACT-PST1-LOC

joun

tōkinnaue-ka

ouaeil-ɡou-ka

because peace.NMLZ-ACC need(?).PRS-PL-ACC ‘The cross is life-giving through God, who hung upon it in the flesh, because he was overcome for us, who need(?) peace.’

(113) P.QI 3 32.16–17 jan-a-sin

᫥

ⳝⲁⲛⲁⲥⲚ ⲉⳝⳝⲓⲥⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⳟⲁⲡⲓ ⲋ:ⲗⲟ: ⲉⲓⲛⲚ

ej-j-isil-lon

ŋapi 6-lo

ein-in

price-PRED-EMP receive-PLACT-PST2.DET-TOP gold 6-FOC be-PRS.2/3SG ‘While the price received was 6 (pieces of) gold.’

(114) P.QI 3 35.16–17 ᫥ ⲥⲁⲅⲁⲥⲚ ⲇⲱⲛ ⲟⲩⲥⲕⲖⲗⲟ ⲡⲁⲭⲟⲛ Ო. .Პ · ⲍⲧⲗⲞ ⲁⲣⲧⲟⲥⲚ ⲕⲁⲡⲓⲧⲓ ⲁⲗⲟ· saɡ-a-sin

dōn

ousk-il-lo

pakhon 7-t-ilo

artos-in

tariff-PRED-EMP down put-PRS.DET-FOC Pachon 7-NMLZ-LOC bread-GEN

kapiti 1-lo loaf

1-FOC

‘The tariff put down on the 7th of Pachon was one loaf of bread.’

5.4.2. Wh-Movement Leftward wh-movement of question words in Old Nubian is signaled by the emphatic marker -ⲥⲚ.

83

5.4. EMPHASIS MARKER -Ⲥⲛ

(115) SC 22.5–6 ᫧ ⳟⲁⲓⲥⲚ ⲕⲁⲩⲉⲔⲕⲁ· ⲉⲔⲕⲁ ⲡ[ⲉ]ⲥⲁ ⲧⲢⲣⲁ· ŋai-sin

kaue-ik-ka

eik-ka

pes-a

tir-r-a

who-EMP naked-PRS-ACC 2SG-ACC speak-PRED give>2/3-PRS-PRED ‘Who tells you that you are naked?’ (Gen 3:11)

(116) SC 9.1–3

᫧

ⳟⲁⲓⲥⲛ ⲇⲟⲩⲣⲧⲟⲩ ⲅⲁⲇⲕⳠ[ⳡⲓⲕⲁ] ⲕⲁⲕⲁⲕⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲣⲉⲛⲁ·

ŋai-s(i)n dourtou ɡad-kiññ-ika

ka~kak-ka

eir-en-a

flesh-NEG.ADJ-ACC bear~INT-ACC can-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-PRED

who-EMP form

‘Who can bear the bodiless form?’

5.4.3. Causal Clauses See under §5.4.4.1. 5.4.4. Literary Leftward Movement The -ⲥⲚ suffix is nearly completely absent from the non-literary material. This raises the question about the reason for its particular usage in literary texts. Most of the literary materials that we currently possess do not contain original compositions in Old Nubian but are rather assumed to be translations from Greek. As we can see for example in genitive constructions (§15.1.2), Old Nubian scribes often seem to imitate the Greek word order with the syntactical tools at their disposal. It may well be that the -ⲥⲚ suffix, originally only used in the context of antecedent raising and wh-movement, became more widely employed because it allowed constituents to move leftward, thus allowing for a more flexible word order in the Old Nubian SOV sentence. This would also, in turn, explain the abundant presence of the suffix -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ in Old Nubian literature; as a topic marker, it opened more syntactical projections for constituents to move into (§5.1), thus arriving at a closer approximation of the Greek Vorlage. As non-literary documents had no need to approximate a Vorlage, the -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ and -ⲥⲚ suffixes appear much less frequently and have therefore altogether disappeared from the Nubian language. Literary leftward movement is triggered by the presence of the topic marker -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ (§5.1). Observe: (117) P.QI 1 10.A.ii.21–22 ⲁⲩⲟⲩⲧⲁⲕⲟⲕⲕⲁ· eik-k-oni

[ ei-a

2SG-ACC-TOP

ai-dō

᫧

ⲉⲔⲕⲟⲛ ⲉⲓⲀ [ⲧ]ⲆⲇⲣⲈⲥⲚ ⳟⲟⲕⲕⲟⲣ ⲁⲓⲇⲱ tid-d-r-e]-sinj

ŋokkor

say-PRED give>2/3-INTEN-PRS-1SG.PRED-EMP miracle

auou-tak-ok-ka

1SG-SUPE do-PASS-PST1-ACC

ti tj

‘I will tell you of a miracle that happened to me.’

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5. TOPIC AND FOCUS

In a regular sentence order, we would expect ⲉⲓⲀ [ⲧ]ⲆⲇⲣⲈⲥⲚ to follow the object ⲁⲓⲇⲱ ⲁⲩⲟⲩⲧⲁⲕⲟⲕⲕⲁ. In this case however, the verbal predicate has move leftward and has been marked by -ⲥⲚ. Sometimes the movement is invisible on the surface: (118) P.QI 1 5.i.12–14 ᫥ ⲉⲚ ⲙⲁⲑⲏⲧⲓⲥⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⲡⲉⲧⲣⲞⲥⲓⲞ ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲟⲩⲥⲚ· ⲙⲟⲩⲇⲁⲣⲁ Ⲉⲛ· ⲕⲓⲥⲛⲀ· ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲕⲁⲛⲧⲉⲗⲟ· ⲧⲉⲗⲇⲱ [ ein DEM.PROX

mathētis-il]-∅-loni

disciple-DET-NOM-TOP

moud-ar-a

en ki-s-in-a

run-PST1-PRED

PTC

[ petirosi-o tousou]-sinj ti tj Peter-LOC

before-EMP

touskante-lo tel-dō

come-PST2-2/3SG-PRED first-LOC

grave-SUPE

‘This disciple, having run before Peter, arrived at the tomb first.’ (Jn 20:4)

5.4.4.1. -ⲁⲡⲡⲁ ‘for’ The suffix -ⲁⲡⲡⲁ ‘for’ never cooccurs with a subject clitic on the verb. Perhaps this is owing to the emphasis marker -ⲥⲚ, with which it always appears. The precise distribution of -ⲁⲡⲡⲁ is still unclear. (119) SC 3.10–13 ᫥ [ⲧ]ⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲫⲉⲫⲧⲚ ⲕⲟⲛⳝⲓⲛ ⲙⲁⲕϣⲉ ⲕⲟⲩⲗⲗⲁ ⲙⲚⲛⲁⲗⲱ· ⲥⲁⲗⲁⲡⲡⲁ ⲥⲉⲩⲁⲣⲧⲓ ⲕⲟⲛⲕⲓⲛⲁ ⲙⲚⲛⲁⲥⲚ· tou-n

eph~eph-t-in

kon-j-in

makše koull-a

belly-GEN greedy~INT-NMLZ-GEN have-PLACT-PRS.GEN table

min-n-a-lō

sal-∅-appa

NEG-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-FOC

word-NOM-for spirit

be.like-PRED

seuarti kon-k-in-a have-HAB-PRS.2/3SG-PRED

min-n-a-sin not.be-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-EMP ‘It is not like the table of one who has greediness of belly. For the word does not have spirit.’

(120) L 111.2–6 ᫧ ⳟⲁ[ⲩⲉⲓⲣ 6-7]ⲗⲁⲡⲡⲁ ⲁⲕⲇⲁⲕⲧⲁⲕⲁⲣⲁ[ⲥⲚ⳹ ⲧⲁⲣⲓ]ⲁ ⲗⲓⲭⲭⲓⲛⲇⲓⲛⲇⲉ⳹ ⲧⲣⲀⲡⲓⲥⲓⲗⲇ[ⲉ ⲡⲁⲣ]ⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲥⲕⲟⲩⲣⲧⲚⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇⲉⲕⲉⲛⲛⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲈⲥⲁⲛ ŋaueir…-l-∅-appa

ak-dak-tak-ar-a-sin

tari-a

shrine…-DET-NOM-for sit-cover-PASS-PST1-PRED-EMP 3SG-DAT

likhkhindin-de tirapis-il-de

parou ouskour-t-in-ɡou-l-deken-na

lampstand-CONJ table-DET-CONJ bread

dou-es-an exist-PFV.PST2-3PL

place-NMLZ-GEN(?)-PL-DET-CONJ-GEN

5.4. EMPHASIS MARKER -Ⲥⲛ

85

‘For the (first) tabernacle was being set up, in which were the lampstand, the table, and the bread displays.’ (Heb 9:2)

(121) P.QI 1 7.ii.23–24 ᫧ ⲥⲉⲩⲁⲣⲧⲓⲗⲁⲡⲡⲁ· ⳝⲘⲙⲖⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲡ[ⲁⳝ]ⳝⲓⲕⲉⲣⲁⲥⲚ· ⲧⲖⲗⲚⲛⲁ ⲧⲖⲟⲛⲅⲟⲩⲕⲉ[ⲧⲁⲗ] seuart-il-∅-appa jimmil-ɡou-ka

paj-j-ike-r-a-sin

spirit-DET-NOM-for everything-PL-ACC separate-PLACT-HAB-PRS-PRED-EMP

till-in-na

tilon-ɡou-ketal

God-DET(?)-GEN depth-PL-also ‘For the spirit distinguishes everything, even the depths of God.’ (1 Cor 2:10)

6. QUESTIONS AND DIRECT DISCOURSE

Questions and direct discourse are specific types of sentences that can be recognized by the presence of certain morphemes. Questions (§6.1) may be identified by the presence of a question word or the use of a question marker. Direct discourse (§6.2) can often be recognized by the presence of the suffix -ⲁ. Otherwise, questions behave like declarative sentences (§4.1). Direct discourse may contain both declarations and commands. In the case of the latter, the command marker -ⲥⲟ is dropped (§6.2.3). 6.1. Questions Questions may be marked by attaching the rare question marker -ϩⲁ to the main verb (§6.1.1) or by the presence of a question word (§6.1.2). Yes/no questions are formed with ⲙⲛⲀ (§6.1.3), whereas tag questions are formed by adding ⲙⲉⲛⲁ to the end of the clause (§6.1.4). There is no difference in word order between declarations and questions, except that question words may move to the first position in the sentence (wh-movement). 6.1.1. Question Marker -ϩⲁ Old Nubian has only one question marker, -ϩⲁ, which appears on the right edge of the verb. It is not very frequent and quite possibly a loaned morpheme from the pre-Nubian substrate (§1.3.1).1 (122) M 8.13–15 e

᫥

tot-a

oh son-PRED

Ⲉ ⲧⲟⲧⲁ ⲉⲚ ⲕⲟⲩⲙⲡⲟⲩⲗ ⲉⲓⲥⲗⲟ ⲉⲓⲥⲥⲛⲁϩⲁ· ein

koumpou-l-∅ eis-lo

eis-s-n-a-ha

DEM.PROX

egg-DET-NOM

be-PST2-2/3SG-PRED-Q

WH-LOC

‘Oh son, where has this egg been?’

(123) P.QI 2 16.iii.9–12 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲥⲕⲁⲣⲁⲅⲣⲁϩⲁ ⲉⲚ ⲡⲁⲗⲓⲕⲕⲓⲧⲟⲩ ⲇⲁⲩⲉⲖ ⲕⲉⲗⲕⲉⲅⳡⲗⲁ ⲙⲟⲩⲕⲕⲓⲣⲁ ⲡⲁⲗⲇⲉⲓⲣⲉⲁ⳼ eiskaraɡra-ha ein how-Q

DEM.PROX

pal-ikkitou daueil kel∼ke-ɡ(i)ñ-la wide-NMLZ

great

limit∼INT-NEG.ADJ-DAT

1 G. M. Browne (2002c, §3.9.21) proposes a second question marker -ⲓ, which, however, should be interpreted as person suffix (§10.1.6).

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6. QUESTIONS AND DIRECT DISCOURSE

moukk-ir-a

pal-d-eir-e-a

rage-PRS-PRED go.forth-INTEN-PRS-1SG.PRED-DD ‘“How will I go forth on this great, limitless sea that rages?”’

In (114), the question marker -ϩⲁ cannot attach to the main verb, as the slot has already been occupied by the direct discourse marker -ⲁ, hence we find it on the question word ⲉⲓⲥⲕⲁⲣⲁⲅⲣⲁ. 6.1.2. Question Words Besides the question marker -ϩⲁ, Old Nubian has several question words that can be used to indicate that a sentence is a question. Although the question marker and interrogative pronouns are not in a complementary distribution, they appear only rarely together in the same sentence. (124) QUESTION WORDS • ⳟⲁⲓ(ⲉⲓ) ‘who?’ (§6.1.2.1); • ⲙⲚ ‘what?’ (§6.1.2.2); • ⲥ/Ⲥ general purpose question word (§6.1.2.3). 6.1.2.1. Question word ⳟⲁⲓ(ⲉⲓ) The question word ⳟⲁⲓ(ⲉⲓ) refers to people, meaning ‘who?’. It is usually found in the first position of the sentence, and as such may be marked with the topic marker -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ (§5.1) or the emphasis marker -ⲥⲚ (§5.4.2). (125) SC 22.5–6 ŋai-sin

ⳟⲁⲓⲥⲚ ⲕⲁⲩⲉⲔⲕⲁ· ⲉⲔⲕⲁ ⲡ[ⲉ]ⲥⲁ ⲧⲢⲣⲁ·

᫧

kau-eik-ka

eik-ka

pes-a

tir-r-a

who-EMP naked-PRS-ACC 2SG-ACC speak-PRED give>2/3-PRS-PRED ‘Who tells you that you are naked?’ (Gen 3:11)

(126) P.QI 1 6.ii.11–12 ᫧ ⳟⲁⲓⲕⲟⲛ ⲇⲟⲗ[ⲗⲓ]ⲛⲁ· ŋai-k-on

doll-in-a

who-ACC-TOP want-PRS.2/3SG-PRED ‘Whom do you want?’ (Jn 20:15)

(127) SC 2.18–19 ŋaei-a

᫧

ou-k

ⳟⲁⲉⲓⲀ ⲟⲩⲕ Ⲟⲕ[ⲓ]ⳝⲁⲣⲣⲉ· ok-ij-ar-r-e

who-DD 2PL-ACC call-PLACT-INTEN-PRS-1SG.PRED ‘What shall I call you?’

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6.1. QUESTIONS

6.1.2.2. Question word ⲙⲚ The question word ⲙⲚ can be used independently, meaning ‘what?’. With the predicate suffix -ⲁ it may also indicate a yes/no question (§6.1.3). We find the following attestations of its independent use: (128) CE 159.B.1–3 tek-ka

᫧

ⲧⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲉⲔⲇⲆⳝⲉⲗ ⲙⲓⲛⲕⲁ ⲁⲓⲕⲁ ⲕⲉⲗⲉⲩⲉⲓⲣⲟ·

eik(i)dd-ij-el

min-ka

ai-ka

keleue-ir-o

3PL-ACC instruct-PLACT-PFV.PRS.DET what-ACC 1SG-ACC order-PRS-1/2PL.PRED ‘What do you order me to teach them?’

(129) CE 159.B.6–8 Ⲉ ⳟⲟⲇⲁ· tot

᫥

ⲧⲟⲧ ⲕⳠⲁⲣⲓ ⲕⲁⲗⲟ ⲉⲗⲟ ⲕⲟⲗⲟ Ო.Პ ⲙⲛⲀ ⲁⲇⲇⲣⲈ·

kiñ-ar-i

kalo

e-lo

ko-lo

min-a

child be.without-PST1-1SG downstream now-LOC by-FOC what-DD

ad-d-ir-e

e

ŋod-a

say-INTEN-PRS-1SG.PRED oh Lord-PRED ‘Since I have been without child, what shall I say now, oh Lord?’

(130) SC 21.8–10 ᫧ ⲙⲛ ⲁⳟⲟⲛⲁ ⲉⲓⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲗⲅⲣ[ⲉⲛ] ⲧⲁⲩⲕⲗⲟⲉⲓⲟⲛ· ⲧⲖⲗⲓⲕⲁ ⲙⲁ[ⲥ]ⲛⲁⲁ ⲁⲛⲕⲓⲙⲏⲛⲉⲥⲱ· mn

aŋ-on-a

ei-ka

oulɡ-r-en

tauk-lo-eion

what become-PST1.2/3SG-PRED say-ACC ear-TR-PFV.PRS.2/3SG time-LOC-TOP

till-ika

mas-n-a-a

ank-imēn-e-sō

God-ACC ignorant-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-DD think-NEG-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM ‘When you hear (him) saying “What have you become? (Gen 3:9)” do not think God is ignorant!’

The question word ⲙⲚ may also be qualified: (131) P.QI 3 55.i.1–2 ᫥ ⲁⲓⲟⲩ ⲕⲟⲥⲥⲓ ⲙⲚⲕⲁ ⲁⲩⳣⲓⲥⲉ aiou kossi min-ka 1SG

bad

auw-is-e

what-ACC do-PST2-1SG.PRED

‘What bad did I do?’

6.1.2.3. Question words based on ⲤThe root Ⲥ- is the basis for a large set of other question words. It may be combined with regular nominal and verbal morphology. (132) L 113.5–6 ⲧⲁⲕⲟⲗ⳹

᫥

Ⲥⲗⲟ ⲡⲓⲛⲁ ⲓⲟⲩⲇⲁⲓⲟⲥⲅⲟⲩⲛ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲟⲩ-

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6. QUESTIONS AND DIRECT DISCOURSE

is-lo

pi-n-a

WH-LOC

exist-PRS.2/3SG-PRED Jew-PL-GEN

ioudaios-ɡou-n ourouou king

ounn-outak-ol-∅ bear-PASS-PST1.DET-NOM ‘Where is the king of the Jews that has been born?’ (Mt 2:2)

(133) M 4.15

᫥

ⲤⲅⲖ ⳝⲱⲇⲚ

is-ɡil

jō-d-in

WH-ALL

go-INTEN-PRS.2/3SG

‘Whither will you go?’

(134) P.QI 2 28.20–21

᫥

ⲥⲓⲗ ⲓⲡⲟ

s-il-∅

i-po

WH-DET-NOM

2SG.POSS-father

‘Who is your father?’

The forms St 32.3–4 ᫡ ⲥⲏ[ⲗ]ⲉ and perhaps P.QI 3 44.20 ᫥ ⲥⲓⲗⲉ-ⲧⲓⲧⲁⲛ ‘whoever’ may have the same root, followed by intensifier -ⲗⲉ (§15.2.7). They could also be loans from a pre-Nubian substrate (§1.3.1). The form ⲥⲉⲛⲁ, which appears to originally have consisted of the question word ⲥ followed by verbal morphology, is found in either/or questions. (135) SC 1.7–9 ᫥ ⳟⲁⲉⲓⲀ ⲟⲩⲕ Ⲟⲕⲓⳝⲁⲣⲣⲉ· ⲧⲓⲕⲁⲛⲉⲅⲟⲩⲈⲙⲁ ⲥⲉⲛⲁ· ⲙⲉⲛⲉⲛⲛ[ⲟⲛ] ⲕⲟⲣⲟⲥⲉⲅⲟⲩⲈⲙⲁ· ŋaei-a

ou-k

ok-ij-ar-r-e

tikan-e-ɡoue-m-a

who-DD 2PL-ACC call-PLACT-INTEN-PRS-1SG.PRED sheep-PL.PRED-PL.PRED-AFF-DD

sena

menennon koros-e-ɡoue-m-a

WH.PRED

or

shepherd-PL.PRED-PL.PRED-AFF-DD

‘What shall I call you, sheep or shepherds?’

The translation of ⲥⲉⲛⲁ is not always clear: (136) P.QI 3 58.1–2 ៷ ⲥⲟⲩⲁⲉⲓ ⲕⲓⲥⲁ ⲥⲉ ⲉⲆⲇⲟ ⲕⲟ ⲧⲁⲣⲓⲉⲓ ⲕⲟⳡⲚ ⲡⲁⲅⲓⲛ ⲧⲓⳝⲓⲗ ⲟⲩⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲙⲁⲣⲟⲛⲁ ⲥⲉⲛⲁ· souaei kis-a month

paɡ-in

winter(?)-DAT

ti-j-il

se

eid-do

WH(?)

2SG-SUPE through come-PRS.1SG face-GEN

ko

tar-iei

koñ-in

ouek-ka mar-on-a

share-GEN give>2/3-PLACT-PRS.DET one-ACC not.take-PST1.2/3SG-PRED

sena WH.PRED

‘Did the giver of face values for the sake of you not take one during(?) this winter month?’

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6.1. QUESTIONS

In combination with ⲙⲚ, ⲥⲉⲛⲁ suggests a sense of ‘what about…?’: (137) P.QI 2 23.1 ᫥ ⲙⲁⲇⲉ ·ⲛⲋ· ⲙⲓⲛⲓⲥⲉⲛⲁ made 56 min-isena millet 56 what-WH.PRED ‘What about the 56 (artabs of) millet?’

(138) P.QI 3 48.2–3 ᫥ ⲙⲉⲛⲥⲉⲛⲁ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩⲉⲖ ⲉⲔⲕⲁ ⲙⲟⲩⲣⲧⲁ ⲕⲟⲛⲟⲛⲁ: men-sena

ourou-eil-∅

eik-ka

mourt-a

kon-on-a

what-WH.PRED king-DET-NOM 2SG-ACC order-PRED have-PST1.2/3SG-PRED ‘Hasn’t the king ordered you?’

(139) P.QI 4 91.re.1–2 ᫥ ⲉⲔⲕⲁ ⟦ⳣ.⟧ⲕⲦⲧⲓⲕⲁ ⳝⲁⲛⲁ ⲧⲓⲣⲓⳣⲓ ⲥⲟⲩⲁⲉⲓ ⲃⲗⲟ ⲁⲓⲕⲟⲛ ⲉⲆⲇⲟ ⲕⲟ ⲇⲟⲩⲙⲙⲓⲁ ⲙⲓⲛⲓⲥⲉⲛⲁ ⲥⲉⲛⲁ ⲡⲁⲗⲁ ⲧⲁⲥⲥⲉ eik-ka

kitt-ika

jan-a

tir-iw-i

souaei 2-lo

2SG-ACC garment-ACC sell-PRED give>2/3-PRS-1SG month

ai-kon

eid-do

ko

doumm-i-a

two-LOC

min-isena

1SG-TOP 2SG-SUPE through hand.over-PRS-PRED what-WH-INTER.PRED

sena

pal-a

WH.PRED

come.out-PRED come-PST2.1SG.PRED

tas-se

‘If I sell you the garment in two months, should I come to hand it over for your sake/through you (or not)?’

Finally, the morpheme Ⲥ- appears as part of morphologically more complex question words: (140) SC 21.18–19 ᫥ Ⲥⲕⲁⲗ ⲅⲟⲩⲗⲁ ⲇⲓⳟⲁⲣⲁ ⲧⲟⲣⲟⲛⲁ· iskal

ɡou-la

WH.how

ground-DAT fall-PRED enter-PST1.PRS.2/3SG-PRED

diŋar-a tor-on-a

‘How did you fall to the ground?’

(141) SC 1.12–14 ᫧ Ⲥⲕⲁⲣⲓⲅⲣⲁ ⳟⲟⲕⲟⲣⲇⲣⲉ [ⲟ]ⲩⲛ ⲉⲓⳝⲓⳝⳝⲁⲛⲛⲟⲩ ⲉ[ⲓ]ⲅⲗ[ⲟ] ⲅⲱⲉⲓⲀ ⲉⲓⳝⲣⲧⲈⲛⲟⲕⲖⲕⲁ· iskariɡra ŋokor-d-r-e WH.how

eiɡ-lo

oun

eij∼ijj-annou

marvel.TR-INTEN-PRS-1SG.PRED 2PL.GEN zeal∼INT-NMLZ(?)

ɡōeia eij-(i)r-t-enok-il-ka

fire-LOC than

zeal-TR-NMLZ-COMP-PRS-ACC

‘How shall I marvel at your zeal, which is more zealous than fire?’

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6. QUESTIONS AND DIRECT DISCOURSE

6.1.3. Yes/No Questions Followed by predicate suffix -ⲁ, ⲙⲚ introduces yes/no questions, which are often used rhetorically. (142) P.QI 1 10.A.i.16–18 min-a

seuart-a

ⲙⲛⲀ ⲥⲉ[ⲩ]ⲁⲣⲧⲁ ⳝⲁⲗⲗⲓⲕⲁⲈ· … ⲙⲚⲛⲁⲛⲁ·

᫥

jallikae

… min-n-an-a

what-PRED spirit-PRED serving.NMLZ.PL.PRED

not.be-PRS-3PL-PRED

‘Are they not serving spirits?’

(143) K 21.15–22.1 mn-a

᫥

ⲙⲛⲁ ⲟⲩⲗⲅⲣⲓⲙⲉⲛⲁⲕⲉ ⲡⲁⲣⲧⲁⲕⲟⲕⲕⲁ·

oulɡ-r-imen-a-ke

par-tak-ok-ka

what-PRED ear-TR-NEG.PRS-PRED-2PL write-PASS-PST1-ACC ‘Don’t you hear what is written?’

(144) P.QI 2 24.4–5 ⲧⲁⳝⳝⲟⲛⲁ

᫥

ⲁⲙⲁⲛ Ⲡⳝⳝⲓⲗⲁ ⳝⲟⲩⳝⲁ ⲕⲣⲁ ⲁⲩⲉⲔⲕⲁ ⲙⲛⲀ ⲧⲟⲕⲓ

aman pijj-ila

jou-j-a

kr-a

aueik-ka min-a

water wide-DAT go-PLACT-PRED come-PRED ship-ACC what-PRED

tok-i

taj-j-on-a

leave-INF call-PLACT-PST1.2/3SG-PRED ‘Did you/he call the ships to leave, going forth on the wide river?’

6.1.4. Tag Questions Tag questions are formed by using the negative verb ⲙⲉⲛ (§12.2.1) followed by a predicate marker -ⲁ (§7). They have only been attested in SC: (145) SC 22.13–15 ᫥ ⲧⲖⲗⲖ ⲡⲉⲥⲥⲛⲁ· Ⲉⲛⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲱⲓ· ⲉⲣⲅⲓ ⲉⲩⲀ ⲞⲄⲕⲁ ⲉⲔⲕⲁ ⲧⲓⲥⲥⲉ ⲙⲉⲛⲁ⳺ till-il-∅

pes-s-n-a

en-ou

ouōi erɡ-i

God-DET-NOM speak-PST2-2/3SG-PRED woman-VOC? woe

follow-INF

eua

men-a

oɡij-ka

eik-ka

tis-s-e

Eva.PRED husband-ACC 2SG-ACC give>2/3-PST2-1SG.PRED not.be-PRED ‘God said: “Woe, woman! Eve, I gave you a husband to follow, didn’t I?”’

(146) SC 22.4–9 ᫧ ⲧⲖⲗⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⲡⲉⲥⲛⲁ ⲧⲁⲣⲅⲖⲗⲉ· ⳟⲁⲓⲥⲚ ⲕⲁⲩⲉⲔⲕⲁ· ⲉⲔⲕⲁ ⲡ[ⲉ]ⲥⲁ ⲧⲢⲣⲁ· ⲕⲟⲉⲢ ⲉⲚ ⲉⲗ ⲧⲁⲣⲓⲞ ⳝⲱⲟⲕ[ⲕⲁ] ⲕ[ⲁ]ⲡⲁⲧⲁⲙⲏⲁ ⲧⲉⲇ ⲓⲥⲥⲓⲗⲟ [ⳝ]ⲟⲟ[ⲕⲕⲁ] ⲕⲟⲡⲟⲛⲁ ⲙⲉⲛⲁ·

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6.2. DIRECT DISCOURSE MARKER -ⲁ

till-il-∅-lon

pes-n-a

tar-ɡille ŋai-sin

God-DET-NOM-TOP speak.PST2-2/3SG-PRED 3SG-ALL

eik-ka

pes-a

tir-r-a

koeir ein

2SG-ACC speak-PRED give>2/3-PRS-PRED tree

jō-o-k-ka

kap-a-ta-mē-a

kaue-ik-ka

who-EMP naked-PRS-ACC

el

DEM.PROX

tar-io

now 3SG-LOC

ted is-s-i-lo

go-PST1-DET-ACC eat-PRED-NEG-IMP-DD law say-PST2-1SG-LOC

jo-o-k-ka

kop-o-n-a

men-a

go-PST1-DET-ACC eat-PST1-2/3SG-PRED not.be-PRED ‘God said to him: “Who tells you that you are naked? You ate what has come from the tree concerning which I just set the rule ‘Do not eat that which comes from it’, didn’t you?”’ (Gen 3:11)

6.2. Direct Discourse Marker -ⲁ The direct discourse marker -ⲁ at the right edge of the main verb signals sentences in direct discourse, and usually appears in the context of verbs of elocution such as ⲉⲓ ‘say’, ⲁⲛ ‘say’, ⲡⲉⲥ ‘speak’, and ⲟⲕ ‘call’, but also verbs such as ⲁⲛⲕ ‘to think’. The direct discourse marker is often written -Ⲁ after a vowel to indicate that it is a separate syllable, although there are also rare attestations of an epenthetic glide preceding it, as in P.QI 1 10.A.ii.12 ᫥ ⲡⲁⳝⲓⲛⲅⲓⲙⲉⲛⲇⲚⲛⲁⲗⲟⲉⲓⲀ. (147) SC 13.24–14.1 ᫧ ⲖⲇⲖⲗ[ⲟ]ⲛ ϩⲁⲣ[ⲙⲖⲇⲱⲛ ⲕⲓⲥⲛⲁ ⲡⲉ]ⲥⲖ· ⳟⲟⲕ ⲧ[Ⲥⲥ]ⲉ [ⲉ]Ⲕⲕⲁ· ⲟⲩⲉⲗ ⳟⲟⲕ ⲧⲢⲘⲙⲉⲀ· ild-il-∅-lon

harm-il-dōn

ki-s-n-a

voice-DET-NOM-TOP heaven-DET-SUBE come-PST2-2/3SG-PRED

pes-il-∅

ŋok

tis-s-e

eik-ka

ouel ŋok

speak-PRS.DET-NOM glory give>2/3-PST2-1SG.PRED 2SG-ACC one

glory

tir-im-m-e-a give>2/3-AFF-PRS-1SG.PRED-DD ‘The voice from heaven came saying: “I have given glory to you and again I give glory.”’ (Jn 12:28)

(148) P.QI 2 24.5–7 ᫥ ⲁⲩⲉⲓ ⲇⲁⲩⲕⲁⲧⲧⲖ ⲧⲁⲣⲟⲛ ⲟⲩⲣⲧⲓⲕⲁ ⲉⳝⳝⲓⲥⲟⲗⲟⲀ ⲕⲁⲣⲧ(ⲉ) · Ⲉ·ⳝⲁ ⲥⲟⳟⲟⳝⲓ ⲟⲩⲤⲕⲓⲧⲖ ⲁⲛⲛⲓⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲉⲓⲧⲓⲣⲟⲛⲁ ⲉⲓⲞⲛⲁⲗⲟ· auei dau-katt-il

tar-∅-on

ourt-ika

ship path-NMLZ-DET 3SG-NOM-TOP property-ACC

ej-j-is-o-lo-a

karte dij-a

soŋoji

receive-PLACT-PST2-1/2PL.PRED-FOC-DD letter five-PRED soŋoj

ouiskit-il

ann-iɡille

eitir-on-a

recompense.NMLZ-DET 1SG.GEN-ALL send.TR-PST1.2/3SG-PRED

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6. QUESTIONS AND DIRECT DISCOURSE

ei-on-a-lo say-PST1.2/3SG-PRED-FOC ‘The ship’s captain himself said that you had received the property, the five letters that the deputy soŋoj had sent to me.’

(149) P.QI 3 48.6–8 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲣⲟⲛ ⲕⲟⳝⲢ ⲉⲚ ⳣⲉⲇⲁⲣⲚ ⲁⲁⲥⲥⲓⲕⲁ ⲉⲚ ⳟⲟⲇⲇⲖⲇⲁⲗ Ⲟⲥⲁ ⳣⲉⲇⲁ ⲁⲓⲣⲟ ⲕⲟⲗⲟ ⲙⲁⲅⲁⲕⲕⲁ ⲟⲥⲥⲉⲀ ⲉⲕⲉⲥⲟ:— eir-∅-on

kojir ein

2SG-NOM-TOP seed

ein

wed-ar-in

aas-s-ika

2SG.GEN return-INTEN-PRS.2/3SG count-PST2-ACC

ŋodd-il-dal

os-a

wed-a

ai-ro

ko-lo

2SG.GEN lord-DET-COM take.out-PRED return-PRED 1SG-LOC through-FOC

maɡak-ka os-s-e-a

ek-e-so

magal-ACC take.out-PST2-1SG.PRED-DD tell-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM ‘You, tell (him?) “I took out and returned with your lord the counted seed that you would return and took out the magal through me.”!’

6.2.1. Quotations The verb Ⲉ/ⲉⲓ may embed quotations without direct discourse marker, and often seems to be used without any verbal morphology, as if a frozen form, like Latin inquit. (150) K 29.12–30.3 ᫥ ⲁⲗⲗⲟⲩⲓⲁ ⲉⲓⲁⲡⲡⲁ ⲑⲉⲗⲕⲁⲑ ⲙⲁⲣⲓⲙⲁⲑ ⲉⲥⲚ· ⲉⲓⲅⲉⲓⲣⲓⲟⲛ ⲅⲠⲢⲧⲁ ⲕⲤⲥⲓⲧⲁⲕⲉⲛ· ⲧⲖⲗⲟⲩ ⳝⲘⲙⲖⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲥⲘⲡⲓⲧⲁⲣⲟⲕⲕⲁ ⳟⲟⲟⲕ ⲧⲣⲁⲙⲥⲟ· ⲟⲛ ⲧⲁⲕⲕⲟⲛ ⲧⲁⲣⲟⲩⲁⲙⲥⲟ ⲉⲥⲚ allouia ei-appa thelkath marimath e-sin Alleluia say-for

Thelkath Marimath

kiss-itak-en

eiɡeiri-on ɡipirt-a

say-EMP word-TOP

turn-PRED

tillou jimmil-ɡou-ka simpit-ar-o-k-ka

loosen-PASS-PFV.PRS.2/3SG God

ŋook tr-am-so

all-PL-ACC

on tak-k-on

foundation-TR-PST1-ACC

tarou-am-so

e-sin

glory give>2/3-IMP.1PL-COMM and 3sg-ACC-TOP praise-IMP.1PL-COMM say-EMP ‘For to say “Alleluia” is to say “Thelkath Marimath”, and the word, when translated, means “Let us give glory to the God who established all, and let us praise him!”’

(151) L 100.3–6 ᫧ ⳟⲁⲕⲕⲟⲛ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲓⲛⲟ⳹ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲧⲁⳟⲤⲕⲁ ⲉⲙⲙⲁⲛⲟⲩⲎⲗⲁ ⲟⲕⲛⲁⲣⲣⲁⲣⲁⲛⲁⲀ⳹ ⲉⲓⲅⲣ[ⲓ]ⲉⲓⲥⲚ ⲧⲓⲗⲗⲓⲗⲗⲱ ⲉⲇⲇⲁⲗ ⲡⲉⲗⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲗⲗ[ⲁ] ⳟⲁⲣⲣⲁ ⲈⲥⲚ⳹ ŋak-k-on

ounn-in-no

tan

taŋis-ka

emmanouēl-a

son-ACC-TOP bear-PRS.2/3SG-LOC 3SG.GEN name-ACC Immanuel-PRED

95

6.2. DIRECT DISCOURSE MARKER -ⲁ

eiɡriei-sin till-il-∅-lō

ok-ar-r-an-a-a

call-INTEN-PRS-3PL-PRED-DD word-EMP

pel-a

doul-l

ed-dal

God-DET-NOM-FOC 1PL.EXCL-COM

aŋ-ar-r-a

e-sin

come.out-PRED exist-PRS become-INTEN-PRS-PRED say-EMP ‘“And when she bears a son, they will call his name Immanuel”, a word which means “God will be with us.”’ (Mt 1:23)

(152) P.QI 2 24.5–7 ᫥ ⲁⲩⲉⲓ ⲇⲁⲩⲕⲁⲧⲧⲖ ⲧⲁⲣⲟⲛ ⲟⲩⲣⲧⲓⲕⲁ ⲉⳝⳝⲓⲥⲟⲗⲟⲀ ⲕⲁⲣⲧ(ⲉ) · Ⲉ·ⳝⲁ ⲥⲟⳟⲟⳝⲓ ⲟⲩⲤⲕⲓⲧⲖ ⲁⲛⲛⲓⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲉⲓⲧⲓⲣⲟⲛⲁ ⲉⲓⲞⲛⲁⲗⲟ· auei dau-katt-il

tar-∅-on

ourt-ika

ship path-NMLZ-DET 3SG-NOM-TOP property-ACC

ej-j-is-o-lo-a

karte dij-a

soŋoji

receive-PLACT-PST2-1/2PL.PRED-FOC-DD letter five-PRED soŋoj

ouiskit-il

ann-iɡille

eitir-on-a

recompense.NMLZ-DET 1SG.GEN-ALL send.TR-PST1.2/3SG-DD(?)

ei-on-a-lo say-PST1.2/3SG-PRED-FOC ‘The ship’s captain himself said that you had received the property, the five letters that the deputy soŋoj had sent to me.’

6.2.2. Indirect Speech with -ⲙⲁ The affirmative suffix -ⲙ (§5.3) appears in the context of indirect speech, directly preceding the direct discourse marker -ⲁ. (153) P.QI 4 91.re.6–7 ᫥ ⲁⲓⲟⲛ· ⲉⲔⲕⲁ ⲧⲁⲣⲓⲟⲕⲟⲛ ⲥⲓⲡⲓⲧⲟⲣ ⲁⲛⲛⲉⲓⲕⲁ ⲧⲓⲣⲙⲉⲛⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲇⲇⲟ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲓⲣⲁⲙⲁ Ⲟⲉⲓⲣⲁ ⲧⲁⲥⲥⲉⲗⲟ ai-∅-on

eik-ka

tari-o-kon

sipitor

an-n-eika

1SG-NOM-TOP 2SG-ACC 3SG-LOC-CONJ foundation 1SG-GEN-ACC

tir-men-ka

eid-do

ounn-ir-a-m-a

oei-r-a

give>2/3-NEG-ACC 2SG-SUPE want-PRS-PRED-AFF-DD insist-PRS-PRED

tas-s-e-lo come-PST2-1SG.PRED-FOC ‘I came insisting that I want from you not to give from it to you and to my foundation.’

(154) SC 1.14–16 ᫡ ⲧⲓⲕⲁⲛⲉ[ⲅⲟ]ⲩⲉⲙⲁ· Ⲟⲕⲓⳝⲕⲟⲉ[ⲓ]Ⲟ ⲉⲚⲛⲁⲗ[ⲕⲉ·] ⲧ[ⲟ]ⲩⲁ[ⲗ]ⲗⲁⲥⲚ ⲉⲩⳝⲁ ⲕ[Ⲣⲣⲁⲥ]ⲕⲉ· tikan-e-ɡoue-m-a

ok-ij-ko-ei-o

sheep-PL.PRED-PL.PRED-AFF-DD call-PLACT-SUBORD-1SG-LOC

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6. QUESTIONS AND DIRECT DISCOURSE

ein-n-a-lke

touall-a-sin

eu-j-a

be-PRS-PRED-AFF.PRS.2PL gentle-PRED-EMP pasture-PLACT-PRED

kir-r-a-ske come-PRS-PRED-AFF.PST.2PL ‘If I call you sheep, you are; you have been gentle and have pastured.’

(155) K 20.3–8 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲁⲉⲖⲗⲁ ⲡⲉⲥⲉⲛ ⲓⲉⲣⲉⲞⲥⲓⲗⲟ ⲧⳝⲱ ⲕⲘⲙⲤⲥⲟⲙ ⳟⲉⲓⲙⲤⲥⲟⲙⲁ· ϩⲁⲣⲙⲖⲇⲟⲛ ⲓⲉⲣⲟⲩⲥⲁⲗⲏⲙⲉⲓⲁ ⳝⲁⲛⲕⲁ ⲕⲟⲩⲙⲙⲚⲛⲁⲗⲟ· tan

aeil-la

pes-en

iereos-ilo t(i)jō

3SG.GEN heart-DAT speak-PFV.PRS.2/3SG priest-LOC with

kim-mis-s-o-m

ŋei-mis-s-o-m-a

eat-NEG-PST2-1/2PL.PRED-AFF drink-NEG-PST2-1/2PL.PRED-AFF-DD

harm-il-don

ierousalēmei-a jan-ka

heaven-DET-SUBE Jerusalem-DAT

koum-men-n-a-lo

profit-ACC have-NEG-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-FOC

‘If he says in his heart “we did not eat or drink together with the priest,” then he has no profit in the heavenly Jerusalem.’

In one instance, the direct discourse marker appears to be dropped before a vowel: (156) SC 9.16–18 ᫥ ⲭⲤⲥⲘ ⲉⲓⲕⲁ· ⲟⲩⲗⲅⲣⲉⲛ ⲧⲁⲩⲕⲗⲟⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲧⲖⲗⲔ ⲁⲩⲣⲟⲩⲧⲕⲁ ⲁⲛⲕⲓⲙⲓⲛⲉⲥⲟ· kh(risto)ss-im ei-ka

oulɡ-r-en

tauk-lo-eion till-ik

say-ACC ear-TR-PFV.PRS.2/3SG time-LOC-TOP God-ACC

Christ-AFF

aurout-ka anki-min-e-so alone-ACC

think-NEG-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM

‘When you hear (people) saying “Christ” do not think of only God!’

6.2.3. Commands in Direct Discourse In direct discourse, the command suffix -ⲥⲟ (§4.2) is usually dropped: (157) K 22.1–4 ᫧ ⲧⲖⲗⲕⲁ [ⲁⲓⲟⲩⲖ(?)] ⲧⲦⲧⲁⲙⲏⲀ· ⲕⲟⲩⲣⲁⲗ ⲦⳝⳝⲔⲕⲁⲥⲓⲛ ⲧⲖⲗⲖ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲁⲥⲓⲛ till-ika

aiouil-∅

tit-ta-mē-a

koural

God-ACC grudging.PRS.DET-NOM give>2/3-NEG-JUS.SG-DD joyfully

tij-j-ik-ka-sin

till-il-∅

oun-n-a-sin

give>2/3-PLACT-PRS-ACC-EMP God-DET-NOM love-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-EMP ‘“Do not give grudgingly to God! God loves whomever gives joyfully.”’

97

6.2. DIRECT DISCOURSE MARKER -ⲁ

(158) SE A.i.5–7 ᫧ [ⲟ]ⲩⲕⲕⲁ ⲥⲉⲛⲟⲗ ⲟⲩⲉⲕⲉ[ⲛ]ⲇⲉ ⲉⲚⲧⲓⲕⲇⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲧⲦⲧⲁⲛⲕⲉⲀ· ouk-ka

sen-ol

oue-k-ende

eintikdek-ka

2SG-ACC ask-PST1 one-ACC-NEG.CONJ offense.NMLZ-ACC

tit-ta-nke-a give>2/3-NEG-JUS.PL-DD ‘“Do not give offense to someone who has asked you!”’

The command suffix -ⲥⲟ is also dropped when dependent on the verb ⲉⲓⲗ ‘to say’: (159) L 109.1–2 ᫥ ⲞⲥⲓⳝⲉⲀⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲥⲉⲛⲓⲙⲚⲛⲉⲥⲱ⳹ ⲕⲟⲥⲕⲤⲕⲁⲧⲧⲗⲞ ⲧⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲇⳡⲓⳝⲉ ⲉⲓⲗⲖⲉⲛⲕⲱ⳹. os-ij-e-a-eion

sen-imin-ne-sō

take.out-PLACT-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-DD-TOP ask-NEG-PRS.1SG-COMM

kos∼kis-katt-ilo tek-ka

eidñ-ij-e

eil-il-∅-enkō

evil-INT-NMLZ-LOC 3PL-ACC keep-PLACT-IMP.2/3SG.PRED say-DET-NOM-but ‘I do not ask you “take them out (of the world)” but I say “keep them from evil!”’ (Jn 17:15)

7. PREDICATION

In Old Nubian, the nominal and verbal predicates in a main clause are marked with a predicate marker -ⲁ. The predicate marker -ⲁ plays a pivotal role in Old Nubian syntax, functioning as the main distinctive feature between main and subordinate clauses (§8). Verbal predicates (§7.2) in a main clause are marked with the predicate marker -ⲁ. The same holds for nominal predicates in a main clause (§7.1). Apart from these predicative contexts, the predicate marker -ⲁ also appears on vocatives (§15.2.8), in the scope of universal quantifiers (§16.5.1), and as a marker of final clauses, distinguishing them from conditional clauses (§8.3). The predicate marker is the only morpheme in Old Nubian that operates distributively, which means that it doesn’t only mark the right edge of a constituent, but also all its parts. This is visible in the case of nominal predicates that include one or more adjectives or a relative clause: (160) SC 12.8–11 ᫥ ⲇⲁⲩⲧⲓ ⲙⲁ[ⲧⲁ]ⲣ ⲁⳟⲁ ⲡⲉⲥⲉⲛ ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱ[·] ⲧⲖⲗⲖ ⲀⲙⲤⲕⲁⲇⲁ· Ⲁⲗⲉⲕⲁⲧⲧⲁ[·] ⲧⲱⲉⲕⲕⲁⲧⲧⲁ· Ⲁⲉⲥⲕⲁⲧⲧⲁ· dauti-∅

matar

aŋ-a

pes-en

kellō

David-NOM witness become-PRED speak-PFV.PRS.2/3SG as.LOC

till-il-∅

amiskad-a ale-katt-a

tōek-katt-a

aesk-att-a

God-DET-NOM judge-PRED true-ADJ-PRED power-ADJ-PRED patient-ADJ-PRED ‘As David becomes a witness and says that God is a judge, truthful, powerful, patient.’ (Ps 7:12)

(161) L 111.7–9 ᫧ ⲕⲁⲧⲁⲡⲉⲧⲁⲥⲙⲁ ⲟⲩⲟⲩ ⲕⲁⲗⲟ ⲡⲁⲗⲁ ⲕⲓⲗⲗⲟⲛ⳹ ⳟⲁⲩⲉⲓⲣⲁ ⳟⲤⲥ[ⲓⲅⲟⲩ]ⲛⲁ ⳟⲤⲥⲁⲀⲗⲟ ⲟⲕⲧⲁⲕⲛⲀ⳹ katapetasma ouou veil

kalo

pal-a

kil-∅-lon

second downstream come.out-PRED come.PRS.DET-NOM-TOP

ŋaueir-a ŋiss-iɡou-na ŋiss-a-a-lo tent-PRED holy-PL-GEN

ok-tak-in-a

holy-PRED-DD-FOC call-PASS-PRS.2/3SG-PRED

‘That which comes after veil two is called the Tabernacle, which is the Holy of Holies.’ (Heb 9:3)

The same holds for converb constructions (§7.2.3), in which both the main verb and the converbs that precede and accompany it are marked with predicate marker -ⲁ:

100

7. PREDICATION

(162) M 12.13–16 ᫥ ⳟⲤⲥⲟⲩ ⲙⲏⲛⲁⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲙⲁⲛ ⲉⲦⲧⲚ ⳟⲟⲅⲗⲟ ⳝⲟⲣⲁ ⲕⲓⲀ ϣⲁⲁⲕⲕⲁ ⲕⲘⲙⲁ⳿ ⲞⲞⲕⲢⲥⲛⲁ· ŋissou mēna-∅-eion holy

Mina-NOM-TOP

ki-a

man

eitt-in

DEM.DIST

woman-GEN house-LOC go-PRED

ŋoɡ-lo

jor-a

šaak-ka kimm-a ook-ir-s-n-a

come-PRED door-ACC hit-PRED call-TR-PST2-2/3SG-PRED ‘Saint Mina went to the house of that woman, knocked on the door, and called her.’

That complex nominal predicates and converb constructions have an analogous structure is further shown by the fact that they share similar coordinating conjunctions (§9.2, §9.3). 7.1. Nominal Predicates The predicate marker -ⲁ marks the nominal predicate in a main clause.1 (163) SC 16.3–4

᫥

stauros-il-∅

ⲥⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲖ ⲥⲁⲭⲭⲛⲓⲅⲟⲩⲛⲁ ⳟⲤⲧⲁⲗⲱ· sakhkh-ni-ɡou-na ŋis-t-a-lō

cross-DET-NOM anchorite-PL-PL-GEN cleanse-NMLZ-PRED-FOC ‘The cross is the cleansing of the anchorites.’

In a subordinate clause, the copula ⲉ(ⲓ)ⲛ is necessary together with a nominal predicate with the predicate marker -ⲁ: (164) SC 17.16–17 ᫥ ⳟⲁ ⲉⲛⲉⲛⲛⲟⲛ· ⲡⲁⲡⲗⲟ ⳝⲱⲁⲣⲁ ⲉⲛⲉⲛⲛⲟ ⳝⲱⲀⲗⲟ· ŋa

en-en-non

pap-lo

jō-ar-a

son.PRED be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-TOP father-LOC go-PST1-PRED

en-en-no

jōa-lo

be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-LOC because-FOC ‘If he is the Son, (it is) because he is from the Father.’

Nominal predicates cannot be used directly with affirmative verb morphology (§12.1). In these cases, we find a nominal predicate construction with the copula ⲉ(ⲓ)ⲛ as well:

1 Perhaps Midob copula -á(n)/à(n) (Werner 1993, §6.13) is etymologically related. A remainder may also be found on nominal predicates in Nobiin: ín tòod-à ‘dies ist ein Junge’ (Werner 1987, 169). Rilly (2010, §5.4.2) suggests that the Old Nubian predicate marker is related to the Meroitic copula -o.

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7.1. NOMINAL PREDICATES

(165) P.QI 2 20.i.8–9 ᫥ ⲕⲟⲈⲕⲁⲧⲁ ⲉⲛⲇⲘⲙⲁ ko-e-kat-a

en-d-im-m-a

power-NMLZ-NMLZ-PRED be-INTEN-AFF-PRS.3SG-PRED ‘She will be powerful.’

In subordinate clauses, we also find a nominal predicate construction with the copula ⲉ(ⲓ)ⲛ: (166) SC 17.19–20 till-in

᫧

ⲧⲖⲗⲚ ⲧⲟⲧⲁ Ⲉⲛⲉⲛⲛⲟⲛ· ⲁⲩⳝⲉⲥⲚⲛⲟ [ⳝ]ⲱⲀⲗⲱ·

tot-a

en-en-non

au-j-es-in-no

God-GEN son-PRED be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-TOP make-PLACT-PST2-2/3SG-LOC

jōa-lō because-FOC ‘When he is the son of God, (it is) because he created repeatedly.’

However, the predicate marker on the noun, as in (166) ⲧⲟⲧⲁ, is often dropped before/assimilated to the initial vowel of the copula: (167) SC 17.17–19 ᫥ ⳟⲁⲇ ⲟⲩⲉⲣ Ⲉⲛⲉⲛⲛⲟⲛ· ⲟⲩⲉⲣ ⲁⲩⲣⲟⲩⲧⲓⲞ ⳝⲟⲁⲣ Ⲉⲛⲉⲛⲛⲟ ⳝⲱⲀⲗⲟ· ŋad ouer son

en-en-non

ouer aurout-io jo-ar

one.PRED be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-TOP one

en-en-no

alone-LOC go-PST2

jōa-lo

be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-LOC because-FOC ‘When he is the single son, (it is) because he has come from one alone.’

(168) M 9.16–10.3 ᫥ ⲕⲩⲣⲓⲀⲕⲉⲛ ⲟⲩⲕⲟⲩⲣ ⲉⲓⲛⲚⲛⲟⲛ· ⲀⲡⲟⲅⲅⲖ ⲇⲠⲡⲆⲇⲱ ⲕⲉⲇⲁ ⲕⲓⲥⲛⲁ· ⲕⲟⲣⲉⲕ⳿ ⲉⲦⲛⲓⲁ· kuriake-n

oukour

ein-in-non

dipp-id-dō

apoɡɡ-il-∅

Sunday-GEN day.PRED be-PRS.2/3SG-TOP boatsman-DET-NOM village-DET-SUPE

ked-a

ki-s-n-a

kore-k

eit-ni-a

ascend-PRED come-PST2-2/3SG-PRED sacrament-ACC receive-SUBORD.SG-PRED ‘As it was Sunday, the boatsman went up to the village to receive the sacrament.’

In both (167) and (168) it reasonable to assume a dropped predicate marker -ⲁ, not only because parallel examples such as (166) ⲧⲟⲧⲁ and (164) ⳟⲁ have preserved it, but also because if we were to assume ⲟⲩⲕⲟⲩⲣ to be a nominativemarked subject, we would expect a form with the determiner -ⲗ (§16.1). The predicate marker -ⲁ is also consistently dropped after/assimilated to nouns ending in -ⲉ and proper names in -ⲓ:

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7. PREDICATION

(169) P.QI 1 10.C.ii.6–7 ᫧ [ⲡ]Ⲥⲥⲕⲁⲛⲉ ⲙϣϣⲁⲛ ⲉⲚⲛⲁ[ⲗⲟ· Ⲉ·] ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩⲀ ⲧⲖⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲁ ⲉⲚⲟⲕⲣⲀ[ⲗⲟ(?)] piss-kane

miššan-∅ ein-n-a-lo

rejoice-NMLZ.PRED all-NOM

ounn-a

einok-ir-a-lo

love-PRED

COMP-PRS-PRED-FOC

e

ourou-a

til-ka

2SG-GEN-PRED-FOC oh king-PRED God-ACC

‘All joy is yours, oh most God-loving king!’

(170) P.QI 1 6.ii.7–8 iēsousi

᫥

ⲓⲎⲥⲟⲩⲥⲓ Ⲉⲛⲉⲛⲕⲟⲛ ⲉⲓⲙⲉⲛⲛⲁⲗⲟ·

en-en-k-on

ei-men-n-a-lo

Jesus.PRED be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-ACC-TOP know-NEG-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-FOC ‘She didn’t know that it was Jesus standing’ (Jn 20:14)

Nominal predicates with a copula are also occasionally used to render a Greek participial construction such as λέγοντες in (171): (171) L 113.2–5 ᫡ [ⲉⲓⲥ]ⲥⲚ ⲇⲟⲇⲅⲣⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗ ⲙⲁϣⲁⲗⲟⲥⲕⲗⲞ ⲧⲁⲣⲁ ⲓⲈⲣⲟⲩⲥⲁⲗⲙⲓⲞ ⲕⲓⲥⲁⲛⲁ ⲡⲉⲥⲣⲀⲅⲟⲩ[Ⲉ] ⲉⲓⲛⲓⲗ⳹ eissin dodɡ-iri-ɡou-l-∅

mašalosk-ilo tar-a

behold sorcerer-PL-PL-DET-NOM east-LOC

kis-an-a

pes-ir-a-ɡoue

ierousalmi-o

come-PRED Jerusalem-LOC

ein-il-∅

come.PST2-3PL-PRED speak-PRS-PRED-PL.PRED be-PRS.DET-NOM ‘Behold, magi came from the east and arrived in Jerusalem, saying.’ (Mt 2:1)

(172) P.QI 2 16.vi.4–7 ᫥ ⲥⲉⲛⲛⲁⲅⲟⲩⲉ ⲉⲓⲛⲖ ⲧⲁⲛⲛⲁ ⲅⲉⲛⲕⲦⲕⲟⲛⲕⲁⲛⲉⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲉⲓⲱⲇⲁⲗ ⳟⲁⲉⲣⲕⲁ ⲁⲩⲟⲩⲕⲁⲛⲛⲱⲁ: senn-a-ɡoue

ein-il-∅

tan-na

ɡen-kit-kon-kane-ka

ask-PRED-PL.PRED be-PRED.DET-NOM 3SG-GEN good-NMLZ-have-NMLZ-ACC

ouei-ō-dal

ŋaer-ka

auou-ka-n-nō-a

1PL.EXCL-LOC-COM salvation-ACC do-SUBORD-2/3SG-LOC-PRED ‘… asking that he accomplish for(?) us his goodness (and) salvation.’

7.2. Verbal Predicates The main distinction in the Old Nubian verb system is between main (§7.2.2) and subordinate verbal predicates (§8). A verbal predicate in a main clause is marked for tense (and often person), and features the predicate marker -ⲁ: (173) P.QI 1 10.A.i.6–8 ᫧ ⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ ⲟⲇⲚ ⲙⲁⲣⲧⲩⲣⲟⲥⲅⲟ[ⲩⲕⲁ] ⲧⲉⲛ ⲙⲁⲧⲧⲗⲀ ⲁⲩⲗⲟⲥⲓⳝⲟⲗ· ⲧⲁ[ⲣⲟⲩ] ⲡⲉⲧⲣⲞⲥⲓⲇⲁⲗ ⲇⲟⲩⲀⲣⲁ·

103

7.2. VERBAL PREDICATES

aɡɡelos ŋod-in angel

marturos-ɡou-ka ten

Lord-GEN martyr-PL-ACC

aul-os-ij-ol-∅

mat-t-ila

3PL.GEN afflict-NMLZ-DAT

tarou petirosi-dal dou-ar-a

save-PFV-PLACT-PST1.DET-NOM 3SG

Peter-COM

exist-PST1-PRED

‘The angel of the Lord who saved the martyrs from their affliction stayed himself with Peter.’

By contrast, a verbal predicate in a subordinate clause is also marked for tense (and often person), but is not marked with the predicate marker -ⲁ: (174) K 29.4–8 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲧⲣⲖ ⲀⲡⲟⲥⲧⲟⲗⲟⲅⲚⲇⲉ ⲉⲩⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲗⲅⲢⲙⲓⲛⲖ ⲕⲟⲣⲉⲕⲁ Ⲉⲧⲉⲛ· ⲈⲧⲙⲚⲛⲁⲗⲟ· oueltr-il-∅

apostoloɡin-de

euaɡɡel-dekel-ka

any-DET-NOM apostolic.epistle-CONJ gospel-CONJ-ACC

oulɡ-ir-min-il-∅

kore-ka

et-en

ear-TR-NEG-PRS.DET-NOM sacrament-ACC take-PFV.PRS.2/3SG

et-min-n-a-lo take-NEG-PRS.2SG-PRED-FOC ‘When anyone takes the sacrament without hearing the apostolic epistle and the gospel, he didn’t take it.’

An important part of the verbal predicate are converbs (§7.2.3). These are non-finite verbs without tense or person marking that are interpreted adverbially. Converbs are also consistently marked with the predicate marker -ⲁ. 7.2.1. Organization of the Verbal Complex The verbal predicate is by far the most morphologically complex element in the Old Nubian sentence. It is based on a verbal root, which always appears as the left-most part, followed by between one to ten morphemes encoding categories such as valency, aspect, pluractionality, tense, and sentence type. Table 7.1 offers an overview of the verbal complex and all possible morphemes that can occur in it. It should be noted that this table covers linguistic material spanning several centuries, and is therefore not representative of Old Nubian at any particular stage of its development. For example, the perfect tense marker -ⲕⲟ is a late development, whereas the usage of the ‘old’ person clitics was already in decline in the earlier recorded stages of the language. This table should therefore not be considered a reconstruction, but rather used as a reference guide. The order of the morphemes is relative, and morphemes within the same category (separated by horizontal lines) are usually mutually exclusive. In turn, several of these categories are also mutually exclusive. This has not been indicated, as an exhaustive listing of all attested forms and possible combinations

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would be unnecessarily confusing. Instead, references are given to the pertinent sections in this grammar where the morpheme in question is treated. Only ‘standard’ forms of the morphemes have been listed. The actual morphological variety, combined with all attested forms of assimilation, is considerably larger. 7.2.2. Main Verbs The main verb is the most important verb of a clause, usually showing its basic meaning: the type of action or state, the number of roles related to that action or state (agent, patient, recipient), and the temporal and aspectual frame. The predicate marker -ⲁ marks the main verb, which may also feature a subject clitic (§10.1.4): (175) M 4.16

᫥

ⲀⲡⲟⲅⲅⲖ ⲡⲉⲥⲁⲣⲁ·

apoɡɡ-il-∅

pes-ar-a

boatsman-DET-NOM speak-PST1-PRED ‘The boatsman said.’

(176) M 5.14–15

᫥

ⲀⲡⲟⲅⲅⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⲡⲉⲥⲥⲛⲁ·

apoɡɡ-il-∅-lon

pes-s-n-a

boatsman-DET-NOM-TOP speak-PST2-2/3SG-PRED ‘The boatsman said.’

The predicate marker fuses with the subject clitics -ⲓ and -ⲟⲩ, if present: (177) St 6.12–7.4 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲗⲗⲘⲙⲟ ⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲀⲣⲖ ⲅⲁⲇⳝⲁⲇⲉⲛⲕⲁ· Ⲥⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲟⲩ ⳟⲟⲕⲕⲟⲛⲁ ⲙⲩⲥⲧⲏⲣⲕⲁ· doll-im-m-o

ou-ka

ei-ar-il

want-AFF-PRS-1/2PL.PRED 1PL.EXCL-ACC know-TR-PRS

ɡad-j-ad-en-ka

istaurosou ŋok-ko-na

cause-PLACT-INTEN-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-ACC cross

glory-ADJ-GEN

mustēr-ka mystery-ACC ‘We want you to inform us about the mystery of the glorious cross.’

(178) L 106.13–14

᫧

ⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥⲚ ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲓⲀⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲥⲉⲛ[ⲓⲙ]Ⲛⲛⲉⲗⲟ⳹

kosmos-in jouri-a-eion

sen-imin-n-e-lo

world-GEN cause-DAT-TOP ask-NEG-PRS-1SG.PRED-FOC ‘I do not ask about the world.’ (Jn 17:9)

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7.2. VERBAL PREDICATES

Category Root Valency Valency Valency Aspect Pluractionality Negation Aspect

Affirmation Tense Tense

Morpheme name

Morpheme

Gloss

Transitive Causative Passive Perfective Perfective Pluractional Negative Perfective Habitual Intentional Affirmative ‘New’ Perfect Present Past 1 Past 2

-ⲁⲣ -ⲅⲁⲣ -ⲧⲁⲕ -ⲟⲥ -ⲉⲧ -ⳝ -ⲙⲚ -ⲉ -ⲕ -ⲁⲇ -ⲙ -ⲕⲟ -ⲗ -ⲟⲗ -ⲥ -ⲕⲟ -ⲛⲓ -ⲛⲟⲩ -ⲓ -ⲛ -ⲟⲩ -ⲁⲛ -ⲓ -ⲁⲙ -ⲁⲛ -ⲗ -∅ -ⲕⲁ

TR CAUS

Subordination

Person

Decl. Subj. Clitic

Imp. Subj. Clitic

Determination Case

Predication Infinitive Negation ‘Old’ Suffixes

‘Old’ Person Sentence Type Topic Focus Direct Discourse

Determiner Nominative Accusative Etc. Predicate Marker Infinitive Negative Indirect Speech Jussive Present Past Subject Clitic Question Command Final Clause Topic Marker Focus Marker

-ⲁ -ⲓ -ⲧⲁ -ⲙ(ⲁ) -ⲙ -ⲗ -ⲥ -ⲏ -ⲕⲉ -ϩⲁ -ⲥⲟ -ⲥⲁ -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ -ⲗⲟ -ⲁ

PASS PFV PFV PLACT NEG PFV HAB INTEN AFF PRF PRS PST1 PST2 SUBORD SUBORD.SG SUBORD.PL

1SG 2/3SG 1/2PL 3PL IMP.2/3SG IMP.1PL IMP.2/3PL DET NOM ACC PRED INF NEG AFF(.DD) JUS PRS.AFF PST.AFF

(2)SG (2)PL Q COMM FIN TOP FOC DD

Table 7.1: The verbal complex

Section §19.3 §13.2.1 §13.2.2 §13.2.3 §11.1.2 §11.1.2 §13.1 §12.2.1 §11.1.1 §11.1.4 §11.1.5 §12.1 §11.2.3 §11.2.1 §11.2.2.1 §11.2.2.2 §8.2.3, §8.3.2 §8.2.2, §8.3.1 §8.2.2, §8.3.1 §10.1.4 §10.1.4 §10.1.4 §10.1.4 §10.1.5 §10.1.5 §10.1.5 §16.1 §15.1.1 §15.1.3 §15 §7.2 §14.2 §12.2.2 §6.2.2 §12.3, §12.4 §12.1 §12.1 §10.1.6 §10.1.6 §6.1.1 §4.2 §8.3.2.2 §5.1 §5.2 §6.2

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7. PREDICATION

Although the predicate marker is often the final element of the verbal complex, some morphemes may follow it, such as the focus marker -ⲗⲟ (§5.2) in (178) ⲥⲉⲛ[ⲓⲙ]Ⲛⲛⲉⲗⲟ and the affirmative morphology in (179) ⲟⲩⲗⲗⲁⲕⲕⲉⲣ ⲁⳟⲁⲣⲁⲥⲕⲉ below: (179) SC 2.16–17 ᫧ ⲅⲁⲣⲕⲉⲙⲥⲟ ⲟⲩⲁⲧⲧⲟⲛⲁ[ⲥ]Ⲛ ⲟⲩⲗⲗⲁⲕⲕⲉⲣ ⲁⳟⲁⲣⲁⲥⲕⲉ· ɡar-kemso ouatto-na-sin oullaker side-four

aŋ-ar-a-s-ke

whole-GEN-EMP teacher.NMLZ become-PST1-PRED-PST.AFF-2PL

‘You have become teachers of the entire world.’

There are a few exceptions to the rule that -ⲁ marks the main verb of the clause. (180) PREDICATE

MARKER

-ⲁ

IS ABSENT ON MAIN VERBS WITH

• 1PL imperative subject clitics (§10.1.5); • Negative suffixes -ⲙⲉⲛ-ⲧⲁ (§12.2.2). (181) PREDICATE

MARKER

-ⲁ

IS PRESENT ON

• Subordinate verbs in final clauses (§8.3); • Verbs in attributive relative clauses in the scope of a universal quantifier (§16.5.1); • Converbs (§7.2.3). Imperative verb forms are usually also marked with the predicate marker, except 1PL forms: (182) P.QI 1 2.ii.16–17 on

᫥

ⲟⲛ ⲅⲟⲩⳝⲁⲈⲥⲱ ⲧⲖⲗⲁ ⲓⲁⲕⲱⲃⲓⲛⲁ⳼

ɡouja-e-sō

till-a

iakōb-in-a

and listen.TR-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM God-PRED Jakob-GEN-PRED ‘And hearken, God of Jacob!’ (Ps 83:9)

(183) K 29.15–30.3 ᫥ ⲧⲖⲗⲟⲩ ⳝⲘⲙⲖⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲥⲘⲡⲓⲧⲁⲣⲟⲕⲕⲁ ⳟⲟⲟⲕ ⲧⲣⲁⲙⲥⲟ· ⲟⲛ ⲧⲁⲕⲕⲟⲛ ⲧⲁⲣⲟⲩⲁⲙⲥⲟ tillou jimmil-ɡou-ka God

simpit-ar-ok-ka

ŋook

everything-PL-ACC foundation-TR-PST1-ACC glory

tr-am-so

on tak-k-on

tarou-am-so

give>2/3.IMP.1PL-COMM and 3SG-ACC-TOP praise-IMP.1PL-COMM ‘Let us glorify God who founded everything, and let us praise him!’

Negative forms with -ⲙⲉⲛ-ⲧⲁ drop the predicate marker, whereas the vetitive with -ⲧⲁ (§12.4) usually retains it:

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7.2. VERBAL PREDICATES

(184) P.QI 2 18.iv.6–9 ⳟⲁⲗⲙⲉⲛⲧⲁⲗⲟ· ŋek-katt

ⳟⲉⲕⲕⲁⲧⲧ ⲁⳟⲁ· ⲟⲇⲧⲟⲩ· ⲟⲩⲉⲣⲕⲉⲛⲇⲉⲗⲟⲛ·

᫥

aŋ-a

od-tou

ouer-k-ende-lon

anxious-NMLZ become-PRED sick-NMLZ one-ACC-NEG.CONJ-TOP

ŋal-men-ta-lo see-NEG-NEG-FOC ‘He becomes anxious and cannot see any illness.’

(185) SC 21.20–21 ᫧ ⲉⲔⲕⲁ ⲧⲉⲇ ⲘⲙⲤⲥⲉ⳺ ⲉⲛ ⲕⲟⲉⲢⲣ[ⲱ] ⳝⲱⲟⲕⲕⲁ ⲕⲁⲡⲁⲧⲁⲙⲏⲀ⳺ eik-ka

ted im-mis-s-e

2SG-ACC law bring-NEG-PST2-1SG.PRED

en

koeir-rō jō-ok-ka

DEM.PROX

tree-LOC

go-PST1-ACC

kap-a-ta-mē-a eat-PRED-NEG-JUS.SG-DD ‘Did I not set you the rule: “Do not eat that which comes from this tree!”?

The predicate marker -ⲁ also occurs on a few subordinate verbs, verbs that are not the main verbs of a clause. For example, the predicate marker always marks final verb forms: (186) SC 13.12–13

᫥

ⲡⲓⲉⲓⲥⲛⲁ ⲉⲔⲕⲁ ⲁϣϣⲁⲩⲉⲕⳠⳡⲁⲅⲉⲛⲓⲀ·

piei-s-n-a

eik-ka

aššaue-kiññ-aɡeni-a

sleep-PST2-2/3SG-PRED 2SG-ACC concern-NEG.ADJ-CAUS.SUBORD.SG-PRED ‘He slept so as to make you without concern.’

In (186), both the main verb ⲡⲓⲉⲓⲥⲛⲁ and the subordinate verb ⲁϣϣⲁⲩⲉⲕⳠⳡⲁⲅⲉⲛⲓⲀ are marked with the predicate marker -ⲁ. Finally, the verb inside an attributive relative clause in the scope of a universal quantifier (§16.5.1) is also marked by an -ⲁ, even though it is not the main verb: (187) L 107.7–9 ᫧ ⲉⲗⲗⲱ [ⲉⲓ]ⲁⲥⲥⲁⲛⲁ ⲁⲓⲕⲁ ⲇⲉⲛⳝⲓⲥⲛⲀ ⲙϢϣ[ⲁ]ⲛⲕⲁ⳹ ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱⲕⲁ ⲧⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲧⲓⳝⳝⲉⲥⲓⲕ[ⲁ⳹ el-lō

ei-as-s-an-a

ai-ka

den-j-is-in-a

now-LOC know-TR-PST2-3PL-PRED 1SG-ACC give>1-PLACT-PST2-2/3SG-PRED

miššan-ka kellō-ka tek-ka all-ACC

all-ACC

tij-j-es-i-ka

3PL-ACC give>2/3-PLACT-PFV.PST2-1SG-ACC

‘Now they know that everything you gave me I gave all to them.’ (Jn 17:7–8)

(188) P.QI 3 36.i.14–16 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲣⲣⲉ ⲁⲛⲛⲟⲩ Ⲁⲛ ⲉⲛⲛⲟ ⳝⲱⲀ ⲥⲉⲩⲉⲓⲥⲉ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲕⲁ ⳟⲁⲅⲅⲓⲕⳠⳡⲗⲟ ⲛⲉⲩⲈⲥⲓ Ⲁⲇⲁⲙⲁⲇⲉ Ⲁⲛⲉⲛⲓⲕⲟⲗⲓⲇⲉⲕⲉⲛ ⲁⲥⲕⲁ ⲡⲁⲣⲣⲉ ⲉⲚ ⲥⲓⲅⲉⲣⲚⲛⲁ ⲇⲁⲣⲁ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲕⲁ ⳝⲁⲛⲁ ⲧⲉⲣⲁ·

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7. PREDICATION

parre an-nou an land

en-no

jōa

seu-eis-e

1SG-GEN 1SG.GEN mother-LOC from inherit-PST2-1SG.PRED

miššan-ka ŋaɡɡ-ikiññ-lo all-ACC

as-ka

parre ein

daughter-ACC field

anenikoli-deken

siɡerin-na

dar-a

dem.PROX document-DAT exist.PRS-PRED

miššan-ka jan-a all-ACC

neuesi adama-de

deny-NEG.ADJ-LOC Neuesi Adama-CONJ Anenikoli-CONJ.GEN

ter-a

exchange-PRED give>2/3-PRED

‘As regards all the land that I inherited from my mother myself, without denying I sell to Neuesi, daughter of Adama and Anenikoli, all the land that is (mentioned) in this document.’

7.2.3. Converbs Converbs (G. M. Browne (2002c, §3.9.19)’s ‘adjunctives’) are formed by a verbal root followed directly by the predicate marker -ⲁ without any person, tense, aspect, affirmation, or negation marking, although they may be marked for valency and pluractionality (§13). Converbs are non-finite, adverbial (i.e., neither participles nor verbal nouns), and subordinate verb forms (Haspelmath 1995, 4–8). They are often contiguous to the main verb and subject to grammaticalization processes, such as the development of the applicative (§7.2.3.1), and have been widely attested in other Nubian languages (e.g., Amha and Dimmendaal 2006, 420–421; Gulfan 2013; Comfort 2013). Converbs always have the same subject as the main verb. Converbs are widespread in Old Nubian, and are used particularly effectively in The Miracle of Saint Mina (M).2 (189) M 11.2–6 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲣⲟⲛ ⳟⲁⲗⲉⲛ ⲧⲖⲗⲔ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲟⲗ ⲙⲁⲣⲓⲁⲛ ⲉⲓⲅⲟⲛⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲅⲟⲩⲇⲁⲗⲁ ⲕⲓⲀ ⲟⲩⲟⲩⲀ ⲡⲉⲥⲥⲛⲁ· tar-∅-on

ŋal-en

till-ik

ounn-ol

maria-n

3SG-NOM-TOP see-PFV.PRS.2/3SG God-ACC bear-PST1 Mary-GEN

eiɡon-ɡille ɡoudal-a ki-a icon-ALL

run-PRED

ouou-a

pes-s-n-a

come-PRED shout-PRED speak-PST2-2/3SG-PRED

‘When he saw it, he ran to the image of Mary Theotokos and shouted.’

2

Although G. M. Browne (1994d, 2–3) maintains with Griffith that M must have been translated from a Greek Vorlage, the frequent use of the converbs to convey a rapid sequence of events sets it apart from other texts of which Greek Vorlages have been established. It therefore stands to reason that M is perhaps an originally Old Nubian composition, and shows the narrative strategies used naturally by its users, rather than those dictated by the practice of translation.

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7.2. VERBAL PREDICATES

In (189), the converbs ⲅⲟⲩⲇⲁⲗⲁ ⲕⲓⲀ ⲟⲩⲟⲩⲀ followed by the main verb ⲡⲉⲥⲥⲛⲁ describe a continuous sequence of events: the boatsman running to the icon of Mary and imploring her. Only the rightmost, main verb ⲡⲉⲥⲥⲛⲁ is marked for tense and person, while the converbs are simply marked with predicate marker -ⲁ. (190) M 12.13–16 ᫥ ⳟⲤⲥⲟⲩ ⲙⲏⲛⲁⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲙⲁⲛ ⲉⲦⲧⲚ ⳟⲟⲅⲗⲟ ⳝⲟⲣⲁ ⲕⲓⲀ ϣⲁⲁⲕⲕⲁ ⲕⲘⲙⲁ⳿ ⲞⲞⲕⲢⲥⲛⲁ· ŋissou mēna-∅-eion holy

Mina-NOM-TOP

ki-a

man

eitt-in

DEM.DIST

woman-GEN house-LOC go-PRED

ŋoɡ-lo

jor-a

šaak-ka kimm-a ook-ir-s-n-a

come-PRED door-ACC hit-PRED call-TR-PST2-2/3SG-PRED ‘Saint Mina went to the house of that woman, knocked on the door, and called her.’

Example (190) shows that converbs do not have to be contiguous, as the object ϣⲁⲁⲕⲕⲁ intervenes before ⲕⲘⲙⲁ⳿. Overall, the restriction on intervening material appears to be that it cannot be ‘heavy’, i.e., containing a relative clause or conjunctions. (191) M 11.15–12.7 ᫥ ⳟⲤⲥⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⲙⲁⲛ ⲞⲄⳝⲕⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲙⲙⲁ ⲧⲁⲕ ⲟⲩⲣⲖⲇⲱ ⳝⲁⲅⳟⲟⲛ· ⲕⲟⲩⲙⲡⲟⲩ ⲉⲚ ⲧⲁⲛ⳿ⲛⲁ ⲕⲠⲥⲖ· ⲇⲟⲩⲙⲁⲗ ⲇⲟⲩⲧⲣⲁⲡ⳿ Ⲁⳡⲣⲁⳟⲁ ⲧⲁⲛⲛⲁ ⲧⲁⲩⲞⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗ ⲥⲟⲩⲕⲕⲁ ⲡⲁⲗⲁ ⲕⲟⲩⲧⲧⲁ ⳟⲟⲛⳝⲁ ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲕⲟⲛⲟ ⳝⲁⲩⲉⲓⲥⲛⲁ· ŋiss-il-∅-lon

man

oɡij-ka

holy-DET-NOM-TOP

DEM.DIST

man-ACC take-PRED 3SG.ACC head-DET-SUPE

jaɡŋ-on

koumpou ein

kick-PST1.2/3SG egg

doumal

DEM.PROX

doutrap añ-r

suddenly fowl

soukk-a

aŋ-a

doumm-a tak tan-na

our-il-dō

kip-s-il-∅

3SG-GEN eat-PST2-DET-NOM

tan-na

tauo-ketal

live-PRS become-PRED 3SG-GEN under-also

pal-a

koutt-a

ŋonj-a

tous-kono

descend-PRED come.out-PRED rise-PRED stand-PRED before-after

jau-eis-n-a squawk-PST2-2/3SG-PRED ‘When the saint took that man and kicked him on the head, the egg which he had eaten suddenly came to life as a fowl, also came out from under him, stood up, and squawked at once.’

Example (191) contains two converb constructions, one in a subordinate clause and one in a main clause. They describe two distinct sequences of events. The first one is Saint Mina taking the boatsman and kicking him on the

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7. PREDICATION

head,3 the second one is the live fowl appearing from the man’s rear, standing up and squawking. In both constructions, only the rightmost verb, respectively ⳝⲁⲅⳟⲟⲛ and ⳝⲁⲩⲉⲓⲥⲛⲁ, carries tense and person morphology, while all other verbs are merely marked with the predicate marker -ⲁ. The examples from M show the use of converbs in all their complexity, but in most Old Nubian texts they are usually limited to two contiguous verbs. (192) L 106.9–10 ⲡⲉⲥⲥⲛⲁ⳹ tan

᫧

ⲧⲁⲛ ⲙⲁⳡⲚ ⲧⲣ[ⲓⲕⲁ ϩⲁⲣⲙ]ⲗⲀⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲡⲟⲟⲅⲅⲁⲣⲁ

mañ-in tri-ka

harm-ila-ɡille pooɡɡar-a

3SG.GEN eye-DU pair-ACC heaven-DAT-ALL raise.CAUS-PRED

pes-s-n-a speak-PST2-2/3SG-PRED ‘He turned his eyes toward heaven and said.’ (Jn 17:1)

(193) St 3.5–11 ᫥ ⲟⲛ ⲟⲩ Ⲁⲡⲟⲥⲧⲟⲗⲟⲥⲅⲟⲩⲗ ⲧⲁⲣⲓⲰ ⲧⳝⲰ ⲇⲁⲩ Ⲁⳟⲁ ⲧⲘⲙⲁⲣⲟⲩ· ⲙⲩⲥⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ ⲉⲓⲣⲁ ⲡⲉⲥⲙⲓⲛⲛⲁⲛⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲡⲖⲗⲓⲅⲣⲀ ⲇⲉⲛⳝⲓⲥⲛⲁ on

ou

apostolos-ɡou-l-∅ tari-ō

tijō dau aŋ-a

and 1PL.EXCL apostle-PL-DET-NOM 3SG-LOC with large become-PRED

timm-a-r-ou

mustērou eir-a

pes-min-n-an-ka

assemble-PST1-1/2PL mystery

can-PRED speak-NEG-PRS-3PL-ACC

ou-ka

den-j-is-n-a

pill-iɡir-a

1PL.EXCL-ACC shine-CAUS-PRED give>1-PLACT-PST2-2/3SG-PRED ‘And when we apostles had become a large group and had assembled around him, he revealed to us an unspeakable mystery.’

In the case of converbs preceding the donative verbs ⲇⲉⲛ and ⲧⲢ, as in (193) ⲡⲖⲗⲓⲅⲣⲀ ⲇⲉⲛⳝⲓⲥⲛⲁ, the donative verb has lost much of its independent meaning (§7.2.3.1). This results in a reduction of the donative verb from an independent grammatical and semantic word to a suffix, a grammaticalization process which has been completed in Nobiin (Bechhaus-Gerst 2011, 142–147). A similar process has taken place with the perfective suffixes -ⲟⲥ and -ⲉⲧ (§11.1.2) and the innovative perfect in -ⲕⲟ (§11.2.3). Because this grammaticalization process is underway in the period Old Nubian is written down, and most probably moved at different speeds depending on dialectal differences and sociolinguistic processes, it is sometimes difficult to 3 At this point in the story, Mina is sitting on his horse, so the kicking does not require enormous dexterity on the saint’s part. The final page of the manuscript of M contains a lovely drawing of precisely this scene: Mina on his horse, the man standing, and the fowl underneath him.

111

7.2. VERBAL PREDICATES

distinguish the moment at which a construction with a converb has been grammaticalized into verb + suffix: (194) M 13.3–6 ᫥ ⲉⲦⲧⲁ ⲉⲚ ⲇⲉⲓⲧⲣⲁⲡⲕⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲙ⳿Ⲉⲧⲁ· ⲉⲚ ⲇⲟⲩⲧⲣⲁⲡⲅⲟⲩⲗⲟ ⲡⲉⲗⲓⲣⲉⲥⲱ· eitt-a

ein

deitrap-ka doum-et-a

woman-PRED

DEM.PROX

fowl-ACC

ein

take-PFV-PRED 2SG.GEN

doutrap-ɡou-lo pel-ir-e-sō fowl-PL-LOC

come.out-TR-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM

‘Woman, take up this fowl and release it among your fowls!’

The verbal form ⲇⲟⲩⲙ⳿Ⲉⲧⲁ may be either interpreted as the verbal root ⲇⲟⲩⲙ followed by perfective marker -ⲉⲧ, or as two separate phonological words that are converbs, ⲇⲟⲩⲙ⳿ Ⲉⲧⲁ (…) ⲡⲉⲗⲓⲣⲉⲥⲱ, with the apostrophe indicating a dropped -ⲁ before a vowel (as it does elsewhere in M). In a sense, this distinction is merely formal, because on the level of meaning the interpretation is not affected one way or the other. 7.2.3.1. Applicative Verbs ⲧⲢ and ⲇⲉⲛ Old Nubian has two applicative verbs, based on the donative verbs ⲧⲢ and ⲇⲉⲛ. They are always used with a converb (§7.2.3) and introduce an additional argument, either a recipient or beneficiary. The donative verb ⲧⲢ signifies giving something to someone other than the speaker: (195) St 10.2–10 ᫥ ⲉⲚⲛⲟ ⳝⲱⲀⲗⲟ ⲥⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲕⲁ ⲁⲓⲇⲁⲗ ⲕⲟⲩⲛⲖ ⲕⲆⲇⲣⲈ — ⲧⲉⲛ ⲉⲚⲧⲓⲅⲇⲉⲣⲕⲁ ⲧⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲡⲖⲗⲓⲅⲣⲀ ⲦⳝⳝⲓⲛⲓⲀ[·] ⲧⲉⲛ ⲙⲁⲙⲀ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲅⲟⲩⲕⲟⲛ ⲧⲉⲛ ⲟⲩⲣⲖⲇⲱ ⲧⲓⲇⲣⲁ ⲦⳝⳝⲓⲛⲓⲀ· ein-no

jōa-lo

DEM.PROX-LOC

because-FOC cross-ACC

kid-d-ir-e

stauros-ka ai-dal ten

koun-il-∅

1SG-COM have-PRS.DET-NOM

eintiɡ-der-ka

tek-ka

come-INTEN-PRS-1SG.PRED 3PL.GEN shame-NMLZ-ACC 3PL.ACC

pill-iɡir-a

tij-j-ini-a

ten

mam-a

shine-CAUS-PRED give>2/3-PLACT-SUBORD.SG-PRED 3PL.GEN injustice-PRED

miššan-ɡou-k-on ten all-PL-ACC-TOP

our-il-dō

tid-r-a

3PL.GEN head-DET-SUPE encounter-TR-PRED

tij-j-ini-a give>2/3-PLACT-SUBORD.SG-PRED ‘That’s why I will come having the cross with me, in order to reveal to them their shame and to bring upon their head all their injustice.’

112

7. PREDICATION

(196) M 7.3–6 ⲧⲢⲥⲛⲁ·

᫥

ⲉⲦⲧⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⲡⲤⲧⲉⲩⲀ ⲕⲟⲩⲙⲡⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲧⲁⲛ⳿ ⲉⲓⲗⲁ⳿ ⲟⲩⲧⲣⲁ

eitt-il-∅-lon

pisteu-a

koumpou-ka tan

woman-DET-NOM-TOP believe-PRED egg-ACC

outr-a

ei-la

3SG.GEN hand-DAT

tir-s-n-a

place-PRED give>2/3-PST2-2/3SG-PRED ‘The woman believed him and placed the egg in his hand.’

The donative verb ⲇⲉⲛ signifies giving something to the speaker: (197) P.QI A i.1–3 ᫥ ⲤⲕⲉⲗⲗⲉⲥⲚ ⲡⲁⲡⲁ ⳟⲟⲕⲕⲟⲀ· ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩⲉⲓⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲅⲟⳡⲁ ⲇⲉⲛⳝⲉⲥⲟ· iskel-l-e-sin

pap-a

ŋok-ko-a

ourou-eika

beg-PRS-1SG.PRED-EMP father-PRED glory-ADJ-PRED king-ACC

ou-ka

ɡoñ-a

den-j-e-so

1PL.EXCL-ACC establish-PRED give>1-PLACT-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM ‘I beg (you), glorious Father, establish a king for us!’

(198) St 5.1–7 ᫥ ⲉⲖⲗⲟ ⲙⲩⲥⲧⲏⲣⲁ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲡⲖⲗⲓⲅⲣⲀ ⲇⲉⲛⳝⲁⲣⲁ· Ⲉⲗⲟⲛ ⲙⲩⲥⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ ⲉⲔⲕⲁ Ⲉⲅⲓⲇⲣⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲡⲖⲗⲓⲅⲣⲀ ⲇⲉⳡⳝⲉⲥⲟ· eil-lo

mustēr-a

miššan-ka ou-ka

2SG-FOC mystery-PRED all-ACC

den-j-ar-a

el-on

mustērou eik-ka

give>1-PLACT-PST1-PRED now-TOP mystery

ou-ka

pill-iɡir-a

pill-iɡir-a

1PL.EXCL-ACC shine-CAUS-PRED

eɡid-r-ou-ka

2SG-ACC ask-PRS-1/2PL-ACC

deñ-j-e-so

1PL.EXCL-ACC shine-CAUS-PRED give>1-PLACT-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM ‘You have revealed to us every mystery, and now reveal to us the mystery which we ask you!’

The argument introduced by the applicative verb may be overtly expressed or implicit. When it is overtly expressed, it is marked with the accusative case, as in (197) ⲟⲩⲕⲁ and (198) ⲟⲩⲕⲁ. In (195) and (196) the extra argument is implicit, while also being superfluous in the English translation because of the presence of a possessive pronoun.

8. SUBORDINATION

The main distinction between main verbal predicates and subordinated verbal predicates is the absence of the predicate marker -ⲁ in the latter ones. Whenever we encounter a verbal predicate without -ⲁ, it must be subordinated in some way to a main predicate marked with -ⲁ. The exception are verbal predicates in final clauses, which, even though marked with the predicate marker -ⲁ, otherwise behave like subordinate clauses. There are five main types of subordinate clauses in Old Nubian: (199) SUBORDINATE CLAUSES • • • • •

Temporal clauses (§8.1); Conditional clauses (§8.2); Final clauses (§8.3); Causal clauses (§8.4); Complement clauses (§8.5).

Verbal nouns are discussed in §17.2.1 in the context of relative clauses. 8.1. Temporal Clauses Temporal clauses indicate a moment or duration relative to the main clause. In English, such temporal clauses are usually translated with conjunctions such as ‘when’, ‘while’, or ‘after’. There are several ways in which Old Nubian can form such temporal clauses. The simplest is a bare temporal clause, which is formed without any special suffixes (§8.1.1). The same verbal forms may also be followed by a locative suffix to give a more precise indication of the temporal relation between subordinate and main clause (§8.1.2), and, finally, a number of conjunctions may be employed together with these suffixed forms (§8.1.3). 8.1.1. Bare Temporal Clauses Bare temporal clauses are marked by a verb with tense/aspect morphology and a subject clitic, but without predicate marker -ⲁ. They usually appear only in the present tense, and correspond to English ‘while’ or ‘when’ phrases. (200) SC 22.1–4 ᫧ Ⲁⲇⲁⲙⲏⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲙⲛⲟⲛⲁ· ⲡⲁⲣⲁⲇⲉⲓ[ⲥ]ⲟⲥⲗⲁ ⳝⲟⲩⳝⲓⲛ ⲉⲚ Ⲗⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲗⲅⲟⲩⲣⲁⲗⲱ [ⲉⲩ]ⲟⲩⲁ ⲕⲁⲩⲉⲚ ⳟⲤⲥ[ⲓ]ⲗⲉ ⳝⲟⲩⲛ ⲡⲓⲕⲓⲥⲉ·

114

8. SUBORDINATION

adamē-eion mn-o-n-a ein

paradeisos-la jou-j-in

what-PST1-2/3SG-PRED paradise-DAT

Adam-TOP

il-ka

oulɡ-our-a-lō

euou-a

go-PLACT-PRS.2/3SG

kaue-in

2SG.GEN voice-ACC ear-TR-PRED-FOC fear-PRED naked-PRS.2/3SG

ŋis-s-i-le

joun

pik-is-e

see-PST2-1SG.PRED-LE because hide-PST2-1SG.PRED ‘What did Adam (say): I heard your voice while you went around in Paradise, not afraid, and hid because I saw I was naked.’ (Gen 3:10)

(201) St 2.9–3.5 ᫧ ⲁⲩⲧⲁⲕⲟⲛⲁ ⲟⲩⲕⲣⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲟ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲗⲟ· ⲉⲛ ⲁⳡⳝⲛⲀ ⲥⲁⲓⲧⲉⲛⲅⲟⲩⲛ ⳟⲁⳝⳝⲖⲇⲱ ⲁⲕⲚ· ⲧⲁ[ⲛ]ⲛⲁ ϩⲁⲣⲙⲓⲅⲟⲩⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲕⲉⲇⲁ ⳝⲟⲇⲇⲉⲛⲛⲁ ⲟⲩⲕⲖ Ⲣⲕⲓⲥⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗ[ⲟ(?)] ⲟⲣⲣⲉⲣⲉ ⳟⲟⲛⳝⲓⲛ: au-tak-o-n-a

oukr-iɡou-lo ouel-lo en

do-PASS-PST1-2/3SG-PRED day-PL-LOC

saite-n-ɡou-n ŋajj-il-dō

añj-ina

one-LOC 1PL.INCL.GEN savior-GEN

ak-in

tan-na

harmi-ɡou-ɡille

olive-PL-PL-GEN mountain-DET-SUPE sit-PRS.GEN 3SG-GEN heaven-PL-ALL

ked-a

jod-d-en-na

oukil irkis-iɡou-lo orrere

ascend-PRED go-INTEN-PFV.PRS-GEN day

forty-PL-LOC

before

ŋonj-in stand-PRS.2/3SG ‘It happened when on one of the days our Savior was sitting on the Mount of Olives, forty days remaining before he would ascend to the heavens.’

(202) K 28.12–15 ᫥ Ⲁⲗⲉⲥⲓⲛ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲧⲢⲗ ⟦ⲁ⟧ ⲕⲤⲥⲉⲗ ⲅⲁⲗⲗⲉⲓⲙⲓⲛⲉⲒⲛ ⲕⲁⲡⲉⲛ ⲁⲣⲙⲤⲕⲓⲣⲉ ⲇⲁⲩⲉⲖⲗⲟⲗⲟ ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲕⲟⲀⲗⲟ ⟦ⲧⲁⲓ⟧ · alesin oueltir-l-∅ if

kisse-l-∅

ɡall-eimin-ein

kap-en

any-DET-NOM church-DET-NOM open-NEG-PRS.2/3SG eat-PFV.PRS.2/3SG

armiskire

daueil-lo-lo

jour-ko-a-lo

punishment great-LOC-FOC cause-ADJ-PRED-FOC ‘If anyone eats while the church is not open, then he is guilty to great punishment.’

Bare temporal clauses are particularly frequent in the opening formulas of documentary texts, where they often indicate the rulers and magistrates in office at a particular moment: (203) P.QI 4 67.2–4 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲣⲧⲁⲅⲟⲛⲁⲗⲟ: ⲅⲉⲟⲣᲟⲅⲓᲠⲟⲩ ⲃⲁⲥⲓⲗⲉⲟⲥ ⲇⲁⲇ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩ ⲇⲟⲩⲧⲁⲩⳣⲱ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩⲀ ⲛⲚ ⲧⲤⲗⲙⲁ ⳟⲟⲛⲛⲉⲛⲁ ⲛⲚ par-taɡ-o-n-a-lo

ɡeorɡiou basileos da(vi)d ourou

write-PASS-PST1-2/3SG-PRED-FOC Georgiou Basileos

David

king

115

8.1. TEMPORAL CLAUSES

doutauwō ourou-a

n-in

tisl(i)ma ŋonnen-a

king-PRED be-PRS.2/3SG Tisl(i)ma queen.mother-PRED

Dotawo

n-in be-PRS.2/3SG ‘It was written while King Georgiou Basileos David was king of Dotawo and Tisl(i)ma was queen mother.’

Note that present tense subordinate verbs receive a past tense interpretation when the main verb has past tense morphology (cf. §11.2.1.1). For example, in (203) the main verb ⲡⲁⲣⲧⲁⲅⲟⲛⲁⲗⲟ is past tense, and thereore the phonologically reduced forms ⲛⲚ (more frequently ⲉⲓⲛⲚ) are also interpreted as such. There are also rare occurrences of the past 1 tense used in a temporal clause: (204) P.QI 2 12.i.14–16 ᫥ ⲁⲡⲟⲗⲇⲉ ⲟⲛ ⲁⲛ Ⲉⲛⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲅⲟⲩⲗ⳿ ⲁⲓⲕⲁ ⲥⲟⲗⲁ ⲧⲟⲕⲟⲩⲁⲛ ⳟⲟⲇⲖⲗⲱ ⲁⲓⲕⲁ ⲧⲁⲙⲁⲗⲁⲛⲁ a-po-l-de

on

an

en-dekel-ɡou-l-∅

1sg.POSS-father-DET-CONJ and 1SG.GEN mother-CONJ-PL-DET-NOM

ai-ka

sol-a

tok-ou-an

ŋod-il-∅-lō

ai-ka

1SG-ACC abandon-PRED depart-PST1-3PL Lord-DET-NOM-FOC 1SG-ACC

tamal-an-a help-PST1.2/3SG-PRED ‘When my father and my mother abandoned me, the Lord helped me.’ (Ps 26:10)

When a verbal form in a bare temporal clause is marked with the perfective aspect marker -ⲉ (§11.1.1) a translation with ‘when’ is usually more appropriate.1 (205) SC 21.6–7

ⲕⲁⲡⲉⲛⲛⲟⲛ ⲕⲁⲩⲉⲚ ⳟⲁ ⲡⲔⲓⲥⲁ[ⲛⲁ·]

᫥

kap-en-non

kaue-in

ŋa

pik-is-an-a

eat-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-TOP naked-PRS.2/3SG see.PRED hide-PST2-3PL-PRED ‘When they had eaten, they saw they were naked, and hid.’

(206) P.QI 1 4.i.11–12 ᫥ ⲁⲓⲁⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲡⲤⲉⲖ ⲇⲓⲉⲛⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗ· ⲀⳡⲁⲇⲘⲙⲁ· ai-a-ɡille

pis-eil-∅

di-en-ketal

1SG-DAT-ALL believe-DET-NOM die-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-also

añ-ad-im-m-a live-INTEN-AFF-PRS.3SG-PRED ‘Even when someone who believes in me dies, he will live.’ (Jn 11:25) 1 G. M. Browne (2002c, §3.9.9) refers to these as ‘expanded verbids’, analyzing the -ⲛ as an alternation of -ⲗ. There is, however, no reason to assume such an alternation.

116

8. SUBORDINATION

(207) K 19.8–16 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲧⲣⲖ ⲕⲉⲓⲕⲁ ⲡⲉⲥⲉⲛ· ⲉⲓⲛ ⲕⲟⲣⲉ ⳟⲤⲥⲟⲩ ⲧⲣⲁⲡⲤⲥⲖⲇⲱ ⲡⲖⲕⲁ· ⲁⲣⲧⲟⲥⲁ ⳝⲱⲗⲁⲙ· ⲟⲣⲡⲁ ⳝⲱⲗⲁⲙⲀ· ⲡⲁⲡⲓⲇⲉ ⲟⲛ ⳟⲁⲗⲇⲉ ⲟⲛ ⲥⲉⲩⲁⲣⲧⲟⲩ ⳟⲤⲥⲓⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲗⲟ ⳟⲤⲥⲉⲗⲟ ⲡⲁⲗⲁⲙⲏ· ⲉⲕⲕⲚ ⳝⲉⲗⲗⲟ ⲟⲛ ⲉⲗⲗⲉ ⲕⲓⲗⲟ· oueltr-il-∅

keik-a

pes-en

any-DET-NOM blaspheme-PRED speak-PFV.PRS.2/3SG

ŋissou trapiss-il-dō pi-l-ka holy

artos-a

ein

kore

DEM.PROX

sacrament

jōl-a-m

orp-a

altar-DET-SUPE lie-PRS-ACC bread-PRED only-PRED-AFF wine-PRED

jōl-a-m-a

pap-ide

on

ŋal-de

on

seuartou

only-PRED-AFF-DD father-CONJ and son-CONJ and spirit

ŋiss-idekel-lo ŋisse-lo

pal-a-mē

ekk-in

jel-lo

on

holy-CONJ-LOC church-LOC come.out-PRED-JUS.SG now-GEN age-LOC and

elle kilo time come.PRS.LOC ‘When anyone blasphemes and says of this holy sacrament lying on the altar “It is only bread, it is only wine,” then let him come out from the church in the (name of) Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit, in the current age and in the coming time!’

8.1.2. Temporal Clauses with Locative or Postposition Temporal clauses can also be formed by attaching a locative -ⲗⲟ ‘when, while’ (§15.2.1), -ⲗⲟ ⲕⲟⲛⲟ ‘after’ (§15.3.2), or -ⲗⲟ ⲕⲁⲗⲟ ‘since, after’, lit. ‘north, downstream’ (§15.3.1.2) directly to the subordinate verb. There appears to be a subtle distinction between temporal clauses with imperfective and those with perfective aspect with -ⲉ (§11.1.1). In the case of the former, the situation described in the subordinate clause continues to be developing in the present, whereas in the case of the latter the situation has been completed. With imperfective aspect: (208) K 31.5–10 ᫥ ⲁⲗⲉⲥⲚ ⲟⲩⲉⲗ ⲡⲣⲟⲥⲕⲟⲕⲁ ⲕⲤⲥⲉⲗⲁ ⲕⲉⲛⲇⲟⲩⲕⲕⲓⲕⲁⲛ⟦ⲁⲛ⟧ⲛⲟ Ⲉⲕⲉⲗ ⲧⲁⲣⲟⲩ ⲁⳡⲚⲛⲟ ⟨ϩⲁⲣⲙⲖ⟩(?)ⲇⲱⲛ Ⲓⲉⲣⲟⲩⲥⲁⲗⲏⲙⲏⲁ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲧⲁⳟⲤⲕⲁ ⲡⲁⲉⲓⲛⲛⲁ· alesin ouel-∅ if

prosko-ka

ekel tarou-∅ añ-in-no still

tan

kisse-la

ken-doukk-ika-n-no

one-NOM offering-ACC church-DAT place-offer-SUBORD-2/3SG-LOC

harm-il-dōn

ierousalēmē-a

3SG-NOM live-PRS.2/3SG-LOC heaven-DET-SUPE Jerusalem-DAT

taŋis-ka

paein-n-a

3SG.GEN name-ACC write.PRS-2/3SG-PRED ‘If someone presents an offering to the church, he writes his name in the heavenly Jerusalem while he himself is still alive.’

117

8.1. TEMPORAL CLAUSES

(209) CE 159.B.6–8 Ⲉ ⳟⲟⲇⲁ· tot

᫥

ⲧⲟⲧ ⲕⳠⲁⲣⲓ ⲕⲁⲗⲟ ⲉⲗⲟ ⲕⲟⲗⲟ Ო.Პ ⲙⲛⲀ ⲁⲇⲇⲣⲈ·

kiñ-ar-i

kalo

e-lo

ko-lo

min-a

child be.without-PST1-1SG downstream now-LOC by-FOC what-DD

ad-d-ir-e

e

ŋod-a

say-INTEN-PRS-1SG.PRED oh Lord-PRED ‘Since I have been without child, what shall I say now, oh Lord?’

With perfective aspect: (210) SC 11.15–20 ᫥ ⲉⲗ ⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥⲗⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲈⲣⲟⲩⲗⲱⲇⲉ ⲕⲓⲡⲓⲇ ⳟⲓⲇⲉ· ⲥⲟⲗⲗⲓⲧⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲛⲕⲟⲩⲛⲕⲉⲗⲅⲟⲩⲗⲱ ⲕⲟⲗⲟ ⲁⲗⲗⲓⲧⲁⲕⲣⲟ· ⲉⲗⲗⲉⲕⲗⲟⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲁⲣⲙⲤⲕⲓⲇⲉⲗⲇⲉ ⲟⲩⲕⲕⲟⲩⲧⲧⲖⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱ ⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲡⲉⲗⳝⲓⲗ ⲡⲓⲣⲁ· el

kosmos-la dou-er-ou-lō-de

soll-itou

kip-id

ŋi-de

exist-PFV.PRS-1/2PL-LOC-CONJ eat-CONJ drink-CONJ

now world-DAT

oun-koun-ke-l-ɡou-lō

ko-lo

abandon-NMLZ love-have-HAB-PRS-PL-LOC

all-itak-r-o

with-FOC

elle-k-lo-eion

armis-k-idel-de

bind-PASS-PRS-1/2PL.PRED now-ACC-LOC-TOP judge-NMLZ-NMLZ.DET-CONJ

ouk-koutt-il-dekel-∅-lō

ek-ka

pel-j-il

oppress-NMLZ-DET-CONJ.DET-NOM-FOC 1PL.INCL-ACC come.out-PLACT-PRS.DET

pi-r-a remain-PRS-PRED ‘And when we exist in the present world, we are bound by eating and drinking and lovely diversions, but hereafter judgment and oppression are coming out for us.’

(211) St 13.11–14.4 ᫥ Ⲧⳝⳝⲁⲉⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇⲉ ⳟⲁⲡⲉⲕⲁⲉⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲕⲁ ⲡⲟⲩⲗⲟⲩⲀ ⲡⲁⳝⲉⲥⲓⲗⲟ ⲕⲁⲗⲟⲉⲓⲟⲛ Ⲥⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲉⲗ ϩⲁⲣⲙⲟⲩⲅⲟⲩⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲕⲉⲇⲁ ⳝⲟⲇⲇⲛⲀ ⳟⲟⲕⲗⲰⲇⲁⲗ· tij-jaei-ɡou-l-de

ŋape-kaei-ɡou-l-dekel-ka

poulou-a

justice-NMLZ.PL-PL-DET-CONJ sin-NMLZ.PL-PL-DET-CONJ-ACC separate-PRED

paj-es-i-lo

kalo-eion

istaurosou ouel-∅

divide-PFV.PST2-1SG-LOC downstream-TOP cross

harm-ouɡou-ɡille ked-a heaven-PL-ALL

jod-d-in-a

one-NOM

ŋok-ilō-dal

ascend-PRED go-INTEN-PRS.2/3SG-PRED glory-LOC-COM

‘After I have finished separating the just and the sinners, the one cross will ascend to the heavens accompanied by glory.’

(212) M 10.8–13 ᫥ ⲧⲣⲓⲥⲀⲅⲓⲟⲛ ⲕⲓⲈⲥⲚⲛⲟ ⲕⲟⲛⲟⲉⲓⲟⲛ· ⲕⲠⲧⲁ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲛⲟⲛ ⲕⲁⲥⲕⲁⲥⲉⲗⲇⲱ ⲧⲘⲙⲓⲥⲁⲛⲁ· ⲀⲅⲓⲞⲚ Ⲁⲙⲁⲛⲕⲁ ⲡⲁⲉⲚⲟⲩⲀ·

118

8. SUBORDINATION

trisaɡion-∅

ki-es-in-no

kono-eion kipt-a

Trisagion-NOM come-PFV.PST2-2/3SG-LOC after-TOP

miššan-∅-non kas∼kas-e-l-dō all-NOM-TOP

people-PRED

timm-is-an-a

splash∼INT-NMLZ-DET-SUPE gather-PST2-3PL-PRED

aɡios-in aman-ka paei-nou-a holy-GEN water-ACC write-SUBORD.PL-PRED ‘After the Trisagion had come, all the people assembled in the baptistery to cross themselves with the water of the holy one.’

One text appears to feature temporal verb forms without tense marking or subject clitic, seemingly using the locative marker directly on the verbal root. (213) GAL i.1–4 ᫧ ⲀⲉⲖⲗⲟ ⲧⲟⲩⲡⲉ[ⲥⲖ] ⲡⲁⲣⲣⲉⲕⲁ· ⳟⲗⲓⲉⲓⲱ: ⲟⲇⲇⲟⲗ: ⲅⲉⲛ ⳟⲁⲇⲘⲙⲁⲗⲟ: aeil-lo

toup-esil

parre-ka ŋli-eiō odd-ol-∅

heart-LOC cultivate-PFV.PST2 field-ACC see-LOC sick-PST1.DET-NOM

ɡen

ŋ-ad-im-m-a-lo

good become-INTEN-AFF-PRS.3SG-PRED-FOC ‘When he sees a field cultivated with heart, the one who has been sick will become better.’

(214) GAL i.11–14 ᫧ ⳟⲟⲛⲕⲟⲩⲇⲁ ⲉ[ⲛ]ⲉⲓⲞ: ⲡⲁⲟⲩⲕⲁ· ⲉⲛⲉⲓⲞ: ⳟⲁⲕⲟⲗ: ⲉⲧⲧⲁⲕⲁⲇⲘⲙ[ⲁⲗⲟ:] ŋon-kouda

en-eio paou-k-a

en-eio

lord.GEN-servant.PRED be-LOC power-NMLZ-PRED be-LOC

ŋak-ol-∅

et-tak-ad-im-m-a-lo

travel.downstream-PST1.DET-NOM receive-PASS-INTEN-AFF-PRS.3SG-PRED-FOC ‘When he is a servant of the Lord, when he is an authority, the one who has travelled downstream will be received.’

8.1.3. Temporal Clauses with Conjunction Old Nubian has two conjunctions associated with temporal clauses. ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱ ‘as’ is marked with the locative -ⲗⲟ (§15.2.1), while ⲡⲁⲩⲟⲩ(ⲕⲁ) ‘until’ may be marked with the accusative case (§15.1.3.3). Both conjunctions indicate a temporal clause set in the perfective present tense (§11.1.1). Both ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱ and ⲡⲁⲩⲟⲩ follow a bare temporal clause (§8.1.1). There is a third way to form a temporal clause, namely by means of a verbal noun with the postposition LOC + ⲕⲤⲕⲖⲗⲟ ‘until’. As this is a nominal construction, it is discussed in §15.3.2. All these temporal clauses may feature a subject marked with the genitive, rather than with the nominative (§15.1.2.3.2).

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8.1. TEMPORAL CLAUSES

8.1.3.1. ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱ ‘as’ The conjunction ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱ consists of the nominal root ⲕⲉⲗ, possibly related to ⲕⲉⲗ ‘limit’, is followed by locative -ⲗⲟ (§15.2.1) and governs a bare temporal clause with perfective aspect. The same root is also attested in the postposition ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲓⲕⲁ, which governs a genitive-marked noun phrase (§15.3.1.3). (215) P.QI 2 18.vi.11–13 ᫥ ⲙⲱⲨⲥⲏ· ⲉⲔⲕⲓⲇⲁⲧⲧⲟⲩ· ⲇⲁⲩⲟⲩⲛⲛⲁ· ⲥⲁⲗⲗⲁ· ⲇⲁⲣⲉⲛ ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱ· mōusē eikk-idattou dauoun-na sal-la Moses guide-NMLZ

dar-en

kellō

word-DAT exist-PFV.PRS.2/3SG as.LOC

great-GEN

‘As it is in the saying of Moses, the great prophet …’

(216) SC 8.16–17 ᫥ ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲟⲩ ⲡⲉⲥⲉⲥⲓ ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱ· ⲥⲁⲗⲕⲟⲛ ⲉⲓⲙⲦ ⲧⲢⲈⲧⲁⲗⲟ ⲡⲉⲥⲁⲣⲣⲉ· tousou pes-es-i before

kellō

sal-k-on

eimit

speak-PFV.PST2-1SG as.LOC word-ACC-TOP knowledge

tir-et-a-lō

pes-ar-r-e

give>2/3-PFV-PRED-LOC speak-INTEN-PRS-1SG.PRED ‘As I said before, I shall speak by demonstrating the argument.’

(217) L 104.2–5 ᫥ ⲥⲓⲡⲡⲓⲅⲟⲩⲛ ⲕⲓⲣ ⲓⳟⲓⲧⲛⲀ [ⲧ]ⲟⲣⲁ ⲕⲓⲣⲉⲗⲗⲱ ⲕⲤⲕⲓⲗⲗⲱ ⳹ ⲉⲓⲕⲁⲣ[ⲓⲅ]ⲣⲀⲗⲟ ⲓⲥⲣⲀⲎⲗⲓ ⲟⲩⲁⲧⲧⲟ ⳟⲁⲣⲧⲁⲕⲟⲛⲁ ⳹ ⲡⲁⲣⲧⲁⲕⲉⲥⲓⲛ ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱ ⳹ sippi-ɡou-n

kir

iŋ-it-ina

tor-a

kir-el-lō

nation-PL-GEN come become-NMLZ-GEN enter-PRED come-PFV.PRS-LOC

kiskillō

eikariɡira-lo isiraēli ouatto ŋar-tak-on-a

until.FOC thus-LOC

par-tak-es-in

Israel

entire

save-PASS-PST1.2/3SG-PRED

kellō

write-PASS-PFV.PST2-DET.GEN as.LOC ‘… until the fulness of nations has come in. Thus all Israel is saved, as it has been written.’ (Rom 11:25–26)

8.1.3.2. ⲡⲁⲩⲟⲩ ‘until’ The conjunction ⲡⲁⲩⲟⲩ ‘until’ may be marked with the accusative case -ⲕⲁ (§15.1.3.3), and in one instance is marked with -ⲗⲟ ⲕⲟⲛⲁ ‘after’ (§15.3.2). ⲡⲁⲩⲟⲩ always follows a bare temporal clause with perfective aspect.

120

8. SUBORDINATION

(218) St 12.9–13.11 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲧⲁⳟⲤⲗⲇⲱ ⲡⲁⳡⳡⲖⲕⲁ ⳝⲚⲅⲢⲉⲛⲕⲁⲛ· ⲙⲉⲛⲉⲛⲟⲛ ⲕⲁⲩⲉⲔⲕⲁ ⲕⲓⲧⲢⲉⲛⲕⲁⲛ ⲧⲁⲛ Ⲟⲣⲱⲥⲉⲛ ϣⲟⲕⲕⲁ ⲡⲉⲓⲀ ⲕⲤⲥⲉⲗⲁ Ⲧⳝⳝⲁⲣ ⲉⲛⲕⲁⲛ ⲧⲔⲕⲚⲛⲟ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲀⲉⲖ ⲟⲩⲁⲧⲧⲟⲗⲟ ⲧⲁⲣⲓⲀⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲡⲤⲉⲩⲀ ⲧⲁⲕⲕⲁ ⲉⲣⲅⲟⲗⲅⲟⲩⲗⲟ ⲕⲓⲉⲛ ⲡⲁⲩⲟⲩ· ⲤⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲚ ⳟⲟⲩⲣⲣⲱ ⲧⲁⲩⲰⲗⲟ ⳟⲟⲩⲉⲖ ⲇⲟⲩⲇⲇⲛⲀ ⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥⲕⲁ ⲡⲉϣϣⲁ ⲡⲁⳝⲉⲣⲓ ⲡⲁⲟⲩ· tan

taŋis-l-dō

paññ-il-ka

jin-ɡir-en-ka-n

3SG.GEN name-LOC-SUPE hungry-PRS-ACC fill-CAUS-COP-SUBORD-2/3SG

menenon kaueik-ka kit-ir-en-ka-n

tan

orōse-n

or

naked-ACC dress-TR-COP-SUBORD-2/3SG 3SG.GEN praise-GEN

šok-ka

pei-a

kisse-la

tij-j-ar

en-ka-n

book-ACC write-PRED church-DAT give>2/3-PLACT-PST1 be-SUBORD-2/3SG

tikkin-no

tan

aeil

ouatto-lo tari-a-ɡille pisteu-a

tak-ka

finally-LOC 3SG-GEN heart whole-LOC 3SG-DAT-ALL believe-PRED 3SG-ACC

erɡ-ol-ɡou-lo

ki-en

pauou istauros-in ŋour-rō

follow-PST1-PL-LOC come-PFV.PRS.2/3SG until

tauō-lo

ŋou-eil

cross-GEN

doud-d-in-n-a

shadow-LOC

kosmos-ka

under-LOC rest-PRS.DET exist-INTEN-COP-PRS.2/3SG-PRED world-ACC

pešš-a

paj-er-i

paou

judge-PRED cease-PRS-1SG until ‘If he feeds the hungry in its name or clothes the naked, if he would write books of its praise and give them to the church, until he comes to those who finally have followed it, believing in it with whole his heart, he will be able to rest under the shadow of the cross, until I finish judging the world.’

ⲡⲁⲩⲟⲩ (written ⲡⲁⲩⲉⲓ) is attested once with -ⲗⲟ ⲕⲟⲛⲁ ‘after’: (219) P.QI 3 53.1–3 ᫥ ⲁⲛⲛⲁⲗⲟ ⲡⲁⲡⲁⲥⲕⲁ ⲕⲉⳣⲓ ⲇ ⳣⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲧⲣⲀ ⲉⲚ ⲟⲥⲥⲔⲕⲁ ⲧⲣⲀ ⲥⲟⲩⲕⲕⲁ ⲧⲟⲣⲉⲣⲓ ⲡⲁⲩⲉⲓⲗⲟ ⲕⲟⲛⲁ ⲕⲓⲡⲉⲥⲟ· an-na-lo

papas-ka

kewi

4 wek-ka tir-a

ein

1SG-GEN-FOC bishop-ACC wheat 4 one-ACC give>2/3-PRED 2SG.GEN

oss-ik-ka

tir-a

soukk-a

tor-er-i

pauei-lo

take.out-PRS-ACC give>2/3-PRED descend-PRED enter-PFV.PRS-1SG until-LOC

kona kip-e-so after

eat-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM

‘Until I give one fourth of wheat to the bishop, give what you took out, and descend and enter, eat!’

It appears that ⲡⲁⲩⲟⲩ can also follow several temporal clauses dependent on it: (220) P.QI 3 30.13–15 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲩⲕⲟⳟⲅⲓⲕⲟⲁ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛ· ⲧⲉⲛ ⳟⲉⲕⲉⳟⲉⲕⲉⲗⲟ· ⳟⲟⳝⲉⲣⲁⲛ· ⲧⲖⲗⲁ ⲁⲩⲉⲗⲗⲟ· ⲧⲁⲣⲁ· ⲕⲁⲓⲉⲓⲥⲧⲆⲇⲟ· ⲕⲉⲓⲉⲛ· ⲡⲁⲩⲟⲩ·

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8.2. CONDITIONAL CLAUSES

miššan-∅ ten

pau-koŋɡ-iko-a

power-NMLZ-ADJ(?)-PRED all-NOM

ŋoj-er-an

tilla au-el-∅-lo

ŋeke∼ŋeke-lo

3PL-GEN concern∼INT-LOC

tar-a

kaieist-id-do

stand-PFV.PRS-3PL God do-PFV.PRS.DET-NOM-FOC come-PRED ??-DET-SUBE

kei-en

pauou

come-PFV.PRS.2/3SG until ‘Until all authorities(?) stand in their care and God the Creator comes under the (…), …’

In (220) it appears that ⲡⲁⲩⲟⲩ governs two temporal clauses, one with the verb ⳟⲟⳝⲉⲣⲁⲛ and a second with ⲕⲉⲓⲉⲛ. Both are in the perfective present tense. There is an alternative way of constructing a temporal clause with ‘until’, namely by using a verbal noun with the postposition LOC + -ⲕⲤⲕⲖ (§15.3.2). 8.2. Conditional Clauses In Old Nubian there are several strategies for constructing conditional clauses. The first is a subordinate verb in conjunction with the adverb ⲀⲗⲉⲥⲚ. It appears that this way of constructing a conditional clause developed from the bare temporal clause. The second strategy involves the usage of special morphology, which distinguishes between whether the verb in the conditional clause is coreferential or not with the main verb, i.e., whether the subordinate verb has the same or a different subject from the main verb. Both morphemes also are used in final clauses (§8.3). (221) CONDITIONAL CLAUSES • Bare conditional clause (§8.2.1); • Coreferential conditional clause with -ⲛⲓ/ⲛⲟⲩ (§8.2.2.1) and -ⲕⲟ (§8.2.2.2); • Non-coreferential conditional clause with -ⲕⲟ/ⲕⲁ (§8.2.3). 8.2.1. Bare Conditional Clauses A bare conditional clause is introduced by the adverb ⲀⲗⲉⲥⲚ (§17.4.1.3.1) followed by a subordinate verb with perfective aspect (§11.1.1). Without ⲀⲗⲉⲥⲚ we are dealing with a bare temporal clause (§8.1.1). (222) SC 14.11–15 ᫥ ⲀⲗⲉⲥⲚ Ⲥⲧⲁ[ⲩ]ⲣⲟⲥⲚ ⲧⲱⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲀⲣⲓ ⲇⲟⲗⲗⲉⲛⲛⲟⲛ ⲀⲉⲥⲕⲦⲗⲟⲇⲁⲗ Ⲥⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲛⲁ ⳟⲟⲕⲚ ⲟⲣⲱⲥⲉⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲗⲅⲆⲇⲉⲣⲟⲩⲗⲗⲱ ⲇⲟⲗⲗⲓⲧⲁⲕⲣ[ⲁ]·

122

8. SUBORDINATION

alesin istauros-in tōek-ka if

ei-ar-i

doll-en-non

power-ACC know-TR-INF want-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-TOP

cross-GEN

aesk-it-lo-dal

istauros-na ŋok-in

patient-NMLZ-LOC-COM cross-GEN

orōse-ka

glory-GEN praise-ACC

oulɡ-id-d-er-ou-l-lō

doll-itak-r-a

ear-TR-INTEN-PFV.PRS-1/2PL-DET(?)-FOC want-PASS-PRS-PRED ‘If you want to know the power of the cross, you need to listen to the praise of the glory of the cross with patience.’

(223) K 24.12–25.4 ᫥ ⲀⲗⲉⲥⲚ ⲗⲁⲓⲕⲟⲥⲥⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲉⲗ ⲕⲤⲥⲉⲛ ⲕⲁⲡⲁ⟦ⲗ⟧ⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲉⲣⲁⲛ ⲅⲦⲧⲁ ⲕⲁⲡⲉⲛ ⲓⲉⲣⲉⲟⲥ ⲕⲁⲗⲟ ⲕⲟⲗⲟⲧⲁⲛ ⲅⲓⲣⲁⳝⳝⲁⲣⲁⲅⲣⲁ ⲉⳡⳡⲁⲛⲛⲁ· alesin laikossou ouel-∅ if

kap-en

kisse-n

kapa-ka ouer-an ɡitt-a

one.NOM church-GEN food-ACC one-ADV silent-PRED

layman

iereos kalo

eat-PFV.PRS.2/3SG priest

kolot-an

ɡirajjaraɡra

downstream seven-ADV also(?)

eññ-an-n-a suffer-INTEN-PRS.2/3SG-PRED ‘If a layman silently eats the food of the church after the priest once, then he will suffer also(?) seven times.’

(224) M 4.13–5.4 ᫥ ⲉⲦⲧⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⲡⲉⲥⲥⲛⲁ· ⲀⲗⲉⲥⲚ ⲉⲚⲛⲟ ⲧⲟⲩⲕⲣⲉⲛ ⲤⲅⲖ ⳝⲱⲇⲚ· ⲀⲡⲟⲅⲅⲖ ⲡⲉⲥⲁⲣⲁ· ⲀⲗⲉⲥⲚ ⳟⲟⲇⲖ ⲁⲓⲕⲁ ⲙⲟⲩⲇⲟⲩⲟⲩⲕⲟⲛⲛⲟ⳿ ⲫⲓⲗⲟⲝⲉⲛⲓⲧⲏⲅⲖⲗⲉⲗⲱ ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲉ· eitt-il-∅-lon

pes-s-n-a

alesin ein-no

woman-DET-NOM-TOP speak-PST2-2/3SG-PRED if

DEM.PROX-LOC

toukr-en

is-ɡil

jō-d-in

apoɡɡ-il-∅

depart.TR-PFV.PRS.2/3SG

WH-ALL

go-INTEN-PRS.2/3SG boatsman-DET-NOM

pes-ar-a

alesin ŋod-il-∅

speak-PST1-PRED if

ai-ka

moudou-ouko-n-no

Lord-DET-NOM 1SG-ACC guide-SUBORD-2/3SG-LOC

philoxenitē-ɡille-lō jou-r-e Philoxenite-ALL-FOC

go-PRS-1SG.PRED

‘The woman said: “If you depart from here, where will you go to?” The boatsman said: “If the Lord guides me, I am going to Philoxenite.”’

8.2.2. Coreferential Conditional Clauses Coreferential conditional clause morphology is similar to coreferential final clause morphology (§8.3.1) without the predicate marker -ⲁ. Just like a

123

8.2. CONDITIONAL CLAUSES

coreferential final clause, a coreferential conditional clause is a conditional clause in which the subject is the same as the subject of the main clause it is subordinated to. There are two strategies to mark a coreferential conditional clause: through the subordinating suffix -ⲛⲓ (§8.2.2.1) and through the use of the subordinating suffix -ⲕⲟ (§8.2.2.2). Their distribution is unclear. 8.2.2.1. Coreferential Conditional Clauses with -ⲛⲓ Only one form has been attested of a coreferential conditional clause, with the (singular) suffix -ⲛⲓ. The example, however, poses a major problem, as the subject of the conditional clause is not coreferential with the subject of the main clause, but rather with the possessor of the object of the main clause. As this is the only attestation of this construction, no further conclusions can be drawn. (225) St 10.10–11.3 ᫥ Ⲉⲗⲟⲛ ⲁⲛⲛⲓⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲗⲅⲚⲛⲁⲥⲱ Ⲥⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲟⲩ ⳟⲟⲕⲕⲟⲛⲁ ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲓⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲕⲕⲁ ⲡⲉⲥⲁ Ⲧⳝⳝⲓⲛⲓ· ⲟⲛ ⲧⲁⲛ ⳟⲟⲕⲟⲩ ⲇⲁⲩⲟⲩⲕⲕⲁ — el-on

an-n-ika

oulɡ-in-na-sō

istaurosou

now-TOP 1SG-GEN-ACC ear-TR-IMP.2/3PL.PRED-COMM cross

ŋok-ko-na

jouri-ka

ouk-ka pes-a

tij-j-ini

glory-ADJ-GEN reason-ACC 2PL-ACC speak-PRED give>2/3-PLACT-SUBORD

on

tan

ŋokou dauouk-ka

and 3SG.GEN glory

great-ACC

‘Now listen to my (words), if I may tell you about the glorious cross and its great glory!’

In (225), the possessor of the object of ⲟⲩⲗⲅⲚⲛⲁⲥⲱ is explicitly mentioned through the pronoun ⲁⲛⲛⲓⲕⲁ. Although this is clearly not the subject of the main clause, it appears that the subject of Ⲧⳝⳝⲓⲛⲓ is coreferential with it. 8.2.2.2. Coreferential Conditional Clauses with -ⲕⲟ Coreferential conditional clauses with -ⲕⲟ follow the same morphological patterns as non-coreferential conditional clauses (§8.2.3), but omit the subject clitic (§10.1.4). (226) P.QI 1 7.i.3–6 ᫧ [ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲗⲟ]ⲛ· ⲉⲔⲕⲆⲇⲁⲧⲧⲁ ⲙⲉⲛⲉⲛ· ⲥⲉⲩⲁⲣ[ⲧⲓⲕⲟⲁ ⲙⲉⲛⲉⲛ] ⲁⲛⲕⲁ ⲕⲓⲕⲟⲉⲓⲞ· ⲉⲓⲀⲣⲟⲩⲀⲛⲁⲥⲱ· ⲟⲩⲣⲅⲖⲗⲉ [ⲡⲁⲉⲓⲁ] ⲧⲉⲣⲓⲕⲁ· ⳟⲟⲇⲚ ⲧⲉⲇⲉⲛⲟⲕⲕⲁ·

124

8. SUBORDINATION

ouel-∅-lon

eikkid-datt-a

men-en

seuart-iko-a

one-NOM-TOP guide-NMLZ-PRED not.be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG spirit-ADJ-PRED

men-en

ank-a

ki-ko-eio

not.be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG think-PRED come-SUBORD-LOC

ei-ar-ou-an-a-sō

our-ɡille paei-a

know-TR-PST1-3PL-PRED-COMM 2PL-ALL

teri-ka ŋod-in

write-PRED 3PL-ACC lord-GEN

ted-enok-ka law-COMP-ACC ‘If someone comes and thinks that he is either a prophet or spiritual, let them know what I write to you, the highest law of the Lord!’ (1 Cor 14:37)

8.2.3. Non-coreferential Conditional Clauses Non-coreferential conditional clauses are conditional clauses in which the subject of the conditional clause is not the same as subject of the main clause that it is subordinated to. They can be mainly identified by the presence of the morpheme -ⲕⲟ, most probably derived from the verb ⲕⲟ(ⲩ)ⲛ ‘to have’, with a less frequently occurring variant -ⲕⲁ. As it appears that this form of conditional clause eventually supplanted the Bare Conditional Clause (§8.2.1) with perfective aspect, the morpheme -ⲕⲟ/ⲕⲁ may have had a similar aspectual meaning (cf. §11.2.3, 18.3). The subordinating morpheme -ⲕⲟ/ⲕⲁ is followed by a subject clitic (§10.1.4) and a locative suffix -ⲗⲟ (§15.2.1). The most frequently occurring forms are listed in table 8.1. They are similar to the morphemes used to mark non-coreferential final clauses (§8.3.2), without the predicate marker -ⲁ. 1SG

-ⲕⲟ-ⲓ-ⲟ

2/3SG

-ⲕⲟ-ⲛ-ⲛⲟ

1/2PL

-ⲕⲟ-ⲟⲩ-Ⲟ

3PL

-ⲕⲟ-ⲁⲛ-ⲛⲟ

Table 8.1: Subordinate + subject clitic + locative

Like bare conditional clauses, non-coreferential conditional clauses may be introduced by the adverb ⲀⲗⲉⲥⲚ (§17.4.1.3.1): (227) M 4.13–5.4 ᫥ ⲉⲦⲧⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⲡⲉⲥⲥⲛⲁ· ⲀⲗⲉⲥⲚ ⲉⲚⲛⲟ ⲧⲟⲩⲕⲣⲉⲛ ⲤⲅⲖ ⳝⲱⲇⲚ· ⲀⲡⲟⲅⲅⲖ ⲡⲉⲥⲁⲣⲁ· ⲀⲗⲉⲥⲚ ⳟⲟⲇⲖ ⲁⲓⲕⲁ ⲙⲟⲩⲇⲟⲩⲟⲩⲕⲟⲛⲛⲟ⳿ ⲫⲓⲗⲟⲝⲉⲛⲓⲧⲏⲅⲖⲗⲉⲗⲱ ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲉ·

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8.2. CONDITIONAL CLAUSES

eitt-il-lon

pes-s-n-a

alesin ein-no

woman-DET-NOM-TOP speak-PST2-2/3SG-PRED if

DEM.PROX-LOC

toukr-en

is-ɡil

jō-d-in

apoɡɡ-il-∅

depart.TR-PFV.PRS.2/3SG

WH-ALL

go-INTEN-PRS.2/3SG boatsman-DET-NOM

pes-ar-a

alesin ŋod-il-∅

speak-PST1-PRED if

ai-ka

moudou-ouko-n-no

Lord-DET-NOM 1SG-ACC guide-SUBORD-2/3SG-LOC

philoxenitē-ɡille-lō jou-r-e Philoxenite-ALL-FOC

go-PRS-1SG.PRED

‘The woman said: “If you depart from here, where will you go to?” The boatsman said: “If the Lord guides me, I am going to Philoxenite.”’

(228) SC 12.13–16 ᫥ ⲀⲗⲉⲥⲚ ⲅⲠⲢⲧⲁⲙⲙⲉⲛⲕⲟⲟⲩⲞⲉⲓⲟⲛ· ⲧⲁⲛ ⲡⲁⲇⲁⳡⲓⲕⲁⲗⲱ ⲡⲓⲗⲉⲧ ⲓⳝⲅⲆⲇⲛⲁ· alesin ɡipirt-am-men-ko-ou-o-eion if

tan

padañ-ika-lō

turn-TR-NEG-SUBORD-1/2PL-LOC-TOP 3SG.GEN sword-ACC-FOC

pilet

ij-ɡid-d-n-a

lightning send-CAUS-INTEN-PRS.2/3SG-PRED ‘If you do not turn, he will flash his sword.’ (Ps 7:13)

The forms with the variant -ⲕⲁ are less frequent, and it remains unclear whether this may be a dialectal variant or is conditioned in another way: (229) P.QI 3 30.19–21 ᫥ ⲑⲁⲃⲟⲧⲚ· ⲇⲟⲩⲣⲧⲟⲩ ⲟⲣⲡ ⲁ·ⲇⲱ ⲡⲚ ⲟⲣⲡ ⲡⲁⲡⲡⲁⲥⲕⲁ ⲧⲔⲕⲁⲓⲟ ⲡⲁⲡⲁⲥⲖ ⲙⲟⲛⲉⲛ· ⲁⲡⲥⲓⲟⲛ· ⲕⲉⲟⲩ· ⳅⲕⲁ· ⳝⲉⲙ ⲇⲟⲩⲣⲧⲓ· ⲉⲓⲧⲓⲣⲁ thabot-in dourtou orp Tapot-GEN each

1-dō

pin

orp

pappas-ka

wine 1-SUPE lie.PRS.2/3SG(?) wine bishop-ACC

tik-ka-i-o

papas-il-∅

mon-en

apsion

give>2/3-SUBORD-1SG-LOC bishop-DET-NOM hate-PFV.PRS.2/3SG wormwood

keou 7-ka

jem dourti eit-ir-a

cubit 7-ACC year each

send-PRS-PRED

‘If I give the bishop wine while there is 1 (unit of) wine each Tapot, when the bishop rejects it, he receives 7 cubits of wormwood each year.’

(230) K 32.2–6 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲉⲗ ⲥⲉⲅⲉⲅⲁ ⳝⲟⲣⲁ ⲕⲓ⟦ⲁ⟧ ⲕⲁⲡⲡⲁⲛⲛⲟ ⲙⲁⲛⲓⲛ ⳟⲁⲡⲉⲕⲁ ⲓⲉⲣⲉⲟⲥⲓⲛ ⲟⲩⲣⲚ ⲧⲟⲩⲧⲧⲖⲇⲟⲗⲟ ⲡⲁⲥⲕⲁⲣⲣⲉ ⳝⲉⲗⲅⲟⲩⲛⲁ ⲉⲓⲗⲁⲗⲧⲉⲗⲟ· ouel seɡeɡ-a one

jor-a

ki

kap-pa-n-no

skip-PRED go-PRED come.PRED eat-SUBORD-2/3SG-LOC

man-in DEM.DIST-GEN

126

8. SUBORDINATION

ŋape-ka iereos-in our-in

tout-t-il-do-lo

priest-GEN head-GEN enter-NMLZ-DET-SUP-FOC

sin-ACC

pask-ar-r-e

jel-ɡou-na eilalte-lo

punish-INTEN-PRS-1SG.PRED age-PL-GEN fullness-LOC ‘If someone skips and comes and eats, I will punish that one’s sin to the debit of the priest in the fullness of the ages.’

Conditional clauses with -ⲕⲁ and -ⲕⲟ may occur in the same text without any apparent difference in meaning: (231) P.QI 3 56.i.4–ii.1 ᫥ ⲉⲚⲛⲁ ⲕⲓⲕⲁⲛⲛⲟⲛ Ⲁⲙⲁⲛⲛⲁ ⲕⲉⲇⲓⲕⲟⲛⲛⲟ ⲕⲟⲩⲇⲓⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲧⲁⲣⲁ ⳟⲁⲕⲁ Ⲧⲇⲇⲣⲉⲗⲟ ein-na

ki-ka-n-non

aman-na ked-iko-n-no

2SG-GEN come-SUBORD-2/3SG-TOP water-GEN ascend-SUBORD-2/3SG-LOC

koudi-ka

eitar-a

ŋak-a

servant-ACC send-PRED go.downstream-PRED

tid-d-r-e-lo give>2/3-INTEN-PRS-1SG.PRED-FOC ‘If you come if the river (sc. the Nile) rises, I will send a servant for you downstream.’

Note that in (231) both subjects, ⲉⲚⲛⲁ and Ⲁⲙⲁⲛⲛⲁ, are marked with the genitive case, perhaps analogous to the genitive case used for subjects in noncoreferential attributive relative clauses (§15.1.2.3.2). Forms with -ⲕⲁ also appear in ‘either…or’ or ‘whether…or’ constructions (§9.1.4): (232) K 21.4–15 ᫥ ⲁⲗⲉⲥⲓⲛ ⲉⲓⲧⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲉⲗ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲁⲉⲖⲗⲟ ⲕⲉⲗⲕⲚⲛⲁⲛⲉⲛ ⲡⲣⲟⲥⲕⲟⲕⲕⲟⲛ ⲕⲤⲥⲉⲗⲁ ⲕⲉⲛⲇⲟⲩⲕⲉⲛ· ⲟⲣⲡⲁ ⲉⲛⲕⲁⲛ· ⲉⲖⲗⲉ ⲉⲛⲕⲁⲛ ⲡⲁⲣⲣⲉⲛ ⲕⲟⳝⲣⲁ ⲉⲛⲕⲁⲛ ⲡⲢⲅⲛⲉ ⲇⲉⲥⲥⲓⲗⲟ ⲕⲤⲕⲖⲗⲟⲕⲁ ⲧⲁⲣⲟⲩ ⳟⲟⲇⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲁⲉⲖⲗⲟ ⲕⲟⲩⲣⲁⲗⲟ ⲉⲧⲁⲛⲛⲁ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥⲟⲩ ⳟⲤⲥⲓⲗ ⲟⲣⲟ· alesin eitou ouel-∅ if

man

kisse-la

tan

aeil-lo

kelkinnane-n proskok-k-on

one-NOM 3SG.GEN heart-LOC perfection-GEN offering-ACC-TOP

ken-douk-en

orp-a

en-ka-n

church-DAT place-offer-PFV.PRS.2/3SG wine-PRED be-SUBORD-2/3SG

eille

en-ka-n

parre-n

kojr-a

en-ka-n

wheat.PRED be-SUBORD-2/3SG field-GEN seed-PRED be-SUBORD-2/3SG

pirɡne dess-ilo

kiskillo-ka

tarou ŋod-il-∅-lon

incense green-LOC until.LOC-ACC 3SG

tan

lord-DET-NOM-TOP 3SG.GEN

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8.3. FINAL CLAUSES

aeil-lo

kour-a-lo

et-an-n-a

tan

heart-LOC rejoice-PRED-LOC receive-INTEN-PRS.2/3SG-PRED 3SG.GEN

aɡɡelosou ŋiss-il

oro

holy-DET upstream

angel

‘If a man presents to the church an offering of perfection from his heart, be it wine or wheat or seed of the field or even green incense, then the Lord himself will joyfully receive it in his heart in front of his holy angel.’

(233) P.QI 2 24.13–14 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲣⲟⲩ ⲕⲟⲗⲗⲟ ⲅⲉⲛⲛⲁ ⲉⲛⲕⲁⲓⲞ ⲕⲟⲥⲁ ⲉⲛⲕⲁⲓⲞ ⳟⲁⲇⲇⲣⲁ ⲕⲣⲉⲛ ⲧⲁⲩⲕⲓⲗⲟ: eirou kol-∅-lo 2SG

ɡenn-a

en-ka-i-o

kos-a

alone-NOM-FOC good-PRED be-SUBORD-1SG-LOC bad-PRED

en-ka-i-o

ŋad-d-r-a

kr-en

tauk-ilo

be-SUBORD-1SG-LOC see-INTEN-PRS-PRED come-PFV.PRS.2/3SG time-LOC ‘You alone will see when you come whether I am good or bad.’

Note that in (232) ⲟⲣⲡⲁ ⲉⲛⲕⲁⲛ ⲡⲁⲣⲣⲉⲛ ⲕⲟⳝⲣⲁ ⲉⲛⲕⲁⲛ the locative -ⲗⲟ on the verbs has been dropped. This has been attested only on forms with the 2/3SG subject clitic, and it is unclear how it is conditioned. Another example is found in a documentary text: (234) P.QI 3 46.re.2–3 ᫥ ⲉⲓⳣⲓⲩ ⲙⲟⲣ ⲓⲃⲕⲟⲛ ⲉⲆⲇⲟ ⲕⲟ ⳟⲓⲥⲓⲧⲓ ⲧⲟⲣⲁ ⲡⲔⲕⲟⲛ ⳟⲁⲡⲓⲣⲁ ⲅⲣⲉⲛ ⲕⲟⳡⲡⲁⲅⲁ ⲅⲣⲉⲉⲛ ⲕⲟⲗⲏⲅⲁⳝⳝⲉⲥⲟ eiwiu mor 12-k-on grain

eid-do

ko

ŋisiti

tor-a

artab 12-ACC-TOP 2SG-SUPE through cleansing enter-PRED

pi-k-ko-n

ŋapir-a

ɡr-een

koñpaɡ-a

lie-TR-SUBORD-2/3SG gold-PRED cause-PFV.PRS.2/3SG face.value(?)-PRED

ɡr-en

kol-ēɡaj-j-e-so

cause-PFV.PRS.2/3SG pure-CAUS-PLACT-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM ‘If he cleans the 12 artabs of grain through you, when he makes it golden and makes it at face-value(?), purify them!’

8.3. Final Clauses Final clause constructions are similar to conditional clause constructions, but they differ in one crucial aspect: they feature a predicate marker -ⲁ (§7.2). In a way, we could therefore consider the final clause to be a coordinated, rather than a subordinated clause. However, they are treated here under the header of subordination, because their kinship with conditional clauses is obvious. Just like conditional clauses (§8.2), final clauses may be divided into coreferential and non-coreferential. Coreferential final clauses (§8.3.1) have the same

128

8. SUBORDINATION

subject as the clause it is coordinated with, whereas non-coreferential final clauses (§8.3.2) have a different subject. 8.3.1. Coreferential Final Clauses A coreferential final clause has a subject that matches the subject of the clause it is subordinated to. There are two types of coreferential final clauses in parallel with the two types of coreferential conditional clauses (§8.2.2). The main difference between the conditional and final clauses is that the latter has an additional predicate marker -ⲁ. Coreferential final clauses with -ⲛⲓ/ⲛⲟⲩ are much more frequent than those with -ⲕⲟ. 8.3.1.1. Coreferential Final Clauses with -ⲛⲓ/ⲛⲟⲩ Whereas coreferential conditional clauses with -ⲛⲓ (§8.2.2.1) are rare, coreferential final clauses are much more frequent. In general, there seems to be a relatively clear distribution between the suffix -ⲛⲓ which refers to singular subjects, and -ⲛⲟⲩ referring to plural objects, as suggested by Stricker (1940, 449) and Smagina (2017 [1986], 45): (235) St 10.2–10 ᫥ ⲉⲚⲛⲟ ⳝⲱⲀⲗⲟ ⲥⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲕⲁ ⲁⲓⲇⲁⲗ ⲕⲟⲩⲛⲖ ⲕⲆⲇⲣⲈ — ⲧⲉⲛ ⲉⲚⲧⲓⲅⲇⲉⲣⲕⲁ ⲧⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲡⲖⲗⲓⲅⲣⲀ ⲦⳝⳝⲓⲛⲓⲀ[·] ⲧⲉⲛ ⲙⲁⲙⲀ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲅⲟⲩⲕⲟⲛ ⲧⲉⲛ ⲟⲩⲣⲖⲇⲱ ⲧⲓⲇⲣⲁ ⲦⳝⳝⲓⲛⲓⲀ· ein-no

jōa-lo

DEM.PROX-LOC

because-FOC cross-ACC

kid-d-ir-e

stauros-ka ai-dal ten

koun-il-∅

1SG-COM have-PRS.DET-NOM

eintiɡ-der-ka

tek-ka

come-INTEN-PRS-1SG.PRED 3PL.GEN shame-NMLZ-ACC 3PL.ACC

pill-iɡir-a

tij-j-ini-a

ten

mam-a

shine-CAUS-PRED give>2/3-PLACT-SUBORD.SG-PRED 3PL.GEN injustice-PRED

miššan-ɡou-k-on ten all-PL-ACC-TOP

our-il-dō

tid-r-a

3PL.GEN head-DET-SUPE encounter-TR-PRED

tij-j-ini-a give>2/3-PLACT-SUBORD.SG-PRED ‘That’s why I will come having the cross with me, in order to reveal to them their shame and to bring upon their head all their injustice.’

(236) L 112.6–8 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲟⲩⲉⲓⳡⳝⲓⲕⲁ ⲙⲁϣⲁⲗⲟⲥⲕⲓⲗⲟ ⳟⲁⲥⲚ ⲕⲁⲥⲥⲟⲥⲓⲛ ⲧⲁⲕⲕⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲟⲩⲛⲟⲩⲀ⳹ tan

oueiñj-ika mašalosk-ilo ŋa-sin

3SG-GEN star-ACC

east-LOC

kas-s-o-sin

see.PRED-EMP come-PST2-1/2PL.PRED-EMP

129

8.3. FINAL CLAUSES

tak-ka

douk-ounou-a

3SG-ACC worship-SUBORD.PL-PRED ‘We saw his star in the east and came to worship him.’ (Mt 2:2)

In (235) the double occurrence of ⲦⳝⳝⲓⲛⲓⲀ is coreferential with the main verb ⲕⲆⲇⲣⲈ and therefore marked with the singular subordinating clause marker -ⲛⲓ. In (236) the subject of ⲕⲁⲥⲥⲟⲥⲓⲛ is plural and thus the verb in the coreferential final clause ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲟⲩⲛⲟⲩⲀ is marked with -ⲛⲟⲩ. There is considerable variation in the epenthetic vowel that may precede the subordinating suffix. Beside the vowel harmony found in (235) -ⲓ-ⲛⲓ and (236) -ⲟⲩ-ⲛⲟⲩ, we also find -ⲁ-ⲛⲓ, -ⲉ-ⲛⲓ, and -ⲉ-ⲛⲟⲩ. Also the variant -ⲉ-ⲛⲉ has been attested. (237) M 3.14–4.6 ᫥ ⲙⲁⲛ⳿ ⲉⲦⲧⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⲕⲟⲩⲙⲡⲟⲩⲕ⳿ ⲉⲛ⳿Ⲉⲧⲁ Ⲁⲙⲁⲛⲇⲟ⳿ ⲥⲟⲩⲕⲕⲁ ⲕⲓⲥⲛⲁ· ⲙⲉⲇⳝⲟⲩⲛ ⲧⲁⲗ⳿ ⲟⲩⲉⲗ⳿ⲇⲁⲗ· ⲁⲩⲉⲔ Ⲉⲗⲁ ⲙⲁⲛ ⲕⲟⲩⲙⲡⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⳟⲤⲥⲟⲩ ⲙⲏⲛⲁⲛ ⲕⲤⲥⲉ ⲙⲁⲣⲉⲰⲧⲓⲰ ⳟⲟⲛⳝⲖⲗⲁⲅⲖ ⲉⲓⲧⲉⲛⲓⲀ· man

eit-il-∅-lon

DEM.DIST

woman-DET-NOM-TOP egg-ACC

soukk-a

koumpou-k en-et-a

ki-s-n-a

aman-do

take-PFV-PRED water-SUB

medjou-n

tal ouel-dal auei-k

descend-PRED come-PST2-2/3SG-PRED servant-GEN girl one-COM boat-ACC

el-a

man

koumpou-ka ŋissou mēna-n

find-PRED

DEM.DIST

egg-ACC

mareōti-ō

ŋonj-il-la-ɡil

holy

kisse

Mina-GEN church

eit-eni-a

Mareotis-LOC stand-PRS-DAT-ALL take-SUBORD.SG-PRED ‘The woman took the egg and went down to the river with a servant girl, finding a boat to take that egg to the church of Saint Mina located in Mareotes.’

(238) P.QI 1 8.ii.8–10 ᫥ ⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥⲟⲩ ⲕⲟⲗⲟⲧⲟⲩ ⲡⲟⲧⲟⲧⲓ ⲕⲟⲗⲟⲧ ⲕⲟⲛⲗⲟⲗⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲟⲛ ⲧⲉⲕⲕⲟⲛⲟ ⲙⲉⲇⲇⲖ ⳟⲓⲥⲁⲛⲁ ⲡⲟⲧⲟⲧⲕⲁ ⲟⲩϣⲉⲛⲟⲩⲀ aɡɡelosou kolotou pototi angel

tek-k-ono

seven

kolot kon-l-ol-ɡou-l-∅-lon

trumpet seven have-DET(?)-PST1-PL-DET-NOM-TOP

medd-il

ŋ-is-an-a

potot-ka

3PL-ACC-REFL ready-PRS become-PST2-3PL-PRED trumpet-ACC

ouš-enou-a sound-SUBORD.PL-PRED ‘The seven angels who had seven trumpets prepared themselves to blow the trumpet.’ (Rev 8:6)

130

8. SUBORDINATION

(239) P.QI 2 15.ii.9–12 ᫧ ⲉⲓϩⲓ ⲕⲁⲇⲇⲘⲙⲁ ⳟⲟⲇⲖ⳿· ⲧⲁⲣ⳿ ⳟⲤⲥⲓ ⲧⲓⲧⲟⲩⲟⲩⲣⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲟ ⳝⲓⲙⲙⲖⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇⲁⲗ Ⲁ[ⲙⲤ]ⲕ ⲁⲩⲁⲛⲓⲀ· eihi

kad-d-im-m-a

ŋod-il-∅

tar-∅

ŋissi

behold come-INTEN-AFF-PRS.3SG-PRED Lord-DET-NOM 3SG-NOM holy

titouou-ri-ɡou-l-lo

jimmil-ɡou-l-dal

amis-k

au-ani-a

myriad-PL-PL-DET-LOC everyone-PL-DET-COM judgment-ACC do-SUBORD.SG-PRED ‘Behold, the Lord will come with his holy myriads to pass judgment on everyone.’ (Jd 14–15)

As G. M. Browne (2002c, 90, n. 115) has already pointed out, -ⲛⲓ and -ⲛⲟⲩ are confused in some texts. This is most probably caused by the fact that the construction slowly faded out of use and the vowel distinction, not attested elsewhere in Old Nubian morphology, lost its meaning. (240) P.QI 1 4.i.24–ii.1 ᫧ ⲓⲟⲩⲇⲟⲩⲞⲥⲓ ⳟⲟⲅⲗⲀ ⲧⲁⲕ ⲉⲔⲕⲉⲗ ⲇⲟⲩⲗⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲟⲛ· ⲟⲩⲇⲣⲓⲧⲗⲞ ⲙⲁⲣⲓⲁⲛⲁ ⳟⲟⲅⲗⲀ ⲡⲁⲗⲁ ⳝⲟⲣⲉⲕⲁ ⳟⲁⲗⲉⲛ ⲧⲁⲗ ⲉⲣⲅⲓⲥⲁⲛⲁ· ⲧⲉⲇⲇⲱⲅ[Ⲗⲗⲉ] ⳝ[ⲟ]ⲣⲓⲛⲁ ⲁⲛⳟ[Ⲗ ⲙ]ⲁⲛⲛⲟ ⲟⳡⲛⲟⲩⲀ· ioudouosi ŋoɡ-ila Jew

tak

eikk-el-∅

house-DAT 3SG.ACC guide-PFV.PRED.DET-NOM

doul-ɡou-l-∅-lon

oudrit-ilo

maria-na ŋoɡ-ila

exist.PRS-PL-DET-NOM-TOP speed.NMLZ-LOC Mary-GEN house-DAT

pal-a

jor-e-ka

ŋal-en

tal

come.out-PRED go-PFV.PRS-ACC see-PFV.PRS.2/3SG 3SG.??

erɡ-is-an-a

ted-dō-ɡille

jor-in-a

anŋ-il-∅

follow-PST2-3PL-PRED grave-SUPE-ALL go-PRS.2/3SG-PRED think-PRS.DET-NOM

man-no

oñ-nou-a

DEM.DIST-LOC

weep-SUBORD.PL-PRED

‘The Jews who were in the house comforting her, when they saw Mary had quickly left from the house, followed along with her, thinking that she was going up to the grave to weep there.’ (Jn 11:31)

(241) P.QI 3 52.2–3 ᫥ ⲟⲣⲡⲁⲩ :Ⲃⲕⲁ ⲇⲟⲕⲟⲛⲉⲥⲚ ⲇⲓⲛⲉⲛⲉⲀ ⲉⲓⳣⲓⲁ ⲅⲢⲀ ⳝⲁⲛⲛⲟⲥⲥⲁ ⲇⲓⲛⲉⲥⲱ orpau 2-ka do-kon-es-in wine

ɡir-a

din-ene-a

eiwi-a

2-ACC seek-PRF-PFV.PST2-2/3SG give>1-FIN-PRED grain-PRED

jann-oss-a

din-e-sō

way-PRED sell-PFV-PRED give>1-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM ‘If you have found two (units of) wine in order to give me, sell it to me like the grain!’

Although in (240) the subject of ⲟⳡⲛⲟⲩⲀ refers to ⲙⲁⲣⲓⲁⲛⲁ, it is still marked with the plural suffix -ⲛⲟⲩ. It should, however, be noted that there are

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8.3. FINAL CLAUSES

many issues with this particular text that make its language non-standard, another being the usage of ⲧⲁⲗ where ⲧⲁⲕ would be expected. Another exception noted by Browne is in a negative coreferential final clause. Negative coreferential final clauses are formed by means of an auxiliary construction (§14.1.2). (242) SC 4.17–21 ᫧ ⲉⲕⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗⲗⲉⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲉⲖⲗⲟ ⲉⲓⲁⲣⲧⲛⲁ ⲡⲁⲗⲕⲓⲧⲗⲁ ⲕⲟⲩⳝⳝⲣⲁ ⲧⲟⲣⲁⲙⲥⲟ· ⲕⲁⲡⲟⲡⲓⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲇⲟⲗⲓⳝⲛⲓⲀ ⲙⲓⲛⲖ· ⲕⲁⲡⲟⲡⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲟ ⲅ[ⲱ]ⲉⲓⲀ ⳟⲟⲕ ⲕⲟⳡⳝⲓⲗⲅⲟⲩⲕⲉⲛⲕⲱ· ek-∅-ketalle-eion

eil-lo

eiart-na

palkit-la koujjr-a

1PL.INCL-NOM-also-TOP now-LOC knowledge-GEN sea-DAT

tor-am-so

enter.TR-PRED

kapop-iɡou-ka dol-ij-ni-a

enter-IMP.1PL-COMM pearl-PL-ACC

min-il

gather-PLACT-SUBORD.SG-PRED

kapopi-ɡou-lo ɡōeia ŋok

not.be-PRS.DET pearl-PL-LOC

than

koñ-j-il-ɡou-k-enkō

glory have-PLACT-PRS-PL-ACC-but

‘Now let us also enter into the sea of thought, not in order to gather pearls, but things more glorious than pearls!’

In (242) ⲇⲟⲗⲓⳝⲛⲓⲀ has the singular subordinating suffix -ⲛⲓ even though the subject appears to be first person plural, cf. ⲧⲟⲣⲁⲙⲥⲟ. Perhaps either the fact that this is an imperative verb, or the presence of the negation ⲙⲓⲛⲖ may explain the exception. In two further examples, both from SC as well, we find that the negative auxiliary has formed a single (phonological) word with the main verb. (243) SC 12.5–8 ᫧ [ⲧⲖ]ⲗⲖ ⲁⲣⲙⲤⲕⲓⲇⲉⲣⲕⲁ ⲁⲩⲉⲥⲚⲛⲟ· [ⲉⲕ] ⲟⲩⲧⲁⳝⳝⲓⲛⲓⲁⲙ ⲙⲉⲛⲛⲁⲗⲱ· [ⲧ]Ⲗⲗⲟⲩ ⲉⲕ[ⲁⲣ]ⲓ ⲉⲓⲧⲟⲛ ⲁⲓⲟⲣⲧⲓ ⲕⲟ[ⲛⲖ]ⲕⲁⲥⲚ ⲕ[ⲟ]ⲛⲛⲟⲥⲚ till-il-∅

armis-k-ider-ka

au-es-in-no

ek

God-DET-NOM judge-NMLZ-NMLZ-ACC make-PST2-2/3SG-LOC 1PL.INCL.ACC

outaj-j-ini-am

men-n-a-lō

tillou ekari

place.TR-PLACT-SUBORD.SG-PRED not.be-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-FOC God

eit-on

ai-orti

kon-il-ka-sin

such

kon-n-o-sin

man-love heart-possess.NMLZ have-PRS-ACC-EMP have-PRS-1/2PL.PRED-EMP ‘When God made the judgment, it is not to put us (therein), for such a manloving and merciful God we have.’

(244) SC 12.19–22 ᫧ ⲧ[Ⲗ]ⲗⲖ ⲉⲚⲕⲁ ⲡⲉⲥⲓⳝⲉⲛⲛⲟⲉⲓⲟⲛ · ⲉⲕⲕⲁ [ⲡ]ⲉϣϣⲓⳝⲓⲛⲓⲁⲙ ⲙⲉⲛⲛⲁⲗⲟ· ⲟⲩⲣⲧⲉⲕⲕⲁ [ⲕⲟⲙ]ⲉⲛⲕⲟⲟⲩⲰⲀⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗⲉⲛⲕⲱ[· till-il-∅

ein-ka

pes-ij-en-no-eion

God-DET-NOM

DEM.PROX-ACC

speak-PLACT-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-LOC-TOP

132

8. SUBORDINATION

ek-ka

pešš-ij-ini-am

men-n-a-lo

1PL.INCL-ACC judge-PLACT-SUBORD.SG-PRED not.be-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-FOC

ourtek-ka

ko-men-ko-ou-ō-a-ketal-enkō

idleness.NMLZ-ACC have-NEG-SUBORD-1/2PL-LOC-PRED-also-but ‘When God says these things, it is not to judge us, but so that we do not have idleness either.’

Moreover, SC features a series of coreferential final clauses in which the subordinating suffix has phonologically merged with the transitive -ⲣ (§13.2.1), the causative -ⲅⲣ (§13.2.2), or the root of the verb. These forms have not been attested in any other text. (245) SC 13.12–13

᫥

ⲡⲓⲉⲓⲥⲛⲁ ⲉⲔⲕⲁ ⲁϣϣⲁⲩⲉⲕⳠⳡⲁⲅⲉⲛⲓⲀ·

piei-s-n-a

eik-ka

aššaue-kiññ-aɡeni-a

sleep-PST2-2/3SG-PRED 2SG-ACC concern-NEG.ADJ-CAUS.SUBORD.SG-PRED ‘He slept so as to make you without concern.’

(246) SC 13.10–11

᫥

ⲟⲩⲀⲟⲩⲥⲛⲁ ⲉⲔⲕⲁ ⲉⲩⲟⲩⲕⳠⳡⲓⲕⲁⲛⲉⲕⲁ ⲧⲉⲛⲓⲀ·

ouaou-s-n-a

eik-ka euou-kiññ-ikane-ka

teni-a

sail-PST2-2/3SG-PRED 2SG-ACC fear-NEG.ADJ-NMLZ-ACC give>2/3.SUBORD.SG-PRED ‘He sailed so as to give you fearlessness.’

(247) SC 13.5–6 ᫡ ⲁⲩⲉⲖⲗⲁ Ⲁⲕⲓⲥⲛⲁ· ⲉⲔ[ⲕⲁ] ⲭⲉⲣⲟⲩⲃⲉⲓⲙⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇⲱ ⲟⲩⲥⲕⲉⲛ[ⲓⲀ·] aueil-la ak-is-n-a

eik-ka

kheroubeim-ɡou-l-dō

ship-DAT sit-PST2-2/3SG-PRED 2SG-ACC Cherubim-PL-DET-SUPE

ouskeni-a place.TR.SUBORD.SG-PRED ‘He sat on a ship so as to place you above the Cherubim.’

8.3.1.2. Coreferential Final Clauses with -ⲕⲟ A coreferential final clause with -ⲕⲟ follows the pattern of non-coreferential final clauses (§8.3.2), omitting the subject clitic (§10.1.4) as well as the locative suffix -ⲗⲟ (§15.2.1). This type of coreferential final clause is relatively uncommon. (248) P.QI 2 18.ii.6–10 ᫧ ⲉⲒⲅⲟⲩⲛⲁ ⲙⲉⲇⳝⲟⲩⲕⲁⲛⲧⲔ ⲁⲩⲀ· ⳝⲟⲩⳝⲢ· ⲙⲉⲛⲁⲙⲥⲟ· ⲧⲉⲛⲛⲁ· ⲕⲟⲥⲕⲦⲧⲛⲁ [ⲇ]ⲟⲗⲗⲓⲧⲓⲛⲁ· ⲧⲁⲗⲁⲅⲖ· ⲁⲩ[Ⲁ] ⲧⲟⲣⲙⲉⲛⲕⲟⲀ·

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8.3. FINAL CLAUSES

ei-ɡou-na

medjou-kant-ik

au-a

jou-j-ir

man.PL-PL-GEN servant-NMLZ-ACC do-PRED go-PLACT-PRS

men-am-so

ten-na

kos-kitt-na

doll-it-ina

ta-la-ɡil

not.be-IMP.1PL-COMM 3PL-GEN bad-NMLZ-GEN want-NMLZ-GEN path-DAT-ALL

au-a

tor-men-ko-a

do-PRED enter-NEG-SUBORD-PRED ‘Let us not repeatedly proceed and perform servitude to man, lest we enter onto the path of the desire of their evil!’

(249) L 106.4–6 ᫧ ⲉⲚⲛⲚⲕⲁ ⲟⲩ[ⲇ]ⲅⲓⲗⲗⲉ ⲡⲉⲥⲓⳝⲉⲣⲖ ⲧⲱⲕⲚⲛⲁⲩⲈⲕⲁ ⲁⲓⲀ ⲕⲟⲛⲕⲟⲀⲗⲱ⳹ ein-in-ka

oud-ɡille pes-ij-er-i-l

DEM.PROX-PL-ACC

2PL-ALL

ai-a

tōk-in-naue

speak-PLACT-PFV.PRS-1SG-DET? forgive-TR-NMLZ

kon-ko-a-lō

1SG-DAT have-SUBORD-PRED-FOC ‘I have told you these things to you so that you may have peace in me.’ (Jn 16:33)

In the following example, it appears as if the scribe has added a correction, first giving the form in -ⲕⲟⲀ because the subject is overt and no subject clitic would be needed (cf. §10.1.4), but then correcting this to a form with a subject clitic because the final clause is actually non-coreferential (§8.3.2) and has a different subject from the preceding clause. It shows the complex interaction between referentiality and morphology in Old Nubian, and that even for scribes this was sometimes a difficult thing to get right: (250) P.QI 1 5.ii.6–8 ᫥ ⲁⲙⲧⲦⲧⲕⲁⲥⲚ· ⲟⲩⲕⲕⲁ ⲦⳝⳝⲓⲥⲉⲥⲚ· ⲁⲛ ⲟⲩⲇⲇⲁⲗ· ⲁⲩⲈⲥⲚ· ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲓⲕⲁ· ⲟⲩⲕⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗ ⲁⲩⲉⲓⲕⲟⲀ–ⲟⲩⲰⲀ· amtitt-ka-sin

ouk-ka tij-j-is-e-sin

an

example.NMLZ-ACC-EMP 2PL-ACC give>2/3-PLACT-PST2-1SG.PRED-EMP 1SG.GEN

oud-dal au-es-in

kellika ouk-∅-ketal auei-ko-a

2PL-COM do-PFV.PST2-GEN as

2PL-NOM-also do-SUBORD-PRED

-ou-ō-a -1/2PL-LOC-PRED ‘I gave you an example so that, as I did to you, you do as well.’ (Jn 13:15)

8.3.2. Non-Coreferential Final Clauses Non-coreferential final clauses have a different subject from the subject of the clause they are subordinated to. As a result, these verb forms usually feature a subject clitic. Most non-coreferential final verb forms are based on non-coreferential conditional verb forms (§8.2.3), followed by predicate

134

8. SUBORDINATION

marker -ⲁ (§8.3.2.1). However, there is a small group of non-coreferential final clauses whose verb is marked with an imperative subject clitic and the special final clause suffix -ⲥⲁ (§8.3.2.2). 8.3.2.1. Non-Coreferential Final Clauses with -ⲕⲟ Non-coreferential final verb forms are based on non-coreferential conditional verb forms (§8.2.3), with the declarative subject clitic (§10.1.4) and the locative marker -ⲗⲟ (§15.2.1), followed by the predicate marker -ⲁ. (251) M 9.7–8 tak

᫥

ⲧⲁⲕ⳿ ⲁⲓⲅⲖ ⲧⲟⲕ⳿ ⲁⲣⲣⲉⲥⲱ ⲕⲁⲡⲕⲟⲓⲞⲀ·

ai-ɡil

tok

arr-e-sō

3SG.ACC 1SG.ALL cook(.PRED) bring-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM

kap-ko-i-o-a eat-SUBORD-1SG-LOC-PRED ‘Cook and bring it to me, so that I may eat it!’

(252) SC 12.19–22 ᫧ ⲧ[Ⲗ]ⲗⲖ ⲉⲚⲕⲁ ⲡⲉⲥⲓⳝⲉⲛⲛⲟⲉⲓⲟⲛ· ⲉⲕⲕⲁ [ⲡ]ⲉϣϣⲓⳝⲓⲛⲓⲁⲙ ⲙⲉⲛⲛⲁⲗⲟ· ⲟⲩⲣⲧⲉⲕⲕⲁ [ⲕⲟⲙ]ⲉⲛⲕⲟⲟⲩⲰⲀⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗⲉⲛⲕⲱ[· till-il-∅

ein-ka

pes-ij-en-no-eion

God-DET-NOM

DEM.PROX-ACC

speak-PLACT-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-LOC-TOP

ek-ka

pešš-ij-ini-am

men-n-a-lo

1PL.INCL-ACC judge-PLACT-SUBORD.SG-PRED not.be-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-FOC

ourtek-ka

ko-men-ko-ou-ō-a-ketal-enkō

idleness.NMLZ-ACC have-NEG-SUBORD-1/2PL-LOC-PRED-also-but ‘When God says these things, it is not to judge us, but so that we do not have idleness either.’

(253) P.QI 2 16.vii.2–9 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲥⲕⲉⲗⲁⲇⳝⲁⲙⲥⲱ ⲉⲚ ⲅⲁⲇⲕⳠⳡⲉⲓ ⳟⲟⲟⲕ ⲕⲟⲛⳝⲓⲗ ⲁⳡⲉⲗ ⲕⲉⲙⲥⲱⲛⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲛⲥⲖⲗⲁ ⲉⲛⲕⲟⲩⲁⲛⲛⲱⲁ: ⲟⲛ ⳟⲁⲉⲣⲇⲉ ⲧⲦⲧⲖⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲕⲁ ⲧⲖⲗⲓⲗⲱ ⲧⲓⳝⲱ ⲉⲗⲕⲁⲩⲱⲀ ⲧⲉⲛ ⲥⲉⲛⲧⲓⲗⲱ ⲕⲱ: eiskel-ad-j-am-sō

ein

ɡad-kiññei

beg-TR-PLACT-IMP.1PL-COMM

DEM.PROX

flesh-NEG.ADJ glory have-PLACT-PRS

añ-el

kemsōn-ɡou-ka ouns-il-la

live-PFV.PRS four-PL-ACC

on

ŋaer-de

ŋook kon-j-il en-kou-an-nō-a

love.NMLZ-DET-DAT be-SUBORD-3PL-LOC-PRED

tit-t-il-dekel-ka

till-ilō

tijō

and salvation-CONJ give>2/3.NMLZ-DET-CONJ-ACC God-LOC from

el-ka-u-ō-a

ten

sen-t-ilō

kō

receive-SUBORD-1/2PL-LOC-PRED 3PL.GEN ask-NMLZ-LOC through

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8.3. FINAL CLAUSES

‘Let us beseech these four incorporeal, glorious animals so that they may abide in love, and that we may receive salvation and grace from God through their request!’

As with non-coreferential conditional clauses, less common variants with -ⲕⲁ (such as ⲉⲗⲕⲁⲩⲱⲀ above in (253)) instead of -ⲕⲟ have been attested. (254) P.QI 2 16.vi.4–7 ᫥ ⲥⲉⲛⲛⲁⲅⲟⲩⲉ ⲉⲓⲛⲖ ⲧⲁⲛⲛⲁ ⲅⲉⲛⲕⲦⲕⲟⲛⲕⲁⲛⲉⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲉⲓⲱⲇⲁⲗ ⳟⲁⲉⲣⲕⲁ ⲁⲩⲟⲩⲕⲁⲛⲛⲱⲁ: senn-a-ɡoue

ein-il-∅

tan-na

ɡen-kit-kon-kane-ka

ask-PRED-PL.PRED be-PRED.DET-NOM 3SG-GEN good-NMLZ-have-NMLZ-ACC

ouei-ō-dal

ŋaer-ka

auou-ka-n-nō-a

1PL.EXCL-LOC-COM salvation-ACC do-SUBORD-2/3SG-LOC-PRED ‘…, asking that he accomplish for(?) us his goodness (and) salvation.’

(255) K 24.7–11 ᫥ ⳟⲉⲥⲕⳠⳡⲁⲅⲣⲁ ⲧⲖⲗⲓⲕⲁ ⲥⲉⲛⲁⲙⲥⲱ· Ⲉⲛ ⳟⲁⲡⲉⲅⲟⲩⲛ ⲧⲟⲕⲇⲉⲣⲕⲁ ⲇⲉⲛⳝⲓⲕⲁⲛⲛⲟⲀ·· ŋes-kiññ-aɡr-a

till-ika

sen-am-sō

en

rest-NEG.ADJ-CAUS-PRED God-ACC ask-IMP.1PL-COMM 1PL.INCL.GEN

ŋape-ɡou-n tok-der-ka sin-PL-GEN

den-j-ika-n-no-a

forgive-NMLZ-ACC give>1-PLACT-SUBORD-2/3SG-LOC-PRED

‘Let us without rest ask God that he gives forgiveness of our sins!’

8.3.2.2. Non-Coreferential Final Clauses with -ⲥⲁ Non-coreferential final clauses may also be formed by using an imperative verb (which is unmarked for tense), with the imperative subject clitic (§10.1.5), followed by the special final clause suffix -ⲥⲁ. G. M. Browne (2002c, 90) suggests that etymologically this suffix is based on the command marker -ⲥⲱ (§4.2) followed by the direct discourse marker -ⲁ (§6.2). Fortunately, we have one example with a Greek Vorlage in which noncoreferential final clauses with -ⲕⲟ and -ⲥⲁ are contrasted. (256) L 112.6–11 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲩⲟⲩⲕⲅⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲓⲗⲁⲛⲧⲉⲗⲟⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲧⲖⲖ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲧⲟⲧⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲧⲢⲥⲛⲀ⳹ ⲡⲁⲣⲑⲉⲛⲟⲥⲗⲞ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲟⲩⲧⲁⲕⲁ⳹ ⲧⲉⲇⲚ ⲧⲁⲩⲰ ⲇⲁⲗⲅⲟⲩⲕ[ⲁ] ⳝⲁⲛⲞⲥⲓⳝⲉⲥⲁ ⲧⲖⲗⲓⲛ ⲧⲟⲧⲕⲁⲛⲉⲕ ⲉⲧⲕⲟⲁⲛⲛⲟⲀ tauouk-ɡou-n eilante-lo-eion till-il-∅ time-PL-GEN

eitir-s-in-a

tan

tot-ka

fullness-LOC-TOP God-DET-NOM 3SG.GEN son-ACC

parthenos-ilo ounn-outak-a ted-in

send.TR-PST2-2/3SG-PRED virgin-LOC

tauō

bear-PASS-PRED law-GEN under

136

8. SUBORDINATION

tor-a

ted-in

tauō da-l-ɡou-ka

jan-os-ij-es-a

enter-PRED law-GEN under exist-PRS-PL-ACC sell-PFV-PLACT-PFV.PST2-PRED

till-in

tot-kane-k

et-ko-an-no-a

God-GEN son-NMLZ-ACC receive-SUBORD-3PL-LOC-PRED ‘In the fullness of times, God sent his son, born of a virgin, entering under the law, in order to redeem those who are under the law, so that they receive the sonship of God.’ (Gal 4:4–5)

In (256) ⳝⲁⲛⲞⲥⲓⳝⲉⲥⲁ and ⲉⲧⲕⲟⲁⲛⲛⲟⲀ both translate final clauses in Greek, respectively ἵνα … ἐξαγοράσῃ and ἵνα … ἀπολάβωμεν. Considering the etymology of -ⲥⲁ, in which -ⲁ derives from the direct discourse marker, final clauses with -ⲥⲁ display an interesting shift in referentiality. ⳝⲁⲛⲞⲥⲓⳝⲉⲥⲁ is marked with IMP.2/3SG -ⲉ because it should be interpreted as an order from God to his Son: ‘In the fullness of times, God sent his Son (…) [and said to him] “redeem those who are under the law, so that they may receive sonship of God.”’ This also explains the presence of 3PL ⲉⲧⲕⲟⲁⲛⲛⲟⲀ as a translation of 1PL ἀπολάβωμεν. Whereas Greek speaks from the perspective of the human author Paul, the Old Nubian translation takes the perspective of God instructing his Son. A similar shift in perspective is clearly visible in the following example: (257) M 8.16–9.4 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲡⲟ ⲉⲓⲣⲟⲩ ⲉⲚⲕⲁ ᲝⲁⲛᲞ ⲁⲛⲕⲓⲙⲚⲛⲁⲒ⳺ ⲉⲦⲧⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲉⲛⲛⲁ ⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲇⲉⲛⳝⲤⲕⲁ· ⳟⲤⲥⲟⲩ ⲙⲏⲛⲁⲛ ⲕⲤⲥⲉⲗⲁ Ⲧⳝⳝⲁⲛⲁⲥⲁ⳺ pap-o

eirou ein-ka

father-VOC 2SG

DEM.PROX

ouen-na ek-ka one-GEN

kisse-la

ank-imin-n-a-i

eittou

think-NEG-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-2SG woman

den-j-is-ka

ŋissou mēna-n

1PL.INCL-ACC give>1-PLACT-PST2-ACC holy

Mina-GEN

tij-j-ana-sa

church-DAT give>2/3-PLACT-IMP.2/3PL-FIN ‘Father, don’t you remember what a woman gave to us so that we give it to them in the church of Saint Mina?’

In (257), ⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲇⲉⲛⳝⲤⲕⲁ is written from the perspective of the son speaking to his father, referring to the both of them with 1PL.EXCL pronoun ⲉⲕⲕⲁ. But in the final clause with Ⲧⳝⳝⲁⲛⲁⲥⲁ the perspective is shifted to the woman who gave them the egg, ordering them to deposit it at the church of Saint Mina. Similarly in the following example: (258) P.QI 1 11.i.10–11 ᫧ [ⲡⲁⲡⲖ] ⲕⲉⲗⲉⲩⲉⲢⲥⲛⲁ· ⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥⲁ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛ[ⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ] ⲧⲘⲙⲁⲛⲛⲁⲥⲁ· pap-il-∅

keleue-ir-s-n-a

aɡɡelos-a miššan-ɡou-ka

father-DET-NOM order-TR-PST2-2/3SG-PRED angel-PRED all-PL-ACC

137

8.4. CAUSAL CLAUSES

timm-an-na-sa assemble-TR-IMP.2/3SG-FIN ‘The Father ordered all the angels to assemble.’

8.4. Causal Clauses All causal clauses are based on a bare temporal clause (§8.1.1), followed by a postposition based on the noun ⳝⲟⲩⲣ ‘cause’, or the etymologically related verb ⳝⲟⲣ ‘to go’ (cf. §15.3.2). The following postpositions have been attested in causal clause constructions (§15.3.2): (259) POSTPOSITIONS IN CAUSAL CLAUSES • ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲣⲱ; • LE/LOC + ⳝⲟⲩⲛ; • LOC + ⳝⲱⲀ. All of the above postpositions are able to mark a causal clause, and there appears to be no semantic difference between them. Causal clauses with ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲣⲱ are only attested in Archaizing Old Nubian. The verbal aspect is always perfective. (260) P.QI 2 12.i.26–29 ᫥ ⲁⲓⲞⲇⲱ ⳟⲓⲉⲥⲁⲛ ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲣⲱ ⲙⲁⲧⲁⲣ ⲟⲕⲕⲇⲢⲧⲖⲅⲟⲩⲗ ⲟⲛ ⲙⲁⲇⳝ ⲟⲩⲈⲥⲁⲛ ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲣⲱ ⲟⲕⲕⲇⲢⲧⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⲧⲉⲇⲕⲟⲛⲟ ⲧⲟⲩⲗⲟ⳼ ai-o-dō

ŋi-es-an

jourrō matar okkdirt-il-ɡou-l-∅

1SG-LOC-SUPE rise-PFV.PST2-3PL.GEN because witness unjust-DET-PL-DET-NOM

on

madj oue-s-an

jourrō okkdirt-il-∅-lon

ted-k-ono

tell-PST2-3PL.GEN because unjust-DET-NOM-TOP 3PL-ACC-REFL

and lie

tou-lo belly-LOC ‘Because witnesses who are unjust rose up against me, and because the unjust lied with themselves.’ (Ps 26:12)

(261) P.QI 1 2.i.18–20 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲇ ⲉⲛⲉⲛ ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲣⲱ ⲟⲩⲉⲓⲥⲕⲁ ⲦⳝⳝⲁⲇⲖ ⲟⲩⲈⲣⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲈⲣⲁⲕⲕⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲧⲁⲣⲚ ⳟⲉⲉⲚ ⲕⲉⲉⲕⲕⲁ⳼ eid-∅

en-en

jourrō

oueisk-a

2SG-NOM be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG because recompense-PRED

tij-j-ad-il-∅

ouerou ouerakk-ka tari-n

give>2/3-PLACT-INTEN-PRS.DET-NOM one.after.another-ACC 3SG-GEN

ŋeein

keekka

work.GEN according.to

138

8. SUBORDINATION

‘Because it is you who will recompense each according to his work.’ (Ps 61:13)

Causal clauses with postposition perfective verbal aspect:

LE/LOC

+ ⳝⲟⲩⲛ (§15.3.1.11) also have a

(262) K 28.8–11 ᫥ ᲝⳟᲞ ⲟⲩⲉⲓⲁⲗⲟ ⲧⲉⲛ ⲁⲉⲖⲇⲟ· ⳟⲁⲡⲉⲛ ⲧⲟⲉⲓⲇⲉⲛ ⲟⲩⲉⲓⲥⲕⲉⲓⲧⲉⲓⲛⲏⲛ· ⳟⲟⲩⲕⲦⲕⲁ ⲉⲕⲉⲓⲣⲉⲣⲁⲛⲛⲉ ⳝⲟⲩⲛ· oueia-lo ten

aeil-do

ŋape-n tok-eiden

woe-FOC 3PL.GEN heart-SUPE sin-GEN forgive-NMLZ.GEN

oueisk-eit-ein-ēn

ŋoukit-ka

ek-eir-er-an-ne

recompense-NMLZ-be.PRS.2/3SG abundance.NMLZ-ACC lead-TR-PFV.PRS-3PL-LE

joun because ‘Woe to their soul, because instead of forgiveness of sin they lead to abundance.’

(263) SC 6.21–23 ᫧ Ⲁⲅⲉⲛⲇ ⲁⳟⲓⲥⲉ ⲁⲓ· ⲡⲁⲣⲣⲉ ⲉⲓⲕⲁⲛⲛⲁ ⲧⲟⲡⲡⲁⲣⲕⲓⲕⲁ· ⲡⲔⲧⲁⲅⲣ[ⲁ Ⲉ]ⲧⲉⲥⲓⲗⲉ ⳝⲟⲩⲛ· aɡend aŋ-is-e

ai-∅

parre eikan-na toppark-ika

blessed become-PST2-1SG.PRED 1SG-NOM field

pikt-aɡr-a

et-es-i-le

such-GEN

cultivation-ACC

joun

share-CAUS-PRED receive-PFV.PST2-1SG-LE because ‘Blessed I’ve become, because I have received as a share the cultivation of such a field.’

(264) P.QI 1 9.ii.15–17 ᫥ Ⲁⲗⲟ ⲡⲉⲥⲥⲛⲀ ⲥⲉⲩⲁⲣⲧⲖ· ⲧⲁⲛ ⲕⲟⲣⲡⲁⳝⳝⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲟ ⲡⲁⳝⲁ ⳟⲉⲥⲁⲕⲕⲟⲁⲛⲛⲟⲀ ⳟⲉⲥⲉⲣⲁⲛⲛⲟ ⳝⲟⲩⲛ alo

pes-s-in-a

seuart-il-∅

tan

korpajj-iɡou-lo

yes.FOC speak-PST2-2/3SG-PRED spirit-DET-NOM 3SG.GEN labor-PL-LOC

paj-a

ŋes-ak-ko-an-no-a

ŋes-er-an-no

joun

separate-PRED rest-TR-SUBORD-3PL-LOC-PRED rest-PFV.PRS-3PL-LOC because ‘Yes, said the Spirit, so that they separate and rest from his labors, because they rest.’ (Rev 14:13)

Note the unexpected 3SG translation ⲧⲁⲛ of the Greek plural αὐτῶν. Causal clauses with postposition LOC + ⳝⲱⲀ (§15.3.2.5) are often followed by focus marker -ⲗⲟ (§5.2). Note that in both attestations from SC, the aspect is not perfective. (265) P.QI 2 18.vi.3–5 ⳝⲱⲀ·

᫥

ⲕⲱ Ⲁⳟⲁ· ⲇⲟⲩⲁⲛⲁⲥⲱ· ⲁⲒⲟⲩ· ⲕⲟⲀ· Ⲉⲛⲉⲣⲓⲗⲟ·

139

8.5. COMPLEMENT CLAUSES

kō

aŋ-a

dou-ana-sō

aiou-∅

ko-a

pure become-PRED exist-IMP.2/3PL.PRED-COMM 1SG-NOM pure-PRED

en-er-i-lo

jōa

be-PFV.PRS-1SG-LOC because ‘Become pure, because I myself am pure!’ (1 Pt 1:16)

(266) SC 17.19–20 till-in

᫦

ⲧⲖⲗⲚ ⲧⲟⲧⲁ Ⲉⲛⲉⲛⲛⲟⲛ· ⲁⲩⳝⲉⲥⲚⲛⲟ [ⳝ]ⲱⲀⲗⲱ·

tot-a

en-en-non

au-j-es-in-no

God-GEN son-PRED be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-TOP make-PLACT-PFV.PST2-2/3SG-LOC

jōa-lō because-FOC ‘When he is the son of God, (it is) because he created repeatedly.’

(267) SC 23.16–18 ᫥ ⲟⲕⲕⲁ ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲉⲥⲚⲇⲉ ⲁⲉⲖ ⲕⲟⲥⲕⲦⲕⲁ ⲙⲉⲉⲓⲁⲕⲟⲛⲁ ⲧⲁⲣⲓⲁ ⲇⲁⲣⲉⲥⲚⲛⲟ ⳝⲱⲀⲗⲟ· ok-ka

tous-es-in-de

aeil kos-kit-ka

meei-a-ko-na

chest-ACC curse-PST2-2/3SG-CONJ heart bad-NMLZ-ACC desire-PRED(?)-ADJ-GEN

tari-a

dar-es-in-no

jōa-lō

3SG-DAT exist-PFV.PST2-2/3SG-LOC because-FOC ‘He cursed the chest, because in it there was a heart desiring evil.’

8.5. Complement Clauses Complement clauses are taken as an argument of a limited number of verbs, such as ⲡⲓⲥⲧⲉⲩⲉ ‘to believe’, ⲉⲓ(ⲁⲣ) ‘to know’, and Ⲥⲕⲉⲗ ‘to beg’, as well as modal verbs like ⲇⲟⲗⲗ ‘to want’ (§14.2). Old Nubian has no complementizer, but complement clauses can generally be recognized by the accusative case marker -ⲕⲁ (§15.1.3), with two possible constructions: either an overt, genitivemarked subject (§15.1.2.3.2) combined with a subordinate verb without a subject clitic, or a non-overtly expressed subject with a subject clitic on the subordinate verb. The first type of complement clause is with a genitive subject and a verbal form marked for tense, but without a subject clitic. (268) DW 1–2 ᫦ ⲙ[ⲁⲣⲓ]Ⲁ ⲧⲖⲗⲟⲩ ⲭⲣⲓⲥⲧⲟⲥⲓⲔⲁ ⲏⲛ ⲙⲁⲗⲟⲩ ⲕⲟⲗⲧⲟⲩⲗⲱ ⲕⲁ[ⲕⲓ]ⲛ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲤⲕⲁ Ⲥⲕⲉⲗⲉⲥⲱ· mari-a

tillou khristosi-ka ēn

Mary-PRED God

kakin

Christ-ACC

ounn-is-ka

DEM.PROX

malou

kol-t-oulō

according.to pure-NMLZ-LOC

iskel-e-sō

first.born.GEN bear-PST2-ACC beg-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM

140

8. SUBORDINATION

‘Mary, beg to God the Christ, according to this (prayer), that the firstborn is born in purity!’

(269) L 107.11–12

᫧

ⲡⲓ]ⲥⲧⲉⲩ[ⲉⲓ]ⲥⲁⲛⲁ ⳹ ⲉⲚ ⲁⲓⲕ ⲉⲓⲧⲣⲉⲥⲕⲁ⳹

pisteue-is-an-a

ein

ai-k

eitr-es-ka

believe-PST2-3PL-PRED 2SG.GEN 1SG-ACC send.TR-PFV.PST2-ACC ‘They believed that you sent me.’ (Jn 17:8)

In the past 2, we also find the longer past 2 morpheme -ⲓⲥⲖ, which has also been attested in verbal nouns (§17.2.1): (270) SE A.i.11–13 ⲅⲁⲥⲥⲉⲥⲚ· eihi

oun

᫥

ⲉⲓϩⲓ ⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲓⲀⲣⲓ ⲇⲟⲗⲗⲓⲥⲖⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲕⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲀⲣⲖ

ei-ar-i

doll-isil-ka

ouk-ka ei-ar-il

behold 2PL.GEN know-TR-INF want-PST2-ACC 2PL-ACC know-TR-PRS

ɡas-s-e-sin cause-PST2-1SG.PRED-EMP ‘Behold, I have informed you about what you wanted to know!’

The second type of complement clause is with a non-overtly expressed subject and a subject clitic on the subordinate verb. (271) St 6.12–7.4 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲗⲗⲘⲙⲟ ⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲀⲣⲖ ⲅⲁⲇⳝⲁⲇⲉⲛⲕⲁ· Ⲥⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲟⲩ ⳟⲟⲕⲕⲟⲛⲁ ⲙⲩⲥⲧⲏⲣⲕⲁ· doll-im-m-o

ou-ka

ei-ar-il

want-AFF-PRS-1PL.PRED 1PL.EXCL-ACC know-TR-PRS

ɡad-j-ad-en-ka

istaurosou ŋokko-na

cause-PLACT-INTEN-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-ACC cross

mustēr-ka

glorious-GEN mystery-ACC

‘We want you to inform us about the mystery of the glorious cross.’

(272) L 107.7–9 ᫡ ⲉⲗⲗⲱ [ⲉⲓ]ⲁⲥⲥⲁⲛⲁ ⲁⲓⲕⲁ ⲇⲉⲛⳝⲓⲥⲛⲀ ⲙϢϣ[ⲁ]ⲛⲕⲁ⳹ ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱⲕⲁ ⲧⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲧⲓⳝⳝⲉⲥⲓⲕ[ⲁ⳹ el-lō

ei-as-s-an-a

ai-ka

den-j-is-in-a

now-LOC know-TR-PST2-3PL-PRED 1SG-ACC give>1-PLACT-PST2-2/3SG-PRED

miššan-ka kellō-ka tek-ka all-ACC

all-ACC

tij-j-es-i-ka

3PL-ACC give>2/3-PLACT-PFV.PST2-1SG-ACC

‘Now they know that everything you gave me I gave all to them. (Jn 17:7–8)

(273) P.QI 2 12.i.31–32 ᫧ ⲡⲤⲧⲉⲩⲉⲘⲙⲉ ⳟⲁⲗⳝⲁⲇⲉⲣⲓⲕⲁ [ⳟ]ⲟⲇⲚ ⲈⳡⲦⲧⲟⲩⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲁⳡⲉⲗⲅⲟⲩⲛ ⲤⲕⲦⲗⲁ

141

8.5. COMPLEMENT CLAUSES

pisteue-im-m-e

ŋal-j-ad-er-i-ka

ŋod-in

believe-AFF-PRS-1SG.PRED see-PLACT-INTEN-PFV.PRS-1SG.ACC Lord-GEN

eñitt-ouɡou-ka

añ-el-ɡou-n

iskit-la

wealth.NMLZ-PL-ACC live-PFV.PRS-PL-GEN earth-DAT ‘I believe that I will see the riches of the Lord in the land of the living.’ (Ps 26:13)

Sometimes it appears that both the subject and the subject clitic are omitted: (274) P.QI A i.16–ii.4 ᫧ ⲁⲣⲭ[ⲏⲉⲡⲓⲥⲕⲟ]ⲡⲟⲥⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⲡⲉⲥⲥⲛⲁ ⲁⲓⲟⲩ ⲧⲖⲗⲚ ⲕⲉⲗⲉⲩⲉⲓⲧⲗⲟ ⲙⲁⲥⲁ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩⲉⲓⲕⲁ ⲅⲟⲩⳡⲓⲕⲁ ⲕⲓ ⳟⲓⲙⲉⲛⲇⲣⲈⲗⲟ arkhēepiskopos-il-∅-lon pes-s-n-a archbishop-DET-NOM-TOP

keleue-it-lo

aiou-∅

till-in

speak-PST2-2/3SG-PRED 1SG-NOM God-GEN

mas-a

ourou-eika ɡouñ-ika

command-NMLZ-LOC ignorant-PRED king-ACC

ki

establish-ACC come

ŋ-imen-d-ir-e-lo become-NEG-INTEN-PRS-1SG.PRED-FOC ‘The archbishop said: “I myself am ignorant of God’s command and will not fulfill establishing a king.”’

(275) P.QI 2 16.ii.8–iii.8 ᫧ ⲡⲉⲥⲓⲕⲁ ⲇⲟⲗⲗⲉⲛⲛⲱ ⲧⲉⲛⲛⲁ ⳟⲟⲕⲓⲇⲉ ⲟⲛ ⲧ[ⲉⲛⲛⲁ] Ⲉⳟⲟⲕⲕⲓⲛⲁⳣⲉⲇ[ⲉⲕⲉⲗ]ⲕⲁ ⲡⲖⲥⲁⲇⲁⲅⲘⲙ[ⲉ] ⲟⲛ ⲁⲛⲕⲓⲧⲘⲙⲉ ⲁⲛⲛ ⲟⲩⲛⲉ ⲙⲉⲩⲈⲇ Ⲗⲕⲓⲛⲓⲇⲉ ⲟⲛ ⲁⲛ ⲥⲁⲕⲓⲧⲟⲩ ⲉⲓⲉⲕⲟⲛⲕⲓⲛⲁ ⲧⲁⲇⲓⲁ ⲇⲁⲙⲉⲛⲉⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲕⲁ: pes-ika

doll-en-nō

ten-na ŋok-ide

on

ten-na

speak-ACC want-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-LOC 3PL-GEN glory-CONJ and 3PL-GEN

eŋokkinawe-dekel-ka pil-sad-aɡ-im-m-e honor.NMLZ-CONJ-ACC

on

throw(?)-say-sit(?)-AFF-PRS-1SG.PRED and

ank-it-im-m-e

ann

oune

meueid il-kin-ide

think-NMLZ-AFF-PRS-1SG.PRED 1SG.GEN wisdom poor

on

an

sakitou

ei-e-konk-ina

voice-NEG.ADJ-CONJ

tadi-a

and 1SG.GEN council.NMLZ know-NMLZ-NMLZ-GEN 3SG-DAT

dam-en-e-dekel-ka exist-NEG-PFV.PRS(?)-CONJ-ACC ‘When he wants (me?) to speak about their glory and their honor, I mention and recall my wisdom, which is poor and voiceless, and my council, in which there is no knowledge.’

9. COORDINATION

Coordination is defined as a relation of equivalence between two or more syntactical components. Old Nubian has very few actual coordinating conjunctions. Noun phrases, nominal predicates, converbs, and clauses are often coordinated asyndetically, without any need for an overt conjunction. In fact, meanings that in English would require the presence of a conjunction are often expressed in Old Nubian by means of a converb (§7.2.3), or through topic and focus markers (§5). Therefore, the description of Old Nubian coordination is here mainly limited to a discussion of coordinating conjunctions and suffixes. The independent conjunction ⲟⲛ is etymologically related to the topic marker -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ (§5.1), whereas the coordinating suffix -ⲇⲉ is probably related to the adessive -ⲇⲉ (§15.2.6).1 Both conjunctions can be translated as ‘and’. These two morphemes are used separately and together, as well as combined with the secondary morphemes -ⲕⲉⲣ, -ⲛⲟⲩ, and -ⲛⲁⲣ. Because there are subtle differences between them in terms of their form and distribution, they are discussed separately in relation to noun phrases (§9.1), nominal predicates (§9.2), converbs (§9.3), and clauses (§9.4). The negative coordinating conjunction -ⲉⲛⲇⲉ is used both in nominal contexts for the ‘neither … nor’ construction (§9.1.6) and between clauses (§9.4.7). It also appears on the quantifier ⲟⲩⲉⲗ-ⲉⲛⲇⲉ ‘no one, nothing’ (§16.5.4). These coordinating conjunctions and suffixes are supplemented with a number of complex conjunctions such as ⲙⲉⲛⲉⲛⲛⲟⲛ ‘or’ (§9.4.2), based on the negative auxiliary ⲙⲉⲛ (§14.1.2), and ⲙⲁⲅⲢⲕⲟⲛⲉⲛⲇⲉ ‘but’ (§9.4.3). 9.1. Coordinated Noun Phrases Noun phrases can be coordinated in several different manners. Apart from an asyndeton (§9.1.1), there is the independent conjunction ⲟⲛ (§9.1.2) and the common suffixed conjunction -ⲇⲉ … -ⲇⲉⲕⲉⲣ (§9.1.3). The construction ‘either … or’ is formed with either a grammaticalized form of a conditional clause construction ⲉⲛⲕⲁⲛ … ⲉⲛⲕⲁⲛ (§9.1.4) or a negative verb ⲙⲉⲛⲉⲛ … ⲙⲉⲛⲉⲛ (§9.1.5). For ‘neither … nor’ we find -ⲉⲛⲇⲉ …-ⲉⲛⲇⲉ (§9.1.6), which appears to contain the same copular root ⲉⲛ as -ⲉⲛⲕⲁⲛ, followed by -ⲇⲉ. The contrastive suffix -ⲉⲛⲕⲱ ‘but’ (§9.1.7) is again built on the same copular root.

1

Stricker (1940, 452) suggests it may be a loan from Coptic ⲇⲉ or Greek δὲ.

144

9. COORDINATION

9.1.1. Asyndeton In order to coordinate two or more noun phrases, Old Nubian does not need to use a coordinating conjunction such as ‘and’. Noun phrases can be simply placed side by side in an asyndetic construction. (276) P.QI 1 5.ii.2–5 ᫥ ⲁⲛⲛⲁ· ⳟⲟⲇⲁ ⲟⲩⲗⲗⲁⲕⲕⲉⲣ ⲉⲓⲛⲖ ⲟⲩⲛ ⲞⲉⲚ ⲧⲣⲓⲕⲁ· ⳝⲉⲗⲟⲩⲟⲩⳝⲉⲥ[Ⲕ?]ⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗⲗⲉⲉⲓⲟⲛ· ⲟⲩⲕⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗ· ⲉⲚⲈⲧⲁⲗⲕⲉ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩ·ⲉⲚ ⲞⲉⲚ ⲧⲣⲓⲕⲁ ⳝⲉⲗⲟⲩⲈⳝⲕⲁ· an-na

ŋod-a

oullakker

ein-il

oun

oei-n

tri-ka

1SG-GEN Lord-PRED teacher.NMLZ be-PRS.DET 2PL.GEN foot-DU pair-ACC

jelouou-j-esik-ketalle-eion

ouk-∅-ketal en-et-a-lke

wash-PLACT-PFV.PST2-also-TOP 2PL-NOM-also take-PFV-PRED-AFF.PRS.2PL

our∼ouein

oei-n

tri-ka

jeloue-j-ka

each.other.GEN foot-GEN pair-ACC wash-PLACT-ACC ‘Moreover, if I, being Lord and teacher, washed your feet, you also take up washing each other’s feet.’ (Jn 13:14)

In (276), ⳟⲟⲇⲁ ⲟⲩⲗⲗⲁⲕⲕⲉⲣ renders the Greek ὁ κύριος καὶ ὁ διδάσκαλος. (277) SC 24.14–16 ᫧ ⲧⲁⲛⲛⲁⲥⲚ ⳟⲟⲕⲖ· ⲧⲱⲈⲕⲖ· ⳝⲉⲗⲅⲟ[ⲩ]ⲛⲁ ⲉⲗⲗⲉⲛ[ⲅ]ⲟⲩⲗⲱ ⲕⲤⲕⲖⲗⲱ ⲁⲙⲏⲛ:··· ——— tan-n-a-sin

ŋok-il-∅

tōek-il-∅

jel-ɡou-na

3SG-GEN-PRED-EMP glory-DET-NOM power-DET-NOM age-PL-GEN

ellen-ɡou-lō

kiskillō

amen

eternity-PL-LOC until.LOC amen ‘His is the glory and the power, until the eternity of the ages, Amen.’

Similarly, in (277) we find asyndetic ⲧⲁⲛⲛⲁⲥⲚ ⳟⲟⲕⲖ· ⲧⲱⲈⲕⲖ· for Greek ᾧ ἡ δόξα καὶ τὸ κράτος (but see (280)). Asyndetic coordination may be supplemented with a postposition to mark its final member. (278) M 2.5–10 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲛ ⳟⲟⲅⲗⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲀⲣⲁ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲅⲟⲩⲕⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗⲗⲉⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲙⲉⲓⲣⲁⲅⲟⲩⲈⲗⲱ ⲉⲓⲥⲥⲁⲛⲁ· ⲙⲉⲇⳝⲟⲩⲛⲚ ⲧⲁⲉⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗ· ⲧⲟⲩⲉⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗ· ⲇⲟⲩⲧⲣⲁⲡⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲱ ⲕⲓⲉⲤⲕⲖⲗⲱ· tan

ŋoɡ-la

dou-ar-a

miššan-ɡou-k-∅-ketalle-eion

3SG.GEN house-DAT exist-PST1-PRED all-PL-DET-NOM-also-TOP

meir-a-ɡoue-lō

eis-s-an-a

medjou-ni-n

barren-PRED-PL.PRED-FOC be-PST2-3PL-PRED servant-PL-GEN

taei-ɡou-l-∅

touei-ɡou-l-∅

doutrap-iɡou-lō kieiskillō

girl.PL-PL-DET-NOM cow.PL-PL-DET-NOM fowl-PL-LOC

until.LOC

145

9.1. COORDINATED NOUN PHRASES

‘Also all who lived at her house were barren, the servant girls, the cows, up to the fowls.’

Note that the usage in (278) of ⲕⲓⲉⲤⲕⲖⲗⲱ should be distinguished from ⲕⲤⲕⲖⲗⲱ in (277). In the latter, it marks an adjunct, whereas in the former it marks the final of three coordinated noun phrases. 9.1.2. ⲟⲛ ‘and’ The simple coordinator ⲟⲛ ‘and’ is relatively rare. It coordinates full noun phrases, meaning that the coordinated phrases all have full inflection for case and number. (279) M 14.4–10 ᫥ ⲉⲦⲧⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⲇⲟⲩⲧⲣⲁⲡⲕⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲙⲈⲧⲁ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲇⲟⲩⲧⲣⲁⲡⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲟ ⲡⲉⲗⲓⲣⲟⲛ· ⲇⲟⲩⲙⲁⲕⲕⲟⲛⲟ ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲓⲥⲁⲛⲁ· ⲙⲉⲇⳝⲟⲩⲛⲚ ⲧⲁⲉⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗ· ⲟⲛ ⲧⲟⲩⲉⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗ eitt-il-∅-lon

doutrap-ka doum-et-a

woman-DET-NOM-TOP fowl-ACC

pel-ir-o-n

tan doutrap-iɡou-lo

take-PFV-PRED 3SG fowl-PL-LOC

doumak-kono

kellō-∅ ounn-is-an-a

come.out-TR-PST1-2/3SG immediately-after all-NOM

medjou-ni-n

taei-ɡou-l-∅

bear-PST2-3PL-PRED

on touei-ɡou-l-∅

servant-PL-GEN girl.PL-PL-DET-NOM and cow.PL-PL-DET-NOM ‘When the woman took the fowl and released it among her own fowls, they all immediately gave birth, and the servant girls and the cows too.’

(280) K 33.15–34.2 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲛⲛⲁⲥⲚ ⳟⲟⲕⲖ ⲟⲛ ⲧⲱⲉⲕⲖ ⳝⲉⲗ ⲉⲗⲗⲉⲛⲅⲟⲩⲗⲟ ⲕⲤⲕⲖⲗⲟ ⲁⲙⲏⲛ:+++ tan-n-a-sin

ŋok-il-∅

on tōek-il-∅

jel ellen-ɡou-lo

3SG-GEN-PRED-EMP glory-DET-NOM and power-DET-NOM age eternity-PL-LOC

kiskillo

amēn

until.LOC amen ‘His is the glory and the power, until the eternity of the ages, Amen.’

(281) FP 2.3–4 tit-ika

᫥

ⲧⲓⲧⲓⲕⲁ ⲟⲛ ⲟⲩⲕⲓⲕⲁ ⲟⲛ ⳝⲉⲕⲓⲕⲁ ⲇⲛⲛⲉⲥⲱ on ouk-ika on jek-ika d(i)nn-e-sō

give>2/3.NMLZ-ACC and ear-ACC and jek-ACC give>1-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM ‘Give me grace, an ear, and jek!’

9.1.3. -ⲇⲉ…-ⲇⲉⲕⲉⲣ ‘and’ As a coordinator, the suffix -ⲇⲉ, etymologically related to the adessive -ⲇⲉ (§15.2.6), is much more frequent than the independent conjunction ⲟⲛ.

146

9. COORDINATION

When coordinating two or more noun phrases, the suffix -ⲇⲉ always follows each noun, with the last one being marked by an additional -ⲕⲉⲣ, which is a weak root (§19.6.2.1.1) and possibly etymologically related to the noun ⲕⲉⲗ ‘limit’. This development may have been parallel to a construction such as found in (278). Both -ⲇⲉ and -ⲇⲉⲕⲉⲣ follow the determiner, but precede case marking and postpositions. The suffix -ⲇⲉ is also found in topic shifting constructions (§9.4.8.1) and contrastive constructions (§9.4.8.1). The following coordinating constructions with -ⲇⲉ have been attested: (282) Two coordinated terms with -ⲇⲉ: a. A-ⲇⲉ B-ⲇⲉⲕⲉⲣ b. A-ⲇⲉ ⲟⲛ B-ⲇⲉⲕⲉⲣ (283) Three coordinated terms with -ⲇⲉ: a. b. c. d.

A-ⲇⲉ B-ⲇⲉ C-ⲇⲉⲕⲉⲣ A-ⲇⲉ ⲟⲛ B-ⲇⲉ C-ⲇⲉⲕⲉⲣ A-ⲇⲉ B-ⲇⲉ ⲟⲛ C-ⲇⲉⲕⲉⲣ A-ⲇⲉ ⲟⲛ B-ⲇⲉ ⲟⲛ C-ⲇⲉⲕⲉⲣ

Four coordinated terms have also been attested, but without the presence of ⲟⲛ. As (282) and (283) show, the conjunction ⲟⲛ can be used freely in any combination with the conjunction -ⲇⲉ. In manuscripts, the suffix -ⲇⲉⲕⲉⲣ is sometimes written as -ⲇⲉ ⲕⲉⲣ or even -ⲇⲉ· ⲕⲉⲣ, which suggests that certain authors still experienced it as analytical. (284) WN 8–9 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲣ ⲙⲉⲇⳝⲟⲩ ⲅⲉⲱⲣⲅⲓ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩⲉⲓⲛ ⲀⲉⲖⲕⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲗⲗⲁⲅⲣⲈⲥⲱ· Ⲟⲣⲱⲥⲉ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲇⲉ Ⲟⳟⲟⲕⲕⲛⲁⲩⲉⲗⲇⲉ ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱ eir-∅

medjou ɡeōrɡi ourou-ein aeil-ka

2SG-NOM servant

doul-l-a

George king-GEN

ɡir-e-sō

heart-ACC

orōse

miššan-de o(n)

exist-PRS-PRED cause-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM praise.PRED all-CONJ

and

ŋokk-naue-l-dekel-lō glory-NMLZ-DET-CONJ-LOC ‘Cause the soul of your servant King George to exist in all praise and honor!’

Below I provide one example each of the patterns listed in (282) and (283): (285) K 25.10–14 ᫥ ⲕⲟⲣⲁⲕⲁ ⲉⲧⲉⲛⲛⲟⲛ ⲉⲚⲛⲁ ⲀⲉⲖⲇⲉ ⲟⲕⲕⲁⲛⲛⲏⲇⲉⲕⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲕⲟⲕⲉⲓⲣⲁ ⲕⲟⲣⲉⲕⲁ ⲕⲉⲓⲁ ⲉⲓⲧⲉⲥⲟ· kora-ka

et-en-non

ein-na

aeil-de

sacrament-ACC take-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-TOP 2SG-GEN heart-CONJ

147

9.1. COORDINATED NOUN PHRASES

ok-kannē-dekek-ka ko-keir-a feel-NMLZ-CONJ-ACC

kore-ka

kei-a

pure-CAUS-PRED sacrament-ACC come-PRED

eit-e-so take-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM ‘When you take the sacrament, purify your heart and feelings, and come and take the sacrament!’

(286) P.QI 2 18.v.3–8 ᫥ ⲁⲛⲛⲁ ⲕⲉⲧⳟⲓⲧⲖⲇⲉ· ⲟⲛ ⲁⲛ ⲧⲁⲡⲛⲟⲥⲕⲖⲇⲉ ⲕⲉⲗⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ· ⳟⲁⲗⲁ ⲁⲛ ⳟⲁⲡⲉ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲕⲁ· ⲧⲟⲕⲁ ⲇⲓⲛⲓⲥⲛⲁⲀ an-na

ketŋ-it-il-de

on an

tapnos-k-il-dekel-ɡou-ka

1SG-GEN humble-NMLZ-DET-CONJ and 1SG.GEN lowliness-NMLZ-CONJ-PL-ACC

ŋal-a

an

ŋape

miššan-ka tok-a

see-PRED 1SG.GEN sin.PRED all-ACC

forgive-PRED

din-is-n-a-a give>1-PST2-2/3SG-PRED-DD ‘“He saw my humility and my lowliness and forgave me all my sins.”’

(287) P.QI 4 64.1–2 ᫡ ⲡⲁ[ⲡⲓ]ⲇⲉ ⳟⲁⲇⲇⲉ ⲥⲉⲩⲁⲣⳟⲤⲥⲓ ⲇⲉ ⲕⲉⲛⲓ ⲧⲁⳟⲓⲥⲖ·ⲗⲱ ⳝⲱⲁ ⲉⲛ ⲥⲩⲅⲉⲗⲉⲛ ⲡⲁⲣⲧⲁⲕⲕⲁⲗⲟ pap-ide

ŋad-de seuar ŋissi-dekeni

father-CONJ son-CONJ spirit

taŋis-il-lō

jōa

holy-CONJ.GEN name-DET-LOC through

en

suɡelen

DEM.PROX

certified.document write-PASS-PRS-PRED-FOC

par-tak-k-a-lo

‘Through the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, this certified document was written.’2

(288) P.QI 3 37.1–2 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲡⲖⲇⲉ ⲟⲛ ⳟⲁⲇⲇⲉ ⲥⲉⲩⲁⲣⲧⲟⲩ ⳟⲤⲥⲖⲇⲉⲕⲉⲛ ⲧⲁⳟⲥⲗⲟ ⳝⲱⲀ ⲡⲁⲣⲧⲁⲕⲟⲛⲁ· pap-il-de

on

ŋad-de

seuartou ŋiss-il-deken

father-DET-CONJ and son-CONJ spirit

jōa

taŋs-lo

holy-DET-CONJ.GEN name-LOC

par-tak-on-a

through write-PASS-PST1.2/3SG-PRED ‘Through the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, it was written.’

(289) P.QI 2 16.ii.2–8

᫥

ⲧⲖⲗⲟⲩ ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱ ⲇⲟⲩⲙⲁⲇⳝⲓⲇⲉ ⲧⲁⲛ ⳟⲁⲇⲟⲩ

ⳣⲉⲗ ⲓⲥⲟⲩⲥⲏ ⲭⲣⲓⲥⲧⲟⲥⲓ ⲟⲩ ⲟⲛ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲥⲉⲩⲁⲣⲧⲟⲩ ⳟⲤⲥⲓⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗ tillou kellō doumad-j-ide God

all

tan

ŋadou wel isousē khristosi

rule.over-PLACT-CONJ 3SG.GEN son

one Jesus

Christ

2 The assimilated form ⲡⲁⲣⲧⲁⲕ-ⲕ no doubt stands at the origin of the Nobiin passive morpheme -takk (Reinisch 1879, 61).

148

9. COORDINATION

oun

ŋod-ide

on

tan

seuartou ŋiss-idekel-∅

1PL.EXCL.GEN lord-CONJ and 3SG.GEN spirit

holy-CONJ.DET-NOM

‘The almighty God and his only Son, Jesus Christ our Lord, and his Holy Spirit.’

(290) K 19.8–16 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲧⲣⲖ ⲕⲉⲓⲕⲁ ⲡⲉⲥⲉⲛ· ⲉⲓⲛ ⲕⲟⲣⲉ ⳟⲤⲥⲟⲩ ⲧⲣⲁⲡⲤⲥⲖⲇⲱ ⲡⲖⲕⲁ· ⲁⲣⲧⲟⲥⲁ ⳝⲱⲗⲁⲙ· ⲟⲣⲡⲁ ⳝⲱⲗⲁⲙⲀ· ⲡⲁⲡⲓⲇⲉ ⲟⲛ ⳟⲁⲗⲇⲉ ⲟⲛ ⲥⲉⲩⲁⲣⲧⲟⲩ ⳟⲤⲥⲓⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲗⲟ ⳟⲤⲥⲉⲗⲟ ⲡⲁⲗⲁⲙⲏ· ⲉⲕⲕⲚ ⳝⲉⲗⲗⲟ ⲟⲛ ⲉⲗⲗⲉ ⲕⲓⲗⲟ· oueltr-il-∅

keik-a

pes-en

any-DET-NOM blaspheme-PRED speak-PFV.PRS.2/3SG

ŋissou trapiss-il-dō pi-l-ka holy

artos-a

ein

kore

DEM.PROX

sacrament

jōl-a-m

jōl-a-m-a

pap-ide

on ŋal-de

on seuartou ŋiss-idekel-lo

only-PRED-AFF-DD father-CONJ and son-CONJ and spirit

kisse-lo

orp-a

altar-DET-SUPE lie-PRS-ACC bread-PRED only-PRED-AFF wine-PRED

pal-a-mē

ekk-in

jel-lo

on

holy-CONJ-LOC

elle

church-LOC come.out-PRED-JUS.SG now-GEN age-LOC and time

kilo come.PRS.LOC ‘When anyone blasphemes and says of this holy sacrament lying on the altar “It is only bread, it is only wine,” then let him come out from the church in the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit, in the current age and in the coming time!’

(291) M 15.12–15 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲇⲇⲉ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲟⲅⳝⲖⲇⲉ ⲙⲉⲇⳝⲟⲩⲛⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇⲉⲕⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲡⲤⲧⲁⲣⲓⲥⲛⲁ tad-de

tan

oɡjil-de

tan

ⲧⲁⲛ ⳟⲁⲇ⳿ⲇⲉ.

ŋad-de

ⲧⲁⲛ

tan

3SG-CONJ 3SG.GEN husband-CONJ 3SG.GEN son-CONJ 3SG.GEN

medjou-ni-ɡou-l-dekek-ka pist-ar-is-n-a servant-PL-PL-DET-CONJ-ACC splash-TR-PST2-2/3SG-PRED ‘He baptized her, her husband, her son, and her servants.’

In (291), the plural suffix -ⲅⲟⲩ is found only on the fourth term, ⲙⲉⲇⳝⲟⲩⲛⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇⲉⲕⲉⲕⲕⲁ, preceding the conjunction and accusative case. It appears that the entire coordinated phrase ⲧⲁⲇⲇⲉ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲟⲅⳝⲖⲇⲉ ⲧⲁⲛ ⳟⲁⲇ⳿ⲇⲉ. ⲧⲁⲛ ⲙⲉⲇⳝⲟⲩⲛⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇⲉⲕⲉⲕⲕⲁ itself is not considered plural, which is also suggested by the absence of a pluractional suffix (§13.1) on the verb ⲡⲤⲧⲁⲣⲓⲥⲛⲁ. Even though there are only few examples of coordinated noun phrases in subject positions, it appears that they in general also fail to trigger plural agreement. Perhaps the fact that coordinated noun phrases do not trigger pluractional

149

9.1. COORDINATED NOUN PHRASES

marking or plural agreement is related to the regular absence of plural marking on the entire coordinated phrase. However, even when it appears, agreement still seems to be singular: (292) Sur 25.11–13 ᫡ . . ⲟⲩⲇⲁⲗⲇⲉ· ⲕⲟⲥⲥⲓⲇⲉ· ⲥⲉⲣⲣⲱⲛⲏⲇⲉ· ⲕⲉⲅⲟⲩ· ⲙⲁⲧⲁⲣⲁ ⲉⲓⲛⲛⲁ· (…)oudal-de kossi-de

serrōnē-deke-ɡou-∅ matar-a

(…)oudal-CONJ Kossi-CONJ Serrōnē-CONJ-PL-NOM witness-PRED

ein-n-a be-PRS.2/3SG-PRED ‘(…)oudal, Kossi, and Serrōnē are witnesses.’

Note, however, that in the following examples with plural-marked coordinated noun phrases the pluractional marker on the verb is present: (293) L 113.11–13 ᫧ ⲁⲣⲭⲏⲓⲈⲣⲉⲞⲥⲁ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲅⲟⲩⲗ[ⲇ]ⲉ ⲕⲠⲧⲚ ⲟⲩⲣⲁⲛⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲅⲟⲩⲕⲟⲛ⳹ [ⲧⲘ]ⲙⲓⲅⲁⲣⲁ [ⲧ]ⲉ[ⲕ]ⲕⲁ ⲈⲅⲓⲇⳝⲓⲥⲛⲀ arkhēiereos-a

miššan-ɡou-l-de kipt-in

high.priest-PRED all-PL-DET-CONJ

people-GEN

ouran-iɡou-l-dekel-ɡou-k-on timm-iɡar-a chief-PL-DET-CONJ-PL-ACC-TOP

tek-ka

gather-CAUS-PRED 3PL-ACC

eɡid-j-is-in-a ask-PLACT-PST2-2/3SG-PRED ‘He assembled all the high priests and chiefs of the people and asked them.’ (Mt 2:4)

(294) SC 18.25–19.5 ᫧ [ⲧⲁⲗⲗⲟ ⲁⲅⲅⲉ]ⲗⲟⲥⲅ[ⲟⲩⲕ]ⲁ ⲁⲩⲉⲓⳝⲁⲣⲁ· ⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ ⲟⲩⲣ[ⲁ]ⲛⲓⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ· ⲑⲣⲟⲛⲟⲥⲅⲟ[ⲩⲕ]ⲁ· ⲭⲉⲣⲟⲩⲃⲉⲓⲛⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇⲉ ⲥⲉⲣⲁⲫⲉ[ⲓⲛⲅ]ⲟⲩⲗⲇ[ⲉ]ⲕⲉⲗⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ· ⲟⲩⲣⲕⲁⲛⲉⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ· ⲡⲁⲟⲩⲕⲟⲛⲕⲓ ⲕⲟⲛⳝⲓⲗⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ· tal-∅-lo

aɡɡelos-ɡou-ka au-eij-ar-a

3SG-NOM-FOC angel-PL-ACC

aɡɡelos

make-PLACT-PST1-PRED angel

ouran-iɡou-ka thronos-ɡou-ka kheroubein-ɡou-l-de chief-PL-ACC

throne-PL-ACC

Cherub-PL-DET-CONJ

seraphein-ɡou-l-dekel-ɡou-ka our-kane-ɡou-ka paou-konki Seraph-PL-DET-CONJ-PL-ACC

head-NMLZ-PL-ACC power-NMLZ

kon-j-il-ɡou-l-dekel-ɡou-ka have-PLACT-PRS-PL-DET-CONJ-PL-ACC ‘He made the angels, the archangels, the thrones, the Cherubim and the Seraphim, the kingdoms and those who have authority.’

150

9. COORDINATION

9.1.4. ⲉⲛⲕⲁⲛ … ⲉⲛⲕⲁⲛ ‘either … or’ ⲉⲛⲕⲁⲛ … ⲉⲛⲕⲁⲛ, a conditional clause construction (§8.2.3) with the copula ⲉⲛ, marks the disjunction ‘either … or’. (295) K 21.4–15 ᫥ ⲁⲗⲉⲥⲓⲛ ⲉⲓⲧⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲉⲗ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲁⲉⲖⲗⲟ ⲕⲉⲗⲕⲚⲛⲁⲛⲉⲛ ⲡⲣⲟⲥⲕⲟⲕⲕⲟⲛ ⲕⲤⲥⲉⲗⲁ ⲕⲉⲛⲇⲟⲩⲕⲉⲛ· ⲟⲣⲡⲁ ⲉⲛⲕⲁⲛ· ⲉⲖⲗⲉ ⲉⲛⲕⲁⲛ ⲡⲁⲣⲣⲉⲛ ⲕⲟⳝⲣⲁ ⲉⲛⲕⲁⲛ ⲡⲢⲅⲛⲉ ⲇⲉⲥⲥⲓⲗⲟ ⲕⲤⲕⲖⲗⲟⲕⲁ ⲧⲁⲣⲟⲩ ⳟⲟⲇⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲁⲉⲖⲗⲟ ⲕⲟⲩⲣⲁⲗⲟ ⲉⲧⲁⲛⲛⲁ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥⲟⲩ ⳟⲤⲥⲓⲗ ⲟⲣⲟ· alesin eitou ouel-∅ if

man

kisse-la

tan

aeil-lo

kelkinnane-n proskok-k-on

one-NOM 3SG.GEN heart-LOC perfection-GEN offering-ACC-TOP

ken-douk-en

orp-a

en-ka-n

church-DAT place-offer-PFV.PRS.2/3SG wine-PRED be-SUBORD-2/3SG

eille

en-ka-n

parre-n kojr-a

en-ka-n

wheat.PRED be-SUBORD-2/3SG field-GEN seed-PRED be-SUBORD-2/3SG

pirɡne dess-ilo

kiskillo-ka

tarou ŋod-il-∅-lon

incense green-LOC until.LOC-ACC 3SG

aeil-lo

kour-a-lo

tan

lord-DET-NOM-TOP 3SG.GEN

et-an-n-a

tan

heart-LOC rejoice-PRED-LOC receive-INTEN-PRS.2/3SG-PRED 3SG.GEN

aɡɡelosou ŋiss-il

oro

holy-DET upstream

angel

‘If a man presents to the church an offering of perfection from his heart, be it wine or wheat or seed of the field or even green incense, then the Lord himself will joyfully receive it in his heart in front of his holy angel.’

We also find a form with a 1SG subject clitic: (296) P.QI 2 24.13–14 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲣⲟⲩ ⲕⲟⲗⲗⲟ ⲅⲉⲛⲛⲁ ⲉⲛⲕⲁⲓⲞ ⲕⲟⲥⲁ ⲉⲛⲕⲁⲓⲞ ⳟⲁⲇⲇⲣⲁ ⲕⲣⲉⲛ ⲧⲁⲩⲕⲓⲗⲟ: eirou kol-∅-lo 2SG

ɡenn-a

en-ka-i-o

kos-a

alone-NOM-FOC good-PRED be-SUBORD-1SG-LOC bad-PRED

en-ka-i-o

ŋad-d-r-a

kr-en

tauk-ilo

be-SUBORD-1SG-LOC see-INTEN-PRS-PRED come-PFV.PRS.2/3SG time-LOC ‘You alone, whether I am good or bad, will see when you come.’

9.1.5. ⲙⲉⲛⲉⲛ … ⲙⲉⲛⲉⲛ ‘either … or’ The construction ⲙⲉⲛⲉⲛ … ⲙⲉⲛⲉⲛ is based on a negative copula ⲙⲉⲛ with subordinate clause morphology (§8.1.1). This form is also the basis of the complex conjunction ⲙⲉⲛⲉⲛⲛⲟⲛ ‘or’ (§9.4.2).

151

9.1. COORDINATED NOUN PHRASES

(297) WN 12–14 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲛ ⳟⲁⲡⲉⲅⲟⲩⲕⲟⲛ ⲁⲛⲕⲓⳝⲁⲧⲁⲙⲏ· ⲧⲁⲛ ⲟⲩⲛⲖ ⲁⲩⲉⲓⳝⲓⲥⲓᲟⲛᲠⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ· ⲟⲛ ⲙⲟⲩⲛⲖ ⲁⲩⲉⲓⳝⲓⲥⲓⲛⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲉⲗ ⲁⲩⲉⲓⳝⲓⲥⲓⲛⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲙⲁⲥⲓⲗ ⲁⲩⲉⲓⳝⲓⲥⲓⲛⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ· ⲥⲁⲗⲁ· ⲙⲉⲛⲉⲛ ⳟⲉⲉⲓⲀ· ⲙⲉⲛⲉⲛ tan

ŋape-ɡou-k-on ank-ij-a-ta-mē

3SG.GEN sin-PL-ACC-TOP

oun-il-∅

tan

think-PLACT-PRED-NEG-JUS.SG 3SG.GEN

au-eij-is-in-ɡou-ka

on

moun-il-∅

love-PRS.DET-NOM do-PLACT-PST2-2/3SG-PL-ACC and hate-PRS.DET-NOM

au-eij-is-in-ɡou-ka

ei-el-∅

au-eij-is-in-ɡou-ka

do-PLACT-PST2-2/3SG-PL-ACC know-PFV.PRS.DET-NOM do-PLACT-PST2-2/3SG-PL-ACC

mas-il-∅

au-eij-is-in-ɡou-ka

sal-a

not.know-PRS.DET-NOM do-PLACT-PST2-2/3SG-PL-ACC word-DAT

men-en

ŋeei-a

men-en

not.be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG work-DAT not.be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG ‘Do not remember his sins, those he committed loving and those committed hating, committed knowing, committed unknowing, whether in word or in deed!’

(298) GAL i.4–9 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲓⲧⲁⲕⲟⲗⲗⲟⲛ: ⲡⲟⲕⲟⲇⲁ: ⲙⲉⲛⲉⲛ· ⳟⲁⲇⲁ· ⳟⲁⲗⲁⳟⲓ ⲙⲉⲛⲉⲛ: ⲇⲟⲩⳟⲣⲁⲗⲟ ⲉⲛⲇⲛⲁ ounn-itak-ol-∅-lon

pokod-a

men-en

ŋad-a

bear-PASS-PST1.DET-NOM-TOP lame-PRED not.be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG ??-PRED

ŋalaŋi men-en ??

douŋ-r-a-lo

en-d-n-a

not.be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG blind-PRS-PRED-FOC be-INTEN-PRS.2/3SG-PRED

‘The one who has been born will be either lame or (…) or blind.’

(299) P.QI 1 7.i.3–6 ᫡ [ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲗⲟ]ⲛ· ⲉⲔⲕⲆⲇⲁⲧⲧⲁ ⲙⲉⲛⲉⲛ· ⲥⲉⲩⲁⲣ[ⲧⲓⲕⲟⲁ ⲙⲉⲛⲉⲛ] ⲁⲛⲕⲁ ⲕⲓⲕⲟⲉⲓⲞ· ⲉⲓⲀⲣⲟⲩⲀⲛⲁⲥⲱ· ⲟⲩⲣⲅⲖⲗⲉ [ⲡⲁⲉⲓⲁ] ⲧⲉⲣⲓⲕⲁ· ⳟⲟⲇⲚ ⲧⲉⲇⲉⲛⲟⲕⲕⲁ· ouel-∅-lon

eikkid-datt-a

men-en

seuart-iko-a

one-NOM-TOP guide-NMLZ-PRED not.be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG spirit-ADJ-PRED

men-en

ank-a

ki-ko-eio

not.be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG think-PRED come-SUBORD-LOC

ei-ar-ou-an-a-sō

our-ɡille paei-a

know-TR-PST1-3PL-PRED-COMM 2PL-ALL

teri-ka ŋod-in

write-PRED 3PL-ACC lord-GEN

ted-enok-ka law-COMP-ACC ‘When anyone comes and thinks that he is either a prophet or spiritual, let them know what I write to you, the highest law of the Lord!’ (1 Cor 14:37)

152

9. COORDINATION

9.1.6. -ⲉⲛⲇⲉ … -ⲉⲛⲇⲉ ‘neither … nor’ The construction ‘neither … nor’ is formed by means of the suffix -ⲉⲛⲇⲉ combined with a negative verb (§12.2). (300) M 1.8–11 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲣⲟⲛ ⲙⲓⲣⲁ Ⲁⲅⲉⲛⲇⲉ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲁⲣⲁ ⲙⲉⲛⲛⲁⲗⲱ· ⳟⲁⲕ⳿ⲉⲛⲇⲉ⳿ ⲁⲥⲕⲉⲛⲇⲉ· tar-∅-on

mir-a

aɡ-ende

ounn-ar-a

3SG-NOM-TOP barren-PRED sit-NEG.CONJ bear-PST1-PRED

men-n-a-lō

ŋak-ende

as-k-ende

not.be-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-FOC son.ACC-NEG.CONJ daughter-ACC-NEG.CONJ ‘She remained barren and bore neither son nor daughter.’

(301) SC 6.10–15 ᫥ ⲁⲓⲟ[ⲛ] ⲕⲓⲉⲓⲥⲧⲖⲇⲉ ⲡⲁⲗⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲕⲁ ⲡⲖⲗⲁ ⲙⲚⲛⲉⲙ· ⲙⲁϣⲁⲛⲛⲁ ⲕⲁⲕⲕⲁⲛⲛⲓⲕⲉⲛⲇⲉ· ⲁⲥⲥⲉⲕⲉⲛⲇⲉ· ⲫⲟⲩⲣⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲫⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩⲅⲟⲩⳝⲣⲁ ⲙⲚⲛⲉⲙ· ⲅⲚⲇⲁⲧⲧⲉⲕⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲕⲓⳝⲞⲥⲓⳝⲕⲉⲛⲇⲉ ⲙⲚⲛⲉⲗⲟ· ai-∅-on

kieist-il-de

pa-l-dekel-ka

pill-a

1sg-NOM-TOP winter-DET-CONJ summer-DET-CONJ-ACC come.out.TR-PRED

min-n-e-m

mašan-na kakkan-ni-k-ende

NEG-PRS-1SG.PRED-AFF

sun-GEN

phourɡ-ouka phourouɡ-ouj-r-a furrow-ACC

asse-k-ende

ray-PL-ACC-NEG.CONJ water-ACC-NEG.CONJ

min-n-e-m

ɡindatte-ka

plough-PLACT-PRS-PRED not.be-PRS-1SG.PRED-AFF thorn-ACC

doukk-ij-os-ij-k-ende

min-n-e-lo

uproot-PLACT-take.out-PLACT-HAB-NEG.CONJ not.bePRS-1SG.PRED-FOC ‘I do not experience winter and summer, nor the rays of the sun nor water, nor do I plough furrows nor am I uprooting thorns.’

(302) P.QI 3 30.27–30 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲩⲟⲩ·ⲕⲟⲕⲅⲏⲛ· Ⲣⲗⲟ· ⳝⲟⲁ·Ⲁ ⲉⲡⲓⲙⲁⲭ · ⲇⲟ·Ⲁ ⲕⲓⲙⲉⲛⲧⲁⲗⲟ· ⲥⲟⳟⲟⳝⲟⳝⲓⲉⲛⲇⲉ ⲡⲁⲣⲁⲛ ⲥⲁⲙⲧ · ⲉⲛⲇⲉ· ⲅⲟⲧⲙⲦ·ⲉⲛⲇⲉ· ⲡⲁⲡⲁⲥⲚ ⲉⲓⲧⲤⲥⲖⲉⲛⲇⲉ· pauou-kokɡ-ēn ir-lo

joa

a

epimakh(os)-do a

power-NMLZ-GEN power-LOC through ?? Epimachus-SUPE

ki-men-ta-lo

soŋoj∼oji-ende

para-n

??

sam(e)t-ende

come-NEG-NEG-FOC soŋoj∼INT-NEG.CONJ Faras-GEN samet-NEG.CONJ

ɡotmit-ende

ŋešš-ende

papas-in

eitis-sil-ende

gottamit-NEG.CONJ ŋešš-NEG.CONJ bishop-GEN send-PST2-NEG.CONJ ‘Through of the power of (his) authority there shall come against the Epimachus Church neither soŋoj (eparch) nor samet (domesticus) of Faras nor gottamit nor ŋešš nor anyone the bishop sent.’

153

9.1. COORDINATED NOUN PHRASES

9.1.7. -ⲉⲛⲕⲱ ‘but’ The conjunction -ⲉⲛⲕⲱ may be used to contrast two noun phrases. It is mutually exclusive with topic/focus markers, such as -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ and -ⲗⲟ, and may also be used to contrast clauses (§9.4.8.2, §9.4.8.3). (303) SC 8.17–21 ᫥ ⲧⲖⲗⲓⲕⲁ ⳟⲁⲥⲕⲦⲅⲟⲩⲗⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲛⲛⲁⲁ ⲡⲉⲥⲣⲓ ⲧⲁⲩⲕⲗⲟ ⳟⲁ Ჟ ⲥ Რ ⲕⲦ ⲁⲩⲉⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲛⲛⲁⲀ ⲁⲛⲕⲓⲙⲉⲛⲕⲉⲥⲱ · ⲅⲟⲩⲉⲓ ⲟⲩⲁⲧⲧⲟⲗⲁⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗⲉⲛⲕⲱ· till-ika

ŋas-kit-ɡou-la

doun-n-a-a

pes-r-i

tauk-lo

God-ACC high-NMLZ-PL-DAT exist-PRS.2/3SG-DD say-PRS-1SG time-LOC

ŋas-kit

auei-ɡou-la doun-n-a-a

ank-imen-k-e-sō

high-NMLZ alone-PL-DAT exist-PRS.2/3SG-DD think-NEG-HAB-IMP.2/3.PRED-COMM

ɡouei

ouatto-la-ketal-enkō

ground entire-DAT-also-but ‘When I say “God is in the heights,” then do not think “he is only in the heights,” but also everywhere on the ground!’

(304) L 109.11–14 ᫡ ⲉⲓⲛ ⲁⲩⲣⲟⲩⲧⲅⲟⲩⲛ ⳝⲟⲩⲣ[ⲓ]Ⲁ ⲥⲉⲛⲓⲙ[ⲓ]ⲛⲛⲉⲗⲟ⳹ ⲧⲉⲛ ⲥⲁⲗⲗⲱ ⲕⲱ ⲁⲓⲅⲓⲗ ⲡⲤⲧⲉⲩⲉⲓⲣⲁ ⲙⲓϣϣⲁⲛⲅⲟⲩⲛ ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲓⲀⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗⲉⲛⲕⲱ⳹ ein

aurout-ɡou-n jouri-a

DEM.PROX

alone-PL-GEN

sal-lō

kō

sen-imin-n-e-lo

ten

cause-DAT ask-NEG-PRS-1SG.PRED-FOC 3PL.GEN

ai-ɡil

pisteue-ir-a

miššan-ɡou-n

word-LOC through 1SG-ALL believe-PRS-PRED all-PL-GEN

jouri-a-ketal-enkō cause-DAT-also-but ‘I do not ask because of these alone, but also because of all who believe in me through their word.’ (Jn 17:20)

(305) P.QI 1 7.ii.7–11 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲛⲉⲕⲁⲗⲟ ⲡⲉⲥⲣⲈ ⲕⲉⲗⲕⲚⲛⲁⲛⲅⲟⲩⲅⲖⲗⲉ· ⲉⲚ ⳝⲉⲛⲛⲁ ⲟⲩⲛⲉⲕⲁ ⲙⲛⲖ· ⲉⲚ ⳝⲉⲛ ϣⲓⲕⲉⲣⲓ ⲙⲟⲩⲣⲧⲓⲧⲁⲕⲉⲗⲅⲟⲩⲅⲖⲗⲉⲉⲛⲇⲉ· ⲧⲖⲗⲚ ⲟⲩⲛⲉⲕⲁ ⲡⲉⲥ[ⲁ] ⲓⲗⲉⲛⲕⲱ· oune-ka-lo

pes-ir-e

kelkinnan-ɡou-ɡille ein

wisdom.NMLZ-ACC-FOC speak-PRS-1SG.PRED perfect-PL-ALL

jen-na

oune-ka

min-il-∅

age-GEN wisdom.NMLZ-ACC not.be-PRS.DET-NOM

šike-ri mourt-itak-el-ɡou-ɡille-ende

DEM.PROX

ein

jen

DEM.PROX

age.GEN

till-in

oune-ka

ruler-PL ordain-PASS-PFV.PRS-PL-ALL-NEG.CONJ God-GEN wisdom.NMLZ-ACC

pes-a

il-∅-enkō

speak-PRED say.PRS.DET-NOM-but

154

9. COORDINATION

‘I speak of wisdom to those who are perfect, not the wisdom of this age, nor to the rulers of this age who have been ordained, but speaking of the wisdom of God.’ (1 Cor 2:6)

When -ⲉⲛⲕⲱ is used to contrast two noun phrases, it is common to assume that the first noun phrase – that which the second one is compared to – is known to both speech act participants. Therefore, a noun phrase with -ⲉⲛⲕⲱ is frequently contrasted with a noun phrase with -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ (§5.1). ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲉⲛⲇⲉⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲟⲩⲣⲣⲱ ⲥⲟⲕⲕⲁ ⳟⲟⲕⲕ ⲉⲧⲙⲉⲛⲕⲉⲣⲁⲗⲟ ⲧⲖⲗⲓⲗⲱ ⳝⲱⲀ ⲟⲕⲧⲁⲕⲟⲗⲉⲛⲕⲱ

(306) L 105.1–4

᫥

ouel-∅-ende-eion

our-rō

sokk-a

ŋok-k

one-NOM-NEG.CONJ-TOP head-LOC take.up-PRED glory-ACC

et-men-ke-r-a-lo

till-ilō

jōa ok-tak-ol-∅-enkō

take-NEG-HAB-PRS-PRED-FOC God-LOC by

call-PASS-PST1.DET-NOM-but

‘No one is to take glory on himself but the one called by God.’ (Heb 5:4)

(307) L 108.9–11 ᫧ ⲧⲉⲣⲓⲀ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲉⲛⲇ[ⲉ]ⲉ[ⲓ]ⲟⲛ ⲇⲁⲡⲡⲓⲙⲉⲛⲛⲁⲗⲱ\ ⲇⲁⲡⲡⲓⲇⲉⲛ ⲧⲟⲧⲗⲉⲛⲕⲱ teri-a

ouel-∅-ende-eion

dapp-imen-n-a-lō

3PL-DAT one-NOM-NEG.CONJ-TOP perish-NEG-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-FOC

dapp-iden

tot-l-∅-enkō

perish-NMLZ.GEN son-DET-NOM-but ‘No one among them perished, except the son of perdition.’ (Jn 17:12)

(308) SC 6.16–20 ᫥ ⲅⲟⲩⲗ [ⲉ]ⲓⲁⲣⲧⲓⲕⳠⳡⲓⲕⲟⲛ ⳟⲉⲕⲢⲙⲚⲛⲉⲗⲟ· ⲉⲓⲁⲣⲧⲓⲕⲟⲕⲉⲛⲕⲱ· ⲟⲕⲕⲁⲛⲛⲓⲕⳠⲕⲟⲛ ⲙⲚⲛⲉⲗⲱ· ⲟⲕⲕⲁⲛⲛⲔⲉⲛⲕⲱ· ⲀⲉⲓⲕⳠⲕⲟⲛ ⲙⲚⲛⲉⲗⲱ· ⲀⲉⲔⲕⲁⲛⲛⲔⲉⲛⲕⲟ· ɡoul

ei-ar-t-ikiñ-ik-on

ŋek-ir-min-n-e-lo

ground know-TR-NMLZ-NEG.ADJ-ACC-TOP work-TR-NEG-PRS-1SG.PRED-FOC

ei-ar-t-iko-k-enkō

ok-kann-ikiñ-k-on

know-TR-NMLZ-ADJ-ACC-but feel-NMLZ-NEG.ADJ-ACC-TOP

min-n-e-lō

ok-kann-ik-enkō aei-kiñ-k-on

not.be-PRS-1SG.PRED-FOC feel-NMLZ-ACC-but soul-NEG.ADJ-ACC-TOP

min-n-e-lō

aeik-kann-ik-enko

not.be-PRS-1SG.PRED-FOC soul-NMLZ-ACC-but ‘I do not work the unknowing ground, but the knowing one. And not the one without feeling, but the one with feeling. And not the one without soul, but the one with soul.’

155

9.2. COORDINATED NOMINAL PREDICATES

In (304), (305), and (306), -ⲉⲛⲕⲱ translates Greek ἀλλὰ, in (307) εἰ μὴ. 9.2. Coordinated Nominal Predicates Just like noun phrases (§9.1.1), nominal predicates can be joined asyndetically, without any overt conjunction: (309) SC 12.8–11 ᫥ ⲇⲁⲩⲧⲓ ⲙⲁ[ⲧⲁ]ⲣ ⲁⳟⲁ ⲡⲉⲥⲉⲛ ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱ[·] ⲧⲖⲗⲖ ⲀⲙⲤⲕⲁⲇⲁ· Ⲁⲗⲉⲕⲁⲧⲧⲁ[·] ⲧⲱⲉⲕⲕⲁⲧⲧⲁ· Ⲁⲉⲥⲕⲁⲧⲧⲁ· dauti-∅

matar

aŋ-a

pes-en

kellō

David-NOM witness become-PRED speak-PFV.PRS.2/3SG as.LOC

till-il-∅

amiskad-a ale-katt-a

tōek-katt-a

aesk-att-a

God-DET-NOM judge-PRED true-ADJ-PRED power-ADJ-PRED patient-ADJ-PRED ‘As David becomes a witness and says that God is a judge, truthful, powerful, patient.’ (Ps 7:12)

For the phrase in (309) ⲧⲖⲗⲖ ⲀⲙⲤⲕⲁⲇⲁ· Ⲁⲗⲉⲕⲁⲧⲧⲁ[·] ⲧⲱⲉⲕⲕⲁⲧⲧⲁ· Ⲁⲉⲥⲕⲁⲧⲧⲁ· we find the Greek ὁ θεὸς κριτὴς δίκαιος καὶ ἰσχυρὸς καὶ μακρόθυμος. Otherwise, nominal predicates may be linked with the set of suffixes based on the coordinator -ⲇⲉ: -ⲇⲉⲛⲟⲩ…-ⲇⲉⲛⲁⲣ or -ⲇⲉⲛⲟⲩ…-ⲇⲉⲛⲟⲩ: (310) P.QI 3 34.i.42–45 ᫥ ⲁⲓⲟⲩ ⲡⲁⲡⲟⲛ ⳦ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩⲟⲩⲛ ⲟⲩⲣⲁⲛⲁⲇⲉⲛⲟⲩ ⲥⲖⲙⲚ ⲕⲤⲇⲁⲩⲟⲩⲛ ⲧⲟⲧⲁⲇⲉⲛⲁⲗ· aiou papon pr(esbuteros) ourou-oun ouran-a-denou silmi-n 1SG

Papon

kis-dauoun

priest

king-GEN

chief-PRED-CONJ

Ibrim-GEN

tot-a-denal

church-big.GEN tot-PRED-CONJ ‘I, priest Papon, chief of the king and tot of the Great Church of Ibrim.’

(311) P.QI 3 38.4–8 ᫥ Ⲁⲇⲁⲙⲁ ⲙⲓⲅⲓⲧⲚ ⲅⲟⲩⲛ ⲥⲟⳟⲟⳝⲁⲇⲉⲛⲟⲩ· ⲡⲁⲣⲁⲛ ⲥⲁⲙⲉⲧⲁⲇⲉⲛⲟⲩ· ⲉⲚ· adama miɡ-it-in

ɡoun

soŋoj-a-denou para-n

Adama Nobadia-NMLZ-GEN land.GEN soŋoj-PRED-CONJ Faras-GEN

samet-a-denou ein samet-PRED-CONJ be ‘While Adama is soŋoj (eparch) of the land of the Nobadians and samet (domesticus) of Faras …’

In one example, the first -ⲇⲉ has been dropped. It is unclear whether this is intentional or a scribal mistake:

156

9. COORDINATION

(312) P.QI 1 4.i.10–11 ai-lo

᫥

ⲁⲓⲗⲟ ⲉⲚⲛⲉ ⳟⲁⲇⲉⲗⲣⲁⲛⲟⲩ Ⲁⳡⳝⲁⲇⲉⲛⲁⲗ·

ein-n-e

ŋadelr-a-nou

añj-a-denal

1SG-FOC be-PRS-1SG.PRED resurrection-PRED-CONJ life-PRED-CONJ ‘I am the resurrection and the life.’ (Jn 11:25)

We find one occasion at which the suffixes are combined with the conjunction ⲟⲛ (§9.1.2): (313) SC 1.1–5 ᫥ ⳟⲤⲉⲛⲟⲕⲖ ⲓⲱⲁⲛⲥⲏ ⲕⲟⲗⲤⲧⲁⲛ[ⲧ]ⲓ[ⲛⲟ]ⲡⲟⲗⲚ ⲁⲣⲭⲏⲈⲡ[ⲓ]ⲥⲕⲟⲃⲟⲥⲁⲇⲉⲛⲟⲩ ⲟⲛ ⲁⲕⲖ ⳟⲁⲡⲔ[ⲟⲁⲇ]ⲉⲛⲁⲛⲛⲁ [Ⲥⲧ]ⲁⲩⲣ[ⲟ]ⲥⲟⲩ ⳟⲟⲕⲕⲟⲛⲕⲓⲛ ⲟⲣⲱⲥ[ⲉⲛ ⲥⲁⲗⲁⲗⲟ·] ŋis-enok-il

iōansē kolistantinopol-in arkhēepiskobos-a-denou

holy-COMP-PRS John

on

akil

Constantinople-GEN, archbishop-PRED-CONJ

ŋapi-ko-a-denan-na

istaurosou ŋok-konk-in

and mouth gold-ADJ-PRED-CONJ-GEN cross

orōse-n

glory-NMLZ-GEN

sal-a-lo

praise-GEN word-PRED-FOC ‘This is the word of praise of the Holy Cross of the holiest John, Archbishop of Constantinople and golden-mouthed.’

In Late Old Nubian, the conjunctions -ⲇⲉⲛⲁⲣ and -ⲇⲉⲛⲟⲩ are also found solely on the second coordinated member, perhaps signaling that the construction was already falling into disuse: (314) P.QI 3 40.11–12 ᫥ ⲁⲓ ⲁⲇⲁⲙⲁ ⲙⲓⲅⲓⲧⲚ ⲅⲟⲩⲛ ⲥⲟⳟⲟⳝⲓⲗ ⲟⲩⲉⲕⲅⲣⲀ ⲡⲁⲣⲁⲛ ⲥⲁⲙⲉⲧⲁⲇⲉⲛⲁⲗⲗⲟ· ai-∅

adama miɡ-it-in

ɡoun

soŋoj-il

ouek-ɡir-a

1SG-NOM Adama Nobadia-NMLZ-GEN land.GEN soŋoj-DET one-CAUS-PRED

para-n

samet-a-denal-lo

Faras-GEN samet-PRED-CONJ-FOC ‘I am Adama, the soŋoj (eparch) of the land of the Nobadians and also samet (domesticus) of Faras.’

(315) P.QI 3 32.6–8 ᫥ ⲇⲁⲩⲧⲓ ⲥⲟⲩⲛⲧⲓⲈ ⲇⲁⲩⲟⲩⲣⲁ ⲉⲓⲛⲚ ⲇⲁⲇⲧⲓ ⲉⲡⲓⲥⲧⲟⲗⲓⲛ ⲥⲟⲩⲛⲧⲟⲩⲈⲇⲉⲛⲟⲩ ⲉⲓⲛⲚ dauti-∅

sountie dauour-a ein-in

Dauti-NOM scribe

da(vi)dti-∅ epistol-in

great-PRED be-PRS.2/3SG David-NOM

epistle-GEN

sountoue-denou ein-in scribe.PRED-CONJ

be-PRS.2/3SG

‘While Dauti is the great scribe and David the epistolary scribe …’

157

9.3. COORDINATED CONVERBS

9.3. Coordinated Converbs Although a series of actions that would in English be coordinated by the conjunction ‘and’ can be formed in Old Nubian solely by means of converbs (§7.2.3), the coordinating suffixes used for nominal predicates (§9.2), -ⲇⲉⲛⲟⲩ… -ⲇⲉⲛⲁⲣ or -ⲇⲉⲛⲟⲩ…-ⲇⲉⲛⲟⲩ, may also be used. This is expected, as both nominal predicates and dependent verbs are marked with a predicate marker -ⲁ. The use of coordinating suffixes with converbs, however, is uncommon and may emphasize the contemporaneity of the actions that are linked. (316) I.Bang 718.1–5 ᫥ ⲁⲓ ⲧⲉⲉⲓⲧⲁ ⲙⲟⲩⲕⲇⲁⲕⲕⲟⲛ ⲓ(ⲏⲥⲟⲩ)ⲥ ⲕⲟⲛ ⳟⲁⲇⲉⲛⲟⲩ ⲧⲓⲛⲟⲛ ⲭⲡⲑ ⲕⲟⲛ ⳟⲁⲇⲉⲛⲟⲩ ⲈⲇⲚ ⲅⲁⲃⲣⲓⲎⲗⲓ ⲕⲟⲛ ⳟⲁⲇⲉⲛⲁⲗ – ⲀⲑⲨⲣ ⲕⲃ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲁ ⲕⲋ ⲡⲟⲩϣⲚ ⲃ ⲡⲁⲈⲓⲥⲉⲗⲟ. ai-∅ teeita moukdakko-n 1SG

iēsous kon ŋ-a-denou

Teeita Moukdakko-GEN Jesus

689

kon ŋ-a-denou

edi-n

ɡabriēli kon ŋ-a-denal

Michael have become-PRED-CONJ Edi-GEN Gabriel

athur

22 oun-na

26 pouš-in

tino-n

have become-PRED-CONJ west-GEN have become-PRED-CONJ

2 paei-s-e-lo

Hathyr 22 moon-GEN 26 week-GEN 2 write-PST2-1SG.PRED-FOC ‘I, Teeita, got (the Church of) Jesus at Moukdakko, got (the Church of) Michael of the West, and got (the Church of) Gabriel at Edi, and I wrote (this) while it was Hathyr 22, 26th (day) of the moon, second (day) of the week.’

(317) St 28.2–7 ᫧ ⲟⲛⲧⲁⲕⲣⲀⲅⲟⲩⲉⲕⲉ ⲉⲣ ⳝⲘⲙⲖⲅⲟⲩⲗ ⲧ[ⲁ]ⲣⲓⲞ ⳝⲱⲀ· ⲁⳡⲓⲇⲉⲛⲟⲩ ⲁⲩⲉⲦ[ⲕ]ⲁ ⲕ[ⲟ]ⲇⲉⲛⲟⲩ ⲉⲔⲕ[Ⲧⲧ] ⲉⲆⲇⲣⲞⲥⲚ· on-tak-ir-a-ɡoue-ke

er

jimmil-ɡou-l-∅

tari-o

love-PASS-PRS-PRED-PL.PRED-2PL 1PL.INCL everyone-PL-DET-NOM 3SG-LOC

jōa

añ-idenou aue-it-ka

through live-CONJ

ko-denou eikk-itt

friend-NMLZ-ACC have-CONJ comfort-NMLZ

eid-d-ir-o-sin receive-INTEN-PRS-1/2PL.PRED-EMP ‘Beloved! We will all live, have friendship, and receive comfort through him.’

There is one attestation of the conjunction ⲟⲛ being used between a converb and a main verb, perhaps in imitation of the Greek Vorlage: (318) DP 3.4 ᫡ ⲥⲓⲱⲛ ⲟⲩⲗⲅⲣⲁ ⲟⲛ ⲡⲤⲥⲓⲥⲛⲁ⳼ siōn-∅

oulɡ-r-a

on

piss-is-n-a

Sion-NOM ear-TR-PRED and rejoice-PST2-2/3SG-PRED ‘Sion heard and rejoiced.’ (Ps 96:8)

158

9. COORDINATION

9.4. Coordinated Clauses It is difficult to precisely define clause coordination in Old Nubian. Relations between sentences are often expressed by means of topic and focus markers (§5) rather than by conjunctions, and therefore most clause coordination is by nature asyndetic. There are, however, a number of conjunctions, both independent and postpositional. The independent conjunctions can be divided into those morphologically simple: ⲟⲛ ‘and’ (§9.4.1), and those that are complex, which all appear to have been built on a verbal root: ⲙⲉⲛⲉⲛⲛⲟⲛ ‘or’ (§9.4.2); and ⲙⲁⲅⲣⲉⲛⲛⲟⲛ, ⲙⲁⲅⲣⲉⲛⲉⲛⲇⲉ, ⲙⲁⲅⲢⲕⲟⲛ(ⲛⲟ)ⲉⲛⲇⲉ ‘but’ (§9.4.3). Both complex conjunctions appear to be a product of literary language, and do not appear in the documentary material. The postpositional clausal conjunctions are limited to -(ⲕ)ⲟⲛ (§9.4.4), which is a development of Late Old Nubian, -ⲇⲉ (§9.4.6), and -ⲉⲛⲇⲉ (§9.4.7). 9.4.1. ⲟⲛ ‘and’ The coordinating conjunction ⲟⲛ is rarely used to connect two consecutive clauses. Occasionally, however, it appears in addition to the topic marking that usually facilitates the establishment of a relation between two clauses. (319) K 29.12–30.3 ᫥ ⲁⲗⲗⲟⲩⲓⲁ ⲉⲓⲁⲡⲡⲁ ⲑⲉⲗⲕⲁⲑ ⲙⲁⲣⲓⲙⲁⲑ ⲉⲥⲚ· ⲉⲓⲅⲉⲓⲣⲓⲟⲛ ⲅⲠⲢⲧⲁ ⲕⲤⲥⲓⲧⲁⲕⲉⲛ· ⲧⲖⲗⲟⲩ ⳝⲘⲙⲖⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲥⲘⲡⲓⲧⲁⲣⲟⲕⲕⲁ ⳟⲟⲟⲕ ⲧⲣⲁⲙⲥⲟ· ⲟⲛ ⲧⲁⲕⲕⲟⲛ ⲧⲁⲣⲟⲩⲁⲙⲥⲟ ⲉⲥⲚ allouia ei-appa thelkath marimath e-sin Alleluia say-appa Thelkath Marimath

kiss-itak-en

turn-PRED

tillou jimmil-ɡou-ka simpit-ar-o-k-ka

loosen-PASS-PFV.PRS.2/3SG God

ŋook tr-am-so

eiɡeiri-on ɡipirt-a

say-EMP word-TOP

all-PL-ACC

on

tak-k-on

foundation-TR-PST1-ACC

tarou-am-so

glory give>2/3-IMP.1PL-COMM and 3SG-ACC-TOP praise-IMP.1PL-COMM

e-sin say-EMP ‘For to say “Alleluia” is to say “Thelkath Marimath”, and the word, when translated, means “Let us give glory to the God who established all, and let us praise him!”’

9.4.2. ⲙⲉⲛⲉⲛⲛⲟⲛ ‘or’ Like ⲙⲉⲛⲉⲛ (§9.1.5), ⲙⲉⲛⲉⲛⲛⲟⲛ derives from the negative copula ⲙⲉⲛ ‘to not be’. Its verbal origin can still be noticed in the following example:

159

9.4. COORDINATED CLAUSES

(320) K 25.10–26.1 ᫥ ⲕⲟⲣⲁⲕⲁ ⲉⲧⲉⲛⲛⲟⲛ ⲉⲚⲛⲁ ⲀⲉⲖⲇⲉ ⲟⲕⲕⲁⲛⲛⲏⲇⲉⲕⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲕⲟⲕⲉⲓⲣⲁ ⲕⲟⲣⲉⲕⲁ ⲕⲉⲓⲁ ⲉⲓⲧⲉⲥⲟ· ⲁⲗⲉⲥⲓⲛ ⲙⲉⲛⲉⲛⲟⲛ ⲧⲁⲡⲡⲁⲧⲧⲁⲙⲏ· kora-ka

et-en-non

ein-na

aeil-de

sacrament-ACC take-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-TOP 2SG-GEN heart-CONJ

ok-kannē-dekek-ka ko-keir-a feel-NMLZ-CONJ-ACC

kore-ka

kei-a

pure-CAUS-PRED sacrament-ACC come-PRED

eit-e-so

alesin men-en-on

take-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM if

not.be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-TOP

tappat-ta-mē touch.TR-NEG-JUS.SG ‘When you take the sacrament, then purify your heart and feelings, and come and take the sacrament! If you do not, then do not touch it!’

Also in the following example a translation that retains the negative may perhaps be best: (321) SC 2.7–9 ᫧ [ⲙⲁⲕⲁⲛ] ⳟⲁⲉⲓ[Ⲁ ⲟⲩ]ⲕ Ⲟⲕⲓⳝⲁⲣⲣⲉ· ⲧⲓ[ⲕⲁⲛⲉⲅ]ⲟⲩⲈⲙⲁ ⲥ[ⲉ]ⲛⲁ· ⲙⲉⲛⲉⲛⲛⲟⲛ ⲕⲟⲣ[ⲟⲥⲉ]ⲅⲟⲩⲈⲙ[ⲁ·] makan

ŋaei-a ou-k

ok-ij-ar-r-e

therefore who-DD 2PL-ACC call-PLACT-INTEN-PRS-1SG.PRED

tikan-e-ɡoue-m-a

sena

men-en-non

sheep-PL.PRED-PL.PRED-AFF-DD

WH.PRED

not.be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-TOP

koros-eɡoue-m-a shepherd-PL.PRED-PL.PRED-AFF-DD ‘Therefore what shall I call you? Sheep and not shepherds?’

Elsewhere, it is best translated with the conjunction ‘or’: (322) St 12.9–12 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲧⲁⳟⲤⲗⲇⲱ ⲡⲁⳡⳡⲖⲕⲁ ⳝⲚⲅⲢⲉⲛⲕⲁⲛ· ⲙⲉⲛⲉⲛⲟⲛ ⲕⲁⲩⲉⲔⲕⲁ ⲕⲓⲧⲢⲉⲛⲕⲁⲛ tan

taŋis-l-dō

paññ-il-ka

jin-ɡir-en-ka-n

3SG.GEN name-DET-SUPE hungry-PRS-ACC fill-CAUS-COP-SUBORD-2/3SG

menenon kaueik-ka kit-ir-en-kan or

naked-ACC garment-TR-COP-SUBORD-2/3SG

‘If he feeds the hungry in its name or clothes the naked …’

(323) K 26.10–27.1 ᫥ ⲙⲛⲁ ⲉⲓⲣⲟⲩ ⲧⲖⲗⲓⲗⲟ ⲅⲟⲉⲓⲁⲛ ⲇⲁⲩⲉⲓⲛⲁⲓ:/ ⲙⲉⲛⲉⲛⲟⲛ ⲉⲓⲥⲕⲁⲣⲁⲅⲣⲁ ⲧⲖⲗⲚ ⲧⲉⲇⲟⲩⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲡⲁⲇⲉⲓⳡⲁ ⲡⲁⲇⲇⲉⲓⲛⲁⲓ·

160

9. COORDINATION

mn-a

eirou-∅ till-ilo

ɡoeian dauei-n-a-i

what-PRED 2SG-NOM God-LOC than

menenon eiskaraɡra till-in or

how

great-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-2SG

ted-ouɡou-ka padeiñ-a

God-GEN law-PL-ACC

transgress-PRED

pad-d-ein-a-i come.out-INTEN-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-2SG ‘Are you greater than God? Or how will you transgress the laws of God?’

(324) P.QI 1 7.i.1–3 ᫡ ⲙⲛⲀ ⲟⲩⲣⲟ[ⲩⲉⲓⲟ ⳝⲟ]ⲩⲛ ⲧⲖⲗⲚ ⲥⲁⲗⲖ ⲡⲁⲗⲁ ⲕⲣⲞⲛⲁ· ⲙⲉⲛⲉⲛⲛⲟ[ⲛ ⲟⲩⲣ]ⲟⲩ ⲁⲩⲣⲟⲩⲧⲟⲩⲅⲟⲩⲅⲖⲗⲉⲉⲓⲟⲛ· ⲇⲟⲩⲀ ⲕⲣⲞⲛ[ⲁ· min-a

ourou-eio joun

what-PRED 2PL-LOC

kir-on-a

sal-il-∅

pal-a

menennon ourou aurout-ouɡou-ɡille-eion

come-PST1.2/3SG-PRED or

dou-a

till-in

because God-GEN word-DET-NOM come.out-PRED 2PL

alone-PL-ALL-TOP

kir-on-a

seek-PRED come-PST1.2/3SG-PRED ‘Has the word of God come forth from you, or has it reached you alone?’ (1 Cor 14:36)

9.4.3. ⲙⲁⲅⲣ- ‘but’ Like ⲙⲉⲛⲉⲛⲛⲟⲛ (§9.4.2), the complex conjunction ⲙⲁⲅⲣⲉⲛⲛⲟⲛ is built upon a verbal basis ⲙⲁⲅⲣ-, most probably a (negative) verbal root ⲙⲁ-, whose meaning has been lost, followed by the causative -ⲅⲣ (§13.2.2). Several complex conjunctions can be built on this verbal basis, all with the same meaning, ‘but’: (325) CONJUNCTIONS WITH ⲙⲁⲅⲣ• ⲙⲁⲅⲣ-ⲉⲛ-ⲛⲟⲛ with topic marker -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ (§5.1); • ⲙⲁⲅⲣ-ⲉⲛ-ⲉⲛⲇⲉ with conjunction -ⲉⲛⲇⲉ (§9.4.7); • ⲙⲁⲅⲢ-ⲕⲟⲛ-ⲉⲛⲇⲉ conditional (§8.2.3) with conjunction -ⲉⲛⲇⲉ (§9.4.7); • ⲙⲁⲅⲢ-ⲕⲟⲛ-ⲛⲟ-ⲉⲛⲇⲉ conditional with locative -ⲗⲟ (§8.2.3) and conjunction -ⲉⲛⲇⲉ (§9.4.7). Although the distribution of the particular forms is unclear, their meaning appears to be equivalent. (326) M 5.5–9 ᫥ ⲙⲁⲅⲣⲉⲛⲛⲟⲛ ⲁⲓⲇⲁⲗ⳿ ⲟⲩⲛⲧⲔ ⲁⲩⲀ ⲫⲓⲗⲟⲝⲉⲛⲓⲧⲏⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲁⲓⲉⲔ⳿ ⲉⲆⲇⲁⲗ ⲕⲟⳝⲟⲩⲉⲥⲱ· maɡrennon ai-dal but

oun-t-ik

au-a

philoxenitē-ɡille ai-eik

1SG-COM love-NMLZ-ACC do-PRED Philoxenite-ALL

1SG-ACC

161

9.4. COORDINATED CLAUSES

eid-dal

ko-jou-e-sō

2SG-COM have-go-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM ‘But do me a favor and have me go with you to Philoxenite!’

(327) M 6.11–14 ᫥ ⲉⲦⲧⲁ· ⲉⲆⲇⲉ ⲀⲉⲦⲧⲁⲕⲁⲧⲁⲙⲏ· ⲙⲁⲅⲢⲕⲟⲛ⳿ⲉⲛⲇⲉ ⲉⲚ ⲕⲟⲩⲙⲡⲟⲩⲕⲟⲛ ⲁⲒⲕⲁ ⲇⲓⲛⲉⲥⲱ· eitt-a

eid-de

aeit-tak-a-ta-mē

maɡirkonende

woman-PRED 2SG-ADE insult-PASS-PRED-NEG-JUS.SG but

ein

koumpou-k-on ai-ka

DEM.PROX

egg-ACC-TOP

din-e-sō

1SG-ACC give>1-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM

‘Woman, do not you be insulted, but give that egg to me!’

(328) L 106.7–8 ᫧ ⲙⲁⲅⲣⲉⲛⲉⲛⲇⲉ ⲧⲟⲩⲗⲗⲓⳟⲁⲛⲁⲥⲱ[⳹] ⲁⲓ ⲕⲟⲥ[ⲙⲟ]ⲥⲕ ⲉⲥⲕⲓⲥⲉⲥⲚ::– maɡrenende toull but

aŋ-an-a-sō

ai-∅

kosmos-k

strong become-IMP.2/3PL-PRED-COMM 1SG-NOM world-ACC

esk-is-e-sin conquer-PST2-1SG.PRED-EMP ‘But become strong; I have conquered the world!’ (Jn 16:33)

(329) SC 14.1–6 ᫧ ⲉⲘⲙⲉ ⲁⲓⲇⲉ ⲧⲁⲩⲕ[ⲁ] ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲛⲟ ⲁⲛⲛⲔ ⲟ[ⲩⲗ]ⲅⲣⲉⲛⲕⲁ· ⲙⲁⲅⲢⲕⲟⲛⲛⲟⲉⲛⲇⲉ ⲕⲠⲧⲟ[ⲩ] ⲉⲓⲕⲁ ⳟⲟⳝⲉⲗⲅⲟⲩⲗⲟ ⳝⲱⲁⲗⲟ ⲡⲉⲥⲣⲉ· ⲡⲓⲥⲧⲉⲩⲕⲟⲁⲛⲛⲟⲀ· ⲉⲚ ⲁⲓⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲧⲣⲉⲥⲕ[ⲁ·] ei-m-m-e

ai-∅-de

tauk-a

miššan-no an-n-ik

know-AFF-PRS-1SG.PRED 1SG-NOM-CONJ time-PRED all-LOC

oulɡ-r-en-ka

maɡirkonnoende kiptou eik-a

ear-TR-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-ACC but

ŋoj-el-ɡou-lo

1SG-GEN-ACC

people near-PRED

jōa-lo

pes-r-e

stand-PFV.PRS-PL-LOC because-FOC speak-PRS-1SG.PRED

pisteu-ko-an-no-a

ein

ai-ka

eitr-es-ka

believe-SUBORD-3PL-LOC-PRED 2SG.GEN 1SG-ACC send-PST2-ACC ‘I know that you always hear the things I (say), but because of the people standing nearby I speak so that they believe that you sent me.’ (Jn 11:42)

9.4.4. -ⲕⲟⲛ ‘and’ Middle Old Nubian developed the coordinating suffix -ⲕⲟⲛ ‘and’ based on the independent coordinator ⲟⲛ. The coordinator -ⲕⲟⲛ can be distinguished from the topic marker -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ (§5.1) in that the syntactic distribution of the former is different from the latter’s. The topic marker -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ appears strictly on the right edge of the highest constituent of a main clause, while the coordinator

162

9. COORDINATION

-ⲕⲟⲛ is attached to constituents that are coordinated. Their near homophony has in the previous grammatical descriptions of the language led to the confusion that they are one and the same morpheme (e.g., G. M. Browne 2002c, 73). The appearance of the coordinator -ⲕⲟⲛ, however, must be seen as a later development in Old Nubian, at the moment that the function of -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ as topic marker, and the topic–focus marking system in general, had already strongly deteriorated. This particular coordinator is frequently used in three Bible translations found in Qaṣr Ibrīm, P.QI 1 5, 8, and 9, while single attestations have also been found in St and K. In all cases, the usage of the coordinator -ⲕⲟⲛ involves a construction with the auxiliary verb ⲉ(ⲓ)ⲛ ‘to be’ (§14.1), which carries tense and person marking. The dependent verb marked with -ⲕⲟⲛ is always marked with present tense -ⲗ, although this is often dropped or reduced to -ⲓ: (330) P.QI 1 5.i.6–7 ᫥ ⲡⲉⲥⲓⲕⲟⲛ ⲉⲛⲥⲛⲁ· ⲧⲉⲇⲅⲖⲗⲉ· pes-i-kon

en-s-n-a

ted-ɡille

speak-PRS-CONJ be-PST2-2/3SG-PRED 3PL-ALL ‘And she said to them.’ (Jn 20:2)

(331) P.QI 1 9.ii.19–20 ⲁⲙⲟⲛ Ⲉⲛⲟⲛⲁ· ŋl-i-kon

᫥

ⳟⲗⲓⲕⲟⲛ ⲉⲓⲛⲓⲥⲉ ⲉⲤⲥⲚ ⳟⲓⳝⳝ ⲁⳟⲟⲩⲗ ⲡⲖⲗⲁⲣ-

ein-is-e

eissin ŋijj

aŋ-oul-∅

see-PRS-CONJ be-PST2-1SG.PRED behold cloud become-PST1.DET-NOM

pill-ar-a-mon

en-on-a

shine-PST1-PRED-CONJ be-PST1.2/3SG-PRED ‘And I looked, behold, it had become a cloud, and it was shining.’ (Rev 14:14)

In some cases, the present tense on the dependent verb is fully dropped (or assimilated): (332) P.QI 1 4.i.15–17 ᫥ ⲡⲉⲥⲕⲟⲛ ⲉⲚⲥⲛⲁ Ⲉ ⳟⲟⲇⲁ ⲁⲒ ⲧⲁ ⲡⲤⲧⲉⲩⲉⲘⲙⲉ ⲉⲓⲣ ⲉⲛⲉⲛⲕⲁ· ⲭⲣⲓⲥⲧⲟⲥⲓ ⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥⲗⲁ ⲕⲣⲟⲗ· pes-kon ein-s-n-a

e

ŋod-a

ai

say-CONJ be-PST2-2/3SG-PRED oh lord-PRED 1SG

pisteue-im-m-e

eir-∅

en-en-ka

ta PTC.PFV

khristosi

believe-AFF-PRS-1SG.PRED 2SG-NOM be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-ACC Christ

kosmos-la kr-ol-∅ world-DAT

come-PST1.DET-NOM

‘And she said: “Oh Lord, I believe that you are the Christ who came into this world.”’ (Jn 11:26)

163

9.4. COORDINATED CLAUSES

(333) P.QI 1 8.ii.6–7 ᫧ ⲁⲩⲧⲁⲕⲕⲟⲛ ⲉⲚⲥⲛⲁ [Ⲗⲇⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗ·] ⲧⲟⲩⲣⲅⲟⲩⲗ· ⲡⲗⲉⲧⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗ· ⲅⲉⳡⳡⲓⲅⲟⲩ[ⲗ·] au-tak-kon

ein-s-n-a

ild-iɡou-l-∅

tour-ɡou-l-∅

do-PASS-CONJ be-PST2-2/3SG-PRED voice-PL-DET-NOM thunder-PL-DET-NOM

plet-iɡou-l-∅

ɡeññ-ɡou-l-∅

lightning-PL-DET-NOM earthquake-PL-DET-NOM ‘And there occurred voices, thunders, lightnings, earthquakes.’ (Rev 8:5)

(334) K 33.11–15 ᫥ ⲁⲩⲧⲁⲕⲕⲟⲛ ⲉⲛⲁⲙⲏ ⲉⲛⲛⲁ ⳟⲟⲇⲟⲩ ⲉⲛⲛⲟⲩ ⲓⲏⲥⲟⲩⲥⲓ ⲭⲣⲓⲥⲧⲟⲥⲓⲞ Ⲧⳝⲟ ⳟⲁⲉⲣⲇⲉ ⲧⲦⲧⲖⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲕⲁ ⲧⲟⲩⲅⲅⲁⲇⲇⲉⲗ· au-tak-kon

en-a-mē

en-na

ŋodou en-nou

do-PASS-CONJ be-PRED-JUS.SG 1PL.INCL-GEN lord

khristosi-o tijo ŋaer-de Christ-LOC

by

iēsousi

1PL.INCL-GEN Jesus

tit-t-il-dekel-ka

salvation-CONJ give>2/3-NMLZ-DET-CONJ-ACC

touɡ-ɡad-d-el-∅ enter-CAUS-INTEN-PFV.PRS.DET-NOM ‘And may there be done by our Lord, our Jesus Christ that which will cause salvation and grace to enter!’

However, when the verb marked with -ⲕⲟⲛ has perfective aspect, the full present tense morpheme is still visible: (335) St 28.7–10 ᫥ ⲁⲩⲉⲗⲕⲟⲛ ⲉⲛⲁⲙⲏ· ⲟⲩⲉⲓⲰ· Ⲥⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲏ ⳟ[ⲟ]ⲕⲕⲟⲗⲟ ⳝⲱⲀ — au-el-kon

en-a-mē

ouei-ō

istaurosē

do-PFV.PRS-CONJ be-PRED-JUS.SG 1PL.EXCL-LOC cross

ŋok-ko-lo

jōa

glory-ADJ-LOC through ‘And let him act in us through the glorious cross!’

(336) P.QI 1 9.ii.5–6 ᫥ ⳟⲉⲥⲣⲉⲗⲕⲟⲛ ⲉⲓⲛⲙⲤⲥⲁⲛⲁⲗⲟ· ⲟⲩⲕⲟⲩⲣⲇⲉ Ⲟⲁⲣⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲗⲟ ŋes-r-el-kon

ein-mis-s-an-a-lo

oukour-de oar-dekel-lo

rest-TR-PFV.PRS-CONJ be-NEG-PST2-3PL-PRED-FOC day-CONJ

night-CONJ-LOC

‘And they were not resting in the day and night.’ (Rev 14:11)

We find one surprisingly early attestation in SC: (337) SC 14.6–11 ᫧ ⲉⲚⲉⳡⳡⲓⲧ[ⲁ]ⲕⲥⲚⲕⲟⲛ ⳟⲟⲇⲟⲩ ⲉⲛⲛⲖ ⲧⲁⲣⲓⲞ ⳝⲟⲩ[ⲛ ⲉ]ⳡⳡⲓⲧⲁⲕⲙⲉⲛⲛⲁ[ⲗ]ⲱ· ⲧⲁⲡⲓⲗ[ⲟ ⳝⲟ]ⲩ[ⲛ]ⲉⲛⲇⲉ· ⲥⲉⲩⲁⲣⲧ[ⲓ] ⳟⲤⲥⲗⲟ

164

9. COORDINATION

ⳝⲟ[ⲩ]ⲛⲉⲛⲇⲉ· ⲉⲓⲉⲚ ⲕⲁⲩⲉⲓⲅⲟⲩⲛ ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲓⲀⲉⲛⲕⲱ· Ⲥⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲗ[ⲟ] ⳝⲱⲀⲗⲱ ⳝⲓⲙⲙⲓⲗ ⲁⳟⲟⲛⲁ· en-eññ-itak-s-in-kon

ŋodou enn-il-∅

carry-suffer-PASS-PST2-2/3SG-CONJ Lord

joun

tari-o

1PL.INCL.GEN-DET-NOM 3SG-LOC

eññ-itak-men-n-a-lō

tapi-lo

because suffer-PASS-NEG-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-FOC 3SG.POSS.father-LOC

joun-ende

seuarti ŋiss-lo

because-NEG.CONJ spirit

kauei-ɡou-n

joun-ende

jouri-a-enkō istauros-lo jōa-lō

first.born.PL-PL-GEN cause-DAT-but cross-LOC

jimmil

ei-e-in

holy-LOC because-NEG.CONJ man-NMLZ-GEN through-FOC

aŋ-on-a

everything become-PST1.2/3SG-PRED ‘And if he suffered, our Lord did not suffer because of himself, nor because of his Father, nor because of the Holy Spirit, but for the sake of the first-borns of mankind he became everything through the cross.’

Even though in (337) ⲉⲚⲉⳡⳡⲓⲧ[ⲁ]ⲕⲥⲚⲕⲟⲛ suggests that the coordinator -ⲕⲟⲛ developed much earlier than in Late Old Nubian, it is most likely that the entire phrase is an interpolation by a copyist, as also witnessed by the anachronistic appearance of the inverted genitive ⳟⲟⲇⲟⲩ ⲉⲛⲛⲖ (§15.1.2.1.1), which only appears in the archaizing style (cf. Van Gerven Oei and Tsakos 2019b). That the coordinator -ⲕⲟⲛ probably developed from the combination of accusative -ⲕ and conjunction ⲟⲛ can be surmised from documentary texts, for example the royal proclamation from Qaṣr Ibrīm dated 29 Mesori 871 AM (August 23, 1156): (338) P.QI 3 30.15–17 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲉⲗ· ⲉⲛⲇⲉ· ⲁⲓⲇⲁⲗ ⲟⲩⲥⲕⲁ· ⳟⲁⲅⲅⲏⲙⲓⲛⲖ· ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲟ· ⲁⲓⲟ ⲧⲁⲩⲟ ⲕⲉⲧⳟⲁ· ⲇⲁⲣⲁⲛ· ⲧⲖⲗⲚ ⲧⲁⳟⲥⲟⲩ ⳟⲤⲥⲓⲕⲟⲛ ⲧⲁⲣⲀ· ⲟⲅⲓⲣⲁⲛ· ⲥⲖⲙⲓⲁ· ⲙⲓⲭⲁⲏⲗⲕⲟ· ⲙⲟⲧⲓⲕⲟⲛ ⲧⲟⲧⲖ ⲁⲓⲅⲖⲗⲉ· ⲉⲔⲕⲆⲇⲁ· ⲕⲓⲣⲁ· ouel-∅-ende

ai-dal

ousk-a

ŋaɡɡ-ēmin-(i)l

kello

one-NOM-NEG.CONJ 1SG-COM speak.against-PRED deny-NEG-PRS.DET as(?).LOC

ai-o

tauo ket

ŋ-a

dar-an

till-in

taŋsou

1SG-LOC under humble become-PRED exist.PRS-3PL God-GEN name

ŋiss-ik-on

tar-a

oɡ-ir-an

silmi-a

mikhaēl-ko motiko-n

holy-ACC-CONJ come-PRED call-PRS-3PL Ibrim-DAT Mikhael-ADJ Motiko-GEN

tot-il-∅

ai-ɡille eikkidd-a kir-a

tot-DET-NOM 1SG-ALL direct-PRED come.PRS-PRED ‘While, as no one denies or speaks against me, they become humble under me, and come calling out the holy name of God, the tot of Motiko who has the (Church of) Michael in Ibrim came directing himself to me.’

165

9.4. COORDINATED CLAUSES

In (338), the ending -ⲕ-ⲟⲛ on the noun phrase ⲧⲖⲗⲚ ⲧⲁⳟⲥⲟⲩ ⳟⲤⲥⲓⲕⲟⲛ cannot contain the topic marker -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ, because it is the object in a subordinate clause with the verb ⲟⲅⲓⲣⲁⲛ. The interpretation of -ⲟⲛ must therefore be strictly that of a coordinator. We find the same combination in a land sale from Qaṣr Ibrīm dated 7 Athyr 1180 AM (November 14, 1463): (339) P.QI 4 63.7–8 ᫥ ⲅⲉⲧⲧⲏ ⳟⲁⲥⲥⲏⲗⲁ · ⲇ· ⳣⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲟⲛⳟⲟⲕⲁⲕⲟⲛ ⲕⲁⲥⲗⲁⲕⲟⲛ ⳝⲁⲛⲛⲁ Ⲧⳝⳝⲏⲥⲉⲗⲟ ɡettē

ŋassē-la 4 wek-ka eionŋoka-k-on

kasla-k-on

cornfield high-DAT 4 one-ACC Eionŋoka-ACC-CONJ Kasla-ACC-CONJ

jann-a

tij-j-ēs-e-lo

exchange-PRED give>2/3-PLACT-PST2-1SG.PRED-FOC ‘I sold one fourth of the high cornfield to Eionŋoka and Kasla.’

Although in (338) and (339) the accusative case can still be distinguished from the coordinator, subsequently the accusative case was incorporated, leading to the coordinator -ⲕⲟⲛ and eventually the Nobiin form -goon (Werner 1987, §8.3.1). The spelling -ⲅⲟⲛ has been attested in an unpublished letter from Qaṣr Ibrīm (Van Gerven Oei 2014, 181). The form -ⲕⲟⲛ appears otherwise mainly in documentary texts, which often pose interpretative challenges: (340) P.QI 2 23.4–6 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲡⲁⲣⲁⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⳣⲁ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲕⲁ ⲉⲆⲇⲁⲣⲉⲥⲉⲥⲟ· ⲉⲚⲕⲟⲛ ⲙⲁϣⲉ ⲕⲟ⳿ⲟⲩⲣⲤⲥⲚⲛⲟ ⲕⲟ Ⲟⲥⲉⲥⲟ· tapara-ka eiw-a

miššan-ka eiddares-e-so

Tapara-ACC wheat-PRED all-ACC

maše

ein-kon

??-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM

ko-outis-s-in-no

ko

DEM.PROX-CONJ

os-e-so

measure have-place-PST2-2/3SG-LOC with take.out-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM ‘(…) all the wheat to Tapara and take it out with this measure you have and deposited!’

(341) P.QI 2 28.17–19 ᫥ ⲥⲠⲡⲓ· ⲧⲓⲛⲟⲕⲟⲛ· ⲙⲁⲧⲧⲟⲕⲟⲛ· ⳝⲢⲕⲚⲛⲟ ⳝⲁⲧ ⲁⲡⲟⲕⲟ ⲧⲁⲥⲥⲁⲛⲁ· sippi

tino-kon matto-kon jir-k-in-no

people west-CONJ east-CONJ

a-po-ko

jat

go-HAB-PRS.2/3SG-LOC ??

tas-s-an-a

1SG.POSS-father-with come-PST2-3PL-PRED ‘When the people were going in the west and the east, they came with (…) my father.’

166

9. COORDINATION

(342) P.QI 3 42.2–3 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲣⲣⲉ ⲧⲁⲛⲛⲓ ⲧⲓⲛⲟⲕⲟⲛ· ⲙⲁⲧⲧⲟⲕⲟⲛ ⲡⲖⲗⲁ· ⳟⲁⲡⲖ· ⲃ·ⲗⲟ ⲕⲟ· ⲙⲁϣϣⲟⲩⲇⲁ· ⲭⲉⲓⲀⲕϢϣⲓⲕⲁ ⲧⲉⲣⲁ ⲅⲁⲡⲡⲣⲀ ⲧⲉⲣⲉⲗⲟ· ⳝⲉⲙⲟⲩ· ⲉ· ⲡⲁⲟⲩⲕⲁ· parre tan-ni field

tino-kon

matto-kon pi-l-la

3SG-GEN west-CONJ east-CONJ

maššouda kheiakišš-ika Maššouda

ŋapil 2-lo

lie-PRS-DAT gold

ter-a

ko

2-LOC with

ɡappir-a

choiak-eikšil-ACC give>2/3-PRED cede-PRED

ter-e-lo

jemou 5 paou-ka

give>2/3.PRS-1SG.PRED-FOC year

5 until-ACC

‘I give choiak-eikšil Maššouda 2 gold pieces for his field that lies in the west and the east and cede it to him for 5 years.’

9.4.5. -ⲙⲟⲛ ‘and’ Like -ⲕⲟⲛ (§9.4.4), the suffix -ⲙⲟⲛ derives from the independent coordinator ⲟⲛ, preceded by the affirmative marker -ⲙ. In literary texts, it appears on pronouns, and is strongly correlated with the appearance of the Greek conjunction καί. (343) L 109.8–9 ten

᫦

ⲧⲉⲛ [ⳝ]ⲟⲩⲣⲓⲀⲙⲟⲛ ⲁⲒ ⲁⲓⲕⲟⲛⲟ ⳟⲤⲥ ⲁⳟⲣⲉⲥⲱ[⳹]

jouri-a-mon

ai-∅

ai-k-ono

ŋiss

3PL.GEN cause-DAT-CONJ 1SG-NOM 1SG-ACC-REFL holy

aŋ-r-e-sō become-PRS-1SG.PRED-COMM ‘And it is because of them that I hallow myself!’ (Jn 17:19)

Note that the command marker on ⳟⲤⲥⲁⳟⲣⲉⲥⲱ is unexpected, as the form itself is not an imperative. Perhaps it is a transposition error from the Greek ἁγιάζω, whose ending is homophonous. The suffix -ⲙⲟⲛ can also mark more complex verb constructions, which are usually not marked by topic marker -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ. Unlike -ⲕⲟⲛ, it follows only after a predicate suffix -ⲁ: (344) P.QI 1 8.i.9–11 ᫥ ⲕⲁⲥⲓⲧⲁⲙⲟⲛ ⲟⲥⲧⲟⲕⳝⲁⲛⲛⲁ ⲧⲗⲗⲚ Ⲟⳡⲁ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲕⲁ ⲧⲉⲛ ⲙⲁⳡⲚ ⲧⲣⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲁ kas-it-a-mon

ostok-j-an-n-a

till-in

take.away-take-PRED-CONJ remove-PLACT-INTEN-PRS.2/3SG-PRED God-GEN

oñ-a

miššan-ka ten

tear-PRED all-ACC

mañ-in tri-ɡou-la

3PL.GEN eye-DU

pair-PL-DAT

‘And God will wipe away every tear from their eyes.’ (Rev 7:17)

167

9.4. COORDINATED CLAUSES

(345) P.QI 1 9.ii.19–20 ᫥ ⳟⲗⲓⲕⲟⲛ ⲉⲓⲛⲓⲥⲉ ⲉⲤⲥⲚ ⳟⲓⳝⳝ ⲁⳟⲟⲩⲗ ⲡⲖⲗⲁⲣⲁⲙⲟⲛ Ⲉⲛⲟⲛⲁ· ŋl-i-kon

ein-is-e

eissin

ŋijj

aŋ-oul-∅

see-PRS-CONJ be-PST2-1SG.PRED behold cloud become-PST1.DET-NOM

pill-ar-a-mon

en-on-a

shine-PST1-PRED-CONJ be-PST1.2/3SG-PRED ‘And I looked, behold, it had become a cloud, and it was shining.’ (Rev 14:14)

9.4.6. -ⲇⲉ ‘and’ The suffix -ⲇⲉ is occasionally used independently to link two clauses together, in which case it may be translated with ‘and’. This is the same conjunction encountered in noun coordination with -ⲇⲉ…-ⲇⲉⲕⲉⲣ (§9.1). (346) St 6.4–5

᫥

Ⲉⲗⲟⲛⲇⲉⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲇⲉⲕⲕⲓⲅⲢⲙⲉⲛⲇⲣⲈⲗⲟ·

el-on-de-eion

dekk-iɡir-men-d-ir-e-lo

now-TOP-CONJ-TOP conceal-CAUS-NEG-INTEN-PRS-1SG.PRED-FOC ‘And now I will not conceal.’

(347) M 6.11–12 eitt-a

᫥

ⲉⲦⲧⲁ ⲉⲆⲇⲉ ⲀⲉⲦⲧⲁⲕⲁⲧⲁⲙⲏ· eid-de

aeit-tak-ata-mē

woman-PRED 2SG-CONJ insult-PASS-NEG-JUS.SG ‘And you, woman, do not be insulted!’

(348) P.QI 3 58.11 ᫧ ⲁⲓⲇⲉ ⲟⲩⲣⲧⲓⲕⲁ ⲇⲉⲛⲉᲟⲛᲠ ⲡⲁⲟⲩ Ⲁⲕⲓⲣⲉ ai-de

our-t-ika

den-en

paou ak-ir-e

1SG-CONJ head-NMLZ-ACC give>1-PFV.PRS.2/3SG until

sit-PRS-1SG.PRED

‘And I am staying until he gives the property to me.’

9.4.7. -ⲉⲛⲇⲉ ‘and not’ The suffix -ⲉⲛⲇⲉ is used to link two clauses with a negative verb, and can be translated with ‘and not’ or ‘nor’. The same suffix is also used for the construction -ⲉⲛⲇⲉ … -ⲉⲛⲇⲉ ‘either … or’ (§9.1.6) and the quantifier ⲟⲩⲉⲗ-ⲉⲛⲇⲉ ‘no one, nothing’ (§16.5.4).

168

9. COORDINATION

(349) SC 5.4–8 ᫧ ⲉⲓⲁⲣ[ⲧⲁ]ⲕⲉⲥⲚ ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱ· ⲟⲩⲛ ⲕⲁⲡⲟⲡⲓⲅⲟ[ⲩ]ⲕⲁ ⲕⲟⲩⲧⲟⲩⲛⲛⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲞⲇⲱ ⲟⲩⲉⲕ[ⲕ]ⲓⲙⲉⲛⲛⲁⲥⲱ· ⲟⲩ[ⲛ] ⳟⲤⲥⲓⲕⲉⲛⲇⲉ ⲙⲟⲩⲅⲣⲓⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲟⲩ[ⲧⲢ]ⲙⲉⲛⲛⲁⲥ[ⲱ] ei-ar-tak-es-in

kellō

oun

kapop-iɡou-ka

know-TR-PASS-PFV.PST2-2/3SG as.LOC 2PL.GEN pearl-PL-ACC

koutoun-ni-ɡou-lo-dō ouekk-imen-na-sō pig-PL-PL-LOC-SUPE

ŋiss-ik-ende

oun

throw-NEG-IMP.2/3PL.PRED-COMM 2PL.GEN

mouɡ-ri-ɡou-ka outir-men-na-sō

holy-ACC-NEG.CONJ dog-PL-PL-ACC

place-NEG-IMP.2/3PL.PRED-COMM

‘As it has been known, “Do not throw your pearls before pigs, nor lay your holy (things) for the dogs!”’ (cf. Mt 7:6)

(350) SC 6.10–15 ᫥ ⲁⲓⲟ[ⲛ] ⲕⲓⲉⲓⲥⲧⲖⲇⲉ ⲡⲁⲗⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲕⲁ ⲡⲖⲗⲁ ⲙⲚⲛⲉⲙ· ⲙⲁϣⲁⲛⲛⲁ ⲕⲁⲕⲕⲁⲛⲛⲓⲕⲉⲛⲇⲉ · ⲁⲥⲥⲉⲕⲉⲛⲇⲉ · ⲫⲟⲩⲣⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲫⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩⲅⲟⲩⳝⲣⲁ ⲙⲚⲛⲉⲙ· ⲅⲚⲇⲁⲧⲧⲉⲕⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲕⲓⳝⲞⲥⲓⳝⲕⲉⲛⲇⲉ ⲙⲚⲛⲉⲗⲟ· ai-∅-on

kieist-il-de

pa-l-dekel-ka

pill-a

1SG-NOM-TOP winter-DET-CONJ summer-DET-CONJ-ACC come.out.TR-PRED

min-n-e-m

mašan-na kakkan-ni-k-ende

not.be-PRS-1SG.PRED-AFF sun-GEN

phourɡ-ouka phourouɡ-ouj-r-a furrow-ACC

asse-k-ende

ray-PL-ACC-NEG.CONJ water-ACC-NEG.CONJ

min-n-e-m

ɡindatte-ka

plough-PLACT-PRS-PRED not.be-PRS-1SG.PRED-AFF thorn-ACC

doukk-ij-os-ij-k-ende

min-n-e-lo

uproot-PLACT-take.out-PLACT-HAB-NEG.CONJ not.be-PRS-1SG.PRED-FOC ‘I do not experience winter and summer, nor the rays of the sun nor water, nor do I plough furrows nor am I uprooting thorns.’

(351) P.QI 1 7.ii.17–20 ᫧ ⲉⲚ ᲟⲙⲁᲠⳡⲓⲗⲟ ⳟⲁⲗⳝⲟⲩ[ⲙⲤ]ⲥⲟⲩ· ⲟⲩⲗⲅⲗⲞⲉⲛⲇⲉ ⲟⲩⲗⲅⲁⲣⲟⲩⲙⲤⲥⲟⲩ[· ⲉⲓ]ⲧⲚ ⲀⲉⲖⲗⲁⲉⲛⲇⲉ ⲕⲉⲇⲁ ⲁⲛⲕⲓⲧⲁⲕ[ⲙ]ⲉⲛⲟⲗⲅⲟⲩⲥⲥⲚ· ein

mañ-ilo ŋal-j-oumis-s-ou

DEM.PROX

eye-LOC see-PLACT-NEG-PST2-1/2PL ear-LOC-NEG.CONJ

oulɡ-ar-oumis-s-ou

eit-in

aeil-la-ende

oulɡ-ilo-ende ked-a

ear-TR-NEG-PST2-1/2PL man-GEN heart-DAT-NEG.CONJ ascend-PRED

ank-itak-men-ol-ɡou-s-sin think-PASS-NEG-PST1-PL-DET-EMP These things that we didn’t see in the eye, and that we didn’t hear in the ear, and that were not remembered in the heart of man.’ (1 Cor 2:9)

169

9.4. COORDINATED CLAUSES

9.4.8. Contrastive Constructions There are three main contrastive clause constructions, which link two clauses but contrasting them. In English, this is usually signalled by the use of the conjunction ‘but’. There is one weak contrastive clause construction based on -ⲇⲉ … -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ (§9.4.8.1). In this construction, -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ behaves as a regular topic marker (§5.1), whereas the conjunction -ⲇⲉ occupies the same slot as -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ, that is, after case marking suffixes. Its position in this construction is therefore different from -ⲇⲉ in coordinated noun constructions (§9.1.3), where -ⲇⲉ comes before case marking. There are two strong contrastive clause constructions, with the second clause marked by -ⲉⲛⲕⲱ, and the first by respectively the focus marker -ⲗⲟ (§9.4.8.2) or the emphasis marker -ⲥⲚ (§9.4.8.3). In both cases, the first clause should contain a negative verbal predicate. 9.4.8.1. Weak Contrastive -ⲇⲉ … -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ Although the function of the topic marker -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ (§5.1) is distinct from a coordinator such as -ⲇⲉ, they do interact. After all, both play a role in how sentences relate to each other and how information is structured in a narrative. The construction -ⲇⲉ … -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ creates a contrast between two constituents from two adjacent sentences. (352) SC 11.15–20 ᫥ ⲉⲗ ⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥⲗⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲈⲣⲟⲩⲗⲱⲇⲉ ⲕⲓⲡⲓⲇ ⳟⲓⲇⲉ· ⲥⲟⲗⲗⲓⲧⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲛⲕⲟⲩⲛⲕⲉⲗⲅⲟⲩⲗⲱ ⲕⲟⲗⲟ ⲁⲗⲗⲓⲧⲁⲕⲣⲟ· ⲉⲗⲗⲉⲕⲗⲟⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲁⲣⲙⲤⲕⲓⲇⲉⲗⲇⲉ ⲟⲩⲕⲕⲟⲩⲧⲧⲖⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱ ⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲡⲉⲗⳝⲓⲗ ⲡⲓⲣⲁ· el

kosmos-la dou-er-ou-lō-de

now world-DAT

soll-itou

kip-id

ŋi-de

exist-PFV.PRS-1/2PL-LOC-CONJ eat-CONJ drink-CONJ

oun-koun-ke-l-ɡou-lō

ko-lo

all-itak-r-o

abandon-NMLZ love-have-HAB-PRS-PL-LOC by-FOC bind-PASS-PRS-1/2PL.PRED

elle-k-lo-eion

armis-k-idel-de

now-ACC-LOC-TOP judge-NMLZ-NMLZ.DET-CONJ

ouk-koutt-il-dekel-∅-lō

ek-ka

pel-j-il

oppress-NMLZ-DET-CONJ.DET-NOM-FOC 1PL.INCL-ACC come.out-PLACT-PRS

pi-r-a remain-PRS-PRED ‘And when we exist in the present world, we are bound by eating and drinking and lovely diversions, but hereafter judgment and oppression are coming out for us.’

(353) St 11.10–12.3 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲇⲟⲩⲗⲤⲧⲖⲇⲉ ⲤⲕⲦⲗⲁⲅⲖⲗⲉⲗⲱ ⲀⲣⲟⲩⲟⲩⲇⲇⲛⲀ· ⲧⲁⲛ Ⲥⲓⲅⲉⲗⲗⲟⲛ ⲤⲕⲦⲛ ⲡⲔⲧⲚ ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲕⲦⲕⲁⲗⲟ ⳟⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩⲇⲇⲛⲀ·

170

9. COORDINATION

tan

doulist-il-∅-de

iskit-la-ɡille-lō

arou-oud-d-in-a

3SG.GEN root-DET-NOM-CONJ earth-DAT-ALL-FOC rain-INTEN-PRS-2/3SG-PRED

tan

isiɡe-l-∅-lon

iskit-(i)n pikt-in

tousk-it-ka-lo

3SG.GEN branch-DET-NOM-TOP earth-GEN share-GEN three-ADJ-ACC-FOC

ŋour-oud-d-in-a shade-TR-INTEN-2/3SG-PRED ‘Its root will irrigate (lit. rain toward) the earth and its branch will shade the third share of the earth.’

(354) L 104.10–13 ᫡ ⳝⲁⲩⲉⲛ [ⲕⲉ]ⲅⲁⲅⲣⲀⲇⲉ ⲟⲩⲕⲕⲁⲈⲅⲟⲩⲈⲗⲱ ⲟⲩⲣⲓⲞ ⳝ[ⲱⲁ] ⳟⲁⲥⲧⲚ ⲕⲉⲅⲁⲅⲣ[Ⲁ]ⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲟⲛⲧⲁⲕⲣ[Ⲁ]ⲅⲟⲩⲈⲗⲱ ⲡⲁⲡⲓ[ⲅⲟⲩⲗⲟ ⳝ]ⲱⲀ⳹ jau-e-n

keɡaɡira-de

oukkae-ɡoue-lō

proclaim-NMLZ-GEN according.to-CONJ enemy.NMLZ.PL.PRED-PL.PRED-FOC

our-io

jōa

ŋas-t-in

keɡaɡira-eion

2PL-LOC because.of.PRED choose-NMLZ-GEN according.to-TOP

on-tak-r-a-ɡoue-lō

pap-iɡou-lo jōa

love-PASS-PRS-PRED-PL.PRED father-PL-LOC because.of-PRED ‘According to the Gospel they are enemies because of you, but according to the election they are beloved because of the fathers.’ (Rom 11:28)

In (352) ⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥⲗⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲈⲣⲟⲩⲗⲱⲇⲉ ‘the present world’ is contrasted with ⲉⲗⲗⲉⲕⲗⲟⲉⲓⲟⲛ the ‘hereafter’. In (353) the two aspects of the cross, its ⲇⲟⲩⲗⲤⲧⲖⲇⲉ ‘root’ and Ⲥⲓⲅⲉⲗⲗⲟⲛ ‘branch’ are contrasted. In (354) the construction ⳝⲁⲩⲉⲛ [ⲕⲉ]ⲅⲁⲅⲣⲀⲇⲉ … ⳟⲁⲥⲧⲚ ⲕⲉⲅⲁⲅⲣ[Ⲁ]ⲉⲓⲟⲛ translates the Greek μὲν … δὲ contrast in κατὰ μὲν τὸ εὐαγγέλιον … κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἐκλογὴν. The construction appears both on noun phrases, as in (352) and (353), and on verb phrases, albeit less frequently: (355) SC 23.16–20 ᫧ ⲟⲕⲕⲁ ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲉⲥⲚⲇⲉ ⲁⲉⲖ ⲕⲟⲥⲕⲦⲕⲁ ⲙⲉⲉⲓⲁⲕⲟⲛⲁ ⲧⲁⲣⲓⲁ ⲇⲁⲣⲉⲥⲚⲛⲟ ⳝⲱⲀⲗⲟ· ⲧⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲉⲥⲚⲛⲟⲛ ⲕⲠⲥⲛⲚ[ⲟ] ⲕⲟ ⲁⲇⲁⲙⲏⲕⲁ Ⲉⲧ[ⲟ]ⲩⲣⲉⲥⲚⲛⲟ ⳝⲱⲁⲗⲱ· ok-ka

tous-es-in-de

aeil kos-kit-ka

chest-ACC curse-PST2-2/3SG-CONJ heart bad-NMLZ-ACC

meei-a-ko-na

tari-a

dar-es-in-no

jōa-lō

desire-PRED(?)-ADJ-GEN 3SG-DAT exist-PST2-2/3SG-LOC because-FOC

tou-ka

tous-es-in-non

kip-is-in-no

ko

adamē-ka

belly-ACC curse-PST2-2/3SG-TOP eat-PST2-2/3SG-LOC through Adam-ACC

et-our-es-in-no

jōa-lō

take-far(?)-PST2-2/3SG-LOC because-FOC

171

9.4. COORDINATED CLAUSES

‘He cursed the chest, because in it there was a heart desiring evil. He cursed the belly, because it had led Adam astray through the fact that he ate.’

The same construction is also attested in documentary texts: (356) P.QI 3 46.re.1–2 ᫥ ⲉⲓⳣⲓ ⲙⲓⲣⲓⲉⲓⲕⲁⲇⲉ ⲡⲓⲈⲈⲥⲟ ⲗⲌ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲡⲁⲣⲓⲕⲟⲛ ⳝⲁⲛⲟⲥⲁⲛⲁⲥⲱ eiwi miri-eika-de pi-e-e-so

47 tan

grain new-ACC-CONJ remain-TR(?)-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM 47

par-ik-on

3SG.GEN

jan-os-an-a-so

old-ACC-TOP exchange-PFV-IMP.2/3SG-PRED-COMM ‘Keep the new grain but let them sell 47 (artabs of) his old (grain)!’

(357) P.QI 3 41.3–6 ᫥ ⲙⲁⲣⲓⲀⲙⲏⲕⲁⲇⲉ ⲁⲓⲗⲟ ⲥⲠⲡⲖ ⲇⲟⲩⲙⲙⲟⲛ ⲧⲁⲇⲇⲉ ⲁⲓⲇⲉⲕⲉⲛ ⲟⲩⲣⲧⲁ ⲉⲓⲛⲚ ⳝⲁⲛⲁⲣⲁ Ⲟⲉⲓⲗⲁⲕⲟⲛ ⲧⲟⲩⳡⲓⲗⲟ ⲡⲉⲗⲚ· Ⲟⲅⲟⳝⲓ ⲧⲁⲛⲛⲖⲗⲟ ⳝⲁⲛⲁⲣⲁ mariamē-ka-de

ai-∅-lo

sipp-il-∅

doumm-on

Mariamē-ACC-CONJ 1SG-NOM-FOC people-DET-NOM take-PST1.2/3SG

tad-de

ai-deken

ourt-a

ein-in

jan-ar-a

3SG-CONJ 1SG-CONJ.GEN property-PRED be-PRS.2/3SG exchange-PST1-PRED

oeila-k-on

touñ-ilo

pel-in

oɡoji

Oeila-ACC-TOP child.PL-LOC come.out-PRS.2/3SG husband

tan-n-il-∅-lo

jan-ar-a

3SG-GEN-DET-NOM-FOC exchange-PST1-PRED ‘To Mariamē I sold, after the people took (from it), that which was the property of her and me, while to Oeila her husband sold what comes out from (is produced by?) the children.’

The two sentences containing the contrasted constituents do not need to be directly adjacent to each other. Sometimes the distance between -ⲇⲉ and -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ is considerable. (358) L 108.6–12 ᫧ ⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥⲗⲀ ⲧⲉⲇⲇⲁⲗ [ⲁⲛ] ⲇⲟⲩⲉ[ⲛ] ⲧⲁⲩⲕⲗⲰⲇⲉ ⲁⲓⲗⲟ ⲧⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲉⲓ[ⲇ]ⳡⲓⳝ[ⲁⲣ(?)]ⲣⲁ⳹ … Ⲉⲗⲟⲛ ⲉⲢⲅⲓⲗⲗⲉⲗⲟ ⲕⲓⲣⲉ⳹ kosmos-ila ted-dal an world-DAT

ai-∅-lo

dou-en

tauk-ilo-de

3PL-COM 1SG.GEN exist-PFV.PRS.GEN time-LOC-CONJ

tek-ka

eidñ-ij-arr-a

… el-on

eir-ɡille-lo

1SG-NOM-FOC 3PL-ACC keep-PLACT-PST1(?)-PRED … now-TOP 2SG-ALL-FOC

ki-r-e come-PRS-1SG.PRED ‘When I was with them in the world, I kept them. … But now I come to you.’ (Jn 17:12–13)

172

9. COORDINATION

9.4.8.2. Strong Contrastive -ⲗⲟ … -ⲉⲛⲕⲱ Two contrasting clauses of which the first clause is a negation show a contrast between the focus marker -ⲗⲟ (§5.2), which is obligatory on negative verbal predicates, and -ⲉⲛⲕⲱ ‘but’. (359) St 15.1–9 ᫧ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲗⲟ ⲕⲟⲉⲛⲇⲉⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲧⲉⲇⲕⲁ ⲡⲉϣϢⳝⲙⲉⲛⲇⲣⲈⲗⲱ· ⲥⲁⲗⲗ[ⲟ]ⲉⲛⲇⲉ ⳟⲉⲉⲓⲗⲟⲉⲛⲇⲉ Ⲥⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲟⲩ ⳟⲟⲕⲕⲟⲛⲁ ⲧⲱⲉⲕ ⲧⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲁⲩⲗⲟⲥⲓⳝ[Ⲁ]· ⳟⲁⲗⲓⳝⲟⲩⲁⲇⲇⲛ[ⲁ·]ⲉⲛⲕⲱ ouel-lo ko-ende-eion

ted-ka

one-LOC through-NEG.CONJ-TOP 3PL-ACC

pešš-ij-men-d-ir-e-lō

sal-lo-ende

judge-PLACT-NEG-INTEN-PRS-1SG.PRED-FOC word-LOC-NEG.CONJ

ŋeei-lo-ende

istaurosou ŋok-ko-na

word-LOC-NEG.CONJ cross

aul-os-ij-a

tōek-∅

tek-ka

glory-ADJ-GEN power-NOM 3PL-ACC

ŋal-ijou-ad-d-n-a-enkō

save-PFV-PLACT-PRED save-PLACT-INTEN-PRS-2/3SG-PRED-but ‘And through nothing will I judge them, neither in word nor in deed, but (the) power of the glorious cross will save and rescue them.’

(360) L 102.1–4 ᫥ Ⲉⲅⲉⲗ ⲟⲩⲈⲣ ⲁⳟⲓⲙⲉⲛⲕⲉⲣⲁⲗⲟ⳹ ⲟⲇⳡⲟⲞⲥⲁ ⳝⲓⲣⲕⲉⲣⲁ ⲉⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲟ ⳝⲟⲩⲛ ⲟⲩⲕⲕⲟⲩⲧⲧⲁⲕⲕⲉⲛⲉⲛⲕⲱ⳹ eɡel ouer aŋ-imen-ke-r-a-lo still

one

odñ-oos-a

jirker-a

become-NEG-HAB-PRS-PRED-FOC reject-PFV-PRED go.forth-PRED

ei-ɡou-lo

joun

oukkout-tak-ken-enkō

man.PL-PL-LOC because oppress-PASS-HAB.PRS.2/3SG-but ‘It is not anymore to become anything, but to be cast out and oppressed by men.’ (Mt 5:13)

(361) P.QI 1 4.i.21–24 ᫧ ⲓⲎⲥⲟⲩⲥⲓⲉⲓⲟⲛ [ⲧ]ⲁⲇ ⲕⲚ ⳟⲁⲗⲉⲁⲛ ⲉⲣⲕⲗⲞ ⲧⲟⲣⲁ ⲕⲓⲙⲉⲛ[ⲧ]ⲁⲗⲟ Ⲉⲅⲉⲗ ⲙⲁⲑⲁ ⲧⲁⲕⲕⲁ ⲧⲤⲇⲉⲥⲚ ⲅⲟⲩⲗⲟ ⲇⲟⲩⲞⲛⲁ· ⲉⲛⲕⲱ· iēsousi-eion tad kin Jesus-TOP

ki-men-ta-lo

eɡel matha tak-ka

come-NEG-NEG-FOC still

ɡou-lo

ŋalean

erk-ilo

tor-a

3SG come.PRS.2/3SG outside.ADV village-LOC enter

tisd-es-in

Matha 3SG-ACC encounter-PFV.PST2.GEN

dou-on-a-enkō

ground-LOC exist-PST1-2/3SG-PRED-but ‘Jesus himself did not enter the village, coming outside, but was still where Ma(r)tha met him.’ (Jn 11:30)

9.5.

173

-ⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗ ‘ALSO’

9.4.8.3. Strong Contrastive -ⲥⲚ … -ⲉⲛⲕⲱ A variant of the contrastive construction -ⲗⲟ … -ⲉⲛⲕⲱ (§9.4.8.2) features the emphasis marker -ⲥⲚ (§5.4) instead of the focus marker -ⲗⲟ. There is only one attestation, in SC: (362) SC 11.21–12.4 ᫧ ⲉⲢⲁⲓⲀⲅⲖⲗⲉ [4-5]ⲁⲡⲡⲁ ⲅⲁⲇⲖⲇⲉ ⲇⲓ[ⲥⲖⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲗⲁⲅⲗⲖⲗⲉ ⲙⲚ]ⲛⲁⲥⲚ· ⲟⲩⲣ[ⲕ]ⲁⲛⲉⲗⲇⲉ[·] ⲡⲁⲟⲩⲕⲟⲛⲕ ⲕⲟⲛⳝⲓⲗⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇⲉ· [ⲉⲚ] ⳝⲉⲛⲛⲁ ⲟⲩⲇⲁⲛⲕⲁⲧⲚ ⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥⲚ ϣⲓⲕⲉⲣ[ⲓ]ⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇⲉ[ⲕⲉ]ⲗⲅⲟⲩⲗⲁⲅⲖⲗⲉⲛ ⲉⲚⲛⲁⲉⲛⲕⲱ· eir-ai-a-ɡille

…-appa ɡad-il-de

2SG-1SG-DAT-ALL …-for

dis-il-dekel-la-ɡille

flesh-DET-CONJ blood-DET-CONJ-DAT-ALL

min-n-a-sin

our-kane-l-de

paou-konki

not.be-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-EMP head-NMLZ-DET-CONJ power-NMLZ

kon-j-il-ɡou-l-de

ein

jen-na oudankat-in

have-PLACT-PRS-PL-DET-CONJ

DEM.PROX

age-GEN darkness.NMLZ-GEN

kosmos-in šike-ri-ɡou-l-dekel-ɡou-la-ɡille-n ein-n-a-enkō world-GEN

ruler-PL-PL-DET-CONJ-PL-DAT-ALL-?? be-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-but

‘For to you and me (the struggle) is not against flesh and blood, but against the kingdoms, those who have authority, and the rulers of the world of darkness of this age.’ (Eph 6:12)

9.5. -ⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗ ‘also’ The suffix -ⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗ ‘also’ is strictly speaking not a coordinator, but behaves morphologically like a coordinator such as -ⲉⲛⲇⲉ, being suffixed between case marking and topic/focus marking. (363) M 13.11–14 ᫥ ⲉⲚ ⲙⲉⲇⳝⲟⲩⲛⲚ ⲧⲁⲉⲓⲅⲟⲩⲕⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗ ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲁⲇⲘⲙⲁⲛⲁ Ⲟⲛ ⲉⲚ ⲧⲟⲩⲉⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗ· ein

medjou-ni-n

taei-ɡou-k-∅-ketal

kellō-∅

2SG.GEN servant-PL-GEN girl.PL-PL-DET-NOM-also all

ounn-ad-im-m-an-a

on ein

touei-ɡou-l-∅

bear-INTEN-AFF-PRS-3PL-PRED and 2SG.GEN cow.PL-PL-DET-NOM ‘Also the girls of your servants will all give birth, and your cows.’

(364) L 109.11–14 ᫧ ⲉⲓⲛ ⲁⲩⲣⲟⲩⲧⲅⲟⲩⲛ ⳝⲟⲩⲣ[ⲓ]Ⲁ ⲥⲉⲛⲓⲙ[ⲓ]ⲛⲛⲉⲗⲟ⳹ ⲧⲉⲛ ⲥⲁⲗⲗⲱ ⲕⲱ ⲁⲓⲅⲓⲗ ⲡⲤⲧⲉⲩⲉⲓⲣⲁ ⲙⲓϣϣⲁⲛⲅⲟⲩⲛ ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲓⲀⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗⲉⲛⲕⲱ⳹ ein

aurout-ɡou-n jouri-a

DEM.PROX

alone-PL-GEN

sen-imin-n-e-lo

ten

cause-DAT ask-NEG-PRS-1SG.PRED-FOC 3PL.GEN

174

9. COORDINATION

sal-lō

kō

ai-ɡil

pisteue-ir-a

miššan-ɡou-n

word-LOC through 1SG-ALL believe-PRS-PRED all-PL-GEN

jouri-a-ketal-enkō cause-DAT-also-but ‘I do not ask because of these alone, but also because of all who believe in me through their word.’ (Jn 17:20)

(365) P.QI 1 5.ii.2–5 ᫥ ⲁⲛⲛⲁ· ⳟⲟⲇⲁ ⲟⲩⲗⲗⲁⲕⲕⲉⲣ ⲉⲓⲛⲖ ⲟⲩⲛ ⲞⲉⲚ ⲧⲣⲓⲕⲁ· ⳝⲉⲗⲟⲩⲟⲩⳝⲉⲥ[Ⲕ?]ⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗⲗⲉⲉⲓⲟⲛ· ⲟⲩⲕⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗ· ⲉⲚⲈⲧⲁⲗⲕⲉ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩ·ⲉⲚⲞⲉⲚ ⲧⲣⲓⲕⲁ ⳝⲉⲗⲟⲩⲈⳝⲕⲁ· an-na

ŋod-a

oullakker

ein-il

oun

oei-n

tri-ka

1SG-GEN Lord-PRED teacher.NMLZ be-PRS.DET 2PL.GEN foot-DU pair-ACC

jelouou-j-esik-ketalle-eion

ouk-∅-ketal en-et-a-lke

wash-PLACT-PFV.PST2-also-TOP 2PL-NOM-also take-PFV-PRED-AFF.PRS.2PL

our∼ouein

oei-n

tri-ka

jeloue-j-ka

each.other.GEN foot-GEN pair-ACC wash-PLACT-ACC ‘Moreover, if I, being Lord and teacher, washed your feet, you also take up washing each other’s feet.’ (Jn 13:14)

-ⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗ may also occur on verbal forms: (366) SC 12.19–22 ᫧ ⲧ[Ⲗ]ⲗⲖ ⲉⲚⲕⲁ ⲡⲉⲥⲓⳝⲉⲛⲛⲟⲉⲓⲟⲛ· ⲉⲕⲕⲁ [ⲡ]ⲉϣϣⲓⳝⲓⲛⲓⲁⲙ ⲙⲉⲛⲛⲁⲗⲟ· ⲟⲩⲣⲧⲉⲕⲕⲁ [ⲕⲟⲙ(?)]ⲉⲛⲕⲟⲟⲩⲰⲀⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗⲉⲛⲕⲱ[· till-il-∅

ein-ka

pes-ij-en-no-eion

God-DET-NOM

DEM.PROX-ACC

speak-PLACT-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-LOC-TOP

ek-ka

pešš-ij-ini-am

men-n-a-lo

1PL.INCL-ACC judge-PLACT-SUBORD.SG-PRED not.be-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-FOC

ourtek-ka

ko-men-ko-ou-ō-a-ketal-enkō

idleness.NMLZ-ACC have-NEG-SUBORD-1/2PL-LOC-PRED-also-but ‘When God says these things, it is not to judge us, but so that we do not have idleness either.’

(367) P.QI 1 4.i.11–12 ᫥ ⲁⲓⲁⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲡⲤⲉⲖ ⲇⲓⲉⲛⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗ· ⲀⳡⲁⲇⲘⲙⲁ· ai-a-ɡille

pis-eil-∅

di-en-ketal

1SG-DAT-ALL believe-DET-NOM die-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-also

añ-ad-im-m-a live-PASS-INTEN-AFF-PRS.3SG-PRED ‘Even when someone who believes in me dies, he will live.’

9.5.

175

-ⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗ ‘ALSO’

-ⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗ is sometimes extended to -ⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗⲗⲉ, most frequently before the topic marker -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ (§5.1), as in (365) ⳝⲉⲗⲟⲩⲟⲩⳝⲉⲥ[Ⲕ?]ⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗⲗⲉⲉⲓⲟⲛ above. (368) SC 4.17–21 ᫥ ⲉⲕⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗⲗⲉⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲉⲖⲗⲟ ⲉⲓⲁⲣⲧⲛⲁ ⲡⲁⲗⲕⲓⲧⲗⲁ ⲕⲟⲩⳝⳝⲣⲁ ⲧⲟⲣⲁⲙⲥⲟ· ⲕⲁⲡⲟⲡⲓⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲇⲟⲗⲓⳝⲛⲓⲀ ⲙⲓⲛⲖ· ⲕⲁⲡⲟⲡⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲟ ⲅ[ⲱ]ⲉⲓⲀ ⳟⲟⲕ ⲕⲟⳡⳝⲓⲗⲅⲟⲩⲕⲉⲛⲕⲱ· ek-∅-ketalle-eion

eil-lo

eiart-na

palkit-la koujjr-a

1PL.INCL-NOM-also-TOP now-LOC knowledge-GEN sea-DAT

tor-am-so

kapop-iɡou-ka dol-ij-ni-a

enter-IMP.1PL-COMM pearl-PL-ACC

min-il

enter.TR-PRED

gather-PLACT-SUBORD.SG-PRED

kapopi-ɡou-lo ɡōeia ŋok

not.be-PRS.DET pearl-PL-LOC

than

koñ-j-il-ɡou-k-enkō

glory have-PLACT-PRS-PL-ACC-but

‘Now let us also enter into the sea of thought, not in order to gather pearls, but things more glorious than pearls!’

(369) P.QI 2 22.1–4 ᫥ ⲙⲁⲛ⳿ ⲥⲟⲩⲗⲟⲩⳣⲓ Ⲁⲡⲟⲩⲥⲁⲗⲁⲙⲁⲛⲕⲟⲩⲇⲓⲗⲟ ⳝⲟⲩⲛ ⲥⲟⳟⲟⳝⲟⲩⲙⲁⲣⲓⲛⲅⲖⲗⲉⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗⲗⲉⲇⲉ ⲕⲁⲣⲧⲉⲗⲁⲗⲟ ⲟⲩⲧⲣⲁ ⲡⲁⲉⲓⲥⲉ man

soulouwi apousalamankoudi-lo joun

DEM.DIST

Soulou

Apousalamankoudi-LOC through

soŋojoumar-in-ɡille-ketalle-de karte-la-lo deputy.soŋoj-??-ALL-also-CONJ

outr-a

letter-DAT-FOC put-PRED

paei-s-e write-PST2-1SG.PRED ‘I have written and put (it) in a letter to the deputy soŋoj through that Soulou3 Apousalamankouda.’

Combined with the conjunction ⲟⲛ, ⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗ may mean something like ‘as well as’: (370) P.QI 3 30.3–5 ᫥ ⲁⲓ ⲙⲱⲨⲥⲏ· ⲅⲉⲱⲣⲅ· ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩⲀ· ⲟⲕⲧⲁⲕⲖ ⲇⲱⲧⲁⲩⲟⲛ· ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩⲟⲩⲕⲕⲁ ⲟⲛⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗ· ⲡⲁⲗⲁⲅⲚ· ⲥⲟⳟⲟⳝⳝⲓⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲧⲣⲁ ⲟⲩⲉⲅⲣⲁ· ⲕⲟⲩⲛⲖ· ai

mōusē ɡeōrɡ() ourou-a ok-tak-il

1SG Moses George

king-DD

ourou-ouk-ka on-ketal palat-in king-NMLZ-ACC and-also

oue-ɡr-a

dōtauo-n

call-PASS-PRS Dotawo-GEN

soŋoj-j-ika

outr-a

Palace-GEN soŋoj-NMLZ-ACC hold-PRED

koun-il-∅

one-CAUS-PRED have-PRS.DET-NOM 3

See Weschenfelder (2015) for a discussion of the possible ethnonym ‘Soulou’.

176

9. COORDINATION

‘I, Moses George, called king, who also holds, unifies, and has the kingship of Dotawo as well as the soŋoj-ship of the palace4.’

-ⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗ also appears lexicalized in the phrase ⲉⲗⲗⲉ(ⲛ) ⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗⲗⲉ(ⲛ) ‘eternity/eternal’: (371) St 14.4–12 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲇⲇⲟ ⲡⲓⲥⲧⲉⲩⲉⲓⲣⲁ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲟⲛ· ⲧⲁⲕⲕⲁ ⲉⲣⲅⲖⲗⲟ ϩⲁⲣⲙⲓⲅⲟⲩⲛ· ⲢⲕⲁⲛⲉⲗⲁⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲕⲉⲇⲁ ⳝⲟⲇⲇⲚⲛⲁⲛⲁ· ⲁⳡⳝ ⲉⲗⲗⲉⲛ ⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗⲗⲉⲛⲕⲁ ⲥⲉⲩⲉⲦⲛⲟⲩⲀ· tad-do

pisteue-ir-a

miššan-ɡou-l-∅-lon tak-ka

3SG-SUPE believe-PRS-PRED all-PL-DET-NOM-TOP

erɡ-il-∅-lo

3SG-ACC

harm-iɡou-n er-kane-la-ɡille

ked-a

follow-PRS.DET-NOM-FOC heaven-PL-GEN king-NMLZ-DAT-ALL ascend-PRED

jod-d-in-n-an-a

añj ellen ketallen-ka seueit-nou-a

go-INTEN-COP-PRS-3PL-PRED life eternal-ACC

inherit-SUBORD.PL-PRED

‘All who believe in it and follow it will ascend to the kingdom of the heavens in order to inherit eternal life.’

(372) P.QI 1 2.ii.4–5 ᫥ ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱ ⲉⲗⲗⲉⲛ ⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗⲗⲉ ⲏⲇ ⲧⲁⲣⲟⲩⲁⲇⲘⲙⲁⲛⲁ⳼ kellō ellen ketalle ēd all

eternity

tarou-ad-im-m-an-a

2SG praise-INTEN-PRS-3PL-PRED

‘They will praise you for all eternity.’ (Ps 83:5)

4

See Hagen (2013).

10. PERSON

10.1. Pronouns and Clitics According to Ehret (2001, 223), ‘Person marking in verbs has been repeatedly reformulated in the history of the various Nilo-Saharan languages, the recurrent pattern being the conversion of formerly independent pronouns to reduced, bound forms, replacing earlier markers that themselves at a still earlier period had been similarly derived.’ This process is eminently visible in Old Nubian, where the complex array of cross-referencing morphemes (t. 10.1) referring to the first person (speaker), second person (addressee), and third person (anyone/-thing else) in singular and plural show several layers of pronominal developments.

1SG 2SG 3SG 1PL.INCL 1PL.EXCL 2PL 3PL

Long pronoun

‘Old’ Subject Short Kinship Subject Subject pronoun poss. clitic clitic (IMP) clitic

ⲁⲓⲉⲓ, ⲁⲓⲟⲩ ⲉⲓⲣⲓ, ⲉⲓⲣⲟⲩ ⲧⲁⲣⲓ, ⲧⲁⲣⲟⲩ ⲉⲣⲓ, ⲉⲣⲟⲩ(?) ⲟⲩⲉⲓ, ⲟⲩⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲣⲓ, ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩ ⲧⲉⲣⲓ, ⲧⲉⲣⲟⲩ

ⲁⲓ ⲉⲓⲣ ⲧⲁⲣ ⲉⲣ ⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲣ ⲧⲉⲣ

ⲁⲓⲧⲁ(ⲣ)– – – –

-ⲓ -ⲛ -ⲛ -ⲟⲩ -ⲟⲩ -ⲟⲩ -ⲁⲛ

– -ⲓ -ⲓ -ⲁⲙ -ⲁⲙ -(ⲁ)ⲛ -(ⲁ)ⲛ

– -ⲏ/ⲓ – – – -ⲕⲉ –

Table 10.1: Personal pronouns and suffixes The oldest layer comprises the defective set of ‘old’ subject clitics (§10.1.6), which are based on pronominal forms that are no longer functional in other Nubian languages. Then there are two (related) sets of subject clitics based on pronouns still attested in Nubian languages. They attach to the main verb of the clause after the tense suffix (§11.2). The first set is used in declarations and questions (§10.1.4), while the second set is used for imperative forms in commands (§10.1.5). Declarative subject clitics have syncretic forms for second and third person singular and first and second person plural. The imperative subject clitics have syncretic forms for second and third person singular (always followed by a predicate marker, -ⲓ-ⲁ > ⲉ) and the second and third person plural (always followed by a predicate marker, -(ⲁ)ⲛ-ⲁ).

178

10. PERSON

There are also two (related) types of independent personal pronouns, here referred to as ‘long’ (§10.1.1) and ‘short’ (§10.1.2). The long forms are similar to the short forms but extended by a vowel -(ⲉ)ⲓ/ⲟⲩ. This distinction is preserved in Midob and Nobiin, where in the object case the long form has a suffix -yé (Werner 1993, 37) and -í(i) (Werner 1987, 116), respectively. Personal pronouns make a distinction between first person plural inclusive and exclusive. The former includes the addressee, while the latter excludes them. The distinction between inclusive and exclusive first person plural only exists with the personal pronouns. It is absent from the rest of the crossreferencing morphemes. Initially, Zyhlarz (1928, §98) assumed that ⲉⲣ was exclusive and ⲟⲩ inclusive. Vycichl (1958, 1961b), however, convincingly showed that it is the other way round. The distinction has been lost in presentday Nile Nubian languages, but remains present in Midob (cf. Werner 1993, 37) and several Kordofan Nubian languages (Jakobi and Dimmendaal, Forthcoming), and appears to be consistently present throughout the Old Nubian corpus. The following sequence provides a clear illustration of the distinction: (373) St 28.2–7 ᫧ ⲟⲛⲧⲁⲕⲣⲀⲅⲟⲩⲉⲕⲉ ⲉⲣ ⳝⲘⲙⲖⲅⲟⲩⲗ ⲧ[ⲁ]ⲣⲓⲞ ⳝⲱⲀ· ⲁⳡⲓⲇⲉⲛⲟⲩ ⲁⲩⲉⲦ[ⲕ]ⲁ ⲕ[ⲟ]ⲇⲉⲛⲟⲩ ⲉⲔⲕ[Ⲧⲧ] ⲉⲆⲇⲣⲞⲥⲚ· on-tak-ir-a-ɡoue-ke

er

jimmil-ɡou-l-∅

tari-o

love-PASS-PRS-PRED-PL.PRED-2PL 1PL.INCL everyone-PL-DET-NOM 3SG-LOC

jōa

añ-idenou aue-it-ka

through live-CONJ

ko-denou eikk-itt

friend-NMLZ-ACC have-CONJ comfort-NMLZ

eid-d-ir-o-sin receive-INTEN-PRS-1/2PL.PRED-EMP ‘Beloved! We will all live, have friendship, and receive comfort through him.’

(374) St 28.7–10 ⳝⲱⲀ — au-el-kon

᫧

ⲁⲩⲉⲗⲕⲟⲛ ⲉⲛⲁⲙⲏ· ⲟⲩⲉⲓⲰ· Ⲥⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲏ ⳟ[ⲟ]ⲕⲕⲟⲗⲟ en-a-mē

ouei-ō

istaurosē

do-PFV.PRS-CONJ be-PRED-JUS.SG 1PL.EXCL-LOC cross

ŋok-ko-lo

jōa

glory-ADJ-LOC through ‘And let him act in us through the glorious cross!’

In (373), the author uses the inclusive pronoun ⲉⲣ, which is even qualified by ⳝⲘⲙⲖⲅⲟⲩⲗ, ‘we all’ to refer to both the addressee (the reader) and the in-group of the speaker. However, in the next sentence (374), the ‘we’ excludes the reader and only includes the speaker and his in-group, in whom the Savior

179

10.1. PRONOUNS AND CLITICS

is supposed to work ‘through the glorious cross’. In this case, we find the exclusive form ⲟⲩⲉⲓⲰ. Finally, the set of independent pronouns also formed the basis for a defective set of kinship possessor prefixes which exist only for singular persons and have only been attested on a handful of roots (§10.1.3). They are widespread in other Nubian languages. 10.1.1. Long Personal Pronouns Long personal pronouns end in a vowel -ⲟⲩ or -(ⲉ)ⲓ. They are used in emphatic contexts, which in English may be translated by ‘he himself’ and the like (§10.1.1.1). They also appear in forms of address, occurring frequently in vocative contexts (§10.1.1.2). Long forms appear to be optional in contexts in which the personal pronoun is qualified by further adjectives or nouns, such as titles or proper names (§10.1.1.3). In some cases, also short forms are used in this context. Furthermore, the long personal pronouns are the basis for the dative and locative cases (§10.1.1.4) and appear to have formed the basis for the so-called ‘extended genitive’, which is found in a subset of Old Nubian liturgical texts and appears to be local or stylistic innovation (§10.1.1.5). 10.1.1.1. Emphasis The long form of a personal pronoun appears explicitly as a subject to emphasize it. This appearance of the long pronoun coincides with the presence of a subject clitic on the verb, which is in regular circumstances not permitted (cf. §10.1.4). This phenomenon is usually called ‘clitic doubling’ (§10.1.4.3). (375) P.QI 2 24.7–8 ᫥ ⲁⲩⲉⲚ ⳟⲉⲉⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲁⲗⲟⲛ ⲇⲁⲩⲕⲁⲧⲧⲖ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲗⲁ ⲇⲁⲣⲓⲙⲚⲛⲁⲗⲟ ⲁⲓⲟⲩ ⳟⲖⲙⲚⲛⲓ auei-n

ŋeei-ɡou-la-lon

dau-katt-il-∅

ouel-la

ship-GEN thing-GEN-DAT-TOP path-NMLZ-DET-NOM one-DAT

dar-imin-n-a-lo

aiou-∅

ŋil-min-n-i

exist-NEG-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-FOC 1SG-NOM see-NEG-PRS-1SG ‘As regards the affairs of the ship, the captain is not (involved) in any (of them) while I myself am not looking.’

(376) K 26.10–12 ᫥ ⲙⲛⲁ ⲉⲓⲣⲟⲩ ⲧⲖⲗⲓⲗⲟ ⲅⲟⲉⲓⲁⲛ ⲇⲁⲩⲉⲓⲛⲁⲓ:/ mn-a

eirou-∅ till-ilo

ɡoeian dauei-n-a-i

what-PRED 2SG-NOM God-LOC than ‘Are you greater than God?’

great-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-2SG

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10. PERSON

In the third person, the long form of the pronoun may also be used in combination with a noun: (377) M 14.11–13 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲣⲟⲩ ⲉⲦⲧⲖⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗⲗⲉⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⳝⲟⲩⲛⲧ ⲟⲩⳟⲁ⳿ ⳟⲁⲛ ⲕⲁⲕⲔⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲟⲩⲥⲛⲁ· tarou eitt-il-∅-ketalle-eion 3SG

jount

ouŋ-a

ŋan

woman-DET-NOM-also-TOP pregnant become-PRED son.GEN

kakik-ka

ounn-ous-n-a

first.born-ACC bear-PST2-2/3SG-PRED ‘The woman herself became pregnant and gave birth to a first-born son.’

However, this does not appear to be obligatory, as there are some attestations with the short form as well: P.QI 1 11.i.2 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲣ ⲁⳡⳝⲖⲗⲟ ‘the Savior himself’. P.QI 2 17.i.6 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲣ ⲧⲖⲗⲟⲩ ‘God himself’. Finally, it appears that the repetition of a personal pronoun for emphatic reasons can also occur in non-nominative contexts, considering the following hapax example: P.QI 3 36.14 ᫥ ⲁⲛⲛⲟⲩ Ⲁⲛ ⲉⲛⲛⲟⳝⲱⲀ ‘from my mother herself’. For a discussion of forms like ⲁⲛⲛⲟⲩ, see §15.1.2.1.1. 10.1.1.2. Address The long form of the personal pronoun is also used in contexts where someone is directly addressed. Because the nominative is zero-marked, it is impossible to determine whether the personal pronoun should be glossed with vocative or nominative in the examples below. We find this usage of the long form in the context of questions: (378) M 8.16–9.1 pap-o

᫥

ⲡⲁⲡⲟ ⲉⲓⲣⲟⲩ ⲉⲚⲕⲁ ᲝⲁⲛᲞ ⲁⲛⲕⲓⲙⲚⲛⲁⲒ⳺

eirou ein-ka

father-VOC 2SG

DEM.PROX

ank-imin-n-a-i think-NEG-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-2SG

‘Father, don’t you remember this?’

Commands: (379) St 18.6–12 ᫧ ⲟⲛⲧⲁⲕⲣⲀⲅⲟⲩⲈⲕⲉ ⲁⲗⲉⲥⲚ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩ Ⲥⲧ[ⲁ]ⲩⲣⲟⲥⲚ ⲧⲱⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲉ[ⲓ]Ⲁⲣⲓ ⲇⲟⲗⲗⲉⲛⲛⲟ[ⲛ] ⲟⲩⲗⲅⲚⲛⲁⲥⲱ· ⲧⲁⲛ ⲧⲱⲉⲕⲕⲁ· on-tak-ir-a-ɡoue-ke

alesin ourou istauros-in tōek-ka

love-PASS-PRS-PRED-PL.PRED-2PL if

ei-ar-i

doll-en-non

2PL

cross-GEN

oulɡ-in-na-sō

power-ACC

tan

know-TR-INF want-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-TOP ear-TR-IMP.2/3PL.PRED-COMM 3SG.GEN

tōek-ka power-ACC

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‘Beloved, if you want to know the power of the cross, hear its power!’

And direct appeals: (380) P.QI 1 4.i.2–3 ᫧ ⳟⲟⲇⲁ ⲉⲓⲣⲓ ⲉⲚⲛⲟ ⲇⲟⲩⲁⲣ[ⲁ] ⲉⲛⲕⲁⲛ ⲁⲛ ⲉⳟⳟⲁⲗ ⲇⲓⲙⲉⲇⲣⲁⲗⲟ· ŋod-a

eiri ein-no

lord-PRED 2SG

eŋŋal-∅

dou-ar-a

DEM.PROX-LOC

en-ka-n

an

exist-PST1-PRED be-SUBORD-2/3SG 1SG.GEN

di-me-d-r-a-lo

brother-NOM die-NEG-INTEN-PRS-PRED-FOC ‘Lord, if you had been here, my brother would not have died.’ (Jn 11:21)

(381) P.QI 1 10.A.ii.12–15 ᫥ Ⲉⲗⲟⲛ· Ⲉ· ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩⲀ ⲟⲛⲛⲟⲣⲓⲟⲥⲓ ⲉⲓⲣⲟⲩ ⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ ⲟⲩⲣ ⲣⲁⲫⲁⲏⲗⲓⲛ ⲕⲤⲥⲉⲕⲁ ⲤⲕⲧⲖⲇⲱ ⲅⲟⲩⳡⲕⲁ ⲁⲛⲕⲓⲕⲉⲣⲁⲥⲓ el-on

e

ourou-a

onnoriosi eirou aɡɡelos our raphaēli-n

now-TOP oh king-PRED Honorius

kisse-ka

isk(i)t-il-dō

2SG

angel

head Raphael-GEN

ɡouñ-ka ank-ike-r-a-si

church-ACC earth-DET-SUPE build-ACC think-HAB-PRS-AFF.PST.2SG ‘Now, oh king Honorius, you were thinking to build a church of Archangel Raphael upon earth.’

(382) P.QI 1 11.i.4–6 ᫥ ⲉ ⲁⲛ ⲡⲆⲧⲁ ⲁⲡⲟⲥⲧⲟⲗⲟⲥⲁⲅⲟⲩⲉⲕⲉ· ⲁⲕⲉⲛⲇⲁⲛⲕⲉ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩ ⲏⲛ ⳝⲘⲙⲖⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲡⲉϣϣⲓⲕⲓⳝⲁⲣⲟⲩⲗⲱ· e

an

pidt-a

apostolos-a-ɡoue-ke

akend-a-nke

oh 1SG.GEN chosen.one-PRED apostle-PRED-PL.PRED-2PL blessed-PRED-2PL

ourou ēn

jimmil-ɡou-ka

2PL

everyone-PL-ACC ask-HAB-PLACT-PST2-1/2PL-LOC

DEM.PROX

pešš-ik-ij-ar-ou-lō

‘Oh my chosen apostles, blessed are you who have been asking everything.’

Note that in the English translation (382) ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩ has been interpreted as the subject of the nominal predicate ⲁⲕⲉⲛⲇⲁⲛⲕⲉ. The presence of the 2PL clitic -ⲕⲉ (§10.1.6), however, seems to suggest this is still part of the direct appeal. This appears to be consistent with other instances such as L 102.4–5 ᫧ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩ ⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥⲓⲛ ⲡⲓⲕⲓⲧ[ⲁ]ⲕⲉ ‘You (are) the light of the world’ and St 5.10–12 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩ ⲥⲉⲩⲀⲈ ⲁⲛ ⲙⲉⲇⳝⲛⲈⲅⲟⲩⲈⲕⲉ· ‘You, heirs and my servants’. 10.1.1.3. Qualification The long form of the personal pronoun may also be used when it is qualified further by adjectives, proper nouns, common nouns such as titles, or functions as an antecedent. This usage, however, is not obligatory.

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10. PERSON

(383) P.QI 2 24.13–14 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲣⲟⲩ ⲕⲟⲗⲗⲟ ⲅⲉⲛⲛⲁ ⲉⲛⲕⲁⲓⲞ ⲕⲟⲥⲁ ⲉⲛⲕⲁⲓⲞ ⳟⲁⲇⲇⲣⲁ ⲕⲣⲉⲛ ⲧⲁⲩⲕⲓⲗⲟ: eirou kol-∅-lo 2SG

ɡenn-a

en-ka-i-o

kos-a

alone-NOM-FOC good-PRED be-SUBORD-1SG-LOC bad-PRED

en-ka-i-o

ŋad-d-r-a

kr-en

tauk-ilo

be-SUBORD-1SG-LOC see-INTEN-PRS-PRED come-PFV.PRS.2/3SG time-LOC ‘You alone will see when you come whether I am good or bad.’

(384) gr 4.3–4 ᫥ ⲡⲉⲧⲣⲟⲥⲓ ⲌⲗⲟⲧⲚ ⲡⲁⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩ ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱⲕⲁ Ⲥⲕⲉⲗⲁⳝⳝⲣⲉⲥⲓ petrosi kolot-in Peter

paou ourou kellō-ka iskel-aj-j-r-e-si

seven-GEN until

2PL

all-ACC

beg-TR-PLACT-PRS-1SG.PRED-AFF

‘Peter, I beg all of you until the seventh (time).’

(385) St 16.11–17.4 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲟⲩ Ⲁⲡⲟⲥⲧⲟⲗⲟⲥⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲟⲛ ⲁⳡⳝⲚ ⲥⲏⲙⲉⲣⲣⲁ ⲉⲓⲛⲚⲕⲁ ⲟ[ⲩ]ⲗⲅⲁⲣⲉⲛ· ⲕⲓ [ⲧⲁⲕ]ⲕⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲧⲣⲁ ⲡⲉⲥⲁ ⲓⲥⲱ ouou-∅

apostolos-ɡou-l-∅-lon añj-in

sēmerr-a

1PL.EXCL-NOM apostle-PL-DET-NOM-TOP savior-GEN message-PRED

ein-in-ka

oulɡ-ar-en

ki

tak-ka

douk-a

be-PRS.2/3SG-ACC hear-TR-PFV.PRS.2/3SG come.PRED 3SG-ACC worship-PRED

tr-a

pes-a

i-s-ō

give>2/3-PRED speak-PRED say-PST2-1/2PL.PRED ‘When we apostles heard what the message of the Savior was, we came, worshiped him, and said.’

In the above examples the long form doesn’t appear to be obligatory, as we also find P.QI 3 50.8 ᫥ ⲉⲢ ⲕⲟⲗ ‘you alone’; SC 17.9–10 ᫧ ⲟⲩⲣ ⳝⲓ[ⲙ]ⲙⲖⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁⲥⲚ ‘you all’; and St 3.5–6 ᫥ ⲟⲩ Ⲁⲡⲟⲥⲧⲟⲗⲟⲅⲟⲩⲗ. The qualification can also be longer: (386) SC 9.11–14 ᫥ ⲉⲚⲙⲟⲛ ⲉⲚⲛⲁ ⲁⳡⳝ ⲉⲗⲗⲉⲛ ⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗⲗⲉⲛ ⲉⲓⲣⲟⲩ ⲧⲖⲗⲟⲩ ⲧⲓⳝⲛⲓ ⲁⲩⲣⲟⲩⲧⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲀⲣⲓ ⲟⲛ ⲉⲓⲧⲤⲥⲟⲩ ⲓⲏⲥⲟⲩⲥⲓ ⲭⲣⲓⲥⲧⲟⲥⲓⲕⲁ· ein-mon

ein-n-a

DEM.PROX-CONJ

be-PRS.2/3SG-PRED life eternal

aurout-ka ei-ar-i

añj ellen ketallen eirou tillou tijni on

2SG

God

true

eit-issou iēsousi khristos-ika

alone-ACC know-TR-INF and send-PST2 Jesus

Christ-ACC

‘“And this is the eternal life, to know you, the only true God and the one you sent, Jesus Christ.”’ (Jn 17:3)

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10.1. PRONOUNS AND CLITICS

(387) K 31.2–5 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩ ⲕⲤⲥⲉⲗⲁ ⲡⲉⲥⲖⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲟⲛ ⲧⲁⲩⲕⲁ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲛⲟ· ⲉⲓⲥ ⲙⲁⲧⲁⲣⲕⲓⲕⲟⲛ ⲟⲩⲗⲅⲚⲛⲁⲥⲟ· ourou kisse-la 2PL

pes-il-ɡou-l-∅-lon

tauk-a

miššan-no

church-DAT speak-PRS-PL-DET-NOM-TOP time-PRED all-LOC

eis

matar-k-ik-on

oulɡ-in-na-so

other witness-NMLZ-ACC-TOP ear-TR-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM ‘You who speak in the church all the time, listen to another testimony!’

(388) P.QI 2 13.i.15–17 ᫦ ⲁⲛⲕⲧⲁⲕⲁⲇⲘⲙⲉ ⲣⲁⲃⲓⲗⲇⲉ ⲃⲁⲃⲩⲗⲱⲛⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗ⳿ ⲧⲉⲇⲟⲩ ⲁⲒⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲀⲣⲟⲗⲅⲟⲩⲅⲖⲗⲉ⳼ ank-tak-ad-im-m-e

rab-il-de

babulōn-dekel tedou

think-PASS-INTEN-AFF-PRS-1SG.PRED Raab-DET-CONJ Babylon-CONJ

ai-ka

3PL

ei-ar-ol-ɡou-ɡille

1SG-ACC know-TR-PST1-PL-ALL ‘I shall be mentioned to Raab and Babylon, those who have known me.’ (Ps 86:4)

Note that in (388) the translator misinterprets the mediopassive aorist P.QI 2 13.i.13–14 ᫥ ⲙⲏⲥⲑⲏⲥⲟⲙⲁⲓ (μνησθήσομαι) as passive, after which the syntax of the clause no longer makes sense. 10.1.1.4. Dative and Locative Etymologically, the dative -ⲗⲁ (§15.1.4) and locative -ⲗⲟ (§15.2.1) consist of the determiner (§16.1) -ⲗ and the respective endings -ⲁ and -ⲟ. As personal pronouns cannot be marked with a determiner because they are inherently determinate, the dative and locative of personal pronouns are built on the long forms followed by -ⲁ and -ⲟ. (389) M 10.7–8

᫥

ⲧⲁⲣⲓⲀⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲧⲟⲣⲁ ⲕⲓⲥⲛⲁ· ⲕⲟⲣⲉⲕ⳿ ⲉⲦⲛⲓⲀ·

tari-a-eion tor-a

ki-s-n-a

kore-k

3SG-DAT-TOP enter-PRED come-PST-2/3SG-PRED sacrament-ACC

eit-ni-a take-SUBORD.SG-PRED ‘There he entered to receive the sacrament.’

(390) St 3.5–11 ᫥ ⲟⲛ ⲟⲩ Ⲁⲡⲟⲥⲧⲟⲗⲟⲥⲅⲟⲩⲗ ⲧⲁⲣⲓⲰ ⲧⳝⲰ ⲇⲁⲩ Ⲁⳟⲁ ⲧⲘⲙⲁⲣⲟⲩ· ⲙⲩⲥⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ ⲉⲓⲣⲁ ⲡⲉⲥⲙⲓⲛⲛⲁⲛⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲡⲖⲗⲓⲅⲣⲀ ⲇⲉⲛⳝⲓⲥⲛⲁ on

ou

apostolos-ɡou-l-∅ tari-ō

tijō dau aŋ-a

and 1PL.EXCL apostle-PL-DET-NOM 3SG-LOC with large become-PRED

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10. PERSON

timm-a-r-ou

mustērou ei-r-a

assemble-PST1-1/2PL mystery

ou-ka

pill-iɡir-a

pes-min-n-an-ka

say-PRS-PRED speak-NEG-PRS-3PL-ACC

den-j-is-n-a

1PL.EXCL-ACC shine-CAUS-PRED give>1-PLACT-PST2-2/3SG-PRED ‘And when we apostles, becoming a big (group), had assembled around him, he revealed to us an unspeakable mystery.’

At a later stage of the language, the vowel appears to have sometimes been reanalyzed as part of the locative, as we find the following hypercorrect form: (391) St 5.9–6.3 ᫥ Ⲉ ⲁⲛ ⲡⲆⲧⲁ ⲡⲉⲧⲣⲞⲥⲓ· ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩ ⲥⲉⲩⲀⲈ ⲁⲛ ⲙⲉⲇⳝⲛⲈⲅⲟⲩⲈⲕⲉ· ⲥⲁⲗⲟⲩ ⲁⲓⲕⲁ Ⲉⲅⲓⲇⲓⲥⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲉⲕⲕⲉⲛⲇⲉ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩⲉⲓⲞ ⲇⲉⲕⲕⲓⲅⲢⲙⲤⲥⲉⲗⲟ· e

an

pidt-a

petirosi ourou seu-ae

oh 1SG.GEN chosen.one-PRED Peter

an

medj-ine-ɡoue-ke

2PL

salou ai-ka

1SG.GEN servant-PL.PRED-PL.PRED-2PL word

ouek-k-ende

inherit-NMLZ.PL.PRED

eɡid-is-ou

1SG-ACC ask-PST2-1/2PL

ourou-eio dekk-iɡir-mis-s-e-lo

one-ACC-NEG.CONJ 2SG-LOC

conceal-CAUS-NEG-PST2-1SG.PRED-FOC

‘Oh, my chosen one Peter! You, heirs and my servants! I did not conceal from you any word which you asked me.’

In (391) it appears that the first instance of ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩ, in the context of the appeal, has influenced the hypercorrect form ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩⲉⲓⲞ. Two other attestations are perhaps P.QI 1 7.i.1–2 ᫡ ⲟⲩⲣⲟ[ⲩⲉⲓⲟ ⳝⲟ]ⲩⲛ and P.QI 1 7.i.27 ᫡ Ⲉⲣⲟ[ⲩⲉⲓⲟ]. 10.1.1.5. Long Genitive The long genitive is a specific development pertinent to a period of Old Nubian textual production we have called ‘archaizing’ (§1.4.3). This particular form, which constructs the genitive on the basis of the long personal pronoun, 1 appears almost exclusively in translations of Psalms found in Dongola (Dong 1, DP) and Qaṣr Ibrīm (P.QI 1 2, 3; P.QI 2 12, 13), which except DP 1 are bilingual Greek–Old Nubian. Besides the use of the long genitive, these texts also exhibit other peculiar features, such as a rather strict imitation of Greek word order.

1

The two types of genitive personal pronouns have been retained in Nobiin (Werner 1987, 118).

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10.1. PRONOUNS AND CLITICS

(392) DP 2.5 ᫧ ⲁⲅⲁⳝⲟⲩⲀⲛⲁⲥⲱ ⲓⲟⲩⲇⲁⲓⲁⲛ Ⲁⲥⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗ ⳟⲟⲇⲁ ⲉⲓⲣⲚ ⲁⲙⲤⲗⲱ ⳝⲱⲀ⳼ aɡaj-ou-an-a-sō

ioudaia-n as-iɡou-l-∅

ŋod-a

exult-PST1-3PL-PRED-COMM Judea-GEN daughter-PL-DET-NOM lord-PRED

eiri-n

amis-lo

jōa

2SG-GEN judgment-LOC because ‘Let the daughters of Judea exult, Lord, because of your judgment!’ (Ps 96:8)

(393) P.QI 2 12.i.5–7 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲣⲚ ⲕⲟⳡⲕⲁ ⲁⲓⲱ ⲙⲁⲗⲗⲉ ⲅⲡⲢⲧⲣⲁ ⲙⲉⲛⲉⲥⲱ ⲟⲛ ⳟⲟⲇᲝⲞᲞⲁ ⲁⲓⲅⲖ ⲕⲉⲛⲇⲉⲙⲓⲛⲉⲥⲱ ⳟⲁⲕⲦⲕⲁⲗⲟ ⲉⲓⲣⲚ ⲙⲉⲇⳝⲟⲩⲗⲟⲇⲱ⳼ eiri-n

koñ-ka

ai-ō

malle ɡ(i)pirt-r-a men-e-sō

2SG-GEN face-ACC 1SG-LOC turn-PRS-PRED

on

ŋod-a

ai-ɡil

kend-emin-e-sō

not.be-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM

ŋakt-ka-lo

and Lord-PRED 1SG-ALL place(?)-NEG-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM anger-ACC-FOC

eiri-n

medjou-lo-dō

2SG-GEN servant-LOC-SUPE ‘Do not turn your face away from me, Lord, do not place anger on me, upon your servant!’ (Ps 26:9)

Besides in hymnal texts, this form has also been located in a graffito left in the South-West Annex to the Monastery on Kom H, adjacent to the annex in which DP 1, 2, 3, and 4 were located and in an interpolation in SC (337). 10.1.2. Short Personal Pronouns The short form of the personal pronoun forms the basis for cases and postpositions for which the long form (§10.1.1) is not used. There are several contexts in which we encounter the short form of the personal pronoun: as a topicalized subject (§10.1.2.1); as the (subject of) a nominal predicate (§10.1.2.2); as the subject of a verbal predicate without subject clitic (§10.1.2.3); and as the basis of several other cases (§10.1.2.4). In general, short personal pronouns are weak roots (§19.6.2.1.1), which means that the final -ⲣ often shows regressive assimilation with the first consonant of a suffix: M 5.8 ᫥ ⲉⲆ-ⲇⲁⲗ; P.QI 1 10.A.ii.21 ᫥ ⲉⲔ-ⲕⲟⲛ; P.Attiri 2.ii.2 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲗ-ⲗⲟ; SC 22.17 ᫥ ⲧⲉⲛ-ⲛⲁ. The 2SG, 3SG, 2PL, 3PL pronouns with -ⲣ have less frequently occurring alternate spellings with -ⲇ in auslaut, between vowels, or in unassimilated forms: P.QI 1 2.i.18 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲇ; SC 13.4 ᫥ ⲏⲇ-ⲕⲁ; P.QI 2 16.v.9 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲇ-ⲕⲁ; P.QI 2 12.ii.16 ᫡ ⲧⲁⲇⲟⲩ; P.QI 1 2.i.1 ᫥ ⲧⲉⲇ; P.QI 1 5.i.7 ᫥ ⲧⲉⲇ-ⲅⲖⲗⲉ; Dong 1.ii.15 ᫥ ⲧⲉⲇ-ⲕⲁ; but also P.QI 2 16.iii.7 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲇⲓ-ⲁ.

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10. PERSON

It is plausible that the short personal pronouns are a later development deriving from the long forms. A possible piece of evidence is the following example, from the New Testament quoted in a liturgical manuscript found in Qaṣr Ibrīm: (394) P.QI 1 7.i.5–6 ᫧ ⲉⲓⲀⲣⲟⲩⲀⲛⲁⲥⲱ· ⲟⲩⲣⲅⲖⲗⲉ [ⲡⲁⲉⲓⲁ] ⲧⲉⲣⲓⲕⲁ· ⳟⲟⲇⲚ ⲧⲉⲇⲉⲛⲟⲕⲕⲁ· ei-ar-ou-an-a-sō

our-ɡille paei-a

know-TR-PST1-3PL-PRED-COMM 2PL-ALL

teri-ka ŋod-in

write-PRED 3PL-ACC lord-GEN

ted-enok-ka law-COMP-ACC ‘Let them know what I write to you, the highest law of the Lord!’ (1 Cor 14:37)

Example (394) contains the hapax formation ⲧⲉⲣⲓⲕⲁ, with the long form of the 3PL personal pronoun used as the basis of the accusative. At the same time, the sentence contains a form with the comparative morpheme -ⲉⲛⲟⲕ (§17.3), which otherwise is only present in older strata of the language (Van Gerven Oei and Tsakos 2019b). We may therefore propose a possible development ⲧⲉⲣⲓⲕⲁ > ⲧⲉⲇⲕⲁ > ⲧⲉⲕⲕⲁ. 10.1.2.1. Topicalized Subject The nominative-marked short personal pronoun appears most often as topicalized subject, followed by the topic marker -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ (§5.1). Such topicalized subjects often correlate with a subject clitic (§10.1.4) on the verbal predicate. (395) M 4.11–12

ⲧⲁⲣⲟⲛ ⲡⲉⲥⲥⲛⲁ·

᫥

tar-∅-on

pess-(i)n-a

3SG-NOM-TOP speak-PRS.2/3SG-PRED ‘He said.’

(396) L 107.12–13 ai-∅-on

᫥

ⲁⲓⲟⲛ ⲧⲉⲛ ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲓⲀⲗⲟ ⲥⲉⲛⲛⲉ⳹

ten

jouri-a-lo

sen-n-e

1SG-NOM-TOP 3PL.GEN cause-DAT-FOC ask-PRS-1SG.PRED ‘I ask about them.’ (Jn 17:9)

(397) K 27.12–14

᫥

Ⲁⲗⲉⲥⲓⲛ ⲉⲓⲣⲟⲛ ⲕⲤⲥⲉⲗ ⲙⲟⲣⲓⲙⲓⲛⲓⲛ ⲡⲁⲧⲧⲁⲙⲏ·

alesin eir-∅-on if

kisse-l-∅

mor-imin-in

pat-ta-mē

2SG-NOM-TOP church-DET-NOM end-NEG-PRS.2/3SG come.out-NEG-JUS.SG

‘Don’t you come out if the church has not ended!’

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10.1. PRONOUNS AND CLITICS

10.1.2.2. (Subject of) Nominal Predicate Nominal predicates cannot encode for person through a subject clitic (§10.1.4), which is why this is another context in which we encounter the short form of the personal pronoun in the subject position. (398) P.QI 1 2.i.1–2 ᫧ ⲧⲉⲇ ⲟⲩⲁⲗⲟⲩⲁ ⲟⲕⲔⲇⲉ[ⲣ]ⲁⲅⲟⲩⲉⲙ⳿ ⲟⲛⲟⲛⲕⲁⲛⲉⲅⲟⲩⲗⲱ ted oualou-a

okkider-a-ɡoue-m

onon-kane-ɡou-lō

3PL altogether(?)-PRED unjust.NMLZ-PRED-PL.PRED-AFF vain-NMLZ-PL-LOC ‘They are altogether unjust from vanities.’ (Ps 61:10)

The short personal pronoun also appears as a nominal predicate: (399) SC 18.2–5 ᫧ ⳟⲖⲗⲁⲓ⳺ ⲥⲁⲗⲗⲟ [ϩⲁ]ⲣⲙⲓⲕ[ⲁ] ⲕⲁⲣⳟⲟⲛⲛⲁ ⲧⲁⲣ ⲉⲛⲉⲛⲕⲁ⳺ ⲟⲩⲛⳝⲟⲩⲣⲓⲛ ⲧⲘⲙⲓⲅ[ⲟ]ⲩⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲛⲕⲟⲩⲛⲕⲉⲣⲁⲛ ⲇⲟⲩⲧⳝⲟⲛⲛⲁ⳺ ŋil-l-a-i

sal-lo

harmi-ka

karŋ-on-na

tar-∅

see-PRS-PRED-2SG word-LOC heaven-ACC hold-PST1.2/3SG-GEN 3SG-NOM

en-en-ka

ounj-ouri-n timm-iɡou-ka

be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-ACC star-PL-GEN

oun-koun-ker-an

assembly-PL-ACC love-have-NMLZ-ADV

dout-j-on-na adorn-PLACT-PST1.2/3SG-GEN ‘Do you see that it is he who held the heaven with the Word, who adorned it in a lovely way with assemblies of stars?’

(400) P.QI 1 4.i.15–17 ᫥ Ⲉ ⳟⲟⲇⲁ ⲧⲁ ⲡⲤⲧⲉⲩⲉⲘⲙⲉ ⲉⲓⲣ ⲉⲛⲉⲛⲕⲁ· ⲭⲣⲓⲥⲧⲟⲥⲓ ⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥⲗⲀ ⲕⲣⲟⲗ· e

ŋod-a

oh lord-PRED

en-en-ka

ta

pisteue-im-m-e

PTC.PFV

believe-AFF-PRS-1SG.PRED 2SG-NOM

khristosi

eir-∅

kosmos-ila kr-ol-∅

be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-ACC Christ.PRED world-DAT

come-PST1.DET-NOM

‘Oh lord, I believe that it is you, the Christ who has come in the world.’ (Jn 11:27)

10.1.2.3. Subject of Verbal Predicate The short personal pronoun shows up as a subject when it is focus-marked and therefore explicit. In those cases we do not find a subject clitic on the verb: (401) P.Attiri 2.ii.2–3 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲗⲗⲟ ⲥⲔⲇⲉⲥⲢⲣⲁ ⲕⲟⲉⲟⲩⲣⲕⲕⲟⲗⲕⲁ tal-∅-lo

(i)sik-des-ir-r-a

ko-e-ourk-kol-ka

3SG-NOM-FOC conquer-free-TR-PRS-PRED have-NMLZ-hungry-ADJ-ACC ‘He overcomes the power-hungry.’

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10. PERSON

(402) SC 18.10–12 tal-∅-lo

ⲧⲁⲗⲗⲟ ⲤⲕⲦⲕⲁ Ⲁⲙⲁⲛⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇⲱ ⲥⲟⲩⲙⲡⲟⲩⲧⲢⲣⲁ·

᫥

iskit-ka

aman-ɡou-l-dō

soumpout-ir-r-a

3SG-NOM-FOC earth.NMLZ-ACC water-PL-DET-SUPE foundation-TR-PRS-PRED ‘He founds the earth upon the waters.’

(403) St 5.1–4 ᫥ ⲉⲖⲗⲟ ⲙⲩⲥⲧⲏⲣⲁ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲡⲖⲗⲓⲅⲣⲀ ⲇⲉⲛⳝⲁⲣⲁ· eil-∅-lo

mustēr-a

miššan-ka ou-ka

2SG-NOM-FOC mystery-PRED all-ACC

pill-iɡir-a

1PL.EXCL-ACC shine-CAUS-PRED

den-j-ar-a give>1-PLACT-PST1-PRED ‘You have revealed to us every mystery.’

The short personal pronoun also shows up as the explicit subject of raised verbal predicates that are not marked with a subject clitic. This may happen in a translation context in which the Old Nubian word order imitates the Greek. (404) SC 11.2–3 tar-∅

᫦

ⲧ[ⲁⲣ] ⲡⲉⲥⲁⲣⲁⲥⲚ ⲡⲉⲧⲣⲟⲥⲓⲅⲖⲗⲉ·

pes-ar-a-sin

petros-iɡille

3SG-NOM speak-PST1-PRED-EMP Peter-ALL ‘He said to Peter.’

In (404) the third person subject ⲧ[ⲁⲣ] is made explicit because the main verb ⲡⲉⲥⲁⲣⲁⲥⲚ is marked with the emphatic marker -ⲥⲚ (§5.4) and can therefore not be marked with a subject clitic. The subject is therefore made explicit with a nominative personal pronoun. 10.1.2.4. Other Cases Short personal pronouns are used for all other oblique cases except the locative or dative. (405) SC 13.10–11 ouaou-s-n-a

᫥

ⲟⲩⲀⲟⲩⲥⲛⲁ ⲉⲔⲕⲁ ⲉⲩⲟⲩⲕⳠⳡⲓⲕⲁⲛⲉⲕⲁ ⲧⲉⲛⲓⲀ· eik-ka euou-kiññ-ikane-ka

teni-a

sail-PST2-2/3SG-PRED 2SG-ACC fear-NEG.ADJ-NMLZ-ACC give>2/3.SUBORD.SG-PRED ‘He sailed so as to give you fearlessness.’

(406) M 7.3–6 ᫥ ⲉⲦⲧⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⲡⲤⲧⲉⲩⲀ ⲕⲟⲩⲙⲡⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲧⲁⲛ⳿ ⲉⲓⲗⲁ⳿ ⲟⲩⲧⲣⲁ ⲧⲢⲥⲛⲁ· eitt-il-∅-lon

pisteu-a

koumpou-ka tan

woman-DET-NOM-TOP believe-PRED egg-ACC

ei-la

3SG.GEN hand-DAT

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10.1. PRONOUNS AND CLITICS

outr-a

tir-s-n-a

place-PRED give>2/3-PST2-2/3SG-PRED ‘The woman believed him and gave him the egg in his hand.’

(407) Sale 12–14

᫥

ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩ ⲡⲁⲡⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲟⲛ· ⲁⲓⲇⲟ ⲙⲁⲧⲁⲣ ⲁⳟⲥⲟ·

ourou pap-iɡou-l-∅-lon 2PL

ai-do

matar

aŋ-so

father-PL-DET-NOM-TOP 1SG-SUPE witness become-COMM

‘You, fathers, become witnesses for me.’

(408) SE A.i.7–11 ᫥ ϩⲁⲣⲙⲖⲇⲟⲛ ⲧⲘⲙⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲁⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲅⲟⲕⲗⲟ ⲧⲉⲇⲇⲁⲗ ⲅⲦⲧⲁⲗ ⲟⲩⲗⲉⲛⲇⲉ ⲇⲟⲩⲙⲙⲚⲛⲁⲗⲟ· harm-il-don

timm-iɡou-la-eion

ɡok-lo

ted-dal ɡittal

heaven-DET-SUBE gathering-PL-DAT-TOP glory-LOC 3PL-COM like.DET

oul-ende

doum-min-n-a-lo

one-NEG.CONJ exist-NEG-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-FOC ‘In the gatherings in heaven there is no one similar to them in glory.’

10.1.3. Kinship Possessors Old Nubian has a series of kinship possessors related to personal pronouns which precede a dependent nominal root. Even though the spoken language may have featured a widespread use of these prefixed pronominal elements, in the written language they have mainly been attested with a single irregular root ⲡⲟ/ⲡⲁ(ⲡ) ‘father’, and only for singular pronouns: 1SG St 29.11 ᫥ Ⲁ-ⲡⲟ-, CM ii.7 ᫧ Ⲁ-ⲡⲟ- ‘my father’; 2SG P.QI 2 28.21 ᫥ ⲓ-ⲡⲟ, P.QI 1 10.A.ii.4 ᫧ ⲉⲓ-ⲡⲟ- ‘your father’; 3SG KD 16 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲡ-ⲡⲁⲡ-; P.Attiri 1.ii.7 ᫦ ⲧⲁⲡ-ⲡⲁ-; SC 14.8 ᫡ ⲧⲁ-ⲡ- ‘his father’. Other occurrences are most probably CE 160.B.12 ᫥ ⲉⲓ-ⳟⲁⲕ- ‘your son’; P.QI 4 86.ve.2 ⲁⲛ-ⲡⲉⲥ- ‘my sibling’; and the fossilized form P.QI 3 42.1 ᫥ ⲁ-ⲟⲩⲉⲖ- ‘(my) friend’ (Rilly 2011, 213). An earlier form of the 1SG kinship possessor Ⲁ- may have been preserved in a name found on a funerary stele from Faras dated to the 8th–9th c. CE, I. Khartoum Copt. 7.1–2 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲁⲣⲉⲛⲱ and 4–5 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲁϩⲉⲛⲱ, which contains -ⲉⲛ-ⲱ ‘mother-VOC’ (cf. §15.2.8). ⲟⲩⲁⲣ-/ⲟⲩⲁϩ- would therefore perhaps be the 1SG kinship possessor later attested as simple Ⲁ-. The initial ⲟⲩ- must have disappeared by the time Old Nubian became codified, but is paralleled in other Northern East Sudanic languages (cf. Rilly 2010, 467, no. 92). The same prefix may also be found in the name P.QI 3 34.i.36 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲁⲧⲧⲁⲗ ; P.QI 3 42.12 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲁⲣⲧⲁ lit. ‘my girl’.

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10. PERSON

10.1.4. Declarative Subject Clitics The third series of morphemes referring to persons are the subject clitics used in declarations (§4.1). Unlike present-day Nile Nubian languages, Old Nubian verbs show no agreement with the subject of a sentence (Van Gerven Oei 2018). Rather, it employs a set of subject clitics that appear in the specific syntactical context of a ‘subject gap’, when the subject is either moved leftward and topicalized (§10.1.4.1) or dropped (§10.1.4.2). In both cases, a subject clitic is obligatory. Subject clitics also occur together with overt subjects (clitic doubling) in semantically marked contexts (§10.1.4.3). As already observed by Vycichl (1958, 174), in 1SG and 1/2PL forms the subject clitic has fused with the predicate marker -ⲁ (t. 10.2). subj. clitic

subj. clitic +

1SG

-ⲓ

-ⲉ

2/3SG

-ⲛ

-ⲛ-ⲁ

1/2PL

-ⲟⲩ

-ⲟ

3PL

-ⲁⲛ

-ⲁⲛ-ⲁ

PRED

Table 10.2: Declarative subject clitics

The distinction between cliticized and non-cliticized verb forms is an important aspect of the Old Nubian verbal system morphology. Whereas in the case of normal declarative verb forms the presence or absence of a subject clitic appears to have no influence on the rest of the morphology (except in the past tense), other parts of the verbal system feature two different and unrelated sets of morphemes depending on whether a subject clitic is present or not. This is specifically the case with the distinction between jussives and imperatives (§4.2) and conditional/final verb morphology (§8.2). Etymologically, Old Nubian subject clitics have derived from pronouns: (409) ETYMOLOGY OF DECLARATIVE SUBJECT CLITICS • 1SG -ⲓ < ⲁⲓ; • 2/3SG -ⲛ, cf. Midob 2SG pronoun íin, 3SG pronoun òon (Zyhlarz 1928, §155)2; • 1/2PL -ⲟⲩ < ⲟⲩ(ⲣ); • 3PL -ⲁⲛ, cf. Midob 3PL pronoun ànngá (Werner 1993, 36).

2

In Van Gerven Oei (2018, 12, ex. 37) I suggest an alternative etymology for the 2/3SG and 3PL subject clitics based on the demonstrative pronouns ⲉⲓⲛ and ⲙⲁⲛ. This analysis must be discarded.

10.1. PRONOUNS AND CLITICS

191

Rilly (2010, 429, no. 19; 466, no. 90) postulates that the Old Nubian 3SG pronoun ⲧⲁⲣ (and probably also 3PL ⲧⲉⲣ) are a later innovation, where the proto-Nubian 3SG pronoun *on was replaced with the demonstrative pronoun *te in all Nubian languages except Midob. If this is correct, Old Nubian subject clitics must have developed before this innovation and thus retain traces of a proto-Nubian pronominal system. Phonologically, subject clitics are relatively stable. There are however two instances in Dong 1 in which the initial -ⲁ of 3PL -ⲁⲛ is dropped, possibly for metrical reasons: (410) Dong 1.i.7–9 ᫧ ⲙⲁⲁⲛⲛⲟⲗⲱ ⲕⲁ[ⲩⲣⲧⲓ]ⲛⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲞⲕⲉⲣⲛⲁ⳼ maan-no-lō

kaurti-ni-ɡou-l-∅ ounno-ke-r-n-a

DEM.DIST-LOC-FOC

bird-PL-PL-DET-NOM bear-HAB-PRS-3PL-PRED

‘There the birds are nesting.’ (Ps 103:17)

(411) Dong 1.ii.9–10 ᫥ ⲙⲁⲛⲗⲱⲗⲱ ⲁⲩⲉⲓⲗⲅⲟⲩⲗ ⳝⲱⲕⲉⲣⲛⲁ⳼ man-lō-lō

aueil-ɡou-l-∅

DEM.DIST-LOC-FOC

ship-PL-DET-NOM go-HAB-PRS-3PL-PRED

jō-ke-r-n-a

‘There the boats are going.’ (Ps 103:26)

G. M. Browne (1987d) suggests that both verbs may be singular because the subject is a general plural. In that case, however, we would expect an assimilated present tense suffix, -ⲕⲉⲛⲛⲁ (cf. §11.1.4). 10.1.4.1. Topicalized Subjects In the case of a topicalized subject, the subject has moved from its original position leftward to the highest position in the sentence and is marked with the topic marker -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ (§5.1). Although this syntactical movement is not always visible on the surface, it is visible in the verbal morphology. Consider the following minimal pair: (412) M 4.16 ᫥ ⲀⲡⲟⲅⲅⲖ ⲡⲉⲥⲁⲣⲁ· pes-ar-a

apoɡɡ-il-∅

boatsman-DET-NOM speak-PST1-PRED ‘The boatsman said.’

(413) M 5.14–15

᫥

ⲀⲡⲟⲅⲅⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⲡⲉⲥⲥⲛⲁ·

apoɡɡ-il-∅-lon

pes-s-n-a

boatsman-DET-NOM-TOP speak-PST2-2/3SG-PRED ‘The boatsman said.’

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10. PERSON

In (412) the subject ⲀⲡⲟⲅⲅⲖ is in its base position, and we do not find a subject clitic on the verb ⲡⲉⲥⲁⲣⲁ. In (413), however, ⲀⲡⲟⲅⲅⲖⲗⲟⲛ has been topicalized, leaving a null subject position. As a result we find a subject clitic on ⲡⲉⲥⲥⲛⲁ. Note also the difference in past tense suffix on the two verbal forms, which is addressed in §11.2.2. 10.1.4.2. Pro-Drop Old Nubian is a pro-drop language, which means that the subject of a verb does not need to be overtly expressed. Unless a noun is topicalized (§10.1.4.1) or overtly marked as with the focus marker (§5.2), the pro-drop construction with non-overtly expressed subject and subject clitic on the verb is the default: (414) M 9.14–16

᫥

Ⲁⲟⲩⲕⲕⲟⲛ ⲙⲁⲛ ⲇⲠⲡⲚ ⲅⲁⲇⲇⲱ ⲕⲉⲛⲞⲟⲥⲥⲁⲛⲁ·

aou-k-kon

man

dipp-in

ship-ACC-TOP

DEM.DIST

village-GEN shore-SUPE place-PFV-PST2-3PL-PRED

ɡad-dō

ken-oos-s-an-a

‘And they beached the ship on the shore of that village.’

(415) SC 10.15–16 ᫥ ⲉⲘⲙⲟ ⲭⲤⲥⲓⲕⲁ ⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥⲅⲟⲩⲗⲟ ⳝⲟⲩⲛ ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲧⲁⲕⲚ· ei-m-m-o

kh(risto)ssi-ka aɡɡelos-gou-lo joun

know-AFF-PRS-1PL.PRED Christ-ACC

angel-PL-LOC

by

douk-tak-in worship-PASS-PRS.2/3SG ‘We know that Christ is worshipped by the angels.’

In both (414) and (415) the subject is not overtly expressed. We therefore find a subject clitic on the main verb of the clause. Subject clitics and overtly expressed, non-topicalized subjects are mutually exclusive, except in the case of clitic doubling (§10.1.1.1, §10.1.4.3). Thus, a subject clitic is prohibited when the subject of a sentence is explicit and marked by the focus marker -ⲗⲟ (§5.2). The following example contains a minimal pair: (416) SC 17.22–23 ᫧ ⳝⲟⲩⲛⳝⲟⲩⲣⲧⲗⲟ ⲥⲁⲗⲗⲱ ⲇⲟⲩⲀⲣⲁ· ⲥⲁ[ⲗⲗⲟⲛ] ⲧⲖⲗⲓⲗⲁⲗⲟ [ⲇ]ⲟⲩⲞⲛⲁ· joun∼jour-t-lo

sal-∅-lō

dou-ar-a-∅

sal-l-∅-on

cause∼INT-NMLZ-LOC word-NOM-FOC exist-PST1-PRED word-DET-NOM-TOP

till-ila-lo

dou-on-a

God-DAT-FOC exist-PST1.2/3SG-PRED ‘In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God.’ (Jn 1:1)

In the first clause of (416), the subject ⲥⲁⲗⲗⲱ is marked with the focus marker -ⲗⲱ, while the main verb ⲇⲟⲩⲀⲣⲁ remains without subject clitic. In

193

10.1. PRONOUNS AND CLITICS

the second clause, ⲥⲁ[ⲗⲗⲟⲛ] has become the topic and moved leftward, leaving a subject gap, while the focus has shifted to ⲧⲖⲗⲓⲗⲁⲗⲟ. As a result, we find a subject clitic on [ⲇ]ⲟⲩⲞⲛⲁ. This example shows clearly how topic and focus marking and subject clitics interact. 10.1.4.3. Clitic Doubling Clitic doubling is defined as the co-presence of an explicit subject and subject clitic. In general, there are two contexts in which clitic doubling may occur. (417) CLITIC DOUBLING CONTEXTS • Emphatic pronominal subjects; • Topicalized subjects. In the case of an emphatic pronominal subject, we find a long personal pronoun together with a subject clitic (§10.1.1.1): (418) K 31.5–10 ᫥ ⲁⲗⲉⲥⲚ ⲟⲩⲉⲗ ⲡⲣⲟⲥⲕⲟⲕⲁ ⲕⲤⲥⲉⲗⲁ ⲕⲉⲛⲇⲟⲩⲕⲕⲓⲕⲁⲛᲝⲁⲛᲞⲛⲟ Ⲉⲕⲉⲗ ⲧⲁⲣⲟⲩ ⲁⳡⲚⲛⲟ ⟨ϩⲁⲣⲙⲖ(?)⟩ⲇⲱⲛ Ⲓⲉⲣⲟⲩⲥⲁⲗⲏⲙⲏⲁ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲧⲁⳟⲤⲕⲁ ⲡⲁⲉⲓⲛⲛⲁ· prosko-ka

alesin ouel-∅ if

kisse-la

ekel tarou-∅ añ-in-no still

tan

ken-doukk-ika-n-no

one-NOM offering-ACC church-DAT place-offer-SUBORD-2/3SG-LOC

harm-il-dōn

ierousalēmē-a

3SG-NOM live-PRS.2/3SG-LOC heaven-DET-SUPE Jerusalem-DAT

taŋis-ka

paein-n-a

3SG.GEN name-ACC write.PRS-2/3SG-PRED ‘If someone presents an offering to the church, he writes his name in the heavenly Jerusalem while he himself is still alive.’

In (418) we find the clitic doubling construction ⲧⲁⲣⲟⲩ ⲁⳡⲚⲛⲟ which serves to place emphasis on the third person subject, which can be expressed in English with the use of the reflexive ‘he himself’. A topicalized subject that has moved leftward leaving a subject gap (§10.1.4.1) also leads to clitic doubling: ⲧⲉⲛ ⲁⲣⲙⲤⲕⲇⲉⲛ ⲁⲣⲡⲁⲉⲗⲗⲟⲛ ⲉⲗⲗⲉⲛⲅⲟⲩⲗⲱ ⲕⲤⲕⲖⲗⲉⲗⲟ ⲕⲉⲇⲓⲗ ⲇⲟⲩⲞⲛⲁ·

(419) P.QI 1 9.ii.3–5 ten

᫥

armis-kd-en

arpae-l-∅-lon

elle-n-ɡou-lō kiskillelo

3PL.GEN judge-NMLZ-GEN temple-DET-NOM-TOP time-PL-PL-LOC until.LOC

ked-il

dou-on-a

ascend-PRS exist-PST1.2/3SG-PRED ‘The temple of their judgment was ascending up to eternity.’ (Rev 14:11)

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In (419) the clitic doubling is the result of syntactic movement of the subject ⲧⲉⲛ ⲁⲣⲙⲤⲕⲇⲉⲛ ⲁⲣⲡⲁⲉⲗⲗⲟⲛ to the topic position, leaving a subject gap. Note that ⲁⲣⲡⲁⲉⲗⲗⲟⲛ ‘temple’ is unexpected here, considering that the Greek has καπνὸς ‘smoke’. There are, furthermore, a few scattered examples of clitic doubling that do not fall in either category and are difficult to classify as a group. The only common feature they share is that in all cases the subject is determinate and that any leftward movement of the subject that would have left a subject gap and license the subject clitic is invisible on the surface. (420) SC 7.2–3 ᫧ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲗⲟⲛ ⲡⲉⲥⲘⲙ[ⲁ ⲙ]ⲓⳝⲓⲣⲕⲖ ⲇⲓⲁⲣⲕⲁ[ⲗ]ⲟ ⳟⲉⲕⲛⲁⲁ ouel-lon pes-im-m-a one-TOP

mij-ir-k-il-∅

di-ar-ka-lo

speak-AFF-PRS.3SG-PRED disobey-TR-NMLZ-DET-NOM die-PST1-ACC-FOC

ŋek-n-a-a produce-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-DD ‘Again he says: “Disobedience produces death.”’

In (420) we find both a definite subject marked by a determiner and a verb marked by a subject clitic. This suggests that ⲙ]ⲓⳝⲓⲣⲕⲖ has moved to the left of the quotation, leaving a subject gap. Because it is illicit to have a topic marker in a direct discourse environment, this move would be invisible on the surface. (421) L 113.5–6 ᫥ Ⲥⲗⲟ ⲡⲓⲛⲁ ⲟⲩⲧⲁⲕⲟⲗ⳹

ⲓⲟⲩⲇⲁⲓⲟⲥⲅⲟⲩⲛ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲛⲛ-

is-lo

pi-n-a

WH-LOC

exist-PRS.2/3SG-PRED Jew-PL-GEN

ioudaios-ɡou-n ourouou king

ounn-outak-ol-∅ bear-PASS-PST1.DET-NOM ‘Where is the king of the Jews that has been born?’ (Mt 2:2)

In (421) we find a syntactically rare construction in which the main verb in a question has inverted without showing any special morphology (usually we find an affirmative suffix as in (420)). The constituent order follows the Greek Vorlage and it may well be that the subject has moved to a higher position in the clause. But again this is not visible. ⲕⲩⲣⲓⲀⲕⲉⲛ ⲟⲩⲕⲟⲩⲣ ⲉⲓⲛⲚⲛⲟⲛ· ⲀⲡⲟⲅⲅⲖ ⲇⲠⲡⲆⲇⲱ ⲕⲉⲇⲁ ⲕⲓⲥⲛⲁ· ⲕⲟⲣⲉⲕ⳿ ⲉⲦⲛⲓⲁ·

(422) M 9.16–10.3 kuriake-n

᫥

oukour-∅ ein-in-non

Sunday-GEN day-NOM

dipp-id-dō

ked-a

apoɡɡ-il-∅

be-PRS.2/3SG-TOP boatsman-DET-NOM

ki-s-n-a

kore-k

village-DET-SUPE ascend-PRED come-PST2-2/3SG-PRED sacrament-ACC

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10.1. PRONOUNS AND CLITICS

eit-ni-a receive-SUBORD.SG-PRED ‘As it was Sunday, the boatsman went up to the village to receive the sacrament.’

In (422) we find an uncommon construction in which an entire subordinate clause is marked by the topic marker. Again we would have to assume that the subject has moved out of its original position, with the subject clitic licensing the empty position. At the same time we find clitic doubling on ⲕⲓⲥⲛⲁ, while the subject ⲀⲡⲟⲅⲅⲖ appears to be in situ, because of the presence of a topic. Finally, we have also one example of clitic doubling within a non-coreferential relative clause, with a genitive-marked subject: (423) St 6.5–9 ᫥ ⳟⲉⲉⲓⲟⲩ ⲉⲓⲛ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲁ ⲁⲓⲕⲁ Ⲉⲕⲓⲇⲣⲟⲩⲕⲟⲛ ⲁⲓⲗⲱ ⲟⲩⲕⲕⲁ ⲡⲖⲗ̈ ⲅⲣⲀ Ⲧⳝⳝⲁⲣⲣⲁ· ŋeeiou ein thing

oun-na ai-ka

DEM.PROX

eid-r-ou-k-on

ai-lō

2PL-GEN 1SG-ACC ask-PRS-1/2PL-ACC-TOP 1SG-FOC

ouk-ka pill-iɡir-a

tij-j-ar-r-a

2PL-ACC shine-CAUS-PRED give>2/3-PLACT-INTEN-PRS-PRED ‘The thing that you asked me I will reveal to you.’

Non-coreferential relative clauses do not allow for a topic position, and on the surface it appears as if the subject has not moved to a higher position. A possible explanation for the presence of the explicit subject ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲁ in the relative clause could be to disambiguate the verbal form. As Old Nubian transitioned from a subject clitic to an agreement system, clitic doubling became more widespread. This is especially visible in later, documentary texts: (424) P.QI 3 31.15 ⲁⲇⲁⲙⲁⲗⲟ· ai

᫥

ⲁⲒ Ⲁⳝⲟⲗⲁ· ⲇⲓⲀⲕⲟⲛ ⲡⲁⲉⲓⲥⲉ ⲙⲁⲧⲁⲣ ⲁⳟⲓⲥⲉⲗⲟ·

ajola diakon paei-s-e

matar aŋ-is-e-lo

1SG Ajola deacon write-PST2-1SG.PRED witness become-PST2-1SG.PRED-FOC

adama-lo Adama-LOC ‘I, deacon Ajola, wrote and witnessed on behalf of Adama.’

10.1.4.4. Default Second/Third Singular Person Just like default present tense (§11.2.1.1), the 2/3SG subject clitic -ⲛ is sometimes used as a default person marker in subordinate clauses, when the person can be inferred from the main verb. The presence of default person marking is not predictable, and should be inferred from the semantic context.

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10. PERSON

(425) L 107.1–3 ᫥ Ⲉⲗⲟⲛ ⲡⲁⲡⲟ ⲉⲓⲣⲟⲩ ⲁⲓⲕⲁ ⳟⲟⲕⲟⲩ ⲇⲓⲛⲉⲥⲱ⳹ ⲉⲓⲣⲓⲰ Ⲟⲣⲱ ⳟⲟⲕⲟⲩ ⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥⲗⲀ ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲟⲩ ⲉⲓⲣⲓⲞ ⲧⳝⲰ ⲇⲟⲩⲛ ⲕⲟⲩⲥⲥⲓⲕⲁ el-on

pap-o

eirou ai-ka

now-TOP father-VOC 2SG

eiri-ō

orō

give>1-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM

ŋokou kosmos-ila tousou eiri-o

2SG-LOC upstream glory

doun

ŋokou din-e-sō

1SG-ACC glory world-DAT

before

tijō

2SG-LOC with

kous-s-i-ka

exist.PRS.2/3SG have-PST2-1SG-ACC ‘Now, Father, give me glory, the glory I had in front of me when I was with you before the world!’ (Jn 17:5)

Even though (425) ⲇⲟⲩⲛ is marked with the 2/3SG subject clitic -ⲛ, the reading should be a first person singular, following the clitic on ⲕⲟⲩⲥⲥⲓ-. Note also the use of default present tense on ⲇⲟⲩⲛ. (426) P.QI 2 16.ii.8–iii.8 ᫧ ⲡⲉⲥⲓⲕⲁ ⲇⲟⲗⲗⲉⲛⲛⲱ ⲧⲉⲛⲛⲁ ⳟⲟⲕⲓⲇⲉ ⲟⲛ ⲧ[ⲉⲛⲛⲁ] Ⲉⳟⲟⲕⲕⲓⲛⲁⳣⲉⲇ[ⲉⲕⲉⲗ]ⲕⲁ ⲡⲖⲥⲁⲇⲁⲅⲘⲙ[ⲉ] ⲟⲛ ⲁⲛⲕⲓⲧⲘⲙⲉ ⲁⲛⲛ ⲟⲩⲛⲉ ⲙⲉⲩⲉⲆⲖⲕⲓⲛⲓⲇⲉ ⲟⲛ ⲁⲛ ⲥⲁⲕⲓⲧⲟⲩ ⲉⲓⲉⲕⲟⲕⲓⲛⲁ ⲧⲁⲇⲓⲁ ⲇⲁⲙⲉⲛⲉⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲕⲁ: pes-ika

doll-en-nō

ten-na ŋok-ide

on

ten-na

speak-ACC want-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-LOC 3PL-GEN glory-CONJ and 3PL-GEN

eŋokkinawe-dekel-ka pil-sad-aɡ-im-m-e honor.NMLZ-CONJ-ACC

on

throw-say-sit-AFF-PRS-1SG.PRED and

ank-it-im-me

an-n

oune

meueid il-kini-de

think.NMLZ-AFF-PRS-1SG.PRED 1SG-GEN wisdom poor

on

an

sakitou

ei-e-konk-ina

voice-NEG.ADJ-CONJ

tadi-a

and 1SG.GEN council.NMLZ know-NMLZ-NMLZ-GEN 3SG-DAT

da-men-e-dekel-ka exist-NEG-PFV.PRS(?)-CONJ-ACC ‘When I want to speak about their glory and their honor, I mention and recall my wisdom, which is poor and voiceless, and my council, in which there is no knowledge.’

Also (426) ⲇⲟⲗⲗⲉⲛ- is marked with default 2/3SG subject clitic -ⲛ, but should interpreted as first person singular, following ⲡⲖⲥⲁⲇⲁⲅⲘⲙ[ⲉ]. 10.1.5. Imperative Subject Clitics Imperative verb forms feature a slightly different set of clitics (table 10.3), which in the 2/3SG and 2/3PL forms appear to feature a predicate marker -ⲁ, but not in the case of the 1PL suffix. The 1SG form has not been attested.

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10.1. PRONOUNS AND CLITICS

subj. clitic 2/3SG 1PL 2/3PL

-ⲉ -ⲁⲙ -(ⲁ)ⲛⲁ

Table 10.3: Imperative subject clitics

The 2/3SG form -ⲉ < -ⲓ-ⲁ most probably derives from the old 2SG subject suffix -ⲓ (§10.1.6). The 2/3PL imperative subject clitic is sometimes reduced to -ⲛ-ⲁ after the negative suffix -ⲙⲓⲛ/ⲙⲉⲛ: (427) SC 5.4–8 ᫧ ⲉⲓⲁⲣ[ⲧⲁ]ⲕⲉⲥⲚ ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱ· ⲟⲩⲛ ⲕⲁⲡⲟⲡⲓⲅⲟ[ⲩ]ⲕⲁ ⲕⲟⲩⲧⲟⲩⲛⲛⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲞⲇⲱ ⲟⲩⲉⲕ[ⲕ]ⲓⲙⲉⲛⲛⲁⲥⲱ· ⲟⲩ[ⲛ] ⳟⲤⲥⲓⲕⲉⲛⲇⲉ ⲙⲟⲩⲅⲣⲓⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲟⲩ[ⲧⲢ]ⲙⲉⲛⲛⲁⲥ[ⲱ] ei-ar-tak-es-in

kellō

oun

kapop-iɡou-ka

know-TR-PASS-PST2-2/3SG as.LOC 2PL.GEN pearl-PL-ACC

koutoun-ni-ɡou-lo-dō ouekk-imen-na-sō pig-PL-PL-LOC-SUPE

ŋiss-ik-ende

oun

throw-NEG-IMP.2/3PL.PRED-COMM 2PL.GEN

mouɡ-ri-ɡou-ka outir-men-na-sō

holy-ACC-NEG.CONJ dog-PL-PL-ACC

lay-NEG-IMP.2/3PL.PRED-COMM

‘As it has been known, “Do not throw your pearls before pigs, nor lay your holy (things) for the dogs!”’

The overt presence of 2PL pronoun ⲟⲩⲛ clearly shows that ⲟⲩⲉⲕ[ⲕ]ⲓⲙⲉⲛⲛⲁⲥⲱ and ⲟⲩ[ⲧⲢ]ⲙⲉⲛⲛⲁⲥ[ⲱ] must have a plural interpretation. As with converbs, the subject clitic is dropped when it is obvious from the context: (428) P.QI 1 2.i.3–10 ᫧ ⲧⲉⲉⲢⲙⲉⲛⲁⲥⲱ ⲟⲕⲕⲇⲢⲧⲚⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲟⲛ ⲥⲟⲩⲣⲧⲚⲅⲟⲩⲕⲉⲛⲇⲉⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲉⲓⲕⲓⳝⲙⲉⲛⲛⲁⲥⲱ⳼ … ⲉⲓ[ⳡ]ⲦⲧⲚ ⲇⲟⲉⲓⳟⲓⲕⲉⲗⲱ ⲀⲉⲖⲕⲁ Ⲟϣ ⲟ[ⳟ]ⲓⲙⲉⲛⲁⲥⲱ⳼ teeir-men-a-sō

okkdirt-in-ɡou-ka

on

hope-NEG-PRED-COMM injustice.MMLZ-PL-PL-ACC and

sourt-in-ɡou-k-ende-eion eik-ij-men-na-sō grasping-PL-PL-ACC-NEG-TOP near-PLACT-NEG-IMP.2/3PL.PRED-COMM

eiñitt-in

doeiŋi-ke-lō

aeil-ka

oš

wealth.NMLZ-GEN stream(?)-NMLZ-LOC heart-ACC slave

oŋ-imen-a-sō become-NEG-PRED-COMM ‘Do not hope for injustices nor be eager for graspings! In the streaming in (vel sim.) of wealth, do not enslave the heart!’ (Ps 61:11)

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10. PERSON

In (428), only ⲉⲓⲕⲓⳝⲙⲉⲛⲛⲁⲥⲱ is marked by a subject clitic, while the other two imperatives ⲧⲉⲉⲢⲙⲉⲛⲁⲥⲱ and Ⲟϣⲟ[ⳟ]ⲓⲙⲉⲛⲁⲥⲱ are not. Nevertheless, the Greek Vorlage shows that all three must be interpreted as 2PL imperatives: μὴ ἐλπίζετε ἐπ’ ἀδικίαν καὶ ἐπὶ ἁρπάγματα μὴ ἐπιποθεῖτε· πλοῦτος ἐὰν ῥέῃ, μὴ προστίθεσθε καρδίαν. Imperative suffix clitics are also used in non-coreferential final clauses marked with the suffix -ⲥⲁ (§8.3.2.2). 10.1.6. ‘Old’ Subject Clitics The ‘old’ subject clitics -ⲏ/ⲓ for 2SG and -ⲕⲉ for 2PL are remnants of an earlier cross-referencing system that is no longer productive in Old Nubian. Like the declarative subject clitics (§10.1.4), they are most probably the remains of cliticized pronominal elements. Etymologically, the 2SG clitic -ⲏ/ⲓ is related to the 2/3SG imperative subject clitic -ⲓ (§10.1.5), and is still used in Nobiin to mark 2/3SG present tense questions (Werner 1987, 153). These subject clitics are no longer productive in the major verbal forms, and have been relegated to special forms such as appeals (§10.1.6.1) and questions (§10.1.6.2). They also form part of the morphology found in jussives -ⲙⲏ/ⲛⲕⲉ (§12.3), vetitives with -ⲧⲁⲙⲏ/ⲧⲁⲛⲕⲉ (§12.4), and affirmatives with -ⲗⲏ/ⲗⲕⲉ and -ⲥⲓ/ⲥⲕⲉ (§12.1). 10.1.6.1. Appeals ‘Old’ subject clitics are frequently encountered in the context of appeals, often attached to a noun marked with the predicate marker -ⲁ used as a vocative (§15.2.8). (429) M 1.5

᫥

ⲟⲛⲧⲁⲕⲣⲁⲅⲟⲩⲈⲕⲉ

on-tak-r-a-ɡoue-ke love-PASS-PRS-PRED-PL.PRED-2PL ‘Beloved!’

(430) P.QI 1 11.i.4–6 ᫥ ⲉ ⲁⲛ ⲡⲆⲧⲁ ⲁⲡⲟⲥⲧⲟⲗⲟⲥⲁⲅⲟⲩⲉⲕⲉ· ⲁⲕⲉⲛⲇⲁⲛⲕⲉ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩ ⲏⲛ ⳝⲘⲙⲖⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲡⲉϣϣⲓⲕⲓⳝⲁⲣⲟⲩⲗⲱ· e

an

pidt-a

apostolos-a-ɡoue-ke

akend-a-nke

oh 1SG.GEN chosen.one-PRED apostle-PRED-PL.PRED-2PL blessed-PRED-JUS.2PL

ourou ēn

jimmil-ɡou-ka

2PL

everyone-PL-ACC ask-HAB-PLACT-PST2-1/2PL-LOC

DEM.PROX

pešš-ik-ij-ar-ou-lō

‘Oh my chosen apostles, blessed are you who have been asking everything!’

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10.1. PRONOUNS AND CLITICS

And perhaps: (431) K 28.1–4 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲛ ⲧⲁⲣⲁⲧⲉⲓ ⲙⲉⲕⲕⲉⲓⲛⲛⲓⲗⲉ ⳝⲟⲩⲛ· ⲉⲗⲗⲉ ⲉⲓⲓⲟⲩⲇⲁⲇⲁⲗ ⲙⲆⲇⲉⲓⲧⲁⲕⲉⲓⲛⲏ ⲉⲓⲙⲙⲉⲓⲛⲉⲥⲟ· ein

taratei mekk-einn-ile joun

DEM.PROX

hour

small-be-LE

midd-eitak-ein-ē

el-le

eiiouda-dal

because now-INT Judas-COM

eim-mein-e-so

condemn-PASS-PRS.2/3SG(?)-2SG(?) be-NEG-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM ‘Because of this short period, do not be condemned forever with Judas!’

10.1.6.2. Questions The subject clitics -ⲓ and -ⲕⲉ also appear in the context of questions, marking the right edge of the verb phrase. G. M. Browne (2002c, §3.9.21a) suggests that -ⲓ is a question marker, but the parallel with (434) below shows that we are actually dealing with a subject suffix. (432) M 8.16–9.3 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲡⲟ ⲉⲓⲣⲟⲩ ⲉⲚⲕⲁ ᲝⲁⲛᲞ ⲁⲛⲕⲓⲙⲚⲛⲁⲒ: ⲉⲦⲧⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲉⲛⲛⲁ ⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲇⲉⲛⳝⲤⲕⲁ· pap-o

eirou ein-ka

father-VOC 2SG

ouen-na ek-ka one-GEN

ank-imin-n-a-i

DEM.PROX-ACC

eittou

think-NEG-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-2SG woman

den-j-is-ka

1PL.INCL-ACC give>1-PLACT-PST2-ACC

‘Father, don’t you remember this, which a woman gave us?’

(433) K 26.10–27.1 ᫥ ⲙⲛⲁ ⲉⲓⲣⲟⲩ ⲧⲖⲗⲓⲗⲟ ⲅⲟⲉⲓⲁⲛ ⲇⲁⲩⲉⲓⲛⲁⲓ: ⲙⲉⲛⲉⲛⲟⲛ ⲉⲓⲥⲕⲁⲣⲁⲅⲣⲁ ⲧⲖⲗⲚ ⲧⲉⲇⲟⲩⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲡⲁⲇⲉⲓⳡⲁ ⲡⲁⲇⲇⲉⲓⲛⲁⲓ· mn-a

eirou till-ilo

what-PRED 2SG

eiskaraɡra till-in WH.HOW

ɡoeian dauein-a-i

God-LOC than

menenon

great.PRS.2/3SG-PRED-2SG or

ted-ouɡou-ka padeiñ-a

GOD-GEN law-PL-ACC

transgress-PRED

padd-ein-a-i transgress-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-2SG ‘Are you greater than God? Or how will you transgress the laws of God?’

(434) K 21.15–22.1 ᫥ ⲙⲛⲁ ⲟⲩⲗⲅⲣⲓⲙⲉⲛⲁⲕⲉ ⲡⲁⲣⲧⲁⲕⲟⲕⲕⲁ· mn-a

oulɡ-r-imen-a-ke

par-tak-ok-ka

what-PRED ear-TR-NEG.PRS-PRED-2PL write-PASS-PST1-ACC ‘Don’t you hear what is written?’

200

10. PERSON

10.2. Reflexivity Old Nubian has one main strategy to express reflexivity, the usage of the reflexive suffix -ⲟⲛⲟ (§10.2.1). As this postposition can only be attached to an accusative-marked object, there are two other strategies attested as well (§10.2.2). 10.2.1. Reflexive Suffix -ⲟⲛⲟ The reflexive suffix -ⲟⲛⲟ has only been attested with the accusative. When used reflexively, the object to which -ⲟⲛⲟ is affixed is coreferential with the subject of the main verb: (435) SC 5.15–17 ᫥ ⲙⲁⲕⲁⲛ ⲟⲩⲕⲕⲟⲛⲟ ⲕⲁⲡⲟⲡⲓ ⲁⲩⲣⲟⲩⲧⲕⲁ ⲧⲟⳟⲧⲁⲛⲁⲥⲱ· ⲉⲚ ⲉⲗⲗⲉ Ⲉⲗⲏ ⲟⲩⲕ ⲟⲩⲥⲕⲣⲁ ⲧⲓⳝⳝⲁⲣⲣⲓⲕⲁ makan ouk-k-ono

kapopi aurout-ka toŋt-ana-sō

therefore 2PL-ACC-REFL pearl

elē

alone-ACC

ouk

make.worthy-IMP.2/3PL.PRED-COMM

ein

el-le

DEM.PROX

now-INT today 2PL.ACC place.TR-PRED

ouskr-a

tij-j-ar-r-i-ka give>2/3-PLACT-INTEN-PRS-1SG-ACC ‘Therefore, make yourselves worthy of the pearl alone, which I shall place before you today!’

(436) L 105.4–6 ᫧ ⲉⲓⲕⲁⲣⲓⲅⲣⲁⲗⲟ ⲭⲣⲓⲥⲧⲟⲥⲓ ⲧⲁⲕⲕⲟⲛ[ⲟ] ⲁⲣⲭⲏⲓⲈⲣⲉⲞⲥ ⲁⳟⲁ ⳟⲟⲕ ⲉⲦⲛⲓⲀ ⲙⲉⲛⲟⲛⲁ· eikariɡra-lo khristosi-∅ tak-k-ono thus-FOC

ŋok

Christ-NOM

eit-ni-a

arkhēiereos aŋ-a

3SG-ACC-REFL high.priest

become-PRED

men-on-a

glory receive-SUBORD.SG-PRED not.be-PST1.2/3SG-PRED ‘Thus Christ did not become a high priest to glorify himself.’ (Heb 5:5)

(437) P.QI 2 12.i.26–29 ᫥ ⲁⲓⲞⲇⲱ ⳟⲓⲈⲥⲁⲛ ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲣⲱ ⲙⲁⲧⲁⲣ ⲟⲕⲕⲇⲢⲧⲖⲅⲟⲩⲗ ⲟⲛ ⲙⲁⲇⳝ ⲟⲩⲈⲥⲁⲛ ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲣⲱ ⲟⲕⲕⲇⲢⲧⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⲧⲉⲇⲕⲟⲛⲟ ⲧⲟⲩⲗⲟ⳼ ai-o-dō

ŋi-es-an

jourrō matar okkdirt-il-ɡou-l-∅

1SG-LOC-SUPE rise-PFV.PST2-3PL.GEN because witness unjust-DET-PL-DET-NOM

on

madj oue-s-an

and lie

tou-lo belly-LOC

jourrō okkdirt-il-∅-lon

ted-k-ono

tell-PST2-3PL.GEN because unjust-DET-NOM-TOP 3PL-ACC-REFL

201

10.2. REFLEXIVITY

‘Because witnesses who are unjust rose up against me, and because the unjust lied with themselves.’ (Ps 26:12)

The reflexive postposition -ⲟⲛⲟ may also be used to indicate emphasis: (438) gr 2.4 ᫥ ⲁⲓⲕⲟⲛⲱ ϣⲟⲕⲕⲁ ⲕⲟⲩⲗⲗⲓⲣⲉⲥⲟ ai-k-onō

šok-ka

koull-ir-e-so

1SG-ACC-REFL book-ACC learn-TR-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM ‘Teach me the book!’

(439) SC 19.20–25 ẹ ⲇⲓⲁⲃⲟⲗⲟⲥⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⲕϢⲕϢⲕⲁⲧⲧⲉⲛⲁⲗⲟ ⲧⲁⲕⲕⲟⲛⲟ ϩⲁⲣⲙⲗ[ⲟ] ⲧⲁⲣⲁ ⲕⲢⲣⲁ ⲡⲓⳝⲓⲕⲉⲛⲛⲁⲛ [5-6]· ⲁⲇⲁⲙⲏ ⲡⲁⲣⲁⲇⲉⲓⲥⲟ[ⲥ]ⲗⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲛ[. .]ⲛ ⲙⲓⲉⲦⲕⲁ ⲁⲙ[ⲧⲦ]ⲧⲢⲈⲧⲁ· ⲧⲁⲣ[ⲣ]ⲟ ⲕⲟ ⳟⲉⲕⲓⲥⲟⲛⲁ· diabolos-il-∅-lon kiš∼kiš-katt-en-a-lo

tak-k-ono

devil-DET-NOM-TOP envious∼INT-NMLZ-be-PRED-FOC 3SG-ACC-REFL

harm-lo

tar-a

kir-r-a

pij-iken-n-an

… adamē

heaven-LOC come-PRED come-PRS-PRED cast-HAB-PRS-3PL … Adam

paradeisos-la dou-n-…n paradise-DAT

tar-ro

mieit-ka

amtitt-ir-et-a

exist-PRS.2/3SG(?)… serpent-ACC example-TR-PFV-PRED

ko

ŋek-is-on-a

3SG-LOC through work-PST2-PST1.2/3SG-PRED ‘The devil, being envious that while they were casting him out of heaven, Adam was in Paradise, displaying the serpent, acted through it.’

10.2.2. Other Strategies In cases where something else than an accusative-marked object is used reflexively, we may find a simple personal pronoun: (440) M 3.1 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲣⲓⲀ ⲡⲉⲥⲥⲛⲁ tari-a

pes-s-n-a

3SG-DAT speak-PST2-2/3SG-PRED ‘She said to herself.’

In another unique case we find the usage of the noun ⲟⲩⲣ ‘head’: (441) L 105.1–4 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲉⲛⲇⲉⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲟⲩⲣⲣⲱ ⲥⲟⲕⲕⲁ ⳟⲟⲕⲕ ⲉⲧⲙⲉⲛⲕⲉⲣⲁⲗⲟ ⲧⲖⲗⲓⲗⲱ ⳝⲱⲀ ⲟⲕⲧⲁⲕⲟⲗⲉⲛⲕⲱ ouel-∅-ende-eion

our-rō

sokk-a

ŋok-k

one-NOM-NEG.CONJ-TOP head-LOC take.up-PRED glory-ACC

202

10. PERSON

et-men-ke-r-a-lo

till-ilō

jōa ok-tak-ol-∅-enkō

take-NEG-HAB-PRS-PRED-FOC God-LOC by

call-PASS-PST1.DET-NOM-but

‘No one is to take glory on himself but the one called by God.’ (Heb 5:4)

Note that in (441), the Old Nubian closely follows the cases found in the Greek Vorlage. ⲟⲩⲣⲣⲱ […] ⳟⲟⲕⲕ ⲉⲧⲙⲉⲛⲕⲉⲣⲁⲗⲱ follows Gr. οὐχ ἑαυτῷ […] λαμβάνει τὴν τιμὴν, whereas (436) ⲧⲁⲕⲕⲟⲛ[ⲟ] […] ⳟⲟⲕ ⲉⲦⲛⲓⲀ renders Gr. οὐχ ἑαυτὸν ἐδόξασεν. 10.3. Reciprocity Reciprocity is expressed through a reduplication of ⲟⲩⲉⲣ ‘one’: ⲟⲩⲉⲣⲟⲩⲉⲣ ‘each other’. The reduplicated root itself is weak (§19.6.2.1.1), which means that it exhibits regressive assimilation. (437) SC 11.11–14 ᫥ ⲙⲁⲕⲁⲛ ⲤⲕⲉⲗⲁⲇⳝⲣⲉⲥⲚ ⲟⲩⲕⲕⲁ ⲉⳟⳟⲁⲈⲅⲟⲩⲈⲕⲉ· ⲧⲟⲩⲁⲕⲕⲁⲛⲉ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲛⲟ ⲟⲩⲉⲣⲟⲩⲉⲣⲅⲓⲗⲗⲉ ⲟⲕⲕⲁⲛⲛⲁⲥⲟ· makan

iskel-ad-j-r-e-sin

ouk-ka eŋŋae-ɡoue-ke

therefore beg-TR-PLACT-PRS-1SG.PRED-EMP 2PL-ACC brother.PL.PRED-PL.PRED-2PL

touak-kane

miššan-no ouer∼ouer-ɡille

gentle-NMLZ.PRED all-LOC

each.other-ALL

ok-kan-na-so feel-CAUS-IMP.2/3PL.PRED-COMM ‘Therefore I beg you, brothers, care for each other in all gentleness!’

(438) P.QI 1 10.A.ii.9–12 ᫧ ⲧⲉⲛⲛⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲈⲥⲚ ⲧⲁⲩⲕⲁ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲛⲟ[ⲉⲓⲟ]ⲛ ⲟⲩⲈⲣⲟⲩⲉⲗⲇⲁⲗ ⲅⲦⲧⲁⲥⲥⲁⲛⲁ· ⲁⲓⲟⲩ ⲁⲛⲕⲘⲙⲉ ⲧⲖⲗⲚ Ⲣⲕⲁⲛⲉⲗⲁ ⲟⲩⲈⲣⲟⲩⲉⲣⲇⲁⲗ ⲡⲁⳝⲓⲛⲅⲓⲙⲉⲛⲇⲚⲛⲁⲗⲟⲉⲓⲀ· ten-na

dou-es-in

tauk-a

miššan-no-eion

3PL-GEN exist-PFV.PST2-GEN time-PRED all-LOC-TOP

ouer∼ouel-dal

ɡitt-as-s-an-a

aiou ank-im-m-e

each.other.DET-COM be.like-TR-PST2-3PL-PRED 1SG

till-in

irkane-la

think-AFF-PRS-1SG.PRED

ouer∼ouer-dal

God-GEN kingdom.NMLZ-DAT each.other-COM

paj-inɡ-imen-d-in-n-a-lo-eia divide-CAUS(?)-NEG-INTEN-COP-2/3SG-PRED-FOC-DD ‘For all the time of their existence they were like each other. I myself think that he will not separate them from each other in the kingdom of God.’

(439) P.QI 1 5.ii.2–5 ᫥ ⲁⲛⲛⲁ· ⳟⲟⲇⲁ ⲟⲩⲗⲗⲁⲕⲕⲉⲣ ⲉⲓⲛⲖ ⲟⲩⲛ ⲞⲉⲚ ⲧⲣⲓⲕⲁ· ⳝⲉⲗⲟⲩⲟⲩⳝⲉⲥ[Ⲕ?]ⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗⲗⲉⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲟⲩⲕⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗ· ⲉⲚⲈⲧⲁⲗⲕⲉ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩ·ⲉⲚ ⲞⲉⲚ ⲧⲣⲓⲕⲁ ⳝⲉⲗⲟⲩⲈⳝⲕⲁ·

203

10.4. HONORIFICS

an-na

ŋod-a

oullakker

ein-il

oun

oei-n

tri-ka

1SG-GEN Lord-PRED teacher.NMLZ be-PRS.DET 2PL.GEN foot-DU pair-ACC

jelouou-j-es-ik-ketalle-eion ouk-∅-ketal en-et-a-lke wash-PLACT-PFV.PST2-also-TOP 2PL-NOM-also take-PFV-PRED-AFF.PRS.2PL

our∼ouein

oei-n

tri-ka

jeloue-j-ka

each.other.GEN foot-GEN pair-ACC wash-PLACT-ACC ‘Moreover, if I, being Lord and teacher, washed your feet, you also take up washing each other’s feet.’ (Jn 13:14)

Note that the mid-dot in (439) ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩ·ⲉⲚ may be a copying error, with the scribe not recognizing the reciprocal construction. The Greek however has ὑμεῖς ὀφείλετε ἀλλήλων νίπτειν τοὺς πόδας. The reciprocal construction can also be nominalized, in which case it appears to translate Gr. κοινωνοί ‘partakers’: (440) P.QI 1 7.ii.4–6 ᫡ [ⲉⲓⲁⲣⲖ(?) ⲉ]ⳡ[ⳡⲓ]ⲧⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲟ ⲟⲩⲈⲣⲟⲩⲈⲛⲁⲩⲈ ⲕⲟⲛ[ⲁ(?) ⲉⲛⲉ]ⲛ ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲟ· ⲉⲔⲕⲦⲧⲗⲰⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗ ⲉⲓⲕⲁⲣ ⲉⲛⲉⲣⲟⲩⲕⲁ — ei-ar-il

eññ-it-iɡou-lo

ouer∼ouenaue kon-a

know-TR-PRS.DET suffer-NMLZ-PL-LOC each.other.NMLZ have-PRED

en-en

kello eikk-itt-lō-ketal

eikar en-er-ou-ka

be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG as.LOC comfort-NMLZ-LOC-also thus

be-PFV.PRS-1/2PL-ACC

‘Knowing that, as you are partakers in sufferings, you are so also in comfort.’ (2 Cor 1:7)

10.4. Honorifics Old Nubian has a small set of honorifics, comparable to English honorifics such as ‘Your Majesty’ and ‘Your Honor’. The following honorifics have been attested: (441) HONORIFICS • • • • • • •

ⲉⲚ ⲉⲚ ⲉⲚ ⲉⲚ ⲉⲚ ⲉⲚ ⲉⲚ

ⳟⲟⲇⲕⲁⲛⲉ ‘Your Lordship’; ⲡⲁⲡⲕⲁⲛⲉ ‘Your Fathership’; ⲉⳟⳟⲁⲕⲕⲁⲛⲉ ‘Your Brothership’; ⲉⲛⲕⲁⲛⲉ ‘Your Highness’; ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲟⲩⲅⲟⲩ, ⲉⲚ ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲤ ‘Your Reverence’; ⳟⲁⲕⲁⲛⲉ ‘Your Sonship’; ⲧⲟⲧⲕⲁⲛⲉ ‘Your Sonship’ or ‘Your Tot-ship’.

The first three are the most frequent. Honorifics mostly appear in the opening lines of letters, often following the greeting ⲇⲁⲟⲩⲙⲙⲉⲗⲟ or ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲘⲙⲉⲗⲟ (§12.1.1). Their distribution is unclear, as there doesn’t seem to be a meaningful

204

10. PERSON

correlation with the status or function of either the sender or the receiver of the letter that can be deduced from the extant corpus of correspondence. (442) P.QI 4 106.re.1

᫥

ⲇⲁⲟⲩⲙⲙⲉ ⲏⲛ ⲉⳟⳟⲁⲕⲕⲁⲛⲉⲕⲁ

daou-m-m-e

ēn eŋŋak-kane-ka

greet-AFF-PRS-1SG.PRED 2SG brother-NMLZ-ACC ‘I greet Your Brothership.’

A honorific may be extended with two epithets, ‘glorious’ and ‘blessed by God’. They may appear together or separately: (443) P.QI 4 112.re.1–2 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲘⲙⲉⲗⲟ ⲏⲛ ⲡⲁⲡⲕⲁⲛⲉ ⳟⲟⲟⲕⲕⲟⲕⲁ douk-im-m-e-lo

ēn pap-kane

ŋook-ko-ka

worship-AFF-PRS-1SG.PRED-FOC 2SG father-NMLZ glory-ADJ-ACC ‘I worship Your glorious Fathership.’

(444) P.QI 3 49.i.1 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲙⲙⲉⲗⲟ ⲉⲚ ⳟⲟⲇⲕⲁⲛⲉ ⲧⲖⲖⲗⲱ ⳝⲱⲀ ⲧⲁⲣⲟⲩⲟⲩⲧⲁⲕⲕⲔⲕⲁ: douk-(i)m-me-lo

ein nɡod-kane til-illō

worship-AFF-PRS-1SG.PRED-FOC 2SG lord-NMLZ

jōa

God-LOC through

tarou-outakk-ik-ka bless-PASS-PRS-ACC ‘I worship Your Lordship blessed by God.’

(445) P.QI 4 110.ve.1–2 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲘⲙⲉ ⲏⲛ ⲉⳟⲅⲁⲛⲉ ⳟⲟⲟⲕ ⲕⲟⲗ ⲧⲖⲗⲓⲗⲟ ⲕⲱ ⲧⲁⲣⲟⲩⲉⲓⲧⲁⲕⲖⲕⲁ· douk-im-m-e

ēn

eŋɡane

ŋook ko-l

till-ilo

worship-AFF-PRS-1SG.PRED 2SG brother.NMLZ glory have-PRS God-LOC

kō tarou-eitak-il-ka by bless-PASS-PRS-ACC ‘I worship Your glorious Brothership blessed by God.’

The honorifics ⲉⲚ ⲉⲛⲕⲁⲛⲉ, ⲉⲚ ⳟⲁⲕⲁⲛⲉ, and ⲉⲚ ⲧⲟⲧⲕⲁⲛⲉ have all only been attested once: (446) P.QI 4 86.re.1–2 ᫧ ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲘⲙⲉⲗⲟ ⲉⲚ ⲉⲛⲕⲁⲛⲉⲕⲁ douk-im-m-e-lo

ein

en-kane-ka

worship-AFF-PRS-1SG.PRED-FOC 2SG.GEN raise-NMLZ-ACC ‘I worship Your Highness.’

205

10.4. HONORIFICS

(447) P.QI 4 94.re.1 ᫦ ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲘⲙⲉⲗⲟ ⲉⲚ ⳟⲁⲕⲁⲛⲉ douk-im-m-e-lo

ein

ŋa-kane

worship-AFF-PRS-1SG.PRED-FOC 2SG.GEN son-NMLZ ‘I worship Your Sonship.’

(448) P.QI 2 27.1 ᫡ [ⲇⲁⲟⲩⲙⲙⲉⲗⲟ(?) ⲉⲚ ⲧ]ⲟⲧⲕⲁⲛⲉⲕⲁ daou-m-m-e-lo

ein tot-kane-ka

greet-AFF-PRS-1SG.PRED 2SG tot-NMLZ-ACC ‘I greet Your Tot-ship.’

Because it appears that the recipient of the letter is identified in the address as P.QI 2 27.ve.2 ⲧⲟⲧⲖ, it may be that the office of tot, rather than ‘son’ is meant. For ‘Your Reverence’, we have two variant forms: (449) P.QI 4 93.re.1 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲘⲙⲉⲗⲟ ⲉⲚ ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲟⲩⲅⲟⲩ· ⳟⲓⲥⲥⲓ ⲧⲖⲗⲓⲗⲟ ⳝⲟⲀ ⲧⲁⲣⲟⲩⲧⲁⲕⲔⲕⲁ douk-im-m-e-lo

ein

douk-ouɡou

ŋissi till-ilo

worship-AFF-PRS-1SG.PRED-FOC 2SG.GEN worship-NMLZ holy God-LOC

joa

tarou-tak-ik-ka

through bless-PASS-PRS-ACC ‘I worship Your Holy Reverence blessed by God.’

(450) P.QI 4 95.re.1–2 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲘⲙⲉⲗⲟ ⲉⲚ ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲤ ⳟⲤⲥⲓⲕⲁ ⲧⲖⲗⲓᲝ…Პ ⲗⲟ ⳝⲟⲀ ⲧⲁⲣⲟⲩⲧⲁⲕⲖⲕⲁ· douk-im-m-e-lo

ein

douk-is

ŋissi-ka till-ilo

worship-AFF-PRS-1SG.PRED-FOC 2SG.GEN worship-NMLZ holy-ACC God-LOC

joa

tarou-tak-il-ka

through bless-PASS-PRS-ACC ‘I worship Your Holy Reverence blessed by God.’

11. ASPECT AND TENSE

Just like the system of Old Nubian subject clitics (§10.1.4) is transitioning toward an agreement system at the time the language is written down, it appears that the tense and aspect system is also in the process of transforming into the proper tense system that we find in present-day Nile Nubian languages. This means that the morphological and semantic distinctions present in the Old Nubian material are no longer as transparent as they may have been at an earlier (unwritten) stage of the language. The Old Nubian tense–aspect system revolves around a set of -(V)C morphemes which may still be recognized as analytical, but whose meanings can no longer be separated into component parts. They are listed in table 11.1, together with the glossing employed in this grammar.

Imperfective ᝥ Perfective -ⲉ Past(?) -ⲟ

Non-Past -ⲗ

Past -ⲥ

PRS

PST2

-ⲗ

PFV.PRS

-ⲉⲗ PST1 -ⲟⲗ

-ⲥ

PFV.PST2

-ⲉⲥ

—

Table 11.1: Etymology of tense–aspect morphemes

The non-past morpheme -ⲗ is most likely etymologically related to the determiner -ⲗ (§16.1). It contrasts with past/perfect -ⲥ, which is still found in the no doubt old distinction between the second person affirmative present -ⲗⲏ/ⲗⲕⲉ and past -ⲥⲓ/ⲥⲕⲉ (§12.1). The distinction between imperfective and perfective aspect appears to have been only retained in the present and past 2 tense, albeit mainly in subordinate clauses. The imperfective present tense forms with -ⲗ and past 2 tense forms -ⲥ are much more frequent, leading to the gradual disappearance of the perfective forms -ⲉⲗ/-ⲉⲥ, their reanalysis as allomorphs of the imperfective forms -ⲓⲗ/-ⲓⲥ, and subsequent merger of the two morphemes. A further result of this hybrid system is the existence of two past tenses, one based on an aspectual marker consisting of a back vowel -ⲟ, whose independent meaning can no longer be ascertained, together with non-past -ⲗ, and a second past based on past tense marker -ⲥ. A combination of the two, e.g., *-ⲟⲥ, has not been attested anywhere in the corpus, but see (371) below, which has ⳟⲉⲕ-ⲓⲥ-ⲟⲛ-ⲁ. The distinction between the two past tenses, which already was blurred at the time Old Nubian was written down, will be discussed in §11.2.2.

208

11. ASPECT AND TENSE

Besides the original system outlined above, Old Nubian also developed a separate perfect tense -ⲕⲟ (§11.2.3), based on the grammaticalization of the auxiliary ⲕⲟ(ⲛ) ‘to have’. This tense first appears in the prothesis of conditional clauses, next to the construction with a verb perfective present tense. Eventually, the form with -ⲕⲟ took over, at the same time that the aspectual marker -ⲉ disappeared. In present-day Nile Nubian languages the perfect has developed into a full-fledged tense marker. 11.1. Aspect Following the definition put forward by Bernard Comrie, we may define aspects as ‘different ways of viewing the internal temporal constituency of a situation’. The main distinction in Old Nubian is between perfective and imperfective aspect. Perfective aspect represents ‘the totality of the situation referred to […] without reference to its internal temporal constituency’, as a ‘single unanalysable whole, with beginning, middle, and end rolled into one’ (Comrie 1976, 3). Imperfective aspect, by contrast, looks at the way the situation is structured over time, with a beginning, middle, and end. Old Nubian has several strategies to encode aspect on the verbal complex. The main aspectual distinction between perfective and imperfective present tense is signalled by the vowel in the present tense morpheme: -ⲉ for perfective and -ᝥ (sometimes -ⲓ) for imperfective (§11.1.1). The distinction seems to be mainly a hallmark of literary language, and must have been already in decline or even lost in the spoken language as it appears less frequently in documentary texts. As a result, Old Nubian developed a number of ‘new’ aspectual markers, including the grammaticalized verbal roots -ⲟⲥ from Ⲟⲥ ‘to take out’ and -ⲉⲧ from ⲉⲧ ‘to take’ (§11.1.2). There is also a rare perfective particle ⲧⲁ (§11.1.3). Furthermore, there is a suffix that further specifies the nature of imperfective aspect by using habitual -ⲕ(ⲉ) (§11.1.4) to indicate habitual actions. Finally, the intentional aspect marker -(ⲁ)ⲇ, which like other aspectual markers immediately precedes tense morphology, indicates an action that is intended and thus lies in the future (§11.1.5). 11.1.1. Perfective Suffix -ⲉ In the present and past 2 tense, the distinction between the vowel -ⲓ and -ⲉ is aspectual in nature. Although lost in Nobiin, this distinction seems to have been maintained in Andaandi (Jakobi and El-Guzuuli 2015, 75). Over time it appears that the distinction between perfective and imperfective aspect in Old Nubian collapsed, and that the perfective aspect became constrained to specific syntactic environments (mainly subordinate clauses). Compare the following two examples:

209

11.1. ASPECT

(451) SC 16.14

᫥

ⲤⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲖ ⲟⲇⲇⲉⲗⲅⲟⲩⲛⲁ ⲅⲉⲛⲅⲣⲉⲣⲁⲗⲟ·

istauros-il-∅ odd-el-ɡou-na

ɡen-ɡrer-a-lo

cross-DET-NOM sick-PFV.PRS-PL-GEN good-CAUS.NMLZ-PRED-FOC ‘The cross is the healer of the sick.’

(452) St 20.3–4

᫧

ⲤⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲖ ⲟⲇⲇⲖⲅⲟ[ⲩⲛ]ⲁ ⲓⲀⲧⲟⲣⲱⲥⲁⲗⲱ·

istauros-il-∅ odd-il-ɡou-na iatoros-a-lō cross-DET-NOM sick-PRS-PL-GEN doctor-PRED-FOC ‘The cross is the doctor of the sick.’

Assuming that (451) represents an earlier stage of Old Nubian than (452), the difference between ⲟⲇⲇⲉⲗⲅⲟⲩⲛⲁ and ⲟⲇⲇⲖⲅⲟ[ⲩⲛ]ⲁ may be caused either by a difference in interpretation of the semantics of the verbal noun (whether ‘sick’ is considered to be a single state or a process, roughly speaking), or because the distinction between perfective present -ⲉⲗ and imperfective present -ⲓⲗ was eroded, leading to a default usage of -ⲓⲗ. There are only rare attestations of the perfective present tense in main verbs, marked with the predicate marker -ⲁ. It is therefore not always possible to ascertain the conditions under which it appears: (453) SC 9.1–6 ᫡ ⳟⲁⲓⲥⲛ ⲇⲟⲩⲣⲧⲟⲩ ⲅⲁⲇⲕⳠ[ⳡⲓⲕⲁ] ⲕⲁⲕⲁⲕⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲣⲉⲛⲁ· ⲕⲤⲕⳠⳡ[ⲓⲕⲁ·] ⲧⲔⲕⲁⲣⲓⲙⲚⲛⲁⲛⲕⲁ· ⲇⲓⲙⲉⲛⲇⲔⲕⲁ [· .] ⲕⲙⲚⲛⲁⲛⲕⲁ· ⲇⲁⲡⲣⲉⲗⲕⳠⳡⲓⲕⲁ[·] ⲇⲟⲩⲣⲧⲟⲩ ⲉⲤⳟⲓⳟⲉⲓⲕⳠⳡⲓⲕⲁ· ŋai-s(i)n dourtou ɡad-kiññ-ika who-EMP form

eir-en-a

kak∼ak-ka

flesh-NEG.ADJ-ACC bear∼INT-ACC

kis-kiññ-ika

tikkar-imin-an-ka

can-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-PRED come(?)-ADJ-ACC bind.TR-NEG-PRS.3PL-ACC

di-men-d-ik-ka

.k-min-n-an-ka

dap-r-el-kiññ-ika

die-NEG-INTEN-PRS-ACC ??-NEG-PRS-3PL-ACC perish-TR-PFV.PRS-NEG.ADJ-ACC

dourtou eisŋiŋ-eikiññ-ika form

grasp(?)-ADJ-ACC

‘Who can really bear the bodiless form, motionless, boundless, deathless, inscrutable(?), imperishable, the ungraspable(?) form?’

Sometimes the explanation for the usage of the perfective aspect is more clear-cut: (454) L 103.1–5 ᫥ ϩⲁⲣⲙⲛⲀ ⲟⲛ ⲤⲕⲦⲛⲁ ⳟⲟⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱ ⲕⲓⲥⲕⲓⲗⲗⲱ {ⲕⲤⲕⲖⲗⲱ} ⲓⲱⲧⲧⲁⲉⲛⲇⲉ ⲡⲓⲥⲧⲟⲩ ⲧⲁⲇⲇⲱ ⲇⲁⲗⲗⲁ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲉⲛⲇⲉ ⲧⲉⲉⲆⲓⲗⲁ ⳟⲟⲕⲁⲇⲉⲛⲁ\ ⳝⲓⲙⲙⲖⲅⲟ[ⲩ]ⲛⲁ ⲁⲩⲧⲁⲕⲉⲣⲁⲛ ⲡⲁⲩⲟⲩⲕⲁ

210

11. ASPECT AND TENSE

harm-ina

on

iskit-na

ŋok-el-lō

kiskillō

iōtta-∅-ende

heaven-GEN and earth-GEN pass-PFV.PRS-LOC until.LOC iota-NOM-NEG.CONJ

pistou tad-dō dot

dal-la

ouel-∅-ende

teeid-ila

3SG-SUPE exist.PRS-DAT one-NOM-NEG.CONJ law-DAT

ŋok-ad-en-a

jimmil-ɡou-l-∅

pass.away-INTEN-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-PRED everything-PL-DET-NOM

au-tak-er-an

pauouka

do-PASS-PFV.PRS-3PL until.ACC ‘Until heaven and earth have passed away, neither an iota nor one of the dots that are on it will pass away from the law until everything has been done.’ (Mt 5:18)

In (454), the subordinate clauses with ⲕⲓⲥⲕⲓⲗⲗⲱ ‘until’ and ⲡⲁⲩⲟⲩⲕⲁ ‘until’ feature respectively the perfective present tense forms ⳟⲟⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱ and ⲁⲩⲧⲁⲕⲉⲣⲁⲛ. Furthermore, also the telic verb ⳟⲟⲕⲁⲇⲉⲛⲁ is marked with perfective aspect as the completion of the act of passing away itself is something that will be delayed until heaven and earth have ceased to exist (cf. §11.1.1.1). The only verbal form not marked by perfective aspect is the verbal noun ⲇⲁⲗⲗⲁ, because the verb ⲇⲁⲣ ‘to exist’ is neither telic nor part of an ‘until’ clause. As the imperfective forms with -ⲓ are by far more widespread, and the process of the weakening of the semantic distinction between imperfective and perfective already seems underway in the phases of Old Nubian of which we have written testimonies, I will discuss below the only semantic environment in which perfective forms still occur frequently with their original aspectual meaning: divine actions (§11.1.1.1). Otherwise, the perfective aspect is mostly relegated to subordinate clauses, as in (454): in the protasis of conditional clauses (§8.2.1), causal clauses (§8.4), temporal clauses (§8.1.2, §8.1.3), and complement clauses (§8.5). In all these cases the original semantic motivation appears clear; all these subordinate clauses describe situations that in one way or the other are finished. 11.1.1.1. Divine Actions The usage of perfective present tense in this context occurs frequently when the action is attributed to figures related to the sphere of divinity, such as the Cross, the Savior, or God. The suggestion here seems to be that their actions are always to be considered as a whole and in a sense instantaneous and indivisible. We see this in epithets such as St 1.8–9 ᫥ Ⲥⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲟⲩ ⳟⲟⲕⲕⲟ ⲁⲇⳡⲖⲕⲉⲗ- ‘glorious and life-giving Cross’, and P.QI 3 30.14 ᫥ ⲧⲖⲗⲁ ⲁⲩⲉⲗ‘God the Creator’.

211

11.1. ASPECT

The usage of the perfective aspect in this sense seems to have a theological relevance. Consider the following pair of examples: (455) St 11.3–10 ᫥ ⲑⲣⲞⲛⲟⲥⲟⲩ ⲅⲟⲕⲚⲇⲱ ⲧⲓⲕⲁ ⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥ ⲟⲩⲁⲧⲧⲟⲕⲁ ⲡⲉϣϣⲁⲇⲉⲣⲓⲗⲟ Ⲥⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲟⲩ ⳟⲟⲕⲕⲟⲗⲗⲟⲛ ⲁⲛ ⲉⲓⲰⲛⲟ ⲉⲓⲱⲗⲟ ⳟⲟⲛⳝⲁⲛⲛⲁ· ⲓⲥⲁⲫⲁⲧⲚ ⲡⲁⲣⲕⲗⲀ thironosou ŋok-in-dō

tik-a

kosmos ouatto-ka

glory-GEN-SUPE sit-PRED world

throne

pešš-ad-er-i-lo

istaurosou ŋok-ko-l-∅-lon

judge-INTEN-PFV.PRS-1SG-LOC cross

eiōno ei-ō-lo right

whole-ACC

an

glory-ADJ-DET-NOM-TOP 1SG.GEN

ŋonj-an-n-a

iōsaphat-in park-ila

hand-LOC-FOC stand-INTEN-PRS.2/3SG-PRED Josaphat-GEN valley-DAT

‘When I, sitting upon the throne of glory, judge the whole word, the glorious cross will stand at my right hand in the valley of Josaphat.’

(456) St 15.1–9 ᫧ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲗⲟ ⲕⲟⲉⲛⲇⲉⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲧⲉⲇⲕⲁ ⲡⲉϣϢⳝⲙⲉⲛⲇⲣⲈⲗⲱ· ⲥⲁⲗⲗ[ⲟ]ⲉⲛⲇⲉ Ⲥⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲟⲩ ⳟⲟⲕⲕⲟⲛⲁ ⲧⲱⲉⲕ ⲧⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲁⲩⲗⲟⲥⲓⳝ[Ⲁ]· ⳟⲁⲗⲓⳝⲟⲩⲁⲇⲇⲛ[ⲁ·]ⲉⲛⲕⲱ ouel-lo ko-ende-eion

ted-ka

one-LOC through-NEG.CONJ-TOP 3PL-ACC

pešš-ij-men-d-ir-e-lō

sal-lo-ende

judge-PLACT-NEG-INTEN-PRS-1SG.PRED-FOC word-LOC-NEG.CONJ

ŋeei-lo-ende

istaurosou ŋok-ko-na

word-LOC-NEG.CONJ cross

aul-os-ij-a

tōek-∅

tek-ka

glory-ADJ-GEN power-SC 3PL-ACC

ŋal-ijou-ad-d-n-a-enkō

save-PFV-PLACT-PRED save-PLACT-INTEN-PRS-2/3SG-PRED-but ‘Through nothing will I judge them, neither in word nor in deed, but (the) power of the glorious cross will save and rescue them.’

In (455), as well as St 4.2–3 ᫥ ⲡⲉϣϣⲓⳝⲁⲇⲉⲛⲕⲁ, St 7.6 ᫥ ⲡⲉϣϣⲆⲇⲉⲛⲛⲟ, and St 13.10–11 ᫥ ⲡⲉϣϣⲁ ⲡⲁⳝⲉⲣⲓ, reference is made to the Final Judgment through the verb ⲡⲉϣϣ ‘to judge’. In all these cases, it is marked with the perfective present. However, in (456) and SC ᫥ 12.20–21 [ⲡ]ⲉϣϣⲓⳝⲓⲛⲓⲁⲙ ⲙⲉⲛⲛⲁⲗⲟ the verb ⲡⲉϣϣ doesn’t have the same connotation, and we find it without perfective aspect. A similar usage of the perfective aspect for divine actions is attested in the following examples: (457) SC 14.25–15.1 ᫧ [ⲤⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲖ ⲇⲓⲁⲃⲟⲗⲟ]ⲥⲛⲁ ⲇⲓⳟⲉⲗ ⲉⲥⲕⲓⳝⲣⲉⲣⲁⲗⲱ· istauros-il-∅ diabolos-na diŋ-el cross-DET-NOM devil-GEN

fight-PFV.PRS.DET

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11. ASPECT AND TENSE

esk-ijr-er-a-lo conquer-vanquish-PFV.PRS-PRED-FOC ‘The Cross vanquishes the devil fighting.’

The verbal form ⲉⲥⲕⲓⳝⲣⲉⲣⲁⲗⲱ in (457) has perfective aspect not only because ‘to vanquish’ is a telic verb with a specific end point, but also because there is only a single object of the action, the devil. Note that because ⲉⲥⲕⲓⳝⲣⲉⲣⲁⲗⲱ is marked with the perfective, the verbal noun ⲇⲓⳟⲉⲗ is marked as such as well. (458) L 104.5–8 ᫧ ⲕ[Ⲙ]ⲙⲁ ⲥⲓⲰⲛⲓⲀⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗ ⲁⲩⲗⲉⲗ⳹ ⲧⲗⲗⲓⲕⲓⳡⲕⲁⲛⲉⲕⲁ ⲓⲀⲕⲱ[ⲃⲓⲞ⳹ kim-m-a

sioni-a-ketal aul-el

ⲅⲠ[ⲣ]ⲧⲉⲛⲓⲁ

ɡipirt-eni-a

come.AFF-PRS.3SG-PRED Sion-DAT-also save-PFV.PRS.DET turn-SUBORD.SG-PRED

till-ikiñ-kane-ka

iakōbi-o

God-NEG.ADJ-NMLZ-ACC Jakob-LOC ‘There comes also from Sion the one who saves, to turn godlessness away from Jakob.’ (Rom 11:26)

In (458) the verbal noun ⲁⲩⲗⲉⲗ has perfective aspect because of the telic nature of the verb, and also because it is assumed that Jesus is indeed finishing the task. The same holds for the final verb form ⲅⲠ[ⲣ]ⲧⲉⲛⲓⲁ, which is also telic. As the perfective aspect becomes less current in Old Nubian, we find the appearance of other strategies to indicate perfective aspect, such as the usage of aspect marker -ⲟⲥ, e.g., ⲁⲩⲗ-ⲟⲥ (§11.1.2), as in (456) ⲁⲩⲗⲟⲥⲓⳝ[Ⲁ]. 11.1.2. Perfective Suffixes -ⲟⲥ and -ⲉⲧ Old Nubian has two perfective suffixes, -ⲟⲥ and -ⲉⲧ, which are always attached directly to the verbal root. Bechhaus-Gerst (2011, §10.4) has related them to the Nile Nubian aspectual markers -oos and -ed, denoting the completion of an action. However, she also suggests that apart from a perfective aspect, these morphemes also respectively indicate a movement away from the deictic center, and a movement toward it. This must be rejected as her argument is based on a single minimal pair with the verb ⳝⲁⲛ ‘to exchange in a commercial setting’ (see below) and cannot be generalized across all the usages of these suffixes. The selection of -ⲟⲥ or -ⲉⲧ is lexically determined and cannot be predicted. Like several other verbal suffixes, the perfective markers -ⲟⲥ and -ⲉⲧ developed from converb constructions that were grammaticalized. In earlier texts we can still locate the converb construction:

213

11.1. ASPECT

(459) P.QI 2 18.iii.4–8 ᫥ ⲕϢⲕϢⲕⲓⲗⲟ· ⳝⲱⲁⲗⲟ· ⲕⲟⲉⲓⲣⲟⲩ· ⲅⲉⲛ· ⲕⲟⳝⲓⲇⲟⲩ· ⲕⲟⲥⲕⲁ· ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲁ· Ⲟⲥⲟⲛⲁ· ⲕϢⲕϢⲕⲓⲗⲟ· ⳝⲱⲀⲗⲟ· ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲕⳠⳡⲓⲅⲟⲩⲛⲁ ⲇⲤⲕⲁ· ⳝⲢⲕⲉⲛⲛⲁⲛ· kiš~kiš-k-ilo

jōa-lo

koeirou ɡen-∅

envious~INT-NMLZ-LOC because.PRED-FOC tree

kos-ka

ounn-a

os-on-a

kojidou

good-NOM seed

kiš~kiš-k-ilo

bad-ACC bear-PRED take.out-PST1.2/3SG-PRED envious~INT-NMLZ-LOC

jōa-lo

jour-kiññ-iɡou-na

dis-ka

jir-ken-n-an

because-FOC cause-NEG.ADJ-PL-ACC blood-ACC throw-HAB-PRS-3PL ‘Because of envy a good tree has produced bad seed, while because of envy they shed the blood of the innocent.’

(460) SC 6.10–15 ᫥ ⲁⲓⲟ[ⲛ] ⲕⲓⲉⲓⲥⲧⲖⲇⲉ ⲡⲁⲗⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲕⲁ ⲡⲖⲗⲁ ⲙⲚⲛⲉⲙ· ⲙⲁϣⲁⲛⲛⲁ ⲕⲁⲕⲕⲁⲛⲛⲓⲕⲉⲛⲇⲉ· ⲁⲥⲥⲉⲕⲉⲛⲇⲉ· ⲫⲟⲩⲣⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲫⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩⲅⲟⲩⳝⲣⲁ ⲙⲚⲛⲉⲙ· ⲅⲚⲇⲁⲧⲧⲉⲕⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲕⲓⳝⲞⲥⲓⳝⲕⲉⲛⲇⲉ ⲙⲚⲛⲉⲗⲟ· ai-∅-on

kieist-il-de

pa-l-dekel-ka

pill-a

1SG-NOM-TOP winter-DET-CONJ summer-DET-CONJ-ACC come.out.TR-PRED

min-n-e-m

mašan-na kakkan-ni-k-ende asse-k-ende

not.be-PRS-1SG.PRED-AFF sun-GEN

ray-PL-ACC-NEG.CONJ water-ACC-NEG.CONJ

phourɡ-ouka phourouɡ-ouj-r-a furrow-ACC

min-n-e-m

ɡindatte-ka

plough-PLACT-PRS-PRED not.be-PRS-1SG.PRED-AFF thorn-ACC

doukk-ij-os-ij-k-ende

min-n-e-lo

uproot-PLACT-take.out-PLACT-HAB-NEG.CONJ not.be-PRS-1SG.PRED-FOC ‘I do not experience winter and summer, nor the rays of the sun nor water, nor do I plough furrows nor am I uprooting thorns.’

The development of the ‘new’ aspectual markers -ⲟⲥ and -ⲉⲧ appears to occur in tandem with the loss of the aspectual distinction between -ᝥ and -ⲉ in the present and past 2 tense (§11.1.1). The development of these new suffixes can be traced through the verb ⲁⲩⲗ ‘to save’, which nearly always is marked with perfective aspect as the subject is usually a divine figure (§11.1.1.1): (461) L 104.5–8 ᫧ ⲕ[Ⲙ]ⲙⲁ ⲥⲓⲰⲛⲓⲀⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗ ⲁⲩⲗⲉⲗ⳹ ⲅⲠ[ⲣ]ⲧⲉⲛⲓⲁ ⲧⲗⲗⲓⲕⲓⳡⲕⲁⲛⲉⲕⲁ ⲓⲀⲕⲱ[ⲃⲓⲞ⳹ kim-m-a

sioni-a-ketal aul-el-∅

come.AFF-PRS.3SG-PRED Sion-DAT-also save-PFV.PRS.DET-NOM

ɡipirt-eni-a

till-ikiñ-kane-ka

iakōbi-o

turn-SUBORD.SG-PRED God-NEG.ADJ-NMLZ-ACC Jakob-LOC ‘There comes also from Sion the one who saves, to turn godlessness away from Jakob.’ (Rom 11:26)

214

11. ASPECT AND TENSE

(462) P.QI 1 10.A.i.12–15 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲅⲁⲣⲓⲅⲣⲀⲗⲟ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲉⲛⲇⲉ ⲇⲢⳝⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲣⲓⲙⲉⲛⲧⲁⲗⲟ· ⳟⲤⲥⲉⲅⲟⲩⲈⲥⲚ ⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥⲚ ⲁⲩⲗⲟⲥⲓⳝⲓⲥⲓⲛⲛⲁ ⲇⲢⲧⲓⲕⲁ· eiɡariɡira-lo ouel-∅-ende thus-LOC

dir-j-ika

eir-imen-ta-lo

one-NOM-NEG.CONJ count-PLACT-ACC can-NEG-NEG-FOC

ŋiss-e-ɡoue-sin

aɡɡelos-na aul-os-ij-is-in-na

holy-PL.PRED-PL.PRED-EMP angel-GEN

save-PFV-PLACT-PST2-2/3SG-GEN

dir-t-ika count-NMLZ-ACC ‘Thus no one can count the number of the holy ones whom the angel has saved.’

(463) gr 2.8–9 ᫥ ⲁⲓ ⲙⲉⲩⲇⲁ ⳟⲟⲇⲕⲁ ⲧⲟⲡⲁⲉⲓⲁⲣⲁ ⳟⲟⲇ ⲁⲚⲕ ⲟⲩⲗⲅⲟⲩⳝⲓⲗⲁ ⲁⲛ ⲙⲁⲓⲕⲧⲟⲩ ⳝⲘⲙⲖⲗⲟ ⲁⲩⲗⲟⲥⲉⲛⲁ ⲁⲓⲕⲁ ai

meud-a

ŋod-ka

topaei-ar-a

ŋod

an-ik

1SG beg-PRED Lord-ACC rise.up(?)-PST1-PRED Lord 1SG.GEN-ACC

oulɡou-j-il-a

an

maiktou jimmil-lo

ear-PLACT-PRS-PRED 1SG.GEN affliction all-LOC

aul-os-en-a

ai-ka

save-PFV-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-PRED 1SG-ACC ‘I rose up, begging to the Lord, the Lord heard my (prayer) and he saved me from all my affliction.’ (Ps 33:5)

In (461) we find the verb ⲁⲩⲗ ‘to save’ followed solely by the perfective marker -ⲉ, while in (462) ⲁⲩⲗⲟⲥⲓⳝⲓⲥⲓⲛⲛⲁ has the perfective suffix -ⲟⲥ and a past 2 tense. In (463) ⲁⲩⲗⲟⲥⲉⲛⲁ we find a combination of both strategies, featuring both the perfective suffix -ⲟⲥ and perfective present tense. In one particular case, the two suffixes distinguish between two different meanings. The verb ⳝⲁⲛ means either ‘to buy’ or ‘to sell’, depending on the perfective marker that is selected: (464) P.QI 3 46.re.1–2 ᫥ ⲉⲓⳣⲓ ⲙⲓⲣⲓⲉⲓⲕⲁⲇⲉ ⲡⲓⲈⲈⲥⲟ ⲗⲌ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲡⲁⲣⲓⲕⲟⲛ ⳝⲁⲛⲟⲥⲁⲛⲁⲥⲱ eiwi miri-eika-de pi-e-e-so

47 tan

grain new-ACC-CONJ remain-TR(?)-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM 47 3SG.GEN

par-ik-on

jan-os-an-a-so

old-ACC-TOP exchange-PFV-IMP.2/3SG-PRED-COMM ‘Keep the new grain but let them sell 47 (artabs of) his old (grain)!’

(465) P.QI 3 44.2–4 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲕⲕⲁⲧⲧⲓ ⲧⲁⲛⲛⲓⲕⲁ ⲥⲉⳣⲁⲉⲓ ⲧⲁⲛⲛⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗ ⳝⲁⲛⲉⲤⲥⲁⲛⲁⲗⲟ

215

11.1. ASPECT

pakk-atti

tann-ika

sewaei tann-iɡou-l-∅

share-NMLZ 3SG.GEN-ACC heir.PL

3SG.GEN-PL-DET-NOM

jan-eis-s-an-a-lo exchange-PFV-PST2-3PL-PRED-FOC ‘Her heirs bought her share.’

Otherwise, the selection of -ⲟⲥ and -ⲉⲧ is restricted to a limited number of verbs, for example: (466) K 20.8–10 ᫥ ⲧⲖⲗⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⲁⳡⳝⲚ ⲕⲟⲉⲢⲣⲁⲗⲟ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲡⲓⲕⲦⲕⲁ· ⲕⲁⲥⲥⲟⲥⲁⲛⲛⲁ till-il-∅-lon

añj-in

koeir-ra-lo

tan

pikit-ka

God-DET-NOM-TOP life-GEN tree-DAT-FOC 3SG.GEN share-ACC

kass-os-an-n-a take.away-PFV-INTEN-PRS.2/3SG-PRED ‘God will take away his share in the tree of life.’

(467) M 7.9–13 ᫥ ⲀⲅⲟⲡⲡⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⲕⲟⲩⲙⲡⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲙ⳿Ⲉⲧⲁ ⲀⲥⲚ ⲧⲟⲩⲗⲁ ⲕⲉⲛⲁ ⲕⲁⲡⲡⲁ ⲥⲉⲩⲈⲗⲁ ⲟⲩⲥⲕⲟⲩⲣⲥⲛⲁ· aɡopp-il-∅-lon

koumpou-ka doum-et-a

boatsman-DET-NOM-TOP egg-ACC

tou-la

ken-a

kapp-a

as-in

take-PFV-PRED keel.box-GEN

seue-la

ouskour-s-n-a

belly-DAT place-PRED food-PRED other-DAT place.TR-PST2-2/3SG-PRED ‘The boatsman took over the egg, placed it inside the keel box, and put it among the rest of the food.’

11.1.3. Perfective Particle ⲧⲁ The particle ⲧⲁ is also associated with perfective aspect. Perhaps it is etymologically related to the suffix -ⲧⲁ used in certain forms of negation. In this case, however, it does not appear to have a negative meaning. It occurs rarely, but in all attestations it combines with a verbal form to translate Greek perfective aspect (i.e., aorist or perfect tense): (468) P.QI 1 4.i.8–9 ⲉⲘⲙⲉ· eilate-n

᫥

ⲉⲓⲗⲁⲧⲉⲛ ⲟⲩⲕⲟⲩⲛⲛⲁ ⳟⲁⲈⲇⲉⲛⲣⲁ ⳟⲓⲇⲉⲛⲕⲁ ⲧⲁ

oukoun-na ŋaeden-ra

completion-GEN day-GEN

ŋi-d-en-ka

resurrection-DAT rise-INTEN-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-ACC

ta

ei-m-m-e

PTC.PFV

know-AFF-PRS-1SG.PRED

‘I know that he will rise in the resurrection of the day of completion.’ (Jn 11:24)

216

11. ASPECT AND TENSE

(469) P.QI 1 4.i.15–17 ᫥ Ⲉ ⳟⲟⲇⲁ ⲧⲁ ⲡⲤⲧⲉⲩⲉⲘⲙⲉ ⲉⲓⲣ ⲉⲛⲉⲛⲕⲁ· ⲭⲣⲓⲥⲧⲟⲥⲓ ⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥⲗⲀ ⲕⲣⲟⲗ· e

ŋod-a

oh lord-PRED

ta

pisteue-im-m-e

PTC.PFV

believe-AFF-PRS-1SG.PRED 2SG-NOM

en-en-ka

khristosi

eir-∅

kosmos-ila kr-ol

be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-ACC Christ.PRED world-DAT

come-PST1.DET

‘Oh lord, I believe that it is you, the Christ who has come in the world.’ (Jn 11:27)

Examples (468) and (469), both from a translation of the Gospel of John that must have belonged to a larger codex, translate a perfect tense, respectively οἶδα and πεπίστευκα. The same particle also appears in a bilingual Psalm from Dongola, in combination with a past 2 verbal form: (470) DP 2.7

ⲁⲓ ⲧⲁ ⲉⲖⲓⲥⲉ ⲁ[ⲛ] ⲉⳡⲧⲧⲓⲗⲁ

᫧

ai-∅

ta

eil-is-e

1SG-NOM

PTC.PFV

say-PST2-1SG.PRED 1SG.GEN wealth.NMLZ-DAT

an

eñ(i)tt-ila

‘I said in my prosperity.’ (Ps 29:7)

Also in this case, the Greek verb translated by ⲧⲁ ⲉⲖⲓⲥⲉ is a perfective form, the aorist εἶπα. 11.1.4. Habitual Habitual aspect is marked with the suffix -ⲕ(ⲉ) directly preceding the tense marker. The habitual is a form of imperfective aspect and describes ‘a situation which is characteristic of an extended period of time’ (Comrie 1976, 26–27). The habitual usually occurs with the present tense: (471) Dong 1.i.2–4 ᫥ ⲟⲣⲡⲖⲗⲱ ⲉⲓⲧⲚ ⲁⲉⲖⲕⲁ ⲡⲤⲥⲗⲅⲓⲣⲕⲉⲣⲁ ⳟⲟⲉⲖⲗⲱ ⲉⲓⲧⲚ ⲕⲟⳡⲕⲁ ⲧⲟⳡⳡⲖⲅⲢⲕⲉⲣⲁ ⲡⲁⲣⲟⲩⲟⲩⲗⲗⲱ ⲉⲓⲧⲚ ⲁⲉⲖⲕⲁ ⲧⲟⲩⲣⲅⲢⲕⲉⲣⲁ⳼ orp-il-∅-lo

eit-in

aeil-ka

piss-(i)l

ɡir-ke-r-a

wine-DET-NOM-FOC man-GEN heart-ACC rejoice-PRS cause-HAB-PRS-PRED

ŋoeil-∅-lō

eit-in

koñ-ka

toññ-il

ɡir-ke-r-a

oil.DET-NOM-FOC man-GEN face-ACC fair(?)-PRS cause-HAB-PRS-PRED

parouou-l-∅-lō

eit-in

aeil-ka

tour-ɡir-ke-r-a

bread-DET-NOM-FOC man-GEN heart-ACC secure-CAUS-HAB-PRS-PRED ‘Wine makes the heart of man rejoice. Oil makes fair(?) the face of man. Bread makes secure the heart of man.’ (Ps 103:15)

217

11.1. ASPECT

(472) SC 8.14–15 ᫥ ⲉⲚ ⳝⲓⲙⲙⲖⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁⲗⲱ ⲟⲩⲈⲣⲖⲇⲱ ⲁⲕⲖ ⳟⲔⲕⲓⳝⲕⲉⲛⲁ· ein

jimm-il-ɡou-ka-lō ouer-il-dō

DEM.PROX

all-DET-PL-ACC-FOC mountain-DET-SUPE sit-PRS.DET

ak-il

ŋik-k-ij-ken-a see-HAB-PLACT-HAB.PRS.2/3SG-PRED ‘All these things he sees sitting upon the mountain.’

(473) L 102.1–4 ᫥ Ⲉⲅⲉⲗ ⲟⲩⲈⲣ ⲁⳟⲓⲙⲉⲛⲕⲉⲣⲁⲗⲟ⳹ ⲞⲇⳡⲟⲞⲥⲁ ⳝⲓⲣⲕⲉⲣⲁ ⲉⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲟ ⳝⲟⲩⲛ ⲟⲩⲕⲕⲟⲩⲧⲧⲁⲕⲕⲉⲛⲉⲛⲕⲱ⳹ eɡel ouer aŋ-imen-ke-r-a-lo still

one

odñ-oos-a

jirker-a

become-NEG-HAB-PRS-PRED-FOC reject-PFV-PRED go.forth-PRED

ei-ɡou-lo

joun

oukkout-tak-ken-enkō

man.PL-PL-LOC because oppress-PASS-HAB.PRS.2/3SG-but ‘It is not anymore to become anything, but to be cast out and oppressed by men.’ (Mt 5:13)

The habitual has also been attested with the past 1 and past 2 tense, as well as the imperative. (474) P.QI 1 10.C.i.5–7 ᫧ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩⲉⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⳟⲉⲇⲓⲀⲛⲛⲟ[ⲗⲟ] ⲧⲁⲛ ⲉⲓⲗⲟ⟦·⟧ ⳟⲉⲕⲔⲕⲕⲟⲛⲁ ⲧⲁⲣ ⲁⲈⲗ [ⲅⲁⳝⲓ]ⲕⲉⲥⲚⲛⲟ ⳝⲟⲩⲛ· ourou-eil-∅-lon ŋedian-no-lo

tan

ei-lo

king-DET-NOM-TOP often.ADV-LOC-FOC 3SG.GEN hand-LOC

ŋek-ik-k-on-a

tar aeil-∅

ɡaji-ke-s-in-no

work-TR-HAB-PST1.2/3SG-PRED 3SG heart.DET-NOM exult-HAB-PST2-2/3SG-LOC

joun because ‘The king often worked with his hands because his heart used to exult.’

(475) P.QI 1 5.i.4–6 ᫥ ⲥⲓⲙⲱⲛ· ⲡⲉⲧⲣⲟⲥⲓⲅⲖⲗⲉⲉⲓⲟⲛ· ⲙⲟⲩⲇⲖ ⲕⲓⲥⲛⲀ· ⲉⲚ ⲙⲁⲑⲧⲏⲥⲟⲩ ⲏⲛ ⲓⲥⲥⲓⲛⲁ· ⲟⲛⲕⲉⲥⲅⲖⲗⲉ· simōn petrosi-ɡille-eion moud-il Simon Peter-ALL-TOP

mathtēsou ēn disciple

DEM.PROX

ki-s-in-a

run-PRS.DET come-PST2-2/3SG-PRED

ein DEM.PROX

i(ēsou)si-na on-ke-s-ɡille Jesus-GEN

love-HAB-PST2-ALL

‘Running, she went to Simon Peter (and?) this disciple that Jesus used to love.’ (Jn 20:2)

(476) P.QI 1 7.i.11–15 ᫧ Ⲥⲕⲧⲟⲩ ⳟⲉⲇⲓⲁⲛⲛⲟ Ⲁ[ⲣⲟⲩ ⲧⲁ]ⲇⲇⲱ ⳝⲱⲛⲁ ⲥⲟⲩⲕⲕⲟⲗⲕⲁ ⲥⲓⲣⲓⲡⲁ ⲉⲧⲁ ⲧⲟ[ⲕⲁ(?)] ⲇⲉⲥ ⲇⲉⲥⲥⲟⲩ ⲉⲗⲧⲁⲕⲕⲟⲗⲕⲁ·

218

11. ASPECT AND TENSE

ⲉⲚ ⲧⲁⲕⲁ ⲧⲟⲣ[ⲡⲁ]ⲕⲕⲖⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲡⲉⲉⲓⲀ Ⲟⲥⲁ Ⲧⳝⳝⲓⲗⲇⲉ ⲧⲖⲗⲖⲗⲟ ⳝⲱ[ⲁ] ⲧⲁⲣⲟⲩⲈⲕⲁ Ⲉⲧⲁⲣⲁ ⲅⲟⲩⲉⲗⲱ· isktou ŋedian-no

arou tad-dō

often.ADV-LOC rain

earth

sirip-a

et-a

jōn-a

soukk-ol-ka

3SG-SUPE strike-PRED descend-PST1-ACC

tok-a

des

dessou el-tak-k-oul-ka find-PASS-HAB-PST1-ACC

drink-PRED take-PRED enter-PRED green crop

ein

taka

DEM.PROX

3SG.ACC farm-HAB-PRS-PL-ACC grow-PRED take.out-PRED

torpak-k-il-ɡou-ka peei-a

tij-j-il-∅-de

till-il-lo

os-a jōa

tarou-e-ka

give>2/3-PLACT-PRS.DET-NOM-CONJ God-DET-LOC through bless-NMLZ-ACC

et-ar-a

ɡoue-lō

receive-PST1-PRED land.PRED-FOC ‘The earth, which drinks up the rain that often descended and struck upon it and produces green crops for those who farm it, is land that has received a blessing from God.’ (Heb 6:7)

(477) SC 5.9–11 ᫦ ⲕⲟⲩⲧⲟⲩⲛⲛⲉⲙ ⲉⲓⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲗⲅⲣ[ⲉⲛ] ⲧⲁⲩⲕⲗⲱⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲉⲚ ⲕⲟⲩ[ⲧ]Ⲛⲛⲓⲕ ⲁⲛⲕⲓⳝⲙⲉⲛⲕⲉⲥⲱ· koutoun-ne-m ei-ka

oulɡ-r-en

tauk-lō-eion ein

pig-PL.PRED-AFF say-ACC ear-TR-PFV.PRS.2/3SG time-LOC-TOP

DEM.PROX

koutin-ni-k ank-ij-men-k-e-sō pig-PL-ACC

think-PLACT-NEG-HAB-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM

‘When you hear (people) say “pigs,” do not consider these pigs!’

11.1.5. Intentional Intentional aspect, which indicates the intention of the subject and thus a future action, is indicated by the morpheme -(ⲁ)ⲇ. Like other aspectual markers, the intentional appears directly before tense marking. The selection of the allomorphs -ⲁⲇ or -ⲇ is phonologically conditioned. -ⲇ is used after a vowel or single alveolar consonant (ⲛ, ⲗ, ⲣ), whereas -ⲁⲇ is used in all other cases. The final -ⲇ assimilates to -ⲣ before -ⲣ and -ⲛ. Note, however, the apparent exceptions of P.QI 2 12.i.2 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲛⲁⲇⲘⲙⲁ and SC 23.4 ᫥ ⳟⲟⲇⲕⲁⲛⲁⲣⲣⲁ. At least in the first case we may safely assume a long root vowel and therefore a defective root /do+.n/ (§19.3). The -ⲁ is therefore phonologically necessary. Perhaps the same should be assumed with ⳟⲟⲇⲕⲁⲛⲁⲣⲣⲁ. (478) M 4.6–10 ᫧ Ⲁⲟⲩⲗ⳿ ⲫⲓⲗⲟⲝⲉⲛⲓⲧⲏⲅⲖ ⳝⲟⲇⲣⲁ ⲙⲉⲇⲇⲗ ⳟⲟⲗ⳿ ⲟⲩⲉⲕⲕⲟⲛ Ⲉⲗⲁ· ⲡⲉⲥⲥⲛⲁ ⲉⲦⲧⲖ Ⲁⲅⲟⲡⲡⲓ[ⲗⲁ]ⲅⲖⲉ· aoul philoxenitē-ɡil jo-d-r-a boat

medd-(i)l ŋ-ol

Philoxenite-ALL go-INTEN-PRS-PRED ready-PRS become-PST1.DET

219

11.1. ASPECT

ouek-k-on

el-a

pes-s-n-a

eitt-il-∅

one-ACC-TOP find-PRED speak-PST2-2/3SG-PRED woman-DET-NOM

aɡopp-ila-ɡille boatsman-DAT-ALL ‘The woman found a boat ready to go to Philoxenite and said to the boatsman.’

(479) St 6.12–7.4 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲗⲗⲘⲙⲟ ⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲀⲣⲖ ⲅⲁⲇⳝⲁⲇⲉⲛⲕⲁ· Ⲥⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲟⲩ ⳟⲟⲕⲕⲟⲛⲁ ⲙⲩⲥⲧⲏⲣⲕⲁ· doll-im-m-o

ou-ka

ei-ar-il

want-AFF-PRS-1PL.PRED 1PL.EXCL-ACC know-TR-PRS

ɡad-j-ad-en-ka

istaurosou ŋokko-na

cause-PLACT-INTEN-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-ACC cross

mustēr-ka

glorious-GEN mystery-ACC

‘We want you to inform us about the mystery of the glorious cross.’

In translation contexts it is generally used to render the Greek future tense: (480) P.QI 1 9.i.20–22 ᫧ ⲧⲁⲗⲗⲟ ⳟⲉⲣⲣⲁ ⲧⲖⲗⲚ ⳟⲁⲕⲧⲉⲛ ⲕⲤⲙⲁⲧⲧⲓⲛ· ⲁⲥⲧⲓⲡⲉⲛ ⲟⲣⲡⲟⲩ ⲥⲁⲙⲁⲣⲣⲁⲣⲁ [---]ⲕⲁ· tal-∅-lo

ŋe-r-r-a

till-in

ŋak-ten

3SG-NOM-FOC drink-INTEN-PRS-PRED God-GEN anger-NMLZ.GEN

kismatt-in

astipe-n orpou samar-r-ar-a

wrath.NMLZ-GEN cup-GEN wine

…-ka

intoxication-TR-PST1-PRED …-ACC

‘He will drink the (…) intoxicating wine of the cup of the wrath of the anger of God.’ (Rev 14:10)

(481) L 100.1–2 ᫧ ⲉ[ⲓⲥⲥⲚ] ⲡⲁⲣⲑⲉⲛⲟⲥⲓⲗⲗⲟ ⲧⲟⲩⲗⲟ ⳝⲟⲩⲛⲧ ⲟⲩⳟⲁⲣⲣ[ⲁ⳹] eissin parthenos-il-∅-lo tou-lo

jount

ouŋ-ar-r-a

behold virgin-DET-NOM-FOC belly-LOC pregnant become-INTEN-PRS-PRED ‘Behold, the virgin will get pregnant in the womb.’ (Mt 1:23)

We also find it once in the apodosis of an irrealis: (482) P.QI 1 7.ii.15–16 ᫧ ⲉⲓⲥⲁⲛ ⲉⲛⲁⲡⲡⲁ ⳟⲟⲇⲟⲩ ⳟⲟⲕⲚⲕⲁ ⲤⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲖⲇⲱ ⲟⲗⲗⲉⲓⲣⲓⲙⲉⲛⲇⲓⲥⲁⲛⲁⲥ[Ⲛ] ei-s-an

en-appa ŋodou ŋok-in-ka

know-PST2-3PL be-for

Lord

istauros-il-dō

glory-GEN-ACC cross-DET-SUPE

oll-eir-imen-d-is-an-a-sin hang-TR-NEG-INTEN-PST2-3PL-PRED-EMP ‘For when they had known, they would not have hanged the Lord of Glory upon the cross.’ (1 Cor 2:8)

220

11. ASPECT AND TENSE

11.2. Tense Old Nubian has three tenses: present -ⲗ (§11.2.1), past 1 -ⲟⲗ (§11.2.2.1), past 2 -ⲥ (§11.2.2.2). In the present and past 2 tense the vowel -ⲉ may be prefixed signifying perfective aspect (§11.1.2). There is also a perfect tense -ⲕⲟ, whose distribution is limited (§11.2.3). Old Nubian is in the middle of a development from an analytic tense–aspect system with a series of subject clitics to the fusional tense–agreement system found in present-day Nile Nubian languages, in which individual morphemes can no longer be easily discerned. This means that at the right edge of the verb we already find considerable phonological interactions between the different suffixes, which sometimes obscures their analysis. Tense morphemes precede a subject clitic when present, and are otherwise followed directly by a determiner, case marking, or predicate marker. 11.2.1. Present Present tense in Old Nubian is marked with the non-past suffix -ⲗ, which is most probably etymologically related to the determiner -ⲗ (§16.1). The present tense is generally used for actions in a timeframe that coincides with the current moment, but in subordinate clauses may also be sometimes used as the default tense, with the temporal interpretation based on the main verb (§11.2.1.1).

— 1SG 2/3SG 1/2PL 3PL

Subj. Clitic

Subj. Clitic + PRED

-ⲗ -ⲣ-ⲓ -ⲛ -ⲣ-ⲟⲩ -ⲣ-ⲁⲛ

-ⲣ-ⲁ -ⲣ-ⲉ -ⲛ-ⲁ -ⲣ-ⲟ -ⲣ-ⲁⲛ-ⲁ

Table 11.2: Present + subject clitic + predicate marker

The phonology of the present tense morpheme is treated separately in §19.6.1.3. In brief, it is usually subject to progressive assimilation after liquids and nasals and shows regressive assimilation before 2/3SG subject clitic -ⲛ and determiner -ⲗ (table 11.2). Prevocalically, -ⲗ changes to -ⲣ. (483) M 12.8–11 ᫥ ⳟⲤⲥⲟⲩ ⲙⲏⲛⲁⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲙⲟⲩⲣⲧⲆⲇⲱ ⲀⲕⲖ ⲇⲟⲩⲧⲣⲁⲡⲕⲁ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲁⲩⲉⲢ ⲟⲩⲟⲗⲗⲟ ⲇⲟⲩⲙⲙⲁ ⲧⲁⲕ⳿ ⲉⲛⲈⲧⲁ ⲡⲉⲥⲥⲛⲁ· ŋissou mēna-∅-eion holy

tan

Mina-NOM-TOP

mourt-id-dō

aueir ouo-l-lo

3SG.GEN wing

ak-il-∅

doutrap-ka

horse-DET-SUPE sit-PRS.DET-NOM fowl-ACC

doumm-a tak

two-DET-LOC take-PRED

en-et-a

3SG.ACC take-PFV-PRED

221

11.2. TENSE

pes-s-n-a speak-PST2-2/3SG-PRED ‘Saint Mina, sitting on his horse, grasped the fowl by its two wings, took it up, and said.’

(484) P.QI 2 21.i.17–19 ᫥ ⲓⲥⲣⲁⲏⲗⲗⲟⲛ· ⲥⲟⲩ· ⲗⲟⲩⲉⲚ· ⲉⲓⲥ· ⲕⲓⲧⲓⲗⲁ· Ⲁⲕⲓⲣⲓ· Ⲟⲥⲁⲣⲣⲁⲗⲟ· israēl-∅-lon

soulou-ei-n

eisk-it-ila

ak-ir-i

Israel-NOM-TOP Soulou-PL-GEN recompense-NMLZ-DAT sit-PRS-1SG

os-ar-r-a-lo take.out-INTEN-PRS-PRED-FOC ‘Israel will take it out while I remain as deputy of the Souloui.’

(485) SC 11.15–17 ᫥ ⲉⲗ ⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥⲗⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲈⲣⲟⲩⲗⲱⲇⲉ ⲕⲓⲡⲓⲇ ⳟⲓⲇⲉ· ⲥⲟⲗⲗⲓⲧⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲛⲕⲟⲩⲛⲕⲉⲗⲅⲟⲩⲗⲱ ⲕⲟⲗⲟ ⲁⲗⲗⲓⲧⲁⲕⲣⲟ· el

kosmos-la dou-er-ou-lō-de

now world-DAT

soll-itou

kip-id

ŋi-de

exist-PFV.PRS-1/2PL-LOC-CONJ eat-CONJ drink-CONJ

oun-koun-ke-l-ɡou-lō

ko-lo

all-itak-r-o

abandon-NMLZ love-have-HAB-PRS-PL-LOC by-FOC bind-PASS-PRS-1/2PL.PRED ‘When we exist in the present world, we are bound by eating and drinking and lovely diversions.’ M features a few emphatic forms with geminated aspect and tense morphology, one of which shows the unassimilated present tense morpheme:

(486) M 6.3–6 ᫥ ⲉⲚ ⲕⲟⲩⲙⲡⲟⲩⲕⲁ Ო ⲗⲁ Პ ⲗⲟ ⲙⲁⲛ ⲕⲤⲥⲉⲗⲁ ⲕⲉⲛⲇⲟⲩⲕ⳿ⲁⲣⲣⲖⲗⲉ· ein

koumpou-ka-lo man

kisse-la

DEM.PROX

egg-ACC-FOC

church-DAT

DEM.DIST

ken-douk-arr-ill-e place-worship-INTEN-PRS-1SG.PRED ‘I will present this egg as an offering to that church.’

11.2.1.1. Default Present Tense There is a tendency in Old Nubian to treat the present as a default tense, meaning that if the past tense is clear from the context, the present tense may be used instead. This may happen, for example, when the main verb of the sentence is marked with the past tense, while the subordinate verb is marked with the present tense:

222

11. ASPECT AND TENSE

(487) St 2.9–3.5 ᫥ ⲁⲩⲧⲁⲕⲟⲛⲁ ⲟⲩⲕⲣⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲟ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲗⲟ· ⲉⲛ ⲁⳡⳝⲛⲀ ⲥⲁⲓⲧⲉⲛⲅⲟⲩⲛ ⳟⲁⳝⳝⲖⲇⲱ ⲁⲕⲚ· ⲧⲁ[ⲛ]ⲛⲁ ϩⲁⲣⲙⲓⲅⲟⲩⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲕⲉⲇⲁ ⳝⲟⲇⲇⲉⲛⲛⲁ ⲟⲩⲕⲖ Ⲣⲕⲓⲥⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗ[ⲟ(?)] ⲟⲣⲣⲉⲣⲉ ⳟⲟⲛⳝⲓⲛ: au-tak-on-a

oukr-iɡou-lo ouel-lo en

do-PASS-PST1.2/3SG-PRED day-PL-LOC

saite-n-ɡou-n ŋajj-il-dō

añj-ina

one-LOC 1PL.INCL-GEN savior-GEN

ak-in

tan-na

olive-PL-PL-GEN mountain-DET-SUPE sit-PRS.2/3SG 3SG-GEN

harmi-ɡou-ɡille ked-a heaven-PL-ALL

jod-d-en-na

oukil irkis-iɡou-lo

ascend-PRED go-INTEN-PFV.PRS-GEN day

forty-PL-LOC

orrere ŋonj-in before stand-PRS.2/3SG ‘It happened when on one of the days our Savior was sitting on the Mount of Olives, forty days remaining before he would ascend to the heavens.’

In (487) the main verb is past 1 ⲁⲩⲧⲁⲕⲟⲛⲁ, while the subordinate verb ⲁⲕⲚ is in the present tense. It should be interpreted, however, as contemporaneous with the main verb. (488) K 30.10–15 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲛⲚⲅⲟⲩⲗⲁⲡⲡⲁ ⲓⲉⲓⲟⲩⲇⲁⲓⲞⲥⲣⲉⲓ ⲁⳡⳝⲓⲕⲁ ⲤⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲖⲇⲟ ⲟⲗⲗⲉⲓⲛ ⳝⲉⲓⳟⲉⲓⲇⲟⲗⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲕⲟⲗⲁ ⲧⲣⲁⲥⲚ· ᲝⲥⲓⲛⲉᲞ⳿ⲧⲉⲣⲟⲩ ⲉⲚ ⲕⲟⲣⲉⲛ ⲧⲣⲁⲡⲓ̣ⲥⲗⲇⲟ ⲡⲉⲓⲛ ⲡⲉⲥⲖⲅⲟⲩⲗ· ein-in-ɡou-l-∅-appa

ieioudaios-rei añj-ika

DEM.PROX-PL-PL-DET-NOM-for

Jew-PL

oll-ein

istauros-il-do

Savior-ACC cross-DET-SUPE

jeiŋeid-ol-ɡou-ka kol-a

tr-a-sin

hang-PRS.2/3SG mock-PST1-PL-ACC be.like-PRED give>2/3SG-PRED-EMP

terou ein

kore-n

3PL

sacrament-GEN altar-DET-SUPE lie.PRS.2/3SG

DEM.PROX

trapis-il-do

pein

pes-il-ɡou-l-∅ speak-PRS-PL-DET-NOM ‘For these are like the Jews who mocked the Savior when he hung on the cross, those who speak when this sacrament is on the altar.’

In (488), the present tense verb ⲟⲗⲗⲉⲓⲛ is subordinated to the past 1 tense verbal noun ⳝⲉⲓⳟⲉⲓⲇⲟⲗⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ and should therefore receive a past tense interpretation. This is not the case with the present tense verb ⲡⲉⲓⲛ, which is subordinated to the present tense verbal noun ⲡⲉⲥⲖⲅⲟⲩⲗ, and is therefore interpreted as a present tense. (489) M 1.11–2.2 ᫥ ⲉⲓⳡⲦⲧⲟⲩ ⳟⲟⲩⲕⲧⲗⲱ ⲇⲓⲉⲓⲕⲟⲛ ⲕⲟⲀⲗⲟ Ⲉⲛⲟⲛⲁ· ⲥⲉⲩⲁⲧⲧⲕⲟⲛ ⲕⲟⲛⲙⲉⲛⲛⲁⲗⲱ·

223

11.2. TENSE

eiñittou ŋoukt-lō

diei-k-on

ko-a-lo

abundance.NMLZ-LOC be.many-ACC-TOP have-PRED-FOC

wealth

en-on-a

seu-att-k-on

kon-men-n-a-lō

be-PST1.2/3SG-PRED inherit-NMLZ-ACC-TOP have-NEG-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-FOC ‘In abundant wealth she possessed much, but she had no heir.’

In (489) we are not dealing with a subordinate clause, but instead with two main clauses. In the first clause Ⲉⲛⲟⲛⲁ is in the past tense, but in the second we find ⲕⲟⲛⲙⲉⲛⲛⲁⲗⲱ in the present tense. Nevertheless, the interpretation should be contemporaneous with Ⲉⲛⲟⲛⲁ, in the past. In Late Old Nubian, there may be a tendency for the intervocalic -ⲣ of the present tense suffix to undergo weakening to a glide. (490) P.QI 4 91.re.1–2 ᫥ ⲉⲔⲕⲁ ᲝⳣᲞⲕⲦⲧⲓⲕⲁ ⳝⲁⲛⲁ ⲧⲓⲣⲓⳣⲓ ⲥⲟⲩⲁⲉⲓ ⲃⲗⲟ ⲁⲓⲕⲟⲛ ⲉⲆⲇⲟ ⲕⲟ ⲇⲟⲩⲙⲙⲓⲁ ⲙⲓⲛⲓⲥⲉⲛⲁ ⲥⲉⲛⲁ ⲡⲁⲗⲁ ⲧⲁⲥⲥⲉ eik-ka

kitt-ika

jan-a

tir-iw-i

souaei 2-lo

2SG-ACC garment-ACC sell-PRED give>2/3-PRS-1SG month

ai-kon

eid-do

ko

doumm-i-a

two-LOC

min-is-en-a

1SG-TOP 2SG-LOC through hand.over-PRS-PRED what-WH-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-PRED

s-en-a

pal-a

WH-PRS.2/3SG-PRED

come.out-PRED come-PST2.1SG.PRED

tas-se

‘If I sell you the garment in two months, should I come (or: what about me coming) to hand it over for your sake/through you?’

(491) P.QI 4 95.re.12–13 ៷ ⲕⲟⲩⲇⲓ ⲉⲚⲛⲓⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲁⲩⳣⲓⲥⲓ ⲇⲁⲙⲓⲛⲓⲉⲓⲗⲓ ⲡⲓⲧⲢ ⲉⲚⲛⲓⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲡⲉⲥⲥⲓ ⲇⲁⲙⲓⲛⲓⲛⲖⲗⲓ koudi ein-n-iɡille auw-is-i slave

da-min-iei-li

pitir

2SG-GEN-ALL do-PST2-PRED(?) be-NEG-PRS.1SG-AFF gatherer(?)

ein-iɡille

pess-i

da-min-in-illi

2SG.GEN-ALL speak-PRED(?) be-NEG-PRS.2/3SG-AFF ‘I did nothing to your slave, he didn’t say anything to your gatherer(?).’

11.2.2. Past Old Nubian has two morphologically distinct past tenses (also called preterite or aorist). The past 1 is characterized by a back vowel -ⲟ/ⲁ/ⲟⲩ (§11.2.2.1), whereas the past 2 is consistently signalled by the sibilant -ⲥ (§11.2.2.2). The precise distinction between the two past tenses has been an ongoing concern of scholars, but it appears that their difference cannot be captured clearly in familiar terms of tense or aspect, as (492) succinctly illustrates:

224

11. ASPECT AND TENSE

(492) SC 12.16–19 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲇⲁⲙⲁⲣⲕⲟⲛ ⲕⲁⲣⳟⲁⲗⲟ ⲙⲉⲇⲇⲖ ⲅⲣⲟⲛⲁ· ⲙⲉⲇⲇⲖ ⲅⲁⲣⲓⲥⲛⲁ ⲧⲁⲣⲓⲁ ⲇⲓⲁⲛ ⲧⲓⲣⲤⲥ[ⲓ]ⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ· tan

damar-k-on karŋ-a-lo

medd-il

ɡr-on-a

3SG.GEN bow-ACC-TOP hold-PRED-FOC prepare-PRS cause-PST1.2/3SG-PRED

medd-il

ɡar-is-n-a

tari-a

di-a-n

tiriss-iɡou-ka

prepare-PRS cause-PST2-2/3SG-PRED 3SG-DAT die-PST2-GEN implement-PL-ACC ‘Holding his bow he prepared it, he prepared on it the implements of death.’ (Ps 7:13–14)

Because (492) has been identified as a translation from a Psalm, we have a confirmed Greek Vorlage. The past 1 and past 2 verbal forms, respectively ⲙⲉⲇⲇⲖⲅⲣⲟⲛⲁ and ⲙⲉⲇⲇⲖⲅⲁⲣⲓⲥⲛⲁ, are a minimal pair differing only with regard to their past tense suffix. Yet both forms translate the identical Greek aorist verb ἡτοίμασε(ν), thus suggesting that their difference cannot be defined in terms of the temporal and aspectual differences of the Greek verb. At the same time, it appears that at least at some point in the development of Old Nubian, past 1 and past 2 were not mutually exclusive, as the following Early Old Nubian examples illustrate: (493) SC 19.20–25 ៷ ⲇⲓⲁⲃⲟⲗⲟⲥⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⲕϢⲕϢⲕⲁⲧⲧⲉⲛⲁⲗⲟ ⲧⲁⲕⲕⲟⲛⲟ ϩⲁⲣⲙⲗ[ⲟ] ⲧⲁⲣⲁ ⲕⲢⲣⲁ ⲡⲓⳝⲓⲕⲉⲛⲛⲁⲛ [5-6]· ⲁⲇⲁⲙⲏ ⲡⲁⲣⲁⲇⲉⲓⲥⲟ[ⲥ]ⲗⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲛ[. .]ⲛ ⲙⲓⲉⲦⲕⲁ ⲁⲙ[ⲧⲦ]ⲧⲢⲈⲧⲁ· ⲧⲁⲣ[ⲣ]ⲟ ⲕⲟ ⳟⲉⲕⲓⲥⲟⲛⲁ· diabolos-il-∅-lon kiš-kiš-katt-en-a-lo

tak-k-ono

devil-DET-NOM-TOP envious∼INT-NMLZ-be-PRED-FOC 3SG-ACC-REFL

harm-lo

tar-a

kir-r-a

pij-iken-n-an

… adamē

heaven-LOC come-PRED come-PRS-PRED cast-HAB-PRS-3PL … Adam

paradeisos-la dou-n-…n paradise-DAT

tar-ro

ko

mieit-ka

amtitt-ir-et-a

exist-PRS.2/3SG(?)… serpent-ACC example-TR-TAKE-PRED

ŋek-is-on-a

3SG-LOC through work-PST2-PST1.2/3SG-PRED ‘The devil, being envious that while they were casting him out of heaven, Adam was in Paradise, displayed the serpent and acted through it.’

(494) P.QI 2 16.v.5–8 ᫥ ⳟⲗⲓⲥⲉ ⳟⲟⲇⲟⲩ ⲧⲱⲉⲕⲟⲩ⟨ⲅ⟩ⲟⲩⲛⲓⲕⲁ ⲑⲣⲟⲛⲟⲥⲟⲩ ⳟⲁⲥⲥⲟⲩ ⳣⲉⲗⲉⲥⲁⲗⲇⲱ Ⲁⲕⲓⲛ: ŋl-is-e

ŋodou tōek-ouɡou-ni-ka thronosou ŋassou

see-PST2-1SG.PRED Lord

wel-es-al-dō

power-PL-GEN-ACC throne

high

ak-in

raise-PFV.PST2-PST1(.DET)-SUPE sit-PRS.2/3SG ‘I saw the Lord of Powers sitting upon a high, raised throne.’ (Is 6:1)

225

11.2. TENSE

Historically, there must therefore have been a semantic distinction between the two past tenses that was already mostly lost by the time Old Nubian started to be written down. As in the case of the perfective aspect suffix -ⲉ (§11.1.1), this distinction became increasingly dependent on grammatical and morphological context rather than meaning: (495) SYNTACTIC DISTRIBUTION BETWEEN PAST 1

AND

2

• Only past 2 is used in negative contexts (§11.2.2.3); • Past 1 is restricted to coreferential attributive relative clauses, past 2 in non-coreferential ones (§11.2.2.4); • In verbal predicates, past 2 always co-occurs a subject clitic (§11.2.2.5). Unfortunately, present-day Nubian languages do not offer any insight into the possible semantic difference between the past 1 and past 2 (cf. Bechhaus-Gerst 2011, 79–84). The loss of distinction between the two past tenses resulted in a merger of the two paradigms in Nobiin (Werner 1987, 149), which also led to a disambiguation of the 2/3SG and 1/2PL forms (Baerman, Brown, and Corbett 2005, 74–75). Past 1 forms appear to be absent altogether from Andaandi/ Mattokki and Midob. 11.2.2.1. Past 1 The past 1 tense is formed by a back vowel -ⲟ preceding the present tense suffix -ⲗ (§11.2.1). This vowel colors to ⲁ before -ⲣ and ⲟⲩ before -ⲁⲛ. The assimilation pattern of -ⲗ with the series of subject clitics is similar to that in the present tense (table 11.3). The past 1 cannot co-occur with the perfective marker -ⲉ (§11.1.1).

— 1SG 2/3SG 1/2PL 3PL

Subj. Clitic

Subj. Clitic + PRED

-ⲟⲗ -ⲁⲣ-ⲓ -ⲟⲛ -ⲁⲣ-ⲟⲩ -ⲟⲩ-ⲁⲛ

-ⲁⲣ-ⲁ -ⲁⲣ-ⲉ -ⲟⲛ-ⲁ -ⲁⲣ-ⲟ -ⲟⲩ-ⲁⲛ-ⲁ

Table 11.3: Past 1 + subject clitic + predicate marker

The distribution of the vowels ⲁ, ⲟ, and ⲟⲩ provided in table 11.3 is the general rule. There is, however, some variation: (496) P.QI 2 12.i.14–16 ᫥ ⲁⲡⲟⲗⲇⲉ ⲟⲛ ⲁⲛ Ⲉⲛⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲅⲟⲩⲗ⳿ ⲁⲓⲕⲁ ⲥⲟⲗⲁ ⲧⲟⲕⲟⲩⲁⲛ ⳟⲟⲇⲖⲗⲱ ⲁⲓⲕⲁ ⲧⲁⲙⲁⲗⲁⲛⲁ

226

11. ASPECT AND TENSE

a-po-l-de

on

an

en-dekel-ɡou-l-∅

ai-ka

1SG.POSS-father-DET-CONJ and 1SG.GEN mother-CONJ-PL-DET-NOM 1SG-ACC

sol-a

tok-ou-an

ŋod-il-∅-lō

ai-ka

abandon-PRED depart-PST1-3PL Lord-DET-NOM-FOC 1SG-ACC

tamal-an-a help-PST1.2/3SG-PRED ‘When my father and my mother abandoned me, the Lord helped me.’ (Ps 26:10)

(497) P.QI B 18

᫧

ⲁⲩⲟⲩⳝⲟⲣⲁ [---]

auou-j-or-a do-PLACT-PST1-PRED ‘Did.’

11.2.2.2. Past 2 The past 2 tense is signaled by the presence of -ⲥ (table 11.4). Like the present tense -ⲗ, it may be preceded by the perfective aspect marker -ⲉ (§11.1.1). Traces of the -ⲥ of the past 2 tense remain in other parts of Old Nubian morphology (§11.2.2.6).

— 1SG 2/3SG 1/2PL 3PL

Subj. Clitic

Subj. Clitic + PRED

-ⲥ-ⲓⲗ -ⲥ-ⲓ -ⲥ-ⲓⲛ -ⲥ-ⲟⲩ -ⲥ-ⲁⲛ

-ⲥ-ⲁ -ⲥ-ⲉ -ⲥ-ⲓⲛ-ⲁ -ⲥ-ⲟ -ⲥ-ⲁⲛ-ⲁ

Table 11.4: Past 2 + subject clitic + predicate marker

The past 2 suffix -ⲥ never assimilates, but in M it occurs a few times geminated as -ⲥⲥ: (498) M 8.2–5 ᫥ ⲟⲅⳝⲓⲗⲗⲟⲛ ⲕⲟⲩⲙⲡⲟⲩⲕ⳿ Ⲁⲅⲟⲣⲁ ⲉⲓⲥⲟⲩ ⲉⲢⲕⲁⲛⲉ ⲟⲩⲉⲓⲇⲇⲖⲗⲁⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲅⲡⲢⲧⲤⲥⲛⲁ· oɡj-il-∅-lon

koumpou-k aɡor-a

man-DET-NOM-TOP egg-ACC

oueid-il-la-ɡille

eisou

eir-kane

forget-PRED another king-NMLZ

ɡ(i)pirt-iss-n-a

far.away-PRS-DAT-ALL return-PST2-2/3SG-PRED ‘But the man forgot about the egg and returned to another kingdom far away.’

227

11.2. TENSE

(499) M 14.1–4 ᫥ ⲉⲚⲕⲁ ⲡⲉⲥⲁ ⲧⲟⲕⲁⲉⲓⲟⲛ· ⲇⲟⲩⲙⲁⲕⲕⲟⲛⲟ ⳟⲤⲥⲖ ⲙⲏⲩⲧⲁⲕⲣ ⲁⳟⲤⲥⲛⲁ ein-ka

pes-a

DEM.PROX-ACC

speak-PRED forgive-PRED-TOP immediately-after

tok-a-eion

doumak-kono

ŋiss-il-∅

meu-tak-r

aŋ-iss-n-a

holy-DAT-NOM dissolve(?)-PASS-PRS become-PST2-2/3SG-PRED ‘Saying this and forgiving, the Saint immediately became invisible.’

11.2.2.3. Past Tense in Negative Contexts Following the negative suffix -ⲙⲓⲛ (§12.2), only past 2 is used for the past tense: (500) P.QI 1 9.ii.5–8 ᫥ ⳟⲉⲥⲣⲉⲗⲕⲟⲛ ⲉⲓⲛⲙⲤⲥⲁⲛⲁⲗⲟ· ⲟⲩⲕⲟⲩⲣⲇⲉ Ⲟⲁⲣⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲗⲟ· ⳟⲁⲣⲙⲓⲧⲚ ⲉⲓⲕⲟⲛⲕⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲟⲗⲅⲟⲩⲗ· ⲟⲛ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲧⲁⳟⲥⲚ ⲉⲓⲉⲆⲕⲟⲛ ⲉⲦⲟⲗⲅⲟⲩⲗ· ŋes-r-el-kon

ein-mis-s-an-a-lo

oukour-de oar-dekel-lo

rest-TR-PFV.PRS-CONJ be-NEG-PST2-3PL-PRED-FOC day-CONJ

ŋarmit-in eikon-ka

douk-ol-ɡou-l-∅

on

night-CONJ-LOC

tan

taŋs-in

beast-GEN image-ACC worship-PST1-PL-DET-NOM and 3SG-GEN name-GEN

eieid-k

on

eit-ol-ɡou-l-∅

sign-ACC and receive-PST1-PL-DET-NOM ‘And they did not rest in day and night, those who worshipped the image of the beast and received the sign of his name.’ (Rev 14:11)

(501) St 5.12–6.3 ᫥ ⲥⲁⲗⲟⲩ ⲁⲓⲕⲁ Ⲉⲅⲓⲇⲓⲥⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲉⲕⲕⲉⲛⲇⲉ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩⲉⲓⲞ ⲇⲉⲕⲕⲓⲅⲢⲙⲤⲥⲉⲗⲟ· salou ai-ka word

eɡid-is-ou

ouek-k-ende

ourou-eio

1SG-ACC ask-PST2-1/2PL one-ACC-NEG.CONJ 2SG-LOC

dekk-iɡir-mis-s-e-lo conceal-CAUS-NEG-PST2-1SG.PRED-FOC ‘I did not conceal from you any word which you asked me.’

This means we do not expect in a context such as (83) the form *ⲇⲉⲕⲕⲓⲅⲢⲙⲓⲛⲁⲣⲉⲗⲟ to occur. Indeed, such forms have not been attested in the extant corpus. Instead, we find that Old Nubian creates past 1 negations by the use of an auxiliary verb construction (§14.1.2). There is one attestation of the past 2 used with the intentional suffix -ⲁⲇ (§11.1.5) and negation:

228

11. ASPECT AND TENSE

(502) P.QI 1 7.ii.15–16 ᫧ ⲉⲓⲥⲁⲛ ⲉⲛⲁⲡⲡⲁ ⳟⲟⲇⲟⲩ ⳟⲟⲕⲚⲕⲁ ⲤⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲖⲇⲱ ⲟⲗⲗⲉⲓⲣⲓⲙⲉⲛⲇⲓⲥⲁⲛⲁⲥ[Ⲛ] ei-s-an

en-appa ŋodou ŋok-in-ka

know-PST2-3PL be-for

Lord

istauros-il-dō

glory-GEN-ACC cross-DET-SUPE

oll-eir-imen-d-is-an-a-sin hang-TR-NEG-INTEN-PST2-3PL-PRED-EMP ‘For when they had known, they would not have hanged the Lord of Glory upon the cross.’ (1 Cor 2:8)

11.2.2.4. Past Tense in Relative Clauses There is a strict distinction between coreferential and non-coreferential attributive relative clauses (§17.2). In coreferential relative clauses, the antecedent is the same as the subject of the relative clause, whereas in non-coreferential ones it is not. In the past tense, coreferential relative clauses always have a past 1, whereas non-coreferential clauses always have past 2 (Van Gerven Oei 2015b, 53–54). Compare the following two sentences: (503) St 27.7–28.1 ᫥ ⲤⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲖ ⲁⲇⳡⲓⲕⲉⲣⲁⲗⲟ· ⲧⲖⲗⲁⲥⲚ ⲅⲁⲇⲗⲟ ⲧⲁⲇⲇⲱ ⲟⲗⲗⲟⲗⲗⲟ ⳝⲱⲀ· ⲉⲥⲕⲓⲧⲁⲕⲁ ⲇⲉⲛⳝⲟⲗⲗⲟ ⳝⲟⲩⲛ· ⲧⲱⲕⲚⲛⲁⲩⲈⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲀⲉⲖⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ istauros-il-∅ adñiker-a-lo

till-a-sin

ɡad-lo

tad-dō

cross-DET-NOM life.giving-PRED-FOC God-PRED-EMP flesh-LOC 3SG-SUPE

oll-ol-lo

jōa

esk-itak-a

den-j-ol-lo

joun

hang-PST1-LOC through conquer-PASS-PRED give>1-PLACT-PST1-LOC because

tōkinnaue-ka

ouaeil-ɡou-ka

peace.NMLZ-ACC need(?).PRS-PL-ACC ‘The cross is life-giving through God, who hung upon it in the flesh, because he was overcome for us, who need(?) peace.’

(504) P.QI 3 50.1–6 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲡⲣⲓ ⲉⲓⳣⲚ ⲇⲁⲥⲥⲖⲗⲁ ⲙⲟⲣ ⲇⲓⳝⲟⲩ ⲙⲁϣⲉ ⲇⲓⳝⲁ ⲉⲓⲛⲚ ⲙⲟⲣ ⲁⲕⲁ ⲓⲥⲟⲩ ⲥⲟⲣⲧⲗⲟⲛ ⲁⲛⲛⲁⲛⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲕ ⲉⲧⲟⲛⲁⲗⲱ ⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲤⲥⲖⲗⲱⲛ ⲙⲟⲣ ⲇⲗⲟ ⲙⲁϣⲉ ⲉⲗⲟ oupri eiw-in hole

das-s-il-la

mor dijou maše dij-a

grain-GEN exist-PST2-DET-DAT artab five

ein-in

mor 1-ka

isou sort-(il)-∅-lon

bushel five-PRED

anna-na douk-k

be-PRS.2/3SG artab 1-ACC Isou priest-DET-NOM-TOP Anna-GEN offer-NMLZ

et-on-a-lō

ou-n

eis-s-il-∅-lōn

mor

receive-PST1-PRED-FOC 1PL.EXCL-GEN receive-PST2-DET-NOM-FOC artab

4-lo

maše 5-lo

4-FOC bushel 5-FOC

229

11.2. TENSE

‘There being five artabs, five bushels in the hole in which the grain is, priest Isou received one artab as Anna’s offering. What we received: 4 artabs, 5 bushels.’

The relative clauses in (503) with ⲟⲗⲗⲟⲗⲗⲟⳝⲱⲀ and ⲇⲉⲛⳝⲟⲗⲗⲟⳝⲟⲩⲛ are both coreferential, meaning that their antecedent coincides with their subject, in both cases ‘God’. As a result, the past tense is indicated with a past 1 suffix. In example (504), the relative clauses with ⲇⲁⲥⲥⲖⲗⲁ and ⲉⲤⲥⲖⲗⲱⲛ are both non-coreferential, and both verbs have a subject marked with the genitive case, respectively ⲉⲓⳣⲚ and ⲟⲩⲛ. The past tense is here marked with a past 2 suffix. 11.2.2.5. Past Tense and Subject Clitics When used on a main verb in a regular or subordinate clause, past 2 is followed by a mandatory subject clitic. Compare again the following two examples: (505) M 4.16 ᫥ ⲀⲡⲟⲅⲅⲖ ⲡⲉⲥⲁⲣⲁ· apoɡɡ-il-∅

pes-ar-a

boatsman-DET-NOM speak-PST1-PRED ‘The boatsman said.’

(506) M 5.14–15

᫥

ⲀⲡⲟⲅⲅⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⲡⲉⲥⲥⲛⲁ·

apoɡɡ-il-∅-lon

pes-s-n-a

boatsman-DET-NOM-TOP speak-PST2-2/3SG-PRED ‘The boatsman said.’

It is predicted that in contexts such as (505) we never encounter the form *ⲡⲉⲥⲓⲥⲁ. We only find such forms in the case of verbal nouns functioning as nominal predicates: (507) M 1.1–3 ᫥ ⳟⲟⲕⲕⲟⲣⲁ ⲭⲣⲓⲥⲧⲟⲥⲚ ⲙⲁⲣⲧⲩⲣⲟⲥⲟⲩ ⳟⲤⲥⲟⲩ ⲙⲏⲛⲁⲛⲁ ⲁⲩⲥⲁⲗⲱ· ŋokkor-a

khristos-in marturosou ŋissou mēna-na

miracle-PRED Christ-GEN

martyr

holy

Mina-GEN

au-s-a-lō make-PST2-PRED-FOC ‘This is a miracle that Saint Mina, the holy martyr of Christ, performed.’

(508) St 1.3–2.3 ᫦ ⲥⲁⲗⲁ ⲉⲛ ⲁ[ⳡⳝⲟ]ⲩ ⲉⲔ[ⲕⲁ] ⲧⲟⲟⲩⳝⲟ[ⲗ ⲓⲏⲥ]ⲟⲩⲥ[ⲓ] ⲭⲣⲓ[ⲥ]ⲧⲟⲥⲓⲛ[ⲁⲗ]ⲟ· ⲧⲁⲛⲛⲁ ⲙⲁⲅⲓⲇⲉⲗⲇⲉⲗⲟ ⳟⲟⲕⲗⲰ ⲕⲆⲇⲉⲗⲇⲉ Ⲥⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲟⲩ ⳟⲟⲕⲕⲟ ⲁⲇⳡⲖⲕⲉⲗⲇⲉⲕⲉⲛⲛⲁ ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲓⲀ ⲡⲉⲥⲥⲁⲗⲟ·

230

11. ASPECT AND TENSE

ⲧⲁⲛ ⲀⲡⲟⲤⲧⲟⲗⲟⲥⲣⲓ ⳟⲤⲥⲓⲅⲟⲩⲕⲟⲩ ⲉⲓⲁⲣⲖ ⲅⲁⲣⲓⲥⲁⲗⲟ· ⲉⲗⲗⲉ ϩ[ⲁⲣ]ⲙⲓⲅⲟⲩⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲕⲉ[ⲇⲁ ⳝ]ⲟⲇⲇⲖ· sal-a

en

añjou eik-ka

toou-j-ol

speech-PRED 1PL.INCL-GEN savior 1PL.INCL(?)-ACC rule-PLACT-PST1

iēsousi khristos-in-a-lo Jesus

tan-na

kid-d-el-de

istaurosou ŋok-ko

come-INT-PFV.PRS-CONJ cross

jouri-a

maɡidel-de-lo

pes-s-a-lo

adñilk-el-deken-na

glory-ADJ life.giving-PFV.PRS-CONJ-GEN

tan

apoistolos-iri ŋiss-iɡou-kou

cause-DAT speak-PST2-PRED-FOC 3SG.GEN apostle-PL

ei-ar-il

ŋok-ilō

Christ-GEN-PRED-FOC 3SG-GEN suffering-CONJ-FOC glory-LOC

ɡar-is-a-lo

holy-PL-ACC

elle harm-iɡou-ɡille ked-a

know-TR-PRS cause-PST2-PRED-FOC time heaven-PL-ALL

ascend-PRED

jod-d-il go-INTEN-PRS.DET ‘This is a speech of our savior, the ruler over us(?), Jesus Christ, spoken concerning his suffering and his future coming in glory and the glorious, lifegiving cross, which he caused his holy apostles to know, when he was going to ascend to the heavens.’

11.2.2.6. Development of Past 2 It appears that the past 2 suffix -ⲥ developed in a different way from the past 1 -ⲟⲗ. Initially, it seems to have been a suffix attached after the predicate marker, as with the second person affirmative past suffix -ⲥⲓ/ⲥⲕⲉ, found mainly in Early Old Nubian texts. A similar position of the past 2 suffix has been recorded in an unpublished inscription from the Sonqi Tino church, where the past 2 suffix appears to follow the predicate suffix: (509) I.ST 61.5–8 ᫧ ]ⲓⲗⲇⲉ ⲣⲁⲫⲁⲏⲗⲇⲉ· ⲥⲟⲣⲧⲟ· ⲕⲇ· ⲇⲉⲕⲉⲛ ⲧⲁⳟⲥⲓⲗⲟ ⲡⲁⲣⲣⲙⲉⲥⲗⲟ ⳝⲟⲕⲕⲓⲙⲉⲥⲗⲟ …il-de raphaēl-de

sorto 24-deken

taŋs-ilo

…-CONJ Raphael-CONJ priest 24-CONJ.GEN name-LOC

parr-m-e-s-lo

jokk-im-e-s-lo

write-AFF-1SG.PRED-PST2-FOC offer-AFF-1SG.PRED-PST2-FOC ‘In the name of …, Raphael, and the 24 Elders I wrote, I offered.’

Further evidence for an originally different status of the past 2 suffix in contrast to the present and past 1 suffixes, is that it may be attested on converbs, which usually lack tense morphology. Again the example is a hapax, and the inscription is discussed in Łajtar and Van der Vliet (2017, 36–38):

231

11.2. TENSE

(510) DF XVI.11 ᫥ Ⲕⲣ ⲟⳟⲉⲥⲓ ⲕⲤⲥⲟ/. kir

oŋ-es-i

kis-s-o

come become-PFV.PST2-PRED(?) come-PST2-1/2PL.PRED ‘We came and completed (it).’

Finally, it appears that in Late Old Nubian there was a tendency to regularize the paradigm of tense suffixes, which led to a reanalysis of present, past 1, and past 2 as -ⲗ, -ⲟ-ⲗ, and -ⲥ-ⲓⲗ. This development must have eventually led to the merger of the past 1 and past 2 paradigms in Nobiin. The reanalyzed forms are found in an ostracon from Akasha West: (511) AW 1.1–4 ᫥ ⲙⲁⲧⲁⲣ ⲁⳟⲟⲥⲕⲟⲛⲁ ⲙⲁⲣⲕⲉⲥⲓⲚⲛⲁ matar aŋ-os-ko-n-a

mark-esin-n-a

witness become-PFV-PRF-(PRS.)2/3SG-PRED steal-PFV.PST2-2/3SG-PRED ‘He has become a witness. He stole.’

A parallel form is found in an unpublished letter from Gebel Adda mentioned in Łajtar (2014b, 199), which includes the form ⲇⲁⲩ-ⲉⲥ-ⲣ-ⲉ-ⲗⲟ ‘I have greeted you’. 11.2.3. Perfect Initially, Old Nubian had no distinct perfect tense morpheme, relying solely on the usage of perfective aspect marker -ⲉ (§11.1.1). However, as the meaning of the latter morpheme became semantically bleached and its use increasingly syntactically conditioned, we find the emergence of a number of verbal forms with a suffix based on the verb ⲕⲟ(ⲩ)ⲛ ‘to have’, namely -ⲕⲟ and occasionally (possibly a dialectal difference) -ⲕⲁ (§8.2.3). The same verb is etymologically related to the adjectival suffix -ⲕⲟ (§18.3), and the postposition ⲕⲟ (§15.3). A later development must have been its appearance in converb constructions with a perfective meaning. These may have been built based on the meaning of -ⲕⲟ in conditional/final clauses, or are perhaps a separate, secondary development from the same verbal root. (512) P.QI 3 57.i.4–5 ᫥ ⲧⲖⲗⲖⲗⲟ ⲉⲔⲕⲁ ⲅⲉⲛⲛⲟ ⲉⲚ ⲑⲣⲞⲛⲟⲥⲖⲇⲱ ⲉⲆⳡⲁ ⲕⲟⲩⲛⲛⲁ till-il-∅-lo

eik-ka

ɡen-no

ein

thironos-il-dō eiñ-a

God-DET-NOM-FOC 2SG-ACC good-ADJ 2SG.GEN throne-DET-on

koun-n-a have-PRS.2/3SG-PRED ‘God, good to you, has kept you on your throne.’

keep-PRED

232

11. ASPECT AND TENSE

(513) P.QI 3 48.2–3 men-sena

᫥

ⲙⲉⲛⲥⲉⲛⲁ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩⲉⲖ ⲉⲔⲕⲁ ⲙⲟⲩⲣⲧⲁ ⲕⲟⲛⲟⲛⲁ:

ourou-eil-∅

eik-ka

mourt-a

kon-on-a

what-WH.PRED king-DET-NOM 2SG-ACC order-PRED have-PST1.2/3SG-PRED ‘Hasn’t the king ordered you?’

In a graffito from Gebel Adda, which is otherwise difficult to reconstruct, we find two similar converb constructions with ⲕⲟ(ⲩ)ⲛ: gr 10.5 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲧⲣⲁ ⲕⲟⲩⲛⲚ; gr 10.5 ᫧ [ⲇ]ⲟⲩⲙⲙⲁ ⲕⲟⲩⲛⲛⲁ. We also find properly grammaticalized instances, where the semantically bleached second verb has turned completely into a suffix: (514) P.QI 3 52.2–3 ᫥ ⲟⲣⲡⲁⲩ :Ⲃⲕⲁ ⲇⲟⲕⲟⲛⲉⲥⲚ ⲇⲓⲛⲉⲛⲉⲀ ⲉⲓⳣⲓⲁ ⲅⲢⲀ ⳝⲁⲛⲛⲟⲥⲥⲁ ⲇⲓⲛⲉⲥⲱ orpau 2-ka do-kon-es-in wine

ɡir-a

din-ene-a

eiwi-a

2-ACC seek-PRF-PFV.PST2-2/3SG give>1-SUBORD.SG-PRED grain-PRED

jann-oss-a

din-e-sō

way-PRED sell-PFV-PRED give>1-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM ‘If you have found two (units of) wine in order to give me, sell it to me like the grain!’

The clearest example is perhaps provided by an ostracon found in Akasha West, which shows the perfect tense morpheme as it is currently used in presentday Nile-Nubian languages: (515) AW 1.1–4 ᫥ ⲙⲁⲧⲁⲣ ⲁⳟⲟⲥⲕⲟⲛⲁ ⲙⲁⲣⲕⲉⲥⲓⲚⲛⲁ matar

aŋ-os-ko-n-a

mark-es-in-n-a

witness become-PFV-PRF-PRS.2/3SG-PRED steal-PFV.PST2-PRS-2/3SG-PRED ‘He has become a witness. He stole.’

12. AFFIRMATION AND NEGATION

Old Nubian has a number of suffixes containing -ⲙ that denote affirmation and negation, and which may be etymologically linked to the Meroitic negation marker m- (Rilly 2010, 398), which is also found on several Old Nubian lexemes (§18.1). These suffixes include the affirmative suffix -ⲙ (§12.1), which is also found in direct speech contexts (§6.2.2), jussive -ⲙⲏ (§12.3), and vetitive -ⲧⲁ-ⲙⲏ (§12.4). The negative suffix -ⲙⲓⲛ (§12.2.1) is based on the same ⲙ prefixed to the copular verb ⲉⲓⲛ. In this chapter we will also discuss the etymologically unrelated affirmative forms in -ⲗⲏ/ⲗⲕⲉ/ⲥⲓ/ⲥⲕⲉ for second persons (§12.1.4), which complement the affirmative verb forms with -ⲙ, and the negative suffix -ⲧⲁ (§12.2.2). 12.1. Affirmative -ⲙ There are two different strategies for forming affirmative verbs (table 12.1). For first and third person forms the affirmative suffix -ⲙ is employed only in combination with the present tense -ⲗ, which assimilates to -ⲙ. For second persons we find a different set of suffixes which are, by contrast, attached at the very end of the verb after a tense and predicate marker. These suffixes are based on present tense -ⲗ and past tense -ⲥ followed by the ‘old’ second person subject clitics -ⲓ/ⲏ and -ⲕⲉ (§10.1.6).1 The distinction in the placement of the two groups of affirmative suffixes is clear from forms such as K 23.2 ᫥ ⲉⲛⲇ-Ⲙⲙⲁⲛⲁ, a 3PL affirmative that follows immediately after a modal suffix, and SC 5.3 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲗⲓⳝⲁⲣⲣⲁ-ⲗⲕⲉ, a 2PL affirmative that follows a tense-marked verb with the predicate marker -ⲁ. The forms with -ⲙ are most probably a more recent development than those used for the second person, and it appears that the latter suffixes were eventually lost and replaced by a full paradigm based on -ⲙ, which is still present in Nobiin (Werner 1987, 164). We will discuss the gradual disappearance of secondperson affirmative forms in more detail below (§12.1.4). Affirmative verb forms generally move leftward in the sentence in contexts in which the verb is emphasized and quite consistently appear in verb-second position (§3.2). As such, they are frequently encountered in appeals or in the context of a vocative (§12.1.1), and in the apodosis of conditional clause 1 G. M. Browne (2002c, 62) does not include -ⲥⲓ, which he treats as a separate suffix with the meaning ‘for’ (74).

234

12. AFFIRMATION AND NEGATION

1SG 2SG 3SG 1PL 2PL 3PL

Present

Past

-ⲙ-ⲙ-ⲉ -ⲗ-ⲏ -ⲙ-ⲙ-ⲁ -ⲙ-ⲙ-ⲟ -ⲗ-ⲕⲉ -ⲙ-ⲙ-ⲁⲛ-ⲁ

– -ⲥ-ⲓ – – -ⲥ-ⲕⲉ –

Table 12.1: Affirmative suffixes

constructions (§12.1.2). In Archaizing Old Nubian, the affirmative with -ⲙ is also used to imitate Greek SVO word order (§12.1.3). The affirmative suffix -ⲙ also appears in the context of indirect speech (§6.2.2). Finally, there are a few rare attestations of the perfective particle ⲧⲁ in combination with affirmative forms (§11.1.3). Sometimes, the precise reason for the usage of the affirmative cannot be discerned. It may have been used simply for stylistic effect, as in the following examples: (516) L 101.13–14

᫧

ⲡⲓⲥⲥⲓⲙⲙⲉ ⲟⲩⲣ ⳝⲓⲙⲙⲓⲗ[ⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇⲁⲗⲟ]ⲛ ⲡⲓⲥⲥⲣⲈ

piss-im-m-e

our jimmil-ɡou-l-dal-lon piss-ir-e

rejoice-AFF-PRS-1SG.PRED 2PL all-PL-DET-COM-TOP

rejoice-PRS-1SG.PRED

‘I rejoice, and with all of you I rejoice.’ (Phil 2:17)

(517) St 35.5–9 ᫧ ⲥⲉ[ⲛ]ⲛⲟⲗ ⲉⲇⲇⲘⲙⲁ [ⲕ]ⲟⲩⲙⲙⲟⲕⲕⲟⲛ ⲅⲁⲗⲗⲁ ⲧⲆⲇⲘⲙⲉ senn-ol-∅

ed-d-im-m-a

koumm-ok-k-on

ask-PST1.DET-NOM receive-INTEN-AFF-PRS.3SG-PRED knock-PST1-ACC-TOP

ɡall-a

tid-d-im-m-e

open-PRED give>2/3-INTEN-AFF-PRS-1SG.PRED ‘The one who has asked shall receive and I shall open to the one who has knocked.’

12.1.1. Greetings and Appeals The affirmative is frequently encountered in formulaic language such as greetings, and, more generally, in appeals. The most widely attested forms are ⲇⲁⲟⲩⲙⲙⲉⲗⲟ ‘I greet you’ and ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲘⲙⲉⲗⲟ ‘I worship you’ (§5.2.2). (518) Askut re.1–2 ᫧ ⲇⲁⲟⲩⲙⲙⲉⲗⲟ ⲙⲁⲣⲓⲁⲙⲏ ⲥⲟⳟⲟⳝⲓⲀⲥⲖ [ⲡ]ⲁⲣⲣⲉ ⲟⲩ[ⲉⲖ] ⲡⲏⲕⲏⲧⲚⲕⲁ

235

12.1. AFFIRMATIVE -Ⲙ

daou-m-m-e-lo

mariamē soŋoji-as-il-∅

greet-AFF-PRS-1SG.PRED-FOC Mariamē

oueil

parre

soŋoj-daughter-DET-NOM field

pēkēt-in-ka

second share-GEN-ACC ‘I, Mariamē, daughter of the soŋoj, greet (the owners of) the second plot of the share.’

(519) P.QI 4 101.re.1 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲘⲙⲉⲗⲟ ⲉⲚ ⳟⲟⲇⲕⲁⲛⲉⲕⲁ douk-im-m-e-lo

ein

ŋod-kane-ka

worship-AFF-PRS-1SG.PRED-FOC 2SG.GEN lord-NMLZ-ACC ‘I worship Your Lordship.’

It may be noted that both in (518) and (519) the objects of the affirmativemarked verbs are on the right side of the verb, which suggests that the verb has moved leftward from its original position. The same leftward movement can also be discerned with affirmative verbs that appear in the context of appeals, usually marked by the presence of a vocative. (520) St 6.11–7.2 ᫥ ⳟⲟⲇⲁ ⲧⲖⲗⲁ ⲟⲩⲛⲁ ⲇⲟⲗⲗⲘⲙⲟ ⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲀⲣⲖ ⲅⲁⲇⳝⲁⲇⲉⲛⲕⲁ ŋod-a

till-a

ou-n-a

doll-im-m-o

lord-PRED God-PRED 1PL.EXCL-GEN-PRED want-AFF-PRS-1PL.PRED

ou-ka

ei-ar-il

ɡad-j-ad-en-ka

1PL.EXCL-ACC know-TR-PRS cause-PLACT-INTEN-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-ACC Our Lord and God, we want you to inform us.’

(521) L 110.6–9 ᫧ ⲡⲁⲡⲟ ⲉⲛ ⲁⲓⲕⲁ ⲇⲉⲛⳝⲓⲥⲓⲛⲕⲁ ⲇⲟⲗⲗⲓⲙⲙⲉ ⳹ ⲁⲛ ⲇⲟⲩ[ⲧⲉ]ⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲱ ⲙⲓⲛⲓⲛⲅⲟⲩⲛⲁ ⲁⲓⲇⲁⲗ ⲇⲟ[ⲩⲇⲇⲁ(?)]ⲛⲕⲁ ⳹ pap-o

en

ai-ka

father-VOC

DEM.PROX

2SG-ACC give-PLACT-PST2-2/3SG-ACC

doll-im-m-e

an

den-j-is-in-ka doute-ɡou-l-lō

want-AFF-PRS-1SG.PRED 1SG.GEN place-PL-DET-LOC

ai-dal

min-in-ɡou-na DEM.DIST-PL-PL-GEN

doud-d-an-ka

1SG-COM exist-INTEN-PRS.3PL-ACC ‘Father, I want that those whom you have given me will be in my places.’ (Jn 17:24)

12.1.2. Apodosis of Conditional Clause Construction The affirmative may occur in the apodosis of a conditional clause construction (§8.2):

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12. AFFIRMATION AND NEGATION

(522) M 6.8–10 ᫥ ⲁⲗⲉⲥⲚ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲣⲉ Ⲉⲛⲉⲛⲛⲟⲛ· ⲭⲣⲓⲥⲧⲓⲀⲛⲟⲥ ⲁⳟⲁⲇⲘⲙⲉ· alesin ounn-r-e

en-en-non

khristianos

bear-PRS-1SG.PRED be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-TOP Christian

if

aŋ-ad-im-m-e become-INTEN-AFF-PRS-1SG.PRED ‘If I give birth, I will become a Christian.’

(523) P.QI 1 4.ii.24–25 ᫥ ⲀⲗⲉⲥⲚ ⲡⲤⲧⲉⲩⲉⲛ ⲧⲖⲗⲚ ⳟⲟⲕⲕⲁ ⳟⲁⲇⲇⲣⲀⲗⲏⲀ alesin pisteu-en

till-in

ŋok-ka

believe-PFV.PRS.2/3SG God-GEN glory-ACC

if

ŋad-d-ir-a-lē-a see-INTEN-PRS-PRED-AFF.PRS.2SG-DD ‘“If you believe, you will see the glory of God.”’ (Jn 11:40)

In (522) the subject is a first person, so we find an affirmative with the suffix -ⲙ, whereas we find the ending with the ‘old’ subject clitic in (523), where the subject is a second person. 12.1.3. Imitating Greek Word Order As we have clearly seen in the examples discussed in §12.1.1, affirmative verbs move to the left of their objects, thus turning an SOV word order into an SVO order. It appears that in Archaizing Old Nubian, this syntactical property of affirmatives was exploited to render Greek SVO word order. The motivation to use these verb forms thus changes from a semantic one (the need to express a certain emphasis) to a syntactic one (the need to render a certain word order in a grammatical manner). (524) Dong 1.ii.23–27 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲣⲚ ⲥⲉⲩⲁⲣⲧⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲧⲢⲕⲟⲛⲛⲟ ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲧⲁⲕⲁⲇⲘⲙⲁ ⲟⲛ ⲅⲠⲣⲟⲉⲓⲁⲗⲅⲢⲇⲣⲁⲗⲏ ⲤⲕⲦⲛ ⲕⲟⳡⲕⲁ ⳹ eiri-n

seuart-ka eitir-ko-n-no

douk-tak-ad-im-m-a

2SG-GEN spirit-ACC send-SUBORD-2/3SG-LOC offer-PASS-INTEN-AFF-PRS.3SG-PRED

on

ɡipr-oeia-l

ɡir-d-r-a-lē

iskit-n

and do.again(?)-new(?)-PRS cause-INTEN-PRS-PRED-AFF.PRS.2SG earth-GEN

koñ-ka face-ACC ‘If you send forth your spirit, it will be offered and you shall renew(?) the face of the earth.’ (Ps 103:30)

Example (524) shows the tendency of Archaizing Old Nubian, which is mainly attested in Psalm translations, to imitate Greek SVO word order by employing

237

12.1. AFFIRMATIVE -Ⲙ

affirmative verb forms, which tend to move leftward in the sentence and be in a higher syntactical position than regular, non-affirmative-marked verbs. The Greek of (524) reads in the Septuagint edition ἐξαποστελεῖς τὸ πνεῦμά σου, καὶ κτισθήσονται, καὶ ἀνακαινιεῖς τὸ πρόσωπον τῆς γῆς. In Old Nubian, it is not possible to move a subordinate verb such as ⲉⲓⲧⲢⲕⲟⲛⲛⲟ to the beginning of the sentence, so the initial position of ἐξαποστελεῖς cannot be imitated. However, the VO order of ἀνακαινιεῖς πρόσωπον τῆς γῆς can be rendered by using an affirmative verb form: ⲅⲠⲣⲟⲉⲓⲁⲗⲅⲢⲇⲣⲁⲗⲏ ⲤⲕⲦⲛ ⲕⲟⳡⲕⲁ. Another example is the following: (525) P.QI 2 12.ii.10–12 ᫧ ⲡⲉⲥⲁⲇⲘⲙⲉ ⳟⲟⲇⲕⲁ ⲁⲛ ⲧⲁⲙⲁⲛⲛⲁⲙⲁ ⲟⲛ⳿ ⲁⲛ⳿ ⲙⲁⲛⲧ … ⲇⲁⲙⲓⲀ⳼ pes-ad-im-m-e

ŋod-ka

an

tamann-a-m-a

speak-INTEN-AFF-PRS-1SG.PRED Lord-ACC 1SG.GEN helper-PRED-AFF-DD

on

an

mant…d-a-mi-a

and 1SG.GEN refuge(?)-PRED-AFF-DD “I will say to the Lord: ‘You are my helper, may you be my refuge(?).’” (Ps 90:2)

There is no particular reason to use the affirmative verb form ⲡⲉⲥⲁⲇⲘⲙⲉ in (525) except to imitate the Greek VO word order, which is preserved in the same text, P.QI 2 12.ii.8–9 ᫥ Ⲉⲣⲉⲓ ⲧⲱ ⲕⲱ (ἐρεῖ τῷ Κυρίῳ). 12.1.4. Disappearance of Second-Person Affirmatives The second-person affirmative suffix usually follows a verb marked both with tense and a predicate marker. Most extant examples come from SC, which suggests that this is relatively old morphology. Later occurrences indeed seem to indicate a gradual loss of semantic specificity. The following examples show that in general, the tense on the affirmative suffix matched the tense of the verb it attached to: (526) SC 21.14 till-in

᫥

tre

ⲧⲖⲗⲚ ⲧⲣⲉ ⲕⲟⲩⲗⲗ ⲁⳟⲁⲣⲣⲁⲗⲕⲉⲀ· koul-l

aŋ-ar-r-a-lke-a

God-DU pair.PRED like-PRS become-INTEN-PRS-PRED-AFF.PRS.2PL-DD ‘“You will become like gods.”’

(527) SC 2.9–11 ᫧ ⲕⲟⲩⲗⲓⲣⲁⲅⲟⲩⲈ[ⲙⲁ·] ⲟⲩⲕ Ⲟⲕ[ⲓ]ⳝⲕⲟ[ⲉⲓⲟ] ⲉⲚⲛⲁⲗⲕⲉ· ⲟⲩⲗⲗⲟⲩⲧⲧⲗⲁⲅⲖⲗⲉⲥⲚ ⲙⲉⲣⲆⲇⲁⲣ ⲁⳟⲁⲣⲁⲥⲕⲉ· koul-ir-a-ɡoue-m-a

ou-k

ok-ij-ko-ei-o

learn-PRS-PRED-PL.PRED-AFF-DD 2PL-ACC call-PLACT-SUBORD-1SG-LOC

ein-n-a-lke

oull-outt-la-ɡille-sin

meridd-ar

be-PRS-PRED-AFF.PRS.2PL teach-NMLZ-DAT-ALL-EMP ready-PST1

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12. AFFIRMATION AND NEGATION

aŋ-ar-a-ske become-PST1-PRED-AFF.PST.2PL ‘If I call you learners, you are; you have become ready for instruction.’

(528) SC 5.1–3 ᫧ [16-18] ⲱ ⲕⲁⲡⲟⲡⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲟ [ⲅⲱⲉ]ⲓⲀ ⳟⲟⲕ ⲕⲟⳡⳝⲖⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲉⲗⲗⲉ ⲉⲓⲁⲣⲧⲓⲛⲁ ⲇⲓⲕⲓⲥⲗⲁ ⲇⲟⲗⲓⳝⲁⲣⲣⲁⲗⲕⲉ …-ō kapop-iɡou-lo ɡōeia ŋok …

pearl-PL-LOC

ei-ar-t-ina

than

dikis-la

koñ-j-il-ɡou-ka

elle

glory have-PLACT-PRS-PL-ACC now

dol-ij-ar-r-a-lke

know-TR-NMLZ-GEN depth-DAT gather-PLACT-INTEN-PRS-PRED-AFF.PRS.2PL ‘(As I have said before,) you will gather from the depth of knowledge what has more glory than pearls.’

(529) CE 160.B.11–13 ᫥ ⲉⲢⲥⲚ ⲅⲉⲉⲓⲟⲩ ⲉⲓⳟⲁⲕⲕ ⲁⲩⲀⲣⲁⲥⲓ· eir-sin

ɡeeiou ei-ŋak-k

2SG-EMP thing

au-ar-a-si

2SG.POSS-son-ACC do-PST1-PRED-AFF.PST.2SG

‘You have done the deed of your son!’

There is, however, not always a match between the tense of the verb and the tense inherent to the affirmative suffix. This may point to a perhaps more nuanced semantic distinction between the affirmative suffixes with -ⲗ and -ⲥ or their interaction with tense morphology. Such interaction or distinction can however no longer be recovered from the extant materials. The following example features a verb marked with the past tense with a present tense affirmative suffix: (530) SC 21.22

᫥

ⲕⲁⲡⲁⲣⲁⲗⲏ[·] ⲡⲁⲇⳡⲁ ⲡⲁⲣⲣⲁⲗⲏ·

kap-ar-a-lē

padñ-a

par-r-a-lē

eat-PST1-PRED-AFF.PRS.2SG transgress-PRED transgress-PRS-PRED-AFF.PRS.2SG ‘You ate, you transgress(ed).’

And, conversely, the usage of a present tense verb with a past tense affirmative suffix: (531) P.QI 1 10.A.ii.12–15 ᫥ Ⲉⲗⲟⲛ· Ⲉ· ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩⲀ ⲟⲛⲛⲟⲣⲓⲟⲥⲓ ⲉⲓⲣⲟⲩ ⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ ⲟⲩⲣ ⲣⲁⲫⲁⲏⲗⲓⲛ ⲕⲤⲥⲉⲕⲁ ⲤⲕⲧⲖⲇⲱ ⲅⲟⲩⳡⲕⲁ ⲁⲛⲕⲓⲕⲉⲣⲁⲥⲓ el-on

e

ourou-a

onnoriosi eirou aɡɡelos our raphaēli-n

now-TOP oh king-PRED Honorius

2SG

angel

head Raphael-GEN

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12.1. AFFIRMATIVE -Ⲙ

kisse-ka

isk(i)t-il-dō

ɡouñ-ka

ank-ike-r-a-si

church-ACC earth-DET-SUPE build-ACC think-HAB-PRS-AFF.PST.2SG ‘Now, o king Honorius, you were thinking to build a church of Archangel Raphael upon earth …’

(532) M 13.8–11 ᫥ ⲉⲔⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗⲗⲉⲉⲓⲟⲛ Ⲉ ⲉⲦⲧⲁ ⳟⲁⲕ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲁⲣⲣⲁⲥⲓ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲧⲁⳟⲤⲕⲁ ⲙⲏⲛⲁⲀ Ⲟⲕⲉⲥⲱ· eik-ketalle-eion e tan

eitt-a

ŋak

ounn-ar-r-a-si

oh woman-PRED son.ACC bear-INTEN-PRS-PRED-AFF.PST.2SG

2G-also-TOP

taŋis-ka

mēna-a

ok-e-sō

3SG.GEN name-ACC Mina-DD call-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM ‘You too, oh woman, will bear a son. Call him Mina!’

(533) M 11.13–14

᫥

ⳟⲟⲇⲟⲩ ⲁⲛⲛⲓⲗⲟⲥⲚ ⲙⲁⲗⲟ ⲧⲟⲣⲣⲁⲥⲓ·

ŋodou an-n-ilo-sin Lord

malo

tor-r-a-si

1SG-GEN-LOC-EMP according.to enter-PRS-PRED-AFF.PST.2SG

‘You entered in accordance with my Lord!’

In at least one case, however, no tense suffix appears to be present: (534) P.QI 1 5.ii.2–5 ᫥ ⲁⲛⲛⲁ· ⳟⲟⲇⲁ ⲟⲩⲗⲗⲁⲕⲕⲉⲣ ⲉⲓⲛⲖ ⲟⲩⲛ ⲞⲉⲚ ⲧⲣⲓⲕⲁ· ⳝⲉⲗⲟⲩⲟⲩⳝⲉⲥ[Ⲕ?]ⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗⲗⲉⲉⲓⲟⲛ· ⲟⲩⲕⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗ· ⲉⲚⲈⲧⲁⲗⲕⲉ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩ·ⲉⲚ ⲞⲉⲚ ⲧⲣⲓⲕⲁ ⳝⲉⲗⲟⲩⲈⳝⲕⲁ· an-na

ŋod-a

oullakker

ein-il

oun

oei-n

tri-ka

1SG-GEN Lord-PRED teacher.NMLZ be-PRS.DET 2PL.GEN foot-DU pair-ACC

jelouou-j-es-ik-ketalle-eion ouk-∅-ketal en-et-a-lke wash-PLACT-PFV.PST2-also-TOP 2PL-NOM-also take-PFV-PRED-AFF.PRS.2PL

our~ouein

oei-n

tri-ka

jeloue-j-ka

each.other.GEN foot-DU pair-ACC wash-PLACT-ACC ‘Moreover, if I, being Lord and teacher, washed your feet, you also take up washing each other’s feet.’ (Jn 13:14)

The same set of suffixes also appears in later materials, clearly having lost its original function. In the following examples they appear after tense and person morphology: (535) gr 4.3–4 ᫥ ⲡⲉⲧⲣⲟⲥⲓ ⲌⲗⲟⲧⲚ ⲡⲁⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩ ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱⲕⲁ Ⲥⲕⲉⲗⲁⳝⳝⲣⲉⲥⲓ· petrosi kolot-in Peter

paou ourou kellō-ka iskel-aj-j-r-e-si

seven-GEN until

2PL

all-ACC

‘Peter, I beg you all until the seventh (time).’

beg-TR-PLACT-PRS-1SG.PRED-AFF

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12. AFFIRMATION AND NEGATION

(536) P.QI 4 95.re.12–13 ⊗ ⲕⲟⲩⲇⲓ ⲉⲚⲛⲓⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲁⲩⳣⲓⲥⲓ ⲇⲁⲙⲓⲛⲓⲉⲓⲗⲓ ⲡⲓⲧⲢ ⲉⲚⲛⲓⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲡⲉⲥⲥⲓ ⲇⲁⲙⲓⲛⲓⲛⲖⲗⲓ koudi ein-n-iɡille auw-is-i slave

da-min-iei-li

pitir

2SG-GEN-ALL do-PST2-PRED(?) be-NEG-PRS.1SG-AFF gatherer(?)

ein-ni-ɡille pess-i

da-min-in-illi

2SG-GEN-ALL speak-PRED(?) be-NEG-PRS.2/3SG-AFF ‘I did nothing to your slave, he didn’t say anything to your gatherer(?)’

(537) Dong 1.i.11–13 ⊗ ⳟⲁⳝⳝⲟⲩ ⳟⲁⲥⲥⲟⲩⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲧⲓⲇⲢⲣⲁⲗⲏ ⲇⲟⲇⳝⲟⲩ(ⲅⲟⲩ)ⲕⲁ ⲕⲦⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲗⲅⲟⲩⲗ ⲡⲓⲕⲇⲉⲣⲁⲅⲢⲣⲁⲗⲏ ŋajjou

ŋass-ouɡou-ka tid-ir-r-a-lē

mountain high-PL-ACC

give>2/3(?)-TR-PRS-PRED-AFF.PRS.2SG

dodj-ouɡou-ka kit-ɡou-ka doul-ɡou-l-∅ gazelle-PL-ACC

rock-PL-ACC pig-PL-DET-NOM

pikder-aɡir-r-a-lē hide(?)-CAUS-PRS-PRED-AFF.PRS.2SG ‘You give(?) gazelles the high mountains; you cause pigs to hide(?) among the rocks.’ (Ps 103:18)

12.2. Negation Old Nubian can express negation through an auxiliary verb construction with the verb ⲙⲓⲛ/ⲙⲉⲛ ‘to not be’ (§14.1.2), as well as through the related suffix -ⲙⲓⲛ/ⲙⲉⲛ (§12.2.1) and the suffix -ⲧⲁ (§12.2.2). The suffix -ⲙⲓⲛ, sometimes -ⲙⲉⲛ, is a grammaticalized form of the negative copula ⲙⲓⲛ/ⲙⲉⲛ, which is composed of the negative prefix ⲙ- (§18.1) and the copula ⲉⲓⲛ ‘to be’. The distribution between negative constructions with an auxiliary and with a suffix is unclear, except that past 1 negatives are always expressed with an auxiliary, and past 2 negatives always have a form with the suffix. The suffix -ⲧⲁ is less frequent, and has only been attested on a few monosyllabic verbs and as part of the vetitive (§12.4). 12.2.1. Negative -ⲙⲓⲛ/ⲙⲉⲛ Etymologically a combination of the no longer productive negative prefix ⲙ(§18.1) and the copula ⲉⲓⲛ ‘to be’, the negative suffix -ⲙⲓⲛ/ⲙⲉⲛ is the most frequently occurring negation marker. However, its usage is subject to several conditions, not attested with other suffixes: (538) CONSTRAINTS ON NEGATIVE SUFFIX -ⲙⲓⲛ/ⲙⲉⲛ • For past tense, verbs with the negative suffix -ⲙⲓⲛ/ⲙⲉⲛ can only co-occur with the past 2 suffix -ⲥ (§11.2.2.3);

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12.2. NEGATION

• In declarative main clauses, verbs with the negative suffix -ⲙⲓⲛ/ⲙⲉⲛ are obligatorily marked with a focus marker -ⲗⲟ (§5.2.4); • Verb forms with the negative suffix -ⲙⲓⲛ/ⲙⲉⲛ are always marked with a subject clitic. (539) P.QI A i.16–ii.4 ᫧ ⲁⲣⲭ[ⲏⲉⲡⲓⲥⲕⲟ]ⲡⲟⲥⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⲡⲉⲥⲥⲛⲁ ⲁⲓⲟⲩ ⲧⲖⲗⲚ ⲕⲉⲗⲉⲩⲉⲓⲧⲗⲟ ⲙⲁⲥⲁ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩⲉⲓⲕⲁ ⲅⲟⲩⳡⲓⲕⲁ ⲕⲓ ⳟⲓⲙⲉⲛⲇⲣⲈⲗⲟ arkhēepiskopos-il-∅-lon pes-s-n-a archbishop-DET-NOM-TOP

keleue-it-lo

aiou-∅

till-in

speak-PST2-2/3SG-PRED 1SG-NOM God-GEN

mas-a

ourou-eika ɡouñ-ika

command-NMLZ-LOC ignorant-PRED king-ACC

ki

establish-ACC come

ŋ-imen-d-ir-e-lo become-NEG-INTEN-PRS-1SG.PRED-FOC ‘The archbishop said: “I myself am ignorant of God’s command and will not fulfill establishing a king.”’

In (539) we see how ⲕⲓⳟⲓⲙⲉⲛⲇⲣⲈⲗⲟ has both a subject clitic (even though the subject ⲁⲓⲟⲩ is overt) and a focus marker -ⲗⲟ. In subordinate clauses, the focus marker is absent: (540) St 3.5–11 ᫥ ⲟⲛ ⲟⲩ Ⲁⲡⲟⲥⲧⲟⲗⲟⲥⲅⲟⲩⲗ ⲧⲁⲣⲓⲰ ⲧⳝⲰ ⲇⲁⲩ Ⲁⳟⲁ ⲧⲘⲙⲁⲣⲟⲩ· ⲙⲩⲥⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ ⲉⲓⲣⲁ ⲡⲉⲥⲙⲓⲛⲛⲁⲛⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲡⲖⲗⲓⲅⲣⲀ ⲇⲉⲛⳝⲓⲥⲛⲁ on

ou

apostolos-ɡou-l-∅ tar-iō

tijō dau aŋ-a

and 1PL.EXCL apostle-PL-DET-NOM 3SG-LOC with large become-PRED

timm-a-r-ou

mustērou ei-r-a

pes-min-n-an-ka

assemble-PST1-1/2PL mystery

say-PRS-PRED speak-NEG-PRS-3PL-ACC

ou-ka

den-j-is-n-a

pill-iɡir-a

1PL.EXCL-ACC shine-CAUS-PRED give>1-PLACT-PST2-2/3SG-PRED ‘And when we apostles, becoming a big (group), had assembled around him, he revealed to us an unspeakable mystery.’

Similarly in the case of commands: (541) P.QI 2 12.i.22–24 ᫧ ⲁⲛ ⲟⲩⲕⲕⲁⲉⲓⲅⲟⲩⲛ ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲣⲱ ⲁⲛ ⲁⲉⲖⲕⲁ ⲙⲁⲧⲁ ⲁⲇⲇⲖⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲙⲙⲁ Ⲧⳝⳝⲓⲙⲓⲛⲉⲥⲱ ⲁⲒⲕⲁ an

oukkaei-ɡou-n

jourrō an

aeil-ka

mat-a

1SG.GEN enemy.NMLZ.PL-PL-GEN because 1SG.GEN heart-ACC afflict-PRED

add-il-ɡou-ka

doumm-a

make.ready-PRS-PL-ACC hand.over-PRED

tij-j-imin-e-sō

ai-ka

give>2/3-PLACT-NEG-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM 1SG-ACC

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12. AFFIRMATION AND NEGATION

‘On account of my enemies do not hand me over to those who prepare to afflict my soul.’ (Ps 26:11–12)

We have one attestation of the final -ⲛ of the suffix being dropped altogether: (542) P.QI 1 4.i.2–3 ᫥ ⳟⲟⲇⲁ ⲉⲓⲣⲓ ⲉⲚⲛⲟ ⲇⲟⲩⲁⲣ ⲉⲛⲕⲁⲛ ⲁⲛ ⲉⳟⳟⲁⲗ ⲇⲓⲙⲉⲇⲣⲁⲗⲟ· ŋod-a

eiri ein-no

Lord-PRED 2SG

eŋŋal-∅

dou-ar-en-ka-n

DEM.PROX-LOC

an

exist-PST1-COP-SUBORD-2/3SG 1SG.GEN

di-me-d-r-a-lo

brother-NOM die-NEG-INTEN-PRS-PRED-FOC ‘Lord, if you had been here, my brother would not have died.’ (Jn 11:21)

12.2.2. Negative -ⲙⲉⲛ-ⲧⲁ Combined with the negative suffix -ⲙⲉⲛ, Old Nubian also has a negative suffix -ⲧⲁ, whose occurrence seems to be lexically constrained to a small number of monosyllabic verbs: ⲇⲓ ‘to die’, ⲇⲓⲉⲓ ‘to be many’, ⲉⲓⲣ ‘can’, ⲕⲓⲣ ‘come’, and ⳟⲁⲗ ‘see’. The suffix -ⲧⲁ also appears, on a broader range of verbal roots, in vetitives (§12.4). The fact that the negative suffix -ⲙⲉⲛ has its origin as an incorporated verb, and the fact that the suffix -ⲧⲁ cooccurs with several other morphemes (such as the ‘old’ person suffixes, §10.1.6) that appear to predate a major part of the verbal morphology as most commonly used at the time Old Nubian was written, suggests that -ⲧⲁ represents a form of negation that predates the development of the suffix -ⲙⲉⲛ. In all attested cases, the subject of a negated verb with -ⲙⲉⲛ-ⲧⲁ is explicit and is a third person. (543) SC 11.8–10 ᫧ ⲟⲩ[ⲉⲗ]ⲉⲛⲇⲉ ⲉⲓⲥ ⲥⲟⲩⲙⲡⲟⲩⲧⲧⲁ ⲟⲩ[ⲥ]ⲕⲢⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲣⲟⲩⲙⲉⲛⲧⲁⲗⲟ· ouel-∅-ende

eis

soumpout-ta

ouskir-ka

eir-oumen-ta-lo

one-NOM-NEG.CONJ other foundation-ACC place.TR-ACC can-NEG-NEG-FOC ‘And no one can lay another foundation.’

(544) P.QI 1 4.i.12–14 ᫥ ⲁⳡⲓⲣⲁ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲁⲀⲥⲚ· ⲁⲓⲁⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲡⲤⲧⲉⲩⲗⲟⲛ ⲇⲓⲙⲉⲛⲧⲁⲗⲟ ⲉⲗⲗⲉⲛⲅⲟⲩⲗⲟ ⲕⲤⲕⲖⲗⲟ· añ-ir-a

miššan-a-a-sin ai-a-ɡille

pisteu-l-∅-on

live-PRS-PRED all-PRED-??-EMP 1SG-DAT-ALL believe-PRS-NOM-TOP

di-men-ta-lo

ellen-ɡou-lo

kiskillo

die-NEG-NEG-FOC forever-PL-LOC until.LOC ‘Everyone living who believes in me does not die forever.’

243

12.3. JUSSIVE

(545) P.QI 3 30.27–30 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲩⲟⲩ·ⲕⲟⲕⲅⲏⲛ· Ⲣⲗⲟ· ⳝⲟⲁ· Ⲁ ⲉⲡⲓⲙⲁⲭ · ⲇⲟ·Ⲁ ⲕⲓⲙⲉⲛⲧⲁⲗⲟ· ⲥⲟⳟⲟⳝⲟⳝⲓⲉⲛⲇⲉ ⲡⲁⲣⲁⲛ ⲥⲁⲙⲧ · ⲉⲛⲇⲉ· ⲅⲟⲧⲙⲦ·ⲉⲛⲇⲉ· ⲡⲁⲡⲁⲥⲚ ⲉⲓⲧⲤⲥⲖⲉⲛⲇⲉ· pauou-kokɡ-ēn ir-lo

joa

a

epimakh(os)-do a

power-NMLZ-GEN power-LOC through ?? Epimachus-SUPE ??

ki-men-ta-lo

soŋoj∼oji-ende

para-n

sam(e)t-ende

come-NEG-NEG-FOC soŋoj∼INT-NEG.CONJ Faras-GEN samet-NEG.CONJ

ɡotmit-ende

ŋešš-ende

papas-in

eitis-sil-ende

gottamit-NEG.CONJ ŋešš-NEG.CONJ bishop-GEN send-PST2-NEG.CONJ ‘Through of the power of (his) authority there shall come against the Epimachus Church neither soŋoj (eparch) nor samet (domesticus) of Faras nor gottamit nor ŋešš nor anyone the bishop sent.’

The negative suffix -ⲧⲁ has also been attested without -ⲙⲓⲛ: (546) P.QI 4 104.re.6–8 ᫧ ⲥⲟⳟⲟⳝⲖ ⳟⲁⲡⲖ ⲓⲃⲟⲛ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲓⲧⲖ ⲇⲓⲉⲓ ⳟⲁⲧⲁⲥⲚ ⲟϣϣⲓ ⲧⲁⲕⲁ ⳝⲁⲛⲁ ⲟⲩⲧⲓⲛⲁⲟⲛ ⲧⲁⲡⲁⲣⲁ ⲙⲟⲛⲁⲛⲁ soŋoj-il-∅

ŋapil 12-on

eparch-DET-NOM gold

ošši ta-ka

ounn-it-il

diei

ŋ-a-ta-sin

12-CONJ bear-NMLZ-DET many become-PRED-NEG-EMP

jan-a

out-in-a-on

tapar-a

slave girl-ACC exchange-PRED put-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-CONJ lose.TR-PRED

mon-an-a hate-PST1.2/3SG-PRED ‘The eparch, whose 12 gold pieces didn’t increase (his) offspring, put up the slave girl for sale, (though) he hated to lose (her).’

12.3. Jussive Etymologically, jussives are formed by the affirmative -ⲙ followed by ‘old’ subject clitics -ⲏ and -ⲕⲉ (§10.1.6), yielding -ⲙⲏ (singular) and -ⲛⲕⲉ (plural). Like the other morphemes formed with ‘old’ subject clitics, they appear at the right edge of the verb, after the predicate marker -ⲁ. However, unlike the vetitive (§12.4) or affirmative (§12.1) suffixes, the interpretation is here third person rather than second person. It is unclear whether this is a later development that is part of the general loss of meaning of the subject clitics -ⲏ and -ⲕⲉ (§12.1.4), or part of their original meaning. (547) P.QI 1 5.ii.21–24 ᫥ ⲧⲖⲖⲗⲟⲩ· ⲧⲱⲕⲚⲁⲩⲈⲛⲟⲩ· ⲟⲩⲛⲉ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲕⲁ ⳟⲟⲕⲁ ⲇⲉ·ⳝⲁ ⲡⲁⲗⲗⲟⲛ· ⲟⲩⲛ ⲁⲉⲖⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲉⲆⳡⲓⳝⲁⲙⲏ· ⲟⲛ ⲟⲩⲛ ⲁⲛ·ⲕⲦⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲓⲏⲥⲥⲟⲩⲥⲓ ⲭⲣⲓⲥⲧⲟⲥⲓⲞⲕⲁ· til-illou tōknaue-nou oune God-DET peace-GEN

miššan-ka ŋok-a

understanding.PRED all-ACC

pass.away-PRED

244

12. AFFIRMATION AND NEGATION

dej-a

pal-l-∅-on

oun

aeil-ɡou-ka

surpass-PRED come.out-PRS.DET-NOM-TOP 2PL.GEN heart-PL-ACC

eidñ-ij-a-mē

on oun

ankit-ɡou-ka

iēssousi

keep-PLACT-PRED-JUS.SG and 2PL-GEN thought-PL-ACC Jesus

khristosi-o-ka Christ-LOC-ACC ‘Let the God of peace, who surpasses all understanding, keep your hearts and your thoughts in Jesus Christ!’ (Phil 4:7)

(548) P.QI 4 95.re.11–12 eir-∅-on

tilli-∅

᫥

ⲉⲓⲣⲟⲛ ⲧⲖⲗⲓ ⲉⲚ ⳝⲉⲙⲓⲗⲓⲕⲁ ⲇⲓⲉⲓⲅⲣⲁⲙⲏ ein

jem-ili-ka

diei-ɡr-a-mē

2SG-NOM-TOP God-NOM 2SG.GEN year-PL-ACC many-CAUS-PRED-JUS.SG ‘You, may God cause your years to be many!’

(549) SC 25.13–16 ᫥ ⲕⲠⲧⲓ ⲟⲩⲗⲅⲉⲗⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲱ ⲡⲉⲥⲟⲩⲀⲛⲁⲥⲟ Ⲁⲙⲏⲛ ⲁⲩⲧⲁⲕⲁⲙⲏ Ⲁⲙⲏⲛ kipti

oulɡ-el-ɡou-l-∅-lō

pes-ou-an-a-so

amēn

people ear-PFV.PRS-PL-DET-NOM-FOC speak-PST1-3PL-PRED-COMM amen

au-tak-a-mē

amēn

make-PASS-PRED-JUS.SG amen ‘Let the people who have listened say “Amen, let it be done, amen!”’

The jussive has also been attested with an impersonal third person (§13.2.3.2): (550) St 31.11–14 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲣⲟⲩⲥⲁⲛⲁⲙⲏ ⳟⲟⲇⲟⲩ ⲧⲖⲗⲟⲩ ⲁⲛ ⳟⲉⲉⲓⲕⲕⲁ ⲕⲓⲣⲓⲅⲣⲁ ⲇ[ⲉ]ⲛⲛⲟⲗ tarou-s-an-a-mē

ŋodou tillou an

bless-PST2-3PL-PRED-JUS.SG Lord

kir-iɡr-a

God

ŋeeik-ka

1SG.GEN work-ACC

denn-ol-∅

come-CAUS-PRED give>1-PST1.DET-NOM ‘Blessed be God the Lord who allowed me to finish my work!’

There is only one attestation of the plural jussive -ⲛⲕⲉ: (551) P.QI 1 11.i.4–6 ᫥ ⲉ ⲁⲛ ⲡⲆⲧⲁ ⲁⲡⲟⲥⲧⲟⲗⲟⲥⲁⲅⲟⲩⲉⲕⲉ· ⲁⲕⲉⲛⲇⲁⲛⲕⲉ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩ ⲏⲛ ⳝⲘⲙⲖⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲡⲉϣϣⲓⲕⲓⳝⲁⲣⲟⲩⲗⲱ· e

an

pidt-a

apostolos-a-ɡoue-ke

akend-a-nke

oh 1SG.GEN chosen.one-PRED apostle-PRED-PL.PRED-2PL blessed-PRED-JUS.PL

ourou ēn

jimmil-ɡou-ka

2PL

everyone-PL-ACC ask-HAB-PLACT-PST2-1/2PL-LOC

DEM.PROX

pešš-ik-ij-ar-ou-lō

‘Oh my chosen apostles, blessed are you who have been asking everything!’

245

12.3. JUSSIVE

In documentary texts, there are a few examples attested with -ⲙⲏ following a verb with tense and a subject clitic, whose interpretation is not immediately clear: (552) P.QI 2 24.4 ᫥ ⲕⲟⲩⲇⲁ ⲖⲗⲓⲕⳠⳡⲁ ⲉⲛⲕⲁⲓⲞ ⳟⲁⲇⲇⲟⲛⲁⲙⲏⲥⲟ kouda

ill-ikiññ-a

en-ka-i-o

servant.PRED voice-NEG.ADJ-PRED be-SUBORD-1SG-LOC

ŋadd-o-n-a-mē-so rejoice-PST1-2/3SG-PRED-JUS.SG-COMM ‘If I am a voiceless servant, let him rejoice!’

(553) P.QI 2 24.14–15 ⊗ ⲁⲓⲟⲛ ⲉⲓⲧⲉⲛⲕⲁ ⲕⲟⲛⲟⲩⲉⲓ ⳟⲉⲉⲓ ⲉⲚⲛⲖⲇⲱ Ⲁⲕⲉ ⲁⲙⲙⲉⲛⲛⲁⲙⲏ: ai-∅-on

eit-en-ka

kon-ouei ŋeei ein-n-il-dō

1SG-NOM-TOP receive-PFV.PRS.2/3SG(?)-ACC have-??

ak-e

thing be-PRS-DET-SUPE

am-men-n-a-mē

sit-PRED(?) say-NEG-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-JUS.2SG ‘About(?) the thing that I have(?) received(?) do not keep saying/do not let him keep saying!’

(554) P.QI 2 28.8–9 ki-ei

⊗

eik-ka

ⲕⲓⲉⲓ· ⲉⲔⲕⲁ ⲇⲁⲡⲙⲉⲛⲛⲁⲙⲏ· dap-men-n-a-mē

come-?? 2SG-ACC perish-NEG-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-JUS.SG ‘Do not let him come and destroy you!’

There is also one attestation of the jussive -ⲙⲏ being used on a pronoun, apparently with a copulative meaning: (555) SC 11.2–7 ᫡ ⲧ[ⲁⲣ] ⲡⲉⲥⲁⲣⲁⲥⲚ ⲡⲉⲧⲣⲟⲥⲓⲅⲖⲗⲉ· [ⲉⲓⲣⲟ]ⲩⲙⲏ [ⲡⲉ]ⲧⲣⲟⲥⲓ· ⲉⲚ ⲕⲦⲖⲇⲱⲗⲟ ⲅⲟⲩⳡⲓⲣ[ⲉ] ⲁⲛ ⲕⲤⲥⲉⲕⲁ· Ⲉⲙⲉⲛⲧⲉⲛ ϣⲁ[ⲗ]ⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲟⲩⲛ ⲧⲁⲕ ⲉⲥⲕ[ⲓⲙ]ⲉⲛⲇⲚⲛⲁ[ⲁ]ⲥⲚ· tar-∅

pes-ar-a-sin

petros-iɡille eirou-mē Petrosi

3SG-NOM speak-PST1-PRED-EMP Peter-ALL

2SG-JUS.SG Peter.PRED

ein

kit-il-dō-lo

DEM.PROX

rock-DET-SUPE-FOC build-PRS-1SG.PRED 1SG.GEN church-ACC

emente-n

ɡouñ-ir-e

šal-ɡou-l-∅-lon

an

kisse-ka

tak

underworld-GEN door-PL-DET-NOM-TOP 3SG.ACC

esk-imen-d-in-n-an-a-a-sin conquer-NEG-INTEN-COP-PRS-3PL-PRED-DD-EMP ‘He said to Peter: “You are Peter! Upon this rock I build my church. The gates of the underworld will not conquer it.”’ (Mt 16:18)

246

12. AFFIRMATION AND NEGATION

12.4. Vetitive The vetitive (or negative imperative) combines the negative suffix -ⲧⲁ (§12.2.2) and the jussive -ⲙⲏ/-ⲛⲕⲉ (§12.3). The vetitive is used for both second and third persons. (556) P.QI 2 22.10–11

᫥

ⲟⲩⲣⲧⲉⲕⲕⲓⳝⲁⲧⲁⲙⲏ ⲁⲛ ⲧⲟⲧⲖ

ourtekk-ij-a-ta-mē

an

tot-il-∅

negligent-PLACT-PRED-NEG-JUS.SG 1SG.GEN son-DET-NOM ‘Let my son not be negligent of these things!’

(557) WN 12

᫥

tan

ⲧⲁⲛ ⳟⲁⲡⲉⲅⲟⲩⲕⲟⲛ ⲁⲛⲕⲓⳝⲁⲧⲁⲙⲏ·

ŋape-ɡou-k-on ank-ij-a-ta-mē

3SG.GEN sin-PL-ACC-TOP

think-PLACT-PRED-NEG-JUS.SG

‘Do not remember his sins!’

(558) gr 4.4

᫥

ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲛ ⲁⲓⲕⲁ ⲥⲟⲗⲁ ⲧⲟⲕⲁⲧⲁⲛⲕⲉⲥⲟ

our-∅-on

ai-ka

sol-a

tok-a-ta-nke-so

2PL-NOM-TOP 1SG-ACC abandon-PRED depart-PRED-NEG-JUS.PL-COMM ‘Don’t you abandon me!’

(559) P.QI 1 7.i.7–9 ᫧ ⲉⲚ ⲧⲣⲓⲧⲗⲱ· ⲉⳟⳟⲁⲉ[ⲅ]ⲟⲩⲉⲕⲉ· ⲉⲔⲕⲆⲇⲣⲓⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⳝⲉⳝⳝⲁⲛⲛⲁⲥⲱ· ⲧⲁⲙ[ⲉⲗ]ⲟ ⲡⲉⲥⲟⲕⲕⲟⲛ ⲧⲓⳝⳝⲁⲛⲧⲁⲛⲕⲉ· ein

trit-lō

DEM.PROX

manner-LOC brother.PL.PRED-PL.PRED-2PL prophesy-PL-ACC

eij∼ejj-ann-a-sō

eŋŋae-ɡoue-ke tame-lo

eikkidd-ri-ka pes-ok-k-on

zeal∼INT-IMP.2/3PL-PRED-COMM tongue-LOC speak-PST1-ACC-TOP

tijjan-ta-nke forbid-NEG-JUS.PL ‘Thus, brothers, be zealous in prophesies, and do not forbid the one who has spoken in tongues!’ (1 Cor 14:39)

Perhaps P.QI 4 92.2 ⊗ ⲁⲅⲓⲧⲁⲛⲏⲱ· is a related form.

13. PLURACTIONALITY AND VALENCY

Pluractional and valency determining morphology differs from the verbal morphology discussed in the previous chapters on person, tense and aspect, and affirmation and negation, in that it can occur freely on converbs (§7.2.3). 13.1. Pluractionality The pluractional suffix -ⳝ encodes verbal number on the verbal complex, reflecting both the ‘event number’, the number of times an action is performed, and the ‘participant number’, the number of participants in a certain action (cf. Corbett 2000, 249–250). It may have developed from an older morpheme -ⳝ which signaled intensity. It is still found in a number of lexical pairs such as ⲉⲓⲧ ‘to send’ ∼ ⲓⳝ ‘to send, impel’; ⲧⲢ ‘to give’ ∼ Ⲧⳝ ‘justice’; and ⲉⲓⲅ ‘fire’ ∼ ⲉⲓⳝ ‘zeal’. The pluractional suffix has the following functions: (560) FUNCTIONS OF THE PLURACTIONAL SUFFIX -ⳝ • On intransitive verbs: Plural subject (§13.1.1); • On transitive verbs: Plural direct object (§13.1.2); • On ditransitive verbs: Plural indirect object (only if accusative-marked) (§13.1.3); • Rarely: Plural event (§13.1.4). The pluractional suffix is not obligatory but lexically determined. Its appearance is therefore to a certain extent unpredictable. 13.1.1. Plural Subject The only attestations of the pluractional suffix used with an intransitive verb are in the Early Old Nubian text SC. Later texts reserve the suffix mainly for plural (in)direct objects. (561) SC 8.12–13 ᫥ ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲕⲟⲛⲟ ⲇⲓⳝⲟⲗⲅⲟⲩⲛⲁ ⲅⲁⲇⲅⲟⲩⲕⲟⲛ ⲥⲟⲩⲣⲥⲟⲩⲣⲕⲁ ⲡⲓⲣⲁⲛ tous-kono di-j-ol-ɡou-na

ɡad-ɡou-k-on

sour∼sour-k-a

before-after die-PLACT-PST1-PL-ACC body-PL-ACC-TOP shake∼INT-HAB-PRED

pi-r-an lie-PRS-3PL ‘… while the bodies of those already dead are shaken.’

248

13. PLURACTIONALITY AND VALENCY

(562) SC 11.15–20 ᫥ ⲉⲗ ⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥⲗⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲈⲣⲟⲩⲗⲱⲇⲉ ⲕⲓⲡⲓⲇ ⳟⲓⲇⲉ· ⲥⲟⲗⲗⲓⲧⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲛⲕⲟⲩⲛⲕⲉⲗⲅⲟⲩⲗⲱ ⲕⲟⲗⲟ ⲁⲗⲗⲓⲧⲁⲕⲣⲟ· ⲉⲗⲗⲉⲕⲗⲟⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲁⲣⲙⲤⲕⲓⲇⲉⲗⲇⲉ ⲟⲩⲕⲕⲟⲩⲧⲧⲖⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱ ⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲡⲉⲗⳝⲓⲗ ⲡⲓⲣⲁ· el

kosmos-la dou-er-ou-lō-de

now world-DAT

soll-itou

kip-id

ŋi-de

exist-PFV.PRS-1/2PL-LOC-CONJ eat-CONJ drink-CONJ

oun-koun-ke-l-ɡou-lō

ko-lo

all-itak-r-o

abandon-NMLZ love-have-HAB-PRS-PL-LOC by-FOC bind-PASS-PRS-1/2PL.PRED

elle-k-lo-eion

armis-k-idel-de

ouk-koutt-il-∅-dekel-lō

now-ACC-LOC-TOP judge-NMLZ-NMLZ.DET-CONJ oppress-NMLZ-DET-NOM-CONJ-FOC

ek-ka

pel-j-il

pi-r-a

1PL.INCL-ACC come.out-PLACT-PRS lie-PRS-PRED ‘When we exist in the present world, we are bound by eating and drinking and lovely diversions, but hereafter judgment and oppression are coming out for us.’

(563) SC 15.17–18 ᫥ ⲤⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲖ ⲟⲩⲇⲁⲛⲕⲁⲧⲗⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲇⳝⲓⲗⲅⲟⲩⲛⲁ ⲡⲓⲕⲧⲁⲗⲟ· istauros-il-∅ oudan-kat-la

doud-j-il-ɡou-na

pikt-a-lo

cross-DET-NOM dark-NMLZ-DAT exist-PLACT-PRS-PL-GEN light-PRED-FOC ‘The cross is the light of those who exist in the darkness.’

13.1.2. Plural Direct Object With transitive verbs, the pluractional suffix always indicates a plural direct object: (564) P.QI 1 10.A.i.1–3 ᫧ [ⳟⲤⲥⲟⲩ ⲧ]ⲟⲩⲥⲕⲟⲛⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ ⳟ[ⲟⲇⲚ] ⲉⲓⲅⲚ ⲧⲁⲙⲉⲧⲗⲀ ⲁⲩⲗⲟⲥⲓⳝⲁⲣⲁ ŋissou tousko-n-ɡou-ka aɡɡelos ŋod-in-∅ holy

three-PL-PL-ACC

angel

eiɡ-in

tamet-ila

Lord-GEN-NOM fire-GEN furnace-DAT

aul-os-ij-ar-a save-PFV-PLACT-PST1-PRED ‘The three holy ones, the angel of the Lord saved them from the furnace of fire.’

(565) K 20.8–15 ᫥ ⲧⲖⲗⲗⲟⲛ ⲁⳡⳝⲚ ⲕⲟⲈⲣⲣⲁⲗⲟ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲡⲓⲕⲦⲕⲁ· ⲕⲁⲥⲥⲟⲥⲁⲛⲛⲁ· ⲥⲕⲓⲧⲉⲓⲇⲟⲛⲓ⟦ⲅⲟⲩⲛⲓ⟧ⲕⲁ ⲇⲟⲗⲗⲁ ϩⲁⲣⲙⲖⲇⲟⲛⲓⲕⲁ ⲙⲟⲛⲉⲥⲓⲛⲛⲉ ⳝⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲓⲛ ⲧⲖⲗⲓⲛⲁ ⲅⲉⲛⲕⲓⲧⲁⲅⲟⲩⲉⲥⲓⲛ ⲙⲉⲇⲇⲖ ⲅⲁⳝⲓⲥⲕⲁ· till-il-∅-lon

añj-in

koeir-ra-lo tan

pikit-ka

God-DET-NOM-TOP life-GEN tree-DAT-FOC 3SG.GEN share-ACC

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13.1. PLURACTIONALITY

kass-os-an-n-a

(i)skit-eidon-ika doll-a

take.away-PFV-INTEN-PRS.2/3SG-PRED earth-SUBE-ACC

harm-il-don-ika

mon-es-in-ne

joun

heaven-DET-SUBE-ACC hate-PST2-2/3SG-LE because

ɡen-kit-a-ɡoue-sin

medd-il

want-PRED

ein

till-ina

DEM.PROX

God-GEN

ɡa-j-is-ka

good-NMLZ-PRED-PL.PRED-EMP ready-PRS cause-PLACT-PST2-ACC ‘God will take away his share in the tree of life, because he wanted the earthly and hated the heavenly, which God prepared as blessings.’

(566) SC 4.17–21 ᫥ ⲉⲕⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗⲗⲉⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲉⲖⲗⲟ ⲉⲓⲁⲣⲧⲛⲁ ⲡⲁⲗⲕⲓⲧⲗⲁ ⲕⲟⲩⳝⳝⲣⲁ ⲧⲟⲣⲁⲙⲥⲟ· ⲕⲁⲡⲟⲡⲓⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲇⲟⲗⲓⳝⲛⲓⲀ ⲙⲓⲛⲖ· ⲕⲁⲡⲟⲡⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲟ ⲅ[ⲱ]ⲉⲓⲀ ⳟⲟⲕ ⲕⲟⳡⳝⲓⲗⲅⲟⲩⲕⲉⲛⲕⲱ· ek-∅-ketalle-eion

eil-lo

eiart-na

palkit-la koujjr-a

1PL.INCL-NOM-also-TOP now-LOC knowledge-GEN sea-DAT

tor-am-so

enter.TR-PRED

kapop-iɡou-ka dol-ij-ni-a

enter-IMP.1PL-COMM pearl-PL-ACC

min-il

gather-PLACT-SUBORD.SG-PRED

kapopi-ɡou-lo ɡōeia ŋok

not.be-PRS.DET pearl-PL-LOC

than

koñ-j-il-ɡou-k-enkō

glory have-PLACT-PRS-PL-ACC-but

‘Now let us also enter into the sea of thought, not in order to gather pearls, but things more glorious than pearls!’

In the presence of a pluractional marker, the direct object does not have to be explicit: (567) P.QI 1 10.A.i.20–ii.1 ᫥ :Ⲉⲗⲟⲛ:: Ⲉ:: ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩⲉⲓⲀ· ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲉⲛ[ⲇⲉ] ⲇⲢⳝⲓⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲣⲓⲙⲉⲛⲧⲁⲗⲟ· ⲉⲚ [ⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟ]ⲥⲅⲟⲩⲛⲁ ⲁⲩⲗⲟⲥⲓⳝⲓⲥⲓⲛⲛ[ⲁ ⲇⲢⲧⲓⲕⲁ el-on

e

ourouei-a ouel-∅-ende

now-TOP oh king-PRED

dir-j-ika

one-NOM-NEG.CONJ count-PLACT-ACC

eir-imen-ta-lo

ein

aɡɡelos-ɡou-na aul-os-ij-is-in-na

can-NEG-NEG-FOC

DEM.PROX

angel-PL-ACC

save-PFV-PLACT-PST2-2/3SG-GEN

dir-t-ika count-NMLZ-ACC ‘Now, oh king, no one can count the numbers of these whom this angel saved …’

In (567), the direct object of ⲁⲩⲗⲟⲥⲓⳝⲓⲥⲓⲛⲛ[ⲁ is not expressed by a pronoun but implied by the pluractional suffix. Note also that if ⲇⲢⲧⲓⲕⲁ is reconstructed properly, it is not explicitly marked for plural, which is already indicated by the pluractional marker on ⲇⲢⳝⲓⲕⲁ, as in (568) below.

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13.1.3. Plural Indirect Object With ditransitive verbs, the referentiality of the pluractional suffix is determined by the case marking pattern. If the direct object is marked with the accusative and the (inanimate) indirect object marked with the dative, the pluractional suffix refers to the direct object: (568) St 12.12–13.1 ⲉⲛⲕⲁⲛ tan

᫥

ⲧⲁⲛ Ⲟⲣⲱⲥⲉⲛ ϣⲟⲕⲕⲁ ⲡⲉⲓⲀ ⲕⲤⲥⲉⲗⲁ Ⲧⳝⳝⲁⲣ

orōse-n

šok-ka

pei-a

kisse-la

tij-j-ar

3SG.GEN praise-GEN book-ACC write-PRED church-DAT give>2/3-PLACT-PST1

en-ka-n be-SUBORD-2/3SG ‘If he wrote books of its praise and gave them to the church …’

In (568) the direct object ϣⲟⲕⲕⲁ is marked with the accusative, while the indirect object ⲕⲤⲥⲉⲗⲁ is marked with the dative. The pluractional suffix on Ⲧⳝⳝⲁⲣ thus refers to the direct object, which means that in spite of lacking an overt plural marker ϣⲟⲕⲕⲁ should be interpreted as plural. However, most ditransitive verbs show a double object construction, in which both the direct and indirect object are marked with the accusative case (§15.1.3.2). With this case marking pattern, the pluractional suffix always refers to the indirect object. (569) St 3.5–11 ᫥ ⲟⲛ ⲟⲩ Ⲁⲡⲟⲥⲧⲟⲗⲟⲥⲅⲟⲩⲗ ⲧⲁⲣⲓⲰ ⲧⳝⲰ ⲇⲁⲩ Ⲁⳟⲁ ⲧⲘⲙⲁⲣⲟⲩ· ⲙⲩⲥⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ ⲉⲓⲣⲁ ⲡⲉⲥⲙⲓⲛⲛⲁⲛⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲡⲖⲗⲓⲅⲣⲀ ⲇⲉⲛⳝⲓⲥⲛⲁ on

ou

apostolos-ɡou-l-∅ tar-iō

tijō dau aŋ-a

and 1PL.EXCL apostle-PL-DET-NOM 3SG-LOC with large become-PRED

timm-a-r-ou

mustērou ei-r-a

pes-min-n-an-ka

assemble-PST1-1/2PL mystery

say-PRS-PRED speak-NEG-PRS-3PL-ACC

ou-ka

den-j-is-n-a

pill-iɡir-a

1PL.EXCL-ACC shine-CAUS-PRED give>1-PLACT-PST2-2/3SG-PRED ‘And when we apostles, becoming a big (group), had assembled around him, he revealed to us an unspeakable mystery.’

(570) SC 5.15–17 ᫥ ⲙⲁⲕⲁⲛ ⲟⲩⲕⲕⲟⲛⲟ ⲕⲁⲡⲟⲡⲓ ⲁⲩⲣⲟⲩⲧⲕⲁ ⲧⲟⳟⲧⲁⲛⲁⲥⲱ· ⲉⲚ ⲉⲗⲗⲉ Ⲉⲗⲏ ⲟⲩⲕ ⲟⲩⲥⲕⲣⲁ ⲧⲓⳝⳝⲁⲣⲣⲓⲕⲁ makan ouk-k-ono

kapopi aurout-ka toŋt-ana-sō

therefore 2PL-ACC-REFL pearl

alone-ACC make.worthy-IMP.2/3PL.PRED-COMM

ein

elle elē

ouskr-a

DEM.PROX

now today 2PL.ACC place.TR-PRED

ouk

251

13.1. PLURACTIONALITY

tij-j-ar-r-i-ka give>2/3-PLACT-INTEN-PRS-1SG-ACC ‘Therefore, make yourselves worthy of the pearl alone, which I shall place before you today!’

(571) P.QI 3 43.1–3 ᫥ ⲁⲓ ⲡⲁⲥⲓⲛⲉ ⲥⲓⲗⲙⲏⲛ ⲙⲁⲣⲓⲀ ⲁⲓⲕⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⳣⳣⲓⲗⲗⲟ ⲡⲁⲕⲕⲁⲧⲕⲁ ⳟⲁⲡⲖ ⲓⲇⲟⲕ · ⲉⳟⳟⲁⲇⲉ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲓⲧⲧⲓⲇⲓⲣⲕⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲧⲓⳝⳝⲥⲉⲗⲟ ai

pasine silmē-n

maria-∅

ai-ka

douw-w-il-lo

1SG Pasine Ibrim-GEN Mary-NOM 1SG-ACC seek-PRS(?)-DET-LOC

pakkat-ka

ŋapil ido-k

share.NMLZ-ACC gold

eŋŋa-de

tan

itt-idirkek-ka

eight-ACC brother-CONJ 3SG.GEN wife-CONJ(?)-ACC

tij-j-s-e-lo give>2/3-PLACT-PST2-1SG.PRED-FOC ‘Upon (the Church of) Mary of Ibrim requesting me, I, Pasine, gave (my) share, 8 pieces of gold, to (my) brother and his wife.’

Note, however, the following example of the usage of a pluractional suffix in a relative clause, where it appears to refer not to the accusative-marked indirect object, but to the antecedent: (572) L 107.7–9 ᫧ ⲉⲗⲗⲱ [ⲉⲓ]ⲁⲥⲥⲁⲛⲁ ⲁⲓⲕⲁ ⲇⲉⲛⳝⲓⲥⲛⲀ ⲙϢϣ[ⲁ]ⲛⲕⲁ⳹ ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱⲕⲁ ⲧⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲧⲓⳝⳝⲉⲥⲓⲕ[ⲁ⳹ el-lō

ei-as-s-an-a

ai-ka

den-j-is-in-a

now-LOC know-TR-PST2-3PL-PRED 1SG-ACC give>1-PLACT-PST2-2/3SG-PRED

miššan-ka kellō-ka tek-ka all-ACC

all-ACC

tij-j-es-i-ka

3PL-ACC give>2/3-PLACT-PFV.PST2-1SG-ACC

‘Now they know that everything you gave me I gave all to them.’ (Jn 17:7–8)

In (572), the pluractional suffix on ⲇⲉⲛⳝⲓⲥⲛⲀ cannot refer to the accusative-marked indirect object ⲁⲓⲕⲁ (which is by nature singular), as would be expected, but to the object and antecedent ⲙϢϣ[ⲁ]ⲛⲕⲁ. 13.1.4. Plural Event The pluractional suffix -ⳝ only rarely refers to a plural or repeated event. This interpretation is possible both with transitive and intransitive verbs, and is usually the only possible interpretation. (573) P.QI 3 30.30–31 ᫥ ⲁⲗⲉⲥⲚ· ⲁⲛ ⲥⲁⲗⲕⲁ· ⲟⲩⲥⲕⲁ· ⳟⲁⲅⲅⲁⲇⲖⲗⲟ ⲈⲡⲓⲙⲁⲭⲟⲥⲖ ⲧⲁⲛ ϣⲓⲅⲢⲣⲟ ⲕⲟ ⲧⲁⲕⲕⲁ ϣⲁⲅⲓⳝⲁⲙⲏ·

252

13. PLURACTIONALITY AND VALENCY

alesin an sal-ka if

ousk-a

ŋaɡɡ-ad-il-∅-lo

1SG word-ACC speak.against-PRED deny-INTEN-PRS.DET-NOM-FOC

epimakhosi-l-∅

tan

šiɡir-ro

ko

tak-ka

Epimachus-DET-NOM 3SG.GEN spear-LOC through 3SG-ACC

šaɡ-ij-a-mē stab-PLACT-PRED-JUS.SG ‘Whoever will speak against and deny my statement, may Epimachus stab him multiple times with his spear!’

(574) SC 13.7–9

᫧

[ⲉⲡ]ⲁⲗⲓⳝⲓⲛⲛⲁⲛ ⲁⳟⲓⲥ[ⲛⲁ·] ⲉⲔⲕⲁ [ⲇⲉ]ⲥⲓⲧ ⲧⲉⲛⲓⲀ·

epal-ij-in-n-an

aŋ-is-n-a

eik-ka

des-it

strike-PLACT-COP-PRS-3PL become-PST2-2/3SG-PRED 2SG-ACC free-NMLZ

teni-a give>2/3.SUBORD-PRED ‘They struck him repeatedly so that he gives you freedom.’

(575) P.QI 4 90.re.5–6 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲣⲟⲛ⟦ⲩ⟧ⲛ· ⲉⲇⲉⲕⲁ· ⲇⲘⲙⲁⲣⲁ ⲙϣϣⲁⲛⲇⲁⲗ· ⲡⲉⲗⲁⳝⳝⲁ· ⳣⲁⳣⲁ· eir-∅-on

ede-ka

dimm-ar-a

miššan-dal

2SG-NOM-TOP manure-ACC hand.over-PST1-PRED all-COM

pel-aj-j-a

waw-a

come.out-TR-PLACT-PRED sail-PRED ‘You handed over the manure, sailing out repeatedly with everything.’

In (573) and (574), the objects of the transitive verbs ϣⲁⲅⲓⳝⲁⲙⲏ and [ⲉⲡ]ⲁⲗⲓⳝⲓⲛⲛⲁⲛ are singular, so the pluractional suffix must refer to a plural event. The same holds for the intransitive verb ⲡⲉⲗⲁⳝⳝⲁ in (575), where the subject again is explicitly singular. The next example is ambiguous, but an interpretation as a plural event seems more likely: (576) P.QI 2 18.ii.6–10 ᫧ ⲉⲒⲅⲟⲩⲛⲁ ⲙⲉⲇⳝⲟⲩⲕⲁⲛⲧⲔ ⲁⲩⲀ· ⳝⲟⲩⳝⲢ· ⲙⲉⲛⲁⲙⲥⲟ· ⲧⲉⲛⲛⲁ· ⲕⲟⲥⲕⲦⲧⲛⲁ [ⲇ]ⲟⲗⲗⲓⲧⲓⲛⲁ· ⲧⲁⲗⲁⲅⲖ· ⲁⲩ[Ⲁ] ⲧⲟⲣⲙⲉⲛⲕⲟⲀ· ei-ɡou-na

medjou-kant-ik au-a

jou-j-ir

men-am-so

man.PL-PL-GEN servant-NMLZ-ACC do-PRED go-PLACT-PRS not.be-IMP.1PL-COMM

ten-na kos-kitt-na

doll-it-ina

ta-la-ɡil

au-a

3PL-GEN bad-NMLZ-GEN want-NMLZ-GEN path-DAT-ALL do-PRED

tor-men-ko-a enter-NEG-SUBORD-PRED ‘Let us not repeatedly proceed and perform servitude to man, lest we enter onto the path of the desire of their evil!’

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13.2. VALENCY

13.2. Valency There are three morphemes in Old Nubian that can influence the valency of a verb. In general, they have the following functions: (577) VALENCY SUFFIXES • Transitive -(ⲓ)ⲣ/-ⲁⲣ Adds a patient (§13.2.1); • Causative -ⲅ(ⲓ)ⲣ/-ⲅⲁⲣ Adds a causee (§13.2.2); • Passive -ⲧⲁⲕ Promotes the patient to a subject (§13.2.3). All three suffixes follow immediately after the verbal root. Their relative ordering (cf. table 7.1) can only be partially deduced from the following examples: (578) SC 10.13–15 ᫥ ⲉⲘⲙⲟ ⲭⲤⲥⲓⲕⲁ ⲓⲟⲩⲇⲁⲓⲞⲥⲣⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲟ ⳝⲟⲩⲛ ⲕⲦ ⳟⲟⲇⲦⲧⲁⲕⲁⲣ ⲉⲓⲛⲚ ei-m-m-o

kh(risto)ssi-ka ioudaios-ri-ɡou-lo joun kit

know-AFF-PRS-1PL.PRED Christ-ACC

ŋod-it-tak-ar

Jew-PL-PL-LOC

by

stone

ein-in

throw-TR-PASS-PST1 be-PRS.2/3SG ‘We know that Christ was stoned by the Jews.’

(579) L 102.5–6 ᫧ ⲉⲓⲣⲓⲙⲉⲛⲧⲁⲗⲟ ⲇⲓⲡⲡⲟⲩ ⲕⲟⲩⲗⲓ[ⲇ]ⲇⲱ ⳟⲟⲛⳝⲓⲗ ⲏⲩⲅⲓⲣⲧⲁⲕⲕⲁ⳹ eir-imen-ta-lo

dippou koul-id-ō

can-NEG-NEG-FOC city

ŋonj-il-∅

mountain-DET-SUPE stand-PRS.DET-NOM

ēu-ɡir-tak-ka forget-CAUS-PASS-ACC ‘It is not possible for a city standing on a mountain to be hidden.’ (Mt 5:14)

Example (578) shows the morpheme ordering TR ⪢ PASS, and (477) CAUS ⪢ The other combination, TR–CAUS, has not been attested, and is probably ungrammatical. In spite of their morphological similarities, the valency suffixes have different etymologies. The transitive suffix -(ⲓ)ⲣ/ⲁⲣ appears as an already complete suffix in Old Nubian grammar, and should perhaps be categorized with pluractional -ⳝ (§13.1).1 Causative -ⲅ(ⲓ)ⲣ/ⲅⲁⲣ is an incorporated verbal root that probably derives from a similar auxiliary construction like the inchoative (§14.1.3). The two strategies for forming a passive clause both rely on pronominal elements: the use of the passive marker -ⲧⲁⲕ, which is etymologically based on an PASS.

1

In Nubian languages, both the j- and Vr-suffixes play a role in encoding verbal number on the verb through an ergative alignment pattern, i.e., referring to the subject of intransitive verbs and the object of transitive verbs. See Jakobi (2017) for more details.

254

13. PLURACTIONALITY AND VALENCY

incorporated 3SG accusative pronoun ⲧⲁⲕ (Smagina 2017 [1986], §46), and the use of the 3PL subject clitic -ⲁⲛ as a so-called ‘impersonal third person plural’ (§13.2.3.2). 13.2.1. Transitive Etymologically, the transitive suffix -(ⲓ)ⲣ/ⲁⲣ is an old causative, whose meaning has been partially lost in favor of an innovative causative suffix -ⲅⲁⲣ (§13.2.2).2 The transitive suffix is attached directly to the verbal root to make an intransitive verb transitive, allowing it to take on another argument, usually a patient: (580) SC 16.8–9

᫧

Ⲥ]ⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲖ ⲧⲟⲛⲇⲉⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲣⲡⲁⲣⲣ[ⲁⲗ]ⲟ·

istauros-il-∅ tonde-ɡou-ka ourp-ar-r-a-lo cross-DET-NOM altar-PL-ACC

fall-TR-PRS-PRED-FOC

‘The cross overthrows the altars.’

(581) St 10.2–10 ᫥ ⲉⲚⲛⲟ ⳝⲱⲀⲗⲟ ⲥⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲕⲁ ⲁⲓⲇⲁⲗ ⲕⲟⲩⲛⲖ ⲕⲆⲇⲣⲈ — ⲧⲉⲛ ⲉⲚⲧⲓⲅⲇⲉⲣⲕⲁ ⲧⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲡⲖⲗⲓⲅⲣⲀ ⲦⳝⳝⲓⲛⲓⲀ[·] ⲧⲉⲛ ⲙⲁⲙⲀ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲅⲟⲩⲕⲟⲛ ⲧⲉⲛ ⲟⲩⲣⲖⲇⲱ ⲧⲓⲇⲣⲁ ⲦⳝⳝⲓⲛⲓⲀ· ein-no

jōa-lo

DEM.PROX-LOC

because-FOC cross-ACC

kid-d-ir-e

stauros-ka ai-dal ten

koun-il-∅

1SG-COM have-PRS.DET-NOM

eintiɡ-der-ka

tek-ka

come-INTEN-PRS-1SG.PRED 3PL.GEN shame-NMLZ-ACC 3PL-ACC

pill-iɡir-a

tij-j-ini-a

ten

mam-a

shine-CAUS-PRED give>2/3-PLACT-SUBORD.SG-PRED 3PL.GEN injustice-PRED

miššan-ɡou-k-on ten all-PL-ACC-TOP

our-il-dō

tid-r-a

3PL.GEN head-DET-SUPE encounter-TR-PRED

tij-j-ini-a give>2/3-PLACT-SUBORD.SG-PRED ‘That’s why I will come having the cross with me, in order to reveal to them their shame and to bring upon their head all their injustice.’

The transitive suffix can also be employed to introduce purpose or complement clauses: (582) SC 13.19–20 slel-ir-s-n-a

᫧

ⲥⲗⲉⲗⲢⲥⲛⲁ· ⲉⲔⲕⲁ ⲡⲤⲧⲉⲩⲉⲦⲕⲟⲀ ⲅ[ⲉ]ⲛⲓⲀ[·] eik-ka

pisteue-it-ko-a

pray-TR-PST2-2/3SG-PRED 2SG-ACC believe-NMLZ-ADJ-PRED 2

See Jakobi (2020, forthcoming) for discussion.

255

13.2. VALENCY

ɡeni-a cause.SUBORD.SG-PRED ‘He prayed so that you are made faithful.’

The transitive suffix may also be used on nominal roots to create verbs: (583) SC 14.16–17

᫦

ⲤⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲖ ⲇⲓⲟ⟨ⲗ⟩ⲅⲟⲩⲕ ⲀⲛⲤⲧⲢⲣⲁⲗⲟ·

istauros-il-∅ di-ol-ɡou-k

anist-ir-r-a-lo

cross-DET-NOM die-PST1-PL-ACC resurrection-TR-PRS-PRED-FOC ‘The cross resurrects the dead.’

(584) K 21.15–22.1 ᫥ ⲙⲛⲁ ⲟⲩⲗⲅⲣⲓⲙⲉⲛⲁⲕⲉ ⲡⲁⲣⲧⲁⲕⲟⲕⲕⲁ· mn-a

oulɡ-r-imen-a-ke

par-tak-ok-ka

what-PRED ear-TR-NEG.PRS-PRED-2PL write-PASS-PST1-ACC ‘Don’t you hear what is written?’

Unlike the causative (§13.2.2), the transitive suffix cannot appear as an independent auxiliary, and has in several cases already become lexicalized, such that it can no longer be meaningfully separated from a root. Examples are the verbs ⲉⲓⲧⲓⲣ ‘to send’ and ⲟⲩⲧⲟⲩⲣ ‘to place’. 13.2.2. Causative The causative suffix -ⲅⲁⲣ is related to the auxiliary construction with the verb ⲅⲁⲣ ‘to cause’ (§14.1.1), which developed from PN *-(i)g followed by old causative (transitive) suffix *-ir (Jakobi 2020, forthcoming). Initially there appears to have been a semantic distinction between the suffix and the auxiliary. Whereas the auxiliary construction increases the overall valency of the verbal complex by adding a causee, the suffix may add a causee while at the same time making the verb acquire a passive meaning. (585) SC 13.7

᫧

pist-is-n-a

ⲡⲤⲧⲓⲥⲛⲁ ⲉⲔ[ⲕⲁ] ⲡⲖⲗⲓⲅⲉⲛⲓⲀ[·] eik-ka

pill-iɡeni-a

receive.baptism-PST2-2/3SG-PRED 2SG-ACC shine-CAUS.SUBORD.SG-PRED ‘He received baptism so that you be illuminated.’

Note that the portmanteau suffix for the causative–subordinate suffix -ⲅⲉⲛⲓ < -ⲅⲁⲣ-ⲓⲛⲓ is only attested in SC. The passive connotation is, however, not always discernible. Compare the following examples from the same text:

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13. PLURACTIONALITY AND VALENCY

(586) K 33.2–4 ⲓⲅⲆⲇⲛⲁ·

ⲧⲖⲗⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲁⲉⲖⲕⲁⲗⲟ· Ⲉⲙⲉⲛⲧⲉⲗⲁ ⲡⲁⳝⲉⲓⲡⲁⳝ-

᫥

till-il-∅-lon

tan

aeil-ka-lo

emente-la

God-DET-NOM-TOP 3SG.GEN heart-ACC-FOC Hell-DAT

pajei∼paj-iɡid-d-n-a examine∼INT-CAUS-INTEN-PRS.2/3SG-PRED ‘God will cause his soul to be thoroughly examined in Hell.’

(587) K 33.11–15 ᫥ ⲁⲩⲧⲁⲕⲕⲟⲛ ⲉⲛⲁⲙⲏ ⲉⲛⲛⲁ ⳟⲟⲇⲟⲩ ⲉⲛⲛⲟⲩ ⲓⲏⲥⲟⲩⲥⲓ ⲭⲣⲓⲥⲧⲟⲥⲓⲞ Ⲧⳝⲟ ⳟⲁⲉⲣⲇⲉ ⲧⲦⲧⲖⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲕⲁ ⲧⲟⲩⲅⲅⲁⲇⲇⲉⲗ· au-tak-kon

en-a-mē

en-na

ŋodou en-nou

do-PASS-CONJ be-PRED-JUS.SG 1PL.INCL-GEN Lord

khristosi-o tijo ŋaer-de Christ-LOC

by

iēsousi

1PL.INCL-GEN Jesus

tit-t-il-dekel-ka

salvation-CONJ give>2/3-NMLZ-DET-CONJ-ACC

touɡ-ɡad-d-el-∅ enter-CAUS-INTEN-PFV.PRS.DET-NOM ‘And may there be done by our Lord, our Jesus Christ that which will cause salvation and grace to enter!’

Whereas (586) ⲡⲁⳝⲉⲓⲡⲁⳝⲓⲅⲆⲇⲛⲁ ‘cause to be thoroughly examined’ carries a passive meaning, (587) ⲧⲟⲩⲅⲅⲁⲇⲇⲉⲗ does not. It is not clear whether this distinction is driven by the semantics of the verbal root and therefore lexically determined. A similar passive–causative meaning is obtained with nominal and adjectival roots: (588) SC 10.4–5

᫥

ⲉⲘⲙⲟ ⲭⲤⲥⲕⲁ Ⲁ[ⲙ]ⲁⲛⲕⲁ ⲅⲡⲣⲧⲣⲁ ⲟⲣⲡⲁⲅⲢ ⲉⲓⲛⲚ·

ei-m-m-o

kh(risto)ss(i)-ka aman-ka ɡipirt(i)r-a

know-AFF-PRS-1PL.PRED Christ-ACC

orp-aɡir

water-ACC turn.TR-PRED

ein-in

wine-CAUS be-PRS.2/3SG ‘We know that Christ changes and makes water to be wine.’

(589) L 109.4–5 ein-na

᫧

ⲉⲚⲛ[ⲁ] Ⲁⲗⲉⲗⲟ ⲕⲟⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲧⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⳟⲓⲥⲥⲁⲅⲁⲣⲉⲥⲱ⳹

ale-lo

ko-eion

tek-ka ŋiss-aɡar-e-sō

2SG-GEN truth-LOC through-TOP 3PL.ACC holy-CAUS-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM ‘Hallow them through your truth!’ (Jn 17:17)

(590) K 24.7–11 ᫥ ⳟⲉⲥⲕⳠⳡⲁⲅⲣⲁ ⲧⲖⲗⲓⲕⲁ ⲥⲉⲛⲁⲙⲥⲱ· Ⲉⲛ ⳟⲁⲡⲉⲅⲟⲩⲛ ⲧⲟⲕⲇⲉⲣⲕⲁ ⲇⲉⲛⳝⲓⲕⲁⲛⲛⲟⲀ··

257

13.2. VALENCY

ŋes-kiññ-aɡr-a

till-ika

sen-am-sō

en

rest-NEG.ADJ-CAUS-PRED God-ACC ask-IMP.1PL-COMM 1PL.INCL.GEN

ŋape-ɡou-n tok-der-ka sin-PL-GEN

den-j-ika-n-no-a

forgive-NMLZ-ACC give>1-PLACT-SUBORD-2/3SG-LOC-PRED

‘Let us without rest ask God that he gives forgiveness of our sins!’

Only in Late Old Nubian, the causative suffix -ⲅⲁⲣ becomes a regular causative marker like the causative auxiliary, increasing the valency of the verb. As such it is still found in Nobiin. (591) P.QI 3 42.1–2 ᫥ ⲁⲓⲟⲩ ⲙⲟⲩϩⲟⲩⲙⲉⲧⲓⲗⲟ ⲧⲉⲩⲗⲟⲧⲉ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲀⲟⲩⲉⲖⲇⲁⲗ ⳟⲁⲗ ⲧⲁⲛⲛⲓⲕⲁ ⳣⲉⲣⲓⲅⲣⲀ· aiou-∅

mouhoumeti-∅

teulote tan

aoue-il-dal

ŋal

1SG-NOM Mouhoumeti-NOM Teulote 3SG.GEN friend-DET-COM son

tann-ika

wer-iɡir-a

3SG.GEN-ACC say-CAUS-PRED ‘I, Mouhoumeti, make his son speak on behalf of his friend Teulote.’

13.2.3. Passive In a passive construction, the patient of a transitive verb has become the subject of the clause, marked with the nominative case, whereas the agent is marked by a lexical (non-structural) case or fully elided. There are two strategies for creating a passive in Old Nubian, both of which rely on pronominal elements rather than an auxiliary-based suffix as in case of the causative (§14.1.1). The first strategy is the incorporation of the grammaticalized 3SG accusative pronoun ⲧⲁⲕ,3 which functions as the canonical passive (§13.2.3.1). The second, and less frequent, strategy involves the use of the so-called impersonal third person plural (§13.2.3.2).4 13.2.3.1. Passive with -ⲧⲁⲕ The passive in Old Nubian may be marked by the suffix -ⲧⲁⲕ, which etymologically is an incorporated 3SG accusative pronoun ⲧⲁⲕ. The agent of a 3

This etymology was first proposed by Smagina (2017 [1986], §46). G. M. Browne (1989a, 82)’s suggestion that the passive morpheme is related to the verb ⲧⲁⲕ ‘to be covered’ appears much less plausible. 4 This state of affairs suggests that earlier stages of the Nubian language family may not have had a separate morpheme to mark a passive verbal form. This is confirmed by the situation in Midob, which completely lacks a passive morpheme, using the impersonal third person plural (Werner 1993, 55) instead. The fact that even distantly related language groups such as Southern Nilotic exhibit this phenomenon (Prisca et al. 2014), suggests that the absence of a special passive morpheme may be an original feature of the Nilo-Saharan phylum as a whole.

258

13. PLURACTIONALITY AND VALENCY

passive verb is marked by the postposition ⳝⲱⲀ, ⳝⲟⲩⲛ ‘by, through’ preceded by the locative -ⲗⲟ (§15.3.2). Compare the following sentences with the verb Ⲟⲕ ‘to call’, one without the passive suffix on the verb and therefore with an accusative-marked patient, and one with the passive suffix on the verb and a nominative-marked patient: (592) SC 1.7–9 ᫥ ⳟⲁⲉⲓⲀ ⲟⲩⲕ Ⲟⲕⲓⳝⲁⲣⲣⲉ· ⲧⲓⲕⲁⲛⲉⲅⲟⲩⲈⲙⲁ ⲥⲉⲛⲁ· ⲙⲉⲛⲉⲛⲛ[ⲟⲛ] ⲕⲟⲣⲟⲥⲉⲅⲟⲩⲈⲙⲁ· ŋaei-a ou-k

ok-ij-ar-r-e

tikan-e-ɡoue-ma

who-DD 2PL-ACC call-PLACT-INTEN-PRS-1SG.PRED sheep-PL.PRED-PL.PRED-AFF

sena

menennon koros-e-ɡoue-ma

WH.PRED

or

shepherd-PL.PRED-PL.PRED-AFF

‘What shall I call you, are you sheep or shepherds?’

(593) L 105.1–4 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲉⲛⲇⲉⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲟⲩⲣⲣⲱ ⲥⲟⲕⲕⲁ ⳟⲟⲕⲕ ⲉⲧⲙⲉⲛⲕⲉⲣⲁⲗⲟ ⲧⲖⲗⲓⲗⲱ ⳝⲱⲀ ⲟⲕⲧⲁⲕⲟⲗⲉⲛⲕⲱ ouel-∅-ende-eion

our-rō

sokk-a

ŋok-k

one-NOM-NEG.CONJ-TOP head-LOC take.up-PRED glory-ACC

et-men-ke-r-a-lo

till-ilō

jōa ok-tak-ol-∅-enkō

take-NEG-HAB-PRS-PRED-FOC God-LOC by

call-PASS-PST1.DET-NOM-but

‘No one is to take glory on himself but the one called by God.’ (Heb 5:4)

In both examples we find the verb Ⲟⲕ ‘to call.’ In (592), an active sentence, we find a nominative subject and agent implied in the verb Ⲟⲕⲓⳝⲁⲣⲣⲉ, while in (593) we find that the agent of the verb, ⲧⲖⲗⲓⲗⲱ ‘God’, is no longer marked by the nominative but has instead become an adverbative phrase marked by the postposition ⳝⲱⲀ ‘by’. Another pair: (594) L 106.7–8 ᫧ ⲙⲁⲅⲣⲉⲛⲉⲛⲇⲉ ⲧⲟⲩⲗⲗⲓⳟⲁⲛⲁⲥⲱ[⳹] ⲁⲓ ⲕⲟⲥ[ⲙⲟ]ⲥⲕ ⲉⲥⲕⲓⲥⲉⲥⲚ::– maɡrenende toull but

aŋ-an-a-sō

ai-∅

kosmos-k

strong become-IMP.2/3PL-PRED-COMM 1SG-NOM world-ACC

esk-is-e-sin conquer-PST2-1SG.PRED-EMP ‘But become strong; I have conquered the world!’ (Jn 16:33)

(595) SC 19.13–15 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲉⲚ ⲕⲁⲩⲉⲓⲅⲟⲩⲛⲁ ⲇⲓⲁⲃⲟⲗⲟⲥⲚ ⲙⲉⲉⲣⲧⲗⲟ ⳝⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲥⲕⲓⲧⲁⲕⲥⲔⲕⲁ ⳟⲁⲗⲉⲛⲛⲟⲛ

259

13.2. VALENCY

eie-in

kauei-ɡou-na

diabolos-in meert-lo

man.PL-GEN first.born-PL-GEN devil-GEN

esk-itak-sik-ka

joun

baseness.NMLZ-LOC by

ŋal-en-non

conquer-PASS-PST2-ACC see-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-TOP ‘But when he saw the offspring of man conquered by the baseness of the devil …’

Anticausative verbs (intransitive verbs for which the subject is the patient of the action) such as ‘to suffer’ are also sometimes marked with the passive suffix -ⲧⲁⲕ: (596) SC 14.6–8 ᫧ {ⲉⲚ}ⲉⳡⳡⲓⲧ[ⲁ]ⲕⲥⲚⲕⲟⲛ ⳟⲟⲇⲟⲩ ⲉⲛⲛⲖ ⲧⲁⲣⲓⲞ ⳝⲟⲩ[ⲛ ⲉ]ⳡⳡⲓⲧⲁⲕⲙⲉⲛⲛⲁ[ⲗ]ⲱ· eññ-itak-s-in-kon

ŋodou en-n-il-∅

suffer-PASS-PST2-2/3SG-CONJ Lord

joun

tari-o

1PL.INCL-GEN-DET-NOM 3SG-LOC

eññ-itak-men-n-a-lō

because suffer-PASS-NEG-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-FOC ‘And if he suffered, our Lord did not suffer because of himself.’

13.2.3.2. Impersonal Third Plural The second strategy to create a passive is the usage of the so-called impersonal third person plural, which deploys a non-referential 3PL subject clitic -ⲁⲛ (cf. Siewierska 2010). It appears that this construction is mainly restricted to subordinate and relative clauses: (597) K 20.15–17 ᫥ ⲁⲗⲉⲥⲓⲛ ⲟⲩⲉⲧⲣⲖ ⲕⲉⲓⲕⲁ ⲡⲉⲥⲉⲛ ⲡⲣⲟⲥⲕⲟⲗ ⲕⲤⲥⲉⲗⲗⲟ ⲕⲉⳝⲣⲁⲛⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ alesin ouetr-il-∅ if

keik-a

pes-en

proskol

any-DET-NOM blaspheme-PRES speak-PFV.PRS.2/3SG offering

kisse-l-lo

ken-j-r-an-ɡou-ka

church-DET-LOC place-PLACT-PRS-3PL-PL-ACC ‘If anyone blasphemes and says about the offerings that are placed in the church …’

(598) SC 8.12–13 ᫥ ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲕⲟⲛⲟ ⲇⲓⳝⲟⲗⲅⲟⲩⲛⲁ ⲅⲁⲇⲅⲟⲩⲕⲟⲛ ⲥⲟⲩⲣⲥⲟⲩⲣⲕⲁ ⲡⲓⲣⲁⲛ tous-kono di-j-ol-ɡou-na

ɡad-ɡou-k-on

sour∼sour-k-a

before-after die-PLACT-PST1-PL-ACC body-PL-ACC-TOP shake∼INT-HAB-PRED

pi-r-an lie-PRS-3PL ‘… while the bodies of those already dead are shaken.’

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13. PLURACTIONALITY AND VALENCY

(599) St 3.5–11 ᫥ ⲟⲛ ⲟⲩ Ⲁⲡⲟⲥⲧⲟⲗⲟⲥⲅⲟⲩⲗ ⲧⲁⲣⲓⲰ ⲧⳝⲰ ⲇⲁⲩ Ⲁⳟⲁ ⲧⲘⲙⲁⲣⲟⲩ· ⲙⲩⲥⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ ⲉⲓⲣⲁ ⲡⲉⲥⲙⲓⲛⲛⲁⲛⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲡⲖⲗⲓⲅⲣⲀ ⲇⲉⲛⳝⲓⲥⲛⲁ on ou

apostolos-ɡou-l-∅ tari-ō

tijō dau aŋ-a

and 1PL.EXCL apostle-PL-DET-NOM 3SG-LOC with large become-PRED

timm-ar-ou

mustērou eir-a

pes-min-n-an-ka

assemble-PST1-1/2PL mystery

can-PRED speak-NEG-PRS-3PL-ACC

ou-ka

den-j-is-n-a

pill-iɡir-a

1PL.EXCL-ACC shine-CAUS-PRED give>1-PLACT-PST2-2/3SG-PRED ‘And when we apostles, becoming a large (group), had assembled around him, he revealed to us an unspeakable mystery.’

The impersonal third person plural also appears in certain fixed expressions, the syntax of which is not entirely clear: (600) Sunn 1 ii.4–5

᫥

tarou-s-an-lō

ⲧⲁⲣⲟⲩⲥⲁⲛⲗⲱ ⲧⲁⲣⲁ ⲕⲓⲗⲟ ⲧⲁⳟⲤⲟⲩ ⳟⲟⲇⲚⲛⲟ· tar-a

ki-lo

taŋisou ŋod-in-no

bless-PST2-3PL-FOC come-PRED come-PRS.DET.FOC name

Lord-GEN-LOC

‘Blessed is he who comes in the name of the Lord.’ (Mk 11:9)

(601) St 31.11–14 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲣⲟⲩⲥⲁⲛⲁⲙⲏ ⳟⲟⲇⲟⲩ ⲧⲖⲗⲟⲩ ⲁⲛ ⳟⲉⲉⲓⲕⲕⲁ ⲕⲓⲣⲓⲅⲣⲁ ⲇ[ⲉ]ⲛⲛⲟⲗ tarou-s-an-a-mē

ŋodou tillou an

bless-PST2-3PL-PRED-JUS.SG Lord

kir-iɡr-a

God

ŋeeik-ka

1SG.GEN work-ACC

denn-ol-∅

come-CAUS-PRED give>1-PST1.DET-NOM ‘Blessed be God the Lord who allowed me to finish my work!’

14. AUXILIARY AND MODAL VERBS

This chapter treats two verbal classes that combine with other verbs without employing a converb construction (§7.2.3). Auxiliary and modal verbs can be distinguished based on whether tense marking is respectively present or absent on the verb they combine with. Auxiliary verb constructions are created with a small set of auxiliary verbs that govern tense-marked lexical verbs (§14.1). Modal verbs often take infinitive verbs or verbal nouns without tense marking as a complement (§14.2). 14.1. Auxiliary Verbs Auxiliary constructions are ‘AUX-headed’, which means that the auxiliary verb is to be considered the main verb, to which tense, person, and other marking may be attached. The lexical verb, which is the meaning-carrying verb, always precedes the auxiliary verb and is marked for tense and aspect (cf. Anderson 2006, §2.6). There are five attested auxiliary verbs: (602) AUXILIARY VERBS • • • • •

Causative auxiliary ⲅⲁⲣ ‘to cause’ (§14.1.1); Negative auxiliary ⲙⲓⲛ ‘to not be’ (§14.1.2); Inchoative auxiliary ⲁⳟ ‘to become’ (§14.1.3); Progressive auxiliary ⲇⲟⲩⲣ ‘to exist’ (§14.1.4); Copular auxiliary ⲉⲓⲛ ‘to be’ (§14.1.5).

An auxiliary construction can be distinguished from a converb construction (§7.2.3) by the fact that both the auxiliary main verb and the lexical verb are marked for tense. The complex of the lexical verb with auxiliary is treated as a single prosodic word (see §19.5). This explains the phonological processes that appear on the edge of the lexical and auxiliary verbs, such as loss of predicate marker -ⲁ. There appears to be no semantic distinction between auxiliary constructions in which the lexical verb is marked with -ⲁ or not.1 The following minimal pair shows that it may have been initially present, but was later dropped.2 1 G. M. Browne (2002c, §3.9.13–14) distinguishes these constructions as ‘predicative periphrastic’ and ‘verbid periphrastic’, respectively. 2 In the scholarly tradition, auxiliary constructions are usually orthographically rendered as a single word when the -ⲁ is no longer present.

262

14. AUXILIARY AND MODAL VERBS

(603) SC 17.16–17 ᫥ ⳟⲁ ⲉⲛⲉⲛⲛⲟⲛ· ⲡⲁⲡⲗⲟ ⳝⲱⲁⲣⲁ ⲉⲛⲉⲛⲛⲟ ⳝⲱⲀⲗⲟ· ŋa

en-en-non

pap-lo

jō-ar-a

son.PRED be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-TOP father-LOC go-PST1-PRED

en-en-no

jōa-lo

be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-LOC because-FOC ‘When he is the Son, (it is) because he has come from the Father.’

(604) SC 17.17–19 ᫥ ⳟⲁⲇ ⲟⲩⲉⲣ Ⲉⲛⲉⲛⲛⲟⲛ· ⲟⲩⲉⲣ ⲁⲩⲣⲟⲩⲧⲓⲞ ⳝⲟⲁⲣ Ⲉⲛⲉⲛⲛⲟ ⳝⲱⲀⲗⲟ· ŋad ouer en-en-non son

one

ouer aurout-io jo-ar

be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-TOP one

en-en-no

alone-LOC go-PST2

jōa-lo

be-PFV.PRS.2/3.SG-LOC because-FOC ‘When he is the single son, (it is) because he has come from one alone.’

Auxiliary constructions stand at the basis of several verbal suffixes, developing from Vlex-T-ⲁ Vaux-T- > Vlex-T Vaux-T- > Vlex-Vaux-T-, where the auxiliary verb lost its own independent lexical status and became a suffix. The different auxiliary constructions described below are at different ‘moments’ in their trajectory toward becoming suffixes. The causative suffix -ⲅⲁⲣ started out as an auxiliary construction, but mainly occurs as a suffix and has been treated as such (§13.2.2). The same holds for the negative auxiliary ⲙⲓⲛ, which developed into a fully functional negative suffix (§12.2). The inchoative auxiliary ⲁⳟ is still clearly distinguishable as a separate lexical element, but phonologically already behaves much like a suffix. The progressive auxiliary ⲇⲟⲩⲣ never made it into a suffix and was most probably lost in a later stage of the language, as there are no present-day Nile Nubian cognates. The copular auxiliary ⲉⲓⲛ has become constrained to specific syntactic environments, leaving few traces in the verbal complex. There are a few rare occurrences in which the lexical verb in an auxiliary construction is marked with a subject clitic.3 The grammatical context in which this occurs is unclear: (605) SC 13.7–9

᫧

[ⲉⲡ]ⲁⲗⲓⳝⲓⲛⲛⲁⲛ ⲁⳟⲓⲥ[ⲛⲁ·] ⲉⲔⲕⲁ [ⲇⲉ]ⲥⲓⲧ ⲧⲉⲛⲓⲀ·

epal-ij-in-n-an

aŋ-is-n-a

eik-ka

des-it

strike-PLACT-COP-PRS-3PL become-PST2-2/3SG-PRED 2SG-ACC free-NMLZ

teni-a give>2/3.SUBORD-PRED ‘They struck him repeatedly so that he gives you freedom.’ 3

G. M. Browne (2002c, §3.9.15) calls these ‘indicative periphrastic’.

263

14.1. AUXILIARY VERBS

(606) P.QI 1 4.ii.13–15 ᫥ Ⲣⲙⲉⲛⲧⲁ· ⲉⲚ ⲇⲟⲩⳟⲚ ⲙⲁⳡⲁⲛ ⲧⲣⲓⲕⲁ· ⲡⲔⲕⲓⲅⲁⲣⲟⲗ ⲉⲚⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗ ⲇⲓⲙⲓⲛⲛⲁ ⲅⲁⲣⲓⲕⲁ⳺ ir-men-ta

ein

douŋ-in

can-NEG-NEG

DEM.PROX

blind-GEN eye-DU

mañ-an tri-ka pair-ACC

pikk-iɡar-ol-∅

ein-ketal

di-min-n-a

awaken-CAUS-PST1.DET-NOM

DEM.PROX-also

die-NEG-PRS-PRED cause-ACC

ɡar-ika

‘Can the one who opened the eyes of this blind man not also cause this one not to die?’ (Jn 11:37)

(607) M 6.8–10 ᫥ ⲁⲗⲉⲥⲚ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲣⲉ Ⲉⲛⲉⲛⲛⲟⲛ· ⲭⲣⲓⲥⲧⲓⲀⲛⲟⲥ ⲁⳟⲁⲇⲘⲙⲉ· alesin ounn-r-e if

en-en-non

khristianos

bear-PRS-1SG.PRED be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-TOP Christian

aŋ-ad-im-m-e become-INTEN-AFF-PRS-1SG.PRED ‘If I give birth, I will become a Christian.’

(608) P.QI 1 10.A.ii.23–25 ᫧ [Ⲉ ⲟⲩ]ⲣⲟⲩⲀ ⲁⲓⲟⲩ ⲉⲚ ⲙⲉⲇⳝⲟⲩ ⲓⲱⲁⲛⲥⲓⲞ· ⲙⲉ[ⲇⲖ(?)] ⲧⲟⲩⲕⲣⲈ ⲙⲚⲛⲁⲗⲟ· ⲧⲱⲈⲕⲟⲩ ⲣⲁⲫⲁⲗⲓ[ⲛ ⲇⲁⲩⲉ(?)]Ⲕⲕⲁ e

ourou-a aiou ein

oh king-PRED 1SG

medjou iōansi-o med-il-∅

2SG.GEN servant

touk-ir-e

John-??

min-n-a-lo

run-PRS.DET-NOM

tōekou raphal-in

pass.over-PRS-1SG.PRED not.be-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-FOC power

Raphael-GEN

daueik-ka great-ACC ‘O King, I, your servant John, do not pass hastily over the great power of Raphael.’

14.1.1. Causative Auxiliary ⲅⲁⲣ Unlike the causative suffix -ⲅⲁⲣ (§13.2.2), the auxiliary construction with ⲅⲁⲣ is a ‘true’ causative, increasing the valency of the verb. We find one full construction with the lexical verb marked with the predicate marker -ⲁ: (609) SC 18.12–13 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲗⲗⲟ ⲤⲕⲦⲕⲁ ⲅⲓⲧⲚ ⲇⲉⲥⲇⲉⲥⲥⲓⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲡⲉⲉⲓⲀ Ⲟⲥⲓⳝⲓⲣⲁ ⲅⲁⲣⲣⲁ· tal-∅-lo

iskit-ka

ɡit-in

des∼dess-iɡou-ka peei-a

3SG-NOM-FOC earth.NMLZ-ACC grass-GEN green∼INT-PL-ACC

os-ij-ir-a

ɡar-r-a

take.out-PLACT-PRS-PRED cause-PRS-PRED ‘He causes the earth to grow green crops of grass.’

grow-PRED

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14. AUXILIARY AND MODAL VERBS

Otherwise, the auxiliary construction appears restricted to a single, idiomatic combination: (610) St 6.12–7.4 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲗⲗⲘⲙⲟ ⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲀⲣⲖ ⲅⲁⲇⳝⲁⲇⲉⲛⲕⲁ· Ⲥⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲟⲩ ⳟⲟⲕⲕⲟⲛⲁ ⲙⲩⲥⲧⲏⲣⲕⲁ· doll-im-m-o

ou-ka

ei-ar-il

want-AFF-PRS-1/2PL.PRED 1PL.EXCL-ACC know-TR-PRS

ɡad-j-ad-en-ka

istaurosou ŋok-ko-na

cause-PLACT-INTEN-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-ACC cross

glory-ADJ-GEN

mustēr-ka mystery-ACC ‘We want you to inform us about the mystery of the glorious cross.’

(611) SE A.i.11–13 ᫥ ⲉⲓϩⲓ ⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲓⲀⲣⲓ ⲇⲟⲗⲗⲓⲥⲖⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲕⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲀⲣⲖ ⲅⲁⲥⲥⲉⲥⲚ· eihi

oun

ei-ar-i

doll-isil-ka

ouk-ka ei-ar-il

behold 2PL.GEN know-TR-INF want-PST2-ACC 2PL-ACC know-TR-PRS

ɡas-s-e-sin cause-PST2-1SG.PRED-EMP ‘Behold, I have informed you about what you wanted to know.’

(612

P.QI 1 11.i.1–3 ᫧ ⲙⲓⲭⲁⲏⲗⲓⲛⲁ ⲧⲁⲣⲓⲟ ⲥⲟⳟⲟⳝⲁ ⲇⲁⲩⲣ ⲁⳟⲁ [ⲅ]ⲟⳡⲧⲁⲕ-

ⲉⲥⲚⲛⲁ ⲕⲟⲉⲕⲟⲛ· ⲧⲁⲣ ⲁⳡⳝⲖⲗⲟ ⲧⲁⲛ [ⲁ]ⲡⲟⲥⲧⲟⲗⲟⲥⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲁⲣⲖ ⲅⲁⲣⲣⲁ

mikhaēli-na tari-o

soŋoj-a

daur aŋ-a

Michael-GEN 3SG-LOC soŋoj-PRED great become-PRED

ɡoñ-tak-es-in-na

ko-e-k-on

tar añj-il-∅-lo

build-PASS-PFV.PST2-2/3SG-GEN have-NLMZ-ACC-TOP 3SG savior-DET-NOM-FOC

tan

apostolos-ɡou-ka ei-ar-il

3SG.GEN apostle-PL-ACC

ɡar-r-a

know-TR-PRS cause-PRS-PRED

‘The Savior himself caused his apostles to know the might in which Michael had been established (lit. of which Michael was established in it) becoming a great soŋoj.’

14.1.2. Negative Auxiliary ⲙⲓⲛ/ⲙⲉⲛ The negative construction with the auxiliary verb ⲙⲓⲛ/ⲙⲉⲛ ‘to not be’ follows the pattern of the auxiliary construction with ⲉ(ⲓ)ⲛ ‘to be’ (§14.1.5), meaning that the auxiliary verb is usually in the default present tense, while the lexical verb may be marked for present or past 1. It is not clear whether there

265

14.1. AUXILIARY VERBS

is a semantic difference with regular suffixed negations (§12.2.1) or whether syntactic conditions play a role in its occurrence. (613) P.QI A ii.4–5 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲣⲅⲖ ⲉⲧⲧⲁⲕⲣⲀ ⲙⲚⲛⲁⲥⲚ tar-ɡil et-tak-ir-a

min-n-a-sin

3SG-ALL receive-PASS-PRS-PRED not.be-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-EMP ‘For it is not acceptable to him.’

(614) P.QI 2 12.i.5–7 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲣⲚ ⲕⲟⳡⲕⲁ ⲁⲓⲱ ⲙⲁⲗⲗⲉ ⲅⲡⲢⲧⲣⲁ ⲙⲉⲛⲉⲥⲱ ⲟⲛ ⳟⲟⲇ⟦Ⲟ⟧ⲁ ⲁⲓⲅⲖ ⲕⲉⲛⲇⲉⲙⲓⲛⲉⲥⲱ ⳟⲁⲕⲦⲕⲁⲗⲟ ⲉⲓⲣⲚ ⲙⲉⲇⳝⲟⲩⲗⲟⲇⲱ⳼ eiri-n

koñ-ka ai-ō

malle ɡipirt-r-a men-e-sō

2SG-GEN face-ACC 1SG-LOC turn-PRS-PRED

on

ŋod-a

ai-ɡil

not.be-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM

kend-emin-e-sō

and Lord-PRED 1SG-ALL turn.away(?)-NEG-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM

ŋakit-kalo

eiri-n

medjou-lo-dō

anger.NMLZ-downstream 2SG-GEN servant-LOC-SUPE ‘Do not turn your face away from me and Lord, do not turn away from me out of anger against your servant!’ (Ps 26:9)

(615) L 109.2–4 ᫧ ⲕⲟⲥⲙ[ⲟ]ⲥⲓⲗⲟ ⳝⲱⲀⲣⲁⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲙⲓⲛⲛⲉⲗⲱ⳹ ⲁⲛⲛⲁ ⲕⲟ[ⲥ]ⲙⲟⲥⲓⲗⲟ ⳝⲱⲁⲣⲁ ⲙⲉⲛⲉⲣⲓ ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱ kosmos-ilo jō-ar-a-eion world-LOC

kosmos-ilo jō-ar-ao world-LOC

min-n-e-lō

an-na

go-PST1-PRED-TOP not.be-PRS-1SG.PRED-FOC 1SG-GEN

men-er-i

kellō

go-PST1-PRED not.be-PFV.PRS-1SG as.LOC

‘I did not come from the world, just as I have not come from the world.’ (Jn 17:16)

Note that in (615) 1SG ⲙⲓⲛⲛⲉⲗⲱ⳹ is unexpected, because it leads to an internal contradiction. The Greek has 3PL εἰσίν. The auxiliary construction is also used by default in negative coreferential final clauses (§8.2.2): (616) L 105.4–6 ᫧ ⲉⲓⲕⲁⲣⲓⲅⲣⲁⲗⲟ ⲭⲣⲓⲥⲧⲟⲥⲓ ⲧⲁⲕⲕⲟⲛ[ⲟ] ⲁⲣⲭⲏⲓⲈⲣⲉⲞⲥ ⲁⳟⲁ ⳟⲟⲕ ⲉⲦⲛⲓⲀ ⲙⲉⲛⲟⲛⲁ· eikariɡra-lo khristosi-∅ tak-k-ono thus-FOC

ŋok

eit-ni-a

Christ-NOM

arkhēiereos aŋ-a

3SG-ACC-REFL high.priest

become-PRED

men-on-a

glory receive-SUBORD.SG-PRED not.be-PST1.2/3SG-PRED ‘Thus Christ did not become high priest to glorify himself.’ (Heb 5:5)

266

14. AUXILIARY AND MODAL VERBS

14.1.3. Inchoative Auxiliary ⲁⳟ The inchoative auxiliary ⲁⳟ ‘to become’ indicates the beginning of an action or a change in state. It usually follows directly on a noun or tense-marked verb.4 Of all the Old Nubian auxiliaries, ⲁⳟ has merged most fully with the lexical verb. As a result, we always find a reduction of *Vlex-T-ⲁ ⲁⳟ-T- > Vlex-T ⲁⳟ-Tand frequently Vlex -T ⲓⳟ/ⳟ-T-. The lexical verb is usually marked with the default present tense, while the auxiliary carries the tense marking. (617) P.QI 1 2.i.26–27 ᫧ [(?)ⲕⲁⲩⲣ]ⲧⲉⲗ⳿ ⲧⲁⲣⲚ ⳟⲟⲕⲕⲁ ⲉⲖⲗ ⲁⳟⲤⲛ[ⲁ kaurte-l-∅

tari-n

ŋok-ka

eil-l

aŋ-is-n-a

bird-DET-NOM 3SG-GEN home-ACC find-PRS become-PST2-2/3SG-PRED ‘The bird has found his home.’ (Ps 83:4)

(618) SC 3.20–22 ᫧ ⲙⲁⲕⲁⲛ Ⲥⲕⲉⲗⲁ[ⲇⳝⲣⲉ]ⲥⲚ ⲁⲓⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲉⲓⳝⲣ ⲓⳟⲁⲛⲁⲥ[ⲱ· makan

iskel-ad-j-r-e-sin

ai-ɡille eij-r

therefore beg-INTEN-PLACT-PRS-1SG.PRED-EMP 1SG-ALL impel-PRS

iŋ-an-a-sō become-IMP.2/3PL-PRED-COMM ‘Therefore, I beg you, pay attention to me!’

(619) M 4.6–10 ᫧ Ⲁⲟⲩⲗ⳿ ⲫⲓⲗⲟⲍⲉⲛⲓⲧⲏⲅⲖ ⳝⲟⲇⲣⲁ ⲙⲉⲇⲇⲗ ⳟⲟⲗ⳿ ⲟⲩⲉⲕⲕⲟⲛ Ⲉⲗⲁ· ⲡⲉⲥⲥⲛⲁ ⲉⲦⲧⲖ Ⲁⲅⲟⲡⲡⲓ[ⲗⲁ]ⲅⲖⲉ· aoul philoxenitē-ɡil jo-d-r-a

medd-(i)l ŋ-ol

boat Philoxenite-ALL go-INTEN-PRS-PRED ready-PRS

ouek-k-on

el-a

pes-s-n-a

become-PST1

eitt-il-∅

one-ACC-TOP find-PRED speak-PST2-2/3SG-PRED woman-DET-NOM

aɡopp-ila-ɡille boatsman-DAT-ALL ‘The woman found a boat ready to go to Philoxenite and said to the boatsman.’

With weak verbal roots (§19.6.2.1.1), the tense marking on the lexical verb may be completely lost:

4 In the literature, the inchoative has been treated as a verbal suffix like the causative or passive (e.g., Zyhlarz 1928, 49). Its distribution is, however, quite different, as is also shown by its cognates -an in Andaandi (Armbruster 1960, 122–123) and -aŋ in Nobiin (Ayoub 1968, 43).

267

14.1. AUXILIARY VERBS

(620) P.QI 2 13.i.19–22 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲥⲥⲚ ⲁⲗⲗⲟⲫⲩⲗⲟⲥⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇⲉ ⲧⲩⲣⲟⲥⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇⲉ ⲟⲩⲇⲙⲓⲛ ⲕⲠⲧⲟⲩⲅⲟⲩⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗ ⲉⲛⲏⲛⲅⲟⲩⲗ ⲙⲁⲛⲛⲟⲗⲱ ⲕⲓⲣ ⲁⳟⲓⲥⲁⲛⲁ⳼ eissin allophulos-ɡou-l-de turos-ɡou-l-de behold gentile-PL-DET-CONJ

oudm-in

Tyrus-PL-DET-CONJ darkness-GEN

kipt-ouɡou-ɡou-l-dekel-∅ en-ēn-ɡou-l-∅ people-PL-PL-DET-CONJ-NOM

kir

man-no-lō

DEM.PROX-PL-PL-DET-NOM DEM.DIST-LOC-FOC

aŋ-is-an-a

come.PRS become-PST2-3PL-PRED ‘Behold, the gentiles, the Tyrians, and the people of darkness, these had come into being here.’ (Ps 86:4)

(621) P.QI A i.16–ii.4 ᫧ ⲁⲣⲭ[ⲏⲉⲡⲓⲥⲕⲟ]ⲡⲟⲥⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⲡⲉⲥⲥⲛⲁ ⲁⲓⲟⲩ ⲧⲖⲗⲚ ⲕⲉⲗⲉⲩⲉⲓⲧⲗⲟ ⲙⲁⲥⲁ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩⲉⲓⲕⲁ ⲅⲟⲩⳡⲓⲕⲁ ⲕⲓ ⳟⲓⲙⲉⲛⲇⲣⲈⲗⲟ arkhēepiskopos-il-∅-lon pes-s-n-a archbishop-DET-NOM-TOP

keleue-it-lo

aiou-∅

till-in

speak-PST2-2/3SG-PRED 1SG-NOM God-GEN

mas-a

ourou-eika ɡouñ-i-ka

command-NMLZ-LOC ignorant-PRED king-ACC

ki

establish-ACC come

ŋ-imen-d-ir-e-lo become-NEG-INTEN-PRS-1SG.PRED-FOC ‘The archbishop said: “I myself am ignorant of God’s command and will not fulfill establishing a king.”’

There is one attestation in Early Old Nubian where the lexical verb appears to agree in tense with the auxiliary. (622) SC 2.9–11 ᫧ ⲕⲟⲩⲗⲓⲣⲁⲅⲟⲩⲈ[ⲙⲁ·] ⲟⲩⲕ Ⲟⲕ[ⲓ]ⳝⲕⲟ[ⲉⲓⲟ] ⲉⲚⲛⲁⲗⲕⲉ· ⲟⲩⲗⲗⲟⲩⲧⲧⲗⲁⲅⲖⲗⲉⲥⲚ ⲙⲉⲣⲆⲇⲁⲣ ⲁⳟⲁⲣⲁⲥⲕⲉ· koul-ir-a-ɡoue-m-a

ou-k

ok-ij-ko-ei-o

learn-PRS-PRED-PL.PRED-AFF-DD 2PL-ACC call-PLACT-SUBORD-1SG-LOC

ein-n-a-lke

oull-outt-la-ɡille-sin

meridd-ar

be-PRS-PRED-AFF.PRS.2PL teach-NMLZ-DAT-ALL-EMP ready-PST1

aŋ-ar-a-ske become-PST1-PRED-AFF.PST.2PL ‘If I call you learners, you are; you have become ready for instruction.’

In (619) above, the lexical verb ⲙⲉⲇⲇⲗ is marked with default present tense, while the auxiliary ⳟⲟⲗ⳿ is marked with the past 1. In the earlier form (622) ⲙⲉⲣⲆⲇⲁⲣ ⲁⳟⲁⲣⲁⲥⲕⲉ, both the lexical verb and the auxiliary are marked with past 1.

268

14. AUXILIARY AND MODAL VERBS

With adjectives, there is no tense marking: (623) P.QI 2 12.ii.3–4 ⲉⲥⲱ ⳟⲟⲇⲕⲁ⳼

᫥

Ⲟⲅⳝ ⲁⳟⲣⲁ ⲉⲛ ⲧⲟⲩⲗⲗ ⲓⳟⲁ ⲉⲓⲣⲚ ⲁⲉⲖⲗⲁ Ⲁⲉⲥⲕ-

oɡj aŋ-r-a

en

toull

man become-PRS-PRED

PTC(?)

strong become-PRED 2SG-GEN heart-DAT

aesk-e-sō

iŋ-a

eiri-n

aeil-la

ŋod-ka

patient-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM Lord-ACC ‘Become a man, become stronger in your heart, await the Lord!’ (Ps 26:14)

(624) M 14.11–13 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲣⲟⲩ ⲉⲦⲧⲖⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗⲗⲉⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⳝⲟⲩⲛⲧ ⲟⲩⳟⲁ⳿ ⳟⲁⲛ ⲕⲁⲕⲔⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲟⲩⲥⲛⲁ· tarou eitt-il-∅-ketalle-eion 3SG

jount

oun-a

ŋan

woman-DET-NOM-also-TOP pregnant become-PRED son.GEN

kakik-ka

ounn-ous-n-a

first.born-ACC bear-PST2-2/3SG-PRED ‘The woman herself became pregnant and gave birth to a first-born son.’

(625) K 19.1–7 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲛⲏⲛⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲟ ⲉⲓⲛⲛⲁⲛⲁ ⲕⲤⲥⲉⲛⲓⲅⲟⲩⲛⲁ ⲕⲁⲛⲟⲛⲁⲅⲟⲉⲥⲛ ⲡⲁⲡⲁⲥⲓ ⳟⲤⲥⲓⲅⲟⲩⲛⲁ ⲛⲓⲕⲉⲁⲉⲓⲟ ⲧⲘⲙⲁ ⲇⲁⲟⲩ ⲁⳟⲁ ⲡⲁⲉⲓⲁ ⲟⲩⲥⲕⲓⲥⲥⲖ ⲇⲢⲧⲓⲗⲟ· · ⲡ·ⲉ·ⲅⲟⲩⲉ ⲉⲓⲛⲖ: ein-ēn-ɡou-l-∅-lo

ein-n-an-a

DEM.PROX-PL-PL-DET-NOM-FOC

be-PRS-3PL-PRED church-PL-PL-GEN

kanon-a-ɡoue-s(i)n

papasi ŋiss-iɡou-na nikea-eio timm-a

canon-PRED-PL.PRED-EMP bishop

daou aŋ-a

kisse-ni-ɡou-na

paei-a

holy-PL-GEN

ousk-is-s-il

Nicea-LOC assemble-PRED

dir-t-ilo

large become-PRED write-PRED place-TR-PST2-DET count-NMLZ-LOC

85-ɡoue

ein-il

85-PL.PRED be-PRS.DET ‘These are the canons of the churches that the holy bishops assembling in Nicea in large numbers wrote and deposited, being 85 in number.’

Note that the expression ⲧⲘⲙⲁ ⲇⲁⲟⲩ ⲁⳟⲁ is probably idiomatic, as it also appears in (193) ⲇⲁⲩ Ⲁⳟⲁ ⲧⲘⲙⲁⲣⲟⲩ. The auxiliary ⲁⳟ can also be used following nouns, when it always means ‘to become’. In all these cases, we assume that the predicate marker on the noun has been lost: *N-ⲁ ⲁⳟ-T- > N ⲁⳟ-T-. (626) M 6.8–10 ᫥ ⲁⲗⲉⲥⲚ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲣⲉ Ⲉⲛⲉⲛⲛⲟⲛ· ⲭⲣⲓⲥⲧⲓⲀⲛⲟⲥ ⲁⳟⲁⲇⲘⲙⲉ· alesin ounn-r-e if

en-en-non

khristianos

bear-PRS-1SG.PRED be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-TOP Christian

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14.1. AUXILIARY VERBS

aŋ-ad-im-m-e become-INTEN-AFF-PRS-1SG.PRED ‘If I give birth, I will become a Christian.’

(627) SC 9.16–21 ᫥ ⲭⲤⲥⲘ ⲉⲓⲕⲁ· ⲟⲩⲗⲅⲣⲉⲛ ⲧⲁⲩⲕⲗⲟⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲧⲖⲗⲔ ⲁⲩⲣⲟⲩⲧⲕⲁ ⲁⲛⲕⲓⲙⲓⲛⲉⲥⲟ· ⲅⲁⲇ ⲁⳟⲉⲥⲚⲛⲁ ⲁⲕ[ⲇ]ⲁⲧ⳿ⲧⲟⲩ ⲁⲩⲣⲟⲩⲧⲕⲉⲛⲇⲉ· ⲀⲇⲚⲕⲁⲛⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲈⲣⲓⲅⲁⲣⲉⲥⲓⲕ[ⲉⲛⲕⲱ]· kh(risto)ssi-m ei-ka Christ-AFF

oulɡ-r-en

tauk-lo-eion till-ik

say-ACC ear-TR-PFV.PRS.2/3SG time-LOC-TOP God-ACC

aurout-ka ank-imin-e-so

ɡad aŋ-es-in-n-a

alone-ACC think-NEG-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM flesh become-PST2-2/3SG-GEN-PRED

ak-dattou aurout-k-ende sit-NMLZ

adinkan-ɡou-ka ouer-iɡar-es-ik-enkō one-CAUS-PST2-ACC-but

alone-ACC-NEG.CONJ both-PL-ACC

‘When you hear saying “Christ,” do not think of only God or only the economy5 in which he became flesh, but both made as one!’

(628) L 105.4–6 ᫧ ⲉⲓⲕⲁⲣⲓⲅⲣⲁⲗⲟ ⲭⲣⲓⲥⲧⲟⲥⲓ ⲧⲁⲕⲕⲟⲛ[ⲟ] ⲁⲣⲭⲏⲓⲈⲣⲉⲞⲥ ⲁⳟⲁ ⳟⲟⲕ ⲉⲦⲛⲓⲀ ⲙⲉⲛⲟⲛⲁ eikariɡra-lo khristosi-∅ tak-k-ono thus-FOC

ŋok

Christ-NOM

arkhēiereos aŋ-a

3SG-ACC-REFL high.priest

eit-ni-a

become-PRED

men-o-n-a

glory receive-SUBORD.SG-PRED not.be-PST1-2/3SG-PRED ‘Thus Christ did not become high priest to glorify himself.’ (Heb 5:5)

As with verbs, over time the initial ⲁ may have been reduced to ⲓ or dropped altogether, as the following minimal pairs show: (629) P.QI 2 18.iii.12–iv.2 ᫥ ⲧⲓⲕⲕⲚ· ⲅⲉⲛⲁⲗⲟ· ⲏⲛⲛⲁ· ⲕⲟⲗⲇⲉ· ⲙⲓⲧⲚ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩ Ⲁⳟⲁ· ⲏⲣⲕⲁⲇⲉⲣⲕⲉⲗⲗⲟ tikkin ɡen-a-lo

ēn-n-a

kol-de

mit-in

ourou

finally good-PRED-FOC be-PRS.2/3SG-PRED pure-CONJ serpent-GEN king

aŋ-a

ērk-ader-kel-lo

become-PRED lead-NMLZ-CONJ(?)-FOC ‘Finally, well is he who is pure and, becoming king of the serpent, is a leader.’

(630) P.QI 2 13.ii.16–18 ᫥ ⳟⲟⲇⲟⲩ ⲇⲱ ⲇⲟⲩⲗ ⲉⲩⲈⲅⲁⲛ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩ ⳟⲁ ⲇⲁⲟⲩⲣⲁⲗⲱ ⲤⲕⲦⲓ ⳝⲓⲙⲙⲖⲗⲟⲇⲱ⳼ ŋodou dō lord 5

doul-∅

eueɡan

ourou ŋ-a

high exist.PRS.DET-NOM fearsome.ADV king

This is a reference to the Economic Trinity.

become-PRED

270

14. AUXILIARY AND MODAL VERBS

daour-a-lō

iskiti jimmil-lo-dō

great-PRED-FOC earth entire-LOC-SUPE ‘The Lord who is high, fearsomely becomes king and is great over the entire earth.’ (Ps 46:3)

And: (631) P.QI 3 34.i.9–11 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲡⲁⲛⲛⲓ· ⲥⲁⲙⲉⲧ ⲓⳟⲟⲀ· ⲉⲓⲛⲚ· ⲥⲟⳟⲟⳝⲁ ⲙⲟⲩⲛⲙⲟ ⲇⲁⲩⲟⲩⲣⲁ ⲉⲓⲛⲚ· papanni-∅

samet iŋ-o-a

ein-in

soŋoj-a

mounmo

Papanni-NOM samet become-PST1-PRED be-PRS.2/3SG soŋoj-PRED also(?)

dauour-a ein-in great-PRED be-PRS.2/3SG ‘… while Papanni is samet-elect and also(?) great soŋoj, …’

(632) P.QI 3 36.i.6

᫥

ⲇⲁⲣⲙⲉ ⲥⲟⲣⲧⲟ ⲇⲁⲩⲉⲚ ⳟⲁⲗ ⲥⲁⲙⲉⲧ⳿ ⳟⲟ ⲉⲓⲛⲚ

darme sorto dauein

ŋal-∅

samet ŋ-o

ein-in

Darme priest great.GEN son-NOM samet become-PST1 be-PRS.2/3SG ‘ . . . while Darme, the son of the great priest, is samet-elect . . .’

14.1.4. Progressive Auxiliary ⲇⲟⲩⲣ Old Nubian has developed a construction with the auxiliary verb ⲇⲟⲩⲣ ‘to exist’6 that renders a progressive aspect. This construction is uncommon and eventually lost. (633) St 12.3–8 ᫥ ⳝⲘⲙⲖⲀⲅⲟⲩⲈⲥⲚ ⲧⲉⲛ ⲀⲉⲖ ⲟⲩⲁⲧⲧⲟⲗⲟ ⲤⲧⲁⲩⲣⲥⲗⲁⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲡⲓⲥⲧⲉⲩⲟⲗⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲟⲛ ⲧⲁⲩⲰⲗⲟ ⳟⲟⲛⳝⲖ ⲇⲟⲩⲇⲚⲛⲁ· jimmil-a-ɡoue-sin

ten

aeil ouatto-lo istauros-la-ɡille

everyone-PRED-PL.PRED-EMP 3PL.GEN heart whole-LOC cross-DAT-ALL

pisteu-ol-ɡou-l-∅-lon

tauō-lo

ŋonj-il

believe-PST1-PL-DET-NOM-TOP under-LOC stand-PRS

dou-d-in-n-a exist-INTEN-COP-PRS.2/3SG-PRED ‘Everyone who wholeheartedly believed in the cross will stand beneath it.’

6

G. M. Browne (1996c, 52) lists the dictionary entry as ⲇⲟⲩⲗ.

271

14.1. AUXILIARY VERBS

(634) P.QI 1 9.ii.3–5 ᫥ ⲧⲉⲛ ⲁⲣⲙⲤⲕⲇⲉⲛ ⲁⲣⲡⲁⲉⲗⲗⲟⲛ ⲉⲗⲗⲉⲛⲅⲟⲩⲗⲱ ⲕⲤⲕⲖⲗⲉⲗⲟ ⲕⲉⲇⲓⲗ ⲇⲟⲩⲞⲛⲁ· ten

armis-kd-en

arpae-l-∅-lon

ellen-ɡou-lō

kiskillelo

3PL.GEN judge-NMLZ-GEN temple-DET-NOM-TOP eternity-PL-LOC until.LOC

ked-il

dou-on-a

ascend-PRS exist-PST1.2/3SG-PRED ‘The temple of their judgment was ascending up to eternity.’ (Rev 14:11)

(635) P.QI 2 12.ii.13–15 ᫥ Ⲧⲗⲗⲁ ⲁⲛⲛⲁ ⲟⲛ⳿ ⲧⲏⲩⲕⲇⲉⲣⲧⲁ ⲁⲛⲛⲁⲥⲚ ⲧⲁⲇⲇⲱⲗⲟ ⲧⲉⲉⲓⲗ ⲇⲟⲩⲇⲇⲣⲉ⳼ till-a

an-na

on tēukdert-a

an-na-sin

God-PRED 1SG-GEN.PRED and helper.NMLZ-PRED 1SG-GEN.PRED-EMP

tad-dō-lo

teeil

doud-d-r-e

3SG-SUPE-FOC hope.PRS exist-INTEN-PRS-1SG.PRED ‘My God and my helper, I am hoping in him.’ (Ps 90:2)

14.1.5. Copular Auxiliary ⲉ(ⲓ)ⲛ Constructions with the copular auxiliary verb ⲉ(ⲓ)ⲛ ‘to be’ may be encountered in several syntactic environments. A well-attested environment is the clause coordinator -ⲕⲟⲛ (§9.4.4), which always involves an auxiliary verb construction. The same holds for certain plural verbal nouns (§17.2.1). Otherwise, the appearance of this auxiliary verb is less predictable. It seems, however, to be generally an artifice of literary language and hardly ever appears in documentary materials. Besides the above-mentioned contexts, auxiliary verb constructions with ⲉ(ⲓ)ⲛ may appear in the context of additional morphology on the right edge of the verbal complex (§14.1.5.1), in complement clauses (only attested in SC) (§14.1.5.2), conditional clauses (§14.1.5.3), and (rarely) focus constructions (§14.1.5.4). Like the negative auxiliary, the copular auxiliary also developed a suffixed form -ⲉⲛ/ⲓⲛ (§14.1.5.5), which, however, is limited to only a few grammatical contexts. 14.1.5.1. Right-Edge Morphology One context in which we find the copular auxiliary involves the attachment of additional morphology on the right edge of the verbal complex. Consider the following minimal pair: (636) SC 7.2–3 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲗⲟⲛ ⲡⲉⲥⲘⲙ[ⲁ ⲙ]ⲓⳝⲓⲣⲕⲖ ⲇⲓⲁⲣⲕⲁ[ⲗ]ⲟ ⳟⲉⲕⲛⲁⲁ ouel-lon pes-im-m-a one-TOP

mij-ir-k-il-∅

speak-AFF-PRS.3SG-PRED disobey-TR-NMLZ-DET-NOM

272

14. AUXILIARY AND MODAL VERBS

di-ar-ka-lo

ŋek-n-a-a

die-PST1-ACC-FOC produce-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-DD ‘Again he says: “Disobedience produces death.”’

(637) K 24.4–7 ᫥ ⲧⲔⲕⲚⲛⲟⲛ ⲘⳝⲢⲕⲗⲟ ⲡⲁⳝⲁⲛⲁⲥⲱ· ⲘⳝⲢⲕⲖ ⲇⲉⲓⲁⲣⲕⲁ ⳟⲉⲅⲣⲁ Ⲉⲛⲉⲛⲛⲉ ⳝⲟⲩⲛ· tikkin-non mij-ir-k-lo

paj-ana-sō

finally-TOP disobey-TR-NMLZ-LOC cease-IMP.2/3PL.PRED-COMM

mij-ir-k-il-∅

dei-ar-ka

ŋeɡ-r-a

disobey-TR-NMLZ-DET-NOM die-PST1-ACC produce-PRS-PRED

en-en-ne

joun

be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-LE because ‘Finally, cease from disobedience, because disobedience produces death!’

The difference between (636) ⳟⲉⲕⲛⲁ- and (637) ⳟⲉⲅⲣⲁ Ⲉⲛⲉⲛⲛⲉ appears to be the presence of the postposition ⳝⲟⲩⲛ ‘because’. 14.1.5.2. Complement Clauses In SC, we find a copular auxiliary in the complement clause of the verb ⲉⲘⲙⲟ ‘we know’. No other text has shown this particular construction, which may well belong strictly to Early Old Nubian. (638) SC 10.6–8 ᫧ ⲉⲘⲙ[ⲟ] ⲭⲤⲥⲓⲕⲁ ⲁⲙ[ⲁⲛ]ⲅⲟⲩⲇⲇⲱ ⲡⲁⲇ[ⳝⲱ]Ⲁⲣⲁ ⲉⲓⲛⲚ[· ei-m-m-o

kh(risto)ssi-ka aman-ɡou-d-dō

know-AFF-PRS-1PL.PRED Christ-ACC

pad-jō-ar-a

water-PL-DET-SUPE

ein-in

walk(?)-go-PST1-PRED be-PRS.2/3SG ‘We know that Christ walked on the waters.’

(639) SC 10.8–9 ei-m-m-o

᫧

ⲉ]Ⲙⲙⲟ ⲭⲤⲥⲓⲕⲁ ⲇⲓⲁⲣ ⲉⲓⲛⲚ kh(risto)ssi-ka di-ar

know-AFF-PRS-1PL.PRED Christ-ACC

ein-in

die-PST1 be-PRS.2/3SG

‘We know that Christ died.’

14.1.5.3. Conditional Clauses The copular auxiliary appears infrequently in conditional clauses, together with a lexical verb marked with the past tense. In these cases it conveys an irrealis mood:

273

14.1. AUXILIARY VERBS

(640) P.QI 1 4.i.2–3 ⲇⲓⲙⲉⲇⲣⲁⲗⲟ· ŋod-a

᫥

ⳟⲟⲇⲁ ⲉⲓⲣⲓ ⲉⲚⲛⲟ ⲇⲟⲩⲁⲣ ⲉⲛⲕⲁⲛ ⲁⲛ ⲉⳟⳟⲁⲗ

eiri ein-no

Lord-PRED 2SG

eŋŋal-∅

dou-ar

DEM.PROX-LOC

en-ka-n

an

exist-PST1 be-SUBORD-2/3SG 1SG.GEN

di-me-d-r-a-lo

brother-NOM die-NEG-INTEN-PRS-PRED-FOC ‘Lord, if you had been here, my brother would not have died.’ (Jn 11:21)

(641) P.QI 1 4.ii.4–5 ᫥ ⳟⲟⲇⲁ Ⲣ ⲉⲚⲛⲟ ⲇⲟⲩⲀⲣ ⲉⲛⲕⲁ ⲁⲛ ⲉⳟⳟⲁⲗ ⲇⲓⲙⲉⲛⲇⲣⲀⲗⲟ· ŋod-a

ir

Lord-PRED 2SG

ein-no

dou-ar

DEM.PROX-LOC

exist-PST1 be-SUBORD 1SG.GEN brother-NOM

en-ka

an

eŋŋal-∅

di-men-d-ir-a-lo die-NEG-INTEN-PRS-PRED-FOC ‘Lord, if you had been here, my brother would not have died.’ (Jn 11:32)

(642) St 12.9–13.11 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲧⲁⳟⲤⲗⲇⲱ ⲡⲁⳡⳡⲖⲕⲁ ⳝⲚⲅⲢⲉⲛⲕⲁⲛ· ⲙⲉⲛⲉⲛⲟⲛ ⲕⲁⲩⲉⲔⲕⲁ ⲕⲓⲧⲢⲉⲛⲕⲁⲛ ⲧⲁⲛ Ⲟⲣⲱⲥⲉⲛ ϣⲟⲕⲕⲁ ⲡⲉⲓⲀ ⲕⲤⲥⲉⲗⲁ Ⲧⳝⳝⲁⲣ ⲉⲛⲕⲁⲛ ⲧⲔⲕⲚⲛⲟ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲀⲉⲖ ⲟⲩⲁⲧⲧⲟⲗⲟ ⲧⲁⲣⲓⲀⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲡⲤⲉⲩⲀ ⲧⲁⲕⲕⲁ ⲉⲣⲅⲟⲗⲅⲟⲩⲗⲟ ⲕⲓⲉⲛ ⲡⲁⲩⲟⲩ· ⲤⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲚ ⳟⲟⲩⲣⲣⲱ ⲧⲁⲩⲰⲗⲟ ⳟⲟⲩⲉⲖ ⲇⲟⲩⲇⲇⲚⲛⲀ ⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥⲕⲁ ⲡⲉϣϣⲁ ⲡⲁⳝⲉⲣⲓ ⲡⲁⲟⲩ· tan

taŋis-l-dō

paññ-il-ka

jin-ɡir-en-ka-n

3SG.GEN name-LOC-SUPE hungry-PRS-ACC fill-CAUS-COP-SUBORD-2/3SG

menenon kauei-ka

kit-ir-en-ka-n

tan

orōse-n

or

naked-ACC garment-TR-COP-SUBORD-2/3SG 3SG.GEN praise-GEN

šok-ka

pei-a

kisse-la

tij-j-ar

en-ka-n

book-ACC write-PRED church-DAT give>2/3-PLACT-PST1 be-SUBORD-2/3SG

tikkin-no

tan

aeil ouatto-lo tari-a-ɡille pisteu-a

tak-ka

finally-LOC 3SG.GEN heart whole-LOC 3SG-DAT-ALL believe-PRED 3SG-ACC

erɡ-ol-ɡou-lo

ki-en

pauou istauros-in ŋour-rō

follow-PST1-PL-LOC come-PFV.PRS.2/3SG until

tauō-lo

ŋou-eil-∅

doud-d-in-n-a

cross-GEN

shadow-LOC

kosmos-ka

under-FOC rest-PRS.DET-NOM exist-INTEN-COP-PRS.2/3SG-PRED world-ACC

pešš-a

paj-er-i

paou

judge-PRED cease-PFV.PRS-1SG until ‘If he feeds the hungry in its name or clothes the naked, if he would write books of its praise and give them to the church, until he comes to those who however have followed it, believing in it with whole his heart, he will be able to rest under the shadow of the cross, until I finish judging the world.’

274

14. AUXILIARY AND MODAL VERBS

14.1.5.4. Focus Marking The auxiliary construction with ⲉⲓⲛ also appears in order to focus-mark the lexical verb: (643) M 1.11–2.2 ᫥ ⲉⲓⳡⲦⲧⲟⲩ ⳟⲟⲩⲕⲧⲗⲱ ⲇⲓⲉⲓⲕⲟⲛ ⲕⲟⲀⲗⲟ Ⲉⲛⲟⲛⲁ· ⲥⲉⲩⲁⲧⲧⲕⲟⲛ ⲕⲟⲛⲙⲉⲛⲛⲁⲗⲱ· eiñittou ŋoukt-lō

diei-k-on

ko-a-lo

abundance.NMLZ-LOC be.many-ACC-TOP have-PRED-FOC

wealth

en-on-a

seu-att-k-on

kon-men-n-a-lō

be-PST1.2/3SG-PRED inherit-NMLZ-ACC-TOP have-NEG-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-FOC ‘In abundant wealth she possessed much, but she had no heir.’

(644) Kanarti i.9 ᫥ ⲁⲓⲟⲩ· ⲥⲟⲅⲅⲁⲗⲟ· ⲉⲓⲛⲛⲉ· aiou soɡɡ-a-lo 1SG

ein-n-e

take.up-PRED-FOC be-PRS-1SG.PRED

‘I take it up.’

14.1.5.5. Remainders of a Copular Suffix -ⲉⲛ/ⲓⲛ Unlike the negative auxiliary ⲙⲉⲛ/ⲙⲓⲛ (§14.1.2), the copular auxiliary never transformed into a productive suffix, perhaps because unlike the negative, it contributes no additional meaning to the verbal complex. However, it appears that such a suffix -ⲉⲛ/ⲓⲛ did develop at some point,7 and was used in certain specific grammatical contexts, such as in verb forms with the subordinate suffix -ⲕⲟ/ⲕⲁ (§8.2.3): (645) M 3.1–9 ᫥ ⲀⲗⲉⲥⲚ ⳟⲤⲥⲟⲩ ⲙⲏⲛⲁⲛ ⲧⲖⲗⲖ ⲁⲛ ⲇⲟⲩⲧⲣⲁⲡⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲁ ⲟⲩⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲉⲥ⳿ ⲉⲖⲉⲛⲕⲟⲛⲛⲟ· Ⲁⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲕⲟⲩⲙⲡⲟⲩ ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲕⲁⲛⲧⲉⲗⲟ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲟⲩⲥⲚⲕⲁⲗⲟ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲕⲤⲥⲉⲗⲁ ⲟⲩⲧⲟⲩⲇⲇⲣⲉ· alesin ŋissou mēna-n if

holy

till-il-∅

an

doutrap-iɡou-la

Mina-GEN God-DET-NOM 1SG.GEN fowl-PL-DAT

ouek-ka ounn-e-s

eil-en-ko-n-no

aei-∅-on

one-ACC bear-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM say-COP-SUBORD-2/3SG-LOC 1SG-NOM-TOP

koumpou touskante-lo ounn-ous-in-ka-lo egg

first-LOC

tan

kisse-la

bear-PST2-2/3SG-ACC-FOC 3SG.GEN church-DAT

7 G. M. Browne (1982d, §29) describes some of these verb forms as being based on the ‘expanded infinitive’ or ‘expanded verbid’ (cf. G. M. Browne 2002c, §3.9.9). As most of these ‘expanded verbids’ should actually be analyzed as bare temporal clauses (§8.1.1), this explanation should be discarded.

275

14.1. AUXILIARY VERBS

outoud-d-(i)r-e place-INTEN-PRS-1SG.PRED ‘If the God of Saint Mina says “give birth!” to one of my fowls, I will place the egg it has laid first in his church.’

(646) P.QI 3 33.9–10 ᫥ ⲧⲟⲧⲕⲁ ⲕⲟⲩⲥⲉⲛⲕⲁⲛⲛⲟⲛ ⲉⲚ ⲧⲖⲗⲚ ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲓⲗⲟ ⲉⲚⲕⲁ ⲥⲟⲅⲅⲁⲅⲉⲣⲉ· tot-ka

kous-en-ka-n-non

son-ACC loosen-COP-SUBORD-2/3SG-TOP

ein

till-in

DEM.PROX

God-GEN cause-LOC

ein-ka

soɡɡ-aɡere

DEM.PROX-ACC

take.up-CAUS.PRS.1SG.PRED

jouri-o

‘If he releases his son, by this God I will make him take up this one.’

The copular suffix also appears in a few examples following the intentional suffix (§11.1.5). Its function is unclear. (647) L 109.8–11 ᫧ ⲧⲉⲛ [ⳝ]ⲟⲩⲣⲓⲀⲙⲟⲛ ⲁⲓ ⲁⲓⲕⲟⲛⲟ ⳟⲤⲥ ⲁⳟⲣⲉⲥⲱ[⳹ ⲧⲉⲕ]ⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗ Ⲁⲗⲉⲗⲟ ⳟⲤⲥ ⲁⳟⲁⲣⲉⲓⲛⲖ [ⲇⲟ]ⲩ[ⲕⲕ]ⲟⲁⲛⲛⲟⲀ[⳹ ten

jouri-a-mon

ai

ai-k-ono

ŋiss

3PL.GEN cause-DAT-CONJ 1SG 1SG-ACC-REFL holy

aŋ-r-e-sō

tek-ketal ale-lo

become-PRS-1SG.PRED-COMM 3PL-also

aŋ-ar-ein-il

ŋiss

true-LOC holy

douk-ko-n-no-a

become-INTEN-COP-PRS exist-SUBORD-2/3SG-LOC-PRED ‘And because of them I hallow myself, so that they are also being hallowed in truth!’ (Jn 17:19)

(648) L 109.19(?)–110.4 ᫡ ⲧⲓⳝⳝⲓⲥⲉ⳹ ⲟⲩⲉⲣ ⲉⲓⲛⲖ ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲕⲟⲁⲛⲛ[ⲟⲀ⳹ ⲉⲛ]ⲛⲁ ⲟⲩⲉⲣ Ⲉⲛⲉⲛ ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱ⳹ ⲉⲓⲇⲇⲉ [ⲁⲓⲀ ⲁⲓⲟⲛ ⲧ]ⲉⲣⲓⲀ⳹ ⲉⲚⲛⲓ ⲟⲩⲉⲣ ⲉⲓⲛⲛⲓⲗ [ⲕⲓⲣ ⲓⳟⲁⲣⲉⲓⲛ]ⲓⲗ ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲕⲟⲛⲛⲟⲀ⳹ tij-j-is-e

ouer ein-il

give>2/3-PLACT-PST2-1SG.PRED one

en-na

ouer en-en

1PL.INCL-GEN one

ai-∅-on

teri-a

kellō

eid-de

ai-a

be-PFV.2/3SG as.LOC 2SG-CONJ 1SG-DAT

en-ni

ouer ein-n-il-∅

1SG-NOM-TOP 3PL-DAT 1SG.INCL-GEN one

iŋ-ar-ein-il-∅

douk-ko-an-no-a

be-PRS exist-SUBORD-3PL-LOC-PRED

kir

be-PRS-DET-NOM come

douk-ko-an-no-a

become-INTEN-COP-PRS-NOM exist-SUBORD-3PL-LOC-PRED ‘… I gave to them, so that they might be one, as we are one, you in me and I in them, so that their being one may be fulfilled.’ (Jn 17:22–23)

276

14. AUXILIARY AND MODAL VERBS

In (647) ⳟⲤⲥ ⲁⳟⲁⲣⲉⲓⲛⲖ translates the Greek participle ἡγιασμένοι, while in (648) the largely reconstructed phrase [ⲕⲓⲣ ⲓⳟⲁⲣⲉⲓⲛ]ⲓⲗ renders τετελειωμένοι. (649) SC 11.2–7 ᫧ ⲧ[ⲁⲣ] ⲡⲉⲥⲁⲣⲁⲥⲚ ⲡⲉⲧⲣⲟⲥⲓⲅⲖⲗⲉ· [ⲉⲓⲣⲟ]ⲩⲙⲏ [ⲡⲉ]ⲧⲣⲟⲥⲓ· ⲉⲚ ⲕⲦⲖⲇⲱⲗⲟ ⲅⲟⲩⳡⲓⲣ[ⲉ] ⲁⲛ ⲕⲤⲥⲉⲕⲁ· Ⲉⲙⲉⲛⲧⲉⲛ ϣⲁ[ⲗ]ⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲟⲩⲛ ⲧⲁⲕ ⲉⲥⲕ[ⲓⲙ]ⲉⲛⲇⲚⲛⲁ[ⲁ]ⲥⲚ· tar-∅

pes-ar-a-sin

petros-iɡille eirou-mē petrosi

3SG-NOM speak-PST1-PRED-EMP Peter-ALL

2SG-JUS.SG Peter.PRED

ein

kit-il-dō-lo

DEM.PROX

rock-DET-SUPE-FOC build-PRS-1SG.PRED 1SG.GEN church-ACC

emente-n

ɡouñ-ir-e

šal-ɡou-l-∅-lon

an

kisse-ka

tak

underworld-GEN door-PL-DET-NOM-TOP 3SG.ACC

esk-imen-d-in-n-an-a-a-sin conquer-NEG-INTEN-COP-PRS-3PL-PRED-DD-EMP ‘He said to Peter: “You, Peter! Upon this rock I build my church. The gates of the underworld will not conquer it.”’

(650) P.QI 1 6.i.1–3 ᫧ ⲙⲁⲥⲥⲁ]ⲛⲁⲥⲚ ⲧⲁⲛⲛⲁ ⲇⲓ[ⲟⲗ]ⲅⲟⲩⲗⲟ ⳟⲓⲇⲉⲛⲉⲛ ⲡⲁ[ⲣⲧⲁ]ⲕⲉⲥⲕⲁ· mas-s-an-a-sin

tan-na

di-ol-ɡou-lo

ignorant-PST2-3PL-PRED-EMP 3SG-GEN die-PST1-PL-LOC

ŋi-d-en-en

par-tak-es-ka

rise-INTEN-COP-PFV.PRS.2/3SG write-PASS-PST2-ACC ‘… they were ignorant that it had been written that he would rise from the dead.’ (Jn 20:9)8

There are a few other confirmed attestations which are neither in a conditional clause or with an intentional suffix: (651) P.QI 1 4.i.20–21 ᫧ [ⲙ]ⲁⲛⲟⲛ ⲟⲩⲗⲅⲣⲉⲛⲥⲚⲛⲟ ⲕⲟⲛⲟ· ⲟⲩⲇⲓⲣⲓⲧⲗⲞ [ⲕ]ⲓ ⲧⲁⲕ ⲉⲣⲅⲖ ⲕⲓⲥⲓⲥⲛⲀ· man-∅-on

oulɡ-r-en-s-in-no

DEM.DIST-NOM-TOP

ear-TR-COP-PST2-2/3SG-LOC after

ki

tak

erɡ-il-∅

kono oudirit-ilo quickness-LOC

kis-is-in-a

come.PRED 3SG.ACC follow-PRS.DET-NOM come-PST2-2/3SG-PRED ‘After that one heard, she quickly came and went following her.’ (Jn 11:29)

(652) SC 10.17–20 ᫥ ⲧⲖⲗⲓⲕⲁⲇⲉⲇⲱⲛ ⲇⲉⲣⲟⲛⲁ· ⲉⲦⲕⲗⲟⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲡⲁⳝⲓⲙⲙⲚⲛⲁⲗⲟ· ⲉⲚⲛⲟ ⲙⲁⲗⲟ ⲀⲇⲚⲕⲁⲛⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲟⲛ ⲟⲩⲈⲣⲓⳟⲁ ⲡⲉⲥⲧⲁⲕⲚⲛⲁⲛⲁ· 8 In this example, the suffix appears in the context of the otherwise untranslated Greek verb δεῖ ‘it is necessary’. This meaning can, however, not be applied to the other instances of the same suffix.

277

14.2. MODAL VERBS

till-ikad-e-dōn

der-on-a

eit-k-lo-eion

God-NMLZ-NMLZ-SUBE apply-PST1.2/3SG-PRED man-NMLZ-LOC-TOP

paj-im-min-n-a-lo

ein-no

malo

divide-TR-NEG-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-FOC

DEM.PROX-LOC

according.to

adinkan-ɡou-l-∅-lon ouer iŋ-a both-PL-DET-NOM-TOP

one

pes-tak-in-n-an-a

become-PRED speak-PASS-COP-PRS-3PL-PRED

‘He pertained to (vel sim.) divinity. From humanity he is not divided. According to this both are said to become one.’

(653) P.QI 1 9.ii.8–11 ᫥ ⲉⲛⲛⲟⲗⲟ· ⲇⲟⲩⲛⲛⲁⲛⲁ ⳟⲤⲥⲓⲅⲟⲩⲛⲁ ⲀⲉⲥⲕⲓⲧⲖ· ⲧⲖⲗⲚ ⲧⲉⲇⲕⲟⲛ ⲉⲆⳡⲟⲗⲅⲟⲩⲛⲖ· ⲟⲛ ⲓⲎⲥⲟⲩⲥⲚ ⲡⲤⲧⲉⲩⲉⲦⲕⲁ· en-no-lo

doun-n-an-a

DEM.PROX-LOC-FOC

exist.COP-PRS-3PL-PRED holy-PL-GEN

aeskit-il-∅

till-in

ŋiss-iɡou-na ted-k-on

edñ-ol-ɡou-n-il-∅

patience.NMLZ-DET-NOM God-GEN law-ACC-CONJ keep-PST1-PL-GEN-DET-NOM

on iēsous-in pisteue-it-ka and Jesus-GEN believe-NMLZ-ACC ‘Here are the patience of the holy ones and that of those who have kept the law of God and the faith of Jesus.’ (Rev 14:12)

14.2. Modal Verbs Old Nubian has a small set of modal verbs, which either take an infinitive verb ending in -ⲓ, or a complement clause (§8.5). The following modal verbs have been attested: (654) MODAL VERBS • • • •

ⲉⲓⲣ ‘can’ (§14.2.1); ⲇⲟⲗⲗ ‘want’ (§14.2.2); ⲇⲟⲗⲗⲓⲧⲁⲕ ‘need’ (§14.2.3); ⲙⲟ(ⲩ)ⲛ ‘not want’ (§14.2.4).

14.2.1. ⲉⲓⲣ ‘Can’ The modal verb ⲉⲓⲣ ‘can’ takes a verbal complement that is unmarked for tense, aspect, or person, and is directly followed by the accusative -ⲕⲁ (§15.1.3). (655) SC 8.24–9.1 tak-k-on

᫧

ⲧⲁⲕⲕⲟ[ⲛ 10-12] ⲕⲁⲕⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲣⲓⲙⲉⲛⲕⲉⲣⲁⲗⲟ·

… kak-ka

eir-imen-ke-r-a-lo

3SG-ACC-TOP … bear-ACC can-NEG-HAB-PRS-PRED-FOC ‘(Nothing) can bear him.’

278

14. AUXILIARY AND MODAL VERBS

(656) L 105.11–13 ᫧ [Ⲥ]ⲥⲚ ⲧⲁⲛ ⳟⲁⲇⲛⲀ ⲟⲩⲕⲣⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲱ [ⲥⲉⲛⲧ]ⲓⲗⲇⲉ ⲤⲕⲉⲗⲓⲧⲧⲖⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲕⲁ⳹ ⲇⲓⲁⲣⲓⲱ ⲧⲁⲕ[ⲕ]ⲁ ⲁⲩⲟⲩⲗⲞⲥⲔ ⲉⲓⲣⲖⲅⲓⲗⲗⲉ is-∅-sin

tan

DEM.PROX-NOM-EMP

3SG.GEN flesh-GEN day-PL-LOC

iskel-itt-il-dekel-ka

ŋad-ina di-ar-iō

oukir-iɡou-lō sen-t-il-de tak-ka

ask-NMLZ-DET-CONJ

auoul-os-ik eir-il-ɡille

beg-NMLZ-DET-CONJ-ACC die-PST1-LOC 3SG-ACC save-PFV-ACC can-PRS-ALL ‘Who, in the days of his flesh (had offered up) requests and prayers to him who was able to save him from death.’ (Heb 5:7)

Usually, the negation of ⲉⲓⲣ is created with the negative suffix -ⲙⲉⲛ (§12.2.1) followed by the negative suffix -ⲧⲁ (§12.2.2), without tense or person marking: (657) SC 11.7–11 ᫧ ⲉⲓⲅⲁⲣⲓⲀⲉ[ⲓ]ⲟ[ⲛ ⲡ]ⲁⲩⲗⲟⲥⲓ ⲉⲔ[ⲕ]ⲟⲩⲗⲗⲓⳝⲁⲗⲟ ⲡⲉ[ⲥ]ⲥⲛⲁ · ⲟⲩ[ⲉⲗ]ⲉⲛⲇⲉ ⲉⲓⲥ ⲥⲟⲩⲙⲡⲟⲩⲧⲧⲁ ⲟⲩ[ⲥ]ⲕⲢⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲣⲟⲩⲙⲉⲛⲧⲁⲗⲟ· ⲡⲉⲔⲕⲁ ⳟⲟⲕⲁ· ⲉⲓⲥⲥⲚ ⲉⲚⲛⲁⲥⲚ ⲓⲥⲥⲓ ⲭⲥⲥⲓ eiɡar-ia-eion paulosi eik-koull-ij-a-lo such-DAT-TOP

Paul

ouel-∅-ende

eis

pes-s-n-a

instruct-learn-PLACT-PRED-FOC speak-PST2-2/3SG-PRED

soumpout-ta

ouskir-ka

eir-oumen-ta-lo

one-NOM-NEG.CONJ other foundation-ACC place.TR-ACC can-NEG-NEG-FOC

pei-k-ka

ŋok-a

eissin ein-n-a-sin

i(ēsou)ssi

remain-PRS-ACC omit-PRED behold be-PRS.2/3SG-PRED Jesus

kh(risto)ssi Christ ‘That’s why Paul said, teaching them: “And no one can lay another foundation, except the existing one. This really is Jesus Christ.”’ (1 Cor 3:11)

(658) P.QI 1 10.A.i.12–15 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲅⲁⲣⲓⲅⲣⲀⲗⲟ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲉⲛⲇⲉ ⲇⲢⳝⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲣⲓⲙⲉⲛⲧⲁⲗⲟ· ⳟⲤⲥⲉⲅⲟⲩⲈⲥⲚ ⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥⲚ ⲁⲩⲗⲟⲥⲓⳝⲓⲥⲓⲛⲛⲁ ⲇⲢⲧⲓⲕⲁ· eiɡariɡira-lo ouel-∅-ende thus-LOC

dir-j-ika

eir-imen-ta-lo

one-NOM-NEG.CONJ count-PLACT-ACC can-NEG-NEG-FOC

ŋiss-e-ɡoue-sin

aɡɡelos-na aul-os-ij-is-in-na

holy-PL.PRED-PL.PRED-EMP angel-GEN

save-PFV-PLACT-PST2-2/3SG-GEN

dir-t-ika count-NMLZ-ACC ‘Thus no one can count the number of the holy ones whom the angel has saved.’

Frequently, ⲉⲓⲣⲓⲙⲉⲛⲧⲁⲗⲟ is moved to the beginning of the sentence:

279

14.2. MODAL VERBS

(659) L 102.5–6 ᫧ ⲉⲓⲣⲓⲙⲉⲛⲧⲁⲗⲟ ⲇⲓⲡⲡⲟⲩ ⲕⲟⲩⲗⲓ[ⲇ]ⲇⲱ ⳟⲟⲛ ⲓⲗ ⲏⲩⲅⲓⲣⲧⲁⲕⲕⲁ⳹ eir-imen-ta-lo

dippou koul-id-dō

can-NEG-NEG-FOC city

ŋonj-il-∅

mountain-DET-SUPE stand-PRS.DET-NOM

ēu-ɡir-tak-ka forget-CAUS-PASS-ACC ‘A city standing on a mountain cannot be hidden.’ (Mt 5:14)

(660) P.QI 1 4.ii.13–15 ᫥ Ⲣⲙⲉⲛⲧⲁ· ⲉⲚ ⲇⲟⲩⳟⲚ ⲙⲁⳡⲁⲛ ⲧⲣⲓⲕⲁ· ⲡⲔⲕⲓⲅⲁⲣⲟⲗ ⲉⲚⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗ ⲇⲓⲙⲓⲛⲛⲁ ⲅⲁⲣⲓⲕⲁ⳺ ir-men-ta

ein

douŋ-in

can-NEG-NEG

DEM.PROX

blind-GEN eye-DU

mañ-an tri-ka pair-ACC

pikk-iɡar-ol-∅

ein-ketal

di-min-n-a

awaken-CAUS-PST1.DET-NOM

DEM.PROX-also

die-NEG-PRS-PRED cause-ACC

ɡar-ika

‘Can the one who opened the eyes of this blind man not also cause this one not to die?’ (Jn 11:37)

14.2.2. ⲇⲟⲗⲗ ‘Want’ The modal verb ⲇⲟⲗⲗ ‘to want’ either takes an infinitive in -ⲓ or a complement clause marked by the accusative -ⲕⲁ (§15.1.3). When the subject of the complement clause is coreferential with the subject of the main clause, we may find an infinitive: (661) SC 3.3–5 ᫧ ⲥⲉⲩⲁⲣ]ⲧⲟⲩⲕⲟⲛⲕⲚ ⲙⲁⲕϣⲉⲕ [ⲉⲗⲏ ⲟⲩⲕ(ⲕⲁ)] ⲟⲩⲥⲕⲣⲁ ⲧⲓⳝⳝⲓ ⲇⲟⲗⲗⲓⲣⲉ[· seuartou-konk-in makše-k elē

ouk(-ka) ousk-r-a

spirit-NMLZ-GEN

table-ACC today 2PL-ACC

tij-j-i

doll-ir-e

place-TR-PRED

give>2/3-PLACT-INF want-PRS-1SG.PRED ‘I want to put before you today a spiritual table.’

(662) SE A.i.11–13 ⲅⲁⲥⲥⲉⲥⲚ· eihi

oun

᫥

ⲉⲓϩⲓ ⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲓⲀⲣⲓ ⲇⲟⲗⲗⲓⲥⲖⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲕⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲀⲣⲖ

ei-ar-i

doll-isil-ka

ouk-ka ei-ar-il

behold 2PL.GEN know-TR-INF want-PST2-ACC 2PL-ACC know-TR-PRS

ɡas-s-e-sin cause-PST2-1SG.PRED-EMP ‘Behold, I have informed you about what you wanted to know.’

280

14. AUXILIARY AND MODAL VERBS

(663) St 18.6–12 ᫦ ⲟⲛⲧⲁⲕⲣⲀⲅⲟⲩⲈⲕⲉ ⲁⲗⲉⲥⲚ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩ Ⲥⲧ[ⲁ]ⲩⲣⲟⲥⲚ ⲧⲱⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲉ[ⲓ]Ⲁⲣⲓ ⲇⲟⲗⲗⲉⲛⲛⲟ[ⲛ] ⲟⲩⲗⲅⲚⲛⲁⲥⲱ· ⲧⲁⲛ ⲧⲱⲉⲕⲕⲁ· on-tak-ir-a-ɡoue-ke

alesin ourou istauros-in tōek-ka

love-PASS-PRS-PRED-PL.PRED-2PL if

ei-ar-i

2PL

doll-en-non

cross-GEN

power-ACC

oulɡ-in-na-sō

tan

know-TR-INF want-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-TOP ear-TR-IMP.2/3PL.PRED-COMM 3SG.GEN

tōek-ka power-ACC ‘Beloved, if you want to know the power of the cross, hear its power!’

The infinitive -ⲓ may be dropped: (664) SC 7.10–12 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲁⲣⲧⲓⲅⲟⲩⲛⲁ ⲡⲁⲗⲕⲦⲗⲁⲅⲖⲗⲉⲥⲚ ⲥⲁⲗⲕⲁ ⲡⲉⲥⲁ ⲟⲩⲧⲢ ⲇⲟⲗⲗⲓⲣⲉⲥⲚ ⲉⲓⲥⲓⲫⲫⲟⲩ ⲧⲖⲗⲖⲀ· ei-ar-t-iɡou-na

pal-kit-la-ɡille-sin

sal-ka

pes-a

know-TR-NMLZ-PL-GEN wide-NMLZ-DAT-ALL-EMP word-ACC speak-PRED

outir doll-ir-e-sin

eis-iphphou till-il-a

place want-PRS-1SG.PRED-EMP

WH-INT

God-DET-DD

‘Towards the sea of thoughts, I want to propose a discourse about what the **** is God.’

(665) K 26.5–8 ᫥ ⲁⲗⲉⲥⲓⲛ ⲕⲟⲣⲉ ⲉⲦ ⲇⲟⲗⲗⲉⲛⲛⲟⲛ ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲕⲁⲛⲧⲉⲗⲟ ⳝⲱⲣⲁ ⲕⲉⲓ ⲅⲉⲛⲏⲛ ⲕⲉ⟦Ⲁ⟧ⲥⲟ· alesin kore if

eit

doll-en-non

touskante-lo jōr-a

sacrament take want-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-TOP first-LOC

kei

ɡen-ēn

go-PRED

ke-so

come-INF(?) good-PRS.2/3SG come.IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM ‘If you want to take the sacrament, then first proceed and come as it is good to come!’

(666) SC 3.22–24 ᫡ ⲉ]ⲓⲁⲣⲧⲟⲩ ⲉⲖⲗⲟⲛⲓⲗⲁⲥⲚ [ⲥⲁⲗⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲕ]ⲕ[ⲁ ⲡⲉⲥ]ⲁ ⲟⲩⲧⲢ ⲇⲟⲗⲗ[ⲓⲣⲉ ei-ar-tou

eillon-ila-sin

sal-ka

ouk-ka pes-a

out-ir

know-TR-NMLZ eagerly(?)-DAT-EMP word-ACC 2PL-ACC speak-PRED lay-TR

doll-ir-e want-PRS-1SG.PRED ‘For in eager(?) knowledge I want to lay out a discourse for you.’

The other option is the use of a complement clause, as with the modal verb ⲉⲓⲣ ‘can’ (§14.2.1). When the subject of the complement clause is coreferential

281

14.2. MODAL VERBS

with the subject in the main clause, the verb in the complement clause appears without tense and person suffixes and is marked with the accusative case -ⲕⲁ (§15.1.3): (667) SC 22.16–18 ᫧ Ⲟⲛ ⲉ[Ⲛ]ⲕⲁⲗⲟ ⲉⲢⲉⲢⲣⲓⳝⲥⲁⲛⲁ· ⲧⲉⲛⲛⲁ ⲁⲣⲙⲤⲕⲓⲇⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲟⲥⲧⲟⲕⲕⲁ ⲇⲟⲗⲗⲁ on ein-ka-lo

eir∼eir-ij-s-an-a

and

can∼INT-PLACT-PST2-3PL-PRED 3PL-GEN

DEM.PROX-ACC-FOC

armisk-idek-ka os-tok-ka

ten-na

doll-a

judge-NMLZ-ACC take.out-leave-ACC want-PRED ‘And they devised(?) these things, wanting to escape their punishment.’

(668) P.QI 2 16.ii.8–iii.8 ᫧ ⲡⲉⲥⲓⲕⲁ ⲇⲟⲗⲗⲉⲛⲛⲱ ⲧⲉⲛⲛⲁ ⳟⲟⲕⲓⲇⲉ ⲟⲛ ⲧ[ⲉⲛⲛⲁ] Ⲉⳟⲟⲕⲕⲓⲛⲁⳣⲉⲇ[ⲉⲕⲉⲗ]ⲕⲁ ⲡⲖⲥⲁⲇⲁⲅⲘⲙ[ⲉ] ⲟⲛ ⲁⲛⲕⲓⲧⲘⲙⲉ ⲁⲛⲛ ⲟⲩⲛⲉ ⲙⲉⲩⲉⲆⲖⲕⲓⲛⲓⲇⲉ ⲟⲛ ⲁⲛ ⲥⲁⲕⲓⲧⲟⲩ ⲉⲓⲉⲕⲟⲕⲓⲛⲁ ⲧⲁⲇⲓⲁ ⲇⲁⲙⲉⲛⲉⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲕⲁ: pes-ika

doll-en-nō

ten-na ŋok-ide

on ten-na

speak-ACC want-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-LOC 3PL-GEN glory-CONJ and 3PL-GEN

eŋokkinawe-dekel-ka pil-sad-aɡ-im-m-e honor.NMLZ-CONJ-ACC

on

throw-say-sit-AFF-PRS-1SG.PRED and

ank-it-im-m-e

an-n

oune

meueid il-kini-de

think-NMLZ-AFF-PRS-1SG.PRED 1SG-GEN wisdom poor

on an

sakitou

ei-e-konk-ina

voice-NEG.ADJ-CONJ

tadi-a

and 1SG.GEN council.NMLZ know-NMLZ-NMLZ-GEN 3SG-DAT

da-men-e-dekel-ka exist-NEG-PFV.PRS(?)-CONJ-ACC ‘When I want to speak about their glory and their honor, I mention and recall my wisdom, which is poor and voiceless, and my council, in which there is no knowledge.’

When the subject of the complement clause is not coreferential, we find tense and person marking: (669) St 6.12–7.4 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲗⲗⲘⲙⲟ ⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲀⲣⲖ ⲅⲁⲇⳝⲁⲇⲉⲛⲕⲁ· Ⲥⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲟⲩ ⳟⲟⲕⲕⲟⲛⲁ ⲙⲩⲥⲧⲏⲣⲕⲁ· doll-im-m-o

ou-ka

ei-ar-il

want-AFF-PRS-1/2PL.PRED 1PL.EXCL-ACC know-TR-PRS

ɡad-j-ad-en-ka

istaurosou ŋok-ko-na

cause-PLACT-INTEN-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-ACC cross

mustēr-ka

glory-ADJ-GEN mystery-ACC

‘We want you to inform us about the mystery of the glorious cross.’

282

14. AUXILIARY AND MODAL VERBS

(670) L 110.6–9 ᫡ ⲡⲁⲡⲟ ⲉⲛ ⲁⲓⲕⲁ ⲇⲉⲛⳝⲓⲥⲓⲛⲕⲁ ⲇⲟⲗⲗⲓⲙⲙⲉ ⳹ ⲁⲛ ⲇⲟⲩ[ⲧⲉ]ⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲱ ⲙⲓⲛⲓⲛⲅⲟⲩⲛⲁ ⲁⲓⲇⲁⲗ ⲇⲟ[ⲩⲇⲇⲁ(?)]ⲛⲕⲁ ⳹ pap-o

en

ai-ka

father-VOC

DEM.PROX

2SG-ACC give-PLACT-PST2-2/3SG-ACC

doll-im-m-e

den-j-is-in-ka

an

doute-ɡou-l-lō

want-AFF-PRS-1SG.PRED 1SG.GEN place-PL-DET-LOC

ai-dal

min-in-ɡou-na DEM.DIST-PL-PL-GEN

doud-d-an-ka

1SG-COM exist-INTEN-PRS.3PL-ACC ‘Father, I want that those whom you have given me will be in my places.’ (Jn 17:24)

14.2.3. ⲇⲟⲗⲗⲓⲧⲁⲕ ‘Need’ Followed by the passive suffix -ⲧⲁⲕ (§13.2.3), the modal verb ⲇⲟⲗⲗ means ‘to need’. There are only two attestations of this particular usage in the Old Nubian corpus, and in both cases the complement is marked with the focus marker -ⲗⲟ (§5.2). In one example, the ⲇⲟⲗⲗⲓⲧⲁⲕ is preceded by an infinitive, just like ⲇⲟⲗⲗ: (671) SC 9.6–9 ᫡ [ⲉⲓ]ⲕⲁⲣⲓ Ⲉⲛⲉⲛ ⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗ[ⲟ Ⲉ]ⲛⲛⲁ ⲧⲉⲉⲦⲕⲁ ⲕⲟⲛⳝⲓⲗⲅⲟⲩⲗⲱ ⲧⳝⲱ ⲧⲖⲗⲚ [3-4]ⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲀⲣⲓⲗⲟ ⲇⲟⲗⲗⲓⲧ[ⲁ]ⲕⲣⲁ· eikari en-en such

ket-a-lo

en-n-a

teeit-ka

be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG way-PRED-FOC be-PRS.2/3SG-PRED hope-ACC

kon-j-il-ɡou-lō

tjō till-in

…-ka ei-ar-i-lo

have-PLACT-PRS-PL-LOC by God-GEN …-ACC know-TR-INF-FOC

doll-itak-r-a want-PASS-PRS-PRED ‘If he is such, he is like that. For those who have hope, they need to understand the (…) of God.’

In the second, the verb in the complement clause is more complex, containing tense and person marking: (672) SC 14.11–15 ᫡ ⲀⲗⲉⲥⲚ Ⲥⲧⲁ[ⲩ]ⲣⲟⲥⲚ ⲧⲱⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲀⲣⲓ ⲇⲟⲗⲗⲉⲛⲛⲟⲛ ⲀⲉⲥⲕⲦⲗⲟⲇⲁⲗ Ⲥⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲛⲁ ⳟⲟⲕⲚ ⲟⲣⲱⲥⲉⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲗⲅⲆⲇⲉⲣⲟⲩⲗⲗⲱ ⲇⲟⲗⲗⲓⲧⲁⲕⲣ[ⲁ]· alesin istauros-in tōek-ka if

cross-GEN

aesk-it-lo-dal

ei-ar-i

doll-en-non

power-ACC know-TR-INF want-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-TOP

istauros-na ŋok-in

patient-NMLZ-LOC-COM cross-GEN

orōse-ka

glory-GEN praise-ACC

283

14.2. MODAL VERBS

oulɡ-id-d-er-ou-l-lō

doll-itak-r-a

ear-TR-INTEN-PFV.PRS-1/2PL(?)-DET(?)-FOC want-PASS-PRS-PRED ‘If you want to know the power of the cross, you will need to listen to the praise of the glory of the cross with patience.’

The same verb also been attested in an onomastic context: P.QI 3 32.18 ⲇⲟⲗⲗⲓⲧⲁⲕⲖ, lit. ‘the needed one’.

᫥

14.2.4. ⲙⲟ(ⲩ)ⲛ ‘Not Want’ The modal verb ⲙⲟ(ⲩ)ⲛ ‘to not want’ is the negative counterpart of ⲇⲟⲗⲗ ‘to want’, but as such has only been attested in documentary texts. Perhaps this modal verb is a development of Late Old Nubian. The contrast between ⲇⲟⲗⲗ and ⲙⲟ(ⲩ)ⲛ is clear from the following example, where they are used as independent verbs. (673) P.QI 3 49.ii.2–3 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲗⲗⲉⲛ ⲁⲓⲕⲁ ⲟⲗⲉⲥⲉ ⲙⲟⲛⲉⲛⲛⲟⲛ ϣⲁⲣⲓⲟ ⲀⲕⲖⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ Ⲟⲁⳝⳝⲉⲥⲉⲥⲱ doll-en

ai-ka

ol-es-e

want-PFV.2/3SG 1SG-ACC draw.water-take(?)-IMP.2/3SG.PRED

mon-en-non

šar-io

ak-il-ɡou-ka

not.want-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-TOP outside-LOC sit-PRS-PL-ACC

oajj-es-e-so fluid.INT(?)-take(?)-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM ‘When you want, draw some water for me. When you do not, have those who remain outside draw(?) it!’

Like ⲇⲟⲗⲗ, ⲙⲟ(ⲩ)ⲛ can take an infinitival complement: (674) P.QI 3 48.3–4 ᫥ ⲙⲚⲛⲉ ⳝⲟⲩⲛ ⳟⲉⲉⲓⲕⲁ ⳝⲢⲣⲘ ⲙⲟⲩⲛⲛⲁ ⲉⲔⲕⲁⲗⲉ Ⲁⳣⲓ ⲙⲟⲩⲛⲛⲁ ⲉⲚⲛⲁⲛⲛⲓ min-ne joun

ŋeei-ka

jir-r-im

moun-n-a

what-LE because work-ACC approach-TR-INF not.want-PRS.2/3G-PRED

eik-ka-le

aw-i

moun-n-a

einn-anni

2SG-ACC-LE do-INF not.want-PRS.2/3SG-PRED 2SG.GEN-?? ‘Why don’t you want to take up the work? He doesn’t want to act for you, your man(?).’

Note that in (674) ⳝⲢⲣⲘ ⲙⲟⲩⲛⲛⲁ the modal and lexical verb form a single phonological word with geminated -ⲙⲙ- (§19.7). We also find the same modal verb with a converb:

284

14. AUXILIARY AND MODAL VERBS

(675) P.QI 4 104.re.6–8 ᫦ ⲥⲟⳟⲟⳝⲖ ⳟⲁⲡⲖ ⲓⲃ ⲟⲛ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲓⲧⲖ ⲇⲓⲉⲓ ⳟⲁⲧⲁⲥⲚ ⲟϣϣⲓ ⲧⲁⲕⲁ ⳝⲁⲛⲁ ⲟⲩⲧⲓⲛⲁ ⲟⲛ ⲧⲁⲡⲁⲣⲁ ⲙⲟⲛⲁⲛⲁ soŋoj-il-∅

ŋapil 12 on ounn-it-il

soŋoj-DET-NOM gold

ošši ta-ka

diei ŋ-a-ta-sin

12 and bear-NMLZ-DET many become-PRED-NEG-EMP

jan-a

out-in-a

on

tap-ar-a

slave girl-ACC exchange-PRED put-PRS.2/3SG-PRED and lose-TR-PRED

mon-an-a not.want-PST1.2/3SG-PRED ‘The soŋoj, whose 12 gold also didn’t improve the harvest, sold his slave girl, though he didn’t want to lose her.’

When the subject of the complement clause is different from the subject of the main clause, we may find tense and person marking: (676) P.QI 3 55.ii.1–2 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲣⲣⲉ ⲁⲛⲛⲓⲇⲟ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩⲕⲁ Ⲟⲅⲓⲣⲉⲗⲟ ⲙⲟⲛⲓⲛⲁ parre an-n-ido field

ourou-ka oɡ-ir-e-lo

mon-in-a

1SG-GEN-SUPE king-ACC call-PRS-1SG.PRED-FOC not.want-PRS.2/3SG-PRED

‘He doesn’t want me to call the king to my field.’

15. CASES AND POSTPOSITIONS

Old Nubian is an accusative language, which means that it marks the agent of a transitive and subject of an intransitive verb with the same case, the nominative. The language possesses four structural cases (§15.1), which serve to encode the core arguments in a sentence.1 It also has a number of lexical cases (§15.2) and postpositions (§15.3), which mark adjuncts in the sentence. Some of them are only rarely used. (677) STRUCTURAL CASES Nominative -ᝥ Subject of an intransitive verb; agent of a transitive verb (§15.1.1); Genitive -ⲛ(ⲁ) Subject of an intransitive verb or agent of a transitive verb in subordinate and non-coreferential attributive relative clauses; possessor (§15.1.2); Accusative -ⲕⲁ Patient of a transitive verb; animate recipient of a ditransitive verb; duration (§15.1.3); Dative -ⲗⲁ Inanimate recipient of a ditransitive verb; location; direction; time; partitive (§15.1.4). (678) LEXICAL

CASES

Locative -ⲗⲟ Direction; location; time; partitive (§15.2.1); Allative -ⲅⲖ(ⲗⲉ) Direction (§15.2.2); Superessive -ⲇⲟ Location above; upward direction (§15.2.3); Subessive -ⲇⲟⲛ/ⲇⲱⲛ Location below; downward direction (§15.2.4); Comitative -ⲇⲁⲗ ‘With’ or ‘against’ (§15.2.5); Adessive -ⲇⲉ ‘Adjacent/next to’ (rare) (§15.2.6); -ⲗⲉ Unknown (rare) (§15.2.7); Vocative -ⲟ Addressee (rare) (§15.2.8). 1 Griffith (1913, 74) distinguishes four ‘principal “case endings”’: ‘nominative’ -ⲗ, ‘vocative’ -ⲁ, ‘objective’ -ⲕⲁ, and ‘possessive’ -ⲛ. Zyhlarz (1928, 29–34) doesn’t speak about cases or inflection, but distinguishes different ‘states’, including the ‘subjective’, ‘appositive’, and ‘predicative’, treating the ‘genitive’ and ‘directive’ separately. G. M. Browne (2002c, §3.6) reorganizes Zyhlarz’s scheme, listing the determiner (‘subjective’) -ⲗ, genitive -ⲛ(ⲁ), accusative (‘directive’) -ⲕⲁ, and predicate marker (‘predicative’) -ⲁ all as ‘case inflection’). In his preface to Browne’s Introduction to Old Nubian, Hintze already rejected both the term ‘inflection’ and the lumping together of different categories of morphemes (G. M. Browne 1989a, v–vi). However, his counterproposal was to return to Zyhlarz’s system of ‘states’. Our proposal brings the Old Nubian case system in line with the system attested in other Nile Nubian languages.

286

15. CASES AND POSTPOSITIONS

Old Nubian case markers attach to the right edge of the noun phrase, which means that the language does not have case agreement within the noun phrase such as is common in Indo-European languages. At the right edge of the noun phrase, case markers appear after plural markers (§16.5) but before topic and focus markers (§5). (679) K 21.4–15 ᫥ ⲁⲗⲉⲥⲓⲛ ⲉⲓⲧⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲉⲗ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲁⲉⲖⲗⲟ ⲕⲉⲗⲕⲚⲛⲁⲛⲉⲛ ⲡⲣⲟⲥⲕⲟⲕⲕⲟⲛ ⲕⲤⲥⲉⲗⲁ ⲕⲉⲛⲇⲟⲩⲕⲉⲛ· ⲟⲣⲡⲁ ⲉⲛⲕⲁⲛ· ⲉⲖⲗⲉ ⲉⲛⲕⲁⲛ ⲡⲁⲣⲣⲉⲛ ⲕⲟⳝⲣⲁ ⲉⲛⲕⲁⲛ ⲡⲢⲅⲛⲉ ⲇⲉⲥⲥⲓⲗⲟ ⲕⲤⲕⲖⲗⲟⲕⲁ ⲧⲁⲣⲟⲩ ⳟⲟⲇⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲁⲉⲖⲗⲟ ⲕⲟⲩⲣⲁⲗⲟ ⲉⲧⲁⲛⲛⲁ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥⲟⲩ ⳟⲤⲥⲓⲗ ⲟⲣⲟ· alesin eitou ouel-ᝥ if

man

kisse-la

tan

aeil-lo

kelkinnane-n proskok-k-on

one-NOM 3SG.GEN heart-LOC perfection-GEN offering-ACC-TOP

ken-douk-en

orp-a

en-ka-n

church-DAT place-offer-PFV.PRS.2/3SG wine-PRED be-SUBORD-2/3SG

eille

en-ka-n

parre-n kojr-a

en-ka-n

wheat.PRED be-SUBORD-2/3SG field-GEN seed-PRED be-SUBORD-2/3SG

pirɡne dess-ilo

kiskillo-ka

tarou ŋod-il-ᝥ-lon

incense green-LOC until.LOC-ACC 3SG

aeil-lo

kour-a-lo

et-an-n-a

tan

lord-DET-NOM-TOP 3SG.GEN

tan

heart-LOC rejoice-PRED-LOC receive-INTEN-PRS.2/3SG-PRED 3SG.GEN

aɡɡelosou ŋiss-il angel

oro

holy-DET upstream

‘If a man presents to the church an offering of perfection from his heart, be it wine or wheat or seed of the field or even green incense, then the Lord himself will joyfully receive it in his heart in front of his holy angel.’

Traditionally, the predicate marker -ⲁ has been treated as a case marker (G. M. Browne 2002c, §3.6.4). Even though this morpheme occurs on noun phrases in the context of universal quantifiers (§16.5.1) and nominal predicates (§7.1), its morphological behavior is different from case markers in that it is distributed across the noun and verb phrase it marks. 15.1. Structural Cases Structural cases mark the core arguments of a clause: the subject, direct object, and indirect object. 15.1.1. Nominative -ᝥ The nominative is expressed by a zero morpheme -ᝥ. The nominative case marks the subject of both main and subordinate clauses. An exception is the subject of a non-coreferential attributive relative clause, which is marked with

287

15.1. STRUCTURAL CASES

the genitive (§15.1.2.3.1). Unlike languages such as Greek, nominal predicates in main clauses are not marked with the nominative; they are marked by the predicate marker -ⲁ (§7.1). In subordinate clauses, however, we do find nominal predicates marked with a nominative. There are two attestations of a nominative personal pronoun used instead of a genitive. It is unclear whether we are in both cases dealing with a scribal error or an otherwise unattested use of the nominative: (680) P.QI 2 15.ii.9–12 ᫥ ⲉⲓϩⲓ ⲕⲁⲇⲇⲘⲙⲁ ⳟⲟⲇⲖ⳿· ⲧⲁⲣ⳿ ⳟⲤⲥⲓ ⲧⲓⲧⲟⲩⲟⲩⲣⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲟ ⳝⲓⲙⲙⲖⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇⲁⲗ Ⲁ[ⲙⲤ]ⲕ ⲁⲩⲁⲛⲓⲀ· eihi

kad-d-im-m-a

ŋod-il-ᝥ

tar-ᝥ

ŋissi

behold come-INTEN-AFF-PRS.3SG-PRED Lord-DET-NOM 3SG-NOM holy

titouou-ri-ɡou-l-lo

jimmil-ɡou-l-dal

amis-k

myriad-PL-PL-DET-LOC everyone-PL-DET-COM judgment-ACC

au-ani-a do-SUBORD.SG-PRED ‘Behold, the Lord will come with his holy myriads to pass judgment on everyone.’ (Jd 14–15)

(681) WN 8–9 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲣ ⲙⲉⲇⳝⲟⲩ ⲅⲉⲱⲣⲅⲓ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩⲉⲓⲛ ⲀⲉⲖⲕⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲗⲗⲁⲅⲣⲈⲥⲱ· Ⲟⲣⲱⲥⲉ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲇⲉ Ⲟⳟⲟⲕⲕⲛⲁⲩⲉⲗⲇⲉ ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱ eir-ᝥ

medjou ɡeōrɡi ourou-ein aeil-ka

2SG-NOM servant

George king-GEN

doull-aɡir-e-sō

heart-ACC

orōse

miššan-de o(n)

exist-CAUS-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM praise.PRED all-CONJ

and

ŋokk-naue-l-dekel-lō glory-NMLZ-DET-CONJ-LOC ‘Cause the soul of your servant King George to exist in all praise and honor!’

Nobiin has an innovative nominative marker ii,2 which most likely developed from the Old Nubian epenthetic vowel -ⲓ (§19.5) after the partial disappearance of the determiner -ⲗ (§16.1). This process is already visible in Late Old Nubian documentary texts: (682) P.QI 4 95.re.2 ᫥ ⲧⲖⲗⲓ ⲉⲚ ⳝⲉⲙⲓⲗⲓⲕⲁ ⲇⲓⲉⲓⲅⲣⲁⲙⲏ tilli-ᝥ

ein

jem-ili-ka

diei-ɡr-a-mē

God-NOM 2SG.GEN year-PL-ACC be.many-CAUS-PRED-JUS.SG ‘May God cause your years to be many!’ 2 Neither Werner (1987, 97) nor Bechhaus-Gerst (2011, 32) mention this nominative case, which however is frequently present in the examples given in Awad (2014), who is a native speaker.

288

15. CASES AND POSTPOSITIONS

The form ⲧⲖⲗⲓ derives from ⲧⲖⲗⲖ with loss of the final determiner. In the next stage, the epenthetic vowel on ⲧⲖⲗ-ⲓ is reinterpreted as nominative. 15.1.1.1. Subject The nominative marks the subject of a verbal predicate in a main clause: (683) St 5.7–9

᫥

ⲁⳡⳝⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⲟⲩⲥⲕⲁ ⲡⲉⲥⲥⲛⲀ·

añj-il-ᝥ-lon

ousk-a

pes-s-in-a

savior-DET-NOM-TOP answer-PRED speak-PST2-2/3SG-PRED ‘The Savior answered and spoke.’

(684) M 10.4–6 ᫥ ⲙⲁⲛ ⲇⲠⲡⲓⲗⲁⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲡⲁⲣⲑⲉⲛⲟⲥⲟⲩ ⳟⲤⲥⲟⲩ ⲙⲁⲣⲓⲁⲛ ⲕⲤⲥⲉⲗⲗⲟ ⳟⲟⲛⳝⲁⲣⲁ· man

dipp-ila-eion

DEM.DIST

village-DAT-TOP virgin

kisse-l-ᝥ-lo

parthenosou ŋissou maria-n holy

Mary-GEN

ŋonj-ar-a

church-DET-NOM-FOC stand-PST1-PRED ‘In that village stood the church of the Holy Virgin Mary.’

(685) P.QI 1 10.A.i.6–8 ᫧ ⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ ⳟⲟⲇⲚ ⲙⲁⲣⲧⲩⲣⲟⲥⲅⲟ[ⲩⲕⲁ] ⲧⲉⲛ ⲙⲁⲧⲧⲗⲀ ⲁⲩⲗⲟⲥⲓⳝⲟⲗ· ⲧⲁ[ⲣⲟⲩ] ⲡⲉⲧⲣⲞⲥⲓⲇⲁⲗ ⲇⲟⲩⲀⲣⲁ· aɡɡelos ŋod-in angel

marturos-ɡou-ka ten

Lord-GEN martyr-PL-ACC

aul-os-ij-ol-ᝥ

mat-t-ila

3PL.GEN afflict-NMLZ-DAT

tarou petirosi-dal dou-ar-a

save-PFV-PLACT-PST1.DET-NOM 3SG

Peter-COM

exist-PST1-PRED

‘The angel of the Lord who saved the martyrs from their affliction stayed himself with Peter.’

And in a subordinate clause: (686) K 29.8–12 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲧⲣⲖ ⲁⲗⲗⲓⲗⲟⲩⲓⲁⲕⲁ ⲯⲁⲗⲗⲖⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇⲁⲗ ⲯⲁⲗⲏⲙⲉⲛⲉⲛ ⲧⲖⲗⲟⲩ ⲧⲁⲕⲕⲁ ⲁⲩⲟⲗⲕⲁ Ⲁⲉⲓⲣⲁⲗⲟ· oueltr-il-ᝥ

allilouia-ka psall-il-ɡou-l-dal

any-DET-NOM Alleluia-ACC sing.psalms-PRS-PL-DET-COM

psal-ēmen-en

tillou tak-ka au-ol-ka

sing.psalms-NEG-PFV.PRS.2/3SG God

aeir-a-lo

3SG-ACC do-PST1-ACC insult.PRS-PRED-FOC

‘If anyone does not sing with those who sing Alleluia, he insults the God who made him.’

289

15.1. STRUCTURAL CASES

The nominative also marks the subject of a nominal predicate in a main clause: (687) SC 14.15–16

᫥

ⲤⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲖ ⲭⲣⲓⲥⲧⲓⲀⲛⲟⲥⲅⲟⲩⲛ ⲧⲉⲉⲓⲧⲁⲗⲟ·

istauros-il-ᝥ khristianos-ɡou-n teeit-a-lo cross-DET-NOM Christian-PL-GEN

hope-PRED-FOC

‘The cross is the hope of Christians.’

15.1.2. Genitive -ⲛ(ⲁ) The genitive is marked by the morpheme -ⲛ(ⲁ) and is used for both dependent and headless genitives. It may also mark subjects of non-correlative attributive relative clauses and other types of subordinate clauses. Unlike the accusative case (§15.1.3), the omission of the final -ⲁ of the genitive marker does not to depend on the phonological context. G. M. Browne (2002c, §3.6.2) suggests that the difference between -ⲛⲁ and -ⲛ is semantic in nature, but the evidence remains inconclusive (Hintze 1971, 291–293; Satzinger 2018). Observe the following minimal pair: (688) P.QI 2 18.i.8–9 ᫧ [ⳟ]ⲟⲇⲓⲛⲁ· ⲙⲉⲇⳝⲟⲩⲕⲁⲛⲧⲓⲕ[ⲁ ⲁⲩ]ⲁⲛⲁⲥⲱ· ŋod-ina

medjou-kant-ika au-ana-sō

Lord-GEN servant-NMLZ-ACC do-IMP.2/3PL.PRED-COMM ‘Perform servitude of the Lord!’

(689) P.QI 2 18.ii.2–3 ᫧ [ⳟⲟ]ⲇⲚ· ⲙⲉⲇⳝⲟⲩⲕⲁⲛⲧⲓⲕⲁ [ⲁⲩ]Ⲁⲇⲉⲗ ŋod-in

medjou-kant-ika au-ad-el

Lord-GEN servant-NMLZ-ACC do-INTEN-PFV.PRS.DET ‘About to perform servitude of the Lord …’

Even though (688) [ⳟ]ⲟⲇⲓⲛⲁ and (689) [ⳟⲟ]ⲇⲚ appear in similar contexts, the former shows the full form of the genitive, while the latter has dropped the final -ⲁ. A similar minimal pair can be found with a genitive-marked subject (§15.1.2.3.2): (690) SC 24.2–3 koeir-ro

᫥

ko

ⲕⲟⲉⲢⲣⲟ ⲕⲟ ⲇⲉⲥⲧⲛⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲗⲗ ⲁⳟⲉⲥⲚ ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱ[·] des-t-na

doul-l

aŋ-es-in

kellō

wood-LOC through free-NMLZ-GEN exist-PRS become-PFV.PST2-2/3SG as.LOC ‘As transgression started to exist through the tree, …’

290

15. CASES AND POSTPOSITIONS

(691) SC 19.17–19

᫡

ⲕⲟⲉⲢⲣⲟ ⲕⲟ ⲇⲉⲥⲧ[ⲓ]ⲛ ⲇⲟⲩⲗ ⲁⳟⲉⲥⲚ ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱ·

koeir-ro ko

des-t-in

doul aŋ-es-in

kellō

wood-LOC through free-NMLZ-GEN exist become-PFV.PST2-2/3SG as.LOC ‘As transgression started to exist through the tree, …’

The genitive marker -ⲛ(ⲁ) should furthermore be distinguished from the homophonous sequence GEN-PRED, which appears in vocative contexts or in cases in which a headless genitive (§15.1.2.2) forms a nominal predicate. Vocative contexts: (692) St 4.7–5.1 ᫥ ⳟⲟⲇⲁ ⲧⲖⲗⲁ ⲟⲩⲛⲁ· ⲟⲩⲛ ⲀⲉⲖⲅⲟⲩⲛⲁⲉⲓⲟⲛ Ⲉⲥⲟⲅⲅⲓⲇⲉⲣⲁ· ⲁⲓⲀⲅⲟⲩⲈⲥⲚ ⳟⲁⲡⲉⲗⲟ ⲧⲟⲩⲕⲙⲁ ⲕⲟⲣⲕⲁ ⲈⲧⲟⲗⲅⲟⲩⲛⲀⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲓⲀⲧⲟⲣⲞⲥⲁ· ŋod-a

till-a

ou-n-a

ou-n

aeil-ɡou-na-eion

Lord-PRED God-PRED 1PL.EXCL-GEN-PRED 1PL.EXCL-GEN heart-PL-GEN-TOP

esoɡɡ-ider-a

ai-a-ɡoue-sin

ŋape-lo toukm-a

release-NMLZ-PRED heart-PRED-PL.PRED-EMP sin-LOC

et-ol-ɡou-na-eion

kor-ka

stink-PRED wound-ACC

iatoros-a

receive-PST1-PL-GEN-TOP doctor-PRED ‘Our Lord and God, redeemer of our soul, doctor of the hearts which received a wound, stinking in sin!’

(693) P.QI 2 12.ii.13–14 till-a

᫥

ⲧⲖⲗⲁ ⲁⲛⲛⲁ ⲟⲛ⳿ ⲧⲏⲩⲕⲇⲉⲣⲧⲁ ⲁⲛⲛⲁⲥⲚ

an-n-a

on tēukdert-a

an-n-a-sin

God-PRED 1SG-GEN-PRED and helper.NMLZ-PRED 1SG-GEN-PRED-EMP ‘My God and my helper!’ (Ps 90:2)

(694) P.QI 1 10.C.ii.6–7 ᫡ [ⲡ]Ⲥⲥⲕⲁⲛⲉ ⲙϣϣⲁⲛ ⲉⲚⲛⲁ[ⲗⲟ· Ⲉ·] ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩⲀ ⲧⲖⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲁ ⲉⲚⲟⲕⲣⲀ[ⲗⲟ(?)] piss-kane

miššan-ᝥ ein-n-a-lo

rejoice-NMLZ.PRED all-NOM

ounn-a

einok-ir-a-lo

love-PRED

COMP-PRS-PRED-FOC

e

ourou-a til-ka

2SG-GEN-PRED-FOC oh king-PRED God-ACC

‘All joy is yours, oh most God-loving king!’

Headless genitives as nominal predicates: (695) SC 2.13–15 ᫥ ⳝⲁⲣⲣⲓⲙⲓⲛⲖ ⲡⲉⲥⲁ ⲧⲓⳝⳝⲓⲇⲉ ⲁⲛⲛⲁⲙ· ⲟⲩⲗⲅⲁⲥⲥⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲧⲟⲩⲇⲅⲁⲣⲓⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲁⲗⲱ·

291

15.1. STRUCTURAL CASES

jarr-imin-il

pes-a

tij-j-i-de

an-n-a-m

reluctant-NEG-PRS.DET speak-PRED give>2/3-PLACT-INF-CONJ 1SG-GEN-PRED-AFF

oulɡ-as-s-ouka toud-ɡar-i-eion

oun-n-a-lō

ear-TR-PST2-ACC secure-CAUS-INF-TOP 2PL-GEN-PRED-FOC ‘Whereas it is mine to speak to you without reluctance, it is yours to make the listeners secure.’

(696) L 107.4–6 ᫥ ⲉⲚ ⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥⲗⲞ ⳝⲟⲟⲗ ⲁⲓⲕⲁ ⲇⲉⲛⳝⲓⲥⲓⲛⲅⲟⲩⲗ ⲉⲚⲛⲁⲅⲟⲩⲈⲗⲟ⳹ ein

kosmos-ilo jo-ol

DEM.PROX

world-LOC

ai-ka

go-PST1.DET(?) 1SG-ACC

den-j-is-in-ɡou-l-ᝥ

ein-n-a-ɡoue-lo

give>1-PLACT-PST2-2/3SG-PL-DET-NOM 2SG-GEN-PRED-PL.PRED-FOC ‘Those that you gave me from the world are yours.’ (Jn 17:6)

15.1.2.1. Dependent Genitive A genitive-marked noun phrase is usually related another noun phrase and as such depends on it. The nature of this dependency relation is usually one of possession, but if the noun derives from a verbal root, it may also have a subjective or objective meaning. In general, genitive-marked noun phrases precede the noun phrase they depend on. However, it appears that in certain literary contexts, notably Psalm translations, and probably under influence of developments in the spoken language, genitive-marked noun phrases also started to appear after the nouns they depended on. Possessive use of the genitive: (697) M 5.12–14

᫥

ⳟⲤⲥⲟⲩ ⲙⲏⲛⲁⲛ ⲕⲤⲥⲉⲅⲖⲗⲉⲗⲱ ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲉ·

ŋissou mēna-n holy

kisse-ɡille-lō

jou-r-e

Mina-GEN church-ALL-FOC go-PRS-1SG.PRED

‘I go to the church of Saint Mina.’

(698) K 22.9–13 ᫥ Ⲉⲗⲟⲛ ⲙⲁⲕⲁⲛ Ⲉ ⲉⲓⲧⲁ· ⲧⲖⲗⲚ ⲧⲁⳟⲥⲖⲇⲟ ⲁⲩⲟⲩⳝⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲕⲟⲩⲣⲣⲁⲛⲗⲟ ⲁⲩⲟⲩⳝⲁⲛⲁⲥⲱ· el-on

makan

e eit-a

till-in

taŋs-il-do

now-TOP therefore oh man-PRED God-GEN name-DET-SUPE

auou-j-ou-ka

kourran-lo

auou-j-ana-sō

do-PLACT-PRS.1/2PL-ACC joyfully.ADV-LOC do-PLACT-IMP.2/3PL.PRED-COMM ‘Now, therefore, oh men, do what you do in God’s name joyfully!’

292

15. CASES AND POSTPOSITIONS

In the case of a subjective genitive, the genitive-marked noun can be interpreted as the agent of the action encoded in the noun it depends on: (699) SC 14.15–16

᫥

ⲤⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲖ ⲭⲣⲓⲥⲧⲓⲀⲛⲟⲥⲅⲟⲩⲛ ⲧⲉⲉⲓⲧⲁⲗⲟ·

istauros-il-ᝥ khristianos-ɡou-n teeit-a-lo cross-DET-NOM Christian-PL-GEN

hope-PRED-FOC

‘The cross is the hope of Christians.’

In (699), the ‘Christians’ are the ones who ‘hope’. With an objective genitive, the genitive-marked noun is the patient of the action encoded in the noun it depends on: (700) SC 14.17–18

᫥

ⲤⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲖ ⲁⲟⲩⳟⲦⲧⲣⲓⲅⲟⲩⲛ ⲙⲟⲩⲇⲟⲩⲀⲗⲟ·

istauros-il-ᝥ douŋ-itt-ri-ɡou-n

moudou-a-lo

cross-DET-NOM blind-NMLZ-PL-PL-GEN leader-PRED-FOC ‘The cross is the leader of the blind.’

(701) SC 12.22–13.1 ᫡ ⲉ]ⲛⲛⲁ ⲇⲁⲡⲡⲓⲇⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲇ[ⲟⲗⲗ- 3-4 -ⲁ]ⲡⲡⲁ ⲧ[ⲁ]ⲛ ⲇⲤⲕⲁ [--- -ⲙⲉⲛ]ⲇⲁⲣⲁⲥⲚ· en-na

dappi-dek-ka

doll-…-appa tan

1PL.INCL-GEN perish-NMLZ-ACC want-…-for

dis-ka

3SG.GEN blood-ACC

…-men-d-ar-a-sin …-NEG-INTEN-PST1-PRED-EMP ‘For if he wanted our destruction, he would not have (poured) his blood.’

15.1.2.1.1. Inverted Genitive In all the above examples, the genitive-marked noun precedes the noun it is dependent on. This is the standard syntactical order. However, in certain, supposedly later, texts, we find that genitive-marked pronouns and nouns may also appear following the noun they depend on. This leads to a ‘stacking’ of cases at the right edge of the noun phrase: (702) P.QI 2 13.i.4–5 ⲇⲟⲩⲛⲛⲁ simptou

᫥

ⲥⲘⲡⲧⲟⲩ ⲧⲁⲣⲚⲛⲖ ⳟⲁⳝⳝⲟⲩ ⳟⲤⲥⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲁⲗⲱ

tari-nn-il-ᝥ

ŋajjou

ŋiss-iɡou-la-lō

foundation 3SG-GEN-DET-NOM mountain holy-PL-DAT-FOC

doun-n-a exist-PRS.2/3SG-PRED ‘His foundation is in the holy mountains.’ (Ps 86:1)

293

15.1. STRUCTURAL CASES

The phrase ⲥⲘⲡⲧⲟⲩ ⲧⲁⲣⲚⲛⲖ in (702) would mirror the Greek text found in the bilingual Greek–Old Nubian psalm: οἱ θεμέλιοι αὐτοῦ. ⲧⲁⲣⲚⲛⲖ is based on the long form of the personal pronoun (§10.1.1). In the case of inverted genitive-marked pronouns, we usually find an extended form of the genitive marker, -ⲛⲛ, a form that is still found in present-day Nile Nubian, cf. N. ayiin noog ‘my house’ vs. murt anni ‘my horse’ (Werner 1987, 118–119). (703) P.QI 4 95.re.17–ve.1 ᫥ ⲁⲓⲟⲛ ⲕⲟⲩⲇⲓ ⲉⲚⲛⲓⲅⲟⲩⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲙⲚⲕⲁ ⲁⲩⲉⲓⲥⲉ ai-ᝥ-on

koudi

ein-n-iɡou-ɡille min-ka

1SG-NOM-TOP servant 2SG-GEN-PL-ALL

au-eis-e

what-ACC do-PST2-1SG.PRED

‘What did I do to your slaves?’

(704) M 11.13–14

᫥

ⳟⲟⲇⲟⲩ ⲁⲛⲛⲓⲗⲟⲥⲚ ⲙⲁⲗⲟ ⲧⲟⲣⲣⲁⲥⲓ·

ŋodou an-n-ilo-sin Lord

malo

tor-r-a-si

1SG-GEN-LOC-EMP according.to enter-PRS-PRED-AFF.PST.2SG

‘You entered in accordance with my Lord!’

It appears that these genitives ending in -ⲛⲓ were eventually reinterpreted in Nobiin as a separate suffix -níi, which Werner (1987, 91, 119) defines as meaning ‘belonging to/property of’. In Late Old Nubian texts this reinterpretation has already been attested: (705) P.QI 4 72.re.15–16 ᫥ Ⲟⲗⲓⲑⲓ ⲓⲥⲁⲕⲚ ⳟⲁⲛⲛⲓ ⳟⲁⲡⲖ ⲅ·ⲗⲟ· olithi isak-in ŋan-ni

ŋapil 3-lo

Olithi Isak-GEN son-PROP gold

3-FOC

‘Of the son of Olithi Isak: 3 gold pieces.’

When an inverted genitive-marked personal pronoun does not appear on the right edge of the noun phrase, we find a phonological -ⲟⲩ (§19.2): (706) K 33.11–15 ᫥ ⲁⲩⲧⲁⲕⲕⲟⲛ ⲉⲛⲁⲙⲏ ⲉⲛⲛⲁ ⳟⲟⲇⲟⲩ ⲉⲛⲛⲟⲩ ⲓⲏⲥⲟⲩⲥⲓ ⲭⲣⲓⲥⲧⲟⲥⲓⲞ Ⲧⳝⲟ ⳟⲁⲉⲣⲇⲉ ⲧⲦⲧⲖⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲕⲁ ⲧⲟⲩⲅⲅⲁⲇⲇⲉⲗ· au-tak-k-on

en-a-mē

en-na

ŋodou en-nou

do-PASS-PRS-TOP be-PRED-JUS.SG 1PL.INCL-GEN Lord

iēsousi khristosi-o tijo ŋaer-de Jesus

Christ-LOC

by

1PL.INCL-GEN

tit-t-il-dekel-ka

salvation-CONJ give>2/3-NMLZ-DET-CONJ-ACC

touɡ-ɡad-d-el enter-CAUS-INTEN-PFV.PRS.DET ‘May there be done by our Lord, our Jesus Christ that which will cause salvation and grace to enter!’

294

15. CASES AND POSTPOSITIONS

The complex noun phrase in (706) should be bracketed thus: [ ⲉⲛⲛⲁ [ ⳟⲟⲇⲟⲩ ⲉⲛⲛⲟⲩ [ ⲓⲏⲥⲟⲩⲥⲓ ⲭⲣⲓⲥⲧⲟⲥⲓⲞⲦⳝⲟ ]]], with ⲉⲛⲛⲟⲩ modifying ⳟⲟⲇⲟⲩ and ⲉⲛⲛⲁ the entire complex ⳟⲟⲇⲟⲩ ⲉⲛⲛⲟⲩ ⲓⲏⲥⲟⲩⲥⲓ ⲭⲣⲓⲥⲧⲟⲥⲓⲞⲦⳝⲟ. Although this extended form of the genitive is usually found only on personal pronouns following their heads, we also have one attestation where it precedes it: P.QI 3 36.14 ᫥ ⲁⲛⲛⲟⲩ Ⲁⲛ ⲉⲛⲛⲟⳝⲱⲀ ‘from my mother herself’. Very rarely we also find inverted genitives with nouns: (707) P.QI 2 13.i.11–13 ᫥ ⳟⲟⲟⲕ ⲕⲟⳡⳝⲓⲗⲅⲟⲩⲗ ⲡⲉⲥⲧⲁⲕⳝⲁⲣⲁ ⲉⲓⲣⲚ ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲢⲱ ⲇⲠⲡⲁ⳿ ⲧⲖⲗⲛⲁ ŋook koñ-j-il-ɡou-l-ᝥ

pes-tak-j-ar-a

eiri-n

glory have-PLACT-PRS-PL-DET-NOM speak-PASS-PLACT-PST1-PRED 2SG-GEN

jouri-rō

dipp-a

till-n-a

cause-LOC city-PRED God-GEN-PRED ‘Glorious things were said about you, city of God.’ (Ps 86:3)

In (707), which comes from the same bilingual psalm as (702), the postponed genitive again follows the Greek word order: ἡ πόλις τοῦ θεοῦ. (708) L 113.1–2 ᫧ [ⲟ]ⲩⲛⲛⲟⲩⲧⲁⲕⲟⲛ ⲃⲏⲑⲗⲈⲙⲏ ⲓⲟⲩⲇⲁⲓⲁ[ⲛ]ⲛⲟ⳹ Ⲏⲣⲱⲇⲏ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩⲛⲁ ⲟⲩⲕⲣⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲱ⳹ ounn-outak-o-n

bēthilemē ioudaia-n-no

ērōdē ourou-na

bear-PASS-PST-2/3SG Behtlehem Judaea-GEN-LOC Herod king-GEN

oukr-iɡou-lō day-PL-LOC ‘… when (Jesus) was born in Bethlehem of Judaea, in the days of king Herod, …’ (Mt 2:1)

As in (707), the inverse order of (708) ⲃⲏⲑⲗⲈⲙⲏ ⲓⲟⲩⲇⲁⲓⲁ[ⲛ]ⲛⲟ⳹ is the result of an imitation of the Greek word order ἐν Βηθλέεμ τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας. (709) P.QI 3 36.i.1 ⳟⲤⲥⲚⲛⲟ

᫥

ⲧⲁⳟⲥⲟⲩ ⲡⲁⲡⲚⲛⲟ ⲟⲛ ⳟⲁⲛⲛⲓⲗⲟ ⲟⲛ ⲥⲉⲩⲁⲣⲧⲟⲩ

taŋsou pap-in-no name

on ŋan-n-ilo

on seuartou ŋiss-in-no

father-GEN-LOC and son-GEN-LOC and spirit

holy-GEN-LOC

‘In the name of the Father and Son and Holy Spirit.’

As (709) is the only instance in which the Trinity is invoked using this particular syntax, it may well be that we are here dealing with a literal translation

295

15.1. STRUCTURAL CASES

of the Greek word order of the Trinitarian formula. The standard formulation in Old Nubian texts is P.QI 3 37.1–2 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲡⲖⲇⲉ ⲟⲛ ⳟⲁⲇⲇⲉ ⲥⲉⲩⲁⲣⲧⲟⲩ ⳟⲤⲥⲖⲇⲉⲕⲉⲛ ⲧⲁⳟⲥⲗⲟⳝⲱⲀ. It is not always possible to ascertain that the cause of the inverted genitivemarked noun is a literal translation from Greek, but it might be used to argue for the plausible existence of a Greek Vorlage: (710) St 11.3–10 ᫥ ⲑⲣⲞⲛⲟⲥⲟⲩ ⲅⲟⲕⲚⲇⲱ ⲧⲓⲕⲁ ⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥ ⲟⲩⲁⲧⲧⲟⲕⲁ ⲡⲉϣϣⲁⲇⲉⲣⲓⲗⲟ Ⲥⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲟⲩ ⳟⲟⲕⲕⲟⲗⲗⲟⲛ ⲁⲛ ⲉⲓⲰⲛⲟ ⲉⲓⲱⲗⲟ ⳟⲟⲛⳝⲁⲛⲛⲁ· ⲓⲥⲁⲫⲁⲧⲚ ⲡⲁⲣⲕⲗⲀ thironosou ŋok-in-dō

tik-a

pešš-ad-er-i-lo

whole-ACC

istaurosou ŋok-ko-l-ᝥ-lon

judge-INTEN-PFV.PRS-1SG-LOC cross

eiōno ei-ō-lo right

kosmos ouatto-ka

glory-GEN-SUPE sit-PRED world

throne

an

glory-ADJ-DET-NOM-TOP 1SG.GEN

ŋonj-an-n-a

iōsaphat-in park-ila

hand-LOC-FOC stand-INTEN-PRS.2/3SG-PRED Josaphat-GEN valley-DAT

‘When I, sitting upon the throne of glory, judge the whole world, the glorious cross will stand at my right hand in the valley of Josaphat.’

15.1.2.2. Headless Genitive A headless genitive is a genitive-marked noun phrase that is not syntactically dependent on another noun phrase. It is usually translated with ‘the one(s) of…’, ‘that/those of …’, and so on: (711) P.QI 2 18.iv.2–6 ᫥ ⲅⲉⲛⲕⲦⲕⲁ· ⲟⲛⲕⲉⲗ· ⲁⲡⲡⲁ· ⲧⲖⲗⲚ· ⲟⲩⲛⲧⲖⲇⲁⲗ· ⲡⲉⲗⲚ· ⲟⲩⲈⲣⲁⲥⲚ· ⲉⲚⲛⲁⲥⲚ· ⲟⲛ ⲧⲖⲗⲚ ⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥⲅⲟⲩⲛⲁ· ɡen-kit-ka

on-ke-l-ᝥ

appa till-in

good-NMLZ-ACC love-HAB-PRS.DET-NOM for

pel-in

ouer-a-sin

oun-t-il-dal

God-GEN love-NMLZ-DET-COM

ein-n-a-sin

on till-in

come.out-PRS.2/3SG one-PRED-EMP be-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-EMP and God-GEN

aɡɡelos-ɡou-na angel-PL-GEN ‘For who loves goodness is the one who comes out with the love of God and that (sc. the love) of God’s angels.’

(712) K 23.10–11 ᫥ ⲓⲉⲣⲉⲞⲥⲓⲛⲕⲁ ⲙⲓⳝⲣ ⲉⲛⲇⲘⲙⲁⲛⲁ· iereos-in-ka

mij-r

en-d-im-m-an-a

priest-GEN-ACC disobey-PRS be-INTEN-AFF-PRS-3PL-PRED ‘They will be disobeying that (sc. the word) of the priest.’

296

15. CASES AND POSTPOSITIONS

(713) P.QI 4 76.6

᫥

ŋopoɡoji-ni

ⳟⲟⲡⲞⲅⲟⳝⲓⲛⲓ ⲙⲁϣ ·ⲋⲗⲟ· maš

6-lo

Ŋopogoji-PROP bushel 6-FOC ‘Ŋopogoji’s: 6 bushels.’

(714) St 10.10–11 ᫥ ⲁⲛⲛⲓⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲗⲅⲚⲛⲁⲥⲱ ann-ika

oulɡ-in-na-sō

1SG.GEN-ACC ear-TR-IMP.2/3PL.PRED-COMM ‘Listen to mine!’

15.1.2.3. Genitive Subjects In certain syntactical environments, Old Nubian has genitive-marked subjects. This is an attested phenomenon in other language families, such as Turkic, Mongolic, and Japanese (Krause 2001), and is still found in Nobiin (Awad 2014). Old Nubian allows genitive subjects in non-coreferential attributive relative clauses (§15.1.2.3.1) and certain subordinate clauses (§15.1.2.3.2). There is also one attestation of a genitive subject in a main clause. This is perhaps a scribal error: (715) P.QI 1 8.i.9–11 ᫥ ⲕⲁⲥⲓⲧⲁⲙⲟⲛ ⲟⲥⲧⲟⲕⳝⲁⲛⲛⲁ ⲧⲗⲗⲚ Ⲟⳡⲁ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲕⲁ ⲧⲉⲛ ⲙⲁⳡⲚ ⲧⲣⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲁ kas-it-a-mon

ostok-j-an-n-a

till-in

take.away-take-PRED-CONJ remove-PLACT-INTEN-PRS.2/3SG-PRED God-GEN

oñ-a

miššan-ka ten

tear-PRED all-ACC

mañ-in tri-ɡou-la

3PL.GEN eye-DU pair-PL-DAT

‘And God will wipe away every tear from their eyes.’ (Rev 7:17)

15.1.2.3.1. Subject in Non-Coreferential Attributive Relative Clauses In non-coreferential attributive relative clauses, in which the subject of the relative clause does not coincide with its antecedent (§17.2.2.2), the subject is marked by the genitive. (716) P.QI 1 4.ii.1–2 ᫧ ⲙⲁⲣⲓⲟⲛ ⲓⲎⲥⲟⲩⲥⲚ [ⲇ]ⲟⲩⲈⲥⲚ ⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲟ{ⲛ} ⲕⲓⲉⲛ mari-on iēsous-in dou-esin

ɡoul-lo

ki-en

Mary-TOP Jesus-GEN exist-PFV.PST2.GEN place-LOC come-PFV.PRS.2/3SG ‘When Mary came to the place where Jesus had stayed …’ (Jn 11:32)

297

15.1. STRUCTURAL CASES

In (716) the antecedent of the attributive relative clause ⲓⲎⲥⲟⲩⲥⲚ [ⲇ]ⲟⲩⲈⲥⲚ is ⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲟ{ⲛ}, while its subject is ⲓⲎⲥⲟⲩⲥⲚ, which is therefore marked with the genitive case. (717) K 19.1–7 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲛⲏⲛⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲟ ⲉⲓⲛⲛⲁⲛⲁ ⲕⲤⲥⲉⲛⲓⲅⲟⲩⲛⲁ ⲕⲁⲛⲟⲛⲁⲅⲟⲩⲉⲥⲛ ⲡⲁⲡⲁⲥⲓ ⳟⲤⲥⲓⲅⲟⲩⲛⲁ ⲛⲓⲕⲉⲁⲉⲓⲟ ⲧⲘⲙⲁ ⲇⲁⲟⲩ ⲁⳟⲁ ⲡⲁⲉⲓⲁ ⲟⲩⲥⲕⲓⲥⲥⲖ ⲇⲢⲧⲓⲗⲟ· ·ⲡ·ⲉ·ⲅⲟⲩⲉ ⲉⲓⲛⲖ: ein-ēn-ɡou-l-ᝥ-lo

ein-n-an-a

DEM.PROX-PL-PL-DET-NOM-FOC

be-PRS-3PL-PRED church-PL-PL-GEN

kanon-a-ɡoue-s(i)n

papasi ŋiss-iɡou-na nikea-eio timm-a

canon-PRED-PL.PRED-EMP bishop

daou aŋ-a

kisse-ni-ɡou-na

paei-a

holy-PL-GEN

Nicea-LOC assemble-PRED

ousk-is-sil-ᝥ

dir-t-ilo

large become-PRED write-PRED place-TR-PST2.DET-NOM count-NMLZ-LOC

85-ɡoue

ein-il-ᝥ

85-PL.PRED be-PRS.DET-NOM ‘These are the canons of the churches that the holy bishops assembling in Nicea in large numbers wrote and deposited, being 85 in number.’

15.1.2.3.2. Subject in Subordinate Clauses There is scattered evidence that genitive subjects may also have been used in certain subordinate clauses, including temporal, conditional, and complement clauses. In all these contexts, genitive case marking on the subject appears to be optional. The genitive may mark the subject in temporal clauses with ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱ ‘as’ (§8.1.3.1), ⲡⲁⲩⲟⲩ ‘until’ (§8.1.3.2), as well as with the postposition ⲕⲓⲥⲕⲓⲗⲗⲟ ‘until’ (§15.3.2): (718) P.QI 1 10.A.i.15–16 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲩⲗⲟⲥⲓ ⲀⲡⲟⲥⲧⲟⲗⲟⲥⲚ ⲡⲉⲥⲉⲥⲚ ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱ paulosi apostolos-in pes-esin apostle-GEN

Paul

kellō

speak-PFV.PST2.GEN as.LOC

‘As the apostle Paul said …’

(719) P.QI 3 53.1–3 ᫥ ⲁⲛⲛⲁⲗⲟ ⲡⲁⲡⲁⲥⲕⲁ ⲕⲉⳣⲓ ⲇ ⳣⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲧⲣⲀ ⲉⲚ ⲟⲥⲥⲔⲕⲁ ⲧⲣⲀ ⲥⲟⲩⲕⲕⲁ ⲧⲟⲣⲉⲣⲓ ⲡⲁⲩⲉⲓⲗⲟ ⲕⲟⲛⲁ ⲕⲓⲡⲉⲥⲟ· an-na-lo

papas-ka

kewi 4 wek-ka tir-a

ein

1SG-GEN-FOC bishop-ACC wheat 4 one-ACC give>2/3-PRED 2SG.GEN

oss-ik-ka

tir-a

soukk-a

tor-er-i

pauei-lo

take.out-PRS-ACC give>2/3-PRED descend-PRED enter-PFV.PRS-1SG until-LOC

kona kip-e-so after

eat-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM

298

15. CASES AND POSTPOSITIONS

‘Until I give one fourth of wheat to the bishop, give what you took out, and descend and enter, eat!’

(720) L 103.1–2 ᫥ ϩⲁⲣⲙⲛⲀ ⲟⲛ ⲤⲕⲦⲛⲁ ⳟⲟⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱ ⲕⲓⲥⲕⲓⲗⲗⲱ harm-ina

on iskit-na

ŋok-el-lō

kiskillō

heaven-GEN and earth-GEN pass-PFV.PRS-LOC until.LOC ‘Until heaven and earth have passed away …’ (Mt 5:18)

There is one attestation of a genitive-marked subject in a conditional clause (§8.2.3): (721) P.QI 3 56.i.4–ii.1 ᫥ ⲉⲚⲛⲁ ⲕⲓⲕⲁⲛⲛⲟⲛ Ⲁⲙⲁⲛⲛⲁ ⲕⲉⲇⲓⲕⲟⲛⲛⲟ ⲕⲟⲩⲇⲓⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲧⲁⲣⲁ ⳟⲁⲕⲁ Ⲧⲇⲇⲣⲉⲗⲟ ein-na ki-ka-n-non

aman-na ked-iko-n-no

2SG-GEN come-SUBORD-2/3SG-TOP water-GEN ascend-SUBORD-2/3SG-LOC

koudi-ka

eitar-a

ŋak-a

tid-d-r-e-lo

servant-ACC send-PRED go.downstream-PRED give>2/3-INTEN-PRS-1SG.PRED-FOC ‘If you come if the river (sc. the Nile) rises, I will send a servant for you downstream.’

Genitive subjects are also sometimes found in complement clauses (§8.5): (722) L 107.11–12

᫦

ⲡⲓ]ⲥⲧⲉⲩ[ⲉⲓ]ⲥⲁⲛⲁ⳹ ⲉⲚ ⲁⲓⲕ ⲉⲓⲧⲣⲉⲥⲕⲁ⳹

pisteue-is-an-a

ein

ai-k

eitr-es-ka

believe-PST2-3PL-PRED 2SG.GEN 1SG-ACC send.TR-PFV.PST2-ACC ‘They believed that you sent me.’ (Jn 17:8)

We also have one attestation with a passive verb: (723) SC 19.13–15 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲉⲚ ⲕⲁⲩⲉⲓⲅⲟⲩⲛⲁ ⲇⲓⲁⲃⲟⲗⲟⲥⲚ ⲙⲉⲉⲣⲧⲗⲟ ⳝⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲥⲕⲓⲧⲁⲕⲥⲔⲕⲁ ⳟⲁⲗⲉⲛⲛⲟⲛ· eie-in

kauei-ɡou-na

diabolos-in meer-t-lo

man.PL-GEN offspring.PL-PL-GEN devil-GEN

eski-tak-sik-ka

joun

desire.bad-NMLZ-LOC by

ŋal-en-non

conquer-PASS-PST2-ACC see-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-TOP ‘When he saw that the offspring of men was conquered by the baseness of the devil …’

15.1.2.4. Dropped Genitive In certain fixed expressions, the genitive may be dropped. This especially occurs in epigraphic material. Compare:

299

15.1. STRUCTURAL CASES

(724) 6DEDJŗUD b.1 ᫥ ⲥⲉⲛⲟⲩⲧⲓⲟⲥⲚ ⲧⲖⲗⲁ senoutios-in till-a Shenoute-GEN God-PRED ‘God of Shenoute!’

(725) 6DEDJŗUD f.1 ᫧ ⲥⲉⲛ[ⲟ]ⲩⲧⲓⲟⲥ ⲧⲖⲗⲁ senoutios till-a Shenoute

God-PRED

‘God (of) Shenoute!’

And also: (726) I.Bang 168.1–2 ⲥⲟⲩⲡⲟⲩ ⲧⲟⲧ eɡō

᫥

ⲉⲅⲱ ⲟⲄⳝⲏⲛⲟ ⲧⲟⲩⲅⲅⲖⲗⲚ ⲇⲠⲡⲚ ⲣⲁⲫⲁⲏⲗ

oɡijēno touɡɡill-in

dipp-in

raphaēl soupou tot

1SG.NOM(Gr.) Ogijēno Dongola-GEN town-GEN Raphael Soupou son ‘I, Ogijēno, of (the Church of) Raphael of the town of Dongola, son of Soupou.’

15.1.3. Accusative -ⲕⲁ The accusative is mainly used to mark the direct object of a verb. Additionally, it is used for animate indirect objects in double object constructions and duration. The accusative may be dropped in incorporation constructions. The accusative is marked with the morpheme -ⲕⲁ. The final alpha may be dropped before a vowel: (727) M 3.14–4.6 ᫥ ⲙⲁⲛ⳿ ⲉⲦⲧⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⲕⲟⲩⲙⲡⲟⲩⲕ⳿ ⲉⲛ⳿Ⲉⲧⲁ Ⲁⲙⲁⲛⲇⲟ⳿ ⲥⲟⲩⲕⲕⲁ ⲕⲓⲥⲛⲁ· ⲙⲉⲇⳝⲟⲩⲛ ⲧⲁⲗ⳿ ⲟⲩⲉⲗ⳿ⲇⲁⲗ· ⲁⲩⲉⲔ Ⲉⲗⲁ ⲙⲁⲛ ⲕⲟⲩⲙⲡⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⳟⲤⲥⲟⲩ ⲙⲏⲛⲁⲛ ⲕⲤⲥⲉ ⲙⲁⲣⲉⲰⲧⲓⲰ ⳟⲟⲛⳝⲖⲗⲁⲅⲖ ⲉⲓⲧⲉⲛⲓⲀ· man

eit-il-ᝥ-lon

DEM.DIST

woman-DET-NOM-TOP egg-ACC

soukk-a

ki-s-n-a

koumpou-k en-et-a

aman-do

take-PFV-PRED water-SUBE

medjou-n

tal ouel-dal aueik

descend-PRED come-PST2-2/3SG-PRED servant-GEN girl one-COM boat.ACC

el-a

man

koumpou-ka ŋissou mēna-n

find-PRED

DEM.DIST

egg-ACC

ŋonj-il-la-ɡil

holy

kisse

mareōti-ō

Mina-GEN church Mareotis-LOC

eit-eni-a

stand-PRS-DAT-ALL take-SUBORD.SG-PRED ‘The woman took the egg and went down to the water with a servant girl, finding a boat to take that egg to the church of Saint Mina located in Mareotes.’

300

15. CASES AND POSTPOSITIONS

In (727), the final -ⲁ in ⲕⲟⲩⲙⲡⲟⲩⲕ⳿ and ⲁⲩⲉⲔ is dropped before ⲉⲛ⳿Ⲉⲧⲁ and Ⲉⲗⲁ respectively, both of which begin with a vowel. It is retained in ⲕⲟⲩⲙⲡⲟⲩⲕⲁ because ⳟⲤⲥⲟⲩ starts with a consonant. In present-day Nile Nubian languages, the initial ⲕ of the accusative is often assimilated to the final consonant of the root. We find a few examples of this form of assimilation in the extant corpus: (728) SC 11.8–10 ᫧ ⲟⲩ[ⲉⲗ]ⲉⲛⲇⲉ ⲉⲓⲥ ⲥⲟⲩⲙⲡⲟⲩⲧⲧⲁ ⲟⲩ[ⲥ]ⲕⲢⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲣⲟⲩⲙⲉⲛⲧⲁⲗⲟ· ouel-ᝥ-ende

eis

soumpout-ta

ouskir-ka

eir-oumen-ta-lo

one-NOM-NEG.CONJ other foundation-ACC place.TR-ACC can-NEG-NEG-FOC ‘And no one can lay another foundation.’ (1 Cor 3:11)

(729) AW 2.1–3 ᫧ ⲙⲓⲭⲁⲏⲗ ⲧⲣⲀⲡⲏⲥⲁ ⳟⲥⲥⲁ ⲁⲓⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩⲉⲓⲅⲟⲩⲛ ⲟⲩⲗⲩⲅⲓⲗⲟ ⲟⲩⲧⲣⲉⲥⲱ ⲁⲛ ⲧⲟⲧⲧⲁ ⲇ . . ⲁ ⲇⲓⲛⲉⲥⲱ mikhaēl tirapēs-a ŋiss-a

ai-ka

ourou-eiɡou-n ouluɡ-ilo

Michael altar-PRED holy-PRED 1SG-ACC king-PL-GEN

outr-e-sō

an

tot-ta

ear-LOC

d(…)a

place.TR-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM 1SG.GEN son-ACC …

din-e-sō give>1-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM ‘Holy Altar (of) Michael, put me in the ear of the kings, (…) my son to/for me!’

(730) P.QI 3 30.32 aei-n

᫥

ⲁⲉⲚ ⲙⲁⲓⲕⲦⲧⲁ ⲧⲟⲩⲗⲟ· ⳝⲟⲩⲛⲧ ⲓⳟⲁⲙⲏ·

maikit-ta

tou-lo

jount

iŋ-a-mē

heart-GEN affliction-ACC inside-LOC pregnant become-PRED-JUS.SG ‘May he become pregnant with an affliction of the heart inside!’

15.1.3.1. Direct Object The direct object of a verb is marked by the accusative case. (731) SC 6.8–10 ⲕⲉⲛⲛ[ⲁ]·

᫧

ⲙⲁⲛ ⲧⲁⲩⲕⲗⲟ [ⲧⲉ]ⲕⲕⲁ ⲧⲢ[ⲡ]ⲧⲓⲕⲉⲗⲁ ⲧⲘⲙⲁ[ⲣ(?)]ⳝ

man

tauk-lo tek-ka

DEM.DIST

time-LOC 3PL-ACC granary-DAT gather-TR-PLACT

tirptike-la

timm-ar-j

ken-n-a place-PRS.2/3SG-PRED ‘Then, he gathers and places them in the granary.’

301

15.1. STRUCTURAL CASES

(732) P.QI 3 49.i.1 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲙⲙⲉⲗⲟ ⲉⲚ ⳟⲟⲇⲕⲁⲛⲉ ⲧⲖⲖⲗⲱ ⳝⲱⲀ ⲧⲁⲣⲟⲩⲟⲩⲧⲁⲕⲕⲔⲕⲁ: – douk-(i)m-m-e-lo

ein

ŋod-kane til-illō

jōa

worship-AFF-PRS-1SG.PRED-FOC 2SG.GEN lord-NMLZ God-LOC through

tarouou-takk-ik-ka bless-PASS-PRS-ACC ‘I worship your lordship blessed by God.’

(733) K 21.15–22.1 mn-a

᫥

ⲙⲛⲁ ⲟⲩⲗⲅⲣⲓⲙⲉⲛⲁⲕⲉ ⲡⲁⲣⲧⲁⲕⲟⲕⲕⲁ·

oulɡ-r-imen-a-ke

par-tak-ok-ka

what-PRED ear-TR-NEG-PRED-2PL write-PASS-PST1-ACC ‘Don’t you hear what is written?’

When the direct object of a transitive verb is plural, the verb is often marked by a pluractional suffix -ⳝ (§13.1.2). 15.1.3.2. Animate indirect object When the indirect object is animate, the result is a double object construction, in which both direct and indirect object are marked with accusative case: (734) M 6.11–14 ᫥ ⲉⲦⲧⲁ· ⲉⲆⲇⲉ ⲀⲉⲦⲧⲁⲕⲁⲧⲁⲙⲏ· ⲙⲁⲅⲢⲕⲟⲛ⳿ⲉⲛⲇⲉ ⲉⲚ ⲕⲟⲩⲙⲡⲟⲩⲕⲟⲛ ⲁⲒⲕⲁ ⲇⲓⲛⲉⲥⲱ· eitt-a

eid-de

aeit-tak-a-ta-mē

maɡirkonende

woman-PRED 2SG-ADE insult-PASS-PRED-NEG-JUS.SG but

ein

koumpou-k-on ai-ka

DEM.PROX

egg-ACC-TOP

din-e-sō

1SG-ACC give>1-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM

‘Woman, do not you be insulted, but give that egg to me!’

(735) FP 1.3–4 tillo

᫥

ⲧⲖⲗⲟ ϣⲟⲕⲁ ⲡⲁ[ⲟⲩ]ⲟⲩⲛⲁ ⲥⲉⲓⳣⲉⲕⲁ ⲇⲉⲛⲁⲙⲏ

šoka

paouou-na seiw-e-ka

God.FOC book.ACC power-GEN

den-a-mē

inherit-NMLZ-ACC give>1-PRED-JUS.SG

‘Let God give me, the inheritor of power, the book!’

When an accusative-marked indirect object of a ditransitive verb is plural, the verb is marked by a pluractional suffix -ⳝ (§13.1.3). 15.1.3.3. Duration Duration is expressed by means of the accusative case -ⲕⲁ:

302

15. CASES AND POSTPOSITIONS

(736) P.QI 1 2.ii.20–22 ᫥ ⲅⲉⲛⲁⲗⲱ ⲉⲚⲛⲁ ⲉⲓⲣⲚ ⳟⲟⲅⲗⲁ ⲟⲩⲕⲟⲩⲣ ⲟⲩⲉⲣⲕⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲉⲓ ⲇⲟⲩⲇⲉⲕⲁ Ⲟⲇⳝⲱ ⲇⲟⲩⲉⲓⲰ ⲅⲱⲉⲓⲁ⳼ ɡen-a-lō

ein-n-a

eiri-n

ŋoɡ-la

oukour ouer-ka

good-PRED-FOC be-PRS.2/3SG-PRED 2SG-GEN house-DAT day

dou-ei

doude-ka

odjō

dou-ei-ō

one-ACC

ɡoeia

exist-INF thousand-ACC over(?) exist-INF-LOC than ‘To be for one day in your house is better than to exist for over a thousand.’ (Ps 83:11)

15.1.3.4. Incorporation of Indefinite Objects Indefinite objects may drop the accusative case and become incorporated into the verbal complex. We have the following minimal pair: (737) SC 23.7–9 ᫧ ⲤⲕⲦⲕⲁ ⲕⲠⲡⲁⲛⲛⲁ ⲉⲚ ⲁⳡⲉ[ⲛ] ⲟⲩⲕⲣⲉ ⲙϣϣⲁⲛⲛⲟⲀ· iskit-ka

kipp-an-n-a

ein

añ-e-n

oukr-e

earth-ACC eat-INTEN-PRS.2/3SG-PRED 2SG.GEN live-NMLZ-GEN day-PL.PRED

m(i)ššan-no-a all-LOC-DD ‘“You will eat earth for all the days of your life.”’ (Gen 3:14)

(738) SC 23.14–15

᫥

ⲤⲕⲦ ⲕⲠⲡⲁⲛⲛⲁ ⲉⲚ Ⲁⳡⲉⲛ ⲟⲩⲕⲣⲉ ⲙϣϣⲁⲛⲛⲟⲀ·

iskit kipp-an-n-a

ein

añ-e-n

oukr-e

earth eat-INTEN-PRS.2/3SG-PRED 2SG.GEN live-NMLZ-GEN day-PL.PRED

m(i)ššan-no-a all-LOC-DD ‘“You will eat earth for all the days of your life.”’ (Gen 3:14)

Incorporation of indefinite objects happens most frequently with the verb ⲕⲟ(ⲛ) ‘to have’, which is related to the grammaticalized adjective formant -ⲕⲟ (§18.3). (739) P.QI 1 8.ii.8–10 ᫥ ⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥⲟⲩ ⲕⲟⲗⲟⲧⲟⲩ ⲡⲟⲧⲟⲧⲓ ⲕⲟⲗⲟⲧ ⲕⲟⲛⲗⲟⲗⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲟⲛ ⲧⲉⲕⲕⲟⲛⲟ ⲙⲉⲇⲇⲖ ⳟⲓⲥⲁⲛⲁ ⲡⲟⲧⲟⲧⲕⲁ ⲟⲩϣⲉⲛⲟⲩⲀ: aɡɡelosou kolotou pototi angel

tek-k-ono

seven

kolot kon-l-ol-ɡou-l-ᝥ-lon

trumpet seven have-DET(?)-PST1-PL-DET-NOM-TOP

medd-il

ŋ-is-an-a

potot-ka

3PL-ACC-REFL ready-PRS become-PST2-3PL-PRED trumpet-ACC

ouš-enou-a sound-SUBORD.PL-PRED

303

15.1. STRUCTURAL CASES

‘The seven angels who had seven trumpets prepared themselves to sound the trumpet.’ (Rev 8:6)

(740) SC 13.19–20

᫧

ⲥⲗⲉⲗⲢⲥⲛⲁ· ⲉⲔⲕⲁ ⲡⲤⲉⲩⲉⲦ ⲕⲟⲀⲅ[ⲉ]ⲛⲓⲀ[·]

slel-ir-s-n-a

eik-ka

pisteue-it

ko-aɡeni-a

pray-TR-PST2-2/3SG-PRED 2SG-ACC believe-NMLZ have-CAUS.SUBORD.SG-PRED ‘He prayed so that you are caused to have faith.’

Incorporation with other verbs is otherwise infrequent and appears to be idiomatic: (741) St 8.5–9.4 ᫧ ⲟⲩⲗⲗⲟ ⲉⲓⲈⲣⲁ ⳟ[ⲉ]ⲉⲓⲀ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲁⲅⲟⲩⲈⲥⲚ· ⲓⲟⲩⲇⲁⲓⲞⲥⲣⲓ ⲙⲁⲙⲤ{·}ⲕⲁⲉⲓⲅⲟⲩⲛⲁ ⲁⲓ[ⲁ]ⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲁⲩⲉⲓⳝⲥⲁⲛⲅⲟⲩⲛⲕⲁ· ⲟⲛ ⲙⲁⲓⲕⲉⲛ ⲥⲁⲗⲁⲅⲟⲩⲈⲥⲚ Ⲥⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲓⲗⲟ ⲟⲗⲗⲓⲣⲉⲥⲁⲛⲛⲟⲛ ⲁⲓⲁⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲡⲉⲥⲓⳝⲓⲥⲁⲛⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ· ⲟⲛ ⲕⲟⳡⲖⲀⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⳝⲘⲧ ⲧⲟⲩⲫⲫⲓⲥⲁⲛⲕⲁ· oul-lo

ei-er-a

ŋeei-a

miššan-a-ɡoue-sin ioudaios-ri

2PL-FOC know-PFV.PRS-PRED thing-PRED all-PRED-PL.PRED-EMP Jew-PL

mamis-kaei-ɡou-na

ai-a-ɡille

au-eij-s-an-ɡou-n-ka

on

injustice-ADJ.PL-PL-GEN 1SG-DAT-ALL do-PLACT-PFV.PST2-3PL-PL-??-ACC and

maike-n

sal-a-ɡoue-sin

istauros-ilo oll-ir-es-an-non

affliction-GEN word-PRED-PL.PRED-EMP cross-LOC

ai-a-ɡille

pes-ij-is-an-ɡou-ka

hang-TR-PST2-3PL-TOP

on koñ-ila-ɡille jimt

1SG-DAT-ALL speak-PLACT-PST2-3PL-PL-ACC and head-DAT-ALL spittle

touphph-is-an-ka spit-PST2-3PL-ACC ‘You know all the things that the unjust Jews did to me, and also the words of affliction that they said to me when they had hanged me on the cross, and that they spat on (my) face.’

(742) SC 8.16–17 ᫥ ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲟⲩ ⲡⲉⲥⲉⲥⲓ ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱ· ⲥⲁⲗⲕⲟⲛ ⲉⲓⲙⲦ ⲧⲢⲈⲧⲁⲗⲟ ⲡⲉⲥⲁⲣⲣⲉ· tousou pes-es-i before

kellō

sal-k-on

eimit

speak-PFV.PST2-1SG as.LOC word-ACC-TOP knowledge

tir-et-a-lō

pes-ar-r-e

give>2/3-PFV-PRED-LOC speak-INTEN-PRS-1SG.PRED ‘As I said before, I shall speak by demonstrating the argument.’

(743) P.QI 2 12.i.26–29 ᫥ ⲁⲓⲞⲇⲱ ⳟⲓⲈⲥⲁⲛ ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲣⲱ ⲙⲁⲧⲁⲣ ⲟⲕⲕⲇⲢⲧⲖⲅⲟⲩⲗ ⲟⲛ ⲙⲁⲇⳝ ⲟⲩⲈⲥⲁⲛ ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲣⲱ ⲟⲕⲕⲇⲢⲧⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⲧⲉⲇⲕⲟⲛⲟ ⲧⲟⲩⲗⲟ⳼ ai-o-dō

ŋi-es-an

jourrō matar okkdirt-il-ɡou-l-ᝥ

1SG-LOC-SUPE rise-PFV.PST2-3PL.GEN because witness unjust-DET-PL-DET-NOM

304

15. CASES AND POSTPOSITIONS

on madj oue-s-an and lie

jourrō okkdirt-il-ᝥ-lon

ted-k-ono

tell-PST2-3PL.GEN because unjust-DET-NOM-TOP 3PL-ACC-REFL

tou-lo belly-LOC ‘Because witnesses who are unjust rose up against me, and because the unjust lied with themselves.’ (Ps 26:12)

There are also a number of verbs which incorporate the noun ⲁⲓ < ⲁⲉⲢ ‘heart’: P.QI 1 3.ii.15 ᫥ ⲁⲓⲅⲁⳝ- ‘to exult’ < ⲅⲁⳝ ‘to exult’; K 22.6 ᫥ ⲁⲓⲟⲩⲖ‘to be grudging’; K 29.12 ᫥ Ⲁⲉⲓⲣ- ‘to insult’; I.Bang 243.8 ᫥ ⲁⲓⲁⲩ- ‘to embolden vel sim.’. 15.1.4. Dative -ⲗⲁ The dative -ⲗⲁ marks a variety of grammatical roles, including inanimate indirect objects (§15.1.4.1), as well as locative (§15.1.4.2) and partitive (§15.1.4.3). It also appears in several idiomatic expressions, where its presence is lexically determined (§15.1.4.4). The phonology of the dative is more complex than that of other case markers and postpositions. It is treated more extensively in §19.6.1.1. Unlike the accusative (§15.1.3) and genitive (§15.1.2), the final -ⲁ is never dropped. Etymologically, the dative marker -ⲗⲁ consists of the determiner -ⲗ and the suffix -ⲁ, which is still found on the postposition ⲁⲩⲀ ‘within’ (§15.3.1). The initial -ⲗ is dropped after proper names and personal pronouns, which are inherently determinate (cf. §16.1): SC 7.17 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲣⲓ-Ⲁ; SC 16.26 ᫥ ⲭⲥⲥⲓ-Ⲁ; SC 25.7 ᫡ ⲓⲥⲟⲩⲥⲓ-ⲁ; DP 4.9 ᫧ ⲥⲓⲰⲛ-ⲁ. It appears that in Late Old Nubian, the initial -ⲗ was again dropped, or became assimilated into the root. As a result, the dative became homophonous with the predicate marker -ⲁ. (744) GAB 1.4 ᫧ ϩⲁⲣⲙⲁ ⲟⲛ ⲤⲕⲦⲧⲁ ⲧⲖⲗⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲕⲕⲁ ⲁⲓⲟⲇⲇⲁ ⲉⲚ ⲙⲁⲗⲟ ⲇⲁⲣⲉⲥⲚ harm-a

on iskit-ta

tillou ouk-ka aiodd-a

heaven-DAT and earth-DAT God

2PL-ACC merciful-PRED

ein

malo

DEM.PROX

according.to exist-PFV.PST2-2/3SG

dar-es-in

‘…when in heaven and on earth, God was merciful to you and existed according to this.’

(745) WN 12–14 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲛ ⳟⲁⲡⲉⲅⲟⲩⲕⲟⲛ ⲁⲛⲕⲓⳝⲁⲧⲁⲙⲏ· ⲧⲁⲛ ⲟⲩⲛⲖ ⲁⲩⲉⲓⳝⲓⲥⲓ⟨ⲛ⟩ⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ· ⲟⲛ ⲙⲟⲩⲛⲖ ⲁⲩⲉⲓⳝⲓⲥⲓⲛⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲉⲗ ⲁⲩⲉⲓⳝⲓⲥⲓⲛⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲙⲁⲥⲓⲗ ⲁⲩⲉⲓⳝⲓⲥⲓⲛⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ· ⲥⲁⲗⲁ· ⲙⲉⲛⲉⲛ ⳟⲉⲉⲓⲀ· ⲙⲉⲛⲉⲛ

305

15.1. STRUCTURAL CASES

tan

ŋape-ɡou-k-on ank-ij-a-ta-mē

3SG.GEN sin-PL-ACC-TOP

oun-il-ᝥ

tan

think-PLACT-PRED-NEG-JUS.SG 3SG.GEN

au-eij-is-in-ɡou-ka

on moun-il-ᝥ

love-PRS.DET-NOM do-PLACT-PST2-2/3SG-PL-ACC and hate-PRS.DET-NOM

au-eij-is-in-ɡou-ka

ei-el-ᝥ

au-eij-is-in-ɡou-ka

do-PLACT-PST2-2/3SG-PL-ACC know-PFV.PRS.DET-NOM do-PLACT-PST2-2/3SG-PL-ACC

mas-il-ᝥ

au-eij-is-in-ɡou-ka

sal-a

not.know-PRS.DET-NOM do-PLACT-PST2-2/3SG-PL-ACC word-DAT

men-en

ŋeei-a

men-en

not.be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG work-DAT not.be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG ‘Do not remember his sins, those he committed loving and those committed hating, committed knowing, committed unknowing, whether in word or in deed!’

15.1.4.1. (In)animate Indirect Object All inanimate indirect objects are marked with the dative, as they cannot be raised to receive accusative case in a double object construction (§15.1.3.2). (746) St 12.12–13.1 ⲉⲛⲕⲁⲛ tan

᫥

orōse-n

ⲧⲁⲛ Ⲟⲣⲱⲥⲉⲛ ϣⲟⲕⲕⲁ ⲡⲉⲓⲀ ⲕⲤⲥⲉⲗⲁ Ⲧⳝⳝⲁⲣ šok-ka

pei-a

kisse-la

tij-j-ar

3SG.GEN praise-GEN book-ACC write-PRED church-DAT give>2/3-PLACT-PST1

en-ka-n be-SUBORD-2/3SG ‘If he wrote books of its praise and gave them to the church …’

In the rare case that an animate indirect object cannot be raised into a double object construction due to syntactical constraints, we also find a dative. (747) P.QI 3 57.i.8–11 ᫥ ⲉⲢⲟⲛ ⲧⲖⲗⲖⲇⲉ ⲡⲁⲡⲓ ⳟⲤⲥⲖⲇⲉⲕⲉⲛ ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲓⲀ ⳟⲟⲟⲕⲕⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲙⲙⲁ Ⲧⳝⳝⲁ ⲧⲉⲛ ⲞⲥⲣⲀ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲕⲟⲛ ⲉⲢⳟⲔⲕⲖ Ⲟⲥⲁ Ⲧⳝⳝⲉⲥⲟ ⲉⲦ ⲡⲤⲧⲉⲩⲉⲦ ⲕⲟⲛⳝⲖⲅⲟⲩⲗⲁ: – eir-ᝥ-on

till-il-de

papi ŋiss-il-deken jouri-a

ŋook-ka

2SG-NOM-TOP God-DET-CONJ father holy-CONJ.GEN cause-DAT glory-ACC

doumm-a tij-j-a

ten

os-ir-a

miššan-k-on

take-PRED give>2/3-PLACT-PRED 3PL.GEN take.out-PRS-PRED all-ACC-TOP

eirŋikk-il

os-a

tij-j-e-so

go.around(?)-PRS.DET take.out-PRED give>2/3-PLACT-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM

eit

pisteue-it

kon-j-il-ɡou-la

man believe-NMLZ have-PLACT-PRS-PL-DAT ‘You, because of God and the Holy Father, take glory for them, and take away all they take away, going around, for the faithful!’

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15. CASES AND POSTPOSITIONS

15.1.4.2. Location The dative may also be used for indicating locations. It is not clear whether there is any semantic distinction between the usage of the dative or the locative (§15.2.1) in these contexts. (748) M 1.5–8 ᫥ ⲉⲦⲧⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲗⲟ ⲇⲠⲡⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲗⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲀⲣⲁ· Ⲁⲗⲉⲝⲁⲛⲇⲣⲉⲛ· ϣⲔⲅⲟⲩⲗⲁ· eittou ouel-ᝥ-lo

dippou ouel-la dou-ar-a

woman one-NOM-FOC village

alexandre-n

one-DAT exist-PST1-PRED Alexandria-GEN

šik-ɡou-la district-ground-DAT ‘There was a woman living in a village, in the district of Alexandria.’

(749) SC 7.14–19 ᫥ ⲕⲟⲗⲁⲧⲕⲘⲙⲁ ⲧⲖⲗⲖ· ⲉⲓⲧⲁ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲧⲓⲇⲁⲥⲚ· ⲟⲩⲈⲣⲖⲇⲱ Ⲁⲕⲁ ⲑⲁⲗⲁⲥⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲁⲧⲧⲟⲕⲁ ⲅⲖⲗⲁ ⳟⲔⲕⲔⲕⲁ· ⲁⲩⲈⲅⲟⲩⲈⲥⲚ ⲧⲁⲣⲓⲀ ⳝⲟⲩⳝⲉⲗⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ· ⲧⲟⲩⲕⲅⲟⲩⲛⲁ ⳝⲓⳝⲓⲣⲕⲁⲛⲉⲗⲟ ⲕⲟⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲥⲟⲩⲣⲧⲁⲕⲁ· kol-at-k-im-m-a

till-il-ᝥ

eit-a

oueltid-a-sin

resemble-NMLZ-HAB-AFF-3SG-PRED God-DET-NOM man-PRED any-PRED-EMP

ouer-il-dō

ak-a

thalasou ouatto-ka ɡill-a entire-ACC consider-PRED

mountain-DET-SUPE sit-PRED sea

ŋik-k-ik-ka

aue-ɡoue-sin

tari-a

jou-j-el-ɡou-ka

see-HAB-PRS-ACC ship.PL.PRED-PL.PRED-EMP 3SG-DAT go-PLACT-PFV.PRS-PL-ACC

touk-ɡou-na eij-ir-kane-lo wind-PL-GEN

ko-eion

sour-tak-a

send-TR-NMLZ-LOC through-TOP shake-PASS-PRED

‘God resembles any man who sits upon a mountain and overlooks the entire sea and the boats that go on it (sc. the sea) being shaken by the gusts of the winds.’

15.1.4.3. Partitive The dative is also used in partitive constructions such as ‘one of these’. (750) L 103.5–7 ᫧ ⲉⲚ Ⲥ[ⲥ]ⲁⲛⲁ ⲉⲚ ⲧⲉⲇⲅⲟⲩⲗⲁ ⲙⲉⲕⲕⲓⲗ ⲟⲩⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲕⲟⲩⲥ[Ⲗⲅⲟⲩ]ⲗ ein

is-s-an-a

ein

DEM.PROX WH-PST2-3PL-PRED DEM.PROX

ted-ɡou-la mekk-il

ouek-ka

law-PL-DAT small-PRS.DET one-ACC

kous-il-ɡou-l-ᝥ loosen-PRS-PL-DET-NOM ‘Those – whoever they are – who undo a small one of these laws …’ (Mt 5:19)

307

15.2. LEXICAL CASES

(751) L 103.9–10 ᫧ ⲧⲉⲣⲓⲀ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲉⲛⲇⲉ[ⲉⲓ]ⲟⲛ ⲇⲁⲡⲡⲓⲙⲉⲛⲛⲁⲗⲱ teri-a

ouel-ᝥ-ende-eion

dapp-imen-n-a-lo

3PL-DAT one-NOM-NEG.CONJ-TOP perish-NEG-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-FOC ‘No one among them perished.’ (Jn 17:12)

15.1.4.4. Idiomatic Expressions Finally, the dative appears in idiomatic expressions, such as ⲁⲩⲗ + save from’ and ⲁⲩ + DAT ‘to make into’. (752) CE 160.A.11–13 ⲁⲩⲗⲟⲥⲉ

᫥

‘to

ⳟⲤⲥⲟⲩ ⲈⲡⲓⲙⲁⲭⲟⲥⲚ ⲧⲖⲗⲁ ⲉⲚ ⲧⲁⲛⲧⲓⲗⲁ ⲁⲓⲕ

ŋissou epimakhos-in till-a holy

DAT

Epimachus-GEN God-PRED

ein

tant-ila

DEM.PROX

storm-DAT 1SG-ACC

ai-k

aul-os-e save-PFV-IMP.2/3SG.PRED ‘God of Saint Epimachus, please save me from this storm!’

(753) SC 17.25–18.2 ᫧ ⲏⲛ ⲁⲩⲧⲁ[ⲕⲟ]ⲗⲗⲁ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲉⲛⲇⲉ ⲧⲁⲣⲓⲟ ⲙ[ⲟⲣ]Ⲛ ⲁⲩ[ⲧ]ⲁⲕⲙⲉⲛ[ⲛⲁ]ⲗⲟ· ēn

au-tak-ol-la

DEM.PROX

make-PASS-PST1-DAT one-NEG

ouel-ende tari-o

mor-in

3SG-LOC be.without-PRS.2/3SG(?)

au-tak-men-n-a-lo make-PASS-NEG-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-FOC ‘Without him nothing was made into that which has been made.’ (Jn 1:2)

15.2. Lexical Cases Lexical cases mark adjuncts in a sentence. These perform peripheral syntactical roles, giving information additional to the obligatory information encoded by the structural cases. Lexical cases differ morphologically from structural cases in that they may be attached to either the determiner -ⲗ, the locative -ⲗⲟ, or, in case of the allative, the dative -ⲗⲁ. 15.2.1. Locative -ⲗⲟ The locative -ⲗⲟ is a frequently occurring morpheme that can be used to mark many types of positions or movements in space or moments in time. Its precise meaning is often co-determined by the inherent semantics of the verb

308

15. CASES AND POSTPOSITIONS

on which the locative-marked noun phrase depends. Furthermore, the locative marker is part of conditional and final clause morphology (§8.2), and forms the basis of a number of postpositions (§15.3, §15.3.2). It is also used in the construction of the comparative (§17.3.2). Below we will deal only with usages of the locative in the nominal domain. Just like the dative marker (§15.1.4), the phonology of the locative is treated more extensively in §19.6.1.1. Etymologically, the locative marker -ⲗⲟ consists of the determiner -ⲗ and the old locative suffix -ⲟ (cf. Rilly 2010, 382), which is still found on certain denominal postpositions (§15.3.1) and the adjective St 11.8 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲱⲛⲟ ‘right’. The initial -ⲗ is dropped after proper names and personal pronouns, which are never marked with a determiner (cf. §16.1): L 113.4 ᫥ ⲓⲈⲣⲟⲩⲥⲁⲗⲙⲓ-Ⲟ; St 28.8–9 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲉⲓ-Ⲱ. Just like most other lexical cases, the locative may be preceded by the determiner -ⲗ. The main usage of the locative is to mark a specific location in space or moment in time. (754) M 8.13–15 e

᫥

tot-a

oh son-PRED

Ⲉ ⲧⲟⲧⲁ ⲉⲚ ⲕⲟⲩⲙⲡⲟⲩⲗ ⲉⲓⲥⲗⲟ ⲉⲓⲥⲥⲛⲁϩⲁ· ein

koumpou-l-ᝥ eis-lo

eis-s-n-a-ha

DEM.PROX

egg-DET-NOM

be-PST2-2/3SG-PRED-Q

WH-LOC

‘Hey son, where has this egg been?’

(755) K 20.15–17 ᫥ ⲁⲗⲉⲥⲓⲛ ⲟⲩⲉⲧⲣⲖ ⲕⲉⲓⲕⲁ ⲡⲉⲥⲉⲛ ⲡⲣⲟⲥⲕⲟⲗ ⲕⲤⲥⲉⲗⲗⲟ ⲕⲉⳝⲣⲁⲛⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ alesin ouetr-il-ᝥ if

keik-a

pes-en

proskol

any-DET-NOM blaspheme-PRES speak-PFV.PRS.2/3SG offering

kisse-l-lo

ken-j-r-an-ɡou-ka

church-DET-LOC place-PLACT-PRS-3PL-PL-ACC ‘If anyone blasphemes and says about the offerings that are placed in the church …’

(756) P.QI 1 10.A.ii.9–10 ᫧ ⲧⲉⲛⲛⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲈⲥⲚ ⲧⲁⲩⲕⲁ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲛⲟ[ⲉⲓⲟ]ⲛ ⲟⲩⲈⲣⲟⲩⲉⲗⲇⲁⲗ ⲅⲦⲧⲁⲥⲥⲁⲛⲁ· ten-na dou-es-in

tauk-a

miššan-no-eion

3PL-GEN exist-PFV.PST2-DET.GEN time-PRED all-LOC-TOP

ouer∼ouel-dal ɡitt-as-s-an-a each.other-COM

be.like(?)-TR-PST2-3PL-PRED

‘In all the time of their existence, they were like(?) each other.’

Depending on the semantics of the verbal predicate and the context, the locative can also mark a movement toward (allative) or away from (ablative) from the noun it marks.

309

15.2. LEXICAL CASES

(757) M 12.13–16 ᫥ ⳟⲥⲥⲟⲩ ⲙⲏⲛⲁⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲙⲁⲛ ⲉⲦⲧⲚ ⳟⲟⲅⲗⲟ ⳝⲟⲣⲁ ⲕⲓⲀ ϣⲁⲁⲕⲕⲁ ⲕⲘⲙⲁ⳿ ⲞⲞⲕⲢⲥⲛⲁ· ŋissou mēna-ᝥ-eion man

eitt-in

holy

woman-GEN house-LOC go-PRED

Mina-NOM-TOP

ki-a

DEM.DIST

ŋoɡ-lo

jor-a

šaak-ka kimm-a ook-ir-s-n-a

come-PRED door-ACC hit-PRED call-TR-PST2-2/3SG-PRED ‘Saint Mina went around to the house of that woman, knocked on the door, and called her.’

In (757) the meaning of the locative-marked noun ⳟⲟⲅⲗⲟ ‘to the house’ depends on the movement verbs ⳝⲟⲣⲁ ⲕⲓⲀ ‘went and came, went around, traveled’. From the context we understand that Saint Mina is going to meet the woman, and therefore an allative interpretation is appropriate here. (758) M 4.10–14

ⲀⲗⲉⲥⲚ ⲉⲚⲛⲟ ⲧⲟⲩⲕⲣⲉⲛ ⲤⲅⲖ ⳝⲱⲇⲚ·

᫥

alesin ein-no

touk-r-en

is-ɡil

jō-d-in

if

depart-TR-PFV.PRS.2/3SG

WH-ALL

go-INTEN-PRS.2/3SG

DEM.PROX-LOC

‘If you depart from here, where will you go to?’

In (758) the interpretation of the locative ⲉⲚⲛⲟ as ‘from here’ depends on the semantics of the verb ⲧⲟⲩⲕⲣ ‘to depart’. (759) K 19.8–16 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲧⲣⲖ ⲕⲉⲓⲕⲁ ⲡⲉⲥⲉⲛ· ⲉⲓⲛ ⲕⲟⲣⲉ ⳟⲤⲥⲟⲩ ⲧⲣⲁⲡⲤⲥⲖⲇⲱ ⲡⲖⲕⲁ· ⲁⲣⲧⲟⲥⲁ ⳝⲱⲗⲁⲙ· ⲟⲣⲡⲁ ⳝⲱⲗⲁⲙⲀ· ⲡⲁⲡⲓⲇⲉ ⲟⲛ ⳟⲁⲗⲇⲉ ⲟⲛ ⲥⲉⲩⲁⲣⲧⲟⲩ ⳟⲤⲥⲓⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲗⲟ ⳟⲤⲥⲉⲗⲟ ⲡⲁⲗⲁⲙⲏ· ⲉⲕⲕⲚ ⳝⲉⲗⲗⲟ ⲟⲛ ⲉⲗⲗⲉ ⲕⲓⲗⲟ· oueltr-il-ᝥ

keik-a

pes-en

any-DET-NOM blaspheme-PRED speak-PFV.PRS.2/3SG

ŋissou trapiss-il-dō pi-l-ka holy

artos-a

ein

kore

DEM.PROX

sacrament

jōl-a-m

orp-a

altar-DET-SUPE lie-PRS-ACC bread-PRED only-PRED-AFF wine-PRED

jōl-a-m-a

pap-ide

on

ŋal-de

on seuartou

only-PRED-AFF-DD father-CONJ and son-CONJ and spirit

ŋiss-idekel-lo kisse-lo

pal-a-mē

ekk-in

jel-lo

on

holy-CONJ-LOC church-LOC come.out-PRED-JUS.SG now-GEN age-LOC and

elle kilo time come.PRS.LOC ‘If anyone blasphemes and says of this holy sacrament lying on the altar “It is only bread, it is only wine,” then let him come out from the church in (the name of?) the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit, in the current age and in the coming time!’

310

15. CASES AND POSTPOSITIONS

Also in (759) the ablative interpretation of the locative ⳟⲤⲥⲉⲗⲟ ‘from the church’3 depends on the verb ⲡⲁⲗ ‘to come out’. Note also several other locative-marked noun phrases in this example, including ⲉⲕⲕⲚ ⳝⲉⲗⲗⲟ ‘in the current age’ and ⲉⲗⲗⲉ ⲕⲓⲗⲟ ‘in the coming time’ with a temporal meaning, and ⲡⲁⲡⲓⲇⲉ ⲟⲛ ⳟⲁⲗⲇⲉ ⲟⲛ ⲥⲉⲩⲁⲣⲧⲟⲩ ⳟⲤⲥⲓⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲗⲟ ‘in (the name of?) the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit’. Like the dative (§15.1.4), the locative can also be used in a partitive sense: (760) M 2.10–14 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲕⲣⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲱ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲗⲟⲉⲓⲟⲛ· ⲙⲁⲛ⳿ ⲉⲦⲧⲖ ⲭⲣⲓⲥⲧⲓⲀⲛⲟⲥⲓⲅⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲓⲗⲏⲩⲅⲟⲩⲗ ⲡⲉⲥⲣⲁⲛ ⲟⲩⲗⲅⲣⲁ· oukr-iɡou-lō ouel-lo-eion man

eitt-il-ᝥ

day-PL-LOC

woman-DET-NOM

one-LOC-TOP

DEM.DIST

khristianos-iɡou-n eilēu-ɡou-l-ᝥ Christian-PL-GEN

pes-r-an

oulɡ-r-a

woman.PL-PL-DET-NOM speak-PRS-3PL ear-TR-PRED

‘On one of the days, that woman heard the women of the Christians speaking …’

Finally, also an instrumental meaning of the locative has been attested: (761) SC 18.2–5 ᫧ ⳟⲖⲗⲁⲓ⳺ ⲥⲁⲗⲗⲟ [ϩⲁ]ⲣⲙⲓⲕ[ⲁ] ⲕⲁⲣⳟⲟⲛⲛⲁ ⲧⲁⲣ ⲉⲛⲉⲛⲕⲁ⳺ ⲟⲩⲛⳝⲟⲩⲣⲓⲛ ⲧⲘⲙⲓⲅ[ⲟ]ⲩⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲛⲕⲟⲩⲛⲕⲉⲣⲁⲛ ⲇⲟⲩⲧⳝⲟⲛⲛⲁ⳺ ŋil-l-a-i

sal-lo

harmi-ka

karŋ-on-na

tar-ᝥ

see-PRS-PRED-2SG word-LOC heaven-ACC hold-PST1.2/3SG-GEN 3SG-NOM

en-en-ka

ounj-ouri-n timm-iɡou-ka

be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-ACC star-PL-GEN

oun-koun-ker-an

assembly-PL-ACC love-have-NMLZ-ADV

dout-j-on-na adorn-PLACT-PST1.2/3SG-GEN ‘Do you see that it is he who held the heaven with the Word, who adorned it in a lovely way with assemblies of stars?’

15.2.2. Allative -ⲅⲖ(ⲗⲉ) Direction is generally expressed by the allative suffix -ⲅⲖ(ⲗⲉ), often preceded by the dative -ⲗⲁ (§15.1.4). The distribution between -ⲅⲖ and -ⲅⲖⲗⲉ is as yet unclear. The suffix -ⲅⲖ is also infrequently attested as -ⲕⲖ, which is also found in the postposition ⲕⲤ-ⲕⲖ ‘up to’ (§15.3.2). G. M. Browne (1996c, 93) suggests an etymology based on the noun ⲕⲉⲗ ‘limit’. 3 ⳟⲤⲥⲉⲗⲟ is most certainly a spelling mistake for ⲕⲤⲥⲉⲗⲟ. The scribe must have been confused by the preceding ⳟⲤⲥⲓⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲗⲟ.

311

15.2. LEXICAL CASES

(762) 3$WWLUL2.i.9–10 ᫡ ⲤⲕⲧⲖⲇⲱⲉⲛⲇⲉ ⲧ[ⲟⲩ]ⲥⲕⲓⲇⲕⲟⲕⲁⲧⲧⲖⲕⲖ ⲟ[1-2] ⲉⲛⲇⲉ ⲇⲟⲩⲈⲣⲁ ⲙⲚⲛⲁⲗ[ⲟ· isk(i)t-il-dō-ende

touskid-ko-katt-il-kil

o…-ende

earth-DET-SUPE-NEG.CONJ third-have-NMLZ-DET-ALL ??-NEG.CONJ

dou-eir-a

min-n-a-lo

exist-PRS-PRED not.be-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-FOC ‘He [sc. the Devil] is neither on the earth nor (up) (…) toward the Trinity.’

(763) P.QI 3 52.4–5 ᫥ ⲕⲁⲣⲧⲉⲕⲁ ⲁⲛⲛⲓⲕⲖⲗⲉ ⲡⲁⲈⲥⲟ karte-ka an-n-ikille

pa-e-so

letter-ACC 1SG-GEN-ALL write-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM ‘Write a letter to me!’

The allative may indicate a target or a direction: (764) L 104.1–2 ᫧ ⲓⲥⲣⲀⲎⲗⲓⲅⲓⲗⲗⲉ ⲇⲟⲩⲗⲗ ⲁⳟ[ⲁⲣ]ⲁⲥⲓⲛ⳹ isiraēli-ɡille doul-l Israel-ALL

aŋ-ar-a-sin

exist-PRS become-PST1-PRED-EMP

‘… has happened to Israel.’ (Rom 11:25)

(765) St 14.4–12 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲇⲇⲟ ⲡⲓⲥⲧⲉⲩⲉⲓⲣⲁ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲟⲛ· ⲧⲁⲕⲕⲁ ⲉⲣⲅⲖⲗⲟ ϩⲁⲣⲙⲓⲅⲟⲩⲛ· ⲢⲕⲁⲛⲉⲗⲁⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲕⲉⲇⲁ ⳝⲟⲇⲇⲚⲛⲁⲛⲁ· ⲁⳡⳝ ⲉⲗⲗⲉⲛ ⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗⲗⲉⲛⲕⲁ ⲥⲉⲩⲉⲦⲛⲟⲩⲀ· tad-do

pisteu-eir-a

miššan-ɡou-l-ᝥ-lon tak-ka

3SG-SUPE believe-PRS-PRED all-PL-DET-NOM-TOP

erɡ-il-ᝥ-lo

3SG-ACC

harm-iɡou-n irkane-la-ɡille

ked-a

follow-PRS.DET-NOM-FOC heaven-PL-GEN kingdom.NMLZ-DAT-ALL ascend-PRED

jod-d-in-n-an-a

añj ellen ketallen-ka seueit-nou-a

go-INTEN-COP-PRS-3PL-PRED life eternal-ACC

inherit-SUBORD.PL-PRED

‘All who believe in it and follow it will ascend to the kingdom of the heavens in order to inherit eternal life.’

The allative is also attested following the superessive (§15.2.3): (766) P.QI 1 8.i.7–9 ᫧ ⲁⳡⳝⲚ Ⲁ[ⲙ]ⲁⲛ ⲇⲁⲥⲖⲇⲱⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲧⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲙⲟⲩⲇⲟⲩⲉⲓⳝⲖ· añj-in

aman das-il-dō-ɡille

tek-ka

moudou-eij-il-ᝥ

life-GEN water fount-DET-SUPE-ALL 3PL-ACC lead-PLACT-PRS.DET-NOM ‘Leading them up to the fountain of the water of life …’ (Rev 7:17)

312

15. CASES AND POSTPOSITIONS

(767) P.QI 1 4.i.24–ii.1 ᫧ ⲓⲟⲩⲇⲟⲩⲞⲥⲓ ⳟⲟⲅⲗⲀ ⲧⲁⲕ ⲉⲔⲕⲉⲗ ⲇⲟⲩⲗⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲟⲛ· ⲟⲩⲇⲣⲓⲧⲗⲞ ⲙⲁⲣⲓⲁⲛⲁ ⳟⲟⲅⲗⲀ ⲡⲁⲗⲁ ⳝⲟⲣⲉⲕⲁ ⳟⲁⲗⲉⲛ ⲧⲁⲗ ⲉⲣⲅⲓⲥⲁⲛⲁ· ⲧⲉⲇⲇⲱⲅ[Ⲗⲗⲉ] ⳝ[ⲟ]ⲣⲓⲛⲁ ⲁⲛⳟ[Ⲗ ⲙ]ⲁⲛⲛⲟ ⲟⳡⲛⲟⲩⲀ· ioudouosi ŋoɡ-ila Jew

tak

eikk-el-ᝥ

house-DAT 3SG.ACC guide-PFV.PRED.DET-NOM

doul-ɡou-l-ᝥ-lon

oudrit-ilo

maria-na ŋoɡ-ila

exist.PRS-PL-DET-NOM-TOP speed.NMLZ-LOC Mary-GEN house-DAT

pal-a

jor-e-ka

ŋal-en

tal

come.out-PRED go-PFV.PRS-ACC see-PFV.PRS.2/3SG 3SG.??

erɡ-is-an-a

ted-dō-ɡille

jor-in-a

anŋ-il-ᝥ

follow-PST2-3PL-PRED grave-SUPE-ALL go-PRS.2/3SG-PRED think-PRS.DET-NOM

man-no

oñ-nou-a

DEM.DIST-LOC

weep-SUBORD.PL-PRED

‘The Jews who were in the house comforting her, when they saw Mary had quickly left from the house, followed along with her, thinking that she was going up to the grave to weep there.’ (Jn 11:31)

Another attestation may be P.QI B 31 ᫥ ⲁⲓⲇⲟⲅⲖ, but the context is heavily damaged. 15.2.3. Superessive -ⲇⲟ The superessive -ⲇⲟ indicates a position on top of or above something, or an upward direction. The suffix may be preceded by the determiner -ⲗ. (768) SC 7.14–16 ᫥ ⲕⲟⲗⲁⲧⲕⲘⲙⲁ ⲧⲖⲗⲖ· ⲉⲓⲧⲁ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲧⲓⲇⲁⲥⲚ· ⲟⲩⲈⲣⲖⲇⲱ Ⲁⲕⲁ ⲑⲁⲗⲁⲥⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲁⲧⲧⲟⲕⲁ ⲅⲖⲗⲁ ⳟⲔⲕⲔⲕⲁ· kol-at-k-im-m-a

till-il-ᝥ

eit-a

oueltid-a-sin

resemble-NMLZ-HAB-AFF-PRS.3SG-PRED God-DET-NOM man-PRED any-PRED-EMP

ouer-il-dō

ak-a

thalasou ouatto-ka ɡill-a

mountain-DET-SUPE sit-PRED sea

entire-ACC consider-PRED

ŋik-k-ik-ka see-HAB-PRS-ACC ‘God resembles any man who sits upon a mountain and overlooks the entire sea.’

(769) P.QI 1 9.ii.22–23 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲟⲩⲣⲖⲇⲟⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⳟⲁⲡⲚ ⲧⲣⲀⲧⲖⲗⲟ ⲡⲓⲀⲣⲁ· tan

our-il-do-eion

ŋapin

tirat-il-ᝥ-lo

pi-ar-a

3SG.GEN head-DET-SUPE-TOP gold.GEN crown-DET-NOM-FOC lie-PST1-PRED ‘On his head was a crown of gold.’ (Rev 14:14)

313

15.2. LEXICAL CASES

(770) M 9.9–16 ᫥ ⲥⲟⲩⲀⲉⲓ ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲕⲟⲛ ⲟⲩⲕⲣⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗ ⳟⲟⲕⲁ ⳝⲟⲣⲟⲩⲁⲛⲛⲟⲛ· ⲇⲠⲡⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲉⲇⲇⲱ Ⲁⲟⲩⲕⲕⲟⲛ ⲙⲁⲛ ⲇⲠⲡⲚ ⲅⲁⲇⲇⲱ ⲕⲉⲛⲞⲟⲥⲥⲁⲛⲁ· souaei tousko-n oukri-ɡou-l-ᝥ ŋok-a

jor-ou-an-non dippou

month three-GEN day-PL-DET-NOM pass-PRED go-PST1-3PL-TOP village

oued-dō ki-s-an-a

aouk-k-on

one-SUPE come-PST2-3PL-PRED boat-ACC-TOP

ɡad-dō

man

dipp-in

DEM.DIST

village-GEN

ken-oos-s-an-a

shore-SUPE place-PFV-PST2-3PL-PRED ‘After the days of three months had passed by, they came up to a village. They beached the ship on the shore of that village.’

In (770) we find the superessive on ⲇⲠⲡⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲉⲇⲇⲱ because from the perspective of the Nile the village lies higher than the boat. In this case the suffix is used with a sense of direction. The second instance ⲅⲁⲇⲇⲱ indicates a location. The case marker -ⲇⲟ has also been attested following the locative -ⲗⲟ: (771) P.QI 2 12.i.5–7 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲣⲚ ⲕⲟⳡⲕⲁ ⲁⲓⲱ ⲙⲁⲗⲗⲉ ⲅⲡⲢⲧⲣⲁ ⲙⲉⲛⲉⲥⲱ ⲟⲛ ⳟⲟⲇ⟦Ⲟ⟧ⲁ ⲁⲓⲅⲖ ⲕⲉⲛⲇⲉⲙⲓⲛⲉⲥⲱ ⳟⲁⲕⲦⲕⲁⲗⲟ ⲉⲓⲣⲚ ⲙⲉⲇⳝⲟⲩⲗⲟⲇⲱ⳼ eiri-n

koñ-ka ai-ō

malle ɡ(i)pirt-r-a men-e-sō

2SG-GEN face-ACC 1SG-LOC turn-PRS-PRED

on ŋod-a

ai-ɡil

not.be-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM

kend-emin-e-sō

ŋakt-ka-lo

and Lord-PRED 1SG-ALL place(?)-NEG-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM anger-ACC-FOC

eiri-n

medjou-lo-dō

2SG-GEN servant-LOC-SUPE ‘Do not turn your face away from me, Lord, do not place anger on me, upon your servant!’ (Ps 26:9)

The superessive is also used in several idiomatic expressions, most frequently with the verb ⲡⲓⲥⲧⲉⲩⲉ ‘to believe’ (which otherwise is also attested governing the allative): (772) St 14.4–13 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲇⲇⲟ ⲡⲓⲥⲧⲉⲩⲉⲓⲣⲁ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲟⲛ· ⲧⲁⲕⲕⲁ ⲉⲣⲅⲖⲗⲟ ϩⲁⲣⲙⲓⲅⲟⲩⲛ· ⲢⲕⲁⲛⲉⲗⲁⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲕⲉⲇⲁ ⳝⲟⲇⲇⲚⲛⲁⲛⲁ· ⲁⳡⳝ ⲉⲗⲗⲉⲛ ⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗⲗⲉⲛⲕⲁ ⲥⲉⲩⲉⲦⲛⲟⲩⲀ· ⲟⲛ ⲡⲁⲣⲁⲇⲉⲓⲥⲟⲥⲟⲩ ⲙⲁⲉⲦⲧⲚⲕⲁ· tad-do

pisteu-eir-a

miššan-ɡou-l-ᝥ-lon tak-ka

3SG-SUPE believe-PRS-PRED all-PL-DET-NOM-TOP

erɡ-il-ᝥ-lo

3SG-ACC

harm-iɡou-n er-kane-la-ɡille

ked-a

follow-PRS.DET-NOM-FOC heaven-PL-GEN head-NMLZ-DAT-ALL ascend-PRED

314

15. CASES AND POSTPOSITIONS

jod-d-in-n-an-a

añj ellen ketallen-ka seueit-nou-a

go-INTEN-COP-PRS-3PL-PRED life eternal-ACC

on

inherit-SUBORD.PL-PRED

paradeisosou mae-itt-in-ka

and paradise

rejoice-NMLZ-GEN-ACC

‘All who believe in it, following it, will ascend to the kingdom of the heavens in order to inherit eternal life and the paradise of joy.’

And with ⲥⲓⲗⲉⲗ ‘to pray’: (773) M 15.10–15 ᫥ ⲥⲟⲣⲧⲟⲗⲗⲟⲛ ⲇⲟⲩⲙⲙⲓⳝⲁ ⲧⲉⲇⲇⲱ ⲥⲓⲗⲉⲗⲁ· ⲧⲁⲇⲇⲉ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲟⲅⳝⲖⲇⲉ. ⲧⲁⲛ ⳟⲁⲇ⳿ⲇⲉ. ⲧⲁⲛ ⲙⲉⲇⳝⲟⲩⲛⲓⲅⲟⲩⲇⲉⲕⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲡⲤⲧⲁⲣⲓⲥⲛⲁ sorto-l-ᝥ-lon

doumm-ij-a

ted-dō

silel-a

tad-de

priest-DET-NOM-TOP take-PLACT-PRED 3PL-SUPE pray-PRED 3SG-CONJ

tan

oɡj-il-de

tan

ŋad-de

tan

3SG.GEN husband-DET-CONJ 3SG.GEN son-CONJ 3SG.GEN

medjou-ni-ɡou-dekek-ka pist-ar-is-n-a servant-PL-PL-CONJ-ACC

splash-TR-PST2-2/3SG-PRED

‘The priest took them, prayed over them, and baptized her, her husband, her son, and her servants.’

15.2.4. Subessive -ⲇⲟⲛ The subessive -ⲇⲟⲛ carries the meaning ‘downward’ and is often preceded by the determiner -ⲗ. It most frequently appears in the expression ϩⲁⲣⲙⲖⲇⲟⲛ ‘down from heaven, heavenly’: (774) K 20.3–8 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲁⲉⲖⲗⲁ ⲡⲉⲥⲉⲛ ⲓⲉⲣⲉⲞⲥⲓⲗⲟ ⲧⳝⲱ ⲕⲘⲙⲤⲥⲟⲙ ⳟⲉⲓⲙⲤⲥⲟⲙⲁ· ϩⲁⲣⲙⲖⲇⲟⲛ ⲓⲉⲣⲟⲩⲥⲁⲗⲏⲙⲉⲓⲁ ⳝⲁⲛⲕⲁ ⲕⲟⲩⲙⲙⲚⲛⲁⲗⲟ· tan

aeil-la

pes-en

iereos-ilo t(i)jō

3SG.GEN heart-DAT speak-PFV.PRS.2/3SG priest-LOC with

kim-mis-s-o-m

ŋei-mis-s-o-m-a

eat-NEG-PST2-1/2PL.PRED-AFF drink-NEG-PST2-1/2PL.PRED-AFF-DD

harm-il-don

ierousalēmei-a jan-ka

heaven-DET-SUBE Jerusalem-DAT

koum-men-n-a-lo

profit-ACC have-NEG-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-FOC

‘If he says in his heart “we did not eat or drink together with the priest,” then he has no profit in the heavenly Jerusalem.’

(775) SC 10.17–20 ᫥ ⲧⲖⲗⲓⲕⲁⲇⲉⲇⲱⲛ ⲇⲉⲣⲟⲛⲁ· ⲉⲦⲕⲗⲟⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲡⲁⳝⲓⲙⲙⲚⲛⲁⲗⲟ· ⲉⲚⲛⲟ ⲙⲁⲗⲟ ⲀⲇⲚⲕⲁⲛⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲟⲛ ⲟⲩⲈⲣ ⲓⳟⲁ ⲡⲉⲥⲧⲁⲕⲚⲛⲁⲛⲁ·

315

15.2. LEXICAL CASES

till-ikad-e-dōn

der-on-a

eit-k-lo-eion

god-NMLZ-NMLZ-SUBE apply-PST1.2/3SG-PRED man-NMLZ-LOC-TOP

paj-im-min-n-a-lo

ein-no

malo

divide-TR-NEG-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-FOC

DEM.PROX-LOC

according.to

adinkan-ɡou-l-ᝥ-lon ouer iŋ-a both-PL-DET-NOM-TOP

one

pes-tak-in-n-an-a

become-PRED speak-PASS-COP-PRS-3PL-PRED

‘He applied from divinity. From humanity he is not divided. According to this both are said to become one.’

15.2.5. Comitative -ⲇⲁⲗ The comitative -ⲇⲁⲗ generally means ‘with’, although its meaning may vary idiomatically depending on the verb it is connected with. Like the superessive and subessive, it may be preceded by the determiner -ⲗ (except after personal pronouns and proper nouns), and sometimes the locative -ⲗⲟ. (776) SC 10.12–13

᫥

ⲉⲘⲙⲟ ⲭⲤⲥⲓⲕⲁ ⲡⲁⲡⲖⲇⲁⲗ Ⲁⲅⲓⲇⲉⲓⲕⲟ ⲉⲓⲛⲚ·

ei-m-m-o

kh(risto)ssi-ka pap-il-dal

know-AFF-PRS-1PL.PRED Christ-ACC

aɡ-id-eiko

father-DET-COM sit-NMLZ-ADJ

ein-in be-PRS.2/3SG ‘We know that Christ is seated with the Father.’

(777) St 13.11–14.4 ᫥ Ⲧⳝⳝⲁⲉⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇⲉ ⳟⲁⲡⲉⲕⲁⲉⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲕⲁ ⲡⲟⲩⲗⲟⲩⲀ ⲡⲁⳝⲉⲥⲓⲗⲟ ⲕⲁⲗⲟⲉⲓⲟⲛ Ⲥⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲉⲗ ϩⲁⲣⲙⲟⲩⲅⲟⲩⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲕⲉⲇⲁ ⳝⲟⲇⲇⲛⲀ ⳟⲟⲕⲗⲰⲇⲁⲗ· tij-jaei-ɡou-l-de

ŋape-kaei-ɡou-l-dekel-ka

poulou-a

justice-NMLZ.PL-PL-DET-CONJ sin-NMLZ.PL-PL-DET-CONJ-ACC separate-PRED

paj-es-i-lo

kalo-eion

istaurosou ouel-ᝥ

divide-PFV.PST2-1SG-LOC downstream-TOP cross

harm-ouɡou-ɡille ked-a heaven-PL-ALL

jod-d-in-a

one-NOM

ŋok-ilō-dal

ascend-PRED go-INTEN-PRS.2/3SG-PRED glory-LOC-COM

‘After I have finished separating the just and the sinners, the one cross will ascend to the heavens accompanied by glory.’

(778) P.QI 1 10.A.ii.10–12 ᫥ ⲁⲓⲟⲩ ⲁⲛⲕⲘⲙⲉ ⲧⲖⲗⲚ Ⲣⲕⲁⲛⲉⲗⲁ ⲟⲩⲈⲣⲟⲩⲉⲣⲇⲁⲗ ⲡⲁⳝⲓⲛⲅⲓⲙⲉⲛⲇⲚⲛⲁⲗⲟⲉⲓⲀ· aiou-ᝥ

ank-im-m-e

till-in

erkane-la

1SG-NOM think-AFF-PRS-1SG.PRED God-GEN kingdom.NMLZ-DAT

316

15. CASES AND POSTPOSITIONS

ouer∼ouer-dal paj-inɡ-imen-d-in-n-a-lo-eia each.other-COM

divide-CAUS-NEG-INTEN-COP-2/3SG-PRED-FOC-DD

‘I myself think that in the kingdom of God he will not separate them from each other.’

15.2.6. Adessive -ⲇⲉ The adessive -ⲇⲉ is generally translated with ‘at’. It is not encountered in literary texts, but mainly occurs in land sales, where is appears to describe the location of plots (Van Gerven Oei 2019b). The adessive is homophonous with the conjunction -ⲇⲉ (§9.4.6). (779) P.QI 4 63.7–9 ᫥ ⲅⲉⲧⲧⲏ ⳟⲁⲥⲥⲏⲗⲁ :ⲇ: ⳣⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲟⲛⳟⲟⲕⲁⲕⲟⲛ ⲕⲁⲥⲗⲁⲕⲟⲛ ⳝⲁⲛⲛⲁ Ⲧⳝⳝⲏⲥⲉⲗⲟ Ⲟⲣⲟⲛ ϣⲉⲩⲣⲏⲇⲉ ⲡⲁⲣⲁⲕⲟⲗⲟ ⲕⲁⲗⲟⲛ ϣⲉⲩⲣⲏⲗⲟ Ⲉⲇⲉ ·ⲓ·ⲗⲟ ɡettē

ŋassē-la 4 wek-ka eionŋoka-k-on

kasla-k-on

cornfield(?) high-DAT 4 one-ACC Eionŋoka-ACC-CONJ Kasla-ACC-CONJ

jann-a

tij-j-ēs-e-lo

oro-n

šeur-ēde

exchange-PRED give>2/3-PLACT-PST-1SG.PRED-FOC south-GEN boundary-ADE

parako-lo kalo-n

šeur-ēlo

ede

10-lo

valley-FOC north-GEN boundary-LOC excrement 10-FOC ‘I sold one-fourth in the high cornfield(?) to Eionŋoka and Kasla. Next to the boundary of the south is the valley. At the boundary of the north are the 10 fertilized (plots).’

The parallel in (779) between Ⲟⲣⲟⲛ ϣⲉⲩⲣⲏⲇⲉ and ⲕⲁⲗⲟⲛ ϣⲉⲩⲣⲏⲗⲟ suggests that -ⲇⲉ here fulfills a locative function analogous to -ⲗⲟ. Other examples include: (780) P.QI 3 36.i.17–18 ᫥ ⲧⲓⲛⲟ ⲁⲣⲣⲉⲇⲇⲟ ⲡⲁⲣⲣⲉ ⲟⲥⲕⲁⲗⲉ ⲁⲗⲟ· Ⲟⲣⲱⲛ· ⲁⲅⲅⲟⲩⲣⲉⲗⲁ ⲟⲩⲀⲧⲓ ⲅⲗⲟ· Ⲟⲣⲱⲇⲉ ⲙⲟⲩϣⲉⲛ ⲁⲥⲧⲓⲛⲖⲗⲟ· tino arred-do parre oskale west arred-SUPE field

aɡɡoure-la

ouati 3-lo

irrigation-DAT wadi

1-ᝥ-lo

orō-n

waterwheel 1-NOM-FOC upstream-GEN

orō-de

mouše-n

3-FOC upstream-ADE Mouše-GEN

asti-n-il-ᝥ-lo daughter-GEN-DET-NOM-FOC ‘One waterwheel field on the western arred: three wadis for the irrigation of the south; to the south the (land) of the daughter of Mouše.’

(781) P.QI 3 39.10–15 ᫥ ⲁⲓⲟⲩ ⲁⲅⲅⲉⲥⲧⲟⲧⲖ Ⲁⲡⲟⲛ· ⲡⲉⲥⲚ ⳟⲁ ⲙⲁϣϣⲟⲩⲇⲁ: ⲭⲉⲓⲁⲕϢϣⲔⲕⲁ ⲡⲁⲣⲣⲉ ⲁⲛⲛⲟⲩ Ⲁⲡⲟⲗⲟ ⲕⲟ ⲥⲉⲩⲉⲓⲥⲉ ⲉⲓⲛ ⳟⲁⲗⲗⲟ

317

15.2. LEXICAL CASES

ⳝⲱⲟⲗⲕⲁ ⲁⲅⲅⲉϣⲟⲩⲇⲁⲛⲓⲗⲟ ⲡⲉⲗⲚ ⲥⲓⲗⲓⲙⲏⲕⲁ ⲟⲣⲣⲉ ⲡⲔⲕⲟⲛ· ⲥⲖⲙⲓ⟨ⲕⲁ⟩ ⲕⲁⲗⲗⲉ ⲡⲔⲕⲟⲥⲚ· ⳝⲁⲛⲁ ⲧⲓⳝⳝⲓⲥⲉⲗⲟ· aiou Aɡɡestotil a-po-n 1SG

pesi-n

ŋa

maššouda

Aggestotil 1SG.POSS-father-GEN sibling-GEN son.PRED(?) Maššouda

kheiakiššik-ka

parre an-nou a-po-lo

choiak-eikšil-ACC field

ko

1SG-GEN 1SG.POSS-father-LOC through

seu-eis-e

ein

ŋal-lo

inherit-PST2-1SG.PRED

DEM.PROX

son-LOC go-PST1-ACC Aggešouda-GEN-LOC

pel-in

silimē-ka or-re

jō-ol-ka

aɡɡešouda-n-ilo

pik-ko-n

silm-ka

come.out-PRS.2/3SG Ibrim-ACC upstream-ADE lie-PRF-2/3SG Ibrim-ACC

kal-le

pik-ko-s-in

jan-a

downstream-ADE lie-PRF-PST2-2/3SG exchange-PRED

tij-j-is-e-lo give>2/3-PLACT-PST2-1SG.PRED-FOC ‘I, Aggestotil, sold to choiak-eikšil Maššouda, son of the sibling of my father, the field that I inherited through my father coming from this son, while coming out in Aggešouda’s, having Ibrim lying upstream and Ibrim lying downstream.’

15.2.7. Suffix -ⲗⲉ There seems to be a separate suffix -ⲗⲉ, whose original meaning can no longer be recovered. It frequently occurs before the postposition ⳝⲟⲩⲛ (§15.3.1.11), where it alternates with the locative -ⲗⲟ: (782) K 28.1–4 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲛ ⲧⲁⲣⲁⲧⲉⲓ ⲙⲉⲕⲕⲉⲓⲛⲛⲓⲗⲉ ⳝⲟⲩⲛ· ⲉⲗⲗⲉ ⲉⲓⲓⲟⲩⲇⲁⲇⲁⲗ ⲙⲆⲇⲉⲓⲧⲁⲕⲉⲓⲛⲏ ⲉⲓⲙⲙⲉⲓⲛⲉⲥⲟ· ein

taratei mekk-einn-ile joun

DEM.PROX

hour

small-be-LE

midd-eitak-ein-ē

el-le

eiiouda-dal

because now-INT Judas-COM

eim-mein-e-so

condemn-PASS-PRS.2/3SG(?)-2SG(?) be-NEG-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM ‘Because of this short period, do not be condemned forever with Judas!’

It is perhaps also found as an extension of other morphemes, including -ⲅⲖ(-ⲗⲉ) ‘toward’ (§15.2.2), -ⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗ(ⲓ)-ⲗⲉ(ⲓ) ‘also’ (§9.5), and -ⲕⲤⲕⲖ(-ⲗⲉ) ‘until’ (§15.3.2.1). The same morpheme may perhaps also be found lexicalized in ⲉⲗⲗⲉ ‘time’, from the adverb ⲉⲗ ‘now’. Perhaps in this context it is used as an intensifier. The morpheme also appears sporadically independently on nouns: (783) DD f.1–2 ᫥ ⲙⲓⳡⳡⲁ Ⲁⲕⲟⲩⲁ ⲉⲛⲟ ⲙⲁⲣⲓⲗⲉ ⲙⲓⳡ Ⲁⲕⲟⲩⲁ· ⲕⲤⲥⲉⲛ ⲁⲥⲁ· miññ-a ak-oua WH-PRED

en-o

mari-le miñ ak-oua

sit-PRS.PRED(?) mother-VOC Mary-LE

WH

sit-PRS.PRED

318

15. CASES AND POSTPOSITIONS

kisse-n

as-a

church-GEN daughter-PRED ‘What are you, Mother Mary, what are you? – The daughter of the Church.’

(784) I.Bang 309.1–5 ⲇⲓⲛⲉⲥⲟ. raphaēl till-a

᫥

ⲣⲁⲫⲁⲏⲗ ⲧⲖⲗⲁ ⲕⲉⲓⲥⲕⲉⲗⲓⲗⲉ ⲁⲛ ⲧⲟⲧⲧⲁ ⳟⲁⲉⲓⲁ keiskel-ile an

Raphael God-PRED up.to-LE

tot-ta

ŋaei-a

1SG.GEN son-ACC save-PRED

din-e-so give>1-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM ‘God of Raphael, up there, save my son for me!’

(785) P.QI 3 48.3–4 ᫥ ⲙⲚⲛⲉ ⳝⲟⲩⲛ ⳟⲉⲉⲓⲕⲁ ⳝⲢⲣⲘⲙⲟⲩⲛⲛⲁ ⲉⲔⲕⲁⲗⲉ Ⲁⳣⲓ ⲙⲟⲩⲛⲛⲁ min-ne joun

ŋeei-ka

jir-r-i-mmoun-n-a

what-LE because work-ACC approach-TR-INF-not.want-PRS.2/3G-PRED

eik-ka-le

aw-i

moun-n-a

2SG-ACC-LE do-INF not.want-PRS.2/3SG-PRED ‘Why don’t you want to take up the work? He doesn’t want to act for you.’

15.2.8. Vocative Originally, it appears that Old Nubian had a vocative in -ⲟ, but this morpheme is no longer productive at the time we find the first written texts. A few petrified forms remain: SC 13.21 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲡ-ⲟ ‘father’; P.QI 1 6.ii.10 ᫥ ⲉⲓ-Ⲱ ‘woman’; DD e.1 ᫥ ⲉⲛ-ⲟ ‘mother’; I.Bang 705.4 ᫥ ⳟⲟⲇ-ⲟ ‘lord’. It is maybe also written erroneously, and then crossed out, in P.QI 2 12.i.6 ᫥ ⳟⲟⲇ⟦Ⲟ⟧ⲁ. The predicate marker -ⲁ (§7) has taken over the function of marking the vocative: (786) I.Bang 676.1 ᫥ ⲣⲁⲫⲁⲏⲗ ⳟⲤⲥⲓⲅⲟⲩⲛⲁ ⲡⲁⲟⲩⲧⲁ ⲁⲓⲉⲓ ⲧⲩⲣⲁⲧⲓ ⲁⲓⲕⲁ ⲉⲚ ⲥⲉⲩⲁⲣⲧⲓⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲫⲫⲁ ⲟⲩⲧⲣⲀ ⲇⲓⲛⲉⲥⲟ raphaēl ŋiss-iɡou-na paou-t-a Raphael holy-PL-GEN

seuart-ika ouphph-a outir-a spirit-ACC

aiei turati ai-ka

ein

power-NMLZ-PRED 1SG Turati 1SG-ACC 2SG.GEN

din-e-so

blow-PRED place-PRED give>1-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM

‘Raphael, ruler of saints, I (am) Turati, blow and deposit your spirit in me!’

For plural vocatives, we find the plural predicate marker -ⲁⲅⲟⲩⲈ (§16.3.3.4), often extended with the 2PL subject clitic -ⲕⲉ (§10.1.6.1):

319

15.2. LEXICAL CASES

(787) M 1.5 ᫥ ⲟⲛⲧⲁⲕⲣⲁⲅⲟⲩⲈⲕⲉ· on-tak-r-a-ɡoue-ke love-PASS-PRS-PRED-PL.PRED-2PL ‘Beloved!’

(788) SC 11.11–14 ᫥ ⲙⲁⲕⲁⲛ ⲤⲕⲉⲗⲁⲇⳝⲣⲉⲥⲚ ⲟⲩⲕⲕⲁ ⲉⳟⳟⲁⲈⲅⲟⲩⲈⲕⲉ· ⲧⲟⲩⲁⲕⲕⲁⲛⲉ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲛⲟ ⲟⲩⲉⲣⲟⲩⲉⲣⲅⲓⲗⲗⲉ ⲟⲕⲕⲁⲛⲛⲁⲥⲟ· makan

iskel-ad-j-r-e-sin

ouk-ka

therefore beg-INTEN-PLACT-PRS-1SG.PRED-EMP 2PL-ACC

eŋŋae-ɡoue-ke

touak-kane

miššan-no ouer∼ouer-ɡille

brother.PL.PRED-PL.PRED-2PL gentle-NMLZ.PRED all-LOC

each.other-ALL

ok-kan-na-so feel-CAUS-IMP.2/3PL.PRED-COMM ‘Therefore I shall beg you, brothers, feel for each other in all gentleness!’

The vocative use of the predicate marker is distributed across coordinated noun phrases: (789) DP 4.12 ᫡ ⲡⲁⲡⲁ ⳟⲤⲥⲁ ⲟⲛ ⳟⲁ ⳟⲤ[ⲥ]ⲁ ⲟⲛ ⲥⲉ[ⲩ]ⲁⲣⲧ[ⲁ] ⳟⲤⲥⲁ ⲧⲁⲣⲟⲩⲈⲥⲱ pap-a

ŋiss-a

on ŋa

on ŋiss-a

seaurt-a

ŋiss-a

father-PRED holy-PRED and son.PRED and holy-PRED spirit-PRED holy-PRED

tarou-e-sō bless-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM ‘Holy Father, Holy Son, Holy Spirit, bless (this)!’

(790) St 4.7–5.1 ᫥ ⳟⲟⲇⲁ ⲧⲖⲗⲁ ⲟⲩⲛⲁ· ⲟⲩⲛ ⲀⲉⲖⲅⲟⲩⲛⲁⲉⲓⲟⲛ Ⲉⲥⲟⲅⲅⲓⲇⲉⲣⲁ· ⲁⲓⲀⲅⲟⲩⲈⲥⲚ ⳟⲁⲡⲉⲗⲟ ⲧⲟⲩⲕⲙⲁ ⲕⲟⲣⲕⲁ ⲈⲧⲟⲗⲅⲟⲩⲛⲀⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲓⲀⲧⲟⲣⲞⲥⲁ· ŋod-a

till-a

ou-n-a

ou-n

aeil-ɡou-na-eion

Lord-PRED God-PRED 1PL.EXCL-GEN-PRED 1PL.EXCL-GEN heart-PL-GEN-TOP

esoɡɡ-ider-a

ai-a-ɡoue-sin

ŋape-lo toukm-a

release-NMLZ-PRED heart-PRED-PL.PRED-EMP sin-LOC

et-ol-ɡou-na-eion

kor-ka

stink-PRED wound-ACC

iatoros-a

receive-PST1-PL-GEN-TOP doctor-PRED ‘Our Lord and God, release of our heart, doctor of the hearts which received a wound, stinking in sin!’

The vocative of personal pronouns is formed by the long form of the pronoun (§10.1.1.2):

320

15. CASES AND POSTPOSITIONS

(791) St 8.2–5 ᫥ Ⲉ ⲁⲛ ⲡⲆⲧⲁ· ⲡⲉⲧⲣⲞⲥⲓ ⲟⲛ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩ ⲁⲛ ⲉⳟⳟⲁⲉⲅⲟⲩⲈⲕⲉ· e

an

pidt-a

petirosi on

oh 1SG.GEN friend-PRED Peter

ourou an

and 2PL

1SG.GEN

eŋŋae-ɡoue-ke brother.PL.PRED-PL.PRED-2PL ‘Oh, my chosen one Peter and you, my brothers!’

15.3. Postpositions Like lexical cases, postpositions mark adjuncts. Unlike lexical cases, however, these postpositions are morphologically complex, and can follow a determiner, genitive, or locative. Postpositions can be divided into two categories, based on their etymology: denominal postpositions (§15.3.1) and deverbal postpositions (§15.3.2). Denominal postpositions are based on a nominal root, which in some cases also exists as common noun. Deverbal postpositions are based on a verbal root. Postpositions form a single phonological word with the preceding noun phrase. 15.3.1. Denominal Postpositions Denominal postpositions are grammaticalized nominal roots used to encode positionality. Because of their nominal provenance, they have been attested following a determiner -ⲗ and, more frequently, genitive -ⲛ (never -ⲛⲁ). Rilly (2010, 386) suggests that construction with a determiner is older than the one with the genitive, as the latter is absent in Meroitic. A later development appears to be a construction based on a locative -ⲗⲟ (and dative -ⲗⲁ), analogous to the construction of the deverbal postpositions. (792) DENOMINAL POSTPOSITIONS % DET + ⲁⲩⲰ/ⲁⲩⲀ ‘within’ (§15.3.1.1); % DET/LOC + ⲕⲁⲗⲟ ‘downstream, after’ (§15.3.1.2); % GEN + ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲓⲕⲁ/ⲕⲉⲉⲕⲕⲁ ‘as, according to’ (§15.3.1.3); % LOC + ⲙⲁⲗⲟ ‘according to’ (§15.3.1.4); % DAT + ⲙⲟⲗ ‘near’ (§15.3.1.5); % GEN + ⲛⲁⲣⲟ/ⲛⲁⲣⲉ ‘beside’ (§15.3.1.6); % DET/GEN/LOC + Ⲟⲣⲟ ‘upstream, before’ (§15.3.1.7); % DET/GEN/LOC + ⲧⲁⲩⲟ ‘under’ (§15.3.1.8); % GEN + ⲧⲟⲩ ‘inside’ (§15.3.1.9); % DAT/LOC + ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲟⲩ ‘before’ (§15.3.1.10); % GEN + case-marked form of ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲓ; LOC/LE + ⳝⲟⲩⲛ ‘about, because of’ (§15.3.1.11).

321

15.3. POSTPOSITIONS

ⲁⲩⲰ, ⲧⲁⲩⲟ, ⲛⲁⲣⲟ, ⲙⲁⲗⲟ, Ⲟⲣⲟ, and ⲕⲁⲗⲟ feature the old locative -ⲟ (§15.2.1). The variant ⲁⲩⲀ appears to preserve the original ending -ⲁ of the dative (§15.1.4). Note further that the orthography of ⲛⲁⲣⲟ, with initial ⲛ, suggests that it was not an independent phonological word, because Old Nubian phonology does not allow word-initial ⲛ- (§19.4.1). 15.3.1.1. ⲁⲩⲰ/ⲁⲩⲀ ‘within’ ⲁⲩⲰ/ⲁⲩⲀ consists of the no longer independently attested noun ⲁⲩ followed by the old locative -ⲟ or old dative -ⲁ. It has been only attested following the determiner -ⲗ or personal pronoun. No supposedly later variants following a genitive or locative have been found. (793) P.QI 1 4.ii.16–17 ᫥ ⲓⲥⲟⲩⲥⲓⲟⲛ· ⲟⲩⲉⲗ ⲧⲁⲣⲓ ⲁⲩⲀ ⲥⲓⲣⲘⲥⲓⲣⲘⲙⲁ ⲧⲟⲕⲁ ⲕⲓⲥⲚⲛⲁ ⲧⲉⲇⲇⲱ iēsousi-ᝥ-on ouel tari aua Jesus-NOM-TOP one

sirim∼sirimm-a tok-a

3SG within groan∼INT-PRED

ki-s-in-n-a

depart-PRED

ted-dō

come-PST2-PRS(?)-2/3SG-PRED grave-SUPE ‘Jesus, again groaning within himself, came up to the grave.’ (Jn 11:38)

(794) P.QI 1 2.ii.8–10 ᫧ ⲁⲛⲕⲧⲁⲛⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲥⲕⲁⲢ[ⲥ]ⲛⲁ ⲧⲉⲣⲚ ⲀⲉⲖⲗ ⲁⲩⲀ ⲟⳡⲚ ⲡⲁ[ⲣ]ⲕⲟⲩ ⲏⲛ ⲉⲓⲣⲚ ⲁⲟⲩⲥⲗⲱ ank-t-an-ɡou-ka

ousk-ar-is-n-a

teri-n

aeil-l

aua

think-NMLZ-DU-PL-ACC place-TR-PST-2/3SG-PRED 3PL-GEN heart-DET within

oñ-in

parkou ēn

tear-GEN valley

DEM.PROX

eiri-n

aou-s-lō

2SG-GEN do-PST2-LOC

‘He placed thoughts in their heart in the valley of tears which you made.’ (Ps 83:6–7)

Note the use of 3PL ⲧⲉⲣⲚ instead of expected ⲧⲁⲣⲚ for Greek αὐτοῦ. (795) Dong 1.i.21–23 ᫥ ⲙⲁϣⲁⲛ ⲟⲥⲕⲉⲗⲱ ⲧⲘⲙⲁ ⲉⲓⲗⲁ ⲟⲛ ⲧⲉⲣⲚ ⲕⲟⲩⲗ ⲁⲩⲰ ⲡⲓⲉⲓⲥⲁⲛⲁ mašan os-k-e-lō

timm-a

ei-la

on teri-n

sun.GEN come.out-NMLZ-NMLZ-LOC gather-PRED hand-DAT and 3PL-GEN

koul

auō

pi-eis-an-a

cave.DET within lie-PST2-3PL-PRED ‘At sunrise, they gathered together and lied within their cave.’ (Ps 103:22)

322

15. CASES AND POSTPOSITIONS

A later backformation with a dative case marker is attested in the documentary material, where ⲁⲩⲗⲁ is perhaps formed by analogy to ⲧⲟⲩⲗⲁ ‘inside’ (§15.3.1.9). (796) P.QI 3 40.14–15 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲣⲣⲉ ⲕⲁⲡⲟⲡⲚ ⳝⲁⲛⲁ ⲇⲤⲥⲖ ⲉⲓⲣ ⲁⲩⲗⲁ ⲡⲖ ⲟⲩⲇ⳿ⳝⲖ ⲧⲁⲩⲞ ⲡⲔⲕⲁ ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲕⲟ ⳟⲤⲥⲗⲀ ⲟⲩⲧⲉⲣⲁ· parre kapopi-n field

jan-a

dis-s-il

eir au-la

Kapopi-GEN exchange-PRED give>1-PST2-DET 2SG within-DAT

pi-l

oudji-l

tauo pi-k-ka

tousko ŋiss-ila out-er-a

exist-PRS.DET Oudji-DET under exist-PRS-ACC three

holy-DAT put-TR-PRED

‘…(I) deposit the field that Kapopi sold me, is within my (ownership), and lies below Oudji, to the (Church of) the Holy Trinity.’

15.3.1.2. ⲕⲁⲗⲟ ‘downstream, after’ The compass direction ⲕⲁⲗⲟ ‘downstream’ is used both as an independent noun and as a postposition attested with determiner and locative, meaning ‘downstream, after’. Like ⲟⲣⲟ ‘upstream’, the postpositional meanings of ⲕⲁⲗⲟ are related to the orientation of the Nile, which streams from south to north. (797) L 111.7–9 ᫧ ⲕⲁⲧⲁⲡⲉⲧⲁⲥⲙⲁ ⲟⲩⲟⲩ ⲕⲁⲗⲟ ⲡⲁⲗⲁ ⲕⲓⲗⲗⲟⲛ⳹ ⳟⲁⲩⲉⲓⲣⲁ ⳟⲤⲥ[ⲓⲅⲟⲩ]ⲛⲁ ⳟⲤⲥⲁⲀⲗⲟ ⲟⲕⲧⲁⲕⲛⲀ⳹ katapetasma ouou kalo veil

ŋaueir-a

two

kil-ᝥ-lon

pal-a

downstream come.out-PRED come.PRS.DET-NOM-TOP

ŋiss-iɡou-na ŋiss-a-a-lo

tabernacle-PRED holy-PL-GEN

ok-tak-in-a

holy-PRED-DD-FOC call-PASS-PRS.2/3SG-PRED

‘That which comes after veil two is called the Tabernacle, which is the Holy of Holies.’ (Heb 9:3)

Note that in (797) ⲕⲁⲧⲁⲡⲉⲧⲁⲥⲙⲁ ⲟⲩⲟⲩ- may be considered inherently determinate as it refers to a unique entity. More frequently, ⲕⲁⲗⲟ follows the locative: (798) St 9.11–10.2 ᫥ ⲉⲚⲛⲟ ⲕⲁⲗⲟⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲧⲢⲧⲚ ⲥⲁⲗⲁ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲛⲁⲅⲟⲩⲉⲥⲚ ⲁⲓⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲡⲉⲥⲓⳝⲁⲛⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ· ein-no

kalo-eion

DEM.PROX-LOC

downstream-TOP revile-NMLZ-GEN word-PRED

tir-t-in

sal-a

miššann-a-ɡoue-sin ai-ɡille pes-ij-an-ɡou-ka all-PRED-PL.PRED-EMP 1SG-ALL speak-PLACT-PRS.3PL-PL-ACC ‘…and after this all the words of reviling they said to me.’

323

15.3. POSTPOSITIONS

(799) P.QI 3 41.15–18 ᫥ ⲁⲓⲟ ⲕⲁⲗⲟ ⲁⲛⲛⲁ ⲙⲚⲛⲉⲀ· ⲙⲁⲣⲓⲀⲙⲚ ⲥⲟⲩⲛⲧⲛ ⲡⲓⲗ ⲉⲧⲓⲥⲁⲥⲓⲛ· ⲡⲟⲩⲗⲁⲇⲖ· ⲧⲖⲗⲓⲗⲟ ⲙⲤⲕⲦⲧ ⲁⳟⲁⲙⲏ· ai-o

kalo

an-na

min-ᝥ-n-e-a

mariami-n

1SG-LOC downstream 1SG-GEN not.be-PRS-1SG.PRED-DD Mariami-GEN

sount-in

pi-l

etisa-sin

poul-ad-il-ᝥ

writer-GEN lie-PRSDET whoever(?)-EMP disparage-INTEN-PRS.DET-NOM

till-ilo

miskitt

aŋ-a-mē

God-LOC estranged become-PRED-JUS.SG ‘May whoever(?) of the scribes of Mariami will disparage me behind my back (saying that) I am not (the writer) of my (document) become estranged (vel sim.) from God!’

Additionally, ⲕⲁⲗⲟ has been attested as a marker of temporal clauses, with the meaning ‘after, since’ (§8.1.2): (800) CE 159.B.6–8 ᫥ ⲧⲟⲧ ⲕⳠⲁⲣⲓ ⲕⲁⲗⲟ ⲉⲗⲟ ⲕⲟⲗⲟ ⟦.⟧ ⲙⲛⲀ ⲁⲇⲇⲣⲈ· Ⲉ ⳟⲟⲇⲁ· tot

kiñ-ar-i

kalo

e-lo

ko-lo

min-a

child be.without-PST1-1SG downstream now-LOC by-FOC what-DD

ad-d-ir-e

e

ŋod-a

say-INTEN-PRS-1SG.PRED oh Lord-PRED ‘Since I have been without child, what shall I say now, oh Lord?’

(801) St 13.11–14.4 ᫥ Ⲧⳝⳝⲁⲉⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇⲉ ⳟⲁⲡⲉⲕⲁⲉⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲕⲁ ⲡⲟⲩⲗⲟⲩⲀ ⲡⲁⳝⲉⲥⲓⲗⲟ ⲕⲁⲗⲟⲉⲓⲟⲛ Ⲥⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲉⲗ ϩⲁⲣⲙⲟⲩⲅⲟⲩⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲕⲉⲇⲁ ⳝⲟⲇⲇⲛⲀ ⳟⲟⲕⲗⲰⲇⲁⲗ· tij-jaei-ɡou-l-de

ŋape-kaei-ɡou-l-dekel-ka

poulou-a

justice-NMLZ.PL-PL-DET-CONJ sin-NMLZ.PL-PL-DET-CONJ-ACC separate-PRED

paj-es-i-lo

kalo-eion

istaurosou ouel-ᝥ

cease-PFV.PST2-1SG-LOC downstream-TOP cross

harm-ouɡou-ɡille ked-a heaven-PL-ALL

jod-d-in-a

one-NOM

ŋok-ilō-dal

ascend-PRED go-INTEN-PRS.2/3SG-PRED glory-LOC-COM

‘After I have finished separating the just and the sinners, the one cross will ascend to the heavens accompanied by glory.’

15.3.1.3. ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲓⲕⲁ/ⲕⲉⲉⲕⲕⲁ ‘as, according to’ ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲓⲕⲁ consists of the no longer independently attested root ⲕⲉⲗⲗ (perhaps ⲕⲉⲗ ‘limit’), followed by the accusative case -ⲕⲁ. It is etymologically related to the conjunction ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱ (§8.1.3.1). ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲓⲕⲁ governs a noun phrase marked with the genitive -ⲛ.

324

15. CASES AND POSTPOSITIONS

(802) P.QI 1 5.ii.6–8 ᫥ ⲁⲙⲧⲦⲧⲕⲁⲥⲚ· ⲟⲩⲕⲕⲁ ⲦⳝⳝⲓⲥⲉⲥⲚ· ⲁⲛ ⲟⲩⲇⲇⲁⲗ· ⲁⲩⲈⲥⲚ· ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲓⲕⲁ· ⲟⲩⲕⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗ ⲁⲩⲉⲓⲕⲟⲀ–ⲟⲩⲰⲀ· amtitt-ka-sin

ouk-ka tij-j-is-e-sin

an

example.NMLZ-ACC-EMP 2PL-ACC give>2/3-PLACT-PST2-1SG.PRED-EMP 1SG.GEN

oud-dal au-es-in

kellika ouk-ᝥ-ketal auei-ko-a

2PL-COM do-PFV.PST2-GEN as

2PL-NOM-also do-SUBORD-PRED

-ou-ō-a -1/2PL-LOC-PRED ‘I gave you an example so that, as I did to you, you do as well.’ (Jn 13:15)

(803) L 106.6–9 ᫧ ⲓⲱⲥⲏⲫⲓⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⳟⲁⲗⲟⲩⲗⲗⲟ ⲡⲓⲕⲕⲉⲛ⳹ ⳟⲟⲇⲚ ⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥⲛⲀ ⲧⲁⲕⲕ[ⲁ] ⲙⲟⲩⲣⲧⲁ ⲧ[ⲣⲈⲥ]Ⲛ ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲓⲕⲁ ⲁⲩⲀ⳹ ⲡⲁⲣⲑ[ⲉ]ⲛⲟⲥⲕⲁ ⲧⲁ[ⲇⲅⲓⲗ ⲉ]ⲛⲁⲣⲓⲥⲛⲁ⳹ Iōsēphi-ᝥ-eion ŋalou-l-lo

pikk-en

ŋod-in

sleep-DET-LOC awaken-PFV.PRS.2/3SG Lord-GEN

Joseph-TOP

aɡɡelos-ina tak-ka angel-GEN

mourt-a

tir-esin

kellika au-a

3SG-ACC ordain-PRED give>2/3-PFV.PST2.GEN as

do-PRED

parthenos-ka tad-ɡil en-ar-is-n-a virgin-ACC

3SG-ALL take-TR-PST2-2/3SG-PRED

‘Joseph, when he awoke from sleep, did as the angel of the Lord ordained him and took the virgin to himself.’ (Mt 1:24)

The variant ⲕⲉⲉⲕⲕⲁ, if it is indeed a variant and not a different suffix altogether, is only attested once. (804) P.QI 1 2.i.18–20 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲇ ⲉⲛⲉⲛ ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲣⲱ ⲟⲩⲉⲓⲥⲕⲁ ⲦⳝⳝⲁⲇⲖ ⲟⲩⲈⲣⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲈⲣⲁⲕⲕⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲧⲁⲣⲚ ⳟⲉⲉⲚ ⲕⲉⲉⲕⲕⲁ⳼ eid-ᝥ

en-en

jourrō oueisk-a

2SG-NOM be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG because recompense-PRED

tij-j-ad-il-ᝥ

ouerou ouerakk-ka tari-n

give>2/3-PLACT-INTEN-PRS.DET-NOM one.after.another-ACC 3SG-GEN

ŋeein

keekka

work.GEN according.to ‘Because it is you who will recompense them one after another according to his work.’ (Ps 61:13)

15.3.1.4. ⲙⲁⲗⲟ ‘according to’ The postposition ⲙⲁⲗⲟ ‘according to’ clearly contains traces of a locative -ⲗⲟ, although the original nominal root can no longer be reconstructed. It usually follows a locative.

325

15.3. POSTPOSITIONS

(805) M 11.6–9 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲣⲓⲰ ⲙⲁⲗⲱ ⲧⲖⲗⲔ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲁⲣⲁ ⲙⲁⲣⲓⲀ ⲁⲓⲕⲁ ⲁⲩⲗⲟⲥⲉ· ⳟⲁⲡⲉⲕ⳿ ⲁⲩⲈⲥⲓⲗⲟ ⳝⲟⲩⲛ eiri-o

malō

till-ik

ounn-ar-a

mari-a

ai-ka

2SG-LOC according.to God-ACC bear-PST1-PRED Mary-PRED 1SG-ACC

aul-os-e

ŋape-k au-es-i-lo

joun

save-PFV-IMP.2/3SG.PRED sin-ACC do-PFV.PST2-1SG-LOC because ‘By you, Mary Theotokos, please save me, because I have committed sin!’

(806) St 15.9–16.6 ᫥ Ⲉⲗⲟⲛ Ⲉ ⲁⲛ ⲟⲩⲥⲓⲉⲤⲕⲉ ⳟⲤⲥⲉⲅⲟⲩⲈⲕⲉ· ⳝⲱⲣⲁ ⲕⲓⲀ· ⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥ ⲟⲩⲁⲧⲧⲟⲗⲁ· ⳝⲁⲩⲀ Ⲧⳝⳝⲁⲛⲁⲥⲱ· ⲧⲁⲣⲓⲞ ⲙⲁⲗⲟ ⲧⲟⲣⲁ Ⲥⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲥⲟⲩ ⳟⲟⲕⲟⲕⲕ ⲟⲕⲁ ⲡⲓⲡⲓⳝⲁ ⲕⲁⲣⲕ ⲁⲩ[ⲗ]ⲉⲛⲇⲣⲁ ⲉⲓⲛⲚ ⲕⲟ[ⲛ]ⲕⲟⲁⲛⲛⲟⲀ· el-on

e

an

ousieisk-e

ŋiss-e-ɡoue-ke

jōr-a

now-TOP oh 1SG.GEN limb(?)-PL.PRED holy-PL.PRED-PL.PRED-2PL go-PRED

ki-a

kosmos ouatto-la jau-a

come-PRED world

whole-DAT proclaim-PRED

tij-j-ana-sō

tari-o

malo

tor-a

give>2/3-PLACT-IMP.2/3PL.PRED-COMM 3SG-LOC according.to enter-PRED

istaurosou ŋo-ko-kk cross

aul

ok-a

pi∼pi-j-a

kar-k

glory-ADJ-ACC call-PRED remain∼INT-PLACT-PRED shield-ACC

en-d-r-a

ein-in

kon-ko-an-no-a

save be-INTEN-PRS-PRED be-PRS.2/3SG have-SUBORD-3PL-LOC-PRED ‘Now, oh my holy limbs(?), go around and preach to the whole world, so that, following after it, invoking continually the glorious cross, they may have a shield which will save!’

(807) SC 10.17–20 ᫥ ⲧⲖⲗⲓⲕⲁⲇⲉⲇⲱⲛ ⲇⲉⲣⲟⲛⲁ· ⲉⲦⲕⲗⲟⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲡⲁⳝⲓⲙⲙⲚⲛⲁⲗⲟ ⲉⲚⲛⲟ ⲙⲁⲗⲟ ⲀⲇⲚⲕⲁⲛⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲟⲛ ⲟⲩⲈⲣ ⲓⳟⲁ ⲡⲉⲥⲧⲁⲕⲚⲛⲁⲛⲁ· till-ikad-e-dōn

der-on-a

eit-k-lo-eion

god-NMLZ-NMLZ-SUBE apply-PST1.2/3SG-PRED man-NMLZ-LOC-TOP

paj-im-min-n-a-lo

ein-no

malo

divide-TR-NEG-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-FOC

DEM.PROX-LOC

according.to

adinkan-ɡou-l-ᝥ-lon ouer iŋ-a both-PL-DET-NOM-TOP

one

pes-tak-in-n-an-a

become-PRED speak-PASS-COP-PRS-3PL-PRED

‘He applied from divinity. From humanity he is not divided. According to this both are said to become one.’

There is perhaps one attestation in which the final -ⲗⲟ is dropped: (808) P.QI 3 57.i.5–8 ᫥ ⲉⲚⲛⲟ ⲙⲁ ⲉⲚ ⲭⲢⲥⲧⲓⲀⲛⲟⲥⲣⲓ ⲥⲟⲣⲇⲉ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲡⲉⲥⲖⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗ ⲡⲚⲕⲦⲧⲔ Ⲣⲕⲁⲛⲉ ⲉⲚⲛⲓⲗⲁ ⲉⲚⲛⲓⲗⲁ ⲕⲟⲛⲁ ⲉⲚⲛⲓⲅⲖ ⲧⲁⲥⲥⲁⲛⲁⲥⲚ

326

15. CASES AND POSTPOSITIONS

ein-no

ma

DEM.PROX-LOC

according.to 2SG.GEN Christian-PL

pes-il-dekel-ᝥ

ein

khirstianos-ri sor-de

pink-itt-ik

ir-kane

tan

book-CONJ 3SG.GEN

ein-ni-la

kon-a

speak-PRS-CONJ.DET-NOM fight-NMLZ-ACC head-NMLZ 2SG-GEN-DAT have-PRED

ein-ni-ɡil

tas-s-an-a-sin

2SG-GEN-ALL come-PST2-3PL-PRED-EMP ‘Accordingly, your Christian book and its reciter had pugnacity in your realm and they came to yours.’

15.3.1.5. ⲙⲟⲗ ‘near’ The postposition DAT + ⲙⲟⲗ ‘near’ has only been attested once.4 (809) P.QI 2 23.6–10 ៷ ⲥⲟⲩⲗⲟⲩⲉⲓ ⲕⲣⲟⲇⲁⲙ ⲙⲟⲗ ⲇⲟⲉⲛ ⲇⲟⲕⲕⲁⲛ ⲙⲓⲗⲔⲕⲁ· ⲁⲩⲀⲧⲁⲙⲏ ⲉⲦⲉⲛⲇⲉ ⲁⲩⲈ ⲁⲧⲧⲁⲙⲏⲥⲟ· soulouei krod-am Soulou

mol do-en

dokk-an

milik-ka

hunchback(?)-DAT near go-PFV.PRS.2/3SG(?) at.all(?)-ADV bad-ACC

au-a-ta-mē

eit-ende

au-e

at-ta-mē-so

do-PRED-NEG-JUS.SG man-NEG.CONJ do-INF(?) seize-NEG-JUS.SG-COMM When you go near the hunchbacked(?) Soulou, do not do anything bad at all nor seize the man to do so!’5

Note that the -ⲙ on ⲕⲣⲟⲇⲁⲙ is probably an effect of gemination (§19.7). 15.3.1.6. ⲛⲁⲣⲟ/ⲛⲁⲣⲉ ‘beside (lit. the side of)’ ⲛⲁⲣⲟ/ⲛⲁⲣⲉ has only been attested after a genitive, marked with a locative or subessive: (810) P.QI 1 6.i.5–7 ᫧ ⲙ[ⲁⲣ]ⲓⲀⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲧⲉⲛ ⲛⲁⲣⲟⲗⲟ ⳟⲟⲛⳝⲁ ⲟⲩⳡⲖ· maria-ᝥ-eion ten

naro-lo ŋonj-a

ouñ-il-ᝥ

Mary-NOM-TOP grave.GEN side-LOC stand-PRED weep-PRS.DET-NOM ‘Mary stood beside the tomb weeping …’ (Jn 20:11)

(811) KG ii.6–9 ᫡ [ⲧⲟⲩ]ⲗⲗ ⲓⳟⲉⲥⲱ [ⲅ]ⲉⲱⲣⲅⲓⲰⲥⲓ[· ⲡⲤ]ⲕⲁⲛⲉ [ⲇⲁⲩⲣ ⲉⲓ]ⲛⲉⲛⲛⲟ ⳝⲟⲩⲛ ϩⲁⲣⲙⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇⲟⲛ [ⲟⲛ Ⲥⲕ]ⲧⲖⲇⲱ· ⲟⲛ ⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ ⳟⲤⲥⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗ [Ⲟⲣⲱ ⲉⲚⲛⲁ ⲉⲚⲧⲚ ⲛⲁⲣⲉⲗⲇⲱ· 4 G. M. Browne (1996c, 119) suggests the meaning ‘to’, but based on N. mōl ‘Nähe’ (Khalil 1996, 70) ‘near’ seems more likely. 5 See Weschenfelder (2015, 284–287) for discussion.

327

15.3. POSTPOSITIONS

toull

iŋ-e-sō

ɡeōrɡiōsi

pis-kane

daur

strong become-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM George.PRED rejoice-NMLZ great

ein-en-no

joun

harmi-ɡou-l-don

on iskt-il-dō

on

be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-LOC because heaven-PL-DET-SUBE and earth-DET-SUPE and

aɡɡelos ŋiss-iɡou-l orō

ein-na

ein-t-in

nare-l-dō

holy-PL-DET upstream 2SG-GEN suffer-NMLZ-GEN side-DET-SUPE

angel

‘Become strong, George, because there is great joy from heaven upon earth and before the holy angels on account of your suffering!’

15.3.1.7. Ⲟⲣⲟ ‘upstream, before’ The compass direction Ⲟⲣⲟ ‘south’ appears both as an independent noun and as a postposition following the determiner, genitive, or locative, in which case it has the meaning ‘upstream, before’. As with other postpositions, the construction with the locative appears to be of a more recent date. Etymologically, Ⲟⲣⲟ is probably related to ⲟⲩⲣ ‘head’ and refers to the ‘top’ (‘source’) of the Nile, which is in the south. This interpretation seems to be corroborated by the fact that the part of the village or island that faces the streaming direction of the Nile is still called in Nile Nubian koñ ‘face’. The postposition Ⲟⲣⲟ has been attested with a determinate noun phrase: (812) SC 10.10–11

᫥

ⲉⲘⲙⲟ ⲭⲤⲥⲓⲕⲁ ⲡⲓⲗⲁⲧⲟⲥⲓ Ⲟⲣⲱ ⳟⲟⳡⳝⲁⲣ ⲉⲓⲛⲚ

ei-mm-o

kh(risto)ssi-ka pilatosi orō

know-AFF.PRS-1PL.PRED Christ-ACC

Pilate

ŋoñj-ar

upstream stand-PST2

ein-in be-PRS.2/3SG ‘We know that Christ stood before Pilate.’

(813) K 21.12–15 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲣⲟⲩ ⳟⲟⲇⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲁⲉⲖⲗⲟ ⲕⲟⲩⲣⲁⲗⲟ ⲉⲧⲁⲛⲛⲁ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥⲟⲩ ⳟⲤⲥⲓⲗ ⲟⲣⲟ· tarou ŋod-il-ᝥ-lon 3SG

tan

aeil-lo

kour-a-lo

lord-DET-NOM-TOP 3SG.GEN heart-LOC rejoice-PRED-LOC

et-an-n-a

tan

aɡɡelosou ŋiss-il

receive-INTEN-PRS.2/3SG-PRED 3SG.GEN angel

oro

holy-DET upstream

‘… then the Lord himself will joyfully receive it in his heart in front of his holy angel.’

There is also one attestation with a genitive: (814) P.QI 1 8.i.14–16 ᫥ ⳟⲗⲓⲕⲟⲛ ⲉⲓⲛⲓⲥⲉ ⲧⲖⲗⲚ ⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥⲟⲩ ⲕⲟⲗⲟⲧⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲧⲖⲗⲚ Ⲟⲣⲱ ⳟⲟⳝⲉⲣⲁⲛ·

328

15. CASES AND POSTPOSITIONS

ŋl-i-kon

ein-is-e

till-in

aɡɡelosou kolot-ɡou-ka

see-PRS-CONJ be-PST2-1SG.PRED God-GEN angel

till-in

orō

seven-PL-ACC

ŋoj-er-an

God-GEN upstream stand-PFV.PRS-3PL ‘And I saw the seven angels of God stand before God.’ (Rev 8:2)

The postposition Ⲟⲣⲟ may also follow the locative: (815) L 107.1–3 ᫥ Ⲉⲗⲟⲛ ⲡⲁⲡⲟ ⲉⲓⲣⲟⲩ ⲁⲓⲕⲁ ⳟⲟⲕⲟⲩ ⲇⲓⲛⲉⲥⲱ⳹ ⲉⲓⲣⲓⲰ Ⲟⲣⲱ ⳟⲟⲕⲟⲩ ⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥⲗⲀ ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲟⲩ ⲉⲓⲣⲓⲞ ⲧⳝⲰ ⲇⲟⲩⲛ ⲕⲟⲩⲥⲥⲓⲕⲁ el-on

pap-o

eirou ai-ka

eiri-ō

orō

give>1-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM

ŋokou kosmos-ila tousou eiri-o

2SG-LOC upstream glory

doun

ŋokou din-e-sō

1SG-ACC glory

now-TOP father-VOC 2SG

world-DAT

before

tijō

2SG-LOC with

kous-s-i-ka

exist.PRS.2/3SG have-PST2-1SG-ACC ‘Now, Father, give me glory, the glory I had in front of me when I was with you before the world!’ (Jn 17:5)

The root ⲟⲣ also seems to be at the base of two other postpositions following a locative, both of which are a hapax: (816) P.QI 2 16.iv.4–10 ᫥ ⲥⲱⲣⲧⲱⳣⲉⲓ Ⲁⲇⲱⲫⲉⲓ ⳟⲟⲟⲕ ⲕⲟⲛⳝⲓⲗ· Ⲁⲇⲱ ⲕⲉⲙⲥⲱⲛⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲱⲛ ⲧⲉⲛⲛⲁ ⲥⲟⲕⲟⲙⲡⲓⲕⲁ Ⲱⲥⲉⲛ ⲑⲣⲟⲛⲟⲥⲗⲱ· Ⲟⲣⲁⲗⲗⲱ ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲕⲉⲛⲛⲁⲛⲁ: sōrtōw-ei ado-phei ŋook kon-j-il priest-PL

adō

white-INT glory have-PLACT-PRS.DET twenty

kemsōn-ɡou-l-ᝥ-lōn ten-na sokomp-ika ōs-en four-PL-DET-NOM-TOP

3PL-GEN crown-ACC

take.out-PFV.PRS.2/3SG

thronos-lo orallo doukk-en-n-an-a throne-LOC before worship-COP-PRS-3PL-PRED ‘The twenty-four sparkling white, glorious priests, when they take off their crowns, worship before the throne.’

(817) St 2.9–3.5 ᫧ ⲁⲩⲧⲁⲕⲟⲛⲁ ⲟⲩⲕⲣⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲟ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲗⲟ· ⲉⲛ ⲁⳡⳝⲛⲀ ⲥⲁⲓⲧⲉⲛⲅⲟⲩⲛ ⳟⲁⳝⳝⲖⲇⲱⲁⲕⲚ· ⲧⲁ[ⲛ]ⲛⲁ ϩⲁⲣⲙⲓⲅⲟⲩⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲕⲉⲇⲁ ⳝⲟⲇⲇⲉⲛⲛⲁ ⲟⲩⲕⲖ Ⲣⲕⲓⲥⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗ[ⲟ] ⲟⲣⲣⲉⲣⲉ ⳟⲟⲛⳝⲓⲛ: au-tak-o-n-a

oukr-iɡou-lo ouel-lo en

do-PASS-PST1-2/3SG-PRED day-PL-LOC

saite-n-ɡou-n ŋajj-il-dō

añj-ina

one-LOC 1PL.INCL.GEN savior-GEN

ak-in

tan-na

harmi-ɡou-ɡille

olive-PL-PL-GEN mountain-DET-SUPE sit-PRS.GEN 3SG-GEN heaven-PL-ALL

329

15.3. POSTPOSITIONS

ked-a

jod-d-en-na

oukil irkis-iɡou-lo orrere

ascend-PRED go-INTEN-PFV.PRS-GEN day

forty-PL-LOC

before

ŋonj-in stand-PRS.2/3SG ‘It happened while on one of the days our Savior was sitting on the Mount of Olives, while forty days remained before he would ascend to the heavens.’

15.3.1.8. ⲧⲁⲩⲟ ‘under’ ⲧⲁⲩⲟ has been attested both directly after a proper name (which is inherently determinate), following a noun marked with a determiner, and following a genitive: (818) P.QI 3 39.20–21 ⲧⲁⲩⲞ

ⲡⲁⲣⲁⲥ ⲟⲕⲕⲓⲛⲖⲗⲟ· ⲥⲓⲗⲙⲓ ⲧⲓⲛⲟ ⲅⲉⲱⲣⲅⲓⲞⲥⲓ

᫥

paras okk-in-il-ᝥ-lo Faras

silmi tino ɡeōrɡiosi tauo

stand-be-PRS.DET-NOM-FOC Ibrīm west George

under

‘There is (the land of the inhabitants of) Faras, below (the) George (church of) Ibrīm West.’

(819) P.QI 2 13.ii.20–23 ᫥ ⲀⲕⲟⲩⲡⲁⲣⲣⲁⲥⲚ ⲕⲠⲧⲟⲩⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲟⲛ⳿ ⲥⲠⲡⲓⲅⲟⲩⲕⲟⲛ ⲟⲩⲛ Ⲟⲉⲛ ⲧⲣⲖ ⲧⲁⲩⲰ⳼ ak-oup-ar-r-a-sin

kipt-ouɡou-ka ou-ɡille

sit-fall-TR-PRS-PRED-EMP people-PL-ACC

ou-n

oe-n

tri-l

on sippi-ɡou-k-on

1PL.EXCL-ALL and nation-PL-ACC-TOP

tauō

1PL.EXCL-GEN foot-DU pair-DET under ‘He is overturning peoples for us and nations too under our feet.’ (Ps 46:4)

(820) L 112.6–11 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲩⲟⲩⲕⲅⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲓⲗⲁⲛⲧⲉⲗⲟⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲧⲖⲗⲖ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲧⲟⲧⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲧⲢⲥⲛⲀ⳹ ⲡⲁⲣⲑⲉⲛⲟⲥⲗⲟ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲟⲩⲧⲁⲕⲁ⳹ ⲧⲉⲇⲚ ⲧⲁⲩⲰ ⲧⲟⲣⲁ⳹ ⲧⲉⲇⲚ ⲧⲁⲩⲰ ⲇⲁⲗⲅⲟⲩⲕ[ⲁ] ⳝⲁⲛⲞⲥⲓⳝⲉⲥⲁ⳹ ⲧⲖⲗⲓⲛ ⲧⲟⲧⲕⲁⲛⲉⲕ ⲉⲧⲕⲟⲁⲛⲛⲟⲀ⳹ tauouk-ɡou-n eilante-lo-eion till-il-ᝥ time-PL-GEN

eitir-s-in-a

tot-ka

parthenos-ilo ounn-outak-a ted-in

send.TR-PST2-2/3SG-PRED virgin-LOC

tor-a

tan

fullness-LOC-TOP God-DET-NOM 3SG.GEN son-ACC

ted-in

tauō da-l-ɡou-ka

tauō

bear-PASS-PRED law-GEN under

jan-os-ij-es-a

enter-PRED law-GEN under exist-PRS-PL-ACC sell-PFV-PLACT-PFV.PST2-PRED

till-in

tot-kane-k

et-ko-an-no-a

God-GEN son-NMLZ-ACC receive-SUBORD-3PL-LOC-PRED

330

15. CASES AND POSTPOSITIONS

‘In the fullness of times, God sent his son, born of a virgin, entering under the law, in order to redeem those who are under the law, so that they receive the sonship of God.’ (Gal 4:4–5)

A later development, which brings ⲧⲁⲩⲟ in line with the other postpositions (§15.3), shows it following a locative (§15.2.1) and also being marked by the locative -ⲗⲟ, suggesting the ending -ⲟ is no longer interpreted as having a locative meaning: (821) St 13.7–11 ᫥ ⲤⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲚ ⳟⲟⲩⲣⲣⲱ ⲧⲁⲩⲰⲗⲟ ⳟⲟⲩⲉⲖ ⲇⲟⲩⲇⲇⲚⲛⲀ ⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥⲕⲁ ⲡⲉϣϣⲁ ⲡⲁⳝⲉⲣⲓ ⲡⲁⲟⲩ· istauros-in ŋour-rō cross-GEN

kosmos-ka pešš-a world-ACC

tauō-lo

ŋou-eil doud-d-in-n-a

shadow-LOC under-LOC rest-PRS exist-INTEN-COP-PRS.2/3SG-PRED

paj-er-i

paou

judge-PRED cease-PRS-1SG until

‘He will be resting under the shadow of the cross, until I finish judging the world.’

Denominal postpositions such as ⲧⲁⲩⲱ are also sometimes used adverbially, although this usage is not well attested. In these cases we simply find the noun followed by a locative: (822) St 12.3–8 ᫥ ⳝⲘⲙⲖⲀⲅⲟⲩⲈⲥⲚ ⲧⲉⲛ ⲀⲉⲖ ⲟⲩⲁⲧⲧⲟⲗⲟ ⲤⲧⲁⲩⲣⲥⲗⲁⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲡⲓⲥⲧⲉⲩⲟⲗⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲟⲛ ⲧⲁⲩⲰⲗⲟ ⳟⲟⲛⳝⲖ ⲇⲟⲩⲇⲚⲛⲁ· jimmil-a-ɡoue-sin

ten

aeil ouatto-lo istauros-la-ɡille

everyone-PRED-PL.PRED-EMP 3PL.GEN heart whole-LOC cross-DAT-ALL

pisteu-ol-ɡou-l-ᝥ-lon

tauō-lo

ŋonj-il

believe-PST1-PL-DET-NOM-TOP under-LOC stand-PRS

dou-d-in-n-a exist-INTEN-COP-PRS.2/3SG-PRED ‘Everyone who wholeheartedly believed in the cross will stand beneath it.’

15.3.1.9. ⲧⲟⲩ ‘inside’ ⲧⲟⲩ derives from the noun ⲧⲟⲩ ‘belly’ and also appears only after a genitive. It has been attested with the dative and locative: (823) M 7.9–13 ᫥ ⲀⲅⲟⲡⲡⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⲕⲟⲩⲙⲡⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲙ⳿Ⲉⲧⲁ ⲀⲥⲚ ⲧⲟⲩⲗⲁ ⲕⲉⲛⲁ ⲕⲁⲡⲡⲁ ⲥⲉⲩⲈⲗⲁ ⲟⲩⲥⲕⲟⲩⲣⲥⲛⲁ· aɡopp-il-ᝥ-lon

koumpou-ka doum-et-a

boatsman-DET-NOM-TOP egg-ACC

as-in

take-PFV-PRED keel.box-GEN

331

15.3. POSTPOSITIONS

tou-la

ken-a

kapp-a

seue-la

ousk-our-s-n-a

belly-DAT place-PRED food-PRED other-DAT put-TR-PST2-2/3SG-PRED ‘The boatsman took over the egg, placed it inside the keel box, and put it among the rest of the food.’

(824) P.QI 3 34.i.26–27 ᫥ ⲕⲁⲡⲁ ⳟⲓⲥⲁⲛ ⲥⲟⲩⲈⲛⲚ· ⲧⲟⲩⲗⲁ· kap-a

ŋi-s-an

souen-in

tou-la

eat-PRED drink-PST2-3PL writing.office(?)-GEN belly-DAT ‘What they ate and drank in the writing office(?).’

(825) P.QI 2 12.i.26–29 ᫥ ⲁⲓⲞⲇⲱ ⳟⲓⲈⲥⲁⲛ ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲣⲱ ⲙⲁⲧⲁⲣ ⲟⲕⲕⲇⲢⲧⲖⲅⲟⲩⲗ ⲟⲛ ⲙⲁⲇⳝ ⲟⲩⲈⲥⲁⲛ ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲣⲱ ⲟⲕⲕⲇⲢⲧⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⲧⲉⲇⲕⲟⲛⲟ ⲧⲟⲩⲗⲟ⳼ ai-o-dō

ŋi-es-an

jourrō matar okkdirt-il-ɡou-l-ᝥ

1SG-LOC-SUPE rise-PFV.PST2-3PL.GEN because witness unjust-DET-PL-DET-NOM

on madj oue-s-an and lie

jourrō okkdirt-il-ᝥ-lon

ted-k-ono

tell-PST2-3PL.GEN because unjust-DET-NOM-TOP 3PL-ACC-REFL

tou-lo belly-LOC ‘Because witnesses who are unjust rose up against me, and because the unjust lied with themselves.’ (Ps 26:12)

Note that in (825) ⲧⲟⲩⲗⲟ is not preceded by a genitive, but instead by a reflexively marked personal pronoun (§10.2.2). 15.3.1.10. ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲟⲩ ‘before’ The postposition LOC/DAT + ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲟⲩ ‘before’ also appears as an independent adverb and is etymologically related to the adverbs ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲕⲁⲛⲧⲉ ‘first’ and ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲕⲟⲛⲟ ‘immediately’ (literally, ‘before-after’). Compare the following two uses, postpositional (826) and adverbial (827): (826) L 110.10–11 ᫧ ⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥⲓⲛ ⲟⲩⲕⲟⲩⲣⲧⲗⲞ ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲟⲩ ⲁⲓⲕ ⲟⲛⲓ[ⲥⲛⲀⲥ]ⲓ[ⲛ⳹] kosmos-in oukour-t-ilo

tousou ai-k

world-GEN place-NMLZ-LOC before

on-is-in-a-sin

1SG-ACC love-PST2-2/3SG-PRED-EMP

‘… for you loved me before the foundation of the world.’ (Jn 17:24)

(827) St 29.10–30.6 ᫧ ⲧⲁⲛⲛⲁⲥⲱ Ⲁⲡⲟⲛⲁ ⲧⲁⲣⲟⲩⲁⲥⲥⲁⲅⲟⲩⲈⲕⲉ· ⲕⲢ ⲥⲉⲩⲈⲧⲁⲛⲁⲥⲱ ⲉⲢⲕⲁⲛⲉ ⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥⲓⲛ ⲟⲩⲕⲢⲧⲗⲞ ⲧⲁⲣⲁ ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲁⲅⲣⲀ ⲙⲉⲇⲇⲖ [ⳟⲓⲥ]ⲁ[ⲛ]ⲕⲁ ⲁⲇⲇⲔⲕⲁ

332

15. CASES AND POSTPOSITIONS

tan-na-sō

a-po-na

tarou-as-s-a-ɡoue-ke

come-IMP.2/3PL-COMM 1SG.POSS-father-GEN bless-TR-PST2-PRED-PL.PRED-2PL

kir

seueit-ana-sō

eir-kane

kosmos-in oukirt-ilo

come inherit-IMP.2/3PL-COMM head-NMLZ world-GEN foundation.TR.NMLZ-LOC

tar-a

tousou ounn-aɡir-a

come-PRED before

medd-il

ŋ-is-an-ka

bear-CAUS-PRED prepare-PRS become-PST2-3PL-ACC

add-ik-ka make.ready(?)-PRS-ACC ‘Come, you who my Father blessed, come and inherit the kingdom that they caused to be born, prepared and made ready(?) before from the foundation of the world!’ (Mt 25:34)

Otherwise, ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲟⲩ is attested after both locative -ⲗⲟ and dative -ⲗⲁ. There seems to be no distinction in meaning. (828) L 107.1–3 ᫥ Ⲉⲗⲟⲛ ⲡⲁⲡⲟ ⲉⲓⲣⲟⲩ ⲁⲓⲕⲁ ⳟⲟⲕⲟⲩ ⲇⲓⲛⲉⲥⲱ⳹ ⲉⲓⲣⲓⲰ Ⲟⲣⲱ ⳟⲟⲕⲟⲩ ⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥⲗⲀ ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲟⲩ ⲉⲓⲣⲓⲞ ⲧⳝⲰ ⲇⲟⲩⲛ ⲕⲟⲩⲥⲥⲓⲕⲁ el-on

pap-o

eirou ai-ka

now-TOP father-VOC 2SG

eiri-ō

orō

give>1-IMP.1SG.PRED-COMM

ŋokou kosmos-ila tousou eiri-o

2SG-LOC upstream glory

doun

ŋokou din-e-sō

1SG-ACC glory world-DAT

before

tijō

2SG-LOC with

kous-s-i-ka

exist.PRS.2/3SG have-PST2-1SG-ACC ‘Now, Father, give me glory, the glory I had in front of me when it was with you before the world!’ (Jn 17:5)

(829) P.QI 1 5.i.12–14 ᫥ ⲉⲚ ⲙⲁⲑⲏⲧⲓⲥⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⲡⲉⲧⲣⲞⲥⲓⲞ ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲟⲩⲥⲚ· ⲙⲟⲩⲇⲁⲣⲁ Ⲉⲛ· ⲕⲓⲥⲛⲀ· ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲕⲁⲧⲉⲗⲟ· ⲧⲉⲗⲇⲱ ein

mathētis-il-ᝥ-lon

DEM.PROX

disciple-DET-NOM-TOP Peter-LOC

en ki-s-in-a PTC

petirosi-o tousou-sin moud-ar-a before-EMP run-PST1-PRED

touskante-lo tel-dō

come-PST2-2/3SG-PRED first-LOC

grave-SUPE

‘This disciple, having run before Peter, arrived at the tomb first.’ (Jn 20:4)

15.3.1.11. ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲓ ‘about, because of’ There are a number of postpositions based on the noun ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲓ ‘cause’, followed by a variety of case markers, based on the grammatical role of ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲓ in the sentence. No semantic distinction can be noticed between these different variants. The most widely attested form, however, is the grammaticalized variant LOC/LE + ⳝⲟⲩⲛ, which is always used for an adjunct.

333

15.3. POSTPOSITIONS

The variants that follow a genitive still behave very much like nouns, with the case marker determined by grammatical role. (830) St 7.6–8.1 ᫥ Ⲥⲧⲁⲩⲣⲥⲟⲩ ⳟⲟⲕⲕⲟⲛⲁ ⲉⲆⲕⲁ ⲉⲆⲇⲁⲗ ⲕⲟⲩⲛⲖ ⲕⲆⲇⲛⲀ — ⲉⲓⲛⲚ ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲓⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲣⲓⲰ ⲧⳝⲰ ⲟⲩⲗⲅⲣⲀ· ⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥⲓ ⲟⲩⲁⲧⲧⲟⲗⲁ ⳝⲁⲩⲀ ⲦⳝⳝⲓⲕⲟⲟⲩⲞⲀ· istaurosou ŋok-ko-na

eid-ka

eid-dal koun-il-ᝥ

glory-ADJ-GEN sign-ACC 2SG-COM have-PRS.DET-NOM

cross

kid-d-in-a

ein-in

jouri-ka

come-INTEN-PRS.2/3SG-PRED

DEM.PROX-GEN

cause-ACC 2SG-LOC through

oulɡ-ir-a

eiri-ō

tijō

kosmosi ouatto-la jau-a

ear-TR-PRED world

whole-DAT proclaim-PRED

tij-j-iko-ou-o-a give>2/3-PLACT-SUBORD-1/2PL-PRED-PRED ‘You will come having with you the sign of the glorious cross, so that we hear from you about this and preach it in the whole world.’

(831) St 3.11–4.5 ᫧ ϩⲁⲣⲙⲚⲇⲱⲛⲓⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ· ⲟⲛ ⲤⲕⲧⲖⲇⲱⲅⲟⲩ ⲕⲁ· ⲟⲛ ⲉⳡⳡⲁ ⲇⲓⲟⲗⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇ[ⲉ] ⲁⳡⳝⲖⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲕⲁ ⲡⲉϣϣⲓⳝⲁⲇⲉⲛⲕⲁ· ⲟⲛ ⲇⲓⲟⲗⲅⲟⲩⲛⲁ ⳟⲁⲓⲉⲣⲣⲉⲛ ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲓⲕⲁ harm-in-dō-ni-ɡou-ka

on

iskit-il-dō-ɡou-ka

on

eññ-a

heaven-GEN-SUPE-PL-PL-ACC and earth-DET-SUPE-PL-ACC and take-PRED

di-ol-ɡou-l-de

añ-il-ɡou-l-dekel-ka

die-PST1-PL-DET-CONJ live-PRS-PL-DET-CONJ-ACC

pešš-ij-ad-en-ka

on di-ol-ɡou-na

ŋai-erre-n

judge-PLACT-INTEN-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-ACC and die-PST1-PL-GEN save-NMLZ-GEN

jouri-ka cause-ACC ‘… the things from heaven and the things on earth, and that he would take and judge the dead and the living, and about the resurrection of the dead.’

(832) P.QI 1 7.ii.3 ᫧ [ⲟ]ⲩⲛ ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲚ ⲧⲉⲉⲓⲧⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⲧⲟⲩⲗⲟⲩⲀⲗ[ⲟ] oun

jouri-n

teeit-il-ᝥ-lon

toulou-a-lo

2PL.GEN cause-GEN hope-DET-NOM-TOP secure-PRED-FOC ‘The hope concerning you is secure.’ (2 Cor 1:7)

In (830) ⲉⲓⲛⲚ ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲓⲕⲁ is grammatically the object of ⲟⲩⲗⲅⲣⲀ and therefore marked with the accusative case. The same holds for ⳟⲁⲓⲉⲣⲣⲉⲛ ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲓⲕⲁ in (831), which is part of an enumeration of things that the Savior revealed to his apostles. In (832), the genitive of [ⲟ]ⲩⲛ ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲚ depends on ⲧⲉⲉⲓⲧⲖⲗⲟⲛ.

334

15. CASES AND POSTPOSITIONS

For adjuncts we find dative or locative marking, as expected: (833) M 2.2–4 ᫥ ⲉⲚ ⳟⲉⲉⲚ ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲓⲀ ⲉⲓⲀⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲧⲁⲛ⳿ ⲀⲉⲖⲗⲁ ⲙⲁⲓⲕⲁⲣⲓⲥⲛⲁ· ein

ŋeein

DEM.PROX

thing.GEN cause-DAT say-PRED-TOP 3SG.GEN heart-DAT

jouri-a

ei-a-eion

tan

aeil-la

maik-ar-is-n-a afflict-TR-PST2-2/3SG-PRED ‘Talking about this thing hurt her heart.’

(834) P.QI 3 33.9–10 ᫥ ⲧⲟⲧⲕⲁ ⲕⲟⲩⲥⲉⲛⲕⲁⲛⲛⲟⲛ ⲉⲚ ⲧⲖⲗⲚ ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲓⲗⲟ ⲉⲚⲕⲁ ⲥⲟⲅⲅⲁⲅⲉⲣⲉ· tot-ka

kous-en-ka-n-non

son-ACC loosen-be-SUBORD-2/3SG-TOP

ein

till-in

DEM.PROX

God-GEN cause-LOC

ein-ka

soɡɡ-aɡere

DEM.PROX-ACC

take.up-CAUS.PRS.1SG.PRED

jouri-o

‘If he releases his son, by this God I will make him take up this one.’

However, the most frequently occurring variant of this postposition follows the locative -ⲗⲟ (§15.2.1) or adessive -ⲇⲉ (§15.2.6) and is a fully assimilated version of ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲚ, ⳝⲟⲩⲛ. ⳝⲟⲩⲛ may follow a temporal clause with -ⲗⲟ, creating a causal clause (§8.4): (835) M 11.6–9 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲣⲓⲰ ⲙⲁⲗⲱ ⲧⲖⲗⲔ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲁⲣⲁ ⲙⲁⲣⲓⲀ ⲁⲓⲕⲁ ⲁⲩⲗⲟⲥⲉ· ⳟⲁⲡⲉⲕ⳿ ⲁⲩⲈⲥⲓⲗⲟ ⳝⲟⲩⲛ eiri-o

malō

till-ik

ounn-ar-a

mari-a

ai-ka

2SG-LOC according.to God-ACC bear-PST1-PRED Mary-PRED 1SG-ACC

aul-os-e

ŋape-k au-es-i-lo

joun

save-PFV-IMP.2/3SG.PRED sin-ACC do-PFV.PST2-1SG-LOC because ‘By you, Mary Theotokos, please save me, because I have committed sin!’

On nouns, the postposition may have the meaning ‘because’: (836) SC 23.11–15 ᫥ ⲙⲚⲛⲟ ⳝⲟⲩⲛ ⲙⲦⲕⲁ ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲁ ⲡⲉⲥⲟⲛⲁⲁⲉⲓⲟⲛ· ⲉⲚ ⲞⲅⲖⲇⲉ ⲉⲚ ⲧⲟⲩⲗⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲗⲟⲙⲟⲛ ⳝⲱⲅⲟⲡⲁ ⳝⲟⲇⲛⲁ· ⲤⲕⲦ ⲕⲠⲡⲁⲛⲛⲁ ⲉⲚ Ⲁⳡⲉⲛ ⲟⲩⲕⲣⲉ ⲙϣϣⲁⲛⲛⲟⲀ· min-no

joun

mit-ka

tous-a

pes-on-a-a-eion

what-LOC because serpent-ACC curse-PRED speak-PST1.2/3SG-PRED-DD-TOP

ein

oɡ-il-de

ein

tou-l-dekel-lo-mon

jōɡop-a

2SG.GEN chest-DET-CONJ 2SG.GEN belly-DET-CONJ.DET-LOC-CONJ crawl-PRED

335

15.3. POSTPOSITIONS

jo-d-n-a

iskit kipp-an-n-a

ein

go-INTEN-PRS.2/3SG-PRED earth eat-INTEN-PRS.2/3SG-PRED 2SG.GEN

añ-e-n

oukr-e

m(i)ššan-no-a

live-NMLZ-GEN day-PL.PRED all-LOC-DD ‘Why did he curse the serpent and say: “On your chest and your belly you will crawl. You will eat earth for all the days of your life (Gen 3:14)”?’

It may also be used, like the postposition ⳝⲱⲁ (§15.3.2.5), to mark the agent of a passive verbal predicate: (837) L 102.1–4 ᫥ Ⲉⲉⲅⲉⲗ ⲟⲩⲈⲣ ⲁⳟⲓⲙⲉⲛⲕⲉⲣⲁⲗⲟ⳹ ⲟⲇⳡⲞⲥⲁ ⳝⲓⲣⲕⲉⲣⲁ ⲉⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲟ ⳝⲟⲩⲛ ⲟⲩⲕⲕⲟⲩⲧⲧⲁⲕⲕⲉⲛⲉⲛⲕⲱ⳹ eɡel ouer aŋ-imen-ke-r-a-lo still

one

ei-ɡou-lo

odñ-oos-a

jirker-a

become-NEG-HAB-PRS-PRED-FOC reject-PFV-PRED go.forth-PRED

joun

oukkout-tak-ken-enkō

man.PL-PL-LOC because oppress-PASS-HAB.PRS.2/3SG-but ‘It is still not to become anything, but to be cast out and oppressed by men.’ (Mt 5:13)

(838) SC 10.15–16 ᫥ ⲉⲘⲙⲟ ⲭⲤⲥⲓⲕⲁ ⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥⲅⲟⲩⲗⲟ ⳝⲟⲩⲛ ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲧⲁⲕⲚ ei-m-m-o

kh(risto)ssi-ka aɡɡelos-gou-lo joun

know-AFF-PRS-1PL.PRED Christ-ACC

angel-PL-LOC

by

douk-tak-in worship-PASS-PRS.2/3SG ‘We know that Christ is worshipped by the angels.’

(839) L 106.1–3 ᫧ [---]ⲛⲀ ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲓ ⳟⲁⲣⲁⲥⲚ⳹ ⲧⲖⲗⲓⲗⲉ ⳝⲟⲩⲛ ⲁⲣ[ⲭ]ⲏⲓⲈⲣⲉⲞⲥⲁⲀ ⲟⲕⲧⲁⲕⲁ⳹ ⲙⲉⲗⲭⲓⲥⲉⲇⲉⲕⲚ [ . . ]ⲉⲕⲉⲅⲁ Ⲁⲗⲁⲕⲁ ::— …-ina jouri ŋ-ar-a-sin

till-ile joun

arkhēiereos-a-a

…-GEN cause become-PST1-PRED-EMP God-LE because high.priest-PRED-DD

ok-tak-a

melkhisedek-in …ekeɡ-a

alak-a

call-PASS-PRED Melchisedek-GEN order(?)-PRED like(?)-PRED ‘He became the cause of (…), called high priest by God like the order of Melchisedek.’ (Heb 5:9–10)

Finally, there is one attestation of ⳝⲟⲩⲛ used in a comparison (§17.3.3). 15.3.2. Deverbal Postpositions Like most denominal postpositions (§15.3.1), deverbal postpositions follow a locative case -ⲗⲟ (§15.2.1) and mark adjuncts. They all derive from verbal roots.

336

15. CASES AND POSTPOSITIONS

(840) DEVERBAL POSTPOSITIONS • • • • •

LOC LOC LOC LOC LOC

+ + + + +

ⲕⲤⲕⲖ ‘until, up to’ (§15.3.2.1); ⲕⲟ ‘by, through’ (§15.3.2.2); ⲕⲟⲛⲟ/ⲕⲟⲛⲁ ‘after’ (§15.3.2.3); Ⲧⳝⲟ ‘with, from’ (§15.3.2.4); ⳝⲱⲀ ‘through, by, because of’ (§15.3.2.5).

15.3.2.1. ⲕⲤⲕⲖ ‘until, up to’ The postposition ⲕⲤⲕⲖ is most probably based on the verbal root ⲕⲓ(ⲣ) ‘to come’ with a past 2 -ⲥ and perhaps the same morpheme -ⲕⲖ (written -ⲕⲉⲗ in (784) ⲕⲉⲓⲥⲕⲉⲗ-) as found as part of the allative (§15.2.2). In its basic form, it attached directly to a noun phrase. (841) P.QI 1 9.ii.17–18 ᫥ ⲧⲉⲛ ⳟⲉⲉⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲟⲛ ⲧⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲉⲣⲅⲓⳝⲟⲛⲁ ϩⲁⲣⲙⲓ ⲕⲤⲕⲖ ten

ŋeei-ɡou-l-ᝥ-lon

tek-ka

erɡ-ij-on-a

3PL.GEN deed.PL-PL-DET-NOM-TOP 3PL-ACC follow-PLACT-PST1.2/3SG-PRED

harmi kiskil heaven up.to ‘Their deeds have followed them up to heaven.’ (Rev 14:13)

It usually is expanded by a grammaticalized locative, as also found on several denominal postpositions (§15.3.1): (842) P.QI 2 18.vi.6–7

᫥

ⲙⲁⲑⲧⲁⲕⲁⲛⲁⲥⲱ· ⲇⲓⲁⲣ ⲕⲤⲕⲖⲗⲟ·

mathtak-an-a-sō

di-ar

kiskil-lo

testify-IMP.2/3PL-PRED-COMM die-PST1 until-LOC ‘Testify until death!’

And usually follows a locative case -ⲗⲟ: (843) SC 24.14–16 ᫧ ⲧⲁⲛⲛⲁⲥⲚ ⳟⲟⲕⲖ· ⲧⲱⲈⲕⲖ· ⳝⲉⲗⲅⲟ[ⲩ]ⲛⲁ ⲉⲗⲗⲉⲛ[ⲅ]ⲟⲩⲗⲱ ⲕⲤⲕⲖⲗⲱ ⲁⲙⲏⲛ:···——— tan-n-a-sin

ŋok-il-ᝥ

tōek-il-ᝥ

jel-ɡou-na

3SG-GEN-PRED-EMP glory-DET-NOM power-DET-NOM age-PL-GEN

ellen-ɡou-lō

kiskil-lō amēn

eternity-PL-LOC until-LOC amen ‘His is the glory and power until the eternity of the ages, amen.’

337

15.3. POSTPOSITIONS

ⲕⲤⲕⲖⲗⲟ may be further extended to ⲕⲤⲕⲖⲗⲉⲗⲟ using the suffix -ⲗⲉ (§15.2.7). This does not appear to change its meaning: (844) P.QI 1 9.ii.3–5 ᫥ ⲧⲉⲛ ⲁⲣⲙⲤⲕⲇⲉⲛ ⲁⲣⲡⲁⲉⲗⲗⲟⲛ ⲉⲗⲗⲉⲛⲅⲟⲩⲗⲱ ⲕⲤⲕⲖⲗⲉⲗⲟ ⲕⲉⲇⲓⲗ ⲇⲟⲩⲞⲛⲁ· ten

arpae-l-ᝥ-lon

armis-kd-en

elle-n-ɡou-lō kiskille-lo

3PL.GEN judge-NMLZ-GEN temple-DET-NOM-TOP time-PL-PL-LOC until-LOC

ked-il

dou-on-a

ascend-PRS exist-PST1.2/3SG-PRED ‘The temple of their judgment was ascending up to eternity.’ (Rev 14:11)

ⲕⲤⲕⲖⲗⲟ can also be used on the final member of a coordinated construction (§9.1): (845) K 21.4–15 ᫥ ⲁⲗⲉⲥⲓⲛ ⲉⲓⲧⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲉⲗ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲁⲉⲖⲗⲟ ⲕⲉⲗⲕⲚⲛⲁⲛⲉⲛ ⲡⲣⲟⲥⲕⲟⲕⲕⲟⲛ ⲕⲤⲥⲉⲗⲁ ⲕⲉⲛⲇⲟⲩⲕⲉⲛ· ⲟⲣⲡⲁ ⲉⲛⲕⲁⲛ· ⲉⲖⲗⲉ ⲉⲛⲕⲁⲛ ⲡⲁⲣⲣⲉⲛ ⲕⲟⳝⲣⲁ ⲉⲛⲕⲁⲛ ⲡⲢⲅⲛⲉ ⲇⲉⲥⲥⲓⲗⲟ ⲕⲤⲕⲖⲗⲟⲕⲁ ⲧⲁⲣⲟⲩ ⳟⲟⲇⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲁⲉⲖⲗⲟ ⲕⲟⲩⲣⲁⲗⲟ ⲉⲧⲁⲛⲛⲁ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥⲟⲩ ⳟⲤⲥⲓⲗ ⲟⲣⲟ· alesin eitou ouel-ᝥ if

man

kisse-la

tan

aeil-lo

kelkinnane-n proskok-k-on

one-NOM 3SG.GEN heart-LOC perfection-GEN offering-ACC-TOP

ken-douk-en

orp-a

en-ka-n

church-DAT place-offer-PFV.PRS.2/3SG wine-PRED be-SUBORD-2/3SG

eille

en-ka-n

parre-n kojr-a

en-ka-n

wheat.PRED be-SUBORD-2/3SG field-GEN seed-PRED be-SUBORD-2/3SG

pirɡne dess-ilo

kiskil-lo-ka

tarou ŋod-il-ᝥ-lon

incense green-LOC until-LOC-ACC 3SG

aeil-lo

kour-a-lo

et-an-n-a

tan

Lord-DET-NOM-TOP 3SG.GEN

tan

heart-LOC rejoice-PRED-LOC receive-INTEN-PRS.2/3SG-PRED 3SG.GEN

aggelosou ŋiss-il angel

oro

holy-DET upstream

‘If a man presents to the church an offering of perfection from his heart, be it wine or wheat or seed of the field or even green incense, then the Lord himself will joyfully receive it in his heart in front of his holy angel.’

(846) M 2.5–10 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲛ ⳟⲟⲅⲗⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲀⲣⲁ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲅⲟⲩⲕⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗⲗⲉⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲙⲉⲓⲣⲁⲅⲟⲩⲈⲗⲱ ⲉⲓⲥⲥⲁⲛⲁ· ⲙⲉⲇⳝⲟⲩⲛⲚ ⲧⲁⲉⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗ· ⲧⲟⲩⲉⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗ· ⲇⲟⲩⲧⲣⲁⲡⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲱ ⲕⲓⲉⲤⲕⲖⲗⲱ· tan

ŋoɡ-la

dou-ar-a

miššan-ɡou-k-ᝥ-ketalle-eion

3SG.GEN house-DAT exist-PST1-PRED all-PL-DET-NOM-also-TOP

338

15. CASES AND POSTPOSITIONS

meir-a-ɡoue-lō

eis-s-an-a

medjou-ni-n

taei-ɡou-l-ᝥ

barren-PRED-PL.PRED-FOC be-PST2-3PL-PRED servant-PL-GEN girl.PL-PL-DET-NOM

touei-ɡou-l-ᝥ

doutrap-iɡou-lō kieiskil-lō

cow.PL-PL-DET-NOM fowl-PL-LOC

until-LOC

‘Also all who lived at her house were barren, the servant girls, the cows, up to the fowls.’

In (845) the entire phrase ⲟⲣⲡⲁ ⲉⲛⲕⲁⲛ ⲡⲁⲣⲣⲉⲛ ⲕⲟⳝⲣⲁ ⲉⲛⲕⲁⲛ ⲡⲢⲅⲛⲉ ⲇⲉⲥⲥⲓⲗⲟ ⲕⲤⲕⲖⲗⲟⲕⲁ ‘be it wine or wheat or seed of the field or even green incense’ is a further specification of the direct object ⲡⲣⲟⲥⲕⲟⲕⲕⲟⲛ ‘offering’, and therefore the entire phrase is marked by the accusative -ⲕⲁ. Note that the presence of the accusative -ⲕⲁ here also shows that the final -ⲗⲟ is indeed a grammaticalized locative, and not a focus marker. Following a locative-marked verbal noun, ⲕⲤⲕⲖⲗⲟ may mark a temporal clause: (847) L 103.1–5 ᫥ ϩⲁⲣⲙⲛⲀ ⲟⲛ ⲤⲕⲦⲛⲁ ⳟⲟⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱ ⲕⲓⲥⲕⲓⲗⲗⲱ {ⲕⲤⲕⲖⲗⲱ} ⲓⲱⲧⲧⲁⲉⲛⲇⲉ ⲡⲓⲥⲧⲟⲩ ⲧⲁⲇⲇⲱ ⲇⲁⲗⲗⲁ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲉⲛⲇⲉ ⲧⲉⲉⲆⲓⲗⲁ ⳟⲟⲕⲁⲇⲉⲛⲁ\ ⳝⲓⲙⲙⲖⲅⲟ[ⲩ]ⲛⲁ ⲁⲩⲧⲁⲕⲉⲣⲁⲛ ⲡⲁⲩⲟⲩⲕⲁ harm-ina

on iskit-na

ŋok-el-lō

kiskil-lō iōtta-ᝥ-ende

heaven-GEN and earth-GEN pass-PFV.PRS-LOC until-LOC iota-NOM-NEG.CONJ

pistou tad-dō dot

dal-la

ouel-ᝥ-ende

teeid-ila

3SG-SUPE exist.PRS-DAT one-NOM-NEG.CONJ law-DAT

ŋok-ad-en-a

jimmil-ɡou-l-ᝥ

pass.away-INTEN-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-PRED everything-PL-DET-NOM

au-tak-er-an

pauouka

do-PASS-PFV.PRS-3PL until.ACC ‘Until heaven and earth have passed away, neither a iota nor one of the dots that are on it will pass away from the law until everything has been done.’ (Mt 5:18)

15.3.2.2. ⲕⲟ ‘by, through’ The postposition ⲕⲟ ‘by, through’ derives from the verb ⲕⲟⲛ ‘to have’. ⲕⲟ usually follows the locative case -ⲗⲟ (§15.2.1).6 (848) L 108.3–4 ein

᫥

ⲉⲛ ⲧⲁⳟⲥⲗⲞ ⲕⲱ ⲧⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲇⳡⲓⳝⲉⲥⲱ⳹

taŋs-ilo

kō

tek-ka

eidñ-ij-e-sō

2SG.GEN name-LOC through 3PL-ACC keep-PLACT-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM ‘Keep them through your name!’ (Jn 17:11) 6 In Nobiin, -ⲕⲟ developed into a proper lexical case, the instrumental -log/rog/nog (Werner 1987, 129).

339

15.3. POSTPOSITIONS

(849) P.QI 2 18.iv.9–15 ᫧ ⲕⲟⲥⲕⲓⲧⲓⲛⲁ· ⲧⲟⲩⳡⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗ· ⲕϢⲕϢⲕⲓⲗⲟ ⲕⲟ· ⲕⲟⲥⲕⲓⲧⲖⲁ· ϣⲓⲕⲉⲣⲓⲗⲟ ⲕⲉⲛⲁ· ⲧⲖⲗⲚ ⲧⲟⲩⳡⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇⲟ· ⳝⲟⲙⲓⲧⲕⲁ· [ⲕ]ⲉⲛⲕⲉⲛⲛⲁⲛⲁ· kos-kit-ina

touñ-iɡou-l-ᝥ

kiš∼kiš-k-ilo

ko

kos-kit-ila

evil-NMLZ-GEN son.PL-PL-DET-NOM envious∼INT-LOC through evil-NMLZ-DAT

šike-ri-lo

ken-a

till-in

touñ-iɡou-l-do

jom-it-ka

ruler-PL-FOC remain-PRED God-GEN son.PL-PL-DET-SUPE strike-NMLZ-ACC

ken∼ken-n-an-a place∼INT-PRS-3PL-PRED ‘The sons of evil, remaining rulers in evil through envy, are dealing a blow onto the sons of God.’

(850) SC 7.14–19 ᫥ ⲕⲟⲗⲁⲧⲕⲘⲙⲁ ⲧⲖⲗⲖ· ⲉⲓⲧⲁ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲧⲓⲇⲁⲥⲚ· ⲟⲩⲈⲣⲖⲇⲱ Ⲁⲕⲁ ⲑⲁⲗⲁⲥⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲁⲧⲧⲟⲕⲁ ⲅⲖⲗⲁ ⳟⲔⲕⲔⲕⲁ· ⲁⲩⲈⲅⲟⲩⲈⲥⲚ ⲧⲁⲣⲓⲀ ⳝⲟⲩⳝⲉⲗⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ· ⲧⲟⲩⲕⲅⲟⲩⲛⲁ ⲉⲓⳝⲓⲣⲕⲁⲛⲉⲗⲟ ⲕⲟⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲥⲟⲩⲣⲧⲁⲕⲁ· kol-at-k-im-m-a

till-il-ᝥ

eit-a

oueltid-a-sin

be.like-NMLZ-HAB-AFF-3SG-PRED God-DET-NOM man-PRED any-PRED-EMP

ouer-il-dō

ak-a

thalasou ouatto-ka ɡill-a

mountain-DET-SUPE sit-PRED sea

ŋik-k-ik-ka

entire-ACC consider-PRED

aue-ɡoue-sin

tari-a

jou-j-el-ɡou-ka

see-HAB-PRS-ACC ship.PL.PRED-PL.PRED-EMP 3SG-DAT go-PLACT-PFV.PRS-PL-ACC

touk-ɡou-na eij-ir-kane-lo wind-PL-GEN

ko-eion

sour-tak-a

send-TR-NMLZ-LOC through-TOP shake-pass-PRED

‘God is like any man who sits upon a mountain and overlooks the entire sea and the boats that go upon it (sc. the sea) being shaken by the gusts of the winds.’

In one case, it appears as if -ⲕⲟ follows a superessive -ⲇⲟ: (851) P.QI 2 28.9–11 ᫥ ⲉⲆⲇⲟ ⲕⲟ ⲇⲟⲙⲙⲁ ⲟⲩⲥⲕⲣⲉⲥⲟ eid-do

ko

domm-a ouskr-e-so

2SG-SUPE through take

place-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM

‘Through you, take and place it!’

And once we find the postposition without a preceding locative: (852) P.QI 2 28.17–19 ᫥ ⲥⲠⲡⲓ· ⲧⲓⲛⲟⲕⲟⲛ· ⲙⲁⲧⲧⲟⲕⲟⲛ· ⳝⲢⲕⲚⲛⲟ ⳝⲁⲧ ⲁⲡⲟ ⲕⲟ ⲧⲁⲥⲥⲁⲛⲁ· sippi

tino-kon matto-kon jir-k-in-no

people west-CONJ east-CONJ

jat a-po

go-HAB-PRS.2/3SG-LOC ?? 1SG.POSS-father

340

15. CASES AND POSTPOSITIONS

ko

tas-s-an-a

with come-PST2-3PL-PRED ‘When the people were going in the west and the east, they came with (…) my father.’

15.3.2.3. ⲕⲟⲛⲟ/ⲕⲟⲛⲁ ‘after’ The postposition ⲕⲟⲛⲟ/ⲕⲟⲛⲁ ‘after’ may also derive from the verb ⲕⲟⲛ ‘to have’. The alternation between final ⲟ/ⲁ is possibly the same as with ⲁⲩⲰ/ⲁⲩⲀ (§15.3.1.1). The postposition usually follows the locative case -ⲗⲟ (§15.2.1): (853) P.QI 1 4.i.20–21 ᫧ [ⲙ]ⲁⲛⲟⲛ ⲟⲩⲗⲅⲣⲉⲛⲥⲚⲛⲟ ⲕⲟⲛⲟ· ⲟⲩⲇⲓⲣⲓⲧⲗⲞ [ⲕ]ⲓ ⲧⲁⲕ ⲉⲣⲅⲖ ⲕⲓⲥⲓⲥⲛⲀ· man-ᝥ-on

oulɡ-r-en-s-in-no

DEM.DIST-NOM-TOP

ear-TR-COP-PST2-2/3SG-LOC after quickness-LOC

ki

tak

erɡ-il-ᝥ

kono oudirit-ilo

kis-is-in-a

come.PRED 3SG.ACC follow-PRS.DET come-PST2-2/3SG-PRED ‘After that one heard, she quickly came and went following her.’ (Jn 11:29)

(854) P.QI 3 53.1–3 ᫥ ⲁⲛⲛⲁⲗⲟ ⲡⲁⲡⲁⲥⲕⲁ ⲕⲉⳣⲓ ⲇ ⳣⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲧⲣⲀ ⲉⲚ ⲟⲥⲥⲔⲕⲁ ⲧⲣⲀ ⲥⲟⲩⲕⲕⲁ ⲧⲟⲣⲉⲣⲓ ⲡⲁⲩⲉⲓⲗⲟ ⲕⲟⲛⲁ ⲕⲓⲡⲉⲥⲟ· an-na-lo

papas-ka

kewi 4 wek-ka tir-a

ein

1SG-GEN-FOC bishop-ACC wheat 4 one-ACC give>2/3-PRED 2SG.GEN

oss-ik-ka

tir-a

soukk-a

tor-er-i

pauei-lo

take.out-PRS-ACC give>2/3-PRED descend-PRED enter-PFV.PRS-1SG until-LOC

kona kip-e-so after

eat-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM

‘Until I give one fourth of wheat to the bishop, give what you took out, and descend and enter, eat!’

It has also been attested as part of adverbials: (855) M 14.1–4 ᫥ ⲉⲚⲕⲁ ⲡⲉⲥⲁ ⲧⲟⲕⲁⲉⲓⲟⲛ· ⲇⲟⲩⲙⲁⲕⲕⲟⲛⲟ ⳟⲤⲥⲖ ⲙⲏⲩⲧⲁⲕⲣ ⲁⳟⲤⲥⲛⲁ ein-ka

pes-a

DEM.PROX-ACC

speak-PRED forgive-PRED-TOP immediately-after

tok-a-eion

doumak-kono

ŋiss-il-ᝥ

meu-tak-r

aŋ-iss-n-a

holy-DAT-NOM dissolve(?)-PASS-PRS become-PST2-2/3SG-PRED ‘Saying this and forgiving, the Saint immediately became invisible.’

341

15.3. POSTPOSITIONS

(856) M 12.2–7 ᫥ ⲕⲟⲩⲙⲡⲟⲩ ⲉⲚ ⲧⲁⲛ⳿ⲛⲁ ⲕⲠⲥⲖ· ⲇⲟⲩⲙⲁⲗ ⲇⲟⲩⲧⲣⲁⲡ⳿ Ⲁⳡⲣ ⲁⳟⲁ ⲧⲁⲛⲛⲁ ⲧⲁⲩⲞⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗ ⲥⲟⲩⲕⲕⲁ ⲡⲁⲗⲁ ⲕⲟⲩⲧⲧⲁ ⳟⲟⲛⳝⲁ ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲕⲟⲛⲟ ⳝⲁⲩⲉⲓⲥⲛⲁ· koumpou ein añ-r

tan-na

DEM.PROX

egg

doumal doutrap

kip-sil-ᝥ

3SG-GEN eat-PST2.DET-NOM suddenly fowl

aŋ-a

tan-na tauo-ketal soukk-a

pal-a

live-PRS become-PRED 3SG-GEN under-also descend-PRED come.out-PRED

koutt-a ŋonj-a

tous-kono jau-eis-n-a

rise-PRED stand-PRED before-after squawk-PST2-2/3SG-PRED ‘The egg which he had eaten suddenly came to life as a fowl, also came out from under him, stood up, and squawked at once.’

15.3.2.4. Ⲧⳝⲟ ‘with, from’ The postposition Ⲧⳝⲟ ‘with, from’ is probably based on the root ⲧⲢ ‘to give’. It usually follows a locative case -ⲗⲟ (§15.2.1): (857) K 31.10–13 ᫥ ⲓⲉⲣⲉⲟⲥⲓⲗⲟ Ⲧⳝⲟ ⲧⲁⲛ ⳝⲁⲛⲛⲟⲛ ⲉⲚⲛⲟ· ⲁⲣⲧⲟⲥⲓ ⲟⲩⲉⲣⲟⲩ· ⲟⲣⲡⲏ ⲥⲁⲣⲡⲏ ⲟⲩⲉⲣⲁⲗⲟ· iereos-ilo tijo tan

jan-non

priest-LOC with 3SG.GEN profit-TOP

ein-no

artosi ouerou orpē

DEM.PROX-LOC

bread

one

wine

sarpē ouer-a-lo finger one-PRED-FOC ‘With the priest his profit is in this: one bread, one finger of wine.’

(858) DP 1.7–8 ⳟⲟⲩⲕⲧⲖ· ŋaer-ᝥ

᫥

ⳟⲁⲉⲣ· ⳟⲟⲇⲛⲁⲗⲟ· ⲟⲛ· ⲧⲁⲣⲓⲞ ⲧⳝⲟⲗⲟ· ⲉⲥⲟⲛⲅⲇⲉⲣ

ŋod-n-a-lo

on tari-o

t(i)jo-lo esonɡ-der

mercy-NOM Lord-GEN-PRED-FOC and 3SG-LOC with-LOC release-NMLZ

ŋoukt-il-ᝥ abundance.NMLZ-NOM ‘Mercy is the Lord’s, and with him is abundant release.’ (Ps 129:7)

(859) St 7.6–8.1 ᫥ Ⲥⲧⲁⲩⲣⲥⲟⲩ ⳟⲟⲕⲕⲟⲛⲁ ⲉⲆⲕⲁ ⲉⲆⲇⲁⲗ ⲕⲟⲩⲛⲖ ⲕⲆⲇⲛⲀ — ⲉⲓⲛⲚ ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲓⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲣⲓⲰ ⲧⳝⲰ ⲟⲩⲗⲅⲣⲀ· ⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥⲓ ⲟⲩⲁⲧⲧⲟⲗⲁ ⳝⲁⲩⲀ ⲦⳝⳝⲓⲕⲟⲟⲩⲞⲀ· istaurosou ŋok-ko-na cross

eid-ka

eid-dal koun-il-ᝥ

glory-ADJ-GEN sign-ACC 2SG-COM have-PRS.DET-NOM

kid-d-in-a

ein-in

jouri-ka

come-INTEN-PRS.2/3SG-PRED

DEM.PROX-GEN

reason-ACC 2SG-LOC through

eiri-ō

tijō

342

15. CASES AND POSTPOSITIONS

oulɡ-ir-a

kosmosi ouatto-la jau-a

ear-TR-PRED world

whole-DAT proclaim-PRED

tij-j-iko-ou-o-a give>2/3-PLACT-SUBORD-1/2PL-PRED-PRED ‘You will come having with you the sign of the glorious cross, so that we hear from you about this and preach it in the whole world.’

15.3.2.5. ⳝⲱⲀ ‘through, by, because of’ The postposition ⳝⲱⲀ ‘through, by, because of, from, in’ is probably based on the root ⳝⲟⲣ ‘to go’. A few attestations exist of the verbal noun construction that may have given rise to this postposition: (860) L 107.4–6 ᫥ ⲉⲚ ⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥⲗⲞ ⳝⲟⲟⲗ ⲁⲓⲕⲁ ⲇⲉⲛⳝⲓⲥⲓⲛⲅⲟⲩⲗ ⲉⲚⲛⲁⲅⲟⲩⲈⲗⲟ⳹ ein

kosmos-ilo jo-ol

DEM.PROX

world-LOC

ai-ka

go-PST1.DET(?) 1SG-ACC

den-j-is-in-ɡou-l-ᝥ

ein-n-a-ɡoue-lo

give>1-PLACT-PST2-2/3SG-PL-DET-NOM 2SG-GEN-PRED-PL.PRED-FOC ‘Those that you gave me from the world are yours.’ (Jn 17:5)

(861) SC 17.16–17 ᫧ ⳟⲁ ⲉⲛⲉⲛⲛⲟⲛ· ⲡⲁⲡⲗⲟ ⳝⲱⲁⲣⲁ ⲉⲛⲉⲛⲛⲟ ⳝⲱⲀⲗⲟ ŋa

en-en-non

pap-lo

jō-ar-a

en-en-no

son.PRED be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-TOP father-LOC go-PST1-PRED be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-LOC

jōa-lo because-FOC ‘If he is the Son, (it is) because he is from the Father.’

As a postposition, ⳝⲱⲀ usually follows a locative case -ⲗⲟ (§15.2.1). (862) P.QI 2 13.i.25–27 ᫥ ⲉⲛⲀⲗⲟ ⲥⲓⲱⲛⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲧⲖ ⲥⲁⲗⲇⲘⲙⲁ ⲟⲛ⳿ ⲉⲓⲧⲖⲗⲱ ⲧⲁⲇⲓⲟ ⳝⲱⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲗⲗ ⲁⳟⲁⲣⲁ en-a-lo

siōn-ka eit-il-ᝥ

sal-d-im-m-a

on

mother-PRED-FOC Sion-ACC man-DET-NOM say-INTEN-AFF-PRS.3SG-PRED and

eit-il-ᝥ-lō

tadi-o

jōa

doul-l

aŋ-ar-a

man-DET-NOM-FOC 3SG-LOC through exist-PRS become-PST1-PRED ‘Sion is the mother, the man will say, and the man became through it.’ (Ps 86:5)

(863) P.QI 3 34.ii.1–2 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲡⲖⲇⲉ ⳟⲁⲗⲇⲉ ⲟⲛ ⲥⲉⲩⲁⲣⲧⲟⲩ ⳟⲤⲥⲖⲇⲉⲕⲉⲛ ⲧⲁⳟⲓⲥⲗⲞ ⳝⲱⲀⲗⲟ ⲡⲁⲣⲧⲁⲕⲟⲛⲁ

343

15.3. POSTPOSITIONS

pap-il-de

ŋal-de

on seuartou ŋiss-il-deken

father-DET-CONJ son.DET-CONJ and spirit

jōa-lo

taŋis-ilo

holy-DET-CONJ.GEN name-LOC

par-tak-on-a

through-LOC write-PASS-PST1.2/3SG-PRED ‘It is written through the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit.’

(864) P.QI 2 18.iii.1–2 ᫥ ⲕϢⲕϢⲕⲓⲗⲟ· ⳝⲱⲀⲗⲟ· ⳟⲁⲡⲉⲗ· ⲧⲟⲉⲕⲕⲁ· Ⲉⲧⲟⲛⲁ· kiš∼kiš-k-ilo

jōa-lo

ŋape-l-ᝥ

toek-ka

envious~INT-NMLZ-LOC through-LOC sin-DET-NOM power-ACC

et-on-a take-PST1.2/3SG-PRED ‘Through envy sin gained power.’

There is also an attestation without the locative: (865) St 30.6–11 ᫧ [Ⲧ]ⳝⲕⲁⲛⲉⲗⲟ ⲡⲉϣϣⲆⲇⲉⲛⲛⲱ ⳟⲟⲇⲟⲩ ⲉⲚⲛⲟⲩ ⲓⲥ ⲭⲥⲥⲓⲛⲁ ⲧⲦⲧⲖⲇⲉ· ⲉⲦⲟⲛⲕⲁⲛⲉⲗⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗ ⳝⲱⲀ tij-kane-lo

pešš-id-d-en-nō

ŋodou ein-nou

justice-NMLZ-LOC judge-TR-INTEN-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-LOC Lord

1PL.INCL(?)-GEN

i(ēsou)s kh(risto)ssi-na tit-t-il-de Jesus

Christ-GEN

eit-on-kane-l-dekel

give>2/3-NMLZ-DET-CONJ

jōa

man-love-NMLZ-DET-CONJ.DET through ‘… when he will judge in justice through the grace and philanthropy of our Lord Jesus Christ.’

Like the postposition ⳝⲟⲩⲛ (§15.3.1.11), it may mark the agent of a passive verbal predicate. (866) L 105.1–4 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲉⲛⲇⲉⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲟⲩⲣⲣⲱ ⲥⲟⲕⲕⲁ ⳟⲟⲕⲕ ⲉⲧⲙⲉⲛⲕⲉⲣⲁⲗⲟ ⲧⲖⲗⲓⲗⲱ ⳝⲱⲀ ⲟⲕⲧⲁⲕⲟⲗⲉⲛⲕⲱ ouel-ᝥ-ende-eion

our-rō

sokk-a

ŋok-k

one-NOM-NEG.CONJ-TOP head-LOC take.up-PRED glory-ACC

et-men-ke-r-a-lo

till-ilō

jōa ok-tak-ol-ᝥ-enkō

take-NEG-HAB-PRS-PRED-FOC God-LOC by

call-PASS-PST1.DET-NOM-but

‘No one is to take glory on himself but the one called by God.’ (Heb 5:4)

(867) P.QI 4 93.re.1 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲘⲙⲉⲗⲟ· ⲉⲚ ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲟⲩⲅⲟⲩ ⳟⲓⲥⲥⲓ ⲧⲖⲗⲓⲗⲟ ⳝⲟⲀ ⲧⲁⲣⲟⲩⲧⲁⲕⲔⲕⲁ

344

15. CASES AND POSTPOSITIONS

douk-im-m-e-lo

ein

douk-ouɡou ŋissi till-ilo

jōa

worship-AFF-PRS-1SG.PRED-FOC 2SG.GEN worship-PL(?) holy God-LOC by

tarou-tak-ik-ka bless-PASS-PRS-ACC ‘I worship your holy reverence(?) blessed by God.’

The postposition ⳝⲱⲁ may also be used in causal clause constructions (§8.4).

16. DETERMINATION AND QUANTIFICATION

16.1. Determiner -ⲗ Old Nubian has a single determiner, -ⲗ. There has been considerable discussion in the literature whether -ⲗ is in fact a determiner or a nominative/subject marker. Zyhlarz (1928, §75), Stricker (1940, 443), Werner (1987, 83), and Smagina (2017 [1986], 33–34) were of the former opinion, whereas Griffith (1913, 74), Hintze (1975a), G. M. Browne (2002c, §3.5), and Bechhaus-Gerst (2011, §3.2.1) shared the latter. The basis of this confusion is that the suffix -ⲗ indeed nearly always occurs on nominative-marked subjects. However, Rilly (2007, 506–513) proposed that etymologically the suffix -ⲗ is related to the Meroitic determiner -l(i), which was more frequent than Old Nubian -ⲗ. Furthermore, as I argued in Van Gerven Oei (2011, 256–262), the fact that the usage of -ⲗ does not fully coincide with subject-marking or a nominative should rule out any such interpretation. Nevertheless, it is clear that as a morpheme, -ⲗ was in the process of being lost in Old Nubian, first in postposition constructions and later also as a determiner. In Nobiin, the remainder -l is maintained in certain phonological contexts (Werner 1987, 84) and the same holds for Midob -r (Werner 1993, §3.1.5.1). In both languages, the morpheme has fully lost its meaning as determiner. The determiner is used on definite subject noun phrases: (868) St 25.3–6

᫥

ⲤⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲖ· ⲕⲤⲈⲛⲓⲅⲟⲩⲛⲁ ⲥⲟⲩⲙⲡⲟⲩⲧⲁⲗⲟ

istauros-il-ᝥ kise-ni-ɡou-na

soumpout-a-lo

cross-DET-NOM church-PL-PL-GEN foundation-PRED-FOC ‘The cross is the foundation of churches.’

(869) L 113.2–5 ᫧ [ⲉⲓⲥ]ⲥⲚ ⲇⲟⲇⲅⲣⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗ ⲙⲁϣⲁⲗⲟⲥⲕⲗⲞ ⲧⲁⲣⲁ ⲓⲈⲣⲟⲩⲥⲁⲗⲙⲓⲞ ⲕⲓⲥⲁⲛⲁ ⲡⲉⲥⲣⲀⲅⲟⲩ[Ⲉ] ⲉⲓⲛⲓⲗ⳹ eissin dodɡ-iri-ɡou-l-ᝥ

mašalosk-ilo tar-a

behold sorcerer-PL-PL-DET-NOM east-LOC

kis-an-a

pes-ir-a-ɡoue

ierousalmi-o

come-PRED Jerusalem-LOC

ein-il-ᝥ

come.PST2-3PL-PRED speak-PRS-PRED-PL.PRED be-PRS.DET-NOM ‘Behold, magi came from the east and arrived in Jerusalem, saying.’ (Mt 2:1)

(870) St 11.10–12.3 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲇⲟⲩⲗⲤⲧⲖⲇⲉ ⲤⲕⲦⲁⲅⲖⲗⲉⲗⲱ ⲀⲣⲟⲩⲟⲩⲇⲇⲛⲀ· ⲧⲁⲛ Ⲥⲓⲅⲉⲗⲗⲟⲛ ⲤⲕⲦⲛ ⲡⲔⲧⲚ ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲕⲦⲕⲁⲗⲟ ⳟⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩⲇⲇⲛⲀ·

346

16. DETERMINATION AND QUANTIFICATION

tan

doulist-il-ᝥ-de

iskit-la-ɡille-lō

arou-oud-d-in-a

3SG.GEN root-DET-NOM-CONJ earth-DAT-ALL-FOC rain-INTEN-PRS-2/3SG-PRED

tan

isiɡe-l-ᝥ-lon

iskit-(i)n pikt-in

tousk-it-ka-lo

3SG.GEN branch-DET-NOM-TOP earth-GEN share-GEN three-ADJ-ACC-FOC

ŋour-oud-d-in-a shade-TR-INTEN-2/3SG-PRED ‘Its root will irrigate (lit. rain toward) the earth and its branch will shade the third share of the earth.’

When the noun phrase is inherently determinate, such as proper nouns or personal pronouns, the determiner is absent. (871) P.QI 1 4.ii.19–20 ⲉⲚⲥⲛⲀ

᫥

ⲓⲎⲥⲟⲩⲥⲓ ⲕⲦⲕⲁ ⲅⲉⲗⲅⲉⲗⲞⲥⲁⲛⲁⲥⲱ ⲡⲉⲥⲓⲕⲟⲛ

ɡel∼ɡel-os-ana-sō pes-i-kon iēsousi-ᝥ kit-ka Jesus-NOM rock-ACC roll∼INT-PFV-IMP.2/3PL.PRED-COMM speak-PRS-CONJ ein-s-in-a be-PST2-2/3SG-PRED ‘And Jesus said: “Roll away the rock!”’ (Jn 11:39)

(872) L 109.8–9 ten

᫧

ⲧⲉⲛ [ⳝ]ⲟⲩⲣⲓⲀⲙⲟⲛ ⲁⲓ ⲁⲓⲕⲟⲛⲟ ⳟⲤⲥ ⲁⳟⲣⲉⲥⲱ

jouri-a-mon

ai-ᝥ

ai-k-ono

ŋiss

3PL.GEN cause-DAT-CONJ 1SG-NOM 1SG-ACC-REFL holy

aŋ-r-e-sō become-PRS-1SG.PRED-COMM ‘And because of them may I become hallowed myself!’ (Jn 17:19)

Furthermore, the determiner is also frequently attested in coordinated noun constructions (§9.1.3), preceding the conjunction: (873) P.QI 2 18.v.3–8 ᫥ ⲁⲛⲛⲁ ⲕⲉⲧⳟⲓⲧⲖⲇⲉ· ⲟⲛ ⲁⲛ ⲧⲁⲡⲛⲟⲥⲕⲖⲇⲉ ⲕⲉⲗⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ· ⳟⲁⲗⲁ ⲁⲛ ⳟⲁⲡⲉ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲕⲁ· ⲧⲟⲕⲁ ⲇⲓⲛⲓⲥⲛⲁⲀ an-na

ketŋ-it-il-de

on an

tapnos-k-il-dekel-ɡou-ka

1SG-GEN humble-NMLZ-DET-CONJ and 1SG.GEN lowliness-NMLZ-DET-CONJ-PL-ACC

ŋal-a

an

ŋape

miššan-ka tok-a

see-PRED 1SG.GEN sin.PRED all-ACC

forgive-PRED

din-is-n-a-a give>1-PST2-2/3SG-PRED-DD ‘“He saw my humility and my lowliness and forgave me all my sins.”’

347

16.2. DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUNS

(874) SC 4.4–8 ᫧ Ⲉⲣⲟⲛ Ⲁⲟ[ⲩⲛ] ⲟⲩⲥⲕⲓⲧⲓⲛⲓⲛⲛⲟ· ⲇⲓⲅⲢⲧⲟⲩ ⲅ[ⲟⲣⲧ]Ⲗⲇⲉ ⲙⲓⲣⲖⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲕⲁⲗⲟ ⲕⲟⲩⲛⲛ[ⲟ·] ⲅⲁⲕⲕⲚ ⲟⲩ[ⲉⲤ]ⲕⲧⲁ ⲉⲓⲛⲚⲇⲉ· Ⲥ[ⲧⲁⲩ]ⲣⲟⲥⲕⲁ· er-ᝥ-on

aoun

ousk-it

in-in-no

diɡirtou

1PL.INCL-NOM-TOP boat.GEN recompense-NMLZ be-PRS.2/3SG-LOC testament

ɡort-il-de

mir-il-dekel-ka-lo

koun-n-o

ɡakk-in

old-DET-CONJ new-DET-CONJ-ACC-FOC have-PRS-1/2PL.PRED pole-GEN

oueisk-t-a

ein-in-de

istauros-ka

recompense-NMLZ-PRED be-PRS.2/3SG-CONJ cross-ACC ‘We, instead of the boat, we have the old testament and the new one, and instead of the pole the cross.’

The determiner also appears with several denominal postpositions, although this usage is most probably archaic: ⲁⲩⲰ/ⲁⲩⲀ ‘within’ (§15.3.1.1); ⲕⲁⲗⲟ ‘downstream, after’ (§15.3.1.2); Ⲟⲣⲟ ‘upstream, before’ (§15.3.1.7); and ⲧⲁⲩⲟ ‘under’ (§15.3.1.8). 16.2. Demonstrative Pronouns Old Nubian has two demonstrative pronouns, proximal ⲉⲓⲛ and distal ⲙⲁⲛ. Both have a plural ending in -Ⲛ, which may be combined with the plural marker -ⲅⲟⲩ. Demonstrative pronouns may be used attributively (§16.2.1) or independently (§16.2.2). There are also traces of a use as a relative pronoun in noncoreferential attributive relative clauses, although this may be a strictly literary innovation (§16.2.3). 16.2.1. Attributive Attributively used, demonstrative pronouns precede the noun: (875) K 23.11–24.1 ᫥ ⟦ⲁⲛ·⟧ ⲉⲚ ⲕⲉⲧⲁ ⲙⲁⲗⲗⲉⲟⲛ Ⲟⲛⲧⲁⲕⲣⲁⲅⲟⲩⲉⲕⲉ ⲙⲟⲩⲛⲧⲗⲱ ⲡⲁⳝⲁⲛⲁⲥⲱ· malle-ᝥ-on on-tak-r-a-ɡoue-ke

ein

ket-a

DEM.PROX

way-PRED all-NOM-TOP love-PASS-PRS-PRED-PL.PRED-2PL

moun-t-lō

paj-ana-sō

hate-NMLZ-LOC cease-IMP.2/3PL.PRED-COMM ‘In all these ways, beloved, desist from hatred!’

(876) SC 6.2–4 ᫧ ⲙⲁⲛ ⲧ[ⲁ]ⲩⲕⲗⲱ [Ⲥ]ⲕⲦⲗⲗⲟⲛ ⳟⲟⲩⲧⲟⲩ ⲕⲁⳝⲓ[ⲇⲉ]ⲕ ⲕⲟⲗ[ⲕ]ⲁ Ⲁⲣⲁⲕⲕⲉⲛⲁ· man

tauk-lō iskit-il-ᝥ-lon

DEM.DIST

time-LOC earth.NMLZ-DET-NOM-TOP ear

ŋoutou kadjidek ripening.ACC

348

16. DETERMINATION AND QUANTIFICATION

ko-l-ka

arak-ke-n-a

have-PRS-ACC bear-HAB-PRS.2/3SG-PRED ‘Then, the earth bears the ripened ears.’

16.2.2. Independent When used independently, demonstrative pronouns behave like regular nouns: (877) SC 22.12

᫥

ⲙⲁⲛⲟⲛ ⲡⲉⲥⲥⲛⲁ

man-ᝥ-on

pes-s-n-a

DEM.DIST-NOM-TOP

speak-PST2-2/3SG-PRED

‘That one said.’

(879) P.QI 3 31.10

᫥

ⲉⲓⲛⲚ ⲙⲁⲧⲁⲣⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲟⲛ

ein-in

matar-iɡou-l-ᝥ-lon

DEM.PROX-GEN

witness-PL-DET-NOM-TOP

‘The witnesses of this (are).’

(879) P.QI 2 10.A.ii.15–18 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲕⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗ ϩⲁⲣⲙⲓⲅⲟⲩⲛ Ⲣⲕⲁⲛⲉⲗⲁⲗⲟ ⲉⲔⲕⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲉⲣⲕⲓⲕⲁ ⲙⲉⲇⲇⲖ ⲅⲣⲀ ⲕⲆⲇⲓⲛⲁ· ⲉⲚ ⲁⲛⲓⲥⲓⲧⲛⲀ ⲉⲗⲗⲉⲛⲅⲟⲩⲗⲟ ⲕⲤⲕⲖⲗⲟ ⲇⲟⲩⲇⲇⲉⲛⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲱ· tak-ᝥ-ketal

harm-iɡou-n irkane-la-lo

eik-ka

3SG-NOM-also heaven-PL-GEN kingdom.NMLZ-DAT-FOC 2SG-ACC

douerk-ika

medd-il

ɡir-a

kidd-in-a

dwelling.NMLZ-ACC prepare-PRS cause-PRED dress(?)-PRS.2/3SG-PRED

ein

anisit-ina

DEM.PROX

resurrection-GEN time-PL-LOC

ellen-ɡou-lo kiskillo until.LOC

doud-d-en-ɡou-l-lō exist-INTEN-PFV.2/3SG-PL-DET-LOC ‘He too will go and prepare for you a dwelling in the kingdom of heavens, amongst these that will last until the times of the resurrection.’

Plural independent demonstrative pronouns are marked with the special plural marker -Ⲛ: (880) L 106.8–9 ᫧ ⲉⲓⲛⲚⲕⲁ ⲡⲉⲥ[ⲓ]ⳝⲁⲣ[ⲁⲗⲟ]ⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲓⲎⲥⲟⲩⲥⲓ ein-in-ka

pes-ij-ar-a-lo-eion

DEM.PROX-PL-ACC

speak-PLACT-PST1-PRED-FOC-TOP Jesus-NOM

‘These (things) Jesus said.’ (Jn 17:1)

iēsousi-ᝥ

349

16.2. DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUNS

These forms may be followed by the regular plural marker -ⲅⲟⲩ: (881) P.QI 2 13.i.19–22 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲥⲥⲚ ⲁⲗⲗⲟⲫⲩⲗⲟⲥⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇⲉ ⲧⲩⲣⲟⲥⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇⲉ ⲟⲩⲇⲙⲓⲛ ⲕⲠⲧⲟⲩⲅⲟⲩⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗ ⲉⲛⲏⲛⲅⲟⲩⲗ ⲙⲁⲛⲛⲟⲗⲱ ⲕⲓⲣ ⲁⳟⲓⲥⲁⲛⲁ⳼ eissin allophulos-ɡou-l-de turos-ɡou-l-de behold gentile-PL-DET-CONJ

kipt-ouɡou-ɡou-l-dekel-ᝥ en-ēn-ɡou-l-ᝥ people-PL-PL-DET-CONJ-NOM

kir

oudm-in

Tyrus-PL-DET-CONJ darkness-GEN

man-no-lō

DEM.PROX-PL-PL-DET-NOM DEM.DIST-LOC-FOC

aŋ-is-an-a

come.PRS become-PST2-3PL-PRED ‘Behold, the gentiles, the Tyrians, and the people of darkness, these had come into being here.’ (Ps 86:4)

(882) L 110.6–9 ᫧ ⲡⲁⲡⲟ ⲉⲛ ⲁⲓⲕⲁ ⲇⲉⲛⳝⲓⲥⲓⲛⲕⲁ ⲇⲟⲗⲗⲓⲙⲙⲉ ⳹ ⲁⲛ ⲇⲟⲩ[ⲧⲉ]ⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲱ ⲙⲓⲛⲓⲛⲅⲟⲩⲛⲁ ⲁⲓⲇⲁⲗ ⲇⲟ[ⲩⲇⲇⲁ(?)]ⲛⲕⲁ ⳹ pap-o

en

ai-ka

father-VOC

DEM.PROX

2SG-ACC give-PLACT-PST2-2/3SG-ACC

doll-im-m-e

den-j-is-in-ka

an

doute-ɡou-l-lō

want-AFF-PRS-1SG.PRED 1SG.GEN place-PL-DET-LOC

ai-dal

min-in-ɡou-na DEM.DIST-PL-PL-GEN

doud-d-an-ka

1SG-COM exist-INTEN-PRS.3PL-ACC ‘Father, I want that those whom you have given me will be in my places.’ (Jn 17:24)

(883) P.QI J i.3–4

᫧

ⲙⲁⲛⲚⲅⲟⲩⲗ[ⲗⲟⲛ] ⲡⲉⲥⲥⲁⲛⲁ· ⲧⲁⲇⲅⲖⲗⲉ·

man-in-ɡou-l-ᝥ-lon

pes-s-an-a

DEM.DIST-PL-PL-DET-NOM-TOP

speak-PST2-3PL-PRED 3SG-ALL

tad-ɡille

‘Those said to her.’ (Jn 20:13)

16.2.3. Demonstrative ⲉⲓⲛ as Relative Pronoun The demonstrative pronoun ⲉⲓⲛ may be used as a relative pronoun in noncoreferential attributive relative clauses (§17.2.2.2). As this usage does not occur in Early Old Nubian texts, it appears to be an innovation based on a calque from Greek, which features phonologically similar relative pronouns such as ἥν and ὅν. Furthermore, the usage of the demonstrative pronoun as a relative pronoun appears to be restricted to literary texts. (884) P.QI 2 13.ii.24–28 ᫥ ⳟⲁⲥⳝⲁⲣⲁⲥⲚ ⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲧⲖⲗⲖ ⲧⲁⲣⲚ ⲥⲉⲩⲀⲉⲅⲁⲣⲁ⳼ … ⲓⲁⲕⲱⲃⲓⲛ ⲅⲁⳝⳝⲟⲩⲣ ⲏⲛ⳿ ⲟⲩⲥⲥⲚⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲕⲁ

350

16. DETERMINATION AND QUANTIFICATION

ŋas-j-ar-a-sin

ou-ka

till-il-ᝥ

tari-n

choose-PLACT-PST1-PRED-EMP 1PL.EXCL-ACC God-DET-NOM 3SG-GEN

seuae-ɡar-a

iakōb-in

ɡajjour ēn

heir.PL-CAUS-PRED Jacob-GEN beauty

DEM.PROX

ous-s-in-dekel-ka want-PST2-2/3SG.PRED-CONJ-ACC ‘God chose us, making us his heirs, and the beauty of Jacob that he loved.’ (Ps 46:5)

In (884) the demonstrative pronoun ⲏⲛ⳿ appears to function as a relative pronoun. However, both its spelling and function are remarkably similar to the Greek it is translating: P.QI 2 13.ii.25–26 ᫥ ⲧ⳿⳿ ⲕⲁⲗⲏⲛ⳿ ⲏⲛ⳿ ⲓⲁⲕⲱⲃ⳿ ⲏⲛ⳿ ⲁⲅⲁⲡⲏⲥⲉⲛ (τὴν καλλονὴν Ιακώβ, ἣν ἡγάπησεν). Another example is found in another Psalm translation: (885) P.QI 1 2.ii.8–10 ᫦ ⲁⲛⲕⲧⲁⲛⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲥⲕⲁⲢ[ⲥ]ⲛⲁ ⲧⲉⲣⲚ Ⲁⲉⲗ ⲁⲩⲀ ⲟⳡⲚ ⲡⲁ[ⲣ]ⲕⲟⲩ ⲏⲛ ⲉⲓⲣⲚ ⲁⲟⲩⲥⲗⲱ anktan-ɡou-ka

ouskar-is-n-a

teri-n

aeil

aua

concern.PL-PL-ACC place.TR-PST2-2/3SG-PRED 3PL-GEN heart.DET within

oñ-in

parkou ēn

tear-GEN valley

eiri-n

DEM.PROX

aou-s-lō

2SG-GEN make-PST2-LOC

‘He placed concerns within their heart in the valley of tears that you made.’ (Ps 83:5–6)

In this case, (885) ⲏⲛ ⲉⲓⲣⲛ ⲁⲟⲩⲥⲗⲱ translates the Greek ὃν ἔθετο. Otherwise, only few unambiguous examples of a relative pronoun can be found: (886) P.QI 1 7.ii.1–2 ᫦ ⲉⳡⳡⲓⲧⲁⲅⲟⲩⲈⲥⲚ ⲀⲉⲥⲕⲦⲗⲟ ⲕⲟ ⲁ[ⲩ]ⲧⲁⲕⲟⲛⲁ· ⲉⲚ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲁ ⲉⳡⳡⲓⲧⲁⲕⲥⲟⲩⲅⲟ[ⲩⲛ] eññ-it-aɡoue-sin

aesk-it-lo

ko

au-tak-on-a

suffer-NMLZ-PL.PRED-EMP patient-NMLZ-LOC through do-PASS-PST1.2/3SG-PRED

ein

oun-na eññ-itak-s-ou-ɡou-n

DEM.PROX

2PL-GEN suffer-PASS-PST2-1/2PL-PL-GEN

‘… has been done in the endurance of the sufferings you (sic!) have suffered.’ (2 Cor 1:6)

(887) St 6.5–9 ᫥ ⳟⲉⲉⲓⲟⲩ ⲉⲓⲛ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲁ ⲁⲓⲕⲁ Ⲉⲕⲓⲇⲣⲟⲩⲕⲟⲛ ⲁⲓⲗⲱ ⲟⲩⲕⲕⲁ ⲡⲖⲗⲓⲅⲣⲀ Ⲧⳝⳝⲁⲣⲣⲁ· ŋeeiou ein thing

DEM.PROX

oun-na ai-ka

eid-r-ou-k-on

ai-lō

2PL-GEN 1SG-ACC ask-PRS-1/2PL-ACC-TOP 1SG-FOC

351

16.2. DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUNS

ouk-ka pill-iɡir-a

tij-j-ar-r-a

2PL-ACC shine-CAUS-PRED give>2/3-PLACT-INTEN-PRS-PRED ‘The thing that you asked me I will reveal to you.’

(888) P.QI 1 5.i.4–6 ᫥ ⲥⲓⲙⲱⲛ· ⲡⲉⲧⲣⲟⲥⲓⲅⲖⲗⲉⲉⲓⲟⲛ· ⲙⲟⲩⲇⲖ ⲕⲓⲥⲛⲀ· ⲉⲚ ⲙⲁⲑⲧⲏⲥⲟⲩ ⲏⲛ ⲓⲥⲥⲓⲛⲁ ⲟⲛⲕⲉⲥⲅⲖⲗⲉ simōn petrosi-ɡille-eion moud-il-ᝥ Simon Peter-ALL-TOP

ki-s-in-a

run-PRS.DET-NOM come-PST2-2/3SG-PRED

ein

mathtēsou ēn

DEM.PROX

disciple

i(ē)s(ous)si-na on-ke-s-ɡille

DEM.PROX

Jesus-GEN

love-HAB-PST2-ALL

‘Running, she went to Simon Peter (and?) this disciple that Jesus used to love.’ (Jn 20:2)

In all the above examples, ⲉⲓⲛ really functions as a relative pronoun, because an overt genitive-marked subject is present. However, in many other cases the reading is ambiguous, as ⲉⲓⲛ may also be interpreted as a genitivemarked subject of the relative clause or an actual demonstrative pronoun. As the precise conditions of clitic doubling are still unknown, and most probably shifted over time as Old Nubian moved from a subject clitic to an agreement system, no definite conclusion can be drawn in these cases. As the usage of the demonstrative pronoun as a relative pronoun appears to be an innovation influenced by translation practices from Greek, I have consistently glossed a genitive subject whenever ⲉⲓⲛ is ambiguous. (889) L 110.9–10 ᫥ ⳟⲟⲕⲟⲩ ⲉⲓⲛ ⲁⲓⲕⲁ ⲇⲓⲥⲥⲓⲛⲕⲁ ⳟⲁⲕⲕⲟⲁⲛⲛⲟⲀ⳹ ŋokou ein glory

ai-ka

dis-s-in-ka

ŋak-ko-an-no-a

2SG.GEN 1SG-ACC give>1.PST2-2/3SG-ACC see-SUBORD-3PL-LOC-PRED

‘… so that they see the glory that you gave to me.’ (Jn 17:24)

(890) P.QI 1 10.A.i.20–ii.1 ᫥ :Ⲉⲗⲟⲛ:: Ⲉ:: ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩⲉⲓⲀ· ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲉⲛ[ⲇⲉ] ⲇⲢⳝⲓⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲣⲓⲙⲉⲛⲧⲁⲗⲟ· ⲉⲚ [ⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟ]ⲥⲅⲟⲩⲛⲁ ⲁⲩⲗⲟⲥⲓⳝⲓⲥⲓⲛⲛ[ⲁ ⲇⲢⲧⲓⲕⲁ el-on

e

ourouei-a ouel-ᝥ-ende

now-TOP oh king-PRED

dir-j-ika

one-NOM-NEG.CONJ count-PLACT-ACC

eir-imen-ta-lo

ein

aɡɡelos-ɡou-na aul-os-ij-is-in-na

can-NEG-NEG-FOC

DEM.PROX

angel-PL-ACC

save-PFV-PLACT-PST2-2/3SG-GEN

dir-t-ika count-NMLZ-ACC ‘Now, oh king, no one can count the numbers of these whom this angel saved …’

352

16. DETERMINATION AND QUANTIFICATION

In (889), ⲉⲓⲛ may be interpreted either as a 2SG genitive subject or a demonstrative used as a relative pronoun. In (890), the interpretation of ⲉⲚ is also ambiguous. In both cases, I have adopted a non-relative pronoun reading for the reasons given above. 16.3. Number Old Nubian distinguishes between the singular, dual, and plural. The singular is unmarked, although remnants of a proto-Nubian singulative suffix *-t(i) are present. The Old Nubian dual is unique among the Nubian languages. There are remains of an old set of plural markers ending in -ⲓ and a more recent plural -ⲅⲟⲩ that is more general and productive. 16.3.1. Singular The singular in Old Nubian is unmarked. There are, however, clear traces of the PN singulative marker *-t(i) in the nominalizer -ⲁⲧⲧ, with a plural in -ⲁⲉⲓ < sg. *-a-t, pl. *-a-i (§18.1). 16.3.2. Dual The dual is lexically constrained to a small number of nouns, and is constructed with the suffix -ⲁⲛ/Ⲛ followed by ⲧⲣⲓ ‘pair(?)’ and an optional plural suffix -ⲅⲟⲩ. The suffix -ⲁⲛ is attested also in some other plural formations: SC 9.20 ᫥ ⲀⲇⲚⲕ-ⲁⲛ-ⲅⲟⲩ- ‘both’, St 14.5–6 ᫥ ⲙϢϣ-ⲁⲛ-ⲅⲟⲩ- ‘all’, P.QI 3 44.20 ⲥⲓⲗⲉⲧⲓⲧ-ⲁⲛ ‘each’, and perhaps P.QI 1 2.ii.8 ⲁⲛⲕⲧ-ⲁⲛ-ⲅⲟⲩ- ‘memories’. It may be related to the Ama dual suffix and Kordofan Nubian reciprocal -in (Jakobi, 2020, forthcoming). The morpheme ⲧⲣⲓ does not appear as an independent noun and its etymology is uncertain. This specific construction of a dual appears to be either an Old Nubian invention or a loan construction from a substrate, as no other Nubian language has retained traces of it. The dual appears mostly with body parts: P.QI 1 1.ii.6 ᫦ ⲙⲁⳡ-Ⲛ ⲧⲣ[ⲓ‘(pair of) eyes’; P.QI 1 5.ii.3 ᫥ Ⲟⲉ-Ⲛ ⲧⲣⲓ- ‘(pair of) feet’; P.QI 2 12.ii.23 ᫥ ⲁⲩⲣ-ⲁⲛ ⲧⲣ(ⲓ)- ‘(pair of) wings/shoulders’; SC 6.24 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲗⲅ-ⲁⲛ ⲧⲣⲓ-ⲅⲟⲩ‘(pair of) ears’; The same dual has also been attested in WN 17 ⲕⲟ-ⲁⲛ ⲧⲣⲓ-ⲅⲟⲩ- ‘(pair of) dominions’, where it appears to refer to Makuria and Alwa (Van Gerven Oei 2011, 194–196). Another, more surprising usage is in SC 21.4 ⲧⲖⲗ-Ⲛ ⲧⲣⲉ and DP 2.7 ⲧⲖⲗ-Ⲛ ⲧⲣⲉ,1 where in both cases it translates the Greek (pagan) θεοί 1 G. M. Browne (1984a, 66) offers an interpretation based on a root ⲧⲣⲈ ‘manner’, which, however, is a hapax with no Nubian cognates. DP, which has a Greek prototype, offers conclusive evidence that we are dealing here with a dual.

353

16.3. NUMBER

‘gods’ as opposed to the Christian God. This offers the tantalizing suggestion that within the Makuritan context the pagan gods were represented by a divine couple. (891) DP 3.7 ᫧ [---]ⳟⲟⳟⲟⲗ ⲧⲖⲗⲚ ⲧⲣⲉ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗ[ⲟ] ⲅⲱⲉⲓⲁ⳼ …ŋoŋ-ol till-in …-PST1

tre

miššan-ɡou-l-lo ɡōeia

God-DU pair.PRED all-PL-DET-LOC

than

‘(…) than all gods.’ (Ps 96:9)

(892) SC 21.3–4 ᫥ ⲧ̣ⲁⲣⲓⲞ ⳝⲟⲟ[ⲕⲕ]ⲁ ⲕⲁⲡⲉⲥⲟⲩⲛ ⲟⲩⲕⲟⲩⲣⲣⲱⲟ ⲧⲖⲗⲚ ⲧⲣⲉ ⲕⲟⲩⲗⲗⲁⳟⲁⲣⲣⲁⲗⲕⲉⲀ· tari-o

jo-ok-ka

kap-es-ou-n

oukour-rō till-in

3SG-LOC go-PST1-ACC eat-PST2-1/2PL-GEN day-LOC

tre

God-DU pair.PRED

koull-aŋ-ar-r-a-lke-a like-INCH-INTEN-PRS-PRED-AFF.PRS.2PL-DD ‘“On the day that you have eaten what has come from it you will become like gods.”’

A dual without ⲧⲣⲓ has been attested in a graffito from Banganarti: (893) I.Bang 664.2

᫧

raphalē t(i)ll-a

ⲣⲁⲫⲁⲗⲏ ⲧⲗⲗⲁ ⲙⲁⳡⲁⲛⲁⲕⲁ ⲡⲓⲕⲕⲁ . ⲅⲣⲉⲥⲱ mañ-ana-ka pikk-a(.)-ɡr-e-sō

Raphael God-PRED eye-DU-ACC

awaken-CAUS-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM

‘God of Raphael, open the (my) eyes!’

16.3.3. Plural There are two sets of plural suffixes in Old Nubian, the first set comprising -ⲣⲓ, -ⲛⲓ, -ⲗⲓ, and -ⲓ (§16.3.3.1) and second one containing -ⲅⲟⲩ (§16.3.3.2). The former suffixes in -ⲓ are obligatory in plural contexts, whereas the latter suffix -ⲅⲟⲩ, which may co-occur with the former, is not. There are also a handful of irregular plurals (§16.3.3.3). The predicate marker -ⲁ has a special plural in -ⲁⲅⲟⲩⲈ (§16.3.3.4). 16.3.3.1. Plurals in -ⲓ The plural suffixes -ⲣⲓ, -ⲛⲓ, -ⲗⲓ, and -ⲓ are lexically determined and obligatory in plural contexts. The initial consonant of these plural markers may perhaps be traced back to a cognate of the determiner -ⲗ (§16.1). -ⲣⲓ St 1.11 ⲀⲡⲟⲤⲧⲟⲗⲟⲥ-ⲣⲓ-; St 21.10 ᫥ Ⲁⲡⲟⲥⲧⲟⲗⲟⲥ-ⲣⲓ-ⲅⲟⲩ ‘apostles’; SC 18.14–15 ᫥ ⲇⲁⲥ-ⲣⲓ-ⲅⲟ[ⲩ]- ‘fountains’; L 113.3 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲅⲇ-ⲣⲓ-ⲅⲟⲩ-

354

16. DETERMINATION AND QUANTIFICATION

‘gazelles’; St 8.7 ᫥ ⲓⲟⲩⲇⲁⲓⲞⲥ-ⲣⲓ- ‘Jews’; SC 5.8 ᫥ ⲙⲟⲩⲅ-ⲣⲓ-ⲅⲟⲩ‘dogs’; St 19.1–2 ᫧ ⲭⲣⲓⲥⲧⲓⲁⲛⲟ[ⲥ]-ⲣⲓ-ⲅⲟⲩ- ‘Christians’. -ⲛⲓ SC 5.9 ᫥ ⲕⲟⲩⲧⲟⲩⲛ-ⲛⲉ- ‘pigs’; St 25.4 ᫥ ⲕⲤⲈ-ⲛⲓ-ⲅⲟⲩ- ‘churches’; St 26.4 ᫥ ⲙⲉⲇⳝ-ⲛⲓ-ⲅⲟⲩ- ‘servants’; L 111.5 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲥⲕⲟⲩⲣⲧ-Ⲛ-ⲅⲟⲩ‘displays’; SC 5.20 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲛ-ⲛⲓ- ‘ploughs’; St 2.12 ᫥ ⲥⲁⲓⲧⲉ-ⲛ-ⲅⲟⲩ- ‘olives’; SC 16.3 ᫥ ⲥⲁⲭⲭ-ⲛⲓ-ⲅⲟⲩ- ‘anchorites’; St 25.1 ᫥ ⲧⲓⲙⲓ-ⲛⲓ-ⲅⲟⲩ- ‘demons’; SC 5.20 ᫥ ⲧⲓ-ⲛⲓ- ‘cows’2; L 111.1 ᫥ ⲧⲓⳝⲕⲁⲛⲉ-ⲛⲓ-ⲅⲟⲩ- ‘just people’. -ⲓ

L 113.2 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲕⲣ-ⲓ-ⲅⲟⲩ- ‘days’; P.QI 2 16.iv.4–10 ᫥ ⲥⲱⲣⲧⲱⳣ-ⲉⲓ ‘priests’.

Before -ⲅⲟⲩ, plural -ⲓ is easily confused with an epenthetic vowel. However, indirect evidence is found in plural predicates (§16.3.3.4), which have -ⲓ + ⲁ > ⲉ: SC 1.9 ᫥ Ⲁⲅⲟⲡⲡ-ⲉ-ⲅⲟⲩⲈ- ‘boatsmen’; I.Bang 99.1 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲕⲣ-Ⲉ ‘days’; SC 1.18 ᫥ ⲕⲟⲣⲟⲥ-ⲉ-ⲅⲟⲩⲈ- ‘shepherds’. Sur 560.14 ᫦ ⲙⲁⲧⲁⲣ-ⲉ-ⲅⲟⲩⳣⲉ- ‘witnesses’; SC 1.10 ᫥ ⲙⲟⲩⲇⲟⲩ-Ⲉ-ⲅⲟⲩⲈ- ‘leaders’; PQ.I 1 9.i.2 ᫥ ⲥⲓⲡⲡ-ⲉ ‘nations’. SC 1.14 ᫥ ⲧⲓⲕⲁⲛ-ⲉ-ⲅⲟⲩⲈ ‘sheep’. The same suffix is also found on nouns ending in nominalization suffix -ⲧ(ⲧ) (§16.3.3.3). -ⲗⲓ Only attested on a single noun: SC 25.10 ᫥ ⳝⲉⲙ-ⲗⲓ-; P.QI 4 95.re.2, 11 ⳝⲉⲙ-ⲓⲗⲓ-; WN 20 ᫥ ⳝⲉⲙ-ⲓⲗⲓ-ⲅⲟⲩ-; and perhaps St 36.6–7 ᫦ ⳝⲉⲙ-[ⲓⲗ] ⲉⲓ-ⲅⲟⲩ- ‘years’. But note also WN 20 ᫥ ⳝⲉⲙ-ⲓⲅⲟⲩ- and I.Khartoum Greek 31.19 ᫥ ⳝⲉⲙ-ⲛ-ⲅⲟⲩ-. 16.3.3.2. Plurals in -ⲅⲟⲩ The most common plural marker is -ⲅⲟⲩ. Initially, this marker appears to have been reserved to pronominal environments (§16.2), but later spread to the nominal domain as well. -ⲅⲟⲩ St 21.10 ᫥ Ⲁⲡⲟⲥⲧⲟⲗⲟⲥ-ⲣⲓ-ⲅⲟⲩ ‘apostles’ SC 5.22 ᫥ ⲅⲚ]ⲇⲉⲧⲧⲉⲅⲟⲩ- ‘thorns’; L 113.5 ᫥ ⲓⲟⲩⲇⲁⲓⲟⲥ-ⲅⲟⲩ- ‘Jews’; L 113.2 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲕⲣ-ⲓⲅⲟⲩ- ‘days’; SC 15.19 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩ-ⲅⲟⲩ- ‘kings’; L 104.2 ⲥⲓⲡⲡⲓ-ⲅⲟⲩ‘nations’; SC 14.15 ᫥ ⲭⲣⲓⲥⲧⲓⲀⲛⲟⲥ-ⲅⲟⲩ- ‘Christians’; St 14.2 ϩⲁⲣⲙ-ⲟⲩⲅⲟⲩ- ‘heavens’; P.QI 1 9.i.3 ᫥ ⳝⲉⲣ-ⲅⲟⲩ- ‘tribes’; The plural marking on a noun with -ⲅⲟⲩ may be dropped if plurality can be inferred from the context: (894) SC 6.14–15

᫥

ⲅⲚ]ⲇⲉⲧⲧⲉⲕⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲕⲓⳝⲞⲥⲓⳝⲕⲉⲛⲇⲉ ⲙⲚⲛⲉⲗⲟ

ɡindatte-ka doukk-ij-os-ij-k-ende thorn-ACC

min-n-e-lo

uproot-PLACT-PFV-PLACT-HAB-NEG not.be-PRS-1SG.PRED-FOC

‘Nor am I constantly uprooting thorns.’ 2 The singular ⲧⲓ has been attested in an unpublished letter from Qaṣr Ibrīm (Van Gerven Oei 2014, 181).

355

16.3. NUMBER

(895) P.QI 2 24.4–5 ⲧⲁⳝⳝⲟⲛⲁ aman pijj-ila

᫥

ⲁⲙⲁⲛ Ⲡⳝⳝⲓⲗⲁ ⳝⲟⲩⳝⲁ ⲕⲣⲁ ⲁⲩⲉⲔⲕⲁ ⲙⲛⲀ ⲧⲟⲕⲓ jou-j-a

kr-a

aueik-ka min-a

water wide-DAT go-PLACT-PRED come-PRED ship-ACC what-PRED

tok-i

taj-j-on-a

leave-INF(?) call-PLACT-PST1.2/3SG-PRED ‘Did you/he call the ships to leave, going forth on the wide river?’

16.3.3.3. Irregular Plurals There are a handful of irregular plural stems in ON: • P.QI 2 17.ii.5 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲗⲓⲟⲩ-, M 2.13 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲗⲏⲩ-ⲅⲟⲩ-, P.QI 2 20.i.14 ᫥ ⲉⲖⲗⲏⲟⲩ- ⲅⲟⲩ-, SC 10.2 ᫥ ⲏⲗⳣ-ⲓⲅⲟⲩ-, sg. ⲉⲓⲗ ‘woman, wife’; • L 107.4 ᫥ ⲉⲓ-ⲅⲟⲩ-, sg. ⲉⲓⲧ ‘man’, with long ī, cf. SC 14.9 ⲉⲓⲉ-Ⲛ- ‘of men’3; • K 21.1 ᫥ ⲧⲟⲩⳡ-, P.QI 2 18.iv.10 ⲧⲟⲩⳡ-ⲓⲅⲟⲩ-, sg. ⲧⲟⲧ ‘child’. Nominals created by nominalizers ending in -ⲁⲧⲧ have an irregular plural in -ⲁⲉⲓ: St 20.9 ᫥ Ⲟϣⲟⳟⲁⲉⲓ-ⲅⲟⲩ- ‘slaves’; St 22.4 ᫥ ⲉⲓⳡⲦⲧⲓⲕⲁⲉⲓ-ⲅⲟⲩ‘wealthy people’; St 22.9 ᫥ ⳟⲁⲡⲉⲕⲁⲉⲓ-ⲅⲟⲩ- ‘sinners’; St 27.5 ᫦ ⲧⲟⲡⲡⲁⲉⲓⲅⲟ[ⲩ- ‘arrogant people’; SC 4.16–17 ᫥ ⲉⲔⲕⲇⲁⲉⲓ-ⲅⲟⲩ- ‘prophets’; SC 15.12 ᫥ ⲧⲓⳝⲕⲁⲉⲓ-ⲅⲟⲩ- ‘just people’. 16.3.3.4. Plural Nominal Predicates Plural nouns with predicate marker -ⲁ are marked by the special plural suffix -ⲅⲟⲩⲈ: SC 1.6 ᫥ ⲟⲛⲧⲁⲕⲣ- ⲁ-ⲅⲟⲩⲈ- ‘beloved’; M 2.14 ᫥ ⲧⲱⲉⲕ-ⲁⲅⲟⲩⲈ- ‘miracles’; St 4.10 ᫥ ⲁⲓ-Ⲁ-ⲅⲟⲩⲈ- ‘hearts’. Plurals in -ⲛⲓ-ⲅⲟⲩ and -ⲣⲓ-ⲅⲟⲩ exhibit ⲓ + ⲁ > ⲉ: SC 5.12 ᫥ ⲕⲟⲩⲧⲚ-ⲛⲉⲅⲟⲩⲈ- ‘pigs’; SC 5.13 ᫥ ⲙⲟⲩⲅ-ⲣⲉ-ⲅⲟⲩⲈ- ‘dogs’; P.QI 3 30.21 ᫥ ⲙⲉⲇⳝⲟⲩ-ⲛⲉ‘servants’. The same assimilation is observed with plurals in -ⲓ: PQ.I 2 13.ii.11 ᫥ ⲥⲓⲡⲡ-ⲉ-ⲅⲟⲩ- ‘nations’; PQ.I 1 9.i.2 ᫥ ⲥⲓⲡⲡ-ⲉ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲅⲟⲩ- shows clear evidence of a final -ⲓ (cf. §16.5.1); SC 1.18 ᫥ ⲕⲟⲣⲟⲥ-ⲉ-ⲅⲟⲩⲈ- ‘shepherds’ (hapax). Like regular plural -ⲅⲟⲩ, -ⲅⲟⲩⲈ may be dropped if plurality can be inferred from context: P.QI 1 9.i.2 ᫥ ⲥⲓⲡⲡ-ⲉ ‘nations’; L 101.3 ⲧⲟⲩⳡ-ⲉ ‘children.’ 3 G. M. Browne (1996c, 64) and G. M. Browne (2002c, §3.2.2) suggest that ⲉⲓⲉ- is an abstract noun for ‘mankind.’ This would be the only case of an abstract noun based on a plural, and therefore seems very unlikely. The other attestations of the proposed nominalizer -ⲉ can easily be analyzed as part of the genitive suffix.

356

16. DETERMINATION AND QUANTIFICATION

The morpheme may similarly be absent if the plurality is contextually evident: (896) K 23.8–9

᫥

ⲙⲁⲇⳝⲁⲕⲁⲈ ⲉⲛⲇⲘⲙⲁⲛⲁ·

madja-kae

en-d-im-m-an-a

lie-NMLZ.PL.PRED be-INTEN-AFF-PRS-3PL-PRED ‘They will be liars.’

(897) St 5.10–11

᫥

ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩ ⲥⲉⲩⲀⲈ ⲁⲛ ⲙⲉⲇⳝⲛⲈⲅⲟⲩⲈⲕⲉ·

ourou seu-ae 2PL

an

medj-ine-ɡoue-ke

inherit-NMLZ.PL.PRED 1SG.GEN servant-PL.PRED-PL.PRED-2PL

‘You, heirs and my servants!’

(898) SC 2.12

᫥

ⲟⲩⲗⲗⲁⲕⲉⲣⲁⲙⲁ ⲟⲩⲕ ⲞⲕⲓⳝⲕⲟⲉⲓⲞ

oullakker-a-ma ouk

ok-ij-ko-ei-o

teacher-PRED-AFF 2PL.ACC call-PLACT-SUBORD-1SG-LOC ‘If I call you teachers …’

16.4. Numerals Numerals are often represented by the Coptic number system, consisting of letters combined with a supralinear stroke (§2.4). They also appear, less frequently, fully written out. Old Nubian has preserved three classes of numerals: cardinals (§16.4.1), ordinals (§16.4.2), and multiplicatives (§16.4.3). 16.4.1. Cardinals Cardinals (table 16.1) are the regular counting numbers. Decades above 10 are accompanied by the plural suffix -ⲅⲟⲩ. Number

Cardinal

1

K 31.12 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲉⲣP.QI 3 36.i.23 ᫥ ⲉⲗ (with DET?) L 111.7 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲟⲩ P.QI 1 5.i.11 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲞP.QI 3 31.10 ᫥ ⲟⲩⳣⳣⲟ P.QI 1 8.ii.19 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲉⲖ (with DET?) P.QI 3 35.13 ᫥ ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲕⲟ SC 2.4 ᫥ ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲕⲟⲩSC 7.21 ᫥ ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲕⲓP.QI 3 30.26 ᫥ ⲕⲉⲙⲥⲟSE B.ii.6 ᫥ ⲕⲉⲙⲥⲟⲛ-

2

3

4

357

16.4. NUMERALS

P.QI 3 50.2 ᫥ ⲇⲓⳝP.QI A i.5 ᫥ ⲅⲟⲇⳝⲟ P.QI 1 8.i.15 ᫥ ⲕⲟⲗⲟⲧP.QI 3 43.3 ᫥ ⲓⲇⲟP.QI 3 54.i.4 ᫥ ⲑ⳿ⲧⲁ = *ⲟⲥⲕⲟⲧ-ⲧⲁ(?) P.QI 1 11.i.9 ᫥ ⲇⲓⲙⲉⲇP.QI 2 16.iv.6 ᫥ Ⲁⲇⲱ P.QI 4 80.3 ᫦ Ⲗⲕ- (unreconstructable) K 32.11 ᫥ ⲉⲢⲕⲉⲓⲥST 3.4 ᫥ Ⲣⲕⲓⲥ SC 5.1 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲩⲇⲉ

5 6 7 8 9 10 20 30 40 1000

Table 16.1: Cardinals

Numerals are treated as adjectives (§17.1), always following the noun they are quantifying. (899) P.QI 1 8.ii.8–10 ᫥ ⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥⲟⲩ ⲕⲟⲗⲟⲧⲟⲩ ⲡⲟⲧⲟⲧⲓ ⲕⲟⲗⲟⲧ ⲕⲟⲛⲗⲟⲗⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲟⲛ ⲧⲉⲕⲕⲟⲛⲟ ⲙⲉⲇⲇⲖ ⳟⲓⲥⲁⲛⲁ ⲡⲟⲧⲟⲧⲕⲁ ⲟⲩϣⲉⲛⲟⲩⲀ aɡɡelosou kolotou pototi angel

seven

tek-k-ono

kolot kon-l-ol-ɡou-l-ᝥ-lon

trumpet seven have-DET(?)-PST1-PL-DET-NOM-TOP

medd-il

ŋ-is-an-a

potot-ka

3PL-ACC-REFL ready-PRS become-PST2-3PL-PRED trumpet-ACC

ouš-enou-a sound-SUBORD.PL-PRED ‘The seven angels who had seven trumpets prepared themselves to blow the trumpet.’ (Rev 8:6)

(900) SC 9.22–10.3 ᫧ ⲉⲘⲙⲟ ⲭⲣⲓⲥⲧⲟⲥⲓ[ⲕⲁ] [---]ⲟⲧⲧⲟ Ⲃ [1-4 ⲗ]ⲟ ⲕⲱ ⲟⲅⳝⲟⲩ ⲇⲟⲩⲇⲉ ⲇⲓⳝⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲉⳠⲅⲁⲣⲉⲓⲛⲚ [ⲧⲟⲩ]ⳡⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇⲉ ⲏⲗⳣⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲗⲟ ⲙⲟⲣⲣⲁⲛ ei-m-m-o

khristosi-ka  …-otto 2 …-lo

know-AFF-PRS-1PL.PRED Christ-ACC

doude

…

dij-ɡou-ka eiñ-ɡar-ein-in

kō

oɡjou

2 …-LOC from man

touñi-ɡou-l-de

thousand five-PL-ACC rise-CAUS-COP-PRS.2/3SG child.PL-PL-DET-CONJ

ēlwi-ɡou-l-dekel-lo

mor-r-an

woman.PL-PL-DET-CONJ-LOC be.without-PRS-3PL ‘We know that Christ from (…) 2 (…) sustains (lit. causes to rise) five thousand men, excluding the children and women.’

The cardinal ⲟⲩⲉⲣ ‘one’ is a weak root (§19.6.2.1.1) with a long vowel /we+r/, similar to present-day Nile Nubian wēr. It also functions as an adjectival quantifier ‘a, any’ (§16.5.3) and independent quantifier ‘anyone, someone’ (§16.5.4).

358

16. DETERMINATION AND QUANTIFICATION

16.4.2. Ordinals Except for the words for ‘first’ and perhaps ‘eleven’, ordinals (table 16.2) are formed by a cardinal followed by the nominalizer -Ⲧ (§18.1). The following have been attested. The irregular ordinal ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲕⲁⲛⲧⲉ ‘first’ may be related to ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲟⲩ ‘before’ (§15.3.1.10). Number 1st 2nd 3rd 4th 7th 11th 12th

Ordinal M 3.6–7 ᫥ ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲕⲁⲛⲧⲉWN 16 ᫥ -ⲟⲩⲉⲓⲧSt 12.2 ᫥ ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲕⲦP.QI 3 38.2 ᫥ Ⲇⲧ- = *ⲕⲉⲙⲥⲓⲧ-(?) P.QI 1 8.i.12 ᫥ ⲕⲟⲗⲟⲧⲓⲧP.QI 1 11.i.8-9 ᫥ ⲅⲚⲕⲉⲣⲟⲩⲧP.QI 1 11.i.9 ᫥ ⲇⲓⲙⲉⲇⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲉⲓⲧTable 16.2: Ordinals

16.4.3. Multiplicatives Multiplicatives (table 16.3) are formed by cardinals followed by the adverbial suffix -ⲁⲛ (§18.4). The following have been attested: Number Once Seven times

Multiplicative K 25.1 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲉⲣⲁⲛ K 25.2 ᫥ ⲕⲟⲗⲟⲧⲁⲛ

Table 16.3: Multiplicatives

16.5. Quantifiers There are four types of quantifiers in Old Nubian, depending on the type of construction they appear in: (901) TYPES OF QUANTIFIERS • Predicative quantifiers, taking a predicate with -ⲁ: ⲙϢϣⲁⲛ ‘all’; ⲙⲁⲗⲗⲉ ‘all’; ⲥⲉⲩⲈ ‘other’; ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲧⲢ ‘any’ (§16.5.1); • Nominal quantifiers, used in a possessor relation with the genitive -ⲛ: ⲇⲟⲩⲣⲧⲁⲗ ‘each, every’ (§16.5.2); • Adjectival quantifiers, used as adjectives: ⲟⲩⲉⲗ ‘a, some’; ⲟⲩⲁⲧⲧⲟ ‘entire, whole’; ⲉⲓⲥ ‘another’; ⳝⲘⲙⲖ ‘all’ (§16.5.3); • Independent quantifiers, used as nouns: ⳝⲘⲙⲖ-ⲅⲟⲩ ‘everyone’; ϣⲟⲉⲓ-ⲅⲟⲩ ‘some’; ⲟⲩⲉⲗ ‘anyone, someone’; ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱ ‘all’; ⲥⲏⲗⲈ ‘each’ (§16.5.4).

359

16.5. QUANTIFIERS

16.5.1. Predicative Quantifiers The quantifiers ⲙϢϣⲁⲛ ‘all’, ⲙⲁⲗⲗⲉ ‘all’, ⲥⲉⲩⲈ ‘other’, and ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲧⲢ ‘any’ govern a noun phrase with predicate marker -ⲁ. For the raising of universal quantifiers see §5.4.1. (902) M 16.1–5 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲕⲁⲣⲓⲅⲣⲁⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲭⲣⲓⲥⲧⲓⲁⲛⲟⲥⲁ ⲕⲉⲗⲕⲚⲛⲁⲛ ⲉⲓⲛⲚ ⲇⲟⲩⲁⲣⲓⲥⲁⲛⲁ· ⲧⲉⲛ Ⲁⳡⲉⲛ ⲟⲩⲕⲣⲁ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲛⲟ· eikariɡra-eion khristianos-a kelkinnan ein-in thus-TOP

be-PRS.2/3SG

Christian-PRED perfect

dou-ar-is-an-a

ten

añe-n

oukr-a

miššan-no

exist-TR-PST2-3PL-PRED 3PL.GEN life-GEN day-PRED all-LOC ‘Thus they were made to be perfect Christians for all the days of their life.’

(903) K 23.11–24.1 ᫥ ⟦ⲁⲛ·⟧ ⲉⲚ ⲕⲉⲧⲁ ⲙⲁⲗⲗⲉⲟⲛ Ⲟⲛⲧⲁⲕⲣⲁⲅⲟⲩⲉⲕⲉ ⲙⲟⲩⲛⲧⲗⲱ ⲡⲁⳝⲁⲛⲁⲥⲱ· malle-ᝥ-on on-tak-r-a-ɡoue-ke

ein

ket-a

DEM.PROX

way-PRED all-NOM-TOP love-PASS-PRS-PRED-PL.PRED-2PL

moun-t-lō

paj-ana-sō

hate-NMLZ-LOC cease-IMP.2/3PL.PRED-COMM ‘In all these ways, beloved, cease from hatred!’

(904) M 7.9–13 ᫥ ⲀⲅⲟⲡⲡⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⲕⲟⲩⲙⲡⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲙ⳿Ⲉⲧⲁ ⲀⲥⲚ ⲧⲟⲩⲗⲁ ⲕⲉⲛⲁ ⲕⲁⲡⲡⲁ ⲥⲉⲩⲈⲗⲁ ⲟⲩⲥⲕⲟⲩⲣⲥⲛⲁ· aɡopp-il-ᝥ-lon

koumpou-ka doum-et-a

boatsman-DET-NOM-TOP egg-ACC

ken-a

kapp-a

seue-la

as-in

tou-la

take-PFV-PRED keel.box-GEN belly-DAT

ouskour-s-n-a

place-PRED food-PRED other-DAT place.TR-PST2-2/3SG-PRED ‘The boatsman took over the egg, placed it under the keel box, and put it among the rest of the food.’

The quantifier ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲧⲢ ‘any’ is morphologically complex and derives from the numeral ⲟⲩⲉⲣ ‘one’ and the verb ⲧⲢ ‘to give’, rendering a basic meaning of something like ‘give one’. (905) SC 7.14–16 ᫥ ⲕⲟⲗⲁⲧⲕⲘⲙⲁ ⲧⲖⲗⲖ· ⲉⲓⲧⲁ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲧⲓⲇⲁⲥⲚ· ⲟⲩⲈⲣⲖⲇⲱ Ⲁⲕⲁ ⲑⲁⲗⲁⲥⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲁⲧⲧⲟⲕⲁ ⲅⲖⲗⲁ ⳟⲔⲕⲔⲕⲁ· kolat-k-im-m-a

till-il-ᝥ

eit-a

oueltid-a-sin

like-HAB-AFF-PRS.3SG-PRED God-DET-NOM man-PRED any-PRED-EMP

ouer-il-dō

ak-a

thalasou ouatto-ka ɡill-a

mountain-DET-SUPE sit-PRED sea

entire-ACC consider-PRED

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16. DETERMINATION AND QUANTIFICATION

ŋik-k-ik-ka see-HAB-PRS-ACC ‘God is like any man, who, sitting upon a mountain, is considering the entire sea.’

16.5.2. Nominal Quantifiers There is only one nominal quantifier, ⲇⲟⲩⲣⲧⲁⲗ ‘each, every’, which behaves like a common noun, governing a genitive case: (906) SC 12.8–13 ᫥ ⲇⲁⲩⲧⲓ ⲙⲁ[ⲧⲁ]ⲣⲁ ⳟⲁ ⲡⲉⲥⲉⲛ ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱ[·] ⲧⲖⲗⲖ ⲀⲙⲤⲕⲁⲇⲁ· Ⲁⲗⲉⲕⲁⲧⲧⲁ[·] ⲧⲱⲉⲕⲕⲁⲧⲧⲁ· Ⲁⲉⲥⲕⲁⲧⲧⲁ· ⲧⲁⲛ ⳟⲁⲕⲧⲉⲣⲕⲟⲛ ⲟⲩⲕⲟⲩⲛ ⲇⲟⲩⲣⲧⲁⲗⲗⲱ Ⲟⲥⲁ ⲇⲉⲣⲣⲁ ⲙⲚⲛⲁⲗⲱ· dauti matar aŋ-a

pes-en

kellō till-il-ᝥ

David witness become-PRED speak-PFV.PRS.2/3SG as.LOC God-DET-NOM

amiskad-a ale-katt-a

tōek-katt-a

aesk-att-a

tan

judge-PRED true-NMLZ-PRED power-NMLZ-PRED patient-NMLZ-PRED 3SG.GEN

ŋakter-k-on

oukoun dourtal-lō os-a

anger-ACC-TOP day.GEN each-LOC

der-r-a

take.out-PRED apply-PRS-PRED

min-n-a-lō not.be-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-FOC ‘As David becomes a witness and says that God is a judge, truthful, powerful, patient. And he does not apply his anger each day.’

16.5.3. Adjectival Quantifiers The adjectival quantifier ⲟⲩⲉⲗ ‘a, some’, ⲟⲩⲁⲧⲧⲟ ‘entire, whole’, and ⳝⲘⲙⲖ ‘all’ behave like regular adjectives (§17.1) and are phrase-final: (907) M 1.5–8 ᫥ ⲉⲦⲧⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲗⲟ ⲇⲠⲡⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲗⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲀⲣⲁ· Ⲁⲗⲉⲝⲁⲛⲇⲣⲉⲛ· ϣⲔⲅⲟⲩⲗⲁ· eittou ouel-ᝥ-lo

dippou ouel-la dou-ar-a

woman one-NOM-FOC village

alexandre-n

one-DAT exist-PST1-PRED Alexandria-GEN

šik-ɡou-la district-ground-DAT ‘There was a woman living in a village, in the district of Alexandria.’

(908) P.QI 3 53.3–4 ᫥ ⲁⲓⲕ Ⲣ ⲙⲉⲕⲓⳣⲓ ⲉⲓⲧⲓ ⳣⲉⲕⲕⲉⲛⲇⲉⲗⲟⲛ ⲧⲦⲧⲁⲙⲏⲥⲟ· ai-k

ir

mekiwi eiti wek-k-ende-lon

1SG-ACC power small(?) man one-ACC-NEG.CONJ-TOP

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16.5. QUANTIFIERS

tit-ta-mē-so give>2/3-NEG-JUS.SG-COMM ‘Do not give me to some man with little(?) power!’

(909) St 12.3–8 ᫥ ⳝⲘⲙⲖⲀⲅⲟⲩⲈⲥⲚ ⲧⲉⲛ ⲀⲉⲖ ⲟⲩⲁⲧⲧⲟⲗⲟ ⲤⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲗⲁⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲡⲓⲥⲧⲉⲩⲟⲗⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲟⲛ ⲧⲁⲩⲰⲗⲟ ⲅⲟⲛⳝⲖ ⲇⲟⲩⲇⲚⲛⲁ· jimmil-a-ɡoue-sin

ten

aeil ouatto-lo istauros-la-ɡille

everyone-PRED-PL.PRED-EMP 3PL.GEN heart entire-LOC cross-DAT-ALL

pisteu-ol-ɡou-l-ᝥ-lon

tauō-lo

ɡonj-il

believe-PST1-PL-DET-NOM-TOP under-LOC stand-PRS

dou-d-in-n-a exist-INTEN-COP-PRS.2/3SG-PRED ‘Everyone who wholeheartedly believed in the cross will stand beneath it.’

ⲉⲓⲥ ‘another’, however, is phrase-initial: (910) K 24.11–12 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲥ ⲙⲁⲣⲧⲁⲣⲕⲓⲕⲟⲛ ⲟⲩⲗⲅⲚⲛⲁⲥⲟ· eis

martar-k-ik-on

oulɡ-in-na-so

another witness-NMLZ-ACC-TOP ear-TR-IMP.2/3PL.PRED-COMM ‘Listen to another testimony!’

(911) M 8.2–5 ᫥ ⲟⲅⳝⲓⲗⲗⲟⲛ ⲕⲟⲩⲙⲡⲟⲩⲕ⳿ Ⲁⲅⲟⲣⲁ ⲉⲓⲥⲟⲩ ⲉⲢⲕⲁⲛⲉ ⲟⲩⲉⲓⲇⲇⲖⲗⲁⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲅⲡⲢⲧⲤⲥⲛⲁ· oɡj-il-ᝥ-lon

koumpou-k aɡor-a

man-DET-NOM-TOP egg-ACC

oueid-il-la-ɡille

eisou

eir-kane

forget-PRED another king-NMLZ

ɡ(i)pirt-iss-n-a

far.away-PRS-DAT-ALL return-PST2-2/3SG-PRED ‘But the man forgot about the egg and returned to another kingdom far away.’

(912) L 105.8 is

᫥

Ⲥ ⲅⲟⲩⲇ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲗⲱ ⲡⲉⲥⲉⲛ ⲕⲉⲗⲗ[ⲱ]⳹

ɡoud ouel-lō pes-en

kellō

another place one-LOC speak-PFV.PRS.2/3SG as.LOC ‘As he says elsewhere.’ (Heb 5:6)

16.5.4. Independent Quantifiers Independent quantifiers behave as common nouns. ⳝⲘⲙⲖ-ⲅⲟⲩ ‘everyone’ and ϣⲟⲉⲓ-ⲅⲟⲩ ‘some’ both appear mainly as plural nouns. ⲟⲩⲉⲗ ‘someone’ only appears in the singular. ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱ ‘all’ is the only quantifier that is encountered as an appositive, while ⲥⲏⲗⲈ ‘each’ has only been attested in non-literary contexts.

362

16. DETERMINATION AND QUANTIFICATION

(913) St 12.3–8 ᫥ ⳝⲘⲙⲖⲀⲅⲟⲩⲈⲥⲚ ⲧⲉⲛ ⲀⲉⲖ ⲟⲩⲁⲧⲧⲟⲗⲟ ⲤⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲗⲁⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲡⲓⲥⲧⲉⲩⲟⲗⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲟⲛ ⲧⲁⲩⲰⲗⲟ ⲅⲟⲛⳝⲖ ⲇⲟⲩⲇⲚⲛⲁ· jimmil-a-ɡoue-sin

ten

aeil ouatto-lo istauros-la-ɡille

everyone-PRED-PL.PRED-EMP 3PL.GEN heart entire-LOC cross-DAT-ALL

pisteu-ol-ɡou-l-ᝥ-lon

tauō-lo

ɡonj-il

believe-PST1-PL-DET-NOM-TOP under-LOC stand-PRS

dou-d-in-n-a exist-INTEN-COP-PRS.2/3SG-PRED ‘Everyone who wholeheartedly believed in the cross will stand beneath it.’

(914) SC 8.5–7 ᫧ ϣⲟⲉⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲟⲛ ⲧⲟⲩⲅⲅⲟⲩⲛ[ⲁ] ⲉⲓⳝⲓⲣⲕⲁⲛⲉⲗⲟ ⲟⲩⲛ ⲇⲁⲩⲟⲩ ⲙⲉⲇⲇ[Ⲗ ⳟ]ⲟⲩⲥⲁⲛⲕⲁ ⲁⲣⲓⲇⲇⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲧⲟⲩⲕⲣⲁⲛ· šoei-ɡou-l-ᝥ-lon

touɡ-ɡou-na eij-ir-kane-lo

some-PL-DET-NOM-TOP wind-PL-GEN

medd-il

nɡ-ous-an-ka

joun

dauou

send-TR-NMLZ-LOC because path

aridd-ek-ka

touk-r-an

prepare-PRS become-PST2-3PL-ACC ready(?)-PFV.PRS-ACC leave-TR-PRS.3PL ‘While some, because of the zeal of the winds, left a ready(?) path which they prepared.’

Independently used, the quantifier ⲟⲩⲉⲗ often appears with the negative conjunction -ⲉⲛⲇⲉ (§9.4.7), together meaning ‘no one, nothing’. (915) St 15.1–9 ᫧ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲗⲟ ⲕⲟⲉⲛⲇⲉⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲧⲉⲇⲕⲁ ⲡⲉϣϢⳝⲙⲉⲛⲇⲣⲈⲗⲱ· ouel-lo ko-ende-eion

ted-ka

one-LOC through-NEG.CONJ-TOP 3PL-ACC

pešš-ij-men-d-ir-e-lō judge-PLACT-NEG-INTEN-PRS-1SG.PRED-FOC ‘Through nothing will I judge them.’

The quantifier ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱ may be used independently: (916) L 107.7–9 ᫧ ⲉⲗⲗⲱ [ⲉⲓ]ⲁⲥⲥⲁⲛⲁ ⲁⲓⲕⲁ ⲇⲉⲛⳝⲓⲥⲛⲀ ⲙϢϣ[ⲁ]ⲛⲕⲁ⳹ ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱⲕⲁ ⲧⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲧⲓⳝⳝⲉⲥⲓⲕ[ⲁ⳹ el-lō

ei-as-s-an-a

ai-ka

den-j-is-in-a

now-LOC know-TR-PST2-3PL-PRED 1SG-ACC give>1-PLACT-PST2-2/3SG-PRED

miššan-ka kellō-ka tek-ka all-ACC

all-ACC

tij-j-es-i-ka

3PL-ACC give>2/3-PLACT-PFV.PST2-1SG-ACC

‘Now they know that everything you gave me I gave all to them.’ (Jn 17:7–8)

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16.5. QUANTIFIERS

(917) P.QI 3 55.ii.1 ᫥ ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲟⲣⲟ ⲕⲟ ⲕⲁⲩⲣⲉⲗⲟ kello-ro ko all-LOC

kau-r-e-lo

through naked-PRS-1SG.PRED-FOC

‘Through everything I am uncovered.’

ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱ is also encountered appositively: (918) M 14.4–10 ᫥ ⲉⲦⲧⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⲇⲟⲩⲧⲣⲁⲡⲕⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲙⲈⲧⲁ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲇⲟⲩⲧⲣⲁⲡⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲟ ⲡⲉⲗⲓⲣⲟⲛ· ⲇⲟⲩⲙⲁⲕⲕⲟⲛⲟ ⲕⲉⲗⲗⲱ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲓⲥⲁⲛⲁ· ⲙⲉⲇⳝⲟⲩⲛⲚ ⲧⲁⲉⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗ· ⲟⲛ ⲧⲟⲩⲉⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗ eitt-il-ᝥ-lon

doutrap-ka doum-et-a

woman-DET-NOM-TOP fowl-ACC

pel-ir-o-n

tan doutrap-iɡou-lo

take-PFV-PRED 3SG fowl-PL-LOC

doumak-kono

kellō-ᝥ ounn-is-an-a

come.out-TR-PST1-2/3SG immediately-after all-NOM

medjou-ni-n

taei-ɡou-l-ᝥ

bear-PST2-3PL-PRED

on touei-ɡou-l-ᝥ

servant-PL-GEN girl.PL-PL-DET-NOM and cow.PL-PL-DET-NOM ‘When the woman took the fowl and released it among her own fowls, they all immediately gave birth, and the servant girls and the cows too.’

The quantifier ⲥⲏⲗⲈ is rarely found and possibly a Meroitic loanword (§1.3.1). It appears in the colophon of St, which is difficult to interpret: (919) St 32.1–11 ⊗ ⲉⲚ ϣⲟⲗ ⳝⲘⲙⲖⲗⲱ ⲅⲁⳝⲖ ⲟⲩⲗⲅ[ⲉⲗ]ⲅⲟⲩⲛⲁⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲥⲏ[ⲗ]Ⲉ ⲧⲖⲗⲚ ⲇⲁⲣⲡⲛ[ⲉ] ⲁⲓⲉⲓⲀ ⲙϢ[ϣⲁ]ⲛⲅⲟⲩⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲉⲧ[ⲧⲁ]ⲕⲖ ⲤⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲚ ⲁⲇⳡⲔⲕⲉⲛⲁ ϣⲟⲕⲕⲁ Ⲟⲅⲓⳝⳝⲟⲩ ⲧⲖⲖ ⲟⲩⲛⲖ Ⲥⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥ ⳟⲟⲕⲕⲟ ⲟⲩⲛⲖ ein

šol

DEM.PROX

book all-LOC

jimmil-lō ɡaj-il

till-in

darpne aiei-a

God-GEN gift

cross

šok-ka

receive-PASS-PRS.DET

oɡijjou till-il

life.giving-GEN book-ACC man

istauros ŋok-ko

each

miššan-ɡou-ɡille et-tak-il

heart.PL-PRED all-PL-ALL

istauros-in adñikke-na cross-GEN

oulɡ-el-ɡou-na-eion sēle

exult-PRS.DET ear-PRS-PL-GEN-TOP

oun-il

God-DET love-PRS.DET

oun-il

glory-ADJ love-PRS.DET

‘Each of the hearers, exulting in this entire book, a gift of God, received for all the souls, the book of the life-giving cross, a God-loving and glorious crossloving man, …’

Perhaps the same quantifier can also be found in the following expression, with ⲥⲓⲗⲉⲧⲓⲧ- possibly following the model of ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲧⲢ ‘any’ (§16.5.1):

364

16. DETERMINATION AND QUANTIFICATION

(920) P.QI 3 44.19–21 ᫥ ⲁⲇⲇⲟⲛ ⲇⲠⲡⲓⲗⲁ· ⲡⲚ ⲥⲓⲗⲉⲧⲓⲧⲁⲛ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛ ⲙⲁⲧⲁⲣⲁⲅⲟⲩⲈⲗⲟ· addo-n

dipp-ila

pi-n

siletitan miššan

Addo-GEN village-DAT lie-PRS.2/3SG each(?)

all

matar-a-ɡoue-lo witness-PRED-PL.PRED-FOC ‘Each and everyone who lives in the village of Addo is a witness.’

17. QUALIFICATION AND ADJUNCTS

This chapter deals with the ways in which noun phrases and verb phrases can be qualified. Noun phrases can be qualified through adjectives (§17.1) or through relative clauses (§17.2). Generally, adjectives and relative clauses follow the noun. When they precede them, the interpretation is restrictive or describes an inalienable property. This chapter also treats comparison (§17.3) and adjuncts, which modify verb phrases (§17.4). 17.1. Adjectives Old Nubian has no well-defined lexical class of adjectives. Adjectives either double as verbal roots, or are derived from nominal or verbal roots by means of a suffix. There are two specialized denominal adjectivizing morphemes, -ⲕⲟ ‘with’ and -ⲕⳠⳡ ‘without’ (§18.3). Other productive morphemes are the denominal/deverbal -(ⲕ)ⲁⲧⲧ and variants (§18.1), which can be used to form both adjectives and nouns. In general, adjectives follow nouns. (921) St 10.10–11.3 ᫥ Ⲉⲗⲟⲛ ⲁⲛⲛⲓⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲗⲅⲚⲛⲁⲥⲱ Ⲥⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲟⲩ ⳟⲟⲕⲕⲟⲛⲁ ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲓⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲕⲕⲁ ⲡⲉⲥⲁ Ⲧⳝⳝⲓⲛⲓ· ⲟⲛ ⲧⲁⲛ ⳟⲟⲕⲟⲩ ⲇⲁⲩⲟⲩⲕⲕⲁ — el-on

an-n-ika

oulɡ-in-na-sō

istaurosou

now-TOP 1SG-GEN-ACC ear-TR-IMP.2/3PL.PRED-COMM cross

ŋok-ko-na

jouri-ka

ouk-ka pes-a

tij-j-ini

glory-ADJ-GEN reason-ACC 2PL-ACC speak-PRED give>2/3-PLACT-SUBORD

on tan

ŋokou dauouk-ka

and 3SG.GEN glory

great-ACC

‘Now listen to my (words), if I may tell you about the glorious cross and its great glory!’

(922) SC 4.4–8 ᫧ Ⲉⲣⲟⲛ Ⲁⲟ[ⲩⲛ] ⲟⲩⲥⲕⲓⲧⲓⲛⲓⲛⲛⲟ· ⲇⲓⲅⲢⲧⲟⲩ ⲅ[ⲟⲣⲧ]Ⲗⲇⲉ ⲙⲓⲣⲖⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲕⲁⲗⲟ ⲕⲟⲩⲛⲛ[ⲟ·] ⲅⲁⲕⲕⲚ ⲟⲩ[ⲉⲤ]ⲕⲧⲁ ⲉⲓⲛⲚⲇⲉ· Ⲥ[ⲧⲁⲩ]ⲣⲟⲥⲕⲁ· er-ᝥ-on

aoun

ousk-it

in-in-no

diɡirtou

1PL.INCL-NOM-TOP boat.GEN recompense-NMLZ be-PRS.2/3SG-LOC testament

ɡort-il-de

mir-il-dekel-ka-lo

koun-n-o

ɡakk-in

old-DET-CONJ new-DET-CONJ-ACC-FOC have-PRS-1/2PL.PRED pole-GEN

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17. QUALIFICATION AND ADJUNCTS

oueisk-t-a

ein-in-de

istauros-ka

recompense-NMLZ-PRED be-PRS.2/3SG-CONJ cross-ACC ‘We, instead of the boat, we have the old testament and the new one, and instead of the pole the cross.’

Occasionally, an adjective may precede a noun. In these cases the interpretation of the adjective is as a fixed, inalienable property of the noun it qualifies. (923) M 10.13–11.1 ᫥ ⲀⲡⲟⲅⲅⲚ ⲙⲁⳡⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⲅⲁⲗⲗⲓⲧⲁⲕⲟⲛ ⳟⲤⲥⲟⲩ ⲙⲏⲛⲁⲕⲁ ⲡⲖⲗⲁ ⲁⲗⲗⲟ ⳟⲖⲥⲛⲁ· ⲙⲟⲩⲣⲧⲟⲩ ⳟⲟⲩⲗⲟⲩⲕⲁ⳿ ⲇⲟⲕⲁ ⲕⲚ apoɡɡ-in

mañ-il-ᝥ-lon

ɡall-itak-on

ŋissou mēna-ka

boatsman-GEN eye-DET-NOM-TOP open-PASS-PST1.2/3SG holy

pill-a

al-lo

ŋil-s-n-a

appear-PRED shine-LOC see-PST2-2/3SG-PRED horse

dok-a

Mina-ACC

mourtou ŋoulou-ka white-ACC

kin

ride-PRED come.PRS.2/3SG ‘When the boatsman’s eyes were opened, he saw Saint Mina in shining appearance, while he was riding a white horse.’

In (923), being ⳟⲤⲥⲟⲩ ‘holy’ is an inalienable property of Mina, hence it precedes the noun. Conversely, the horse’s ⳟⲟⲩⲗⲟⲩⲕⲁ⳿ ‘white’ color is merely accidental, and therefore the adjective follows. Another example is the contrast between the following two sentences from the same text: (924) P.QI 2 16.iv.4–10 ᫥ ⲥⲱⲣⲧⲱⳣⲉⲓ Ⲁⲇⲱⲫⲉⲓ ⳟⲟⲟⲕ ⲕⲟⲛⳝⲓⲗ· Ⲁⲇⲱ ⲕⲉⲙⲥⲱⲛⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲱⲛ ⲧⲉⲛⲛⲁ ⲥⲟⲕⲟⲙⲡⲓⲕⲁ Ⲱⲥⲉⲛ ⲑⲣⲟⲛⲟⲥⲗⲱ· Ⲟⲣⲁⲗⲗⲱ ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲕⲉⲛⲛⲁⲛⲁ: sōrtōw-ei ado-phei ŋook kon-j-il priest-PL

adō

kemsōn-ɡou-l-ᝥ-lōn

white-INT glory have-PLACT-PRS.DET twenty four-PL-DET-NOM-TOP

ten-na sokomp-ika ōs-en 3PL-GEN crown-ACC

thronos-lo orallo

take.out-PFV.PRS.2/3SG throne-LOC before

doukk-en-n-an-a worship-COP-PRS-3PL-PRED ‘The twenty-four sparkling white, glorious priests, when they take off their crowns, worship before the throne.’

(925) P.QI 2 16.vii.2–6 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲥⲕⲉⲗⲁⲇⳝⲁⲙⲥⲱ ⲉⲚ ⲅⲁⲇⲕⳠⳡⲉⲓ ⳟⲟⲟⲕ ⲕⲟⲛⳝⲓⲗ ⲁⳡⲉⲗ ⲕⲉⲙⲥⲱⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲛⲥⲖⲗⲁ ⲉⲛⲕⲟⲩⲁⲛⲛⲱⲁ eiskel-ad-j-am-sō

ein

ɡad-kiññei

beg-TR-PLACT-IMP.1PL-COMM

DEM.PROX

flesh-NEG.ADJ glory

ŋook

367

17.2. RELATIVE CLAUSES

kon-j-il

añ-el

kemsōn-ɡou-ka ouns-il-la

have-PLACT-PRS live-PFV.PRS four-PL-ACC

love.NMLZ-DET-DAT

en-kou-an-nō-a be-SUBORD-3PL-LOC-PRED ‘Let us beseech these four incorporeal, glorious animals so that they may abide in love!’

In (924), the adjective Ⲁⲇⲱⲫⲉⲓ ‘sparkling white’ follows the noun ⲥⲱⲣⲧⲱⳣⲉⲓ ‘priests’ because it is not a fixed property of the priests. In (925), however, being ⲅⲁⲇⲕⳠⳡⲉⲓ ‘incorporeal’ is definitely a fixed attribute of the ⲁⳡⲉⲗ ⲕⲉⲙⲥⲱⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ‘four animals’, and therefore precedes the noun. Note also that the attributive relative clause ⳟⲟⲟⲕ ⲕⲟⲛⳝⲓⲗ ‘glorious’ in (924) follows, but in (925) precedes the noun (see §17.2.2.1). 17.2. Relative Clauses Old Nubian has two types of relative clauses: attributive relative clauses (§17.2.2) and free relative clauses (§17.2.3). The former have an overtly expressed antecedent, which may be either the subject of the relative clause (coreferential) or not (non-coreferential). The latter have an implicit antecedent, and again can be either coreferential or non-coreferential. In all forms of relative clause constructions we encounter verbal nouns (§17.2.1). 17.2.1. Verbal Nouns Among previous grammatical descriptions of Old Nubian, there is considerable confusion about how to describe verbal nouns, that is, verbal forms that appear as part of a noun phrase, and therefore carry nominal morphology such as case marking. These are forms that Vycichl (1956, 40) and Hintze (1971, 288) called ‘participles’, G. M. Browne (1982d, 12) called ‘infinitives’, and which more recently have been dubbed ‘verbids’ (G. M. Browne 2002c, 50). Their typology, however, can best be analyzed within the context of relative clause constructions. (926) St 12.3–8 ᫥ ⳝⲘⲙⲖⲀⲅⲟⲩⲈⲥⲚ ⲧⲉⲛ ⲀⲉⲖ ⲟⲩⲁⲧⲧⲟⲗⲟ ⲤⲧⲁⲩⲣⲥⲗⲁⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲡⲓⲥⲧⲉⲩⲟⲗⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲟⲛ ⲧⲁⲩⲰⲗⲟ ⳟⲟⲛⳝⲖ ⲇⲟⲩⲇⲚⲛⲁ· jimmil-a-ɡoue-sin

ten

aeil ouatto-lo istauros-la-ɡille

everyone-PRED-PL.PRED-EMP 3PL.GEN heart whole-LOC cross-DAT-ALL

pisteu-ol-ɡou-l-ᝥ-lon

tauō-lo

ŋonj-il

dou-d-in-n-a

believe-PST1-PL-DET-NOM-TOP under-LOC stand-PRS.DET exist-INTEN-COP-2/3SG-PRED ‘Everyone who wholeheartedly believed in the cross will stand beneath it.’

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17. QUALIFICATION AND ADJUNCTS

(927) St 14.4–12 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲇⲇⲟ ⲡⲓⲥⲧⲉⲩⲉⲓⲣⲁ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲟⲛ· ⲧⲁⲕⲕⲁ ⲉⲣⲅⲖⲗⲟ ϩⲁⲣⲙⲓⲅⲟⲩⲛ· ⲢⲕⲁⲛⲉⲗⲁⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲕⲉⲇⲁ ⳝⲟⲇⲇⲚⲛⲁⲛⲁ· ⲁⳡⳝ ⲉⲗⲗⲉⲛ ⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗⲗⲉⲛⲕⲁ ⲥⲉⲩⲉⲦⲛⲟⲩⲀ· tad-do

pisteue-ir-a

miššan-ɡou-l-ᝥ-lon tak-ka

3SG-SUPE believe-PRS-PRED all-PL-DET-NOM-TOP

erɡ-il-ᝥ-lo

3SG-ACC

harm-iɡou-n er-kane-la-ɡille

ked-a

follow-PRS.DET-NOM-FOC heaven-PL-GEN king-NMLZ-DAT-ALL ascend-PRED

jod-d-in-n-an-a

añj ellen ketallen-ka seueit-nou-a

go-INTEN-COP-PRS-3PL-PRED life eternal-ACC

inherit-SUBORD.PL-PRED

‘All who believe in it, following it, will ascend to the kingdom of the heavens in order to inherit eternal life.’

In (926), ⲡⲓⲥⲧⲉⲩⲟⲗⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲟⲛ is what Browne would call a ‘verbid’, while (927) ⲡⲓⲥⲧⲉⲩⲉⲓⲣⲁ would be called a ‘predicative’. However, both forms are essentially verbal forms used in a nominal context, hence verbal nouns. In the case of ⲡⲓⲥⲧⲉⲩⲟⲗⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲟⲛ, we find the nominal plural marking -ⲅⲟⲩ followed by a nominative and topic marker, whereas ⲡⲓⲥⲧⲉⲩⲉⲓⲣⲁ is marked by the predicate marker -ⲁ, because it is in the scope of the universal quantifier ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲟⲛ (§16.5.1). The occurrence of single verbal nouns as free relative clauses is relatively limited. They occur much more frequently as part of an attributive relative clause with an overt antecedent. These will be discussed in detail in the following sections. Phonologically, the present tense suffix -ⲗ and past 1 suffix -ⲟⲗ often show regressive assimilation (§19.6.2.1.2): (928) SC 7.14–16 ᫥ ⲕⲟⲗⲁⲧⲕⲘⲙⲁ ⲧⲖⲗⲖ· ⲉⲓⲧⲁ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲧⲓⲇⲁⲥⲚ· ⲟⲩⲈⲣⲖⲇⲱ Ⲁⲕⲁ ⲑⲁⲗⲁⲥⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲁⲧⲧⲟⲕⲁ ⲅⲖⲗⲁ ⳟⲔⲕⲔⲕⲁ· kol-at-k-im-m-a

till-il-ᝥ

eit-a

oueltid-a-sin

be.like-NMLZ-HAB-AFF-PRS.3SG-PRED God-DET-NOM man-PRED any-PRED-EMP

ouer-il-dō

ak-a

thalasou ouatto-ka ɡill-a

mountain-DET-SUPE sit-PRED sea

entire-ACC consider-PRED

ŋik-k-ik-ka see-HAB-PRS-ACC ‘God is like any man who sits upon a mountain and overlooks the entire sea.’

(929) SC 21.20–21 ᫥ ⲉⲔⲕⲁ ⲧⲉⲇ ⲘⲙⲤⲥⲉ⳺ ⲉⲛ ⲕⲟⲉⲢⲣ[ⲱ] ⳝⲱⲟⲕⲕⲁ ⲕⲁⲡⲁⲧⲁⲙⲏⲀ⳺ eik-ka

ted im-mis-s-e

2SG-ACC law bring-NEG-PST2-1SG.PRED

en

koeir-rō jō-ok-ka

DEM.PROX

tree-LOC go-PST1-ACC

369

17.2. RELATIVE CLAUSES

kap-a-ta-mē-a eat-PRED-NEG-JUS.SG-DD ‘Did I not enjoin you: “Do not eat that which came from this tree!”?’

An interesting irregularity occurs with the past 2 suffix, which only occurs in non-correlative attributive relative clauses (§11.2.2.4). When followed by the predicate marker -ⲁ, the morpheme has the regular form -ⲥ. (930) St 29.10–12 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲛⲛⲁⲥⲱ Ⲁⲡⲟⲛⲁ ⲧⲁⲣⲟⲩⲁⲥⲥⲁⲅⲟⲩⲈⲕⲉ tan-na-sō

a-po-na

come-IMP.2/3PL.PRED-COMM 1SG.POSS-father-GEN

tarou-as-s-a-ɡoue-ke bless-TR-PST2-PRED-PL.PRED-2PL ‘Come, you whom my Father blessed!’

(931) P.QI 1 2.ii.8–10 ᫧ ⲁⲛⲕⲧⲁⲛⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲥⲕⲁⲢ[ⲥ]ⲛⲁ ⲧⲉⲣⲚ Ⲁⲉⲗ ⲁⲩⲀ ⲟⳡⲚ ⲡⲁ[ⲣ]ⲕⲟⲩ ⲏⲛ ⲉⲓⲣⲛ ⲁⲟⲩⲥⲗⲱ anktan-ɡou-ka

ouskar-is-n-a

teri-n

aeil

aua

concern.PL-PL-ACC place.TR-PST2-2/3SG-PRED 3PL-GEN heart.DET within

oñ-in

parkou ēn

tear-GEN valley

eiri-n

DEM.PROX

aou-s-lō

2SG-GEN make-PST2-LOC

‘He placed concerns within their heart in the valley of tears that you made.’ (Ps 83:5–6)

Bu before case marking, the extended form -ⲥⲓⲗ is usually found (see also §11.2.2.6): (932) SC 19.13–15 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲉⲚ ⲕⲁⲩⲉⲓⲅⲟⲩⲛⲁ ⲇⲓⲁⲃⲟⲗⲟⲥⲚ ⲙⲉⲉⲣⲧⲗⲟ ⳝⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲥⲕⲓⲧⲁⲕⲥⲔⲕⲁ ⳟⲁⲗⲉⲛⲛⲟⲛ ei-e-in

kauei-gou-na

diabolos-in meert-lo

man-NMLZ-GEN offspring.PL-PL-GEN devil-GEN

esk-itak-sik-ka

joun

baseness.NMLZ-LOC by

ŋal-en-non

conquer-PASS-PST2-ACC see-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-TOP ‘But when he sees the offspring of mankind conquered by the baseness of the devil …’

It appears reasonable to analyze this final -ⲓⲗ as remnant of the determiner -ⲗ, which at an earlier point in the development of the Old Nubian language may have been more widespread, occurring also before non-nominative case marking. Evidence of this may also be found in certain denominal postpositions (§15.3.1).

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17. QUALIFICATION AND ADJUNCTS

17.2.2. Attributive Relative Clauses Attributive relative clauses (RCs), like adjectives, qualify a noun. In coreferential attributive RCs, this noun, also called the antecedent, is coreferential with the subject of the RC (§17.2.2.1). When the antecedent is not coreferential with the subject of the RC, it is called non-coreferential (§17.2.2.2).1 The main distinction between coreferential attributive RCs and non-coreferential ones is that in the former the verbal noun has no subject clitic, whereas in the latter it usually does. Furthermore, there is a complementary distribution of the past tenses (§11.2.2.4), while non-coreferential attributive RCs may additionally feature relative pronouns (§16.2.3) and may exhibit so-called island phenomena. 17.2.2.1. Coreferential Attributive Relative Clauses In a coreferential attributive RC, the antecedent of the RC is co-referential with the subject of the embedded verb. Like adjectives, coreferential attributive RCs generally follow their antecedents (in dashed boxes). (933) K 22.14–23.2 ᫧ ⲉⲒ ⲙⲁⲛ [ⲧⲁⲩⲕ]ⲗⲟ ⲇⲟⲩⲗⲗⲁ ⳟⲁⲇⲖⲅⲟⲩⲗ· ⲙⲉⲓⳝⲣⲁⲅⲟⲩ ⲉⲛⲇⲘⲙⲁⲛⲁ· ei

man

tauk-lo doul-l

man.PL

DEM.DIST

time-LOC exist-PRS become-INTEN-PRS-PL-DET-NOM

meij-r-a-ɡou

aŋ-ad-il-ɡou-l-ᝥ

en-d-im-m-an-a

disobey-TR-PRED-PL(.PRED) be-INTEN-AFF-PRS-3PL-PRED ‘The men who will come into existence in that time will be disobedient.’

(934) SC 14.1–6 ᫧ ⲉⲘ̣ⲙⲉ ⲁⲓⲇⲉ ⲧⲁⲩⲕ[ⲁ] ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲛⲟ ⲁⲛⲛⲔ ⲟ[ⲩⲗ]ⲅⲣⲉⲛⲕⲁ· ⲙⲁⲅⲢⲕⲟⲛⲛⲟⲉⲛⲇⲉ ⲕⲠⲧⲟ[ⲩ] ⲉⲓⲕⲁ ⳟⲟⳝⲉⲗⲅⲟⲩⲗⲟ ⳝⲱⲁⲗⲟ ⲡⲉⲥⲣⲉ· ⲡⲓⲥⲧⲉⲩⲕⲟⲁⲛⲛⲟⲀ· ⲉⲚ ⲁⲓⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲧⲣⲉⲥⲕ̣ [ⲁ·] ei-m-m-e

ai-ᝥ-de

tauk-a

miššan-no an-n-ik

know-AFF-PRS-1SG.PRED 1SG-NOM-CONJ time-PRED all-LOC

oulɡ-r-en-ka

maɡirkonnoende kiptou eik-a

ear-TR-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-ACC but

ŋoj-el-ɡou-lo

1SG-GEN-ACC

jōa-lo

people near-PRED

pes-r-e

stand-PFV.PRS-PL-LOC because-FOC speak-PRS-1SG.PRED

1 These two types of relative clauses coincide with what Satzinger (1990) has called respectively ‘Type A’ and ‘Type B’ relative clauses. G. M. Browne (2002c, §4.6) groups them together under ‘adjectival conversion’. See for discussion Van Gerven Oei (2015b).

371

17.2. RELATIVE CLAUSES

pisteu-ko-an-no-a

ein

ai-ka

eitr-es-ka

believe-SUBORD-3PL-LOC-PRED 2SG.GEN 1SG-ACC send-PST2-ACC ‘I know that you always hear the things I (say) but because of the people standing nearby I speak so that they believe that you sent me.’ (Jn 11:42)

(935) L 113.5–6 ᫥ Ⲥⲗⲟ ⲡⲓⲛⲁ ⲓ̈ ⲟⲩⲇⲁⲓⲟⲥⲅⲟⲩⲛ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲧⲁⲕⲟⲗ⳹ is-lo

pi-n-a

WH-LOC

exist-PRS.2/3SG-PRED Jew-PL-GEN

ⲟⲩⲛⲛ-

ioudaios-ɡou-n ourouou king

ounn-outak-ol-ᝥ bear-PASS-PST1.DET-NOM ‘Where is the king of the Jews that has been born?’ (Mt 2:2)

To force a restrictive interpretation, a coreferential attributive RC may move to the left of its antecedent. (936) P.QI 2 16.vii.2–6 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲥⲕⲉⲗⲁⲇⳝⲁⲙⲥⲱ ⲉⲚ ⲅⲁⲇⲕⳠⳡⲉⲓ ⳟⲟⲟⲕ ⲕⲟⲛⳝⲓⲗ ⲁⳡⲉⲗ ⲕⲉⲙⲥⲱⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲛⲥⲖⲗⲁ ⲉⲛⲕⲟⲩⲁⲛⲛⲱⲁ eiskel-ad-j-am-sō

ein

ɡad-kiññei

beg-TR-PLACT-IMP.1PL-COMM

DEM.PROX

flesh-NEG.ADJ glory

kon-j-il

kemsōn-ɡou-ka ouns-il-la

añ-el

have-PLACT-PRS live-PFV.PRS four-PL-ACC

ŋook

love.NMLZ-DET-DAT

en-kou-an-nō-a be-SUBORD-3PL-LOC-PRED ‘Let us beseech these four incorporeal, glorious animals so that they may abide in love!’

(937) M 11.2–6 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲣⲟⲛ ⳟⲁⲗⲉⲛ ⲧⲖⲗⲔ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲟⲗ ⲙⲁⲣⲓⲁⲛ ⲉⲓⲅⲟⲛⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲅⲟⲩⲇⲁⲗⲁ ⲕⲓⲀ ⲟⲩⲟⲩⲀ ⲡⲉⲥⲥⲛⲁ· tar-ᝥ-on

ŋal-en

till-ik

ounn-ol maria-n eiɡon-ɡille

3SG-NOM-TOP see-PFV.PRS.2/3SG God-ACC bear-PST1 Mary-GEN icon-ALL

ɡoudal-a ki-a

ouou-a

pes-s-n-a

run-PRED come-PRED shout-PRED speak-PST2-2/3SG-PRED ‘When he saw it, he ran to the image of Mary Theotokos and shouted.’

17.2.2.2. Non-Coreferential Attributive Relative Clauses Non-coreferential attributive RCs differ from coreferential attributive RCs in several manners: they feature an overt subject, which is always marked with the genitive case (§15.1.2); they may feature (rarely) a demonstrative pronoun

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17. QUALIFICATION AND ADJUNCTS

in the function of a relative pronoun (§16.2.3); and the embedded verb may feature a subject clitic if the subject of the RC is not overt (§10.1.4). Like coreferential attributive RCs, they generally follow their antecedent.2 (938) M 12.2–7 ᫥ ⲕⲟⲩⲙⲡⲟⲩ ⲉⲚ ⲧⲁⲛ⳿ⲛⲁ ⲕⲠⲥⲖ· ⲇⲟⲩⲙⲁⲗ ⲇⲟⲩⲧⲣⲁⲡ⳿ Ⲁⳡⲣⲁ ⳟⲁ ⲧⲁⲛⲛⲁ ⲧⲁⲩⲞⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗ ⲥⲟⲩⲕⲕⲁ ⲡⲁⲗⲁ ⲕⲟⲩⲧⲧⲁ ⳟⲟⲛⳝⲁ ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲕⲟⲛⲟ ⳝⲁⲩⲉⲓⲥⲛⲁ· koumpou ein añ-r

tan-na kip-sil-ᝥ

DEM.PROX

egg

aŋ-a

tan-na tauo-ketal soukk-a

live-PRS become-PRED 3SG-GEN belly-also

koutt-a

doumal doutrap

3SG-GEN eat-PST2.DET-NOM suddenly fowl

ŋonj-a

pal-a

descend-PRED come.out-PRED

tous-kono jau-eis-n-a

rise-PRED stand-PRED before-after squawk-PST2-2/3SG-PRED ‘The egg which he had eaten suddenly came to life as a fowl, also came out from under him, stood up, and squawked at once.’

(939) K 20.15–21.4 ᫥ ⲁⲗⲉⲥⲓⲛ ⲟⲩⲧⲣⲖ ⲕⲉⲓⲕⲁ ⲡⲉⲥⲉⲛ ⲡⲣⲟⲥⲕⲟⲗ ⲕⲤⲥⲉⲗⲟ ⲕⲉⳝⲣⲁⲛⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲕⲤⲥⲉⲛ/ ⲧⲟⲩⳡⲖⲗⲟ ⲕⲁⲡⲓ̣ ⳝⲣⲁⲁ· ⲡⲁⲡⲖⲇⲉ ⲟⲛ ⳟⲁⲇⲇⲉ ⲟⲛ ⲥⲉⲩⲁⲣⲧⲟⲩ ⳟⲤⲥⲖⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲗⲟ ⲕⲤⲥⲉⲗⲟ ⲡⲁⲗⲁⲙⲏ· alesin ouetr-il-ᝥ if

keik-a

pes-en

proskol

any-DET-NOM blaspheme-PRES speak-PFV.PRS.2/3SG offering

kisse-l-lo

ken-j-r-an-ɡou-ka

kisse-n

touñ-il-ᝥ-lo

church-DET-LOC place-PLACT-PRS-3PL-PL-ACC church-GEN child.PL-DET-NOM-FOC

kap-ij-r-a-a

pap-il-de

on ŋad-de

on seuartou

eat-PLACT-PRS-PRED-DD father-DET-CONJ and son.DET-CONJ and spirit

ŋiss-il-dekel-ᝥ-lo

kisse-lo

pal-a-mē

holy-DET-CONJ-NOM-FOC church-LOC come.out-PRED-JUS.SG ‘If anyone blasphemes and says about the offerings that are placed in the church: “The children of the church eat them,” let the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit leave from the church!’

As can be determined from (938) and (939), there is a complementary distribution between subject clitics and overt genitive-marked subjects. In (938), the relative clause contains an overt subject ⲧⲁⲛ⳿ⲛⲁ, and as a result we do not find a subject clitic on ⲕⲠⲥⲖ. In (939) there is no overt subject, and so we find a subject clitic on ⲕⲉⳝⲣⲁⲛⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ.

2 For two examples of preceding non-coreferential RCs in Old Nubian see Van Gerven Oei (2015b, 22). Their analysis remains problematic.

373

17.2. RELATIVE CLAUSES

There are only a few attested cases of clitic doubling, in which there is both a genitive-marked subject and a subject clitic, but the conditions under which this occurs are as yet unclear3: (940) St 6.5–9 ᫥ ⳟⲉⲉⲓⲟⲩ ⲉⲓⲛ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲁ ⲁⲓⲕⲁ Ⲉⲕⲓⲇⲣⲟⲩⲕⲟⲛ ⲁⲓ̈ ⲗⲱ ⲟⲩⲕⲕⲁ ⲡⲖⲗⲓ̈ ⲅⲣⲀ Ⲧⳝⳝⲁⲣⲣⲁ· ŋeeiou ein thing

oun-na ai-ka

DEM.PROX

eid-r-ou-k-on

ai-lō

2PL-GEN 1SG-ACC ask-PRS-1/2PL-ACC-TOP 1SG-FOC

ouk-ka pill-iɡir-a

tij-j-ar-r-a

2PL-ACC shine-CAUS-PRED give>2/3-PLACT-INTEN-PRS-PRED ‘The thing that you asked me I will reveal to you.’

In Old Nubian, only nominative-marked subjects and accusative-marked objects of a sentence can be relativized, that is, extracted from it and turned into the antecedent of an attributive relative clause, thus leaving a gap in the RC. In the case of an extracted subject we get a coreferential attributive RC, while in the case of an extracted object we get a non-coreferential attributive RC. Any other type of constituent cannot be extracted. In those cases, instead of a gap we find a 3SG resumptive pronoun ⲧⲁⲣ (§10.1.2) in a non-coreferential attributive RC. (941) P.QI 2 16.ii.8–iii.8 ᫧ ⲡⲉⲥⲓⲕⲁ ⲇⲟⲗⲗⲉⲛⲛⲱ ⲧⲉⲛⲛⲁ ⳟⲟⲕⲓⲇⲉ ⲟⲛ̂ ⲧ[ⲉⲛⲛⲁ] Ⲉⲟⲕⲕⲓⲛⲁⳣⲉⲇ[ⲉⲕⲉⲗ]ⲕⲁ ⲡⲖⲥⲁⲇⲁⲅⲘⲙ[ⲉ] ⲟⲛ̂ ⲁⲛⲕⲓⲧⲘⲙⲉ ⲁⲛⲛ ⲟⲩⲛⲉ ⲙⲉⲩⲈⲇ Ⲗ̣ ⲕⲓⲛⲓⲇⲉ ⲟⲛ̂ ⲁⲛ ⲥⲁⲕⲓⲧⲟⲩ ⲉⲓⲉⲕⲟⲛⲕⲓⲛⲁ ⲧⲁⲇⲓⲁ ⲇⲁⲙⲉⲛⲉⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗⲕⲁ: pes-ika

doll-en-nō

ten-na ŋok-ide

on ten-na

speak-ACC want-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-LOC 3PL-GEN glory-CONJ and 3PL-GEN

eŋokkinawe-dekel-ka pil-sad-aɡ-im-m-e honor.NMLZ-CONJ-ACC

on

throw(?)-say-sit(?)-AFF-PRS-1SG.PRED and

ank-it-im-m-e

ann

oune

meueid il-kin-ide

think-NMLZ-AFF-PRS-1SG.PRED 1SG.GEN wisdom poor

on an

sakitou

ei-e-konk-ina

voice-NEG.ADJ-CONJ

tadi-a

and 1SG.GEN council.NMLZ know-NMLZ-NMLZ-GEN 3SG-DAT

dam-en-e-dekel-ka exist-NEG-PFV.PRS(?)-CONJ-ACC ‘When he wants (me?) to speak about their glory and their honor, I mention and recall my wisdom, which is poor and voiceless, and my council, in which there is no knowledge (lit. which knowledge is not in it).’

3

See also Van Gerven Oei (2017, 7).

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17. QUALIFICATION AND ADJUNCTS

(942) P.QI 2 14.i.7–11 ᫦ ⲧⲁⲣⲓⲁ ⲧⲟⲣⲁ ⲕⲓⲉⲛⲛⲟⲛ ⲇⲟⲩⲙⲁⲕⲕⲟⲛⲟ ⲉⲇⲇⲣⲱ ⲕⲁⳝⲕⲁ ⲉⲚ ⲇⲓⲅⲖ: ⲉⲖ ⲧⲁⲇⲟⲩ ⲉⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲁ [ⲟ]ⲩⲉⲛⲛⲁ ⲧⲁⲇⲇⲱ ⲁⲕⲓⲙⲤⲥⲓⲕⲁ· tari-a

tor-a

ki-en-non

doumak-kono

3SG-DAT enter-PRED come-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-TOP immediately-after

ed-d-r-ō

ein

diɡ-il

find-INTEN-PRS-1/2PL.PRED colt-ACC

kaj-ka

DEM.PROX

bind-PRS.DET now 3SG

ei-ɡou-na

ak-imis-s-ika

ouen-na tad-dō

eil

tadou

man.PL-PL-GEN one-GEN 3SG-SUPE sit-NEG-PST2-ACC ‘When you enter it, you will immediately find a colt that is bound, upon which no one amongst men has yet sat (lit. which no one amongst men has yet sat on it).’ (Mk 11:2)

(943) P.QI 1 11.i.1–3 ᫦ ⲙⲓⲭⲁⲏⲗⲓ̈ ⲛⲁ ⲧⲁⲣⲓⲟ ⲥⲟⳟⲟⳝⲁ ⲇⲁⲩⲣ ⲁⳟⲁ [ⲅ]ⲟⳡⲧⲁⲕⲉⲥⲚⲛⲁ ⲕⲟⲉⲕⲟⲛ· ⲧⲁⲣ ⲁⳡⳝⲖⲗⲟ ⲧⲁⲛ [ⲁ]ⲡⲟⲥⲧⲟⲗⲟⲥⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲁⲣⲖ ⲅⲁⲣⲣⲁ mikhaēli-na tari-o

soŋoj-a

daur aŋ-a

Michael-GEN 3SG-LOC soŋoj-PRED great become-PRED

ɡoñ-tak-es-in-na

ko-e-k-on

tar añj-il-ᝥ-lo

build-PASS-PFV.PST2-2/3SG-GEN have-NLMZ-ACC-TOP 3SG savior-DET-NOM-FOC

tan

apostolos-ɡou-ka ei-ar-il

3SG-GEN apostle-PL-ACC

ɡar-r-a

know-TR-PRS cause-PRS-PRED

‘The Savior himself caused his apostles to know the might in which Michael had been established (lit. of which Michael was established in it) becoming a great soŋoj.’

17.2.2.3. Attributive Relative Clauses of Place, Time, and Manner There is a specific set of non-coreferential attributive RCs which may precede their antecedent rather than follow it. These are RCs referencing time, place, or manner. In all cases, these RCs are marked with a genitive case (§15.1.2). Attributive RC of place: (944) P.QI 1 4.ii.1–3 ᫦ ⲙⲁⲣⲓⲟⲛ ⲓ̈ ⲎⲥⲟⲩⲥⲚ ⲇⲟⲩⲈⲥⲚ ⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲟ{ⲛ} ⲕⲓⲉⲛ ⲧⲁⲕⲕⲁ ⳟⲁⲗⲁ ⲧⲁⲛ [ⲟ]ⲉⲚ ⲧⲣⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇⲱ ⲇⲉⲓⳟⲁⲣⲁ· ⲡⲉⲥⲥⲛⲀ ⲧⲁⲣⲅⲖⲗⲉ mari-ᝥ-on

iēsousi-n dou-esin

ɡoul-lo

ki-en

Mary-NOM-TOP Jesus-GEN exist-PFV.PST2.GEN place-LOC come-PFV.PRS.2/3SG

tak-ka

ŋal-a

tan

oei-n

tri-ɡou-l-dō

deiŋar-a

3SG-ACC see-PRED 3SG.GEN foot-DU pair-PL-DET-SUPE fall-PRED

pes-s-in-a

tar-ɡille

speak-PST2-2/3SG-PRED 3SG-ALL

375

17.2. RELATIVE CLAUSES

‘When Mary came to the place where Jesus stayed, seeing him, she fell to his feet and said to him.’ (Jn 11:32)

(945) P.QI 1 4.i.21–24 ᫧ ⲓ̈ Ⲏⲥⲟⲩⲥⲓⲉⲓⲟⲛ [ⲧ]ⲁⲇ ⲕⲚ ⳟⲁⲗⲉⲁⲛ ⲉⲣⲕⲗⲞ ⲧⲟⲣⲁ ⲕⲓⲙⲉⲛ[ⲧ]ⲁⲗⲟ Ⲉⲅⲉⲗ ⲙⲁⲑⲁ ⲧⲁⲕⲕⲁ ⲧⲤⲇⲉⲥⲚ ⲅⲟⲩⲗⲟ ⲇⲟⲩⲞⲛⲁ· ⲉⲛⲕⲱ· iēsousi-eion tad kin

ŋalean

erk-ilo

tor-a

3SG come.PRS.2/3SG outside.ADV village-LOC enter

Jesus-TOP

ki-men-ta-lo

eɡel matha tak-ka

tisd-esin

come-NEG-NEG-FOC still Matha 3SG-ACC encounter-PFV.PST2.GEN

ɡou-lo

dou-on-a-enkō

ground-LOC exist-PST1.2/3SG-PRED-but ‘Jesus himself did not enter the village, coming outside, but was still where Ma(r)tha met him.’ (Jn 11:30)

Attributive RC of time: (946) P.QI 1 10.A.ii.9–10 ᫧ ⲧⲉⲛⲛⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲈⲥⲚ ⲧⲁⲩⲕⲁ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲛⲟ[ⲉⲓⲟ]ⲛ ⲟⲩⲉⲣⲟⲩⲉⲗⲇⲁⲗ ⲅⲦⲧⲁⲥⲥⲁⲛⲁ· ten-na dou-es-in

tauk-a

miššan-no-eion ouer∼ouel-dal

3PL-GEN exist-PFV.PST2-GEN time-PRED all-LOC-TOP

each.other-COM

ɡittas-s-an-a be.like(?)-PST2-3PL-PRED ‘All the time that they existed they were like(?) each other.’

(947) St 2.9–3.5 ᫦ ⲁⲩⲧⲁⲕⲟⲛⲁ ⲟⲩⲕⲣⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲟ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲗⲟ· ⲉⲛ ⲁⳡⳝⲛⲀ ⲥⲁⲓⲧⲉⲛⲅⲟⲩⲛ ⳟⲁⳝⳝⲖⲇⲱ ⲁⲕⲚ· ⲧⲁ[ⲛ]ⲛⲁ ϩⲁⲣⲙⲓⲅⲟⲩⲅⲖⲗⲉ ⲕⲉⲇⲁ ⳝⲟⲇⲇⲉⲛⲛⲁ ⲟⲩⲕⲖ Ⲣⲕⲓⲥⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗ[ⲟ] ⲟⲣⲣⲉⲣⲉ ⳟⲟⲛⳝⲓⲛ:

au-tak-o-n-a

oukr-iɡou-lo ouel-lo en

do-PASS-PST1-2/3SG-PRED day-PL-LOC

saite-n-ɡou-n ŋajj-il-dō

añj-ina

one-LOC 1PL.INCL.GEN savior-GEN

ak-in

tan-na harmi-ɡou-ɡille

olive-PL-PL-GEN mountain-DET-SUPE sit-PRS.GEN 3SG-GEN heaven-PL-ALL

ked-a

jod-d-en-na

oukil irkis-iɡou-lo orrere ŋonj-in

ascend-PRED go-INTEN-PFV.PRS-GEN day

forty-PL-LOC before stand-PRS.2/3SG

‘It happened on one of the days that our Savior was sitting on the Mount of Olives, while forty days remained before he would ascend to the heavens.’

In (947) we find two attributive relative clauses of time, the first one following the noun and the second one preceding it. Perhaps this is a stylistic feature or perhaps a reflection of the original from which the text was supposedly

376

17. QUALIFICATION AND ADJUNCTS

translated. For example, the initial ⲁⲩⲧⲁⲕⲟⲛⲁ does not follow the canonical Old Nubian word order either. Attributive RCs of manner are marked by both a genitive and a predicate marker: (948) SC 9.18–21 ᫦ ⲧⲖⲗⲔ ⲁⲩⲣⲟⲩⲧⲕⲁ ⲁⲛⲕⲓⲙⲓⲛⲉⲥⲟ· ⲅⲁⲇ ⲁⳟⲉⲥⲚⲛⲁ ⲁⲕ[ⲇ]ⲁⲧ⳿ⲧⲟⲩ ⲁⲩⲣⲟⲩⲧⲕⲉⲛⲇⲉ· ⲀⲇⲚⲕⲁⲛⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲈⲣⲓⲅⲁⲣⲉⲥⲓⲕ[ⲉⲛⲕⲱ]· till-ik

aurout-ka ank-imin-e-so

ɡad

God-ACC alone-ACC think-NEG-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM flesh

aŋ-es-in-n-a

akdattou

aurout-k-ende

become-PFV.PST2-2/3SG-GEN-PRED economy.NMLZ alone-ACC-NEG.CONJ

adink-an-ɡou-ka ouer-iɡar-es-ik-enkō both-DU-PL-ACC

one-CAUS-PST2-ACC-but

‘Do not think of only God or only the economy by which he became flesh, but both made as one!’

17.2.3. Free Relative Clauses Free relative clauses are RCs in which the antecedent is not overtly expressed. They may appear both as subjects and objects (including complement clauses), as well as in other syntactical positions. Like attributive RCs, there is a distinction between coreferential free relative clauses, which have a relativized subject (§17.2.3.1) and non-coreferential free relative clauses, which have a relativized object (§17.2.3.2). No other types of free RCs have been attested. 17.2.3.1. Coreferential Free Relative Clauses Coreferential free relative clauses have a relativized implicit subject. (949) P.QI 1 2.ii.3–4

᫥

aɡend-a-ɡou-lō

ⲁⲅⲉⲛⲇⲁⲅⲟⲩⲗⲱ ⲉⲓⲣⲚ ⳟⲟⲅⲗⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲗⲅⲟⲩⲗ eiri-n

ŋoɡ-la

dou-l-ɡou-l-ᝥ

blessed-PRED-PL-FOC 2SG-GEN house-DAT exist-PRS-PL-DET-NOM ‘Blessed are those who stay in your house.’ (Ps 83:5)

(950) P.QI 1 9.i.16–20 ᫥ ⲉⲚ ⲉⲤⲥⲁⲛⲁ ⳟⲁⲣⲙⲓⲧⲚ ⲉⲓⲅⲟⲛⲕⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲖⲅⲟⲩⲗ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲧⲁⳟⲥⲚ ⲉⲆⲕⲟⲛ ⲧⲉⲛ ⲕⲟⳡⲚ ⲧⲚⲛⲁⲧⲧⲆⲇⲱ ⲉⲧⲧⲟⲗⲅⲟⲩⲗ· ein

eis-s-an-a

DEM.PROX

be-PST2-3PL-PRED beast-GEN image-ACC worship-PRS-PL-DET-NOM

tan

taŋs-in

eid-k-on

ŋarmit-in eiɡon-ka douk-il-ɡou-l-ᝥ ten

koñ-in

tinnatt-id-dō

3SG.GEN name-GEN sign-ACC-TOP 3PL.GEN face-GEN front.NMLZ-DET-SUPE

377

17.3. COMPARISON

ett-ol-ɡou-l-ᝥ receive-PST1-PL-DET-NOM ‘Those have been the ones who worship the image of the beast and who received the sign of his name upon their forehead.’ (Rev 14:9)

(951) K 29.8–12 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲧⲣⲖ ⲁⲗⲗⲓⲗⲟⲩⲓ̈ ⲁⲕⲁ ⲯⲁⲗⲗⲖⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇⲁⲗ ⲯⲁⲗⲏⲙⲉⲛⲉⲛ ⲧⲖⲗⲟⲩ ⲧⲁⲕⲕⲁ ⲁⲩⲟⲗⲕⲁ Ⲁⲉⲓⲣⲁⲗⲟ· oueltr-il-ᝥ

allilouia-ka psall-il-ɡou-l-dal

any-DET-NOM Alleluia-ACC sing.psalms-PRS-PL-DET-COM

psal-ēmen-en

tillou tak-ka au-ol-ka

sing.psalms-NEG-PFV.PRS.2/3SG God

aeir-a-lo

3SG-ACC do-PST1-ACC insult.PRS-PRED-FOC

‘If anyone does not sing with those who sing Alleluia, he insults the God who made him.’

17.2.3.2. Non-Coreferential Free Relative Clauses Non-coreferential free relative clauses have a relativized implicit object. (952) K 22.10–13 ᫥ ⲧⲖⲗⲚ ⲧⲁⳟⲥⲖⲇⲟ ⲁⲩⲟⲩⳝⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲕⲟⲩⲣⲣⲁⲛⲗⲟ ⲁⲩⲟⲩⳝⲁⲛⲁⲥⲱ· till-in

tanɡs-il-do

auou-j-ou-ka

kourran-lo

God-GEN name-DET-SUPE do-PLACT-PRS.2PL-ACC joyfully.ADV-LOC

auou-j-ana-sō do-PLACT-IMP.2/3PL-COMM ‘Do what you do in God’s name joyfully!’

17.3. Comparison Old Nubian has three morphemes associated with comparison: the verbal comparative/superlative suffix -ⲉⲛⲟⲕ (§17.3.1); the postposition ⲅⲟⲉⲓⲁ ‘more than’, which follows the locative (§17.3.2); and the postposition ⳝⲟⲩⲛ ‘because’ (§17.3.3). 17.3.1. Comparison with -ⲉⲛⲟⲕ The comparative morpheme -ⲉⲛⲟⲕ is a feature of Early Old Nubian,4 which has disappeared in Middle Old Nubian in favor of constructions with only ⲅⲟⲉⲓⲀ (§17.3.2). 4 Prior scholars did not consider -ⲉⲛⲟⲕ a separate morpheme. G. M. Browne (1996c, 124) considers it to derive from a verb ⲟⲕ ‘to stand, be (over)’.

378

17. QUALIFICATION AND ADJUNCTS

The suffix -ⲉⲛⲟⲕ probably has a verbal origin, meaning something like ‘to be more than’, and is treated as a verbal root. It always attaches to the comparandum, the subject of comparison. There is only one attestation in a comparative construction, together with ⲅⲟⲉⲓⲀ, which always follows the comparatum, the object of comparison. (953) SC 1.12–14 ᫧ Ⲥⲕⲁⲣⲓⲅⲣⲁ ⳟⲟⲕⲟⲣⲇⲣⲉ [ⲟ]ⲩⲛ ⲉⲓⳝⲓⳝⳝⲁⲛⲛⲟⲩ ⲉ[ⲓ]ⲅⲗ[ⲟ] ⲅⲱⲉⲓⲀ ⲉⲓⳝⲣⲧⲈⲛⲟⲕⲖⲕⲁ· iskariɡra ŋokor-d-r-e WH.how

oun eij∼ijj-annou eiɡ-lo marvel.TR-INTEN-PRS-1SG.PRED 2PL.GEN zeal∼INT-NMLZ fire-LOC

ɡōeia eij-(i)r-t-enok-il-ka than

zeal.TR-NMLZ-COMP-PRS-ACC

‘How shall I marvel at your zeal, which is more zealous than fire?’

As a superlative, the suffix -ⲉⲛⲟⲕ appears in both nominal and verbal contexts. (954) SC 1.1–5 ᫧ ⳟⲤⲉⲛⲟⲕⲖ ⲓⲱⲁⲛⲥⲏ ⲕⲟⲗⲤⲧⲁⲛ[ⲧ]ⲓ[ⲛⲟ]ⲡⲟⲗⲚ ⲁⲣⲭⲏⲈⲡ[ⲓ]ⲥⲕⲟⲃⲟⲥⲁⲇⲉⲛⲟⲩ ⲟⲛ ⲁⲕⲖ ⳟⲁⲡⲔ[ⲟⲁⲇ]ⲉⲛⲁⲛⲛⲁ [Ⲥⲧ]ⲁⲩⲣ[ⲟ]ⲥⲟⲩ ⳟⲟⲕⲕⲟⲛⲕⲓⲛ ⲟⲣⲱⲥ[ⲉⲛ ⲥⲁⲗⲁⲗⲟ·] ŋis-enok-il

iōansē kolistantinopol-in arkhēepiskobos-a-denou on

holy-COMP-PRS John

akil

Constantinople-GEN archbishop-PRED-CONJ

ŋapi-ko-a-denan-na

istaurosou ŋok-konk-in

mouth gold-ADJ-PRED-CONJ-GEN cross

and

orōse-n

glory-NMLZ-GEN praise-GEN

sal-a-lo word-PRED-FOC ‘This is the word of praise of the Holy Cross of the holiest John, Archbishop of Constantinople and golden-mouthed.’

(955) P.QI 2 16.i.1–6 ᫥ Ⲱⲣⲥⲉⲛ ⲥⲁⲗⲁⲥⲓⲛ ⲡⲉⲥⲓⲛⲁⲗⲱ ⲧⲖⲗⲓⲛⲁ ⲟⲩⲛⲉⲕⲁⲧⲧⲟⲩ ⳟⲤⲥⲟⲩ· ⲕⲓⲣⲓⲗⲗⲱⲥⲉⲓ ⲓⲉⲣⲟⲩⲥⲁⲗⲓⲙⲓⲛⲁ ⲡⲁⲡⲁⲥⲟⲩ ⳟⲤⲥⲉⲛⲱⲕⲖ ōrse-n

sal-a-sin

pes-in-a-lō

till-ina

praise-GEN word-PRED-EMP speak-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-FOC God-GEN

oune-kattou ŋissou kirillōsei ierousalimi-na papasou wisdom-NMLZ holy

Cyril

Jerusalem-GEN

bishop

ŋiss-enōk-il-ᝥ holy-COMP-PRS.DET-NOM ‘A speech of praise which the Holiest Bishop of Jerusalem, Cyril the Holy Wise Man of God gave.’

379

17.3. COMPARISON

(956) P.QI 1 10.C.ii.6–7 ᫡ [ⲡ]Ⲥⲥⲕⲁⲛⲉ ⲙϣϣⲁⲛ ⲉⲚⲛⲁ[ⲗⲟ· Ⲉ·] ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩⲀ ⲧⲖⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲁ ⲉⲚⲟⲕⲣⲀ[ⲗⲟ(?)] piss-kane

miššan ein-n-a-lo

rejoice-NMLZ.PRED all

e

ourou-a til-ka

2SG-GEN-PRED-FOC oh king-PRED God-ACC

ounn-a

einok-ir-a-lo

love-PRED

COMP-PRS-PRED-FOC

‘All joy is yours, oh most God-loving king!’

The suffix -ⲉⲛⲟⲕ is once found on a noun, possibly indicating its highest expression: (957) P.QI 1 7.i.5–6 ᫧ ⲉⲓⲀⲣⲟⲩⲀⲛⲁⲥⲱ· ⲟⲩⲣⲅⲖⲗⲉ [ⲡⲁⲉⲓⲁ] ⲧⲉⲣⲓⲕⲁ· ⳟⲟⲇⲚ ⲧⲉⲇⲉⲛⲟⲕⲕⲁ· ei-ar-ou-an-a-sō

our-ɡille paei-a

know-TR-PST1-3PL-PRED-COMM 2PL-ALL

teri-ka ŋod-in

write-PRED 3PL-ACC Lord-GEN

ted-enok-ka law-COMP-ACC ‘Let them know what I write to you, the highest law of the Lord!’ (1 Cor 14:37)

We also find one occurrence in an Archaizing Old Nubian Text, a bilingual translation from Daniel: (958) Dong 2.i.1–5 ᫧ ⲟⲛ ⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲇⲘⲙⲁ Ⲧⳝⳝⲱⲛⲁⲗⲟ ⲁⲙⲤⲕ ⲁⲩⲕⲉⲗ ⲙⲟⲩⲛⲖⲅⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲓⲗⲱ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩⲁ ⲟⲕⲇⲁⲣⲧⲁ ⲟⲩⲣ[ⲕⲁⲧ]ⲧⲉⲛⲞⲕⲣⲁ ⲥⲕⲦ ⲟⲩⲁⲧⲧⲱⲗⲱ [ⲇⲁⲗ]ⲕⲁ[⳼] on ou-ka

dimm-a

tij-j-ōn-a-lo

and 1PL.EXCL-ACC hand.over-PRED give>2/3-PLACT-PST1.2/3SG-PRED-FOC

amis-k

au-ke-l

moun-il-ɡou-n ei-lō

ourou-a

judgment-ACC do-HAB-PRS.DET hate-PRS-PL-GEN hand-LOC king-PRED

okdart-a

ourkatt-enok-r-a

(i)skit ouattō-lō

unjust.NMLZ-PRED oppressor.NMLZ-COMP-PRS-PRED earth

whole-LOC

dal-ka exist.PRS-ACC ‘And you have handed us over in the hands of hateful judgers, to the one who is the most unjust and oppressive king on the whole earth.’ (Dan 3:32)

17.3.2. Comparison with ⲅⲟⲉⲓⲁ The postposition ⲅⲟⲉⲓⲁ ‘more than’ behaves like a postposition following locative -ⲗⲟ (§15.3). ⲅⲟⲉⲓⲁ always marks the comparatum, the object of the comparison.

380

17. QUALIFICATION AND ADJUNCTS

(959) K 30.5–8 ᫥ ⲕⲟⲣⲉⲛ ⲧⲁⲣⲁⲧⲉⲓⲗⲟ ⲕⲤⲥⲉⲗⲁ ⲡⲉⲥⲖⲁⲡⲡⲁ Ⲁⲕⲟⲥⲥⲁ ⲙϢϣⲁⲛⲅⲟⲩⲗⲟ ⲅⲟⲉⲓⲁ ⲀⲕⲟⲥⲥⲁⲥⲚ kore-n

tarat-eilo kisse-la

pes-il-ᝥ-appa

akoss-a

church-DAT speak-PRS.DET-NOM-for evil-PRED

sacrament-GEN hour-LOC

miššan-ɡou-lo ɡoeia akoss-a-sin all-PL-LOC

evil-PRED-EMP

than

‘For he who speaks in the church at the hour of the sacrament is more evil than all evil ones.’

(960) SC 5.1–3 ᫡ [16-18]ⲱ ⲕⲁⲡⲟⲡⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗⲟ [ⲅⲱⲉ]ⲓⲀ ⳟⲟⲕ ⲕⲟⳡⳝⲖⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲉⲗⲗⲉ ⲉⲓⲁⲣⲧⲓⲛⲁ ⲇⲓⲕⲓⲥⲗⲁ ⲇⲟⲗⲓⳝⲁⲣⲣⲁⲗⲕⲉ …-ō kapop-iɡou-lo ɡōeia ŋok …

pearl-PL-LOC

ei-ar-t-ina

koñ-j-il-ɡou-ka

elle

glory have-PLACT-PRS-PL-ACC now

than

dikis-la

dol-ij-ar-r-a-lke

know-TR-NMLZ-GEN depth-DAT gather-PLACT-INTEN-PRS-PRED-AFF.PRS.2PL ‘(As I have said before,) you will gather from the depth of knowledge what has more glory than pearls.’

(961) P.QI 1 2.ii.20–22 ᫥ ⲅⲉⲛⲁⲗⲱ ⲉⲚⲛⲁ ⲉⲓⲣⲚ ⳟⲟⲅⲗⲁ ⲟⲩⲕⲟⲩⲣ ⲟⲩⲉⲣⲕⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲉⲓ ⲇⲟⲩⲇⲉⲕⲁ Ⲟⲇⳝⲱ ⲇⲟⲩⲉⲓⲰ ⲅⲱⲉⲓⲁ⳼ ɡen-a-lō

ein-n-a

eiri-n

ŋoɡ-la

oukour ouer-ka

good-PRED-FOC be-PRS.2/3SG-PRED 2SG-GEN house-DAT day

dou-ei

doude-ka

odjō

dou-ei-ō

one-ACC

ɡoeia

exist-INF thousand-ACC over(?) exist-INF-LOC than ‘To be for one day in your house is better than to exist for over a thousand.’ (Ps 83:11)

There is one attestation of the variant ⲅⲟⲉⲓⲁⲛ5: (962) K 26.10–12 mn-a

᫥

ⲙⲛⲁ ⲉⲓⲣⲟⲩ ⲧⲖⲗⲓⲗⲟ ⲅⲟⲉⲓⲁⲛ ⲇⲁⲩⲉⲓⲛⲁⲓ⳺

eirou till-ilo

what-PRED 2SG

ɡoeian dauei-n-a-i

God-LOC than

great-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-2SG

‘Are you greater than God?’

5 G. M. Browne (2002c, §3.4.4.1) suggests the assimilation of a topic marker. This seems phonologically unlikely.

17.4. ADJUNCTS

381

17.3.3. Comparison with ⳝⲟⲩⲛ There is only one attestation of the postposition ⳝⲟⲩⲛ ‘because’ being used in a comparative construction, following the suffix -ⲗⲉ (§15.3.1.11). Like ⲅⲟⲉⲓⲁ it marks the comparatum, the object of the comparison. (963) P.QI 1 10.A.ii.7–9 ᫦ ⲟⲩⲈⲣⲟⲩⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲀⲗⲁⲅⲣⲀ ⲅⲁⲣⲁ [ⲟⲩⲉ]ⲕⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲗⲉ ⳝⲟⲩⲛ· ⲇⲁⲩⲉⲖⲅⲢⲙⲉⲛⲛⲁ[ⲗⲟ] ouer∼ouek-ka alaɡira ɡar-a ouek-ka ouel-le joun each.other-ACC alike cause-PRED one-ACC one-LE because daueil-ɡir-men-n-a-lo great-CAUS-NEG-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-FOC ‘He caused them to be like each other, and did not make one larger than (lit. large because of) the other.’

17.4. Adjuncts Whereas an adjective or relative clause qualifies nouns, adjuncts qualify verbs; they indicate the time, frequency, place, manner, or degree in which an action is performed or experienced. There are two main types of adjuncts that can be found in an Old Nubian sentence: adjuncts that are based on adverbs (§17.4.1) and noun phrases marked with a lexical case or postposition (§17.4.2). The latter are by far the most common type of adjunct. There are several positions in which adjuncts may occur: adjoined to the left or the right of the verb phrase, or topicalized with the topic marker -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ. 17.4.1. Adverbs The actual inventory of ‘true’ adverbs in the Old Nubian lexicon is rather small. Morphologically, there are at least four groups of adverbs: unmarked; marked with the adverb suffix -ⲁⲛ; marked with the unanalyzable ending -Ⲛ; and marked with the verbal ending -ⲅⲣⲁ. The first two groups include adverbs designating time or manner (§17.4.1.1) and place (§17.4.1.2), whereas the third group appears to be used as grammatical signposts (§17.4.1.3). The shared characteristics of the fourth group are less well known. 17.4.1.1. Adverbs of Time and Manner Adverbs of time and manner usually occur directly to the left of a verb phrase. (964) L 105.7

᫥

ⲁⲓⲗⲟ Ⲉⲗⲏ ⲉⲔ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲁⲣⲁ

382

17. QUALIFICATION AND ADJUNCTS

ai-ᝥ-lo

elē

eik

ounn-ar-a

1SG-NOM-FOC today 2SG.ACC bear-PST1-PRED ‘I have begotten you today.’ (Heb 5:5)

(965) P.QI 1 8.i.2–4 ⲙⲚ[ⲛⲁⲛⲁ]

᫡

Ⲉⲅⲉⲗ ⲡⲁⳡⳡ[ⲁⲣⲣⲁ ⲙⲚⲛⲁⲛⲁ Ⲉⲅⲉ]ⲗ ⲞⲉⲔⲕⲁⲣⲣⲁ

eɡel paññ-ar-r-a still

min-n-an-a

eɡel oeikk-ar-r-a

hungry-INTEN-PRS-PRED not.be-PRS-3PL-PRED still thirsty-INTEN-PRS-PRED

min-n-an-a not.be-PRS-3PL-PRED ‘They are not going to be hungry anymore. They are not going to be thirsty anymore.’ (Rev 7:16)

(966) P.QI 1 4.ii.25–27 ᫧ ⲕⲦⲕⲁ ⲅⲉⲗⲅⲉⲗⲞⲥⲟⲩⲁⲛⲛⲟⲛ ⲓⲎⲥⲟⲩⲥⲓ ⲙⲁⳡⲁⲛ ⲧⲣⲓⲕⲁ· ⲇⲟⲗⲗⲉ ⲡⲟⲗⲅⲁⲣⲁ ⲡⲉⲥⲥⲛⲁ· kit-ka

ɡel∼ɡel-os-ou-an-non

iēsousi-ᝥ mañ-an tri-ka

rock-ACC roll∼INT-PFV-PST1-3PL-TOP Jesus-NOM eye-DU

polɡar-a

dolle

pair-ACC high

pes-s-n-a

raise.CAUS-PRED speak-PST2-2/3SG-PRED ‘When they rolled away the rock, Jesus raised up his eyes and said.’ (Jn 11:41)

They may contain the adverbial suffix -ⲁⲛ (§18.4) and may be additionally marked with locative case -ⲗⲟ (§15.2.1): (967) K 22.9–13 ᫥ Ⲉⲗⲟⲛ ⲙⲁⲕⲁⲛ Ⲉ ⲉⲓⲧⲁ· ⲧⲖⲗⲚ ⲧⲁⳟⲥⲖⲇⲟ ⲁⲩⲟⲩⳝⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲕⲟⲩⲣⲣⲁⲛⲗⲟ ⲁⲩⲟⲩⳝⲁⲛⲁⲥⲱ· el-on

makan

e eit-a

till-in

taŋs-il-do

now-TOP therefore oh man-PRED God-GEN name-DET-SUPE

auou-j-ou-ka

kourran-lo

auou-j-ana-sō

do-PLACT-PRS.1/2PL-ACC joyfully.ADV-LOC do-PLACT-IMP.2/3PL.PRED-COMM ‘Now, therefore, oh men, do what you do in God’s name joyfully!’

Adverbs may also occur to the right of the verb phrase: (968) P.QI 1 5.i.12–14 ᫥ ⲉⲚ ⲙⲁⲑⲏⲧⲓⲥⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⲡⲉⲧⲣⲞⲥⲓⲞ ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲟⲩⲥⲚ· ⲙⲟⲩⲇⲁⲣⲁ Ⲉⲛ· ⲕⲓⲥⲛⲀ· ⲧⲟⲩⲥⲕⲁⲛⲧⲉⲗⲟ· ⲧⲉⲗⲇⲱ ein

mathētis-il-ᝥ-lon

DEM.PROX

disciple-DET-NOM-TOP Peter-LOC

en ki-s-in-a PTC

petirosi-o tousou-sin moud-ar-a before-EMP run-PST1-PRED

touskante-lo tel-dō

come-PST2-2/3SG-PRED first-LOC

grave-SUPE

383

17.4. ADJUNCTS

‘This disciple, having run before Peter, arrived at the tomb first.’ (Jn 20:4)

Adverbs may be topicalized: (969) K 22.9–13 ᫥ Ⲉⲗⲟⲛ ⲙⲁⲕⲁⲛ Ⲉ ⲉⲓⲧⲁ· ⲧⲖⲗⲚ ⲧⲁⳟⲥⲖⲇⲟ ⲁⲩⲟⲩⳝⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲕⲟⲩⲣⲣⲁⲛⲗⲟ ⲁⲩⲟⲩⳝⲁⲛⲁⲥⲱ· el-on

makan

e eit-a

till-in

taŋs-il-do

now-TOP therefore oh man-PRED God-GEN name-DET-SUPE

auou-j-ou-ka

kourran-lo

auou-j-ana-sō

do-PLACT-PRS.1/2PL-ACC joyfully.ADV-LOC do-PLACT-IMP.2/3PL.PRED-COMM ‘Now, therefore, oh men, do what you do in God’s name joyfully!’

(970) SC 17.6–9 ᫧ ⳟⲉⲇⲓⲁⲛⲛⲟⲗⲟ ⲡⲉ[ⲥⲓ]ⲥⲉ· ⲉⲕⲕⲉⲧ[ⲁ]ⲗⲗⲉⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲡⲉⲥⲁ[ⲣⲣ]ⲉ· ⲡⲉⲥⲖⲗⲟⲛ ⳟⲉⲥⲁ ⲧⲟⲕⲙⲉⲛⲇⲣ[ⲉⲗ]ⲱ· ŋedian-no-lo

pes-is-e

ek-ketalle-eion

often.ADV-LOC-FOC speak-PST1-2SG.PRED now-also-TOP

pes-ar-r-e

pes-il-ᝥ-lon

ŋes-a

speak-INTEN-PRS-1SG.PRED speak-PRS.DET-NOM-TOP cease-PRED

tok-men-d-r-e-lō leave-NEG-INTEN-PRS-1SG.PRED-FOC ‘I have spoken often; also now I shall speak, and speaking I will not cease.’

17.4.1.2. Adverbs of Place Two adverbs of place are mainly known as lexical case markers: ⲇⲟ ‘high, up’ (§15.2.3) and ⲇⲟⲛ ‘low, down’ (§15.2.4). They may also appear independently, usually to the left of (or prefixed to) a verbal root: (971) P.QI 2 13.ii.16–18 ᫥ ⳟⲟⲇⲟⲩ ⲇⲱ ⲇⲟⲩⲗ ⲉⲩⲈⲅⲁⲛ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩ ⳟⲁ ⲇⲁⲟⲩⲣⲁⲗⲱ ⲤⲕⲦⲓ ⳝⲓⲙⲙⲖⲗⲟⲇⲱ⳼ ŋodou dō Lord

doul-ᝥ

eueɡan

ourou ŋ-a

high exist.PRS.DET-NOM fearsome.ADV king

daour-a-lō

become-PRED

iskiti jimmil-lo-dō

great-PRED-FOC earth entire-LOC-SUPE ‘The Lord who is high, fearsomely becomes king and is great over the entire earth.’ (Ps 46:3)

(972) P.QI 3 35.16–17 ᫥ ⲥⲁⲅⲁⲥⲚ ⲇⲱⲛ ⲟⲩⲥⲕⲖⲗⲟ ⲡⲁⲭⲟⲛ ⟦. .⟧ · ⲌⲧⲗⲞ ⲁⲣⲧⲟⲥⲚ ⲕⲁⲡⲓⲧⲓ ⲁⲗⲟ· saɡ-a-sin

dōn

ousk-il-ᝥ-lo

pakhon kolot-ilo

charge-PRED-EMP down recompense-PRS.DET-NOM-FOC Pachon 7-LOC

384

17. QUALIFICATION AND ADJUNCTS

artos-in

kapiti 1-lo

bread-GEN loaf

1-FOC

‘The charge that I paid on the 7th of Pachon: 1 loaf of bread.’

17.4.1.3. Adverbs in -Ⲛ Adverbs in -Ⲛ typically occur as the leftmost element of a clause, preceding even any topicalized phrase. Three adverbs fall into this category: ⲁⲗⲉⲥⲚ (§17.4.1.3.1), ⲉⲓⲥⲥⲚ (§17.4.1.3.2), and ⲧⲔⲕⲚ (§17.4.1.3.3). G. M. Browne (1996c, 9, 77) analyzed ⲁⲗⲉⲥⲚ and ⲉⲓⲥⲥⲚ as containing the emphasis marker -ⲥⲚ (§5.4), which, considering their distribution, seems unlikely. 17.4.1.3.1. Adverb ⲁⲗⲉⲥⲚ The adverb ⲁⲗⲉⲥⲚ ‘if’ marks the beginning of the protasis of a conditional clause (§8.2). (973) K 28.12–29.4 ᫥ Ⲁⲗⲉⲥⲓⲛ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲧⲢⲗ ⟦ⲁ⟧ ⲕⲤⲥⲉⲗ ⲅⲁⲗⲗⲉⲓⲙⲓⲛⲉⲒⲛ ⲕⲁⲡⲉⲛ ⲁⲣⲙⲤⲕⲓⲣⲉ ⲇⲁⲩⲉⲖⲗⲟⲗⲟ ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲕⲟⲀⲗⲟ ⟦ⲧⲁⲓ⟧ ⲁⲗⲉⲥⲚ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲧⲆⲣ ⲕⲁⲡⲁ ⲕⲟⲣⲉⲕⲁ ⲉⲧⲉⲛ ⲇⲉⲓⲟⲗ ⲕⲁⲡⲖⲇⲁⲗⲗⲟ ⲡⲓⲕⲦ ⲕⲟⲩⲛⲛⲁ· alesin

oueltir-l-ᝥ

kisse-l-ᝥ

ɡall-eimin-ein

truly-EMP any-DET-NOM church-DET-NOM open-NEG-PRS.2/3SG

kap-en

armiskire daueil-lo-lo jour-ko-a-lo

alesin

eat-PFV.PRS.2/3SG punishment great-LOC-FOC cause-ADJ-PRED-FOC if

oueltid-r-ᝥ kap-a

kore-ka

et-en

dei-ol-ᝥ

any-DET-NOM eat-PRED sacrament-ACC receive-PRS.2/3SG die-PST1.DET-NOM

kap-il-dal-lo

pikit koun-n-a

eat-PRS-COM-FOC share have-PRS.2/3SG-PRED ‘If anyone eats while the church is not open, he is guilty to great punishment. If anyone receives the sacrament and eats, having died, he has a share with the Eater.’

(974) K 27.12–28.1

᫥

alesin eir-ᝥ-on if

Ⲁⲗⲉⲥⲓⲛ ⲉⲓⲣⲟⲛ ⲕⲤⲥⲉⲗ ⲙⲟⲣⲓⲙⲓⲛⲓⲛ ⲡⲁⲧⲧⲁⲙⲏ· kisse-l-ᝥ

mor-imin-in

pat-ta-mē

2SG-NOM-TOP church-DET-NOM end-NEG-PRS.2/3SG come.out-NEG-JUS.SG

‘You, if the church is not dismissed, do not come out! ’

ⲁⲗⲉⲥⲚ is also attested once in a curse: (975) P.QI 3 30.30–31 ᫥ ⲁⲗⲉⲥⲚ· ⲁⲛ ⲥⲁⲗⲕⲁ· ⲟⲩⲥⲕⲁ· ⳟⲁⲅⲅⲁⲇⲖⲗⲟ ⲈⲡⲓⲙⲁⲭⲟⲥⲖ ⲧⲁⲛ ϣⲓⲅⲢⲣⲟ ⲕⲟ ⲧⲁⲕⲕⲁ ϣⲁⲅⲓⳝⲁⲙⲏ·

385

17.4. ADJUNCTS

alesin an sal-ka if

ŋaɡɡ-ad-il-ᝥ-lo

ousk-a

1SG word-ACC speak.against-PRED deny-INTEN-PRS.DET-NOM-FOC

epimakhosi-l-ᝥ

tan

šiɡir-ro

ko

tak-ka

Epimachus-DET-NOM 3SG.GEN spear-LOC through 3SG-ACC

šaɡ-ij-a-mē stab-PLACT-PRED-JUS.SG ‘Whoever will speak against and deny my statement, may Epimachus stab him multiple times with his spear!’

There is one attestation in a letter where the final -Ⲛ appears to be dropped. The analysis of the clause is, however, problematic: (976) P.QI 3 43.3–4 ⊗ ⲁⲗⲉⲥⲁⲡⲡⲟⲥⲓⲛⲟ ⲧⲣⲀ ⲧⲉⲣⲉⲗⲟ ⲓⲛⲅⲁ ⳟⲁⲅⲅⲁⲇⲓⲗⲗⲟ ⳟⲁⲡⲓⲗ Ⲕ·ⲕⲁ ⲧⲣⲈⲥⲟ: ales appo(l) if

sin-(n)o

tir-a

tere-lo

my.father ask-LOC(?) give>2/3-PRED give>2/3.PRS.1SG.PRED-FOC

in-ɡa

ŋaɡɡ-ad-il-ᝥ-lo

DEM.PROX-ACC

deny-INTEN-PRS.DET-NOM-FOC gold

ŋapil 20-ka 20-ACC

tir-e-so give>2/3-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM ‘If my father asks (me), I give (it to them). Whoever will deny this give twenty (pieces of) gold!’

There may be two adverbs related to ⲁⲗⲉⲥⲚ, namely ⲁⲗⲕⲁⲥⲚ and ⲁⲗⲓⲕⲟⲧⲚ. They have only been attested in documentary texts. Like ⲁⲗⲉⲥⲚ both appear at the beginning of a clause, usually containing an imperative. Their precise function is unknown: (977) P.QI 3 54.i.3–4 ⲧⲟⳝⳝⲉⲥⲟ: alkasin

᫥

ⲁⲗⲕⲁⲥⲚ ⲥⲟⳟⲟⳝⲁⲕⲁ ⲙⲟⲣ ⲋ:· ⲙⲁϣⲉ :ⲑ·ⲧⲁ:

soŋoja-ka mor 6 maše 9-ta

indeed(?) Soŋoja-ACC artab 6 bushel 9-ACC

toj-j-e-so leave(?)-PLACT-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM ‘Indeed(?) leave(?) 6 artabs and 9 bushels to Soŋoja!’

(978) P.QI 3 55.i.7–8 ᫥ ⲁⲗⲓⲕⲟⲧⲚ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩⲕⲁ ⲧⲟⲣⲓⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲧⲓⲣⲉⲥⲟ ⲡⲁⲣⲣⲉ ⲇⲉⲥⲥⲓ ⲕⲉⲣⲓⲥⲓⲕⲟⲛ alikotin

ourou-ka tori-ka eitir-e-so

parre dessi

indeed(?) king-ACC tori-ACC send-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM plot

green

386

17. QUALIFICATION AND ADJUNCTS

ker-is-i-k-on gather-PST-1SG-ACC-CONJ ‘Indeed(?) send to the king the tori (horizontal axle?) and the green plot I gathered(?)!’

A shortened variant of ⲁⲗⲓⲕⲟⲧⲚ may be ⲕⲟⲧⲚ, which appears in conditional clause constructions: (979) P.QI 3 52.4–5 ᫥ ⲧⲢⲙⲟⲅⲁⲛⲛⲟ ⲕⲟⲧⲚ ⲕⲁⲣⲧⲉ ⲕⲁ ⲁⲛⲛⲓⲕⲖⲗⲉ ⲡⲁⲈⲥⲟ tir-mo-ɡa-n-no

kotin

karte-ka an-ni-kille

give>2/3-NEG?-SUBORD-2/3SG-LOC indeed(?) letter-ACC 1SG-PROP-ALL

pa-e-so write-IMP.2/3SG.PRED-COMM ‘If he doesn’t give it to you, indeed(?) write me a letter!’

(980) P.QI 3 51.7 ᫥ Ⲉⲗⲟⲕ ⲕⲟⲧⲚ ⲧⲁⲛⲛⲓⲕⲁ ⲧⲔⲕⲁⲩⲁⲛⲇⲉ ⲡⲁⲗⲁ ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲉⲈⲥⲟ el-ok

kotin

tan-ni-ka

tik-kau-an-de

now-TOP(?) indeed(?) 3SG-PROP-ACC give>2/3-SUBORD?-3PL-ADE

pal-a

jour-ee-so

come.out-PRED go-IMP.2/3.SG-COMM ‘Now(?) indeed(?) when they have given it to her, go away!’

17.4.1.3.2. Adverb ⲉⲓⲥⲥⲚ The adverb ⲉⲓⲥⲥⲚ is generally used to translate Greek ἰδού ‘behold’: (981) P.QI 2 13.i.19–22 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲥⲥⲚ ⲁⲗⲗⲟⲫⲩⲗⲟⲥⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇⲉ ⲧⲩⲣⲟⲥⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇⲉ ⲟⲩⲇⲙⲓⲛ ⲕⲠⲧⲟⲩⲅⲟⲩⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇⲉⲕⲉⲗ ⲉⲛⲏⲛⲅⲟⲩⲗ ⲙⲁⲛⲛⲟⲗⲱ ⲕⲓⲣ ⲁⳟⲓⲥⲁⲛⲁ⳼ eissin allophulos-ɡou-l-de turos-ɡou-l-de behold gentile-PL-DET-CONJ

kipt-ouɡou-ɡou-l-dekel-ᝥ en-ēn-ɡou-l-ᝥ people-PL-PL-DET-CONJ-NOM

kir

oudm-in

Tyrus-PL-DET-CONJ darkness-GEN

man-no-lō

DEM.PROX-PL-PL-DET-NOM DEM.DIST-LOC-FOC

aŋ-is-an-a

come.PRS become-PST2-3PL-PRED ‘Behold, the gentiles, the Tyrians, and the people of darkness, these had come into being here.’ (Ps 86:4)

(982) P.QI 1 9.ii.19–20 ᫥ ⳟⲗⲓⲕⲟⲛ ⲉⲓⲛⲓⲥⲉ ⲉⲤⲥⲚ ⳟⲓⳝⳝ ⲁⳟⲟⲩⲗ ⲡⲖⲗⲁⲣⲁⲙⲟⲛ Ⲉⲛⲟⲛⲁ·

387

17.4. ADJUNCTS

ŋl-i-kon

ein-is-e

eissin ŋijj

aŋ-oul-ᝥ

see-PRS-CONJ be-PST2-1SG.PRED behold cloud become-PST1.DET-NOM

pill-ar-a-mon

en-on-a

shine-PST1-PRED-CONJ be-PST1.2/3SG-PRED ‘And I looked, behold, it had become a cloud, and it was shining.’ (Rev 14:14)

As can be gathered from these two examples, ⲉⲓⲥⲥⲚ is always followed by a noun phrase ending with the determiner -ⲗ. 17.4.1.3.3. Adverb ⲧⲔⲕⲚ The adverb ⲧⲔⲕⲚ is perhaps best rendered ‘finally’: (983) P.QI 1 5.i.15–17 ᫥ ⲧⲉⲗⲗⲁⲅⲖⲗⲉ· ⲉⲆⲉⲇⲉⲛⲛⲟⲛ· ⳟⲖⲥⲛⲁ ⲧⲟⲩⲕⲟⲩⲣⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ· ⲡⲓⲣⲁⲛ· ⲧⲔⲕⲚ ⲧⲉⲗⲁⲉⲓⲟⲛ· ⲕⲓⲙⲉⲛⲛⲁⲗⲱ· tel-la-ɡille

eided-en-non

ŋil-s-n-a

grave-DAT-ALL inspect(?)-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-TOP see-PST2-2/3SG-PRED

toukour-ɡou-ka

pi-r-an

tikkin tela-eion

grave.clothes-PL-ACC lie-PRS-3PL finally grave.DAT-TOP

ki-men-n-a-lō come-NEG-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-FOC ‘When he inspected the tomb, he saw the grave clothes lying, but he finally did not enter the tomb.’ (Jn 20:5)

In (983) ⲧⲔⲕⲚ ⲧⲉⲗⲁⲉⲓⲟⲛ ⲕⲓⲙⲉⲛⲛⲁⲗⲱ translates the Greek οὐ μέντοι εἰσῆλθεν. μέντοι here is an emphatic adverb, which strengthens the negation οὐ. The same adverb in contrastive constructions can mean something like ‘however’ or ‘moreover’, thus emphasizing the contrast between two sentences. But a mechanical translation of ⲧⲔⲕⲚ as ‘however, nevertheless’, proposed by G. M. Browne (1996c, 174), yields contrastive readings that do not exist, based on an assumption that the meanings of Gr. μέντοι overlap one-to-one with those of ⲧⲔⲕⲚ. It should instead be interpreted as an adverb that closes off a discursive arc, and is therefore best rendered as something like ‘finally’, cf. P.QI 3 36.i.3 3 ᫦ ⲧⲓⲕⲚⲛ[ⲟ], where it indicates the last item of a payment received. The adverb ⲧⲔⲕⲚ also appears topicalized: (984) K 24.4–7 ᫥ ⲧⲔⲕⲚⲛⲟⲛ ⲘⳝⲢⲕⲗⲟ ⲡⲁⳝⲁⲛⲁⲥⲱ· ⲘⳝⲢⲕⲖ ⲇⲉⲓⲁⲣⲕⲁ ⳟⲉⲅⲣⲁ Ⲉⲛⲉⲛⲛⲉ ⳝⲟⲩⲛ· tikkin-non mij-ir-k-lo

paj-an-a-sō

finally-TOP disobey-TR-NMLZ-LOC cease-IMP.2/3PL-PRED-COMM

388

17. QUALIFICATION AND ADJUNCTS

mij-ir-k-il-ᝥ

dei-ar-ka

ŋeɡ-r-a

disobey-TR-NMLZ-DET-NOM die-PST1-ACC produce-PRS-PRED

en-en-ne

joun

be-PFV.PRS.2/3SG-LE because ‘Finally, cease from disobedience, because disobedience produces death!’

17.4.1.4. Adverbs in -ⲅⲣⲁ There are several adverbs ending in -ⲅⲣⲁ that seem morphologically complex. The ending -ⲅⲣⲁ may be composed of a causative followed by predicate marker, or, as G. M. Browne (1996c, 31) suggests, related to the noun ⲅⲢ ‘way’. (985) L 105.4–6 ᫧ ⲉⲓⲕⲁⲣⲓⲅⲣⲁⲗⲟ ⲭⲣⲓⲥⲧⲟⲥⲓ ⲧⲁⲕⲕⲟⲛ[ⲟ] ⲁⲣⲭⲏⲓⲈⲣⲉⲞⲥ ⲁⳟⲁ ⳟⲟⲕ ⲉⲦⲛⲓⲀ ⲙⲉⲛⲟⲛⲁ· eikariɡra-lo khristosi-ᝥ tak-k-ono

arkhēiereos aŋ-a

Christ-NOM 3SG-ACC-REFL high.priest

thus-FOC

ŋok eit-ni-a

become-PRED

men-on-a

glory receive-SUBORD.SG-PRED not.be-PST1.2/3SG-PRED ‘Thus Christ did not become a high priest to glorify himself.’ (Heb 5:5)

(986) SC 22.15–16 makan

᫦

eik-ka

ⲙⲁⲕⲁⲛ Ⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲅⲓⳝⲁⲅⲣⲁ ⲧⲓⲥⲥⲉ⳺ ɡijaɡra tis-s-e

therefore 2SG-ACC also

give>2/3-PST2-1SG.PRED

‘Therefore I gave you also (the serpent)?’

(987) K 24.12–25.4 ᫥ Ⲁⲗⲉⲥⲓⲛ ⲗⲁⲓⲕⲟⲥⲥⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲉⲗ ⲕⲤⲥⲉⲛ ⲕⲁⲡⲁ⟦ⲗ⟧ⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲉⲣⲁⲛ ⲅⲦⲧⲁ ⲕⲁⲡⲉⲛ ⲓⲉⲣⲉⲟⲥ ⲕⲁⲗⲟ ⲕⲟⲗⲟⲧⲁⲛ ⲅⲓⲣⲁⳝⳝⲁⲣⲁⲅⲣⲁ 6 ⲉⳡⳡⲁⲛⲛⲁ· alesin laikossou ouel-ᝥ kisse-n if

layman

kap-en

kapa-ka ouer-an ɡitt-a

one.NOM church-GEN food-ACC one-ADV silent-PRED

iereos kalo

eat-PFV.PRS.2/3SG priest

kolot-an

ɡirajjaraɡra

downstream seven-ADV also(?)

eññ-an-n-a suffer-INTEN-PRS.2/3SG-PRED ‘If a layman silently eats the food of the church after the priest once, then he will suffer also(?) seven times.’

(988) P.QI 1 10.A.ii.7–9 ᫦ ⲟⲩⲈⲣⲟⲩⲉⲕⲕⲁ ⲀⲗⲁⲅⲣⲀ ⲅⲁⲣⲁ [ⲟⲩⲉ]ⲕⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲗⲉ ⳝⲟⲩⲛ· ⲇⲁⲩⲉⲖⲅⲢⲙⲉⲛⲛⲁ[ⲗⲟ] 6

The ms. has ⲡⲣⲁⳝⳝⲁⲣⲁⲅⲣⲁ, which appears to be a copying error.

389

17.4. ADJUNCTS

ouer~ouek-ka alagira gar-a each.other-ACC alike

ouek-ka ouel-le joun

cause-PRED one-ACC one-LE because

daueil-ɡir-men-n-a-lo great-CAUS-NEG-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-FOC ‘He caused them to be like each other, and did not make one larger than the other.’

17.4.2. Adjunct Noun Phrases Noun phrases marked with a lexical case (§15.2) usually function as adjuncts. Like adverbs, they appear adjoined to the left or, less frequently, to the right of a verb phrase, and may also be topicalized with the topic marker -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ (§5.1) or left-adjoined to a topic. Apart from the examples given in the sections on lexical case, I give a few representative examples below: (989) M 1.5–8 ᫥ ⲉⲦⲧⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲗⲟ ⲇⲠⲡⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲉⲗⲗⲁ ⲇⲟⲩⲀⲣⲁ· Ⲁⲗⲉⲝⲁⲛⲇⲣⲉⲛ· ϣⲔⲅⲟⲩⲗⲁ· eittou ouel-ᝥ-lo

dippou ouel-la dou-ar-a

alexandre-n

woman one-NOM-FOC village one-DAT exist-PST1-PRED Alexandria-GEN

šik-gou-la district-ground-DAT ‘There was a woman living in a village, in the district of Alexandria.’

(990) SC 6.8–10 ᫧ ⲙⲁⲛ ⲧⲁⲩⲕⲗⲟ [ⲧⲉ]ⲕⲕⲁ ⲧⲢ[ⲡ]ⲧⲓⲕⲉⲗⲁ ⲧⲘⲙⲁ[ⲣ(?)]ⳝ[ⲁ] ⲕⲉⲛⲛ[ⲁ]· man

tauk-lo

DEM.DIST

time-LOC 3PL-ACC granary-DAT gather-TR-PLACT-PRED

tek-ka

tirptike-la

timm-ar-j-a

ken-n-a place-PRS.2/3SG-PRED ‘Then, he gathers and places them in the granary.’

(991) SC 23.2–4 ᫧ ⲉⲚ ⲅⲠⲢⲧⲁⲛⲛⲖⲗⲟⲛ [ⲟⲄⳝ]ⲓⲅⲖⲗⲉⲗⲟ ⲇⲟⲩⲇⲇⲛⲁ· ⲧⲁⲣⲙⲟⲛ ⲉⲆⲇⲟ ⳟⲟⲇⲕⲁⲛⲁⲣⲣⲁ· ein

ɡipirtann-il-ᝥ-lon oɡij-iɡille-lo

doud-d-n-a

2SG.GEN turning-DET-NOM-TOP husband-ALL-FOC exist-INTEN-PRS.2/3SG-PRED

tar-mon eid-do

ŋod-kan-ar-r-a

3SG-CONJ 2SG-SUPE lord-NMLZ(?)-INTEN-PRS-PRED ‘Your inclination (lit. turning) will be toward (your) husband, and he will rule over you.’ (Gen 3:16)

18. DERIVATION

Old Nubian has several morphemes to create nouns (§18.1), verbs (§18.2), adjectives (§18.3), and adverbs (§18.4) from nouns and verbs. In this chapter, we will also discuss compounding (§18.5), reduplication (§18.6) and the intensifying suffix (§18.7). 18.1. Noun Formation Old Nubian has several strategies to generate new nouns from items in its lexical inventory. It has a set of nominalizers, which can be attached to nominal and verbal roots to create new nouns (both agents and abstracts) and adjectives. There is one prefix (§18.1.1) and several suffixes, some of which appear to be composite (§18.1.2). Finally, there is a minimally productive zero nominalization (§18.1.3). 18.1.1. Prefixation The negative prefix ⲙ- is no longer productive,1 but can be found on numerous lexical items. It may also be etymologically related to the affirmative suffix -ⲙ (§5.3) and the negative suffix -ⲙⲚ (§12.2), which itself is a grammaticalized form of the verb ⲙⲉⲛ ‘to not be’. Other examples are: St 8.7–8 ᫧ ⲙ-ⲁⲙⲤⲕⲁⲉⲓ- ‘unjust (PL)’, cf. K 31.16 ⲁⲙⲥⲟⲩ ‘judgment’; SC 19.14 ᫥ ⲙ-ⲉⲉⲣ-ⲧ- ‘baseness’; M 1.8 ᫥ ⲙ-ⲓⲣ- ‘infertile’, cf. L 112.4 ᫥ Ⲣ-ⲕⲁⲛⲉ- ‘birth’; FE ii.2 ᫥ ⲙ-ⲓⳝ- ‘disobedience’, cf. SC 3.21–22 ᫥ ⲉⲓⳝ- ‘attention’ vel sim.; K 20.12 ᫥ ⲙ-ⲟⲛ- ‘to hate’, cf. L 110.6 ⲟⲛ- ‘to love, want’. 18.1.2. Suffixation The first set of suffixes can be attached to both verbal and nominal roots, and create nouns, mostly abstract concepts but also agentive nouns. The selection of the suffix seems to be lexically determined and does not follow a predictable pattern. Note that several suffixes seem to be composite in nature. (992) -ⲁⲛ

Creates abstract nouns: SC 1.13

᫥

ⲉⲓⳝⲓⳝⳝ-ⲁⲛⲛⲟⲩ ‘zeal’;

L 113.12 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲣ-ⲁⲛ ‘chief’. 1 The prefix is widely attested throughout the Nubian language family, including Meroitic, and must therefore be ancient. See Rilly (2010, 398).

392

18. DERIVATION

(993) -ⲇⲉⲣ/ⲣⲉⲣ Creates abstract nouns or agentive nouns; the difference is mostly inferred from context. The suffix ends in a weak ⲣ (§19.6.2.1.1): P.QI 3 32.23 ᫥ ⲁⲕ-ⲓⲇⲉⲗ- ‘retinue’; SC 12.5 ⲁⲣⲙⲤ-ⲕⲓⲇⲉⲣ- ‘judge’; K 28.14 ᫥ ⲁⲣⲙⲤ-ⲕ-ⲓⲣⲉ ‘judgment’; L 108.10 ᫥ ⲇⲁⲡⲡ-ⲓⲇⲉⲛ ‘destruction’; SC 16.12 ᫥ ⲇⲁⲡⲡ-ⲓⲣⲉⲣ- ‘destroyer’; SC 15.14–14 ᫥ ⲇⲟⳡ-ⲓⲣⲉⲣ- ‘nurse’; SC 15.23 ᫥ Ⲉⲥⲟⲅⲅ-ⲓⲇⲉⲣ‘liberation’; DD e.1 ᫧ ⲕⲟⲩⲥⲥ-ⲓⲇⲉⲣ- ‘loosener’; SC 16.15–16 ᫥ ⲕⲟⳟ-ⲓⲇⲉⲣ- ‘purification’; SC 15.7 ᫡ ⲟⲩⲧⲧⲟ[ⲥ-ⲇ]ⲉⲣ- ‘safety’; St 26.2–3 ᫥ ⲧⲏⲩⲕ-ⲇⲉⲣ- ‘help’; St 22.10 ᫥ ⲧⲟⲕ-ⲇⲉⲣ- ‘forgiveness’; SC 15.13–14 ᫥ ⳟⲉⲥ-ⲓⲇⲉⲣ- ‘release’; P.QI 1 9.ii.20 ᫥ ⳟⲁⲕⲧⲉⲛ ‘anger’. (994) -ⲉ

Creates abstract nouns: M 16.10 ᫥ ⲇⲓ-ⲉ- ‘death’; P.QI 3 16.iii.7 ᫥ ⲉⲓ-ⲉ- ‘knowledge’; SC 15.22 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲛ-ⲉ ‘wisdom’; L 104.10 ᫥ ⳝⲁⲩⲉ- ‘gospel’.

(995) -ⲕ Creates abstract nouns: P.QI A i.12 ᫥ ⲁⲩⲟⲩⲕ-ⲕ- ‘salvation’; P.QI 4 93.re.1 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲩⲕ-ⲟⲩⲅⲟⲩ ‘reverence’; Sunn 1.ii.6 ᫥ Ⲣ-ⲕ- ‘kingdom’; M 6.7 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲧ-ⲕ- ‘mankind’; P.QI 2 18.iii.1 ᫥ ⲕϢⲕϣⲕ-ⲕ‘jealousy’; L 113.3 ᫥ ⲙⲁϣⲁⲗⲟⲥ-ⲕ- ‘east’, lit. ‘sunrise’; P.QI 3 30.4 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩ-ⲟⲩⲕ- ‘kingship’; P.QI 1 5.ii.26 ᫥ ⳟⲤⲥ-ⲓⲕ- ‘holiness’. This suffix also appears on Greek loanwords (§1.3.4): P.QI 1 9.i.13 l ᫥ ⲡⲟⲣⲉ-ⲕ- ‘fornication’ < Gr. πόρνη; P.QI 2 18.v.5 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲡⲛⲟⲥ-ⲕ- ‘humility’ < Gr. ταπεινός. -ⲕⲁⲛⲉ < -ⲕ-ⲁⲛ-ⲉ. Creates abstract nouns: St 21.11 ᫥ ⲁⲓⲅⲁⳝⳝⲁⲛⲛⲉ; K 25.5 ᫥ ⲅⲢⲧⲆ-ⲓⲕⲁⲛⲉ-; K 33.1 ᫥ ⲅⲉⲓⲧⲧⲇ-ⲓⲕⲁⲛⲉ‘shame’2; P.QI 3 57.i.3 ᫥ ⲉⳟⳟⲁⲕ-ⲕⲁⲛⲉ-, P.QI 4 94.re.7 ᫥ Ⲉⳟⲁⲕⲕⲁⲛⲉ- ‘brothership’; M 8.4 ᫥ ⲉⲢ-ⲕⲁⲛⲉ ‘kingdom’; M 15.4 ᫥ ⲕⲟⲕ-ⲕⲁⲛⲉ ‘purification’; L 108.13 ᫥ ⲡⲤ-ⲕⲁⲛⲉ ‘joy’; P.QI 1 5.ii.26 ᫥ Ⲧⳝ-ⲕⲁⲛⲉ ‘justice’; L 112.10 ᫥ ⲧⲟⲧ-ⲕⲁⲛⲉ- ‘sonship’; P.QI 4 101.re.1 ᫥ ⳟⲟⲇ-ⲕⲁⲛⲉ- ‘lordship’. (996) -ⲕⲁⲛⲧ < -ⲕ-ⲁⲛ-ⲧ Creates abstract nouns: P.QI 2 18.ii.6 ᫥ⲙⲉⲇⳝⲟⲩⲕⲁⲛⲧ- ‘servitude’. (997) -ⲕⲉ < -ⲕ-ⲉ

Creates abstract nouns: Dong 1.i.21

᫥

ⲟⲥ-ⲕⲉ- ‘rise’.

2 G. M. Browne (2002c, §3.3.2) and G. M. Browne (1996c, 33) suggest the existence of a noun ⲅⲟⲩⲧⲧ based on an analysis of the verbal form K 31.1 ᫥ ⲅⲟⲩⲧⲧⲉⲓⲥⲁⲛⲁ < *ⲅⲟⲩⲧⲧⲢⲥⲁⲛⲁ, which is however phonologically highly unlikely. Most probably, ⲅⲟⲩⲧⲧⲉⲓⲥⲁⲛⲁ derives from the verb that also forms the basis of above abstract nouns.

18.1. NOUN FORMATION

393

(998) -ⲕⲟⲛⲕ < ⲕⲟⲛ ‘to have’ -ⲕ Creates abstract nouns and adjectives: P.QI 2 16.iii.7 ᫥ ⲉⲓ-ⲉ-ⲕⲟⲛⲕ- ‘wisdom’; SC 1.4 ᫡ ⳟⲟⲕ-ⲕⲟⲛⲕ‘glorious’; P.QI 3 30.27–28 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲩⲟⲩ-ⲕⲟⲕⲅ- ‘authority’. (999) -ⲛⲁⲩ(Ⲉ) Creates abstract nouns: P.QI 2 16.i.8 ᫥ Ⲉⳟⲟⲕ-ⲓⲛⲁⳣⲉ-; WN 9 ᫥ ⳟⲟⲕⲕ-ⲛⲁⲩⲉ- ‘honor’; P.QI 1 7.ii.4 ᫧ ⲟⲩⲈⲣⲟⲩⲈ-ⲛⲁⲩⲈ- ‘share’; M 1.4 ᫥ ⲧⲟⲕⲚ-ⲛⲁⲩⲈ- ‘peace’; P.QI 1 8.i.6 ᫧ ⳟⲁⲥⲕ-ⲛⲁⲩⲉⲓ-; L 101.5 ᫥ ⳟⲁⲥⲕ-ⲛⲁⲩ- ‘midst’. (1000) -Ⲥ

Creates abstract nouns: P.QI 4 95.re.1 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲩⲕ-Ⲥ ‘reverence’; P.QI 2 16.vii.5 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲛ-Ⲥ- ‘love’.

The nominalization suffixes of the second series all end in -ⲧ(ⲧ) and have an irregular plural in -ⲉⲓ.3 These suffixes can create abstract and agentive nouns, as well as adjectives. Their meaning is lexically determined. (1001) -ⲧ(ⲧ)/-ⳝ/-ⲁⲧ(ⲧ) Creates abstract nouns, agents, and adjectives. Very frequently attested4: SC 10.12 ᫥ Ⲁⲅ-ⲓⲇ- ‘seat’; P.QI 1 5.ii.6 ᫥ ⲁⲙⲧ-Ⲧⲧ‘example’; P.QI 2 18.ii.9 ᫧ [ⲇ]ⲟⲗⲗ-ⲓⲧ- ‘wish’; L 111.2 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲩ-ⲧplace’5; SC 3.11 ᫥ Ⲉⲫⲉⲫ-ⲧ- ‘greediness’ vel sim.; SC 4.18 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲁⲣ-ⲧ- ‘knowledge’; Askut 4–5 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲗⲉⲓⲧ- ‘message’; L 106.6 ᫧ ⲙⲁ[ⲓ]ⲕ-Ⲧ-; P.QI 1 7.i.24 ᫥ ⲙⲁⲓⲕ-Ⲧⲧ- ‘affliction’; P.QI 3 41.18 ᫥ ⲙⲤⲕ-Ⲧⲧ- ‘estranged’ vel sim.6; P.QI 2 18.iv.17 ᫥ ⲟⲇ-ⲧ-; P.QI 2 18.iv.17 ᫥ ⲟⲇ-Ⲧ- ‘sickness’; P.QI 4 104.7 ᫦ ⲟⲩⲛⲛ-ⲓⲧ- ‘offspring’; L 108.11 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲣ-ⲧ ‘writing’; M 13.15 ᫥ ⲡⲤⲧ-Ⲧⲧ- ‘baptism’; K 24.8 ᫥ ⲥⲓⲉⲛ-ⲧ- ‘request’; SC 11.16 ᫥ ⲥⲟⲗⲗ-ⲓⲧ- ‘diversion’; SC 14.16 ᫥ ⲧⲉⲉⲓ-ⲧ-, St 20.8–9 ᫥ ⲧⲉⲉ-Ⲧⲧ-; P.QI 2 18.ii.5 ᫥ ⲧⲉⲉⲒ-ⲉⲦ- ‘hope’; P.QI 2 12.ii.13–14 ᫥ ⲧⲏⲩⲕⲇⲉⲣ-ⲧ- ‘helper’; K 33.13 ᫥ ⲧⲦ-ⲧ- < *ⲧⲢⲧ- ‘gift’; SC 17.21 ᫥ ⳝⲟⲩⲛⳝⲟⲩⲣ-ⲧ- ‘beginning’ (§18.6)7; P.QI 3 39.24 ᫥ ⳟⲁⲗⲟⲩ-ⲉⲓⲧ- ‘sleep’8; M 1.11 ᫥ ⳟⲟⲩⲕ-ⲧ- ‘glory’; St 25.7 ᫥ ⳟⲤ-ⲧ- ‘holiness’; and on Greek loans: SC 13.20 ᫥ ⲡⲤⲧⲉⲩⲉ-Ⲧ ‘faith’. -ⳝ is a palatalized variant that appears sometimes after roots ending in alveolar -ⲇ/-ⲛ or palatal -ⳝ/-ⳡ: K 20.9 ᫥ ⲁⳡ-ⳝ-, P.QI 2 12.i.12 ᫥ 3 All these suffixes are etymologically related to the proto-Nubian singulative marker *-t(i), which is still found in lexical items such as Ben 24 ᫡ ⲕⲁⳣ̣[ⲁ]ⲣⲧⲓ ‘bird’. See Rilly (2010, 300–301) for further discussion. 4 This suffix is also used in the formation of ordinals (§16.4.2). 5 G. M. Browne (2002c, §3.3.2) proposes a hapax suffix -ⲧⲉ. 6 Perhaps the analysis should be ⲙⲤ-ⲕⲦⲧ-. 7 G. M. Browne (2002c, §3.3.2) suggests an analysis ⳝⲟⲩⲣ ‘to go’ + ⳝⲟⲩⲣ ‘cause.’ He also suggests that -ⲧ may mark the feminine, which should be rejected. 8 The analysis of the entire form ⳟⲁⲗⲟⲩⲉⲓⲧⲓⲀ is uncertain.

394

18. DERIVATION

ⲁⳡ-ⲧ- ‘savior’; P.QI 2 15.i.17 ᫥ ⲟⲛ-ⳝ-, M 5.6 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲛ-ⲧ- ‘love’; P.QI 1 11.ii.5 ᫥ ⲥⲟⳟⲟⳝ-ⳝ- ‘office of the soŋoj’; M 11.1 ᫥ ⲧⲟⲩⲇ-ⳝ‘hunt(ing)’. -ⲁⲧ(ⲧ) seems to be the full grade of the suffix, with an unknown distribution: P.QI 1 9.i.12 ᫥ ⲕⲤⲙ-ⲁⲧⲧ- ‘wrath’; P.QI 2 18.iii.9 ᫥ ⲕⲤⲙⲁⲧ-ⲁⲧⲧ- ‘wrathful’; M 2.1 ᫥ Ⲥⲉⲩ-ⲁⲧⲧ- ‘heir’; St 27.6 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲡⲡ-ⲁⲧⲧ- ‘destruction’.



(1002) -ⲕⲓⲧ(ⲧ)/-ⲕⲟⲩⲧ(ⲧ)/-ⲕⲁⲧ(ⲧ) Creates abstract nouns and adjectives: SC 12.10 ᫥ Ⲁⲗⲉ-ⲕⲁⲧⲧ- ‘truthful’; SC 12.11 ᫥ Ⲁⲉⲥ-ⲕⲁⲧⲧ- ‘patient’; SC 14.13 ᫥ Ⲁⲉⲥ-ⲕⲦ- ‘patience’; P.QI 2 18.ii.12 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲗⲕⲓⲧ- ‘wish’; P.Attiri 1.iii.2 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲣ-ⲕⲦ- ‘depth’; SC 11.19 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲕ-ⲕⲟⲩⲧⲧ-; K 30.9 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲕ-ⲕⲁⲧⲧ- ‘oppression’; P.QI 30.24 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲣ-ⳟⲁⲧⲧ‘measure of capacity’, possible the yield of a single ⲡⲁⲣⲣⲉ ‘field’; SC 17.14 ᫥ ⲧⲁⳟⲤ-ⲕⲦ- ‘naming’; SC 12.11 ᫥ ⲧⲱⲉⲕ-ⲕⲁⲧⲧ- ‘powerful’. In some cases, the original meaning of the root can no longer be clearly discerned: SC 4.18 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲗ-ⲕⲓⲧ- ‘sea’ < ⲡⲁⲗ ‘wide’; L 103.1 ᫥ Ⲥ-ⲕⲦ- ‘earth’ < Ⲥ ‘to work’. Perhaps -ⲕⲁⲧⲧ derives from -ⲕ-ⲁⲛ-ⲧ, cf. P.QI 2 18.ii.2 ⲙⲉⲇⳝⲟⲩ-ⲕⲁⲛⲧ-. (1003) -ⲇⲁⲧ(ⲧ) SC 9.15

᫥

ⲟⲩⲗⲅⲉⲗ-ⲇⲁⲧ- ‘listener’.

18.1.3. Zero Nominalization There is little evidence of zero nominalization, i.e., nominalization without any overt morphological marking. Possible examples may be ⲧⲘⲙ ‘assembly’ from the verb ⲧⲘⲙ ‘to assemble’: SC 18.4 ᫧ ⲧⲘⲙ-ⲓⲅ[ⲟ]ⲩⲕⲁ, SE 1.i.8 ᫥ ⲧⲘⲙⲓ-ⲅⲟⲩⲗⲁ-; ⳝⲁⲛ ‘price’ from the verb ⳝⲁⲛ ‘to exchange for money’: P.QI 3 32.16 ⳝⲁⲛ-. Phrases with case marking or postpositions can be nominalized by simply adding number or case marking: (1004) St 3.11–13

᫥

ϩⲁⲣⲙⲚⲇⲱⲛⲓⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ· ⲟⲛ ⲤⲕⲧⲖⲇⲱⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ·

harm-in-dō-ni-ɡou-ka

on iskit-il-dō-ɡou-ka

heaven-GEN-SUP-PL-PL-ACC and earth-DET-SUP-PL-ACC ‘The things in heaven and the things on earth’.

(1005) St 10.10–11 ᫥ ⲁⲛⲛⲓⲕⲁ ⲟⲩⲗⲅⲚⲛⲁⲥⲱ an-n-ika

oulɡ-in-na-sō

1SG-GEN-ACC ear-TR-IMP.2/3PL.PRED-COMM ‘Listen to mine!’

395

18.4. ADVERB FORMATION

18.2. Verb Formation There are no special derivational suffixes to create verbs from nouns, except the transitive suffix (§13.2.1). Jakobi (2020, forthcoming) mentions a no longer productive causative prefix ⲟⲩ-: ⲧⲟ(ⲩ)ⲣ ‘to enter’ > ⲟⲩ-ⲧⲢ, ⲟⲩ-ⲧⲟⲩⲣ ‘to place, lay’; ⲥⲟⲅⲅ, ⲥⲟⲩⲕⲕ ‘to descend’ > ⲟⲩ-ⲥⲕ-ⲟⲩⲣ ‘to place’. 18.3. Adjective Formation Apart from above-mentioned nominalization morphemes -ⲧ(ⲧ)/-ⳝ/-ⲁⲧ(ⲧ) and -ⲕⲓⲧ(ⲧ)/-ⲕⲟⲩⲧ(ⲧ)/-ⲕⲁⲧ(ⲧ) (§18.1), there are only two morphemes used exclusively for the formation of adjectives. The first one, -ⲕⲟ, derives from the verb ⲕⲟⲛ ‘to have’ and is also found in the construction of certain conditional and final verb forms (§8.2). The second adjective formant derives from the negative verb ⲕⳠ(ⳡ) ‘to be without’. In both cases, the adjectivizer is the result of the grammaticalization of a verb incorporating an indefinite noun (§15.1.3.4). (1006) -ⲕⲟ SC 10.12 ᫥ Ⲁⲅⲓⲇ-ⲉⲓⲕⲟ ‘seated’; SC 6.17 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲁⲣⲧ-ⲓⲕⲟ- ‘knowledgeable’; St 1.8 ᫥ ⳟⲟⲕ-ⲕⲟ ‘glorious’. (1007) -ⲕⳠ(ⳡ) SC 6.20 ᫥ Ⲁⲉⲓ-ⲕⳠ- ‘soulless’; SC 6.16 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲁⲣⲧ-ⲓⲕⳠⳡ‘without knowledge’; St 26.1 ᫥ Ⲟⲅⲓⳝ-ⲕⳠⳡ- ‘husbandless’; St 20.7–8 ᫥ ⲧⲉⲉⲦ-ⲕⳠⳡ- ‘hopeless’; P.QI 1 1.i.5 ᫥ ⲧⲉⲇ-ⲕⳠ- ‘lawless’. Both verbal and adjectival forms exist side by side. Example (1008) shows incorporation, while (1009) shows the grammaticalized adjectivizer. (1008) P.QI 4 110.ve.1–2 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲘⲙⲉ ⲏⲛ ⲉⳟⲅⲁⲛⲉ ⳟⲟⲟⲕ ⲕⲟⲗ ⲧⲖⲗⲓⲗⲟ ⲕⲱ ⲧⲁⲣⲟⲩⲉⲓⲧⲁⲕⲖⲕⲁ· douk-im-m-e

ēn eŋɡane

ŋook ko-l

till-ilo

worship-AFF-PRS-1SG.PRED 2SG brother.NMLZ glory have-PRS God-LOC

kō tarou-eitak-il-ka by bless-PASS-PRS-ACC ‘I worship Your glorious Brothership blessed by God.’

(1009) P.QI 4 112.re.1–2 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲘⲙⲉⲗⲟ ⲏⲛ ⲡⲁⲡⲕⲁⲛⲉ ⳟⲟⲟⲕⲕⲟⲕⲁ douk-im-m-e-lo

ēn pap-kane

ŋook-ko-ka

worship-AFF-PRS-1SG.PRED-FOC 2SG father-NMLZ glory-ADJ-ACC ‘I worship Your glorious Fathership.’

18.4. Adverb Formation Adverbs may be formed through the adverbial suffix -ⲁⲛ:

396

18. DERIVATION

(1010) L 101.9–11 ᫡ Ⲟⲛⲟⲛⲁ[ⲛ] ⳟⲓⲇⳝⲓⲙⲉⲛⲉ[ⲥⲓⲗⲟ ⳝⲟⲩ]ⲛ⳹ ⲧⲁⲧⲁⲛⲛ[ⲟ]ⲛ ⲕⲟⲣⲡⲁⳝⲓⲙⲤⲥⲉⲗⲟ⳹ onon-an

ŋid-j-imen-es-i-lo

joun

tat-an-non

be.in.vain-ADV run-PLACT-NEG-PFV.PST2-1SG-LOC because in.vain-ADV-TOP

korp-aj-imis-s-e-lo work-PLACT-NEG-PST2-1SG.PRED-FOC ‘Because I did not run in vain, and I did not toil without purpose.’ (Phil 2:16)

Similarly: P.QI 1 4.i.18 ᫥ ⲇⲉⲕⲕⲁⲛ ‘secretly’; P.QI 2 23.8 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲕⲕⲁⲛ negative polarity item; P.QI 1 9.ii.14 Ⲉⲗⲉⲕⲕⲁⲛ ‘from now on’; K 22.9 ᫥ ⲙⲁⲕⲁⲛ ‘therefore’; P.Attiri 2.i.4 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲉⲣⲓⲁⲛ ‘on one hand’; L 33.2–3 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲕⲁⲛ ‘quickly’; P.QI 1 4.i.22 ᫥ ⳟⲁⲗⲉⲁⲛ ‘outside’. Other examples with -ⲁⲛ are the multiplicatives (§16.4). 18.5. Composita Composita are nouns and verbs consisting of a concatenation of more than one root. In Old Nubian, nominal compounding appears to be relatively more productive than verbal compounding. A reason may be the fact that complex verbal predicates can be created by means of converbs (§7.2.3). 18.5.1. Compound Nouns New nouns can be created through compounding. Nominal compounding appears not to have been very productive. ⳟⲟⲛ- < ⳟⲟⲇⲚ ‘of the lord’ appears in several compounds: GAL 57.11 ᫥ ⳟⲟⲛⲕⲟⲩⲇⲁ ‘servant of the lord’; DD D.3–4 ᫥ ⳟⲟⲛⲛⲁⲥ- ‘daughter of the lord, queen sister, princess’ < ⲁⲥ ‘daughter’; P.QI 30.5 ᫥ ⳟⲟⲛⲛⲉⲛ- ‘mother of the lord, queen mother’ < ⲉⲛ ‘mother’. Furthermore: P.QI Q i.6 ᫥ ⲁⲓⲟⲣⲧ- ‘mercy’ < ⲁⲉⲢ ‘heart’ + ⲟ(ⲩ)ⲣⲧ ‘possession’; P.QI A i.4 ᫥ ⲇⲱⲢⲕ- ‘occupant(?)’ < ⲇⲱ ‘upon’ + Ⲣⲕ ‘head’; P.QI 3 45.12 ᫥ Ⲉⲛⲉⲥⲧ- ‘sister’ < ⲉⲛ ‘mother’ + ⲁⲥ ‘daughter’; Askut re.1 ᫥ ⲥⲟⳟⲟⳝⲓⲀⲥ- ‘daughter of a soŋoj’ < ⲥⲟⳟⲟⳝ ‘songoj’ + ⲁⲥ ‘daughter’; P.QI 1 4.i.3 ᫥ ⲉⳟⳟⲁⲗ ‘brother’ < ⲉⲛ ‘mother’ + ⳟⲁⲗ ‘son’; St 24.7 ᫥ ⲅⲁⲣⲕⲉⲙⲥⲟ‘world’ < ⲅⲁⲣ ‘side’ + ⲕⲉⲙⲥⲟ ‘four’; K 23.6 ᫥ ⲉⲦⲙⲟⲛ- ‘misanthropy’ < ⲉⲓⲧ ‘man’ + ⲙⲟⲛ ‘hate’; St 30.11–11 ᫥ ⲉⲦⲟⲛⲕⲁⲛⲉ- ‘philanthropy’ < ⲉⲓⲧ ‘man’ + ⲟⲛ ‘love’. 18.5.2. Compound Verbs The semantics of verbal compounds seems to be more analytic than those of nominal compounds, and they should perhaps be interpreted as containing a

397

18.6. REDUPLICATION

converb from which the predicate marker -ⲁ has been dropped: K 31.6–7 ᫥ ⲕⲉⲛ-ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲕ- ‘to present (an offering)’ < ⲕⲉⲛ ‘to place’ + ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲕ ‘to worship’; SC 11.7–8 ᫡ ⲉⲔ-[ⲕ]ⲟⲩⲗⲗ- ‘to teach’ < ⲉⲔⲕ ‘to lead’ + ⲕⲟⲩⲗⲗ ‘to teach’; SC 16.17 ᫥ ⲟⲥ-ⲧⲟⲕ- ‘to escape’ < ⲟⲥ ‘to take out’ + ⲧⲟⲕ ‘to leave’; P.QI 2 13.ii.20 ᫥ Ⲁⲕ-ⲟⲩⲡ- ‘to overturn’ < ⲁⲕ ‘to sit’ + ⲟⲩⲡ ‘to fall’. 18.6. Reduplication In Old Nubian, reduplication always implies the full reduplication of the stem. There is a small number of reduplicative verbal roots in Old Nubian indicating a continuous or repeated action: L 101.1 ᫥ ⲅⲟⲩⲣ-ⲅⲓⲕ-ⲕ- ‘to murmur’; P.QI 1 4.ii.16 ᫥ ⲥⲓⲣⲘ-ⲥⲓⲣⲘⲙ- ‘to groan’ (from Coptic). These do not occur as non-reduplicated roots and may have an onomatopeic origin. The second group of reduplicated verbal roots indicates the intensity of an action or situation and are sometimes also attested without reduplication: SC 1.13 ᫥ ⲉⲓⳝ-ⲓⳝⳝ-ⲁⲛⲛⲟⲩ ‘zeal’, cf. SC 1.14 ᫥ ⲉⲓⳝ-ⲣ-ⲧ- ‘zealous’; SC 3.11 ᫥ Ⲉⲫ-ⲉⲫ-ⲧ- ‘greediness’ vel sim.; M 10.10 ᫥ ⲕⲁⲥ-ⲕⲁⲥ-ⲉ- ‘baptistery’, cf. K.D. kas ‘to draw water’; P.QI 2 16.iii.10 ᫥ ⲕⲉⲗⲕⲉ-ⲅⳡⲗⲁ ‘limitless’, cf. N.K.D. kēl ‘border’; L 109.1–2 ᫥ ⲕⲟⲥ-ⲕⲤ-ⲕⲁⲧⲧⲗⲞ ‘evil’, cf. P.QI 2 21.i.16 ᫥ ⲕⲟⲥ- id.; P.QI 2 18.iii.1 ᫥ ⲕϢ-ⲕϣ-ⲕ- ‘to be jealous’, cf. FP 1.2 ᫥ ⲕϢ- id.; P.QI 1 1.i.10 ᫡ ⲡⲁⲣ-ⲡⲁ[ⲣ- ‘to become old(?)’, cf. P.QI 2 17.ii.8 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲁⲣ- ‘old’; SC 16.16 ᫥ ⲡⲉⲩ-ⲡⲉⲩ- ‘paralytic’ vel sim., cf. P.QI 3 42.7 ᫥ ⲡⲉⲩ- ‘to loosen, release’ vel sim.; SC 17.21 ᫥ ⳝⲟⲩⲛ-ⳝⲟⲩⲣ- ‘beginning’, cf. St 7.4 ᫥ ⳝⲟⲩⲣ ‘cause’. There are no attested reduplicated nominal roots, although nouns sometimes appear reduplicated. For example, ⲟⲩⲉⲗ ‘one’ is reduplicated to indicate reciprocity (§10.3). The noun ⳝⲉⲙ ‘year’ has also been found reduplicated in two documentary texts, supposedly meaning ‘for (many) years’: (1011) Askut re.4–5

᫡

ⲅⲉⲙⲟⲩ ⲅⲉⲙⲟ . ⲛⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲗⲉⲓⲧⲕⲁ ⲧⲓⳝⳝⲓⲙⲉⲛⲉⲛ

ɡemou ɡemo()n-ka eil-eit-ka year

year-ACC

tij-j-imen-en

say-NMLZ-ACC give>2/3-PLACT-NEG-PFV.PRS.2/3SG

‘When for years you didn’t give them the message …’

(1012) Kanarti i.1–3 ᫡ ⳟⲓⲥⲥⲓ ⲙⲏⲛⲁⲛ· ⲧⲟⲣⲡⲁ[ⲗⲟ· ϭ]ⲉⲙⲟⲩ· ϭⲉⲙⲟⲩ· ⳟⲟⲗⲧⲟⲩⲕⲁ· [ⲉⲓ]ⲧⲙⲓⲛⲛⲉⲗⲟ· ŋissi mēna-n

torpa-lo

jemou jemou ŋol-t-ouka

holy Mina-GEN farmer-LOC year

year

gulp-NMLZ-ACC

eit-min-n-e-lo receive-NEG-PRS-1SG.PRED-FOC ‘For years I do not receive the payment from the farmer of the (Church of) Saint Mina.’

398

18. DERIVATION

18.7. Intensifying Suffix -ⲫⲓ/ⲫⲟⲩ There seems to have existed an intensifying suffix -ⲫⲓ/ⲫⲟⲩ, which is only found in Early Old Nubian texts: (1013) SC 7.10–12 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲁⲣⲧⲓⲅⲟⲩⲛⲁ ⲡⲁⲗⲕⲦⲗⲁⲅⲖⲗⲉⲥⲚ ⲥⲁⲗⲕⲁ ⲡⲉⲥⲁ ⲟⲩⲧⲢ ⲇⲟⲗⲗⲓⲣⲉⲥⲚ ⲉⲓⲥⲓⲫⲫⲟⲩ ⲧⲖⲗⲖⲀ· ei-ar-t-iɡou-na

pal-kit-la-ɡille-sin

sal-ka

pes-a

know-TR-NMLZ-PL-GEN wide-NMLZ-DAT-ALL-EMP word-ACC speak-PRED

outir doll-ir-e-sin

eis-iphphou till-il-a

place want-PRS-1SG.PRED-EMP

WH-INT

God-DET-DD

‘Towards the sea of thoughts, I want to propose a discourse about what the *** is God.’9

(1014) P.QI 2 16.iv.4–10 ᫥ ⲥⲱⲣⲧⲱⳣⲉⲓ Ⲁⲇⲱⲫⲉⲓ ⳟⲟⲟⲕ ⲕⲟⲛⳝⲓⲗ· Ⲁⲇⲱ ⲕⲉⲙⲥⲱⲛⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲱⲛ ⲧⲉⲛⲛⲁ ⲥⲟⲕⲟⲙⲡⲓⲕⲁ Ⲱⲥⲉⲛ ⲑⲣⲟⲛⲟⲥⲗⲱ· Ⲟⲣⲁⲗⲗⲱ ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲕⲉⲛⲛⲁⲛⲁ: sōrtōw-ei ado-phei ŋook kon-j-il priest-PL

adō

kemsōn-ɡou-l-∅-lōn

white-INT glory have-PLACT-PRS.DET twenty four-PL-DET-NOM-TOP

ten-na sokomp-ika ōs-en 3PL-GEN crown-ACC

thronos-lo orallo

take.out-PFV.PRS.2/3SG throne-LOC before

doukk-en-n-an-a worship-COP-PRS-3PL-PRED ‘The twenty-four sparkling white, glorious priests, when they take off their crowns, worship before the throne.’

9

See Van Gerven Oei and Tsakos (2019b) for further discussion.

19. PHONOLOGY

As Old Nubian is no longer a spoken language, it is difficult to make any definitive claims about its phonology. However, it appears that the scribal tradition was such that there is enough orthographical consistency to not only deduce general syllable and root structures, but also make tentative conjectures about stress and phonological processes such as assimilation, deletion, and epenthesis, as well as the interaction between those. The following treatment of Old Nubian phonology and morphophonology is based on earlier observations by Stricker (1940), Hintze (1986), and G. M. Browne (2002c), who, however, formulated a large number of adhoc rules without any clear, overarching principles. As I already indicated in the introduction (§1.5), my approach below is informed by Optimality Theory, but without using its formalisms, in the hope that the argument will be approachable to the general reader. Suffice it to say that this outline of Old Nubian phonology can only remain very preliminary and tentative. 19.1. Phonemes Old Nubian has a phoneme inventory comparable to those of other Nile Nubian languages. For the purposes of our discussion later in this chapter, we need to briefly introduce the sonority scale, which orders phonemes from highest (vowel) to lowest sonority (stops) (Zec 2007, 178, ex. 33): (1015) V L N O

low vowels, mid vowels, high vowels; rhotics, laterals; nasals; voiced fricatives, voiced stops, voiceless fricatives, voiceless stops.

The set {LNO} is traditionally called consonants or C (§19.1.1), while {V} are vowels (§19.1.2). Sonorants are the set {VLN} and abbreviated S.

400

19. PHONOLOGY

19.1.1. Consonants Bilabial Plosive Nasal Fricative Trill Lateral Approximant

Labiodental

Alveolar

Palatal

Velar

ɟ ɲ ʃ

kɡ ŋ

f

td n s r l

b m

w

Glottal

h

j

Table 19.1: Old Nubian consonant inventory

19.1.2. Vowels Front Close Mid Open

Central

i, i+ e, e+

Back u, u+ o, o+

a, a+

Table 19.2: Old Nubian vowel inventory

As noted in §2.2, vowel length does not seem to be uniformly indicated in Old Nubian orthography. However, when a variant spelling with geminated spelling exists, the vowel may be assumed to be long: P.QI 3 48.8 ᫥ ⲁⲁⲥⲥⲓⲕⲁ /a.as.si.ka/ ‘to measure’, cf. K. ās; M 7.1 ᫥ ⳟⲟⲟⲅⲅⲖⲗⲉ /ɲo.oɡ.gil.le/ ‘house’, cf. N. nōg; M 12.15 ᫥ ϣⲁⲁⲕⲕⲁ /ʃa.ak.ka/ ‘door’, cf. N. šā. To determine vowel length, we may further rely on other contextual and comparative evidence and information from extant Nile Nubian languages. Following Rilly (2010, 241–246), we assume that if both Nobiin and Andaandi– Mattokki cognates of an Old Nubian word have a long vowel, the vowel in Old Nubian is long as well. Although the distinction in vowel length is phonemic, it may have been the case that in certain positions vowels could have been lengthened. Regarding Nobiin, Werner (1987, 45) remarks: ‘Ein kurzer Vokal am Wortende erfährt häufig eine positionale Längung, die nicht phonemisch ist. Manche Lexeme […] können lang oder kurz realisiert werden.’ Such lengthening of word-final vowels may perhaps account for the frequent orthographical alternation between suffixes in -ⲟ and -ⲱ, which mainly appear to alternate when the vowel is long, cf. ⳝⲟⲣ/ⳝⲱⲣ ‘to go’, cf. N.K.D. jōr, but ⳝⲟⳝ ‘to offer, cede’, cf. N.K.D. goj. 19.2. Syllables Syllables (σ) have the following general structure:

401

19.3. ROOTS

σ

(1016) Onset

Rime Nucleus

Coda

Old Nubian allows the following syllable structures: (1017) a. b. c. d. e. f.

V VV CV CVV VC CVC

Based on orthographic evidence, it appears as if Old Nubian sometimes allows complex codas, namely syllables with the form CVCC and perhaps CVVC. For example: SC 18.10 ᫥ ⲧⲟⲩⲣⲕⲗⲁ-; K 20.17 ᫥ ⲕⲉⲛⳝⲣⲁⲛ; SC 6.1 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲣⲙⲗⲁ; SC 6.6 ᫥ ϩⲁⲣⲙⲛⲁⲉⲓⲟⲛ (but cf. N. ḥaram with epenthetic vowel). As may be gathered from these examples, these complex codas occur only in specific phonological environments, where the first element of the coda is at least as sonorous as the second, and the onset of the next syllable at least as sonorous as the preceding consonant. It may well be an epenthetic vowel was simply not written in these cases. Old Nubian does not allow complex onsets, i.e., syllables of forms such as CCV and CCVC. Although there are a few instances of complex onsets of the type /Cr/ at the beginning of a word, orthographical variation shows that these were pronounced with an epenthetic vowel: P.QI 1 8.i.18 ᫥ ⲧⲣⲁⲡⲤⲖⲇⲟ, but L 111.4 ᫧ ⲧⲣⲀⲡⲓⲥⲓⲗⲇ[ⲉ] < Gr. τράπεζα; SC 19.2 ᫧ ⲑⲣⲟⲛⲟⲥⲅⲟ[ⲩⲕ]ⲁ, but St 11.3 ᫥ ⲑⲣⲞⲛⲟⲥⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ < Gr. θρόνος; M 16.2 ᫥ ⲭⲣⲓⲥⲧⲓⲁⲛⲟⲥⲁ, but P.QI 3 57.i.5 ᫥ ⲭⲢⲓⲥⲧⲓⲀⲛⲟⲥⲣⲓ < Gr. χριστιανός; M 10.8 ⲦⲣⲓⲥⲀⲅⲓⲟⲛ < Gr. τρισάγιον. Other instances of possible occurrences of complex onsets may be due to orthographical variation, e.g., M 16.1 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲛⲥⲗⲟⲕⲱ, but L 108.4 ᫥ ⲧⲁⳟⲥⲗⲞⲕⲱ; and M 3.1 ᫥ ⲡⲉⲥⲥⲛⲁ, an etymological spelling probably pronounced /besna/. 19.3. Roots Old Nubian nominal and verbal roots, the basic building blocks of the inherited proto-Nubian lexicon, fall into two classes. Regular roots coincide with a full syllable, while defective roots consist of a full syllable and an additional consonant in the onset of a second syllable. A subset of C-final regular roots are so-called ‘weak’ roots. These exhibit particular phonological properties that will be discussed below (§19.6.2.1.1).

402

19. PHONOLOGY

Defective roots are characterized by the fact that they are bisyllabic, with only the onset of the second syllable occupied. The distinction between regular and defective roots appears to preserve part of Rilly (2010, 273)’s list of the canonical root forms in proto-Nubian, and is virtually identical to those found in Meroitic (Rilly, 2010, 380). (1018) Regular: a. VV: ⲉⲓ /i+/ ‘hand’; b. CVV: ⲅⲓ /ɡi+/ ‘maternal uncle’; ⳟⲓ /ŋi+/ ‘to drink’; c. VC: ⲉⲗ /el/ ‘now’; ⲁⲛ /an/ ‘to say’; d. CVC: ⲕⲟⳡ /koɲ/ ‘face’; ⲡⲉⲥ /bes/ ‘to speak’. (1019) Defective: a. VV.C: ⲉⲛ /e+n/ ‘mother’; ⲁⲕ /a+.k/ ‘to sit’; b. VC.C ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩ /ur.w/ ‘king’; ⲁⲗⲗ /al.l/ ‘to bind’; c. CVV.C: ⲟⲩⲉⲣ /we+.r/ ‘one’; ⲇⲟ(ⲟ)ⲛ /do+.n/ ‘to seek’; d. CVC.C: ⲕⲁⲛⲇ /kan.d/ ‘thorn’; ⲡⲁⳡⳡ /paɲ.ɲ/ ‘to be hungry’. Both historical processes of derivation and loanwords from other languages have introduced roots in the Old Nubian language that do not follow the canonical patterns laid out above. Greek loanwords such as L 109.12 ᫥ ⲡⲓⲥⲧⲉⲩⲉ ‘to believe’ or pre-Nubian loanwords such as M 3.6 ᫥ ⲕⲟⲩⲙⲡⲟⲩ do not follow the root templates inherited from proto-Nubian, even though they conform to the constraints on syllable form. 19.4. Prosody Both tone and stress are part of what is commonly called prosody or ‘suprasegmental’ phonology. As neither tone nor stress is encoded in Old Nubian orthography, their presence can only be ascertained indirectly, either through comparative analysis or as an explanation for otherwise obscure phonological patterns. Nilo-Saharan languages are assumed to be tone languages. Ehret (2001, 48) proposes three tones for proto-Nilo Saharan, while in the Nubian language family two tones, high and low, marked and unmarked, are attested. Unfortunately, there are few detailed descriptions of Nubian tone systems. Furthermore, the situation in the Nile Nubian group is more complicated, because Andaandi–Mattokki appears to have lost its tones, while developing a pitch stress system. Armbruster (1960, 89) fails to find any tonal distinction between homophones, and instead offers an extensive description of Andaandi stress. Abdel-Hafiz (1988, §2.3) confirms that also Mattokki has a stress system and no tone. Although Meinhof (1918–1919, 242) claimed that Nobiin had ‘only remnants of significant tones’, later research by Bell (1968) and Werner (1987, 49–77) show that Nobiin has a robust two-tone system.

19.4. PROSODY

403

The main question is whether the Nobiin tone system goes back to the protoNubian and proto-Nilo Saharan tone system, implying that Old Nubian must have had tone, or whether the Nobiin tone system is a more recent development after the entire Nile Nubian language group lost tone at an earlier stage of development, as evidenced by Andaandi–Mattokki. Evidence for both the recent development of certain aspects of the Nobiin tonal system and its ancient pedigree may perhaps be found in some of the minimal pairs provided by Bell (1968, 31) and Werner (1987, 65–66): (1020) a. N. áy, ON Ⲁⲉⲓⲗ ‘heart’, cf. N. ày, ON ⲁⲓ ‘I’; b. N. éssí, ON ⲈⲛⲤⲧ ‘sister’, cf. N. èssì ‘soup’, ON ⲉⲥⲥⲓ ‘water’. (1021) a. N. dáwwí, ON ⲇⲁⲟⲩ ‘path’, cf. N. dàwwí, ON ⲇⲁⲟⲩ ‘great, big’; b. N. ín, ON ⲉⲓⲛ ‘your’, cf. N. ìn, ON ⲉⲓⲛ ‘this’; c. N. úr, ON ⲟⲩⲣ ‘you (plural)’, cf. N. ùr, ON ⲟⲩⲣ ‘head’. In (1020), the Nobiin words with high tones display deletion, thus suggesting that in Nobiin tone is at least partially the result of phonological compensation.1 However, in (1021) no such compensation seems to have taken place, and it would be reasonable to assume that the tonal distinction would have been present in Old Nubian as well. Without further advances in comparative Nubian suprasegmental phonology, it will remain impossible to reconstruct Old Nubian prosody. However, the phonological behavior of Greek loanwords gives us some indication about the very basics of Old Nubian prosody, which we will, for our purposes below, reduce to a system that contrasts between marked and unmarked syllables. Whether this marking was expressed by tone or pitch stress cannot be decided.2 Looking at the set of Greek loanwords in Old Nubian has the advantage of knowing where the pitch accent falls, and allows us to inspect whether the place of accentuation has phonological effects. The underlying assumption is that the Greek pitch accent translated into an Old Nubian marked syllable. For example, it appears that epenthesis (§19.5.5) of -ⲓ between voiceless consonants and the plural marker -ⲅⲟⲩ is dependent on the position of the pitch accent in Greek loanwords. The following examples show no epenthesis between -ⲥ and -ⲅⲟⲩ when the final syllable is unmarked: (1022) a. SC 16.1 ᫧ [Ⲁ]ⲡⲟⲥⲧⲟⲗⲟⲥ-ⲅⲟⲩ-ⲛⲁ /aˈpos.to.los.ɡu.na/ < Gr. ἀπόστολος; b. SC 19.2 ᫧ ⲑⲣⲟⲛⲟⲥ-ⲅⲟ[ⲩ-ⲕ]ⲁ /tiˈro.nos.ɡu.ka/ < Gr. θρόνος; 1 The development of tone through deletion of the coda has, for example, been attested in Chinese (Mei 1970). 2 In phonological representations, we will prefix marked syllables with / ˈ/.

404

19. PHONOLOGY

c. P.QI 2 18.iv.6 ᫥ ⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ-ⲅⲟⲩ-ⲛⲁ /ˈaŋ.ɡel.los.ɡu.na/ < Gr. ἄγγελος; d. P.QI 2 13.i.20 ᫥ ⲁⲗⲗⲟⲫⲩⲗⲟⲥ-ⲅⲟⲩ-ⲗⲇⲉ /alˈlo.fi.los.ɡul.de/ < Gr. ἀλλόφιλος. But when the final syllable is marked, we find an epenthetic -ⲓ: (1023) a. SC 7.6 ᫥ ⲙⲁⲑⲏⲧⲓⲥ-ⲓⲅⲟⲩ-ⲅⲖⲗⲉ /ma.tiˈti.si.ɡu.ɡil.le/ < Gr. μαθητής; b. M 2.12 ᫦ ⲭⲣⲓⲥⲧⲓⲀⲛⲟⲥ-ⲓⲅⲟⲩ-ⲛ /ki.ris.ti.aˈno.si.ɡun/ < Gr. χριστιανός; c. St 3.4 ᫧ Ⲣⲕⲓⲥ-ⲓⲅⲟⲩⲗ[ⲟ?] /ir.ki+.si.ɡu.lo/, cf. N. irkīs. Comparable evidence is provided by the assimilation and deletion patterns of the topic marker -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ (§19.6.1.2). Following a marked syllable ending in a sonorant, we find deletion: (1024) a. b. c. d.

P.QI 1 4.ii.1 ᫥ ⲙⲁⲣⲓ-ⲟⲛ /maˈri.on/ < Gr. Μαρία; P.QI 1 4.i.13 ᫥ ⲡⲓⲥⲧⲉⲩ-ⲗ-ⲟⲛ /pisˈtew.lon/ < Gr. πιστεύω; M 13.14–15 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲣ-ⲟⲛ /ˈi.ron/; K 23.12 ᫦ ⲙⲁⲗⲗⲉ-ⲟⲛ /malˈle+.on/, cf. N.K.D. mallē.

When the syllable ending in a sonorant is unmarked, we find assimilation: (1025) a. b. c. d.

M 3.15 ᫥ ⲉⲦⲧⲖ-ⲗⲟⲛ /ˈit.til.lon/; SC 17.20 ᫥ Ⲉⲛⲉⲛ-ⲛⲟⲛ /ˈin.en.non/; P.QI 2 18.iii.3 ᫥ ⲇⲓⲁⲣ-ⲣⲟⲛ /ˈdi.ar.ron/; L 109.1–2 ᫥ ⲞⲥⲓⳝⲉⲀ-ⲉⲓⲟⲛ /o.si.ɟe.a.jon/.

Note that (1024d) suggests a variant of a phonological rule already suggested by Abdel-Hafiz (1988, §2.3) and Armbruster (1960, 94–95), namely that long syllables attract stress. Similarly, by default nominal and verbal roots receive stress on the first syllable. This seems to be confirmed by examples (1025a)– (1025b). The prosody of (1025d) is unclear except for the fact that its penultimate syllable is unmarked. 19.4.1. Prosodic Words Prosodic words generally coincide with syntactic words. However, there are certain contexts in which the prosodic word contains more than a single syntactic word, mainly in the case of auxiliaries (§14.1) and incorporation of indefinite objects (§15.1.3.4). Onsets and codas of prosodic words are subject to several constraints. Prosodic words are not allowed to begin with the sonorants /r, n, l/. The only sonorants found word-initially are ⲙ and ⳟ. Proper names may violate these constraints, e.g.: I.Bang 653.1 ᫥ ⲗⲟⲩⲇⲛⲟⲩⲕⲟⲩⲧ; I.Bang 478.1 ᫥

19.5. EPENTHESIS

405

ⲗⲟⲩⲅⲟⲩⲣⲁⲧⲓ; I.Bang 349.1 ᫥ ⲛⲁⲗⲉⲧ; P.QI 4 80.11 ᫥ ⲛⲁⲗⲙⲓ; I.Bang 307.1 ᫥ ⲛⲁⲗⲥⲩ; P.QI 3 36.i.15 ᫥ ⲛⲉⲩⲈⲥⲓ; I.Bang 636.1 ᫥ ⲛⲓⲁⳡⲕⲟⲛ; I.Bang 108.1 ᫥ ⲛⲟⲡⲣⲉ-; P.QI 3 47.i.4 ᫥ ⲛⲟⲩⲕⲧⲁ-; P.QI 3 34.ii.21 ᫥ ⲣⲁⲉⲓ-; P.QI 4 68.8 ᫥ ⲣⲁⲗⲓ; P.QI 3 35.11 ᫥ ⲣⲁⲙⲖ; P.QI 4 71.re.8 ᫥ ⲣⲓⲀ-. Symmetrically, prosodic words are only allowed to end with a sonorant /r, n, l/ or a vowel (§19.5.1). 19.5. Epenthesis Epenthesis is the phonological phenomenon in which a phoneme is added to an input form. In Old Nubian, only the vowels ⲓ/ⲟⲩ can be used epenthetically. The vowel -ⲓ seems to be more frequent, with -ⲟⲩ often used in the phonological context of other back vowels. This may point to a form of vowel harmony, which in turn suggests that the epenthetic vowel may have been underspecified. The precise conditions for this phenomenon remain unclear. In general, epenthesis occurs to satisfy three specific phonological rules, which will be illustrated in detail in the sections below: (1026) SYLLABLE STRUCTURE Syllables must conform to one of the structures in (1017). (1027) RIGHT EDGE OF PROSODIC WORDS Prosodic words must end in one of the sonorants /r, n, l/ or a vowel. (1028) NO RISING SONORITY Sonority may not rise across a syllable boundary. 19.5.1. End of Prosodic Words A prosodic word must end in a sonorant (cf. Hintze 1986, 289). When it does not, we find an epenthetic vowel. In particular, the appearance of the epenthetic vowel ⲓ/ⲟⲩ on certain Old Nubian nominal roots has long puzzled grammarians. Zyhlarz (1928, §65) and Hintze in G. M. Browne (1989a, vi) speak of a separate morpheme, the ‘Appositiv’, whereas G. M. Browne (2002c, §3.6.5) speaks of a ‘juncture vowel’ or ‘annective’, which is an ‘anaptyctic juncture vowel (“Bindevokal”) inserted between two words that closely cohere’. This confusion was compounded by the fact that previous accounts of this phenomenon considered the alternation between long and short personal pronouns like ⲧⲁⲣⲟⲩ and ⲧⲁⲣ as expressions of the same phenomenon. As we have shown in §10.1, this is not an allomorphic alternation, but a grammatical distinction, as both pronouns have different usages. Once we take the pronouns out of the equation, we can formulate a phonological approach to the ‘juncture vowel’ that allows us to predict its appearance in nearly all cases.

406

19. PHONOLOGY

Compare the following noun phrases: (1029) a. M 4.4–5 ᫥ ⲕⲓⲥⲥⲉ ⲙⲁⲣⲉⲰⲧⲓⲰ ⳟⲟⲛⳝⲖⲗⲁⲅⲖ ‘to the church standing in Mareotis’; b. SC 14.6–7 ᫧ ⳟⲟⲇⲟⲩ ⲉⲛⲛⲖ ‘our Lord’; c. K 19.9–10 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲛ ⲕⲟⲣⲉ ⳟⲤⲥⲟⲩ ⲧⲣⲁⲡⲤⲥⲖⲇⲱ ⲡⲖⲕⲁ ‘this holy sacrament lying on the altar’; d. St 7.4–5 ᫥ ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲓ ⲙⲚⲛⲟⳝⲟⲩⲛ ‘the reason why’; e. L 113.5–6 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲛⲛⲟⲩⲧⲁⲕⲟⲗ ‘the king that has been born’. We encounter the juncture vowel on (b) ⳟⲟⲇⲟⲩ, (c) ⳟⲤⲥⲟⲩ, and (e) ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩⲟⲩ, whereas it is absent on (a) ⲕⲓⲥⲥⲉ, (c) ⲕⲟⲣⲉ, and (d) ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲓ. The epenthetic vowels on (b) ⳟⲟⲇⲟⲩ /ŋo.du/ and (c) ⳟⲤⲥⲟⲩ /ŋis.su/ are expected. Both ⳟⲟⲇ /ŋod/ and ⳟⲤⲥ /ŋis.s/ have roots that end in an obstruent and therefore receive an epenthetic vowel to satisfy the requirement that a prosodic word ends in a sonorant. Examples (a) ⲕⲓⲥⲥⲉ /kis.se+/, (c) ⲕⲟⲣⲉ /ko.re+/, and (d) ⳝⲟⲩⲣⲓ /ɟu+.ri/ feature no epenthetic vowel because these roots end in a sonorant. Moreover, in the case of (c) ⳟⲤⲥⲟⲩ and (e) ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩⲟⲩ the epenthetic vowel prevents illicit syllable structures. Both ⳟⲤⲥ /ŋis.s/ and ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩ /ur.w/ are defective roots, which means that their final syllable is incomplete. Because all Old Nubian syllables are required to have a nucleus, we find again an epenthetic vowel: ⳟⲤⲥⲟⲩ /ŋis.su/ and ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩⲟⲩ /ur.wu/. The absence of such an epenthetic vowel is an indication that the syntactic word in question is not a prosodic word, i.e., that we are dealing with incorporation (§15.1.3.4): L 101.6–7 ᫥ ⲡⲓⲅⲓⲧ ⲕⲟⲛⳝⲓⲗⲅⲟⲩⲛⲁⲛⲟⲛ /bi.ɡit.kon.ɟil. ɡu.na.non/. 19.5.2. Adaptation of Greek Loanwords Epenthetic vowels also appear in Greek loanwords in order to make sure they conform to the rules in (1026) and (1027). Observe the following Greek loanwords: (1030) a. b. c. d.

St 1.8 ᫥ Ⲥⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲟⲩ /is.taw.ro.su/ < Gr. σταυρός; P.QI 1 10.C.i.9 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲥⲧⲖ-ⲕⲁ /us.til.ka/ < Gr. στήλη; St 11.3 ᫥ ⲑⲣⲞⲛⲟⲥ-ⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ /ti.ro.nos.ɡu.ɡa/ < Gr. θρόνος; P.QI 3 57.i.5 ᫥ ⲭⲢⲓⲥⲧⲓⲀⲛⲟⲥ-ⲣⲓ /ki.ris.ti.a.no.si.ri/ < Gr. χριστιανός.

In all four examples we find an epenthetic vowel in the first syllable in order to break up the complex onset of the Greek word. However, there is a distinction between the place of the epenthetic vowel in (a) Ⲥⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥⲟⲩ

407

19.5. EPENTHESIS

and (b) ⲟⲩⲥⲧⲖ- on one hand, and (c) ⲑⲣⲞⲛⲟⲥ- and (d) ⲭⲢⲓⲥⲧⲓⲀⲛⲟⲥ- on the other. The difference between (a)–(b), which resolve the CC- onset as VC.C-, and (c)–(d), which resolve it as CV.C-, again involves the sonority scale. Old Nubian has a split epenthesis pattern, which means that in case a CC- onset in a loanword is of falling or flat sonority, as with σταυρός and στήλη, we find edge epenthesis, while in the case of a rising sonority, as with θρόνος or χριστιανός there is internal epenthesis (Gouskova 2001). This distinction can be explained by rule (1028), which does not allow rising sonority across syllable boundaries. Nevertheless, exceptions do exist: M 10.8 ᫥ ⲦⲣⲓⲥⲀⲅⲓⲟⲛ / it.ris.a.ɡi.on/ < Gr. τρισάγιον. The sonority rule also appears to account for the spelling variations of preNubian loanwords such as the title St 34.1 ᫦ ⲭⲟⲓⲁⲕ ⲉⲔϣⲓ- ‘khoiak eikšil’, which in documentary texts is often spelled like P.QI 3 39.11 ᫥ ⲭⲉⲓⲀⲕϢϣⲖvel. sim /ki.a.kiʃ.ʃil/ (with haplology for /ki.a.ki.kiʃ.ʃil/), the syllable boundary in the loan ⲉⲔϣⲓ- /ik.ʃi/ has a rising sonority and is therefore pronounced with an epenthetic /i/, which also found its way into the orthography in documentary texts. Both in the case of suffixes in -C and -CV(C), the epenthetic vowel is correctly predicted in all cases. For the only -C suffix, the determiner -ⲗ, we find an epenthetic vowel in all cases except a root ending in a vowel. For nominal suffixes of the form -CV(C), an epenthetic vowel is added only following -VCC or -VVC. Epenthesis is, however, not the only phonological process that can be found on morpheme boundaries: assimilation and deletion also occur in certain contexts and will be discussed below. 19.5.3. C Suffixes There is only one suffix with the form -C, the determiner -ⲗ (§16.1). In this case, we find no epenthesis after a right edge in -V, and an epenthetic -ⲓ after any right edge in -C. (1031) No epenthesis after -V K 28.6 ᫥ ⲕⲓⲥⲥⲉ-ⲗ /kis.se.el/, cf. N.K. kissē; P.QI 2 12.i.14 ᫥ ⲁⲡⲟ-ⲗⲇⲉ /a.bo.ol.de/, cf. N. abō. (1032) Epenthesis after -C M 5.1 ᫥ ⳟⲟⲇ-Ⲗ /ŋo.dil/; M 8.2 /oɡ.ɟil.lon/; SC 7.14 ᫥ ⲧⲖⲗⲖ /til.lil/.

᫥

ⲟⲅⳝ-ⲓⲗⲗⲟⲛ

19.5.4. CV- Suffixes There are several suffixes that fall into this category: accusative -ⲕⲁ (§15.1.3), allative -ⲅⲓⲗ(ⲗⲉ) (§15.2.2), and passive -ⲧⲁⲕ (§13.2.3).

408

19. PHONOLOGY

The accusative marker -ⲕⲁ drops -ⲁ before vowel. The phonological realization of -ⲕⲁ can only be partially deduced from comparative evidence. Nobiin (Werner 1987, 98) and Andaandi (Armbruster 1960, 161–162) suggest that it must have been voiced between vowels, and caused devoicing of preceding voiced obstruents. (1033) No epenthesis after -V M 10.3 ᫥ ⲕⲟⲣⲉ-ⲕ⳿ /ko.re.eɡ/, cf. N. korē; K 27.7 ᫥ ⲕⲤⲥⲉ-ⲕⲁ /kis.se+.ɡa/, cf. N.K. kissē. (1034) No epenthesis after -VC SC 9.13 ᫥ ⲁⲩⲣⲟⲩⲧ-ⲕⲁ /aw.rut.ka/; SC 18.9 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲛ-ⲕⲁ /u.un.ka/, cf. N.K.D. ūn; SC 13.3 ᫦ ⲅⲁⲇ-ⲕⲁ /ɡat.ka/; SC 11.9 ᫥ ⲥⲟⲩⲙⲡⲟⲩⲧ-ⲧⲁ /sum.but.ta/ < */sum.but.ka/; M 12.15 ᫥ ϣⲁⲁⲕ-ⲕⲁ /ʃa.ak.ka/ < */ʃa.ar.ka/, cf. N. šā. (1035) Epenthesis after -CC K 22.1 ᫥ ⲧⲖⲗ-ⲓⲕⲁ /til.li.ɡa/; P.QI 3 48.8 ᫥ ⲁⲁⲥⲥ-ⲓⲕⲁ /a.as.si.ɡa/; P.QI 2 16.iv.8 ᫥ ⲥⲟⲕⲟⲙⲡ-ⲓⲕⲁ /so.ɡom.bi.ɡa/. Both -ⲅⲓⲗ(ⲗⲉ) and -ⲧⲁⲕ follow the same pattern. Occasionally we find vowel harmony between the epenthetic vowel and the root vowel: (1036) Epenthesis with vowel harmony Kanarti i.2 ᫥ ⳟⲟⲗⲧ-ⲟⲩⲕⲁ /ŋol.tu.ɡa/; SC 6.13 ᫥ ⲫⲟⲩⲣⲅ-ⲟⲩⲕⲁ /fur.ɡu.ɡa/; L 113.6 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲛⲛ-ⲟⲩⲧⲁⲕⲟⲗ /un.nu.ta.ɡol/; GAL 58.3 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲛⲛ-ⲓⲧⲁⲕⲟⲗⲗⲟⲛ /un.ni.ta.ɡol.lon/. 19.5.5. Prosodically Sensitive CV Suffixes Plural -ⲅⲟⲩ (§16.3.3) shows an epenthesis pattern that is sensitive to marked (stressed/high-tone) syllables (§19.4). (1037) No epenthesis after -V K 24.9 ᫥ ⳟⲁⲡⲉ-ⲅⲟⲩⲛ /ŋa.be.ɡun/; P.QI 2 16.vi.4 ᫥ ⲥⲉⲛⲛⲁ-ⲅⲟⲩⲉ /sen.na.ɡu.we/; St 3.12–13 ᫥ ⲤⲕⲧⲖⲇⲱⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ /is.ki.til.do.ɡu.ɡa/. (1038) No epenthesis after unmarked -C P.QI 2 18.iv.6 ᫥ ⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ-ⲅⲟⲩⲛⲁ /ˈaŋ.ɡel.los.ɡu.na/ < Gr. ἄγγελος; P.QI 2 13.i.20 ᫥ ⲁⲗⲗⲟⲫⲩⲗⲟⲥⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇⲉ /alˈlo.fi.los.ɡul.de/ < Gr. ἀλλόφιλος; SC 18.20 ᫥ ⲧⲟⲩⲕⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ /ˈtu.uɡ.ɡu.ɡa/, cf. N. tūg; P.QI 1 5.i.16 ᫥ ⲧⲟⲩⲕⲟⲩⲣⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ /ˈtu. ɡur.ɡu.ka/. (1039) (Optional?) epenthesis after marked -C SC 7.6 ᫥ ⲙⲁⲑⲏⲧⲓⲥ-ⲓⲅⲟⲩⲅⲖⲗⲉ /ma.tiˈti.si.ɡu.ɡil.le/ < Gr. μαθητής; M 2.12 ᫦ ⲭⲣⲓⲥⲧⲓⲀⲛⲟⲥⲓⲅⲟⲩ-ⲛ /ki.ris.ti.aˈno.si.ɡun/ < Gr. χριστιανός; M 2.9 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲩⲧⲣⲁⲡⲓⲅⲟⲩ-ⲗⲱ /duˈtraa.bi.ɡu.lo/ ∼ M 13.5–6 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲩⲧⲣⲁⲡⲅⲟⲩⲗⲟ; SC 4.19 ⲕⲁⲡⲟⲡⲓⲅⲟⲩ-ⲕⲁ /kaˈboo.bi.ɡu.ka/. (1040) Epenthesis after -CC St 14.7–8 ᫥ ϩⲁⲣⲙ-ⲓⲅⲟⲩⲛ /har.mi.ɡun/; L 104.2 ᫥ ⲥⲓⲡⲡ-ⲓⲅⲟⲩⲛ /sip.pi.ɡun/.

19.6. ASSIMILATION AND DELETION

409

19.6. Assimilation and Deletion Assimilation is a phonological process by which one segment takes over some or all properties of an adjacent segment. Assimilation can either occur progressively, in which one segment influences another adjacent to its right edge (§19.6.1), or regressively, in which one segment influences another adjacent to its left edge (§19.6.2). Both forms of assimilation have been attested in Old Nubian, the great majority involving the assimilation of /l/ or /r/. Deletion is a relatively rare phenomenon, only attested with one morpheme, the topic marker -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ, in a specific phonological context. As Hintze (1986, 291) already remarked, ‘Bei der Durcharbeitung des altnubischen Materials macht man bald die Beobachtung, daß die Handschriften die Assimilationsregeln nicht immer befolgen, so daß assimilierte Formen neben nicht assimilierten stehen’. In other words, it may be that Old Nubian orthography, which like all orthography is conservative, does not reveal all instances of assimilation. He provides two examples, St 34.10–11 ᫦ ⲧⲁⳟⲤⲥⲓⲇⲇⲟ and St 12.9 ᫥ ⲧⲁⳟⲤⲗⲇⲱ. The former would be ‘mehr von der phonetischen oder phonologischen Oberflächform beeinflußt’, whereas the latter would be the ‘“etymologische” Schreibung’. 19.6.1. Progressive Assimilation In progressive assimilation one segment influences the properties of another segment adjacent to its right edge. As far as we can deduce from Old Nubian orthography, there is only full progressive assimilation, which occurs with the dative suffix -ⲗⲁ and the locative marker -ⲗⲟ (§19.6.1.1), topic marker -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ (§19.6.1.2), and present tense suffix -ⲗ (§19.6.1.3) in certain phonological contexts. 19.6.1.1. Locative -ⲗⲟ and Dative -ⲗⲁ Etymologically, the initial -ⲗ of the dative and locative suffixes was most probably the determiner -ⲗ (§16.1), as shown by the fact that inherently determinate nominals such as personal pronouns (§10.1.1.4) and proper names have a dative and locative in -ⲁ and -ⲟ, respectively. Like the plural marker -ⲅⲟⲩ (§19.5.5), it seems that both suffixes are prosodically sensitive in certain contexts. (1041) No epenthesis after -V K 27.2 ᫥ ⲕⲤⲥⲉ-ⲗⲁ /kis.se+.la/; SC 6.9 ⲧⲢ[ⲡⲓ]ⲧⲓⲕⲉ-ⲗⲁ /tir.bi.ti.ɡe.la/; L 100.2 ᫥ ⲧⲟⲩ-ⲗⲟ /tu+.lo/.

᫧

(1042) Epenthesis after -CC (not always written) P.QI 3 30.31 ᫥ ⲕⲁⲇⲇⲓⲗⲟ /kad.di.lo/; L 109.2 ᫥ ⲕⲟⲥⲕⲁⲧⲧ-ⲗⲞ /kos.kat.ti.lo/; L 113.3 ᫥ ⲙⲁϣⲁⲗⲟⲥⲕ-ⲗⲞ, L 113.7 ᫥ ⲙⲁϣⲁⲗⲟⲥⲕ-ⲓⲗⲟ /ma.ʃa.los.ki.lo/, but

410

19. PHONOLOGY

P.QI 1 11.ii.11 ᫥ ⲙⲁϣⲁⲗⲟⲥⲕⲗⲱ; St 30.3 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲕⲢⲧ-ⲗⲞ /u.ɡir.ti.lo/; P.QI 1 7.ii.18 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲗⲅ-ⲗⲞ /ul.ɡi.lo-/ ∼ SC 7.1 ᫦ ⲟⲩⲗⲅ-ⲗⲁ; St 11.10 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲣⲕ-ⲗⲀ /bar.ki.la/; P.QI 1 4.ii.7–8 ᫥ ⲥⲉⲩⲁⲣⲧ-ⲗⲞ, P.QI 1 7.ii.22 ᫥ ⲥⲉⲩⲁⲣⲧ-ⲓⲗⲟ /se.war.ti.lo/; L 108.4 ᫥ ⲧⲁⳟⲥⲗⲞ /ta.ŋis.lo-/ ∼ M 16.1 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲛⲥ-ⲗⲟ-; SC 17.23 ᫥ ⲧⲖⲗ-ⲓⲗⲁ- /til.li.la/; P.QI 1 9.ii.12 ᫥ ϩⲁⲣⲙⲗⲀ /har.mi.la/ ∼ P.QI 1 8.i.13 ᫥ ϩⲁⲣⲙⲗⲁ-.

Progressive assimilation occurs only after the two sonorants /-n, -r/. After other sonorants or voiced consonants, neither assimilation nor epenthesis occurs: (1043) Progressive assimilation after /-n, -r/ SC 22.11 ᫥ ⲉⲚ-ⲛⲟ- /in.no-/ < */in.lo-/; SC 24.11–12 ᫥ ⲇⲓⲁⲣ-ⲣⲁ /di+.ar.ra/ < */di+.ar.la/; SC 19.19 ᫥ ⲕⲟⲈⲣ-ⲣⲟ- /ko.ir.ro/ < */ko.ir.lo/; P.QI 3 36.15 ᫥ ⲥⲓⲅⲉⲣⲚ-ⲛⲁ /si.ɡe.rin.na/ < */si.ɡe.rin.la/. (1044) No epenthesis/assimilation after other voiced -C SC 5.18 ᫥ ⲅⲟⲩⲗ-ⲗⲁ /ɡul.la/; SC 4.17 ᫥ ⲉⲖ-ⲗⲟ /il.lo/; P.QI 2 16.v.5 ᫥ ⳝⲉⲙ-ⲗⲟ /ɟem.lo/; P.QI 1 5.ii.14 ᫥ ⳟⲟⲇ-ⲗⲟ- /ŋo.od.lo/, P.QI 1 9.ii.14 ᫥ ⳟⲟⲗ-ⲗⲟ- /ŋo.ol. lo-/ < */ŋo.od.lo-/ (with regressive assimilation); M 12.14 ᫥ ⳟⲟⲅ-ⲗⲟ /ŋo.oɡ.lo/. But: P.QI 4 89.re.1 ᫥ ⲧⲟⲩⳡ-ⲓⲗⲟ /tu.ɲi.lo/, perhaps because /ɲl/ is an illicit consonant sequence. The epenthesis pattern after voiceless consonants is more difficult to grasp. It appears as if both suffixes follow the pattern of the plural suffix -ⲅⲟⲩ, but there are numerous exceptions. Perhaps Greek loanwords should not be considered as indicative of the overall pattern: (1045) Epenthesis after marked voiceless -C in Greek loans P.QI 3 30.18 ᫥ Ⲉⲡⲓⲙⲁⲭⲟⲥ-ⲓⲗⲟ /e.bi.maˈɡo.si.lo/ < Gr. Ἐπιμαχός; K 20.4–5 ᫥ ⲓⲉⲣⲉⲞⲥ-ⲓⲗⲟ- /i.e.reˈo.si.lo/ < Gr. ἱερεύς; P.QI 1 10.B.i.11 ᫧ ]ⲕⲓⲞⲥⲟⲩⲗⲟ- /-kiˈo.su.lo/; St 8.12 ᫥ Ⲥⲧⲁⲩⲣⲟⲥ-ⲓⲗⲟ /is.tawˈro.si.lo/ < Gr. σταυρός. (1046) No epenthesis after unmarked voiceless -C in Greek loans SC 4.1–2 ᫥ ⲑⲁⲗⲁⲥ-ⲗⲁ /ˈta.las.la/ < Gr. θάλασσα; SC 11.15 ᫥ ⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥ-ⲗⲁ /ˈkos.mos.la/ < Gr. κόσμος, but L 107.4–5 ᫥ ⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥⲗⲞ, L 109.2–3 ᫧ ⲕⲟⲥⲙ[ⲟ]ⲥⲓⲗⲟ; SC 13.14 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲣⲁⲇⲉⲓⲥⲟⲥⲗⲁ /baˈra.di.sos.la/ < Gr. παράδεισος; SC 13.13 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲣⲑⲉⲛⲟⲥⲗⲟ /barˈte.nos.lo/ < Gr. παρθένος, but L 112.8 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲣⲑⲉⲛⲟⲥ-ⲗⲞ. With Old Nubian words, epenthesis appears optional, at least in the orthography, although there appears a preference for no epenthesis: (1047) Optional epenthesis after voiceless -C SC 5.2 ᫥ ⲇⲓⲕⲓⲥ-ⲗⲁ /di.ɡis. la/; P.QI 3 35.16 ᫥ ⲌⲧⲗⲞ /ko.lo.ti.lo/; SC 15.17–18 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲇⲁⲛⲕⲁⲧⲗⲁ /u.dan.kat.la/; P.QI 1 4.i.20–21 ᫥ ⲟⲩⲇⲓⲣⲓⲧⲗⲞ /u.di.ri.ti.lo/; SC 2.10–

19.6. ASSIMILATION AND DELETION

11

᫥

ⲟⲩⲗⲗⲟⲩⲧⲧ-ⲗⲁ- /ul.lut.la-/; SC 4.18

L 100.13 ᫥ ⲧⲣⲓⲧ-ⲗⲞ /ti.ri.tilo/.

᫥

411

ⲡⲁⲗⲕⲓⲧ-ⲗⲁ /bal.kit.la/;

19.6.1.2. Topic Marker -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ A combination of progressive assimilation and deletion occurs in the case of the topic marker -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ (§5.1). The initial glide ⲉⲓ probably derives from an earlier ⲗ, which has been retained in a few rare forms such as P.QI 3 36.i.18 ᫥ ⲕⲁⲗⲟ-ⲗⲟⲛ and P.QI 3 42.6 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲣⲓⲞⲕⲁⲗⲟ-ⲗⲟⲛ. The topic marker -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ is sensitive to prosody. After an obstruent, we always find deletion: (1048) Deletion after -O P.QI 4 91.re.2 ᫥ ⲁⲓⲕ-ⲟⲛ /aj.ɡon/; M 1.11 ᫥ ⲇⲓⲉⲓⲕ-ⲟⲛ /di+.ɡon/; M 6.13–14 ⲕⲟⲩⲙⲡⲟⲩⲕ-ⲟⲛ /kum.bu.ɡon/; WN 12 ᫥ ⳟⲁⲡⲉⲅⲟⲩⲕ-ⲟⲛ /ŋa.be.ɡu.ɡon/. After a sonorant, the initial glide is either deleted or assimilated depending on the markedness of the preceding syllable. Again we can deduce this from Greek loans: (1049) Deletion after marked -S P.QI 2 24.14 ᫥ ⲁⲓ-ⲟⲛ /ˈa.jon/; M 13.14–15 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲣ-ⲟⲛ /ˈi.ron/; K 23.12 ᫦ ⲙⲁⲗⲗⲉ-ⲟⲛ /malˈle+.on/, cf. N.K.D. mallē; P.QI 1 4.ii.1 ᫥ ⲙⲁⲣⲓ-ⲟⲛ /maˈri.on/ < Gr. Μαρία; P.QI 1 5.ii.22 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲗⲗ-ⲟⲛ /ˈbal.lon/; P.QI 1 4.i.13 ᫥ ⲡⲓⲥⲧⲉⲩⲗ-ⲟⲛ /bisˈtew.lon/ < Gr. πιστεύω. (1050) Assimilation after unmarked -S P.QI 2 18.iii.3 ᫥ ⲇⲓⲁⲣ-ⲣⲟⲛ /di.ar.ron/; SC 17.20 ᫥ Ⲉⲛⲉⲛ-ⲛⲟⲛ /in.en.non/; M 3.15 ⲉⲦⲧⲖⲗⲟⲛ /it.til.lon/; L 109.1–2 ᫥ ⲞⲥⲓⳝⲉⲀ-ⲉⲓⲟⲛ /o.si.ɟe.a.jon/; fr 1.ii.6 ⳟⲁⲓ-ⲉⲓⲟⲛ /ŋa+.i.jon/, cf. N. nāi. 19.6.1.3. Present Tense -ⲗ The present tense suffix -ⲗ shows progressive assimilation after a sonorant. This doesn’t occur in 2/3SG forms, because in these cases the present tense suffix has already regressively assimilated with the 2/3SG -ⲛ. (1051) Progressive assimilation after -S P.QI A i.1 ᫥ Ⲥⲕⲉⲗ-ⲗⲉ- /is.kel.le/; P.QI 4 95.re.1 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲩⲕⲘ-ⲙⲉ- /du.ɡim.me/; SC 2.13 ᫥ ⲉⲚ-ⲛⲁ- /in.na/; FE ii.1 ᫧ ⲉⳝⳝⲢ-ⲣⲟⲩ /ec.cir.ru/. 19.6.2. Regressive Assimilation Complete regressive assimilation mainly occurs on so-called weak roots ending in /-r/ (§19.6.2.1.1). Other occurrences are with verbal suffixes in -ⲗ

412

19. PHONOLOGY

(§19.6.1.3), the determiner -ⲗ (§16.1), negative suffix -ⲙⲓⲛ (§19.6.2.1.4), and causative suffix -ⲅⲁⲣ and auxiliary ⲅⲁⲣ (§19.6.2.1.5). Partial regressive assimilation is considerably less frequent. There are traces of palatalization before the pluractional suffix -ⳝ (§19.6.2.2.1) and also rare sandhi between vowels (§19.6.2.2.2). 19.6.2.1. Complete Regressive Assimilation 19.6.2.1.1. Weak Roots There is a class of nominal and verbal roots showing a frequent orthographical alternation between root-final ⲣ, ⲗ, and ⲇ, as well as extensive regressive assimilation and deletion patterns not witnessed with other roots. There have been several theories about the phonological nature of this phoneme or group of phonemes. Rilly (2010, 255n1) sees this instability as inherited from PN *r, whereas Bechhaus-Gerst (2011, 28) suggests it may have been a retroflex [ɽ].3 Retroflex or apico-alveolar consonants have been attested in Nubian languages. Jakobi (In preparation) proposes the apico-alveolar consonants [ṭ, ḍ] and retroflex [ɽ] for Proto-Kordofan Nubian, while Andaandi /d/ is also realized as apico-alveolar [ḍ]. Furthermore, Rilly (2007, 382) proposes the existence of retroflex [ȿ] in Meroitic, which would also explain the frequent occurrence of ϣ in Meroitic loans such as ⲙⲁϣⲁⲣ ‘sun’ and the pre-Nubian titles ⲅⲟⲩϣ, ϣⲟⲩⳟ, and ⳟⲉϣϣ. Contemporary grammars of Nubian languages have dealt differently with the phenomenon of weak roots. In his grammar of Andaandi, Armbruster (1960, §269) proposes a ‘hypothetical sound *∂’ which may be ‘represented sometimes by d, sometimes by r, and after l by l’, occurring in basically the same contexts as the Old Nubian ‘unstable’ ⲣ. In his grammar of Nobiin, Werner (1987, 98) simply marks the phoneme /*l/, incorrectly suggesting this is remainder of the ‘Old Nubian determiner’. As I argue below, the most reasonable candidate for the root-final phoneme of weak roots is simply /r/. The origin of weak nominal and pronominal roots may perhaps be sought in a proto-NES determiner *-r(V) (Rilly 2010, 381). For example, ⳟⲁⲡⲢ is an Egyptian loanword deriving from nb, which does not feature a final /-r/, which may have been added after it was loaned, but before *-r(V) > ON -ⲗ. The same may hold for the noun ϣⲟⲣ < Dem. šꜥ.t. Etymologically, weak pronominal roots such as ⲧⲁⲣ, which is reconstructed as PN *te (Rilly 2010, 429), also do not have a final /-r/ and may have been marked with a determiner at a later stage in their development. 3 This would align with Wedekind (2010)’s suggestion that the character ⲣ may have represented Blemmyan [ɖ].

19.6. ASSIMILATION AND DELETION

413

There are weak nominal (§19.6.2.1.1), pronominal (§19.6.2.1.1), and verbal (§19.6.2.1.1) roots. Additionally, the nominalizer -ⲇⲉⲣ (§18.1.2) and the conjunction -ⲇⲉⲕⲉⲣ (§9.1.3) are weak. Weak Nominal Roots Weak nominal roots in ⲣ, ⲗ, or ⲇ most probably all end etymologically in a rhotic sound and show extensive assimilation and deletion patterns. This becomes clear once we compare regular roots in /-l/, such as ⲥⲁⲗ ‘word’, cf. N. sal; ⲕⲉⲗ ‘limit’, cf. N.K.D. kēl, with weak nominal roots in /-r/4: ⲁⲉⲓⲣ ‘heart’, cf. N. āi(l), K.D. ā; ⲁⲩⲈⲣ ‘ship’; ⲇⲁⲩⲉⲢ, ⲇⲁⲩⲟⲩⲣ ‘great’, cf. N. dáwi(r), dáwu, K.D. dūl; ⲉⳟⳟⲁⲣ ‘brother’, cf. N. eŋga(r); ⲅⲟⲩⲣ ‘ground’, cf. N. gur, K.D. kū; ⲕⲁⲕⲢ ‘first-born’, cf. N. kakē, D. kaga; ⲙⲁϣⲁⲣ ‘sun’, cf. N. maša(r), K.D. masil; ⲧⲁⲣ ‘girl’; ⲧⲉⲣ ‘grave’, cf. N.K. tē; ⲧⲟⲣⲡⲁⲣ ‘farmer’, cf. N. torba(r), K.D. torbar; ϣⲁⲣ ‘door’; ϣⲟⲣ ‘book’; ⳟⲁⲣ ‘son’, cf. N. ga(r); ⳟⲁⲡⲢ ‘gold’, cf. N. nab, D. nobre, K. nobrē; ⳟⲉⲉⲓⲣ ‘thing’. For those roots that have been preserved in present-day Nile Nubian languages, we either find /-r/ or nothing. Moreover, the weak pronominal (§19.6.2.1.1) and verbal roots (§19.6.2.1.1) also consistently end in /-r/. In spite of this apparent phonological regularity, the orthographical expression of this phoneme far from consistent. (1052) Without suffix, optional deletion or epenthesis St 12.4 ᫥ ⲀⲉⲖ ∼ SC 18.19 ᫥ ⲁⲓ; M 4.6 ᫥ ⲁⲟⲩⲗ⳿; M 3.13 ᫥ ⲕⲁⲕⲖ; M 4.1 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲗ⳿; SC 17.17 ᫥ ⳟⲁⲇ ∼ P.QI 2 16.ii.4 ᫥ ⳟⲁⲇⲟⲩ (epenthesis after full root); P.QI 3 31.8 ᫥ ⳟⲁⲡⲖ (very frequent) ∼ P.QI 3 32.17 ᫥ ⳟⲁⲡⲓ (hapax); P.QI 2 24.14 ᫥ ⳟⲉⲉⲓ ∼ St 6.5 ᫥ ⳟⲉⲉⲓⲟⲩ. (1053) Plural root in /-i/ Dong 1.ii.10 ᫥ ⲁⲩⲉⲓ-ⲅⲟⲩⲗ; M 2.8 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲉⲓ-ⲅⲟⲩⲗ; P.QI 1 9.ii.17 ᫥ ⳟⲉⲉⲓ-ⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲟⲛ. Sometimes the original /-i/ is still visible with the plural predicate marker: St 4.10 ᫥ ⲁⲓ-ⲀⲅⲟⲩⲈⲥⲚ; SC 7.17 ᫥ ⲁⲩⲈ-ⲅⲟⲩⲈⲥⲚ; St 8.4 ᫥ ⲉⳟⳟⲁⲉ-ⲅⲟⲩⲈⲕⲉ. In two instances, we find the full root instead, perhaps as a hypercorrect formation analogous to regular plurals: L 112.13 ᫥ Ⲁⲉⲓⲗ-ⲅⲟⲩⲗⲁⲅⲓⲗ; P.QI 1 13.i.8 ᫥ ϣⲁⲗ-ⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁ. (1054) Assimilation before /d, k, l, n/ K 21.5 ᫥ ⲁⲉⲖ-ⲗⲟ; K 25.5 ᫥ ⲁⲓⲉⲓⲛ-ⲛⲁ; P.QI 2 25.4 ᫥ ⲁⲩⳣⲏⲗ-ⲗⲁ; M 14.13 ᫥ ⲕⲁⲕⲔ-ⲕⲁ; SC 18.7 ᫥ ⲙⲁϣⲁⲕ-ⲕⲁ; SC 6.11 ᫥ ⲙⲁϣⲁⲛ-ⲛⲁ M 7.9 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲁⲇ-ⲇⲁⲗ; P.QI 2 14.i.18 ᫥ ϣⲁⲁⲇ-ⲇⲱ; M 12.15 ᫥ ϣⲁⲁⲕ-ⲕⲁ; St 12.13 ᫥ ϣⲟⲕ-ⲕⲁ; L 100.3 ᫥ ⳟⲁⲕ-ⲕⲟⲛ. Gemination is not always written: P.QI 4 11.re.1 ᫥ ⲉⳟⳟⲁⲕ-ⲕⲁⲛⲉⲕⲁ ∼ P.QI 4 94.re.7 ᫥ Ⲉⳟⲁ-ⲕⲁⲛⲉⲕⲁ; P.QI 1 6.i.8 ᫥ ⲧⲉⲗ-ⲗⲁ ∼ P.QI 1 5.i.17 ᫥ ⲧⲉ-ⲗⲁⲉⲓⲟⲛ; P.QI 4 68.11 ᫥ ⳟⲁⲗ-ⲗⲟ ∼ P.QI 4 64.9 ᫦ ⳟⲁ-ⲗⲟ; St 31.13 ᫥ ⳟⲉⲉⲓⲕ-ⲕⲁ ∼ P.QI 3 48.3 ᫥ ⳟⲉⲉⲓ-ⲕⲁ. 4

G. M. Browne (1996c) in most cases gives a dictionary form in -ⲗ.

414

19. PHONOLOGY

Also, the assimilation is not always written out. It is unclear whether this is ‘etymological spelling’ or an actual reflection of a difference in pronunciation: gr 13.15 ᫥ ⲁⲓⲕⲕⲁ ∼ K 33.2 ᫥ ⲁⲉⲖ-ⲕⲁ; M 9.14 ᫥ ⲁⲟⲩⲕ-ⲕⲟⲛ, M ᫥ 4.2 ⲁⲩⲉⲔ ∼ SC 2.5 ᫥ ⲁⲩⲟⲩⲗ-ⲕⲁ, P.QI 2 25.4 ᫥ ⲁⳣⲏⲗⲕⲁ; P.QI 1 4.ii.17 ᫥ ⲧⲉⲇ-ⲇⲱ ∼ P.QI 1 5.i.14 ᫥ ⲧⲉⲗ-ⲇⲱ; M 15.13 ᫥ ⲅⲁⲇ⳿-ⲇⲉ ∼ M 15.16 ᫥ ⳟⲁⲗ-ⲇⲉ. When followed by the determiner -ⲗ or the genitive -ⲛ, the suffix fuses with the root: St 34.7 ᫥ ⲀⲉⲚ; M 8.8 ᫥ Ⲁⲟⲩⲛ⳿; P.QI 1 4.i.3 ᫥ ⲉⳟⳟⲁⲗ; Dong 1.i.21 ᫥ ⲙⲁϣⲁⲛ; P.QI 1 6.i.6 ᫥ ⲧⲉⲛ; L 106.12 ᫥ ⳟⲁⲗ; M 14.12 ᫥ ⳟⲁⲛ; P.QI 1 8.i.9 ᫥ ⳟⲁⲡⲚ; M 2.2 ᫥ ⳟⲉⲉⲚ. The noun ⲅⲟⲩⲗ ‘ground’ behaves as if in certain contexts it was not pronounced /ɡul/ but /ɡu.il/. Several attested forms suggest the existence of such a glide: L 105.8 ᫥ ⲅⲟⲩⲇ; SC 6.15 ᫥ ⲅⲟⲩⲗ; SC 5.18 ᫥ ⲅⲟⲩⲗⲗⲁ; but P.QI 3 40.13 ᫧ ⲅⲟⲩⲆⲕⲁ /ɡu.ir.ka/; P.QI 1 7.1.15 ᫥ ⲅⲟⲩⲉⲗⲱ; P.QI 3 40.16 ᫥ ⲅⲟⲩⲇⲓⲛ (with metathesis, or perhaps spelling error). A limited form of regressive assimilation can be observed with the following roots: ⲟⲩⲉⲗ ‘one’, cf. N.K.D. wēr; ⲟⲩⲕⲓⲗ ‘day’, cf. N. ug(r), D. ug, K. ugr-ēs; ⲉⲗ ‘time, age’. They only assimilate their final consonant before genitive -ⲛ(ⲁ). Weak Verbal Roots The class of weak verbal roots is considerably smaller than those of weak nominal roots, but contains frequently used verbs. In G. M. Browne (1996c) most of them are cited as ending in ⲣ, except ⲇⲟⲩⲗ: ⲇⲟⲩⲣ ‘to exist’; ⲕⲓⲣ ‘to come’, cf. N.K.D. kir; ⲡⲁⲣ ‘to write’, cf. N. fai; ⲧⲉⲉⲓⲣ ‘to hope’; ⲧⲓⲣ ‘to give (to second or third person)’, cf. N.K.D. tir; ⳝⲟⲩⲣ ‘to go’, cf. N. jōr, K.D. jū; ⳟⲁⲣ ‘to save’(?). (1055) Assimilation before /t, d, ɟ, k, m, n, s, l/ St 23.3 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲩⲇ-ⲇⲛⲁ; L 108.1 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲩⲙ-ⲙⲓⲛⲛⲉⲗⲟ; P.QI 1 13.i.5 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲩⲛ-ⲛⲁ; P.QI 2 21.i.27 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲩⲥ-ⲥⲟ; P.QI 2 24.3 ᫥ ⲕⲔ-ⲕⲁⲛⲛⲟⲗⲟⲛ; P.QI 1 4.i.5 ᫥ ⲧⲆ-ⲇⲉⲕⲕⲁ; P.QI 3 30.19 ᫥ ⲧⲔ-ⲕⲁⲓⲟ; SE A.i.4 ᫧ ⲧⲓⲛ-ⲛⲁⲥ[ⲱ]; K 22.2 ᫥ ⲧⲦ-ⲧⲁⲙⲏ; M 9.4 ᫥ Ⲧⳝ-ⳝⲁⲛⲁⲥⲁ. Gemination is not always written: SC 24.2 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲩⲗ-ⲗⲁⳟⲁⲥⲚ ∼ SC 19.8 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲩⲗⲁⳟⲉⲥⲚ; L 103.7 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲩ-ⲛ; M 8.2 ᫥ ⲕⲓ-ⲥⲛⲁ; Dong 1.i.17 ᫥ ⳝⲱ-ⲇⲘⲙⲁⲛⲁ. Passive -ⲧⲁⲕ does not seem to trigger assimilation: K 21.26 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲣⲧⲁⲕⲟⲕⲕⲁ; P.QI 3 30.1 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲣ-ⲑⲁⲕⲟⲛⲁ. (1056) Optional deletion before vowel Only observed with ⳝⲟⲩⲣ and ⲇⲟⲩⲣ: P.QI 2 21.ii.2 ᫥ ⳝⲟⲣ-ⲟⲛⲁ ∼ P.QI 2 26.5 ᫥ ⳝⲱ-ⲉⲛ; M 1.7 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲩ-Ⲁⲣⲁ; K 27.2 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲩ-Ⲉⲥⲟ; P.QI 1 10.C.ii.3 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲩ-Ⲟⲛⲁⲥⲟ. Perhaps this suggests that ⲇⲟⲩⲣ also has a long root vowel /du+r/. The two weak verbs with short root vowel /i/, ⲧⲓⲣ and ⲕⲓⲣ show a more complex pattern of optional deletion: P.QI 3 48.1 ᫥ ⲕⲣ-Ⲉⲥⲟ, P.QI 1 4.ii.7 ᫥ ⲕⲣ-Ⲁ, P.QI 1 9.i.6 ᫥ ⲕⲣ-ⲈⲥⲚⲛⲟⲕⲟ- (with /kir-/) ∼ P.QI 1 9.i.10 ᫥ ⲕⲣ-ⲉⲛ, P.QI 1 4.i.17 ᫥ ⲕⲣ-ⲟⲗ (with /k(i)r-/) ∼ M 7.14 ᫥

19.6. ASSIMILATION AND DELETION

415

ⲕⲓ-ⲉⲛ, K 25.13 ᫥ ⲕⲉⲓ-ⲁ, SC 8.3 ᫥ ⲕⲓ-ⲁ, P.QI 3 53.7 ⲕⲓ-Ⲉ, P.QI 1 5.i.26 ⲕⲓ-ⲟⲗ (with /ki-/). The verb ⲧⲓⲣ often deletes the root vowel: P.QI 3 45.5 ᫥ ⲧⲣ-ⲟⲗ; ostr 6.4 ᫥ ⲧⲣ-ⲉⲥⲁ; gr 4.5 ᫥ ⲧⲣ-ⲁ, although we also find SC 13.6 ᫥ ⲧⲉ-ⲛⲓⲀ. ᫥

The verb ⲡⲁⲣ ‘to write’ seems to behave like the noun ⲅⲟⲩⲗ (§19.6.2.1.1), showing the presence of a (semi)vowel /i/ in certain forms, which is confirmed by the N. cognate fai: P.QI 2 21.i.11 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲉⲓⲥⲉ; P.QI 3 37.35 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲉⲓ-ⲟⲗⲗⲟ; M 10.12 ᫥ ⲡⲁⲉⲚⲟⲩⲀ. A limited form of regressive assimilation can be observed with the verb ⳟⲁⲗ ‘to see’, cf. N.K.D. nal. Besides the regressive assimilation, the verbs ⳟⲁⲗ and ⲕⲓⲣ also show alternations in the root vowel: M 8.2 ⲕⲓⲥⲛⲁ ∼ L 113.7 ᫥ ⲕⲁⲥⲥⲟ-; P.QI 3 51.4 ᫥ ⲕⲆⲇⲓⳣⲓ ∼ P.QI 2 15.ii.9 ⲕⲁⲇⲇⲘⲙⲁ; K 28.5 ᫥ ⳟⲁⲗⲓⳝⲘⲙⲉ ∼ M 10.15 ᫥ ⳟⲖⲥⲛⲁ ∼ P.QI 16.v.5 ⳟⲗⲓⲥⲉ. It is unclear under which conditions this occurs. Pronominal Roots weak (§10.1.2).

The pronouns ⲉⲓⲣ, ⲧⲁⲣ, ⲉⲣ, ⲟⲩⲣ, and ⲧⲉⲣ are all

19.6.2.1.2. Verbal Suffixes in -ⲗ The present tense suffix -ⲗ and the past 2 tense suffix -ⲥⲓⲗ found on verbal nouns show regressive assimilation. The most frequent occurrence is with 2/3SG present tense forms, in which the present tense */-l-n/ consistently assimilates to /-(n)n/. Otherwise, regressive assimilation of -ⲗ and -ⲥⲓⲗ occurs in verbal nouns (§17.2.1), where it comes in contact with case markers such as the genitive -ⲛ and the accusative -ⲕⲁ. Before the genitive we find consistent deletion, whereas before the accusative we find a mixed picture, in which in regressive assimilation does not appear predictable. (1057) Deletion before /-n/ P.QI 2 18.iv.4 ᫥ ⲡⲉⲗⲚ /be.lin/ < */belil-n/; SC 3.10 ᫥ ⲕⲟⲛⳝⲓⲛ /kon.ɟin/ < */konɟil-n/; Regressive Assimilation before /-k/ SC 19.14 ᫥ ⲉⲥⲕⲓⲧⲁⲕⲥⲔⲕⲁ /es.ki. tak.sik.ka/; P.QI 3 53.2 ᫥ ⲟⲥⲥⲔⲕⲁ /os.sik.ka/; KD 15 ᫥ ⲥⲉⳣⲓⲥⲔⲕⲁ /se.wi.sik.ka/; K 22.3 ᫥ ⲦⳝⳝⲔⲕⲁⲥⲓⲛ /tic.cik.ka.sin/; P.QI 3 34.ii.5 ᫥ ⳝⲁⲛⲓⲥⲔⲕⲁ /ɟa.ni.sik.ka/; SC 22.7 ᫧ ⳝⲱⲟⲕ[ⲕⲁ] /ɟo+.ok.ka/; SC 7.16 ᫥ ⳟⲔⲕⲔⲕⲁ /ŋik.kik.ka/; No regressive assimilation before /-k/ K 29.11 ᫥ ⲁⲩⲟⲗⲕⲁ /a+.wol.ka/; SE A.i.12 ᫥ ⲇⲟⲗⲗⲓⲥⲖⲕⲁ /dol.li.sil.ka/; St 12.9 ᫥ ⲡⲁⳡⳡⲖⲕⲁ /baɲ.ɲil. ka/; P.QI 1 7.i.12 ᫥ ⲥⲟⲩⲕⲕⲟⲗⲕⲁ /suk.kol.ka/; P.QI 4 110.ve.2 ᫥ ⲧⲁⲣⲟⲩⲉⲓⲧⲁⲕⲖⲕⲁ /tar.wi.ta.ɡil.ka/.

416

19. PHONOLOGY

19.6.2.1.3. Determiner -ⲗ Before the superessive -ⲇⲟ (§15.2.3) and comitative -ⲇⲁⲗ (§15.2.5), the determiner -ⲗ sometimes shows assimilation: St 34.10–11 ᫧ ⲧⲁⳟⲤⲥⲓⲇⲇⲟ ∼ St 12.9 ᫥ ⲧⲁⳟⲤⲗⲇⲱ; P.QI 2 15.ii.11 ⳝⲓⲙⲙⲖⲅⲟⲩⲇⲇⲁⲗ ∼ St 2.7–8 ᫥ ⳝⲘⲙⲖⲅⲟⲩⲗⲇⲁⲗ. In both cases the orthography may be conservative or even etymological, as in most cases the determiner no longer appears at all. 19.6.2.1.4. Negative Suffix -ⲙⲓⲛ The negative suffix -ⲙⲓⲛ (§12.2) always regressively assimilates to the past 2 tense suffix -ⲥ: (1058) Regressive assimilation before -ⲥ P.QI 2 14.i.11 ᫥ ⲁⲕⲓⲙⲤⲥⲓⲕⲁ /a+.ɡi.mis.se.ɡa/; St 6.3 ᫥ ⲇⲉⲕⲕⲓⲅⲢⲙⲤ-ⲥⲉⲗⲟ /dek.ki.ɡir.mis.se.lo/; SE A.i.13 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲀⲣⲖⲅⲁⲥ-ⲥⲉⲥⲚ /i.ar.il.ɡas.se.sin/; K 20.5 ᫥ ⲕⲘ-ⲙⲤ-ⲥⲟⲙ / kim.mis.som/; L 101.11 ᫦ ⲕⲟⲣⲡⲁⳝⲓⲙⲤ-ⲥⲉⲗⲟ /kor.ba.ɟi.mis.se.lo/; SC 21.20 ᫥ Ⲙ-ⲙⲤ-ⲥⲉ /im.mis.se/; SC 2.14–15 ᫧ ⲟⲩⲗ-ⲅⲁⲥ-ⲥⲟⲩⲕⲁ / ul.ɡas.su.ɡa/; K 20.6 ᫥ ⳟⲉⲓ-ⲙⲤ-ⲥⲟⲙⲁ /ˈŋi+.mis.so.ma/. 19.6.2.1.5. Causative Suffix/Auxiliary -ⲅⲁⲣ The causative suffix -ⲅⲁⲣ (§13.2.2) and causative auxiliary ⲅⲁⲣ (§14.1.1) sometimes show regressive assimilation before -ⲥ: (1059) Regressive assimilation before -ⲥ SE A.i.13 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲀⲣⲖ ⲅⲁⲥ-ⲥⲉⲥⲚ /i.ar.il.ɡas.se.sin/; SC 2.14–15 ᫧ ⲟⲩⲗ-ⲅⲁⲥ-ⲥⲟⲩⲕⲁ /ul.ɡas.su.ɡa/. Epenthesis before -ⲥ St 2.1 ᫥ ⲉⲓⲁⲣⲖ ⲅⲁⲣ-ⲓⲥⲁⲗⲟ /i.ar.il.ɡa.ri.sa.lo/; SC 12.17–18 ᫥ ⲙⲉⲇⲇⲖ ⲅⲁⲣⲓⲥⲛⲁ /med.dil.ɡa.ris.na/. 19.6.2.2. Partial Regressive Assimilation 19.6.2.2.1. Palatalization before Pluractional -ⳝ There are rare traces of palatalization of ⲛ to ⳡ before the pluractional suffix -ⳝ: (1060) Regressive assimilation before -ⳝ St 5.7 St 18.3 ᫥ ⲟⳡⳝⲁ /oɲ.ɟa/.

᫥

ⲇⲉⳡⳝⲉⲥⲟ /deɲ.ɟe.so/;

19.6.2.2.2. Sandhi We use the term sandhi here specifically for partial or full regressive assimilation between vowels at morpheme boundaries. Although literary Old Nubian orthography does not record such colorings, documentary evidence sometimes does. In P.QI 3 30.18 we find ᫥ ⲁⲓⲕⲉ· Ⲥⲕⲉⲗⲁ·, where the final /-a/ of the

417

19.7. GEMINATION

accusative has been colored by the initial /i-/ of Ⲥⲕⲉⲗⲁ. Another possible example is P.QI 2 23.9 ᫥ ⲁⲩⲈ ⲁⲧⲧⲁⲙⲏⲥⲟ, although the grammatical context is less clear. In the case of P.QI 3 30.14 ᫥ ⲧⲖⲗⲁ ⲁⲩⲉⲗⲗⲟ we find that /-a/ has been chosen as an epenthetic vowel rather than the expected semivowel /-i, -u/. 19.7. Gemination Gemination has only been attested on the edge between two words, the first of which ends with a vowel, while the second one starts with an ⲙ-. There are only a few attestations: (1061) SC 12.5–8 ᫧ [ⲧⲖ]ⲗⲖ ⲁⲣⲙⲤⲕⲓⲇⲉⲣⲕⲁ ⲁⲩⲉⲥⲚⲛⲟ· [ⲉⲕ] ⲟⲩⲧⲁⳝⳝⲓⲛⲓⲁⲙ ⲙⲉⲛⲛⲁⲗⲱ· [ⲧ]Ⲗⲗⲟⲩ ⲉⲕ[ⲁⲣ]ⲓ ⲉⲓⲧⲟⲛ ⲁⲓⲟⲣⲧⲓ ⲕⲟ[ⲛⲖ]ⲕⲁⲥⲚ ⲕ[ⲟ]ⲛⲛⲟⲥⲚ till-il-∅

armis-k-ider-ka

au-es-in-no

ek

God-DET-NOM judge-NMLZ-NMLZ-ACC make-PST2-2/3SG-LOC 1PL.INCL.ACC

outaj-j-ini-am

men-n-a-lō

tillou ekari

place.TR-PLACT-SUBORD.SG-PRED not.be-PRS.2/3SG-PRED-FOC God

eit-on

ai-orti

kon-il-ka-sin

such

kon-n-o-sin

man-love heart-possess.NMLZ have-PRS-ACC-EMP have-PRS-1/2PL.PRED-EMP ‘When God made the judgment, it is not to put us (therein), for such a manloving and merciful God we have.’

(1062) P.QI 2 23.6–10 ៷ ⲥⲟⲩⲗⲟⲩⲉⲓ ⲕⲣⲟⲇⲁⲙ ⲙⲟⲗ ⲇⲟⲉⲛ ⲇⲟⲕⲕⲁⲛ ⲙⲓⲗⲔⲕⲁ· ⲁⲩⲀⲧⲁⲙⲏ ⲉⲦⲉⲛⲇⲉ ⲁⲩⲈ ⲁⲧⲧⲁⲙⲏⲥⲟ· soulouei krod-am Soulou

mol do-en

dokk-an

milik-ka

hunchback(?)-DAT near go-PFV.PRS.2/3SG? at.all(?)-ADV bad-ACC

au-a-ta-mē

eit-ende

au-e

at-ta-mē-so

do-PRED-NEG-JUS.SG man-NEG.CONJ do-INF(?) seize-NEG-JUS.SG-COMM When you go near the hunchbacked(?) Soulou, do not do anything bad at all nor seize the man to do so!’

(1063) P.QI 3 48.3–4 ᫥ ⲙⲚⲛⲉ ⳝⲟⲩⲛ ⳟⲉⲉⲓⲕⲁ ⳝⲢⲣⲘ ⲙⲟⲩⲛⲛⲁ ⲉⲔⲕⲁⲗⲉ Ⲁⳣⲓ ⲙⲟⲩⲛⲛⲁ ⲉⲚⲛⲁⲛⲛⲓ min-ne joun

ŋeei-ka

jir-r-im

moun-n-a

what-LE because work-ACC approach-TR-INF not.want-PRS.2/3G-PRED

eik-ka-le

aw-i

moun-n-a

einn-anni

2SG-ACC-LE do-INF not.want-PRS.2/3SG-PRED 2SG.GEN-?? ‘Why don’t you want to take up the work? He doesn’t want to act for you, your man(?).

20. CONCORDANCES WITH DBMNT

The following list gives the concordances between the textual sigla used in this grammar (§0.1) and the Database of Medieval Nubian Texts. Not all recently published texts have yet been included in the DBMNT. Askut = N/A Aswan = 2770 AW 1 = N/A AW 2 = N/A Ben = 1319 CE = 1392 CP = 1395 Dong 1 = 1388 Dong 2 = 1389 DC = N/A DD = 1364 DP 1 = 1341 DP 2 = 1365 DP 3 = 1984 DP 4 = 1985 DW = N/A El-Sheima = 532 Faras 7.1 = 1860 Faras 7.2 = 1861 FC = 2804 FE = 1392 FP 1 = 1847 FP 2 = N/A fr 1 = 1386 fr 2 = 1532 fr 3 = 1533 GAB = N/A GAL = 722 GAS = N/A gr 1 = 1386 gr 2 = 1399 gr 4 = 1397 gr 5 = 1536 gr 6 = 1537 gr 9 = 1541 gr 10 = 682 gr 13 = 683 gr 14 = 1544 gr 15h.1 = 1552 gr 15h.2 = 1553

gr 15k = 1556 gr 15n = 1559 gr 16 = 1560 I.Bang 670 = 1403 K = 714 Kanarti = 597 KD = 694 KG = 1400 Kordofan = 690 L = 687 M = 713 Meinarti 1 = 1272 Meinarti 3 = 1273 Nauri = 559 ostr = 1534 P.Attiri 1 = N/A P.Attiri 2 = N/A P.Attiri 3 = N/A P.Attiri 4 = N/A P.Attiri 5 = N/A P.Attiri 6 = N/A P.Attiri 7 = N/A P.Attiri 8 = N/A P.Attiri 9 = N/A P.Attiri 10 = N/A P.Attiri 11 = N/A P.QI 1 1 = 688 P.QI 1 2 = 1002 P.QI 1 3 = 1003 P.QI 1 4 = 1004 P.QI 1 5 = 715 P.QI 1 6 = 1005 P.QI 1 7 = 689 P.QI 1 8 = 1006 P.QI 1 9 = 1007 P.QI 1 10 = 1008 P.QI 1 11 = 712 P.QI 2 12 = 1009 P.QI 2 13 = 1010 P.QI 2 14 = 1011

P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI

2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3

15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55

= = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = =

1012 1013 1014 1015 1016 593 1018 1019 1020 1021 1022 592 1017 1023 1024 581 589 590 591 592 583 584 585 586 587 588 1025 1026 1027 1028 1029 1030 1032 1033 1034 1035 1036 1037 1038 1039

420 P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI

20. CONCORDANCES WITH DBMNT

3 3 3 3 3 3 3 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4

56 = 1040 57 = 1041 58 = 1042 59 = 1043 60 = 1044 61 = 1045 62 = 1046 63 = 644 64 = 641 65 = 640 66 = 642 67 = 637 68 = 643 69 = 638 70a = 639 70b = 2789 70c = 2790 71 = 2791 72 = 2792 73 = 2806 74 = 2807 75 = 2808 76 = 2809 77 = 1728 78 = 1729 79 = 1730 80 = 2810 81 = 2811 82 = 2812 83 = 2824 84 = 2827

P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI P.QI

4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4

85 = 2828 86 = 2829 87 = 2830 88 = 2831 89 = 2832 90 = 2232 91 = 2833 92 = 2834 93 = 2835 94 = 2836 95 = 2837 96 = 2838 97 = 2839 98 = 2841 99 = 2455 100 = 2456 101 = 2842 102 = 2843 103 = 2844 104 = 2845 105 = 2846 106 = 2847 107 = 2848 108 = 2849 109 = 2850 110 = 2851 111 = 2852 112 = 2853 113 = 2854 114 = 2855 115 = 2856

P.QI 4 116 = 2857+2858 P.QI 4 117 = 2860 P.QI 4 118 = 2863 P.QI 4 119 = 2864 P.QI 4 120 = 2865 P.QI 4 121 = 2867 P.QI 4 122 = 2868 P.QI 4 123 = 2869 P.QI 4 124 = 2870 P.QI A = 1402 P.QI C = 1401 P.QI J = 1394 P.QI L = 595 P.QI P = 1292 P.QI Q = 1396 P.QI T = 1404 6DEDJŗUD b = 1048 6DEDJŗUD c.2 = 993 6DEDJŗUD f = 1052 6DEDJŗUD m = 1057 sale = 596 Soba b = 1456 SC = 1385 SE = 1390 St = 1391 Sunn 1 = 1387 Sunn 2 = 1384 Tamit 1 = 723 Tamit 14 = 1073 Tamit 15 = 452 WN = 558

INDEX OF MORPHEMES

-∅ (NOM) §15.1.1 Ⲁ- (1SG.POSS) §10.1.3 -ⲁ (DD) §6.2 -ⲁ (PRED) §7, §15.2.8, §16.5.1 -(ⲁ)ⲇ (INTEN) §11.1.5 -ⲁⲣ (TR) §13.2.1 -ⲁⲙ (IMP.1PL) §10.1.5 -ⲁⲛ (3PL) §10.1.4 -ⲁⲛ (ADV) §18.4 -ⲁⲛ (DU) §16.3.2 -(ⲁ)ⲛ (IMP.2/3PL) §10.1.5 -ⲁⲛ (NMLZ) §18.1.2 -ⲁⲣ (PST1) §11.2.2 -ⲁⲧ(ⲧ) (NMLZ) §18.1.2 -ⲅⲁⲣ (CAUS) §13.2.2, §14.1.1, §19.6.2.1.5 -ⲅ(ⲓ)ⲣ (CAUS) §13.2.2, §14.1.1, §19.6.2.1.5 -ⲅⲖ(ⲗⲉ) (ALL) §15.2.2, §19.5.4 -ⲅⲟⲩ (PL) §16.3.3, §19.5.5 -ⲅⲟⲩⲈ (PL.PRED) §16.3.3.4 -ⲇⲁⲗ (COM) §15.2.5 -ⲇⲁⲧ(ⲧ) (NMLZ) §18.1.2 -ⲇⲉ (ADE) §15.2.6 -ⲇⲉ (CONJ) §9.1.3, §9.4.8.1 -ⲇⲉⲕⲉⲣ (CONJ) §9.1.3 -ⲇⲉⲛⲁⲗ (CONJ) §9.2, §9.3 -ⲇⲉⲛⲟⲩ (CONJ) §9.2, §9.3 -ⲇⲉⲣ (NMLZ) §18.1.2 -ⲇⲟ (SUPE) §15.2.3 -ⲇⲱ (SUPE) §15.2.3 -ⲇⲟⲛ (SUBE) §15.2.4 -ⲇⲱⲛ (SUBE) §15.2.4 -ⲉ (1SG.PRED) §10.1.4 -ⲉ (IMP.2/3SG.PRED) §10.1.5 -ⲉ (NMLZ) §18.1.2 -ⲉ (PFV) §11.1.1 (ⲉ)ⲓ- (2SG.POSS) §10.1.3 -ⲉⲓⲟⲛ (TOP) §5.1, §9.4.8.1, §19.6.1.2 -ⲉⲛ (COP) §14.1.5.5 -ⲉⲛⲇⲉ (NEG.CONJ) §9.1.6, §9.4.7 -ⲉⲛⲕⲱ ‘but’ §9.1.7, §9.4.8.2, §9.4.8.3 -ⲉⲛⲟⲕ (COMP) §17.3.1 -ⲉⲧ (PFV) §11.1.2 -ⲏ (2SG) §10.1.6 -ⲓ (1SG) §10.1.4

-ⲓ (2SG) §10.1.6 -ⲓ (INF) §14.2 -ⲓ (PL) §16.3.3 -ⲓⲛ (COP) §14.1.5.5 -ⲕ (NMLZ) §18.1.2 -ⲕⲁ (ACC) §15.1.3, §19.5.4 -ⲕⲁⲛⲉ (NMLZ) §18.1.2 -ⲕⲁⲛⲧ (NMLZ) §18.1.2 -ⲕⲁⲧ(ⲧ) (NMLZ) §18.1.2 -ⲕⲉ (2PL) §10.1.6 -ⲕ(ⲉ) (HAB) §11.1.4 -ⲕⲉ (NMLZ) §18.1.2 -ⲕⲉⲧⲁⲗ ‘also’ §9.5 -ⲕⲓⲧ(ⲧ) (NMLZ) §18.1.2 -ⲕⲟ (ADJ) §18.3 -ⲕⲟ (PRF) §11.2.3 -ⲕⲟ (SUBORD) §8.2.2.2, §8.2.3, §8.3.1.2, §8.3.2.1 -(ⲕ)ⲟⲛ (CONJ) §9.4.4 -ⲕⲟⲛⲕ (NMLZ) §18.1.2 -ⲕⲟⲩⲧ(ⲧ) (NMLZ) §18.1.2 -ⲕⳠ(ⳡ) (NEG.ADJ) §18.3 -ⲗ (DET) §16.1, §19.5.3, §19.6.2.1.3 -ⲗ (PRS) §11.2.1, §19.6.1.3 -ⲗⲁ (DAT) §15.1.4, §19.6.1.1 -ⲗⲉ (LE) §15.2.7 -ⲗⲓ (PL) §16.3.3 -ⲗⲟ (FOC) §5.2, §9.4.8.2 -ⲗⲟ (LOC) §15.2.1, §19.6.1.1 -ⲗⲱ (FOC) §5.2, §9.4.8.2 -ⲗⲱ (LOC) §15.2.1, §19.6.1.1 -ⲙ (AFF) §5.3, §12.1 -ⲙⲁ (AFF) §5.3 -ⲙⲉⲛ (NEG) §12.2.1 -ⲙⲏ (JUS.SG) §12.3, §12.4 -ⲙⲓⲛ (NEG) §12.2.1, §19.6.2.1.4 -ⲙⲟⲛ (CONJ) §9.4.5 -ⲛ (2/3SG) §10.1.4 -ⲛ(ⲁ) (GEN) §15.1.2 -ⲛⲁⲩ(Ⲉ) (NMLZ) §18.1.2 -ⲛ(ⲓ) (PL) §16.3.3 -ⲛⲓ (SUBORD.SG) §8.2.2.1, §8.3.1.1 -ⲛⲓ (PROP) §15.1.2.1.1 -ⲛⲕⲉ (JUS.PL) §12.3, §12.4

422 -ⲛⲟⲩ (SUBORD.PL) §8.3.1.1 -ⲟ (1/2PL.PRED) §10.1.4 -ⲟ (VOC) §15.2.8 -ⲟⲗ (PST1) §11.2.2 -ⲟⲛ (PST1.2/3SG) §11.2.2 -ⲟⲛⲟ (REFL) §10.2 -ⲟⲥ (PFV) §11.1.2 -ⲟⲩ (1/2PL) §10.1.4 -ⲟⲩ (PST1) §11.2.2 -ⲣ (TR) §13.2.1 -ⲣⲉⲣ (NMLZ) §18.1.2 -ⲣⲓ (PL) §16.3.3

INDEX OF MORPHEMES

-ⲥ (PST2) §11.2.2 -ⲥⲁ (FIN) §8.3.2.2 -ⲥⲚ (EMP) §5.4, §9.4.8.3 -ⲥⲟ (COMM) §4.2 -ⲥⲱ (COMM) §4.2 ⲧⲁ- (3SG.POSS) §10.1.3 -ⲧⲁ (NEG) §12.2.2, §12.4 -ⲧⲁⲕ (PASS) §13.2.3.1, §19.5.4 -ⲧ(ⲧ) (NMLZ) §18.1.2 -ϩⲁ (Q) §6.1 -ⳝ (NMLZ) §18.1.2 -ⳝ (PLACT) §13.1, §19.6.2.2.1

INDEX OF EXAMPLES

Askut

re.1–2 re.4–5

GAB

234 397

1.4

304

GAL AW

1.1–4 2.1–3

231, 232 300

CE

159.B.1–3 159.B.6–8 160.A.11–13 160.B.11–13

i.1–4 i.4–9 i.11–14

118 151 118

gr

89 89, 117, 323 61, 307 238

2.4 2.8–9 4.2–3 4.3–4 4.4

317

I.Bang

201 214 58 182, 239 246

DD

f.1–2 DF

XVI.11

231

Dong

1.i.2–4 1.i.7–9 1.i.11–13 1.i.21–23 1.ii.9–10 1.ii.23–27 2.i.1–5

216 191 240 321 191 236 379

35.5–7 168.1–2 309.1–5 442.1 664.2 676.1 706.1 718.1–5

60 299 318 76 353 318 60 157

I.ST

61.5–8

230

K DP

1.6–7 1.7–8 2.5 2.7 3.4 3.7 4.12

60 341 185 216 157 353 319

DW

1–2

139

FP

1.3–4 2.3–4

301 145

19.1–7 19.8–16 20.3–8 20.8–10 20.8–15 20.15–17 20.15–21.4 21.4–15 21.12–15 21.15–22.1 22.1–4 22.9–13 22.10–13 22.14–23.2 23.8–9

268, 297 116, 148, 309 96, 314 215 248 259, 308 372 126, 150, 286, 337 327 92, 199, 255, 301 78, 96 291, 382, 383 377 370 356

424 23.10–11 23.11–24.1 24.4–7 24.7–11 24.11–12 24.12–25.4 25.10–14 25.10–26.1 26.5–8 26.10–12 26.10–27.1 27.12–14 27.12–28.1 27.12–28.4 28.1–4 28.8–11 28.12–15 28.12–29.4 29.4–8 29.8–12 29.12–30.3 29.15–30.3 30.5–8 30.10–15 31.2–5 31.5–10 31.10–13 32.2–6 33.2–4 33.11–15 33.15–34.2

INDEX OF EXAMPLES

295 347, 359 69, 272, 387 135, 256 361 122, 388 146 159 280 179, 380 159, 199 186 75, 384 59 199, 317 138 114 73, 384 103 288, 377 94, 158 106 380 222 183 116, 193 341 125 256 163, 256, 293 145

Kanarti

i.1–3 i.9

397 274

KG

ii.6–9

326

L

100.1–2 100.3–6 101.9–11 101.13–14 102.1–4 102.5–6 103.1–2 103.1–5 103.5–7 103.9–10

219 38, 94 396 234 172, 217, 335 253, 279 298 209, 338 306 306

104.1–2 104.2–5 104.5–8 104.10–11 104.10–13 105.1–4 105.4–6 105.7 105.8 105.11–13 106.1–3 106.4–6 106.6–9 106.7–8 106.8–9 106.9–10 106.13–14 107.1–3 107.4–6 107.7–9 107.11–12 107.12–13 108.2–3 108.3–4 108.6–12 108.9–11 109.1–2 109.2–4 109.4–5 109.8–9 109.8–11 109.11–14 109.19–110.4 110.6–9 110.9–10 110.10–11 111.2–6 111.7–9 112.6–8 112.6–11 113.1–2 113.2–5 113.5–6 113.11–13

311 119 53, 212, 213 72 170 154, 201, 258, 343 200, 265, 269, 388 381 361 278 335 133 324 161, 258 348 110 104 196, 328, 332 291, 342 107, 140, 251, 362 140, 298 186 78 338 171 154 97 265 256 60, 166, 346 275 153, 173 275 235, 282, 349 351 331 84 99, 322 128 135, 329 294 102, 345 89, 194. 371 149

M

1.1–3 1.5 1.5–8 1.8–11

67, 229 198, 319 46, 67, 306, 360, 389 46, 152

425

INDEX OF EXAMPLES

1.11–2.2 2.2–4 2.5–7 2.5–10 2.10–14 2.11–3.1 3.1 3.1–9 3.14–4.6 4.6–10 4.10–14 4.11–12 4.13–5.4 4.15 4.16 5.5–9 5.12–14 5.14–15 6.3–6 6.8–10 6.10–15 6.11–12 6.11–14 7.3–6 7.9–13 8.2–5 8.6–13 8.13–15 8.16–9.1 8.16–9.3 8.16–9.4 9.7–8 9.9–16 9.14–16 9.16–10.3 9.16–10.8 10.4–6 10.7–8 10.8–13 10.13–11.1 11.2–6 11.6–9 11.13–14 11.15–12.7 12.2–7 12.8–11 12.13–16 13.3–6 13.8–11 13.11–14

70, 222, 274 334 81 144, 337 310 55 201 274 129, 299 218, 266 309 186 70, 122, 124 133 57, 65, 104, 191, 229 160 291 65, 104, 191, 229 221 236, 263, 268 213 167 59, 161, 301 112, 188 215, 330, 359 226, 361 46, 54, 75 87, 308 180 199 136 134 313 192 101, 194 64 52, 288 183 117 366 108, 371 61, 325, 334 239, 293 109 45, 372 220 100, 109, 309 58, 111 239 56, 173

14.1–4 14.4–10 14.11–13 15.10–15 15.12–15 16.1–5 16.11–15

227, 340 145, 363 180, 268 314 148 359 52

P.Attiri

2.i.9–10 2.ii.2–3

311 187

P.QI 1

1.ii.4–5 2.i.1–2 2.i.3–10 2.i.18–20 2.i.26–27 2.ii.3–4 2.ii.4–5 2.ii.8–10 2.ii.16–17 2.ii.20–22 4.i.2–3 4.i.8–9 4.i.10–11 4.i.11–12 4.i.12–14 4.i.15–17 4.i.20–21 4.i.21–24 4.i.24–ii.1 4.ii.1–2 4.ii.1–3 4.ii.4–5 4.ii.13–15 4.ii.16–17 4.ii.19–20 4.ii.20–22 4.ii.24–25 4.ii.25–27 5.i.4–6 5.i.6–7 5.i.12–14 5.i.15–17 5.ii.2–5 5.ii.6–8 5.ii.19–20 5.ii.21–24 6.i.1–3

66 187 197 137, 324 266 376 176 321, 350, 369 106 302, 380 181, 242, 273 215 156 115, 174 81, 242 55, 162, 187, 216 276, 340 172, 375 130, 312 296 374 273 263, 279 321 346 77 236 382 55, 217, 351 162 84, 332, 382 387 144, 174, 202, 239 133, 324 59 243 276

426 6.i.5–7 6.ii.7–8 6.ii.11–12 7.i.1–3 7.i.3–6 7.i.5–6 7.i.7–9 7.i.11–15 7.ii.1–2 7.ii.3 7.ii.4–6 7.ii.7–11 7.ii.15–16 7.ii.17–20 7.ii.23–24 8.i.2–4 8.i.7–9 8.i.9–11 8.i.14–16 8.ii.6–7 8.ii.8–10 9.i.4–5 9.i.16–20 9.i.20–22 9.ii.3–5 9.ii.5–6 9.ii.5–8 9.ii.8–11 9.ii.15–17 9.ii.17–18 9.ii.19–20 9.ii.22–23 10.A.i.1–3 10.A.i.6–8 10.A.i.12–15 10.A.i.15–16 10.A.i.16–18 10.A.i.20–ii.1 10.A.ii.7–9 10.A.ii.9–10 10.A.ii.9–12 10.A.ii.10–12 10.A.ii.12–15 10.A.ii.15–18 10.A.ii.21–22 10.A.ii.23–25 10.C.i.5–7 10.C.ii.6–7 11.i.1–3 11.i.4–6 11.i.10–11

INDEX OF EXAMPLES

326 102 88 160 123, 151 60, 186, 379 246 217 350 333 203 153 219, 228 168 85 382 311 166, 296 327 163 129, 302, 357 59 376 219 193, 337 163 227 56, 277 138 336 162, 167, 386 312 248 102, 288 214, 278 297 92 249, 351 381, 388 308, 375 202 315 181, 238 348 83 263 217 102, 290, 379 264, 374 181, 198, 244 136

P.QI 2

12.i.5–7 12.i.14–16 12.i.22–24 12.i.26–29 12.i.31–32 12.ii.3–4 12.ii.10–12 12.ii.13–14 12.ii.13–15 13.i.4–5 13.i.8–10 13.i.11–13 13.i.15–17 13.i.19–22 13.i.25–27 13.ii.2–5 13.ii.16–18 13.ii.20–23 13.ii.24–28 14.i.7–11 15.ii.9–12 16.i.1–6 16.ii.2–8 16.ii.8–iii.8 16.iii.9–12 16.iv.4–10 16.v.5–8 16.vi.4–7 16.vii.2–6 16.vii.2–9 18.i.8–9 18.ii.2–3 18.ii.6–10 18.iii.1–2 18.iii.4–8 18.iii.8–iv.5 18.iii.12–iv.2 18.iv.2–6 18.iv.6–9 18.iv.9–15 18.v.3–8 18.vi.3–5 18.vi.6–7 18.vi.11–13 20.i.8–9 21.i.17–19 21.ii.9–11 21.ii.16–17 22.1–4 22.10–11

185, 265, 313 115, 225 241 137, 200, 303, 331 140 268 237 290 271 292 53 294 183 47, 267, 349, 386 342 56 269, 383 329 53, 349 54, 374 130, 287 378 147 141, 196, 281, 373 87 328, 366, 398 224 102, 135 366, 371 134 289 289 132, 252 343 213 80 269 295 107 339 147, 346 138 58, 336 119 101 221 72 74 175 246

427

INDEX OF EXAMPLES

23.1 23.4–6 23.6–10 24.4 24.4–5 24.5–7 24.7–8 24.13–14 24.14–15 26.5–7 27.1 28.8–9 28.9–11 28.17–19 28.20–21

91 165 326, 417 245 92, 355 93, 95 179 127, 150, 182 245 59 205 245 339 165, 339 90

P.QI 3

30.3–5 30.13–15 30.15–17 30.19–21 30.27–30 30.30–31 30.32 31.7–8 31.10 31.15 32.6–8 32.16–17 33.7–9 33.9–10 34.i.9–11 34.i.26–27 34.i.42–45 34.ii.1–2 35.16–17 35.17–18 36.i.1 36.i.6 36.i.14–16 36.i.17–18 36.i.25–27 37.1–2 38.4–8 39.10–15 39.20–21 40.11–12 40.14–15 41.3–6 41.15–18 42.1–2

175 120 164 125 152, 243 251, 384 300 67 348 195 156 82 77 275, 334 270 331 155 342 82, 383 71 294 270 107 316 65 147 155 316 329 156 322 171 323 257

42.2–3 43.1–3 43.3–4 44.2–4 44.19–21 46.re.1–2 46.re.2–3 48.2–3 48.3–4 48.6–8 49.i.1 49.ii.1–2 49.ii.2–3 50.1–6 51.3–5 51.7 52.2–3 52.4–5 53.1–3 53.3–4 54.i.3–4 55.i.1–2 55.i.7–8 55.ii.1 55.ii.1–2 56.i.4–ii.1 57.i.4–5 57.i.5–8 57.i.8–11 58.1–2 58.11

166 251 385 214 364 171, 214 127 91, 232 283, 318, 417 94 204, 301 78 283 228 79 386 130, 232 311, 386 120, 297, 340 360 385 89 385 363 284 126, 298 231 325 305 90 167

P.QI 4

63.7–8 63.7–9 64.1–2 67.2–4 72.re.15–16 76.6 86.re.1–2 90.re.5–6 91.re.1–2 91.re.6–7 93.re.1 94.re.1 95.re.1–2 95.re.2 95.re.11–12 95.re.12–13 95.re.17–ve.1 101.re.1

165 316 147 114 293 296 204 252 91, 223 95 205, 343 205 205 287 244 223, 240 293 235

428 104.re.6–8 106.re.1 110.ve.1–2 112.re.1–2

INDEX OF EXAMPLES

243, 284 204 204, 395 204, 395

P.QI A

i.1–3 i.1–5 i.16–ii.4 ii.4–5

112 77 141, 241, 267 265

P.QI B

18

226

P.QI J

i.3–4

349

6DEDJŗUD

b.1 f.1

299 299

Sale

12–14

189

SC

1.1–5 1.7–9 1.12–14 1.14–16 2.7–9 2.9–11 2.12 2.13–15 2.16–17 2.18–19 3.3–5 3.10–13 3.20–22 3.22–24 4.4–8 4.17–21 5.1–3 5.4–8 5.9–11 5.15–17 6.2–4 6.8–10 6.10–15 6.14–15 6.16–20

156, 378 90, 258 91, 378 95 159 237, 267 356 76, 290 106 88 279 79, 84 266 280 347, 365 131, 175, 249 238, 380 168, 197 218 200, 250 347 300, 389 75, 152, 168 354 154

6.21–23 7.2–3 7.10–12 7.14–16 7.14–19 8.5–7 8.12–13 8.14–15 8.16–17 8.17–21 8.24–9.1 9.1–3 9.1–6 9.6–9 9.11–14 9.16–18 9.16–21 9.18–21 9.22–10.3 10.4–5 10.6–8 10.8–9 10.10–11 10.12–13 10.13–15 10.15–16 10.17–20 11.2–3 11.2–7 11.7–11 11.8–10 11.11–14 11.15–17 11.15–20 11.21–12.4 12.5–8 12.8–11 12.8–13 12.13–16 12.16–19 12.19–22 12.22–13.1 13.5–6 13.7 13.7–9 13.10–11 13.12–13 13.19–20 13.24–14.1 14.1–6

138 53, 69, 194, 271 280, 398 81, 312, 359, 368 306, 339 362 247, 259 217 119, 303 153 277 83 209 282 182 58, 96 269 376 357 256 272 272 327 315 253 192, 335 276, 314, 325 188 245, 276 278 242, 300 202, 319 221 70, 117, 169, 248 173 131, 417 99, 155 73, 360 125 224 131, 134, 174 292 132 255 252, 262 132, 188 107, 132 254, 303 93 161, 370

429

INDEX OF EXAMPLES

14.6–8 14.6–11 14.11–15 14.15–16 14.16–17 14.17–18 14.25–15.1 15.17–18 16.3–4 16.8–9 16.14 17.6–9 17.16–17 17.17–19 17.19–20 17.22–23 17.25–18.2 18.2–4 18.2–5 18.10–12 18.12–13 18.25–19.5 19.13–15 19.17–19 19.20–25 20.3–4 21.6–7 21.8–10 21.14 21.18–19 21.19–20 21.20–21 21.22 22.1–4 22.4–9 22.5–6 22.9–13 22.12 22.13–15 22.15–16 22.16–18 23.2–4 23.7–9 23.11–15 23.14–15 23.16–18 23.16–20 24.2–3 24.14–16 25.13–16

74, 259 163 121, 282 72, 289, 292 255 292 211 248 100 254 209 383 100, 262, 342 262 52, 73, 101, 139 68, 192 68, 307 47, 68 187, 310 66, 188 263 149 258, 298, 369 290 201, 224 209 115 89 237 91 77 75, 107, 368 238 113 92 83, 88 69 348 92 388 281 389 302 334 302 139 170 289 144, 336 244

SE

A.i.5–7 A.i.7–11 A.i.11–13

97 189 140, 264, 279

St

1.3–2.3 2.9–3.5 3.5–11 3.11–13 3.11–4.5 4.7–5.1 5.1–4 5.1–7 5.7–9 5.9–6.3 5.10–11 5.12–6.3 6.4–5 6.5–9 6.11–7.2 6.12–7.4 7.6–8.1 8.2–5 8.5–9.4 9.11–10.2 10.2–10 10.10–11 10.10–11.3 11.3–10 11.10–12.3 12.3–8 12.9–12 12.9–13.11 12.12–13.1 13.7–11 13.11–14.4 14.4–12 14.4–13 15.1–9 15.9–16.6 16.11–17.4 18.6–12 22.8–10 25.3–6 27.7–28.1 28.2–7 28.7–10 29.10–12

229 114, 222, 328, 375 110, 183, 241, 250, 260 394 333 290, 319 51, 188 112 288 184 356 74, 227 167 195, 350, 373 235 104, 140, 219, 264, 281 333, 341 320 303 322 111, 128, 254 296, 394 123, 365 211, 295 169, 345 81, 270, 330, 361, 362, 367 159 120, 273 250, 305 330 117, 315, 323 65, 176, 311, 368 313 172, 211, 362 325 182 180, 280 57 345 82, 228 157, 178 163, 178 369

430 29.10–30.6 30.6–11 31.11–14 32.1–11 35.5–9

INDEX OF EXAMPLES

331 343 244, 260 363 234

Sunn 1

ii.4–5

260

Sur

25.11–13

149

WN

8–9 12 12–14

146, 287 246 151, 304

INDEX OF BIBLE QUOTATIONS

Gen 3:9 3:10 3:11 3:14 3:16

89 114 83, 88, 93 302, 335 389

Ps 7:12 7:13 7:13–14 26:9 26:10 26:12 26:13 26:14 29:7 31:8 33:5 46:3 46:4 46:5 61:10 61:11 61:13 83:4 83:5 83:5–6 83:6–7 83:9 83:11 86:1 86:3 86:4 86:5 86:6 90:2 96:8 96:9 103:15 103:17 103:18 103:22 103:26 103:30

99, 155 125 224 185, 265, 313 115, 226 137, 304, 331 141 268 216 66 214 27, 383 329 53, 350 187 197 138, 324 266 176, 376 350, 369 321 106 302, 380 292 294 47, 183, 267, 349 342 56 237, 271, 290 157, 185 353 21 191 240 321 191 236

129:6 129:7

60 341

6:1

224

Is Dan 3:32

379

Mt 1:23 1:24 2:1 2:2 2:4 5:13 5:14 5:18 5:19 7:6 16:18 25:34

48, 95, 219 324 345 90, 194, 371 149 172, 217, 335 253, 279 210, 298, 338 306 168 245 332

Mk 11:2 11:9

55 260

Jn 1:1 1:2 1:3 11:21 11:24 11:25 11:26 11:27 11:29 11:30 11:31 11:32 11:37 11:38 11:39 11:40 11:41

68, 192 307 68 181, 242, 273 215 115, 156 162 55, 187, 216 77, 276, 340 172, 375 130, 312 273, 296 263, 279 321 346 236 382

432 11:42 12:28 13:14 13:15 16:33 17:1 17:3 17:5 17:6 17:7–8 17:8 17:9 17:11 17:12 17:12–13 17:15 17:16 17:17 17:19 17:20 17:22–23 17:24 20:2 20:4 20:5 20:9 20:11 20:13 20:14 20:15

INDEX OF BIBLE QUOTATIONS

161, 371 93 144, 174, 203, 239 133, 324 133, 161, 258 110 182 196, 328, 332, 342 291 107, 140, 362 140, 298 104 78, 338 154, 307 171 97 265 256 60, 166, 275, 346 153, 174 275 235, 282, 331, 349, 351 55, 162, 217, 351 332, 383 387 276 326 349 102 88

Rom 11:25 11:25–26 11:26 11:28

311 119 53, 212, 213 72, 170

1 Cor 2:8 2:9 2:10 3:11 14:36 14:37 14:39

219, 228 168 85 278, 300 160 60, 124, 151, 186, 379 246

2 Cor 1:6 1:7

350 203, 333

Gal 4:4–5

330

Eph 6:12

173

Phil 2:16 2:17 4:6 4:7

396 234 60 244

Heb 5:4 5:5 5:6 5:7 5:9–10 6:7 9:3

154, 202, 258, 343 200, 265, 269, 382, 388 361 278 335 218 99, 322

1 Pt 1:16

139

Jd 14–15 Rev 7:16 7:17 8:2 8:5 8:6 14:7 14:10 14:11 14:12 14:13 14:14

For Psalms, the Septuagint numbering is used.

130, 287 382 166, 296, 311 328 163 129, 357 59 219 163, 193, 227, 271, 337 56, 277 336 162, 167, 312

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118. M.F.J. BAASTEN, W.Th VAN PEURSEN (eds.), Hamlet on a Hill. Semitic and Greek Studies Presented to Professor T. Muraoka on the Occasion of his Sixty-Fifth Birthday. 119. O.E. KAPER, The Egyptian God Tutu. A Study of the Sphinx-God and Master of Demons with a Corpus of Monuments. 120. E. WARDINI, Lebanese Place-Names (Mount Lebanon and North Lebanon). 121. J. VAN DER VLIET, Catalogue of the Coptic Inscriptions in the Sudan National Museum at Khartoum (I. Khartoum Copt.). 122. A. ŁAJTAR, Catalogue of the Greek Inscriptions in the Sudan National Museum at Khartoum (I. Khartoum Greek). 123. H. NIEHR, Ba῾alšamem. Studien zu Herkunft, Geschichte und Rezeptionsgeschichte eines phönizischen Gottes. 124. H. WILLEMS, F. COPPENS, M. DE MEYER, P. DILS, The Temple of Shanhûr. Volume I: The Sanctuary, The Wabet, and the Gates of the Central Hall and the Great Vestibule (1-98). 125. K. CIGGAAR, H.G.B. TEULE (eds.), East and West in the Crusader States. Context – Contacts – Confrontations III. 126. T. SOLDATJENKOVA, E. WAEGEMANS (eds.), For East is East. Liber Amicorum Wojciech Skalmowski. 127. E. LIPIŃSKI, Itineraria Phoenicia. 128. D. BUDDE, S. SANDRI, U. VERHOEVEN (eds.), Kindgötter im Ägypten der griechischrömischen Zeit. Zeugnisse aus Stadt und Tempel als Spiegel des Interkulturellen Kontakts. 129. C. LEITZ (ed.), Lexikon der ägyptischen Götter und Götterbezeichnungen, Band VIII. 130. E.J. VAN DER STEEN, Tribes and Territories in Transition. 131. S. CAUVILLE, Dendara V-VI. Traduction. Les cryptes du temple d’Hathor. 132. S. CAUVILLE, Dendara V-VI. Index phraséologique. Les cryptes du temple d’Hathor. 133. M. IMMERZEEL, J. VAN DER VLIET, M. KERSTEN, C. VAN ZOEST (eds.), Coptic Studies on the Threshold of a New Millennium. Proceedings of the Seventh International Congress of Coptic Studies. Leiden, August 27 - September 2, 2000. 134. J.J. VAN GINKEL, H.L. MURRE-VAN DEN BERG, T.M. VAN LINT (eds.), Redefining Christian Identity. Cultural Interaction in the Middle East since the Rise of Islam. 135. J. MONTGOMERY (ed.), ‘Abbasid Studies. Occasional Papers of the School of ‘Abbasid Studies, Cambridge, 6-10 July 2002. 136. T. BOIY, Late Achaemenid and Hellenistic Babylon. 137. B. JANSSENS, B. ROOSEN, P. VAN DEUN (eds.), Philomathestatos. Studies in Greek Patristic and Byzantine Texts Presented to Jacques Noret for his Sixty-Fifth Birthday. 138. S. HENDRICKX, R.F. FRIEDMAN, K.M. CIAŁOWICZ, M. CHŁODNICKI (eds.), Egypt at its Origins. Studies in Memory of Barbara Adams. 139. R. ARNZEN, J. THIELMANN (eds.), Words, Texts and Concepts Cruising the Mediterranean Sea. Studies on the Sources, Contents and Influences of Islamic Civilization and Arabic Philosophy and Science. 140. U. VERMEULEN, J. VAN STEENBERGEN (eds.), Egypt and Syria in the Fatimid, Ayyubid and Mamluk Eras IV. 141. H.T. DAVIES, Yusuf al-irbīnī’s Kitab Hazz al-Quhuf bi-arh Qasīd Abī aduf (“Brains Confounded by the Ode of Abu aduf Expounded”). Volume I: Arabic text. 142. P. VAN NUFFELEN, Un héritage de paix et de piété. Étude sur les histoires ecclésiastiques de Socrate et de Sozomène. 143. A. SCHOORS, The Preacher Sought to Find Pleasing Words. A Study of the Language of Qoheleth. Part II: Vocabulary. 144. M.E. STONE, Apocrypha, Pseudepigrapha and Armenian Studies. Collected Papers: Volume 1. 145. M.E. STONE, Apocrypha, Pseudepigrapha and Armenian Studies. Collected Papers: Volume 2.

146. M. CACOUROS, M.-H. CONGOURDEAU (eds.), Philosophie et sciences à Byzance de 1204 à 1453. Les textes, les doctrines et leur transmission. 147. K. CIGGAAR, M. METCALF (eds.), East and West in the Medieval Eastern Mediterranean I. 148. B. MICHALAK-PIKULSKA, A. PIKULSKI (eds.), Authority, Privacy and Public Order in Islam. 149. E. CZERNY, I. HEIN, H. HUNGER, D. MELMAN, A. SCHWAB (eds.), Timelines. Studies in Honour of Manfred Bietak. 150. J.-Cl. GOYON, C. CARDIN (eds.), Proceedings of the Ninth International Congress of Egyptologists. Actes du neuvième congrès international des Égyptologues. Grenoble, 6-12 septembre 2004. 151. S. SANDRI, Har-pa-chered (Harpokrates). Die Genese eines ägyptischen Götterkindes. 152. J.E. MONTGOMERY (ed.), Arabic Theology, Arabic Philosophy. From the Many to the One: Essays in Celebration of Richard M. Frank. 153. E. LIPIŃSKI, On the Skirts of Canaan in the Iron Age. Historical and Topographical Researches. 154. M. MINAS-NERPEL, Der Gott Chepri. Untersuchungen zu Schriftzeugnissen und ikonographischen Quellen vom Alten Reich bis in griechisch-römische Zeit. 155. H. WILLEMS, Dayr al-Barsha Volume I. The Rock Tombs of Djehutinakht (No. 17K74/1), Khnumnakht (No. 17K74/2), and Iha (No. 17K74/3). With an Essay on the History and Nature of Nomarchal Rule in the Early Middle Kingdom. 156. J. BRETSCHNEIDER, J. DRIESSEN, K. VAN LERBERGHE (eds.), Power and Architecture. Monumental Public Architecture in the Bronze Age Near East and Aegean. 157. A. CAMPLANI, G. FILORAMO (eds.), Foundations of Power and Conflicts of Authority in Late Antique Monasticism. 158. J. TAVERNIER, Iranica in the Achaemenid Period (ca. 550-330 B.C.). Lexicon of Old Iranian Proper Names and Loanwords, Attested in Non-Iranian Texts. 159. P. KOUSOULIS, K. MAGLIVERAS (eds.), Moving Across Borders. Foreign Relations, Religion and Cultural Interactions in the Ancient Mediterranean. 160. A. SHISHA-HALEVY, Topics in Coptic Syntax: Structural Studies in the Bohairic Dialect. 161. B. LURSON, Osiris, Ramsès, Thot et le Nil. Les chapelles secondaires des temples de Derr et Ouadi es-Seboua. 162. G. DEL OLMO LETE (ed.), Mythologie et Religion des Sémites occidentaux. 163. N. BOSSON, A. BOUD’HORS (eds.), Actes du huitième congrès international d’études coptes. Paris, 28 juin - 3 juillet 2004. 164. A. BERLEJUNG, P. VAN HECKE (eds.), The Language of Qohelet in Its Context. Essays in Honour of Prof. A. Schoors on the Occasion of his Seventieth Birthday. 165. A.G.C. SAVVIDES, Byzantino-Normannica. The Norman Capture of Italy and the First Two Invasions in Byzantium. 166. H.T. DAVIES, Yusuf al-irbīnī’s Brains Confounded by the Ode of Abu aduf Expounded (Kitab Hazz al-Quhuf bi-arh Qasīd Abī aduf). Volume II: English translation, introduction and notes. 167. S. ARGUILLÈRE, Profusion de la vaste sphère. Klong-chen rab-’byams (Tibet, 1308-1364). Sa vie, son œuvre, sa doctrine. 168. D. DE SMET, Les Épîtres sacrées des Druzes. Rasa᾿il al-Hikma. Volumes 1 et 2. 169. U. VERMEULEN, K. D’HULSTER (eds.), Egypt and Syria in the Fatimid, Ayyubid and Mamluk Eras V. 170. W.J. VAN BEKKUM, J.W. DRIJVERS, A.C. KLUGKIST (eds.), Syriac Polemics. Studies in Honour of Gerrit Jan Reinink. 171. K. D’HULSTER, J. VAN STEENBERGEN (eds.), Continuity and Change in the Realms of Islam. Studies in Honour of Professor Urbain Vermeulen. 172. B. MIDANT-REYNES, Y. TRISTANT, J. ROWLAND, S. HENDRICKX (eds.), Egypt at its Origins 2.

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